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MEMOIRES
ET
COMPTES Rie is
DE LA
SOCIETE R@VALE
DU
CANADA
SECONDE SERIE-TOME XII
SEANCE DE MAI 1906
EN VENTE CHEZ.
JAS. HOPE ET FILS, OTTAWA; LA CIE COPP-CLARK (LIMITE), TORONTO
BERNARD QUARITCH, LONDRES, ANGLETERRE
1906
PROCEEDINGS
TRANSACTIONS
ROYAL SOCIETY. |
CANADA
SECOND SERIES—-VOLUME XII
MEETING, OF MAY, 1906
THE NEW YORK
= —FERARY, PURLIC LIBRARY
NES — SRE DUPLICATE
5 SOLD
FOR SALE BY
JAMES HOPE & SON, OTTAWA; THE COPP-CLARK CO. (LimitEp), TORONTO
BERNARD QUARITCH, LONDON, ENGLAND
1906
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Tast'of Ojjieers of the Society for 1906-1907... <.sccs.nssieseencsenese L
List of Fellows and Corresponding Members ss 2-4
MBSA Of RES LUPIDES en e dose cena eaves save sss es sons da=ausstc es ne danses 5
PROCEEDINGS.
Wistiop tetlows present at May Meeting 20e terre av enas ane if
WDE AT EIC CR perce eh -ndcsenenn nen ER ER At if
INET PE LCOLED TELLOWS presented SR LUE se II
ee RONE TON COUNCNLE saccanan sarnlsceaysdetn ences sa AA RTE EE PANNE 2 at
Lee Pe RL ULI) Of | 2 ONSUCK LONG: sl Re Le issue II
ZA ACEQUINES essences BOB A SE DT UM ATARI III
D PU CHIEE) | MENLOERS EE, ee LENS NE PATES IV
4. Deceased © Members— Raphael Bellemare, Archbishop
O’Brien, Dr. George Stewart and Charles OUR
CARO ETS) PR EEE RE ose V
NET RE OS Re esanns ec see IX
Gop Like proposed Entertm Bulletin SR davcisce de seeceeesacces IX
TERA HOMETONERENSOCIELY- ER NN RE Re IX
DL PROUOSCA NV ISUL Of OUT HOUMA civonawacossiern 12 ce'sleoeva ses <as x
DAML CTNGLIONAL Congress Of GCOLOGISIS.. .ccis cases cavcnsansievcseseee XII
NODC TES ASSOCIATION: 5c cccsccensscsstoatnese casdcrucseccs labieses XIII
RME ON UMELCOTOIOMLSTS eds se daene | sacunncsarce= Vire XVIII
Pe Die Celebration’ Ot St: Malo, étapes seenes XIX
13. Other Committees—
Report of the Coast Hydrographic Survey... XXI
REDON NG HIE! GC COMIC ISUTU CN. neceadu'en cain tivonlesimasar wi XXI
ro DC STOLIONS ER steceteetce sche acest PR eus s ue te sseceseee XXII
ERNE I SUP UM State nes sonde nuseos a sasmat tab sate XXII
Grey UT EMLTONI 1 Or-A DELUCCIE et Un eee totem XXII
17. International Congress of Americanists at Quebec... XXIII
DSP N CA EU) SOCUCLICS) Le coc nn rend nesee sense drone sde eee XXIII
GENERAL BUSINESS.
POI SAONE == eur disscaesemn eee sececscuaavotsscainmess es csredes XXIV
Committee for nomination of Officers appointed... XXIV
Committee appointed to consider the adoption of the Metric
ISU SEENE wasp sade ae 0er See late eu el ee Aur NA eerste XXIV
PVOLICE Of motion TE INACTIVEMMEMDETS. NT idee XXIV
Reports of Associated Societies...............-X&V, XXVI, XXVII, XXIX
PEN iQ AMOI ESS: cree cans ne es lent testés de de XXV
Motion expressing regret at the absence of the Founder XXV
ation re recent death of Prof P. Curie. occssocwecescsdaanosesesese XXVI
en te es
II ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Committee named to memorialize the Government for grant for
OTUGUNGL® RESE UNE 00 nbs ec edesbess eee eoe se ele te Lee XXVI
TREMORT OF SECTION WL Tee ete ner eee eee XX VII
New Members elected...….....… +++ PES APR AP LE LE REA EL XXVIII
Popular Lecture by Mr. C.C. James... RE eee XXIX
Votes tof DhANRS IR Rs NT tete sense XXIX
Committee on Metric System reported. ..ccce.esrcecoscocrecsserscaenece XXIX
SCHON ISECUION LED. ee. deresoen-ecoccec cedric ee Rene XXX
REDON Of SCCLLON NL Visa caccecneences ses RE SO NN CE one XXXII
RENAN TOF ISECLION Vers. ocdvassassvesucdasososvact sooner sesengee meaeteatens XXXIV
Delegates appointed to Congress of Americanists.......+++ seseceee XXXVI
LECTION OF (GENET AL OPICETS ....0n.cesececew cee voee roscsveus teeter ones XXXVI
Visit to Dominion Observatory and Experimental Farm.... … XXXVII
APPENDICES
A.—PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.
Our Semi-Jubilee and Canada. By Prof. Alexander Johnson... XLI
B.—Act or INCORPORATION.
An Act to incorporate the Royal Society of Canada, 46 Victoria,
Ca) HO Matane -isinses sve crosse entree de eee ee mates LXVII
C.—BioLoGIcAL STATIONS.
Marine Biological STATION... 202 recensement. LXXII
Georgian Bay Biological Station) ....cs..20.cssecsesccenwnesiccecssaes LXXIV
D.—Survey or TIDES AND CURRENTS.
Survey of Tides and Currents in Canadian Waters... LXXVII
E.—REPORTS oF ASSOCIATED SOCIETIES.
I. The Women's Canadian Historical Society of Ottawa LXXXIII
Il. The Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society... LXXXIV
Ill. The Natural History Society of New Brunswick .... LXXXV
IV. he Ottawa Field Naturalists Club. LXXXVIII
V. The Nova Scotian Institute of Science, Halifax...... XCIV
VI. The Natural History Society of Montreal... XCV
VII. The Entomological Society of Ontario... UCI
VIII. The Numismatic and Antiquarian’ Society of Montreal CII
IX. The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec....... CIII
X. Le Cercle Littéraire et Musical de Montréal.......... CVI
XI. The Niagara Historical Society... Se CVIII
XII. The Elgin Historical ani Scientific Institute... CIX
XIII. The Women’s Historical Society of the County of
HULU vecseccaasnncceceascncesteaescekesecetes necaneneeeeceteres CX
TABLE OF CONTENTS Ill
TRANSACTIONS.
SECTION L
LITTÉRATURE FRANÇAISE, HISTOIRE, ARCHEOLOGIE, ETC.
I. L’'Habitation de Samos (illustré). Par P.-B. CasaRatn....... 3
II. Nos trois cloches— Poème rustique. Par PAMPHILE LE May. 37
III. Le Commerce de France avec le Canada avant 1760. Par
Pe UME RP ASE ES AO INA USERS PRE CESR SE RES 45
IV. Les successeurs de La Vérendrye—Sous la domination Fran-
çaise. 1. Joseph Fleurimont de Noyelles ; 2. Jacques
Repentigny Le Gardeur, Sieur de Saint-Pierre ;
3. Saint Luc de La Corne, 1743-1755. Par le juge
ECAC RUD HOMME tetas RIT ee PR 65
V. Etude sur “ Les Anciers Canadiens.” Par L'ABBÉ CAMILLE
1870 5 Ale PMPMRNNENT A MIE ECS ER ER ARE eed onsen edict SES SOS 83
VI. La République d'Indian Stream. Par F. J. AUDET, présenté
PAM DER Se Re AR eee drone nue een 119
VII. Inventaire chronologique des livres, brochures, journaux et
revues publics en langue Anglaise dans la province de
Québec, depuis l'établissement de l'imprimerie au Can-
ada jusqu'à nos jours 1764-1906. Par Dr N.-E.
LD ON IT SA de DAS) DAC RUE E AS A SL ee RSR 3
Cet inventaire, pour faciliter les références, a été publié en un volume distinct, avec
sa propre pagination.
APPENDICE.
Règlements de la Société Royale du Canada
nono ss
SECTION II.
ENGLISH HISTORY, LITERATURE, ARCH MOLOGY, ETO.
I. Additions and Corrections to Monographs on the Place-
nomenclature, Cartography, Historic Sites, Boundaries
and Settlement-origins of the Province of New Bruns-
wick (Maps). By Dr. W. F. GANONG .....csccsssesceooes 3
Il. Richard Maurice Bucke—A Sketch. (Portrait). By JAMES
H. Coyne. Communicated by W. W. CAMPBELL...... 159
Ill. Fleury Mesplet, the First Printer at Montreal. By KR. W.
McLacaLan. Communicated by Dr. S. E, Dawson. 197
IV. The Downfall of the Huron Nation (Piates and Maps). By
AND TRANS ARE AE Re 311
IV
VAI.
XIII.
III.
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
SECTION III.
MATHEMATICAL, PHYSICAL AND CHEMICAL SCIENCES.
. Abacus of the Altitude and Azimuth of the Pole Star
(Diagrams). By Dr. E. DEVILLE.......................
. A Subjective Phenomenon of Vision (Diagrams). By W.
Rupert TurNBuLL. Communicated by Dr. G. U.
. On the Conservation of Nitrogen in Manure (Diagram). By
MHoMAS IMACWARLANES occsc.icsebsvccnccucccer scoiisiciosce dune
. On the Metallic Currency of the British Empire. By Tuos.
MEA GRARL ANE iacaes cies cdeveceesviobe ee cvastertoeanestsmesmectes
. On the Analysis of Wheaten Flour. By Tuomas Mac-
FARLANE ....ececccccceccccccccscccsccccccees © cece ccccccccccsccees
. Anchor-Ice formation from the standpoint of the Radiation
Theory, together with some early Memoirs on Ground-
Toe. By Dr. HT: BARNES 2 en.
. The Foundations of Geometry—Presidential Address to On
tion III (Diagrams). By Pror. ALFRED BaKER......
Temperature Records of Nocturnal Radiation (Diagrams).
By Dp. HT. BARNES 6.0 PR eee
. Further notes on the difference in T ane between
McGill College Grounds and Mount Royal, Montreal
(Diagrams). By Pror.C.H. McLeop and Dr. H. T.
BARNES 2e oecnscnseencsec eme 0e Ne eee tt aernen
. Effect of an Electric Current on the Modulus of Elasticity
(Diagrams). By R. W. Boyze. Communicated by
Dr. TD. BARNES: erscoce--c once Eee
. The Effect of Tensile Stress on Electrical Resistance
(Diagrams). By R. W. Bortz. Communicated by
De MELT. BARNES. .cc0seoncsssceveeseoheccnaencea Eee
. A Method of determining the Specific Heat of a Gas at Con-
stant Pressure (Diagrams). By H.T. Dawes. Com-
municated by Pror. J. C. McLENNAN..............ssceeee
Deficient Humidity of the Atmosphere. By T. A. STARKEY
and OR, EL. T. BARNES.....<.0sesmacessissed dancer ee amereee -
SECTION IV.
GEOLOGICAL AND BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES.
. The Gypsum Deposits of New Brunswick (Maps and Plates).
By DR: as) Wi BATUB¥ SUN cisccceeeces C ANR ENRRS
. The Sleeping Sickness. By Sir JAMES Grant, K.C.M.G....
An Early Anadidymus of the Chick (Plate). By Pror.
RAMSAT WRIGHT eters cru eee Cr et oA ee
141
159
171
189
203
21
rv.
XII.
XELT.
On:
xy.
NL
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SECTION IV.—Continued.
Bibliography of Canadian Zoology for 1905, exclusive of
Entomology. By J. F. WHITEAVES.............. css.
. Bibliography of Canadian Botany for 1905. By Dr. A. H.
NEA GICAL 3 So bnod teasers dondesgsionissilsae robes Poterie:
. South African Iron Formations. By A. P. CoLEMAN........
. Bibliography of Canadian Entomology for 1905. By Rev.
DS RS BSUS OU OI Siena iat ae Se GUIS A ce a a
. Features of the Continental Shelf off Nova Scotia (Map).
iy es POLE SR UE die guns Andes
. The Distribution of Lactic Acid Bacteria in Curd and
Cheese of the Cheddar Type, with nine photomicro-
graphs. By F. C. Harrison. Communicated by
On AMES: UG MUCH. 2... 2... 2...
. A Review of the Flora of the Little River Group (with
plates). Py Dr. Go MATTHEW Ce
. An Amyzon brevipinne, Cope, from the Amyzon beds of the
Southern Interior of British Columbia (Plate). By
GARE Gm MC TAN iy ss oye ee. cet
The Nodule Organism of the Leguminose—Its Isolation,
Cultivation, Identification and Commercial Applica-
tion (Plates). By F. C. Harrison and B. Bartow...
A Birch Rope; an Account of a remarkable Tumour growing
upon the White Birch (Plates). By De. D. P. PEn-
EVANS OA TG Se CO PRES MERE TS NE NRA UE APRER Ses RUE RES EEE ESS
Some of the Unsolved Problems of Immunity. By Dr. A. G.
NicHotis. Communicated by Pror. WEesLey MILLS
Notes on the Mineral Fuel Supply of Canada. By Dr. R. W.
A Short Chapter in Comparative Physiology and Psychology.
By Brow TIWENLEX (MIS... 22.0. <6 ..07srcece vngsnseseveee
XVII. Bibliography of Canadian Geology and Paleontology for
1905. BY TM AME. sissceccnctsss+ +s ecesenancsannnnsesiivecs
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PROCEEDINGS.
Portraits of Deceased Fellows—Raphael Beilemare, Archbishop
O’Brien, Dr. George Stewart and Charles Baillargé............
SECTION I.
Five maps and plate to illustrate Mr. Casgrain’s ‘‘l'Habitation de
SIMEON Mn miens tentes me ctUersenpraaeriscacestececn’ somecmarievan se 9 et seq.
83
99
151
157
239
257
267
291
301
VI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
SECTION II.
Forty-three maps to accompany Dr. W. F. Ganong’s “Additions and
Corrections to Monographs ”................................… 60 et seq.
One portrait to accompany Mr. Coyne’s “Richard Maurice Bucke” 159
Twelve maps and plates to illustrate Mr. James’s “ Downfall of the
Huron Nation”... vossocses 313 et seq.
SECTION III.
Two litho plates and 7 diagrams to accompany Dr. Deville’s
GNADACUG! ne ele as sactuscveesuee gnc coins wosesowantisesiosinsisresicrisasie ss 12
Six diagrams to illustrate Mr. Turnbull’s ‘“ Phenomenon of
Vision ” ........ Heise(selesieslowss bale eeeltswenanman sce cltresesecmslesee ne 13 et seq.
One diagram for Mr. Macfarlane’s “Conservation of Nitrogen”...... 39
Fifteen diagrams for Prof. Baker’s “ Presidential Address to Sec-
| tion TIL”’......cccccccccsscccnrsceseersccsccsscccccscsscccsesees cnce . 114 et seq.
Sixteen diagrams to accompany Dr. Barnes’ “Nocturnal Radia-
MOT eee etonecs orne css se cocotbo seebevsetinresssmencessn essere 130 et seq.
Twenty-eight diagrams to illustrate Prof. McLeod and Dr. Barnes’
paper “ Difference in Temperature ”........................ . 148 et seq.
Five diagrams to accompany Mr. R. W. Boyle’s “ Modulus of
I ASUICIOY | fea ncsercsccnacoseceecacmaersnserstecntct A6 eo rot 161 et seq.
Ten diagrams for Mr. Boyle’s “ Electrical Resistance ”.......... 173 et seq.
Seven diagrams to illustrate Mr. Dawes’s “Specific Heat of a Gas”. 198
SECTION IV
Five plates and two lithographed maps to illustrate Dr. Bailey’s
“Gypsum. Deposits ’......s0..0.ecs-sccecsersseatdenseeceeeee teen 14
One large plate to accompany Dr. Ramsay Wright’s ‘“Anadidymus
Of CHE CHIC Vanna. en scene meer eee siete eee 26
One map for Mr. Poole’s “ Continental Shelf ”.....-.......seccssssscesee 82
Nine photo-micrographs to illustrate Mr. F. C. Harrison’s “Lactic
Acid MBACKOBIA) sc. cees2e cisescaneonscistnemaseeeoadeecenenacerenenee 89 et. seq.
Eight full page plates to accompany Dr. Matthew’s “ Flora of the
Little River Group Jo-versinesesses cc 135 et seq.
One heliotype plate to accompany Mr. Lambe’s ‘“ Amyzon brevi-
DIRE Fee iavemcnavowe sc aseecesssnce se ecesec cc Le mec EE eee 156
Forty-three photo-micrographs for Messrs. Harrison and Barlow’s
NOIR OR PANNE cccccscssner ssnco*+0-nescuescsonsheseunens 187 et seq.
Nine diagrams and plates to illustrate Dr. Penhallow’s “ A Birch
RODO MR 0 ee-uerceeses comen mecs ademsnelelaldes oes oe aeemeheren 241 et seq.
PAE ROVAL SOCIETY OF CANAD
FOUNDER: HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF ARGYLL, K.T., &c.,
(WHEN GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF CANADA IN 1582.)
OFFICERS FOR 1906-1907.
HONORARY PRESIDENT:
HIS EXCELLENCY THE RIGHT HON. EARL GREY,
G.C.M.G., &c.
PRESIDENT—DR. WM. SAUNDERS, C.M.G.
Vice-PRESIDENT—DR. 8. E. DAWSON, C.M.G.
HONORARY SECRETARY, .. .. .. .. DR. JAMES FLETCHER
HONORARY TREASURER, .. .. .. .. L. M. LAMBE
OFFICERS OF SECTIONS:
SEC. I— French Literature, History, and Allied Subjects.
PRÉSIDENT, 0.5) 0 I VABBH CAMILLE ROY
VICE-PRESIDENT, ae au Ag HON. THOMAS CHAPAIS
SECRETARY, .. be a + ERROL BOUCHETTE
SEC. II.— English Literature, History, and Allied Subjects.
PRESIDENT, Ae ae + REV. DR. BURWASH
VICE-PRESIDENT, od oe at DR. A. G. DOUGHTY, C.M.G.
SECRETARY, .. de af Au DR. W. WILFRED CAMPBELL
SEC. III.—Mathematical, Physical, and Chemical Sciences.
PRESIDENT, Bc ae SF ae PROF, RUTHERFORD
VICE-PRESIDENT, a if ae PROF. W. LASH MILLER
SECRETARY, .. ne ne br DR: E. DEVILLE
SEC. IV.—Geological and Biological Sciences.
PRESIDENT, Au Sa A. Ls, PROF. E. E. PRINCE
VICE-PRESIDENT, ae oe ae DR. F. D. ADAMS
SECRETARY, .. su oe Ne LAWRENCE LAMBE
ADDITIONAL MEMBERS OF COUNCIL :1
SIR S. FLEMING, K.C.M.G. T. C. KEEFER, C.M.G.
PRESIDENT LOUDON SIR JAMES GRANT, K.C.M.G.
DR. DECELLES LT.-COL. G. T. DENISON
DR. ALEX. JOHNSON BENJAMIN SULTE
1The Council for 1906-1907 comprises the President and Vice-President of the
Society, the Presidents, Vice-Presidents and Secretaries of Sections, the Honorary
Secretary and the Honorary Treasurer, besides ex-Presidents of the Society during
three years from the date of their retirement, and not more than four members
of the Society who have formerly served on the Council, elected by the Council.
fie ROVAL SOGIETY OF \CAN AID
LIST OF MEMBERS, 1906-1907.
I.—LITTERATURE FRANCAISE, HISTOIRE, ARCHEOLOGIE, ETC.
BEAUCHEMIN, NÉRÉE, M.D., Yamachiche, P.Q.
BÉGIN, Mar L.-N., Archevéque de Québec, Québec.
BOUCHETTE, ERROL, Oftawa.
BrucHksi, Mer P.-N., Archevéque de Montréal, Montréal.
CHAPAIS, L'HON. THOMAS, docteur és lettres, chevalier de la légion d’honneur
de France, membre du conseil législatif, Québec.
CHARLAND, PÈRE PAUL-V., docteur és lettres, Fall River, Mass., E.U.
Davin, Hon. L.-0., Montréal.
DECAZES, PAUL, docteur és lettres, Québec.
DECELLES, A.-D., docteur èslettres, LL.D., Ottawa.
DIoNKNE, N.-E., docteur és lettres, Québec.
GAGNON, ERNEST, docteur ès lettres, Québec.
GERIN, LEON, Ottawa.
GOSSELIN, L'ABBÉ AUGUSTE, docteur és lettres, St-Charles de Bellechasse, P.Q.
LEGENDRE, NAPOLEON, docteur és lettres, Québec.
LEMAY, PAMPHILE, docteur ès lettres, Québec.
LEMOIXE, Sir J.-M., Québec (ancien président).
PAQUET, Monsianor L.-A., Québec.
POIRIER, Hon. PASCAL, officier de la légion d'honneur de France, Shediac,N.B.
Potsson, ADOLPHE, docteur ès lettres, Arthabaskaville, P.Q.
PRUD'HOMME, JUGE L.-A., St. Boniface, Man.
ROUTHIER, JUGE A.-B., docteur en droit et ès lettres, Québec.
Roy, L'ABBÉ CAMILLE, docteur ès lettres, licencié ès lettres de l’université de
Paris, Québec.
Roy, JosEPH-EDMoND, docteur ès lettres, Lévis, P.Q.
SULTE, BENJAMIN, Ottawa (ancien président).
IT. —ENGLISH LITERATURE, HISTORY, ARCHÆOLOG Y, ETC.
BRYCE, REV. GEORGE, M.A., LL.D., Winnipeg, Man.
BurwASH, REV. NATHANIEL, S.T.D., LL.D., Chancellor of Victoria University»
Toronto.
CAMPBELL, W. WILFRED, LL.D., Privy Council Office, Ottawa.
CLARK, REV. W., D.C.L., LL.D., Trinity University, Zoronto (ex-president).
CRUIKSHANK, Lr.-Cou. E. A., Niagara, Ont.
Coyne, J. H., M.A., St. Thomas, Ont.
Dawson, S. E., C.M.G., Lit.D., Offawa.
DENISON, Lt.-Co.. G. T., B.C.L., Toronto (ex-president).
DouGxry, ARTHUR G., C.M.G., Lit.D., Dominion Archivist, Ottawa.
DRUMMoOND, W. H., M.D., Montreal.
GORDON, REV. CHARLES W., LL.D., Winnipeg.
HANNAY, JAMES, LL.D., St. John, N.B.
HowLrey, Most Rev. ARcHBISHOP M. F., D.D., St. John’s, Nfld.
JAMES, C. C., Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Toronto.
LESvEvR, W. D., LL.D., Ottawa.
LIGHTHALL, WILLIAM Douw, M.A., B.C.L., Montreal.
LONGLEY, Hon. Mr. Justice., LL.D., Halifax N.S.
Morean, HENRY J., LL.D., Ottawa.
MURRAY, GEORGE, B.A., Montreal.
LIST OF MEMBERS 3
MURRAY, Rev. J. CLARK, LL.D., Montreal.
PARKIN, G. R., C.M.G., LL.D., Toronto.
RAYMOND, REV. W. O., LL.D., St. John, N.B.
READE, JOHN, F.R.S.L., LL.D., Montreal.
Ross, Gro. W., LL.D., Toronto.
Scott, D. CAMPBELL, Department of Indian Affairs, Ottawa.
Scott, REV. FREDERICK GEORGE. Quebec.
SHORTT, ADAM, M.A., Kingston, Ont.
Watson, J., M.A., LL.D., Queen’s University, Kingston.
WILLISON, JOHN S., Toronto.
WITHROW, REV. W. H., D.D., Toronto.
Woop, WILLIAM, Quebec.
IlIl.—_MATHEMATICAL, PHYSICAL AND CHEMICAL SCIENCES.
BAKER, ALFRED, M.A., University of Toronto, Toronto.
BARXNES, H. T., D.Se., McGill University, Montreal.
Bovey, H. T., M.A. (Cantab.), LL.D., D.C.L., M. Inst. C.E., F.R.S., McGill
University, Montreal.
Cox, JOHN, M.A. (Cantab.), McGill University, Montreal.
Dawson, W. BELL, D.Sc., Ma. E., Assoc. M. Inst. C.E., Ottawa.
DEVILLE, E., LL.D., Surveyor-General, Ottawa.
Doruis, N. F., M.A., F.R.S.E., Queen’s University, Kingston.
Euis, W. H., M.D., Toronto University, Toronto.
FLEMING, SIR SANDFORD, K.C.M.G., LL.D., C.E., Ottawa (ex-president).
GIRDWOOD, G. P., M.D., McGill University, Montreal.
GLASHAN, J. C., LL.D., Inspector of Public Schools for City of Ottawa, Ottawa.
Goopwin, W. L., D.Sc., Queen’s University, Kingston.
HAMEL, Monsienor, M.A., Laval University, Quebec (ex-president).
HARRINGTON, B. J., B.A., Ph.D., McGill University, Montreal.
HOFFMANN, G. C., F. Inst. Chem., LL.D., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
JOHNSON, A., LL.D., Vice-Principal Emeritus of McGill University, Montreal
(ex-president).
KEEFER, T. C., C.M.G., LL.D., C.E., Ottawa (ex-president). =
Loupox, J. T., M.A., LL.D., President of University of Toronto, Toronto (ex-
president).
MACFARLANE, T., M.E., Chief Analyst, Ottawa.
MoGILL, A., Assistant Analyst, Ottawa.
McLENNAN, J. C., Ph.D., Toronto University, Toronto.
MILLER, W. LASH, Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.
McLeop, C. H., M.E., McGill University, Montreal.
OwENs, R. B., M.Sc., McGill University, Montreal.
RUTHERFORD, E., B.A. (Cantab), A.M., McGill University, Montreal.
RuUTTAN, R. F., M.D., C.M., McGill University, Montreal.
SHUTT, F. T., M.A., F.1.C., F.C.S., Chemist, Central Experimental Farm, Ottawa.
STUPART, R. F., Superintendent, Meteorological Service, Toronto.
WALKER, J. WALLACE, M.A., Ph.D., McGill University, Montreal.
IV.—GEOLOGICAL AND BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES.
ADAMI, J. G., M.A., M.D. (Cantab. and McGill), LL.D., F.R.S.E., McGill Uni-
versity, Montreal.
ADAMS, FRANK D., Ph.D., D.Sc., F.G.S., McGill University, Montreal.
AMI, Henry M., M.A., D.Sc., F.G.S., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
BAILEY, L. W., M.A., Ph.D., University of New Brunswick, Fredericton.
Bartow, A. E., M.A., D.Sc., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
BELL, ROBERT, B.Ap.Sc., M.D., LL.D., F.G.S., F.R.S., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
BETHUNE, REv. C. J. S., M.A., D.C.L., Guelph, Ont.
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Borgsss, T. J. W., M.D., Montreal.
CoLEMAN, A. P., M.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.
Ets, R. W., LL.D., F.G.S.A., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
FLETCHER, JAMES, LL.D., F.L.S., Dominion Entomologist, Ottawa.
Fow Ler, JAMES, M.A., Queen's University, Kingston.
GILPIN, EDWIN, M.A., F.G.S., Inspector of Mines, Halifax.
GRANT, SIR J. A., K.C.M.G., M.D., F.G.S., Ottawa (ex-president).
Hay, G. U., M.A., Ph.D., St. John, N.B.
HARRINGTON, W. HAGUE, P. O. Department, Ottawa.
LAFLAMME, ABBEJ. C.K., D.D., M.A.,chevalier de la légion d'honneur de France,
Laval University, Quebec (ex-president).
LAMBE, LAWRENCE M., F.G.S., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
MacaALLUM, A. B., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.
MaAcoux, J., M.A., F.L.S., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
MacKay, A. H., LL.D., B.Sc., Superintendent of Education for Nova Scotia,
Halifax.
MATTHEW, G. F., M.A., D.Sc., St. John, N.B,
Mitts, T. WESLEY, M.A., M.D., McGill University, Montreal.
PENHALLOW, D. P., B.Sc., M.Sc., D.Sc., McGill University, Montreal.
Poo eg, H. S., M.A., C.E., F.G.S., Assoc. Roy. Soc. of Mines, Halifax, Nova Scotia
PRINCE, E. E., B.A., F.L.S., Dominion Commissioner of Fisheries, Ottawa.
SAUNDERS, W., C.M.G., LL.D., F.L.S., Director Dominion Experimental Farms,
Ottawa.
TAYLOR, Rev. G. W., Nanaimo, B.C.
WHITEAVES, J. F., LL.D., F.G.S., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
WRIGHT, R. Ramsay, M.A., B.Sc., University of Toronto, Toronto.
CORRESPONDING MEMBERS.
His GRACE THE DUKE OF ARGYLL, K.T., G.C.M.G., &c.
BERTHELOT, MARCELIN, Sénateur, Secrétaire Perpétuel de l’Académie des
Sciences, Professeur au Collége de France, Paris, France.
Bonney, T. G., D.Se., LL.D., F.R.S., London, England.
BRYCE, Rr. Hon. JAMES, M.P., D.C.L., London, England.
CLARETIE, JULES, de l’Académie française, Paris, France.
GANONG, Dr. W. F., Northampton, Mass.
HECTOR, SIR JAMES, K.C.M.G., F.R.S., Wellington, New Zealand.
H1GGINXSON, THOMAS WENTWORTH, LL.D. (Harvard), Cambridge, Mass.
METZLER, W. H., Ph.D., F.R.S. Edin., Mathematical Professor, Syracuse
University, Syracuse, N. ¥.
OsBoRN, Dr. HENRY FAIRFIELD, New York, N.Y.
PARKER, SIR GILBERT, Kt., M.P., D.C.L., London, England.
SCUDDER, Dr. S. H., Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.
RETIRED MEMBERS.
Bourassa, NAPOLEON, St. Hyacinthe, P.Q.
CALLENDAR, Hueu L., M.A. (Cantab.), F.R.S., London, Eng.
CHERRIMAN, J. B., M.A., Ryde, Isle of Wight.
FABRE, HECTOR, C.M.G., officier de la légion d’honneur, Paris, France.
FRECHETTE, Louis, C.M.G., docteur en droit, docteur és lettres, chevalier de
la légion d’honneur de France, Montréal (ancien président).
HAANEL, E., Ph.D., Superintendent of Mines, Ottawa.
Kirpy, W., Niagara, Ont.
MACGREGOR, J. G., M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., F.R.S.E., Edinburgh, Scotland.
Marr, CHARLES, Prince Albert, N. W.T.
OSLER, W., M.D., Oxford, Eng.
ROoBERTS, C. G. D., M.A., New York.
LIST OF PRESIDENTS 3
LIST OF PRESIDENTS.
1882-83 . : 5 : ‘ A ‘ - . SIR J. W. Dawson, Kt.
1883-84 = = : 5 = - : A L’HONORABLE P. J. O. CHAUVEAU.
1884-85 . : - : = : A : . Dr. T. STERRY HUNT.
1885-86 : : À : E SIR DANIEL WILSON, Kt.
1886-87 . 5 4 : A ; = : . MONSIGNOR HAMEL.
1887-88 = = : : 4 - 4 - Dr. G. LAWSON.
1888-89 . : : 2 : x : : . SIR SANDFORD FLEMING, K.C.M.G.
1889-90 - - = = = 4 ; 5 L’ABBE CASGRAIN.
1890-91 . = - 4 A x : . VERY REV. PRINCIPAL GRANT.
1891-92 . = > : ; 5 : - L’ABBE LAFLAMME.
1892-93 . : : : 5 3 : : . Sm J. G. BOURINOT, K.C.M.G.
1893-94 : à : : é i ‘ : Dr. G. M. Dawson, C.M.G.
1894-95 . A A : = = 3 : . SIR J. MACPHERSON LEMOINE, Kt.
1895-96 LUS SMS PINCE : Fe De. A. R. C. SELWYN, C.M.G.
1896-97 . s - : ~ : : : . Most REV. ARCHBISHOP O’BRIEN
1897-98 ‘ = A = 2 : : : L’HONORABLE F. G. MARCHAND.
1898-99 . : : ù ; : 2 ‘ . T. C. Krerer, C.M.G.
1899-1900 - = = = - - - - - REV. PRoFEssoR CLARK, D.C.L.
1900-1901 - - - - - = - - L. FRECHETTE, C.M.G., LL.D.
1901-1902 - - - - - - - - - PRESIDENT LOUDON, LL.D.
1902-1903 . - - - - - - - SIR JAMES A. GRANT, K.C.M.G.
M.D., F.G.S.
1903-1904 - - - - - - - - - Lr.-Cor. G. T. DENISON, B.C.L.
1904-1905 - - - - = - - - BENJAMIN SULTE.
1905-1906 - - - - - - = - - DR. ALEx. JOHNSON.
1906-1907 - - - - - - - - Dr. Wa. SAUNDERS, C.M.G.
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ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906
TWENTY-FIFTH GENERAL MEETING
SESSION I. (Tuesday, May 22.)
The Royal Society of Canada held its twenty-fifth general meeting
in the Normal School Building, Elgin Street, Ottawa.
The President, Dr. Alex. Johnson, took the chair at 10 o’clock
a.m., and called the meeting to order. The roll was then called by
the Secretary.
PRESENT:
President, Dr. Alex. Johnson.
Vice-President, Dr. Wm. Saunders.
Honorary Secretary, Dr. 8. E. Dawson.
Honorary Treasurer, Dr. Jas. Fletcher.
The following members, in their sections, were present at the roll-
call, or arrived later during the session :—
SECTION J.—Most Rev. Archbishop Bruchési, Errol Bouchette,
Hon. L. O. David, Dr. DeCelles, Léon Gérin, l'Abbé Gosselin, Hon.
iP Poirier, Dr: J, Ey Roy, B. Sulte.
SECTION IJ.— W. W. Campbell, Dr. S. E. Dawson, Lt.-Col. Deni-
son, Dr. Doughty, C. C. James, W. D. Lighthall, Dr. Morgan, Geo.
Murray, Dr. J. Clark Murray, John Reade, John Willison.
SECTION III.—Prof. Baker, Prof. Barnes, Prof. Cox, Dr. W. Bell
Dawson, Dr. Deville, Dr. Ellis, Sir Sandford Fleming, Dr. Girdwood,
Dr. Glashan, Dr. Hoffmann, Dr. Johnson, Dr. Keefer, Thos. Macfarlane,
Dr. Lash Miller, Prof. McLeod, Prof. Owens, Dr. Rutherford, Frank
Shutt.
SECTION IV.— Dr. Adams, Dr, Ami, Dr. Bailey, Dr. Barlow, Rev.
Dr. Bethune, Dr. Burgess, Dr. Ells, Dr. Fletcher, Sir James Grant,
Dr. Hay, W. H. Harrington, L. M. Lambe, Dr. Macallum, Prof. Macoun,
Dr. G. Matthew,:Dr. Wesley Mills, Prof. Penhallow, Dr. Poole, Prof.
Prince, Dr. Saunders, Rev. G. W. Taylor, Dr. Whiteaves, Prof. Ram-
say Wright.
Letters of excuse regretting unavoidable absence were received from,
SECTION I.— Most Rev. Archbishop Bégin, Sir J. M. LeMoine,
Mgr. Paquet, l'Abbé Roy.
II ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
SECTION IJ.— Rev. Dr. Bryce, Rev. Dr. Burwash, Rev. Dr. Clark,
Rev. C. W. Gordon, Hon. Judge Longley, Dr. LeSueur, Dr. Parkin,
Hon. Dr, Ross, D. C. Scott.
SECTION IJI.—Dr. Bovey, Prof. Dupuis, Dr. Goodwin, Dr. Har-
rington, President Loudon, Dr. McLennan, R. F. Stupart.
SECTION IV.—Dr. Bell, Prof. Fowler, E. Gilpin, Abbé Laflamme,
Dr. A. H. MacKay, Prof. Coleman.
The Most Rev. Archbishop Bruchési and Mr. Errol Bouchette being
newly elected Fellows, were presented to the President and took their seats.
The Honorary Secretary then read the following
REPORT OF COUNCIL, 1906.
The Council of the Royal Society of Canada have the honour to
present their annual report, as follows :—
1.—PRINTING OF TRANSACTIONS.
The “ Proceedings and Transactions ” for 1905 have been published,
and make a volume of 866 pages, containing 14 maps and illustrations.
Thirty-one papers have been printed, and 5,050 copies of separates
have been distributed to Fellows of the Society. The volume is smaller
than usual, for several important papers were too late to be included.
The volume for this year promises to be unusually large. An impor-
tant paper by Dr, Ganong, to close up his series of monographs upon
the history and geography of New Brunswick, intended for this volume,
could not be got ready in time, and will appear in the next. The
thoroughness with which Dr. Ganong has elucidated the history of his
native province should instigate similar labours on behalf of the other
provinces.
The volume for this session will be the twelfth of the second or
octavo series, and will mark an epoch in the history of the Society.
Whether the second series be continued or a new and third series be
commenced is a subject for consideration at next session. Our late
president, Mr. Sulte, is preparing a fitting close in the shape of a
complete index, by name and subject, of the whole twenty-four volumes
from the first. It is a work of very great labour and, ht is scarcely
necessary to add, of equally great utility. The extent and value of
the information locked up in these two series cannot be properly appre-
ciated until it is made readily accessible by such an index. The index
will be more useful if published as a separate volume — the twenty-
fifth of the whole series. Dr. Dionne will also crown his labours by
a bibliography of works in the English language published in Canada
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 III
from the Conquest to the present time. His bibliography of French
works has been much inquired for, and librarians of the great libraries
have recognized its merits and utility.
2.—ACCOUNTS.
The accounts have been audited by experts in the usual manner,
and the vouchers have been transferred to the Treasurer. The follow-
ing is a statement:
To Balance brought forward as per page V of Proceedings
DON AO SN AO Il ede av RE At hte re ES $1,574 49
1905. Cr.
June 1.—E. Helliard—services at last meeting....$ 8 00
“ —Oliver Macdonald—services at last meeting 10 00
“ 6.—John P. Dunne—use of stereopticon.... 10 00
« — “Evening Journal ”—advertising ...... 10 50
€ —M. G. Bristow—typewriting............ 3 50
% —Photographing illustrations ............ 6 00
ON Free Press ”—advertising ..:.:.:...... 8 50
=}; Crown Dathographing Co: 4e 0 75
OR SGD CSS EN ER RE LA ga RER EC 0 30
June 13. Gazette Printing Colit.s.. Lee 133 72
June OE FOOTER ee, 2) Hale ake sla e's Ut 40 00
“© —Clerical services—distribution .......... 20 00
« — “<The Citizen”—advertising ........... 10 50
ARR Je Taylor prinbine #08 26 50
« — Mortimer & Co.—binding and despatching 629 79
June 27.—Printing Transactions—on account..... 500 00
OS —USUTANIGE) Sparen: «lattes cial os) s/s ae. Lo 17 50
July 5.—Freight on American distribution....... 16 96
July 13.—Gazette Printing Co. ................. 121 97
$1,574 49
Statement July 1, 1905, to May 22, 1906.
1905. Dr.
Sept. 11—To amount on account of Government Grant... . $3,000 00
1906.
May 11.—To amount on account of Government Grant.... 2,000 00
$5,000 00
IV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Brought forward........ $5,000 00
1905. Or
Sept. 26.—Grip Company—illustrations .......... $ 51 25
“ —Heliotype Co.—illustrations ........... 112 00
FN A TROEICANUEXDIESS EN UMR EAN elo uate 2 30
yee lneressine oR. D Kane). cia Lee 3 T5
—Typewriting (M. G. Bristow).......... 3 T5
A, PE VON tes CAN 61 APE PERRET 34 25
‘ —Expenses on European distribution. ..... 128 26
Seem RURTOS BUN RAL S EE ao eee ET 34 85
Oct }ye——Copying (Bristow). ..... 50.325 .20 eee 4 05
Dec. 18.—Printing Transactions, on account...... 1,000 00
1906.
Jan. 8.—Crown Lithographing Co.............. 125
“ —Freight and Insurance to London...... a ach
fp express charges: 2... PEU nee eae 6 15
Mch. 21.—Printing Transactions, on account...... 1,000 00
** —Proofreading — French................ 40 00
“ —Mortimer & Co.—Binding............. 144 15
CP SS EIXpress 020000 NET RER 9 88
“« —Orme & Co.—use of piano............. 3 00
“ —John Robertson—storage .............. 48 00
« —J. K. O’Connell—Copying diagrams.... 10 00
Apri) }:5,—_ Insurance, LAON aerate ates 78 75
May 9— Grip Engraving Co nee PR eee 104 85
€ —M. G. Bristow—typewriting............ 2 80
€ —Crown Lithographing Co. ........ none 6 25
fr. —Telegraph ICONE ioe areata beer ciets 0 95
May 10.—American Express Co. ..........:....-. 2% 92
2,854 52
Balance on hand... 82,145 48
3.— INACTIVE MEMBERS. |
The Council would call attention to the necessity of keeping the
activity of its membership up to the standard set by its founders.
The objects of the Society are plainly set forth in the statute of organ-
ization (46 Vic., cap. 46), as well as in the first of its Regulations.
it is a society for work in literature and science and its founders,
by regular attendance and by contributions to the Transactions mani-
fested a living interest in the promotion of science and letters in the
Dominion of which they were citizens. The membership is limited,
and no provision has been made in the statute of organization for
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 Vi
merely honorary members. Sixteen corresponding members, four for
each section are provided for. The Transactions, as set forth in the
statute, are intended for original papers and memoirs of merit. They
are a ‘medium for the publication of papers of permanent value such
as find no place in popular periodical literature. The volumes are
sent to every important library throughout the world, and from the
letters received by the Secretary it is evident that they are highly
esteemed. Applications are incessant for separates of special articles,
and if a sheet happens to be missing in any volume, the Secretary
hears of it at once, whether from Chicago or Sydney, Australia. One
entire paper has been taken as a chapter for an historical work of impor-
tance now being published in the United States. The name of the
author is given and though the Society is not mentioned and permis-
sion was not asked, this shows that the papers in the Transactions are
not neglected, but referred to and used in foreign countries. To build
up a memorial to science and letters in this country of our own is a
patriotic duty which has been set for us to do, and only by unselfish
labour can it be done. The fact that there is a statute of the Dom-
inion to organize this Society is probably unknown to the later Fellows
and the chapter is reprinted in this year’s Transactions. (Vide Appen-
dix Bb)
4.—DECEASED MEMBERS.
The ranks of the Society were unbroken when the accustomed
time for sending out nominations arrived, and it seemed as if the
whole year would pass without a break, but within a very short period
four of our members were called away, one in Section I., two in Sec-
tion II., and one in Section ITI.
Raphael Bellemare was born at Yamachiche, February 22nd, 1821.
He was educated at Nicolet College, and was professor of belles-
lettres in that institution from 1847 to 1855, during which period
he also was a regular contributor to Za Minerve of Montreal. Soon
after he was called to the bar, and later was appointed revenue inspec-
tor, a position which he held until July, 1893, when he retired. He
was one of the founders and one of the most devoted members of
La Société Historique de Montréal and wrote a number of historical
studies upon the early days of Canada, and especially a book contain-
ing the annals of Yamachiche. He was for forty years president of
the St. Vincent de Paul Society of Montreal. He was also a director
of the Montreal City and District Savings Bank, of which he was for
several years vice-president. He was also a director of the General
VI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Colonization ard Repatriation Society of the province of Quebec. He
was very methodical, sympathetic and hard working and his useful
labours were continued until the last day of his life.
.The death of Archbishop O’Brien (March 9th, 1906) deprived our
Society of one of its most effective members. The position of pres-
ident, which he filled in 1896-7, testifies to the respect in which he
was held by the members and to the value which was placed on his
services.
He was born on May 4th, 1843, in Prince Edward Island, and his
early education was obtained in the schools of the island. Later, he
was trained for two years at St. Dunstan’s College at Charlottetown.
Attracting the attention of Bishop McIntyre, he was sent to Rome to
fill a vacant place in the College of the Propaganda, in 1864, at the
age of twenty. Seven years were spent in the training afforded by
that unique institution, where are to be found men of all the tongues
of the world. In 1871 he graduated, and was ordained priest, having
carried off the gold medal of the college for general proficiency. From
1871 to 1873 he filled the post of professor and prefect of studies at
St. Dunstan’s College. In 1873 he was appointed principal priest at
the Cathedral of Charlottetown. His health here failed; and for the
eight succeeding years he was parish priest at Indian River, bringing
to the daily duties of a simple parish priest the scholarship and experi-
ence received at Rome. In 1880 he was invited by the late Archbishop
Hannan, of Halifax, to accompany him to Rome. The Archbishop
was then in feeble health and probably had fixed on Dr. O’Brien as
his probable successor. He died in 1882, and Dr. O’Brien was duly
appointed to succeed him by a Bull dated December 2nd, 1882.
The twenty-four years of his episcopate were full of practical activ-
ities, in which he was generously supported by his people. Charitable
institutions, religious orders and schools all felt his creative and prudent
hand. His pastoral letters were remarkable for scholarly composition
and wise exhortation. He was wide-minded in his benevolent activ-
ities, and the principal public institutions in Halifax were constantly
objects of his care.
Towards public affairs he had a strong patriotic inclination.
Disposed by birth and education to sympathize strongly but reasonably
with the aspirations of the Irish people, he was even more strongly
ar advocate of Imperial unity and British interests at home and abroad.
In the political affairs of the Dominion he prudently took little part,
save on occasions when educational questions imperatively called on
him, as he believed, to take action.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 VII
His talents for the task of administration, always troublesome and
trying, never for a moment dulled his interest in literature. He was
essentially a student, and in many directions. Theology, Geography,
History, Philosophy and Belles-lettres, each+had charms for him and
he was proficient in all. His publications are as follows: “ Phil-
osophy of the Bible Vindicated,” 1876; ‘ Mater Admirabilis,” 1882;
“ After Weary Years,” a tale, 1887; “Saint Agnes, Virgin and
Martyr,” 1887; “ Aminta,” a poetic drama, 1890; “ Memoir of Bishop
Burke,” 1894. His contributions to the Royal Society are: “The
Supernatural in Nature,’ 1894; “ Presidential Address,’ 1897;
“€ Cabots Landfall and Chart,’ 1899.
A more unassuming man never filled so high a position; a more
modest man has seldom possessed so many talents and so much learn-
ing; and a man so welcome in every society had seldom lived a lite
so retired. Yet such is the occasional reward of unobtrusiveness, that
the Archbishop was more popular than most public men, and better
known among men of letters than many whose lives are devoted to
publicity. His brethren of the Royal Society hasten, on the occasion
of its first meeting since his death, to record their sorrow for his
taking away, while at the same time they give expression to their
admiration for the man of letters with whom they were all proud to
be associated.
The death of Dr. George Stewart, at a comparatively early age,
was deeply regretted, not only by the Society but by hundreds of
friends outside of it. Dr. Stewart was a born littératewr, and the
enthusiasm that inspired his youthful pen lasted till he ceased to
write. One of his latest contributions to the periodical press was an
article on Popular Songs of Old Canada, in The Monthly Review, of
London, England. The earliest noteworthy writing with which his
name is associated, was a tribute to the memory of the Hon. Thomas
D’Arcy McGee in his own magazine, “ Stewart’s Quarterly.” During the
long interval between the publication of these two studies, Dr. Stewart
was indefatigably at work, the products of his industry appearing in
Canadian, American and British periodicals. A work that made him
widely known, his history of the Great Fire of St. John, N.B. (1877),
was also the occasion of his moving from that city to Toronto, where
he became editor of Belford’s Magazine. While taking charge of the
Quebec Chronicle, of which for nearly twenty years he was editor-in-
chief, he wrote his contributions to the “ Canadian Portrait Gallery,”
to the “Encyclopedia Britannica,” to “ Appleton’s Cyclopedia,” to
“Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America,” and to other
well known works of reference. Before leaving Toronto he had written
VIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
his excellent account of the administration of the Earl (afterwards
Marquis) of Dufferin. During his travels in Europe, Dr. Stewart
had the advantage of introductions from Lord Dufferin to some of
his friends, including Tennyson, the late Lord Lytton and other cele-
brities. He wrote in The Cosmopolitan, after the great poet’s death,
a sympathetic tribute to his genius and character. His reminiscences
of Lord Lytton, the first Earl and Governor-General of India, were
published in the Canadian Magazine. Dr. Stewart’s purely literary
papers — including his sketches of Carlyle, Longfellow, Holmes and
Thoreau — were mostly delivered as lectures before the Literary and
Historical Society of Quebec, of which he was for many years president.
Others were published in the British reviews, Emerson the Thinker
appearing in the Scottish Review in 1888. Altogether three volumes
of essays were given to the public under his name—two of these
(Essays from Reviews) coming out successively in 1892 and 1893.
That Dr. Stewart should have been honoured by Canadian universities
was not surprising, but that he should have received a doctorate from
four of them (Laval, McGill, King’s, Windsor, N.S., and Bishop’s,
Lennoxville, P.Q.) bears witness to his wide popularity. He was one
of the charter members of this Society and for more than a dozen
years bore the office of secretary to Section II. He contributed a paper
on the Early Sources of Canadian History to the 3rd Volume of our
Transactions. À
The death of Mr. Charles Baillargé occurred unexpectedly on May
10. His correspondence with the Secretary as late as April 5 manifest-
ed an active interest in the approaching meeting of the Society. He
was born at Quebec in 1827 of a family of engineers and artists and
carly developed an unusual capacity for the mathematical sciences.
From 1866 to about 1899 he was city engineer of Quebec, and for a
time he was joint engineer in connection with the extensive harbour
works carried out in the River St. Charles estuary by the Quebec Har-
bour Commission. His first training was as a land surveyor and for
a long time he was Chairman of the Board of Examiners of Land
Surveyors. On matters relating to the Mathematical and Physical
sciences his aid and counsel were continually invoked by public bodies
and by the Provincial and Dominion Governments. His skill as an
architect is manifest in his native city, notably in the buildings of
Laval University, the churches and buildings of the Sisters of Charity
and of the Good Shepherd, the Music Hall, the Jail, the Monument
des Braves at Ste Foye and in the aqueduct bridge over the St. Charles
and the Dufferin Terrace. From 1863 to 1865 he was joint architect
for the Parliament and Departmental Buildings at Ottawa.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 IX
During all his busy professional life he was an indefatigable writer
and lecturer on his favourite subjects and he acquired a wide reputation
beyond the limits of Canada. In 1874 he was summoned to France
and presented with the gold medal of the Society of Popularization of
instruction at the Conservatoire des Arts et Métiers and during his busy
life he received fifteen medals and twenty diplomas from foreign count-
ries. In 1880 he became a member of the Royal Academy of Arts and in
1882 one of the original members of the Royal Society of Canada.
Mr. Baillargé’s writings are too numerous to be recounted here.
They are catalogued in the Bibliography appended to Vol. XII. of the
ist Series of the Transactions of the Royal Society where they occupy
five columns.
In the course of his long life, busy as it was and occupied with so
many interests, scientific, literary, professional and social, Mr. Baillargé
made no enemies. All were friends to him and he was at all times will-
ing to be useful to any one who might ask for counsel or assistance in
the varied subjects in which he was interested.
5.— NEW FELLOWS.
Letters of acceptance and thanks were received from the Most
Reverend the Archbishop of Montreal, Dr. Doughty, Major Wood and
Messrs. Errol Bouchette and C. C. James, who were elected at the
last meeting.
6— THE PROPOSED INTERIM BULLETIN.
The rules made last year with regard to the inauguration of a
Bulletin to appear from time to time when papers of special importance
called for immediate publication have not been brought into effect by
the publication of any urgent paper. Efforts were made to get the
separates of the scientific sections out eariy and fair success was
achieved, but some of them were delayed in proofreading by the absence
of their authors, and these delays blocked the progress of others. The
practice of sending out several revises is fatal to despatch. After an
author has seen a proof in galley and one revise no further proofs are
really needed, and no alterations should be allowed. Some papers
are, in fact, twice set. It would be quicker and far cheaper to type-
write papers not properly prepared, and make printers’ copy of the
corrected transcripts.
“— A HOME For THE SOCIETY.
At our last meeting a committee was appointed (p. xv.), consisting
of Mr. Sulte, Sir James Grant, Capt. Déville, Lt.-Col. Denison, Dr.
Fletcher, and Messrs. Lambe and Lighthall to wait upon the Govern-
x ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
ment with a view to securing accommodation in the Victoria Building
now being erected.
Mr. Sulte, with Sir James Grant and Mr. Lambe called upon
the Honourable the Minister of Public Works and were accorded a
most satisfactory hearing. The following letter was subsequently
received :
Office of the Minister of Public Works of Canada.
Ottawa, April 19th, 1906.
Sir:—
I am in receipt of your letter of the 3rd inst., which was left
with the Deputy Minister of Public Works. I shall be very pleased,
indeed, to give most favourable consideration to the request of the
Royal Society, when additional space is secured by the erection of new
departmental buildings.
Yours truly,
C. S. Hyman.
Benjamin Sulte, Esq.,
Ottawa, Ont.
8.— THE PROPOSED VISIT OF OUR FOUNDER.
The Fellows will remember how unanimous was the wish of all
who attended the last meeting that the founder of the Society, the
Duke of Argyll, would favour this anniversary meeting by his presence.
The council was not unmindful of this desire. The steps taken and
the result are summarized in the following letters:
Ottawa, March 3rd, 1906.
To His Grace the Duke of Argyll.
KEE, 1G: CE Gs ete) ete,
My Lord Duke:
The Royal Society of Canada founded by Your Grace during
your term of office as Governor-General of the Dominion will, at the
next meeting, on May 21st, celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of
its foundation, and, at the last meeting there was a universal desire
that you would, if possible, favour the Society with your presence.
The council advised Sir Sandford Fleming (who was then in England)
of the wishes and hopes of the Fellows of the Society, and Sir Sand-
ford communicated their wishes to you. The date you considered to
be too distant to call for an immediate answer.
Many of the original members who had the honour of seeing Your
Grace in the early years of the Society have passed away and their
places are filled by others who are endeavouring to carry out the work
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XI
you planned. These are anxious to greet the founder of the Society
and those who knew you in former years are eager to meet you once
more. A visit from you, moreover, would be very helpful and stimu-
lating to the future growth of the Society.
We therefore, now that the time of meeting approaches, wish
again to express the hope of every member of the Society that you
may be able to assist by your presence at the celebration of the twenty-
fifth anniversary.
We have the honour to be,
Your Grace’s most humble servants,
ALEXANDER JOHNSON,
President.
S. E. Dawson,
Honorary Secretary.
Naples, March 23rd, 1906.
Dear Sir :—
It is with much regret I must relinquish any hope of meeting
the members of the Royal Society on the 25th anniversary of the
birth of the Society.
Let me thank you for your most kind invitation, and express my
obligations to the Society for the annual gift of a copy of the “ Trans-
actions.” The field of observation in Canada is so vast that these
volumes have an ever greater interest. They will in future days be
treasured by Canadians as showing that their country has been, ever
since it became a united Dominion, abreast of scientific discovery and
research in other lands. These volumes will show also how practical
has been the working of the Society in welcoming literary men, and
men of science, from all the provinces of Canada to its membership,
and so labouring to enlist geniusvin every shape to develop and make
known the immense material resources of Canada. All that constitutes
hardihood and manliness will thrive with you. All tending to laziness
and apathy will die. Strenuous thought and the results of action are
represented by your Society, and the Press will know how to spread
the papers contributed so that all may measure the successes attained
in national endeavour.
Believe me, yours truly,
ARGYLL.
DIE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
9.— INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF (GEOLOGISTS.
It will be remembered that, in 1904, an invitation was sent (see
Proceedings, 1904, p. vit.) to this body to hold its next meeting
in 1906 at Ottawa. The invitation was sent in response to an intima-
tion that it would be welcome. The Dominion Government promised
the very liberal subsidy of $25,000 and sent Dr. Bell to Vienna to
advocate it. A formal invitation signed by the president and secre-
tary on behalf of the society was forwarded in duplicate by successive
mails, and a triplicate was sent by Dr. Bell. As set forth in the
report of 1905 the Congress decided to hold their meeting in Mexico.
No communication from the Congress was ever received by the
Royal Society with regard to this invitation. The decision arrived
at was communicated verbally by Dr. Bell to the Honorary Secretary
and embodied in the report of Council for 1905. It is superfluous
to add that no intimation was received which might lead to the sup-
position that the question of a meeting at Ottawa was held in abeyance.
It was simply dropped so far as the Royal Society were informed.
In November last the Secretary received the following letter :—
CONGRÈS (GÉOLOGIQUE INTERNATIONAL.
Mexico, le 30 octobre 1905.
S. E. Dawson, Etcr., |
Secrétaire Honoraire de la Société Royale du Canada,
Ottawa.
Monsieur et très honoré confrère:
Je prends la liberté de vous envoyer ci-jointe une copie de la
lettre datée 30 août 1905, que j’ai eu l’honneur de vous adresser pour
vous prier de prendre en considération dans le sein de votre Académie
et pres de votre gouvernement, le vœu exprimé au Congrès de Vienne,
de recevoir au Canada la XIe réunion du Congrès Géologique Inter-
national en 1909.
Nous vous serions infiniment obligés si vous vauliez bien nous
adresser votre bienveillante réponse, ce qui nous permettra, dans un
cas favorable, d’annoncer la décision dans une des prochaines circu-
laires du Congrès de Mexico.
Veuillez agréer, cher confrère, l’assurance de nos sentiments les
plus distingués.
Le Président du Comité d'organisation.
José G. AGUILERA.
r
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XIII
To which the Secretary replied as follows :—
Ottawa, le 6 novembre 1905.
M. José Aguilera,
Secrétaire Honoraire du Comité d’Organisation
du Congrès Géologique,
Mexico.
Cher Monsieur:
J’ai Vhonneur d’accuser réception de votre lettre du 30 octobre
demandant si la Société Royale du Canada serait en position d’inviter
le Congrès Géologique International à venir se réunir dans la ville
d'Ottawa en 1909. :
Je regrette de ne pas étre en position de vous donner une réponse
définitive. Lorsque le Congrès Géologique International décida de
s’assembler au Mexique, en 1906, la Société Royale du Canada crut
Vincident clos. Je ne puis dire, non plus, si la Société serait dis-
posée à renouveler son invitation. La prochaine réunion de la Société
Royale du Canada n’aura lieu que le 24 mai 1906. Je ferai rapport
à cette assemblée et vous ferai savoir la décision de la Société. Je
ne crois pas qu’il soit possible de décider cette question plus tôt. Si
le Conseil de la Société s’assemble avant cette époque, je lui soumettrai
vos lettres, mais il n’est pas probable que le Conseil en vienne à une
décision sans l’assentiment complet de la Société Royale du Canada.
J’ai l'honneur d’être
Votre obéissant serviteur,
S. E. Dawson,
Secrélaire honoraire.
The correspondence was read at a meeting of council on January
10th, 1906, and the answer of the Secretary was approved.
During the last few days announcements have been made in the
newspapers that the Congress will meet in Brussels in 1909.
10— THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION.
When the subject of a meeting of the International Congress of
Geologists was disposed of, as above set forth, the Royal Society, in
its desire to further the best interests of the Dominion, took up the
question of promoting a meeting of the British Association to be held
XIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
at Winnipeg in the heart of newest Canada. The proposition is set
forth on page xxi. of the Proceedings of 1905-6, as follows:
At the meeting of the Royal Society of Canada, held on May 25th,
1905, it was |
Moved by Reverend Dr. Bryce, seconded by Dr. G. U. Hay, and
carried :—
“That the Royal Society of Canada, with a view to the spread of
scientific knowledge, and also for the purpose of aiding in the develop-
ment of newer Canada, suggests to the City of Winnipeg to invite the
British Association for the Advancement of Science to hold its next
meeting in 1907 in the City of Winnipeg; and also to invite a num-
ber of leading scientists of the continent of Europe and the United
States ; and appoints the following committee to wait upon the Dominion
Government, the governments of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta,
British Columbia, along with the City of Winnipeg and the other cities
of the provinces named, with the object of obtaining grants and other
assistance to assure the visit of the said association and enable it to
carry out its important work.”
Committee— The President of the society, the retiring President,
Sir Sandford Fleming, Dr. Keefer, Sir James Grant, Lt.-Col. Denison,
Archbishop O’Brien, W. D. Lighthall, Rev. Dr. Burwash, Professor
Bovey, Dr. Saunders, the mover and seconder, with power to add to
their number.
The committee met the same day and appointed the Rev. Dr.
Bryce as Chairman.
Subsequently Professor A. B. Macallum was added to the committee.
The Rev. Dr. Bryce with the committee forthwith waited on the
Premier, who kindly promised that the subvention originally intended
for the International Congress would be transferred to the proposed
visit of the British Association.
Dr. Bryce then obtained a certified copy of this resolution and
with it he appeared before the Corporation of Winnipeg, with the result
that the City Council unanimously resolved that:
Resolution of the City of Winnipeg.
“Whereas at the meeting of the Royal Society of Canada held on
May 25th, 1905, the following motion was unanimously adopted :
(Here followed as a preamble a recital of the above resolution of
the Royal Society; after which the Council proceeded.)
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XV
“Whereas the Committee waited on the Dominion Government and
received the assurance that the Government will be disposed to enter-
tain favourably the request that they should contribute to the reception
of the British Association for the Advancement of Science should they
visit Canada in 1907; and that they will be disposed to help to about
the extent of the $25,000 asked for; and
“ Whereas the City of Montreal in 1884, and the City of Toronto
in 1897, impressed with the importance of the visit of some five to
eight hundred members of this greatest scientific body in the world
in creating interest in Canada, and in disseminating information as to
its resources in the British Isles and the Continent of Europe, each
gave a grant from civic funds of $5,000;
“ Therefore, the City of Winnipeg, convinced of the importance
of bringing so notable a body to the Canadian West, hereby cordially
invites the British Association for the Advancement of Science to hold
its annual meeting in 1907 in this city, and to accept the hospitality
of its citizens, and the present council heartily recommends to their
successors in that year to vote a sum for the carrying out of the pur-
poses of the Society.”
The Resolution was carried unanimously by the City Council, with
understanding of a vote of $5,000.
The present position of the matter is summarized in the following
report by Dr. Bryce:
Report of the British Association Commitiee of the Royal Soctety.
Rev. Dr. Bryce, Chairman.
The Chairman regrets very much that he will be in Britain during
the month of May, and hence cannot be present at Ottawa.
The committee appointed to invite the British Association begs to
report :—
1. In Appendix A.—A copy of the resolution and the appointment
of the committee. (See ante.)
2. In Appendix B.—Appeal made on behalf of the committee to
the City Council of Winnipeg, asking them to
invite the British Association.
©)
In Appendix C.—A copy of Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s letter.
4. In Appendix D.—The resolution of the City inviting the Asso-
ciation. (See ante.)
Or
In Appendix E.—The invitation given by the Manitoba Historical
and Scientific Society.
XVI
10.
Lil
12.
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
All the documents have been forwarded through Professor Macal-
lum to the Association in South Africa, the accompanying map
showing buildings available was sent also. (The Chairman would
like this map returned to him as he has no other copy).
A letter was received from Professor Macallum stating that the
Association could not come in 1907, but was prepared to accept
the invitation for 1909.
A letter was received by the Chairman from Sir Wilfrid Laurier
stating that the grant of 1907 would stand good for 1909.
The Chairman reports that he intends, when the date approaches
a little nearer, to bring before the Governments of Manitoba,
Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia, as well as the cities
of Regina, Calgary and Edmonton, Vancouver and Victoria, the
desirability of the Association being taken through to the coast,
and that this will somewhat depend on whether tthe amounts
voted are sufficient to meet the expense.
The Chairman met the authorities of the Canadian Pacific Rail-
way and they are favourable to the project and will be prepared
to manage, along with the other railways, matters of transporta-
tion without much trouble to the Royal Society, 1.e., after the
principles of action have been agreed on by the committee and
the railway.
In 1908 it is proposed to constitute a local committee in Winnipeg
to carry out the details of management which may be necessary.
The Chairman, while in England, expects to meet the officials
of the British Association and have an understanding on the
matter.
All of which is respectfully submitted.
GEORGE BRYCE,
Chairman.
Winnipeg, March 12th, 1906.
Since then the Secretary received the following letter :—
Winnipeg, April 24th, 1906.
S. E. Dawson, Esq.,
Secretary Royal Society.
My dear Sir:—
Our University has taken action. Will you kindly amend my
report adding the following:
The University of Manitoba has resolved to cordially support the
City in its invitation for 1909.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XVII
I inclose also a copy of the resolution of the University, which
will be signed by the Vice Chancellor and Registrar. The seal will
be affixed and the document forwarded to England.
As soon as I reach London, which will be about the middle of
June, I will see the secretaries, etc., of the British Association.
I trust you may have a pleasant meeting of the Society in May.
I sail on May 12th according to present outlook.
I am, yours truly,
GEORGE BRYCE.
Resolution of the University (Inclosed).
“To the British Association for the Advancement of Science:
“The Council of the University of Manitoba has been informed
that the City of Winnipeg, at the suggestion of the Royal Society of
Canada, which had obtained the promise of a large grant from the
Dominion Government for the purpose of providing for the British
Association, passed and forwarded to the meeting of the British Asso-
ciation in South Africa the following resolution:
“<The City of Winnipeg convinced of the importance of bringing
so notable a body to the Canadian West, hereby cordially invites
the British Association for the Advancement of Science to hold its
Annual Meeting in 1907 in this City, and to accept the hospitality of
its citizens, and the present Council heartily recommends to their
successors in that year to vote a sum for the carrying out of the enter-
tainment of the Society.’
“The information has reached the University through Professor
Macallum, of Toronto (who presented the matter to the Association
in South Africa), that there is a likelihood of the Association accept-
ing the invitation in 1909, and further, the University is informed
that the Dominion Government and the City of Winnipeg will hold
to the promise of 1907 for the year 1909.
“ Therefore, the University of Manitoba heartily endorses the invita-
tion of the City of Winnipeg and earnestly requests the British Asso-
ciation to visit Western Canada — the home to which large numbers of
British people are turning their eyes as settlers at the present time.
“The University appoints Rev. Dr. Bryce and Prof. Parker its
representatives to bring this matter before the British Association.”
The matter is in able and energetic hands and the Council
recommends that the committee be continued.
Proc., 1906. 2.
XVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
11.— MEETING oF METEOROLOGISTS.
In the early part of the present year the Secretary had some cor-
respondence with Mr. R. F. Stupart of the Meteorological Service of
Canada — one of the Fellows of the Society — in relation to a proposed
meeting of meteorologists at Ottawa. The letters themselves will
best set forth the subject.
METEOROLOGICAL OFFICE.
Toronto, December 6th, 1905.
Dear Dr. Dawson :—
At the meeting of the B. A. H. S. in Southport, 1904, Sir John
Eliot, late Meteorological Reporter for India, advocated the organiz-
ation of a central Meteorological Department for the British Empire
and the matter was again brought up in the B. A. meeting in Cape
Town this year. In September last at Innsbruck I discussed with
Sir John Eliot and Dr. Shaw, the Chief of the British Meteorological
Service, the feasibility of having a meeting of British and Colonial
Meteorologists in Canada to consider the whole question. While no
definite conclusion was arrived at, I am sure they are expecting some
proposal from me. Due consideration has convinced me that there
would be small chance of getting representatives from Australia and
the Cape, etc., to come here for a meeting, and I have been wondering
whether it would not be possible for the Council of the Royal Society
of Canada at my request to invite certain British and Colonial Meteor-
clogists to attend the next Royal Society meeting in Ottawa — there
to discuss desirable co-operation between the Royal Society of Canada
and other scientific societies within the Empire, as regards meteor-
clogical problems. I think that Sir John Eliot, F.R.S., and Dr. W.
N. Shaw, F.R.S., and prohably Sir Norman Lockyer would, on invita-
tion, attend such meeting. I feel sure you will be able to tell me
off-hand whether such a suggestion can be carried out, hence I venture
to trouble you.
Yours sincerely,
RES STUPART.
Dr. S. E. Dawson,
Hon. Secretary Royal Society of Canada,
Ottawa.
METEOROLOGICAL OFFICE,
Toronto, January 12th, 1906.
Dear Dr. Dawson :—
I desire to thank you for having brought the subject of my letter
cf December 6th before the Council of the Royal Society. Whatever
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XIX
may be done it must be made quite clear to all who are invited that
they will have to pay their own expenses, or rather that their expenses
should be borne by the Imperial and various Colonial \Governments
which they represent. I enclose herewith a copy of a letter from Dr.
Shaw, from which it is evident he will not be satisfied with a meeting
of just a few from Great Britain and suggests that a circular be sent
to all the Colonies asking whether they were willing to send representa-
tives to discuss meteorological problems from an Imperial standpoint.
If this be done a meeting in May next is quite out of the ques-
tion—but might well be arranged for May, 1907. I do think
that such a meeting is altogether desirable, and would like to have it
in Canada, and the Royal Society being willing to further the scheme
it will, I think, be quite possible to carry it out.
If then you will leave the matter in abeyance for the present, I
will write unofficially to my meteorological colleagues in the various
parts of the Empire and ask whether if such a meeting were arranged
for, they would be willing to attend.
Yours very truly,
R. F. STUPART,
Director.
Dr. S. E. Dawson,
Secretary Royal Society of Canada.
Ottawa.
The Council recommends that the correspondence be referred to
Section III. for consideration and report.
12.— THE CELEBRATION AT ST. MALO.
The celebration at St. Malo in commemoration of Jacques Cartier
took place on July 23rd, 1905, as announced in the report of Council
in May of that year. No one had been deputed to attend; but Sir
Sandford Fleming, who was then in England, kindly wrote to offer
his services. The formal letter was, however, too late to reach him
in time, and it was addressed directly to the President of the Committee
at St. Malo. It was as follows :—
Ottawa, 20 juin 1905.
Monsieur le Président,
La Société Royale du Canada est heureuse de pouvoir se faire
représenter auprès du comité Jacques Cartier, de Saint-Malo, à locca-
sion de la pose d’une plaque commémorative de la découverte du Canada,
le 23 juillet prochain. Afin que vous puissiez juger de l’intérêt que
nous portons à cette fête, je dirai que la moitié de nos membres se
hvrent aux études historiques concernant le Canada, et que par consé-
XX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
quent nous sommes en communauté d'idées avec vous sur tout ce qui
rappelle les travaux du découvreur. Il va de soi que nous avons
très hautement apprécié les efforts des citoyens de Saint-Malo pour
honorer la mémoire d’un grand homme que les Canadiens de toutes
les origines respectent et saluent toujours comme l’un de leurs, ainsi
que l’attestent nos écrits, son portrait répandu partout, son nom donné
à des divisions territoriales, à une de nos villes, à une banque, à des
rivières, lacs, navires, rues et places publiques dans notre pays.
En députant auprès de vous un ancien Président qui appartient à
le section des sciences de notre institution, le dévoué Sir Sandford
Fleming, l’un des hommes les plus distingués du Canada, nous expri-
mons de la manière la plus honorable et la plus empressée notre parti-
cipation au sentiment qui anime nos cousins de France pour la mémoire
de Jacques Cartier, comme aussi au rapprochement qu’il opère entre
nous tous, après plus de trois siècles, et malgré la distance qui nous
sépare.
N'oublions pas que si la moitié des équipages du fameux Malouin
dorment dans la terre de France, l’autre moitié reposent chez nous
dans le sol de la ville de Québec, près du monument que nous avons
élevé pour faire comprendre au peuple la courageuse entreprise de ces
marins. J’ajoute ici que l’on se tromperait grandement en France si
Yon s’imaginait que cette vénération est particulière aux Canadiens-
Français ; elle est universelle dans toutes nos provinces, comme le prou-
vent nos livres d'école, nos billets de banque, etc., bien qu’elle soit plus
intense, naturellement, au milieu du groupe de langue française, qui
a aussi conservé jusqu'à présent les lois civiles de l’ancienne mère-
patrie et tant de coutumes que vous seriez étonné de voir dans cette
Nouvelle-France du XVII siècle.
Nous travaillons donc pour la même cause. Ce qui, pour vous,
constitue une gloire nationale l’est également pour les Canadiens. Nous
sommes heureux, je le répète, de témoigner en cette circonstance com-
bien nos populations apprécient votre œuvre et d’autre part nous
sommes fiers de l’honneur que votre invitation confère à notre Société.
Je demeure, Monsieur le Président,
Votre tout dévoué serviteur,
ALEXANDER JOHNSON.
Monsieur Louis Tiercelin,
Président du comité Jacques Cartier,
Ker-Azur, Paramé (Ille et Vilaine),
France.
The letter was courteously acknowledged by the President of the
Committee.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XOX
13.—OTHER COMMITTEES.
The Council has to report that the Committee on Ethnographic
research which was appointed in connection with the British Association
has abandoned its efforts and is sending no report.
No report has been received as yet from the Committee on Geo-
logical Nomenclature.
The Committee on a Hydrographic Survey of our coasts sends the
following :
Final Report of the Committee on the Coast Hydrographic Survey.
Consisting of Mr. Sulte, Sir Sandford Fleming, Dr. T. C. Keefer,
Dr. Loudon, Dr. Bovey, Prof. McLeod and Dr. Johnson (Chairman) :—
In the report of last year, 1905 (page x. of “ Proceedings”), it
is said:— “The Committee has great reason to hope that”........
~ the efforts of the society which at the end of six years secured the
* Tidal Survey, will now, after twenty-one years, be crowned with com-
“ plete success,” 1.e., in the establishment of a Coast Hydrographic
Survey.
The committee has the great satisfaction of announcing that the
society has now fully attained this object, and that a vote was passed
by Parliament last year for the sum of $264,500, to be applied in
providing one steamer for the Atlantic Coast (additional to that for
the Tidal Survey), one for the Pacific, and for general expenses and
maintenance.
Of the value of this survey to Canada sufficient has been already
said.
The committee having thus fulfilled its duty, it hopes to the con-
tentment of the society, asks to be discharged.
(Signed on behalf of the Committee),
ALEXANDER JOHNSON,
April, 1906. Chairman.
The Committee on a Geodetic Survey of Canada reports as
follows :—
Montreal, May 16th, 1906.
Report by the Chairman of the Geodetic Surveys Committee.
The Committee on Geodetic Surveys has not made any further
representation to the Dominion Government. It notes, however, that
this important matter has now been taken up by the Canadian Society
of Civil Engineers, which, at its annual meeting in January last,
adopted the following resolution:
XXII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
“ Resolved, that the council be instructed to represent to the Dom-
inion Government the importance of action in the direction of a more
complete co-ordination of the various surveys conducted by its depart-
ments and the adoption of such methods as will secure permanent
records both in the field and in the office of all such work. In the
opinion of this meeting, the complete working of a scheme will involve
very careful study not only of the valuable work now being done, but
also of the methods which have been adopted by the government of other
countries, and should lead to the establishment of a general topograph-
ical and geodetic survey scheme for the whole Dominion.”
The Engineers’ Society has called the attention of the Government
to the resolution quoted above, in an appropriate memorandum pre-
sented by deputation to Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Premier, and it is hoped
that through this co-operation, some progress will shortly be made
toward placing the surveys of Canada on a rational basis.
C. H. Mclæon,
Charman of Geodetic Surveys Committee.
14.—-BIOLOGICAL STATIONS.
The station on the Georgian Bay is now under the management
of the Department of Marine and Fisheries, and Professor Prince has
made it the subject of a special report. He has also contributed a
detailed report on the work of the Marine Biological Station which,
during the past year was located at Gaspé. These reports will be
printed as Appendix C to the Report of Council.
15.—Tipaz SURVEY.
Dr. W. Bell Dawson has favoured the Society with his usual annual
report on the Survey of the Tides and Currents on the coasts of the
Dominion. It will be printed at the end of the Report of Council
(Appendix D).
16.—- INVITATION TO ABERDEEN.
The University of Aberdeen having been unable, for various rea-
sons, to celebrate in 1894 the four hundredth anniversary of the
foundation of King’s College, intends, with the aid of the citizens of
Aberdeen, to commemorate on September 15th, 1906, not only the found-
ation of King’s but also of Marischal College, and at the same time
to inaugurate some recently erected academic buildings. The occasion
has appealed strongly to the people of Aberdeen. Great preparations
have been made for it, and His Majesty the King is expected to be
present. An invitation in Latin and printed in the black letter text
of the fifteenth century has been received by the Society requesting
that a representative be sent to assist at the ceremonies. It is signed
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XXII
by the Vice-Chancellor and President, and is specially addressed to the
Royal Society of Canada.
17.— INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS AT QUEBEC.
The following letter has been received and the Council recommends
that it be referred to Section I. for consideration and report:
Ottawa, 28th April, 1906.
Dr. 8S. E. Dawson, F.R.S.C., etc.,
Hon. Secy. Royal Society of Canada.
: Ottawa.
Sir,
The Committee of Organization of the International Congress of
Americanists, which is to hold its Fifteenth (15th) Meeting in the
City of Quebec, from the 10th to the 15th of September of the present
year, has the honour to invite the Royal Society of Canada to appoint
a delegate or delegates to represent it at this meeting.
Will you have the kindness to mention this in your annual report
and to bring the matter officially before the Royal Society at its annual
meeting in May?
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
ROBERT BELL.
President.
18.—ASSOCIATED SOCIETIES.
The following Associated Societies have sent in reports:
SOCIETY. PLACE. DELEGATE.
Women’s Canadian Historical Society of
Toronto... SSH LORS COUT Joy eNO RENTREE MEN EEE ere
Natural History Society of Montreal..... Montreal,......... Dr. A. Nicholls.
Le Cercle Littéraire de Montréal......... Gow Vesa RASE Dr. H. M. Ami.
Literary and Historical Society of Quebec) Quebec........... P. B. Casgrain.
Nova Scotia Institute of Science......... HAUEAXEN + Dr. Henry S. Poole.
Ottawa Field Naturalists Club........... OCtAwWA TEE W. J. Wilson.
Nova Scotia Historical Society........... Halifax RENÉ M terne
Botanical Club of Canada.....)........... TOME en Dr. A. H. MacKay.
Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of
Montreal scan tec) bie ee en Montreal" R. W. McLachlan.
Natural History Society of New Bruns-
WLC ANSE AR ER RE DES EE + SD JONN..--- 70. Hon. Senator Ellis.
Canadianinstibubes PS ce. eles Toronto..... ele Ege ALLER telat ae
Entomological Society of Ontario......... Mondone aan... ee a A. F. Winn.
Literary and Scientific Society of Ottawa.| Ottawa. .......... A. H. Whitcher.
Women’s Canadian Historical Society of
OCÉANS TE MANIA. (5 fo) MA RAR ES Mrs. O'Connor.
Historical and Scientific Society of Mani-
ODA ER AU AN 2e Potins aiatelee Winnipeg nl Pleine her eee
Niagara Historical Society............... lONiiaparanecuees aoe Miss Carnochan.
SeniiiC AGSOCIAnION ES es be ee dee eekaIMLtON.. ace. Dr. Fletcher.
XXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Resolutions as follows were then passed :—
Moved by Dr. J. E. Roy, seconded by Mr. B. Sulte, and carried :—
That the report of Council, just read, be adopted.
Moved by Dr. E. Deville, seconded by Dr. Saunders, and carried :—
That the minutes of the last annual meeting as printed in the
volume of Proceedings and Transactions be confirmed,
Moved by Dr. E. Deville, seconded by Prof. Baker, and carried :—
That the following be-a committee for the nomination of officers
for the Society for the following year:— Dr. Johnson, Dr. J. E. Roy,
Sir Sandford Fleming, Lt.-Col. Denison, Mr. L. M. Lambe.
It was then moved by Sir Sandford Fleming, and seconded by
Mr. B. Sulte:
That a special committee be appointed to consider the question of
the adoption of the metric system in Canada and in other non-metric
countries and report thereon to the Society at its next general meeting.
That the special committee consist of Dr. J. E. Roy, Mr. George Murray,
Professor Baker, Dr. H. 8. Poole, along with the mover and four sup-
porters of the motion.
(The said supporters were Mr. B. Sulte, Lt.-Col. Denison, Dr.
Keefer, Sir James Grant.)
A debate having arisen, Dr. A. B. Macallum, seconded by W. W.
Campbell, moved in amendment,
That all the words after the word “that” be omitted to:substitute
the words “a committee of seven, the majority of which is to be con-
stituted of members of the two sections, Mathematical-Physical and
Geological-Biological, be appointed to consider and report on the whole
question of the metric system.
On a division the amendment was carried.
The following committee was nominated by the President :— Sir
Sandford Fleming, Dr. Rutherford, Dr. Macallum, Dr. Ellis, Lt.-Col.
Denison, Archbishop Bruchési and Mr. Sulte.
Dr. E. Deville gave notice of his intention to move the following
change in the Regulations :—
It is proposed to repeal the last paragraph of clause 7, reading as
follows :
“Any member failing to attend three years in succession, without
presenting a paper, or assigning reasons in writing satisfactory to
the Society, shall be considered to have resigned. ”
And to substitute the following paragraph :—
“Any member who has failed to attend the three preceding annual
meetings without presenting a paper, shall be placed on the retired
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XXV
list and an election to fill the vacancy thus created shall be held in
the manner prescribed by these regulations for filling vacancies; pro-
vided that the Society may, upon the recommendation of the section
to which such member belongs, suspend action under this rule until
the next annual meeting. ”
At noon the Society adjourned to enable the sections to organize
in their respective rooms.
AFTERNOON SESSION. (Tuesday, May 22).
The Society reassembled in general session at 2.30 p.m.
Delegates of associate societies were then called upon for their
reports. These will be found in Appendix E printed in full.
The report of the Women’s Canadian Historical Society of Ottawa
was read by Mrs. O’Connor.
The report of the Literary and Scientific Society of Ottawa was
read by Mr. A. H. Whitcher.
The report of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick was
read by Hon. Senator Ellis.
The report of the Ottawa Field Naturalists Club was read by
Mr. W. J. Wilson.
The report of the Nova Scotian Institute of Science was read by
Dr. H. 8S. Poole.
The Rev. G. W. Taylor, of Nanaimo, who attended the meeting
of the Society for the first time, was presented to the President and
took his seat.
The Society adjourned at 3.30 p.m.
EVENING SESSION. (Tuesday, May 22).
At 8 p.m. the President delivered his Presidential Address in the
large hall of the Normal School. Subject: “Our Semi-Jubilee and
Canada. (Vide Appendix A).
SESSION II. (Wednesday, May 23.)
The Society reassembled in general session at 11.30 a.m.
Moved by Lt.-Col. Denison, seconded by J. S. Willison, and car-
ried:
That the Society desires to record its sincere regret that His Grace
the Duke of Argyll, the founder of the Society, has been unavoidably
prevented from being present at this twenty-fifth anniversary of its
foundation; being sure that His Grace would have been pleased with
XXVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the progress of the Society and with the great development of the
country.
The report of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society was read
by its president, Mr. P. B. Casgrain.
Moved by Dr. Alex. Johnson, seconded by B. Sulte, and carried :—
That the Royal Society of Canada in annual meeting assembled
desires to express its deep regret at the recent sudden death of Professor
P. Curie, who had won so much glory for France and given so much
pleasure to the world by his eminent discoveries in science:— that
the Society offers its earnest sympathy to his widow, Madame Curie,
the sharer of his labours and successes, partner of his heart and mind,
adding her own scientific fame to the fame accorded both for their
joint work :— and that the Society hopes that strength and health and
length of days will be given her to continue for the benefit of the
world, the work in which the partnership has been so suddenly severed,
and to attain further success as a tribute to his memory and a solace
for her sorrow.
It was then moved by Dr. Johnson, seconded by Hon. Senator
Poirier, and carried :—
That a committee be appointed to communicate with His Excel-
lency the Governor-General, as Honorary President of the Society, and
request him to favour the Society by transmitting the above resolution
in the most suitable manner to Madame Curie, preferably through the
President of the French Republic.
After the resolution was carried, Sir Sandford Fleming and Sir
James Grant were named as the Committee.
Moved by Prof. D. P. Penhallow, seconded by Sir James Grant:
That the Royal Society of Canada memorialize the Government
with a view to receiving a grant of $5,000 annually, to be expended
in the promotion of original research in such ways and under such
conditions as may be determined by the Royal Society acting through
a special committee to be appointed for that purpose, and that the
Society appoint a special committee to frame and present such memorial
at the earliest opportunity.
Moved in amendment by Mr. Thomas Macfarlane, seconded by
Prof. Macoun :—
That the resolution, before being deliberated on by the Society,
be referred to the Council for consideration.
The amendment was lost and the main motion was then put to
the meeting and carried. Sir James Grant, Sir Sandford Fleming
and Professor Prince were then named as a committee.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XXVII
Moved by Lt.-Col. Denison, seconded by Professor Macoun, and
carried :—
That Mr. William Wilfred Campbell be appointed to represent
the Society at the anniversary meeting of the University of Aberdeen
in September next.
The report of the Natural History Society of Montreal was then
read by Dr. Nicholls.
The report of the Entomological Society of Ontario was read by
Mr, Albert F. Winn.
The report of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Mont-
real was read by Mr. R. W. McLachlan.
A report on behalf of the Hamilton Scientific Association was
made verbally by Dr. James Fletcher.
The Secretary of Section II. then presented the following:
REPORT oF SECTION II.
Section II. has the honour to report that some interesting meetings
were held, the attendance being greater than the average for some
years past.
Several papers were read, a list of which is appended to this report.
The following gentlemen were nominated members of the section
to fill up the vacancies:
Professor Shortt, J. H. Coyne, James Hannay, Rev. W. O. Ray-
mond, Lt.-Col. Cruikshank.
The officers of the section elected are:
President—Chancellor Burwash.
Vice-President—Dr. A. G. Doughty.
Secretary—W. Wilfred Campbell.
Printing Committee—The Vice-President, Secretary, and Mr. W.
D. Lighthall.
The section has arranged for a series of valuable papers to be
read at its future meetings.
W. W. CAMPBELL,
Secretary.
List of Papers Read.
1.—“ Sketch of the Life of Joseph Fleury Mesplet, the early Cana-
dian printer.” By R. W. McLachlan. Presented by Dr. S. E. Dawson.
2.— Richard Maurice Bucke, Philosopher, Scientist and Littéra-
teur.” By James H. Coyne, M.A. Presented by Wilfred Campbell.
XXVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
3.—* Additions and Corrections to Monographs on the Place-
Nomenclature, Cartography, Historic Sites, Boundaries and Settlement-
Origins of the Province of New Brunswick. (Contributions to the
History of New Brunswick, No, 7).” By William F. Ganong, M.A.,
Ph.D. Presented by Dr. 8. E. Dawson.
4.—“ The Birds met with by Cartier on the North-Eastern Coast
of America and especially of the Great Auk, now extinct.” By Dr.
S. E. Dawson.
5.— ‘The Ter-centenary of the Founding of Port Royal, by
De Monts.” By Dr. J. W. Longley.
6.—< The Celtic Revival, by the Rev. Father O’Boyle, O.M.I.”
Presented by Wilfred Campbell.
It was then moved by Dr. S. E. Dawson, and seconded by Dr.
A. G. Doughty:
That the nominations embodied in the report of Section II. be
acceded to and that Rule 6, relating to the election of members, be
suspended.
As under Rule 19 this motion required a majority of two-thirds
of all present, a standing vote was taken. The motion was carried
with only one dissentient.
Moved by Mr. W. W. Campbell, seconded by Mr. C. C. James,
and carried :—
That Mr. J. H. Coyne, M.A., be elected a Fellow of the Society
in Section IT.
Moved by Mr. C. C. James, seconded by Mr. W. W. Campbell,
and carried :—
That Lt.-Colonel E. Cruikshank be elected a Fellow of the Society
in Section II.
Moved by Dr. S. E. Dawson, seconded by Dr. A. G. Doughty,
and carried:
That the Rev. W. O. Raymond be elected a Fellow of the Society
in Section II.
Moved by W. W. Campbell, seconded by Mr. J. S. Willison, and
carried :—
That Professor Adam Shortt be elected a Fellow of the Society
in Section II.
Moved by Dr. A. G. Doughty, seconded by Mr. W. W. Campbell,
and carried:
That Dr. James Hannay be elected a Fellow in the Society in
Section IT.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XXIX
The report of Le Cercle littéraire de Montréal was presented by
Dr. Ami.
The Society then adjourned.
EVENING SESSION. (Wednesday, May 23).
At 8 p.m. in the large hall of the Normal School, Mr. C. C. James
delivered the annual popular lecture, having chosen for his subject
“The Downfall of the Huron Nation.” The lecture was illustrated
by many stereopticon views of the localities in which the events he
described occurred and by the reproduction of old maps throwing light
on the geography of the early days of Canada.
SESSION III. (Thursday, May 24.)
The Society reassembled in general session at 2.30 p.m.
Moved by Mr. L. M. Lambe, seconded by Dr. 8S. E. Dawson,
and carried :—
That the hearty thanks of the Society are tendered to Principal
White for the kind and considerate manner in which he has opened
the Normal School Building to the Society and has afforded every
facility, not only for the general meetings, but for the meetings of
Sections.
Moved by Mr. B. Sulte, seconded by Lt.-Col. Denison, and car-
ried :—
That the Society desires to express its sincere thanks to Mr. C. C.
James for his able and interesting lecture on “ The Downfall of the
Huron Nation,” and its appreciation of the labour and time he has
expended in the preparation, not only of the lecture, but also of the
illustrative views.
Moved by Sir Sandford Fleming, seconded by Mr. Thomas Mac-
farlane, and carried :—
That the Society hereby tenders to Dr. Saunders and to Dr. King
its sincere thanks for the courtesy with which they have thrown open
respectively the Experimental Farm and the Dominion Observatory to
the Fellows and delegates attending the present meeting.
The Special Committee on the Metric System then presented the
following: —
REPORT.
The Special Committee appointed to consider the subject of the
Metric System submitted to the general meeting on. May 22, begs
leave to report:
The Committee hesitates to express an opinion on the merits of
the proposal submitted to the Society respecting the adoption of a
XXX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
forty inch metre. This is the first time this subject has been brought
before the Royal Society, and while at this stage it is considered best
for the Society to remain uncommitted to any particular opinion, as
the new proposal invests the whole question of the metric system with
increased interest, it seems highly proper for the Society to approve
of means being taken to promote inquiry and investigation. The
Council should therefore be authorized and requested to take such means
in its discretion, and if it may seem advisable to bring the matter to
the attention of the authorities and the public.
Whereupon it was moved by Sir Sandford Fleming, seconded by
Mr. Sulte, and carried :—
That the report of the committee be adopted.
Moved by Sir Sandford Fleming, seconded by Sir James Sarant
and carried :—
That the Honorable Senator David be added to the committee on
memorializing the Government for a grant of $5,000 annually to be
expended on original research.
The Secretary of the Section, Dr. Deville, then presented the
REPORT or SECTION III.
The Third Section submits the following report for the session
of 1906 :—
The section has held four meetings at which seventeen members
were present as follows :—
Prof, Alfred Baker, President; | Dr. (2: Fs) Barnes, Dr: We) 5;
Dawson, Dr. E. Deville, Dr. W. H. Ellis, Sir Sandford Fleming, Dr.
G. P. Girdwood, Dr. J. C. Glashan, Dr. G. C. Hoffmann, Dr. A. John-
son, Dr. T. C. Keefer, Prof. Lash Miller, Mr. T. Macfarlane, Prof.
C. H. McLeod, Prof. R. B. Owens, Prof. E. Rutherford, Mr. F. T.
Shutt.
Letters were received from the following members expressing regret
for their absence:
Prof. H. T. Bovey, Prof. N. F. Dupuis, Dr. W. L. Goodwin,
Dr. B. J. Harrington, President J. T. Loudon, Prof. J. C. McLennan,
Mr. R. F. Stupart.
Twenty-three papers were read either in full or by titles; a list
cf the papers is appended.
The officers elected for the ensuing year were:
President—Prof. EK. Rutherford.
Vice-President—Prof. W. Lash Miller.
Secretary—Dr. E. Deville.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XXXI
A publication committee consisting of the officers of the section,
Prof. McLeod and Dr. Glashan was appointed.
With regard to the proposal to invite the various officials of the
Meteorological Departments of the Empire to meet in Ottawa in 1907,
which proposal was referred to Section III., it is the opinion of the
section that before making a recommendation, it is desirable that cor-
respondence be entered upon with these officials with a view of settling
the most suitable place and time for meeting and the questions to be
discussed, and that in the meantime action should be deferred, and Mr.
Stupart requested to conduct such correspondence.
EK. DEVILLE,
Secretary.
Inst of Papers Read.
1.—Presidential Address. “The Foundations of Geometry.” By
Prof. Alfred Baker.
2.—< Abacus of the Altitude and Azimuth of the Pole Star.”
By Dr. E. Deville.
3.— Notes sur la mécanique Céleste, les Mathématiques, le Calcul
différentiel et l’Algèbre, par le Dr. Arthur Duval. Presentées par
M. Benjamin Sulte.
4— On the Metallic Currency of the British Empire.” By
Thomas Macfarlane.
5.—“< On the Analysis of Wheaten Flour.” By Thomas Macfarlane.
6.—“ On the Conservation of Nitrogen in Manure.” By Thomas
Macfarlane.
7.—“ A new form of Frequency Indicator.” By Prof. R. B. Owens.
8.—* Differential Temperature Records in Meteorological Work.”
By Prof. C. H. McLeod and Dr. H. T. Barnes.
9.— An Aluminium and Magnesium Cell.” By Mr. G. H. Cole
and Dr. H. T. Barnes.
10.—“ Nocturnal Radiation.” By Dr. H. T. Barnes.
11.—* Radiation as the Cause of Anchor Ice Formation.” By Dr.
H. T. Barnes. |
12.—“ The Effect of Tensile Stress on Specific Resistance.” By
Mr. R. W. Boyle. Presented by Dr. H. T. Barnes.
13.—< Effect of an Electric Current on the Modulus of Elasticity.”
By Mr. R. W. Boyle. Presented by Dr. H. T. Barnes.
14.—“ On Deficient Humidity of the Atmosphere.” By Dr. T. A.
Starkey and Dr. H. T. Barnes.
15.—“ Mass of the aw Particles Expelled from Radium.” By
Prof. E. Rutherford, F.R.S.
XXXII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
16.—< Some Peculiar Effects resulting from the Distribution of
the Intensity of the Radiation from Radioactive Sources.” By Prof.
E. Rutherford, F.R.S.
17.—“ A New Product of Actinium.” By O. Hahn, Ph.D. Pre-
sented by Prof. Rutherford.
18.—“ The Origin of the # rays from Radioactive Substances.”
By W. Levin, Ph.D. Presented by Prof. Rutherford.
19.—% Isomorphism as Illustrated by Certain Varieties of Mag-
netite.” By Dr. B. J. Harrington.
20.—* An Investigation on the Value of the Indentation Test for
Steel Rails.” By H. K. Dutcher, M.Sc. Presented by Dean Henry
T. Bovey.
21.—* On the Effect of Dissolved Gases on Metal Surfaces.” By
Dr EM: ory. Presented by Dr. i, Warnes:
22.—< On Vectors considered as Numbers affected with Sign and
Bearing.” By Dr. J. C. Glashan.
23.—“ A Method of determining the Specific Heat of ‘Gases. By
Dr. H. T. Dawes. Presented by Prof. J. C. McLennan.
The Secretary of the Section, Mr. Lawrence M. Lambe, presented
the
REPORT oF SECTION IV.
Section IV. begs to report that its sessions, four in number, have
been unusually well attended, and the number of papers presented larger
than for some years past.
The average attendance of members of the section was eighteen,
there being also a number of visitors from other sections and from
the general public.
Twenty-nine papers in all were read before the section, in full,
in abstract or by title, four of these being presented by gentlemen not
members of the Society.
Some most interesting discussions took place on points suggested
by many of the papers.
The following officers were elected for the coming year :—
President—Professor Edward E. Prince.
Vice-President—Professor Frank D. Adams.
Secretary—Mr. Lawrence Lambe.
LAWRENCE LAMBE,
Secretary.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XXXII
List of Papers Read.
1.—% On the Sleeping Sickness”; with Microscopic Illustrations.
By Sir James Grant.
2.— Illustrations of the Fossil Fishes of the Devonian Rocks of
Canada.” .Part III. By Dr. J. F. Whiteaves.
3.—* Bibliography of Canadian Zoology, exclusive of Entomology,
for the year 1905.” By Dr. J. F. Whiteaves.
4.—* Bibliography of Canadian Botany, for the year 1905.” By
Dr: A. Hi. MacKay.
5.—* Report of the Botanical Club of Canada, including Pheno-
logical Observations for the year 1905.” By Dr. A. H. MacKay.
6.—“ New Points in the Structure and Development of the
Pharyngeal Teeth in Fishes.” By Professor Edward E. Prince.
.7—* The Form and Structure of Lamp-organs in certain Fishes.”
By Professor Edward E. Prince.
8.—* On Amyzon Brevipinne, Cope, from the Amyzon beds of the
Southern Interior of British Columbia.” By Lawrence M. Lambe.
9.—“ Review of the Flora of the Little River Group, Part I., the
Calamarie.” By Dr. G. F. Matthew.
10.—* Notes on Tertiary and Cretaceous Plants.” By Professor
D. P. Penhallow.
11.—% A Remarkable Outgrowth from the Trunk of a White
Birch.” By Professor D. P. Penhallow.
12.—* Bibliography of Canadian Geology and Paleontology for
the year 1905.” By Dr. H. M. Ami.
13.—* Gypsum Deposits of New Brunswick, with special reference
to their Origin.” By Professor L. W. Bailey.
14.—“ Features of the Continental Shelf off Nova Scotia.” By
Dr. H. $. Poole.
15.—“ Note sur les Bassins Hydrographiques des Rivières Mont-
morency et Ste-Anne.” By Abbe J. C. K. Laflamme.
16.—* Critical Notes on the Geometridæ of British Columbia”;
with descriptions of fourteen species. By Rev. G. W. Taylor.
17.—* Notes on the Mineral Fuels of Canada.” By Dr. R. W. Ells.
18.— Some Unsolved Problems in Immunity.” By Dr. A. G.
Nicholls. Presented by Prof. Wesley Mills.
19.—* Bibliography of Canadian Entomology for 1905.” By Rev.
Dr. Ç. J. S. Bethune.
20.— Some Experimental Investigations into the Flow of Rocks.”
By Professor Frank D. Adams.
Proc., 1906. 3.
XXXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
21.—“ South African Iron Formations.” By Professor A. P.
Coleman.
22.—“ Studies in Canadian Fungi.” 1.—“ The Imperfect Fungi.”
By John Dearness. Communicated by Dr. G. U. Hay. 2.—“ The Hyd-
nums and their Allies.” By Dr. G. U. Hay.
23.—“ Observations on and Criticism of Microchemical Methods.”
By Dr. A. B. Macallum.
24.—“ A Chapter in Comparative Physiology and Psychology.”
By Dr. T. Wesley Mills.
25.—“ The Structure of the Mesoglea in the Meduse, Aurella
Flavidula and Cyanea Arctica.” By Dr. A. B. Macallum.
26.—% Distribution of Bacteria in Canadian Cheddar Cheese.”
By Prof. F. C. Harrison. Presented by Dr. Fletcher.
27.—“ Legume Bacteria.” By Prof. F. C. Harrison. Presented
by Dr. Fletcher.
28.—“ On the Structure of an Abnormal Chick Embryo.” By
Professor R. Ramsay Wright.
29.—* On some Fossils from Northern Canada, collected by Com;
mander Low, during the Expedition of 1903-1904, together with notes
on the Geological Horizons to which they belong.” By Dr. H. M. Ami.
The Secretary of the Section, Mr. Léon ‘Gérin, then presented the
following :—
REPORT OF SECTION I.
La section a l’honneur de soumettre le procès-verbal de ses
délibérations :—
Présents :— Le président, J. Edmond Roy; le secrétaire, Léon
Gérin; Mgr. Bruchési, les honorables MM. Poirier et David, M. l’abbé
Auguste Gosselin, MM. Sulte et Errol Bouchette.
Des lettres d’excuse ont été reçues de la part de Mgr Bégin, Mgr
Paquet, Sir James LeMoine, et de M. Pabbé Camille Roy.
La section a siégé les 22, 23 et 24 mai 1906.
Conformément 4 une décision prise par la société Royale, en 1899,
à l'effet d'offrir une médaille d’or à un écrivain canadien qui se sera
distingué par ses travaux littéraires, la section a résolu d'accorder cette
médaille à Laura Conan (Mlle Angers), auteur de l’Oublié et autres
romans de mœurs canadiennes.
Des diplômes d’honneur sont décernés à M. Lagacé, critique d’art,
de Montréal; M. l’abbé Perrier, conférencier, de Montréal; M. Adjutor
Rivard, avocat, secrétaire de la société du parler Français, de Québec:
et M. l’abbé S. A. Lortie, de la société d'Economie sociale, de Québec.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XXXV
La section exprime le vœu que les statuts de la société Royale
soient traduits en français et imprimés.
Que Particle No 19 du règlement soit modifié de manière à ce
que l’assemblée générale ne soit jamais appelée à suspendre ses régle-
ments lorsqu'il s’agira de l’élection d’un membre.
Que les membres de la section aient des réunions mensuelles locales
à Québec et à Ottawa, dans le but d’étudier et suivre le mouvement
littéraire de la région et de faire rapport à l’assemblée annuelle de
la société. A ces réunions régionales, 11 est désirable que les membres
de la section se mettent en rapport avec les sociétés locales.
Que le président, M. le sénateur Poirier, Pabbé Camille Roy,
Fhon. M. Chapais et M. Ernest Gagnon soient délégués pour repré-
senter la société à la réunion des Américanistes à Quebec, en septembre
prochain.
Il a été lu une lettre de sir James LeMoine, dans lequelle il
demande, vu son grand âge, d’être mis sur la liste des membres à la
retraite. Mais la section est désireuse de garder ce collègue si dis-
tingué sur la liste de ses membres actifs.
La section décide que pour l’année académique 1906-7 il n’est
pas à propos d’élire de membres additionnels. Il existe maintenant
dans la section trois vacances. M Fréchette a été, à sa demande,
mis sur la liste des membres retraités MM. Bellemare et Richard
sont décédés.
L’honorable M. L.-O. David a été prié de représenter la société
Royale à l'inauguration de la statue de Crémazie à Montréal; et il a
accepté.
Les travaux suivants ont été lus et renvoyés au comité de revision
de manuscrits :
Discours présidentiel, par M. J.-Edmond Roy.
Nos trois cloches, poésie par Pamphile LeMay.
Les anciens Canadiens de P. A. Gaspé, par M. Vabbé Camille
Roy.
Les successeurs de La Verendrye, par Vhon. M. L. A. Prud’homme.
L'habitant Canadien-français, par Léon Gérin.
L’instruction primaire et le progrès social, par Errol Bouchette.
Inventaire chronologique des livres, brochures, etc., publiés en
langue anglaise dans la province de Québec, par N. E. Dionne.
Voyage de l'abbé Holmes d’après sa correspondance, par Vabbé A.
Gosselin.
L'habitation de Samos, par M. P. B. Casgrain.
XXXVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Un Viel Historien de la Nouvelle France, par Vhonorable M.
Thomas Chapais.
Le Commerce de France avec le Canada avant 1760, par M.
B. Sulte.
Essai sur Charlevoix, par M. J.-Edmond Roy.
Lafontaine et Baldwin, par Vhon. M. L.-0. David.
La République d'Indian Stream, par M. F. J. Audet.
MM. B. Sulte, A. D. DeCeiles et l’hon. M. T. Chapais ont été
chargés de faire la revision des manuscrits.
Le bureau suivant a été élu pour l’année 1906-7:
M. Vabbé Camille Roy, président,
L’hon. M. T. Chapais, vice-président.
M. Errol Bouchette, secrétaire.
Lion GÉRIN.
Secrétaire.
It was then moved by Mr. B. Sulte, seconded by labbé Gosselin,
and carried :—
Que Mgr J. C. K. Laflamme, l’hon. Pascal Poirier, M. l’abbé Roy,
VPhon. Thomas Chapais et M. Ernest Gagnon soient délégués pour
représenter la société Royale à la réunion des Américanistes à Québec
en septembre prochain.
The committee on nominations reported as follows :—
For President, Dr. Saunders.
For Vice-President, Dr. 8. E. Dawson.
For Honorary Secretary, Dr. James Fletcher.
For Honorary Treasurer, Lawrence M. Lambe.
Whereupon the following resolutions were passed unanimously:
Moved by Dr. J. E. Roy, seconded by Mr. Léon ‘Gérin, and
carried :—
That Dr. William Saunders be elected President for the ensuing
year.
Moved by Sir Sandford Fleming, seconded by Sir James Grant,
and carried :—
That Dr. 8. E. Dawson be elected Vice-President for the ensu-
ing year.
Moved by Lt.-Col Denison, seconded by Dr. Girdwood, and
carried :—
That Dr. James Fletcher be elected Honorary Secretary for the
ensuing year.
PROCEEDINGS FOR 1906 XXXVII
Moved by Dr. H. J. Morgan, seconded by Mr. Thos. Macfarlane,
and carried :—
That Mr. Lawrence Lambe be elected Honorary Treasurer for the
ensuing year.
No further business being brought forward the President then
declared the twenty-fifth annual session closed.
After the meeting closed the members attended the reception given
at the Dominion Observatory and Experimental Farm by Mrs. Saunders
and Mrs. King. The grounds and laboratories of the farm were thrown
open for the inspection of visitors by permission of the Director. Dr.
King, the Dominion Astronomer, conducted the Fellows over the new
Observatory, and explained the complete and beautiful apparatus with
which it has been provided by the Government.
EVENING SESSION (Thursday, May 24.)
At 8.15 p.m. the Fellows and delegates assembled at the Russell
House at a dinner, at which the retiring president, Dr. Alex. Johnson,
presided.
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APPENDIX A
OUR SEMI JUBILEE AND CANADA
By Pror. ALEXANDER JOHNSON, M.A., LL.D., D.C.L.
President’s Address, May 22nd, 1906
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PRESIDENTS ADDRESS
Our Semi-Jubilee has arrived, and it belongs to my office to speak of
the Society, its origin, its objects, and its success.
First, however, let me express with a warm heart, although with im-
perfect words, the thanks which I feel that I owe to the society which
has elected me to be its president at such an epoch in its history, the
society which is itself representative of all that is highest and best, in
the Literature and Science of the Dominion and is in sympathy with and
supported by the lovers of knowledge and of intellectual culture, who
have their more frequent gatherings for the same objects in the widely
scattered local centres of this quarter of the empire.
How did this Society originate? Not from any action of our own.
Separation by long distances and other obstacles prevented mutual ac-
quaintance and union in the past. I speak as one who was a University
Professor long before the existence of the society.
The Founder, the Duke of Argyll.
But fortunately we had in 1881, as governor-general, a far-seeing
statesman, then Marquis of Lorne, who could estimate rightly the future
of this country and foresee its needs. Fortunately, too, when initiating
the movement, he was able to call to his assistance in organizing the
young society a man so wonderfully capable and energetic as the late Sir
William Dawson.
The idea was entirely that of the Marquis himself as Sir William
tells us in his autobiography. Indeed Sir William says that his own pre-
‘ference would have been for a purely scientific society like the Royal
Society of London, but the Marquis had before him the thought of
the French Institute also, in which literature has its place; and there
is much to be said for his decision.
Literature and Science.
If I may speak as a member of our scientific division and on its be-
half, we may acknowledge that, while we are all proud of the wonders
science has done for mankind yet, if we compare its efforts for good or
evil with the influence of literature, we find that while the amazing pro-
ductions of science may bulk large before the eye at any one place or
time yet a general view brings before us the transcendent powers of
literature. The costly guns and equipment of a monster’ man-of-war
dwarf the small and inexpensive flag that floats above it. But behind
XLII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the guns are only the fighting men of the ship while behind the flag are
the sentiment and strength of an empire. This conviction, no doubt,
prevailed with the founder of our society, although there were some
practical considerations in favour of the limitation of the scheme to
science, at least at the beginning.
Sir William Dawson.
Sir William accepted the views of the Marquis, and _ heartily
co-operated in laying the foundations of a society with which, as he says
himself, he hoped his name would ever be associated, as I associate it
to-day. In testimony to the appreciation of his work, he was twice ap-
pointed President, a unique honour in the society.
Objects of the Society.
It was intended to be the Parliament of Literature and
Science for Canada, where the most eminent representatives from all the
provinces could assemble for the promotion of both. It was to be a
University for Universities where the teachers of teachers,and the investi-
gators of truth, should themselves get new knowledge, while contributing
the results of their researches and gaining fresh stimulus from the spirit
of association. It was, in fine, to be the heart of knowledge and research,
idriving the life-blood through the extremities and making it circulate
through the whole of the Dominion.
These were noble objects that the Duke of Argyll set before him.
But more than this was evidently meant.
The Two Languages.
Such a society would bring together the leaders of thought and cul-
ture jn both languages and by mutual acquaintance tend to promote
mutual respect and regard. How successful it has been in this, I suppose
we can all testify. I for one am greatly sensible how much both of
benefit and pleasure I have derived from contact with the eminent men
having French for their mother-tongue whom I have met here, some of
whom have passed away, but whose names are not forgotten.
It was sound statesmanship, even if we look for nothing higher to
create two literary sections, one for each language, as a testimony to the
belief in the permanent co-existence of both languages, and so diminish
and help to remove à certain nervousness on the subject which is now
fading away, if not wholly departed; but which I believe would not
APPENDIX A XLII
have arisen, if many could have had the same experience as I had some
years ago; to my own great astonishment, I admit.
It will be acknowledged that if the whole French-speaking popula-
tion of Canada could be transferred to England and settled there within
five or six hours of London, there would be much greater probability of
the absorption of the French language than under present conditions.
Well, you will find actually in that position, a people about the same in
numbers, with a language and literature which are not English, and with
an enthusiasm for their language and literature which is not exceeded
anywhere; who have preserved both for more than six hundred years; a
people who have great weight in the Imperial Parliament, and who are
more than satisfied with their influence in it and in the Empire at large.
Who are more loyal to the Empire than the Welsh? I might even say, .
who more devoted, maintaining it with true Celtic fervour? It is their
own. Nevertheless there is a large part of that people who cannot speak
a word of English. Books will give you no conception of this fact.
You must go and live in Wales for a short time to appreciate the reality.
spent a month there, near the chief centre for English tourists, and
yet I was sometimes obliged to use the language of signs alone to try to
convey my requests; with varying results. The only part of a symbolical
sentence that was an invariable success was the exhibition of the Queen’s
profile on silver.
Aid to the Government.
There was a hope also that the Government would sometimes find the
advice of the society useful within the society’s own field. That the re-
presentatives of the people at large would take counsel with the repre-
sentatives of that portion of the people who live on the hill nearer the
sources of knowledge from which issue the descending streams that en-
rich and beautify the practical life of the community. And this hope
has been fulfilled.
Courtesy and Official Action of the Government.
It is an evidence of the success of our Canadian constitution that the
Government elected by the people, has shown itself without distinction
of party always ready to receive the representations of this society, wita
ecurtesy, and while proceeding with deliberative caution, to act witn
liberality when satisfied.
Tidal and Hydrographic Surveys.
This very day one of your committees has reported two instances
under two separate governments, in which surveys have been established
for the safety of Canadian navigation on the suggestions of this Society.
XLIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Visit of the B.A.A.S. to Winnipeg.
You have also a report before you showing with what quick apprecia-
tion the present Prime Minister received a deputation from the Society
jast year, and how promptly, after inquiry, he agreed to propose to Par-
liament a handsome grant to enable us to have a visit from the British
Association in Winnipeg.
International Geological Congress.
It will not be forgotten that in a previous year a similar request con-
cerning a visit from the International Geological Congress, was received
in a similar spirit and with equal, liberality. We can only regret that
* the Congress could not come, and hope for better fortune on a future
opportunity, after the visit of the B.A.A.S. to Winnipeg, which according
to precedent, may be safely counted on in due course.
Provision for Visits of Associations from other Countries. ¢
But how are we to make sure of a future opportunity? What
everybody desires, everybody may expect his neighbour to get for him;
and then every effort becomes a matter of chance; or again, two different
desires may present themselves to two persons at the same time and then
there may be a clash of efforts. That visits of associations like our own
from other countries will be of great value to Canada and are thus very
desirabley all feel; but how are we to get them if we have no system?
Ought we not to put on some smali committee or on the Council, the
responsibility of recommending to the society from time to time, at re
gulated intervals, if possible, invitations for such visits ?
Chance and not-chance.
If not they will be left to chance. I speak with knowledge, for if
I may be excused for mentioning the fact, it was due to chance that the
movements for two meetings of the B.A.A.S. in Canada (out of three
altogether), were initiated by the same individual, myself. One being
for the meeting in Toronto in 1897, which was started by correspondence
with leading men in Toronto immediately after my return from the
Edinburgh meeting in 1892. The other for Winnipeg, as the Rev. Dr.
Bryce very kindly indicated, when bringing forward the resolution last
year in this society; I had been waiting for months previously to maka
the suggestion to him at the meeting of the society, in connection with
what is now the third city in population in Canada. How ably and
successfully he has organized the movement we all know. I can there-
APPENDIX A XLV
fcre speak with conviction when I say chance, although the chances were
perhaps increased by the fact that I was connected with both the R.S.C.
and the B.A.A.S. as chairman of committees of both.
What however is not a matter of chance but is due to the forethought
of the Duke of Argyll, and to the corporate character of the society he
founded, is, that a member who lived the retired life of a University
Professor, sunk fathoms deep in lectures, as most professors were in ante-
society days, and very many are now, should have had the opportunity
to emerge occasionally, and through the gathering together of his col-
leagues from all parts of Canada and the backing and encouragement
which they gave him, should have been able twice to influence the
Parliament to pass such large measures for the safety of our ships on
both oceans, and of the lives of our sailors; and twice to initiate the
movements for bringing across the Atlantic to Canada one of the
greatest scientific associations of the world.
Have we not here plain encouragement to members who from) their
position see, and dislike to see, Canada lagging behind on any line of
rational development, and are willing to undertake the laborious and
often disheartening task of trying to quicken the action of the people and
the government?
Central Position of Canada.
There is an additional and a strong reason Yor an amendment in our
regulations or by-laws so as to make specific allotment of the responsi-
bility I advocate. It is the central position of Canada in the Empire.
I ‘have made an estimate of the time and expenses of travelling from
London to Australia and New Zealand or vice versa and if any one els?
will do the same, he will find that they are greater than to South Africa,
and so great as to preclude, in géneral, visits of a body of University
Professors to or from those countries. But professors from Australia
and New Zealand could get to Winnipeg and back in the limited time at
their disposal and, no doubt, they will be invited. Besides, and this is
no small advantage, the American Association can, as on former occa-
sions, so choose its place of meeting for the year, that visits may be in-
terchanged to our mutual gain. We may hope therefore for more visits
in the future than in the past and ought to make provision accordingly.
Papers in the Transactions.
So far I have spoken only of the corporate action of the society; of
what it has been to do as a body. I should have liked, if it were
possible, to give some sketch of an analytical classification of the mass
of papers that have been published by the members during the 25 years.
XLVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
But who could do this with such a variety of subjects? A list of the
titles ; a full index, would be undoubtedly of great value, and would mark
the epoch in a notable manner. ‘This, as you will see from the pro-
gramme for the meeting, has been generously undertaken by the presi-
cent of last year, M. B. Sulte, and for it we owe him our hearty thanks.
But it must always be remembered, that the work of this society,
meeting, as it does, only once a year, presents only a small part of the
work done by its members. For a view of the whole we must look, not
only in publishers’ lists, but in the magazines and journals of this and
other countries, especially for papers whose prompt publication is neces-
sary. We made a much needed amendment, last year, in our rules so
as to secure more speedy publication, which will no doubt increase in
suture, the number of papers in our Transactions; and to this I would
call the attention of members who may not have noticed it.
It would be practical proof of the value of a society of this character
t> the members severally if we could conveniently collect their evidence,
especially that of the senior members, who are able to contrast the past
with the present; and submit even a summary. Perhaps it may be ob-
tained in the future. Meanwhile I offer as a contribution my own ex-
perience in this and other associations, as of one fully sensible of the con-
trast between the ante-society days and the present time.
#
Principle of Verification.
In preparing this matter, the great principle of verification, of which
we all know the value for the establishment of truth, whether of hy-
potheses, or theories, or quotations, or the meaning of words, in science
or in literature, was strikingly brought before me, by instances of its
neglect. Neglect too, in perhaps the least expected case, that of the
iabours of Newton, “qui genus humanum ingenio superavit,” as the
quotation from Lucretius, on his monument at Cambridge says, and the
general verdict affirms.
The first two instances that I shall submit, came in my way, quite
casually, at the meeting of the American Association, in Montreal, in the
same year as that of the foundation of this Society.
The year after Newton’s death, a work entitled the “System of the
World” and professing to be by him, was published, giving in English,
a kind of popular account of his discoveries. Nearly 140 years after-
wards, in 1867, doubts of its genuineness were expressed in Knight’s
English Cyclopedia, but apparently no further inquiry was made.
This book had been reprinted and bound up with an English transla-
tion of the Principia, giving the impression that it was part of the Prin-
cipia. A member of the American Association, having discovered in
APPENDIX A XLVII
the book a huge mathematical blunder in calculating the attraction of
two spheres, very properly reported his discovery to the mathematical
and physical section, and created a very lively discussion.
By good fortune I had both books in my possession, the English
“ System of the World,” dated 1731, and the Latin Principia in the
standard edition of the present day. This proved that the former was
no ipart of the | Principia, and the enormity of the blunder settled the
question about genuineness raised in the Encyclopædia. Newton could
not have made it. It was of the same character as that sometimes made
by a school boy at an examinaition, when he calculates that the interest
on $300 for 6 months at 6 per cent is about $72,000.
I may add as exemplifying that science is independent of nationality,
that the;jstandard edition spoken of, was a reprint of the edition pub-
lished about twelve years after Newton’s death, with a commentary, also
in Latin, by two Frenchmen, PP. Le Sueur and Jacquier, priests of the
Gallican order of Minims, that it was edited by them at Rome, and
dedicated to a French Cardinal, Rohan.
The second instance occurred at the same meeting and was more in-
teresting. or about thirty years previously English text-books on
optics had been stating and even lamenting, especially after the inven-
tion of the spectroscope, that Newton had never used the slit instead of
the round hole for the admission of light on the prism in the formation
of the spectrum. I happened to have a copy of Newton’s “Opticks” and
knew tliat the statement was wrong. He mentions very particularly the
edvantages of the slit. But I was afraid to write about the error. For,
surely, I thought, there must be many eminent men of science in Eng-
land who know of it, and if they think it unnecessary to make a correc-
tion why should I interfere? It cannot be so common as it appears
to be.
The late Dr. Rowland, of Johns Hopkins’ University happened to be
exhibiting his concave gratings with their beautiful effects in the resolu-
tion of the spectrum, when a prominent scientific man, after prolonged
inspection, expressed the usual regret about Newton. After that, 1
-immediately wrote a short note to a weekly scientific magazine; but with
no result apparently. I subsequently repeated Newton’s experiments
in Newton’s manner exactly, and submitted a paper thereon to this
Society showing that it was absolutely impossible to avoid seeing the dark
lines, although Newton makes no mention of them. In books published
since that time the statement has been given correctly.
Why Newton didn’t see the lines may be explained either by the fact
that he trusted to an assistant of whom he speaks or that the quality of
his glass was bad, possibly obstructing somewhat the passage of the light,
XLVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
and scattering it internally. It would appear also that for about 70
years after Newton’s death nobody repeated his experiments or else the
glass was bad, and the lines were not discovered until Wollaston’s time.
His paper was published in the Philosophical Transactions in 1802.
Although quotations from the “Opticks” are not very uncommon it
would jappear from the next instance I shall produce that’ the book ts
difficult of access. It would be a benefit to science if some wealthy
American University were to reprint so famous a work, a model of clear-
ness and accurate experiment.
Newton and Herbert Spencer.
This third instance occurred a few years earlier, when Herbert
Spencer was led to put his opinions directly in opposition to those of
Newton, in Natural Philosophy itself, through a mistake about the
meaning of a word in the Principia, which would have been avoided
had the “ Opticks ” been consulted. Newton calls the laws of motion
“axioms”; Spencer, evidently having in his mind the ordinary use of
the word axiom in the modern editions of Euclid, as meaning a self-
evident proposition, insisted that Newton employed it in this sense.
An inspiriting discussion in print followed which ended by Spencer’s
acknowledging that Newton attached a different meaning to the word.
The proof was obtained from Newton’s letters, and in the whole
discussion no reference was made to the “ Opticks.” Yet a glance at the
book would have ended the debate. Newton begins it with definitions
and axioms. The “axioms” are the Laws of “Reflexion and Refraction,”
and these, as some school boys know, are established by experiment solely.
Spencer says that Newton “ gives the word axiom a sense widely unlike
the sense in which it is usually accepted,” implying perhaps some
censure on Newton. If “usually” means usually at the present day,
Spencer is correct. But is it possible he can have forgotten that a word
may change its meaning with the lapse of time? A very brief inquiry
would have shown that Newton used the word accurately both in the
“ Opticks ” and the “ Principia.” No deeper research is required than
turning over the leaves of Liddell and Scott to find that it was employed
by Aristotle to signify “that which is assumed as a basis of demonstra-
tion ;” for “ assumption ” in short, or “ postulate;” the root idea being
that of worthiness, something worthy of acceptance without disputation.
Nor is Euclid responsible for the word, since he didn’t use it and is thus
doubly free from the charge of calling his principle about parallel lines
“ self-evident.”
The question arose in a controversy between Herbert Spencer and
Prof. Tait. The latter in his Thermodynamics asserts that Natural
APPENDIX A XLIX
Philosophy is an experimental and not an intuitive science. “No à priori
reasoning can conduct us demonstratively to a single physical truth.”
“T hold, on the contrary,” says Spencer “that as there are a priori
“mathematical truths the consciousness of wnich results, not from our
“ individual experiences, but from the organized and inherited effects of
“ancestral experiences, received throughout an immeasurable past; so
“there are à priori physical truths, our consciousness of which has a like
“origin. I have endeavoured to show that Prof. Tait himself by say-
“ing of physical axioms that the appropriately cultivated intelligence
“sees at once their necessary truth, tacitly classes them with mathema-
“tical axioms of which this self-evidence is also the recognized character.
“ Further I have contended that the Laws of Motion are a priori truths
“of this kind; are enunciated by Newton as such ”—Spencer then goes
on to quote Tait’s reason for asserting that the Laws of Motion are not to
be accepted as valid à priori. “The reason is that as the properties of
“matter might have been such as to render a totally different set of laws
‘axiomatic, these laws must be considered as resting on observation and
“ experiment, and not on intuitive perception.” This is also the opinion
of Newton as expressed in his letters. If Herbert Spencer had ever
lectured to a class of students on the Second Law of Motion he might
have been tempted to explain their want of intuitive perception of its a
priori truth by a limitation of the “immeasurable past” in their
“ ancestral experiences,” and put the origin of man as recent.
The position of Spencer in the disputation was like that of an army
which while fighting the enemy in front is unexpectedly assailed in the
flank by a force called in as an auxiliary. But Spencer did not quail.
He faced the new foe with undaunted courage, supported probably by
the conviction that while his adversary seemed to be on his own territory
of Physics, he was on the very verge, if he had not actually crossed the
boundary line of Metaphysics, a department which borders on all the
Physical and Natural sciences, and appears to have to some students in
these departments the fascinating advantage for polemic purposes of a
general absence of axioms (i.e., of propositions universally admitted).
Hence combatants with differing opinions can each choose his own
axioms i.e assumptions, to support his own views, and confound adver-
saries. Much logomachy may thus leave general satisfaction. No one
is confuted. Alchemy.
Passing on from a consideration of the uses of the Society to recent
progress in science, in which Canada like all the rest of the world, is in-
terested; and more perhaps, than most of it, in one division of the do-
main of Physics, we shall come casually on other rather surprising in-
Proc., 1906. 4.
L ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
stances of this neglect of verification. We meet also an exemplification
of the epigram that it is the unexpected that happens.
Who could have expected that this advance would have brought us
again to the old and apparently dead question of alchemy? The name
and (the subject had been both handed over long ago to the romancists,
as a degitimate province in which they might work their magic, by in-
troducing Hermes Trismegistus, and the Philosopher’s Stone, and the
“ Adepts ”, as for example the “ Adept” depicted by Scott in “ Kenil-
worth.”
Sixteen centuries back, the Roman Emperor Diocletian commanded
that all books on Alchemy should be burnt; but he did not thereby kill
out man’s greed for gain, or spirit of inquiry. Unbroken ill-success for
many ages, however, produced the natural effect of despair. The his-
tcrian Gibbon commenting on the fact says, “ Philosophy with the aid
‘< of experience, has at length banished the study.” In this he expressed
the general opinion that prevailed for more than a century.
A similar opinion ‘was otherwise indicated by a comparatively recent
writer, when, referring to the famous Friar Bacon, who lived nearly
seven centuries from the present time, he said “ Notwithstanding the
“great learning and scientific acquirements of Bacon he was deeply im-
“bued with the mystery of Alchemy: this is the more remarkable,
“ because he exposes the absurdity of believing in magic, necromancy or
“charms.” The writer classes alchemy among the “ absurdities.” The
reputation of the celebrated friar will, however, be increased, to-day, in-
stead of lessened by his differing opinion.
The prevailing opinion was not universal. One of the problems of
the Alchemists was the transmutation of the baser metals into gold, and
we know that both Boyle and Newton believed that this was attainable.
Boyle made experiments, one of which by its apparent approximation
t» success so alarmed Newton that he advised concealment. This may
have been because of a statute of Henry IV, which forbade “ the multi-
plying of gold and silver.” Certain it is that not long before his death
Boyle procured the repeal of the statute in order to remove an obstacie
from the path of others. Newton himself continued his experiments to
a late period of his life. When he was a young man, about 26 years or
age, he wrote to a young friend of his own, who was going to the Con-
tinent, and asked him particularly to make observations on mines and
mining, and “the extracting of metals or minerals out of their ores,”
to learn if there were any transmutation out of one species into another,
such transmutations, he adds, being “the most luciferous and many
“times lucriferous experiments, too, in philosophy.”
APPENDIX A LT
Dr. George Wilson, brother of the late Sir Daniel Wilson, of
Toronto University, in his essay on Boyle, published about the middle ot
the last century, remarks that there is no à priori objection to the possi-
bility of transmutation as there is to the possibility of a self-sustaining
perpetual motion. “It may be realized any day ” he says.
It has been partially realized to-day, to the extent, that is, that na-
ture has been discovered working transformations of some of the chemical
elements, and science is now eagerly inquiring to how many elements the
process extends. But no one has yet learned to imitate the powers ot
nature in this respect.
Greek Atomic Theory.
As consequences of these discoveries, two erroneous opinions have got
abroad; one, of a vague popular character, that a fatal defect has been
found in the basis of chemistry; the other, more definite, that the old
Atomic Theory has been disestablished, and the death-knell of the Atom
rung. A slight sketch may show that these opinions have no sufficient
foundation.
| It may occur to any one who has noticed a stone ground to powder
or a drop of water subdivided to the cover of a pin-point, to inquire how
far the subdivision can be carried. The question is not limited to what
can be seen by the naked eye, or detected by the most powerful micro-
scope but extends beyond the region of sight to what can be inferred by
sound reasoning from careful observations.
It is, as Newton put it, and as Lord Kelvin re-states it, not a
question whether we can imagine the subdivision to go on for ever, but
a practical question, whether, using the forces of Nature at our com-
mand, we come eventually to an end of subdivision, and have something
indivisible, an atom. No one has ever seen an atom, and from the
nature of light itself, there is no hope that we shall ever invent an
instrument which will enable us to see it. Still we may safely infer
the existence of atoms even though a procession of ciphers headed by
unity, giving the number that would extend over the twenty-fifth part
of an inch, should not help the imagination much to picture their
smallness.
Sir John Herschel asserts that the idea of the atom is an absolute
necessity of the “ thinking mind, and is of all ages and nations.”
Whewell in his “ History of Scientific Ideas ” says:—“ The doctrine
“that matter consists of minute, simple, indivisible, indestructible
“ particles as its ultimate elements has been current in ali ages and all
“ countries wherever the tendency of man to wide and subtle speculation
“has been active.”
LII .ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The progress of modern science has tended to produce a strong
conviction of the truth of the theory.—The phenomena of diffusion in
liquids and gases, for example, tend to show that. they not only consist
of particles, but that these particles are in constant motion. As an
example in solids we have that remarkable experiment of Roberts-Aus-
ten, in which a cylinder of lead was placed on top of a cylinder of
gold, and left for a considerable time in a warm chamber; when taken
and examined gold was found diffused throughout the lead, particles of
this the heavier metal having risen upwards as if they had wings.
It is certain that the theory, which long preceded the dawn of
experimental science, came to modern Europe from Ancient Greece and
it has been traced even to India. Strabo who lived in the reigns of
the Roman emperors, Augustus and Tiberius, says that its author was
Mochus or Moschus, of whom he speaks vaguely as more ancient than
the Trojan war. This would make the Greek Theory not less than
three thousand years old and will mark it off from Dalton’s Atomic
Theory which came inte being only a century ago.
We have more definite statements about Democritus as author of
the Atomic Theory and before him of Leucippus, although the writings
of neither survive. Lucretius, the contemporary of Cicero, expounded it
in his great poem “De Rerum Natura”—Thus it was transmitted to
modern times, and became familiar. Newton gives it a compact shape.
Dalton had firm faith in it.
Dalton’s Atomic Theory.
From the emphasis with which Dr. George Wilson writes in his
account of Dalton’s “ Life and Discoveries,” it would almost seem as if
he had foreseen the mistakes made about Dalton’s Atomic Theory to-day.
He says, and re-iterates, that Dalton was an Atomist before he was a
Chemist—that he joined the Greek Atomic Theory, which he found in
lexistence, with the Chemical Laws of combining proportions, but that
the laws rested on a perfectly independent basis of experiment—that it
was unnecessary to concede to Dalton’s atoms the attribute of indivisi-
bility, and that Dalton’s contemporaries, Davy, Wollaston, Berzelius,
declined to employ the word atom, because it assumed indivisibility, and
that they substituted other words. In short, that the Greek Atomic
Theory and the Chemical Laws are independent one of the other. That
if the link forged by Dalton between the Greek Theory and the Experi-
mental Laws be broken, the Experimental Laws are absolutely secure,
while the Theory must stand or fall by its own merits.
This expresses exactly the position to-day. The link has been
broken. ‘The existence of bodies much smaller than those presented to
APPENDIX A LIII
us by Dalton as ultimate particles, as atoms, has been proved by Prof.
J. J. Thomson of Cambridge; and the so-called atoms themselves are
found to be complex systems masquerading as simple bodies; and
are indeed gigantic impostors compared with their little successors.
Newton and Wilson.
But this does not detract from the genius and merit of Dalton, for
which Wilson expresses great admiration, and is so far carried away that
he does, unwittingly, a great injustice to Newton.
In contrasting the earlier views of the Atomic Theory with those of
Dalton he takes Newton as representative, and quotes from the fourth edi-
tion of his “Opticks” as follows :—“All things considered” says Newton,
“it seems probable that God in the beginning, formed matter in solid,
“massy, hard, impenetrable, movable particles of such sizes, figures,
“and with such other properties, and in such proportion to space, as
* most conduced to the end for which he formed them; and that these
“primitive particles, being solids, are incomparably harder than any
“porous bodies compounded of them, even so very hard as never to wear
“or break to pieces, no ordinary power being able to divide what God
“made one in the first creation.”
On this extract Wilson remarks :—
“ Newton, it will be observed, says nothing concerning the weight of
“his primitive particles.”—“<It is here that Dalton introducing the
“ question of weight, leaves Newton behind, and takes not a step, but
“a stride, in advance of all previous speculators on atomics.”
Wilson has overlooked the word “ massy,” i.e. having mass, chosen
carefully by Newton, and a very much better word in one respect than
“weighty ” or any other referring to weight, for if these “ primitive
particles” were removed to the Sun or any of the heavenly bodies or
even to different parts of the Earth their weight would change, while
their mass would be unchanged. Newton had proved by experiments
that at a given place mass was proportional to weight (a fact ignored by
many approved text-books on Mechanics in Wilson’s time). That the
omission by Newton of weignt from the essential properties of particles
was deliberate is seen by reference to the “ Regule Philosophandi” where
he states, repeats, and re-iterates the five properties, extension, hardness,
impenetrability, mobility, and “vis inertiæ ;” subsequently saying that he
by no means affirms (“minime affirmo”) that gravity is essential to bodies,
but “vis inertie ” or “vis insita”’ as it is elsewhere called, is immu-
table. This “vis insita” he states in the Definitions is always propor-
tional to the mass. It may also be noted that Newton does not use the
LIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
word “atoms” but speaks of the smallest parts (“‘ partes minimas ”).
He also employs the term undivided, not indivisible—“‘partes indivisae. ’
Wilson appears to have regarded the word “massy” in the “Opticks”
as redundant, yet if it be omitted, we have only four essential properties
instead of the five given in the “ Principia.”
Dalton’s genius was as quickly recognized on the Continent as in
England, perhaps even more quickly. His experience on a visit to France
presents another instance of noble generosity among lovers of Science.
He was so warmly welcomed by the members of the French Institute,
and so much more honoured than among his own countryman that on
his return home, although not given to express his feelings, he said,
“Tf any Englishman has reason to be proud of his reception in France,
I am that one.”
Present View of the Atom. Transformation of Matter.
The latest advance in the study of the constitution of matter 1s that
the Daltonian atom is of a very complex nature, a kind of infinitesimal
planetary system in itself, which in the case of some, at least, of the
chemical elements, seventy or so in number, is breaking up by its own
internal energy, projecting a number of particles, and, after a series
of steps, exhibiting a veritable transformation of one element into
another. In this manner uranium is the parent of radium, and radium
is the parent, of helium. Further changes are the subject of eager
investigation which is now in rapid and breathless progress.
Many in Canada are engaged in the research, which had its origin
a few years ago in the investigations that followed the discovery of the
X rays, which are now so familiar to us all, and so startled us at first
in exhibiting the skeleton of the hand of a living man.
Ten years ago Henri Becquerel of Paris discovered that uranium
could produce in the dark, what, for want of a better word may be
called photographic effects similar to those of the X-rays; the explana-
tion being that uranium is constantly sending off invisible radiations,
i.e. streams of particles, whose acticn is thus made visible.
M. and Mme. Curie, undertaking a patient examination of all the
chemical elements in search for any with similar properties discovered
radium in 1898.
The extraordinary phenomena exhibited by this and certain other
elements, were linked together by the theory already given which had_
its birth in Canada and has been accepted generally throughout the
scientific world. Its authors were Dr. Rutherford and Mr. Soddy.
Canada unfortunately has been unable to retain Mr. Soddy, but after
going to England his work in the same direction bore good fruit; for
APPENDIX A LV
he and Sir William Ramsay co-operating were able to verify a prediction
of Dr. Rutherford’s. They saw the spectrum of helium grow out of the
spectrum of the emanation of radium, i.e., an actual transformation of
matter took place before their eyes. Dr. Rutherford had based his
prediction on the fact that helium is found on the earth only in con-
nection with elements that emit the radiations which have been here
spoken of.
Other transformations have been since observed. More surprising,
perhaps, because not anticipated, even in speculation, was the discovery,
three years ago by M. Curie and M. Laborde, of the enormous amount
of energy latent in the atom of radium and released by its disintegration ;
an amount sufficient to reconcile the divergent views of Physics and
Geology on questions connected with the Sun’s heat.
The accidental deatn of M. Curie a month ago in Paris must be
a cause of regret to lovers of Science, while the severance of the
remarkable partnership in heart and mind of those who by their scientitic
eminence, whether separately or in co-operation, have became familiar
to all as “the two Curies” and have been known in ordinary life as
M. and Mme. Curie must touch all hearts.
Comparison of Recent Advances in Physical Science.
In briefly noting the advance in one department of Physical Science
since the foundation of the Society, I will take for a standard of com-
parison, Prof. Tait’s work published in 1876 on the then “ Recent Ad-
vances in Physical Science.”
It had long been established, by means of the balance, that in spite
of appearances, as in the case of a burning candle, it was impossible to
destroy matter, just as it was impossible to create it. This principle of
indestructibility is often called the “ Conservation of Matter.”
If we define “energy” as the capacity of doing work—such work
as engineers delight in—and measure it, the companion principle of the
“ Conservation of Energy” asserts that it is impossible to increase or
diminish the quantity of energy in the Universe. This principle was
established about the middle of the last century.
But while the quantity of energy cannot be increased or diminished,
the form is readily changed as when a water-fall is used to drive street-
cars, or to supply electric light or heat. The Transformation of Energy
was fully accepted along with its Conservation. To this there was
however at the time of Tait’s book no companion principle for matter,
or as Tait puts it “ The laws of enerzy differ from those of matter in
“one most important respect, so far at least as we yet know by experi-
LVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
“ ment. Matter cannot so far as we know be transmuted from one
“ kind to another, though in some cases it assumes what is called au
“allotropic form. The great characteristic of energy, on the cther
“hand, is that, in general, we can readily transform it, (in fact it is
“of use solely because it can be transformed), but in all its transfor-
“mations the quantity remains precisely the same.”
It will be observed that Tait is very cautious in his wording, “So
far as we yet know,” he says. His caution is justified. For here a
distinct advance has been made in proving the transformation of some
lands of matter, and a vast field of inquiry has been opened.
Dissipation of Matter.
The inquiry itself suggests another companion principle whose cor-
relation may be indicated by the term Dissipation of Matter (a term I
have not yet come across), corresponding to what Lord Kelvin called the
“ Dissipation of Energy.” This latter prjnciple points out that “every
“ time a transformation takes place, there is always a tendency to pass, at
“least in part, from a higher or more easily transformable to a lower
“ or less easily transformable form.
“Thus the energy of the universe, is on the whole, constantly
“passing from higher to lower forms.” The low form to which it
seems to tend being “that of uniformly diffused heat.”
A quotation farther on, will again offer us a comparison of “ then ”
and “now.” “Thus,” he says, “so far as we can yet determine in
“the far distant future of the universe, the quantities of matter and
“energy will remain absolutely as they now are.” (“Then” and “Now”
agree in this; they differ in the next clause, viz.)—“ the matter un-
changed alike in quantity and quality ;— the energy also unchanged in
quantity, but entirely transformed in quality to the low form of uni-
formly diffused heat.”
Now the recent discoveries show that the transformations of matter
which are going on in nature, are so far as observed, from “higher to
lower forms ” to use Tait’s terms.
If then the principle, should, by a process of exhaustion, be proved
to be general and the lowest form be ascertained, we shall have the
companion principle and shall be able to say that in the far distant future
of the universe noz only will all energy be reduced to uniformly diffused
heat but all matter to its lowest form.
This further permits the possibility of the supposition that some of
the nebulae visible to us, instead of being the beginnings of new suns or
planets, may, in fact, be the wreckage of worlds or world-systems like
our own floating im the illimitable ocean of space.
APPENDIX A LVII
When observers, then, are watching the projection of streams of
particles from the matter around us, they may be really watching the
wasting away of our world. This reminds me of an account I have
read of a sailor in an old and leaky troop-ship on a long voyage who
used to go down to the hold, and watching the tiny jets of water spurt-
ing ‘in through the minute holes in the thin worn sides, try to estimate
how long the vessel would last.
If this Trilogy of principles, Conservation, Transformation, Dissi-
pation, should be finally established for Matter, as they have been
established for Energy, the further question would arise whether, as the
energy we speak of is always associated with matter, the expressions for
them could not be united in one simple form.
Tait referring to the Dissipation of Energy, proceeds further to
say “as it alone is able to lead us—to the necessary future of the universe
“i.e., if physical laws for ever remain unchanged, so it enables us dis-
“tinctly to say, that the present order of things has not been evolved
“through infinite past time by the agency of laws now at work, but
“must have had a distinctive beginning, a state beyond which we are
“utterly unable to penetrate, a state in fact that must have been pro-
“ duced by other than the now visibly acting Causes.”
Cicero, Herschel, Clerk-Mazwell, on Atoms.
This leads us to an aspect of the theory of atoms which can hardly
be passed, cver.
Cicero in his “ De Natura Deorum,” Bk. I, represents Cotta, the
Academic, speaking of the “absurdities in which Democritus, or before
him Leucippus, used to indulge, saying that there are certain light cor-
puscles, some smooth, some round, some square, some crooked and bent
as bows, which by a fortuitous concourse made heaven and earth, without
the influence of any natural power.” In the second book Balbus, the
Stoic says, that he who could believe in the action of this fortuitous
concourse, might believe as well that a number of metal letters could
by being thrown to the ground, compose a history, e.g. the Annals of
Ennius.
Sir John Herschel, in his discourse on Natural Philosophy, with
the resources of modern science at his command, puts this in another
light, and his argument is not affected by recent discoveries.
“The discoveries of modern chemistry,” he says, have gone far to
“establish the truth of an opinion entertained by some of the ancients,
“that the universe consists of distinct, separate, indivisible atoms or
“individual things, so minute as to escape our senses, except when
“united by millions, and by this aggregation making up bodies of even
LVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
“the smallest visible bulk; and we have the strongest evidence that
“although there exist great and essential differences in individuals
“among these atoms they may yet be arranged in a very limited number
“of groups and classes, all the individuals of each of which are, to all
“intents and purposes, exactly alike in all their properties.
“ Now when we see a great number of things precisely alike, we do
“not believe this similarity to have originated except from a common
“principle independent of them, and that we recognize this likeness
“ chiefly by the identity of their deportment under similar circumstances
“strengthens rather than weakens the conclusion.
“A line of spinning jennies, or a regiment of soldiers dressed
“exactly alike, and going through precisely the same evolutions, gives us
“no idea of independent existence, we must see them act out of concert,
“before we can believe them to have independent wills and properties
“not impressed on them from without. And this conclusion which
“would be strong even were only two individuals precisely alike in all
“respects, and for ever, acquires irresistible force when their number
“is multiplied beyond the power of imagination to conceive. If we
“mistake not, then, the discoveries alluded to, destroy the idea of an
‘eternal self-existent-matter, by giving to each of its atoms, the essential
“ characters, at once, of a manufactured article, and a subordinate agent.”
It will be another illustration of Herschel’s argument if we sup-
pose that the minute-hand of every clock on a line of railway from the
Atlantic to the Pacific always points to the same minute at the same
moment, for then we know that there must be a controlling clock pro-
ducing this effect by an electric currént, and behind this controlling
clock a controlling mind.
If instead of hundreds of clocks, we knew that there were count-
less millions of millions of clocks throughout the universe beating to-
gether, the argument would be the stronger.
Now although we have not clocks, the vibrations of whose pendulums
are kept in unison, we have vibrating bodies in numbers transcending
our power of imagination, which vibrate in exactly the same time
throughout the universe. It is Clerk-Maxwell’s illustration. We know
by the spectroscope, that chemical elements which may be examined in
this room, and which exist over all the earth, are to be found also in the
Sun and in the most distant stars, stars so distant that news from them
flying with the velocity of light, takes ages of ages to reach us, innumer-
able stars, at immeasurable distances in all directions, above, below,
around us; yet in all these heavenly bodies the countless molecules of
the element hydrogen, make their quick vibrations in exactly the same
period as those on earth, with a perfection of exactitude that no clock
of man’s construction can approach.
APPENDIX A LIX
Haeckel.
Contrast with this, the views put forth in a book entitled: “The
Riddle of the Universe,’ by the eminent German biologist, Professor
Haeckel, a translation of which has been recently published and has, at
present, a wide circulation. In it he gravely offers us, the hypothesis
that every atom has in itself the rudiments of life and mind. Is this
- a relief to the strain of mystery? Sometimes, no doubt, obscurity is
relieved by a flash of darkness, yet we are not grateful. As a comment
I shall simply quote an extract from the Presidential Address of Sir
George Stokes to the British Association.
Sir George Stokes.
“When from the phenomena of life we pass to those of mind, we
“enter a region still more profoundly mystericus. Science can be ex-
“pected to do but little to aid us here, since the instrument of research
“is itself the object of investigation. It can but enlighten us as to the
“depth of our ignorance and lead us to look to a higher aid for that
‘which most concerns our well-being.”
Haeckel versus Newton
I should hardly have alluded to Haeckel had it not been that through
unpardonable want of care, he is led to make a charge against Newton
which is the very reverse of the truth. His object is to disparage
Newton’s intellectual capacity, Newton’s opinions being diametrically
opposed to his own. Mere railing at an advocate is not confutation of
his arguments, and is sometimes a confession of defeat. We may have
here a touchstone of Haeckel’s qualifications as a guide. He cannot
justly complain if the same kind of test is applied to himself which he
tries to apply to Newton.
If aman gives dogmatic opinions on colours,who is proved by an easy
test, to be colour blind, he will not be taken as pilot for a steamship.
Ii a diviner or seer finds himself unexpectedly put in gaol for breach of
the laws, a loss of reputation for his prophecies may be expected. If
a man adopts without verification an hypothesis readily proved
to be false, and on that as an axiom illogically builds other ‘hypotheses
ito the damage of an opponent’s reputation, want of confidence in his
capacity as a theory-builder is @ priori justifiable.
It is in this way that Professor Haeckel has treated Newton, whose
great fame he admits. On page 217 of the recently published New York
edition, he writes :—
“Newton had the immortal merit of establishing the law of gravita-
“ tion and embodying it in an indisputable mathematical formula.
LX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
“ Action at a distance without a medium, which Newton deduced from
“his law of gravitation, and which became one of the most serious and
‘ most dangerous dogmas of later physics, does not afford the slightest
“explanation of the causes of attraction; indeed it long obstructed
“cur way to the real discovery of them. I cannot but suspect that his
“ speculations on this mysterious action at a distance, contributed not a
“little to the leading of the great English mathematician into the ob-
“scure labyrinth of mystic dreams and theistic superstition in which he
“passed the last thirty-four years of his life.”
“Mystic dreams” and “ theistic superstition ” is Haeckel’s answer
to Newton’s noble hymn to the Creator at the close of the immortal
“ Principia.”
Compare with this Newton’s expression of his views in a letter to
Fentley, quoted with approval by Faraday, and again, by Sir George
Stokes. ‘The fiery indignation which is felt in Newton s words, even
after the lapse of two centuries would have burnt itself into the memory
oi any man who had taken care enough to consult Newton himself for
Newton’s own thoughts instead of taking, without verification, any ver-
sion presented in a passing publication.
These are his words :—
“That gravity should be innate, inherent, and essential to matter
“so that one body may act on another at a distance through a vacuum
“ without the mediation of anything else, by and through which their
“action and force may be conveyed from one to another, is to me so
“ great an absurdity that I believe no man who has in philosophical mat-
“ters a competent faculty of thinking, can ever fall into it.”
Indian Atomic Theory.
It has been asserted that the atomic theory really had its origin in
Tndia, and Democritus, who inherited great wealth from his father is said
t have travellad to India, so that his views on atoms may have been
modified there.
Of this Indian atomic theory Max Müller gives an account when
writing of the Six Philosophical Systems of India. The distinguishing
feature of one of these systems was the Atomic Theory—which maintains
that there must be smallest particles admitting no further analysis—
that these smallest and invisible particles are eternal in themselves, but
non-eternal as aggregates—that as aggregates again, they may be or-
ganized or inorganic. The atoms are supposed first to form an aggre-
gate of two, then of three double atoms, then of four triple atoms, ete.
While single atoms are indestructible, composite atoms are, by their
very nature, liable to decomposition, and in that sense to destruction.
2
APPENDIX A LXI
The theory even made an estimate of ‘the size of the atom, as being
about one-sixth of that of the motes that dance in a sunbeam.
This recalls by the error of the scale, an early Greek estimate of
the size of the sun as being about that of the Peloponnesus.
The Indian system of philosophy which advocates the atomic
theory differs, toto cϾlo, from that of Democritus, expounded by Lucre-
tius, in this respect, that it offers proofs of the existence of God, and of
His omnipotence and omniscience, while the other 1s atheistic.
Origin of the Name of Canada.
Their direct opposition on this point has given rise in my mind to
an interesting historical question, which I hope will prove interesting
also ito the literary division of our Society, to whom I propose to hand
it over for examination, viz., was this Indian atomic theory along with
the name of its author known in Europe at the time when the first ad-
venturers were exploring the American continent, the time of the revival
of learning. If so,;we may have the solution of a problem which has
been the cause of much dispute, namely the origin of the name given to
a small district in America, concerning which almost the only point
of agreement is, that it is Indian. The name has been extended since.
There might be a similar question concerning Pocahontas County
in Virginia, if every one did not know the love story of Pocahontas.
Few would recognize the name of a philosopner, if similarly applieu.
But among the scholars of those days the works of Lucretius would
be well known for the beauty of his poetry, and, to use the term chosen
by George Henry Lewes, the ‘ offensive” character of his opinions; and
correspondingly great would be their satisfaction in finding an older
authority on atoms who strongly maintained the doctrine of a Supreme
Intelligent Ruler of the Universe. |
Now, remembering that Columbus and the early explorers, for many
years after him, believed that they had actually reached India, (a name
that in those days covered a large part of China as well as what we now
call India) : remembering also the fervid religious zeal by which many of
these explorers were animated, is there anything impossible in the sup-
position that, ,hearing of this Indian philosopher, and believing they
had reached his country, they should give his name to some part of it?
The name of the Indian philosopher was Canada.
Canada spelt with a C or a K, as in many Indian words and names,
e.g., Cabul, Candahar, or English words as Kathode, Katherine, Kalen-
dar, or America itself, which in some European languages is spelt with
a K. Canada exactly as we have it on our postcards, requiring mn
twisting or hacking of the stem to get the familiar form.
LXII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
In submitting this hypothesis for verification I may say that I have
gone mo farther myself, than noting that the first Greek edition, the
“editio princeps”’ of the classical work of Arrian, the Roman prefect
oi Cappadocia, on India, was printed in the very year in which Jacques
Cartier first ascended the St. Lawrence. This may be a mere coinci-
dence, but it seems to encourage investigation. A Latin translation had
been published not long before. Every source of information about
India was of course, keenly scrutinized in those days, and as Arrian was
also a celebrated writer on philosophy (the Stoic philosophy) the asso-
ciation of ideas even if there were no other cause, would direct attention
to Indian philosophy.
The suggested inquiry may be limited at first to the question whether
a knowledge of the name of the Indian philosopher and of his philosophy
did exist or could have existed in Europe (more especially in France),
at the beginning of the 16th century.
It might be impossible ‘to trace the course by which it travelled
from India; just as we are unable to recover the history of the great
debt whichiscience owes to India in the invention of what are called the
Arabic numerals, with their wonderful superiority to the Greek and
Roman characters in their facilities for calculation. Yet we are sure
that the knowledge percolated through from India, whether by mer-
chants, or travellers, or writings. The shape of the figures themselves
is a testimony, from the resemblance they bear to the initial letters of
the corresponding Sanskrit names for the numbers.
New light will be welcomed. Only two derivations, so far as 1
know, have hitherto been in vogue; the first from an original signifying
“nothing there ”—which is disrespectful to the country—the other
from an Indian word meaning “ village,” which is disrespectful to the
inventive faculties of the discoverers. Neither has been accepted with
favour, and both are now, in effect, buried in polite oblivion. The field
is, therefore, open for fresh attempts.1
Whatever be the outcome of the inquiry, it is certain that when we
look on a map of the world, we find written broad across the forehead of
‘America, the name of an Indian philosopher, the reputed author, and
1 The suggestion that the name “ Canada” might possibly, like the term
“Indian” have been imported from India through Europe, has brought out
an additional example of the value of the personal meetings in societies like
the R. S. C. The impression on my mind concerning the various deriva-
tions proposed, given above, was derived from such books as those of
Archbishop Trench, Isaac Taylor, etc. At the meeting, after the address,
my attention was directed to the new and attractive work of Dr. 8S. E. Daw-
son, “The Saint Lawrence,” published only last year, in which the native
origin of the name is advocated.
“
APPENDIX A LXIII
undoubted teacher of the Atomic Theory, a man who in far distant and
dark ages, reasoned out the belief in an Omnipotent and Ominiscient
God: and held the harmony of science and religion; a position main-
tained to this day, by our greatest men of science, not only by Newton,
but by such men as Lord Kelvin, Sir John Herschel and Sir George
Stokes, Maxwell and Faraday,— the name of Canada.
> 1
APPENDIX B
ACT OF INCORPORATION
Proc., 1906. 5.
ACT OF INCORPORATION.
46 Vicroria, CHAP. 46.
An Act to Incorporate the Royal Society of Canada.
[Assented to 25th May, 1883. ]
WHEREAS the persons hereinafter mentioned have, by their
petition, represented that a Society called, with the sanction of Her
Most Gracious Majesty the Queen, “ The Royal Society of Canada,”
has been founded in Canada by His Excellency the Right Honourable
the Marquis of Lorne, Governor-General of Canada; that the said
Society has been maintained for some months by the petitioners and
others, and that the objects of the said Society are:—first, to encourage
studies and investigations in literature and science; secondly, to pub-
lish transactions annually or semi-annually, containing the minutes of
proceedings at meetings, records of the work performed, original papers
and memoirs of merit, and such other documents as may be deemed
worthy of publication; thirdly, to offer prizes or other inducements
for valuable papers on subjects relating to Canada and to aid researches
already begun and carried so far as to render their ultimate value
probable; fourthly, to assist in the collection of specimens with a view
to the formation of a Canadian Museum of archives, ethnology, arche-
ology and natural history: and whereas the said petitioners have prayed
that, for the better attainment of the said objects, the Society may be
incorporated by Act of the Parliament of Canada, and it is expedient
to grant the prayer of the said petition: Therefore Her Majesty, by
and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons
of Canada, enacts as follows :—
1. J. W. Dawson, C.M.G., LL.D., F.R.S., President; the Honour-
P. J. O. Chauveau, LL.D., Docteur ès Lettres, Vice-President;
. M. LeMoine, Esquire, Daniel Wilson, LL.D., F.R.S.E., T. Sterry
Je LD, FRS, AR. Co Selwyn, LL.D: TRS. Presidents of
Sections ; Becher de St. Maurice, Esquire, Charles Carel M.A.,
George Lawson, Ph.D., LL.D., Vice-Presidents of Sections; J. G.
Bourinot, F.S.S., Honorary Secretary; J. A. Grant, M.D., F.G.S.,
Honorary Treasurer; Goldwin Smith, D.C.L., the Reverend Abbé
Bégin, D.D., the Reverend Abbé Bois, Napoleon Bourassa, Esquire,
the Reverend Abbé Casgrain, Docteur és Lettres, Paul DeCazes, Esquire,
Oscar Dunn, Esquire, the Honourable Hector Fabre, Louis H. Fréchette,
LL.D., Napoleon LeGendre, Esquire, Pamphile Lemay, Esquire, the Hon-
ourable F. G. Marchand, Joseph Marmette, Esquire, the Honourable
Mr. Justice Routhier, Docteur és Lettres, Benjamin Sulte, Esquire,
the Reverend Abbé Tanguay, Joseph Tassé, Esquire, the Reverend Abbé
LX VIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Verreau, Docteur ès Lettres, R. Maurice Bucke, M.D., the Reverend
/Eneas McDonell Dawson, Lieutenant-Colonel G. T. Denison, B.C.L.,
the Very Reverend G. M. Grant, D.D., William Kirby, Esquire, John
L’Espérance, Esquire, Charles Lindsey, Esquire, the Reverend W.
Lyall, LL.D., George Murray, B.A., the Reverend J. Clark Murray,
LL.D., Evan McColl, Esquire, John Reade, Esquire, Charles Sangster,
Esquire, George Stewart (the younger), Esquire, Alpheus Todd, C.M.G.,
LL.D., J. Watson, M.A., LL.D., G. Paxton Young, M.A., C. Bail-
largé, C.E., Herbert A. Bayne, Esquire, E. J. Chapman, Ph.D., LL.D.,
J. B. Cherriman, M.A., E. Deville, C.E., N. F. Dupuis, M.A., F.R.S.E.,
Sandford Fleming, C.M.G., C.E., P. Fortin, M.D., G. P. Girdwood,
M.D., F. N. Gisborne, M. Inst. C.E., E. Haanel, Ph.D., the Very
Reverend T, E. Hamel, M.A., B. J. Harrington, B.A., Ph.D., G. C.
Hoffmann, F.1.C., A. Johnson, LL.D., J. T. Loudon, M.A., T. Macfar-
lane, M.E., J. G. McGregor, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S.E., L. W. Bailey, M.A.,
Ph.D., Robert Bell, M.D., C.E., F.G.S., G. M. Dawson, D.S., A.R.S.M.,
F.G.S., Edwin Gilpin, M.A., F.G.S., J. Bernard Gilpin, M.D., M.R.C.S.,
the Reverend D. Honeyman, D.C.L., J. M. Jones, F.L.S., the Reverend
Professor J. C. K. Laflamme, D.D., J. Macoun, M.A., F.L.S., G. F-.
Matthew, M.A., Alexander Murray, C.M.G., F.G.S., W. Osler, M.D.,
W. Saunders, Esquire, D. N. St. Cyr, Esquire, J. F. Whiteaves, F.G.S.,
and R. Ramsay Wright, M.A., B.Sc., together with such other persons
as now are or may hereafter become members of the Society to be
hereby incorporated, under the provisions of this Act and the by-laws
made under the authority thereof, and their successors, shall be and
are hereby constituted a body politic and corporate, by the name of
“The Royal Society of Canada,” hereinafter called the Society, and
may, by any legal title, acquire, hold and enjoy, for the use of the
Society, any property whatever, real or personal, and may alienate,
sell and dispose of the same, or any part thereof, from time to time
and as occasion may require, and other property, real or personal, may
acquire instead thereof: Provided always, that the annual value of
the real estate held at any one time for the actual use of the Society
shall not exceed four thousand dollars.
2. The Society shall not hold any property except as aforesaid
and such as shall be derived from the following sources, that is to
say: the life, annual and other subscriptions of members, donations,
bequests or legacies made to the Society, and such other moneys or
property as may be acquired by and from the ordinary transactions
of the Society, or may now belong to the existing Society, and the
moneys arising from fines and forfeitures lawfully imposed by their
by-laws: Provided always, that the Society shall sell and convey any
APPENDIX B LXIX
real estate acquired by them under the provisions of this section within
ten years after they shall have acquired the same, unless the same be
required for the actual use of the Society, under the provisions of the
next preceding section.
3. The affairs and business of the Society shall be managed by
such officers and committees, and under such restrictions, touching
the powers and duties of such officers and committees, as by by-law
in that behalf the Society may, from time to time ordain; and the
Society may assign to any of such officers such remuneration as they
deem requisite.
4, The Society may make such by-laws, not contrary to law, as
they shall deem expedient for the administration and government of
the Society, and may repeal, amend or re-enact the same from time
to time, observing always, however, such formalities as by such by-laws,
or by the by-laws now in force, may be prescribed to that end, and
generally shall have all the corporate powers necessary for the purposes
of this Act.
5. The present by-laws of the existing Society, not being contrary
to law, shall be the by-laws of the Society hereby constituted, until they
shall be repealed or altered as aforesaid,
6. Until others shall be elected according to the by-laws of the
Society, the present officers of the existing Society shall be those of
the Society.
7. All subscriptions and all penalties due to the Society under
any by-law, may be recovered by suit in the name of the Society; but
any member may withdraw therefrom at any time, on payment of all
amounts by him due to the Society, inclusive of his subscription for
the year then current, and shall, upon such withdrawal and payment
of amounts due, cease to be a member of the Society.
8. No person otherwise competent to be a witness in any suit
or prosecution in which the Society may be engaged, shall be deemed
incompetent to be such witness by reason of his being or having been
a member or officer of the Society.
9. The Society shall make annual reports to the Governor-General
and to both Houses of Parliament, containing a general statement of
the affairs of the Society, which said reports shall be presented within
the first twenty days of every Session of Parliament.
APPENDEEC
BIOLOGICAL STATIONS
MARINE BIOLOGICAL STATION.
This important scientific station, maintained by the Dominion Gov-
ernment under the direction of the Department of Marine and Fisheries,
was located during the past year (1905) at Gaspé, in the Province of
Quebec. The director of the station (Professor Prince) was detained
by pressing duties as chairman of the British Columbia Fisheries Com-
mission, and the Georgian Bay Fisheries Commission, and was prevented
from spending any time at Gaspé, but it was anticipated that the duties
of acting director would have been fulfilled by Professor E. W.
MacBride, of McGill University, in the absence of Professor Ramsay
Wright, Toronto University, who was in attendance at the Hellenic Con-
gress in Athens. Dr. Joseph Stafford, lecturer on zoology, McGill
University, took charge of the season’s work when Professor MacBride
found that he could not visit Gaspé. The staff during the season in-
ciuded Professor James Fowler, LL.D., etc., Queen’s University; Mr.
J. C. Simpson, B.A., McGill University; Dr. Etherington, Queen’s Uni-
versity, Kingston; A. Bruce Macallum, Toronto University, and Mr. J.
McIntosh, B.A., Toronto University. Dr. Stafford at the close of the
season was able to report that he had had “a very good year on the whole,
and knew the ground well for next season’s work.” Professor Fowler
made a very thorough study of the remarkable botanical features of the
Gaspé peninsula, and his report will almost certainly include a number
of species new to our Atlantic flora, if not new to science. Dr. Stafford
continued his valuable faunistic survey, and will be able to add con-
siderably to the list of marine invertebrates which is now in the press.
He also continued his original researches on the breeding and life-his-
ftory of edible molluscs, including à survey of the results of the oyster
experiments carried on at Malpeque during the years 1903 and 1904,
upon which Professor Ramsay Wright has an important report in pre-
paration. The crustacea of the locality and a study of ‘the hydroid
forms, which contribute so largely to the food of fishes in the sea, occu-
pied various members of the staff. Mr. Simpson carried on most suc-
cessful investigations upon the protozoa of the Gaspé waters, and has
in progress a valuable account of these minute and lowly animals upon
which larval fishes to a considerable extent subsist. On August 29th,
the laboratory was honoured by a visit from the late Hon. Raymond
Préfontaine, who was accompanied by the Deputy Minister and the In-
spector of Fisheries for the Gulf division (Dr. Wakeham). Lack of
a suitable dredging steamer and gear prevented the carrying out of
deep-sea investigations, and the examinations of the great fishing banks
in the Gulf, but it is anticipated that a vessel will be told off to assist
in this work, which urgently calls for attention. Considerable addi-
APPENDIX C LXXIII
tions have been made to the library of the station; but many lacunue
remain to be filled, especially works dealing with marine faunas.
The opening of large whaling stations on the north shore of the St.
Lawrence will, it is expected, enable the staff of the station to collect
much interesting information respecting the structure and habits of
whales, their food, breeding resorts, and seasonal migrations. These
valuable creatures are difficult to study in their native habitats; but the
whaling establishments licensed by the Government, and operating fer
the first time during the past year (1905) afford rare opportunities for
gaining information, and making studies on some of the more obscure
points in the structure of different species of the whale order.
Arrangements were made for testing the Sahlstrôm method of pre-
serving fish in a fresh condition at the station. Mr. C. Sahlstrom
explained to the director (Professor Prince) his vacuum process, though
the details have not yet been made public. The late Minister of
Marine and Fisheries evince] great interest in the project, which it is
claimed will preserve freshly-caught fish in a sweet unchanged condition
for many months. Circumstances made it necessary to erect the
apparatus at Halifax, N.S.; but the samples of preserved haddock, etc.,
submitted to the director of the station were pronounced wonderfully
well-preserved, the texture of the flesh being firm and unaltered, and the
edible qualities excellent; but the external appearance of the fish was
not inviting and could no doubt be improved.
The activity in the prosecution of practical fishery work and ori-
ginal scientific investigation by the station’s staff has continued un-
abated, and the second part of the “Contributions to Canadian
Biology ” with ten beautiful plates is in the King’s Printer’s hands in
an advanced condition, and will be ready for issue at an early date.
The nature of these reports, constituting the second part of these “Con-
tributions,” has already been announced; but a delay which arose in
completing the series permitted of some additional reports being in-
cluded, and the publication will embrace:—‘ The Plankton of Eastern
Nova Scotia waters ” by Prof. R. R. Wright, with seven beautiful plates:
“The question of Sawdust and Fish-life,’ a further report and a final
report by Professor Knight, also “ Effects of Dynamite Explosions on
Fish-life,” by Professor Knight; “The Flora of Canso,” by Professor
Fowler; “ Fauna of the Atlantic coast,’ by Dr. Stafford; and “ Trema-
tode Parasites of Marine Fishes,” by the same; “ Diatoms of Canso
Harbour.” by Dr. A. II. MacKay; “ Life-history of herring, ale-wife,
shad, ete.” by Professor Prince, with three tinted plates; “The Polyzsa
and Fishes of Canso,” by Mr. Cornish; “ Sea-weeds of Canso,” by Prir-
cipal Robinson; and Professor Prince’s account of Dr. Macallum’s re-
searches upon the composition of jelly fishes.
LXXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
THE GEORGIAN BAY , BIOLOGICAL STATION.
The Georgian Bay Biological Station was open for biological study
from June 5th and the following gentlemen were in attendance during
the whole or part of the season: Dr. B. Arthur Bensley, curator of the
sta.ion, Mr. A. G. Huntsman, B.A., University of Toronto; Mr. I. R.
Bell and Mr. J. R. G. Murray, science students of Toronto University.
A destructive windstorm early in July so seriously damaged the
dwelling where the staff are accommodated, that it was found impossible
to carry out the plan of affording facilities for scientific Work to masters
in various schools, and the proposed invitation was withdrawn.
In view of the importance of the black bass in the waters of western
Ontario, and the general indications of its serious decline, a good deal
of attention was devoted to that valuable species. Eggs were gathered
and incubated in shallow vessels in the laboratory. The various stages
were carefully studied, and accurate drawings were made by Mr.
Murray, the young being retained for study until two centimetres in
length. Special attention was given to the food of the larval bass, and
plankton hauls in the vicinity of the station were made in order to as-
certain the nature of the food available for the young during the firs.
stages of active life. Preserved specimens of the young and of the
minute floating food in the adjacent waters were added to the collection
in the station, indeed, the nucleus of a valuable fisheries museum has
been already secured, which will be available for Government purposes
when required. Later in the season faunistic investigations were re-
sumed, and Messrs. Bell and Murray devoted their attention to the
analysis of the material obtained, while Mr. Huntsman made periodic
visits in company with the fishermen to the fishing grounds. ‘The
rebuilding of the dwelling for the staff, the erection of a verandah, and
the construction of a small wharf, are recommended for this season,
while a small gasolene launch and two small boats will be necessary in
order to enable the staff to overtake the important fishery investigatiors
urgently awaiting attention.
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APPENDIX D
SURVEY OF TIDES AND CURRENTS
SURVEY OF TIDES AND CURRENTS.
This survey, under the charge of Dr. W. B. Dawson, has made
continuous progress. The periods of observation on which the tide
tables are based are being continually augmented, to improve their
accuracy. Much is also being done to enhance the accuracy of the tidal
data for the St. Lawrence, by further observations and by working up
tidal information secured incidentally by other surveys. In this way,
special tide tables are prepared for the points in the river which are still
the shallowest, until the dredging operations, now in progress, are
completed.
The chief advance this year, has been in British Columbia; and as
several points of general interest present themselves, we may confine our
review to that coast.
Owing to the planning and directing of tidal work on the St. Law-
rence and the Atlantic coast, and the investigations of currents, during
the-earlier years of this survey, it has not been possible for Dr. Dawson
t visit the Pacific coast until the summer of this year. Some headway
has already been made, however, in the publication of tide tables for
ports in British Columbia and the commencement of tidal observations.
There is still a large part of the coast of British Columbia which
is dependent upon the United States tide tables, which is far from
satisfactory; as it is thus necessary to compute our tides and currents
from some distant port in Alaska, or from a harbour where the tide
is of a distinctly different type, such as Port Townsend. Hence our
Canadian tide tables already meet with much appreciation.
It is very evident that a large number of the industries on this coast
will always be dependent upon water transport, as it would not be pos-
sible for a railway to compete with water carriage where the choice
exisis. ‘This coast has a greater advantage than almost any other in the
world for coastal trade, with its series of sheltered inlets and channels
storming gigantic natural canals which extend the whole length of the
seaboard and cut deeply in toward the interior, for the admission of
traffic and supplies, and return freight.
To take advantage of all this, the tides and currents must be
known. This is indeed of more importance to navigation than anything
else, when once the coasts themselves are charted; as no other aids to
navigation can make up to a captain for not knowing which way the cur-
rent is setting his vessel.
On a coast of such extent and with so many local complications in
its tides, it is necessary to devise a comprehensive scheme which will
LXXVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
form a general basis for the details required locally. With this view,
the coast may be divided into three regions, (1) the Strait of Georgia,
(2) the northern coast to Port Simpson, (3) the outer coast of Van-
couver Island. In this scheme, the Strait of Fuca must be considered
as an additional region, already commanded by Victoria for which tide
tables are published.
To command these various regions, there are three tide gauges
which have been in operation in the past; and six new tidal stations
have been erected last season which need not be described in detail.
The strong tidal currents which are found in so many of the passes
and inlets are evidently occasioned by the rise and fall of the tide; but
it should not be over-looked that their strength is chiefly due to th:
difference of the time cf high or low water in the two directions. It is
thus clear that the tide is the basis of the current; and also that correc:
time for the observations is an essential of the first importance. This
is one of the chief difficulties on the coast; and it has been found
necessary to use chronometers, or to erect special instruments by which
the time can be obtained directly from the sun.
To summarize the results aimed at, it may be said in brief that the
time of the tide is the basis of all knowledge of currents and slack
water; while the height of the tide is chiefly of importance in harbours
for the construction of wharfs, dredging, the outfall of sewers and all
such questions.
The main object of this survey, as a branch of the Marine Depart-
ment, is to deal with the time of the tide; since this is the matter of chief
importance to navigation; and the question of levels, even though they
are indispensable for the purposes above mentioned, must remain
secondary. In the strong tidal currents of British Columbia, it is in-
formation ias to the time of slack water that is most wanted by the
mariner. But the value of reliable levels, which can only be obtained
from tidal observations, makes it seem right to take the additional
trouble necessary to secure them. The opportunity of this season, has
enabled the results with regard to datum planes and bench-marks to be
published in a complete form, up to the stage now reached.
There is good hope now that a sound basis is laid for the tidal in-
formation required in the province, for the tide itself, the currents, and
the levels which result from a continuous tidal record. No doubt there
will be need in future for much detail work where channels and passages
are so numerous and that there are so many local variations, but on the
general plan adopted the apparent complications should disappear whea
the results are systematically worked out.
APPENDIX D LXXIX
Character of the Pacific tide—-In all parts of the world, the tides
are found to accord with the varying movements and distances of the
moon and the sun. In the North Atlantic, where they were first studied,
it happens that they are chiefly influenced by the moon’s phases. It was
thus supposed that the primary characteristic of all tides was a marked
alternation in height from springs to neaps in the period of the synodic
menth.
The tide of the Pacific, however, can best be described as a declina-
tion-tide. Its leading feature is a pronounced diurnal inequality im
time and height, which accords with the declination of the moon; ard
this is also subject to an annual variation with the change in the declina-
tion of the sun. The period in which the diurnal inequality recurs is
the tropical or declination-month, of 27.2 days; which is shorter than
the synodic month and gradually falls back through its period in suc-
cessive months. As the solar influence is unusually large in the Pacific
relatively to the lunar; the annual variation is the more accentuated.
On the opea coast of the Pacific, the tide curve is still fairly regu-
lar, though showing the diurnal inequality strongly. But in the
Strait of Fuca and the region of the Strait of Georgia, which makes up
half the coast line in British Columbia and where all the more 1m-
portant harbours are situated, the appearance of the tide curve is
anom lous. ‘The high waters are nearly at the same level: and the
range depends.on the amount of fall to low water, which may be almost
inappreciable or very pronounced. During the greater part of the day,
there may thus be a long stand or only a slight fluctuation near the
high-water level; with a sharp and short drop to the lower low water
which occurs once in the day. This type only changes to a fairly sym-
metrical curve when the moon is on the equator near the time of the
ecuinoxes.
The spring and neap tides are thus reduced to a secondary feature
which is usually obscured by the stronger characteristics of the tide.
The Establishment, which is so well marked in the Atlantic, is here
almost illusory; unless it is strictly reduced to equinoxial and equatorial
£onditions, in a:co dance with the definition u:el in France. It may
still be convenient to speak of spring and neap tides, if they are under-
stood to mean the two maxima and the two minima in range or in level
which always occur in the period of the lunar month. But the two
highest and the two lowest points on the tide curve for the month, may
be as much as five days before or after the full or new moon, as these
extremes are so largely occasioned by the diurnal inequality.
LXXX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The extreme tides of the year necessarily occur at the nearest point
to the solstices at which the moon reaches its maximum declination.
A tide of this character is apt to be termed irregular by the
mariner; as the tropical or declination-month which is its governing
period is less familiar and less noticeable than the synodic month of the
moon’s phases. It is evident, however, that this tide is perfectly as-
tronomical; and its analysis and prediction are just as definite as for
any other type of tide.
Mean Sea Level.—With a tide of this type, there is a notable differ-
ence between the half-tide level, and the true value of mean sea level.
These may differ as much as a foot from each other, even in the case of
a tide whose extreme range is only 13 feet. ‘The only accurate value
therefore, is the mean ordinate found by the integration of the tide
curve, referred to any invariable base line or datum. This mean or-
dinate fixes the position of the horizontal line which bisects the area of
the tide curve; and this also accords with the best definition of mean
sea level for any type of tide.
The advantage of a registering tide gauge is much emphasised,
with tides of this character. If scale readings are taken by direct ob-
servation, which the Admiralty surveyors usually prefer, they must
be continuous, day and night, and afterwards plotted as a curve; or little
use can be made of them except for the reduction of soundings. A
registering tide gauge not only gives the hourly ordinates of the tide
curve throughout the year as a basis for mean sea level, but the con-
tinuity of the record enables the diurnal inequality to be followed.
When this is known, the average and extreme levels of high and low
water, and questions of range, can be determined without fear of in-
accuracy. The continuous record is equally important with respect
to the time of the tide, in which there is a similar inequality of interval.
The question of mean sea level is of unusual interest on the Pacific
coast, as there is reason to believe that its elevation is changing. Some
indications point to a rise in the level of the coast, at as high a rate
as one or two feet per century. It is only from tidal observations pro-
perly reduced, that any trustworthy result can be arrived at; and if
the change is as rapid as supposed, it will not require an interval of
many years to obtain a fair approximation to its amount.
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APPENDIX E LXXXIII
L— From The Women’s Canadian Historical Society of Ottawa,
through Mrs. O’Connor.
In presenting our report before the Royal Society of Ottawa, we
are glad to record an increased activity in the furtherance of the aims
and objects of the Society, with an augmented membership and larger
attendance at the regular monthly meeetings. During the year seven
general and six executive meetings have been held at the home of the
president, and our treasurer reports a balance of $26.93. The April
meeting was devoted to the business of arranging for a Loan Exhibit,
to be held in October, in the new Public Library, which was then
expected to be opened in July. The delayed completion of the Library
postponed the date of this exhibition from month to month, till after
the March meeting it was finally decided to defer the undertaking till
next autumn, when the Society resumes its work. The following
papers were read :—
“The Early Settlement of Hull,’ Mme LeLièvre.
“ Canada’s Contribution to the International Exhibition of 1900,”
Mrs. W. P. Davis.
“ Champlain,” a sketch, Mrs. Grant Needham.
“ A Canadian Heroine of 60 years ago,” Miss Carnochan, president
Niagara Historical Society. |
“Letter from Japan,” by a former member of the Society now resi-
dent in Japan, Miss Sara MacLean.
“Tmpressions of a visit to Prince Edward Island, with a brief
historical sketch of the Island,’ Mrs. Ahearn.
“ Biographical Sketch with readings from the poems of Isabella
Vallency Crawford,” Mrs. J. L. McDougall, Jr..
“ Some Facts about Trinity Church, St. John,” Miss Carrie Hill.
Good work was done by the Biographical and Scrap-book commit-
tees under the conveners, Mrs. J. L. McDougall and Miss Mary Masson,
the former having in preparation a paper on the life of the late Miss
Harmon. The third scrap-book is in charge of Mrs. Patrick, during
Miss Read’s absence abroad.
Our society has given its hearty sympathy and support to the efforts
cf the Ontario societies to preserve the old fort in Toronto from obliter-
ation, and Mrs. Geo. E. Foster, one of our vice-presidents, represented
the Ottawa society at a conference of historical and patriotic societies
with the military and municipal officials at Toronto, having this pur-
pose in view. In December Mrs. Ralph Jones’ resignation was reluc-
tantly accepted and Mrs. Braddish Billings was elected to fill the office.
At the beginning of the year, with the Loan Exhibition in view, it
was decided to omit the children’s meeting, which has for some years
LXXXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
past formed part of the season’s work. Our president, Mrs. Ahearn,
and Mrs. Chas. O’Connor, recording secretary, were appointed delegates
to the annual meeting of the Royal Society. To our list of honorary
members we have added the name of Mr. Martin Griffin, and with our
list of active members considerably increased this year, we now look
forward confidently to a year of increased usefulness and activity in
the beautiful rooms of the Ottawa Public Library, in which we are
privileged to meet by kind permission of the library committee.
II. From The Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society, through
Mr. A. H. WHITCHER.
Having been appointed delegate from the Ottawa Literary and
Scientific Society to this annual meeting of your Society, I have the
honour to present a brief report relative to the status of our society
during the year ending March 31, 1906.
Increased activity, interest in the work, large average attendance
at council meetings, of which fifteen were held during the year, are
some of the features of a prosperous year; I think I may say, one of
the most prosperous years in the history of the society.
233 volumes have been added to the library, being a greater num-
ber than for several previous years. The total number of books in the
library is now 5,190. In the purchase of books particular attention
has been paid to our own Canadian history.
The society receives many valuable exchanges from many societies
scattered over the world, and the published transactions of the society
have been given in return. Several sets of the transactions have been
printed and provision has been made for the issue of another volume.
The number of exchanges received is 374. These exchanges pos-
sess great value for students in all branches of science.
The lecture course for the winter was much appreciated as was
evidenced by the large attendance. All the lectures were free to the
public.
The following is the programme :—
1905.
Nov. 10.—* Tolstoy and his Message,” Mr. Ernest H. Crosby, of New
York.
Nov. 24.— Before Port Arthur,’ Mr. W. Richmond Smith, late war
correspondent of London Standard.
Dec. 1.— Jerusalem,” illustrated, Mr. J. S. Ewart, K.C.
Dec. S—“%The Canadian Militia under the French Régime,” Mr.
Benjamin Sulte, F.R.S.C.
APPENDIX E LXXXV
1906.
Jan. 5.—“The Genius of English, Irish, Scottish and Welsh Song,”
Prof. E. E. Prince, F.R.S.C., with musical illustrations.
Jan. 19.—“ Place of Defence in Canadian National Life,” Mr. C.
Frederick Hamilton, M.A.
Feb. 2.—Conversazione, Addresses by the President, Dr. T. B. Flint,
and Canon Kittson, musical programme.
Feb. 23.—““ Scandinavia Revisited,’ Mr. Thos. Macfarlane, F.R.S.C.
with musical Hlustrations.
Mar. 2.—“The Southern Trail in British Columbia,’ Mr. J. M.
Macoun.
At the annual meeting of the society, on the 27th ultimo, the
following officers and members of the council were elected for the ensu-
ing year :—
President—Dr. Otto Klotz.
1st Vice-President—Dr. T. B. Flint.
2nd Vice-President—Mr. A. H. Whitcher.
Secretary—Mr. J. C. Martin.
Treasurer—Mr. H. J. Bronskill.
Librarian—Mr. W. H. Harrington.
Curator—Mr. C. H. Scott.
Members of Council without office—Dr. Charles Morse, Mr. Thos.
Macfarlane, Mr. H. H. Bhigh. K.C.
III.—From The Natural History Society of New Brunswick, through
the Hon. Senator ELLis.
On behalf of the council and members of the Natural History
Society of New Brunswick I have the honour to present the following
report :—
Members of our society are still actively engaged along lies of
original investigation and their labours have been very successful, they
having been fortunate enough to discover some new plants in the
Dadoxylon Sandstone, and which are fully described in the bulletin of
the society for 1905.
During the year the work of the society has progressed in every
department; the lectures of the various courses having been well
attended and they have evoked considerable interest.
Several of the papers read before the society have been published
in the annual bulletin, which is larger than usual, and which I have
the honour to present to the Royal Society.
LXXXVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Ten regular meetings, including the annual and one special meet-
ing, were held during the year.
The following are the dates of the meetings and the titles of the
papers read :—
Jan. 3.—(a) “ Birds that Hunt and are Hunted,” by Mr. A. Gordon
Leavitt.
(b) “ Additions to the List of New Brunswick Plants,” by
G. U. Hay, D'Seé
(c) “The Curious Phenomenon of a Forest Fire near
Neguac, Northumberland Co.” by W. F. Ganong,
Pir):
Jan. 17.—Annual Meeting. Election of Officers.
Feb. V%.—(a) “The Magdalen Islands; their People and History,”
by Mr. W. F. Hatheway.
(b) “ Physiography of Grand Lake and its Affluents,” by
Mr. W. 8. Butler.
(c) “ On the Limits of the Great Miramichi Fire in 1825,”
by W. F. Ganong, Ph.D.
(a) “Pain,” by G. G. Melvin, M.D.
(b) “ Archeological Notes,” by Mr. S. W. Kain.
(c) “On Contour Map of New Brunswick,” by W. F.
Ganong, Ph.D.
April 4.—(a)“ Notes on our Insect Collection,” by Mr. Wm.
McIntosh.
(b) “ Notes on a Grindstone Quarry at Stonehaven, Glou-
cester Co.” by Geoffrey Stead, C.E.
(c) “On the Fact Basis of the Fire or Phantom Ship of
Bay Chaleur” W. F. Ganong, Ph.D.
(d) “ Notes on our Fishes,” Mr. C. F. B. Rowe.
May %—(a)“ The Natural History and Physiography of New Bruns-
wick,” by W.F. Ganong, Ph.D.
(b) “ Bird Notes,” by Mr. J. W. Banks.
June 6.—(a) “The Hydrography of New Brunswick,” by Mr. J. W.
Bailey.
(b) “ Geology of Rockwood Park,” by G. F. Matthew, D.Sc.
Oct. 3.— Vegetation of the Earth in Remote Times and its Relation
to Climate,” by G. F. Matthew,. D.Sc.
Nov. %—“ Gypsum Deposits of Albert Co.” by L. W. Bailey, Ph.D.
Dec. %—“‘ The Physiographic Characteristics of the Tracadie River;
On the Height and other Characteristics of Wilkin-
son Mountain; On Walrus Bones from Miscou
Island,” by W. F. Ganong, Ph.D.
Marit:
APPENDIX E LXXXVII
A series of elementary lectures or talks was given in the rooms
on Tuesday evenings, not occupied by the regular meetings of the
Society during the months of January, February and March, for the
benefit of the ordinary and associate members, and for pupils of the
publie schools. These lectures proved very interesting and were fairly
well attended.
The following were the dates and the titles of the papers read :—
Jan. 10 and 24.—“ The Elements of New Brunswick Geology,’ Dr.
G. F. Matthew.
Jan. 31.—<% A Preliminary Talk on Plant Life,’ by Mr. Thomas Stot-
hart.
Feb. 14 and 21:—“ The Trees of New Brunswick,” by Dr. (a. U. Hay.
Feb. 28.—“ On Bird Classification,” by Mr, A. Gordon Leavitt.
Mar. 14.—“ On Types of Insects,” by Mr. Wm. McIntosh.
Mar. 21 and 28.—“‘ On Fishes, Reptiles, and Frogs,’ by Mr. Chas.
F. B. Rowe.
Throughout the year the Ladies’ Association heartily co-operated
in the work of the society, giving their assistance on all occasions.
The following course of lectures opened with a re-union on Thursday,
January 5th. There was a large attendance of members.
Jan. 12.—“ Emerson and Nature,” by Mrs. Emma S. Fiske.
19.— Scenes in Rome and Naples,” by Mrs. George Murray.
26.—< Glimpses of a Quaint Old German Town,” by Miss Homer.
Feb. 2.—Children’s Day — Nuts, by Miss Ethel Jarvis.
9.—“ Notes on China,” by Mrs. James R. Warner, and Miss
Purves.
16.—* Scenes from the Life of Huxley,” by Mrs. G. F. Matthew.
23.—“ Some Relics of the French Occupation of Acadia,” by Miss
Alice D. Jack.
Mar. 2.—Children’s Day— Our Feathered Friends,” by Mr. A. Gor-
| don Leavitt.
9.—“ The Land of ‘ Kai-ora,’” by Miss Olive.
16.—“ Voices from the Meadow,” by Mrs. George U. Hay.
23.—Reunion of members.
During the year the membership has been increased by the admis-
sion of two ordinary and nineteen associate members, and one corres-
ponding member, making a total of 200.
LXXXVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Officers.
President—Hon. J. V. Ellis.
Vice-Presidents—G. F. Matthew, G. U. Hay.
Treasprer—A. Gordon Leavitt.
Secretary—W. L. McDiarmid.
Librarian—W. L. Ellis, M.D.
Curators—S. W. Kain, Wm. McIntosh, J. W. Banks.
Additional Members of Council—-H. G. Addy, M.D., J. Roy
Campbell, James A. Estey.
Ladies’ Association Branch.
President—Mrs. G. F. Matthew.
Vice-Presidents—Mrs. G. U. Hay, Mrs. H. G. Addy.
Secretary-Treasurer—Miss Edith McBeath.
TV.—From The Oltawa Field-Naturalists’ Club, through
Mr. W. J. WILSON.
Having been selected to represent the Ottawa Field-Naturalists’
Club at this meeting of the Royal Society, I have much pleasure in pre-
senting the following summary of the work done during the year ending
March 20th, 1906.
The Club’s year begins in March so that the new officers have an
opportunity of arranging the field excursions which are the chief feature
in our work. The sub-excursions were begun early in April and con-
tinued every fine Saturday afternoon through May and into June, and
were again resumed in October. The attendance at these excursions
sometimes reached one hundred. Three general excursions were held as
follows: May 27, to Chelsea; June 10, to Carp; September 23, to
Chelsea. The excursion to Chelsea on May 27 was perhaps the most
largely attended excursion in the nistory of the club, due to the fact that
both the Royal Society and the Carleton County Teachers’ Association
met in Ottawa during that week. Such distinguished visitors as Dr.
C. F. Hodge, of Clark University, Dr. A. H. MacKay, Superintendent
of Education for Nova Scotia, and Dr. G. U. Hay, editor of the Educa-
tional Review, were present and delivered able addresses.
The council favours the continuance of outdoor work throughout
the year, and to that end had planned two snowshoe tramps, which, how-
ever, were cancelled for lack of snow.
A summer school for teachers was held in Ottawa last July. Several
members of the club delivered lectures in the nature study course and
ca
APPENDIX E LXXXIX
aided in the field work. Dr. White did practical field work with the
class in physical geography. Mr. Putman delivered illustrated lectures
and conducted experimental work in botany, Mr. Attwood delivered
lectures on minerals and did a great deal of field work, Dr. Fletcher
gave two lectures on birds and two on insects, Prof. Prince lectured on
Fish Life, Dr. Ami on Ferns, Dr. Saunders on Evergreens, Mr. R. B.
- Whyte on the Pleasures of gardening and other members on various other
subjects.
Reports showing the work done throughout the year by the various
branches have been read before the club. The report of the geological
branch has been printed in The Ollawa Naturalist, and the other reports
will appear at an early date. Most of the branches are now holding fort-
nightly or monthly meetings at the homes of the members for the pur-
pose of discussing subjects of especial interest to the respective branches.
The members of the Entomological Branch have made some notable
additions to the local lists during the past summer. Mr. Arthur Gibson
made, on July 6, the catch of the year, a perfect specimen of the very
rare and local moth Hepialus thule, Strkr. Up to the present time
this is the only specimen which is known with certainty to have been
taken at any other place than Miontreal, from which locality the species
was originally described and where a few specimens are taken yearly.
Mr. C. H. Young has continued his studies of the micro-lepidoptera ani
has added many new species to the Canadian fauna. All of these have
been described by Mr. W. D. Kearfott, of Montclair, N.J., who is
making a specialty of these beautiful insects. Mr. W. Metcalfe has
continued his studies of the local hemiptera and has added many new
records. Mr. J. W. Baldwin made a very remarkable capture of the
Vest Indian moth, Melipotis fasciolaris, Hbn. It can only be sur:
mised that the chrysalis of this handsome moth may have been intro-
duced, as has been the case with many other insects, in a bunch of
bananas. The Ottawa Fruit Exchange building is close to Mr. Bald-
win’s house, where the insect was taken in the garden. Six specimens
of the handsome elater, Pityobius anguinus, Jec., figured in the first
transactions of the club under the name of Pilyobius billingsw, were
taken by Messrs. Baldwin and Gibson at the electric light on the 28th
June. A month later a fine female was taken by Dr. Fletcher, floating
on the surface of the water, into which it had fallen. Many other in-
sects of more or less interest were taken during the summer and the in-
terest in this branch of work has been kept up steadily. Good work has
been done by the leaders in working out life-histories of beneficial and
injurious insects.
XC ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Members of the Geological Branch have made special study of some
interesting localities in the Ottawa district. The sands and gravels of
McKay Lake have been examined and special study has been made of
the geology of Strathcona Park, where the excavations in the Utica have
afforded an excellent opportunity for studying the formation ; the Chazy
at Rockcliffe has yielded an excellent series of slabs exhibiting tracks and
trails of marine organisms. The most interesting local find, however,
was the discovery of a large number of curved hornblende crystals in a
vein of mica at Carp by Dr. Ami. ‘lhese curved crystals were new to
the geologists and hitherto unrecorded in Canada.
The Botanical Branch has held fortnightly meetings throughout
the year except during the summer months. ‘The most important matter
taken up was the publication of a complete list of the plants of the
Ottawa district. Since Dr. Fletchers “Flora Ottawaensis” was
published many new species have been added to the local flora, and the
work of specialists has made a thorough study of the local flora necessary.
This list is to be issued as a publication of the Geological Survey. The
Botanical Branch invite co-operation of all local botanists in this
work of revision, and would call special attention to the Rosaceæ; the
study of this large order of plants will certainly result in the addition
of several species to the local list.
The Zoological Branch held two very profitable meetings during
the winter. At the first meeting Prof. Prince read an interesting
paper on the function of the swim bladder of fishes, an outline of which
appears in the report of the branch. At the second meeting Prof.
Macoun pointed out the great amount of work that can be done in pro-
curing specimens of the numerous species of small mammals to be found
near Ottawa, and also pointel out the ease with which this could be
done. ;
The report of the Zoological Branch contains a list prepared by
Mr. Halkett of the fishes of the Ottawa district preserved in the Fisheries
Museum with the localities where they were taken. It also records a
number of interesting observations made by members of the branch dur-
ing the year.
The Ornithological Branch, although small, consists of a number of
enthusiastic workers. Monthly meetings have been held since early last
fall at which much systematic work has been planned. The vicinity of
Ottawa is to be divided among the members of the branch for active
field work, and the antiquated local list published by the club many
years ago is to be thoroughly worked over. Some interesting additions
have already been made to the local records, such as the appearance of the
short-billed marsh wren, a breeding record of the screech owl, and the
APPENDIX E XCI
casual occurrence of the glaucous gull. The great grey owl, a rare visitor
from the north, has been seen this winter. One specimen was secured in
East Templeton and another near South March. One of these, a very
fine specimen, is now in the collection of Rev. Mr. Hifrig.
Mr. W. E. Saunders, of London, who is an active member of the
club, has done valuable work in compiling a list of birds new to Ontario ~
which have been taken in the Western Peninsula since the issuance of
Mellwraith’s revised work. This list appears in No. 11 of the volume
of the Ottawa Naturalist just completed.
Volume XIX of The Ottawa Naturalist, the official organ of the
club, has been published under the editorship of Mr. J. M. Macoun. It
consists of twelve numbers which contain in all 249 pages and four
plates. The following are among the papers that appear in this volume:
1. “A New Marine Sponge from the Pacific Coast of Canada,”
Lawrence M. Lambe, F.G.S.
2. “Notes on Fresh-water Rhizopods,” W. S. Odell.
3. “Food Value of Certain Mushrooms,” Prof. Shutt, M.A., and
H. W. Charlton, B.A. Sc.
4. “ Popular Entomology,” Arthur Gibson.
5. “Glaciation of Mount Orford,’ R. Chalmers, LL.D.
6. “Nesting of Night-hawk in Ottawa,” Rev. G. Hifrig.
7. “Notes on Fresh-water Shells from the Yukon Territory,” Dr.
J. F. Whiteaves.
8. ‘Natures Method of Re-seeding the Red and White Pine,” P.
Cox.
9. “A Naturalist in the Frozen North,’ A. Halkett.
10. “ Eggs of the Scarlet Water-Mite,” Prof. E. E. Prince.
11. “Sthenopis thule at Ottawa,” Arthur Gibson.
12. “Bird Migration,” Jas. Bouteiller.
13. “Ontario Ornithological Notes (Winter 1904-05)” A. B.
Klugh.
14. “Notes on the Fauna and Climate of the Liévre River,” E. E.
Lemieux.
15. “Why our Field and Roadside Weeds are introduced species,”
W. T. Macoun.
16. “The Hair-eel (Gordius aquaticus),’ Prof. E. E. Prince.
17. “The Red-breasted Nuthatch,’ Wm. H. Moore.
18. “On so-called Silene Menziesii,” Ed. L. Greene.
19. “A New Northern Antennaria,” Ed. L. Greene.
20. “A New Goldenrod from Gaspé Peninsula,” M. L. Fernald.
21. “Extracts from Diary of the late Robt. Elliott,’ W. E.
Saunders.
Ca
XCII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
22. “Descriptions of New Species of Testudo and Baena with re-
marks on some Cretaceous forms,” L. M. Lambe.
23. “Notes on Some British Columbia Mammals,” Wm. Spread-
borough.
24. “The Fly Agaric, and its effects on Cattle,” Norman Criddle.
25. “Birds New to Ontario,’ W. Saunders.
26. “Eggs of the Fresh-water Ling,” Prof. Prince and Andrew
Halkett.
27. “ Eupithecia Youngata,” George W. Taylor.
28. “Cultivation of Native Orchids,’ J. H. C. Dempsey.
In addition to these, there have been published several short notes,
book reviews, accounts of branch meetings, ete.
The series of articles on “Nature Study,” edited by Dr. Jas.
Fletcher, has been continued. In this volume the following papers
appear :
1. “Nature Study,” Dr. Sinclair.
2. “The Clouded Sulphur Butterfly,” Dr. Fletcher.
3. “Short Introduction to some of our Common Birds,” Rev. G.
Hifrig.
4. “Field Work at the Ottawa Normal School Summer Course
for Teachers,” A. E. Attwood.
5. ‘Ottawa Summer School for Teachers,” J. H. Putman
6. ‘* Woolly-Bear Caterpillars,’ Arthur Gibson.
7. “Nature Observations at Home,” Prof. Lochhead.
8. ‘ Mother nature and her boys. An Institute that brings them
tegether,” G. J. Atkinson.
9. “The School Garden and the Country School,” Geo. D. Fuller.
In all, some 30 articles on nature study have appeared in Th?
Oitawa Naturalist during the past three years. They are of a popular
and decidedly practical nature and have added much valuable material
to the current literature on this subject. ‘he papers published during
the past year have all been contributed by scientists and educationists
actively engaged in working out the best courses and methods in nature
study. 5,500 of each of these papers have been printed in pamphlet
form and distributed throughout Canada; 2,200 of these go to the
teachers of Toronto, 500 to the Macdonald Institute of Guelph for use
in the Nature Study Department of the Ontario Agricultural College,
and 1,000 to Dr. Robertson, 500 of which are distributed among his
nature study instructors in various centres.
The following programme of winter soirées has been carried out
with some slight omissions and changes in dates. The attendance at all
the meetings has been most gratifying. y
APPENDIX E XCIII
1905.
Dec. 12.—The President’s Address and Report.
Address, Dr. J. F. White, Principal of the Normal School.
* Illustrated Lecture: “ Apparent Consciousness in Plants ani
Animals,” by the President, Dr. S. B. Sinclair.
1906.
Jan. 9.— Illustrated Lecture: “ The Geology of Strathcona Park and
other Ottawa localities,’ Dr H. M. Ami.
“Report of the Geological Branch,” W. J. Wilson, Ph.B.
Jan. 23.—“ The Migration of Birds,” C. W. G. Hifrig. Llustrated by
specimens.
“Report of the Ornithological Branch,” Mr. A. G. Kingston.
Feb. 6.—Illustrated Lecture: “'I'rees, Shrubs and Plants for the
Adornment of Home,” Dr. W. Saunders, of the Centra!
Experimental Farm.
Feb. 27.—Conversational Evening: short addresses on various subjects.
Prof. J. Macoun: “ Botany;” Dr. Otto Klotz: “ Gravity.”
Mar. 13.—“‘ Fish Culture,” Prof. E. E. Prince, Commissioner of
Fisheries for Canada.” Illustrated by specimens.
Mar. 20.—Annual meeting.
Address by Mr. A. Gibson: “ Method of Studying Insects fol-
lowed at Central Experimental Farm.”
Since the Normal School course has been lengthened to a year, the
students have been able to engage in the field work of the club during
the spring and fall months and also to attend the winter soirées. Th:
result has been that the students, having become interested in the fiel.l
work, have attended the soirées almost in a body. The club realizes that
through the teachers it has a most valuable medium of disseminating its
influence, and therefore it keenly appreciates the interest that has been
displayed throughout the year.
In accordance with a resolution passed at the annual meeting a
large part of the books in our library have been transferred to the Public
Library, where they remain the property of the Society and will be use!
as reference books.
Officers.
President.—W. J. Wilson, Ph.B.
Vice-Presidents—A. E. Attwood, M.A.; Frank T. Shutt, M.A.,
F.R.S.C.
Librarian.—J. W. Baldwin.
Secretary.—T. E. Clarke, 470 O’Connor Street.
XCIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Treasurer.—Arthur Gibson, Central Experimental Farm.
Committee—Mr. A. G. Kingston, Mr. J. M. Macoun, Mr. W. T.
Macoun, Dr. H. M. Ami, Mr. A. Halkett, Miss M. Mck. Scott, Miss A.
J. Matthews, Miss R. B. McQuesten.
V.—From The Nova Scotian Institute of Science, Halifax, through
Dr. HENRY S. Poors.
The Nova Scotian Institute of Science, through its delegate, begs
to present the following report of its proceedings during its forty-
fourth annual session,
Meetings were held throughout the session from October, 1905, to
May, 1906, inclusive.
Officers for the year 1905-06 were elected as follows :—
President—F. W. W. Doane, C.E., ex officio F.R:M.S.
1st Vice-President—Prof. Ebenezer MacKay, Ph.D.
2nd Vice-President—Professor J. E. Woodman, D.Sc.
Treasurer—William McKerron.
Corresponding Secretary—A. H. MacKay, LL.D., F.R.S.C.
Recording Secretary—Harry Piers.
Librarian—Harry Piers.
Other Members of Council—Maynard Bowman, B.A.; Watson L.
Bishop; Edwin Gilpin, Jr., LL.D., F.R.S.C., 1.8.0.; Alexander McKay;
J. B. McCarthy, M.A., B.Se.; Professor F. H. Sexton, and Henry S&S.
Poole, D.Se., Assoc. R.S:M., F.G.85, F:R.S.C:
The library of the society continued its very rapid growth, the
number of accessions during the year 1905 being 1,911 books and
pamphlets. The library forms part of the Provincial Science Library
under the charge of the Provincial Government, and is free to any
resident in the province of Nova Scotia. A steadily increasing use
of the books has been reported each year since it was thrown open to
the public.
The finances of the society are satisfactory, owing to the generous
aid received from the Provincial Government.
The Proceedings and Transactions, Vol. X, part 2, for 1903-04,
have just been published, and Vol. X, part 3, is now in press. Owing
to the many official duties of the editor, the publication of the Trans-
actions is somewhat in arrears, but an effort is being made to bring
it once more up to date.
During the session the following papers were read :—
1.—< Presidential Address,” by H. 8. Poole, D.Sc., Assoc. R.S.M.,
BGS: (B-RS:C: | !
APPENDIX E XCV
2.—“<On the Flora of McNab’s Island, Halifax,” by Captain J. H.
Barbour, M.D., R.A.M.C.
3.—“ Catalogue of the Birds of Prince Edward Island,” by John
MacSwain.
4.—“ Mining, Is It a Science?” by W. E. Lishman, M.A., M. Ins:
M.E.
5.—“ Fungi of Nova Scotia; First Supplementary List,’ by A. HE
MacKay, LL.D., F.R.S.C.
6.—“ Halifax Water Works,’ by H. W. Johnston, C.E.
T.— The Oil-fields of Eastern Canada,” by R. W. Ells, LL.D.
8.—* The Frost and Drought of 1905,” by F. W. W. Doane, C.E.
9.—-* Eels in Water Pipes and their Migration,” by W. L. Bishop.
10.—% Notes on Protective Colouring,” by Frank H. Reid.
11.—“ The Grignard Synthesis; Action of Phenyl Magnesium Bromide
| on Camphor,” by H. Jermain Creighton.
12.—* Contribution to the Study of Hydroxylamin,” by G. M. John-
stone MacKay, B.A.
13.—* The Water Powers on the Mersey River, N.S.,” by W. G. Yors-
ton, C.K.
14.-—“ On the Damage done to Timber by Teredo navalis and Limnoria
lignorum,” by Roderick MeColl, C.E.
15.—“ Phenological Observations, Canada, 1905,’ by A. H. MacKay,
i DE DAD Peep) a aol OF
16.—‘ Water-rolled Weed-balls,” by A. H. MacKay, LL.D., F.R.S.C.
VI. From The Natural History Sociely of Montreal, through
Dr. NICHOLLS.
The following report of the work of the Natural History Society
for the session of 1905-1906 is respectfully submitted for the con-
sideration of the Royal Society of Canada.
The officers and members of the above society have pleasure in
reporting a most successful year’s work. Keeping in mind the pur-
pose for which the association was formed, namely, to encourage the
study of nature among its members, to foster the love of natural
objects among the general public, and, in a word, to disseminate and
popularize these special branches of science, they have to a large extent
followed the methods which have proved so successful in former years,
but with the expectation in the comparatively near future of embracing
an even larger scope. In general, the objects mentioned have been
carried out by means of regular monthly meetings of a largely scien-
tific nature; free evening lectures of a popular kind; weekly after-
XCVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
noon talks, usually illustrated, for children and young people; oppor-
tunities for study offered by the museum and library; the publication
of its scientific organ, Zhe Canadian Record of Science; excursions to
places of interest in the vicinity of Montreal; and an active interest
in those scientific matters of importance to the well-being of the general
body politic.
To particularize the work done on the above lines the following
account may be given:
The regular monthly meetings have been held as usual, the papers
of scientific character presented being as follows :—
1905.
Oct. 25.—“ An Account of a Blazing Beach on the Maine Coast,”
Prof. D. P. Penhallow.
“A Notice of some Fossil Plants from the Pleistocene of
the Abitibi River,” Prof. Penhallow.
“ Notes on the Geology of the Abitibi District,’ Dr. Wilson.
Nov. 25.—“ Fungi collected at Cap-a-lAigle,” Rev. Dr. Campbell.
‘“ Relations of Sun Spots and Sun Clouds,” Mr. Stewart.
1906.
Jan. 29.—* The Distribution of Forests in Tertiary Time and their
Relations to the present Great Plains,’ Prof. Penhallow.
“Some Recent Studies respecting the Nuclei of the Lower
Forms of Plant Life” Miss Carrie M. Derick.
Mar. 26.—“ Some Recent Developments on the Production of Plant
Hybrids,’ Miss Carrie M. Derick.
April 30.—* A Remarkable Tumonr of the White Birch,” Prof. Pen-
hallow.
“Distribution of Plants in the Cretaceous Period,’ Prof.
Penhallow.
The Annual Somerville Course of Lectures was given as follows :—
Jan. 18.—“ Lime, Soda and Soap,” Prof. Nevil Norton Evans, M.Sc.,
MeGill University.
Jan. 25.—“ The Labrador Eclipse Expedition,” Rev. I. W. Kavanagh,
S.J., M.A., B.Se., Science Master, Loyola College.
Feb. 1.—“‘ Food Adulteration in Canada,” Dr. J. T. Donald, Official
Analyst to the Dominion Government.
Feb. 8.—“ Jamaica, the Isle of Springs,” Theo. H. Wardleworth,
F.L.S.
“The Origin of New Forms of Plant Life,’ Carrie M.
Derick, M.A., Assist. Lecturer in Botany, McGill Uni-
versity.
Heb? tb:
APPENDIX E XCVII
Feb. 22.—“ South and East Africa as seen during the Meeting of the
British Association in 1905,” Dr. John B. Porter, Prof.
of Mining and Metallurgy, McGill University.
The Young People’s Half-Hour Series of Talks on Natural History
for 1906 was as follows :—
Jan. 20.—“ Buds,” Carrie M. Derick, M.A.
Jan. 27.“ The Story of a Piece of Wood,” J. S. Buchan, K.C., B.C.L.
Feb. 3.—“A Talk on Plants,” 8. 8. Bain, Esq.
Feb. 10.—“ A Can of Salmon,” Harry Bragg, Esq.
Feb. 17.—\*“ By-Paths in an Invisible Garden,” Prof. A. G. Nicholls,
M.A., M.D.
Feb. 24.—“ How Paper is Made,” Chas. 8. J. Phillips, Esq.
The attendance of members and others on the above courses has
been very gratifying and shows an increasing interest in matters
scientific.
A matter worthy of special note is the Conversazione which was
held under the auspices of the society in the Natural History Building
on February 22nd. This meeting, the first of the kind held for ten
years, was graced by the presence of His Excellency Earl Grey, to
whom a fitting address was presented by the society, together with a
souvenir of historical interest. The conversazione was entirely satis-
factory from every point of view.
The donations to the museum have not been particularly numerous
this year, but have been of considerable importance.
Contributions to the library continue to be made, there being now
about 5,500 volumes in the care of the society.
The Canadian Record of Science keeps up its good record for
scientific and general excellence, and, under the able editorship of
Dr. Penhallow, it is hoped that it will appear at regular quarterly
intervals, and make its way to the front as the standard scientific
journal of the kind for the whole of Canada. To this end it is hoped
that a grant from the Government, for which application has been
made, will be re-established.
The annual Field Day was held at Mt. Johnson and was very suc-
cessful. The attendance was very large and the arrangements for the
comfort of the excusionists were well carried ont.
In the report of last year reference was made to the interest in
the question of the depredations of the Tussock Moth on our shade
trees. As a consequence of this crusade, measures, which unfortunately
were only partially successful, were adopted in conjunction with the
civic authorities to limit the ravages of this insect. As a result of
Proc., 1906. 7.
SS
XCVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
our efforts the dangers accruing from this pest have been more forcibly
brought home to those most directly concerned, and this spring we
expect that more vigorous measures will be adopted towards the ex-
termination of the pest. As another example of the wide-reaching
interests of the society may be mentioned the fact that attention was
called to the wanton destruction of sea-gulls in the lower St. Law-
rence and steps were taken to memorialize the Federal Government
to inquire into the matter and to take the necessary steps to put a
stop to the evil.
During the past year the work of the society has been hampered
by the lack of sufficient and suitable accommodation for the prosecution
of its distinctive work. More especially has this been noticed in con-
nection with the museum and library, a great amount of the material
teing inaccessible on account of the lack of space to display it. In
this connection the society has taken an important and decisive step
in the direction of better things. It has disposed of the old building,
which has been so long its home and a scientific landmark in the
city, and has acquired a most desirable and suitable site, consisting of
about 10,000 square feet, on the best portion of Drummond Street,
where its temporary quarters have been located. On this ground it
has been decided to erect a modern building, which will meet the
increased requirements of the society, and be a credit to the city of
Montreal. To this end an influential and numerous building com-
mittee has been struck and immediate steps are to be taken to carry
the society’s desires into effect. As a consequence of these changes
it has been found necessary to store the various specimens and books
in suitable places, so that for the coming year they will not be avail-
able for reference, and to this extent the society’s usefulness will he
curtailed until the new home is an accomplished fact. Realizing this,
and with the idea of in some measure compensating for it, the society
has decided to extend its work on the line of free public lectures to
be given in different centres of the city and with co-operation of vari-
ous bodies, like the Tuberculosis League, the Local Council of Women,
the Pure Milk League, the Hygiene Committee, the Westmount
School Commissioners, the Alexandra Hospital, and St. Paul’s Hos-
pital. The subjects that will be dealt with include matters of hygiene,
public health, decoration, materials and forms of construction, and
will be dealt with in popular ways by competent lecturers. Some of
these lectures are designed to meet the special requirements of artisans,
and where necessary will be delivered both in English and French.
A notable increase has been noted in the matter of new members,
there being some fifty-three enrolled during the past twelve months.
APPENDIX E CIX
It is confidently expected that this number will be still more increased
in view of the greater attractions which will be afforded by the in-
creased facilities which it is hoped will be offered by the society in
the not very distant future. We have to regret the death of one of
our members, that of the late Hon. R. Préfontaine.
The society is greatly indebted to Mr. Alfred Griffin for his
valuable and enthusiastic services cheerfully placed at its disposal.
Officers.
Hon. President—Lord Strathcona and Mount Royal.
President—Dr. D. P. Penhallow.
Vice-Presidents—Frank D. Adams, Ph.D., F.R.S.C.; J. S. Buchan,
K.C., B.C.L.; Rev. Robert Campbell, D.D.; Albert Holden; J. H.
Joseph; EH. W. McBride, M.A., D.Sec.; Prof. T. Wesley Mills, M.D.,
ihoe.; Hon, J. K., Ward,
Hon. Recording Secretary—F. W. Richards, 5
Hon. Corresponding Secretary—C. E. H. Phillips.
Hon. Treasurer—Chas. 8. J. Phillips.
Hon. Curator—A. E. Norris.
Members of Council—J. A. U. Beaudry, C.E., Chairman; Prof.
J. Bemrose, F.I.C., F.C.S.; J. H. Burland, Joseph Fortier, John Har-
per, F. McLennan, K.C.; Dr. A. G. Nicholls, Alex. Robertson, B.A.
Superintendent—Alfred (Griffin,
VII—From The Entomological Society of Ontario, through —
Mr. A. F. WINN.
As delegate from the Entomological Society of Ontario, it is my
pleasing duty to report another year of steady progress, and that our
membership is increasing very rapidly. At your last meeting the
establishment of a branch in British Columbia was mentioned, and
since then another has been formed in Guelph, Ont., where there are
a number of active and enthusiastic entomologists.
The parent society in London, with its branches at Quebec, Mont-
real, Toronto, Guelph and Vancouver, and active members in every
province of the Dominion is able to accomplish much that would be
impossible if the sphere of work were limited to a more restricted
area. :
The last volume, No. 38, of our monthly magazine, The Canadian
Entomologist, contains 426 pages—a contrast with the first modest
one of 110 pages — and is illustrated with twenty-nine figures in the
text from original drawings, and seven full page plates, one of the
Gi ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
latter being a three colour process plate of moths, showing the beauty
as well as scientific accuracy of this style of illustration. Among the
sixty-two contributors to its pages, some are from such distant places
as Jamaica, W.I.; Honolulu, and the Philippine Islands. Eleven new
genera of insects are described, and one hundred and forty-two new
species. Articles on new species and varieties of Lepidoptera, by Dr.
J. B. Smith, Dr. Wm. Barnes, Dr. H. G. Dyar, Prof. Fernald, Miss
Murtfeldt, Messrs. H. H. Lyman, F. H. Woolley-Dod, A. Gibson,
W. D. Kearfott.
Coleoptera, by Prof. H. F. Wickham, Major T. L. Casey, Messrs.
Frederick Knab and Wm. Knaus; Orthoptera, by Messrs. E. M. Walker,
and W. T. Davis; Hemiptera, by Messrs. J. R. de la Torre Bueno,
E. D. Ball, D. Lange, and G. W. Kirkaldy; Hymenoptera, by Dr.
W. H. Ashmead and J. H. Lovell; Diptera, by Mr. D. W. Coquillett,
Miss C. 8. Ludlow and Dr. Grabham. Life histories are given more
or less completely of Empithoecia interrupto fasciata,— Apantesis virgo,
parthenice and rectilinia, by Mr. A. Gibson; Apantesis proxima, by
Dr. O. Siefert; Gortyna thalictri, Mr. H. H. Lyman; Delphastus pusil-
lus by Mr. W. E. Britton.
A series of articles on Practical and Popular Entomology consists
of the following :— ,
“The Pear-tree Psylla and how to deal with it,” by Mr. Geo. E.
Fisher; “ Entomology in Schools,’ by Mr. H. S. Saunders; “ How do
Insects pass the Winter?” by Dr. James Fletcher; “ Notes on collect-
ing Aquatic Hemiptera,” by Mr. J. R. de la Torre Bueno; “ Canadian
Three-colour Process Illustration,” by Dr. James Fletcher; “The
Struggle with the Codling Moth,” by Prof. W. Lochhead; “ Granary
Insects,” by Mr. A. Gibson; “A Method for Measuring Insects,” by
Mr. J. R. de la Torre Bueno; “The Buffalo Carpet Beetle,’ by Dr.
James Fletcher.
Articles on Classification include a catalogue of the Aphidae, by
Mr. G. W. Kirkaldy; “The Bees of Oregon,” by H. L. Viereck and
others; “The Three Ranatras of the Eastern United States,” by Mr.
J. R. de la Torre Bueno; “ Mosquito Notes,” by Miss C. 8. Ludlow.
Among the miscellaneous papers may be mentioned,— “ Observ-
ations on Lampyridae,” by Mr. Frederick Knab; “ Notes on Types
in the British Museum,” by Mr. H. H. Lyman; “ Remarkable Flight
of Corisa (Waterboatmen),” by Mr. D. Lange; “Spiders of Rockport
Cave, Mo.,” by Mr. C. R. Crosby; “Influence of the Apidae upon
Geographical Distribution of certain Floral Types,” by Mr. J. A. Har-
ris; “ Oviposition of Bibio femorata,” by Mr. A. H. Girault.
Book notices have appeared promptly of new entomological works.
APPENDIX E CI
The forty-gecond annual meeting was held in October at the
Ontario Agricultural College, Guelph, with an attendance at some of
the meetings of over one hundred, and the society was favoured with
the presence of Prof. John B. Smith, State Entomologist of New
Jersey. Reports were presented on the injurious and other insects of
the various districts in Ontario, from the different branches and sec-
tions of the society, and addresses and papers were given on a variety
of subjects.
The thirty-sixth annual report of the society to the Ontario Gov-
ernment has been published, comprising one hundred and forty-four
pages, and, as usual, contains a full account of the work of the previous
year, and the papers read at the annual meeting, as well as numerous
articles of an economic nature, giving to fruit-growers and agricul-
turalists an accurate account of injurious insects along with the best
methods of attacking them.
Among these may be mentioned,—“ A Review of the Mosquito
Work in New Jersey,” by Dr. J. B. Smith; “ Experiments against
the San José Scale,” by Prof. Lochhead; “ Entomological Conditions
in North Carolina,” by Prof. F. Sherman; “ Reports on Insects of the
Season 1905,” by Prof. Lochhead, Dr. Fletcher, Dr. Fyles, Dr. Bethune,
and Mr. C. Stevenson; “The Tussock Moths,” by Dr. Fyles and Mr.
H. H. Lyman; “The Phlox Mite; The Blue Spruce Fly; and, On
Humble Bees that Fertilize the Red Clover,” by Mr. T. D. Jarvis;
* Forest Insects,” by Rev. Dr. Fyles and Mr. E. J. Zavitz; “The
Advantage and Disadvantage of the Canadian Entomologist,” by Rev.
Dr. Fyles; “ Butterfly Collecting in Canada,” by Mrs. Nicholl;
“ Orthoptera and Odonata from Algonquin Park,’ by Mr. E. M.
Walker; “Insects as Nature Studies,” by Mr. S. B. McCready; “ In-
jurious Insects of the Flower Garden,” by Mr. Arthur Gibson.
The library now consists of over eighteen hundred volumes, and
a card catalogue according to subjects has been begun. The collections
at London are open to the public three days a week, and advantage is
taken of this opportunity, the number of visitors being increasing.
The branches are all in a satisfactory state, and our friends in
British Columbia have decided to issue a quarterly “ Bulletin,” the first
number of which has just appeared, and contains much information
on the insects of British Columbia, particularly on the Coleoptera. It
was felt that as the members in that province were so widely scattered,
that a medium of communication would bind them together, and we
should like to see the members in the Maritime Provinces and also in
the Northwest follow a similar course, so that our society could have
a chain of branches from the Atlantic to the Pacific.
CII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
VIII. From The Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Montreal,
through R. W. MCcLacxLan.
The Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Montreal has the
honour to report that the following papers have been read before it
during the past year :-—
1. “De Ramezay and the Chateau de Ramezay,” by R. W. McLachlan.
“Benjamin Franklin and the Chateau de Ramezay,” by R. W.
McLachlan.
“British Military Gold Medals,” by James Reid.
4. “Canadian Coins and Medals added to my collection in 1905,” by
R. W. McLachlan.
5. “Documents relating to the first Montreal Printer,” by R. W.
McLachlan.
iss)
During the year the museum and national gallery have been re-
arranged and a new catalogue prepared and published. Through the
sale of the catalogue and the efforts of some friends much of the float-
ing debt, which has hampered the society’s work, has been paid; and
there are hopes that, by the end of this year, our books will come out
with the balance on the right side. Still there is need for a much
larger revenue to make the work in the Chateau de Ramezay as effi-
cient as it should be.
The additions to the museum were 40 coins and medals, and 50
Canadian antiquities—total 90.
To the national gallery, 19 portraits, of which three are in oil
and three in water colours; 47 Canadian views and 9 plans and maps —
total 75.
To the library 748 Canadian books, 274 pamphlets, 93 other books
and pamphlets, besides 300 books and publications received as ex-
changes—total 1,415, making a grand total of 1,580 in all branches.
The bi-centennial of the building of the Chateau de Ramezay was
celebrated on the 21st of February last, at which a gold medal, struck
to commemorate the occasion, was presented to His Excellency the
Governor-General, who honoured the celebration with his presence. A
silver medal was also presented to Lady Grey, and bronze ones to the
500 guests present. The President presented an address to His Excel-
lency, giving a short history of the building which the celebration
commemorated.
APPENDIX E CIIl
The officers of the society for 1906 are:—
Patron—His Exeellency the Governor-General.
Vice-Presidents—Judge L. W. Sicotte, W. D. Lighthall, C. T.
Hart, L. G. A. Cresse, Jas. Reid, J. B. Vallée.
Hon. Treasurer—George Durnford.
Hon. Curator—-R. W. Mclachlan.
Hon. Ree. Secretary—C. A. Harwood.
Hon. Cor. Secretary—Pemberton Smith.
Hon. Librarian—J. A. U. Beaudry.
Members of Council—S. M. Baylis, P. O. Tremblay, L. Gravel,
Eugène Lafontaine, J. C. A. Heriot, C. B. Carter, K.C., J. N. Perrault,
A. S. Hamelin, Prof. C. W. Colby.
IX.— From The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, through
P. B. CAsGRAIN.
The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, through P. B.
Casgrain, Esquire, K.C., its president and delegate, begs leave to pre-
sent to the Royal Society of Canada the following report of their
proceedings for the year 1905.
Jt is and cannot be other than the report of the council for the
same period to the general meeting of the members of the society
read by the then retiring president, Major Wood, and duly adopted
on the 10th January, 1906, as follows :—
As the senior society in Canada, we now enter our 83rd year
with the satisfaction of being engaged in work which we are striving
to make at least equal to the best achievements in our past career.
1775 — that fateful year for both French and English speaking Can-
ada — is still the main object of our research.
In 1903, under the presidency of Sir James LeMoine, a committee
was formed to deal with the erection of historical tablets to commem-
orate the heroic defenders of Quebec who repulsed the attacks of Mont-
gomery and Arnold. Before the close of 1904, the two splendid bronze
shields, for which the Dominion Government made a special grant of
$1,250, were in position. We are glad to be able to report that these
tablets have been strongly commended by our late and present patrons,
the Earl of Minto and Earl Grey, the latter of whom personally in-
spected them last summer. They have been welcomed with universal
approval in Canada and in other parts of the Empire; and we rejoice
to see that they have met with generous recognition by the intelligent
public of the United States. In this connection we should add that
when the old and well known wooden sign — Montgomery Fell — was
CIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
taken down by the departmental workmen, our president, whose
action was unanimously approved by the council, tried to have it
repaired at the society’s expense and placed over the exact spot in
front of where the barricade had stood.
The Government, however, undertook this themselves, and replaced
the sign in its old position.
The principal results of our work on 1775, since the erection of
the tablets, has been the publication, in the spring of 1905, of verbatim
reprints, in a volume entitled “ The Blockade of Quebec in 1775-76 by
the American Revolutionists ” (Les Bostonnais).
The contents comprise: 1. The Journal of Thomas Ainslie;
2. The Journal of an unknown Diarist; 3. The Orderly Book of the
British Militia at Quebec, 1775-6; and 4. The Nominal Roll of the
French Canadian Militia serving at Quebec during the siege. The
preface gives a full account of the successful efforts for the erection
of the tablets, and is illustrated by photographs specially taken to show
the inscriptions both by themselves, on a large scale, as well as in
position on the sites once occupied by the barricades at Prés-de-Ville
and Sault-au-Matelot. ,
We have much pleasure in reporting that this volume has also
been a great success wherever it has found its way, and that both the
late and the present Governors-General have expressed their warm
approval after a personal inspection. The experiment of sending out
a few reviews, or presentation copies, has proved equally encouraging.
Two such copies have already exerted considerable influence over two
forthcoming histories of prime importance. One is the new American
History of Canada which is being written by Mr. Frank Tracy, literary
editor of the Boston T'ranscript. The other is what promises to be
the greatest and most authoritative “ History of the United States
and Its People,” a magnificent work in twelve volumes, which Dr.
Avery has been preparing for eighteen years, and of which the Burrows
Brothers are already beginning the actual publication. Several other
copies are now doing their work equally well in many influential quar-
ters, and altogether, they cannot fail to have a far reaching effect
in making this momentous turning-point in Canadian and Imperial
history both better known and better understood.
We have fortunately been instrumental in helping to save the
Martello Tower overlooking the St. Charles. The municipal author-
ities intend to use it as a police station and keep it intact. We are
glad to see a strong and growing body of well-founded opinion becoming
more and more alive to the need and advisability of preserving the
splendid landmarks of Quebec. We do not wish for a moment to
sh à
APPENDIX E CV
eppose any real modern improvement in our midst; nor do we wish
to have any object carefully preserved merely because it happens to
be old, and irrespective of its use, beauty or historic interest, for we
remember that nearly everything which is now an historic monument
to us once served some useful purpose for a bygone generation of our
fellow-citizens. But we shall always prevent, by every means in our
power, any wanton disfigurement of Nature or destruction of these
works of man which remind us of a worthy past. And to do so more
effectually we would ask our own members, and all Quebecers, to
remember the motto, “Je me souviens, ” and to assist the efforts of
the Canadian Landmark Association as both a duty and a privilege.
With such an association keeping watch and ward over all that the
present only holds in trust for posterity, we should be doubly armed
against every wanton attempt to level down the high and rare dis-
tinction of our most favoured city “into the catalogue of common
things.”
The librarian’s and treasurer’s reports deal fully with their own
departments — but we should like to mention specially that since we
have now paid off the $475 for the new bookcases, according to our
agreement with Morrin College, the whole of the college book grant
of $250 will be available for its proper purposes during the present
year. Dr. Douglas’ generous grant of $500 will be divided, as before,
between the book fund and the publishing of original documents.
With regard to our general financial position, we have to report
that we still carry a residuary indebtedness which we shall pay off,
as soon as possible, out of the realization of an investment which we
are free to use at our discretion. We hope to obtain, as on former
occasions, a special grant from the Provincial (Government in aid of
the work of publishing the documents relating to 1775. Our depu-
tation was kindly received by the Prime Minister, who acknowledged
that our work was one of national importance.
It affords us great pleasure to report that not a single member
has died or resigned in 1905, that only three have left the city, and
that thirty-three new members have been elected. This means an
addition of thirty to our membership and of $120 to our annual sub-
scriptions,
We desire to publicly acknowledge the special kindness of our
honorary president, Dr. James Douglas, in giving us a most interesting
Jecture on “ Education in Quebec in the 17th Century” on the 26th
cf January, to the great delight of one of the largest and most appre-
ciative audiences.
CVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
We would beg leave to remind our members that Quebec is to
be honoured by an exceptionally brilliant gathering of savants from
every part of the world, and by one whose specialty should appeal
with peculiar force to our sympathetic interest, since it is the study of
the native Indian races of America.
We desire to express an earnest hope that many of our society
will take the opportunity of becoming temporary members of this Inter-
national Congress of Americanists, during its session here in next
September.
In conclusion, we would venture to remind our French speaking
fellow-citizns that our society has always been, and still is, one in
which they will find themselves most warmly welcomed; one in which
many French Canadians have occupied the most distinguished position,
from our foundation down to the present day; one in which they
would already find several members of their own race and creed; and,
finally, one in which the common intellectual interests of all Quebecers
will always find a common home.
The officers for the ensuing years were then elected as follows:—
Honorary President—Dr. Jas. Douglas.
President—P. B. Casgrain, K.C.
Vice-Presidents—J. Hamilton, Dr. G. W. Parmelee, J. T. Ross,
Col. Turnbull.
Recording Secretary—A. Robertson.
Corresponding Secretary—A. H. Cook.
Council Secretary—Wm. Clint.
Treasurer—Jas. Geggie.
Librarian—F. C. Wurtele.
Curator of Museum—Rev. G. P. O’Leary.
Curator of Apparatus—G. Lampson.
Additional Members of Council—Sir J. M. LeMoine, Major Wood,
C. Tessier and 8. Lesage.
X.—From Le Cercle Littéraire et Musical de Montréal, through
Dr. Henri M. Amt.
Le 5 novembre 1905, à notre 251éme séance, nous avons célébré
le 20ème anniversaire de notre société, non sans un légitime orgueil
d’avoir atteint un Age si respectable au sein d’une époque agitée et
sujette aux changements. Une ombre de mélancolie planait cependant
sur cette réunion, car vingt années dans une existence humaine repré-
sentent tant de choses et involontairement ceux qui ont assisté aux
débuts de la société songeaient aux chers disparus et regrettaient le
APPENDIX E CVII
passé. Mais pour le cercle même, ainsi qu’on l’exprima en termes
éloquents dans plusieurs discours, c’était une date mémorable, un jour
de joie et de triomphe de nature à nous encourager. Car on a parlé
d'avenir et nous voulons croire à la prédiction d’un de nos orateurs
lorsqu'il citait la strophe de la Marseillaise :
“Nous entrerons dans la carrière,
Quand nos enfants n’y seront plus,” etc.,
confiant ainsi aux jeunes membres de notre cercle la tradition inau-
gurée il y vingt ans, sous les auspices de M. Coussirat.
Il est à constater que malgré le nombre réduit à neuf des séances
de l’hiver, il y a eu recrudescence de zèle et d’enthousiasme, les sujets
choisis pour la discussion générale ayant excité beaucoup d'intérêt.
Outre les travaux écrits dont suit la liste, nos soirées ont été embellies
par dexcellente musique, plusieurs comédies de salon, saynètes, lectures
de pièces intéressantes et déclamations.
Travaux écrits.
Les Lutins, M. Honoré Beaugrand.
A L’Aquitanie, M. Coussirat.
Impressions artistiques, M. Duclos.
Le Phédon, M. Coussirat.
Berlioz, Mme Laberge.
César Franck, Mme Cornu.
Etude sur Sedaine, M. Morin.
Les Principes de la critique de E. Renan, M. Coussirat.
Le Flirt, M. Sauvalle.
La bonne et la mauvaise humeur, Mme King, M. Mage, M. Duclos.
Deux Contes de Joe Violon, M. Fréchette.
Le Golfe (poême), M. Desaulniers.
A propos de critique littéraire, M. Lafleur.
L'université en France, M. Coussirat.
L’université en Allemagne, M. Walter.
L'université en Angleterre, M. Caldwell.
Les critiques modernes — Brunetière, M. Coussirat; Jules Le-
maître, M. Walter.
A propos du merveilleux, M. Lafleur.
Les barbiers dans l’histoire, Mme Sauvalle.
Voiture et Benserade, Melle Eglauch.
Alfred de Musset, Mme Herdt.
Les grandes fortunes sont-eiles utiles à l'Etat? M. Sauvalle, Melle
Eglauch.
CVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
XI.— From The Niagara Historical Society, through
Miss JANET CARNOCIIAN.
In presenting our report in this eleventh year of our existence,
we feel that we are not without some work accomplished. It is true
that we cannot record so many papers read as in some years, but this
was because many of our meetings were occupied by business connected
with our proposed Memorial Hall. There were seven regular meet-
ings held from October to May, and besides these many committee
meetings. The papers read were by the President, “'The Origin of
the Maple Leaf as the Emblem of Canada,” “ The Life and Character
of Sir Isaac Brock,” and “ Extracts from the Letters of Mrs. Wm.
Dennimer Powell.” However, if fewer papers have been read, we
have this year printed, besides our usual report, two pamphlets, namely,
No. 13—A Canadian Heroine and St. Vincent de Paul’s Church and
Origin of names of streets in Niagara; also No. 14—Letters of Mrs.
W. D. Powell, 1806-1821, and Account of W. D. Miller and family,
and we are pleased to say there has been a fair demand for both of
those.
As regards membership, we have again to record an addition of
twenty, so that we now number 112; these are scattered from Quebec
to Calgary, from New York and Massachusetts to Kansas City. A
great impetus was given to our membership by the annual meeting
of the Ontario Historical Society being held here and at Niagara Falls
on the 7th and 8th June. On the first day Col. Cruikshank gave
addresses which threw much light on the stirring events at Chippawa,
Lundy’s Lane, and Queenston Heights, and at Niagara were visited
the old Forts George and Mississagua, St. Mark’s and St. Andrew’s
churches, and the Historical Room, and, we believe, thus increased life
and vigour has been given to us.
The usual visit was paid on 17th September to the graveyards to
decorate with flowers. The usual grants for printing purposes have
been received from the Ontario Government and County Council. The
collection is increasing in number and value, there being now over
three thousand articles of manuscripts, documents, books, military
equipage, historical relics of many kinds; over five hundred visitors
recorded their names. Pamphlets to the amount of $15 were sold
and over 700 were distributed to members, societies and others inter-
ested. A visit was paid to the room by the St. Catharines Literary
and Historical Society and much interest shown. The collection was
removed for the summer to the Town Hall in the same building, and
in this large and commodious room the articles were displayed to much
greater advantage.
APPENDIX E CIX
In view of the threatened sale of the Military Reserve here a depu-
tation was sent to Ottawa, consisting of members from the Ontario
Historical Society and the town, to appeal against the spoliation of
the ground made sacred by the blood of so many brave men in the
war of 1812. A letter from Mr. Wm. Kirby to the president of our
society regarding this, and one from the president were printed and
distributed, and it is hoped that better counsels will prevail.
But it is in regard to our proposed Memorial Hall that we feel
thankful progress has been made. The president visited Ottawa to
ask for assistance, and in view of the fact that we are no longer local
in our aims, but that our membership extends through the Dominion,
a grant of $1,000 was given; we now have altogether about $3,000
promised, and plans and specifications have been decided on, a tender
for $4,000 accepted, and the foundation is now laid on a site given by
the president, and we hope by September we shall be safely esconced in
a very handsome building.
Officers.
Patron—Wm. Kirby, F.R.S.C.
President—Miss Carnochan,
Vice-President—Rey. J. G. Garrett.
Secretary—Alfred Ball.
Assistant Secretary-—John Eckersley.
Treasurer—Mrs. S. D. Manning.
Curator and Editor—Miss Carnochan.
Committee—Mrs. T. F. Best, W. R. McClelland, C. A. F. ‘Ball,
Wm. Miller, W. J. Wright, M.A.
XII.— From The Elgin Historical and Scientific Institute, through
FRANK Hunt.
The past year has been marked by interest and continued effort
on the part of the Women’s Auxiliary, whose report is appended.
The institute arranged in October last, for a commemoration of
the centennial anniversary of the Battle of Trafalgar, by requesting
the mayor to notify all citizens to display flags, the ministers to make
reference to the anniversary from the pulpits, and the newspapers to
- publish special articles on Nelson’s great victory. The president, as
principal of the public schools, arranged with the teachers to call atten-
tion to the anniversary. The Women’s Auxiliary held a special meet-
ing.
CX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The institute held three meetings during the last season. Publie
lectures were delivered as follows :—
Feb. 2, 1906.—“ On the French Canadian in History,” by Mr. Ben-
jamin Sulte, F.R.S.C.
Feb. 23, 1906—“ On English Literature,” by William Wilfrid Camp-
bell, F.R.S.C.
Your co-operation is requested in taking measures for the preserv-
ation of the Southwold earthwork and other historical and archeological
memorials.
The officers for the year 1906-7 were elected as follows :—
President—James H. Coyne.
Vice-President—Mrs. J. H. Wilson.
Secretary—Frank Hunt.
Treasurer—W. H. Murch.
Curator—Mrs. W. St. Thomas Smith.
Editor—Judge Ermatinger.
Council—Dr. S. Silcox, Judge Colter, J. W. Stewart, Charles
Oakes, K. W. McKay; Mesdames J. S. Robertson, C. O. Ermatinger,
T. W. Duncombe, W. R. Jackson.
XIII.— From The Women’s Historical Society of the County of UE.
through Mrs. R. H. McConne tt.
During the past season there were six meetings held. The pro-
gramme consisted of the following papers :—
A talk on the old “ Fort” at Prescott, by Miss Ermatinger.
An address on Tecumseh the “ Shawnee chief,” by Mr. Waterbury,
interspersed with readings by Mrs. Kains from the drama by the same
name.
“ Sketches of the men of Bruce County,” by Mrs. Louisa King.
Conclusion of address on “ Tecumseh,” by Mr. Waterbury.
“Canadian Senate,” by Mrs. J. H. Wilson.
Early Women of the Country,” by Mr. Edward Harris.
“The Hudson Bay Company,” by Miss Grace McConnell.
The ladies entertained their friends at an evening party held on
November 27th, 1905. On January 11th, 1906, “The Women’s His-
torical Society,” presented a flag to the 25th Regiment for their
armoury. The presentation was made by the president, Mrs. Wilson,
with an appropriate address, which was cordially responded to by the
commanding officers, who, later on in the evening, entertained the
society at a party in honour of the occasion.
APPENDIX E CXI
The 100th anniversary of the Battle of Trafalgar was celebrated
by a special meeting at which an address suitable to the occasion was
delivered by Mr. James H. Coyne, M.A.
The membership is 100 — the society having passed a resolution
limiting it to that number.
The society is in a good financial condition, having about $80.00
to its credit in the Southern Loan and Savings Company.
Officers:
President—Mrs. J. H. Wilson.
1st Vice-President—Mrs. James H. Coyne.
2nd Vice-President—-Mrs. J. S. Robertson.
3rd Vice-President—Mrs. Truman. Duncombe.
Secretary Treasurer-—Mrs. R. H. McConnell.
Assistant Treasurer---Miss McLachlan.
Assistant Secretary—Mrs. O. J. Stevenson.
Cor’s Secretary—Miss Coyne.
Rep’t Secretary—Miss Wegg.
Curator—Mrs. F. M. Griffin.
CXII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
XIV.— Report of the Botanical Club of Canada for 1905-6.
By the General Secretary, A. H. MacKay, LL.D.
Circulars and special letters were sent out to many addresses during
the year, asking for co-operation in the various kinds of botanical work
which the club desires to stimulate. ‘here has been very considerable
response from many quarters showing that the exploration of the local
floras is receiving more than ordinary attention. But no local lists of
plants extending the known range of species have been sent to the secre-
tary except in the case of the province of Nova Scotia where several
workers are more or less co-operating. However, many are publish-
ing papers on some department of the local floras in local scientific pub-
lications, and these I have endeavoured to refer to as far as they could
be kept in view, in my report of the Bibliography of Canadian botany
for the year.
I have been recommending those making additions to their local
lists to send such reports annually to the honorary president of the club,
who, as the official biologist of the geological survey of Canada, is in the
best position for collating, correcting and publishing such additions of
new plants and extensions of the range of old plants.
I have been unremitting in sending out blanks for the report of
lecal phenological observations; but have yet been unable to have a re-
port from the Yukon or the Island of Newfoundland. As usual my cor-.
respondents are most willing to make observations when asked; but
within a year after they too often find that their absorption in other
occupations prevented their systematic observations to be carried on at
interesting seasons, and rather than report a short list they prefer to
hope to make a more complete list the following year.
Through the kindness of the director of the meteorological service of
the Dominion, Mr. R. F. Stupart, I am able to give short reports of the
first observance of many phenomena at as many as seventeen points over:
the western provinces of Canada, which stations are distinguished in
the list following by an asterisk. Mr. F. F. Payne ‘has made a list of
fifty phenomena which are to a great extent common to all the provinces.
But he finds that even this select list does not appear to be suitable for
many localities. J join with him im asking the aid of the club in fram-
ing a general list which will as far as possible enable us to compare the
climate of the east, centre and west of Canada as definitely as possible.
Such a list could be included in all more comprehensive lists in black
letter, to distinguish the phenomena as the specially important to be ob-
served, in case the observer cannot conveniently take time for the-
a
APPENDIX E CXIII
observation of a larger range. Perhaps for east and west it may be
desirable to list equivalent species in juxtaposition. It may here be
stated, that some of the western species in the tables following, are the
equivalent of the eastern species—generally one of the following supple-
mentary western list usually published in accompaniment with the ori-
ginal eastern list.
Spring Anemone (A. patens, var. N.), Prairies, fi.
Salmon berry (Rubus spectabilis), B. C., fl.
cs ge vs fruiting.
Ash-leaved Maple (Acer Negundo). Ont. and W., fl.
Wild Plum (Prunus Americana). East fl.
Blackberry (R. occidentalis and leuc.) fl.
ee ie Ne anv ay
Western Dogwood (Cornus Nuttallii). B. C., fl.
Oaks (Black and White), fl.
Song Sparrow (M. Montana) arrived.
Robin (M. propinqua). B. C., arrived.
Blue Bird (Sialia sialis). Central, arrived.
. Junco (J. annectens and Oregonus). B. C.
Red winged Blackbird (Ag. pheniceus).
Meadow lark (Sturnella neglecta). Man.
Humming-bird (7. rufus and Cal.). West.
Night-hawk (Chordeiles Henryei). B. C.
Dates and duration of drought.
Pa BSS SMM | PSs anes
The general short list of the Meteorological service referred to is
the following :
1. Blood Root (Sanguinaria Canadensis)............... Flowering
maaeitepatica, (Hepabical s Grob) assis eue oars s
go trains Arbutus: (Bipicgea repens), 4.4..." © oh à
47 Dandelion, (Varaxacum ‘ottieimale) 9.2.0... 4042. a
Droles Blue (Viola nca) ner"... 2s a
Paneer Viole. White: (Violas bande) RE sn os ne ee -
ea Ooumbine (Agquilesia formosa ee a) ok oie is alt 0 Cs
Sy mpleepenty re VACCI UNL WO ora sak Anety el ti ue Lu. 5
Gen thedeloyer (Erifolium, prabenseys M. CELL he. ry
HO MM Clover: (Trifoliamerepens) 0H. 100. oct ieie! .
aie Wilde Raspherry. ((Rubus) 72 exec Werte aie ay sets #
i sOCultvated Currant. (Ribes ubram) en émane a
is ee Watdempose: (Hosa. rem) yoked dec ee a fi. sa ur i
Proc., 1906. 8
CXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
return to the Inspector.
Trilium (Trillium)
Anemone (Anemone patens)
Strawberry, Wild (Fragaria Virginiana)
Plum, Cultivated (Prunus domestica)
Yellow Pond Lilly (Nuphar advena)
BlierBirds et Res oe te ae ale
Plicker or Golden Woedpeekers Lee
Song ‘Sparrows. EAU TES es bas AE ES ett te
Swallows": 20e eae ae eerie fc eee ae ne Bn
JUNCOES: Li: LORS RES Oh eee ae
Onioles) M SE RER ERP RS PE
Bong) Bird se oe RETENIR ASE
Éamiming Birdy ee CR ao eee aerate
Frogs -Pipimg ER att oe Se RER EE see
Earth Worm Casts (Frost out of ground)........
Lakes Open 5... hax ues etahwr cis cet ee eee
Plouphine fr RASE oe ie ee
SONDE. on buste lies IE RE ener ete
Hay vCOutting. nee cre, teens SR PRE CRE A a
Grain Cutting’ een PEN Pr a RE ERP NE
Planting Potatoes ....... PA ON ARE AT Ge MEER
Nova Scotian Phenochrons.
MAD CA GET) AE TA mR An ae
Ble gee, e 0) \e s tete
Cherry, Wild “CP runs) wo tae NERO
Cherry, Cultivated (Prunus Cerasus)............
Buitercup((Ranunculus acris) cance a sent:
Pitcher Plant, (Sarracenia purpurea)#- see
Saskatoon (Amelanchier Canadensis)............
Golden: Rod (Solidago) PSE neces eee
GEESE oes in ans ce RE ANSE ER M EMESR EE TA eee
De << Le. se At RATER 1e
RODINS LE (SEEN ARR EP Re
Migrating
[14
The first table contains the summary of about four hundred and
fifty schedules of observations made in as many of the public schools
of the province by the pupils attending school, from a radius of about
two miles around each school, the observations being proven and recorded
by the teacher, who transmits the schedule with the regular school
The superintendent sends the schedules from
specified regions of the province to the following staff of phenologists
who are themselves also in the educational service. Their reports
APPENDIX E CXV
can be found in extenso in the April Journal of Education for Nova
Scotia, 1906, from pages 58 to 69. They also compile schedules show-
ing the average dates (phenochrons) of the various phenomena for the
coast belt, the low inland belt and the high land belt of each special
region of the province. These schedules were compiled in their turn
into the ten regions of the province shown on the said first table, by
Mr. W. Kent Power, B.A. The said Nova Scotian staff is as follows:
Region I. (Yarmouth and Digby counties), A. W. Horner.
Principal, Seminary School, Yarmouth.
Region II. (Shelburne county), C. Stanley Bruce, Shelburne
Academy.
Region II. (Queens county), Minnie C. Hewitt, Science
Teacher, Lunenburg Academy.
Region IJ. (Lunenburg county), Burgess McKittrick, B.A.,
Principal, Lunenburg Academy.
Region IIT. (Kings and Annapolis counties), Ernest Robinson,
Acadia College, Wolfville.
Region IV. (Hants county and South Colchester), W. J. Shields,
Principal, Hantsport High School.
Region V. (Halifax county), G. R. Marshall, B.A., Principal,
Compton Avenue School, Halifax.
Region V. (Guysboro county), J. B. McCarthy, B.A., B.Sc.,
Science Master, Halifax Academy.
Region VI(A). (Cobequid Slope), J. E. Barteaux, Science
| Master, Truro Academy. ~
Region VI(B) & VII. (Cumberland and North Colchester), E.
J. Lay, Principal, Amherst Academy.
Region VII. (Pictou county), C. L. Moore, B.A., Science Master,
Pictou Academy.
Region VII. (Antigonish county), F. G. Morehouse, King’s Col-
lege, Windsor.
Region VIII. (Richmond county), G. W. McKenzie, B.A., Prin-
cipal, Sydney Mines High School.
Regions VIII, IX, and X. (Cape Breton and Inverness counties),
L. A. DeWolfe, M.Sc., Truro Academy.
General Canadian Phenochrons.
The second table gives the dates of the first observance only of
each phenomenon, except in the case of Nova Scotia, where the average
dates of the averages of each of the ten regions is given. The observ-
CXVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
ers and their stations for the other provinces are as follows, in the
order of the table:
Nova Scotia, the average of about 450 localities throughout the
province.
St. Stephen, New Brunswick: Mr. J. Vroom.
St. John, New Brunswick: G. U. Hay, D.Sc.
Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island: Mr. John MacSwain.
Kensington, Prince Edward Island: Mr. J. M. Duncan.
Windsor Mills, Richmond county, Quebec: Miss Annie M. Dresser.
St. Thomas, Elgin county, Ontario: Mr. George L. Fisher.
*Paris, Brant county, Ontario: Mr. John Kay.
*Birman, Lambton county, Ontario: Mr. J. S. Mellor.
*Arden, Addington county, Ontario: Mr. Thomas Andrew.
*Ursa, Peterboro county, Ontario: Mr. Stephen. Kettle.
*Lakefield, Peterboro county, Ontario: Mr. H. J. Le Fevre.
Guelph, Wellington county, Ontario: Mr, A. B. Klugh.
*Orillia, Simcoe county, Ontario: Mr. C. L. Stephens.
Gravenhurst, Muskoka county, Ontario: J. H. Elliott, M.B.
*Beatrice, Muskoka county, Ontario: Mr. John Hollingworth.
*Bruce Mines, Bruce county, Ontario: Mr. John Nicholas.
*Morden, Manitoba: Miss Laura E. Bradshaw.
*Norquay, Manitoba: Mr. W. H. Holland.
*Oakbank, Manitoba: Mr. Alfred ‘Goodridge.
*Estavan, Saskatchewan: Mr. D. R. Davies.
Mistawasis, Saskatchewan: Rev. C. W. Bryden, B.A.
*Princeton, British Columbia: Mrs. H. Hunter.
*Cowichan, British Columbia: Mr. T. M. English.
Victoria, Vancouver Island, B.C.: A. J. Pineo, B.A.
Vancouver, British Columbia: J. K. Henry, B.A.
*Rivers Inlet, British Columbia: Mr. S. Grant.
*Quesnel, British Columbia: Mr. D. H. Anderson.
*Fort St. James, British Columbia: Mr. A. C. Murray.
Members of the club are directed for the determination of species to
Mr. J. M. Macoux,
The Curator, Herbarium of the Geological Survey,
OTTAWA, CANADA.
By making duplicate sets of plants to be determined, special care
to be taken in having them exact duplicates similarly numbered, one
APPENDIX E CXVII
set can be sent to the Curator who need return only the determinations
by number. The specimens, if perfect, may be of value to the Herba-
rium collections as representing forms from different localities.
Object and Constitution of the Club.
The Botanical Club of Canada was organized by a committee of
section four of the Royal Society of Canada, at its meeting in Montreal,
May 29th, 1891.
The object is to promote by concerted local efforts and otherwise,
the exploration of the flora of every portion of British America, to
publish complete lists of the same in local papers as the work goes on,
to have these lists collected and carefully examined in order to arrive
at a correct knowledge of the precise character of our flora and its
geographical distribution, and to carry on systematically seasonal obser-
vations on botanical phenomena.
The intention is to stimulate, with the least*possible paraphernalia
of constitution or rules, increased activity among botanists in each
locality, to create a corps of collecting botanists wherever there may be
few or none at present, to encourage the formation of field clubs, to
publish lists of local flora in the local press, to conduct from year to
year exact phenological observations, etc.; for which purposes the secre-
taries for the provinces may appoint secretaries for counties or districts,
who will be expected, in like manner, to transmit the same impetus to
as many as possible in their more local spheres of action.
Members and secretaries, while carrying out plans of operation
which they may find to be promising of success in their particular dis-
tricts, will report as frequently as convenient to the officer under whom
they may be immediately acting.
Before the end of January, at the latest, reports of the work done
within the various provinces during the year ended December the 31st
previous, should be made by the secretaries for the provinces to the
general secretary, from which the annual report to the Royal Society
shall be principally compiled. By the first of January, therefore, the
annual reports of county secretaries and members should be sent in to
the secretaries of the province.
To cover the expenses of official printing and postage, a nominal
fee of twenty-five cents per annum is expected for membership (or one
dollar for five years in advance, or five dollars for life membership).
Secretaries for the provinces, when remitting the amount of fees from
members to the general treasurer, are authorized to deduct the necessary
CXVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
expenses for provincial office work, transmitting vouchers for the same
with the balance.
The names of those reporting any kind of valuable botanical work
during the year will be published in the list of active members, even
should the payment of fees be forgotten. All payments are credited to
the current year and the future. Lapsed active membership can, there-
fore, be restored at any time without the payment of arrears.
CXIX
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CXXV
APPENDIX E
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APPENDIX E
CXXVII
THUNDERSTORMS— PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, NOVA SCOTIA, 1904.
The indices indicate the number of stations from which the Thunderstorms
were reported on the day of the year specified.
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
1. Yarmouth and
stresse
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2284 2285
PA YE SERRE
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4. Hants and South
Colchester.
5. Halifax and
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pe
(S. Cum. & Col
. North Cum., Col.,
6. S. Cobequid Slo
Pictou & Antig.
8. Richmond and
Cape Breton.
7
9, Bras d’Or Slope
(Inv. & Victoria),
10. Inverness Slope
to Gulf.
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Province of
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CXXVIII
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
THUNDERSTORMS- PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, NOVA SCOTIA, 1904.
The indices indicate the number of stations from which the Thunderstorms
were reported on the day of the year specified.
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
3. Annapolis and
Kings.
Province of
Nova Scotia.
FA
2
~ 5 ©
RE
<= Ca
= ©
Boers
ee | 2A
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= ai
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MOR att 293
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Meroe) lee, ee
BAR CRIE RE
OAR Wiki sti
9515 9534
RS ACTE 964
ee A
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D a CEUX
MAUR tl a a
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1237 1235
124 1242
126 1268
1271 12725
ne 128
1294 129
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AT ARE SON ANA CAO AO PAS EE EEE
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Ma Lee RUE See CE PARENT] ESP ER SOS
PAPE AE PA PURE LOVE RG ETES Dat A Es 335° |......113267
SRE | RAR A AE 355 FSTOBE
YRAR 1905.
en Ne à RU ne
AE NT A RUN An a dene! eal ON Er
Mens shore ares OGM ES See
Lids AA | Haase ede | ete susie 104 DAS De
AR RE Hol Me AE DE 109 HA ERAS 3 SAIS HAS
MONA SET usta cil NE MR IR RES
A A Sn yell BASS
APE SE AU eveh Groen a Donubpelle same | 121
sise le esse 118 at cde alle ebce tes eter love ne
PAS ONE ere 120 Bess Or epee eel ee
1214 12112 1218 12150 PAM ASE
eee 122 Mes mele aliegs 122 Meee ales eer
1 25 DP PP EE ES cies OBE AN ts, Steve all sas che, oll ee
De LS wel ERIM lek Cee te Alem eae
10270 CAR ce 1275 1278 VOM fetes Soler
ey ey ae iia een a rage | Des)
eae Le aa ee ae 1e We PR METRE Sk
neo tee mena 132 PARU
see 133 PEER ERA D EiG ee Bt ene
Re Een eos 134 another cie cle een
SORE. TS A STE A Ci Sea
[BRON Mile SU 13820 138? Sy ekos | elas
JE CRE ERP PRE ane eee) TOSS He inh OIL
APPENDIX E CXXIX
THUNDERSTORMS—PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, NOVA SCOTIA, 1905.
The indices indicate the number of stations from which the Thunderstorms
were reported on the day of the year specified. °
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
Proc., 1906. 9
n a 2 see = | ©
= oO S Se S 0 CHR ;
2 eee eh ee aS | CS [8,188 )2 | es
e SiS hl ane Perle = fa peo Saupe. se
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A Rene Ar PR) Aa Peer | ON LORRAINE en IR 32
ANAC Meera ee DRE PR PE RE TR || RE AN LCR Ts
. SR EE ON Ao 1488 oN AR TAG se ltetp Rigen ig 1480
sae $A Se Al ee PE Re 149 | 1492 | 149" | 149 |......|......| 149%
2 1 ELEC 21080 cae bee PRE RE DAS FOR Re PA ET UE PAS RAR Lt)
A de à LIU ee TR Sl ON AE PAR 8
LORS 153 153 153 LÉCERIE Det e ES T-S AA ee eelat etalk aah el oes
ES DTA ER PES RE TSS 0 DS te ONE AE ARR St QAR QAR LORS TUE
: LENS ae 1 50 RE LE AUS els UE Ste er a
esl. 156? 156 LEA SEL, UGS PROS tose ne: L'UENA 1565
1575 | 15741 | 157 eo TT NIMES re M TT PRE AT 15774
DES UE LA OP PAIE COR ARS ba By En LEA A AS AE 158
i RTS SOON AE PSC a ESPN RP PER À PORT AA TT RER AUS 1592
Le NO ME] RSR ANS NT Rae rg, 161 NE ha SED
22 LRO OR | ee 1620 El 162 162 SU DORE ET
ee ee, SD Ne. JOS (eed tee ee cae nN [el tes Je 155
a ee ee [OTA ee ee A aot | Ur Tie NN En Freesat Sea cae 1644
LS SEER 11S RSI Pen ty PAS [ERD PER) ET NN OS ORNE RSR FR TE
LL Loue APE SAS Fe a VG JUS UE ON pine S| NCE Tag AS 197
Beets... HET MARIE ale eR ISF LE TE LARU PERRET OR RO CORRUPT
ees... TESS oI ERee PedGS TT 1ES49 |) LES. ES LOSS?
1 ne) LE eS | ES Ee a Oe MER 1608 RD à Babine aes (od
ee ee ie No Wes uel, TZOP Rien eee PR A REA OT kEO
CN Reel LE NUE | Tel toes 7 EN IN ER a Ar
eee nr ARTE ARE, 1172 LE CO VERSO OC NE 7
ToT calla, doses 0 CRIS Pe ECS 2 Er À] ESRI ONE Fi PAR 174
. HIS DANONE RON AM RSS Bev SR NN es RA oan Ma Uy)
1769 | 1764 | 1765 | 176 OO EL ea Tre LE A Le AA 17622
Hea a CS NE V1 ee). Ye MOT rrr CIO SATA HOT oy NEA 17758
PH WIS! CN a. 5. WSC) |S. Bie: Tne el ATOM Le PU 17822
cscs SES SE COPA a eS ce Es RE FAN REA SEE Ieee ar)
DST TONI PME ERREUR RO EURO RES EE ee FAR SRE 1804
CXXX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
‘© WHEN First SEEN.”
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month. 4 : ‘3
I 5 Leal =
ed Me deal ae lee ae alae
March.. .... BAGDUS” api. ches eine 273) 25 ect a ears WN i ie
Mes ete) No peel Bede gee ie alge ANSE
E JUDO... MST Dec te ete 365 &£ & 4 3 2 2 É a q
É For Leap Year gad one to each except = A É & 3 a a 5 5
Z oy < a | a |S| | Fiala | &
1 | Alnus incana, Willd..... CH00800 00 ce. 1084) #09 LOA SETS se TEST WW Bagdad sane socllabcot
2 | Populus tremuloides............., Soc |) 118520. 122} 124 | 123 | 126 A “ba
SIIFEpigænarepens,-:.:...2-..re0e so ro LO AT AIS TOI SN T2) Dalloece disco
4 | Equisetum arvense........... eos sn Weare! rare lsvenell erate esta], ASA erect wate Meee! amare
5 | Sanguinaria Canadensis.......,........| 128.6)...... 14218. l ces We llespons 110
6 | Widlaiblanda. 3. ccc. sieinsisisr see ses] 126-311 120 UTS ecoonn 132 128 123 114 114
7 | Viola palmata, cucullata..........,....1.| 181.446... 134 sel) 1320 9s) $1309) a4 120
8 | Hepatica triloba, ‘etc... ....,....... soot es ooo!) IT Neacooc|Bobece OTe BOO eooaballsooacs
9 | Acer rubrum............ bponddudnecodod | Leche qosad 126 | 134] 135] 125 |...... 95
10 | Fragaria Virginiana..... Joe ccccesesre|lI2S 0-00 126 | 143 | 115 | 128 | ...….. . | 135
11 Ge wy (fruitripe).. 12... 2085] eee ee lGA Mince ce. 151 155 on Te iegooon
12 | Taraxacum Officinale..... denses naucecellidt.th 2, 10194118 142 361) TSI 91 116
13 | Erythronium Americanum............. 199 te AIT Re lee. PASH) GLU) SERIES EST
14 | Coptis trifolia......... led, felefereielelslojeteie’eta 137.5), .eselecee Bacal), eee SOW Baonos AB anclledouctc
15 | Claytonia Caroliniana....... Seisteletsisis o0û LO EE lee baer RS sterallcierersisyal| bre sn LEE I) LOG rene
16 | Nepeta Glechoma.......... ...........| 140.4)... en sulecsesnllose at A nel aeeetete
17 | Amelanchier Canadensis............. SA be LEZ) MES) Oo adaco) TER Es 130/|R-e ler 3
18 se 66 (fcuitripe)--- MOT lee lee ssoselesenes 1771 Sec lee 5
19 | Prunus Pennsylvanica.......... ere tell TETE LAST lc 185.0 peice 130
20 ee ge (fruitripe)--2.18208 57222 ns let Sdoëe Byers no0b5s000
21 | Vaccinium Can. and Penn........ Goaancl veel sane 142 ssl cesse. cles trl esac
22 E ss (fruitrips). 20072 tere areal eieieieroral cists 506|\sadeoc 5000 Atallsdooan
23 | Ranunculus acris. ......seeeeeeseveses | 152.4)..,...]...2.-| 170 | 167 | 149 |......| 133 | 127
24 | R. repens........... See TR eres ALS] eee teen NN ee soslessce ln Idt nent ce
25 | Trillium erythrocarpum............+.+.| 146.1) 148 | 134 |......1 176 | 127 | 135 tell sieisiarats
26 || Rhododendron Rhodora.....:.......-..1 148: | 148 Nl ...-l...... ll... Dont ob eo eee
27 | Cornus Canadensis.... ....... here UPI Vladoaadpococs||aanocdl| LeSb|boooachisoacalocosac|’ oo
28 se SE (fruitripe)..| 205.6) ... Jooc God leaodae | ocasn ts d000 0 booood lo
29 | Trientalis Americana..... onoscdoase Aad) 102-2164... dkcomoelbetaré OVA oo Fobovsllodoes
30 | Clintonia borealis..... Besse see ces 109 0e ee eeclescecl eee
S19 Calla palustris... esse. 160.9 P 3000 sod) tet dGs6ec dcallaaoo ...
32 | Cypripedium acaule.....sse..sooonvonsel 158.5... .[....eel.e envi | Senseo 1 COUR
33 | Sisyrinchium angustifolium............ | ts à do | 5500 Xe nick 151 15 1| Jodtellod cos
|
APPENDIX E CXXXI
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
“WHEN First SEEN.’
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month. Le |
Jan il JUIY een 212)lNe 4 KH 8
Met esa ns DA A tO CO D anh (ao ISE RUES
March HOI0 MA Sept. ER Un 273 | 2.8 Z FQ a a; 2 &
a le eta Sel eon) sta) a) esl wane
Ay ET 2 gis 0S gon ies 1 Ween | Sire ee Mt rt STA
2 selle ME MeNNEUt Sallie LAURE
5 For Leap Year add one to each except SA 2 LE É a a = 2 Ë
a = <4 n x D M = n a A
34 | Linnea borealis............ biehieteiala|s 167.2)......]... .. de 1h OS SSE sasdc
Shr Palmas PLAUCR: ee sos echeseeensesse LORD 0... else [ale 1000 |SS OA and Goo |Socie sl. sees
36 | Kalmia angustifolia........... Soocooo NUE 5 1000 167 aGallacoaoal| Ponval|saabuc
37 | Cratægus Oxyacantha....,......... Bretersi PLO Ds |netersisie ak LAON ERA | 36 aval xeveteicie
38 | Cratægus coccinea, etc.....,........,...| 164.2|.... LG Ti RE cles PEU lee
SORTIR VETSICOLOL! eee eee cures? cbsad)) PY ALE So nee |Passa-leee.c.e CMS Loovon| Gado de
40 | Chrysanthemum Leucanthemum.......| 167.7)... cells lle Jlacosos | daboon bolooad | eevee
41 | Nuphar advena......... EAcnoncongoapad | SH rec cn lecee releases les sde (Hidoos 179 | 163
42 | Rubus strigosus............ ON De AGS ul ae less a al Test aetna cee tee
as © (fruit ripe)............. 203.9 PAPERS Te Ene Su PDA ES PMR
44 | Rhinanthus Crista-galli......... ath eer eiave | ptldenia | cicverctel) telsrelet soleil test |. sosnoloress.) cence
45 | Rubus villosus.............. socnosegac al) 1700 ; BER ee otd || Gado | aoulaada :
46 “ <Cuma(Ernithrine)iapinecten ae 236.6 : : MA :
47 | Sarracenia PUFPUTEA. . . se seseses ose 17257 ER les es S54 Monona | iddiooal doboon godecd
SES LUNG a) VUITATIS eee ceieslenieeteste AL AO See... | Soc Pr oa beat also es looneelisese
AN HOSA) Incida it eeessseccceos setsisral) ives 9| 2 Joe) Mood E cocouh eA Es 217 | 166
50 | Leontodon autumnale.............,,,.. LE) OS ta Hobbs el AGO RE fate! Dabooël bbüao sis
DINRHINATIRIVUISATIBE. sense ceseess se dite 169.1 : o “ton sievetorens 201 |......l......
52 | Trees appear green .........s.oseer.sse 139.1)... 142 | 147 |. 130 1 EEE
53 | Ribes rubrum (cultivated)............. 125 | PRE OC . : ASG? MER TA AU SE 139
54 “ 6¢ (fruit ripe)..3 22. 22 01e 60000 ji LLC) ESSAI ER RERE) FO Sucka ontadnol at e 219 |......
55 | R, nigrum (cultivated).,,...........,.. TEA MS eee leleiel ce 5 1567 Say Be.
56 se (fruit ripe)..... Too CAE AT HER TAI FÉPEE 59 eters ee SES sens. d
57 | Prunus Cerasus........... soso ose PILE Lee] apioo 156 | 157 | 135 |......1..... 126
58 = fe (ruitripo) 22. less 0 EM Ie tere do 00e) es solos LBB) TERRE
59 | Prunus domestica......... odooabe 152.5 no ne 118 NS 0068. oc00 125
60 | Pyrus malus.......... ess sonner LO4:. 6|0ee se HE MGR HE (C7 D EE 1 SPACE ROSE 137
61 | Syringa vulgaris.............. safe lt108. [Sess ac 165 | 165 | 165 | 151 |......| 141 | 134
62 | MTIFOLIUMNTEDCNS. esse pente ac es sel100.DNe tea Ni. lasser. 136 one LOL 169
63 | Mritoliumipratense 2121. cueswieside decane EGOS 1] Paces ln se slaeeretie 182 15611 RER. 167
64 | Phleum pratense....., eccccece De Doro et EU EE opel be DE eee LGD: ee es eleeeerterce
65 | Solanum tuberosum.................... 187.7 col. sees ssselsecoeesl cececlereees
66 | Ploughing (first of season)... sus | 116.4... Aa Nessa ale eee 111 pee. .| 89| 87
CXXXII
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
“Wen First SEEN.”
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
90
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month,
JAN. ..c00 0005 31
Heb) oc. 65 pono Bt)
March....... 90
April eee 120
May... .....151
June... 181
For Leap Year add one to each except
July... 212
AUD Re. ee
January.
Sowing (first of season)..............
Potato-planting
Sheep-shearing
Hay-cutting
Grain-cutting
Potato-digging
Opening of rivers
Opening of lakes
Vast snow to whiten ground,...........| 116.8] ,.,..|...
CG toy in air esse s-mserce 124.6|,....,
Last spring frost—hard,..........
“e 6 HORTA sociales cists sre oir Oa ae hers ees | LOT) LoS al elo,
Water in streams—high.......-...:... al PLCs aT acae Bil ...clhsceerl:eec
«6 Oe MO Weare cierto ne eee Weert ll ae tepals Bll Sosy acotoreil lm etotciai | aterereieye
First autumn frost—hoar,.......
a4 ce
irstisnow 40 fly im air... /....- 40.0,
‘© ! whiten ground........
Closin giof Makes en s.-esesn----hesse
CC RIVETS rer.
Wild ducks migrating, N..............| 88-7) ...,
shoo
cc ce
“& geese de
ee “
Melospiza fasciata, North,...
Turdus migratorius
Junco hiemalis
Actitis macularia
Sturnella magna
Ceryle Alcyon
Dendreca coronata
D. æstiva
«6
€
hard,...
te
€
vee eeeee ee 36D
sus.
RECENT ETET
i
fee e ee eresees
COOP e reer eens
sense.
.242
Average dates for
Nova Scotia,
St. Stephen, N.B.
Charlottetown, P.E.I.
Kensington, P.E.I.
St, John, N.B.
ss... ssl.
DIT een Al Pen lim OF ne
spndnes 110.2,.,,.,.......1......1.....
130
122
sees SDR IDO
282. |. slate
294718 fee etal
310.1),
336.3
AV oleteiull aim ale teleita
346.9)
306.2|.,
84.7) 85 85 78
319.3
88.4|.,,...|.
CES 86h | Pasion 90 87
87.5 ss. 96
OR vos alesancol some
NÉ] ie os albencon! bacosdl|fuoe
popoboG | Ewell ds Ho allegoogollosadau lsoasoc
LEIDEN soadalloga doulladoudellspdooollc
Soppbog | case! HEL bacon si c\erelliare
| Windsor Mills, Que.
et
tr wo
Oo ©
145
St. Thomas, Ont,
ss...
ss...
| Birman, Ont.
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
APPENDIX E
WHEN First SEEN.”
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
CXXXIII
| Number
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month.
Jan 500 31
11) 000 ANS DO
March 90
April ...120
May...... Aneel
June... 181
For Leap Year add one to each except
January.
Zonotrichia alba, North
oe
Trochilus colubris
Tyrannus Carolinensis ‘‘
Dolychonyx oryzivorus ‘f
Spinis tristis ve
Setophaga ruticilla
Ampelis cedrorum Gs
ChordeilesVirginianus ‘‘
First piping of frogs......
nn
er
ry ee
First appearance of snakes.,........ aia
H
S| 8 soled
mn. à Fi Ay
LE a fe 3 a
SCIE NIMES A
Lo = =
top EI £ = 2
by © + © rs ‘a
SU ae EEE NE
< a || fee Wate | AE
119.4; 120 wee 5
14417 oe lent Ilecceelasecse
HADE DEC eerl ee lter SO DOTE
138021 ecclestrse OP DOCS
LADESN LEE ES de El LOS
A D EE SR AC CE do
LADA DIE aledoncd!lacnodd | dpooc
DOS i SSI rer 162 |.....
110-572. : 119 120
1 Silchoopa dong dace Rocco
5
5
g 5
= a
=i ee “
m : El
RAS be
Se ot Ri Se ie oa
2 À
So DE PEN IDE
ES [eo = Le
145 120 130 135
Éododt ellrosebe 131
133 Re ARS
105 91 86
119 . …...
CXXXIV
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
(WHEN First SEEN.’
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
Numbher
cr) oa ~ wo wb
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month,
« eceee
1685000 0 ho
May... 151
June rente
++» 365
For Leap Year add one to each except
January.
Alnus incana, Wild....
Populus tremuloides........
ss...
Epigæarepens......,,.....
ss
Equisetum arvense.........
sr ess.
Sanguinaria Canadensis......
Viola blanda 1......
Viola palmata, cucullata..............
Hepatica triloba, etc.............
Acer rubrum.........
Fragaria Virginiana...... ee...
“ “
fruit ripe .......
Taraxacum OfMiCcinales.c. ccs cs...
Erythronium Americanum,...........
Coptis trifolia,.......
Claytonia Caroliniana.................
Nepeta Glechoma.......
Amelanchier Canadensis.............
. “6
fruit ripe
Prunus Pennsylvanica......
‘
fruitiripe.s. ce
Vaccinium Can. and Penn............
“cc “
frUILIFIPO.-....-....
Ranunculus acris.......
soso
tee e ee ss...
UAL EPEAT eee
Trillium erythrocarpum,........
eee eee
Rhododendron Rhodora.,...........,.
Cornus Canadensis. .
i a a iy
“ee “ce
FLUE TIPS saietocteteleiers
Trientalis Americana....
ay
Clintonia borealis.......
Callapp alustrigs <7 see. seseccenesccl
Cypripedium acaule...,...........
Sisyrinchium angustifolium..........
108,
4
243 | © . |
973 | oS |
..304 58
334 | So a
mei) js. AS
SRE a)
4 oO a
> H Ci
4 < Dp
|
Lakefield, 0,
Guelph, O.
2b ho agon| Woodo o||sdo0o 5) At 5
DER | cere elutes] ayoleterevsi| léodee
nes BAG bbocddllocooe: | bhoogso
128.6) 120 |..... MESSE
126.
131.
140.
130.
128.
168.
134.
139.5]...
137.
131.
140.
143.
194.
AY
~ Po
ss.
110
en
oo
=]
osssslsssss.l.
146 |.,
E | 126 |.
er
Orillia, O,
ss...
Gravenhurst, O.
113
lus.
121
….
Beatrice, O.
Bruce Mines, O.
os...
145
Morden, Man,
Norquay, Man.
135| 135
sae eee
. see
CCC PC
OS CR
8
Number
APPENDIX E
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905,
WHEN First SEEN.’
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
Day of the year1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month.
JAN ss etes dl
MODE Eee cs GL)
March.. ...... 90
APTI eee cle 120
MAY: 2-0 =. Lo
June..........181
JULY Eee. 212
AU: 10048
SePt.- esse. 279
OGE SO 0e
NOV ec eer--+902
Dec..........365
For Leap Year add one to each except
January.
an on a La Led Ld La R > on lied ~ La wo wo oo oo où oo
io] _ [=] © @ = Li] ot ~ eo nw _ o oO œ Su a ot ~
i
TeINMBADPOTCALIS ee: ses een
RMI DLATC RES se ee ce céissen eee
Kalmia angustifolia...................
Cratægus oxyacantha.................
Cratægus coccinea, etc................
TIR VOFSICOLOT. 2. . ee /slala ee e ss 0 0 0 0 01010 0 nn «
Chrysanthemum Leucanthemum.......
IN HAT BUV CNA tsic clsvele) cic)sie cis sisleisivicie.s ule
Rubus StrigQosuss eee semer etats
ce €
Bel veto oo 0bon one
Rhinanthus Crista-galli................
RUD UBLVINOBUS cernes see sms
“ ce
ATUUGTIPCss: |s.< ce © wisiets 2 ae
SAFFACERIA DUEDUTER. ess se si vio ses se ss
Brunella vial GaAriSsssieaicle cia’ cis lovelelctiecl core
ROS Ap IT CLO AerelsioicicissieWaleieisielsivicieieraisinieieteleva
Leontodon autumnale..................
VAN APIA VII ATISS ee eeleies ee 0 een ele cie'es
PETES ADPPATISTEEN ses viele tesla siete
Ribes rubrum (cultivated).............. |
it 3 “ce
(fruit ripe) cet siccrtctrcee
R. nigrum (cultivated).................
“ (Graikiripe) pasa --esleenasss
Prunus Cerasus ..........
16 ‘6
FTUIVITIPO es ecreresess
Prunus domestica.....
ry
Pyrus malus..........
nn
Syringa vulgaris......
Trifolium ret eee Mae, Pie. |
Arif OLLI PEALCIECs. acicciAcisiwcids ae esssis
Phleum'pratonse.,......cheesss ee
Solanum tuberogsum............sse....
Ploughing (first of season)...
Average dates for
Nova Scotia.
Arden, O.
meee
ace
Lakefield, O.
Guelph, O.
CXXXV
Orillia, O.
Gravenhurst, O.
Beatrice, O.
ss... 100 |.....: aoe
. .... . . .
. Sida ateelllersiataielel|e ….
ss... eee ARO Od FENTE
Se sonores loue
. . soso...
sesssolsosesolses oe ous.
vee 138
soso.
ssl.
sees ACID)
eee seer
COO ONO) see
aoe
er AGOD
ss... |... eee
eee .
SOO OOO} (oeec) ae
PIERS con
ss...
or
eoeee .
oe ee
[eves
js sere .
see
See) lon Et
Bruce Mines, O.
Morden, Man.
Norquay, Man.
oa eee
oe eee
eee
see
ievelti|le) stets|l Lae
...| 164
ae . eae
> one
sl. ae
CXXXVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
“WHEN FIRST SEEN.”
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month.
JAN ere de 31 OLY; ee. see 2121
MIS Ditiorn Mere . 59 Aug espece .243 | © . 2 A
March 90 Sept...c....+- 273 | oS © Ce lee
PASTAS Ses crie 120 Oct... 304 | 86 = i = 3 a a] s
May. race THIN NOV eee RÉEL M NS é E/Ool2/s|4
+, | June 181 Dec..........365 | Sa CM IR DE etd ME 4|¢ ssl
2 RS a a: a aan 8 D elo) RO NE
8 | For Leap Year add one to each except | 57 = Fe i = = > 812 ape
2 Fo 4[/4[5/4/6/6/6 |al4a/ale
67 | Sowing (first of season)....+....+ 1 1275104125 110)....| 96) 112
ae Potato-planting ‘5 =... ......... 126, 130 130
69 | Sheep-shearing ‘“ ...... HOdode BRIE hb Gocan oe a,
70 | Hay-cutting = Aodddopascocood) Moe esi ale) 185) 198) 186] 205
71 | Grain-cutting COMM TS code 239,4| 217 219] 234
72 | Potato-digging ‘‘ cece secre eee) 264.9) ..... lesinlieeeeels sente pe ere Pr) ees | es
73a| Opening of rivers.................. odos | Tera se) 91
73b| Opening of lakes..........,,.,,,..,.+e.| 110.2} 109 115| 119]...
74a| Last snow to whiten ground......,...| 116.8|......1......1......1... 10.0... its
74b ce tO fly in air... sose--ese|ll24-0| 7.0 hie
75a) Last spring frost—hard............ oe-| 145.5|...... aan ;
Le “ “ HOST eee yetes 6168-21. ns aed ee us yall acca esate ele, dot RER Se
76a| Water in streams—high.......,,....... AOL ID) a2 es clleuse (| Sateteievol oratessaval velmovesell ct eke efelere| eres | Nears
76b ce GG down) ANNE ctadcal ly atackal serene eee | eee RE LES
77a| First autumn frost—hoar...........+ Oo fb edl Woneee aa
77b ss et hard. recense asevayeresell ave eveverall aecevotncll re tora|otsoiey octets we
78a\ First snow toflyinair............... SOLS) ee AIP, RM sberelaaneseloetetltess lente) EEE +
Spee “ whiten ground....... een 3101 ae
79a| Closing of lakes. .... Bvotelsveleiaisletetetsintelaisials 336213 |e) ty. beara Scsretetere | svsteysiave tra see ne) trata eter ere xt
79b TiVOTS ee: 0e ce ensrcecoel O0 2 eee
81a) Wild ducks migrating, N......,...... 88.7) 95 1e 84
81b € se Bee Dre |F 8082 EN Aa AN a
82a] Wild geese migrating, N....... cc. OL IRON 95) 100 81
82b «e “ RE CAS ME el cee aD oe dla ical ateee es CoA ER
83 | Melospiza fasciata, North............. 88.4) 71 3
84 | Turdus migratorius “4 .,.,........ 84.4) 79 84; 85) 85] 92
85 | Junco hiemalis........... Salepeteicaiese mister) Ode ile
86 | Actitis macularia.............e wlaelaiele||| okt «| a #
87 | Sturnella magna,,,......... =. ceepou-|20-0| Inn 110 BOS ene ae) Perea, Cheer SE pay
88 | Ceryle Alcyon.......ssseoessees ose bodeOy ee CR emerald PART OA SUR arts 5 4
89 | DendrϾca coronata..... ............. | 10 PR REG Messe DNS 00e Cannes
90 | D. wstiva..... SDS UPeE Co ono not Fe 18788 ARR EEE ARTS 1 125 : a
91 | Zonotrichia alba...... Ales te efafeiere, os (ALLO 24 OP ERA mt 95 |. Ta TO IAA TAN 2 ms
-
100
APPENDIX E
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
“WHEN First SEEN.’
OBSERVATION STATIONS,
CXXXVII
| Norquay, Man.
& =
oa ©
Day of the‘ÿear 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month.
JULY sere arate 312
ARE Reps 243 | 5. : 6
Spb eee 273 | DS 2 QI
MOCHE RAT 304 | #8 S So ES AIE
Nov... B86 | ciel. ae oy lee) a salad
Dee. 260 | aa | © = Senne lob AN DEAN AUS
EE NE leer RE NE EE
A ee a & ED a
For Leap pros to each except DA 9 2 4 3 5 & 3 3
e < 4:01 Fa EE OA SIMS IS M fy | PY
Trochilus colubris, North TL SM PO Gallet IB ley A ease Eole
Tyrannus Carolinensis ue 14051364 R OF lh a OG conga Baoscal eclertes 137
Dolychonyx oryzivorus ce ER D saoeelaausoclleadsec Dillon send) ace bcallée
Spinis tristis Bs WANE oGesallbeqoon Res... A} hgddon] S008 loon ocod) eo
Septophaga rutiéilla sé 1S 4G | ER delete ste oe dick OD) | Matera rete ER eee dodo
Ampelis cedrorum ee ie el GocoK| Sono) |lsagouc JTE See | ereee sbsllasoo
Chordeiles Virginianus se RES OO S EEE ate AAO EE
insiypipin Of frogs: eue sec MOSS NOTA ER lee 96 |.,....| 100) 110) 108
First appearance, snakes.............. 114,3 ss lesee atace}| crs/evelesel|nfoveretelel| ovete seieilsie e/elofe re |
CXXXVIII
oe so me 0 0 > | Number
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
(WHEN First SEEN.”
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month.
ens Eo pa |. dus is etal ee ay edie ele
Marchis.-../00 Sept. ete le eet Ot] VS UMR a
April. 2) rte. 180, OR Pan MMO Ry ere AE Ce I PAs Pluie =
Ma PIN TL END ni 28840 |e on A I fea ra a a A lelalale
PUNE Lae eeslel: | DEC EURE 365 Se É | El ë £ £ 2 2 Nie < ‘2
For Leap Year add one to each except Ee ir} É a | E £ 8 | 5 & =
January. 5 = = = Es 8 S = | a = &
Aïlnus/incana WAP ES ERP Reeieeer el lets -eleeceele-senlsces 340 | 00e ral
Populus tremuloides..... éPodopoaino dt awk odoclbodadcllbaccds lonacaalloanoon eos ae RUES
ÉDIREATEPENR sc iatedsleisiew stele oajels viejets/atayetal PL Ow) ele sletelol| enn ev eie cel steno ecnleceste efeveiestel| diaeresis sen lemenlsteleres
Equisetum arvense........... moc dod (es 61 Coreen ooops sllacaaed canada aq sopalboodoullacta losorilo codlh.sue
Sanguinaria Canadensis. ..,.........| 128.6] .... ba ofeisteter=||(s) eleisielsi|iavsfetet |lsieta)slatei| ann Her tetera *berete
Wale Ey [ECG ES RG rn ogeodooroonpaccodcul| eWode Gaanalanqngol) abl! 118 lo ael|fexoreleys S\igoolls spol Els IA Siac
Viola Palmata, cucullata............. ALES É AN) LORS Ob lene els 150 |142
Hepatica jtriloba, (ete. 2. cca se ee ee | A0 Le, ele tle sclelarneseclecetves Addo! boro ayetalfiaie once
PXCOLET UD LUMI eee cet ssl 180 06 retell sonner enielbes GAS + TR AR TO ON ere
Fragaria Virginiana..........<... .,.| 128.6; 128} 116 |... 112 75 |" 106 |....1119 1128 |....
ss 2 fruit ripe........| 168.3/,.....1......1.....1400 Mocheslsoseenleset lies dal aoû
Taraxacum officinale, ...,......... vee] QUES" PSE SN LES ET) ASE 133 |... 04-140 ere
Erythronium Americanum,....... sons LOO OR sels. ln. eee never : . :
Coplisitrifolia ee cssrebes--c-cece 137. 5lececce|..000> Sense D000 sees OO) PP DOC
Claytonia Caroliniana........,........| 131.4/,,,...1......1. eevee are Se 101 | 87 :
Nepeta Glechoman., ice csin ssc ccssceceses|| 140.40 ceo cl ness vlnllti scree . acadac||a pone one Haloc
Amelanchier Canadensis,..... abe doaba 143.6) 139 | 143 |... 124) T0) .e 110 1) |Iboac
te ce fruit ripe.....'194.3)......|. 0 CM ROSE POunanlaodoenle no don iuodiosa
Prunus Pennsylvanica.............e|l4/0) 10001370" See RL US il nel lUb EE 4 ON travers
& . fruitiripes, 1120850). lsnecenleneee a svetersievelistete 6 sado 16 aa
Vaccinium Can-and Penn............|1 14606-81661... .120...-l-crr-c LOG erie 04 159 3¢
se CB fruithripe...N205 4.6... lt tee 390906 ponds) ooo less
Ranunculus acris...,..... echresceer|RlO2r ta. a 35 69 |......| 60]... 85 |...
RFTODENS Eee seec ee eecceserpertiect n5EErbouote sus ER ALLER ee dos al EN a IS
alliumierythrocarpume ss... ee Orl| Mente cts laser lee Bo 83 | 106 sdlrooc
Rhododendron Rhodora.............. 148 ME. leche let : te late Laeie lier lille cie e
Cornus Canadensis............. SH pacs EYE le anagal lado dca laiooaadloc Hata logceqolpovoudiacani bad Siete
ts Co fruit ripe.......... DOB UB) ae learn l stories aefereietc||cisislesss relee Alice
Trientalis Americana.,....,.,.........| 152.2). ,,:,.|...0e : So nulle 121020
Clintonia borealis......,,,............| 153.3|......|......1... es. seecsleee serleceelenee
Calla palustris: 2. ee ee ecaee ee ej) LOU +9! .t.\slctolailpia\sleietel|latelsletel| (elas 50 D Hobol so nou
Cypripedium acaule....,....., sen 08. DRE leRenemle es Deere Ci : Binns) enna co
Sisyrinchium augustifolium......... 165.1 PRIS PRIE ARE tia Foëuoallédobdol too Bano donc
APPENDIX E
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905,
“WHEN FIRST SEEN.”
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
CXXXIX
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to |
the last day of each month.
Jane ee ce OL JULY. 21e : 4 =
RÉ EN | PANE à. MS LE ic ‘ : : [2 fe
March..... O0 Sent: :2 22 2.278 Les ba ers Wi out eS Shai ES
AT EU 25120) MOCE SAN LUN 34 | 22 | S 2 = | = a red ceded Cea Rog TE
May... TDi NON: ..334 | TH à (52) = a a BP fh Sie eat i
A) |) CICA Ses 181 Dee) sar. 56-365) ors | es a 8 © 3 Se Py EI NES LE
2 ss | EE |S|S|E8|S)elslé
I For Leap Year add one to each except 52 a 8 2 a = = =) cape | =
iS January. 4 5 3 = à & Suse es ely
$4)) Tainneea, borealis... 25. 2cces. scree 000 IE SSI Sons | ioc : Gadet! lone Inigo’ Bob 0 dios
Sina | Kealmiay Slaucal SE. Rec. stostene ll eRe] Ue ada coon Biafele\liatate/etolel (a fele’s/sts| elefersiciel shel oi 5
SON BRAIN a E Ea Cinta) be Boon a asa SoCcaoenoe le lle al eoooe| bocodol Hooodol BRED Canosa) aecoas laced aioe lace eee
37 | Cratægus oxyacantha......... Le aha alel? LODE Sins fa acoso) SREELE tRocodal Eacete
88 | Crategus coccinea,. etc. .............:| 164,2)...... demnlssnenlintsanitens cul 36 ston | avers
B9)|| Pris VETSICOLOL! |. 5 <0.010.5.0615 jor stdudndcac A ERA Hood) oder) RARE ECS Reo cic Jbobd oc [au eden
40 | Chrysanthemum Leucanthemum,.....| 167.7)......! ano ciaa| cic BREA Fase RONA dei bo moto Gee
41 | Nuphar advena,..............+. seleeis| A665 2] 5c sicele|eie sone BECCA KE BEEP 126. [Pee EEE ….bi7o +
42 | Rubus strigosus.......... FO Cotes HALOS CREME) Se ES) homers 168 | 126 |... 63 |...1130 }....
43 se = Teuit FIPOLe neuve 208 0 RASE rase cn ee cect LAON A et ale
M Ehinanthns Gristi-galll 2.417008): sven s[te vee) ssl MR PCR ER DRE
46 | Rubus villosus.................... A En IE SA Ponte Sassalhass tete | 109 |106 |....|...
4 <6 CE FRUITS EE ra ons ht 2 OO RO) Meter lames lea e adel ka ees aes J Weare
a7 Sarracenia) Purpurea, :. 0... ee eee s+ 172,7 JOGOS ICCC OR] AAA Se ool Poe A Re
AHhPBrunellavulparis trees. eee MT6 |. --e SEE PRE SR oot ARE AA LE LE ARR
AG) PROBA LUCIA. cobs 54e te soosevee:| 175,9] 155 1 (55: 59) ATEN 154 144 rate. 139 154 °
50 | Leontodon autumnale,,..............| 170.5) ... COTE) FFDEE 133 4LEc0- alte. wralsie| east
Diop Lanaria vulgaris (555.6 i<ie sane con IPS SRY YB OO 8] God) Lodel scone FACE At
52 | Trees appear green ..,.... ..... SEobod | eta bel boar Bee lle ° |e see KS
53 | Ribes rubrum, cultivated ........... | 145.3|.... ANG; | 352 119 84 er NUE :
5A “ “ FLUIt PIPC AA: Jaa. wanes] O49 Roses BE CGC lance noose SU At OC
56 | R. nigrum, cultivated...............,. 147.3|,... |... masters lee lo. OPA PMP DES DOCC
56 Le fruit TPN sos tects retorts 907.6) teers Bitslecarsil|eelstce « tele POP ET Bal loidod Cac
BZ | Pranus Cerasass.: (5. .0ienaewe+ +e etai eee Co tee PAPE ks, OBA hye a: 94 |. ge
58 be “ fruit ripe.............| 199,1/...: 100, |. rollers APE rhe
59 | Prunus domestica,,..............- ....| 152.5] 131 |... ----|N192 97 ths PF .
60 | Pyrus malus...... sted aisiaie is jobseano08 154.6) 152 ve rete 132 113 | vodoa6 101 |113 [160 |....
61 | Syringa vulgaris. ..................... ED ONE MEN eel ay (eee dia eas ENS
62 | Trifolium repens.,,..,...... siete stated leh 158-591 lee 1153) 1130 [us 100 AAA ON LES
63 | Trifolium pratense........ ..... tee eLOOe hw OO} un ea PRDASE 164 | 122 |......1129 |..,.]150 |154
cAlPhlenm pratense steel sas oies ik UE An A EE Chorsolbooceloctabe | NRA Salers 000) OO
65 | Solanum tuberosum,,..,...............| 187.7|......]...... Beles ea LÉCÈCE : solos
66 | Ploughing (first of season)......,.....| 116.4... A 06110 700 ee RURALE Lyi 72 ee
|
CXL
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
{WHEN FIRST SEEN.’
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
Number
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month.
DÉC on eRe rol JUL... 212
IEE Sa nan opod 0 UNG CRRA eee 3
March. ...... 90 Sept, <iic Le. 2278
April bee 120 F Ochs. eh. 27.30€
May. .\sc5s.).Lo Nov. ee 334
June....... ..181 Dec...-.-+-.- 20)
For Leap Year add one to each except
January.
Average date for
Nova Scotia,
Oakbank, Man.
Sowing (first of season)...............
Potato-planting ‘“ ..... one due |
Sheep-shearing ‘ dose see eeceee
Hay-cutting ee desscreepe 008
Grain-cutting, ‘! see secte see sel
Potato-digging ‘ es oeeieese)
ODEnINEIONTIVErS.. eee
Opening joflakes res cel
Last snow to whiten ground........ : J
se LOY IN AIT Res recee ee
Last spring frost—hard...... Jogoodoc
Ui se OME oa scene
Water in streams—high.............. |
se 4 low. |
First autumn frost, hoar............ =
‘e $3 Ar URS aa eee
First snow to fly in air................
L whiten ground ......... |
Closing lof 1ak es... es reercbeceee
cs FIVELB SE sos Mole ce cc
Wild ducks migrating, N............|
ce 3G SA EP E Se]
Wild geese migrating, N........... |
«6 MipTabligs es een eee |
Melospiza fasciata, North........ areal
Turdus migratorius ‘ ...., celeste
Junco hiemalis £8 Sennen |
Actitis macularia D oS cho
Sturnella magna ce Add 08e
Ceryle Alcyon cs 1BCÉSBDA OC
|
Dendræca coronata ce See te
|
|
D. æstiva Baoan sleleieta
Zonotrichia alba oh LEA so00d
264.9). 00000].
145,5|......
220.21......1...
8817 ee.)
SIONS ciel
| |
08,45...
Salers
BT Bieemcias
197 Mec) are
120 Dee -0e
| 104 Bis ee cat
130.9 +00 | Je
187 Blac}
| |
DLO ALES <i}sle
]
“4 n S (e) = SR ae ee
2 |e) A. | a | Se) oe
n a = = (a MEN ED €
SA a a A ES (3) A Lr}
rea SS 8 3 ny [ene Se) 5
3 z © = “= 3m |2|4
> 8 2 = oe | $8] & | oie
à EN 2) EVENT AIRE
A À | à is) PIP |e 1 oO] &
|
ssilesie| 197180 jarejssore| eielaesiesa] eletsie| siersiel| ele al eee
| | |
214 |... 195 |......|......1...0/..1M95/ 198
219... el 1220 Jesse--lscereslec--lr---| 210)
| |
9206, JQ ses elles sl:es lines 08!
92 84 70) lens TOI
|
|
ss...
soslresssslses selossuuel verso.
ssssosslsmsssslssssss) 8 (te eerieuer
69 {|i cen S| acecs af RER PRE RCE 2
| 69 slt ts. a| eG
Cs eC el Od ed
esice.c|e0 cles|sienenelivcsiefeene| Oats
60 BB) |/<ja ofe'o'| oisie!=} eres te Oe
6B |......1,...,,1,...1....| 95
APPENDIX E CXLI
PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1905.
‘WHEN FIRST SEEN,”
OBSERVATION STATIONS.
Day of the year 1905 corresponding to
the last day of each month.
Acc cc OE JULY... 212) | x - À =
Pepe 0 00 à Aug... ARRETE ICONE VEN NE Ce Fe
March ......- 90 Sept........... CHEN || ed ANS | & (=) os) . [AIR a
Piles. 190 Oct............804/ 83 | à 3 a eee Wis dee tae: le
agrees, J6t Nov.....0060:934 [Um | | © | 2 - Soi Ph ee Sera i
pOUMe.. 6,002.18 Dec. cis sive 2.369 22 a Ë E & a EAN a AIRE
© > a = 3 e | +
2 3S Ss > 2 a © | 2
= | For Leap Year add one to each except ES rt 8 $ be = CPE EAU
7, January, F Sle epee ee eh ee meee he
z 4 © & À _ =) Pr |F|/e1C]e
92 | Trochilus colubris, North....... ones] 144.7)......]- 006 seras 112 OP RSG saclignod) | 071251
93 | Tyrannus Carolinensis, ‘ .......... 140 .5)......].. ce ce|accnse ee 09 onu o eee eesloane
94 | Dolychonyx oryzivorus ‘‘ ...... Sao WeadSccn|soocog|so06 où Pocono|do0000 bosobt|bo0b| toc ae
95 | Spinis tristis ) MÉDIAS RS | Hews oscae 00500 S00COn sonne mane oc 00 -
96 | Setophaga ruticilla Ce so000s00000)| Let SO een less l-cecee bouge So seelsabeletete . 50
97 | Ampelis cedrorum ME EAM AGE Don Er) EN ES Boon oc ous pdoloocdlosce
98 | Chordeiles Virginianus “* . ,,....... 12950 Pire ARR LAN IAE) RD ao Le 3 us
99 | First piping of frogs ............,... 11025|0 83) 1S eee 11786 eer fade IR 86e
100 | First appearance, snakes....... PRE à D UN Ne PRES A [th oe ale tee aR ls Pr lee
POOInTH ROYALE DU. CANADA
MHMOILRES
SECHRION: i.
LITTERATURE FRANCAISE, HISTOIRE, ARCHEOLOGIE, Erc
ANNEE 1906
Section I., 1906. [8] Mémoires S. R. C.
I.—L'Habitation de Samos.
Par M. P.-B. CASGRAIN.
(Lu le 23 mai 1906.)
L’évéque de Samos.—La villa de Samos.—Notes sur les personnages
qui ont l’habitée.—Thomas Ainslie-—Le Juge Mabane.—L’évéque Moun-
tain—L’Hon. Matthew Bell—L’Hon. Wm. Sheppard.—La batterie de
Samos, sa vraie position.—La maison et le poste de Saint-Michel.—
Prise de ce poste.—Attaque manquée pour le reprendre.—Le cimetière
Saint-Patrice. Bougainville retardé dans sa marche vers Québec le
matin du 13 septembre 1759.
La petite localité qu’on appelait autrefois Samos n’est pas une
des moins importantes, au point de vue historique, parmi celles qui
environnent Québec. Quelques souvenirs rafraîchis et des détails plus
précis et peu connus qui s’y rattachent et touchent aux personnages qui
Pont habitée, Dont croyons-nous, intéresser la classe des lecteurs
studieux.
Il existait à Sillery, lors du siège de Québec par Wolfe, deux mai-
sons distinctes situées à l’ouest et non loin de l’Anse-du-Foulon, d’où
ce général monta pour s'emparer des Hauteurs d'Abraham. l’une
était la maison dite de Samos, qui avait servi auparavant de résidence
à monseigneur Dosquet, évêque titulaire de ce nom, laquelle il s’était
bâtie en 1732 ;—l’autre, la maison appelée Saint-Michel, sur la ferme
adjacente de Messieurs les ecclésiastiques du séminaire des Missions-
Etrangères établi à Québec. Elle servait de maison de récréation à
leurs élèves dès avant l’année 1701. Ces deux maisons sont celles men-
tionnées par Franquet, ingénieur et géographe du roi, qu’il remarqua,
en passant par eau devant elles, en partant de Québec, en 1752.
“Vu en passant, dit-il, à cinq ou six cents toises de la ville lAnse-
des-Mères, à un quart de lieue de celle du Foulon; à même distance
plus loing une maison nommée Samod (sic) Samos appartenant aux
prêtres du Séminaire, et tout joignant la ferme de St-Michel, et plus
loin, l'endroit nommé Sillery, où est une maison de carers apparte-
nant aux Jésuites de cette ville.”
Le nom de Samos vulgairement donné dans le temps aux environs
de la localité où la villa était construite est maintenant éteint comme
lieu d'habitation et n’existe que pour désigner la partie du chemin vers
le Cap-Rouge, qui passe à cet endroit. Tout en faisant l’historique de
4 _SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Samos, nous allons localiser spécifiquement le site de chacune des deux
maisons, au moyen de pièces probantes et authentiques qui vont nous
donner une idée exacte de la situation, étendue et topographie complète
des lieux, afin de les examiner ensuite à leur point de vue stratégique
et fixer le site de la batterie dite de Samos; puis nous pourrons suivre
les opérations militaires qui eurent lieu sur le terrain depuis le lever
du jour, le 13 septembre 1759, jusqu'à le retraite de Bougainville qui
termina cette mémorable journée.
En référant au contrat de vente de la terre de Samos achetée de
Nicolas de la Nouiller par Mgr Dosquet, on découvre que le vendeur
avait pu établir l’enchaînement de tous les titres de propriété du fond,
depuis l’acte de concession primordial jusqu'à celui de sa propre acqui-
sition en 1724.
En effet, on y constate que Jacques Pagé, orfévre, marchand-bourgeois
de Québec, par contrat du 15 janvier 1724, devant Mtre Barbel, notaire,
vend à Mtre de la Nouiller, conseiller du roi au conseil supérieur et
trésorier de la marine en la ville de Quebeck, “ cinquante arpens en
superficie de terres (prix 600 Ibs., payé d’avance) situées proche des
terres de la maison de Saint-Michel, appartenant à Messieurs du Sémi-
naire des Missions-Etrangères établi à Québec, sise au lieu appelé Cou-
longe, joignant du côté du sud-ouest aux terres des dits Sieurs du
Séminaire, un chemin de douze toises entre d’eux, d’un bout au fleuve
St-Laurent et par l’autre bout au grand chemin comme l’on va de
Quebeck au Cap-Rouge à main gauche, aussi douze toises de large ré-
servées pour le dit grand chemin entre d’eux,” les dits 50 arpens tels
et ainsi qu’ils ont été concédés à Jean Bonnart (sic) Bouvart, dit Lafor-
tune,! par Monsieur de Montmagny, alors gouverneur en ce pays, suivant
titre de concession du 15 novembre 1646 et brevet de confirmation de
Messieurs de l’ancienne et première compagnie en ce pays, en date du
29 mars 1649; appartenant au vendeur comme héritier de défunt le
Sieur Guillaume Pagé Carey ? et Elizabeth LeTarte, ses père et mère;
et au dit feu Sr Pagé Carey appartenant par acquisition qu’il en a faite
de Geneviève Gaudin, épouse en premières noces de Antoine Boutin, et
de Marguerite Gaudin, femme de Robert Pagé, par contrat passé devant
Mtre Louis Chambalon, notaire royal, en cette la prévosté, le 27 mai
1702; ensuite duquel contrat est une ratification et une quittance des
dix et vingt-neuf juin 1702; et aux dits Gaudins appartenant comme
héritiers de défunt Barthélemy Gaudin, leur père, qui les avait acquis
1 Nommé Bonneau dit Lafortune,— Conseil Souverain, 1664, 8 février.
7 Ce Guillaume Pagé est ancêtre maternel par sa fille, Suzanne Pagé,
de Mathilde Perreault, mon épouse, dont elle est la trisaïeule, et je remonte
au père de Guillaume Pagé, moi aussi, du côté maternel.
”
[CASGRAIN] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS : 5
du dit Bouvard, par contrat passé devant Mtre Laurent Bermen, notaire,
en date du 21 mars 1649, confirmé le 29 du méme mois,— relevant de
Messieurs du Séminaire comme seigneurs de la chatellenie de Coulonge.”
Chacune des pièces citées plus haut a été soigneusement compulsée
par nous et confirme l’exactitude des énoncés qu’elle comporte et qui en
dérivent.
On sait que l’évêque de Samos nommé coadjuteur de Quebec en
1728, passa au Canada à la fin de l’été 1729, pour y prendre possession
de l’évêché de Québec, en sa qualité de coadjuteur.!
L’évêque en titre par succession était Mgr Duplessis-Mornay, de
Paris, ci-devant coadjuteur et résignataire, auquel fut dévolu néan-
moins l’évêché à son insu et dont il prit possession par procureur; car,
vu son Age et ses infirmités, il se trouvait hors d’état de traverser les
mers. Mgr Dosquet prit passage sur la flûte du roi “ L’Hléphant”
qui fit naufrage dans la nuit du ler septembre 1729, sur les battures
du Cap-Brûlé, côte nord du Saint-Laurent, à environ dix lieues en bas
de Québec.
Comme avant sa nomination Mgr Dosquet avait déja demeuré au
pays pendant deux ou trois ans, en qualité de simple prétre chez les
Sulpiciens de Montréal, étant suipicien iui-méme, ses relations et sa
connaissance du pays faisaient croire qu’il allait s’y fixer et s’attacherait
à son diocèse, surtout après le démission de Mgr de Mornay qui fut
donnée le 12 septembre 1733.
On le vit aussi, pour s’installer à son arrivée, commencer par faire
réparer en partie le palais épiscopal, grand et solide édifice construit
par Mer de Saint-Vallier et demeuré vacant depuis, car ce prélat
demeurait à l’'Hôpital-Général. Le roi accorda alors une gratification
de 3,000 livres à l’évêque de Samos, plus pour contribuer aux répara-
tions qu'en vue de l’indemniser des pertes réclamées par lui à raison
du naufrage de l'Eléphant; et même le roi lui permit la vente de cinq
emplacements adjacents pour aider aux mêmes travaux.
On voit cependant que s’il se trouvait mal logé, et s’en plaignait,
c'est qu’il le voulait bien, parce que dans une lettre de Rome de 1738,
éest-à-dire dix ans après, il dit que lors de son arrivée à Québec, il fit
préparer au séminaire à ses frais un appartement destiné à l’évêque;
211 y avait avant 1727, comme coadjuteur de l'évêque de Québec, Mer.
l'évêque de Euménie qui, ayant donné sa démission, avait été remplacé par
l'abbé Macheco de Préméaux frère de l'évêque de Cousérans et alors
STand-vicaire de l'évêque de Soissons. Il est dit homme de condition,
de bonnes moeurs et de bonne doctrine — Lettre du ministre à M. de Beau-
harnois, 18 mai 1728. Ce dernier dut aussi se démettre, puisque Mgr
Duplessis-Mornay apparait ensuite finalement comme coadjuteur consacré.
6 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
puis il ajoute qu’il ne l’a pas occupé et s’est contenté d’une chambre
habitable du palais épiscopal qu’il trouva fort délabré. On se demande
alors pourquoi, dans ces circonstances, bâtir trois ans après, une troisième
demeure à Samos, si elle ne devait pas ou ne pouvait pas, vu sa dimen-
sion, loger la nombreuse suite de l’évêque, peut-être aussi une dizaine
de séminaristes qu’il avait amenés avec lui pour les former à la pré-
trise, et en sus sept domestiques, dont les noms nous sont conservés,
composant un train de maison et un attirail de grand seigneur.
Il recherchait ses aises et se trouvant mal logé en ville, il vou-
lut s'installer à la campagne et choisit le site à Sillery appartenant
à M. de la Nouiller. Celui-ci étant dûment fondé en titre, comme
on vient de le voir, vendit par contrat devant Dubreuil, notaire, en
date du 17 octobre 1731, à Monseigneur illustre et révérend Père en
Dieu Pierre Dosquet, évêque de Samos, in partibus, et coadjuteur de
Québec, les mêmes 50 arpens de terre ci-dessus avec les mêmes délimita-
tions, —* ensemble tous les bâtiments construits sur iceux et meubles
qui y sont, sans aucune retenue.” Le prix stipulé est de 2,800 livres,
demeurées à rente au denier vingt dans les mains de l’acquéreur. Nous
verrons ce qu’il advint par la suite, tant du principal que de la
rente, comme aussi de la maison qu’il y fit construire l’année suivante.
Il est vrai que Mgr de Saint-Vallier avait abandonné sa résidence
du palais épiscopal qu’il avait fait bâtir à grands frais, pour se retirer
à l’'Hôpital-Général, mais il n’avait pas eu l’idée bizarre de le démanteler
pour le plaisir de détruire, comme l’évêque Dosquet lui en prête la
pensée dans sa même lettre; et de prendre de là occasion de se plaindre,
dix ans après, d’avoir été mal logé à Québec, tout comme s’il voulait
faire parade de son abnégation en se privant d'occuper l’appartement
évêque tout préparé à ses frais qui l’attendait au séminaire. Cepen-
dant, malgré ses installations et constructions, Mgr Dosquet ne séjourna
en tout que peu de temps en Canada; et, comme certains évêques en
France, ne voulut pas s’astreindre à la résidence. Venu en 1729, il
s’embarqua en 1733 pour la France; il revint l’année suivante sur le
vaisseau du roi le Rubis, pour sen retourner définitivement le 17
octobre 1735.
Il nous parait clair qu’il ne dut occuper Samos que fort peu de
temps. Bâtie en 1732, la maison en pierre ne pouvait guère être
Icgeable dans Vhiver suivant, sinon, comme on dit, seulement pour
essuyer les murs. D’ailleurs, les dimensions du logis n’étaient pas pro-
portionnées à sa suite épiscopale.
Après son départ et jusqu'à 1744, en ne sait trop ce qu’il fit de
cette établissement ni même qui en était le vrai propriétaire (en loi).
N’en ayant pas payé le prix d’achat, il semble ne s'être pas plus occupé
[CASGRAIN] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS zi
du paiement de la rente de 140 livres que du sort principal. Il
aurait fait, assure-t-on, une donation verbale de la terre et maison au
séminaire avant son départ, en octobre 1735; toutefois, il manifesta
son intention de les retenir, suivant sa lettre de Paris du ler juin 1736.
Cette donation ne présentant aucune date ou titre écrit, ne pouvait
légalement transférer aucun droit de propriété, en sorte que celui-ci
parut demeurer comme en suspens.
Cependant les Messieurs du séminaire, se croyant bien fondés en
fait, prirent le moyen d’en finir, et au bout de neuf ans ils payérent
le prix le vente de 2,800 livres dû a La Nouiller, lequel reconnut l’avoir
regu “du séminaire comme étant aux lieu et place et droits de Mon-
“ seigneur Pierre Herman Dosquet, ancien évêque de Québec, à cause
“de la donation qui leur a été faite d’une maison et terre situées à
“la seigneurie de Coulonge, prés cette, ville, que mon dit Seigneur
“ Evêque avait acquis du Sr Lenouiller, à constitution de 140 livres de
“rente,” ainsi qu’on le voit par une quittance de la somme de 2,800
livres et de tous les arrérages de la rente, passée devant Mtre Boucault,
notaire, le 8 février 1744.
Notons que durant ce laps de temps il était devenu dû au sémi-
naire,! comme seigneur de la chastellenie de Coulonge, plusieurs années
de cens et rente seigneuriale sur cette terre et en plus les lods-et-ventes
sur le prix d’achat. Mais comme le fond se trouva par le fait réuni
au domaine de la seigneurie, la créance privilégiée du seigneur a cet
égard devint purgée par là même par rapport a la terre. En sorte
que le titre et la prise.de possession du Séminaire demeuraient valides
malgré les revendications exprimées par l’évêque, à moins par lui de
faire le remploi du prix payé à son acquit, avec les arrérages de la
rente et acquitter tous les droits dus. De plus durant ce même laps
de temps, on perd de vue le paiement par lui de la rente stipulée de
140 livres depuis 1732 jusqu’à 1744.
Cette terre de Samos contenait, en réalité, tout près de 70 arpens
en superficie, au lieu de 50, maïs la très-garde partie était en forêt
primitive de beaux bois de chêne ét de pin et ne donnait pas encore
de rendement, parce qu’on tenait à les conserver comme ornant le
domaine et accroissant sa valeur.
Quand les messieurs du Séminaire s’en départirent dix-huit ans
plus tard, comme nous Vallons voir ci-après. cette réserve de bois fut
stipulée expressément pour leur terre adjoignante de Saint-Michel.
"Je dois exprimer mes remerciments à M, l'abbé A.-E. Gosselin, du
séminaire de Québec, pour son aide et son obligeance à me communiquer
les archives du séminaire.
8 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Nous avons la photographie d’un dessin intitulé Le bois de
Samos qui semble faire plus apprécier le bois que Vhabitation qui s’y
trouve. Vu qu’il ne montre pas de date pour en fixer l’époque, il
est difficile de dire si la maison qu’on y voit est bien celle de l’évêque
de Samos, ou bien celle restaurée par les propriétaires subséquents, soit
Thomas Ainslie ou le juge Mabane.
Avant de passer outre et de nous séparer de l’évêque Dosquet,
devenu évêque de Québec, comme il est le premier et le principal per-
sonnage parmi ceux, tous remarquables, qui ont ensuite habité la villa
de Samos, il n’est pas hors de propos de raconter brièvement ce que
l'on connait de lui par les documents contemporains.
Choisi comme coadjuteur par Mgr. Duplessis-Mornay, de l'agrément
du roi, Mgr Dosquet avait été fait évêque de Samos in partibus depuis
1725, mais il n’était pas Français d’origine. Il était Flamand; on
Ya dit né à Lille, la ci-devant capitale de la Flandre française, main-
tenant dans le département du Nord. L’abbé Auguste-H. Gosselin
le dit né à Liège, sans toutefois ne le prouver que par inférence.! Dans
Pun et l’autre cas, il était Flamand, ça suffit. Non dépourvu d’habileté
ni d’ambition, il se réclamait de cette qualité d’étranger auprès de la
cour de France, prétendant que dans la diplomatie il était ainsi plus
à même de rendre secrètement des services au roi. II est possible, et
même probable, qu'avec ses talents, il eût été plus habile et plus laborieux
dans les missions diplomatiques a travers l'Europe, que dans le cours
de ses missions apostoliques chez les sauvages du vaste territoire de
la Nouvelle-France, lesquelles lui sont restées en perspective seulement,
comme celles des Indes où il devait d’abord aller. Son administration
diocésaine ne semble pas montrer chez lui beaucoup de zèle pour l’exer-
cice des fonctions épiscopales, ni un grand succès durant ses dix
années d’épiscopat pour toute la Nouvelle-France. Il est vrai qu’il
faut tenir compte qu’à son arrivée Québec se trouvait dans une époque
fâcheuse de troubles et de dissensions civiles et religieuses, lesquelles
furent poussées, au chef-lieu même de son évêché, à des excès regrettables
et à des rigueurs extrêmes, comme on le vit après la mort de Mgr
de Saint-Vallier. Dans ces circonstances difficiles, il lui fallait une
grande prudence, beaucoup d’esprit de conciliation, de discernement, de
tact et d’adresse, pour amener des apaisements. Son tempérament, froid
en apparence, se montrait parfois vif, brusque et hautain. Ce manque
de douceur, ou plutôt son absolutisme, joint au défaut d’expérience
locale pour conduire le petit peuple vain, susceptible et glorieux qu’il
était appelé à diriger, lui attirèrent peu d'estime d’abord, puis un
manque de confiance qui assombrit tout autour de lui. Ainsi que
1 Mémoires de la Soc. Roy. du Canada, 1899, Vol. V, p. 28, 2ème Série.
r
[CASGRAIN] L'HABITATION DE SAMOS 9
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[ CASGRAIN] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS 11
l'avait prévu Mgr de Mornay, il se dégoûta bientôt du pays et alla
séjourner en France, puis abandonnant la résidence il laissa son vaste
diocése sous la conduite de grands-vicaires, dont le premier mis en
office était inexpérimenté et trop jeune,— tant et si longtemps qu’enfin
on lui força la main pour le faire renoncer à son évêché. Il ne man-
auait pas cependant des vertus ordinaires d’un bon ecclésiastique et sa
conduite privée fut toujours irréprochable. L'état de sa santé, dont
il se plaignait fort, lui servait d’excuse pour se dispenser des fonctions
actives de sa charge. (Cependant, cette santé ne pouvait guère être
bien mauvaise puisqu'elle le porta jusqu’à l’âge de 86 ans.
A part une couple de mandements rédigés dans son cabinet d'étude,
Fun sur linstruction populaire, qui, vu son absence, ne produisit pas
d'effet sensible, et l’autre bien dirigé et énergique contre la vente des
boissons enivrantes aux sauvages, lequel eut un grand retentissement,
on ne voit pas que Mgr Dosquet ait manifesté par ailleurs une grande
ardeur pour diriger dans de gras pâturages le troupeau qui lui avait
été confié. Cependant, on ne peut s'empêcher d’observer, pour le
regretter, que, sur ce dernier mandement, pressé par le ministre au
sujet du tort par là fait au commerce des fourrures, il ait cédé un
peu de terrain et mis du tempérament, sous forme d'explication, pour
atténuer la portée de son acte épiscopal. Sur ce point ses deux pré-
décesseurs ainsi que les missionnaires avaient fait preuve d’une fermeté
inébranlable. En fait, la traite de l’eau-de-vie n’en continua pas moins,
comme par le passé, en s’échappant en partie par cette modification.
Le coadjuteur, dès les premiers mois de son arrivée, commença à se
décharger des soins du diocèse en nommant pour grand-vicaire M.
de la Tour, jeune prêtre de 28 ans, qu’il avait amené avec lui et qui
le suppléa tant en son absence qu’en sa présence et tant bien que mal.
Ce jeune abbé était fils de M. de la Tour, Adal au parlement de
Toulouse, qui, par son influence, .le fit nommer par le roi doyen du
chapitre de Québec le 2 mai 1729, à la place de M. de Glandelet,
décédé depuis 1725. De plus, il fut nommé, avec les émoluments d’of-
fice de 300 livres, conseiller au Conseil Supérieur. Grace aux faveurs
de la cour, il toucha de la sorte deux parts de chanoine, c’est-à-dire,
1200 livres, qu’on voit avoir été décidé par le roi lui appartenir, sui-
vant la lettre du 20 avril 1732, et il garda son doyenné jusqu’en 1733.
Ce grand-vicaire était de bonne famille, et ainsi pourvu, tirait du
grand, faisait tout haut la main. D’un esprit contentieux et tracassier,
sans expérience en ce pays, il cassait les vitres, toujours soutenu par
l’évêque qui ne faisait rien par lui-même. Celui-ci pontifiait dans
Poccasion et c'était là à peu près toute la montre du décor. Heureuse-
ment que le régime de l’abbé de traiter cavalièrement le peuple et un
12 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
peu de méme le bas clergé, ne fut pas de longue durée, car le pays en
fut débarrassé en 1731, où il retourna en France.
L’abbé de la Tour a laissé, entre autres, un écrit au titre de
Mémoires sur la vie de Mons. de Laval, Cologne, 1761, lesquels font
voir Pauteur sous un aspect autrement caractérisé pour le mieux. Il
mourut a Montauban, curé de St-Jacques-et doyen du chapitre de cette
ville. Il avait refusé en 1733 la cure de Québec.
Les annales religieuses de l’époque ne montrent pas sous un
jour favorable les graves démêlés alors engagés parmi le clergé de
Québec, ni la bonne entente de l’évêque avec son chapitre. Son ordon-
nance pour obliger le chapitre de Québec à une procession d’un usage
récent chez les Jésuites et le retrait après coup de cette ordonnance,
avec injonction de n’en plus parler, indiquent chez lui un manque de
discrétion et de suite. Ce faux pas ne servit qu'à augmenter les
aigreurs mutuelles en les envenimant. Ce cérémonial d’étiquette exigé,
qui n'était qu'un compliment aux Jésuites, fut une dévotion grima-
cière et fielleuse plutôt que chrétienne. Il ne montrait aucune raison
d'être comme office religieux obligatoire et tomba de lui-même en dé-
suétude. A distance, on n’y voit qu’un entétement de part et d'autre
sur des prétentions d’une puérilité inepte qui donne, entre autres,
un exemple de plus de l’étroitesse d’esprit du français d’alors et du
caractère normand dont il était imprégné, comme aussi des vanités
rivales des personnages en scène.! |
Les préséances, les exigences, les prétentions et les formalités
d’étiquette étaient alors d'importance si majeure, qu’on semblait oublier
le fond en cause en les faisant prédominer. Ces usages d’un autre
siécle, vus à distance, nous paraissent aujourd'hui étranges et bien petits.
Les principaux documents historiques du temps sont remplis de ces
débats sur le cérémonial et de guerres de lutrin qui prennent place à
l’égal des grands événements du jour. Heureusement que ces futilités
n’ont pas pris racine sur notre terre d'Amérique. Ce qu’il y a de
singulier, c’est qu'à côté de ces exigences ‘et de ces prétentions orgueil-
leuses, soit personnelles, soit au nom sonore et bruyant de ce qu’on
appelait les libertés de l'église gallicane, on voit un bizarre contraste
avec la subjection, disons le mot, l’asservissement complet et général
envers le roi auquel on appelait pour décider de tout, au spirituel comme
1 Nous omettons de suivre l’interminable correspondance et les tracas-
series que l’évêque s’est suscité et a fait subir aux gens de la ville, au sujet
dune porte à l'évêché qui débouchait du chemin de ronde des remparts dans
la Côte de la Montagne vis-à-vis l'escalier actuel. L’évéque voulait la tenir
fermée et empêcher le public d'aller s’y ébaudir et le troubler de si près.
A la fin, de par le roi, en dernier ressort, elle dut rester ouverte au public.
[CASGRAIN] L'HABITATION DE SAMOS 13
au temporel. Dans notre atmosphère de liberté et avec notre tempéra-
ment devenu plus rassis et plus composé, on s’en moque maintenant,
en voyant ce servilisme et ces appels constants au roi, en matières
ecclésiastiques, tant par le clergé que par les laïques, comme s’il eut été
un suffragant de Sa Sainteté à Paris, ou un pape d’Avignon, —souvent
pour des riens, comme qui aura ou n’aura pas l’encens, l’eau jbénite et
le pain bénit le premier, etc.
Sur un autre sujet, quant à son temporel, le coadjuteur ne négli-
geait pas d’étaler la faiblesse de ses ressources et de demander les grâces,
les gratifications et les secours du roi. Lors de son départ pour le
Canada, une gratification de 1,000 livres lui fut accordée, et l’année
suivante, Mgr Duplessis-Mornay, dans la crainte que son suffragant ne
se dégotitat du pays, se détermina à lui en procurer une autre. Ayant
représenté au roi les pertes qu’il avait subies dans le naufrage de
l'Eléphant et les dépenses à faire pour rendre le palais épiscopal habi-
table, Mgr de Samos reçut une gratification extraordinaire de 3,000
livres, en sus de la gratification ordinaire.!
Le roi continua au coadjuteur, en 1732, l’ancienne gratification de
500, livres accordée en 1688 par la Compagnie à l’évêque de Québec, à
prendre sur son domaine. Par lettre patente du 24 décembre 1733,
Sa Majesté le mit en possession des fruits et revenus de l’évêché de
Québec, lesquels devaient comprendre ceux entr’autres de l’abbaye de
Bénévent, dont la réunion à cet évêché avait été promise le 26 septembre
1729 et ensuite consommée.
A cette époque, il régnait dans les rangs du clergé à Québec, princi-
palement parmi les membres du chapitre, dont plusieurs n’assistaient
pas au choeur, une manie de faire des exploitations et des entreprises
commerciales et industrielles, même des défrichements. Il est à croire
que Mgr Dosquet se ressentit du même mal, au point de vouloir devenir
agronome, car, dans ce but avoué, il obtint en 1731, une concession
à titre de fief et seigneurie, sur la rivière Silhouette qui tombe dans
la rivière Yamaska, de quatre lieues de terre de front sur autant de
* Les détails des réclamations des particuliers à l’occasion des pertes
résultant de ce naufrage, comme passagers, sont curieux à voir. Suivant
le procès-verbal de la perte du vaisseau transmis officiellement, elles seraient
nulles, car il y est déclaré que tout à été sauvé à l'exception des poudres, du
biscuit, de quelques futailles à eau et de quelques pièces de canon. Cependant,
le roi qui avait payé les frais du sauvetage, accorde la demande de M. Hoc-
quart pour ses pertes au montant de 6,000 livres; Mgr Dosquet s’y présente
et recoit 3,000 livres, tant pour ses pertes que pour ses dépenses de répara-
tions à faire au palais épiscopal; d’autres passagers viennent pour des
montants de 500 à 600 livres. Hocquart revient encore pour 2,000 livres
qu’il ne réussit pas cette fois à obtenir — Cf. Lettre du Ministre de la Marine
à M. de St-Maur, 29 Nov. 1729 — Arch. Can.
14 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
profondeur et coupée en deux par la riviére Silhouette. Ce projet
r’aboutit a rien autre chose qu’à des frais inutiles.
En mai 1736, pendant son séjour en France, le roi lui fait une autre
gratification de 3,000 livres, ayant égard a sa situation peu aisée, a
prendre sur la recette des revenus de l’abbaye de la Victoire, dans le
diocèse de Senlis, alors vacant. Un mois auparavant, il avait obtenu
un congé du roi de six mois pour aller voyager en Flandre et il en
profita. Le temps ainsi s’écoulait sans évêque diocésain résidant pour
tout le Canada, et toujours sans la démission du titulaire que vaine-
ment l’on attendait, et sans qu’il fut pourvu d’un coadjuteur.
Malgré toutes ces faveurs à l’évêque, le ministre qui, dès 1737,
lui avait écrit que ses demandes pour arranger ses affaires avaient paru
excessives, lui représenta, en mai 1738, qu’il ne pouvait ignorer que
son diocèse n’était pas dans une situation à se passer de la présence d’un
évêque et qu’il espérait que son zèle pour les intérêts religieux le
déterminerait à prendre un parti, soit de s’y rendre ou de donner sa
démission; qu’il était temps qu’on sût à quoi s’en tenir; que s’il vou-
lait mettre des conditions à sa démission, il le dit; qu'on attendait
une réponse prompte et décisive. Mgr Dosquet semble ne s’être inqui-
été en rien de ces représentations. A Ja fin de l’année 1738, le ministre
se montre surpris des nouvelles exigences de l’évêque et lui déclare net
qu'il s’agit pour le présent de savoir si l’arrangement proposé lui con-
vient ou non. S'il ne lui convient pas, il devra s’arranger pour retour-
ner le printemps prochain à Québec, sans quoi le roi prendra les mesures
nécessaires pour y pourvoir. Alors, il n’aura plus à compter sur le
bénéfice de l’abbaye de Breine ou autre chose. Le ministre termine en
lui disant qu’il est chargé par le cardinal Fleury de lui déclarer ces
choses une fois pour toutes.!
1 Le cardinal Fleury avait été précepteur de Louis XV et devint son
ministre en 1726, quoique’agé de 70 ans. Lors des troubles et des dissensions
qui surgirent à Québec, après le décès, en décembre 1727, de Mgr de Saint-
Vallier, au sujet de son successeur, la cour dut intervenir, et par arrêt du
2 mars 1729, elle confirma la prise de possession de l'évêché par le succes-
seur en titre, Mgr Duplessis-Mornay. Puis, l'évêque de Samos, son coadju-
teur, devint lui-méme évéque de Québec, par la démission de Mgr de Mornay
qu’il donna le 12 septembre 1733. Son âge et ses infirmités l’avaient empêché
de se rendre dans son diocèse quoiqu’il en fût l'évêque en titre depuis
AB T(PAT(E Son coadjuteur, qui n’y était venu qu’en 1729, abandonna
la résidence et le pays en 1735. Dans ces diverses circonstances, le diocése
avait beaucoup souffert, d’abord de l’absence involontaire pendant 13 ans
de Mgr de Saint-Vallier, détenu prisonnier, puis de la non-résidence de
ses deux successeurs. Il subissait alors une espèce d’interrégne. Le cardi-
nal Fleury cherchait à y porter remède et avait depuis quelque temps jeté
les yeux sur un digne prêtre du diocèse de Chartres, dont la piété et l’hu-
milité étaient les seules recommandations qu’on pût lui voir. Il se nommait
[CASGRAIN] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS 15
Cependant l’évêque mettait des exigences toujours croissantes pour
donner sa démission; pourtant, en sus de l'abbaye de Bénévent, valant
3,000 livres, on lui offrait le bénéfice de l’abbaye de Breine, dans le diocèse
de Soissons, dont le revenu était estimé à 6,000 livres.
Néanmoins, ce ne fut qu’en mai suivant, en mai 1739, à la der-
nière heure, au moment du départ aes vaissecux, qu’il se résigna enfin
à donner (si c’est là un don et non un troc) la démission de son évêché ;
encore, voulut-il conserver sa juridiction jusqu’à l’annéc suivante par
son grand-vicaire, M. Miniac.
Le reste de la carrière de l’évêque Dosquet ne présente pas d’in-
térêt pour les Canadiens. Il est tombé dans loubli, et sauf le nom
de Samos donné à une partie du chemin du Cap-Rouge, et la batterie
historique dite de Samos, lors du siège du Québec, aucun souvenir popu-
laire n’existe pour rappeler la mémoire de l’ancien évêque de Samos,
devenu évêque de Québec.
Après la guerre la maison de Samos fut trouvée détruite, sauf les
murs restés debout. Au-delà de 1762, nous n’avons encore pu trouver
Paul Cassegrain, né 4 Angersville, en 1693, curé de Bouglainval en 1732, et
fondateur en 1734 et directeur de la communauté des Sceurs de St-Rémy
d’Auneau, ensuite connu sous le nom de Bon-Secours de Chartres. Il était
aussi chanoine de cette cathédrale. Le cardinal lui offrit l'évêché de Québec,
mais ne s'en croyant pas digne, humble prêtre refusa respectueusement
cette dignité. Le cardinal tenait en grande estime l'abbé Cassegrain et lui
donnait toute sa confiance. Il le retint pour son chapelain et son confesseur.
Ce vertueux prêtre ayant rempli sa vie de bonnes œuvres, mourut à Auneau,
arrondissement de Chartres, en 1771, à lage de 78 ans. Sa vie a été écrite
par son neveu, Paul Antoine Cassegrain, aussi chanoine de Chartres en 1765,
mais n’a pas été imprimée.
J’allais en Italie en 1867, et en traversant les Alpes, par Chamounix,
je fis la rencontre dans la diligence d’un capucin, le pére Laurent, supérieur
d'une maison de religieux à Paris, homme fort instruit, très spirituel et de
bonne compagnie; de plus, bien renseigné, il connaissait tout à la ville et
à la cour. En causant, il voulait relier ma famille à celle de l’abbé Casse-
grain, dont je parle, et il avait raison, à cause de la commune origine locale
et de l’atavisme que j'ai pu vérifier plus tard. Il disait que c'était un saint
à canoniser, dont on se rappelait encore les vertus.
A mon retour de Rome, un mois après, Mgr Pie, alors évêque de Poitiers,
puis cardinal, avec lequel j'eus l'honneur de m'entretenir longuement, en
route sur le vapeur d’Ostie à Marseille, me confirma pleinement le dire du
père Laurent et l’existence du M. S. S. de la vie de l’abbé Cassegrain, que
je n’ai pu retracer.
J'ai trouvé ensuite ces renseignements confirmés dans l’ouvrage de l’abbé
Joseph Beauhaire, Chronologie des Evêques, des Curés, des Vicaires, et des
autres prêtres de ce diocèse, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à nos jours,
Chartres, 1892.
Il contient les détails ci-dessus relatés concernant l’abbé Paul Cassegrain.
16 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
aucun indice de son genre de construction, si ce n’est le carré en pierre
de l’édifice, donnant ses dimensions, ses portes et croisées, d’après le
plan de larpenteur Plamondon dressé alors et que nous reproduisons.
Quant à son aspect extérieur, nous avons un croquis ou dessin au crayon
qu'on croit être une vue de la villa sous la désignation de Bois de Samos.
Nous en donnons une copie photographiée que nous devons à l’obligeance
de M. Doughty, l’archiviste si compétent du Dominion. Quant au
dessin de Hervy Smyth, représentant la maison et la batterie qu’il
nomme de Sillery, nous pensons que c’est un croquis de la maison
Pour Qui ball cry Lo Ge left S Moa 5 Landi, (lace
Terre Lee drawing by L1iy dr gli z
Cércral ele
, at de car lo
Saint-Michel des MM. du Séminaire de Québec, croyant pouvoir le
démontrer ci-après.
Devenu propriétaire de la terre et habitation de Samos, ainsi qu’on
Va vu, le Séminaire de Québec en disposa d’une partie comme suit;
c'était à la veille de la cession attendue du pays:— Le 14 décembre
1762, par acte devant Mtre J.-C. Panet, notaire, il vendit à M. Thomas
Ainslie, receveur des douanes à Québec, “une quantité de terre sur
“laquelle se trouve le quarré de la maison de campagne de MM. les
[CASGRAIN] L'HABITATION DE SAMOS 17
“ ecclésiastiques, dit la maison de Samos,’ située près de la ville de
“Quebec,” (à être mesurée et bornée, y est-il dit, l'hiver prochain),
“relevant du fief de Coulonge.” Elle s’est trouvée être de 42 arpens
en superficie, bornée au nord-est par ie ruisseau Belleborne et au sud-
ouest par une ligne droite distante des deux extrémités de quatre arpens
du dit ruisseau, bornée au sud à la haute marée, à continuer jusqu’au
grand chemin; la dite terre telle que figurée ensuite par le procès-verbal
de mesurage et bornage dressé par l’arpenteur Plamondon en date du
27 mai 1763, dont nous avons pris copie pour la produire au besoin.
l’idée du retour du Canada à la France, même trois ans après
la conquête, ne pouvait être arrachée du cœur des Canadiens, comme on
va la voir.
Par ce contrat il fut stipulé ce qui suit comme conditions par les
Messieurs du Séminaire:
“ Laquelle présente vente cependant n’aura lieu qu’au cas que
cette colonie demeure à l’Angleterre et ne sera le dit Sieur Ainslie tenu
de payer le prix de la vente qu’à la paix qui décidera du pays; et
dans la supposition contraire que le pays retournât à la France, soit
par le sort des armes, soit par le prochain traité de paix, la dite vente
sera nulle de plein droit et Messieurs du Séminaire rentreront en pos-
session de la susdite terre et maison avec les améliorations que mon
dit Sieur Aïnslie s’oblige d’y faire dès le commencement du printemps
prochain,— et spécialement d’y faire établir la dite maison de Samos
en réparations de maconne, charpente, plancher, et couverture, etc.,
dans le cours du printemps prochain,— dont il jouira ainsi de la terre
jusqu’à parfaite décision du pays et ville de Québec, desquelles améliora-
tions il ne pourra requérir aucun dédommagement, ni ne détériorera
en rien, dans le cas que le Séminaire rentrat en possession; et faute
+
* C'est ici le lieu de remarquer, pour éviter la confusion qui peut naitre
de cet énoncé, que ces endroits spécifiés et cette maison de Samos, n’étaient
pas originairement la maison de campagne de ces Messieurs, et ne pouvait
létre avant leur acquisition en 1744. A l’encontre, il est établi que la mai-
son de récréation de leurs éléves était la maison appelée Saint-Michel, dans
le fief Saint-Michel. Les archives du Séminaire sont 14 pour prouver que,
lors de l'incendie du Séminaire, en 1701, les élèves étaient en congé à la
maison de Saint-Michel. Celle-ci fut remplacée par la maison Maizerets
qui fut construite à cette fin sur la terre à Beauport acquise par le Sémi-
naire, le 14 janvier 1705. Cette destination ainsi énoncée en 1762 ne parait
guère conciliable avec les époques établies par les dates ci-dessus, et ne
‘peut guère s’accorder avec l’interrégne de 1735 à 1744. Au surplus, la terre
de Samos était donnée à bail, au moins depuis 1750 à 1757, et tenue par
Jacques Berthiaume, fermier, suivant les comptes du Séminaire, & Reg.
Prév., 15 déc. 1755, p. 57, vo.
18 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
dexécution des conditions ci-dessus mentionnées, le présent contrat de
vente sera nul a la fin du mois de juillet prochain.”
Il est important pour l'identification subséquente du site de la
maison de Samos de ne pas oublier que l’arpenteur Plamondon a fait —
le plan vertical du carré des murs qui en restaient et de remarquer aussi
que la pierre angulaire des fondements, tel que posée par l’évêque de
Samos, contenait une plaque de plomb sur laquelle étaient gravées une
mitre d’évéque et une inscription latine que nous allons retrouver ci-
après. Ce plan formait partie de Vacte notarié et est paraphé comme
tel par le notaire instrumentant, Mtre Panet.
Vu la cession du pays par le traité de paix de 1763, M. Ainslie
demeura propriétaire absolu, tel que stipulé, de la maison de Samos
et du terrain acquis ainsi délimité; mais il s’en départit peu après,
non cependant sans y avoir fait les améliorations notables qui lui avaient
été imposées, et diverses autres à sa convenance, comme de défricher le
sol pour le mettre en partie en état de culture, tout en ménageant la
forêt de beaux bois qui s’y trouvait et garnissant habitation de meubles,
d’ustensiles de ferme et de bétail pour en faire une résidence de cam-
pagne complète. Alors, il lui donna le nom de Woodfield, bien appro-
prié à l’étendue des: bois de forêt primitive qui le couvrait,—nom qu’il
a gardé jusqu’à tout récemment, qu’il a pris celui de Saint-Patrick’s
C'emetery, suivant sa destination actuelle de cimetière pour les Irlandais
catholiques.
Thomas Ainslie est le même qui a tenu un journal de Pinvasion
des Américains en Canada de 1775-6, qui a été publié par la Société
Littéraire et Historique de Québec dans ses annales (Transactions) de
J’année 1905. Il était capitaine dans la milice anglaise durant le
blocus de la ville.
Thomas Ainslie fut le premier percepteur des douanes nommé dans
la colonie, dont le bureau central était à Québec. La plaque funéraire
de marbre incrustée dans le pignon ouest du presbytère de la basilique
de Québec rappelle son nom et celui de Mary, son épouse, inhumée là,
le 14 mars 1767, dans l’ancien cimetière catholique de l’église, dont les :
protestants se servaient alors faute d’autre.
Pendant qu’il était ainsi amélioré par Ainslie, Woodfield fut occupé
par Vhonorable Thomas-Adam Mabane, écuier, un des juges de la
Cour des Plaids-Communs de Québec, lequel en avait été mis en
possession depuis quelque temps, soit comme locataire, soit en prévision
de lui en passer titre. En effet, M. Ainslie lui en consentit la vente
lc 4 septembre 1769 par acte devant M. J.-C. Panet, notaire, le désignant
comme terre vulgairement appelée “ Woodfield” et tel que délimité par
le même procès-verbal; lui vendant aussi la maison de pierre dessus
r
[CASGRAIN | L’HABITATION DE SAMOS 19
construite et autres petits bâtimens en dépendant; “ensemble, tous les
“ meubles, utensiles de ménage, d'agriculture, bestiaux, qui étaient
“dans la dite maison et sur la dite terre, sans aucune réserve, lesquels
“le dit juge Mabane reconnut avoir en sa possession, s’en déclarant
“satisfait et dispensant de tout inventaire — disant le tout être à sa
“connaissance pour en être en possession depuis longtemps.” Le prix
stipulé est dit de 12,000 schellings ($2,400). Il est présumable que
cette entrée en possession par le juge avait suivi d’assez près sa nomina-
tion comme tel en 1764.
Lors de l’invasion des Américains, leurs troupes s’emparèrent de
Phabitation et s’en servirent comme hôpital pour les blessés et les inva-
ADAM MABANE.
lides. Ils causérent, ce qui va de soi, des déprédations et des dégâts
à la maison ainsi qu'aux dépendances. Le Gouvernement, sur repré-
sentation, indemnisa le propriétaire des pertes et dommages soufferts,
ce qui lui permit de réparer l'édifice en entier et de lui donner un
meilleur aspect.
Durant invasion et ces réparations, le juge Mabane qui était
rentré en ville, habita la maison rue St-Louis, ci-devant appartenant
à M. de Ramsay, lieutenant de Roi. et habitée par lui à Québec. Elle
fut ensuite appelée Kent House, pour avoir été occupée par le duc
de Kent, lorsqu'il était de garnison à Québec. Le juge en fit Pacquisi-
tion de M. Strachan, par contrat devant Mire I.-A. Panet, notaire,
sec, I., 1906. 2
20 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Ann
en date du 27 octobre 1777; elle tomba ensuite dans sa succession et fut
vendue par décret forcé sous le nom de Kent House.
Ayant alors repris sa résidence à la campagne, il en étendit les
limites en prenant à bail, de l’agrément du Séminaire, la terre avoisi-
nante de Saint-Michel et autres adjacentes, qui avait été louées à un
nommé William Miller, le 17 janvier 1780, suivant bail à longues années,
devant d’Artigny, notaire; et moyennant cinquante portugaises (£100)
Miller lui fit cession de ses droits en forme authentique devant le même
notaire d’Artigny, le 3 mai 1780.
Le prix de ce loyer paraissait nominal, une guinée par année, mais
était compensé par diverses charges, telles que l’entretien et la con-
servation des bois de haute futaie, la plantation d’arbres forestiers, d’or-
nement et fruitiers, de manière à former un beau bocage et un bon
verger, aussi, d'entretenir de taillis le défaut de la côte vers le fleuve,
et les clôtures, et®, ete.
Ces conditions remplies en conséquence convenaient et plaisaient
aux deux parties comme utiles au fond autant qu’agréables en jouissance.
C’est sous le juge Mabane que Vhabitation de Woodfield, s’accrut,
croyons-nous, de divers embellissements et prit les proportions d’un
spacieux quadrilatére, avec cour intérieure.! L’ensemble, joint à la
beauté du site dominant sur le fleuve, en fit une des plus belles rési-
dences auprés de la ville. Elle était fréquentée par le meilleur monde
du temps. Le général Powell en était voisin; le gouverneur Haldimand
la visitait; le général Riedesel en était le commensal, et divers autres
personnages et amis du juge s’y plaisaient a le rencontrer.
L’air pur de la forét apportait le parfum des bois, et les ombrages
des longues allées rafraichissaient des ardeurs du soleil d’été quand
on désirait s'y promener pour se délasser dans les chaudes journées de
la belle saison. Tout conspirait pour en faire un délicieux séjour et
une tranquille retraite pour un homme d'étude, tel qu'était le juge
Mabane. Il l’habita pendant vingt-cinq ans.
Cependant tout ne fut pas constamment rose dans cette belle
demeure. Malgré sa probité, sa droiture et son caractère irréproch-
able, Mabane eneourut la disgrace du gouverneur Carleton à cause des
idées de saine justice qu’il cherchait à faire prévaloir envers la Couronne,
mais avec fermeté, tant en faveur du peuple conquis qu’envers ses com-
patriotes anglais. On lui enleva, sans lui en assigner les motifs, sa
place de juge et celle de conseiller exécutif. Ses derniers jours furent
1 La description donnée en 1782, sur saisie par le shérif de Québec
comme “une maison dessus construite en pierre, à deux étages et autres
“batimens joignant la dite maison et dans les environs d'icelle,” nous semble
désigner le quadrilatère déjà complété par le juge Mabane.
[CASGRAIN] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS 21
tristes. Il mourut le 3 janvier 1792, à l’âge de 58 ans; il n’était
pas marié. On attribua sa mort au froid qu'il prit dans une tempête
~de neige en voulant se rendre à pied de sa demeure à la ville. Il perdit
son chemin dans la poudrerie; on le trouva égaré, épuisé, transi de
froid. Ramené chez lui, il prit le lit pour n’en plus se relever.
La carrière de cet homme de bien n’est pas assez connue: on ne
Jui a pas fait, de son temps, le nom et la réputation qu’il méritait comme
citoyen utile et loyal sujet.
L’abbé Bois nous a laissé une étudie remarquable et très judicieuse
sur le juge Mabane, lequel, dit-il en la commençant, “offre un sujet
“ intéressant et digne de piquer la curiosité du lecteur canadien. Comme
“ plusieurs hommes de la période où il a vécu, M. Mabane a été jugé
“ sévèrement. On ne lui a pas donné une place assez belle dans l’his-
“ toire de notre colonie. Ajoutons qu’on ne lui a pas laissé assez grande
“Ja part qu’il avait prise dans l’administration de la justice et dans la
“composition des tribunaux, comme aussi dans les arrangements et les
“arrétés du pouvoir à l’époque où il vécut en cette province.”
Mabane, doué d’une intelligence peu commune, était un homme fort
instruit. Né en Ecosse, il y fut reçu médecin et passa au Canada. En
abandonnant la profession médicale, pour remplir à Québec la charge
de juge qu’il n’avait aucunement convoitée, il devint un magistrat utile
et respecté par son intégrité et son impartialité. D’un esprit droit,
d’un jugement sain et d’un grand sens d’équité, il ne tarde pas, avec
Vassistance de collègues français, à suppléer par l’étude et la pratique
à son manque de connaissances légales au début. On peut voir néan-
moins en parcourant les registres de la Cour des Plaids-Communs qu’il
se familiarisa bientôt et suffisamment avec la routine des affaires, de
manière à donner satisfaction dans une charge qu’il avait d’abord
déclinée et n’avait acceptée que pour se rendre utile.
Le fait qu’il fut ensuite choisi par le même gouverneur comme un
des quatre membres du Comité nommé pour s’enquérir de l’état des
archives du pays, en 1787, est une preuve de sa capacité et de son carac-
tère bien établi, suffisante pour atténuer à ce point les préventions de
Fautocrate Lord Dorchester. On voit par la correspondance de son suc-
cesseur, le gouverneur Haldimand, que celui-ci fut loin d’approuver les
injustices faites au juge Mabane et qu’il en fit des représentations au
ministre en Angleterre, exprimant aussi la mortification qu’il avait
ressentie par la révocation, sur de fausses données, de la commission de
M. Mabane du grade de chirurgien de l’hôpital de la garnison de Qué-
bec. (Cf. Haldimand Papers, Arch. Can., 1781, oct. 23,— 1782, oct.
23;— 1783, sept. 8 (Cependant ce fut pour des raisons plutôt
politiques que substantielles qu’on lui enleva ses offices de juge et de
22 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
conseiller exécutif. Dans des circonstances difficiles et avec des opinions
bien arrêtées et opposées à celles du gouverneur, il ne put s'entendre
avec lui, et il subit, par la raison du plus faible, le sort du pot de terre
contre le pot de fer. Il avait vécu sans grande ambition et sans étalage.
Son caractère désintéressé n’était pas fait pour lenrichir. La privation
de ses émoluments qui étaient assez considérables. le mit à la gêne et
finit par l’enuetter.
Il laissa une succession embarrassée. Sa sœur Isabella, qui vivait
avec lui, et qui était sa seule parente et unique héritière, ne put l’ac-
cepter que sous bénéfice d'inventaire.
C’est en cette qualité de bénéficiaire qu’elle fut assignée pour dettes
devant la Cour du Banc du Roi du district de Québec, à la poursuite
de Alexander Davidson & John Lees, lesquels firent vendre par décret
de cette cour les immeubles de la succession, entr’autres la maison de
ville, rue St-Louis, dite Kent House, et la propriété Woodfield. Cette .
dernière fut adjugée à Isabella Mabane elle-même, le 13 décembre 1792,
pour le prix d’enchere de £700, et le shérif Sheppard lui en conféra
le titre de 21 décembre 1794.
Singulière coincidence, le Lord Evêque et premier prélat anglican de
Québec, le très révérend Jacob Mountain, vint habiter la villa
Samos de Mgr Dosquet, préparée pour lui à son arrivée d'Angleterre,
en l’automne de 1793. Il prit à loyer cette belle résidence et loccupa
depuis lors jusqu’à 1802. Ce personnage remarquable a laissé un nom
respecté de toutes les classes de la société, sans égard aux nationalités.
Les évêques catholiques et l’évêque anglican de Québec fraternisaient
d'estime et de commerce d’amitie réciproque. Même l’ancien et véné-
rable évêque Briand, quoique valétudinaire et retiré, lui fit un accueil
bien cordial; et quand le Lord Bishop vint se présenter il lui donna
l’accolade à la française, en lui faisant remarquer qu’il arrivait fort à
propos pour mettre à l’ordre ses nouvelles ouailles. |
Le 5 septembre 1805, Melle Mabane vendit par contrat devant Mtre
Tétu, notaire, la villa Woodfield à Honorable Matthew Bell, compre-
nant les 42 arpens en superficie et la maison en pierre à deux étages,
ci-dessus mentionnés.
M. Bell fut en son temps un personnage des plus en vue dans le
pays. Grand industriel, fortuné, large et libéral, il devint populaire
et jouit d’une réputation enviable. Né en 1768, à Berwick-on-Tweed,
sur les confins de l’Ecosse, il passa au Canada étant tout jeune homme.
Il s'établit à Trois-Rivières, où il devint par la suite le seul exploitant
des forges de Saint-Maurice. En 1800, il fut élu député du comté de
Saint-Maurice et le mandat lui fut renouveié jusqu’en 1814. Il siégea
ensuite au Conseil Législatif depuis 1822 à 1838.
[CASGRAIN ] L'HABITATION DE SAMOS 23
Le rendement des forges, sous son habile direction, devint trés
considérable. Les produits ne pouvaient suffire à la demande. Aussi
M. Bell profitait de son opulence pour mener la vie à grandes guides.
Il recevait à la “ Grande maison”! le monde aristocratique; les gou-
verneurs venaient s’asseoir à sa table et avaient à son château leur
appartement dit la Chambre du Gouverneur, somptueusement meublée.
M. Bell était grand amateur de sport, et lors d’un voyage en Angle-
terre, ayant été présenté au Roi George III, il recut de Sa Majesté une
coupe destinée aux courses de Trois-Rivières, alors devenues en vogue
et dues à l’imitiative de M. Bell. Il entretenait également une meute
de chiens-courants, la première que l’on ait vue au Canada; son équipage
de chasse était monté de chevaux de sang importés. C’est l’origine de
la chasse à courre de Montréal, où elle a été transférée et qui descend
du Tally-ho Club de Trois-Rivières. Un beau trait de ce sportman
lui fait honneur. Le lendemain de chaque chasse, il envoyait indem-
niser les cultivateurs des dégâts qu’elle avait pu causer sur son parcours et
tout le monde était content.
Pendant sa carriére M. Bell prit part aux principales entreprises
commerciales et charges publiques de la province. Ainsi, en 1805, il
était un des maîtres de la Maison de la Trinité à Québec; en 1818, un
des fondateurs de la Banque de Québec; de même, en 1828, de l’Assu-
rance de Québec contre le feu; il fut un des armateurs en 1831 du
Royal William, bâti à Québec, et qui, deux ans après, fut le premier
vaisseau-à-vapeur qui traversa l’Atlantique. Le beau modèle en bois
de ce vaisseau est conservé dans les salles de la Société Littéraire et
Historique de Québec.
L’Honorable Matthew Bell est décédé à Trois-Rivières, le 24 juin
1849, âgé de 81 ans. Son nom est encore populaire dans la ville. Il
laissa plusieurs enfants qui se sont alliés aux meilleurs familles anglaises
de Québec.
En 1816, cette habitation de Woodfield qui avait été encore embel-
Jie et agrandie de 26 arpens adjoignants, formant partie de la terre
de Saint-Michel et provenant du Séminaire, fut vendue par V Hon.
Matthew Bell le 21 septembre en deux lots par acte devant le notaire
Planté, à William J. Sheppard, savoir: 1o. Samos ou Woodfield pour
le prix de £4,160, ou $18,440, plus la rente seigneuriale de 50 centins
*La Grande maison était un bel et très vaste édifice en pierre remontant
a l’ancien régime; elle dut être construite vers 1740, époque vers laquelle
les Forges furent réunies au domaine du Roi pour être exploitées en son nom.
MM. Cressé et Martel, préposés à cette exploitation, y vivaient largement, si
Yon en croit Franquet qui vante leur ‘aospitalité. Il observe que la régie
était fort onéreuse au Roi.
24 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
par arpent représentant un capital au denier vingt de $420; et le reste,
les 26 arpens convertis en lots à bâtir (villa lots), pour le prix de
£1,550 % 9, ou $6,201.55. |
20. I] vendit le lot de grève attenant à la terre de Woodfield, au
même Sheppard et à John Saxton Campbell, marchands associés, mais
au profit de Sheppard seul en propriété, pour le prix de £1,450.
Il est là-dessus facile d'établir la valeur d’alors de l’ensemble du
domaine de Woodfield, qui ainsi apprécié, se monte à $30,860.
M. Sheppard, successeur de M. Bell, acquit ensuite par acte devant
St-George, notaire, du 13 août 1832, le terrain attenant à Woodfield
au sud-ouest, environ 28 arpens en superficie. Il appartenait à George
Simpson qui le tenait de John Fraser, par contrat du 25 décembre 1831,
devant Mtre Ant.-A. Parant, notaire, lequel l’avait eu par concession
du Séminaire du 17 du même mois, devant le même notaire. Ce der-
nier lot, joint à la terre de Samos telle que vendue comme ci-dessus par
le Séminaire, forme aujourd’hui la totalité du cimetière irlandais,
Saint-Patrice, et est entré au cadastre officiel de Saint-Colomban sous
le No. 205.
Devenu Conseiller Législatif, l'Honorable William Sheppard con-
tinua à faire des améliorations à Woodfield et à l’embellir. I] Vhabita
jusqu'en 1842. La demeure fut entièrement detruite l’hiver suivant
par un incendie, avec tout son précieux contenu, bibliothèque, musée,
collection d’histoire naturelle, serre, etc. M. Sheppard cultivait les
lettres et fut élu à plusieurs reprises président de la Société Littéraire
et Historique de Québec, et si sa résidence, à l’extérieur, montrait
homme de goût, bien plus à l’intérieur y voyait-on l’homme d'étude et
de science.
Pour recueillir des détails et des renseignements précis sur ce
qu'était Woodfield quand le feu fit disparaître la villa, nous avons eu
recours à son fils, M. Maxfield Sheppard, qui a eu l’obligeance de nous
adresser la lettre suivante qui répond très bien à notre demande et à
notre but.
“96 Bellevue Avenue,
Toronto, 21 Feb., 1900.
P. B. Casgrain Esq.,
Quebec,
Dear Sir,
“Tt affords me pleasure to give you such information as I can,
respecting Woodfield in its olden days. A house was built there as
a residence for the Bishop of Samos, but the sketch which you send
me (le dessin de Hervy Smith) does not represent the house. It may
[CASGRAIN] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS 25
possibly be a representation of a cottage on the ground before the house
was built, but I think it more probable that it was nearer to Wolfe Cove
Hill. The Bishop’s house was a more pretentious edifice. It con-
sisted of two stories and an attic with basement, six windows in each
story, on the front, facing the river; four square cottages adjacent,
two of which were connected with the house by covered ways, the other
two opposite to them. As you wish to know the site of the house,
I send you a rough plan of the property made from memory. The
proportions are not maintained, for the length of the property is much
greater. My father made several additions to the building, one of
which was a large conservatory for flowers, the first, I believe, ever con-
structed in the country.
I do not show them, as they would not be interesting to you. When
digging for the foundations of these, a leaden plate was discovered con-
taining an inscription in Latin engraved thereon, headed with the
Bishop’s mitre, commemorative of the erection of the building. I
recollect reading it, but, unfortunately, did not make any note of the
‘date. My father afterwards (but at what time, I do not remember),
gave it to the Literary and Historical Society, of which he was president
for many years. His remarks accompanying it were, I think, recorded
in the Transactions of the Society. If you could look this up, you
would probably find whether or not the house was in existence in 1759.
The Society occupied rooms in the old Parliament Building, near
Prescott Gate, which was burnt down. It is most probable that the
plate then perished. This is a misfortune, for it was a matter of some
little historical importance. I have no recollection of hearing about
a four gun battery on the place, nor have I seen any remains of such
a fortification; but I remember seeing a redoubt or two, I think — about
30 feet square each, constructed of earth, in the wood at the opposite
side of the highway. Was the battery a part of the French defences?
and is it known whether it was near the cliff or further outward?
It is somewhat singular that the place should have been occupied
by another bishop, Dr. Mountain, the first bishop of Quebec, who lived
there from 1793 to 1802. Subsequently, the Hon. Matthew Bell owned
it and my father, the Hon. William Sheppard, bought from him. I
was born in the house in 1820 and lived there till it was burnt down,
about 1842 or 1843. My father had got together a library of 4,500
books, among which there were no novels; my mother had made and
classified a collection of insects, another of minerals and shells, and
another containing dried specimens of all the indigenous flowers, plants
and ferns — all went up in flames. Writing this recalls the happy
days of my youth which I spent there. It was a beautiful place.
26 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
When leaving it, I had feelings like those expressed by Bishop Moun-
tain’s son, as follows:
“O, must I leave thee, Woodfield? sweet retreat
From the world’s busy strife delightful seat
Of rural beauty, where with bounteous hand,
Nature hath lent her charms to grace thy land.
How can I part? How leave thee, charming place?
How leave the beauties which adorn and grace
Thy boundaries? thy rich fields, abundant food
To cattle lending, and thy verdant wood,
Thy firs, thy venerable oaks, thy shades,
Thy purling rivulets, thy deep cascades
Forming a pleasant contrast to the eye?
Thy views, in which no other spot can vie?
And, now, by a cruel fate, severed from thee,
Wherever *tis my destiny to flee,
Still, Pll remember thee, O Woodfield dear!
And still on thee will drop a tender tear.”
“Yours very truly,
M. SHEPPARD.”
“T return the sketch.”
Cette plaque de plomb ainsi trouvée fut en effet présentée a la
Société Littéraire et Historique de Québec, mais disparut en 1854, avec
une partie des archives de la Société, dans l’incendie de l’ancien édifice
du parlement au haut de la côte de LaMontagne, où la Société occupait
des salles.
Par la découverte de cette plaque, on a pu et l’on peut identifier
le site exact de la maison de Samos, sans toutes fois admettre tout
l’ensemble de la description qu’en fait M. Maxfield Sheppard.
Suivant le plan à main levée ou croquis que ce monsieur nous a
fait des lieux pour en donner un aperçu, et d’après divers anciens
témoins oculaires d’aujourd’hui, la maison se trouvait située à environ
une centaine de pieds de la cime du cap, et avec son jardin attenant,
joignait au nord-est le ruisseau Belleborne. L'édifice entier formait
un quadrilatère spacieux, ayant cour intérieure. La façade étendue
dcnnant sur le fleuve, avec une belle pelouse au-devant, présentait aspect
d'un beau manoir seigneurial. Le pont Bonvoisin sur le ruisseau Belle-
borne le traversait juste au nord du jardin et environ à trois cents pieds
de la maison. C’est par ce pont, défendu par un canon, que l’escouade
[CASGRAIN] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS 27
qui devançait le colonel Howe commenea l’attaque dirigée vers la bat-
terie dite de Samos, sur laquelle nous aurons à revenir en référant
ci-après aux poste et batterie de Saint-Michel.
Qu'il suffise de dire pour terminer l’historique de la maison de
Samos ou de Woodfield qu'après l’incendie de 1842, M. Sheppard rebâtit
une nouvelle maison et la placa au centre de la terre de Samos et
Vhabita jusqu’en 1847. Alors, MM. Thomas et James Gibb, marchands-
associés et dans le haut négoce a Québec, en firent l’acquisition le 29
juin 1847, par contrat devant Mtre Fages, notaire; et la famille Gibb
la vendit aux R.-R. P.-P. Rédemptoristes de Québec, pour en faire un
cimetière à l’usage des Irlandais catholiques de l’église Saint-Patrice de
Québec, suivant deux contrats de vente en date du 2? décembre 1877,
passés devant Mtre Samuel J. Glackmeyer, notaire. Le prix total
stipulé fut de $20,000. Notons que la seconde maison rebâtie avait
aussi été détruite par le feu pendant que les Messieurs Gibb l’occupaient.
* * * * * * * *
Mais où trouver sur les lieux le site où la batterie dite de Samos était
montée ?
Nous apprenons de diverses sources, entre-autres de la Relation du
Siege de Québec, que le 19 juillet 1759, Montcalm fit ériger une bat-
terie à cet endroit qu’on appela la batlerie de Samos. Elle était montée
de quatre pièces de 18 et d’un mortier ou obusier. Il placa aussi
plusieurs postes sur la crête des hauteurs depuis l’Anse-des-Mères jus-
qu'au Cap-Rouge, afin de les défendre et observer l’ennemi s’il tentait
une descente de ce côté. Les postes à Samos et à Saint-Michel étaient
distincts quoique peu éloignés l’un de l’autre. Suivant un état de
Vaudreuil, par sa lettre à Bougainville du 5 septembre 1759, la garnison
de chacun de ces postes aurait été comme suit en effectif:
150 Hommes à l’Anse-des-Mères et celle du Foulon sous Vergor;
30 à Samos, et
50 à Saint-Michel, sous les ordres de Duglas, cap”. du 2ème ba-
taillon du Languedoc ;
50 à Sillery sous le chevalier de Remigny, cap”. de LaSarre, et
200 au Cap-Rouge, sous de Beaubassin.—Doughty, Siege of Q.,
IV., p. 96, lettre reproduite.
Il est présumable que les 30 hommes postés à Samos, de même
que les 50 postés à Saint-Michel n’ont pas manqué d'occuper comme
quartiers chacune des maisons ainsi nommées; au surplus, elles étaient
toutes deux bâties en pierre, hautes de deux étages, en sorte qu’elles
DU CANADA
SOCIETE ROYALE
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offraient d’elles-mémes non-seulement un abri tout fait, mais encore
une défense retranchée, comme aussi des redoutes fortes et avantageuses.
La maison de Saint-Michel en donna la preuve par le colonel Howe qui,
avec son infanterie légère, l’ayant pu prendre sans encombre, y installa
aussitôt une bonne garde, laquelle repoussa l'attaque d’un détachement
du corps de 900 hommes de Bougainville que celui-ci envoya peu après
pour la reprendre.
Afin d'arriver à une solution historique revenons maintenant au
poste et à la maison de Saint-Michel, dans le fief Saint-Michel. Ce
fief fut originairement concédé à M. de Tilly par la Compagnie de la
Nouvelle-France, le 6 avril 1660, représenté par son délégué Cheffault,
qui en était un des membres les plus importants. Son étendue est
de 160 arpens en superficie, ainsi que l’intendant Talon l’a déterminé
par un arrêté du 2 juillet 1668. Le Séminaire en fit l’acquisition de
M. Charles le Gardeur de Tilly et Dame Geneviève J'uchereau, son
épouse, suivant contrat passé devant le notaire Becquet, le 26 avril
1678. Ce fief, aussi appelé terre de Saint-Michel, est borné, suivant
les tenants et aboutissants en 1759, au nord-ouest par la ligne droite
qui le separe encore de la seigneurie de Sillery, et au nord-est par le
trait-carré des terres qui sépare le coteau Sainte-Geneviève des terres
de la Grande-Allée, au sud-est par les terres du Séminaire, au sud-ouest
au fleuve Saint-Laurent. La largeur de la terre aurait été, en 1751,
de huit arpens et un quart, suivant que M. Jacreau a pu alors l’établir,
étant procureur du Séminaire. En descendant vers la cime du cap, elle
forme en la suivant une pointe qui joint la ligne de Sillery. D’après
une mesurage de M. Jacreau, sur cette pointe, à 5 arpens, 2 perc. 16 p,
eu remontant de la cime du cap et delà en trait-carré courant est de
cette ligne, 3 arp. 7 perc. 16 pds, on arrive là où se trouvait, près de la
cime du cap, la maison de la terre dite de Saint-Michel, laquelle n’était pas
ordinairement donnée à ferme. Du moins, de 1750 à 1757, le nommé
Nicolas Magny avait été placé comme gardien de la maison et du verger
et recevait pour ce service 100 livres par année.
Cette maison est indiquée comme bâtie en cet endroit sur un plan
à main levée par M. Jacreau, vers 1751, qu’on peut voir aux archives
du Séminaire et elle montre son carré avec une aile y attenante. Elle
existait encore en 1874 lors de la confection du plan cadastral de Saint-
Colomban et y est marquée au même endroit. Mais elle a été peu de
temps après complétement détruite par un incendie; il n’en reste plus
pour l'indiquer que les vestiges du carré des murs et le creux de la cave.
En la comparant au dessin de la batterie dite de Sillery que nous
a laissé Hervy Smith, l’aide-de-camp du général Wolfe, d’après la grande
gravure historique du débarquement de l’armée anglaise, due au burin
30 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
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[CASGRAIN] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS 31
de l’artiste Canot, on constate que cette maison avec son aile concorde
avec celle de Saint-Michel sur les lieux en 1759, telle que dessinée par
Smyth, tandis que si on la compare avec celle de Samos d’aprés le plan
de Plamondon, on ne peut trouver comment placer Vaile ni la batterie.
A un point de vue statégique, on ne saurait non plus monter effi-
cacement une batterie à la maison de Samos, car elle se trouverait
masquée des deux côtés pour enfiler le fleuve et se bornerait à un feu
de face plongeant et un peu trop loin de la cime du cap et du rivage.
Comme telle, elle était incapable de battre l’Anse-du-Foulon et celle
ces Mères, tandis qu’en la plaçant au bout de la pointe de la terre de
Saint-Michel, 4 la maison indiquée par M. Jacreau, elle domine et
commande de là le fleuve de tous côtés.
De plus, on peut s’en rapporter à la relation de Lévis, qui, appelé
au secours après la défaite et la mort de Montcalm, se fit rendre compte
exact des causes de sa défaite. Quand il parle de l’attaque manquée
de Bougainville pour reprendre dans la matinée le poste de la batterie
dite de Samos et déloger le colonel Howe qui, avec son infanterie légère,
s’en était emparé dès le point du jour, il indique avec certitude la maison
Saint-Michel qu’il connaissait comme telle, et dans laquelle l’infanterie
de Howe se tenait, dit il, retranchée. Le chevalier Johnstone et Hervy
Smith s'accordent avec Lévis pour placer cette batterie près de Sillery
et Smith la nomme ainsi.
Pour en arriver au plus tôt à la prise de cette batterie et ce qui
en fut la suite, nous ne nous arrêterons pas à mentionner la surprise
du poste de Vergor qui la précéda; elle est trop connue. Il suffit de
dire que quelques grenadiers et trois compagnies de l’infanterie légère
commandés par le colonel Howe s’en était vitement emparés. Ceux-ci
se divisèrent ensuite, partie dans les bois à gauche pour protéger ce
flanc, et partie à droite pour balayer le cime du cap où se réfugiaient
les fuyards, tout en faisant feu sur les troupes du débarquement au
bas. Aussitôt après que le premier convoi des troupes de Wolfe fut
monté, en profitant de la côte devenue libre, et qu’il se vit établi sur
les Hauteurs, son premier soin, après s'être formé en ligne en face du
grand chemin et le dos au fleuve, fut d'envoyer attaquer la batterie qui,
depuis le point du jour molestait sa descente, tirant sur ses bateaux et
son escadre, particulièrement sur le dernier convoi de débarquement.
La batterie se trouvait à environ un mille et demi de parcours de là en pré-
nant le grand chemin et à la moitié de cette distance ou 1500 verges
à vol d'oiseau.
Le brigadier-général Murray, avec le 58ème régiment et l’infanterie
légère de Howe, et deux déserteurs pour guides, furent immédiatement
dépêchés pour la cerner. Howe prit le devant et Murray le suivit jus-
32 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA
qu’à la lisière du bois. Là il posta le 58ème en travers du chemin qui
menait à la batterie. Dans ce même temps, Wolfe s'étant aperçu que
les troupes françaises se formaient en nombre sur la rangée des buttes
à Neveu entre lui et la ville, rappela Murray qui revint aussitôt. Mais
le même officier d'ordonnance n’ayant pu rejoindre à temps le colonel
Howe, pour lui remettre le même ordre, poussa en avant, escorté de
auelques-une des grenadiers, et ayant pris un chemin de raccourci, ils
arrivèrent au point Bonvoisin, sur le ruisseau Belleborne. Là ils essuyè-
rent une décharge d’un canon qui y était monté et qui fut suivie de
quelques fusillades des hommes du poste, lesquels sur riposte vigoureuse
disparurent bientôt dans l’épaisseur des bois environnants. L’escouade
passa outre et parvint avant Howe à la batterie qui se trouvait à la
maison Saint-Michel. Celui-ci arriva juste à point pour la trouver
abandonnée et les canons encloués. Alors il retourna rejoindre Wolfe,
qui, sur son rapport, renvoya une garnison de 172 des mêmes hommes
pour s’y retrancher et s’y maintenir.
Où était Bougainville alors? Avait-il repassé à gauche de la
rivière du Cap Rouge? Le 13 au matin, de six À sept heures, la marée
était toute basse, le gué bon, et il y avait en outre à son embouchure un
bac qui traversait au moyen d’un câble. Le nommé Galarneau tenait le
passage. (Prévosté, 27-juin 1758, fol. 110.)
On constate que le ? septembre, on s’adresse à Bougainville comme
commandant à Sillery; le 8, au Cap-Rouge, puis à Saint-Michel; le
9, il est à Saint-Augustin, n'ayant fait ce jour-là aucun mouvement à
cause du mauvais temps; de même le 10, imitant en cela l’ennemi.
Son camp est au Cap-Rouge, et il y est le 11, où Remigny lui écrit.
A 5 heures du soir, Montcalm le eroit là par la lettre qu’il lui envoie.
Le 12, dans la matinée, il surveille les vaisseaux avec l’aide. de le
Rochebeaucourt et 130 hommes de sa cavalerie qui suivent la marée
montante qui va à midi. Ce même jour, Cadet, qui y a le plus
grand intérêt, s'adresse à lui comme étant au Cap-Rouge. Suivant
l’auteur de l’Evénement de la Guerre, p. 65, Bougainville n’était
éloigné que de deux lieues du Foulon quand il apprit, à ce qu'il dit,
la dispersion du poste de Vergor et la montée de Wolfe avec son armée
déjà rangée en bataille devant la ville. Au reste, comme dès le point
du jour on a entendu, des côtes de Beauport, la batterie de Samos,
il est à croire que Bougainville a dû Ventendre aussi, même sil se
trouvait au delà du Cap-Rouge.
Suivant le Journal abrégé d'un aide-de-camp, Bougainville ne fut
averti que par les fuyards des postes culbutés. La fusillade de ces
postes avait cependant déjà averti la ville et l’armée. Vaudreuil écrit
du camp à Bougainville à six heures et trôis-quarts du matin pour
[CASGRAIN ] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS 33
Pavertir. Lévis qui s’est trouvé en relation immédiate avec Bourgain-
ville, dit que celui-ci fut informé tard le matin, ce qui est assez vague
quant à l’heure.
Prenons ce que Lévis en a écrit, Journal des Campagnes, p. 210.
“M. de Bougainville n’ayant été averti que tard du débarquement
“des ennemis, commença a se mettre en mouvement avec environ 900
“hommes seulement, marcha vers la maison Saint-Michel, qu’il trouva
“occupée. Il la fit attaquer par les volontaires de Duprat, mais sans
“ succès, les ennemis y étant bien établis. Mais ayant appris à une
“ certaine distance de l’armée ennemie que la nôtre avait été battue,
“il se replia sur la vieille Lorette et envoya demander à M. le marquis
“de Vaudreuil de nouveaux ordres.”
“Nous perdimes dans cette attaque plusieurs volontaires. Le sieur
“de Brignolet, lieutenant au régiment de la Sarre y fut tué, et le sieur
“de Rouvray, aussi lieutenant au même régiment, y fut grièvement blessé
“de deux coups de fusil. Cette attaque fut fort vive et nos troupes
“y montrèrent beaucoup de valeur. M. de Bougainville n’ayant pu
“se rendre maitre de ce poste, prit le parti de le faire masquer.”
Suivant la version du chevalier Johnstone, aussi bon expert qu écri-
vain militaire, Bougainville, chargé d’empécher le descente de Woife
au-dessug de la ville, aurait suivi la flotte jusqu’à la Pointe-aux-Trembles,
et au retour, aurait été averti sur les sept à huit heures du matin que
celui-ci était monté sur les Hauteurs et ses troupes déjà rangées en
bataille devant la ville. Il se mit en toute hâte à marcher sur lui
avec ce qu'il avait de troupes en deca de la rivière du Cap-Rouge,
environ 900 hommes, en suivant le chemin des hauteurs et pour aller
rejoindre Montcalm. Il s'arrêta en route, ayant trouvé devant lui
une maison (Saint-Michel) barricadée et défendue par une forte garni-
son; il espérait la faire prisonniére. Le Noir, capitaine du régiment
de la Sarre, alla l’attaquer de front avec la compagnie des volontaires
de Duprat. En dépit de ses efforts et de sa charge impétueuse, il dut
reculer, ayant perdu plus de la moitié de sa compagnie et reçu lui-
méme deux blessures. Mais Bougainville étant résolu 4 reprendre ce
retranchement pour ne pas le laisser derrière lui, attendit l’arrivée de
deux petites piéces du Cap-Rouge pour le forcer; or, par inadvertance,
les boulets, dit-on, auraient été oubliés là. Quand Bougainville revint
ainsi à la charge, ce n’était pas les boulets qui manquaient, mais les
gargousses qui ne faisaient pas: elles n'étaient pas du bon calibre.
Force fut d'abandonner l’assaut.'
*On aurait pu dire que tout conspirait contre Montcalm qui venait
d'écrire à Bougainville l’avant-veille, 11 septembre: ‘“Jacau (celui-ci était
Jacot Fiedmont, capitaine d'artillerie) croit s'être trompé en vous envoyant
34 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA
Si Von en croit le Journal Abrégé d'un A. de C., les deux officiers,
qui commandaient en cette occasion les cent volontaires, furent aban-
données par la plus grande partie de leur détachement, et restés avec
dix-huit soldats, furent écharpés et faits prisonniers.
Après cet échec, Bougainville tenta de rejoindre le champ de bataille,
mais il arriva trop tard, la journée était perdue. Townshend se retour-
na contre lui avec deux pièces de canon et le força de se replier sur
Lorette. La même mésaventure arriva à Townshend pour ses boulets.
Ils étaient trop petits et il fallut pointer haut les canons. Que de
légers incidents peuvent affecter le sort d’une bataille!
Le temps que Napoléon perdit pour s'emparer d’une habitation
fortifiée permit à Wellington de se reçonnaître et à Blucher d’arriver à
son secours, l’après-midi de Waterloo.
Pourtant les dispositions de Montcalm pour repousser toute descente
de Wolfe au-dessus de Québec avaient été bien prises et étaient suffi-
santes ; car ses postes étaient tous biens garnis et stratégiquement dis-
posés aux bons endroits et aussi pour former une chaîne complète,
comme on l’a vu ci-dessus. Depuis, le 6 septembre il écrit à Bourgain-
ville, Voilà encore 400 grenadiers que je passe à la batterie de Sames
“à votre disposition.” Malheureusement, Vaudreuil remplace ce même
jour par Vergor le brave de St-Martin qui tenait la garde de l’Anse-des-
Mères et celle du Foulon avec 100 hommes. En tout, il y avait alors
de Québec au Cap-Rouge, 500 hommes, ‘et environ 1,500 autres surveil-
lant au-dessus. En sus, Montcalm avait établi le même jour le
Guienne pour stationner en réserve sur le grand chemin derrière Saint-
Michel et Sillery, afin d’être à porté de secourir la droite et la gauche au
besoin.
Vaudreuil intervint encore pour faire rentrer le Guienne le lende-
main “dans la crainte, dit-il, qu’étant un corps pesant, il écraserait en
“ poursuivant les marches de Bougainville; et quant à le laisser à lAnse-
“ des-Mères, cela ne se peut, continue-t-il, car il n’y a pas de bois ” (pour
se cacher). Le 12, Vaudreuil donne le contre-ordre de laisser le
Guienne aller se poster dès le matin sur les Hauteurs. “Nous y ver-
rons demain,” dit-il. Ce demain assura le triomphe de Wolfe.
Et Vergor qui, avec une douzaine d'hommes et des batons et des
pierres auraient pu rejeter au bas du cap n’importe quels assaillants,
(Johnstone, Hades, p. 10) dormait!
“desu PATSOUSSES ME. craint que celles reçues ne soient pas de calibre.”
Cf. Doughty, Siege of Q., Vol. IV, p. 125, lettre reproduite. On ne peut s’empé-
cher de conjecturer ce qu’une forte diversion de ce côté, en queue de Wolfe,
aurait pu amener de changement dans le résultat de la bataille qui, moins
d'une heure après allait être livrée.
[CASGRAIN] L’HABITATION DE SAMOS 35
Alors que Wolfe, pressé par l’amiral décidé a partir, venait de pro-
mettre au Conseil de guerre à bord du Sutherland que, du moment
qu'on tirerait quelques coups de fusil sur ses soldats à l’assaut, il
abandonnerait sa tentative! !
On voit qu'il ne s’en fallait que d'un cheveu en cette occasion,
comme en plusieurs autres faciles à signaler, pour faire échouer toute
la campagne de cette année contre le Canada. Pour nous, Cana-
diens, descendants des glorieux vaincus, qui nous inclinons devant les
décrets de la toute puissance du Dieu des armées qui tient en ses mains
les destinées des nations, nous n’avons qu'à remercier sa divine Pro-
vidence, qui, par des moyens inapercus aiors, nous a fait passer d’une
position désespérée, et pour notre plus grand bien, sous la domination
anglaise, et nous a finalement assuré une noble liberté. Elle nous a
sauvés par là-même des désastres et des malheurs qui ont accablé et
continuent d’accabler la France depuis au-delà d’un siècle.
Sec. I., 1906. 3
Secrion I., 1906. [ 37 ] Menorrges $. R, C.
II.—Nos trois cloches—Poéeme rustique.
Par M. PAMPHILE LE May.
(Lu le 22 mai 1906.)
Dans les brumes d’antan, les jours de mon enfance
Ont sombré, mais parfois je m’arrête, et je pense
Au calme bienfaisant qui les enveloppait.
Je ne connaissais rien, et rien ne m’occupait,
Hormis les chants d’un bois, les sables d’une grève,
Les parfums d’une fleur. Si quelquefois un rêve
Essayait d'ouvrir Vaile et de m’emporter loin,
Emu, je regardais, dans les frissons du foin,
Au ruisseau qui les baigne, au bois qui les abrite,
Les boutons d’or, l’iris, le thym, la marguerite,
Et je disais au rêve ailé:
“ Je suis aussi
Une humble fleur des champs, laisse-moi vivre ici.”
En ces jours reculés, dans nos paroisses riches,
Au milieu des sillons, du pacage et des friches,
Au-dessus des foréts méme, déja montaient
Bien des clochers bénis où nos espoirs tintaient.
La cloche, en sa lanterne, était fort solitaire.
Elle aimait à chanter. Rien ne la faisait taire,
Ni les neiges de mars, ni les ardeurs de juin.
Parfois ses longs sanglots nous disaient un chagrin,
Elle sonnaït, parfois, des couplets de jeunesse.
Nous aimions à l’entendre. Il faut que l’on connaisse,
Quand monte vers le ciel un sonore tinton,
Si la joie ou le deuil entrent dans le canton;
Si quelque nouveau-né recoit l’eau du baptême,
Ou si l’un d’entre nous a dit l’adieu suprême.
Elle prenait aussi, dans les jours pluvieux,
Le timbre nasillard d’une chanson de vieux ;
C’était lorsqu’en hiver la pluie, après le givre,
Gelait comme des pleurs sur ses lèvres de cuivre.
38
SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Depuis un an peut-étre une rumeur volait,
Mourant et renaissant comme un cri de tolet
Quand la rame déchire, en son rythme sévère,
Le sein des flots. Chez nous, un bruit qui persévère
Prend toujours la couleur de quelque vérité.
Or, plusieurs affirmaient avec autorité
Que le curé lui:même, une âme un peu lyrique,
Verrait avec plaisir notre vieille fabrique
Donner l’exemple, agir, piquer de l’aiguillon,
Et monter au clocher le premier carillon.
On parlait de cela tout bas, tout haut, ensemble...
“Un carillon, c’est beau sans doute, mais il semble
Que Dieu goûterait mieux l’accord de nos esprits,
C’est moins coûteux, bien stir, et c’est d’un plus grand prix.
Le plaisir agitait ’ame douce et mystique
Qui voit dans chaque temple un céleste portique,
Mais un amer dépit troublait le sermonneur
Qui prétend qu’on perd tout quand ion donne au Seigneur.
Le voile fut levé tout a fait. Un dimanche,
Avec un geste altier qui déploya la manche
De son large surplis éclatant de blancheur ;
De la chaire où sa voix avertit le pécheur,
Stigmatise le tiède et console le juste,
Le curé déclara que Dieu, le Maitre Auguste,
Pouvait être loué par les sons de l’airain,
Comme il lest par la voix du peuple souverain;
Qu'il fallait aujourd’hui, sans craindre les reproches,
Mettre, dans le clocher vaillant, trois belles cloches
Qui dfraient nos douleurs, nos plaisirs, notre amour,
Et pleureraient sur nous à notre dernier jour.
I] se fit tout à coup, sous la voûte, un murmure
Pareil au bruit du vent dans l’épaisse ramure,
Et l'auditoire entier s’agita dans les “banes.
Plus de doute, les mots tombaient très clairs, très francs.
Un nouveau marguillier, notre voisin Tancrède,
Un dissident par goût, prit l’air dur, le ton raide
Qu'il prenait au conseil dans nos fréquents débats ;
Et saint Louis, dit-on, —je ne l’affirme pas—
Le bon roi saint Louis, patron de la paroisse,
Dans son cadre doré laissa voir de l’angoisse.
[LE MAY] NOS TROIS CLOGHES.—POEME RUSTIQUE
Le trouble ne dura qu’un moment. Par degré
Descendit de nouveau le silence sacré.
Peut-être que chacun se faisait la promesse
De dire sa pensée, au sortir de la messe.
Mais le curé, toujours charitable et plaisant,
Ajouta quelques mots, et ce fut suffisant.
Comme sur une source, au champ, l’on voit les bêtes
Pencher leurs fronts, ainsi s’inclinèrent les têtes
Un peu dures, parfois, de ses bons paroissiens.
I] avait dit ceci:
Jésus aima les siens,
Et c’est sa charité qu’en vos âmes je sème.
Le beau, comme le bien, mène au Dieu qui vous aime.
Embellissez le temple et Dieu vous bénira ;
Faites chanter le bronze... et le curé paiera.
ET:
Voici lautomne. Il est comme un vieillard agile
Qui descend à grands pas de nos coteaux d’argile,
Avec sur son épaule une gerbe de blé.
I] est comme un ruisseau qui va, souvent troublé
Par le rameau qui tombe ou l’agneau qui s’abreuve,
Se jeter triomphant dans le sein du grand fleuve.
C’est le temps des labours, c’est le temps des guérets,
L’éteule a voilé d’or plus d’un clos, les forêts
Ont dénoué déja leurs discrétes ceintures.
Dans les champs moissonnés que nos longues clotures
Enlacent, semble-t-il, comme un traître réseau,
Le travailleur se hate. Au logis, le fuseau,
Devant une fenétre ouverte, tourne et gronde.
Tancrède labourait. Une lumière blonde
Noyait l’herbe. On eut dit des reflets printaniers.
La terre allait remplir de nouveau les greniers,
Et la paix descendrait dans toutes les demeures.
Tancrède aurait voulu que le jour eut plus d’heures.
Il savait tenir ferme et droit un mancheron.
Quelquefois cependant il lâchait un juron,
Et Péclair de son âme allumait sa paupière;
C’était lorsque le soc effleurait une pierre,
Et faisait quelque peu dévier le sillon...
Il était un artiste en labour, ce brouillon.
39
40
SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Jeannette le suivait à sa besogne rude.
L’école, pensait-il, en ferait une prude...
Puis, elle avait dix ans, savait lire et compter.
Et les enfants, au reste, il faut bien les dompter,
Si Pon veut que plus tard, en face de l’ouvrage,
En face de Pépreuve, ils aient quelque courage.
Tancréde était compris. La pauvrette croyait
Quwelle devait souffrir pendant que lon choyait
Sa sœur plus belle. Aussi, jamais une réplique,
Jamais!
Elle “ touchait,” ce jour-là. Je m’explique.
Mais vous savez encor, fiers enfants de nos bourgs,
Ce que c’est que “ toucher ” dans le temps des labours.
Tête au vent et pieds nus, elle tenait les guides
Et fouettait de sa hart le dos des bœufs placides ;
Elle allongeait le pas, trottinait de bon cceur,
Pour suivre la charrue et le vieux laboureur.
La poussière souillait ses petites mains blanches.
Elle comptait toujours, rendue au bout des planches,
Dans la vaste prairie un sillon noir de plus,
Un rayon vert de moins. Mais, soucis superflus,
La tâche d'aujourd'hui ne peut être achevée
Que bien tard. Il faudra toute la relevée.
Tancréde sentait bien que son front se mouillait.
Tl se dressait souvent, et son regard fouillait
Les grêles peupliers qui cachaient mal l’église,
Et ses clochers plus hauts que leur ramure grise.
Ce jour-là, bien des gens, endimanchés, ravis,
Etaient venus s'asseoir dans l’ombre du parvis.
Or, dès la matinée, à la lueur des cierges,
Sous leurs manteaux fleuris, dans leurs robes de vierges,
Les cloches, toutes trois, pareilles à trois sœurs,
Avaient eu le baptême. A Dieu, dans les hauteurs,
Elles pouvaient parler car leur voix était pure.
Marraines et parrains, très fiers, avec mesure
Avaient mis leurs écus dans le plateau d'argent.
Tancrède, marguillier nouveau, se rengorgeant,
Etait allé s'asseoir aussi, dans tout son lustre,
Sur un siège du chœur, au milieu du balustre;
Mais il avait ensuite enlevé le gilet,
Endossé la bougrine et repris le boulet.
Il disait maintenant à son enfant docile:
[LE MAY] NOS TROIS CLOCHES.—POEME RUSTIQUE
“ Les cloches sonnent tard... C’est donc bien difficile
De les pendre là-haut à leur solide essieu...
Tiens! j’entends quelque chose enfin! Ecoute un peu.
Ecoute, ma Jeannette, oui, voila que ça sonne!...
Tu ris, petite, et moi, c’est drôle, je frissonne.
Jeannette souriait. I] ôta son chapeau,
Et, s’essuyant le front, il murmura:
“ C’est beau!
IT:
A mon tour, ce soir-la, par la sente des chaumes
J’amenais le troupeau. Je crus que dans leurs dômes
Les bois berçaient des chants nouveaux. C’étaient des sons
Mieux cadencés encor que nos airs de chansons.
Le dirai-je? Jamais, dans nos rustres domaines,
N’avaient ainsi clamé l’Angélus. Quel émoi
Fit alors tressaillir mon âme! Devant moi
Les génisses, les bœufs, qui marchaient à la file,
N’avaient plus maintenant leur allure tranquille,
Mais semblaient délirer de plaisir. Leurs fronts roux
S’élevaient tour à tour en des mouvements fous
Que scandaient à la fois leurs orgueilleuses cornes.
Une fermière, au loin, près des étables mornes,
Appelait son troupeau. L’appel était pressant,
Un peu rude tantôt et tantôt caressant,
Mais bétail et berger ne voulaient pas entendre,
Car c’était fête au champ.
Alors je vis s'étendre
Des vols capricieux sur les grands bois voisins.
Les oiseaux me semblaient grisés par les raisins,
Et le soleil couchant, qui s’échappa des brumes,
Fit jaillir des rayons de leurs mouvantes plumes.
Et le dirai-je aussi? Je vis, en même temps,
Voltiger sur les prés, comme aux jours du printemps.
Des papillons poudrés d’or et des libellules.
Je vis des grillons roirs qui fuyaient leurs cellules,
Et des criquets gaillards qui chantaient l’oraison,
Comme ils font en été, pendant la fenaison.
41
42
SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Et tout près, dans le champ que labourait Tancréde,
Les bœufs ne marchaient plus. De leur narine tiède
Ils soufflaient doucement une tiède vapeur.
Le front bas sous le joug, les traits ballants, sans peur
De la hart qui tombait sur leur croupe indolente,
Alors qu’ils tiraient mal ou de façon trop lente,
Ils paraissaient dormir ou rêver. Puis, debout
Contre le clos de cèdre, et, regardant partout,
Anxieux, agité, comme un homme qui cherche,
Tancréde! Le soleil scintilla sur la perche
Où s’appuyait son bras. Et je l’ai vu, le vieux,
Sourire à la féerie en s’essuyant les yeux.
Et pendant ce temps-là, dans le labour, tout proche,
L'enfant s’était couchée, un peu lasse. Une roche
Que la charrue avait effleurée en passant
Lui servait d'oreiller. Un trèfle encor naissant
Se cachait sous ses pieds frileux. Des chicorées
Penchaient leurs fleurs d’azur sur ses boucles dorées.
Sous sa tête mutine et presque belle alors,
Elle avait replié ses bras. Et, sans remords,
Un ange d’un baiser avait clos sa prunelle.
C’était Poiseau qui dort la tête sous son aile,
Fatigué de voler. Dans cet instant de paix
Elle rêvait, l’enfant, à ses bœufs sous le faix,
A ce sol éventré par de longues blessures,
A ce vieux laboureur tenant, de ses mains sûres,
Et tant qu’il fera jour, les mancherons de bois,
Et tout lui semblait noir, lamentable, sans voix.
Mais alors tout à coup, dans le deuil de la terre,
Elle voit la prairie encore froide, austère,
S’étendre, s’élargir jusques à Vhorizon,
Et les sillons obscurs qui coupent le gazon
Deviennent radieux. Ils montent vers les nues.
Et trois anges, chantant des stances inconnues,
Apportent la semence à ce labour divin.
Leur geste est solennel. Tout effort serait vain
Pour dire les accents qui tombent de leur bouche.
[LE May] NOS TROIS CLOCHES.—POÈME RUSTIQUE 43
Jeannette se réveille et, de sa rude couche,
Elle crie au vieillard qui s’avance songeur:
“ Quel beau rêve j’ai fait!”
Puis, fixant la rougeur
Du couchant où flottaient les feux du crépuscule:
“ Je les vois, les entends, là sur le monticule!...
Ils chantent en semant pour le ciel!... Ils sont trois!
Nos trois cloches sonnaient pour la première fois.
Sxcrion I., 1906. [ 45 ] Memorrss §S. KR. C.
III.—Le Commerce de France avec le Canada avant 1760.
Par M. BENJAMIN SULTE.
(Lu le 23 mai 1906.)
La nouvelle qui se répandit, au printemps de 1761, que l’Angleterre
était prête'à faire la paix avec la France produisit un mouvement dans
les chambres de commerce de ce dernier royaume pour savoir si l’on de-
vait demander la restitution du Canada. Nous allons voir ce que disaient
en cette circonstance Dunkerque, Lille, Rouen, le Havre, Granville, Saint-
Malo, Nantes, Bordeaux, Lyon, Bayonne, Marseille, la Rochelle.
Il n’est pas nécessaire de raconter ici comment se faisait le com-
merce de la’ France avec le Canada durant le siècle qui suivit la fondation
de Québec, puisque notre dessein est de concentrer l'attention du lecteur
sur les dernières années de la période française; néanmoins, quelques
notes concernant le trafic des pelleteries semblent à leur place au début
de cette étude, afin de nous guider dans l’interprétation des écrits de
1761 qui forment Ja majeure partie, et toute la nouveauté, de ces quel-
ques pages.
E
Voici un tableau qui date de 1665. A cette époque les Sauvages
échangent avec les Français un castor pour l’un des articles suivants:
1 petit capot, 2 livres de poudre, 4 livres de plomb, 2 épées, 2 tranches,
2 haches, 8° couteaux à manche de bois, 10 couteaux jambettes, 12 fers
de flèches, 25 alènes. Deux castors pour un moyen capot, trois castors
pour un grand capot ou 1 couverture à l’iroquoise, quatre castors pour
une couverture de ratine, six castors pour 1 couverture blanche de Nor-
mandie, ou 1 fusil.
Dans la correspondance des gouverneurs et intendants, année 1689,
on, trouve de curieux détails: Les Anglais n’ont pas de tabac noir du
Brésil; ils traitent de celui de Virginie, à discrétion, avec les Sauvages.
Les Français vendent aux Sauvages les menues marchandises, mais les
Anglais les donnent à ceux-ci. Les Anglais ne font pas de distinction
entre les castors; tout est pris à 50 pour 100 plus haut que chez les
Français ; en! outre, leurs marchandises valent au dela du double de celles
des Français. On donne aux Sauvages :—
Montréal. Albany.
1 pot d’eau-de-vie pour 1 castor - - - - 6 pots
8 livres de poudre pour 4 castors - - - - - 1 castor.
1 fusil pour 5 castors - - - - - - - - 2 castors.
46 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Montréal. Albany.
40 livres de plomb pour 3 castors - - - - - 1 castor.
1 couverture rouge pour 2 castors - - - - - 1 castor.
1 couverture blanche pour 2 castors - - - - - 1 castor.
1 gros capot pour 2 castors - - - - - - - 1 castor.
4 chemises pour 2 castors - - - - - - - - 1 castor.
10 paires de bas pour 2 castors - - - - - - 1 castor.
Prenons quelques extraits de la correspondance échangée entre le
ministre des colonies et le gouvernement du Canada, de 1716 à 1718;
on y trouvera un aperçu du système adopté par les Français à l’égard du
commerce avec les Sauvages: “ Le marquis de Vaudreuil espère que Sa
Majesté voudra bien envoyer cette année en Canada pour trente mille
francs de présents aux Sauvages, et continuer tous les ans à y envoyer
ceux qu’on a coutume de leur donner... Il serait à propos d’envoyer
tous les ans en Canada trente milliers de poudre. Cette marchandise est
la seule que les Sauvages estiment mieux que celle des Anglais. Les
Sauvages en consomment vingt à vingt-cinq milliers tous les ans; le
surplus servirait à faire un fond, crainte d’en manquer si nous venions à
avoir une nouvelle guerre avec les Anglais- Il faudrait ordonner de la
part de Sa Majesté qu’on ne vendît au magasin que trente sous la livre
de poudre, comme on le faisait en 1712, et non pas quarante-cing comme
à présent. Il faudrait aussi, tous les ans, soixante milliers de plomb et
six cents fusils de chasse. Les Sauvages les connaissent et n’en veulent
point d’autres que ceux de Tulle.t [1] est plus avantageux d’acheter ces
articles en France qu’en Canada, où ils coûteraient une fois plus, pourvu
que ceux qui en seront chargés ne fassent pas comme les années précé-
dentes où l’on a remarqué qu’on les comptait plus au roi en France que
les marchands du Canada ne les vendaient... M. de Vaudreuil serait
très mal reçu des Sauvages s’il arrivait (les visiter) sans avoir de quoi
leur donner les présents nécessaires, et courrait le risque de perdre la
confiance qu’ils ont en lui, confiance dont il a besoin pour pouvoir ter-
miner les différends que ces Sauvages ont entre eux. Les Anglais même,
qui ne cherchent que le moyen d’éloigner les Sauvages de nous, ne man-
queraient pas de saisir cette occasion et de leur faire entendre qu’on ne
fait aucun cas d’eux en France. On sait trop combien l’alliance des
Sauvages avec les Anglais serait préjudiciable au Canada et combien en
souffrirait son commerce.”
Son commerce de fourrures.... Il ne s’en faisait presque pas
d’autres. La colonie agricole ne comptait pas, l’industrie non plus et
c’est ce qui avait fait dire à La Hontan (1686) que le Canada n'existait
? Ville du bas Limousin qui devait avoir la Rochelle pour port de mer.
ISULTE] LE COMMERCE DE FRANCE 47
que par le castor. Ceci donnerait à penser que l’on s’appliquait à vendre
aux Sauvages des marchandises à plus bas prix que les Anglais, pourtant
le contraire avait lieu et, pour combler la différence, on avait inventé les
“ présents annuels,” expédient précaire, et humiliant en ce que le roi de
France faisait tout bonnement acte de soumission aux tribus. En outre,
certains effets, étant de meilleure qualité et coûtant moins cher à Londres
qu'en France, on les achetait aux Anglais pour gagner davantage sur le
trafic des pelleteries.
“Il est impossible d'empêcher les Sauvages d’aller chercher des
escarlatines chez les Anglais... Pour empêcher le commerce avec la
Nouvelle-Angleterre, Sa Majesté prend soin de faire envoyer des escar-
latines dans la colonie pour en fournir aux Sauvages que le désir d’avoir
de pareils effets attirait chez les Anglais .. .. En sus, le Conseil
vous envoye copie de la facture de deux cents pièces d’escarlatines qu’il
a fait acheter à Londres.’ Le ministre écrivait à son tour: ‘“ Vous
recevrez (à Québec) deux pièces d’escarlatines de la manufacture des
sieurs Gely, de Montpellier ;! elles sont envoyées pour échantillon.”
EE
Entrons dans notre sujet. L’examen d’un mémoire rédigé vers le
temps de la prise de Québec va nous donner des renseignements plus
précis sur plusieurs points. Par exemple; une barrique de vin payée cin-
quante francs en France et vendue trois cents francs en Canada ne rap-
portait au marchand que vingt-trois francs de bénéfice et encore faut-il
déduire sur cette dernière somme l'intérêt du retard dans le payement
des lettres de change qui souvent l’absorbait toute entière.
“$i lon objectait, dit ce mémoire, que les marchandises sèches
payaient moins de fret, n'étant pas d’un aussi grand encombrement que
les liquides, l’on répondra que le prix des assurances montera davantage,
parce que une balle de marchandises de lencombrement d’une barrique
vaut en espèces mille écus. L’on convient, cependant, que ceux qui n’ont
point fait faire d’assurance et qui se sont exposés aux risques ont gagné
considérablement lorsque leurs marchandises ont eu le bonheur de se
rendre. Le risque qu’ils couraient de tout perdre rendait leur profit bien
légitime, surtout daus un temps où de vingt navires qui partaient pour
le Canada, il ne s’en rendait que six.
“Tl ne faut pas, d’ailleurs, comparer le commerce des colonies à
celui qui se fait en France. Si l’on manque, dans une ville du royaume,
de quelque espèce de marchandise l’on est assuré de la trouver dans une
? La Provence et le Languedoc produisaient abondamment la graine qui
donne la teinture écarlate, mais il faut croire que les étoffes de cette couleur
se fabriquaient plutôt en Angleterre qu’en France.
48 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
ville voisine. Les colonies n’ont pas la même ressource; souvent l’on y
est forcé de prendre des marchandises dont on n’a pas besoin, pour avoir
celles dont on ne peut se passer. La raison (de ceci) est fondée sur
l’usage où sont les marchands du Canada de ne vendre jamais une seule
espèce de marchandise. Leurs magasins contenant un assortiment de
toute espèce, il faut que ceux qui achètent prennent un peu de chaque
chose, sans quoi le magasin se déserterait et le marchand se trouverait
dans la nécessité de vendre le reste avec beaucoup de perte.
“ Le commerce des colonies change de face à chaque instant, suivant
la bonne ou la mauvaise fortune des armements. La prise d’un seul
vaisseau pendant la guerre augmente souvent jusqu’à une valeur exces-
sive le prix des marchandises. Le Canada, dans son commerce, a encore
quelque chose de particulier et différent des autres colonies: la naviga-
tion n’y. est point libre toute l’année, à cause du froid. Le temps pen-
dant lequel les navires y séjournent est une espèce de foire où chacun
fait ses ventes et ses achats. Dès que les navires sont ‘partis, à la fin
d'octobre, les marchandises augmentent de prix, parce que ceux qui les
ont achetées des marchands forains pour les revendre doivent naturelle-
ment y gagner. Ce gain est plus ou moins fort suivant les circonstances
de la guerre ou du plus ou moins de consommation et de la nature du
payement. Les circonstances fâcheuses dans lesquelles s’est trouvé le
Canada par les suites de la plus longue guerre, faisaient hausser chaque
jour le prix des marchandises. L’eau-de-vie s’est vendue jusqu’à 200
francs la velte, ce qui fait 25 francs la pinte. Le lard salé, qui valait
originairement, c’est-à-dire avant 1755, quinze sous la livre, a valu dans
la suite jusqu’à six francs. Un chapeau de laine, des plus communs, qui
vaut quarante sous en France, s’est vendu quarante et cinquante francs,
et les autres marchandises en proportion. Les pertes continuelles aug-
mentaient le rareté chaque jour, et le décri des espèces à achevé la
ruine.”
Le ministre Berryer, à qui l’on demandait des troupes pour soutenir
la lutte au Canada (1758) répondit en faisant allusion à la guerre mal-
heureuse que la France avait engagée en Allemagne contre la Prusse et
l'Angleterre: “ Lorsque le feu est à la maison on ne s’occupe pas des
écuries,” à quoi Bougainville riposta: “ Personne ne dira que vous parlez
comme un cheval.” Berryer se consolait de la perte de la colonie, car,
disait-il, ce sera une charge de moins, le Canada ayant coûté cent mil-
lions de francs depuis le début de la guerre.” M. Emile Garnault ajoute
à ceci: “ D’après lord Chesterfield, les Anglais n’avaient pas hésité à
sacrifier quatre-vingts millions sterling, soit deux milliards de francs,
pour nous dépouiller d’une conquête dont ils devinaient l’avenir.”
[suLTE] LE COMMERCE DE FRANCE 49
TEE
M. Emile Garnault,! secrétaire archiviste de la chambre de com-
merce de la Rochelle, a publié, depuis quinze ans, divers ouvrages de
haute valeur sur le commerce maritime de cette ville au cours des trois
derniers siècles. Le Canada y figure souvent et l’on est tenté d’en citer
tous les passages qui nous intéressent, mais bornons-nous à grouper ceux
qui appartiennent à la séparation de notre pays d’avèc la France. Il
est aisé de faire ressortir, grâce aux documents mis au jour par M. Emile
Garnault, Vattitude prise par les armateurs et les manufacturiers du
royaume, en 1761, lorsque la question de céder notre pays a l'Angleterre
se présenta comme un moyen de rétablir la paix avec cette puissance, Cha-
eun sait que la cour de Versailles parut consentir à ce sacrifice d’un cœur
léger, mais au fond, c’était à regret; il le fallait bien, cependant, pour
sortir d’une impasse où l’imprévoyance des dix ou douze dernières années
avait acculé administration royale. A part les auteurs de cette situa-
tion déplorable qui cherchaient à donner le change à l’opinion publique
en disant que nos arpents de neige ne valaient pas la peine qu’on s’en
occupât et ceux qui disaient : “ Une fois la paix faite, le roi dormira tran-
quille,” il y avait, chez les ministres, une assez bonne perception de la
faute commise. De tous temps il a existé, en France et en Angleterre,
un parti hostile aux colonies. L'histoire en est longue. Nous avons vu,
il y a quarante ans, M. Bright et autres entraîner le parlement vers
la séparation, tout comme avait fait le groupe de politiciens dont Vol-
taire se constituait l'interprète en France, non pas qu’il fut un chef,
mais parce qu'il lui plaisait de parler et d’écrire dans le sens de ce parti.
C’est à tort que nous lui avons prêté le rôle d’inspirateur dans cette
cabale: il faisait comme tant d’autres qui avaient de fausses idées sur
l'importance des possessions lointaines. Quand il disait: “Je voudrais
voir le Canada au fond de la mer Glaciale,” il n’inventait pas l’expres-
sion, il ne faisait que la répéter après l’avoir entendue. Son influence
était à zéro, mais il n’était pas seul de son côté. Lorsque lord Dufferin
fut nommé gouverneur du Canada, un membre du parlement lui dit:
“ J’espére que vous allez nous débarrasser de ce Dominion,” à quoi l’autre
répondit: “ Non, pas! je vais le rattacher à nous davantage” Ne nous
étonnons point de ces divergences de sentiments ou de calculs qui ont
toujours existé.
Ce que nous ne connaissions pas jusqu’à présent, c’est la note du
commerce qui avait dû se faire entendre dans le débat, puisque Jes in-
térêts de ce dernier, fort compromis, devaient avoir soulevé des plaintes
? La famille de F.-X. Garneau, notre historien national, était aussi de la
Rochelle.
BO SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA
dont l’écho semblait perdu pour nous au milieu du fracas de ce grand
désastre. M. Emile Garnault réveille aujourd’hui les voix qui avaient
plaidé, dans quelques villes de l’intérieur du royaume et Je long de tout
le littoral, contre la cession d’abord, et ensuite pour tâcher d’en amoin-
drir les rigueurs.
Après le retour en France des troupes et des bureaux du Canada,
l'automne de 1760, des négociations avaient été entamées avec la cour
de Londres pour rétablir la paix en Europe et, au mois de mars suivant,
Pitt déclara que Von pourrait arriver à une entente sur la base du
transfer de notre colonie. Cette condition fondamentale fut trouvée
tellement onéreuse que Louis XV jugea à propos de faire imprimer et
de répandre les pièces diplomatiques échangées en cette occasion entre
les deux couronnes, afin de montrer qu’il se voyait dans l'impossibilité
d'offrir un refus à de pareilles prétentions. Le cas était sans précédent,
je crois, car l’habitude des rois de France n’était pas de donner au peuple
des explications de cette nature.
On se rend compte de la gêne qu’inspire une situation pénible chez
un pouvoir qui commence à redouter les suites de ses égarements. Trente
années avant la Révolution la crainte, sinon des masses, du moins de
certaines classes de la nation, se faisait déjà sentir. Ceci ouvrait la
porte aux représentations, aux discussions et la publication de ces pièces
devenait quasi un appel à lopinion publique.
En septembre 1761, toute espérance de paix s’était évanouie, mais
Pitt sortait du ministère. Peut-être que ce changement ramènerait à
bien l’état des affaires. Restait-il quelque espoir à la France? C'était
le moment d’agir, même dans le doute. La chambre de commerce de la
Rochelle qui, plus que toute autre, sentait retomber sur elle les consé-
quences de l’abandon du Canada, écrivit, le 10 novembre, aux chambres
de commerce des grands ports et de quelques villes du centre de la
France, les invitant à pétitionner le ministre des colonies et remontrer
contre une cession absolue de la Nouvelle-France. Voici des extraits
des réponses reçues durant les cinq semaines qui suivirent cette demande:
IV.
\
Lyon :—“ Nous ne saurions, dans cette occasion, nous réunir à vous,
notre position étant différente de la vôtre et le commerce de Lyon n’ayant
qu’un intérêt bien médiocre dans la conservation du Canada.” Cette
note, qui n’a rien de national, se retrouve ailleurs.
Lille :—< Nous sentons parfaitement combien est grande la perte du
Canada pour la France et combien elle peut augmenter l’opulence de nos
ennemis, mais toutes réflexions que nous pouvons faire à ce sujet nous
sont d'autant plus douloureuses qu’elles ne nous laissent que le triste
[SULTE] LE COMMERCE DE FRANCE 51
regret de ne pouvoir y apporter aucun reméde, puisque nous pensons que
ce serait visiblement condamner ce que le roi et son conseil ont décidé.”
Dunkerque :—“ Pour vous seconder, nous nous proposons de faire
un mémoire exact sur les richesses immenses que produit la pêche de Ja
morue au royaume.”
Rouen :—“ Nous avons lu avec une sensibilité égale à la vôtre le
recueil des négociations de notre cour avec celle d’Angleterre; nous
sentons comme vous l’étendue et le prix des sacrifices que notre monarque
a jugé à propos de faire; comme vous, nous sommes effectivement dans
une province qui en sentira de fâcheux effets; mais, néanmoins, nous ne
pouvons penser que le Conseil ignore l’importance d’une cession parce
qu'il paraît se la dissimuler, ni que le roi, en rendant publiques ses
négociations, ait prétendu consulter ses peuples et leur donner la liberté
de lui faire des représentations. Nous croyons qu'il a seulement voulu
les convaincre qu’il ne leur fait supporter le poids de la guerre qu’à
regret et qu'il veut sincèrement la paix. Il ne pouvait pas en donner
une preuve plus frappante.”
Le Havre: —“ Quelque extrêmes que soient les besoins de ce
royaume, nous comprenons que c’est acheter la paix du plus pur de son
sang que de la payer par la cession du Canada. Pénétrés des mêmes
sentiments que vous sur l’importance de cette colonie, nous ne pouvons
qu'applaudir au projet que vous avez formé de mettre sous les yeux de
M. de Choiseul les inconvénients qui résulteraient de la perte d’un si
beau pays, soit dans la décadence ,de l’agriculture, des manufactures,
de la pêche et de la navigation, soit dans les avantages infinis que les
ennemis retireraient de la possession d’une contrée si vaste et dont l’uti-
lité et l’excellence paraissent être encore inconnues. Nous ne balance-
rions pas die seconder vos représentations par les remontrances les plus
fortes si, nous renfermant de tout temps dans les objets qui tiennent
uniquement au commerce, nous ne nous fussions pas imposés silence
pour toujours sur les affaires de politique.”
Saint-Malo :—“%* Nous avons lu, comme vous, avec une vraie douleur,
le recueil des négociations entre notre cour et celle d'Angleterre et le
sacrifice que le ministre voulait faire de la précieuse colonie du Canada.
Le plan que vous vous proposez de suivre dans le mémoire que vous
comptez adresser aux ministres nous a paru embrasser tout ce qu’on peut
dire contre la cession d’une possession aussi importante; aussi nous le
suivrons... Nous craignons bien que ce ne soit un parti pris et que
les représentations ne servent de rien. Quoiqu'il en soit, nous aurons
au moins la faible consolation d’avoir fait notre devoir.”
Sec. I., 1906. 4
52 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Granville :—“ Nous avons été surpris et affligés de voir la perte du
Canada et la privation de la pêche de la morue aux côtes de la grande
baie de Gaspaye et de l’île Royale (cap Breton), de sorte qu’il ne reste-
rait aux vaisseaux français que la faculté stipulée par le traité d’ Utrecht
(1713) de faire la pêche et la sécherie des morues sur une partie des
côtes de Terreneuve, sans y pouvoir former aucune habitation pour pro-
fiter des pêches d’automne et du printemps. Vous concevez, sans doute,
messieurs, que les Français étant ainsi réduits à ce que nous appelons
la côte du petit Nord et à la partie ingrate de la côte de Terreneuve,
située sur le golfe Saint-Laurent, la pêche de la morue doit tomber des
trois-quarts, ce qui, outre le tort irréparable que nos villes respectives
en souffriront, portera le coup fatal à la marine de France, étant prouvé
que la pêche de la morue est une pépinière de matelots (tandis) que
le commerce de l'Amérique et des Indes détruit plutôt qu’il n’augmente
(Vinstruction des matelots)... Ne trouveriez-vous point convenable,
messieurs, de faire de très humbles représentations à M. le duc de Choi-
seul? Tout le monde connaît les bonnes intentions de ce seigneur pour
le rétablissement de la marine et du commerce maritime. Il est possible
que la cession du Canada et la renonciation à la plus grande partie de
la pêche de la morue n’aient point été considérées dans leur vrai point
de valeur, lorsqu’on les a proposées... Nous ne sommes pas fort au
fait de ce qui concerne le Canada; nous ne pourrons toucher cet article
que superficiellement. L’abandon des côtes de la grande baie de Gaspaye
et de l’île Royale nous paraît de la dernière conséquence. Nous croyons
que nos représentations devraient avoir pour objet de nous conserver les
côtes poissonneuses où nous formons des habitations de pêcheurs qui
profitent du printemps et de l’automne... Ne pourrait-on point faire
valoir les intérêts de nos îles d'Amérique, qui consomment beaucoup de
morues sèches qu’on serait forcé de tirer des colonies anglaises, les morues
provenant des côtes que cette nation nous abandonne n’étant point d’une
qualité propre pour l'Amérique.”
Nantes :—‘‘ La cession d’une colonie telle que le Canada ne peut
qu’étre, sans doute, trés préjudiciable au commerce de France. Nous
Pavons senti comme vous, nous en avons gémi et nous avons déploré la
cause d’un si grand sacrifice, mais telle est notre triste position qu’elle
nous réduit à recevoir la loi. Sans marine, que peut la France? Pour
arrêter les conquêtes d’un ennemi puissant, elle demande la paix: elle
ne peut done la faire avantageuse. Le Canada fut le motif de la pré-
sente guerre! Depuis longtemps l’Angleterre machinait les moyens de
a
réunir cette contrée 4 son domaine: elle la posséde a titre de conquéte
1Pitt avait dit qu’il occuperait tellement la France dans la guerre d’Al-
lemagne que les Anglais pourraient s’emparer de l’Amérique du Nord.
[suLTE] LE COMMERCE DE FRANCE 88
et ses forces maritimes lui en assurent la possession. Elle est, d’ailleurs,
trop ambitieuse et trop éclairée sur ses intérêts pour ne pas tirer partie
de la supériorité de ses forces. Il est probable que l'Angleterre, avant
de commencer les négociations, en a établi pour base la cession entière
de cette colonie par la France et que celle-ci a été forcée d’y souscrire.
Nous sommes d'autant plus confirmés dans cette idée que nous savons
très positivement que le. ministère, il y a plus d’un an, avait pris des
informations * sur le Canada; qu’on lui avait fait sentir toute l’impor-
tance de cette colonie et les suites funestes qui résulteraient de sa ces-
sion... aussi le Canada fait-il la matière des premiers articles des mé-
moires respectifs fournis par la France à l’Angleterre, et encore ne
suffit-il pas à l'ambition de celle-ci. Ces considérations nous portent à
croire qu'il serait superflu, et peut-être indiscret, de faire des représen-
tations directes sur cette cession; quelques ménagées qu’elles fussent,
elles pourraient déplaire et même blesser le ministère. Il paraît avoir
été attentif aux intérêts du commerce: la restitution des prises, la traite
des noirs et la pêche de la morue ont été discutées. Sans répandre un
mémoire, nous pensons qu'une lettre à M. de Choiseul serait plus en
place. Sa vigilance pour le bien du commerce exige nos remerciments.
En relevant la grandeur du sacrifice, on peut s’étendre sur l’importance
du Canada et lui remettre sous les yeux combien sa cession serait pré-
judiciable au commerce.”
Bordeaux :—‘ Notre chambre vous secondera dans l’objet des repré-
sentations... cependant quelques-uns de nous objectent... àl pourrait
ne pas paraître placé que les chambres de commerce représentassent dans
des choses que les événements ont rendu affaires d'Etat... si le ministre,
gagné par nos représentations, refusait la cession du Canada et que la
paix ne put se conclure qu’au prix de cette cession, nous aurions à nous
imputer la continuation des calamités de la guerre...” Dans le mé-
moire de la chambre de Bordeaux adressé au duc de Choiseul le 22 dé-
cembre 1761, il y a: “Cette colonie fournissait en temps de paix au
commerce de France deux objets considérables: 60 vaisseaux sortaient
chaque année de nos ports pour y porter les choses propres à ses con-
sommations; 150 autres y allaient pêcher la morue. Le chargement de
ces 60 vaisseaux était composé de vin, d’eau-de-vie, de draperies fines et
communes, de soiries, de dorures et généralement de tous les objets de
luxe; * on en peut évaluer le capital à 10 millions et à 2 le profit qui
*L’un de ces rapports expose que le Canada une fois rendu à la France
devrait servir de place d’armes d’où l’on sortirait pour conquérir la Nouvelle-
Angleterre. La guerre, toujours la guerre.
* Notre petite population ne prenait qu’une partie de ces marchandises:
la masse passait à la traite des pelleteries sur une étendue immense de
territoire.
B4 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
en résultait. Le produit de ces chargements était employé partie en
lettres sur les trésoriers de Sa Majesté, et les dépenses que comportait
le service du roi * dans la colonie en étaient ainsi acquittées avec d’autant
moins de frais, partie en pelleteries provenant de la chasse des Sauvages
qui, devenant en France un objet de commerce, étaient dans le Canada
une occasion de liaison avec ces mêmes Sauvages, que l’on a toujours
utilement employés a la défense de la colonie ;? partie enfin était convertie
en huile de loup marin et en morue provenant de la péche des habitants.
Tandis qu’un certain nombre de ces vaisseaux transportaient ces objets
en France, les autres chargeaient des bois de charpente qu’ils appor-
taient aux îles. Ce n’est pas les seuls avantages que les îles en rece-
vaient; ces mêmes vaisseaux, en augmentant le nombre de ceux qui s’y
trouvaient déjà, faisaient diminuer le prix du fret, et la colonie remet-
tait en France ses denrées à moins de frais. Les îles trouvaient aussi
dans le Canada le débouché des tafias et des sirops,’ débouché utile qui,
joint à la circonstance de la diminution du fret, lie l’intérêt des îles à
la conservation du Canada. Tel était l’état du commerce avant la guerre,
mais ce n’est pas tout ce que le Canada pourrait fournir. Nous ne
croyons pas déplacé d’en parler ici puisque, raisonnant sur le mérite de
la colonie, il est également utile de voir ce qu’elle était avant la guerre
et ce qu’elle pourrait devenir lorsqu'une paix heureuse laura rendue à
la France. Le tabac croît parfaitement dans le Canada. Si la planta-
tion en était encouragée, la colonie accroîtrait en nombre d’habitants, en
raison de ce que ses produits seraient multipliés en quantité et accrus en
valeur. Cet encouragement dépend du fermier; * si les considérations
qui le conduisent chez les Anglais pour y acheter le tabac” de la plan-
tation ne sont pas telles que l’intérêt de la nation ne puissent bien les
balancer, qu’il verse dans cette colonie, en achat de cette denrée, les
sommes considérables qu’il porte chez l'Anglais: la colonie lui devra sa
force essentielle, résultant de l’accroissement du nombre de ses habitants,
et la nation les profits d’un nouveau commerce. Le Canada fournirait
encore de la mature et du bois de construction; ce bois sec et attendu
serait employé utilement dans nos chantiers; ainsi ménagé, il ne ferait
1 Ceci veut dire la dépense publique de l'administration du Canada: gou-
verneurs, tribunaux, fonctionnaires, troupes, etc.
2 Les subventions aux guerriers sauvages étaient énormes. Nos guerres
avaient pour cause le désir des Français et des Anglais de s'emparer de la
traite des fourrures.
5 En 1693 et par la suite, les documents officiels mentionnent des “ quarts
de melasse pour faire de la bière.”
*Celui à qui le roi accorde le monopole d’un certain commerce.
L'expression “tabac du Brésil” se rencontre souvent dans les dépêches
officielles.
[suLTE] LE COMMERCE DE FRANCE 55
pas dans nos mains un moindre usage que chez les Anglais. Mais c’est
lorsque le bois manquera en France que l’on goûtera cette ressource, si
jamais on l’employait. Si le tabac devenait en Canada un objet d’agri-
culture, l'exportation de l’un et de l’autre rendrait nécessaire un plus
grand nombre de vaisseaux et, de Vaccroissement de la marine mar-
chande, résulterait la force de la marine royale, fondée dans le plus grand
nombre de matelots. On y cultiverait aussi avec succès le chanvre. Il
ne manque, pour rendre cette colonie une des plus utiles, par la nature
des choses dont elle est susceptible, que les bras pour cultiver la terre et
fouiller les mines. Nous avons dit que 150 vaisseaux sortaient chaque
année des ports de France pour aller pêcher la morue dans les mers du
Canada; 10 à 12 mille hommes, employés sur ces vaisseaux, cherchent
au fond des mers le capital d’un commerce solide par ses rapports avec
les besoins de la vie et d’autant plus à considérer pour nous que notre
morue, mieux préparée que celle des Anglais, ou préparée avec de meil-
leur sel, en nous acquérant la préférence dans la vente, assure les profits
de notre pêche. Ces mêmes hommes, exercés dans une navigation dure
et pénible, deviennent d’excellent matelots... La continuation de la
guerre ne peut manquer de faire sentir aux Anglais le besoin de la paix
et réprimer cet essor imposant qui menace toute l’Europe. Cette nation,
élevée sur ses conquêtes, compte vainement? ses flottes nombreuses, ses
officiers de mer braves et expérimentés; sa force repose sur son crédit,
qui dépend lui-même de la continuité du succès. L/inaction est perte
pour elle; un échec peut devenir une révolution. C’est ainsi, monsei-
gneur, que le commerce se représente l’importance du Canada et croit
voir dans la continuation de la guerre les moyens de le recouvrer...”
Bayonne :—“ Persuadés que le mémoire que vous avez préparé expri-
mera mieux que nous ne saurions le faire toutes les raisons qui s’op-
posent à l’abandon du Canada, nous ne pouvons que recommander à
notre député de se joindre au vôtre pour les faire valoir auprès des
ministres, mais nous pensons que les personnes qui tiennent les rênes de
Etat se relâchent sur le Canada, bien plutôt par l’impossibilité de le
reprendre que par le mépris qu’ils peuvent faire de cette colonie qui a
coûté, il est vrai, à ’ Etat, mais ne lui a coûté que parce qu’on l’a bien
voulu ; et l’on sent bien que, lorsqu'on voudra changer de maxime à cet
égard, cette colonie pourra se soutenir toute seule et nous donner une
utilité dont on verra avec mal au cœur les Anglais s’enrichir.”
Marseille :— En lisant le recueil des négociations qui a été rendu
public, nous n’avons pas été moins sensibles et moins surpris que vous
en voyant l’abandon que l’on faisait d’une colonie si utile. Ce serait,
? Le sel de la Rochelle, longtemps renommé au-dessus des autres.
? Avec vanité....mais non pas en vain.
56 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
comme vous l’observez fort bien, une perte immense et irréparable pour
PEtat et qui mérite la détermination que vous avez prise de présenter un
mémoire à MM. le duc et comte de Choiseul, pour les informer de l’im-
portance du Canada. Nous concourrons volontiers 4 seconder vos des-
seins...” Le 21 décembre, la chambre de Marseille écrivait de nouveau:
“ Quoique le Canada, presque toujours en guerre, n’ait pu augmenter ni
améliorer son commerce, ni même permettre aux négociants de suivre et
de découvrir de nouvelles branches, on sait que ce vaste pays consomme
une grande quantité de nos vins et de nos eaux-de-vie, diverses denrées
du crû de France, des draperies de toutes espèces, des toiles, et enfin des
ouvrages de la plupart de nos fabriques.! Il nous fournissait, en retour,
des peaux de castors, d’élans, de cerfs, de chevreuils, des pelleteries, des
fourrures, la morue, l’huile de poisson, du saumon salé, du bois de cons-
truction, de charpente, de menuiserie, ete... Le Canada fournit aussi
des farines et des pois à Louisbourg. Il compensait avec ces denrées
celles de nos îles, avec lesquelles il faisait un grand commerce et, en
1750, nous avons vu ici un navire venant de Québec chargé de blé. Le
débouché du Canada favorisait ici l’importation des laines du Levant et
de Barbarie, qui s’accumulent aujourd’hui dans les magasins de la com-
pagnie d'Afrique et dans ceux des particuliers... Ces laines, pour être
mises en œuvre et manufacturées, occupent en Languedoc un peuple
d'ouvriers auxquels la consommation du Canada donnait le travail et la
subsistance: on en jugera par un seul article de cent mille? couvertures
que le Languedoc fabriquait annuellement pour le Canada. Si nous en-
trions dans tous les détails, on serait effrayé du , vide que la perte de
cette colonie doit laisser dans la navigation et le commerce de la France;
mais si on considère les avantages de la pêche dans la rivière, à Gaspée
et dans les différents postes établis pour celle des loups marins et des
marsouins, indépendamment de importante pêche de la morue qu’il sera
difficile aux Français de continuer sur le grand banc de Terreneuve,
peut-on ne pas regarder vivement tout ce que nous abandonnerions à nos
ennemis! Si les grandes dépenses que le roi a faites depuis quelque
1 Draps écarlate et bleu. Serge du Poitou. Toile de Melis. Bas de Frise,
bas de ratine. ‘Couvertes de laine de Rouen, du Languedoc. La liste en est
longue. Le mot “couverte” est employé dès 1665.
2Les couvertures de laine d'Espagne, fabriquées à Montpellier, en Lan-
guedoc, payaient 15 sous d'entrée au roi dans le port de Québec, ce qui, à
raison de 3 pour 100 de la valeur de l’objet, met la couverture à 25 francs.
Celles de Rouen payaient 13 sous, d’autres 9, 7 et 4, telles que fabrique de
Coulonges (Poitou), de Bordeaux, et celles de ratine, de drap rouge, de poil
de chien, à l’Iroquoise, ete. (Voir Hdits et Ordonnances, I. 597, aussi les quatre
volumes de Documents de la Nouvelle-France.) La grande quantité de ces cou-
vertures s'explique par la’traite avec les Sauvages, qui s’étendait au nord,
au nord-ouest, ouest et sud, à 200, 400, 600 lieues de Québec.
[SULTE] LE COMMERCE DE FRANCE 57
temps au Canada peuvent effrayer pour l’avenir, on ne doit pas se dissi-
muler aujourd’hui que cette colonie bien administrée coûtera beaucoup
moins et, pour s’en convaincre, il suffit de jeter les yeux sur les états des
dépenses annuelles qu’on y faisait il y a vingt ans * et même pendant la
dernière guerre. Toutes les places de commerce et les lieux de fabrique
du royaume sont surchargés de lettres de change du Canada; leur objet
et.les malheurs du temps en on fait suspendre le paiement. Les arma-
teurs qui ont reçu ce papier, pour le fret de leurs navires, les fabricants,
en paiement de leurs marchandises, les négociants, en retour des effets
qu’ils ont envoyés sur l’invitation du ministre, et les disposeurs, qui ont
escompté les lettres de change, souffrent depuis longtemps... Nous vous
prévenons que nous avons l’honneur d'envoyer cette réponse à M. le
comte de Choiseul.”
| Vy
“On voit, par ces réponses,” observe M. Emile Garnault, “que peu de
représentations commerciales furent disposées à soutenir les réclamations
de la Chambre de Commerce de la Rochelle , ville qui centralisait alors
-presque tout le commerce du Canada. On se préoccupait peu du sort de
nos colonies en général, et l’on était porté à voir particulièrement le tort
que pouvait faire à telle ou telle ville de France la cession de telle ou
telle colonie.” C'est-à-dire que, s’il existait quelque part ce que nous ap-
pelons l’esprit public, la forme du gouvernement létouffait. Alors.
chacun pour soi.
La résistance que la Rochelle opposa au projet de cession fut préci-
sément inspirée par l'intérêt local: se voyant en danger de perdre plus
qu'aucune autre ville elle déploya une ardeur proportionnée au péril.
Celui qui tenait la plume au nom de la Rochelle et qui était, on
peut le dire, l’âme de la chambre de commerce de cette ville, se nommait
Jean-Baptiste Gastumeau, un lettré, membre titulaire de l’académie de
la Rochelle depuis 1732 et son secrétaire perpétuel. Louis-Etienne
Arcère, historien de la ville, dit en parlant de Gastumeau: “Je querel-
lerais presque le commerce d’avoir ravi en partie aux muses un homme
qui n’était fait que pour elles, mais en se dévouant au commerce il a tra-
vaillé avec tant d'utilité pour sa patrie et pour le bien général que c’eût
été un malheur qu’il n’eût été qu’un homme de lettres.”
En novembre 1761, ce zélé défenseur du commerce et de la navi-
gation s’adressait au duc de Choiseul, ministre de la guerre et de la
marine, exposant que la suspension des rapports qui venait de se produire
entre Versailles et Londres remettait la France au même point où elle
s'était trouvée avant les propositions du printemps dernier, ce qui sem-
*Sous MM. de Beauharnois et Hocquart.
*Celle qui s’était terminée en 1748.
58 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
blait laisser encore quelque jour aux négociants du royaume pour s’ex-
pliquer “sur l’étendue et l’importance des sacrifices que l’ennemi exi-
geait de nous.” En même temps, il priait les diverses chambres de com-
merce de France de vouloir bien présenter des mémoires au même
ministre, comme on l’a vu. Voici une autre note de lui qui appartient à
cette démarche:
‘“ Le Canada a pour ennemi non seulement ceux qui ne l’ont jamais
connu et qui ne jugent des choses que par précipitation et par l’intérêt
du moment, mais encore ceux qui l’ont perdu et qui voudraient mettre
sur le compte de la fatalité les fautes qui ont précipité la chute de cette
colonie. (C’est de là que se sont élevés ces cris importuns qui, pour hater
la paix par le sacrifice du Canada, essayent d’en faire regarder la pos-
session comme onéreuse, inutile, et fatiguent nos négociations de cette
répétition continuelle: il faut faire la paix.” A présent, voyons le mé-
moire de la Rochelle dans ses parties les plus intéressantes :
La Rochelle:—“* La cession pleine et entière du Canada a été la
principale condition du traité: elle fut arrêtée dès la première entrevue,
sans résistance et sans modification et, sur cet objet, jamais la négocia-:
tion n’a varié. D’où peut naître, on Vose dire, cette espèce d’indifférence
pour une colonie si vaste, si belle, si utile, la clef et la sauvegarde de
l'Amérique; colonie pour laquelle l’ennemi s’est épuisé d’hommes et
d'argent et qu’il met au rang de ses plus riches et de ses plus brillantes
conquêtes. I] y a eu, dans tous les temps, des personnes prévenues contre
nos possessions de la Nouvelle-France. Dès les conférences d’Utrecht
(1713) on fut disposé à les sacrifier toutes, et nous ne dûmes qu'à
adresse et à l’habileté de nos négociations les débris qui nous en res-
tèrent. C’était, disait-on, une colonie a charge qui ne se soutient que par
l'argent du royaume et, par malheur, ce qui s’est fait en dernier lieu
(1750-1760) en Canada n’a que trop fortifié ces idées... Qu'il nous
soit permis de remettre sous les yeux du ministre une partie des maux
que va causer à la France la perte du Canada, et l’état de force où il
met l’ennemi pour tenter de nouvelles conquêtes... Trois millions et
demi, répartis pendant quelques années par des mains pures, peuvent
élever la colonie au plus haut point de grandeur. Sous l’heureuse admi-
nistration de M. Hocquart (1729-1748) les dépenses n’allaient qu’à six
ou sept cent mille francs. On ne suppose ces trois millions et demi que
pour donner à la colonie les plus rapides accroissements.
“ [’étendue du Canada offre, au premier coup d’œil, des possessions
sans bornes. Plus vaste que l’Europe, il renferme près de mille lieues de
pays, de l’Est à l’Ouest et, du Sud au Nord, on en compte beaucoup plus.
Nos établissements et nos postes, dans ces immenses contrées, occupent
déjà près de trois cents lieues de terrain en tous sens. Des forêts, des
[SULTE] LE COMMERCE DE FRANCE 59
lacs, des riviéres sans nombre partagent ou arrosent un territoire fertile
qui, participant de la température de presque tous les climats du monde,
produit les fruits assortis à ces climats. La terre n’y compte pas les dons,
elle les prodigue avec une sorte d’excès; le blé y vient presque partout
et avec abondance; des pâturages excellents nourrissent des troupeaux
nombreux; les lacs, les rivières fournissent à tous les genres de pêches
des ressources inépuisables et toujours renaissantes. Les chasses des
Sauvages accumulent de toutes parts ces peaux précieuses de bétes fauves
dont toute l’Europe a fait l’objet de ses commodités et de son luxe.
L’air y est sain, la nourriture salubre, la population assurée par la fé-
condité des femmes et la longue vie des habitants; les hommes y sont
bien faits, polis, sobres, braves, d’un tempéramment robuste, actifs et
pleins de feu. La candeur, la bonne foi ont régné dans ces paisibles
contrées ; on n'y connaissait pas l’usage des clefs et des serrures et toutes
les maisons s’ouvraient sans défiance à l’hospitalité—jusqu’à ce moment
fatal où des hommes? nés pour la honte et le malheur de la France ont
porté dans ce séjour de l’innocence et de la vertu tous.les vices de l’an-
cien monde, le poison funeste de la cupidité, l’art perfide des fraudes et
de la souplesse, la violence qui étouffe les cris de l’opprimé, Virreligion
qui fait taire les remords, l’adresse qui cache les rapines et dérobe le
crime à la sévérité des lois. Sans doute que, pour voiler ces noirceurs, on
ne manquera pas de rejeter la source des malheurs de la colonie sur la
colonie même, dont la position et le fond se sont refusés* aux efforts
qu'on a faits pour la garder. Mais est-ce la colonie qui a fait éclore le
monopole avant la guerre et qu’on a depuis porté à l'excès? Cet agio-
tage insensé qui a écrasé toutes les subsistances et a exposé mille fois les
troupes du roi 4 la disette au milieu de l’abondance? Ce goût d’in-
trigue et de fortune adroitement inspiré et soutenu pour attribuer à une
espèce de fatalité le désastre affreux qui en devait être la suite? Cet
esprit mercantile qui avait saisi jusqu’au simple soldat et enlevait au
devoir * une milice entière qui avait l’ennemi aux portes ?
“Le Canada avait été longtemps dans une espèce d’oubli; ce n’est
que depuis environ trente-cinq ans * que la France ouvrit les yeux sur
1 La clique de l'intendant Bigot qui a fait un Panama sur le Saint-
Laurent.
211 veut dire: Faible population; ressources du pays très peu dévelop-
pées; mauvaise administration; le tout présentant un état précaire; la colonie
incapable de tenter seule la résistance nécessaire pour se sauver.
3 Le devoir envers la famille et le soin de la vie ordinaire.
“Régime de M. de Beauharnois, gouverneur général, arrivé au mois
d'août 1726, retourné en France le 14 octobre 1747; et Gilles Hocquart, inten-
dant de 1729 A 1748. La Galissonnière succéda à Beauharnois. Bigot à
Hocquart. Bigot resta intendant l’espace de douze ans sous divers gouver-
neurs.
60 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA
l’opulence naturelle de ces belles possessions et les avantages qu’elle en
pouvait retirer. Dès ce moment on y découvrit des sources de richesses,
qu'auparavant on n’avait pas même soupconnées : 1 des mines de fer et
de cuivre, des bois de construction, des goudrons, des gommes précieuses,
partout des terres fertiles qui n’attendaient que des bras, et dont les pre-
miers essais donnaient déjà beaucoup au delà des besoins ; des communi-
cations faciles, des rivières navigables, des torrents rapides où mille forces
mouvantes * pouvaient sans frais plier toute la nature à nos besoins
Le commerce de France s’y porta avec plus de force et allait toujours
croissant, d’année en année, en proportion de sa plus grande consomma-
tion. La population était déjà montée à plus de quatre-vingt mille ames?
et chaque jour y apportait des augmentations sensibles. Encore vingt
ans, et cette fertile et immense colonie eut pour jamais assuré à la France
le plus grand, le plus riche commerce du monde. Quel genre d’amélio-
ration et d'augmentation aurait-on pu désirer dont elle n’eut pas été
susceptible? Les produits du territoire, les usines, les chasses, les pêches,
tout cela n’était encore qu’au berceau; quand. on formait un établisse-
ment on en voyait autour de soi cent autres à exploiter, plus inépuisa-
bles et plus riches encore; il semble que la nature avait amoncelé dans
ces heureux climats mille trésors qu’elle n’attendait que le moment de
répandre.
“Des possessions si grandes, si belles; d’une richesse si solide, si
durable, si peu limitée, ont-elles été connues ? et si le préjugé avait voulu
les connaître, aurait-il fatigué le gouvernement de ses cris pour les faire
céder à l’ennemi? Que l’Anglais, toujours occupé de ses vues d’agran-
dissement, en demeure possesseur tranquille, dès ce moment sa grandeur
et sa puissance n’ont plus de bornes, nul Etat au monde ne l’égalera du
côté des forces et de l’immensité des ressources; il vaincra qui il voudra
vaincre ; l'Amérique entière sera sa première conquête, les forces de ’An-
gleterre n’y seront pas nécessaires, les coups seront portés sur nos Îles
avant que l’Europe en ait eu connaissance. L’Espagne elle-même vient
de voir de bien près la foudre qui doit un jour dévaster ses ovulents
domaines du Nouveau-Monde.
“On l’a déjà dit, toutes les rivières, tous les lacs, toutes les baies,
tous les golfes du Canada, abondent en poissons de toutes les espèces ; le
plus avide pêcheur peut donner carrière à ses vastes désirs, il remplira ses
vaisseaux des siècles entiers de toutes les pêches qu’il voudra choisir, et
1 Depuis plus d’un siècle on les connaissait en Canada, seulement on ne
s’en doutait pas dans le royaume, par la faute des marchands de fourrures
qui avaient étouffé la colonie dès sa naissance.
2 Cette observation est remarquable pour le temps.
#Ce chiffre est exagéré puisque, en 1765, il n’y avait pas tout à fait
soixante-dix mille âmes.
[SULTE] LE COMMERCE DE FRANCE 61
la nature les lui reproduira avec la même prodigalité. Morues, sardines,
harengs, marsouins, loups marins, vaches marines, baleines,cachalots, etc.,
tout se présente au dard ou à l’hameçon et en si grande quantité que le
pêcheur succombe sous des travaux si vifs et si rapides... Si l'Anglais
nous interdit les pêches, s’il nous refuse un asile pour les exploiter ou,
ce qui revient au même, s’il en offre un entièrement inutile, ce n’est pas
précisément pour nous forcer d’acheter de lui ces mêmes denrées que nous
procureraient nos travaux; c’est pour anéantir dans la source toute notre
navigation, et porter en même temps la sienne à un point d’élévation qui
puisse lui faire braver toutes les forces navales de l'Europe séparées ou
réunies. C’est le golfe Saint-Laurent, c’est dans les mers qui l’avoisinent
que se forment ses matelots et les nôtres; toutes les autres navigations
les détruisent ; celle-ci en est la première et les conserve; après cette
perte irréparable, nul espoir ne reste à la France de rétablir sa marine,
et les deux mers qui la baignent et qui jadis virent les triomphes, inutiles
désormais, à son commerce et à sa vengeance, ne serviront qu'à nous
montrer de plus près l’énorme puissance que notre pusillanimité aura
formée de ses propres mains,
“Voila donc, entre les mains des Anglais, deux fondements indes-
tructibles et à jamais inépuisables de la plus puissante marine: le Ca-
nada et les pêches de ses golfes... Notre commerce avec le Canada et
Vile Royale ne faisait que commencer et déjà, dans les quatre années qui
ont précédé la guerre, nous y envoyions, des divers ports de France,
cinquante-cinq à soixante navires (on ne,parle pas des bâtiments destinés
pour la pêche, qui vont de trois à quatre cents) chaque année et appor-
tait à ce commerce des accroissements sensibles... Le fond de notre
commerce avec le Canada et l’île Royale avait cela d’avantageux qu’il
n’était composé que de denrées et marchandises du cru et des fabriques
du royaume: des vins, des eaux-de-vie, des sels,? des étoifes de laine, des
toiles, des cotonnades, des soiries, des chapeaux, ete La plupart de
ces effets consommaient nos laines de France, et une multitude innom-
brable d'ouvriers des deux sexes vivaient de ce commerce... Les retours
du Canada sont connus. Les pelleteries de toute espèce... des pêches...
des huiles de poisson qui déjà avaient porté la mégisserie du royaume
au plus haut point de splendeur ; le ginseng, cette plante précieuse, que
? Durant les onze dernières années du régime francais, la Rochelle avait
expédié au Canada des navires au nombre de cent cinquante-un: 1749, 10;
D ERIC T2 UG Libs. Lis 154, Losi 5, 16% 756 tis Urn. 15:
hiss MF 1759; 1.
*Trois produits particuliers A la Rochelle.
* Aussi le vermillon, les rassades, les fers de flèche pour les Sauvages,
les couteaux dits bucheron, flatin, croche, siamois, à jambette, à manche de
bois, tant pour les Français que pour les Sauvages.
62 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
le Chinois achète au poids de Vor; le tabac qui y croît partout et dont
la qualité égale celle des meilleurs du monde, et tout cela n’était encore
que de faibles commencements, des essais, des ébauches dans les exploita-
tions de tout genre; encore était-on arrété et contredit partout par une
administration avide, envahissante, qui ramenait tout a elle et qui, du
poids de son autorité, étouffait tous les germes d’émulation et de zéle...”
VL
Le mal était fait; la situation irrémédiable; tout ce qui resta à la |
France furent les îles Saint-Pierre et Miquelon, avec la pêche sur une
partie des côtes de Terreneuve. De ces concessions, il résulta que la ma-
rine française put, conserver un champ de manœuvre où ses matelots se
sont formés depuis cent quarante ans. Qui sait si les remontrances de
la Rochelle et des autres yilles n’ont pas, dans le temps du traité de 1763,
contribué pour beauçoup à inspirer le ministère français dans sa persis-
tance à se faire accorder au moins ces réserves? C’est assez probable.
Nous avons vu depuis, chaque fois que la question du French shore de
Terreneuve s’est soulevée, que la France tenait à son privilège en raison
de l'utilité que sa marine en retirait et, l’an dernier encore, lorsque
l'affaire fut réglée moyennant compensation, cet argument se présenta
le premier en évidence. Quant à Saint-Pierre et Miquelon, dès 1762,
Roubaud, qui travaillait du côté anglais, sonnait l’alarme en disant que
si ces deux îles restaient françaises elles deviendraient des nids de con-
trebandiers, en quoi il ne se trompait pas. L’annexion de Terreneuve
au Canada est possible maintenant par suite de Vabsence du privilège,
mais les îles restent étrangères au drapeau britannique.
Les lettres et mémoires cités plus haut font remonter à l’origine de
la colonie l’état de chose qui devait aboutir à l’abandon de la Nouvelle-
France, ce qui est d’accord avec l’histoire, car en 1759 il ne restait plus
une seule, faute à commettre pour amener la séparation. Le voisinage
des Anglais avait constamment doublé les embarras d’une situation déjà
critique par elle-même, et l’on n’avait pas su imiter leur exemple en
fortifiant notre population sous le rapport du nombre et des libertés qui
facilitent le commerce et les industries. Le régime était faux, ses con-
séquences devaient être désastreuses.
Le roi, souverain maître du sol, des hommes et des animaux, par-
tout où flottait son pavillon, se trouvait être le marchand général du
Canada et il conduisait les affaires par l’entremise de quelques agents
favorisés, tous gens qui avaient leur fortune à faire. Ce monopole allait
à l’encontre du développement de la colonie; il était tout à l’avantage
des ramasseurs de peaux de castor, mais en France, lorsque l’on parlait
du Canada c’était à cause de ces derniers et non pas en pensant à la
[suuTE] ' LE COMMERCE DE FRANCE 63
colonie réelle. La culture des champs wattirait nullement l’attention ;
‘aucune industrie ne pouvait naître parce que cela offusquait les manu-
facturiers de France. Le Canada n’était qu’un enfant à peine sorti du
berceau et se traînant en langeur, sans parvenir à pouvoir marcher.
Les commerçants de fourrures lamusaient en le détournant de sa car-
rière naturelle. Après de longues années, il sembla acquérir un peu
de vigueur et se dressa debout; alors on Jui mit un mousquet entre les
mains pour aller combattre les Anglais qui gênaient le trafic des gens
du roi. Cette bele éducation lui valut après des guerres épuisantes, de
devenir possession britannique et alors il se trouva libéré du régime
débilitant de son enfance.
Du côté des Anglais, nos voisins, les choses se passaient autrement.
Le troi d'Angleterre laissait ses sujets s'arranger à leur guise, de sorte
que une partie des colons s’adonnaient à la culture du sol, d’autres aux
industries, ou à la navigation, le commerce et, parmi ces derniers, un
certain nombre s’occupaient de tirer des pelleteries en s’approchant des
tribus sauvages, parfois assez éloignées d’eux, mais sans y mettre autant
dardeur que les Français. Non seulement ces colons exploitaient les
ressources de leur pays, mais ils se gouvernaient eux-mêmes, tandis que
chez nous la moindre affaire dépendait de la dictée de Versailles. Se
rend-on compte, maintenant, (le la nature des choses dans des conditions
si différentes? Ici la faiblesse; là-bas la force. On a dit que la ques-
tion des frontières alluma le feu de la guerre, oui, pour complaire au
commerce de fourrures qui n’avait jamais assez de territoire à parcourir.
Les traiteurs, de part et d’autre, finissaient par se rencontrer. William
Pitt comprit ce que l’Angleterre gagnerait à s'emparer du Canada.
Secrion I., 1906. [65] Mémorress $. R. C,
IV.—Les successeurs de La Vérendrye—sous la domination Française.
1. Joseph Fleurimont de Noyelles; 2. Jacques Repentigny Le
Gardeur, Sieur de Saint-Pierre; 3. Saint-Luc de La Corne.
1743-1755.
Par le juge L. A. PRUD’HOMME.
(Lu 22 mai 1906.)
Notes Préliminaires.
C’est le triste privilège des hommes de bien, qui ont accompli de
grandes choses par leur mérite personnel et leur courage persévérant,
d’être en butte aux mauvaises passions et de soulever autour d’eux une
meute d’envieux, jaloux de leur gloire. Les âmes mesquines et étroites,
corrodées par le venin de la colère et du dépit, fruits secs et impuissants,
s’acharnent avec ardeur à rabaisser la réputation de ceux qui les offus-
quent, espérant se grandir sur les ruines des hommes illustres qu’elles
désirent supplanter. Sentant leur incapacité à s’élever jusqu’à la hau-
teur de ces géants, elles s’efforcent par mille roueries de réduire leur
taille à leur propre mesure. Ce spectacle navrant de l’histoire de notre
pauvre humanité déchue, offre quelque chose de pénible à constater et
est bien propre à faire monter l’indignation aux cœurs justes, nobles
et droits.
C’est ainsi, par exemple, que Christophe Colomb, qui découvrit
Amérique, recut des chaînes pour récompense. Oa lui déroba
Phonneur, qui lui revenait en toute justice, de donner son
nom au continent qu’il venait de révéler au monde. La Vérendrye ne
fut guère mieux traité. A force de sacrifices et de constance dans les
plus cruelles épreuves, après avoir versé le sang des siens, et épuisé toutes
ses ressources personnelles, il réussit à se frayer un chemin depuis les
rivages du lac Supérieur, jusqu'aux premiers pics des Montagnes Ro-
cheuses. Il reconnut tout cet immense océan de prairies, les principales
rivières qui l’arrosent et les nombreuses tribus sauvages qui habitaient
cette région jusqu'alors inconnue des blancs. Il sillonna de forts ou de
postes, la route des canots jusqu’à la fourche des deux branches de la
Saskatchewan, et amena avec lui des généreux missionnaires qui com-
mencèrent à évangéliser les aborigènes. Bref, il conquit à sa patrie, un
territoire au moins quatre fois plus vaste que la France. Pour le ré-
compenser de services si distingués, on le laissa gémir dans l’indigence,
et on chercha à couvrir son nom d’opprobre, en prêtant à ses plus nobles
66 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
actions, des motifs d’intérét sordide et d’ambition personnelle. Pauvre
et méconnu, il mourut à la peine, laissant sa famille dans une extrême
gène. Ses enfants qui avaient partagé ses travaux se virent chassés du
Nord-Ouest et pendant plus d’un siècle leur nom demeura enseveli dans
Poubl. Mais Vhistoire est fatale à l’ambition et à l’injustice et elle est
venue enfin venger la mémoire des La Vérendrye.
La Vérendrye eut trois successeurs: MM. de Noyelles, Le Gardeur
de Saint-Pierre et Saint Luc de la Corne. Saint-Pierre eut pour lieu-
tenant M. de Niverville, qui alla plus loin que son chef. M. de Noyelles
était un homme de cœur, qui comprenait l’injustice commise envers le
Découvreur. Il laissa aux fils le soin de continuer l’œuvre du père.
Ils remontèrent la Saskatchewan jusqu’à la fourche, où ils établirent
un fort. Saint-Pierre, Niverville, Saint-Luc de la Corne viendront dans
la suite, et marcheront sur leurs brisées, sans s’aventurer au-delà, si l’on
en excepte l’expédition sans chef qui éleva le fort La Jonquière. C’est
ce que nous allons constater en offrant une réparation tardive, à ces
nobles fils de la Nouvelle-France.
L’an dernier j’ai eu l’honneur de présenter devant la Société Royale,
une étude sur la vie de La Vérendrye. Je me propose aujourd’hui de
poursuivre ce travail, et de consacrer quelques lignes aux successurs de
ce grand homme. Elles complèteront le tableau des principaux événe-
ments qui se sont accomplis dans cette partie du Canada, sous la Domi-
nation Française.!
Le Capitaine Charles Joseph Fleurimont de Noyelles et les fils de La
Vérendrye.
1743-1750.
Le capitaine de Noyelles, qui succéda à La Vérendrye, était un
homme de mérite, exercé aux grandes courses et habitué à la vie des
pays d’en haut. En 1720, il avait eu le commandement du poste im-
portant de Détroit, où il avait été remplacé par A. de Tonty. On le
retrouve en charge du même poste en 1728 et de 1738 à 1741. Il fut
promu au grade de capitaine en 1732. En 1735 on l’envoya faire une
campagne contre les Renards, à la tête d’un corps de cadets. La même
année que La Vérendrye démissionna (1743) le capitaine de Noyelles
1 C’est dans la collection des pièces publiées par M. Pierre Margry que la
plupart de mes renseignements sont puisés, mais comme tout est pêle-mêle
dans cette collection, j'ai cru bien faire en groupant ici les passages qui con-
cernent le Nord-Ouest, vu qu’il est impossible de les comprendre sans leur
donner de l’ordre et de la suite. J’y ajoute le classement des forts qui peut
servir de base à l'étude des expéditions sous le régime francais.
[pruD’HomMME] LES SUCCESSEURS DE LA VERENDRYE 67
fut chargé de poursuivre les découvertes de l’ouest. Il était autorisé à
prendre possession des postes établis par le Découvreur, sans compen-
sation pour ce dernier.
L’état des esprits au Nord-Ouest exigeait à cette époque une maip
sure et expérimentée. Les Sioux d’un côté et les Serpents de l’autre
brûlaient du désir d’écraser leurs ennemis.
Les sauvages ne s’aventuraient plus dans la prairie, qu’entourés de
toutes les précautions possibles et par bandes. Le fort La Reine, qui se
trouvait peu éloigné de la zône habitée par les Sioux, souffrait de ce
règne de terreur, qui était répandu partout. La traite était devenue
plus difficile et moins abondante. Bon nombre de Cris reprirent la route
de la baie d'Hudson. M. de Noyelles, qui n’avait ni les connaissances,
ni la supériorité de La Vérendrye, ne s’épargna pas cependant pour parer
à cette situation. Il admirait son prédécesseur et semble avoir regretté
sincèrement qu’il eut été ainsi dépouillé du fruit de ses conquêtes. Ces
sentiments lui font honneur. Ne pouvant convenablement lui offrir de
- s’associer à ses travaux, il appela ses fils à son aide en 1747. L’un d’eux,
le chevalier Pierre Gaultier, se rendit au fort La Reine. On y constate
sa présence en 1745; et la même année, il retourna à Montréal.
Au printemps 1747, le chevalier La Vérendrye était en route pour
Montréal avec une bande de Christinaux et quelques autres sauvages
amis, lorsqu'il rencontra sur son chemin un parti de guerre qui s’en
allait faire une incursion sur le territoire de la Nouvelle-Angleterre. Il
ne pouvait manquer une si bonne aubaine. Il s’avança jusqu'aux en-
virons d’Albany où il défit une troupe de Hollandais et d'Iroquois. Il
se dirigea ensuite vers Montréal où il se trouvait le 29 mars 1747.
J’ignore jusqu'où le chevalier La Vérendrye s’était rendu en 1746. Il
peut se faire qu’il avait recruté ces Christinaux au fond du lac Supérieur
ou même aux lacs La Pluie ou des Bois.
De 1744 à 1747, M. de Noyelles prit des mesures pour parvenir à
pacifier les sauvages. A cette fin, il visita le fort Kaministigoya et
de ce poste il fit parvenir des messages aux Sioux et aux Cris, les
suppliant d’enterrer la hache de guerre. I] chercha les moyens de con-
voquer des députés de ces deux nations, dans une conférence de paix.
Ses efforts n’aboutirent à rien. Le 20 juin 1747, il résolut de ne plus
attendre et de marcher de l’avant. Il commença par s’assurer des ser-
vices du chevalier La Vérendrye, et partit de Montréal avec lui, pour
se rendre au fort La Reine. Parvenus a Michillimakinac, ils trouvèrent
les Outaouais et les Sauteux en proie à une grande agitation. Certaines
paroles menaçantes, échappées à des chefs influents, faisaient redouter
un soulèvement.
Sec, I., 1906. 5
68 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Ils résolurent de rebrousser chemin pour en informer le gouverneur.
Ils craignaient que le convoi de marchandises expédiées de Montréal a
ce poste, ne tombat entre les mains de ces sauvages. Deux des fils de
La Vérendrye acceptèrent d’accompagner les canots, pour les protéger
contre toute attaque et le 14 octobre 1747, ils arrivaient heureusement
à Michillimakinac. Ils constatèrent que la bonne entente, un moment
troublée, avait été rétablie. M. de Noyelles n’alla done pas personnelle-
ment prendre possession des forts de La Vérendrye, en 1747, et jusqu’à
cette date des commis en charge y faisaient la traite, d’après ses ins-
tructions.
Au mois de janvier 1748, on constate que l’un des fils du Décou-
vreur se mit à la tête d’un parti composé de Canadiens et d’Outaouais
et alla guerroyer contre les Anglais et les Iroquois,
M. de Noyelles, en juin 1748, voulut reprendre le voyage inter-
rompu de l’année précédente. Il partit de nouveau de Montréal, avec
le chevalier La) Vérendrye et atteignit cette fois le fort La Reine. Ils
trouvèrent le fort Maurepas réduit en cendres par les sauvages. Le
chevalier le rétablit ainsi que le fort La Reine qui tombait en ruine.
M. de Noyelles se hata ensuite d’envoyer le chevalier ainsi que son frére
Francois fonder des postes dans la direction des lacs Manitoba et Win-
nipeg, aux endroits qu’ils jugeraient convenable.
Fort Dauphin rétabli en 1748 et Fort Bourbon fondé la même année
par les fils de La Vérendrye.
Les fils de La Vérendrye se rendirent tout d’abord à la pointe nord-
ouest du lac Dauphin où ils relevèrent le fort du même nom, précé-
demment érigé au même endroit, à l’automne 1741. De là, se dirigeant
toujours vers le nord et passant probablement par le lac du Cygne, ils
arrivèrent à la rivière La Biche où ils construisirent un fort. » Le pre-
mier fort Bourbon, se trouvait donc sur la rivière La Biche (Red Deer)
qui se jette dans le lac Winnipegosis. (C’est à l’embouchure même de
cette petite rivière que fut érigé ce fort. Plus tard, ils durent fonder
le second fort Bourbon, à l’endroit où la Saskatchewan s’élargit pour
former le lac Bourbon (Cedar). On a retrouvé les restes de ce dernier
fort. Le premier fort Bourbon ne devait être qu’un poste d’occasion et
il n’en est resté aucun vestige.
Le lac Bourbon n’est séparé du lac Winnipegosis que par une langue
de terre d’environ deux milles de largeur. Le terrain sur cette lisière
est fort bas et marécageux. En été, on ne peut franchir cette étroite
bande qu’à un endroit où s’élève comme un dos de chameau un sentier
couvert de cailloux. Le reste du terrain ne constitue, à proprement
parler, qu’une mousse tremblante à travers laquelle un voyageur, chargé
2
[PRUD’ HOMME] LES SUCCESSEURS DE LA VERENDRYE 69
d’un fardeau un peu lourd, risquerait beaucoup de s’enfoncer. Un bon
nombre d'anciens du pays ont cru, qu'au temps de La Vérendrye, les
lacs Bourbon et Winnipegosis ne formaient qu’un seul et même bassin
d’eau, sans division.
Remontant ensuite la rivière Saskatchewan, appelée Poskoyac par
les sauvages, le chevalier La Vérendrye explora cette rivière jusqu’à la
fourche formée par la réunion des branches nord et sud. A tous les
printemps, les Christineaux des montagnes, des prairies et des rivières, à
l’ouest et au nord de ces deux embranchements, se réunissaient à la
fourche pour tenir conseil et décider s’ils allaient se rendre avec leur
fourrure aux postes français ou à la Baie chez les Anglais.
Fort Poskoyac fondé par le chevalier La Vérendrye en 1748.
La fourche était tout indiquée d’avance, pour les raisons qui
viennent d’être données, pour l'établissement d’un fort. (C’est la que
plus tard devait s’élever le fort La Corne. En attendant, le chevalier,
qui avait déjà construit deux forts durant l’année, dit se contenter d’y
ériger un poste peu important. La saison était trop avancée pour en
faire davantage, Il lui donna le nom de Poskoyac, qui était celui de
la rivière qui coulait à ses pieds. Il dut l’abandonner pendant Vhiver,
remonta les eaux de la Saskatchewan. Il apprit des sauvages que cette
rivière prenait sa source dans les Montagnes Rocheuses, qu'il avait
visitées en 1743.
M. de Noyelles remplacé par Le Gardeur de Saint-Pierre. Dernières
années des fils de La Vérendrye.
En 1750, M. de Noyelles, qui était allé rendre compte de son admi-
nistration au gouverneur, fut remplacé par Le Gardeur de Saint-Pierre.
Les fils de La Vérendrye présentèrent à l’intendant Bigot, une requête
dans laquelle ils exposaient leurs droits à continuer l’œuvre de leur
père. Cet homme néfaste refusa de les entendre. Sous son régime, la
justice ne se rendait pas; elle se vendait. Or, les fils de La Vérendrye
étaient pauvres et honnêtes. Dans ces conditions, ils ne pouvaient pas
s'attendre à recevoir quoique ce fut de Bigot. Ils offrirent alors à M.
de Saint-Pierre de servir sous ses ordres, comme ils venaient de le faire
sous M. de Noyelles. Saint-Pierre, peut-être jaloux de leur mérite ou
du moins incapable d'apprécier un tel acte de magnanimité, les repoussa
On refusa même de leur rendre les livres de compte et les marchandises
qu’ils avaient en propre dans les forts. Voyant linutilité de leurs efforts,
les trois fils de La Vérendrye reprirent la carrière des armes. L’un
d'eux, qui était enseigne, fut tué au siège de Québec. Le chevalier
70 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
devint lieutenant et périt au mois d’octobre 1761 dans le naufrage de
PAuguste; ce navire ramenait en France nombre dofficiers français,
parmi lesquels plusieurs s’étaient avancés à l’ouest du lac Supérieur, tels:
que La Durantaye, Boucher de Laperrière et Saint-Luc de la Corne.
NoTE.—Il ne resta en Canada qu’un seul fils de La Vérendrye, qui a
probablement fait souche. C’est le plus jeune nommé Louis Joseph.
Il épousa en premières noces le 7 novembre 1755 Marie Amable Testard
DeMontigny fille de Jacques DeMontigny. De ce mariage naquit une
fille baptisée à la Longue Pointe. Sa première femme mourut en 1756.
Le 31 janvier 1758 il épousait Louise Antoine Mezière de Lapervenche
agée de 26 ans. Ce dernier acte de mariage est consigné dans les ré-
gistres de Laprairie, P. Q. Il paraitrait que Louis Joseph Gauthier de
La Vérendrye alla demeurer à Montréal où il vécut jusqu'en 1797.—II
était officier. A-t-il laissé des descendants mâles qui auraient pris tout
simplement le nom de “ Gauthier” ?—
Le capitaine Jacques Repentigny Le Gardeur, sieur de Saint-Pierre,
chevalier de l’ordre militaire de Saint-Lows, 1750-1753.
Ce vaillant officier, second sieur de Saint-Pierre, était le plus jeune
fils de Jean-Paul Le Gardeur et de Josette Leneuf de la Vallière. Il
naquit en 1701, dans la seigneurie de Repentigny. Il était donc cana-
dien, comme La Vérendrye. Dès l’âge de 15 ans, il commenga à servir
son pays chez les sauvages. En 1732, il était enseigne dans l’armée
coloniale et en 1735 il fut nommé commandant du fort Beauharnois,
chez les Sioux. Il abandonna ce poste en 1737 et fut envoyé a la tête
d’une expédition contre les Chickasaws. On le retrouve ensuite un peu
partout, où il y avait un coup de feu à faire. En 1745, il conduisit un
parti d’éclaireurs au fort Saint-Frédéric. De là, il prit la route de
PAcadie. En 1747, on lui confia le commandement du poste le plus
considérable sur les grands lacs, le fort de Michillimakinac. Enfin, en
1750, il avait été promu au grade de capitaine, pour ses brillants états
de service, et il reçut instruction de continuer les explorations de La
Vérendrye, au Nord-Ouest.
Cette fois, le gouvernement se chargeait de toutes les dépenses de
cette expédition. On se proposait avant tout, d’amasser des fourrures.
Les découvertes devaient venir au second plan. On devait traverser le
continent à deux endroits à la fois. Pendant que Saint-Pierre parvien-
drait aux rives du Pacifique par la vallée de la Saskatchewan, le capi-
taine la Malgue de Marin devait atteindre le même but, en remontant
le Missouri. Marin avait instruction de ne rien négliger pour pacifier
les Sioux, tandis que Saint-Pierre s’employerait à obtenir le même ré-
a
sultat chez les Cris. Ils s’étaient donnés rendez-vous à une certaine
[PRHD’ HOMME] LES SUCCESSEURS DE LA VERENDRYE 71
latitude convenue, par dela les Montagnes Rocheuses. Cette expédition
toutefois était subordonnée aux intéréts de la traite, qui devait primer
tout. C’était le renversement de la politique de La Vérendrye.
Le capitaine de la Malgue de Marin.
Cet officier ne manquait pas de mérite, mais comme Saint-Pierre,
il était âpre au gain.
Saint-Pierre et Marin avaient associé a leur entreprise commune
le gouverneur de la Jonquière, le fameux intendant Bigot, et le contrô-
leur de la marine, M. de Bréard. Le premier but de cette expédition
était une riche moisson de fourrure. Saint-Pierre et de Marin rem-
porterent un plein succés sous ce rapport. Quant au projet de traverser
le continent, il tomba à l’eau. Le capitaine Marin fut ensuite nommé
commandant du district de la rivière Ohio (Belle-Rivière) et de ses
dépendances. I] mourut au fort LeBoeuf à l’automne 1753. Son fils,
qui était lieutenant, le remplaça chez les Sioux. Au mois d'août 1758,
il était à la tête d’un parti de 250 hommes composés de canadiens et
de sauvages. Il défit au fort Lidius le général Robert Rogers qui com-
mandait un corps de 750 Anglais, apres lui avoir tué un grand nombre
d'hommes.
Saint-Pierre et de Niverville au fort La Reine en 1750.
Saint-Pierre, qui avait le gouverneur et l’intendant pour associés,
réalisa de gros profits, comme on le lui demandait, mais il se contenta
de suivre les sentiers battus. Il partit de Montréal le 5 juin 1750.
Après avoir fait 38 portages, sur la rivière Pigeon, dont le premier
avait quatre lieues de longueur, et le moindre un quart de lieue, il se
rendit au fort Saint-Pierre, où il eut une longue entrevue avec les
sauvages.
Il fit un stage aux forts Saint-Charles et Maurepas et ne cessa
dexhorter les Cris à mettre fin à la guerre. Ses conseils ne produirent
aucun effet et pendant lhiver, Cris et Sioux continuérent à se scalper
et à couvrir les lacs et les prairies de sang et de désolation. Saint-
Pierre était accompagné d’un jeune officier, parent de La Vérendrye,
le chevalier Boucher de Niverville, enseigne des troupes du Canada.
Les Français des divers postes se trouvaient dans une grande disette de
vivres, par suite du départ des sauvages pour une campagne contre les
Sioux. Dans ces circonstances, afin d’avoir moins de bouches à nourrir,
il fit partir Niverville pour la rivière Poskoyac. Niverville et ses com-
pagnons faillirent mourir de faim dans ce voyage. Ils cachèrent une
partie de leurs provisions dans le bois, pour leur retour et amenèrent le
reste sur des traines sauvages. Malgré le soulagement que lui apportait
72 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
le départ de la brigade qui suivait Niverville, Saint-Pierre se trouvait
dans une grande gêne, à un tel point qu’il dût détacher une autre bande
de ses hommes, pour. les envoyer chasser, dans les bois avoisinants le
fort La Reine. Saint-Pierre avoue que le jeûne rigide qu’il fut obligé
d'observer, finit par ébranler sa santé et le mit hors d’état de ne rien
entreprendre. Il profita toutefois de la présence de quelques prisonniers
de guerre que les Cris et les Assiniboines lui amenèrent au fort La
Reine pour obtenir une suspension des hostilités. Cédant à ses prières,
ces sauvages lui remirent les prisonniers et il les renvoya sains et saufs
à leur tribu, avec des paroles de paix. Cet expédient eut le succès voulu
et fit cesser momentanément la guerre.
Expédition du chevalier Boucher de Niverville. Fort La Jonquière
fondé en 1751. Départ de Saint-Pierre pour ce. dernier poste.
Il rebrousse chemin. Apprécialion des sauvages par Saint-
Pierre.
Saint-Pierre avait donné ordre à Niverville d'aller établir un fort
à 300 lieues plus haut que celui de Poskoyac. Cette expédition ne
devait quitter le fort La Reine qu’au printemps 1751, mais la famine
força Saint-Pierre de devancer le temps. Niverville quitta le fort La
Reine tard dans l’automne 1750.
Les glaces le forcèrent bientôt @abandonner ses canots et de conti-
nuer le voyage à pied. Le 29 mai 1751, il fit partir du fort Poskoyac
deux canots, montés par dix hommes, qui devaient se rendre aux Mon-
tagnes Rocheuses. Il devait lui-même, un mois après, se mettre à leur
suite. Une maladie fort grave, dont il faillit mourir et qui le réduisit
à une telle extrémité, qu’il ne pouvait plus écrire, le força de rester à
ce poste. Ces dix Français remontèrent la Saskatchewan, jusqu’à l’en-
droit occupé aujourd’hui par Calgarry. Ils y construisirent un fort con-
sidérable, dans lequel ils amassèrent une grande quantité de provisions,
en attendant l’arrivée de Niverville, leur chef. En 1875 le capitaine
E. Brisebois, de la police à cheval, fut chargé de bâtir un fort au pied
des Montagnes Rocheuses. Il l’érigea sur les bords de la rivière des
Arcs, à l’endroit même qu’occupait jadis le fort La Jonquière, dont il
retrouva les ruines et lui donna le nom de “ Fort Brisebois,” auquel a
succédé depuis celui de Calgarry.
Au printemps 1751, Niverville envoya quelques engagés au fort La
Reine pour informer Saint-Pierre de ce qu’il avait fait et de la maladie
qui menaçait de le terrasser. Saint--Pierre partit au cours de lPété
(1751) pour se rendre au Grand-Portage, avec les fourrures recues
vages qui comptaient de 40 a 50 cabanes, autour du nouveau fort, la
se disposait à se rendre au fort La Jonquière. Il quitta le fort La
[PRUD’ HOMME] LES SUCCESSEURS DE LA VERENDRYE 73
Reine le 14 novembre. Quelques jours aprés son départ et avant d’avoir
pu arriver jusqu’a Niverville, il rencontra deux Frangais et quatre
sauvages, qui lui apprirent que Niverville ne se portait pas mieux. Ils
lui dirent également que les Assiniboines avaient tué un parti de sau-
vages qui comptaient de 40 a 50 cabanes, autour du nouveau fort, La
Jonquière. Or, ces sauvages qui s’appelaient “ Yatché-Jillini” devaient
être les guides de Saint-Pierre. Les Assiniboines, toujours fourbes,
avaient commencé par festoyer avec eux, pendant cinq jours, leur pro-
diguant tous les témoignages de la plus grande amitié. Le sixième
jour se trouvant plus nombreux qu'eux, ils se jetèrent tout à coup sur
leurs ennemis sans défense et les égorgèrent presque tous, sans pitié,
moins quelques femmes et enfants qu’ils amenèrent prisonniers. On ne
saurait dire au juste jusqu'où Saint-Pierre se rendit, mais il n’est pas
probable qu’il atteignit la Saskatchewan. Cette nouvelle dérangeait
tous ses plans et il décida sur le champ de retourner sur ses pas. Il
était de retour au fort La Reine avant le 14 février 1752.
Saint-Pierre s'était formé ,une bien triste opinion des tribus sau-
vages du Nord-Ouest. Aussi il ne les ménage pas dans ses apprécia-
tions: “ Voilà 36 ans, dit-il, que je suis parmi les sauvages, mais je
n’en ai jamais vu qui égalent en perfidie ceux en question.” Il ren-
contra des aborigènes qui lui montrérent des chevaux et des selles qu’ils
avaient reçus en échange, des Serpents. Ces derniers, sans doute, se les
étaient procurés des Espagnols. Si, à cette époque, les chemins de fer
ne sillonnaient pas nos prairies sans fin, les moyens de communication
ne manquaient pas absolument aux sauvages. En peu de temps, les
articles obtenus des blancs, sur le littoral du Pacifique ou au golfe du
Mexique, passaient de tribu en tribu, jusque dans l’intérieur du conti-
nent. Saint-Pierre rapporte que, d’après le témoignage des sauvages,
les Anglais de la Baie d'Hudson encourageaient les Cris qui visitaient
leurs forts, 4 faire la guerre contre les nations qui n’allaient pas traiter
à la baie. “ Ces sauvages, ajoute-t-il, au nombre de 59,000 hommes, en
état de porter les armes, aiment d’inclination les Français, mais crai-
gnent les Anglais. Les Anglais fâchés de n’avoir pas en quantité des
pelleteries à la baie d'Hudson, envoient des colliers à ces sauvages, pour
leur défendre, sous peine de périr, d’en porter ailleurs que chez eux, ce
à quoi n’ayant point obéi et étant morts 800 personnes d’un rhume, ils
furent tous saisis de peur, et se dirent que le Manitou les avait affligés,
a la priére des Anglais.”
Attaque du fort La Reine par les Assiniboines, le 22 février 1752.
Saint-Pierre était bien éloigné de posséder l’esprit conciliant de
La Vérendrye. Dans ses mémoires, on constate par les épithètes qu’il
74 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
décoche à l’adresse des sauvages, qu’il ne les aimait guère. Ils ne tar-
dèrent pas à se rendre compte de ces sentiments à leur égard. L’incident
qui va suivre indique que les choses étaient bien changées depuis le
départ de La Vérendrye. Ce dernier était invité par toutes les tribus
de venir se fixer chez elles. Les sauvages pleuraient quand ils le re-
voyaient après quelques mois d’absence. On se disputait la joie de le
posséder et à la mort de son fils, tous les Cris étaient debout frémissant
de rage, sollicitant en vain du Découvreur l’ordre d’aller le venger et
adoptant son second fils comme chef. Cette bonne amitié ne cessa un
instant de régner, pendant tout le temps que La Vérendrye ou ses fils
explorèrent l’ouest. Deux ans après leur départ, les indigènes brûlaient
les forts qu’ils avaient aidés à élever et se liguaient pour chasser les
Français du pays. Ces faits éloquents se passent de commentaires.
Je laisse la parole à Saint-Pierre lui-même, qui va nous raconter
comment il faillit un jour être massacré, avec tous les Français du fort
La Reine: “Le 22 février 1752, vers 9 heures a.m., je me trouvais
dans ce fort avec 5 Français. J’avais envoyé le surplus de mes gens,
consistant en 14 personnes, chercher des vivres dont je manquais depuis
plusieurs jours. J’étais tranquille dans ma chambre, lorsqu'il entra
dans mon fort 200 Assiniboëls tous armés. Ces sauvages se disper-
sèrent en un instant dans toutes les maisons. Plusieurs entrèrent chez
moi sans être armés, les autres restèrent dans le fort. Mes gens vinrent
m’avertir de la contenance de ces sauvages. Je courrus à eux; je leur
dis vertement qu'ils étaient bien hardis de venir en foule armés, chez
mol, l’un d’eux me répondit en Christinaux qu’ils venaient pour fumer.
Je leur dis que ce n’était pas de la façon dont ils devaient s’y prendre
et qu'ils eussent à se retirer sur le champ. Je crus que la fermeté avec
laquelle je leur avais parlé, les avait un peu intimidés, surtout ayant
mis à la porte quatre de ces sauvages les plus résolus, sans qu’ils eussent
dit un mot. Je fus tout de suite chez moi, mais dans le moment un
soldat vint m’avertir que le corps de garde était plein de ces sauvages
et qu’ils s'étaient rendus maîtres des armes. Je me hâtai de me rendre
au corps de garde. Je fis demander à ces sauvages par un Christinaux,
qui me servait d’interprète, quelles étaient leurs vues, et pendant ce
temps-là, je me disposais au combat avec ma faible troupe. Mon inter-
prète, qui me trahissait, me dit que ces sauvages n’avaient aucun mau-
vais dessein et dans la minute un orateur Assiniboël, qui n’avait cessé
de me faire de belles harangues, dit à mon interprète que, malgré lui,
sa nation voulait me tuer et me piller. A peine eus-je pénétré dans
leur résolution, que j’oubliai qu’il fallait prendre les armes. Je me
saisis d’un tison de feu ardent. J’enfongai la porte de la poudriére;
je défonçai un baril de poudre, sur lequel je promenai mon tison, en
{PRUD’HOMME] LES SUCCESSEURS DE LA VERENDRYE 75
faisant dire à ces sauvages d’un ton assuré, que je ne périrais point par
leurs mains et qu’en mourant j’aurais la gloire de leur faire à tous subir
mon même sort. Ces sauvages virent plutôt mon tison et mon baril de
* poudre défoncé, qu’ils n’entendirent mon interprète; ils volérent tous à
la porte du fort, qu’ils ébranlèrent considérablement, tant ils sortaient
avec précipitation. J’abandonnai bien vite mon tison et n’eus rien de
plus pressé que d’aller fermer la|porte de mon fort. Le péril dont je
m'étais heureusement délivré en me mettant en danger de périr moi-
même, me laissait une grande inquiétude pour les 14 hommes que j’avais
envoyé chercher des vivres. Je fis bon quart sur mes bastions. Je ne
vis plus d’ennemis et sur le soir, mes 14 hommes arrivèrent sans avoir
eu aucune rencontre.”
Saint-Pierre abandonne le fort La Reine au printemps 1752. Les
Christinaux brilent ce fort. Il hiverne au fort Rouge, 1752-1753.
Délégués Cris et Sioux à Michillimakinac pour traiter de la paix.
Saint-Luc de la Corne le remplace, 1753. Caractère de Saint-
Pierre. Ses exploits glorieux. Sa mort le 8 septembre 1755.
Saint-Pierre passa tranquillement le reste de l’hiver dans son fort, ‘
sans autre incident important. Au printemps, craignant de laisser des
Frangais au fort, pendant son voyage annuel au Grand-Portage, pour
transporter les fourrures et ramener des marchandises, il prit tout son
monde avec lui. Quatre jours après son départ du fort La Reine, les
Assiniboines y mirent le feu, et ce fort si considérable, le quartier
général des Français de l’ouest, fut réduit en cendre. Saint-Pierre
n'apprit cet événement que le 29 septembre 1752, alors qu’il revenait du
Grand-Portage et se trouvait au bas de la rivière Winnipeg. Il décida
d’hiverner à la Riviére-Rouge, sans doute au fort Rouge, construit par
M. D’Amour de Louvière, au mois d'octobre 1738. Au lieu de se porter
de lavant, il se voyait dans la nécessité de reculer.
Au printemps de 1753, Niverville, qui avait fini par se rétablir,
quittait la Saskatchewan, après un séjour de deux ans et demi à la four-
che de cette rivière. Les hommes qu’il avait envoyés fonder le
fort La Jonquière, informés de la maladie de Niverville avaient aban-
donné ce poste et étaient retournés au fort Poskoyac où Niverville les
attendait. Ils trouvèrent en passant, les ruines du fort La Reine et
rencontrèrent en route Saint-Pierre et ses engagés, avec lesquels ils se
rendirent au Grand-Portage. On eut dit que les Francais se retiraient
de l’ouest. Cette retraite était une mauvaise note pour Saint-Pierre.
Même au point de vue commercial, sa mission n’avait pas eu tous les
résultats qu’on en attendait. Il avoue lui-même que les Anglaïs de la
baie d'Hudson lui enlevaient plus de fourrures que tous les postes de la
colonie n’en pouvaient rentrer. Après leur retour au Grand-Portage,
76 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
en juillet 1753, ni Saint-Pierre, ni Niverville ne retourna au Nord-
Ouest. Saint-Pierre fut remplacé par Saint-Luc de la Corne, cousin
germain de La Vérendrye.
J’ai déjà dit un mot du dessein de Saint-Pierre d’amener les sau-
vages à faire la paix. Le heutenant/de Marin, qui avait succédé à son
père en 1752, devait travailler, de concert avec lui, à faire cesser les
hostilités entre les Sioux et les Cris; il obtint des Sioux des lacs et des
bois la promesse d'envoyer des députés à Michillimakinac pour cimenter
cette union désirée. Les Cris, à la demande de Saint-Pierre, en firent
autant. Le 29 février 1753, Marin écrivit à Saint-Pierre, du pays des
Sioux où il commandait, l’informant que les Sioux des lacs et des bois
étaient prêts à se séparer complètement des Sioux des prairies et même
à se liguer contre eux avec les Christinaux, s’ils ne voulaient pas con-
sentir à signer un traité de paix. Marin avertissait Saint-Pierre, qu'à
cet effet, il amènerait avec lui plusieurs chefs Sioux à Michillimakinae,
durant l’été suivant, et l’invitait à ne pas manquer d'arriver avec les
délégués Christinaux, au lieu du rendez-vous.
Au mois d’août 1753, Saint-Pierre se rendit, en effet, à l’endroit
convenu. I] arriva malheureusement trop tard. Marin, après Vavoir
attendu quelque temps, avec plusieurs Sioux, ne pouvant rester à
Michillimakinac plus longtemps, était retourné à la baie des Puants.
Saint-Pierre, pressé de se rendre à Montréal, laissa à Saint-Luc de la
Corne le soin de mener cette entreprise à bonne fin. Saint-Pierre arriva
à Montréal en septembre 1753.
On l’envoya immédiatement au secours de la Malgue de Marin, sur
la rivière Ohio. Sommé de quitter le pays par le major Washington,
comme commandant en chef des troupes Frangaises, il répondit par une
lettre remplie de sentiments de dignité et de noble fierté, qui montraient
son esprit chevaleresque. Cet homme était assurément un officier admi-
rable de courage et de ressources, à la guerre. Par contre, il manquait
de souplesse et des ménagements qu’exigeait! la prise de possession des
territoires du Nord-Ouest, où fomentaient depuis des siècles, des haines
héréditaires entre les diverses tribus. Prompt à l’action, trop pressé
d'agir quand il aurait fallu obtempérer et s’ingénier à trouver des
moyens de conciliation, il ne se trouvait pas, au milieu de nos prairies,
dans le milieu qui lui convenait, Son tempérament fougueux ne s’ac-
commodait guère d’une mission si délicate. Avec les meilleures inten-
tions de bien servir son pays, il ne réussit qu’à rendre plus difficiles les
rapports des Français avec les sauvages. Il est vraiment regrettable
d’avoir à constater ici, que cet officier refusa obstinément de prendre à
son service les fils de La Vérendrye, malgré les sollicitations pressantes
de ces derniers. Cette action ne lui fait pas honneur et montre une
[PRUD’ HOMME] LES SUCCESSEURS DE LA VERENDRYE TE
x
étroitesse de sentiment qu’on ne s’attendait pas à rencontrer chez un
militaire si brillant.
Il fut remplacé, à la rivière Ohio, par M. de Contrecceur peu de
temps avant la capture de Washington et de son armée au fort Nécessité.
L’année suivante, il fut placé à la tête des sauvages alliés, dans l’expé-
dition du baron Dieskau, et fut tué dans le premier engagement, à la
bataille du lac Saint-Sacrement (George) le 8 septembre 1755. Après
cette bataille, les Nipissings et les Algonquins continuèrent à lever des
chevelures aux Anglais et aux Iroquois, pour venger la mort de leur
vaillant commandant.
Le P. Jean-Baptiste de La Morinie, S.J., 1726-1764. Au fort La Reine
de l'été 1750 à juin 1751. IT repasse en France en 1764.
En écrivant les notes qui précèdent sur M. de Saint-Pierre, j'ai, à
dessein, écarté le nom du P. La Morinie, qui l’avait accompagné, afin
de ne pas interrompre le récit des événements historiques qui se dérou-
laient alors dans le Nord-Ouest, me réservant de consacrer ensuite quel-
ques lignes à cet excellent missionnaire,
Le P. de La Morinie naquit le 24 décembre 1704. Il entra dans la
compagnie de Jésus le 6 octobre 1725. Il était de la province d’Aqui-
taine et arriva à Québec en 1726. Quatre ans plus tard, on le trouve à
la mission de la rivière St-Joseph, sur la rive sud-est du lac Michigani
Il fit publiquement la profession de ses quatre vœux dans Péglise de la
mission de St-Ignace, à Michillimakinac,-le 2 février 1741, entre les
mains du P. du Jaunay, et après avoir passé Vhiver à cet endroit, il
retourna à St-Joseph. Lorsque Saint-Pierre fut chargé de continuer les
découvertes de La Vérendrye, le P. de La Morinie fut désigné pour
Paccompagner au fort La Reine, pendant l’été 1750. Comme il arrivait
à ce poste, les sauvages avaient déterré la hache de guerre. Les Fran-
çais, abandonnés des indigènes, gémissaient, faute de vivres, dans leurs
forts déserts, Les Assiniboines qui habitaient le voisinage du fort La
Reine se montraient mal disposés envers Saint-Pierre, qui les traitait
avec arrogance. Dans ces circonstances, on ne saurait s'étonner que ce
missionnaire ne pit exercer son ministère avec succès. Réduits à un
jeûne démoralisant, les Français avaient besoin des consolations de ce
religieux pendant le triste hiver de 1750-1751, pour ne pas tomber dans
le découragement. Se mourant presque de faim, menacés à chaque
instant d’être scalpés par les sauvages, dont la guerre attisait les cruautés
natives, on comprend quelle heureuse influence ce missionnaire pouvait
exercer parmi eux, afin de les soutenir dans leurs épreuves.
Nous savons que le P. La Morinie enseigna à prier aux Assiniboines
et aux Cris; qu’il leur apprit les principaux mystères du christianisme
78 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
et qu’il alla catéchiser sur la rivière Souris et le lac Dauphin. Ces
rudes voyages en plein hiver, sont une preuve de son dévouement apos-
tolique, pour répandre la foi. Plus de cinquante ans après son départ,
les sauvages instruits par lui, se rappelaient ses enseignements et conti-
nuaient à réciter les prières qu’il leur avait apprises. Sa santé toutefois
ne put résister à de si grandes privations. Affaibli par la misère, il
tomba malade. Le 22 juin 1751, il quitta le fort La Reine et retourna
à Michillimakinac, d’où il était parti au mois de juillet ou août précé-
dent. 11 continua ensuite à desservir la mission de St-Joseph jusqu’en
1761, époque à laquelle il passa à la mission des Illinois. En 1762,
il se trouvait à Ste-Geneviève, qui faisait partie de la mission de la
Louisiane. I] avait pour compagnon le P. de Salleneuve, S.J. Ils de-
meurèrent ensemble à cet endroit jusqu’en 1763. Le 23 septembre de
cette année-là, l'arrêt d’expulsion des PP. Jésuites de la Louisiane, leur
fut communiqué. Ils se dirigèrent immédiatement en canot vers la
Nouvelle-Orléans et au printemps 1764, le P. de La Morinie repassa en
France.
Le capitaine Saint-Luc de la Corne, chevalier, succède à Saint-Pierre.
Le fort “ La Corne,” appelé Nipawi par les sauvages, remplace le
fort Poskoyac. Premiers essais de culture à Pasquia, sur la
rivière Carotte en 1754.
En 1753, M. Saint-Luc de la Corne fut nommé successeur à Le
Gardeur de Saint-Pierre. Il était parent de La Vérendrye. Son admi-
nistration dura peu de temps. La guerre de Sept Ans venait d’éclater
entre la France et l'Angleterre et le Nord-Ouest fut abandonné.
Avant de pénétrer dans l’ouest, M. de la Corne recueillit de Saint,
Pierra les renseignements qu’il possédait sur le pays et décida de se
rendre immédiatement à la rivière Saskatchewan et d’échelonner des
forts jusqu'aux Montagnes Rocheuses. En 1753, il atteignit le fort
Poskoyac, construit par le chevalier La Vérendrye et dans lequel M. de
Niverville avait hiverné. M. de la Corne aurait désiré d’abord de sé-
journer au fort La Reine, mais comme il avait été détruit, il résolut de
passer outre et de donner plus d'importance au fort Poskoyac. Il y fit
de nombreuses améliorations et y érigea des constructions nouvelles. Ce
fort ainsi restauré et devenu le plus considérable de cette époque, reçut
le nom de “ Fort la Corne.” Les sauvages le désignaient sous le nom
de Nipawi, qui signifie “ Debout.” Il se trouvait à quelques mille de
Vest de la jonction des branches sud et nord de la Saskatchewan. M. de
la Corne, explora également la vallée de la rivière Carotte. Quelques
PRUD’ HOMME] LES SUCCESSEURS DE LA VERENDRYE 79
Français, sous ses ordres, ayant trouvé un endroit favorable à la culture,
ensemencèrent quelques arpents. Ces premiers travaux agricols au Nord-
Ouest, eurent lieu durant l’été 1754. L’établissement portait le nom de
Pasquia. Sir Alexander Mackenzie y retrouva, plus tard, les restes
d'instruments d'agriculture, en traversant cette région.
Il est probable aussi que ce fut sous M. de la Corne, qu’un fort fut
construit sur la Saskatchewan, à peu de distance du lac Cumberland
Lorsque Joseph Frobisher, en 1772, établit le fort Cumberland, il re-
trouva les vestiges de ce fort.
Apres que M. de la Corne eut substitué son propre nom à celui de
Poskoyac, au fort prés de la fourche, le fort construit pres du lac Cum-
berland hérita du non de Poskoyac. Certains écrivains ont prétendu
que le fort Poskoyac, que bâtit le chevalier La Vérendrye, se trouvait
tout près du site occupé aujourd’hui par Cumberland House, que ce fut
à cet endroit que M. de Niverville tomba malade, et qu’enfin le premier
fort construit près de la fourche, fut le fort La Corne. Cette opinion
me semble erronée, car il n’est pas probable que La Vérendrye et Niver-
ville aient pu négliger un point stratégique comme celui de la Fourche.
La Fourche, en effet, était le lieu des pourparlers et des rendez-vous des
sauvages et s’indiquait tout naturellement comme l’endroit le plus dési-
rable pour un fort. M. de la Corne n’eut point le loisir de pousser de
Vavant et de se rendre au fort La Jonquière. La Nouvelle-France,
abandonnée à ses seules ressources, contre des armées sans cesse grossis-
santes, allait tenter un dernier effort pour conserver la colonie à sa
mère-patrie.
Ne recevant plus de secours de France, les gouverneurs firent appel
aux tribus amies, pour défendre le pays contre les légions que la Nou-
velle-Angleterre allait lancer contre cette poignée de braves. Les décou-
vertes furent abandonnées et des profondeurs de l’ouest accoururent les
officiers français en retraite, à la tête de leurs bandes guerrières, pour
livrer les derniers combats et couvrir la défaite d’un dernier rayon de
gloire. M. de la Corne, qui était officier, rentra donc dans les rangs de
la brillante armée que commandait Montcalm. Il est probable qu’il
quitta l’ouest en 1755. Au mois d'août 1758, il était à la tête d’un corps
composé de 400 canadiens et 200 sauvages et rencontra entre le fort
Lidius et le fort Georges, un convoi de 50 chariots de vivres et de mar-
chandises avec 200 bœufs. Ce convoi était escorté par un parti de 2C)
Anglais. M. de la Corne les attaqua, leur tua 110 hommes, fit 60 pri-
sonniers, détruisit les chariots, s’empara des marchandises et tua les
bœufs. Il ne perdit dans cette escarmouche qu’un sauvage qui fut tué
et deux blessés, On constate qu’au mois de juillet 1759, une bande de
130 sauvages des pays d’en haut, composée de Cris, Sauteux et Folle-
80 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Avoine, vint combattre sous Montcalm, à Québec. Il est fort) probable
que les Cris des lacs des Bois et La Pluie, entrainés par M. de la Corne,
étaient compris dans ce groupe et que l’ouest fut représenté à cette heure
solennelle, qui décida du sort de la Nouvelle-France.
M. de la Corne était à bord de l’Auguste, qui, au mois d’octobre
1761, alla se briser sur les côtes du Cap-Breton. Dans cette même catas-
trophe périrent M. de la Corne et le chevalier de La Vérendrye, qui
l’avait précédé sur les bords de la Saskatchewan. C’est ainsi que le fils
du premier blanc qui visita nos prairies et celui qui ferme la liste de ses
successeurs, furent ensevelis dans un même tombeau. Je donne ci-après
comme appendice à l’histoire de La Vérendrye et de ses successeurs, un
tableau des établissements français au lac Népigon et à l’ouest du lac
Supérieur, avec quelques notes indiquant la date et l’endroit de leur
fondation. En jetant un coup d’œil sur ce tableau, le lecteur pourra
suivre, en quelque sorte, la marche des découvreurs français, dans cette
région.
Forts et postes fondés par les Frangais au Nord-Ouest.
1. Fort Caministigoyan, fondé par Greysolon Du Lhut de la Tou-
rette, à l’entrée du lac Népigon, durant l’été 1678.
2. Fort La Tourette, fondé par le même, à l’embouchure de la
rivière Ombabiha (lac Népigon), en 1684.
3. Fort des Français, fondé par le même aux fourches de la rivière
Kénogami et Albany, en 1685.
4. Fort Camanitigoya, fondé par Zacharie Robutel de la Noue, à
embouchure de la rivière Kaministiquia, en 1717.
5. Poste du Grand Portage, fondé par le même, à l’entrée de la
rivière Pigeon, entre 1718 et 1720.
6. Fort Saint-Pierre, fondé par Christophe Dufrost de la Jemme-
raye, à l’entrée de la rivière La Pluie, à l’automne 1731.
7. Fort Saint-Charles, fondé durant l’été 1732 par Pierre Gaultier
Varennes de La Vérendrye, le Découvreur du Nord-Ouest, à l’entrée
de la petite rivière de l’Angle, sur la rive nord, à quelques arpents de
Vile Buckété (Famine). Cette rivière tombe près des ruines de ce fort,
dans le lac des Bois et conduit à l’angle nord-ouest, où venait déboucher
à travers la forêt, l’ancien chemin Dawson. C’est dans ce fort que se
trouvent les restes entiers du P. Aulneau et du fils aîné de La Véren-
drye et les têtes seulement de leurs 19 compagnons.
8. Fort Maurepas, fondé par le fils aîné de La Vérendrye, à l’em-
bouchure de la rivière Winnipeg, un peu plus bas que le fort Alexandre
et sur le côté nord de cette rivière, à l’automne 1734.
9. Fort de la Fourche aux Roseaux, fondé par le Découvreur à 6
milles plus bas que la ville de Selkirk, probablement sur la rive ouest,
[PRUD’ HOMME] LES SUCCESSEURS DE LA VERENDRYE 81
durant l’été 1733. (C’est à ce petit poste d’occasion que mourut et fut
enterré La Jemmeraye.
10. Fort Rouge, fondé par M. D’Amour de Louvière, à l’embou-
chure de la rivière Assiniboine, sur la rive sud, au mois d’octobre 1738,
11. Fort La Reine, fondé au mois d’octobre 1738 par le Décow
vreur, au Portage la Prairie, sur la rive nord de l’Assiniboine, près d’une
coulée, dont les eaux au printemps se rendent en forme de rivière, jus-
qu’au lac Manitoba. L’ancien fort de la Baie d’ Hudson avait été cons-
truit sur le site méme du fort La Reine.
12. Fort Dauphin, fondé par le chevalier de La Vérendrye, sur la
pointe nord-ouest du lac Dauphin, à V’automne 1741.
13. Fort Bourbon, le premier, fondé par le même, à l’embouchure
de la rivière La Biche (Red Deer), sur le lac Winnipegosis, en 1748.
14. Fort Bourbon, le second, fondé à l’endroit où la rivière Sas-
katchewan s’élargit pour former le lac Bourbon (Cedar), entre les
années 1748 et 1755. Il est probable qu’il fut construit par les fils de
La Vérendrye, en 1748.
15. Fort Poskoyac, fondé par le chevalier de La Vérendrye, près
de la fourche de la Saskatchewan, en 1748.
16. Fort La Corne, appelé Nipawi par les sauvages, fondé par le
chevalier Saint-Luc de la Corne, à quelques milles à l’est de la jonction
des branches sud et nord de la Saskatchewan, en 1753.
17. Fort La Jonquière, fondé en 1751 par quelques Français en-
voyés par M. de Niverville, qui était retenu par. la maladie au fort
Poskoyac. Ce fort se trouvait à l’endroit qu’occupait la caserne de la
police à cheval, sur la rivière des Arcs, à Calgarry.
18. Fort Poskoyac, le second, appelé aussi fort Français, fondé à
Yentrée du lac Cumberland par M. de la Corne, entre 1753 et 1755.
19. Poste Pasquia, établi sur la rivière Carotte par M. de la Corne,
à l’été 1754
Sxcrion I., 1906 [83 | Memorres S. R. C.
V.—Etude sur “ Les Anciens Canadiens.”
Par l’abbé CAMILLE Roy,
Licencié és-lettres, docteur en philosophie, professeur à l’Université Laval.
(Lue le 22 mai 1906.)
Il s’agit du livre de Philippe-Aubert de Gaspé, de l’œuvre la plus
populaire peut-être qu’il y ait dans notre littérature canadienne. Nulle
part nos anciens n’ont été mieux racontés, decrits, photographiés et res-
suscités : et s’il n’est pas nécessaire que la critique rappelle ce livre à
Pattention et à la sympathie du public, peut-être n’est-il pas inopportun
qu’elle essaie d’en préciser la valeur, et de définir, à l’aide des documents
qu’il nous fournit, l’esprit qui l’a conçu. Ni le livre qui s’imprime tou-
jours, ni l’auteur que l’on appelle encore très poliment Monsieur de
Gaspé, ne veulent mourir, et c’est done un sujet d’étude qui offre quelque
intérêt que de rechercher et d’expliquer le pourquoi de cette si active
survivance,
* * *
On se souvient du sujet traité, et du theme sur lequel broda le
romancier.
Jules d’Haberville et Archibald Cameron of Lochiel—Arché,
comme on l’appelle familiérement—sont des amis de collège que la ca-
maraderie a rendus fréres. Arché est un orphelin des montagnes de
Ecosse: fils d’une mère française qu’il perdit dès l’âge de quatre ans,
et d’un chef de clan qui périt dans cette désastreuse bataille de Culloden
où s’abîma pour jamais l'indépendance de l’Ecosse, il fut recueilli
par un oncle maternal, un jésuite, qui l’envoya à Québec, au
Collège des Pères de la Compagnie. Jules estime Arché pour ses mal-
heurs, il l’aime pour son âme franche et loyale. Quand arrivent, chaque
année, les grandes vacances, il l’amène avec lui au manoir paternel de
Saint-Jean-Port-Joli, où l’enfant est accuelli comme l’enfant du foyer.
Au printemps de 1757, Jules, qui a du sang de soldat dans les
veines, s’en va commencer en France sa carrière militaire. Arché re-
tourne en Angleterre, où il prend du service. Mais la guerre est dé-
clarée entre les deux grandes nations, et elle ramène au Canada, sous
des drapeaux ennemis, les deux frères. Arché, qui ne peut trahir son roi,
exécute les ordres les plus cruels, et il est en proie aux déchirements de
sa conscience. C’est lui qui incendie le manoir des d’Haberville. Il de-
vient odieux à ses anciens bienfaiteurs.
Sec. 1., 1906. 6
84 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Jules, qui sait les devoirs austères de la vie militaire, se réconcilie
le premier avec Arché. Mais ce ne fut que plusieurs années après la
cession, que le malheureux lieutenant de Montgomery put rentrer en
grâce au manoir reconstruit des d’Haberville.
Pour sceiler d’un serment sclennel et sacré ce nouveau pacte d’al-
liance, Arché demande à Blanche sa main. Tous deux sont épris l’un
de l’autre, mais Blanche sacrifie encore une fois sa passion à sa dignité,
et elle refuse d’épouser celui qui fut l’incendiaire de sa maison.
Jules prend pour femme une jeune Anglaise qu’il a connue sur le
vaisseau qui le ramena au Canada. Il continue, au manoir des d’Haber-
ville, entre ses parents devenus vieux, l’oncie Raoul et Blanche, les tradi-
tions hospitalières de sa famille. Et plus tard, quand bien des années
eurent passé sur les amours de Blanche et d’Arché, et les eurent trans-
formés en une pure amitié fraterneile, Arché vint lui aussi reprendre sa
lace au fover des bienfaiteurs de sa jeunesse.
J
* * +
Tel est le plan, ou le dessin très simple, peu compliqué de la trame
du livre de M. de Gaspé. Et c’est à propos d’un pareil livre qu’on a pu
se demander s’il était vraiment un roman, s’il m'était pas plutôt une
série de tableaux historiques, ou bien encore s’il ne constituait pas pour
nous, Canadiens, une première ébauche, l’esquisse d’une épopée nationale.
Pourquoi les Anciens Canadiens ne seraient-ils pas tout cela, et tout à
la fois? Le roman ne peut-il pas être une véritable épopée, et Pépopée
n'est-elle pas à son tour de l’histoire?
Aussi bien, d’ailleurs, y a-t-il dans l’œuvre de Gaspé tous les
éléments, sauf les vers, tous les ingrédients qui entrent dans la confec-
tion d’une épopée. C’est une chanson de geste en prose qu’a écrite lau-
teur des Anciens Canadiens; et il y a enfermé et mêlé l’histoire et la
légende; il y a raconté des actions héroïques et les drames non moins
poignants de la conscience; il y a introduit le merveilleux sans lequel il
paraît que ne peuvent subsister les œuvres épiques ; il y a fait apparaître
un amour trop discret peut-être pour que le roman s’en puisse contenter,
mais qui ne laisse pas de rappeler ces sourires mêlés de larmes qui tra-
versent l’Iliade, ou cette passion vive et contenue, qui n’éclate que pour
mourir à la fin de Ja Chanson de Roland. Et si vous ajoutez à tout cela
la couleur solide et fraîche des paysages, le style tout émaillé et garni
des expressions de nos bonnes gens, très simple, familier, sans apprêt,
que l’auteur a jeté comme une draperie canadienne sur les pages de son
livre, ne trouverez-vous pas qu’il y a là vraiment tout ce qu’il faut pour
faire de M. de Gaspé, non pas, sans doute, l'Homère des Canadiens, ni
leur Turoldus, mais peut-être bien le conteur naïf et le plus charmant
r
{roy] ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 85
des choses de leur passé, l’évocateur le plus puissant des mœurs et d’une
civilisation à peu près déjà disparus, et pour cela même le chantre vrai-
ment épique d’une phase merveilleuse de leur histoire?
* CS CS
Nous le tenons de M. de Gaspé lui-même, c’est d’abord pour faire
de l’histoire qu’1l écrivit son livre, et se fit auteur à l’âge de ?5 ans. Et
c’est le mouvement littéraire de 1860 qui orienta de cette façon l'esprit
du vieillard. Les Soirée Canadiennes, que fondèrent en 1861, Joseph
Charles Taché, le docteur Hubert Larue et Vabbé Casgrain,
avaient pour épigraphe cette parole de Charles Nodier: “ Hâtons-
nous de raconter les délicieuses histoires du peuple avant qu’il
: les ait’ oubliées.” L’année précédente Vabbé Casgrain avait lui-
même publié les Légendes, qni furent son entrée très bruyante
et très applaudie dans les lettres canadiennes. M. de Gaspé
les lut sans doute avec avidité, ces légendes qui avaient couru
les campagnes de la Rivière-Ouelle, et elles firent s’éveiller au fond
de son esprit tout un monde de vieux et chers souvenirs. Mais il en-
tendit surtout comme un appel fait à lui-même le mot de Charles Nodier
que répétaient chaque mois à leurs lecteurs les Soirées Canadiennes, et
il entreprit done de raconter à son tour, avant de descendre dans la
tombe, les histoires et les légendes qui avaient enchanté sa vie et sa
mémoire,
Il était né en 1786, vingt-six ans seulement après les guerres de la
conquête ; il avait done recueilli sur les lèvres mêmes des derniers défen-
seurs de la Nouvelle-France le récit de leurs actions. Par son père et
par sa mère, il se trouvait être presque le contemporain, et il fut lui-
même le témoin de ces mœurs anciennes qui caractérisaient la vie de
nos pères, avant 1760, et pendant les dernières années du dix-huitième
siècle. C’était done à lui de parler avec toute l’autorité de ses
soixante-quinze ans; c’était à lui de ‘raconter les délicieuses
histoires du peuple canadien avant qu’il les oubliât.” Les
autres, les jeunes, ne pouvaient guère recevoir que de la bouche des
vieillards ce secret du passé. Et puis, encore, n’y aurait-il pas un
intérêt puissant à voir cet homme qu’entrainait déjà dans son flot le
courant irrésistible des habitudes nouvelles, essayer de se reprendre aux
vieilles traditions et de montrer et découvrir à l’œil des contemporains
qui étaient ses fils, les mœurs et la vie d’une autre époque et d’un autre
siècle ?
Au surplus, les anciens souvenirs de M. de Gaspé étaient situés dans
un recul assez lointain pour qu’ils fussent déjà tout pénétrés de poésie,
et enveloppés de merveilleuses légendes. Et ce serait donc tout ensemble
86 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
de la réalité et de la fantaisie, de la vérité et de la fiction, qui alterne-
raient dans ces pages offertes aux petits enfants des. soldats de 1760, et
qui les feraient bien vite ressembler, ces pages ingénues, a ces naifs
récits d’Hérodote qui enchantaient Vimagination des fils des vainqueurs
de Salamine. (C’est donc dans le véritable mirage où se bercent les sou-
venirs des vieillards, c’est presque déjà dans une lumière d’épopée que
M. de Gaspé, tout comme l’auteur des Histowres, pouvait placer et laisser
repaser les personnages, les événements qui remplissent son livre, toutes
lcs choses qui furent la grandeur et la force des anciens Canadiens.
Dans ce lointain fantastique, M. de Gaspé aperçoit la petite et la
grande histoire; et s’il s’inquiète de mous révéler l’une et l’autre, il est
bien visible qu’il incline plus volontiers vers la petite, ou, si l’on aime
mieux, vers celle qui se fait chaque jour et se compose des habitudes et
des mœurs, et des vertus et des actions obscures d’un chacun. Au lieu
que dans l’épopée classique, ce sont les rois et les princes, les chefs d’ar-
mées ou les preux chevaliers qui remplissent tout le poème de la majesté
de leurs noms, du bruit de leurs querelles et du cliquetis de leurs armes,
ici c’est l’homme du peuple, c’est l’habitant canadien, et le seigneur de
village ou le jeune lieutenant qui agitent à chaque page leur modeste
mais vive et originale silhouette. (C’est l’épopée des humbles que veut
écrire l’auteur des Anciens Canadiens, je ne sais quel souffle démocra-
tique et populaire passe et circule à travers les pages de cette œuvre.
M. de Gaspé nous invite lui-même à bien voir dans son livre une image
réelle et authentique de la société de nos gens d’autrefois. Il affirme
que tout ce qu’il rapporte des mœurs anciennes est véridique, et 1l com-
mente par des notes abondantes et toutes personnelles qu’il ajoute à son
roman, tels détails ou telles assertions qui pourraient paraître fantai-
sistes. Et ce n’est pas l’un des moindres plaisirs du lecteur que celui de
se sentir tout d’abord en pleine vie réelle, et de pouvoir se reposer tou-
jours avec sérénité sur la bonne foi et la véracité de l’auteur.
* * *
C’est, au premier plan, le tableau de la vie du seigneur et de l’habi-
tant canadien que dessine et peint M. de Gaspé. Or, la vie seigneu-
riale qu’il reconstitue n’est pas autre que celle que lon faisait au manoir
de son père à Saint-Jean-Port-Joli. Le manoir des d’Haberville, c’est,
en effet, celui des de Gaspé, et c’est donc dans la maison même où fut
élevé et où a grandi l’auteur, c’est au foyer où on linitia aux vertus
patriarcales de sa famille qu'il nous introduit. Autour du manoir, M.
de Gaspé groupe les braves censitaires; et c’est la cordialité des relations
mutuelles, l’affabilité du seigneur, le respect et le dévouement des bonnes
[roy] ETUDE SUR ‘ LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 87
gens, c’est par-dessus tout l’esprit chrétien qui anime, vivifie, élève toutes
ces humbles existences, que M. de Gaspé se plaît à préciser et à célébrer.
Il faudrait ici pouvoir assister aux réunions de fanille dans le
salon du manoir, aux excursions dans les champs ou sur les grèves de
Saint-Jean-Port-Joli; il faudrait relire le chapitre qui est consacré à la
fête du mai que l’on a planté dans le pare de M. d’Haberville, et signaler
les joyeuses agapes où seigneurs et censitaires, groupés autour des mêmes
tables, fraternisent dans la plus franche gaieté, et font chanter sur leurs
lèvres les populaires refrains de la Nouvelle-France. Il serait aussi
plaisant d'entendre raconter les bonnes histoires qui sont les délicieux
et variés entremets de ces repas familiers, et par exemple celles que
raconte le capitaine Marcheterre, pendant le souper que l’on prend à
Saint-Thomas, chez le seigneur, M. de Beaumont, et toutes ces escapades
dont fut coutumiére et bien chargée l’enfance aimable et très active de
monsieur Jules.
L’abondance copieuse et grasse, la gaieté vive et enjouée, la poli-
tesse toute cordiale et simple, voilà ce qui faisait le charme des
festins du bon vieux temps, et de ces pantagruéliques repas, que Jules
décrit à Arché,’ et que se donnaient les uns aux autres, pendant les longs
mois d’hiver, les habitants de nos campagnes.
M. de Gaspé regrette que tout cela soit déja en train de disparaitre
dans le faux éclat du luxe qui nous envahit, et c’est après avoir raconté
les fétes de famille auxquelles donna lieu le retour de Jules au foyer
paternel, et fait assister le lecteur aux jeux et divertissements bruyants
mais honnêtes qui suivaient le repas, qu’il écrit avec un accent de patrio-
tique tristesse :
“ Heureux temps où l'accueil gracieux des maîtres suppléait au luxe
des meubles de ménage, aux ornements dispendieux des tables, chez
les Canadiens ruinés par la conquête! Les maisons semblaient s’élargir
pour les devoirs de Vhospitalité; comme le cœur de ceux qui les habi-
taient !” ?
En dehors de la table, et des réunions joyeuses de l’amitié, Vhabi-
tant canadien est appliqué à son devoir, et sous le costume rustique et
pittoresque que décrit plus d’une fois M. de Gaspé, il remplit avec eou-
rage et avec entrain sa tâche quotidienne; il fait modestement et très
consciencieusement cette petite histoire, qui est bien l’histoire vraie et
toute belle de son pays.
Cette petite histoire s’agrandit, d’ailleurs, d’elle-méme; et selon les
mouvements généreux et héroiques des âmes populaires, elle s’élève par-
*Page 131 de la première édition, 1863. Nous renverrons toujours le lec-
teur a cette édition.
*Page 330.
88 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
fois jusqu’à la hauteur des grands drames, et de la plus héroïque épopée.
Souvenez-vous de cette scène inoubliable et si angoissante de la débâcle,
à Saint-Thomas de Montmagny. C’est au moment où Jules et Arché,
qui retournent du collège au manoir, arrivent au village de Saint-
Thomas. ‘La cloche de l’église sonne à toute volée, eb appelle au bord
de la rivière, du côté de la chûte, toute la population inquiète et affolée.
Là, un homme, qui avait voulu traverse: la rivière ea voiture, le mal-
heureux Dumais, est aux prises avec la glace qui se brise, qui s’effomdre.
Déjà de hardis sauveteurs se risquent au secours du naufragé. Le péril
est d'autant plus grave, que la débâcle de la rivière peut s’effectuer d’un
moment à l’autre, et pousser avec une force irrésistible vers la cataracte
et vers la mer sauveteurs et victime. Et, en effet, pendant que l’on cher-
che à opérer le sauvetage, un mugissement souterrain, comme le bruit
sourd qui précède une forte secousse de tremblement de terre, semble
parcourir toute l’étendue de la Rivière-du-Sud, depuis son embouchure
jusqu’à la cataracte d’où elle se précipite dans le fleuve Saint-Laurent.
À ce mugissement souterrain succéda aussitôt une explosion semblable à
un Coup de tonnerre dans le lointain... Ce fut une clameur immense.
La débâcle! la débâcle! Sauvez-vous ! sauvez-vous ! s’écrièrent les spec-
tateurs sur le rivage.
“En effet, les glaces éclataient de toutes parts, sous la pression de
Peau qui, se précipitant par torrents, envahissait déjà les deux rives. Il
s’en suivit un désordre affreux, un bouleversement de glaces qui s’amon-
celaient les unes sur les autres avec un fracas épouvantable, et qui, aprés
s’étre élevées à une grande hauteur, surnageaient ou disparaissaient sous
les flots. Les planches, les madriers sautaient, dansaient, comme s’ils
eussent été les jouets de l’océan soulevé par la tempête. Les amarres et
les câbles menaçaient de se rompre à chaque instant.” *
Ce fut pendant ces scènes indescriptibles de confusion, où la plus
vive anxiété, l’espérance et l’angoisse secouaient tour à tour les specta-
teurs, que Jules et Arché arrivèrent au rivage; et l’on sait comment
Arché, n’écoutant que son vaillant cœur, s’élança, les reins ceinturés
d’une forte amarre, dans la rivière, et comment, se laissant emporter
par les flots déchaînés, i] s’en alla recueillir, au vieux tronc de cèdre où
il s'était cramponné, mais que les glaces menaçaient à chaque instant
darracher, l’infortuné Dumais.
Ce sauvetage héroïque constitue l’un des chapitres les mieux écrits,
et les plus fortement concus de toute l’œuvre de Gaspé. Le mouve-
ment des foules, des glaces et des eaux y est décrit avec une telle am-
pleur et variété, qu’une vie intense déborde de ces pages, et que nulle
part ailleurs, dans ce livre, on ne voit l’histoire des humbles s’élargir avec
* Page 65.
[ROY } ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 89
plus de puissance, et devenir plus naturellement de la véritable et trés
vaillante épopée.
* * %
De Gaspé, qui a su raconter et peindre si vivement un tel épi-
sode, pouvait ensuite entreprendre de tracer d’une main sûre les scènes
sanglantes et désastreuses de la guerre. Ces scènes sont, en vérité, de la
plus grande histoire, mais la grande histoire est aussi familière à notre
auteur que la petite; et s’il éprouve quelque tristesse à raconter nos der-
nières résistances patriotiques, il y a dans les regrets du vieillard je ne
sais quelle joie discrète et forte qui se manifeste et éclate, quand il rap-
pelle tant d’actions valeureuses, tant de sacrifices si courageusement
offerts, tant d’immolations sublimes, qui couronnent comme d’une au-
réole de martyr la suprême agonie de la puissance française en Amée
rique.
Et il met à raconter cette gloire des défenseurs du drapeau blane,
un empressement d'autant plus grand que trop longtemps ici on a ignoré
la conduite de ces soldats malheureux, et que trop volontiers l’on a prêté
l'oreille aux calomnies des historiens anglais.
“Vous avez été longtemps méconnus, mes anciens frères du Canada!
Vous avez été indignement calomniés. Honneur à ceux qui ont réhabi-
lité votre mémoire! Honneur, cent fois honneur à notre compatriote,
M. Garneau, qui a déchiré le voile qui couvrait vos exploits! Honte à
nous qui, au lieu de fouiller les anciennes chroniques si glorieuses pour
notre race, nous contentions de baisser la tête sous le reproche humiliant
de peuple conquis qu’on nous jetait à la face à tout propos! Honte a
nous qui étions presque humiliés d’être Canadiens! Confus d'ignorer
l’histoire des Assyriens, des Mèdes et des Perses, celle de notre pays était
jadis lettre close pour nous.” 1
C’est pour contribuer lui-même à cette œuvre de réhabilitation qu’il
raconte quelques-unes des dernières scènes du drame qui se dénoue aux
portes de Québec, sur les plaines d'Abraham.
Et d’abord, l'incendie de nos campagnes, dont avec une habileté
d'artiste et de romancier, il fait coupable Arché luismême. Quand on lit
ces pages où flamboie “ l’incendie de la côte sud,” on ne sait si la déso-
laticn des habitants, et les ruines fumantes de tant de maisons réduites
en cendre sont un spectacle plus triste et plus lamentable que le drame
tout psychologique qui occupe et torture la conscience du lieutenant de
Montgomery. Ce fut vraiment le triomphe de l’écrivain de faire, mal-
gré tout, si sympathique aux lecteurs canadiens le destructeur même de-
leurs propres foyers.
Page 201.
90 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Puis, comme pour opposer à ce tableau où s’étalent d’inutiles et
sombres vengeances, qu’éclairent les plus sinistres reflets, la hardiesse
loyale et franche de nos soldats, la lumière pure des grands dévouements,
M. de Gaspé nous fait assister aux dernières escarmouches qui termi-
nèrent notre consolante et dernière victoire de 1760. Il met en présence
les deux jeunes guerriers qui doivent retenir Vattention du lecteur. I:
procède un peu à la façon d’Homère, qui ne s’attachait nullement à
décrire les mouvements d'ensemble des batailles où Troyens et Grecs
luttaient corps à corps, et se précipitaient les uns contre les autres, mais
aimait mieux décrire ces combats singuliers où deux guerriers, Agamem-
non et Oïlée, Achille et Hector, mesurent leur valeur. [/auteur des
Anciens Canadiens n’entreprend pas le récit de cette grande mêlée
héroïque où les Canadiens, conduits par Lévis, et victorieux pendant la
journée du 28 avril, prouvèrent une fois encore qu’ils étaient plus grands
que leurs malheurs. Il concentre plutôt l’attention du lecteur sur les
deux héros de son drame, et s’il met en bonne lumière, autour du moulin
de Dumont, la prudence réfléchie d’Arché, il exalte avec une visible pré-
dilection le courage bouillant et irrésistible de Jules. Le petit grenadier,
comme on l’appelle au camp, se jette tête baissée au milieu des ennemis
plus nombreux, et 4 travers les balles anglaises il’s’élance trois fois à
assaut du moulin qu’on se dispute comme une imdispensable forteresse ;
après le combat et la victoire finale, c’est au milieu d’un monceau de
morts et de blessés qu’il faudra aller chercher le jeune et brave d’Haber-
ville.
Ce seul fait @arme, raconté d’une plume alerte et précise, résume
dans sa vaillante et brève simplicité toute la bravoure du soldat cana-
dien-français. Et il est exposé là, sous le regard du lecteur, comme
le type de tant d’actions généreuses que le patriotisme multiplia ce jour-
là sous les murs conquis de la ville de Québec. Il suffit done à M. de
Gaspé pour venger la mémoire de nos pères, et pour étayer, dans l’ima-
gination des contemporains, la thése historique que Garneau avait pé-
remptoirement démontrée à leurs esprits.
Ainsi se trouvaient réalisés l’une des plus nobles ambitions de Pau-
teur des Anciens Canadiens, et peut-être le plus puissant motif qui le fit
écrire son livre.
* * *
L’histoire, obscure ou glorieuse, grande ou petite, ne suffit pas au
roman, pas plus que delle seule pourrait s’accommoder l’épopée. Et,
d’ailleurs, M. de Gaspé reporte ses lecteurs vers des temps déjà trop re-
culés, vers une époque trop lointaine pour que les événements s’y des-
sinent dans une pure lumière de vérité. On sait comme la légende
[Roy] ETUDE SUR ‘ LES ANCIENS CANADIENS”’ 91
pousse vite dans le champ de l’histoire, et comme elle y fleurit et mêle
ses multiples couleurs aux séches et arides réalités. Et le charme de la
légende devient quelque chose de mystérieux et de sacré, quand elle-méme
se laisse envahir et pénétrer par le merveilleux.
Or, la légende et le merveilleux sont partout dans l’histoire de notre
bon vieux temps; et ils laissent flotter sur les récits des anciens, et sur
leurs actions le voile transparent, ondoyant et gracieux de leurs capri-
cieuses fictions. M. de Gaspé n’avait qu’à entendre sa mère lui raconter
les classiques histoires de revenants, il n’avait qu’à se souvenir des lon-
gues veillées du manoir où, par exemple, l’on évoquait l’ombre fugitive
de la sorcière du domaine.! N'est-ce pas elle qui avait prédit les hor-
reurs de la guerre, et tous les maux qui devaient désoler la maison des
@Haberville? Un jour, Arché, Jules et Blanche étaient allés la visiter
dans la pauvre cabane où elle s’entretenait avec les esprits, et comme
une pythonisse qui s’agite sur son trépied, elle avait fait retentir à leurs
oreilles des paroles mystérieuses, et trois fois la malédiction était tombée
de ses lèvres sur le groupe de jeunes gens qui la voulaient apaiser et
consoler. “Malheur! malheur! malheur à la belle jeune fille qui ne
sera jamais épouse et mère! et qui n’aura bientôt, comme moi, qu’une
cabane pour abri! :
“ Malheur! malheur! malheur à Jules d’Haberville, le brave entre
les braves, ‘dont je vois le corps sanglant trouvé sur les plaines d’Abra-
ham !
“ Malheur ! malheur ! malheur 4 Archibald de Lochiel. Garde ta-
pitié pour toi et tes amis! garde-la pour toi-même, lorsque, contraint
d’exécuter un ordre barbare, tu déchireras avec tes ongles cette poitrine
qui recouvre pourtant un cœur noble et généreux! Garde ta pitié pour
tes amis, Archibald de Lochiel! lorsque tu promeneras la torche incen-
diaire sur leurs paisibles habitations; lorsque les vieillards, les infirmes,
les femmes et les enfants fuiront devant toi comme les brebis à l’ap-
proche d’un loup furieux! Garde ta pitié; tu en auras besoin, lorsque
tu porteras dans tes bras le corps sanglant de celui que tu appelles ton
frère! Je n’éprouve, à présent, qu’une grande douleur, 6 Archibald de
Lochiel! c’est celle de ne pouvoir te maudire! Malheur! malheur!
malheur!”
Et la folle du domaine disparut dans la forêt; et plus tard quand
Arché, en proie à tous les tourments de la prophétie réalisée contem.
plait, du haut d’un rocher qu’enveloppait la nuit, les derniers feux de
Pincendie du manoir, il vit encore passer dans les ténèbres la folle du
domaine qui étendit ses longs bras vers les ruines, et cria d’une voix
lamentable sa triple malédiction. Il la vit errer à travers les débris
*Cf. page 155 et suivantes.
92 SUCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
fumants, et pousser dans la nuit les trois mots liturgiques: désolation!
désolation ! désolation ! * +
Et le lecteur s’imagine entendre comme un écho de la voix des an-
tiques prophéties ; il croit apercevoir à travers le temps, et dans les plus
lointaines profondeurs de la légende, la fille de Priam, Cassandre, articu-
lant ses monosyllables fatidiques, et annonçant au chœur des vieillards
les malheurs qui menacent et qui désolent déjà le palais des Atrides.
Le merveilleux se mêle done à l’action des personnages des Anciens
Canadiens; ces personnages se heurtent eux-mêmes aux êtres mystérieux
qui traversent leur vie, ils en subissent ou redoutent l’influence, et c’est
la l’une des façons, et certes la meilleure, d'introduire le merveilleux
dans la légende et dans l’épopée.
Mais, ce n’est pas là pourtant la voie familière par laquelle de Gaspé
le fait entrer dans son livre. Il y fait apparaître le merveilleux comme
un épisode qu'il juxtapose à l’intrigue du roman, et qui, tout en nous
faisant pénétrer plus à fond la vie des anciens Canadiens, ne laisse pas
de former dans son poème comme un chant que lon pourrait isoler du
récit principal. C’est surtout sous la forme des contes étranges de José
que se présente le merveilleux des Anciens Canadiens. Or, José, c’est le
domestique, le vieux et fidèle serviteur des d’Haberville; mais c’est aussi
le type du bonhomme crédule, qui joint ensemble, par je ne sais quelle
alliance bizarre et pourtant vraisemblable, beaucoup de bon sens et beau-
coup de naïveté. José est) une des créations les plus originales et les
plus vivantes de Gaspé, et c’est lui qui va remplir deux longs chapitres
du livre avec les véridiques histoires qu’il tient de “son défunt père qui
est mort,” Francois Dubé.
Presque toutes les superstitions de José tiennent dans la croyance
aux sorciers et aux poursuites nocturnes et macabres de la Corriveau.
Mais il adhère à ces dogmes populaires de toute la force des traditions
familiales, et il les expose avec toute la sincérité d’un professeur de
spiritisme. D/ailleurs, Jules et Arché, ces deux jeunes philosophes sans
expérience, n’essaient-ils pas au sortir même du collège d’où il les ramène,
et sur la longue route de Saint-Michel, où l’on aperçoit sans cesse à
gauche, au milieu du large fleuve, l’île d’Orleans, séjour classique des
sorciers, n’essaient-ils pas de discuter sur la nature de ces esprits, et ne
cherchent-ils, pas comme d’impies rationalistes, à expliquer par des causes
naturelles ces feux-follets que nos habitants de la rive sud voient le soir
courir et s’agiter sur les grèves de l’île enchantée? Lumières des
pêcheurs, qui, pendant les nuits sombres, s’en vont avec des flambeaux
faire la visite des filets, avait dit Jules; ou bien gaz enflammés qui
s’échappent parfois des terres basses et marécageuses !
1 Page 213 et suivantes.
[Roy] ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 93
Véritables êtres surnaturels, reprend José, qui s’appuie sur les récits
de son père, François Dubé, lorsque, pendant les longues veillées, il aontait
à ses enfants et à ses amis ses tribulations, et qu’il les faisait frissonner
comme des fiévreux, tant ses histoires étaient vraies et terrifiantes ! I] les
avait bien vus, lui, les sorciers, un soir qu’il revenait de la ville et qu’il
avait quelque peu pintoché avec des connaissances en passant à la Pointe-
Lévis. Sur les hauteurs mêmes de Saint-Michel, au moment où vaincu
par l’endormitoire il se préparait à passer le nuit sous son cabrouette, il
avait vu l’île d'Orléans s’enflammer tout à coup, puis des lumières er-
rantes danser le long de la grève. A force de les bien regarder pendant
cette nuit infernale, il avait nettement aperçu les formes fantastiques de
ces êtres merveilleux. Aussi bien, n’étaient-ce pas de purs esprits.
“ C'était comme des manières d'hommes: une curieuse engeance tout de
même! ça avait une tête grosse comme un demi-minot, affublé d’un
bonnet pointu d’une aulne de long; puis des bras, des jambes, des pieds
et des mains armés de griffes, mais point de corps pour la peine d’en
parler. Ils avaient, sous votre respect, mes messieurs, le califourchon
fendu jusqu’aux oreilles ; ça n’avait presque pas de chair: c’était quasi-
ment tout en os, comme des esquelettes. Tous ces jolis gas avaient la
lèvre supérieure fendue en bec de lièvre, d’où sortait une dent de rhino-
céros d’un bon pied de long.... Le nez ne vaut guère la peine qu’on en
parle: c'était, ni plus ni moins, qu'un long groin de cochon, sous votre
respect, qu’ils faisaient jouer à demande, tantôt à droite, tantôt à gauche
de leur grande dent: c’était, je suppose, pour laïiler. J’allais oublier
une grande queue, deux fois longue comme celle d’une vache, qui leur
pendait dans le dos et qui leur servait, je pense, à chasser les mous-
tiques.”
Parmi ces sorciers, les uns n'avaient qu’un seul œil, comme les
cyclopes, mais les autres avaient tous leurs yeux, et de ces yeux sortaient
des flammes vives et ardentes qui éclairaient comme en plein jour Vile
d’Orléans,
Dirigée par un chorége qui n’était qu’un sorcier plus long que les
autres, puisque le père de José estima qu’il était bien aussi haut que le
clocher de Saint-Michel, cette bande de lutins exécutait des danses
rapides, et des nondes si enlevantes, qu’ils ne mettaient pas une minute
à faire le tour de Vile d'Orléans.
C’est au moment où François Dubé, fasciné et effrayé par tant de
visions inexplicables, regardait sans bouger la fête diabolique, qu’il sentit
la Corriveau se grappigner amont lui, et lui étendre sur les épaules ses
grandes mains sèches comme des griffes d’ours.
Page 40.
94 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA
Or, la Corriveau est un personnage historique qui hanta autant que
les sorciers l’imagination de nos anciens. Accusée et convaincue d’avoir
tué deux maris qu’elle avait successivement épousés à Saint-Vallier, elle
fut pendue en 1763 sur les buttes à Neveu, près des Plaines d'Abraham ;
et son cadavre, emprisonné dans une cage de fer, fut exposé pour le plus
grand bien de la morale publique, à la fourche des quatre chemins qui
se croisent dans la Pointe-Levis. Une nuit, la Corriveau disparut avec
sa cage: des jeunes gens en avaient débarrassé la Pointe-Lévis où elle
affolait les imaginations, et l’avaient enfouie à quelques pas du cimetière.
Mais le spectre de la Corriveau continua de poursuivre, la nuit, les
esprits inquiets et craintifs; on la vit, dit-on, plus d’une fois se pro-
mener avec sa cage le long des routes où elle terrifiait les passants.
Or, ce soir-là, où le père de José fut témoin de la sérénade des mys-
térieux insulaires, 1l prit envie à la Corriveau d’aller danser avec les
sorciers ; et comme elle ne pouvait traverser le Saint-Laurent, qui est un
fleuve béni, sans le secours d’un chrétien, elle supplia François Dubé de
la transporter. Et l’on sait que sur le refus très catégorique de Fran-
çois, elle lui fit perdre tout sentiment, monta sur son âme et se rendit
au sabbat. Ce n’est que le lendemain matin, au chant d’un petit oiseau,
et lorsque déjà le soleil lui reluisait sur le visage, que le défunt père de
José reprit ses sens et sa route.
De Gaspé, qui s’amuse sans doute autant que le lecteur, à en-
tendre raconter ces mirifiques histoires, se plaît à y mêler les folles exa-
gérations que se peut permettre une imagination qui a franchi ses bornes.
Il grossit à plaisir les incidents du récit, il multiplie les prouesses des
farfadets qui habitent l’île enchantée, persuadé que toute cette fantas-
magorie délirante ne fait qu’ajouter plus de vraisemblance à l’élément
épique de son livre. Rien ne peut étonner le lecteur qui s’est laissé ainsi
transporter dans le monde du rêve et de la fantaisie héroïque. Il accepte
tout ce qu’on lui dit être le naturel effet et le jeu magique des facultés
merveilleuses des personnages. Et puisque nous sommes ici en compa-
gnie des lutins, il ne paraît pas étrange que leurs sabbats soient si féé-
riques, que leur agilité dépasse toute humaine conception, et qu’au milieu
de leurs sérénades ils avertissent Francois Dubé qu’ils n’ont plus que
quatorze mille quatre cent rondes à faire autour de l’île. On n’est pas
davantage étonné d'entendre se prolonger en répercussions formidables
les trois cris sataniques que poussent ensemble tous les sorciers... “ L’ile
en fut ébranlée, nous assure José, jusque dans ses fondements. Les loups,
les ours, toutes les bêtes féroces, les sorciers des montagnes du nord se
saisirent de ces cris, et les échos les répétèrent jusqu’à ce qu’ils s’étei-
gnirent dans les forêts qui bordent la rivière Saguenay.”
[roy] ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 95
Ainsi dé Gaspé, par toutes ces légendes et réminiscences, agrandit,
élargit les lignes historiques qui entourent et encadrent le sujet de son
roman ; ou plutôt, il fait à ce cadre de nombreuses ruptures et brèches par
où entrent et pénètrent la superstition des bonnes gens et le merveilleux
canadien. Les deux chapitres: Une nuit avec les sorciers et La Corri-
veau ne sont pas, à la vérité, indispensables au dessin de son livre, et à
la suite des événements qui en constituent le fond essentiel. On pour-
rait concevoir l’intrigue de ce roman, sans que s’y rencontrent les sorciers
et la Corriveau. Et, ainsi entendus, ces deux chapitres pourraient ne
pas appartenir au premier plan que l’auteur avait organisé dans son
esprit; ils jseraient alors dans les Anciens Canadiens, dans l'épopée de
Vaéde de Saint-Jean-Port-Joli, ce que sont dans les anciennes épopées
ces chants de développement que la critique moderne a cru nettement
apercevoir, et que des poètes ont successivement brodés sur le thème pri-
mitif que leur avait légué la tradition.
Il est plus probable, cependant, et il est plutôt certain, que M. de
Gaspé, qui donnait à son livre un titre si large et si vague: Les Anciens
Canadiens, et qui se proposait donc de peindre des scènes de vie nationale
plus encore que de raconter des souvenirs de famille, songeait déjà, quand
il entreprit son œuvre, à toutes ces légendes et à tous ces lutins qui
avaient tour à tour ravi ou terrifié son enfance, et dont la vive image
amusait encore sa vieillesse. Il voulut, en ces pages qui raconteraient le
passé, verser tous ses souvenirs, et nul lecteur ne lui reprochera d’avoir,
par un art d’ailleurs si simple et si naturel, rattaché à l’histoire vraie la
légende fantaisiste. Il ne pouvait être le narrateur complet des mœurs
et habitudes anciennes, s’il ne mêlait à tous ses récits les merveilleuses,
choses dont s'enrichit et se fortifie la crédulité populaire. C’est donc
encore de l’histoire véritable que fait M. de Gaspé quand il s’attarde à
décrire le bal des sorciers, ou quand il rappelle les promenades nocturnes
du squelette macabre de la Corriveau.
* *# *
Décrire les scènes variées et pittoresques de la vie canadienne.
esquisser en quelques-unes de ses lignes les plus générales le tableau des
grands événements politiques et militaires de la conquête, pénétrer avec
le lecteur dans les croyances les plus familières du peuple, voilà bien à
quoi s’est particulièrement employé l’auteur des Anciens Canadiens, et
de quoi il a surtout rempli son œuvre. Mais il ne pouvait peindre tant
de choses, et brosser une toile si large et si profonde, sans que, au divers
plans du dessin, apparussent et saillissent des personnages qui expri-
ment toute cette variété d’objets, qui représentent, résument, incarnent
la vie de l’histoire, la joie et les souffrances de la nation. Et l’art de
96 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Vécrivain consiste, alors, à distribuer avec ordre et proportion les rôles,
à situer en lumière convenable les acteurs et à les faire se grouper et se
disperser, ressortir et s’effacer selon les lois multiples du relief et de la
perspective.
Nous ne dirons pas que de Gaspé a ici réalisé la perfection de son
art, qu'il est un metteur en scène très ingénieux, et que Scribe ne fut
pas plus dextre, ni plus fertile en ressources. Les scènes elles-mêmes, où
tour à tour nous transporte avec ses personnages l’auteur des Anciens
Canadiens, sont aussi larges, aussi élevées, tantôt aussi familières, et
tantôt aussi dramatiques que possible, mais le décor en est simple ou très
peu compliqué, et les gestes et les paroles par où se découvrent l’ôme, le
caractère, la vie des acteurs sont, d’ordinaire, le mouvement sobre, le
discours bref, pittoresque ou mollement verbeux, parfois indigent et
terne, des gens qui ne s’étudient point.
De Gaspé n’ignore pas, lui qui a tant lu ses classiques au manoir de
Saint-Jean-Port-Joli, qu’il existe un art de composer un personnage, de
constituer en sa vivante complexité un caractère, d’analyser des âmes et
den étaler les divers états sous le regard avide du lecteur; mais il ne
semble pas se soucier de faire pareilles constructions ou semblables Wis-
sections ; il affecte plutôt de n’apparaitre pas comme un psychologue in-
quiet qui observe ses personnages et surprend les moindres agitations de
leurs consciences; il les fait tout simplement agir, et il les laisse se
mouvoir et s'exprimer le plus naturellement du monde, bien assuré que
le lecteur saura bientôt saisir et retenir tout ce qui en eux les peut per-
sonnifier et singulariser. Et l’on voit, en effet, au fur et à mesure que
se développe l’action, et assez distinctement, se profiler, se dessiner et se
préciser la silhouette, et le personnage des principaux héros.
De Gaspé n’insistera pas non plus sur la composition du portrait
physique de ces personnages. Il lui suffit de nous avertir que Jules est
de petite taille, qu'à dix-huit ans il est frêle, brun, qu'il a de grands
yeux noirs, vifs et perçants, et que ses mouvements sont brusques et
saccadés, tandis que son ami Arché est plutôt grand, robuste, avec des
yeux bleus et des cheveux blonds; Arché a aussi le teint blanc et un peu
coloré avec quelques taches rousses au visage et aux mains, et son menton
s’accuse of se prononce fortement. Le premier est français, Pautre est
ÉCOSSAIS.
S'il s’agit ensuite de définir et de fixer l’âme et le caractère de ces
deux jeunes gens, il n’y a plus guère qu’à les mettre en présence, eux,
fils de deux races si différentes, et qu’à les faire se rencontrer et se heur-
ter, se rapprocher et s’opposer.
Au collége, Jules est espiégle, railleur, taquin, tenace et indiscipliné.
Il saute comme un singe sur les épaules de ses camarades, leur tire Jes
r
[Roy, ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS ” 97
cheveux, descend, court à un autre, et promène ainsi par toute la cour
ses folles étourderies. Mais il est spirituel en même temps que très gai,
et il captive donc et retient la sympathie de tous. Au surplus, il est bon
eb généreux. Il paye volontiers les dettes des, jeunes amis qui sont en
danger d’être fouettés, et il sollicite un jour, comme un bien inestimable,
cette amitié de l’orphelin qui va désormais remplir sa vie. Et il veut que
cette amitié soit forte et solide, et pleine de confiance. Il éprouve le
besoin de se reposer sur une âme qui soit plus calme et plus sérieuse que
la sienne. Il y a donc beaucoup de gravité sous cette légèreté apparente
qui emporte et égaye sa jeunesse: par quoi, certes, Jules ne laisse pas de
représenter encore et très exactement l’âme française. /
Arché, qui a rapporté des montagnes de l’Ecosse, toute la mélancolie
des gens du Nord, et aussi tous les deuils qui ont assombri ses années
d'enfance, oppose à la mobilité toujours active de Jules la tranquillité
sereine et presque froide d’une âme qui toujours s’observe et se réserve.
I] s'étonne, au collège, des taquinneries dont Jules le poursuit, et il ne
songe pas à s’en venger, parce qu'il est le plus fort. Au reste, il est
philosophe; il s'applique à raisonner des choses, et sa méditation se
change parfois en un rêve bleu de vague et langoureuse poésie. Jules se
moque de la lune, quand il la voit balancer au ciel sa lampe mobile, et
projeter sur la route de Saint-Thomas sa blanche lumière; il se souvient
alors qu’au dortoir du collège un rayon de lune sur les couchettes des
pensionnaires n’avait pas d’autre effet que celui de lui faire regretter sa
liberté perdue. Arché, au contraire, fait monter vers Vastre “a la triple
essence” l’hymne de sa dévote tendresse, et il admire cette Diane qui
parcourt en reine paisible, dans le silence d’une belle nuit, les régions
éthérées du ciel.
Au reste, Arché, comme tous les écoliers graves et un peu pédants,
aime beaucoup étaler ses souvenirs classiques, et il cite avec abondance
ses meilleurs auteurs; les sentences latines n’ont rien qui l’effraient, et
souvent elles échappent à ses doctes lèvres, au risque de provoquer chez
Jules quelque légère indignation. Et quand les deux jeunes gens ne
peuvent s’entendre, et que la frivolité de Jules exaspére la gravité d’Ar-
ché, celui-ci se contente de dire avec toute l’autorité de son imperturbable
sang-froid: “Oh! Français! légers Francais! aveugles de Français! il
n’est pas surprenant que les Anglais se jouent de vous, par dessous la
jambe, en politique!” ?
L'amitié d’Arché n’en est pas pour cela ni moins délicate, ni moins
profonde. Son âme s’est attachée à l’âme de Jules, comme celle de David
à Jonathas, et jamais deux jeunes gens ne se sont aimés d’une affection
? Cf. pages 60-61,
*Cf. page 51.
®C£ page 14.
98 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
plus pure et plus dévouée. L’amitié d’Arché, pénétrée, comme elle est
d’une sensible reconnaissance, prend les formes les plus aimables et les
plus touchantes: elle se compose d’un respect et dune tendresse qui en
font le plus exquis et le plus louable sentiment.
Mais ce sont les vertus mémes de ces deux amis qui les feront plus
tard lutter l’un contre l’autre sur les champs de bataille. Jules est pa-
triote autant qu’Arché lui-méme est fidéle 4 son drapeau. Jules aime la
terre natale, tous les braves censitaires qui la travaillent et la cultivent,
tous ces récits et légendes que lui raconte sa mère, et qui ont poussé
comme des fleurs sur le sol du pays. Quand il a quitté le collège, le bon
supérieur lui a dit, comme a Arché: “Que votre cri de guerre soit:
Mon Dieu, mon roi, ma patrie!”* Et voici que cette devise elle-même va
les faire tous deux se précipiter l’un contre l’autre. Jules défend, avec
toute l’énergie du désespoir malheureux, la terre française qu’on veut Jui
arracher de dessous les pieds; pendant qu’Arché, victime du devoir et
de la discipline impitoyable qui n’épargne ni les souvenirs, ni les amitiés,
exécute des ordres barbares, souffre en silence les tourments du désespoir,
et souhaiterait parfois pouvoir retourner contre lui-même cette claymore
de son père qui n’a jamais trahi. Arché qui ordonne qu’on mette le feu
au manoir des d’Haberville; Jules qui, sous les remparts de Québec,
essaie ses dernières forces pour percer la poitrine d’Arché, et retombe
inanimé dans les bras de son adversaire : voila des situations cornéliennes,
où la volonté se mesure avec le devoir, triomphe de toutes les hésitations,
et où donc se révèle toute la grandeur tragique de ces âmes romaines.
Et certes, quand un romancier a su imaginer de telles rencontres,
et concevoir des luttes aussi vives où s’engagent et se torturent les cons-
ciences, il n’a guère, vraiment, qu'à raconter les événements pour en
exprimer toute l’amertume, et pour en faire voir et apprécier la
grandeur.
* * *
Il est un sentiment, plus intime, plus subtil et plus profond que
celui du patriotisme et de la générosité héroïque, plus difficile à com-
prendre, à analyser et à reconstituer, surtout quand il s’efforce d’être
discret, et s’acharne à s’ignorer soi-même, c’est le sentiment où la pas-
sion de l’amour. De ce sentiment il était inévitable que lâme d’Ardhé,
le hénos sympathique du roman, se remplit et débordât quelque jour.
De Gaspé n’a pas insisté sur cet épisode, l’un des plus délicats et des
plus touchants qu’il y ait dans son livre, parce qu’il ne voulait pas, au
moyen de faciles intrigues et de trop sensibles émotions, détourner lat-
tention du sujet principal, et l’on peut dire unique, de son roman; il n’a
touché que bien légèrement une corde sur laquelle tant de romanciers
: Page 14.
[Roy] ETUDE SUR “ LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 99
exécutent leur troublantes variations, parce qu’il ne voulait pas, par des
cris de la passion aiguillonnée et désespérée, briser ’harmonie de son
chant tout patriotique.
Cependant, avec quelle grace légére et quelle irréprochable candeur,
et vif émoi il a raconté l’idylle dont fut témoin, un soir d’été, “la grève
aux anses sablonneuses qui s’étend du manoir jusqu’à la petite rivière
Port-Joli—” 1 Arché s’était enfin réconcilié avee M. d’Haberville; il se
disposait à vivre auprès de ses amis, et il rêvait d’unir sa destinée à celle
de Blanche, à la petite sœur dont il savait l’âme si douce et si bonne, Il
s’en ouvrit à elle au cours d’une de ces promenades favorites qu’il aimait
faire sur le rivage, quand la marée était haute, et que le soleil couchant
faisait ruisseler sa lumière d’or sur les flots. Que de souvenirs éveillait en
la mémoire des jeunes gens le spectacle familier qui se déroulait à leurs
regards! Et combien de fois leur innocente jeunesse avait porté sur ces
mêmes rivages leurs âmes pures, enjouées et sereines! Et ce fut par
toutes ces évocations du passé, par tous ces rappels de temps heureux à
jamais disparus, qu’Archibald de Lochiel éprouva le besoin de saisir et de
captiver l’imagination et le cœur de la jeune fille. Toutes ces choses,
les moindres accidents du rivages, les rochers où l’on allait s’asseoir,
le sable que l’on avait si souvent foulé, et ce petit ruisseau qu'ils
franchirent encore une fois, redisaient aux deux promeneurs
Vamitié fraternelle qui les avait depuis longtemps unis, et elles les
invitaient encore à l’amour qui devrait les attacher desormais et
lier l’un à l’autre. Arché aimait Blanche, avec cette passion respec-
tueuse et discrète qui remplissait aussi l’âme de la jeune fille. Tous deux
s’aimaient, non pas de la façon timide mais un peu précieuse des jeunes
gens de Marivaux, mais d’un amour qui mesure ses mouvements à la
convenance même des relations familiales, qui s’ignore aussi longtemps
awil ne lui est pas permis de s’exprimer, et qui ne p’exprime que pour
se manifester dans toute l’ingénuité et avec la franchise un peu brusque
de son ardeur.
Aussi, il fallut à Arché bien des détours, et de patientes digressions,
avant de se déterminer à risquer l’inévitable déclaration. Elle vint enfin,
brûlant les lèvres d’Arché, et résonnant comme une étourdissante et in-
concevable audace aux oreilles de Blanche. Jamais la jeune fille des
d’'Haberville n’avait pensé qu’il lui fût possible, malgré ses personnelles
inclinations, d’épouser le soldat qui avait ravagé le domaine de son père.
Elle bondit sous la flèche dont l’avait frappée Archée:
“Vous m’offensez, capitaine Archibald Cameron de Lochiel! Vous
n’avez done pas réfléchi à ce qu’il y a de blessant, de cruel dans l’offre
1Cf. page 297 et suivantes.
Sec. [., 1906. 7
100 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
que vous me faites! Est-ce lorsque la torche incendiaire, que vous et les
vôtres avez promenée sur ma malheureuse patrie, est à peine éteinte, que
vous me faites une telle proposition.” Et elle ajouta, avec une pointe
de préciosité qui est bien un peu du marivaudage: “ Ce serait une ironie
bien cruelle que d'allumer le flambeau de l’hyménée aux cendres fumantes
de ma malheureuse patrie ! ”
Où l’on voit donc que chez Blanche, comme chez tous ces anciens
Canadiens que nous a dépeints M. de Gaspé, l’amour du sol natal, le
sentiment patriotique priment tous les autres sentiments et tous les
autres amours. Ces gens-là s'inquiètent, avant tout, d’accorder et
d'ajuster toute la vie avec l’orgueil national, et ses exigences parfois
douloureuses.
Devant une opposition si vive, et peut-être depuis longtemps prévue
et calculée, Arché ne put guère insister que juste comme il fallait pour
montrer la vérité profonde de son dessein. Comme une autre Chimène,
Blanche s’obstina dans son refus ; les sanglots parfois étouffaient sa voix,
mais elle fut plus forte que sa passion. Jamais, sans doute, elle n’aura
d'autre amour que celui d’Arché, mais jamais non plus, victime pieuse
et volontaire de son patriotisme, elle ne donnera sa main au lieutenant
de Montgomery. Et quand, à la tombée du jour, les deux jeunes gens
revinrent au manoir, ils ne remarquérent pas que l’approche de la nuit
donnait à la mer, au rivage et à toute la nature une grâce nouvelle et
tranquille, et un charme plus doux: leurs âmes, en proie à de trop vio-
lentes émotions, étaient insensibles maintenant à la beauté et à la poésie
des longs soirs d’été.
Malgré que cet épisode, cette idylle soit si propre à émouvoir le lec-
teur, elle ne constitue pas une étude attentive des jeux et des combats de
la passion humaine. L’auteur ne paraît pas avoir cure de psychologie;
ou plutôt, il est psychologue d’une façon qui convient à ses goût et à
son tempérament, et en ce sens qu’il tâche d’imprimer seulement à l’ac-
tion des personnages le mouvement principal qui correspond à leur pas-
sion, ou à leurs divers états d’âme. La passion ainsi racontée et mise en
œuvre ne fournit, nécessairement, que des portraits qui sont courts, et
dont les divers traits, peu nombreux, qui les composent, laissent à
Vimagination du lecteur le soin et le loisir de compléter le dessin de
Vartiste.
* * %
Ce même procédé, qui consiste à laisser les personnages se dresser
eux-mêmes en pieds sous le regard du lecteur, fait que souvent il arrive
qu’il faille rechercher ici et là, à travers toutes les pages du livre, les
éléments qui peuvent servir à leur reconstitution. C’est ainsi qu’il sera
nécessaire de recueillir un peu partout, dans ce roman, et au hasard des
r
[Roy[ ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 101
circonstances, la pensée, les paroles, les gestes de M. d’Haberville, le père
de Jules, si l’on veut prendre de lui une image précise. Héritier de
longues traditions familiales, type parfait du seigneur canadien, esprit
autoritaire et franc, conscience vigoureuse où se mêlent les vertus les
plus bourgeoises, les vanités les plus chevaleresques, les instincts mili-
taires les plus violents, et les découragements les plus profonds, M.
d’Haberville est surtout soldat. Il en a toute l’ardeur et toute la crâne
générosité. À son fils qui lui demande d’accueillir au manoir l’orphelin
dont il s’est fait un ami, il répond: “Son père repose sur un champ
de bataille glorieusement disputé: honneur à la tombe du vaillant soldat.
Tous les guerriers sont frères, les enfants doivent l’être aussi.” ? Mais
c’est parce qu’il est soldat, qu’il éprouvera si longtemps en son âme
blessée l’effet de ce coup terrible que porta dans tous les cœurs canadiens
notre suprême défaite. Son manoir incendié, son foyer ruiné, et sa
patrie conquise, tant de malheurs abattus sur lui aigrirent son caractère,
le firent triste et chagrin; et il ne faudra rien moins que l’autorité im-
périeuse d’une destinée irrévocable pour ployer cet homme, et lui faire
accepter sa vie nouvelle.
Assez semblable à son frère M. d’Haberville, est l’oncle Raoul:
Poncle traditionnel, vieux garçon, utile, mais un peu sec et capricieux,
comme le sont les oncles célibataires, qui vivent chez les autres, qui
exagèrent parfois leur importance pour ne pas ressembler trop à des êtres
parasites, qui dorlottent les petits neveux, et que l’on aime pourtant pour
ce qu’ils conservent toujours en eux de jeunesse, de bravoure et de cette
tendresse qu’ils ont si parcimonieusement dépensée. L’oncle Raoul a.
Pallure militaire, impérative ; il est vif, et excessif en ses paroles et juge-
ments; il jure avec fermeté, et quand il dialogue, il coupe l’air en tous
sens avec sa canne, au risque d’attraper tous ses voisins. Au demeurant,
il est bon garçon, et on l’écoute et on la respecte pour ses conseils sour
vent distribués, sa franchise correcte et son attachement au foyer.
Dans ce livre des Anciens Canadiens, où l’homme tient la première
place et les principaux rôles, la femme n’apparaît que tout à fait à l’ar-
rière plan, dans la lumière discrète de sa maison, occupée aux soins du
ménage, ou présidant les réunions de famille.
Les images très douces de Madame d’Haberville et de Blanche n’oe-
cupent pas plus de place dans cette épopée que celles des femmes troy-
ennes dans le roman historique Homère. (C’est la vie intérieure qu:
symbolisent les héroines de M. de Gaspé, avec ses affections domestiques,
ses longues conversations au foyer, et cette surveillance diligente et
aimable qui assure 4 la femme canadienne son prestige, et sa suave auto-
rité.\
1Cf. page 27.
102 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
De Gaspé insistera plutôt sur la description et sur la peinture des gens
du peuple, des censitaires et des domestiques, puisque, après tout, ce sont
eux qui représentent le plus exactement les mœurs des anciens Cana-
diens. Et telles scènes de son livre rappellent ces tableaux flamands où
s’étalent la bonne humeur, la vie robuste, bruyante, et grasse des bonnes
gens. Ces scènes, quoique situées à Varriére plan du roman y sont cons-
truites avec tant de relief qu’elles attirent le regard, et l’y retiennent
longtemps fixé. Le seul costume de ces personnages familiers ‘suffit à
intéresser l’œil, et à donner au tableau quelques-unes de ses véritables
couleurs: capot d’étoffe noire tissée dans le pays, bonnet de laine grise,
mitasses et jarretières de la même teinte, ceinture aux couleurs variées
et gros souliers de peau de bœuf du pays, plissés à l’iroquoise: c’est la
tenue habituelle des traversiers de Lévis, et c’est aussi, pendant l’hiver,
celle des anciens Canadiens. Il n’y faut ajouter que le bougon de pipe
inévitable, que mâchonne et déguste délicieusement le fumeur de nos
campagnes.
Parmi ces personnages rustiques qui passent et repassent au fond
de la scène en des attitudes si pittoresques, M. de Gaspé s’est plu surtout
à mettre en bonne lumière celui du père José.
Nous ne pouvons dire, cependant, si: José est exactement le type de
Phabitant canadien. Sa naïve simplicité ne va-t-elle pas parfois au-delà
de Vordinaire mesure qui convient à nos gens? Et, encore qu’il
ne faille pas juger les habitants d'autrefois par ceux-là, très bourgeois,
qui peuplent aujourd’hui nos vieilles paroisses, il semble bien que José,
qui représente pourtant un type vécu et vu, exagère un peu en ses formes
et manières l’habituelle bonhomie des anciens Canadiens. Il a gardé
quelque chose de cet extravagant de François Dubé dont il est le fils, qui
jurait avoir vu de ses yeux danser les sorciers, et qui avait senti la
Corriveau lui grimper sur les épaules.
En tout cas, José est bien d’exemplaire fidèle du vieux domestique
qui wa vécu que pour son maitre, qui a pris soin des enfants, qui s’est
identifié avec tous les intérêts du seigneur, qui a sa place au foyer, qui
fait partie de la famille, et qui se dévouerait jusqu’à la mort pour les
gens de la maison. Il a pour son jeune maître Jules tous les égards res-
_pectueux et les sollicitudes les plus touchantes. L’incendie du manoir
Pattristera presque autant que M. d’Haberville lui-même. Avec cela
qu'il est patriote comme tous ceux qui ont assisté et pris part aux guerres
de 1760. N’a-t-il pas perdu—ou oublié, comme il dit—sa main droite sur
les Plaines d’Abraham ? +
Un jour—c’était plusieurs années après la cession du pays aux An-
glais—il conduisait Arché à Québec. “ Voici la ville,” dit-il à son com-
lPage 293.
[roy] ETUDE SUR “ LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” ‘03
pagnon de route, des qu’il Veut aperçue là-bas devant lui; “mais pas
plus de pavillon blanc que sur ma main, ajouta-il en soupirant. Et pour
se donner une contenance, il chercha sa pipe dans toutes ses poches en
grommelant et répétant son refrain ordinaire: “ Nos bonnes gens re-
viendront.” ?
L’affection qu'avait José pour ses maîtres, ils la lui rendaient bien ;
et il n’y a guère de pages plus touchantes dans tout le roman de M. de
Gaspé que le récit de la mort de José s’éteignant doucement au manoir
dans Jes bras de Jules, sous le regard attendri des petits enfants que l’on
avait fait venir exprès du collège, pour que le vieillard les put revoir
avant de s’en aller pour toujours. On sent que l’auteur a mis dans cette
page de son livre toute l’âme bonne et attendrie que lui ont faite les pa-
triarcales traditions du manoir : et l’on est heureux, tout comme de Gaspé
lui-même, de voir une mort si calme et si honorable finir et couronner
une vie si dévouée et si fidèle.
+ % *
Parmi tous ces personnages du roman que l’on aime à se rappeler,
et qui se profilent dans nos imaginations avec leurs allures singulières, il
en est un autre qu’il est impossible de ne pas apercevoir presque à cha-
que page, et que l’on ne peut donc oublier: et c’est celui de l’auteur lui-
même.
L'auteur compte toujours parmi les personnages d’un roman, si
impersonnelle que soit l’œuvre, et si discret que soit l’ouvrier. S’il me
se mêle directement à l’action, et s’il ne s’agite pas lui-même sur la
scène, on sent bien qu’il est 1a, dans la coulisse, qui fait mouvoir les
acteurs, et leur dicte leurs rôles. C’est sa pensée, c’est son sentiment
personnel qui souvent s’expriment; il s’incarne avec l’une ou l’autre de
ses créatures, et il s’identifie avec elle. C’est, d’ailleurs, son cerveau qui
produit toute la pièce, et la marque d’une empreinte plus ou moins ori-
ginale et puissante. Et comme de notre personnalité la substance la
meilleure et la plus précieuse, c’est la pensée intime, la conviction pro-
fonde, les affections et les jugements, il suit de là que nul personnage
ne s’étale, en un roman, avec plus d’ampleur et, parfois, avec plus de
complaisance, que l’auteur lui-même. Et l’on peut done, avec les œuvres
écrites, reconstruire assez exactement la mentalité, et l’âme de celui qui
les a conçues.
Dès lors, il serait possible de dessiner ici le portrait moral de M. de
Gaspé; il n’y aurait qu'à surprendre et saisir sa pensée partout où elle
se découvre et s’annonce, Aussi bien, parfois, et malgré la discrétion e°
la retenue habituelle dont il faut le louer, et qui donnent à son œuvre
? Page 313.
104 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
vne suffisante mesure d’impersonnalité, il arrive que l’auteur des Anciens
Canadiens fait lui-même, et brusquement, irruption dans son livre, se
mêle aux personnages, parle pour son compte, rappelle ses souvenirs,’ et
prononce d'autorité ses propres jugements. Si bien que non seulement
la vie des anciens Canadiens, mais la vie même de M: de Gaspé afflue
dans son œuvre, et s’y concentre, s’y répand et en déborde. Ce roman
est, en vérité, une première série des Mémoires. Ce sont les premières
confidences de l’auteur au public. L’un des principaux héros du livre, M.
d’Haberville, n'étant pas autre, en réalité, que le grand-père
de M. de Gaspé cet Ignace-Philippe-Aubert qui fit rudement
son devoir de soldat dans les guerres de la conquéte, et dont
le manoir fut incendié- par les Anglais,? le petit-fils ne pouvait s’empé-
cher de raconter ses souvenirs, de consulter sa propre vie, de dire ses im-
pressions, et de nous révéler l’âme que lui avait façonnée la religion du
foyer. Il voulut même aller jusqu'à des confessions douloureuses, et
livrer aux lecteurs ce qu’il aurait pu facilement leur cacher: sous le
masque de M. d’Egmont, il raconte les extravagances, les poignantes an
goisses, les tristesses fatales de son existence propre.
Aussi, quand on ramasse et recueille, ici et là, les réminiscences, les
enthousiasmes, les ironies et les haines, les aveux et les regrets de l’au-
teur, et que l’on prend garde à la façon dont tout cela est dévoilé, ex-
primé et raconté, on voit peu à peu se reformer sous le regard de l’ima-
gination la physionomie de l’écrivain, ses états d’âme, et se dessiner et
s’accuser les lignes principales de son portrait.
Et ce portrait psychologique ressemble assez, croyons-nous, au por-
trait physique que l’on a gardé de ce septuagénaire. Il n’y a pas, certes,
que de la bonhomie dans ce visage de vieillard où la vie avait imprimé
de si multiples et diverses sensations. Il y a aussi traces de pensées
élevées, de passions ferventes, de tristesses mélancoliques. Cette physio-
nomie est même plutôt chagrine: les lèvres qui sont épaisses, couvertes
d’une forte moustache, et qui se ferment lourdement sous un nez trop gros,
ne paraissent pas s'ouvrir facilement pour les rires fins et légers; la
gaieté soudaine, gauloise et burlesque des conteurs populaires devait être
plutôt la sienne. Il y a, d’ailleurs, quelque chose d’un ‘peu nonchalant,
de trop abondant et d’excessif dans ces traits inférieurs du visage, qui
sont si fortement marqués, où le menton frais rasé et large s’en va fuyant
sous la barbe blanche qui enveloppe la gorge et recouvre les joues. En
revanche, le front haut, bien dégagé, repose très noblement sur l’arca-
ture saillante des sourcils, et semble bien fait pour les silencieuses médi-
? Voir, par exemple, à la page 148, le souvenir de sa prière pour les morts
que lui faisait, chaque jour, réciter sa mère. i
# Cf. Biographie de M. de Gaspé, par l'abbé Casgrain, dans Œuvres Completes
It, 250.
[roy] ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 105
tations. Le regard lui-même ne porte pas tout entier sur les choses
extérieures ; abrité sous le pli large et retombant des paupières, à la fois
ferme et bon, il semble se tourner plutôt vers le monde intérieur des
pensées et des souvenirs. Les paupières inférieures, que l’on dirait avoir
été gonflées par les larmes, et qui s’affaissent mollement jusqu’au ride
profond qui les découpe en demi-cercle et les relève, ajoute encore à la
mélancolie de cet œil un peu mystérieux et voilé.
C’est avec cette physionomie complexe que M. de Gaspé apparaît
dans son livre. Tour à tour joyeux et triste, naïf et philosophe, pas-
sionné et bon enfant, aristocrate et homme du peuple, il exprime avec
une grande variété d’attitudes les sentiments qui emplissent son âme
canadienne. Mais, puisque c’est une page d'histoire qu’il a surtout voulu
écrire, il n’est pas étonnant que ce soit son patriotisme, très sensible,
souvent meurtri, confiant ou irrité, qui s’y traduise le plus volontiers et
le plus souvent.
M. de Gaspé intervient donc dans les récits et l’action du roman
pour nous dire, sur la vie politique de son pays, sa pensée personnelle,
pour apprécier les faits, et soulager sa conscience qu’il avait tenue s1
longtemps fermée. Non pas qu’il ait sur les événements qu’il raconte,
ou auxquels il fait allusion, des réflexions bien neuves ou profondes.
M. de Gaspé est plutôt l’écho et l’interprète des pensées communes qui
agitent et mènent la foule; il les exprime seulement avec plus d’éloH
quence que ne fait le peuple; il leur donne la tournure oratoire qui lui
est familière. Sa rhétorique a bien parfois je ne sais quoi de convenw
et de banal qui est trop souvent le propre de l’éloquence politique, mais
elle prend aussi sur les lèvres ou sous la plume de ce vieillard une solen-
nité, une sorte de majesté qui impose le respect.
Rien n’est plus caractéristique, à ce point de vue, que l’hommage
enthousiaste que de Gaspé rend à la mémoire des guerriers, morts ou
vivants, vainqueurs ou vaincus, qui combattirent sur les Plaines d’Abra-
ham. Le romancier interrompt brusquement son récit pour y intercaler
trois développements, trois strophes où chante sur le mode lyrique le
patriotisme le plus large et le plus humain.’
Il y a, au contraire, de l’amertume, de l’ironie et du sarcasme, dans
les premieres pages du chapitre où l’on raconte cet épisode des Plaines
d'Abraham. Et les lèvres pesantes du vieillard ont dû se plisser dans
un sourire bien dédaigneux, quand il a écrit contre les stratégistes de
cabinet qui peuvent reprocher à Montcalm sa défaite, le commentaire
ardent du Vae victus!?
Au surplus, M. de Gaspé—et il ne fait encore ici que rendre la
pencée de tous les Canadiens—ne s’afflige pas plus qu’il ne faut du fait
*Pages 248-249.
7Pages 239-241.
108 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
de la cession du Canada à l’Angleterre. “ Nous vivons plus tranquilles
sous le gouvernement britannique que sous la domination frangaise,”! dit
un jour Jules à Arché, et M. de Gaspé lui-même se félicite de ce que la
révolution de 1793, avec toutes ses horreurs, n’a pas pesé sur cette heu- :
reuse colonie que protégeait le drapeau d’Albion. Nous avons d’ailleurs
cueilli de nouveaux lauriers en combattant sous les glorieuses enseignes
de l'Angleterre! et deux fois la colonie a été sauvée par la vaillance de
ses nouveaux sujets.” ?
Sans doute, nous avons eu à nous défendre contre les Anglais eux-
mêmes qui s’attaquérent à notre existence nationale; mais ces luttes,
elles aussi, furent glorieuses. “A la tribune, au barreau, sur les champs
de bataille, partout, sur son petit théâtre, le Canadien a su prouver qu’il
n'était inférieur à aucune race.” M. de Gaspé exhorte aux combats per-
sévérants ses compatriotes: “ Vous avez lutté pendant un siècle, 6 mes
compatriotes! pour maintenir votre nationalité, et grâce à votre persé-
vérance, elle est encore intacte: mais l’avenir vous réserve peut-être un
autre siècle de luttes et de combats pour la conserver ! Courage et union,
mes compatriotes !” 5
Ces paroles sont bonnes et réconfortantes : et le lecteur les recueille
avec respect quand il parcourt aujourd’hui ces pages qui furent écrites
au milieu du siècle dernier. Et en les feuillettant, il songe aux luttes
inévitables du temps présent. Il y reconnaît comme des accents prophé-
tiques qui voudraient prévenir les désordres de l'avenir, et grouper au-
tour de l’idée nationale les Canadiens français du vingtième siècle. Noon
pas qu'il soit désirable que des jalousies et des haînes occupent nos âmes
canadiennes. Nous devons plutôt nous unir aux Anglais
puisque nous sommes ici les fils d’une même patrie et que
nous sommes frères au même foyer. Mais nous, Canadiens
français, nous ne pouvors pas ne pas céder à l'instinct de con-
servation qui féconde les races et les fortifie, et nous ne pouvons
done oublier que dans les commerces nécessaires de notre vie nationale,
il faut, par une sorte d’ironie des mots et de la fortune, tout à la fois
nous unir à nos Voisins et nous opposer à eux: nous unir avec eux pour
faire ensemble prospérer.et grandir la patrie commune, mais nous op-
poser les uns aux autres, dans une attitude calme et respectueuse, pour
garder vivantes et libres, avec toute la richesse de leur sang et la variété
belle et légitime de leurs langues, les deux races qui possèdent le sol
canadien.
C’est cette alliance, et c’est cette pacifique opposition des races que
M. de Gaspé a paru d’abord comprendre et prêcher. Il ne semble pas,
Page 333.
? Page 202.
s Page 202.
[roy] ETUDE SUR “ LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 107
cependant, qu'il ait toujours eu sur ce sujet une pensée suffisamment
nette, et invariable. L’on peut croire que l’anglomanie, qui a sévi au
siècle dernier dans quelques-unes de nos familles bourgeoises et aristo-
cratiques, a quelque peu fait fléchir son patriotisme. Sans jamais con-
seiller ouvertement la fusion, dans ce pays, des deux races anglaises et
françaises, il accepte volontiers que des mariages mixtes fassent se ren-
contrer et se mêler les deux sangs. Blanche a bien un mot très fier
quand Jules lui propose d’épouser Arché, qui représente à ses yeux la
race des conquérants: “ Est-ce une d’Haberville qui sera la première à
donner l’exemple d’un double joug aux nobles filles du Canada?”
Mais elle consent à ce que Jules prenne lui-même pour femme une An-
glaise, et elle va jusqu’à dire ceci qui est le mot malheureux: “Il est
naturel, il est même à souhaiter que les races française et anglo-
saxonne, ayant maintenant une même patrie, vivant sous les mêmes lois,
après des haînes, après des luttes séculaires, se rapprochent par des al-
lances intimes; mais il serait indigne de moi d’en donner l’exemple
après tant de désastres.” ?
M. de Gaspé a mieux aimé que ce fût Jules qui donnat l’exemple
de ces alliances hybrides où trop de nos familles canadiennes-françaises
ont depuis et peu à peu sacrifié les traditions et la langue des ancêtres.
L'auteur des Anciens Canadiens, que, d’ailleurs, des relations étroites
avaient, dès son enfance, mis en contact avec l’aristocratie anglaise de
Québec,’ ne pouvait plus mal choisir, parmi les personnages de son
ro:nan, celui qui serait chargé de donner aux lecteurs, en manière d’épi-
lugue, cette leçon d’anglomanie. (C’est le chevalier des Plaines d’Abra-
ham qui désarme tout à fait, et accroche au mur d’un foyer où va régner
Panglaise la panoplie de son trophée! C’est le Roland des légendes
allemandes qui oublie, semble-t-il, aux pieds d’une femme le motif et
l’héroïsme de sa vie.
Il est done possible, et nous croyons qu’il est certain, que M. de
Gaspé a poussé trop loin ce sentiment de résignation nationale auquel
il a fallu obéir après la conquête, mais auquel M. d’Haberville a lui-
même et d’abord si longtemps résisté. Et si l'historien avait le droit
de traduire dans son livre cette sorte de satisfaction que nous éprouvons
d’avoir, par le fait de la conquête, échappé à tant de mesquines persé-
cutions qui ont affligé et qui affligent encore la France, le romancier n’avait
pas, lui, le droit de pousser jusqu’à cette extrême limite le dévouement
1 Page 337.
? Page 337.
# On sait que la mère de M. de Gaspé, Catherine Tarieu de Lanaudière,
était amie intime de Lady Dorchester. Les deux filles de Lady Dorchester
passaient souvent une partie de l’été au manoir de Saint-Jean-Port-Joli.
On peut consulter, à ce sujet, la Biographie de M. de Gaspé, écrite par l’abbé
Casgrain, dans Œuvres Complètes, de l'abbé Casgrain, II, 273.
108 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
de toute notre vie à la cause britannique, et il avait plutôt le devoir
d’enseigner à ses compatriotes comment les races conquises ne meurent
pas, et de tracer à la fin de son œuvre, et d'indiquer sommairement aux
romanciers futurs le canevas ou le théme des Oberlés canadiens.
Le patriotisme de M. de Gaspé, que montrent et définissent les
Anciens Canadiens, est donc assez complexe: il est surtout fait de senti-
ments très fervents pour l’honneur et les traditions de sa race, d’ironie
mordante pour ceux qui osent toucher à nos gloires les plus pures, d’es-
pérances en l’avenir, et d’abandon parfois trop confiant aux destinées
que nous pouvait préparer ici l'influence aborbante des vainqueurs
de 1760. Cette âme si canadienne et qui s’émeut, s’enflamme, s’exalte
au souvenir du vieux passé, qui a des ardeurs de combat pour raconter
nos résistances et nos luttes, se détend, à la fin, et s’apaise et se résigne;
et elle montre ainsi, dans ses discours et dans tout ce qui manifeste sa
conception de la vie nationale, les mêmes variations et contrastes que
l’on peut aussi apercevoir dans la philosophie qu’elle nous a donnée de la
vie humaine.
* % *
L’on pourrait croire, que ce viellard qui sourit 4 travers
tant de pages de son livre, qui s’abandonne à une gaieté large et franche
quand il raconte les histoires de José, et qui fait si attachante la destinée
de ses héros, a aimé la vie et l’a vécue avec enivrement. Et il suffirait
de lire encore dans les Mémoires le récit de ses aventures avec Coq
Bezeau pour se persuader qu’un enfant qui entra si joyeusement dans la
vie active, devait s’y attacher pour toujours. Et, pourtant, les Anciens
Canadiens nous révèlent en M. de Gaspé, dans son âme de vieillard phi-
losophe, toutes ces oppositions de joie et de tristesse, de consolations
et d’amertumes, de sérénité et de dégoûts qui apparaissent sur son visage.
Pour que cette mélancolie n’étendit pas sur tout le roman son voile
sombre, M. de Gaspé a voulu ramasser en un seul chapitre ses plus
graves impressions, et y exprimer tout ce qu’il pensait des hommes et de
la société.
Dans ce chapitre intitulé Le bon gentilhomme, M. de Gaspé s’est
mis en scène lui-même, et sous le pseudonyme de M. d’Egmont, le soli-
taire de la rivière des Trois-Saumons, il a fait l’aveu pénible de sa vie,
et livré au lecteur sa conscience jamais apaisée.
Deux sentiments surtout résument toute cette morale, et toute cette
conférence que fait à Jules le bon gentilhomme: celui d’une misan-
thropie assez profonde, et celui, plus chrétien, et qui sert à l’autre de
correctif, d’une pitié grande pour ce barbare civilisé qu'est Phomme
lui-même.
[roy] ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS ” 109
De Gaspé avait d’abord aimé la vie; il Vavait embrassée avec
passion et volupté dans sa jeunesse, alors qu’à lui, seigneur et maitre
d’une assez belle fortune, elle ouvrait des perspectives de lumière sans
ombre, et des chemins tout semés de fleurs. Avocat au barreau de Qué-
bec, puis bientôt shérif, il s’installa avec confiance dans cette situation
qui lui permit de continuer les plaisirs insouciants qui avaient réjoui ses
vingt ans. Il obligea sans compter les amis qui se groupent toujours
nombreux et avides autour de celui qui a de l’argent; il distribua au
hasard ses largesses et son bien; il s’étourdit dans les fêtes dont s’eni-
vrait son existence; il mêla et confondit ses ressources personnelles et
celles de l’Etat, et quand, un jour, M. de Gaspé s’éveilla de ce rêve où
s'était abimée sa fortune, il était trop tard. Ses amis le quittèrent,
firent le vide autour de lui, et l’abandonnèrent aux créanciers qui, le
trouvant insolvable, le firent enfermer pour quatre ans dans une prison.
Il faut lire, dans le texte lui-même, le récit que fait M. d'Egmont
des extravagances, des joies, des cruelles déceptions de sa vie. Et il faut
recueillir de ses lèvres, pendant l’entretien de ce philosophe avec Jules,
au bord d’un ruisseau où se mirent les branches touffues d’un noyer,
les leçons qu’il dégage des accidents de cette vie. C’est un dialogue dont
la mise en scène fait penser à ceux de Platon; on dirait le jeune Phèdre,
assis aux côtés de Socrate, sur les bords de lIlissus. Mais cette fois
Socrate désespère de corriger les Athéniens, de les rendre meilleurs, et
il étale avec quelque complaisance le plus sombre pessimisme.
“Tout homme qui, à quarante ans, n’est pas misanthrope, n’a jamais
aimé les hommes,” disait Chamfort, et cette parole sert d’épigraphe à
la leçon du bon gentilhomme. C’est parce qu’il a beaucoup aimé les
hommes et la vie, lui, qu’il est devenu à son tour misanthrope. Il a
éprouvé de la vie tout ce qu’elle contient de déceptions, et des hommes
tout ce qu’ils peuvent en fait d’ingratitude. Et voici bien, en effet, ce
qui afflige M. d’Egmont ou M. de Gaspé. L’homme mériterait qu’on le
définisse un animal ingrat. Il exprime de ses semblables, de ses voisins,
de ses amis tout ce qu’il en peut tirer, et si quelque malheur vient à
frapper*ceux qui lui ont été le plus utiles, il s’en détourne il les lâche,
il s’enferme dans son égoisme. De là pour les malheureuses victimes
abandonnées par l’amitié les souffrances morales les plus aigues. Et
parce que, de toutes les tortures qui peuvent affliger l’homme, celles-là,
intimes et profondes, qui tourmentent l'esprit et tenaillent le cœur, sont
les plus cruelles, il en résulte que M. d’Egmont avait épuisé la coupe
d’amertume, et que de l’avoir épuisée le faisait désespérer de pouvoir
jamais plus estimer les hommes. I] ramène toutes ses observations sur
la vie à ce dogme de la perversité et cruauté humaines. Et si un jour,
‘en sarclant ses laitues, il voit les fourmis ge précipiter sur un inseatg
blessé et le dévorer, il ne peut se retenir de faire tout haut cette réflexion
110 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
que La Bruyère eût approuvée: ces petites bêtes sont done aussi cruelles
que les hommes!
La jeunesse seule, selon M. d’Egmont, a gardé sa grâce et sa vertu.
La jeunesse sait encore apprécier le bienfait, remercier ses bienfaiteurs.
Les jeunes gens sont naturellement bons, ils sont reconnaissants... et
les sauvages aussi. Et cela prouve que c’est l’intérét et la civilisation
qui tuent la gratitude. Tous deux ont banni de cette terre la fleur ex-
quise des amitiés constantes; tous deux brisent des chaînes qui devraient
être plus fortes que le malheur. Aussi longtemps que l’homme n’est pas
aux prises avec les multiples et égoistes intérêts que met en jeu la vie so-
ciale, aussi longtemps que les lois elles-mêmes n’ont pas perverti chez
lui la notion du juste et de l’injuste, il reste bon, et capable de com-
prendre l’équité. Que si vous doutez de la vérité de cette doctrine, in-
terrogez ce brave homme d’Iroquois à qui un magistrat faisait un jour
visiter, à New-York, le grand wigwam où l’on détient les repris de justice.
“ C’est la qu’on enferme les Peaux-rouges qui refusent de livrer les peaux
de castor qu’ils doivent au marchand,” disait le visage pâle à l’enfant
de la forêt. Et celui-ci de visiter avec soin tout l’édifice, de descendre
dans les cachots, de sonder les puits, de prêter l’oreille aux moindres
bruits, et de conclure par un immense éclat de rire: “ Mais sauvage pas
capable de prendre castor ici?” dit-il; et dans ce mot, et dans ce rire,
il y avait tout le mépris et tout le dédain que la barbarie doit à la civili-
sation. Cet indien avait compris, là, tout ce que notre justice boîteuse
contient d’illogisme, et comme il est inutile, cruel et contradictoire d’en-
fermer, et donc de paralyser et d'empêcher d'acquérir celui dont le crime
est de n’avoir pas de quoi payer ses dettes.
Si misérable que soit l’homme, et si faux que soient ses jugements,
et si endurcie que soit sa conscience raffinée et civilisée, il le faut pour-
tant plaindre, et l’on doit en avoir pitié. Et le pessimisme de M. d’Eg+
mont est donc ici traversé d’un rayon de lumière et de charité qu’on ne
“attendait pas tout d’abord d’y apercevoir. Cet Alceste paraît bien
avoir
ces haînes vigoureuses
Que doit donner le vice aux âmes vertueuses,
mais il a aussi pour son semblable des complaisances de Philinte; et sil
vst enfoncé en son désert, s’il a
cherché, sur la terre, un endroit écarté,
Où d’être homme dhonneur on ait la liberté,
il sait aussi sortir de sa retraite pour aller à ceux qui souffrent et qui
ont besoin de son secours. Il est lui-même la vivante et persuasive con-
“
[Roy] ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 111
tradiction de sa doctrine. Il n’a pu éteindre en son âme les affections
généreuses de sa jeunesse, et il se console de ses tristesses en faisant
beaucoup de bien à ceux qui souffrent. Il va porter aux malades et aux
pauvres les fruits de son jardin, et les racines bienfaisantes et les simples
dont ses études lui ont révélé la vertu médicinale. Bref! on appelle ce
misanthrope le bon gentilhomme, et M. de Gaspé ne pouvait en un plus
violent contraste de mots et de faits résumer sa philosophie de la vie,
et définir sa complexe mentalité.
I] faut retenir que c’est un nom très doux, un vocable très généreux
qui sert à marquer et à distinguer entre tous les hommes M. d’Egmont.
11 est le bon gentilhomme. C’est la bonté qui excelle dans sa vie, et c’est
elle aussi sans doute qui console l’existence de M. de Gaspé. Nature
faite tout entière de vertus ardentes et de passions capables de devenir
excessives, l’auteur des Anciens Canadiens devait traduire sa vie par des
oppositions vives et des rencontres originales; il devait la pénétrer des
grâces et du charme séduisant de la bonté. Léger, joyeux, confiant dans
sa jeunesse, triste bientôt de tous les mécomptes de ses trente ans, retiré
dans son manoir après les années de captivité, estimant que sa vie était
désormais sans profit pour lui et pour les autres,’ mais résigné pourtant,
et calme, et essayant de retrouver dans la paix du foyer la joie ancienne
et bonne; refoulant sans cesse au fond de sa mémoire le souvenir des
jours mauvais, et gardant volontiers 4 ses lévres de doux vieillard le
sourire des affections paternelles; facilement triste et chagrin quand
surgit tout à coup à ses yeux le passé ineffaçable, capable aussi de trou-
ver dans les lectures en famille, et dans les méditations de son esprit
toujours alerte, la consolation et l’oubli: tel fut M. de Gaspé. Ce sont,
en vérité, toutes ces alternatives de joie et de regrets, et ces jeux d’ombre
et de lumière que l’on aperçoit dans son portrait, et c’est cela aussi qui
apparait à travers les pages si variées qu’il a écrites: tour a tour pleines
de gaieté abondante et copieuse, parfumées de christianisme bienfaisant,
frémissantes d'enthousiasme et de passions, et parfois aussi humides et
baignées de larmes.
* + %
Faut-il ajouter que les qualités littéraires et les défauts de l’artiste
qui a conçu l’œuvre et l’a exécutée, pourraient encore révéler à leur tour
son esprit et son tempérament,
Sans doute, il est assez difficile d’apprécier et de cataloguer un
écrivain qui déclare en manière de préface qu’il n’a pas l’intention de
composer un ouvrage secundum artem, qu'il n’écrit que pour s’amuser,
qu’il entend bien avoir ses coudées franches, ne s’assujétir à aucune des
règles qu’il connaît, et qui conseille simplement au lecteur de laisser 14
2 Cf. page 180.
112 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
son livre s’il l’ennuie.! (Cependant, il est possible de reconnaître, sous
ce désordre apparent, le talent de l’écrivain. Et, par exemple, il ne sera
pas malaisé de remarquer qu’il y a à la fois de la bonhomie et de l’étude
dans ce livre, et que la simplicité y cotoie la rhétorique.
Que M. de Gaspé ait librement laissé trotter sa plume sur la rame
de papier-bonnet qu’il acheta un bon matin chez son libraire, cela est
incontestable, et se peut déduire de la façon même dont
l’œuvre est conduite. Il y a dans ces pages une sorte de
facilité, abondance et verbosité qui suppose chez l'écrivain l’abandon con-
fiant et sincère de sa pensée à la bienveillance du lecteur. Et cette géné-
rosité et prodigalité de paroles, qui risquerait, en d’autres livres, de nous
lasser et ahurir, est ici précisément ce qui retient, captive et entraîne en
son flot l’attention et la curiosité. On se laisse emporter d’un bout à
l’autre du livre, et l’on ne songe pas qu’il faut s’arréter et se reposer.
Et ceci vient encore, sans doute, de ce que M. de Gaspé, pour cela
qu’il s’abandonne à sa passion de raconter et de muser un peu, donne à
celui qui le lit impression très agréable qui se dégage toujours d’une
œuvre où s'exprime sans effort la bonne nature. La plupart des scènes
qu’il décrit ressemblent beaucoup à ces tableaux rustiques de Corot que
l’on voit au Louvre, et qui sont signés du “peintre le plus naturel de
la nature.” La vérité s’y moutre et plait sans détour, elle sy étale et
brille de tout l’éclat de sa belle sincérité. Et jamais l’on ne résiste à
de tels séductions et entraînements. Le lecteur est toujours si heureux
de rencontrer un homme là où il s'attendait et redoutait de trouver un
auteur !
L’art de M. de Gaspé n’est done pas celui des stylistes de profession ;
il ne se rattache en aucune façon à la manière de Flaubert ou à celle des
Goncourt; il a plutat quelque chose de l’art des primitifs; il fait penser
parfois,et toutes proportions gardées, à la tenue aimable et négligée
d’un Montaigne, à la bonne grâce et naiveté d’un Joinville ou d’un
Hérodate.
Il ne faut pas se dissimuler pourtant que M. de Gaspé pousse par-
fois jusqu’à l’excès le souci qu’il a de composer sans recherche et sans
cérémonie. L'on voit, par exemple, qu’il se laisse trop facilement attarder
par des digressions qui coupent le récit et nous en distraient. Et l’on peut
constater encore que les chapitres du livre ne sont pas toujours nette-
ment délimités, ni la matière suffisamment bien distribuée. Le titre
même du chapitre ne correspond pas toujours exactement au sujet qu’il
paraît indiquer, et on le peut vérifier facilement avec les chapitres
sixième et septième.
1Cf, pages 5-8, passim.
[Roy] ETUDE SUR “LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 113
Il n’est pas inutile de rappeler, ici, que l’abbé Casgrain a quelque
peu remanié, du consentement de l’auteur qui lui avait confié son manus
crit et avec qui il corrigea les épreuves, le commencement et la fin du
roman. Le premier chapitre et le dernier avaient des longueurs inter-
minables ; le vieillard causait, causait sans tarir. L’abbé Casgrain coupa
dans le vif de ces trop longs développements, et ce sont là, d’ailleurs, les
seules retouches appréciables qu’il fit à cette œuvre. Nous tenons de
Pabbé lui-même, avec qui nous en parlions un jour, qu’il a respecté tout
le reste du texte. Il ne faudrait donc pas accepter trop facilement lopi-
nion de ceux qui ont pensé et affirmé que les Anciens Canadiens avaient
été trop soigneusement et trop largement revus et corrigés par Casgrain.1
1 Voir encore, à ce sujet, les Mémovres ou Souvenances Canadiennes inédites
de l'abbé Casgrain, III, 24, 20-21. Nous croyons intéressant de mentionner
ici le fait très peu connu que M. de Gaspé, désireux de reconnaître les ser-
vices- que lui avait rendus l’abbé Casgrain, voulut lui dédier son livre, et
écrivit donc à l’abbé une lettre-dédicace que celui-ci, ‘“ moins par modestie que
par la répugnance invincible qu’il éprouvait à paraître se mettre en évidence,”
crut devoir refuser. L'abbé Casgrain reproduit cette lettre dans ces Souve-
nances, III, 24, 22-23. Voici cette page que M. de Gaspé avait voulu mettre
en tête de son roman:
wi, l'abbé,
Le sentier que j'avais à parcourir, lorsque je commencçai à écrire les
Anciens Canadiens me paraissait jonché de fleurs, mais je dus m’apercevoir
bien vite qu'il était, au contraire, couvert de ronces et d’épines. Je continuai,
néanmoins, espérant franchir tous les obstacles de cette route pénible. Le
bandeau ne me tomba des yeux qu'à la lecture de l’ouvrage, quand il fut
achevé. Bah! pensai-je, je n’aurai toujours pas perdu mon temps: je lais-
serai mon manuscrit comme un souvenir affectueux à ma nombreuse famille:
et à cette fin, je l’enfermai bien précieusement dans mon tiroir, d'où vous
l'avez retiré pour le livrer à l'impression, malgré ma répugnance.
Si j'étais capable d’autres sentiments envers vous, M. l’abbé, que de ceux
de lamitié la plus sincère, je vous conserverais de la rancune pour un acte
aussi téméraire! N'importe; je me permettrai toujours de vous faire une
petite espièglerie en vous dédiant, à vous, littérateur distingué, malgré votre
jeunesse, à vous, protecteur dévoué de la bonne littérature canadienne, cette
œuvre éphémère,
Vous avouerez, M. l'abbé, que c’est assez mal reconnaître les excellents
conseils que vous m'avez donnés, les soins que vous donnez à l'impression
de mon ouvrage, que de chercher à vous rendre solidaire de ses défauts;
mais la vieillesse est rancunière.
Ce qui n'empêche pas, M. l'abbé, de me souscrire avec une considération
très distinguée, votre serviteur dévoué et ami,
L'AUTEUR.
On trouvera l'original de cette lettre dans le premier volume de la col-
lection des Lettres diverses manuscrites de l'abbé Casgrain, conservées aux
Archives du Séminaire de Québec.
Au reste, le style méme de M. de Gaspé différe assez de celui de Vhisto-
rien de la Mère Marie de l’Incarnation, pour qu’il soit facile de recon-
naître, dans les Anciens Canadiens, la marque de l’auteur. Il y a ici une
simplicité et un naturel auxquels ne nous a guère habitués l’abbé Cas-
grain de 1860.
114 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
M. de Gaspé excelle à imiter et à reproduire dans son style le lan-
gage familier, tout court, plein de saveur des Canadiens, ses contempo-
rains. I] se plaît à exprimer sa pensée comme il faisait sans doute dans
son salon de famille, quand il y causait avec les siens sous le regard des
ancétres dont les portraits étaient suspendus au.mur; ou bien encore
il prend volontiers le ton des longues conversations qu’il avait souvent
avec les braves habitants de Saint-Jean-Port-Joli. C’est en style cana-
dien que devait être écrit le roman historique ou l’épopée populaire des
Anciens Canadiens. M. de Gaspé le voulait ainsi; d’autant qu’il lui eût
été difficile d'adopter une autre manière et d’autres procédés. “Cet
ouvrage sera tout canadien par le style: il est malaisé à un septuagénaire
d’en changer comme il ferait de sa vieille redingote pour un paletot à la
mode du jour.” *
C’est donc en vieille redingote que se présente la phrase de M. de
Gaspé, et c’est encore aujourd'hui ce qui donne au livre sa valeur et lui
conserve tout son prix. On se plaît toujours à y entendre le parler des
bonnes gens, et à voir se peindre en leur language les mœurs d’une
époque dont nous nous éloignons chaque jour si rapidement.”
L’aisance et la simplicité du vocabulaire des Anciens Canadiens se
retrouvent parfois et plus particulièrement dans les dialogues que l’auteur
établit entre les personnages du roman. Le dialogue doit rendre plus
parfaite pour le lecteur l'illusion de la réalité, et c’est bien en plein
réalité que nous transportent des causeries comme celles du souper que
Von prend chez un seigneur canadien, M. de Beaumont, ou bien encore
les propos si vifs et si spontanés du père José.
Il convient, pourtant, d’observer ici que les dialogues de M. de
Gaspé ne sont pas toujours aussi alertes, aussi coupés et primesautiers
qu’ils pourraient l’être quelquefois. Il arrive que le dialogue tourne au
discours et que les conversations se transforment en trop longs mono-
logues. Au reste, il semble que le talent de M. de Gaspé, qui est bien
celui d’un conteur, est aussi très oratoire. Et cette tendance le fait
souvent exprimer sous forme de harangues éloquentes même les pensées
solitaires de ses personnages. C’est ainsi qu’Arché, qui a été condamné à
mettre le feu au manoir des d’Haberville, et qui souffre donc malgré lui
toutes les tortures du remord, monte tantôt sur une colline, et tantôt
sur un cap pour exhaler en de violentes philippiques dirigées contre
Montgomery, ou contre la civilisation, ou contre lui-même, sa douleur
et sa colère. ‘“ Alors, il s’écria. . . Voila done, s’écria-t-il. . .” Et, en
2
vérité, il est peu naturel qu’un soldat fût-il lieutenant, qui est seul à
MCE pages 7-8.
2M. l'abbé F.-X. Burque a relevé dans le Bulletin du Parler français au
Canada, IV, 61, 101, 142, 182, quelques-unes des expressions canadiennes,
typiques, employées par M. de Gaspé dans les Anciens Canadiens.
SIGE ‘chap: ANT,
[Roy] ETUDE SUR “ LES ANCIENS CANADIENS” 115
dévorer son chagrin, et qui n’a pour auditeurs que les oiseaux des bois
ou les étoiles de la nuit, se livre longtemps à cette factice déclamation
I] suffisait, d’aiileurs, de donner à ces mêmes idées et à ces mêmes senti-
ments qui bouleversent inévitablement l’âme d’Arché, la forme de médi-
tations ou de réflexions que l’auteur aurait pu traduire encore en une
langue chaude et ardente.
Au surplus, M. de Gaspé a plus d’une fois imaginé des occasions
très opportunes de s’abandonner au courant de sa passion oratoire. Il
faut le louer de certaines pages éloquentes où son patriotisme s’est sur-
tout éloquemment exprimé. Sil y a là quelques tirades où la rhétorique
se complait outre mesure, et quelques périodes, quelques phrases
qui déroulent trop longuement leur traîne et s’y embarrassent, ces pas-
sages, tout pénétrés d’une émotion intense, ajoutent à la variété des
récits, et remuent très agréablement l’âme du lecteur.
Chose étrange, d’ailleurs, cet auteur qui se moque si joliment des
critiques, et qui entend bien n’écrire que pour exposer sans recherche
une pensée sincère, ne dédaigne pas de montrer souvent qu’il a l’expé-
rence des choses de Part littéraire, qu’il a lu beaucoup et beaucoup ap-
pris, et qu’il trouve plaisir à faire l’étalage de seg souvenirs classiques,
Non pas, certes, qu’il y ait chez lui du pédantisme—a moins qu’on puisse
reprocher à l’auteur le défaut de l’un de ses personnages—mais il y a
parfcis, dans ce livre, une sorte de coquetterie qui sait être suffisamment
discrète, qui surprend chez un écrivain aux allures si populaires, et qui
apparaît ça et là, à travers les pages du roman, comme le sourire de,
Varistocrate. :
Aussi bien, comment M. de Gaspé aurait-il pu ne pas déverser en
son livre le trop plein de ses souvenirs littéraires. La vie tranquille,
isolée, quelque peu solitaire du manoir, après la catastrophe qui brisa
sa carrière, lui fit des loisirs qu’il occupait à revoir ses auteurs,
et à relire les livres de sa bibliothèque. Souvent le soir,
au salon, quand la conversation menaçait de languir, il ouvrait Racine
ou Molière, ou Shakespeare, ou reprenait un roman de Walter Scott, et
il faisait lui-même la lecture à sa famille rassemblée. Parfois l’on mon-
tait des pièces, et l’on jouait Berquin ou les contes de Mille et une nuits,
que venaient applaudir voisins, amis et censitaires. Il n’est donc pas
étonnant que les réminiscences de l’étudiant se retrouvent si souvent
sous la plume du vieillard, et qu’apparaissent dans les descriptions ou
les discours de son livre la fable d’Hypolite traîné par ses chevaux, les
nymphes, les naïades, la coupe du Léthé, et cette mythologie dont on
fut si friand dans les collèges du dix-huitième siècle.
1Voir, à ce sujet, la Biographie de M. de Gaspé, par l'abbé Casgrain.
Sec. I., 1906. 8
116 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
Ce sont encore sans doute ces mémes circonstances d’une vie menée
en pleine campagne, et en pleine nature, qui nous peuvent expliquer pour-
quoi l’auteur des Anciens Canadiens a parfois, et d’une façon si gra-
cieuse, mêlée à ses récits et dialogues, la poésie des paysages. M. de
Gaspé n’est pas précisément un descriptif; il n’est pas, à coup sûr, un
ancêtre de Pierre Loti, ni non plus un imitateur assidu de Chateaubriand.
Cependant, certaines pages qu’il a écrites et où il a mêlé son âme aux
spectacles de la nature, font penser, quand on les lit, à l’auteur du Génie
du Christianisme et des Mémoires d’outre tombe. Il y a dans telle des-
cription de l’incendie de la côte sud, et par exemple dans le tableau où
Pon voit Arché contemplant, du haut d’un rocher, les ruines du manoir;
il y a dans telles scènes qui se passent sur la grève ou dans les champs
de Saint-Jean-Port-Joli, ou encore au bord de la rivière des Trois-
Saumons, une grâce à la fois simple et ondoyante qui nous révêle chez
l’écrivain une âme toute sensible à la poésie des choses. C’est parfois une
toile assez large que peint M. de Gaspé, comme, par exemple, le décor
de bois et de caps qui encadre le manoir seigneurial, ou les spectacles
de notre grand fleuve quand il étale et fait miroiter sa splendeur aux
feux du soleil couchant; parfois aussi, c’est un simple coup de pinceau,
jeté en passant sur le fond mouvant du récit et de l’action, mais qui
suffit à le colorer, à l’illuminer et à le transformer. Voyez, par exemple,
comme il installe sous les sapins, les cèdres et les epinettes, pour le repas
du midi, les habitants de Saint-Jean qui sont venus au village et à
l’église passer la journée du vingt-quatre juin ;! ou encore, assistez le
soir, au pied d’un noyer et sous le rayon de lune qui se joue dans l’onde,
à l’entretien si grave de Jules avec M. d’Egmont.?
C’est aussi ce sentiment délicat de la nature, et cette fraîcheur
d'impression qu’elle lui donne, qui ont permis à M. de Gaspé de ra-
conter le façon si piquante, si originale et si vraie les scènes de vie
sauvage où se trouve un moment engagé le malheureux Arché. I] a
surtout prêté aux acteurs de ce petit drame, et en particulier au chef
indien, la Grand’-Loutre, le langage si imagé, si concret et si pittoresque
qui convient. C’est la nature qui parle par ces voix de la forêt, et M.
de Gaspé, habitué à l’entendre se révéler et chanter autour de lui, en a
facilement rendu l’harmonieuse expression.
* * *#
Il y a done dans ce livre, qui n’a pas la prétention d’être une œuvre
d'art, un art véritable qui s’ignore souvent, et qui s’affiche aussi parfois.
Mais inconscient ou voulu, il intéresse, séduit, attache le lec-
teur. On feuillette et parcourt avec grande curiosité et avidité le livre
des Anciens Canadiens; et, à se laisser prendre par cet enchantement
Page 165.
2Page 146.
{roy] ETUDE SUR ‘ LES ANCIENS CANADIENS ?’ 117
du vieux conteur, on constate une fois de plus comme il est possible que
Part véritable se moque parfois de l’art lui-même, tout comme lélo-
quence vraie, selon le mot de Pascal, se moque de léloquence.
Le public de 1863 apprécia comme il devait l’œuvre qu’on lui pré-
sentait. Les deux mille exemplaires de la première édition furent rapi-
dement enlevés, et dès 1864, on publiait une nouvelle édition de cinq
mille exemplaires. Le livre a eu depuis trois autres éditions, et il est
resté le roman le plus sympathique qu’il y ait dans notre littérature.
De Gaspé, qui avait si longtemps vécu dans la retraite et l’obs-
curité de son manoir, devint tout à coup l’un des plus illustres parmi
nos écrivains. Son nom passa sur toutes les lèvres. Les étudiants, qui
croyaient apercevoir dans le livre nouveau l’épopée populaire et natio-
nale qui hante l’imagination de tout lecteur d’Homère et de Virgile,
se disputaient le roman historique et merveilleux qui venait de paraître.
Les élèves du Collège de l’Assomption préparèrent un triomphe à lau-
teur des Anciens Canadiens. Au mois de juillet 1865, ils mirent à la
scène un drame tiré de l’œuvre de M. de Gaspé. M. de Gaspé fut invité
à cette fête littéraire, et y assista entouré de Maximilien Bibaud, du
docteur Meilleur, et de représentants des familles de Salaberry, de Beau-
jeu, et de Martigny. Le supérieur du Collège, M. Barret, présenta à la
jeunesse étudiante “ cet homme qui l’avait devancée de trois quarts de
siècle sur la route de la vie,” et il le lui montra comme “ Pexpression
vivante de l’antique noblesse de nos premières familles canadiennes.”
M. de Gaspé, tout ému des honneurs qui couronnaient sa vieillesse—
il avait alors soixante et dix-neuf ans—s’excusa de ne pouvoir que lire
une courte réponse à tous ces hommages. “J’ai peu d'espoir, dit-il à
ses jeunes admirateurs, de conserver longtemps le souvenir de votre
gracieuseté: le septuagénaire ne vit que pour la tombe la plus pro-
chaine, Mais quelque soit la durée de ma vie, elle aura l’effet de dis-
siper souvent les sombres nuages qui attristent, de temps à autre, lexis-
tence d’un vieillard. Les jeunes messieurs qui ont si bien joué le drame
dont le fond est tiré de mon ouvrage Les Anciens Canadiens, mont
transporté aux beaux jours de ma jeunesse, et m’ont fait vivre pendant
trois heures avec les amis que mon imagination avait créés.” *
Ces personnages qu'avait créés Pimagination de M. de Gaspé, avec
lesquels il lui plaisait tant de s’entretenir, sont encore bien vivants, et
ils réjouissent aujourd’hui et instruisent, comme il y a quarante ans,
les jeunes gens et tous les lecteurs qui les veulent connaître. M. de
Gaspé les a comparés, dans l’adieu qui termine son livre, à ces figures
2On peut consulter sur ce voyage de M. de Gaspé au Collège de l’As-
somption, une petite brochure publiée à l'imprimerie de la Minerve, Montréal,
1865, et intitulée: Biographie et oraison funèbre du Révd M. F. Labelle, et autres
uocuments relatifs à sa mémoire ainsi qu'à la visite de Philippe Aubert de Gaspé,
Ecr., au Collège de l'Assomption etc.
118 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
fantastiques que le jeune fils de Jules, Arché d’Haberville, assis un soir
au coin de la cheminée, voit se former, marcher, danser, monter, des-
cendre, et puis disparaitre dans la flamme mourante du brasier qui
s'éteint. Il craint que tous ces personnages fictifs qu’il a fait s’agiter
sous les yeux de ses contemporains ne disparaissent aussi, et bientôt,
avec celui qui les faisait mouvoir. Cette crainte, qui est l’effet d’une
extrême modestie, ne devait pas troubler lartiste, ni la paix de ses
soixante-quinze ans. Le roman de M. de Gaspé a survécu à son auteur;
ou plutôt, il a fait que M. de Gaspé lui-même n’est pas mort tout
entier. Avec les Mémories qui en sont une suite et un complé-
ment, il porte et il portera longtemps encore à tous ceux qui parmi nous
s'intéressent à la langue, à la littérature, à l’histoire et aux mœurs cana-
diennes le nom désormais impérissable de celui qui nous l’a donné
comme le fruit savoureux de son aimable vieillesse.
Section I., 1906. [119] Memorrss §, R. C.
VI.—La République d'Indian Stream.
Par MY 0F-J'AUTDET:
(Présenté par B. Sulte, et lu le 24 mai 1906.)
Tout le monde connait le Val d’Andorre, cette minuscule république
située sur le versant méridional des Pyrénées, entre la France dont elle
reconnait la suzeraineté, et l’Espagne dont elle relève au spirituel ;
se gouvernant elle-même au moyen d’un conseil élu annuelle-
ment. On pourrait faire plus d’un rapprochement entre ce
petit état et celui qui fait le sujet du présent travail. Situés tous deux
dans les montagnes, ils ont la même forme primitive de gouvernement
et à peu près la même superficie; mais ils diffèrent essentiellement
par leur origine. Tandis que le premier doit son indépendance à la
générosité de Charlemagne, vainqueur des Maures d’Espagne, qui voulut
ainsi reconnaître les services précieux que lui avait rendus un petit
peuple de braves, l’autre naquit au sein des troubles causés par l’igno-
rance des diplomates anglais et la subtilité des hommes d’Etat améri-
cains qui rédigèrent le célèbre traité de paix de 1783. Mais, plus
heureuse que sa sœur cadette d'Amérique, la république d’Andorre a
pu passer à travers les obstacles accumulés sur sa route par le temps,
les guerres et les révolutions européennes et conserver intacte son auto-
nomie jusqu’à nos jours.
Les quelques notes que nous avons recueillies et rassemblées sur
la république d’Indian Stream— qui n’a guère fait de bruit dans le
monde, mais dont la courte histoire a été néanmoins assez mouve-
mentée—suffiront, cnoyons-nous, quoique incomplète, pour donner une
idée exacte de ce que furent son origine, son développement et sa fin.
Elles nous montreront, une fois de plus, la coupable faiblesse dont a
invariablement fait preuve le gouvernement britannique, chaque fois
que les intérêts de notre pays se sont trouvés à traverser les desseins
ambitieux de nos puissants voisins. En effet, le territoire et les intérêts
du Canada commerciaux et autres, ont toujours été sacrifiés: témoin,
le récent arrangement survenu entre la Grande-Bretagne et les Etats-
Unis, au sujet des frontières de l’Alaska. Il faut espérer que le jour
nest pas trop éloigné où un homme d’Etat canadien réussira à obtenir
de l'Angleterre le droit pour le Canada de faire ses propres traités.
D’où vient ce nom d’Indian Stream (Ruisseau des Sauvages) donné
à cette partie du pays? L'histoire ne nous renseigne pas sur ce point;
mais ce nom évoque tout un monde de suppositions. Cette contrée
fut-elle jadis le théatre des exploits sanglants de quelque farouche tribu,
120 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
ou, tout simplement un endroit de chasse et de pêche; un lieu de pré-
dilection de pacifiques nemrods aborigènes, ou encore, un marché pour
Jes fourrures précieuses? C’est ce que nous ne saurions dire.
La république d’Indian Stream, bornée au sud-est par la rivière
Connecticut et le ruisseau dont elle portait le nom, et à l’ouest par
le ruisseau de Hall, était située dans le comté actuel de Coos, état du
New Hampshire, au nord de la ligne quarante-cinquième. Elle était
entourée de nombreux petits ruisseaux, tributaires de la rivière Con-
necticut.
Durant plus d’un demi-siècle, ce petit établissement a joué un rôle
assez important dans les négociations qui eurent lieu entre la Grande-
Bretagne et les Etats-Unis au sujet des frontières entre le Canada et
la république voisine. Il parait cependant être resté inconnu à nos
historiens.
Cette petite république doit-elle être regardée comme un état
indépendant ou comme une simple municipalité? Cette question nous
a été posée. Nous croyons pouvoir répondre que cette république était
bel et bien un état indépendant exerçant les fonctions souveraines. Les
actes des habitants de ce territoire ainsi que l'opinion du juge Fletcher
nous semblent confirmer pleinement cet avancé.
Les habitants d’Indian Stream se considéraient en effet comme une
nation neutre et se gouvernaient eux-mêmes. Leur gouvernement se
composait d’une conseil de cinq membres élus annuellement.
Le traité de Versailles, du 3 septembre 1783, par lequel la Grande-
Bretagne reconnut l'indépendance de ses anciennes colonies d’Amérique,
devait délimiter les frontières entre la nouvelle république et ce qui
restait des possessions britanniques sur ce continent. C’est ce qui fut
fait. Mais le manque de connaissances exactes des lieux, ainsi que le
peu de valeur que le gouvernement anglais d'alors semblait attacher aux
colonies; tandis que les hommes d’Htat américains paraissaient au
contraire, connaître les moindres détails de la géographie de
ces lieux, et étaient possédés d’un apre désir d’agrandir leur pays, furent
la cause de beaucoup d’embarras; et Angleterre finit par faire perdre
au Canada, une vaste portion de territoire qui alla augmenter la super-
ficie déjà immense des Etats-Unis.
Dès 1763, le gouvernement impérial avait impolitiquement détaché
de la province de Québec, pour les annexer à la province voisine de New
York, de grandes étendues de terre qu’il se trouva à perdre lors de la
reconnaissance de l’indépendance des Etats-Unis. Cette ligne de con-
duite avait sans doute été inspirée à l’Angleterre par le fait qu'elle ne
se sentait guère sûre de conserver sa nouvelle acquisition, tandis qu’elle
se trouvait bien chez elle à New York, et ne croyait pas en être délogée
[AUDET] LA REPUBLIQUE D’INDIAN STREAM 121
si tôt. Mais nous savons que ses prévisions ne se réalisèrent pas. Au
contraire, Angleterre perdit ses anciennes colonies et conserva le
Canada, grâce à la loyauté et à la bravoure dont firent preuve ses
nouveaux sujets, les Canadiens.
Voici en quels termes une partie de la frontière entre la province de
Québec et les états du Maine, du New Hampshire, du Vermont et de
New York fut décrite dans le traité de 1783 : “En suivant la hauteur des
terres qui divisent les rivières qui se jettent dans le Saint-Laurent de
celles qui tombent dans l’océan Atlantique, jusqu'aux sources les plus
nord-ouest de la rivière Connecticut, puis en prenant par le milieu de
cette rivière jusqu’à la ligne quarante-cinquiéme et suivant cette ligne
vers l’ouest, etc.” Cette description pouvait paraître assez explicite
à quiconque ne connaissait pas le pays, mais en réalité, elle était on ne
peut plus vague. Lequel des nombreux ruisseaux qui sillonnent cette
partie du pays était réellement la rivière Connecticut? Et, de toutes
ces sources, ces lacs, ces marais, desquels viennent ces ruisseaux, lequel
était véritablement la source la plus nord-ouest de cette rivière? C’était
là, on en conviendra volontiers, un problème difficile à résoudre pour les
diplomates anglais qui ne connaissait absolument rien de ce pays. Et,
d’ailleurs, il s’agissait bien de cela; le gouvernement britannique, qui
venait de laisser glisser entre ses doigts la moitié d’un continent, devait-
il daigner jeter un seul regard sur une si infime parcelle de ces “ quelques
arpents de neige ” que lui avait si bénévolement cédés quelques années
auparavan: son cousin le roi de France? Ne lui en resterait-il pas
suffisamment? Cela valait-il la peine d'occuper son attention, ne fût-ce
qu'un moment? Non, assurément. Cependant, ces questions d’un si
mince intérêt pour l’Angleterre agitaient certains esprits au Canada,
entre autres celui du juge John Fletcher de Sherbrooke, qui les posait,
dans une lettre en date du mois d'avril 1835, à Lord Aylmer, alors
gouverneur du Bas-Canada, et qu’il avouait ne pouvoir résoudre malgré
sa profonde connaissance de cette région.
“Vous n’ignorez pas, écrivait-il, qu’il existe depuis plusieurs années,
sur notre frontière sud-est, une espèce d'établissement extra-national,
généralement connu sous le nom d’Indian Stream Settlement, lequel,
comme beaucoup d’autres anomalies du même genre, est sorti des travaux
des diplomates qui ont préparé le célèbre traité de paix avec les Etats-
Unis en 1783. Je me rappelle avoir entendu parler de cette république,
il y a bien des années, et depuis longtemps, je me proposais d’aller rendre
visite à ses habitants, afin de me mettre au courant des choses et pouvoir
ainsi mieux faire mon devoir quant à ce qui regarde cette partie du pays;
mais mes nombreuses occupations ici, m'ont empêché de mettre ce projet
à exécution.
122 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
“Tl paraitrait maintenant, continuait-il, que la prospérité croissante
et la richesse de cette partie du pays ont depuis longtemps attiré d’atten-
tion du gouvernement de l’état voisin du New Hampshire. En consé-
quence, ils envoyèrent, il y a quelques années, un arpenteur afin de
déterminer quel était le point le plus nord-ouest d’où coulait un ruisseau
quelconque qui fut tributaire de la rivière Connecticut. Il ne pouvait,
naturellement, pensait-il, avoir aucune difficulté à prouver à notre
gouvernement que ce point devait être la source la plus nord-ouest de la
rivière Connecticut; et qu’un ruisseau prenant sa source à ce point,
quelque petit qu’il fut, ou quelque nom qu’il portât, fut réellement la
rivière Connecticut elle-même, qui devait, d’après les termes mêmes du
traité, constituer la frontière. Il paraîtrait que ce monsieur fut très
heureux dans ses recherches; ayant trouvé qu’en admettant qu’une des
sources d’un petit ruisseau qui se déverse dans la rivière Connecticut,
fut réellement la source de cette dernière, ils pourraient aïnsi agrandir
considérablement l’état du New Hampshire aux dépens du Bas-Canada ;
et les autorités constituées ont institué des poursuites pour sédition et
haute trahison contre certains habitants de la petite république pour
avoir osé mettre en doute leur suprématie sur une grande portion de
territoire qui avait, jusqu’à présent, été regardé par erreur et ignorance,
comme faisant partie du Bas-Canada.
“Un homme que je n’avais jamais vu ni connu, ajoutait M.
Fletcher, mais qui me parait avoir de bonnes manières et posséder une
bonne dose d'intelligence, est venu me voir samedi dernier, en sa qualité
de commissaire de l’Indian Stream Settlement, dont il est un des princi-
paux fonctionnaires. L/’objet de sa mission m’a paru être de demander
ma protection et, par mon entremise, celle des gouvernements canadien et
impérial, à propos de certaine invasion de leur territoire par le shérif
du comté voisin de Coos, laquelle a eu lieu, parait-il sous le prétexte
d'exécuter certaines poursuites criminelles contre des délinquants qui
refusaient de reconnaître la suprématie universelle des Etats-Unis; et
cette invasion menace, si elle est renouvelée, d’être la cause d’une effu-
sion de sang. La conséquence de cette mesure arbitraire a été que la
grande majorité de ces républicains sont devenus de trés dévoués et
loyaux sujets de Sa Majesté britannique; et qu’ils sont maintenant tout
a fait persuadés que la vraie riviére Connecticut est réellement celle dont
il est fait mention dans le traité de Paris, et qu’ils devraient être dé-
signés comme demeurant au nord de la frontière et du piquet de cèdre.
Je lui ai répondu que je soumettrais le cas à votre Excellence. ....
Je juge Fletcher transmettait en même temps, une pétition des
habitants de ce territoire, dans laquelle ils exposaient leurs griefs,
demandaient aide et protection, et reconnaissaient la juridiction du Bas-
Canada.
[AUDET] LA REPUBLIQUE D’INDIAN STREAM 123
Depuis longtemps le gouvernement de l’état du New Hampshire
réclamait ce territoire comme sien, et M. G. Sullivan, procureur du
comté de Coos, maintenait qu’il était sous la juridiction des cours de son
comté et soutenait que les officiers de ces cours étaient justifiables d’y
vouloir exercer leurs fonctions; d’un autre côté, le gouvernement du Bas-
Canada le réclamait également et l’avait fait arpenter en 1792, sous la
direction de Samuel Holland, arpenteur général de la province, qui
Pavait inclus dans le canton de Drayton.
Dans un rapport en date du 9 mars 1793, Holland faisait observer
au lieutenant-gouverneur, Alured Clarke, que l’idée de considérer le
ruisseau de Hall comme frontière au lieu de la rivière Connecticut, lui
paraissait être toute nouvelle ; et que le New Hampshire n’y avait pensé
que depuis peu, et il ajoutait : La frontière entre le Bas-Canada et cette
partie de l’ancienne province de New York appelée aujourd’huy
Vermont, telle que tracée par les autorités des deux provinces durant les
années 1772-73-74, traverse justement le ruisseau nommé Hall’s brook
et procède de là vers l’est jusqu’au bord du ruisseau qui a toujours porté
et porte encore le nom de rivière Connecticut. Cette rivière, d’après
ce que j’ai toujours entendu dire et compris, disait-il, a toujours été
considérée comme la frontière du New Hampshire.”
Cependant, et c’était là une grande faute de la part du gouverne-
ment du Bas-Canada; faute que les Américains ne manquèrent pas de
faire tourner à leur profit plus tard, en réclamant possession actuelle de ce
territoire; cependant, disons-nous, pour éviter les désagréments qui
auraient pu résulter du fait de l’établissement de colons dans cette
région, le gouvernement du Bas-Canada n’avait pas cru devoir y concéder
de terrains. Il arriva done ce qu’on aurait dû prévoir, c’est la popu-
lation de ce territoire fut composée de squatters, c’est-à-dire de gens sans
aveu, qui s'étaient établis la sans permission. Quelques-uns obtinrent,
quelques années plus tard, des titres des autorités du New Hampshire.
La date exacte à laquelle les premiers colons vinrent se fixer dans
cette région ne nous est pas connue, mais nous sommes porté à croire
que ce dut être vers l’année 1792, c’est-à-dire, à l’époque où le gouverne-
ment du Bas-Canada fit arpenter cette partie du pays. Depuis quelques
années déjà, les loyalistes américains, chassés de leurs foyers par la
révolution, affluaient dans les Cantons de l'Est, et les premiers habitants
de cette région furent probablement de ces réfugiés politiques.
Ce petit coin de pays était bien arrosé et conséquemment très propre
à la culture. De plus, n’étant soumis à aucune loi, il devint bientôt le
lieu de refuge d’un groupe hétérogène qui s’y établit sans façons. Mais,
la population augmentant, on s’aperçut bientôt que, quoique la liberté
absolue soit une belle chose en théorie, il n’en fallait pas moins sor-
ganiser et se donner une forme quelconque de gouvernement. On
124 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
nomma done, comme nous l’avons vu, un conseil d’administration er.
l’on donna au nouvel état le nom pompeux d’Indian Stream Republic.
Les nouveaux citoyens se partagèrent la terre et se livrèrent à la
culture. Ils devinrent bientôt assez nombreux. Au commencement de
l’année 1835, l’établissement d’Indian Stream contenait soixante et neuf
familles, composées de quatre cent quatorze habitants; et, il était très
prospere. Chaque chef de famille possédait cent acres de terre et il y
avait plus de quinze cents acres en culture.
Le pays se peuplait done peu a peu, la forét séculaire s’abattait sous
la hache du défricheur; de riches moissons s’épanouissaient sous l’effort
répété du colon, répandant partout le confort et le bien-être chez ces
hardis pionniers de la civilisation, qui s’étaient aventurés dans cette ré-
gion éloignée et privée de toute espèce de communications. Tout allait
bien: c’était l’âge d’or. Mais, avant d’en arriver là, quel courage il leur
avait fallu déployer ! Quelle somme énorme de durs travaux n’avaient-ils
pas dû exécuter! Ils avaient dû pénétrer à travers la forêt vierge;
s’exposer au froid, à la faim, aux privations de toutes sortes, avec, pour
toute richesse, une hache et quelques sacs de provisions qu’il leur avait
fallu transporter à dos de longues distances. Quel rôle sublime, quoique
effacé, que celui du colon, et pourtant combien peu apprécié !
La prospérité croissante du nouvel état excitait, depuis longtemps
déjà, la convoitise des Américains, qui se décidèrent enfin à s’emparer
de ce territoire. Or, qui veut la fin veut les moyens, dit-on, et les pré-
textes ne manquaient point.
Le 20 janvier 1835, William Smith, shérif adjoint du comté de
Coos, non seulement y saisissait des effets appartenant à des habitants
de l’endroit, mais il arrêtait même et emprisonnait à Lancaster, chef-
lieu de son comté, un des résidents, Æneas Rowell, sur la plainte d’un
nommé Luther Parker. Les habitants indignés de ce procédé arbitraire
protestèrent hautement contre cet acte qu’ils regardaient avec raison,
comme attentatoire à leur liberté et au privilège dont ils avaient joui
jusque là de se gouverner eux-mêmes. Mais, se sentant impuissants en
face de ce redoutable adversaire, ils se jetèrent dans les bras du gouverne-
ment canadien—entre deux maux,, ils choississaient le moindre—et
envoyèrent un de leur conseillers au juge Fletcher pour lui annoncer ce
qui venait d'arriver et lui demander aide et protection contre les envahis-
seurs, comme il le dit dans sa lettre.
Parker étant venu peu de temps après en Canada, il fut arrêté le
2 juillet et emprisonné à Sherbrooke, chef-lieu du district de Saint-
François.
Les élections annuelles de la petite république avaient eu lieu
comme à Vordinaire, le 9 mars 1835. Voici les noms des conseillers
[avper] LA REPUBLIQUE D’INDIAN STREAM 128
élus pour cette année: Richard J. Blanchard, Jeremiah Tabor, Burley
Blood, Abner Hyland et William White.
La nouvelle administration s’adressa au juge Fletcher et lui
demanda d’activer les négociations qui ne lui paraissaient avancer guère.
Le temps parait toujours long à qui attend dans l’anxiété.
Le 8 juin suivant, William Badger, gouverneur du New Hampshire,
réclamait dans son message à la législature, le droit de cet état d’exercer
juridiction sur toute l’étendue du territoire en dispute: “ Premièrement
parce que, disait-il, ce territoire est en deca de la frontière fixée par le
traité de 1783,” et il citait à l’appui de ses prétentions, les mots mêmes
du traité et référait à certaines lettres patentes concédant des terres à
différentes personnes; ainsi qu'à la proclamation du souverain anglais
décrivant les frontières du Canada, après la cession, en 1763; “ laquelle,
ajoutait-il, nous donnerait même droit à plus que ce que nous
demandons.” “Deuxièmement, nous réclamons possession actuelle du
territoire en question depuis 1783.” Il essaie ensuite de démontrer
quelle est la source la plus nord-ouest de la rivière Connecticut, en
référant à un rapport d’une commission de la législature du New Hamp-
shire, en date du 6 janvier 1790, laquelle avait été nommée pour
délimiter la frontière entre cet état et le Bas-Canada. Il citait encore
le fait qu'une résolution avait été passée par son gouvernement en 1820,
autorisant le procureur général à instituer des poursuites contre toute
personne qui s’établirait illégalement sur les terres de cet état, et qu’en
conséquence de cette mesure, un résident du territoire en litige avait été
ainsi poursuivi. Il mentionnait encore un autre rapport d’une commis-
sion de la législature, du mois de décembre 1824, se rapportant à ce
sujet.
On voit que les autorités américaines s’étaient préparées de longue
main au conflit qui devait inévitablement surgir un jour ou l’autre, entre
les deux pays, au sujet de ce territoire; tandis que les gouvernements
canadien et impérial semblaient plongés dans un profond sommeil,
s’inquiétant peu ou point du lendemain.
Cependant, les évènements se précipitaient et le gouvernement cana-
dien dut bientôt sortir de sa léthargie. Le réveil fut brusque, le rève fit
place à la sombre réalité.
Le 12 octobre de cette année (1835), un nommé John H. Tyler,
résident du canton Hereford, voisin de celui de Drayton, étant allé dans
ce, dernier canton, fut arrêté pour dette set on essaya de Pemmener prison-
mer dans le New Hampshire, mais il s’échappa. Le juge de paix Alex-
ander Rea, à qui Tyler avait porté plainte, émana un mandat d’arrêt
contre ses assaillants: William Smith et John Milton Harvey, de
Colebrook, N.H., et Richard J. Blanchard de Drayton. Zaccheus
Clough, Pofficier chargé d’exécuter ce mandat ayant, avec l’aide d’un
126 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
assistant, arrêté Blanchard le 22 du même mois, à Hereford, s’en reve-
nait avec son prisonnier a la résidence de M. Rea, lorsque soudain, arrivé
a quelques pas de son but, il fut attaqué par une dizaine d’individus
armés, qui se jetèrent sur lui et sur son assistant, leur enlevèrent le
prisonnier et se préparaient à l’emmener avec eux, lorsque M. Rea, attiré
par le bruit et les cris, vint s’enquérir de la cause de ce tapage. Voyant
ce qui se passait, il ordonna aux amis de Blanchard de lui remettre le
prisonnier, puis de se disperser et de s’en retourner paisiblement chez
eux. A ces mots, les bandits ne se possédant plus de rage, se ruérent
sur le magistrat, le terrassérent, puis le jetant dans une voiture, ils
l'emmenèrent à Canaan’s Corner, dans l’état du Vermont, et ne le
relachérent qu’au bout de quelques jours, après lui avoir fait subir toutes
sortes de mauvais traitements. Durant la bagarre, un coup de feu à
adresse de M. Rea, blessa un nommé Bernard Young à la cuisse. Ce
dernier reçut aussi un coup de sabre en voulant défendre le magistrat.
L’offense était grave. On ne s’attaquait plus simplement aux
habitants d’un territoire en litige; un magistrat dans l'exercice de ses
fonctions avait été brutalement assailli et roué de coups, puis trainé en
captivité dans un pays étranger. On avait même attenté à ses jours en
déchargeant sur lui une arme à feu.
Le gouverneur, averti de la chose par MM. Moore et Gugy, députés
du comté de Sherbrooke à l’Assemblée législative, s’émut et nomma
immédiatement une commission d’enquête. Les commissaires se mirent
tout de suite à la besogne et firent rapport en janvier 1836; ils consta-
tèrent que les plaintes qui avaient été portées par les deux membres ci-
haut nommés étaient bien fondées.
De nombreux échanges de correspondances et de documents eurent
lieu entre les gouvernements du Bas-Canada et du New Hampshire, mais
cela n’ayant abouti à rien, la question fut enfin soumise par Lord Aylmer
ambassadeur, des réclamations au gouvernement central à Washington.
aux autorités impériales qui adressèrent, par l'entremise de leur
ambassadeur, des réclamations au gouvernement central à Washington.
Cependant, ces pourparlers traînaient en longueur et rien ne se
décidait. Les habitants d’Indian Stream, toujours menacés par les
autorités du New Hampshire, et en butte aux incessantes tracasseries des
fonctionnaires du comté de Coos, ne se voyant pas secourus par le
gouvernement anglais, finirent par perdre courage. Les uns quittèrent
cette région devenue si inhospitalière, les autres décidèrent, pour éviter
une plus grande effusion de sang, de reporter leur dévouement et leur
loyauté à la république américaine, et le 5 août, ils annoncaient au juge
Fletcher qu’ils reconnaissaient désormais la juridiction du New
Hampshire.
[AUDET ] LE REPUBLIQUE D’INDIAN STREAM 127
Le gouvernement britannique abandonna définitivement ses droits à
ce territoire par le traité Ashburton, signé à Washington, le 9 août 1842.
“Par ce traité, dit M. Louis P. Turcotte, dans son Histoire du
Canada sous l'Union, l'Angleterre cédait des millions d’acres de terre qui
appartenaient incontestablement au Canada et au Nouveau-Brunswick.
Elle abandonnait dans la vallée de la Madawaska, plus de deux mille
Canadiens-français et Acadiens, qui auraient préféré continuer vivre sous
la constitution anglaise.”
REGLEMENTS
DE LA
SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
1. But de la Société.
Le but de la société est expliqué comme suit dans son acte d’incor-
porations: “lo encourager les études et recherches littéraires et scien-
tifiques ; 20 publier des bulletins annuels, ou semi-annuels, contenant les
extraits des procès-verbaux de ses réunions, les relations des travaux
accomplis, ainsi que les études et mémoires de mérite, et autres docu-
ments qui pourront être jugés dignes de publication; 30 offrir des ré-
compenses ou prix pour des études ou écrits sur des sujets se rattachant
au Canada, et aider les recherches déjà commencées et poursuivies au
point qu’elles auront plus tard une valeur probable; 40 aider à la col-
lection de spécimens dans le but de former un musée canadien d’archives,
@ethnologie, d'archéologie et d’histoire naturelle.”
2. Le nom.
Avec la gracieuse permission de Sa Majesté la reine Victoria, la
société porte le nom de “ Société Royale du Canada” et ses membres
sont désignés comme “ Membres de la Société Royale du Canada.”
3. Président honoraire et patron.
Son Excellence le gouverneur général est président honoraire et
patron de la Sociéte.
4. Divisions par sections (telles que définies en 1905).
La Société se compose de quatre sections :—
1. Littérature francaise, Histoire, Archéologie et sujets conjoints.
2. Littérature anglaise, Histoire, Archéologie et sujets conjoints.
3. Science des Mathématiques, de la Chimie et de la Physique.
4. Sciences Géologiques et Biologiques.
Les sections peuvent s’assembler séparément pour l’examen et la
discussion des études soumises, de même que pour les affaires, à tels
temps et lieu fixés par elles, sous le contrôle du conseil.
Dans l'intervalle des réunions, les papiers qui doivent paraître sans
retard, peuvent être soumis à l’une ou l’autre section et discutés par
correspondance entre les membres de la section intéressée, de la manière
et sous les conditions ci-après indiquées.
2 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA
5. Officiers.
Les officiers de la Société sont un président, un vice-president, un
secrétaire honoraire et un trésorier, élus par la société réunie. Chaque
section élit son président, vice-président et secrétaire. Les élections :
sont annuelles.
Le Conseil de la Société se compose des officiers ainsi élus et des
ex-présidents, durant trois années, à partir de la date de leur sortie de
la présidence; en outre, tels anciens membres du Conseil, ne dépassant
pas le nombre de quatre, choisis par le Conseil même. Les anciens
membres ainsi nommés, restent en fonctions durant trois années et ensuite
jusqu’à ce qu’on les remplace.
6. Les Membres (article modifié en 1899 et 1900).
Les membres doivent résider en Canada ou à Terreneuve; il faut
qu'ils aient publié des ouvrages originaux ou des mémoires de valeur
ou qu’ils aient rendu des services éminents à la littérature ou aux
sciences,
Le nombre des membres de chaque section est, en général, limité
à vingt-cinq mais peut aller jusqu’à trente, selon le désir de la section
et d’après la manière indiquée ci-après. Les candidatures pour remplir
les sièges vides sont reçues en tout temps par écrit signé de trois mem-
bres de la section et ces papiers sont à la garde du secrétaire honoraire
qui en tient record. Lorsqu'il se déclare une vacance, le secrétaire
honoraire en donne avis aux membres de la section et transmet à chacun
d’eux une liste imprimée des candidats qui sont sur les rangs, et ce le
quinze du mois de mars précédant la réunion annuelle ou assemblée
générale de la Société. Chaque membre place une croix vis-à-vis le nom’
du candidat de son choix et renvoye le papier au secrétaire honoraire,
qui en fait rapport au Conseil avant la réunion générale annuelle de la
Société. Le Conseil soumet à la Société le nom du candidat qui a obtenu
la majorité de la section. il n’y a pas de majorité, le Conseil peut
choisir parmi les candidats celui ou ceux qui ont le plus de votes en
leur faveur et en donner avis aux membres de la section, au moins un
mois avant la réunion annuelle où les élections peuvent avoir lieu en
prenant le vote des membres présents, sinon, le sujet est référé de nou-
veau à la section intéressée pour choisir parmi les candidats en nomina-
tion, afin de recommander ceux-ei à la Société, qui fait l'élection. La
section doit soumettre ce choix le premier jour de l’assemblée annuelle,
à 2 hrs 30 p.m., s’il n’est pas ordonné autrement par la Société. S’il y
a plus d’une vacance chacune doit être traitée séparément.
Chaque section a le pouvoir d’augmenter le nombre de ses membres
par un ou deux annuellement. La nomination de ces candidats se fait
STATUTS ET REGLEMENTS 3
de la maniére ordinaire, mais chaque membre de la section a la faculté
de voter absolument contre l’élection d’un membre additionnel; et si
la majorité des voix se trouve opposée à l’élection additionnelle, telle
élection n’aura pas lieu cette année. Le présent article cessera d’avoir
son effet dès que le nombre des membres d’aucune section sera de trente.
7. Devoirs des Membres.
Les membres doivent signer les règlements de la Société, doivent
être présentés par le président à la Société en séance générale; doivent
assister aux réunions générales ou faire connaître le motif de leur ab-
sence au secrétaire honoraire; doivent payer une contribution annuelle
de $2, ou la somme de $20 en un seul paiement pour toute la vie. Ces
contributions donnent droit 4 un exemplaire du bulletin annuel de la
Société.
Tout membre peut se retirer de la Société. Sur la recommandation
du Conseil, et par une résolution de la Société en session générale, un
membre qui se retire peut étre placé sur la liste des retraités conservant
leur titre de membre.
Tout membre qui sera trois ans consécutifs absent des assemblées
et sans présenter de travail, ni donner par écrit des raisons satisfai-
santes a la Société, sera considéré comme démissionnaire.
8. Membres correspondants.
La Société peut élire au scrutin, sur la proposition de trois mem-
bres, ou sur la recommandation du Conseil, des membres correspondants
qui ne résident point en Canada. Ces personnes doivent avoir acquis
une éminence en littérature ou en science et ceci doit être démontré à
la Société au moment de la recommandation. Le nombre des membres
correspondants est limité a seize.
Sous cette régle 8, il a été décidé, en mai 1884, que chaque section
aura quatre membres correspondants, et que leurs noms, les noms de
ceux qui les proposent, et les raisons données par écrit, seront portés à
la connaissance de la Société par l’entremise du secrétaire honoraire, au
moins une journée avant le scrutin pour l’élection de chaque membre
correspondant.
9. Assemblées.
La Société tient une assemblée annuelle dans une ville du Canada
choisie de temps à autre pour cet objet. A l’une de ces assemblées on
peut décider de tenir d’autres réunions dans le cours de l’année. Tas-
semblée annuelle a lieu selon la date fixée par l’assemblée précédente et,
à son défaut, le Conseil détermine cette date. Les bureaux de la Société
4 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
seront à Ottawa, et ses assemblées auront lieu dans cette ville, à moins
de décision contraire.
10. Ouvrages présentés (article modifié en 1905).
I.—Le titre de tout manuscrit, mémoire ou travail quelconque qu’un
membre se propose de lire à une réunion de la Société, doit être soumis,
avec un résumé de son contenu, au Conseil, par le moyen du secrétaire
honoraire, avant l’assemblée en question. Ceci étant fait et approuvé,
la communication dont il s’agit est référée à la section dont elle ressort,
où elle est lue et discutée, soumise à un comité de la même section et,
sur rapport de ce comité, elle peut être recommandée au Conseil pour
publication, soit dans son entier ou par extraits, dans les bulletins de
la Société.
IT.—Le titre de tout manuscrit, mémoire ou travail quelconque
qu’un, membre se propose de discuter par voie de correspondance, avec
un résumé de son contenu, peut, sous l’article 4, être renvoyé au secré-
taire de la section à laquelle il appartient, en aucun temps entre deux
assemblées. Si le secrétaire de la section (se faisant assister s’il le dé4
sire) décide que la publication immédiate est chose importante, et si la
section a assez de fonds disponibles pour cet objet, le manuscrit au com-
plet, dès qu’il est reçu, doit être composé par les typographes de la
Société, avec la date de sa réception très visiblement indiquée; et un
exemplaire ainsi imprimé est envoyé à chaque membre de la section.
Un certain nombre d’exemplaires sont donnés à l’auteur. Tous ces
papiers sont publiés sous la forme et le titre déterminés par le Conseil,
avec un en-tête expliquant qu’ils sont soumis à la discussion des membres
de la section, sujet à revision, et que la Société n’est pas responsable de
leur contenu.
La somme d’argent accordée à une section pour cet objet est fixée,
de temps à autre, par le Conseil.
Les papiers ainsi référés à une section pour être discutés par cor-
respondance seront, lors de la prochaine assemblée annuelle, soumis de
nouveau à la section pour plus ample discussion, si on le désire, et ils
sont traités d’après la procédure (article I.) nécessaire avant que d’être
insérés dans le bulletin.
III.—Les écrits des personnes qui ne sont pas membres de la So-
ciété peuvent être soumis par les membres sous les mêmes conditions
que pour leurs propres ouvrages.
11. Sociétés associées.
Toute société littéraire ou scientifique du Canada choisie par un
vote de la Société, est invitée au moyen d’une circulaire du secrétaire
r
STATUTS ET REGLEMENTS 8
honoraire 4 désigner annuellement, un de ses membres comme délégué
à la réunion de la Société et ce délégué, durant son terme comme tel,
a le privilége de prendre part aux séances générales ou celles des sections,
pour lire et discuter des travaux; et il doit pouvoir fournir un court
aperçu des ouvrages accomplis et des études publiées durant l’année
par sa société; aussi faire rapport sur toute matière où la Société Royale
peut être utile par ses publications ou autrement.
12. Circulation du Bulletin.
Des exemplaires du bulletin de la Société sont distribués comme
suit :—
A tout membre qui a payé sa contribution.
A toute société associée.
Telles sociétés étrangères choisies par le Conseil.
Les lieutenants-gouverneurs des provinces du Canada et celui de
Terreneuve.
Les membres du Conseil Privé du Canada.
Le juge en chef et les juges du la Cour Supréme du Canada.
Les présidents du Sénat et de la Chambre des Communes.
Le juge en chef de chaque province.
Le premier ministre de chaque province.
Le président de la législature de chaque province.
Le ministre ou le surintendant de l’instruction publique de chaque
province.
Les universités, la bibliothèque du parlement et les bibliothèques
des législatures provinciales.
=
13. Devoirs du Conseil.
Le Conseil administre toutes les affaires de la Société dans l’in-
tervalle des assemblées et fait les arrangements nécessaires pour ces as-
semblées. Il s’assemble sur convocation du président. Trois membres
forment quorum.
Le Conseil soumet un rapport de ses actes à chaque réunion de la
Société pour son approbation.
Le Conseil a la garde et l’administration de tout argent, contri-
butions et autres propriétés de la Société, sujet à la sanction de ses actes,
comme il est dit ci-dessus.
En l’absence du président et du vice-président, le Conseil peut
_ nommer un président temporaire et, dans le cas où la charge de secré-
taire honoraire ou celle du trésorier deviendrait vacante, il peut nommer
un secrétaire ou un trésorier en attendant la prochaine réunion de la
Société.
6 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA
14. Devoirs du Secrétaire honoraire.
Le secrétaire honoraire tient les registres de la Société et du Con-
seil et conduit leur correspondance; il reçoit et enregistre les nominations
de membres et officiers des sections; est gardien des listes et minutes de
la Société, et, avec l’avis du président, doit s’occuper de toute affaire
qui survient dans l’intervalle des sessions. Il peut, avec le consentement
du Conseil, déléguer aucune partie de ses devoirs à un assistant payé et
nommé par le Conseil.
15. Devoirs du trésorier. \
Le trésorier a la garde de l’argent de la Société, en tient compte et
soumet le tout au Conseil lors de ses réunions; il reçoit les souscriptions,
les dons et cadeaux et fait les déboursés autorisés par le Conseil.
16. Adresses et rapports spéciaux.
IL est du devoir du président et, s’il en est empêché, du vice-prési-
dent, de préparer une adresse pour chaque assemblée annuelle.
Il est du devoir du président de chaque section et, s’il en est em-
pêché, du vice-président, de préparer une adresse traitant de ce qui
concerne spécialement sa section pour chaque assemblée annuelle.
La Société en session générale, ou toute section, du consentement de
la Société, peut nommer des comités pour préparer des rapports sur
‘aucun sujet spécial de littérature ou de science, ou sur les progrès de
la littérature et des sciences, ou sur des ouvrages publiés en Canada, et
proposer les mentions d’honneur qui paraissent désirables dans le cas
d’ouvrages de mérite ou de recherches dignes d’attention.
17. Lecture des travaux.
I.—Les représentants de chaque section dans le Conseil sont juges
des travaux qui doivent être acceptés ou refusés, Aucun travail n’est lu
dans les sections, à l’assemblée générale, à moins qu’il n’ait été présenté,
soit dans son entier, soit par extraits, avant les dernières trois semaines
et régulièrement accepté par le Conseil, selon Particle 10 de ce règle-
ment, autrement il faut la permission spéciale du Conseil. La publica-
tion d’aucun papier non reçu de cette manière après lecture ou présenta-
tion à la Société, peut être refusée par celle-ci.
II.—Aucun papier déjà publié n’est accepté par la Société, sauf
dans les cas où il aurait été entièrement refondu.
III.—Un programme renfermant les titres des papiers qui seront
lus est imprimé et envoyé à tous les membres de la Société au moins
une semaine avant la session.
STATUTS ET REGLEMENTS 7
IV.—I] est du devoir du secrétaire de chaque section de préparer
avant chaque jour de la session une liste des papiers qui seront présentés
à la section, avec les noms des auteurs et le temps requis pour leur lec-
ture. Ces listes sont imprimées et rendues publiques chaque matin avant
Vheure fixée pour la réunion.
18. Publication des travaux.
I.—L’auteur doit revoir son manuscrit après la lecture, pour l’en-
voyer à l’imprimeur. :
II.—La première épreuve en galée est envoyée à l’auteur, aussi une
revise en galée.
III.—La matière est alors mise en page et une épreuve envoyée au
secrétaire de la section à laquelle l’ouvrage appartient, et il signe cette
épreuve après l’avoir corrigée. Si l’auteur le demande, il peut voir
l’épreuve mise en page.
IV.—Le président du comité d'impression, ou son remplaçant, signe
le bon à tirer. Il voit à l’uniformité des en-tétes et du caractère em-
ployé.
V.—Si les auteurs doivent s’absenter pour aller dans des lieux tels
qu’il résultera des délais de leur éloignement, il doivent désigner la per-
sonne qui lira leurs épreuves, sans quoi le secrétaire de la section sera
responsable de cette lecture et des corrections.
‘VI.—Si, par suite de l’absence de l’auteur, l’épreuve n’est pas lue
par lui, et s’il n’a nommé personne comme substitut, et si le secrétaire
refuse de la lire, le comité d'impression ne retardera pas la publication
du volume jusqu’au retour de l’auteur, mais laissera le papier de côté.
VII.—Toute pièce en langue française sera lue, pour les fins pure-
ment littéraires, par un correcteur d’épreuve expérimenté et familier
avec l’usage actuel de la langue en France.
19. Amendements à la constitution et aux règlements (adoptés en
1893).
Les membres qui ont des motions à proposer pour changement à la
constitution ou aux réglements de la Société, doivent en donner avis un
mois avant l’assemblée générale, et le secrétaire prépare une liste im-
primée de tels avis pour la soumettre aux membres le premier jour de
la session.
Aucune régle ni réglement de la Société ne doit étre suspendu sans
le consentement des deux tiers des membres présents à l’assemblée.
meoy Al SOCIETY OF CANADA
ENS AO Liens
SE CLION It:
ENGLISH HISTORY, LITERATURE, ARCH HZOLOGY, Erc.
PAPERS FOR) 1906
Sgcrion II., 1906. [3 | Trans. R. S. C.
[.—A dditions and Corrections to Monographs on the Place-nomenclature,
Cartography, Historic Sites, Boundaries and Settlement-
origins of the Province of New Brunswick.
(Contributions to the History of New Brunswick, No. 7.)
By W. F..Ganone, MA. Pu.D.
(Communicated by Dr. S. E. Dawson.)
I—Additions and Corrections to the Plan for a General History of New
Brunswick.
Il.— Additions and Corrections to the Monograph on Place-nomenclature.
III—Additions and Corrections to the Monograph on Cartography.
IV.— Additions and Corrections to the Monograph on Historic Sites.
V.—Additions and Corrections to the Monoetapl on Evolution of Boundaries.
VI—Additions and Corrections to the Monograph on Settlement-Origins.
Title-page and Contents to the series.
The five monographs of this series were designed to cover the
historical geography of New Brunswick, and in plan at least they
de so. The organization given the respective subjects by their publica-
tion has had the result not only of directing my own studies further,
but also of bringing much additional information from correspondents.
Thus a large amount of new material and some corrections have come
into my hands, and it is the object of this work to present them, and
in such a way that all items may be referred to their proper places
in the respective monographs. A title-page, preface and table of
contents to the entire series is added at the end of this paper.
2 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
1. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS TO THE PLAN FOR A
GENERAL HISTORY OF NEW BRUNSWICK.
To this first paper of the series I have little here to add. I would
call the third period of our history The Acadian (rather than the
French) Period. I have been unjust in my comments (on page 98)
upon existent works dealing with New Brunswick Indians, which I
meant to describe as inadequate. And I hope now to carry out in full
the plan outlined in this paper.
IJ. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS TO THE MONOGRAPH
ON PLACE-NOMENCLATURE.
The figures prefixed refer in all cases to the pages of the originai
monograph.
181. The discussion of the methods 0. origin of place-names, on
this page, is incomplete. A fuller list of methods is given by Johnson
in his article on place names in Canada, in “ Canada, an Encyclopedia,”
1897, Vol. I. <A thorough study of the origin of place-names is a
study in psychological philology, a subject which will receive more
study in the future than it does at present.
In general it may be said that place-names originate in one or the
other of four somewhat distinct ways. First, they are repetitive of
earlier or aboriginal names, adopted for convenience usually without
question of their significance. Second, they are descriptive, either of a
physical peculiarity, of resemblance to a familiar object, of geographical
location, of an associated person or event, or of ownership. To this
class belong the great majority of place-names, including practically all
those of aboriginal or unlettered peoples, as will be found illustrated
later, under page 211. They are never given deliberately, but arise
as descriptive phrases, which by repetition become transformed into
proper names. Third, they are commemorative and deliberately chosen
to honour some person (saint, king, patron, official), or to recall
some place. Such names never arise naturally, but are given by persons
in authority, explorers, rulers or legislators, and are more frequently
applied to artificial than to natural geographical features or divisions.
Fourth, they are associative, or suggestive of some fanciful or senti-
mental feeling, legend, or idea, or of good omen. Found to a slight
extent among the names given by simple peoples, they reach their
highest development where there is a deliberate striving for effect in
rames, as at pleasure resorts.
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 5
Place-nomenclature.
A striking fact about most commemorative names is their failure
to commemorate. Innumerable names are given, especially in new
countries like New Brunswick, to honour some individual. The great
majority of our parish names have thus originated. But almost in-
variably no record is made of the reason for the name, its origin is
speedily forgotten, it is used by millions of people with no thought of
its significance, and it is only finally by the laborious search of some
antiquarian that its significance becomes known to him and his little
circle of fellow students.
184. Of changes in place-names caused by mis-prints on maps we
have several in New Brunswick. Thus, the name Mascabin Point (in
Charlotte) is, I have no doubt, simply a misprint for Mascarin (a form
for Mascareen) Point; the new form is not known locally except that, be-
ing on the charts, it is known to some captains in that vicinity. Again, a
branch of the Little South-West Miramichi is called on some maps Mainor
Lake Brook; but I find by comparison with the originals in the Crown
Land Office that this should read Main or Lake, Brook being named
for a lumberman, one Main. But a very striking case occurs in the
the name Upsalquitch. This form, though universal on maps and
in such literature of the region as exists, is not used locally, for
the river is called by guides, lumberman and others who use it
Absetquetch or some similar form of this word. I find, as I have shown
in the Bulletin of the Natural History Society of N. B., V. 180, that
the word was written Upsatquitch on Van Veldens’s original survey
map of the river, but was copied with a misprint of / for ¢, giving us
the present form Upsalquitch upon Purdy’s printed map of 1814
which has been followed by all others down to the present day, thus
establishing a literary as distinct from a local form. Again the map-
name Belas Basin, at Lepreau, has no doubt been formed, as later noted,
by an accidental map-combination of two separate words.
The persistence of these forms by the way, shows the great effect
of publication in giving stability to place names, and another illus-
tration of the same principle is seen in the survival of St. John and
St. Croix, much-printed names in early times, which are among the few
European names which have been able to displace the native names
on our rivers. All humanity has a reverence for that which is in print
and attributes to a printed statement an authority it only rarely merits.
185. Another danger to be guarded against in seeking the origin
of place-names, is the acceptance of a folk-etymology, based upon the
accidental resemblance of the name to some striking word or phrase.
Such explanations are of all degrees from plausible to absurd, and a
8 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
great many of them are current in New Brunswick. Thus, to take
those of most dignity, Shepody is locally believed to be derived from
Chapeau Dieu, God’s hat, in allusion to Shepody mountain. T'etagouche
is supposed to be corruption of Téte-a-gauche, explained by a story to
the effect that its first explorers found it heading unexpectedly “ te
the left” as they ascended it. Yet we know that both of these words
are of Indian origin. Again T'ormentine is said locally to be named for
the torments suffered through mosquitoes, etc., by its first settlers, and
Midgic similarly for torments of midgets. Again, Pointe de Bute is
locally said to be altered from Point of Boat, name of a ferry once
there. Yet we know the origins of these words were very different.
Again, it is sometimes thought, (especially by those who have come to
know that place-names undergo much change) that some names of very
obvious origin have arisen in some more complex manner. Thus Devil’s
Head on the St. Croix (in Maine) is locally explained by some as
tightly Duval’s Head, from a former resident, and by others as
Dorville’s Head (for a companion of Champlain). Yet there is every
evidence that it really originated in its present form. Of a somewha:
different nature are the origins attributed to Indian and other strange
names. ‘Thus, I have seen Quaco explained in a newspaper as from
a phrase uttered in irritation by an Indian maiden disturbed by the
noise of wild ducks, “hush, don’t quack so”; two or three corre-
spondents write me that Portobello is locally explained as the result
of the loud halloing of a man named Porter when lost in the woods, as
reported by an Indian who said “ Porter Bellow”; another corre-
spondent tells me Nauwigewauk is locally explained as the expression
of an Indian whose wearied squaw had been allowed to rest there for
a time,—‘ now would ye walk”; Kennebecasis is often explained, even
in print, as result of the expression of two travellers lost on the river
in a snowstorm, who saw a tavern on the bank, which they thought they
knew, and one asked the other, “Can it be Cases?” Again Tryon
Settlement, in Charlotte, is stated to have been named when it was new
by a traveller who approached it at night and asked for lodging, and
was told to “try on,” and received the same reply at each. And there
are, no doubt, many others. Yet in most, if not all, these cases,
we know the true origin, which is very different. Originally, no doubt,
1In the same spirit, though in different form is the “legend” of the
origin of the name Tobique, locally explained as extended from Tobique Rocks
(below the mouth of that river), which name, in turn, arose thus: an
Indian and the Devil were throwing these rocks to see which could throw
the farthest, and the Indian in his ardour having stepped over the proper
mark, the Devil exclaimed, “ toe-back.”
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 7
Place-nomenclature.
these explanations were given in jest, and are so repeated by the more
intelligent residents, but by others they are half, and by many wholly,
believed. Man has some. little desire for explanations of odd things,
but only to such an extent that any plausible explanation is sufficient
tis but rarely that the desire is strong enough to seek not only an
explanation but proof of its correctness, a psychological peculiarity
by no means confined to matters of place-nomenclature.
A very interesting case of the origination of a place-name, all stages
of which have fallen within my own knowledge is De Monts, on the St.
Croix, as recorded in these Transactions, VIII, 1902, 11, 145.
186. In the investigation of the origin of place-names one must
be constantly on guard against deceptive coincidences, the more
especially as it is through coincidences only that many origins are
elucidated. Several misleading coincidences occur in New Brunswick,
and the student, did he not know from other evidence the true origin,
wculd naturally be led to a wrong conclusion. Thus on the Tobique
is an important mountain called Blue Mountain, and just below it
lives a family named Blue: did we not know that the former name was
given long before the settlement of the river (it is on a map of 1830),
we would infer that the mountain took its name from this family of
near-by residents. Again, there is in Queens County (the south-western
corner) a Queen’s Brook, which we would infer was named from the
country; but we know that it is named from one Queen or Quinn
through whose land it runs. Again, Hampstead is known to have
been named by Loyalists for Hempstead, Long Isiand, N.Y.; opposite
is a Long Island which has been supposed to have been so named for
Long Island, N. Y.; yet the records show that this island bore that
name twenty years before the Revolution closed. Again, one Burt
had a grant in the parish of Burton in 1785, and we might infer that
the parish was named for him, did we not know that it was named
much earlier for another man. Again, the leading family which
settled Cocagne was named Gueguen, a name having many varients
such as Gogain, etc.; the latter form comes close to Cocain, one of the
variants of Cocagne, and did we not know that Cocagne was given by
Denys in 1672, we would naturally infer that it was derived from
this leading family of earliest settlers. Again, in Prince William
Parish, settled by the King’s American Dragoons, is a Lake George;
it is a natural inference that this name was given in honour of King
George III, yet we have perfect evidence that it was named for an early
resident. Bonny River, would naturally be taken as a name descriptive
of an attractive stream, but we know it is named for a resident.
8 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
187. To the list of Indian names in actual use should be added,
in Maliseet Terriority, Pekonk Hull, Nalleguagus Rapid, Slugundy
Rapids, while Tanty-Wanty and Poodiac are imported. In Passama-
quoddy territory, Ailmaquac, Ponwauk, Slugundy and Wauklehegan.
In Micmac Territory Allabanket, Guagus, Cowassiget, Pisiguit, Malpec,
Onlockywicket, Bittabock, Kewadu, probably Monash and Paunchy and
possibly Sheephouse and the hybrid, Long Lookum, while Antinouri,
Sabbies and Waugh are to be removed from the list. Pascobac and
Medisco persist as the names of school districts.
189. To the list of rivers named for Indian chiefs or hunters
should be added probably Calamingo, Pemwit, Nicholas, Grand John,
La Coote and Jacques, or Jacquo, an old name of the Aroostook.
197. Add to the list of names of the French period, Enaud Point,
HaHa River, Terreo Lake, Ruisseau la Chaloupe, Ruisseau des Mal-
contents, Savage Island, Roshea, probably St. Tooley, and no doubt
many other French names, though no record is extant of such early
use.
200. Add to the list of names of the New England Period, Marsh
Creek, Middle Island, Burpees Brook, Mosquito Cove, Darlings Island,
Kalmarnock Head, Crockers Isiand, Crooked Creek, Black Brook.
207. The account of the romenclature here given is entirely
superseded by the reference given later under Mahood Lakes and
Inglewood.
209. The list of topographical terms here given is superseded by
a later and better published in the Hducational Review XIII, 146.
Following are the more important additions to the latter list, excluding
Acadian terms which I hope to treat separately ;
Arm.—Used on Grand Lake for its branches “ Northwest arm,”
ete.
Beach.—Used along the North Shore not in the usual sense, but
for the long sandy islands and peninsulas of sand so prevalent in that
region.
Bluff.—Used in Kings County for a bare rocky cliff.
Foot.—For the lower end of a lake.
Hollow.—Name in Kings and Albert for a deep narrow winding
ravine or gorge, having at spring and fall a rapid stream.
Jam.—Where natural jams of logs occur and become permanent it
becomes a topographical term.
Middle Ground.— A part of a bar usually higher than either end.
Mistake-—A cul de sac with a wide and inviting opening.
\
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 9
Place-nomenclature.
Lead.—Occurs in Queens County for a narrow winding stream
between lakes.
Midland.—The high land between two valleys; has become the name
of more than one settlement.
Lagoon.—This name on the north shore is purely a map name,
never used by the residents, who use the name bay.
Pot-holes.—Applied often to the glacial sink-holes; and also to the
wells in rocks under falls.
Rapids.—Used in Gloucester County to distinguish the swift fresh-
water part of a river from the T'ideway.
Slide.—An inclined place or slope of loose rock occurring in a gap
in a cliff.
Sluice.—Used on the Nepisiguit for narrow rapids.
Queue, (French, a tail) —Name for a little bay at the end of a
lake; used twice on Miscou Island.
Tideway.—Used now in Gloucester County for the tidal part of a
river, in contradistinction to Rapids; also in Cooney, 176.
Turns.—Used in several places for abrupt bends in rivers.
Works.—A place in the woods where lumbering has been done;
also used for beaver workings; in old reports for the arrangements for
catching eels,—“ eel-works.”
209. Another series of Indian, with some French, names, has
recently (1903) come into use, viz:—the names of the following stations
between St. John and Welsford, on the Canadian Pacific,—Acamac,
Ketepec, Martinon, Ononette, Pamdenec, Woolastook, Sagwa. This use
Was suggested originally by Dr. G. U. Hay and the names were devised
in part by myself and in part by Dr. W. O. Raymond and others. Their
genesis is fully explained in the Educational Review, XVI, 189, and
individually in the Dictionary following.
209. A comparatively new, but somewhat important, element has
recently been introduced into New Brunswick Place-nomenclature.
The last ten years have seen an immense development in this province
of big game hunting by American sportsmen, in connection with which
many guides have opened up new hunting-grounds among the remote
ponds and lakes. It has become customary among them to name these
places for the first sporstman who shoots a moose there, or who in
some other way becomes associated with the place. Thus a large number
oi little lakes are being named for American sportsmen whose connection
with those places is of the most transient sort, though the name will
unquestionably persist. I have collected many of these names in my
10 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
various articles in the Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New
Brunswick (see especially V., 227).
211. A phase of New Brunswick Place-nomenclature of very
great interest is the entirely unwritten nomenclature used by the lum-
bermen for the various minor features along our rivers. Surprised by
the extent and character of these names, I have tried to collect them
for all of our principal rivers, obtaining them, when possible, directly
from the lumbermen in person, and in other cases from reliable persons
as intermediaries. I gave a list of those of the Magaguadavic and
of the St. Croix in the Place-nomenclature monograph, but I have since
gathered a more complete list for the St. Croix, and new lists for the
Oromocto, Lepreau, Nepisiguit, Salmon River, (Queens), the Tobique,
upper part of the Main Southwest Miramichi, Little Southwest
Miramichi, Northwest Miramichi and Renous and in part for the
Upsalquitch and Restigouche. I regret that the limitations of space do
not permit me to give them in these pages. ‘These names have evidently
grown up naturally in, the course of the use of the river, and apply to
each object seriously affecting the interests of the lumbermen,—the
rocks and bars which obstruct their logs, the rips, rapids or falls which
give the river-drivers much trouble, the brows, landings, pools, brooks,
etc., each with their effect upon the daily life of the users, requiring
them to be mentioned in talk and hence to have names. Since they
are entirely unwritten and occur upon no map, it is plain that they
have not arisen in any literary way, or through any abstract con-
siderations; but they are the spontaneous expression of the naming
instinct. They are, therefore, of interest and value as illustrating
the principles by which place-names arise and as reflections of the
psychology of primitive name-givers. Incidentally, they have also
other values, in exhibiting the topographical terms in local use, and in
afording some method of testing the permanency of unwritten names.
That many of these names have been long in use is shown by their
occurrence in various earlier documents, and it will be easy for the
future student by noting whether they are still in use to determine
their future persistence.
Viewing the lists of these names, comprehensively, it is plain that
the probable origin of the great majority is evident at.a glance, while
a few are not thus self explanatory. The majority of the latter are
without doubt of Indian origin, namely, Naleguagus, Guagus, Slugundy,
Bittaback, Allabanket, Onlockywicket, Ponwauk, and the half Indian
Long Lookum, all considered in the following Dictionary; and these
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS it
Place-nomenclature.
censtitute a most welcome addition to our surviving Indian names.
Other names of familiar aspect, such as Baltic, probably are slight
corruptions of familiar words. But all of the remainder, and hence
the great majority, are of the simplest possible type, and all obviously
descriptive. The descriptive names are of two general kinds,—the
many recalling some familiar object, and those possessives including
some person’s name. The reasons for the former are usually obvious
enough, even though some imagination must be used to perceive the
ecnnection, while as to the latter, at least a possible explanation is
equally obvious. Indeed, if one asks a lumberman the reason for a
given one of these names, he usually responds by relating some incident
connecting the person with the place, as when a person was the first
to lumber there, or was drowned there, or had some adventure or mis-
adventure. These explanations, may or may not be true, but certainly
they are true in principle, if not in detail. While not affected by any
form of literary influence, this nomenclature is affected by suggestion
and recollection of other localities, for only thus can we explain the
repetition of certain favourite names on several rivers. Thus, Oxbow,
Redbank, Spilt Rock, Narrows, occur upon several rivers, as do
Governors Table, Helis Gates, Devils Elbow, Long Lookum, Big Hole,
Chain of Rocks, etc., while the expressive and familiar phrase for a bad
rapid Push, (or pull), and be damned, occurs upon nearly all of them.
Summarising then this type of primitive nomenclature, it is plain
that it is in part repetitive, thus retaining some Indian names, in part
associative as shown by the more fanciful names, hardly, if at all
commemorative, but overwhelmingly descriptive. It represents well, I
believe, the typical mode of origin of names when they arise naturally.
212. <A curiosity of place-nomenclature of New Brunswick is a
rare post office directory of 1857. It gives, apparently, corrupted
phonetic or vernacular names of a great number of New Brunswick
Settlements. Of these names some are recognizable, such as Jewaniel
(Juvenile), Bonna Gonnea (Bonhomme Gould), Cannabec (Canobie},
Grimmack (Greenock), and others, while many, such as Charwest
Point (Kings), Saltash (Gloucester), Whiiiway (Northumberland),
and many others are now quite unrecognizable. The elucidation of
these names forms a, pretty puzzle!
212. We have in New Brunswick some descriptive names which
are strikingly appropriate and pleasing as well,—notably Green River,
Red Rapids, Blacklands, Crooked Deadwater, Clearwater, and (perhaps
only accidentally appropriate) The Wolves.
12 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Another peculiarity of our nomenclature is the common shortening
of some names to a single syllable with a distinguishing prefix the;
thus Welshpool is locally often called “ The Pool,’ the North Pole
Branch is “ The Pole,” the Otnabog is “ The Bog.”
213. From the list of words of unknown origin on this page,
Sunbury, and Wickham are to be removed, and Bay du Vin, Yoho, St.
Martins are to be added thereto.
Other classes of names worthy of careful study are:—(6) Street
names of the cities and towns, (7) names of school districts which con-
tain a large number of very interesting forms, (8) names of post offices,
many of which will become important names of the future. A remark-
able, though very trivial series of local names, largely embodying a
humorous element, is that of the Weirs in Charlotte County.
214. <A very large number of pleasing place-names, taken from our
historical past, are available as new names are needed. I have given a
full list of these in the Educational Review, XV, 204.
214. The confusion in the spellings of many place-names, here
referred to, is now being remedied by the Geographic Board of Canada,
organized for the express purpose of standardizing the spellings of place-
names in Canada. This Board has published four Reports in which
are found many New Brunswick names. Most of the decisions of the
Board are admirable, but others, owing to a deficiency of local know-
ledge, and perhaps to somewhat too great haste in forwarding this
important work, are unfortunately so far out of sympathy with local
usage as to make them unacceptable to those most interested in the
subject. I have expressed my opinions upon these decisions in an
article in the St. John Daily Sun, Dec. 3, 1902, to which a reply was
published by the Board in the same paper for Feb. 28, 1903; an answer
to the Board, to which no reply has as yet appeared, was printed in the
game paper for March 16, 1903. The subject is also discussed, with a list
of the preferable forms, in the Educational Review, X VI, 189. Feb. 1963.
At the present writing, I understand the Board is again to consider
these special names in the light of new information about them. In
the meantime I have given, in the Dictionary of place-names following,
all the forms not already adopted in the Monograph, which seem so
good that they ought to stand, omitting mention of the cases still in
doubt.
[GANONG | ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 18
Place-nomenclature.
215. A Dictionary of the Place-names of New Brunswick.
Since the publication of this work, a great amount of new informa-
tion has come to light, and the more important of this I aim to give
in the following pages. I have taken especial pains to give the best form
in all cases where more than one spelling of a name is prevalent. For
the sake of brevity I have omitted all settlement names whose origin is
clearly implied or stated in the Settlements Monograph, and have used
the following abbreviations ;—P, means parish and the date is that of
its erection, Bull. N. H. S. refers to the Bulletins of the Natural His-
tory Society of New Brunswick, the Land Memorials are the docu-
ments fully described in the Settlements Monograph, 181. The phrase
“first occurs” signifies that this is the earliest use of the names I have
been able to find.
Aberdeen.—No doubt so named because the settlers of Glassville (to include
which the new parish was, of course, formed) came mostly from
Aberdeen, Scotland, in 1861. But also, possibly, it may have been
in honour of the then Governor of the Province, Hon. Arthur Gordon,
whose family name was Aberdeen. Perhaps the name was chosen
with both facts in mind.
Aboushagan.—First as Aboushagin, in 1803, in Land Memorials.
Abshaboo, not Ashaboo (Cooney, 169).—It is possible this point was named
for Etienne Abchabo, an Indian chief of Pokemouche, mentioned by
Cooney, 37.
Acadia.—This name is more fully discussed in the New Brunswick Maga-
zine, III, 153; in the Educational Review, XVI, 12; and in the Mono-
graph on Boundaries, 161. The current explanation is given by
Dawson, in his Acadian Geology, and also in the Canadian Antiquarian
for, Oct.) 1876.
Acamac (formerly Stevens on the C. P. R.).—Recent simplication of the
Indian name of South Bay. (See a few pages earlier).
Adder Lake.—Given by Garden, the surveyor, in 1838, no doubt because it
is in fact the Little Serpentine,—a little serpent—an adder. The
local names of the waters above this lake are fully discussed in Bull.
INES OV 06 7:
Addington.—Without doubt for Henry Unwin Addington, later Viscount
Sidmouth, who in 1826 was made one of the English plenipoten-
tiaries to treat with the Americans over the northeastern boundary.
The other was William Huskisson (see Huskisson), and the fact that
these two parishes were named in the year they were appointed makes
this certain. (Moore, International Arbitrations, 87; also Boundaries
Monograph, 331).
14 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Alamec.—Called by the Acadians of Shippegan ‘and vicinity Lamec (com-
monly spelled L’Amec, or Lameque, etc.), while the English residents
in the vicinity usually call it Alamec. It is no doubt from the first
two syllables of the Micmac El-mig-wa-da-sik,—* the head is turned
to one side” (Rand, Micmac Reader). First occurs as Petit and
Great Nanibeque on a plan of 1784.
Aldouane.—I am told by the Indian teacher at Big Cove, Richibucto, that
the Micmacs pronounce this name Wald-won, but are doubtful if the
word is Micmac. They have also another name for it, Sgapagnetj. It
is possible that this name has some connection with a French vessel,
with cannon on board, traditionally said to have been sunk at the
mouth of that river (see later under the Acadian Period), in which
case the name would be homologous in origin with St. Simon and,
perhaps, Bay du Vin.
Allabanket.—A place on the lower Main Southwest Miramichi; the name is
still in use, and, no doubt, of Micmac origin.
Allandale.—Said locally to be so named for a resident ‘at the end of the
road” (Lieut. Adam Allan?) with the addition of dale.
Allans Creek (near Meringuin).—Said locally, and probably correctly, to be
so named because the American partizan, John Allan, landed there
when he escaped from Cumberland in a boat after the Eddy Rebellion
in 1776.
Alma.—P. 1855. Hon. A. R. McClelan tells me the name was suggested by
the heights behind it recalling the place of the great victory the
year before. On this occasion the New Brunswick Legislature sent
an address to Her Majesty congratulating her upon the success of
her arms at that time.
Almeston.—No doubt a mis-spelling of Osmaston, the ancestral home in Der-
byshire of Sir Robert Wilmot. who had an early grant within this
Township, and who was uncle of the then Governor of Nova Scotia,
Hon. Montague Wilmot. (Fully discussed in Educational Review, XVI,
12.)
Alston Point.—First used on plan of 1828. Alston is a New Brunswick family
name, and hence may have been given for a resident. Could it be
a corruption of Allen’s, name of the first grantee of the point?
Alva, Loch.—As pointed out in Acadiensis, III, 16, the origin of this name
still eludes me. I am now inclined to think, however, that there is
some connection between a Loch Lomond a few miles east of St.
John and a Loch Alva of about the same size about the same dis-
tance west of the city. Loch Lomond was named about 1810 by
Lachlan Donaldson, a Scotchman, and early mayor of St. John, who
had a grant of land near it; I am inclined to think that Loch Alva
was named by Hon. Hugh Johnston, who received a grant of land
on the Musquash River, in 1808. The proprietors of Alva House
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS aS
Place-nomenclature.
at Alva, in Scotland, are Johnstons. It seems to me possible that
Hon. Hugh Johnston was connected in some way with them, and
that where he or Donaldson, both Scotchmen and prominent residents
of St. John, named a Loch near his property for his native land, the
other followed suit. In this case Perley did not give the name, but
simply adopted it.
Andover.—P. 1833. Said locally to have been so named by Mr. Sisson, an
early resident, who came from that place in England.
Antinouri Lake.—This curious name is used locally, but its origin is un-
known to residents in the vicinity. It seems to make its first appear-
ance on the Geological Survey map of 1881, but Dr. R. W. Ells, author
of that map, tells us he does not know its origin, though he obtained
it from his guides in 1880. Recently, however, Mr. D. McMillan, who
has long known that region well as Surveyor, has given me an origin
which I believe to be correct, namely, that in former days the lake
was called by the old residents Anthony Ree’s, or Antony Ree’s lake,
after an old hunter of that name. He adds that one Anthony Ree
was not long since a resident of Bathurst. This, pronounced by Dr.
Ells’ French guides, and taken down phonetically, would very natur-
ally give Antinouri. Locally, it is said to be pronounced an-tin-oo-re,
with accent on the third syllable.
Aroostook.—On D. Campbell’s map of 1785 as Restook, followed by others.
I think it very probable that Woolastook, Aroostook, Restigouche, and the
Micmac name Lustagoocheech of the Miramichi are all fundamentally
the same word, all signifying something akin to our phrase “ The
Main River.” Campbell also calls it Jacquo’s River. In a return of
Indians living at Tobique in 1841 the names Jacques and Jacquo both
occur. I have no doubt that the name was given it by the French
for some chief whose especial hunting ground it was, a method of
origin characteristic of many of our river names (compare Place-
nomenclature, 189).
Arthuret.—Historically and in every other way a better form than the recent
Arthurette.
Atherton.—Supposed by Raymond (Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc. I, 331) to have
been applied at one time to Fredericton, but he writes me this is
entirely a mistake, due to a misreading of an early letter.
Aucpac.—A collection of the remarkably-diverse spellings of this word has
been made by Raymond in his “St John River” (page 142). Earlier
uses are found in the census of 1733, having Hcoupay, in a document
of 1735 in the Nova Scotia Archives (II, 98), naming Oepagne (mis-
print no doubt for Ocpaque), and in a treaty of 1721 given in Baxter’s
“Pioneers of France in New England” (page 118) as Kouupahag.
Aulac.—Occurs first in a document of 1746-1747, mentioned by Parkman.
Called ‘‘Number 1” in early times by the English because including
No 1 “body” of marsh (viz., a mass of marsh enclosed by a single
dike).
16 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomencliture.
Baie Verte.—A much better form, historically and otherwise, than Bay Verte.
Baker Brook.—In the Land Memorials of 1820 it is said, ‘“ N. Baker asked
land at the mouth of the Marinequanticook or Turtle River.”
Bald, Cape.—In French, called Cap Pelée, a name coming into general use.
The latter appears to be corrupted to Cape a Lee in Land Memorials
of 1807.
Bald Mountain.—This name occurs several times in New Brunswick. In
some cases alternative names have been proposed as follows:—
LOCATION. ALTERNATIVE NAME.
South of Nictor Lake. Sagamook (Gordon, 1863, ‘“ Wilder-
ness Journeys,” 54).
Head of South Branch Nepisiguit, Kagoot. (1903, Bull. N.H.S. V, 215).
“Big Bald.”
Above Indian Falls on Nepisiguit. Denys Mountain (1899, Bull. N.H.S.
TV,. 255).
Southwest of latter, ‘‘ Little Baldy ” Cartier Mountain (1899, Bull. N.H.S
of guides. IN 255)
‘Southwest of latter, “ Little Baldy ” Champlain Mountain (Bull. N.H.S.
Liong Reach. IV, 321, and the St. John Star and
Globe, of June 23, and Sun and
Telegraph, of June 24, 1904).
Near Harvey, York County. Wedawamketch (1901, Bull N. H.S. IV,
321). It is called, apparently,
Goodawamscoop Mountain on the
Sproule Map of 1787, and it is
called Lambton’s Mountain (for
Lieutenant Lambton, who was
there in 1784) in the Field Book
of the Magaguadavic Survey of
1797.
Bald Head, near Riley Brook is so appropriate and distinctive that
no alternative therefor is desirable.
Balmains Point, Grand Lake.—Said in a newspaper article to have been
called by the Indians Woccasoon.
Baltic.—Name of a cliff and eddy in the upper Oromocto, origin not known.
Baltimore.—Settlement in Albert. No doubt connected, though I do not
know in exactly what way, with the fact that some of the original
proprietors of Hillsborough were from Baltimore in the United States.
Very likely some of the early tenants were from that place, and their
descendants founded this settlement. (Albert County Maple Leaf,
Sept. 2 and 9, 1886).
Bantelorum.—A brook on the upper part of Cains River. Of Indian origin?
It is on Fairweather’s plan of 1836 and in general local use.
r
[Ganon] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 17
Place-nomenclature.
Barreau, Point.—Origin locally not known. A map of 1804 calls the island
(or grove) there Pt. de Bar [Bass Point] which may have become
altered to Barreau. Barreau in Acadian means a partition, ete. and
the point may be so named for the way it separated Tracadie and
Tabusintac. A local tradition also derives it from the name of an
Indian who formerly camped there.
Bartholomews River.—In this form in 1809 in Land Memorials.
Bay du Vin.—It is very likely the origin of this name is to be found in some
connection with the French frigate said to be sunk at the mouth of
the Bay du Vin River (see later under the Acadian Period). It is
to be remembered that Marston said in 1786 that the place was so
named from the French captain who first anchored here, and it may
be that either the captain or his vessel bore a name which has been
corrupted to our present form. In this case the name would be strictly
homologous in origin with that of St. Simon, later considered, and,
perhaps, also with Aldouane. The earliest use of the name is in the
form Baie des Ouines in a document of March 3, 1760.
Of other possible origins there are several, of which one thinks
first of some connection with the Vinland of the Northmen, suggested
by Bishop Howley in these Transactions IV, ii, 97. Another is sug-
gested by Murdoch’s Nova Scotia, II, 217, where he refers to a Pére
Badouin, at one time in Acadia. In this connection we recall that
DesBarres in his charts of 1780 used the form Bedouin. There is
also a stream called Ouine in Poitou, France, and one might imagine
that the name has been brought here by early priest or settlers.
The local names in the vicinity are mostly self explanatory. John
O’Bears Point, at lower Bay du Vin, is known locally to be a cor-
ruption of John Hebert. The eastern end of Vin Island is known as
John O’Groats, though it is not known by whom that name was
applied.
Belas Basin.—On a plan of 1836 the name Belos (Bellows?) is applied to
a rock off the entrance to Lepreau Basin, and the word Basin is in
such a position that the two might naturally be thought to form one
name. It is probably thus that this name, which is locally unknown,
came upon our maps.
Belleisle Bay—Named, as M. Gaudet, Dr. Hannay and Dr. Raymond have
all pointed out to me independently, from the French family of that
name living on the St. John in late Acadian times. Murdoch (Nova
Scotia, II, 255) shows that M. de Belleisle was settled on the St. John
in 1754. M. Gaudet has documents which show that in 1737 Pierre
Robichaux married Frangoise de Belleisle, and in 1739 Francois Robi-
chaux married Marie le Borgne de Belleisle, daughters of Alexander
Le Borgne de Belleisle, then living on the St. John. Now, the Monck-
ton map of 1758 shows ‘“ Robicheau,’ a group of several houses, at
the mouth of the Belleisle. Hence it seems reasonable to infer that
the Robicheaus settled near their father-in-law, who was settled at
the mouth of the Belleisle, which accordingly took its name from him.
See: 11”, 1906. 2
18 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Belvisor Bar.—On the St. John, above Meductic Falls. Used locally, but
origin not known. Belviso occurs in a return of Survey of 1785.
Benton.—Said locally to have been named for a prominent American soldier
(T. R. Benton?), though this seems unlikely.
Bittabock.—Name, locally known and undoubtedly Micmac, of a rocky island
on the lower Nepisiguit. Being a well-known fishing place, it is men-
tioned in sporting books by Lanman, Norris, Campbell and Roosevelt.
Said locally to be a corruption of Blake's
Black Brook (near Loggieville).
Brook (confirmed by the presence of Blake’s Flats near by) for an early
resident, traditionally said to be the Captain Blake who commanded
the vessel which destroyed Burnt Church (narrated in Cooney, 35).
Bonum Gauld.—Name of a _ settlement in Westmorland, so called for a
prominent Acadian resident, apparently Bonhomme Gould.
Brideau, Rivière a.—Said locally to be so named for a former resident. It
is a Canadian-French name.
Britt Brook; also Portage Lake Stream.—A New Brunswick family name;
no doubt for some early lumberman.
Burgoins Ferry.—On the St. John, established in 1817. No doubt for the
Acadian family Burgoin, formerly, and still, residents of Upper French
Village near by.
Burnt Church.—The teacher of the Indian school at Church Point, Charles
Bernard, himself a Micmac from Cape Breton, has kindly given me
the aboriginal Micmac names of a number of places in the vicinity
of Church Point. I give them here precisely as he writes them to
me. Some of them I have no doubt are correct, but as to others,
especially in the meanings, I am doubtful. The Indian village here
he gives as Æsginoo o putich, fully confirming the name from other
sources. Burnt Church River has no Indian name, he says, other
than the village name with Seeboo added. Portage Island, Mogulawce-
chooacadie, meaning, “A place where the Brant Geese are plenty and
they are generally shot, as it were”; River de Cache, Peskej, meaning
“little branch’; Grand Dune River, Abeeamkej, meaning “lined bot-
tom” (?); Stymest’s Millstream, Akbaseck, meaning “it curves”;
Neguac, Annikeooek, meaning ‘Annie is wandering alone,’ explained as
the expression of an Indian whose wife, named Annie, became lost (!!);
Hay Island, Ooenjooi, Menigoo, meaning ‘French Island”; Portage
Brook, Gasbalaooacadie, meaning “ Gaspereaux are abundant,” by some
Indians called Maliojek, said to mean place where lived an Indian
woman, Malioj; French Cove, Skassikuakenek, meaning “place of
torching.”
Cabin du Clos—Name of the point separating the upper from the lower
part of Tracadie Bay. It is now simply a piece of low wooded
upland (forming a very charming camping place), and is said locally
to have been named from the camp or cabin of an Indian named
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 19
Place-nomenclature.
de Clos, formerly living there. It is of interest to note that this name
de Clos occurs as that of an Acadian family, early residents of Point
Brulé, Shippegan, who afterwards removed to Shippegan Island.
Calamingo Brook.—Called Comingoes Brook in the original grant of 1823,
Conomingo or Conomingoes Brook on other early plans. I am told by
Mr. W. A. Colpitts, of Mapleton, that traditionally Conomingo is said
to have been a half-breed who hunted there, and this explanation is
very probably correct. Dove’s Hollow, nearby, is said to have been
named for another hunter.
California—Name of two or more settlements in New Brunswick, probably
given at the time the “emigration fever” to that place was at its
height, in half-humourous allusion to these settlements as substitutes.
Thus, Johnston (Travels in N. A. Il, 39), who was in New Brunswick
‘in 1849, speaks of the fever for emigration which swept over the
country at intervals, and says, “the California paroxysm is at its
height.” Compare Ohio later.
Campbellton (Restigouche).—The Indian name for this locality, as I am told
by Mr. D. Ferguson, of Chatham, formerly of Athol Farm, who knows
the place and the Indians well, is Wis-i-am-ca or Was-si-am-kik, mean-
ing “to be muddy,” referring to the stirring up of the sediment of the
river by the current in the narrowing of the Restigouche here.
Mr. Ferguson also tells me that the lower part of the present
Campbellton was laid off in 1833 and named in honour of the then
Governor of New Brunswick, Sir Archibald Campbell, though it was
long before the name replaced the earlier Martin’s Point, so named
for a captain who had built a vessel there.
Campobello—On the names of the island consult the Journal of Captain
William Owen, in Collections of the N. B. Historical Society, Vols.
I and II.
The first known name for this was Passamaquoddy Outer Island.
In view of the fact that the name Passamaquoddy originally applied
to the waters between Deer Island, Campobello and Moose Island (see
Passamaquoddy), and not to the inner bay as at present, this name
was a natural one for Campobello. Mr. J. Vroom has made the inter-
esting suggestion, however, (in a letter) that the name may be a
survival from the French, originally some such form as L'isle outre
Passamaquoddy, and he further suggests that the outre from which Har-
bour de Lute is supposed to have been derived, is this same word
and not the French for Otter. Though without any support other
than the resemblance of name, Mr. Vroom’s suggestion may yet prove
to represent fact.
Canoose.—This is explained by Gatschet (Eastport Sentinel, Sept. 15, 1897)
as from Kanusyik, pickerels. I suspect the accuracy of this, since the
pickerel is believed to be a modern introduction into these waters.
This spelling represents very closely the pronunciation, and is prefer-
able to other forms proposed or in use.
20 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Canterbury.—P. 1855. No doubt named in honour of Hon. Manners-Sutton,
in that year Governor of the Provinee, who himself became Lord
Canterbury in 1869. The fact that this parish and Manners-Sutton
were named in the same year is very strongly confirmatory of this
explanation.
Poin.e au.—Without doubt a corruption of Pointe au Quart, that is,
point of the square or right angle, which is precisely descriptive. All
stages in the development of the word may be followed through the
references under Quart-Point in the Place-nomenclature.
Car,
Caraquet.—Locally pronounced with very strong accent on the first syllable.
The plan of Caraquet River, made by Davidson in 1836, has the fol-
lowing names for the brooks forming its branches, reading from
above downwards:—IJnnishannon, Youngs, Adams, Serby, Tauris, Esk, Ewes,
Waughope, Bertrands. Some of these are evidently local, but others
\ appear to be fanciful, and their origin is not plain.
Carleton Lake, in York County.—Called in a grant to Francis Allen in 1827
Carlton Lake, and said to have been named for Governor Carleton.
Carleton, Mount.—The highest mountain in New Brunswick (about 2,700
feet). It was unnamed until 1899, when it was called in honour of
the first Governor of New Brunswick (Bull N.H.S. IV, 251).
Carleton, St. John.—On this name and proposed alternatives see Raymond,
Canadian History Readings, 51. Also on the Carletons, and places
named for them in Canada, see Johnson, in Canadian Magazine, XII,
289.
Carleton, Fort.—A temporary name of the military post at Presquile.
Caron Point.—On plan of 1828 as Carron Point. Caron is a French family
name, and it is likely it was given for some such person. There is
a Caron Brook in Madawaska. There is, however, a Loch Caron in
Scotland, and it may possibly be a repetition of that.
Cassies Point.—For the Acadian family Cassie, originally the Irish Casey,
early grantees there.
Cavanaghlisht.—(Of Place-Nomenclature, 224) is a misprint of Cavanagh's
Point, which is in the Land Memorials for 1798.
Caverhill—So named for Dr. Caverhill, a leader among the first settlers.
Chaloupe, Ruisseau La.—See under St. Simon, later.
Chamcook.—In the St. Andrews Standard, for Oct. 7, 1837, is advertised for
sale “at Beau-Sejour, on the premises, the eastern half of Ministers lot
(so called) . . . . at a short distance from the Chamcook Mills
bounded by the waters of Passamaquoddy Bay, Craig’s Land
and the property of the Church . . . . on the lot are two dwell-
ing houses, one at Beau-Sejour, the other at Weepemaw PURES
private road leads through the lot to Tasse d'argent Cove on the bay,
which forms a good harbour for small vessels.” I have no further
information as to these interesting names.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 21
Place-nomenclature.
Champlain, Mount.—Proposed in 1901 (Bull. N.H.S.N.B. IV, 321) as an
alternative for Bald Mountain on the Kings-Queens Boundary—and
again in connection with the Champlain Tercentenary at St. John,
June 24, 1904 (St. John newspapers of June 23, 24). It first appears
upon White’s map of 1906.
Champlain, Village—Name applied in July, 1905, at the suggestion of the
present author, to a hamlet of summer houses below St. Stephen, nearly
opposite DeMonts, in Calais.
Charlo.—Little Charleau in 1799 in Land Memorials. Charleau is said to be
a not uncommon Acadian form of Charles.
Chatham.—According to tradition, as I learned from Mr. William Innes, of
Bartibog, through Rey. Father Morrissey, Chatham village received
its name in honour of the younger Pitt, Earl of Chatham. The name
was suggested by Mr. Francis Peabody, a prominent resident, and
replaced the earlier name, J'he Spruce Tree, so-called for a great spruce
that stood on the present site of Ritchie’s store on Water Street.
Chenire, Lake.—See under Miscou.
Chiputneticook.—On Sproule’s map of 1786 as Cheputnatecook. In Harris’
Field-book of 1797 survey of the river as “River Chiputnaticook (called
by the natives Chibnitcook),’ seeming to show that he took the former
from some other source (such as his instructions), and the latter
directly from the Indians. The,Indian names of these lakes are dis-
cussed in Boundaries Monograph, 265.
Clair.—P. 1900. So named from its principal village, which was named for
Peter Clair, a former prominent resident, whose descendants are nu-
merous in the vicinity.
Clearwater.—One of the best of our descriptive place-names, occurring
several times. No doubt the name is suggested not so much by the
colour of the water in the stream itself, as by the striking contrast
of the clear water entering a more turbid stream, a feature I have
noticed on the Sevogle. In the same way, I think, the names Green
River, and Grog Brook (Upsalquitch) were suggested by the colour
contrast their waters present to those of the streams they enter.
Cleuristic.—Clusostick on Sproule’s map of 1786; and the same on D. Camp-
bell’s of 1799. This form is nearer the original Indian (Kulloosisik)
than the modern form.
Coldbrook.—Originally Colebrooke, a settlement established before 1843, and
named, no doubt, for the then Governor, Sir William Colebrooke.
Colebrooke.—_Former name of Grand Falls. An old newspaper item says
Colebrooke and Edmundston were named about the same time (1848),
one for the outgoing and the other for the incoming Governor.
Cootes Hill, or Headline.—A Protestant Irish settlement, very likely named
for the Irish baronet of that name.
22) ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Corneille, Ruisseau.—A name applied in 1686 apparently to French Fort
Cove, Miramichi. (Compare later under “Settlement of Richard Denys
de Fronsac.’’)
Coude, Le.—M. Gaudet tells me this settlement was at the Bend (Moncton)
not above it.
Courtenay Bay.—Historically the better form, and that used locally on maps,
though in pronunciation shortened to ‘ Courtney.”
Cowassaget Brook.—On Tabusintac, at northernmost bend of tidal part of
river. As Cowassagets Brook in Land Memorials of 1808. Used locally
and pronounced C6-wass’-a-get (g hard). Undoubtedly Micmac, but
meaning unknown to me.
Crocks Point (above Keswick).—No doubt for an early Acadian resident,
surnamed Croc (see Raymond, Canadian History Readings, 336). Con-
firmatory of this is the occurrence of the name Crock in the Mada-
waska census of 1820, and of a Crocks Island below the mouth of the
St. Francis.
Crooked Creek (Shepody).—Descriptive, and used in the Calhoun diary of
ileal
Dalhousie.—The hill back of the town was formerly called Charleforts hill.
The Crown Land Records show that one Pascal Charlefort hada grant
here in 1832.
Damascus.—In a Post Office Directory of 1857 in this form. Said locally
to have been given on the spur of the moment to an inquiring ‘ map-
maker” by a resident as a kind of joke; but, placed on the map, it
became adopted in earnest.
Deep Creek (near Newburg).—Called Monomocook, doubtless its Indian name,
on Johnson’s map of 1817.
Demoiselle, Cape.—As Cap de Moselle in the Calhoun Diary of 1771. At this
point is the place locally called ‘‘the Rocks,’ where the soft sand-
stones are wonderfully carved into pillars, arches, etc. It is very
probable that some one of these took the form of a woman, this giv-
ing origin to the name.
Digdeguash Lukes.—The nomenclature of these lakes is given in the Bull.
N.H.S.N.B. V, 47. Locally the name is shortened to Digity or Dikety
Lakes.
Dipper Harbour.—Thus on a plan of 1784. Said by Reynolds (N. B. Maga-
zine III, 53, and confirmed in Fisher’s Sketches, 51) to have been called
Dippoo in early times.
Dochet Island.—Its various names are fully discussed in the Monograph on
this island in these Transactions, VIII, ii, 142.
[aAnoNG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 28
Place-nomenclature.
Douglas Mountain, and Valley and River (for west branch of Nerepis). These
all make their appearance in 1826, the year the surveys for the
Fredericton-St. John Road were made under the direction of Governor
Sir Howard Douglas. They were no doubt named for him. The
popularity of Sir Howard is evinced by the many places named for
him in New Brunswick—comprising Douglas Parish, Douglas Moun-
tain, Douglastown, Douglas Harbour, with Howard Settlement and
Howardville which have disappeared.
Douglastown.—Named a few months before the great Miramichi fire for
Governor Douglas, who visited the Miramichi at that time (Cooney, 64).
Drury Cove.—Also Portage Cove on earlier maps, and earlier Hunter's Cove
(N. B. Mag. II, 324).
Dumbarton.—P. 1856. Within this parish a grant was made to the St.
Andrews Highland Society, and I believe there is some connection
between this fact and the origin of the name.
Dundas.—v. 1826. Without doubt this parish was so named in honour of
Ann Dundas, the wife of Sir Howard Douglas, then the popular Gov-
ernor of New Brunswick. The parish of Douglas had been named
for Sir Howard two years before. (Discussed in the Educational Re-
view, XV, -160).
Dungarvon.—It seems there is no river of that name in Ireland—only a
parish and harbour; my explanation of the name is very likely incor-
rect.
Dunsinane.—Said to have been named by Robert Shives, Emigration Agent
at St. John, whose father was a Scotchman.
Enaud, Point.—In Bathurst Harbour. A persistence, no doubt, of the name
of the early French settler, Enaud (Henault, etc.). See Historic Sites,
298, 300.
Ennishone.—Said locally to be named for a township in Ireland, though such
does not appear on maps of Ireland. Probably the same as Innishowen.
The earliest settlers were largely Irish.
Enragé, Cap.—A French name; called by English residents Cape Enrage,
but also corrupted to Roshea, and applied to the bay to the west-
ward (see Roshea). This is made clear by a passage in the Calhoun
Diary of 1771 which reads:—“ Cape Roshea, called by the English
Cape Enrage from a ledge of rock to the S.S.W. which, in high winds,
makes a very rough sea.”
Fairville—So named for the founder, Robert Fair, from Ireland, of whom
obituaries appeared in the St. John papers of Sept. 2, 1901.
mt
Filomaro.—See Philmonro.
Foxbury.—A place mentioned in Land Memorials of 1800, as location of lots
owned by Judge Saunders; possibly the Forerbica of Leland.
D4 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Francfort—This Pre-Loyalist township was very probably named for the
place of that name near Philadelphia (shown on a map of 1777), rather
than, as supposed by Johnson, from being at or near the French
Fort [at Nashwaak].
»
Frenchmans Creek (Musquash). This is very probably connected with the
fact mentioned in the Quebec Documents, II, 152, under date 1694,
which says that in the Harbour of Nigarscorf [misprint and corrup-
tion of Mes-gos-guelk, the Indian name of Musquash Harbour], three
leagues from the River St. John, Captain Baptiste with his corvette
La Bonne spent the winter of 1694-95. Compare Gesner’s note. I find
it as Frenchman’s Brook in a plan of 1820.
French River, Bay du Vin.—Settled by Acadian families, as described in the
Settlements Monograph.
Gallows Hill. (Kingston, opposite Gondola Point).—So named for the two
executions which took place there while the King’s County Court
House stood in the vicinity (St John J'elegraph, Aug. 23, 1995.)
Geary.—I have at length been able to determine ‘the origin of this name
The earliest use of the word I have found is in the Land Memorials
of 1811, where it is called New Gary, though under 1807 it appears
to be mentioned as a “new settlement back of French Lake.” Mr.
Thos. E. Smith, of Geary, tells me the name was suggested by his
grandmother, his .grandfather, Samuel Smith, being the first settler
there. They came to New Brunswick from the United States as Loyal-
ists, and remained for a time at Niagara, then locally pronounced
“Niagary.’ Later they came to New Brunswick, and in settling here
gave the name New Niagary to the new settlement, which name be-
came changed to New Gary, and finally the New was dropped, and it
became Gary or Geary. The same explanation has been given me
by Mr. Leslie Carr, of French Lake. This tradition is finely con-
firmed by a mention of the settlement I have found in the Royal
Gazette for Apr. 14, 1818, which calls it New Niagara, and I have no
question the explanation is correct. It appears as Geary in 1818 in
a MS. Journal of C. Campbell.
Geologists Range (in Restigouche-Victoria).—So named in 1899, as described
Thay BUT NME Sh, IW Ble NP STE
Geordie Lake, on Rocky Brook.—Named for an old hunter, as fully explained
in Forest and Stream, May 17, 1902, 386.
George, Lake.—Raymond (St. John River, 7) says, this name is explained
locally as given for John McGeorge, who settled there in 1816; he
was killed by Indians in 1822. The same explanation is also given
locally.
It is also stated in the New Brunswick Courier for Feb. 2, 1822,
that it took its name from him, which seems conclusive.
Earlier its name appears to have been Nine-mile Lake, as shown
by a notice of the settlement there in Royal Gazette, Feb. 29, 1820.
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 25
Place-nomenclature.
Germantown Lake.—The name Germantown (located on Map No, 25 later)
was used for the settlement of Shepody in 1768 (Canadian Archives,
1886, 488, 492). No doubt it was so named for Germantown, Pennsyl-
vania, from which some of the first settlers came. A fine plan of 1801
has “German, or Sheppotee Lake.”
Gilmour Brook, Nepisiguit.—Of course for the William Gilmore, the angling
schoolmaster, an interesting character described by Lanman in his
“Adventures,” II, 31-33.
Glenelg.—P. 1814. So named for the native place in Scotland of Major
McDonald of the 78th Highlanders, a prominent resident, who settled
here about 1790, as I am told by a well-informed local authority, Mr.
D. Lewis, of Hscuminac.
Gloucester, County.—Named in all probability for Mary, fourth daughter of
King George II, who married the Duke of Gloucester in 1816 and was
devoted to good works.
Golden Mountain, Albert.—A common corruption of Gowland Mountain, so
named for the leading family there.
Gondola Point.—In this form in the Land Memorials of 1786.
Gooldsborough, at mouth of the Oromocto.—Explained by Raymond in Coll.
INGE ELISE. SOC. T5 0!
Gordon Falls—Named for Governor Gordon, who visited them while in New
Brunswick (local statements and St. John Sun, Aug. 29, 1888).
Grande Anse, Bay, Dune, Falls, Lake, Point, River, Ruisseau.—The Grand is,
of course, a persistence of French nomenclature. As applied to all
features, except river and brook, its meaning of big is perfectly appro-
priate, since those features are pre-eminently conspicuous in their
localities. We have, however, also Grand River in Madawaska County,
and a Grand Ruisseau in Shippegan (north end), while Eel River at
Bay du Vin is also locally so called. These are all compara-
tively insignificant streams and the reason for the application to
them of the term grand is not obvious. I believe, however, that the
word is here used precisely as in the common French phrase grand
chemin, which means a “ highway.’ The two great rivers above men-
tioned were parts of important early portage-routes, and very likely
Grand Ruisseau was part of a route to the interior lakes of Shippegan,
though also it may have meant simply the largest brook of the vicinity
Grande Dune.—Preferable to Grand Dune, because correct French.
Grandigue.—Presumably so called for the great dike or bar which makes
out to the southward from the point.
Grand John Brook.—Said to be named for an Indian of that name who used
to hunt there.
26 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Grand Lake, Q.—An old newspaper article in the St. John Sun says that
a Mr. Garrison, prior to the coming of the Loyalists, surveyed this lake
and gave names to Cumberland Bay, Salmon River, Newcastle, ete.
Grand Manan.—The (Great Mary island of McDonald’s Reports originated with
David Owen, and represents one of his attempts to give a French origin
to the Indian names of Passamaquoddy. (See at end of Dictionary).
The Indian names for several places on or near the island are given
by Gatschet in the Eastport Sentinel, Sept. 15, 1897. ;
Grand River.—Occurs first in Sproule’s map of 1787 (see Map No. 39 later)
as “ Quidasquack, by the French Grande Rivière.”
Grays Island, Albert.
So named for its first grantee, a Major Gray. In the
Calhoun Diary of 1771 it is ca'led Delatong’s Island, no doubt an Aca-
dian name.
Green Hill.—The name in 1783 of the hill on which the Burton Court House
now stands. (Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc. Il, 296).
Green River.—On Sproule’s map of 1787 (Map No. 39) called “ Quamquerti-
cook or Green River.”
‘
Greenwich.—P. 1795. Possibly for Greenwich, a village now incorporated
into New York City, in the Revolution the residence of many Loyalists.
There is also a Greenwich Street in Hempstead, L.I., after which place
our Hampstead was named. There seems to be no local tradition to
exp!ain the name.
Guagus.—_Name of a lake emptying into the Lower North Branch of the
Little Southwest Miramichi. It is also applied to a part of the out-
let of Miramichi Lake and also to a place on the Renous River. It
is without doubt Micmac, though I do not know its meaning. It
seems to apply to a rocky place difficult of canoe navigation. Perhaps
involves the same root as Naleguagus on Salmon River and Nara-
guagus in Maine.
Ha Ha River.—Still used. It occurs in the Calhoun Diary of 1771.
Hamomashoe.—Some place, not known to me, in Madawaska (Winslow Pa-
pers, 572).
Hanwell.—Used in the St. Andrews-Fredericton road survey of 1826-27, and
said locally to have been named fer an early family of residents of
that name.
Harcourt.—P. 1826. Confirmation of the derivation here given is in Fullom’s
Life of Sir Howard Douglas, 266. He was a friend of Sir Howard.
Hardwicke.—P. 1851. So named, as I am told by Mr. D. Lewis, of Escu-
minac, for Mr. Benjamin Hardwick, of London, who became interested
in Rev. James Hudson’s Church of England missions here, and con-
tributed to them; accordingly the parish was named for him at Mr.
Hudson’s suggestion, the final e being an error of the lawmakers.
ra
[canonc ] - ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 27
Place-nomenclature.
Hardwood Island.—Called White Wood Island in 1785 in the Land Memorials.
Hastings.—Named by Hon. A. R. McClelan in honour of Hastings Doyle,
then Governor of the Province.
Hecklars Cove.—West of Jacquet River; mentioned by Cooney, 203; location
and origin not known to me.
Hospital Island.—Fully explained in St. John Sun of Aug. 27, or 28, 1903
In 1848 the “Star” immigrant ship arrived with many immigrants
to work on the new railway, and among these were many fever pa-
tients who died, and to the number of 48 were buried on this island.
Howard Settlement.—Former name of the present Canterbury Station; named
no doubt in honour of Sir Howard Douglas.
Howardville.—Town laid out at mouth of Cains River in 1826, by order of
Sir Howard Douglas, and, of course, named in honour of him.
Huskisson.—P. 1826. In honour of William Huskisson, in that year one of
the plenipotentiaries (Addington being the other) to settle the dis-
puted boundary question. No doubt it was hoped and expected they
would secure a decision favourable to New Brunswick.
Indian Island.—Called Fish Island on the Morris map of 1765. Its early
name Perkins Island was, no doubt, from that of the agent of the
proprietors in whose grant it was included in 1765, Beamsley Perkins
Glasier. (See Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc. II, 357).
Inglewood.—The origins of the many interesting names in this Manor are
discussed fully in Acadiensis, III, 7.
Irish River.—This river is wrongly located on Loggie’s and the Geological
Survey maps, but is correct on Wilkinson, 1859. It is said locally,
and no doubt correctly, to be so named for a former Irish immigrant
settlement on its upper part.
Iroquois River.—First appears on the Sproule map of 1787 (see later Map
No. 39) as Oroquois, which is probably a corruption of Wolumkuas (or
Aoulasqua, as M. P. L. Mercure gives it to me) a Maliseet name,
applied to it by Moses Greenleaf in 1823 and on maps of the time
The form Jroquoiz occurs in a document in 1836 in the Boundary blue-
book of 1851, 13. It is locally pronounced not only Irockway, but
also Rockway, and it appears thus in Loggie’s map of 1898, and also
in the newspapers.
Jacquet River.—Appears as Jacket in 1803 (Winslow Papers, 501), and the
same in Land Memorials of 1806. I find the q first on Baillie’s map
of 1832 (Jaquet), while Wilkinson, 1859, appears to have introduced the
present form.
Joes Point—In the Boundary MS. the American agent in 1797, or about
that year, speaks of the mouth of the Scoodic being at ‘“ the southwest
point of Saint Andrews, or Joze’s Patent.” This suggests that it
was for a grantee, and as Joseph Goreham was the first grantee of
28 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
the land in this vicinity in 1767 it may be from his name. Or, it
may be derived from Francis Joseph, a Passamaquoddy chief, prom-
inent at the time of the Boundary discussion. Some confirmation for
this is found in the fact that the point at St. Andrews nearest Navy
Island was named Louis point, without much doubt for Louis Nep-
tune, another prominent chief. (Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc. II, 184).
Jolicoeur.—As Jollycoeur in the Land Memorials of 1788, and as Jolicoeur in
1811. The Richart of Montresor is not this, but Prée des Richards
(see later, . under Historic Sites addenda). Jolicure is in Fisher's
Sketches of 1825, 61. Jolicoeur seems to persist as the correct, ox
literary, form, while the local pronunciation is “ Jolicure.”
Jourimain.—A possible, though not very probable origin for this puzzling
name is the following. A memoir written in 1749, by Father Germain,
a priest in Acadia (for a copy of which I am indebted to Mr. P. P.
Gaudet), suggests as the proper boundary of Acadia a line extending
along the north shore of the Bay of Fundy, thence to Tantremar, and
thence to Baie Verte, or possibly Cape Tormentine. It is barely
possible that such a line was discussed in Acadia and known as the
Germain line, in which case it is conceivable that his name became
associated with the termination at the present Cape Jourimain, which
is near Cape Tormentine. The chief confirmation for such a possi-
bility is the fact that the name is locally pronounced Germain. But
I must confess to little faith in this explanation. Germain seems to
occur also as an Acadian name (Acadiensis, II, 103), and it may be
that the islands at the cape may have been so named for an early
resident, the present form representing a surveyor’s attempt to give
the word a French form. It occurs first as Jeauriman Islands in the
Land Memorials of 1809.
\
Kagoot Mountain.—So named, a restoration of an Indian name, in 1903, as
a substitute for Bald, or Big Bald, Mountain, as described in Bull.
NAS, AVS lbs
Kedgwick River.—This nameyappears in the documents connected with the
Boundary Surveys of 1818. Thus, C. Campbell in his Diary of that
year has invariably Madam Kiswice or Grand Fourche, which strongly
suggests that the name is fundamentally the same as that of the
Keswick (which see); Tiarks has Memkeswee, while the Tiarks and
Burnham map has Katawamkiswy.
The Belle Kedgwick is, no doubt, properly Bell Kedgwick; the Final
Report of the Graham Commission of 1842 shows that a Captain Bell
surveyed the Green River in 1842, and crossed to this branch, and
on Graham’s map of 1843 showing these surveys it is called, appar-
ently for the first time, Bell Kedgwick.
Kellys Creek.—A branch is apparently called Chichawagaan (see University
Monthly, XIX, 4).
Kembles Manor.—Still locally called “The Manor.” Origin and history fully
given by Howe, in N.B. Magazine, I, 146.
Se Oe
a
SS Sr
a
ie
;
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 29
Place-nomenclature.
Kent.—P. 1827. Compare also Fisher’s Sketches, 41. The “Kent” regi-
ment is said locally to have been settled here in 1817,— compare Mil-
x itary Settlements in Settlements Monograph.
Kent, County.—Established 1826, and, of course, named in honour of H.R.H.
the Duke of Kent, father of Queen Victoria.
Keswick.—As Madame Keswick on Sproule’s map of 1787 (later, Map No. 38).
Compare Kedgwick.
Ketepec (formerly Sutton on the C.P.R.).—Recent simplification of the Indian
name of Grand Bay (see earlier in these addenda).
Kewadu Lake.—Appeared first on the geological survey map of 1887, placed
there by Dr. Ells, who tells me he obtained it from a guide who had
hunted much with the Indians. It is said locally to mean Indian
Devil Lake; Dr. Ells’ recollection is that he was told it meant Beaver
Lake. No doubt it is Micmac, though I cannot trace it farther.
Kilfoil—So named by the Post Office Department for a prominent resident.
Kilmaquac.—This name of the former Indian village of St. Croix, opposite
Vanceboro, appears to survive in the Will-me-quick Rips, at that place.
(19th Rep. U. S. Geol. Survey, Vol. 4, page 49).
Kilmarnock, Cove, C.—Used in Acts of Assembly for 1830. Though not
on maps, it is still in use. No doubt it originated with James Boyd,
a well-known pre-Loyalist settler, who was connected with the Boyds
of Kilmarnock, Scotland. (See Courier Series, XLI).
Kingsclear.—A local tradition asserts, as Dr. Raymond tells me, that this
name originated from “ King’s clearings,’* applied in pre-Loyalist days
to the open space left by the cutting of the King’s pine-trees (which
there were abundant) for the Royal Navy.
Kingston, Kent.—Changed in 1901 to Rexton, which see. Kingston was at
one time known simply as “ The Yard” (shipyard), but when Messrs.
Holderness and Chilton, of Kingston, England, established a business
there, the place was so named in compliment to them.
Kouchibouguac, Kent.—Several other early uses of this name that I have
found begin with Pi: thus Pichibouguack, 1803 Land Memorials; Pissa-
beguake, 1803 (Winslow Papers, 499); Passibiguac, 1812, Land Memorials;
Pichibouquack, plan of 1815. In one of his lectures on New Brunswicl.
rivers, published in early newspapers, M. H. Perley derives this name
from Koohawaak, meaning Cariboo plain.
Labouchere Lake.—It appears on the Land Company’s plan of 1834. Labou-
chere was, in 1839, Under Secretary for War and the Colonies, and
President of the Board of Trade, and very probably held some position
in 1834 entitling him to this honour.
La Coote, Lake and Stream, York.—No doubt named for the Indian La Coote,
who lived just above Vanceboro (see Historic Sites, 223, and Aca-
diensis, I, 195). On an old plan just at the outlet of this lake is
placed Ticket Madeoukai, evidently an Indian word.
30 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
La Coup Creek.—Locally called La Cook, but the French form is explained
as meaning ‘a blow,” because of the sharp turn it makes in entering
the Aulac.
Lamec.—The preferable form of this name. See Alamec.
Lancaster.—P. 1786. Named for his former home in Lancaster, Massachu-
setts, by a prominent resident, Abijah Willard, as made plain by
Gilbert Bent in Acadiensis, V, 162.
La Nef.—Compare the name applied by Champlain to Monhegan,—‘ We
named the island La Nef, for at a distance it had the form of a ship”
A(Slafter Eh 91) It is possible that some confusion between thesa
two La Nef localities led to some of the duplication noticeable on the
Visscher and other maps of the time.
Le Nim, Point.—Locally pronounced La Nim or Le Nim. On a plan of
1816 as Point au Nim. I am told by Mr. D. Ferguson, of Chatham,
that the Indians call it An-an-imk, or An-an-im-kik, though Cooney’s
meaning of a look-out place does not seem to him appropriate.
Lepreau River.—Called in the David Owen map and MS. Minushadi (possibly
Misuishadi), no doubt an Indian name.
Lerwick.—Named for the native place of a group of Shetlanders, especially
of a prominent one, Mr. Abernethy, who were brought out to work
on the N. B. Railway, and settled here after its completion.
Letite—Very possibly an Indian corruption Petit, i.e., Petit Passage; having
labials they cannot pronounce the p, and the 1 would be a natural
substitute. Still the evidence seems to favour a corruption of La
Téte, applying to the great head on McMasters Island.
Lillooet.—Said locally to be so named by Senator King for a lumber centre
on the Pacific Coast, visited by him or his brothers.
LincolIn.—P. 1786. The name is probably derived from the former home
in Lincoln, Mass., of the Glasier family, among its first prominent
settlers. Benjamin Glasier was a Lieutenant in a regiment in Lin-
coln, Mass.
Liverpool—Named ‘in humble imitation of the Queen of the Mersey.”
Cooney, 150.
Loch Lomond.—In this form in Land Memorials of 1812. Earlier called
9-Mile Lake.
Loders Creek.—Simonds Creek on Sproule of 1786. (See also N.B. Maga-
zine, IT, 87):
Long Lake, Victoria.—Called by de Meulles, 1786, PSchpem KachkSechpa, pro-
bably the same as the modern Indian Quasquispac. Gordon’s Pechayzo
is very likely an error, really applying to Trowsers Lake (i.e., Belchesog,
the Indianized Trowsers, or Breeches, Lake. See Bull. N.H.S., IV,
327.
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS Si
Place-nomenclature.
Long Lookum.—Name of long straight stretches of river on the St. Croix,
Nepisiguit and Upsalquitch, no doubt a hybrid Indian-English expres-
sion.
Louison.—I have found several references to the use of this name for In-
dians. Thus the Journal of the Survey of the North line in 1813
shows an Indian helper named Louison.
Ludlow.—P. 1814. Named no doubt in memory of the brothers, Gabriel G.
Ludlow, Administrator of the Province in 1803, and George D., Chief
Justice of the Province, both of whom died in 1808.
Lumsden, in Albert.—Named, as I am told by Hon. A. R. McClelan, in honour
of a man with whom negotiations were carried on to bring out set-
tlers to the Province.
Lynnfield.—Said locally to be so named from the hymn-tune of that name,
a great favourite of one of the earliest settlers.
Maces Bay.—On Sproule, 1786, as Maes's Bay. The origin of this name
still eludes me, though I am inclined to believe it is from the Indian
Mechescor. It is barely possible it was given by DesBarres. He
named many places for contemporary British officers, and there was
a Benj. Mace, a surgeon in the 22nd Regiment, serving about that
time in America.
Mactaquac.—Mactaguack on Sproule’s map of 1786, and as Mactuquac in the
Land Memorials of 1786.
Magaguadavic.—This is the standard spelling of this word, though its pro-
nunciation is invariably ‘“Macadavy.” The retention of the longer
spelling is no doubt connected with the constant official use of the
longer form through the many documents and maps of the Boundary
disputes, as shown in the Monograph on Boundaries, 277.
Magundy.—I think, without doubt, of Maliseet Indian origin. Apparently
an early Indian portage to the Magaguadavic Lakes passed by way
of this stream (see later in these Addenda under “ portages’’). Very
likely it is the same word as appears in Magundicook and possibly
Mooselemeguntic in Maine, and. perhaps, related to Slugundy, which
see. This origin is confirmed by the form Magundic Ridge, 1823, in
the Land Memorials, and by the local tradition, which also makes it
of Indian origin.
Mainor Lake.—On Loggie’s and Geological Survey maps for a branch of
the Little Southwest Miramichi. An interesting example of the errors
that can arise simply mechanically through misprints, etc., for locally
the stream is called. Mains, or the Lake, Branch.
Mahood Lakes.—A name introduced in 1898 for a group of lakes in Charlotte
County, in honour of William Mahood, a prominent early surveyor of
the County, and first surveyor of that group. The name, with those
of other lakes of the group are explained in the Bull. N.H.S., IV, 57.
32 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place nomenclature.
Mal Baie.—See Miscou.
Malcontentes, Ruisseau des.—A small stream emptying into Cocagne Har-
bour south of Dixon Point, so named, as I am informed by M. Gaudet,
because a group of expelled Acadians settled there for a time after
the expulsion.
Malpec.—Name of a small brook east of Neguac. Said by Chas. Bernard,
s
Indian teacher at Church Point, to be in Micmac Malbek, meaning
Pronounced locally Mawl-pec.
“water is low.”
Maltampec.—This name, though thus pronounced in local use, is misprinted
on all printed maps, as Mattampec, though it is correctly written on
plans in the Crown Land Office. It is undoubtedly Micmac, though
I do not know its meaning. On the Ferguson map of 1811 it is
written Ranamagauch, apparently another Micmac name.
Mahalawodiac River.—Very little known locally (called Little River, or Little
Buctouche), except to local antiquarians; it seems to be known to
them (Gaudet and Father Michaud) as Madagouiac.
Mamozekel.—First on Garden's plan of 1835 as Mammyzekel. I am told by Mr.
M. Hardy, of Brewer, Me., that he was on the Tobique in 1858, and that
the Indians give him the name as Ebemeenarzekel; ebemenar, meaning
red berries like mountain cranberries, thus would agree to some extent
with my Indian informant who gave it as “bushy stream.” The
name is also applied to Britt Brook, a branch of Serpentine, the latter,
indeed, seeming to be the main He-be-se-Kel, and the Mamozekel
being He-be-se-kel-sis, the little Hebezekel, though a much larger
stream than the former.
Manne, Riviére de.—River flowing into Miramichi in the Acadian Period
mentioned by St. Valier in 1688; probably Burnt Church River.
Maquapit.—The Indians agree that it is from the word Maqua = red. Rev.
R. W. Colston has written me the explanation which is, no doubt, cor-
rect. He says there is much red gravel along its shores, and that
after heavy rains much red mud is carried into the lake. I find it
in 1785 as Maquapec in the Land Memorials. But it is not the R. de
Maquo of 1672, as later shown under Seigniories in Historic Sites
addenda.
Marcelle, Pointe.—Said locally, and no doubt correctly, to be so named for a
former resident, Marcelle Le Clair.
Mark Island (also called Pope’s Folly, which see).—So named, no doubt,
because serving as a mark in the navigation of the West Passage.
Maringouin Cape.—Locally commonly called Merry Magwin. There iS a
local tradition that it was so called because a prisoner was once ex-
posed there to be bitten to death by mosquitoes. This is probably
only a legend, which has arisen to explain the name,
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 33
Place-numenclature.
Marischal Keith—Name of a barony established in 1625 by Sir William
Alexander, granted to Lord Keith and Altrie, on the east side of the
entrance to River St. Croix, hence covering the site of St. Andrews.
(Slafter’s Sir William Alexander, 51).
Marsh Creek, St. John.—On this and its Indian name, see N.B. Magazine,
ier sand) ohh ae
Martin Head.—It occurs as Martins Head in the Land Memorials of 1785,
and again in 1786, and hence this, and not St. Martin’s Head, appears
to be the earlier form. I have, however, found no clue to its origin,
unless there may be some connection with one James Martin, who had
a grant in the Orange Ranger tract at Quaco in 17838. Some adven-
ture of this man at that place might readily give his name to it.
Locally it is called Martin Head, rather than Martin’s Head, which form
accordingly I have adopted.
Martinon (formerly French’s on the C.P.R.).—A recent simplification of the
old French name of a §eigniory at St. John. (See earlier in these
Addenda).
Marys Point, Shepody.—I am in error in stating it is locally said to be
properly St. Mary’s Point. It is said locally that it was for a squaw
of that name (Mary), and one old and well informed resident told me
that it was early called La Pointe de Marie Bidoque. I have no doubt
this explanation is in essence correct.
Mascabin.—Some confirmation of my surmise that it is simply a chart
error for Mascarin (Mascareen) is found in Hind’s use of the word
in his Report on N. B. Geology, 136.
Maugerville-—The real genesis of the name is given in Fisher’s Sketches,
of 1825, 103, and is traced by Raymond in his St. John River, 155,
and Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc., II, 294, 323, who shows that it was tem-
porarily called Peabody from a prominent resident. Had it not been
for Joshua Mauger it is very probable the settlers would have obtained
no grant of their lands, and hence the naming of the important town-
ship for him was natural and appropriate.
Maxwell.—Former name of a settlement made on Eel River in 1842 (see
Settlements Monograph). It was probably named for Lieut.-Col, A.
M. Maxwell of the 36th Regiment, the commander of the N. B. sol-
diers in the “Aroostook War.’ He returned to England in 1840 with
the esteem of the people of New Brunswick.
McAdam.—The present site of the Junction was about 1850 called City Camp,
because of the large number of lumber camps then in the immediate
vicinity, as I am told by Mr. A. M. Hill. When railway construction
(ie, the eastern extension between Vanceboro and St. John) began
in 1869, the place bore this name for a time. But a watering station
established two miles up the line on McAdam Brook (so named be-
Sec. II., 1905. 3
34 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-romenclature.
cause lumbered by John McAdam) became known as McAdam, and
the name gradually was transferred to the Junction, the watering place
being later named Maudsley (for a British capitalist interested in the
road). Thus the name gradually became applied to the junction and
was afterwards extended to the parish. This is probably strictly
correct, and it is wholly in conformity with the method by which place-
names arise.
Medisco.—A point at Petit Rocher, according to Perley, Fisheries of N. B.
45; one of Gaudet’s articles speaks of “ Petit Rocher, autrement dite
Madisco.”
Meductic.—This name is now applied to the modern village just south of
the mouth of Hel River.
Meductic Falls——On the Peachey type of maps there occurs here a Gath of
Medoctu, long a puzzle tO me. On a recently obtained copy of that
map, drawn by Sproule (mentioned later in Cartography addenda),
I find it written Gall of Medoctu, which, I have no question, is a
eopyist’s error for Fall—showing that Gath is ,an error for Fall or
Falls.
Memel, in Albert.—Named by a German settler from that place in Germany,
as I am told by Hon. A: R. MeClelan.
Messinet Stream.—Named, no doubt, from some one of the family of a
French physician of that name who settled in St. George, and whose
descendants are still there, as I am told by Mr. J. Vroom. At one
time I thought this word a corruption of an Indian name given in
the Land Memorials of 1797, which speaks of a stream in Pennfield
parish called Waswaswiniwick, the identity of which is not known to me.
Middle Island.—The original grant of 1765 speaks of Middle Island lying
off Windmill Point. (Compare Numeheal, later).
Middle River.—This appears to have been called by Plessis in 1811 La
Riviere du Mitan (Journal, 114), though Mitan is, perhaps, a misprint
for Milieu.
Midgic, Westmorland.—Appears first, so far as I have found, in the Land
Memorials of 1812 as Point Medjeck, though it must have been used
much earlier.
Milnagek Lake, or Island Lake.—The name and the local nomenclature of
the vicinity is fully discussed in Bull. N.H.S., IV, 469.
Milpagos.—Compare Rand’s Milpaachk, “having many coves” (Reader, 100).
and Milpagech, variegated (101).
Minaqua.—See Northwest Miramichi.
Miramichi.—The origin of this name still eludes me. Its first use in a
modern form is as Mesamichi in deMonts’ Commission of 1603. To
the various fanciful explanations of it may be added that of M’Gre-
2
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 35
Place-nomenclature.
gor (British America, Il, 260), who makes it, “a probable corruption
of Miracheet, a tribe of Micmacs once inhabiting its banks,’ but he
evidently here has in mind the Maliseets, sometimes called Mariseets.
The meaning ‘Happy Retreat,’ first given by Cooney and widely
accepted, is of no value whatever, since the same meaning is given
in an old document as applying to the Nepisiguit (Coll. N.B. Hist.
Soc., II, 128). On the map in the Micmac Almanac for 1902, pub-
lished by Rev. Father Pacifique, the word appears in the form
Malimeoisitg, and he writes me that this is the name applied to the
peninsula where Chatham stands, and it can mean “Place where one
collects diverse kinds of berries.” But, he adds, that he does not
know whether this is an aboriginal word, or simply a Micmac pro-
nunciation of a word derived from the whites.
Miscou.—The suggestion in Place-Nomenclature (page 253) that this name
may be derived from an Algonquin word meaning red, “describing the
low red cliffs about it,’ proves groundless, since, as I have found by
personal observation, no such cliffs exist. I find the local tradition
among the best-informed local residents makes the word Indian, mean-
ing “low land” or, as one told me, “boggy land.” This interpreta-
tion I find confirmed by Joe Prisk, the intelligent old Miemac of
Bathurst, who told me he thinks the word is Micmac, and means
“muddy land,” having in it the root susqu, meaning “ mud,’ in which
case the aboriginal form (which the Micmacs appear to have quite
lost) would have been something like M’susqu, easily shortened to
Miscou. I take it that the word means not only mud in our sense,
but also muck, marsh, wet bog. In this case it forms an admirable
descriptive name, for the most striking fact about the physical geo-
graphy of Miscou is the prevalence there of open bogs or barrens
(copiously covered with boggy lakes), which, indeed, form over one-
half of the surface of the island (compare the map and description in
Bulletin of the Nat. Hist. Soc. of N.B., V, 449). The name Miscou seems
to cecur for the first time in Champlain’s Narratives, under the year
1623.
The local and historical nomenclature is of much interest. No
Indian names, except Âiscou itself, have survived, but many French
names are in use. The name Isle de Sainct Louis is applied to it in
the Jesuit Relations, and Cap de l'Espérance was given to its northern
point by Cartier in 1534 because in rounding it he hoped he had found
in Bay Chaleur the western passage. J. à Monsieur is applied upon
old maps to a small island in this vicinity which I think can be only
Money Island, the only one hereabouts which is striking enough to
be named on the old maps. The name Money Island (called by the
French Jsle au Trésor) is, of course, descriptive of the supposed treasure
there (see later, under Historie Sites). Pointe au Vable and Boullin des
Boeufs occur upon [West’s original map of the island in 1820, and
both names are still known to the older residents, though not now in
actual use; Vable, I presume, is connected in some way with Sable,
sand, while Boullin des Boeufs (spelled Bouillin des Boufs on West’s
map) was explained to me, and I have no question, correctly, by
36
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Mr. Andrew Wilson, as applying formerly to the fine birch woods
where the lighthouse now stands, in which the cattle of the settlers
formerly wandered; the word is an Acadian mélmige, meaning “the
birch (grove) of the cattle.’ Mal Baie, in common use, probably is
a corruption of “ Morue Bay,” or “Cod Bay,” a name occurring else-
where in Acadia, and alludes to the cod which have appeared there
frequently and have been left stranded at low tide. On the different
maps the names big and little are applied to them, but with no con-
stancy, and sometimes transposed, but they are not used locally. The
term Queue, meaning of course “a tail,” is in constant local use for
the two narrow-necked bays as shown on the map, but the word does
not occur elsewhere in the Province so far as I know. Lake Chenire
is said locally to mean ‘‘Oak Lake” (obviously including the root
chéne), though the word Chenire is not used now in Acadian; the
name is known by the older residents to have been given when oak
staves were made in the woods on its southern shore. Grande Plaine
is descriptive of the great beach-plain here built up by the sea (as
described in the paper above cited in Bulletin of the N.B. Nat. Hist.
Soc.). Lac Frye is so named, without doubt, for the Canadian who
had a fishing establishment here in 1775 (Canadian Archives, 1894,
881). Munroe Lake, on old maps applied to Lac Frye, but now used
for the little lake near the lighthouse, is said to be for another early
fisherman. Landry River is for the early settler of that name, after-
wards one of the founders of Upper Caraquet. All of the other names
on the map are obviously descriptive, either of physical peculiarities,
ownership, ete. Black Point (Pointe Noire by the French) still in use
by older people, applies not so much to the outer point at Wilson’s
as to the settlement, and probably was originally applied inside the
harbour.
One series of the descriptive names, those applied to the smaller
lakes, have been mostly given by Dr. J. Orne Green, of Boston, (a
sportsman who has camped on the island in autumn for some twenty-
eight years past) and for various reasons descriptive of physical pecu-
liarities or commemorative of some of his friends or guides who have
been with him there. The maps and charts commonly apply the name
Miscou Point, or Point Miscow to the extreme northern point of the
island, but this is not the local usage, which calls the northern end
Northwest Point, and applies Point Miscou, or, more commonly, Miscou
Point to the vicinity of the lighthouse, a usage which is, at least, as
old as 1832 (Cooney, 177). The settlement near the lighthouse is
called Miscou Point Settlement, with a strong tendency to shorten it
simply to Miscou Settlement, or even simply to Miscou. On the charts
occur the names Mya Point, South Mya Point, Pecten Point and
Pandora Point (the former being the scientific names of the clam and
the scallop respectively), given, no doubt, by the officers of the Ad-
miralty Survey in 1838, but they have never come into use and are
entirely unknown locally. All of the Miscou local names may be
found upon an Historical Map, accompanying my paper, ‘‘ The History
of Miscou,” in Acadiensis, Vol. VI.
[aanoxG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 37
Place-nomenclature.
Missaguash.—The best form of this diversely-spelled word.
Mistake Creek.—Was earlier called Coy’s (not McCoy’s) Mistake (Raymond,
St. John River, 327). Early grants appear to refer to a Mistake Creek
on the Kennebecasis.
Mistouche (or Tracy’s) Brook.—On the curious nomenclatorial history of
this name, see Monograph on Boundaries, 407.
Monash Cove.—-Presumably Micmac, but origin not known to me.
Moncton, (now Gibson).—See a note on this name in N.B. Magazine, I, 71.
Money Cove, Grand Manan.—For the supposed presence of buried treasure,
as explained fully in Perley, Report on Fisheries, 103.
Monument Brook.—In Maliseet 'itiakmigc, meaning low-ground throughout.
(Gatschet, Eastport Sentinel, Sept. 15, 1897).
Moorefields.—Important early settlement on the North shore of the Mirami-
chi, since the great fire of 1825 included in Douglastown.
Moreau, Pointe à.—Said locally to be so named for a former resident.
Mosquito Cove, near St. John.—Used in the Morris Report of 1765.
Musquash Harbour.—Compare Frenchman’s Creck earlier. The legend men-
tioned here is given in full in Leland and Prince, Kuloscap the
Master, 26.
Nabouiane.—A place near Shediac, mentioned by Bellin in his Description
of 1755, page 31; identity unknown to me.
Nackawic.—A branch of this river appears to bear the name, doubtless
Indian, Naraguisis (see Select Committee Report of 1861, 17, 70). Pos-
sibly connected with Naraguagus (Naleguagus, which see).
Naleguagus.—Name, still used, of a rapid on Salmon River, Queens County
(above Castaway Brook); it is, no doubt, Indian and by the same ori-
gin as Narraguagus, in Maine, and connected with Guagus, which see.
Nantucket.—Perhaps connected with the Captain Folger, of Nantucket, Mass.,
who was at Passamaquoddy after whales in the eighteenth century
(Kilby, Eastport and Passamaquoddy, 105).
Negoot.—Name proposed in 1901 for the group of lakes on the right hand
branch of Tobique, a restoration of the Maliseet name of the river
(see Tobique). It, together with all the local names of the vicinity
are fully discussed in the Bull. N.H.S., IV, 326, 337; V, 67.
Nepisiguit.—The origin of the nomenclature of the hills at the head of
the river is discussed in Bull N.H.S., IV, 251, and of its south branch
in the same Bulletin, V, 226.
38
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
New
New
New
New
Brunswick.—The earliest use I have found of this name is of date
May 29, 1784, a document in Archives Report for 1894, 419. On other
proposed names see Raymond in N.B. Magazine, III, 44; Canadian
History Readings, II, 52; Canadian Archives, 1894, 418; Winslow Pa-
pers, 174. In earlier records and maps it appears very frequently as
New-Brunswick. A frequent local pronunciation is Noo-Brumsick.
Horton.—Settled by people from Horton, in Nova Scotia, whence the
name, as I am informed by Hon. A. R. McClelan. This is confirmed
by a statement in Johnston’s North America, II, 112.
Mills——The former narne, Malagash, occurs in the Land Memorials of
1789; and in 1814 in Winslow Papers, 689.
River.—On Sproule’s map of 1786.
Nictor Lake.—The origin of this name, and of the other local names, includ-
ing mountains, of the vicinity is discussed in Bull. N.H.S.,, IV, 240.
Nigadoo.—In this form in 1807 in the Land Memorials.
Northumberland Strait.—The name Red Sea applied to its southern end on
some maps was given, according to MS. Owen Journal of 1767 (which
I have seen), “called by the French La Mer Rouge or Red Sea, probably
because of the colour given by the soil of St. John’s Island to the
water.”
North Pole Branch.—Its nomenclature is fully described in Bull. N.H.S,
V, 468.
Northwest Miramichi.—Locally always pronounced Norwest. The Indian
name of this river is Elmunakun, (Atlee-ma-nagan, M’Gregor, British
America, II, 260, and Menail-menaagun, E. Jack in MS.). Rand gives
the form Hlmunakuncheech, meaning a ‘‘beaver’s hole,’ for the Little
Sevogle, though I think it likely he was misled by the diminutive
cheech, and that really it applies to the Big Sevogle (see Sevogle).
In his dictionary (133) he gives Elmunakun as a beaver’s or musk-
rat’s hole. As to why such a name is applied to the Northwest I
think it very probable that it was descriptive of the occurrence at
the place now called Big Hole of a remarkable cave (suggesting a
beaver’s or muskrat’s hole), mentioned by Professor Bailey in Bulletin
of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, V, 158. The very
name, Big Hole, is some confirmation of this supposition. Rev Father
Pacifique, however, derives it from a word meaning silent, which is
not appropriate.
For this river the French maps used the contraction Minaqua;
and I have proposed recently (Bulletin of the Natural History Society
of New Brunswick, Vol. V, page 431) to restore this name as a con-
venient designation for scientific purposes for the north and south
part of the valley of the Northwest. The Indian name occurs first
in a document of 1686 (mentioned later under “ Settlement of Richard
Denys”), as Mumunagan.
The local nomenclature of the headwaters of this river is discussed
in) Bulle Ne ELS.) Waele
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS : 39
Place-nomenclature
Norton.—P. 1795. As to this name the late Leonard Allison wrote me as
follows:—‘‘I have for a good'while supposed, though I have no direct
evidence of the fact, that the Parish of Norton, in Kings County, was
named by the Honorable George Leonard, as the habitat of his branch
of the Leonard family seemed to be Norton, Mass., as appears from
W. R. Deane’s Memoir of the Taunton Leonards (Boston, 1851), page 8,
from which it appeared that his grandfather, Major George Leonard,
removed in 1690 to Norton, then a part of Taunton . . . . The
Honorable George Leonard’s father, the Reverend Nathaniel Leonard,
was born at Norton.” This explanation is entirely in harmony with
the mode of naming of many other parishes in the Province, and is
probably correct. It may be that the Norton Brook, in Sussex, east
of the parish may have some connection with the name, or it may
be a coincidence.
Nova Scotia.—The very interesting. genesis of this name with the curious
reason for its persistence in the Latin form, is fully discussed in the
Educational Review, XVI, 11, and in the Boundaries monograph, 213.
Numeheal Creek.—According to Raymond (N.B. Magazine, II, 217) this was
the Pre-Loyalist name of a creek ‘ opposite Middle Island in Mauger-
ville.’ I believe, however, that this is simply a bad misprint for
Windmill Creek (now called Street’s Creek?), for there was apparently
a Windmill Point just beside it (see Middle Island).
Oanwells Island (of the Peachey maps).—Granted as Fall Island in 1785 to
Capt. Atwood (Land Memorials). Just below it is Belvisor Bar (which
see), and it is called Belviso Fall Island in a document of 1810, and
also Cronkite Island, according to Raymond (letter). Now called
Brown’s Island.
Ohio Settlement.—Origin locally unknown. Johnston (Travels in North
America, II, 62) speaks of it in 1849 as a new French settlement. I
think it very likely that this settlement, as well as the several Cali-
fornia Settlements in the Province, were named when emigration to
those places was attracting much attention, in a half-humourous allu-.
sion to them as possible substitutes. Johnston, in his Travels in North
America, II, 39, comments upon the “emigration fevers” which swept
over the country at intervals, and adds: ‘These accessions of fever
come on at irregular intervals. The Indiana, the Illinois, the Michigan,
and the Wisconsin fevers have all had their turn, and now the Cali-
fornia paroxysm is at its height.”
Old Mission Point.—The Micmac name of this point, as I am told by Mr.
D. Ferguson, of Chatham, who knows the place and Indians well, was
Chee-gook.
Onlockywicket.—Name of a place on the Upper Nepisiguit, in local use by
guides and lumbermen, doubtless Micmac.
Ononette.—(Formerly Riverbank, on the C.P.R.). Recent simplification of the
Acadian name of Brandy Point (see earlier in these addenda).
40 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Ormond Lake—In 1837, the year this name was given, the Marquess of
Ormonde had his seat at Kilkenny Castle, Ireland, and very likely,
as Chief Butler of Ireland, he had some part in the coronation of
Queen Victoria in that year, thus leading Mahood to connect his name
with that of Victoria and Adelaide. The late J. Allan Jack was of
opinion, however, as expressed in letters to me, that it was named
for Col. Ormond, of whom there is a full account in Acadiensis, II, 19.
Oromocto Lake.—For a discussion of this name, and of the various local
names around the Northwest Lake, see Bull. N.H.S., V, 193.
Osnaburg.—A temporary name for Fredericton, used as early as Oct. 20,
1784 (as shown by a petition of that date still extant), and used occa-
sionally even after the name Fredericton was given in 1785. The
name was for the same prince for whom Fredericton -was named,
Frederick, Duke of York, Bishop of Osnaburg.
Pabineau.—The origin of this name, from the Acadian name of the high-
bush cranberry, is fully discussed in Acadiensis, I, 88.
Palfrey Lake.—Playford’s plan of Survey around Howard Settlement, 1833,
has Palphry Brook, and possibly the name was given by him, and the
St. Andrews and Quebec Railway Survey, 1836, has the Palfrey Moun-
tains. I am told, however, by Mr. John Stewart, who knew this
country well, that it was so called for an old trapper of that name,
while Mr. W. H. Venning tells me he remembers hearing, many years
ago, that it was so named for the first man to cut a saw log on it.
Inquiries at Vanceboro, made of old residents for me by Dr. Young,
have failed to yield further information about such a person, though
it is very likely the lake and stream were named for some early
hunter or lumberman, or, very likely, for an Indian resident or hunter.
Palmerston.—Has vanished entirely, both the parish and settlement being
now called St. Louis de Kent.
Pamdenec.—(Formerly Hillside, on the C.P.R.). Recent Maliseet name,
meaning a little hill (see earlier in these addenda).
Pamomkeag.—(Formerly Nases, on the C.P.R.). Recent Maliseet name,
meaning river beach (see earlier in these addenda).
Passamaquoddy Bay.—This word is fully analyzed by Prince, in Proc. Am.
Phil. Soc, XXXVIII, 181; also in Leland and Prince, Kuloscap the
Master, 23. In the Jesuit Relation of 1675-77 (Relations, LX, 262)
it occurs as pessemouquote or pertemagouate, which latter form is both
the earliest known and also very near to the aboriginal form. The
earliest use of the modern form appears in the account of Prince’s
voyage in 1734 (N.E. Hist. Gen. Reg., V, 376) as Pessamequoddy.
The Boundary MS. contain abundant testimony as to the exact
location of the name, from which it is plain that orginally it did not
apply to the spacious bay now having that name, but to the region
between Deer Island, Campobello, and the American shore, from Head
Harbor to the Cobscook (see Monograph on Boundaries, 277). This
ca
[GanonG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 41
Place-nomenclature.
is the region still called Quoddy by the fishermen and other local nav-
igators, who call the Bay of Passamaquoddy of our maps St. Andrews
Bay. In the Boundary MS. it is said that pollock are not taken in
the inner bay though abundant in- the outer, which (if correct) is
strong confirmation of this use of the word, since Passamaquoddy un-
questionably means the place of pollock.
Paticake Brook.—As Patticake Creek, in Sproule’s Map of 1786.
Paunchy Lake.—A small lake near Midgic, Westmorland, probably of Mic-
mac Indian origin. Pronounced locally like Pawn-che. (It is shown
on a map of the region in the Botanical Gazette, XXXVI, 164).
Pays Bas.—A name used by the Acadians of Madawaska for the lower part
of the St. John, French Village and downwards, as I am informed by
M. P. L. Mercure.
Pekonk Hill.—Just on the New Brunswick-Maine boundary west of Rapide
de Femme. It is often mentioned in documents connected with the
boundary surveys, and is on some of the boundary maps.
Pelerin.—A settlement in Kent, named for a family of Acadians of that
name, as I find by local inquiry. The name has been wonderfully
corrupted on different maps into Pulrang (Loggie, 1884), Pellering
(on Postal Map), etc.
Peltoma.—A chief named Piere Toma is mentioned in Kidder’s Revolution-
ary Operations, 105.
Pemwit Branch (of Green River).—Said locally to be so named for an Indian
who hunted there.
Perth.—P. 1833. Named, in all probability, in honour of Sir Archibald
Campbell, then Governor of New Brunswick, whose birthplace and
home seat were in Perthshire, Scotland, though locally said to have
been named by patriotic Scotch residents for the place in Scotland.
Petitcodiac.—Occurs first on de Meulles map of 1686 as Petcoucoyek.
Petit Rocher, not Petite Roche.—It occurs thus in Plessis in 1811 (116).
Philmonro.—So named for a resident of that name (it is said locally),
printed on some maps as Filomaro.
Pikwaket.—The best spelling for this variously-spelled name.
Pirate Brook Lake, York.—On an old plan the lake is called Scooneygomskiktic,
no doubt its Passamaquoddy name.
Pisiguit—Nothing to do with Cowassaget, which see.
Piskahegan.—On Sproule’s map of 1786, where it is called also Grand Fork,
perhaps a translation of its Indian name.
42 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Point de Bute.—Occurs as Point Debute in Fisher’s Sketches of 1825, 61;
and apparently in a document of 1788 mentioned by Trueman; also
in its present form in the Willard Diary of 1755 in possession of the
Lancaster (Mass.) Public Library.
Pokesuedie Island.—As Pocsuedier I on a plan of 1816. It is Little Pokesue-
die Island, locally L’Ilet, which is I à Zacharie on old Indian plans.
Pronounced locally Poke-su-die (the u as in duke, and accent on the
second syllable).
Pokemouche.—In the Crown lLan1 Office is a large-scale plan entitled,
“Sketch of the Upper Parts of the River Pocmouch,’ by William
Ferguson, 1811, which gives a number of Indian names as follows:—
Pidpudmoe Brook, the present Caribou Creek; Waganchitch Brook,
the present Peter’s Brook; Chicichichoc Rivulet, the present Pelletier
Brook (on the south side above Peter’s Brook); Ranamagauch Brook,
the present Maltempec. This map will be reproduced in my article
upon “The History of Pokemouche,” in Acadiensis, Vol. VI.
This map also applies the Pte. de la Croir to two points, the
northern one at Upper Pokemouche (opposite Rivers Point), and that
between Maltempec and the main Pokemouche. Presumably these
mark the sites of Indian burial grounds.
The Micmac name of Trout Brook on the Upper Pokemouche (8 or
9 miles above head of tide on N. side) has been given me by the intel-
ligent old Micmac, Joe Prisk, of Bathurst, as Mat-wes-ka-be-jeechk,
meaning ‘“‘ porcupine was hanging.”
Pokomoonshine Brook.—This name occurs also in Piscatquis County, Maine,
and also in the Adirondacks (see Forest and Stream, May 18, 1901,
384, and the same, June 22, 1901). It is, no doubt, of Indian origin,
but the aboriginal form and meaning seem unknown.
Pollet River.—Occurs as Paulets River in Land Memorials of 1791.
Ponwauk.—The deadwater on the St. Croix, from below King Brook to
Kendrick’s Rips, above Chepedneck Falls. Said by the Indians to
mean ‘“ place of quiet water,’ as I am told by Mr. Irving Todd, who
kncows the place well. Perhaps the word has some relation with
Penniac. |
Poodiac.—A Post-office in Kings County; name of imported Indian origin.
Its origin has been explained to me, and I have no doubt, correctly,
by a resident, Mr. S. H. F. Sherwood, who wrote me that it was
suggested by Poodic, a suburb of Portland, Maine. Asked for more
detailed information, he wrote me as follows: “The office was
established over 30 years ago. At that time we sent several names
that we considered decent, but each was rejected at Ottawa as being
already the name of an office in the Dominion, and we became dis-
couraged. About that time there was a young lady visiting here who
had been in Portland. She said the people there had a habit when
anything annoyed them of wishing it ‘’tother side of Poodic.’ She
had also acquired the phrase. She suggested that we call the office
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 43
Place-nomenclature.
‘Poodic, and, half in jest, this name was forwarded. In due time
the office material arrived and on the stamp was Poodiac Why the
Post Office authorities inserted the a I never knew.” This explan-
ation is sustained by the fact that Poodic, from the Indian Purpooduck,
is a suburb south of Portland, Maine, on the north shore of Cape
Elizabeth. This name is of especial interest as illustrating well the
extremely trivial origin of many place-names.
Popelogan, C.—As Pokee Login Bay and Poughelagen Bay in Land Memorials
of 1785 and 1786; Pocologin Stream on Sproule’s map of 1786; Popologan,
1815, in Land Memorials. The name is, no doubt, connected with
logan and bogan used for quiet coves beside a river in Maine and New
Brunswick. The word is discussed by Tooker in the American An-
thropologist, 160:
Popes Folly.—Two islands at Passamaquoddy have borne this name. One
(now commonly called Mark Island, which see, close to Campobello)
was named, no doubt, because of some connection with Zeba Pope,
who lived there in 1808 (see Monograph on Boundaries, 359). The
other, between Indian Island and Casco’ Bay Island, was, perhaps,
named for the same man. Lorimer says that on this island (Passa-
maquoddy Islands, 95) “ poor Pope, in 1812, established a trading post
and lost all.’ This name Jolly is not uncommonly applied to unsuc-
cessful business ventures by neighbours, who are always wiser after
than before an event, and it appears elsewhere in Clinch’s Folly (on
the charts for an island near Letang) and Folly Point, in Westmorland.
Portobello.—One of our still unexplained names. Portobello, in South Am-
erica, was captured by Admiral Vernon in 1739, and I have been told
that there were formerly residents of Maugerville of this name; pro-
bably this is only a coincidence, but there may be a cause and effect
connection. It is locally explained, as given earlier, in these addenda.
Dr. Raymond has suggested that the name may have been given
for some connection with Capt. William Spry, who had large grants
in this vicinity in pre-Loyalist times, and who may have been at the
taking of Porto-Bello in South America.
Quaco.—An old plan in the Crown Land Office has this inscription, north
of the present Quaco Head,—‘ Oreequaco, so called, a point of rock
resembling a human head and neck,’ while another reads, “ High
Point of Rock resembling the profile of a human head and neck, called
by the Indians ‘“ Oreequacco.” The origin of the name is discussed
in Bull N.H.S., IV, 72. Locally explained as noted earlier, in these
addenda.
Quisibis.—On the Sproule map of 1787 (Map No. 39, later) as Squisibis.
Renforth—Named by summer residents in Oct., 1903, in honour of the
English oarsman of that name, who died in a race on the Kennebecasis
many years ago; earlier called The Chalet.
Renous River.—Its nomenclature is discussed in Bull. N.H.S., V, 311. It
appears first as River Renou in the Land Memorials of 1808.
44 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Restigouche River.—The original plan of the river, of 1836, explains the
origin of some of the names of its branches. Thus, the present Boston
Brook is called Beaver Brook, and just at its mouth is a lumber camp
with the name New Boston, no doubt a facetious name for the place;
evidently Boston became extended to the stream and is now its
name. On Jardine’s Brook, William Jardine had a timber license in
1837. The reason for the name Ffive-finger Brook is given on MacDon-
ald’s map of his line of exploration from the Upsalquitch to the St.
John, for that line crossed four branches of the stream radiating from
near one another near its head, a feature shown on none of our ex-
istent maps.
The Indian name of this river is, I believe, the same fundamentally
as that of the Aroostook, which see.
Rev. Father Pacifique, of Mission Point, writes me that he thinks
it altogether probable the word Restigouche is derived from Ælistegei,
meaning to resist, to revolt, to struggle, which suggests one of the
meanings commonly given, namely, “river of the long war.”
Rexton, Kent Co.—Formerly called Kingston. The genesis of the new name
is given in a letter from Dr. J..W. Doherty of that place, dated May
9, 1901. After relating the inconvenience of the former name, owing
to the many duplications in Canada, he says:—‘‘In consequence, I
started a petition among the residents of this place for signature with
a brief list of names appended to be voted upon, being careful that
no name so voted on should be a duplicate of any other name in
the Dominion. My choice of Rexton appeared to take the fancy of
those signing and, in consequence, no general meeting of the inhabit-
ants was thought necessary for the purpose of ratifying the change
of name, or the name so voted on. The petition was then sent to our
representative (O. J. LeBlanc), who presented it, with a strong recom-
mendation, to the Government (Postmaster General) and, in conse-
quence, the name of Kingston, Kent, was changed to Rexton, Kent.”
The change went into effect May 1, 1901. Of course the flex is the
Latin equivalent of Kings, making the name a Latin-English hybrid,
but, perhaps, none the worse for that.
It is of interest to note that Kent County has been the scene of
more changing of names, and by official procedure, than any other
County of the Province, for, in addition to the above mentioned
change, Palmerston has been changed to St. Louis, Liverpool to Richi-
bucto, and the railroad station at first called Weldford was later
changed to Harcourt.
Richibucto.—From the teacher of the Indian School at Big Cove, Miss Mary
Isaacs, herself a Micmac, from Restigouche, I have received the
following as the Indian names of places on Richibucto and vicinity:—
Richibucto, Llseebooktook; Molus River, Seegudeeascook; St. Nicholas
River, Helknowkon; Bass River, Boksnok; Big Cove, Melisicknadee; In-
dian Island, Linoo Mayneegoo, which, however, seems to be merely the
translation of the English name into Indian.
Of other local names on Richibucto, most are self explanatory,
being descriptive or for residents or owners. Platts Point, just below
[GANONG | ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 45
Place-nomenclature.
the marine hospital, probably is named from an early Acadian, Jos.
Richard, dit des Plattes, though his connection with the place is not
known. In the Land Memorials of 1822 I find mention of Marin Island
and River Ro (near the Forks), both of which seem now unknown.
Richmond.—Another possible explanation of this name is given by Raymond,
in his History of Carleton County, 75th article, when he states that
some of the early settlers were from Richmond, N.Y.
Rivière du Cache.—The preferable form of this name. An additional note
of importance on the origin of this name is in the Historic Sites
Monograph, 293.
Rocher, or Rosher.—A form of Roshea, which see.
Rockwell Stream.—For a grantee, not the stream of that name in Ireland.
Rollingdam.—It is mentioned in an Act of 1832 (Acts, page 563). The
description given in the Place-nomenclature is not exact; it is a dam
built on a sandy bottom, and having a slope down as well as up
stream in order to prevent it being undermined by the fall.
Rooskey Lake.—No doubt named by Mahood for one of the five lakes of
that name in Ireland. The name is not locally in use; it is called
Hurd Lake, for a grantee.
Roshea.—(Pronounced Ro-zhee). A bay (called on the maps, Salisbury Bay)
and a settlement in Albert County. The name is, without doubt, an
English corruption of Enragé, the French name of the Cape prominent
here, though the name of the cape itself has been from early times
Cape Enrage (see Enragé Cape). It occurs as Roshea in the Calhoun
Diary of 1771, and in the Land Memorials of 1785 as Capé Rosier and
Rosear apparently. In a N.B. Statute of 1875 it is called Roshea Bay.
The Post-office name Little Rocher, is, of course a form of this name.
Rothesay.—In an article in the St. John Globe, of Dec. 14, 1901, it is said:—
“On the 4th August, 1860, a deputation of summer residents [at
Rothesay] waited on the Prince of Wales on his arrival there to take
the steamer for Fredericton, and requested permission to name the
young settlement Rothesay, after one of his titles, “ Duke of Rothesay.”
Rumbling Mountain.—On the Odell, near Tobique, so called from noises said
to be heard there (Bull. N.H.S., V, 237).
Rusagonis.—The preferable form of this name.
Sabbies River.—Savoy’s River, in Land Memorials of 1818; said locally, and
no doubt correctly, to be for a mill owner of that name.
Sagwa.—Recently named R.R. Station; name from Rand’s Micmac Dictionary,
meaning waist deep water (see earlier in these addenda).
Saint Andrews.—Our knowledge of the origin of this name is fully sum-
marized in Acadiensis, II, 184.
46 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Saint Croix River (Charlotte).—The name St. Croix was at first given to
the island, but was soon extended to the river by Champlain, who
was rather careless in his use of it, applying it sometimes to the
entire river and sometimes to its lower tidal part. Thus, some con-
fusion later arose among those using his narratives, such as Denys,
who understood him as making the River St. Croix and the River of
the Etchemins two distinct rivers, when they are the same.
The local pronunciation is invariably St. Croy. There is some
evidence that the early settlers pronounced the word Croix in English
= fashion. Thus, in the Courier Series, CII, there is a deed of 1785
which spells the name Saint Croyick’s. B. Glasier in 1764 spells it
St. ‘Croys’ (Coll IN] B. Hist. SOC, IT 313):
Ste. Croix River.—An early name for the Miramichi. In an important docu-
ment of 1686, mentioned later (under “Settlement of Richard Denys
de Fronsac’’) the name is restricted to the river below Beaubear’s
Island, but the maps extend it much higher.
Saint David.—The Patron Saint of Wales, and hence naturally associated
with St. George, St. Andrews and St. Patrick.
Saint John City.—On this and the alternative names it bore or which were
proposed for it, see Raymond in Canadian History Readings, 50;
Coll, IN. B. Hist. Soe, iL 65! There is a discussion of the origin of
its Indian name Menaguasche, meaning ‘place where dead seals are
gathered,” in St. John Telegraph, June 3, 1901.
St. Martins.—Despite much search, I have not been able to find a reason
for the application of this name. Possibly it was suggested by the
presence within its bounds of Martin’s Head. I have sought to find
some connection with a former Loyalist centre in the Colonies. I find
that the region now called St. Martin’s, in Maryland, was a Loyalist
centre in the Revolution (Van Tyne, Loyalists, 166; Scharf, Hist. Mary-
land, II, 296); and, curiously enough, just north of it in Delaware
is a Susser (as there was in New Brunswick when these names were
first given), which is probably only a coincidence, but which may have
suggested the name.
Saint Simon.—The origin of this name is probably not as given by Cooney
from that of a French vessel sunk here in 1760, but for the name
of her captain (compare later, under Historic Sites Addenda, Acadian
Period, St. Simon). Locally the name is invariably pronounced St.
Simo (or, at least, the final syllable a nasal hardly sounding the n),
and the word Inlet of our maps and charts is never used.
Its Micmac name, as I am told by Joe Prisk, of Bathurst, a very
reliable Micmac, is NSee-bes’-kaa-daan, meaning, as he says, something
like a “carrying-over place.’ The earliest use that I have found of
the name is in the Land Memorials of 1805, where it is called River
Saint Simon, and Saint Simon’s River, and it is called St. Simond’s Inlet
in the same Memorials of 1816, and Saint Simon’s Inlets on Ferguson’s
plan of 1820, copied later in Map No. 33.
.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 47
. Place-nomenclature.
Saint Stephen, Town.—A part of the town once bore the name Dover, which
seems to have originated the name Calais. Thus, the late G. A.
Boardman, in an article in the St. Croix Courier in 1895 or 1896, wrote
as follows:—‘“In 1806, now ninety years since, the people of Township
No. 5, by act of the legislature and in accordance with the wishes of
the people, received the name of Calais. A part of St. Stephen was
then called Dover Hill, and it was thought appropriate to call No. 5
Calais. It was hoped the people of St. Stephen would take the name
of Dover, as that was the name of a coast city in England.” This
is curiously confirmed by a statement in Wedderburn’s Statistical
and Practical Observations of 1836, where (page 16) he says:—‘ Saint
Stephen, from its locality, is the Dover of the Province, and opposite
the thriving American Calais.” Again, Johnston, who was here in
1849, tells in his work on North America (II, 157). “Tt was nearly
dark when we arrived at St. Stephens; and found comfortable quarters
in Dover Street—the names of the town on the one side of ‘the
stream, and of a principal street on the other, carrying the mind far
away, to Scenes very different on the whole, but where frontier towns
and rival populations were also vis-d-vis with each other.” There is
now no Dover Street in St. Stephen, but the name Dover Hill is still
in use.
The Indian name of St. Stephen was, according to Gatschet (East-
port Sentinel, Sept. 15, 1897), Kichi Medabiauht, meaning great landing,
because an important camping place.
St. Tooley.—One of the headlands of Quaco Bay (name used locally, but not
on any map). In all probability a persistence and corruption of St.
Louis, a name applied by Champlain in 1604 to one of the rivers here.
(Discussed in Bull. N.H.S. N.,B., IV, 72).
Salkelds Islands.—It is, perhaps to these that Champlain applies the name
Jumelles, “the twins” (or sisters) in this vicinity. The origin of
“Fothergills’’ is not known to me.
Savage Island.—Called upon the early maps Indian Island. The persistence
of the form Savage unquestionably is an inheritance from the French
to whom, of course, it was Isle Sauvage. There is a Savage Island,
having, no doubt, a similar origin on the St. John about 10 miles
below the Si. Francis.
Serpentine.—This name occurs also as name of a branch of Shogomoc, as
the outlet of French Lake Oromocto, and as an inlet of Ludgate Lake,
St. John, all of them, no doubt, named for their crookedness.
Sevogle.—This name is, no doubt, of Indian origin, but the meaning is very
doubtful. The late Michael Flinne, Indian teacher, told me it meant
“sour,” referring to some early incident in which the fish were sup-
posed to have been driven away by a poisonous substance which
spoiled or soured the water. On the other hand, Rev. Father Pacifique
tells me the Indians derive it from a word meaning “ cliffs,’ a mean-
ing which would be fairly appropriate, though not more to this
river than to others of this region. Considering that the Square
48 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature. °
Forks, in which two branches of the river meet in a great T-shaped
gorge, is the most remarkable feature of the river, one might expect
the name to apply in some way to them. I think it very possible,
however, that the name originally applied to the Little Sevogle only,
and was extended to both rivers by the whites, and for this reason,
Rand gives (Reader, 91) for Little Sevogle, Elmunakuncheech, meaning
“a beaver’s hole.’ Now, Elmunakun is the universally used (by the
Indians) name for the Northwest Miramichi, and the application of
the name Elmunakuncheech, or “ Little Northwest,” to the Big Sevogle
itself would be entirely natural (since in physical features, arrange-
ment of branches, ete., the Northwest and Sevogle are strikingly alike)
and in accordance with the Indian custom, while it seems wholly
improbable that so insignificant a stream as the Little Sevogle would
be called the ‘Little Northwest.” Hence, I think, it likely that
Sevogle was applied originally to the Little Sevogle, and extended to
Big Sevogle by the whites as an easier word to pronounce than the
Indian name.
The word first appears in the Land Memorials of 1805 as Little
Sougle, though in 1809 as Little Sewogle; early maps and records also
have Sevogle. The local nomenclature of the river will be given
in an article on the Sevogle, to be published in Bulletin No. 25 of
the Natural History Society of New Brunswick.
Shediac River.—An old plan in the Crown Land Office names the south
branch of this river Kibougouck, no doubt its Micmac name.
Sheephouse Brook.—A large branch of the South Branch Sevogle; called
also Big Brook. Locally the name is explained as originating in the
building of a little house for a sheep which a hermit kept there one
winter as a companion. This explanation seems to me very artificial,
even though names and dates are supplied with it, and I think it
very likely it is a corruption of the Micmac See-boo-sis, meaning “a
brook.” The fact that its English equivalent is Big Brook is rather
confirmatory of this. (Its location is given approximately on a map
in Bull. N.H.S., V, 228).
Shemogue.—As at present in Land Memorials of 1803. Rand (Reader, 84)
gives for Chimegwe, no doubt this stream, Oosumoogwik, meaning horned
river. I have been given by a Micmac Sim-oo-a-quick.
Shiktahawk.—The preferable spelling of this name.
Shin Creek.—In this form in 1811 in the Land Memorials. Perhaps, for
Shin River, in Scotland.
Shippegan.—Locally this name is pronounced in two ways; first, by the
English it is very strongly accented upon the first syllable, the final
syllable being very short; and second, by some French settlers speak-
English it is sounded Shippegang, the final syllable strongly sounded,
a form which is old, as shown by Winslow Papers, 501. Its earliest
known appearance is in 1656 in the form Cibaguen. (Letter of Father
Ignatius, Archives, 1904, 335):
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 49
Place-nomenclature.
Shogomoc.—The D. Campbell map of 1785 has Sehogomuck, or Snow Shoe River.
It is called Little Hel River by Sproule, map of 1787.
Siegas.—As Shiegask or Troublesome River on Sproule’s map of 1787 (see Map
No. 39, later). <
Skiff Lake—Named, as I was told by Mr. John Stewart, by Hon. John
McAdam because when he first cruised it for lumber, long prior to
any settlement in the vicinity, he found there a skiff. This may
have been a relic of the Titcomb survey of the lake in 1794.
Slugundy.—A name, apparently Indian, which is in local use (though not
on any maps) on the St. Croix between Grand and Chepedneck Lakes,
on the Lepreau and on Tobique. It appears to apply to rapids or
small falls. The same word appears on the Mattawamkeg, according
to Springer, Forest Life and Forest Trees, 167, and, perhaps, occurs
elsewhere on Penobscot waters. Possibly has some relation with
Magundy, which see.
Smith’s Creek, Kennebecasis.—Said locally, as I am told by Mr. W. H.
Venning, to have been named for an old trapper who hunted on the
stream before the advent of the Loyalists, and whose camp stood at
its junction with the river.
Spednic.—Name of falls and also a lake on the east branch of the St. Croix;
of course, a lumberman’s corruption and abbreviation of the Indian
Chiputneticook.
States Brook.—No doubt given by the surveyors in 1818, because it fell just
west of the due north line from the source of the St. Croix, hence
falling into “the States” according to the American boundary claim.
Sunbury.—After long study I have been able to determine the origin of this
name, which so long puzzled all our local historians. It was given,
no doubt, in honour of the Earl of Halifax (for whom Halifax was
named), who was also Viscount Sunbury, as fully discussed in the
Educational Review, XV, 159. i
Surreau Blanc.—Name of a stream and inlet at Tracadie, between Big and
Little Tracadie, said locally to have no meaning in modern Acadian,
but very probably an early corruption of Ruisseau blanc, that is,
“white brook.” I have found the name on an old plan in the Crown
Land Office in the form Seirreau Blanche.
Sussex.—P. 1786. This parish was very likely so named in memory of
Sussex, in New Jersey, a supposition to some extent confirmed by a
recent newspaper statement, seemingly reflecting tradition, to that
effect. Though I have not been able to trace a positive connection,
the fact that Sussex, N.J., was a Loyalist stronghold in the revolution
(Lee’s New Jersey, II, 311 and elsewhere), and that many men from
a New Jersey regiment settled in the parish seems to confirm this
supposition, especially as so many of the parishes were thus named
Sec. II., 1906. 4
80
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
for the former homes of the settlers. It is, perhaps, only a coincidence
that the names of the four parishes established in Kings County in
1786, namely, Sussex, Springfield, Westfield, and Kingston, all occur
in New Jersey, and further, that Hampton and Norton, established in
1795, also occur in that State.
Tabusintac.—This name is pronounced locally, especially by elderly unlet-
tered people, Tabasimtac, a form almost exactly like the Indian pro-
nunciation, thus affording another example (with Madawaska, Jemseg,
etc.) of how much closer the local pronunciation keeps to the original
form than does the map or literary form. The accent is strongly
on the last syllable.
The three principal branches of this river bear Indian names
which appear (apparently for the first time) upon Davidson’s plan of
the river of 1830, with the spellings Maliaget, Eskedelock, Pisiguit, which
are exactly the local pronunciations used by lumbermen and others. I
am told by Joe Prisk, the intelligent old Indian of Bathurst, that
Mal-e-a’-git (g hard) means married, referring to two of something
near together, while Os-ka-dil’-lik (as he pronounces it) means (though
doubtfully) “a good shot.” Also the branch Cowassaget Brook (which
see) is still so called locally. (On Batkwedagunuchk, on Tabusintac
Beach, see Rand, Legends of the Micmacs, 212).
Tantramar.—Occurs on a map of D. Campbell of 1799 as Tantaramar, per-
haps the earliest appearance of the first r.
Tanty-wanty.—This old name is locally said to be of Indian origin. I think
it highly probable it is an imported Indian name, like Poodiac. The
settlement Geary, as shown under that name, is a shortened corrup-
tion of Niagara, and was so named by settlers from that place. Now,
a few miles from Niagara is a place called Tonawanda, but formerly
called by variants of that name such as Tonawanta. Now, Tanty-
wanty in New Brunswick is about as far from Geary as Tonawanda
from Niagara, and hence I think it very probable the name was given
to this stream by the early settlers of Geary. It occurs first on the
map of the Queens-Sunbury County line in 18389, in its present form,
Ward in 1841 (St. John River, 30) speaks of it (Tante Wante) as a
place not a stream.
Taxes.—Both the older and better form is Taxes, not Taxis, since it was
named, no doubt, for the Indian Tax.
Tedish.—In this form in 1803 in Land Memorials.
Telegraph Hill—A more correct account of these places is in Historic Sites,
348, and also later in the present work.
Terreo Lake, mings.—Undoubtedly for Therriault one of the Acadians for-
merly living at French Village. See later, in Historic Sites Addenda,
and Map No. 22.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 51
Place-nomenclature.
Tetagouche.—Is the better form. A partially French form appears on
Arrowsmith’s map of 1838, in the form Tete-a-gouche. Gesner (New
Brunswick, 197) says, ‘‘ Tootoogoose corrupted by the French to Tete-
a-gouche.” A story has grown up to explain the French form of
the name,—that the first explorers found it heading to the left, etc.
Rey. Father Pacifique writes me he believes this name is simply the
Micmac Odoodooguech, meaning a squirrel. Curiously enough, the older
plans of the river show a narrow place near Grand Falls on this river
called “the squirrel’s jump.”
Tiarks Lake.—On Tiarks own map of 1820 this lake is called Rimousky
Lake;it first appears in its present form on Graham’s map of 1843.
It is not true that Tiarks was afterwards an arbiter in the New
Brunswick-Quebec boundary controversy—that was Travers Twiss.
Tobique.—There is, I think, no question that this river was named for an
Toby
Indian chief of that name who lived formerly on the river. The
tradition of the Indians themselves to this effect is confirmed by the
D. Campbell map of 1784 which has (corrected copy) Tobique’s River,
the possessive confirming this origin very strongly. That there was
such a chief as Tobique is shown by various documents which Mr.
Raymond has mentioned, and also by an entry in the register of the
Indian church at Kingsclear, which reads:—‘ Le vingt deuse aout 1767
a été inhumé a Medoactec Noel toubic chef decedé pendant l’hyver
agé de plus de soixante ans. Le corps d’Agnes toubie sour du défund
mort le printems fut aussi inhumé en meme temps. Charles Bailly,
pretre.”
The Indian name of the river is Negoot. I am inclined to think
this name is connected with Nictau = Forks, alluding to the frequent
forking of the river in its upper part, especially the right hand branch.
The nomenclature of the many lakes on the right-hand branch
is mentioned under Negoot, which see, and that of the vicinity of
Nictor Lake is given in Bull. N.H.S., IV, 250.
Guzzle—Name of a small deadwater, and very crooked branch of the
Digdeguash near McAdam, and also formerly a station or siding of
the railroad here. A Guzzle is an English term for drain or ditch.
The word is also used in the Field-book of the Surveyors of the
Magaguadavic in 1797 for tiny streams emptying into a lake.
Tracadie.—The local nomenclature is mostly simple and self-explanatory,
being obviously descriptive. I have not been able to identify the
Anscout branch of the river mentioned by Cooney. The odd Acadian
name Surreau Blanc, and Barreau Point are discussed separately. John
Boys River, a former name for Portage River, is said, as Dr. Smith
tells me, to have been named for one John Nile, dit, John Boy, who
lived beside the bridge crossing Portage River. Bonami Nose Brook
was named, as I learn from different sources, for one Bonamy or.
Barnaby Noel, an Indian, who formerly lived there, and, I presume,
the name is a corruption of Bonami Noel's Brook, though locally a
rock of a nose-shape, etc., is adduced to explain the name. Lord and
Foy Brook is so named for early lumbermen.
52 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
Traceys Brook.—See Mistouche.
Truittes, Rivière des.—A river flowing into Miramichi, a boundary of the
Seigniory of Richard Denys de Fronsac; identity unknown.
Trues.—See under Settlement Origins.
Tryon Settlement.—So named, in all probability, in honour of Major Tryon,
private secretary to Sir John Harvey at the time it was laid out in
1838. He married a daughter of Sir John Harvey. I have found no
direct evidence of this, but have found no other person of sufficient
prominence at that time to entitle them to the honour. It is locally
explained by a legend mentioned a few pages earlier. It is commonly
said it was named for the surveyor who laid it out, but this is not
so, for it was surveyed by A. Blair in 1838.
Tuadook.—Name proposed in 1901, a restoration of the Micmac Indian name,
for the southwest branch of the Little Southwest Miramichi River.
The name, with the local names in the vicinity and along the entire
branch, are discussed in Bull. N.H.S. N.B., IV, 463, and V, 321, 324.
Two Rivers, Albert.—Used first in the Calhoun Diary of 1771 in its present
form.
Udenack.—On Sproule’s map of 1786 as Udeneck.
Upsalquitch.— The history of this word, seeming to show that our present
form is derived simply from a misprint of the locally-used form,
Absetquetch, is given in Bull. N.H.S., V, 180. ‘The mountains around
Upsalquitch Lake were named in 1902, as fully described in Bull.
NS ES INE sts 1%, 0)
The usual meaning attributed to the Indian form absetquetch, namely
a branch or smaller river, is not accepted by Mr. D. Ferguson, of
Chatham, who knows the place and Indians well. He says he has
understood it meant Aptsh, meaning more or again, al-cootch or at-cooch,
“blanket or covering,’ thus signifying more-blanket river, alluding
to the coldness of travel upon it in winter. I think this fanciful;
‘and I believe the explanation that it means the little river, in contra-
distinction to the main Restigouche, is correct.
Utopia Lake.—In an article on this lake in the St. John Telegraph, July 5,
1892 (copied from Forest and Stream), the late Edward Jack says
that the lines on the Magaguadavie were only started by Buffington,
the surveyor, and when Capt. Clinch ran them out and found them
running into the lake, putting most of the land under its waters, he
named it Eutopia. It occurs on Sproule’s map of 1786 as Utopia.
Its Indian name is further discussed in the Bull. N. H.S. III, 47.
Vin, Bay.—See Bay du Vin.
Wakefield.—P. 1803. I have not yet been able to settle the origin of this
name, which, I surmise, must have been given for the early home of
some of the settlers. It was, however, a district or settlement name
before it was applied to the parish, for it occurs in 1801 in the Land
Memorials.
[GANONG ] ; ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 53
Place-nomenclature.
Walkemik.—Name proposed in 1904, a restoration of a Micmac Indian name,
for the upper north branch of the Little Southwest Miramichi. It,
with the many local names in the vicinity is discussed in Bull. N. H.S.,
N.B., V, 332.
Wapskehegan.—Occurs in 1819 as Wapskehagan. In a MS. left by Edward
Jack it is said to mean “arrowhead river,’ because on it was found
jaspar good for the purpose.
Wards Creek.—The connection with Lieut. Ward, given by Lawrence, is
questioned by L. Allison (letter), who finds no evidence for it.
Washademoac.—Called Lac Dagidemouack in a document of 1755 in the Park-
man MS (New France, I, 243, in Library of Mass. Hist. Soc.).
Waterford.—P. 1874. Said locally to have been named by Mr. A. McAfee,
from Ireland, presumably for that place in his native home.
Waubigut.—Appears first in the Geological Survey Map of 1881, and placed
there by Dr. Ells (or his assistant, Dr. Adams), who obtained it from
a guide who had hunted much with the Indians.
Waugh River.—(Locally pronounced Wa-oo, and supposed to be Indian).
For a former resident.
Wauklehegan.—Name of a lake, no doubt Indian, near McAdam Junction;
see Bull. N.H.S., V, 47.
Weldford.—Name compounded from the names of the two members of the
local legislature from Kent in that year (1835), John W. Weldon and
John P. Ford, as shown in the Educational Review, XV, 160.
Welsford._Named by Dr. Robert Bayard, a resident there when the railroad
was built, in honour of Major Welsford, a friend of his son, who was
killed while leading an attack on the Redan (Information from the
late I. Allen Jack, and also so stated in a notice of Major Harvest, in
the St. John Sun, Jan. 18, 1902).
West Passage, Campobello.—Called by Champlain Petit passage de la riviére
Saincte Croix (Voyages, Ch. XV). This name (Petit Passage) was
applied to it also in 1756, or later, as shown by testimony in the
Boundary MS.
Whatley, Mount.—The statement here given is confirmed by Mr. A. D.
Richard, Registrar of Deeds for Westmorland, who tells me his records
show that Robert Whatley lived there in 1794.
Mr. Trueman tells me it was earlier called Camp Hill, because
of the camp established there by Jonathan Eddy in the Eddy Rebel-
lion (amply confirmed in Archives, 1894, 362).
White Horse.—A MS. letter of 1796, by David Owen, gives this as “ pinguin-
hors or outer penguin, now corrupted into White Horse.’ I do not
understand this reference, but presume it is one of Owen’s fanciful
etymologies, mentioned at the close of this Dictionary.
54 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature. +
Wickham.—P. 1786. No doubt for Wickham, in Hants, England, with which
Captain William Spry, who had extensive pre-Loyalist grants in this
vicinity, was in some way associated, as fully discussed in the Educa-
tional Review, XV, 160.
Wilkinson Mountain.—In honour of John Wilkinson, New Brunswick geo-
grapher (Bull. Nat. Hist. Soc. N.B., V, 333 and 445).
Winiguit.—Has the same history as Waubigut.
Wolves.—The name is very likely a translation and abbreviation of the
French name for seals—namely, loups marins or sea-wolves.
Woodmans Point.—Mentioned in Allan’s Journal of 1777 (Kidder’s Revolu-
tionary Operations, 92). It is not of course, that now so called at the
mouth of the Nerepis, but was probably at the place where Randolph
and Baker’s mills now are, opposite Indiantown (Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc.
I, 115), as Dr. Raymond writes me.
Woodstock.—P, 1786. Named, without doubt, for the 3rd Duke of Portland
(the same for whom Portland, St. John, was named), who was Viscount
Woodstock. Discussed fully in the Educational Review, XVI, 13.
Woolastook.—Discussed also by Chamberlain in N.B. Magazine, II, 107.
Mr. A. S. Gatschet writes me that as a result of his study of the
name:—‘About Woolastuk there is a mystery; navigable (good) river
would be Woolatuk—now, what does the s mean?” He is inclined to
agree with a suggestion of the Indian, Louis Mitchell, that it is wool,
meaning good—ahs, meaning salmon-spearing, and tuk, meaning river.
Compare Aroostook, earlier.
Recently applied to a railway station near Nerepis (see earlier,
in these addenda), formerly called Ballentines.
The name was proposed in 1901 tor the Glacial Lake which form-
erly occupied the basin of the lower St. John (Glacial Lake Woolastook),
in Bull. N.H.S.N.B., IV, 322. Two years later the name Glacial
Lake Acadia was proposed for it by Dr. R. Chalmers, who was appar-
ently unaware of the earlier name (Geological Report).
Yoho.—Occurs first as Yahoo in a grant and on a map of 1810, very likely
given by the surveyors for some incident of their survey. As Yoho
Stream in Land Memorials of 1818. (Yahoo occurs, of course, in Gulli-
vers Travels, by Swift). Its origin appears to be locally entirely
unknown, though supposed to be Indian. The only other place in
the world where it occurs is in the Yoho Valley lately opened up in
British Columbia. I have found that in the latter place it is reported
to be Cree Indian, an exclamation of wonder and astonishment.
York, County.—Certainly in honour of the Duke of York, for whom Fred-
ericton was named (Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc. II, 60).
Youghal.—Named, no doubt, for one of the places of this name in Ireland,
from which country some of the early settlers came.
2
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 55
Place-nomenclature.
283. The sketch of the development of our knowledge of the
origin of place-nomenclature of New Brunswick, given on this page of
the monograph, I find to be incomplete, and it is more accurately as
follows. The earliest list of origins of place-names in New Brunswick,
known to me, is a considerable list by David Owen, preserved in MS.
among the Owen papers in possession of the Campobello Company. Lt
gives origins to a large number of Indian names about Passamaquoddy,
but, the author being dominated by the idea that all Indian names had
been adopted by the Indians from the French, the list is quite walueless.
Thus he derives Passamaquoddy from Passe en Acadie, “a way to
Acadie,” Grand Manan from French words meaning Great Mary, and so
on, in sundry imaginings without any fact basis. The next list known
to me is a very brief one, dated 1823, of Indian names on the upper St.
John given along with a list of those of Maine by Moses Greenleaf, the
Maine Geographer, and recently reprinted in his biography (Bangor,
1502). Then follows the important one of 1832 given by Cooney and
cited on this page of the Monograph. Of later date is a short list (of
some nine names) by Gesner in the New Brunswick Courier in Nov.
(after the 18th), 1837, which seems to be the first appearance of several
origins,—Oromocto, Nashwack, Pokiok, ete., which later became widely
current. Considerably later, about 1855, a number of Indian names
were collected by Dr. Robb in connection with his proposed History of
New Brunswick, and the list is in his MS. now in possession of Rev. Dr.
Raymond. It is, however, merely a general collection representing no
critical study. Later came the various writings mentioned on this page
of the Monograph. Since the publication of the Monograph I have
continued my studies on the subject with results contained in synopsis
in the preceding dictionary. Some of the matters of the most import-
ance I have treated somewhat fully in articles in the Educational Re-
view (XV, 159; XV, 204; XVI, 11 and XVI, 189) while in the first and
fourth of these articles I have given Bibliographies bringing the subject
dewn to the latter date. Since then I have published additional notes
in various Bulletins of the Natural History Society of N. B. (Vol V, 47,
67, 80, 87, 180, 193, 204, 215, 226, 311, 321, 324, 332, 426, 434, 466)
in collections of the N. B. Historical Society, II (scattered through
Historical Geographical Documents) and in later Monographs of this
series, especially in that of Origins of Settlements. A special phase of
seme interest is the naming of places for scientific purposes, as noted
in the Bulletins, IV, 322, V, 204, 426. Dr. Raymond has also published
seme notes on New Brunswick names, in Hay’s Canadian History Read-
ings, 49, and Mr. George Johnson has discussed some New Brunswick
56 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Place-nomenclature.
names in articles on Canadian place-names in a pamphlet printed at
Ottawa in 1898, in the Canadian Magazine XII, 289, in “ Canadian
History Readings, 87. Mr. A. 8. Gatschet has also published a second
article on Passamaquoddy Place-names in the tiastport Sentinel for
Sept. 15, 1897. New Brunswick names occur in the Reports of the
jeographie Board of Canada, and these, together with a newspaper
discussion centering around them, have already been considered on an
earlier page. The local names in and around St. John were
discussed fully in the St. John Globe of June 20, and July 4, 1893
(with criticisms in intermediate and following numbers), and the street
names of that city were ail discussed in the St. John Sun, Feb. 22,
1405. Mr. James Vroom has published, as a separate leaflet, under
date Sept. 22, 1904, a list of the names of school districts in Charlotte
County with comments. These publications appear to bring the subject
dcwn to this date (March 1906).
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 57
Cartography.
IJ. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS TO THE MONOGRAPH
ON CARTOGRAPHY.
325. Two further examples of survival of ancient types of maps
into modern times may be here cited. The map of Acadia in the latest
edition of Parkman’s “ Montcalm and Wolfe” (1897) shows a part
of the southern coast of New Brunswick practically following DesBarres
map of 1780, over a century earlier. The cause of the survival is easy
to show. This map follows that in earlier editions of Parkman’s work,
which in turn was taken largely from Haliburton’s “ Nova Scotia,”
which was taken from Purdy’s Cabotia of 1814 (and later), which draw
the interior topography of southern New Brunswick from DesBarres,
1780, (on page 392 of the cartography), the best map of the interior
then available.
But a much more remarkable case is found in the map of the Mari-
time Provinces in the volume on Canada in Stanford’s Compendium
of Geography and Travel, a work prepared with great care. This map
marks “ Kilmaquac” in York, “ Trues ” in Charlotte, “ Howardville”
in Northumberland, old and long abandoned names along the Resti-
gouche, and other features belonging at least fifty years earlier. It is
not difficult to trace the origin of these names, for they occur upon
maps by Wyld of date prior to 1840.
327. The pre-differentiation types. Since the publication of this
Cartography there has been great activity in the study of early Ameri-
can cartography, and not only have several valuable works appeared
upon the subject (for example Harrisse Découverte...... Terre
Neuve, and Nordenskjéld’s ‘‘ Periplus”) but several collections
of photographic fac-similes of early American maps, notably
Stevenson’s fine series of “Maps illustrating early discovery and
exploration in America, 1502-1530,’ and Hantsch and Schmidt,
“ Kartographische Denkmaler,” have been issued, making accessible
both some new maps and also better copies of some of the older
ones. So far as my observation has extended, nothing of vital
importance, nothing tending to supply any great amount of new
knowledge, or to cause any great change in our present ideas, has
developed. Nevertheless in the light of these new materials, the entire
cartography of Acadia needs a critical re-examination, which I hope
later to give.
331. On the identity of the places named on the Maggiolo map,
Weise’s “ Discovery of America” is very important.
58 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
333. There is a very remarkable resemblance between a part of
the Gastaldi 1556 map (from Angoulesme to C. Breton), and a part of
LaCosa, including the interior canals, which are the same in both.
This Gastaldi map appears to be a compound of a part of the La Cosa
with a part of Mercator, and an addition of some names from Cartier.
332. The Santa Cruz map given by Nordenskjüld in his “ Peri-
plus” L, is important, and appears to have influenced later maps.
338. The map Fig. 8 is by a curious error attributed to Harley,
who was simply its modern owner; its author was in all probability
Desceliers. On him and his work there is an important paper by
Harrisse “ Dieppe World Maps,” in “ Gôttingsche gelehte Anzeigen,”
1899.
348. Miscou was not mentioned by Champlain in the work cited.
Compare under Miscou in the dictionary preceding.
349. Although the earliest published map of Acadia by Cham-
plein himself bears the date 1612, the influence of his work appears in
several of earlier date, including those of Lescarbot, and the James I
map of 1610 in Brown’s “Genesis of the United States.” Of course
he made maps of earlier date, as he himself tells us in his narrative of
1608, where he says he gave to DeMonts the map and plan of the most
remarkable coasts and harbours there. A MS. map of his, apparently
of 1607, is in possession of Harrisse in Paris.
352. The 1632 map is closely followed by that of Boisseau, 1643,
in Vol. XXIII of the Jesuit Relations.
Another map belonging to this period is that of DuPont, given by
Dawson in these transactions, III, ii, 179.
360. Possibly the map on this page may be connected with the
Simon François Daumont, Sieur de Lusson, who, about Sept. 1671,
was ordered to make explorations in Acadia, and who returned to
France in November of that year. (Jesuit Relations, LV, 320).
A map of 1701 of Acadia by De Chavagnac is mentioned in
Canadian Archives, 1899, Supplementary Vol., 350.
The map by Aubrey, with documents, is still in existence in the
Paris Archives, (Jesuit Relations, LX VI, 344).
I have had the Jumeau map on this page compared with
the original in Paris. As a result the Ottawa copy is shown to have the
following mistakes; as the words are readily recognizable I give only
the correct form—memchigan, pakmouch, tracadi, Phichemagan, chi-
bouctouch, haran.
364. On the Indian traditions about the River St. Croix, see the
full account in St. Valier’s “ Estat present de l’Eglise ” of 1688, 14.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 59
Cartography.
I have had the Franquelin-de Meulles map opposite page 364
compared with original in Paris, with the result that I find the Ottawa
copy has been very carelessly made, a large number of the names being
omitted altogether, and a great many others mispelled. These errors
are as follows; since the incorrectly-spelled words can readily be
recognized, I give here simply the correct spellings, while words omitted
are in brackets.
(Bistigouche), (I. Techniguet—Heron Id). pogomkik Pogomk,
(Pointe Pepchidiachich—Belledune Point), Karaquet, Kednatteguec,
Tabogunquec, Mtotou, ouetchitoucnkik, tcaganech, Pichiamnach, Tata-
goumisak, (R. Ste—before Croix), Minowsak, (R. Kepchkigoe—the
lakes at the head of R. Ouelamoukt), (2. Namamgamkikak—upper stream
on the south of same river), (R. Kepchkigoe—next stream below latter),
(Nogentes=on the north side of lake at head of Chicodi), (Nempugo
—on the south of the latter lake), (R. Richbouctou), (R. Mijouemigail,
=the stream just east of chimenpy), (R. Mijowemiguilchich—the upper
part of the main river chimenpy), Meulles, (Havre neuf—the harbour
just above the letter B in R. au Bar) dosquec, (Nachouac, with a con-
ventional building, just above Le Ramouctou.)
Unfortunately the copyist’s errom I have found when I have had
Ottawa copies of important documents compared with the originals in
Paris and London are not confined to these two maps, but extend to
documents as well, at least one of which was as full of inexcusable
errors as the Franquelin De Meulles map. This experience gives me
a great hesitation in accepting the testimony of copies at crucial points;
and it also conveys the lesson that a more careful supervision should be
exercised over the copyists engaged to copy documents from the archives
in Europe.
365. The de Rozier map is of such great interest that it is repro-
duced herewith (Map No 1). It ia among the Parkman papers in the
Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and I am indebted to
Dr. S. A. Green, the Librarian of the Society, for the copy and for
permission ‘to publish it. It does not include the whole map, but the
parts of interest to New Brunswick. While containing some curious
‘errors, it is at the same time wonderfully accurate in the St. Croix-
Magaguadavic-Oromocto region, far more accurate indeed than any
other map for nearly a century thereafter. The map produced no effect
upon any other later maps that I have been able to trace, and it seems
itself to have been made quite independently of any others. Apparently
it was made entirely from the personal observation of its author. Pre
sumably the circles indicate Indian camping grounds.
60 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
Lac 3
des, Na”
Pystolles
Portag
ys
Arassa
y CARTE
re de la vi viere StJean
Ct des TMussions parmy
les A BENAQUIS
1699. “ae
5 Pay Guillavme de
Map No. 1. By DE ROZIER, 1699; x 4.
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 61
! Cartography.
365. Several references to explorations in Acadia which may have
a bearing upon the cartography of the country are given in the Cana-
dian Archives, Supplementary Vol., 1899. ‘Thus in 1688 a St. Pasquine,
an engineer went to Acadia (page 283), and in 1698 one Sr,
L’Hermite explored Acadia (330). There are other references on
pages 285, 300, 302, 352. It is very probable that the map dated
1708 by Franquelin was really made about 1690, for in 1689 a royal
order was given the authorities in Canada to give every possible facility
to Franquelin in making a survey of the northern parts of America.
(285; also Quebec Docs. II, 451).
367. On the identity of the places shown on the map of Southack
consult the Monograph on Boundaries, 268.
373. In Prowses Newfoundland, 279, is a map dated 1720
giving some of the names which I supposed were used for the first time
by Bellin in 1744. Either I am mistaken in this, or the date of the
Prowse map is an error.
374. An interesting, but fallacious attempt to explain the carry-
ing of the Nepisiguit and Restigouche so far north was made in a
report by the Renwick Boundary Commission. (Richardson’s Messages
of the Presidents, IV, 149).
377. The north shore opposite Prince Edward Island remained
unexplored and unsurveyed longer than any other part of the New
Brunswick coast. Thus Little, in his work of 1748, says“ the Bay
of Vert, in which, and all the Eastern side of the Province, as far as
the mouth of Canada River, lie a great variety of fine rivers and har-
bours, very little known to us, as no person has ever been employed by
the Government to attempt a particular discovery of them.”
378. The Mitchell map of 1755 here given is the first edition, not
the one used by the Commissioners of 1783. On this map consult the
Monograph on Boundaries, 302, and see the photographic copy later in |
the present paper under Boundaries.
381. ‘The Sayer and Bennet map was made by Holland, Surveyor
General of Quebec.
382. In addition to the map of the Chignecto region here men-
tioned, several others exist as noted in the List of Maps following.
386. John Mitchell’s Field book, with a copy of his map (in part),
have been published by the N.B. Historical Society in their Collections,
(2 Bi By
390. I have been able to determine the authorship of this im-
portant map. In the Library of Congress there are two copies of
it,—one almost identical with the copy here printed, entitled, “Sketch
62 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
of St. Joh[ns] Harbour and a part of the River,” and another, very
similar, but not identical (giving depths along the river and some slight
difference in names), entitled, “A sketch of St. John’s Harbour and
Part of the River, surveyed by Mr. Holland, drawn by Cha. Morris,
Chf. Surveyr. 1761.” I presume the Mr. Holland, who made the
survey for this map was Samuel Holland, afterwards Surveyor (reneral
of Lower Canada. No doubt he was with Monckton’s expedition in
1758 whose course and operation it refldcts exactly, as shown in the
fully reprinted Report in the Collections of the N. B. Hist. Soc. II, 163.
393. I have been able to clear up the mystery attached to the
Peachy Map and its relation to the cartography of the time, and also
to trace out with fair completeness the dawn of the modern cartography
of the St. John River, hitherto somewhat puzzling.
The Peachy; map proves to be a copy of the map made by Captain
(Joseph?) Peach in 1761, the resemblance in the names of the two men
being purely a coincidence. This is made plain by a map in the Public
Record Office, entitled, “ A sketch of the communication between the
Bay of Fundy and the River St. Lawrence by the River St. John, from
Capt. Peach’s observations and route in the year 1761, and of others
since that time....... Copied and corrected by Geo Sprouleé” This
map with the others mentioned in this paper are more fully described
in the list of maps a few pages beyond. My copy of this map (includ-
ing the part above St. Anns, with notes on the part below) shows that
from St. Anns upwards it is the Peachy type exactly, though below it is
oï the Morris type, following his survey of 1765. Although this map
lacks the curious names of Peachey below St. Anns, I have no question
that they are upon Peach’s unknown map of 1761, and they were not
used by Sproule because ithe later, more exact and detailed map by
Morris was available for that part of the river, though no other was
available for the part above St. Anns. This map was no doubt drawn
by Sproule in or about 1782 (or 1783), and certainly before the Morris
map of 1783 and the Campbell map of 1784-85. In 1783, therefore,
this combined Peach-Morris map was the best of the St. John accessible,
and for this reason it was used by Munro when he ascended thle river
and made his well-known Report in 1783. Report and map are in
such close agreement that there is no doubt of this connection between
them. Peachey’s map was made in 1787, no doubt, because there is in
the British Museum a plan of the Falls of Madawaska by him bearing
that date. I take it that Peachey was with the Deputy Postmaster of
Quebec when he descended the St. John in 1787 and made the Report
preserved in the British Museum, (Crown CXIX, 59, 2. b.), and having
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 63
Cartography.
with him only the original Peach map, and not the later Peach-Morris
map, he used the former and made the copy to accompany a report of
his journey. Several other maps following the Peach type, but differ-
ing more or less among themselves, showing that they were copied not
frem one another so much as from some accessible original are men-
tioned in page 394. I am inclined to think the Peach map was
published, and, if not, it was probably accessible in several copies, and
we may therefore hope that it will yet be found.
We will now trace the other early maps of the St. John, and the
evolution of its Cartography to the present. The earliest survey map of
the River was that accompanying the Monckton Report (Cartography,
250), which was made, as earlier shown, by Samuel (?) Holland. Its
tcpography appears upon a later map by Morris, namely, the Chart
of the Peninsula of Nova Scotia of 1761” (see List of maps later).
Next came the Peach Survey of the river of 1761, of which I know
nothing more than is contained in the preceding paragraph. Next to
this, and completely independent of it, comes an anonymous undated
map of great interest preserved in the Library of Congress and re-
produced herewith (Map No. 2) entitled,—* Survey of the River St.
Johns from fort Fredrick in the Bay of Fundy to the River Medauesqua
with the Lake Temesacuata and the grand Portage from thence to the
River St. Lawrence.” Unfortunately it is but a fragment, including the
river from the Bay of Fundy to the head of the Long Reach, but it is
‘of very great, interest because of its extremely detailed and accurate
character. The topography is more accurate than that of any later map
down to Owen’s survey of 1846, though the nomenclature is curiously
erroneous at the Belleisle, which is confused both with the Kennebecasis
and the Washademoac, There is no clue to author or date, but the
inscription —“ the French use this way when they go to fetch cattle,
etc.—seems to show that the French were in numbers on the river
when it was made, and certainly it must antedate the Morris map of
1765. As Morris shows no trace of its influence, I surmise that it was
made about the same time as his own (1765) but independently. Hap-
pily a clue to its authorship is given us in the valuable documents
recently published in the Collections of the N. B. Historical Society.
Under date Dec. 14, 1764, (308) Captain Glasier describes a recent
trip.to the St. John river (in November) in the course of which he
says—‘“ I had the best Information from the Indians and Inhabitants
settled 40 miles up the river, and the Ingineer of the Fort who had just
been up to take a plan of the River.” There ig nothing to show who
64 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
we
a VEE Lia
Pip Uh ere aed. $d
Mar No. 2. MADE ABOUT 1764, SURVEYOR UNKNOWN; x 4.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 65
| Cartography.
this Engineer was, but I take it he was the author of this map. How-
ever that may be, the map appears not to have become known to his
contemporaries, for no trace of its features appears, so far as I have
been able to find, in any other map. Very probably the engineer
carried it back with him to New England or New York and no copy
was ever sent to England.
The next map of the St. John was a very important one, that made
by Chas’ Morris, Surveyor General of Nova Scotia, in 1765, which in-
cluded the St. John to above St. Anns, the coast to Passamaquoddy and
that region. The original is in the Public Record Office, together
with a still unpublished Report accompanying it. Some very interest-
ing references to this survey occur in the Glasier Papers above men-
tioned, especially on page 322. This detailed and accurate map was
extendively copied (several of the copies being given in the list of maps
later) and naturally, being official, became the original for all maps of
the lower river for the next twenty, years, or until the survey of D.
Campbell in 1785. Morris’ map ended a short distance above St. Anns,
and so far as I can find, no new survey, replacing Peach’s of 1761, was
made until after 1781, in which year, according to a note in the
Archives Report for 1894 (398) the river had apparently been sunveyed
only about 95 miles, approximately the distance of the Morris map.
Since Munro used the Peach Map of the upper river in 1783 apparently
no other had then been made, but upon a valuable MS. map in the Crown
Land Office, containing grants and other information to 1784 but none
thereafter, there is an excellent map of the river from survey all the
way to Grand Falls, on a scale of 4 miles to an inch, with no trace of
the Peach nomenclature, but using names substantially as at present,
and clearly the foundation of the modern nomenclature. The original
of this map is, I believe, in the Public Record Office (see List of Maps
following under 1783?) and I surmise that it was made in 1783 or early
1784 by Charles Morris the younger, and it is very likely the “Sketch
of the River St. John ” mentioned Dec. 1783 in the Archives Report for
1894, 411. It was followed closely by Sproule in his fine map of the
southwestern part of the Province of 1786, (reproduced in the Mono-
graph on Boundaries opposite page 412), but in no published map
known to me. The best maps of the St. John in 1784, therefore, were
the Morris of 1765 up to above St. Anns, and the supposed Morris ot
1783 thence to Grand Falls. In the winter of 1784, however, an im-
portant map of the St. John based upon a survey of considerable
accuracy from St. Anns to Grand Falls was made by Dougald Campbell,
Sec. II., 1906. 5
66 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
and his map, in the Public Record Office, has been reproduced in the
New Brunswick Magazine, II, 233! Campbell evidently used ths
Morris 1783 map, for he adopts most of its names, adding many new
ones of Indian origin (giving in many cases their translation). The
next \winter, 1785, he surveyed the lower river to the Bay of Fundy.
The dates of these surveys are fixed by a correlation of the statement
on the map itself, “from an actuai survey in the winters of 1784 and
1785,” and a letter of Governor Carleton (in his letter book at Frederic-
ton), of date July 16, 1785, which speaks of D. Campbell’s survey of
the St. John River from Grand Falls to Maugerville made winter before
last, and from Maugerville to Bay of Fundy, since his (Carleton’s)
arrival, (in Nov. 1784). Campbell’s map, with additions from land
surveys, etc., became the basis of Sproule’s fine map of 1786 for the
part below St. Anns, but, curiously enough, not for the part to Grand
Falls, for which he follows the Morris map of 1783, apparently without
reference to either Campbell’s names or topography. This great map of
Sproule’s ? (already mentioned as reproduced in the Boundaries Mono-
graph, 421), became at once the original of the lower river for all maps
down to the detailed survey of Owen in 1846, which latter survey is the
original of all our maps down to the present day. ‘Though Sproule
used the Morris 1783 survey for the river from St. Anns to Grand Falls,
that map did not become the original for this region, for the very next
year, 1787, Sproule himself made a survey of the entire river from
Fredericton not only to Grand Falls but to the Madawaska, Temis-
ecuata and the St. Lawrence. ‘This fine map is in the Public Record
Office, and parts of it are reproduced in this paper (Maps 14, 15, 38, 39.)
1 Where also there is a biography of Campbell by Jonas Howe.
I have had this copy of his map compared with the original in London,
and it has the following mistakes:— I give the correct forms only, with
omissions in brackets. Weechenegunigunikeck or Great Falls, (Restook or Jacquo’s
River), Tobique’s River, Tall River, Tranquady, (R. Sehogomuck or Snow Shoe
River), Pekuyauk, (Oromocto I.), (Swan Creek), (Latitude of Partridge Island
45° 20’ North), (Manawagonish), (Magnetic North. Variation 14° 40’ West).
2 It seems well-nigh impossible to have accurate copies made of maps
in European Archives even by professional copyists. Having my experience
with the Jumeau and the Franquelin-DeMeulles maps, earlier mentioned,
in mind, I have impressed upon those making copies for me the necessity
for absolute accuracy. This was the case with my copy of the Sproule
1786 map; yet when my copy was reproduced exactly in the Boundaries
Monograph. and later sent back to England for comparison with the original,
the following mistakes were found, the correct spellings only being here
given, and the omissions being marked by brackets. (River Monquart),
Poqueouk, Mactuguack, ‘'horoughfare, = between Grand and Maquapit Lakes),
(Patticake Creek), (Kennebeckacis River), (Glebe = at the northwest corner of
Saint Stephens parish), (Boannus River), (Ripples = above Sixth Falls),
(Indian Reserve), = at Second Falls).
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 67
Cartography.
For the section from Fredericton to farand Falls, he uses the Morris
names, adding some others, and his map became at once the original for
that part of the river, and so remained until the year 1826 when it was
superseded by the map of the detailed survey by Foulis mentioned on
page 401 of the Cartography.! The Foulis map: was superseded for the
part from Nackawic to Nashwaak by the Playford map of 1835, which
remains the type map for that region, as Foulis map does of the river
thence to Grand Falls, to the present day. For the river from Grand
Falls to Madawaska, the Sproule map of 1787 contains the first survey,
and it remained the original of all maps of this part of the river down
to the commencement of the International boundary surveys, which
produced various improvements, and added the river above to the St.
Francis and beyond. The best of these sunveys were those made by the
International commissions after 1842, on which further information
may be found in the Monograph on Boundaries, 345-347. Such is, I
believe the complete history of the evolution of the cartography of the
River St. John, so far as its New Brunswick part is concerned.
395. The Laurie & Whittle map of 1794 is identical with one of
1788 (see list following) published by Robert Sayer in 1788. This map
represents a sub-type for the St. John, using as it does the Peach type,
but it remains the same for the North Shore as the 1776 Sayer &
Bennett map of page 381 of the Cartography.
396. Some attempt to prepare a map of the Province appears to
have been made in 1801-1802, for in these years (Feb. 18, 1801, Feb. 20,
1802) the House of Assembly petitioned the Governor to have a maj)
of the Province completed, but no resultant map is known to me.
Another, MS. map, seems to have been prepared in 1814 (House of
Assembly Journals, March 2).
397. The various important maps resulting from the Boundary
surveys, the importance of which id wholly underestimated in the
“ Cartography,” are described in the Monograph on Boundaries and are
listed in the list following. I have in the list given only those of marked
importance, especially those containing original information, omitting
compilations to show positions of the boundaries, etc.
Another map of some interest made about this time was one of the
Magaguadavic in 1785. Under date Sept. 21, 1785, the New Brunswick
Council Records show that there was authorized a warrant “to issue to
the surveyor general to survey the Maguaguadavick to its source.”
Evidently this survey was made, though the original map is unknown to
? There is a biography of Foulis in the New Brunswick Magazine, I, 247.
68 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
me, for a survey extending to opposite Oromocto Lake (but not to its
source) is shown on the Sproule Map jf 1786. This survey ‘continued
the original down to 1798 when the very detailed surveys of the river,
the originals of all of our present maps, were made under the authority
of the Boundary Commission.
As to the 1785 map of the Scoodic (St Croix), it appears there
were two of them made. Thug a letter written by Governor Carleton
(in his letter-book at Fredericton), reads (July 15, 1785), “ Having
employed two persons of skill and experience to make separate surveys
of the River Scoodie, the first of which was performed in winter upon
the ice and the second after the opening of the river.” (Compare also
the Report on Archives, 1895, N. B., 4). The latter map is without
doubt the one in the Public Record Office, mentioned at the foot of
page 417 of the Cartognaphy. It was that followed by Sproule in his
map of 1786, and very likely it was made by Sproule himself. The
former is unknown to me, but as a note in the boundary MS. speaks of
a survey of the Scoodic made by John Jones for the British Govern-
ment, I assume this is the map and surveyor referred to.
398. The map by Wright is given in my Dochet (St. Croix)
Island Monograph.
402. In 1845-1846 the Rivers Madawaska and St. John werk sur-
veyed by Quebec, and also by New Brunswick, (Blue-Book on the
Quebec-New Brunswick boundary, 21, 62). There were thus four sets
of surveys, and all of much accuracy, made of the upper St. John within
a few years of each other. They were, (1) those of the Graham Com-
mission, (2) those of the Quebec Government, (3) those of the New
Brunswick Government, and (4) those of the International Commis-
sion, on all of which there is further information in the Monograph on
Boundaries,’ and the maps resulting from which are mostly in the list
following. The present New Brunswick maps of the upper St. John
appear to rest upon the New Brunswick surveys, which were made ini
great detail by Andrew Inches, and of which there is a good set in the
Crown Land Office. These are the maps erroneously stated in my
Monograph on Boundaries, 347, to be a set of the maps of the Inter-
national commission.
408. Classified List of Maps. Since the publication of the Mono-
graph I have gathered a great number of additions to this list, of all
grades of importance, but I shall here note only those of marked
historical value.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 69
1500.
1541.
1542.
1558.
1592.
1625.
1643.
1684.
1744.
1755.
1755.
1755.
Cartography.
I—THE PRE-DIFFERENTIATION TYPE, 1500-1534.
LaCosa. This Map has been reproduced in these lransactions, III,
ii, 268.
Several of the important maps of this section are reproduced in
Nordenskj6éld’s very valuable ‘work, “ Periplus,” in which he also
gives a list of 174 MS. maps of America before 1560, and others of
them are in Harrisse’s “ Terre Neuve,’ and others in Stevenson’s
recent Reproductions, and Hantsch &*Schmidt’s “ Denkmäler.”
Il. THE CARTIER TYPE, 1534-1604.
Desliens, N. Reproduced exactly in Hantsch & Schmidt.
Santa Cruz, Alonzo de. Map in Nordenskjéld’s “ Periplus,” L.
Homem, D. Reproduced exactly in Hantsch & Schmidt.
The Molineaux Globe is produced exactly by Miller-Christy in his
“Silver Map of the World,’ Plate X.
Ill THE CHAMPLAIN TYPE, 1604-1703.
Du Pont. In these Trans., III, ii, 179.
Boisseau. In Jesuit Relations, XXIII.
The Franquelin Map is in Jesuit Relations, LXIII.
IV. THE DELISLE TYPE, 1703-1744.
Southack, Cyprian. A map of the Coast of New England, from Staten
Island to the Island of Breton; as it was actually survey’d by Capt.
Cyprian Southack. In the English Pilot, 1744, 24 x 3114 inches.
V. THE BELLIN TYPE, 1744 to 1770.
A great number of maps of this type exist in the many American
or world maps published in this period, but only the following are
important for New Brunswick:
L’isthme de l’Acadie, Baye de Beaubassin en Anglais Shegnekto
Environs du Fort Beausejour. A Paris, Chez le Rouge...... levé en
juin 1755. In the Lenox Library. This is, no doubt, the original
of the practically identical English plan of the same year.—‘‘A large
and particular plan,” etc.
A Plan of Chignecto (called also, by the French, Beau-Bassin) at the
Head of the Bay of Fundi upon the Istmus of Accadia; showing
that Harbour with its Rivers, the Situation of the English Fort,
and Fort Possessed by the French; June, 1755. 11 x 15 inches:—
MS. in the Library of Congress:
Tonge, W. A Draught of the Isthmus which joyns Nova Scotia to
the continent with the Situation of the English and French Forts
70
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
1756.
1758.
1761.
1761.
1764?
1764.
1765.
1765.
1765.
& the Adjacent Bays and Rivers, by W. Tonge, Chignecto Fort
Lawrence, 1755.
A MS. in British Museum. It is very like, though not identical
with the “Map of the Bason of Chignectou,” of the Cartography,
page 414.
A Map of the Surveyed parts of Nova Scotia.
A MS. map of the Chignecto region with fine plans of Fort
Cumberland and Gaspereau; in the British Museum.
VI. THE MODERN TYPE, 1770 to 1820.
Holland, Samuel (?) Sketch of St. John’s Harbour and a Part of the
River. Reprinted in Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc. II, 166.
There are two copies of this map ‘with the same title in Library
of Congress, one of them giving the name of its author, Mr. Holland
Morris, Chas. A Chart of the Peninsula of Nova Scotia. 31 x 23 in.;
10° m.;= 1 inch (about).
MS. in the Public Record Office, Vol. 9, No. 6.
Morris, Chas. A plan of the District of Chignecto. Published in the
Archives Report of 1904.
Anon. Survey of the River St. Johns from Fort Frederick in the
Bay of Fundy to the river Medauesqua with the lake Temesacuata
and the grand Portage from thence to the river St. Lawrence.
PES OUT
MS. in the Library of Congress. Reproduced in Fig. 1 preceding.
Mitchel-Bernard. A Plan of Passimaquoddy Bay or the Bay of St.
Croix. 26 x 33 inches; scale about 1 mile to an inch.
MS. in Public Record Office, B. T. 10, 59. Reproduced in the
Monograph on Boundaries, 229, and in altered form in (Coll. N.B.
Hist. Soc., II, 177. Topography and names in part by John Mitchel,
with additions by Governor Bernard.
Morris, Chas. A Plan of the River St. Johns and Passamaquoddy Bay
Done by order of His Excellency Montagu Wilmot, Esqr., Governour
and Commander in Chief of the Province of Nova Scotia, &c., &c.
6144: = 1% feet; I mile == 1 inch.
MS. in the Library of Congress. Reproduced in Map No. 2 pre-
ceding.
Morris-Mitchel. A map of Passamaquoddy showing the land grants.
34 x 30 inches; 1 mile = ¥V inch:
MS. in Crown Land Office, made by Morris, using Mitchel’s map
of 1764 in part. The grants seem to have been added by Holland.
Johnson, Guy. Map of the River St. John in the Province of Nova
Scotia, Exhibiting the Grants to Officers, &c., in 1765, with other
Patents. From the survey of Mr. Chas. Morris and other surveys.
26 x 17 inches.
MS. in Library of Congress. Very similar to the map in the
Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc., I, 305.
[aanonc] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 71
Cartography.
1767? Wright, Thos.? A Plan of the Northern Coast of the Bay of Fundy
and the River St. Johns in the Province of Nova Scotia. Endorsed
Part of Nova Scotia by Mr. Wright; Towns on St. Johns River,
Nova Scotia, by Morris. 37 x 24 in.; 1 league = % inch.
M.S. in Public Record Office (Box 43, No. 23). Reproduced in the
Archives Report for 1904.
1774. Morris, Charles. A Plan of the River St. John, ete. I find the map
in the Public Record Office bears the inscription, “ Copy from the
original Survey made some years ago. Geo. Sproule, London, July,
1784.”
It is very probable that another map in the same office is another
copy of this; it is entitled, A Plan of the River St. John in the
County of Sunbury, Prov. of N. Scotia, from St. Anns opposite the
mouth of the Nash'waak River to Partridge Island in the Bay of
Fundy. 6 feet x 212 feet; 1 mile = 1 in.
1782? Sproule, George. A Sketch of the Communication between the Bay
of Fundy and the River St. Lawrence by the River St. John, from
Captain Peach’s Observations and route in the year 1761, and of
others since that time...... Copied and Corrected by George Sproule,
late Captain in His Majesty’s 16th Regt. of Foot. 54 x 19 inches;
5 miles = 1 inch.
MS. in the Public Record Office (Case 43, No. 22).
1783? Morris, Chas.? Map of St Johns River from its mouth to the Great
Falls. 4 miles = 1 inch.
MS. in Public Record Office (Case 43, No. 21): Probably that
mentioned in Canadian Archives, 1894, 411.
1786. Sproule, George. Plan of the South West Part of New Brunswick
including the River Saint John as high up as the Great Falls:
shewing the Lines of the Counties and Parishes, and of the different
grants and allotments hitherto made in that District. Compiled
from Actual Surveys by order of His Excellency Governor Carleton.
By George Sproule, Esqr. Surveyor General, assisted by Mather Byles
Deputy Surveyor Saint John. June 1786. 6 feet by 7 feet 10 inches;
2 miles = 1 inch.
MS. in Public Record Office, Case 41, No. 7; reproduced (reduced)
in the Monograph on Boundaries, 412.
1787. Sproule, George. Plan of the Communication by the River Saint Jchn,
from Fredericton in New-Brunswick, to the River Saint Lawrence;
with the Settlements in that extent. From an actual Survey taken
by order of His Excellency Lieutenant Governor Charleton, in July
and August 1787, by George Sproule, Esqr. Surveyor General of New
Brunswick. 5 x 9 feet; 2 miles to an inch.
MS. in Public Record Office (Case 43, No. 26).
1787? Peachey, Jas. This map is described as “ A colored map of the Post
Route between the River St Lawrence & the Bay of Fundy, drawn
by J. Peachey, Ensn. 60 Regt.” Scale 5% miles to an inch
At x 1 ft. 9 in British Museum.
72 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
Also “A colored map of the Post Route between the River St
Lawrence thro the Lake Madawaska to the St John’s River.” 3 ft.
10 in x 1 ft 8 in. scale 2 inches to a league. Also in British Museum.
1787? Map of the Coasts and Rivers of part of Maine and New Brunswick.
4 miles to an inch.
MS. in Public Record Office Case 40, No. 54. It is largely a
reduced copy of the Sproule map of 1786, but with some slight
additions.
1788. Sayer, Robert. A new and a correct map of the British Colonies in
North America, comprehending Eastern Canada with the Province of
Quebec. New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and the Government of
Newfoundland....... London, 26% x 19 inches; scale 60 miles = 1 inch.
1791. Hall, W. Quebec. Map of part of the province comprehending also
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Cape Breton, & New England, showing
at one view the 5 great American Lakes.
MS. in Public Record Office. (Case 42, No. 53). Closely follows
Sproule of 1786 and 1787.
1798. Sotzmann, D. F. Maine, Entworfen von D. F. Sotzmann. Hamburg
bey Carl Ernst Bohr. In Ebelings Erdbeschreibung von Amerika.
The map is partly in English and partly in German, and is notable
for its accuracy, at least in region bordering upon New Brunswick.
1798. Sproule, George. A Plan of the Rivers Scoodic and Magaguadavic.
With their principal Branches........By George Sproule Esar.
Surveyor General of New Brunswick, from the actual Surveys of
those Rivers...... 1796-7-8.
Reproduced in Moore’s International Arkitrations, 30, and from
that reduced in Monograph on Boundaries, 254.
1799. Campbell, D. Sketch of the Route from Fort Cumberland to Fred-
ericton. From a Journey performed between the 13th and 23rd
December 1799 by H. R. H. the Duke of Kent, Commander in Chief
in British N. America &c &c &c.
MS. in British Museum 34 x 58 inches. An excellent map without
much detail.
1808. Richardson, James. Map of Passamaquoddy Bay from actual survey.
Published as the act directs by James Richardson, January 18, 1808
Caverhill.
Probably the same as that in Atcheson’s American Encroach-
ments, and the one used so often in the Boundary Documents.
1817. Johnson, John. A map of the boundary line explored in 1817, by John
Johnson, U. S. Surveyor.
i.e. the line from the monument to the Wagan. 9 x 44 inches;
scale 224 inches to a mile (nearly).
Well drawn map, with the St John merely sketched but having
several Indian names on its tributaries not elsewhere recorded.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 73
1817.
1818.
1818.
1818.
1818.
1820.
1825.
1825.
1826.
Cartography.
Bouchette, Joseph. Plan of the exploring survey from the source of
the St Croix River to the Great Waggansis or the waters of the
Restigouche, between the 27th. July and 9th. Oct. 1817.
MS. in the Library of the Department of State, Washington,
22 x 107 inches; scale 80 chains to one inch.
Well drawn map on a very large scale showing in great detail
the topographical features along the due north line, important to
N. B. History because it is the most detailed original map of the
line which forms the present boundary.
Odell, Wm. F. Plan of the exploring survey in 1818. (Viz the north
line from the Wagan to the watershed near the St Lawrence).
MS. in the Library of the Department of State, Washington.
16 x 48 inches;
Johnson, John. A mapof the country explored in the year 1817 & 1818.
MS. in the Library of Department of State, Washington. 37 x 64
inches; scale about 3 miles to an inch.
Prior to the Survey of Green River, which is only sketched in.
Tiarks, S. L. and Burnham, H. [Map of Green River and the sources
of the neighbouring Kedgewick waters]. 15 x 28% inches; scale,
2 miles to 1 inch.
MS. in the Library of the Department of State, Washington.
This is the original for this country of the Map A, and all published
maps down to the map of Graham of 1843. The Report of the explor-
ation of the river is referred to in Monograph on Boundaries, 321.
Tiarks, S. L. and Burnham, H. Map of a Survey of Tuladie and Green
Rivers. 31% x 45 inches. Larger scale than preceding and contains
some information not on the latter. Neither is an original (Indeed
none of those referred to as in Library of the Department of State
is original but all are copies).
MS. in the Library of the Department of State, Washington.
Burnham, Hiram. Map of the Country explored in the years 1817,
1818, 1819, & 1820 by order of the commissioners under the 5th
article of the Treaty of Ghent. Scale about 8 miles to an inch.
This is important as the original of the Map A of the Case laid
before the King of the Netherlands.
MS. in the Library of the Department of State, Washington.
Wyld, James. Map of the Province of New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia. In general style of his later maps but on a smaller scale.
First map to mark the counties, which however it does very
erroneously.
Hall, Francis. Plan of a proposed Canal from Bay Verte to Cumber-
land Basin. A copy of this plan (the original being lost) with the
accompanying Report is in Haliburton’s History of Nova Scotia.
Vol II, 73.
A map of the Great Road between Fredericton and Saint John. From
an actual survey made in October 1826. By Mark Scully, D.L.S.
50 ch. = 1 inch. A very detailed, beautifully drawn and important
map.
74
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
1830.
1830.
1835.
1838.
1839.
1839.
1839.
Dashiell, S. L. Map of the Northern Part of the State of Maine and
of the adjacent British Provinces showing the portion of that State
to which Great Britain lays claim. Reduced from the official Map
A...... 16x 17 in. —-24-miles— 1 inch. In “Statement of the United
States laid before the King of the Netherlands. ”
The original “Map A” was in MS. and seems never to have been
reproduced. I possess a tracing of a part of it on a scale of 8 miles
to 1 inch. See “1820, Burnham” preceding.
Wilkinson, John. A Map of Campobello and other Island in the Pro-
vince of New Brunswick, the property of Will Owen Esq. Sole
surviving grantee, etc. drawn by John Wilkinson Agt. to Wm. Owen
Esqr. Campobello, 30th. September, 1830. Mentioned by Mendenhall
in Am. Antiquarian Soc. Report, 1896, 21.
Playford. A survey of the St. John from Nashwaak to Nacawicac.
MS. in Crown Land Office.
Arrowsmith, J. Lower Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince
Edward’s Island, Newfoundland and a large portion of the United
States. London. 38% x 24 in.; 35 miles = 1 inch. Beautifully
engraved.
Deane-Anson. A Plan of the Disputed Territory and adjacent Country
to accompany the Report ef 7. G. Deane, M. P. Norton and J. Irish,
Commissioners appointed by Governor Kent in 1838 “to run and
locate the N. E. Boundary of the State”. Drawn by W. Anson under
the inspection of John G. Deane, Portland Me. March 1839.
MS. copied from the original in 1841, in the Crown Land Office.
Featherstonhaugh and Mudge. Map of that Portion of Her Majesty’s
Colonies of New Brunswick and Lower Canada the title to which
is disputed by the Government of the U. States, with parts of the
adjacent country......-.-. 146 x 28 ins ib miles) == 1inch in} British
Boundary Blue book, 1840.
Wyld, Jas. Wyld’s Sketch of the North Eastern Boundary in Dispute
between Great Britain and the United States. 3 ft. x 2 ft. 10 in.;
30° miles ==31 inch:
1840-1841. Graham, J. D. Maps of the Meridian line from the source of the
St. Croix to beyond the St. John, and of the St. John River to the
Madawaska. These maps were made in the survey of the North-
eastern boundary of the United States, which was brought to an
abrupt conclusion by the signing of the Webster-Ashburton treaty.
I have not been able to discover their location; they appear not
to be in the State Department at Washington where other maps
of the same survey are preserved. They are all reproduced much
reduced in Graham’s published map of 1843 (Compare Richardson’s
Messages of the ~-esidents, IV, 112).
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 75
Cartography.
1842. Bell-Renwick. Map of the Green River [of St. John] with the
sources of Rimouski Mistigougueshe and the Grand Fourch of
Ristagouch [Katawamkedgwick] Surveyed in the years 1841 and
1842 under the direction of James Renwick, LL.D. 24 x 441% inches
to a miles.
MS. in the Library of the Department of State, Washington.
A very detailed and beautifully drawn map. First published on
Graham’s map of 1843.
1843. Map to illustrate the Boundary line established by the Treaty of Wash-
ington of the 9th of August, 1842, between Her Majesty’s Colonies of
New Brunswick and Canada and the United States of America.
16 x 14 in.; 30 miles = 1 inch (about)
In British Blue book of 1843, and the same, differently coloured,
in Blue Book of 1845.
1843. Graham, J. D. Map of the Boundary Lines between the United States
and the Adjacent British Provinces from the mouth of the River
St. Croix to the intersection of the parallel of 45 degrees of North
Latitude..…......
Published originally in Congressional Documents, 27th Congress,
III Session, Document 31. and also in Moore’s International Arbitra-
Lions, 149) 2h x 22 ine; 16 miles = 1 inch:
A map of the utmost importance which became the type map
of its region, only improved subsequently by the addition of materials
from new surveys by the International Commission, and others.
1843-1844. Estcourt-Smith. [Maps of the International Boundary from the
Monument at the source of the St Croix to Glazier Lake on the St
Francois. ] Made under the direction of the Commissioners J. B. B.
Estcourt and A. Smith, Commissioners for surveying the Interna-
tional Boundary.
MS. maps beautifully executed, in many sheets; preserved in the
proper government department in England. Scale 4 inches to the
mile, with some portions (as described in Richardson’s Messages
of the Presidents, Vol. IV, page 175) on a larger scale.
A complete set of these maps, of the entire boundary, was litho-
graphed by the United States Government under direction of Major
J. D. Graham. A set is in the Library of the Department of State at
Washington, and there is a set in the possession of each State touch-
ing upon the boundary. (On this compare “ The First International
Railway” by L. E. Poor, New York, Putnams 1892, pp. 20-24). They
are of the greatest local interest, not only geographically, because
of their great accuracy, but also historically because they give the
locations of all settlers, ete., along the river.
1845. Crawley, H. O. Plan of the Ground between Cumberland Basin and Bay
Verte, with three other plans. In his “ Report on a Survey of a Line
for a canal to unite the Bay of Fundy with the Gulf.of St Lawrence,
in 1842.” In “ Papers on subjects connected with the duties of the
Corps of Royal Engineers,” Vol VIII, 1845, 186-193.
76
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cartography.
1846.
1846.
1848.
1851.
1852.
1862.
1864.
1876.
1894.
422.
Also Plan of the Ground between Shediac Harbor in the Gulf
of St Lawrence and Dorchester in the Bay of Fundy. In the above.
Also Plan of the Ground between Shediac Harbour and the
Petitcodiac River. In the above.
Map of a Part of the Provinces of Canada and New Brunewick........
40 x 24 inches. 4 miles = 1 inch. In Wells Report on the Quebec—
New Brunswick Boundary.
Map of the Western Boundary of New Brunswick from the mouth
of the River St Croix to the southern boundary of Canada..........
40 x 12 inches; 4 miles = 1 inch. In Wells Report.
Plan of all the Lands granted under the authority of New
Brunswick on the Northern side of the River St John and westward
of the Commissioners Line. 32 x 12% inches; 100 chains = 1 inch.
In ‘Wells Report.
Bouchette, Joseph. Map of the Province of Quebec New Brunswick
Nova Scotia etc. 7 ft. 2 in. x 3 ft. 10% in.
Robinson, Henderson and Johnston. Map to accompany and illustrate
the Report of her Majesty’s Commissioners for the Settlement of the
Boundary line in dispute between Canada and New Brunswick. 29 x
20 in.; 22 miles = 1 inch. In British Blue book of 1851.
Lushington and Twiss. Map to illustrate a scheme for settling the
Boundaries of Canada and New Brunswick........ 20 x 17 in.; 15
miles = 1 inch. In British Blue book of 1851.
Wilkinson, J. Map of the Exploratory Survey made in the year 1847
between the upper part of the Ristigouche River and the valley of
River St Lawrence for the purpose of the Halifax and Quebec
Railway.
A large book in the Crown Land Office containing 13 beautifully
drawn maps, on a great scale, largely the original of our represent-
ation of that region.
Walling, H. F. Topographical Map of Westmoreland and Albert Coun-
ties. From Actual Surveys by D. J. Lake and H. S. Peck, Drawn
and Engraved under the Direction of H. 19 Walling. Published by
W. E. & A. A. Baker, 36 Dey St. New York. 1862. 11 miles to 1 inch;
b Et; 3) in} x Afin
Fleming, Sandford. General Map to accompany Report on the Inter-
colonial Railway; Exploratory Survey, of 1864. Made under instruc-
tions from the Canadian Goverment. 5 ft: 8 in. «/2) £t./8"inisS; miles
inch:
Roe and Colby. Map of Carleton County New Brunswick. Compiled
and Drawn and Published from Actual Surveys by Roe & Colby.
St John N. B. 500 Rods to an inch. 4 ft. 10 in. x 4 ft. 2 in.
Bailey, J. W., Canoeman’s Map of the Upper St. John. In his St.
John River, Cambridge, 1894.
The U. S. Hydrographic Office has reproduced most of the Admiralty
Charts of N. B. waters.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 77
Historic Sites.
IV. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS TO THE MONOGRAPH
ON HISTORIC SITES.
215. While the sites of most of the important historic localities in
New Brunswick are identified, and to some extent described and mapped
in the “ Historic Sites” Monograph and in the following supplement
thereto, I have not by any means exhausted this interesting subject.
For the future student there is yet ample opportunity for service in this
field. The localities having been identified, the next steps! should be
(1) to photograph them and their surroundings as they now are, and
before they are further changed, the photographs being, of course, pre-
served by publication,(2)to excavate all places promising remains or re-
lies, beneath the surface, giving accurate descriptions of the finds and
their mode of occurrence, the relics themselves being deposited in some
central museum in the Province and (3) to mark the places by solid but
plain stone monuments bearing appropriate inscriptions. I cannot at
this moment recall a solitary historic spot within the bounds of all New
Brunswick marked by any memorial, a brass plate on the first Parlia-
ment building at Fredericton alone excepted. Here is enough for the
local antiquarian for a long time to come!
219. Places named from the former presence of Indians) (espe-
cially “ Indian Point”) are much more numerous than the present list
implies; for many such names are used locally, but are not on any map.
222 C,—St. Croix. This Indian village is also mentioned in the Harris Field-
book of the Boundary Survey of the St Croix in 1797 (now in posses-
sion of W. O. Raymond). Harris mentions the Indian village, Houses
and Eel-Works.
222. There is an Indian Island in the St. Croix below Spragues Falls.
223. There is an Indian Pond near Baillie in Charlotte.
223. There are traditions of an Indian structure, an altar or temple formerly
existing near the Canal at Lake Utopia, given in Scribner’s Monthly,
Vol. 15, 449; but there is no real evidence of its existence.
224. At the Falls, St George, was a favourite camping place of the Indians,
according to a MS. note left by the late Edward Jack.
224. There is an Indian camp site, known locally, at the Narrows of Letang
River.
224. The location of the Indian village at Madawaska, with other inform-
ation about it, is givén on the Sproule map of 1787 reproduced later
(Map No. 39) in this Addenda. Also an interesting reference to an
78
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
Indian fort at Madawaska given by Cadillac in 1693 is in Raymond’s
St) John’ River? 110:
There is near Edmundston an Isle des Sauvages, according to M.
Mercure, and there are two others called Savage Islands just below
the St Francis, marked on the best maps, showing some former resi-
dence there or other connection with the Indians.
225. Becaguimec. It is said locally there was an Indian camp site of some
227. L.
227. L.
228. N.
importance at the mouth of this river, on the site of Hartland, where
there was a good salmon fishery.
Ekpahak is used earlier than 1733; see Aucpac in Place-Nomenclature
of this Addenda.
Oromocto. The Indian Burial-ground here is also mentioned by Gesner
in his Fourth Geological Report, (page 26) and is well-known locally.
On the shore of French lake, (around which many Indian relics
are said to have been found) in a position shown on a later map
(Map No. 18) is a stone cut by curious marks, locally reputed to be
Indian carvings. This has been fully described and pictured in the
Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, No. XXII,
175, where also the reputed Indian carving from higher up the river
(mentioned on page 228) is shown to be unauthentic. There is an
Indian Point in Oromocto Lake (North West Branch), explained in
Bulletin of Nat. Hist. Soc. N. B. Vol V, 193.
Indian Point. The principal sites in this vicinity are approximately
located on the sketch map (Map No. 19) given later under the
Acadian Period.
228. Maquapit, French and Indian Lakes. These Lakes were, because of
their abundant game supply (waterfowl, muskrats, fish,) favourite
resorts of the Indians, and their camping grounds have been studied,
and numerous relics collected therefrom, by Mr. Duncan London, of
Lakeville Corner, Sunbury County, who has been so kind as to send
me a sketch map of the region, (given later, Map No.19) and some
information as to the sites. He tells me there were two Indian Camp-
ing grounds at the upper end of French Lake one on French Island,
and the other on the present Sand (on an old plan called Indian)
Point, and a very extensive one at the lower end, with another on
Apple Island, at the places marked on the map. There are also others
known to him on Maquapit lake (marked by burnt stones, flint chips,
lete., and other relics he has collected), including Londonsand Simons
Points; others occurred on Rings Island; and on the point near the
latter, Mr. London found the aboriginal pot described by Matthew
and Kain in Bulletin of the Natural History Society of N. B., XXII,
345. There were also two of importance at the outlet of the lake.
The upper part of the lake called on the maps French Lake is locally
called Indian Lake, of course indicating the former presence of Indians
there.
[&ANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 79
Historic Sites.
228. Swan Creek. Various Indian relics have been found here, as I am
informed by Mr. Duncan London,. at the localities indicated on the
sketch map which he has sent me and which is given later in this
paper (Map No. 20). Wampum was found in 1858 by his father,
Mr. E. M. London, then a resident of Swan Creek, at the place indi-
cated as were other Indian relics. The wampum locality has since
been much dug over by treasure-seekers.
228. Mr. London also tells me he has found fragments of flint implements
228.M.
and Indian pottery just below Cameron’s wharf at the mouth of the
Otnabog.
This Indian settlement was probably that -said locally to have
existed at the mouth of Red Bank Creek, though the distance is some-
what too great.
The name Indian Point is given to the point between Salmon Bay
and North East Arm at the mouth of Salmon River in the N. B.
Acts, for 1786-1836, 738.
228. Another Indian location on the Washademoak is described in these
Transactions VI, 1900, ii, 61.
An Indian settlement, or camp-ground, of considerable impor-
tanee, as shown by tradition and by many relics dug there, stood,
as I am informed by Dr. B. S. Thorne of Havelock, on the big inter-
vale at the end of the portage from Petitcodiac (described later in
these Addenda), about a quarter of a mile below the present Petit-
codiac Road. Captain Pote was here for two days in 1745 (Journal,
54).
Favorite camping-places of the Indians were at mouth of Jemseg
and at Indian Point directly across the St John, according to MS. notes
left by the late Edward Jack.
A small Indian village at Nauwigewauk is mentioned by Ray-
mond, “St John River,” 331.
An Indian village, according to a newspaper article (St John
Telegraph, Aug. 23, 1905) formerly stood in Kingston opposite Gondola
Point. It is described thus;— “The red man’s burial ground was
just at the foot of what was afterwards called Gallows Hill, and many
a relic of the chase buried with the dead warriors have been handled
by the ploughman, and thus the ancients’ equipment for the happy
hunting grounds became the property and the curios of the white man,
The Indian encampment, was situated just in front of where the
residence of Captain Pitt now stands........”
229. An old plan has an Indian Creek, just above the Bend [Moncton] on the
south side.
Mr. H. A. O’Leary writes me that some 20 years ago and more,
the Indians used to camp at Moncton beside the McSweeney spring,
about 200 yards south of Halls Creek, and that the place was reputed
to be an ancient Indian camp-ground. This receives a certain
confirmation from the fact that this spring is the only one of any
importance for a long distance around.
80 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
An Indian camping place on the Petitcodiac aboutat the head of
tide is mentioned in 1771 in the Calhoun diary, published in 1876 in
the Sackville Post. Apparently it was on the north side of the river.
It must have been near the present Salisbury, but inquiries I have
made on the ground have failed to discover its site.
230. The Indian camp-sites, said to be three in number, at Dorchester, are
described in newspaper article (St John Sun, Aug. 3, 1904) thus—
one at Brownell Brook or New France, a second back of Palmer's
pond, or back of the John Chapman farm, and a third below what
is now called the Johnson mills.”
230E. I have been told by residents in the vicinity that Indians camped on
this Island to within a few years. It is of upland surrounded by
marsh, and it would appear to formavery favourable stopping-place
for those travelling in canoes along the coast, although my personal
search failed to reveal any spring on it. It is now being washed
away by the sea. Mr. R. P. Steeves tells me he believes there was
formerly an Indian camping-ground below St Mary's Point in Harvey
on the place formerly known as the ‘“ Two-Island Farm.”
Just east of the Owl’s Head near Alma is a place called Indian
Beach, no doubt an old camping place.
At Germantown Lake, on the north side near the middle of its
length, is a knoll with a spring and a good beach, known to have been
an old Indian camping ground of some importance, and used by the
Indians within the memory of persons now living. This lake is very
rich in fish, and the neighbourhood formerly abounded in game,
including beaver.
The point at the mouth of the Shediac River, south side, is
called locally Pointe des Sauvages and is said to have been the site
of an important Indian settlement. The Chart of Shediac also marks
near by an “Indian Cemetery.”
A. The Indian settlement at Buctouche is now at Noel Creek, two miles west
of the village of Buctouche; but Mr. H. A. O’Leary, who knows the
region well tells me that formerly (up to about 1840) the main Indian
settlement was on the bluff at the northern end of the present high-
way bridge, where now is the oldest part of the village. Indians
lived at Indian Point until about 18 years ago when they moved to
Noel Creek. An old Indian burial ground is also known above the old
bridge on the north side of Black River.
230. Richibucto. For additional information about the Indian settlements
at Richibucto I am indebted to Dr. J. W. Doherty of Rexton, and
others. The principal Indian settlement of Richibucto in early times
is said by both Indians and whites to have been on Indian Island,
on elevated ground toward the eastern end, and it is no doubt here
that the fortified village stood of which Denys speaks. Another
old Indian settlement site was at Platts, or Shipyard, Point just
below the present Marine hospital, while between the point and the
hospital is the rock still visible, mentioned by Cooney, on which a
traitor of the tribe was once stoned to death. Another village was
[Ganona ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 81
Historic Sites.
on the Law farm just above Rexton on the north side of the river
at a place still called “Indian Fields.’’ Another possible Indian
ocality was just within the mouth of the Aldouane on the north side
where an old burial ground is known, though probably this was
French. (see later under Acadian Period).
231. The Renous Indian Reserve is not on the Renous River, but on the Mir-
amichi a short distance above its mouth, See Map 1 of Settlement
Origins.
231. There is an Jndian Brook just above the North Pole Branch of the Little
Southwest Miramichi, marked on the best maps; and there is also
an Indian Lake at the extreme head of the Tuadook, or Southwest,
Branch of the same river (Bulletin of the N. B. Nat. Hist. Soc.
XXIII, 324). It is said locally that an old camp site is known at
Porters Cove, in Ludlow, on the north side of the Main Southwest
Miramichi and another on the South side at the foot of Stewart Hill,
near McNamee.
232. Tomogonops Pipestone Quarry. An important Indian locality of the Mir-
amichi was the important old pipestone quarry on the Tomogonopes,
a branch of the Northwest Miramichi. As described to me by a
resident who knows it personally, the quarry is in a ledge across
the stream about six miles from its mouth. The pipestone is soft
where kept wet by the stream, but is much harder where dry above
its surface. The rock is taken away and used as whetstones etc,
by residents of the Northwest, one of whom has given me a piece
said to come from this quarry. Professor J. E. Wolff of Harvard
University to whom I submitted the specimen tells me it is a very
fine-grained variety of sericite schist, and seems to fulfil the
requirements (soft enough to cut easily, does not crack or disinteg-
rate with a moderate degree of heat and has a certain capacity for
absorption of oily matter) of a pipestone.
232. It is said locally there was an important camp-site some 300 yards
below the church at the mouth of the Bartibog.
232. I have also been told there was a camp-site of some importance on
Murdoch’s land at the mouth of the Napan, between that river and
Miramichi. The place is known locally because of the small-pox
epidemic which attacked the Indians here some years ago.
232. It is said locally there was a camp-site of some consequence on the
north shore of Beaubears Island, about 200 yards from its eastern
end, in a charming situation, with a spring.
232. It is said locally there was an Indian camp-site on the Canadian Marsh
opposite French Fort Cove.
232. An old plan in the Crown Land Office shows an Indian village and
improvements on a point just below the head of tide, north side,
of the Little Southwest Miramichi, about a mile from its mouth.
This is wery likely the place mentioned as old Indian Town in
Collections N.B. Hist Soc. II, 95.
Sec. II., 1906. 6.
82 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
232F. Burnt Church, or Church Point. Further reasons for the importance
of this place are given in a note in Collections of the N. B. Historical
Society, II, 379.
232G. Indian Point. This place is said locally to have been the favourite
camp-ground of the Indians of this region, and much the most
important on Tabusintac. On some maps it is called Ferry Point,
and a resident told me it was known in early days as Bartibog
Point, for a chief who was much there.
232. Cains Point. Another very important camp or village site, apparently
the second in importance on Tabusintac, was that at Cains
Point, the prominent point below Stymests Millstream on the north
side, just above Big Marsh Brook. It was occupied to within the
memory of men now living. Presumably the name was for an Indian
of that name (a corruption of the French Etienne, as in Cains River).
232. Tracadie. Although now totally abandoned by the Indians, many camp
sites are known along this pleasing and game-rich river, to such
an extent indeed, that, as Dr. A. C. Smith, who knows the region
thoroughly, tells me, it may almost be said that Tracadie was one
huge camping-ground. It is of interest to note that Tracadie means
camping-ground in Micmac. One of the most important localities
is the burial ground, between Tracadie and Leech Rivers containing
aboriginal circular graves, which have been studied by Dr. Smith
as noted in Bulletin of the N. B. Natural History Society, XIX, 306,
though there erroneously attributed, as Dr. Smith tells me, to Wilson’s
Point, Shippegan. An important camp site was that on which the
mills now stand at Tracadie Mills (Foster’s or Sheila), and there
was another at Point à Bouleau, which is, specially at its eastern end,
of low but attractive upland. Other camp-grounds are known, as
Dr. Smith tells me, on both sides of the entrance to Nicholas River,
where there are two very charming points now cleared and settled,
ideal sites for Indian encampments, as I have myself seen. The
vicinity of Nicholas River is said locally to afford especially good
eel-fishing. Smethurst, in his narrative of 1761 (Collections N. B.
Historical Society, II, 375) mentions a camping place six miles from
Grand Lake, which may have been one of those at Nicholas River,
though more probably it was somewhere up Portage River. It is
very probable that an important camping-ground was at the head
of tide, which was and is a great fishing place, especially for sea-
trout. Here, on the south side, just below a little brook, is an. ele-
vated upland bank still used as a camping ground and having the
appearance of long use for this purpose. Many of these localities
may be found marked on an historical map of Tracadie which is
expected to appear in the Magazine “ Acadiensis,’ St. John, in
July, 1906.
232. Pokemouche. Like Tracadie, this river has long “been abandoned
by the Indians, though formerly an important resort of theirs. It
is of very pleasing scenery, and rich in fish and game. I have noted
r
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 83
Historic Sites.
the more important of their camping grounds in my discussion of
Smethurst’s route in 1761 (Collections N. B. Historical Society, II,
871), but have since gathered some additional information from a
visit to the river. The most important of their village sites by far
seems to have been that called Red Bank at Inkerman between the
two bridges on the lot now occupied by the Church. This beautiful
and commanding site was occupied by Indians within memory of
men living, and the lot was originally granted the Indians for their
use; but it came later by purchase into possession of the Church
whose right to it was actively disputed by the Indians. It is said
their burial-ground was where the buildings of A. & R. Loggie now
are. There was another Camp-ground, as I am informed by Rev.
Father Fitzgerald, in the cove across the river, while another, of
considerable importance stood upon the elevated Rivers Point at
the junction of the South and West Branches of Pokemouche, on or
near the charming site of the present church. On early maps this point
is called La pointe à Denys which means af course Denys De Boss,
said locally to have been an Indian. Since he was of sufficient
importance to obtain an early grant it is altogether probable
he was a chief, and his village or camp-ground was on Rivers Point.
The early grant of the Indians on the opposite side of the river of
course soon passed into the hands of the white settlers. Father
Fitzgerald also tells me there was another camp-site on O’Donnells
Point, while relics have been found, on the easterly end of Walsh’s
Island, (a pleasant low upland cleared island), as well as on the
upland along the northern shore opposite this island. He also tells
me a camping-ground is known upon the Sutherland Farm, one of
the most pleasing sites upon Pokemouche, where also there is report
of an Indian burial-ground. On the south side of the river, within
the limits shown on the map, is an Indian reserve, no doubt estab-
lished here to give the Indians the benefit of the eel fishery in the
open basin near Maltempec, which is marked upon a plan of 1811
as an “ Eeling place of the Indians.” Various families of Indians
are said locally to have camped on the reserve within the memory
of residents, but I was unable to learn of any important camping
ground within the limits of the Reserve, which indeed seemed to me
to offer sites decidedly inferior to other places on the river. It is
very likely that another camp-site of importance existed at the great
fishing-place at the head of tide. Here, just beside a superb pool,
there is on the north side a raised bank or terrace, now cleared and
occupied by a sporting camp, and bounded by two cold spring brooks.
The whole forms a very pleasant place and an ideal camping-site,
and I have no doubt that it was much used as an Indian camp-ground.
Upon the map of 1811 by Wm. Ferguson in the Crown Land Office,
there are two points on the north side of Pokemouche named Point
de la Croix; one was opposite Rivers Point where there is a low swell
of upland bordered by marsh, and the other was onthe east side of the
mouth of Maltempec, a piece of elevated upland, now cleared and
forming one of the most charming places on all of the very pleasant
Pokemouche. Both of these places in all probability represented
84 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
Indian burial grounds, the Crosses being planted on their consecrated
grounds. All of the localities here mentioned will be found located
upon an historical map accompanying an article on the History of
Pokemouche which is expected to appear in the Magazine “ Acadien-
sis.’ St. John, in October 1906.
232. Money Island (or Isle au Trésor). This very striking island, at one
time the site of a French settlement (see later under the French
period), has been within the memory of men now living a great resort
of the Indians, who called it as I have been told by anold resident
of Miscou, Cache, or ‘“hiding-place ” island, a name recalling that given
by the Passamaquoddies to St Croix, or Dochet, Island (These Trans.
VIII, ii, 1902, 147) I have been told by Mr. Andrew Wilson of Miscou
that he has seen over one hundred families of Indians encamped
here (obtaining their water from the barrens near by) while engaged
in hunting seals, which formerly resorted in great numbers to the
gully near by.
Indian Point, Miscou. This is said locally to have been a camp-
ing-ground of some importance. It is said there was also another
camping-ground in the cove on the east side of Muddy Brook near
the houses at Wilsons.
232F. Caraquet. A very important Indian camping ground, the most import-
ant in this vicinity, formerly existed on the fine point (Brideau Point)
now occupied by the establishment of the Robin Colles Co., as I have
been informed independently by two of the best-informed old residents
of Gloucester County. The site is an admirable one, the best in this
region, and its value is increased by the never-failing little brook,
(Chenards Brook), which here empties into the salt water.
233. The Indian village of Restigouche is no doubt that shown on the map
of 1663 in Winsor’s America, IV, 148.
I have been told by Mr. D. Ferguson of Chatham formerly of
Athol House, Restigouche, who knows the Indians well, that there
was formerly a camping-ground at the mouth of Upsalquitch, one
on the point at Campbellton, one at Point Le Nim, one at Dal-
housie and one at New Mills.
Old plans show an Indian Lake on the head of the Popelogan
branch of Upsalquitch; a brook at the head of the Northwest
Branch of Upsalquitch is called by the lumbermen Indian Brook,
and there is a small Indian Brook just above Bolands Brook.
233. A very important work on the ancient Portage Routes ot
America, tracing their influence upon the course of local history, is A..
B. Hulbert’s “ Historic Highways of America,” Vol. % (Cleveland
1903).
234. It is very probable that most of the Indian portages follow
ancient game-trails. I have myself been privileged to see, among the
remote waters of New Brunswick still unvisited by sportsmen and
lumbermen, the fine game trails, forming deeply-worn paths, which the
-
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 85
Historic Sites.
great game animals, especially the moose and deer, have made jn |tra-
velling from lake to lake as they seek new feeding-grounds. Such
trails are no doubt the result of long trial and selection by those
animals, and represent as a rule the easiest, and usually the most direct,
route between the waters. The first Indians to come into the country
would have but to follow them. ‘These trails tend naturally to follow
the lowest ground, especially where, as is very commonly the case in
New Brunswick (as I have elsewhere shown Bull. N.H.S. IV, 313)
ancient valleys connect the waters. The portage routes show therefore
an interesting evolution. first an ancient valley, deprived by geological
changes of its original stream, connects two lakes, each a source of an
important navigable stream. Second at a great time past the large
game animals wandering from water to water formed marked trails along
the valley. Third the first wandering Indian followed these trails in
his first explorations, thus finding the most direct and easy route
between waters. fourth he marked out the trails and made them
known to his fellows thus establishing definite portage routes. Fifth,
the white man came and adopted the Indian’s route in his search for
lumber, places for settlement, ete. Sixth, the lumberman came and cut
out the portage paths to allow his lumbering teams to pass, making a
tolerable road. Seventh, the advance of settlement necessitates high-
ways which follow the same general route, deviating in places to «ean
upon the best-drained ground. Æighth, railways follow and take the
same general route parallel with the highways across the watersheds.
236. There is another cause, in addition to the removal of woods,
tending ito make many streams to-day less navigable for canoes than
they were in pre-historic times, namely, the broadening and consequent
shallowing of river beds through lumbering operations. I have been
assured by at least two lumbermen of wide experience in driving and
dam-building, that many streams (especially the Tracadie and the
Lower Sevogle) have been extensively broadened and shoaled within
their own recollection. This is caused by the tearing away of the soft
banks by the rush of logs in spring, and is greatly aided by erosion from
the “ splash-dams,” dams in which water is stored and released with a
rush to carry lumber over rocky or shoal places. And the effect has
become naturally more marked in recent years since it became customary
t» carry on lumbering upon a very extensive scale. Thus it is no doubt
true that many streams, which are now too shallow for canoe travel
during much of the summer, were in pre-historic times narrower and
deeper, as well as provided with a heavier body of water.
86 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
237. I have found a few cases in New Brunswick of Indian trails
which seem not to have been regular portage-paths. Thus on the
Miramichi a trail is locally known, called “ Sock Renow’s Trail,” leading
from Blackville (mouth of Batholcmews) to the Renous, and another
“ Big Louis Trial,” from Indiantown (Renous) to Rocky Ledge (Little
Southwest?) Of this character also was, very likely, the trail from
Derchester to Sackville, and that from near Neguac, later mentioned, to
Portage Brook, near the important Indian village of Cains Point on
Tabusintac. No doubt there were many such trails, as distinct from
pertage paths, between the Indian villages on parallel rivers. —
A reason for the early abandonment of the Indian portage paths
was the early building of roads parallel with them, whereupon the
Indians naturally abandoned their inferior paths for the better roads.
This seems to have been the case with the Tabusintac-Tracadie, the
Tracadie-Pokemouche (South Branch), and the Pokemouche-St. Simon
paths. No doubt in general in the early-settled parts of the province
this soon occurred, and hence there the Indian trails were very early
atandoned, and their locations are now locally unknown. I have seen
myself a modern instance of this in the Trowser Lake—Long Lake
portage on Tobique. The old Indian trail is still used on the Trowser
Lake half, but beyond that it has been abandoned for lumber roads lead-
ing in the same direction.
237. Another reference to Indian canoes built of material other
than birch bark is in Pote’s Journal, where (page 54) he speaks of
canoes of elm and ash bark. Mr. E. Jack, (Acadiensis, V, 142) speaks
of spruce bark canoes, and Dr. Philip Cox tells me his Indian guides
have constructed them.
239. The importance of the portage routes in the early days of New
Brunswick is well illustrated by inscriptions upon the Sproule map of
1787. One of them, mentioning the Micmacs on the Restigouche, reads,
— They communicate by this river with the St. John tribe, and it also
forms a convenient intercourse with Fredericton for the new settlers on
Chaleurs Bay.” Again under bearings and distances from Fredericton
it reads :—‘‘ The distance to Miramichi, by an inland water communi-
cation through the Grand Lake, a branch of the St. John [of course via
Gaspereau—Cains River] 140 miles—6 miles land carriage.” And
again,—“ To Fort Cumberland, by the Kennebecasis, a branch of the St.
Jchn and Petcoudiac, which discharges into the Bay of Fundy, 190 miles
—3 miles land carriage.” In general, all the early maps and narratives
make much of the portage routes.
{GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 87
Historic Sites.
240. To the local portages along the St John the following should be added
(1) The Baker Brook Cabineau portage, described later in this section.
(2) Bouchette’s map of 1831 shows a portage from the head of Little
River (Grand Falls) into Grand River, but I have no other evidence
of the existence of such a portage, and itis probably an error, as is the
portage from Salmon River to the Tobique on Arrowsmith’s map of
1837. (3) On Maclachlan’s large map of Tobique, of 1830, two portages
are shown around the Narrows of that river, both on the south bank,
a longer leading around the entire Narrows and a shorter around
its upper pitch only. (4) On Sproule’s Map of 1787 a Meduxnakeag-
Aroostook portage is mentioned (see later under Meduxnakeag-Pen-
obscot). (5) A branch of Kelly’s Creek is said to be called Chicha-
wagan, (University Monthly, XIX. 4) which would mean “little
portage,” suggesting a possible old route from this Creek to the
Rusiagonis. (6) In Munro’s report on the St John River of 1787
and in the very similar document by Edward Winslow of somewhat
later date (Collections N. B. Hist. Soc. II, 160), there are confused
references to a portage between the Keswick and Nashwaak. I found
no other evidence of such a portage, and if it existed it perhaps led
from Howard Brook through to Lower Nashwaak Lake. (7) An old
plan appears to indicate an early portage from Salmon Bay across
to Newcastle Creek. (8) A plan of 1832 calls Coac Brook on Salmon
River, Indian Portage Brook, for an old portage around a rapid on Sal-
mon River at this place. (9) It is likely, also, there was a portage
from Back Creek, Oromocto, through to the Nerepis, though the
route would be a hard one, if not impossible in summer, because
of the low water then prevailing on the upper courses of those
streams. The presence of an Indian fort at the mouth of the Nere-
pis would suggest such a route, and imply that it was of some
importance. (10) A plan of 1786 shows an Indian Carrying Place from
the extreme S. W. corner of Ludgate Lake to a tiny lake apparently
emptying into Musquash Harbor. (11) Whitney’s plan of 1836 of
the Inglewood Manor shows an Indian Portage between the present
Loch Alva and Brittain Lake of that chain. A reference to the
Kingston Creek—Kennebecasis portage appears to occur in the
later part of Gyles “ Narrative.”
The old Indian portage around the falls at St. John is best shown
upon Bruces fine map of St John Harbour of 1761, and is reproduced
in part herewith (Map No. 3). It also is shown, though less accur-
ately, upon the Holland Map of 1758. There is no difficulty in recog-
nizing the undoubted position of this portage, in part at least, by
a comparison of the Bruce map with the locality, when it will be seen
that the portage path must have crossed the highway in the depres-
sion just east of the Soldiers monument at Riverside Park, and its
general course to Marble Cove can be identified. Tracing it towards
the harbour, its course cannot be determined with such certainty,
since there is more than one depression in the rocky ridges through
which it may have passed, though a very careful inspection of the
ground entirely to the water might show its entire course.
88
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
An Indian portage route, (no doubt only a hunting route not
a line of through “travel), extended up the Forks Branch of Canaan
River, across by a portage, one and a half miles in length, to the
Lake Branch, and down that stream to Salmon River, as I am
informed by Mr. I. T. Hetherington, on the authority of an aged
resident of Queens County. The MS. plans in the Crown Land
Office show these waters approaching thus near to one another,
although no printed map thus represents them.
241C. The Oromocto-Magaguadavic Portage is fully described and mapped
in the Bulletin of the N. B. Natural Hist. Soc. No. XXII, 192, and
map opposite 194. On Purdy’s Cabotia (map) of 1814 the portage
from the Piskahegan to the Magaguadavic is evidently an engraver’s
error, made by joining the Magaguadavic-Oromocto and Oromocto-
Piskahegan portages into one. The latter portage is mentioned in
the field-book of the survey of the Magaguadavic in 1796-1797, in
Map No.3. FROM BRUCE, Map No. 4. FROM A PLAN
1764; x 2. OF 1827; x &.
these words;— “From the head of this river [Piskahegan] there is
a short portage (% a mile) to a branch of the Oromocto.” It was
no doubt from Little to Peltoma Lakes.
The important Magaguadavic-Scoodic portage route has been
fully worked out, and it is mapped in detail and described in the
Bulletin of the N. B. Nat. Hist. Soe. XXI, 45.
242D. There is an error in this description, for I find the plan here mentioned
(Map No. 4) applies the name Little Magaguadavic Lake to Cran-
berry Lake of the present maps; hence the length of the portage to
Lake George is nearly correct. This portage is better shown in a
map in the Field-book of the 1796-1797 Survey, (Map No. 5.) which
marks it “ Portage supposed to go to a branch of the R. Pekuyauk. ”
This map also shows the old portage between the two Cranberry
-
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 89
Historic Sites.
Lakes, and as well the series from Magaguadavie Lakes towards
the St. John. It is possible the Magundy Stream formed a part of
this route.
Gesner, (New Brunswick, 170 and elsewhere) speaks of a com-
munication between Magaguadavic Lake and Shogomoc, but I know
nothing further of such a portage.
An old plan of the Lower Digdeguash in the Crown Land Office
has this information,—‘ From Indian accounts........ from its source
there is a carrying place to Scoodick River.”’ I know nothing further
€ HE Æ \
av fF Tel, dians |
( this brand
KA hae fo go ON
( Tie. R. St John Case i”)
Pekuyauk
osed
Scale - | mile A portage ne
t Wee Lo 4; l'US
(ie
LD
(
Larc à Eu re berry pe
ont Loge
Lor |
(
Map No. 5. FROM THE SURVEY OF 1796-97: x +.
of this portage, which could have been but little used because of the
difficulties of navigating the Digdeguash in low water. It very likely
extended from the Upper N. W. Branch to a branch of the St Croix.
244A. The Grand Lake-Baskahegan portage is clearly shown on an import-
ant early map—that of the Survey of 1796-97, reproduced in the
Monograph on Boundaries, 254.
245. The Field-book of the Survey of 1796-97 shows portages in two places
from the West Branch of Scoodic to below Grand Falls in places
where bends of the rivers come close together.
245. Meduxnakeag-Penobscot. Sproule’s map of 1787, a most careful and
accurate one, has the inscription, —“* By the Meductsinekek the Indians
90
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
246.
communicate with branches of the Restook and Penobscot.” The
route must have been into the Matawamkeag branch of Penobscot,
and, owing to the smallness of the streams, must have been a difficult,
and probably only high-water, route. I have found no other mention
of such route. That to Restook was probably from North Branch
into Mesardis.
Kennebecasis-Anagance. From the references to this portage in the N.
B. Acts, 1786-1836, 561, from an old plan (reproduced in Map No. 6)
and from its length, which is several times recorded as only two miles,
it appears that its course is laid down on the map in the Monograph
much too far to the eastward; it really left the Anagance about where
the highway and railroad touch one another, and ran nearly true S.
to the Kennebecasis somewhat east of the present highway road from
one river to the other.
Map No. 6. FROM AN OLD PLAN; x 2.
247C. The course of the Washademoak-Petitcodiac Portage as here given,
is, I am now convinced, erroneous. Its exact course has been
given me by Dr. B. S. Thorne, of Havelock, who has heard of it
from his father and uncle both of whom knew it when still a path.
It followed almost precisely the present course of the high-
way road, leaving the Petitcodiac about two miles below the Ana-
gance, crossing the North River near Bennetts Brook, and following
the highway through Butternut Ridge; A mile or two from the Wash-
ademoac the Portage path diverged to the westward of the present
road. At this place a great many relics of both French and Indian
occupation have been found, and it appears to have been an important
early camp site as mentioned earlier in these Addenda. Mr. Thorne’s
ca
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 91
Historic Sites.
description of this route is fully confirmed by early plans I have
since found in the Crown Land Office. One of these, given herewith,
Map No. 7, a survey of 1809, shows in detail a survey of a blazed
path from John Keith’s lot on ;Washademoac through J. Humphrey’s
lot on the present Prices Brook, and thence to Petitcodiac “ near old
Blakeney.” It is easy to show, by comparison of this with a modern
plan, that this blazed path, without doubt the portage path, closely
follows the modern road. An account of the old French route from
Quebec to Beausejour via this portage is cited by Raymond, St John
River, 112.
@ nti nues Puch nl this
. Insee a about
| rep Ba
Jol TRE PA \ JE ty Havdlack Fiver
1 Gh
a Lath atvat “Survey
et known
Survey November [£09
Map No, 7. From A PLAN oF 1809; x }.
A reputed old French Road from the mouth of Anagance via
Riders Brook to Cumberland Bay on Grand Lake is discussed later
under the English period.
248. The Memramcook-Westcock portage is cited from a French document of
1753 by Raymond (St John River, 112). Its course is thus described in
a newspaper article (St. John Sun, Aug. 3, 1904) “the trail of the
Dorchester Indians was up the Palmer Brook, down Bulmer Brook,
out to Wood Point at Sackville.”
The portage from Salisbury or Rougie Bay to Shepody waters is
mentioned in the Calhoun Diary of 1771,as running from the river
just west of Cape Enrage into Shepody River. This, however, must
have been in addition to a portage from Waterside directly to the
Lake.
248. \ There are references to the Salmon River-Richibucto portage in Baillie’s
New Brunswick, 39, and in Cockburns’s Report of 1827, 91, where
the length is given as 220 chains. Perley, in the “New Brunswick
Courier” for Nov. 1s 1837 tells of passing over this portage, which
he gives as three miles long. He also describes the long portage,
nine miles long, apparently used when the water was low, and its
course is shown on a plan in the Crown Land Office. Another plan
given herewith (Map No. 8) showing the short portage in some detail
places it a little west of the course shown on the map in the Mono-
graph, leading from close to the mouth of Cordie Brook directly into
the angle of the Richibucto.
92 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
248B. Washademock (Canaan)-Buctouche. The precise location of this port-
age, well-known by tradition to residents on the Canaan, is happily
made certain by a plan in the Crown Land Office, (which I had pre-
viously overlooked) and shows it as on the accompanying map (Map
No. 9). This plan and the modern published maps by no means
agree in details, but as nearly as they can be correlated, the
portage must have followed very clearly the present highway road
from its crossing of the North Branch Buctouche to the southerly
branch east of Canaan Station. The portage is said to have been
three miles in length, but this map makes it much shorter.
Map No. 8. FROM A PLAN BY LAYTON; x 3%.
249. The important Misseguash-Baie Verte portage apparently did not start
at the present Portage Bridge, but from the first cove to the east-
ward of it. This is made clear by the fact that the official declaration
of the boundary between New Brunswick and Nova Scotia makes
it start from the portage, and Munro’s map (reproduced in the
Boundary Monograph, 370) shows the boundary starting not from the
bridge but from the head of the cove next east of it.
250. There is an old plan in the Crown Land Office showing a road direct
from Fort Moncton through to ‘“ Musquash or Portash Lake,” which
may possibly, though this is unlikely, indicate an Indian trail. In
any case the use of the name Portash lake for this lake on the Tan-
tramar is of interest as showing some early portage by this route,
even though it may have been an early road of the whites.
The existence of a Tantramar-Aboushagan portage or trail is
rendered likely by the name Aboushagan itself, the termination of
which strongly suggests owokun, a portage.
A reference to the use of the Memramcook-Scadouc portage is in
Murdoch, Nova Scotia, II, 495. The probable route of this portage
is shown by the very detailed map of 1846 by Crawley showing the
route surveyed for a possible Memramcook-Shediac canal a part
of which is given herewith (Map No. 10).
[@ANnonG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 98
Historic Sites.
251. The Gaspereau-Cains River portage is also mentioned in Cockburn's
Report, 92, and in Baillies New Brunswick, 38. It is said locally
that the route led up six-mile brook making the carry only two miles
(Notes in “ Chatham Advance” after March 1, 1897), but this must
have been a high-water route only, since Marston speaks of it as
seven miles long in his MS. Diary (Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc. II, 103).
Though of so much importance in the early settlement of the Province,
it appears to be shown accurately upon no early map, and the only
map that I have-been able to find which marks it at all is a sketch
by Harley in his 1826 map of Cains River. A portion of this map
is given herewith (Map No. 11) with the corresponding survey from
Mar No. 9. FRoM AN OLD PLAN; x }.
Fairweather’s plan of 1836, upon the same scale. If Harley’s dis-
tances are accurate, (as his location of a timber-berth on the map
would seem to imply) it would show that the portage left Cains River
about as I have indicated on the Fairweather map, in which case it
is put somewhat too far to the eastward on my map in Historic
Sites, 251.
251. The suggestion of a portage from Black Brook to Barnabys River is
confirmed by a corrected copy of the Franquelin deMeulles map of
1686 which I have received from Paris (Map No. 26 of preceding
Cartography). It shows the continuous line, used in that map
for a portage, from the head of Black Brook to the head of Barnaby
94 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
River. I find also that the latest plans in the Crown Land Office
show these waters approaching very near one another.
I have been told by a resident that there was formerly a trail,
“Sock Renou’s Trail,’ from Indiantown apparently to the Little
Southwest.
The Nashwaak-Miramichi portages from Cross Creek to near
Boiestown, are very clearly shown in detail on one of the road maps
in the Crown Land Office.
252. Long Lake to Little Southwest Miramichi Lake. This portage path,
traversed by Hind in 1864 has now completely vanished. I have
myself crossed from Long Lake via Milnagek to Little Southwest
Lake with a companion on a trail in part made by hunters and in
large part made by following an old pine-road.(Compare in Bull.
N. H. S. IV, 461, 468)
I have also, aided by one companion, portaged canoe and outfit
from Tobique to Little Southwest Miramichi waters, making our
oT
they ‘
À DAT EU
eg ts
Qi att, ang!
|
RON NE wns
21025
apie J = 42%? /
Map No. 10. ForM CRAWLEY’S SURVEY OF 1846; x 3.
own trail, going from Portage Lake along the streams and ponds
emptying into Adder Lake and thence across Upper Graham plain
to Gover Lake, as noted in Bull. N. H. S., V, 329. Furthermore I have
been told by Mr J. W. Hoyt of Andover N. B., who has run timber-
lines in this region that the Indians have told him they had an
ancient hunting trail from the Serpentine waters over Cow or Thun-
der Mountain to the Dunn Lake waters and vicinity.
It is also very probable that an ancient hunting-route of impor-
tance extended along the Portage Brook, a branch of the North Pole
Branch, heading over near Mitchell Lake of the Walkemik Basin
(compare Bulletins of the Natural History Society of N. B., V, 338
and 466). The North Pole is a remarkably easy and beautiful
canoe stream, while the Little Southwest Miramichi above the North
Pole is extremely rough and difficult. The North Pole and Portage
Brook therefore offer a far easier route to the lakes of the Walkemik
Basin than does the Little Southwest and the Walkemik itself. The
name Portage Brook, however, was given by Mr. Henry Braithwaite,
as he tells me, because of his own use of it as a portage stream
on one occasion.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 95
Historic Sites.
253. Somewhat over a mile east of Kouchibouguac Village, there empties
into the Kouchibouguac River on the south side a small brook, at
which apparently, is marked on an old plan in the Crown Land
Office the words ‘Indian Portage,” while the brook itself is called
“the brook at the Indian Portage” ina grant of 1809. Since this place
is within tide waters, it cannot indicate a portage along the river;
but it may mark the beginning of an old portage to the Kouchibou-
guacsis. Possibly this was part of the route from the Aldouane to
the Miramichi mentioned by Denys. ;
255. The Miramichi-Nepisiguit route along the remarkable lagoons of this
coast is mapped and described in some detail in my edition of
Smethurst’s Narrative of 1761 in the Collections of the N. B. His-
torical Society, II, 370, 373. But since
that work was published I have gathered
} much additional information upon the
Harleys Sitch subject, and have been able again to visit
EE this interesting region, (travelling, as was
appropriate, by canoe), and to inspect in
person the route of nearly all of the port-
ages.
From Miramichi Bay to Tabusintac
the route along shore inside the ‘‘beaches”
is entirely unobstructed, so that no port-
age is there needed. But I believe that a
portage, or at least a trail, existed from
the vicinity of the important Indian settle-
ment of Church Point through to Stymest’s
Millstream, which is near to another im-
portant village site at Cains Point. Thus
I have been told by an Indian at Burnt
Church that such a route started up Re-
serve Brook and ran from Neguac to
Farweathers Survey | the little brook now called Portage
Brook on some plans, (Stymests Mill-
stream being the next stream to
the westward). I find, however, that
the earliest map of this river, that
wae ee (Of 1804, applies the name Portage
+ ’ 32°
River, to Stymests Millstream, leaviag
the present Portage Brook unnamed, while the Stymest grant of 1814
speaks of the Millstream as “commonly called Portage River”.
Hence it seems altogether likely that the Indian was correct and
the white man in error, and that the portage really ran to Stymests
Millstream, though it is of course possible that it had a branch to
Portage Brook. The name Portage was probably transferred to the
brook after the Millstream acquired its present name. The topo-
graphy of the region would, however, seem to favour Negauac Brook
rather than Reserve Brook as the starting point of the route, in
which case the portage would have followed the general route of
the present highway road.
From Tabusintac to Tracadie there were at least two routes,
(a) that through the ponds inside the beach, including Grand Lake,
96
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
taken by Smethurst and fully described and mapped in the public-
ation above cited, and shewn on the accompanying Map No. 12; and
(b), that from Portage Creek at the head of Tabusintac Bay through
to the cove on Portage River, a route taken by Plessis in 1812. This
route has been described to me by an intelligent old Indian (Joe Prisk,
or Presque, of Bathurst) who had been over it in his youth, and the
white residents also know it by tradition. The original Indian path
has vanished, having been early replaced by the road now running
Pierre
Basque R
WF G.det
Map No. 12 COMPILED BY THE AUTHOR.
in nearly a straight line over gently rising ground between those
waters, and early constructed to permit winter travel from one of
the bays to another. From an examination of the ground I have no
doubt the original path left Tabusintac waters exactly where the
road now does, (for here Portage Creek swings close in to a bit of
elevated upland forming an admirable landing and camping place
with a cold fresh water brook just above, a better place than exists
anywhere for a considerable distance above or below it), and ran
2
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 97
Historic Sites.
towards the cove at Portage River somewhat to the southwest of the
present road, reaching the cove at the elevated ground still used as
a canoe landing there. Its general route it shown on the accompany-
ing Map No. 12, which shows also its starting point from Portage
Creek, which is copied from an old plan in the Crown Land Office.
I have also been told by an old Indian at Church Point that a
portage existed from a small brook, apparently Cowassiget, to the
Portage River; but his knowledge of the subject seemed to me too
uncertain to be trustworthy.
The portage from Tracadie to Pokemouche, which I find is known
by tradition to residents in the vicinity as well as to the Indian Joe
Prisk, ran from near the extreme head of Tracadie Bay across a low
country, less than two miles, to the Southeastern extremity of the
South River of Pokemouche as shown in the map in my edition
of Smethursts narrative. Very near the head of Tracadie Bay is
a little brook, up which a canoe can be pushed through a marsh,
and where probably the path started. The South River ends in an
extensive bog, just before reaching which as one ascends it is a tiny
cove coming close against the upland on the south, and here I think
in all probability was the other end of the portage. The old path,
which is said to have been about two miles long, has vanished
here also, being replaced by the road from Green Point settlement,
q near by, to the Pokemouche waters. This route, no doubt taken
by Smethurst in 1761, would be that followed by travel-
lers going up the Pokemouche waters; if simply proceeding along the
coast they would of course go along the shore outside if weather
permitted, and if it did not, they could carry along the beach from Tra-
cadie Bay, past Green Point settlement, and I have been told both by
an old resident of Green Point and by an Indian that Indians travelled
that way in former times. But it is possible that yet another early
portage existed between Tracadie and Pokemouche waters, for
early plans name the brook now called Peters Brook, Waganchitch,
which means “the little portage,” though others mark it as Indian
Cove. Possibly however the name refers simply to the early portage
road cut from Caraquet to Tracadie, which crossed the Pokemouche
here and continued up this cove.
From Pokemouche to St. Simon there appear to have been at
least two portages. The westernmost was that which I have worked
out (and mapped) theoretically as extending from a branch of
Waugh River to River Brideau, probably that taken by Smethurst
in 1761. Its course is marked upon the map in my edition of Sme-
thurst’s narrative.
I have since been able to examine this route at both ends and
I find that an old portage road, said locally to have been
made by a lumberman named Welmer, and still partly in use,
starts from the Western extremity of the branch of the Waugh
and extends across over open barren and through woods two miles
or more to the River Brideau, which it reaches as shown on Map
No. 23 This seems to be the road locally called “ Pokemouche Port-
Sec. 11., 1906. 7
98
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
age” I think it wholly probable that this road follows the general
route of an early Indian portage though I have not been able to
confirm this either from residents or from the Indians at Bathurst.
The other led from the lower Pokemouche to the South Branch of
St. Simon. I was told by more than one old resident that it crossed the
open barren from the part of Pokemouche Bay called on the maps
Musquash Cove to St. Simon; but Joe Prisk told me that he has
used it in early days, and that it ran from a cove near the Ferry (viz.
the present highway bridge), followed the present highway to opposite
St. Simon waters, and then turned directly down to the latter. We
probably have here another case of the early abandonment of the
original Indian paths when the first roads in their vicihity were
built, as earlier discussed, and it is altogether likely the original
path was by the shorter route from Musquash Cove. It is possible
that there was also a portage into Little Pokemouche, for use in
travelling along the coast, and perhaps one extended from Little
Pokemouche into St. Simon.
From St Simon to the Caraquet region travel was no doubt
chiefly along the coast by the sheltered route of the Little Pass.
(Map No. 33). But for reaching the upper part of St Simon from
Caraquet, the Indians appear to have had another route via the
Portage Brook at the northern bend of St Simon shown on Fergusons
map of 1820 (Map No. 33). Upon another old plan in the Crown
Land Office, one of 1832, a path, or road runs from Caraquet directly
south to this brook, and beyond it tothe L. Mailliou lot, and very likely
represents in part the original portage path. The path seems now
abandoned, but apparently ran somewhat east of the present railway.
The route, however, could not have been much used, or it would no
doubt have been taken by Smethurst’s Indians in 1761.
The “portage” from Caraquet to Pokemouche, making those
places three or four leagues apart, mentioned by Plessis in his journal
of 1811 (page 107) was of course not an Indian route, but a road
or path through the woods made by the white residents, and it was
probably along the route of the present highway between those
places. Another early road of this kind, seemingly now abandoned,
existed from Caraquet to Pokemouche River which it crossed at
Peters Brook, and continued on to Tracadie. It was verhaps the
presence of this road, and not an Indian portage, which gave Peters
Brook its Indian name of Waganchitch or “ Little Portage.”
From Caraquet to Bathurst the natural route of Indian travel
would be, apparently, along the coast. But this isa very dangerous
journey for a canoe because of the great cliffs, extending along this
exposed coast, and excluding any possibility of landing for miles toget-
her. It is not impossible therefore, that some route by way of the Cara-
quet River and its branch Innishannon Brook, with perhaps Teagues
Brook, may have been utilized to avoid this dangerous coast. But
I have found no trace of such a route.
But in addition to the route along-shore and through the lagoons
from Miramichi to Nepisiguit, it is altogether probable there was
[GANonc] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS? 99
another route by way of the Tracadie River into Bass River or Tea-
gues Brook. Such a route would be indicated by topographical proba-
bilities as at least used in travel from Tracadie to Nepisiguit, though
I have not been able to find any direct tradition or other such evi-
dence for it aside from the unsupported statement in Slafter’s Cham-
plain that such a route existed. As I have found by a trip of my own
on the Tracadie, and as described, with a map, in Bulletin (Vol V,
433) of the Natural History Society of N.B., this trout-famous river
is readily navigable for canoes, with only a few short shallow reaches,
completely to the extreme head, even the uppermost waters of the
main stream being formed of meadowy deadwaters very easy for
canoe travel; and it was no doubt more easy of navigation before
the days of lumbering, as earlier noted. These deadwaters swing
much nearer to Bass River (within two or
three miles at most) than our printed maps
show, and hence an easy route is afforded to
Bass River, which however is said to be diffi-
cult for canoe navigation at low water. But I
have also found in my own visit, that the
waters of the Little North Branch have this
same meadowy character, and to a point
which, as I have been informed by a lumber
man who knows the region intimately, reaches
within about a mile and a half of Taegues
Lake, whence it isonly some six miles to the
salt water. The little North Branch with
Teagues Brook would thus form a shorter
route than that by Bass River, and as well,
avoiding a two-mile shallow reach above
Little North Branch, it would form a much
easier route. Very likely, it was thus used,
though such a route now seems locally un-
known.
255B. Portage River-Gordon Brook. Important as
this route was, it nevertheless appears not to
be shown upon any existent map. Its general
Jocation, however, would seem to be indicated Map No. 13. From A
by the topography of the accompanying map MODERN PLAN; x 5.
(Map No. 13) a copy from the Timber line
map in the Crown Land Office. All the lower part of Portage River,
as I have seen, is a very meadowy quiet stream mostly very easy
of canoe navigation, and I have been told that Gordon Brook has
much of the same character. The only direct mention of the route
I find on any map is on the plan of the Gordon Grant, (shown on
the map) of 1822, on which the brook flowing through this grant
(which embraces extensive meadows) is named “Indian Portage
Brook to N. W. Branch Miramichi,” while on the brook above this
grant is marked “Brook to N. W. Miramichi,” showing that the
portage started above the grant. Probably it crossed from the
southerly bend of Gordon Brook to the angle of the N. W. Branch
of Portage River.
The course of the trail from Nepisiguit to the Northwest Miramichi
by Emerys Gulch, said by guides to have been used by the Indians,
100
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
256. A
is shown on a map in the Bulletin of the N. B. Nat. Hist. Soc. XXII,
216. Also I have found a note given me by the late Michael Flinne,
showing apparently that the Indians knew of this portage, and had
a name for it, which he gives as Hs-kut-da-gum-mooch-wa-ga-dik.
The portage mentioned by Hardy in his Forest Life in Acadie,
240, is probably that by Portage River. x
It is also very probable there was another portage between these
waters, for, as shown by the map just cited, there is a very
short distance between the source of the Northwest Miramichi and
the upper part of the South Branch of Nepisiguit. I have myself
portaged through this way. (Bulletin of the N. B. Nat. Hist. Soc.
XXII, 216).
MS. plan of the disputed territory, by W. Anson, 1839 (1841) in the
Crown Land Office marks a portage from Grand River to Restigouche
several miles east of the ‘Wagan portage; but it is likely a mistake.
The mention of a route from the Madawaska River to Bay
Chaleur in Fisher’s “Sketches of New Brunswick,” 27, must be an
error; such a route is only possible by a very roundabout course.
256. The Green River-Kedgewick portage has been several times surveyed,
and has been mapped with the greatest minuteness in connection
with boundary surveys made between 1820 and 1842. Thus it is
described fully by Tiarks in 1820 in his report embodied in the “ Case
of the U. S. laid before the King of the Netherlands,” and it is
shown in the utmost detail in the fine map of Green River made by
the American Surveyors in 1842 (mow in the Department of State
at Washington).
There are references to the long portage between the Little
Tobique and the West Branch of Upsalquitch in the Bulletin N. B.
Nat. Hist. Soc. No. XXII, 180. There is an obscure reference to it
in Baillie’s New Brunswick, 93. Mr. W. H. Venning has told me that
it was formerly known to the Indians and that it reached the Little
Tobique at the angle of that stream.
I have also been told by a reliable Tobique guide, who knows
the country well, that there was formerly ‘a place where they used
to lug across,” starting ten miles up Big Cedar Brook and running
across to a branch of Restigouche, he thinks Five-finger Brook, a
distance of about twelve miles.
The Indian name of Stillwater Brook on the Restigouche is Med-
au-an-e-gan-uk, meaning carrying-place (containing the root, on-eg-
un — a portage). This perhaps indicates a portage to a branch of
the Southwest Branch Upsalquitch.
The principal Nepisiguit-Upsalquitch portage, by way of Upsal-
quitch Lake, is fully described and mapped in the Bulletin of the
N. B. Nat. Hist. Soc. XXI, 77.
257. The Patapedia-Metis portage and the rivers are fully described by
Richardson in the Report of the Geological Survey for 1858, 119.
The Touladi-Trois Pistoles route is mapped completely from
Indian Reports on the valuable Sproule map of 1787 reproduced
herewith (Map No. 14).
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 101
Historic Sites.
There was also a portage route from Lac des Aigles into the
Touradif branch of the Rimouski, as shown by Greenleaf’s map of
Maine of 1844, and by Tiarks account of his visit in 1820, in his Report
in the “Case of the U. S. laid before the King of the Netherlands.”
The Ashberish-Trois Pistoles route is fully mapped on the
Sproule 1787 map, (Map No. 14). This map, in conjunction with
Pote’s journal shows that Pote was taken to Quebec by this route,
not by the Touladi route as the editor of the Journal supposed. The
proof of this is found in the fact that they made a portage directly
gt. ab
fh op
of ° i
if ge
Abe A
dae?
ge
CR
ie ni ni ù ct
\ i 4 a
at
{ls oe £ ni)
à Ho Rae
; 12 a
À
nl rd AY e SY
‘ )
a os 74
River/S! Lawrence yt
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'
Fold
Map No. 14. PART OF THE SPROULE MAP oF 1787; x }.
“om Lake Temiscouata, which is necessary by the Ashberish route,
but not by the Touladi route; for the latter stream is, except for a
small fall near its mouth, easily navigable at all seasons far up its
course, as I know personally from having been along it.
The portage on Greenleaf’s map of 1844 from the head of the
west branch of Green River into Rimouski is a mistake. Tiarks
went through that way in 1820 but his report makes it clear there
was no regular portage.
102 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
Baker Brook-Cabineau. The Sproule map of 1787 shows an
“Indian sketch of a communication between the River Saint John
and the Lake Tamasquatat,” via Baker Brook and Cabineau (called
by him, Namjamscutcook). (Map No. 15). Two portages lead from
Baker Brook into Long Lake, probably following the course of the
portage road of the geological map, one apparently from Baker
Lake and the other from Meruimticook Lake, by a route not known
to me. Probably it was not used as a trunk, but only as a hunting,
route, since it was as long as, and must have been much harder
than, the very easy route by the Madawaska.
Map No. 15. PART OF THE SPROULE MAP OF 1787; x À.
259. Several of the portage routes between the upper St John and the St
Lawrence were explored by the surveyors in 1816-1828 in connection
with the boundary disputes, as shown in the abstracts of their reports
contained in the ‘‘Case of the United States laid before the King of
the Netherlands.”
The Black River-Ouelle Portage is shown perfectly on a map in
the State Department at Washington, running from near the head
of the middle of the three branches of Black River (Raglan of Wil-
kinson), through to a lake on a branch of the Ouelle. The same
portage is shown less perfectly on Greenleaf’s map of 1844.
“etarmejette. This portage is often mentioned in documents
relating to the boundary disputes. Its location is approximately
shown on Wilkinson’s map.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 103
Historic Sites,
262. St. Croix Island. This very important locality has been fully treated
in the Monograph entitled ‘“ Dochet (St Croix) Island,—A Monograph ”
in these Transactions, VIII, 1902, ii, 127. Some addenda et cor-
rigenda should here be recorded. The page references following relate
to the special Monograph.
(128) This map, owing to misinterpreted local information, places
Johnsons Cove too far north; it really belongs to the cove next
south of it, while the one here called by that name seems to have
no local name (129). I find on a subsequent visit that my map is
not exact in outline of the reefs, though there is only one material
error; I have made them broad just south of Wrights Nubble,
whereas they are there somewhat constricted, expanding again east
of the constriction, to form the part on which the Cannon Nubble of
Champlain’s time stood.
(142). At the Ter-centenary Celebration at the Island on June
24, 1904, a resolution was proposed and adopted to call the Island
henceforth by its original and historic name, St Croix Island. Cer-
tainly this is most desirable, and I for one, will do what I can to
aid it. But whether local usage can be changed is, I think, some-
what doubtful; those who celebrate the four hundredth anniversary
will be able to tell!
(152) To the less important literature here cited may be added
the account of the settlement in the “Stories of New France,” by
Miss A. M. Machar, though the author apparently supposed that Navy
Island near St Andrews was St Croix Island. Also I have seen
another poem, inspired by the story of the island, published some
years ago in a newspaper (identity and date not known to me) and
signed C, H. A. which is really excellent. Literature of another kind
was called into existence by the celebration of the Ter-Centenary of
the island’s Discovery on June 25, 1904. A full account of the Cele-
bration is given in the St. Croix Courier for June 30, and an Official
account, with the various addresses and appropriate illustrations, was
published in July 1905 by the Maine Historical Society, (Ter-Centenary
of De Monts’ Settlement at St. Croix Island, June 25,1904. Portland,
Maine Historical Society, 1905, 78 pp). Thereisalso valuable matter
in Acadiensis for July 1904 (special Champlain number) for Oct. 1904,
and inalittle Souvenir Programme issued at the time, at St. Stephen.
(154) As pointed out in a review of this work in the “ Review of
Historical Publications relating to Canada” for 1904, page 19, the
boat in which the party explored the Bay of Fundy and discovered
the Island should be called in English a “long-boat” and not a
barque. It is shown, without doubt, in the picture on the map on
page 157.
(168) On the site of these gardens, especially on the Canadian
shore, see under page 266 later.
(169) The negro mentioned in the footnote is said locally to have
been a smallpox victim, hence his burial here.
(173) The “seventeenth” of March should read the seventh.
(174) Lescarbot was in Acadia only one year,—1606-1607, not two.
104 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
(182) In Haliburton’s History of Nova Scotia (I, 18, followed
by Gesner’s New Brunswick 15) it is said that the chapel was “ built
in the shape of a bower, the sides and roof of which were supported
by living trees.” I do not know the basis of this statement and
think it must be an error.
(184 and 177) As pointed out by the reviewer of this Monograph
in the “Review of Historical Publications relating to Canada” for
1904 (page 20), I have mistranslated the word pardeca, thus making
the “ Master William” pamphlets belong to St. Croix Island whereas
they really were prepared in France. The Reviewer’s translation of
this passage is as fq@llows:— “and they had not done badly to lodge
themselves and clear the island before winter set in, while on this
side the ocean [i.e., in France] news-letters were distributed over
the signature of Master William, a farcis of all kinds of reports,
wherein this prophet among other things reported that the Sieur de
Monts was busy clearing his path in Canada.” In making my trans-
lation I was puzzled by this passage, and turned for aid to Erondelle’s
translation which reads “ whilst that in these parts pamphlets were
set out under the name of Maistre Guillaume,’ etc. I assumed that
these parts referred to St Croix Island, overlooking the fact that par-
deça could not have that meaning. Hence it is clear that it was not
at the St Croix island the ‘“ pamphlets” were circulated. I have em-
phasized this error, unfortunately, in my address delivered at Calais,
June 25, 1904, and published in the St Croix Courier of June 30, and
in the Maine Historical Society’s Account of the Celebration.
(184) The review above cited thinks the passage beginning “ For
the malediction and rage” ete. probably means no more than a refer-
ence to the cruel treatment which the European nations then meted
out to each other when they met outside of Europe.
(188) Under “amusing pamphlets,’ see the note under 184 and
177 above.
(191) It seems very likely it was Father Aubri (who had been
lost for a time at St Mary’s Bay Nova Scotia) and a Protestant min-
ister who were buried in the same grave at St. Croix Island. This
seems substantiated by Lescarbot who says they had quarrelled
about religion’ (Otis-Slafter, translation of Champlain, II, 20); note
also Parkman, Pioneers of France, opening of Chapter 3 of Champlain
part.
(194) As pointed out by the reviewer above cited, the translation
(taken from the Jesuit Relations) of qwil y estoit resté luy cinquiesme,
is not correct, and it really means that Captain Platrier was spend-
ing the winter there with four other men.
(212) The tradition that Haliker was a resident of the Island
receives full confirmation from the following entry in the Land Mem-
orial Records of the New Brunswick Legislative Council, preserved
at Fredericton. Under date Nov. 18, 1820 is the following entry;—
“John Hiliker asks a letter of occupation of an Island called St.
Croix, between the U. States of America and this Province, until
wanted by Government.” It is endorsed ‘ Recommended.” it is
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 105
Historic Sites.
of interest to note that this was the same year in which the Island
was granted by Massachusetts to John Brewer. Locally a legend of
the Enoch Arden type is told of Haliker and his wife.
(220) The wish here expressed was almost a prophecy, as evinced
by the very appropriate and successful celebration held at the Island
on June 15,1904. A very full account of the proceedings is contained
in the Ter-Centenary volume published by the Maine Historical Society,
as noted on an earlier page. It may be added that the inscription on
the bronze tablet dedicated that day was composed, with some sugges-
tions from the Committee in charge of the celebration and others,
by Mr. James Vroom of St. Stephen, N. B.
(221) As to the outline of the ledges near Wrights Nubble, see
the earlier note under page 128.
266. De Monts’ Gardens below Sandy Point. Beside a little rivulet south
of Sandy Point a piece of land was cleared by De Monts in 1604 and
Da CR Ÿ EV 7 De
Champlain 2/04
ne
cette"
Skelch — 130
Map. No. 16. To SHOW THE LOCATION OF CHAMPLAIN’S GARDENS.
THE UPPER IS FROM CHAMPLAIN’S MAP oF 1613 (x 8); THE LOWER Is A SKETCH BY
THE AUTHOR, 1904.
planted as a garden. The chief evidence as to its location consists
of Champlain’s map, (reproduced in part in the accompanying Map
No. 16), but unfortunately the map is not sufficiently accurate to enable
the location to be fixed at once with certainty. Below Sandy Point
there are actually two small valleys, (aside from a deep gully on the
point itself), both dry in summer though having small streams in
wet times, either of which might correspond with the stream shown
on Champlain. After very carefully examining the ground, however,
I have concluded the gardens were beside the uppermost of the two
streams, and for these reasons. First, the ground beside the upper
valley, which is larger than the lower, is a low gently-sloping up-
land of excellent soil, now a good hayfield, while the corresponding
ground beside the lower valley is a much higher, rougher, clayey and
106
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
stoney pasture, much less fitted for a garden. The two cellars at the
latter locality no doubt are relics of the first modern settlement of
this coast, and have no connection with the little cabin shown on
Champlain’s map. Second, it is readily possible to identify the point
and two little rivulets shown by Champlain on the left of his map,
(compare Champlain with my sketch in Map No. 16); if this iden-
tification be correct, the relative distances mark the upper rather
than the lower valley as corresponding to that shown on Champlain.
In this case the lower valley is omitted from Champlain, where it
should occur about in the cove just east of the cabin and letter N.
In comparing however the outline of the coast it must be remembered
that this shore has sunk several feet, probably five or six, since the
time of Champlain, allowing the lower parts of the upland to be
washed away and greatly altering the configuration of the shores.
If now we suppose that a considerable section of the low upland just
beside the upper valley has thus been removed, it would make the
configuration agree much more closely with the map of Champlain.
This would bring the Gardens in part upon the present beach as
shown on the map, and I believe such was their true position.
266. St. Aubin. The exact site of St. Aubin’s residence, (and consequently
266. A
the limits of his seigniory) is not known. The fact however, that his
residence was at Passamaquoddy and that the name Passamaquoddy
(see Place-nomenclature, earlier) applied originally only to the waters
between Campobello, Deer Island and Moose Island (or Sewards Neck)
would shew that it was in that vicinity, and not at St. Andrews or
elsewhere on the Inner Bay. Hence it was likely at Campobello
or Indian Island.
statement made by James Boyd in 1763 (Kilby’s “ Eastport and Pas-
samaquoddy,’”’ 106) seems to imply that French works existed on
Digdeguash Island. But I have found no other reference to them.
In the same work, page 138, there are references to possible
early French settlement at Shackford’s cove near Eastport probably
at the place so marked on the D. Owen map.
The remains of French settlement on Indian Island are mentioned
by Lorimer in his “ History of the Islands and Islets of the Bay of
Fundy,” 74.
The supposition that Gourdan and St Aubin were the same person
is no doubt incorrect, since there was a Gourdan at this time in
Acadia or Canada.
268. The traditional breastwork at Sandy Point is fully described in the
Courier series, XXX, note.
An article in Scribners Monthly, XV, 449, (also in “Sport with
Gun and Rod,’ published by the same company, Century Co., 172),
mentions and figures a supposed old blockhouse somewhere in the
woods of Charlotte Country, without doubt simply an old lumber-
camp.
[GANONG]
ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 107
Historic Sites.
In the St. John Telegraph in July 1895 it was stated that the
lighthouse keeper at Letite (Mascabin Point) found relics of French
and Indians about his house; that in a valley near by there is an
ancient burial place which has never been disturbed.
269. The statement about the location of the settlement of de Marson is an
error; he is here confounded with Martignon; the facts are given
correctly on pages 277 and 309.
A French post provided with provisions for travellers, appears
to have existed at Grand Falls in 1756 (Rameau, Colonie féodale, IT,
374).
On the French Village at Kingsclear, compare Sproule’s map given
later (Map No. 38) and also the mention of these villages in the
Settlement-Origins, 132.
270. The site of the Church of Ste Anne and of the French burial ground
271.
271.
at Aucpac, Springhill, are still known locally, as I am informed by
M. Mercure. Compare Raymond, St. John River, 145, 147.
The Acadian Settlement at St. Anne’s Point seems to have been
known to the English as Mercures Plantation or Settlement. (Coll.
N. B. Hist. Soc. II, 160).
Cleoncore, a name used on early plan for Eccles Island (see Map
No. 38 of Historie Sites), and in the N. B. Council Records for 1788,
was no doubt the residence of Sieur de Clignancourt about 1696.
(Compare page 312 of Historic Sites). Rameau gives him as living
near Aucpac (Colonie féodale, I, 322), and in a document among the
Villebon papers in the Boston Public Library he is said to reside
at a league from the fort at Nashwaak.
French settlement appears to have existed at or near the Burton
Court-house, as shown by a statement in M. H. Perley’s Lecture on
New Brunswick (Educational Review, IV, 173).
French Lake (Oromocto). As a result of a visit to this place in July,
1903, I was able to gather much information about the French settle-
ments from the residents. The lake is very attractive, surrounded
by gently sloping upland all around except on the west, where inter-
vale separates it from the Oromocto. The reputed site of the princi-
pal French settlement is as noted in the accompanying map (Map
No. 17). The residents here point out not only the general site, but
an exact spot traditionally called the site of the church (where
faint outlines of a possible foundation may be traced), and another
(now occupied by a great heap of stones) called the old French burial
ground. Many relics have been found here and in the vicinity, such
as dishes, blacksmith tools, bullets, coins, ete. These places, located
by a simple survey in relation to existent buildings and to the great
mill chimney (the mill burnt a few years ago) are shown by the
accompanying map (Map No. 18). All probabilities seem to me to
favour the correctness in general of the local tradition. A curious
double line of stones running from near the church site towards
the shore is of origin not known locally, but is probably modern.
108
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
The “ marked stone ” shown on the plan is a supposed Indian carving
mentioned earlier in this paper. Further. about a mile from the lake
is another reputed French settlement called locally French Ridge, (see
Map No. 17) where various relics, French and Indian, have been found,
Further, according to a resident (Mr. T. E. Smith), “ about twelve
miles from the mouth of the Oromocto there seems to have been an
attempt [by the French] to bridge that river with stones, which are
visible to the present time, and what is the most curious thing there
are no stones within five miles from the place where the attempt was
made.” The site of the “French bridge” was marked for me by a
aa on 5
French Bridge (*)
Map No. 17. COMPILED BY THE AUTHOR.
resident (Mr. Leslie Carr), as shown on the accompanying map (Map
No. 17), but as Mr. Carr wrongly applies the names “Bass Creek”
and “ Three-tree creek” to the streams just above, and as Mr. Smith
places it at twelve miles from the mouth of the river, it is more likely
its correct position is as shown on the separate cut on the Map No.
17. There is also a local tradition that the French fought the English
on the Oromocto below French Lake, and Mr. Carr has marked the
reputed place on the map. This tradition fits in perfectly with a
newly-discovered reference to an encounter between French and
English described in Sergeant John Burrell’s Diary of 1759, recently
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 109
Historic Sites.
reprinted in Acadiensis (V, 291). Burrell was stationed at Fort Fred-
erick, and his diary reads thus.
Wednesday 5th [Sept. 1759]—
our Cornel with two Captens and three Lewts and two Ensn. about
85 men went bye ye River this night. Tuesday 11th ye Cornel
Returned with ye party of ye Scots up the River brought but a little
Plunder for they were beat by ye enemy firing upon ye party as they
were in a smali creek and kield Ensn. Tirrell and Corporall Shelden,
John Ells, Eleser Paks, and Elishu Randell, total 5, and wounded at
ye same time Lewt Foster, Leonard, Commins, Isaac Palmer, Vine
Turner, Ebenezer Kers, Solomon Maker and Isaac Torrey Total 7—all
of Capt. Parker’s company and one man of Capt. Garrashs.
It is not, of course, certain that this encounter occurred at this
place on the Oromocto, but considering the local importance of the
Scale
00 yas = {inch
Hilliard ;
Hovse f French
Lake
… £rench JM,
LE Raich td
Chimney
tle
Carr age ©
Hovse French
:_ Borial Ground
7 Sile
Carr
House
Map No. 18. FROM SURVEY BY THE AUTHOR.
event and that this is the only place to which such a tradition now
attaches it seems highly probable, in which case it was probably the
residents of French Lake who thus attacked the English in defence
of their homes.
The Oromocto is navigable for large boats to above the Forks on
both branches. Hence it is very likely the French settled in the
retired position near the Forks, but I have no evidence of it.
271. French Lake, (next Maquapit). The sites of the French settlements here
have been studied by Mr. Duncan London, of Lakeville Corner, and
he has had the kindness to send me sketch-maps, from which the
accompanying map (Map No. 19) has been compiled, showing their
approximate locations, and some information about them. He says
there were two French settlements on this lake. One was half a
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
110
Historic Sites.
‘6L “ON AVN
UODPUOT uvzuNG
Ag dou yojays D way
SJUIMY PIG YIUIL I LIULO J va
52715 CUL7 UDIPUT ++
leads
T'UDIPUT. ::
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 111
Historic Sites.
mile from Lakeville Corner and consisted of eight or ten dwellings.
The outlines of those sites were plainly visible a few years ago. The
other was in the middle of French Island and was of abort the same
number of dwellings, which were disposed in a semi-circle around a
well. “This well I have examined carefully and it seems to ‘have
been filled within a few feet of its top by its owners before they
fled.” He also says that cannon balls have been picked up on the
shores of French Lake, and that he possesses a twelve-pound shot
found there many years ago. No record exists to explain the pre-
sence here of these shot, but Mr. London says there is an Indian
tradition that *‘ Yinghe ” (Col. Church?)
fired them at the inhabitants here,
while sailing up the river. But the
distance from the St. John is beyond
_the range of the cannon of that day.
Mr. London adds that he knows of no
other French sites in that vicinity, but
in the Crown Land Office there is an
early plan which shows some distance
up Little River, emptying into Indian
Lake) this inscription.—‘“‘old chimneys
and a high rock,” which may indicate
French houses.
272. Swan Creek. Concerning French relics
at this place, Mr. London sends me the
following information, illustrated by a
sketch map herewith reproduced, (Map
No. 20). He lived here in his boyhood
and knows the locality well. He says
that his father knew a place up the
creek, (not known certainly to Mr.
London), where the French had a black-
smith shop, as shown by coal cinders,
old files, pieces of steel, scissors, tongs,
etc. Also he found in 1858 the remains
of a sunken vessel reputed French, at
the place marked onthe map. Further, ees
a few years ago Mr. Amasa Coy, of Map No. 20.
Upper :Gagetown, found half a ton of
iron and steel instruments near the place marked “French Relics”
on the plan.
272. Coys Lake. Mr. London writes me there was also a French site at the
head of Coys Lake said to be well defined at the.present time; I have
not been able to obtain further information about it.
272. The Mistake. I have been told by my grandfather that re has himself
seen an old wreck near the head of the Mistake, reputed French,
from which many relics have been taken.
112 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
271. Emenenic, the winter village of the French on the St. John in 1611-1612
mentioned in the Jesuit Relations and elsewhere. (For an account
of events there see Raymond’s “St. John River,” 20, 128; Jesuit Rela-
tion, Thwaites’ ed., II, 27). We know that it was on an island, and
the fact that the Indians to-day call the three islands at the head of
the Long Reach Ammenhennik identifies it as on one of them. But
hitherto its site has been unknown. In July 1903, in company with
2/029
À
=
x
à
>
5
a
"
mS
$
È
D
Map No. 21. FROM OWEN’s MAP OF THE LOWER ST. JOHN, 1846, x 3;
WITH ADDITIONS.
Dr. G. U. Hay, I examined the three islands carefully to see if their
configuration and local conditions would throw any light upon the
question of the site of the village. Fosters (also called Jones Island
or Isles of Pines) and Rocky Island connected with it by a bar, seemed
to offer very indifferent situations; for a good site for houses, a good
landing beach, a spring (here important since the river water is
brackish), and a sheltered cove for anchorage, occur nowhere together.
But on Catons island, at the western point, there is a fair situation
[canon] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 113
Historic Sites.
with a fine view both up and down river, at the place marked on the
accompanying map No. 21. Here occurs a combination of advantages
so great that in so far as such circumstantial evidence can fix a his-
toric site, they fix the site of Emenenic here. At this place a long
bar (more prominent than the map appears to show) runs off to the
westward towards the mainland; but it ends abruptly, forming on
both sides of it coves with deep water constituting an admirable
sheltered anchorage. Further there is here a superb sand beach,
springs issuing from the bank, and an admirable raised situation for
buildings (on which now stands a house, the only one on the island).
Further, the situation is one well-protected from the north winds
by the lofty hills of the shore, here close to the island, and it slopes
towards the southwest, a desirable situation for winter. The situation
commands also a view down the entire length of the Reach. It is
in all ways a charming, convenient and advantageous situation and far
in advance of any other situation on the islands for a winter settle-
ment, and I do not doubt it was the site of the village of Emenenic.
271. Butternut Ridge and Canaan. Reputed French settlements occur here,
271.
272,
It
described thus by Dr. B. S. Thorne of Havelock:— “about one mile
and a half North-East of the old Portage at Butternut Ridge (see Map
No. 7), on the farm of Mr. Howard Hicks there has been a French
clearing and garden: they have plowed up various implements,
among them a cannon ball. At the end of the Portage at Canaan there
are four or five hundred acres of intervale where they had gardens
planted, with plum, gooseberry and currant bushes.”
is locally believed that Longs Creek, Washademoac, was first settled
by the French. I have been told by Mr. A. N. Vincent, a former resi-
dent who knows the region well, that the first settlers found there
at a place about half way up the present settlement, the remains
of an old French house, clearing and stable.
French Village, Hammond River. The history of this Acadian settle-
ment is given in the settlements Monograph. Through a kind cor-
respondent, (Mrs. Noble Beatty, of French Village) I have endeavoured
to find what traces of this settlement still remain. She tells me that
the site of their old burial ground is known, upon the Ford place
about two miles from Nauwigewauk Station, in the situation shown
on the accompanying map (Map No. 22). This burial ground,
according to a statement in Acadiensis, (VI, page 98 of Supplement)
is now on the Provincial Stock-farm. The sites of their houses are
known in a number of places along Hammond River, and particularly
at the places marked on the map. The name of the lake, Jerreo
(viz. Therrieau) Lake, is of course another remnant of their presence.
An old plan in the Crown Land Office shows the lots occupied for
a time by them before they sold out to their new English neigh-
bours and moved away to Madawaska. (See under this name in
the Settlement-Origins). The village is shown, but in exaggerated
and conventional manner, on the R. Campbell map of 1788.
Sec, II., 1906. 8
114 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites
272. Many relics, reputed French, have been unearthed from time to time
in Carleton. An early newspaper article I have seen, containing
the reminiscences of an old resident, James Lane, “ dictated to I. Allan
Jack, Apr. 27, 1867,” relates—‘“I saw at one time on the
present site of Mr. Adams mill forty boxes washed up, evidently
coffins. Old Mr. Belyea, in the neighbourhood, dug up in his
garden two or three bodies, some pipes, a stone hatchet and
Fay | Feabbalae? This mill was situated somewhat north of Union
Street opposite Guilford Street. More specific is an article in
French Village
and VICINI
froma Map of /F62
0 / 2a
Scale o miles
-. pighways
Map No. 22.
the St. John Globe for Oct. 5, 1889, which mentions relics found
at the Old Fort “last fall,” and adds, “ King Street, directly above
Middle, a short time since was graded, and during the operation the
workmen came upon an old graveyard, presumably one of the French
where a large number of bones were exhumed. Not long after that
a heap of French army swords were come upon near the same spot.”
This discovery, of the bones is confirmed by one of my relatives in
Carleton who himself saw them. Happily we have more definite
information as to the site of this burial ground. In the City Chamber-
[ GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 115
Historic Sites.
lain’s Office at St. John are two plans which show its site, and both
are reproduced, reduced, in Figure 23. Plan A is from George Sproule’s
plan of 1785 of Carleton, and shows the site of the “French Old
Burying ground, “ before the locality was disturbed by modern changes
The position and form of the burying ground, which probably stood
upon a knoll, show that it was then being washed away by the sea,
a fate which has overtaken many low-lying places on our steadily
sinking coast; and it was no doubt much higher and larger in the
Map No. 23. EXPLAINED IN THE TEXT.
Acadian Period. The plan B is roughly sketched from another plan
in the same office. The form given here to the Burying ground shows
that it really swung towards Middle Street and under Union Street
as well. Comparing this with C which is from the Admiralty Map of
1844, and this in turn with the modern map D, and taking account of
the remains found on King Street above Middle as mentioned above,
it would seem plain that the Old French Burial-ground occurred
about where King, Union and Middle Streets meet, and extended
116
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
thence northward and eastward much as indicated by the dotted
area on D. Thus it appears that it must originally have been of
considerable size, and it no doubt occupied a low~-knoll well above
the tide in the Acadian period. Moreover it is the only French burial
ground anywhere around the harbour, witha possible exception men-
tioned below, of which any record or tradition whatever remains
to us, another fact emphasizing its importance. Hence it was in
all probability here that the prominent French officials who died at
St John, including both La Tour and Governor Villebon, and perhaps
earlier Madam La Tour also, were buried.
It is however barely possible that a French Burial-ground existed
also at Portland Point, though the evidence is very scanty. A note
in one of Moses Perley’s lectures, along with his mention of the
French Fort at Portland Point, speaks of skeletons there — (These
Trans. 1891, ii, 68)
Again in the St. John Globe of Sept. 18, 1887, there is an account
of the finding of nine swords and two axes in excavations made on
the north side of Water Street in Carleton, just below Mr. Uriah
Drake’s house, and the suggestion is offered that this may be the
site of “a part at least of Charles La Tour’s fort.” This location
however was apparently occupied by a blockhouse in 1763, as shown
by the important Map No. 36 later in this paper, thus affording an
explanation for the presence of those relics.
The former presence of the French at Musquash is confirmed by
a statement by Chas. Morris in 1762, who says (Archives, 1904, 297),—
“Musquash Cove and a River—here lived about a dozen French fam-
ilies who existed chiefly by a Trade with the Indians.”
276. The traditional old fort at Harding’s Point mentioned on this page
is likely the same as an ancient work, which has recently been discov-
ered by Dr. Silas Alward of St. John at Gregorys (Hardings) Point,
a commanding bluff opposite the mouth of the Nerepis. Dr. Alward
has been kind enough to send me a description of the work, which
he is later to study more thoroughly. After speaking of the stra-
tegic position of this conspicuous bluff, which commands the Reach
above and the River below, he says;—On the side of the hill a short
distance from the shore “ we came upon a finely constructed ram-
part of large rocks or boulders, in which was not to be found a single
breach. It was in places four feet in height and about the same
width on top. It evidently had been constructed with great care......
it is four hundred and fifty feet in length....it was moss covered......
it had apparently been scientifically constructed. How the large
boulders had been carried up the steep side of the hill excited our
surprise. Its site is now marked by a dense growth of trees........
I made enquiry of residents of Woodman’s Point and they had never
heard of it.” It is possible that this represents some military work
of the Acadian Period, perhaps an accessory to help Fort Bois-
hébert to hold the river, or perhaps it was the battery erected in 1755
by Boishébert at the Narrows, as mentioned by Raymond in “The
ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS aly 74
Historic Sites.
[GANONG]
St. John River, ” 118, though as Mr. Raymond points out, this battery,
was more likely at Nid d’Aigle above the Belleisle (Historic Sites, 275).
a French post was established on the St. John
in 1749 at a location suggested in an article in the “ Gentleman'’s
Magazine,” July 1750, 295. After mentioning the well-known exped-
ition of Capt. Rous to the St. John in the Albany sloop of war (des-
cribed in Murdoch’s Nova Scotia, II, 153) it adds,— “on his return
we found that the French had attempted nothing near the mouth of
the river; but that they were about to secure themselves at some
considerable distance from it,ata place the French Governor claimed
as the southern boundary of Canada or New France. This being
in a country inhabited by Indians, and the navigation of the rivers
being unknown to most of the English, nothing further could then be
The southern boundary of New France here mentioned is
It is possible that
done. ”
no doubt that explained in the Boundaries Monograph page 216;
it was the line drawn through about 46° on the D’Anville map of
Hence the
1746 which would cross the St. John near Fredericton.
|
g
)
vis
4) SINS) r
Dp
|:
"nent
~ < 2,
È Cp = os
ë Sp Eu Le. é :
: FROGS Sn ani N
3 —F ‘ =F as
È & LS A aN À nud {
Ra) =,
8 à ie ey = N
SN me EO K
Re : ue Ê MAP OF PART OF
gs a PETITCODIAC RIVER
Ue 7 fo illustrate nie
ie . Eee ‘storical Localities
“te LT signifies marsh miles Histone cal
UTE tl
Map No. 24. CoMPILED BY THE AUTHOR.
post to be established would probably have been St. Anns, though
it may have been much lower, perhaps at the Nid d’Aigle or Etablisse-
ment Frangois at the Narrows above the Belleisle. (Compare page 275
of Historic Sites Monograph). It could not, however, have originated
this post, since it is marked on Bellin’s Map of 1744.
276C. Fort Nerepis...A reference in Casgrain’s edition of the Journal de
Marquis de Montcalm (337) seems to show that this fort was called
Sainte-Anne. He speaks of it as a poor little fort burnt by Bois-
hébert rather than to allow it to fall into the hands of the English,
282. By an old resident of Salisbury I have been told that the stream just
above Salisbury is called French’s Creek, (Map No. 24) and that it
was settled around its mouth by the French. I have examined the
site; it seems a very likely situation for such a settlement, but I could
find no evidence for it.
118
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
282.
»
There was also a small French settlement in 1771 or earlier.a
short distance up Coverdale Creek, as shown by the Calhoun diary
published in the Chignecto Post, Dec. 7, 1876. He described a visit
to an Indian settlement apparently at the head of tide, (which is at
or near Salisbury), and then clearly describes going to Coverdale
Creek “on the south side near the line of Hillsboro Township........
We travelled up this creek for a mile and a half ...... after going to
the east side of the creek we saw some of the French Pirate houses.
I was informed the French took a large schooner once into this bay
and ran her so far up this creek in the time of spring tides that she
never was got out again.” A sloop and schooner which the French
had taken to “two different creeks near the head of the river,’ are
mentioned by Moncton in his Report of 1758 (in the Collections N.
B. Historical Soc., Il, 172, 173) though these were brought out.
Another French settlement in 1771 mentioned by Calhoun as
somewhere lower down the River, was very probably at Village Point,
above Salt Creek.
A MS. history of Hillsborough, sent me by Mr. G. D. Steeves
of that place, contains this statement about the French settlements
there;—‘‘ Major Frye of the Garrison at Fort Cumberland was sent
with a vessel and several hundred men to take the Acadians dwelling
along the Petitcodiac River. The expedition came to anchor at Gray’s
Island. The French fled to the woods, and unable to capture them,
Frye was forced to content himself with burning their houses and
razing everything to the ground, including the chapel that stood very
near the site of the present new Temperance Hall.” This agrees
fairly with the account in Murdoch’s Nova Scotia, II, 295.
In the Calhoun Diary of 1771 Gray’s Island is called Delatongs
Island,—apparently its French name.
Shepody. Since the “ Historic Sites” was published I have been able
to visit and examine with some care the remains of French occupation
at Shepody, in which work I have had the advantage of the aid of
Hon. A. R. McClelan who knows that region so thoroughly. The
various localities, as identified on the spot, are shown upon the accom-
panying Historical Map of Shepody (Map No. 25). The site of the
French Church is pointed out by residents with great positiveness,
and I have no doubt with perfect correctness; the local name of the
brook beside it, Church Brook, is the best evidence, the more espec-
ially as no church has existed in this vicinity since the first permanent
settlement. The church is said to have stood just to the east of
Church Brook (which runs in a deep ravine or “ vault’), and south
of the road, on a site now occupied by a house belonging to Mr. John
Moore, and the old cornerstone of the church is said to be built into
the cellar wall. Just behind or to the south of it is the reputed site
of the old French burial ground, and certain hollows are pointed out
as the sunken graves, and other graves are said to have been found
under the present highway. Farther, south, a little east, on the margin
of the upland near the marsh is a fine spring, locally called the “ Holy
Spring.” The situation is a charming and commanding one, on the
[aaxoxG]
ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS
>
yea
Se
Creek)
Map No, 25,
Trans. R. S. C., Sec. IT., 1906
Historic Sites.
=
gril mound)
ely =
Historical MAP oF
SHEPODY
THE ORIGINAL SURVEY MAP OF /788
=== DINED MARSH
A DIKES
<a. CLEARD UPLAND,
Scale of Miles
WITH ADDITIONS (SHOWN BY BRACKETS)
== WILD MARSH
IN 1788
{p. 118]
A tra,
oué AD A
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 119
Historic Sites.
margin of the largest marsh in the region, near the natural landing
place, and in the most likely situation for a first settlement. All
the evidence is so completely in agreement that I have no question
that the church stood here and this was the centre of the French
settlement of Shepody.
I have been told there was a French burial-place on Blueberry
Island, the larger (and innermost) of the two small marsh islands
between Riverside and Albert (the smaller is called Cranberry Island).
Perhaps next in interest among the relics of the Acadian period
was the burial.mound in which were buried the remains of the British
soldiers killed in 1755 by Boishébert. The local tradition is that
the English landing to destroy the church, were ambushed by Bois-
hébert with Acadians and Indians, who, concealed behind the dikes,
killed 30 of the enemy and compelled them to retreat. The French
afterwards buried the fallen soldiers on the marsh in a grave so large
as to form a considerable mound. I think there is no doubt of the
substantial correctness of the tradition, though it may not be exact in
details. Thus there exists an account of this affair in a letter written
by Boishébert himself to M. Drucourt, Governor of Cape Breton, under
date Oct. 10, 1755 (see Report on Canadian Archives, 1887, page
CCCUXXVIII), which reads in abstract;—‘‘In spite of his efforts
he was unable to prevent the enemy burning the houses at Chipody;
but he pursued them on the following day and compelled them to
take to their ships, with a loss of 45 men, left on the field, many
drowned and 60 who reached the ship dangerously wounded.” The
approximate site of this mound is well known locally, and as shown
on Map No. 25; but it no longer exists, since a few years past it was
/ washed away by the sea which is gradually eating into this marsh
Some years ago, it is said, the mound was dug into by a Mr.
Tupper (afterwards removed to the United States), and various art-
icles such as buttons etc. were found, all in agreement with the reputed
use of the mound. The situation is precisely adopted to the tradition,
for the Five-fathom hole, off the north end of Grindstone Island, is
the natural anchorage for vessels, so that the natural landing-place
for an expedition against the church would be in the vicinity of the
mound. Some further mention of this expedition, with the names
of all the men killed, is given in the Willard Diary of 1755, of
which a copy is preserved in the Town Library at Lancaster, Mass.
The sites of French mills are pointed out at several places. The
most interesting is at Tingley Brook (next east of Church Brook),
on which, some one-fourth to one-third of a mile north of the high-
way, there is a fine little fall of some 7 or 8 feet in a deep ravine.
Some 20 yards below it there still lie in the brook-bed the two mills-
stones, one of freestone (3 feet 2 inches in diameter and 5 inches
thick, with the marks of the iron attachments) and the other, of
which only one-half remains, of coarse granite. Traces of an ancient
wooden trough which carried water from above the fall to the stones
can still be seen. The arrangement was apparently a simple overshot
wheel, and probably the tradition is correct that it was French, though
of course it could possibly have belonged later. It is said that other
120
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
ancient millstones exist on a branch of German Creek, and possibly
still others on Beaver Creek at the head of the present millpond.
Another French mill is said to have stood on the Horn Brook in Har-
vey, and the big ditch called ‘‘ Cut Creek” is believed to have allowed
boats to reach it, though the dam on this stream just above the pre-
sent road is known to be of later origin. Dams on the tidal streams,
said to have been made by the French for tide mills are reported
in at least two places on the marsh creeks. Of course many
French cellars are known in various localities and some early dikes
are shown as French. It is also said that the bog beside the
Shepody river above the present good marsh shows signs of former
cultivation supposed to be French. Another interesting relic is that
called the “French Fence,’ a structure built across a piece of
open boggy swamp in the approximate positions shown on the map.
The stumps of the slabs (pieces curved on one side and flat on
the other) set edge to edge forming a very close fence, can still be
Baptist
Burtal grovnd
The French
Burial grovnd
now a grain field
CI Hovse
Ola French
Cellars Known in
Tie Vic ni ly
Map No. 26. FROM A SKETCH BY THE AUTHOR.
seen in several places. It is difficult to surmise its use, for the labour
expended upon it seems much too great to be thus explained. While
all these remains are reputed French, it must be remembered that
a good deal of diking and other cultivation was accomplished by
the temporary Germantown colony between 1765 and 1770, and some of
these works may have originated with them.
Some mention of the occupation of the marshes near Cape Enrage
by the French occurs in the Calhoun diary of 1771 (published in
the Chignecto Post, Dec. 7, 1876 and later). He speaks of a marsh
some two miles west of Cape Enrage, which had been improved by
the French. This must have been the marsh on the first river east
of Cape Enrage. Still nearer to the Cape was “a thick strip of woods
which made a good defence to a fine piece of marsh, through which
a small river runs about N. E. Here some of the French buildings
stand, and judging by their barns they raise great crops of grain.”
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 121
Historic Sites.
This marsh was of course the remarkable strip running inside the
Cape Enrage ridge. Later, in speaking of Haha, he says;—‘‘ The
Haha River runs from S. W. to N. E. through a fine piece of marsh
which has been improved by the French, and dykes could now be very
easily repaired. There
are two of the French
houses standing yet,
and some apple trees.”
280. Prée des Richards no
doubt was the village
at Morice’s Brook at
Upper Sackville, and
was the Richart of
Montressors map. I
find also that the site
of the village of Tinta-
marre at Four Corners
is wery well known
locally, and about as
shown on the accom-
panying sketch map
(Map No. 26). Itis be-
lieved locally, and in
all probability correctly,
that the French church
of Tintamarre, which
was one of some im-
portance, stood on the
site now occupied by
the Beulah _ Baptist
church.
284 and 290. Ihave made at-
tempts to identify upon
the ground the exact
site of Pont a Buot,
with results shown on
the accompanying
sketch map (Map No.
27). There is only one
stream, apparently,
which can be the Ruis-
seau a l’Ours of Fran-
quet’s maps (Maps Nos.
26 and 27 of Historic
Sites), and its identity is
made the more certain
by the fact that here as
on Franquet’s map, the Map No. 27.
Misseguash (St. Mar-
guerite) comes the nearest to the upland on the north. An inspection
of the ground shows very clearly why the French chose this place
for their bridge across the Misseguash. It combines the advantages
of being the bend which comes nearest to the upland on the French
MW dine
DFE
So
om
CSA
x
x
foxy
CG
NU) AA a tan
FROM A SKETCH BY THE AUTHOR.
122 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
side of the river, hence making the bridge the more easily defensible
by a post on the upland, and at the same time it is above the wide
tidal part of the river, where it was narrow enough to be easily bridged.
It was, however, no doubt much wider than it is at present, since the
size of the present stream, which is little more than a ditch a few
feet across, has been greatly affected by the digging of the “ tide-
feeder” ditch many years ago, as well as by the larger canal;
furthermore, from natural causes the tidal part of the river is moving
all the time towards its mouth. Comparing Franquet’s map with
modern conditions it seems very plain that the modern stream is
much further from the bank there than in Franquet’s time, due no
doubt to the cutting across of the ox-bow at this place. But never-
theless the old courses of the streams can be traced, and about as
shown on the map. This would bring the Pont à Buot about as
marked though there is not the slightest trace of it in existence.
Neither can the site of the post on the upland near by be identified,’
though the nature of the ground shows its approximate gosition.
290. Memramcook. A memoir of 1750 by Léry mentions “A l’embouchure
de la riviere de Memeramkouk,” certain buildings,—a bakery (bou-
langerie) 10 feet square, a hospital (hôpital) of 18 and a house of 12
(feet square), all of round stakes and covered with bark. It is pos-
sible that this was the post at Fort Folly, (page 290 of Historic Sites),
though it may have been on the site of Dorchester.
The existence of a post at Meringuin in 1749 is shown by a
Memoir of Father Germain of that year. He speaks of a great cape
opposite Shepody where “ l’on faisait le garde dans le temps du dé-
tachement à Beaubassin. ”
291. The Indian Fort is mentioned by Gesner (New Brunswick, 141) who
states that it is the remains of a fortification thrown up by the
French immediately after the capture of Quebec. The local tradition,
as told me by Judge Hanington, is that the works were “thrown up
by the crew of a French frigate which wintered there in 1760. This
vessel was bound to Quebec, but on learning of its surrender to the
British in the fall of 1759, the Captain ran into Shediac and remained
until the spring of the next year.”
Some important information about Shediac in 1749 is contained
in a Memoir of that year by M. Léry, for a copy of which I am indebted
to M. Gaudet. After describing the port, in which vessels could not
go farther than the Little island [Indian Island], he says that in
1749 there was built at the port of Shediac a store-house of 20 by
36 feet, a house of 20 by 24, two other houses of 20 by 30, and another
building of 10 feet square. Unfortunately he gives no idea of the
location of these buildings, though he adds, that at the head of tide
two leagues up the river, where a road to Petitcodiac started, there
was a house of 9 feet square, a storehouse of 30 feet by 24 of round
stakes and covered with bark. He makes no mention of the fort
established in that year by La Corne, and it is very likely the fort was
nothing more than the former buildings palisaded. Early maps
[Ganonc] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 123
Historic Sites.
mark the fort on the North side of the Shediac River near its mouth,
but nothing is known locally of such a site.
From the head of the tide on the Shediac River through to Petit-
codiac there was a “chemin,” or road, five leagues long, which he
describes as extremely bad. This was no doubt cut by the French
for a horse and waggon road, in order to keep open a communication
between Quebec and the posts on the Petitcodiac. A Memoir of 1749
by Father Germain, however, speaks of this road as very good.
The site of the first modern French settlement at Shediac is
shown, as near the present Shediac Cape, on Des Barres map of 1781
(Map No. 28a, B), and this site is confirmed by tradition.
Map No. 28. From AN OLD Ms. MAP; x 3.
291. Cocagne. The site of Belair, still locally known, was, as I have been
told by a resident, about a mile above the present bridge on the north
side. It was no doubt at the place marked upon the accompanying
map (Map No. 28 from one in the Crown Land Office, apparently a
tracing from DesBarres Chart of 1781) “ Cleared Land and Orchards; ”
while the sites of several houses are also shown.
On this same map two other settlements are marked. One, (on
the portion in the upper left hand corner, of the map) was just
north of the present Dixon Point. The other was in the present
Robin Creek, and marked with the name, Mons. d'Yberville, of which
I know nothing further.
124 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
Another interesting Cocagne locality was the Rwisseau des Mal-
contentes, where, according to Gaudet (letter), there was a temporary
Acadian settlement after the expulsion. This is shown on old maps;
it is the stream some two miles south of Dixons Point.
A memoir of Father Germain, in 1749 has this mention of Co-
cagne:—“ Cocagne....où havraient les bâtiments, goelettes envoyés
a l’Acadie du temps des détachments.”
The site of the first modern French settlement at Cocagne is
very plainly shown upon Des Barres map of 1781 (Map No. 28a, C).
Map No. 28a. From DES BARRES CHARTS OF 1780-81, x 4. A, NEGUAC;
B, SHEDIAC; C, CocaGnE; D, RICHIBUCTO ; E, BUCTOUCHE.
291. Buctouche. On the point between Black River and Buctouche River,
as I have been told by the late Rev. Father Michaud, who knew the
local history of Buctouche well, the ancestors of the modern settlers
on their arrival in 1785 found traces of older settlement. These were
remains of camps or houses supposed to have been made by earlier
settlers “taken and exiled by the English,” the houses being said,
traditionally, to have been burned. No doubt these were the homes
of the Acadians who are known to have been settled at Buctouche
in 1760. That this was indeed the site of the earliest settlement, as
tradition asserts, is confirmed by DesBarres chart of Richibucto-
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 125
Historic Sites.
Buctouche of 1781 (Map No. 28a, E), which places here three houses,
with none elsewhere about the harbour. Mr. O’Leary tells me, from
his knowledge of the locality—‘* They seem to have occupied a small
tract of level ground towards which the land falls sharply just south
of the present road from the village. They were undoubtedly between
the graveyard which occupies a fairly high bluff and the Chapel Point
shoals at the land end of which is a small tract of swamp.” Father
Michaud also described the old burial ground on Black River (see
earlier, under Indian Period) as French, though Mr. O’Leary thinks
it Indian.
291. Richibucto. Additional information as to localities of the Acadian period
292.
In
upon Richibucto is as follows. I am told by Mr. H. A. Powell of
Sackville that a French vessel with cannon on board is said by tradi-
tion to be sunk somewhere about the mouth of the Aldouane, from
which it is possible that river takes its name. Again, just within
the mouth of the Aldouane on the north side is an old burial ground,
locally said to be either Indian or French. It is no doubt this which
is mentioned by Cooney, 134, and as an Acadian village was said to
have stood near, the burial-ground also would seem to have been
French. Further, in documents of the year 1760, loaned me by
M. Gaudet, I find it stated that in that year 11 Acadian families,
68 individuals, formerly resident at Bay du Vin removed to Richi-
bucto. It is altogether likely their settlement was on the present
site of Richibucto, for Cooney, 134, states, “It is said, however,
that before these events occurred, there was a French village,
containing upwards of forty houses, situated a short distance above
or in the immediate vicinity of the present Court House of Liver-
pool” [Richibucto]. An early French settlement is also reported
on Indian Island (earlier also called French Island), but this pro-
bably refers to the ancestors of the settlers of the present Richibucto
Village, who came here in 1790,
The sites of the two principal Acadian settlements are shown
upon DesBarres Map of 1781 (Map No. 28a, D).
the Settlements Monograph, 37, 127, I have mentioned, on the author-
ity of a resident, a supposed Acadian settlement above Doaktown.
On further inquiry I find that the cellars etc. mentioned by him are
identical with the hollows at the mouth of Clearwater, described in
Historic Sites, 231. Others like them are said to occur also at the
mouth of Rocky Brook. I think the tradition that these are French
is probably in error and that they are of Indian origin.
292A. Settlement of Richard Denys de Fronsac. The importance of this
settlement, by far the most extensive on the Miramichi in early times,
has led me to give much effort towards the determination of its site.
And although I have not been able to settle the matter definitely, I
have obtained some new data as follows. Most important of all is
a document entitled ‘“ Vente de L’habitation du Sr. de fronsac Riuiere
Ste Croix à Mrs. du Seminaire de Quebec,” preserved among the
126 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
papers of Francois Grenaple in the Judicial Archives at Quebec, and
for a copy of which I am greatly indebted to the Keeper of the Arch-
ives M. Philéas Gagnon. This important document, which I intend
later to publish in full with translation (probably in my series of
Historical-geographical Documents in the Collections of the N. B.
Historical Society), recites that the Sieur de Fronsac having offered
the authorities of the Seminary of Quebec three leagues of land at
the River St Croix (Miramichi) for a mission, that he (de Fronsac)
Map No. 29. EXPLAINED IN THE TEXT.
wishing to leave his establishment at River St. Croix for another
place more convenient for his business, and that the said place being
found very convenient for the purposes of the mission, as shown by
the report of the missionary Thury, he [Fronsac] hereby sells to the
authorities of the Seminary all his improvements (including buildings,
clearings etc.) at the said place and also grants them there the three
leagues of land of which the boundaries are described. Happily these
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 127
Historic Sites.
boundaries, in general features at least, are beyond dispute (compare
the accompanying map, Map No. 29, and the original wording later
under Seigniories). Beginning at Ruisseau corneille (in English Crow
Brook), which the context seems to show can be only the present
French Fort Cove, where a north and south line is established
(apparently magnetic and not true north, as shown on the map),
to run three leagues up the river called muminagan [the Micmac
name of the Northwest Miramichi] which empties into the river
St. Croix [viz. the Miramichi below the Forks], and equally along
the south shore of the river, to a distance back of a league and a
half on both coasts, limited by east and west lines, to include the
tongue of land between the muminagan and the ristigouche [a variant
of Micmac name of the Main Southwest Miramichi].
Thus the establishment of Denys de Fronsac prior to 1686 must
have been in the near vicinity of the Forks of the Miramichi at
Beaubears Island, and it must have been here, and not at Burnt
Church that Father LeClercq found the fort in 1677 (Hay’s Canadian
History Readings, 271). But exactly where was it? Now the Jumeau
map of 1685 (given reduced in Map No. 29) places a flag on the point
just on the north side of the entrance to the Northwest. On the
other hand the Franquelin-de Meulles map of the next year (Map No.
29) marks the small streamonthe south side of the river in Nelson
as R. de Mission. If the mission was established on the very site of
Denys’ settlement as would be likely because of the buildings and
considerable amount of cleared land mentioned in the Document, then
his settlement was beside this brook on the present site of Nelson.
But it is at the same time possible that it stood on the north side,
where Jumeau places the flag, the presence of which is otherwise
difficult to explain. At all events in one place or the other stood this
long-sought establishment of Richard Denys de Fronsac.
But the matter does not end here. In the above-cited document,
Richard Denys states that he is to remove elsewhere for the conven-
* ience of his business. That he did not remove from the Miramichi
is shown by two facts. First, he received a large seigniory on the
north side of the river and bay in 1687, and second a Memorial dated
1689 is extant in which he states that he is building a fort of four
bastions, that he had built for himself a house of freestone, that he
has 24 men employed at Miramichi, and that he has settled near his
habitation there an Indian village of 80 cabins and 500 souls. Where
now was this second establishment? In his work of 1688 St. Valier
speaks of it as being at a very pleasing place called Miramichi, on
the river of Manne at a league from that of St. Croix, and that near
it is a place called in the native language Skinoubondiche. Now Skin-
oubondiche can hardly be other than the Æskinowobuditch, the Indian
name for Burnt Church. Hence it is very likely the River of Manne
was Burnt Church river, which is not much over a league from the
mouth of the St. Croix in Miramichi Bay. The presence of the Indian
village mentioned by Fronsac would also confirm this since Burnt
Church has been from very early times an important Indian settle-
ment. Against this view I know only one fact. St. Valier (p. 32 of
128
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
Quebec Ed. of 1856) in describing the place says;—‘“ Miramichy est
an lieu fort agreable sur la riviere de Manne, a une lieue de celle de
Sainte Croix; il y a un petit fort de quatre bastions formez de pieux,
et dans ce fort une maison où Mr. de Fronsac fait sa demeure. Prés
de la est un lieu qu’on appelle en language du pais Skinoubondiche,
et nous avons pris aux environs les trois lieues que Mr. Denis nous
a données pur notre Mission.” It would appear from this passage
that Skinoubondiche and the Mission grant, and hence Fronsac’s
establishment were all near together. Yet the locations of the two
former seem perfectly plain, and the expression “ aux environs” was
natural enough when the places were so near together in comparison
with the vast stretches of wilderness which separate them from all
other inhabitated places. Burnt Church has been from early times
a very important Indian settlement. The probabilities therefore
seem to me to point strongly to the vicinity of Burnt Church. To
try to determine its exact position by tradition or remains, or in de-
fault of that to examine the ground for hints of a physiographic sort,
I visited the region in September, 1904. Extended inquiries of English,
French and Indians in the region yielded no tradition of such estab-
lishment, nor could I find any traces or knowledge of the existence
of any stone building (Denys’ house of freestone) in the vicinity,
excepting that the church burnt by the British in 1758 is said to have
been of stone. The nature of the country, however, did make one
fact plain, that for a long distance up and down this coast, there is
no site to compare with the region about the mouth of Burnt Church
River as a site for a combined trading, fishing and farming center,
natural advantages proven by the fact that to this day the principal
settlement and fishing center, as well as the greatest Indian
settlement of all this region are situated here. The ground is more
elevated and of better quality than for a long distance up and down
the coast. The Burnt Church River is very rich in fish and game,
making it a favorite center of the Indians, while the Salmon and other
fisheries of Miramichi Bay and Portage Island (including the tradi-
tional sea cow fisheries of Portage Island) are more accessible from
here than from any other point. Further it was the site from early
times of the most considerable Indian settlement in this region, and
also was situated at one of the great junctions of Indian travel,—where
the route along the coast and that up the Miramichi came together,—
making it the natural trading center of this section. Every consid-
eration derived from natural features would therefore locate it in this
vicinity, and this locality is perfectly consistent also with every piece
of historical evidence we possess. If in this vicinity, then where
exactly? St. Valier tells us it was on the River Manne (presumably
Burnt Church River), and near Skinoboudiche. Since Skinoboudiche
was Burnt Church Point where the Indian village now is, this would
seem to locate Deny’s settlement on the north side of that river.
Hence I examined this locality with special interest (Map No. 30).
It is now an open common belonging to the Indian reserve; it is as
elevated, and as pleasing and extensive in its view, as Burnt Church
point itself; it appears to have excellent soil, and is provided with
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 129
Historic Sites.
good landings on fine beaches, both from the bay and from the river.
Various traces of former buildings show on the ground, though of
course they may be much more modern than those we are seeking.
Altogether the situation appears ideal for such a settlement as that
of Denys, and I believe the probabilities based upon all available
evidence all point to this site.
It is of interest to note that another document of 1691 speaks of
de Fronsac as being then a resident of his seigniory of Miramichi.
It was here that Smethurst found French settlers in 1761 (Nar-
rative, 13; Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc. II, 377), and others at Neguac (pp.
16 and 375). Various French relics have also been found and French
cellars formerly occurred on the Logie farm at the English Village
of Church Point east of the wharf, as I am informed by Miss Kate
Logie of that place.
294. Bay du Vin. All local tradition, substantiated by still visible cellars,
a burial-ground and sundry relics, goes to show that a French village
of considerable importance stood in the Acadian Period around the
Elevated land
Possible site of
the fat #
Richard Denys
de Fronsac
5
NS
~
&
»
Pe
È
SG
aS)
&
LS
S
©
Map No. 30. SKETCH BY THE AUTHOR.
present Gardiners Point south of the island This is no doubt the
French Village mentioned by Cooney (31, 32, 33), though he undoubt-
edly errs in ascribing to it so early a date as he does. The Baie des
Ouines Village is mentioned in documents as the principal Acadian
settlement at Miramichi in 1760. I have not myself been able to visit
this site as yet, but Rev. W. J. Wilkinson of Bay du Vin has been so
kind as to send me the following information about it. The settle-
ment was about a mile in length: the old cellars can still be seen,
including the foundation of an ancient blacksmith shop, and numerous
relics have been found there. The site of the old church or chapel,
supposed to have been the oldest on the Miramichi, is locally well-
known; it is vacant and marked by a hollow and a heap of stones.
Not far from it is the ancient French burial-ground, showing the
graves. The French settlements at Lower Bay du Vin are well-
known to be of later origin as shown in the “ Origin of Settlements ”
Sec. II., 1906. 9
130 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
Monograph. But there was also an old French Settlement, marked
now by many cellars, etc., just west of John O Bears, or French River
Point, probably cotemporaneous with if not simply an extension of
that at Gardiners Point. Mr. Wilkinson tells me that a French settle-
ment also existed on Bay du Vin Island, various traces of it having
been found. On this island also is another locality of some interest,
the old well examined by Bishop Howley on his visit in search of
evidence as to the location of Vinland (These Transactions, IV, 1898,
II, 97). A French relic of yet another sort occurs in the remains of
the reputed French man of war sunk at the mouth of Bay du Vin
River just below the present bridge. Mr. Wilkinson writes me the
local tradition is that she was sunk there by the French themselves
in order that she might not fall into the hands of the English. “ Div-
ers have been down to her more than once in the hope of finding
treasure. The last time was about twenty years ago.” This may be
the vessel L’Indienne of Morlaix mentioned by Cooney (34) ‘“ whose
remains are still lying a short distance from the mouth of Baie des
Vents river.” But it is also possible that the local tradition is in
substance correct, and that she or her captain, gave name to Bay
du Vin. (Compare under this name in Place-nomenclature, earlier).
295. Miramichi. In 1760, according to a careful enumeration by Sieur de
Bezagier, (in documents mentioned under St. Simon below), there
were 46 families (262 souls) at Miramichi, in three postes, of which
one was at Baie des Ouines. Another no doubt included the families in
the vicinity of Burnt Church, some of which were mentioned by Sme-
thurst the next year, while the third which included a few French
soldiers, was probably at French Cove or at Beaubears Island. But
later in the same year he makes 35 families of 194 persons at Mir-
amichi and 11 families of 68 persons at Richibouctou.
The positions of the settlements of the founders of Neguac and
Riviére du Cache are indicated upon DesBarres Chart of 1781 (Map
No. 28a, A).
296. There was possibly a small French settlement, antedating all the modern
settlements, on Big Tracadie River just above the mouth of Nicholas
River. Dr. A. C. Smith of Tracadie has written me that “ Fireplace
cranes and a few other household articles were found years ago imme-
diately above Nicholas Creek, on South side Big Tracadie River
where Nicholas Richard now resides,” while at Fourniers Point a
box containing writings was said to have been dug up about forty
years ago. At the latter locality also was found a very ancient gun,
now in the Crown Land Office at Fredericton.
296A. Money Island (or Isle au Trésor). This little Island, in the eastern
part of Miscou Harbor has a great local reputation as a place of
mystery and buried treasure. This distinction it owes in part to its
striking appearance, for it is of glacial upland elevated some six or
more feet above high tide in a region otherwise very low, and partly
to the fact that many relics have been found there, including gun-
flints and crockery, silver coins, (which I have seen), an old pistol
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 131
Historic Sites.
handle, (now in my possession), and the striking religious medal, now
in possession of Rev. Father Doucet of Lamec, described by S. W.
Kain in Acadiensis, III, 96. Its surface is mostly wooded, but is
bare at the southeast end where are some excavations seemingly
old cellars, but largely if not wholly the work of money diggers who
have left scarcely any part of the island’s surface undisturbed. The
relics may possibly be entirely result of Indian occupation (see earlier,
Indian Period), but their character seems to show that some European
settlement formerly existed there, and I think it altogether probable
that it was the site of the wintering establishment of La Ralde in
1626-27. Thus Biggar, in his “ Early Trading Companies of New
France,” page 128, in speaking of La Ralde’s operations at Miscou
says; —" Several men were left for the winter at Miscou to barter
some goods which he had not been able to exchange during the sum-
mer. Although attacked by the scurvy, these managed to survive
and doubtless presented La Ralde with a good supply of furs on his
return in the spring of 1627.” Again (page 139) speaking of the des-
truction of the fishing huts and other buildings by Kirke in 1628,
Biggar cites a MS. in the Bibliothéque nationale to the effect that
one of these buildings constructed by La Ralde was “un batiment
contenant plusieurs demeures de planches doubles, dehors et dedans,
fortifié de palissades tout autour.” We have no direct evidence
whatever as to the site of this winter settlement, but considering that
the only other early known sites about Miscou Harbour are otherwise
amply accounted for (viz., the Mission of St. Charles and the fortified
habitation of Denys, considered below), and remembering the par-
tiality of the early French for forming their winter-settlements upon
islands (witness that on St. Croix Island and Emenenic on the St.
John) as places more readily defensible, and perhaps also as more
compact and home-like than the boundless wilderness of the main-
land, it seems at least probable that La Ralde’s winter settlement
was on this island.
296B. Mission of St. Charles de Miscou. My account of this site in the His-
toric Sites was given before I had visited this region, and it is erro-
neous. As a result of two recent visits, however, I have obtained
very satisfactory data upon the subject. I found that near the south-
ern extremity of the island, at the entrance to Miscou Harbour, (Map
No. 31) there is locally known the site of a considerable early French
settlement with an early reputed church site, and an old French
burial ground. The various features of importance are shown upon
the accompanying map (Map No. 31). The general situation is a very
fine and advantageous one, close beside the principal settlement of
Miscou Island. The ground here is elevated and commands a fine
view not only of the Harbour but out over Bay Chaleur as well, at
the same time making a church here very conspicuous from a great
distance. It is close beside the anchorage for fishing vessels which
run into the harbour and take shelter behind the long sandy point
extending into the harbour, while a cove inside the point, with its
fine gravelly beach, forms an ideal landing-place at or near high
1382 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
water for boats or canoes. No place in all this region could on general
principles be better situated for a Mission intended for the use of
both Indians and French fishermen. There is at present a little Pro-
testant (Presbyterian) church in the midst of the site, and beside
it a modern burial ground, (see the map). Behind the church is the
reputed old French burial ground, which, while cleared of the larger
trees, has never been ploughed. The owner of this and the neigh-
bouring property, Mr. John Marks, tells me it was known to his
father as a burial ground and hence it was left unploughed when the
land was first cleared. It is said however that fragments of old coffins
have been found within the limits of the present burial ground, and
a stone inscribed with a cross is said to have been dug up here in
recent years. Some distance to the eastward of it on the open field
: Uncultialeé Scale
Present 4 G
ree ac Waa So yards = Tinch
/ eek Burial + / n
if HUE) Ground Fees
A 4 Yi
4 pas
ey | Reputed™;
y ; ra : Present Large Cellar
AS NO Da Protestant [C2] Reputea Site
S tculévated): Church ¢ Mession Church
3
Hay Field È
ce
a
Sa ndy Cove OS
MAP to show >
the location and the surroundings ~~ 2,
s
of the <a
MISSION OF ST CHARLES DE MISCOU (cela
wreayr Fim suTVey by WFGanong Sept 1904
Map No. 31.
is a large cellar, very much larger than that of any French house I
have seen, larger than the foundation of the present church near by
and this is the reputed site of the church. This I think is probably
correct, for the situation, on the highest ground in this vicinity is
the very kind chosen for a church; the cellar is much larger than is
ever found with the old French houses, and the station is very much
too far from the water for that of a business establishment. Further,
its east and west position is wholly in harmony with the usual orien-
tation of Roman Catholic churches.
Scattered about in the vicinity of this site, and over towards the
present settlement, are various French cellars, of which Mr. Marks
tells me he knows at least fourteen, from some of which typical
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 133
Historic Sites.
French relics have been dug, and all of which were here when Mr.
Marks’ father first cleared this land.
Taking all the evidence together, the positive facts, the traditions,
the probabilities, the lack of a competing site, I think it is probable
almost to certainty that here stood the Mission of St. Charles de
Miscou.
298C. Denys’ Settlement on Miscou Harbour. The account of this site given
in my Historic Sites, based entirely upon hearsay, is imperfect and
in some degree erroneous, though its approximate location is correctly
given. In September, 1904, I was able to
visit the locality and study it in person, Miscov Harbor
with the following satisfactory results.
The site is well-known locally and is not
yet entirely, though it is nearly, washed
away. It is situated on the south side of
Miscou Harbour as shown on the accom-
panying map (Map No. 32). The line of
upland is sharply marked from the beach,
by a sloping bank some two or three feet
high. A large cellar (about 12 feet across)
is about half on the beach and half in the Property
bank, and around it is a low embankment,
a foot or two above the general level but of
an outline too indefinite to map exactly.
This is all that can be seen at present. A
large number of relics have been found on
the site within the memory of residents,
including not only the pitcher or flagon
mentioned on page 299, but lead pipe,
copper kettles and other objects. It is
locally called the ruins of a “‘ fort,” and it is
not known to whom it belonged, though it
is believed to be the remains of an estab-
lishment of considerable importance. It is
said also to be merely a fragment of
its former extent; and, so rapidly is
this coast sinking and being washed
Map 32. SURVEY BY THE
AUTHOR.
away by the sea, it will be only a few years before every trace of it
will have disappeared entirely. That these remains are a part of
Denys’ establishment I believe there is no question. We know from
Denys’ own narrative that his establishment was on the south side of
the harbour, and this is by far the best situation on all the coast,—
in fact almost the only really eligible situation on the south side.
The ground here is more elevated than it is for a long distance east
or west, and the soil is also better, a point of some consequence, for
Denys speaks especially of his gardens. The outlook is wide and fine.
Further, it has the best landing beach and is the nearest to the deeper
water of the harbour of any locality on this shore, as evinced by the
fact that the landing of the Miscou ferry is just in front of it. No
134 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
situation east of it on this shore would be practicable for an early
settlement because of the immense shoals which render landing
extremely difficult, nor is there any equally good situation to the
westward. All considerations appear to unite to locate Denys estab-
lishment here. The ruin may represent the corner of a fortified
“habitation,” while his gardens and the other parts of his establish-
ment no doubt occupied the open fields behind and near it.
299. St. Simon. The attractive Inlet of St. Simon is the seat of an event
about which cluster confused local traditions, the historical basis of
which has been hitherto obscure. Happily I have been able to clear
up the subject in great part, if not entirely. The local tradition in
brief is this. St. Simon was named for a French war-ship run in
here and sunk to escape the pursuing English at the time of the naval
events in Bay Chaleur (viz. in 1760); her crew wintered on the shores
of St. Simon, and afterwards settled at Lower Caraquet and became
the ancestors of the principal settlers of that place. This is in part
confirmed by Cooney (180) who says the place (which he spells St.
Simoi), ‘is said to have derived its name from that of a French
Corvette, sunk there after the conquest of Canada,” and again (287),
he speaks of Byron’s fleet taking in 1760 a French ship in Gaspé Bay
and another in Saint Simon, the latter statement, however, being
erroneous, as will be shown below. Locally it is agreed that the vessel
was sunk some 300 yards off Birch Point in about the position shown
upon the historical map (Map No. 33), and it is also said that some
of her timbers can still be seen projecting from the mud at very low
tides. The place where her sailors wintered is also well-known locally,
and I have visited and examined the place and have seen some of
the relics found there. Just west of Birch Point is a cove into the
head of which slopes an open swale, once no doubt the valley of a
little brook. On the west bank of the swale, a little distance from
the shore, (Map No. 34), in a line between two newly built houses,
is the camp site. It is a flat place now in a field, and here have
been dug up from time to time for many years past various relics
of a military sort, bayonets, bullets, knives, cooking utensils, etc.
The ground was cleared for the first time about 1902, when additional
relics, now preserved by the residents near by, were found. There ca:
be no question that this place was once occupied by Europeans, ana,
since there are no cellars, such as would mark an ordinary Acadian
settlement, it is extremely probable the local explanation is correct.
Further, there is a certain documentary confirmation of the tradition.
On Ferguson’s map of St. Simon of 1820 (the basis of Map No. 33)
occurs this inscription:—“ Anno 1760 here Capt. St. Simon a french
Officer wintered with a small party from this event these two inlets
are named after that gentleman.” This plan, it is true, applies the
inscription on the point just east of Riviére Brideau, and as a conse-
quence that point is called on some early plans Captain St. Simon's
Point. But in view of the universal local tradition and of many relics
found on the site above described, I think there is no question the local
tradition is correct as to the precise site. There is, however, another
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 135
Historic Sites.
(South Branch)
of earlics€
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.
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with later additions tn brackets
Names written are these
Seltlers
Scale, about one mile & an tnth
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Based on a pla nO
Map No. 33. FERGUSON’S PLAN OF ST. SIMON OF 1820 (* +), WITH ADDITIONS,
(IN BRACKETS).
186
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
locality at St. Simon locally believed to be connected in some way
with the sunken vessel, and that is the Âuisseau la Chaloupe opposite
L’Islet (Map No. 33) which is so named, the residents say, because
the sailors of the vessel went up the stream in their long boat (whence
the name) and wintered there, atasite pointed out near the road,
though no relics have been found there. There is much confusion local-
ly, and especially among residents at Tracadie, Shippegan and Cara-
quet, as to the relations of Ruisseaula Chaloupe and the winter-camp,
some believing that the wintering site was beside this brook, and
others saying that the little swale west of Birch Point is called Ruis-
seau la Chaloupe. It was only after visiting both places and interview -
ing the residents that I was able to clear up this confusion. Itis how-
ever unlikely that the crew of the vessel wintered in two different
places and I think it probable the tradition as to Ruisseau la Chaloupe
St Simon
Map No. 34. SKETCH BY THE AUTHOR.
has arisen to explain the name, which originated in some other cir-
cumstance.
We turn now to the historical evidence, of which one item has
been given in the Ferguson inscription above stated. Another of
much more importance I owe to M. Gaudet, our leading Acadian
historian, who has kindly loaned me his copies of the several letters
concerning events at Bay Chaleur in 1760 described in the Canadian
Archives, 1887, CCXXII-CCXXIII. In a letter dated Ristigouche, 17
Sept. 1760 written by M. Bazagier, acting Commissary to the French
Minister, we learn that privateers were sent out against the vessels
of the English, and among them one was described: —‘ Des parti-
culiers de cette riviére [Restigouche], ont bien armé et fait sortir
pour la course, mais depuis le 23 août, qu’ils ont mis à la voile, ils
n’ont pas reparu. Ils ont une goélette de 35 tonneaux, armée de 47.
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 137
Historic Sites.
hommes, 10 pierres et 3 canons.” ‘This passage by itself would
have little meaning were it not explained by another, in a statement
of events at Restigouche, written Dec. 4, 1760 by Bezagier, which,
reads;— “Les Acadiens armérent aussi une go‘lette, 47 hommes!
formaient son équipage. Au commencement d’octobre ils firent à!
la vue de Gaspé une bonne prise. Ils furent poursuivis par une fré-
gate qui leur fit échouer leur bâtiment. Ils se battirent vigoureuse-
ment à terre, et menèrent le tout à Chipagan où ils étaient encore
à la capitulation’ [of Montreal on Sept. 8, 1760]. These passages
seem to settle beyond question the identity of the vessel sunk at St.
Simon,— she was not a French war vessel, but a privateer schooner
manned by Acadians from Restigouche (where over 1000 Acadians
were then in refuge), and it shows that she was run ashore in October,
by her own crew to escape a pursuing English frigate. Hence she
was not one of the vessels pursued by Byron’s fleet in July of that
year, as Cooney thought. The fact that she was manned by Acadians
explains another fact which has puzzled me much, namely that al-
though there seems to be an agreement that her sailors later settled
at Lower Caraquet, practically no names other than those of typical
Canadian and Acadian families occur at that settlement.
But one point remains to be noticed, whether the name St. Simon
applied to the vessel, as Cooney and the general local tradition says,
or to her captain, as Ferguson’s note of 1820 affirms. Unfortunately
M. Bazagier mentions neither her name nor that of her captain, al-
though he gives both for the other privateers he mentions. In another
paper of the same series, however, (a letter by Sieur Bourdon to the
Minister, dated Ristigouche Oct. 11, 1760) it is said that Bourdon was
to be commandant at Restigouche, along with the sieurs Niverville
and Saint Simon. He then states that Niverville has a special post
(which another paper shows to have been at Miramichi), but no men-
tion is made of the duties of Saint Simon. Another note seems to
show that he was at Restigouche Aug. 17, 1760 but he is not mentioned
in a list of officers at Restigouche on Oct. ist of that year. It seems
therefore altogether probable that he was placed in command of the
privateer manned by Acadians, and that he was the Captain St. Simon
who wintered with the men of that privateer at St. Simon, and for
whom the place was named. I have been told by Mr. Andrew Wilson
of Miscou, an aged resident well versed in all the traditions of this
part of New Brunswick, that he had heard from the older residents
that this captain in the spring (1761) made his way with a few men
by land to Halifax while most of the crew settled at Lower Caraquet.
It was no doubt some of these, with their descendants who afterwards
expanded from Caraquet to St. Simon, and whose descendants now
form the population of that place.
299. Shippegan. In 1760, as shown by a statement of Bazagier mentioned
above, there were five French families of 26 persons at Chipagan, and
Smethurst in his narrative of 1761 states that Captain McKenzie has
removed some inhabitants there leaving about six families, in one of
whose huts he lodged. There is nothing positive to show just where
this settlement was, but the context of Smethurst’s narrative would
138 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
seem to place it at the mouth of Ruisseau la Chaloupe (Map No. 33)
on the north side of the mouth of which old French cellars are known
(Compare Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc. II, 370). But it may possibly have
been near Pointe Brulé, where it is said a very early Acadian
settlement was, the residents of which later moved to Shippegan
Island and became the founders of its
permanent settlement. Mr. J. E. Lan-
taigne of Caraquet. well versed in local
history, tells me he thinks this Settle-
ment was near Birch Point, where old
cellars are known. Just west of Point
Marcelle is said to be a place where the
ground has been marked over into
squares, of unknown age and meaning.
299. Caraquet. A document by Sieur
Bazagier, in the series mentioned above
under St. Simon, states that in 1760
there were at Caraquet 36 families (150
persons), in 3 villages. This would im-
ply small villages at Upper Caraquet (at
Little River) at Middle Caraquet (Chen-
ards Brook) and at Lower Caraquet. It
is, however, curious that Smethurst
in his narative of 1761 does not mention
any Acadian villages at Caraquet, aside
from his implication that ‘old St. Jean”
and his son lived there. Since Bazagier
mentions no French at Nepisiguit in his
careful enumeration of the French set-
tlements here, and since Smethurst
shows that the next year there were
many French at Nepisiguit, it is possible
that the French removed from Caraquet
to Nepisiguit in large numbers late in
1760 or early in 1761, very likely in order
to be in a more retired position.
2£9. Missions at Nepisiguit. An interest-
ing new reierence occurs in Archives,
1904, 338.
300. Nepisiguit. Thecareful enumeration
of the French settlements of this region
in 1760 by Bazagier (see under St. Simon),
ë gives no residents at Nepisiguit. Yet
MAP No. 35. WESTERN SIDE OF NEPISI- Smethurst found a large number in
En GER 1761 (see Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc. II, 365).
f Hence it would seem that late in 1760
or early in 1761 Nepisiguit received a large accession of Acadian
residents, either from Caraquet (see the preceding) or perhaps from
Restigouche after the French had abandoned that. post late in 1760.
The earliest settlers appear to have settled on the western side of
the harbour, where they still occur in the greatest numbers. In this
connection an early plan in the Crown Land Office, showing the dis-
tribution of their settlement, is of interest (Map No. 35).
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 139
Historic Sites
300F. Nicolas Denys’ Habitation at Nepisiguit. This establishment was in
existence in 1679 and apparently also in 1689 f®r in a Memorial of
the later date by Richard Denys de Fronsac it is stated,— “ Teni
years ago there was no other house than the one at Nepisiguit, with
17 or 18 hired men and as many French settlers of every age and
both sexes, with munitions of war and arms in proportion.” And
later he speaks of eight Frenchmen then (1689) in his employ at his
Habitation in Bay Chaleur, meaning, of course, Nepisiguit.
300G. Enault’s Settlement. Additional evidence on this subject is given later
301.
302.
307.
307.
309.
312.
314.
under page 319 of these addenda. The document there mentioned
speaks of Enault as a resident of Nepisiguit in 1691.
Very full information about Restigouche in 1760 is contained in the
Documents mentioned earlier under St. Simon.
A very interesting subject still unworked is the assignment of the Bar-
onies of Nova Scotia in the present New Brunswick. On these com-
pare page 173 of Monograph on Boundaries,
References to the French Seigniories occur in the Report on Canadian
Archives, 1899, Supplementary Volume, especially at pages 285, 321,
289, 326, 345, 368, 385, 389.
Sieur St. Aubin of Passamaqoddy was not the Gourdan of Church’s
attack, as shown by documents in the Archives, 1899, Suppl. 408, 421.
As to the location of the territory of which Sieur de Martignon was
governor, Dr. Hannay has shown me that it was not de Martignon,
but his father-in-law, ie, La Tour, who was governor of the 50 lea-
gues of country, and that hence the reference is to the grant of 1656;
hence Mines was no doubt Minas, while Maquo would be some place
on the Maine Coast, probably near St. Georges.
The Seigniory at Soulanges in Quebec was not granted to the Sieur
de Soulanges of Jemseg, but to his son. The former was dead before
the year 1702, for in 1691 his widow received a seigniory at Jemseg
(page 314).
The Seigniory of Clignancourt, did extend from the Grand Falls to
Meductic, as shown by a reference in a memoir by Cadillac, (among
the documents in the Legislative Library at Fredericton) who, in_1695,
speaks of this seigniory as extending ‘“ depuis la Sault de Medoctet
jusqu’au grand Saut de la rivière St. Jean, les deux côtes de la riv-
ière quarante lieues au moins de chacque côté avec trois lieus de
profondeur. ”
The statement by Rameau that Vaudreuil possessed the seigniory of
Aucpac is confirmed by a note sent me by Rev. Dr. Raymond viz.,-—
Jean Pierre Danielou observes in a census made by him in 1739,
“Monsieur Cavagnal de Vaudreuil gouverneur des Trois Riviéres,
est seigneur de la paroisse d’Ekoupag.” (also his St. John River, 250).
This no doubt was the Seigniory of Vilrenard, granted 1697, which
presumably was acquired by Vaudreuil through purchase.
140 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
« . The location of the grant made by Richard Denys de Frons».” to the
authorities of the Seminary of Quebec for a mission is happily made
certain by the document mentioned on an earlier page and it
was as shown on the Map No. 29. In the original document the
limits are given thus:—‘‘lesquelles trois lieues de terres Seront
prises par moitié d’un Costé et d’autre de la dite Riviere Ste Croix:
Et limiteés ainsy quil Ensuit: C’est a Scauoir que du costé du Nord;
delad. Riviere, les trois lieues de front Commenceront au Ruisseau]
Corneille en montant En haut dlcelles en la riviere appellée müûmi-
nagan qui se decharge en la dite Riviere Ste Croix, sur une
lieve et demy de profondeur de ce Costé, par une ligne Establie
nord et Sud qui se prendra au bord du dit Ruisseau a Son Entrée;
Et de l’autre Costé delad. Riviere les trois lieues de terre de front
commenceront a la meme ligne nord et sud mesurée diametrale-
ment a Celle du dit Ruisseau Corneille Sur meme profondeur (au
Sud) de lieue et demy sur la dite ligne; laquelle Profendeur Sera
limitée au bout de la dite lieue et demy (de chacun costé de la dite
Riviere) par une autre ligne courant est et ouést, dans lenceinte et
limites desquels rhunds de vents entrent et sont compris la langue
de terre qui fourche lesd. Riuiere muminagan et ristigouche Et Se
dechargent dans la dite Riviere Ste Croix, ensemble les Islets qui
sont dans les d trois lieués d’Estendué de long de la dite Riviere
des Costés.”
As in most early grants, its limits cannot be laid down exactly
on the ground. An east and west course of the river seems to have
been assumed, but this ignores the great curve in the Miramichi at
this point. Hence the limits on the map are only conventional.
319. Additional information about Enault’s lands at Miramichi, confirming
Dionnes statement that he held the fief of Nepisiguit, is contained
in an important document “Transactions des Srs de fronsac et
Enaust” preserved in the Judicial Archives at Quebec, and for a copy
of which I am indebted to the Keeper of the Archives, M. Philéas
Gagnon. By this document it appears that Richard Denys had
granted to Esnault “une lieue et demy de terre de front sur lad.
Riviere de Nepisiguit....sur autant de profondeur qu'il voudroii
Selon letendue des de. terres” on certain easy conditions which were
fulfilled until 1686, in which year Enault went to France. Later in
connection with a reversion of ungranted lands to the Crown, Enault
obtained a grant (Aug. 3, 1689) in Seigniory from the government
“de deux lieues de terre de front sur pareille profondeur” at the
same locality, and apparently this had been excepted from the Seig-
niory granted to Gobin in 1690. A complicated legal situation thus
arose, which was settled by a compromise detailed in the document
leaving Esnault in possession of the land. This fully confirms the
tradition given by Cooney (page 300 of Historic Sites) that he resided
at the mouth of the Nepisiguit.
326C. Burton. Should read, “including most of the present Lincoln. ”
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 141
Historic Sites.
326. A valued correspondent, Mr. I. T. Hetherington of Jenkins, Queens Coun-
ty, writes me an account of a reputed “Old French” road between Ana-
gance and Cumberland Bay via Riders Brook. His account of it is
as follows; “ Tradition and signs or marks establish the fact that the
French had a well-defined road from the mouth of Anagance to the
bend in Foleys [Riders] Brook and thence down the brook to its
mouth. I remember well hearing the late John Rider when he was
about 70 and I was 17, which would be about 51 years ago, say that
when he was a young man it was no trouble to follow it the whole
distance and that it had to all appearance been considerably travelled,
as the remains of a lodging house was plain near the mouth of the
brook about 8 or 10 miles from its mouth...... About 15 years ago
I was coming down Foley Brook........ I found a stone chimney où
large dimensions so large at that time a pine log was growing right up
out of the chimney...... I have also heard that the French had a
continuation of said road up Flat Rock Brook [a small stream below
Riders Brook on North Side not marked on any map], to the head
of Wasson Brook which empties into Cumberland Bay about one mile
from the head of the bay. And it used to be supposed that that route
from Anagance to Cumberland Bay formed the shortest route from
Petitcodiac River to Fredericton, or possibly the fort at Jemseg.”
No part of such a road ‘appears to be now in use, but I have no
doubt that it existed as described by Mr. Hetherington. But the ut-
ter lack of any reference to it in any document of the French period,
and the inherent improbability that so long a road would have been
cut at that time, when the Washademoac-Petitcodiac portage was
in use, makes it seem likely it had another origin. And that origin
I think is probably to be found in some connection with the attempts
of the New Englanders against Fort Cumberland in 1776. As is well-
known, and fully set forth in Kidder’s “ Military Operations,” and in
the “ Memoir of Col. Johathan Eddy,” a force of men from Machias
joined by a few New Englanders and Indians from the St. John,
under command of Colonel Eddy, went to capture Fort Cumberland
in October, 1776. They went from the St. John to the vicinity of the
fort in whale boats, but met with defeat which compelled them to
return. Their route back to the St. John is not known, but as the Bay
of Fundy was in possession of the enemy they probably came back
by land. Having Indians with them it is possible they came by th2
route of this road, but of course would not then have cut out
a road for so small a force. That winter, however, Colonel Eddy
spent on the St. John planning another and stronger expedition
against Fort Cumberland in the spring, an expedition which must
necessarily have gone by land, the Bay of Fundy being in possession
of the British. I think it extremely probable that the road was
cut out during the winter as part of the plan to move a force against
the fort in the spring, a design never executed.
Another early road, to the origin of which I have no clue is thus
described by another correspondent, Mr. S. H. T. Sherwood of Poo-
diac, Kings County;— “A short distance to the north [of Poodiacj
a high ridge running N. E. and S. W. is traversed by an old military
142
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
road called “ Cumberland Road” and leading from Fort Cumberland
in Westmorland County to St. John, cut out by the returning forces
after the fall of the said fort.” There is evidently some confusion
in the history here, since this fort never fell after 1755 and certainly
the troops did not then traverse the woods to St. John. It seems to
be the road between Campbell settlement and Wards Creek Settle-
ment, but it is not a part of any old road that I can discover.
326A. Fort Frederick. A very interesting plan of the Fort and its surround-
ings, unknown to me when the original monograph was written, is
contained in ‘“ A set of plans and forts in America reduced from
actual survey, 1763. By J. Rocque” a copy of which is in the Library
of Congress, and is reproduced herewith (Map No. 36). Compare also
the Sproule plan of Map No. 23. The various projected works were
of course never carried out. Of the two blockhouses (C) marked as
“already made,’ the northernmost occupied the high land on water
street where various military relics have been found, as noted earlier.
The second blockhouse ‘already made,” which must have stood
about on the site of the Carleton Methodist Church, seemingly iden-
tical with the one at D, is, I believe, locally unknown,
In a St. John newspaper of Oct. 5, 1889, (apparently the Globe),
there is an account of considerable value of the early appearance of
Fort Frederick as remembered by an old resident. Another early
newspaper scrap (undated) I have seen, gives a traditional account
of the occupation of this fort in 1758. by the English. A very inter-
esting diary of Sergeant John Burrell, stationed at this fort in 1759
is reprinted from the New England Historical and Genealogical Reg-
ister for Oct. 1905, in Acadiensis, V, 291.
328. Mr. H. A. O’Leary informs me that about 1889 the Moncton Transcript
reprinted from a Philadelphia newspaper an article descriptive of
somewhat elaborate plans for the settlement by Pennsylvanians, in
1765, of the Petitcodiac, including a design for a city at the Bend (now
the site of Moncton), the original map for which is still in existence.
I have not been able by correspondence to gain further information
on the subject.
330. The valuable map, showing the settlement of the Miramichi valley at the
beginning of the Loyalist period, and before the arrival of any Loyal-
ists, is reproduced herewith (Map No. 37). Though my copy is dated
1765, this is, of course, an error for 1785.
330. Much new and authoritative information about the settlement of Nepisig-
uit by Commodore Walker in this period is contained in the Docu-
ments noted in the Canadian Archives for 1894, pp. 300 et seq. for the
use of copies of which I am greatly indebted to our Acadian historian,
M. P. P. Gaudet. In synopsis the points important to our present
purpose are these. A Memorial to the Lords of Trade by Walker
himself seems to show that he had visited Bay Chaleur as early as
1763 to promote there, on his own account, a fishery trade. A docu-
ment by John Shoolbred of 1775 shows that Walker had settled at
143
Historic Sites.
ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS
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144 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
Nepisiguit in 1768 and established there (evidently on the well-known
situation on and near Alston Point) a fishing and trading establish-
ment. While absent in England in 1770 trying to obtain a grant oi
these lands, a Captain Allan, who had been in Bay Chaleur for two
preceding years on a man-of-war, obtained from the Nova Scotia
Government the 2000 acres well known as the Allan grant (shown
on the map in Collections N.B. Hist. Soc. II, 126), and Walker had
no alternative but to buy out his rights, which, by the aid of one
Hugh Baillie of London, he did for the sum of £600. Walker and
Baillie then proceeded, the latter supplying apparently the capital
and the former acting as manager, to promote the settlement with
great vigour, sending out between 1770 and 1773 no less than £10,000
fears
os oo ou Ron
as EU Se
- ju
Tan
Sheldrake
Istana
2Y0)Z MODY ©
Re 2 a
Scale of Miles
Surveyed by Dan "Micheau
April, 1165
Map No. 37. FROM A PLAN OF 1785; x $.
worth of goods for trade. In 1773 all of Baillie’s rights were bought
out by John Shoolbred of London, and the settlement continued to
grow, so that in 1775 Walker was resident there in charge of a well-
equipped establishment, employing twenty British subjects, engaged
in fishing, trading, ship-building, lumbering and, to some extent, farm-
ing. Nepisiguit at this time had a population of 70 souls, apparently
inclusive of Acadians but not Indians. No further information occurs
in this document, but as is well known, (related by Cooney, 172)
the establishment was plundered and ruined in 1776 or 1777 by priva-
teers from American colonies. Noattempt was ever made, apparently,
to restablish the settlement. The Allen grant was not escheated until
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 145
Historic Sites.
1823, after which it was regranted thus originating the present
Youghall settlement.
331. Belledune. There was here an early fishing establishment, for, as shown
by a document in the Canadian Archives (1894, 301), in 1770 George
Walker (prominent at this time in the settlement of Nepisiguit),
applied for a grant of 1000 acres of land “ at Belldown with the beach
and pond where the said Walker has carried on his fishery and made
great Improvements. ”
331. As noted earlier under Nepisiguit, Walker and Shoolbred were after 1773
in a kind of partnership, Shoolbred supplying the capital and Walker
acting as resident manager. Hence there were not two, but a single
establishment, at the mouth of the Restigouche, and even that is
doubtful, for Schoolbred’s Memorial of 1775 says there was then no
settlement on either side of the Restigouche. Walker, as shown by
the documents just cited under Nepisiguit, had established trading
posts at Belledune and Nepisiguit between 1768 and 1770 and the
presence of his name in Walker’s Brook would suggest that he had also
established a post at this place. The afore-mentioned documents
show that it was on the ground of the success of the settlement Ant
Nepisiguit that Shoolbred applied for the grant of the 500 acres “on
the Nova Scotia side of the River Restigouche and adjoining to the
old Indian Church,” as Shoolbred’s Memorial puts it. The beginning
of the modern settlement of this region is related in the Settlements-
origin Monograph, at pages 44 and 121.
€
332. Grant 1. On these grantees, see Archives, 1885, 177.
333. A Township, named Harrington, was laid out on the St. John River in
1732 (Nova Scotia Archives, II, 175), but apparently was never granted
or settled. Its location is not known to me.
Grant 16. The Ferguson grant was alongside, not identical with
the Indian grant.
333. Add, Oct. 18, 1765, Nathan Frink and others 1975 ac. in Kings County.
334. Grant 43. On an old plan above Major Lochman’s grant is 1000 ac. to
Peter De Couts, 1769.
335. Grant 68. There is much on O’Neal and this grant in Nova Scotia Arch-
ives, II.
336. Grant 98a. It is said locally this grant was never escheated, and the
lands were taken up by squatters and are held to-day by possession,
Grant 100 should read 500 ac.
338. The extent and locations of the Loyalist Settlements formed
along the St. John soon after 1784 are well shown on Sproule’s fine map
of the river, made from actual survey and observation in 1787. The
part relating to these settlements is reproduced herewith (Map No. 38).
Sec. IL., 1906. 10
146 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
Map No. 38. From SPROULE’S MAP OF 1787; X 5.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 147
Historic Sites.
An important phase of settlement of this period is concerned with
the formation of the Acadian settlements at Madawaska, which have been
fully discussed in the Settlements Monograph. Happily the early extent
and location of that settlement is well shown upon Sproule’s Map of the
St. John, of 1787, and the Madawaska portion is reproduced herewith
(Map No. 39).
342. No 63 should read Kings Orange Rangers.
No. 76. Dr. Raymond tells me that DeLancey’s ist and 2nd Bat-
talions were merged together as the Ist and settled at Woodstock,
while the 2nd settled in Queens County, though lands were assigned
them in York. £
Map No. 39. FRoM SPROULE’S MAP oF 1787; x &.
346. Much additional information upon the telegraph system from
Halifax to Fredericton is found in letters in the Winslow papers,
(consult Index), where it is shown that the line was to run by way of
Sussex, that nine stations were selected between St. John and Frederic-
ton, that others were to be established at Musquash, Lepreau and the
South Wolf, and that the whole pian was abandoned at an early stage
because of the expense and the lack of sufficient troops to work the
system.
148 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
347. The Edmundston Block-House is located exactly on the
Graham and other detailed maps connected with the International
Boundary Surveys. It is mentioned by Alexander in his “ L’Acadie,”
If, 65, and a very full description of it when in use is contained in
Lanman’s “ Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and Britisn
Provinces,” 1856, I, 306.
Bouchette’s map of 1831 marks Blockhouse at the present village of
Petitcodiac, but I think this must be an error.
Bols Head
A PPighotsd Patty fr dy 2 lewnded
a Offecus and Alors Taurachs
bo Hepat
6 [revise Sere.
B Goverment Vicsyrve:
Map No. 40. FROM AN OLD PLAX; x 3.
347. About the year 1817 it was intended by the British Govern-
ment to fortify Grand Manan, a large appropriation being made for that
purpose. Several references to the plan occur in contemporary docu-
ments. It was carried at least so far that sites were selected and drawn
upon maps, and the accompanying map No. 40, reproduced from one in
the Crown Land Office, exhibits the proposed locations and plan.
{Ganone] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 149
Historic Sites.
349. The location of the Indian College at Sussex as here given
is erroneous. Its true location is described in Allison’s “ Oliver
Arnold,” 19. Also I have found in the Crown Land Office an old
map on which it is located, as shown upon the accompanying repro-
duction of a portion of it (Map No. 41).
349. Of very much importance in the early history of this period
were the roads built between the principal centres of population. Much
information about their general history is given in the Settlements
Monograph. Their exact courses have largely been obscured by later
alterations, but the following are the courses of those first built.
Map No. 41. FROM AN OLD PLAN; ORIGINAL SIZE.
When the “ present road ” is mentioned in these descriptions, it means
the present road though its general route, and through most, but not
all, its actual course; many alterations in detail were later made to
secure better grades etc.
(1) The Westmorland Road. It started at St. John, followed the
present road along Marsh Creek, Coldbrook, Golden Grove, and Smith-
town to Hampton, where it crossed at Hampton Ferry, kept the north
side of the Kennebecasis to within three miles of Sussex, where it
crossed to the south bank, and followed the present road through
Sussex to Petitcodiac; it ran along the south side of that river part
way, and later entirely, to Pollet River (this part now abandoned),
then crossed to the north bank and followed the present main road
through Moncton Memramcook Village, Dorchester, and Four Cor-
ners to Fort Cumberland.
It is shown ona fine large map (scale 2 miles to an inch) in the
British Museum (Catalogue of Additions,— 128, 238), “Sketch of the
Road from Fort Cumberland to Fredericton, from a Journey Per-
formed between the 13th and 23rd December 1799 by H. R. H. the
Duke of Kent, Commr. in Chief in British N. America.” The Duke
150 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Historic Sites.
of Kent passed over this road from Fort Cumberland to the “ Finger
Board” and thence to Fredericton in 1799. Parts of it must then
have been a mere trail through the woods: thus the part from Ana-
gance to Kennebecasis was not constructed until 1802.
(2) The Fredericton road (east). This left the Westmorland road
two and a half miles beyond Hampton ferry, (with later a branch,
facilitating travel from Fredericton to Westmorland, from five miles
beyond at the “ Finger Board,” joining near Belleisle Corner), through
Belleisle Corner, Scotch settlement, California settlement later with
a branch to mouth of Washademoac, across the Washdemoak north
of Lewis Cove, to Jemseg ferry, thence across the Jemseg and through
Maugerville to St. Marys.
(3) The St. Andrews road. This followed the present highway to
Lepreau, beyond which it appears to have run between the present
back and coast roads, the present back road having been laid out by
Campbell in 1803. From St. George to St. Andrews it followed the
present route.
(4) The Fredericton and St. Andrews road. It ran through New
Maryland to Tracy thence to Piskahegan, Pleasant Ridge, Rolling
Dam, Waweig and by the river road to St. Andrews. (In 1806 the
road had been constructed from St. Stephen to Oak Point, whence
a ferry crossed to connect with the St. Andrews road).
(5) The Quaco road appears to have followed the roads nearest.
the present St. Martins and Upham railway.
(6) The Western road to Fredericton, followed approximately the pre-
sent river road.
(7) The Canada road left Fredericton, followed the west bank to
Burgoins ferry, crossed to the east bank which it followed to Bull’s
Creek, when it recrossed to the west bank, which it followed all the
way to Madawaska, where it crossed the St. John and ascended the
Madawaska along the western bank of that river by the present road.
ALLO
Sm
a Dis arlene
| Bis
hunky,
Wonavivak
?
‘Aavnas inl
ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS
Room bep
Fa
Curhnge) lo
L Pe
No, 42.—MircHeLL's Map,
1
samacadie 4
è
Cullsvroysé
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 151
Boundaries.
V. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS TO THE MONOGRAPH
ON EVOLUTION OF THE BOUNDARIES.
228. <A later discussion of John Mitchel’s relations with the St.
Croix of the Nova Scotia-Massachusetts Boundary is contained in “ John
Mitchel’s Diary and Field Book of his Survey of Passamaquoddy in
1764” in the Collections of the N.B. Historical Society, IT, 175.
£39. An examintion of the Bernard Papers preserved in the Har-
vard College Library throws some iight upon the relation of Governor
Bernard to the grant on the River St. Croix and his idea of the location
of that river. They show that he did not apply for the grant for him-
self but for some of his friends and that his name was included in the
giant by the Nova Scotia authorities, and that, further, he deferred to
the opinion of the Nova Scotia authorities as to the identity of the River
St. Croix, accepting with them the Cobscook.
338. Another view of the spirit shown by Maine in the boundary
controversy is given by Burrage in Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., 3rd Ser.,
1904, 353.
356. As here noted there is preserved in the British Museum a
copy of Mitchell’s map which is without doubt that used by the British
Commissioners in their negotiations in 1783. On it there is marked
a boundary line along which is written, in the handwriting of King
George III, himself (Windsor, Narrative and Critical History of
America,! VII, 181) “ Boundary as described by Mr. Oswald.” Further,
it is known that this map embodies changes made after Mr. Strachey the
other commisioner reached Paris and hence it represents the line agreed
to by the British Commissioners (Fitzmaurice, Life of Lord Shelburne,
IIT, 295, 324). Naturally therefore this map must represent the Inter-
national boundary as understood both by the Commissioners and by King
George III. I have the good fortune to be able to present a photograph
of this map herewith (map No. 42), which has been taken for me
with the kind aid, and under the expert direction of Mr. Basil Soulsby
Keeper of maps in the British Museum. It will be seen that the
boundary as marked concedes essentially the American claim.
359. A valuable contribution to the still unsettled question as to
the nationality of Mark Island near Campobello, hence having an im-
portant bearing upon the settlement of the final water-line, occurs in the
Ms. Minutes of Council respecting allottments of land, (preserved
1 Compare also Benton’s “ Thirty Years’ View,” Vol. II, 422, which seems
to make this point plain.
152 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Boundaries.
at Fredericton), Vol 10, page 39, where under date Feb. 18, 1803, this
island though without a name, is plainly designated and ordered granted
the Owens. The grant itself (among the documents of the Crown Land
Oifice), is dated June 12, 1806 and distinctly grants Mark Island, and
by name, to the Owens. ‘This grant antedates the earliest record of
possession cited by the American Commissioner. There is also much
material relative to the ownership of the island in the David Owen Ms.
Letter books preserved in Boston by the Campobello Company.
369. Apparently the word “on Tidnish River” should read “ and
Tidnish River,” for in 1862 a supplementary act was passed by the New
Brunswick Legislature explaining the Act of 1859, and interpreting the
words as “and Tidnish River.”
421. An earlier printed map, attempting to show the County lines,
is a Wyld map of 1825 in the Library of the Department of State at
Washington. But it has them very erroneously both as to position and
direction.
423: I have found among documents in the office of the Provincial
Secretary at Fredericton the dates (in 1785) of erection of the remaining
counties (except Queens) as follows: — Westmorland, May 19;
Northumberland, June 10; Kings, July 4; York, July 25.
426. The Kent-Northumberland line does not extend to Escum-
inac, but, by act of 1888, ends where it reaches the sea shore south of
the cape. The change was made of course in order that the small strip
at the cape south of the former line might not be isolated.
440. Add to the Parishes of Gloucester, Bathurst. Erected 1826.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 153
Settlement-origins.
VI. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS TO THE MONOGRAPH
ON ORIGINS OF SETTLEMENTS.
37. The statement that an Acadian settlement occurred above
Doaktown proves to be an error; see earlier under Historic Sites
in these addenda.
46. An important epoch in the settlement of the Acadians in New
Brunswick after 1763 was marked by an order passed July 11, 1764, by
the King in Council, approving the recommendation of the Lords of
Trade that should the Acadians take the oath of allegiance they should
be allowed to settle in Nova Scotia, but that they should be dispersed
in small numbers in various localities (Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc. I, 313).
From this order dates the legal repatriation of the Acadians.
76. A full account of the formation of the “ Fredericton Emigrant
Society,” an organization of considerable importance in this period of
New Brunswick colonization is given in the Royal: Gazette, August to
December, 1819 (especially Aug 10 and 17 and Noy. 30 and Dec. 7.)
Also a “St. Andrews Agricultural and ‘Emigrants Society ” was formed
about the same time, and an account of its founding is in the same
paper for Jan. 18, 1820.
83. Among disbanded regiments settled in New Brunswick appear
to have been many Waterloo veterans, at Irish Settlement and elsewher2
in Kings and Queens County. I have no further information as to the
time or manner of their arrival, and it is possible they came and were
granted land as individuals, and not in a body. A number of British
man-of-warsmen settled at Miscou, Caraquet and Pokemouche.
To the literature relating to the New Brunswick and Nova Scotia
Land Company should be added, the reference in Munro’s “ New Bruns-
wick,” 167, and a well-engraved map, dated 1836, scale 6 miles to the
inch, entitled—** New Brunswick and Nova Scotia Land Company. A
Map of the Company’s Tract of Land in the Province of New Bruns-
wick.” This map gives a good deal of information about the Com-
pany’s property,— of very roseate hue. It is the map which first places
a great abundance of lakes on the upper branches of the Miramichi, a
feature which persisted unto later maps.
87. The settlement of the Province by Associations, a plan to some
extent still in vogue, was originated by Governor Colebrooke (1841-
1848) and was sometimes known by his name, as noted in various docu-
ments of the time.
154 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Settlement-origins.
114. Bass River Settlement,—G. An expansion chiefly from Miramichi of
English and Irish settlers after the fire, who settled along this then
new road. (Loc. inf.).
115. Bay du Vin,—N. First settled by Loyalists, but joined later by various
immigrants and native expansion from Miramichi. A history of the
settlement with an historical map, is expected to appear in the Mag-
azine ‘ Acadiensis, ” St. John, Vol. VII.
115. Beaubears Island,—N. Its modern settlement dates apparently from
considerably before 1800 when James Fraser from Scotland established
here a shipbuilding and mercantile business, and in 1805 built the
stone house still standing (of stone imported from Aberdeen). Later
it was sold to John and Alexander Fraser who continued the business,
and later it passed through the hands of various owners, Harley,
Russell and others, and long continued the site of shipbuilding and
trading. Originally, when all travel was by water, it was a very
valuable situation for trade, but improvement in land communication
caused its abandonment. The stone tomb on the island is that of
Joseph Russell L. D. S. [Latter Day Saint]. (Loc. inf.)
118. Bonum Gould should read Bon homme Gould.
119. Buctouche,Kt. A history of the settlement, with an historical map is
expected to appear in the Magazine ‘“ Acadiensis,”’ St. John, Vol. VII.
119. Burnt Church,—N. A History of the settlement, with an historical map,
is expected to appear in the Magazine ‘“ Acadiensis,’”’ St. John, Vol.
VII.
121. Campbelltown. This settlement of the N. B. and N. S. Land Co. seems
to have been on the East, not the West, side of the Miramichi.
121. Campbell Settlement,—K. This settlement is not native expansion, as
here stated, but was formed homologous with the Scotch and Irish
settlements on the Kings-Queens Boundary, by immigrants from the
Highlands of Perthshire, Scotland, with some north of Ireland Irish,
as I am informed by Rev. Chalmers Jack. *
122. Caraquet,—G. As noted earlier in this paper, under Historic Sites,
the sailors of the St. Simon, founders of Lower Caraquet, were
not from France but were Acadians from Restigouche. A his-
tory of the settlement, with an historical map, is expected to appear
in the Magazine “ Acadiensis, ” St. John, Vol. VI or VII.
124. Cocagne. A history of the settlement, with an historical map, is expected
to appear in the Magazine ‘“ Acadiensis, ” St. John, Vol. VII or VIII.
127. Doaktown,—N, On an error as to the French settlement see earlier,
under Acadian Settlements.
Dorchester,—W. To the references add. ‘‘ Dorchester Records” in
Chignecto Post, July 17, 1884.
[GANONG ] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 158
130.
130.
131.
131.
136.
141.
147.
148.
150.
150.
Settlement-origins.
English Settlement, on the Northwest Miramichi. Settled by English
immigrants, who came 70 years ago and settled around the Methodist
Church still in existence near Chapel Island.
English Settlement,—K. This settlement was not principally of York-
shiremen, though it included one or two such settlers, as I am
informed by Professor W. C. Murray, a descendant of some of the
founders of the Settlement. They were chiefly from the North of
England, with some lowland Scotch. The detailed information sup-
plied me by Professor Murray about this settlement I expect to pub-
lish later elsewhere. -
Escuminac,—N. The English-speaking settlers are in part Scotch and
Irish immigrants and in part native expansion. A history of the
Settlement with an historical map, is expected to appear in “ Acadien-
sis,” St. John, Vol. VII.
Ferriebank,—C. Rev Mr. Ferrie was a Presbyterian clergyman.
Gretna Green,—N. A name used before the Great Fire for Douglas-
town, which was thus named shortly prior to the Fire on the occa-
sion of the visit of Sir Howard Douglas.
Irish Settlement,—Q. Some of its Irish settlers were veterans of Water-
loo, as I am told by Rev. Chalmers Jack.
Martins Head,—J. On this settlement I find the following note in an
early Report in the Crown Land Office; — ‘“ No improvements appear
in Cox’s late grant except those made by LeBaron and Edwin Hazen,
or at their expense. It is my duty to add that these gentlemen began
a difficult and expensive settlement on this desolate part of the Bay,
in October 1806—and that they have since presevered in their Buildings
and improvements with Industry and spirit which I have not seen
surpassed in any new settlement in the Province.”
To the references here given on the history of Maugerville should be
added the matter in “Sketches of New Brunswick,” 102-103 and
Raymond, in the Coll. N.B. Historical Soc. II, 287.
Miramichi,—N. In this brief discussion I have underestimated the im-
portance of the Irish immigration to Miramichi, which I find on fur-
ther study was greater than the Scotch. Further the spread of sett-
lers from this valley to other localities on the North Shore was great-
ly hastened by the Great Fire, after which many settlers sought new
homes, especially in parts of Gloucester. On the riots of 1822 see
Acadiensis, VI, supplement, 109. At the advent of the Loyalists there
were at Miramichi according to the Micheau Map earlier given (Map
No. 37), some 30 families, while Marston in the same year estimated
them at less than 100 (Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc. II, 98).
Miscou,—G. An outline of the history of this Island, with especial refer-
ence to the founding of its modern settlement, illustrated by an his-
torical map, appeared in the Magazine “Acadiensis,’ Vol. VI, 79.
156
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Settlement-origins.
151.
152:
153.
153.
160.
161.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
168.
170.
Moorfields,—N. A settlement before the Great Fire, now included in
Douglastown. It is mentioned several times by Cooney.
Napan,—N. Dates from about 1818, for the Royal Gazette of 1819 speaks
of the “new settlement near the head of tide on the Napan.”
Neguac,—N. A history of the Settlement, with an historical map, is
expected to appear in the Magazine “ Acadiensis, ” St. John, Vol VII.
Nelson, —N. There was a Roman Catholic chapel at Nelson as early
as 1811 (Plessis, 173), and it was this chapel without doubt which
attracted here so many Irish settlers. Important matter on a pos-
sible early mission here will be found earlier in this paper under
Acadian settlements and seigniories,
Pokemouche,—G. A history of the settlement, with an historical map,
is expected later to appear in “ Acadiensis, ” St. John, Vol. VI or VII.
Pokesuedie,—G. An expansion from Caraquet, as the names of grantees
show very clearly.
Presquile,—Cn. Some description of this Post occurs in verse in
“Lays of the Wilderness,” St. John, 1833.
Renous,—N. Of later settlement than.here given, for Cooney gives no
settlement along the river in 1832.
Richibucto,—K. Interesting matter on the trade of this place is given
in Journals of the House of Assembly, 1885, Appendix CCXCVI. An
account of the Founding of Richibucto appeared in the Moncton
Transcript in May last and was reprinted in the Richibucto Review.
A history of the Settlements, with an historical map, is expected to
appear in the Magazine “Acadiensis,’” St. John, Vol. VI or VII.
Richibucto Village,—K. An important document on this settlement
appears in the Journals of the House of Assembly, 1855, Appendix,
CCIEXXSaMVe
Rothesay,—K. From local information I hear that the settlers of the
upper part of this parish, and extending into Hampton were from New
York and New Jersey, and included a good many of German names.
It is said these settlers referred to the Kingston settlement, formed
by Loyalists from Connecticut, as “ The Yankee Shore.”
St. Josephs,—G. A thriving new Acadian settlement on the Caraquet
Railway between Burnsville and Grande Anse; apparently formed by
expansion from neighbouring settlements.
Salt Springs,—K. Settled by immigrants from the highlands of Perth-
shire and North of Ireland, homologously with the Scotch and Irish
settlement on the Kings-Queens Boundary, as I am told by Rev.
Chalmers Jack.
[GANONG] ADDITIONS TO MONOGRAPHS 157
Settlement- origins.
171.
172.
176.
176.
175.
185.
Shediac,—W. There is a note on the English residents in 1805 in Aca-
diensis, V, supplement 85. A history of the settlement here, with an
historical map, is expected to appear in the same magazine, Vol. VI
or IVI.
Shippeganÿ—G. A history of the settlement of the island, with an his-
torical map, is expected to appear in the magazine ‘“ Acadiensis, ” St.
John, Vol. VI or VII.
Tobique River,—V. There is interesting matter on the settlements here
in Journals of the House of Assembly, 1855, Appendix CCCXXXVIII.
Tracadie,—G. A history of the settlement, with an historical map, is
expected to appear in the magazine “ Acadiensis,” St. John, Vol. VI
or VII.
Tabusintac,—N. A history of the settlement, with an historical map, is
expected to appear in the magazine “ Acadiensis,” St. John, Vol. VI
or VII.
Date of the Winslow Papers should read 1776-1826.
MONOGRAPHS
OF THE
Place-nomenclature, Cartography, Historic Sites,
Boundaries and Settlement-origins of the
Province of New Brunswick
WITH
A Supplement Thereto, and a Plan for a General History
of the Province
(Contributions to the History of New Brunswick, Nos. 1-7)
BY
WILLIAM F. GANONG, M.A., Ph.D.
TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
1895-1906
PREFACE
It is with much satisfaction that I am able to complete this series
of Monographs which were designed to cover the various phases of the
historical geography of New Brunswick. The study has been necessarily
almost entirely archelogical, dealing with matters often of small moment
in themselves, but possessed of a dignity as an integral part of a worthy
subject. I feel with Churchyard, who said over four centuries ago,—
“I study to bring forth some acceptable work: not striving to shew any
rare invention that passeth a man’s capacity, but to utter and receive
matter of some moment known and talked of long ago, yet over long
hath been buried, and, as it seemed, lain dead, for any fruit it hath
shewed in the memory of man.” I thoroughly believe that in local
history it is the archeological phases which are of greatest interest to the
most people, and that these form the best links to connect the intangible
past with the visible present. Our local historians would be wise did
they but make more use of them. ‘These studies may serve to aid the
New Brunswick historian of the future even should I not be able, as I
hope I may, to make further use of them myself.
My mode of treatment of the subject, in separate and widely spaced
papers, though excused by necessity, has had decided drawbacks. Thus
ir has involved some repetition, and the present cumbersome supplement.
And besides, my classification of the materials is, I see now, needlessly
ecmplex, especially in the Historic Sites and Settlements Monographs.
The student therefore may have difficulty in finding special items he
may seek, and I advise him not to yield to discouragement if a desired
subject is not found where he looks first. Futhermore, I am now trying
to render him a certain, even if somewhat belated aid in this respect.
First, the Additions and Corrections forming the final paper match
page for page with the original monographs, and give a good many cross
references. ‘lhe reader in using the papers, should always consult the
original monograph and the supplement together page for page.
Second, I have added a full table of contents which in a general way
may to some extent replace an index of subjects. All of those whe
pessess separate copies of the Monographs, and who may think them
worth binding together will find it best to place the accompanying Title-
page, this preface and the following Table of Contents at the beginning
Sec. II., 1906. 11
IV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
of the somewhat portly volume, the “ Additions and Corrections” being
of course placed after the other monographs. Although additional data
will undoubtedly come to knowledge in the future (and needless to say
all such will be very welcome to the author), I shall present them else-
where, probably in local publications; at all events, I do not design to
add another to the present series, which is thus definitively closed.
I desire to take advantage of this opportunity to express my sense
of deep personal obligation to the two Honorary Secretaries of the Royal
Society, the late Sir John Bourinot and Dr. 8. E. Dawson. From both
of them I have received, during the publication of these papers, the
ready sympathy of fellow students as well as the helpful consideration
of skilled editors. For any value the completed work may have, the
student must thank them and the Royal Society as well as the author.
March 17, 1906.
CONTENTS
Seven papers reprinted from the new series, section II, of the Transactions
of the Royal Society of Canada.
1. A PLAN FOR A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW
BRUNSWICK. Vol. I, 1895, pages 91-102.
2 A MONOGRAPH OF THE PLACE-NOMENCLATURE OF THE PRO-
VINCE OF NEW BRUNSWICK. Vol. II, 1896, pages 175-289.
PME OCUGLION 2 cis se sates gcse eos He SERA 175
PART L—An Essay Towards an a de ‘he principles ee
PIACe=nOMeEnNCIAEUREN Uae, Hse ciel SINS Poe hee Annee ae Er AT
1. On the Qualities of Place-names.. .. .. .. . me ae Vue meer 177
2. How place-names originate, PCR peice or Reco
CXTINCE RMS ee eve MO TOMATE OS One OUR 181
3. On the Investigation = eon =TIEUINNCS a ac werehs 6 5 185
PART Il—The Historical Development of the Place- tie
INRP DURS WIC RAP ER AU sisi IR ANR PR ER en 186
eee ETO MUTE cays STO ARRET EE EN EN RRENATE RTE rare 187
2. The period of Exploration;. the Norsemen to Champlain.
CUO O.O = NGC O04) iereres taran HR prove sre? oie JON LME TM 196
cee oe EH reNCh YP CTO GS cre jab Mes cio) isa islel vores iSis) cial sie) elev el ere nels LENT
Fee DUC ONG Wehbe langd PB erIOd seus cess. ciel ea seal Nice e Us 200
Dem MCC OVALS ty ETIOUT MU AE sey tele cist sn Ute! fe AA ENENR 203
6. The Post-Loyalist nl vhs ells Len BS ooh oc. Fi 204
7. Present and Future of the Place- a net ett ee
SPUN S wks saline s ich ice Met Retail ane eue ue Me Late 211
PART II —A Dictionary of the Place names of New Bruns wickyuacucme 215
APPENDIX,—Sources of Information.... .. .. ep TTR tt te te ne ee ee ee as 281
DS OLaVVIOL KS GUCEOs MS M NE AN oa) ia dale, as | Sia vols ace aor oie hie seers 284
A StROLeM ADS SCIELO RE RSR ENS LL SA PR NE PORN eee Seine 286
Erraiarandaddenda nr PME ES ES OPEN, 289
3. A MONOGRAPH OF THE CARTOGRAPHY OF THE PROVINCE OF
NEW BRUNSWICK. Vol. III, 1897, pages 313-427.
introduction: -::..:-.. SAONE LCA DE 313
PART Te eae upon aire eae ee CAN Sn SACS LR ET EE cic 315
1. On the Scarcity of Old Maps... PS ARE Ne hentai es 316
. On the History of Map- Mie aid hata teen aerate out Neth Jee. cea kare SLT
3. On the Proper Spirit of Study on ola MAGS hauts A 318
4. On the Sources of Error in the Interpretation of Old are 319
5. On the Nature of the Evolution of the Cartography of a
SDECARDISETIC CI corse ce ee lol Des testhe nella et tete to 323
VI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PART IJ,—Systematic Cartography of New Brunswick... .... .. Ais Bake 325
Type No. 1. The Pre-Differentiation Type. 1500 to 1534. UE 327
Type iNo, 2. DThecCartier Type: db34 tod604. 2 RUAN Be 335
Type No. 3. The Champlain Type. 1612 (1609) to 1708. Era he AR E 348
TyperNow4. The Delisley Ry pen wliOsutonUia4. fei siecle nen RES 361
Type No, 5. “The Bellin Type "1744 to)about 17170... m0 371
Type No. 6 The Modern Type. About 1770 to 1820 .. .. .. 385
Type No. 7. The Complete Type. 1820 to the Present.. .. .. 399
Type INO: 8: | The ExacE ype aces 406
PART III.—A Classified List of the Principal Man none New Bruns-
WiCkor Portions OL SMS LENS we) di, RE rer 408
APPENDIX. SOULCES OMINIORMALION RE DR. cis UN Te 423
Bibliographic. NES URI SEE APE RNA AAA EE SUR AT A RTE PSE 426
4 A MONOGRAPH OF HISTORIC SITES IN THE PROVINCE OF NEW
BRUNSWICK. Vol. V, 1899, pages 213-357.
AN EVOGUCTION SH a Sid! os bs. oa ons ee NT A NET ae. Bi) en etsy olen ie Me Ae 213
1: The Prehistoric, Gndian) Periods men cence RE NE Ce PALE
i vibe Distribution of the indian rie ER Ce ee 217
27 indian WVallasestand Camping | Groundssse- semicon ciehiee 218
3. Indian Routes of Travel in New Brunswick... .. .. .. .. .. 233
I The Period! of (Exploration. a.) sole OCR EEE eels el ble ee detente 259
if Routeslor Cartieriandiot Champlain: euce ier cece seers 259
TMU—-ThesA: cadian*Period. i: ws goer cis lente ae tt cio Sales! ions Men iec mts mene 262
i ‘Settlementsiiand Ports. sa ae Mey eat islet oe) eet seh tine, so ele mere 262
Af PS CLSTIOLIOS Mish, oss een eee ais heres min oe sees eee EN Se ae EU AE ES 302
DV. —Thethinelish: Periods cer anja woe SN A ce ee ite an one TER ee later nS 320
A. Settlements and monte. NS BOT PA OO srs) stevie comers tees 323
2 Mb, Ion palsiautoyreuael (Ohnlavere (CimenattSian qo Go oa Go boos 66 56 60 JC 331
Ma Die (loyalist Period RE ce. ont eee ie esl Ces ETAT 336
i ithe Mmoyaliste Grantseand settlements. ee ER EN NT ES 336
2 The LL OYANSTIB oundariecra MAMAN MEME SR EPP 344
MI = The Post Eoyalist Period Cr ME NE. AIRE RENE EN RRUr 345
APPENDIX IS OUTCeES Ohe Ih abilohanazynKOnaw VER oa ob an Ho So Boa Bo oo on ae 351
Bibliography andeCartoenaphiyasemecmecmecn RC PEROU 354
AA GON Gast. MSN ME TE RE OR SE EE ne ee LUE 357
5. A MONOGRAPH OF THE EVOLUTION OF THE BOUNDARIES OF THE
PROVINCE OF NEW BRUNSWICK. Vol. VII, 1901, pages 139-449.
iitponuetions Boa wooo PP Dose See SouPon eetee elite 141
A. The Personal aioe in nea Studies.. BO) Oe SOD GG 141
B. The Relation Existing between Boundaries and History... .. 143
C. Sources of Information in the Study of Boundary Evolution 143
D. The Kinds of Boundaries, and their purposes... .. .. .. .... 144
E. The Physiographic Basis for Natural Boundaries in New
IBPUNS WICK.) aie cov rte devreeh cs ele ae, Gels es etal Brel eee 149
F. Upon Boundary Disputes: SAPO LEE ADM HOR OOMOMT relie Mes l'es ee Mise 151
The Indian Period. 2-70 Sinica terol Reese 153
The Period of ou and RL SE Deen: to | 1606. SAME NERO LES 155;
The Acadian Period....24410 os, CURE ER Ra EE NE ER eee eee 164
CONTENTS Vil
A. From the Virginia Patent, to the Treaty of St. Germain. 164
B. From the Treaty of St. Germain, 1632, to the Treaty of
Breda 66m. ees one 174
C. From the at of Breda, 1667, to LE Treaty of Utrecht,
RÉ RE RARE 185
D. From Le Treaty Le Utrecht, 1713, to ae eat of : Paris,
111 (5e AISNE 191
E. The History of the French- en Pree, ae as to Wiehe
° ISXOVbRAC HOS, Cle ACAMA TU EAN TEEN EC 196
The English Period. 1763-1783 .. .. .. . Fast vers 220
The efforts to locate the River St. neues 1763- 1783.. Bh Cee 228
hetpovalist and the subsequent Periods... wo ah) ele Sees lee Gah cle sch ote 240
CG) Fahne Internationale BOUnGaryi jc Yen sek ps vied, Semel EMEA 241
(a) Lhe Determination VoL them River IST (Groves) selene TNT 244
(b). The Assignment of the Passamaquoddy Islands .. .. .. .. 278
(ch ‘The North-west Angele ofiNova Scotid. a. Gece as sie) cs. ler 295
(A) See Ee eH in aU AIN ee Me ee eme eee (ste 358
@) = eherinternprovancial MSOUNGARICS ci) cel men sacl lear UN RCI 362
(a). The New Brunswick Nova Scotia Beanies Seip a) at Se ds Ms 362
(b). The New Brunswick Quebec Boundary. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 372
Ga che Interprovincial (Internal) Boundaries! 2. si). sc) os et ce 413
Gl) Sa The: CountyeS OunGdaries sys wy. cates eich cent betas vs einem ere tay 413
@) ee LH eSearishes OUMGAarICS ata ARR PE RENNES 429
GO) FeO CHETAE OUNGATICS Hoy ere eee oleh erst teh Lalas (tek ai ni al elle tels ee 443
NE (SOURCES, OF Information, 2) o. ca )ee. sis) (ie) are fais) as. ny se sie ote se 445
EIipliorcraphysandiCartorraphivenc: cel ceceimes aeccie. «ae ANNEE 447
6. A MONOGRAPH OF THE ORIGINS OF SETTLEMENTS IN THE PRO-
VINCE OF NEW BRUNSWICK. Vol. X, 1904, pages 3-185.
Introduction... .. .. à : : 6
PART I. The wists ie aie Ones AG FN of Sete
y MIONESANENEWABQUNSWICK -2 eee eee se else elec ÿ
PART II. The Operation of the Factors in the Production of New
Brunswick Settlements.. .. .... af Voie cha EN EE AU ore ils)
1. The Pre-Historic (Indian) Period (to 1604). sis Lately, AN NAS 19
2. The Period of Discovery and Exploration (1492-1604)... .... 28
3. The Acadian Period (1604-1760). Chatters TRS LUE ina et D ARIANE 30
a bhe Hnelish Period (760-1783)... 26 as 5. Malials 42
5. The Loyalist and Native ee ion Period (1783- 1812). 52
6. The Period of Active Immigration (1812-1850).. .. .. .. .. .. 73
in bne Mviodern Period! Gisb0=tosthe Present) ce sew se) elles here 94
8. The Prospects for the Future... .. .. 108
PART III. A synopsis of the Origins of fie Individual Sere of
New Brunswick alphabetically arranged, with Refer-
ence tonthe sources: Of their UIStORYs. a) ce ce cote ee 109
PPP RNC SOMCCES Of INÉOPMATLIONN /. cio. le eee vols! sic) ele slo sis! wie | ole) setae: ‘ale 181
ASOLO LISS) CLEC cis) (els) isis, scies (ele) a'a)iisielsievel (sio)ieis Te\e) efelioreille ete et oie 183
VIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
7. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS TO THE MONOGRAPHS ON THE
PLACE-NOMENCLATURE, CARTOGRAPHY, HISTORIC SITES,
BOUNDARIES AND SETTLEMENT-ORIGINS OF THE PROVINCE
OF NEW BRUNSWICK. Vol. XII. pages 3-157.
Introduction .. och Rolo os Sei Me A EE MO nel eke Rte 3
I. Additions and Corrections to Plan for aGeneral History. 4
II. Additions and Corrections to Place-nomenclature. 4
III. Additions and Corrections to Cartography. 3 57
IV. Additions and Corrections to Historic Sites. Selita’ Woe 77
V. Additions and Corrections to Evolution of Boundaries. .. 151
VI. Additions and Corrections to Settlement-Origins. .. .. .. 153
Title-page and Contents to the series.
[coyxE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH
RIcHARD MAURICE BUCKE.
snncire den 2 Se
Fe
3
x
oe vais
SECTION II., 1906. [159] Trans. R. S. C.
II.—Richard Maurice Bucke — A Sketch.
By James H. Coyne, M.A.
(Presented by W. W. Campbell, and read May 23, 1906.)
als
In the preparation of the following sketch, the writer had access
to documentary material in the possession of the family of the late
Dr. Bucke. Much of this material was autobiographical, and in using
this the plan has been adopted, as far as possible, of letting the subject
of the memoir tell the story in his own way, with such omissions, chrono-
logical rearrangement and explanatory connecting links as the nature
of the case seemed to require, regard being had to the necessary
limits of this paper. Quotation marks are not always used, especially
where, as in the case of the fight with the Shoshones and the adventure
in the Sierra Nevadas, the narrative is simply condensed from Dr.
Bucke’s detailed description. Where quotation marks are used, the
passage is autobiographical, unless otherwise stated.
2.
Richard Maurice Bucke was a man of marked personality.
His ‘individuality impressed itself on all who came into contact
with him. Of striking presence, great native ability, wide and varied
experience of the world and of human nature, he distinguished himself
in more than one line of thought and action. For many years medical
superintendent of one of the largest asylums for the insane in Ontario,
he was ranked among the foremost alienists in America. An original
investigator in the fields of medical science, philosophy and literature,
he worked out his problems with a single eye to the truth, and, having
solved them to his satisfaction, presented the processes and his con-
clusions frankly and fearlessly, leaving the results with the future for
acceptance or rejection. His intellectual product is intimately related
to his close association for a quarter of a century with Walt Whitman,
whose influence was profound and lasting. The names of Whitman
and Bucke are inseparably linked together for all time. The story
of their friendship is of permanent interest and value.
As a littérateur, scientist and administrator, and as the biographer
and close friend of Whitman, Dr. Bucke was a familiar figure in many
circles, both in Canada and in the States.
But to the public at least it was not generally known that he
bad had a youth of extraordinary adventure, characterized by thrilling
160 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
incident, intense suffering, prolonged and arduous struggle. These
experiences were important factors in the development of a type of
manhood worthy of being studied.
Some stages and phases of that development it will be the work
of the following pages to attempt to portray.
3.
At the Church of St. Olave, Old Jewry, London, on the 4th of
May, 1801, Thomas George Bucke, of Milden Hall, Norfolk, married
Georgina Walpole.
Three children were born of this marriage. All received a good
education. Horatio Walpole, eldest child and only son, was educated
at Trinity College, Cambridge, took holy orders, and was appointed
curate of the neighbouring village of Methwold. He married Clarissa
Andrews, whose brother, Biggs Andrews, K.C., was a barrister of some
eminence.
To the Reverend Horatio Walpole Bucke and Clarissa, his wife,
were born six sons and four daughters.
It was at Methwold that their seventh child and fifth son first
opened his eyes to the light on the 28th day of March, 1837. Of this
son, Richard Maurice Bucke, it is proposed to speak in the following
memoir. ,
Through his mother, Horatio Walpole Bucke was a great grandson
of the famous Prime Minister of England, Sir Robert Walpole, and a
grand nephew of Horace Walpole, whose Letters have given him a
niche in the pantheon of English literature. On the side of the Buckes
also literature had its representative. Charles Bucke, a brother of
Thomas George, was the author of “ Beauties of Nature,’ and “ Ruins
of Ancient Cities,” books which continued to be published until nearly
the end of the last century. The tendency to literature of the subject
of this sketch was therefore part of his inheritance.
4,
In the spring of 1838 the curate, with his wife and seven children,
emigrated to Upper Canada. For a score of years general attention
had been directed to the Talbot settlement. Perhaps the familiar
nomenclature, reproducing the names of counties, cities, towns and
streams belonging to the eastern part of England added to the attraction.
On the river Thames, in Upper Canada as in England, were the coun-
ties of Oxford, Middlesex, Kent, and Essex. In the township of Lon-
[coyNnE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 161
don Richard Talbot! had taken up land twenty years before, and settle-
ment had proceeded apace. His son, E. A. Talbot, was one of a
number of writers by whom the praises of the Talbot Settlement were
sounded in books which were extensively circulated in the British
Islands.
To the township of London Mr. Bucke proceeded with his family
to spy out the land, if it was good.
At the forks of the Thames the town of London had already more
than twelve hundred inhabitants, ministered to by five churches, seven
taverns and three or four schools. Two or three miles east, on Dundas
Street, was a farm which caught our immigrant’s fancy. He purchased
it and settled down to the life of a pioneer farmer. A scholar and lin-
guist, he had brought with him a library of several thousand volumes,
in which no less than seven languages were represented. Here in the
midst of the primeval forest he installed his family and his books;
here three children were born to him; and here, in the gradually widen-
ing clearing he passed the remaining years of his life. The property,
known afterwards as the Creek Farm, is now the site of the village of
Pottersburg, a suburb of the city of London.
5.
The Reverend Mr. Bucke was master of seven languages: Latin,
Greek, Hebrew, French, Italian, Spanish and English. The edu-
cation of his six sons was, however, left largely to chance. That is
to say, he taught each of them to read in one or more languages,
and then, turning them loose in his library, left them to shift for
themselves. But, to use Maurice’s own words, “ they were born with
the desire to know, and with the instinct to find out.” Each was
thenccforward his own schoolmaster. Of the six sons, three became
physicians and one a lawyer. The eldest brother, George Walpole, ?
died comparatively young.
Maurice learned Latin from his father. Browsing among the
thousands of books, breathing their atmosphere, he became saturated
with literature of wide range and varied character. A better foundation
could hardly have been laid for his professional and literary life-work,
which was to demand a comprehensive knowledge of the mental and
moral nature of man.
1 Not to be confounded with Colonel the Honourable Thomas Talbot,
founder of the Talbot Settlement, which included twenty-eight townships
in whole or in part.
The following entry in the family Bible is of historical interest:
“ George Walpole, born Milden Hall, County Norfolk, 14 June, 1828; inocu-
lated 28 February, 1829; recovered from the small-pox, 21 March, 1829.”
162 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
He never went to school, in the ordinary sense of the word; but
his education was, notwithstanding, productive in results that could not
easily have been surpassed, had he attended in boyhood the regular
institutions of learning.
His early life is described by Dr. Bucke as follows:
“He was born of good middle-class English stock and grew up
aimost without education on what was thea a backwoods Canadian
farm. As a child he assisted in such labour as was within his power.
Tended cattle, horses, sheep, pigs; brought in firewood, worked in the
hay field, drove oxen and horses, ran errands. His pleasures were as
simple as his labours. An occasional visit to a small town, a game
of ball, bathing in the creek that ran through his father’s farm, the
making and sailing of mimic ships, the search for bird’s eggs and
flowers in the spring, and for wild fruits in the summer and fall,
afforded him, with his skates and handsled in the winter, his homely,
much-loved recreations. While still a young boy he read with keen
appreciation Marryat’s novels, Scott’s poems and novels, and other
similar books dealing with outdoor nature and human life.”
The great problems of religion presented themselves to him even
as a child:—God, Jesus Christ, immortality, eternal suffering.
“The boy (even the child) dwelt on these and similar topics far
more than anyone would suppose; but probably not more than many
other introspective small fellow mortals. He was subject at times
to a sort of ecstasy of curiosity and hope; as, on one special occasion,
when about ten years old, he earnestly longed to die, that the secrets
of the beyond, if there was any beyond, might be revealed to him;
also to agonies of anxiety and terror, as, for instance, at about the
same age, he read Reynolds’ Faust, and being near its end one sunny
afternoon he laid it down utterly unable to continue its perusal, and.
went out into the sunshine to recover from the horror (after more
than fifty years he distinctly recalls it) which had seized him.”
At the age of fifteen he read the “ Vestiges of Creation,” a well-
known precursor of Darwinism. His inclination to philosophy and
science was thus manifested at an early period of his life.
6.
Maurice’s mother having died, his father married a second time,
and in 1853 he too died. Maurice, then 16 years of age, decided to
see the world for himself, and seek his fortunes wherever circumstances
seemed propitious. |
The next five years were years of varied and remarkable adventure.
Crossing Lake Erie, one June day, he lived for three years in the Ohio
and Mississippi valleys, working at any employment that offered.
- “
[COYNE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 163
At Columbus he was a gardener; near Cincinnati he worked first
on a railroad, and then as a farm hand. In the winter of 1854-5 we
find him making staves in the cypress swamps of Louisiana. Then
for another twelve-month he served as fireman or deck-hand on steam-
boats plying on the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. But his longing to
know the world and men was by no means satisfied. He was now
just entering on his twentieth year, in the full vigour of early manhood,
ready as ever for anything that promised novelty or adventure. For-
tune took him at his word.
Ascending the Missouri river to Fort Leavenworth, he determined
to cross the plains and mountains to the Pacific. To carry out his
purpose he hired with the conductor or manager of a train of twenty-
six loaded freight waggons, consigned to a mercantile house in Salt
Lake City. Each waggon was drawn by six yoke of oxen, and carried
from three to four tons. It was a wearisome, difficult and perilous
trail: for in 1,200 miles there were no white inhabitants, except at
Fort Carney and Fort Laramie, the roads were bad, the loads heavy,
and oxen at best are rather sure than swift as draught animals. The
journey occupied five months; nowadays it would require less than
two days. The party found Indian camps near the forts; the Pawnee
nation at Fort Carney, and a large party of Sioux at Fort Laramie.
They passed through immense herds of buffalo on the Platte, as Park-
man had done a few years before. They crossed the Rockies by the
South Pass:and Green river; the Wahsatch Range by Echo Cañon.
From the summit of the Wahsatch he saw spread before him the
rich, spacious and beautiful country of the Mormons, with the Great
Salt Lake in the blue distance beyond. The splendid picture never
faded from his memory.
The wondrous scenery of the Rockies was a revelation, which the
impressionable youth absorbed into his soul. In his later years he
recorded with enthusiasm the effect produced upon him by its grandeur
and its beauty.
7
At Salt Lake the party received their five months’ pay; but none
thought of turning back. Westward still their gaze was fixed, and
with eagerness they pressed toward the setting sun.
Four hundred and fifty miles farther on was Sam Black’s trading
post, a solitary house, with its sheds and outbuildings on the sink of
the Humboldt, and there was no white settler between. On the other
hand, the Indians were hostile and in a position to choose their own
fighting ground.
164 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
bb)
“We formed ourselves,” says Bucke, “into parties of from five
to ten men in each. Each party bought a light waggon and* two
horses to draw it. Into this were loaded the necessary provisions,
cooking utensils and personal effects of the party. One of us, turn
about, sat in the waggon and drove, the rest walked.”
Unwisely, as it turned out, the parties travelled in detachments.
The party of which Bucke was a member numbered ten. They chose
a man named Samuel Jamieson as captain. Crossing the Humboldt
mountains, and then following the river of the same name to the west-
ward, they were attacked by the Shoshones. Columns of smoke here
and there along the river uplands gave the signal to the swarthy foe.
“'Then I heard, for the first time in my life, from a hundred savage
throats, that most unpleasant of sounds, the Indian war-whoop.” The
ranks of Bucke’s party had been swelled and their scanty supply of
provisions depleted by the addition of a party of six, who had been
robbed of everything by the Indians, and fallen back for help and
food. For a full half-day a running fight ensued with a hundred
naked savages, “yelling the war-whoop at the top of their voices.”
The Indians had few guns, and depended mainly on their bows and
arrows; the whites had five rifles, a shot gun and two ‘revolvers. The
Jatter reserved their fire until it was likely to prove effective. One
of them was wounded with an arrow, another with a rifle-ball in the
groin. The whites were the better strategists, economized their fire,
were cooler, and shot straighter. Bucke believed he had hit one or
more of the enemy. Rushing toward the bushes to capture the gun of
one of these, he was peremptorily recalled by the captain. “ At the
time the Indians abandoned the fight we had our last bullets in our
guns and they were not all loaded.”
But their troubles were by no means over. They had forgotten
tc fill their water cask in the morning. The trail had left the river.
Thirsty and exhausted they toiled wearisomely in the hot sun, on the
hot sand, with nothing in sight but sand, sage brush and here and
there rocky hills.” It was 9 at night before the trail again struck
the river. Their suffering had been intense, and Bucke describes it
in a most graphic manner. The craving for water was such that
enormous quantities of it were swallowed before their thirst was satis-
fied. Then followed six more days of hunger and privation, during
which they marched about 150 miles, witn nothing to eat but a little
flour stirred in boiling water. They arrived at Sam Black’s almost
exhausted with want of food. “ Naturally, the first thing we did was
to arrange for supper. Inside of two hours after our arrival we sat
down to a table loaded with meat, game, vegetables and hot biscuits,
[coryNnE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 165
and, it is needless to say that we did full justice to these and the hot
coffee served with them.”
Two days later members of the third and fourth parties came in.
They had been less provident in their supplies, and less fortunate in
fighting than Bucke’s party. The Indians had robbed them of every-
thing; five of their number were killed or missing; the rest had tra-
velled 175 miles, practically without food, except some seed-pods and
a duck they had killed.
8.
His next occupation was that of a gold miner.
After a few days’ rest, he writes, We crossed the great American
desert from the sink of the Humboldt to the Carson river and marched
up the Carson to Gold Cafion.” They sold their horses and waggon;
some of them, including Bucke, took up claims, bought mining tools,
“and settled down to work gold mining.”
Gold Canyon he describes as “a broad and shallow ravine, dry
jn summer, but, in winter, spring and fall, sending a diminutive tribute
of muddy water to the Carson river.” Here he remained about a year,
“a member of a small community who, by the aid of rockers, toms,
and sluices, extracted a precarious livelihood from the placer diggings.”
The miners numbered three or four dozens in all; the whole settle-
ment, including ranchers, about one hundred, “ scattered over a country
thirty or forty miles across in each direction. To the east, our nearest
neighbours lived seven hundred miles distant, on the shore of the Great
Salt Lake; across the mountains to the west, we reached by a walk
of a little over a hundred miles the westernmost mining camps of
California; north and south as far as our knowledge extended the
barren slopes of the foot-hills were still in the undisturbed possession
of Washoe and Piute Indians; along the highlands towards the head
of the cafion, where now stand Virginia City, Silver City and Gold
Hill, the mountain sheep suckled her young, unmolested except by the
gray wolf.”
“The social state of this small community,” says Bucke,
genuinely Arcadian in its simplicity. No civil, military or ecclesias-
tical organization existed among us. Utah Territory, in which we
lived, had at that time no laws or courts, and Gold Canon possessed
no church of any denomination. In spite of the absence of these
signs of civilization, I have never known a community the members of
which were better disposed or conducted. There was no theft, no
violence, and hardly ever even an instance of drunkenness or a quarrel.
Each worked steadily all the week, and, after a general wash-up on
Sunday morning, it was the rule to adjourn to our general headquarters
€ was
166 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
at Johntown, and spend the afternoon and evening over a social game
cf cards.” |
The camp was on the eastern slope of the Sierra Nevadas, in what
was then Utah, and is now Nevada.
It was the best type of the life that is depicted in its manifold
phases and manifestations in the pages of Bret Harte, Mark Twain
and Joaquin Miller. It was a wonderful experience and a valuable
education for the youth of nineteen. But, adventures strange and
perilous were still before him.
9.
Among the original forty-niners were two brothers, Allen and
Hosea Grosh, of Pennsylvania. From California they had made their
way over the Sierra to Gold Cañon in the early fifties. As early as
1854 they had discovered native silver in the cañon, which they revis-
ited again and again, but they kept their knowledge to themselves.
They were the first discoverers of silver west of the ÆRockies.!
In the spring of 1857, after spending the winter in California, they
were back again in the Cañon, and here young Bucke made their
acquaintance, an acquaintance that ultimately involved him in the most
terrible vicissitudes, and left him a legacy of life-long indescribable
euffering. On the other hand, had the enterprise succeeded, he would
in all probability have been reckoned among the McKays and Carnegies
and Rockefellers; for the Groshes held the key to treasures beyond
the dreams of Sindbad or Aladdin.
The ostensible object of the Groshes in 1857 was gold mining.
Their real purpose was to explore for silver and ascertain the value
of their previous discoveries. With a third partner, one George Brown,
they made their own assays and “satisfied themselves that they had
found and owned enormously rich silver lodes.”
They located the best sites, took up as much land as the mining
laws permitted, and were about ready to form a company to develop
their extraordinary discoveries.
“The strange part of the story is that within three months from
that time all three of these young and strong men met with violent
‘deaths, and by an extraordinary combination of circumstances the
vapers relative to their discoveries, and which were naturally left in
the hands of the last survivor, were absolutely lost.”
Brown was murdered by a party of immigrants at his own door.
Hoseo Grosh cut his foot with an axe, and died of blood-poisoning.
1 There is a monument in their honour at Virginia City, to commemorate
their achievement. “
[cornE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 167
“ Allen, overcome with grief, was left alone in the possession of their
common secret.”
The Grosh boys had been in the habit of spending each winter
in California. Hosea’s death delayed Allen’s departure until winter
was already closing in on the mountains.
It was now that Bucke came upon the scene. He had helped to
rurse and bury the brother; and this led to a close friendship with
Allen, who arranged that Bucke should take Hosea’s place as his com-
panion in the long journey over the mountains.
10.
It was the middle of November before they left the cañon. The
donkey which carried their baggage strayed away, and it was the 20th
before they left Washoe Valley. They had now but three days’ provi-
sions with them. In the valley the weather had been warm. Ascend-
ing the mountains they cut through six inches of ice the first night
to get water. Next day, they crossed the eastern summit of the Sierra,
about 9,000 feet high. Down 2,000 feet lower, to Lake Tahoe, and then
on the following day, around the lake to its outlet through Trucksee river,
they trudged on. The trail crossed the river and then Squaw Valiey.
Undeterred by twenty-four hours of rain, they attempted the western
summit. The rain turned to snow, the trail was covered, was lost;
the adventurers turned back to the valley, and, drying themselves as
best they could in the still falling rain, lay down by their fire till
morning.
Next day it was colder and snowing in the valley. They were
obliged to encamp here for a week, the almost continuous snow hiding
the trails and even the mountain summits. The donkey was killed for
food. A tent was improvised of blankets. Its site served as a fire-
place during the day and as their bed at night. The young men
made themselves snowshoes, but these proved a failure and were thrown
away.
On the 28th, the sky being bright and clear, they climbed all day
te a high summit. “ During a great part of the ascent the ground
was too steep for walking. In such places our mode of procedure
was to clear away the snow, catch hold of the bushes, and with hands
and feet together climb up.” Then they found a ravine, at least
a thousand feet deep, with perpendicular walls, between them and the
main ridge to be crossed. Again they went back to camp, reaching it
about ten o’clock at night, tired out.
Finally, on the 29th, “after a terribly hard up-hill walk of some
ten or twelve miles, through deep snow and over rough ground, we
168 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
gained the western summit about two o’clock in the afternoon.” In
the teeth of the intense cold and a bitter west wind, they crossed the
three-mile plateau to the western edge. That night they camped
down the slope in a forsaken cabin. Their matches had spoiled in
Squaw Valley. They lighted their fire with a gun.
Two days of hard snowing followed. Again they made snowshoes,
and again their efforts were doomed to failure, and the shoes were
abandoned. Their meat failed. Four days of absolute starvation
were before them. The trail now was a blazed one, and easily missed ;
the snow was three to four feet deep, and even more in places, along
the side of a high ridge. Then the ridge spread into a broad plateau.
Soon the trees failed them, there was no trail, and the cold was intense.
Near sundown they came on fresh tracks, and hope sprang up in their
hearts. Then they discerned the truth; they had wandered in a
circle, and the tracks were their own. They were off the trail. It
was snowing hard, obscuring objects a hundred yards distant. They
tried to make a fire, but their’ gun failed them. It had got damp
and refused to go off. Then they found that they were frost-bitten.
LA.
The first necessity now was immediate shelter from the cold. Hope
died in their hearts. The wealth of Golconda had no further charms
or even interest. ‘Skin for skin; yea, all that a man hath, will he
give for his life” The gun was thrown away. Allen’s papers, con-
taining the records of his discoveries and titles to claims, were aban-
doned. Others might reap where he had sown. Nothing was kept
but the blankets, a tin cup and its contents, and a butcher’s knife,
In the tin cup was a miserable remnant of their meat.
They struck for the nearest edge of the ridge and down the steep
slope, full speed through deep snow, to an evergreen valley. Here
they placed their blankets on the ground, covered them a foot deep
with snow, crept under the blankets feet first, and lay until morning.
The warmth of their bodies thawed the snow, and they did not get
dry again for several days.
On the 3rd December they followed down a ravine, hoping to find
a river. A muddy current would indicate a mining camp up stream.
The walking was through snow two and a half feet deep over very
uneven ground. Sometimes they walked into low bushes they could
not see. For two days longer they kept on their toilsome way down
the ravine to the Middle Forks of the American river and still further
down until it ran through a deep rocky canon, where they were forced
[coYNE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 169
to leave it, and walk over a ridge to and across another large stream.
The travellers were famished and their strength was almost gone. The
snow now did not average a foot deep. Brush was so weak, that Bucke
walked in front to make the tracks for his feet. “ Exhausted and
despairing, I sat down, and, weeping, proposed to give up and lie
down and die where we were.” But Allen was determined to push
through, and encouraged the despairing boy, reminding him of their
friends in the East. When they camped at night, they were too weak
to talk much. The younger hardly expected to live till morning, and
thought that even if he survived the night, he would be unable to
walk. “Let us make up our bed for the last time,” he said to Allen,
“for we shall never leave this place.” But Allen still cheered him ag
best he could with the hope of reaching shelter somewhere yet. They
slept but little.
Next morning, after “ horrible and extravagant dreams . .
we were barely able to crawl along, and went almost as much on our
hands and knees as on our feet.” The snow was now only a few
inches deep. Once Allen said he heard a dog bark; Maurice refused
tc believe it. Then they came to a ditch with running water, and
knew they were near a mining camp. In a few minutes Allan said,
“There is smoke.” They had walked or crawled just three-quarters
of a mile that day.
The miners showed their proverbial generosity; but the exhausted
youths could not eat. Next day they were unable to walk. In a
few days they became delirious. On the twelfth day Allen Grosh died.
“No knowledge survived of the work of the Grosh brothers in
Gold Canon and its neighbourhood, except the bare fact that they
had found silver. Two years afterwards in 1859, this knowledge, by
making the miners watch for indications of silver, led to the finding
of the Comstock lode, and that discovery to others, until the faint and
soon almost extinguished spark of knowledge, struck from the rocks of
Utah by the intelligence and perseverance of these two young men,
resulted in the enormous silver-mining industry of western Nevada.” 1
Maurice’s powerful physique stood him in good stead under the
trying ordeal he was called to pass through. He was obliged to lie
in bed all winter. The miners sent down the mountains for a
1 A letter, signed Duncan Gordon, published in the New York Sun,
November 29, 1897, and entitled, “The Tragedy of the Comstock,’ was
contradicted or varied in many of its statements by Dr. Bucke in an inter-
view published in the London (Ont.) Advertiser of December 16, 1897. Gor-
don connected the Groshes and Dr Bucke more closely with the discovery
of the Comstock than the facts, according to the latter, appeared to justify.
Sec. II., 1906. 12
170 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
surgeon, “who found it necessary to amputate one of my feet, and a
portion of the other.” “For months,” says one who knew him well,
Dr. T. J. W. Burgess, superintendent of the Protestant Asylum for
the Insane, Montreal, “the stricken man lay in that mountain cabin,
tended only by rough, yet gentle, hands, and there it was that he first
had time to think. ‘I was born again, he once said, in speaking of
this period of his life, ‘it cost me my feet — yet it was worth the
price. ”1 The stumps did not thoroughly heal for more than forty
years. The sufferings he endured can be better imagined than described.
But never was suffering more heroically borne, and uncomplaining, he
suffered in silence.
12.
The youth of 16 returned to his Canadian home a man of 21,
maimed and broken in health, but with a knowledge of nature and of
men, a store of experience, such as few men of 21 have ever had.
A sum of money left him by his mother enabled him to carry out a
plan he had formed of going to college.
At once he entered upon a medical course at McGill University.
He graduated in 1862, winning the prize for the best thesis of his
year. The tremendous force of will, the dominance of the mental and
moral powers over the physical system, which such a university career
evinces, showed him to be no common man.
The prize thesis, entitled “ The Correlation of the Vital and Physi-
cal Forces,” defended before the Medical Faculty of McGill, May 2,
1862, was printed in the British American Journal, and in pamphlet
form.
Among his fellow students at McGill may be mentioned Doctor
Joseph M. Drake, afterwards professor of physiology at the university ;
Doctors Wright, of Ottawa, and Phillips, of Brantford.
His reading was not limited by the curriculum nor the books
relating to medical science.
“Outside of his collegiate course he read with avidity many
speculative books, such as the “ Origin of Species,” Tyndall’s “ Heat,”
and “ Essays,” Buckle’s “ History,’ “ Essays and Reviews,” and much
poetry, especially such as seemed to him free and fearless. In this
species of literature he soon preferred Shelley, and of his poems,
“ Adonais ” and “ Prometheus ” were his favourites. His life for some
years was one passionate note of interrogation, an unappeasable hunger
1 From a paper read at the Annual Meeting of the American Medico-
Psychological Association, held at Montreal, June 1902, and reprinted in
pamphlet form from the published proceedings.
[corynE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 171
for enlightenment on the basic problems. Leaving college, he con-
tinued his search with the same ardour. Taught himself French, that
he might read Auguste Comte, Hugo and Renan, and German, that he
might read Goethe, especially “ Faust.”
13.
From McGill he proceeded to Europe for post-graduate work.
The season of 1862-3 was spent in London. Dr. W. C. Vanbuskirk
of St. Thomas was his fellow student with him in Paris, and from
him some particulars relating to Bucke’s student life, both there and
in London, have been gleaned. He attended lectures in the operative
theatre of University College, London. Fox, Jenner, Ringer, Erichsen,
Quain, Harley, Hillier and Hare were among the lecturers. Most of
the residue of 1863 was spent in Paris at the Hotel Dieu and the
Hospital of the Collége des Médecins, where they attended clinics
given by such men as Trousseau, Nelaton and Bouvier.
In Paris he was laid up for a time with a mild type of typhoid
fever. He was able to continue his reading notwithstanding the illness,
and Dr. Vanbuskirk remembers seeing him engaged in earnest perusal
of Comte’s works, whilst incapacitated by fever from attending the
hospitals.
In London, a warm friendship sprang up between Dr. (afterwards
Sir) Benjamin Ward Richardson and Bucke, growing out of mutual
admiration and kept alive by intermittent correspondence. Bucke
regarded Richardson as “the ablest man in the profession in England,
and that is as much as to say, in the world” The results of their
association would seem to be reflected in some of their publications,
especially in those dealing with the therapeutic uses of alcohol.
* On the return voyage by the St. Lawrence route he had an experi-
ence, which might have been attended with disastrous consequences.
He occupied the post of ship surgeon, and in performance of his official
duties was obliged to report at Grosse Isle some cases of contagious
disease. This necessitated the quarantining of the steerage passengers,
some of whom became infuriated at the doctor as the cause of their
inconvenience and delay. An organized gang attempted to throw him
into the river. With some difficulty Dr. Bucke was hurriedly lowered
into one of the ship’s boats and carried to a place of safety. He
used to speak of this as one of the most exciting episodes in a life
that was by no means devoid of thrilling incidents.}
1This incident was communicated by Dr Hugh A McCallum of London.
172 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
14.
Returning to Canada early in 1864, where his elder brother, Dr.
Edward Horatio Bucke had died but a few months before, he settled
down to the practice of his profession in Sarnia. But almost simultan-
eously, he was urgently requested to go to California in the interest of
the Gould & Curry Silver Mining Company. It would appear that there
was litigation with reference to mining claims in or near Gold Cafion,
and it may be surmised that Maurice’s knowledge of Grosh’s discoveries
was an important factor in the case. The year he spent on the Pacific
slope was equivalent to a second post-graduate course in business and
knowledge of men. He was amply remunerated for his time and
services, and returned to Sarnia in 1865, not only enriched in experi-
ence, but with a substantial sum of money. Here he married, on the
7th September, Miss Jessie Maria Gurd. There were born to them
eight children, of whom six survive, together with their mother. Set-
tling down to the practice of his chosen profession, he met with success
from the start, and had more than a local reputation. The Honorable
Alexander Mackenzie was his first patient and frequently sounded his
praises.1 Sarnia was the home of the late Hon. Timothy Blair Pardee,
M.P.P. for the county of Lambton from Confederation, and a distin-
guished Minister of the Crown for the Province of Ontario from the
year 1872 until his decease in 1889. Mr. Pardee and Dr. Bucke recog-
nized in each other congenial spirits, and became intimate friends.
Their friendship had doubtless somewhat to do with the appointment
of Dr. Bucke, in January, 1876, to the Superintendency of the Asylum
for the Insane at Hamilton, on its first establishment. In the follow-
ing February, on the death of Dr. Landor of the London Asylum,
Dr. Bucke was promoted to the headship of the larger institution, a
position he was to fill until his death. Had he lived a few days
longer, he would have occupied this important post for a full quarter
of a century. Only a few rods distant from the asylum lay the home
of his childhood, the old Creek Farm, the scene of his earliest recol-
lections.
It is not too much to say of him that as Superintendent of the
London Asylum he did not fall behind the expectations which his
university career and his professional reputation had led his friends
to form respecting him.
To the literature of alienism he devoted his attention, with the
same persistent determination that had carried him through the perils
and labours of the earlier years. With the natural scientific bent
‘This fact was mentioned by Dr. Bucke to Dr. Hugh A. McCallum.
c
[coyxE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 173
of his mind, the practice and opportunities for observation and research
afforded by his official position, and his continuous and close reading
of reports and statistics, it was not long before ne was recognized as
an authority among alienists. His opinion was sought from far and
wide. Medical and psychological societies were glad to give a con-
spicuous place to his name on their programmes and to his addresses
and papers in their publications. His right to a place in the foremost
rank of his profession in America was beyond question. In an appen-
dix will be found a list of his printed pamphlets, lectures and addresses,
of which particulars are accessible.
His annual reports to the provincial government are, with one
exception, not specified in the list. The reports are all valuable.
That for 1897 contains “The Story of the Care for the Insane in
Ontario,” an interesting and instructive historical resumé of the suc-
cessive stages of progress in the treatment of this unfortunate class of
citizens.
15.
In his chosen field he was not content to follow subserviently in
the footsteps of his predecessors.
Cautious, but courageous, sure of his ground before taking the
forward step, he signalized his administration of the London Asylum
(the largest in the province) by three remarkable innovations, unheed-
ing the opposition or the outeries of those whose conservatism did
not approve of the modern spirit and changed methods.
(1) He was the first alienist in America to adopt the system of
absolute non-restraint in the treatment of the insane. :
(2) He discarded entirely the use of beer, wine or alcohol in any
form at the asylum.
(3) He was the first, systematically, to employ gynecological sur-
gery in the treatment of insane women.
The first of these reforms could not be effected all at once. Public
opinion had to be considered, and the experiment might involve dan-
gerous consequences, not merely to the patient, but to the staff and
attendants as well. For some years the degree of restraint was
gradually diminished. “In the middle of 1883,” writes Bucke in 1897,
“we totally discontinued the use of restraint and seclusion in every
form and have not used them since.”
Dealing with this question, Dr. O’Reilly, Inspector of Asylums and
Prisons, in his annual report for 1887, writes as follows: “To Dr.
R. M. Bucke, Medical Superintendent of the London Asylum, belongs
the honour of being the first to take up the subject practically in the
174 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Canadian asylums. He approached it at first very properly with great
hesitation and caution, but it only required a few weeks’ practical study
of the subject to convince him that all that had been said by the
advocates of the system was well founded, and restraint in the London
Asylum became a thing of the past. Dr. Bucke did not burn his
restraint apparatus with religious ceremonies, nor make any flourish
of trumpets about it. When the proper time came, he simply an-
nounced that after eighteen months’ trial of absolute non-restraint in
an asylum having a population of nine hundred patients he had found
the system to be all that had been claimed for it, and that he was
new unable to conceive of a case where mechanical restraint, except
for surgical reasons, would be necessary; would not be, in fact, posi-
tively harmful to the patient. Dr. Bucke’s example was slowly fol-
lowed by others, until now in this province restraint appliances are
unknown, and one after another the doctors give in their testimony
te the great value of this reform, which was commenced by Connolly
and Pinel half a century ago.”
With the abolition of restraint may be said to have disappeared
the last trace of the ancient method of treatment of the insane. The
Bedlam of history is a thing of the past. Except for the protection
of patients against themselves, the straight-waistcoat is no longer in
use. Patients are treated as human beings. The law of love has
been found effective with them as with the rest of humanity.
It is gratifying to be assured that the increased proportion of
cures effected bears its due relation to the improvement in methods of
treatment. |
16.
It was a work of time to persuade the medical profession
at large, that alcohol as a medicine was, as a rule, unnecessary and
even positively injurious. The practice of eminent physicians such
as Sir Benjamin Richardson and Sir William Gull in discountenancing
its use in many cases was, no doubt, a strong factor in inducing Dr.
Bucke to abandon it altogether. In his first or second year at London,
he experimented by reducing the number of patients to whom beer,
wine or whiskey was regularly served, and watching carefully the
effect. In 1879 he closed the spirit rations entirely. The result
warranted his action. “The health of the asylum was never better.
T doubt if it was ever as good.” The death rate was smaller; the
percentage of recoveries higher.
So impressed was he with the importance of the results effected,
that he brought the matter before the Dominion Medical Association
COYNE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 175
in a paper read at London, on the 10th September, 1879. The essay
was printed in the London Advertiser, and reprinted twice in England.
In the following year he enlarged and completed it for publication in
pamphlet form, under the title “ Alcohol in Health and Disease.” He
did not halt half way in his conclusions. He placed alcohol and blood-
letting in the same category as obsolete in medical practice. “A time
will come,” he believes, “and that perhaps before many generations
have passed away, when it will be as rare for a physician or surgeon
tc prescribe alcohol, as it is now for either of them to prescribe blood-
letting, and when a healthy man will no more think of taking alcohol
with a view of preserving his health, . or to make him feel better, than
he thinks now of going to a surgeon to be bled with a view to the same
end.”
We:
Among the reforms Dr. Bucke initiated at the London Asylum
should be mentioned his adoption, experimentally, in 1888 of the
“ Intermittent Downward Filtration ” system of sewage disposal. Col.
Warring, of New York, was the engineer selected to inaugurate the
new method. It proved efficient, economical, and in every way satis-
factory. Dr. Bucke published the results far and wide through reports,
addresses and printed papers, with a view to its general adoption by
cities, towns and villages.
The sewage field, of about six acres, fertilized by the trenches into
which the sewage was scattered day by day by a centrifugal pump,
produced abundant crops, the average annual value of which was esti-
mated by him in 1897 at $250 an acre.
No wonder that his reputation not only as an alienist, but also as
an administrator, grew with the years. The theorist and the practical
man of affairs, the scientist and the business manager, were in him com-
bined in a remarkable degree.
He was fortunate in having the hearty co-operation of a staff of
able and loyal assistants. But the impression of his initiative, his
energy, his mastery of detail, his enthusiastic interest in the institution,
was felt in every part of its administration.
18.
Walt Whitman, who visited Bucke in 1880, described his manage-
ment of the insane in the following terms:
“His method is peaceful, uncoercive, quiet, though always firm—
rather persuasive than anything else. Bucke is without brag or bluster.
It is beautiful to watch him at his work — to see how he can handle
176 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
difficult people with such an easy manner. Bucke is a man who enjoys
being busy — likes to do things —is swift of execution — lucid, sure,
decisive. Doctors are not in the main comfortable creatures to have
around, but Bucke is helpful, confident, optimistic—has a way of
buoying you up.”
On the establishment of a Medical Faculty in the Western Uni-
versity, in 1882, Dr. Buèke was appointed Professor of Mental and
Nervous Diseases. His teaching we are assured was invariably satis-
factory to both faculty and students.
In 1891 the Medical Faculty of McGill University paid him the
high compliment of inviting him to deliver the opening lecture for the
year. Its ability and forcefulness were the subject of wide comment
and commendation,
Six years later, he was chosen President of the Psychological
Section of the British Medical Association on the occasion of its meet-
ing at Montreal. This was, perhaps, the most distinguished honour
that could be bestowed upon a specialist in the branch of science to
which he had devoted the best part of his life. It was followed in
1898 by his election to the Presidency of the American Medico-Psycho-
logical Association.
19,
The life of a physician in good practice in a small town is exacting
in its demands, and leaves little time for literary culture. The more
successful he is as a practitioner, the rarer necessarily are his oppor-
tunities for keeping up an adequate acquaintance with the great masters
of the world of letters or with the current thought of the time. To
do so presupposes the literary instinct and training. It calls for an
intellectual equipment beyond the ordinary, careful economy of time,
and great mental energy and resolution. Dr. Bucke was fortunate
in possessing the instinct, the character and the training.
Reference has already been made to books read by him in his
childhood and youth. As already stated, his bent for scientific and
philosophical study manifested itself at an early age.
Buckle, Darwin and Tyndall he read while a medical student.
Jr Paris he had become acquainted with Auguste Comte’s “ Cours de
Philosophie Positive.” Littré’s books upon Comte and the writings
of other positivists deepened the impression produced by the books
mentioned. Herbert Spencer’s works were perused with avidity. On
the scientific and philosophical side, these, and especially Comte’s works,
1 “With Walt Whitman in Camden,” by Horace Traubel. Boston, 1906,
page 448.
[coYNE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 177
were the formative influences in his earlier mental development. At
a later period he became profoundly interested in Francis Bacon, whom
he pronounced “ incontestably the greatest intellect that the race has
produced,” adding, “ His prose is the best in our language.”
But matter-of-fact scientist as Bucke was by inclination and train-
ing, he had also the imaginative faculty developed in a high degree.
Not only in the light, which prism could analyze, whose wave lengths
and velocities could be computed, was he interested, but also in that
ether light that never was on sea or land,” which defies analysis
and calculation.
Shelley, “the poet’s poet,’ was an early favourite. The charm
of the Adonais, the Prometheus and the Epipsychidion, held him to the
last. Tennyson and Browning were read with pieasure. Shake-
speare’s dramas he regarded as “probably the noblest expression of
genius in any language— while his sonnets, to my mind, reach a
spiritual level as high as has ever been attained by man—-as high as
that attained by St. John or by the author of the “ Divine Lay,’?—
the ‘ Bagavad-Gita.”” The passage quoted shows that he had added
to his stores of reading an acquaintance with the sacred books of the
East, and been profoundly impressed with their poetic and spiritual
content.
He possessed a memory for poetry which was the admiration and
envy of his friends. He would repeat with profound appreciation
and appropriate expression the whole of the Adonais or Saul, Tenny-
son’s “ Revenge,” or sonnet after sonnet of Shakespeare, without book
and without a mistake that the hearer could detect. “ Leaves of Grass,”
from beginning to end, he seemed to know by heart.
Dr. Bucke learned German to read Faust in the original, “ and
found the poem worth the labour.” This was followed by others of
Goethe’s works. Goethe was among “the writers who distinctly,
though not markedly,” influenced his mental evolution.
Dr. Bucke was not only an idealist, but a mystic, and the com-
bination of these characteristics with literary culture and the scientific
temperament and training forms an interesting psychological study.
His literary product is the resultant of these forces, working upon an
ardent and energetic nature.
20.
We now come to an event which Dr. Bucke regarded as pivotal
in connection with what he deemed his most important life-work.
In 1867, Dr. Sterry Hunt, visiting Dr. Bucke at Sarnia, mentioned
the name and quoted some verses of Walt Whitman. The effect on
178 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the hearer was instantaneous and lasting. Henceforth his life was
largely influenced by Whitman’s personality and “ Leaves of Grass.”
To this influence may be attributed practically the whole of his literary
product.
In 1868 he procured a copy of W. M. Rossetti’s Selections. In
1870, visiting Dr. Hunt in Montreal, he borrowed the latter’s copy
of the 1855 edition of the Leaves. In 1872 he obtained a copy of the
new edition of 1871. All these volumes as well as Whitman’s later
publications in prose and verse he studied with eagerness. ¢
It was during the early spring of 1872, while in England, that
he passed through an experience known in the nomenclature of
mysticism as illumination. “He and two friends had spent the
evening reading Wordsworth, Shelley, Keats, Browning, and especially
Whitman. They parted at midnight, and he had a long drive in a
hensom (it was an English city). His mind deeply under the influ-
ence of the ideas, images and emotions called up by the reading and
talk of the evening, was calm and peaceful. He was in a state of
quiet, almost passive enjoyment. All at once, without warning of any
kind, he found himself wrapped around as it were by a flame-coloured
eloud. For an instant he thought of fire, some sudden conflagration
in the great city, the next he knew that the light was within himself.
Directly afterwards came upon him a sense of exultation, of immense
joyousness, accompanied or immediately followed by an intellectual
illumination quite impossible to describe. Into his brain streamed
one momentary lightning-flash of the Brahmic-Splendour which has
ever since lightened his life; upon his heart fell one drop of Brahmic
Bliss, leaving thenceforward for always an after taste of heaven.”
The effects were similar in some respects to those of “ conversion.”
“ Among other things he did not come to believe, he saw and knew
that the Cosmos is not dead matter, but a living Presence, that the
soul of man is immortal, that the universe is so built and ordered
that without any peradventure all things work together for the good
of each and all, that the foundation principle -of the world is what
we call love, and that the happiness of every one is in the long run
absolutely certain. He claims that he learned more within the few
seconds during which the illumination lasted than in previous months
or even years of study, and that he learned much that no study could
ever have taught.”
Pile
To this psychical experience may be traced, on Dr. Bucke’s own
authority, the theory elaborated by him in his book, “ Man’s Moral
[coyNnE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 179
Nature” (1879) as to the relation of the great sympathetic nerve to
the moral nature. In it, he says, “he sought to embody the teaching
of the illumination.”
The subject appears to have been first broached by him in a
paper on “ The Functions of the Great Sympathetic Nervous System,”
tead by him at St. Louis in May, 1877, and again in a paper on
“'The Moral Nature and the Great Sympathetic,” read at Washington
in May, 1878, before the Association of Medical Superintendents of
American Institutions for the Insane.
In July, 1877, for the first time, he met and conversed with Walt
Whitman. He called upon the poet at Camden. Of this meeting
he gives a graphic account in the Introduction to “ Calamus,” a collec-
tion of Whitman letters to Peter Doyle, edited by Dr. Bucke, and
published in 1897.
It is too long to transcribe here. But the effect is given in these
words :
“Briefly, it would be nothing more than the simple truth to
state that I was, by it, lifted to and set upon a higher plane of exist-
ence, upon which I have more or less continuously lived ever since—
that is, for a period of eighteen years. And my feeling toward the
man, Walt Whitman, from that day to the present has been, and is,
that of the deepest affection and reverence. All this, no doubt, was
supplemented and reinforced by other meetings, by correspondence
and by readings, but equally certainly it derived its initial and essential
vitality from that first, almost casual contact.”
In a paper published in 1894, referring to the interview, he had
written as follows: “A sort of spiritual intoxication set in which did
not reach its culmination for some weeks, and which, after continuing
some months, very gradually, in the course of the next few years faded
out . . . . it is certain that the hours spent that day with the
poet was the turning point of my life. The upshot of it was the
placing of my spiritual existence on a higher plane.”
Readers of Lucian will remember his description of a somewhat
similar effect produced upon him by the philosopher Nigrinus. Other
instances in sacred and profane literature are by no means infrequent
in cases of men and women of exceptional moral and spiritual elevation.
22.
“Man’s Moral Nature” (1879) is dedicated “ To the man who
inspired it—to the man who of all men, past and present, that I have
known has the most exalted moral nature—to Walt Whitman.”
180 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
In this book he divides the moral nature into two classes of func-
tions: positive, 4.e., love and faith; and negative, i.e., hate and fear.
He finds its physical basis in the great sympathetic nervous system.
The moral nature is not a fixed quantity, but has developed from an
initial stage, with hate and fear predominant, to that in which love
and faith are more and more in evidence. The means by which the
change has been effected have been (1) Natural Selection; (11) Sexual
Selection; (III) Social Life; (IV) Art; (V) Religion. Infinite pro-
gress is the law. “ Hate and fear are dying out. The argument is
that their total extinction is justified. Faith and love are increasing.
Infinite faith and love are justified. . . . . the highest moral
nature is nearest in accord with the truth of things. This is why
we call those men inspired who have the most exalted moral natures,
and those men wise who have exceptionaliy exalted moral natures as
well as superior intellectual natures . . . . religion, morality and
happiness are three names for the same thing — moral elevation.
“This then is the end, the conclusion of the whole matter: Love
all things — not because it is your duty to do so, but because all things
are worthy of your love. Hate nothing. Fear nothing. Have abso-
lute faith. Whoso will do this is wise; he is more than wise — he
is happy.”
It is hardly too much to say that this theory and these conclusions
were the foundation and regulating principles of Dr. Bucke’s conduct.
The facts and reasoning upon which his theory was based are for
the scientist and the philosopher. The author’s presentation is clear,
full and interesting. His theory is put forward as a tentative one,
as the one that seems most in conformity with the facts. The argu-
ment will appear more or less cogent according to the training and
tendencies of him to whom it is submitted. The conclusion, however,
according as it does with the highest and best in man, should meet with
general acceptance. He was an optimist by instinct, by observation,
by reflection, by a varied experience. Appropriately, he prefixes to
the final chapter these lines from Whitman:
“The Lord advances and yet advances;
Always the shadow in front; always the reached hand, bringing
up the laggards.”
23.
After the first interview in 1877, Dr. Bucke made periodical visits
tc the Good Gray Poet. He took the field as his champion and ex-
pounder. Controversy as to the quality and tendency of “ Leaves of
[corne] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 181
Grass ” raged with more or less heat. Bucke rarely assumed the defen-
sive. He was best in attack. His skill as a writer shows itself in
exposition of his theme, in marshalling and massing his facts. Oppos-
ing facts are often left to take care of themselves. The result, as
far as Whitman is concerned, seems to justify the strategy, if such
it can be called. The last word has by no means been said, but,
notwithstanding passages regarded by many as offensive to taste or to
the critical ear, Whitman’s place in the Pantheon is by this time
assured. Criticism accepts “ Leaves of Grass” as a whole, with reserv-
ation of judgment as to details.
In September, 1879, Bucke lectured on Whitman before an Ottawa
audience. In May he wrote the Philadelphia Press a letter entitled,
“The Good Gray Poet.” This was an appellation first used by William
D. O’Connor, in his brilliant defense of Whitman many vears before.
The summer of 1880 was memorable for Whitman’s visit to London
as the guest of Dr. and Mrs. Bucke. He remained four months.
During the summer, the two men made a voyage down the St. Lawrence
as far as the Saguenay and up the latter stream to Chicoutimi and
Ha Ha Bay. Whitman was greatly impressed with the Asylum, its
“ample and charming gardens and lawns,” the religious services, the
demeanour of “the motley, yet perfectly well-behaved and orderly con-
gregation,” the “ Refractory Building,” then under special charge of
Dr. Beemer. Referring to the whole institution, he wrote in his
diarv: “As far as I could see, this is among the most advanced,
perfected, and kindly and rationally carried on, of all its kind in
America. It is a town in itself, with many buildings, and a thou-
sand inhabitants.”
The four months thus spent with Whitman were important in
results. Bucke was resolved to write a biography of the poet. The
latter demurred, objected, was at length overruled, gave consent, and,
indeed, actively co-operated. Bucke put himself in communication
with all whom he thought possessed of information required by him,
including leading writers in Europe and America. The results were a
collection of correspondence unique and valuable, and friendly visits
received and returned.
With Whitman he went to Long Island in 1881 to familiarize him-
self with the former’s early home and its environment. In working
the book into shape valuable aid was rendered by William D. O’Connor,
Mrs. Ann Gilchrist and others, who contributed facts, illustrative
material and incidents.
Although the book was ready in 1881, publication was delayed
owing to difficulty in securing a satisfactory publisher. After various
182 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
suggestions had been made, Osgood of Boston, would appear to have
been his original choice. But Osgood was not in the humour. He
had just then been forced by threats of prosecution by the Attorney-
General of Massachusetts to withdraw from sale his edition of “ Leaves
of Grass.” Early in May, 1882, Bucke wrote O’Connor that Osgood
had declined “ Walt Whitman, a Study.” O’Connor wrote another
scathing letter to the press, defending the “ Leaves.” On the 3rd June,
he wrote Whitman that Bucke had written him “ quite jubilant over
my letter, and telling me the fix I have got his book into, which is
comic as a scene from Molière. You will see the fun, when you know
that he had sent his MS. to Osgood! !”
Whitman, as has been stated, took an active interest in the “ Life.”
His extended and varied experience, as compositor, editor, proof-reader,
business manager, was at Bucke’s disposal, and was invaluable. It
was Whitman who arranged with Gutekunst for proofs of portraits of
his father and mother, the number of copies to be printed and the
price. The first twenty-four pages were written by him.
He suggested names of publishers, and finally, when Osgood
declined the book, it was Whitman who, on 19th February, 1883, with
his own hand drew up the agreement between Dr. Bucke and David
McKay of Philadelphia, for the publication of “Walt Whitman, a
Contemporaneous Study.” The agreement shows Whitman’s business
ability and carefulness in looking after details, and is witnessed by him.
24.
It was under the title, “ Walt Whitman the Man,” that the volume
at last appeared from the press of David McKay.
In the following year, the Glasgow edition appeared with an addi-
tion entitled, “ English Critics on Walt Whitman,” edited by Edward
Dowden, LL.D., Professor of English Literature in the University of
Dublin.
“The book is valuable,” says Ernest Rhys in his introduction to
the volume of Selections from Walt Whitman in the Canterbury Poets,
“not only as an authoritative biography — the standard biography —
but for its collection of contemporary notices and criticisms, European
and American, favourable and the reverse, of ‘Leaves of Grass”? “In
the English list the names of Ruskin, Tennyson, Swinburne, Buchanan,
Symonds, and other leading poets and writers bear unique testimony
to Whitman’s influence.”
In the Introduction, Dr. Bucke asserts that the basic meaning
and value to us of the man, Walt Whitman, and the book Leaves of
[coyNE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 183
Grass, is moral elevation. ‘The true introduction, therefore, to this
volume is the author’s previous work, “ Man’s Moral Nature.” In
that book he has discussed the moral nature in the abstract, pointed out
its physical basis, and shown its historical development; while the
sole object of the present work is to depict an individual moral nature,
perhaps the highest that has yet appeared.”
RD.
“Man’s Moral Nature,” had given Dr. Bucke a status not only
as an original investigator and independent thinker, but as a writer
of talent. It was with general acquiescence therefore that, on the
establishment of the Royal Society of Canada in April, 1882, he was
honoured with selection as one of the original Fellows.
“Walt Whitman the Man” brought him into closer touch with
men of eminence on both sides of the Atlantic. As Whitman’s intimate
friend, authoritative biographer, and redoubtable champion, he was
now become a personage in the literary world.
Among notable literary men and women whose acquaintance he
made and with most of whom he corresponded more or less, may be
here mentioned the following: in France, Gabriel Sarrazin; in Den-
mark, Rudolph Schmidt; in the British Islands, Professors Edward
Dowden of Dublin, and York Powell of Oxford, John Addington
Symonds, William Sharpe, Ann Gilchrist, Herbert H. Gilchrist, H.
Buxton Forman, Edward Carpenter; in the United States, John Bur-
roughs, William D. O’Connor, Oliver Wendell Holmes. Horace I.
Traubel, Robert G. Ingersoll, E. ©. Stedman, Thomas B. Harned,
Minot J. Savage, Sidney Morse the sculptor, Thomas Eakins the
painter, William Sloan Kennedy, Isaac Hull Platt, Oscar Triggs,
Daniel G. Brinton, Henry Howard Furness, Talcott Williams, Francis
Howard Williams, Hamlin Garland, Charles G. Garrison, Laurens
Maynard, Mary A. Livermore, Professor William James. Browning
and Tennyson he met in England.
Lord Tennyson and Walt Whitman carried on a friendly and
even affectionate correspondence for twenty years, until it was termin-
ated by death. A letter of introduction from the American poet was
# sufficient passport to the hospitality of Farringford, where Bucke
spent a delightful afternoon and evening with the Tennysons in the
summer of 1891.
Visitors of note found their way to London, from time to time,
to enjoy the friendly hospitality of Dr. and Mrs. Bucke. Among
these may be specially mentioned Edward Carpenter, who spent some
weeks with them in the summer of 1884.
+
184 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
26.
Dr. Bucke paid many visits to Whitman at Camden. During
cne of these visits, in June, 1888, Whitman was seized with a serious
illness which threatened a fatal termination. Dr. Bucke became his
general medical adviser, and at once placed Dr. William Osler in charge.
Early in 1892, when the old poet’s time for departure was at hand,
Bucke was again at his bedside, although unable to remain until the end.
At the funeral, which was a memorable expression of popular apprecia-
tion and sympathy, the doctor was an honorary pall-bearer. He was
one of the speakers at the grave. By the poet’s will, Richard Maurice
Bucke, Thomas B. Harned and Horace L. Traubel were appointed his
literary executors.
The volume entitled “In Re. Walt Whitman,” published by the
executors in 1893, contains among its many papers articles from Dr.
Bucke’s pen.
A large part of Whitman’s correspondence, MSS. and other papers,
came into his hands, and he devoted himself assiduously to their assort-
ment and to editing portions from time to time, as his other duties
permitted.
The books issued by Bucke under the titles, “ Calamus” (1897),
and “‘ The Wound-dresser ” (1898), are composed of Whitman’s letters
to Peter Doyle and the poet’s mother respectively. “Notes and Frag-
ments,” of which 225 copies were issued for private circulation in
1899, is made up of Whitman’s notes and memoranda, showing the
evolution of “ Leaves of Grass,” almost from the germ.
The Introductions by Dr. Bucke to these three volumes are full
of interest, and of autobiographical as well as biographical value.
Dr. Bucke’s collection of portraits of Whitman is the most com-
plete in existence. His collection of books, pamphlets, MSS., and
bibliographical data relating to the sage of Camden is also probably
unsurpassed.
In Horace Traubel’s book, “ With Walt Whitman in Camden,”
are many references to Dr. Bucke, jotted down by Traubel, from Whit-
man’s table-talk in 1888. They are interesting as indicating Whitman’s
estimate of Bucke’s qualities and friendship.
Referring to Sloane Kennedy, as one of his most ardent admirers,
Whitman added, “ Indeed, he out-Buckes Bucke.”
On another occasion, Bucke’s name being mentioned, he exclaimed:
“ Bucke? O, yes, Bucke! Some one was here the other day and
complained that the Doctor was extreme. I suppose he is extreme —
the sun’s extreme, too; and as for me, ain’t I extreme?”
[coynr } RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 185
Ernest Rhys having “seen Dr. Bucke and Niagara,” Whitman
expressed pleasure, saying, smilingly, “I am proud of both.”
Speaking of his serious illness in June, 1888, Whitman said Bucke
saved his life, “his skill, decision, brotherliness, pulled me ashore.”
And again, “ Osler, too, has his points, big points. But after all the
real man is Dr. Bucke. He is the top of the heap. He has such
a clear head, such a fund of common sense — such steady eyes — such
a steady hand. As you say, Bucke is a scientist, not a doctor; he
has had severe personal experiences — is an expert in questions involv-
ing the mind — is in every sort of way a large man — liberal, devoted,
far-seeing. I especially owe him so much,— Oh, so much.”
A short note from Bucke, he described as “a whiff of fresh air
from the north.” In sending a return message, he added: “ Doctor
is the kingpin.” One day there was no letter from Bucke: “TI get
to look for Bucke as I look for my breakfast,” he said.
27.
In May, 1894, Dr. Bucke read before the American Medico-
Psychological Association in Philadelphia, a paper entitled, “‘ Cosmic
Consciousness.” The thought had been long in his mind. The germ-
inal idea is traceable in his two earlier books, “ Man’s Moral Nature,”
and “ Walt Whitman the Man.”
In August, 1897, as president of the Psychological Section of the
British Medical Association at Montreal, he further developed the
thought in his presidential address on “ Mental Evolution in Man.”
Four years later the result of his researches on the subject was
put before the world in a book entitled “ Cosmic Consciousness ; a Study
in the Evolution of the Human Mind,” of which a limited edition of
500 copies was printed from the type by Innes & Co., of Philadelphia,
in 1901. As a specimen of the book-maker’s art it is worthy of note.
Its dignified format, quarto, on a specially good quality of paper, with
wide margins and large clear-cut type, is an evidence of conscientious
purpose and execution, which is somewhat rare in the age we live in.
The term “ cosmic consciousness ” is derived from the east, signi-
fying an elevated plane of consciousness associated with various psychic
phenomena, including that known as “illumination.” The author
finds it exemplified in fourteen conspicuous instances, including the
founders of the three great religions, and in eleven other persons,
viz.: Plotinus, Dante, Las Casas, John Yepes, Francis Bacon, Jacob
Behmen, William Blake, Honoré de Balzac, Walt Whitman and Edward
Sec. II., 1906. 13
186 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Carpenter. He adds thirty-five cases, “ some of them lesser, imperfect
and doubtful instances.” These include Moses, Gideon, Isaiah, Socra-
tes, Pascal, Spinoza, Swedenborg, Wordsworth, Finney, Pushkin, Emer-
son, Tennyson, Thoreau, Bucke himself and many more. Collecting and
ccmparing their recorded experiences, he finds snfficient data for a
general induction. There are, he thinks, perceptible in the history
of human consciousness, three distinct stages of evolution, simple con-
sciousness, self consciousness and cosmic consciousness. “The prime
characteristic of cosmic consciousness is, as its name implies, a con-
sciousness of the cosmos, that is, of the life and order of the universe.”
With it occur, among other phenomena, an intellectual enlightenment
or illumination, moral exaltation and a quickening of the moral sense,
and withal “a sense of immortality, a consciousness of eternal life,
not a conviction that he shall have this, but the consciousness that
he has it already.” This position he supports by quoting in each case
the words of the original records.
The theory is that this higher form of consciousness is at present
making its appearance in the human race, that the comparatively few
cases cited are forerunners of a time, when by regular and orderly
evolution the whole human race will reach the higher plane, along
which it will proceed on its path of further infinite development.
This conclusion is based upon the fact, which he considers estab-
lished by the records, that there is a progressive increase throughout
human history since the earliest recorded instances in the number of
persons who have attained to cosmic consciousness.
Another physician, who was also a philosopher, Dr. Oliver Wendell
Holmes, hints at such a conclusion, in a remarkable passage in the
< Professor at the Breakfast Table.”
“T think of it,’ he says, referring to a similar intuition in his
own experience and that of others, “as a disclosure of certain relations
of our personal being to time and space, to other intelligences, to the
procession of events, and to their First Great Cause . . . . Jam
disposed to consider our beliefs about such a possible disclosure rather
as a kind of premonition of an enlargement of our faculties in some
future state than as an expectation to be fulfilled for most of us in
this life. Persons, however, have fallen into trances — as did the
Reverend William Tennant, among many others — and learned some
things which they could not tell in our human words.”
Conversion, the ‘
dentalism, are psychological facts pertaining to religion in its higher
manifestations. In “ Cosmic Consciousness” they are subjected by a
‘inner light,” illumination, mysticism, transcen-
{coyNE ] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 187
scientist, who was at the same time a philosopher and a mystic, to
scientific collation and comparison, and to the inductive process of
reasoning.
As a compilation of recorded cases, aside altogether from the
theory based upon them, the book possesses a distinct value and is of
remarkable interest.
The theory itself is attractive. Whether it is borne out by the
facts cited, the reader must decide for himself. It is at any rate
suggestive. As a contribution to the literature of the subject, it occu-
pies a unique place. The ultimate conclusions, if a consensus should
be arrived at, will be of inestimable moment to the human race.
Among other results will be, perhaps, a final reconcilement of the long
struggle between science and religion. ©
28.
In the mountains of Montana, more than a year before the book
went to press, the author's eldest son, Maurice, had been thrown from
his vehicle in a runaway accident, dashed against a rock, and instantly
killed. He was thirty-one years of age, but had already reached
eminence in his profession, that of a mining engineer. A British
Columbia paper described him as “a man of exceptional attainments,
genial, courteous, pure and thoroughly incorruptible.” To the dead
son, the volume is dedicated. There are few more pathetic words in
all literature. "ew sons ever had so noble an epitaph. But the
bitter pain is not the last word. The confident assurance of speedy
reunion sustains and consoles. Then the great mystery of death,
sorrow and suffering, will be solved. ‘ We shall clearly see that all
were parts of an infinite plan, which was wholly wise and good.” Those
who would know the intensity of the religious sentiment which domin-
ated the soul of Richard Maurice Bucke will read the tender and beau-
tiful words of the dedication with admiration as well as sympathy.
According to Bucke, cosmic consciousness is a nascent faculty,
showing itself principally in exalted human personalities, with excep-
tional development of all the ordinary human faculties, with exceptional
physique, beauty of build and carriage, exceptionally handsome features,
exceptional health, exceptional sweetness of temper, exceptional mag-
netism, and exceptional moral nature.
An interesting feature of the book is the manner in which the
author’s expert knowledge of alienism is brought in to illustrate the
development and devolution of function. Devolution being most active
in the latest forms, insanity and genius develop side by side in increas-
188 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
ing ratio, as the natural concomitant of the rapid evolution of mind,
which distinguishes the Aryan race. It is the price we pay for progress.
The possessors of the newer consciousness are not insane. This is
shown by an examination of the distinguishing characteristics of in-
sanity. His treatment of the subject is always frank, sincere and
reverent.
The entire edition of “Cosmic Consciousness ” was sold within
a short time. One of the most eminent authorities, Professor William
James, wrote Dr. Bucke an appreciative letter from which the following
extracts will be of interest:
“T believe that you have brought this kind of consciousness
‘home’ to the attention of students of human nature in a way so definite
end unescapable that it will be impossible henceforward to overlook it,
or ignore it, or pooh-pooh it entirely away. For psychology and
religion, that seems to me a very high service indeed . . . . But
my total re-action on your book, my dear Sir, is that it is an addition
to psychology of first rate importance, and that you are a benefactor
of us all.”
29.
Dr. Bucke, like his friend William D. O'Connor, was a strong
Baconian in the never-ending Shakespeare controversy, and wrote let-
ters and articles on the subject to newspapers and magazines, in 1896
and subsequently. In the fall of 1897 this involved him in a brief
controversy with Mr. Goldwin Smith, begun in the Canadian Magazine
and concluded by Dr. Bucke in the columns of the Toronto Globe. At
the time of his death he had a volume ready for the press dealing
with a new cypher he claimed to have discovered.
30.
Death came suddenly to Dr. Bucke on the 19th February, 1902.
He and Mrs. Bucke had dined and spent the evening with friends in
the city. After dinner, the gentlemen of the party, four in number,
all of them university men, discussed the question of the cyphers and
the Baconian authorship, with special reference to the Doctor’s discovery
of a new cypher. His book was ready for publication, and was to
appear in June, when the particulars would be disclosed. The general
question was debated with friendly freedom. The Doctor, in his cus-
tomary buoyant spirits, was at his best. Argument, illustration, apt
quotation, treasures new and old from the wonderful stores of his
memory, were presented to listeners, who admired whether they agreed
with his conclusions or not.
[coyne] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 189
The party rejoined the ladies for a brief moment before the cutter
called to take him and Mrs. Bucke to their home east of the city.
Addressing one from a neighbouring city, he asked particularly about
her six children, naming each in turn. He had last seen them at
their home five years before. Surprise was expressed at the minute-
ness of his recollection, as he desired to be remembered to the young
people. But it was characteristic of the man to be specially interested
in children, and he did not easily forget them. In a few courteous
words he took leave of host and hostess, and of the other guests.
The night was intensely cold, the sky clear, the moon nearly at
its full, the stars shining with the steely glitter of a Canadian night
in February, the snow crisp under foot. Going out into the night,
he stopped to exclaim in admiration of the beauty of the sky. Driving
home, he spoke of the pleasure the evening had given him, and warmly
of the friends he had met. In a few minutes he was at home, but
could not resist the desire to go out once more to look at the night
and the stars. On the verandah, he dropped lifeless to the floor. And
so, in the prime of vigour, while the eye was not dimmed, nor his
natural force abated, he “ fell on death,” and was reunited to the son,
who had gone before.
31.
{
His decease calied forth many expressions of appreciation and of
sorrow.
The London Free Press, in referring to his death, gave an inter-
esting description of his appearance, which is worth reproducing:
“The Asylum Superintendent was a familiar figure down town.
He was known, at least by sight, to nearly everyone. His personage
was so markedly picturesque as to attract attention. The kindly face,
full of strong character, the flowing beard, streaked with gray and
white, the very build of the well-proportioned, well-preserved man of
sixty odd years, was certain to bring notice. Those who knew Dr.
Bucke were proud of the fact. To know was to admire and esteem.”
Dr. T. J. W. Burgess, in the paper already cited, adds: “In
appearance Dr. Bucke was one of the most picturesque personalities in
the ranks of the American Medico-Psychological Association. His
commanding presence, his massive head, his keen, searching eyes and
prominent nose, his face, every line of which carried the stamp of
intellectual force, his flowing beard covering the négligée woollen shirt,
his silvery locks showing below the broad-brimmed, gray, slouch hat,
and his gray tweeds, made him a strikingly conspicuous and original
figure. His manner was plain but dignified, his language clear, and
190 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
in speaking he attracted the attention of his hearers no less by the
matter of his remarks than by his personal appearance.
“ During his asylum career, Dr. Bucke evinced wonderful ability in
the management of the insane, his constant endeavour being to care for
the interests confided by the Province to his charge intelligently, faith-
fully and economically. As an administrator he had few superiors, and
those who knew him will ever bear witness to his singularly clear
judgment in all relating to hospital affairs. He had long been regarded
as one of the leading authorities on the subject of mental disease, and
his services as an expert were sought in most important cases where
sanity was in question. In these his wide knowledge of medicine and
of human nature always showed to advantage, his Spins always com-
manding the attention and respect alike of judge and jury.”
“Sadly shall we miss the sight of his picturesque, Whitmanic sae
and face full of strong character, the sound of his bluff, cheery voice,
and the hearty grasp of his hand — and not one of us but will fervently
echo the wish— ‘O, for the touch of a vanished hand, and the sound
of a voice that is still.’ ”
“By his demise Canada has lost one of her foremost minds, this
Association one of its most valued members, and, saddest of all, his
family a devoted husband and father. Peace to his ashes.” “ He rests
from his labours, and his works do follow him.”
In a paper published in the American Journal of Insanity, Dr.
Burgess adds: “It is impossible to judge him by ordinary standards,
so great a part did individuality play in his make-up :
Whatever this remarkable man did, he did with his whole soul, Ae no
ene ever dreamed of attacking his sincerity of purpose, no matter how
violently they differed from his conclusions . . . . In daily life
he was simple, direct and honest, and loved nature as such a man is
likely to do. The happiest days of each year were those spent at his
summer retreat at Gloucester Pool in Muskoka.”
32.
Traubel mentions a conversation with Whitman, in which the latter
described Bucke’s optimism in the following words:
“ Bucke has an immense faith in the people at large — immense —
in civilization, in modern mechanical devices — miracles of power.”
“Do you say,” asked Traubel, “that Bucke‘has more faith in the
people than you have?” “T think he has,” was the reply, “ Bucke
is an optimist — thoroughly so, without qualification or compromise —
so are you—- but I could hardly call myself that in the strictest sense
of the word.”
[coyNE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 191
An optimist he was in the fullest sense of the word. He radiated
peace and happiness. He made many friends and kept them. Whether
at home in the beautiful grounds surrounding the great institution,
which he administered with such signal success, or at “ Liberty Hall,”
his summer island-residence in Gloucester Pool, his domestic life was
ideal in its simplicity, its sincerity, its atmosphere of affection, ease
and joyous freedom.
“He was a man, take him for all in all
“We shall not look upon his like again.”
192 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Including Books, Pamphlets, Lectures, Addresses, and Letters, (as far as at
present ascertainable).
1862.
The Correlation of the Vital and Physical Forces. A Prize Thesis for the
Degree of Doctor of Medicine and Master of Chirurgery, defended
before the Medical Faculty of McGill University, Montreal, May 2,
1862. By R. Maurice Bucke.
(Printed in pamphlet form from the British American Journal.)
1877.
The Functions of the Great Sympathetic Nervous System. By R. M. Bucke,
M.D., Medical Superintendent of the Asylum for the Insane, London,
Ontario.
Read before the Association of Medical Superintendents of Ameri-
can Institutions for the Insane, held at St. Louis, Mo., May 1877.
1878.
The Moral Nature and the Great Sympathetic. Read before the Association
of Medical Superintendents of American Asylums for the Insane at
Washington D. C., May, 1878.
1879.
Man’s Moral Nature. An Essay. By Richard Maurice Bucke, M.D., Med-
ical Superintendent of the Asylum for the Insane, London, Ontario,
pp. XIII. 200.
‘New York, G. P. Putnam’s Sons. Toronto, Ont. Willing &
Williamson.
Lecture on Walt Whitman. Delivered at Ottawa, Ont., Sept. 12, 1879, re-
ported in Ottawa Free Press, Sept. 13.
1880.
“The Good Gray Poet.” Letter to the Philadelphia Press, May 7, 1880.
Alcohol in Health and Disease. London, Wm. Bryce, 1880. (Read in an in-
complete state before the Dominion Medical Association at London
10 Sept., 1879, published next morning in the Daily Advertiser, and
reprinted twice in England).
“Reply.” Letter to the New York Times Nov. Ist. (A reply to E. C. Sted-
man’s article on “ Walt Whitman,” in Scribner’s for November).
1882.
“Walt Whitman,” published in the “Family Circle,’ May.
“Leaves of Grass Suppressed.” Letter to the Springfield Republican, May
23rd.
[cornE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 193
1883.
Twenty-Five Years Ago. By R. M. Bucke. Overland Monthly, June, pp.
553-560.
(An account of his experiences in crossing the Sierra Nevada
in November and December 1857).
Walt Whitman. By Richard Maurice Bucke, M.D. Author of ‘‘Man’s
Moral Nature.” pp. 236.
Published by David McKay, 23 South Ninth Street, Philadelphia.
Republished with addition entitled: ‘English Critics on Walt Whitman,”
Edited by Edward Dowden, LL.D., Professor of English Literature
in the University of Dublin, pp. 255.
Wilson & McCormick, Glasgow, 1884.
1888.
On the Humboldt. Written for the Advertiser by R. M. Bucke M. D. [Note.
Though told in the form of fiction, the experience detailed in Dr.
Bucke’s story is literally true, being an incident in the earlier life
of the author.—Editor, Advertiser]. London Advertiser, Jan. 28, 1888.
1889.
Walt Whitman, “ Magazine of Poetry.” Buffalo. January.
1890.
Leaves of Grass and Modern Science. ‘‘The Conservator,” Philadelphia, May.
Sanity. By R. M. Bucke M.D. Read at the 44th annual meeting of the As-
sociation of Medical Superintendents of American Institutions for
the Insane held at Niagara Falls, June 10-13, 1890.
(From American Journal of Insanity, July, 1890. Utica, INDE),
Walt Whitman and Colonel Ingersoll. “The Conservator.” Philadelphia,
October.
1891.
The Value of the Study of Medicine. Introductory lecture before the Medical
Faculty of McGill College, Montreal.
(London Advertiser, Oct. 1, 1891. The Globe, Toronto, Oct. 2,
1891).
1892.
The Origin of Insanity. Address before the Association of Medical Super-
intendents of Insane Asylums of North America at Washington D. C.
May 7, 1892. (Toronto Globe, May 9, 1892).
1893.
In Re. Walt Whitman: Edited by his Literary Executors, Horace L. Traubel,
Richard Maurice Bucke, Thomas B. Harned. Published by the
Editors through David McKay 23 South Ninth Street Philadelphia
1893, pp. X. 452.
(Limited and numbered edition of 1000 copies).
This volume contains among many articles the three following
by Richard Maurice Bucke:
194 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
THE MAN WALT WHITMAN. pp. 57-71.
LEAVES OF GRASS AND MODERN SCIENCE. pp. 249-251.
WALT WHITMAN AND THE COSMIC SENSE. pp. 329-347.
Also translations of foreign critiques as follows:
WALT WHITMAN, Karl Knorte: Translated from the German by Alfred Forman
and Richard Maurice Bucke, pp. 215-230.
WALT WHITMAN, THE POET OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY, Rudolph Schmidt:
Translated from the Danish by R. M. Bain and Richard Maurice Bucke,
pp. 231-248.
WALT WHITMAN, T. W. Rolleston: Translated from the German by Alfred For-
man and Richard Maurice Bucke, pp. 285-295.
1894.
Cosmic Consciousness. “The Conservator.” Philadelphia, May, June, 1894.
Cosmic Consciousness. A paper read before the American Medico Psycholog-
ical Association Philadelphia 18 May 1891 by Dr. R. M. Bucke.
“Light rare, untellable, lighting the very light.” Philadelphia, “ The
Conservator.” 1894, (pamphlet), pp. 18.
Memories of Walt Whitman.
Walt Whitman Fellowship Papers, 6, pp. 35-45, Sept., 1894.
(Read at the Organization Meeting of the Fellowship at Reisser’s,
Philadelphia, May 31st, 1894.)
1895.
Was Whitman Mad? ‘The Conservator.” Philadelphia, June:
“Jcurnal of Hygiene,’ Sept.
WAS WALT WHITMAN MAD? [Read for Dr. Bucke, who was not present, by
Thomas B. Harned. Afternoon Session, Annual Meeting, May 31st.]
Walt Whitman Fellowship Papers, Second Year: 9 pp. 22-30 |
The pro. of Walt Whitman. ‘“ The Conservator,’ Philadelphie, Octcber 1895.
1896.
Mr. Fawcett’s Objections. “The Conservator,’ Philadelphia. Jan. 1896.
Notes on the Text, &c. “The Conservator,’ Philadelphia, May, June, Aug.
1896.
Letter to the London, Ont., Daily News, Sept. 23, 1896, on the Bacon-Shake-
speare Question.
1897.
Memories of Walt Whitman (2).
Walt Whitman Fellowship Papers, May 1897. Third Year: 10, pp.
35-42.
[Read at the annual meeting of the Walt Whitman Fellowship,
Boston, May 31, 1896.]
Shakespeare or Bacon. The proof (partly from a just discovered anagram)
that the real author of the so-called ‘ Shakespeare” drama was
Francis Bacon. Canadian Magazine, Sept. 1897.
[coyNE] RICHARD MAURICE BUCKE—A SKETCH 195
Mental Evolution in Man. An address delivered at the opening of the Section
of Psychology at the 65th annual meeting of the British Medical As-
sociation at Montreal, Aug. 31st to Sept. 4th, 1897. By R. M. Bucke,
M.D. |
(Abstract from advance sheets of the British Medical Journal
printed in the Journal of the American Medical Association, Chi-
cago, Oct. 23, 1897). ;
Letter to the Globe, Dec. 25, 1897, in rejoinder to Mr. Goldwin Smith, who had
replied in the Canadian Magazine for Dec. 1897, under the caption
“Not Dead Yet,’ to Dr. Bucke’s paper in the September number, on
the Shakespeare-Bacon controversy.
Calamus. A Series of Letters written during the years 1867-1880 by Walt
Whitman to a young friend (Peter Doyle). {
‘ Edited with an Introduction by Richard Maurice Bucke, M.D.
one of Whitman’s Literary Executors, pp. VIII. 173.
. Published by Laurens Maynard at 287 Congress Street in Boston
| MDCCCXCVII.
The Story of the Care of the Insane in Ontario (forming part of Report of
the Superintendent of the London Asylum for 1897).
Discovery of the Comstock. The True Particulars as Told by Dr. Bucke.
A Remarkable Adventure in which he figured. A mistaken version
in the New York Sun, corrected. The sad fate of Dr. Bucke’s com-
panions in his Mining Days.
Interview in the London Advertiser of 16 Dec. 1897.
1898.
Walt Whitman Man and Poet.
“National Magazine,’ Boston, April 1898. ‘‘Cosmopolis,” June
1898.
A Short History of Sewage Disposal at the Asylum for the Insane, London,
Ontario. A paper read before the Ontario Association of Executive
Health Officers at the Ottawa Convention.
“The Canadian Engineer,” Oct. 1898, pp. 155-156.
The Wound Dresser. A Series of Letters written from the Hospitals in
Washington during the War of the Rebellion. By Walt Whitman.
Edited by Richard Maurice Bucke, M.D. One of Whitman’s Liter-
ary Executors, pp. x. 201. Boston: Small, Maynard & Company, 1898.
Surgery among the Insane in Canada. By R. M. Bucke, M.D., President of the
Medico-Psychological Association,
Presidential Address before the American Medico-Psychological
Association at St. Louis, May 10, 1898.
(Reprint from American Journal of Insanity, Vol. IV. No. I, 1898).
1899.
.
Portraits of Walt Whitman. By R. M. Bucke, (illustrated by 24 portraits).
New England Magazine, March 1899.
Notes and Fragments: Left by Walt Whitman and now edited by Dr. Richard
Maurice Bucke, one of his Literary Executors, pp. 211.
Printed for Private Distribution Only. (225 copies), 1899.
Letter to the Globe, Toronto, Nov. 7, 1899, on Ignatius Donnelly’s alleged dis-
covery of a cypher in the inscription on Shakespeare’s grave.
196 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
1900.
The Evolution of the Human Intellect. Address in the First M. E. Church.
Terre Haute, Indiana, 29 May, 1900.
(Terre Haute Gazette, May 30, 1900).
Two Hundred Operative Cases. Insane Women. By Richard M. Bucke, M.D.
Reprinted from Proceedings of the American Medico-Psychologi-
eal Association. Richmond, Va. 1900.
1901.
-
How shall we dispose of our sewage? ‘The Dietetic and Hygienic Gazette, a
Monthly Journal of Physiological Medicine, New York, Apr., 1901.
pp. 193-4.
Cosmic Consciousness: A Study in the Evolution of the Human Mind, Edited
by Dr. Richard Maurice Bucke, pp. XVIII. 318.
(Limited edition of 500 copies printed from the type).
Innes & Sons, Philadelphia, 1901. (A new edition was issued
in 1906).
SECTION II., 1906. [197] Trans. R. S. C.
III —Fleury ie The First Printer at Montreal.
By R. W. McLacrLÂÀN.
Honorary Curator of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Montreal.
(Communicated by Dr. S. E. Dawson, and read May 23, 1906.)
PREFACE.
When I commenced this memoir of Montreal’s first printer it was
simply to give such a short sketch as I had deducted from a few
documents that, I may state, almost accidentally came into my hands.
But, after having started, fresh documents were unearthed; each of
which shed some new light, not only on the subject in hand, but on
the history of Canada. I have, therefore, thought well to reproduce
the whole herewith as well as the titles in full of all books and other
publications printed by Mesplet, as far as they can be authenticated by
existing examples in inventories, in advertisements or elsewhere.
I would express my indebtedness and thanks to those who so kindly
replied to my inquiries and otherwise helped in this memoir. To
Judge L. W. Sicotte I am more especially indebted for access to his
almost unique library of rare Canadiana and for transcriptions of the
imprints in the library of the late Mr. Justice Baby. To Messrs. E. Z.
Massicotte, and Charles Adélard Gareau of Montreal for timely help
in securing manuscripts otherwise unknown to me. To Abbé Camille
Roy of Université Laval, Quebec, for the titles of some twelve Mesplet
imprints in the University library as well as most helpful comments
in respect to these publications. To Mr. Cyrille Tessier a bibliophilist
of some importance for the titles of two unique factums. To Messrs.
L. P. Sylvain of the Library of Parliament, and Benjamin Sulte of
Ottawa, for kindly advice and pointers regarding books. To Dr. A.
G. Doughty, Canadian Archivist, for transcriptions of documents, and
to Messrs. Herbert Putnam, Librarian of Congress; Ruben G. Thwaits,
Secretary of the Historical Society of Wisconsin, and more especially
te J. W. Jordan, Librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
for transcriptions and photographs of Mesplet’s imprints not to be
found elsewhere.
I trust that this work may prove helpful to collectors of Canadian
books and students of Canadian history.
198 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
FLEURY MESPLET, THE FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL.
Printing, it may be claimed, was introduced into Canada in three
well defined instalments; all truly original, catering, as they did, for
widely divergent classes as well as sections of the country. Each in
its own way is a record making epoch, as it marked the beginning of—
aye, rather introduced the means of awakening — literary instincts
amongst those of different thoughts and aspirations.
The first of these dates back to 1751, when Bartholomew Green,
son of the man who printed the first American newspaper, came from
Boston and set up a press in Halifax, the newly founded capital of
Nova Scotia. He died a few months after his arrival, but his place
was taken by John Burshell who, in March, 1752, commenced the
Halifax Gazette, the first Canadian newspaper. :
The second of these epochs was introduced by the firm of Brown
& Gilmore, which came from Philadelphia in 1764, and opened up
an establishment in Quebec, to print the Quebec Gazette, and other
official matter for the government organized under British auspices.
As this publication set out more especially to supply the English ele-
ment and British interests, although printed in both languages, the
French being mainly translations, the whole tone was English in idiom
and thought.
The third introduction, notwithstanding having come twenty-five
years later than the first, was even more important for ever since, nay,
even some years before they came under British rule, the “new sub-
jects,” as they were then called, had been altogether isolated from
La Mère patrie. In the meantime, having been accorded a greater
measure of liberty than they had hitherto enjoyed, they began to
develop in a different direction. Thus the two French-speaking peo-
ples grew wider and wider apart so that, after sixteen years of this
separation, the Canadian section was found without an indigenous liter-
ature —it never had a press of its own—voicing its own thoughts
and aspirations, or the means of developing and recording such ten-
dencies. Thus it was, that, when Mesplet came to Montreal and set
up his press, although under the auspices of the high priest of their
erstwhile enemies — the hated Bastonnais — he, as one speaking their
own language and one who could reproduce in print their own senti-
ments, was welcomed by the people with open arms.
Although very little has been recorded of Mesplet’s early history,
yet, having come across a number of documents bearing on his sojourn
in Canada and the difficulties with which he had to contend as a pioneer
printer out of sympathy with the government, I reproduce them here
[M‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 199
with such conclusions and chronological sequences as I have been able
to deduce therefrom. ;
Fleury Mesplet was born in the Parish of St. Nizier, diocese of
Lyon, in France, about the year 1735. His father’s name was Jean
Baptiste Mesplet, and his mother’s Marie Antoinette Capeau. There
are four parishes of St. Nizier in the diocese of Lyon, one in the
city and three in the country. The latter are known by sub-names, |
as St. Nizier d’Azergues, St. Nizier de Formas, and St. Nizier sous
Charlier. As none of these sub-titles are mentioned, we may conclude
that Mesplet’s birthplace was in the City of Lyon, where he received
a good (common school) education sufficient to fit him for his chosen
trade; that afterwards he was apprenticed to that trade, and that in
due course he became a capable printer.
As Mesplet did not marry until he began to be about thirty years
of age, we may conclude that, it was during his bachelor days, while
meeting in secret with others of his own craft, he became saturated
with the republican ideas that then prevailed in France; which ideas
were believed to be a cure-all for the distress caused by misgovernment.
As the church was intimately connected with, or rather formed part
of the government, it became involved in the same condemnation; there-
fore Mesplet, following the lead of his companions, became not only.
a republican, but an open free thinker; which belief, or rather unbelief
clung to him for many years afterwards.
It was, at least, as late as 1765, that he married Marie Mirabeau,
then a girl of eighteen, who, although twelve years his junior, proved
a good and faithful wife during his wanderings and under his many
vicissitudes of fortune. From this union there does not appear to
have sprung any children, as none are referred to in his later history.
Some eight years after his marriage his dissatisfaction with the
political and commercial outlook in France led him to seek success else-
where; whether before this he had launched out as a master printer
it is so far not known. In any case the incapacity of the government
of Louis XVI was such, and the taxation imposed had become so oppres-
sive and repressive as to bring France to the verge of bankruptcy and
make it almost impossible for an honest workman to earn a living.
Mesplet determined therefore to migrate. Avoiding the French colonies,
in which he feared that similar oppression and repression prevailed,
he struck out for London and landed there not later than early in
1773, where he set up his press at an address near Covent Garden.
From this press was issued “La Louisiane ensanglantée,’ a book of
about 200 pages, written by! Chevalier de Champigny. This is the
1 See appendix A, No. 1.
200 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
first of his known imprints and the only one extant emanating from
London.
As a stranger speaking a foreign tongue he did not secure a
remunerative patronage in London, so, together with others of his self-
exiled compatriots, attracted by Franklin’s championship of the cause
of the American Colonies, and his republican and free-thought senti-
ments, he sought an interview with the American statesman, to inquire
regarding the prospects of success and the enjoyment of liberty in
America, and was advised to try Philadelphia. Franklin, the real leader
of the revolt of the thirteen colonies, at once became convinced of the
advantage of securing the services of a French printer, in sympathy
with the revolutionary movement, ready, when occasion required, to
send into the Province of Quebec to influence its people by press
and precept, although alien in race and language, to cast in their
lot with this movement, and thus, by extinguishing British rule in
America, make the new order a continental congress indeed.
Fortified with a letter from Franklin to Congress, Mesplet, towards
the close of 1773, or the beginning of 1774, set sail for Philadelphia
with his wife and his printing outfit. There he settled down to business
and rented a house belonging to Anthony Benezet 1 at $112 per annum.
He formed a partnership with someone who evidently furnished the
necessary capital, but whose name is not recorded, and set up as a
master printer. It is not clear whether he hired space for his type
and press and used the same printing office as Miller,? or had his press-
work done there, for Berger writes that his type was at this printer’s,
and that he had paid him $176 (due either for space or press-work) 2
Through the letter of introduction from Franklin he was commis-
sioned by the Continental Congress in 1774, to print a sixteen page
pamphlet, addressed “Aux Habitants de la province de Québec.” 4
Whatever other orders he may have received from Congress or from
the citizens of Philadelphia during that year they did not appear to
1He was a son of Etienne Benezet who came from France early in the
18th century and carried on a successful business in Philadelphia. Anthony
was a strong abolitionist and published a. number of works against negro
slavery. He befriended printers, especially those from his native country.
*The Miller here referred to (Heinrich Mueller) held towards the (Ger-
man population of Philadelphia of which there was a considerable number,
a somewhat similar position as did Mesplet to the French. Their interests
were therefore not likely to clash even though they occupied the same build-
ing. One of Miller’s imprints is shown on a book described in the “ Biblio-
graphy of the Algonquin Languages,” J. C. Pilling, Washington, 1891, page
544. When Philadelphia was captured in 1777, Miller hid his presses but
they were discovered and carried to New York and were used for printing
British Proclamations.
* See appendix C No. 1.
* See appendix A No. 2.
[M‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 201
be sufficient for his encouragement. No doubt the old English, as well
as colonial, antipathy for the French remained and so stood in his
way that he was unable to secure a remunerative run of customers.
Therefore, early in 1775, perhaps in January, but in any case not later
than February, he started hurriedly on a prospecting journey to Quebec,
leaving his wife behind and his affairs in Philadelphia in a most un-
satisfactory state. Through exposure to the cold during the tedious
winter’s journey he fell sick which, together with his embarrassed finan-
cial condition and the suspicion with which he, as a Frenchman, was
looked upon by the British authorities, caused him much pain and
uneasiness.
On the 29th of March Charles Berger wrote from Philadelphia a
most friendly letter! expressing the greatest interest in his welfare,
while at the same time upbraiding him for not at least saying good-by
before leaving, and also for not having settled with his former partner.
He had found it necessary to secure the type at Miller’s by paying the
amount due him, and to secrete it, together with his other effects; so
that they should be safe from threatened seizure by the partner. Berger
also paid a quarter’s rent due by Mesplet which, with the amount paid
to Miller and other debts, came to a total of $350. In this letter he
expressed a hope that Mesplet might be able to make arrangements with
some one at Quebec to supply sufficient capital to set up a successful
printing office there, promising in a most friendly spirit, to forward
his printing plant as well as his wife to Quebec, or to honour his draft
for funds necessary for his return trip. Further, he asked Mesplet
to learn all he could regarding the sentiments of the Canadians towards
the separation movement from Great Britain, for which, as the letter
claims, his superior intelligence rendered him well fitted. It will thus
be seen that Mesplet had deeper ends in view than setting up a press
in Quebec.
It seems he was not successful in his efforts to find a capitalist
ready to set him up, and no doubt found the people either ignorant of
or indifferent to the benefits set forth in the republican propaganda to
the south. In any case he did not remain long in Quebec, for he had
again started printing in Philadelphia before the close of 1775,? as it
would have been difficult for him to get through the lines after the
breaking out of hostilities, we may conclude that he had reached
Philadelphia not later than June or July.
*See appendix C No. 1.
7 See appendix A Nos. 3-6.
Sec. I1., 1906. i4
202 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Now, did Mesplet print a book when at Quebec in 1775, as is’
claimed by Gagnon.t This seems altogether impossible, for the very
good reason that Mesplet’s stay in Quebec was not sufficiently prolonged
to undertake any extensive work, and then he had no type or press
with him. The incorrect attribution by Gagnon of the book, “ Cantiques
de Marseille,’ dated 1776 at Quebec ? to the year 1775—of which more
later on — will account for the error.
As Mesplet had to pass through Montreal on his way to and from
Quebec he had an opportunity of seeing and learning something of the
place that was to be the arena of his future labours as a printer. There
most likely he secured an order from the Seminary of Montreal for
the first edition of “ Règlement de la Confrérie de l’adoration perpétu-
elle,” * which order he executed on his return to Philadelphia; but,
fearing complications, suppressed his imprint. The “ Nouvelle édition,
revue, corrigée et augmentée,” * has long been classed as the first book
printed in Montreal, although some collectors are inclined to pass back
the honour to the first edition; but it seems hardly possible that two
editions of a book of this kind could have been printed within the
short space of six months. Then they seem to have been set up from
different fonts of type, for the first edition contains a number of var-
ieties of ornamental dividing lines, all differing from the single variety
that occurs in the second edition. The only other alternative is that this
first edition was printed at Quebec, or France as is claimed by Dionne.®
But neither of these alternatives seems probable; the first because there
would be no reason for suppressing the imprint, and in the second,
because the importation of books from France was prohibited.
Shortly after he had resumed operations in Philadelphia he entered
into partnership with his friend, C. Berger. One publication bears
his own imprint alone,* two are without imprints;7 one of these having
been printed by an “ Imprimeur Ambulant,” while the Règlement Mili-
taire,” for which, by resolution of Congress, dated 23rd of February,
1776, he was paid $44,° was in his first work in partnership with Berger.
This partnership continued until September, 1778, when the name C.
Berger disappears from the imprints.
1Hssai de Bibliographie Canadienne, P. Gagnon, Quebec, 1895, page 102.
See appendix A 10.
#Ibid No. 6.
*See appendix A No. 8, also Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada.
Second Series Vol. X. part 2, page 18. :
5 Ibid.
“See appendix A No. 4.
T See appendix A Nos. 3 and 5.
“See appendix A No. 6.
See appendix D No. 19.
-{w‘LacHLAN]) FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 208
In the instructions of Congress, issued February, 1776, appointing
commissioners to Canada, it was especially stipulated that a printer
should be sent with them to establish a free press in the country.
Samuel Chase, one of the commissioners, was detailed to confer with
Fleury Mesplet about undertaking this work; and he, without much
hesitation, accepted the engagement, as he states in his answers to
questions by Congress, “with as much the more pleasure as it was
promised me that I would receive every satisfaction and regard that
my services would deserve.” To this acceptance the only conditions
he attached were, that one hundred dollars should be advanced to enable
him to cancel his lease, and that his expenses should be paid to Montreal.
After this a committee of Congress was appointed, consisting of John
Hancock, the president; Mr. Thompson, the secretary, and Benjamin
Franklin, to examine as to Mesplet’s fitness for such a duty. The ex-
amination having proved satisfactory $200 was voted by Congress on
the 26th of February “to defray the expence of transporting him,
his family and his printing utensils to Canada”? This arrangement
having been accepted, Mesplet had to hurry up his preparations. He
engaged a fellow-countryman, named Alexandre Pochard, whom he
styles “ Homme de lettres,” as editor of the proposed newspaper, two
journeymen printers named John Gray and Mr. Hearse, and a servant-
man. As Congress provided no money for carrying on the operations
of Mesplet’s press he, if he were expected to do things right when in :
Montreal, required a good working capital. So he, being unable to
find accommodation, elsewhere, again had recourse to his friend Berger,
who had saved him from financial embarrassment the previous year.
Berger evidently seems to have been a man of means, for, notwithstand-
ing his past advances, he put up £1,000 Pennsylvania currency, equal
to $2,666—a ‘goodly capital for a printing oitice of those days—besides
purchasing a supply of new type, 180 reams of paper, and other requi-
sites to the value of $786; over and above these amounts was $560 for
money advanced to pay Mesplet’s debts, making a total of $4,000 of
Berger’s capital in the concern. The only condition called for by
Berger in his partnership agreement was that it should be on a limited
basis with the proviso that he receive ten per cent interest on this
amount whether the business proved profitable or not.®
All this goes to show Berger’s continued and deep personal friend-
ship for Mesplet as well as belief in his ability to carry on successfully
a printing and publishing business in Canada; and further, confidence,
+See Appendix D No. 35.
* Ibid. Nos. 29 and 35.
# See appendix F No. 53. ad
204 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
on the part of both, in the good faith and in the power of Congress and
its commissioners to win over the Canadians and to retain possession
of Canada. But this turned out as Franklin’s one notable diplomatic
failure. That diplomacy which had secured the adhesion of all the
thirteen colonies and at a later date the active sympathy of France
proved powerless to move the passive indifference of the Canadians.
Such was Mesplet’s confidence in the ultimate success of the revolt
of the thirteen colonies that, after accepting their commission as Can-
adian printer, he invested not only the whole of his free capital, but
the money realized from the sale of part of the stock of books he had
on hand, in continental currency; believing, as he claims, these bills
to have been “as good as the banks of England or Vienna.”? But
this was a true case of misplaced confidence, for they turned out to
be a total loss, as the greater part of them are entered in his post-
mortem inventory as of no value.
By the 18th of March, 1776, Mesplet started from Philadelphia
with the whole of his belongings loaded on five waggons. He and his
party, which consisted of six persons, arrived at Lake George on the
8th of April, where they had to wait eight days until his goods arrived,
and been loaded on the five bateaux, he had secured at his own expense,
for crossing Lake George and pursuing his course down Lake Cham-
plain and the Richelieu river. He claims that on account of the
portages his expenses were very great, far exceeding the paltry hundred
dollars voted by Congress. As this was the time of spring high water
his “pilotes ” as he calls them, decided to run the rapids to Chambly
and thus save him the longer land haul from St. Johns. But, through
the fault of these pilots, his bateaux shipped much water in the
rapids and were so nearly swamped, that most of his fine paper and
books, together with his wife’s wearing apparel and some of his own,
were irretrievably ruined.? Although he reached Chambly on the 22nd
of April he did not get to Montreal until the 6th of May. On his
arrival, he, with wife, staff and servant, put up at a tavern, where they
remained eleven days, at an expense of $1.07 each per day, or $70 in
all, while premises were being leased, furnished and fitted up as a
printing office. It was therefore not until the 18th of May, just two
months after setting out from Philadelphia, that he was ready for
business.
Where did this house, fitted up as Montreal’s first printing establish-
ment, stand? An imprint gives the address as “ près le marché,” and
a document more fully expresses it as “ demeurant en cette ville rue
2)
1See appendix D. No. 34.
3 ]bid. D. No. 34. ”
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 208
Capital.” * This street, wide enough at the time it was opened up,
but now considered a narrow lane, parallel with and between St. Paul
Street and the river front, extends from St. Sulpice (St. Joseph) to
St. Francois Xavier Streets; crossing in its course the Market Place,
now Place Royale. We may therefore conclude that this house stood
on or near the site now occupied by the Sailors Institute. The place
was fitted up, part as a book store, part as a dwelling, with the garret
as the printing room. Here Mesplet remained, from all we can make
out, until May, 1788, when he transferred the scene of his labours to
44 Notre Dame Street, near the Recollet monastery, which stood between
St. Helen and St. Peter Streets.
But before he was ready for work his patron, Franklin, had
departed, convinced of the failure of his mission. The other commis-
sioners remained until the 29th of May to close up affairs; and by
the 10th of June the Continental army had evacuated Montreal, leaving
many unpaid debts behind, besides the worthless continental currency
with which the country had been flooded. Mesplet having all his
capital locked up in his type and presses and this same continental
currency, found it impossible to get away, and probably feeling more
ut home and more hopeful of succeeding among a people speaking his
own language, decided to remain and with his staff continue the business.
But no sooner had the “loyalists” returned to Montreal than they
began so to regard Mesplet with such suspicion that, on the 18th of
June, he and the whole of his party were arrested, as sympathizers
with the rebels, and detained in prison for twenty-six days. During
this imprisonment he was subjected to all sorts of indignities.’
On the 14th of July, having been released, he was again ready
for business, but the issue of a newspaper had to be postponed, for Mr.
Pochard became so disgusted with the unceremonious treatment and
imprisonment to which he had been subjected, determined to leave the
country. He demanded compensation for his time since he had been
engaged in Philadelphia and the cost of his passage to France, which
items Mesplet had to meet to the extent of $160.2 This proved an
unfortunate occurrence for, while delaying the issue of the proposed
paper for two whole years, it brought Mesplet under the questionable
influence of the new editor, an influence that did not conduce to his
political or moral advancement in the new atmosphere in which he
found himself.
1 See appendix E 56.
?2See appendix D No. 33.
5Ibid Nos. 33 and 42.
206 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Although Mesplet complains that most of his paper was destroyed
by water, when he ran the rapids between St. Johns and Chambly,
and that he had to wait in idleness, for paper ordered from London,
until the spring of 1777, we have the titles of three books, one of them
a bulky volume of 600 pages, printed during the latter half of 1776.
Besides these a number of others are mentioned in the first inventory,
some of which were, no doubt, printed during this period.’
It was early during the latter half of 1776 that the second edition
of “ Règlement de la Confrérie,” the first book printed in Montreal,
was issued for and on account of the Seminary of St. Sulpice? <A
number of copies were found some years ago among the archives of
the Notre Dame Street house of that institution, where they had lain
ever since they had been printed. Although perfect, they were only
bound in wall paper, which goes to confirm Mesplet’s claim that his
fine paper was destroyed on his way to Montreal. “ Jonatas et David
: Tragédie,” is the title of another work, printed for the
Seminary of Montreal. As it was to be played by the students of the
seminary, we may conclude it was written by one of the members of
the order, and as such is the first Canadian dramatic work printed in
Canada. It is also claimed to have been the first work printed in
Montreal, but this is unlikely, for, as the play would not be given until
the long winter evenings, it would not be wanted until late in the year.
Therefore the “ Règlement ” still holds priority.
Now, regarding the third of the books printed by Mesplet during
his first year in Canada—‘ Cantiques de Marseille,’* a reprint of a
French Hymn Book— which claims on its title page to have been
printed at Quebec, and which, as is shown above, Gagnon claimed to
have been printed during the visit of 1775. Was it printed at Quebec?
We have no other evidence that Mesplet did printing at Quebec.
Is it likely that he packed up his presses and type and moved down
to Quebec, printed a book of over 600 pages there, and then moved
back to Montreal in little more than five months? Does it not seem
more probable that the Quebec imprint was used with the view of
securing the printing of the Quebec religious institutions? Mesplet
believed they would prefer a printer who, by his language, was better
qualified to do their work. This view is confirmed by an advertisement
on the reverse of one of the preliminary pages by which Mesplet and
Berger announced that they were prepared to print religious books for
1See appendix B Nos. 8-15.
? Appendix A No. 8.
2 Tbid No. 9.
*Thid No. 10.
[M‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 207
the Quebec trade with neatness and despatch, and asked for the patron-
age of those interested in the dissemination of such literature.
In 1777 Mesplet printed his first A/manach, the first Latin pub-
lication appearing in Canada,” the first book in the Iroquois language,*
and two religious books,* besides a number of others, no examples of
which are known to exist.
In 1778 he issued his second almanac, but with the name changed
from “ Almanach Encyclopédique,” to ‘“ Almanach curieux et interes-
sant.” Two more religious books—“‘ Neuvaine de St. Francois Xa-
vier,’ ® and “ La semaine sainte ” ‘— and a reprint of a French book :
entitled “ Abrégé des règles de la versification française.” $ This latter
publication shows that at that time there was sufficient aspiration after
poetical composition in Canada to make it worth while to reprint a
work giving poetical rules. The first work of a historical character,
“ Journal du Voyage de St-Luc” also bears date 1778.°
But the most interesting of Mesplet’s publications in 1778 was
“La Gazette du Commerce et Littéraire.” 12 An editor had been
secured in the person of Valantin Jautard, an advocate, who came
criginally from France about the year 1768. He was a sympathizer
with the Continental Army, for, in the Canadian archives,!! mention
is made that he was appointed a notary in January, 1776, by General
Worcester. He does not appear to have practised the notarial profes-
sion after this army had evacuated Canada, as no repertoire of his
papers are to be found in the Court House at Montreal. Before pub-
lishing his paper Mesplet issued a prospectus,’* setting forth that it was
to be a four paged quarto at $2.50 a year. Merchants and professional
men were asked for their support as it would be a medium for. adver-
tising! besides providing commercial news and good literature. At the
same time, he engaged not to publish anything likely to prove offensive
to the church or the state. He also wrote to the Governor-General
asking for permission to publish the paper, with the same promise to
refrain from discussing interdicted subjects.'* e
4 Appendix A No. 11.
* Appendix A No. 14.
# Appendix A No. 12.
* Appendix A 13 and 15.
° Appendix A-No. 16.
* Appendix A No. 13.
‘ Appendix A No. 12.
> Appendix A No. 20.
* Appendix A No. 19.
v Appendix A No. 21.
"Canadian Archives 1888, Haldimand papers, paze 917.
*““ See appendix C No. 4.
'S See appendix C No. 3.
208 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The choice of Jautard as editor was most unfortunate, for, soon
forgetting, or ignoring the publisher’s promise to steer clear of things
religious and political, he started a tirade against both, which he kept
up with short intermissions to the end; for, while the first number of
the Gazette appeared on the 3rd_of June, a month had not elapsed ere
Mesplet and his editor, Jautard, were ordered by Guy Carleton to leave
the province before the 15th of September. Mesplet continued the
issue of the paper regularly until the 19th of August, when it appeared
as a single page consisting of a letter from the “printer” “to the
public,” which complained that: “Since a few days I have had a fresh
grievance which constrains me to cease publishing my Gazette. This
new one has almost decided me; I have too many enemies. The slight-
est move on my part, however innocent, increases the number; and I
owe it to myself to be saved from further persecution.
“ Nevertheless, I will continue, if authorized by the government and
encouraged by an increase in the number of subscribers. I prefer to
sacrifice my own interests to exposing myself to further disgrace; and,
if I may presume to say so, I flatter myself that those who lauded
my enterprise in establishing a periodical will be pained at its being
discontinued.” The appeal had the desired effect. It stirred up his
friends to action; for a numerously signed petition? was presented to
the governor, setting forth the benefits the paper had been to the com-
munity, the need of a printer in the city, and’ Mesplet’s good character
and asking that the order for him to leave the province be not enforced.
In comphance with this petition General Haldimand, who had just
replaced Carleton as governor, issued, on the 24th of August, a notice
signed by his secretary, Edward Foy? suspending, for the time being,
the order for the banishment of Mesplet and his associate, on condition
that they take the oath of allegiance within two days and submit all
their articles to an inspector, to be appointed by the governor before
publication.
The first censor appointed for this duty was a Mr. Gordon, but,
as he left for England shortly afterwards, the office was allowed to fall
into abeyance, and the paper being left to itself returned to its old
course and again came under the displeasure of the authorities; for,
on the 28th of September, in a letter to Cramahé, Haldimand writes:
“ T have observed several improper things published in our Gazette.” ?
and later Cramahé replies: ‘ Our printer has a penchant to the popular
1See appendix C No. 7.
21bid No. 8.
8 Thid No. 10.
{M‘LAcHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 209
cause,” * implying thereby that he was in open sympathy with the cause
of the thirteen colonies with which the country was then at war.
It was at this time that the title of the paper was changed to
La Gazetta Littéraire, and the name of Berger dropped, from the
imprint.? Hereafter that of Fleury Mesplet appears alone. It would
also appear that there was some attempt on his part to propitiate the
religious authorities, for in October he advertises a number of religious
works which, no doubt, the Seminary authorities had obtained leave to
import from France, and which were placed in his hands for sale, as
the only bookseller in Montreal. The purpose of the Seminary in thus
putting them before the people was to combat the materialistic tendencies
of the paper as the titles of the works would seem to indicate. They
Pare
1. “Dictionnaire Anti-Philosophique,” 2 vols., Paris, 1775,
2. “Dialogue tiré du Dictionnaire Anti-Philosophique.”
3. “ Lettres de quelques Juifs.”
4, “T?Autorité des livres du Nouveau Testament.”
5. “ Réponse critique a plusieurs difficultés.”
6. “ Dictionnaire de la Religion.”
Possibly one or two of these may have been printed by Mesplet, as a
number of copies of “ Dialogues” are mentioned in the inventory.
What caused the religious authorities most concern at that time
was a discussion, carried on in the Gazette, on the merits and demerits
of Voltaire, whose death had just been chronicled. This led to a
strong protest on the part of M. Montgolfier, superior of the Seminary
of St. Sulpice, who, on the 2nd of January, 1779, wrote to Haldimand
to the effect that the reflections of the Gazelte against religious things
should be interdicted. In his capacity as superior he acted as supervisor
of the religious affairs of the district.
Haldimand, in his reply,* states that he had already warned Mesplet
to moderate the tone of his “sheet,” and that should he continue to
pursue the same course, steps would be taken to stop its further issue.
He further suggested to the superior to keep a look-out on its pages
and advise as to any further indiscretions.
The issue from Mesplet’s press in 1779, apart from the numbers
of the Gazette, was his third almanac,* with several new features. Be-
1See appendix C No. 11.
2Tt had never filled the role of catering for the commercial interests of
the community or become a medium for merchants to advertise their goods.
It was purely literary written mainly by the editor Jautard.
® See appendix C No. 13.
*See appendix A No. 22.
210 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
sides this there was advertised in the Gazette of the 14th of August
“Mémoire de P. Méziére comme avocat des Dames Religieuses des
Trois Rivières & La réponse de François nu Duême, ces ouvrages
serviront à faire distinguer le bon du mauvais” No copies of these
are known.
Jautard, who also practised as a lawyer, often discussed his cases
in the Gazette under different noms de plume, and his criticisms were
sometimes unscathing. He was a ready writer and usually filled the
paper with his own effusions, to the exclusion of all news, even the
town gossip. He even went so far as to criticize adverse judgments of
the court. One of these he handled so severely that the judges passed
an order interdicting him from appearing before it. They, at the same
time wrote to Haldimand complaining of the attitude of the paper.
The next day Jautard appeared as usual when, before the opening of
the court, Judge Southouse informed him that he was no longer
entitled to occupy a seat among those reserved for attorneys. Jautard
objected to this decision on the ground, among others, that his accuser’s
name had not been given, and that he had had no opportunity to
appear in his own defence. He also affirmed that he had not criti-
cized the court under his own name. To this the judge replied that
it was not necessary to give the name of the accuser, that Jautard
was under suspicion of the government and that the style of his writ-
ings showed him to be the author of the criticism in question, although
it did not bear his name.
The next number of the Gazette contained four different articles
criticizing this act of the judges. One over Jautard’s own name,
giving his version of the affair, a second over the nom de plume of
“Le Spectateur tranquille” (which was really Jautard’s own writing),
complimented him on his dignified attitude under such trying circum-
stances. The third was addressed to Jautard by Ducalvet, also com-
plimenting him on his stand in court, and the fourth was addressed to
Judges Rouville and Southouse, by Ducalvet, charging their acts and
judgments with partizanship.
On the appearance of this number, which is dated the 26th May,
1779, Judge Hertel de Rouville wrote to Haldimand enclosing a copy
of the paper? and asked that the court and judges be protected from
*This memoir refers to a suit taken out by the Ursulines of Three Rivers
against Francois Le Maitre Duéme or Duhaime for some sort of trespass
on their Seigniory. Judgment had been given against them in favour of
Duéme. This judgment was afterwards confirmed in an appeal to the Privy
Council. Jautard no doubt had something to do with tne case. See “Les
Ursulines des Trois Rivieres,” 1888, Vol I., page 415.
*See appendix C No. 14.
[M‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 211
such attacks. This capped the climax, for Haldimand, who had up to
this time considered himself long suffering, took vigorous action and
issued a warrant' to Major Nairn, in command at Mbntreal, to arrest
hoth Jautard and Mesplet. He also gave orders to the commander
of the armed schooner Mercury to proceed to Montreal,? so that the
prisoners could have a safe conveyance to Quebec. They were arrested
on the 4th of June and, without being allowed to communicate with
each other or with any of their friends, were at once sent down to
Quebec. The last number of the Gazette appeared on the 2nd of June,
just one year after its commencement. Thus was the first French
literary periodical in America snuffed out.
On their arrival at Quebec they were conducted to the military
prison and confined in a large room already occupied by another state
prisoner named Laterrière, who afterwards wrote a memoir describing
“Ses traverses.” In this memoir he states that Jautard and Mesplet
were imprisoned, the one as editor and the other as printer of a libel-
lous periodical known as Tant pis, tant mieux, which “ attacked the wise
politics of the English government and contended against the adminis-
tration of the Swiss Haldimand.*
May we not pause for a moment to find out something about the
publication that Laterriére thus describes. Was it a true satirical paper
as is claimed by Sulte.* Had it a real existence as is ascribed to it by
Miss Jane N. Mecllwraith in her story of “Sir Frederick Haldimand,”
which states that: “Mr. Mesplet and his editor, M. Jotard did not
succeed in adhering to these admirable resolutions, but sent forth a
scurrilous sheet called Tant pis, tant mieux —the first French journal
published in America — defaming all the King’s officers and trying
to throw the colony into confusion?” Or are we to conclude with
Abbé Camille Roy, that it was simply a broadside struck off and dis-
tributed freely?” $ Now the facts of the matter are: Laterrière is the
only contemporary that mentions such a periodical; no copy of it is
to be found anywhere, and it is altogether unlikely that two periodicals
of a like nature would be issued by the same publisher at the same
time, especially as there was barely enough subscribers to sustain one.
1See appendix C No. 16.
2 Ibid No.19.
Pierre de Salle Laterriére et ses traverses, Quebec, 1873, page 217. See
also appendix G No. 80.
*Histoire des Canadiens Francais, Vol. VIII., page 136.
>The Makers of Canada, Sir Frederick Haldimand, Toronto, 1904, page
271.
5 Etude sur l’histoire de la littérature Canadienne, by Abbé Camille Roy,
in Bulletin du parler Français au Canada, Québec, 1905, Vol. III, page 239,
note 2.
212 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
In seeking for a solution of this matter I found in the last number
of the Gazette a valedictory article, no doubt by Jautard, entitled
Tant pis, tant mieuz—rather cleverly written—in-which he rings the
changes on this phrase. He begins with, “ The newspaper is about
to be suspended — tant pis, which may be translated, “so much the
worse.” “On the other hand many claim that being generally lauded
it will be continued — tant mieux —so much the better.” This goes
on through twelve short paragraphs, in which he brings in the different
noms de plume, which subscribe to the different articles in the Gazette,
in each finishing the first part with {ant pis and the last with tant
mieux. His concluding paragraph may be here translated: “ Thus.
when all is well considered, there will be found the worse and the
better; so much the worse for some, so much the better for others.”
This article, according to my conclusion, is the origin of the Tant
pis, tant mieux of Laterriére who, having spent nearly a year in prison
had no knowledge of La Gazette Littéraire, and who, therefore, when
he heard Jautard speaking of his article, Tant pis, tant mieux, jumped
to the conclusion that this was the title of the paper, especially as the
phrase fitted in with what he had learned of its character. Jautard,
if at the time he saw Laterriére’s mistake, did not take the trouble
to correct it and so it was given out, taken up and passed on by some
of our best writers. Tant pis, tant mieux then is not the title of a
paper, but only that of an article.
Laterriére gives Jautard a most unenviable character, representing
him as satirical, as sophistical, as a lawyer so brazen faced that nothing
could astound him, as a drunkard, as false, as a liar like the devil
and as a great gourmand. He hated all things English, was Jesuit-
ical, full of prejudices, and above all things, most undesirable as a
friend. He appeared to be well educated, but without culture. His
influence over Mesplet, which seemed almost supreme, was very bad,
for the latter hardly ever spoke without taking the cue from his editor.
Mesplet’s education was much inferior, as he was simply a working
printer; nevertheless, he appeared not to be devoid of ability and of
a general knowledge of things. He is described as a cheat, almost
as big a liar as Jautard, and of such an evil genius, which, had it
not been ameliorated by his wife, who was a superior woman, would
have led him to do many things unworthy of an honest man.1
Such is the portrait of Mesplet and his editor drawn by Laterrière,
who seems to have conceived an antipathy towards them, as well as
they towards him; while he was at the same time attracted by a fourth
1See appendix No. 80.
[M‘LAcHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 213
prisoner, a Scotsman named Hay. On account of this choice he, as
he claims, became the object of their jealousy. They appeared to be
most quarrelsome, especially in the afternoons after they had been
drinking — though he does not inform us as to how they got their
liquor while in jail. Mesplet was to Jautard like Soutar Jonny,
described by Burns, was to Tam O’Shanter.
“His ancient trusty, drouthy cronie.”
Laterrière states that nearly every afternoon, after indulging
together, they attacked him, but never singly. Happily, being young
and strong, he was able to master them both; and thus suffered no
injury.
After some time Mesplet’s wife was permitted to visit him and
even to spend nights in prison with him. And to make it more
convenient each of the prisoners partitioned off a sleeping apartment
for himself. She, as well as her husband, petitioned on several occa-
sions, and on one occasion Mesplet and Jautard together, asking to be
liberated or brought to a speedy trial; claiming that they were alto-
gother innocent of any wrong-doing,' Madam Mesplet further offered
to furnish two securities to vouch for her husband’s good behaviour
should he be released. In another petition,? in which he is joined by
Laterriére, Mesplet asks to be permitted to take exercise in the jail-yard,
as his health suffered from close confinement. As no heed was given
te these petitions for liberty they continued in durance till the close
of the war when strict surveillance was relaxed. So, on the Ist of
September, 1782, Mesplet escaped,*? apparently with the connivance of
the authorities, who were thus satisfied to have been relieved of responsi-
bility, as the arrest of these people and their detention for three years
and three months, without trial, was a violation of all the principles
of British justice.
What was done with Mesplet’s press and plant during all this time?
According to Major Nairn it was seized and a kind of inventory taken.+
It evidently remained in Mesplet’s house on Capital Street, for he re-
turned there and at once began work after his release. Did it stand idle?
Most probably, as we have no imprints save one dated during these
years. This one deserves a word. It is explained in a letter by
Colonel D. Clause to Haldimand,® in which he states that the Mohawk
prayer book having proved so successful he had tried his hand in his
* See appendix C No. 26.
3 See appendix C No. 24.
5See appendix D No. 33.
“Tbid CNo:, (20:
“roid CG No: 2b:
214 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
leisure hours on a Mohawk Primer. He had found great difficulty
in correcting the proof of the Prayer Book, which was printed at Que-
bee, and at the same time attend to his duties at Montreal! We may
therefore conclude that finding Mesplet’s press standing idle under
seizure by the government, he availed himself of this opportunity and,
securing the services of a journeyman printer, had the Primer set up
under his own supervision at Montreal; especially as Mohawk is most
difficult composition for type-setters.
As soon as Mesplet was released he secured an order for a Psautier*
for the use of the schools in which a wood cut appears, which is claimed,
in the Hart Catalogue, to have been the first wood engraving done in
Canada, and to have been the first school book issued in Montreal.
Both are simply assertions without any other authority.
In 1783 a copy of the treaty of peace between Great Britain,
France and the United States, signed in January of that year, was
printed by Mesplet, also a petition he presented ‘to Congress. Dionne
mentions an almanac for 1783,° but I have not been able to verify
this statement by an existing copy, so do not include it in the list.
This year he claimed from Congress compensation for the losses
he had sustained in accepting their engagement as printer at Montreal
and on account of his sympathy with their cause, but this petition met
with no response.
There were only two publications printed in 1784, the almanac,®
of which only one incomplete copy is known; and this is the last year
of issue so far as extant evidence goes. After this he issued large
single paged “ Calendriers.” The second was “ L’écu de Six Francs,”
a short story.”
In September of this year Berger, whose partnership continued
from about September, 1775, to September, 1778, came to Can-
ada to arrange a settlement. He is described as a merchant of
France. As there arose some dispute about the details of the account
it was agreed to settle the matter amicably by each party appointing
two arbitrators. As the account was somewhat complicated the arbi-
trators referred the disputed points to Mr. Benjamin Frobisher, one of
1 See Bibliography of the Iroquois language, Pilling, Washington, 1888,
page 46.
?See appendix A No. 24 Also Catalogue of the Hart Collection, Boston,
April 15-19th, 1890.
>See appendix A 25.
# Ibid No. 26.
5Page 14.
5 Seë appendix A No. 27.
T Ibid No. 28.
8 See appendix F No. 51.
{m‘LacHLan] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 215
the principal merchants of Montreal and, on his advice, fixed the amount
due Berger at $4,800.1 This award shows that not a single cent,
principal or interest, of the debt, contracted away back in 1775 and
1776, had been paid. Berger accepted in settlement of this claim a
notarial bond for $1,200, payable in four equal annual instalments, and
a note signed jointly by Mesplet and an individual named Marassé for
$460. Berger, in the goodness of his heart and in consideration for
Mesplet’s misfortune, wiped out the balance, $3,140.2 But from the
post-mortem inventory we learn that Berger never received any pay-
ment on the bond. The joint note with Marassé for $460, which
appears on the inventory as a debt due that person, was the only money
Berger had received on account of his advances to Mesplet.
Berger made out a power of attorney ? in favour of Louis Hardy and
J. C. Herse to collect this debt, and in February, 1785, left for France.
This was the only occasion on which he came to Canada, although he is
represented on imprints jointly with Mesplet from June, 1775, to the
first of September, 1778.
On the 26th of June, 1784, Mesplet again memorialized Congress
regarding his claim for compensation for losses,* but this petition, after
having been looked into was tabled. He was thereupon advised by
some friend in charge of his claim at Philadelphia that nothing more
could be accomplished without an appeal in person. This Mesplet
complained he could not do on account of lack of funds to pay
the expenses of a journey to and a sojourn at that place. But at
length, by the kindness of a friend who advanced the necessary funds
Mesplet appeared before Congress with another petition. This was in
March, 1785. A committee was ‘appointed which, after asking for a
hill of grievances and a statement, took the matter up. The bill and
the statement ° give us many details of Mesplet’s journey from Philadel-
phia to Montreal, which are most interesting. According to the latter
the expenses of Mesplet’s journey and his losses through imprisonment
totalled up to $9,450. This claim was backed up with a number of
affidavits which’ attested to his sufferings and losses through devotion
to the cause of the United States. In April he went to New York
armed with a letter of introduction from Thomas Mefilin to the Hon.
Mr. Hardy, a representative from Virginia, asking his assistance in
pushing the claim.® After all this effort, the committee reported on
=
1See appendix F No. 53.
2See appendix F No. 54.
3 See appendix F No. 55.
*See appendix D No. 34.
5See appendix D No. 42.
- See appendix D No. 41.
216 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the 27th of May, favouring the granting of “ $426,45-90 to Mr. Fleury
Mesplet on account of expenses attending the transporting of himself,
family and printing utensils from Philadelphia to Montreal This
appears to have been for the bare expenses of the journey to Montreal,
without taking into account the loss by imprisonment or otherwise;
and it was far from satisfying him, for in June he presented another
memorial ? setting forth the utter inadequacy of the sum voted to cover
his losses. He claimed that it was insufficient to cover his outlay in
securing it, which included expenditure for the services of an attorney,
the cost of his trip to, and three months’ sojourn in Philadelphia.
This was his last appeal to the United States. He had wasted time
and money without any practical result, and from henceforth became
a good and loyal Canadian.
The same year Joseph Marie Desauiels finding it impossible to
collect his claim against Mesplet — he had secured it by notarial bond
the previous year *—took out an action against him in the Court of
Common Pleas, and on the 22nd of July was granted a judgment for
$1,481. This case was taken out against both Mesplet and Berger
but the latter through his attorney, P. Méziére, proved that he was
not liable for the debt, while Mesplet acknowledged the debt by confess-
ing judgment. Jt may be worth while to note that the claimant was
represented by Thomas Walker, celebrated in connection for his sym-
pathy with the continental army, and for having entertained Franklin
when he visited Montreal. Mesplet who, at that time, owed over
$5,000,° tried to arrange a compromise. He only asked for an extension
of time, offering his presses and other plant as security. But Desau-
tels, noting that he was hopelessly insolvent, took out an execution
and Mesplet’s effects were disposed of by a bailiffs sale in October.’
The whole sale realized a little over $600, not half the indebtedness
to Desautels alone, who bought in the two presses and type for $290,
besides books and sundry other articles aggregating altogether to $443,
more than two-thirds of the whole. It would appear by the final
inventory that Desautels bought the presses for Edward William Gray.
From this time out Mesplet never owned his presses, although after-
wards he, from time to time, bought fresh supplies of type. Gray,
although, no doubt, he bought the plant at a bargain, could not find
2See appendix D No. 31.
2 See appendix D No. 43.
See appendix F No. 56.
* Ibid G No. 78.
S Jbid F No. 60.
S Ibid F No. 58.
T7 See appendix F No. 61.
[M‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 217
another printer to take it off his hands or undertake the work,
was obliged to fall back on a lease of the plant to Mesplet at the risk
of never being paid or having to let the whole lie idle. From the
details of this sale, which are most interesting, we learn that Mesplet,
who is often represented on imprints as bookseller as well as printer,
seld mainly his own publications, and such stationery as was then
used; although from an earlier announcement he offered a few works
by other printers he appeared to have none on hand at the time of
this sale. His stock of publications, of which the major part was in
sheets unbound, was very large, even when compared with the demand
for such literature to-day. He had as many as 500, 750 and 1,000
copies of some lines.1_ Only six of the fifteen books mentioned in this
sale are otherwise known to bibliophilists.
Among the purchasers at the sale was Jautard, who evidently had :
some means, as he stands third highest on the list. This is the last
eceasion we hear of him in connection with Mesplet. The latter seems
to have broken away from his former editor after his release from
prison. Jautard afterwards got in tow with a widow named “ Madam
Deganne,” who appears to have had some means. He borrowed money
from her, and then married her to cancel the debt. At that time he
is represented as living at Côte St. Paul.
His only publication in 1785 was the Montreal Gazette,? the first
number of which appeared on the 28th of August. It was a four-
paged folio, printed in French and English. All controversial matters
were carefully avoided as it dealt mainly with general and local
news. It was much less original than La Gazette Littéraire, so
escaped falling under the ban of those in high places. It proved
so successful that it still lives, while all its contemporaries — if
we except the Nova Scotia Gazelte which, being a government
organ, is outside the strict classification of true newspapers, have
ceased to appear. It has therefore outlived all of its contem-
poraries and many later Canadian publications. Although the price,
$3.00 per annum, appears high for a small four page weekly when
compared with one of our sixteen page dailies which cost no more, it
had a good subscription list extending all the way down the banks of
the St. Lawrence to Quebec; while there was hardly a prominent citizen
cf Montreal, French as well as English, whose name was not among
1See appendix B Nos. 3-15.
2See appendix A No. 29.
?The Halifax Gazette was first issued on the 23rd March, 1753. After-
wards the title was changed to the Nova Scotia Royal Gazette under
which title it is still issued as the official organ of that province.
Sec. IL., 15. 1906
218 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the list of subscribers. On the 24th of September the Gazette consisted
of a single page containing simply a letter in French from Fleury
Mesplet addressed, “A Messieurs les Souscripteurs,” which shows that
the paper came near ceasing to be published. It states that, “ You
will be surprised at not receiving your Gazette this week, but I hope
vou will bear me no ill will, because it is not the result of my negligence.
I owe it to myself as well as the public to be on time, and I believe
that up till the present not one of you gentlemen can reproach me.
A derangement in my affairs (the cause of which, I believe, you all
know) has stopped my work and rendered it impossible to supply
to-day what I have engaged to do. I flatter myself that next week
1 will be in a position to give such full satisfaction as lies within
my power and to continue with the same zeal to give you proofs of
my assiduity.” This derangement, no doubt, arose out of the seizure
of Mesplet’s effects by Desautels.
In 1786 no extant publication appeared; but in 1787 there are
three: A funeral sermon preached by the Rev. D. C. Delisle on the
death of Joseph Frobisher,’ who had acted two years before in settling
the award between Berger and Mesplet. There was a medical work
on how to combat a plague that had broken out at Baie St. Paul?
and his first English book—‘‘ The Manual Exercise,’ * which was
printed on the order or approval of the military authorities. This
shows that Mesplet had now secured the good will of the government.
1788 is again another year in which there are no extant imprints;
but a lease was signed with J. B. Tabeau for a house on Notre Dame
Street. The location of this house is given in one document as
No. 44, and on the “Juge a Paix,” as near as the Recollet fathers fix
it about the corner of St. Helen Street. As there is no evidence that
he moved before this time we conclude that the printing office of Mes-
plet continued at the first location in Capital Street from May 18th,
1776, until May 1st, 1788, a space of twelve years.
The only publication dated 1789 was “Le Juge à Paix,” a thick
book, issued in parts, the first of which appeared in March. This
book, which is comparatively common, is a translation of an English
work by Richard Burn, and the parts were known as “ Traduction de
Burn’s Justice.” In the Gazette of that year there are advertised “ Le
Calendrier de Montréal pour l’année 1789,” and “Tableau des rues
et faubourgs de Montréal.”
+See appendix A No. 30.
*See appendix A No. 31.
3 See appendix A No. 32.
*See appendix F No. 62.
° See appendix A No. 33.
[M‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 219
On the 1st of September Marie Mirabeau, Mesplet’s faithful wife,
died at the age of 43;! mo doubt worn out through privations and
worry during her husband’s long imprisonment, accelerated also by his
financial embarrassment.
Mesplet did not continue long a widower, for on the 23rd of April,
1790, after an interval of little more than seven months, he married
Marie Anne Tison, daughter of Jean Baptiste Tison,? a girl of 23
years, while he was himself over 55. She had been left a small
competence by her deceased mother which attracted Mesplet, while she
was glad to escape from the supervision of a stepmother, even by marry-
ing a man who was an insolvent and more than twice her age. In
any case, this inheritance soon served to tide the husband over a finan-
cial difficulty, for before the close of the year his wife had to become
a party with him to a bond in favour of Charles Lusignan for $174.°
This year he published, on his own account, a pamphlet of 32
pages, entitled “ La Bastille Septentrionale, ou trois sujets britanniques
opprimés,” which describes a difficulty or quarrel arising out of the
annual drill of the militia at Three Rivers‘ Although the subject
seems most trivial it was evidently considered of sufficient importance
at that time to command a ready sale, as from the title page we note
that it was offered for sale throughout the province. Another pamphlet
dated this year was “ Memoire . . . de Jean Baptiste Lebrun,”
which describes a lawsuit. This year Mesplet appeared as godfather
and his wife as godmother to his brother-in-law, Fleury Tison. As
he was named after Mesplet, we may conclude that the two families
were on good terms; two days afterwards he again stood as godfather
to the daughter of a friend.
In 1791 his only publication was “ Memoire en cassation du testa-
ment de Simon Sanguinet,”* a pamphlet of 19 pages, evidently a will
case. There is nothing dated 1792, which shows that Mesplet’s business
was dwindling away. Only three pamphlets, totalling 67 pages, appear
among the works now extant as printed during the years 1790-2.
In May, 1793, Mesplet moved for the third time to a house, No.
46 Notre Dame Street, two doors east of the former stand, which was
owned by the widow of Ignace Chenier, and was for a term of five
years, although he did not live long to occupy it. The only book
1See appendix E No. 45.
2See appendix E No. 46 and F No. 64.
3 Jbid. F No. 65.
*Tbid. A No. 34.
5 Tbid. No. 35.
S Ibid. F No. 49.
7Ibid. A No. 36.
8 Tbid. F No. 59.
220 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
printed in these premises was one for the military authorities, as it
bears the superscription “ By His Majesty’s Special Command.” It
is entitled, “ Rules and Regulations for Field Exercise,’* and this is
Mesplet’s last book.
Evidently about this time the type and other appliances necessary
for his press room began to be pretty well used up, as the owner of
the presses declined to make any renewals. Mesplet had to order a
fresh supply from Europe through a Montreal merchant named Jean
Baptiste Durocher. In settlement for the cost of this type which
amounted to $632, he, along with his wife, gave a bond in which the
latter hypothecated to Durocher all her goods and furniture, besides her
interest in the estate of her late mother? This amount was not paid
at maturity, but in 1795 Madam Mesplet declared that the total amount
coming to her from her mother’s estate did not exceed $326.50, which
amount was to be paid by her father at the end of two years with
interest at six per cent. This settlement, which was guaranteed by
her father, J. B. Tison, was accepted by Durocher and afterwards
transferred to P. Huguet-Latour,t who acknowledges to have received
the amount with interest from Tison on the 22nd of November, 1797.
The signing of this bond appears to have been the last transaction
of any importance which Mesplet did, for six months afterwards — on
the 24th of January, 1794—he died, according to the parish register
aged about 60 years.° When he was married for the second time his
age is given at 55, which would make him a year younger.
After the death of Mesplet his wife found his affairs so embar-
rassed financially that she appointed Charles Lusignan and Louis
Hardy trustees, to take over the estate and settle it on behalf of the
creditors.’ The inventory which they took valued his furniture and
stock at $783, and book debts at $1,015, or a total of $1,798, to cover
liabilities ascertained amounting to $3,546, besides a number of debts
the amounts of which could not be determined. This inventory is a
most precious document for, besides revealing Mesplet’s financial con-
dition, it gives us a view of the furnishings of his house and of his
wearing apparel, both of which by the way were as sumptuous as that
of a gentleman of means. From it we also get an idea of the utensils
employed about a Canadian house one hundred years ago. It also
1See appendix A No. 37.
2 Ibid. F No. 69.
8 Ibid. F No. 70.
+ Toid. EX INo: 7a:
5 Toid. EF No. 72.
SJbid. F No. 49.
T Ibid. F No. 73.
[M‘LACHLAN}] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 22
describes very fully Mesplet’s stock in trade as a bookseller. Apart
from some books placed on sale, and one or two dictionaries, he had
no stock of books, save those of his own printing. But his stock of
stationery, on, the other hand, was much more complete.
After the inventory was taken, Madam Mesplet finding that the
estate was hopelessly insolvent, renounced any claim she might have
had in the community of property,’ and ordered the whole of the effects
to be sold by auction on behalf of the creditors.”
The second Madam Mesplet like the first had no children, thus,
although left destitute by her husband, she had only herself to provide
for. According to the marriage contract she had inherited from her
mother $503.70, from which she paid $194 due on Lusignan’s bond
and the $326.50 above mentioned to Durocher; the two together more
than swallowed this sum. By her father’s will she was left a further
sum of $25,* but this was so small as to be hardly worth mentioning.
She never married again, although left a widow at the age of twenty-
six. She died in 1840, aged 74.4 Her nephew, Mr. Jean Baptiste
Tison, remembers ma tante Mesplet as a very old woman, but cannot
relate anything she may have said about her husband.
Now, regarding the books and other publications printed by Mes-
plet; in list A are given all that are known to exist with their titles
in full, the number and size of the pages and where copies are to, be
seen. These number 39, but there are some 36 others mentioned in
advertisements and in the two inventories, bringing up the total to 75;
all of which arranged according to subjects are given in Appendix B.
Of these nearly one-third are religious and three official, for military
purposes, showing that Mesplet must have repented and been received
as a true son of the church and as a good citizen. He did honest
work on fairly good paper, much better than in many longer established
printing offices on this continent. His description of the stock,
brought from Philadelphia, which included gold leaf and gilt, mar-
bled, coloured and India paper, besides 80 reams of fine white paper,
gives an idea of the quality of work he intended to do. His binding
was also of good material and well executed, which shows that he was
a thorough master of his trade in all its branches. The proof reading
feems to have been well done, and, as he printed in four languages,
we might almost say five, as the English style of spelling Iroquois was
altogether different from the French, we can form some idea of his
* See apperdix E No. 74.
? See appendix E No. 75.
*See appendix G No. 77.
* See append’x E No. 50.
222 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
capacity for undertaking difficult pieces of work. In one of these
his name is even given in the Iroquois form.
What is there to be said as to Mesplet’s character and dis-
position? Shall we accept Laterriére’s estimate as conclusive and draw
no other deductions? This estimate seems hardly fair. We must
remember that it was formed under most unfavourable circumstances.
Mesplet was in close confinement under which, being used to work, he
chafed. Then there was Jautard’s evil influence which, with enforced
idleness and drink, would in many cases debase the sweetest disposition.
That he did reform after his liberation is proved by the fact that he
broke away from Jautard’s influence and was received into the bosom
of the church. That he was untruthful and ungrateful, or, to put it
mildly, made promises he was unable to fulfil, is amply proved by his
action in regard to his promise to abstain from all controversial subjects
in his Gazette Littéraire, in his neglect to meet his bonds when due,
‘and in his treatment of his friend Berger. The debt due the latter was
altogether ignored, notwithstanding his many acts of kindness. In this
Mesplet was most ungrateful. Another indication of his untruthful-
ness is the immoderate language used in his appeal to Congress, and this
too, after settling down as a British subject, in which he claims that
the ill-treatment at the hands of the Loyalists, whom he alls
“ Canaille,” because of his sympathy with the cause of the united
“did him honour.” But Laterriére’s assertion is not true; that he was
actuated by “an evil genius, which, but for the softening influence of
his wife, would have led him to commit many wrong things unworthy
of an honest man.”
From Cramahé’s letter to Haldimand,’ which states “when our
printer has a cup too much, which is not seldom,” coupled with Later-
riére’s account of the drinking bout every afternoon, we are forced to
the conclusion that Mesplet’s besetting sin was drunkenness and to
this should be attributed his utter financial failure; nevertheless, he
must have had some good qualities to secure the patronage he did and
some attractiveness of manner to obtain loans and other financial help
through all his business career.
While he had a fair education and was a most intelligent workman
we may conclude with Laterriére that he lacked refinement and culture.
The whole tone of his memorial to Congress, one of the few examples
of his own composition we possess, bears this out.? The use of the
expression “ces animeaux ”— these beasts — stamps him as of a rather
low nature — grossière —as the French would express it.
*See appendix C No. 10.
*See appendix D No. 33.
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 223
In disposition he was most sanguine, for he seems never to have
faltered under a heavy load of debt and the chronic state of insolvency
in which he always lived. And bearing up under this burden he was able
to ward off his creditors by one means or another, while at the same
time securing advances or fresh credit from new men. In only one
instance was he sued and pushed to the wall. That was when sold
out by Desautels. Each creditor in every financial transaction, save
two, who were paid in full after his death by Madam Mesplet, lost
part or whole of his debt, and these two, Charles Lusignan and
Desautels, were paid out of Madam Mesplets patrimony. Thus
while able to ward off his many creditors, in ordinary ability and power
to cope with and meet his financial engagements, he was altogether
wanting, and yet through all he was a painstaking, honest and per-
severing workman.
Such then are the facts that have been gathered respecting our
first Montreal printer. And, although this closer inspection has dis-
pelled much of the glamour that has hitherto surrounded him, and
shown him to have been ever very human and erring, yet, as a man
labouring under great disabilities — desertion by his patrons, accused
by the church, suspected by the people, imprisoned by the government,
and borne down with debt — he rose above all and, persevering to the
end, founded a free press, one that has uncovered the source of French
literature in the new world, which, flowing in an ever widening, deepen-
ing stream, is clear and hmpid when compared with the turbid flood
inundating the old land.
224 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
APPENDICES.
A
List of Books, pamphlets, &c., printed by Mesplet, copies of which exist.
1773.
1. La | Louisiane | Ensanglantée, | Avec toutes les Particularités de
cette horrible | Catastrophe, | Redigées | Sur le Serment de Témoins dignes
de foi. | Par le Colonel Chevalier de Champigny. | Quidquid delirant Reges
plechuclue Achivi | Virg. | A Londres, | Aux dépens de l'Editeur: | Chez
Fleury Mesplet, No 24. Crown | Court, Little Russell Street, Covent Garden. |
M.DCC.LXXIII.
Size 5 x 8, pp. XII. + La Louisiane. 123 + Notes XXX. + Memorial
92 — 197.
Copies known, F. Gagnon, Quebec; Library of Congress, Washington.
Described by Gagnon, Essai de Bibliographie Canadienne, Quebec, 1895,
page 102, No. 765. A second edition was issued in 1776 and a third in 1781
under the title “ Etat présent de la Louisiane.” This book as is claimed by
the preface was edited from the manuscript of a deceased English officer
who had lived in Louisiana.
1774.
2. Lettre | Adressée | Aux Habitants | de la Province | de Québec | ci-
devant le Canada | De la part du Congrès | Général de l’Amé- | rique Sep-
tentrionale tenu a Philadelphie | Imprimé & publié par ordre du Congrés |
A Philadelphie, | De l'Imprimerie de Fleury Mesplet. | M.DCC.LXXIV.
Size 4% x 7, pp. 18. Copies: Judge L. W. Sicotte, Montreal; Historical
Society of Pennsylvania.
Mentioned in “Issues of the Press in Pennsylvania, 1685-1784, Hildeburn.
Philadelphia, 1885-6, Vol. 2, page 192.
1775.
3. L’Inoculation | du | Bon sens | Par moi, & pour l’homme en général, |
Tout lui plait & déplait, tout le choque & Voblige; | Sans raison il est gai,
sans raison il s’afflige; | Son esprit au hazard aime, évite, poursuit, Défait,
refait, augmente, Ote, élève, détruit. | Boileau | A Philadelphie | chez l’im-
primeur ambulant. | Avec l'approbation de la Société des Inoculés |
M.DCC.LXXV.
Size 4% x 7%, pp. 47. Copy, Late Mr. Justice Baby, Montreal.
Although this publication does not bear Mesplet’s imprint it is claimed
by Judge Baby, in a note attached, to have been printed by him as there
was at that time no other French printer in Philadelphia to which the quali-
fication Ambulant (itinerant) would apply. Corroborative of this claim is the
fact that six copies of “ L’Inoculation du bon sens” were found in Mesplet’s
stock after his death.
4. Lettre | Adressée | Aux Habitants | Opprimés | de la Province | de |
Québec. | De la part du Congrès Général de l'Amérique Sep- | tentrionale,
tenu a Philadelphie. | Philadelphie, Fleury Mesplet, 1775.
8-vo, pp. 7. Copy: Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
Mentioned by Hildeburn, Vol. 2, page 225.
{m‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 225
5. Règlement | de la Confrérie | de l’adoration perpétuelle | du S.
Sacrement | et | de la bonne mort, | Erigée | dans l'Eglise paroissiale de
Vil- | le-Marie, en l’Isle de Montréal, en Canada.
Size 34% x 5, pp. 40. Copies: Judge L. W. Sicotte; Late Mr. Justice
Baby.
Although bearing no imprint, there appears little doubt but that this
little booklet was printed by Mesplet. He secured the order on his way
back from Quebec in May or June, 1775. These were among some of the
books that escaped while the bulk of the edition was lost through the ship-
ping of water by the bateaux at Chambly in 1776, hence the need of a
second edition. (Mentioned by Gagnon, page 412, No. 2691, and by Dionne, in
Inventaire chronologique des livres..., publié dans la province de Québec,
page 13, where he claims that it was most likely printed in France. But
this seems altogether unlikely as all communication with Canada and that
country had been prohibited.
6. Réglement | Militaire, | Concernant | La Police | et | La Discipline, |
Que doivent observer les Troupes qui sont ou seront | dans la suite levées &
payées par les Treize | Colonies unies de l'Amérique Septentrionale. | Tra-
duit de l’Anglais par-F. Daymon. | A Philadelphie; Chez Fleury Mesplet &
Ch. Berger, | Imprimeurs & Libraires. | M.DCC.LXXV.
Size 8-vo, pp. 39. Copy: Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
Mentioned by Hildeburn, Vol. 2, page 265.
1776.
7. Aux | Habitants | de la Province du Canada. | A Philadelphia. |
Chez Fleury Mesplet & Charles Berger, [dated] “ A Philadelphie, le 24 janvier
1776” and signed by “John Hancock, President.”
Size 8 x 12, p. 1. Copies: Historical Society of Pennsylvania; Judge L.
W. Sicotte. The letter without imprint.
Mentioned by Hildeburn, Vol. 2, page 242.
8. Règlement | de la Confrérie | de l'Adoration perpétuelle | du | S.
Sacrement; | et | de la Bonne Mort. | Hrigée dans l'Eglise paroissiale de
Ville-Mar- | ie, en l'Isle de Montréal, en Canada | Nouvelle Edition revue,
corrigée et augmentée | A Montréal; | chez F. Mesplet & C. Berger, Impri- |
meurs et Libraires; près le Marché, 1776.
Size 3 x 4%, pp. 40. Copies: Judge L. W. Sicotte and about twenty others.
Described by Gagnon, page 412, No. 2691, and by Dionne, page 13, No. 8.
9. Jonatas | et | David | ou | le triomphe | de l’Amitié. |*¢Tragédie | En
Trois Actes. | Représentée par les Ecoliers de Montréal | design | A Montréal; |
chez Fleury Mesplet & Ch. Berger, | Imprimeurs & Libraires, 1776.
Size 4% x 7%, pp. 40. Copies: The late Mr. Justice Baby; P. Gagnon,
Quebec.
10. Cantiques | de l'âme dévote | divisé en XII livres | l’on représente
d’une maniére nette & facile | les principaux mystéres de la Foi, & les prin-, -
cipales vertues de la Religion Chrétienne | accomodés a des airs vulgaires |
avec une augmentation notable: | le tout mis dans un ordre particulier. |
Nouvelle édition imprimée sur celle | de Marseille avec son ancienne appro- |
226 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
bation. Première partie, | par M. Laurens Durand, Prétre | du diocése de
Toulon. | Implemini Spiritu Sancto loquentes vobismet ipsis in Psalmis &
Hymnis & Cantecis spiritualibus | Cantantes, & Psaultentes in Cordibus
Nestris Domino. | Eph., ch. 6, v. 18 & 19. | à Québec, chez Fleury Mesplet
& Charles Berger, Imprimeurs & Libraires, 1776.
Size 3% x 6%, pp. 610. Copies: Judge L. W. Sicotte; Mr. Justice Baby,
and three or four others.
Mentioned by Gagnon, page 102, but the date is incorrectly given as
1775.
WT
11. Almanach | Encyclopédique; | ou Chronologie | des faits les plus
remarquables de | l’histoire universelle, depuis Jé- | sus-Christ; | avec les
anecdotes curieuses, utiles | & intéressantes. | Mil-sept cent soixante dix-
sept | A Montréal | chez Fleury Mesplet & Char- | les Berger, Imprim. Lib. |
itis
Size 3 x 4%, pp. 60. Copy: The late Mr. Justice Baby.
This is believed to be first almanac printed in French in America.
12. Iontri8-aiestakSa | Ionskaneks | N’aieienterihag Gaiatonsera te
Gari8toraragon. ê Ong8e on8e Ga8ennotakon | ornamental square | Teiotiagi; |
8esklet, Tsi Thonons8te, Ok- | niore Tsi IontkerontakS8a. | 1/77.
Size 4 x 7, pp. 16. Copy: Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison.
The first Iroquois book printed in Canada. Described as a ‘ Mohawk
Primer” by J. C. Pilling in The Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages,
Washington, 1888, page 90. It is probably the same publication as that
mentioned in the post-mortem inventory under the title ‘ Brochures de
Priéres Sauvages” of which there were sixteen copies.
13. Exercise | trés-dévot | envers S. Antoine | de Padoue | le Thauma-
turge, | de l’ordre Séraphique | de S. Francois. | Avec un petit recueil de
quelques princi- | paux miracles. | A Montréal. | Chez F. Mesplet et C. Berger,
Imprimeurs & Libraires, 1777.
Size 2% x 5, pp. 88. Copies: Judge L. W. Sicotte; Cyrille ‘“l'essier,
Cuebec.
14. Officium | in honorem | Domini Nostri J. C. | Summi Sacerdotis |
et | Omnium Sanctorum | Sacerdotum | ac Levitarum. | Monti-Regali; Apud
Fleurium Mesplet | Typographorum & Bibliop. | M.DCC.LXXVII.
Size 4144 v 6%, pp. 12. Copies: Judge L. W. Sicotte; Université Laval,
Quebec, and four or five others.
The first Latin book printed in Canada. Described by Gagnon, page 355,
No. 2581. Also by Dionne, page 13, No. 10, where by mistake he claims
it was printed in Quebec. A manuscript copy exists in the library of the
Archbishop of Quebec.
15. Catéchisme | a l'usage | du Diocèse | de Québec. | Imprimé par
Yordre de Monseigneur Jean | Olivier Briand; Evéque de Québec. | Pre-
miére partie, | Contenant | le petit Catéchisme ou abrégé de la doctrine
chrétienne. | A Montréal | chez Fleury Mesplet & Charles Berger, | Impri-
meurs & Libraires, 1777.
Size 12 mo., pp. 205. Copy: Library of Parliament, Ottawa.
[M‘LAcHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 227
1778.
à
16. Almanach | Curieux | et intéressant; | Contenant la liste des
prêtres & | Religieux Desservants les Eglises de Canada; la connaissance
des | monnaies courantes, des Poids & | Mesures, & Anecdotes, Fables, |
Curiosités Naturelles, & mille sept cent soixante dix-huit | A Montréal;| chez
Fleury Mesplet et Char- | les Berger, Imprim. Lib. | 1778.
Size 3 x 4%, pp. 60. Copies: Université Laval, Quebec, P. Gagnon,
Quebec.
17. L'Office | de la | Semaine Sainte, | Selon le Missel | & Breviaire
romain; | Avec l’explication des sacrés Mystéres représentés | par les céré-
monies de cet office. L'ordinaire de | la messe, les sept psaumes de la
Pénitence, les | litanies des Saints, et les Priéres pour la Con- | fession
& communion, tirées de l’Ecriture Sainte. | Imprimé sur la meilleure édition
de Paris. | A Montréal, chez Fleury Mesplet & Charles | Berger, Imprimeurs
& Libraires, M.DCC.LXXVIII.
Size 312 x 6%, pp. 410. Copy: The late Judge Baby.
This is the last book printed under the partnership of Mesplet & Berger,
which continued from about September 1775 to September 1778.
18. Neuvaine | a l'honneur | de St. François | Xavier, | de la Com-
pagnie | de Jésus, | Apôtre des Indes & du Japon | A Montréal | chez Fleury
Mesplet, Imprimeur & | Libraire, prés le Marché, 1778.
Size 3% x 5, pp. 147. Copies: Judge L. W. Sicotte; The late Mr. Justice
Baby.
19. Journal | du | Voyage | de M. Saint-Luc | de la Corne, Ecuyer.
| Dans le navire l'Auguste, en l'an 1761 | A Montréal; chez Fleury Mesplet;
Imprimeur et Libraire, M.DCC.LXX VIII.
Size 4% x 612, pp. 38 x 2—40. Copies: Université Laval, Quebec; 192:
Gagnon, Quebec.
Described by Dionne, page 13, No. 12. e
20. Abrégé | des règles | de la | Versification | française. | Par Mr.
Restant, Avocat au Parlement & ap- | prouvé de l’Académie des Sciences à
Paris. | A Montréal; chez Fleury Mesplet, Imprimeur & | Libraire,
M.DCC.LXX VIII.
Size 4% x 6%, pp. 80. Copies: Late Mr. Justice Baby; Université Laval,
Quebec.
As this book was advertised in La Gazette Littéraire of 2nd September,
1788, as for sale ‘“ chez l'Imprimeur,’ we have the exact date of its appear-
ance and may conclude that its publication was Mesplet’s own venture.
1778-1779.
21. Gazette du Commerce | et Littéraire, | Pour la Ville & District de
Montréal | Montréal, chez F. Mesplet & C. Berger, Imprimeurs & Libraires.
Afterwards changed to
Gazette Littéraire | pour la Ville & District de Montréal | Montréal,
chez Fleury Mesplet, Imprimeur & Libraire.
Size 74% x 9, pp. about 220. Copies: McGill University, Montreal, Uni-
versité Laval, Quebec.
228 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The first number appeared on the 8rd of June, 1778; the change in the
title and imprint was made on the 2nd September, 1778, and the last issue on
the 2nd of June, 1779.
1779.
22. Almanach | curieux | et intéressant; contenant l'Idée des Etats,
Royau- | mes & Républiques de l’Europe | avec les Naissances des Princes
& | Princesse; la liste des Prétres & Religieux Desservants les Egli- | ses
de Canada; la connaissance des | monnaies courantes, & la distance | mar-
quée d'une Poste à une autre, | depuis Québec jusqu'à Montreal | mille sept
cent soixante dix-neuf. | A Montréal; | chez Fleury Mesplet, Impri- | meur
et Libraire. | M.DCC.LXXIX.
Size 3 x 412, pp. 62. Copy: Université Laval, Quebec.
1781.
23. A | primer | For the | use of the Mohawk children | To acquire
the spelling and Reading | of their own: As well as to get ac- | acquainted
with the English Tongue, | which for that purpose is put on the | opposite
page. |
Waerighwaghsame Iksa | ongoenwa Tsiwaondad-derigh- | honny Kaghya-
dogsera; Nayondewe- | yestashk ayeneanashnô don ayeghya- | dow Kani-
yenkehaga Kaweanondagh- | kouh; Dyorheas-taga oni tisinihadwea- |
notea. | Montreal, Printed at Fleury Mesplet’s, 1781.
Size) 24 amo; “pps 79. Copies: British Museum, London; Wilberforce
Eames, New York, and a private library in Brooklyn.
This is described by Pilling, pages 137-9, where he gives a fac-simile
of the title page. A second edition was printed in London in 1786. Printed
at Mesplet’s press while he was a state prisoner at Quebec, under the
supervision of the author, Coi. Claus.
é 1782.
24. Pseautier de David, avec les cantiques à l'usage des Ecoles, a
Montréal, chez Fleury Mesplet, 1782.
Size 24 mo., pp. 304. Copy: The Hart Sale, Boston, April 15-19, 1890.
No. 1674.
The Catalogue has a note which states “Contains the first wood cuts
made in Montreal (p. 299), and is the first school book issued in Canada.”
Both statements are doubtful.
1783.
25. Copies | Authentiques | des articles préliminaires | de la paix, |
entre | S. M. Britannique, | S. M. Trés-Chrétienne | et | les Etats-Unis de
l'Amérique. | Signés à Versailles, le 10 janvier 1783. | A Montréal, | chez
Fleury Mesplet, M.DCC.LXXXIII.
Size 44%, x 6%, pp. 25. Copy: Late Justice Baby.
26. To the Honorable the president and members of Congress of the
United States | The memorial of Fleury Mesplet, of Montreal, in the
Province of Quebec. | Montréal, août 1783.
Size 94% x 134%, pp. 1. Copy: Library of Congress, Washington.
[m‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 229
1784.
27. Almanach | curieux | et intéressant | pour l’année | mil sept cent
quatre-vingt-quatre. | A Montréal; | chez Fleury Mesplet, Impri- | meur
& Libraire | M.DCC.LXXXIV.
Size 3 x 5, pp. 58, but not complete. Copy: Université Laval, Quebec.
Dionne, page 14, simply mentions an almanac of 1783, but without
details, the existence of which I have not been able to verify. This is the
last year of issue of Mesplet’s almanacs, he afterwards issued the large
single sheet calendars.
28. L’Ecu | de | Six Francs | A Paris | & réimprimé à Montréal, | chez
Fleury Mesplet, Imprimeur | & Libraire | 1784.
Size 16 mo., pp. 35. Copies: Lucien Huot, Beloeil; P. Gagnon, Quebec.
Described with fac-simile of title page by Gagnon, pages 277-8, No.
2004. Mentioned also by Dionne, page 14, No. 16. On the title page is a
small wood cut design with a liberty cap for the centre. Where was it
engraved?
1785-1794.
29. The Montreal Gazette
Gazette. de Montréal.
From 25th August, 1785, to Mesplet’s death, 29th January, 1794.
Size 10 x 15. Copies: One volume, McGill University; several volumes,
Université Laval, Quebec.
1787.
30. Sermon | funèbre | prononcé à l'occasion de la mort de | Mr. Ben-
jamin Frobisher. | On the last page is the imprint. A Montréal | chez F.
Mesplet, Imprimeur, 1787.
Size 5 x 8, pp. 15. Copies: Judge L. W. Sicotte; the late Mr. Justice
Baby.
This sermon was preached by the Rev. D. C. Delisle, a Swiss minister,
who was brought out by the government and set over the Anglican Con-
gregation at Montreal, of which Frobisher was a member. Mentioned by
Dionne, page 14, No. 22.
31. Remarques | sur | la maladie contagieuse | de | la Baie Saint Paul, |
avec la description de ses symptômes & la méthode | d’en faire la cure; |
A l'usage du clergé, & autres messieurs résidents | à la campagne, | par |
Robert Jones, chirurgien. | Non ignara mali miseris succurrere disco | verg.
LIV-I | Mes malheurs m'ont rendu l'ami des malheureux. | A Montréal |
chez Fleury Mesplet, Imprimeur-Libraire, 1787.
Size 5 x 7%, pp. 22 list. Copies: The late Mr. Justice Baby, Montreal;
Legislative Library, Quebec.
Mentioned by Dionne, page 14, No. 20, but copy lacks title page and
‘the date is given through error as 1786.
32. The | Manual Exercise, | with | Explanations, as ordered by | His
Majesty. | The second edition. | Montreal, Printed by Fleury Mesplet.
M.DCC.LXXXVII.
Size 414% x 6%. Copy: The late Mr. Justice Baby.
230 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
1789.
32. Le | Juge a Paix | et | Officier de Paroisse | pour la Province de
Québec. | Extrait de Richard Burn, Chancellier | du Diocése de Carlisle,
un des Juges à Paix | de Sa Majesté, pour les Comtés de Westmorland | &
Cumberland. | Traduit par Jos. F. Perrault | A Montréal; | chez Fleury
Mesplet, Imprimeur, rue Notre-Dame, | près les R.R. P.P. Récollets. |
M.DCC.LXXXIX.
Size 5 x 8, pp. 561 x 15—576. Copies: Judge L. W. Sicotte and eight
or nine others.
This book was issued in monthly parts of 32 pages each under the title
of “Traduction de Burn’s Justice.” It was advertised in the Montreal
Gazette of February, 1789, the first number as was announced appearing
in Mareh and the second on the 8th of April. The subscription was one
shilling per part, which would bring the cost of the whole volume up to $4.50.
That is if it was divided in eighteen parts of 32 pages each. A list of
subscribers is given in the Gazette which numbered over 237, of which 167
were from Montreal, 60 from Quebec, and ten from Three Rivers. In the
library of the late Judge Baby are several unbound parts. Described by
Gagnon, page 367, No. 2678, and by Dionne, page 14, No. 23.
1790.
34. Mémoire | abrégé | ou exposition justificative du cas de Jean-
Baptiste | Lebrun, de la paroisse de St. Sulpice, dans district de Montréal |
On the last page is the imprint. A Montréal; | chez Fleury Mesplet, Imprimeur,
1790.
Described by Dionne, page 15, No. 30. The copy in the library of Laval
University is dated in manuscript, 1791.
1791.
35. La Bastille | Septentrionale, | ou | Les trois Sujets | Britanniques
opprimés | Quod nequeo monstrare et Sentro tantum | Prix 40 sous | Se
vend | A Montréal, | chez Fleury Mesplet, Imprimeur, | A Québec, | chez
Mr. Bouthillier, au | Bureau de la Poste, | aux Trois Riviéres, chez Mr.
Mellish; à Varennes, chez Mr. Alexis Lahaye; a Berthier, chez Mr. L
Labadie; & à l’'Assomption, chez Mr. Faubant, Notaire.
Size 5 x 8%, pp. 32. Copies: Université Laval, Quebec; Legislative
Library, Quebec, and one or two others.
36. Mémoire | en cassation | du testament | de M. Simon Sanguinet,
Ecuyer, Seigneur de | la Salle &c., Précédé du testament. | Montréal, 10
janvier 1791, | chez Fleury Mesplet | Imprimeur et Libraire, rue Notre-
Dame 44.
Sizes x M) pps 19: Copies: Cyrille Tessier, Quebec; Legislative
Library, Quebec.
Described by Dionne, page 15, No. 3. A Factum prepared by J. F.
Perrault.
1793.
37. By His Majesty’s command | Auditor General’s Office | June Ist,
1792. | Rules and reguiations | for the | formations, field-Exercise | and
{m‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 231
movements | of His Majesty’s forces | Montreal | Printed by Fleury Mesplet
Notre Dame | street, No. 46, 1793.
Size 44% x 7%, pp. XX x 100 x 54—174 Copy: The late Mr. Justice Baby.
NO DATE.
38. Mémoire | en réponse à l'écrit publié | Mr. Panet fondé de
procuration de Watson | & Rasleigh de Londres, Demandeurs, | contre Pierre
Ducalvet, de Montréal, Ecuyer, Défendeur | Stupete Gentes | A Montréal,
chez Fleury Mesplet, Imprimeur & Libraire.
Size 6 x 9, pp. 16. Copy: Cyrille Tessier, Quebec.
39. Engagement forms “pour le pays d’Ennaut.
Quarto, pp. 2. Court House, Montreal.
232
B
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
. _ List of Books, pamphlets, ete., printed by Mesplet including those mentioned
in the inventories arranged according to subjects.
No. of Copies
in Existence
Religious.
1 Règlement de la Confrérie Ist edition............ |
2 à Fe a AAO by)! Cn eae eg ei |
Sa Camtiques deyMarselllest.ciscigierteie stats nce ie |
Aa St Antomnesdes ad OU ess nite eee rents ieee revo
5. (Catéchisme pournbnfant ses e cece desc: ae ene
6 Neuvaine de St. Francois Xavier..................
7 Oficede la Semaine Sante PP PEL oie |
Sa Jeunesse Chrétienne te oe ee eae salar
9 Psautiers (mentioned in Bulletin de R.H.vol. IT, p. 108.
{OM eHormulaimesid el OriGKessa eerie ele ener re ce
HT Am des tentants wrens eek Selo errno
12 a Devotliontde! lanstess tamil eres e eerie
Da Dévotion ala saints ANLES EP see oc sere
M anre Gardiens er a= erat uel. ce) eet
te UR egleside Paraisse Fe setae ate cee ey ae
lé Petites Heures . ie nado re couche mec Ce
1NCathéchisme dela Valinieres: a5 5. ee EEE CEE CPE
18 Histoire Chantante de la Valinière................
19 MCatéchisme de la Confirmation. Pr eee EEE
D0MMessedelste Hannlles re CCC EC ECC EEE
oi Sermon! Hunébre BP HrODISHER er. «oes ere
In Iroquois.
22 Iroquois Primer (prières sauvages 1777............
23 A Primer for the Mohawk Children 1781...........
In Latin. |
AMOMCUMININONOrEN REP EEE EEE CCE CCE CCE
95 “Alphabet Latin RECENT cle ee Le
26 Nouvelle Méthode pour lating 0...
Drbettres de Ciceron en PAIN EEE ER EC
DS MWh eat PERRET RE CL
School Books.
99) “Alphabet francais. 2... CCC rec.
30 A.B.C. RP ae eto Gris cd ree EE TE RE |
31 English Spelling books.......................:... |
397 Waynes! d'école Ane ais 1 PRE RER EE.
Literary. |
33 moeulationtdu bonisens losin ener ieie tell
34 Les Gants Anecdotes 1775—Hildeburn vol. IT, p. 221.
S5Jonatas et David MAO pou d spon bos coboossesdes
36 Dialogues Curieux et interessants..................
37 Anecdotes Anglaises et francaises.................
38 Abrégé de la Versification française... .............
SOMME de SR ARTANCS EE PEU EREEESE EEE CTRT
AD HSentences se Ie UN CRE EEE SRE Omen AIRE
AT SB TOCHUTES 22e ee ere res ER A ES ARE MEN EE ICE
ket CD ri et Qt © ND
No. of Copies
in First In-
ventory.
No. of Copies
in Second In-
ventory.
1 paquet
8
1 paquet
65
2paquets
31
217
72
4 paquets
25
16
18
3 paquets
16
1 paquet
8
31
10
165
2 rames
13 paquets
1 lot
6
12.
[21
170
135
1 paquet
2 lots
[m‘Lacazan] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 233
Legal and Political.
42 Lettre aux Habitants..de Quebec 1774............
43 : ie te, Gpprimé rs Didia'sh ciate, Seavedetayet’: ©
44 à Rd Oanadan” LAON Ne Le
45 Memorial to Members of Congress, 1783............
2 RON ET EN CNE RNA
nd du cours
48 Mémoire de Mézière. ... Dames Religeuses de Trois
Rivières. Advertised in Gazette of 1779.....
49 Réponse à par F. L. Duéme........ don Balas eee:
50 Mémoire sur le testament Sanguinet...............
52 & ew ee ee OTUs nn ler pires
a Constitution Droit de lhomme:........ <0. 66...
Military.
D Prlement Mihtaire1770....:....1,...,.,...4...
SMI RoI MENENCISE RON IR RENAN ART ET
Ne La Paille Septentrionale.......................
57 Rules and Regulations for Field Exercise..........
nine Mihlaire. 4.0.2... ie ba wees
Medical.
59 Maladie Contagieuses de la Baie St. Paul..........
Newspapers.
Historical.
62 La Louisiane Ensanglantée.......................
63 Journal du Voyage de Lacorne St. Luc
Almanacs and Calendars.
64 Almanach Encyclopédique 1777..................
65 À Curieux et interessant 1778............
66 ci fé PR yt eres ste Sal
67 + ne 1783—Mentioned
by Dionne
68 eo se RAS LIEN pce ea RES
69 Calendriers 1789—Advertised in Gazette..........
70 = A PPE ee tend aed, Feros Aol olla We Se
71 . ECU EUTTEEL SS 7" USUAL ae ae
Miscellaneous.
72 Règles pour change de Monnaie...................
73 Easy rules for exchange of currency
74 Guide de la Banque Anglaise.....................
75 Tableau des Rues et Faubourgs de Montréal
GOR LE AE ae
77 Engagement pour Voyage d’enhaut............... |
i
a 6 0 nt
Sec. II., 1906. 16
Sale tele eo Xs/'spe\e ellehe iene
No. of Copies
in Existence.
mee hore bo
©
[num
| SO bi pi
elle
large
number |
No. of Copies
in First In-
ventory.
| Bee ae ale
| |
|
No. of Copies
in Second In-
ventory.
‘1 paquet
il paquet
234 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
C No. 1.
FROM THE HALDIMAND COLLECTION.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. I, p. 66.
Mr Mesplet Maitre Imprimerie a Quebec.
Philadelphia 29 Mars 1775
Monsieur :
J'ai appris yer de madame votre epouse quel avez Recu de vos
nouvelles, et bien faché que vous aier été malade dans votre route et que
vous avée eut beaucoup de peine et d'inquiettude; Je vous Repons que
vous en avez laissé a M votre Epouse, ainsi qu'a moi, d’e n’avoire point
disous votre société avec votre assotiée avant votre depart ou d’arranger
autrement vos affairs attendû qu'il a voulu faire saisir toutes vos effets
que vous avez chez vous, J'ai été obligé de les faire enlévé et de les cachées
en different endroits, ainsi que vos caracteres qui etoit chez monsieur Miller
par le consentement de madame votre epouse. Le tout est en votre dispo-
sition ainsi qu'a la Sienne. De plus madame Votre epouse m'a dit que vous
lui marqués de voir M" Miller ainsi que moi et de nous priés d’avoir quelque
consideration pour vous Je suis surpris de cela de votre part a mon egard,
Je ne crois point ne vous avoir des obligée en aucune chose ou vous n'avez
pas fait reflexion sur ce que vous aié dit a votre depart de Philadelphia
Vous n'avez aucune precaution a prendre au Sujet de ce que vous devée a
Mr Miller attendu que j'ai payée et retirée tous vos characteres de chez
lui et vous n’avez appressent a faire qu’A moi sur pleusieurs articles;
premierement 52 pounds et 4 Shillings plus le Lendemain de votre depart
£3 0 0 comme Je l'avait promise. Le 11 Mars payée pour une quartier de
votre maison a Mr Benezst £10 10 0 monsieur Miller £66 0 0 payée le 23
du méme mois Total £131 14 0
Le tout ne depent que de vous d’arrangée vos affaires le plus aven-
tageuse qu’il vous sera possible. Le tems le plus cour sera le millieur pour
vous et marqués moi comme vous aurez fait et au cas que vous ne pouviez
pas trouvez personne pour vous avensée et que l’on voudra vous mettre
dans le cas de travailler pour eux Engagé vous pour venir a Philadelphia
Je feré honneur a vos engagements ou faite moi le savoire pour vous envoier
votre imprimerie qu’el ne tiens a rien ainsi que Madame. Je vous envoie
le reconnaissance des effets que j'ai en main savoir 9 caisse ou ballots
marqués F. M. Renfermente votre imprimerie et j'ai laissé le No: 13 et 17.
dans la chambre de Me Retirée de chez M' Miller imprimeur item 2 paniers
un grand et un petit contenant des caracteres marqués F. M. No: 1. et 17.
4 caisses a ditto marqués de même No: 3. 4. 6. 8 cela vous sert a recon-
naissance Je viens de recevoir une lettre de mon correspondant de St.
Dominque et me marque que des bonnes nouvelles et que toutes mes envoies
sont Rendu au mole de St. Micholas en tres bons port et il me prie de lui
faire Savoire la reponse des Messieurs du Canada au Sujet de la lettre du
Congrés (que vous avez imprimé) touchant les affaires de la Nouvelle
Angleterre; comme Je Sais que vous etes dans le cas de voir tout ce qui
est de mieux en Canada et que vous verez ce qu'il vous diront a ce Sujet
Vous avée l’esprist monsieur assez pénétrant pour conservoir ce qu'ils veulent
|M‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 285
dire ou ce qu'il pence Je vous saurée obligée Monsieur de me donnes une
copy sur une feuille vollante sans signé Seulement que le date et le plutot
qu'il vous sera possible. Je n’ai aucune bonne nouvelle a vous apprendre
Sinon que madame votre epouse est en bonne santé ainsi que celui qui a
le plaisire de vous Soieter toutes bonnes reiisite dans tout ce que vous
pouvez entreprendre et Soier persuadée que je sauré toujour monsieur Votre
tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur
BERGE
Mon addresse est chez Peter Parir, Race Street in the corner of second
St. Philadelphia ~
Endorsed, Letter to Mesplet from Philadelphia of 29t* March 1775. which
clearly Shows his first errand into the province.
Monsieur
Monsieur Mesplet imprimeur Present a Quebec En Canada
No. 2.
à Montreal, le 24 fevrier 1778.
Monsieur,
Comme vous n’ignorée pas les viersitudes de la vie puisque vous les
avée eprouvées en differents tems par les coups que vos ennemis ont
voulus vous porter vous vous en etes preservés Jusqu’a ce jour et Je Souhaite
que vous les pariés de nouveau car les ennimis cherchent tant par eux
meme que par leur influence auprés des grands de vous faire tout le tort
possible, ils exercent les faux temoignages l’irrelégion et l’imhumanité. L'on
vous previent de vous tenir sur des sages gardes dans un tems d'orage ou
la jalousie et la calomnie de vos adversaires est inexprimable. J’ay été a
méme d’entendre le fiel et le venin qu'ils ont contre vous ils vous dechirent
et voudrait vous aneantir s’ils le pourait. Sur les soupcons que l’on dit que
vous etes de l’opinion de colonies unies; Voila le crime dont vous etes
accusé; fondes sur la tranquilité que vous avée gardées dans ces tristes
affaires, L’on a fait tout ce que l’on a pu aupres de General Charlton pour
vous faire de la peine, mais son esprit tranquile et humain a fait qu'il n’a
rien fait. Cependant comme le tems n'est point encore calme et que
l'oragan du Sud peut se faire sentir L’on vous previent afin que le moindre
qu'il parait que vous soyez pret a recevoir la garde que l’on
se propose de vous donner non de jour main de nuit pour aller plus de
Sureté a quebec. Cici pour avis vous n’étes pas le Seul mais il y ena
bien d’autres des quels on se propose de jouir en tems et sans vous con-
naitre Ceux qui vous donnent cet avis ainsi que le nom des Commissaires
Marchands et autres qui sont les plus a charnis contre vous dans ces affaires;
Je suis bien Sincerement
Monsieur
Votre tres humble etc
pacis Amicus tranquillit—atisque neque vexationis et insectationis.
236 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No. 3.
A Son Excellence, Guy Carleton Chevalier du trés honorable Ordre du Bain
Capitaine General et Gouverneur en Chef de la Province de Quebec
etc. etc. etc.
Monsieur
Encouragé par la plus saine partie des citoyens de cette ville dans le
projet d’establissement d’un papier public Je prends la liberté de demander
a Votre Excellence son approbation persuadé qu'elle voudra bien ne pas
refuser a ce qui peut etre à l'avantage public et particulier. Restraint aux
differents avis que les negocians et autres voudront y inserer aux affaires
du commerce et a la littérature, J’aurai soin d’ecarter tout ce qui pourrait
porter le moindre ombrage au gouvernement et a la religion. Il n'y sera
meme fait aucune mention des affaires presente.
Votre Excellence m’accordant ce Previlige honorera le public dun
nouveau bienfait et ajoutera s’il est possible a la sincere gratitude et au
profond respect avec lequel Je suis Monseigneur de Votre Excellence Votre
Trés humble et obeissant Serviteur
FLEURY MESPLET
Imprimeur
Endorsed From Fleury the imprimeur at Montreal requesting permission
to publish a paper weekly.
Memorial of Mesplet the Printer requesting permission to publish a
news paper
No. 4.
AUX CITOYENS DE LA VILLE ET DISTRICT DE MONTREAL pa
Messieurs,
L’etablissement d’un papier Périodique m’a paru, ainsi qu’A plusieurs, un
projet qui, mérite votre attention 4 tous égards. Par ce moyen, on facilitera
le commerce, on multiplira les correspondances, on excitera ou on entre-
tiendra une emulation toujours avantageuse. Le Citoyen communiquera
plus promptement et plus eclairement ses idées; De là le progrés des Arts
en général et un acheminement à l'union entre les individus. Il résulte
plusieurs autres avantages pour la société lesquels vous sentez mieux que
Je ne les pourrais exprimer, et dont l’énumeration seroit hors de place. Les
avantages ne sont pas moindres eu égard aux intérêts particuliers; La
facilité d’avertir en tout temps le public des ventes de Marchandises, Meubles
ou bien-fonds, de retrouver des effets qu'on croit perdus, et ratraper les
negres fuyards; d'annoncer le besoin qu’on peut avoir d’un commis ou d’un
domestique et plusieurs autres que la commodité qu'offre ce projet deve-
loppera. Je me propose de remplir la feuille des avertissements publics
des affaires qui pourront interesser le commerce a quoi on ajoutera quelques
morceaux variés de Littérature. J’ose me flatter que, si comme J'espere
vous encouragerez ce foible commencement Vous Verrez messieurs, avec
plaisir, et dans peu non seulement une Collection d’Avis et annonces, mais
encore un recueil amusant et instructif. Je ferai mon possible pour pro-
curer des pieces nouvelles, et Je ne doute pas que ce ne reveille le génie
[m‘zacaLan] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 237
de plusieurs, qui, ou sont restés oisifs ou n’ont pas communiqué leurs pro-
ductions n’ayant pu le faire sans le secours de la presse
J’insererai dans le susdit Papier ou Gazette tout ce qu'il plaira à un
ou plusieurs me communiquer pourvu qu'il ne soit fait mention de la
Religion du Gouverment ou de nouvelles touchant les affaires presentes;
à moins que Je ne fus autorisé du Gouvernement mon intention etant de me
restraindre dans ce qui regarde les Avertissements, affaires de commerce,
et de Litterature. Supposé que le titre de Bureau d’Avis ou Gazette de
commerce et litteraire que Je me propose de donner a ce papier Periodique
soit trouvé par quelqu’un ne pas convenir je recevrai le conseil que l’on
me donnera a cé sujet. De meme s’il y avait quelque objection a faire sur
les conditions suivantes on pourra les proposer.
CONDITIONS.
La Souscription sera de deux piastres et demie, d’Espagne, par
L'année. Les souscriptions ne payeront qu'une piastre d'Espagne par
chaque advertissement pour trois semaines de suites.
Ceux qui n'auront pas souscrit payeront une demie piastre de plus par
chaque avertissement. Il sera libre a chaqu’un qui n’aura pas souscrit de
se procurer ledit papier en payment dix copres au detail Ledit Papier sera
imprimé sur le format in quarto et paraitra tous les Mercredis a com-
mencer le :
Les personnes qui voudront souscrire sont priées d'envoyer leur nom
et leur addresse; J’ai l'honneur d'etre avec un desir sincere de contribuer
autant qu'il est en mon pouvoir a l'avantage et a la satisfaction Publique,
Monsieur,
Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
FLEURY MESPLET
Imprimeur
Vol. 80, page 2.
: Quebec 25th June 1778.
Sir,
I herewith enclose the orders of the 24 Inst. His Excellency is
desirous to know whether the Printer concerning whom. you was wrote to
some posts ago, has received the order you was directed to communicate to
him for his quitting for the province His name I did not then mention the
General not recollecting it. His name is Mesplot.
General Haldimand was at Bic in the Montreal frigate on Sunday last,
and is hourly expected.
I have the honor &ca
BRIX GENL POWELL
238 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No. 6.
Vol. 80, page 2.
Quebec, 29% June 1778.
Sir,
Your Letter of 252 Instant. addressed to Sir, Guy Carleton, was by his
directions placed'beforesme: 22 ste, veiw et wie", wince iste: Lays) sich pee) EC IEEE IR
Say hss, = ee ae thas man 4 eauploved by, Mr Moesplat: is no doubt con-
cerned or ant with the tenor of his masters conduct, the same order
is to extend to him, and it is expected they both leave the province on or
before the fifteenth day of September Text... - <.. 2) sa-- jsceet cess re
ece., 22 ps vues ‘ee ae) sue sente Jee ex n'eisin ie le ie, ) esse ns Ava ln pet nue
I am Sir &ca
S. FRED® HALDIMAND
B. G. POWELL
No. 7.
A Son Excellence Guy Carleton Chevalier de tres honorable ordre du Bain
Capitaine General et Gouverneur en chef de la Province de Quebec
General et Commandant en chef des forces de Sa Majesté dans laditte
Province et Frontieres d’icelle etc.
Nous Soussignés, Citoyens de Montreal representons humblement a
Votre Excellence la mortification que nous cause le depart de sieur Fleury
Mesplet Imprimeur de Cette Ville l’ordre a lui donné verbalement par le
General P * * * de Vuider la Province Sous trois mois nous a Surpris; la
conduite qu’il a tenu depuis son arrivé en ce pays la regularité de ses
mœurs parassait nous assurer de le conserver plus long temps et devoir
le mettre a l'abri d'une telle disgrace. S'il est des raisons d'Etat qui ne
soient parvenues a notre connaissance nous ne disons riens; mais il est
notre Concitoyen, Continuellement sous nos yeux nous sommes temoins de
toutes ses demarches et nous ne scaurions lui faire aucun reproche son zele
pour procurer de l'instruction et de l’amusement en donnant un papicr
periodique nous marque un bon patriote La loi qu’il s’est imposé de ne
traiter de matieres qui ne regardent ni l'Etat ni la religion nous
prouve sa delicatesse nous n’y voyons que des Instructions pour le jeunes
gens et du plaisir pour tous. Nous supplions Votre Excellence d’avoir egard
a notre tres humble representation et d'etre persuadé que si Fleury Mesplet
eut a notre connaissance donné lieu a cette traitement nous regretterions à
la verité un homme aussi utile mais n’envisageant pas l'utilité et agrement
que peut nous procurer la presse nous nous trairions. Que n’aurions-nous
pas a reprocher, Si un de nos Citoyens souffrait une exportation onérouse
faute par nous de ne par rendre hommage a la Verité—Longueuil, P. Vallé,
Dumaz, Lacroix Neveu Sevestre, St. Ours, D. Carignan, Meziere, St George
Dupré, I. G. Pillet, foucher, Perinault, Jn. Delisle, Lambert St Omer
Lemoine, Jn. Berret, Londireaux, Jn. Vienne Fs. Le Guay Bomer Lafon-
taine C. Latour Bonnefois, Larthigue.
Endorsed The memorial of Sundry French gentlemen of Montreal in
favour of F. Mesplet the printer.
Aug* 177
bai":
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 289
No. 8.
Montreal the 24*» August 1778.
WHEREAS an order has been given to F Mesplet Printer, lately settled
in Montreal, and all such persons as were with him concerned forbidding
him and them to Exercise the trade of Printing, and directing that he and
they should, before the 15% day of September next Ensuing Quit the
Province, But several respectable persons of the said place having since
appeared to the character of the said F. Mesplet and he become responsible
for his good conduct in future, His Excellency the Commander in Chief is
therefore induced to suspend for the present, the above said order, and
hereby permits the said F. Mesplet to carry on his business of Printing,
or any other lawfull occupation, on condition that he & his associates take
the oaths of Allegiance before His Majesty’s Honorable Judge of the Court
of Common Pleas of this place within two days from the date hereof, a
Certificate whereof He must produce to the Commanding Officer of the
Troops in the District. And that he submit without fail or reserve whatever
he shall print or cause to be printed during the present Rebellion of the
Neighbouring Colonies, to the inspection of such person as by His Excellency
shall be appointed for that purpose, and that he on no account pretend to
print any thing which shall not first be so inspected, nor anything which
such inspection shall signify his disapprobation of upon pain of having the
aforesaid order for him the said F. Musplet Printer, to quit the Province
put immediately in force, which order is to be by him considered as not
revoked, only suspended, but nevertheless as long as he shall demean him-
self Soberly and as a good Subject of His Majesty to be of no effect what-
soever, This order to remain in the hands of Brigr Powell, or officer Com-
manding for the time being in Montreal.
By His Excellency’s Command
(Signed) E. F.
No. 9.
Sorei the 282 September 1778.
Mr. Cramahé
Sir,
Your letters of-the 215* and 24% are received .... .... .... cece cece
I have observed several improper things published in our Gazette,
particularly in the last, an account of Associations in Ireland, which I think
at these times ought not to be published. I must beg therefore that some
step be taken to prevent it in future, as Mr Gordon is gone to England
somebody should be appointed in his room to inspect the Pance..-.
eee "eee eee eee "eee eee “eee "ee. “s*e eee “see eee “eee. “eee
I am Sir, &c., &c.
(Signed) Le: i
240 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No. 10.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 95, p. 53.
CRAMAHE TO HALDIMAND.
1st Octr 1778.
I received your Letter 28th Septr
Our Printer has some Penchant to the popular cause, and when he gets
a cup too much, which is not seldom, his zeal increases. I have cautioned
him two or three times since your Departure, and shall, until you can find
a proper Person to inspect his Press, desire him to lay before me whatever
he intends to publish.
It was too late to insert any extracts of the Rebel newspaper & written
accounts lately transmitted, in this Day’s Gazette, they will do for next week,
besides the contents of the paper, there are strong Reports of the Disagree-
ment between the new Allies about this Town & particulars related, tho’
there is no tracing whence they originate.
No. 11.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. I, p. 79.
Montreal, 4 Jan’ 1779.
Monsieur,
Je me vois obligé de vous importuner des persecutions que j’essuie de
differentes personnes au sujet de mon papiers periodique, telles persecutions
que jai pris pour me mettre a l’abri je n’ai pas réussi.
Le pere Well, Jesuite, sous le nom de l’anonyme, a donné pleusieurs
productions que j'ai mis par complaissance dans la feuille, j'ai recu tant de
reproche que j'ai été obligé de refuser de nouvelles je vous envoie copie
d'une, dont j'ai crû à propos de ne pas exposer au public «a tous égards.
M" Montgotfier parait prendre partie pour le pére Well et en conséquence
m'a fait des reproches tres vifs et m'a menacé d’ecrire a son excellence pour
m'en défendre la continuation; qu'il est disgracieux pour moi d’avoir tant
dennemis sans sujet. Mon papier est Sous vos yeux je n'ai rien touche
qui regarde le gouvernement et je peux dire avec verité que ces messieurs
seuls cherchent a me nuire; J’espere monsieur qu'il vous plaira prevenir
son excellence et que vous voudrez bien opposer à leur petit tyrannie les
sentiments nobles et equitables qu’il vous a plu me temoigner. j'ai l'honneur
d'etre avec respect Monsieur, Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur
FLEURY MESPLET
No. 12.
Copie d’une production du Pere Well, Jésuite, signée l’anonyme qui m’a
été presentée pour la premiere fois en presence de Mt de St. Luc La Corne.
[m‘Lacazan] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 241
En parlant du jeu des echecs
CHANSON.
al
Sur le jeu que j'ai dans les mains,
Le sort n’étend pas ses caprices;
Ce sort qui, parmi, les humains,
Couronne si souvent les vices.
Combien d'hommes aux premiers rangs
Que le seul hasard a fait grands.
2
Les Rois ont des fous pour Soldats,
qui les servent dans chaque armée;
Messieurs ne vous en plaignez pas,
Puisque dans plus d’une assemblée,
Les hommes seraient bien heureux.
de n'en pouvoir compter que deux.
3
Les fous sont placés prés du Roi,
un tel roi peut-il étre Sage?
Des courtisants quand je les voi,
je reconnais ici l’image.
jamais s’il s’agit d’un bon choix,
De deux Sots n’ecoutez pas la voix.
4
Le chevalier change Souvent
De couleur et de contenence:
Dans son bizarre changement,
reconnaissons notre inconstance:
A tous moments, sans le scavoir,
Nous passons tous du blane au noir.
5
Le Roi fait un pas chaque fois,
jamais il n’en fait d'avantage.
pour notre bonheure tous les Rois
devraient suivre un pareil usage.
quand on gouverne les Etats,
=
on doit s’avancer pas à pas.
6
Vous avez pris un de mes pions,
Et moi je vais prendre un des vôtres.
Tous ce qu'aux autres nous faisons,
a Nous devons l’attendre des autres:
Quand piece à quelqu'un l’on fera,
Piéce pour piéce il nous jouera.
7
Je ne scais pour quelle raison
Le Roi n’est pas avec la Reine,
Tandis qu'il garde ia maison
Madame court la pretentaine....
Echec et mat!2.... il doit souffrir:
Pourquoi laisser Sexe courrir?
242 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Endorsed M* Mesplet the Printer Jan 4 1779.
No. 13.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 66, Pt. 1, p. 102.
Copie
Monsieur, Quebec 15e fevrier 1779.
J'ai recu dans son temps l'honneur de vôtre Lettre du 2e Janvier, &
je vous dois Monsieur bien des excuses pour avoir tardé aussi longtemps
a y Repondre, mais outre des occupations pressentes, l’affaire en question
méritoit d’etre bien réflechis.
Dans le principe je m’etois proposer d’arreter tout à fait immédiatement
la Prise du Sieur Miplet dont l’abord dans cette Province, méritoit plutôt
chatiment qu’un accueil favorable, mais vous savez Monsr les sollicitations
qu’on me fit à Montreal pour m’engager à lui permettre d’y rester.
Pour l’empecher de tomber davantage dans un travers ou il paroit fort
incliner, & jusques à ce que je puisse prendre d’autre Mesures; je lui ay
fait défendre trés expressément d’attaquer la Religion ou le Clergé; de ne
rien inserer dans sa feuille qui put choquer les bonnes moeurs, ou fomenter
la discorde parmis les Peuples qui par toutes sortes de raisons devroient
soutenir les Interets d’un Gouvernement qui les a Protegé & sous les
auspices duquel la Province s’est ameliorée beaucoup audela de ce quelle
avoit jamais fait auparavant.
Comme je connois votre Zéle & l'attachement que vous avez pour ce
méme Gouvernement; & que j’ai une parfaite confience en votre Prudence
& Discretion. Je vous prie Monsr de veiller de prés aux publications de cet
Imprimeur et de mavertir au plutot s’il lui arrive encore de s’ecarter de la
Conduitte qui lui a été prescritte de ma part.
Monseigneur l'Evêque je suis persuadé vous aura fait part des demarches
que: j'ai faittes à l'Egard du Père Wells, & les avis que j'ai donné aux
Révérends Peres Jesuittes. J'espere que ces Messieurs ne donneront plus
prise sur Eux & que j'aurai à L'avenir tout lieu d’etre content de Leur
Conduitte.
J'ai l'honneur d’etre avec la plus parfaite Hstime
Monsieur, Votre &c.
(Signé) 1s NS
A Mons: de Mont Golfier
Endorsed Copy Letter from His Excellency Genl Haldimand ‘to M. de
Mont Golfier Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal dated
Quebec the 152 February 1779.
No. 14.
Monsieur : —
Par la lettre que j'ai recue de M. Cramahé de la part de Ve Excellence
et que dans son temps j'ai communiqué à M. Southouse, mon Collègue,
nous avons non seulement été patient comme nous en estions requis de
la part de Ve Excellence, mais nous avons été sourds à bien des dits cours
de la part de L’imprimeur de Jottard qui tendoient à nous insulter.
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 243
Nous croyons Monsieur que cet Imprimeur et Jottard et le Sieur du
Calvet mettent le comble à la mesure et se croient en droit de nous insulter
et de braver le Gouvernement, sous la Protection duquel nous avons l’honeur
d’exerter, et d’exerter de notre mieux.
Comme officiers de ce Gouvernement nous croions faire ce qui est en
notre pouvoir pour rendre la justice au sujets du Roy, et qu'il appartient
au Gouvernement seul de s’enquerir de notre Conduite et juge si les reproches
et réflexions proposés contre nous sont justes ou calomnieuses. Votre Excel-
lence jugera par la Gatte ci-incluse la conduite des autheurs qui y sont
souscrits est tollerable ou si elle merite d'etre reprimée.
Ve Excellence le croiroit à peine que Jottard et Mesplet ont eu l'audace
de se presenter aujourd'hui à la chambre d'audience dans la vüe sans doute
de prouver à la populace qu'ils n’avoient rien à craindre, et que l’on pouvoit
sans danger insulter les magistrats; ou à dessein de nous provoquer à leur
dire quelque chose qui peut marquer de la passion afin de s’en prevaloir.
Notre facon de penser tout à fait opposer à aucune mesure violente
nous a fait ne prendre aucune attention à leur presence, nous esperons que
Ve Excellence se determinera à prendre un parti à l’Egard des desportements
de ces homes insolents.
Je signe cette lettre pour M. Southouse et moy, &c &c
H. ROUVILLE
Endorsed From Judge Rouville, of 27th May 1779.
No. 15.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185-1, p. 90.
Quebec 1st June 1779.
Monsieur
J'ai recu votre lettre du 27 mai avec la Gazette dont vous faites men-
tion J'avais eu des Raisons pour temporiser et ne pas aller trop vite avec
Besogne avec des Gens dont les dispositions sont trop long tems connues
pour douter un seul moment qu'ils n’ayent le dessein ferme de diffamer
tous le officiers du Roi et de jetter toute la colonie dans une confusion
toujours a souhaiter pour des gens qui ne scavent ou donner la tête.
Je vous prie d’étre assuré vous méme et d’assurer Monsieur Southouse
qu’en toutes les occasions je me ferai un veritable devoir et plaisir de soutenir
les officiers du Roi surtout quand ils agissent avec la moderation que vous
avez montrée en cette occasion et qui est de toutes maniéres louable En
recevant ma lettre vous apprendré la maniere dont je m’y suis pris pour
arretter le cours des insolences des sieurs Jautard et Mesplet Je souhaite de
tout mon coeur que cet example ait l'effet sur les esprits qui, on en doit
desirer qu'il confirme aux ceux qui sont bien disposés, ramene les chancelans
et donne une juste terreur aux Mal Intentionés, Envers un gouvernement
dont le plus grand defaut a peut etre été d’avoir trop de douceur.
244 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Quoique que cette lettre vous soit addressée en particulier mon inten-
tion est qu'elle sert aussi à votre collegue M* Sanhouse a qui vous aurés
la bonté de la communiquer
J’ai l'honneur.
Endorsed To Mr Rouville 1st June 1779.
No. 16.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. 1, p. 87.
By His Excellency Frederick
Whereas I have received sundry information of the traiterous practices
of Valentine Jautard formerly attorney and of Francis Mesplet, Printer
at Montreal, This is to authorize and impower you to seize and secure the
said Jautard and Mesplet for the said traiterous practices to confine them
seperately, you are not to suffer them during their confinement on shore or
on board to converse together or with any other Persons and will send
them down here by first favorable opportunity to the custody of the
Military provost at this place. You are likewise directed to seize and secure
at the same time all papers in the possession of the said Jautard and
Mesplet, and in the presence of any two commissioners of Peace not being
any of those they are at variance with, or any two honest Members of
Society you can conveniently assemble for that purpose, you are to seal
up their papers seperately, commit them to the care of some trusty person,
and cause them to be conveyed down here by the first favorable opportunity
under the custody likewise of some one you can trust. You will cause
the printing Presse, Types, and every article thereunto belonging to be
valued by honest and impartial people an inventory to be made thereon, and
deposited in a safe place until disposed of as may hereafter be directed
You will let Jautard and Mesplet have their Clothes, apparel and money
and commit the care of their furniture to such Persons as they may chose
to Appoint.
And for the execution of all that is herein directed this will be to you
and all concerned a sufficient warrant and authority
Given under my hand and seal at Quebec, this 1st June 1779.
To Major John Nairn Commanding at Montreal
Endorsed Warrant for arresting Valentine Jautard and Fleury Mesplet
1st June 1779.
No. 17.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. 1, p. 92.
Quebec, June 15t 1779.
Sir
You will herewith receive a warrrant under my hand and seal for
apprehending and securing Jautard and Mesplet whose behaviour has long
been obnoxious to Gouvernement and who of late seem to bid defiance
to all law and Justice, it is a disagreable piece of business but at this time
indispensably necessary.
—_—_ =
[M‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 245
After the receipt of my letter and warrant You will keep the matter
secret till you have taken the proper measures for executing the same
with precision; you are to take care they do not escape you, and endeavour
to make sure of all their papers, at the same time you will see, that they
are treated with humanity be furnished with good provisions and have
such conyeniences as can be procured them. While in confinement on shore,
or on board you will direct that the prisoners are not permitted to com-
municate together or with persons from without and that they be not
allowed the use of pen Ink or paper. If any of the Treasury Brigs are
still at Montreal you will order one of them to carry down the prisoners
or send them by the first vessels that sail from there taking care they are
kept seperately and to be guarded by such as you can entirely confide in.
When the Prisoners have been secured you will deliver the enclosed to
Mr Rouville; I need not recommend to you, whose good sense and atten-
tion to the King’s service I have the most perfect confidence in, to observe
the effects this measure has upon the King’s subjects of every denomination
and their movements in general in times so critical and dangerous as the
present are
I am &c.
Endorsed To Major Nairn ist June 1779.
No. 18.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. 1, p. 89.
Quebec, ist June 1779.
To Major Nairn;
Sir,
In case you not yet sent away the two Dilinquents you will receive
orders by an express dispatched this day to arrest them; you are to put
them on board the Provincial armed schooner Mercury that sails this day
for the purpose the commanding officer thereof has Directions to obey you
should they come away before she reaches Montreal you will detain her
as short a time as possible and order the officer to return to this port.
Endorsed To Major Nairn ist June 1779.
No. 19.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. 1, p. 94.
You are hereby ordered and directed to proceed without loss of time
with the Provincial schooner Mercury under your command, to Montreal;
should you find when you arrive at the Foot of the Rapids of St Mary’s near
Montreal that the Wind is contrary you are to cast Anchor there and proceed
by land to Montreal to deliver my despatches to the officer commanding
there, whose orders you are to obey without delay; you will keep an
exact journal of all occurrences in your passage up as well as down.
Given under my hand at Quebec ist June 1779.
Endorsed To Wm Halcro Esqre Commd His Majesty’s Prov! Armed Schooner
Mercury 1779.
To the Master of the provincial Armed schooner Mercury June 1st 1779.
246 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No. 20.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 161, p. 18.
NAIRNE TO HALDIMAND.
Sir:— Montreal, 6th June, 1779.
I had the honour of receiving Your Excellency’s letter and orders in
regard to Jautard and Mesplet, which I put in execution on friday morning.
They made no resistance but submitted quietly and this morning I sent them
on board a Vessel for Sorrell, in charge of Lieut Mackinnon and a Guard of
a Corporal and four men. There is no Vessel here that goes directly to
Quebec, but I hope there may be one at Sorell, and have given Mr Mackenzie
instructions conform to those I had from Your Excellency.
I have ordered the printing Types to be put up and so soon as that
can be done properly shall make an Inventory and deposit them in a safe
place till Your Excellency’s further pleasure is known, for I have not yet
been able to find any person who can value them except Mesplet himself,
and it is very difficult to assort them properly.
I don’t find that the Prisoners have many Friends here, nor that the
steps taken in regard to them have given any great Alarm. I shall however
be attentive to what passes and will not fail to report to Your Excellency
everything I think worthy of your notice.
All the papers belonging to the prisoners are put up in two separate
bundles and sent in charge of Lieut. Mackinnon.
I have the honour to .be Your Excellency’s most obedient and most
humble servant.
(is Excellency General Haldimand.
JOHN NAIRNE
Major
Endorsed—A. 1779 From Major Nairn at Montreal of 6th June Recd 9th.
No. 21.
Canadian Archives, Series B, No. 54, p. 85.
Extract letter of Haldimand to Germain,
. Quebec, 7th June 1779.
The Turbulent & seditious Behaviour of a Cabal at Montreal, has also
laid me under the necessity of confining Two Frenchmen there, who names
Mesplet & Jaubard, the former a Printer sent here by Congress in 1774, to
Publish and Disperse their letters, the latter has been an attorney & is
an unprincipled Adventurer. So soon as their Papers have been examined
Your Lordship shall have a circumstantial Account of their affairs, & if
this does not in some measure check the Licentious Spirit that was begin-
ning to rise, I shall not hesitate to make more examples, I heartily lament
that those who misbehaved in 1775 and 1776 were not. severely punished, it
was easy then, but now difficult, nevertheless my Endeavours shall not be
wanting to promote the King’s interests, serve the Public and secure the
Province. Objects which engross all my attention and which always have
been and ever shall be the sole aim of all my actions.
[M‘LAGHLAN ] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 247
No. 22.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. 1, p. 95.
A Son Excellence, le tres honnorable Gouvr Général de Quebec et Depen-
dances etc etc etc.
Monsieur,
Supplie, tres humblement, Marie Mirabeau epouse de Fleury Mesplet,
Imprimeur de Montreal, Detenu en Prisons de cette ville. S'il est disgra-
tieux pour moy d’étré obligée d’importuner Son Excellence Il est encore
bien plus douloureux d’avoir un juste motif de le faire Le triste état ou
me reduit la detention de mon mari ne me permet de me taire plus long
tems, la perspective est trop effrayante pour ne pas m'epouvanter sans
secours ni fortune pour ainsi dire étrangére dans ce pays je n’avais de res-
source que dans son Industrie Devient inutile par sa detention. Je connois
la quantité et la qualité de ses ennimis mais Je serai assez discrette pour
les taire; leur efforts reitérés ont produit le funeste effet qu'ils en atten-
daient Il a succombé sous le poids de l’envie et de la jalousie
S'il etoit coupable j'irais aux pieds de Votre Excellence implorer sa
bonté et demander des graces, mais certaine de son Innocence Je demande
un act de justice; que ces papiers soient inspectés, qu'il soit même fait
une regulière de sa conduitte et de ses moeurs. Je ne doute pas que sous
peu de jours le jugement qui inteviendra luy sera favorable et que je
possederay un segond moy même qui m'est encore plus char parce qu’il
est mon epoux et que mon bien etre depend de lui. Je me flatte que Son
Excellence fera droit a ma humble Representation et que son equité s’op-
posera a ce que sous ses yeux on immole (pour ainsi dire) la fortune de
quelques particuliers a la jalousie et l’ambition de quelqu’autres: Je con-
tinueray (car je ne peux rien ajouter) aux voux sinceres que je fais pour la
prosperité de Son Excellence,
Petition of Madame Mesplet, 15th July 1779. Her Husband being a State
prisoner, praying for examination
No. 23.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. 1, p. 97.
A Son Excellence, Frederick Haldimand, Gouverneur en chef de la Pro-
vince de Quebec etc. ete. etc.
Fleury Mesplet, prisonnier a l'honneur de representer a Votre Excellence,
qu'il a été arrété par ses ordres le 4 juin 1779, et que depuis ce tems il a
été reservé si strictement pendant les premiers mois de sa detention qu’il
ne luy fut pas possible de faire parvenir ses plaintes a Votre Excellence;
L'hiver s’ecoula dans une triste position mais il luy restait encore la con-
solation de croire que l’arrivée des batiments mettrait fin a sa peine. On
lui repaissait l'imagination de cet espoir qui calmait un peu son chagrin
encore lui restait-il alors quelque petit moyen de subsister.
Toutes ses esperances sont évanouiés, les batiments sont arrivés, ses
Moyens épuisés, sa santé alterée son epouse seule dans un pays qui lui
est inconnu sans parens sans amis sans bien et sur le point d’etre reduite
dans l’etat le plus critique; ces tristes considerations on affaiblé la resolu-
tion que son innocence lui inspirait il a recours a l’autorité et a lequité
248 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
de Votre Excellence Quoi! se refusait-elle a rendre a un innocent per-
secuté la liberté qui lui a ete ravie par la malice de ses ennemis, 4 un
citoyen la faculté de subsister par son travail et de preserver une epouse
cherie tant par devoir que par inclination de la misere a laquelle elle est
exposée? Non! je ne l’ai jamais cru; je supplie Votre Excellence avec
toute la confiance possible de lui accorder sa liberté sous telles conditions
qu’il lui plaira il l’espere de votre autorité et de votre equitable il ne cessera
de faire ses voeux pour la prosperité de Votre Excellence
FLEURY MESPLET
Des prison de la prevôté 26 Septembre 1780.
Requette de Mesplet l’imprimeur pour les rebelles, 26 Tbre 1780.
No. 24.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. 1, p. 105.
A Son Excellence frederic haldimand Capt General des Armées de Sa
Majesté en Amérique Vice Admiral dicelle & Gouverneur en Chef de la
Province de Quebec et des Territoires en dépendans ete. ete.
Monsieur,
Nous soussignés detenus dans les Prisons militaires de cette Ville par
l’ordre de Votre Excellence avons l'honneur de représenter que notre confine-
ment a été strictement clos depuis deux ans & plus à la reserve de trois
mois environ pendant lequel tems la liberté de la cour nous fut accordée
Yeté dernier.
Qu’une aussi dure detention contribue beaucoup à l’alteration de notre
santé, que la liberté de la cour pourroit reparer en partie. Pourquoi nous
esperons de l’humanité de Votre Excellence qu'il lui plaira nous accorder
cette Liberté dans une saison aussi favorable.
Nous avons l'honneur d’etre avec un tres profond respect De Votre
Excellence Les tres humbles & tres obeissans Serviteurs
LA TERRIERE
FLEURY MESPLET
Prevost de Quebec le 30 Avril 1781.
Endorsed—Requete du Sieur fleury Mesplet, Imprimeur, Prisonnier d’Etat
du 30 Avril 1781. :
No. 25.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 114, Pt. p. 200.
Sir, Montreal, 27th September 1781.
eevee eeee
[m‘zacHLAn] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 249
Since the Delivery of the new Mohawk prayer Book the Indians in
general have, on Acct of its being corrected given themselves much pain to
study it and I in order to encourage their zeal have nominated a Clerk to
read prayers on Sundays and a Schoolmaster to teach the children to read
and write, and to facilitate the latters Teaching have composed in my
Leisure hours a primer in Mohawk & English (the first they ever had)
which may make those of some genius acquainted with the reading of
English & be a help to become good Interpreters, They are very fond
of the little Book both old & young & I have already from the Mohawks
at Niagara recd Messages to send some there; I shall send Your Excellency
a Specimen of it by the first opportunity; I had not long ago a Letter from
Calvé the Interpreter to the Renards from Michillimakina, he has no
Intelligence to give, but requests me to remind Your Excellency of what
I heard Your Excellency tell him when last at Quebec, of recommending his
son to the Professor of the French Accademy of this place and pay for his
Schooling as he intended him to serve as an Interpreter.
eee
eee
I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect Sir Your Excellency’s
Most obedient & most oblidged humble servant
DAN CLAUS
No. 26.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. 1, p. 106.
‘A Son Excellence frederic haldimand, Ecuyer Gouverneur, Capitaine
General & Commandant en chef en cette province, etc. etc. etc.
Suplient humblement
Valentin Jautard et fleuri Mesplet & ont Vhonneur de representer à
Votre Excellence qu'ils auraient été arretés par ses ordres Le 4 Juin 1779.
Que depuis un si long intervalle ils auraient seulement presenté à Votre
Excellence Leur très humble petition en datte du 26 7bre 1780 dans laquelle
apres avoir détaillé le triste etat ou leur fortune et leur santé etait reduite
par une si longue detention Les supliants concluaient à ce qu’il plut à Votre
Excellence accorder leur Elargissement (cette petition fut sans succès).
Qu'il s’est ecoulé près de deux ans sans que les supliants aient fait
aucune démarche certaine de leur innocence, ils ont attendu patiemment
un temps où ils pourraient se justiffier.
Que si leur situation etait triste en 7bre 1780 combien deplorable ne doit
elle pas etre aujourd’huy. Leur fortune, pour ainsi dire, anéantie, leur
temperament ruiné. au point de perdre tout espoir de le rétablir ne leur
Sec. I1., 1906. 17
250 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
restant de consolation que la certitude de leur innocence, par consequent
d’etre sans remords.
Les supliants esperent qu'il plaira à Votre Excellence prendre ce que
dessus en sa consideration et en consequence ordonner que leur procés soit
instruit. Et dans le cas ou Votre Excellence ne jugerait pas apropos d’or-
donner l’instruction de Leur procès qu'il luy plaise accorder aux dts suplians
soussignés Leur elargissement.
Les suplians ne cesseront de faire des Voeux pour la prospérité de
Votre Excellence.
V. JAUTARD
F. L. MESPLET
Prison du prevost Le 7 aout 1782
Endorsed—Memorial 1782 Mess. Jautard & Mesplette, Recd 7th Augt.
No. 27.
Canadian Archives, Series B, Vol. 185, Pt. 1, p. 119.
A Son Excellence Le Trés Honorable Gouverneur Général De Quebec &
Depandances, etc. etc.
Monseigneur.
Marie Mirabeau, épouse de Fleury Mesplet, se confiant en votre bonté &
humanité envers les affligés prend la liberté d'importuner Votre Excellence
pour lui représenter sa triste situation. Etrangere dans ce pays & après
avoir consommé tout son peu de bien pour son propre besoin & celui de Son
Marit, se trouve maintenant, sans ressource, & hors d'état de satisfaire aux
emprunts qu’elle a été obligé de faire Pour se soutenir. C’est pourquoi mon
General, elle se flatte que Son Excellence voudra bien donner l’elargissement
à son marit qui vous en aura Monseigneur une eternelle obligation, & pour
seureté de sa Conduite avenir elle se flatte de trouver & fournir deux cau-
tions agreables au gouvernement, qui répondront de sa Conduite.
J'ai l'honneur d'etre très Respectueusement, Monseigneur, Votre très
humble obeissante Servante. 5
MIRABEAU MESPLET, femme Mesplet.
Endorsed—Memorial of the Wife of Mesplet, the Printer.
D. 28.
From the manuscript division of the Library of Congress. Extracts from
Journals of Continental Congress, 23 Feb., 1776.
To Monsieur Mesplet, for printing the military rules, and French
letters to Quebec | the inhabitants of Canada | the sum of £16 10— 44
dollars.
No. 29.
26th February, 1776.
Resolved,
Monsieur Mesplet, printer, be engaged to go to Canada, and there set
up his press and carry on the printing business, and the Congress engage
to defray the expense of transporting him, his family and printing utensils
to Canada, and will moreover pay him the sum of 200 dollars.
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 251
No. 30.
Note—“In the Warrant book is a record of a payment of 200 dollars
to the printer Mesplet for removing to Canada.”
[The phrase between parallels does not occur in the original manuscript
journal.]
27 May, 1785.
On a report from the board of treasury to whom was referred a
memorial of Fleury Mesplet, printer.
Resolved that the sum of four hundred and twenty-six dollars and
forty-five ninetieths of a dollar be paid to Mr. Fleury de Mesplet on
account of expenses attending the transporting himself, family and printing
utensils from Philadelphia to Montreal.
No. 32.
Papers of Continental Congress No. 41, Vol. 6, p. 305.
To the Honorable the President and Members of the Congress of the
United States. /
The Memorial of Fleury Mesplet of Montreal, in the Province of Quebec.
Sheweta,
That your Memorialist was a citizen of Philadelphia; and in the year
1776, was happily established in his business of a printer in that city: That
upon the conquest of a part of the Province of Quebec by the Arms of the
United States, it was thought expedient to establish a Press in the town
of Montreal; that your Memorialist on account of ‘ais language and known
attachment to the interests of the United States, was selected by Congress
to direct such a Press, and did at the request of Congress, and in hopes
of the support and recompense of that body relinquish a comfortable situa-
tion and remove his Press at a very great expense, from Philadelphia to
Montreal, where he unceasingly laboured to promote the interest of the
States; until the evacuation of the province by taeir army, when on
account of the impossibility of conveying his Press, he was constrained to
remain in the exercise of his business, until he was apprehended and con-
fined in the Military Prisons of Quebec as a State Prisoner, during the
space of three years and six months, in which time he constantly wanted
the conveniences frequently the necessaries of life: T’aat the cessation of
arms has restored him to personal liberty, but deprived of the means of
enjoyment, which can only be restored to him by the Justice and Bounty
of Congress, in taking into consideration the circumstances of his case,
and ordering such relief as it may seem to merit."
Montreal, 1st Août 1783. FLEURY MESPLET.
Endorsed—Read 30 September, 1783.
Referred to Mr. Holton, Mr. Lee, Mr. Clarke. Discharged Nov. 1783.
No. 31.
No. 33.
Papers of Continental Congress, No. 41, Vol. 6, p. 303.
Evénements pendant le voyage du Sieur Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur,
parti de Philadelphie, sous les ordres exprés du respectable congrés pour
aller, en qualité d’imprimeur, en Canada.
J’ai parti de Philadelphia, le 16 Mars 1776. mon épouse, Mr. Pochard,
homme de lettre, deux ouvriers et un domestique.
* This is a printed document signed.
252 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Le 8 davril j'ai arrivé au fort George, où j'ai attendu plusieurs jours,
l'imprimerie qui était partie (par les ordres du Congrès) dans les voitures
de Philadelphia; pour transporter la dite imprimerie du fort George à
Montréal, j'ai été obligé de prendre cinq bateaux, qui ont été conduits à
mes frais jusqu'à Montréal; il faut observer les grandes difficultés qu'il
y a à faire le chemin, à cause des portages, changements de voiture avec
un si grand train; mais c’était aux ordres du respectable Congrés.
Le 22 d’avril jarrivai à Chambly, où il y a un Sault à passer: soit par
la grande difficulté, ou la faute du pilote, les cinq bateaux remplirent si
grande quantité d’eau qu’ils manquérent périr, et en arrivant à Montréal,
je trouvai une quantité de marchandise gatées, comme de Vor en feuille,
du papier doré, du papier indienné, papier blanc, et une quantité de livres,
toutes les 'aardes de mon épouse, et une partie des miennes.
Une fois à Montréal il fallut former mon établissement, je louai une
maison que j’occupe encore aujourd'hui, et je me flattais par les apparences
à y faire mes affaires; mais malheureusement les troupes du Continent furent
obligées de replier; aussitôt qu’elles furent hors de la province, je devins
criminel aux yeux de tous ces animaux que l’on nomme royalistes, et ne
tardérent pas à je faire connaître, car huit jours après leur invasion, je fus
conduit avec mes ouvriers et Mr. Pochard, en prison, où nous avons resté
un mois, et Mrs. les Royalistes venaient de temps en temps nous présenter
des cordes, en nous traitant comme si nous eussions été des sujets les plus
nécessaires au Congrès, et par conséquent les plus à craindre à leurs yeux;
cela nous a fait honneur.
Sorti de prison, Mr. Pochard prit le parti de s’embarquer pour l’'Eu-
rope, Mr. Gray et Mr. Herse, mes deux ouvriers restèrent avec moi, mais
je ne pouvais les occuper faute de papier; néanmoins je me flattais encore,
qu’une fois que j'aurais reçu le papier de Londres, que j'avais demandé, je
réparevois cette perte. n
L'année ensuite je recu mon papier, et avec l’aide de mes ouvriers et
de mon intrigue, je me fis un fond honnête.
1778—Le 4 de juin j’établis un papier public, qui paraissait aux yeux des
honnêtes gens, très-utile à la ville de Montréal, mais la canaille qui s'y
trouvait trop souvent d’épeinte dans chaque état, tramérent une ligue contre
moi, et firent agir toute la puissance du Clergé auprés de Mr. Carleton,
pour me faire chasser de la province; ils l’obtinrent et je recus les ordres
de Mr. Carleton, le 5 de juillet de la même année, qui m’ordonnait de
quitter la province de ce jour au 25 septembre suivant, comme étant
soupconné dangereux au Gouvernement.
Mr. Haldimand, sur la fin de juillet, vint relever Mr. Carleton, et en
conséquence d’une requête que je lui présenta il me laissa tranquillement
jouir de mon état.
Cette même canaille! et même protecteurs’ continuérent de me per-
sécuter, et sollicitérent si fort auprès de Mr. Haldimand qu'ils parvinrent
à me faire arrêter, le 4 de juin 1779, et je fus conduit dans les prisons
militaires de Québec, où j'ai resté jusqu’au ler septembre 1782, encore suis-
je sorti fugitivement, sans quoi j’y serais peut-étre encore.
FLEURY MESPLET.
Montréal, le ler d'août 1783.
1 “Royaliste”
2 “Le Clergé”
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 25
É No. 34.
Papers of the Continental Congress, p. 336-337.
A l’Honorable Président, et respectables membres du Congrès des Etats-
Unis de l’Amérique.!
Représentation du Sr. Fleury Mesplet, actuellement à Montréal, dans la
province de Québec, en Canada.
Le représentant prend la liberté de rappeler dans la mémoire de vos
Seigneuries, qu'ayant été établi à Philadelphie en l’année 1776, lors de la
conquête d’une partie de la province de Québec, par les armes des Etats-
Unis, on jugea convenable d'établir un imprimeur dans la ville de Montréal,
et qu’en faveur de sa langue et de son attachement reconnu aux intérêts
des Etats-Unis, il fut choisi par le respectable Congrès pour s’y transporter
avec son imprimerie; et que l’ayant conduite à la réquisition du Congrès,
tant dans l'espérance d’un encouragement que d’une récompense de la part
de ce respectable corps; en considération de ces espérances, il a laissé un
établissement assez favorable, et s’est transporté avec toute son imprimerie,
à grans frais, de Philadelphie à Montréal, où il s’occupa uniquement à
favoriser la cause des Etats-Unis, jusqu'à l'évacuation de la province par
leur armée, auquel temps, vu l'impossibilité de transporter son imprimerie,
il s’est trouvé obligé de rester dans la continuation de sa profession, jusqu’à
ce qu’il fut arrêté et renfermé dans la prison militaire de Québec, comme
prisonnier d’Etat durant l’espace de trois années et demie; pendant lequel
temps il s’est vu privé, non seulement de toute commodité, mais méme
souvent des nécessités de la vie; la cessation d’armes lui a fait recouvrer la
liberté de sa personne, mais lui a 6té les moyens d’en jouir, qui ne peuvent
lui être rendus que par la Justice, ’Equité et la Générosité du respectable
Congrés, en prenant en considération sa fatale et triste situation, et en
lui accordant telle indemnisation et secours que leur générosité leur inspirera.
Quand je suis parti de Philadelphie pour Montréal, je possédais, en mon
âme et conscience, tant en livres qu’en papiers du Congrès, la valeur de
sept cent dollars. Pour accréditer le dit papier et encourager le Canadien
à le prendre, j'ai vendu la plus grande partie de mes livres, et même donné
de l’argent, dollar pour dollar, pour du papier, (dont je peux fournir certi-
ficat) me flattant toujours que le papier du Congrès, ferait aussi bon que
celui des Banques de Venise et Londres. Aujourd’hui je ne possède, pour
tout bien, que cinq mille dollars en papiers du Congrès, et je dois aux
environs de deux mille dollars, que je ne peux payer avec ce même papier, de
sorte que je me trouve dans l'impossibilité à pouvoir y fair honneur.
FLEURY MESPLET.
Montréal, 27 mars 1784.
Endorsed—Referred to the Committee of the State. Read in Committee,
‘ July 26th, 1784, and ordered to lie.
No. 35.
Papers of Continental Congress, p. 341.
Observations of Mr. Fleury Mesplet, printer to the Honorable Congress
at Montreal.
In answer to the demands made to him by the Honorable Members of
Congress Holten, Spraight, and Platt Esqrs., charged of the Committee
to examine his petitions.
* Document signed.
254 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
By order from Congress and through tae channel of the Honorable
Mr. Chase at my domicile in Philadelphia where Speaking to me in person
it was proposed to me to set off for Montreal, in Canada, in quality of
printer for Congress, with all my utensils necessary for my press at the
expense of Congress.
I accepted of the offer with as much the more pleasure as it was
promised to me that I would receive every satisfaction and regard that
my services would deserve. I only observed that I wanted instantly an
indemnification for the quarter’s rent of my house for which I ‘nad allowed
to me one hundred dollars.
The expedition then took place immediately after the verification of
my abilities by the respectable Congress in presence of the Honorable the
President Hankok, Esq.; the Honorable Doctor Francklin and Mr. Tompson,
secretary.
In this assurance I regulated all my affairs and got ready with all my
effects to set out for Montreal. In consequence of which I had instantly
sent to me five waggons to carry me until Lake George of which tne
expenses of waggonnage only was paid by Congress.
I then had with me of necessity a lettered man, two laborers, my wife
and one servant for whicn I paid besides their courent wages all the travel-
ling expenses until Montreal.
From Lake George to Montreal I had all my effects carried by boats
at my own expense. At my arrival at Montreal I was obliged to put up at
a tavern with all my equipage until I got a house suitable to fulfill the
intentions of the respectable Congress (the whole of this at my own
expense).
It was in the month of May 1776, that I established my press at Montreal
for the service of Congress, only in the cours of the [month] of June the
American troops being obliged to evacuate that place I was left at the
mercy of the British Government.
I was taken up myself and all my workmen and with them confined
in goal for the space of twenty-six days. My house, my papers and all
my effects whatsoever where were all seized—and it was only after many
supplications and by means of some friends of my nation that I at length
obtained my liberty and tat of my people.
At the moment of my releace my lettered man the most essential person
in my business not being willing to support all the vicissitudes of the time
demanded of me his dismission and his payment. I could not then resist
his claim and was obliged moreover to allow him an indemnification. All
my hopes then where [were] that I flattered myself that those who had
engaged me at their service would furnish me wit'‘a means or give necessary
orders for my relief from the tiranny which continually was exercised
against me. I nevertheless always conserved the courage which an honest
man is to have to fulfill his engagements especially such as those I have
with the respectable Congress.
I always flattered myself that the American arms would be victorious
in that province and that I would in fin enjoy the satisfaction which was
promised to me by that respectable body.
Inboldened by the honor I had to be engaged by such an august body
I dared everything I thought could be to their interest and consequently
created to myself a number of enemies in every State until the unfortunate
[m‘LAcHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 2585
epoch of the 3rd of June 1779, when I was again taken and confined in
prison at Quebec on the supposition that I had printed and rendered public
the Manifesto of the Count d'Estaing and notwithstanding my innocence my
friends and my rigat, I suffered a detention of three and half years con-
secutively during which I suffered such miseries as humanity forbide to cite.
I supported my pain with firmness and flattering myself with the hopes
of seeing at last that province united to the thirteen States, when at the
return of the peace General Haldimand, my oppressor, gave me my liberty
which was then in some degree insupportable to me by the ruin of my
establishment, but wat grieved me most was to see the province of Canada
remain to the power of Great Britain. In that moment overloaded with
debts, necessitated by the wants of my wife without help, and moreover
obliged to render accounts to a partner (with whom I have settled and am
indebted to him according to agreement sixteen hundred and sixty-seven
dollars) I decided to write to the Honorable Mr. Enkok, the 4th August, 1783,
and likewise to Mr. Tompson to request of these gentlemen to take my situa-
tion into consideration, I sent them a petition like the one I had te honour
to present since my arrival here. I should have certainly prefered to come
myself in person before the respectable Congrss had my faculties permitted
me to do it.
I waited with great impatience for an answer but in vain; the 4th of
April, 1784, I take the liberty to write a second letter to the Honorable Mr.
Henkok who undoubtedly could not give me any answer. 2
In fin I wrote another letter to the Honorable Mr. Meflenne then
President of Congress, the 31st of March, 1784, and am still deprived of any
answer from eitiner of the gentlemen.
In the month of November last I charged a friend to see the Honorable
President of Congress to recall to his Memory the request I made to him
(being still deprived myself of means of transporting me there in person) he
was kind enough to tell him that he knew perfectly well all my affair that
he had received my petition and that he would wita pleasure interest him-
self to see me righted. But that it was absolutely requisite that I should
come in person; my friend observed him the impossibility of me making
such expenses being entirely destituted of means—he desired my friend to
engage me to make a last effort and come and told him that he had not
the least doubt of the satisfaction I was to expect from the equity of the
respectable Congress. In consequence that same friend has been good
enough to furnish me with a sufficiency to enable me to make this voyage,
and I am now gentlemen expecting of your honours the Justice due to a
zealous servant of Your Respectable Body.
Your Honours have demanded of me an account of my expenses and
a near computation of the damages I sustained.
In obedience to your command Gentlemen I have hereunto annexed an
exact account of my expense only and with regard to the hopes I shall
never permit myself to taxe your Honours, I have never doubted of our
justice and shall confide to it. The triumph of America over the tiranny
of Great Britain is all my satisfaction I desire. I shall esteem myself too
happy if my services can still be agreable to Your Honours and shall be
eternally devoted to your commands.
286 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
With these sentiments I shall remain for ever with the highest
reverence and profound respect, Gentlemen of Your Honours, the most
obedient and very humble servant,
FLEURY MESPLET.
No. 36.
Papers of the Continental Congress, p. 351.
I, tne underwritten, do hereby certify that sometime in the month of
May 1776, Mr. Fleury Mesplet came to Montreal, in order to set up a Print-
ing Office. That some time in the month of June then next following (the
time when the American troops evacuated that place), persons were
employed by the British Government in order to watch very closely the
said Fleury Mesplet, which they did for the space of eight days, afterwards
he was taken witn all his workmen and confined for twenty-six days.
That at the expiration of that period, the said Fleury on the earnest solicita-
tion of his friends, was released, but still very closely watched and deprived
of all the means to make his escape out of the province. That on the
third of June 1779, he, the said Fleury was again apprehended on suspicion,
and sent to the jail of Quebec, winere he was kept confined for the space of
three years and a half, consecutive, and was not released until the happy
event of the peace took place.
March, 31st, 1785.
JH. PERINAULT.
Philadelphia, ss
Personally appeared Joseph Perinault, at present of the City of
Philadelphia Gent. and made oath according to law that the foregoing
certificate contains tae whole truth respecting the matter therein contained
and expressed, sworn at Philadelphia, the 1st March, 1785.
Coram. JOHN MILLER.
No. 37.
Papers of the Continental Congress, p. 351.
During my stay last winter and spring in Canada I frequently heard
Mr. Mesplet’s name mentioned as one of the sufferers in the American
cause during the late war, and that he had been confined at Quebec upwards
of three years and not liberated until peace. I also understood from several
well disposed to the American Revolution (as well at Quebec as Montreal)
tat Mr. Mesplet was considered as an American and had given proofs of
his attachment to the Independance of the United States.
Phil., March 31st, 1785.
ISAAC MELCHOR.
No. 38.
Papers of the Continental Congress, p. 352.
We, the subscribers, certify to all whom it may concern, that Mr.
Fleury Mesplet, printer in the city of Philadelphia, has set off from tne said
city for Montreal in Canada, in the month of March, 1776, in the capacity
{m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 257
of a printer for the United States, and that he has taken with him his
family, furnitures, press and every other things belonging to his printing
office; and we do further certify that he has engaged to go with him, the
following persons, viz.:
Mr. Alexander Pochard, a gentleman of learning,
Messrs. John Grey and ....... . Hers, both as journeymen, printers,
and one servant.
Philadelphia, March 31st, 1785. P. G. BRETON.
JAMES VALLIANT.
Philadelphia.
Personally appeared P. G. Breton and James Valliant, both of the city
of Philadelphia, and made oath according to law that the above certificate
contains the whole truth respecting the matter therein mentioned and
expressed.
Sworn at Philadelphia, the 31st March, 1785.
Coram JOHN MILLER, I. P.
No. 39.
Papers of the Continental Congress, p. 367.
I, the Underwritten, do certify that Mr. Fleury Mesplet, a printer from
Philadelphia, was sent in the same capacity by Congress to Canada, with
orders to settle at Montreal. That he had along with him a compositor,
two pressmen and a servant. That His Excellency John Hancock, late
President of Congress did in my presence (as I was attending as interpreter
to the said Mesplet) promise him in the name of Congress, to defray every
reasonable expense to which he might be subjected in his then present
situation, and that Congress would besides give him an adequate compensa-
tion for his pains, and the disadvantages attending his removal.
JOHN GERMON.
Philadelphia, March 31st, 1785.
Philadelphia, ss
Personally appeared John Germon and made oath according to law,
that the above certificate contains the whole truth respecting the matter
therein mentioned and expressed.
Sworn, the 31st March, 1785.
Coram JOHN MILLER, I. P.
No. 40.
Papers of the Continental Congress, p. 371.
I, the Underwritten do certify that all persons to whom I have spoken
about Mr. Fleury Mesplet, have assured me taat ever since he arrived into
Canada, he was continually labouring under various vexations, and that
258 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
among others, Messieurs Loubet, Marrassé, Meyrant, Deshautelle, and Legay,
merchants at Montreal, have all assured me that Mr. Mesplet was con-
tinually surrounded by spies and enemies from whom it was altogether
impossible for him to escape, that besides, it is well known to the whole
town, that Mr. Mesplet has sold goods in the way of his trade, for Con-
tinental Currency, and that he even gave gold and silver in exchange for
paper money.
Philadelphia, March 31st, 1785.
ETIENNE FOURNIER.
Philadelphia, ss
Personally appeared Etienne Fournier and made oath according to
law, that the above certificate contains the whole truth concerning the
matter therein mentioned and expressed.
Sworn, the 31st March, 1785.
Coram JOHN MILLER, I. P.
No. 41.
Papers of Continental Congress, p. 357.
Philadelphia, April 1st, 1785.
Dear Sir:—
The bearer, Mr. Fleury Mesplet, is one of those unfortunate strangers
who depending upon the hasty promises of zealous whigs in 1776, went
to Canada as a printer (or agent) for the United States, was in con-
sequence of his exertions imprisoned three years and a half and finally
ruined.
He has presented a memorial to Congress with an estimate of his
losses and wishes to have your friendly aid in support of his claim. The
ostensible situation I was in last year has exposed me to the attacks of
strangers who have claims on the Justice or generosity of Congress and
it is but seldom that I am so fortunate as to avoid a disagreable inter-
ference. The present case is one of those I cannot parry. You will, there-
fore forgive me for introducing Mr. Mesplet to you with my request that
you will assist him in his application to Congress so far as it may appear
just and reasonable.
I am with much friendship, Dr. Sir,
Yours,
THO. MIFFLIN.
The Honorable Mr. Hardy, of Virginia, in Congress, New York.
Favored by Mr. Mesplet.
[m‘LAcHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 259
No. 42. 4
Papers of the Continental Congress, p. 364.
Memorandum of expenses made by Fleury Mesplet, printer to Congress at
Montreal, viz.:
From Philadelphia to Albany and from there to Lake George, 6
persons, 32 days at 8/ . Antes ate ORAN ANNEE £ 76.16
From Lake George to Montreal, five boats A ae At Congress
conducted by 6 men, each for supplement to their nourishment
and drink at the rate of 4/— 22 days, 30 men ...., .... .... 132.00
For myself and my people, 22 days, 6 persons at 8/ tae 52.16
The boats (aux Saults de Chambly) leaked and occasioned me a
damage estimated by a clerk sent by Mr. Francklin.... .... 200.00
For unloading cartage and porterage for one day at Montreal.... 8.00
For board of 6 persons at the Tavern, 11 days at 8/.. MODO 26. 8
For expenses for the press as pr. acct. of laborers. de 72.00
From the 6 May 1776 to the 10 June, day of my EE Re
my people, 34 jours, 6 persons 8/.. EE LT CRE re les te ME 81.12
26 days confinement, 6 persons at 8/.. ESS PRESENT SE. 38 62. 8
At my enlargement my lettered man yes Sea by Mr. Francklin
left me—his wages and passage to Europe.. serieuse ns 60.00
ATELIER OVER EL UNE IE EC A MMA EN re Sievers ste se eh aie els L ep se e 772.00
At that epoch I had two workmen with which I had agreement for
one year which I was obliged to board and pay without em-
ploying having no paper they cost me by near computation.. 200.00
From 6 May 1777, I remained alone with my wife and one servant
until the 8rd June 1779, without work having no other re-
source than to sell books at loss—which I nearly estimate as
least.. Hoge 4 ‘ 600.00
At the 3rd spins 1779, I was Poe a ea credit to Sait to onebee
where I stayed 3% years during which I was obliged to con-
tract debts for my subsistence with my family—which can be
attested by all the honest citizens of that province of which
I can give proves, viz.:
Pe ICS MEANS NP MEME LENS Lo EL bees | 600.00
PENIS LOO OMETICI. Eee NL MSA AUS level leet eve 200.00
Willy, TERE AGTO Sa FS one autel aa a 263.12
wos ie dt oi’ deck ME ST 96.00
iP OMICI Trier sel salle doiliiela es le wa ee ee 40.00
White IGN EE ENTORSES EEE 40.00
Lo Tapes avel Ys he Sick (SIGs LCiSin CBICIOR NERC IO eee tels les tee à à 22. 8
RUN DIET QUE ER A OR PAS OR CASE RER 26.16
MITA CIE M set ale) feet cls ol ere! eis tes es ee es 10.00
Wirt) DELSIC wes AT Ne 11. AEM GIA MGS ee) velo ee Ue.s 16.00
By HSE to my = PEAR MrmBerrer. ere =. «/ 666.16
S497112
£ 3543.12
Errors excepted. FLEURY MESPLET.
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No. 43.
Papers of the Continental Congress, p. 409,
To the Rig’at Honourable the United States in Congress assembled.
The humble petition of Fleury Mesplet, late printer of Congress at
Montreal.
Gentlemen:—
Your petitioner takes the most respectful liberty to represent to you
that he has been for this three months past imploring the clemency of Your
Honours. Flattering himself that in consequence of the proofs he has
given of the justness of his pretentions by the several certificats which
he has furnished to the gentlemen appointed by Your Honours to
examine his affair, that you would be pleased gentlemen to take it im-
‘mediately into consideration and yender him the justice due to his
services—he has remained hitherto in a most profound silence not daring
to importune Your Honours, but his detention here reducing him to the
greatest extremity, he is forced to make this address to Your Honours.
Beseeching you, gentlemen, to cast a favorable eye upon a man who
through his zeal and attachment for your interest has sacrifised all his
worth and totally ruined himself and family. And if his distressful situa-
tion can any ways touch your hearts and inspire Your Honours with any
pity for him, he intreat Your Honours to enable him to fulfill the engage-
ments which he was obliged to contract during his imprisonment at
Quebec, and free him from the embarassment in which he is involved in
order that he might return to Montreal, where his unfortunate wife over-
whelmed with grief only supports herself in the hopes of seeing him return
entirely satisfied from Your Honours.
In the deplorable situation in which he is plunged he has no other
hopes of relief then the compassion and generosity of Your Honours. To
Montreal he dare not return to avoid the pursuits of his creditors and should
unfortunately, Your Honours Shew him the least indifference in granting
his request he would be reduced to despair; as he would have no resource—
whatsoever—left him but flight—and his miserable wife also reduced to
the greatest necessity and the mercy of the public as the few effects which
his ennemies have left him would immediately be attacked and sold by his
enraged creditors.
If your petitioner had had the least reproche to make to himself in his
conduct towards Your Honours he would not have persisted so long in his
demands but he dares to repeat to you, gentlemen, that he has sacrified
himself, his wife and fortune to adhere to your cause, being fully persuaded
that nothing could equal the Justice of Your Honours.
Therefore he beseeches you, gentlemen, to consider his distressful posi-
tion and not abandon him to despair the resolution which Your Honours
have been pleased to pass to allow him 426 dollars is hardly sufficient to
balance the expenses which he has been obliged to make for himself and
a friend who accompanies him to assist him in his affair and who has
advanced to him his journey expenses from Montreal in the middle of
winter—from here Philadelphia and return and since for both their sub-
sistence in this city. Therefore your petitioner is in the impossibility to
leave this place with this small sum as he dare not appear at Montreal
unless he could present to his creditors a definitif resolution from Your
[mM‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 261
Honours as he would run the hazard to be again confined to goal until he
could discharge their demands.
May it therefore please Your Honours to grant him your benevolence
and deign to render him his life and happiness by rendering him your
Justice—and he dares to hope that of what nature the resolution of Your
Honours will be that he will never have to repent to have been your
attached servant, etc., able for ever to retain the same sentiments of
esteem and veneration with which he has always been penetrated for
Your Honours.—And your petitioner will not cease to address his most
fervent prayers to heavens for the long life and preservation of Honours
and for the future happiness and prosperity of this and the other States of
America.
FLEURY MESPLET.
Endorsed—Read June 2nd, 1785.
Committee of week, June 13, to be filed.
E.
From the register of Notre Dame, Parish church, Montreal.
No. 44.
B. de Marie Josepte Tison.
Le cinq février, mil sept cent soixante-six a été baptisée par moi sous-
signé Marie Josepte, née de cette nuit, environ minuit, fille légitime de Jean
Baptiste Tison et de Marie Anne Picard, a été parrain Dominique Perrin,
marraine Marie Josepte Arrivée qui ont signé,
MARIE JOSEPTE ARRIVEE, TISON.
à D. PERRIN.
ROBERT, prêtre.
No. 45.
S. de Marie Mirabeau, épouse Fleury Mesplet.
Le deux septembre mil sept cent quatre-vingt-neuf, par moi prêtre
soussigné, a été inhumé, dans le cimetière proche l’église, le corps de
Marie Mirabeau, décédée d'hier, âgée d'environ quarante-trois ans, épouse
de Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur dans cette ville; ont été présents Messirs.
Marchand et Poulin de Courval, prêtres soussignés; Poulin de Courval, prêtre
JOS. BORNEUF, prêtre.
No. 46.
M. de Fleury Mesplet et de Marie-Anne Tison.
Le treize avril mil sept cent quatre-vingt-dix, aprés la publication d’un
ban de marriage sans empéchement ni opposition, vu la dispense des deux
autres bans accordé par messire Jean Brassier, grand vicaire de Monsei-
gneur l’Evéque de Québec, prêtre du Séminaire de Montréal, soussigné fai-
sant les fonctions curiales en cette paroisse ayant pris le mutuel consente-
ment par paroles de présent Mr. Fleury Mesplet, demeurant dans cette
paroisse, Âgé de cinquante-cinq ans, veuf de dame Marie Mirabeau, fils de
feu Mr. Jean Baptiste Mesplet et de défunte dame Marie Antoinette Capeau,
ses pére et mére, de la paroisse de St-Nizier, diocése de Lion, en France;
dune part et d’aussi présente Marie-Anne Tison, âgée de vingt-trofs ans,
fille de Jean Baptiste Tison et défunte Marie-Anne Picard, ses pére et
mére, de cette paroisse d’autre part; les ai marié selon les régles et cou-
262 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
tumes observées en la Ste. église en présence de Joseph Desautels et du
Sr Francois Leguay, amis de l’époux; de Jean Baptiste Tison, père de Jean
Baptiste Tison frére; de Marie Deslauriers et de Marie Cathrine Baron,
belles-soeurs de l’épouse, et de quelques parents et amis dont les uns ont
signé ainsi que les autres ont déclaré ne savoir signé,
FLEURY MESPLET, MARIE ANNE TISON,
LEGUAY, JOSEPH DESAUTELLS, TISON,
JEAN BAPTISTE TISON, fils.
FR. DEZERY, prêtre.
No. 47.
B. de Fleury Tison.
Le vingt-neuf octobre mil sept-cent quatre-vingt-onze, par moi, prêtre
soussigné, a été baptisé né d'hier de légitime mariage de Jean Baptiste
Tison et de Magdelaine Leguay, son épouse; le parrain a été Fleury Mesplet
et la marraine Marie Anne Tison qui ont signé avec nous,
TISON, FLEURY MESPLET,
MARIE ANNE TISON MESPLET.
ALEXIS DUROCHER, prétre.
No. 48.
Le 30 octobre 1791, Mesplet a été parrain a Marie Thérése Stringer.
No. 49.
S. de Fleuri Mesplet.
Le vingt-six janvier mil sept cent quatre-vingt-quatorze, par nous
prêtre soussigné, a été inhumé dans le cimetière proche l’église le corps
de Fleury Mesplet, décédé d’avant-hier, âgé de soixante ans, ont été présents
sieur Duranceau et Baron, caauleurs soussignés, »
ANDRE BIRON, J. C. DURANCEAU.
RAIZENNE, prêtre.
No. 50.
S. de Marie Anne Tison.
Le sept septembre mil huit cent-quarante, je, prêtre soussigné, ai
inhumé Marie Anne Tison, décédée le quatre du courant, âgée de soixante-
quatorze ans, veuve de Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur de cette paroisse.
Témoins, Marcel Boucheret, Antoine Léveillé qui n’ont su signer.
P. O'CONNELL, prêtre.
F.
From the Archives of the Court House, Montreal.
No. 51.
Pre. Mezières, notary.
Compromis entre le Sieur Fleury Mesplet et le sieur Charles Berger.
Par devant les No’res Roiaux de la province de Québec, résidents à
Montréal soussignés.
Furent présents le Sieur Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur et libraire, demeu-
rant en cette ville, d’une part; et le sieur Charles Berger, marchand établi
en France de présent en cette dite ville d’autre part.
Lesquelles parties désirant compter, régler et terminer entre elles a
l'amiable leurs droits et prétentions respectifs pour fait de la société en
commandite passée entre elles le premier mars mil sept-cent-soixante-seize,
dans la ville de Philadelphie, en la province de Pensilvanie sous leurs seings
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 263
et en présence de témoins, et pour le fait et causes y exprimées, aussi
bien que pour toutes autres prétentions, soit d'un côté ou de l’autre, qui
seront établies ou fondées par billets, reconnaissances, comptes, correspon-
dances, ou autrement et généralement toutes affaires entre elles du passé
jusqu'à ce jour de quelques natures qu’elles puissent avoir été et être, sans
aucunes réserves ni restrictions quelconques et ce pour vivre en paix et
prévenir tous procés, ont nommé pour leurs arbitrateurs et amiables com-
positeurs, se voir: le dit sieur Mesplet, Mrs. Jean Dumas St-Martin,
écuyer; le sieur Joseph Borel, négociant et le sieur Berger, Mrs. Joseph
Périnault et Joseph Perrault aussi négociants auxquels les dits sieurs
Mesplet et Berger donnent respectivement pouvoir et autorité de juger,
régler et terminer tous leurs différents et contestation sur et au regard des
objets ci-devant mentionnés, et ce sur les piéces, preuves et productions
qui leur seront remises et fournies incessamment, afin que les dits sieurs
arbitrateurs puissent rendre leur jugement arbitral, dans quinze jours au
plus tard; et dans le cas où les dits sieurs arbitrateurs ne se trouveraient
de même sentiment ils pourront nommer tel sur-arbitrateur qu’ils aviseront
pour cinquième, afin de rendre conjointement leur jugement arbitral, auquel
les parties promettent respectivement acquiescer, à peine de payer par le
contrevenant à l’acquiescant,—la somme de cinq-cents livres, monnaie du
cours actuel de cette province, avant d'être reçu à rien proposer contre le
dit jugement arbitral, et laquelle peine ne pourra être réputée comminatoire.
Et pour l'exécution des présentes et prononciation de la sentence arbitrale
qui interviendra les parties ont élu leurs domiciles, savoir: le dit sieur
Mesplet en sa maison près du marché en cette ville, et le dit sieur Berger
en celle du sieur Mesplet, rue Notre-Dame, auxquels lieux, etc., nonobstant,
etc. promt., etc., obligt., etc., rent., etc.
Fait et passé à Montréal en l'étude l’an mil sept-cent-quatre-vingt-
quatre, le troisième novembre avant-midi, et ont les parties signé avec
nous lecture faite.
(Signé) CH. MESPLET,
C. BERGER,
FOUCHER, Not. Royal,
PRE. MEZIERE, Not. Royal.
No. 52.
Extension of time for rendering award.
Je consens qu'il soit donné telle extension qu’on jugera à propros au
compromis qui a été passé entre le sieur Charles Berger et moi pour ce qui
concerne le temps qui sera nécessaire aux arbitres, pour terminer nos affaires
respectives entre le dit sieur Charles Berger et moi, à Montréal, le 16
Novembre 1784.
F. MESPLET.
No. 53.
Award of Arbitrators.
Nous soussignés arbitres nommés par Messieurs Fleury Mesplet et
Charles Berger, pour terminer définitivement leurs comptes respectifs con-
cernant leur société et autres comptes particuliers ainsi qu’ils s’y sont
soumis par un compromis passé entre eux le trois du courant sous la
pénalité de cinq cents livres cours actuel, lequel n’étant que pour quinze
264 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
jours, a été continué du consentement des parties jusqu’a ce jour; et comme
jl était nécessaire avant d’en venir à assurer leur susdit comptes de réfléchir
mtirement sur leur acte de société, d’en peser et déterminer les conventions,
et éclaircissement nous ayant laissé quelques doutes nous avons jugé a
propos de faire choix de la personne du sieur Benjamin Frobisher, Ecuyer,
pour éclaircir nos doutes et balancer nos opinions; et d’aprés ces justes
précautions nous avons alloué au sieur Charles Berger le capital qu’il a mis
dans la société de mille Pounds courant de Philadelphie, faisant ancien
cours de cette province, porté en l’autre part mille Pounds de Phila-
delphie Frame BR ARS NRA URI EE Re ECG 0 0 000
Plus pour te que Mesplet lui a fait bon a tout événement
de cent pounds de Philadelphie pendant trois ans.. .. . oy 4,800.00
Plus pour trente-deux portugaises que MSIE peceanalt
devoir parisa lettre dur 4 sMlarsmiu Gren ierenielel ele! ke tie CCC CE 1,536.00
Pour effet que le dit Mesplet a ann Rae ON au ait
Berger conformément au compte du dit Mesplet.. .. .. .. .. 803. 5
£ 24,068. 9
Et pour objets que le dit Berger doit prouver
avoir acheté pour le compte de la société et justifier
quwils ont été pris par les ennemis. Savoir:
Payé par Mr. Berger à Mr. Germentown de Phi-
ladelphie pour caractères 20e 0 bere) ee) EE 0 070
Payé par le même au graveur.. .. .. .. «+ «2 «+ «- 36.00
Item pour avoir fait parer des peaux.. .. .. Sue 18.00
Item 180 rames de papier achetées à | Philadelphie à
DE DR SN TAL dt ET RE PAU eo to ri IA EL IO nt LA LE GNU Gi 4320.00
4,774.00
£28,842. 9
Ce qui forme la somme totale de vingt-huit mille huit cent-quarante-
deux livres neuf sols anciens shellings de cette province que le dit Mesplet
se trouve redevable au dit Berger sauf la restriction ci-dessus de quatre
mille sept cent-soixante et quatorze livres 4 Montréal, le 27 novembre 1784.
(Signé) DUMAS,
P. MARTIN,
JH. PERINAULT,
J. F. PERRAULT,
JH. BORREL.
No. 54.
Obligation or Bond from F. Mesplet to Charles Berger, 29th Dec., 1784.
Par devant les notaires royaux de la province de Québec, résidents à
Montréal, soussignés,
Fut présent le sieur Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur et libraire, demeurant
en cette ville, \
Lequel a reconnu confessé devoir loyalement et légitimement au sieur
Charles Berger, marchand, actuellement en cette ville, à ce présent et accep-
tant la somme de sept mille deux cents chelins, ancienne monnaie de cette
[M‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 268
province, laquelle avec celle de deux mille huit cents chelins susdits que le
dit sieur Mesplet s’est obligé par son billet de ce jour conjointement avec
le sieur Marassé de payer au sieur Berger en juin prochain feront celle de
dix mille chelins susdits, à laquelle somme le dit S. Berger a modéré celle
de vingt-huit mille huit cent-quarante-deux livres neufs sois, à laquelle
le dit Mesplet a été reconnu redevable envers lui suivant le procés verbal
rendu, en vertu de compromis passé entre eux, le trois novembre dernier,
par Messrs. Dumas St. Martin, Ecuyer; Joseph Francois Perrault, Joseph
Perinault, et Joseph Borel, négociants; en date du vingt-sept du mois de
novembre dernier demeuré annexé à ces présentes; le dit S. Berger ayant
déclaré que la remise qu’il faisait au dit Mesplet était en considération des
pertes et des malheurs, qu'il avait éprouvés dans ses affaires à quoi il est
trés sensible en sorte qu’il dit et déclare qu’il s’est contenté de la dite
somme de dix mille chelins anciens susdits, laquelle une fois payée par le
dit Mesplet, il sera entiérement quitte et déchargé envers le dit S. Berger,
de toutes dettes et affaires quelconques avec lui du passé jusqu’a ce jour,
soit pour raison de leur société ou autrement. Et laquelle somme de sept
mille deux cents chelins restante 4 payer, le dit sieur Mesplet promet et
s’oblige en effectuer le payement au dit sieur Berger à son ordre ou au
porteur dans l’espace de deux années à compter de ce jour, et en quatre
payements égaux qu'il fera de six mois en six mois, avec l'intérêt à raison
de six pour cent par an, aussi à compter de cette date jusqu’au réel et par-
fait payement de la dite somme, et pour opérer la sûreté du payement, le
dit sieur Mesplet a soumis obligé, affecté et hypothéqué tous ses biens
présents et à venir et spécialement son imprimerie, tout ce qui la com-
posent et y est accessoire sans qu'une obligation déroge à l’autre; et pour
l'exécution des présentes le dit sieur Mesplet a élu son domicile en sa
maison où il est actuellement résident appartenant à Monsieur de Longueuil,
scise en cette ville rue Capital, auxquels lieux, etc., obligt., etc., renoncant,
eLc:,
Fait et passé à Montréal, en la maison du dit sieur Mesplet, l’an mil
sept cents quatre-vingt-quatre le vingt-neuviéme jour du mois de décembre,
aprés-midi, et ont les parties signé avec nous lecture faite. Il est convenu
que les termes ci-dessus auxquels le dit sieur Mesplet a accédé pour effec-
tuer le payement de la somme de sept mille deux cents chelins anciens,
n'a été que dans la confiance-qu’il serait payé des prétentions qu'il a par
le Congrès Américain, mais comme il pourrait arriver que ces rembourse-
ments me seraient point effectués avant les dits termes, mon dit sieur
Berger confesse que le dit sieur Mesplet ait pour payer la dite somme les
dits termes suivants, savoir un tiers de la dite somme dans dix-huit mois
de cette date et les deux autres tiers de la dite somme de six mois en six
mois, après l'échéance du dit premier terme par proportion, avec les intérêts
comme ils sont stipulés.
(Signé) FLEURY MESPLET,
C. BERGER,
A. FOUCHER, Not. Royal,
PRE. MEZIERE, Not. Royal.
Sec. II., 18. 1906
266 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No. 55.
Power of Attorney from Charles Berger.
Procuration par le sieur Charles Berger aux sieurs Louis l’Hardi et
Clément Herse.
Par devant les notaires royaux de la province de Québec, résidant à
Montréal soussignés, fut présent le sieur Charles Berger, marchand actuel-
lement en cette ville, ;
Lequel étant sur son départ pour l'Europe a fait et constitué pour
ses procureurs généraux et spéciaux Mrs. Louis Hardy et Jacques Clément
Herse, marchands de cette ville, auxquels il donne conjointement ou sépa-
rément pouvoir de pour lui et en son nom, toucher et recevoir du sieur
Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur et libraire, demeurant en cette ville de ses
droits et ayant cause, la somme de sept mille deux cents chelins ancienne
monnaie de cette province à lui due par le dit sieur Mesplet et payable
en différents termes suivant l'obligation passée devant Mr. Méziére et son
confrére Nore, le vingt-neuviéme décembre, mil sept cent quatre-vingt-
quatre, de l'expédition de laquelle les dits sieurs, procureurs constitués,
seront porteurs, en cas de payment ou satisfaction des dits termes donner
toutes quittances et décharges valables, et a défaut de payment ou satis-
faction former et intenter toutes demandes et actions en justice, tant contre
le dit sieur Mesplet principal obligé que contre tous autres qu'il appar-
tiendra par toutes voies que de droit, et sur le tout plaider, appuyer, élire,
domicile, constituer procureur ou avocat en cause, frayer les déboursés, com-
protre, transiger et généralement faire tout ce qui sera nécessaire jusqu’a
jugement ou arrêt définitif et iceux mette à exécution.
Promet., etc. obligeant, etc., faire, etc. :
Passé à Montréal, en l’etude l’an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-cinq, le
seiziéme février avant-midi, au dit Sr. Constituant, signé avec nous, lecture
faite.
B. BERGER,
J. DESLISLE, N. P.
PRE. MEZIERE, Nore R.
No. 56.
Mesplet’s receipt for money borrowed from Desautels.
Je reconnois avoir recu de Mr Desautelle, tailleur à Montréal, la somme
de huit mille livres chellins de la province qu'il m'a preté en argent, promois
lui payer l'intérêt, pour chaque six mois, à cinq pour cent, jusqu’au rem-
bourcement du capital, ou à la demande fait à Montréal le 29 Juillet 1778.
FRANCOIS LEGUAY, père, notary. FLEURY MESPLET.
Obligation or bond from Mesplet to J. M. Desautels for 8000 livres $1333.
30 Aug., 1784.
Par devant les notaires de la province de Québec, résident 4 Montréal,
soussigné pour présent Mr. Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur et libraire, demeurant
en cette ville, rue Capital, lequel reconnaît et confesse devoir bien légi-
timement à M. Joseph Marie Desautel, tailleur d'habit, demeurant en cette
dite ville, rue St. Paul, la somme de huit mille livres ou chelins anciens
cours de cette province, pour prêt et avance d'argent que le dit sieur
Desautels lui à fait ci-devant pour employer en ses affaires ainsi qu'il
{m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 267
appert au billet du dit débiteur en date du vingt-neuf juillet mil sept cent
soixante dix-huit, signé et écrit de sa main s’obligeant icelui débiteur à
payer l'intérêt à cinq pour cent sur icelle, somme reconnaissant le dit billet
ce jourd’hui juste et droit, dont icelui débiteur à payer l'intérêt suivant
icelui, demeure à ces présents, cependant payable la dite somme de huit
mille livres chelins, à premiere demande du dit sieur créancier qui voulant
et désirant assurer sa créance nous a requis acte à lui octroyé ‘à peine et
ce pour quoi le dit débiteur élit son domicile en sa demeure susdite, auquel
lieu, &c., et nobostant, &c., et promettant, &c., et obligeant, &c, et renon-
eant, &c., fait, &c., et passé à Montréal. Maison mon dit sieur crediteur
l'an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-quatre, le trente août, avant-midi, et à mon
dit sieur débiteur signé en présence avec le sieur créancier et nous notaires
avec paraphe lecture faite suivant l’ordonnance.
JOSEPH /DESAUTELS, FLEURY MESPLET,
J. H. PAPINEAU, FR. LE GUAY.
No. 57.
Cejourd’hui vingt-deux février l’an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-quatorze
est comparu au gref les s us nommé Joseph Marie Desautels qui en pré-
sence des témoins sous signés a déclaré avoir reçu l’entier payment de l’obli-
gation ci-dessus dont quittance les jours et. au sus dits témoins.
Témoins, TISON père, JOSEPH DESAUTELS,
JS. REID.
No. 58.
Draft of a deed of compromise by Mesplet
L'an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-cinq, le neuf juillet, sont comparus
devant le soussigné notaire de la province de Québec, résidant a Montréal,
les soussignés créanciers de sieur Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur et libraire,
demeurant a,Montréal sur la place du marché, lesquels créanciers sur les
représentations d’impossibilité ot se trouve le dit Mesplet de s’acquitter de
ses obligations envers eux, montant à environ à un capital (de mille livres
cours d’Halifax) qu'il doit, voulant et désirant les dits sieurs créanciers
favoriser, le dit sieur Mesplet leur débiteur et lui procurer le moyen
de gagner sa vie dans son état lors du crédit et par là s’assurer de leurs
créances chacun d'eux des dits sieurs créanciers sousignés ont consenti et
consentent à lui accorder quatre années de délai de payment à compter du
mois d'octobre prochain, en octobre que l’on comptera mil sept cent quatre-
vingt-six, lequel payement sera de cent vingt cinq livres courant. Deux
cent cinquante livres en octobre mil sept cent quatre-vingt-sept. Pareille
somme en octobre mil sept cent quatre vingt-huit et enfin trois cent
soixante-quinze livres courant Halifax au même terme d'octobre, que l’on
compte mil sept cent quatre-vingt-neuf pour tous délais et sans intérêts
et que Mesplet hypothèquera son imprimerie aux dits créanciers sans
qu’aucuns des dits sieurs créanciers soussignés puissent inquiéter ni troubler
le dit débiteur ni se prévaloir de sa créance et quand des dits payments
faits et aux termes sus-dits être partagés au prorata des sommes qui auront
été avancées au dit débiteur.
Les comptes sont ci-après au bas des présentes.
M. Desautels n’a qu'à faire une opposition entre les mains de Fleury
Mesplets pour les 7200 livres qu'il doit par accord à son associé Berger en
vertu d’une sentence obtenue contre Berger et Mesplet.
268 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No. 60.
Fleury Mesplet doit à divers, savoir:
Messieurs Fortier..
Desotelle..
Dellard..
MuUSisnAan re sind eked gore
Delisle frs.. AO CL MOIS c
Hardy pour lui et Mr. Berger..
Edmon à Québec...
Lemoine à Québec...
Mme. M’Cleman.. UOTE
Gray, marchand négociant..
Edward, libr. et directeur de la presse..
Fizette, menuisier..
Du Calvet.. Pe RO is
King et McCord (aux environs de)..
Porliar Lamarre..
* Sauf erreurs et omissions.
2616.00
8738.00
900.00
540.00
164.16
7400.00*
336.00
552.00
151.18
1201.10
300.00
150.00
616.00*
168.00
600.00
These items are erased in the manuscript but they represent amounts
due by Mesplet which were not pressing.
No. 61.
Bailiff’s sale of Mesplet’s stock and furniture.
+
L'an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-cing, le vingt et un novembre, à dix
heures du matin, après avertissement au son de cloche pour la ville et
faubourg de Montréal, nous, notaire de la province de Québec, à la requête
du sieur Joseph Marie Desautels, bourgeois de cette ville,
rue St. Paul, nous
sommes transporté en la maison du sieur Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur, pour
et en vertu d’une exécution émanée de la Cour des Plaidoyers Communs,
en date du 22 juillet dernier, à nous exhiber et y jouisse les effet saisis par
l'huissier Garnot, aussi en date du 25 juillet suivant, nous en notre dite
qualité après un nombre des personnes assemblées en la maison du dit sieur
Mesplet avoir procédé à la vente des effets saisis pour iceux être vendues
en public au plus offrant et dernier enchérisseur ainsi que de droit et à
signé le dit requérant ces présentes avec nous le jour et l’an suscrit,
L. GARNOT,
JOSEPH MARY DESAUTELS,
FR. LE GUAY.
Amounts of purchees by différents individuals at sale:
Desautels..
EDUeCE..
Jautard..
Dubord..
Berichon..
Le Guay..
Fleury. .
Dupré..
2661.15
599.10
191.10
115.00
18.00
54.12
16.15
11.14
[m‘zacazax] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 269
Une imprimerie complète avec deux presses garnies qui après avoir
été criées à divers reprises s’est trouvé monter à la somme de
Desautels, cinquante livres cantiques de Marseille, adjugés à
trois livres pièce.. TO NET EL MARNE TRUE
Desautels, cent cinquante Journée du Chrétien, reliés..
Desautels, cent vingt-quatre psautiers, reliés en feuilles..
Huet, trois cent brochures intitulées, Ami des Enfants...
Dubord, cinq cent alphabets francais..
Desautels, cent brochures de dévotion aux saints anges.. ..
Huet, deux rames papier marbré.. DATENT ES, CEA
Desautels, cent brochures de dévotion au saints anges..
Huet, cent catéchismes pour enfants..
Huet, deux cent brochures pour règles de change, monnaie...
Desautels, cinquante semaines saintes, reliés..
Huet, quarante brochures neuvaines de St-Antoine..
aauet, cent brochures, Ecu de Six Francs..
Huet, six grands écritoires d’étain..
Jautard, deux grands écritoires ronds.. :
Huet, vingt-quatre écritoires de plomb et étain..
Huet, dix-huit livetes de Sandras..
Huet, quatre trébuchets pour peser..
Huet, trois livres de cire à cacheter..
Huet, quatre trebuchets pour peser..
Berichon, quinze ardoises (mémoire)...
Desautels, un trictrac..
Desautels, un trictrac..
Le Guay, un trictrac..
Desautels, un trictrac..
Jautard, un trictrac.. Pattes
Huet, quatorze estampes encadrées...
Huet, quatre écritoires de pierre.. STE
Huet, deux couteaux d’hivoire pour papier...
Desautels, trois sabliers de bois..
Jautard, un étui de mathématique..
Jautard, un étui de mathématique...
Le Guay, un étui de mathématique...
Huet, dix-neuf livres petits, reliés...
Desautels, quarante-six petits livrets...
Le Guay, quatre petits cartlers..
Pine teed MOE SWELLS ce eis rien os) ele ce, ce ais
Huet, soixante-sept petits cornets blancs, couverts en bleu..
Desautels, dix tablettes couvertes de maroquin..
Desautels, trois porte-feuilles garnis..
Jautard, trois grands porte-feuilles. .
Le Guay, cinquante estampes.. he SP Ey OMI ante
Desautels, huit cent Journée du Chrétien, en feuilles
Desautels, cing cent St-Francois Xavier, en feuilles..
Desautels, sept cent St-Antoine, en feuilles..
Desautels, cent vingt Semaine Sainte, non reliés..
Desautels, quarante anecdotes francais et anglais..
Desautels, trois cent Ange Gardien..
150.00
130.00
63.00
50.00
115.00
19.00
23.00
19.00
33.00
10.00
97.00
14.00
12.00
30.00
8.00
25.00
14.00
32.00
18.10
32.00
18.00
20.10
22.10
21.00
22.00
19. 5
29.00
4.00
8.00
7.10
9.00
15.00
21.00
10.00
5.00
3.12
3.00
3.10
20.10
15.00
7.00
9.00
26.00
3.10
3.10
9.00
25.00
3.10
270 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
DMesautelaitroiscent alpha wetse MEME SN 3.10
Desautels, deux cent règles de psaumes, sans reliures.. .. .« 9.00
Desautels, quatre-vingts formulaires de priéres, sans reliures.. .. 31.00
Desautels, trois cent psautiers, sans reliures.. .. .. .. .. «+ .. 4.10
Jautard, une table de quatre pieds de noyer, avec un tiroir.. .. 9.10
Desautels tunelpetitercaaudière a erection aie state) tec) ole) Nahe\ ielinl aw keveoin elie 6.00
Évet un bureau tavecMtiroir- Ou 55 (od som CCE CT Joo 101.00
Desautels, une imprimerie complète avec deux presses et ses
USTEN SUSPENSE RARES trots LOTIR ARE AISNE TER 1700.00
Huet, un poéle de fer, palmier avec tuyau, aucune mode.. .. 60.00
Jautard un Coffre TemvVOyA Se RME Me MSNM EE LT COCO Cet 30.00
IUT CUTE DE LIE ID ULES EAU RTE PR NN ER PRE EEE 14.00
Jautard Sept) CAISSES bouquets deMeurS PC RARE ENEC NE ENNSE 7.10
Desautels, un poële de fer avec tuyaux de l'ancienne mode.. .. 51.00
Fleury; tune petite table. mener NEO ate! feds EM RDENE ER TARN Ue iB)
Jautard, UME rVOllSrei ie dak Ale ERREUR TE A MER 18.00
Desautels une, cabane: GiECuUGeuil sc iuee Wolo l EME NERO 16.00
Puce) Un: petit wpOeles i) sie Meee) eto teeter rn ee RUS Beg MAPS 64.00
JaAUtard, une MOTOS... a M Mes nes are fey ene CE NACRE 37.00
Jautard fauitachaises MDATIéeS NET EN MR ea btexesluecel ceieimn erst kiero micas 85
Bleury, Une 'ChaudiGre ys MM MEANS SIA ET MEMOIRE 9.10
Dupre, :uneimarmité (de ter fe ME MON EMEA PR ET eee 4.12
Dupre; ‘une Petite marmite: isle MIN RENE AMENER ETES 2
Dupré deux, pocles* fuzer moyenne A LENS nETR Sul
Jautard une petite teoquillecdesteren scivee) ce AR RE REP RE 3.00
Desautels une vache Sous DOIMNOIT EM vere EN TRERE 48.10
Jautard, tune petite Sénisse ea ie ee ec re ei el 20.00
Euet; (une tontaine fer mblanc:- Use ies: RER ET TR CCR CIRE 10.00
3668. 6
Montant de la vente Cy 152.11.4.
JOSEPH MARY DESAUTELS,
L. GARNOT,
FR. LE GUAY.
Et n'ayant plus rien à vendre suivant le procès-verbal de saisie remis
en mains de l'huissier qui a signé ces présents, nous nous sommes retiré
et à aussi le dit requéreur signé avec notaire au jourd’hui, quatre heures
et demi du jour sus-dit.
A. FAUCHER, Notary.
No. 62.
Lease from J. B. Tabeau to F. Mesplet.
Pardevant, etc. 14 April, 1788.
Fut présent Sieur Jean Baptiste Tabaux, ancien marchand voyageur,
demeurant en cette ville, rue Notre-Dame.
Lequel a fait bail a loyer à prix d'argent pour le terme et espace d’une
année entiére et révolue et promet durant le dit temps garantir et faire
jouir à sieur Fleury Mesplet, marchand imprimeur, demeurant en cette
dite ville et à ce présent et retenant—pour lui au dit titre pour l’espace
d'une année une maison de pierre size au dit lieu, rue Notre-Dame, jardin
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 271
et dépendances, le tout joignant d’un côté le sieur Vallée et d’autre le sieur
Lardy. Le tout en bon état et exempt de réparation que le dit sieur pre-
neur dit bien savoir le connaître pour avoir le tout vu et visité et dit en
être content; pour du tout jouir par le dit sieur preneur pleinement et pai-
siblement en toute propriété à l'exception des fruits, des arbres plantés dans
le jardin que lesquels ont réservé par ces présentes le droit d'exiger dans
la saison un quart de pommes à choix à prendre sur les arbres.
Ce fut fait à la charge par le sieur preneur d’entretenir la dite maison
et dépendances en bon et semblable état que le tout lui sera livré au pre-
mier mai prochain pour fihir à pareil terme au bout de l’an aux charges
de toutes réparations locatives, 4 la réserve des fruits des arbres qui
sont dans le jardin, exception comme dit est d’un quart de pommes au
choix du dit sieur preneur, en outre pour et moyennant le prix et somme
de huit cent shelins ancien de la province, exigibles par quartier à l’éché-
ance de chacun, sans pouvoir le dit sieur preneur céder son droit au pré-
sent bail à personne quelconque sans l'agrément par écrit du dit sieur
bailleur.
Car ainsi, etc., et pour l'exécution des présentes, le dit sieur preneur a
élu son domicile en la susdite maison louée, auquel lieu, etc., nonobstant,
etc, promt., ete., obligt., etc., renonct, etc.
Fait et passé à Montréal, en l'étude l’an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-huit,
le quatorze avril avant-midi, et ont les parties signé avec Nores, lecture
faite.
(Signé) BAPTISTE TABAUX,
FL. MESPLET,
1 ALD) EROS Ge IN
A. FOUCHER, Nore Royal.
No. 63.
Engagement of Alex Gunn as apprentice by Mesplet.
Par devant les notaires de la ville de Montréal, dans la province de
Québec y résidant soussignés,
Fut présent Mr. William Gunn, maitre d’école demeurant en cette ville,
rue St. Sacrement, lequel pour faire le profit et avantage d’Alexandre
Gunn, son fils, âgé de quinze ans, qu’il certifie fidèle, l’a mis de ce jour en
apprentissage pour le terme et espace de cinq années finieset accomplies
en qualité de garcon imprimeur, à Mr. Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur, demeu-
rant aussi en cette ville, rue Notre-Dame, à ce présent et retenant le dit
Alexandre Gunn en la dite qualité, promettant le dit Mr. Mesplet en-
seigner et montrer au dit apprenti sa dite profession, et tout ce dont
il se mêle en icelle, loger coucher, chauffer et l’entretenir de hardes,
nourrir et blanchir, et le traiter convenablement en santé et en maladie,
promettant le dit sieur Mesnlet de permettre au dit Alexandre Gunn, son
apprenti, toutes fois qu'il n’en aura pas besoin d'aller chez le dit sieur son
père, pour y prendre des lecons d'écriture et d’arithmétique et de l’occuper
lui-même dans les dites branches de son éducation, quand le tems lui
permettra. A ce faire était présent le dit Alexandre Gunn qui a eu tout
ce que dessus pour agréable, et a promis et promet servir et obéir fidèle-
ment au dit sieur son maître, et exécuter fidèlement tout ce qu'il lui com-
272 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
mandera de licite et honnête, faire son profit, éviter son dommage, l'en
avertir s’il vient à sa connaissance et faire généralement tout ce qu’un bon
et fidéle apprenti doit et est obligé de faire, sans pouvoir s’absenter ni
quitter le dit apprentissage sous peine de rendre le temps qu’il aurait perdu
par sa faute à l'expiration des présentes, auquel cas le dit sieur, son père,
promet le chercher et ramener au dit sieur, son maitre pour parachever
le temps qui pourrait rester pour compléter le présent brevet d'apprentissage
promettant le dit sieur Mesplet donner au dit apprenti à l'expiration des
présentes un habillement neuf complet. Car aussi et promettant, et obli-
geant, et renoncant, etc.
Fait et passé à Montréal en l'étude de notaire l’an mil sept cent quatre-
vingt-neuf, le cina de décembre, après-midi, ont signé lecture faite,
WM. GUNN,
ALEX. GUNN,
F. MESPLET,
JOS. PAPINEAU,
JEAN GUIL. DELISLE.
No. 64.
Marriage Contract between F. Mesplet and Marie Anne Tison.
11th April, 1790.
Par devant les notaires de la ville de Montréal, dans la province de
Québec, y résidants soussignés,
Furent présents Mr. Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur, demeurant en cette
ville, en sa maison sise rue Notre-Dame d'une part; et demoiselle Marie
Anne Tison majeure, usante de ses droits. D’autre part, lesquelles parties
du consentement de leurs parents et amis ci-aprés nommés; savoir de la
part du dit sieur Mesplet; de sieur Joseph Desautelles, sieur Francis Le
Guay, ses amis, et de la part de la dite demoiselle Tison, du sieur Jean
Baptiste Tison, son père, de De Magdelaine Le Guay, épouse du dit sieur
Tison sa belle-mère, de Jean Baptiste Tison fils, son frère; Marie Anne
Desloriers, épouse du dit sieur Tison, fils de sa belle-soeur; Madame
Catherine Biron, épouse de sieur Francois Tison, aussi son frère; de dame
Louise Viger, épouse du sieur Joseph Dessautelles, sa tante.
Ont volontairement reconnu et confessé avoir fait et accordé entre elles
les traités de mariage et conventions suivantes, savoir que le dit sieur Fleury
Mesplet et la dite demoiselle Marie Anne Tison se sont promis et promet-
tent par les présentes de se prendre l’un et l’autre pour mari et femme et
légitimes époux par lois et nom de marriage et en faire solemniser le dit
marriage en face de notre mére Ste. Eglise Catholique Apostolique et
Romaine le plutôt que faire se pourra et qu'il sera avisé et délibéré entre
leurs parents et amis.
Seront les dits futurs époux uns et communs en tous biens, meubles
et conquets immeubles, suivant la coutume de Paris, conformément à
laquelle ils veulent et entendent que leur communauté et autres conven-
tions matrimoniales, soient réglées, dérogeant et renoncant expressément à
toutes autres coutumes, lois et usages contraires encore qu'ils transportas-
sent leur domicile et fissent des acquisitions ailleurs.
Ne seront néanmoins tenus des dettes de l’un de l’autre faites et créées
avant la célébration du dit mariage, lesquelles seront payées et acquittées
2
[M‘LAcHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 273
par celui ou celle qui les aura faites et créées et sur son bien sans que
l'autre ni ses biens en soient aucunement tenus en quelque manière que
ce soit.
Déclarent les dites parties que leurs biens et droits sont comme suit;
savoir: De la part de la dite demoiselle future épouse d'une somme de
trois mille vingt-deux livres dix sols shellings ancien cours de cette pro-
vince, laquelle somme lui est propre comme provenant de la succession de
feue dame Marie Anne Hupé Picard, sa mère, laquelle somme est actuel-
lement entre les mains du dit sieur Jean Batiste Tison, son père; qu'il
promet lui bailler et payer dans le cours d’une année à compter du jour
qu’elle lui en fera la demande, et dont il lui payera l'intérêt à raison de
cinq par cent, jusqu'au jour de l'actuel et dernier payement, à compter de
ce jour. Ceux du futur époux en une somme de quatre mille livres pareil
cours comme provenant-de ses conquets. Lesquelles sommes sortiront
nature de propre de chaque côté aux dits futurs époux et aux heures de
leurs côtés et lignes. :
Le dit futur époux a doué et doue la dite future épouse du douaire
coutumier ou—de la somme de mille livres ou schellings ancien cours de
la province de douaire préfix à prendre sur tous et chacun des biens,
meubles et immeubles, présents, et à venir du dit futur époux, qu'il en a
dès à présent chargé, affecté, obligé et hypothéqué à garantir et faire valoir
le dit douaire; pour du dit douaire coutumier ou préfix tel qu’il sera choisi
par la dite future épouse, en jouir par elle dès que douaire aura lieu sans
qu'elle soit tenue de le demander en justice.
Le survivant des dits futurs époux aura et prendra par préciput, hors
part et sans confusion des biens de la dite communauté jusqu'à la somme
de cinq cents livres ou schellings ancien cours de la province en meubles
suivant la prise de l'inventaire qui en sera fait sans crue, ou la dite somme
en deniers contents au choix du dit survivant et en outre leurs habits et
hardes d’habillements à l’usage du dit survivant et leurs lits et chambres
garnis tels qu'ils seront lors de la confection de leur inventaire.
Arrivant la dissolution de la dite communauté sera libre à la dite
iuture épouse et aux enfants qui naitront du dit mariage d'accepter icelle
ou d'y renoncer et en cas de nomination à la dite communauté elle pourra
reprendre franchement et quittement, tout ce qu’elle aura apporté lui sera
avenu et échu par successions, donations, legs ou autrement avec ses
douaire préciput, ses habits, linges et autres hardes @habillement à son —
usage et son lit et chambre garni comme dessus sans étre tenue d’aucune
dette ni hypothèque faites et créées pendant la dite communauté, quoi-
qu'elle s'y fut obligée ou qu’elle y eut été condamnée, dont elle sera acquit-
tée par le dit futur époux et sur ses biens d’icelui ou par ses héritiers, et
pour laquelle reprise et indemnité elle aura son hypothèque dès ce jour sur
tous les biens présents et à venir du dit futur époux de quelque nature
qu'ils soient.
En considération du dit futur marriage et pour l'affection et l'amitié
que se portent les dits futurs époux l’un à l’autre ils se sont par les pré-
sentes fait donation viagère égale et réciproque au survivant et eux ce
acceptant tous et chacun ses biens meubles et immeubles tant propres qu’ac-
quets et conquets qui appartiendront au premier mourant aux jour et heure
de son décès à quelques sommes qu'il se puissent monter et de quelque
nature qu'ils soient, en quelque lieu qu’ils se trouvent, sans en retenir ou
274 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
excepter aucune chose, pour de tous les dits biens tant propres qu’acquets
et conquets jouir par le survivant sa vie durante sans qu'il soit tenu de
donner aucunes cautions sinon à sa juratoire.
La dite donation mutuelle ainsi faite pourvu et a la charge qu’il n’y ait
aucun enfant vivant ou à naître en légitime marriage auquel cas demeu-
rera la présente donation nulle de plein droit; et en cas qu'il y eut des
enfants et qu'ils vinssent à décéder avant l’âge de majorité ou d’étre pour-
vus par marriage—les dits futurs époux veulent et entendent que la dite
donation reprendra sa force et vigueur.
Et pour faire insinuer les présentes au greffe des insinuations de cette
province et partout ailleurs ou besoin sera les dits futurs époux ont fait
et constitué leur procureur général et spécial le porteur des présentes;
auquel ils ont donné et donnent tout pouvoir d’en requérir acte; car ainsi à
été convenu et accordé entre les parties et pour l'exécution des présentes
les dites parties ont élu leur domicile en leur demeure ci-dessus désignée
auquel lieu, etc, nonobstant, etc, promettant, ete. Chacun en droit soit
et renonçant, etc.—Fait et passé au dit Montréal en la maison du dit sieur
Jean Baptiste Tison, père, lan mil sept cent quatre-vingt-six, le onze
d'avril après-midi et ont signé lecture faite.
(Signé) TISON,
FLEURY MESPLET,
MADELAINE LEGUAY,
TISON,
JOSEPH DESAUTELS,
JEAN BAPTISTE TISON, fils,
LOUIS VIGE,
LEGUAY,
MARIE-ANNE TISON,
A. FOUCHER, Nore Royal,
JEAN GUILLAUME DELISLE, N. P.
No. 65.
Obligation or bond from F. Mesplet to Charles Lusignan.
2
20 Décembre 1790.
Par devant les notaires de la ville de Montréal, dans la province de
Québec y résidant soussignés,
Furent présents sieur Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur, demeurant en sa
maison No. 44, size en cette ville, rue Notre-Dame et de Marie-Anne Tison,
son épouse, qu'il autorise à l'effet des présentes. Lesquels ont reconnu et
confessé devoir bien légitimement à Monsieur Charles Lusignan, négociant
de cette ville y demeurant rue St. Francois, à ce présent et acceptant la
somme de onze cent soixante-quatre livres sept sols, ou shellings, ancien
cours de cette province, pour prêt de pareille somme que le dit sieur
créancier leur a ci-devant fait en or et argent ayant cours en cette province,
dont les dits sieur et dame débiteurs sont contents et satisfaits; promettant
et s’obligeant solidairement l’un pour l’autre un d’eux seul pour le tout, sans
divison, discussion ni fidijussion, renonçant au dit bénéfice, de rendre et
[mM‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 275
payer la dite somme de onze cent soixante-quatre livres, sept sols du dit
cours, au dit sieur Charles Lusignan en sa demeure ou au porteur des
présentes dans le cours d’une année à compter de la date des présentes
avec les intérêts sur la dite somme à raison de six par cent, à peine de
tous dépens, dommages et intéréts, auquel payement les dits débiteurs
affectent, obligent et hypotéquent sous la dite solidité tous leurs biens,
meubles et immeubles présents et 4 venir sans qu’une obligation déroge a
l'autre. Et pour l’exécution des présentes et dépendances, les dits sieur et
dame débiteurs ont élu leur domicile en leur demeure ci-dessus désignée,
auquel lieu, &c., promettant, &c., renoncant, &c., nobstant, &c., obligeant
solidairement comme dessus, fait et passé au dit Montréal, en l'étude, l'an
mil sept cent quatre-vingt-dix, le vingt décembre aprés-midi et ont signé
lecture faite.
(Signé) FLEURY MESPLET,
MARIE-ANNE TISON MESPLET,
LUSIGNAN,
A. FOUCHER, Nore Royal,
JEAN GUILLAUME DELISLE.
No. 66.
Intervention of J. B. Tison in above bond.
Et le huitiéme jour de janvier mil sept cent quatre-vingt-treize, avant
midi, est comparu devant les notaires, à Montréal, soussigné sieur Jean
Baptiste Joseph Tison, me. perruquier, demeurant en sa maison sise en
cette ville de Montréal, rue St. Francois Xavier; lequel à volontairement
reconnu et confessé avoir entre ses mains, appartenant à dame Marie-Anne
Tison, épouse du sieur Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur de cette ville, tous deux
à ce présente et de leur consentement, une certaine somme d’argent excédant
la somme de onze cent soixante-quatre livres sept sols, shellings de vingt
coppres, mentionés dans l'obligation ci-devant écrit et des autres parts
comme provenant des droits échus à la dite dame Mesplet, dans la succes-
sion de feue dame Marie-Anne Picard, sa mére, et pour plus grande sûreté
de la dite somme de onze cent soixante-quatre livres sept sols susmen-
tionnée; le dit sieur Jean Baptiste Tison s'être par les présentes volontaire-
ment rendu pleige et caution envers le sieur Charles Lusignan, négociant
de cette ville, créancier dénommé en la présente obligation à ce présenter
et acceptant, et le dit sieur Tison s’est obligé solidairement sous les renon-
ciations de droits accoutumés conjointement avec les dits sieurs et dame
débiteurs et y affecte et oblige tous ses biens, meubles et immeubles pré-
sents et à venir, sans qu’une obligation déroge à l’autre à la charge de
par le dit sieur Lusignan ainsi qu’il s’y oblige par les dites présentes et
durant deux années à compter de la date des présentes au dit sieur Jean
Baptiste Tison pour payer la dite somme de onze cent soixante-quatre livres
sept sols, et dont les dits sieur et dame Mesplet en décharge d’autant le
dit sieur leur pére et beau pére.
Dont acte requis et octroyé à condition toutefois que l'intérêt actuelle-
ment dû sur la somme principale et celles qui pourront être dûes à l’avenir
seront payées par les dits sieur et dame Mesplet au dit sieur Lusignan
276 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
sans que le dit sieur Tison en soit recherché. Fait et passé à Montréal en
l'étude de Jean Guillaume Delisle, l’un des notaires soussignés, les jour et
an que dessus, et ont signé lecture faite,
(Signé) TISON,
FL. MESPLET,
MARIE-ANNE TISON,
LUSIGNAN,
A. FOUCHER, Nore Royal,
JEAN GUILLAUME DELISLE.
No. 67.
Discharge of above bond.
Et le onzième jour de décembre mil sept cent quatre-vingt-quinze
avant-midi, est comparu devant les notaires à Montréal, soussignés le sieur
Charles Lusignan, négociant de cette ville, créancier dénommé aux actes
obligatoires ci-devant écrits et des autres parts; lequel a reconnu et confessé
par ces présentes avoir eu et recu de Mr. Jean Baptiste Joseph Girou aussi
dénommé au cautionnement ci-contre écrite à ce présent. Le somme de
onze cent soixante-quatre livres, sept sous ou shellings de vingt coppres,
avec les intérêts sur la dite somme, calculé jusqu’à ce jourd’aui, dont il
tient quitte et bien valablement déchargé le dit sieur Girou ainsi que tous
autres du passé jusqu’à ce jourd’hui; à ce faire était présente dame Marie-
Anne Tison, veuve de feu Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur, laquelle a reconnu
par ces présentes tenu quitte et bien valablement déchargé le dit sieur
Tison, son père, de la dite somme de onze cent soixante-quatre livres et
sept sols, avec les intérêts. ‘Hn déduction de ses droits et prétentions dans
la succession de feue dame Marie-Anne Bréard, sa mère, la dite somme
provenant de ses propres à elle appartenante et expressément réservé par
son contrat de marriage avec le dit feu sieur Mesplet, et qui était demeuré
en mains du dit sieur Tison, son père. Dont acte requis et octroyé à
Montréal, en l'étude des jour et au susdits et ont signé lecture faite.
LUSIGNAN,
VEUVE MESPLET,
ee eSNG Ne Ess
JEAN GUILLAUME DELISLE.
No. 68.
Lease from widow Ignace Chenier of a house to Mesplet.
26 March, 1793.
Par devant les notaires de la ville de Montréal dans la province du Bas
Canada, soussignés,
Fut présent sieur Ignace Souligny, capitaine de la milice, demeurant a
Longue Pointe, curateur eleu en justice à dame Josephte Aubuchon, veuve
de Sr. Ignace Chenier lequel a reconnu et confessé par les présentes avoir
fait bail a loyer pour le temps et espace de cinq années consécutives à
[mM‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 277
commencer du premier jour du mois de mai prochain et promet faire jouir
durant le temps au dit titre au sieur, Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur, demeurant
en cette dite ville, 4 ce présent et acceptant preneur pour lui au dit titre
de loyer, savoir: une maison sise et cette ville, rue Notre-Dame, avec la
cour et batiments en dépendant, tenant par derriére au terrain de sieur
Etienne Campion, d'un côté aux héritiers Hardy et d’autre côté au dit sieur
Campion. La dite maison garnie de toutes ses portes pleines contrevents
et chassis vitrés de laquelle le dit sieur preneur se contente disant la bien
savoir et connaître pour l’avoir vue et visitée et en est satisfait promettant
la rendre et remettre en même et semblable état qu’il l'aura reçue à l’expira-
tion des présentes.
Le présent bail aussi fait aux clauses et conditions susdites et en
autre pour et moyennant la somme de six cent livres ou shillings de vingt
coppres de loyer pour chaque année que le dit sieur preneur promet et
s'oblige payer en quatre payments égaux à raison de cent cinquante livres
par chaque dit payment et de trois mois en trois mois au dit sieur Souligny,
curateur ou au porteur des présents et dont le premier quartier sera dû et
échu le premier jour d'août prochain et aussi continuer de quartier à autre
jusqu'à l'expiration des présentes à peine de toutes dépenses, dommages et
intérêt, et en outre à la charge de par le dit preneur entretenir la dite mai-
son et lieux en même état semblable qu’il la reçoit actuellement et d’y faire
les réparations locatives sans pouvoir céder ni transporter son droit au
présent bail en tout ou partie sans le consentement exprès du dit sieur
bailleur, qui promet de sa part le tenir clos et couvert dans la dite maison
et lieux en dépendant suivant la coutume.
Sont convenues les dites parties que le présent bail n'existe qu’autant
que la dite dame veuve Chenier demeurera sous sentence d'interdiction, aussi
qu'elle se trouve actuellement ou autant de temps qu’elle sera vivante et
dans les deux cas seulement le présent bail au bout de l’année que restera
lors à expirer demeurera nul et révolu. Sont au dit sieur preneur à se
soumettre à ce qui sera demandé à cet égard par les héritiers Chenier et
Aubuchon ou à faire de nouveaux arrangements avec eux.
Convienne aussi les parties de se prévenir mutuellement trois mois
avant l'expiration des dites cinq années de bail si autant il dure afin qu’il
puisse savoir s’il faudrait dans le temps d'autres arrangements et savoir
réciproquement s’il prendrait un autre bail pour un plus long espace de
temps.
Et pour l'exécution des présentes et de leur dépendences les dites
parties ont élu leur domicile en leurs demeures ordinaires, auxquels lieux,
etc, promettant, etc. obligeant, etc, renonçant, etc. chacun en droit soi
etc. renoncant, etc., fait et passé au dit Montréal en l'étude de Jean Guil-
laume Delisle, l’un des notaires soussignés l’an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-
treize, le 26 mars après-midi, et ont signé à l'exception du dit sieur Souligny
qui ayant déclaré ne le savoir faire de ce enquis à fait sa marque ordinaire
lecture faite.
FL. MESPLET,
IGNACE X SOULIGNY,
JEAN GUILLAUME DELISLE,
LOUIS THIBAUDEAU, N. P.
278 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No. 69.
Chligation or bond from Mesplet to J. B. Durocher for £130.0.8—$632.83.
26 July, 1793.
Par devant les Notaires de la ville de Montréal, dans la province du
Bas-Canada, y résidant soussignés,
Furent présents sieur Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur en cette dite ville y
demeurant, rue Notre-Dame, et de Marie-Anne Tison, son épouse qu’il
autorise à l'effet des présentes; lesquels ont volontairement reconnu et
confessé devoir bien légitimement à sieur Jean Baptiste Durocher, Ecuyer,
négociant, demeurant en la maison sise en cette dite ville aussi, rue Notre
Dame, à ce présent et acceptant la somme de cent-trente livres, et huit
pence sterling pour autant en effets et marchandises, caractéres et autres
effets d’imprimerie que le dit Pierre Durocher leur aurait fait venir d'Europe
cette année et dont il est content et satisfait; promettant les dits sieur
Mesplet et son épouse solidairement l’un pour l’autre un d’eux seul pour
le tout sans division, discussion, ni fidéijussion renonçant au dit bénéfice,
payer la dite somme de cent trente livres et huit pence sterling au dit sieur
Jean Baptiste Durocher, Ecuyer, ou au porteur comme suit, savoir: cin-
quante livres du dit cours le sixiéme jour d’octobre de la présente année
et les quatre-vingts livres et huit pence restants pour parfaire la dite somme
à la demande et réquisition du dit sieur Durocher avec l'intérêt légitime
jusqu’au parfait payement; promettant le dit sieur créancier autant que
faire se pourra ne point géner les dits sieur et dame débiteurs, et recevra
telle partie du payement de la somme restante que les dits sieur et dame
Mesplet lui offriront et les intéréts diminueront en conséquence.
Et pour sûreté de laquelle somme de cent trente livres et huit pence
sterling susdite, les dits sieur et dame Mesplet ont hypotnéqué et par les
présentes tous leur biens, meubles et immeubles présents et à venir et
particulièrement la dite dame Mesplet ses droits et prétentions dans la
succession du feue dame Tison, sa mère, une obligation ne dérogeant à
l'autre. Et pour l'exécution des présentes et de leurs dépendances les dits
débiteurs ont élu leur domicile en leur demeure ordinaire, auxquels lieux,
etc., obligeant, ete., renonçant, etc. auxquels
Fait et passé au dit Montréal, en l'étude de L. J. Delisle, l’un des
notaires soussignés,
L'an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-treize, le vingt-six de juillet après-midi,
et ont signé lecture faite.
(Signé) JTABMDUÜUROCEHER,
MARIE ANNE TISON,
MESPLET,
PRE. GAUTHIER, Nre.,
JEAN GUILLAUME DELISLE.
No. 70.
Compromise and substitution of J. B. Tison in above bond.
Et le onziéme jour de décembre mil sept cent quatre-vingt-quinze avant-
midi, est comparu devant le notaire a Montréal soussigné, dame Marie-Anne
Tison, veuve de feu Fleury Mesplet de son vivant imprimeur, en cette ville:
laquelle a dit et déclaré que s’étant obligé solidairement avec le dit feu sieur
{m‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 279
son époux, pour le montant d’une certaine somme mentionnée en l'obligation
de l'autre part, pourquoi les biens propres se trouveraient affectés envers
Jean Baptiste Durocher, créancier aussi y dénommé, au présent et accep-
tant. Et voulant autant qu'il est en son pouvoir satisfaire à cette obliga-
tion, elle confesse et déclare par ces présentes, qu’il lui appartiendrait une
somme de soixante-sept livres, un shelling et neuf pence sterling comme
provenant de la succession de feue dame Marie-Anne Priard, sa mère,
actuellement entre les mains de sieur Jean Baptiste Joseph Tison, son
père, pourquoi elle substitue le dit sieur Durocher en son lieu et place, noms,
droits, raison et action pour recevoir et percevoir du dit sieur son père, la
dite somme sus-mentionnée, pour demeurer quitte à son égard seulement
envers le dit sieur Durocher sans préjudice à ses droits et demandes
contre la succession vacante du dit feu Mesplet, son époux, et dont le dit
sieur Durocher s’est tenu pour content.
A ce faire était présent le dit sieur Jean Baptiste Tison, père, qui a
eu le présent transport pour agréable et se lest tenu pour bien et duement
signifié; et le dit sieur Durocher ne voulant point inquiéter le dit sieur
Tison pour le payement de la dite somme de soixante-sept livres un shelling
et neuf pence sterling, a dit et déclaré par les présentes, qu’il accorde au
dit sieur Tison un délai de deux années à compter de ce jourd’hui, pour
le payement de la dite somme avec l'intérêt à raison de six par cent annuel-
lement; payable en un seul ou plusieurs payements tant en capital qu’in-
térêts à la volonté du dit sieur Fison, qui pour l'exécution des présentes,
a élu son domicile en la demeure actuelle au Coteau St. Louis près cette
dite ville, auquel lieu, etc. promettant, etc. obligeant, etc. renoncant, etc.
Fait et passé au dit Montréal, en l'étude les jour et an susdits, et ont signé
lecture faite.
(Signé) VEUVE MESPLET,
J. B. DUROCHER,
TISON,
P. LUKIN, N. P.,
JEAN GUIL. L. DELISLE, N. P.
No. 71.
Transfer to Pierre Huguet dit Latour of above bond.
Et le vingtiéme jour de mars, mil sept cent quatre-vingt-dix-sept,
avant-midi. Est comparu devant les notaires 4 Montréal, soussignés, Jean
Baptiste Durocher, Ecuyer, dénommé en l’acte ci-devant écrit et des autres
parts, créancier y mentioné; lequel a par ces présentes, transporté sans
aucune autre garantie que de ses faits et promesses seulement A sieur
Pierre Huguet dit Latour, demeurant en cette ville, à ce présent et accep-
tant, la somme de soixante-sept livres, un shelling et neuf pence sterling
à lui due par dame Marie-Anne Tison, veuve de Fleury Mesplet, à prendre
sur les argents à elle appartenant entre les mains de sieur Jean Baptiste
Joseph Tison, son père, et par lui payable dans le délai de deux années
avec les intérêts stipulés ci-devant. Lesquels dits intérêts le dit sieur
Durocher transporte également au dit sieur Huguet dit Latour; payable
la dite somme en un ou plusieurs payements ainsi que décrit et dont le
dit sieur Huguet s’est tenu pour content et satisfait. Et pour faire signi-
fier les présentes au dit sieur Tison, les parties ont constitué leur procu-
280 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
reur le porteur leur donnant tout pouvoir, reconnaissant le dit sieur Duro-
cher, avoir recu payement et satisfaction du dit sieur Huguet, pour pareille
somme de soixante-sept livres, un snelling et neuf pence avec les intéréts
échus et à écheoir, dont quittance et ont signé à Montréal en l'étude les
jour et an susdits.
(Signé) J. B. DUROCHER,
P. HUGUET LATOUR,
ew KUNE Nee
JEAN GUIL. DELISLE, .N P.
No. 72.
Discharge of above bond.
Aujourd'hui est comparu devant les notaires à Montréal, soussignés
sieur Pierre Huguet La Tour, demeurant en cette ville, mentionné en
Yacte de transport du vingt mars mil sept cent quatre-vingt-dix-sept,
porté à la suite de Vobligation ci-contre et des autres parts; lequel a reconnu
et confessé avoir eu et recu de Mr. Jean Baptiste Joseph Tison, pére; aussi
dénommé au dit acte, la somme de soixante-sept livres un shelling et
neuf pence argent sterling de la Grande Bretagne, avec les intéréts sur la
dite somme calculée jusqu’aujourd’hui au moyen de quoi le dit sieur Tison
demeure quitte et bien valablement déchargé ainsi que tous autres.
Dont acte requis et octroyé à Montréal, en l'étude le vingt-deux novem-
bre, mil sept cent quatre-vingt-dix-sept avant-midi, et a signê avec nous
notaires lecture faite.
P. HUGUET LATOUR,
Py URGING NE.
JEAN GUIL. DELISLE.
No. 73.
Inventory of stock and furniture of the late Fleury Mesplet.
17 to 20 February, 1794.
L’an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-quatorze, le dix-septiéme jour de février
avant-midi, à la requête de dame Marie-Anne Tison, veuve de sieur Fleury
Mesplet, imprimeur, demeurant en cette ville, rue Notre-Dame, tant en
son nom que comme commune en biens avec le dit défunt son époux, sauf
à elle à accepter ou à renoncer à la dite communauté, ainsi qu’il avisera
par conseil; à la conservation des biens et droits de qui il appartiendra,
par les notaires soussignés pour la province du Bas-Canada, residant à
Montréal, a été fait inventaire et description de tous les biens, meubles
ustensils de ménage, habits, linges, hardes, titres et papiers enseignements
et autres effets demeurés après le décès du dit sieur Fleury Mesplet et
qui étaient communs entre lui et sa dite veuve au jour de son décès, trouvés
en la maison ou la dite veuve est demeurante, en laquelle le dit Fleury
Mesplet est décédé le vingt-quatrième jour de janvier dernier montrés et
enseignés aux dits notaires par la dite Marie-Anne Tison, après serment par
elle prêté aux dits notaires de montrer et enseigner tous les dits biens,
sans en cacher ni détourner aucune chose, se promettant où ils se trouve-
ront le contraire aux peines en tels cas introduits, qui lui ont été exprimés
[m‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL
281
par les dits notaires, aux biens, meubles, prisés et estimés dans leur pleine:
et entière valeur par Messieurs Louis Hardy et Charles Lusignan, qui les
ont prisés et estimés en leur âme et conscience en égard au temps présent,
ainsi qu'il suit et ont signé lecture faite,
(Signé) TISON MESPLET,
LOUIS HARDY,
LUSIGNAN,
LS. CHABOILLEZ,
JEAN GUIL. DELISLE, N. EP.
Premièrement dans la cuisine:
Un tournebroche..
Une cramayère.. ..
Un fer de chenets..
Quatre marmites ensemble..
Une pince, une pelle à feu..
Trois poéles a frire ensemble. PE State. enya hale
Un poids de quatorze livres et un om livres ensemble ..
Une tourtiére de cuivre rouge..
Une tourtiére de fer..
Trois petits trépieds
Deux grils ensemble. Bars
Une broche pour le tournebroche.. .. ..
Une cramayére, une barre de fer ee deux EN i tout à dix
francs...
Une casserole de cuivre..
Trois fers a flasquer.. NE RE RS ered aioe ER Dare
Une ioquéte sur couvert, une terrine de fer blanc avec son
couvert..
Une jarre. = Se 60 oo :
Une soupière, un plat et un arrosoir ae a Dane
Un moulin à poivre. Merle Me iallle
Une passoire de cuivre et un y dutsa de cuivre.
Un canard de cuivre.
Une broche... |
Quatre sceaux ferrés.. 38 BECOME ER RS E RE
Un couteau à hacher et une sauce-panne, ensemble...
Six plats ovals.. ;
Une soupière.. Mes
Trois chandeliers de cuivre. 56
Un martinet et deux porte- Lo ae
Un pilon de fer.. LR EN TS CREME
Une fontaine de fer blanc et son bassin...
Trois égohines.. -
Une cuillère à pot et son oies
Une petite laiterie .. = As
Un pré de balance de fer pei.
Un moulin à café.. .
Hola le citer @ 8), 16 el) ds) we oe ee
Sec. II., 1906. 19
24.00
1.10
4.00
18.00
3.00
9.00
3.10
6.00
3.00
2.00
2.00
3.00
6.00
6.00
6.00
3.00
12.00
4.00
2.00
6.00
4.00
1.10
6.00
4.00
4.00
4.10
9.00
4.00
4.00
12.00
12.00
2.00
2.00
4.00
6.00
282 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Deux, Hoites, de-fer DIANC NME OUEN ANS NAS INT IE ETC
Un petit buffet avec sallet..
Une table et son tiroir...
Une caisse..
Cinq cadres..
Un billot..
Dans la chambre:
Neuf'chaises peinturéesens Deter icya) CCC EC ARC
Six chaises tournées..
Huit chaises vertes..
Une armoire de noyer..
Une armoire de pin..
Une table de noyer..
Trois jalousies..
Un miroir doré..
Quatre cadres..
Quatre images... :
Un coffre avec un tiroir.
Une canne à poignée ae cuivre. pe ease kee PET à
Un lit consistant en une ian ae eine: une paire de
draps, sa couverte et la couchette avec le tour de lit
complet... UMR Uee
Six tasses à café avec le sucrier..
Une montre avec sa boite..
Dans un coffre se sont trouvées les hardes du sieur Mesplet:
Une redingotte de drap.. .. .. .. Yor Katia) Mere Tous le le ue ae et UC VA
Un habit vert et culotte de drap ess be jaune.
Une veste verte de casimir brodé..
Un habit, une veste et culotte drap noir..
Une culotte drap noir. de LUN SNS h pote Dee
Une veste de taffetas noir, une idee ne serge ue Nimes)
Une veste satin broché.
Une veste de soie rayée. 5 seed
Une robe de caambre et sa veste CORTE
Trois petits gilets de corvée, ensemble...
6 paires de bas de serge ensemble...
Un casque de marte avec sa boite..
Un manchon de loup.. tee
Six couteaux à manche argentés.. cree
Six couteaux et six fourchettes à manche vert..
Quatre couteaux et quatre fourchettes à manche blanc..
Onze cuillères d’étain avec la boite..
Cinq douz. et une assiette de gré .
Trois) saladiers RENE R
Tense HU ER Wed) maven) eve my ida RE tel SR
Deux sauciers et quatre aaiueves avec un moutardier..
Cing petites bolles de. gré, ensemble..
Un pot au lait...
4.00
12.00
3.00
1.00
3.00
1.00
8.00
18.00
48.00
12.00
8.00
9.00
9.00
12.00
12.00
1.10
12.00
6.00
mémoire
3.00
60.00
24.00
72.00
9.00
60.00
9.00
12.00
15.00
6.00
4.10
4.10
12.00
6.00
6.00
9.00
6.00
1.10
3.00
13.00
3.00
1.10
2.00
2.00
.10
[m‘LacnLaAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 283
RIP TINGS SOLES ental ciel IIS RS sete ele! Neisil isle ne) sie bee | CY
Deux petits plats longs.. ..
Onze soucoupes et cing tasses.. ..
MPOISEDOLS GE EEE AUCUN UN ster ie! SENS NS Selle
Pmeabaret de Mohagony ne et ee, sic) we ee fee) Leler elle) sn ive) ve
18 février 1794.
Un tableau pour les graines de Lion à un volume ..
Deux apôtres avec le palmier.. Sater ae
Six cruches de 3 gallons de grés.. .. ..
Six pôts de grés.. SAR
Six grandes images estimées..
Dix do passion... ..
cy
BOUx COJDASSION 5 Sellsc oo @
Un chapeau...
Deux bolles.. Breve
Deux bonnets de coton.. dio foc
Une robe de chambre Bregopion blanc..
Une robe de couverte..
Un fusil. af Patel oko" Selah, 2e :
Un étui à razoir et la pierre à Hate pees pies - relie
Cent cinquante-trois numéros de la Traduction de Burn’s jus-
tice, à deux sols pièce, fait. EVER QE da hs aus ui
Treize paquets dont les noms des LAVAL TE ANR sont écrits dessus
et qui doivent leur souscription..
Onze chemises estimées ensemble...
Douze calendriers...
Dans la salle:
Neuf verres à patte..
Sept gobelets..
Trois plus grands.. hoo ae
Deux patites carafes de chopine..
Une théiére ..
Deux pots.. i :
Une boite de fer Dane.
Seize fioles. He
Trois ER ensemble. 1e Mo De
Huit nappes de Malaie et Russie, lee
Cinq draps, ensemble...
Quatre serviettes 21.2. 1...
Deux douz. de torchons.. ..
ne bergeres. 0...
ASTUSTNELIMOMELLE 220 orcs ore! so rio
Un baromètre.. .. .. ab
Deux cadres Louis XVI a in Reine. = a
Deux tableaux du Roy et la Reine dived tetra, RM AS
Cinq grands cadres vitrés à sept livres pièce, fait..
Six moyens cadres vitrés..
COOOL ‘uk Oe Degas Ti | ee ee
2.00
1.00
2.00
1.10
3.00
= Al
3.00
12.00
12.00
6.00
9.00
1.00
6.00
1.10
1.10
18.00
12.00
24.00
3.00
15.60
mémoire
66.00
6.00
2.00
2.00
1.10
3.00
1.10
1.00
1.10
4.00
9.00
24.00
12.00
1.00
6.00
2.00
9.00
18.00
1.10
12.00
35.00
24.00
284 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Trois petits en maroquin.. Seater kore
Deux petits cadres différentes facons..
Six tasses et soucoupes..
Un miroir à cadre doré..
Louis XV à cheval..
Un dessus de porte peint..
Un pied détal..
Une table pliante..
Une pendule.. ; 58
Un grand guéridon as “monncene
Une table de Mohagony avec son tiroir..
Un bureau de Mohagony.. Ao oe
Une petite table bleue avec son tiroir.. aleve tue
Un grand carnet d’étain avec un sablier de bois..
Huit brochets, à chapeaux.. SNL ee Re ek
Deux paires de rideaux avec quatre ne de 7S et ses
anneaux. Me Dee Le mele cetemicieues eet Ga
Un poéle de fer avec son ie et huit feuilles de tuyaux..
Un chien de marbre. TSG. Tie Ore WOES
Un trébuchet à peser nereut avec ses Pont
Deux arrosoirs de jardin..
Une chaise d’aisance..
Dans le boudoir:
Quatre paquets de petites heures commencée en feuille, estimés. cy
Deux paquets d'A B C français en feuille..
Une rape à tabac. 5
Un paquet de arti s justice.. See
Deux paquets de feuilles de Ste- Famille.
Deux paquets en feuille de psautiers re Se rere, COT Che
Une presse complète à papier..
Un calendrier avec son cadre..
Dans le magasin.
Trois chapaux de castor à douze francs pièce, font.. .. .. .. .. cy
Un paquet de calendriers perpétuels..
Un paquet de Ste-Semaine.. SEEN > Eve
Dix livres reliés de gazettes, six francs chaque..
Un volume des annales de Sainte, relié à..
Deux Burn’s justice, demi reliure...
Un almanach royal.. > rie
Un dictionnaire français et latin..
Trois volumes de littérature.
Quatre volumes Triomphe as la Peoetaenee) A CAE Bak.
Amis AESNENLAMES Re on
Emicodetoriitaires AMC ENNEMI NPA TR RENE
Un St-Francois Xavier, relié... 05.0. 00 ce wie
Sept St-Francois Xavier, demi reliure.. ..
6.00
14.00
4.00
30.00
3.00
3.00
1.10
24.00
48.00
96.00
24.00
96.00
9.00
3.00
4.00
30.00
120.00
3.00
5.00
6.00
6.00
24.00
48.00
1.00
1.10
6.00
36.00
18.00
.15
36.00
12.00
6.00
60.00
12.00
6.00
3.00
6.00
9.00
12.00
2.00
3.00
2.00
.15
3.10
[M‘LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL
Dix livres de priéres en sauvage..
Huit nouvelles méthodes pour le latin.. Rahs
Douze rules and regulations for field exercises, à..
Wie bans en miniaiure ys...) net Lt 3
Soixante-cinq psautiers, reliés. NN SNA
Deux douz. et sept lettres de Ca ei. le tout.
Dix phédres latins. ORNE
Trente-cinq onto te en Bebe take: Nh Brot toto her
Trente-cinq anecdotes en brocnure..
Un plomb à papier.. Me held ales aie es le
Six douz. Sts. Anges, à trente sols la douz., fiat
Un paquet de sentences.
Deux douz. et demi, nee des Enfants.
Soixante-cing A BC. Tete ee AR à x
Cent quarante-cing pastilles AE EE e tout Ss
Trois cent douz. Easy Rules. ; : are Mate lee
Vingt-trois constitutions neiges Droits ae patois aes
Un livre de Priéres anglais..
Six invocations du Bon Sens..
Huit Jonathas et David.. Pi
Quarante-six versifications francaises. .
Un receuil de théologie.. SORA ST SIENS
Vingt-cinq ouvrages de la Valinière Cathéchiyme, nes Ae
Sept vraie Histoire Chantante de la Valiniére à..
Une Chronique des Rois de France..
Cinquante-quatre livres blancs.
Trente-deux Constitution PRE
Dix-nuit Cathéchisme de la Confirmation, te tout à.
Un paquet de cantiques en feuille..
Un paquet de Discipline Militaire.
Un paquet de Messe de la Ste- Famille.
Un paquet A B C français...
Un paquet de. sere se
Un paquet de epee cos nea:
Un paquet de lettres circulaires..
Trois paquets spelling books. Lis
Un paquet de Guide de la vie nec
Un paquet d'engagement...
Deux paquets de Vandarac. se
Deux gravures en cuivre, une A i Christ. .
Un paquet de Dieu
Six paquets Exemples..
Le Bill de Québec..
Vingt-six mains de papiers,
Vingt paquets de papier a eae À
Dix mains de papier commun..
Six mains de papier commun.. ..
Dix-huit mains de papier commun..
Trente-six mains de papier bleu..
Un lot de mains de papier, le tout..
Douze mains de papier.. .. .. ..
285
6.00
6.00
9.00
1.10
33.00
15.00
3.00
9.00
9.00
15
9.00
6.00
12.00
3.00
36.00
18.00
12.00
6.00
1.10
2.00
15.00
15
12.00
3.00
1.10
5.08
12.00
2.14
6.00
3.00
3.00
15.00
3.00
1.10
3.00
12.00
6.00
1.10
6.00
12.00
6.00
3.00
1.05
18.00
18.00
5.00
6.00
18.00
30.00
7.00
10.00
286 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Vingt-une mains de papier rouge..
Six demi-mains papier Royale..
Deux mains de papier commun. 3
Quinze demi-mains de papier Ga Roel:
Une rame de papier à lettre doré, contenant quarante Lee .
Quatre cahiers à lettre uni. Ë
Dix mains à peu près de papier arbre, an ae
Neuf mains de papier plus petit a..
Une boite pleine d’oublies.. LENS
Dix-huit boites remplies d’oublies.. ..
Quatorze cent plumes Atécrire ae APN
Quatre douz. et trois crayons. se
Trois paquets de poudre à encre rouge..
Quatre paquets de poudre à encre noire...
Quatre fioles encre rouge préparée...
Onze paquets grandes cartes blanches...
Treize régles rondes. .
Quinze paquets Run uy est anes
Neuf sabliers. é
Cinq cornets a” papier.
Six cornets de cire..
Cing cornets de cuivre..
Un cornet d’étain quarré..
Un cornet rond. NS Loc
Trois livres de cire à cher noire.
Sept livres de cire à cacheter rouge..
Vingt-trois batons différentes couleurs...
Deux trébuchets de chagrin...
Deux trébuchets de Mahogany..
Cinq petites tablettes avec leur crayon.
Trois couteaux d’avoire à papier..
Deux porte-feuilles noirs.. AW ots
Deux porte-feuilles Maroquin rouge..
Quatre vers à cornets.
Deux grands vers a Cons. HAT DOME
Six feuilles et deux morceaux ae anemia!
Une boite avee un restant d’oublies..
Cinq timbres. E
Une équerre He un ce HOSEES. ae cuivre.
Tl s’est trouvé des livres appartenant à Edouard Guille.
Gray, Ecuyer, qu'il avait donné à vendre au sieur Mesplet:
Un Missel..
Six Rondots.. :
Un Breviaire, 4 vols..
Dictionnaire de 2 vols.. .. ..
Cinq Virgiles.. ete
Une Semaine Sainte... .. ..
Un Diurnat.. sits
Trois manuels romains..
.. pour mémoire
{m‘LacHtan] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 287
ro nianuels romains ovOlssie .. <i) 0-0: 0... 1. CY meémoire
Une seringue.. .. .. AU RONA EI MAN Ne © kt hee 15.00
Deux paquets de er UE ANS MR AS EU NES MR Te SD ue “ise 3.00
Un livre anglais... .. .. LEP Se RONA MA RES REC ER EM EEE .10
Une petite boite A vandarar: D'OR aie atl cbr CRD de EAN SOI MONO RCI LI .10
19 février 1794,
REET COMORES elle ee ole Jel dee ee ele ee CY 1.10
Dans le haut de la maison:
L’imprimerie complète, ainsi qu’il est mentionné dans l'état
remis par Edouard Guillaume Gray, Ecuyer, qui a prévenu
qu’elle lui appartenait, l'ayant laissé à feu Mr. Mesplet pour
s'en servir seulement et dont il sera seulement fait mémoire:
mémoire
Une presse à relieure avec ses ustensils complets, ensemble... cy 100.00
Cinq paires de cases neuves, avec les couvertures neuves venus
le printemps dernier d'Europe suivant la facture et en
outre une paire de boites remplies de gros caractères,
nriséesietrestimeées le) TOWE Be si En salles NT She ce 1400.00
Un palmier poële avec huit feuilles de tuyaux.. .. .. .. .. .. 60.00
wn poele ALfOUr. - .. .. Sean ats Se ASEAN | COM OOH Ine on eee 60.00
Une gravure du Christ sur ois de a delete lee cle 3.00
PREUVE CRE TEMES RES ASUS LENS 6.00
CRE VOLS ets RSR EE TONER CREER iNalei pated ayetl haus’, \ Sie 12.00
LEUR COEÉRLe el celle Poet EME RE D OR RE EC UT era 6.00
D Lu ei en wa eee (ae 1.00
nee DaAthere cuivre jaune. en MAR... 2 as ee lew (ele SEE 12 00
PERTE TT OASIS M Te se lee ol se as jeta me 1.10
Rem MOLLe ma ECDADEAUS MES MR NET ln Se Wee Sever (har lit .10
mirmcoire Templl Ge papier imprimé: , 66 2. 4 30e eles) ay as 12.90
Mmescaisse remplie de papier Imprimé.).. 2. 26) cei ll ee ana 5 09
Hmercaisse remplie de papier imprimé... .:. 60 .. ce +. 4. 1.3 os 12.00
RER ORERAONDOOUE ses NM MES Wis sie Lan) en lew! ee ut ese! 12.00
ÉÉRSNEMILESRCOUVERECS SEM ne de (siek (e's. Sie) se aie) vale) mie wearer ee 6.00
LOUE DROITE CET teh ied oe, sel sts EP EP PE 3.09
DE REURE TEE Ce OMR RE PE REC IT 8.00
DE MORE Ce TETE SE MP RE yale, tele (ore ee) lions 3.00
PRES DE ILC SCOUVCLECS PALM LES AM NI ves). ete pes 6.00
Enipcttitideplüumetct SON traversin.. 2. 26 26 ne fe ws oe ee 12.00
PRÉPAS me bel aCOUCHEtLO. |. jas sis ac, s6 cis lee lee aye es 2.00
Hastedendienontlle mila sPAllASSE).. 55, cic) feles wie cece sevice co wie 6.00
UCC AMO MT UIL OITA rls fo are, de jets bys ve yale eke (ae) ee lee yas 12.00
EECA EVOUITCCS EG OWIIV TES fai cisi clei Asie) aveil ics! 6.6) joue eco sie aies ole ele deve 3.00
PIO ee CANSRC HMAC Os AICS 3 6 ay) ie os ia\e)! EE 6.00
IDES (ERNE. Ge. SN ESS RER EE 6.00
Deux caisses de ferrailles.. en eee three seize rte 6.00
Une gravure en bois de ns tabon EM NRA ME LP RITES .10
EN Ra Une lu ais las ates tule’ du lee vies 6.00
PÉTER OLOUM OLS EP so ers lee de coyoh ES! MN een dus ee sie se) Se lee 6.00
ire Tye GE TGs. Lee Se es ee oe 1.10
288 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Wy Vieux KCOFETE a) ish ES Sen CSE SO Det les el EE TE EURE 1.00
AIM AVICUR CONTE: 20 sa sire EN OA EE RS ceed Hares, Meret denen EURE 1.00
Wn iboisvdecouchettes | cu gee pete ae ea eveiociinten yah. cseltibede) Imeeterte pei bersas 15
Uneyvieilé 2 malle TRE MEN ER NP ET Pete ee EEE 1.10
Quatre (ChASSIS OT REA ET RE ME EUR Cie RAC MS NE 9.00
Deux /tarsettes A TES ENS CURE ME MENU, CR RS CES 0 1.10
Un: piège A TASSE LANTA NS QE CR ARE Tice) site, EE 3.00
Une presse): À TOWLE. Pee hein rere eS ime a to cola eee Weer dnr cue rR 12.00
Deux icCOtesidevcazeneraill Gree. RCE EE NE ER OCR EEE 3.00
Unvciél Ge Ets ae SN RENNAIS NS TM AT RE STE 1.10
Une plaque de plomb ANSE sesame RE TES Um AE ee 3.00
Une spairel de wpincCes te she aera RAS ANS Oe Mi Rte 1.10
Dans le bas:
Les tablettes, cloisons, et portes dépendants du magasin,
ENSEMDIC A ANUS ERA NUE el ble The le MAL EURE Meee PURE SNS 12.00
Dans la cave:
Une chaudière de cuivre.. .. . les Lost 12.00
Deux tinettes et une vieille Hautiere) ae fer Minne. Ay le lle ue 1.00
ing: cuves: n°10 As re ae Mreisipalsm’etout shee Ve Mets Me ee tee tenets 6.00
Une cuve de Cotes orme haies lee le lee ere MS oncle Mer ets Rite 4.00
Une canevette et huit FES DR NES AN GE LE NE Se MAS PIS ci Go 9.00
MIN SAONE LEE ia tgs MAR rene date ab haw MONTS Lee) Ve Re Ne 1.10
UMLAETADANCOIELE, LUE TEA LR ER STE NE A ANS ee RETIRE roe 2.00
Cinq douz. de bouteilles à quarante sols la douz., fait.. .. .. 10.00
Deux quarts vendus ass lee ANR SN NE MR TU 2.00
Dans la cour:
TN eSsCADeAU RE ENT MAUR eee OT D A RE 1.00
Une pioche, un rateau et un ed lé tout! Ed ee MT ake eas 4.10
Une brouette.. .. .. Rien tele ob RAR Ne Aer ee MES ME UE 1.00
Une meule ae sa manivelle! a io) DS STARR ote D OURS CON EE Rs Cea ee 3.00
Wine: cage a ,DOULE. Mia cclodleers o neua sie OMR Eo eleh ces cue bie me ene eee 1.00
Montant total des meublesi:) (-) 2. es ee ace cv204609105
Dettes actives.
Livre A
Polio i Par Madame Cazeaus EEE EME ONCE CANCER CV 17.16
ef 12 Par Mr FOIE Se insets route DEAR NI eeu eee 916.15
LE 14) (Par Philippe Loubet NICE NE RENE RER 100.02
a 20 Par Mr. Philippe ones Date Sucre ste date fe 3.00
= 23 Par Me. Edw. Guille Gra a ree) a atest theta rakes eke fmémoire
Fe Zon PAT Mid. AG Tay LA NTéSler ANNE SEM EEE mémoire
380) (bar Mr a. “Broguerien is iain MER rene eee 122.06
“104 Par l’Honorable de RE ANTÉ BIEL EE ee NOT mémoire
INOS, 89) NEO Wan! Powell EN NS PEN ER ET ETS Ne CRC Va 64.00
MY HA NE MEZAGr ec UMR PT ES AN NE Uae ol wie teh ele RTE 6.17
ee 62) Mr. Mangan ae ce RE tae Busca eh" Basle Maem wet elt gelrepe NS 18.00
di 6G4MCAaD CATCHIbAlIARMCDONELANEMErME EN cleiisss ain -a-nawere eens 36.00
[m'LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 289
Livre B
No. 66
gb 75
Ps 80
à 90
OLIS
sg 21
ALT
“ue 110
130
Livre C
TRESS Le à. 0 01 ECONOMIE CSC SSSR 12.00
Nir UGS à 10 MOTO OMIS CASE NS EEE 36.00
ie (Garton 6, ORIG Ae iigio Cie NOR Ob S/o Ce oc mémoire
Mis: WOE LENT 6 OT CRC ES RME ET MS) er 2.08
VE PAUN GC LIMA WOCA ROMEO ROMA sole Nostell EE RENE 22.02
Wop. Tid TESA, oo EI Ne oasis le OD OCm a ee oe Chea »1A lee 1.16
Madame ie FC MR se ue rate ete Mann Sh tis Os Yenc 23.05
ass Torre a Maye vais) s/s) eae psc EN ERRCRERC PREECE 20.00
be, IR CO RENE EE RAS lotel ew. fie 9.00
Petits comptes dont partie sont dus et le reste à
TABI s Af eS Coa Saree POO WOE ON Eo mémoire
Lettre D Jean Reid, Ecuyer, par son es eae 1. Stine se CYS), AT 06
Livre E Mr. Thomas Forsyth, une année de master Ed 18.00
Folio
il
2
2
3
3
4
5
5
5
6
6
ü
7
8
NEÉMEATANCOISRPAREIerRe NS MMS NL NN ater eis stan CY; 16.00
BAEONGEADIe MOCCONMEC|. NUS UE MR NCIS Ue. 72.00
AT, MORE LUE LR EEE ER sa) nesta. ere! Serel-seye 18.00
Colonel eee ent. HapPNneeene Soret ave le since et Mee rate li liaie Main hers 18.00
RO TUE ER SEEN ER RSR M NE 26 18.00
BHÉoOnorAble Jean EP TASeM sc ack os MN hele eo eso” 9.00
BÉOnorables James Walker: eee TES ee ele) fave 18.00
PPO CLCUEM VANES SENS NAS MER veo ater me Lee 18.00
Docteur Jobert..) 2.) 3: HOM TRH eee CORO Eee Ne NENA 18.00
L’Honorable iene McGill. dore ts lhuis Vars France eis, os 18.00
L’Honorable Josepn Papineat. RA eR othe EE RE EE 18.00
BOCEeUTNJONESÉ MR EME Ce Miele pelen “olen iis) Gaia. ones cele 18.00
Miriam NiArre xP Oren criss lies) AR ee 171.00
mémoire
Jeanmescenm DD UTOCREr ECUVeEr. MR oe) cis ss sie lee cies) CY; 18.00
mémoire
Ni PHO Re ULI ER CS heise tele ieee lots Cole. SEC 171700
mémoire
MA PA Tex Anare ELON sl. srs Los Gree) we en Mesh ae, “ae CY 18.00
RRORMAS MEE BAGO TER aL ee gi a na a Pate Re a 54.00
dj. Isl, BR yg Sagas he) Gao OR EE TRE 90.00
Mr. Jean delisle, pére.. .. . ù OR NE EE RC ENT PET 18.00
ilies, IMIGVARS HEC © 1 GRU ee LU Mae Les tas ee NA ONE 21.17
Mr. Maurice eat srl wich el eee Mckee = cite te iete Dfele 18.17
VET An A NÉE ES MON REMERCIER ER EE ET APE 144.00
mémoire
RE CE EN ei ces ee es le ay ren lieues Vo oeuvre CY 48.00
NPC HAEME NDrEETE. aise ice wer none der ee lot Ue 18.00
eM LIM SCH ENORME ER EE RE 40.10
RENE SR OR Lost eue ss die wie wel tele! Nels 66.00
NT ET Mein hohe) dorcel nee ec goss jeta la te + 8.00
bee Hoi CUIR, ÉCART RI ERP CURREEET 13.10
iin. Dons Des es a ER EE NE an 17.02
Use, PET ne ee RS RE NE EE TE se)! lee nie 13.10
EEC MICS CARTIER Ne sn! ve nee ce sole aie) lale ele 18.00
290
Folio 18
“6
19
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Mr. Etienne Duignion..
Mr. Foucher, fils..
Mr. Mailloux, ptre..
Mr. Lukin, notaire...
Mr. Gibb, tailleur..
J. G. Délinel, fils..
Mr. Hoyle..
Mr. Desriviéres Beaubien... .. .. ..
Mr. Le Houlier.. Niet
Me Detlotbiniénes ieee teeie
Messrs. de Lottiniére et Symes..
Mr. Anctil, avocat..
Mr. Dillon.. ;
Mr. Duchouquet.. à
Mr. Trudeau, tailleur...
Mr. Standfield..
Mr. Joseph Nolin..
MrMRASCONV- conde een or
Jean Donagany, à régler..
Me. Russell, avocat.. sake
Melle LaValterie, à régler..
Mr. La Promenade... .
Duncan Fisher..
Mr. Joseph Perrault, charpentier..
Mr. Thomas Sullivan..
M. Barthelotte Dartigny..
‘L’Honorable Ant. Panet..
Madame Des Fonds..
Thomas Walker, Ecuyer..
Mr. Hébert..
Mr. Ferguson..
Mr. Racicot.. <-
Mr. Dumaine..
Mr. L. Olivier...
Mr. Filion..
Mr. Taschereau..
Mr. Alex Dumas..
Mr. Corbin.. ais
Mr. J. B. Hervieux..
Mr. Dubaron.. PEN oat EE
Mr. Jacques Roux, à régler..
Mr. Duchesneau..
Mr. Ferriére..
Mr. Ferriére..
Mr. Frank..
Mr. Labadie.. :
Mr. Bonavy Panet..
Frederick Singer..
25.10
4.10
81.10
18.00
18.15
ME 90.00
mémoire à régler.
cy 18.15
18.15
13.10
© 40.10
13.10
13.10
13.10
18.00
31.00
mémoire
3.00
3.00
2.05
mémoire
cy 14.05
mémoire
cy 13.10
12415
6.00
2.05
18.00
18.00
18.00
14.00
10.10
16.10
7.10
19.10
19.10
10.10
19.10
18.00
6.10
15.00
15.00
mémoire
19.10
2.05
16.10
13.10
38.05
81.00
81.00
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 291
Folio 44 Monseigneur de Singer... .. .. ..
ad 44 Mr. A. Gopellier..
s 44 Sr. A. Gosselin..
oe 45 Mr. McFarlane..
à 45 Mr. Liebert..
oe 46 Mr. Sketchley..
Livre F. Par Mr. Labadie..
Feuilles volantes:
No. AA Par M. Durocher..
BB Par Mr. Lambert..
Ms CC Par Mr. John Robb..
DD Par Mr. Fisher. ae
ss EE Mr. Brown, LEA à AA
+ FF Par. Mr. Oldham.
2 GG Par Mr. J. A. ae à HUE
se HH Par M. Perrault. L'ORTOMRE
ti II Par Mr. Delisle, pa aes a Eee
* KK Par Mr. Anctil
a LL Par Mr. Foretier..
ti MM Par Mr. Ducalvet. oe
> NN Un bon de Bernier et Jones pour. es i a
ne OO Un billet de Mr. Ignace Bourassa pour la somme de.
Cinq bons de dix-sept shellings de Mr. Foretier
faisant. Ge era Eto SEE Bee
Par RE et Ue ation La a G. a. sere
Jean Bte. Larchevesque.. NS US PET PES
Par jugement paraphé Q. G. D. contre Jean Bte.
Molière, et les intérêts à ajouter..
20 février 1794.
Un paquet contenant environ quatre cent soixante-
‘quinze piastres argent, papier des Etats-Unis,
de nulle valeur, pour.. CS RTE
“ PP Par Samuel David, compte à régler..
F QQ Par feu George Smyth..
“ RR Par Mr. M.. De
à SS Par Mr. Liebert.
~ Par Mr. Tr : 4
s VV Par M. Nash, compte a beaten.) srs
“UU Par Benjamin Barry, 3 mois de Gazette..
= AR ut
YY Par Mr. Püaillipps..
nt ZZ Par Mr. Young Geolier..
as && Par Jean Bte Neveu..
&va Par M. Alex Serres. : : ..
Porte-feuille AB. Sept aptes et billets dines par Pr DS
Montant des dettes actives.
162.00
19.10
19.10
19.10
19:10
1.10
133.08
cy 3.14
mémoire
cy 8.18
6.00
54.00
mémoire
cy 4.08
mémoire
cy 82.12
mémoire
cy 49.08
144.04
648.00
52.08
133.00
20.08
21.08
39.16
mémoire
mémoire
cy 21.00
8.00
40.08
32.08
mémoire
6.00
14.12
77.16
122.00
40.08
14.08
130.17
6087.13
292 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Dettes passives.
Aux héritiers Chenier et Aubuchon pour deux quartiers de loyer
de la maison, échus le premier de mai prochain à cin-
quante livres) par) chaque trois mois fait... ci) iis) EU NC:
Pour frais funéraires, de feu M. Mesplet.. |
A Samuel, pour la cire.. Soc
‘A Mr. Lardy, pour cing pains..
Au Docteur Bender..
A La Coste, perruquier.. SONO
A Mr. Sheffler, suivant son compte..
A Mr. Jos. M. Perrault. Rs Mere te ere te |)ic
A Edouard Guillaume Grey pour livres qu vil avait Rs à
vendre au sieur Mesplet suivant son compte se montant
à vingt-cinq livres quatre shellings et six pence sterling,
sur quoi il y aura à déduire les livres qui restent in-
vendus ainsi qu'il est porté au présent inventaire pour
mémoire, compte à régler..
Au dit sieur Gray, l’ancienne imprimerie avec ses caractères,
et autres ustensils en dépendant, appartenant le tout au
dit sieur Gray, comme l'ayant acheté par encan public,
ne l'ayant passé au sieur Mesplet que pour s’en servir..
A bon a Gibb, tailleur, suivant son compte affirmé... .. .. .. cy
A John Fisher, marchand, suivant son compte..
A Mr. La Mare porlier, suivant son compte affirmé..
A François Trudeau, suivant son compte affirmé.. Met
A M. Jacques Le Moine, de Québec, suivant sa lettre en date
du dix février, courant la somme de. we 56
A Mr. Berger, suivant obligation la somme ie sept mille fates
cents livres, sans y comprendre les intéréts qui doivent
y être ajoutés.. oN ate Sey à
A M. Marassé, suivant son Gant la somme de.
A Jean Bte. Durocher, Ecuyer, suivant son obligation. 5
A Mr. Jonathan Abraham Gray, suivant son billet du 18 do
1785, jusqu’au 18 janvier 1794, avec intérêts...
A Mr. Emond, de Québec, pour balance de compte...
A Philippe Loubet, suivant billet, la somme de ..
A Mr. de Longueuil pour loyer.. Ho
A Mr. Lusignan, suivant obligation la somme de..
A Madame Mesplet veuve, pour son deuil, la somme de..
A Charles Rascony.. :
A J. G. Delisle, suivant son compte..
A J. G. Delisle pour traduction..
Montant des dettes passives commues.. ies
Tl faut observer que par le contrat de mariage de feu sieur
Mesplet et la dite De Marie-Anne Tison, sa veuve, il est fait
mention qu'il appartiendrait à la dite veuve Mesplet qu'elle
avait apporté à son dit mariage et qu'elle s’est réservé nature de
propre la somme de trois mille vingt-deux livres dix sols ou
sa-llings de vingt coppres, pour laquelle somme et au-dela elle
avait consenti deux obligations, dont une à M. Charles Lusi-
300.00
53.00
23.12
3.00
12.00
12.00
58.00
32.05
mémoire
mémoire
96.00
196.11
552.00
90.00
552.00
7200.00
1764.12
3145.11
1347.04
158.14
3428.00
500.00
1160.00
193.10
24.00
337.15
60.00
21279.14
enan et l'autre ja Jean BterDuUrocCher MECUVET ME CREER mémoire
[M‘LACHLAN ]
Titres et papiers.
Contrat de mariage entre Mr. Fleury Mesplet et Dlle. Marie
Anne Tison, en date du 11 avril 1790, aux clauses et con-
ditions y contenues, No. et cotté.. Ce eens have
Une liasse de papiers intitulé Comptes et Billets, inventoriés
ÉCOLOS EME eee en er ANRT ley tae
Une liasse de papiers intitulé Des Tautiles., etc., mauvaises
dettes, inventorie, cotté. SMe. Ce antes
Une liasse de papiers intitulé Papiers de Robinet
Une liasse de papiers intitulé Dettes passives
Une liasse de papiers intitulé Quittance.. “ta
Une liasse de papiers intitulé Petits Livres et Bons
Une liasse de papiers intitulé Lettres.. AS CPU DA NES GENE D EURE
Un paquet couvert de papier bleu contenant l'argent papier
des Etats-Unis. 45 dt
Un porte-feuille marqué en anda A. B,
tances et comptes dus.. BY heb. ete bi, Dot Gide ORME
Un répertoire marqué depuis la lettre A jusqu’a celle Z..
Un livre de souscription à Bonne Justice, contenant huit pages
Un livre de compte contenant vingt-quatre pages.. es
Livre E Un livre de compte contenant quatre-vingt-quatorze
pages.. SPA teeta erat ete Senet Jes See cha
# D Un livre sur lequel il n’y a que trois pages d’entrées
et qui ne contient que le compte de Mr. Reid.
“#“ CC Un livre de compte, contenant dix pages écrites seu-
lement le reste blanc..
contenant des quit-
cinquante-quatre
“A Un livre de compte, contenant
pages et demie dont une page et demie à la fin
et le reste blanc... re tes da ee Dessin
“ B Un livre de compte, contenant cent quatre-vingt-
treize colonnes... 5 oo od oo pe 2
#“ EF Un petit livre contenant seulement quatre pages
d'écrites..
FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL
293
Dix
Onze
Douze
Treize
Quatorze
Quinze
Seize
Dix-Sept
Dix-Huit
Dix-Neuf
Ce fait après avoir vaqué depuis la dite heure jusqu’à cinq heures du
soir et qu’il ne s’est plus rien trouvé à inventorier a été cessé, et tout le
contenu au présent inventaire est demeuré en la garde et possession de
la dite dame Marie-Anne Tison, veuve Mesplet, qui a promis le tout mon-
trer et exhiber toutes fois et quand elle en sera requise promettant qu’au
cas qu’elle découvrirait quelque chose qui aurait pu être omis au présent
inventaire de le déclarer aux fins d’être ajouté à la suite des présentes.
Et ont signé avec nous Nores à Montréal,
cent quatre-vingt-quatorze, et ont signé,
(Signé) TISON MESPLET,
LUSIGNAN,
LOUIS HARDY,
LS. CHABOILLEZ, N. P.,
le vingt février mil sept
JEAN GUILLE. DELISLE, N. P.
294 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No. 74.
Renunciation of community of goods by Madam Mesplet with her late
husband.
Aujourd’hui est comparue par devant les notaires de la province du
Bas-Canada, résidant à Montréal, soussignés, Dame Marie-Anne Tison,
veuve de sieur Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur, décédé le vingt-huitième jour
de janvier dernier, la dite comparante demeurant en sa maison sise en
cette ville, rue Notre-Dame; laquelle a par les présentes renoncé à la
communauté de biens aui a été entre elle et le dit défunt, son époux, pour
lui être plus onéreuse que profitable, jurant et affirmant en son âme et
conscience devant les dits notaires n’en avoir pris ni appréhendé aucun
bien et ne s’y être immiscée en facon quelconque; sous toutes fine que la
présente renonciation puisse nuire ni préjudicier aux droits, noms, raisons
et actions de la dite comparante; s’en tenant aussi à son douaire, préciput,
reprises et autres conventions à elle accordés par son contrat de mariage.
Dont et de ce que dessus elle a requis acte aux dits notaires, pour lui
servir et valoir ce que de raison; et pour faire inscrire et signifier les
présentes à qui il appartiendra, la dite comparante a fait et constitué son
procureur, le porteur des présentes, lui donnant pouvoir de ce faire.
Fait et passé au dit Montréal en l'étude de Jean Guillaume Delisle, l’un
des notaires soussignés, l’an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-quatorze, le vingt
février après-midi; et à la dite comparante signé avec nous notaires,
lecture faite,
(Signé) MARIE-ANNE TISON,
VEUVE MESPLET,
J. P. GAUTHIER, Ecr., Ntre.,
LOUIS THIBAUDEAULT,
JEAN GUILL. DELISLE.
No. 75.
Sale of stock and furniture of the estate of the late Fleury Mesplet.
24 to 27 February, 1794.
L’an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-quatorze, le vingt-quatriéme jour de
février, à neuf heures du matin, à la requisition de sieur Louis Hardy,
demeurant en sa maison sise en cette ville, rue Notre-Dame, curateur élu
par l’assemblée des amis de feu Fleury Mesplet, de son vivant imprimeur
a Montréal, à la succession vacante du dit sieur Mesplet homologué par les
honorables juges de la cour des plaidoyers communs pour le district de
Montréal, ainsi qu’il appert par le certificat de Me. Reid, greffier de la dite
cour, en date de vendredi dernier vingt-uniéme jour du présent mois de
février, il va être par les notaires à Montréal, soussignés procédé à la vente
publique des mobiliers dépendants de la dite succession, compris en l’inven-
taire qui en a été fait par les dits notaires, commencée le dix-septième jour
du présent mois de février et continuée par ajournement ainsi qu’il appert
au dit inventaire, trouvé en la maison du dit Fleury Mesplet, imprimeur,
sise en cette ville, rue Notre-Dame. La dite vente préalablement annoncée
hier à la porte de l'Eglise paroissiale de cette ville à l’issue du service divin
par Jacob Kuhn et annoncé ce jourd’hui par le même au son de la cloche
[m‘LacHTAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 295
aux principales rues de la ville et faubourg de Montréal. Les dits meubles
exposés en vente publique par le dit Jacob Kuhn, juré crieur, qui aprés
avoir recu en chère et sur enchère, les a âdjugés aux plus offrant et dernier
enchérisseur pour les sommes et aux personnes mentionnées aux marges
de la présente vente, ainsi suit l'entrée,
M. Tison, un tournebroche, une broche, un poids de quartorze
et un poids de sept RARE EN An icles Ae D à REVORA LUC SCOTIA GE ner px 12.00
Barth BUlion Une CrÉMAyÈre. 0. ir UMTS ele isis ere fale 5 15
Pierre Papier, une paire de chenets.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3.90
PIES lOr ino AUDE mMNeNeTLGC ra erst clic) oe, sie oh erm. oie Weyer eyes) ley “es 3.00
Jacques Aveline, une marmite... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3.15
Berthiellonaunentrarmile.. :. 1eme. lee cele) ale!) eles clef oie 3.00
N. Adhemar, une pelle et une pince.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 5.10
Jacques Aveline, une poéle à frire.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ee 3.15
IN Dusienan, une) pocie A MÉrITE. 5) Me Me ee we em oe sw 3.15
N. Lardy, une poële à frire.. .. .. 2 ++ ou ve se ++ ee oo oe 1.15
Louis Hardy, une tourtiére de cuivre.. .. .. ., .. .. .. .. .. 12.05
Pierre Beaujeu, une tourtière de feu.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2.00
NACHabpoilez Nore. trois) petits itrépieds.. .. 0... 2. .. <3) =. 2.15
Li Battre denis e OMS ON ENTER ister ere nr oy Akay
PEM T Ie INGLE Nesle Lee) leon lee ete cele ec) ist elles (she 1.00
Md. Foucher, la jeune, une casserole de cuivre avec son cou-
Gir SS QOL Dione Sere ERT MAUR RENDRA are SAS MER EPL NE 5.05
Tison, père, trois fers à FAQ 5 TETE ES PE CL CU LE NITE 5.05
Means Lea Levesque): UNE ICOGUCEEQ Ns Meunier ent. sun dis 18
Lusignan, une soupiére de fer blanc.. .. .. Se ET à Nee aN 2.10
Luc Berthelet, un plat et un arrosoir a fer oe eer a aN 2.00
Peet Miee OU A NO OLY IC Webern LUE LAN yale, oe!) week Ves LUE CN Mave 7.05
EEISConye UNC RIDASSOITE GE CUITE iii) ce) aie ci delet en ee kw ae 1.15
Pt C eID OCLONUGCEGULVT CS WELL ean tee) bald Slee ese 4.00
PINOT mun Canard, Ge CUITE MANN bole, fie lane Sle eet ods 4.15
SEIS INO MULOCH Eee GUMINZe™ SOUS. eis calsled/inse) pars) os 51s le sites sue alent alte alls)
nn OTM CUE" SCCAUXS LEVEES) s)iists) cil fi aie eis) sei LUS NL 2.15
Hacones Aveline deux Sceaux ferrés el... 0 “ee we ais 4.00
Billion, un couteau à hacher et une saucepanne.. .. .. .. .. .. 4.00
DRAC KOSI DIA LS ON (ale: LME us ni NAS ees 3.15
Francois Tison, trois chandeliers ds COUIVEE NAAN Syeda teh seat cole 7.15
Rascony, un martinet et deux ARR eniaelnas bee tod? open 2.05
rapin, une fontaine sans bassin et la monture.. .. .. .. .. .. 5.00
MAP EVe amliths DMOMN Ge? LET 2.) ies) sje, Ut. lee) Ved lee! oleh dele ee 5.00
RU EO DIN arta) Manuela aol love: Lise [se le dlieie sie). Veey celle 5.05
Tison, père, deux Egohines.. .. . . Ee iia Peace 5.10
Mde Foucher, la veuve, une ennitese a Lot de un écurie. AU 2.00
I. Pelletier, une paire de balance de fer blanc.. .. .. .. .. .. 5.00
JounPHenen deux wboites de, fer blanc. 1.4.4). aies sh 3.00
Mere tObEdIEr I UmoulintAr CALE ALIEN uni Es QU 3.10
inlay, deuxspoires: avec ude Ia feraille. 3) 2. eae un. ee ets 6.10
Jean Chonapen, une boite avec de la feraille.. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1.12
Luc Berthelet, un soufflet... .. .. . ‘ ha EEC TRIO ete PD 2.05
John Zorn, une rape et ee de a FAR Vey TOUT. 146.0 1.04
mon, deux tareettos, pane de. fers ic! sc elke del es ea owe 2.05
296 : ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Lusignan, une barre de fer..
Hinlays ain Lusi, ‘tele 5
Jos. Donegany, un lot de Caesane de hee blanc:
Hardy, une canne de jonc.. sn tena
John Gunlack, deux pôts de grés.. ‘
Jean Chouafrer, quatre petits pots de grès
Luc Berthelet, deux cruches de grés..
John Gunlack, deux cruches de grés..
Thomas Thiefplin, deux cruches de grés..
W. Clarke, une théiére, six tasses et soucoupes et le sucrier,
ensemble.
G. Delisle, un EPG ON A METTRE
Rascony, six tasses at. soucoupes à ae. -
M. Idge, une chaudière de cuivre et son Fc a.
Thomas Thiefplin, une chaudière de cuivre..
Mde Foucher, la jeune, trois jalousies, neuf livres..
Joseph Donegany, quatre petits cadres...
Billion, deux petits cadres. AURA
Ths. Thiefplin, quatre a ce mors Hobes
Pierre Fuette, un Christ..
John Gray, trois Christ.. ae
Bunarvy, une image et un cadre..
Bunarvy, cing images encadrées.. ae
Jos. Donegany, un dessus de porte-peintre..
Billion, deux tableaux du Roy et de la Reine.
Pierre Papin, deux tableaux sur platre du Roy et ae la Reine
de France. SUR sce cot kooe au kc
J. G. Delisle, un Soc arrosoir ats seca
Veuve Mesplet, un grand arrosoir de jardin..
Billion, une gratte et un rateau..
Jean Delisle, une hache.. OMRON Cnn OC TE ott
Lambert, une meule avec sa manivelle de fer..
Billion, un thermomètre. , ete hte dot
Madame Foucher, la veuve, un ere que nerds:
Godefroy Galow, un trébuchet à..
Belair, un mouchon de loup.. LIS ered bicks
Donagany, un casque de marte avec sa boite..
Billion, un chapeau.. EK CARE ARR ALES
Billion, un étui avec deux rasoirs et la pierre..
Lusignan, une robe de chambre...
W. Edger, une robe de couverte..
Lusignan, une redingotte de drap..
Jean Chonsper, un habit de drap..
Lusignan, une culotte de drap..
Samuel Rousse, un habit noir..
Samuel Rousse, une culotte noire.. :
Chs. Chapins, une culotte de serge noire..
Chausper, une veste drap noir.
Chausper, une culotte drap noir. RO M SE DRE
Nic. Clark, une veste casimir vert Pbrodel 0
Pierre Lemieux, une veste de taffetas.. .. .. .. ..
2.10
18.00
2.01
5.00
5.15
4.10
7.00
4.05
1.15
5ellb
2.00
3.00
15.00
8.00
9.10
2.05
115
3.04
6.00
19.00
1.19
3.10
1.16
4.15
2.09
1.19
2.12
2.12
3.00
6.00
2.10
7.15
9.00
8.00
24.05
5.10
3.15
12.05
8.00
55.00
36.00
12.00
15.10
7.15
8.15
6.00
2.00
23.00
3.10
[m‘tacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 297
Pierre Lemieux, une veste soie et cotton
Luc Barthelet, une veste satin brodée..
Sam Street, une robe d’indienne avec la veste..
Pierre Lemieux, trois gilets de flanelle..
Bellair, sept paires de bas de soie..
Chs. Chapins, deux balles..
Pierre Lemieux, trois chemises..
Bellain, trois chemises.
Gunn, trois chemises. is
John Gunlach, deux iles
Q. Donegany, deux LICE à
W. Clark, deux bonnets de coton.. .
Banet Mettan, deux nappes..
Chapins, deux nappes...
Wm. Clarke, deux nappes..
I. M. Levesque, deux nappes... :
Ch. Smallwood, une paire de draps..
A. Jobert, une paire de draps
Ch. Smallwood, un drap..
Curot, fils, une table de pain..
I. Donegany, trois serviettes.
kh Donegany, un vieux linge.. one
Sam Clark, trois pôts de terre, PE die
John Colcoph, douze assiettes de faïence, le tout..
Jm. Papin, une douzaine Dre. Pre.. afta A QUE
Luc Berthelet, une douz. et demie Dre. Pre., le tout..
Papin, quinze assiettes do. le tout..
Lambert, deux bassins, ensemble... as
Luc Berthelet, deux plats ronds, ensemble.
John Gunlack, six bolles, ensembles Pa eas -cing seis”
Luc Berthelet, deux petits plats, ensemble..
Jos. Flemau, un saladier et un boll, ensemble..
Flemau, un lot de tasses et soucoupes..
Luc Berthelet, deux sauciers, ensemble..
J. Flemau, six couteaux et fourchettes.. AE AT
Gordon, six couteaux manches argentés, ensemble...
Biron, une montre d’argent avec la boite..
Jh. Flemau, deux saladiers, ensemble...
Fr. Frink, deux cadres, ensemble. 3
Frink, quatre cadres à huit livres pièce, tit.
J. G. Delisle, un cadre..
Luc Barthelet, un cadre..
Fleman, trois cadres. 6
Gordon, un cadre avec le RAS.
Delisle, dix images à. 4%
J. G. Delisle, deux images, eue.
Delisle, six images, ensemble...
Flemau, treize calendriers, ensemble...
Billon, six crochets à chapeau, ensemble...
Brindamour, une grande image..
Sec. II., 1906. 20
4.00
7.00
3.00
4.10
4.10
1.15
10.10
4.05
4.19
4.15
1.10
2.01
11.00
10.00
10.10
10.00
3.15
4.00
3.00
15
1.16
10
2.01
2.15
2.06
5.00
3.12
. 4.00
2.00
2.05
1.04
a1Ch
16
1.00
10.06
4.15
60.00
2.09
9.00
32.00
4.05
4.00
7.19
2.00
12.10
4.00
10.10
2.05
2.10
15
298 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Flemau, un miroir plus grand..
Tison, un miroir plus grand..
G. Ring, un guéridon.. ee Bh
Delisle, une table de noyer noir.. :
Delisle, une petite table de mohagany..
W. Nadford, une petite statue equestre..
Flemau, une pendule.. UE
Bamer M. un piédestal de ia: PO ARE CL a or OR
Baumer M., une paire de rideaux avec la fares le tout.
Tous. Pelletier, un pdt de faïence. SAR
J. Donegany, deux boites de fer ane nr
Luc Berthelet, une théiére et un pdt au lait, Sera BE
Jos. Donegany, une douz. fiolles à moutarde, le tout..
Jean Chasdin, quatre petits flacons, ensemble. 5
Th. Donegany, un pot de terre et un flacon, uit Lui ae.
J. M. Huppé, une caisse avec neuf flacons, le tout..
Pre. Fiset, une paire caraffes à eau.. .. .. Scioe
J. Donegany, trois gobelets de cristal, ensemble..
Tison, pére, six gobelets de cristal, pour quarante..
Donegany, quatre vers à patte, ensemble..
L. Hardy, cinq vers à patte, ensemble..
Bellerive, un pdt et deux flacons, ensemble..
Pre. Fiset, trois caraffres, ensemble..
Luc Berthelet, une cage à oiseau..
Donegany, une cage à oiseau. ARE CODA Ln RMSE Gtr dE
Tison, pére, une rame de papier imprimée en A. B. C.
Fr. Sarro, une rame de papier.
Tison, père, un lot d'A. B. C. Latin’ SAME HAE
J. B. Choidrer Donegany, quatre ns de ue eee im-
primés imparfait, le tout.. APE LS GE tab OEM
Donegany, seize brochures de prières sauvage, le tout pour.
Sarro, trois paquets de brochures intitulées La Dévotion aux
Sts-Anges, le tout.. aah) Vets cate NE RS NE
Mr. Saurrien, un paquet de psautiers, le tout pour..
Saumers, un paquet de psautiers pour. AU MIRE Te
Saumers, deux cent soixante-dix-sept Dane la etes
à la Ste-Famille, le tout. RAT ee A an Te ea LEE CLS ee
Donagany, un lot de livres d'écoles shelats imprimés, le tout.
L. Saulniers, soixante-cinq petits alphabets, le tout pour..
I. B. Castonguay, La Bastille Septentrionale, 145 exemplaires,
le tout pour. NO MOIS MORON UG MOULES NGS
Chs. Félix, règles pour convertir le cours d'argent et Acs pro-
vinces d’Amérique, 308 exemplaires pour. Sie AE MERE
Tison, père, Constitution Francaise, 23 ee le tout.
D. David, un livre de prières (Anglais).. a
Farkell, six Innoculation du Bon Sens, le tout pour..
F. Savantes, Dialogues Curieux, 21 ex, le tout pour.. i
Chs. Adam, Tragédie de Jonathas, 12 exemplaires, le tout..
L. Lavoules, trente-six abrégés de la versification française,
le tout pour. MS tl ey ea Net ea ce Le MURS Moke
P. Pepin, un livre vas théologie pour chronologie, pour seize.
12.05
40.00
96.00
57.00
13.05
5.00
85.10
1.14
20.00
.13
2.00
-10
.13
2.02
.08
6.15
3.10
1.07
2.09
2.08
2.01
18
7.15
3.15
2.00
10.00
11.05
3.05
.16
.10
2.10
24.00
31.00
6.00
16.00
7.00
4.00
3.10
2.00
3.02
1.00
2.17
15
2.00
[M'LACHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 299
F. Sarault, histoires chantantes de Mr. Lavalinière.. AS
Bte. Proulx, vingt-neuf constitutions francaises, le tout pour.
F. Sarault, neuf séries ex. manuel, le tout pour.. CESR
F. Savant, instruction pour la confirmation, le tout pour..
Ch. Smallwood, vingt-un livres blancs..
F. Sarault, un paquet de cantiques..
Jos. Farkell, discipline militaire pour.
Dubois, messes de Ste-Famille pour.
Guoin, un paquet de Tableau de Rues de Montréal.
Beaujeu, un paquet de lettres circulaires.. 4
Chafroy, engagement pour le pays d’en haut.. ..
Delisle, pére, un paquet de Sandrac.
Lusignan, deux gravures en Cuivre.
Tison, pére, trente-sept paquets de jeux de Fr Fa Paul Al
Jean Bouthillier, trois paquets d’exemples à..
Hardy, deux paquets d’exemples à.
G. Reid Greffier, vingt paquets ge papiers AM écrire.
Ths. Letams, Le Bill de Québec...
Chs. Lusignan, vingt-cing mains papier a act
Chs. Lusignan, 10 mains papier à écrire..
Fentayson, six mains papiers.. ..
Mr. Delisle, pére, dix-huit mains papiers..
J. Bouthillier, douze mains papier bleu..
I. Boutheiller, douze mains papiers bleu..
I. Boutheiller, onze mains papier bleu..
J. G. Delisle, un lot de papier..
Gauthier, douze mains papiers à écrire..
Th. Walker, douze mains papier rouge..
J. B. Boutheillier, douze mains papiers rouge..
J. G. Delisle, six mains papiers rouge..
A. Desery, six demi mains papier royal..
F. Freingue, deux mains papiers royalle..
E. Lusignan, quinze demi mains papier royal.. me
J. G. Delisle, une rame papier à lettres doré sur poe
F. Treingue, cinq demi mains papier à lettre, uni..
Cas. Lusignan, dix mains papiers marbré..
Lusignan, huit mains papiers marbré (petit)..
J. Reid, une boite d’oublies..
J. Boutheillier, trois boites d’oublies..
Crossby, trois boites d’oublies..
Alex. McLeod, trois boites d’oublies..
Tison, père, trois boites d’oublies..
I. G. Delisle, trois boites d’oublies..
Crossby, trois boites d’oublies..
James Finlay, trois boites d’oublies..
J. Reid, un cent plumes à écrire..
Tison, père, un cent plumes à écrire..
J. Reid, un cent plumes à écrire..
J. Reid, un cent plumes.. ;
J. G. Delisle, un cent plumes...
P. Fortier, un cent plumes...
Isidore Lacroix, un cent plumes...
1.12
LA
6.00
7.12
5.00
5.19
19
1.02
1.08
.10
3.00
4.00
5.10
2.10
al)
1.00
19.00
05
13.00
6.00
5.00
19.00
7.10
8.00
7.05
3.06
10.05
12.00
9.05
4.07
5.10
2.11
41.00
15.00
3.03
9.00
6.00
6.00
3.00
3.18
3.10
3.10
3.10
3.09
3.09
5.10
5.10
3.10
6.00
5.10
5.10
4.10
300 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
J. Reid, un cent plumes..
Delisle, pére, un cent plumes..
P. Fortier, une cent plumes..
J. Reid, un cent plumes...
Tison, pére, un cent plumes..
A. et McLeod, un cent plumes..
Labissaniére, cing paquets plumes..
Garfriend Glasgow, dix crayons noirs..
Bellaire, douze crayons noirs.. ..
Tison, pére, deux douz. crayons noirs..
Tison, fils, huit crayons..
P. Fortier, six crayons.. diye
Tison, pére, trois paquets d’encre rouge..
J. Reid, quatre douz. d’encre noire.. givers
P. Fortier, une fiolle d’encre rouge préparée..
P. Papin, une fiolle d’encre préparée..
Delisle, pére, une fiolle d’encre rouge..
Une fiolle d’encre rouge..
Wm. Edge, deux sabliers..
P. Papin, deux sabliers..
J. Fortier, deux sabliers.
Frs Lanouette, fils, trois bites eos é
E. Edwards, six paquets de pedo cartes eee.
Lemoine, cinq paquets de grandes cartes blanches..
Th: Donegany, deux tréslestrondes 2. =. <2 oo ke
J. Papineau, une règle ronde.. .. ..
M. Delisle, pére, deux régles rondes..
David David, deux régles rondes..
John Bell, une régle ronde..
E. Fortier, deux règles rondes..
I. D. Inkell, une règle ronde..
P. Dubois, une règle ronde.. SN UNS
E. Edward, cinq paquets cartes blanches...
David David, six paquets cartes blanches...
E. Edward, cinq paquets cartes blanenes.. she
Tison, père, cinq cornets papiers cinquante bols..
Tison, père, six bonéts, cuir, six francs...
Tison, père, cinq bonets cuir, quatre livres quinze sols..
J. Donegany, un carnet quarré, cinquante sols..
J. Papin, un carnet rond, trente sols.. ch sily te
Tison, pére, une livre de cire noire, huit livres cing s
Olsir.
David David, une livre de cire noire, huit livres cinq sols..
I. Edward, une livre de cire noire sept livres dix sols..
Tison, pére, une livre cire rouge, six francs..
E. Edward, une livre cire rouge, six francs..
Delisle, pére, une livre cire rouge, six francs..
P. Fortier, une livre cire rouge, six francs..
E. Edward, une livre cire rouge, six francs..
Dr. Jobert, une livre cire rouge, six francs..
J. G. Delisle, une livre cire rouge, six francs.. -
E. Edward, un paquet cire rouge, cent cinq sols.. ..
Delisle, pére, un trébuchet, douze livres quinze sols..
4.10
5.10
5.10
6.00
6.00
4.00
5.05
2.11
4.05
8.10
3.00
2.03
2.08
3.00
15
15
15
19
1.00
1.00
1.00
1.04
3.00
6.00
2.07
1.14
1.04
1.15
1.16
1.04
ally
1.03
2.10
4.15
3.10
2.10
6.00
4.15
2.10
1.10
8.05
8.05
7.10
6.00
6.00
6.00
6.00
6.00
6.00
6.00
5.05
12.15
[M‘LacnLan] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 301
Delisle, un trébuchet, dix livres dix sols.. .. .. «+ ++ .. .. 10.00
PR TS, 0 HO OS NOMME MAMIE SORTE 14.10
Lafantaisie, un trébuchet.. .. .. BUR OMG OO CUS G OM O LED 14.10
Ls. Hardy, un trébuchet de petite Bien Hise doe VE Ob oo FC 2.00
Delisle, père, une paire de petites tablettes.. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2.00
Mezery. une pairedenpetite tablette. | os el et) sie een aie 2.00
Sanomimet, Unempainenae petite tablettes... 5 6s.) ce erel (eet cs) oie 2.00
BOIS ee UNE COMLCAIMNORLVOINE <1.) cc) ere) (3 4 fo nj eo fei sl ver efieie: teks) Myers 1.07
MHONE TIM COULGAUMOGLVOURC Rae cic) sen se lateliae te Sa NL 1.07
MÉSDICHSUTAICQUEeATAUVOITE PSN ASS cleo) leis: NES TR MEN oy, wie 1.13
ion un norie-fetnliemnmoir. Melle ole set elle eee Me) ee 3.01
SMA UNINOLEe- LelMN CM OELI Cr ceili I EE EN EU sale 3.01
Mevenvan Une POLLe- fella TOU. 6) ia fee 66 MM NS NO iol ee 3.19
Mupos sunipornte-tetillenrouse ne MM Scere fers sie) sie) Ne 6.01
J. H. Donegany, une seringue .. .. D ACT Re Oe ae 3.00
Fr. Sarro, trois paquets de Spelling Book, i on SOS SCT CNE 3.00
Glaszow, un petit dictionnaire anglais... UM 0. 0e 1.10
Haldimand, quatre vers à encre, ensemble.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .08
Rasconi quatre vers a encre, ensemble... 5) 2.0 2. oe. os) ee oe il
I. G. Delisle, six vers à encre, ble. SAS Mae LU eat Dtetel Viol e 7
I. G. Delisle, un cornet d’étain avec trois vers, le oats Moy areris 4.10
Son spére um paguet dA Bs GC: francais: MALO M EMI 3) ole 115
foc Declisic, six feuilles) de parchemin." <2 3.) 2. a5) 26 ‘ 6.00
feeeonin deux brochures et une; le tout. : 2. <0 sie. so sh cai lone 1.04
J. A. Degray, une boite avec des oublies, le tout.. .. .. .. .. ala bry
Hepehsie cing timbres, ensembles RD: ise ei vis oe es AG 2.00
Powis, un équerre, un pied de Rey et un ee le re 4.00
SEMI ven PaAQuel ey SaAgeltel MAILS, LA Rent a Lea ls
D. Jobbent, une boite desandorac.. .. .. RÉSUMÉS EC M toi De 1.04
David David, deux vol. Digtionmaine de Bowes. DRE NRC 5.15
L. Hardy, un cornet Sanderac.. .. .. BMD D aCe eke icy OVO) Loo MCE 1.10
David David, un chien de nieebie cnn ET ON Ie 1e PO SA Ty Ce 1.00
David David, un lot de brochures.. .. .. SRE Roa we ol ick aleal(t)
John Finlayson, un lot de plomb at lee Seite NLL AON 1.10
SCO INeOCRGEe bTOCNUTES a6 co oe) cls, sie! os) sie ss ee diese le 1.10
Lafantaisie, deux flacons Be ees. oe ee 5 Aas Huta OT a: boc 3.00
De Gray, un lot de brochures... .. bd eS ele maa ton ee iRe le Me .15
J. Lafontaine, un berceau.. .. . QE ARE EE NS LE 101.00
Jobbert, une table en pied ae picks. qe peut Wie NOTA 8.19
ISO UN DUTCH. 5 65 kk. ks SMH Meare ate) cole hy cel incite! seve! raie eu here 16.00
Simon Clark, une grande are MES ao TAN OO UMA IE 5.00
C. Wagner, une table avec un es LENCO A NP ART Me AU 3.00
Pac iVemEITCmORAISON C AISANGE i) |e. Me. esas US ce 1.05
POC MUIMCRUEILCMIAILCTICl Sy cr ye) SCN ee ele Sch RS wel lee ce ete lee 1.12
Rascony, une table..:.. .. 56) (GO DOMES OSM Aon ecto otro 4.07
Berthelet, une jarre ce 1ivraw! Nel hens AG Moon bOl6 ol 10.05
Berthelet, un poële de fer avec 8 uties as tuyau et le Data
Je TOUL AMEN: dt Dee tite ete lier a 96.00
Wagner, huit chaises palates en chien i tout: notre AGO es Le EN 9.12
Luc Berthelot, 6 chaises tournées, DA eae an DA ÉDMEE 24.00
J. L. Lafantaisie, 8 chaises tournées, ensemble...
302 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
M. Edward, sept cent quatre-vingt-sept livres ou environ de
caractère neuf d'imprimerie avec les cases, le tout.. .. 1620.00
Pre MPepin Mel pordid Um) SCielmde Macrae EUR Er NET 1.00
Mrveaward'iun|poële Palmier NÉE ae oy) ecole NRC ERIEIURs 66.00
Hortier tune poele A\'OUTnEAU vie pened ener PES MS NS CNET 73.10
Pre Papin, un Coffre. 2. PRO LIN e Malaliiele Vetelt late Le te IN a ee Ces .13
Jos. Fortier, un bois He ba au STE MEN MN ERA RASE PRE AE D Lid LA 2.01
PYVPep IMT COPE Sai weit NES RME ON TR A MT IE Le ENS le 1.04
CWasner/l'une/|Ccoucheite ie Weel ENTRANTS NME 3.08
Mison pére Quatre Vieux \CRASSIS VILLES ME MONS ENT Ne CE TER 5.00
MMEdouardMunerpresse ANrOoUler EM NP EN eee eee Ne CiC 12.00
PretPepin, une Valise Cher EEE EEE Ce 2.10
. Luc Berthelet, une Ad RP alert tiehal elias) wah eV Ven Merele ue eee tien 2.01
W. Edouard, une presse à DA RAR avec les outils nécessaires, le
COUT veers a net lee er NN ae relie teas re NL ele ane tr tetanic 51.00
Edward, une A DTESSeMANDADIET DOUTE EEE CE CN CCE 28.00
TSO, pére MINK ArIMOUMe AR AUS ME RE RE UE lalceirans) 7 lecen Sete iste 20.00
Tison/Wpére Wplancher ii MASSE ENT CNE PRET 16.00
Chs. Wagner, deux paillasses, un lit cottonier.. .. .. .. .. .. 15.00
MWEortier lin lotilbouteilles 2e er EUR ER EMEA TRE RER ae eens 9.00
CHAVendelie Mtrois-QUAr ES VIN TeS TONNERRE PSE ANNEES 3.03
CAVendelac un \saloir ee esis fate: eee etal esta atten asian AN ER TER AA A One 3.12
J NCanada, UNACOErEL NL TERRE EUR DÉPENS NME MARNE ONE ER 4.10
Weclarke, un loti/charbons ie se NON ER EIRE OUR 4.15
Ey hurkell, un «tas futanlese LME ENTIER tee ETAT ARE 4.15
CMVendelac un matelas tettun traversin: see se ek eel ce nee 10.15
Roscaud une robpe (de bent RE eset tecele see een lei aerate eee 6.02
Roscaud, sune) robbel derbeut'. eue MT asec AI ON CERN 14.10
Watteman,. unlit Ide\plümes ss 02e CRE ENNEMIS 17.00
W. Eare, Junior, deux oreillers et un traversin... .. .. .. .. .. 6.00
Turkell (quatre couvertes ws 20 ste) Weick CRE eke nee she . 5.11
Allard, une cage à DEN un marche-pieds, une elle pubilette: 1.16
Ae Wittman: une table: ey asia cos UNE 0 PETER UE SNA 6.10
Ce fait après avoir vaqué jusqu'à midi précis et qu'il ne s’est plus
rien trouvé à vendre ayant exactement suivi l'inventaire a été copié et
expédié, et ont signé,
JACOB KUKN.
No. 76.
Power of attorney from C. Louis Hardy, curator of estate Fleury Mesplet
to Michel Dubord.
Par devant les notaires de la province de Québec, résidant à Montréal,
soussignés,
Fut présent Me. Louis Hardy, demeurant en sa maison sise en cette
ville, rue Notre-Dame, curateur en justice à la succession vacante de feu
Fleury Mesplet de son vivant imprimeur à Montréal, lequel a fait et
constitué pour son procureur général et spécial, le sieur Michel Dubord,
un des convives de sa Majesté en cette dite province, demeurant ordinaire-
ment dans la ville de Québec auquel il donne pouvoir de pour lui et en
son nompercevoir toutes les sommes de deniers qui peuvent être actuelle-
a
[m‘LtacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 8083
ment dues a la dite succession vacante par les différents suscripteurs a la
ci-devant Gazette de Montréal, le long du fleuve St. Laurent en descendant
et dans la ditte ville de Québec; de recevoir les dites sommes en donner
bonnes et suffisantes quittances en son nom, et a défaut de payment pour-
suivre juridiquement les débiteurs de la dite succession Mesplet obtenir juge-
ment et les faire mettre en exécution et sur le tout plaider, opposer, appeler,
élire domicile substituer un ou plusieurs procureurs, les révoquer et en
constituer d’autres et généralement faire par le dit procureur constitué
tout ce qu'il avisera toujours pour le plus grand avantage de la dite suc-
cession promettant le dit sieur constituant le ratifier toutes fois et quand
il en sera requis obligeant, etc.; fait et passé au dit Montréal, en l'étude
de Jean Guillaume Delisle, l’un des notaires sousignés, l’an mil sept cent
quatre-vingt-quatorze, le dix-huitième jour de juin, après-midi et a le dit
sieur constituant, signé avec nous notaires, lecture faite.
LOUIS HARDY,
LOUIS THIBAUDEAU,
JEAN GUILLAUME DELISLE.
G No. 77.
Extrait du testament de Jean Baptiste Tison, du date de 27 novembre
1794. ‘Donne et lègue à Marie-Anne Tison, sa fille, pareille somme de cent
cinquante chelins de vingt coppres, payable deux ans après le décès du dit
testateur.
No. 78.
Judgment in favour of J. Marie Desautels vs Charles Berger and Fleury
Mesplette.
Expédiez, Exn., 22 juillet 1785.
Dette So 2 rails ic Onos) 2d — £510 58 ba == SL 580-10:
Entre Joseph Marie Desautels comparant par Me. Walker, avocat deman-
_ deur, d’une part, et Charles Berger et Fleury Mesplette, imprimeurs asso-
ciés, comparants, savoir le dit Charles Berger par Me Meziére, avocat, et le
dit Fleury Mesplette, en personne—Défendeurs, d’autre part. Aprés que
Me. Walker pour le demandeur a conclu que sa déclaration tendant à
fixer la condamnation contre les défendeurs au paiement de la somme de
trois cent soixante et quatre livres deux chelins et trois deniers du cours
actuel, due au demandeur pour argent prété et par compte, avec intéréts
et dépens. Le dit Fleury Mesplette, un des défendeurs, a dit qu’il recon-
nait la dette et confesse jugement tant pour lui que pour le dit Charles
Berger, son associé. Me Mézière, avocat du dit Charles Berger a dit qu’il
supplie la Cour lui permettre de fournir sa défense jeudi prochain aux fins
de prouver qu’une exécution ne peut sortir contre lui attendu qu’il n’est
point associé en cette dette avec le dit Fleury Mesplette.—Parties ouies, la
Cour donne acte au demandeur de la confession du dit Mesplette et admet
le dit Berger à prouver jeudi prochain qu’il n’est point l’associé de Fleury
Mesplette dans le cas présent.—Le tout considéré. La Cour condamne les
dits défendeurs 4 payer au dit demandeur la somme de trois cent soixante
et quatre livres deux chelins et trois deniers, contenue en la déclaration du
demandeur, aux intérêts de la dite somme à compter de ce jour jusqu’à
actuel paiement, et aux dépens taxés à six livres trois chelins et deux
304 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
deniers,—sauf cependant au dit Berger comparant par Me Meziére à faire
voir à huitaine qu’exécution ne peut sortir contre lui n'étant point associé
en cette affaire—Mandans, etc.
No. 79.
From la Gazette Littéraire pour la ville et district de Montréal, 2 juin 1779.
TANT PIS TANT MIEUX.
Le papier Périodique est sur le point d'être interrompu, tant pis. Plu-
sieurs disent au contraire, qu'étant aplaudi généralement il sera continué,
tant mieux.
On emploie tout pour l’anéantir l’imprimeur et la presse, pour priver
par ce moyen le public de s’éclairer et de s’instruire, tant pis. Les per-
sonnes de bon sens disent à cela, le bon droit de l'imprimeur, l'utilité de la
presse et l’équité d’un Gouvernement éclairé, empécheront l'effet, tant
mieux.
On se plaint qu'il règne trop de liberté dans les écrits, et que les auteurs
ne ménagent persone, tant pis. Mais aussi dit-on que cette naiveté est
absolument nécessaire et qu’il est A propos de chatier les moeurs en riant,
tant mieux.
Dans l’imprimerie on met les hommes à la presse, on les y écorche tous
vifs, tant pis. Mais c’est pour les rendre meilleurs, tant mieux. ’
Le spectateur tranquille est hai, et tous les ouvrages dans lesquels il
critique trop ouvertement lui font bien des enemis, tant pis. Mais tous les
honnêtes gens que la bonne conduite met à couvert de ses coups l’esti-
ment tout plein, tant mieux.
La dernière Production de l’Ingénu a fait murmurer contre l’auteur et
l'imprimeur, tant pis. Mais l’un et l’autre dédaignent tous ces propros
sourds, et n’y font pas la moindre attention, tant mieux.
On dit que le spectateur tranquille aurait dù ménager un peu plus
Simon Sanguinet comme son confrère, et qu’il devait se taire, puisqu’il
ne lui en revenait rien de plus, et on l’accuse même d’avoir agi par un
esprit de vengeance, tant pis. Mes le spectateur, dit-on, avait raison de se
venger d’un homme qui ne mérite pas même le moindre coup d'œil d’un
honnête homme, et les observations du spectateur l'ont fait connaître, par
conséquent mépriser, tant mieux.
Il est prouvé qu’il a usurpé une succession, tant pis. Mais aussi il
paraît clair qu’il restituera honteusement au centuple, tant mieux.
Plusieurs approuvement pas que Pierre Ducalvet, Ecuyer, ait mis au
jour tant de vérités qui n'étaient pas connues, et il est blâmé d’avoir tout
dit, tant pis. Mais ses intérêts particuliers et le bien public l’ont obligé
de le faire,. et toutes ses démarches ont procuré l'avantage qu'il en atten-
dait, tant mieux.
On n’a pas été dupe du Sincère Moderne, son adresse est ironique, et
s’il était connu on pourrait le rembarrer, et je crois qu’il s’en repentirait,
tant pis. Mais ne pourrait-il pas faire encore pis, et si cela arrivait que
dirait-on, tant mieux.
Tous les petits Saints se sont ligués contre le Papier Périodique, les
auteurs et l’imprimeur, tant pis. Mais les grands Saints les couvrent du
[m‘LAcHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 305
leurs ailes; sub umbra alarum, eorum ambulant, tant mieux.
Aussi, tout bien considéré on trouvera du tant pis et du tant mieux.
Tant pis pour les uns et tant mieux pour les autres.
No. 80.
From Mémoires de Pierre de Salles Laterrière et ses traverses, édition
intime, Québec 1873. Pages 117-119.
“Quelques jours aprés que ce despote de gouverneur de Haldimand,
malgré la majeure partie de son conseil et l'opinion du juge en chef
Livius, homme vertueux et juste, et anglais dans toute la force du terme,
eut pris. sur lui de porter atteinte au privilège du sujet, je vis arriver dans
ma chambre comme prisonniers d'Etat aussi, un avocat appelé Jotard et un
imprimeur appelé Fleury Mesplet inculpés le premier d'être rédacteur et
le second imprimeur d’un papier connu sous le nom de Tant pis, tant mieux,
du genre libellique, qui se permettait d'attaquer la sage politique du gou-
vernement anglais et surtout de combattre le despotisme du Suisse Haldi-
mand.
L'éducation de ce Jotard était solide sans être accomplie. Il était sati-
rique et sophistique comme un avocat, avec un. front d’airain que rien
n'étonnait, ivrogne, faux et menteur comme le diable et grand épicurien; il
haissait tout-ce qui était anglais, pour quelle raison? Je ne l’ai.jamais pu
savoir. En outre il était plein de préjugés, jésuite surtout et fort mauvais
ami. Mesplet différait de Jotard par l'éducation, son talent c’était d’être
ouvrier imprimeur, il avait des connaissances pourtant; mais il s’en faisait
accroire, et ne parlant que d’aprés son rédacteur d’ailleurs fourbe et menteur
presque autant que celui-ci et d’un génie méchant; si son épouse qui était
très respectable, ne l'avait a douci, il aurait été capable de bien des choses
indignes d’un honnête homme.
Une couple de mois après on amena encore dans ma chambre un écossais
du nom de Charles Hay...... accusé disait-on de correspondance avec
Yennemi.....
Me voilà obligé de vivre avec trois étrangers buvant à la même tasse
de prisonnier d'état. Je ne fus pas longtemps sans donner la préfé-
rence à M. Hay à cause de sobriété et de l'égalité de son humeur ce qui
causa de la jalousie aux deux autres; des disputes s’ensuivirent et à la fin
des coups. J'étais jeune et. vigoureux; bien souvent Hay nous séparait
ou le tourne-clefs et la garde était obligée de venir, j'avais affaire à Jotard
et à Mesplet ensemble, l’un ne m’attaquait pas sans l’autre ou sans appeler
l'autre à son secours; heureusement que je les rossais tous les deux à mon
aise et je n'avais besoin que du témoignage de Hay qui connaissait leurs
torts, ils ne m’insultaient d’ailleurs que quand ils étaient ivres c’est-à-dire
presque tous les aprés-midis tirant sur le soir. Ce témoignage impartial
me mettait à l’abri; ils avaient beau faire et écrire au gouverneur, j'avais
toujours raison puisque je me battais à mon corps défendant. Que faire?
Disait le gouverneur, le mettre en prison! il y est déjà qu’il y reste donc!
Et c'était là toute la satisfaction qu’ils recevaient.
Les épouses de Hay et de Mesplet avaient obtenu permission de venir
voir leurs maris.
Pierre de Salles Laterriére was imprisoned at Québec from the 20th of
March 1779 to November 1782 for having favoured the invasion of the
Bastonnais.
306 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
LIST OF APPENDICES.
A. Books printed by Mesplet of which ,one or more copies still exist
arranged chronologically.
B. Books printed by Mesplet extant or mentioned in contemporary
writings, arranged according to subject.
C. Documents from Canadian Archives—Haldimand Collection.
1. Letter from C. Berger, Philadelphia, 29th March, 1775, to Fleury Mes-
plet at Quebec.
2. Anonymous letter with Latin nom de plume, Montreal, 24th February
1778, believed to have been addressed to Mesplet warning him of impending
danger.
3. Memorial from Mesplet to Carleton asking permission to publish a
newspaper, May 1778.
4. Prospectus of proposed newspaper.
5. Letter from adjutant general, Quebec, 25th June, 1778, to Brigadier
General Powell, at Montreal ordering Mesplet to quit the province.
6. Letter from Haldimand at Quebec, 29th June, to Powell at Montreal
ordering that Jautard as well as Mesplet quit the province before the 15th
of September.
7. Memorial of citizens of Montreal asking Carleton to suspend order
for expulsion of Mesplet from the province, August 1778.
8. Notice by Edward Foy, secretary to Governor General, suspending
the order for the banishment of Mesplet, Montreal, 24th August, 1778.
9. Extract of a letter from Haldimand, Sorel, 28th Sept., 1778, to
Cramahé, Lieut. Governor at Montreal, complaining of an item in “our
Gazette.”
10. Extract of a letter from Cramahé, Montreal, ist Oct., 1778, to
Haldimand intimating that he had cautioned “our printer” regarding his
“penchant to the popular cause.”
11. Letter from Mesplet, Montreal, 4th January, 1779, complaining of
the persecution to which he has been subjected and asking the person to
whom the letter is addressed to help to influence the Governor General in
his favour.
12. Poetry offered by Pére Well for publication in the Gazette but
refused.
13. Letter from Haldimand, Quebec, 15 February, 1779, to Montgolfier,
Superior of the Seminary at Montreal, intimating that Mesplet had been
warned to: desist from attacking the church.
14. Letter from Judge Rouville, Montreal, 27th May, 1779, to Haldimand
complaining of Jautard’s attitude towards the Court and of his severe
criticisms of it in the Gazette of the 26th May 1779, a copy of which he
sends with the latter. The articles complained of are a letter “Aux Honnétes
Citoyens,” by Valantin Jautard, avocat, describing his being expelled from
Court. A:letter signed “Le Spectateur Tranquille”, (written by Jautard)
complimenting Jautard on his dignified demeanour before the Court on his
expulsion. A letter by Pierre Ducalvet, to the same purport, and another
letter to Judges Rouville and Southouse criticizing their action in expelling
Jautard.
[m‘LacHLAN] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 807
15. Letter from Haldimand, Quebec, ist June, 1779, to Judge Rouville
acknowledging receipt of his letter and the Gazette and promising action
in the matter.
16. Warrant signed by Haldimand, Quebec, ist June, 1779, ordering
Major Nairn to arrest Mesplet and Jautard.
17. Letter from Haldimand, Quebec, ist June, 1779, to Major Nairn at
Montreal explaining the warrant,
18. Letter from Haldimand same date ordering Nairn .to send prisoners
to Quebec by schooner Mercury.
19. Order by Haldimand same date for Wm. Halero, commander of
Provincial armed schooner to proceed to Montreal with his vessel and there
await instructions.
20. Letter from Nairn, Montreal 6th June, to Haldimand advising that
Jautard and. Mesplet had been arrested and their press and type put under
seizure.
21. Extract of a dispatch from Haldimand, Quebec, 7th June, 1779, to
Lord Germain, minister at London, advising that Mesplet and Jautard had
been arrested for seditious conduct.
22. Petition from Madam Mesplet, 15ta July, 1779, asking for the speedy
trial of her husband.
23. Petition from Mesplet, 26 Sept., 1780, to Haldimand asking to be set
at liberty.
24. Petition from Laterriére and Mesplet, Quebec, 30th April, 1781, to
Haldimand asking to be permitted to exercise in prison yard.
25. Extract of a letter from Colonel Daniel Claus, Indian interpreter
and agent at Montreal, 27th.Sept., 1781, to Haldimand, advising that he
had prepared and published a Mohawk primer.
26. Memorial from Jautard and Mesplet, Quebec 7th Aug., 1782, to
Haldimand asking for a speedy trial or to be released.
27. Memorial from Madam Mesplet (not dated) to Haldimand asking
for ‘ner husband’s release and offering two sureties for his good behaviour.
D Documents from the manuscript division of Library of Congress.
28. Extract from Journal of Congress, 28rd February, 1776: Resolution
to pay Mesplet $44 for printing.
29. Extract from Journal of Congress: Resolution, 26th February, 1776,
to engage Mesplet as printer to go to Canada.
30. Extract from Journal of Congress: Warrant same date to pay
Mesplet $200 for moving to Canada.
31. Extract from Journal of Congress: Resolution, 27th May, 1785, to
pay Mesplet $426 on account of his expenses to Canada.
32. Memorial of Mesplet, Montreal, 1st Aug., 1783, to Congress asking
compensation for losses as printer to Congress.
33. Narration by Mesplet of events during journey from Philadelphia to
Montreal in 1776, presented to Congress, 1st Aug., 1783.
34. Representations of Mesplet, dated at Montreal, 27th March, 1784,
to Congress.
35. Answers of Mesplet to questions by Committee of Congress (no
date).
36. Affidavit of Joseph Perinault, Philadelphia, March 31st, 1785
testifying to the espionage to which Mesplet had been subject.
308 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
37. Affidavit of Isaac Melchor, same date, testifying to Mesplet’s
imprisonment at Quebec.
38. Affidavit of P. G. Breton and James Valiant, same date, certifying
to Mesplet’s setting off as printer for Congress at Montreal.
39. Affidavit of John Germon, interpreter, to Mesplet, same date, con-
firming .Hancock’s promise to pay Mesplet’s expenses to Montreal.
40. Affidavit of Etienne Fournier, same date, certifying to the vexatious
treatment of Mesplet at Montreal.
41. Letter from Tho. Miffin, Philadelphia, 1st April, 1785, to the Hon.
Mr. Hardy, of Virginia, at New York, introducing Mesplet.
42. Detailed statement of Mesplet’s losses and expenses as printer at
Montreal (not dated).
43. Petition from Mesplet to Congress complaining that the $426 they
voted him was altogether inadequate to cover his losses.
E. Extracts from the registers of Notre Dame parish church, Montreal.
44. Birth Josepte Tison, 4 February, 1766 (afterwards called Marie
&
45. Death of Marie Mirabeau,-1st wife of Mesplet, Ist Sept., 1789.
46. Marriage of Fleury Mesplet and Marie Anne Tison, 13th April, 1790.
47. Mesplet godfather to his brother-in-law Fleury Tison, 39th Oct., 1791.
48. Mesplet godfather to Marie Therese Stringer, 30th Oct., 1791.
49. Death of Fleury Mesplet, 24th.January, 1794.
50. Deata of Marie Anne Tison, 2nd wife of Mesplet, 4th Sept., 1840.
F. Documents from the Notarial Archives at Court house, Montreal,
Pierre Méziéres, notary.
51. Deed of compromise between C. Berger and Mesplet for settling
old partnership by arbitrators, dated 38rd Nov. 1789.
52. Extension of time for making award, 16th Nov., 1784.
53. Award of arbitrators, 27th Nov., 1784.
54. Deed of settlement with bond from Mesplet to Berger, 29th Dec.,
1784.
55. Power of attorney from Berger to Louis Hardy et al, to collect
amount due by Mesplet.
François Leguay, père, notary.
56. Bond from ,Mesplet to Joseph Marie Desautels, 30th Aug., 1784.
57. Receipt in full for above bond, 22nd February, 1794.
58. Draft of a deed of compromise between Mesplet and his creditors,
9th July, 1785.
59. Desautels declines to sign above deed of compromise (not dated).
60. List of Mesplet’s liabilities.
61. Bailiff’s sale with inventory of Mesplet’s effects, 21st Nov., 1785,
and following days.
A. Foucher, notary.
62. Lease of a house by J. B. Tabau to Mesplet, 14th April, 1788.
John Guillaume Delisle, notary.
63. Engagement of Alex. Gunn as apprentice by Mesplet, 5th Dec., 1789.
64. Marriage contract between Fleury Mesplet and Marie Anne Tison,
11th April, 1790.
[m‘LacHLan] FLEURY MESPLET, FIRST PRINTER AT MONTREAL 309
65. Bond from Mesplet and wife to Charles Lusignan, 20th Dec., 1790.
66. Intervention of J. B. Tison guaranteeing above bond, 8th Jany., 1793.
67. Discharge of above bond, 11th Dec., 1795.
68. Lease of a house by widow of Ignace Chenier to Mesplet, 26th
March, 1793.
69. Bond from Mesplet and wife to J. B. Durocher, 26th July, 1793.
70. Compromise of and intervention by Tison in above bond, 11th
Dec., 1795.
71. Transfer of above bond by Durocher to Pierre Huguet-Latour,
20th March, 1797.
72. Discharge of above bond by Pierre Huguet-Latour, 22nd Nov. 1797.
73. Inventory of Mesplet’s effects, 17-20 February, 1797.
74. Renunciation by Madam Mesplet of. participation in estate of her
late husband, 20th February, 1794.
75. Sale of effects of Mesplet estate, 24-27 February, 1794.
76. Power of attorney from IL. Hardy, curator of estate Mesplet to
Michel Dubord, 18th June, 1794.
G. Miscellaneous.
77. Extract from the will of J. B. Tison showing legacy to Marie Anne
Tison (widow Mesplet, 27 Nov., 1794).
78. Judgment of Court of Common pleas against Mesplet in favour of
Desautels for £370 5s 5d, 22nd July, 1785.
79. Extract from La Gazette Littéraire of 2nd June, 1779, an article
entitled Tant pis, tant mieux. The origin of the idea that there was a
newspaper of that title.
80. Extract from the mémoires of Laterriére giving a description of
Mesplet.
Secrion II., 1906. [311] Trans. R. S. C.
IV.—The Downfall of the Huron Nation.
By C. C. JAMES.
(Annual popular lecture, delivered Ma y 23, 1906.)
Eight miles from Quebec is a little village overlooking the valley
of the St. Charles River. In the cabins clustered about the church
dwell the Hurons (of Lorette, a remnant of an old Indian tribe.
We come west nearly 750 miles to the Detroit river. In Sandwich
we may see still standing the old Huron Mission House. Here and
there along the river we find settlers who are very proud to trace their
origin back to the aristocratic Wyandotts. A short distance above
Amherstburg the electric railway takes you past the Wyandott burial
ground where, conspicuous above the rest, rises the tall shaft marking
the grave of Mondoron’ Joseph White, Chief of the Hurons or Wyan-
dotts. On the Michigan side of the river is the City of Wyandott.
tradition, place name, and local history all bear traces of the early and
continued presence iof the Hurons or Wyandotts along both banks of
the river.
A little further south, in Ohio, we come to the Counties of Huron
and Wyandot. We cross the Mississippi, and in Kansas we find another
Wyandot County and a Wyandot City. ;
Further south we reach the Indian Territory in the north east
corner of which is the Wyandott Settlement or Reserve, where the Wy-
andotts and their old enemies the Senecas live peaceably side by side.
Quebec, the Detroit, and the Indian Territory are far removed
from one another. We enquire as to the story of these three groups
of Hurons and we learn that they all trace back to Lake Huron, to that
section of the Province of Ontario which lies between lake Simcoe and
the Georgian Bay. It is the story of the dispersion, the decimation,
or the downfall of the Hurons, that I have been asked to tell you to-
night.
This story of the Hurons takes us back 260 years and more to the
very earliest chapters in the history of the inhabitants of Ontario.
Preceding it there is little that can be substantiated. When we would
go further back we enter the field of tradition and of speculation.
The story that I am briefly to recount is not a new tale, it is not
a piece of original investigation—it is merely an attempt to present in
*Inscription as follows:—Mondoron, chief of the Wyandotts or Hurons,
Joseph White, Born January 19, 1808; Died February 18, 1885.
312 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
popular form some of the main features of a story that is one of the
most thrilling when studied in its details, a story that fills a unique
place in the history of Canada, and one which we may revive even if we
add nothing new or original.
The history and downfall of the Hurons may be studied in three
sources. x
ist. The traditions of the Indians themselves.
2nd. The letters of the Jesuit Fathers, the written records com-
monly called The Jesuit Relations.
3rd. Modern archeological researches and ethnological investig-
ations.
These three contributers to a common story are widely different
in method, and when they verify one another we are bound to accept
the conclusions as facts of history. The dispersion of the Hurons by
the Iroquois in 1649 is the first authentic chapter in the history of
Ontario, and yet the main features of that story are as well established
as any historical event in Canadian history. Indian traditions, the
witness of the Jesuit Fathers, and the researches of archeologists
during the past fifty years are gradually being brought into harmony
in the working out of the details of this history.
When Jacques Cartier sailed into the St. Lawrence in 1535 he
found Indians of the Huron-Iroquois stock at Quebec and Montreal}
or as the settlements were then called Stadacona and Hochelaga, and
even an adventurous band of Huron fishermen as far east as Gaspé.
When Champlain came eighty years later, he found that the valley of
the St. Lawrence was occupied by Algonquins, and that the Hurons
and the Iroquois had moved westward. We may go to the Indian
traditions for an explanation. Peter Dooyentate Clarke, a Wyandott of
the Detroit River, has left us a book of Wjyandott traditions and Mr.
Wm. E. Connelly of Kansas has for twenty years studied the language,
the myths and legends of the Wyandotts of the Indian Territory.
According to Connelly the traditional home of tribal origin was in
Northern Quebec, or in the region between James Bay and Labrador,
where the Wyandotts were near neighbours to the Eskimo. They grad-
ually moved southward to the St. Lawrence, where Cartier found them.
On the south bank were the Senecas or Iroquois, another branch of a
parent stock. Hiochelaga was a Seneca village. From choice or
necessity the Wyandotts migrated westward along the south shore of
Lake Ontario. They crossed the Niagara and, moving eastward, made
a settlement on a bay which they called “ Toronto.” This word Toronto
in the Wyandott language means “the land of plenty.” Probably
through pressure from the Iroquois, who had followed and settled in New
THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 313
[JAMES]
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Sec. II., 1906. 21.
314 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
York State, they had to move on and they brought up on the shores of
Georgian Bay, next door neighbours to a branch of their family that had
preceded them, the Hurons who lived between Lake Simcoe and Mat-
chedash Bay.
Horatio Hale in his introduction to “ The Iroquois Book of Rites ”
(pp. 10, 11) quotes from Clarke’s traditions, which, in the main, agree
with Connelly’s record. He also traces the original seat of the Huron-
Iroquois to the Lower St. Lawrence. Hale puts it briefly thus: “ As
their numbers increased, dissensions arose. The hive swarmed, and
band after band moved off to the west and south.” This “swarming
of the hive” has ever since been a favourite expression with writers and
students of the Huron-Inoquois race.
Now let us briefly locate the principal swarms. First of all, there
were the Hurons on Georgian Bay between Matchedash Bay and Not-
tawasaga Bay, occupying part of the present County of Simcoe. West
of them were the Tobacco Nation, the Tionnontates or Petuns. South
of them, in the district from Niagara to the Detroit, were the Neuters
or Neutral Nation. On the South Shore of Lake Erie were the Eries
or Cat Nation. Southeast of them on the Susquehannah were the An-
dastes or Conestogas. Along the South Shore of Lake Ontario in
Central New York were the Five Nations of the Iroquois. If we add
the Tuscaroras or sixth Iroquois Nation we have the principal nations
that had originated in Quebec and, that. before Champlain’s time, had
moved west and taken up the districts that we have referred to. Hthno-
logists tell us that their languages were very similar; the traditions of
these nations all point to long intercourse and close relationship in
origin; archeologists have determined a similarity of life; the Jesuit
Fathers also refer again and again to their kinship.
The Hurons were so called by the French because they wore part
of their hair standing straight up like the bristles on a wild boar. Their
own name was Ouendat or Wyandott.
The Tobacco Nation was so called because they were growers of
that article. Their Indian name was Tionnontates, their French name
Petun.
The Neutrals were so called because, in the terrible wars between
the Iroquois and the Hurons, they maintained neutrality. The Indian
name of the Neutrals was Attiwendaronk, which, according to the
_ Relation of 1641, meant in the Huron language “people of a speech
a little different.”
The Eries were also called the Cats because of the prevalence of
racoons in their country.
THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 315
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316 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The question might now be asked as to why the Hurons had located
on the shores of Georgian Bay. Perhaps we can suggest an answer.
If it be correct that they were gradually pushed out or driven across
the Niagara and Lake Ontario by the Iroquois, we can readily under-
stand that they would seek refuge in a locality where they could most
effectively defend themselves, and would probably limit their retreat
only by their necessities of living, The Hurons were a sedentary not
a migratory tribe; they were growers of crops rather than hunters.
They stopped when they came to the borders of the non-arable Muskoka
and they took up territory that was in part protected by water.
A study of the traditions of the Huron-Iroquois people does not
give us any information as to their intercourse with the Eskimo. We
learn that in the far off days they crossed a great river and we know
that about the beginning of the sixteenth century they came away from
the valley of the St. Lawrence. But this great river that they crossed
may have been the Ohio or the Mississippi.
The question now becomes a subject for investigation by archæolo-
gists and ethnologists.
I have had the opportunity of reading a most interesting and well
worked out paper by Dr. David Boyle, Archæologist to the Ontario
Government, on the origin of the Iroquois and kindred nations. It will
appear in the forth coming report on Ontario Archæology.! Mr. Boyle
argues for a southern origin of these people beyond the Ohio, if nog
beyond the Mississippi, instead of beyond the St. Lawrence in Quebec.
He brings them from the south until they come into neighbourhood with
the Micmacs of New Brunswick, thus accounting for the traditions of
that people recorded by Dr. Rand. Thence they came up the St.
Lawrence. After many years swarm after swarm moved off to occupy
the territories in which they were found at the time of Champlain. The
fact that the Hurons and Petuns were skilled in the cultivation of corn,
tobacce, beans, sunflowers and hemp is better explained by a southern
origin than by tracing them away to the Labrador home of the Eskimo.
I cannot too strongly urge you to read and study this paper when it
appears in print.
We come now to the Huron Nation as it was in the early part of
the 17th Century, when the French first visited them. Their old village
sites can be traced through York County up into Simcoe, becoming more
and more numerous as they were crowded by the limitations of the land.
Only in the north are relics of French manufacture to be found, hence
we conclude that the northern towns were the more recently occupied.
+See Annual Archeological Report 1905 (Toronto 1906) pp. 146-158,
[JAMES] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 317
The Hurons proper occupied the five townships lying between
Matchedash Bay, Nottawasaga Bay and Lakes Simcoe and Couchiching.
The eastern entrance by land was across The Narrows” between the
two lakes, where the town of Orillia now stands.
They were a settled nation living in fixed towns. The villages on
the frontier next to their enemies were strongly fortified by walls of
palisades similar to those erected by the Iroquois. The sites of these
towns would naturally be selected with a view to protection. Wood and
water supply would also have to be considered. The records of the French
give us a population varying from 15,000 to 45,000. These variations in
number can readily be accounted for but taking the number at 30,000
we see that the district carried a heavy population, as Indian popula-
tion was usually distributed. The towns occupied at that time were all
crowded into the townships of Tiny, Flos, Medonte and the southern
part of Orillia, with one here and there in Oro and the northern part of
Orillia.
The latest census population of these townships was 26,371. If to
this we add the three towns Orillia, (4,907), Midland, (3,174), and
Penetanguishene, (2,422), we get a total population of 36,874. It may
assist us to form some idea of the population of the Huron Nation,
when we say that, in the days before the war of extermination began,
the Indian population of the district about equalled that of the present
day even including the three towns mentioned. The next point that
suggests itself is that with such a heavy population, game could not
have been very plentiful. If they wished to hunt they must go north
into the Algonquin Park, or south into the Neutral Country.
But the Hurons were rather farmers, fishermen and traders.
They did not maintain themselves by hunting—they were on a
higher level than the Algonquins, the white Indians of the
northern forest. They lived in towns and they raised crops. Corn,
beans, pumpkins, sunflowers and hemp were their principal crops. The
corn, which was their main article of food, was doubtless similar to. that
which may still be found in the reserve on the Grand River,—small
ears of hard flinty corn with bluish kernels. It was grown in the same
hills year after year until the soil became exhausted. Traces of old corn
fields of the Indians can still be seen in the woods along Lake Erie and
in Nottawasaga Township. The sunflowers were grown mainly for oil
with which they janointed or smeared their bodies and hair and for
sacrificial purposes. Oil for food was got from fish. The hemp was
grown for fishing nets and for the many uses of cord.
When the supply of wood gave out or the soil became exhausted,
the town was moved to a new site. This accounts for the very large
number of old village sites in Simcoe County and, taken in connection
318 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
with the crowded population, explains why that district is the richest
archeological field in Canada, and is one of the richest in all America,
north of the Mexican boundary.
The Hurons also were fishermen,—the deeply indented inlets of
Georgian Bay and the lakes Simcoe and Couchiching affording a plen-
tiful supply of fish. At “The Narrows” near Orillia might still be
seen a few years ago some of the stakes of the old fish weir of the
Hurons. It was from these fish stakes or hurdles that the old French
name Lac La Clie was given to Lake Simcoe.
The Hurons also were traders for themselves and for the neighbour-
ing tribes. They raised the crops that we have mentioned and engaged
in barter. From the Neutrals they got furs, from their brethren of the
Tobacco Nation they got tobacco, and from the Algonquins they obtained
the skins of the beaver, bear, deer and moose. Having a surplus they
started in their birch bark canoes for Three Rivers and Quebec to
dispose of their packs to the French traders. The ever alert Iroquois
guarded the front route by lake and river, hence they were compelled to
take the route up the French River, across Lake Nipissing and
down the Ottawa. The Iroquois traded with the Dutch by way of the
Mohawk and the Hudson. Once start a conflict between these two
Indian nations and then bring in two European nations competing for
the trade in peltries, and you have good and sufficient ground for the
continuance of the fight to the bitter end. Even in this commercial
struggle the Neutral Indians remained neutral and we wonder why.
Was it) because they feared) to take out their loads of furs past the
Iroquois frontier, or was it because the Hurons were skilful in the use
of the birch bark canoe? Probably both. The fact is, however, that
the Hurons were the fur traders for a large area and through their
annual trips to Quebec maintained a direct connection between their
home on Georgian Bay and the headquarters of the French at Quebec.
There is much in this to explain the story that follows. A people living
in fixed fortified towns, producing crops and engaging in trade must
impress one as being of a superior type, even if that type is savage.
What of the house or home life of the Hurons? ‘The migratory
hunters of the plains and the Algonquins of the great pine and spruce
forests of the north lived in wigwams of skins and bark, but the fixed
Huron-Iroquois Nations lived in what may be described as houses or
cabins. Their construction was somewhat as follows: Two parallel
rows of tall saplings were planted in the ground, bent together at the
top until there was left an open space of a foot or so in width along the
ridge, and then lashed together so as to form a sort of arbor or booth
about thirty feet in width at the bottom and about twenty feet in height.
Other poles were tied securely to these upright poles and then the sides
[JAMES] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 319
were sheathed in bark overlapping to shed the rain and snow. Another
row of horizontal poles kept these huge bark shingles in place. Along
either side of the interior were scaffolds or bunks about four feet from
the ground which, when covered with furs, furnished the sleeping com-
partments. The space beneath was the store-house for fuel and cooking
utensils. There was a compartment at the end of the house used as a
storeroom for corn, fish, sunflowers and other articles of food. Along
the upper poles were hung their bows and arrows, clothing, skins and
clusters of ear corn. Down the middle were the fires, each one
furnishing heat for two families. The smoke escaped by the long
narrow opening left at the top of the house. These houses varied in
length, in some cases being 200 feet in length. The long houses were
not necessarily straight but followed the configuration of the land upon
which they were constructed. Picture to yourself such a house, an
abnormal sleeping car with ten fires built down the aisle and crowded
with twenty Indian families. You will at once understand that such a
house might be a bedlam, reeking with smoke, where privacy was un-
known and where the customs of even early civilization could scarce find
room for development. The effect of a spirit infected brawler, a half-
crazed medicine man or the victim of an infectious disease may be more
readily imagined than described.
Perhaps the pen of a ready writer or the tongue of one gifted with
rare imagination might weave a story of romance about the fires of one
of these Huron long houses, but a careful reading of the descriptions of
the Jesuit Fathers, eye-witnesses of their degraded life, compels us to
say that the romance existed mainly in the imagination of the writer.
I give you one passing picture from the pen of Parkman:
“ He who entered on a winter night beheld a strange spectacle: the
vista of fires lighting the smoky concave; the bronzed groups encircling
each,—cooking, eating, gambling or amusing themselves with idle
badinage; shrivelled squaws, hideous with three score years of hardship ;
grisly old warriors, scarred with Iroquois warclubs; young aspirants,
whose honours were yet to be won; damsels gay with ochre and wam-
pum; restless children pellmell with restless dogs. Now a tongue of
resinous flame painted each with feature in vivid light; now the fitful
gleam expired, and the group vanished from sight, as their nation has
vanished from history.”
(Introduction to “ The Jesuits in North America.” p 14.)
Before we tell how the Iroquois flung themselves like a bomb into
the midst of this people and scattered the survivors in so many direc-
tions, we must introduce into the story the element that adds so much
human interest to the tale.
320 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Erect fifty to one hundred of these houses in an irregular group
and you will have a Huron town; set up twenty of these towns in an
area of about twenty-five miles square; fortify with palisades those on
the east and south-and you have the Huron Nation which Brebeuf
estimated in 1635 to be composed of 30,000 souls.
The Jesuit Fathers came to Quebec to christianize the savages and
they selected the Hurons as the special field of their mission. The
question at once arises as to why they chose this people so far removed
from Quebec. They were the traders who came down every year from
the great upper country with their canoes packed with furs; they were
a sedentary nation; Champlain had formed a sort of alliance with them
against their enemies of the south; the Recollet Fathers had been back
and forth from 1615 to 1628; and Lalemant in his Relation of 1639
states that the Huron Country was “ one of the principal fortresses and
like a donjon keep of the devils.” If the evil one could be over-thrown
among the terrible Hurons the way would be opened up for the conver-
sion of the Tionnontates or Tobacco Nation, the Neutrals, the Eries, the
Andastes and possibly even the Six Nations. The very dangers of the
Huron Nation appealed with special attractiveness to the devoted
Jesuits, who gladly went in by the one door open to them to the great
Huron-Iroquois nations even if that door led to martyrdom. The
history of humanity has given us many pictures of the sacrifice of man
for his fellowmen, but apart from the great sacrifice of the Saviour of
mankind and the sufferings of the martyrs of the early church, it is
doubtful whether there is any other picture quite so thrilling and so full
of human suffering as the self-sacrificing of the Jesuit missionaries for
the salvation of the Huron Nation.
I need not enter into the details of the visit of Champlain to the
Huron Nation. You are doubtless familiar with the main facts,—how
on a tour of exploration he went up the Ottawa in the summer of 1615,
erossed by Lake Nipissing and the French River to Georgian Bay and
arrived at the Huron Country. He found the people living in eighteen
villages divided among four tribes. A great gathering of the Indians
assembled at the village of Cahiagué and it was decided to send a band
to attack the Iroquois, Champlain decided to accompany them. They
left Cahiagué, a village of about two hundred cabins, situated at or near
Orillia, on the 1st of September and paddled their flotilla of canoes
down the Trent to Lake Ontario. The Andastes, their southern allies
were to have assisted. After five weeks’ journey they had crossed Lake
Ontario and had come into the enemies’ country. Their allies had
failed to come to their help, the Hurons were repulsed, and on the 18th
of October were retreating across the eastern end of Lake Ontario.
Champlain was compelled to spend the winter with the Hurons. Along
{JAMEs] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 321
with the Recollet Father Le Caron he visited the Tobacco Nation on the
southern shore of Georgian Bay, and in May started on his return
journey to Quebec. The effect of Champlain’s visit was to con-
firm the Iroquois in the belief that the French were the allies of their
enemies, Champlain did not go down into the Neutral Country, and we
can thus readily understand why his map is so faulty in its delineation
of Lake Erie.
The mission of the Recollet Fathers gave place to that of the Jesuits,
and it is with the latter that our story of the Hurons is most intimately
concerned. We ought, however, in passing, to mention that it is to one
of the Recollet missionaries, Gabriel Sagard, that we owe the first
history of the Hurons and a Dictionary of the Huron language published
in France in 1682. The new edition published in 1865 is the one
available for students. Although Brebeuf and de Noué had spent some
time among the Hurons between 1626 and 1629 the beginning of the
Jesuit Mission properly so called, may be set down for the year 1634. It
lasted until 1649. In these fifteen years twenty-five Jesuit missionaries
carried on their work in Huronia, and five of this devoted band suffered
martyrdom in the Huron country.
Time does not permit to tell the story of their missionary work in
detail—to be fully comprehended one must read the letters and records
preserved for us in the Jesuit Relations now available in all large
Canadian libraries in that magnificent production put out some years ago
in 73 volumes by the Burrows Brothers of Cleveland. Or it may be that
you still remember the story told by Parkman, based on the Relations,
in his volume “The Jesuits in North America.” We must be brief in our
statement. The Jesuits after much perseverance and privation, reached
Huronia and took up their abode at Ihonatiria, which they named St.
Joseph. Gradually they sought out village after village endeavouring
to persuade the savages to embrace the faith of Christianity and to
permit their children to be baptised. With a view to permanency they
erected in 1639 a head-quarters of their own, choosing a spot on the
River Wye, a little east of Penetanguishene. Here they enclosed a small
plot of ground with a stone wall and wooden barricade. Within they
erected their chapel, mission house and hospital, and without the walls a
hostel. From this place as a centre, which they called St. Mary, they
sent out their missionaries not only to all villages of the Hurons, but
also to the Tobacco Nation, and even down into the country of the
Neutrals. They kept up their communication with the Church at
Quebec by means of the trading parties that went down every summer
by way of the French River and the Ottawa. The sufferings of this
devoted band of missionaries can scarcely be realized. They were
322 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
reviled and persecuted, their lives were threatened, they had to submit
to all manners of degradation, but they remained faithful at their posts,
appearing even to welcome persecution and privation that they might
advance the cause of Christianity.
The old rivalry between the Iroquois and the Hurons became more
intense and soon there reached this country the reports of forays and
depredations of the Iroquois on the St. Lawrence. As we read now the
account of the Iroquois expeditions it would seem that a great plan of
campaign had been laid down, as though by some Master General. The
Iroquois had determined to annihilate all their old enemies and rivals,
It was not the impulse of a sudden attack but an extensive campaign
that appears Napoleonic in its extent. The Iroquois were now raiding
in one direction, a few weeks later in another; one hand was supporting
another; even the old Ottawa was unsafe. But the Hurons planned
nothing in return. They were oblivious of their danger,—they were
improvident. The Jesuit Fathers had advised them to strengthen their
villages and improve their methods of defence, but the Hurons were not
so far seeing as the Iroquois. Moreover, the Dutch traders had
furnished the Iroquois with guns and powder and thus given them a
most decided advantage. The Iroquois gradually extended their opera-
tions and about 1647 a band came in by way of “The Narrows” between
Lakes Simeoe and Couchiching, and captured the nearest Huron village
Contarea, killing many and taking the remainder back as prisoners to
incorporate them in their own nation. Years after Jesuit missionaries
found them in the Iroquois country and were delighted to find that they -
had not forgotten all their teachings. Again the Iroquois came back in
1648 and took the second village, Teanaustaye or St. Joseph II. In this
fight the first Jesuit missionary was killed, Father Daniel.
The work of the Iroquois was thorough: the village was completely
destroyed by fire, the inhabitants cut down and 700 who could not escape
were taken back as prisoners to be tortured or to be incorporated in their
own nation. 1649 saw the Inoquois once more return, but earlier, before
the snows of winter had all disappeared. They pushed further up into
the peninsula. St. Ignace fell before them, and then, but two miles
further on, St. Louis. The smoke of burning St. Louis could be seen
from the Jesuit Mission of St. Mary on the Wye, but little did the
missionaries there think as they saw the smoke arising that even then
their own brethren Brebeuf and Lalemant had been captured and taken
back to St. Ignace to suffer most cruel tortures. The story of the death
of these two missionaries is one of the most terrible tales in the history
of the human race. After the retreat of the Iroquois, the brethren from
the mission found the mamgled and charred bodies of the two martyrs,
[ JAMES] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 323
THE SITE OF St. IGNACE (ON THE HILL) WHERE, ACCORDING TO REV. A. E. JONES
S.J., BREBŒUF AND LALEMANT WERE TORTURED TO DEATH.
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[JAMES] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION, £25
the heroic Brebœuf founder of the Huron Mission, and his frail but
resolute companion Lalemant. They laid their bodies in the little burial
plot at St. Mary on the Wye until their return to Quebec when they
carried with them the treasured remains of their martyred brethren.
Ragueneau, Bressani, and other French priests and their assistants
prepared for an attack upon the head mission, but it did not come. The
Iroquois were retreating homeward laden with spoils, but the Hurons who
were left were in a panic. Town after town was abandoned or destroyed.
Some fled westward to the rocky gorges in the Blue Mountains or to the
Tobacco Nation; but most of them were crowding towards the northwest
promontary of the Huron country. Beyond this lay the island of
Ahoendoe, St. Joseph, and further on Ekaentoton or Manitoulin. Whither
should they go? The Jesuits prepared to renew their mission on Mani-
toulin, but the Hurons were bound to settle upon the nearer island.
The end of a long conference was that the Jesuits decided to stay with
the Hurons. St. Mary on the Wye was given to the flames and a new
St. Mary erected upon St. Joseph, the island/now known as Christian
Island.
The late snows of March had been reddened by the blood of Brebeuf
and Lalemant; the early snows of December the same year were to be
reddened by the blood of two others of the Jesuit Fathers. Late in the
year the Iroquois returned, this time to wreak havoc among the villages
of the Tobacco or Petun Nation. Among this people there were twa
missions served by four priests. St. Mathias, a village on the Pretty
River, located near Ekarenniondi or the Standing Rock, and St. John, a
few miles southwest of it, were captured. Fatner Garnier was killed on
the 7th of December and his remains lie buried in a grave still undis-
covered somewhere to the southwest of Collingwood. On the following
day Father Chabanel was killed at the mouth of the Nottawasaga River.
Then began the dispersion of the Petuns, Tionnontates or Tobacco
Nation, relatives of and practically forming part of the Huron Nation.
Some may have escaped southward to the Detroit, but most of them
followed the Hurons northward towards Manitoulin and the Straits of
Mackinac. ,
Having dispersed the Hurons and their neighbours the Tobacco
Nation, the Iroquois next destroyed the Neutrals, and then turning their
attention to the Eries on the south side of the lake, blotted out that
people and thus made themselves master of the whole country formerly
divided among the different members of the great Huron-Iroquois
family. When the Huron Mission was started in 1634 there were
Hurons, Petuns, Neutrals, Eries, Andastes and Iroquois; in less than a
quarter of a century only the Iroquois were left. In this short time one
326 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
of the great tragedies of the human race had been wrought and people
after people had well nigh been wiped off the face of the earth.
But so-called extermination is never quite complete—there are
usually some remnants. The tracing of the remnants of the Hurons
and the Petuns is the next chapter in our story. Following the notes
of Father Martin, who edited the Canadian edition of Bressani’s history*
of the Jesuits in New France, we can divide the remnants into five
groups.
1. A considerable number of the Hurons became incorporated in
the Iroquois Nation. Many were taken prisoners and adopted into the
confederacy ; others, strange to say, appear to have gone by choice. They
maintained their identity for many years.
5)
out later on when the Iroquois so completely destroyed that nation.
3. In the year following the great dispersion the Jesuit priests,
accompanied by a band of Hurons, set out from Christian Island,
taking the old trade route. After running the gauntlet of Iroquois
guerilla bands, they finally reached Quebec. The Hurons were settled
upon the Island of Orleans? Thither the relentless Iroquois followed
them and made life so uncertain that, after eight years of ceaseless
attucks, they sought shelter for a time right in the heart of the city”
adjacent to the fort. Afterwards they were removed to Beauport, again
to old Lorette, and in 1679 finally located at new Lorette, Huron Lorette,
as it is called, where their descendants live to this day, making
moccassins and snowshoes, embroidering fancy deerskin articles and also
acting as guides to the hunters and tourists. Their houses or cabins
cluster about the old church, erected in 1731, in imitation of the Casa
Sancta of Lorette in Italy.
This little band of 300, at Lorette, is much visited by tourists to old
Quebec. Many writers in mistake refer to it as the sole remnant of the
old Hurons. As it is so well known and is kept so much in public view,
we need make no further reference to it than to repeat the words of
Father Martin, written in 1852:
“There (at Lorette) is found in our day all that remains of this
Nation once so celebrated. After having lost its country, its language,
its customs and a part of its nationality, it is disappearing little by little
2See appendix to Bressani’s Missions des Jesuites dans la Nouvelle
France. (Montreal, 1852) pp. 309-318.
: Students interested in following up the history of the dispersed
Hurons should read the story of Dollars Defence of the Long Sault. See
Parkman's The old Regime in Canada, chapter VI and Burrows Jesuit Relations
vol. XLV p. 241 chapter IV of Relation of 1659-60 “Of the Condition of the
Huron Nation and of its latest defeat by the Iroquois Nation.”
‘
2. Another band sought refuge among the Eries only to be wiped ke
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JAMES] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 329
day after day. It resembles a tree that has never taken firm root in
the soil to which it has been transplanted. Deprived of its life-giving
sap, its withered leaves drop off one by one without which it cannot hope
for a new spring time to renew the freshness of its youth. There will
soon remain no other trace of this powerful Nation than a name justly
renowned in our annals.”
4, Another band crossed from Christian Island to Manitoulin,
but the Iroquois were on their trail, and after a sojourn of a few years,
they loaded their canoes and headed for the mouth of the French River
—they were off for Quebec to join their brethren who had _ preceded)
them.
5. The last section of the fugitives sought a home at Michili-
mackimac Island, whence, on pressure from the Iroquois, they fled to
the forests of the west. After much wandering they returned and
settled on the shores of Lake Superior. Here a new home was
established at St. Esprit alongside a, band of the Ottawas. Another
enemy came to worry them, an enemy from the west this time, the Sioux.
Father Marquette now comes upon the scene and enters into their
history. The home upon Lake Superior is broken up; the Ottawas go
down to Manitoulin and Father Marquette and the Hurons form a new
settlement and mission opposite the Island of Mackinac in 1670, to
which the cherished name of St. Ignace is given. It may be interesting
to note that it was probably some of these Huron Indians who accom-
panied Marquette in his discovery of the Mississippi.’
The story of this band, however, is not yet told. St. Ignace still
remains a mission upon the Straits of Mackinac, but the wanderings of
the Hurons were not yet done. Towards the end of the 17th century a
considerable portion of the Hurons of this mission moved southward
towards the Detroit River and formed three settlements, one on the east
8 My attention has been called by Mr. Benjamin Sulte to the suggestion
that these refugee Hurons had in their western wanderings found the
Mississippi and told Marquette of the great river of the west. The following
extract is from the Relation of 1659-1660. It is taken from p. 235, vol XLV
of the Burrows edition. |
“During the winter season our two Frenchmen (Radisson and Groseilliers)
made divers excursions to the surrounding tribes. Among other things, they
said, six days’ journey beyond the lake (Superior) toward the southwest, a
tribe composed of the remnants of the Hurons of the Tobacco Nation, who
have been compelled by the Iroquois to forsake their native land, and bury
themselves so deep in the forests that they cannot be found by their enemies.
These poor people—fleeing and pushing their way over mountains and rocks,
through these vast unknown forests—fortunately encountered a beautiful
river, large, wide, deep and worthy of comparison, they say, with our great
river, St. Lawrence. On its banks they found a great nation of the Alimimec
which gave them a very kind reception. This Nation comprises sixty
villages—which confirms us in the knowledge that we already possessed, con-
cerning many thousands of people who fill all these western regions.”
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
330
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[JAMES] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION $31
bank of the River, another on the west bank, and the third on the south
shore of Lake Erie in Ohio near Sandusky. These were the Hurons or
Wyandotts of Western Ontario, of Michigan, and of Ohio, descendants
of the old Hurons and Petuns of the Georgian Bay. What became of
these Western Wyandotts? In 1842 the Wyandotts of Ohio ceded their
lands, which were situated in Wyandott County, a few miles south of
Sandusky, to the United States, and in the following year purchased
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from the Delawares a tract of land in the Indian Territory at the forks
of the Missouri and Kansas Rivers. W. E. Connelly says of this
migration :
“They brought with them from Ohio a well-organized Methodist
Church, a Freemason’s Lodge, a civil Government, and a code of
written laws which provided for an elective council of chiefs, the
punishment of crime, and the maintenance of social and public order.”
332 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
In 1855 their tribal relations were dissolved and the lands were
allotted in severalty. A part of the tribe, however, was dissatisfied with
this arrangement and moved south, purchasing from the Cowskin
Senecas a small tract in the northeastern corner of the Indian Territory,
where they resumed tribal relationships and where they now live, having
as neighbours a small band of Ottawas on the north and a remnant of
their old enemies, the Senecas, on the south.
We have now left for consideration the last remnant of the Hurons
or Wyandotts on the Canadian side of the Detroit River. Just one hun-
dred years after the terrible Iroquois had swept the country of the
Hurons, Petuns and Neutrals, there was to be found on the east bank
of the Detroit a prosperous band of Hurons, descendants of the original
Hurons who had come around the lake by way of Mackinac and possibly
containing also remnants of the Petuns and of the Neutrals. There
were also on the same side of the River Indians of other tribes, Ottawas,
Chippewas and Pottawatamies; but the Hurons appear to have been of
chief importance, with the Ottawas, their old neighbours and associates,
next, in order of importance. In 1728 the Catholic Church of Detroit
established its first mission among the Hurons across the river, a plain
log building wag erected two miles below Detroit on the opposite side of
the river, and in it services were begun. This was the Huron Church
about which there gradually grew up a little settlement, later a village.
This village is to-day the town of Sandwich, and the visitor to that
oldest town in southwestern Ontario can still see in a fair state of
preservation the old wooden Huron Mission, erected between the years
1747-1750, the oldest building now standing in the Province of Ontario.
At the close of the war of American Independence, the chiefs of
the Hurons and Ottawas desired to express appreciation of their leaders
inj the late war amd so, in 1784, they gave a tract of land seven miles
square at the mouth of the Detroit River (the present Township of
Malden, Essex County) to Alexander McKee, Wm. Caldwell, Charles
McCormack, Robin Eurphlect, Anthony St. Martin, Mathew Elliott,
Henry Bird, Thomas McKeen and Simon Girty. This grant was not
fully recognized by the British Governor, but it proved that the Hurons
claimed the east bank of the river and fought on the British side during
the war. Later, in 1790, the land from the Detroit River east to Catfish
Creek was ceded to the Crown by the Indians and the Hurons were
among the contracting parties. But in this cession there was reserved
a tract of about thirty-six square miles on the Detroit River north of
Amherstburg, and also a small tract at the Huron Church opposite
Detroit. The former was known as the Huron Reserve, and upon it was
the Wyandotte Burial Ground that has been in use for the burial of
[JAMES] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 333
Huron Indians down to the present time, In 1833 this reserve was
surrendered in trust to the Dominion Government and it has been sold
bit by bit for the benefit of the surviving members of the tribe.
And what has become of these Hurons? They have been absorbed
into the mixture of races living along the Detroit. A few, a very few,
may be found whose blood is fairly pure. Here and there you will find
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a family bearing an English or a French name but having the linea-
ments of the Indian more or less distinctly portrayed and who refer with
pride to their descent from the ancient Hurons or Wyandotts. Tribal
- relations ceased in 1880 and 1881 when forty-one heads of families
received enfranchisement. The last Indian chiefs of the band were
Joseph White and Alexander Clarke. It is worth mentioning that Mr.
Sec. II., 1906. 22.
334 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Solomon White for some years a member of the Legislature of Ontario is
a son of Chief Joseph White. In this connection it may be mentioned
that Mr. William Walker, who was the first Governor of the Provisional
Territory of Nebraska in 1853, was a Wyandott from the Detroit River.
If time permitted we could make an extensive study of the work
done by archeologists in identifying the sites of the old Huron villages.
French Canadians interested in the history of the Jesuits have traversed
the fields and wooded hills of Simcoe County with the Jesuit Relations
in their hands locating here a village, there an ossuary. Archzologisbs
of Ontario have with pick and shovel dug up hatchets and arrow heads,
pipes, bowls, large shells from the Gulf of Mexico and the wampuny
made therefrom, and, to-day, thanks to the labours of Dr. Taché, Father
Martin, Mr. David Boyle of Toronto, Mr. A. F. Hunter of Barrie, Mr.
J. H. Hammond of Orillia, and many others, we are able to reproduce
the map of old Huronia with no little degree of accuracy. We must
acknowledge our great indebtedness to the papers scattered through the
Ontario Archeological Reports, and to the painstaking researches of
Rev. Father Jones, Archivist of St. Mary’s College, Montreal, who has
in his keeping many of the original records of the Jesuit Missionaries,
and who has in preparation a work on the identification of the sites of
villages and missions in old Huronia.
My story, condensed and but imperfectly related, has been told.
Two hundred and fifty years and more ago, a strong haughty nation was
entrenched upon the shores of Georgian Bay. To-day one remnant lives
far east, near neighbours to the French Canadians of old Quebec;
another remnant lives a thousand miles away to the south, beyond the
Mississippi and Missouri; and traces may be discovered along the banks
of the Detroit River. Some of the descendants of their old enemies and
destroyers have shared with them their lands in the Indian Territory,
while others till the fields and raise their crops of corn along the Grand
River and in the Bay of Quinte.
The story that I have tried to tell you forms part of the greater
history of the struggle of the people of Europe for the control of the
trade of this Continent and the ownership of the land. It forms a part
also of the story of the early efforts to convert the savages of this Con-
tinent to Christianity. Apart from these two relationships it is a story
that in itself is full of interest, a sbory that should appeal to our
Canadian singers, a story that should be known to very one who calls
himself Canadian.
[JAMES]
THE DO
Ww
NFALL OF THE HURO
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335
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THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 339
[JAMES]
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[JAMES] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 343
APPENDIX
ORIGIN OF NAME “ HURON.”
“Champlain appelle les Hurons Ochastequins, et les confond avec les Iro-
quois, qu'il a cru sans doute ne faire avec eux qu’une même nation, à cause
de la conformité qu'il avait remarquée entre les langages des uns et des
autres. Peut-être aussi les avait-il oul nommer Ochastequins par quelques
autres Sauvages. Mais leur véritable nom est YENDATs. Celui de Hurons
est de la facon des Francois, qui voyant ces Barbares avec des cheveux
coupés, fort courts, et relevés d’une manière bizarre, et qui leur donnoient un
air affreux, s’écriérent la première fois qu’ils les appercurent: Quelles Hures!
et s'accoûtumerent à les appeller Hurons.”
Histoire et Description Générale de la Nouvelle France, by Father de Charle-
voix, 1744, Vol. I, p. 285.
FORT STE. MARIE I.
The following description of Fort Ste. Marie on the Wye by Father
Martin is taken from the autobiography of Father Chaumonot, published in
Paris in 1885. Father Martin’s examination of the ruins was made in 1859.
“Nous trouvâmes sans peine les ruines du fort Sainte-Marie. Ses murailles,
en bonne maçonnerie, s'élèvent encore à plus d’un mètre au-dessus du sol.
Il a la forme d’un parallélogramme allongé, avec des bastions à ses angles.
-Ialgré quelques singularités dans sa construction, dont il est difficile au-
jourd’hui de donner les motifs, on reconnait sans peine dans ce travail des
notions d’art militaire, appliqués avec soin. Les courtines de l’ouest et du
nord sont entières, tandis qu'il ne reste aucune trace de celles de l’est et du
sud. Il est à présumer qu’elles étaient formées par de solides palissades que
le feu et le temps ont fait disparaître. De ces deux côtés, l’ennemi était
moins à craindre. A l’est et au sud, on voit encore les traces d’un fossé assez
profond, qui protégeait l'enceinte. Celui du sud se prolonge jusqu'à la rivière,
et il est évident qu'il devait être capable d’en recevoir les eaux, et permettre
aux canots sauvages d'y trouver un abri. Il s’élargit en trois endroits, pour
former trois petits bassins réguliers très favorables pour aborder. Le long
de ce large fossé, s'étend au sud un assez vaste terrain, protégé du côté de
la campagne par une espèce de redan, dont on distingue très bien encore le
parapet en terre et le fossé qui communique avec la rivière. C’est là que se
dressaient les tentes des sauvages visiteurs, et les grandes cabanes, qui for-
maient l'hôpital et l'hôtellerie.
A côté du bastion du fort, au sud-ouest, il y a une construction carrée
qui a un mur très épais. Elle devait sans doute servir de base à une tour
élevée, d’où l’on pouvait avoir vue au loin, et surveiller facilement les ap-
proches.” Autobiographie du R. P. Chaumonot de la Compagnie de Jésus et
son complément, par le R. P. F. Martin, Paris, (H. Oudin), 1885, pp. 268-270.
(Copy.)
THE HURON RESERVE ON THE DETROIT RIVER.
Ottawa, 1st May, 1906.
My Dear Sir:—
Referring to your letter, undated, asking for information relative to the
Wyandotte Indians, I have to say that from the records it would appear that
the Huron Reserve, in the Township of Anderdon, seven miles square and
344 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
fronting on the Detroit River, formed part of the ancient possessions of the
Wyandottes and was confirmed to them at the general partition of lands by
the different tribes in the year 1791. In 1833 the reserve was surrendered in
trust to the Government in order that a portion of it might be sold for their
benefit. In 1836 two-thirds of the reserve was again ceded on the following
conditions: —
Block A, containing 7,550 acres, to be sold for the benefit of the Tribe;
Block C, containing 7,070 acres, for the benefit of Indians generally; Block B,
containing 7,770 acres, was retained for a reserve for the Wyandotte Band.
The following surrenders were subsequently made of this reserve: —
20th Sept., 1836. Part of Anderdon Township, Essex County.
19th July, 1853. Part of W. Sandwich Township, Essex County.
28th April, 1854. Part of Town of Sarnia and part of West Sandwich,
Essex County (60% acres).
27th Feb., 1863. Fighting Island, Detroit River.
20th Aus, 1875 ots 6 18 19Mand ‘south 16 of 10) in Con: 16..7 ands;
Anderdon Township, Essex County.
21st Dec., 1877. ‘Southerly 2-3 of Lot 13, Con. 1, and south % of Lot 8,
Con. 8, for Solomon White; south % of south % of Lot 7, Con. 3, for Mary
L. White; Indian marsh, for Chief Joseph White; Anderdon Township, Essex
County.
7th May, 1879. Water lot in front of southerly 2-3 of Lot 13, Con. 1.
Anderdon Township, Essex County, for Solomon White.
7th May, 1879. South-east quarter of Lot 6, Con. 3, for Victoria Maguire;
south-west 4% of Lot 9, Con. 4, for Christine Ramon; north-west 4% of Lot 8,
Con. 2, for Catherine Bernard; south-west 4% of Lot 6, Con. 3, for Charlotte
Marsh, Anderdon Township, Essex County.
27th April, 1880. Water lot in front of Lot 18, Con. 1, Anderdon Town-
ship, Essex County.
25th April, 1882. Gore in rear of south % of Lot 19, Con. 1, Anderdon
Township, Essex County. (6 27-100 acres.) For Lewis Warrow.
16th Dec., 1886. North % of south % of Lot 7, Con. 3, Anderdon Township,
Essex County.
26th June, 1889. Gore in rear of Lot 17, Con. 1, Anderdon Township,
Essex County.
In the year 1876 application was made by the Band to be enfranchised
under the terms of the Indian Act. The application was approved and the
probationary term having been served the Indians were granted enfranchise-
ment in the years 1880 and 1881, in all 41 heads of families received en-
franchisement.
The only remaining unenfranchised member of the Band is Mrs. Catherine
Maiville, née Laforet. This woman who is now 85 years of age, was married
to Peter Maiville, a white man, in 1846, whose death occurred in 1852. The
last Indian Chiefs of the Wyandotte Band were Joseph White and Alexander
Clarke.
Yours truly,
(Signed) FRANK PEDLEY,
# Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs.
SOME WORKS OF REFERENCE ON THE HURONS AND THEIR
DESTRUCTION BY THE IROQUOIS.
Jesuit Relations (edition published by The Burrows Brothers Company, of
Cleveland, Ohio). The letters and journals of the Jesuit Fathers are to be
found in nearly every one of volumes VII to XLVI inclusive, covering the
years 1634 to 1661.
Sagard. Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons, par Fr. Gabriel Sagard,
Recollect de St. Francois. This was first published at Paris in 1632. In 1865
a new edition was issued at Paris by Librairie Tross in two volumes. As the
date indicates, this description was written just prior to the time of the
Jesuit mission.
[JAMES] THE DOWNFALL OF THE HURON NATION 345
Bressani. Relation Abrégée de Quelques Missions des Péres de la Com-
pagnie de Jésus dans la Nouvelle-France, par le R. P. F. J. Bressani, de la
même Compagnie. Traduit de l'Italien et augmenté d’un avant-propos, de la
biographie de l’auteur, et d’un grand nombre de notes et de gravures, par le
R. P. F. Martin, de la même Compagnie. Montréal (John Lovell), 1852. The
original was published in 1653. The appendices, by Father Martin, are very
valuable in connection with the study of this question.
Martin. ‘Two books by Rev. Felix Martin, S.J. (in addition to Bressani,
referred to above) contain some information as to the Hurons. The first is
his “Life of Father Isaac Jogues,’ which was translated into English by
John Gilmary Shea and published in 1885. Appendix A contains notes on the
geography of the Huron country, with description of the ruins of St. Mary
on the Wye as Father Martin found them. The following work by the same
author will be found more complete and the notes on the Jesuit Fort are
accompanied by a sketch plan:—Autobiographie du R. P. Chaumonot, de la Com-
pagnie de Jésus, et son Complément, par le R. P. F. Martin, de la même Compagnie.
Paris, 1885. This latter work also contains a plan of Fort St. Mary on
Christian Island (p. 272) and of the chapel at Jeune Lorette (p. 218).
The Hurons of the Detroit. The Catholic Home Magazine for 1903 (Lon-
don, Ont.), contained a paper by the late Miss Margaret Claire Kilroy, of
Windsor, entitled ‘‘Sandwich, the origin of the Diocese of London.” It con-
tains a sketch of the early mission to the Hurons in the Detroit and an illus-
tration of the old mission House still standing at Sandwich. This article is
quite exhaustive.
Clarke—Origin and Traditional History of the Wyandotts, and sketches
of other Indian Tribes of North America. True Traditional Stories of Te-
cumseh and the League in the years 1811 and 1812, Toronto (Hunter, Rose &
Co.), 1870. By Peter Dooyentate Clarke.
Connelley. Volume III, second series (1899), of the publications of the
.“ebraska State Historical Society is entitled: “The Provisional Government
of Nebraska Territory and the Journals of William Walker, Provincial Gov-
ernor of Nebraska Territory.’ It is edited by William A. Connelley, of
Topeka, Kansas, and contains notes of the migration of the Wyandotts from
Ohio to the Indian Territory, a map of the Wyandott Purchase and sketch
of William Walker, the Wyandott, who was born in Michigan in 1799 or 1800
and died at Kansas City, Mo., in 1874.
Ontario Archeological Reports. Nineteen reports, prepared by Mr. David
Boyle, have been issued by the Ontario Department of Education, Toronto.
+ or the years 1886 to 1894 they were issued as reports of the Canadian Insti-
tute. Subsequent to the year 1894, when the museum was transferred to the
1 partment of Education, they have been issued directly by the Department.
The following references may be of service to students of the Huron-
Troquois feud.
1889. Pages 4-15 refer to the Tobacco Nation, methods of burial, sites
of ossuaries, map of Nottawasaga Township, etc. Pages 42-46, paper by Mr.
A. F. Hunter, B.A., on “ French Relics from Village Sites of the Huron.”
1890-91 (Fourth Annual Report of the Canadian Institute). This contains
on pages 18 and 19 some notes on Ste. Marie on the Wye and its decadence,
with an appeal for its preservation.
1892-3. (The Sixth Annual Report of the Canadian Institute, misprinted
“fifth’”’ on title page.)
Pages 22-34 contain an interesting sketch of the Neutrals and their
relation to the Hurons, by Mr. James H. Coyne, B.A., under title of “The
Southwold Earthwork and the Country of the Neutrals.”
1895. The report for this year, the 8th of the series, appeared under the
title: “Notes on Primitive Man in Ontario.” The articles on “Aborigenes of
Ontario,” “ Social Condition,’ ‘“ Food,’ ‘ Religion,” ‘ Burial Customs,” etc.
contain many interesting notes on the Hurons.
1897-8. (11th Report.) ‘The Jesuit Stone,” p. 32, is an interesting note
of 1641. “Christian Island,’ pp. 35-42, contains the plan of the old Jesuit
Fort (from Ducreux), also notes on the condition of the ruins in 1897. San-
son’s map of 1656 is reproduced. It indicates the location of the Hurons,
Petuns, Neutrals, Eries and Andastes before the wars of extermination.
346 {ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
1899. (13th.) ‘“ Notes on sites of Huron Villages in the Township of Tay
(Simcoe County), by A. F. Hunter, M.A. This was. the second of a series,
the first on village sites in the Township of Tiny, having been printed by the
Department of Education, as a separate brochure in the previous year. On
pages 59 and 60 are plans of Ste. Mary on the Wye in 1852 and 1876. This
volume for 1899 also contains, pp. 92-123, an interesting article on The Wyan-
dotts, by Mr. Wm. E. Connelley, under the following chapters: “Migration
legends,” ‘Clan System,” ‘‘Government,” etc. This article is followed by a
translation into English of Mr. Benjamin Sulte’s history of “ The War of the
Iroquois,” pp. 124-151.
1900. ‘‘The Flint Workers: A Forgotten People,’ by Rev. Dean Harris,
is a sketch of the Neutrals and contains much of interest in relationship to
the Hurons.
1901. ‘Notes on Huron Villages in the Township of Medonte, Simcoe
County,” by A. F. Hunter, M.A.
1902. “ Notes on sites of Huron Villages in the Township of Oro, Simcoe
County,” by A. F. Hunter, M.A. This volume also contains the paper by Rev.
A. E. Jones, S.J., on “The Identification of St. Ignace II and Ekarenniondi,”
pp. 92-136. This paper illustrates the method of work adopted by the
archivist of St. Mary’s College, Montreal.
1903. ‘Indian Villages Sites in North and South Orillia,” by A. F. Hunter,
M.A. “The Standing Rock,” by F. Birch.
1904 “Cahiagué,’ by J. Hugh Hammond. This is followed by some
notes on Huron village sites in Orillia Township.
1905. “The Iroquois,’ by David Boyle, pp. 146-158. This is the very
valuable paper referred to in the address as discussing the question of the
legendary migrations of the Huron-Iroquois peoples.
peed, SOCIETY OF CANADA
TRANSACTIONS
SECTION III:
MATHEMATICAL, PHYSICAL anp CHEMICAL SCIENCES
PAPERS FOR 1906
Are
ii ul Lo Ne iy
a AE ‘
7 me
Ns
Section Iil., 1906. [3] Trans. R. S. C.
I.—A bacus of the Altitude and Azimuth of the Pole Star.
By E. Device, LL.D.
(Read May 23rd, 1906.)
The boundaries of sections in the land surveys of the Dominion
being north and south or east and west lines, it is essential that surveyors
who subdivide townships should ascertain frequently the direction
of the astronomical meridian, so that they may know the exact bearings
of the lines which they are running. ‘The method prescribed for this
determination is the observation of the Pole Star in day light. The Star
is readily seen an hour after sunrise or before sunset with the telescope
of 112 in. aperture supplied to the Dominion Land Surveyors, provided
it is adjusted to bring the Star approximately in the centre of the field.
The direction in azimuth is given from the survey lines or by means of
the magnetic needle, after which the telescope is set to the altitude of
the Pole Star. Sidereal time is given by a common watch, regulated to
gain 3 m. 56 s. per day; its error is ascertained from time to time by
meridian transits of tlie sun or stars. To facilitate matters, astronomical
field tables are supplied to surveyors. Among other data the tables give
the bearing of the Pole Star for every ten minutes and for townships
0, 20, 40, 60 and 80: the bearing at any other time and for any other
township is obtained by interpolation. The distance of the Star above or
below the pole is also given for calculating the altitude. Although the
interpolation for the bearing and the calculation of the altitude are very
simple, some surveyors prefer to have no calculation whatever: this con-
dition is fulfilled by the abacus.
Graphic Representation of Equations.
Before explaining the theory of this abacus, it is necessary to recail
a few of the principles of the graphic representation of equations. An
exhaustive investigation of the subject has been made by d’Ocagne: !
what is needed for our purpose may be briefly summed up as follows:
If, in the equation of a curve:
(1) f, (2, y, &) =0
successive increments are given to the parameter «,, to each of these
increments corresponds a different curve: the equation thus defines a
system of curves (a,).
* Traité de Nomographie by Maurice d’Ocagne, Paris—Gauthier—Villars.
4 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
In the same way, the equations:
(2) f, (Z, y; @) = 0
(3) fs (@, y, @%) = 0
define the systems of curves (a@,) and (a,). When three of these curves
taken respectively in each of the systems intersect in one point, the cor-
responding values of the variables à, @,, a, satisfy the equation :
ACT a, a) = 2
resulting from the elimination of x and y between the equations (1),
(2) and (3). The value of any one of the variables can thus be ob-
tained by means of the other two. For instance, if we wish in Fig. 1 to
inne} Ie
find the value of a, corresponding to a, = 2 and a, = 4, we follow to
their intersection the curves marked “2” in the system (a@,) and “4” in
the system («,) : the curve of the system (a,) passing through this point
being marked “5”, this number is the required value of a.
This kind of abacus is the one most frequently met with, although
by no means the best. Usually one of the variables, a,, is taken as
xz and another, a,, as y; a, is thus represented by a series of parallels
to the y axis, a, by a series of parallels to the x axis and a, by a series
of curves. The use of this abacus requires simultaneous interpolation by
estimation between three pairs of lines, an operation not susceptible of
much precision. The accuracy may to some extent be increased by
drawing more lines, but a limit is soon reached beyond which the num-
ber of lines becomes confusing.
[DEVILLE] ABACUS OF THE POLE STAR 5
To shorten writing, let f,, ¢n, d», be written instead of f, (an),
dn (An), ln (an), and let us consider the particular case when equations
(1), (2), (3), assume the form :
chtryat ¥,=0
(4) et, + y bi += 0
zf+ty ¢ + hs = 0
Each of these equations defining a system of straight lines, their re-
sultant after the elimination of x and y:
fi, À Ÿ
(5) f2 Pa Y2|= 0
fs D ws
is represented by three systems of straight lines. Thus an abacus con-
sisting of straight lines only can be constructed whenever the equation
to be represented can be put in the form of equation (5).
By the application of the principle of duality, this figure can be
transformed into a correlated one such that to straight lines shall cor-
respond points. Each of the equations (4) which, in the first figure,
Die PA
defines a system of straight lines tangent to their envelope, defines, in
the second figure, points distributed upon a curve, their bearer, as in
Fig. 2. Equation (5) which in the first figure means that three straight
lines are copunctal, means in the correlated figure that three points are
costraight. Instead of following as in Fig. 1 the lines (a,) and
(@,) to their intersection and finding the line of the system (a;)
which passes through this point, the mode of employment of the new
kind of abacus (Fig. 2) consists in joining by a straight line the points
(a,) and (a,) and reading the graduation at the intersection of the
bearer of (a,). The abacus has gained in simplicity, consisting only
of three lines, and the interpolation by estimation instead of being simul-
taneous between three pairs of lines is now made three times in succes-
sion between two divisions of a graduation, a process susceptible of con-
siderable precision.
6 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
A convenient way of effecting the transformation is to employ
parallel instead of cartesian co-ordinates. The parallel co-ordinates u
and v of a straight line are the distances AM, BUN, (Fig. 3) of its inter-
a
Fic 3.
sections by two parallel lines from the origins A and B selected on these
parallels. In this system, an equation of the first degree:
(Gp) au + bv + c = 0
defines a point of which the cartesian co-ordinates may be found as
follows: Taking O, centre of AB, us origin, OB as axis of x, a parallel
through O to AM and BW as axis of y and designating by 6 the distance
OB, we have: !
b—a
(8) =o b+a
— C
(9) Le i +a
1 Equation (7) gives for u = 0 :
pea
and for v=o:
— C
b
the point defined by equation (7) is P, intersec-
vo tion of A Dand B C, (Fig. 4).
Taking A C= and BD—
Eig. 4.
Similar triangles give the following proportions: |
BA OS
ANB CV SBD
and es
[DEVILLE] ABACUS OF THE POLE STAR Z
Abacus of the Azimuth of the Pole Star.
The azimuth of a star in terms of the latitude, hour anglejand polar
distance, is given by the formula:
PA Le LE P sec Lsint
1 — tan P tan L cos t
in which:
z = Azimuth of the star
P = Polar distance of the star
t = Hour angle of the star
L = Latitude.
The azimuth and polar distance of the Pole Star are so small that if
the above expression be developed in terms of the powers of z and P, the
terms containing powers above the second can, in the case of subdivision
surveys, be neglected. Expressing z and P in minutes of arc, we obtain:
2
200s b= P sin t + tan Lsin 2¢ sin V
The surveys of Dominion Lands extend from the 49th parallel of
latitude to about township 84, in latitude 56°20’, an interval of 7°20’.
Substituting the values of the different lines, the equations become:
OMG ia oe
Pie Gate
ae
CREER MEN:
DO EE
a
hence:
fei = > ge
— €
LL EE ON CE
Adding up and dividing by 2 J, we have:
i (2 + a
PUR
— €
b + a
or VE
Subtracting the second equation from the first one gives :
b —
DE 2 0.4 ( =}
Replacing y by its value and dividing by 2:
es (555)
8 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
A mean value of the latitude may therefore be adopted for the last term
of the above expression, which is always small.! Denoting by JZ, this
mean value, the equation may be written :
Ping 2° tan L, sin 2 t sin 1’
3 — cos L = O
now put:
Bs u
(10) Paint tant asin 2 ¢ sin l— j
1
cc — cos L = ;
and the equation becomes : i
12 aie v=o
(12) s+
The value of u is calculated by (10) for hour angle intervals of 10
minutes and laid out on the axis of u, A u, (Fig. 5), but the sidereal time
instead of the hour angle is marked opposite the divisions of the gradua-
tion. Thistime is equal to the sum of the hour angle and right ascen-
sion of the Star. The modulus /, is the length of one minute of arc on
B
t scale
BIG. 5:
Au; it 1s selected arbitrarily so as to give suitable proportions to the
figure.
In the same way, the values of v or — cos L are laid out below B on
the axis of v, Bu, v being negative. The modulus /, is the length of
cos 0° ; like the modulus J,, it is selected so as to give suitable propor-
1 Designating by LZ, and LZ, the extreme values of L, the value of Z, which
causes the least maximum error in the azimuth is given by the expression :
an L STE tan £ cos L
tan EE IL, cos Z, + tan L, c 1
cos LA + cos Lo
In the present case L, = 53°17’. The error is a maximum for townships 0
and 84 and for hour angles of 8 or 9 hours: it is then equal to 0.22.
[DEVILLE] ABACUS OF THE POLE STAR 9
tions to the figure. The number of the township corresponding to the
latitude is marked on the divisions of the graduation.
The cartesian co-ordinates of the points defined by (12) are given by
(8) and (9):
(13) ph pa A rl
UE
y being equal to zero, the line AB is the bearer of the z scale.
The values of x might be calculated from (13) and laid out from the centre
of AB, but the graduation can be constructed in a more simple manner.
In the first place, we observe that for z = 0, r = — 0; so the zero
of the graduation is at A. Forz = o, x = 0; so the figurative point
is at B. Now the scale defined by (13) is a linear scale ; therefore it is
the image of a regular scale and as its figurative point is at B on the line
Bb, it is obtained by laying out a regular scale on a parallel to Bv and
projecting iton AB from a projection apex on Bv. This is done as
follows :
Ere. 6:
Join township 84, (Fig. 6) on the v scale, to 7426™ (¢ = 6)
of the uw scale. The intersection C with AB is the end of the use-
ye
cos 56°20”
say 1295. With a suitable scale, measure from A on Au a length AD
of 129.5. Select on Bv a proper projection apex G; join AG and GC.
Through D draw a parallel D M to AG and through the point M where
it intersects GC produced, draw MN parallel to Av. The scale used for
measuring AD if laid on MN with its zeroat J, has its point 129’.5 at
M ; therefore its projection from G on AC gives the required z scale.
ful part of the z scale. The value of z in this case 1s let us
10 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
For values of t between 12% and 24", the graduations of both ¢ and z
would fall beyond A and increase the size of the figure: this is avoided
by changing the sign of u in (10). We have then two graduations for
sidereal time on Au, and two graduations for bearing on AB; the second
graduations are printed in red to distinguish them. Plate I shows a
specimen of the abacus.
Abacus of the Altitude of the Pole Star.
The altitude, A, of a star in terms of the latitude, hour angle and
polar distance is given by the formula :
sin À = sin Z cos P + cos L sin P cost
Let :
k= £4
then :
sin Z cos x + cos J sin x = sin L cos P + cos L sin P cos t
P and x are very small. Developing this expression in terms of the
powers of P and x, and discarding the terms which contain powers
above the second, we find :
2
z= Picost—' >= tan sin? t
As before, we adopt a mean value, Z,, for tan L.’ Allowing 0'.75
for refraction, we may write :
H = h-- 1075
Expressing H, L, and P in minutes, we have:
9
Filey een = Land stein te 0
Putting:
(14) ? = JE
(15) : = P cos t — à tan J, sin? ¢ sin 1’
the equation becomes :
(16) EURE ee SEs
l | ly
The scale of u, (14), is a regular scale of modulus /,, properly
selected, for one minute of latitude. It is laid out on Aw, but instead of
measuring multiples of /,, and numbering them in minutes of latitude,
1 The mean value causing the least maximum error in the altitude is the
mean of the extreme values of tan L; it corresponds to [, = 52°59’. The maxi-
mum error for ¢ = 64 or 18h and for township 0 or 84 is 07.175.
[DEVILLE] ABACUS OF THE POLE STAR 11
we measure multiples of nl, n being the number of minutes of latitude
in a township, and mark the township number opposite the divisions of
the graduation. The scale of v, given by (15), is also a regular scale
laid out on Sv with an appropriate modulus /,; instead of the hour
angle, the sidereal time is marked upposite the divisions of the gradua-
tion,
The cartesian co-ordinates of the points of the H scale, defined by
(16), are given by (8) and (9):
Hic. 7.
x being a constant, the bearer of the H scale is a parallel CD
(Fig. 7) to the axes, drawn at a distance x from the centre of AB. The
1 ; ;
+ ——, commencing at 0”.75
Hf scale is a regular scale of modulus ;
Al
below the line AB.
The abacus has been made in two parts place! one over the other.
The sidereal time scale is identical in both. |The divisions of the altitude
and township scales have been so arranged that they coincide, but they
bear different numbers. The numbers of the second part are printed in
red,
Plate II shows a specimen of the abacus.
dit
Mt
(
À
[Devizze.]
a
g 2
TE
i |i
TIME
ge
@
2
STAR
=|
ee 3
E.DEVILLE,LL.D.
Surveyor General
DIAGRAM
oF THE
BEARING OF THE POLE STAR
November and December 1905
September and October 1906
July and August 1907
PLATE I.
Trans. R. S. C. Secrion III.
TOWNSHIP
[Devrie.] Trans. R. S.C. Secrion III.
ee
J a3
= +
53° |
+ :
æ
56°
30.
ei 52
+70 Tw
+ g +
<
a >
al 55° a
alt a alt 3
RE à É
ap É à 51°
eee kon ET FR 2
20 À 5 Eis à
76 & Em DIAGRAM 2
+60 | : oF THE à
54 D
E £ ALTITUDE
i= ov THE
À 50°
ne POLE STAR
——0
= November and December 1905
al of September and October 1906
aii 53° July and August 1907
10— AAS
ai ei
+50 4
ab a
ol :
at at 1 b
TL 52° 11
ia a0
Sh PY-CHE 1 12"
PLave II.
Section III., 1906. [18] Trans. R. £&. C,
IIl.—A Subjective Phenomenon of Vision.
By W. Rupert TURNBULL, M.E., RoTHESAY, N.B.
(Presented by Dr. G. U. Hay.)
1. I wish to describe in this paper a rather remarkable phenomenon
of vision which, as far as I can learn has never before been made public
(see Historical Review at the end of paper).
2. The investigation has extended somewhat over a year. The
experiments at first were of a desultory character and it is only within
the latter part of the year that the subject in hand could receive due
attention.
It is with some hesitation that this paper is now presented for it is in
many ways crude and unfinished, but the importance of the phenomenon
seems so great that the publication of even incomplete results seems
desirable. More especially as I am about entering on a most thorough
investigation (see supplement, written June, 1904) and hope not only to
profit by the criticisms of the work done and undone, but hope also that
this article may be the means of communicating with other persons who
have observed the same or a similar phenomenon.
i.
The Phenomenon as first, and as now observed.
3. When a lad of 10 or 12 years, I saw, after retiring at night—the
room being dark—an image projected in space, which seemed to oscillate,
first in one oblique plane (1), making perhaps an angle of 30° with the
vertical, and then, after a confusing break in the oscillations, vibrating in
Fig. fi
the opposite oblique plane (2) (see fig. 1. a). After oscillating in the
second oblique plane for perhaps a few seconds the image lost what defin-
iteness of contour it had and apparently broke up into bright points re-
sembling myriads of stars. These points seemed to stream before the
14 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
eyes and despite all efforts to retain them in the visual field, they invari-
ably disappeared in course of a second or two leaving only the “proper
light” of the retina behind.
4. The image which! oscillated could hardly be called distinct and yet
it seemed to consist of yellowish or whitish lines grouped together, in the
centre of the image, in the manner of the lines in b fig. 1, the border of
the image was extremely indistinct and blended insensibly into the dark
background. On account of the rapidity of the oscillations it was not
easy to count the number of hexagons making up the more distinct or
central portion of the image or to estimate the angle which the image
subtended in the visual field. It is interesting here to note the similar-
ity between this image and illustrations of the crystalline lens cells.i
6. For perhaps 15 years the phenomenon just described appeared
occasionally, after retiring, but no attempt was made to studyit. Some
thing over a year ago (now April, 1904—9 years ago), however, after
repeated efforts to retain the image in the visual field, the writer suc-
ceeded, by practice, in observing what is, apparently, a modification of
the original image.
7. The more recently observed image seems to be nothing more than
a group of indistinct light points—a kind of nebulous image—which
oscillates as did the first and has an indistinct circular or elliptical
border blending insensibly into the background.
8. This image when seen in darkness seems to be something more
than the “ proper light” of the retina. With most people the “ proper
light” consists of light points or “light-dust” in a confusing
state of motion, but in the writer’s eyes the motion of the nebu-
lous image can be followed — perhaps only on account of the introduc-
tory lessons given by the image as first observed. Every instant or two
some points instead of oscillating regularly seem to start from the image,
bat the nebulous image, as a whole, keeps on oscillating regularly so that
the vibrations may be counted.
9. Ever since seeing this image the former image has been seen
occasionally.
10. The plane of oscillation of the image * seems to be more or
less vertical, but it does not remain constant and there seems to be a shif-
ting of the plane to 30 or 40 degrees on either side of the vertical.
1Quain. “Elements of Anatomy,” 1895, Vol. III, Part III, p. 64, Fig. 75B.
This book is heartily recommended to the physicist, interested in this article,
who wishes to find a complete and exceedingly good anatomical description of
the eye.
2 By “the image ” will hereafter be always meant the nebulous image, which
is the usual one at present observed.
’
[TURNBULL | A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 15
11. The image is now, so to speak, “on call”; that is, the writer
can at any time of the day or night see this hazy image; and the oscill-
ations, so far as he has observed, never cease.
12. Only, however, when certain conditions are complied with is
the image seen when light is entering the eyes; for instance the image
may be usually seen when the eyes are “fixed” upon some non-luminous
and non-lustrous body, or upon the blue sky, etc.—1.e., when reflected
light is entering the eyes. It is usually not seen when a luminous
or lustrous body is fixed, although in this case suggestions of bright
points are sometimes seen.
13. With opened eyes the image always appears at the point of
direct vision and seems to oscillate upon the focussed object. Unless the
writer locks for the image it usually remains unnoticed, but it sometimes
appears unbidden when dark or shadowed objects are seen.
14. In complete darkness the image seems to be projected in the
centre of the visual field or, rather, what would be the fixation point.
15. The oscillations can generally be counted and with more or
less accuracy according as the image is more or less distinct. It must
be borne in mind that the more carefully and continuously such phen-
omena as this are studied, the more one is able to see distinctly and
recall subjective images once seen, and it is only by long practice that
the best results are obtained.
Apparatus and Methods of Observation.
16. In order to obtain the periodicity of the oscillations, a stop
watch, reading to tenths of a second, was at first employed and a chrono-
graph reading to hundredths of a second was used in the latter part of
the experiments.
17. It was found that the ticking of the watch or any other sound
having a distinct tempo was very distracting, when counting the oscilla-
tions, so the watch was set up in a room other than that in which the ob-
servations were made.
18. The watch was operated by an electro-magnetic gravity drop
and the readings were taken by an assistant. ‘The electro-magnet was
operated by a key, at the observer’s right hand, which broke a battery cir-
cuit, when pressed, allowing an iron rod pivoted at one end to fall on a
lever operating the spring stop of the watch. The rod was at once
replaced by the assistant, the current having been broken but an instant.
The sources of error of this instrument were the inertia of the watch’s
balance wheel and the variable residual magnetism of the electro-
16 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
magnet. The probable error of a single reading was found to be about
+ 0-06 secs., due to the above mentioned sources of error combined.
19. The chronograph employed in the latest experiments although
of rude construction, had a smaller probable error than the stop watch
(viz:—-+ 0.026 secs. for a single reading) and had the great advantage
over the stop watch of enabling observations to be made continuvusly,
without the necessity of waiting for an assistant to make each reading.
The chronograph consisted of a drum driven by a falling weight and kept
at nearly constant speed by clockwork over this drum (which was covered
with sand-paper) a long ribbon of paper (registering telegraph paper)
was made to pass by the rotation of the drum. In order to keep the
paper taut and to bring about the required friction between drum and
paper, the ribbon was made to pass between the felt covered jaws of a
spring clamp and a suitable weight was attached to the end of the
paper and descended, beside the driving weight, a distance of some 9
cr 10 metres. The cord of the driving weight passed but once over
the drum and was held taut and prevented from shipping by a small
counter weight and the sand-paper; by this arrangement errors due to
inequalities of the diameter of the drum were avoided. A pencil
mounted above the paper where it was in contact with the drum and
operated by an electro-magnet and key (placed at the observer’s hand)
completed the apparatus.
20. Besides the probable error, as given above, this chronograph was
subject to another error, due, probably, to variable friction of the clock-
work. The speed would very gradually increase or decrease and since
the amount was not calculable, as many readings were taken at a time as
possible and, where preliminary runs were not taken, and runs were be-
gun in the middle of a series, tha results for all colours had to be dis-
carded in that series.
21. The accidental errors, both with the stop watch and chrono-
graph, have been eliminated as far as possible, by large numbers of read-
ings.
22. The apparatus employed to ascertain the effect of simple and
raixed coloured lights was a modification of Lambert’s apparatus for mix-
ing pigment colours! Instead of pigments coloured glass plates were
used and placed over two square holes (cut in either end of a box). An
“ Auer” gaslight was placed in the middle of the box inside and reflec-
tors of white magnesium oxide (coating upon glass) placed inside the box
1 Encyc. Britt., 9th Ed., Vol. VIII, p. 823.
[TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 17
and at the ends of it reflected the light from the burner through the
holes. A piece of plate glass was mounted vertically a little above the
middle of the box outside. <A certain amount of light, from each hole
was thus permitted to enter the eye in the same direction, a part of the
light from one hole being transmitted through the glass plate and a part
of the light from the other hole being reflected’by it. The intensity of
the light passing through the respective holes was varied by turning the
reflectors about a horizontal axis, the angles through which they were
turned being read on graduated arcs placed at each end of the box outside.
RESULTS OF OBSERVATIONS.
The retinal size of image and the amplitude of oscillations.
23. Although the border of the image is not sharply defined, still,
fairly accurate measurements of the retinal size of the image and rather
unsatisfactory estimations of the amplitude of vibration, have been ob-
tained.
24. Pieces of white paper were used, upon which circles of 5, 10,
15, 20 and 25 mm., respectively, were drawn with black ink. Placing
these pieces of paper in succession before my eyes I retreated or ad-
vanced, with eyes fixed upon the centre of the circle, until the image
appeared to completely fill the circle; then the distance from the eyes
to the paper was measured—these experiments were carried on in a
brightly lighted room with the observer’s back turned towards the light.
25. A calculation of the retinal size of the image (from these data)
— = sae when f is the distance of
the eyes from the background; F the distance of the second nodal point
of the crystalline lens from the retina (this is, as an average, 15 mm.),
d the diameter of the image upon the background, and D the corres-
ponding diameter upon the retina. An average of the observations
taken (5 sets of 5 readings each) gave as the value for D, the retinal
diameter of the image .0-183 mm., when light is entering the eyes.
26. The diameter, as given by Kôlliker, of the Fovea centralis of
the retina is from 0-18 mm. to -225 mm. As the image is invariably
seen at the point of direct vision, and as the above value (-183 mm.)
falls within the measurements of Kôülliker, the image undoubtedly is
seen only by the rods and cones of the Fovea centralis (this when light
enters the eyes).
27. That more of the image is seen when no light enters the eyes
is shown by the following experiment:
Sec. III., 1906. 2
is simple, from the proportion : —
18 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
28. Upon three plates of sooted glass circles of 20,40 and 60 mm.,
respectively, were traced. These were placed vertically, in succession,
on a sliding carriage, between a fishtail burner and the eyes, both
burner and glass being perpendicular to the line of sight. The centre
of the circular disc was “ fixed” with the eyes for, perhaps, a quarter
of a minute or more, then the eyes were closed and all light excluded
and a negative after-image was seen. By trial, that position of the
carriage was then found by which the vibrating image completely filled
the circular disc of the negative after-image, without, however, extend-
ing beyond the limits of the dise.
29. The results of these observations gave, as the retinal diameter
of the image when no light enters the eye, about 0-47 mm. According
to Külliker the horizontal diameter of the yellow spot (Macula lutea)
is 3:24 mm., and the vertical diameter of the same 0:81 mm. These
measurements show that the image ‘is seen well within the boundaries
of the yellow spot and, even in darkness, does not extend far beyond
the limits of the Fovea.
30. In both of the foregoing experiments an attempt was made
to estimate the amplitude of the vibrations, this is, however, an exceed-
ingly difficult thing to do. In the first experiments two faint pencil
marks were drawn on the paper on either side of the centre to aid in
estimation, but in the second experiments no such expedient could be
adopted. The average results of these estimations are not to be relied
upon as being anything but crude; at the same time they are probably
not far from the truth.
31. I find that the amplitude when light is entering the eye is about
one-tenth of the diameter of the image (i.e., about 0-018 mm.) ; and
that the amplitude when light is not entering the eye (1.e., in the after-
image) is, perhaps, one-twentieth of the diameter of the image (or,
about 0-023 mm.).
32. What either the diameter of the image or its amplitude may
be in absolute darkness and with no after-image, it is hard to say, but
I do not think that the image becomes any larger than in the after-
image, or that the amplitude alters appreciably.
33. Attempts to measure the amplitude by means of a background
vibrating with a simple harmonic motion, proved quite fruitless, although
the method has not yet been, abandoned and may yet be productive of
accurate results regarding both the amplitude and the nature of the
vibrations.
* I say, “perhaps,” because this value may be very inaccurate; the amplitude,
in the case of the after-image, especially, being difficult to estimate.
[TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 19
The image does not, I think, follow a simple harmonic motion,
and herein probably lies the failure with the above apparatus.
The Periodicity of the Vibrations and the Conditions Affecting it.
34. For the most part the experiments have been confined to the
periodicity and the conditions affecting it. So far as the experiments
have now gone the periodicity is probably affected :—by the wave length
of homogeneous light impinging on the Fovea; and by mixed light fall-
ing on the Fovea; and more certainly, by the intensity of the light;
the act of “fixing ” the background; and by the condition and relative
fatigue of the eyes and body (see Supplement, June, 1904).
35. These factors and their relative importance may be studied
from the curves presented with this paper, and from the tabulated
results first given. The method of taking observations was as follows :—
(1) with the stop-watch, as a rule, the key, breaking the circuit was
pressed at the beginning and end of 10 counted oscillations (by one
oscillation throughout is meant a complete to and fro motion) a pause
was then made allowing the assistant to read the watch and replace
the drop; another 10 oscillations were then counted, another pause
made, and so on. (2) With the chronograph, the key was first pressed
when the eyes were “ fixed,” à second time when beginning to count,
a third time at the end of 5 oscillations, a fourth time at the end of
10, a fifth at the end of 15, and so on, no pauses being made during
the run.
36. Although little can be learned from the desultory experiments,
made between January 5th and July 15th, 1895, the general results
of these were as follows :—Periodicity, apparently,! unaffected by count-
ing with one eye open and one shut, no matter which eye was open;
also unaffected by bodily exercise, but affected undoubtedly (made some-
what greater) by continued use of eyes.
37. The next observations (made from July 15th to September
Ist, 1895) are, perhaps, a little more valuable, although poor methods
were used and not sufficient rest was taken between the readings to
*I say “apparently,” because ot enough readings were taken to establish
a result.
20 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
permit of the latter readings being uninfluenced by those going before.
The results are tabulated below :—
No.of | No. of Ave, 1
Remarks. obs. in Sets Period. Colour Further Remarks,
Sets. 1 Secs. ;
Before opening 642 wh Room moderately dark,
eyes in the morn- 2 14 652 ra obs. taken just after
ing. : awakening.
Looking through 504 R This is a poor method for
coloured glasses .512 G getting the periodities
at an object in 4 7 591 TB corresponding to dif-
light shadow. rolls none ferent colours, for, as
J will be noticed from the
‘results, the readings
.490 IB being taken in quick
A 4 5 530 G succession after one an-
D 564 R other, make all but the
.546 none first one, too slow.
38. It will be noticed in the above experiments with coloured
glasses that the periodicity for G is slower when G follows I B than
when it follows R; and that when IB comes last, the periodicity for
it is only a trifle, whereas when R comes last it is considerably smaller
than the periodicity for R. Thus it is seen that exposure to one kind
of light, and “ fixing” the eyes, makes the oscillations not only slower
for that light but for other light also, to which the eyes are exposed
immediately afterwards (although there are relative changes after
exposure).
39. An attempt was made at this time with Noérremberg’s appa-
ratus to ascertain the effect of polarised light upon the periodicity or
plane of the oscillations; but the lustre of the reflecting mirror made
it impossible to see the image.
40. Several sets of readings with coloured glasses were taken at
this time with lights of two intensities (approximately reproducible),
but, as a black object was always “ fixed” in order to make the image
more distinct, all the results exhibit periodicities for very low intens-
ities; in each case, however, where the question of fatigue does not
enter, the periodicities for I B were somewhat smaller than the period-
icities for R, although with very low intensities the differences in
periodicity are not so marked as with moderate intensities.
41. A summary of these results is given in the following table;
(1) represents a light of very low intensity, the flame used was about
1In the figures and text the following contractions are used: R, red; O,
orange; Y, yellow; GY, greenish yellow; G, green; GB, greenish blue; CB,
cyanic blue; IB, indigo blue; W, white: B’l’k, black; and “none ” means
that no glass was held before the eyes.
[TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF: VISION 21
one candle power and, after reflection from the “black” object and
absorption in the glass plates, hardly any light could have reached the
Fovea; (2) represents the intensity of the light from an ordinary fish-
tail burner after reflection and absorption as before:
No. of
: Colour Ave.
Remarks. Beanies pe and Period- | Further Remarks.
x ets. ‘Intensity| icity. |
Set. | |
| i |
.482 | A :
2 6 R; 510 | The intensity (1) repre-
| sents the periodicity
2 6 FR: 498 (almost) for the sensation of
= 528 | black in the case of all of
Coloured 6 G .502 | the colours used (as ex-
glasses used ; cs | 1 .528 plained in the text above) ;
short rest after | 599 and therefore no conclus-
every 2 read- | 2 Gr) Gs ‘sag | ions regarding the change
ings. | | ——— | in periodicity brought about
| 2 6 | IB, ue by change in intensity can
| | Slee be drawn.
NE ONE AE
2 6 1B; 476
FRATO
2 2
6 1B: .488 Do.—More accurate re-
9 6 G 480 | sults with 3 different inten-
do. readings F 1 .528 sities follows in the latter
taken at an- 498 | part of the experimental
other time. 2 6 Gy ‘526 | work.
2 Ge) md 26
.504
do. 2 . Ga 54 | :
© 6 | ?
2 6 IB, tee
2 6 IB, ur
: 6 | TB | “igs
2 6 IB, oe
do. i ae do.
2 6 G 524
2 6 R, EE
2 6 | R | 360
22 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
42. , Other sets, taken at this time, clearly indicate that when the
eyes are simply exposed to coloured light (readings being taken at the
beginning and end of one minute exposures) the periodicity does not
increase nearly so rapidly as when an object is “ fixed” through the
coloured glasses and observations are taken in quick succession. In
such dase, as before, where the readings were uninfluenced by readings
with other glasses, the oscillations were quicker for I B than they were
for R.
43. The numerical data for the sets just referred to are as
follows :—
| |
: No. of | Ave. b=beginning.
Remarks. ie Sets. | Colour. | Periodicity. e=ena.
Coloured glasses 2 7
before eyes for one | 180
minute, readings at 2 7 (& | "506
the beginning and VERRE
end of the min. 2 7 IB .469 b
do. 2 4 G . 500 b
537 The 4 readings
R : taken in about 40
°565 seconds.
Coloured glasses .502
before eyes, read- 4 4 G .532 do.
ings taken in rapid -555
succession. .575
~]
Q
ot
bo
—
Qu
©
do. 4
44. In all of the foregoing experiments no idea can be gained of
the periodicity corresponding to G, for undoubtedly the “ fixing” of
the eyes for other colours makes the oscillations slower (when the plates
are used in quick succession) for the observations that follow, and in
2
> rit
[TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 23
no case did G commence a set,— however, in the experiments, the re-
sults of which follow, considerable rests were always taken between
exposure of eyes to differently coloured light, so that all colours were
treated alike.
45. It may be further mentioned here that the periodicity for all
colours is usually a trifle greater at the end than at the beginning
of the day; but in all cases the difference is exceedingly small, and
the oscillations are, under like conditions, remarkable for their con-
stancy.
46. To ascertain the periodicities obtaining during the “ contest
of colours” * an I B glass and an R glass was held before the eyes with
a perpendicular partition between them touching the nose. An object
in the distance was “ fixed ” and as the field alternated from R to I B,
and from 'I B to R, the oscillations were counted for one colour alone,
as it confused the assistant to record both changes and periodicities.
For example, during one set each time the field became red 5 oscil-
lations were counted, and in the next set each time the field became
indigo 5 oscillations were counted; the glasses for successive sets were
changed about for the two eyes; the data are given in the following
table :—
€
No. of
Remarks. readings| No. of Ave. Average of ave.
each alt. Sets. | Periodicity. Period.
I B light in lt. eyeand R “530
light in rt. eye. 6 a .505 531
Counted for R sensation. 530
| .470
do. |
Counted for I B sensation. .505 493
I B light in right eye and R 515
light in It. eye. 522
Counted for Rsensation. "585
do. .460
.470 =
Counted for I B sensation. 6 4 : 485
*See Helmholtz “ Physiologische Optik,” ete.
24 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
47. From foregoing results average of all periodicities for R sen-
sation equal -526, and for I B sensation equal -489. It will be noted in
the above table that the oscillations for both sensations are quicker when
IB light is in the right eye and R light in the left eye, than when
the glasses are reversed for the two eyes, but whether there is a real
difference in periodicity for the two eyes, or whether this difference is
purely accidental is a matter not yet decided, although the writer
hopes in the near future to settle the question.
48. Some experiments made about this time to determine the
influence on the periodicity of the heart-beat and body temperature,
met with negative results.
49. The results of some experiments to ascertain the relative
periodicities for colours and their complementary after-images are given
in the following table — the coloured plate (used with the Lambert
apparatus par. 22 ) was “ fixed ” for a short time and then two readings
were taken, after these the eyes were closed, light excluded with the
hand, and two readings more were taken.
No. of
Remarks. readings| No. of
in 1 Set Sets. | Average Periodicity.
R (glass) { ae
À f 4 6 (563
G B (after image) if | 622
G B (glass) ' 1 : fous
5) ~—KO
R (after image) | f ae
Y (glass) { { +60
4 5 f 546
I B (after image) { | 576
I B (glass { | { ie
L f 4 5 { .538
Y (after image) 1 1.564
50. It will be noted from the foregoing table that the oscillations
for the G B and I B after-images become at first a little quicker than
the second readings for the R and Y glasses, respectively, but for the
R and Y after-images the oscillations are a little slower than those
given by the second readings for the C B and I B glasses, respectively.
51. The rather slow and relatively irregular periodicities read in
the case of the “fixed” coloured plates was probably caused by the
[TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 25
plates having been “fixed” for a varying time before readings were
made; for instance, with the Y plate it was difficult to obtain a good
after-image without long “ fixation,” whereas the after-image for the
R plate continued for a considerable time, after a comparatively short
fixation of the plate— hence the periodicity, in this experiment, is
slower for Y than for R.
52. The results of the experiments which follow (made from Feb-
ruary to April, 1896) are best seen from the curves, Plates I-V. Sev-
eral new colours besides the ones at first used were employed in these
experiments. Of course, with all the glasses used the light was far
from homogeneous, and the light transmitted by the O, Y and CB
plates, especially, was decidedly mixed; however, the periodicity corres-
ponding to a certain sensation was what was sought and it may be that
the results with these glasses is not very misleading, but without doubt
homogeneous light of known wave-length would have been much more
desirable.
53. In the following sets the Lambert apparatus placed in a
darkened room was used.. The transmitted light alone was used for
simple colours, the reflected light being shut off by a black screen placed
over the hole nearest the observer.
54. Rests, usually of 5 or 10 minutes, were taken between succes-
sive sets. The chronograph (paragraphs 19 and 20) was used in all
the experiments that follow in place of the stop-watch (except where
otherwise stated).
55. The abscissae (on all plates except V) represent seconds from
the time of “fixing” the coloured plates (or other “ backgrounds ”)
and the ordinates represent periodicities obtained by pressing the key
at the end of every 5 oscillations (and dividing the times thus recorded
on the paper strip by 5) from the time of beginning the counting.
Since the periodicities could not be obtained simultaneously, but had
to be deduced from 5 oscillations, the values for periodicities had to be
placed half way between the times of starting and finishing the counting.
The curves were placed on different sections of the same plate to avoid
confusion of overlapping parts. |
56. Plate I represents the curves obtained in this manner in
single sets of readings, whereas Plates II-IV (inclusive) exhibit curves
platted from average results (the nûmber of sets making up the average
being usually ten).
57. The upper curve (1) or Plate I represents the periodicities
for a run taken in the middle of the night (3.50 a.m., April, ’96),
after awakening and before opening the eyes, in a darkened room. It
will be noted that in this case the curve is smoother and the oscilla-
26 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
tions slower than in any of the other cases. Curve (2) was obtained
after spending 16 minutes in darkness, in the middle of the day — it
does not show so great a periodicity and it is not so smooth as curve (1).
The three curves for coloured light are not as smooth as either curve (1)
or curve (2), but they all denote more rapid oscillations. The curves
were obtained by “ fixing!’ respectively, the red, green and indigo
glasses in the daytime and taking observations as already described.
The initial periodicity for indigo is the smallest, then comes green, and
then red. The curves for I B and G overlap considerably during the
remainder of the runs, although the average periodicities of platted
points is in the same order as above (viz.: I. B. 566; G. 586; R. 652).
These curves are not exactly comparable with one another as they were
made on different days. From these three lower curves no conclusions
regarding relative periodicity can well be drawn, and they are here
presented merely to show the nature of curves taken in this way.
58. These curves show that for all sensations (besides the gradual
slowing down of the oscillations) there are somewhat irregular periods
of increasing and decreasing periodicity. Undoubtedly, some of these
changes, especially those where a single point deviates considerably from
a smooth curve, arise from accidental errors in counting, or in press-
ing the key. Since these accidental errors cannot surely be detected
the curves were drawn through all points.
59. In several sets, taken for the purpose, with assistant and stop-
watch, these changes in periodicity were found to be synchronous with
the apparent darkening and brightening up of the object or coloured
glass that was “fixed”: an increase in periodicity corresponding to a
darkening and a diminution of periodicity corresponding to a brighten-
ing up of the “background.” The phenomenon of the alternate dark-
ening and brightening of an object, “fixed” for some time, is well
known.1
60. The curves, Plates IT, III and IV, were obtained in a sim-
ilar manner to those of Plate I; however, these curves represent the
averaga of 10 sets each, more colours were used, and only three or four
readings taken in each set in order to obtain the initial periodicities
for different coloured light and, besides, in the first series (Plate IT:
and Figs. 1 and 2, Plate III) changes were made in the intensity as
well as in the colour of the light. °
61. Plate IT shows the curves for red, green and blue sensations
with three different intensities, viz.: Fig. 1, the intensity of the light
1 See Helmholtz ‘“ Physiologische Optik,’ 2nd Ed., p. 511. With absolutely
steady ‘“ fixation ” the intensity probably gradually (apparently) decreases; but
since it is impossible to absolutely “ fix ” the eyes for many seconds, the bright-
ening up may correspond to slight changes of fixation point.
[TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 27
reflected from pigments placed in a darkened room and illuminated by
an “Auer ” burner; Fig. 2, the intensity of the light transmitted through
the coloured glasses placed in the Lambert apparatus as in Fig. 3, the
intensity of the light from the bright sky (sunshiny days) after trans-
mission through the same coloured glasses. Plate III, Figs. 1 and 2,
show eurves for additional glasses (and for the white reflector without
any glass) used with the Lambert apparatus as in Fig. 2, Plate IT.
62. It will be noted that in all these curves the more refrangible
rays have the smaller, and the less refrangible, the larger initial period-
icities ; whereas white has a periodicity lying part way between that for
G and that for Y.
It will be also noted that with increasing intensity (within the
small limits of these experiments) the periodicity decreases. In all
of these curves there is the usual (initial) rapid slowing down of oscil-
lations observable.
63. Readings in the different sets were, as much as possible, mixed,
in order to make all of these curves comparable with one another.
64. Fig. 3, Plate III, represents the curves for red and indigo
and a mixture of the two (obtained with the Lambert colour mixer).
These curves are not comparable with the others of Plates III and IV
(as they were obtained a long time afterwards and the chronograph
had changed somewhat), but they are comparable with one another as
the sets were thoroughly intermixed.
65. It will be noted that the curve for the mixture lies between
the curves for the simple colours, but (initially) somewhat nearer the
blue—this may be accounted for by the fact that the intensity of a
mixture equals the sum of the intensities of the simple lights making
up the mixture. The shade of this mixture was what is usually called
magenta, i.e., the red predominated a little.
66. The curves, Plate IV, form an independent series of results
obtained with different coloured glasses and the Lambert apparatus.
They are, in general nature the same as curves Fig. 2, Plate I, and
Figs. 1 and 2, Plate III, and they were made, as nearly as possible,
under the same conditions. The only additional curve in the latter
series is N, Fig. 2, Plate IV, which represents the periodicities obtaining
when a dark object is “fixed” (the eyes having just emerged from
moderate daylight). The idea in obtaining this curve was to find the
initial “normal” periodicity, i.e., the periodicity of the oscillations
which continually obtains during moderate daylight (it is probable that
black does not affect the periodicity initially, but allows the oscillations
to become gradually slower). It will be noted that the periodicity
for “normal” (-453) is near that for white (-447).
\
28 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
67. The relative (initial) periodicities for different colours are
‘best seen from the curves platted on Plate V, in which assumed wave-
fiengths (obtained by averaging the data of several authors for colour
and corresponding wave-lengths) are the abscissae, and initial period-
icities of the respective colours, are ordinates. Curve (1) represents
the periodicities obtained from Fig. 2, Plate II, and Figs. 1 and 2,
Plate III, and curve (2) the periodicities obtained from the curves on
Plate IV.
68. These two curves are very similar in form and would almost
coincide if all the ordinates of one were increased, or all those of the
other were decreased, by a certain constant amount. This non-
coincidence is probably due either to variations of the chronograph or
to physiological changes, or both combined. (One week elapsed from
the end of the first series to the beginning of the second).
69. It should be mentioned here that if the reader wishes to
compare results obtained with stop-watch and chronograph, respectively,
he should bear in mind that the initial periodicities in the former case
are usually larger than in the latter, because, with the stop-watch 10
oscillations were counted, with the chronograph only 5, and as the
periodicity rapidly increases during the act of “ fixing,” this will suffi-
ciently account for any apparent discrepancies — it must also be remem-
bered that physiological changes, also, slightly affect the periodicity.
70. The chief results of the foregoing experiments (pertaining
to periodicity) may be briefly summarized as follows :—
Periodicity changes almost certainly with intensity of impinging
light, the act of “ fixing ” and the physiological condition of the eyes —
and probably with the colour of simple and mixed impinging light (after
the manner of curves, Plate V, and curves, Fig. 3, Plate III). The
periodicity is large in darkness, much smaller in light, and larger in
red light than in blue light. The periodicity changes with shade of
coloured light (produced by change of sensation, intensity of light
remaining constant). Periodicity unaffected by heart-beat (within
limits of 50 to 130).
71. It will have been noted in the curves on Plates I-IV that.
the counting of the more refrangible rays commenced sooner than the
counting of the less refrangible rays; this was due to the fact that the
oscillations are more distinct with the I B and G B glasses than with
the Y and R glasses, and can therefore be seen more quickly. To see
what influence this had upon the results a series was taken with R, G,
and IB, in which the counting was begun at practically the same
time (3-1 sees.) after “fixation,” in each case, however, although the
initial periodicities were somewhat closer together than before, the usual
order was preserved (viz.: I B -484; G -492; R -502).
ta
[TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 29
Supplement to paper on A Subjective Phenomenon of Vision.
By W. Rupert TURNBULL, M.E.
June 22nd, 1904.
The more thorough investigation alluded to in the first part of this
paper was carried out at Cornell University, New York State, from
October, 1896, to December, 1896. With a very accurate chronograph
and methods of obtaining pure spectral colours the experiments described
in the foregoing paper were very much extended; but the same general
results were obtained and the work as a whole may be summarized so
is to include both series of experiments.
A further series of experiments carried out in May and June, 1904,
shows that the oscillations are quicker when a near object is “ fixed ”
than when a distant object is “ fixed,” the periodicities in the two cases
being -544 seconds and -595 seconds, respectively.
A summary of the chief phases of the phenomenon in all experi-
ments, from January, 1895, to June, 1904, is as follows:
1. The writer, as a boy, perhaps fifteen years before these experi-
ments were begun, saw in the dark a subjective phenomenon of vision,
consisting of hexagonal figures (see Fig. 1), composed of more or less
distinct “light dust.” These figures oscillated as a whole and then
streamed from the field of vision.
2. From time to time in the following years these figures were
occasionally seen, and in 1895 it occurred to the writer that it would
be interesting to study these figures and their oscillations.
3. The more they were studied the more easily they could be
recalled, until now, with certain conditions of background, they may be
seen at any time, with eyes either open or shut, and the vibrations
may be counted—with open eyes the image appears projected on the
focussed object.
4. The form of the hexagonal figures as first seen and as often
seen in the dark at present remind one very strongly of the illustrations
of the magnified crystalline lens cells.
5. The retinal size of the image when light enters the eyes is
about -183 mm, whereas the size of the Fovea centralis (the point of
accurate vision) is from -18.mm. to :225 mm., therefore the image is
seen only at the point of accurate vision.
6. When light does not enter the eyes the retinal size of the
image is about -47 mm.
7. The amplitude of the vibrations is about one-tenth the size of
the image.
30 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
8. The rapidity of the oscillations is affected by four things,
viz.:—The colour of the light entering the eyes; the intensity of the
light; the distance of the focussed object viewed; and the effort of
maintaining a focus so as to count the oscillations.
9. The blue end of the spectrum gives quicker oscillations than
the red end.
A more intense light (within moderate limits) gives quicker oscil-
lations than a lesser light.
A near object focussed gives quicker oscillations than a distant
object.
And the effort of continuous “ fixing” gives varying oscillations,
now faster, now slower, with a gradual slowing after long continual
effort.
In order to have numerical comparisons the same series alone can
be used and average figures would be about as follows, in times for a
single oscillation (to and fro) :—
IB ire ae eg oe ee ie Ae ee ee about -48 secs.
RÉdMIBHE 2200 iG te ae ee rae etre ee ay ee
Near idarlc object: sty pie he ANSE
Distantidark object eee et OD Oe eas
Eyes exposed to darkness for long time... -700 “
10. Regarding the explanation of this curious phenomenon it is
difficult to be sure, but the one that the writer leans to and considers
the most plausible is this :—
The several layers of the crystalline lens of the eye are in con-
tinuous motions of an oscillatory character, in most persons’ eyes this
motion is so confused that the well known phenomenon called “ light
dust ” is the only thing observed, but in the writer’s eyes, probably on
account of a little extra phosphorescence of the crystalline layers, or on
account of the unusual keenness of vision the oscillations, by long prac-
tice have become so distinct that they may be counted.
With this assumption, that the motions of the crystalline layers
(one or more) are visible to the writer, the variations in the periodicities
are accounted for as follows :—
The oscillations for blue light are quicker than those for red
because the eyes of young people are more sensitive to blue light and
less to red than older people (Langley’s Researches, Trans. Amer. Journ.
Sci., November, 1888), and. consequently the reflex action of the ciliary
muscle acts more strongly in the case of blue light.
Then the oscillations for a near focus are quicker because the lens
is more convex than for a distant object under the control again of the
2
{TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 31
ciliary muscle. And again, in darkness the eye is focussed on infinity
and is consequently most flattened, and here again we have the ciliary
muscle most relaxed and the oscillations the slowest of all. The con-
vexity or flattening of the lens, as the case may be, allowing the crystal-
line cells to move more or less rapidly, respectively.
Rothesay, N.B., Canada
June, 1904.
Historical Review.
125. Although a somewhat careful search has been made through
the available literature, no mention of the phenomenon described in
this paper has yet been found. At the same time there are certain
phenomena which seem to be rather closely allied to this one, and which
I propose here to review.
126. John Purkinje (Beitrage zur Kenutniss des Schens in sub-
jectiver. Hinsicht Prag. 1819) is probably the first to describe, with
any thoroughness, the appearance of “jumping (or springing) light-
points when looking at a bright surface.” Purkinje in distinguishing
this phenomenon from the well known “ mouches volantes,” says, in
Section VII :—“TIf I gaze fixedly upon a large, almost blinding surface
(e.g., upon the evenly-clouded heavens, or close in a candle-flame) there
springs up bright points in a few seconds, repeatedly, in the middle of
the visual field. These points, without altering their position, quickly
disappear again, and leave black points remaining which also quickly
go. If, while the light points are springing up I turn the eyes toward
a very dark place, or close them, the phenomenon continues as before,
only with lessened light, and it seems as if the points were ignited
during the first gaze and then gradually died out.
127. This phenomenon (as appears from the above and from sub-
‘sequent remarks by Purkinje) is undoubtedly different from that seen
by the writer; at the same time the phenomena may be allied, as Pur-
kinje’s image appeared only after some seconds of “ fixation,” and in
the middle of the visual field. However, W. Zehender in describing
this (Purkinje’s) phenomenon recently,! as it appears to him, states
that the bright-points are immediately visible (and without preliminary
“fixing” of a “blinding surface.”). He further states that “the
phenomenon remains the same by opened and by closed eyes, except
that in the latter case it is much less lively. ”
*“ Klinische Monatsblätter f. Augenheilkunde.’” Marz. 1895. The series
of five articles, of which this is the first, contain an excellent review of sub-
jective visual phenomena. (The other articles appear in the April, September,
‘October and November Nos. [1895] of the above magazine.)
32 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
128. The writer can see the phenomenon described by him, under
certain conditions, and, as shown in the curves, Plate I, the oscillations
are quicker in light than in darkness. There, therefore, seems to be
some connection between these phenomena, although there are cer-
tainly decided points of difference, especially with regard to motion.
Not having seen the phenomenon described by Purkinje, I can make no
distinct comparison.
. 129. Such, however, is not the case with the following phenomena,
_ described by Helmholtz,! for the writer has observed this distinctly (as
nearly every one can) and can note no resemblance between it and the
phenomenon described by him. The paragraph in Helmholtz referred
to runs as follows :—%* Bright moving points appear in the visual field
if one intently ‘fixes’ a large, regularly illuminated surface (e.g., the
heavens, or snow fields) especially during vigorous walking or other
exercise. The points spring from different parts of the visual field,
and continue to move quite quickly in very different paths which are,
on the whole, not quite straight. There appears also upon the path
which one point has taken, new points following the same path, etc.”
130. Neither must the phenomenon described in this paper “ as
first seen ” be confounded with the phenomenon described by A. Kônig,?
for the writer has observed the Kôünig-phenomenon several times, and
can note no resemblance. The hexagons, described by Konig as being
visible upon awaking and before opening the eyes in a half-darkened
room, are very much larger than those described (par. 4) and, more-
over they are stationary and fill the whale field of vision.
131. Other phenomena which are probably allied to, but can bear
no very close comparison with the one in question may be mentioned as
follows :—
Vierordt’s phenomenon of tortuous and entwined “ streamings,”
which are visible with intermittent light, and also after the blood has
been driven to the head through stooping (perhaps similar to the stream-
ing off of the bright points in the phenomenon as first observed (par.
8 et seq.). Again, Steinbuch and Purkinje * have observed, with slight
pressure on the eye, rows of flowing spherules. Purkinje observed also,
to right and left of a whitish circle, two vertical light lines in which
the spherules moved, on the right, downwards; on the left, upwards.
132. Among phenomena which are probably more closely related
may be mentioned the following :—
Helmholtz noticed occasionally a flickering, as from small moving
bodies when looking at a wall covered with rough lime and illuminated
1“ Phys. Optik,” § 25, 2nd Edition.
2 Wine bisher noch nicht bekaunte subjective Gesichts erscheinung. ” Graefes
Archiv., Vol. 30 (3), page 329.
8“ Beobachtungen u. Versuche zur Physiologie de Sinne.” Berlin, 1823-25.
“
[TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 838
by a small window placed very obliquely (an arrangement by which
the image seen by the writer is very distinct.)
133. Purkinje,! besides the phenomena already mentioned above,
describes another one in which he saw a different light after rapid out-
door walking in bright sunshine, and after entering suddenly a dark
room. This diffused light he compares to that given off by burning
spirits-of-wine, or to the light in darkness of a coating of phosphorus,
and he further says that close examination revealed that this glittering
mist consisted of innumerable extremely small, irregular light-points,
which move in different lines among one another and, gathering now
in one place and now in another, form indeterminate surfaces.
134. I, myself, have seen a similar phenomenon when gazing in
a snow field, but can note no resemblance between it and the phenom-
enon described in the foregoing paper. However, Purkinje goes on to
say that under certain conditions (one eye open gazing at a bright
surface, and one eye shut) he can again see the points, and they appear
more lively with opened than with closed eyes, which points to a sim-
ilarity in the two phenomena.
135. Zehender (citation, par. 127) seems to have observed the
phenomena of the “bright jumping points,” more easily and more
accurately than any other person known to the writer. He sees them
by night and by day, with closed and with open eyes. He, however,
mentions no regular oscillatory movement in connection with these
points and, although the phenomena observed by him and by the writer
seem to be very similar they cannot be considered identical unless
Zehender did not practise enough to count the oscillations.
136. At the same time Zehender ? mentions another phenomenon
which, in all the literature accessible to the writer, seems to be the
one most closely allied with the one observed by him, although here
again are many differences. The passage runs as follows (after men-
tion of a glittering light noticed as one symptom of a certain disease,
and also by certain persons in health) :—“ From my own experience
I may mention that I can observe with myself a glittering more or less:
lively. Especially is this phenomenon observable by early morning;
soon after awaking, and it is seen by me very often, I might almost:
say daily. In the first place, I see, with closed eyes and after day-
light obtains, an almost black visual field, in which, corresponding to
the direction of sight, there is a bright, pale violet spot with very inde-
terminate toothed limits. This spot undergoes a continuous restless
1“ Beobachtungen u. Versuche,” I 63. A book exceedingly rich in phen-
omena of this nature.
2 (Citation, par. 127.)
Sec. III., 1906. 3
34 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
change of form. In the whole visual field one notices besides—as is
known—a certain restless motion. Afterwards single points appear,
which are quite bright and move spontaneously and which now follow,
no longer a “jumping ” or “ flying,” but somewhat more a to and fro
motion. The points combine, here and there with one another forming
streaks or lines, these increase rapidly and soon form, in place of the
pale violet fixation-region, a lustrous spot, which continually increases.
The immediate surroundings of this spot gradually darken to pure
black ; finally the lustrous spot becomes lost in the black surroundings.”
137. It will be noticed from the above that Zehender describes
the spot as being seen near the “ fixation-region,” and says, that in a
certain phase of the phenomenon, the light points have “somewhat a
more to and fro motion ”— in other respects the phenomenon and that
observed by the writer are very dissimilar, especially with regard to
the violet spot with toothed limits, and the phase in which the spot
increases in size.
138. In Zehender’s last article (Nov. No., citation, par. 127),
we find again some’ points of similarity and some of dissimilarity
between the phenomenon described by him as being due to the pigment
granules illuminated from behind and the phenomenon seen by the
writer; for instance, he says:— According to my own experiments, [
may assert, that the pigment granules are only visible by night, or in
twilight, whereas the circulation of blood is only visible with sufficient
brightness (resp. with blinding illumination) and may repeatedly
assert, that all pigment motion (perhaps only during a short time)
can entirely or nearly cease.”
139. The image that the writer sees is remarkably constant in
its motion, and so far as he has ever observed it has never ceased to
keep up this regular motion. Moreover, although the image is, perhaps,
not quite as distinct in light as in darkness, it is still visible in the
‘writer’s eyes whenever sought, under the proper conditions of back-
ground and illumination. Zehender believes the granules to be too
thickly piled together and to move with too rapid a motion in daylight
to be visible. (The average periodicities observed by the writer are :—
for the middle of the night about -685 secs, and for the middle of
the day about -450 secs.)
140. Zehender believes the most “ favourable relations ” for seeing
the pigment granules obtain where there is a coincidence of psychical
awakening and the hours of night or early dawn, in which the eye and
its pigment apparatus have not yet awakened to a complete activity.”
141. Zehender’s article is too long to be completely reviewed in
this place, suffice to say that here and there passages occur which would
[TURNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION 35
lead one to suppose that the phenomena described by him and the
writer are closely allied, whereas other passages would lead one to
think that if both see the pigment granuies, they act in the different
eyes in a very different manner. Probably the most concise description
of the phases he sees, that correspond at all nearly to the phases seen
by the writer is given in the following paragraph :—
“One sees exceedingly fine, more or less bright lighting points
which are also in continual motion. Some of these finest lighten up
exceedingly bright, others, on the contrary, lighten up weaker, and
in part only with the same pale blue colour as the above mentioned
spot. Some of these points are indeed quite dark and hardly dis-
tinguishable. The motion of these points is not, as in the case with
the circulation, a forward locomotion; it is much more a toothlike to
and fro trembling in short, straight lines ; an emergence and disappear-
ance; occasionally also a short stand-still.
142. The image seen by the writer is so small, and of such a
regular nebulous form and constant motion, that in many respects it
seems incomparable with the phenomenon as above described. The
pale blue colour of some single points lighting up “ exceedingly bright,”
weaker points and dark ones, disappearances and standstills, accord but
poorly with the phenomenon as observed by the writer, and yet in the
to and fro motion there is a similarity that points to both phenomena
being due to the same cause. Perhaps the writer sees the central
part, of Zehender’s phenomenon, and only the central part, but sees
it more clearly than Zehender, for, instead of a “ to and fro trembling,”
the motion has a distinct oscillatory character in my eyes—there is
occasionally a very pale blue background to the image seen by me,
which may correspond to Zehender’s points, which lighten up with a
pale blue colour.
143. A review of the subjective phenomena of vision, in which
the circulation of blood in the capillary vessels of one’s own eye is
thought to be seen, would here be out of place, as in these phenomena
rows of spherules are seen moving, to be sure, but always over the
same paths and in the same direction.
144. The quoting of further references of a similar nature to
those above is unnecessary. Suffice to say, that in all the literature to
which the writer has had access, no mention has been made of either
a hexagonal or a nebular image having a regular oscillatory motion;
consequently, no mention of the constancy (under certain conditions)
of this motion nor mention of the conditions affecting this motion, nor of
the changes it undergoes, and not even any attempt to count the oscil-
ietions of bright points “having a certain to and fro motion,” which
36 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
have been noted by a few writers in describing phenomena, otherwise
quite dissimilar to the phenomenon observed by the writer.
145. In concluding this paper, I wish to thank most heartily those
who have assisted me— more especially — my wife, and Prof. R. W.
Quick, for helping me many times with the stop-watch experiments,
Dr. McIntosh, for his careful examination of my eyes! and Prof. E. L.
Nicois, for kindly reading and criticizing the manuscript.
Rothesay, N.B., Canada.
? My eyes were found to be, in every way, normal, and in respect of colour-
fields and acuteness of vision, somewhat above the average.
[ruRNBULL] A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION Trans. R. S. C., Sec. III., 1906.
| 1
Secs i
‘80
75
‘70
a
uo
a
©
Periodicities
a
a]
PLATE |
50 x Curve in middle of night (1)
. ¥ after 16 mins.in darkness (2)
© i for Red. glass R
xX on » Green , . (dottedline) G
® ” , Indigo JB
45
/
/
G+
40
1B. sy fh
: 3 ; | : 1 : , Seconds from time of. fixing . : ‘ : : ‘ : : : :
5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 95 100 105
[rurnBvLt]
À
uO
Periodicities
“40
‘60
u
Oo
Ga
o
Periodicities
45
A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION
PLATE IIx rea
/ © Indigo
R
Fig. 2
Seconds from time of fixing”
10 15 20 25
III
Seconds from time of fixing”
10 15 20 25
Fig. 3
20
Fig. 3
20
Trans. R. S. C., Sec. IIL., 1906.
25
en
[TURNBULL]
A SUBJECTIVE PHENOMENON OF VISION.
Trans. R. S. C., Sec. IIL., 1906
R Red x O Orange, x F Y Yellow x
G Green : ñ N Normal. . 1 W White - ©
Secs. 1B Indigu © Fi 8. 2 GB Greenish Blue © 18. 3
60 : 60 60
Ww
‘55 55 55 © : ve
0
v (0)
2
i)
500 50 50
fo}
a
v
o
+ 45 45 45 0)
40 40 - ¥4 40
: Seconds from time. of fixing” :
10 15 20 5 10 15 20 5 10 15 20
Secs ‘
50 PLATE. V
Assumed values of A for glasses
R 684
O 612 pees
48 Ne 67,
Gi Set
GB 497
IB 445
m]
46 %
ù 4 a
5 a VAG Values of Periodicities
44 ia Gee AN R O Y G GB IB
GES
a < a + Curve |. -456 -462 -448 -438 -426 -430
RES X Curve 2. 478 482-458 -448 -440 -438
1B, “GB
42
: Wave lengths of light :
49 400 (ie 500 600 700
cp
Section III., 1906. [37] Trans. R.S. C.
I11.—On the Conservation of Nitrogen in Manure.
By THoMAs MACFARLANE.
Read May 23, 1906.
On two former occasions * | addressed this section on the loss of sub-
stances useful as plant food, and more especially of nitrogen, during the
handling and storing of manure. I pointed out that the estimate
usually made of the value of the fertilizing substances, obtainable from
dwellers in cities, of $2.00 per year and person was altogether too high;
that enormous losses took place in the collecting and handling of the
manure, Owing principally to the escape of nitrogen in one form or
another. It was demonstrated also that this loss took place in spite
of the application of substances or acid mixtures ordinarily supposed
to be capable of retaining ammonia. ‘These experiments of mine which
were begun with the view of deodorising human refuse by means of moss
litter, although perfectly successful in that direction and shewing how
rapidly the water in the resulting moss manure could be eliminated, ali
ended as failures so far as the retention of the nitrogen was concerned.
Nevertheless I decided to continue the experiments in order if possible
to produce a dry and concentrated moss manure without sacrificing any
of its most valuable fertilizing constituent, nitrogen. In these trials
the material experimented upon was exclusively urine, because of the
large amount of nitrogen which its solids contain, and because of the
difficulty heretofore experienced in retaining it in natural manures of
of every description.
I. In order to ascertain whether the recovery of all the nitrogen
was possible, by the use of acid and artificial heat, a trial was made in
which I made use of the cylindrical wire basket mentioned in my paper
of June 1904. Its height was 8 and diameter 6 inches with 3-8 inch
meshes, but it was modified by introducing in the centre a small wire
cylinder, 6 inches high and two in diameter, through which it became
possible to pass a current of heated air and so facilitate evaporation.
The moss used in the experiment occupied the space surrounding the
internal cylinder which formed a circle 6 inches deep and two inches
thick with an outside circumference of about 18 inches. The moss used
was a mixture of that from the bog near Caledonia Springs, and thai
from the Welland marsh. It was saturated with urine to which had
been added an admixture of oil of vitriol sufficient to fix the whole of
the nitrogen if it happened to be converted into ammonia. The drying
was effected by means of the products of combustion from! a small gas
*Transactions of the Royal Societyof Canada, Vol. VIII., p. 87; Vol. X.
p. 61
38 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
flame which were carried up and through the small internal cylinder.
As the drying progressed more of the liquid mixture was added to and
absorbed by the moss. Occasionally the contents of the moss space were
taken out mixed and then replaced and the trial continued. It lasted
about three weeks during which time 7364 grammes of urine were used.
The following shews the materials used with their nitrogen contents :—
Grammes Nitrogen
262 grammes Caledonia Moss with 3.02 per cent N. .. .. 1.91
150 grammes Welland Moss with 1.56 per cent N. .. .. .. 2.34
1364 grammes Urine with 0.82 per cent N............. 60:38
7o0 grammes, Oih of Vatriol, diluted: een
Oba. er SN ie Modesty ope tin 9 ele te Rand cane ROG
Towards the end of the experiment there was considerable blacken-
ing of the moss, and some lumps were found at the bottom of the wire
basket. ‘The product was thoroughly well mixed, sampled and analysed
for its fertilizing constitutents with the following result :—
Per cent.
INT ETOS eM. ss ely: DEN AE Sr rat RU er Ge
Total Phosphoric acs bats "eat JAN Se. oye Stee uel ES
Potash, KO EE er ages ke: BREEAM Re nen RE AC ED)
Moisture We ah ee Les Ue ais be SPER Ae er
Te) GUST aan are ER Mn ER A EE RE RE AO)
It weighed in all 1015 grammes and contained 71.76 grammes
nitrogen; thus shewing a complete retention of that element.
II. In order to ascertain how much nitrogen the acid added in the
foregoing experiment was capable of retaining by this method of treat-
ment the product of experiment I was further treated in an earthware
basin with fresh urine but without additional acid. The basin was very
gently heated so that the temperature of its contents seldom exceeded
80°C. ‘I'he urine was added gradually 6271 grammes being used
which contained on the average of five determinations 0.82 per cent
nitrogen. ‘The product was dried as well as possible, and, like the others
described in this paper, was analysed by Miss S. E. Wright, this time in
duplicate, yielding the following results :—
1 2
Nitfrosen kaye 3 on toes 8.76 per cent.
Total Hu aa P, 0, Seite ky LO 1.92 per cent.
Potash KO EPS A TRE EE PATATE 1.68 per cent.
Moistare me NN EN REG 4.72 per cent.
ASD: vou we LE. RE ET LOIS PE Ss > percent
CONSERVATION OF NITROGEN IN MANURE 39
[MACFARLANE]
®
Tal « 4
RTE D PEER a
ÉÈ lisses Ep Si
sr et Seeks '
I er eee eo
NS ‘
VLILZELZLILLZLLLLLLLL
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Ri ASST
G
By
À
mt
Leo mame @ ce — h!
40 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
‘he product weighed 1209 grammes and at 8.79 per cent of nitro-
gen contained 106.27 grammes of that element. The 250 grammes of
vitriol used were capable of retaining only 71 grammes of nitrogen as
ammonia. ‘lhe total nitrogen in 13635 grammes urine used amounted
to 111.8 grammes; consequently some of it must have been retained in
the condition of urea or of its sulphate.
From these experiments it is plain that a complete recovery of the
nitrogen in urea is quite possible if a certain quantity of acid is usel
and the water is expelled gradually by artificial heat. The following
experiment performed in an ordinary porcelain capsule furnishes addi-
tional proof of this :—
III. 50 grammes of Welland Moss were moistened with a mixture
of 50 grammes oil of vitriol and 132 water. The addition of the
dilute acid left the moss comparatively dry, nor, on the further addition
of 160 grammes urine, was there any unabsorbed liquid on the bottom
of the capsule. The whole was then kept at a waterbath heat of 70°C
and urine added little by little, until its quantity amounted to 1082
grammes. The drying was continued until the product was fit for
sampling when it weighed 178 grammes, and analysed as follows :—
IFotal mitrosent ete EN cide hierar 5.49 per cent.
Nitrogen as free and pane ammonia .. .. 11H percent.
otal phosphoric acid 40.4 sees ss tele ne 3.84 per cent.
POtAS aie ie Pies TE de he Re = Wks SP te a 8.50 per cent.
AB las nie sey Een pe eit acl, is. Paes PSN ee omen acelin
Moisture (ise RO aint INR oa emperscentts
The materials used in this experiment were :—
Grammes Nitrogen
50 grammes Oil of Vitriol.. Wath
50 grammes of Welland Moss with 1. 56 per a N. 0.78
1082 grammes Urine with 0.83 per cent N.. .. .. .. 8.98
DOtialll pose, lee NA ley cern vee etal mie PRES nce) tie elvan es 9.76
‘The product weighing 178 grammes contained 5.49 per cent nitro-
gen or 9.77 grammes which accounted for the nitrogen used. Only 20.9
per cent of the latter was present as free and combined ammonia from
which it appears that the acid combines with some of the urea and pre-
vents its decomposition.
Having ascertained that the use of sulphuric acid and artificial heat
were completely effective in retaining the nitrogen of urine, it became
[MACFARLANE] CONSERVATION OF NITROGEN IN MANURE 41
necessary to make trials towards the same end but allowing the water
to evaporate spontaneously. Half a dozen of these were made with such
indifferent results as to render their description a most ungrateful task.
Still the duty of recording has to be performed, in order that others may
be saved from making abortive experiments. ‘The following are selected
as suflicient for the purpose.
IV. Inaround graniteware dish 200 grammes Welland Moss were
treated with successive portions of a mixture of urine and sulphuric acid.
from the 23rd April till the 5th Sept., 1904. Hach addition of urine
with its proportion of acid was only made after the one preceding it had
evaporated and left the moss in a comparatively dry condition. The
materials used consistea of :—
Grammes Nitrogen
200 grammes Moss litter with 1.56 per cent N .. 3.12
2493 grammes Urine with 0.82 per cent N. .. .. 28.64
106 grammes Oil of Vitriol .. ...
OS AR AN Den Men La 31.76
The product weighed 505 grammes and contained 3.91 per cent
nitrogen or 21.31 grammes, shewing a defficiency of 10.45 grammes
or 23.9 per cent. A second sampling was done and the nitrogen again
determined including that of any nitric acid that might have been
formed. In this case the total nitrogen in the product amounted to
21.87 grammes shewing about the same deficiency. his loss took place
even with the use of a fully sufticient quantity of sulphuric acid to fix
the ammonia corresponding to the original nitrogen.
In the preceding experiment the spontaneous evaporation was
allowed to proceed so far as to leave the moss comparatively dry previous
to each new addition of liquid. ‘The following trials V & VI were per-
formed in such a manner as to keep the moss always saturated with
liquid. The following is a statement of the nitrogen used and re-
covered :—
Materials Used (V)
Grammes Nitrogen
344 grammes Moss with 1.56 per cent N........ 5.36
6500 grammes Urine with 0.82 per cent N... .. .. 53.30
115 grammes Oil of vitriol
RAR EN CAN RE Lies 2.018866
42 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Product
1510 grammes of 2.94 per cent N. as organic nitrogen
and AmMMONIA CAE MANN PNR RE EU CANON 38.01
11088 84/99)" MET Cents MEN ARC ee RTE 20.15
Moaterialiused asvaboves(Vjio Mewes ese 58.66
1310 grammes product at 3. 01 3 per = teen N. lat AE
thatiom NitricEACIdAIREEMEM MERE EME RER 39.43
ose BONIS MOE CON AE ES Sap, toa ey Seay ae 19.23
Materials Used (VI)
200 grammes Moss with 1.56 per cent N. .. .. .. 3.12
3500 grammes Urine with 0.82 per cent N. .. .. .. 28.70
Vota e Re SR ale pels kk EL SEE D
Product
590 grammes at 3.64 per cent organic and ammonia-
Cal MiCrogen, BY RELEASES
0888220 per COnLE Pr ee eee cree eee 10.34
Materials used as above (VI) . Ge 31.8?
590 grammes product at 3.86 infeludiny tliat of Nie 1-
brie AC CORRE AN RS VE ORAN RE henge 22.77
HOSS Re TE percent 1k ee sole ota ois oie! versione Wcleb eae er 9.05
These latter experiments furnish sufficient proof that in the spon-
taneous evaporation of urine and the decomposition of its urea all the
nitrogen is not eliminated in the form of ammonia otherwise it would
have been retained by the large amount of acid used. Very likely the
acid would be more effective if applied during the ordinary fermenta-
tion of urine and in the presence of sufficient water. But the object of
these experiments is to ascertain how the nitrogen of urine is to be se-
cured under the ordinary system of treating manure with excessive ex-
posure to the atmosphere. It has to be confessed that the problem is
[MACFARLANE] CONSERVATION OF NITROGEN IN MANURE 43
yet unsolved, but nevertheless the experiments will be continued in the
hope of ultimately attaining success.
So far as regards the trials which have been made to effect the con-
version of ordinary excreta into an inoffensive product, which was the
chief object in beginning this investigation I am glad to be able to state
that they continue to give the most satisfactory results. The most
recent arrangement which has come into practice for this purpose is
given in the drawing which accompanies this paper.
Section III., 1906. [48] Trans. Re S.C.
IV.—On the Metaliic Currency of the British Empire.
By THoMas MACFARLANE.
(Read May 23rd, 1906.)
The erection of a new branch of the Royal Mint in Ottawa is an
event which suggests enquiry regarding the coins which are to be
manufactured there, the relations they should bear to the coinage of
other parts of the Empire and whether there is any possibility of intro-
ducing some degree of uniformity among the various systems of metallic
currency now in use in His Majesty’s dominions.
In Canada there circulate at present no gold coins peculiar to the
country. These have yet to be designed and manufactured, and this
was understood to be one of the objects of the Ottawa Mint. The gold
of the Klondike was to be used there instead of finding its way to the
United States. Similarly, it was supposed that the silver ores of British
Columbia and Ontario would ultimately come to be treated inside of the
Dominion, and the resulting metal coined at Ottawa. More recently the
question has been raised as to whether some of the subsidiary coins
should not be made of pure nickel instead of silver or copper, and
whether Canada should not in this respect follow the example already
given by France, Switzerland, Italy, Austria and Hungary.
The Swiss Confederation was the first country in the world to in-
troduce pure nickel coinage. Their first issue of 20 centime pieces
(4 cents), bears the date of 1883. In 1890, Austria-Hungary followed
the example of Switzerland and put in circulation four pure nickel coins.
Italy was the next country to adopt nickel for coinage by a bill passed
on the 13th February, 1902, authorizing the Royal Mint to coin a 25
centesimi (5 cents) pure nickel piece, and the coins were struck off in
1905. For France a bill was passed in 1903 authorizing the issue of ten
millions pure nickel 25 centime (5 cents) pieces which have since gone
into circulation.
Moreover, it was announced in Paris in April, 1905, that 56 mil-
lions francs worth of copper coin would be retired from circulation at
the end of the same year and replaced with nickel as the result of the
declaration by eminent medical experts that copper money is an active
agent for the spread of many diseases. It has also been stated that the
Government of India is now considering the advisability of using nickel
as a coinage metal.
There are, however, special reasons why Canada should have a pure
mickel coinage. The province of Ontrio is the largest producer in the
46 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
world of this metal and to bring the crude product into the pure state
necessary for coinage would require additional industrial establishments.
Among the advantages of pure nickel for coinage may be mentioned its
greater resistance to wear, so that the imprint lasts much longer than
with silver and copper alloy coins. Besides, they are attracted by a
magnet, so that it is impossible to counterfeit them successfully with any
cheap white alloy. Pure nickel coins also maintain their bright attrac-
tive colour and appearance, and show none of the objectionable tarnish-
ing which is observable on alloy coins containing much copper. Lastly,
more powerful presses are required to make nickel coins than for those
of nickel alloy, which makes secrecy in counterfeiting the former prac-
tically impossible.
Another application of nickel in coinage is as a substitute for the
small quantity of copper, with which the more precious metals are al-
loyed, in the coins of high value. Pure gold and silver are too soft to
stand the tear and wear of circulation and for that reason are usually
combined with a small proportion of a harder and less valuable metal.
Copper is the baser metal thus employed, but it is excelled in hardness
by nickel and no doubt the latter, if alloyed with the gold and silver
would be much more effective in preventing their loss by abrasion.
The consideration that the use of pure nickel as a coinage metal
would encourage the mining for and production of that metal in Canada
has its application also in the case of silver. If more of it were used for
coinage its present absurdly low price would improve. Indeed, silver
has been very ungenerously treated in the past. Its abolition as
a standard, side by side with gold, was no doubt perfectly reasonable, but
its treatment in other respects is not easily justified. It has been com-
pelled to pay not only for its own coinage but for that of gold as well.
Moreover the disproportion between the nominal and the real value of
silver coin has been allowed to increase to such an extent as to offer a
great temptation to the counterfeiter. The profit made in using it for
metallic currency has been so great that some of the self-governing
colonies have made efforts to obtain a share of the advantage. Canada
has succeeded in so doing, but the profit on the Australian coinage still
accrues to Great Britain. All the silver coins of Canada are manufac-
tured at the Royal Mint in London, but the agents of the Dominion
purchase the metal for these in the open market at the prevailing low
price, and transmit it to the Mint whose authorities only charge three
per cent on the face value of the resulting coins for manufacturing them.
At the same time it has to be confessed that although a profit of more
than one hundred per cent is made in these operations, Canada makes
no provision for purchasing abraded coin at its nominal value and with-
ra
[MACFARLANE] METALLIC CURRENCY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE 4.7
drawing it from circulation. ‘The duty thus neglected is carefully per-
formed both by the United Kingdom and Australia, but in Canada there
are frequently to be seen in circulation coins on which the figures of the
year and value are illegible. A ten cent piece of this description was
found to weigh only 2.013 grammes. The standard weight of this
denomination is 2.324 grammes, so that the piece referred to had lost
13.38 per cent of its weight by abrasion. 25 cent pieces may frequently
be found in our currency with the year and value figures worn off. One
of these I found to weigh 5.394 grammes instead of 5.809, which is equal
to a loss in the standard silver of 7.14 per cent. The “ Mint remedy ”
or allowance for variation from the standard on such silver coins in the
Kingdom is only 0.85 per cent; in India it is 2 per cent, and therefore
the tendering of such worn silver coins as are now in circulation in
Canada must be entirely illegal.
With regard to the ratio between the value of silver and gold, when
used for coinage, which has been adopted for Canada, it is the same as
for England and the self-governing colonies, but it may be here pointed
out that two such ratios are in actual existence within British Territory,
one for India and another for the rest of the Empire. It is tolerably well
known that the India rupee, and the English florin contain very nearly
the same weight of fine silver, although the former is only worth one
shilling and four pence, while the latter has a face value of two shillings
sterling. To be precise, the rupee contains 165 grains of pure silver or
weighs, with the added baser metal, 180 grains, the fineness being 916.66
per 1000. The florin weighs 174.55 grains of standard silver of the
fineness of 925 to the 1000 and consequently contains 161.46 grains of
pure silver, or 3.54 grains less than the rupee. Evidently, the value of
the silver in the rupee to that of gold must be at least 50 per cent more
than in the case of the florin. English silver is coined at the rate of
66 shillings to the old pound-weight Troy or 66 pence per ounce of
standard silver, while the market value of the latter at the present time
is only about two shillings and sixpence. Since standard gold is worth
£3.17.101% or 934.5 peñce per ounce it follows that the value ratio of
silver to gold in English coins is as 14.16 is to 1. This has been the
ratio in use for over 90 years, no change having taken place, in spite
of the tremendous fall in price of silver during the last thirty-five years.
Fifteen Indian rupees have a legal value of one sovereign, and
consequently the latter is equal to (180 grains X 15) 2700 grains of
standard silver, and that price is equal to a ratio of gold to silver of 1 to
21.9. This ratio was legally established in India in 1893 and differs
greatly from that in use elsewhere in the British Empire.
48 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The present seems a very convenient time for endeavouring to put
an end to the anomaly of having two ratios eo-existent in the British
Empire, and from a Canadian point of view there is much to be said in
favour of adopting the Indian ratio in the new Mint. This change
would tend to lappreciate the value of silver, and bring the intrinsic
value of the coins considerably closer to their face value. In the United
Kingdom and its Colonies the difference between the real and nominal
value of the coins is too great. For instance a 50 cent piece in Canada
contains silver to the value of about 23 cents. The inducements to
counterfeiters are very tempting and the difficulty of detecting counterfeit
coins made of the same fineness as standard silver is very great. Indeed
there can be no certainty that all the silver coin now in circulation is
genuine. On this point Mr. Probyn (Proceedings of the Royal Colonial
Institute; Vol. XXI, p. 123) says:—“ It is however possible to fix the
“nominal gold rate of silver too high. Thus an inducement to the
“ fabrication of illicit coins of precisely the same intrinsic value is held
“out; coins which it must be very difficult to distinguish from lawful
“coins, and this state of things has been brought about in England
“owing to the fall of the gold price of silver. We have lately seen
“reports in the press of the manufacture of illicit good silver coins, in
“one instance it being stated that, to avoid detection, the manu-
“facture was being carried on on the high seas; and in other countries
“as well, where the profit is not so great though the opportunity of
“ getting the coins into circulation is better, we hear of the same thing.
“ It appears therefore probable that, if the gold price of silver remains
“as at present, the law will have to be amended, in view to the nominal
“ gold rate of silver in our currency silver being lowered, and the silver
“coins being made more valuable.” From this quotation it is evident
that if there are no “ illicit good ” silver coins circulating in Canada, the
people are indebted, not to the wisdom of their rulers, but to the vigi-
lance of their detective organizations. Such vigilance does not appear
to exist or to be effective in the United States, where there are said to
be large quantities of the pure counterfeits in circulation. It is of
course quite possible that a great deal of the American silver circulating
in Canada may be of the same ilPicit description. It has to be con-
sidered that Mr. Probyn’s paper was written in 1890 when the price of
standard silver was about 45 pence. The danger referred to is of course
much greater now that the price is about two shillings and sixpence.
The branch Mints in Australia manufacture only gold sovereigns
for use there and largely for export to other parts of the world. The
silver currency is all coined in London, and the Commonwealth authori-
ties pay for it at the face value, but the obligation to purchase and
l 2
[MACFARLANE] METALLIC CURRENCY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE 49
remint abraded coin rests upon the Royal Mint. The Australian Mints
acting as agents of the Imperial government receive worn silver coin
from the banks at its nominal value. The worn coin is melted by the
Australian Mints and shipped to London in ingots, the Imperial govern-
ment paying all expenses for delivery at the Royal Mint, London, and
also bearing the loss on recoinage. This arrangement does not seem to
have been entirely satisfactory to the Commonwealth, and its government
made an effort to obtain some of the profit of coining which they sup-
posed to be very large. In June, 1901, the House of Representatives
appointed a select committee “to enquire into and report upon the
“ desirableness and expediency of the Commonwealth coining gold, silver
“and copper coins, and adopting a decimal system of coinage.” The
Committee reported in April, 1902, and among other opinions, expressed
the following :—“ Since 1873 the seigniorage on the silver coinage has
“steadily increased till it now amounts to over 130 per cent on the cost
“of the silver. Upon silver bullion costing £733.013 purchased by the
“ Royal Mint in 1900, the profit in coining was £974.519 or 133 per cent.
“On the bronze coin operations for the same year a profit of £119.042
“is shown. In the opinion of the Committee no reason exists why the
. “Commonwealth should not receive this seigniorage on the amount of
“the token coinage it requires, accepting the corresponding liability of
“restoring the worn coin of its currency from time to time. To secure
“this a special token coinage not current outside the limits of the Com-
“monwealth is preferable, and the opportunity should be availed of to
“make that coinage a decimal one.” The report was adopted in June,
1903, by the House of Representatives on the following motion :—Thai
in the opinion of the House, the necessary legislation should be intro-
duced to give effect to the recommendations contained in the report of a
Select Committee on Commonwealth coinage and currency.
Previous to any further steps in the direction of legislation or exe-
cutive action, the Report was submitted to various authorities, chambers
of commerce, public bodies, and employers unions in the Commonwealth
for an expression of their opinions. There were over seventy of these
consulted, most of whom sent replies. About one half were in favour of
delay or no change for the present, and the other half were for imme-
diately decimalising the currency. It does not appear that since Decem-
ber, 1904, any further action has been taken to obtain a new arrangement
with the authorities of the Royal Mint regarding silver coinage for
Australia. Of course many of the reasons above given for adopting pure
nickel as a metal for the subsidiary coins of Canada apply also to the
smailer coins used in Australia, England and other parts of the Empire.
Sec. III., 1906. 4
50 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The adoption of such can, however, scarcely be advocated without at the
same time discussing the possibility of inventing an Imperial Coinage.
The system of decimal coinage recommended by the Australian
Committee was the adoption of the sovereign as the standard of value,
and the division of the florin into 100 parts to be called cents. If
carried into actual practice it would simply add another to the many dis-
cordant systems of metallic currency now existing within the Empire,
and result in making uniformity in Imperial Coinage quite unattainable.
It did not form any part of the instructions to the Committee to con-
sider the possibility of establishing such uniformity, but they paid some
attention to the prospects of currency reform in Great Britain, and to
the probable direction of that reform. Many of the witnesses and
authorities consulted by the Committee tempered their advocacy of
the decimal system by a recommendation to-await the action of Great
Britain. The committee, however, ascertained that the Lords Com-
missioners of the Treasury are of opinion that “the difficulties con-
“nected with any change of our coinage system are so great that there
“is no likelihood that the question will engage the attention of His
“ Majesty’s Government in a practical way.”
The difficulties just referred to, regarding the coinage of the
United Kingdom, will of course also be met with in any attempt to invent
a metallic currency for the Empire. It is quite possible, however, that
they have been exaggerated, and many of them appear to have their origin
in a predetermination in every event to retain the British sovereign.
That coin was also the object of the Australian committee’s solicitude
when it declared that “from the reports of similar inquiries in Great
“ Britain as well as from the evidence of competent witnesses it would
“seem that the retention of the sovereign as the standard of value is
“the only basis upon which a decimal coinage proposal would find favour
“in that country.” Possibly, however, the abandonment of the poor
man’s penny might be just as unpopular as the abolition of the rich
man’s sovereign, and adopting the penny and half-penny system de-
cimally would compel the alteration of the sovereign. Much informa-
tion on this subject is contained in the Australian report already quoted
from.’ Two additional essays concerning Imperial coinage also deserve
study; the one by Mr. Probyn already mentioned, and the other entitled
“ An Imperial Coinage”? by Filelis (Arch. McGoun, K.C., Montreal.)
Mr. Probyn shews very clearly that “ there is a great diversity, not
“merely of system but of details in the same system, throughout the
1 Report on Coinage: D4.— F. 8797. Robt.S. S. Brain, Government Printer,
Melbourne; also, No. 62 F, 13542 and No. 60 F, 13135.
2The Commonwealth 1901, p. 202.
{MACFARLANE] METALLIC CURRENCY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE 51
“ Empire,” and mentions the suggestion “that our new double florin
“should be treated as a dollar, and that it might become the dollar of the
“ Empire.” He does not, however, elaborate any new plan of introduc-
ing uniformity. On the other hand, Filelis adopts the following pro-
positions and works them out in detail :—
1. The unit for an Imperial Coinage must be the pound sterling.
2. An Imperial Coinage must be sub-divided-on the decimal
system. |
This is essentially the same plan as recommended by the Australian
Committee. In Filelis system ‘the chief coin of account, would be the
one which would pass current for the tenth part of a pound. Such a
coin the United Kingdom already possesses in the two shilling piece or
florin, and its retention is proposed. “The next ‘coin of account’
“would be about two and a half pence, or very nearly the same as our
“five cent piece, and it might be called a groat, as the four-penny groat
“has passed out of use. The smallest coin of account would be the
“ 1000th of a pound, and would approximate very closely in value to the
“present English farthing, the name and place of which it might very
“appropriately take.”
This system excludes dollars and cents, substituting in fact, florins
and farthings for them, and no effort is made to harmonise it with the
currency of Canada or of the United States. The problem is, however,
one that cannot be solved by inventing asystem of coinage theoretically
perfect. The question is rather how uniformity can be introduced, a
decimal system estabished, and the present coins utilised, with the fewest
possible changes, and in the easiest possible manner. It seems possible
to maintain that this can best be done by adopting as the unit the double
florin mentioned by Mr. Probyn, or the Canadian dollar, which is the
same as that of the United States. In gold the United States dollar
has a legal weight of 25.8 grains (Fineness 900), which corresponds
closely to the 25.68 grains (Fineness 916.66) of the Newfoundland gold
dollar. In fine gold these coins contain respectively 23.22 and 23.54
grains, so that, as Mr. Probyn says, “ It will be seen that the Newfound-
“ Jand dollar is worth a trifle more than the Canadian dollar.” There
are other parts of the Empire where a dollar of nearly the same value
as the Canadian dollar is in use, and therefore some ground for inquiring
as to whether this coin would not be the best unit for an Imperial coin-
age, and most easily introduced as such.
The chief and almost the only alteration necessary for establishing
uniformity and utilizing by far the greatest number of the coins now
current within the Empire is to add a little more gold to the sovereign,
making it nearly equivalent to the old English guinea, and equal to $5.00
52 ROYAL SOCIETY OF UANADA
in Canadian curreney and to the $5.00 gold piece of the United States.
The latter contains 116.1 grains fine gold, and the sovereign only 113.
This difference of 3.1 grains when added would raise the value of the
sovereign so as to make 20/ equal to $5.00 and the dollar equal to
4/. This sovereign or rather guinea would not, however, answer well as
a coin of account in a decimal system and it would be necessary to use a
two guinea denomination for this purpose, inventing a coin say a double
guinea, an “ Empress” or an “ Edward” to represent it. The old
guinea having gone entirely out of use, it would seem possible to utilise
the term for a coin equivalent to $5.00. In this way the name
sovereign or pound would continue to be used for expressing its present
value, so long as necessary and until such time as it might be abandoned
without inconvenience.
There is no doubt that there exists almost everywhere a great bulk
of opinion in favour of the retention of the sovereign. This is owing to
its being known all over the world as containing an invariable weight of
pure gold. The banks prefer it as something they can rely upon—an
absolute standard. Sometimes bars consisting of perfectly pure gold are
used for effecting exchanges between England and the United States, but
sovereigns are frequently preferred to gold bars because they require no
further melting and assay, are accepted at a fixed price, and constitute
the most convenient form in which to export gold. Very large quanti-
ties are shipped from Sydney to San Francisco, and there are taken ta
the mint immediately on arrival to be remelted and recoined as required
by law. Mr. Von Arnheim, Deputy Master of the Sydney Branch of the
Royal Mint, states that “in one year we lost nearly 7,000,000 good sove-
“reigns in that way; we lost the labour of melting them.” Quite
frequently large parcels of new sovereigns arriving in London have been
sold to bullionists at a premium to be remelted and reshipped to the
continent in the form of bars. In fact, the Royal Mint undertakes to
perform gratis the inspection and assaying of the gold required not only
in the Empire, but for all the rest of the world. All this shews that the
sovereign is simply valued as containing a certain amount of gold, and
that if new coins were issued by the Royal Mint of the same fineness in
pure gold as the sovereign, they would be valued according to their in-
creased weight and rapidly acquire as good a reputation. If the new
guinea pieces were coined as above proposed the various British coins
would have the following number of half-pence or cents :—
GOLD PIECES No. of
cents.
Two Guinea piece = One “Empress” or “Edward” — 1000.
GUINEA ALES AS cle UE AE PAR ER poh: Dich was ele 500.
FHalfiatGuinea ile es en RE AR SRE ER 250.
{MACFARLANE] METALLIC CURRENCY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE 53
SILVER. No. of
cents.
OO ae tres vela ine fay escent le PORN laieuine lel tore 125.
Moublestonmaior dollar —#t4/#00 LR OR CEE ne 100.
ie Cr = OS te 62.5
Opin Hal Dollar-— 12/0010 Me vejes (eis 50):
DEC RE LME e's) les helene Jen dels 52
SOUNTeS=-MQUALIERIAOIAT COMM cc sees joel ee ole 25,
SNDEN COR een elec oescele estate 1225
EEO ite CPM =e don cies bere, red sheet Jon ue altie Lait Vois 8.0
DDC CRE ee ne Les cist fe elles hae. /evai ayes dave! os si listes ote 6.
COPPER PIECES.
Penny — One Anna — One sixteenth Rupee. 2.0
Half Penny, copper or cent.. .. .. . 1.0
Farthing = One pice (Indian).. .. 0.5
MURS CET Gite eee ste. 0 Pe) Wy Sue) ie Mire le Née Neve 0.33
Gentime..u:. 50/12. 0.20
Pie (Indian)... .. 0.16
ETES LR TER NE 0.10
Mauritius quarter Gent). .).2 =.) ss - -. «- 0.08
It will be seen that in this list of British coins there are none to
represent 10 cents and 5 cents, and if the latter were made as suggested,
of pure malleable metallic nickel, the list of essentially Imperial coins
would stand as follows :—
GOLD PIECES. Value in
cents.
Double Guinea, “Empress” or “Edward”.. .. .. 1000.
SUMED ONE we POUR) AM al) oe Vision tees) eh ees dois, vate lele wes 500.
BENIN CG UELTU CLR 10 MOT CLS RE DRE MST PIRE EE lata: Sete” ie! Mare 250.
Doro DoubIerorints. EL EU RL TE 100.
SILVER PIECES.
IAM hel.5 5, lo8t46br val BoM CO ct TORE eects Steed LIfe DAT ARR NE PER AS 50.
LESTE e + SH 00 ! 8 EU ON OCOD EN METRE RP aL RER 32.
CO EEE RE ee dec ee (stan (asatsalop Ghie Vi GREAT das inl ole 25.
Dimeromtivespence pieces. thon ais) US. oie 10.
NICKEL PIECES.
Nickel ormtwopence halfipenny.: "212. Hit, (ee els 5.
PE GIITEVAROTIPAUINIE Re it cleric.” osduatllieme lies se le 2.
Cent; Half penny, Or COPDET. 26 26 ee ws we ae ee ALA
BRONZE PIECES.
Farininesonmpice tndian) 242. eke ey eel sis) [ow sis, well. os 0.5
Accounts in England and the Colonies of Australia and South
Africa could be put on a decimal basis by regarding the double guinea
as the unit instead of the pound, and it would be an easy matter to re
54 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
member that one “ Empress ” equals two guineas. In Canada the unit of
account would be as heretofore the dollar, and it would be easy to remem-
ber that one double guinea or Emperor ‘equals $10.00. Instead, there-
fore, of the principles advocated by Filelis, the following seem to be
preferable :—
1. The units for a common Coinage should be, as preferred in different
parts of the Empire, either the ‘“ Empress” equal to 40/ Sterling, or
the Dollar equal to 4/.
2. Both of these units should be sub-divided on the decimal system.
From this relation it is evident that if the new Branch Mint io
Ottawa were at once to begin coining five, two and one cent pieces, in pure
metallic nickel, these would ultimately find their right and useful place
in an Imperial Coinage on the system above described ‘as probably the
most practicable. In any case the subject deserves close and immediate
investigation, and that should take place before the coining presses of
the new Mint are ordered, or the Government of the Australian Common-
wealth adopts any decided action. Much of the expert evidence before
the Australian Parliamentary Committee goes to shew that the
simultaneous coining, in a mint of ordinary capacity, of more than one
metal, carries with it great difficulties. In all probability it will be
found most convenient and profitable to devote the Ottawa Mint to the
manufacture of subsidiary pure nickel coins for the whole Empire.
It will be evident that the introduction of the new coinage metal and
the adoption of a uniform Imperial Currency is a matter of great
urgency. The Commonwealth authorities are ripe for immediate action,
and could possibly be shewn the advantages of adopting the Canadian
plan. These could also be explained to other governments of the outer
Empire and more espcially that of India which is now considering the
advisability of adopting modifications in its system of coinage.
When Sir William Mackinnon, Bart., was written to regarding the
decimalisation of the Australian Coinage he replied disapproving of that
step and added “ whatever is done I think the coin of India should be
“assimilated to that of Great Britain. The Indian rupee contains
“ exactly, or as near as possible, exactly, the same quantity of silver that
“our florin does. A basis is therefore established for uniformity and an
“ arrangement of this sort might be helpful to the Government of India
“in re-organizing their financial system which they are bound to do
“before long.” On referring to the list of essentially Imperial coins
given above it will be found to include the rupee, anna and pice, so that
the system proposed in this essay indicates certain steps towards the
assimilation desired. According to Mr. Probyn the anna “is only a
“nominal division there being no corresponding coin.” It would be
[MACFARLANE] METALLIC CURRENCY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE 55
most fitting to inaugurate the new departure by striking a new coin of
this value in pure nickel, and by coining the fractions of the rupee below
ten cents in value also of this metal. The copper token coins now in
circulation in India representing one thirty second, one sixty fourth, a
one hundred and twenty-eighth, and a one hundred and ninety-second
of a rupee, and called respectively double pice, pice, half pice and pie,
with the exception of the iast named, also fit decimally into the system
now advocated. ‘The value of the pie would. probably have to be
increased so as to make it equal to one-tenth of an anna, in which case
the half-pie would become the smallest coin in the British Empire and
equal to the mill in the list of essentially Imperial coins above given.
These changes would cause the Indian coins to represent the values in
Imperial cents given in the following list :—
SILVER PIECES.
cents.
PEPTIC Chey eioy ntm eau wlio al eel ere) West danse de vei) 8 ee des fare 32.
EVANS RU Dee a ete shes cat paver Teel Gren caves lrels Mae oreueter nee, cas 16.
NICKEL PIECES.
Quarter rupee.. .. 8.
One eighth rupee.. . 4.
ART SE aree rae. cle 2%
Double-pice.. .. .. 4°
BRONZE PIECES.
BICE sch stew ee Mas 0.5
Half-pice.. .... 0.25
IPI Cie bee 5: 0.2
EÉalf=pie..:. à: 0.1
In view of the possibility that action may at any moment be taken
by the Governments of Australia and India and changes made in their
respective currencies it is urged that the Dominion Government should
consider the advisability of making such representations to them as
would cause them to take into consideration the proposals contained in
this memorandum. It is also suggested that the authorities of the Royai
Mint be consulted and requested to prepare a set of models of the coins
of the new system, so that this could be laid before His Majesty as well
as the representatives of the Governments above mentioned. It would
also be advisable to place a set of these coins on exhibition in the Imperial
Institute, London, so that the public might become acquainted with them
and form their opinions as to the advantage of adopting them in a system
of Imperial metallic currency.
OTTAWA, 23rd February, 1906.
Sxcrion IIL., 1906. Size] Trans. R.S. C.
V.—On the Analysis of Wheaten Flour.
BY
THoMAS MACFARLANE.
Read May 25, 1906.
In a former paper presented to this section “ On the determination
of the Constituents of Gluten,” * a method of examining wheaten flours
was described which seemed to promise analytical results likely to bear
some definite relations to the phenomena observable in bread making.
It is well known that the same standard brands of flour vary from year
to year in regard to their excellence for yielding good bread, and it is
usually supposed that these variations are owing to differing climatic
conditions at the time of harvesting the wheats from which the flours
were produced. It was therefore thought possible that by applying the
method above mentioned to the examination of well known standard
grades of flour from year to year variations in their composition might
be detected which might be found to correspond with variations in their
excellence for purposes of bread making. -Accordingly the two largest
flour milling companies in the Dominion were applied to for reliable
samples of their best products from the crops of the past three seasons.
These were supplied with the greatest willingness, the different grades
heing as follows:— From the Lake of the Woods Milling Co., “ Five
Roses,” “ Patent” and “ Medora”; from the Ogilvie Flour Mills Co.,
“ Royal Household” and “ Glenora.”
The results of examining these five grades of flour from the crops
of 1903 and 1904 were given in my paper of last year, and since then the
same grades from the crop of 1905 have been subjected to exactly the
same processes of analysis as the former samples. Consequently the
the results of the examination of the same grades for three consecutive
seasons are now available for comparison. Besides the samples of
“ Royal Household” and “ Glenora” obtained direct from the Ogilvie
Flour Mills Co., the same qualities were purchased from Mr. A. Mar-
tin, a dealer in the city of Uttawa, Jan. 1, 1906, and examined in the
same manner. All the results have been given in Table I which here
follows :—
1 See Transactions, 1905 ; Section III, p. 17.
a at =.
—
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
58
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[MACFARLANE] ON THE ANALYSIS OF WHEATEN FLOUR 59
The numbers placed at the head of the various columns in this
table are the same as used in my paper last year, but for the sake
of |convenience, the manner in which the figures were obtained is now
explained as briefly as possible :—
0.—In this column the percentage of moisture which the flours
contain is given in duplicate, the determinations having been made by
distributing the flours in chrysotile fibre and drying over night (18
hours) at 70°c.
1.—The percentages of total proteids in this column were ascer-
tained by determining the nitrogen in the undried flour by the Kjeldahl
method and multiplying the percentage of nitrogen by the factor 5-7 in
accordance with the results of the investigations of Osborne & Voorhees.
2.—In determining the dry gluten the old method of making a
dough ball and washing out the starch with an indefinite quantity of
water was abandoned. Ten grammes of flour were made up with just
sufficient distilled water in the usual way, and after waiting 30 minutes,
the dough ball was treated with 250 cubic centimetres of distilled water.
The latter was placed in a separating funnel and delivered drop by drop
on the dough while it was being kneaded. The wash water and starch
were received in a sieve made of No. 12 bolting cloth, and any particles
of gluten caught in it were recombined with the wet gluten ball under
treatment. The above mentioned quantity of water, used as described,
was found to be quite sufficient for the elimination of the starch in 10
grammes of flour. The starch passed through the sieve and was col-
lected with the wash water in a basin placed underneath. The gluten
was deprived of as much water as possible, dried at 98°c for 28 hours
and weighed. This determination was done in duplicate like that of the
ethers still to be described.
3.—Ten grammes of the flour were treated in the manner just
described up to the point of obtaining the wet gluten. Then the latter,
without being dried, was securely enclosed in a small piece of fine
muslin which had been previously dried and weighed. The whole was
then subjected to treatment with 250ce of 70 per cent alcohol, contained
in a separating funnel, and delivered drop by drop upon the wet gluten
contained in the muslin which was being carefully kneaded at the same
time. This operation has to be performed very gently and without
causing any particles of the gluten to be expressed. After drying, the
weight of the resulting content of the muslin gives the quantity of the
crude glutenin contained in the flour. The drying and weighing is done
in the muslin, the weight of the latter being deducted.
4.—The percentage of crude glutenin (3) subtracted from that of
the dry gluten (2) gives the percentage of loss which the gluten had
60 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
sustained jn the treatment with alcohol, which loss is designated as
“ Crude Gliadin.”
5.—The water used in the production of the gluten, together with
the suspended starch from 20 grammes of flour were well mixed, made
up to 500ccm and allowed to stand until the starch had subsided.
250ccm of the supernatant liquid were then filtered off and used for the
determination of the water soluble proteids. It may here be stated,
with respect to the starch deposit, and its possible contents in minute
particles of gluten, that its treatment by the Kjeldahl method was
found to be exceedingly tedious, so that the determination of its nitro-
gen had to be abandoned.
6 and 7.—The alcoholic solution obtained as described under 3 was
evaporated to small bulk and its nitrogen determined. This multiplied
by 5-7 gave pure gliadin (6) the percentage of which was always less
than the “crude gliadin” obtained, as above described, by difference.
It is thus evident that 70 per cent alcohol dissolves out of the gluten,
other substances besides gliadin. Their amount was ascertained by de-
ducting the percentage of “ pure gliadin” from that of “ crude gliadin,”
and has been provistonally termed “ dextrinoids” (7)
8 and 9.—In a similar manner the cake of dried crude glutenin
was Kjeldalised and the amount of pure glutenin calculated from the
nitrogen. In making this determination the glutenin was not removed
from the muslin, and the latter underwent digestion in the Kjeldhl pro-
cess. ‘lhe very small quantity of nitrogen contained in the muslin was
neglected. The pure glutenin (8) deducted from the crude glutenin
(3) gave a percentage which | have designated as “ non-proteids in
Crude Glutenin” (9).
10.—In this column is given the sum of the proteids determined
in the various products yielded by the flour, in order to compare it with
the total proteids found in the sample by direct determination of the
nitrogen (1).
11.—This column shews the differences between 10 and 1, namely,
the loss or gain which the total proteids of the flour sustained by the
analytical treatment. Sometimes there is an overplus and the nitrogen
has been fully accounted for, but in the majority of cases there is a de-
ficiency varying from 0-11 to 2-71 in the percentage of total proteids.
Since the nitrogen was determined in all the products, except the
separated starch, it would seem reasonable to suppose that it contains the
missing proteids. In this case they are probably in the form of the
particles of glutenin, which, on account of deficiency in adhesiveness, the
gluten was unable to retain.
[MACFARLANE] ON THE ANALYSIS OF WHEATEN FLOUR 6t
The following columns do not embrace any additional determina-
tions but simply contain calculated figures given for purposes of com-
parison.
12.—Sum of the pure proteids, gliadin (6) and glutenin (8) con-
tained in the gluten.
13.—Ratio of total proteids in flour to dry gluten.
14.— Percentage of gluten porteids (pure gliadin + pure glutenin)
cbtained from the total proteids of the flour.
15.—Percentage of pure gliadin obtained from the total proteids
of the flour.
16.—Percentage of pure gliadin in the gluten proteids.
17.—Percentage of nitrogen in the crude gliadin or the extract by
alcohol. It varies from 8-65 to 18-77 per cent the latter figure being
higher than that required by the factor 5-7 which is 17-5.
As has already been remarked, Table I contains all the analytical
results obtained by the methods above described in making analyses of
the 5 standard gradés of flour from three consecutive seasons. Dupli-
cate tests were made in the case of 13 samples and quadruplicates in 21
samples, so that there are 34 analyses in all, the work of which was per-
formed under my direction by Miss 8. E. Wright, assistant analyst in
the Inland Revenue Laboratory. It is impossible at present to
make complete use of all these figures, and they are thus placed
on record in order that they may be available for future reference.
They are too voluminous for purposes of comparison, and I have there-
fore selected from among them certain series of figures and placed the:n
in Table IL so as to furnish such a conspectus, as will enable parallels
to be drawn between the properties of the flours and the general char-
acters of the crops which yielded their wheats.
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
62
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[MACFARLANE] ON THE ANALYSIS OF WHEATEN FLOUR 63
The wheat crop of 1903 in the North-west was recognised as a
remarkably good one, and as capable of being taken as a standard by
which to judge the products of subsequent seasons. ‘The flours from
that crop which are described in this paper as belonging to the season
1903-4, gave great satisfaction to the bakers, who were able to produce
from them breads of excellent quality with the greatest ease. When the
flours of the next crop came on the market (1904-5) they were found
to be troublesome to work, and to require delicate handling in order
to the production of good bread. During doughmaking and fermenta-
tion they behaved well, the sponge being light and rising readily. But
this favorable shewing did not continue when the loaves were introduced
into the oven. The expansion ceased and it even seemed as if a col-
lapse and a lessening of the porosity took place. With regard to the
flours from the crop of 1905, the disadvantages of the previous seasons
flours were, not observed to anything like the same extent and they earned
the character of being much better, and of resembling to a greater
extent the flours of 1903-4, although they did not come up to the latter
in excellence.
Now, if we examine the lines of figures in Table II, we find that the
one which most closely corresponds to the variations in the crop char-
acters just mentioned, is that which gives the percentage of pure gliadin
from the total proteids of the flour. It will be observed that, in the
case of every one of the different brands, that percentage is highest in
the flours from the crop of 1904, the year in which they shewed the
greatest defects for baking purposes, and also that the same percentage
is lowest for the products of the pattern year of 1903. With regard to
the flours of last year they generally occupy an intermediate position
betwixt those of the two other seasons, although some of them shew the
same proportion of the gliadin to other proteids as the flours of 1903.
It is ordinarily accepted that gliadin or the alcohol soluble proteids of
gluten are those to which its elasticity or adhesiveness are due, and a
high percentage of these is usually supposed to indicate a flour of
superior quality. According to the figures recorded in Table II, it
appears, however, that the higher percentage of gliadin in the flours of
1904 was one of the causes of their defective character.
The average percentage of gliadin in the fluor proteids of 1903
according to the above determinations is 36-45. If all the other pro-
teids in the flour are regarded as glutenin then the proportion of gliadin
to glutenin is as 36-45 to 63-55. But this assumption cannot be correct
seeing that the water soluble proteids have not the properties of glutenin.
If the water soluble proteids are deducted from the total proteids, and
the proportion is calculated in the remainder of gliadin to glutenin, the
64 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
average proportion in the flours of 1903 is 41-07 to 58-93. Even thi-
is altogether different from what has heretofore been supposed to be the
most advantageous proportion for breadmaking purposes. Some
modern flour chemists regard the most advantageous ratio as 65 gliadin
to 35 glutenin and Prof. Snyder places it at 60 to 40. These propor-
tions are just the reverse of those which we are inclined to regard az
correct, but they are based upon determinations of the gliadin by ex-
tracting the flour direct with alcohol, without any previous removal of
the water soluble proteids, and no doubt therefore including the latter.
The results of the analyses of the flours of 1903 seem therefore to justify
the conclusion that the most advantageous proportion of gliadin to
glutenin for baking purposes is about 40 to 60, it being understood that
the proteids removed with the starch in the production of the gluten are
to be regarded as glutenin. When the gliadin is present in greater
quantity its super-abundant elasticity and stickiness are of no advantage.
and the ‘cell walls of the bread are deficient in strength.
There are other figures in Table II worthy of consideration, and
foremost among these may be mentioned the extremely variable quan-
tities of proteids, in all probability glutenin, which accompany the
starch when it is being separated in the kneading process. This quan-
tity varies from 0- to 2-52 per cent on the original flour, and it may
possibly yet afford useful indications as regards the physical character
of the gluten from which it is separated.
Section III., 1906. [65 ] Trans. R. S.C.
VI—Anchor-Ice formation from the standpoint of the Radiation
Theory, together with some early memoirs on Ground-Ice.
By Howarp T. Baryess, D.Sc.,
Associate Professor of Physics, McGill University.
(Read May 23, 1906.)
The form of ice which has attracted the most attention of all
the forms to be met with in Nature is that known in this country
as Anchor Ice. As its name implies it is ice which is found attached
or anchored to the bottom of a river or stream. It seems to have
been observed in nearly all countries where river ice is formed and
goes by the name of ground-ice, bottom-ice, ground-gru, a name given
it by the inhabitants of Aberdeenshire, and lappered-ice by the common
people of the South of Scotland, who apply the epithet to the natural
ecagulation of milk. In France it goes by the name of glace-du-fond,
and in Germany as Grund-eis. The French-Canadian name for it is
moutonne ice, from its resemblance to the white backs of sheep at rest.
The phenomenon of ice forming on the bottom of rivers has been
known for a very long time, and although the majority of the early
philosophers of France denied its existence, it was perfectly well known
to every peasant.
In 1788 M. Beaun wrote several papers to establish the existence
of ground-ice from his personal observations. He reports that the
fishermen on the Elbe used to find the baskets which they let down
into the river for the purpose of catching eels, were often, when brought
up to the surface, incrusted with ice. Anchors used for mooring their
boats when lost during the summer, frequently appeared in the follow-
ing winter, being raised by the mass of ice which had formed about
them. Their signal buoys sometimes became displaced from the raising
of the large stones by the ground-ice and caused great inconvenience.
M. Desmarest, a member of the French Academy of Sciences, was
among the first of the scientists to make observations on the formation
of ground ice. He reports having observed flakes of ice, formed at the
base of running streams, increase in thickness five or six inches in
a single night.
In “ Picturesque Views of the River Thames,” published in 1792,
Ireland speaks of the ground-ice of that river, remarking, “ The water-
men frequently meet the ice meers, or cakes of ice, in their rise, and
Sec. I£I., 1906. 5
66 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
sometimes in the underside enclosing stones and gravel brought up by
them ad imo.”
In February of 1827, M. Hugi, President of the Society of Natural
History at Soleure, reports that while standing on the bridge over the
Aar, when the river was clear of ice, he observed large ice tables con-
tinually rising from the bottom, in a vertical direction and with such
huoyancy as to rise considerably above the surface, when they imme-
diately sank into a horizontal position and floated down stream.
This is in almost perfect accord with what takes place in our
northern rivers during the daytime under a bright sun or during mild
rainy weather.
In 1835 the great philosopher, M. Arago, published an interesting
paper on the subject in the Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes. He
mentions the following rivers where ground-ice was met with and the
date of such observation. In the Thames, by Hales, in 1730; in the
river Déonie, France, in 1780; in the Elbe, by Beaun, in 1788: in
the Teine, Herefordshire, in 1816; in the Rhine at Strasburg, in
1829; and in the Seine, in 1830.
In the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal for 1834 there is an inter-
esting paper on “ Observations on Ground Ice,” by the Rev. Mr. Hisdale,
who attempts to explain the phenomenon on an original theory of his
own. He states that the ice commences on the bottom and extends
upwards to the surface, and is produced only in the most rapid and
most rugged streams.
The Rev. Dr. Farquharson published two important papers on
Ground-gru in the Philosophical Transactions of 1835 and 1841. His
cbservations were made of the ice in the rivers Don and Leochal, in
Aberdeenshire. The conclusions he arrived at are that ground-gru
is formed by radiation, and he endeavoured to substantiate his reason-
ing upon the principle of the formation of dew.
The first. use of the term anchor-ice which I have been able to find
is in the Encyclopedia Americana, published by Carey and Lea of
Philadelphia in 1831. Under the article on ice we find the author,
after referring to ground-ice, states, that “a kind called anchor-ice
appears to be formed at the bottom or at least under the surface of
rapid rivers, perhaps owing to the comparatively slow motion of the
water at the bottom of a stream.”
The term anchor-ice, applied to ice anchored at the bottom,
seems thus to have originated in America. Much confusion exists in
regard to the relation of this ice to frazil-ice, brought about partly
by a confusion of terms, and partly from the fact that immense quan-
tities of frazil-ice become attached to the bottom by freezing to the
(parnes] [ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 67
layers of ice already formed there. The term anchor-ice we shall
use to designate all ice found attached to the bottom irrespective of
its nature of formation. Thus, frazil becomes anchor-ice when it
attaches itself to the bottom. The birth of frazil is in the water
itself by surface cooling through wind or rapid agitation. Anchor-ice
may form in situ on the bed of a river, and may grow by attaching
to itself frazil crystals brought down by currents or by the slower pro-
cess of radiation.
In the report of the Montreal Flood Commission we have the
terminology clearly defined and we cannot too strongly emphasize
the importance of adhering to this distinction for clearness of expres-
sion. ‘Thus, referring to the important report published by the Com-
mission as early as 1888, we find the following :—* Frazil, as, distin-
guished from Anchor-ice, is formed over the unfrozen surface above
and below Lachine Rapids (St. Lawrence River, at Montreal) between
Prescott and tide water, and wherever there is sufficient current or
wind agitation to prevent the formation of bordage ice.”
We find that as early as 1810 writers of that time drew a distine-
tion between three kinds of river ice, if we may judge from an early
edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica published at that date. Under
the article on Ice, we find the following: “Ice forms generally on
the surface of the water; but this, too, like the crystallization, may
he varied by an alteration in the circumstances. In Germany, par-
ticularly the northern parts of the country, it has been observed that
there are three kinds of ice. 1. That which forms on the surface.
2. Another kind formed in the middle of the water, resembling nuclei
or small hail. 3. Ground-ice, which is produced at the bottom, espe-
cially where there is any fibrous substance to which it may adhere.
This is full of cells like a wasp’s nest, but less regular; and performs
many strange effects in bringing up very heavy bodies from the bottom,
by means of its inferiority in specific gravity to the water in which
it is formed. The ice which forms in the middle of the water rises
to the top, and there unites into large masses; but the formation both
of this and the ground-ice takes place only in violent and sudden colds,
where the water is shallow and the surface is disturbed in such a man-
ner that the congelation cannot take place. The ground-ice is very
destructive to dykes and other aquatic works. In the more temperate
European climates these kinds of ice are not met with.”
These three kinds of ice are what we term sheet, frazil and anchor-
1
ice.
1A full discussion of the formation of the three kinds of ice will be
found in my “Ice Formation, with special reference to Anchor-Ice and
Frazil,’ Wiley & Sons, New York, 1906.
68 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The worst effects which are met with in engineering works are
from frazil crystals formed during extreme weather when anchor-ice
is growing rapidly by the freezing down of the crystals and not, as
is sometimes supposed, when moderate weather occurs and these huge
Jumps become loose and rise to the surface. Thus, it is often thought
that it is useless distinguishing frazil from anchor ice unless it were
possible to tell them apart at the foot of a stretch of open water
where they accumulate at the edge of the barrier ice. They are cer-
tainly both ice; but the conditions under which anchor ice will form
are not the same as for frazil and vice versa. Methods of construction
te obviate the one will not meet the exigencies of the other. So long
as the ice problem lasts we shall find circumstances conducive to the
formation of either one or the other or both. We should, therefore,
keep clearly in our mind how each is likely to be formed in order
to be prepared to distinguish the conditions most likely to favour the
growth of either. In a shallow, smooth flowing river, we are more
likely to have anchor-ice formed in excess, whereas in a deep and
turbulent stream we are likely to have more frazil. It is hardly likely,
however, that there will be a great difference in the amount of frazil
formed; it will probably be that more or less anchor-ice will appear
in proportion. In a river 40 or 50 feet deep anchor-ice is almost
unknown, although large quantities of frazil are met with.
Everything seems to point to radiation as the prime cause of
anchor-ice, and it is a great question whether it would form at all,
or except in exposed or exceedingly shallow rapids unless the first
coating of ice was placed over the rocks by the radiation of heat.
Consider the circumstances: the water flowing over the rocks at
the bottom of a river is always very close to the freezing point. The
deviations from the freezing point, as I have shown elsewhere
in these Transactions (1896, 1897), are seldom as great as 1/100°
Fahr. The bottom is continually being warmed to a small amount
by the conduction of heat from the earth. It is therefore dif-
ficult to see how ice can form on it by heat loss directly to
the water. The utmost frost that can be present is only 1-100 of a
degree, which would form but a minute layer. Unlike open ground
subjected to extremely cold air, the bed of a river cannot become frozen
to any extent unless in very shallow streams.
The radiation of heat from the bed of a river must go on all the
time to the colder air above and to the much colder space. During
the daytime, under a clear sky, we have the sun’s heat radiated down
through the water and offsetting the cooling effect produced by the
space radiation, and on a cloudy day, we have the heat rays reflected
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 69
beck again. On a clear night in winter, with little or no motion in
the air, the circumstances are entirely conducive to excessive radiation.
We know from what knowledge we have of the radiation from hot
bodies that only a small proportion of the heat can penetrate a layer
of water. Hence the heat of the sun is mostly absorbed in the first
few feet of water. Only a small proportion of the rays ever reach
the bottom. On the other hand, the radiation from the bottom is
guite different and consists of long rays which we have every reason
to believe penetrate the water much more easily. Jt might at first
sight appear that there was a much larger amount of heat radiated
into the river by the sun, whose temperature is so high, than is radiated
out of the river into space. This is apparently quite true, and but
for the absorption by the water of the greater part of the sun’s heat,
and the consequent lessening of the heat which actually reaches the
bottom, it is a question whether anchor-ice would ever form. Very
little is known in regard to cold body radiation, and it is not impossible
that little or no heat is absorbed by the water, if radiated from the
bottom into space at the absolute zero.
The influence of the sun is everywhere observed in the formation
of both frazil and anchor-ice. In the former by warming the water
and preventing it from becoming undercooled, and in the latter by
loosening the masses of anchor-ice and causing them to rise. Frazil
is never observed to have a bad effect under a strong sun.
That portion of the heat from the sun, the long waves, that can
penetrate the water, is effective in melting off the hold which the anchor-
ice has on the bed of a river. A common sight in the early morning,
after a cold, clear night, when the sun rises, is the appearance of
masses of anchor-ice. These rise and float down with the current in
great quantity. Boatmen are very careful when crossing a river never
to go when these masses are rising, from the danger of being sur-
rounded and caught in a mass of anchor-ice and carried down by the
stream helpless into the rapids.
If we sum up the various facts of common observation in
connection with anchor-ice, we see that everything points to radiation
as the prime cause. Thus we find that a bridge or cover prevents
the ice forming underneath. Such a cover would act as a check to
radiation and reflect the heat waves back again to the bottom. Anchor-
ice rarely forms under a layer of surface ice. It forms on dark rocks
more readily than light ones, which is in accord with what we know
in regard to the more copious radiation of heat from dark surfaces.
Anchor-ice never forms under a cloudy sky either by day or night,
no matter how severe the weather, but it forms very rapidly under a
70 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
clear sky at night. Anchor-ice is readily melted off under a bright
sun. It seems highly probable then that radiation of heat supplies
the necessary cooling to the bottom of a river to establish the first layers
of ice, after which the growth or building up of the ice is aided by
the entangling and freezing of frazil crystals always present in the
water.
The growth of anchor-ice is exceedingly beautiful, taking place
in arborescent forms, resembling bushy weeds. So hard does it be-
come and thick that it is often very difficult to thrust a sounding rod
through it. It is very granular in structure, as is shown by an exam-
ination of the masses which rise to the surface. Through clear water
the ice looks weed-like, with long tentacles rising up out of the
mass. It often has immense power in lifting rocks and boulders,
and many of these are carried far down stream attached to irregular
masses of ice. The spongy character of adhering frazil crystals and
anchor-ice causes them to accumulate slime and infusorial growths from
the water. A very characteristic colour of these masses is brown.
When melted in a vessel the slime settles to the bottom, when it is
seen to be of a very fine structure.
APPENDIX.
Some Earty MEMOIRS ON GROUND-ICE.
During my search through the literature on natural ice formation
it was my good fortune recently to discover four important and inter-
esting papers written many years ago, at a time when scientists
apparently first turned their attention to the formation of ice on
the bottom of a river. I consider these papers are of such im-
portance on account of the mass of observations they contain that
1 reproduce them here in full by the kind permission of the
Publication Committee of the Royal Society. The value of these
papers will be at once apparent to anyone reading them, and the fact
that they have remained practically unnoticed for upwards of seventy-
five years renders them all the more interesting. I have never seen
them referred to by modern writers on the subject of river-ice formation,
and it was only by the merest chance that it was my good fortune to
discover them. The volumes in which they appear, i.e., the Edinburgh
New Philosophical Journal, and the early Transactions of the Royal
Society of London, are now difficult to obtain, and in placing them on
record here, I feel confident that our knowledge of the causes under-
Iving the formation of anchor-ice will be vastly increased.
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 71
ON THE GROUND-ICE OR THE PIECES OF FLOATING ICE OBSERVED IN
RIVERS DURING WINTER.
By M. ARAGo.
From Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, Vol. 15, p. 123 (1833).
The severe winter of 1829-30 has attracted the attention of natural
philosophers to the phenomena of congelation in running waters. They
have examined how, and in what manner, immense quantities of ice
are formed which some rivers carry down to the sea, and which, on
being piled up against the arches of a bridge, often cause fatal acci-
dents. I confess that, in a theoretical point of view, the question
does not yet seem, in my opinion, to be exhausted. Is it not a strong
reason, then, for my presenting as complete an analysis as possible
of the observations to which it has given rise? For want of a definite
solution of so curious a problem, I shall at least have placed before
the eyes of meteorologists a complete tabular view of all the data with
which it is indispensable that the explanation shall agree.
Every one knows that in a lake, a pond, in every sheet of stagnant
water, congelation proceeds from the exterior to the interior. It is
the upper part of the surface of the water which is primarily affected.
The thickness of the ice afterwards increases in proceeding from above
downwards.
Is this the case with running waters? Natural philosophers are
of this opinion. On the other hand, millers, fishermen, and watermen,
maintain that the masses of ice with which rivers are crowded in the
winter season, proceed from the bottom. They pretend that they have
seen them rise, and have often borne them up with their hooks. They
say, in order to strengthen their opinion, that the inferior surfaces
of large flakes of ice are impregnated with mud; that it is encrusted
with gravel; that, in short, it bears the most unequivocal marks of
the ground on which it rested; that, in Germany, the sailors have a
peculiar and characteristic term to designate floating ice which they
call grundeis, i.e., ground-ice. Such arguments make little impression
on prejudiced minds. It would require nothing less than the evidence
of many experienced philosophers to cause a belief in the reality of a
phenomenon which seems directly opposed to the laws of the propaga-
tion of heat. But it is so. This evidence is not awanting; and if
the phenomenon of ice in the bottom of water has only appeared
recently as an established fact in treatises on physics and meteorology,
the reason is, because their authors generally copy from each other,
72 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
because everyone neglects what his predecessor neglected, and because
academical collections, in which many treasures remain concealed, are
very seldom consulted.
In 1730, at an atmospherical temperature of —9° centigr. (15°.8
Fahr.), Hales saw at Teddington, the surface of the Thames, near
the banks, covered with a layer of ice one-third of an inch in thickness.
There was also at the same time a second layer below, of greater
thickness, which followed the depth of the river, as it adhered to the
bottom. This sheet was united to the upper one even on the water-
side; but it was gradually separated in proportion, as, in proceeding
into the river, the 'depth of water increased. It was not so solid as
the first, and was mixed with sand, and even stones, which the flakes
sometimes carry with them in their movement upwards.
This observation is defective, inasmuch as it was made too near
the bank. Those who do not know how imperfectly every kind of
soil transmits heat, might suppose that the cold was communicated
from the dry ground of the bank to that which formed the bed of the
river by means of conductibility. It is unnecessary to discuss this
difficult point, as it has no connexion with many of the cases which
are about to occupy our attention.
It is really surprising that those writers who have lately con-
sidered the subject of floating ice in a historical point of view, have
not alluded to some observations which were made in France a good
many years ago. ;
At the close of December, 1780, the temperature was very suddenly
decreased in the southern parts of France by a very strong northerly
wind. The thermometer sunk to 8° or 7° centigr. below zero.
Desmarest, member of the Academie des Sciences, who, at that time,
happened to be at Annonay, saw the bed of the Dèome covered with
spongy ice. The frost commenced at first on the margin of the river,
where there was a depth of water to the extent of two or three feet.
The cold continuing, the ice soon shewed itself in the deepest parts.
In places where the water flowed over the bare rocks, Desmarest
saw no vestige of ice. On the contrary, it was rapidly formed in
great abundance, especially where there was any quantity of gravel;
in some parts it was two feet thick.
According to Desmarest, “it was from the lower part which
touched the bottom, that the flakes of ice successively increased
The ice already formed was continually raised up by the expansive
force of that which was in the act of formation . . . . In watch-
ing its motion, I have seen,” said he, “that certain flakes of the ice
were raised up five or six inches in a single night. Some of them
[BARNES] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 73
were, in consequence of the daily and tolerably equal under-additions,
believed to form, in this manner, islands of ice, which appeared above
the running water.”
No one has hitherto corroborated this mode of increase of ice under
water. It is to be regretted that Desmarest did not explain the
nature of the observation which induced him to come to such a singular
result. Had he, for example, deposited on the flakes of the ice at
the bottom objects which always remained visible, while, in rising,
all the twenty-four hours, the flakes actually approached the surface
of the water, it certainly would have been worth while giving an
explanation.
When, in consequence of a cloudy sky, the atmospherical tem-
perature experiences little variation throughout the day and night,
the ice at the bottom of the water, according to Desmarest, uniformly
increases every twenty-four hours. On the contrary, when the sun
shews itself, the ice does not increase during the day. The different
layers which are produced during the night after an interval of five
or six hours of repose, form distinct beds, which are easily disunited.
The current then detaches each layer of ice from the lower one, to
which it adheres but feebly, and the river begins to carry it along.
M. Beaun, a bailiff at Weld Wilhelmsbourg, on the Elbe, pub-
lished many dissertations in 1788, in which the existence of ice on
the bottom of a river is established, either by his own observations or
the unanimous declarations of fishermen, procured after a most anxious
investigation.
The fishermen asserted that, during the cold days in autumn, long
before the appearance of ice on the surface of the river, the nets
which were at the bottom of the water were covered with such a
quantity of grundeis that they drew them up with great difficulty ;
that the baskets which were used for catching eels also often on being
brought to the surface were encrusted with ice; that anchors which
had been lost during the summer again appeared in the following
winter, being raised up by the ascending force of the ice at the bottom
which had covered them; that this ice raised up the large stones to
which the buoys were attached by chains, and occasioned the greatest
inconvenience by displacing these useful signals, etc., etc.
These various observations were confirmed by Beaun on his own
authority. He says that he discovered, by means of experiment, that
hemp, wool, hair, the boiled hair of horses, moss in particular and
the bark of trees, are bodies, which, on being placed at the bottom of
water, are very speedily covered with ice. He declares that various
metals do not possess this property in the same degree. According ta
him, tin occupies the first rank,— iron the last.
74 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Mr. Knight, the celebrated botanist, has related an observation in
the 106th volume of the Philosophical Transactions, which is the more
valuable, as it seems in some respects to afford a clue to the secret of
the formation of ice on the hottom of rivers.
“Tn a morning which succeeded an intensely cold night, the stones
in the rocky bed of the river appeared to be covered with frozen mat-
ter, which reflected a kind of silvery whiteness, and which, upon
examination, I found to consist of numerous frozen spicula crossing
each other in every direction, as in snow, but not having anywhere,
except very near the shore, assumed the state of firm compact ice. The
river was not at this time frozen over in any part; but the temper-
ature of the water was obviously at the freezing point, for small pieces
of ice had everywhere formed upon it in its more stagnant parts near
the shores; and upon a mill-pond, just abcve the shailow streams (in
the bottom of which I had observed the ice), I noticed millions of
little frozen spicula floating upon the water. At the end of this mill-
pond the water fell over a low weir and entered a narrow channel,
where its course was obstructed by points of rock and large stones. By
these, numerous eddies and gyrations were occasioned, which apparently
drew the floating spicula under water; and I found the frozen matter
to accumulate much more abundantly upon such parts of the stones
as stood opposed to the current, where that was not very rapid below
the little falls or very rapid parts of the river. I have reason to
believe that it would have accumulated in very large quantities if the
weather had continued sufficiently cold; for I had been informed on
good evidence, that, some years before, the whole bed of the river
in the part above mentioned had been covered over with a thick coat
of ice.
“On some large stones near the shore, of which parts were out
of the water, and upon pieces of native rock, under similar circum-
stances, the ice beneath the water had acquired a firmer texture, but
appeared from its whiteness to have been first formed of congregated
spicula, and to have subsequently frozen into a firm mass, owing to
the lower extremity of the stone or rock. Ice of this kind extended
in a few places eighteen inches from the shore, and lay three or four
inches below the level of the surface of the water, and did not dis-
solve so rapidly as that which was deposited upon stones more distant
from the shores.”
In the 11th of February, 1816, the engineers of bridges and roads
residing at Strasburg, saw above the bridge of Kehl that many parts
of the channel of the Rhine were covered with ice. About ten o’clock
a.m. this ice became loose, rose to the surface, and floated.
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 75
The thermometer in the open air stood at —12° centigr.
The water in the river at every depth was at zero cent. The ice at
the bottom was only formed in places, however, where there were stones
and angular stuff. It was spongy, and\ formed of icy spicula.
The overseers of the bridge stated that it never appeared on the
surface until after 10 or 11 o’clock in the morning.
The canal of Saint-Alban conveys the waters of the Birse through
the town of Bale. It is very limpid and flows with great rapidity.
During the winter of 1823, Professor Merian carefully examined the
bed of the canal, which, in general, is covered with pebbles, and saw
that wherever the bottom exhibited any projection, there was a small
piece of ice, which might have been supposed, at a distance, to be a
reuniting of tufts of cotton. This ice became disengaged from the
bottom from time to time, and floated on the surface. It had all
the appearance of the grund-eis of the German watermen.
M. Hugi, president of the Société d’Histoire Naturelle de Soleure,
is the philosopher who, in my opinion, has seen the phenomenon of the
formation of ice at the bottom of water displayed on the greatest scale.
His first observations were made in 1827.
From the 2nd to the 3rd February of that year, the river Aar,
at Soleure, was breaking up the ice; on the 15th it was completely
open. It flowed slowly on the 16th, and the water was perfectly pure.
On this day, in consequence of a westerly wind, a multitude of large
icy tables were continually rising from the bottom about 60 or 70
feet below the bridge, and over a surface of upwards of 450 square
feet. I ought to add, as this circumstance confirms what Hales was
told by the fishermen of the Thames, that the great proportion of the
flakes of ice mounted vertically, till 5 or 6 decimetres above the sur-
face of the water, and after remaining a few minutes in this position,
they sunk down, and floated horizontally.
After a certain time, the flakes of ice became more scarce; but
they had increased to such an extent, that many, though almost vertically
raised ahove the water, still rested in the bed of the river on one of
their sides, and in which position they remained stationary for a long
time. The phenomenon lasted for about a couple of hours.
Below the bridge, the Aar flows with rapidity over an inclined
channel of 20 to 30 degrees, and in many places is quite stony. Be-
yond the place where the flakes of ice arose, the water, already more
tranquil, always exhibited a sort of eddy.
The temperature of the air was —5°.7 centig.; near the water
—4°.9; close to the surface of the river, +2°.1. The water near the
arches, where there was no ice, was at +3°.0; at the bottom, where
ice ascended, 0°.0.
76 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
There is one circumstance which lessens the importance of these
observations as to the temperature; it is not established that the ice
at the bottom of the river on the 16th February was formed on that
day, and these ices might again cover the bed of the river for many
days afterwards.
The second series of the observations of M. Hugi were made in
the month of February, 1829.
On the 11th of this month, the Aar near Soleure was quite free
from ice. For many days the temperature of the atmosphere was
from +4° to +6° centigr. During the night of the 11th-12th, it
suddenly fell to —14° centigr. In the 12th at sunrise, the river
began to exhibit numerous floating pieces of ice. We must by no
means omit to add, that the water, either near the banks, or in the
shady places where it was perfectly calm, as yet bore no trace of con-
gelation on its surface. It, therefore could not be said that the float-
ing masses were detached from the banks. It would have been as
unfounded to have supposed that they had proceeded from any large
sheet of ice situated farther up the river, as at Altrey, a league and
2 half ahove Soleure, the river hardly exhibited any ice. Besides,
flakes of ice commenced soon to rise up above the bridge, in the place
where they had been seen in 1827. Towards mid-day, islands of ice
were seen forming in the centre of the river. On the 13th February
these were 23 in number. The largest was upwards of 200 feet in
diameter. They were surrounded with open water, resisted a current
which almost ran at a rate of 200 feet in a minute, and extended
over a space of one-eighth of a league. M. Hugi visited them in a
small boat. He landed, examined them in every direction, and dis-
covered that there was a layer of compact ice on their surface of 5
or 10 centimetres in thickness, resting on a mass having the shape of
a cone reversed, of a vertical height of 3 or 4 metres, and fixed to
the bottom of the bed’ of the river. These cones consisted of half-
melted ice, gelatinous, and very like the spawn of a frog. It was softer
at the bottom than at the top, and was easily pierced in all directions
with poles. Exposed to the open air, the substance of the cones
became quickly granulated like the ice that is formed at the bottom of
rivers.
When these observations were being made, the temperature of the
air, at 9 metres above the Aar, was, —11°.2 centigr.; at 1™.3, —9°.4.
That of the water, at 5 centimetres deep, 0°.0; at 1™.8, + 1°.0; at
0™.5 from the bottom, +1°.5; at the bottom, +2°.4; at 1™. in the
ground, +8°.0.
These determinations of the temperature of the water were obtained
in a part of the river which had no ice at the bottom.
[BARNES] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION Tt
M. Fargeau, a distinguished professor of natural philosophy in
Strasbourgh, has made some observations on the Rhine, which have been
communicated to the Academy. Notwithstanding what we have read,
they are very deserving of notice.
On the 25th of January, 1829, at 7 o’clock a.m., the temperature
of the air, near the bridge at Kehl, was at 13°.71 centigr. At the
same moment, in that part of the Rhine which, owing to the situation
of its sand-banks, formed, on the French side, a sort of lake without cur-
rents, the water of which was at zero, but at the depth of 2/2 [?] metre
it was +4°.4 This place had only a few plates of ice near the banks.
Beyond the banks of sand, in a little creek where the shallow
water was contiguous to a very rapid current, all the pebbles seemed
covered with a sort of transparent mass of from 3 to 4 centimetres in
thickness, and which, on examination, was found to consist of icy
spicula crossing each other in every directÿon. In this creek the ther-
mometer stood at zero cent. both at the surface and at the bottom of
the water. It was the same even in the most rapid part of the cur-
rent. There was also seen, either in the channel of the Rhine, or on
some pieces of wood on the side opposite to the current, at a depth
of 2 metres, large masses of spongy ice, into which the pole of a water-
man entered with ease. This ice, on being borne to the surface of
the water, was found closely to resemble the innumerable flakes which
were at that time floating on the surface. M. Fargeau states, that
he saw ice on many occasions with his own eyes, in the greater Rhine,
separate from the bottom, and rise to the surface.
M. Fargeau has added an important observation to his own
remarks, which was communicated to him, and from whence the result
is derived, that the nature of the bed of the river has the same influ-
ence on the phenomena of congelation in small and in large currents
of water. In the Vosges, a superintendent of forges, informed him,
that, to prevent the formation of ice at the bottom of the rivulet which
supplied his establishment, he was obliged once a year to remove the
stones and other foreign bodies with which the channel became acci-
centally covered.
In the beginning of February, 1830, M. Duhamel, on breaking the
ice which covered the surface of the Seine, a short way below the
bridge at Grenelle, about 10 feet from the banks, found a layer of
continuous ice 4 centimetres thick. He even procured many frag-
ments. At this spot the water was upwards of one yard deep. Att
every depth the thermometer stood at zero centigr. The current was
tolerably rapid.
The expériment of M. Duhamel had this defect, like that of Hales
formerly mentioned, of having been made too close to the bank. I
78 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
could not, however, omit quoting it, as I am not aware of any observ-
ation to be found elsewhere by a man of science respecting the con-
gelation at the bottom of the Seine.
It has been mentioned already, that natural philosophers did not
believe in the formation of floating ice at the bottom of water; they
ought, therefore, not to expect that any thing very important will
be found in the sketch I am about to present of the theoretical specu-
lations to which this theory has given rise.
Sailors for the most part believe that the flakes of ice are formed
at night on the bottom of rivers, by the action of the moon, and that
it is the sun which attracts them to the surface on the following day.
Popular prejudices are generally grounded on some imperfect observ-
ation. By recollecting what we said concerning the red moon we shall
easily discover how the strange notion of which I have spoken arose.
The theory of the sailors was not succeeded by an explication in
any degree better. It was said that heat arises from the rapid move-
ment of the parts of bodies. The running water flows less rapidly
at the bottom than at the top, the maximum of temperature is, of
course, found at the surface; it is at the bottom, where there is the
least agitation, that the congelation ought to begin. To complete this
theory, the ascension of the flakes of ice was attributed to the elas-
ticity which the air dissolved in the water resumes when it disengages
itself during the process of congelation, and to the formation, in the
midst of the icy mass, of bubbles of considerable size.
In 1742, when this strange theory saw the light (Observations sur
les Ecrits modernes, t. xxxi.), the thermometer was in the hand of
every person, and, of course, it could have been easily ascertained that,
during a hard frost, river water is in general colder at the surface
than at the bottom. But, as Montaigne says, even in the facts which
are laid before them, men willingly amuse themselves in seeking for
reasons rather than truth; they abandon things and fly to causes.
To reconcile the theoretical objection which Nollet has made to
the popular opinion respecting ice at the bottom of water, with the
observations which incontestibly establish that the greater part of the
flakes which have been broken up have been immersed for a longer or
shorter period, and that their inferior surface rests on a muddy bottom,
it has been thought that the origin will be found in the small streams
which run into large rivers. There, it is said, the water being shallow,
the ice should soon find itself in contact with the ground or mud
with which the bed is covered. As: to the flakes. of ice which rise
beneath the water, which sailors bring up with their hooks from a
depth of some ‘eet, their existence is explained by remarking that,
after a sharp frost followed by the commencement of a thaw, there
[BARNES] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 79
is sometimes a great increase, to which a new frost succeeds, so that
there is in the river, but especially near the banks, two layers of ice
superimposed at a distance; the one at the height of the first level of
the water, the other at the height which this level has attained on the
rise of the water. This theory, which refers to a peculiar case, does
not explain, in any point of view, the observations just made, and in
which natural philosophers have actually seen ice formed on the surface
of pebbles placed at the bottom of the water in the beds of certain
Tivers.
We now come to Mr. McKeever, who, confining himself closely to
the most subtle principles of the theory of heat, has not, on this account,
been more fortunate than his predecessors.
- According to this author, the rocks, stones, and gravel which gen-
erally cover the bottom of rivers, have powers of radiation superior to
those of mud, perhaps on account of their peculiar nature, but chiefly
because they have rough surfaces. Thus rocks, in large or small masses,
will become much cooler in consequence of radiation: when the atmos-
pherical temperature is very low, they will, of course, freeze the water
which touches them.
It is unnecessary to examine here, whether heat radiates through
a.thick layer of water, as Mr. McKeever supposes, as the most simple
observation is sufficient to overthrow it.
Where is the person who has not observed, that the strong radiation
which the Irish philosopher admits, would be more plainly manifested,
or as completely, in still water than in running water; but no one
has seen a piece of still water frozen at the bottom?
Let us throw aside all these absurd explanations, and, for want
of better, analyze perspicuously the physical condition of the question.
If liquids of different densities are thrown into a vessel, the heavy
will sink to the bottom, the light keep at the top.
This principle of hydrostatics is general. It applies as well to
liquids possessing different chemical properties, as to portion of one and
the same liquid whose densities are dissimilar, in consequence of inequal-
ities in the temperature.
Liquids, like all other bodies, solid or gaseous, increase in density
as their temperature diminishes.
Water alone, in a certain small extent of the thermometric scale,
presents a singular exception to this rule. Suppose water is taken at
10° centigr. and gradually cooled, at 9° we shall find it denser
than at 10°, at 8° more than 9°, at 7° more than 8°, and so on
till 4° ; at this point condensation [?] will cease. In going from 4° to
2°, for example, there is a manifest diminution of density. This dim-
80 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
inution will go on till the temperature falls from 3 to 2, from 2 to 1, —
and from 1 to zero. To conclude, water has a maximum of density,
which does not coincide with its term of congelation. At 4° above
zero is the maximum of density.
There is nothing so simple as to point out in what manner the
congelation of stagnant water takes place.
Let us suppose, as is always the case, that at the moment when
the wind blowing from the north produces ice, the water throughout
te be at +10°. The cooling of the liquid, by coming in contact with
the glacial air, will be affected from the exterior to the interior. The
surface which, hypothetically speaking, was at 10° will soon be at 9°;
but at 9° the water will possess more density that at 10°; then, in
censequence of the principle of hydrostatics formerly mentioned, it
will sink to the bottom of the mass, and be replaced by a layer not
yet cooled, whose temperature is 10°. That, in its turn, will be
affected like the first layer, and so on of the rest. In a greater or
less time the whole mass will then be at +9°.
Water at +9° will become cool in the same way as at 10° by
consecutive layers. Each in its turn, on coming to the surface, will
lose one degree of temperature. The same phenomenon will reappear,
with similar circumstances, at 8°, 7°, 6°, and 5°; but, on sinking
to 4°, every thing will be changed.
At +4° (39°.2 Fahr.) water will actually reach its maximum
of density. Should the action of the atmosphere take away a degree
of heat from the superficial layer, or descend to 3°, the layer will be
less dense than the portion of fluid which it covers; it will never sink
into it. An additional diminution in the heat will not cause it to
sink more, as water at +2° is lighter than at +3°, etc.
It is quite obvious, however, that the layer in question, by remain-
ing always on the surface, incessantly exposed to the cooling influence
of the atmosphere, will at length lose the first 4° of its heat. It will
end by falling to zero, and freezing.
The superficial sheet of ice, however singular the phenomenon may
be, is then found resting on a liquid mass, whose temperature, at least
at the bottom, is 4° above zero.
The congelation of stagnant water could not evidently take place
in any other manner. I repeat, that no person has ever seen the
formation of ice beginning at the bottom of a lake or pond.
Let us briefly examine the modifications which the motion of the
liquid should produce.
The effect of this motion, when it is rather rapid, when it forms
eddies, and flows over a rocky or unequal channel, is perpetually to
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 81
mix all the layers. The hydrostatic order on which we have insisted
so much is overthrown. The water, then, which is lightest does not
always float on the surface. ‘The currents are precipitated into the
general mass, which is thereby cooled, and whose temperature soon
becomes equal throughout.
To repeat, im a deep mass of stagnant water, the temperature of
the bottom can never descend below + 4° cent. When this mass is in
a state of agitation, the surface, the middle, and the bottom, may be
found at zero simultaneously.
We have only now to examine, why, when this uniformity of tem-
perature exists, and when the entire liquid mass is at zero, that con-
gelation commences at the bottom, and not at the surface.
But where is the person who does not know, that to produce a
speedy formation of crystals in a saline solution, it is merely necessary
to introduce a pointed body, or an unequal surface into it; that it is
around the asperities of such a body that crystals originate and are
promptly increased? Be it so, every one may be assured that this is
the case with crystals of ice; that if the mud in which the congelation
eccurs presents a rent or projection, or solution of continuity of any
kind, it will become as so many centres, around which the filaments of
frozen water will prefer to arrange themselves.
But is not what we have said exactly the history of the freezing
of rivers? This cannot be doubted, if we recollect, that it never takes
place in the channel, unless where there are rocks, stones, pebbles,
pieces of wood, herbs, ete.
There is another circumstance which seems to have a certain share
in this phenomenon, viz., the motion of the water. At the surface
this motion is very rapid and irregular; it ought, of course, to put a
stop to the symmetrical grouping of needles; to that polar arrangement
without which crystals, whatever be their nature, can neither acquire
regularity of form, nor solidity; it should, of course, frequently break
the crystalline groups, even in their rudimentary state.
This motion, which is the principal obstacle to crystallization,
if it exists at the bottom as well as the surface of the water, is at least
greatly diminished at the former. It may be supposed, therefore,
that its action will merely oppose the formation of regular or com-
pact ice, but will not eventually prevent a multitude of little filaments
becoming irregularly blended, and thus produce that kind of spongy
ice through which M. Hugi so easily drove the oars of his boat.
Having proceeded thus far, the reader may ask why I did not
present what preceded, as a complete explanation of the formation of
Sec. IIT., 1906. 6
82 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the grund-eis of Germany, of the glaces de fond of our sailors. This
is my answer:
We have no observations which prove that this kind of ice is seen,
until the temperature of the whole of the water is at zero. It is
not certain that the little icy particles floating on the water, mentioned
by Mr. Knight, and which may have acquired, by coming into contact
with the air, at least on their upper surface, a temperature considerably
below zero, do not play an important part in this phenomenon, which
T have entirely overlooked; that, viz., of cooling the stones covering
the bed of the river, when dragged thither by currents. Is it not
possible that these floating filaments were the principal elements of
the spongy ice which was afterwards to be formed?
Our theory does not explain in what manner this ice, once formed,
only increases in a downward direction. If the remark of Desmarest
be correct, there is something wanting to complete it.
During the congelation of the bottom of the Aar, at the place
where the ice is formed, M. Hugi immersed pitchers filled with hot
and cold water. The first, he says, on being brought up, was covered
with a layer of ice of one inch thick, the other had no marks of con-
gelation. Bullets covered with cloth, warm as well as cold, afforded
similar results.
These remarkable experiments cannot be kept out of view. They
ought to be repeated in a variety of ways: we should be sure whether
these two bodies, on being immersed, do not differ but in temperature;
that their surfaces are equally polished; and if, after all the minute
precautions with which an able philosopher is sure to avail himself,
it be found that the body, originaily hot at the moment of immersion,
is covered, as we are assured by M. Hugi, with more ice than the cold
one, it will, perhaps, be necessary to attribute this singular phenomenon
to the internal movement of the liquid; to currents which, being caused
at first by the presence of a hot body, still continued after it became
cold; to currents which incessantly continued to throw over this cold
body filaments frozen on the surface.
Before coming to the conclusion, that the question which we have
been discussing is completely solved, it would be necessary to subject
the texture of the ices at the bottom to additional experiments; we
must ascertain accurately whether the vesicular cavities, which tra-
verse it in every direction, contain any air,—or if they are completely
empty,—for this circumstance is very necessary, in order to enlighten
us as to the place where they originate.
I am expatiating, however, beyond my plan. I at first merely
wished to examine, whether the floating ice was produced at the bottom
[BARNES] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 83
or the surface of a river. This question can no longer be doubted.
The theory is far from being so far advanced. I have pointed out
the chasms which it still exhibits. If the recital of these cases can in
any way contribute towards their being speedily filled up, I shall be
amply recompensed for my trouble.
OBSERVATIONS ON GROUND-ICE.
By the Rev. Mr. EISDALE.
(Read before the Philosophical Society at Perth, on the 28th December,
1831, and published in the Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal,
Mol An 164 (18345)
On the 28th of December, 1831, I read a paper at the meeting
of this Society, directing the attention of the members to a particular
kind of ice, which seems to be formed in direct opposition to the ordin-
ary laws of congelation. The ice to which I allude commences at the
bottom of the water, and extends upwards to the surface, and it is
produced only in the most rapid and most rugged streams. This
is exactly the reverse of the usual process of congelation, which takes
place in stagnant water, commencing at the sides of the river or pond,
and gradually extending over the surface; when it thickens downwards
towards the bottom, and if the frost is sufficiently intense, converts
the whole water into a solid mass of ice. The phenomenon did not
seem to have attracted any attention in this quarter; and the facts
which I stated, and the speculations which I advanced, seemed to
- excite some surprise: the ice in question, however, is perfectly familiar
to every person in the country, though I never had seen any attempt
to account for its formation, and had long puzzled myself in vain to
form any plausible theory on the subject. I was not ashamed to
confess this at the time, and I expressly declared that the theory which
I proposed was intended to elicit, rather than impart, information, and
especially to direct attention to the alleged facts which had been com-
municated to me, and on which I founded my explanation of the process.
This kind of ice is well known in all northern climates, from its
annoying effects in obstructing all works which are carried on by the
impelling power of water. When ice collects on the surface of mill-
leads it is easily managed; it needs only to be broken and floated
down the stream; but when the ice of which I am speaking forms,
the case is perfectly hopeless; the leads are gorged up from the very
bottom, and it is in vain to attempt to remove the obstruction. This
kind of ice is called in Germany grund eis; in France it is known
84 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
by the name of glace de fond; and in the south of Scotland it is called
lappered ice, an epithet which the common people apply to the natural
congelation of milk. I am happy, however, that the phenomenon has
now attracted the attention of some eminent philosophers, particularly
of the celebrated Arago in France, who has been at great pains in
collecting a variety jof facts, and has proposed a theory for the explan-
ation of the appearance, which I shall shew to be utterly inadequate
for the purpose; and which, with the modesty that characterizes genuine
philosophy, he admits does not thoroughly satisfy himself.
I beg leave to call the attention of the meeting, for a moment,
to the phenomenon itself. Every inhabitant of Perth who has wit-
nessed the setting in of a severe frost, must have observed that before
the true ice, as I may call it, has made much progress in advancing
from the sides to the centre of the river, nearly the whole body of
the stream above the bridge is occupied by large irregular masses of
floating ice of very considerable thickness, far beyond any thing that
could be effected by the natural operation of the frost in surface freez-
es. I believe it has seldom occurred to any observer to inquire how
these masses of amorphous ice were formed; they all come down the
river from a great distance; and being stopped, at last, by the flow
of the tide, and. closely compacted together, they are agglutinated by
the frost, and present great obstacles to navigation. Now these masses
are precisely the ice in question; they are formed in the most rugged
currents, adhering to the projecting rocks and rough inequalities at
the bottom, and increasing upwards, till their bulk and smaller specific
gravity as compared with water, enable the stream to tear them from
their fastenings, and hurry them down the river.
T shall mention a few of the facts which M. Arago has collected
on this subject, and it is curious enough to observe from this statement
that, what is perfectly well known to every peasant, is still called in
question by the majority of the natural philosophers of France; they
deny the existence of ground-ice.
M. Beaun, in 1788, wrote several dissertations chiefly to establish
the existence of ground-ice, from observations made by himself and
by the fishermen on the Elbe. He informs us, that the latter declared
that the baskets which they let down into the river, for the purpose
of catching eels, were often when brought to the surface, incrusted
with ice; that the anchors used for mooring their boats when lost
during the summer, again appeared in the following winter, being
1G
raised by the ascending force of the ice at the bottom, with which
they had been covered to such an extent as to render them buoyant;
and that this ground-ice often raised up the large stones to which the
Le
re
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 85
buoys were fastened by chains, and caused the greatest inconvenience
hy displacing these useful signals.
Desmarest, a member of the French Academy of Sciences, was
among the first who made observations on the formation of ground-
ice: but he advances no theory on the subject. He says he had seen
fiakes of ice formed at the bottom of running streams, increasing to
the thickness of five or six inches in a single night. A more extra-
ordinary fact than this was communicated to myself about two years
ago, when my first paper was announced in the newspapers. A miller,
in the western part of the country, wrote me a letter containing a
theory of his own, ascribing the phenomenon to the prevalence of par-
ticular winds; in confirmation of which he mentioned, that during a
severe frost, when his mill-lead was entirely free of any kind of ice,
he had occasion one day to lop some branches from a tree which over-
hung the lead; one of them fell into the water and was left there,
as he did not apprehend any consequences from such a trifling occur-
rence. Next day, however, to his astonishment, the water was turned
entirely out of the lead, and had overflowed a large portion of an
adjoining meadow. On proceeding to ascertain the cause, he found
that a solid barrier of ice had been formed across the lead where the
branch had fallen in, so as completely to prevent any water from pass-
ing, whilst the rest of the lead was free from ice. He ascribes this
to the prevalence of a very sharp northeast wind which had blown
during the night. There can be no doubt that this is converting into
a cause, what is merely an accidental concomitant, as I shall shew
hereafter.
On the 16th February, 1827, M. Hugi, president of the Society
of Natural History at Soleure, while standing on the bridge of the
Aar, and when the river was perfectly clear of ice, observed in these
circumstances, large icy tables continually rising from the bottom of
the river, in a vertical direction, and with such buoyancy, as to rise
considerably above the surface, when they immediately sunk into a
horizontal position, and floated down the stream. <A great many facts
of the same kind may be found in M. Arago’s paper, which is given
in the Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal for July last; which is
the first paper on the subject of ground-ice that I have ever seen.
Let us now attend for a little to the cause of these singular phen-
omena, and I will be bold to say that no adequate cause has yet been
assigned for them; unless the hints which I formerly threw out on
the subject as queries, rather than as ascertained facts, shall be considered
sufficient for the purpose. M. Arago gives his theory as to the cause at
great length. It is simply this, that the different strata of water, in a
86 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
running and shallow stream, being all mixed together by the agitation
caused by the inequalities of the bottom, are all cooled down during
an intense frost to the freezing point, and that the stones there form
proper points of attachment to facilitate the formation of icy crystals.
This is, in fact, the same answer that was given to my theory, in
some of the newspapers, two years ago; but it is altogether inadequate,
for this plain reason, that, according to it, the phenomena of ground-
ice ought to appear in every hard frost, when the water reaches the
requisite temperature. But so far is this from being the case, that
in the hardest frosts which we have ever seen, not a particle of ground-
ice was found in the river. Take, for instance, the very severe frost
of 1813-14, when the Tay was frozen over for many weeks, yet no
ground-ice was to be seen. Some gentlemen present may remember
to have skated down the stream and through below the arches of the
bridge, whilst the ice everywhere was as clear as crystal, and the bed
of the stream entirely free from the white spongy ground-ice.
Some now present will probably recollect that the theory which
T proposed, as a solution of these phenomena, was founded on inform-
ation which I had received from country people and others, whose
operations depended on water-wheels, and whose interests forced them
to attend to appearances, which might pass unheeded by others. The
sum of their information was, that the ground-ice was never formed
but after a heavy rione, or hoar-frost. If this is the fact, the explan-
ation is obvious. The hoar-frost, which is congealed moisture, preci-
pitated from the atmosphere, and falling into the river when the water
is cooled down to the freezing-point, cannot be dissolved. It retains
in the water the very shape in which it descends from the air. When
these small crystals fall on a deep unfrozen pool, the water being
above the freezing-point, the particles melt and are incorporated with
the water; but in the shallow and agitated stream, almost the whole
water is brought in succession, into contact with the intense frost, and
may thus be cooled down to the freezing-point to the very bottom of
the stream, before even a pellicle of ice is formed on the stagnant pool.
All the particles of hoar-frost, then, or frozen vapour which fall on
such a stream will remain unmelted; and being tossed in all directions
by the agitations of the current, will be brought into contact with the
rocks, or other substances projecting from the bottom, to which they
will readily adhere, and form a nucleus for that strange accumulation
calledy ground-ice, which is found nowhere but in streams.
I would not have brought forward this theory a second time,
bad I not met with some facts collected by M. Arago, which afford
the strongest confirmation of the theory which I had advanced, though
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 87
he himself scarcely seems to have had a glimpse of their importance.
He mentions an observation by Desmarest, that in a cloudy sky the
eround-ice accumulates uniformly, but is interrupted when the sun
shines. Now, what he calls a cloudy sky I conceive to be an atmos-
phere loaded with hoar-frost, and rendered hazy by its condensation ;
for I do not think it possible that a genwine cloud can exist in the
atmosphere during a keen frost. Here, then, this observer furnishes
a fact in perfect accordance with the information on which I proceeded,
viz., that the ground-ice is formed only during a hazy state of the
atmosphere, in other words, during a hoar-frost; whilst he tells us
that the process was interrupted when the sky was clear.
But M. Arago quotes a passage from a paper of Mr. Knight, the
celebrated botanist, in the 106th vol. of the Phil. Trans., which brings
the matter nearer, if not altogether, to a demonstration, though Mr.
Knight himself proposes no theory. The passage is as follows:—“ In
a morning which succeeded an intensely cold night, the stones in the
rocky bed of the river appeared to be covered with frozen matter, which
reflected a thread of silvery whiteness, and which, upon examination,
1 found to consist of numerous frozen spicula crossing each other in
every direction, as in snow, but not having anywhere, except near the
shore, assumed the state of firm compact ice. The river was not at
this time frozen over in any part, but the temperature of the water
was obviously at the freezing-point, for small pieces of ice had every-
where formed upon it in its more stagnant parts near the shore; and
upon a mill-pond, just above the shallow streams, in the bottom of
which I had noticed millions of little frozen spicula floating upon the
water. At the end of this mill-pond, the water fell over a low weir,
and entered a narrow channel, where its course was obstructed by points
of rock and large stones. By these, numerous eddies and gyrations
were occasioned, which apparently drew the floating spicula under water;
and I found the frozen matter to accumulate much more abundantly
upon such parts of the stones as stood most opposed to the current
(where that was not very rapid), below the little falls, or very rapid
parts of the river.”
These are by far the most important observations that have been
made on the subject of ground-ice. M. Arago is so much struck by
them, that, after having concluded his own theory, he says, “It is not
certain that the little particles, mentioned by Mr. Knight, do not play
an important part in this phenomenon, which I have entirely over-
looked.” I verily believe they do; only one element is wanting in
the catalogue of Mr. Knight’s observations to decide my opinion, and
that is, the state of the atmosphere during the preceding night. I
88 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
am persuaded that it had been loaded with hoar-frost, and its precipita-
tion into the river formed the floating spicula which he observed; they
could have no other origin; and their being brought into contact with
the stones by the gyrations of the stream, is exactly what I had given
two years ago as the theory of the formation of ground-ice, by the
congelation and precipitation of the moisture of the atmosphere.
It is always delightful to explore the mysteries of nature, and
the Author of our being has provided in such researches unbounded
exercise for the highest powers of our understanding and reason. Even
brute matter gives us some idea of the immensity of its Creator; for
notwithstanding the immense strides that have been made in inves-
tigating the properties of matter, we may be said to be at this moment
only on the threshold of science, and future generations, if the mind
goes on to improve, will look back on our most profound researches
merely as forming the rude elements of that more perfect knowledge
which they will have reached. Perhaps much remains to be known
even with regard to the common phenomena to which I have this day
directed the attention of this meeting; and, although I think we have
nearly reached the solution of our problem in the process of freezing,
yet that you may not think the mysteries of congelation exhausted, I
conclude with mentioning a fact, which the illustrious Frenchman,
whom I have so often quoted, leaves without even attempting an explan-
ation. “ During the congelation of the bottom of the Aar, M. Hugi
immersed pitchers filled with hot and cold water; the first, on being
brought up, was covered with a layer of ice one inch thick; the other
had no marks of congelation. Bullets covered with cloth, warm as
well as cold, afforded similar results.”
On THE IcE FORMED, UNDER PECULIAR CIRCUMSTANCES AT THE
Bottom or RUNNING WATER.
By the Rev. JAMES FARQUHARSON, of Alford, F.R.S.
From Philosophical Transactions, Vol. 125, p. 829 (1835).
Ice formed at the bottom of rivers and streams, frequently in
great quantities, is a phenomenon quite common in this climate. I
made for several years past a number of incidental and desultory
observations upon it, and became convinced that the principal explan-
ation of its occurrence is the radiation of heat from the solid opake
materials of the bottom; but as I conceived this to be also the gen-
erally admitted one, I took no note of the observations, with the view
of vindicating the theory of the radiation. It appears, however, from
-
| BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 89
a paper of M. Arago upon the subject, translated and published in the
Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, vol. xv, p. 123, from the Annu-
aire for the year 1833, that he entirely rejects the theory of the radia-
tion of heat through a thick layer of water. In the same paper,
although he does not, in conclusion, pretend to give a complete explan-
ation of the phenomenon, he brings forward, as explanations in part,
three circumstances, which, although accurately stated by him, appear
to be not exclusively appropriate to ice formed at the bottom, and
cannot therefore aid us in solving the main question which we have
te discuss here, which I apprehend to be, Why is ice formed sometimes
on the surface of running water, and sometimes at the bottom?
On reading M. Arago’s paper, J became desirous of offering some
remarks in answer to it, as without some one doing this, on proper
data, a misapprehension concerning the cause of a natural phenomenon,
so much at variance with our most frequent experience of the formation
of ice only on the surface of all waters, as to have often greatly excited
the attention and even called forth the astonishment of scientific men,
would continue to be propagated under the authority of a distinguished
name. Having, however, no record of my former observations to enable
me to refer accurately to the time, place, and other circumstances of
them, I delayed till a renewed occurrence of ice on the bottoms of
our streams should enable me to repeat them.
Such an occurrence, on a great scale, took place in the beginning
of this month of January (1835); and I now have the honour of pre-
senting to the notice of the Royal Society a brief account of the
observations I have been enabled to make, and of the conclusions to
which they appear to direct us.
Previously to entering on this detail and discussion, it seems
proper to describe the appearance and quality of the ice formed at
the bottoms of streams. A misapprehension regarding these may have
been one cause of the incredulity of its existence, entertained by some
persons who have never witnessed it, and which M. Arago, in the paper
referred to, has deemed it necessary to remove, by bringing forward the
testimony of many distinguished men to its reality.
The ice formed at the bottom does not resemble the solid glass-
like plates which are formed on the surface. It has nearlv the aspect
of the aggregated masses of snow as they are seen floating in rivers
during a heavy snow shower; but, on taking it out of the water, it
is found to be of a much firmer consistence than these, although never
approaching to the firmness and solidity of surface ice. It is a cav-
ernous mass of various-sized, but all small, pieces or crystals of ice,
adhering together in an apparently irregular manner by their sides,
90 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
or angles, or points, promisczously. Both the firmness of the adhesion
and the dimensions of the interstices (the latter filled with water, and
their volume easily estimated by the quantity of it which is discharged
when the ice is lifted out of the stream), are, however, greatly modified
by the intensity and continuance of the previous cold. When the
ice begins first to form on the bottoms of the streams, it presents a
rudely symmetrical appearance, which, for illustration, may be com-
pared to little hearts of cauliflowers, fixed on the bottom, having a
similar uniform circular outline and protuberance in the centre, with
coral-like projections. These pieces have a shining silvery aspect;
they are dispersed, at first irregularly, in small numbers, but increase
both in size and numbers, till the whole bottom is covered, and, if
the frost continues severe, grow in height, but in a very irregular man-
rer, so as to obliterate the earlier somewhat symmetrical shapes, till
the streams are raised high above their former levels, and frequently
made to overflow their banks.
And here I take the opportunity to notice the incorrectness of an
observation of Desmarest, quoted by M. Arago, and which, as M. Arago
cbserves, no one has corroborated, that it was from the lower parts,
which touched the bottom, that the flakes of ice successively increased.”
On the contrary, the forms of the surface of the earlier masses are
continually obscured, in succession, by new ice added to the top.
This congealed mass being thus very different in appearance and
consistence from the sheets or plates generally known by the name of
ice, it were no doubt well that, like the Germans who, M. Arago informs
us, name it grundeis, we too designated it by another name, to prevent
confusion or misapprehension when we refer to it. The inhabitants
of this part of the country will furnish us with a better one than
even that of the Germans. In a district where it occurs almost every
winter, and often repeatedly during the season, and where many of
the rivers are crossed by means of fords, its existence influences too
much their economical arrangements not to excite their particular
attention, especially as many horses refuse to enter any stream even
slightly impeded by it, being greatly alarmed by the pieces which break
and float up from the bottom by the action of their feet. A body
with which all are so well acquainted is known by an appropriate name.
They call it ground-gru; gru being the term by which they designate
snow saturated with, or swimming in water. I shall venture to use
their term for the ice formed at the bottom.
It will be better here also to state, generally, the conditions of
temperature and phases of the weather under which the ground-gru
is formed. I have seen it occur only when the temperature of the
2
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 91
whole mass of water was reduced to, or nearly to 32° Fahr., and when
the temperature of the air was several degrees below that point. I
have observed it in invariable condition, that it was preceded by a
continuance, for some time, of a clear, or very nearly clear, state of
the sky.
This is at variance with another observation of Desmarest, quoted
hy M. Arago, that “when, in consequence of a cloudy sky, the atmos-
pherical temperature experiences little variation throughout the day
and night, the ice at the bottam of the water uniformly increases
every twenty-four hours; on the contrary, when the sun shows itself,
the ice does not increase during the day.” It is the fact, that while
it is forming under the continuance of a cloudless sky, its increase
is impeded during the day. It may be possible, amidst the infinite
variety of measures of cold that may exist at the time, that the increase
of the gru may go on for a little time after the sun has been obscured
by a thin cloud; but I have always seen, that when a densely clouded
state of the sky supervened, and continued for the space of even only
twenty-four hours, the gru became detached from the bottom, and floated
down the stream. Should the temperature of the air continue low,
with the clouded sky, or get lower, the ground-gru is not renewed,
but the river is speedily frozen over at the surface. It is, in fact, a
_matter of frequent occurrence, in frosty winters, that our rivers, filled,
and so impeded, by ground-gru, as to be raised above their banks}
are found returned into their natural channels, and there frozen over
at the surface, but flowing over a clear bottom, in a space of time so
short as to appear very wonderful to those who have not investigated
the cause. The process is named, by the country people, the flitting
of the ice. In opposition to the observation of Desmarest, and in
confirmation of those which I have made, on this point, I may refer
to the Rev. Mr. Eisdale, who, not satisfied with the explanations of
M. Arago, has published one of his own, in the Hdinburgh New Phil-
osophical Journal, vol. xvii, p. 167. His explanation appears equally
_ unsatisfactory, as will be shown afterwards; but the part of his state-
ment we have to do with here is his notice of this observation of
Desmarest. The formation of the ground-gru, under a cloudy sky,
is so much at variance with the information which Mr. Eisdale had
received, that he resolves Desmarest’s “cloudy sky ” into “an atmos-
phere loaded with hoar frost, and rendered hazy by its condensation.”
The state of the air, in respect of being windy or calm, deserves also
to be noticed. The ground-gru occurs most frequently during calm,
with a deposition of hoar frost upon the ground at the time; and
1 Page 172.
92 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
this was the condition of matters during the observations now to be
+ detailed. But it also occurs during a frosty wind, when there is no
hoar frost, which is formed only in a calm state of the atmosphere.
The formation of the gru during wind, and consequently without any
deposition of hoar frost on the ground, is especially to be noticed
in reference to Mr. Eisdale’s explanation, as wiil be afterwards seen.
It occurred to M. Hugi, as quoted by M. Arago, in the Aar, on the
16th February, 1827, with a west wind, after the river had been com-
pletely open on the 15th; and one.of Mr. Eisdale’s correspondents
ascribed its occurrence in one particular instance, which he related to
him, to the prevalence of a very sharp northeast wind, which had blown
during the night of its formation. |
The following observations were made in the rivers Don and
Leochal. The former having an easterly course, is about 120 feet
broad, and a foot or two deep at the shallows and fords. The latter,
one of the small tributaries of the former, having a northerly course,
is about 20 feet broad, and a foot deep at the shallows. Both rivers
possess a like character of very clear water, and alternating rapids and
pools. The rapids in the Don are reaches, where the water falls two
or three, or more, feet, from a higher to a lower level, within a distance
of fifty or a hundred, or sometimes two or three hundred yards. They
are generally impeded with many large stones, some of them projecting
above the water. The depth varies greatly, but seldom exceeds two
or three feet. The pools between the rapids are on an average much
Jonger reaches, in which there is little fall, and a greatly diminished
velocity of the stream, which often, in them, flows so equably as to
give rise to no ripple on the surface. They too have in them large
stones, but fewer in number. The depth in them too varies greatly,
from two or three to four or five feet. ~ The rapids and pools in the
Leochal are of a similar kind, but both much less deep in this smaller
stream. The bed of this river has, however, on the whole, a steeper
descent, and owing to this there is more broken water and spray in
the rapids. The character of alternating rapids and pools, in both
streams, is owing to the varying hardness of the granitic and micaceous-
schistose rocks in which their beds are formed. Where the rocks are
hard, there is a rapid; where more friable, a pool. Jn the parts of
the rivers observed, the original rocks themselves do not anywhere form
the immediate bed of the stream. That, to the depth of two or three,
or more, feet, is composed of the debris of these rocks, broken up
and sometimes much waterworn, and reduced to the size of a very large
gravel, by the action of the stream, but not so small as to deserve to
be named sand. No part of the bottom is muddy.
à CR ai
i, vd
TA
ay +
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 93
On the night between the 31st of December, 1834, and the Ist of
January, 1835, after the mean temperature of the air had continued
for three days at 47° Fahr., and when there had been little frost in
the season before, there cummenced a hard frost, with a calm and
perfectly cloudless sky, which continued with little abatement till the
5th of January, at 10 am. In the night between the 3rd and 4th,
the temperature of the air was 23° Fahr.; and on the 4th, the bottoms
of the rapids in the Leochal were seen coated in some places with sil-
very cauliflower shaped clusters of ground-gru. I neglected at this
time to examine the temperature of the water.
Between the 4th and 5th the temperature was down to 19° Fahr. ;
end on the 5th I examined the Don and the Leochal along half a
mile of each, beginning the examination at half-past eight o’clock a.m.
The examination began at the bridge of Alford, built of granite over
the Don, in the middle of one of the rapids. At this rapid, the whole
bottom, with the exceptions to be immediately stated, was covered with
silvery gru, appearing from two or three to five or six inches deep.
My attention was particularly directed to the exceptions, as throwing
a clear hght on the question of the radiation of heat from the bottom. °
Round each of the piers, and in front of the abutments of the bridge,
there was a space quite clear of all frozen matter, excepting at a side
of one pier under an arch, where a piece of very still water, caused
by an obstruction at the bottom, was covered by clear sheet ice. On
the south side of the river, two embanking walls, one up and the other
down the stream, each twelve yards long, are built in a line with
the water courses of the abutment. Close to the bridge these walls are
eight feet high from the bottom of the stream, but as they recede from
the bridge the masonry slopes gradually to a lower level, till the ex-
tremities are little above the level of the-water. The bottoms in front
of these walls are clear of ground-gru, as well as that in front of the
abutments; but the breadth of the clear space in front of the walls
narrowed gradually towards their extremities, in proportion as the
masonry became lower, till at the extremity of the downward wall
especially, which ends at a sloping gravelly bank, the gru came to
the edge of the water. The space of the bottom clear of gru was
about five or six feet broad at the high parts of the walls next the
bridge; and the water runs on the place at the medium depth and
velocity of the rapid. There was another clear space in the bottom of
this rapid. About twenty-five yards above the bridge there is, in the
middle of the stream, a piece of still water, caused by an elevated bed
of gravel, just below it, over which the stream is very shallow. The
still water, for an extent of two or three square poles, was covered with
94 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
sheet ice, and that again covered by a very thin, but white, opake
deposition of hoar frost. From under this ice the water, flowing
rapidly over the gravel bed below, had no ground-gru for a space of
eight or ten yards downwards.
Above this rapid, a pool of moderate stillness, about three or four
feet deep, extends a hundred and fifty yards in length. Over the
bottom of this there were scattered, in an irregular manner, many
cauliflower-shaped clusters of silvery gru, most of them very small, and
none that were observed covering more of the bottom than a square
foot or two at one place. In the deepest and stillest part of the pool
there were several tufts of water starwort, with sooty-coloured decaying
leaves, forming the darkest-coloured objects seen at the bottom. These
were all densely tangled with fringes of silvery gru. At the head of
the pool, where the velocity acquired by the water in the rapid imme-
diately above it was not yet greatly diminished, an appearance of a
different kind presented itself. There are here several large stones
in the bed of the stream, but none of them projecting above the water.
On the faces of those opposed to the stream there were seen quantities
of gru of a different aspect from that further down. It was not
arranged in the same cauliflower shapes, but in angular masses, like
wreaths of snow blown by the wind. It wanted, too, the silvery glance
of the other, and had more the appearance of a pale ash-coloured mud.
On reaching it with the end of a pole, its consistency was found to
be less firm; in fact, it was only a heap of detached uncemented spiculæ
pressed against the stones, and retained there mechanically by the action
of the water, in a certain modified state of its velocity. The source
of these heaps of uncemented spiculæ will soon be noticed. This
pool, as indeed was the case with all the pools in the river, had at
its edges and in its little bays narrow pieces of surface-ice, extending
a foot or two from the banks.
The rapid immediately above this, not unlike that at the bridge,
was covered at the bottom with silvery gru, with one exception. The
river was low at the time from long-continued deficiency of rain, and
the water had deserted the south side of the channel, leaving many little
pools among the stones, communicating more or less freely by irregular
little currents with the main stream. The pools were covered over
with sheet-ice, and that with a thin opake deposit of hoar frost-like
snow. In the little currents returning from under this ice there was
no frozen matter.
At the head of this rapid there is a pool much deeper and stiller
than that above the bridge-rapid already described. The depth is five
feet, and the stillness such that, at many points of it, there is no
[BARNES] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 98
ripple or wave on the surface. None of the silvery cauliflower-like
ice was seen on the bottom here; but near the head of it, in a modified
state of the current pouring in from the rapid above it, there were,
on the faces of several large stones opposed to the stream, collections
of uncemented icy spiculæ.
The source of these collections was very readily observed in a great
rapid immediately above this. In that rapid the water has a much
quicker descent than in the others referred to. It is about a hundred
yards long, and cumbered with many large stones, pver which, at
many points, through its whole length, the water breaks with a great
deal of spray. Here an immense quantity of gru occupied the bottom,
impeding much the course of the stream. At the time of observation
many pieces of this gru were seen edging up, and in some instances
breaking quite away from the bottom, apparently by the increasing
pressure of the water, as it became dammed back by the increase of the
gru itself. This at least was the appearance, although there may
have been another cause for the disengagement of it from the bottom.
and that is, the impeding, by the imperfectly translucent gru, of that
radiation of heat from the bottem which, I trust in conclusion to
demonstrate, is the immediate chief agent in the whole phenomenon.
It is now to be observed, that a number of pieces of loose gru,
the origin of which was so clearly ascertained at this last rapid, were
floating down in all parts of the river. In passing through the rapids,
they were broken into fragments, and, where the fall was violent,
shivered into minute pieces. The larger pieces that remained after
passing through the rapids floated at the surface, immediately as thev
got into the uniformly flowing currents at the heads of the pools; but
the minuter ones, mixed with the water to all depths by the plunging
whirls in the rapids, not being so speedily disentangled from their
cohesion with the water, by the action of gravity, floated for a greater
distance immersed in the water, and were intercepted by, and mechanic-
ally retained against, the faces of the stones by the action of the
stream at the heads of the pools. Further down, and in stiller water,
where no such intercepted heaps were seen, their buoyancy had, no doubt,
by degrees, overcome the cohesion and raised them to the surface; and
in fact, in the still water, many minute icy fragments were floating
in the surface.
Mr. Knight, the celebrated botanist, quoted by M. Arago, has
obviously, in part, but not completely, distinguished between the
“frozen matter which reflected a silvery kind of whiteness,” which
covered the stones in the rocky bed of the river, and “ floating spicule
under water,” which he found to “ accumulate much more abundantly
2
96 ROYAL SOCIETY ŸF CANADA
upon such parts of the stones as stood opposed to the current, where
that was not very rapid, below the httle falls or very rapid parts of
thetriver
In the smaller stream of the Leochal, the quantity of ground-gru
was comparatively much more abundant, occupying the bottoms both
of the pools and rapids in close masses, and in the latter, at many
parts, forming such an impediment as to urge the water over its
usual banks. But there were two remarkable exceptions. One of the
pools flows close to the foot of a steep bank about fifteen feet high,
and in the side next the bank there was little ground-gru. In a rapid,
which at a turn of the river has an easterly course, there was a very
dense fringe of Phalaris arundinacea standing, with its dense foliage
of withered leaves, in the south edge of the water. Its height was
four feet, and it extended fourteen feet in length along the stream.
At the foot of it the bottom of the rapid was clear of ground-gru to
the breadth of three feet.
The temperature of the air and water, at the time of these observ-
ations, was particularly ascertained. That of the air at sunrise, about
an hour before thé observations commenced, had been 23° Fahr.; but
it was rising rapidly during their progress, and was at 36° Fahr.
before their conclusion. The temperature of the water in the Don
varied from 32° to 33° Fahr.; but the variation could not be distinctly
traced as depending on the depth or velocity, as there was a temporary
variation in the same place, both in the pools and rapids. At one of
the small streams, returning from under the sheet-ice on the little
pools at the edge of one of the rapids, the temperature was nearly
steady at 33° Fahr. In the Leochal the temperature was nearly
steady everywhere at 32° Fahr.
By 10 o’clock a.m. on the same day, a cloud obscured the whole
sky, and at 2 o’clock p.m. the temperature of the air was 40° Fahr.
At this time much gru rose from the bottom and floated down the
streams of both rivers. The relaxation of the frost, however, was of
very brief continuance. Before sunset the temperature of the air was
again down to 31° Fahr., with a perfectly calm air and clear sky;
and the clear sky continued till the evening of the 7th of January, the
thermometer during the two intermediate nights being at 23°, and
during the intermediate day at 26°.
The same parts of the Don and Leochal were again examined at
10 o’clock a.m. on the 7th. In the Don the ground-gru now covered
all the bottoms of the pools as well as of the rapids. It was of less
depth in the deep still pool below the great rapid; but everywhere
else it formed a great impediment to the stream, raising it so much
[ BARNEs ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 97
above its former level that it covered deeply the pieces of sheet-ice
formed at the edge of the 5th. New pieces of similar ice were now
forming at the same places on the more elevated surface. The Leochal
was still more impeded by the gru than the Don.
But, what is worthy of particular notice, the clear spaces of the
bottom, at the piers, abutments, and embanking-walls of the bridge
on the Don, and at the Phalaris grass in the Leochal, still continued
so, but were now considerably narrowed in their lateral dimensions, the
ground-gru having encroached upon them on the sides next the steams.
The temperature of the air was 24° Fahr.; of the water, everywhere
nearly steady at 32°.
Several circumstances occurred on some subsequent days which
deserve to be noticed, as throwing light, by the contrast which they
exhibit, on the phenomenon now under consideration. On the 8th of
January there occurred a thaw, when the thermometer suddenly rose
tc 47° Fahr. The rivers were speedily cleared of ice and ground-gru,
which last rose from the bottom and floated away with the steam.
The atmosphere at the time was considerably clouded, with a brisk
S.W. wind. On the 9th of January the temperature of the air fell
to 36° Fahr.; and on the morning of 10th of January, with a tem-
perature of the air at 29° Fahri, there was a fall of snow, of about
an inch deep, which ceased by 8 o’clock am. ‘The snow that fell
into the rivers was observed to be entangled, and stuck fast, in irre-
gular crushed masses, in many parts of the rapids; and there were
collections formed of loose spicule of a muddy aspect, at the sides of
the stones opposed to the streams in the heads of the pools, where
the velocity of the currents was intermediate between that of the
rapids and that of the stiller parts of the pools; but there was no
appearance on any part of the bottom resembling the symmetrical
cauliflower-shaped ground-gru. On the evening of the 10th the tem-
perature of the air fell to 23°, and continued at from 23° to 21° till
the morning of the 12th, with a densely clouded state of the sky.
During this time extensive sheets of surface-ice were formed on the
pools of the Don, and many of the pools of the Leochal were quite
frozen over, but the ground-gru was nowhere renewed; on the contrary,
the masses of snow entangled in the rapids on the 10th disappeared
to a great extent, obviously floating away in the stream. In this
state of the river and weather, the collections of uncemented spiculæ,
on the faces of the stones opposed to the streams in the heads of the
pools, appeared in their places the same as before, neither ASS
nor diminishing in size.
Sec, III., 1906. 7
98 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
M. Arago, in his paper, refers to three circumstances, as partly,
at least, explanatory of the formation of ground-gru in running water.
1st. The inversion, by the: motion of the current, of the hydros-
tatic order, by which the water at the surface, cooled by the cold air,
and which at all points of the temperature of water under 39° Fahr.
would, in still water, continue to float on the surface, is mixed with
the warmer water below, and thus the whole body of water to the bottom
is cooled alike by a mechanical action of the stream:
2nd. The aptitude to the formation of crystals of ice on the stones
and asperities of the bottom, in the water wholly cooled to 32°, sim-
ilar to the readiness with which crystals form on pointed and rough
bodies in a saturated saline solution:
3rd. The existence of a less impediment to the formation of crys-
tals in the slower motion of the water at the bottom, than in the
more rapid one near, or at the surface.
There is no denying the justness of these three positions, and yet
the slightest reflection teaches us that neither singly nor combined do
they aid us in answering the main question before us, “ Why is ice
formed sometimes at the surface of running water, and sometimes at
the bottom?” All the circumstances, or conditions, referred to by
M. Arago, are present when ice, as most frequently takes place, is in
the course of being formed only on the surface, as well as when the
formation is going on at the bottom. Were we to admit them as an
enswer to our question, then running water ought always to freeze
first at the bottom. But a most extensive experience teaches us that
this is not the case. The illustrations of M. Arago, indeed, just and
true in themselves, are not to be overlooked when we would investigate
and explain the formation of ice either at the bottom or at the sur-
face. They will serve to enlighten us greatly in both these events,
but they have no exclusive relevancy to either, and we must therefore
look out for another solution of the problem.
M. Arago, in his conclusion, does not present these three circum-
stances as a complete explanation; but he says, the reader may ask
why he has not done so, and he answers to this, “that we have no
observations which prove that this kind of ice is seen, until the tem-
perature of the whole of the water is at zero” (centigr.); and that
it is not certain that the little icy particles, seen by Mr. Knight, float-
ing on a milldam, at the time ground-ice was forming in the stream,
and which may have acquired in contact with the air a temperature
below zero (centigr.), do not play an important part in the phenomenon
which he has overlooked.
[BARNES] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 9
©
In regard to the former of these points, I cannot say what M.
Arago would have deduced from it, had it been established in one
way or the other. The observations made on the Don on the 5th of
January show that the temperature of the whole water was not quite
down to 32° Fahr. when the ground-gru was forming in large quantity.
In regard to the latter, the little icy particles seen by Mr. Knight,
the same condition belongs to them that belongs to the circumstances
professedly adduced by M. Arago, as explanations; that is, they occur
as well when the ice is forming on the surface only as when it is form-
ing on the bottom. They account well, however, for the collections
of frozen matter seen by him at the sides of the stones opposed to the
stream, in parts where its velocity had a certain modification.
And here I may advert to the explanation offered by the Rev.
Mr. Eisdale, in his paper already referred to. From the information
he received, he was led to believe the ground-gru does not occur but
when there is a hoar frost on the ground; and he explains the ground-
gru to be particles, or crystals as he afterwards names them, of hoar
frost precipitated into the water, retaining there the shapes in which
they descended, brought into contact with the rocks by the agitation
ef the water, and forming nuclei for the accumulation of ground-gru.
Could it be proved that such crystals are precipitated into the water,
they would serve no more for explanation than the icy particles of
Mr. Knight. We have learnt, indeed, from travellers in high northern
regions, that, in certain states of cold and moisture of the air, such
crystals, as Mr. Eisdale assumes, are there seen and felt floating in
it; but nothing of that kind was observed in January last; and when
Mr. Eisdale, from the existence of spiculæ of hoar frost on the ground,
would infer the like may be formed in the air to fall into the water,
he neglects to take into the account, that the spicule of hoar frost
bave not fallen from above, but that their symmetrical arrangement,
round on all sides of the bodies on which they are found, and their
slow increase, prove they have been deposited on their places by a
gradual deposition of invisible watery vapour, owing to the substances
to which they are attached being cooled below the temperature of the
surrounding air, by the radiation made known to us by the experiments
of Dr. Wells. Besides this we have to remark, that the ground-gru
sometimes takes place, agreeably to the information of one of Mr.
Fisdale’s own correspondents, in a windy state of the atmosphere, at
which time no hoar frost is seen.
The interesting experiments of Dr. Wells just referred to enable
us to give, after all, a very satisfactory explanation of the ground-
gru; and Mr. McKeever, quoted by M. Arago, had gone far to illus-
100 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
trate it by means of them, although he had overlooked some conditions
necessary to be taken into account for a complete explanation. M.
Arago, however, entirely rejects the explanation of Mr. McKeever, and
it is fair to set down the terms in which he does so. |
After having shown that the ground-gru cannot be explained by
the action of the moon,’ according to the sailors, nor by the friction
of running water producing more heat at the surface than at the
bottom, nor by referring its source to the smaller tributaries of the
streams, nor to different layers of ice formed at the several surfaces,
when the water in the river, from whatever cause, is in a state of
varying fullness, all of which have been assigned as causes of the
ground-gru, M. Arago proceeds:
“We come now to Mr. McKeever, who, confining himself closely
to the most subtle principles of the theory of heat, has not on this
account been more fortunate than his predecessors. According to this
author, ‘the rocks, stones and gravel, which generally cover the bot-
toms of rivers, have powers of radiation superior to those of mud,
perhaps on account of their peculiar nature, but chiefly because they
have rough surfaces. Thus rocks in large or small masses will become
much cooler in consequence of radiation; when the atmospherical tem-
perature is very low, they of course freeze the water which touches
them. It is unnecessary to examine here whether heat radiates through
a thick layer of water, as Mr. McKeever supposes, as the most simple
observation is sufficient to overthrow it. Where is the person who has
not observed that the strong radiation, which the Irish philosopher
admits, would be more plainly manifested, or as completely, in still
water than in running water? But no one has seen a piece of still
water frozen at the bottom.” *
But there is nothing more easy of experimental proof than that
heat radiates through water. JI do not mean, however. to vindicate
the reasoning of Mr. McKeever respecting the more powerful radiation
of it from stones and from mud. His reasoning respecting the matter
is, on his own part, conjectural, to explain the readier formation of
gru on a stony or gravelly bottom; but the gru also forms on a muddy
bottom, a fact which M. Arago notices, when he brings the attachment
of mud to the under side of the floating flakes as a proof that they
have been formed at the bottom. Mr. McKeever was driven to his
1This explanation of the sailors is a confirmation of what I have stated,
that the gru never appears but under a clear sky. The constant observ-
ation of the sailors has associated, in their minds, the shining of the moon
with the ground-gru; but the moon never shines, to excite great attention,
but in a clear sky.
? Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, vol. xv, pp. 132, 133.
-
(Barnes ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 101
conjecture from having overlooked the more complete and sudden in-
version of the hydrostatic order that takes place over stones than over
mud; which last is deposited only in places where the water has a
stiller and more equable motion. In such places the ground-gru is
later in forming, and therefore is more rarely seen; and it is doubtful
whether Mr. McKeever had a proper opportunity for noticing it in
them.
But to return to the main point which we have here to main-
tain in opposition to the reasoning of M. Arago, the radiation of heat
through a body of water. When we construct an achromatic object-
glass for a telescope, it does not the less remain a burning-lens when
we have included in it a transparent fluid, and no experiment has
proved that were the fluid water the case would be altered. We are
aware of the danger that has been incurred setting fire to an apart-
ment by an ornamental glass globe filled with water, and placed in
the sun at a window. But as I cannot particularly refer to circum-
stances of time and place of the cases now mentioned, I made an
experiment on the subject with such apparatus as I could find readily
at hand, having no access to better in a remote country place! In a°
room, of which the temperature was 50° Fahr., a semiglobular tumbler
filled with water, containing about a pint and a half, was placed inside
a window, in the rays of the low but clear winter sun. The bulb
of a thermometer, which had been previously placed in a similar situ-
ation till it rose and remained steady at 61°, was shifted into the
brightest part of the fan-shaped focus of rays, into which the light
was refracted through the tumbler. In this position it was raised in
four minutes to 72°. ‘It was again shifted into the unconcentrated
Tays passing through the window, when it fell, but more slowly than
it had risen; and the experiment was repeatedly renewed with similar
results, leaving no doubt that the heat, like the light, radiated through,
and was refracted by the water. If the fact is so in regard to the
radiation of heat through a mass of water four or five inches thick,
where ought we to set the limits of thickness of the mass through
which it cannot pass? Obviously, only where the thickness is so great,
that the aggregation of the fluid, and of its minute impurities, prevents
the transmission of light, as in the deeps of the sea, but not within
the ordinary depths of our clear streams.
Of the effect of radiation in cooling down the surface of the
ground, and substances placed upon it, during ‘a clear sky, we cannot
1It may seem absurd to have had recourse to experiment in a case s9
plain; but the procedure seemed, at the same time, indispensable, to meet
Teasonings promulgated with the authority of such a distinguished name.
102 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
give a more lucid account than that of M. Arago, in his paper “ On
the supposed Influence of the Moon on Vegetation.” ‘No one had
supposed,” says he, “before Dr. Wells, that terrestrial substances, ex-
cepting in the case of a very rapid evaporation, may acquire during
the night a different temperature from that of the surrounding air.
This important fact is now well ascertained. On placing little masses
ot cotton down, etc., in the open air, it is frequently observed that
they acquire a temperature 6°, 7°, or even 8° centigr. below that of
the surrounding atmosphere . . . . These differences of temper-
ature between solid bodies and the atmosphere only rise to 6°, 7°, or
8° of the centesimal scale, when the sky is perfectly clear. If the sky
is clouded they become insensible.” This lucid statement, however,
requires one modification; for the greater cooling of the solid sub-
stances, under a clear sky, takes place not only during the night, but
also during the day, in places not directly exposed to the sun’s rays.
This radiation, as it passes freely through the transparent atmos-
phere, may, as we learn from the above experiment, pass also through
the transparent water, to cool down the solid substances at the bottom
below the temperature of the surrounding flud. That fluid is per-
meable to radiating heat as well as the atmosphere. The application
of the thermometer, in the hands of Dr. Wells, instructed us regarding
the cooling of the surface of the ground; but the water of a river,
placed under the very same condition of a clear sky, fluid above and
freezing below, is a great natural thermometer, teaching us that a
corresponding cooling is going on on the surface of the solid opake
substances of the bottom. In fact, if we may so speak, the phenomenon
of the ground-gru is the result of an experiment in the water, entirely
similar to that of Dr. Wells on the land, performed by nature on a
large scale, and presented to us for our interpretation and instruction.
And when we look back to the observations made in the month of
January, we find the results of the modifications of this great natural
experiment corresponding with those of similar modifications of the
experiment on the dry land.
The cooling of the surface of the ground by radiation, discovered
by Dr. Wells, takes place only under a clear sky. It is therefore
greatly modified on parts of the ground screened from a part of the
sky by opake objects, as walls, trees, hedges. In illustration of the
extent to which a screening or shading body, near at hand, modifies
the radiation, I shall detail some observations I made on the 7th of
January last, incidentally in the first instance, but then extended, in
reference to the observations on the ground-gru, which I was making
at the time. Having occasion that day to dig into recently hoed
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 103
ground, in the middle of a garden, remote from shade, the soil was
observed to be frozen to the depth of four inches, by the clear frost,
which had continued from the 1st of January, with the trifling inter-
mission above mentioned. On digging into similar ground at the
north base of a wall six feet high, the soil was found, close at the
foot of the wall, frozen to the depth of only half an inch; at a foot
distance from it, about an inch; at two feet, little more; and it was
only at the distance of ten or twelve feet that it was frozen hard to
the depth of three inches. A similar modification of the effect of
radiation was observed in the shade of trees. Under the Scotch fir
the soil, slightly covered with decaying herbage, was not at all frozen;
although in similar ground, similarly covered, but remote from shade,
it was hard frozen to the depth of two or three inches.
Now the ground-gru in the rivers was modified in a way strictly
similar by the effect of shade. The bridge of Alford, over the Don,
is happily situated for illustrating this, being on one of the rapids,
where the ground-gru is earliest and most abundantly formed. While
the other rapids, and the unshaded parts of this one, were quite occu-
pied by gru on both the 5th and 7th of January, spaces in the shade
of the masonry at this bridge were quite clear of it. It cannot be
admitted as an explanation of this fact, that heat may have been there
laterally transmitted to the water by contact with the piers and walls;
for if this took place, why then did the clear spaces on the bottom
narrow gradually towards the low extremities of the embanking walls?
Besides, the transmission of heat laterally had not hindered the forma-
tion of surface-ice, in contact with a pier, on a piece of still water
under one of the arches. The modification of the radiation by shade
was also exhibited in the absence of all gru on the bottom, along the
foot of the dense tuft of Phalaris grass in the Leochal, where there
could be no more transmission of heat laterally, than at the general
line of the grassy banks of this stream.
The water, too, returning warmer from under the surface-ice, on
the little pools at the edge of one of the rapids, is another instance
of the modification of the radiation by shade. The thin white opake
covering of hoar frost on the ice prevented radiation, at least in a
great measure, and the heat of the bed of the river, in tthe course of
continual transmission upwards, from strata not yet cooled to much
depth by the frost, finding no outlet by the radiation, was expended
in heating the water by contact.
There was another phenomenon observed on the 5th of January,
(although no longer seen on the 7th, being then concealed by the
immense formation of gru), which can be readily explained by the
104 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
admission of the radiation of heat through the water, and therefore
goes to support the justness of the theory. The tufts of water star-
wort, in the deepest and stillest parts of one of the pools, were the
darkest-coloured objects seen at the bottom, and they were fringed in
every part with spicule of gru, at a time while it yet occupied little
of the bottom of this pool. The experiments of Boyle, Franklin,
Rumford, Leslie (although he denies the conclusion himself), Davy,
and Stark appear too uniform in their results to leave any doubt
remaining, that dark-coloured bodies both absorb and radiate heat more
freely than those which are light-coloured. It is in consistency, then,
with an ascertained law of the radiation of heat, that the very dark-
coloured tufts of the water starwort should have been the first bodies
in the pool cooled to a very low temperature, and, of course, first covered
with gru.
In arguing the whole question, let us not forget to assign a
proper value to the illustrations of M. Arago. The first of them
suggests a ready and satisfactory answer to one of the objections
which he brings against the theory of radiation, which is, that the
effect of it should be as readily manifested in still as in running water,
and yet no one has seen a piece of still water frozen at the bottom.t
In still water, that hydrostatic order, which M. Arago has so well
illustrated as belonging to water when reduced to a temperature under
39° Fahr., has free play to establish itself, and is not inverted by the
mechanical action of the stream. When the temperature of a body
of water is under 39°, then the coldest portions of it are the lightest
and naturally rise and float on the surface. When in a still pond
the water nearest the bottom has been cooled below the general tem-
perature by contact with the solid materials cooled by radiation, it is
displaced by the heavier warmer water above. Hence ice forms first
on the surface by the meeting there of both the cold of radiation and
that acquired by contact with the incumbent cold atmosphere.
1 There is an exception to the universality of this position, which,
although rare, I have sometimes witnessed; and as the phenomenon is in
accordance with the theory of the radiation of the heat from the bottom, it
deserves notice. In little ponds of a foot or two deep, dug to obtain the
materials for building or agricultural purposes, of which there are many
examples in this neighbourhood, after they have been covered, owing t9
hard and long-continued frost, by a thick sheet of ice, that is sometimes
nearly melted off, and the remaining fragments driven to the lee side by
a strong westerly gale of high temperature. Such a gale in this climate,
frequently, towards its conclusion, shifts to N.W., when the temperature
of the air falls again below the freezing-point of water, with a generally
clear sky. In such peculiar circumstances the little ponds are suddenly
filled with gru, commencing at, and shooting up from the bottom. The
whole water is here at 32° Fahr. when the gru begins forming, and the
hydrostatic order is deranged by the wind.
[BARNES ] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 103
M. Arago’s illustrations also furnish us with a satisfactory explan-
ation of the curious facts, that the ground-gru makes its first appearance
in the more rapid and agitated parts of the stream, and begins to
show itseif on the bottoms of the stiller parts, and to accumulate there
in quantity, only after a longer continuance of the clear, frosty
weather. In the rapids the hydrostatic order is overturned, and the
colder, which is also the lighter, water not only mixed with the warmer
below, but, at the whirls of the greatest rapids, brought suddenly,
without much mixing, into direct contact with the bottom, cooled still
lower than itself by radiation. If the water is at the temperature of
32° Fahr. it can give out no heat to the colder bottom without part
of it being converted into ice, the spiculæ and crystals of which find
a solid body for their attachment at the very point where the heat is
given out.!
But while in this manner we can explain some of the incidents,
may it not be held, as above demonstrated, that the chief cause of the
ground-gru is the radiation of heat from the bottoms of the rivers?
Every branch of the phenomenon is of easy explanation when we admit
the radiation; and among the rest a circumstance to which I have
yet made no reference, and that is, the disappearance at the bottom of
the water of the immense quantity of heat, 140° of Fahr., which con-
stitutes the caloric of fluidity disengaged, when water at 32° Fahr.
is converted into ice at the same temperature.
The answer to our original question then is, That ice is formed
sometimes on the surface of running water, and sometimes at the bot-
tom, because frost sometimes takes place with a clouded sky, which is
incompatible with radiation of heat from the bottom of the stream,
and sometimes with a clear sky, when that radiation takes place through
the water, in the same manner as the experiments of Dr. Wells prove
it goes on, under a like sky, through the atmosphere. The bottom
is by this cooled down below the freezing point of water, before the
water itself: ice is formed on it, and its detachment by transmitted
heat from below prevented as long as the radiation continues.
1 We may observe also, that there is a local source of greater cold of
the water in the rapids, in its being brought into more active and extensive
contact with the air by a sharp ripple and spray.
106 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
ON GROUND-GRU, OR ICE FORMED, UNDER PECULIAR CIRCUMSTANCES,
AT THE BOTTOM OF RUNNING WATER.
By JAMES Farquaarson, LL.D., F.RB.S.,
Minister of the Parish of Alford.
From Philosophical Transactions, Vol. 131, p. 37 (1841.)
In a paper of mine on Ground-gru, or ice formed at the bottom
of running water, which was honoured with a place in the Philosophical
Transactions,! I had inferred, from a great many conditions attending
remarkable occurrence of the phenomenon in the rivers Don and Leo-
chal, in the beginning of January, 1835, as well as from its occurring
only when the air is at the time quite clear, that it is caused, when
the water has gone down in temperature to the freezing point, by the
bottom of the water being cooled to a still lower temperature, in the
same manner as the surface of the dry land, under a clear sky, is
cooled down below the temperature of the air, as first demonstrated
by the experiments of Dr. Wells.
As the accuracy of the conclusion at which I arrived respecting
the question has been controverted, I respectfully request the Royal
Society to permit me to present to them brief notices of some recent
occurrences of ground-gru, in the same rivers to which I formerly
referred, the conditions of which seem to me strongly to confirm the
accuracy of the views I presented regarding the cause of the phenom-
enon; and also to answer some of the objections which have been
brought against it.
Cold weather commenced on the 20th December, 1840 (on which
night the thermometer went down to 31°), and continued with frost
every night, yet never below 26°, and with frost also through most
of the day, till the 31st of the same month. By the 26th December,
surface ice in considerable quantity was formed on the edges of the
small river Leochal, and the temperature of the water was down to the
freezing point. Down to the evening of the 28th the weather was
cloudy, and there was no appearance in the river of anything resembling
ground-gru; but on that night the sky suddenly became clear, and
before the morning of the 29th, the bottoms of all the rapids of the
little river were thickly coated by the ground-gru. The gru disap-
peared as speedily as it had formed, when, on the 29th, a close cloud,
depositing slight showers of snow, again covered the whole sky, and
continued till the temperature of the day and night rose above freezing.
1 Part II, for 1835, p. 329.
[BARNES ] ‘ ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 107
In comparison with this, I would refer to a series of frosty days
from the 1st to the 11th of February, 1841, with a temperature the
same as from the 22nd to 31st December, 1840, never descending below
26°. The water of the river descended to the freezing temperature,
and surface ice was formed in large quantity on the edges of both the
Leochal and the Don. A dense cloud covered the sky during the
eleven days and nights, and no ground-gru appeared in the rivers.
A remarkable occurrence of ground-gru took place in both the
rivers from the evening of the 7th to the morning of the 9th January,
1841, with a completely clear sky during the time. The thermometer
was at 2° below zero on the night of the 7th, at 9° at midday on
the 8th, and at 7° below zero on the night of the 8th. I examined
particularly the state of the Don, during this extreme and clear frost,
before it abated on the morning of the 9th. The bottom of the river
was everywhere coated by an immense quantity of ground-gru, excepting
where it was partially shaded by bridges, or lofty banks close to the
stream. In the partially shaded places the bottom was clear of gru.
Thus, this remarkable formation of ground-gru took place under exactly
such circumstances as those in which hoar frost or dew takes place
on the dry land, when the surface of the earth becomes colder than
the air (which we explain by a radiation of heat from the surface
of the earth into the clear sky, or by impulses of cold from the sky
to the earth), with only this difference, that there was an additional
transparent fluid over the bottom of the river, namely, the water; and
thus also a shade prevented the formation of ground-gru in the river,
as it does that of hoar frost or dew on the land.
: In noticing the objections to the explanation I have given of the
cause of ground-gru, I shall confine myself to those brought forward
by a writer in the Penny Cyclopedia, under the name of Ground
Gru, which I have seen only very lately, although I believe they have
been published for some years. He says, the explanations of the
formation of ground-gru, given by Dr. Farquharson and Mr. Eisdale,
are least of all satisfactory, and adds, “The former gentleman says
it is the result of radiation, and endeavours to substantiate his reason-
ing upon the principles of the formation of dew, seeming to forget
entirely, that Dr. Wells maintains expressly. that wind and shade are
alike obstacles to radiation; and that consequently a body of moving
water so deep as to be impervious to light, and particularly when cov-
ered, as in the case of the Neva, with a sheet of ice three feet thick,
and as much more snow, must present an insurmountable obstacle to
the radiation of heat from the bottom of the river.”
108 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Now, in the first place, with respect to shade: I was so far from
forgetting that it is an obstacle to radiation, that, on the contrary,
in my observations in 1835, J had shown by very many instances, that
shade had prevented the formation of ground-gru, just as it prevented
dew. Wherever shade intervened to prevent radiation from the bot-
toms of the rivers Don and Leochal, there no ground ice was formed;
while the unshaded parts of the bottoms were coated with it. My
explanation thus mainly rested upon the fact that shade prevents radia-
tion. In the next place, with respect to wind; the writer in the
Cyclopedia himself forgets the difference of the statical conditions of
air and water in connexion with temperature. Air becomes heavier
by diminution of temperature. Water under 39° Fahr. becomes lighter
by diminution of temperature. During wind, on the land, the cold
air at the surface of the earth is continually mixed with, or displaced
by, the warmer air above; and by this process both the earth and air
in contact with it are prevented from being reduced to a very low
temperature by radiation. But in a body of moving water, whose
temperature is under 39°, the eddies of the current throw down the
coldest parts, which in still water would remain at the surface, to
come into contast with the bottom. This last circumstance is the
explanation of M. Arago, and it well accounts for the formation of
ground-gru taking place first in the most rapid parts of the streams;
although neither by itself, nor when taken in conjunction with the
other two circumstances to which he refers, namely, aptitude to forma-
tion of crystals on asperities at the bottom, and less impediment to
the formation of crystals in a slower motion, will it account for the
formation of ground gru, as all these circumstances are present when
the water forms only surface ice. The formation of ground-gru
requires for its explanation an additional element, namely, the radia-
tion, into the clear sky, of heat from the bottom of the river; and
the formation never occurs but under a clear sky.
As to the ground-gru, observed by Colonel Jackson in the Neva
under three feet of ice and three feet of snow, that can form no valid
objection to the explanation I have given, unless it were ascertained
that the gru was formed after the surface ice and the fall of the snow,
and not before them. All rivers issuing from lakes, like the Neva,
have very clear waters to admit of radiation through them, although
as deep as it is; and all rivers are very clear during frost, owing to
the freezing up of the little land rills that would convey earthy par-
ticles into them. Ground-gru formed in the Neva would be much
more permanent than in our rivers. The mean temperature of Alford
[BARNES] ANCHOR-ICE FORMATION 109
is 45° Fahr., and that of the earth, of course, the same; and on the
remission of its cause, the ground-gru is here speedily detached from
the bottom, by the transmission of heat from below. Not so in the
Neva. There, according to Kupffer, the mean temperature is only
38°.75; and under the action of a frost so severe as to form three
feet depth of ice, although the condition of the clear sky might not
continue, previously formed gru would, at that mean temperature, be
of great permanence. This applies also to the Siberian rivers.
ae
om
Section III, 1906. DT Trans. R. S&S C.
VII.—The Foundations of Geometry — Presidential Address to
Section III.
By Proressor ALFRED BAKER, M.A.
(Read May 22nd, 1906).
It is satisfactory to know that the advances that are being made
in the purely intellectual domain of mathematics are, in a sense, com-
parable with the remarkable achievements of the physicist and of the
chemist, though necessarily appealing to a more limited circle, and less
encouraged by the stimulating influence of popular applause. In
mathematics activity shows itself in two directions—the boundaries
of the science are being enlarged, and its foundations are being subjected
to the most searching examination. In analysis the examination of
the number concept has produced many remarkable results; in geometry
the search-light of a penetrating logic has revealed the base of the
subject with remarkable clearness. It is of this latter field of enquiry—
the foundations of geometry —I wish to speak.
In Euclid each proposition rests on preceding propositions, and the
reasoning is unassailable. But when we go down to the lowest stones
of the structure — to the axioms — we find ourselves in serious diff:
culties. Every intelligent schoolboy has had his trouble with the
eleventh axiom, respecting parallel lines, and it has puzzled many a
philosopher. It has been claimed that Euclid reckoned it amongst
his postulates; and certainly, if its self-evidence had never been asserted,
and if the assumption implied in it had been asked as a concession,
the nature of the foundation of the science of geometry would have
been much more clearly revealed, and much useless labour would have
been saved. Everyone is more or less acquainted with the struggles
to prove this axiom. Perhaps nothing reveals the subtlety of the
subject better than the well-known story told of the great Lagrange.
Observing that the formule of spherical trigonometry did not depend
on the eleventh axiom, Lagrange thought to develop a proof of the
axiom based on this fact. He prepared his paper and actually began
to read it before the Academy. Suddenly stopping, he said, “ I] faut
que j’y songe encore,” put the paper in his pocket, and never after-
wards referred to the matter, at least in public.
The search for the unattainable was closed by the labours of Gauss,
Bolyai, Lobachevski and Riemann, the pioneers undoubtedly being
112 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Lobachevski and Bolyai. ‘lhese mathematicians showed the existence
of perfectly consistent systems of geometry in which the eleventh axiom
did not hold. It followed, therefore, that this axiom could not be
à consequence of the other Euclidean axioms, and that, accordingly, all
efforts to prove it must necessarily be fruitless. | This axiom is thus
shown to be a fact of observation, and geometry becomes a branch of
natural science. In our space, the Euclidean space, parabolic space
as it has been called, only one straight line in a plane can be drawn
through a given point parallel to a given straight line; in the space
of Lobachevski, hyperbolic space, an infinite number of such lines can
be drawn; and in the space of Riemann, elliptic space, no such lines
can be drawn,— there are no parallels, no lines that do not meet.
There is a letter written in 1799 by Gauss to the elder Bolyai
from which it appears that Gauss was at that time occupied with the
foundations of geometry.
Lobachevski views were first published in a lecture given before
the Faculty of Mathematics and Physics of the University of Kasan,
February 26th, 1826.
Gauss in a letter to Bessel (January 27th, 1829) states that the
foundations of geometry cannot be established a priort, and there appears
reason to believe his researches were along the line of those of Loba-
chevski and Bolyai. These researches, however, were never published.
Wolfyang Bolyai in 1832-3 published a two volume work on
mathematics, and at the end of the first volume occurred an appendix,
a memoir written by Johann Bolyai in 1823, in which the theory of
parallels was developed along the same lines as Lobachevski followed.
Riemann’s “ Uber die Hypothesen welche der Geometrie zu Grunde
liegen ” was published in 1854.
In a letter to his father, written November 3rd, 1823, the younger
Bolyai claims that “from nothing he had created another wholly new
world,” and so in a sense he had.
The remarkable discoveries of Lobachevski and Bolyai passed
practically unnoticed until the attention of the mathematical world
was directed to them by Riemann and Baltzer, about 1866: This then
may be considered the date at which the vision of mathematicians was
cleared in respect to the foundations of geometry so far as the so-called
parallel axiom is concerned.
But all difficulties respecting the foundations of geometry were
by no means thus disposed of. The discovery of the space of Loba-
chevski made men doubtful of final principles. ‘They found themselves
existing between two kinds of space entirely different from their own,—
‘ À
[BAKER] THE FOUNDATIONS OF GEOMETRY 113
that of Lobachevski, and that of Riemann. ‘hen the question of
four-dimensioned space broadened men’s visions. Riemann, Helmholtz
and Lie conceived space as a manifold of numbers. The pseudosphere
of Beltrami, mathematically possible, physically inconceivable, helped
along distrust in our geometry of experience. It is scarcely necessary
io say that in Euclid’s system of geometry there is a continual covert
reference to the physical universe of experience; especially is this so
in the constant use of diagrams. The result of this mental unrest
was that it was strongly felt the whole question of the foundations of
geometry was in the melting pot, and that something very different
from Euclid’s system of axioms had to be devised to constitute an
unassailable and perfectly logical set of first principles or assumptions
from which to make a beginning.
The importance of establishing the science of geometry with logical
accuracy, on a purely rational basis, suppressing completely the role
played by experience, will readily be conceived. Philosophically, of
course, it is essential in our search for that ideal perfection with which
alone we are content. We must remember also that geometry, the
science of the external relations of things, is at the base of dynamics,
optics, and other physical sciences, and in laying its foundations securely
we are laying theirs. We are also, as in effect I have already said,
raaking a searching and critical examination of those intuitions which
lie at the very foundations of our intellectual life, namely, those relating
to space.
In connection with the unveiling of the Gauss-Weber monument
at Gottingen a memorial volume was published, part of which consisted
of Professor Hilbert’s “ Grundlagen der Geometrie,” or “ Foundations
of Geometry.” It is dated 1899. His ideas have been developed by
Professor George Bruce Halsted of Kenyon College, Gambier, Ohio,
who calls his work “ Rational Geometry, a Text-Book for the Science
of Space.”1 It is of this system of geometry that I propose to speak.
If Hilbert has shown great subtlety of analysis in discussing the neces-
sary and sufficient assumptions that may be made the basis of geometry,
Halsted has shown consummate ability in the development of those
assumptions, and I feel bound to divide my admiration between the two
geometers.
1Rational Geometry, a Text-book for the Science of Space, based on Hit
bert’s Foundations, by George Bruce Halsted, New York, John Wiley & Sons,
1904.
Sec. IIT., 1906. 8
114 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Before I enter with any detail into an explanation of this rational
geometry, that you may understand at once how much more funda-
mental it is than the system of Enclid, and how much more rigourously
it seeks to exclude our experimental knowledge of the physical world,
let me mention some of the assumptions and deductions of the system :—
Assumption.—‘‘If A, B, C are points on a
straight line, and B lies between A and C,
then B lies also between C and A.”
Assumption.—“ A, B, C are three points
not co-straight. If a line, a, cuts the sect
B € AC, then it also cuts the sect A Bor the
sect C B.”
Theorem.— Every straight line a which lies in a plane separates
the plane into two regions such that every point A of one region
with every point B of the other region determines a sect A B within
which lies a point of the straight line a; and any two points A, A’ of the
same region determine a sect A A’ which contains no point of a.”
A
Theorem— No straight line can lie wholly within a triangle.”
Now, with a view to placing my hearers in the position of isolation
necessary for an appreciation of the assumptions at the base of Hilbert’s
geometry, with the purpose of suggesting to them the degree of abstrac-
tion with which the subject must be approached, let me briefly outline
a purely abstract geometry :—
A point may be defined to be that which is determined by two
numbers, æ and y. (I am not in the least sugesting the Cartesian
method with its co-ordinate axes). We may suppose a straight line
to be defined as that which is determined by two ratios, wu: v: w, still
without the suggestion of physical representation. Further, we may
say that such a point (x, y) is said to lie on such a line w:v: w when
the equation uz + vy + w — 0 is satisfied. But with such a basis,
when three points (2, 9), (2, Yo), (3, Ys) lie on such a line, how
can we say that one point lies ‘between’ the other two? Clearly
some convention must be adopted, possibly with respect to the mag-
nitudes of the numbers, the z’s or the y’s, without which there is no
such thing necessarily as ‘betweenness*. And with such a basis how
can we speak of the ‘sides’ of such a line? Clearly some convention
must be adopted, possibly that all points which make uz + vy + w
positive shall be said to lie on one side of the line, and all points that
ruake it negative shall be said to lie on the other side. I do not say
[BAKER] THE FOUNDATIONS OF GEOMETRY 115
that Hilbert’s geometry is as abstract as the preceding suggests, but I
do say that it must be clearly borne in mind that all our knowledge of
the elements in Hilbert’s geometry must be derived from the assump-
tion we make regarding them, and not in any way from our physical
experience of points, lines, etc.
Again, since Hilbert proposes to create by his assumptions (not
axioms, which here I feel to be an unsuitable word) a geometrical
universe, it seems reasonable to anticipate that his assumptions will be
more numerous than the axioms of Euclid who, in formulating these
axioms but incompletely analyzed a universe already in existence.
Still further,—Our knowledge of the external universe is a know-
ledge of relations. The universe defines itself to us by means of
relations. We might anticipate then that Hilbert in presenting to
us the universe he brings into existence, and in seeking to make us
conceive it, would not begin by attempting to define such elements as
the point, line and plane, but would confine himself to making assump-
tions respecting their relations.
With this preface I proceed to state Hilbert’s assumptions, giving
also, by way of illustration, as such illustration seems necessary for a
proper understanding and appreciation of the assumptions, certain of
Halsted’s deductions.
Hilbert begins by saying, let us consider three distinct systems of
things, calling them respectively, points, straight lines, and planes.
We think of these as having certain relations, and the complete and
exact description of these relations are the consequences of the assump-
tions of geometry. He then makes these assumptions, dividing them
into five groups: I. Assumptions of connection or association;
II. Assumptions of order or betweenness; III. Assumptions of con-
gruence; IV. Assumption of parallels; V. Assumption of continuity,
or Archimedes’ axiom.
I. The assumptions of association are :—
(1). Two points determine a straight line.
(2). Any two points on a straight line determine it.
(3). On every straight line there are at least two points.
(4). Three points determine a plane.
(5). Any three points (not co-straight) on a plane determine it.
(6). On every plane there are least three points (not co-straight).
(7). If two planes have one point in common they have another.
(8). If two points on a straight line lie on a plane, then every
point on the straight line lies on the plane.
116 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The meaning of (1) is that two'points
determine a straight line completely,
and determine only one straight line.
Yet (2) is necessary. For while A, B
A 3 might uniquely determine A B C D,
still C D might uniquely determine CD EF. The same consideration
shows the need of both (4) and (6).
The assumption “any two points on a straight line determine it ”
is the co-relative in this system of geometry of the familiar axiom
Two straight lines cannot enclose a space.” Yet it is evidently more
elementary than the latter; it makes no such assumption as is implied
in the word “ enclose.”
The conception of a line as having an infinite number of points
on it, and the conception of a plane as having an infinite number of
lines and points on it, are not implied in the preceding assumptions.
They will appear later as deductions from the assumptions respecting
‘ betweenness.”
Consideration will show that it is not necessary to physically con-
ceive the elements point, line and plane, difficult though it may be to
avoid doing so. Hilbert has not discussed this matter in the published
reproduction of his lectures, whatever he may have done in the lectures
themselves. I conjecture that he felt it proper that each student
should impart to the subject the degree of abstraction he felt possible
by reason of his mental make-up. It is to be borne in mind, how-
ever, that the object of this geometry is to get away from the evidence *
of our senses by reason of the doubt which the mind casts on the reli-
ability of such evidence. Strictly speaking, the subject is a purely
logical one, though, I think, throughout its study we are expected to
note the complete correspondence between the conclusions we reach and
the facts of the physical universe.
We have no difficulty in making deductions from the preceding
assumptions :—
Theorem 1.— Two straight lines cannot have two points in com-
mon. For since the two points determine a straight line uniquely
[(1), (2)], there can be only one straight line through these two
points.
Theorem 2.— Two planes have no point in common, or they have
a straight line in common. For if they have one point in common
they have a second point in common, [(7]; and, therefore, each con-
tains the straight line which is determined by these two points [ (8),
(2) ].
[BAKER] THE FOUNDATIONS OF GEOMETRY 117
Theorem 3—Two planes cannot have two straight lines in com-
mon. For if they have, on each line there are two points [(3)]; and
three points determine a plane [(5]. Therefore, there is but one
plane.
Theorem 4.— A straight line and a point not on it determine a
plane. For on the line are two points [(3)]; and these with the
given point determine a plane [(5)] on which every point on the line
lies [(8) ].
Theorem 5.—If a plane contains a straight line and a point in
another straight line, but not such other straight line, then no plane
can contain both lines. For a plane containing both lines would con-
tain the first line and the point on the second, and, therefore, would
be identical with the first plane (Thm. 4), which by hypothesis does
not contain the second line.
Il. The assumptions of betweenness are :—
(1). If A, B, C be points on a straight line, and B lies between
A and C, then it also lies between C and A.
(2). If A and C be points on a straight line, then there is at
least one point B on the line between A and C, and also one point
D on the line such that C les between A and D.
(3). Of three points on a straight line one and only one lies
between the other two.
(4). Pasch’s assumption— Let A, B, C be three points not co-
straight, and a a straight line in the plane ABC but going through
none of the points A, B,C. Then if a goes
A through a point within the sect A B, it must
. also go through a point within the sect A C,
or a point within the sect B C.
The first three assumptions are intended to
ta fix the fact that points exist on a straight
line in a certain order.
B
It is important to observe that no such idea has been introduced
as that the points on a line are continuous; or that we cannot get
from one ‘side’ of a line to the other. without ‘passing through’
or ‘cutting’ the line. If we are to reach such a fact evidently it
must come to us from assumption (4). Indeed, it will be noted that,
compared with assumptions (1), (2) and (3), there is a startling com-
plexity in assumption (4); and we receive it in much the same way
as we recollect receiving the eleventh axiom of Euclid. One feels that
the founder of this geometry must have introduced it with reluctance,
and only after a struggle to find a substitute; and yet one feels that
118 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
it is an assumption from which important results must follow. The
existence of such a foundation stone as (4) may seem to be one of
the reasons for preferring ‘assumption’ to ‘axiom,’ since in point of
elementariness (1), (2) and (3) seem to be in a class different from |
(4). The real reason, however, for preferring “‘ assumption” is that
“axiomatic ” and “ self-evident” have come to be regarded as synony-
mous, and in the latter word, in such a connection, there seems to be
a reference to our experiential knowledge. The demand, also, that
the ‘axioms’ of Euclid be conceded is certainly an appeal to our
experiential knowledge. Thus it is that the word ‘axiom’ does not
suggest the ground on which these foundation stones are introduced
into this system of geometry, or their relation to the system. The
word “assumption” on the other hand, is not suggestive of self-
evidentness or of any appeal to previous knowledge. It is important
to keep this point clearly in mind, otherwise the whole spirit of this
system of geometry may be lost sight of.
From the preceding assumptions we see that there is an unlimited
number of points on a straight line, of straight lines in a plane, and
of planes in space.
For from (2%) we see there is an unlimited number of points on
a straight line. |
Also A, B, C being [I, (6) | three points on a plane, not co-
straight, then A, B determine one straight
line and A, C another. On each of these
lines there is an unlimited number of
points, and every different combination of a
point on one with a point on another de-
termines a different straight line. For the
line determined by B’’, C’’ could not be the
line determined by B’, OC’. If it were, then
each would be both of the lines A Band AC
[I. (2)], and the points A, B, C would be co-
straight, which is contrary to hypothesis.
Similarly A, B, C, D being four non-co-
planar points we reach an unlimited number of
planes in space. A
Theorem 6.—A, B, C are three non-co-straight
points. Then a straight line cannot have
points within all three sects B C, C A, AB D
For let D, E, F be points of such a straight line. Of the three points
D, E, F, one of them, say E, must be between the other two [II. (3) ].
[BAKER] THE FOUNDATIONS OF GEOMETRY 119
Then [II. (4)] A C, through E, must have a point in common with
D Bor FB. That is, AC meets B C or B A in two points, which is
impossible [Thm. 1}. .
A And now we reach a theorem from which we
F first realize that a line has ‘‘sides,” and that it
divides a plane in the way in which in Euclid,
without hesitation,we assume, it divides the plane,
Theorem 7.—Kyery straight line a in a plane
divides the plane into two regions such that all
1 points P, P’,... of one region determine sects
that have no points in common with a; and all points Q, Q’,... of the
other region determine sects that have no point in common with a; but
every one of the points P, P’, . . . of one region determines with
every one of the points Q, Q’,...of the other region a sect that hasa
point in common with a.
Let A be a point not in a; and let
P, P’... be points such that the sects
A P, A P’,... have no point in com-
mon with a; also let Q, Q’,... be
points such that AQ, A Q’,... have
points in common with a. ‘Then if
a had a point in common with P P’,
B : D
it would have a point in common
with A Por A P’ [II., (4)], which by
hypothesis it has not. Hence P P’
has no point in common with a. Again, since A Q, A Q’ have points in
common with a, therefore, Q Q’ has no point in common with a [Thm. 6].
Also since A Q has a point in common with a, and A P no point in com-
mon with a; therefore, P Q has a point in common with a [II., (4)].
It is here assumed that A being taken not in a, there are points
giving sects with points in common with a, and others not having
, such common points. This can readily be proved:
? For BC [I, (3)] being points on a,
there exists a point P in B A
such that A lies between P and B
[II, (2)]; and, therefore, A P has no
point in common with a. Again,
between B, C there exists on a a
point D[II, (2)]; and on the straight
| line determined by A, D there exists
a point Q such that D lies between A and Q [IT, (2)]. Hence A Q hasa
point in common with a.
120 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Every triangle divides the plane into two regions. There is the
region which lies on the A side of a, the B side of b, and the C side
of c, which we may speak
of as the region within the
triangle; and there is the
rest of the plane constituting
the other region. Evidently
in passing from one of these
regions to the other we pass
from one side to the other
of at least one of the straight
lines a, b,c; and therefore
our sect-train has a point
in common with one of
the sects A B, B C or C A
[Thm. 7].
Theorem 8.—There are straight lines wholly without a triangle
and in its plane; and no straight line is wholly within a triangle.
For the straight line determined
by the points D and E cannot again
meet aor b. Nor can it meet A B
for then [II, (4)] it would meet A C
or BO, i.e., would again meet à or a.
Again,any straight line(/)through
L, a point within the triangle, has
also a point on the side. For another
line through L, and also through M,
has a point on another side, say N
on BC [II, (4)]. Hence /, through a point on MN, a side of the triangle
M N C, must also have a point in common with either C M or C N, i.e.,
with A C or BC [1X, (4)]. Hence, too, cutting AC or B C, it must
[II, (4)] cut another side also.
III. The assumptions of congruence.
We might, in a measure, describe conditions here by saying that
the fundamental principle is uniqueness,—the principle of there-is-only-
one-such.
(1). If A, B be points on a straight line a, and A’ a point on straight
line a’. Then on a’, on one of the two rays from <A’, we can find only
one point B’, such that the sect A’ B’ is congruent to sect AB. Written
AB=A'B.
{BAKER] THE FOUNDATIONS OF GEOMETRY 121
Every sect is congruent to itself. The sect AB is congruent to
the sect B A.
The assumption means that a given sect can be taken on a given
straight line, and on a given side of a given point, in one and only
one way.
(2). Sects that are congruent to the same sect are congruent to
one another.
(3). If AB, BC be two sects on the same straight line and
without common points except B, and likewise A’ B’, B’ C’ two sects
on the same straight line and without common points except B’, if
fA Band BC = B'C’, then is AC = A’C’.
(4). There is in a plane, and on the same side of B’ C’, only
one ray B’ A’ such that the angle A’ B’ C’ is congruent to the angle
meee. Written <— A’ B’'C’=< ABC.
Every angle is congruent to itself. Also < ABC=<CBA.
This assumption means that in a given plane every angle can be laid
off towards a given side, against a given ray, in one and only one way.
(5). Angles that are congruent to the same angle are congruent to
one another.
(6). If A, B, C be three points, and A’ B’ C’ three other points, and if
AB=A’'B’,AC=A’C,and<BAC=<B'A'C,
then <a Ci A’ BC, and — ACB=<— A’ C' RB’.
Here again, in (6), we are startled by the assumption which, I
think, no one would speak of as a self-evident truth, just as we were
startled by Pasch’s assumption, and in the long ago by Euclid’s eleventh
axiom. It is no more apparent that < A BC=< A’ B’C’, than that
BC=B’C’. However, we are justified in assuming what is necessary,
but not in assuming more than is necessary ; and with the assumption of
(6) we shall see that we are able to prove BC = B’ C’.
Theorem 9.—In two triangles A B C, A’ B’ CO, if AB —A’ B’
A C = A'C’ and < BAC=< B’A’C,, then is BC = B’C’.
A W Hor pby A (GERS LE
=< A’'B’C’, Take then
B’ C” congruent to B C.
Then in triangles A BC,
A’B’C” we have A B= A’B’,
Be = B.C fA B.C
< A B'C”. Therefore by
(BAC ere BAS CT.
c B’ ce” C° But by hypothesis << BAC
=< B’ A’C’. Hence [III (5)] < B’ A’C’=< B’A’C”, which by III,
(4), is impossible. Hence BC = B’C’.
122 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Theorem 10.— Two triangles are congruent if a side in each and
the adjacent angles are congruent.
Let BC] BC, SA BC
A A
=) AlsB Chis ANC B=
> ACB: A
If A Bbenot = A’ B’, take
BAY = BA) Then am: oi]
the triangles A BC, A’’ B’C’
are congruent, and therefore
< ACB] < ACB? Bat
C BY Cc’
<ACB=<AC'B’. There- 2
fore [III., (5)] < B’C’ A” =< B’C’A’, which is contrary to IIL, (4).
Hence A B= A’ B’, and therefore [Thm. 9] the triangles are congruent.
After shewing that if
: (4 < AOB=< A'0'B
B B and <BOC=<=5B' 0 Clas
then < AOC=< A'0O'C';
and also that the angles
at the base of an isosceles
© A 0° A
triangle are congruent,
we are able to shew that if the three sides of one triangle are respectively
congruent to the three sides of another, the triangles are congruent :
ee Op =—0 BA
A 4!
and B’ A’ = BA.
Then triangles A BC,
A” B’ C’ are congruent.
Therefore < B’ A’ A” =
< BA Aland <= C'APAN
=r CA" AY “Wherefore: \; Bi aa: Bs
<8 Ae G0 — BA Cir
< BAO; and the triangles
A BO, A’ B’C’ are con-
gruent [Thm. 9].
From the above we see
My”
that if A’, B’, C’ be three
non-co-straight points, a point A’’ exists such that A” B’ = A’B’ and
AN CN=ANO!
We may also reach the general proposition that if ABC...,
A' B'C’... be congruent figures, and P any point whatever, then there
exists a point P’, such that the figures A BC...P, A’ B'C’':..P’ are
[BAKER] THE FOUNDATIONS OF GEOMETRY 123
congruent; also if ABC... P contains four non-co-planar points, then
the construction of P’ is possible in only one way.
With this general proposition before us we see that the facts of
ecngruence are resolvable into “assumptions of congruence” as ele-
ments. Or we may express the same idea by saying that the question
of the possible existence of two distinct congruent associations of points
is shown to be resolvable into the elementary “ assumptions of con-
gruence ” given above. In consequence, Professor Halsted says that
we thus “ found the idea of motion upon the congruence assumptions ” ;
and Sommer of Gottingen, in his review of Hilbert’s “ Grundlagen der
Geometrie,” (Bulletin, Am. Math. Soc., Vol. vi, p. 289), speaks of
the definition of motion as based on the assumptions of congruence.
It is, however, of importance to note that the words of Hilbert are,
“All the facts concerning space which have reference to congruence,
that is to say, to displacements in space, are exclusively the consequences
of the six assumptions of congruences.” Hilbert, therefore, here says
in effect that congruence is displacement. When, as above, we state
the congruence idea with reference to a system of points, we are stating
it with reference to any rigid body. We, however, are conveying the
idea of all its force, though in the simpler form, in the very first of
the assumptions of congruence, that respecting two sects. I think we
may admit that there is a sense, in the purely rational geometry of
Hilbert, in which the idea of congruence precedes the idea of motion.
for, indeed, Hilbert has so arranged it. We admit that there is a
sect congruent to AB in all positions. We conclude, therefore, that
space is such as to admit of the transference of AB to any position,
i.e., we reach the idea of motion. If, however, we are dealing with
a geometry into which experience in the least enters, the existence
elsewhere of a sect congruent to AB seems to me to depend on the
idea that A B may be transferred anywhere; 1.e., the idea of motion
precedes the idea of congruence. The matter is of interest since,
en the ground that the idea of congruence precedes the idea of motion,
Professor Halsted protests against the use of superposition in proving
theorems in congruence, as we do, for example, in proving the con-
gruence of triangles in our ordinary elementary geometry. He says
“to prove the congruence assumptions and theorems with the help of
the motion idea, is false and fallacious, since the intuition of ‘gid
motion involves, contains and uses the congruence idea.”
PARALLELS.
The definition of parallels is that they are coplanar straight lines
with no common point.
124 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
It is then possible to show that through a given point (A) without
a given straight line (BC), there is always one straight line parallel
to the given one (BC).
For let < DA Bbe=< ADO,
and suppose that A B meets C B.
Let DC be = AB. Then the
triangles B A D, C D A are con-
gruent, and the angles similarly
marked are equal. Hence the angles at A are ‘adjacent angles,’ and
we should have the straight line B A C meeting B C in two points.
IV. Assumption of parallels.
It is then assumed that,—
Through a given point there is not more than one parallel to a
given straight line.
The geometry is thus made Euclidean.
V. Assumption of continuity.
Finally there is the assumption of continuity, frequently spoken
of as the axiom of Archimedes :—
If A, be any point on a straight line between any given points
A and B; and the points A,, A, .... be taken on the line such that
A, lies between A and A,, A, between A, and A,, etc.; and such that
the sects A A,, A, A,, .... are all congruent; then in the series of
points A,, Aj, ... . there is always a point A, such that B lies between
A and Ay.
This makes possible the introduction into geometry of the idea
of continuity, and is the expression of the idea of continuity in terms
of a sect calculus. It claims that the magnitudes with which we deal
in geometry are continuous.
The statement of this principle by Archimedes constitutes his fifth
assumption and is as follows: “Further, of unequal lines, unequal
surfaces, and unequal solids, the greater exceeds the less by such a
magnitude as, when added to itself, can be made to exceed any assigned
magnitude among those which are comparable with one another.”
It will be remembered that Euclid in his definitions (Def. 4, Bk. V) ;
says, “ Magnitudes are said to have a ratio to one another when the
less can be multiplied so as to exceed the greater.” Proposition 1 of
Book X, Euclid, which constitutes Lemma 1 of Book XII, is as fol-
lows: “If from the greater of two unequal magnitudes there be taken .
more than its half, and from the remainder more than its half, and
so on; there shall at length remain a magnitude less than the least
[BAKER] THE FOUNDATIONS OF GEOMETRY 125
of the proposed magnitudes.” In the demonstration of this Lemma,
Euclid says, “ For C (the less of the magnitudes) may be multiplied
so as at length to become greater than A B (the greater of the mag-
nitudes),” which is a statement of this principle of continuity, and
which Euclid evidently bases on Definition 4, Book V. Euclid uses
this Lemma in the demonstration of Prop. 2, Book XII, “ Circles are
to one another as the squares on their diameters,” and Archimedes
frequently assumes it. Indeed, it constitutes the foundation of the
Method of Exhaustions from which descended our Infinitesimal Calculus.
I have thought this historical reference worth making that the place
this assumption of Archimedes occupies in science may be the more
manifest.
Such then are the assumptions which Hilbert makes the foundations
of geometry. It will be observed that they all refer to geometrical
magnitude, whereas, of the axioms of Euclid only three are really
geometrical,— the eighth (magnitudes which coincide are equal). the
eleventh, and the twelfth (two straight lnes cannot enclose a finite
space), the tenth (all right angles are equal to one another) being
capable of proof. .
It is, of course, essential that these assumptions should be (1) con-
sistent with one another, and (2) independent of one another. First
with respect to the question of consistency: “As geometry is built
up by the indefinitely repeated application of the axioms, the possi-
bility is not excluded that a contradiction might appear only after an
unlimited repetition of such application” (Sommer, Bulletin, Am.
Math. Soc., Vol. VI, p. 291). To settle the question Hilbert trans-
lates his groups of assumptions into the domain of numbers, the number
concept being presumably entirely abstract, and, therefore, independent
of experience. Any inconsistency would then appear in the arith-
metical form of the assumptions, and the search may be a possible
performance. Next, with respect to the independence of the assump-
tions of one another: The examination is here made by leaving out
each assumption in turn, and showing that without it a perfectly inde-
pendent and consistent system of geometry can be constructed in which
the omitted assumption does not hold. The method, of course, is
suggested by the way in which non-Euclidean geometry has been
built up.
Professor Halsted’s presentation of Hilbert’s system of geometry,
a presentation which, having regard to the newness of the ideas, must
be spoken of as consummately able, has been undertaken with a view
to popularizing this rational geometry. I conjecture that most edu-
cators will think it impossible for school purposes. Let me, however.
126 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
recall a mathematical story: “About 1570 Sir Henry Savile, warden
of Merton College, endeavoured to create an interest in mathematical
studies by giving a course of lectures on Greek geometry . . . On
concluding the course he used the following language: ‘By the grace |
of God, gentlemen hearers, I have performed my promise; I have
redeemed my pledge. I have explained, according to my ability, the
definitions, postulates, axioms, and the first eight propositions of the
elements of Euclid. Here, sinking under the weight of years, I lay
down my art and my instruments’” (Cajori, p. 281). If in 1570
the work named was the possible performance of university students,
while to-day schoolboys accomplish the six books of Euclid, or their
equivalent, surely a time may come when schoolboys will find no diffi-
culty with the abstractions of Hilbert’s geometry, and the truth of
Professor Halsted’s claim may be felt, that “ Geometry at last made
rigorous is also thereby made more simple.”
Section III., 1906. [127 ] Trans. R. S. C.
VIIL.—Temperature Records of Nocturnal Radiation.
By Howarp T. Barnes, D.Sc.
Associate Professor of Physics, McGill University, Montreal.
(Read May 28rd, 1906).
The problem of the nocturnal cooling of the atmosphere and the
earth is one of such importance in meteorology that it has attracted
the attention of many investigators.
On clear nights the surface of the earth is cooled by emission
cf heat into space. The temperature of the lower layers of air
fall, and being heavier remain on the ground. It has been shown by
Tyndall and others that pure dry air is almost completely diathermanous
to heat waves, and hence, during a clear, cold night in winter, very
little, if any, radiation takes place from the air to the sky.
We know also that the character of the radiation from the earth
into space must be different to the forms of radiation usually
studied, such as that from a heated body to the face of a ther-
mophile. The radiation from a low temperature source, such as a sur-
face at 100°, is composed of a greater proportion of long heat rays than
the radiation from a high temperature source, such as an incandescent
mantle, or arc light. Little or nothing is known of the character of
the radiation from a cold surface, such as the earth in winter, to the
absolute cold of space. The inadequacy of applying the results obtained
ii a study of the radiation from hot bodies to the problems of nocturnal
radiation is at once apparent.
So difficult is the treatment of the problem that very little has
at present been done.
Dr. 8. Tetsu Tamura has shown this very well in a paper on the
Mathematical Theory of the Nocturnal Cooling of the Atmosphere!
in which he gives a careful historical survey of the various experimental
results that have been obtained.
HISTORICAL.
In 1783, Patrick Wilson ? of Glasgow, suspended a mercury ther-
mometer, at a height of about four feet above the surface of the snow
in an open field, under a clear sky and calm atmosphere, at night. A
second thermometer was placed on the snow surface. He observed on
one occasion a difference of six degrees Fahrenheit between the two
thermometers. The one on the snow read —21-7° Fahr., and the one
*Monthly Weather Review 33 p. 138 (1905).
?Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc. Edin. I p. 153, 1783.
128 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
suspended in the air read —15-0° Fahr. The difference diminished
rapidly when clouds appeared on the horizon, and vanished when the
sky was completely covered. Wilson also was the first to show that
the radiation of bodies towards the sky is practically the same at all
temperatures of the air.
In 1794, Six showed that the radiation from the grass on a
meadow during calm and clear nights was sufficient to cool a ther-
inometer below one suspended five or six feet above it. In one case
he reports a difference of 7-5° Fahr.
About the beginning of 1800, Dr. Wells made a careful study of
the earth’s radiation at night. He placed thermometers in contact
with the ground and leaves: of plants as well as enveloping the bulbs
in wool or cotton. These thermometers placed at a small distance
from the earth’s surface gave a fall of 4:5° Fahr., and even 7-8° Fahr.
below a similar thermometer uncovered and suspended at a height of
four feet.
Differences of 8° and 9° Fahr. were obtained by Pouillet, in 1844,
who repeated Wells’ experiments.
In 1847 the experiments of Melloni were performed. On account
of his classical researches in the domain of radiant heat he was well fitted
to investigate the problem of terrestrial radiation.
He came to the conclusion that the cooling of a black thermometer
is owing to radiation, and that the radiation from a metallic ther-
mometer was too small to be observed.
Nearly all of our knowledge of the radiation of heat has been
chtained from researches with high temperature sources where the pro-
portion of short waves and visible rays is very much larger than from
low temperature sources.
The diathermancy of many substances for rays from incandescent
bodies was studied by Meiloni and his table is familiar to everyone.
The same investigator extended his study to the radiation from a
copper ball heated to 400° Cent., and to that from the face of a Leslie
cube containing boiling water.
It was found that many substances, which allowed a considerable
proportion of the high temperature radiation, including the light rays
to penetrate, were opaque to the rays of a low temperature source.
In general we find that the higher the temperature the more of
the short waves are produced and the less of the long waves. <A study
ef the very long heat waves is a matter of great interest on account
cf the relation which these waves have to electrical waves.
A good deal of attention has been devoted of late to separating
out the long waves from a source of radiation and determining the
properties of these waves.
ra
[Barnes] TEMPERATURE RECORD OF NOCTURNAL RADIATION 129
It was found that by successive reflection of the heat waves on
quartz or sylvine surfaces that very long waves could be isolated and
studied.
A very good statement of the limits of our present knowledge in
regard to the long heat waves has been given by Professor E. F. Nichols,
of the University of Columbia, in a paper entitled, The Unobtained
Wave Lengths between the Longest Thermal and the Shortest Electric
Waves yet Measured, which was presented at the International Electrical
Congress at St. Louis in 1904. In considering the present boundaries
he points out the great advance which has been made in the measure-
ment of the long waves by successive reflection from crystalline surfaces,
such as quartz. After five reflections on sylvine surfaces, waves of
61 x in length have been isolated and measured. In character these
long waves resemble electric waves more closely than they do light
waves. All metallic surfaces reflect them about equally and almost
entirely. The relations between reflecting power and electric con-
ductivity and between refractive index and dielectric constant hold
more rigidly than in light waves. It has been possible to demonstrate
with conducting areas of suitable dimensions the same laws of resonance
for heat waves which were known previously only for electric waves.
Professor Nichols further questions how much farther the method
of isolation by multiple reflection which has yielded so much can be
carried. Substances are known which should have regions of absorption
and metallic reflection beyond 60 yu; but the difficulty of experimenting
is very great. Rubens has calculated that from a black body at 2000° C.
the intensity of the radiation of waves of the length of 1:5 x is 800,000
times greater than for waves of 60 yw. If the total energy between
wave lengths 50 4 and 60 y be taken as unity, the total energy between
60 yw and 100 w will be 0:7, and between 100 x and 1000 yw only
about 0:2.
It will be seen then how small a proportion of the very long waves
exist compared to the shorter waves. Turning to the electric spectrum,
Professor Nichols points out that, beginning with the 60 cm. waves of
Hertz, Righi, Lebedew and Lampa have successively reduced them.
Lampa, using an apparatus differing in no essential respect from the
infra-red grating spectrometer, was able to obtain and make measure-
ment with waves only 4 mm. long.
Summing up the complete ether spectrum, Professor Nichols
shows, beginning with Schumann’s and Lyman’s short ultra-violet waves
of the order of 0-14 , that we have about two octaves in the ultra-violet,
one in the visible, and six in the infra-red spectrum, making nine in
all. The shortest electric waves yet produced begin about six octaves
Sec. III., 1906. 9.
130 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
lower in the scale. I show in Fig. 1 a diagram of the ether spectrum,
as we now know it, which illustrates very well the relation of the
known ether waves.
TERRESTRIAL RADIATION.
It is probable that the radiation from the earth’s surface consists
of a large proportion of the long heat waves.
On a clear, cold night in an arctic winter the character of the
radiation into space at the absolute zero of temperature (—273° C.)
must be of much interest.
The problem is of importance in considering the formation of ice
in our lakes and rivers, but on account of the difficulty of applying
any of the known laws of heat radiation to it, the matter is exceedingly
difficult to treat at all completely.
Thus, it was shown by Melloni and Tyndall that water and ice
are both opaque to the radiation from a low temperature source, such
THERMAL D ELECTRICAL
ures w
w =
< = Le]
ec o =
my |e
=) = >
Olu 0-4 Oe ave 3mm 100 mm
Fie. 1. SPECTRUM OF ETHER WAVES, THE DARK PORTION SHOWING THE
UNEXPLORED REGION.
as a copper ball heated to 400° C. or to 100° C. At the same time,
we know that ice formation goes on in a river through quite large
masses of water and ice, when clear and free from surface snow.
Anchor-ice forms at the bottom of a river, under circumstances
which leave no doubt that radiation has given rise to its production.
The absorption of the heat waves by water has been traced by Rubens
and Aschkinass in 1898, to waves as long as 60 mw. It is likely then
that the radiation which is responsible for the production of anchor-
ice must be beyond 60 , and well into the unexplored region. Drude?
has shown that water is opaque to electrical waves of 9 centimetres,
but transmits waves of 60 cm. in length. A region of transparency
must be then between waves ‘060 mm. and 90 mm., to be followed
by another at 600 mm. The radiation from the earth consists probably
of a large proportion of the waves in the unexplored region between the
longest thermal and shortest electri@al waves yet measured.
EXPERIMENTAL.
As a continuation of my studies of anchor-ice formation it was
decided to determine, if possible, the amount of penetration of the
1Drude, Wied. Ann. 65, 499 (1898).
[Barnes] TEMPERATURE RECORD OF NOCTURNAL RADIATION 131
earth’s radiation through water and clear ice. To do this two exactly
similar platinum thermometers were constructed from flat mica plates
10 x 4 em. in size. The wire, 50 ohms resistance, was wound on
and soldered to copper leads threaded in the mica. Each thermometer
was placed in a box, blackened on the inside, and provided with a
hinged cover. The thermometers were connected differentially to a
Callendar electric recorder which was kindly lent me by Dr. Porter,
Director of the Mining Department at McGill University.
Fig. 2 shows the thermometers in their respective boxes.
The boxes were placed side by side on the roof of the porch over
the entrance to the Physics Building, and wires were taken to the
laboratory across the front of the building and in at the window, where
they were attached to the recorder. The recorder itself was placed
Fie. 2. RADIATION THERMOMETERS,
on a firm shelf, and was very conveniently located for examining the
character of the records produced. When both of the covers of the
boxes containing the thermometers, which we shall designate P and C,
were closed down the thermometers indicated equal temperatures and
were subject only to atmospheric disturbances. If either P or C were
opened to the sky at night, the exposed thermometer at once became
cooled by its own radiation below the closed thermometer situated
alongside of it.
To obtain the screening of any material it was merely necessary
to place it over the exposed thermometer, when the trace on the
recorder indicated the effect. A box with a glass bottom was made in
which water or a saturated solution of salf, when the air temperature
was below the freezing point, could be placed.
Glass covers were made for the boxes which could be slipped in
place under the hinged wooden covers.
132 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Before constructing these special thermometers some experiments
were tried with the differential thermometers which are in use at the
McGill College Observatory, to obtain the temperature at the top of
Mount Royal. These have already been described by Professor C.
H. McLeod and myself. The mountain thermometer was brought
down to the observatory grounds and connected alongside of the low
level thermometer cage. Equality, or zero traces were carefully made
Wo urrnal Faada1or7
LULL? Leby 06.
D ARR
A RE D
Bi ae PE
SEE
72 a8 9 772 AA 42 75! “Fy
PCR 271 27 “3 “o
Fic. 3. RADIATION TRACE, MINIMUM AIR TEMPERATURE 0° FAHR. SHOWING
EFFECT OF CLOUDS.
with the thermometers screned, and as nearly as possible at equal
temperatures. One of the thermometers was then removed from the
sereen, and placed just over the cage, and exposed to the sky. The
recorder at once showed that the thermometer was cooled, and the
trace was continued on several occasions all night. It was a matter
of considerable interest to observe the magnitude of the cooling, and
to note the effect of a cloudy, or partially cloudy sky.
Natturral Magio/1or.
LIL Faby 06.
Æ
D 7 Le
D
zs 2 s 6 > ] 9 7/0 224 42 15 7/4 4ST 46 “7 7/0 7/9 20 al
Fie. 4 RADIATION TRACE, MINIMUM AIR TEMPERATURE 3° FAHR. SHOWING
CLOUD EFFECTs.
Fig. 3 shows one of these traces on a partly cloudy night. The
maximum cooling was 6° F. at 12.45 a.m.
Fig. 4 is another trace showing similar effects. The thermometer
was taken out of the cage and exposed at about 5-15, where the depar-
1Trans. Roy. Soc. Can. 10, 71 (1904).
[Barnes] TEMPERATURE RECORD OF NOCTURNAL RADIATION 133
ture of the trace from the line of equal temperatures is shown. The
return of the trace to the zero line and over to the warm side shows
when the sun’s rays came on to the instrument.
Before commencing the traces on the flat thermometers at the
Physics Building, a number of zero traces were obtained which shows
the small inequalities of air currents on the flat thermometers. Fig. 5
illustrates this very well. Figs. 6 and 7 show characteristic traces
with glass covers over the boxes. The wooden cover was open over
Noclyrnal Hodiafiorr
€ 227 March 06.
Fic. 5. ZERO TRACE.
thermometer P, and the trace travelled to the left. The maximum
cooling effect was 2° Cent. Figs. 8 and 9 show direct radiation
traces with the glass plates removed, the maximum cooling is seen to
be slightly less than 4° Cent., 7:2° Fahr. The next three Figs., 10,
11 and 12, are similar traces, illustrating the different conditions of
clearness of the sky. In every case the time of opening the wooden
cover is clearly shown and was generally between 5 and 6 o’clock in
the afternoon, when the sun was shadowed by the building. Usually
the cover was closed again in the early morning to avoid the effect of
the sun’s rays. In Fig. 11 the sun had affected the readings before
the cover was closed.
Nocturnal Feadotion.
2728 Lely 26,
Fic. 6. RADIATION THROUGH GLASS PLATE, 1 MM. THICK, AIR TEMPERATURE
0° FAHR. SKY VERY CLEAR.
Fig. 13 illustrates the screening effect of glass and a saturated
solution of salt. The glass covers were placed over the thermometers
and the wooden cover of P opened at 7.45 p.m. The departure of
the trace from the zero line previous to this was caused by some adjust-
ments at the recorder, and does not indicate a displacement of the
zero. At the time indicated on the diagram by the line B, a wooden
box, provided with a glass bottom of similar thickness to the glass
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
34
‘dHV I 06 HHALVAIANAT HIV WANININ ‘HVATI) AUDA LHOIN ‘LOHHI( AMS OL NOILVIGVY ‘8 ‘DI
hors of Ov Or 2 97 F7 Æ/ £7 ev 22 oO 6 > Z o
02 FAN FHF
WOLYOYOD LY” [PUM TON
‘UVATIO AUFTA AMS ‘HUVI 608 TUALVUTIWAY, UY ‘MOIH], ‘WH [ ‘SSVI HONOUHY, NOILVIGVY ‘L'OLA
DO FLV TE
LOMO PS, JOUIT/ION
[BARNES] TEMPERATURE RECORD OF NOCTURNAL RADIATION 135
q
TC
“1 OO.
feAer
723, Le
Z
Nocurnral Favor ion
Ÿ
S
&
à.
|
SN
À
Ÿ
PARTLY CLOUDY. MINIMUM AIR TEMPERATURE 16° FAHR.
Fig. 10. RADIATION TO SKY DIRECT. VERY CLEAR. MINIMUM AIR TEMPERATURE 43° FAHR.
Fie. 9. RADIATION TO SKY DIRECT.
a a +
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
136
‘UHV, Sh GUOLVUAdMINAY YY ‘HNINUHOJN SGUVMOT, LSVOUAACQ ‘ LSulq LV UVAT) LHOIN ‘LOHHI(T AMS OL NOILVIGVY
90 (HL (HOF
DOOYOO fOUS)JIOYY
‘UHV J off TUOLVUAMNAL UY NONININ ‘NMOHS SŒNOTO dO LOHAAH ‘LOHUI( AHS OL NOILVIAVY ‘II ‘OL
DO, 7787 FT
27/00 jens foo
“OT OI
[parnes] TEMPERATURE RECORD OF NOCTURNAL RADIATION 137
cover, was placed over the thermometer P, and at the same time the
glass cover was slipped out. At the line c, the salt solution was poured
into the trough and covered the glass bottom to a depth of about 1 cm.
The solution had been prepared in the afternoon and allowed to stand
in a flask outside several hours in order that its temperature should
be equal to that of the thermometer. At d the glass cover was put
over the trough, so that at this point the radiation was penetrating
two sheets of glass and about one centimetre of salt solution. At e the
trough was removed and the glass cover slipped back into place leaving
the conditions the same as at first. It was impossible, of course, to
obtain a trace through the water alone without first passing it through
some transparent rigid substance. Hence, this test of penetration is
only on such rays as succeed in passing unabsorbed through glass. We
can say from this test that water would not absorb more than this,
but at the same time it might absorb less. The effect of the radiation
through the water was enough to cool the thermometer nearly a degree
Neclurnal § fRadbafwon
a Marc 06. 26.
D Ne ne
4 ra 4 9 72
Fig. 13. RADIATION THROUGH SALT SOLUTION. MINIMUM AIR TEMPERATURE
° FAHR.
and a half. Unfortunately, I did not obtain the maximum cooling
with the thermometer exposed directly to the sky, to give a comparative
test for the maximum radiation at that time. The general direction
of the trace is to show the radiation slightly falling off after 8.30
o'clock quite independent of the presence of the various screens.
I endeavoured to obtain some clear substance which would cut off
less of the radiation than glass. Mica is known to be fairly trans-
parent to the shorter heat rays, but from the character of the trace
shown in Fig. 14 it is evidently fairly opaque to the earth’s radiation.
In Fig. 14, at 3.30 p.m., the cover of C was opened and the
maximum radiation at that time determined with no screen over the
thermometer. The trace is, of course, in this case over to the right.
As soon as the trace was observed to be steady, a thin mus-
covite mica plate was placed over the thermometer. The screening
effect was sufficient to bring the trace back to zero almost at once,
where it continued until about 5.30, when a small deviation to the
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
138
"AHVY of AUNOLVHAAMA], AIY WANININ ‘HOI HVAT) SHHONI Z HONOHHI], NOILVIAVY ‘CI ‘OLA
1€ Or or Ors LS or Fr 2 Ev ee
DO TLV THIF
LOL LOL) fOU7/IGY
“HAVA ofZ AUALVHHANA], uly WOWINIW ‘086 LV ŒHAONAU ALVIQ ‘6 aNVF NHAMIAG ALV'Id VOIN HONOXHI NOILVIGVY ‘FI ‘OL
90, (“OY PL JE
UO//0 Ve fOL A7 207
[BarNEs] TEMPERATURE RECORD OF NOCTURNAL RADIATION 139
right took: place and lasted until 9.30, when the plate was removed
entirely. The trace for the remainder of the night was for the direct
radiation to the sky. I can only account for the radiation through
the mica plate after 5.30 as (due to a clearer sky or to a diminution
of absorption of diffused sunlight as the evening approached. The
mica plate was of a light yellow colour.
In Fig. 15 is shown the radiation through two inches of a clear
ice block, which was cut from a large block of clear river ice. At
8.30 the wooden cover of thermometer P was opened and the maximum
cooling obtained. Between 9 and 10 some ice blocks were tried of
different thicknesses and clearness, with varying results. At 9.45 the
two inch block was put in place and left over the thermometer for the
Svecturrial faoiafion
LYL9 March OC.
Fie. 16. RADIATION THROUGH 4 INCHES CLEAR ICE, COMPARED WITH RADIATION
DIRECT. AIR TEMPERATURE 28° FAHR.
remainder of the night. It will be seen that the radiation reaches
very nearly the maximum attained for the early part of the night.
In Fig. 16 is shown the effect of placing a block of clear ice four
inches thick over the thermometer C, in this case at 7.15 o’clock. The
trace from 4.35 to this time being for direct radiation. The ice block
cuts the radiation down to about one-half of its previous value, since
it was diminishing gradually from 6 to 7 o’clock.
Owing to the stress of other duties the traces had to be discon-
tinued, but it is hoped that further work may be carried out next
winter, both on the transparency of various substances for the earth’s
radiation during some extremely cold, clear weather, and in relation to
the cloudiness of the sky. It seems likely that the traces might prove
of service in meteorological work in the latter connection.
Section III., 1906. [ 141 ] Trans, R, $, C,
IX.—Further Notes on the Difference in Temperature between McGul
College Grounds and Mount Royal, Montreal.
By Pror. C. H. McLEoD and Dr. H. T. BARNES.
PART I.—PRESENTED May, 1905.
Since the presentation of our preliminary report to the Royal
Society of Canada last year on the differential temperature records
between the summit of Mount Royal and the McGill College Observa-
tory* another set of records has been obtained during the winter
months, which help to confirm our conclusions in regard to the value of
these records as a means of foretelling temperature conditions. Unfor-
tunately we cannot at the present time make our second communication
as complete as we shoula like, owing to a serious fault which developed
in our long distance cable shortly after the end of May, 1904. This re-
sulted:from the giving out of the insulation in the cable as the warm
weather set in, the degree of insulation being so impaired as to make
temperature records impossible.
After a long search involving considerable delay, the fault was
located in a cut which had been made about a year previously by some
malicious person. ‘The repairs to the cable at this point had not been
sufficiently carefully made by those in charge of the work, and water had
percolated through a portion of the junction of the lead sleeve placed
over the splice. During the cold weather any water which had entered
produced no appreciable error, but with the advent of the warm weather,
and the spring rains matters grew steadily worse.
Owing to the stress of other duties which prevented adequate time
being devoted to the work it was late in the autumn of 1904 before the
cable was sufficiently repaired to make further readings possible. The
repairs consisted in opening the cable at the splice, drying it out and
adding a new lead sleeve.
Tests of insulation then followed which showed that the separate
wires were in fair condition but not perfect, amounting to two or three
megohms for the worst cases. As the cold weather was approaching,
when any fault of insulation would be reduced to a minimum, it was
decided to go on with the work and defer until spring any further
repairs to the line.
The determination of the absolute temperature of the mountain top
compared with that of the observatory depends on so many factors that
1Elevations above sea level respectively 754 and 180 ft.
142 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
it was thought desirable to devote a considerable amount of time to a
determination of the zero of the instrument under varying conditions of
weather. For this purpose it Was necessary to operate the recorder with-
out the thermometer bulbs in their respective places. ‘The long leads
running to the top of the mountain, a distance of over 4100 feet wer?
therefore connected together as well as the compensating leads at the top
of the tower. At the observatory the thermometer bulbs were joined in
series with these wires, where they were connected to the re-
corder, and were placed side by side in a vessel of water in order to keep
them at equal temperatures. It was not found necessary to immerse the
thermometers in ice to obtain the zero since the zero was merely the point
of equal temperature at the bulbs. On account of the care taken to
adjust the two thermometers to equality at the outset no appreciable
shift in zero took place when the point of equal temperature was shifted
along the temperature scale.
A test of this kind ranging over a long period is of the greatest im-
portance in determining how adequate the compensating leads are in cor-
recting for changes in temperature in the main leads. We had pre-
viously noticed when determining the zero in this way that small varia-
tions took place, resulting in a slightly zigzag line in place of the perfect-
ly straight line, which is obtained when the recorder is connected to ratio
coils of equal resistance. In the main it is possible to distinguish these
small irregularities from the waves produced in the trace by small
changes in temperature.
In the present zero tests we noticed decided fluctuations which ap-
peared both with the thermometer bulbs connected, and when we re-
moved them entirely from the circuit. These irregularities were as
before of the order of one degree on either side of a central line which
we took as the zero. Sometimes the pen would remain to the
right of the line for hours tracing its characteristic line, and at, other
times we obtained the trace about the same amount to the left of the
zero. In many cases we observed that the fluctations were more rapid
and of greater extent, and the pen moved back and forth in half hourly,
or hourly periods.
In general we found that during the night we obtained the steadiest
zero traces, and in particular when there was no wind. During a day
with bright sunshine and high wind the trace was most unsteady. The
approach of sunrise was in nearly every case accompanied by a slow
displacement of the pen to the right of the zero. The variations noticed
with a high wind would be accounted for by strains set up in the cable
which would act in an irregular manner on the various wires, and the
[M‘LEOD & BARNES] ON THE DIFFERENCE IN TEMPERATURE 143
slow travelling of the pen to the right from the warming of the upper
surface of the cable by the sun.
It is impossible to determine which of the wires was located nearer
to the top of the cable, but it is possible that either the main leads or the
compensating leads run for a greater length near the upper part of the
cable, which certainly detracts from the full value of the apparatus
for temperature work.
‘he present cable has 11 wires, 6 of which are used for the anemo-
graph connection and four for the temperature records. It is very
mutch to be desired that a separate lead covered cable having only four
strands be procured for the temperature work. The insulation should be
rubber and braid and the wires should be twisted in such a way as to
bring all equally to the upper and lower portions of the cable. Since
owing to lack of funds such a cable is quite out of the question at the
present time we decided to go on with the work, utilizing the existing
cable. Moreover the differences which we had previously measured were
so large that an uncertainty in the leads of even a degree Fah. was of
secondary importance.
We were specially interested in the daily variations so we decided to
pay less attention to the absolute readings for the present. The mag-
nitude of the difference between the temperature on the mountain and
observatory was of less importance than the relative differences from
hour to hour. At the same time special watch had to be kept on a pos-
sible shift of zero.
After devoting about two months to obtaining a series of zero traces,
the thermometers were put in place and on Jan. 9, 1905, the record of
differences was resumed.
Since the resistance of the leads is about 40 ohms and that of the
thermometers is only 10, special care had to be taken to watch the per-
mancy of the former.
The Absolute Value of the Temperature Differences.
We found that the differences were not so large as we had recorded
in our previous winter’s work. No difference was observed at any time
during the winter greater than 7 degrees Fah., while in our previous
winter’s work we had obtained differences amounting to 20 or 25 degrees
as will be seen by referring to the charts published in our previous paper.
This can hardly be explained at the present time without a much
greater study of the influence of climatic conditions, which it is hoped
that further records may throw light upon. In general it may be said that
the past winter was not so severe in the North, just above Montreal, to
144 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
judge by the records of the inhabitants of that district, as the winter of
1903-4. For instance, on one occasion when we recorded our greatest
difference, colder on the mountain, the mercury was reported to have
frozen in a thermometer as near as Ste. Rose, (20 miles), while during
the winter just passed no such condition existed although the tempera-
ture at the observatory as shown by the monthly averages was about the
same for the two winters.
Below we give the monthly average differences for February, March
and: April and for comparison we reproduce those for the corresponding
months of the year previous:
Monta. 1904-5 1903-4
Me DEWATY |: LR ile eis ieee ee Nee ema eee ME Cet —2.7 —8.1
Marea EN M CRE EURE LIRE nt EI —2.0 —5.9
April. rm Entente eee eaecece —3.1 —6.8
Relative Temperature Differences.
In general we find that the position of the trace, whether rising or
falling, is of the greatest importance in determining the character of the
temperature conditions at the lower station for the following 10 or +12
hours. In neariy all cases of a sudden change of temperature we find
that the high level instrument is affected several hours ahead. This is
shown by the slow travelling of the pen across the sheet. A continued
trace of positive differences (higher at the upper station) means weather
conditions growing steadily milder at the low level. The following
conditions have been observed to hold fairly accurately.
1. Steady positive difference shows weather conditions growing
milder.
2. Increasing positive difference, or decreasing negative, indicates
a change to milder weather.
3. Decreasing positive difference means steady temperature con-
ditions possibly growing colder.
4. Increasing negative difference indicates temperature conditions
growing colder at the lower level.
5. Steady negative difference indicates steady and continued tem-
perature conditions at the low level.
All these represent changes at the low level following from 5 to 24
hours after the difference is observed to change. A few examples taken
from our last year’s records at random will serve as an illustration: On
February 9th, a warm wave was indicated 9 hours before it reached the ob-
[M‘LEoD & BARNES] ON THE DIFFERENCE IN TEMPERATURE j145
servatory. On February 21st, a cold wave was indicated 5 hours,
in advance as shown by an increasing negative difference. On February
25rd x warm wave was observed to be approaching 12 hours before any
change occurred at the lower station. On February 28th, a rapidly ad-
yancing warm wave swept across the high level thermometer 5 hours
ahead of any change on the observatory thermometer.
The extent and’ duration of these differences would appear to
indicate that estimates can be made for much longer periods ahead.
On two occasions when a heavy fall of snow occurred the precipi-
tation and consequent heat development in the upper atmosphere was
noticed on the upper thermometer causing a decided trace far over to
the positive side of the zero.
It is evident that much further study must be made in which direc-
tion and velocity of the wind must be considered together with other
climatic conditions.
Enough has been learned however, to make it of interest to carry on
the work in the hope that useful material may be gathered which will
aid local meteorological temperature forecasting.
PART [1:—(presented May, 1906.)
Since the preparation df the previous note which was too late for
publication in the Transactions of last year, we have obtained another
set of records during the winter just past (1905-06).
We anticipated further trouble in our long distance cable with the
advent of the warm weather during the spring of 1905. None
developed, however, until the middle of June, when the insulation became
insufficient for maintaining accurate records. On account of the absence
during the summer of one of the authors, who has devoted special
attention to the cable testing, no attempt was made to rectify the fault
until the autumn, when the repairs having been completed, and tests
made, the insulation was again found almost perfect, and the apparatus
started. |
Zero traces were obtained with both thermometers in the circuit at
the observatory, in a similar manner to the tests described in Part I of
this paper.
The records obtained show an average monthly difference of tem-
perature in degrees Fahrenheit at the two stations as follows :—
December, 1905............ —3.0 (Lower Station warmer)
dannany, | 1906.25.02. .2.\.. —2.2
G6) Le eee —1.6 es
March UT SORES Oe —2.5 LC
April DS Se den ere —3.7 a
Sec, III., 1906. 10
146 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Traces for the latter half of December, showing the differential
records and the temperature at both stations, are presented in further
illustration of the applicability of the former to weather prognostication.
The temperature traces have not been corrected for index error, but the
two curves show the proper difference between the upper and lower
stations.
At noon on December 17th the temperature on the mountain be-
came warmer than at the lower station, and so continued for ten hours,
the temperature at the lower point falling slightly after 7 a.m. on the
sth, when the change to warmer weather began and extended through
more than 20 degrees.
Before 10 o'clock a.m. on the 18th, while the temperature at the
lower station was still increasing the differential record rapidly returned
to zero, and then showed a negative difference which continued to
increase at first rapidly and afterwards slowly for about 16 hours.
he change to lower temperature at the Observatory took place
at about 1.30 a.m. on the 19th, and continued through 15 degrees.
The interval here noted between the change to a minus differ-
ence and the commencement of cold weather at the lower
station amounted to 16 hours. A difference of upwards
of five degrees was maintained between the stations for about
twelve hours, indicating steady cold at the lower station, after which the
difference decreased slightly until midnight of the 19th. Shortly after-
wards the approach of a warm wave was noted by a return to zero and
the lower station showed the expected change some ten hours later (10
a.m. of the 20th). In this case the differential record only just reached
the zero, and after four hours fell away from it. As was to be expected,
the temperature change at the lower station was of correspondingly
small dimensions.
Following this the record remained at or slightly below the
normal difference for the month, and no considerable change occurred in
the air temperature until the 22nd at 8 a.m. when, the approaching
change was heralded by the differential thermometer at 3 a.m., or only 5
hours in advance. Again the plus indications were of slight duration,
and the warm period similarly brief. The following two days gave a
period of steady temperature with a gradual approach to colder weather
on the evening of the 24th, and no considerable fluctuation in difference
from minus 5 degrees until midnight on the 24th, when for a few hours
the record showed a plus sign reaching +3 degrees, and the air tempera-
ture rose to 30 degrees at noon the following day, the 25th. Similar
cases of advanced warning may be observed in the following days. The
very extensive deviation to the plus side continuing from 3 p.m. on the
2
[M‘LEOD & BARNES] ON THE DIFFERENCE IN TEMPERATURE 147
27th to 6 a.m. on the 29th was followed by the long period of warm
weather covering the greater part of the 28th, the 29th, 30th and 31st,
and although a normal minus deviation was recorded as early as 10 a.m.
on the 29th, colder weather did not set in until midnight of the 30th.
These results presented in tabulated form to show the interval of warning
of an approaching change in temperature are as follows :—
Character | Time at which expected Interval
Time at which change was
of change occurred at | of
noted on Diff. Record. Indication. Lower Station. Warning.
1905. 1905.
December 17 12 noon....... Warmer | December 18 7a.m......... _ 19 hours
fs STONE... Colder 19-30 am... | 16002
s 19 12 midnight... Warmer “ 20102 m- yee Ne US re
ar 22 |A: IN. ---- Warmer F D A 7 RL NC
Me 24 12 midnight... Warmer a 25 12 noon...... | 12
In the curves following will be seen the differential traces as ob-
tained on the records from the temperature recorder. ‘The zero line,
or line of equal temperature is indicated by a thicker mark. Over the
zero line the differences are positive, indicating warmer on the mountain,
while the reverse is the case below the line.
In the thermograph records following the differential traces, the
mountain temperature is shown on the trace through the small circles,
the other trace giving the temperature at the lower station.
(Note added Oct 2, 1906.)
Tests of the insulation of the cable, made as the warm weather
advanced in June, showed the lines to be almost perfect, and in conse-
quence a ‘series of excellent traces has been obtained during the summer
months. These will be analysed and presented in a future paper.
Hours
148 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
December (7th, 1903
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152 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
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Secrion III., 1906. [159 ] Trans. R. &, C.
X.—Effect of an Electric Current on the Modulus of Elasticity.
By R. W. Boyze, MSc.
Demonstrator of Physics, McGill University.
(Communicated by Dr. H. T. BARNEs).
Read May 23rd, 1906.
For a long time there has been an idea that the passage of
electricity in a strained wire had some effect on its longitudinal elas-
ticity, enough at least, to alter its modulus.
Werthein, in 1844, considered that he had shown that the longi-
tudinal elasticity of metals was temporarily diminished by the passage
of an electric current, independently of the alteration which would
result from the elevation of temperature produced by the current.
(Werthein, Ann. de Chimie, 1844, tom XII.)
Tomlinson, in his work on “Influence of Stress and Strain on
the Action of Physical Forces” (Phil. Trans., Vol. 174, 1883), says
that in Werthein’s work on the coefficient of elasticity there must have
been errors due to his method of proceeding when determining the
elasticity by static extension. He (Werthein) put on a weight, took
a reading with the measuring microscope, and, after removing the
weight, took a second reading; from the difference in these two read-
ings he determined the value for the modulus.
Tomlinson says that if after considerable extension had taken
place Werthein had, repeated his trials with each of the previous weights,
he would have obtained appreciably different values, and the general
result would have been to give him a greater mean value for the
modulus.
Every experimenter on stress and strain by tension must notice
this fact. It is very rarely that any material so tested immediately
returns to exactly its original dimensions, even though the stress may
be considerably below the elastic limit; but usually the difference is
small. This, perhaps, can be accounted for by the want of uniformity
of the material, the heat developed by the straining, and the hysteresis
effect, i.e., the lagging of the relation of stress to strain, an effect
analogous to magnetic hysteresis though proportionately not so large.
The work of Werthein probably was the cause of the suspicion
that the passage of an electric current in a wire altered its modulus
cf elasticity.
Sylvanus Thompson in his “ Electricity and Magnetism,” 1902
edition, under the heading of “ Physical Effects of an Electric Current ”
160 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
refers to the question as follows:—“ During the passage of a current
through metallic wires their cohesion is temporarily lessened, and there
also appears to be a decrease in their coefficient of elasticity. It was
thought by Edlund that a definite elongation could be observed in
strained wires when a current was passed through them; but it has
not yet been satisfactorily shown that this elongation is independent
of the elongation due to the heating of the wire owing to the resistance
it opposes to the current.”
Acting from the suggestion of this last clause the present work
was undertaken. One would hardly expect that a tensile strain could
produce the effect mentioned, and the results obtained in this work
go to show that at least for the materials here tested no such effect
is produced. No other conclusion can be taken from the observations
obtained.
The present work was done on:
(1) Pure metals,— Copper, aluminium, steel, which are the metals
most used in electrical work; and (2) Alloys — German silver, man-
ganin, constantin, rheotin, which are used for resistance purposes in
electrical laboratories.
Arrangement of Apparatus and Method of Experiment.
A rigid suspension for the test wire was made in this manner:
An iron plate, 6” x 1 and 2” thick was tightly screwed to a heavy
oak beam. Through this plate protruded two studs with ends threaded.
Another iron plate, of dimensions same as the first, fitted exactly over
it, and the two plates were tightly secured to one another by means
of bolts on the studs. By squeezing the wire between the plates the
suspension is made very rigid.
The wire hanging from the plates was about ten feet long, and
carried at the bottom a scale-pan for holding the weights which made
up the load on the wire.
A heavy copper wire was soldered to the suspension plates, and a
light flexible copper wire to the junction of the test wire and the scale-
pan. These wires conuucted the current to and away from the test wire.
A thread of brittle wax on the wire, drawn out to a point when
soft, served as a very good pointer to indicate the extensions, which
were measured by a cathetometer giving readings to one-thousandth of
a millimetre. By keeping the cross-hairs of the cathetometer telescope
focussed on the wax pointer very small extensions could be observed on
the cathetometer scale.
The first work done was to take the stress-strain curve of a wire,
of the same material and of the same dimensions, as the test wire.
{poyLr] ELECTRIC CURRENT ON THE MODULUS OF ELASTICITY 161
This determined the elastic limit and showed the safe load to apply
without permanently straining the material.
The test wire was now hung from the suspension plates, and was
kept stretched, below the elastic limit, for two or three days in order
to make it free from kinks. After this the weights were removed,
and the wire was given at least an equal period of rest before taking
observations.
ly
es
1
=
tk
STORAGE BATTERY à
UL =
ADUUSTABLE POINTER.
RESISTANCE. bs
CATHE TOMETER
Fie. 1.
The source of current through the wire was a battery of storage
cells giving a very steady current, which could be adjusted to any value
by a rheostat in the circuit. The accompanying diagram (Fig. I.)
shows the whole arrangement. The stress-strain curve, up to the
maximum safe load, determined from the preliminary test, was taken
at first for no current in the wire. After turning on the cur-
Sec. III., 1906. 11
162 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
rent, the wire was allowed to undergo the full extension
caused by the heat generated by the current, and these exten-
sions were measured and plotted; then the stress-strain curve was
taken as in the case of no current in the wire. The current was
varied up to such a value that the heat generated by it was sufficient
to melt the wax pointer on the wire. ‘This would be at a temperature
not higher than 50° C., so that no annealing effect on the wire could
have been possible. The maximum current experimented with repre-
scuted a high current density. Any heat generated by the stretching
of the material could not have been sufficient to cause appreciable
extension. The temperature of the room at the place of test was very
constant, never varying more than a degree during the test, and usually
varying by only a few tenths of a degree.
By Hooke’s law, if P is the total load on the wire of length Z and
cross-sectional area A, and / is the extension caused by P; then, up to
the elastic limit,
where E is the modulus of elasticity.
ie l
H ee
te LE
OL PIN EIRE,
p being the stress and ¢ the strain. Hence E is proportional to the
slope of the stress-strain curve, and any change in the slope signifies
a change in E. y
In all cases the curves obtained show that, taking account of the
extensions caused by the heat of the current, the stress-strain lines are
parallel to the stress-strain line when there is no current in the wire;
and when the extension caused by heat is deducted from the total
extension the stress-strain lines are identical.
Constantin.
This is one of the later resistance alloys. Its composition varies,
sometimes being given as 60 Cu, 40 Ni, and sometimes 58 Cu, 41 Ni,
1 Zn. It is a tough, fairly soft, and not very stiff material with
elastic limit high, but not very strong beyond that.
The preliminary test for the stress-strain curve (Fig. 2), shows
the elastic limit of the specimen to be at a load of 4,650 gms., cor-
GMS. LOAD; x $275, LES PER SQ. INCH; x -37/3, KG. PER SQ.CM.
[poyLE] ELECTRIC CURRENT ON THE MODULUS OF ELASTICITY 163
responding to a stress of 24,420 lbs. per sq. inch, or 1,718 kgm. per
sq. em., and a strain of .001245. This gives a modulus of elasticity
of 22.37 x 10° inch-lb. units, or 1.575 x 105 cm.—kgm. units.
The specimen tested was 265.3 cm. long, and .0221” (—.0562 cm.)
diameter. It can be seen that below the elastic limit this material
8000
7000
RUE
=
_
6000
5000
4000
300C
te
rires
2000 {4
3
Ô
0
[e)
is’)
Gi
4
a
Lo
CMS. EXTENSION; x -377, PER CENT STRETCH,
Gene
is very elastic and strong. Of course the same material with larger
cross-section would not be as strong in proportion, as we know that
pulling out and drawing through dies has a hardening and strengthen-
ing effect, and produces a hard and tough skin which is much stronger
CURRENT IN AMPERES.
164 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
than the softer material inside. The result is that the smaller we
draw out a wire the stronger it becomes in proportion to larger wires
of the same material.
With constantin, as soon as the load passes the elastic limit, the
material shows a slow pulling out, so that no definite extension can be
said to correspond to any applied weight. As the load increases this
oO
os
o OO OS -06 -08 0 2 dA.
CMS. EXTENSION.
Fia. 3.
effect becomes more rapid, until it becomes quite easy to pull the wire
cut by just pressing downward on the scale pan with the hand.
The extensions given for the weights on data sheet A are the
total extensions when the wire has pulled out as far as it will go, without
waiting over long periods for the stretching to cease.
(The toughness and strength of this material below the elastic
limit, with its property of a very low resistance-temperature coefficient,
{soyteE] ELECTRIC CURRENT ON THE MODULUS OF ELASTICITY 165
ST
PS
5900
4500
4000
S500
3000
LOAO.
2500
GNIS.
2000
1500
‘900
ChdS. EXTENSION
Fig, 4,
166 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
make it very suitable for a resistance wire; but its undesirable feature
of producing large thermo-electric effects makes it less desirable than
some other alloys for use as a standard resistence.)
Stress-strain curves were taken for different-values of current up
tv a load of 4,515 gms., which the preliminary test showed to be quite
safe in not producing a permanent strain in the material. Data sheet
B shows the results.
5000
CMS. EXTENSION.
Fic. 5.
Fig. 3 shows the extensions caused by the heat of the current.
Fig. 4 shows the stress-strain lines for different currents, taking
account of extension caused by heat; it can be seen that they are all
parallel to the no current line.
Fig. 5 is a sample of the agreement between the stress-strain line
for no current in the wire, and the line for the case of a current in
the wire, when the extension due to the heat of the current is deducted
In this way it is proved that the stress-strain line is the same
when a current is in the wire as when there is no current. Hence,
there can be no change in the modulus.
[BoyLE] ELECTRIC CURRENT ON THE MODULUS OF ELASTICITY 167
DATA SHEET A.
Constantin.
Original Length, 265.3 cms.
Diameter, .0221 inches.
Loads in Gms. Cms. Extension.
515 0
1015 0263
2015 -0977
3132 .1852
14298 .2947
5398 .5215
5693 .6278
6193 1.1511
6493 2.0832
6993 3.7572
7293 5.0109
7593 5.9362
7993 7.5618
1 At loads greater than this, there was a slow pulling out of the material, so that
no definite extension could be said to correspond to any given weight.
DATA SHEET B.
Constantin.
Cms. Extension. for Current, in Wire of
eon po re 2p i 27, 16% SA uot ET
amps/[ }” | amps/{ }” | amps/{ j” | amps/ |
515 0 .0147 .0273 | .0720 .1258
1015 .0359 .0548 .0648 .1062 .1681
1515 .0740 .0938 * 1043 1485 | .2053
2015 1121 .1290 1395 1810 .2457
2515 .1471 .1634 .1765 .2230 .2808
3015 .1870 .2031 .2109 .2555 .3131
3515 2216 2411 .2396 2999 3500
4015 2590 2780 2871 3342 3813
4515 2983 3172 .3268 3727 4327
.2983 .3025 .2995 .3007 . .3068 Total exten-
sions.
168 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Data and curves, corresponding to those shown for constantin,
were also obtained for mangamin, rheotin, German silver, copper, and
aluminium; but as the result is the same in every case they are not
shown here. In order to give an idea of the nature of the materials —
tested the following descriptions are given:
Manganin.
This is the familiar alloy so much used for resistance standards
on account of its low temperature coefficient and other good physical
qualities. It is usually considered to be the best and most reliable
of alloys for standard purposes. Its composition, perhaps, is variable,
but it is likely to be something about Cu. 84 Ni. 12, Zn. 3-5.
The test-specimen was :0235” (= -0597 cm.) diameter; its modu-
lus was 21-60 x 10° ins-ib. units, or 1-518 x 105 em.-kgm. units.
After the elastic limit is passed the material exhibits the same
property in slowly pulling out as constantin does.
Rheotin.
One of the latest resistance alloys. It is a material much harder
and stiffer than constantin and manganin, and is very much stronger.
It breaks under a load not much greater than the elastic limit load,
and there is only a very little pulling out when the elastic limit is
passed.
The specimen was of :0226” diameter, elastic limit corresponding
to a stress of 104,500 Ibs. per sq. inch (— 17,350 kgm. per sq. em.),
and a strain of -00607. The modulus of elasticity was 17:20 x 10°
inch-lbs. units or 1-209 x 10® em.-kgm. units.
German Silver.
The specimen, -023” diameter, was of the ordinary German silver
wire that is so much used for resistance purposes; composition was —
approximately Cu. 60, Mn. 26, Ni. 14. The stress-strain curve showed
it to be not as strong as rheotin, though much stronger than constantin
and manganin. *
As in the case of rheotin there is not much pulling out just after
the elastic limit is passed, but this effect increases as the load is in-
creased. In most physical properties the material seems to come between
rheotin and constantin.
The elastic limit corresponded to a stress of 46,050 Ibs. per sq.
inch (— 3,328 kgm. per sq. em.), with a corresponding strain of
[porte] ELECTRIC CURRENT ON THE MODULUS OF ELASTICITY 169
-00257. This gives the value of the modulus as 17:92 x 10° inch-lb.
units, or 1-260 x 10° cm.-kgm. units.
Copper.
This was a specimen, -0319” diameter, of the soft, annealed, fairly
pure copper wire made by the Montreal Wire and Cable Company for
electrical work.
It does not stand much tensile stress, the elastic limit corresponding
to a stress of 8,975 lbs. per sq.inch (—695 kgm. per sq. cm.), with
a strain of ‘000579. This gives the modulus the value 15-49 x 10°
em.-kgm. units.
When the loading gets beyond the elastic limit there is the slow
pulling out of the wire shown in the other materials, so that no definite
extension can be said to apply to any weight.
Aluminium.
Specimen was of -0319” diameter. Elastic limit corresponded to
a stress of 12,420 lbs. per sq. in., or 874 kgm. per sq. cm.
The calculation for the modulus gave a value 15-49 x 10® inch-lb.
units, or 1-090 x 10° cm.-kgm. units.
There is not much pulling out below the load corresponding to
the elastic limit, though, after that, it is quite appreciable. The material
breaks when the load becomes a little greater than the elastic limit
load.
Steel.
This specimen was one of the strongest of pianoforte steel, dia-
meter, 0191”. The stress for the elastic limit wes as high as 246,000
Ibs. per sq. inch, or 17,320 kgm. per sq. cm. The value of the modulus
was 28-96 x 10° inch-lb. units, or 2-037 x 105 cm.kgm. units.
Conclusion.
M. C. Noyes, in her work on the influence of temperature and of
an electric current on Young’s modulus, finds that for steel, although
temperature causes a decrease in the value of the modulus, yet, when
a current passes through the wire, the modulus is the same as when
there is no current.1 In the following year she finds that an electric
current in a copper wire has no effect on the modulus.?
From the data and curves obtained here, the only conclusion to
take is that the passage of a current in a wire does not alter its
* Noyes—Physical Review, Vol. 2, page 277, 1895.
* Noyes—Physical Review, Vol. 3, page 432, 1896.
170 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
modulus of electricity; at least, this is true for the materials here
tested.
This work only concerned currents, the actions of which were of
short duration. Perhaps, after a curreat has been passing through a
wire for a long period, of months or years for instance, there may
be an effect on the modulus; but such changes are liable to occur,
and do occur, if the material is left alone without any current in it.
Jt would be difficult to distinguish and measure the effect by the
current from the same effect by other courses. |
For currents of short duration, the probability is that in all
materials the same results would be obtained as were obtained here,
viz., that the current has no effect whatever in altering the modulus
of elasticity.
The values of the modulus found for the materials tested are given
in the following table:—
Material. E in inch-lb. units. E in cm. kgm. units.
Constantini-feea-ee nese! see ee 22.37 x 10 1.575 x 108
Manganiniesns) ae aa wee ace 21.60 x 106 1.518 x 10°
RNC OLIN acy since anteaters 17:20 x 105 1.209 x 106
German silverse-oeeecms eatenniceee 17.92 x 108 1.260 x 108
Copperiee: a eee ae eo actnon scene 15.49 x 106 1.090 x 105
AUTEURS EEE Ce 15.49 x 106 1.090 x 106
DIBOL one Et ete Lee eae 28.96 x 106 2.037 x 105
I desire to thank Dr. Barnes for his advice and help in carrying out
these experiments.
Srcrion III., 1906. ier fa ag) Trans. R. S. C.
XI.— Lhe Effect of l'ensile Stress on Electrical Resistance.
By R. W. Boyze, M.Sc., Demonstrator of Physics McGill University.
(Communicated by Dr. H. T. BARNES, and read May 23rd, 1906.)
‘The object of this investigation was to find out if a tensile stress in
a wire produced changes in its electrical resistance, beyond what we know
to follow from its changes of dimensions, which can be calculated for.
Work of this nature has been done before, but not for resistance
alloys such as constantin, manganin, and rheotin, which are now used
for electrical work.
William ‘lhompson (Lord Kelvin) in 1856 stated that “ he had very
nearly established, for the case of iron, at least, that the augumented
resistance due to tension, either temporary or permanent, is very little
more than can be accounted for by the change of form.”
l'he whole problem is, of course, one of change of Specific Resis-
tance.
it was conclusively established by Lord Kelvin and others that the
specific resistance always increases with the decrease of density, so that
if the density decreases we may expect an increase of specific resistance
and hence a greater change of resistance than we can calculate for from
change of length and diameter.
‘Tomlinson, working on this subject under “ Influence of Stress and
Strain on the action of Physical Forces” (Phil. Trans., Vol. 174, 1883),
found that permanent extension by longitudinal traction produces a
slight alteration of density. Jn his experiments this change was a de-
crease of density which never reached as much as .5 per cent although
some of his wires were strained to breaking.
Previous to this Werthein had obtained similar results (Ann. de
Chemie, 1884, tom XVI); and Gray and Henderson working on this
subject under Lord Kelvin in 1887, found a change in density amounting
in the case of copper to fully .5 per cent.
The present work was on the resistance alloys, Constantin, Man-
ganin, Kheotin, and on the pure metals, Copper, Aluminium. No work
of this kind, so far as we know, has been done on the first three, but was
done for the last two by ''omlinson and by Gray and Henderson.
In this work the method of measuring the resistance was by the fall
of potential method, the potential drop being measured on a 100,000—
ohm Thompson-Varley slide.
Arrangement and Description of Apparatus.
A rigid suspension for the test wire was made by squeezing 1t
between two iron plates, each 6” x 1” and 2” thick. One of these plates
172 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
was tightly screwed to a heavy oak beam, and through it protruded two
studs with threaded ends; the other plate fitted exactly over this one,
the two being secured together by means of bolts on the studs. The wire
hanging from the plates was about ten feet long, and carried at the bot-
tom a scale-pan for holding the weights which loaded the wire.
The current was led to the wire by a heavy copper lead firmly
soldered to the suspension plates, and led away by a light
flexible copper wire soldered to the juncture of the test wire and the pan.
in series with the wire, so that the same current passed through if, was a
standard resistance. Light potential leads were neatly soldered to the
test wire ak points a measured distance apart; these led to mercury cups.
from which they could be connected to the galvanometer and potentio-
meter. Potential wires from the terminals of the standard resistance,
and also from a standard cadmium cell, led to other mercury cups to be
connected at will with the galvanometer and potentiometer. (‘The pur-
pose of the standard cell was to test the steadiness of the current.)
The source of current was a battery of four storage cells, of 200
ampere-hour capacity each, which could be connected for 2, 4, 6 or 8
volts as required. ‘I'he current from this battery is remarkably steady.
and by means of a very low resistance rheostat in the circuit the current
was made to vary less than a few parts in 10,000. The current was
never large enough to appreciably raise the temperature of the wire.
‘he standard resistance was one which has been used in various in-
vestigations carried out by Dr. Barnes. A description of it is given in
his paper “ On the capacity for Heat of Water between the Freezing and
Boiling Points.” (Phil. Trans, Series A, Vol. 199, 1902). ‘The stan-
dard consists of two coils of resistances
À 1.00175 — . 000250 (t — 20°C.) | and
{ 1.00043 — . 000246 (t — 20°0.) \ ohms.
These can be placed in parallel or in series.
‘he coils were kept at a constant temperature by keeping them im-
mersed in a paraftin oil bath, which had in it a coil of metal tube through
which a steady tlow of cold water passed, the oil being constantly stirred
by means of a small fañ-screw revolved by a small water-motor. The
supply of cold water was taken from a constant water head, arranged py
running the water from a.tap into a vessel with outflow and over-
flow tubes.
A thermometer in the oil bath gave the variations in the tempera-
ture of the coils. ‘I'he ''hompson-Varley slide that was used is the one
used in the Macdonald Physics Laboratory for accurate potential work;
[BOYLE] TENSILE STRESS ON ELECTRICAL RESISTANCE 173
it was described by Professor Callendar in Phil Trans, A, 1902, p. 63.
The potentiometer consists of two sets of coils, which are the potentio-
meter slide and the vernier slide. ‘lhe former has one hundred and one
1000-ohm coils in series, and the latter one hundred 20-ohm coils in
series. ‘I‘he terminals of the vernier slide are permanently fixed to the
poles of a two-pole pointer on the potentiometer slide; by means of this
arrangement the whole of the vernier coils is shunted with any two con-
secutive coils of the poteuriometer slide, thereby throwing in parallel
two resistances of 2000 ohms each, making an equivalent resistance of
i]t
STORAGE BATTERY.
ORY CELLS.
STANDARD
RESISTANCE.
TEST WIRE.
GALVANOM.
423 a 97 98 99 100
19 9.0 09 OO) VERNIER SLIDE.
VA hossbshr ver
OOOO OG
ADUSTABLE
LOW RESISTANCE ND
se AR
© POTENTIOMETER SLIDE.
ae
STANDARD
CELL.
oneal,
1000 ohms. ‘I'hus the resistance of the whole potentiometer is 100,009
ohms. ‘lhe balance point is effected on the vernier slide by means of
a pointer connected with the galvonometer. ‘I'he galvonometer used was
a Kelvin 100,000-ohm reflecting instrument.
The standard cell, used in connetion with the potentiometer to test
the steadiness of the current, was a cadmium inverted cell with an E.M.F.
change of .0058 per cent. per degree of temperature.
The errors of the various coils of the potentiometer are less than
1 part in 10,000; determinations of the errors have agreed in all cases
for the 101 coils to a tenth of this amount.
174 ROYAL:SOCIETY OF CANADA
I'he potentiometer current was supplied by Columbia dry cells,
either one or two as required. The current from this source is very con-
stant, as the balance for the standard cell showed.
Four significant tigures were obtained from the potentiometer read-
ings, and the fifth from interpolation on the galvonometer.
In Fig. 1 the diagram of connections is shown.
Method of Expervment.
In all cases the wires were stretched below the elastic limit for a day
or two in order to remove any possible kinks, and were then rested for
at least an equal period.
‘he current used was as small as possible to give the necessary drop
on the potentiometer; the heating effect was small, as a thermometer
constantly touching the wire, showed. ‘lhis thermometer indicated the
changes of temperature of the wire, and corrections were afterward made
for them. Weights were placed in the scale pan and the wire was allowed
to extend. No readings were taken until everything in connection with
current and temperature was constant.
‘he temperature of the room, where the wire was suspended, was
very constant as the thermometer readings show.
If À, is the standard resistance, E, the drop across it ; À, the resist-
ance of the test wire between potential terminals, and # the drop
across it :—
E, io
Then: Current, y=)
Rk
3 Ww
or E
Ry = E h,
If P,, is the reading of the potentiometer for the drop across the
wire, and Ps the reading for the drop across the standard then :—
E rie Vis
19 Ie
or
Pp
w
R, = P Rk,
In this way the resistance of the wire, after the various extensions, was
measured.
The values shown for specific resistance, in the tables given here, are
calculated on the assumption that the volume of the wire remains con-
[BOYLE] TENSILE STRESS ON ELECTRICAL RESISTANCE 175
stant, no matter what the stretching may be. If / is the original length,
and A the original cross-sectional area,
volume = 1 A
Then any cross-sectional area for a stretch of S will be
bot NA
( + 8)
This is about as reasonable an assumption to make as any. In stretch-
ing the wire a number of things may happen which we cannot calculate
for. For instance; little cracks, too small to be seen, may develop in the
skin of the wire; one part of the wire may stretch out more than another
owing to lack of uniformity in hardness or toughness.
1t would be impossible to measure the changes in diameter by cali-
pers; consequently, it is necessary to get a value for the cross-sectional
area by making some assumption.
‘The weight per unit length of the wire could have been taken at the
beginning, and the cross-section, after any extension, calculated from it.
But calculations on this assumption would not include errors due to such
causes as mentioned above, though it would have an advantage in avoid-
ing errors due to any possible change of density caused by the strain,
which errors are not included in the other assumption.
Assuming that, the volume was a constant, and calculating the
diameter after the total stretching, and comparing this valule with the
diameter measured by the calipers after all the stretching has taken
place, we find the following close agreement :—
A,
ae A eres CE 85
aS 33 SES S55 SS5
=a 22 LE fas Hea
MATERIAL. S Re © .& HS.s Es
ua n ase SA 5A
Cms. Cms. Inches. Inches Inches.
D en 266.4 | 300.4 | .02210 .02023 .02058
Manganin................. 261.6 290.6 .01710 .01623 .01623
LI AN SENTIERS 263.8 266.5 .02262 .02252 .02251
tag 261.4 298.9 .03191 .02994 .02984
Aluminium................. 264.2 265.1 .03188 .03184 .031
DE | A. B. C.
Columns A and B were obtained by taking many readings of the
diameter, along the whole length of the wire, on micrometer calipers, and
averaging ; while the figures in C were calculated on the above assump-
tion. It can be seen that, except in the case of constantin, they agree
176 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
very well with the measured diameter, and even in that case the differ-
ence is only a little over one per cent.
The curves shown in this part of the work are increase per cent.
resistance on increase per cent stretch. Above the elastic limit, on
account of the slow pulling out of the material, it cannot be said that the
stretch is proportioned to the load; consequently, the increase of resis-
tance is not plotted on a load base in these curves.
Below the elastic limit the extensions are proportional to the loads,
so that this part of the curve would not be altered in either method of
plotting.
Assuming that the specific resistance p does not change as stretch-
ing goes on, and that the volume of the wire remains constant,—then if
Ris the resistance, / the length, and A the cross-sectional area before
stretching we have
pl
M
For any extension S of the wire,
p
R = 7 @+8)
1
But by ewe:
Ae eel ee
pues
p
R= eases)
= ¢+8
PT Re een ey
me iE
Increase of Resistance = À, — R
athe S?
= (2 84:5)
Increase of Resistance iu a (2 S+ =)
Increase of length vs S
p S 1 pit S R S
=—-@+5=—-—@+5+=-@4+> 5;
A l LA l l tl
Increase of Resistance
; Original Resistance
or 8 — 2 + =
Increase of length
Original length
[BOYLE] TENSILE STRESS ON ELECTRICAL RESISTANCE 177
Jo put this in words,— if the increase per cent resistance is plotted on
increase per cent stretch, the curve is very nearly a straight line with
slope equal to 2. The value of — will not be appreciable below the elastic
l
limit, nor will it be comparable with 2 for quite an amount of stretching
beyond it. The greatest value obtained for — was about .125.
l
| POS/T/ON OF .
Le)
g |IELASTIC LIMIT | a
| Cons TANTIN
o 4 2 3 + ry 6 7 2
INCREASE PER CENT STRETCH
Fie 2.
On the above assumption, then, the curve of increase per cent resis-
tance on increase per cent stretch should be a line with initial slope 2,
curving slightly to a greater slope for greater values of stretching.
An examination of the curves will show that this is just what was
obtained, the irregularities being usually at the first part of the curve,
Sec while 99h. 12
178 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
where the increase of resistance is so small as to be hardly measurable,
and accuracy cannot be depended on. ‘This result is an evidence that the
assumption on which the results are based is not far astray.
Constantin.
A piece of wire of the same material as described in my paper on
“The Effect of an Electric Current on the Modulus of Elasticity was
used. Results are given on data sheet P. Fig. 2 shows the increase per
cent resistance on per cent stretch, up to a few points beyond the elastic
limit the position of which is marked on the curve. This curve is a
straight line with slope equal to 2.
INCREASE PER CENT RESISTANCE
INCREASE PER CENT STRETCH
Fie 3.
Fig. 3 corresponds to the full extension undergone by the wire.
‘his curve bends in the direction opposite to that which we should ex-
pect, owing to the low value for specific resistance which the calculations
for the last four points show. (See data, Sheet P.) It must be noted
that the extensions corresponding to these points were obtained simply
by pressing downward on the scale pan with the hand, the material being
so plastic as to allow this to be done with ease. Probably a large part of
this extension took place just at the suspension, for it was noticed that
in all cases, whenever the wire broke, this was where the breaking took
[BOYLE] TENSILE STRESS ON ELECTRICAL RESISTAN CE 179
place. ‘lhis would explain the low values for the specific resistance. Lt
is hardly probable that the specific resistance does decrease at this stage
of stretching.
In order to be sure of the temperature coefficient of this specimen
of constantin a special determination was made. ‘The result showed that
the coefficient varied greatly at different temperatures, but at the tem-
perature of the test wire in his work it was practically negligible, being
not more than .00001. with minus sign.
DATA SHEET P.
Constantin.
Standard resistance used = 2.00218 — .000496 (t — 20°C.)
Temperature Coefficient of test wire = —.00001.
Toad, Percent: R. of Wire Increase Increase Specific
corrected of percent. of
Gms. Stretch. | +o 22.22°C | R.of Wire. | R. of Wire. | B- of Wire.
lee eme aa eee ove gysia alll. one ni el ets .0000
.515 0 | 5.46417 0 0 5138
1015 .00984 5.46561 .00144 .02634 | 5138
2015 .03664 5.46782 .00365 .04850 5137
3132 .16966 5.47148 -00731 .1337 5138
4298 .1108 5.47672 .01255 .2297 5138
5393 .1957 5.48568 .02151 .3935 5138
5693 .2355 5.48934 -02517 .4605 5137
6193 .4320 5.51041 .04624 .8460 5137
6493 .7825 5.55188 .08771 1.605 | 5140
6993 1.408 5.62507 . 1609 2.942 | 5143
7293 1.813 5.67861 .2144 3.924 | 5144
7993 2.838 5 78867 .3245 5.940 5147
ad to 10.420 6.35729 .8931 16.32 4903
“7 | 13.080 6.69108 1.2269 22.44 4923 -
Wets. À GLP le FENTE RPC ER EEE BARRES PRE PARUS enna
515 (| 12.78 6.65796 1.1938 21.84 4923
515 1 12.78 6.65493 1.1908 21.80 4921
* Extension caused by pulling out wire with the hand. Values given pro-
bably do not represent the correct Specific Resistance for these extensions.
180 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Manganin.
his piece of mauganin must have had more than the usual per-
centage of copper in its composition, for it was very soft. and hada
much lower specific resistance than is usually given for this material
Pau:
WCHEASe pan CENT Ghberes
INCREASE PER CENT RESISTANCE
Fie 4.
Fig. 4 shows the relation of increase per cent resistance to increase
per cent stretch, for stretchings just beyond the elastic limit.
[BOYLE] TENSILE STRESS ON ELECTRICAL RESISTANCE 181
Fig. 5 shows the same relation for the total stretch.
INCREASE PER CENT RESISTANCE
INCREASE PER CENT STRETCH
Fie 5.
Lhe following table gives the result of a few of the calculations for
specific resistance.
Load Per cent. Increase
Gms. Stretch. LC Specific i
515 0 0 .00003882
2515 .1194 .1019 3877
4265 2816 .3259 3873
5265 2.212 4.277 3875
5865 4.910 10.10 3882
6365 8.210 17.03 3881
Joie ET IRELAND ie eM aie ER en Te een UE Genes use
515 11.120 24.70 3921
Kheotin.
This specimen was a piece of the same material as was described in
the previous paper mentioned above. The resistance-temperature coefti-
182 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
cient was not known, and a special determination of 1t was necessary.
It was found that the increase of resistance caused by elevation of tem-
perature was very steady, varying directly as the tempreature with co-
efficient + .000246 per 1° C.
2.0
+8 1
6 |POS/TION |OF
WUT
: LU TRUE
INCREASE PER CENT RESISTANCE
~
LA Q
aS
RCE ee Dee CENT aren
Fic 6.
The load was varied from 515 gms. to 25,722 gms., when the wire
broke. ‘lhe corresponding stretch per cent. varied from 0 to 1.007, and
the specific resistance from .00004928 to .00004925. Fig. 6 shows the
result.
[BOYLE] TENSILE STRESS ON ELECTRICAL RESISTANCE 183
Copper.
This specimen of copper must have been of only moderate purity,
for the value obtained for its specific resistance was higher than that
given for very pure copper. Figs. 7 and 8 show the result obtained :—
Load Per cent. sncrense | Specific
Gms. Stretch. R Re Resistance.
1515 0 0 000001744
2515 .01807 .05985 1744
4707 .4610 .9590 1744
5457 1.343 2.914 1747
6457 2.718 5.865 1747
7409 4.385 9.140 1747
8409 6.553 13.82 1747
9409 9.625 20.25 1745
DER TT EOLA | PNET omer rere otha RS rene devas
dd 14.38 31.60 1748
3.2
28
24
42
INCREASE PER CENT RESISTANCE.
° 2 4 -6 8 Te) 42 a
INCREASE PER CENT STRETCH.
Fi@a 7.
184 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Aluminum.
‘he specimen was a length of ordinary aluminum wire such as 13
used for commercial purposes.
~ ~
Le] D
INCALASE PER CENT STRETCH.
INCREASE PER CENT RESISTANCE.
Fra 8.
As thie potential leads could not be soldered to the wire, they had
to be secured by winding them around the wire and covering the joint
by a globule of (hard brittle wax.
[B0YLE] TENSILE STRESS ON ELECTRICAL RESISTANCE 183
The following, with Fig. 9 and 10, are the results :—
Load Per cent. Increase Specific
Gms. Stretch. | À soi frs em Resistance.
515 0.0000 | 0.0000 00002927
1515 04747 AB 202A
2515 07743 -00947 2923
3515 1083 0405 2922
4515 1425 1083 2922
5515 .1840 | 1580 2921
6515 242) | .2574 292)
7526 YR 2467 2919
16
414 peeps OF 4
"LASTI ey
|
|
|
12 PA
40 a
INCREASE PER CENT ST RETON
è 8
a
>
Ÿ
-02 Po) | ley
o
INCACASE PER CENT RALISTANCE
Fic 9.
186 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Conclusion.
As can be seen from the curves, in all materials tested, except
Aluminium, the ratio of increase per cent resistance to increase per
cent stretch is equal to 2+. Manganin and Aluminium in the first.
parts of the curves show discrepancies, but this is probably due to the
unavoidable errors in measuring such minute changes of resistance.
+0
aR
ae
| Sian
INCREASE PER CENT RESISTANCE.
o 04 08 12 16 20 24 1635 -32
INCREASE PER CENT STRETCH
Fie 10.
In the case of Manganin, when these irregularities are omitted, the
above ratio has the value 2, but for Aluminium it is a little less. But in
the case of the latter the wire broke when there was a stretch of only
S cms. in 264; in consequence, the changes of length and of resistance
were so small that no general result can be deduced from them.
[BOYLE] TENSILE STRESS ON ELECTRICAL RESISTANCE 187
‘Nhe last four points of the Aluminium curve showed that the slope
was increasing, and, probably, if greater extensions could be obtained, the
results would agree with those obtained for the other materials.
These irregularities, in the Manganin and the Aluminium curves:
were too small to make any appreciable change in the calculations for
specific resistance.
he values obtained in all cases for the specific resistance, working
on the assumption that the wire has constant volume, are remarkably
constant.
As in all work done heretofore on this subject, the conclusion is that
a longitudinal tensile stress produces practically no change in the specific
resistance of the material. At least, it produces no immediate change;
whether, after a prolonged action of the stress, there would be a change
or not, is perhaps open to question. The changes in specific resistance
for copper and aluminium, in this work are smaller than those obtained
by Tomlinson and by Gray and Henderson in their work. ‘Tomlinson
says that the specific resistance of Aluminium is actually decreased by
a stress in the line of flow of the current. This also shows here in the
results for Aluminium, but the change is only in the fourth significant
figure, and that perhaps is too fine a distinction to depend on.
As a general conclusion, this work points to the fact that for alloys
and metals, while they are under a tensile stress, the increase per
cent resistance is about twice the increase per cent stretch, and that the
specific resistance of the material is practically unchanged.
lt is interesting to finish this paper with a contrast between the
small effect of a tensile stress (or, for that matter, of any mechanical
treatment) on the electrical properties of a metal or alloy, and the great
effect of even a trace of impurity.
This is well shown by the following table, taken from Vol. 2, p. 299.
Mathematical anid Physical Papers, Kelvin.
Percentage Percentage Relative
Qualitative Analysis. Cu. Impurity. | Conductivity
Mute, Wi, As. O.................... 98.76 128 i ae CE
0 eee 99.20 0.80 | 71.3
Cu, Fe, Ni, (doubtful), O............ 99.53 | 0.47 | 84.7
tu, Fe, Ni, (doubtful), O.. ........ 99.57 0.43 | 86.4
ME Fo ori foes ca as ss doe 99.90 0.10 | 102.0
It can be seen, that the purity of the material to be used for a
conductor is of the first importance, while the mechanical treatment of
it is of minor consideration as regards its purely electrical properties.
I desire to thank Dr. Barnes for his advice in this work.
Sxcrion III., 1906 [189] Trans. R. 8S. C.
XII—A Method of Determining the Specific Heat of a Gas at Constant
Pressure.
By H. F. Dawes, M.A., University of Toronto.
(Communicated by Prof. J. C. McLennan, and read May 23, 1906.)
The classical determination of this constant for several gases was
made by Regnault.! His method consisted in passing a stream of heated
_ gas through an ordinary water calorimeter and determining the quantity
of heat given up by observing the rise in temperature of the water. Tha
quantity of gas used in any experiment was determined from observations
on the pressure, and the temperature of the gas together with the volume
of the reservoir in which it was stored. The gas was heated by passing
it through a long spiral tube of copper immersed in a bath of
boiling oil. From the heating bath it passed directly into the calori-
meter traversing it in a spiral copper tube. It was assumed that the air
entered the calorimeter at the temperature of the oil bath, and left it at
the temperature of the water.
Besides the heat given up by the gas a certain amount was com-
municated to the calorimeter by conduction and by radiation both from
the bath and from other bodies in the room. In order to determine the
amount of heat derived from these sources observations were made on
the temperature of the calorimeter for a certain time before the gas was
allowed to pass through and again after the flow was stopped.
Defects.
In attempting to repeat this experiment with apparatus precisely
similar to that used by Regnault it was found that the arrangement had
several disadvantages. In the first place the calorimeter used was not
very delicate, i.e., it required a comparatively large quantity of heat to
make a sufficiently great difference between the initial and final tempera-
tures of the calorimeter.
Since both the specific heat and the density of a gas are very small,
it is necessary to use a large quantity of gas and to make the initial tem-
‘perature very high in order to have the required quantity of heat avail-
able. To obtain a sufficiently high temperature, boiling oil was used in
the heating bath and this made the experiment very disagreeable and
difficult to work with.
! Regnault. Memoires de l’Academie des Sciences de l'Institut Imperial
de France. Tome XXVI. pp. 1-112.
190 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Again, with Regnault’s apparatus, the arrangement for measuring
the initial temperature of the gas was somewhat defective. On account
of the very rapid fall of temperature along the tube through which the
gas passed from the oil bath to the calorimeter it was scarcely permiss-
able to assume that it entered the calorimeter at the temperature of the
oil bath.
II1.—Vhe Bunsen Ice Calorimeter.
A modified form of the calorimeter used by Regnault for the deter-
mination of the specific heat of gases is also used to find the specific heat
of liquids or solids. Another form of calorimeter which has been used
for liquids and solids but not for gases is the Bunsen Ice Calorimeter.
The construction of this type of calorimeter is shewn diagrammatically
in Fig. 1. A glass test tube B is sealed into the upper end of a larger
cylindrical glass vessel A. The lower end of A is joined to a U tube AQ
which carries a cup C at its upper end. A hollow stopper furnishel
with a three way tap D prolonged into a graduated capillary tube E us
fitted into this end. By means of this tap communication can be made
from the cup D, which the stopper carries, either to C or to E or from ©
to E.
In setting up the instrument for use the upper part of A was filled
with pure distilled water free from air, and lower part of A, the tube C
and part of the capillary with pure boiled mercury. By means of the
tap D the end of the mercury thread could be moved to any selected pos-
ition.
A part of the water in A was frozen and formed into a cap of ice
around the immersed part of B as indicated in the diagram. In mak-
ing all measurements, A, B, and the lower part of C were kept surround-
ed by ice in order to maintain the apparatus at zero temperature.
The measurement of heat by this calorimeter depends on the fact
that water changes its volume on solidifying. If a quantity of heat is
communicated through B to the water in A a certain quantity of ice will
be melted. This will cause a diminution in the volume of the contents
of A, and a consequent receding of the mercury thread in E. From the
known values of the latent heat and the specific gravity of ice, the
amount of heat communicated may be determined for any change of
volume produced.
An investigation with this type of calorimeter shewed that its deli-
cacy was such that an addition of one calorie made a change of about
1 1-3 millimeter divisions in the position of the end of the capillary
thread. With the apparatus used by Regnault, on the other hand, an
addition of about 600 calories was required to make a difference of one
[DawEs] SPECIFIC HEAT OF A GAS AT CONSTANT PRESSURE 191
degree in the thermometer reading. Besides its greater sensi-
tiveness the Bunsen calorimeter possesses the advantage of not requiring
any correction for radiation errors since no heat is communicated by this
means on account of the surrounding ice jacket.
III—NEw Merxon.
A.—A pparatus.
In the experiment described below a method was devised by which
this calorimeter could be used with special advantage in determining the
specific heat of a gas, and at the same time some of the defects of the
Regnault arrangement avoided. Fig. 2 is a diagram of the arrangement
of the apparatus as finally adopted after considerable development. Thea
gas was stored under pressure in a reservoir A and kept at zero tempera-
ture by means of ice in the vessel surrounding it. The flow of gas was
regulated by a valve B, and its pressure was indicated by a water mano-
meter C. A phosphoric pentoxide drying tube D was inserted in its
path to absorb any moisture coming from the manometer. The gas was
heated as it passed through a tube in a water bath E and was kept at a
temperature of 100° as far as the mouth of the calorimeter by means
of a steam jacket. It passed through the test tube of the calorimeter F
in a copper tube of special construction shewn on a larger scale in Fig. 3
The gas entered this tube through the inlet d and issued from it by the
outlets @ and b, each of which could be closed by a valve. The lower
part of the tubing was coiled, as shewn in the figure, and immersed in
water to the height e. With the valve b open and a closed the gas passed
directly out without going through the bent portion of the tube. The
difference of temperature between the points c, d, was measured by
means of a copper-iron thermocouple, the wires of which passed out
through air-tight caps at a and b, and thence to a galvanometer.
B.—CALIBRATION.
(1) The Thermocouple.
The thermocouple was calibrated before the wires were sealed into
the tubes, one junction being kept in melting ice and the other placed ia
a water bath along with a standard thermometer. The deflections of the
galvanometer were observed for a series of different temperatures, and
the results are shown in Fig. 4.
(2) The Gauge.
The relation between the quantity of gas which passed out of the
reservoir and the corresponding fall of pressure was found in the follow-
192 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
ing way. The volume of the reservoir was 7 litres, so that it contained
7 m grams of gas at standard temperature and pressure, m being the
mass of one litre. Hence by Boyle’s Law, for every millimetre fall of
pressure 7m/760 grams of gas must have escaped. The calibration of
the gauge was checked by means of a mercury manometer, and its read-
ings reduced to millimeters of mercury. In an experiment with atmos-
pheric air for which m—1.293 the quantity of air which issued from the
reservoir was calculated for a series of different pressure falls and the
results of this calculation are exhibited in Fig. 5. In this figure the
ordinates represent the quantities of air which escaped when the pressure
fell to zero from we values indicated by the corresponding abscisse.
(3) The Calorimeter.
The bore of the capillary tube of the calorimeter was calibrated by
filling it with mercury and then running it out a little at a time and
weighing the parts run out. From this the mass of mercury occupying
each division was found for different parts of the tube.
The number of calories required to cause a displacement of one
gram was found as follows :—
Data :—
1 gram of water gives out 80.025 calories on freezing.
1 gram of water occupies 1.00013 c.c at 0°C.
1 gram of ice occupies 1.090 x 1.00013 c.c at 0°C
1 gram of mercury occupies .073553 c.e at 0°C.
Solution :—
80.025 calories used in melting ice cause a change in volume of
1.00013 | 1.090 - 1} c.c. and therefore cause a displacement of.
1.00013 À 1.090 - 1 | x 1 grams of mercury.
. 073553
Hence a displacement of one gram of mercury means the using of
.073553 x 80.025 calories = 65.4 calories.
1.00013 (1.090 — 1)
From this value the number of calories causing a displacement of
one division at different parts of the scale was found. The results of
this calibration are illustrated by Fig 6, which shows at any point the
number of calories corresponding to a displacement of the mercury from
zero of the scale to that point.
[DAWES] SPECIFIC HEAT OF A GAS AT CONSTANT PRESSURE 2193
A preliminary experiment showed that the fall of pressure of the
gas in passing through the calorimeter was less than one fifth the pres-
sure indicated by the manometer C.
C. Method of Experiment.
In making a determination the following procedure was adopted.
When the water in E had been raised to the boiling point the valve 4
was opened, and the gas allowed to pass through the apparatus.
Readings were taken on the calorimeter scale, and on the gauge
and on the thermocouple scale respectively once a minute. B
was adjusted as required to keep the gas flowing uniformly.
he water manometer C was maintained at a difference of level of eight
millimeters, so that the fall in pressure of the gas as it passed through
the calorimeter was less than 8/5 millimeters of water. The galvano-
meter in a few minutes assumed a constant deflection, showing that the
temperature of the d junction had become steady. From the calorimeter
readings the average number of divisions per minute was determined by
finding, first, the average number per twenty minutes from a number
of sets of readings, and then taking one twentieth of that number. The
rate of fall of pressure was found in a similar manner from the read-
ings of the gauge.
After the gas had been flowing for a sufficient time, the valve 4
was opened and a closed, so that the gas passed out without going through
the coil. The rate of flow was adjusted so that the thermocouple d
was kept at a temperature used in the previous observations. Readings
of the calorimeter and of the thermocouple scales were taken once a
minute as before, and the average number of divisions per minute on the
calorimeter scale was found in the way explained above.
From these readings the following deductions were made :—
(1) The temperature in degrees centigrade corresponding to the
thermocouple deflection was found from the curve of Fig. 4.
(2) The number of grams of gas per minute was found from the
rate of fall of the pressure by means of curve 5.
(3) By the aid of curve 6 the number of calories communicated per
minute to the calorimeter was deduced from the number of divisions
moved over per minute by the mercury thread.
D. Theory.
It will be seen that with the exception of the air which passed
through the coil (e) during the first set of observations the sources of
Sec. III., 1906. 13.
194 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
heat in the two cases were exactly the same. Hence if “x” calories per
minute were communicated in the first case, and (“x”) per minute in the
second, the gas must have given up (x-x,) calories per minute. If
therefore the rate of flow was “y” grams per minute, and the fall of
temperature “ t°C 7 the value of the specific heat as given by this set of
readings Was X-— X,
yt
*
E. Measurement of Specific Heat for Dry Air.
A set of temperature, pressure, and calorimetric readings for dry
air is given in Table I, and curves illustrating them are shewn in Fig. 7.
TABLE I.
Calorimeter Thermocouple
Time. Gauge. | Time. Scale: deals
0. OS OM ere eee ARE RU EE ld eee |: aah es CSS
.30 22.7 | 1 CT So do 5 € 0 0
1.30 22.1 2 560.3 65.5
2.30 21.6 | 3 566.4 65
3.30 21.3 | 4 572.9 64.5
4.30 20.9 5 579 64.5
5.30 20.6 | 6 585.1 64.
6.30 20.1 a 591.8 64.5
7.30 19.9 8 598 64.5
8.30 19.55 9 604.1 64.5
9.30 19.2 10 610.3 64.5
10.30 18.9 11 617. 64.5
11.30 18.6 12 623 64.5
12.30 18.5 13 629.9 64.5
13.30 18.2 14 636 64.5
14.30 18. 15 642.4 64.5
15.30 17.5 16 649 64.5
16.30 Lil 17 655.2 64.5
17.30 16.7 18 661.8 64.5
18.30 16.4 19 668.5 64.5
19.30 16.2 20 675.0 64.5
eh rt
[DAWEs] SPECIFIC HEAT OF A GAS AT CONSTANT PRESSURE 195
TABLE I—(Continued.)
| | Calorimeter Thermocouple
Time. Gauge Time. | Seale: <cale:
a — RME. 41)
20.30 15.8 1 | | 681.6 | 64.5
21.30 15.1 Boy | 688.2 | 64.5
2.30 15. 2 | 694.9 64.5
23.30 | 14.6 24 | 701.3 64.5
24.30 14.2 25 | 708. 64.5
25.30 14 2% | 715 64.5
26.30 | 13.6 ey 2a 721.3 64.5
27.30 | 13.3 28 728 64.5
98.30. | 12.95 29 734.9 64.5
29.30 NASA ET 30 741 5 64.5
30.30 12. 31 748.5 64.5
31.30 11.6 32 755 64.5
32.30 11.4 2 762 64.5
33.30 | 11 34 769 64.5
34.30 10.7 35 715.4 64.5
35.30 re ie 6 782 64.5
36.30 | 10 8500 ||. 37 789.1 64.5
‘The first of these curves (A) shews that after the first few minutes
the temperature became steady and remained so during the experiment.
The scond and third (B and C), shew respectively that the air flowed
through the calorimeter uniformly, and that the heat was communicated
to it at a uniform rate. |
The determination of the value of the specific heat at constant
pressure for air from this set of readings is summed up in the following:
Denoting the rate of motion of the calorimeter thread when the air
was flowing through the coil by A, and when it was issuing from the
outlet b by B, the results obtained were as follows :—
Average value of A — 6.612 divisions per minute.
Temperature fall between terminals of thermocouple = 21.9°
Average value of B = 4.982 divisions per minute.
Temperature fall = 21.8°
Reduced value of B corresponding to temperature fall of 21.9° = 5.0071
divisions per minute.
196 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
I.—Calorimeter scale divisions due to the heat from the air = (6.612 - 5.0071)
= 1.6049. From Fig. 7 and its corresponding readings the number
of calories per minute due to the heat imparted by the air — 1.20327.
II.— Average fall of pressure = .3399 {gauge divisions per minute, = 17.09 mm.
mercury per minute and consequently the average rate of flow =
.20355 grams per minute.
Combining I and II the value .2697 was obtained for the specific heat at
constant pressure.
F. Discussion.
In the published account of the experiments in which he determined
this constant. Regnault gives the results of eight-four determinations.
These vary from .22 to .24 the average value being .2375. The result
found from the observations given above, while somewhat higher than
those found by Regnault is still sufficiently near to his values to demon-
strate the usefulness of the method.
G. Alterations Suggested.
One or two changes in the arrangement have suggested themselves,
but owing to lack of time, have not as yet been tried. In the first place
the Junction of the two tubes at d might be made quite near to the upper
end of the test tube of the calorimeter, and the thermojunction moved
up to correspond. ‘l'his would not alter “x” as used in the above dis-
cussion, but would make a much greater value of “t” and a correspond-
ingly smaller value of “x,” since the heat given up by the air between the
present position of d and that suggested is at present included in “x,.”
Again, an ebonite connection in the tube d would lessen the conduction
from the steam jacket, ebonite being a poor conductor of heat. This
would lessen the values of “x” and “x,” by equal amounts. Both these
changes would lessen the percentage error in the final result.
H. Advantages of the Method.
Some advantages of this method over that used by Regnault may
be enumerated.
(1) By this method the calorimetry is more perfect than in the
experiments of Hegnault, since the calorimeter (a) is very much more
sensitive and (b) it requires no correction for radiation on account of
belonging to the constant temperature type.
(2) Heat communicated by all sources other than the gas itself, for
example, by conduction from the steam jacket down the tube, d, and
from the air of the room down a and J, is accounted for by a single
direct observation.
[DAWES] SPECIFIC HEAT OF A GAS AT CONSTANT PRESSURE 197
(3) Again, in this method the measurement of the initial tem-
perature of the gas is exact, since all heat given up by it after it passes
the thermocouple is accounted for in the calorimeter readings.
(4) It is necessary to heat the gas only to a comparatively low
temperature in order to have as favourable a determination as that of
Regnault with the very high temperatures he used. Hence the disad-
vantages and limitations of using boiling oil as a heating bath are
avoided. ‘lhe method may be readily applied to gases which are de-
composed at high temperatures.
(5) The determination of the specific heat of a gas is reduced to
the measurement of rates, so that the initial and final adjustments of
conditions have not to be considered or allowed for.
(6) ‘lhe method may be readily adapted to the measurement of
the specific heat of liquids so that it gives promise of becoming generally
useful.
l'he writer would in conclusion express his sincere thanks to Prof.
J. C. McLennan for his kindly interest in this investigation, and his
helpful suggestions during its progress.
Physical Laboratory, University of Toronto.
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
198
2228.
LT
URS
Fig. 1
UI ’™ dK] ia
\ ND
AN
NS
à
\
[DAWES] SPECIFIC HEAT OF A GAS AT CONSTANT PRESSURE 199
Fig.2
se R
= |
<n
J WON
CICLE LYS LIT PRE YNECEPTE CR
EE CT * .
—- - é
8
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8
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Calibration of Thermocouple
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
i ae HE
an HEUER
To Galvanometer
200
Fig. 8
fe
Le
[pAWES] SPECIFIC HEAT OF A GAS AT CONSTANT PRESSURE 201
‘is
à HE HRRIRRRE HIDE ÉD HR) Hd
5 a : oe
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OMIVERSITY PRESS TORORTS Scale Reading
No. !
Fig 5
Calibration of Gauge
ee
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S 700
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No. |
ORIVERGITE Paces,
300
101
Q 100 200 300 400 600 00 600 900 1000
Scale Reading
Fig.6
Calibration of Calorimeter
202
8 A Thermocouple
40
30
10
à & Gauge
20
45
/0
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
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740 -
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sogn0 Benen ceee ue I
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BUDUS sunee DEUUE HE Anen ry uo + Er
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620 — -
EE DE i EEE ae
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560 a
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age +r 5
530 H+
(4) 10 20 30 40
OMIVERSITY POLES, TORONTO 71 me
B
Fig. 7
A Readings of Thermocouple
æ » Gauge
” “ Calorimeter
G
Secrion III., 1906. [ 208 ] Trans. R. S. C.
XIII.—Deficient Humidity of the Atmosphere.
By T. A. Starxey, M.B., D.P.H., FRS, Professor of Hygiene
AND
H. T. Barnes, D.Sc., F.R.S.C., Associate Professor of Physics, McGill
University, Montreal.
Read May 23rd, 1906.
The importance of the influence of a dry atmosphere on the hu-,
man organism has been in a great measure overlooked. The question
is one of great moment in Canada, especially in those parts where, during
the colder months, the heating of the houses necessitates the heating of
the indoor atinosphere, thereby causing a tremendous drying of the air,
or in other words, a lowering of the Relative Humidity.
This excessive dryness is common knowledge, and most householders
are fully acquainted with the ravages it creates amongst their house-
hold effects, particularly woodwork, ivory pieces, etc. How many at-
tempts on the part of the householders has one witnessed, tio increase
the moisture necessary in the air—hanging cans containing water on the
heating coils—placing bowls of water in each room, etc., etc. But all
these attempts were made with a view simply to preserving the furniture,
ornaments, ete. and never to benefit the health of the inmates.
The results of these homely makeshifts were always disappointing,
because the amount of water which could be evaporated under such con-
ditions as above described, did not sensibly affect the humidity condi-
tions—as will be shown later, several gallons per day in an ordinary
sized house are required to even bring the relative humidity to 50 per
cent.
The action of a dry atmosphere on the human organism is a direct
one. It affects primarily the mucous membranes lining the respiratory
tract—chiefly that of the nose, the throat and the bronchial tubes. It
is a purely mechanical irritant, resulting in a condition of congestion of
the mucous membranes before mentioned. If this irritation be con-
tinued for any length of time the swollen mucous membranes with diffi-
culty regain their normal state, and in this connection it may be
pointed out that different individuals will suffer to different degrees,
according to their personal factor or idiosyncrasy—there are some
people whose mucous membranes are “ weak” and will quickly react to
this irritation; finally, what is more important in these cases, the mucous
membranes do not recover their normal tone, or only with very great diffi-
culty after a long time.
204 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
We have thus all the conditions favourable for a chronic catarrh, and
this chronic condition being established we get all the typical symptoms
of naso-pharyngeal catarrh, spreading often to the Eustachian tubes
communicating with the middle ear. When this chronic congestion of
the naso-pharynx continues for an extended period in young children, «
we often have the starting point of adenoid growths, a troublesome
affection and one which is very widespread throughout communities.
Continuing downward along the respiratory tract, the conditions result-
ing from the irritation, due to an excessively dry atmosphere, must be
noted with reference to the bronchial tubes, and the small air passages —
in the lungs. Here again a congestion is the primary result. and the
effects produced must be considered from a double point of view:
First: On the normal healthy lungs and bronchi.
Second: On diseased lungs and bronchi.
To take the second series first will perhaps serve us better. When
considering the effect of an irritation due to dry air on a mucous mem-
brane already irritated or congested by some disease, e.g., Tuberculosis,
Bronchitis, Pneumonia, etc.,no one can deny for a moment the deleterious
results that necessarily follow from such an added irritation. This
point being conceded, some real benefit can be extended to people
suffering from these diseases, by removing or replacing a very dry at-
mosphere with one containing an optimum of moisture.
As a matter of fact most people have witnessed the use of a
bronchitis kettle for patients suffermg from acute bronchitis—this
homely but efficient device supplying a quantity of water vapour to the
atmosphere which is to be breathed by the patient; the immediate relief
in these cases is most striking.
Reverting to the first series, viz. the effects produced by a dry at-
mosphere on healthy lungs and bronchi, no such absolute or incontro-
vertible proofs can be brought forward as in the second series, but some
strong points may be brought out by analogy.
It is now-a-days quite an accepted fact that where you have the
mucous membranes lining the lungs and bronchi in a congested or irri-
tated state, the conditions are then favourable for the “ grafting on” of
some disease, e.g., most marked of all, Tuberculosis.
If other mechanical irritations besides that produced by dry air can
be the starting point or predispositions of some disease, why not that
produced by dry air?
This argument is brought forward only as a strong probability, but
it must gain in strength when the results. to be narrated below, of the
action of air which is too dry on the healthy membranes lining the nose
and throat, are carefully considered and weighed.
|
|
|
[STARKEY & BARNES] DEFICIENT HUMIDITY OF THE ATMOSPHERE 208
CASES IN POINT:
(I) A. B., arrived in Canada late in the year, and during the winter
suffered greatly from congestion of the nose and throat, and to a less
extent of the bronchial passages.
The air of the rooms which he occupied was suspected, but chemical
analysis showed its composition to be fairly good. The CO,—.07 per-
cent; the air in the rooms where he spent most of the day showed
CO.—.08 to .09 per cent, but the symptoms of congestion never developed
there, consequently vitiation by excess of CO, could not account for the
trouble.
On testing the relative humidity it was found to be very low, on an
average 40 to 50 per cent.
The symptoms of congestion always disappeared rapidly when the
individual went outdoors. Keeping the windows open regularly pre-
vented the congestion.
(2) Other cases of a like nature were found:
“Stuffiness of the nose and throat” was an expression commonly
applied. “A feeling of tension between the eyes ” (evidently congestion
of the frontal sinus), also “irritation spreading through to the ears,”
were descriptions given by not a few.
In several of these instances air in their houses was examined: The
CO, was never found to be much, if at all, above the normal .06 per cent
—the other chemical constituents normal—but in all cases the Relative
Humidity was low, never exceeding 50 per cent.,—generally about 40
per cent.—lowest record, 35.8 per cent.
(3) The case of a family in which there were five children, three
boys and two girls, ranging from three to ten years. They had returned
to town after a stay in the country during the summer. ‘lhe boys
quickly began to lose tone as the winter came on. They all exhibited
congestion of the nose and throat of a chronic nature. The two little
girls continued well. It was found that the girls slept in a room where
the windows were kept open night and day, but not so the boys.
Chemical examination in the different rooms showed no material
increase of the CO,, or the presence of other deleterious constituents.
The relative humidity was about 40 percent. In the boys’ room a mini-
mum of 38 per cent was obtained. In the girls’ room the relative
humidity averaged 50 to 55 per cent.
Fresh air was admitted by open windows to the boys’ rooms and
they showed signs of improvement immediately and are now quite well.
Dr. Birkett, of Montreal, a specialist on the nose and throat fully
bears out the arguments brought forward above, for in his extensive
206 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
practice he has noted many cases of a like nature to the ones just detailed.
He also has tried increasing the moisture in the atmosphere with exceed-
ingly good results.
Having established the fact of the deleterious action of an atmos-
phere containing too little moisture upon the human organism, your
attention is invited to the appended tables wherein are shown a series of
average observations.
In speaking of the moisture, or more correctly the amount of mois-
ture, contained in the atmosphere, it ought to be noted that too dry air
is unpleasant to breathe, saturated air when warm is unbearable, e.g.
80°F.—the most comfortable is when the air contains about 70-75 per
cent of moisture necessary to saturate it.
Oct. | Nov. | Dec. | JAN. | FEB. | Mar.
Average-rel. humidity................ 87.8 | 86.7 | 79.2 | 78.1 | 79.2 | 8073
Average temp. (indoor)............... 64° 64° 65° 66° 66° 65°
Average rel. humidity (indoor) —win-
dows closed..8 cen tuer 58 55 46 41 42 45
Average rel. humidity (indoor) —win-
COWSLOPEI: NÉ a ane ep eee eae 66 61 58 57 57 58
N O CO,
Average composition outside air in percentage........ 19 20.96 .04
Average composition indoor air per cent............. 79 20.94 .06
in these tables will be noted first the constancy of the indoor tem-
perature — this is as it should be in a private house, such as the one
in which all these observations were made. The outdoor temperature is
mot recorded, but during the months of January, February and part of
March, it is often 0°F. or well below, on the average.
Knowing then that if we warm a given quantity of air completely
saturated with moisture at the initial temperature it no longer remains
saturated, we can readily see what an enormous difference in the relative
humidity is entailed by heating the outside air registering 0°F., or below,
to a temperature of 64°F.
The effects of allowing some of the unheated outside air to enter
the house, are plainly visible when comparing the series of relative
[STARKEY & BARNES] DEFICIENT HUMIDITY OF THE ATMOSPHERE 207
humidity indoors with the windows closed and open respectively.
During the months of October and November the marked deviation
of the records is not so noticeable as in January, February and Maren.
This is owing to the fact that during October and November the fur-
maces are not as yet in full swing, and consequently a great deal of
unaltered outside air gains admission to the house.
In these tables the relative humidity has always been calculated by
means of the wet and dry bulb hygrometer, which we now proceed to
show yields results very much too high for low relative humidities.
WET AND DRY BULB HYGROMETER.
The instrument most generally in use for the determination of rela-
tive humidity is the wet and dry bulb hygrometer, or psychrometer.
This type has the advantage of giving continuous readings, and its use
seems to have been first proposed by Sir John Leslie.
It is of great importance to have an instrument for meteorological
work which gives at any time, without manipulation a reading of the
humidity. There are two forms in which this instrument is met with;
the usual one consists of two stationary thermometers, one of which gives
the air temperature and the other the temperature of a piece of absor-
bent material from which water is continually evaporating. The second
form is the instrument provided with a handle so as to rotate the two
thermometers rapidly and cause the maximum evaporation from the
moistened wick over the wet bulb.
So many complex circumstances have effect on the indications of
the instrument that it seems impossible to deduce any satisfactory the-
oretical formula for it. The well-known formulas of Apjohn and of
August are not reliable over an extended range.
The elaborate tables compiled by Glaisher, which are universally
used, were constructed from a large number of simultaneous readings
with the wet and dry bulb and the Daniell’s hygrometer. It is stated
that these were made at the Greenwich Observatory and in India and at
Toronto.
During the progress of our work a grave doubt was raised in our
minds as to the reliability of the instrument for air of very low moisture
content. Thus the comparison which we give of the humidity in an average
house in winter with the direct determination by the absorption method,
was far from satisfactory. This was shown also on two or three occa-
sions in the Macdonald Physics Building by comparing the dew point
obtained on the Regnault hygrometer with the dew point deduced from
a wet and dry bulb hygrometer.
208 ROYAL SOCIETY UF CANADA
On arriving in the laboratory on February 3rd, after a clear, cold
night, a small cheap indicating hygnometer of the spiral type, was ob-
served to be reading nearly zero humidity. This instrument had been
carefully calibrated over its entire scale some time previous and had been
then set correctly. It may be stated that this instrument was selected
from a lot of half a dozen sent to us on trial, all of which were found
entirely wrong, not only in reading but what was worse in range. The
reading may always be corrected easily, but the range is a much more
serious matter to adjust without injury to the delicate spiral.
It was decided to check this low reading by means of a reliable in-
strument. The Regnault hygrometer was accordingly used and a
telescope provided for observing the appearance and disappearance of the
film of moisture on the silver bulb containing the ether. The dew point
was found to lie between 10.5° F. and 11.0° F., and was clearly defined
between these limits. The maximum and minimum air temperature
was given for that date as + 11.5°F., and —13.8°F. The relative
humidity calculated from the dew point was only 9 per cent, and showed
that the dryness of the air was very great indeed, and that the spiral
hygrometer was nearly correct.
The four following days were cold and clear, as shown by the follow-
ing temperatures in Fahrenheit degrees:
February 4th, Maximum 33.1, Minimum 11.9
4 5th, 30.3, «8.5
$ 6th, << —2.9, “« —17.5
a 7th, “« +5.1 “ —10.5
Everything was conducing to excessive dryness as was shown on the
morning of the 7th in the laboratory when a comparison was made of the
various hygrometers we possessed.
The Regnault hygrometer gave a dew point of 3.75°F. (limits of
appearance and disappearance of mist—hoar frost—3.5° and 4°F.),
which is above the mean air temperature. This shows that the air was
dryer than the materials in the laboratory, some moisture being im-
parted to the air on account of this.
The relative humidity calculated from this observation is 6.25 per
cent. The spiral hygrometer showed 5 per cent humidity, but the in-
dications of the wet and dry bulb hygrometer of the stationary type were
interesting. The dry bulb registered 69°F., and the wet bulb 57°F.,
showing a difference of 12°F., or 6.4°C. This gives a relative humidity
of 45 per cent; this was at the same time as the other hygrometers gave
5 and 6.25 per cent respectively.
[STARKEY & BARNES] DEFICIENT HUMIDITY OF THE ATMOSPHERE 209
An effort was made to inerease evaporation from the wet bulb in
order to increase the observed difference. The wick was lengthened and
more air circulated about the bulb. The readings were then observed to
be 68°F. and 52°F., showing a difference of 16°F. or 8.88°C.; no greater
difference could be obtained.
This gives a relative humidity of 26 per cent., which was a little
nearer the truth. The dbserved difference between the two thermometers
should have been weil over 20°F. to have given the correct result.
It is possible that a revolving hygrometer would have given better
results, and one was procured, but not in time for a test on this date.
Later in the season when the humidity was from 10 to 15 per cent one
of these instruments was tried but with little success. Possibly the form
we procured was not sufficiently accurate.
It is evident from our comparisons that the wet and dry bulb in-
strument is not suitable for the measurement of relative humidity beyond
a fairly large percentage, probably on account of the conduction of heat
down the stem of the thermometer offsetting the cooling due to evapora-
tion.
How far the instrument is suitable for outdoor readings, when the
air is very cold, we are not yet in a position to state, but we are inclined
to think it does not give very satisfactory results. For small differences
showing high relative humidity it is satisfactory, and.it is from such
readings that Glaisher’s tables were doubtless compiled.
We include a test here to show that satisfactory results may be
obtained under these conditions. ‘lhe date of test was May 18th, 1906 in
the Physics Laboratory. The Regnault hygrometer gave a dew point of
18.85°C. with the air temperature 21.7°C., which gives a relative hu-
midity of 82 per cent. Simultaneous readings with the wet and dry bulb
gave:
for the dry bulb, mat oC.
DLL SENTE 19.6°C.
Difference, rap al Os
This gives a relative humidity of 82 per cent, and a dew point of
18.8°C., which is identical with the Regnault instrument.
We think then that for high relative humidities the wet and dry
bulb hygrometer yields correct values, with moderately high tempera-
tures, but that for low humidities the instrument is entirely misleading.
In view of these discrepancies further tests were carried out in the
Hygiene Department, which tests consisted in comparisons between the
Sec. II1., 1906. 14
210 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
results of the wet and dry bulb hygrometers and the exact chemical
estimations of the water vapour in the atmosphere at the same time:
RELATIVE HUMIDITIES:
Simultaneous Observations by the Two. Methods.
No. Wet AND Dry BULB CHEMICAL ANALYSIS
À ADR ATARI SE CNRS EL AU ACER rata taney ne 78 per cent. 40/5 percent:
PAN ce eb PR Pre en os 2 te) Ee 71 71 ;
DAME EEE Ebr bone arta ea nl 53.47 : 34.7 *
ON eras eens AE) SAN A AA oon! 35 =
LUE senate Bema re LA ete eae 52.2 ; 36.57 ©
Gi We Meta LUN EIRE AMAR 52.2 à 36.5 v
es We chest DAS RAS A AE A 54 $ 36 ss
oa OP SONT TES SE RE ie, ENT: 53 à 28.5 Ë
WS NE SC ET ch UNS ES PE ULB 38.8 30.5 7
LORRAINE Mie kare arn 39 "4 29 +
The first six observations were taken on different days at very irre-
gular intervals extending over six weeks. ‘lhe wet and dry bulb
thermometers were suspended in the middle of the laboratory where only a
slight current of air obtained. The disparity in the results here are
extremely striking and from the few figures obtained one cannot deduce
any corrections applicable to the wet and dry bulb instruments. Where
the humidity is about 70 to 80 per cent the results apparently are not
very far from the accurate condition of the humidity, but with a fairly
still atmosphere and a low percentage of moisture the results of the wet
and dry bulb instrument varied tremendously, being out on an average
20 per cent.
The last four observations, namely, Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10, are inter-
esting being all taken on the same day, 7 and 8 taken in the morning at
a two-hour interval, the wet and dry bulb instrument being placed under
still conditions as above mentioned. Here again the discrepancy is
about 20 per cent as before. In Nos. 9 and 10 observations were taken
in a very marked draught of air, the instruments being placed in the
draughts from three large open windows and one would not be far short
of the mark by saying that the conditions were almost identical with
[STARKEY & BARNES] DEFICIENT HUMIDITY OF THE ATMOSPHERE 211
those in the open. The evaporation from the wet bulb had thus free
play and would be practically at its maximum.
‘he relative humidities under these conditions correspond fairly
closely with those obtained by exact chemical analysis. It is of course
as one would expect that where full play is given to the evaporation the
records ought to be nearer the truth than when the wet and dry bulb
instruments are placed in a still atmosphere and the rate of evaporation
is interfered with to a large extent. But one can easily see from the
last two observations that no figures of correction are possible because
the rate of evaporation depending so exactly upon the movement of the
air, any interference with the latter would necessarily throw the results
a great way out from the truth.
We bring forward these tests in connection with our discussion of
deficient humidity because the wet and dry bulb hygrometer is almost
the only instrument used for testing the relative humidity by house-
holders. Many observers have found the dryness excessive by using this
instrument, but it will be seen that the actual state of affairs is proba-
bly much worse than has been imagined. ;
Methods have been devised for supplying moisture to the air of
houses and buildings, but a few figures to show the amount of moisture
required to bring the air up to a normal healthy humidity will be found
to be somewhat discouraging. Thus in an ordinary sized dwelling house
when due allowance is made for the amount of air required for each per-
son per day something like 33 gallons of water must be evaporated daily
to keep the air at a relative humidity of 75 per cent. Other difficulties
arise when this is accomplished. Rapid condensation takes place on the
windows when the air temperature outside is very low. Experience has
shown that this commences at a humidity of about 40 per cent. We are
inclined to think that much could be accomplished by maintaining the
humidity even at this latter figure, and that the question should be
earnestly considered in order to improve the general health of the large
proportion of people who spend the greater part of their life in artificially
heated buildings.
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ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
RÉ ANS ACTIONS
SECTION IV
GEOLOGICAL AND BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES
PAPERS FOR 1906
Secrion IV., 1906. [8] Trans. R. S. C.
I— The Gypsum Deposits of New Brunswick.
By L. W. Barzey, LL.D.
(Read May 22nd, 1906.)
A very large increase in the production of gypsum has occurred
during the last few years, as indicited by the fact that while in the
year 1890 the total quantity produced in the United States was 182,995
short tons, with a value, as crude gypsum, of $19,148, and, as manu-
factured, of $574,523, in 1903 the total quantity was 73,912 short tons,
with a value, for crude plaster, of $87,608, and, for the manufactured
product, of $3,792,943, an increase largely due to the much wider range
of its applications. Similarly, from New Brunswick alone the ship-
ment to the United States, which in 1890 amounted to 25,672 tons,
had, in 1897, risen to 59,334 tons, and, in 1905, to 125,402 tons.
Coincident with this increase in the employment of gypsum much
more attention has been paid to the conditions of its occurrence, and
to the numerous questions, of scientific interest, which a study of
such occurrence suggests. As the New Brunswick deposits present
many features of interest, and in some instances exceptional oppor-
tunities for investigation, it has been thought by the writer that a
summary of the facts which have come under his observation would
not be without value.
The gypsum deposits of New Brunswick, like those of Nova Scotia,
are, without exception, confined to the Lower Carboniferous system, in
this respect resembling those of Virginia. They are also confined to
the summit of that formation, being in many instances immediately
followed by the basal beds of the Millstone grit. Finally, they show
in most instances little evidence of disturbance, being either in very
low undulations or quite horizontal. Regarded with reference to the
present sea level the most important beds are within two hundred feet
of the latter, but some extensive deposits are found at elevations equal
to at least twice that amount. In northern New Brunswick the most
important deposits are those of the Tobique valley, in Victoria county.
As exposed in and near the village of Plaster Rock, to which a branch
of the Canadian Pacific Railway has been extended for the more ready
removal and marketing of the material, the gypsum forms vertical
bluffs about 130 feet high, consisting of numerous alternating bands
of gray, greenish and reddish colours and granular texture, traversed
here and there by seams -f white fibrous gypsum or satin spar. Owing
to the want of exposures the horizontal extension of the deposit is not
4 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
known, but is believed to include several square miles. The gypsum
rests on limestones which, as far as known, are destitute of animal
fossils and remarkable for their open, stalactitic and coralloidal char-
acter, as though the result of chemical deposition. Calcified trunks of
trees of large size and very perfect preservation are sometimes met
with. |
Considering the elevation of these beds (about 300 feet), together
with their horizontal attitude, the conclusion is suggested that at the
time of the deposition of the gypsums all portions of northern New
Brunswick having a less elevation than the amount stated must have
been in a state of submergence.
In central New Brunswick the red marly and sandy beds of the
Lower Carboniferous system are to some extent gypsiferous, but no
deposits of any extent occur, this formation being mostly covered and
concealed by the gray rocks of the coal formation.
In southern New Brunswick the localities are more numerous, being
found in many parts of King’s, Albert and Westmorland counties. In
King’s they occur in the vicinity of Sussex and in the parish of Ham-
mond; in Albert about Hillsboro, Hopewell, Demoiselle creek, and
Riverside; and in Westmorland on the north branch of the Petitcodiac
river and at Cape Meranguin. Of these by far the most important
are those of Hillsboro, to which special attention may now be directed.
The Hillsborough plaster-beds, as now exposed, lie along the western
and southern sides of a somewhat funnel-like depression, opening east-
wardly towards the Petitcodiac river, where is situated the village
above named, together with the plaster mills and shipping wharves.
The height of the gypsum beds above the sea level varies from 30
or less to 285 feet, while the height of the western side of the basin,
along the base of which are the principal quarries, is about 400 feet.
The depression itself presents considerable diversity of surface, its east-
ern portion being occupied by marsh lands but little above tide-level, —
while the remainder shows as a whole a gradual rise, broken, however
by numerous ridges and valleys, the result mainly of stream erosion,
but in part also consequent upon differential movements. Within the
area actually underlaid by gypsum the irregularity becomes extreme,
the occurrence of steep bluffs of gypsum (Plate I), of circular steep-
walled depressions once occupied by the latter and often several rods
in diameter, or of tracts honeycombed with sink holes, being the most
noticeable features. These are sometimes so crowdedly grouped and
so narrowly separated that passage across the areas occupied by them is
both difficult and dangerous (see Plate 4, Fig. I). In addition to the
surface drainage an underground drainage is known to exist, and cAves
[BAILEY ] GYPSUM DEPOSITS OF NEW BRUNSWICK 5
of considerable dimensions (Plate II), some of them occupied at their
mouths by never melting snow, occur. Some noticeable hills of till
are found, but the district is remarkably free from the presence of large
erratics. The soil, as a rule, is very fertile, supporting a varied and
luxuriant forest growth.
As bearing upon their probable origin and history the situation and
topography of the plaster beds of Hillsborough are not without signi-
ficance. These are indicated in the accompanying sketch map, wherein
it will be seen that they are found not far from the eastern end of
an elevated tract of very ancient rocks extending eastward from near
the city of St John and parallel to the Bay of Fundy. It is probable
that during the Lower Carboniferous period this ridge was wholly sub-
merged, as conglomerates and limestones of the formation named con-
stitute the summit of Shepody Mountain, now about 1,000 feet above
sea-level.
The geological succession in the immediate vicinity of Hillsborough
is, in ascending order, as follows :—
(1) Reddish brown and chocolate, sometimes gray, calcareous
conglomerates and sandstones, with clayey and marly beds, the con-
glomerates containing pebbles of granite, syenite, slate and other
metamorphic rocks, the whole well stratified and indicative of rapid
deposition under the influence of strong currents in shallow waters.
In places these rocks show the presence of albertite in small veins or
scattered particles. They have an exposed thickness of 60 or 70 feet,
which, however, is but a small part of their total thickness as seen
elsewhere.
(2) Gray bituminous limestone, thin bedded or flaggy, also holding
small veins of albertite. The limestones are essentially non-fossiliferous,
though upon some surfaces are to be seen small cylinders apparently
of organic origin, of which the true nature cannot readily be made
out. The nature of the beds indicates their deposition or precipitation
in quiet waters too shallow or too impure to favour the development
of organic life. The thickness of the limestones is about 30 feet.
(3) Gypsum and anhydrite. These deposits follow immediately
upon the limestones, as observed at many points. They are also fre-
quently well stratified with an aggregate thickness of about 200 feet
(see Plate IIT). They are in places quite compact, in others much shat-
tered, and are usually extensively divided by vertical joint-planes, made
more evident at the surface by the development, through solution, of
sharp pinnacles or castellated forms, or, on faces of excavations, by
steeply inclined or vertical clefts, widened by water and subsequently
6 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
filled with deposits of red clay (see Plate III, Fig 3). The varying
character and origin of these deposits are discussed below.
(4) Red conglomerates, with greenish and reddish marls. The
thickness of these beds is not definitely known, but is probably not
over 100 feet.
(5) Gray sandstones, with numerous white quartz pebbles. These
are the characteristic rocks of the Millstone-grit formation — marking
a transition to the brackish and fresh-water deposits of the Coal period.
They are found only on the border of the basin and on the summits
of the higher hills.
In addition to the above there are heavy beds of red clay, usually
resting directly upon the gypsum, with a thickness varying from a
few yards to thirty feet or more (Plate V). This clay is very fine
and very tenacious. Its colour, due to disseminated anhydrous per-
oxide of iron, as well as its character, indicate a very thorough oxid-
ation of the materials composing it, with the absence of vegetable
matter. Similar clays fill the vertical or oblique fissures, sometimes
eight or ten feet wide and twenty or more feet deep, dividing the
rock faces of gypsum or filling irregular cavities in the latter. Occa-
sionally they are disposed as more or less horizontal layers between
successive deposits of gypsum, but these intermediate bands are more
commonly of a gritty nature. Their relation to the coloration of the
gypsum is very obvious.
Confining our attention to the plaster beds we find them to
consist, in very variable proportions, of gypsum and anhydrite, their
irregular association and the fact that the latter is practically valueless
determining the most important problems in the economical working
of the quarries. For many years it was supposed that the workable
gypsum beds, especially at the Steves quarry, were underlaid by deposits
which were mainly anhydrite or hard plaster, but this has been recently
disproved, and it would seem that no definite rule can be ascertained
governing the mode of occurrence of the two rocks as regards either
horizontal or vertical distribution. In places they are mingled to form
a complex network, while in others masses of pure gypsum on the one
hand, or of anhydrite on the other, may be found with a thickness, in
either case, of thirty feet or more.
The gypsum itself presents much variety of colour and texture.
As to the latter much of the rock is either amorphous or crypto-
crystalline; less frequently it is granular or saccharoidal; and still less
frequently takes the form of selenite. Crystals of the latter mineral
are sometimes found irregularly distributed in massive alabaster, but
are usually in groups and not infrequently arranged along lines of
[BAILEY ] GYPSUM DEPOSITS OF NEW BRUNSWICK ia? |
bedding or lamination. They seldom exceed an inch in diameter. No
fibrous gypsum or satin spar occurs in the massive plaster rock, but
veins of this character, usually less than an inch in width, are found
in the associated red sandy and clayey beds, and are evidently of later
crigin. In colour the rock varies from snowy whiteness to shades of
gray, blue and salmon red, being sometimes mottled, selenite crystals
when they occur being usually darker than the rock in which they
are imbedded. The red colour is most pronounced in the vicinity of
cracks or layers containing red clay, though sometimes diffused through
considerable masses.
Chemical analysis of the first grades of the gypsum rock show it
to contain 99.88 per cent of hydrated sulphate of lime, with only traces
of iron, silica and magnesia, but in inferior grades there may be found
carbonate as well as sulphate of lime, with both silica and iron, though
in inconsiderable amounts. |
An important feature in any discussion of the gypsum deposits
of Albert county is that of their arrangement, to which must be added
the evidences which they afford of deformation. In many parts of the
quarries the indications of stratification or of lamination are very
marked, as illustrated in the accompanying plate (see Plate III), and
are sometimes made more evident by bands of small selenite crystals
arranged on either side of a bedding plane, or, in some instances, with
this plane bisecting individual crystals. The planes of lamination are
at times very regular, at others wavy or corrugated, and, though in
general not as a whole far from horizontal, occasionally exhibiting
inclination of 30° or more. The corrugations referred to and local
crumplings may in part be due to pressure resulting from hydration,
or from removal of support through the effects of solution, but the study
of the district as a whole, and especially of the relations of the gypsum
beds to the underlying limestones, show that both of these rocks have
been subjected to deformation, determining a general synclinal structure,
‘the broad and open basin thus produced being partly divided into
smaller basins by low anticlinal domes. From the study of these
relations (see section) we are also led to the inference that the
original thickness of the plaster beds must have been at least 300 feet,
as also that over considerable areas this had been removed by denudation
prior to the commencement of quarrying operations. The effects of
the solvent action of waters are everywhere to be seen in the broken,
castellated or turreted aspect of the gypsum bluffs, in the abundance
of pot-holes, often, as already noted, crowdedly grouped, and in the
evidences of underground drainage. In addition to evidences of
plication the rocks show also the effects of lateral pressure in the pro-
8 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
duction of joints as well, as seen in Plate III, these joint planes deter-
mining the forms assumed in weathering as well as the vertical red clay
partings by which the beds of plaster are often divided.
To the features above referred to must be added the fact that
at a number of points in and about the quarries, the plaster rock
exhibits a markedly concretionary structure, the concretions varying in
size from a few inches up to two feet or more, and looking, on the face
of exposed bluffs, like the ends of barrels piled one upon another.
(See Plate IV, Fig 2).
We may now pass on to consider the possible origin of the gypsum
deposits (including in this connection both true gypsum and anhy-
drite) in relation to theoretical views as to the conditions of such
origin, and as indicated by the facts already cited.
(1) Derivation from limestone through action of free sulphuric
acid. This mode of formation, in its application to Acadia, was
strongly advocated by the late Sir William Dawson. It supposes sul-
phuric acid to have been formed either as an indirect product of volcanic
action, through oxidation of sulphur and sulphurous vapours, or else
through the similar oxidation of hydrogen sulphide or metallic sulphides,
and, reaching the sea in streams, to have discharged carbonic acid from
limestones pre-existing there, with formation of calcic sulphate either
as gypsum or anhydrite.
In favour of this view we have the fact that the gypsums of Albert
county are directly and invariably underlaid by limestones, while a con-
siderable percentage of calcic carbonate is to be found in deposits of
otherwise pure gypsum. Volcanic activity is also known to have been
a marked feature of the Lower Carboniferous age in Acadia, while gyp-
sum deposits, undoubtedly thus formed, have been observed in various
parts of the world. On the other hand, so far as Albert county, New
Brunswick, is concerned, no rocks of volcanic origin are found in the
vicinity of the plaster beds; pyrites and other sulphides are not notice-
ably abundant in the rocks of the district; no sulphur springs are found;
and the existence of acid springs at the time of the formation of the
gypsum is an assumption wholly without direct evidence in its support.
The view, though applicable in some instances and upon a small scale,
has been generally abandoned in relation to the larger deposits of gyp-
sum, rock as being less in accordance with observation and experiment
than other views more recently advanced.
(2) A second supposition is that the plaster deposits owe their
origin to the mutual reaction of nalural sulphates, such as those of iron,
copper and magnesia, with carbonate of lime; but there is nothing
in connection with the Hillsborough deposits to give it support, and
[BAILEY ] GYPSUM DEPOSITS OF NEW BRUNSWICK 9
the view is open to the same objections as in the case of the theory
first referred to.
Both of the above views fail to take any account of the coexistence
and intimate association of gypsum and anhydrite.
(3) Derivation by precipitation from salé water in shallow basins.
This is the view now generally taken as regards the original deposits
of which the plaster beds are the present representatives, and finds
strong support in the observations made in connection with the residues
of such inland seas as the Great Salt Lake of Utah, and the more ancient
and more extensive basins known as Lakes Bonneville and Lahontan.
It is not, however, believed that the deposits in question, as now found,
are necessarily in the same condition as when first deposited. For, as
has been stated, they consist in part of gypsum and in part of anhydrite,
and questions naturally arise as to the relations of these two. Were
they deposited coincidently or has the one been derived from the other?
In the latter case, which was the antecedent rock? and what conditions
have determined either their separate precipitation or the conversion of
the one into the other?
As favouring the general view that the Acadian deposits of gypsum
were produced by precipitation from sea-water, a number of facts may
be noticed.
First, the Lower Carboniferous rocks, of which the gypsiferous
strata form the upper member, show throughout the district abundant
evidences of marine origin, the most conspicuous being their prominently
red colour, due to the absence of vegetable matter, the occurrence of
salines, the paucity of vegetable remains and the frequent occurrence
of limestones carrying corals, crinoids and brachiopods. The distribu-
tion of these rocks, together with their relations to the present sea.
level, also indicate that, as regards portions at least of the era, the
Provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia were largely if not wholly
submerged, deposits of this age in the former province being found
upon the summit of Shepody Mountain (900 feet high, and but little
removed from the plaster quarries at Hillsboro), at Henry Lake on
the summit ridge of the Quaco Hills (800? feet), and on the Tobique
river, the beds in each case being but little removed from horizontality.
Upon the other hand, the character of the beds, containing but little
limestone, but abounding in coarse clastic deposits such as sandstones
and pebble beds, indicates that with general subsidence, to a depth pro-
bably of several thousands of feet, the waters remained shallow
and subject to frequent changes both as to distribution and as to depth.
Shifting sand bars or sea walls would from time to time enclose basins
or lagoons, wherein, as a consequence of isolation, together with ex-
10 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
posure to the effects of a warm and arid climate, evaporation might
at intervals go so far as to lead to the deposition of the contained
salts. The waters of these lagoons, when highly concentrated or unduly
heated, would not be favourable to the presence of organic life, and
the absence of fossils in the limestones beneath the gypsums may be
due to this cause, as may also the vast numbers of fossil fishes found
in the shales of the old Albert mines only a few miles distant from
Hillsboro, and whose sudden destruction may have been due to some
such cause. Under such conditions the salts of lime, as being the
least soluble, would, as in the artificial evaporation of brines, be the
first to separate, and, as in such artificial evaporation of water containing
calcic sulphate this invariably separates as hydrated sulphate or gypsum,
we may suppose that the same was the case with the formation of
rock-plaster, the primary condition of the latter being therefore that of
true gypsum. This view is that taken by Prof. W. O. Crosby, of the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, who has further expressed his
belief that, the rock having been first deposited as gypsum, the burial
of this beneath a sufficient mass of superincumbent strata would deter-
mine the conditions of low temperature thermo-metamorphism, dehy-
drating the gypsum as in the production of plaster of Paris, and giving
origin to anhydrite. Finally, as is well known, the latter mineral,
being, hke other anhydrides, an unstable compound, tends to be recon-
verted, through atmospheric agencies, to the condition of gypsum, a
slow process which is still in operation. Thus, according to this view,
gypsum, as we now have it, is a hydrated anhydrite, the latter being
derived from previously existing and original deposits of gypsum.
In this connection it may be observed that Van Hise, in his great
monograph on Metamorphism (page 357), says: “The main source
of anhydrite is by the alteration of gypsum,” and again, that “ the
chief alteration of anhydrite is to gypsum, with an increase of volume
of 60 per cent,” citing as an example the anhydrite deposit of Bex,
Switzerland, where the transformation from anhydrite to gypsum has
taken place completely to a depth of from 18 to 30 metres, the materials
below this depth being anhydrite.
On the other hand, there are those who maintain that both gypsum
and anhydrite may be deposited from the same solution, the production
of the one or the other depending upon the conditions prevailing at
the time, these conditions including temperature, depth of water, degree
of concentration, and especially the presence of other salts. Thus,
Adams observes, “Anhydrite may be formed from gypsum solutions at
various temperatures when the solutions contain other salts in sufficient
quantities.. For example, it has been found that in the presence of a
[BAILEY] GYPSUM DEPOSITS OF NEW BRUNSWICK 11
saturated solution of common salt this change (from gypsum to anhy-
drite) takes place at 30° C., which is a temperature reached on a sum-
mer day. This fact satisfactorily accounts for the formation of anhy-
drite in nature from concentrated sea water or lake brines.” Van’t
Hoff, also, in his work on the German salt deposits, has made it very
probable that the presence of saline matter has a marked influence upon
the form in which the lime sulphate is deposited. Geikie, in his
Text-Book of Geology, page 115, in alluding to various possible
methods of the formation of gypsum, says, “It may be produced as a
chemical precipitate from solution in water, as when sea water is eva-
porated; also through the hydration of anhydrite”; adding that “ it
is in the first of these ways that the thick beds of gypsum associated
with rock salt in many geological formations have been formed.”
We may now briefly consider the facts presented by the gypsum
deposits of New Brunswick in the light of the theories above noted.
It has already been shown that the geographical and physical con-
ditions prevailing in this part of America at the time of the Lower
Carboniferous formation were favourable for the production of evaporat-
ing basins or lagoons, similar to those which are believed to have char-
acterized portions of the State of New York during the Salina period;
and from the occasional occurrence of corals in the limestones, and of
Tree Ferns (megaphyta) in certain beds of the overlying Millstone
grit, we may infer that the temperature conditions were equally favour-
able. Supposing, however, the whole of the original deposition to have
been in the form of gypsum and that this was dehydrated as the result
of deep burial and consequent thermo-metamorphism, we have to en-
quire as to the possible thickness of overlying sediments necessary to
determine this result. These would necessarily consist largely of the
rocks of the coal-formation. Now these, so far as the beds of the Mill-
stone grit and the Middle Carboniferous era are concerned, are well
known to have, over the greater part of New Brunswick a very insigni-
ficant thickness as compared with the same rocks in Nova Scotia, reach-
ing a maximum, and that only in one locality, of a little over 1,000
feet. The thickness of the upper or Permo-Carboniferous, as found in
Westmorland county, has also been estimated (by Ells) as about 1,000
feet, and this is not found in any part of Albert county. It may once
have been there, as also later beds of Mesozoic or even Cenozoic origin,
and have been removed by erosion; but making all reasonable allowance
for this, it seems improbable that more than 3,000 feet of sediments
ever lay above the gypsum deposits, and it is a question whether this
would have led to any appreciable rise of temperature in the beds thus
buried. On the other hand, it is known that the temperature at which
12 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the alteration under consideration may take piace is comparatively low;
it is lowered by pressure, and possibly in the lengthy processes of nature
no change may be needed at all, as is known to be the case for ferric,
aluminic, silicic and other hydrates.
As to the reconversion of anhydrite into gypsum, by surface action,
the quarries at Hillsborough, in common with those of Windsor, Nova
Scotia, show a general tendency towards the occurrence of anhydrite
rather than gypsum with increase of depth, and Prof. Crosby has
informed me that at the locality last named every stage of the transition
may be traced. The only direct indications, however, of such a change,
as seen by the writer in the Hillsborough quarries, are to be found
in the concretions alluded to in the description of the varying aspects
of the plaster rocks, and of which the interior is invariably anhydrite
while the exterior is soft plaster or gypsum. Otherwise the two min-
erals are in this locality mingled in such a way as to defy anticipation,
though even this may be favourable rather than the reverse to the view
that the one has been derived from the other. The matter is one of
great practical importance, as the recognition of any principle govern-
ing the occurrence of the hard and useless anhydrite as compared with
the merchantable gypsum would mean a very large saving in the cost
of production.
The occurrence of albertite veins completely enclosed in pure
white and massive alabaster is an interesting feature of the deposits
at Hillsborough, and has been the subject of discussion by the writer
in Vol VII (second series) of the Transactions of this Society. As
the same mineral penetrates the overlying beds of the Millstone grit,
it could hardly have been contemporary with the enclosing gypsum, and
its presence in the latter, wholly disconnected with any outside source
of similar material, is not easy to understand.
Another noticeable feature of the Hillsborough deposits is that of
the comparative paucity of selenite crystals. These are, indeed, numer-
ous in some parts of the quarries, but they are quite local in their
distribution and of small dimensions, the greater part of the rock being
‘a cryptocrystalline or amorphous alabaster. Where most abundant they
also exhibit a decided tendency towards aggregation along lines of bed-
ding or lamination, which would seem to indicate either that they
represent surfaces of original deposit, affording ample room for coarse
crystallization, or that they have been subsequently formed through the
agency of solutions traversing the rock along the lines referred to.
The selenite crystals are also usualiy much darker than the enclosing
alabaster, being sometimes almost black, a result probably due to dis-
seminated carbon. Groups of selenite crystals have been found cemented
[BAILEY] } GYPSUM DEPOSITS OF NEW BRUNSWICK 13
by albertite. That the production of selenite crystals has continued
since the time of the deposition of the massive rock is indicated by the
fact that red sandstones, later in origin than the gypsum proper, are
traversed by numerous narrow veins of satin spar.
Comparing other deposits of the province with those of Hillsborough,
it may be noted that those of the Tobique valley, in Victoria county,
are remarkable as being not only much less pure, but also as being
distinctly crystalline throughout, with traversing veins of fibrous gyp-
sum or satin spar, probably of later origin. At this point also the
limestones, instead of being flaggy and destitute of fossils, as at Hills-
borough, are coarsely tufaceous and stalagmitic, as though of crenitic
crigin, at the same time enclosing somewhat numerous fragments and
trunks of calcified trees. In the former feature they suggest com-
parison with the tufaceous deposits found around the shores of the
Great Salt Lake, in Utah, and which have been regarded as due to the
action of saline water upon brooks charged with calcic carbonate, leading
to the rapid and complete precipitation of the latter.
Near Sussex, in King’s county, groups of selenite crystals, with
the crystals filled with grains of sand, are found at the bottom of springs,
and appear to be still in process of formation. Here also the gypsum
is accompanied by brine springs, which are wanting at Hillsborough.
On the Petitcodiac river, a few miles from Salisbury, in West-
morland county, a considerable mass of gypsum is wholly in the con-
dition of selenite crystals, mostly of small size, or granular, but
traversed by veins in which large plates of the crystalline variety are
associated in a most intricate fashion.
Upon the peninsula terminating in Cape Meranguin, in Westmor-
land county, about fifteen miles from Hillsborough, but separated by
the waters of the Petitcodiac river and Shepody Bay, the shore shows
an interesting section.in which beds of finely granular gray and white
gypsum, more or les spotted with selenite crystals, contain masses of
anhydrite in the form of irregular wedge-like or lenticular layers,
besides bands of brownish red rubbly sandstone, enclosing masses of
gypsum, the whole resting upon limestones containing fossil shells.
The selenite crystals are of a deep red colour.
At Demoiselle Creek, about six miles from Hillsborough, plaster
beds which may be continuous or nearly so with those of the latter
locality, though now separated at the surface by a high ridge of con-
glomerate and gray sandstone (Millstone grit), contain a stratum, from
eight to ten feet thick, in which the rock is a coarse breccia, filled
with angular fragments of gypsum of all sizes, and which indicate that
the conditions of quiescence under which the ordinary plaster rocks
14 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
were accumulated, were occasionally interrupted by more sudden
changes, involving disruption of the beds and more rapid sedimentation.
At Martin’s Head, upon the coast of St. John county, thirty miles
southwest of Hillsborough, gypsum beds of limited extent and less pure
than those of the latter locality, but still merchantable, occur, and are
remarkable as forming the basal rocks of a synclinal basin, enclosed
between parallel bands of old Pre-Cambrian schists, and overlaid
directly by brown shales, gray calcareous sandstones holding nodules
of gypsum, and yellowish gray very ochreous sandstones, all dipping
at an angle of 45°. The marly beds have veins of fibrous gypsum,
and in places completely enclose, within greatly contorted lamin, irre-
gular masses of gypsum from two to four feet thick.
From the distribution of the gypsiferous strata around the Bay of
Fundy trough, at Martins Head, Riverside, Demoiselle Creek, Hills-
borough, Cape Demoiselle, Windsor, etc., it would follow that the con-
ditions originating such deposits, as discussed above, must have been
very general in this district near the close of the Lower Carboniferous
era. It is also quite possible that these conditions were not quite
the same at all points and that among the beds described several of
the modes of deposition or origination discussed above may find illus-
tration.
A RS ee a mg
pe den ar
ben éd on 1 Ÿ =
*U02109#1}D47S PUN SJUIOL 1MIUUIR Bu_noys
‘TN ‘HONOHOASITIH—AHHVAT WOASdAY) NI MATA
Cr ea] MOIMSNOYA MAN JO SLISOdHA WOSHAD AHL [awirva
“=
Lt
La]
CR
on
‘2Y0) UDIWDALIJQNS OF BOUDAQUA DUINOUYS
“A'N ‘Ma@GUD) ALITASIONHG—sSidtoATd NASdAN)
Cir 91d | MOIMSNOUA MAN AO SLISOdAG WASdAD AHL [aay]
‘saunjd quiol pun uornurun] Bunoys
‘Œ'N ‘HONOHOHSTIIH—-AUHVAT WASdAH
[Aa VA]
Pitt o8141 MOIMSNAUS MAN AO SLISOdHA KASdAN AHL
[ BAILEY | THE GYPSUM DEPOSITS OF NEW BRUNSWICK [Plate IV.]
+
Fie. 1. Por HOLE NEAR GYPSUM Fig 2. CONCRETIONS OF ANHYDRITE
QUARRY. AND GYPSUM.
Fre 3 VERTICAL AND ENLARGED JOINTS IN GYPSUM, NOW
FILLED WITH RED CLAY.
VIEWS IN AND NEAR THE PLASTER QUARRIES, HILLSBOROUGH, N.B.
7
Mm) |
\ . ic
‘finja pat fo Purddno pun shurysom PUNOLLIPUNR 07 IDUDAJUI Buinoys
‘G'N ‘HONOUONSTIIH—AHAVOD WASdAy
['A 99814] MOIMSNOUA MAN AO SLISOdHA KAS4AD AHL [Aativa]
‘Millstone Grit.
Exposed Areas of Gypsum.
Exposed Arvus of Limestone,
Albert shales. (Devonian?)
Pre Gunbrian.
Various Lower Carboniferous Rocks
Conglomerates. shales &e
LEE
Numbers on Line of Section are elevations above sea level.
GEOLOGICAL MAP OF GYPSUM BEARING AREAS,
ALBERT Co. N.B.
Scale: One Inch to a Mile.
Whitehead Quarry
Geological Section- from Petitcodiac River to Whitehead Quarry, Hillsborough, Albert Co. NB.
Scale: 1000 feet to one Inch, horizontal and vertical.
Note: The stratum indrcated tn blue is limestone. The beds above are Gypsum, below red conglomerates.
Secrion IV., 1906. À ETS] Trans. R. S. C.
IL.— Sleeping Sickness.
By Str JAMES Grant, K.C.M.G.
(Read May 22nd, 1906.)
At present in England, the subject of Tropical medicine, is attract-
ing widespread attention, and undoubtedly experimental medicine is
responsible for the greatest advances which have come to light, within
the past few years. The discoveries of Novy and McNeal, are of much
importance, the first in fact to obtain pure cultures of protozoa, main-
taining trypanosomas of different species, alive. The recent discovery
during the past year, of protozoal parasites in the blood of differen:
animals, in addition to many new species of trypanosoma, is of much
interest, and more particularly owing to the close affinity of these dis-
coveries, with Sleeping Sickness. So far as known, the first to observe
“Sleeping Sickness,” was Winterbottom, who wrote a brief paper in
1803, giving an account of the native Africans in the neighbourhood of
Sierra Leone. The next reports of importance were those of Dumon-
tier and Santelli in 1868, but by far the most important and accurate
account, is by Corre, who studied the disease, in the natives of Senegam-
bia. In 1891 MacKenzie recorded a case of “ Sleeping Sickness” in the
London Hospital, and in 1900 Manson, made a special record of two cases
in Charing Cross Hospital, sent from “ The Congo,” by Dr. Grattan
Guinness: Dr. Mott, the able neurologist of Charing Cross, worked out
garefully, the pathological history, and defined the lesion as one of the
nature of “ meningo-encephalitis.” Until within a limited period the
geographical distribution of “Sleeping Sickness,” was limited to West
Africa. For some years, it has also been known in The Congo, as well
as in several of the West Coast areas. In 1900 Cook discovered “ Sleep-
ing Sickness ” in Uganda, since which date the disease has spread widely
towards the north shore of Victoria Nyanza Lake.
From the various reports of local observers, the epidemic area of
“ Sleeping Sickness,” is confined to parts of Equatorial Africa. On the
Upper and Lower Congo, the disease has been noted in epidemic form,
large numbers of the population falling victims to its influence.
As to the cause of this disease, many hypotheses have been pro-
pounded in explanation, such as an intoxication of food, animal parasites
and bacteria. Since November 1902, Castellani frequently observed
“ trypanosoma ” in “Sleeping Sickness,” in fact he discovered try-
panosoma in the cerebro spinal fluid of 20 out of 34 patients. Accord-
16 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
ing to Dr. Mott, the cerebro spinal fluid in “ Sleeping Sickness,” always
contains trypanosomes, and likewise the juice of the lymphatic glands,
by puncture during life. Also states (proceedings Royal Society 1905)
“The evidence of the existence of trypanosomes in the blood of ani-
mals dying of trypanosoma disease, may vary very considerably.”
Thus far there is a degree of doubt, as to the exact pathological
condition, in “Sleeping Sickness” which only time and further re-
searches can decide.
The disease first broke out in the Province of Basoga, where it is
supposed to have been introduced by Emin Pasha’s Sudanese and their
wives and followers, settled in Basoga. This disease had been epidemic
in The Congo country, hence the supposition that a certain number
were suffering from “ Sleeping Sickness” ‘in its incipient condition. In
this section of country, the disease assumed such a severe form, that in
a short time, it reduced the population of Uganda to a minimum. The
chief part of the nervous system influenced by it is the brain, the func-
tions of which become gradually disturbed so much so, that the mental
attitude of the patient is soon noticed by the relatives. No desire to
work, but rather to rest, owing to headache and pains, more or less in
the chest. This disease is quite frequent in the Foola country and more
so in the interior, than on the sea coast, and strange to say, children are
seldom affected by it. Those giving evidence of the disease exhibit a
somewhat ravenous appetite, eating much more than when in usual
health and gradually growing fat; this, however, lasts but a short time,
as'the appetite declines, and the loss of flesh becomes quite evident.
Squinting and convulsions frequently occur before death. The presence
of glandular tumours in the neck, are not uncommon in the incipient
‘stage of development, and slave dealers avoid the purchase on that
account, fearing the development of “Sleeping Sickness.” The dis-
position to sleep is so strong that the desire for food is not marked.
The whip, setons, or even blisters, fail frequently to arouse the patient
from the lethargic condition, which is generally fatal in a few months.
There is usually a dull, heavy, stupid look, and a characteristic slowness
in answering questions, and a well defined shuffling gait. The tempera-
ture is remarkable, in the evenings rising to 101° F. and becoming sub-
normal in the morning. During the intervals of examination, the
drowsy lethargic condition steals on, and when he sits down the head
nods, the eyes close, and thus he continues, and until again aroused and
questioned. As to the final issue, much depends on whether the disease
will develop an acute or chronic form. ‘Tremors of the tongue and arms
are not uncommon, the general reflexes become lessened in intensity, and
drowiness gradually lapses into coma, and the patient passes away in
[GRANT] SLEEPING SICKNESS 17
a state of complete insensibility. In chronic cases, the symptoms are
slower in development, but usually eventuate in a like fatal issue.
Sometimes preliminary symptoms of an exceedingly slight char-
acter, might be in progress for years, and in fact so feebly defined as to
be almost sublatent until very gradually the symptoms deepened in in-
tensity, when the gait, speech and food supply, entirely changed from
the normal condition, gradually followed by profound coma and death.
It is now generally accepted, that this disease is caused by the
entrance into the blood of a minute protozoal parasite; the
“Trypanosoma Gambiense,” first described by Dr. Dutton, who while
searching out this disease, lost his hfe on the West Coast of Africa. In
South Africa there is a disease known among cattle and other domestic
animals, caused by the “Trypanosoma Brucei,” and conveyed by and
communicated from sick to healthy animals, by a “biting fly,” the
Glossina Moritans. ‘I'he idea followed that “ Sleeping Sickness” might
be produced in a like manner from a “Biting Fly.” “ Large collections
of these biting flies were made with the remarkable result that the dis-
tribution of ‘Sleeping Sickness’ and of a biting fly, the Glossina pal-
palis, corresponded exactly with each other.” Col. David Bruce,
R.A.M.C., F.R.S., addressed the meeting of the British Association, on
this subject during the recent meeting in South Africa, and brought to
light many interesting facts, in this line of research which cannot fail
to be of great service.
Sleeping Sickness is not contagious, and, in fact, is only considered
infectious, in a limited sense. The disease is generally believed to be
fatal, but in a few cases recoveries are vouched for.
Dr. Todd, of McGill University, recently returned from West
Africa, having extended his observations over 2,000 miles of “ The Free
State,” from the mouth of the Congo. He favours the idea that nearly
all general glandular enlargements, without evident cause, such as
syphilis or tuberculosis, are cases of trypanosomiasis. The palpation
of these enlarged glands in the posterior triangle of the neck, is consi-
dered sutticient evidence of the disease. The juice of enlarged glands
removed by the hypodermic needle, is unfailing as to the production of
trypanosomes, even when not found in the blood. Dr. Todd considers
the sleepiness rather as a terminal sign, and not necessarily an unfailing
symptom of the disease.
Information has just been received (British Medical Journal, May
5th, 1906) that one of the commissioners sent out to Uganda in 1904,
by the Royal Society of England, to investigate Sleeping Sickness,
Sec. IV., 1906. 2.
18 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
has been infected with the parasites believed to produce the disease.
Two officers of the Royal Army Medical Corps, Lieut.'Gray and Lieut.
Forbes Tulloch, were the commission. Last March an official telegram
was received in London, that trypanosomes had been found in the blood
of Lieut. Forbes Tulloch, and there is wide spread sympathy expressed
for this young and zealous officer, suffering in the cause of science, and
the members of the Royal Society of Canada, join heartily in the hope
that he may make a safe recovery. Since the discovery of trypanosomes,
the parasite has been recognized in seven persons of ‘English birth. Of
these, three have died, and four are still hving. From most recent
date, a proportion of recoveries is to be looked for, in the Trypanosome
diseases of man, and that the terminal and fatal condition “ Sleeping
Sickness,” 1s not inevitable, and although a necessary factor in the pro-
duction of the disease, not always followed by its development, and
much work has still to be done, before a positive opinion is arrived at, as
to either the prognosis or treatment of this disease.
“ Sleeping Sickness” has been considered by some experts a form
of Beri-Beri. Such, however, is not generally accepted. Beri-Beri is
in fact a peripheral neuritis, and developed rapidly. The knee reflex
is absent in both, and hyperæsthesia of the muscular system, is'a striking
characteristic. In “sleeping Sickness” these symptoms are wanting;
the tremor, pyrexia and lethargy are marked features.
Professor Robert Koch recently investigated “ Sleeping Sickness,”
for some months in South Africa, and favours the opinion, that this
disease has been known on the west coast of Africa, since the beginning
of the last century. Sir Claude de Crespigny, visited the hospital at
Eutebbe, German East Africa, and considered that the disease is con-
veyed by the Tse-tse fly, only about two per cent disseminating the
fatal germ. It is doubtful whether the disease emanates directly from
the fly, or the latter conveys it from dead fish, and is spread like yellow
fever, by mosquitoes. In large sections of Africa, the horse is not seen
and cannot survive, owing to these insects, and the donkey at one time
supposed to be immune, frequently succumbs, a victim to a like influ-
ence. Dr. Kock inclines to the opinion, that “ Sleeping Sickness” is a
form of cerebro-spinal meningitis.
The present interchange of commerce with the numerous tribes in
South Africa, from Britain, and nearly all Europe, makes this disease
an. important problem, not alone, as to the economic future of South
Africa, but also as to the outlook in the direction of public health.
[GRANT] SLEEPING SICKNESS 19
References.
The Trypanosoma Brucei, the organism found in Nagana or “ Tse-
tse Fly Disease,” by J. B. Bradford, b.R.S. and H. C. Plumer, F.RS.
Quar.; Journal; Micr. Science, Vol. 45, April, 1905. British
Medical Journal, Sept. 9th, 1905. Lecture by Col. David Bruce, B.A,.
M.C.C., F.R.S, “Sleeping Sickness.”
Adult Forms and Development Forms of Trypanosoma, found in
“ Sleeping Sickness” by Aldo Castellani, M.D., Royal Society Reports,
Nov. 1903.
, Montreal Medical Journal, April, 1906.
Observations on “The Brains of Men and Animals Infected with
various forms of Trypanosomas,” by F. W. Mott, M.D., F.R.S.
Royal Society London Proceedings, March 16th, 1905.
British Medical Journal, May 5th, 1906.
FEAT yu ay veh
by re
Paes CNE RES UNE EE U D
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| L. eh lu dl 142
SECTION IV., 1906. [21] Trans. R. §. C.
III An Early Anadidymus of the Chick.
~
By Proressor RaMsay WRIGHT,
Biological Department, University of Toronto.
Read May 23rd, 1906.
The embryo which is described in the following pages was prepared
and sectioned in June, 1995, for class purposes but its abnormality
did not attract attention until it was brought into the laboratory. I
am, therefore, unable to figure the surface view, and so far have not
had leisure to model out its most interesting features.
The series contains 200 sections of 15 microns in thickness, cor-
responding to a length of 3 mm. in the hardened condition. The egg
bad been in the incubator for 24 hours, but, 10 somites having been
observed, it was marked as practically equivalent in age to Duval’s
embryo of 29 hours (No. 1, Fig. 89 and Pl. XVI).
It was noted that the incubator was running at a temperature
somewhat higher than the normal, which may account not only for its
more rapid development, but also for its abnormality, as may be
inferred from Dareste (No. 2, page 121).
Hertwig (No. 3:—Vol. I, p. 993) and others have remarked on the
rarity of cases of _Anadidymus in Sauropsida in comparison with the
Ichthyopsida. This case is of particular interest, because, unlike Hoff-
mann’s (No. 4, page 40) there appears to be no indication of a double
primitive streak, and, therefore, it is to be placed in the same category
with Dareste’s embryo (No. 2, Plate 16, Figs. 5 and 6), and possibly
that of Mitrophanow (whose paper I have not been able to consult)
cited by Kaestner (No. 5, page 88). The occurrence of such a case
does not, in my opinion, invalidate the argument of Kaestner that
all such cases are primitively double (No. 6, page 141), because it
depends entirely upon the degree, locality and method of the inter-
ference of the two components, whether an organ shall appear double
or single. My figure of section 131 (Fig. 13) would not be suspected
to come from an embryo otherwise than normal, while the inspection
of section 126 (Fig. 12) at once shows that each half of it in reality
belongs to a different embryo. From this point, the interference
caudad has been more complete than cephalad, so that in the backward
growth of the primitive streak region (cf. Hertwig, No. 2, pp. 895
and 896) the embryo appears to be single.
22 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Attention must be called to the contrast in the method of inter-
ference in the head-region of my embryo and that in Kaestner’s (No. 6,
Taf. VII) where the ventral surfaces have interfered more than the
dorsal, the result being a single heart and a double brain, instead of
a double heart and a single brain (cf. my figure 9). The plane of
interference becomes caudad more and more truly sagittal, so that the
chord, at first widely divergent (Fig. 10), eventually fuse, (Fig. 13).
I now proceed to the description of the various systems of organs.
Nervous SYSTEM.
As a starting-point, I select section 12 (Fig. 5) through the region
of the optic vesicles. It is easy to understand how the condition here
pictured is arrived at if we proceed from the normal state as seen in
Duval’s Figs. 253 and 254. The two embryos have been inclined with
their dorsal surfaces towards each other, and have interfered in such
away that the right and left lips of the neural groove of the one, have
fused with the right and left lips of that of the other. In this way,
no room is left for the complete development of the “ median” optic
vesicles which, consequently, are very minute (ov’). The points of
fusion are still noticeable and it is obvious that that of the left and
right lips of the right and left components respectively (which now form
the floor of the composite neural canal), is less complete, in such a way
that some mesoderm cells have intruded into the neural canal at this
point. The double character of the neural canal is brought strongly
out by the two infundibula which diverge laterally towards the two
blind foregut ends (ph.) beneath which the slightly’ thickened patches
of ectoderm already indicate the hypophyses.
It is less easy to interpret the preceding sections (Figs. 1 to 4),
but if two components such as are represented in Duval’s Fig. 252
have interfered in such a way as materially to reduce in size the con-
tiguous halves, then it becomes apparent that the convex floor of the
composite neural canal in figure 4 is formed of the left and right
brain-halves of the right and left components which have fused in
the region of their dorsal neural sutures, while their ventral sutures
are still widely separated. Still further forward (Fig. 3) these brain-
halves are fused so that the most anterior end of the neural canal
(Figs 1 and 2) is formed of the lateral brain-halves only of the two
components. It is noticeable that the separation of the brain from the
ectoderm has apparently taken place sooner than is normal (No. 3,
Vol. 2, page 252).
In the diencephalic region (Fig. 6) the brain is much compressed
from side to side, but it soon widens out into the mid-brain (Fig. 7).
[wricHT] AN EARLY ANADIDYMUS OF THE CHICK 23
Jn the trigeminal region of the hind-brain the neural canal is open for
some thirteer sections, but before the auditory region is reached it is
again closed as far as section 84, near which point (Fig. 11) there
1s again a failure to close for a few sections; thereafter, however, the
canal is closed as far as section 126, Fig. 12, behind which point the
groove is, at first narrowly, and then widely, open.
In section 160 (Fig. 16) the fusion of the ventral wall of the
neural groove and the notochord begins and is continued in the follow-
ing sections (Figs. 17-20), the complete fusion of the ectoderm, chorda,
mesoderm and entoderm being attained at the 175th section (Fig. 20).
Beyond this point we can hardly speak of a neural groove; the 181st
section (Fig. 21), indeed, shows an unsymmetrical fissure which is not
uncommon in the primitive groove of normal embryos, and by section
190 all traces of the primitive streak have disappeared and the germinal
area presents a normal appearance (Fig. 23). The comparison of my
Figures 15-22 with those of Hertwig (1 c., Figs. 536-545, page 891)
shows that there is little difference except in the less amount of closure
of the neural canal, and without an inspection of sections further
forward, it would be impossible to detect any symptom of “ duplicitas.”
NotTecHorp.
The conduct of the two notochords has already been sufficiently
referred to in the hinder region; it only remains to call attention
to their gradual increase in size from their first appearance in section
9 (immediately behind figure 5) till their fusion in section 131, also
to their gradual convergence to this point.
MEeESODERM.
As already remarked there are ten somites, and this is the case
with the “median” series of fused somites which lie exactly in the
same plane as the lateral ones: Of the “median” series, the seven
posterior are better demarcated than those further forward, and are
sometimes notched on their ventral surface. The rudiments of the
Wolffian body may be seen in the region represented in Figs. 12 and 13.
VASCULAR SYSTEM.
A convenient starting-point for the description of the vascular
system is the region depicted in Fig. 10 (section 67), where the vitei-
line veins are perfectly normal, and the only thing that arrests atten-
tion is the “median” descending aorta. Fig. 9 shows that the vitel-
line veins have not become fused into a single heart as in a normal
24 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
embryo. Their endothelial tubes remain independent throughout, but
he splanchnic mesoderm * does not at first dip in very far dorsad so
as to furnish an independent wall for each heart. Further forward,
however, it does so (Fig. 8), and eventually the two bulbs of the
heart are widely separated and enclose between them a portion of the
common cœlome (Fig. 7). But the two heart-tubes as seen in Fig. 9
do not contract gradually into the condition seen in Fig. 8; on the
contrary, there is a marked constriction at the opening of each heart
into its bulbus, beyond which a ventricular cul-de-sac extends cephalad
for a few sections on each side.
The picture presented by Fig. 6 is best calculated to show the
anterior duplicity of the vascular system, because when each bulbus
approaches the stomatodæum it divides into two ventral aorte. Of
these the lateral aortz alone form arches up the sides of the pharynx,
for the median ones first anastomose below the pharynx, then subdivide
into four small vessels which bend round its anterior surface, and
finally open into the large vascular space represented in Fig. 5, situ-
eted between its anterior diverticula. Tracing this space backwards
dorsad of the composite pharynx, we first find four vessels similar to
those referred to above, which soon, however, fuse into the “ median ”
dorsal aorta. This retains its size until we reach the segmented region
of the embryo, in which it tends to be obliterated opposite the somites
and to expand again intersomitically. The “ lateral” dorsal aortæ con-
cuct themselves as in a normal embryo, and the same may be said of
{he veins as far as they are developed.
EntToprruic TRACY.
Proceeding cephalad from Fig. 11 in which the median ridge
formed of the median row of somites alone distinguishes this from
the entoderm of a normal embryo we find nothing remarkable until
about midway between Figs. 8 and 9, there the lateral pouches of the
pharynx reach a little nearer the ectoderm in the region of the first
cill-clefts, but a few sections further forward (Figs. 6 and 5) the two
stamatodæa at once arrest attention, as do the two anterior diverticula
ccrresponding to the pouches of Seesel of normal embryos.
I venture to enter a mild protest against Professor Kaestner’s note (No.
6, p. 128) on the usage of the words somatopleure and spanchnopleure.
Surely, if it is desirable to have mononyms for ‘somatic mesoblast,” and
“splanchnic mesoblast,” it would be easy enough to form them instead otf
using terms which were invented and are constantly used to designate
something else. If the language of anatomists knows only one meaning for
mAevpa’ that of zoologists is not so restricted. A Pleuronectid does not swim on its
“pleura!”
[WRIGHT] AN EARLY ANADIDYMUS OF THE CHICK ; 25
In conclusion, in spite of the apparent posterior simplicity of this
embryo I am of the opinion that it can best be explained by assuming
a double gastrulation at points very close to each other on the surface
of the embryonic area.
LITERATURE CLrEp.
I have thought it unnecessary to cite all the papers consulted.
Hertwig (No. 3) and Kaestner (No. 6) give a full list of papers to
some of which, unfortunately, I have not had access.
No. 1. Duval—Atlas d'Embryologie.
No. 2. Dareste—-Production des Monstruosités.
No. 3. Hertwig—Handbuch der Entwickelungslehre.
No. 4 Hoffmann—Arch. mikr. Anat. XLI.
No. 5. Kaestner, Arch. Anat. Phys., ’98.
No. 6. Kaestner, Arch. Anat. Phys., 702.
26 ; ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
EXPLANATIONS OF THE FIGURES ON PLATE.
The sections were projected and carefully outlined on the drawing paper
by means of the Zeiss Epidiascope and 20 mm. micro-planar, at such dis-
tances as to give an enlargement of 102 for figures 1 to 9, and 116 for figures
10 to 28.
Subsequently, the drawings, which were made by Mr. J. R. G. Murray,
student in biology, University of Toronto, were reduced rather more than
one-third, so that the magnification is respectively 63 and 72.
Figs. 1-4,— Nos. 4, 5, 6, and 8, of the series, through the fore-
brain.
Fig. 5,— No. 12, through the anterior blind ends—ph.— of the
pharynx. Ov. and ov’ the right and left optic vesicles of the right
component.
Fig. 6,— No. 19, through the stomatodæa of both components
and the diencephalic region; round the composite pharynx are grouped
eight arteries; two ventral, and two dorsal aorte on each side.
Fig. 7—No. 33, through the mesencephalon. Ventrad of the
pharynx are the two aortic bulbs; dorsad, the median dorsal aortæ have
united into a single vessel; re, ectodermic recess under the head.
Figs. 8, 9, and 10.---Nos. 47, 55, and 67, respectively, through the
fifth, seventh and eighth, and ninth nerves.
Fig. 11,— No. 80, through the second intersomite. The median
dorsal aortæ have given place to a mass of mesoderm. |
Fig. 12,— No. 126, behind the last somite. The chordæ are gain-
ing in size, and the mesodermic mass diminishing. The rudiment of
the Wolffian body is seen in this and in Fig. 13.
Fig. 13,— No. 131, the chordæ have fused.
Figs. 14 and 15,— Nos. 150 and 154, the chorda and the wall of
the neural groove gain in size.
Fig. 16,— No. 169, the beginning of the fusion between the floor
of the neural groove and chorda.
Figs. 17, 18, 19 and 20,— Nos. 164, 168, 171 and 175, respectively,
show the progressive fusion of the neural wall, chorda, mesoderm and
entoderm.
Figs. 21 and 22,— Nos. 181 and 186, are through the hinder end
of the primitive streak. The former shows traces of an oblique fissure.
Fig. 23,— No. 196, shows the nature of the mesoderm behind the
primitive streak. :
[wricHT] AN EARLY ANADIDYMUS OF THE CHICK Trans. R. 8 C., Sec. IV., 1906.
FAR
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SECTION IV., 1906. RS ; Trans. R. S.C.
IV.— Bibliography of Canadian Zoology for 1905.
(Exclusive of Entomology, but inclusive of papers on foreign zoological subjects
by Canadian writers.)
By J. F. WHITEAVES.
(Read May 22nd, 1906.)
MAMMALIA.
BEATTIE, L.
A Foreign Mammal at Guelph.
(According to Dr. C. Hart Merriam, apparently a specimen of the
Russian Putorius eversmanni, or Eversmann’s Ferret.)
Ontario Natural Science Bulletin, Guelph, No. 1, p. 42.
DAVIDSON, A. A.
Putorius noveboracensis in Wellington County.
Idem, p. 42.
HUARD, L’ABBE V.—A.
Le Gibbar (Orca orca, L.)
(A short popular article on the Killer Whale, in which the author
states that he has often seen specimens of this species disporting
themselves in Tadoussac Bay.)
Le Naturaliste Canadien, Octobre 1905, vol. xxxii, no. 10, pp. 110
and 111.
SAUNDERS, W. E.
Cooper’s Lemming Mouse.
(Records the capture of specimens of this species and of the pine
mouse, in the region about London, Ont.)
Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, No. 1, pp. 24 and 25.
WHITEAVES, J. F.
The Banded Pocket-mouse (Perognathus fasciatus).
(Records the capture of a specimen of this species at Aweme, Mani-
toba, by Mr. Norman Criddle.)
Ottawa Naturalist, June, 1905, vol. xix, no. 3, p. 69.
BIRDS.
ATKINSON, GEORGE E.
A Review—History of the Passenger Pigeon of Manitoba.
Historical and Scientific Society Manitoba, Winnipeg, February,
1905, Transactions No. 68, pp. 1-8.
AUBUSSON, MAGAUD D’.
Le Plectrophane des Neiges (Plectrophanes nivalis, Meyer and Wolff).
Le Naturaliste Canadien, Août 1905, vol. xxxii, no. 8, pp. 85-88.
28 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
BAXTER, DR. J. MC. G.
Avian Mistakes.
(Records incidentally the circumstance that a specimen of the Tur-
key Vulture was shot at Loggieville, near Chatham, N.B., in 1899
or 1900; and that a specimen of the Black Vulture was shot at Es-
cuminac, at the mouth of the Miramichi, in 1903.)
Proceedings of the Miramichi Natural History Association, No. iv,
pp. 9-11.
BEATTIE, F. NoRMAN.
The Woodcock’s Notes.
Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, no. I, pp. 40 and 41.
BISHOP, LOUIS B.
The Gray Sea Eagle (Haliaætus albicilla) in British Columbia.
(Records the fact that a bird, which proves to be a young male of
this species in its first winter’s plumage, was shot on the coast of
Vancouver Island in March, 1898.)
The Auk, January, 1905, New Series, vol. xxii, no. I, p. 81.
BOUTELLIER, JAMES.
Bird Migration. Observations made at Sable Island, Nova Scotia.
Ottawa Naturalist, September, 1905, vol. xix, no. 6, pp. 119 and 120.
BROOKS, ALLAN.
Clay-coloured Sparrow in the Cariboo District, British Columbia.
The Auk, January, 1905, New Series, vol. xxii, no. I, p. 88.
Notes on the Nesting of the Varied Thrush.
(Records the finding of five nests, with eggs, of birds of this species,
in southern British Columbia, at the base of Cheam Peak, on the
Lower Fraser, in April and May of 1903.)
Idem, April, 1905, New Series, vol. xxii, no. 2, p. 214.
CLARKE, DR (Ca Kk:
Ring-billed Gulls (Larus Delawarensis) on Lake Ontario.
Ottawa Naturalist, July, 1905, vol. xix, no. 4, p. 88.
A Flicker Tragedy. ’
Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, No. 1, pp. 39 and 40.
DEAN, RUTHVEN.
A Brood of Albino Spoonbill Ducks (Spatula clypeata.)
(Photographs of three birds of this brood, which were shot “ near
the Saskatchewan River, at a point near Edmonton, ” by Mr. Alex-
ander Calder, in June, 1904, are reproduced in the Ottawa Naturalist
for December, 1905.)
The Auk, October, 1905, New Series, vol. xxii, no. 4, p. 408.
EIFRIG, REV. C. W. J.
Nesting of the Nighthawk in Ottawa.
Ottawa Naturalist, May, 1905, vol. xix, no. 2, pp. 56-58.
Ornithological results of the Canadian Neptune expedition to Hudson
Bay and northward. 1903-1904.
The Auk, July, 1905, New Series, vol. xxii, no. 3, pp. 233-241.
ra
[WHITEAVES] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ZOOLOGY 29
The Golden Eagle (Aquila chrysactos) near Ottawa.
(Records the fact that a “bird of the year, of this species,” was
caught in a “ trap set for otter or muskrats, near High Falls, Wright
Co., Quebec, ” in 1905.)
Idem, p. 310.
A One-legged Crow (Corvus brachyrhynchos).
Ibid., p. 312.
An Unusual Abundance of the Canada Jay (Perisoreus Canadensis) in
and near Ottawa, Ont.
Ibid., p. 318.
A Curious Anomaly in the White-throated Sparrow (Zonotrichia albi-
collis).
(The anomaly consists of the unusual length of one of the tail
feathers.)
Ibid., p. 313.
The Migrant Shrike (Lanius ludovicianus migrans) at Ottawa, Ont.
Ibid., p. 314.
FLEMING, JAMES H.
An Unusual Migration of Ducks in Ontario.
The Auk, April, 1905, New Series, vol. xxii, no. 2, p. 206.
An Unusual Migration of the Canada Jay.
Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, no. 1, pp. 11 and 12.
HOBSON, W. D.
A Black-crowned Night Heron in Ontario in Winter.
Idem, p. 38.
ELUGH, A. B.
Bird notes from Central Ontario.
Ottawa Naturalist, July, 1905, vol. xix, no. 4, p. 87.
Ontario Ornithological Notes.
Idem, September, 1905, vol. xix, no. 6, pp. 121-123.
The Pine Siskin breeding at Guelph, Ontario.
The Auk, October, 1905, New Series, vol. xxii, no. 4, p. 415.
The Birds of Wellington County, Ontario.
Ont. Nat, Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, no. 1, pp. 1-10.
The Purple Finch a Songster.
Idem, p. 39.
The Call of the American Bittern.
Ibid., p. 41.
MAUREL, LOUIS.
De l'Utilité des Oiseaux.
Le Naturaliste Canadien, Mai 1905, vol. xxxii, no. 5, pp. 55 and 55
MOORE, W. H.
The Red-breasted Nuthatch(Sitta Canadensis).
Ottawa Naturalist, October, 1905, vol. xix, no. 6, pp. 139-141.
30 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
NASH, C. W.
Check List of tho Vertebrates of Ontario, and Catalogue of Specimens
in the Biological Section of the Provincial Museum. Birds.
Department of Education, Toronto, pp. 1-82.
The Robin and the Fruit Grower.
Canadian Horticulturist, July, 1905, pp. 249-251.
Papers on “The Nesting Season,” the “ Night Hawk and Whip-poor-
Will,’ and on “The Chimney Swift” in the Farming World, To-
ronto, for June, July and August, 1905.”
TAVERNER, P. A.
The Origin of the Kirtland’s Warbler.
Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, no. 1, pp. 13-17.
YOUNG, A. F.
Bird Notes from Penetanguishene, Ontario.
Idem, pp. 38 and 39.
YOUNG, REV. C. J.
The Thrushes of Eastern Ontario.
Ibidem, pp. 17-20.
FISHES.
Cox, DR. PHILIP.
Extension of the list of New Brunswick Fishes.
Proceedings of the Miramichi Natural History Asscciation, no. iv,
pp. 41-44.
PRINCE, PROFESSOR E. E.
I. Canadian Sturgeon and Caviare Industries.
II. Methods of Coarse Fish Extermination.
Thirty-seventh Report of the Department of Marine and Fisheries,
1905. Special Appended Reports, pp. liii-]xxxii.
INVERTEBRATA.
BAKER, F. C.
New species of Lymnea.
(In this paper a variety of L. stagnalis, from Michipicoten Bay, on
the north shore of Lake Superior, is described as var. higleyi, “ in
honor of Professor William K. Higley, Secretary of the Chicago
Academy of Sciences. ”)
The Nautilus, April, 1905, vol. xviii, no. 12, pp. 141 and 142.
DALL, W. H.
Alaska. Volume xiii. Land and Fresh Water Mollusks.
(This important memoir includes a “ summary of our present know-
ledge of the mollusks ” of North America north of latitude 49° north,
“deduced in part from the literature, and in larger part from ma-
terial actually examined.” It includes and practically almost super-
sedes the previous and scattered literature relating to the land and
.
[WHITEAVES] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ZOOLOGY 31
fresh water mollusca of the Dominion, and is quite indispensable to
the student thereof. Of the eight new species figured in the two
Plates, five are found in Canada.)
Harriman Alaska Expedition. New York, Doubleday, Page and Co.,
1905, pp. 1-153, with text-figures 1-118, and Plates I and II.
HENDERSON, Dr. E. H. (McGill University, Montreal.)
Some Observations on the Development of an Asterid with Large Yolky
Eggs, from the Franklin Islands.
Annals and Magazine of Natural History, London, England, Seventh
Series, vol. xvi, pp. 387-391, and Plates xii and xiii,
HuaARD, L’ABBÉ V.—A.
Le Dragonneau, ou Gordius aquaticus, L.
Le Naturaliste Canadien, Novembre 1905, vol. xxxii, no. ii, pp.
119-122.
JENSEN, A. S.
On the Mollusca of East Greenland. 1. Lamellibranchiata.
(Incidentally mentions the fact that the little tellinid from the
Gulf of St. Lawrence which has been called Macoma inflata, ‘is not
the Tellina inflata of Chemnitz, and that the former should be called
T'ellina (Macoma) Loveni, Iap. Steenstrup (1882).
Meddelser om Grünland, Copenhagen, vol. xxix, pp. 289-362,
LAMBE, L. M.
A New Marine Sponge (Æsperella Bellabellensis) from the Pacific Coast
of Canada. |
Ottawa Naturalist, April, 1905, vol. xix, no. I, pp. 14 and 15, pl. I.
MACBRIDE, PROFESSOR E. W.
The Canadian Oyster.
Canadian Record of Science, July, 1904, vol. ix, nos. 3 and 4, pp.
145-156. Issued April 20, 1905.
Development of Ophiothrix fragilis.
Idem, for October, 1904, vol. ix, no. 5, p. 316.
Issued May 15, 1905.
ODELL, W.
Notes on Fresh-water Rhizopods.
Ottawa Naturalist, April, 1905, vol. xix, no. 1, pp. 16-20.
PRINCE, PROFESSOR E. E.
The Hair-eel (Gordius aquaticus, L.).
Idem, October, 1905, vol. xix, no. 7, pp. 131-138.
STAFFORD, Dr. J.
On the larva and spat of the Canadian oyster.
American Naturalist, January, 1905, vol. xxxix, no. 457, pp. 41-44.
Trematodes from Canadian Vertebrates.
Zoologischen Anzeiger (Leipsig) April xi, 1905, bd. xxviii, pp. 681-
694.
32 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
STERKI, DR. V.
New varieties of North American Pisidia.
(Two specimens of one of these varieties, viz. Pisidium fallax, var.
errans, were collected at Ozhiski Lake, Keewatin, by W. McInnes
in 1904.)
The Nautilus, November, 1905, vol. xix, no. 7, pp. 80-84.
WHITEAVES, J. F.
“Notes on some fresh-water shells from the Yukon Territory’; and
“List of a few species of land and fresh-water shells from the im-
mediate vicinity of James Bay, Hudson Bay.”
The Nautilus, May, 1905, vol. xix, no. 1, pp. 1-4; and Ottawa
Naturalist, June, 1905, vol. xix, no. 3, pp. 63-66.
List of land and fresh-water shells from the District of Keewatin, collected
by W. McInnes in 1904.
Geological Survey of Canada, Summary Report for 1904, Ottawa,
1905, pp. 160-164. Separates issued in June, 1905.
Description of a New Species of Goniobasis from British Columbia.
The Nautilus, October, 1905, vol. xix, no. 6, pp. 61 and 62, pl. 2,
figs. 11 and 12.
Some new localities for Canadian land and fresh-water shells.
Ottawa Naturalist, December, 1905, vol. xix, no. 9, pp. 169-171.
MISCELLANEOUS.
HALKETT, ANDREW.
Preliminary Report upon the animal life observed during the Hudson
Bay Expedition of 1903-04.
Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the Department of Marine and
Fisheries for 1904, Ottawa, 1905, pp. xlvii-xlix.
A Naturalist in the Frozen North.
Ottawa Naturalist, July, August and September, 1905; vol. xix, no.
4, pp. 79-86; no. 5, pp. 104-109; and no. 6, pp. 115-117.
Huarp, L’ABBÉ V.—A.
Traité Elémentaire de Zoologie et d'Hygiène.
Le Naturaliste Canadien, vol. xxxii, Supplement, pp. 221-260, with
title page and preface.
OTTAWA FIELD NATURALISTS CLUB.
Report of the Zoological Branch, 1904.
Ottawa Naturalist, June, 1905, vol. xix, no. 3, pp. 70-72.
WHITEAVES, J. F.
Bibliography of Canadian Zoology for 1904.
(Exclusive of Entomology, but inclusive of papers on foreign ï00-
logical subjects by Canadian writers.)
Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada for 1905, Second Series,
vol. xi, section iv, pp. 65-69. Separates issued October, 1905.
SECTION IV., 1906. [ 88] Trans. R. S. C.
V.—Bibhography of Canadian Botany for 1905.
By A. H. MacKay, LL.D.
(Read May 22nd, 1906.)
ARTHUR, J. C.
“Cultures of Uredineæ in 1904.” (Refers to “the only American
Collections of æcidia on Larix, that have come to my attention” from
Mt. Temple and Laggan in Alberta, Canada, on Larix Lyallii Parl.)
Jour. Mycol., XI, 76, pp. 50-67, Mar., 1905, Columbus, Ohio, U. S. A.
ATWOOD, A. E.
“ Field Work at the Ottawa Normal School Summer Course for Teach-
ers.” (July 4th to 21st—largely Botanical). The Ottawa Naturalist,
XIX, 5, pp. 111-114, Aug. 1905, Ottawa.
BAXTER, J. McG.
“Fresh Water Life.” Proc. Miramichi Nat. Hist. Ass’n., IV, 12-18
(Desmids, diatoms, etc. in Water, Chatham, New Brunswick). Chat-
ham, N. B., 1905.
BEDFORD, A. S.
“Experimental Farm for Manitoba at Brandon.” Experimental Farms
Report, 1904, pp. 371-409, King’s Printer, Ottawa, 1905.
BELL, H. G.
“Concerning Wheat-Grading.” O.A.C. Review, XVII, 346-350, March,
1905, Guelph. O.
BERRY, E. W.
“Proceedings of the Club.” (Torrey Botanical Club, 30 Nov. 1904—
References to Nova Scotia Plants by C. B. Robinson). Torreya V, 1,
pp. 14-16, Jan. 1905, New York.
BLAIR, W. S.
“Report of the Horticulturist at Napan, ” Experimental Farms Report,
1904, pp. 353-870. King's Printer, Ottawa, 1905.
BRAINERD, E. W.
“Notes on New England Violets.” (References to Canadian habitats,
II and III). Rhodora, VII, 73, pp. 1-8. Jan; VII, 84, pp. 245-248,
Nov; 1905, Boston.
BRITTON, N. L.
“Manual of the Flora of the Northern States and Canada.” Edition 2
i-xxiv, 1-1112, New York, 1905.
BROCK, R. W.
“Forest Fires in British Columbia.” Can. For. Ass’n. 6th Ann. Rep.,
pp. 18-21, 9th Mar., 1905, Ottawa.
Sec. IV., 1906. 3
34 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
BURKE, Al) EH:
“The General Awakening as to Forestry.” Can. For. Jour. 1, 3, pp.
113-115, July, 1905.
CAMPBELL, R. H.
“The Canadian Forestry Association.” (Canadian Forestry Condi-
tions) Can. Forestry Jour. 1, pp. 1-9, Jan., 1905. Ottawa.
CAMPBELL, R. H.
“Sixth Annual Meeting of the Canadian Forestry Association.” (A
summary sketch). Can. For. Jour. I,,pp. 51-61, Apr., 1905, Ottawa.
CAMPBELL, R. H.
“American Forest Congress.” Can. For. Jour. I, 2, pp. 75-82. ‘ Grow-
ing demand for Forest Tree Seeds, ” pp. 83-60. “ Notes” (Nova Scotia
Fire Service, Over-clearing in Ont., P. E. I., Dom. Forest Reserves, etc.)
pp. 61-92, Apr., 1905, Ottawa.
CAMPBELL, R. H.
“ Forest Fires in B. C. 1904.” Can. For. Jour., I, 3, pp. 100-104.
“The Gaspesian Forest Reserve, ” pp. 109-112.
“The Nipigon Timber Reserve, ” pp. 116-119.
“The Poplars, ” pp. 120-123.
‘“ Notes ete.,”’ pp. 124-141. July, 1905, Ottawa.
. CAMPBELL, R. H.
‘ Canadian Forestry Convention.” Can. For. Jour. I, pp. 143-146.
“Montreal Forest Congress,” pp. 147-154.
“The Balsam Poplar,” pp. 176-177.
“Forestry in Ontario,” pp. 178-181.
“Reclaiming Sand Dunes,” pp. 182-184.
“Notes ete.,’’ pp. 154-197.
Oct., 1905, Ottawa.
CAMPBELL, R.
“Some Conspicuous British Columbia Summer Plants.” Can. Rec.
Sci. IX, pp. 176-189, 20 Apr., 1905, Montreal.
“CANADA FIRST”
“ Forest Fires in Northern Ontario,’’ Can. For. Jour., 1, 4, pp. 185, 186
Oct., 1905. Ottawa.
CANADIAN FORESTRY ASSOCIATION.
“Report of the Board of Directors for Year 1904-5.” Can. For. Ass’n.
6th Annual Report. pp. 6-10, 9 Mar., 1905, Ottawa.
CANADIAN FORESTRY ASSOCIATION.
“Sixth Annual Report, 1905.” (Containing the papers, discussions,
resolutions, accounts, etc. of the Sixth Annual Meeting,) 9 and 10
March, 1905. pp. 1-124, Ottawa.
CANADIAN SEED GROWERS’ ASSOCIATION.
‘Minutes of First Annual Meeting at Ottawa, 15, 16, June, 1904, with
Constitution etc., pp. 1-28, 1904, Ottawa. -
[MacKay] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN BOTANY 35
CANADIAN SEED GROWERS’ ASSOCIATION.
“Report of Second Annual Meeting, Ottawa, 27-29 June, 1905.” (Part
1. Minutes, Reports of Directors, Secretary, Provincial Superintendent
and discussion pp. 1-24. Part 2; Constitution, By-laws and Regulations
pp. 23-34 Part 3 Addresses and papers presented, pp. 35-108). Pu».
1-108, 4 plates, 1905, Ottawa.
CHAPAIS, J. C.
“La Tache ou Rouille du Fraisier. ” (Strawberry leaf rust—Sphe-
rella Fragariæ, Sacardo). Le Nat. Can., xxxii, 4, pp. 37-40, April 1905,
Quebec.
CLARE, G. H.
“Evidence before Parliamentary Committee, 1905” (By the Seed
Com., on Selection of Seed Grains,—Crop Growing), pp. 1-102, pl\ 2,
1905, Ottawa.
CLARK, G. S.
“ Modern Seed Testing.” O.A.C. Review, xvii, 7, pp. 385-389, April,
1905, Guelph, Ontario.
CLARK, G. H.
‘“ Scope of Work for the Canadian Seed Growers’ Association.” (By
the Seed Commissioner), 2nd Ann. Rep. Can. Seed Growers’ Ass’n pp.
44-47, 1905, Ottawa.
CLARK, G. H.
“Summary of illustrated Lectures on Seed Grain.”’ (Conditions of the
Seed trade, weeds and weed impurities in commercial grains, given at
farmers’ meetings in the provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Al-
berta). Pp. 1-16, Dept. of Agr., Ottawa.
CLARK, G. H.
“The seed Control Act, 1905, with Instructions, etc.” Bull. S. 1, Dept.
Agr. pp. 1-10, July 1905, Ottawa.
CLARK, J. F.
“The Forest as a National Resource.” Can. For. Ass’n, 6th Ann. Rep.
pp. 100-110, plates 1-14, 10 Mar., 1905. Ottawa.
CLARK, J. F.
“The Grazing of the Woodlot.” O.A.C. Review, xviii, pp., 95-99, f. 1-5,
Dec., 1905, Guelph, O.
COLGATE, E. J.
“The Orchidacee of Wellington Co., O.” (A list of 22 species). Ont.
Nat. Sci. Bull. I, p. 32, Apr. 1905.
COLLINS, F. S.
“Phycological Notes of the Late Isaac Holden.” (References to col-
lections in Newfoundland (pp. 242, 243) as well as in Connecticut
Rhodora vii, 81, pp. 168-172; and VII, 83, pp. 222-243; Sept. Nov.
1905, Boston.
36 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cox;)/P: G
“Nature’s Method of Re-seeding the White and Red Pine.” (The eco-
logy of burnt forests). The Ottawa Naturalist, XIX, 3, pp. 67, 68,
June, 1905, Ottawa
Cox, PHILIP
“ Life of Moses Henry Perley, Writer and Scientist. ”
Proc. Miramichi Nat. Hist. Ass’n, IV, 33-40. (References to botani-
cal work and writings in New Brunswck, 1804-1862) Chatham, N. B.,
1905.
CRAIG, R. D.
“Care of Street Trees,” Can. For. Jour., I. 2, pp. 70-74, Apr., 1905,
Ottawa.
DEARNESS, J.
“The Orchidaceæ of Middlesex Co. QO.” (Thirty-three species. Ont.
Nat. Sci. Bull. 1, pp. 33, 34, Apr., 1905.
DICKSON, JAMES.
‘“ À Glimpse at Ontario’s Forest Reservations.” Rod and Gun in Can-
ada, Vol. VII, pp. 33-40, June, 1905.
DICKSON, J. M.
‘“ Biological Notes.” (Seven plants new to the locality, Hamilton,
Ontario), Jour & Proc. Hamilton Sci. Ass’n, XXI, p. 101. 1905, Hamil-
ton O.
DOYLE, D. J.
“Nature Study at the Macdonald Institute,’ Guelph, Ontario. (Refer-
ences to elementary Botanical work). The Ottawa Naturalist, xviii,
10, pp. 193-196, Jan., 1905. Ottawa.
DRUMMOND, A. T.
“How plant Life is distributed in Canada and Why.” Trans. Cana-
dian Institute, No. 16, pp. 23-89, Sept., 1905. Toronto.
FERNALD, M. L.
“ Anaphalis margaritacea, Var, occidentalis in Eastern America.” Rho-
dora, vii, 80, p. 156. Aug. 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“A new Antennaria from Eastern Quebec.” (A neodioica Greene, Var
Gaspensis s.)
The Ottawa Naturalist, xix, 8, pp. 156-157, Nov., 1905, Ottawa.
FERNALD, M. L.
“An Alpine Adiantum.” (A. pedatum Li, var. aleuticum Ruprecht, on
Mt. Albert, Quebec). Rhodora, vii, 83, pp. 190-192, Nov., 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“A new Arabis from Rimouski County, Quebec.” (Arabis Collinsii).
Rhodora, vii, 74, pp. 31, 32, Feb. 1905, Boston.
[MacKay] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN BOTANY 37
FERNALD, M. L.
“A new Goldenrod from the Gaspé Peninsula” (Solidago chrysolepis.
sp. n.). The Ottawa Naturalist xix, 9, pp. 167, 168, Dec., 1905, Ottawa
FERNALD, M. L.
“An anomalous Alpine Willow.” (Salix chlorolepis, on Mt. Albert.
Quebec). Rhodora, vii, 82, pp. 185, 186, Oct., 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“A Northern Cynoglossum.” (C. boreale, sp. n. found in Quebec, New
Brunswick, Ontario, British Columbia; and in U. S. A.). Rhodora, -vii.,
84, pp. 249, 250, Dec., 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“An Undescribed Northern Comandra.” (Comandra Richardsiana).
Rhodora. vii, 75, pp. 47-49, Mar., 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L. É
“A Pale Form of Avena striata.” (Forma albicans, on mossy table
lands, Quebec). Rhodora, vii, 83, p. 244, Nov., 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“A Peculiar Variety of Drosera rotundifolia.” Rhodora, vii, 73, pp.
8, 9, January, 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“ Draba borealis in Eastern America.” (Near Cap Enragé, Quebec,
etc.) Rhodora, vii, 84, p. 267, Dec., 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L., AND KNOWLTON, C. H.
“ Draba incana and its Allies in Northeastern America ” (With one plate
containing 15 figures). Rhodora, vii, 76, pp. 60-67, Apr. 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
* Ledum palustre, Var. dilatatum, on Mt. Kata.hdin.” Rhodora, vii, 73
pp. 12, 13, Jan. 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“North America Species of Hriophorum.” (Ten species and seven Var-
ieties). Rhodora vii, 77, pp. 81-92; and vii, 79, pp. 129-136, May, July,
1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“Some Lithological Variations of Ribes.” (R. oryacanthoides and R.
Cynobasti appear to be modified in calcareous regions. Two new Var.
suggested — calcicola and glabratum). MRhodora, vii, 80, pp. 153-156,
Aug. 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“ Spergula sativa in Connecticut.” (Reference to Canada) Rhodora,
vii, 80, pp. 151, 12, Aug., 1905, Boston.
FERNALD, M. L.
“ Symphoricarpus vacemosus and its Varieties in Eastern America.”
Rhodora, vii, 81, pp. 164-167, Sept., 1905, Boston.
38 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
FERNALD, M. L.
“The Genus Arnica in N. E. America.” (Seven species and one variety).
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[MacKay] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN BOTANY 39
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40 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
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42 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
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2
|MacKay] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN BOTANY 43
MACKAY, A. H.
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44 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
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[ MacKay] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN BOTANY 45
PENHALLOW, D. P.
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46 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
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[MacKay]
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN BOTANY 47
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48 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA |
THE O. A. C. REVIEW.
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SECTION IV., 1906. [49] TRANS: Ry. Sas
VI.— South African Iron Formations.
By A. P. CoLEMan.
(Read May 23rd, 1906.)
While in South Africa with the British Association last summer
two interesting localities vere visited where silica interbanded with iron
ore is well displayed, and having come directly from the Keewatin Iron
Formation north of Lake Superior, I could not help being deeply im-
pressed with the resemblance of these formations in such widely
separated localities.
Our Canadian iron ranges in northern Ontario are always asso-
ciated with the banded rocks just mentioned, red jasper with darker
bands of hematite or magnetite, or white or gray granular silica alter-
rating with darker bands containing magnetite; which are found as
ridges in the Keewatin of Ontario, as well as in the United
States to the west and south of Lake Superior. Since many of the
great ore bodies of that famous iron region have been formed by the
secondary concentration of hematite or limonite from lean rocks of the
kind described, it is of interest to compare the iron formations of the
two regions.
South African geologists themselves have pointed out the resem-
blance, so that no originality can be claimed by the present writer in
calling attention to it; but a direct comparison of some of the South
African rocks and their ‘geological associations with the similar rocks
of the Lake Superior region may be of value from the scientific side,
and may give hints as to the probability of workable bodies of iron ore
eccurring in various colonies in South Africa.
The first examples observed of banded silica resembling the iron
formation were found as boulders and pebbles in the Dwyka conglom-
erate near Matjesfontein in the Karoo (Cape Colony); somewhat as
the Canadian iron formation is found as pebbles in the basal Huronian
conglomerate. Their original home could not be determined with cer-
tainty, however.
The next locality was on Hospital Hill, a well-known suburb of
Johannesburg in the Transvaal. Here beautifully banded specimens
may be found, sometimes straight and even, but often as much folded
. and contorted as in our own Keewatin rocks. The banding is of white,
brownish and reddish silica, distinctly granular, but very fine grained,
with somewhat crystalline hematite and a little magnetite.
Sec. IV., 1906. 4.
50 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The associated rocks are red Hospital Hill slate and gray sand-
stone or soft quartzite. The sheets of banded silica generally seem
to be interbedded with the other rocks as if belonging to the succession,
but sometimes they are locally crumpled, though the rocks above and
below seem undisturbed. The adjoining rocks are much less consoli-
dated and metamorphosed than those enclosing our Keewatin
iron ranges; but banded silica belonging to the Animikie (upper
Huronian) in America occurs with somewhat similar slate and soft
quartzite.
The banded siliceous rock of Hospital Hill has been called “ calico
rock,” and is briefly described by Hatch and Corstorphine in papers
on the geology of the Rand Prof. Hatch puts the Hospital Hill
slate near the top of the Witwatersrand system, which overlies uncon-
formably the Swaziland beds, looked on as Archean. According to
this succession the banded rocks are later than the Keewatin, but per-
haps not later than the Animikie.
Banded silica with iron ore occurs also in Natal, associated with the
Barberton series of slates or schists, placed by the Natal geologists in
the Archean. My only specimen, from N’Gotsche mountain, is partly
cherty and partly quartzitic in look, the bands being gray or brownish
black. Unfortunately I had no opportunity to see a typical outcrop,
since our field work lay chiefly on the Dwyka.
The banded iron formation is widely found in Rhodesia and I had
an opportunity to study a fine outcrop on a kopje near Salisbury, where
the rock stands up as a sharp ridge overlooking the town and plain.
No jasper occurs, but sandy looking or quartzitic silica is interbanded
with iron ore, the whole often greatly crushed and folded. The ma-
terial is exactly like the iron range rock of the Michipicoten region in
Ontario; but the many loose blocks scattered over the hill give a very
different general impression from the smoothly glaciated surface of such
ridges in Canada. The blocky character is no doubt due to splitting
by sudden changes of temperature between night and day in the dry
climate of the region. The enclosing rocks were hidden under debris,
but the nearest kopje is of granite, and the region, so far as seen by our
party, may be Archean.
A specimen of bright red banded jasper given me from northern
Rhodesia is closely like the so-called “ jaspilite” of the Vermilion range
in Minnesota, but I have no information as to its geological sur-
roundings.
1Trans. Geol. Soc. S. Af., Vol. VII, Part II, 1904, p. 100; also ibid, Part
III, pp. 147 and 8.
[COLEMAN ] SOUTH AFRICAN IRON FORMATIONS 51
Mr. F. P. Mennell, of Bulowayo, describes the Banded Ironstone
series of southern Rhodesia as of Eparchæan age, and says of it “the
characteristic feature of these beds is the peculiar banded flinty rock,
which appears under the microscope to be in all probability an altered
fine-grained mechanical sediment, silicified and highly charged with
ferruginous material, arranged in parallel bands. They alternate with
sheared conglomeratic and arenaceous beds, slates (phyllites) and
gneissic bands, which may result either from the crushing of acid in-
trusions or of tuffs. These beds are usually almost vertical to all appear-
ance, but this may be due to folding at right angles to their real direc-
tion, or to repetition over and over again by faulting; in any case it is
possible to travel over them for many miles in a direction at right angles
te the apparent strike.”1 He correlates them with the Griqua Town
series of Cape Colony and the Hospital Hill series of Johannesburg.
Except for the immense width of the banded ironstones his descrip-
tion might apply very well to many outcrops of the iron formation in
Canada, but his statement that the silica is altered from a fine grained
mechanical sediment seems doubtful in the light of American investi-
gations, which favour chemical sedimentation or deposit from solutions
obtained from basic eruptives. A thin section of a specimen from
Salisbury shows the silica as completely interlocking anhedra with no
hint of water rolled grains. In appearance it is exactly like a thin sec-
tion of similar iron range rock from near the Helen mine, Ontario.
Banded ironstones are widely found in northern Cape Colony,
especially in the Prieska region, as described by Mr. A. W. Rogers of
the provincial survey. They occur mainly in the Griqua Town series
consisting “of peculiarly heavy green slaty rocks with quartzites and
jaspers containing large quantities of magnetite. Much of the rock
1s banded, the thin layers having slightly different colours of which deep
red, bright red, brown and black are the most usual. The black layers
are almost entirely composed of minute crystals and grains of magnetite
with a little quartz between the grains, every intermediate stage between
almost pure magnetite and pure quartzite can be found.” “The jaspers
are very fine grained rocks which break with a smooth conchoidal frac-
ture. They are made up of extremely minute crystalline particles of
cuartz, and are coloured by oxides of iron of various degrees of
hydration.”2 This account might be applied without change to our
American Iron Formation.
Mr. Rogers has been good enough to send an interesting set of
specimens of these jaspery rocks, and also of the crocidolites found
1Geol. of Southern Rhodesia, Rh. Mus., Special Rep., No. 2.
2 Geology of Cape Colony, pp. 73-4.
52 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
more or less associated with them, and of a remarkable glacial deposit
overlying them. The red jasper is closely like our own, and brown
banded specimens are like some phases of the Helen Iron Formation,
but a black finely laminated specimen is of a different type from any
Canadian example. A piece of brown jasper is indistinguishable from
specimens obtained at the Helen mine.
The splendid brown: or dark green crocidolite, with its beautiful
silky lustre, associated with the lower part of the rocks containing
banded iron ore is not at all matched in appearance by the dark green
hornblende, griinerite, associated with magnetite in our own iron ranges.
The composition of the asbestos and of the griinerite is, however, quite
similar, each consisting largely of silica and ferrous exide. The croci-
dolite (according to Dana) contains, however, much ferric oxide and
a little soda also.
Rogers mentions odlitic rocks associated with the banded iron bear-
ing series, suggesting the odlitic jaspers of our Animikie, though
very different in appearance. Oôülitic jasper has never been re-
ported from the more ancient Keewatin Iron Formation of America,
but only from the Upper Huronian iron bearing rocks. In some places
the Griqua Town beds containing the banded silica and iron ore are much
folded, and they often rise as isolated patches above the general surface
of granite and gneiss, apparently much as our own iron ranges do in
parts of northern Ontario. In other places, however, they overlie
conformably limestones and other rocks of the Campbell Rand group,
and lie nearly flat. In Ontario the Iron Formation has been found
associated with crystalline limestone only in one place, Goudreau lake,
north of Lake Superior; and is usually more nearly vertical than hori-
zontal in attitude.
In his latest publication! Rogers describes curious breccias of large
and small fragments of banded jaspery rocks and cherts with a matrix
of hematite or silica or a mixture of the two. “In places the rock
appears to be made of little else than hematite, and when broken open
faint outlines of angular fragments of banded rock, now converted into
hematite, can be seen embedded in a matrix of hematite.” This descrip-
tion would apply very well to some of our ore deposits, as at Helen
mine, where a breccia of the Iron Formation has been transformed into
lean ore.
The age of these South African iron bearing rocks, so similar to
our American Iron Formation in structure, chemical composition and
relationship to adjoining rocks, is not very certainly determined. There
1 Campbell Rand and Griqua Town Series in Hay, Trans. Geol. Soc. of
South Africa.
2
[cOLEMAN] SOUTH AFRICAN IRON FORMATIONS 58
seems good evidence in writings of the South African geologists that
rocks of the kind belong to more than one age, but that all are relatively
ancient.
Unfortunately fossils have never been found in South Africa in
rocks beneath the Devonian, so that lower rocks can be classified as to
age only by stratigraphical or lithological methods.
The ‘Griqua Town series of northern Cape Colony and the Campbell
Rand series, into which it passes downwards, are followed by two
or three lower series of rocks, separated from one another by uncon-
formites; while above the Griqua Town series the Pre-Cape rocks and
the Table Mountain series intervene before the Bokkeveld series is
reached, from which Devonian fossils are known.
As the Keewatin rocks, containing our most important iron forma-
tion, are the oldest known rocks of their region and have nothing be-
neath except the Laurentian eruptives which have burst through them,
it appears that our Helen Iron Formation, for instance, must be more
ancient than any of the South African iron bearing rocks. However,
banded silica with iron ore occurs also in higher formations in America,
especially the Animikie, or Upper Huronian of the latest classification,
with no less than three important breaks between it and the Keewatin;
so that the Animikie may be of somewhat the same age as the South
African iron bearing formations. Since banded silica with iron ore
occurs at more than one horizon in South Africa, some outcrops of these
rocks, as in the Barberton series of Natal or the occurrence near Salis-
bury in Rhodesia, may be much lower down in the geological scale than
those of the Prieska region, and may represent our Keewatin Iron
Formation, or the Lower Huronian, which comes next in order above it.
Whether the South African and the North American rocks contain-
ing interbanded silica and iron ore are of the same age or not,
they clearly indicate similar conditions of deposit in very
ancient times and in very different parts of the globe. Why these curi-
ous and important types of rock, consisting essentially of silica and iron,
should have formed only in ancient seas (Pre-Silurian at least), and not
in later times, remains mysterious; and for the present it may be suffi-
cient to call attention to the fact that our own Pre-Cambrian formations
of banded <ilica and iron ore which have attracted so much attention
and speculation, are by no means unique, but are repeated on an even
larger scale in the southern hemisphere.
It is rather singular that iron-silica rocks of a banded character
have not been reported from Europe and other regions, when they are
found occupying hundreds of square miles among the more ancient rocks
of North America and South Africa. One can hardly imagine that con-
524 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
ditions causing the alternate precipitation of silica and iron should have
been very widespread in two continents, and absent in all other regions;
and it may be that they have simply been over-looked in other parts of
the world. ;
The mode of formation of the banded iron-silica rocks is by no
means finally settled. Some American geologists think them derivations
from an original siliceous siderite, rearranged by heat, circulating water,
and certain reagents; but in a great many of the outcrops in Ontario,
and, I believe, in all of the outcrops described in South Africa, siderite is
absent. It is possible, of course, that in these cases the siderite has been
completely rearranged, but it seems more probable that the stratified
looking iron ore and silica were originally deposited on a sea bottom,
though perhaps not in their present form. The character of that sea
must have been very different from any known at present, and one is
tempted to speculate as to solvents and precipitants which could
act over hundreds of miles of sea bottom, piling up beds of crystalline
silica and magnetite or hematite still hundreds of feet thick after all
the erosion they have undergone. This, however, would lead too far.
South Africa is fairly well provided with coal, and a time may come
when iron will be produced in the different colonies. Judging from
American iron mining regions large and rich ore deposits of secondary
origin may be looked for wherever the lean iron bearing rocks have been
enclosed in basins permitting a slow concentration. That such deposits
of economic importance will be found in South Africa seems very
probable.
Sxcrion IV., 1906 [55] Trans. R. S. C.
VIL—PBibliography of Canadian Entomology for the Year 1905.
Contributed by Rev. C. J. 8. Betmune, D.C.L.
(Read by title, May 23rd, 1906.)
ALDRICH, J. M.
A Catalogue of North American Diptera, or Two-winged Flies. (A very
complete and admirable work, with full references to Canadian species
and publications.) Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, xlvi, No. 1444,
pp. 680—Washington, 1905.
ASHMEAD, WILLIAM H.
A skeleton of a new arrangement of the Families, Sub-families, Tribes
and Genera of the Ants, or the Superfamily Formicoidea. (An epitome
of the classification of the Ants which the author is about to publish in
a large volume.) Canadian Entomologist, xxxvii, 381-384.
BAKER, CARL F.
The Classification of the American Siphonaptera (or Fleas). (This
forms a useful supplement to the Revision of the Order published in
1904, and includes a number of Canadian species). roc. U.S. National
Museum, Washington, xxix, 121-170 (No. 1417), 1905.
BANKS, NATHAN.
A Treatise on the Acarina or Mites. (This excellent work treats of the
Mites of the world and gives descriptions and figures of all the families
into which the Order is divided. Synoptic tables are furnished of all the
genera found in America, a large number of which are to be met with
in Canada). Proc. U.S. National Museum, Washington, xxviii, 1-114.
201 figures (No. 1382), 1904.
BANKS, NATHAN.
Description of new Mites (Includes a new species, Disparipes Americanus,
from a Bee, Halictus Venablesii, taken at Vernon, B.C.) Proc. Ent. Soc.
Washington, vii, 133-142, October, 1905.
BETHUNE, C. J. S.
BUENO,
BUENO,
Editorial Notes, Reviews, ete. Canadian Hntomologist, xxxvii, 1905.
35th Annual Report, Entomological Society of Ontario, 1904.
J. R. DE LA TORRE.
Notes on Hydrometra Martini, Kirk. (—lineata, Say.) (An account of
the life history of this water-bug in continuation of the description given
by Mr. J. O. Martin in the Can. Ent. for March 1900, vol. xxxii, 70-76).
Can. Ent., xxxvii, 12-15, two figures (Jan. 1905) ; page 264 (July).
J. Re DE vA TORRE:
The Tonal Apparatus of Ranatra quadridentata, Stal. Can. Ent., xxxvii,
85-87, seven figures (March, 1905).
56 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
BUENO, J. R. DE LA TORRE.
Notes on Collecting, Preserving and Rearing Aquatic Hemiptera. Can.
Ent., xxxvii, 181-142 (April, 1905).
BUENO, J. R. DE LA TORRE.
The three Ranatras of the north-eastern United States. (Describes a
new species R. Kirkaldyi. These water-bugs are probably all to be found
in Canada). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 187-188 (May, 1905).
Bueno, J. R. DE LA TORRE.
The genus Notonecta in America north of Mexico. (A monograph of this
genus of water-bugs, with analytical tables and full descriptions of the
species, bibliography, etc.). Journal N.Y. Ent. Soc., xiii, 143-167, one
plate, 1905.
CASEY, THOS. L.
A new Carabus and Cychrus with miscellaneous notes on Coleoptera.
(The “ notes ” include a synoptic table of the species of Vanonus). Can.
Ent. xxxvii, 160-164 (May, 1905).
CHAGNON, G.
Canadian Cerambycide. (A list of 44 species of longicorn beetles taken
in the Province of Quebec during 1904, and notes on a few other species).
Entomological News, Philadelphia, xvi, 35, 36, February, 1905.
CHAGNON, G.
Longicornes de la Province de Québec. (A list of 102 species of the
family Cerambycids taken in Quebec, with dates of capture, locality, and
other notes). Le Naturaliste Canadien, xxxii, 25-29; 41-45, Mars et
Avril, 1905.
CHAGNON, G.
Criocephalus obsoletus, Rand., and Asemum mestum, Hald. (Points out
that Abbé Provancher was in error in describing a common Quebec long-
icorn beetle under the former name; it should be the latter). Can. Ent.,
xxxvii, 232 (June, 1905).
CHITTENDEN, F. H.
On the species of Sphenophorus related to pertinaæ, Oliv., with descrip-
tions of other forms. (Gives a synoptic table of the species, including
several found in Canada). Proc. Ent. Soc., Washington, vii, 50-64 (Jan.,
1905).
COCKERELL, T. D. A.
Tables for the separation of some Bees of the genera Coeliorys and Col-
letes. (Very useful for the determination of the species of Bees belong-
ing to these genera, many of which are taken in Canada). Psyche, xil,
85-90, 1905.
COCKERELL ID YA"
The North American Bees of the family Anthophoridæ. (Contains syn-
optic tables of the species belonging to the different genera of this family
and a check-list of all the species and their geographical distribution,
r
[BETHUNE] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 57
with copious explanatory notes. Canadian species are included). Trans.
American Entomological Society, Philadelphia, xxxii, 63-116, January,
1905.
CŒOCKLE. d= WwW:
Note on collecting Hibernating specimens. (A remarkable number found
under bark of trees near Kaslo, B.C.). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 263-264
(July, 1905).
COCKLE, J. W.
Spinning methods of Telea polyphemus. 35th Annual Report Ent. Soc.
Ont., 1904, pp. 86-87.
COOK, JOHN H.
On the specific validity of Incisalia (Thecla) Henrici. (Distinguishes
between this species and J. irus, and mentions that some males of the
former are without the characteristic stigma). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 216-
218 (June, 1905).
COQUILLETT, D. W.
New Nematocerous Diptera from North America. (Describes a number
of new species including twelve from British Columbia). Journal N.Y.
Ent. Soc., xiii, 56-69, 1905.
DIETZ, WILLIAM G.
Revision of the genera and species of the Tineid Sub-families, Amy-
driinæ and Tineinæ inhabiting North America. (Contains synoptic tables
of general and species, with descriptions of a large number of species,
many of them new, and plates illustrative of the neuration. Many of
the forms described are taken in Canada). Trans. American Entomologi-
cal Society, Philadelphia, xxxi, 1-96. six plates, 1905.
CURRIE, ROLLA P.
Dragon-flies from the Kootenay District of British Columbia. (A list
of about twenty species, with dates and localities). Proc. Ent. Soe.
Washington, vii, 16-20 (Jan., 1905).
DIONNE, C.—E.
Le Papillon du Cotonnier. (An account of the appearance in the city
of Quebee on the 5th of October, 1905, of an immense number of the
Cotton Moth, Alabama argillacea, Hubn., a migrant from the Southern
States). Le Py pao Canadien, xxxii, 113-114, Novembre, 1905.
Dop, F. H. WOLLEY.
Preliminary List of the Macro-Lepidoptera of Alberta, N. W. T. (An
annotated list of the Noctuids, begun in the preceding volume, pp. 345-
355). Can. Ent. xxxvii, 17-28 (Jan.) ; 49-60 (Feb.) ; 145-156 (April) ;
173-184 (May) ; 221-230 (June) ; 241-252 (July, 1905).
DyArR, HARRISON G.
New North American Lepidoptera and Synonymical Notes. (Describes
a new Geometrid. Tephloclystia harlequinaria, from Victoria, B.C., and
refers to several other Canadian species.) Proc. Ent. Soc. Washington,
vii, 29-39, January, 1905.
58
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
DyaR, HARRISON G.
DYAR,
DYAR,
DYAR,
DYAR,
Life Histories of North American Geometridæ.— lviii. (Description of
egg and larva of Mesoleuca vasaliata, Guenée, from Kaslo, B.C. Food-
plant Thimbleberry, Rubus nutkanus.) Psyche, xii, 25, 1905.
HARRISON G.
Life Histories of North American Geometridæ.— lix. (Description of
egg and larva of Huchlena astylusaria, Walker, from Kaslo, B.C.).
Psyche, xii, 48, 1905.
HARRISON G.
Life Histories of North American Geometridæ.—Ix and Ixi. (Descrip-
tions of egg and larva of Melanolophia C'anadaria, Guenée, food-plant
needles of spruce; and of Petrophora convallaria, Guenée, food-plants
Polygonum, Epilobium and other low plants; both from Kaslo, B.C.).
Psyche, xii, 58-60, 1905.
HARRISON G.
Life Histories of North American Geometride.—lxiii. (Description of
the egg and larva of Sciagraphia neptata, Guenée, food-plant the Bal-
sam Poplar, Populus balsamea. From Kaslo, B. C.) Psyche, xii, 115-
116, 1905.
HARRISON G.
A Review of the Hesperide of the United States (and Canada). (A
valuable paper giving synoptic tables of the genera and species of this
family of Butterflies according to the latest system of nomenclature).
Journal N.Y. Ent. Soc., xiii, 111-142, 1905.
ENGEL, HENRY.
Collecting moths in the autumn and winter. (An interesting account
of successful collecting by means of ‘‘sugaring,’’ with a list of the
species taken). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 102-111, (March, 1905).
EVANS, JOHN D.
Insects collected at light during the season of 1904. (The results of a
season’s collecting with a trap-lantern; about 100 species of Lepidoptera
and 60 of Coleoptera are recorded). 385th Annual Report, Ent. Soc., Ont.,
1904, pp. 82-86.
FALL, H. C.
Revision of the Ptinide of Boreal America. (Contains synoptic tables
of genera and species and full descriptions. A number of the species
are to be found in Canada and are included in this paper.) Trans.
American Entomological Society, Philadelphia, xxxi, 97-296, one plate,
1905.
MALTA Ge
On the Affinities of the genus Tachycellus (Coleoptera), with descriptions
of new species from the Western United States. (Includes several Can-
adian species). Journal N.Y. Ent. Soc. xiii, 169-178, 1905.
r
[BETHUNE] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 59
FERNALD, C. H.
A new species of Proteoteras. (Describes a Tortricid moth, P. Moffati-
ana taken at London, Ont.). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 16 (Jan., 1905).
FERNALD, C. H.
North American Tortricidæ. (Describes three new species: Æucosma Per-
gandeana taken at Toronto, Archips strianus at London and Quebec,
and Cydia imbridana at Winnipeg). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 399-400 (Dec.,
1905).
FISHER, GEORGE E.
The Pear-tree Psylla and how to deal with it. (The first of a series
of articles by different writers on Practical and Popular Entomology).
Can. Ent. xxxvii, 1-2, two figures, (January, 1905). Reprinted in the
35th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 108-9.
FISHER, GEORGE E.
Notes on Insects of the year in the Hamilton District. (Refers espec-
ially to remedial measures for the San Jose Scale). 35th Annual Re-
port, Ent. Soc. Ontario, 1904, pp. 7-9.
FLETCHER, JAMES.
Report of the Entomologist and Botanist. (Treats of the Insects affect-
ing Cereals, Field Crops, Roots and Vegetables, Fruit Crops and Forest
and Shade Trees, and gives the most approved methods of dealing with
them. A mine of information on economic Entomology). Experimental
Farms Report for the year 1904. Ottawa, 1905, pp. 205-256 and
index. Ten figures.
FLETCHER, JAMES.
The Division of Insects and Plants. Evidence before the Select Standing
Committee on Agriculture and Colonization. (Replies to a number of
questions on a great variety of insects and weeds, and description of
remedies. An appendix gives a ‘Calendar Guide for Spraying” and
the formulas for Insecticides and Fungicides). House of Commons,
Ottawa, March 38rd, 1905, pp. 29-55.
FLETCHER, JAMES.
Insects injurious to Grain and Fodder Crops, Root Crops and Vegetables.
Part I, Remedial Measures; Part II, Injurious Insects, (About fifty of
the worst insects attacking these crops are described and figured). Bul-
letin No. 52, Central Experimental Farm, Ottawa; 48 pages, 50 figures,
June, 1905. a
FLETCHER, JAMES.
How do Insects pass the winter? (The third of the series of articles on
Practical and Popular Entomology). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 79-84. ° (March,
1905).
FLETCHER, JAMES.
Canadian Three-colour Process Illustrations. (A beautiful coloured
plate, made in Toronto, of some handsome butterflies and moths, and de-
scriptions of the species depicted.) Can. Ent., xxxvii, 157-159 (May,
1905).
60 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
FLETCHER, JAMES.
The Buffalo Carpet Beetle, Anthrenus scrophularie, L. (The ninth of
the series of articles on Practical and Popular Entomology). Can. Ent.,
Xxxvii, 333-384, figures (Sept., 1905).
FLETCHER, JAMES. ,
Insects injurious to Ontario Crops in 1904. (Treats of the attacks by
insects upon Cereal crops, Fodder plants, Roots and Vegetables, Fruits
and House-plants and relates how best to deal with them). 35th Annual
Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 49-56, two figures.
FLETCHER, JAMES.
Entomological Record, 1904 (The fourth annual publication of this most
useful record of the new and rare captures made by collectors all over
the Dominion; in the Lepidoptera, Coleoptera and Diptera ivug lists are
given, and valuable notes are contributed by the Rev. G. W. Taylor on
the Geometridæ and Mr. W. D. Kearfott on the Micro-lepidoptera). 35th
Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 56-78.
FLETCHER, JAMES.
What the little Bee is doing. (A popular account of the fertilization of
blossoms by Bees). 36th Annual Report, Fruit Growers’ Association of
Ontario, 1904, pp. 90-96.
FLETCHER, JAMES.
The Clouded Sulphur Butterfly, Colias philodice, Godt. (A popular art-
icle for the assistance of Nature Study teachers). Ottawa Naturalist,
xix, 59-62 three figures (May, 1905.)
FLETCHER, JAMES.
The White-Marked Tussock Moth. (Damage to Shade-trees and remedies
prescribed). Montreal Weekly Star, April 26, 1905.
FLETCHER, JAMES.
Getting rid of Bed-bugs. (Describes the method of Fumigating with
Cyanide of Potassium). The Nor’west Farmer, September 20, 1905.
FLETCHER, JAMES.
Farmers’ Friends and Foes. (A series of sixty-one articles containing
replies to enquiries respecting noxious and beneficial insects.) Montreal
Weekly Star, January to December, 1905.
Among these articles are the following:
The Pea Weevil, February 8; April 5.
Insects on Rose-bushes, Feb. 8; June 14; Sept. 20.
Meal Worms, March 1; August, 23.
The Onion Maggot, April 19 and 26; May 31.
The Hemlock Gelechia, May 10.
The Carrot Maggot, May 31.
Fumigation for killing Bed-bugs, July 5; Sept 27.
Grape-vine leaf-hoppers, July 5.
Bee Carpenters, August 9.
[BETHUNB] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 61
The Buffalo Carpet Beetle, August 23.
To destroy Fleas, September 6.
The Walking-Stick Insect, September 27.
Root Maggots, October 18.
Squash Bugs and Cabbage Flea-beetles, August 23.
FLFTCHER, JAMES AND GIBSON, ARTHUR.
The larva of Hupithecia interruptofasciata Pack. (Found feeding on
Juniper at Hull, Que.). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 262-263 (July, 1905).
FYLES, THOMAS W.
Presidential Address to the Quebec Branch of the Entomological Society
of Ontario. 35th Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 16-18.
FYLES, THOMAS W.
Insects affecting the Oak. 35th Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904,
pp. 91-94, three figures.
FYLES, THOMAS W.
On the Food-plants of certain Hymenoptera, Paper No. 2. (Continua-
tion of a paper in the preceding Annual Report. Treats of Gall-inhab-
iting Hymenoptera). 35th. Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp.
94-96, one figure.
GIBSON, ARTHUR.
Note on Simaethis Fabriciana. (Description of the larva of this Ypo-
nomeutid moth, a European species found at Ottawa on Nettle). Can.
Ent., xxxvii, 88 (March, 1905).
GIBSON, ARTHUR.
Granary Insects. (The seventh of a series of articles on Practical and
Popular Entomology). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 233-235 (July, 1905).
GIBSON, ARTHUR.
Notes on the earlier stages of some Canadian Tiger Moths of the genus
Apantesis. (Gives the life-histories of A. virgo, parthenice, rectilinea
ornata, Nevadensis var. incorrupta, and superba). Can. Ent., xxxvii
337-347 (Oct., 1905).
GIBSON, ARTHUR.
Further notes on Basswood, or Linden, Insects. (Continuation of a
list in the preceding Annual Report; 102 species in all are referred to).
35th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 78-80, one figure.
GIBSON, ARTHUR.
Notes on the Columbine Borer, Papaipema purpurifascia, G. and R.
(Description of the larva and pupa). 35th Annual Report, Ent. Soc.
Ont., 1904, pp. 81-82.
GIBSON, ARTHUR.
Halisidota Tussock Moths. (A popular account of the life-histories of
three species, H. tessellaris, maculata and caryæ, with original figures).
Ottawa Naturalist, xix, 48-51 (May, 1905).
®
62 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
GIBSON, ARTHUR.
Sthenopis (Hepialus) thule, Strecker, at Ottawa. (A new locality for
this rare moth). Ottawa Naturalist, xix, 117-118 (Sept., 1905).
GIBSON, ARTHUR.
Woolly-Bear Caterpillars. (A Nature Study of three species, [sia Isa-
bella, Hstigmene acrea and Diacrisia virginica, with figures). Ottawa
Naturalist, xix, 159-162 (Nov., 1905).
GRANT, C. E.
Notes on Insects of the year in the Midland District. 35th Annual
Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 4-5.
HAMPSON, SIR GEORGE F.
Catalogue of the Lepidoptera Phalænæ in the British Museum. Vol.
V. Noctuide. (This is a continuation of the author’s Monograph of
the Moths of the world, and gives the classification and descriptions of
the sub-families Hadeninæ. A large number of Canadian species are in-
cluded). Pages xvi and 634, 172 figures in the text and coloured plates
78 to 95. London, 1905.
HARRIS, J. ARTHUR.
The influence of the Apidæ upon the Geographical Distribution of cer-
tain Floral Types. (The object of the paper is to direct the attention
of Entomologists to a phase of ecology and biogeography which is of in-
terest to both botanists and zoologists, and requires the co-operation of
both groups of workers). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 353-357; 373-380; 393-398.
(Oct., Nov., Dec., 1905).
HEATH, E. FIRMSTONE.
Notes on the Lepidoptera of the year 1904. (An account of captures
in Southern Manitoba). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 191-193 (May, 1905).
HUARD, V.—A.
Les Hymenoptéres de Provancher. (An account of the revision by Mr.
E. S. G. Titus of the Andrenidæ in the Provancher collection of Hymenop-
tera in the Museum of Public Instruction at Quebec. A list is given
of the changes in Nomenclature). Le Naturaliste Canadien, xxxii, 129-
133, Décembre, 1905.
KEARFOTT, W. D.
New Tortricids. (Describes three new Canadian forms: Tortrix semi-
purpurana, Eulia pinatubana and Phalonia Winniana), Can. Ent., xxxvii,
9-11, (Jan., 1905).
KEARFOTT, W. D. =
A new Gelechid from Ontario. (Describes Aristotelia Youngella collected
by Mr. C. H. Young at Hurdman’s Bridge). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 15-16
(Jan., 1905).
KEARFOTT, W. D.
Assiniboia Micro-Lepidoptera collected by Mr. T. N. Willing. (This
very full list contains descriptions of eight new forms). Can. Ent.,
xxxvii, 41-48 (Feb.) ; 89-93 (March); 119-125 (April, 1905).
[BETHUNE] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 63
KEARFOTT, W. D.
Manitoba Micro-Lepidoptera. (A very full list, with dates and lo-
calities). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 205-209 (June) ; 253-256 (July) ; 293-296
(August, 1905).
KEEN, J. H.
Beetles from Northern British Columbia. (A list of about 50 rare species
taken on the Queen Charlotte Islands and on the coast of the mainland
between the mouths of the Naas and Skeena Rivers. The determinations
were made by Dr. James Fletcher and Prof. H. F. Wickham). Can.
Ent., xxxvii, 297-298, (August, 1905).
KIRKALDY, G. W.
Catalogue of the Genera of the Hemipterous family Aphidæ, with their
typical species, together with a list of the species described as new from
1885 to 1905. (The first instalment of this very valuable Catalogue
which was completed in the volume for 1906). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 414-420,
(Dec., 1905).
LOCHHEAD, WILLIAM.
The struggle with the Codling Moth. (An account of the most approved
methods of dealing with this very destructive insect). Can. Ent., xxxvii,
197-200 (June, 1905).
LOCHHEAD, WILLIAM. an
Injurious Insects of the season in Ontario. (Treats of insects affecting
the Orchard and Garden, the Household, and also some Bot-flies of the
smaller Mammals). 385th Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp.
27-33, two figures.
LOCHHEAD, WILLIAM.
Recent Experiments against the San Jose Scale. (Describes experiments
with the lime-sulphur wash). 385th Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904,
pp. 33-35.
LOCHHEAD, WILLIAM.
Recent progress in Entomology. (Annual Address of the President of
the Entomological Society of Ontario). 385th Annual Report, Ent. Soc.
Ont., 1904, pp. 35-42, one figure.
LOCHHEAD, WILLIAM.
An Elementary Study of Insects (for beginners in Entomology). 35th
Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 96-108 (43 figures).
LYMAN, HENRY H.
Further notes on Types and other specimens in the British Museum.
(Chiefly deals with species of Gortyna—Hydræcia). Can. Ent., xxxvii,
29-32 (Jan., 1905).
LYMAN, HENRY H.
New Gortynas. (Describes G. thalictri, the Lieadow Rue Borer, and its
variety perobsoleta, and G. eupatorii, the Trumpet-weed Borer, with
a plate of the moths and the method of attack by the former species).
Can. Ent., xxxvii, 305-312, plate (Sept., 1905).
64 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
OSBURN, RAYMOND C.
The Odonata of British Columbia. (A list of 42 species of Dragon-
flies, with localities, dates of capture and other notes.) Entomological
News, Philadelphia, xvi, 184-196, June, 1905.
PEARSALL, RICHARD F.
The genus Venusia and its included species. (Describes a new genus
Nomenia and a new species Huchoeca salienta of Geometrid moths).
Can. Ent., xxxvii, 125-128 (April, 1905).
PEARSALL, RICHARD F.
Whom shall we follow? (A further discussion of the genus Venusia,
in reply to the Rev. G. W. Taylor). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 331-332.
ROBERTSON, CHARLES
Synopsis of Euceridæ, Euphoride and Anthophoride. (This forms one
of a series of useful papers on Bees, most of which have been published
in the Canadian Entomologist). Trans. American Entomological So-
ciety, Philadelphia, xxxi, 365-372, 1905.
SAUNDERS, HENRY S.
Entomology in Schools. (Givesa plate of a case of insects representative
of the different Orders, with brief descriptions, presented to a Toronto
œ Public School by the writer). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 33-34, (Feb., 1905).
SMITH, JOHN B.
New species of Noctuids for 1905. No. 2. (Includes Huzoa vestitura
from St. John, N.B. and Æ. taura from Regina). Can. Ent., xxxvii,
201-204 (June, 1905).
SMITH, JOHN B.
New species of Noctuide for 1905, No. 3. (Includes seven new species
from British Columbia, Alberta and Manitoba). Journal N.Y. Ent.
Soc., xiii, 188-211, 1905.
STEVENSON, CHARLES.
The Blattidæ of Montreal. (A list of seven species of Cockroaches
found in Montreal, including the recent importation of Panchlora viridis,
a green species). Entomological News, Philadelphia, xvi, 98, April, 1905.
STEVENSON, CHARLES.
Notes on the (Entomological) Season of 1904 in Western Quebec. 35th
Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 90-91.
TAYLOR, GEO. W.
Note on some Geometridæ in the Hulst collection, recently examined by
Dr. Dyar. Can. Ent., xxxvii, 61-62 (Feb., 1905).
TAYLOR, GEO. W.
The genus Venusia and its included species. (A reply to Mr. R. F.
Pearsall’s article in the April number). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 239-240
(July, 1905). 2
[BETHUNE] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 65
TAYLOR, GEO. W.
What is Hucheca comptaria Walker? (Continuation of a discussion with
Mr. R. F. Pearsall of the nomenclature and position of certain Geometrid
moths). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 411-413 (Dec., 1905).
ERITUS; ny SG: i
Some notes on the Provancher Megachilidæ.* (Results of an examin-
ation of the specimens of this family in the Museum at Quebec upon
which the Abbé Provancher based his determinations). Proc. Ent. Soc.
Washington, vii, 149-166 (Oct. and Dec., 1905).
VIERECK, HENRY L.
Synopsis of Bees of Oregon, Washington, British Columbia and Van-
couver.—iv. (Includes contributions by T. D. A. Cockerell. Several]
new species of B.C. bees are described). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 277-287
(August) ; 313-321 (September, 1905).
WALKER, E. M.
Notes on the Locustide of Ontario. (Continuation of an annotated list
begun in tjhe preceding volume, pp. 325-330 and 337-341) one new species,
Ceuthophilus pallidipes, is described). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 34-38 (Feb.) ;
113-119, two plates, (April, 1905).
WICKHAM, H. F.
Insect distribution in the Great Basin considered in the light of its
Geologic History. (Abstract of a lecture before the Entomological So-
ciety of Ontario at its annual meeting in London, Oct. 26th, 1904,
The region referred to includes parts of Utah, Nevada, California, Oregon,
Idaho and Wyoming; the characteristic insects discussed are chiefly
species of Cicindela and a map is given in order to skow their distribu--
tion). 385th Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 42-46.
WILLIAMS, J. B.
Notes on Insects of the year in the Toronto District. (Refers especially
to the Tussock Moth and Walking Stick Insects). 385th Annual Report,
Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 5-7, one figure.
WILLIAMS, J. B.
Insect Names and Insect Lists. (Suggests a new and simplified system
of naming varieties and sub-species). 385th Annual Report, Ent. Soc.
Ont., 1904, pp. 87-90.
WILLING, T. N.
Insects and Weeds in the North-West Territories. 85th Annual Report.
Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 25-27.
WINN, ALBERT F.
Pieris brassicæ. (Records the discovery of the larva of this European:
butterfly for the first time in Canada). Can. Ent., xxxvii, 61 (Feb...
1905).
WOUNG, C. EX.
Notes on Insects of the year in the Ottawa District. 35th Annual Re-
port, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1904, pp. 3-4.
Seen Ve, 1906. +d.
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VIII.—Features of the Continental Shelf off Nova Scotia.
By, El. 5.) Poour:
(Read May 23, 1906.)
Off the southern shore of this Province much relating to the sea-
bottom has been revealed by the investigations of the hydrographer,
and the operations of the cable laying companies.
The information thus obtained together with that collected by
fishermen in the pursuit of their calling presents features that suggest
a consideration may well be given its structure closer than has yet been
bestowed on it.
The present paper proposes to deal with the strip of submarine
ground that lies shoreward of the 80 fm. line running approximately
parallel to the coast at an average distance of about 100 miles off the
land. Close to this line the edge is met of the marine terrace or plat-
form that projects seaward from under the east coast of the greater part
of the North American continent. The rapid drop into deep water
along the edge of this terrace or continental shelf is indicated on the
accompanying map by the contour lines which the soundings given on
Admiralty charts enable one to lay down. The edge thus defined ap-
pears as a fairly straight line with but few deflections indenting for
short distances towards the land that is in addition to the two ravines
of magnitude that sever the region and reach back to the coast.
But had the soundings on which the position of this line has been
determined been taken much closer together than they have been,
especially along the margin, there is a probability they would indicate
some such decided features as steep escarpments and possibly some
precipitous walls along the side of the platform with short ravines
other than those recognised serrating the edge and also exposing the re-
mains of fjords as yet but imperfectly silted up with later sediments.
In one respect our coast differs from the portion of the shelf south of
Cape Cod where its slope to the abyss is more gradual and where there
is off Hatteras a second terrace distinguished as the Blake plateau.
In our section outside the 80 fm. line the soundings rapidly drop
into deep water, and a plunge to depths of 1000 fms. or more is made
within a further distance of 2 to 10 miles.
It is particularly desired to note that along the Atlantic front of
the platform for the whole region lying off between Cape Sable and
Scaterie but two deep channels or fjords break the wall and extend
68 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
inwards towards the coast; one, Sambro channel, is immediately south
of Halifax, and the other passing to the east of Sable Island is called
by fishermen, the Gully. The special interest that is attached to these
Cepressions will be referred to at length later on.
To the continental shelf to the south of us its extent and the
prominent features of the foreshore many writers have made reference.
Some parts have been closely examined, and special soundings have
supplemented the earlier work of the British Admiralty and the Naviga-
tion Bureau of the United States. The results of the investigations
have been published,! but of our own shores I have not been able to
find more than passing reference, and that little merely made to round
up generalizations suggested by the more southern investigations and
the European disquisitions on the general subject. Among those who
have lately written may be mentioned Dr. Chalmers of the Canadian
Geological Survey, Professor J. W. Spencer at one time of King’s Col-
lege, Windsor, Dr. H. Y. Hind, Professor Hull, of Fngland, and Mr.
W. Upham of the United States Survey. ‘Their articles cover all that
has been published relating to the ground under review that have come
under the eye of the author, and they have left much to be still con-
sidered. In connection with the subject and the bearing which the
glacial evidences have to the special features of this region much of in-
terest to the student will be found in that comprehensive work— The
Ice Age in North America” by Dr. G. W. Wright.
Viewed from a provincial and more contracted standpoint, the
details of our immediate neighbourhood may be dwelt on and of the
phenomena exhibited explanations may be offered in the light of in-
vestigations made and conclusions reached by others. This may be done
with more confidence now that deductions drawn from widespread
observations enable application to be made to examples from our own
locality in illustration of the stupendous changes that have taken place
within comparatively recent geological ages, to movements of vast
magnitude and to results effected in periods of time appearing to us
individually to be of great length but which are in comparison with the
eons that preceded them as the playtime of an ephemeron of yesterday.
Some incidental references to submarine geology appear in the
Transactions of the Nova Scotia Institute of Science, but they are not
of a general character. A paper by Mr. 8. D. McDonald in 1886 * is
replete with information on Sable Island; its history and geology. In
it he speaks of the existence of that island as due to the strong ocean
1 A, Leudenkohl—Notes on the submarine channel of the Hudson River,
Am. Jour Se. June, us
2 Vol. VI "DD. 266; 278.
[POOLE] FEATURES OF CONTINENTAL SHELF OFF NOVA SCOTIA 69
currents which swirl round its beaches, of the diminution it has suf-
fered, also of its changed positicn and to the influence the winds have
had in building it up in dunes above the level of the sea. Mr. McDonald
accepts the view of Dr. D. Honeyman that the present shore of Nova
Scotia is on the line of the continent’s great terminal moraine, and he
imputes the origin of the great Banks to the deposition of the Champlain
sands washed out of the glacial drift by the recessional floods.
The subject of this paper is uecessarily connected with that of
the glaciation of the country at large, a matter that has been in part
discussed by several local writers, by Sir J. W. Dawson, Dr. Bailey,
Mr. Prest, Dr. Honeyman, and in still earlier times by Mr. T. Belt, a
recognized authority of his day some forty years ago. All these writers,
however, stop short at the shore with but casual reference to what may
lie beyond. They are not unanimously of opinion with that of observers
south of the international boundary and they leave many glacial ques-
tious still cpen for general discussion, such as whether the ice cap
covered the whole country, whether it effected much or little erosion of
the surface; whether it merely removed the loose and disintegrated
material, rubbing down to a rounded outline the rocky angularities, or
planed away a great thickness of solid strata; whether the period of
action was comparatively short or long drawn out, of late date or oc-
curred in a remote past; whether the ice sheet was thick or thin, sub-
ject or indifferent to the inequalities of the surface over which it flowed.
With these questions in their relation to the evidence to be obtained
from the land surface it is not proposed to deal. It will not be possible,
however, to avoid indirect, reference to a few of them in the considera-
tion of some features of the submarine structure which this paper intro-
duces.
Marine charts of the coast give, for the guidance of the sailor mak-
ing a landfall, isobathic lines at depths of 30 and 60 fms., but these
lines alone fail to delineate features of the terrace and the foreshore to
which it is desired to call attention. By taking the numerous sound-
ings given on the charts other isobaths of greater and !ess depths may
be laid down, and although by the infrequency of the observations such
are necessarily only approximately correct they are assumed, in the
absence of more complete data, to be sulficiently near to have value in
the present consideration.
The soundings on the charts thus used and the isobaths drawn they
give to part of the region the appearance of a land surface depicted by
contour lines an undulating surface with hills and hollows, ready formed
for the flow of rills and rivers to the lowet ground and there to join
extensions of the present established water courses coming down from
70 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
what then would appear in relation to them as a high plateau. Much
of the structure so defined suggests the features of lands carved by sub-
ærial erosive agents and by them reduced to a peneplain. The charac-
ter of the terrace is perhaps best pronounced if a depth of about 500
feet be selected as a one time shore line, and the sea be supposed drawn
off to that depth or what would have the same effect, that the side
of the continent had risen out of the water to that elevation above the
sea level of to-day.
With a reconstructed shore at the depth named the physical features
that would then exist appear more suggestive than perhaps at any other
depth, although it is far short of the limit of elevation to which much
evidence points as recently existing especially on the adjoining coast of
Newfoundland.
Among the more marked features brought out by this assumed
elevation of 500 feet is:—a large inland sea or lake with an outlet
‘to the south. Then there are prominent extensions of existing pro-
montories and headlines, islands large and small, plateaux crowned by
knolls and bearing small lakes, a broad valley with a channel drained
at that depth, broad estuaries to the main drainage system and, perhaps,
some rocky peaks, river channels with sloping banks and islets, or with
sides precipitous in places. Besides these, and even perhaps of more
interest than all other features many deep isolated depressions often
close to knolls of elevation above the average of the neighbourhood. Im-
portance is attached to the seeming presence of these depressions and
one of the main conclusions submitted in this paper is based largely on
them. LNG | |
To ships approaching Halifax from the southward the soundings
supply but an imperfect guide to position, there is no gradual shelving
of the sea bottom as the shore is approached, but great irregularity may
be indicated by the lead. This condition though a source of anxiety
to the navigator is one of much interest to the investigator of the
structure of the country in prehistoric times. It is evident that the
unevenness of the surface cannot be accounted for by ocean currents
in one place piling up banks and in another digging out the holes and
large depressions that exist, neither icould the inequalities be explained
by the action of icebergs, grounding, melting and depositing immense
loads of earth and rocks, which by the way are rarely indeed borne by
icebergs; nor is it possible to suppose that ocean currents could have
formed channels which are brought into prominence on the re-
construction map; channels which in places widen out into broad
valleys with gently sloping sides and elsewhere are narrowed with steep
if not precipitous walls. Some other agents than these must be sought
[PooLE] FEATURES OF CONTINENTAL SHELF OFF NOVA SCOTIA Zt
to satisfactorily explain the features of the now submerged lands which
in many respects bear strong resemblances to upland surfaces which
have been moulded by the action of the forces of the atmosphere, frost
and heat, wind and oxidation, rain and rivers.
It is therefore assumed that such indeed were the agents that deter-
mined the submarine surface, only that after submergence and after th2
forces of the glacial period had been spent the features became some-
what modified by the mantle of sediment which denudation would cast
into the sea and quiet waters would deposit.
Among the now submerged features of the region that may readily
be jrecognized on the accompanying map are; a prolongation of Cape
Canseau for 40 miles beyond its present terminus with deep water for half
the distance on both sides ;—Sambro with its ledges and islets protruding
further southward; Not only was Scatterie island a promontory but
it embraced Scattarie bank which lies 40 miles seaward of the present
island. Sambro bank which is south of Halifax has steep sides and deep
water about it. On the map it appears as an island and is probably
of rock, a granitic mass, an under-sea extension of the rocks of Sambro
thrust up between the slates of Halifax and St. Margaret’s Bay. Possi-
bly also some of the small islands that range in line aross the Gully are
rocky peaks, while those in the estuary of the streams that combined in
Chedabucto Bay to flow eastward, parallel to the Cape Breton coast are
panks with no rocky nucleus.
It. may well be asked do these features really ete more than ar
accidental or fanciful resemblance to these which a sometime land sur-
face would present under like circumstances; and are there any good
reasons for assuming an elevation of serious moment has actually oc-
curred in times comparatively recent? If the areas shown to be still
depressed below the 80 fm. line are considered they will be noticed to
have as it were channels proceeding from them) to deeper water such as a
land locked sea or great lake would require to carry off the surplus
waters. ‘Then, too, the seeming steep sides to the channels and the steep
banks to the large island in the lake immediately south of Halifax can
be explained only by assuming them, due to erosion by subærial agents,
and for such agents to do their work it is essential that the area be weil
elevated above drainage level, not merely the 500 feet assumed for the
drafting of this map, but to a much greater extent.
Another prominent feature which has long been recognized and ac-
cepted as proof of a previous elevation of this region is the broad and
profound depression occupying the bed of the estuary of the St. Law-
rence river, which sweeping south of Anticosti and north of Bird Islands
72 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
passes through the Cabot Straits between Cape Ray in Newfoundland
and St. Paul’s Island off Cape North of Nova Scotia. Continuing
cnward far out to sea for other 200 miles it divides the banks off the
Cape Breton shores from those off the south coast of Newfoundland and
until it reaches the deep water of the Atlantic.
How far up the St. Lawrence the depression extended is not known
for the upper reaches are silted up with Pleistocene deposits but it evi-
dently at one time drained the gorge of the Saguenay which soundings
even now show to be 800 feet below the surface of the river. The mag-
nitude of the stream must have been immense. In Cabot straits it
has a width of 60 miles and a depth where narrowest of 1600 feet, and
en issuing from between the Capes it expanded and against the New-
foundland shore cast up as by an eddy a bank or lisan of many miles
in length.
In the embayment formed by the sharp turn which the edge of the
continental shelf here takes between Cape Breton and Newfoundland the
deeper bed of the valley contracted its width, and had at its exit into
the abyss on the sides and directly in front shoals and bars which are
fairly comparable with the lateral bars and the delta features of a
flowing stream at its confluence with the sea. Can it be doubted that
a depression so strongly defined and possessed of such suggestive features
was once, as it has long been thought to have been, the bed of a
great river that flowed along this course to the ocean and at a time
when this part of the continent stood sufficiently elevated to enable the
pebbles and silt of a flowing stream to erode the rocks in its bed. To
effect this it may be taken as proven that the general level of the
country must have then been not merely the 500 feet higher, as the map
assumes, but probably was not less than 2000 feet or even 2500 feet
greater than it is at present. Jt may even be questioned whether this
latter elevation is sufficient to account for some of the conditions ex-
hibited by the ancient river. When a stream enters the sea its current
spreads out, its force is lost and it ceases to be erosive, its sediments in
suspension are deposited about its embouchure in flats and bars and as
a delta. Fluviatile action is conclusive proof that the surface display-
ing it was at the time of activity above sea level. Where the 80 fm. line
adopted on the map turns from the sea front into the river soundings
show the ancient river bed at a depth of 2010 feet, but also seaward, of
the deposits about this neighbourhood, a greater bank lying at a still
greater depth, even at 1500 fm. for a distance of 40 miles:in the direc-
tion of an embayment still more profound. However, soundings in
much of this region: have been comparatively few and so far apart that
[pooLE] FEATURES OF CONTINENTAL SHELF OFF NOVA SCOTIA 73
no satisfactory conclusions can be drawn of the presence or otherwise of
a further eastward extension of the ancient river in times even more
remote.
In a paper of mine read before this Society in May, 1903, a position
was assumed for a tributary now submerged to this great river which
must have drained the greater part of Eastern Canada in some preglacial
age and when the region had greater altitudes than it has to-day. The
tributary in question was located parallel to and but a few miles off the
west coast of Cape Breton and its position was determined by laying
down on Admiralty charts the isobaths indicated by the recorded sound-
ings. The isobathic lines have also been extended further up the Gulf
beyond Prince Edward and the Magadalen Islands to the shores of New
Brunswick and they have shown other important tributaries flowing from
the south had descended to the grand canyon of the Gulf of St. Lawrence
into which opened a broad fjord parallel to the Gaspé peninsula. This
had two branches represented now by the Bays Chaleur and Miramichi
receiving then as now the main streams of Northern New Brunswick.
Besides the tributaries joining the preglacial river within the con-
fines of the Gulf, others also flowing north and eastward fell into it
south of Cabot straits. The drainage of the southern slopes of Cape
Breton highlands formed a fjord similar in character to the one men-
tioned lying off the Gaspé peninsula. It had St. Ann’s Bay at its head
and was the outlet of streams finding passage northward by the Great
Bras d’Or and Sydney harbour. Then there is the arm of the sea known
as Mira river which is the head of another fjord but its mouth is obscure
being partly silted up by the glacial deposits disturbed by the coastal
currents which run so strongly by the projecting headlands of Scaterie
and its neighbourhood. Still another stream of greater magnitude
skirted the southern coast of Cape Breton and added its waters to the
flood of the ancient St. Lawrence before it made its final plunge over
the edge of the continent into the ocean’s abyss. This stream came out
of Chedabucto Bay then a profound fjord, as indicated) by the deep
soundings of 124 fms., and probably made its channel in Carboniferous
strata, remnants of which are still left in Isle Madame, and along the
shore and then followed eastward the present, coast of the island, to join
the great river near the Scatterie bank.
This fjord had two forks of which the smaller had its head in
Roman Valley 10 miles above the town of Guysboro following the con-
tact of two geological formations.
The northern or main fork is no longer fed, by a stream of fresh
water but now is occupied by the salt water strait of Canseau connecting
the marine waters of the Gulf with those of the ocean.
74 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The origin of the Strait of Canseau has been a subject of some
speculation as a product of erosioh in the comparatively recent Pleis-
tocene period, but I ask consideration of a supposition that would make
the origin of the strait a river channel in much earlier times when a
course was found between the old rocks of Cape Porcupine and the
Craignish hills of Cape Breton. Personally I am with those who hold
that the erosion of the surface by the movements of an ice cap and its
glaciers has been by some writers greatly exaggerated, and that in parts
of Nova Scotia it was insignificant and insufficient even to rub off all
the inequalities left by the preceding denudation effected by the agents
of the air.
To account for the origin of the strait of Canseau by river action it
is submitted that the deposits of the Permian and Triassic periods, rem-
nants of which still occupy the Gulf, were subjected to the denuding
influences of the atmosphere on. their emergence from the sea during the
Cretaceous period: That then the drainage from the northern slopes
of the highlands along the range of the Cobequid hills and their exten-
sion to Cape George gathered near their base and forming a stream
parallel to the general course of thd hills found exit along faulting by
the strait of Canseau to the sea. The deposits in Chedabucto Bay
opposite the mouth of the strait take the form of a delta with water
deeper on the sides than in the middle of the bay. The drainage of the
hills flowed down their slopes until it met the new and less coherent
beds and in them was made the lateral and combined stream. The pre-
sent Northumberland straits were then part of the river system of this
Cretaceous drainage. As time rolled on, and the newer rocks yielded
more readily than the old to the action of the streams, the beds of the
Tivers in them deepened. The flow off the western slopes of the Cape
Breton hills formed at first an independent river finding outlet to the
eastward and eating deeper and deeper into the softer rocks, its forks
and branches eroded backwards and at length cut through the barrier
that divided it from some lower branch of the current flowing from the
west round Cape George to the strait of Canseau. When this was once
effected the deeper and swifter stream flowing by Cape Breton lost no
time in making a way in addition for the waters of the stream thus cut
off and which hitherto had gone south about to the ocean. Such a re-
sult of river action is no fanciful supposition but it is a recognized and
accepted explanation by geographers for the presence of dry and unused
channels of many existing streams.
l'his result achieved when subsidence in due course again lowered
the region to sea level the remnant of the newer rocks lying north and
[PooLE] FEATURES OF CONTINENTAL SHELF OFF NOVA SCOTIA 75
west of what had been Cretaceous rivers formed the island we have
named Prince Edward and at the same time converted the valley, which
first had been occupied by a fresh water stream, into a salt water strait.
This at least is the explanation now offered to account for the
phenomena presented by the region under review.
Mention has been made of two marked depressions breaking down
the southern edge of the terrace; the Gully at the eastern end of Sable
island, and Sambro valley the channel immediately south of Halifax.
‘These localities seemed to be of such special interest that further in-
formation was sought for on board the cable-ship ‘ Minia’ where a care-
ful record is kept of depths, etc., at which repair and grapnel work is
done. ‘To Captain De Carteret and Mr. J. Adams, first officer who
placed their local charts at my service I am greatly indebted. Special
enquiry was made for soundings crossing the Gully’s mouth, Long. 59°
in Lat. 43° 55° to 44° 8’ and there happily a record of grapnel work
gave a depth of 847 fms. with so rapid a drop within a cable’s length
that as the ship drifted the grapnel could not be kept on the
bottom. The drift was across the line of a narrow channel
which the chart soundings had failed to disclose. The theory
which I had presented to the officers of the cable ship had sus-
pected the presence of an unrecorded deep channel and the record
they had taken was fortunately able to confirm its existence. Could
better proof of the value of the theory be obtained? Accident, however,
did not lay so fortunate a course for the mouth of Sambro channel and
desirable evidence of the conditions there is still lacking. Both valleys
open to the south into bold water from which the deep water in the
channels some ten miles up appears to be cut off and partially blocked
by bars. The soundings along the Gully suggest, at spots steep slopes,
islands, a winding channel and deeps contiguous to high points which
remind one of cirques on the edges of plateaux.
The valley of the Gully connects with the deep water off Country
Harbour and although an extension into that and adjoining fjords is
now obscured by deposits and by the action on them of waves and cur-
rents towards the landwash.
The 8.8. ‘Minia’ met with a condition off the Bay of Fundy some-
what similar to that at the mouth of the Gully, finding a submerged
ravine over which a suspended cable was injured, presumably by chafing
on the rocks as it was swayed by the tides.
Turning now to Sambro bank and its cireumjacent valley the con-
tours show that the bank is narrowest east and west and where its sides
are steepest, and that it seems to be a continuation of the granite ridge
76 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
which lies west of Halifax Harbour and extends southward in Sambro
ledges. Its crest comes within 47 fms. of the surface while about it is
water exceeding 100 fms. in depth except to the north where it is
separated from Sambro ledges merely by a narrow channel.
On its east side close to its base there is a depth of 153 fms. and
the isobathic lines parallel its length with here and there a crest break-
ing an absolute uniformity.
Soundings exceeding 140 fms. extend for 40 miles giving direction
of deepest water towards the north-east, with remains of lateral
branches ; while in the other direction towards the open ocean the bottom
r'ses to 90 fms. and unless there be a narrow deep channel which as yet
has not been recorded, the course of the ancient drainage is so dammed
up that an elevation of 600 feet would make a large lake with Sambro
bank as an island in the middle. The ‘Owl’ and other two small
hanks would make peaks above the surface of the lake. The structure
of this valley suggests that the rocks here are slate and quartzite with
foldings such as the operations of the gold miner have shown to be so
regular on the land and made familiar to everyone. West of Sambro
bank there is also water exceeding 130 fms. in depth, but the soundings
indicate no such structure as that to the east of the bank and about
Sable Island. Doubtless this condition of the seabottom may be ac-
counted for by the strong flow of the currents of both water and ice
under the influence of the great tide of the Bay of Fundy obscuring
the older features.
That the Sambro valley was one of river erosion although its outlet
is now closed, there can be, I think, but little doubt. The recent eleva-
tion and subærial erosion of lands both east and west must have affected
this region also, and explanation must elsewhere be sought to account for
the mass of deposits that have closed the sometime outlet seaward of
Sambro bank. The charts note several of the shallow soundings on
the shelf as ‘rocky,’ these all lie within 40 miles of the coast, and
many of the deeper depressions are marked as having a mud bottom.
The inference from the exposure of the rocky peaks is that they were
passed over by the deposit flowing from the land. The presence of
mud in the deeper parts that there was there no indiscriminate dumping
of moraine matter from ice, but the slow accumulation of fine sediment
in quiet waters.
ft is plain, however, that the preglacial features of the region can
be surmised only in part, as they have been more or less covered over
and disguised by later sediments. The bulk of these sediments appears
to have accumulated towards the front of the plateau having here and
there deep depressions between them and the shore. Ranging with the
[POOLE] FEATURES OF CONTINENTAL SHELF OFF NOVA SCOTIA AT:
deeps already referred to eastward of Sambro there are others of 159
fms. off Canso and off Gabarus. These soundings suggest that the plain
of marine denudation that dressed off the continental shelf was at a
depth exceeding that of 80 fms. below the foreshore of to-day and that
it was formed before the great elevation that permitted the extensive
river channelling we have been considering.
There are yet other features to be considered similar to some that
are more pronounced on the shores of Newfoundland where the land is
higher, the waters of the bays and fjords deeper, and the situation gener-
ally more like that of Labrador, and these will better illustrate char-
acteristics to which it is desired to direct attention than their less
prominent counterparts of Nova Scotia. Mjuch of the coast of New-
foundland is deeply indented by fjords with narrow channels between
steep walls and with bold water giving soundings deeper inside than in
the open sea outside. Not only this, but what at first sight seems very
remarkable soundings even sometimes deeper at the very head of the
fjords than further out. Of the origin of these deep indentations there
can be no doubt it is due to the same causes that produced the fjords of
Norway and Greenland, to the erosion by sediment in moving water and
ice, to streams descending from the high table lands at a time when the
whole country stood far above the present level and when it was elevated
sufficiently to allow the rivers to cut their beds 2590 Teet at least below
the sea level of to-day. ‘Then followed a period when glaciers occupied
the river valleys and ravines and stretched seaward beyond the present
coast line. To recognize these features it is only necessary to study the
charts of the coast, take almost any ravine and it will supply an illus-
tration: Conception Bay shows soundings down to 143 fms.; La Poile to
150 fms.; Harbor Breton to 169 fms.; Belle Bay out of Fortune Bay
to 299 fms.; and Hermitage Bay to no less than 390 fms., or 2340 feet
of water, while outside the headlands in the open sea the usual depth of
water does not exceed 100 fms. The conclusion is inevitable that the
fjords were first carved to the greater depths and afterwards had their
outer channel choked by deposits. It will further be noted that where
bold water approaches close to the cliffs it is always on the west side of
the bays, the side from which glaciers would descend from the ice sheet
on the high plateaux. To account for the deepest water occurring at
the head of some ravines it is surmised that they were occupied by the
glacial ice when the moraine matter was carried forward and deposited
in the channels further out and there shallowed the waters. Then when
later the ice age passed away and the glaciers meltel the parts they oc-
cupied were free of drift and are now represented by deep ‘holes and de-
pressions occupied by water. In the same way were made what are
78 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
known as kettle holes in the moraines, the site of stranded blocks of ice
among the terminal deposits.
It is also surmised that the ice sheet was general not only over the
whole island but that it extended, across the straits from Labrador
moving eastward to the open sea and carried with it immense quanti-
ties of detrital matter which were deposited over the area we know as
the Banks, the great fishing ground of Newfoundland. At the period of
elevation the continent, no doubt, extended to the eastward and included
the area about the Virgin rocks and the Eastern shoals, the extreme
gathering ground for the glacial drift carried and pushed eastward by
the Banks, the great fishing ground of Newfoundland.
Reverting again to our own shores fjords are nearly as much in
evidence as they are in Newfoundland though they have not the same
depths of water. A few exceptional depths are, however, reported.
Close to Canseau Harbour in Chedabucto Bay there is a deep giving 124
fms.; inside the Little Bras @Or another showing 114 fms., and the
centre of Bedford Basin has a sounding of 220 feet. A depression which
was occupied by ice while the glacier was in motion that brought to the
Atlantic drift from the north Mountain of King’s County. A glacier
that formed the ground moraines of McNab’s and George’s Islands in the
main harbour of Halifax and which deposited drift against an ice front
that extended down into the water at Purcell’s Cove.
Here is an excellent local illustration on a small scale of that re-
markable feature, prominent in some Newfoundland fjords where the
water is shallower outside than at the head. At Purcell’s Cove the drift
was so piled up against the ice front as to form a small and secure
harbour and leave an island when the ice disappeared. It has made of
that locality a charming resort for people from the city in which to
spend a summer holiday.
These references to the ice age all point to the important part
played by glacial phenomena in shaping the configuration of the sub-
merged platform. Prior to which epoch the harbours, estuaries and bays
of the south shore had taken shape and influenced direction to the sea-
ward flow of all the drift to the east of Shelburne where the more power-
ful stream of ice in the Bay of Fundy drew with it much of the ice
along its shores and so deflected the general course of the flow from east
of south to westward of the meridian. The striæ grooves and kames
of the western part of the province point to this conclusion. The
courses of the preglacial river channels below the foreshore though
generally obliterated by littoral deposits are here and there exposed.
Mr. Prest notes the exposure of a narrow and deep channel of tor-
tuous course walled by Cambrian slates that extended from the mouth of
[Poozx], FEATURES OF CONTINENTAL SHELF OFF NOVA SCOTIA 79
Musquodoboit river through the harbour of that name, and its flats
to the sea, and he refers to the La Have, East and Sutherland’s rivers
as also showing their ancient but now submerged extensions under the
sea. (Vol. VIII., Pt. 2, p. 146.)
Dr. Ambrose, Vol. I., Pt. 4, p. 33 of the Nova Scotia Instit. of Se.
Series, describes the trough in St. Margaret’s Bay which fishermen call
the ‘hospital,’ a mud covered ravine about 50 yards wide, 20 yards
deeper than the rocky walls which run parallel to the shore off Peggy’s
Cove and opens into a similar channel running up the bay. He also
speaks of the Inner and Big Gulches both bottomed. with black mud the
former a mile long and 60 fms. wide, the latter three miles long and
100 fms wide. These like the submerged channels mentioned by Mr.
Prest were probably occupied by ice when the glacial drift was carried
over them further out to sea.
Dr. D. Honeyman refers shortly to the view of Sir J. W. Dawson
and of himself on the position of the terminal moraine of the Ice Age
and to the formations to which belong the various boulders and pebbles
brought up by the lines of fishermen on the banks in waters 60 to 80
fms. deep.
In Vol. VII., p. 211, he contends also that glacial transportation
did not extend beyond Thum Cap at the entrance of Halifax Harbour.
Mr. W. Upham in his paper on The Fishing Banks, 1893, p. 47,
includes those off Nova Scotia but he does not deal with details respect-
ing them. He speaks of rock specimens obtained on the banks and
seems to have accepted the views of Professor Verril, whom he quotes, as
being of opinion “ on examination of the specimens brought up from the
banks by the lines of fishermen that they have been detached from a very
extensive submerged Tertiary formation at least several hundreds of
miles in length, extending along the outer banks from Newfoundland to
Cape Cod, and perhaps constituting a large part of the solid foundation
ef these remarkable submarine elevations.” He further expresses belief
that the fossils in some of the specimens are probably Pliocene, the age,
according to Mr. Upham, “ of the strata which beneath a thin envelope
of glacial drift form these submarine banks.” On the other hand Dr.
Honeyman points ta boulders of limestone got in 65 fms. off the Nova
Scotian coast as suggestive of a base of Carboniferous age to the banks.
All, however, are agreed, as taught years go by Professor Agassiz, that
the fishing banks are at least superficially covered by a continuation of
the deposits forming the terminal moraine to the ice sheet of New Eng-
land and Canada. Whether the superficial deposit is only a thin en-
velope, and the detached fossiliferous rock fragments of a local deposit
ofa previous age and not of detritus brought in glacial times or more
80 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
recently on ice floes, may be questioned. In Greenland fossiliferous beds
of Tertiary age have undergone extensive disintegration and are to-day
within the active range of glaciers and shore ice that carry detritus
southward to be dropped on the melting of the ice. To accept a con-
clusion which regards Tertiary fossils obtained on the Fishing banks as
derived from local beds of that age necessitates the absence of terminal
moraine material which, however thin, would prevent the fishing lines
‘ from reaching and bringing specimens to the surface,
Assumptions have already been quoted that the shore deposits are
the remains of the terminal moraine of the glacial flows in the Pleis-
tocene period, but consideration makes it doubtful if the deposits so ex-
posed are of that character, in extent they do not compare with those
to the west of the Bay of Fundy and are no more extensive than some
of the drumline mounds occurring inland; for instance some in Pictou
county were proved to be over 80 feet in thickness, and by the Miramichi
river the explorations for the Chatham water-works showed gullies lead-
ing into that stream to be filled with boulder clay to the depth of 100
feet below the present water level.
The proposition is submitted that instead of the ice front stopping
at the shore it was pushed forward on the terrace in range with Sambro
bank and deposited much of its load seaward: and even to the edge of the
shelf and in proof of this attention is directed to the deep holes of cir-
cumscribed area that the soundings disclose and which remind one
strongly of the kettle holes of moraines. Then, again from the sands
of Sable Island the seas sort out on the beaches the fine grains of black
cres of iron and red garnets identical with similar deposits on the shore
of Lake Ontario that are contained in the glacial drift from off the
Azoïc rocks to the northward. The Sable Island deposit it is contended
had a simlar origin and necessarily from the nearest source the moun-
tains of Labrador.
It is inconceivable that ocean currents could have carved out a sea
bottom of the complexity of contour here developed. In shallow waters
the ebb and flow of tides may show a tendency to make channels, but
the usual effect is to level down and round over mounds and inequalities
of deposition. Then as to icebergs of large dimensions being the vehicle,
none are known to come near to Sable Island to be stranded and to fur-
row out depressions even if they could reasonably be regarded as the
possible graving tools of the sea bottom.
In a consideration of this kind we are hampered by inability to see
the deposits in place, to dig into and find the composition and thickness
of the various deposits and to separate those that are superficial and to
which accretions are now making from the older sediments resting on a
[Poors] FEATURES OF CONTINENTAL SHELF OFF NOVA SCOTIA 81
rocky base. All we do know by the soundings and dredgings is of the
material resting on the sea bottom whether it be of mud, sand, gravel,
boulders, clay or rock. What we would like to know in addition is
whether the samples obtained are strictly superficial or from a sub-
stratum not now subject to accretions. Much therefore is still conjec-
tural respecting submarine conditions and reliance has chiefly to be
placed on seeming analogy to land structure.
In the case of the Banquereau, Sable Island and other fishing banks
lying off Nova Scotia, we have to ask ourselves, can they possibly be the
product only of material dropped by ice floes and bergs borne south by
currents from northern regions? If the answer be in the affirmative
would it not be reasonable to expect an average uniformity in the re-
eulting layers with a tendency to parallel the course of the flow? But
the conditions really found are great irregularity in the depth, direction
and quality of the deposits and no indication of deposition by currents
‘below the effect of wave action. It is hence assumed that whatever ad-
ditions have been made to the banks by ice carriage they have had no
important bearing on the configuration of the sea-bottom. Moreover
the evidence of those who frequent these latitudes is that the set of the
Labrador current is not over these banks, and further, that bergs rarely
are seen bearing earth and stones, and again, that much of the melting
of the bergs in the open sea occurs off the banks.
Bibliography in Part.
In the Transactions of the Nova Scotia Institute of Science.
Dr. Honeyman — Vol. VI., Pt. 2, p. 74. Bedford Basin, 1885.
Vol. VII. Pt. 1, p. 205.
W. H. Prest — Vol. VIIL., pp. 143, 430.
Vol. IX., p. 158.
Dr. A. H. MacKay—Vol. VIII, p. 76.
Patterson G. Trans. R. S. Can. 1894— XII—7, 1-50.
Strait of Canseau, Acadian Geology p. 390.
Bras d’Or Lakes, Geol. Sur. Rep. 1874—5—p. 265.
J. W. Spencer, Bult., Geo. Soc. Am. Vol. 1, 1890 pp. 65—70—Lauren-
tian R. p. 315.
J. W. Dawson—Notes on Post Pliocene of Can. 1872—p. 41. The
Can. Ice Age 1893 pp. 71, 74, 269.
Dana on Hudson R. Jour. Se. II1, Vol. XL. p. 4251890 Decr.
Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc. Lon. XXXIX, 1878, pp. 566.
Sec. IV., 1906. 6
82 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Belt Vol. 1, pt. 3, p. 70—pt. 4, p. 91, N.S. Instit. Se.
Ice dams and ice terraces p. 105.
Ice Age Geol. Sur. Vol. IV. E 1888-9.
Physical Hydrography of the Gulf of Maine—Rep. U.S. Const. and
Geodetic Survey 1878—p. 175, etc.—Ibid, Appendix No.
II, 1885, p. 483.
Abraham Gesner—Elevation and depression of the Earth in North
America 2, J. G. S. 1861, XVII p. 331-383.
Ramsay, 2. J.G. 8. 1878 XXXIV. pp. 505-541 Gibraltar.
APPENDIX.
In the description which followed upon the reading of this paper
Dr. L. W. Bailey called attention to the facts which both in New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia indicate the former higher elevation of the
Acadian region in pre-Glacial and Glacial times. ;
As regards New Brunswick this is indicated not only by the exten-
sion of the channels of the St. John and other rivers debouching into
the Bay of Fundy, as indicated by soundings and the arrangement of
isobaric lines upon the north side of depression, but also by the fact
that the present river St. John, as indicated by the depth of the
Pleistocene clays at Fredericton, eighty miles from the mouth, is flow-
ing at a level at least 200 feet above its former rock bottom, and again
by the fact, recently pointed out by Prof. Ganong, that the streams
which drain the eastern sea-board of New Brunswick at one time ex-
tended across Northumberland Straits and were coincident with the
more marked valleys now indenting the coast of Prince Edward Island,
these being tributary to the main channel of the St. Lawrence then
traversing the entire length of the latter.
In Nova Scotia like conditions are indicated by the fiord-like
irregularities of the present southern or Atlantic shore and of its sub-
merged platform, as indicated by Prof. Poole, but also by the evidences
of unusual glaciation there exhibited, as shown by the character and
extent of the moraines, eskers and kames met with, and especially the
size and depth of glacial troughs, which, in some instances, traverse
the hard quartzites of the Cambrian system with a depth of not Jess
than twenty feet! Photographs of the latter were exhibited to the
members of the section.
ul
PAL Wri 0 1) AE AU DESIRE
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ii
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Siu Aree LE Bi
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Srcrion IV., 1906. [88] Trans. R. 8. C.
IX.— The Distribution of Lactic Acid Bacteria in Curd and Cheese
of the Cheddar Type, with Nine Illustrations from
Photomicrographs.
By F. C. Harrison, l'he Macdonald College, Ste. Anne de Bellevue, P.Q.
(Communicated by Dr. James Fletcher, and read May 28rd, 1906.)
Mme. Troili-Petersson and Gorini in 1903 and 1904 published
papers on the distribution of bacteria in Güter and Grana cheese, and
employed and advocated histological methods of preparation and section
cutting for this purpose. Recently Rodella again called attention to
the value of these direct microscopical preparations, and his paper on
account of the omission of Mme. T. Petersson’s name in the historical
resumé of the subject has already called forth replies regarding priority
of publication. Hence it seemed opportune to publish the results of
some work along the same lines as the above mentioned investigations,
but with Cheddar cheese of the Canadian type instead of the varieties
already investigated.
Gorini in a footnote to his paper, referring to a previous investi-
gation published by Connell and myself stated that we suspected the
uneven distribution of bacteria in Cheddar cheese, without however,
giving any demonstration of it. This is correct so far as a direct ex-
amination of sections from cheese is concerned but we give in the paper
referred to several very good examples of the results of numerous quan-
titative analyses of Cheddar cheese which showed conclusively that the
bacteria were unevenly distributed not only in normal cheese but abnor-
mal cheese affected with the well known gascous fermentation and we
concluded the paragraph as follows: “‘'These examinations, which are
typical of many others which we have made show there is not an even
distribution of bacteria throughout the substance of a cheese, and it
would therefore, seem necessary to modify somewhat our methods of
analysis” a conclusion to which Gorini also arrives at in his paper
“ Cette distribution irréguliére des bacteries augmente les causes d’erreur
dans l’analyse bactériologique quantitative du fromage.”
These results have been confirmed by the histological investigation
of several cheese made according to the well-known Cheddar method.
Methods of Imbedding.—Several methods were tried, of these, para-
ifin with oil of bergamot as a clearer gave the best results; good results
were also obtained by using chloroform as a clearer. Celloidin gave in-
ferior results, although the pieces of curd or cheese were passed through
2, 4,'6, 8, 10 and 12 per cent solutions of celloidin.
84 : ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Section Cutting.—Sections were cut with a good microtome, trans-
ferred to warm water and then floated on to cover glasses. These pre-
parations were placed in a thermostat at 37°C. until all water had eva-
porated.
Staining, etc.—The paraffin was dissolved in xylol; the sections were
then passed through graded alcohols and stained by various methods.
The method which gave the best results was the ordinary method of
Gram, counter staining with eosin. This gave beautiful preparations,
the lactic acid bacteria, yeasts and torule being well demonstrated, and
I should like to call attention to this method as a means of differentiat-
ing certain classes of micro-organisms in cheese. Bacteria of the colon
type decolorise by this method, but may be stained by using Bismarck
brown as a contrast stain. Such preparations’ whilst useful for study
purposes were of no use for photographical use as the cheese or curd sub-
stance accepted the brown stain too deeply. By following Gram’s
method but using amyl alcohol for decolorising and dehydrating all
bacteria were stained. Leucocytes in the cheese are often very numerous
and as usual were beautifully stained by Gram’s method.
‘I'he sections were always cleared in oil of cloves, and mounted in
Canada balsam.
Samples of the curd at various stages of manufacture were taken, as
well as of cheese taken from the presses, and small pieces were placed in
95% alcohol, imbedded in paraffin, sectioned and stained according to
the methods already given. In order to intelligently follow the results
of this work, a few explanatory notes are necessary as to the method of
manufacture of Cheddar cheese. ‘The milk is heated to 86°F (30°C)
and when the desired acidity in the milk is obtained, which is usually
done by adding 0.5% of a culture of a lactic acid bacilius, enough ren-
uei is added to coagulate the milk, fit to cut, in 15 to 20 minutes. This
point is referred to as “cutting time’ The curd immediately it is cut
i: stirred by means of agitators for 10 to 15 minutes and then the vat is
carefully heated to the cooking temperature of about 98° to 99°F (37°
ta 68° C) in one and one half hours from the time of adding the rennet.
This point is referred to as “ When cooking temperature was reached.”
As soon as the acidity of the -whey reaches 0.17 to 0.2 the whey is either
run off or else the curd is dipped out and removed to a special rack.
This point is termed “ At dipping.” The curd is then stirred, piled
about 8 inches high and allowed to mat together. When it is well
matted together the piece is cut into strips six to eight inches wide and
turned upside down, and in about 15 minutes time it is again turned and
piled two deep. This turning and piling is continued every fifteen min-
utes until the curd is ready to mill, which the cheese maker judges by
[HARRISON] DISTRIBUTION OF BACTERIA IN CANADIAN CHEESE 85
its flaky consistency and the development of .7 to .85 per cent of acid in
the whey which drains from the curd. ‘The curd is then put through a
mili which cuts it into small pieces. This point is referred to as “Mill-
ing time.” The cut pieces of curd are then stirred frequently to prevent
them matting together, and when the curd has mellowed and the drip-
pings of whey shew from 1.0 to 1.2 per cent of acid, salt is added at the
rate 114 to 24% lbs. to the 1000 lbs. of milk. This is referred to as
“ Salting time.” The temperature of the curd from dipping to milking
is about 94°F (34°C). After milling, the curd is allowed to cool
gradually to about 85° F (30°C) and it 1s put into the presses at a tem-
perature of 82° to 84°F (28°-29°C). The cheese is turned once and
kept in the hoops overnight, afterwards it is removed to the curing room.
Microscopical Examination of Curd and Cheese at Different Periods.
1. At Cutting.— Sections shewed the cheese to have a granular
structure with numerous clear spaces. The lactic acid bacilli occurred
singly, in pairs or in small groups of 5 to 10 cells, they were not numer-
ous, twenty to thirty fields (using the 1-12th oil immersion lens) were
often searched before any organisms were seen. See Fig. I.
2. When Cooking Temperature was Reached.—There was no notic-
able difference in the open or closeness of texture of the curd. The
bacteria were about the same in number ds at cutting time, but now and
then larger groups were present. See Fig. 2.
3. At Dipping.—The texture of the curd was slightly coarser, and
there was a noticeable increase in the number of bacteria, nearly every
field of the 1-12th o1l immersion lens shewed bacilli, many in short chains
or clusters, and here and there small clumps or colonies containing from
20 to 100 cells. See Fig. 3.
4. At Milling.—The texture of the curd has undergone considerable
change, instead of the granular texture it has now become quite flaky,
giving the appearance of layers or lamin closely pressed together. (See
Fig. 4.) When this stage is reached cheese makers term the curd
“meaty” and it can be torn into long flaky strips. It was almost im-
possible to find a single field in which there were not large numbers of
bacteria. The increase in numbers since dipping time was very marked.
The bacilli occurred in small chains and in small and large clumps or
eclonies. See Fig. 5.
5. At Salting—The texture of the curd was not so markedly
flaky.
The bacteria increased in numbers, larger clumps were seen,—some
very large ones near the open spaces in the cheese. See Fig. 7. A
86 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
micro-photograph of lower magnification shews the enormous number of
bacteria present and clumps, or aggregations of bacteria of various sizes.
8. Cheese two days old.—Little change has occurred in either the
texture or numbers of bacteria present, since the salting stage. Fig. 8
shews a large mass of bacteria around an open space in the cheese and
Fig. 9 of lower magnification gives a good idea of the distribution of the
bacteria in the cheese.
The starter or pure culture used in the manufacture of this cheese,
was a lactic acid bacillus which grew in small chains, and it could be
quite readily recognized in microscopical preparations of either butter or
cheese, made from cream or milk in which it had been introduced, as
the lactic acid bacteria naturally present did not form these characteristio
chains. It was always easy in this particular dairy to distinguish the
dairy products in which it had been used from those made from natural
ripening.
Conclusions :—
1. The paraffin imbedding method, as already outlined gives ex-
cellent results in the preparation of curd or cheese for microscopical
examination.
2. Gram’s method of staining, with eosin as a contrast stain
brings out the lactic acid bacteria, yeasts, and torulæ or all organisms
which are known to accept this stain and hence this method of coloration
has some diagnostic value.
3. Organisms in curd or cheese which do not accept Gram’s stain
may be demonstrated by the use of Bismarck brown.
4. Practically all bacteria are stained if amyl alcohol is used for
decolorising or dehydrating.
5. The lactic acid bacteria increase very rapidly in numbers from
the time the rennet is added to the milk until the time of salting.
6. The increase in numbers of these bacteria from the time of
salting until the cheese is a day or two old is not very pronounced.
Comparison, however, is difficult on account of the huge numbers
present.
7. The lactic acid bacteria have a tendency to form clumps or
colonies of various sizes. Over a thousand cells have been counted in a
single clump or colony.
8. ‘Ihe results confirm the quantitative analysis of curd and cheese
by the plate method, and the amount of acid developed in the whey
during the progress of making is an indication of the extraordinary mul-_
tiplication of the lactic acid bacteria present in the curd.
[HARRISON] DISTRIBUTION OF BACTERIA IN CANADIAN CHEESE 87
References :—
Troili-Petersson G., Centralblatt für Bakt. 2 Abte. XI, No. 6-7,
1903.
Gorini C., Revue Générale du Lait. 3, No. 13. p. 289. 1904.
Rodella A., Centralblatt für Bakt. 2. Abte XV. p. 143.
Harrison, F. C., and Connell W. T. Revue Générale du Lait. 3, No.
4, p. 83, 1903.
Z lustrations —
The photo-micrographs were taken with a Zeiss apparatus, 2 m.m.
oil immersion objective and compensating oculars. All sections stained
by Gram’s method, with eosin as a counter stain.
1. Section of curd obtained at cutting time. x 1200.
2. Section of curd obtained when cooking temperature was
reached. x 1500.
3. Section of curd obtained at dipping time. x 1500.
4. Section of curd obtained at milling time. Observe the flaky
character of the curd substance. x 1500.
5. Section of curd obtained at milling time, colony or clump
formation. x 1500.
6. Section of curd obtained at salting time. x 1500.
7. Section of curd obtained at salting time, observe the large num-
bers of organisms and the formation of colonies. x 500.
8. Section of cheese two days old. A characteristic colony. x
1500.
9. Section of cheese two days old, observe distribution and colony
formation. x 500.
Fa é. -
#1 [HARRISON] DISTRIBUTION OF BACTERIA IN CANADIAN CHEESE 89
É |
1. AT CUTTING TIME. x 1200.
2. WHEN CooKING TEMPERATURE WAS REACHED. x 1500.
Sec. IV., 1906. 6a.
Le
[HARRISON] DISTRIBUTION OF BACTERIA IN CANADIAN CHEESE
3: AT DIPPING TIME. x 1500.
4. AT MILLING TIME. x 1500. NOTE FLAKY NATURE OF CHEESE,
91
[HARRISON] DISTRIBUTION OF BACTERIA IN CANADIAN CHEESE
~
5. AT MizLING TIME. x 1500.
6. AT SALTING TIME. x 1500.
98
[HARRISON] DISTRIBUTION OF BACTERIA IN CANADIAN CHEESE
f- PAT SALTING CRIME x 500!
8. CHEESE 2 Days OLp. A CHARACTERISTIC COLONY. x 1500.
95
HARRISON] DISTRIBUTION OF BACTERIA IN CANADIAN CHEESE 97
9. CHEESE 2 DAYS OLD. x 500.
Sec Vi 100607:
SECTION IV., 1906. [ 99 ] Trans. R. S. C.
X.—A Review of the Flora of the Little River Group.
By G. F. MATTHEW, LL.D., D.Sc.
(Read May 22nd, 1906.)
The writer proposes to give in a series of articles to be read before
this Society the result of a review of the plant remains of the Little
River Group, a series of strata in southern New Brunswick that have
been referred to the Devonian Age. The examination will include
a revision of the types of this flora that were returned to the cabinet
of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick by Sir J. William
Dawson, types collected by the late Professor C. F. Hartt, in 1862-4,
and by the author at that time and since, as well as new material
collected by Messrs. W. J. Wilson, G. Stead, Wm. McIntosh and A.
G. Leavitt. This new material it is hoped will give additional know-
ledge of this ancient flora.
The need of a re-examination of these plants is forced upon us,
not, only by the changes in nomenciature that have been accepted since
Sir William wrote his classic essays on this subject, but also by the
fact that eminent palæobotanists have questioned the reference to these
plants to the Devonian Age, and have asserted that they were Car-
boniferous.
The writer does not propose to take up at present the stratigraphical
evidence upon which is based the reference of the terrane which holds
these plants to the Devonian age, but only to study the plants them-
selves, and as far as possible note the beds from which they have come;
the determination of their extract geological age may be left to a later
occasion.
It was in connection with the labelling and arranging of the types
of this collection returned by Sir William to the Natural History
Society of New Brunswick, that this revision was found to be neces-
sary. In the arrangement made when Sir William undertook the
study of these plants, one set of the types is preserved in the Museum
of McGill University, and the other in the cabinet of the Natural
History Society of New Brunswick; duplicate types of some of the
species are also in the author’s cabinet.
Since Sir William’s work was performed on these plants new
species have been found in these beds, including some novel types of
the Calamaria and the Ferns. These will be described and figured in
Sec. IV., 1906. 7a.
100 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
this series of articles, and the writer hopes may prove of interest to
palæobotanists.
The terrane in which these plant remains are found is believed
to cover a considerable interval of geological time, and not to be con-
fined to the Middle Devonian as many have been led to believe from
Sir William’s determination of the flora; it should not be overlooked
that the plant remains determined by Sir J. William Dawson were
collected from about 140 feet of measures of a terrane thousands of
feet in thickness; and, while species of plants like Calamites Suckovit
occur through a thickness of 400 feet or more, there are others that
are confined to special portions of the plant beds; and it is these species
which give character to the flora.
HARTT'S SECTION.
It is somewhat unfortunate for our present purpose of studying
the vertical distribution. of the species of plants in the terrane of the
Little River Group, that Sir William Dawson has not indicated the
special beds at the Fern Ledges, etc., from which came the species that
he has described. This may have been because Professor Hartt
had not marked the specimens which he collected in such a way that
this could be done.
It has thus happened that while the bulk of the flora can be placed
in relation to the beds from which the specimens came, a number of
species, not described nor named at the time that Professor Hartt made
up his list, can only tentatively be assigned to certain beds.
The following table will show the range of the Equisetales in the
beds of the sections at Bay Shore, as far as it is at present known.
It is partly compiled from Professor Hartt’s notes in the: Acadian
Geology, pp. 516 to 523, and partly from the observations of other
collectors who have been to these localities in later years. The three
subfloras which appear to be present are indicated. A higher sub-
flora appears to exist in the Upper Cordaite shales (Murphy’s Point,
etc.), but its plants are poorly preserved and Equisetales are rarer there.
[MATTHEW ] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 101
Distribution of the Equisetales in the Plant Beds at Lancaster (or
Bay) Shore, St. John, including Hartt’s Section:
Dadoxylon
Scans Lower Cordaite Shale
Rane D ony ; || Third
First sub-flora Second sub-flora| br Ho
1
Hart 203°) 4 DT PGNN7ANS IE
19822131) 14 | |
Calamites cannæformis, Schloth......|... ines lita SE a Ce sili: NE DATI
Cc. ——— Suckovii, Brong’t. ........|... Free EEE ES AE Seat x lee tee
C. ——— geniculosus, n.sp........... 5.2) Ga EC ae SE RSA rs) als
C. ——— Cistii, Brong’t, mut........ Mee ta ln IC BA Naess halle
Asterocalamites scorbiculoides, n.sp.|...)...) x |...) x ||x |x |x ee A ea lise
Ramicalamus dumosus,n-gen. &sp:l.-.|xl.°217.1" 2 JL. Tee)
Lepidocalamus scutiger, Dn. sp...... lola nelle: be Fail ER | areal ines Pel APN ns
Weterophyllites longifolius, Sternb:..| x... x || x 0 lex ee
A. fasciculatus, (D. Sp... se cliool se] joel lecoe-6||\oe clas ERIC 0 ER OIIE 4 A 2 S à
A. ——— (?) fissus, n. sp .. .......... Bors beta | fs LR agama eset ei eee ett le aA!
EN lentus, Dawson... ne I SR AR PAS Pete
A. ——— parvulus, Dawson.......... Sem AIRE RAR ra te
A. —— ——— var ................|...l... eI ANS A A AA a PA
Annularia longifolia Brong’t, mut | ow
Baie Maths. do. CN) }. x ee || |:
A. ——— latifolia, Dawson...........)... fete re} Ex A EX CARRE Fel RoE &
A. — — latifolia-minor, n. var..... |e ee x I
A. ——— acicularis, Dawson.........|... Le Sodlecel Xe all Beale: Beslan sels
Polystachia acicularis, n. sp.......... MRC ER CEE eae eee weal eae ellos
PnAUIArA TECHTVA; NSP... 25-6: .-.2-|.>- fet oe Dee | x | eh | À
A. ——— (?) ligata, n. sp .............|... An A | x EE EE so Lee
Sphenophyllum antiquum, Dn.......l... Beard eel EX PGA| ET EU ert ee Ie
WILSON’S SECTION.
Hoping to obtain more exact information as to the location in the
section at Fern Ledges of the species described by Sir William Dawson,
I wrote to Mr. W. J. Wilson who, several years later, had collected at
this locality, for information on this point, and he very kindly responded
with notes anda section made from memory. This section is so strongly
confirmatory of that of Hartt, that I give it with the notes on the
species collected, and Mr. Wilson’s notation of the beds by lettering.
102 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Mr. Wilson’s notes are as follows (see the ground plan herewith
of his section) ;
Sections, b &
WIWilson 774
CF Hartt at- the :
Fern Ledges uy
Lancaster NB 3
Scale-sh feet 6 1 Inch à ‘ |
—=ms € © 8 |
J AN
~~ # — x
SE 2 Ÿ 7 R
d v _6 ss
oF) ne
~a Ne
7 wo _& à
V à
: “ à
~ EN
LS)
-v à vi
ks x 1
4 is :
27714 27708 Bows /
au a ‘ wa” WH wig Yasir tent
i WU My
\
NUL y DNA \
a. Plant Bed a short distance east of Demill’s summer-house and
high up on the,bank. A rather coarse sandy shale containing an
abundance of Asterophyllites (now Annularia). This rock does not
split evenly. It contains beautiful whorls of Annularia, and this
is the only plant remains I remember finding in it, but there may
have been others, as I did not keep a record of the plants from each
bed: [This is Hartts bed No. tiger we |
b. Not far below highwater and east of the summer-house a bed
containing plants similar to those in Hartt’s bed No 1. This bed is
often covered with gravel, which is moved abort in large volume by
the tide, especially in storms. [N.B.—There is a fault east of Hartt’s
section, on the eastern side of which fault the measures have been
moved southward, so that the bed b may be of the same group with
Hartt’s bed No. 1, and so belong to the Lower sub-fauna. G. F. M.]
[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 103
c. This is probably Hartt’s No. 2, and is one of the most prolific
beds in the series. Where I jworked it the shale is of a dark colour
and very fissile and rather soft. It is, or rather, was, worn down to
the level of the beach, but I was able to follow it for twenty or thirty
feet east and west. Sphenopteris marginala is very abundant, also
Neuropteris polymorpha. Besides these which were so common, I
found nearly all the plants mentioned in Harti’s list. I remember
some excellently preserved specimens of Psilophyton glabrum and
Cordaites Robbu.
Then follow some small beds which showed occasionally after heavy
storms, by which some new spot was laid bare, from which I collected
several species, as Neuropleris polymorpha, Cordaites Robbti, the two
Calamites, Sphenopteris marginata, Pinnularia dispalans, Psilophyton
elegans, P. glabrum, Cardiocarpon cornutum, and Sporangites acumin-
ata, and other fruits.
d. About half way down the beach, between high and low water
mark I found a greenish shale which contained a beautiful frond of
Pecopteris. We thought the fern new at the time, but Dr. White
says it has been described; I have forgotten the name of the
species but it is a Pecopteris. The bed is only two or three inches
thick. It is the only place where I found this fern. Megalopteris
Dawsoni is, I think, between c and d, and not far from d.
e. A few feet above the last bed (d), that is down the beach, and
nearer low water, there is a somewhat hard layer containing very large
specimens of Cordaites Robbii in great abundance. This bed also
contains Neuropteris polymorpha, Calamites, sp. and Alethopteris
discrepans.
f. Near low-water mark there are some beds worn to near the
beach level, rather hard and not very fissile, which break somewhat
irregularly, and show slicken-sided surfaces, that contain very good
specimens of Alethopteris, usually a single large leaf.
Of this section Mr. Wilson writes me that he has had to depend on
his memory, as he made no exact record of the species from each bed
when collecting.
On comparing the two sections, Hartt’s and Wilson’s, there seems
no certainty that Mr. Wilson collected from the upper sub-fauna, except
the specimens he may have taken from the bed f; and except the Ale-
thopteris from that bed, the species he cites from his upper beds are
such as have a wide range and are not necessarily of the upper sub-
fauna.
104 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The bed marked g on the plan is inserted in Mr. Wilson’s section,
but he does not name any fossils from it; it probably contains plants
of the middle sub-fauna.
EQUISETALES.
In this article the author has taken up only the plants allied to
the modern horsetails. They present a variety of forms most of
which, like those of the Coal Measures are giants compared with their
modern representatives. The fossils are not all hollow reeds like the
Calamites, but some had solid stems, that were able to resist decay
and compression for a considerable time and hence are found penetrat-
ing several layers of sediment.
The leaves of these plants are found in great abundance in some
layers, sometimes they occur detached, but in other cases are attached
to small branches on which they grew. Occasionally these branches
and the leaves are found attached to the main stem, showing the over-
ground parts of whole plants. The roots also in some cases are found
attached; some of these come under the generic name Pinnularia, and
others present a surface somewhat like the stem of Lepidodendron.
These roots will be taken up in the next article.
The Equisetales of the Little River terrane while they contain
many plants of Carboniferous aspect, have others of a peculiar type,
and their more striking differences, those that seem most primitive,
may be stated as follows :—
1. Plants with solid stems and whorls
of leaves between the nodes....
camer n. gen.
Lepidocalamus, n. gen.
2. Plants with solid stems, whorls of | em
À
hie
leaves only at the nodes....... Asterophyllites.
Sphenophyllum.
Asterocalamites.
Calamites. a
3. Plants (as preserved) with hollow,
channelled stems, leaves in whorls
The several genera show the following distinctions among them-
selves in respect of the whorls of leaves and the stem :—
Ramicalamus, n. gen.— whorls of leaves clustered near the nodes,
leaves persistant.
Lepidocalamus, n. gen.—whorls spread along the stem, those
between the nodes deciduous or caducous.
[MaTTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 105
Annularia—whorls at the nodes, usually flattened to the plane of
ihe stem, possessing an annulus.
Asterophyllites—whorls spreading or ascending, annulus absent.
Sec. 1, the leaves evenly spread around the axis. Sec. 2, leaves in tufts
around the axis.
Sphenophyllum—leaves few, with spaces between at the node (like
the above Sec. 2 of Asterophyllites).
Calamites—stem (as preserved) fistulous, and having ribs alternat-
ing at the nodes.
Asterocalamites—Stem (as preserved) fistulous and having opposite
ribs at the nodes.
The following species of these genera, are described in this article :—
Ramicalamus dumosus, n. sp.
Lepidocalamus scutiger, Dn. sp.
Annularia longifolia Brongt. mut. Leavitti, n. mut. A. latifolia
Dn. and var. minor n. var. A. acicularis, Dn., A. recurva, n. sp. A. (?)
hgata.
Polystachia acicularis, n. sp.
Asterophyllites longifolius, Brngt., A. faciculatus, n. sp; A. (?)
fissus, n. sp., A. lentus, Dn., A. parvulus, Dn.
Sphenophyllum antiquum, Dn.
Calamites connæformis, Schloth., C. Suckovii, Brongt., C. Cistii
Brongt, mut., C. geniculosus n. sp.
Asterocalamites scorbiculoides, n. sp.
DESCRIPTION OF SPECIES. e
CALAMITES Suckovii.
CALAMITES CANNÆFORMIS, Schloth.
Schloth. Petrefactenkunde. p. 398, pl. XX, fig. 1.
Brongt. Hist. d. Végét. Foss, p. 131. pl. XXI.
Dawson, Fossil plants Dev. & U. Sil. Can. p. 26, pl. IV, figs. 47, 48.
Lesq’x, Coal Flora of Penn., p. 24, pl. I, fig. 1.
In the material referred by Sir William Dawson to this species
I find many examples that agree better with Calamites Suckovit. With
his homotype figured in Fossil Plants of the Devonian and Upper Silu-
rian of Canada) may be included such of the wide-ribbed stems as do
not show the plano-convex ribs of C. Suchovu.
106 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The following is the diagnosis of this species given by Lesquereux :—
Stems large; articulations variable in distance; furrows broad ob-
tuse, sometimes marked in the middle by a sharp thin line; ribs convex
wedge-form and alternately joined at the articulations; scars of leaves
distinct, obsolete or absent.
Lesquereux says that “the species is much like C. Suckovi and
separated from it by rather indefinite characters. The ribs are larger,
more distinctly convex, wedge-form and alternately connivent at the
articulations; the furrows broader, more obtusely carinate. The ribs
are generally broader, more flattened toward the obconical base of the
stems, sometimes bearing distinct, round tubercles.”
Of this species R. Kidston says:—‘‘A very unsatisfactorily defined
species, and in many cases it is extremely difficult to decide whether
certain specimens should be referred to Calamites Suckovi or C. can-
neformis.”
The following are measurements of the examples from the Little
River group that come nearest to C. canneformis:
posais Length | Width | Length |No.ofribs
Honzon mm | mm REA invlem:
F.L.* — Dawson’s homotype as figured.. 135 65+ 7-35 24-3
‘© | Bed 2Stem with broad rounded ribs.. 100 80 6-35 4
ce », — “e 66 «6 «6 ce + f] 70 4 4
|
*“F.[L.”—Fern Ledges at ‘ Bay Shore,” Lancaster, St. John county, N.B.
Tie width of the ribs in the second and third examples is that
found in C. Suckovii, and it is possible that the first only should be
referred to C. canneformis.
CaLAMITES SucKovit, Brongt., Plate I, Fig. 4.
Brong’t, Hist. Végét., p. 124, pl. XIV, fig. 6. &c.
Lesq’x, Coal Flora of Penn., p. 20, pl. I, figs. 3, 4.
D. White, Flora Low. Coal Meas. of Missouri, p. 146.
Many stems of Calamites of the Little River Group agree more
nearly with this species than with C. canneformis.
Of this species (including C. canneformis) Sir William says, “I
cannot find any characters separating it from specimens found in the
Carboniferous. It was a true Calamites, and several of my specimens
\
[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 107
show the scars of the branches [leaves?] at the top of the ribs. I
have also specimens showing the base of the stem, terminating in an
oblique point exactly as in the Carboniferous species and showing that
these plants grew in groups or stools in the manner of ordinary Cala-
mites of the Coal Measures.”
The following is the diagnosis of this species:—Stems generally
broader than the space between the articulations (internodes) ; ribs
half-round or plano-convex, obtuse at the articulations, furrows narrow,
obtusely carinate; tubercles or impressions of the bases of the leaves
more or less distinctly oval.
Of this species Lesquereux says, “The stems average seven to
twelve centimetres in thickness, when not flattened. The epidermis
is very thin, smooth, and the bark also thin, the ribs distinct, the arti-
culations somewhat variable, close toward the base. When decorticated,
the under surface, distinctly ribbed, is narrowly striate lengthwise, more
obscurely so on the outside surface.
“This most common species of our coal is generally represented
in flattened fragments in the shale overlaying the coal, but always in
cylindrical sections of stems in the sandstones.
“The tubercles are mostly oval, but also sometimes round, half-
globular, smooth, placed at the top of the ribs, rarely at their base.”
Having found numerous examples of this species among the
material from the strata of the Little River group, and knowing its
very wide range, geologically, extending as it does to the summit of
the Paleozoic formations, it appeared desirable to give the species a
closer study than that given to other species of the genus found in the
Devonian rocks, especially in comparing it with Coal Measure types,
more especially to see how far the length of the joints and the width
of the ribs could be depended on for diagnosis.
Five examples from the Joggin’s Mine in Nova Scotia, one upright
and round, from the sandstones, and one flattened, from the shales
presented the following characters: In the one from the sandstone
the base is unusually obtuse and the top is absent, having decayed away,
or been broken off at a height of fourteen inches from the base. In
this height there are thirteen joints, all with well defined cicatrices of
leaf bases, (or roots) showing there was a whorl of such appendages at
each node. For one-quarter of the length from the base the joints
increase rapidly in length, but for the remainder of the stem do not
change more than a few millimetres in length from joint to joint. The
section of the stem is oval owing to lateral compression, and the width
of the ribs corresponds to this being a fifth narrower on the more con-
vex quarter. The width of the ribs is that which we find in many
108 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
examples of the stems of this species, being three to a centimetre near
the base, and four to a centimetre on the rest of the stem. The fol-
lowing figures show the relation of the width of rib to the position
on the stem.
Length of internodes in mm...... 4 5 8 10 16 26 30 36 40) 40 41 41° 45
Number of ribs tol centimetre.... 3h 3h 34 34 3h m4 # 4 4h 44 5 5 5
The long diameter of the stem is 50 mm.
A flattened example of the same width as the above from this mine
has a much stronger curve from the base where it is more acutely pointed
than the preceding example.
Length of internodes in mm..... 3 7 10 14 20 23 28 32 26 40 50 50
Number of ribs tolcentimetre.... 10 64 5 4 4 4 84 44 44 44 56 5%
The basal joints in the stem are more elongated than in the
former, which perhaps may account for the more numerous ribs there.
In the upper part of both stems the elongation of the joint is accom-
panied by a slight narrowing of the ribs.
Sculpture.—The surface of the epidermis in this species is very
finely striated longitudinally; these striæ nearly abut against the lower
side of the leaf scars, which are large and oval, or round, and are placed
at the upper ends of the ribs; but the striæ draw together and unite
above the leaf scar, becoming more prominent; on the surface of each
rib there are about thirty of these fine striæ.
The stem is also marked with fine longitudinal striæ beneath the
bark, but less distinctly than on the surface of the latter. In this it
differs from Asterocalamites and Calamodendron in which the striation
and ribbing are strongest on the inside of the ligneous cylinder.
The following are dimensions of examples of C. Suckovii from the
Little River group :— ;
o Leugth
Honor Length | Breadth | of inter- | Number
Rocalit in mm. | in mm. nodes Les
ÿ in mm. i
HE Homotypes in Nat. Hist.
Lower Soc. coll’n, under the 150 135 50 3-4
Cordaite name of C. canne-
MOTS A ETES 65 55 re 3-3}
Murphy’s Pt., \ |Highest sub-flora of Little
Up. Cordait) River STOUp eee eee ee } 170 50+ 70 4
F, L., Lower) Second sub-flora of At) 45 3h
Cordaïte .../i|) Univer eroupeen a) CRE poe pies
Dadoxylon First b-fl ft Littl
Sandstone, Ri SBT 0 : a 70 50+ Marae 34
Duck Cove lver group eile te yolleuelnl siete stale
[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 109
The length of the nodes in these specimens indicate that they came
from the main part of the stem, but it will be seen that Coal Measure
examples with a similar length of node had ribs considerably narrower.
Whether this was accompanied by other differences of foliage, ete., we
do not know, but so far as the relief of the ribs is concerned, and the
arrangement of the ribs and furrows, the plan of structure of these
stems, so widely different in age, is similar.
CALAMITES GENICULOSUS, n sp. Plate II, Fig 5, and Plate VIII, Fig. 1.
A species with short internodes and thin epidermis, and showing
put weak vascular support. A stem 52 mm. wide has internodes 32
mm. apart; the decorticated stem shows six or seven ribs in the space
of a centimetre; these ribs apparently are alternate; the diaphragms
are weak, and the scars of the leaf bases inconspicuous.
Leaves long, narrow, rigid, erect, dichotomous at intervals; they
are from one to one and a half mm. wide and 70 mm, or more in length,
branching at an acute angle; the outer leafing branches are more divided
than those next the main stem.
A portion of a young stem shows more frequent nodes than that
above described, and is probably from near the root. The nodes are
§ to 12 mm. apart, and have alternate ribs of which about seven fall in
the space of a centimetre. A dichotomizing branch from this young
stem is 70 mm. long and has five nodes in that distance. The branch
is erect and grew at an acute angle from the stem, the leaves extend-
ing mostly on the side away from the main stem; they are erect, are
about 1 mm. wide and 30 mm. long; the nodes whence they spring or
bifurcate are 2 mm. wide; the dichotomy is sub-regular, several leaves
forking at an equal distance from the branch.
Sculpture. The stem is smooth when not decorticated, but when
deprived of the bark is seen to be minutely striated lengthwise on the
ribs.
In a comparison of this species with Calamites approximatus impor-
tant differences appear; the nodes are closer and the vascular bundles
weaker; also the bark is quite thin and the ribs are much narrower.
The dichotomous leaves recall those of Asterocalamites scorbiculatus,
but the leaves of that species as shown by Stur’s figure! are flexuous,
whereas these are stiff and erect.
Horizon and Locality, Lower Cordaite shale, Fern Ledges, Lancaster.
Special bed not noted.
1 Zittel’s Paleontology, Vol. III (Plants) p. 171, fig. 133.
>
bd LIBR: RYYS
/
| am
110 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The following is a tabulated showing of the dimensions of this
species :—
Horizon | Inter- | Number
an Length rad nodes lof ribs to
Locality ip Tare. |), RO | im mm | lcentim
Lower Cor-|Author’s cabinet, Pl. II., fig. 5 145 55 32 6-7
daite shale
at the fe ela Vile ol 50 16+ 8-12 6-7
Fern Ledges, Collection of the Natural
Lancaster..| History Society........... 35 30 î 5
CALAMITES Cisti1, Brong. mut. Plate III, Figs. 1 and 2.
Brongt, Hist. d. Végét. Foss. p. 129, pl. XX.
ra
Lesq’x, Coal Flora of Penn. p. 27, pl. I, fig. 6.
D. White, Flora Low. Coal Meas. Missouri. p. 149.
The following are the character of the species Calamites Cistu,
Brongt. as given by Leo Lesquereux :—
Articulations about equally distant, except toward the base; ribs
narrow, half round, with obtuse striate furrows; tubercles generally
absent or small, round, indistinct.
He adds, “the species is easily recognized by its regular narrow
ribs, either convex or half round, the length of the internodes greater
than in C. Suckovii, and the general absence of leaf tubercles. The
stems are generally of small size, at least never as large as the distance
between the articulations.”
Among the common species of Calamites in the Little River strata
is one which Sir William Dawson has not separated from Asterocalamites
scorbiculoides (Calamites transitionis of Sir William’s essays), but which
on account of the alternate ribs and their narrowness is evidently dis-
tinct from that species. It has the following characters :—
Stems with long joints and close narrow ribs, and generally obscure
leaf scars. The internodes are usuaily twice as long as the width of
the stem. The stem ts smooth when not marked by the impression of
the vascular bundles within; elsewhere it rises in rounded ribs resem-
bling those of Asterocalamites scorbiculoides in form and striation, but
the ribs are much narrower than in that species and are marked by
about two wregular longitudinal striations.
[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 111
The following table gives the dimensions of several examples of
this mutation :—
= Length
: Length | Width A Number
SpA sol en of stem COR of nodes
m. | in mm. mere in 1 cm.
FernLedges, Bed7|C. Cistii, mut........... 120 45 85 10-11
sf re ARE “GF TAO OL site 130 30 70 12
ss “© N.H.S.|Coll’n,as‘‘C.transitionis”| . 90 35 bee 10
‘6 oe os “ec “ee 70 37 a fay 9
pe \|(C. Cistii, mut, short ~
Duck Cove...... | ES BINT ae. LE) 140 65 47 10
Dadoxylon Sand | us mut, JPA) 1100 11 37 10
For comparison with this ancient mutation of C. Cistii, one may
present the characters of typical examples of this species from the
coal measures of Joggins, N.S., also having long internodes and narrow
ribs. They have the following characters:—The epidermis is thin and
in this flattened stem the ribs show quite distinctly, though less
markedly than in decorticated examples. The ribs are alternate, the
furrows shallow, and the leaf scars inconspicuous; these scars are
small, oval and placed on the sides of the ribs or between the ribs,
and thus are likely to be overlooked; thus a scar frequently comes
opposite the rib of the next node. A flattened stem 53 mm. wide
has the following proportions in its parts :——
Rensbhlofünternodes si TM eet ele he oii =) ors e's = 70 74 74 7
9
INUmMber of ribssto di centimetres: se 60 oes. | 6 eeiele + 94 9
The epidermis in this species is thin and is more obscurely and
more irregularly striate than in C. Suckovii, and its surface is less
brilliant; there are about twelve of these minute striæ to a rib, and
where they approach the leaf-scars their course does not change much,
nor do they show the strong wrinkles, concentric to the leaf scar, seen
on the surface of the stems of C. Suckovit. C. Cistii is striated on
the surface of the mould, but less distinctly than on the outer surface
of the bark.
A flattened stem from the same bed of shale (over the Main seam
al Joggins mine Coal Measures) has the following dimensions :—
Length of internodes in mm................ . 33 32 30 30 30
9 8
Number of ribs tol centimetre..... .......... 10 9 8
112 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANAD@
The position of the leaf scars, and their form, as well as the
alternation of the ribs in the mutation of C. Cistü from the Little River
group agrees with these typical forms from the Coal Measures of the
Joggins, and the epidermis is similarly striate, although the proportion
in the length of the internodes and the width of the stem are those of
C. Suckovit.
Though we should give in this way a wide range of variation to
the characters of C. Cistii there still remains in the Devonian mutation
a marked difference in the width of the ribs as will be seen by com-
paring the dimensions of the Coal Measure with the Devonian forms,
the ribs of the latter being narrower.
ASTEROCALAMITES, Schimper.
I use the above generic name for the plants of the Little River
group which Sir William Dawson has described under the name Cala-
mites transitionis, Goepp.
Mr. Robert Kidston has traced the synonymy of this type through
Archæocalamites, Stur, and Bornia, as used by Lesquereux. He has
adopted Asterocalamites given by Schimper in 1862. The specific
name of the European species was given by Schlotheim in 1822-23.
ASTEROCALAMITES SCORBICULOIDES, n. sp. Plate I, Fig. 1.
The distinction between this species and A. scorbiculatus is chiefly
in the leaves. Lesquereux’s description of Bornia radiata (A. scorbi-
culoides?) is as follows :—
Stem cylindrical, articulate and furrowed as in Calamites ; articu-
lations scarcely contracted; ribs cut square or obtuse at the articulations;
continuous, not alternating, thinly striate; cortical cylinder thick; leaves
verticillate, free, linear lanceolate.
Lesquereux has numerous specimens from the sub-conglomerate of
Alabama (Carboniferous) five to eight centimeters in diameter; “ the
ribs seem very variable in width--one to three millimetres.” He says,
“the articulations are generally very narrow, cutting across the ribs,
which are thus continuous, parallel and without deviation. In some
rare cases the articulations are slightly contracted.”
Schimper’s description of the European species Archæocalamites
radiatus, Brgt.1 is as follows:— Stem erect arising from an arched base,
rooting, having a width of 2 to 10 cm., more or less elongated in the
joints, having the grooves continuous across the articulations, mould
1Zittel’s Paleontology vol. III (Plants) p. 171.
[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 113
finely striated, branches not numerous; leaves long, several times bifur-
cated, with slender segments, almost filiform, arched; fructification in
spikes, groups (?) of fertile verticiles alternating with foliar verticiles ;
sporangiphores enlarged to a shield (?) on which are inserted 4 (?)
sporanges; structure of the stem unknown.”
“ What is known of Archæocalamites does not enable us to fix its
systematic position. So far there is only one species of the genus.”
Stem.— There is nothing in Lesquereux’s diagnosis (of Bornia
radiata) that will separate the Canadian forms from his species, but
we find no such variability in the width of the ribs as he described;
this will appear from the following table showing the dimensions of
stems collected from the Little River terrane :—
Horizon and | Length | Width | ae aes
Locality aime) Animes hen oe ey ot ee
| in mm. |lcentim.
Figured by Dawson
Fern Ledges..... | Fossil Plant Dev. & 150 65 105 ? a
Heke hy SUR mettre ct rer
Fern Ledges..... \N at. His. Society Coll’n... 130 | 25 100 7
“Bed 2 Author’s cabinet, Pl. 1,). | |
eBay Tek eR dy | i ae as eee COPRES 8
4 + MO lAUGHONSICADINECL..-- 1... | 110 | 37 ? 64
ee Bed 77 Li" CO! Ne ES 180" 057 atu) 60 6
a ye ‘“ Author’s cabinet, perhaps |
CAOISGI RME. 1100 34 70 9
ra “Bed 2 Author'scabinet,perhaps
| C. Cistii, alternate nn) 80 | eles f bi
| |
|
There is here very little variation in the width of the ribs in the
first five examples though the width of the stem and the length of the
internodes vary considerably. But none of these show the base of the
stem, where, perhaps, the ribs were wider, nor the ultimate shoots where
the ribs may have been narrower.
As will be seen the internodes in this species were long, varying
from a half longer to four times longer than the width of the stem,
114 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
and the nodes sometimes obscurely marked in the flattened stems, and
difficult to distinguish because the ribs run continuously from node to
node.
Sculpture.— Typical examples of this species have about 6 or 7
ribs in the space of one centimetre; but there are examples with wider
ribs, and others narrower; in these, however, the ribs may be alternate,
the wider examples may be poorly preserved stems of C. Suckovü, and
the narrower of C. Cistu.
The outer surface of the skin may be smooth in uncompressed speci-
mens, but all that we have are flattened and carry minute longitudinal
striations; this is more clearly seen on the interior of the bark where
the vascular bundles of the skeleton of support are impressed; there
are about fifteen or twenty of these minute striæ on each rib, and the
‘number of the striæ and the elevation above the surface is irregular.
The leaves of these plants from the Little River terrane resemble
those of Asterophyllites longissimus described further on. These long,
straight and rigid leaves are quite different’ from the bifurcating, flex-
uous leaves described hy Stur and Schimper as characteristic of the
European species Archwocalamites radiatus (== Asterocalamites scor-
biculatus) hence it has been thought better to distinguish these old
stems as A. scorbiculoides. Since Lesquereux has found that similar
straight leaves belong to the form from Pennsylvania which he has
referred to Bornia radiata it seems possible that this may be the species
A. scorbiculoides, but of a later age. The fossil from Little River
beds which resembles the branch which Lesquereux has referred doubt-
fully to Bornia radiata’ has a much slenderer stem than Asterophyllites
longissimus, which, as I have mentioned above, appears to be the leafing
portion of a species like A. scorbiculoides. As I have not found this
object in actual connection with A. scorbiculoides, however, I do not
feel justified in uniting it with that species.
The irregular ribbing of Asterocalamites and the straight-across
furrow, as well as a tendency to be contracted at the nodes, would seem
to show a relationship to Calamodendron.
RAMICALAMUS n. gen.
This form is one of those comprehensive types like Arthrostigma ?
found in the early Paleozoic floras that combine the characters of several
of the later genera.
1 Coal Flora, Penn., Vol. III., pl. XCIIL., fig. 2.
2Fossil plants of the Devonian and U. Silurian of Canada, p. 41.
[MATTHEW ] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 115
It was a branching plant of rapid growth that flourished in wet
sand, and has been found chiefly in the lower part of the Little River
group (Dadoxylon sandstone), but also at the top of the Cordaite shales.
Stem freely branching, often in a distichous manner, solid near
the base (fistulous in the upper branches?) irregularly and intermit-
tently ribbed lengthwise ; branches jointed at intervals and bearing at
the joints one or several whorls of long tapering rigid leaves, usually
two or three times as long as the internodes.
There is a sheath or annulus at the base of one row of the leaves.
Fructification unknown. k
This form differs from Asterophyllites in the presence of several
whorls of leaves at a node and in having an annulus. From Annu-
laria it differs in not having the whorls of leaves flattened to the plane
of the stem and in the enlarged and solid nodes. From Calamites
in the absence of a regular ribbing on the stem and in having a solid
axis. From Arthrostigma in the regular and more distant nodes and
the absence of leaves from the internodes. The plant shows an analogy
to Equisetum in the possession of a sheath or annulus to the upper
whorl (when there is more than one whorl) this upper whorl may be
compared to the sheath in Equisetum.
RAMICALAMUS DUMOSUS n. sp. Plate VIII, Figs. 2, 3, 4 and 5.
STEM.— The main stem is an inch or more in width and branches
freely in the lower part; it there throws off strong branches at a wide
angle — branches which sometimes are as large as the main stem. The
opposite branches occur at nodes which are enlarged and more woody
than the internodes. These bear long, rigid leaves of varying density
and size; the stouter ones are sometimes two or three times as long
as the internodes; there are sometimes two or three whorls of leaves
at an internode, and in such case the upper whorl has an annulus or
membrane connecting the leaves about as wide as the diameter of the
stem; this membrane is continued up on the sides of the leaves so
that they are winged for about an inch from the base.
LEAVES.— The principal leaves are from 3 to 5 mm. wide at the
base, 10 to 20 cm. long and taper graduaily to a point. The mature
leaf was thick and round, or channelled on the upper side; this leaf
when flattened had two or three irregularly raised intermittent longi-
tudinal ridges, which are wanting in the broader flattened part of the
leaf near the base; a mid-rib is seldom seen, though some thin, flat
leaves on the lower whorls of an internode may have a shining vascular
Sec 1100608
116 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
line along the middle. When there are several whoris of leaves at an
internode the outer (lower) leaves are narrow (1 to 14 mm. wide)
and thin, and leave but a faint impression on the stone; these leaves are
about 9 cm. long and are somewhat concave on the upper side.
ANNULUS.— A distinct annulus or sheath is found at the upper
whorl of leaves of a node; the leaves pass through this membrane (1.¢.,
are outlined against its thinner substance). The annulus is about
three times the width of the stem at the upper branches of the plant,
and no annulus has been observed on the lower whorls of an internode
where more than one whorl! is present.
Root ?.—An elongated undulating band of a root or rhizome occurs
in the sandstone beds where Ramicalamus is found which pushed ats
growth through the sand where this plant was imbedded; it is, perhaps,
the root or rhizome of this species; apparently only one side was pre-
served, the other may have been more perishable. It has obscure, low,
ianceolate areoles on ils surface that resemble the bolsters of a badly
preserved Lepidodendron. These rhizomes has a length of fifteen centi-
metres or more, and a width of one and a half centimetres.
Examples of what appear to be the upper branches of this plant
resemble Asterophyllites rigidus Gein., but the leaves are more elon- .
gate; in this part of the plant the leaves are less spreading than in
the lower whorls, and they are more rigid; the longest leaf (though
the full length. is not shown) is 7 em. long, and is heavily channelled
for a part of its length; the flattened stem is 3-4 mm. wide; it js
striate lengthwise with about nine grooves; the nodes are about 35
mm. apart, and there is a whorl of about 12 leaves at each node, spread-
ing upward at an acute angle.
Horizon and Locality—This species was collected from the Dadoxy-
lon sandstone at Duck Cove, Lancaster, N.B., about two hundred feet
below the summit of the Dadoxylon sandstone by Mr. Wm. McIntosh.
The specimens described above as probably the upper branches of this
species were collected from Bed No. 1 of Hartt’s section at the Fern.
Ledges by Mr. Geoffrey Stead. Both are, therefore, from the Dadoxy- —
lon sandstone. The species occurs also in the higher beds of the
Upper Cordaite shales, in sandstone layers, at Murphy’s Point, on the
east side of St. John Harbour.
[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 117
LEPIDOCALAMUS, n. gen.
In his Acadian Geology Sir Wm. Dawson figured and described
a peculiar plant from the Devonian rocks at St. John which he referred
doubtfully to the genus Calamites and which, in his later work on
the Fossil Plants of the Devonian and Upper Silurian formations of
Canada, he included in the species described under Asterophyllites.
Doubtless he saw the radical differences between this plant and the true
Calamites in the structure of the stem and the nature of the leaves.
But the objections to classing it with Asterophyllites of Brongniart are
almost equally strong as those which separate it from Calamites, while
from Annularia of the same author (into which many of the species
of Asterophyllites described by Sir William will fall) there are equally
notable departures. It appears to the author that these objections are
best satisfied by the use of a separate generic name as above.
Stems solid, but not of dense substance. Simple, round, reed-like
with enlarged and denser nodes at intervals. Several weak bundles of
vascular tissue, irregularly disposed.
The leaves are in whorls and are of two kinds, one (which may be
bracts) oval and bluntly pointed; the other broad ovate, convex and
attached to the enlarged nodes; these are supposed to be of the nature
of fruit scales or pods; the narrower oval leaves are often wanting on
old parts of the stems and may have been deciduous, the former are
more persistent. The root was elongated, succulent.
This genus differs from Asterophyllites, Brongt. in having no leafy
branches and in having a prominent enlargement of the node. From
Annularia, Brgt. it differs in its short curved leaves and in having no
strong middle nerve to the leaf. From Calamocladus, Schemp. it differs
in the absence of branches to the main stem, also the leaves of the
verticles are few, and not straight nor linear. It may be compared
with Paleostachya, Weiss, if it be regarded as an extended spike having
several leafing whorls alternating with one fruiting whorl.
LEPIDOCALAMUS SCcUTIGER, Dawson. Plate IV, Figs. 1 to 9.
Dawson, Asterophyllites (?) scutigera, Dn. Acad. Geol. p. 539, Fig. 187 C.
Dawson, Asterophyllites scutigera. Foss. plants, Dev. & U. Sil. Can. p. 29,
Die 62058, 99!
_ Dawson’s original description of the species is as follows :— Stem
simple elongated, attaining a diameter of ha'f an inch, obscurely stri-
ated; bearing on the nodes whorls of round or oval scales, or flattened
nutlets, which at the end of the stem are crowded into a sort of spike,
while on other parts of the stem the nodes are sometimes an inch apart.
118 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
“This is a plant of uncertain nature which I place only conjectur-
ally in this genus [ Asterophyllites]. The stems which are very long
may have been horizontal or immersed, and the apparent scales may
either have constituted a kind of sheath as in A. coronata, Unger, or
may have been seeds or nutlets, flattened like the rest of the plant.
Near some of the specimens are fragments of linear leaves which may
have belonged to this plant, though I have not found them attached.
When flattened obliquely the stems appear as rows of circular marks,
which represent the harder tissues of the nodes, and have a very singular
appearance.
“This plant, though found with the preceding [Annularia lati-
folia Dn.], does not occur in the layers which contain other plants,
and this may, perhaps, mark a difference of habitat.”
In his Fossil Plants of the Devonian and Upper Silurian formations
of Canada, Sir William adds that the plant may have been a sheathed
species like Unger’s A. coronala, deprived of its leaves, or a semi-aquatic
stem, bearing scales instead of branches at the nodes. He further
remarks that the singular species of Pinnularia, P. nodosa, is found
in the same beds and may have been connected with this plant. He also
figures a shoot with whorls of leaves, as occurring with this species.
Stem.—There is much to support Sir William’s view that this
plant was semi-aquatic. JI have not found examples like that figured
in the Acadian Geology with six strong ribs to the stem; this would
imply a cylinder of strong vascular fibres surrounding the soft interior
of the stem as in Calamites, but the skeleton of support seems very
weak and made little impression on the mould of the fossil even when
flattened. A stout support of this kind would not be necessary in a
submerged stem.
Nodes.—It is, perhaps, the weakness of the vascular bundles of the
internodes and the comparative density of the nodal structures that
make the latter stand out prominently, and be preserved in the sand-
stone layers, when the structures of the internodes have perished. Often
a series of greyish circular or oval marks on the surface of the sand-
stone layer is all that remains to mark the former presence of stems
of this species.
Internodes.— There is much variation in the length of these accord-
ing to the part of the plant preserved; this varies from half of the
width of the node near the hase of the stem to three times the width
in the example figured by Sir William Dawson. |
Young shoots.— The author cited has figured two examples of the
young shoots of this species, one in Acadian Geology, the other in his
work on the Fossil Plants of the Devonian, etc., of Canada; in both
[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 119
the leaves are longer and looser than those of the young shoots which
have come under my observation. The leaves are in whorls of about
six in the young shoots.
Terminal spike.—- A structure which Sir William did not have,
but which apparently belongs to this species; it is an oval cone or spike
covered with closely applied short bracts, convex, outward; this may
be compared to the conical spike on the apex of the stem of Annularia
latifolia Dn. as figured in Acadian Geology, page 538.
Habitat.—This plant, with its leaves, has been found in Bed No. 2
of Hartt’s section in addition to Bed No. 1; the defoliated stem figured
by him is evidently from the intermediate sandstones, where such
specimens are not infrequent; it seems probable that the mascerated
stems are drifted portions of the plant; the leaf-bearing fragments are
from the Shale Bed No. 2.
Horizon and Locality.-— Sir William appears to have known this
plant from Hartt’s Bed No. 1; it, however, is not confined to that bed,
and, indeed, is more common in the beds above; it is not infrequent
in the sandstones that come between this bed and Bed No. 2; it thus
forms one of the connecting links between the first and second sub-
floras of the Little River group.
VARIETY.
While a soft, succulent stem is the usual condition of examples of
these nodose stems, occasional more slender stems are to be met with
in the sandy shale of Bed No. 1, which have a good support of vascular
tissue. The nodes in these appear to be of two kinds, one of which
seems to bear narrow rigid leaves, but the other is surrounded by a
ring of nodules or capsules; from the way in which they are crushed
in in the shale they would seem to have had a soft centre, or to have
been hollow. There are about six or eight of these capsules or spo-
rangia in the ring around the node. The barren node has a ring of
pointed bracts, not much longer than the sporangia of the fertile nodes.
The stem is considerably enlarged at the fertile nodes, and, except for
the enlarged nodes might be mistaken for the stems of the Annularias
among which it is embedded.
This plant differs from the genus Asterophyllites in the presence
of short bracts or capsules in place of lông leaves.
Horizon and Locality.— From Bed No. 1 of Hartt’s section, scarce.
120 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
ASTEROPHYLLITES Brongniart.
In this genus the writer has retained such species described by
Sir Wm. Dawson: as do not fall under Lepidocalamus or Annularia. By
some authors a number of these would be included in Calamocladus,
a genus established by Schimper to include branches of Calamites;
the others would fall under Asterophyllum of Schimper. He distin-
guishes this genus from the former by its having three as the funda-
mental number of leaves in a whorl, as in Sphenophyllum, by the
absence of a diaphragmatic ring, and by the vascular hardening of the
nodes. These distinctions are difficult to apply in the case of the
plant remains from the Little River group owing to their broken con-
dition and defective preservation, and it has not been attempted here;
Asterophyllites has been retained for both groups of species.
ASTEROPHYLLITES LONGIFOLIUS, Sternb. Plate I, Fig. 3.
Sternb. Brukmannia longifolia, Versuch, vol. 1, p. xxix, fac. 4 pl. Iviii,
ieee aly
Daws. Asterophyllites longifolia, Acad. Geol, p. 539.
Lesq’x. Asterophyllites longifolius, Coal Flora of Penn. p. 36.
Branches generally small, with distinct articulations, distinctly stri-
ate; leaves numerous, very long, open, linear, flat, flexuous.
Lesquereux says that the leaves of this species vary from three to
ten centimetres in length, averaging seven or eight. ‘They are very
narrow, scarcely one millimetre broad, flat, rather flexuous than rigid,
median nerve distinct.
There may be some question as to the reference of the examples
from the Little River group to this species, Sir William, although he
mentions the species in his Acadian Geology, omits it from the final
summing up of the Devonian flora’; perhaps he had found reason to
place it elsewhere [as leaves of Calamites transitionis ?] ¢
The leaves of the plant which we have referred to A. longifolius,
Brongt., are numerous at the whorls, and, as they are somewhat flexuous,
they cross each other on the layers of shale, but I have found no certain
proof that they are dichotomous. The branch which Lesquereux figures
in the Coal Flora of Pennsylvania ? expresses the simplicity of the leaf,
and a similar absence of dichotomy holds for examples from the strata
of the Little River group.
1 Fossil Plants of the Devonian and U. Silurian, p. 85.
2S Vols Cee ae Clee nome.
[MATTHEW ] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 121
Horizon and Locality.— Veaves of this species are common at sev-
eral horizons in the plant beds; often (as when much flexed and
crossed) they are not distinguishable from those on A.? fissus n. sp.,
and A. fasciculatus n. sp.
ASTEROPHYLLITES FASCICULATUS n. sp. Plate I, Fig. 2.
Stem striate, 6 mm. or less in diameter, internodes 30 mm. long,
nodes obscure. Leaves in fascicles at the nodes, 5 or more in a fascicle,
long linear sub-rigid, width less than 1 mm., length 50 mm., or more.
This species is not separable by its leaves from A. longifolia, but
when found in connection with the stem the different mode of
insertion at once distinguishes them; also the nodes are different, the
nodes in this species being very inconspicuous.
Locality and Horizon. From the shale of Bed 7 or 8 of Hartt’s
section at Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B.
ASTEROPHYLLITES (?) Fissus n. sp. Plate VI, Figs. 4, 5 (and 6?).
This species has long slender sub-rigid leaves like the preceding
species (A. longifolia), but the method of branching distinguishes it.
Stem irregularly striate lengthwise, and the nodes at long intervals
(60 mm. in a stem 6 mm. wide).
The leaves are from a half to one mm. wide; they are 3 (some-
limes 2) cleft, divisions near the stem or distant from it. The com-
pound leaves throw off branches on each side of pseudonodes; at these
points the leaf branches in a ternate manner, but without a true node,
as the vascular bundles extend directly from the rachis of the leaf into
its subdivisions.
The rachis is flat and broader than the sub-divisions, the ultimate
branches being long and slender, with a diameter of one to one and a half
millimetres; they are % to 8 centimetres long, are rather thick and
have a channel or nerve on the upper side.
The nervation and branching thus approaches that of the frond in
ferns, but the branches are not alternate, unless some cases of dicho-
tomy may represent the alternate method of division.
What appears to be a terminal shoot or fruiting spike of this
species, is occasionally found; this has close nodes and strap-like nerved
leaves, which grew in whorls, with six or seven leaves to a whorl. The
nodes are about 7 mm. apart, the leaves are about 2 mm. wide and
354 mm. long; they are distinctly 2 to 3 nerved, and have numerous
longitudinal striæ on the intervening ridges of the leaf. The ultimate
122 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
ends of the leaves or bracts of this spike are not certainly known, but
no appearance of branching was observed.
A portion of a whorl of what may be a young stem of this species
shows three forked leaves, narrow and approximating at their base, they
are otherwise like the elongated leaves of this species.
The depressed nodes in some examples of this species cause them
to resemble branches of Annularia, but I could see no annulus or ring
at the base of the leaves.
Horizon and Locality.—This species occurs in a shale which has
the texture of that of Beds 7 and 8 of Hartt’s section.
ASTEROPHYLLITES LENTUS, Dn. Plate V, Figs. 5, 6, 7.
1868 Asterophyllites laxa, Acad. Geol., p. 539.
1871 Asterophyllites lenta, Fossil plants of Dev. etc., p. 29, pl 5, fig 60.
Dawson's diagnosis is as follows :—
Stem slender, feebie, delicately striate. Leaves long, linear, one
nerved, in whorls of about ten.
“This species is founded on a few specimens in Professor Hartt’s
collections. It is quite distinct in form and habit from any of the
others.” *
The type specimens of this species do not show more than seven or
eight leaves in a whorl, and they are mostly erect and ascending; they
possess a faint mid-rib, and when preserved in their full length the
point is acuminate.
Professor Hartt reported A. longifolia (which to him included this
species from Bed No. 2 and doubtfully from Bed No. 1. The texture
of the shale in which A. lenta is preserved is that of Bed 2.
The absence of an annulus and the obscurity of the mid-rib would
seem to indicate that this species should be retained in Asterophyllites.
Horizon and Locality.— From Bed 2, Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B.
ASTEROPHYLLITES PARVULUS, Dn. Plate VI, Figs. 1, 2.
Dawson, Asterophyllites parvula, Acad. Geol, p. 539, Fig. 188A.
Dawson, Asterophyllites parvula, Foss. Plants, Dev. U. Sil. Can., p. 27.
Dawson’s description of this species is as follows:—
Branches slender, leaves 5 to 6 in a whorl, subulate curving up-
wards half a line to a line long (1-24 mm.). Internodes equal to the
2 This is the species which Sir William in his Acadian Geology described
as A. lara. In the specimens returned to the Natural History Society by him
it is included under A. longifolia, but the type of A. laxa@ is easily recognized
among these by the figure given in Fossil Plants of the Devonian and U. Silu-
rian of Canada, Plate V. fig. 60.
Ee ee
Neen ee SE — Eee
[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 123
length of the leaves or less, stems ribbed, with scars of verticillate
branches at the nodes.
The attitude of the leaves, the close joints and the stoutness of
the rachis in the smaller branches of this plant, would lead one to
suspect it might be a Palæostachya, but though carefully looked for,
no sporangia were found in the axils. The branching of these little
stems is frequent and there seem to be only 4 to 6 leaves on them at
a node. In the larger branches there are eight leaves in a whorl and
these are longer and the nodes further apart than in the more numerous
small whorls; these leaves and whorls are each about 4 mm. long.
Horizon and Locality.—From the horizon of Bed 1. Barrack Point.
St. John.
This species was originally collected by the author from a black
carbonaceous shale at the south end of the city of St. John at the top
of the Dadoxylon sandstone, and would be at about the horizon of
Hartts Plant Bed No. 1 at Fern Ledges. Sir William stated that he
found it in material from Carleton (probably from Hartts Bed No. 2,
where the author also collected a closely allied, but not the typical
form).
Mr. Geoffrey Stead collected from this bed good examples of this
allied form, which may be described as follows :—
var. Plate VI, Fig. 3-
Stem slender branched, about 4 mm. across; internodes 4-5 mm.
long, leaves 4 mm. long, linear lanceolate, subulate, radiating from
the node at a wide angle, having a faint mid-rib. Branches slender
with nodes 2 mm. apart; leaflets linear, subulate, curved, ascending
2 mm. long; becoming shorter and the nodes closer towards the tips of
the branches. Fructification unknown.
Collected in 1889 by Mr. G. Stead.
Horizon and Locality Bed 2, Fern Ledges Lancaster, N.B.
This species is retained in Asterophyllites because there is no annu-
lus, and because of the rigid, ascending leaves.
ANNULARIA, Brongn.
Most of the plants described or referred to under this genus were
originally described by Sir William Dawson under the genus Asterophyl-
lites.
These plants have a Jocatized distribution in the strata of the
Little River group. Although the stems, leaves and roots of Annulana
were found abundantly hy Professor Hartt in his bed No. 1, they have
124 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
not until recently been gathered from below this level; and their occur-
rence above that bed is capricious; they are found sparingly in beds
Nos. 2 and 3, but according to Hartt are wanting from beds 4, 5
end 6 (except one doubtful occurrence) ; however several species are
found in Beds 7 and 8. On the eastern side of St. John Harbor
though quite a number of Ferns, Calamites and Cordaites are found,
Annularia (and Asterophyllites), are again conspicuously absent.
ANNULARIA LONGIFOLIA, Brongn.
mutation LEAVITTI, Matt.
Bull: Nat. Hist. Soc., N-B. Vol, V. p. 396. Pl. LX.
Stem about 3 mm. wide. Length between internodes 30-37 mm.,
about 24 leaves in a whorl; length of leaves 30-50 mm.; width 3-6 mm.
There is a strong mid-rib and a slender, pointed tip.
This form is an early mutation of Brongniart’s Annularia longi-
folia and a very vigorous one, as may be seen by comparing it with
Feistmantel’s figure.! The leaves are of about the same length, but
in some cases are twice as wide. It is also similar to A. longifolia
Brong. as figured by Lesquereux; his quotation of the specific char-
acters are as follows :—
Stem narrowly striate; leaves in whorls of eighteen to twenty-
four, lanceolate, spatulate, more or less abruptly acuminate; median nerve
broad, distinct; fructification in long cylindrical spikes.
This apples to examples from the Coal Measures. Lesquereux
further explains that the leaves on the primary stem vary from one
and a half to five centimetres in length and from two to three milli-
metres in breadth. They are generally larger above the middle, gradu-
ally narrowing downward to the point of attachment, and more rapidly
to the point. The mid-rib is broad and deeply impressed, and the
border of the lamina flexed or convex. Sometimes, especially upon the
shales, the leaves are flattened by decomposition and compression.
Our specimens from the Dadoxylon sandstone agree in most par-
ticulars with the above description of the Carboniferous form by
Lesquereux. The number of leaves in a whorl of the Devonian muta-
tion is fully as great as in the Carboniferous form, for if the apparently
missing leaves of the lower whorl in the specimen figure be allowed
fer, there would, perhaps, be thirty leaves in a whorl. The mid-rib
is depressed and the blade of the leaf on each side is convex.
' Zittel’s Paleontology, Vol. III (Plants) p. 162.
[MATTHEW ] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 125
The great variability in the length of the leaves in a whorl of this
species and other differences, seem to me to show its distinctness from
A. stellata, although Mr. D. White in his description of the size of
the leaves of A. stellata evidently merges it with that species, and in-
cludes it in the synonymy of the latter."
In the example of this species figured in this paper the long
diameter of the whorl] is not at right angles to the stem and five or
more leaves of the several whorls are wanting, being concealed in the
stone.
Horizon and Locality.— In the Dadoxylon sandstone, Duck Cove,
Lancaster, N.B.
Collected by Mr. A. \G. Leavitt.
ANNULARIA LATIFOLIA, Dawson sp. Plate VII, Fig. 2.
Dawson, Asterophyllites latifolia, Acad. Geol. p. 538, fig. 187, A, B, D.
This is one of the more common species in the lower beds of
Hartt’s section, and has been well described and illustrated by Sir
William Dawson.
There appear to be two forms which are found at different hori-
zons. The type of the species is the form found in Beds 2 and 3,
and which is figured in Acadian Geology, p. 538, fig 187, A, B, and D;
in this two of the lateral leaves of the whorl are narrower than the
other leaves. Sir William’s characterization of the species is as fol-
lows :—
Stem somewhat slender, with enlarged nodes. Leaves oblong-
lanceolate, about thirteen in a whorl, one-nerved, longer than the inter-
nodes. Length of leaves varying from one-fourth of an inch near the
ends of the branches, to an inch or more. The species differs from
A. igalioides, L. and H., in the number and form of the leaves, and
from A. fertilis, Sternb., in the acuteness of the points of the leaves.
In the work first above cited Sir William figured as the apex of
the stem of this species, or the fruit (Fig. 187, B.) a compact cone-
like body (with two whorls of leaves below it) of crowded leaves or
bracts. In the material in my hands I find no transtition from this
to the young barren shoot, and so favour Sir William’s second suggestion
in reference to this object that it is a fruiting terminal; but if so, it
is undeveloped, as the fruit in Annularia, so far as I have seen it is
an elongated spike, resembling that of Calamites.
1 Fossil flora of the Lower Coal Measures of Missouri p. 162 &c.
126 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Horizon and Localily.— This form of Annularia, as described in
the above diagnosis and in the figures cited, is found abundantly in
Beds 2 and 3 of Hartt’s section, and very rarely in Bed.1.
The author of this species calls attention to its resemblance to A.
galioides, L. & H., and A. fertilis, Sternb. On reference to Mr. Robert
Kidston’s Catalogue of Palæozoic Plants of the British Museum, it
will be seen that he considers A. galioides as probably a small
branchlet of A. foliosa, and this latter to be a synonym of A.
radiata, Brongt. A. fertilis he considers synonymous with A.
stellata, Schloth. Kidston also places under A. stellata the smaller
example of Lesquereux, A. Jongifolia, Brongt., of the Coal
Flora of Pennsylvania (Plate II, fig. 2), which has a general
resemblance to Dawson’s A. latifolia, but has fewer leaves in the whorls,
and these narrower, but he retains for Dawson’s species the latter’s
name—latifolia. A. stellata then may be looked upon as the Carboni-
ferous representative of Dawson’s A. latifolia.
variety MINOR n. var.
Dawson, Asterophyllites latifolia Foss. Plants, Dev. and U. Sil. Can. p. 28,
pl. V. figs. 50 to 53.
The examples of A. latifolia Dn., figured by Dawson in his Fossil
Plants of the Devonian and U. Silurian formations of Canada are of
this variety. It is known by its smaller size and more obtuse leaves;
also in the terminal shoots the little leaves are spread wide, whereas
in the typical form they retain the upward vernation later, and the
young leaves have an ascending position, or even cling to the stem
where they are near the tip of the shoot or branch.
The number of leaves in a whorl is the same as in the type—
usually twelve, though fourteen are found, and they become reduced
in size as well as in numbers in advancing to the extremities of the
branches. .
I did not find the branches of this variety present the densely
leaved point or cone figured by Sir William, but my examples of the
terminal barren shoots are sparsely leaved, with somewhat distant inter-
nodes. The cone-like tips depicted by that author may be undeveloped
fertile cones or spikes (see Figs. 55 and 56—Plants of Devonian and
U. Silurian of Canada).
Horizon and Locality.— The home of this variety is Bed 1 of
Hartt’s section, Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B., where it is quite common.
[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 127
ANNULARIA ACICULARIS, Dawson sp. Plate V, Figs. 1, 2, 3.
Dawson, Asterophyllites acicularis, Acad. Geol. p. 537, figs. 194, H.H?.
Dawson, Asterophyllites acicularis, Foss. Plants Dev. U. Sil. Can. p. 28, pl.
V. figs. 54 to 57.
The following is Sir William Dawson’s description of this species.
Stem slender, striate, thickened at the nodes, leafy. Leaves one-
nerved linear, slightly arcuate, ten to fifteen in a whorl, longer than
the internodes. Length of leaves one-half (12 mm.) to three-fourths
of an inch (19 mm.).
“This plant is abundant in some layers of shale in the Little River
group. It resembles A. foliosa, L. & H.,* but the leaves are longer,
less curved, and more numerous in a whorl. Some of the specimens
show that the stem was leafy as well as the branches, and I have a
specimen, apparently the termination of the main stem, showing the
whorls diminishing in size toward the apex.”
In his later work on the Devonian and U. Silurian Plants of
Canada Sir William has added the following ‘remarks: “In some of
Mr. Hartts specimens this and the last species [A. latifolia-minor]
are associated in such a manner on the same slabs as to suggest the
suspicion that they may have been portions of one species. I have
failed, however, to trace any connection or intermediate gradations;
and on the other hand there are organs of fructification associated with
the present species, which are quite distinct from those of the last.
They are small oblong strobiles, with narrow leaves or scales, and some-
times in groups of two or three together. The specimens recently
obtained show that the species was similar in its habit of growth to
the last [A. latifohia-minor|, and it grew apparently in the same
places.”
“This species in general form resembles A. equisetiformis, Brong.,
and in its fructification A. rigidus, Sternb., as figured by Geinitz. The
species is closely allied to A. radiata, Brong., differing principally in
the form and number of the leaves. It has a stiff or rigid stem, with
e stout vascular axis, and though the leaves sometimes seem united at
the base, they fell off separately, and in some beds, great numbers occur
detached.”
The leaf is rather thick in this species and the mid-rib only faintly
marked. As many as sixteen leaves have been observed in a whorl.
Horizon and Locality.— Very plentiful in Hartt’s Bed No. 1, and
also occurring in Bed No. 2 at Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B.
In the same beds with A. acicularis occur occasional examples of
a Palæostachya of small size, with rigid linear bracts, which we sup-
1A synonym of A. radiata Brong. fide R. Kidston.
128 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PALÆOSTACHYA ACICULARIS, n. Sp.
pose may belong to this species, but they have not been found attached
tc its stem or branches.
The rachis is about 14 mm. wide, and the nodes about 3 mn. apart;
each node bears several rigid ascending lincar bracts abut 5 mm.
long; in the axils of these bracts there is a short ascending stalk that
bears a double spore case (or a single spiral case attached by its back
ta the stalk). Eleven nodes of the spike are known.
Horizon and Locality—From Bed No. 2 of Hartt’s section at
Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B., scarce.
ANNULARIA RECURVA, n. sp. Plate IL, Figs. 1 and 2.
Only the smaller branches known. These are 2 mm. wide, striated,
nodes distant (25mm. apart). Leaves in fascicles from each side of
the stem, thick, revolute; about five groups of leaves at a node, and
about five leaves, or less, in each group, one nerved, 2 mm. wide at
the base and about 20 mm. long. Younger examples with leaves less
recurved, have nodes at shorter intervals; the leaves are much fewer
en the young shoots, about six on small terminal twigs, where they are
3 mm. long.
The leaves in this species are thick as in A. acicularis, but are
shorter in proportion to the internodes, and are strongly recurved.
Horizon and Locality— From-Bed 2 of Hartts section at Fern
Ledges, Lancaster, N.B.
ANNULARIA (?) LIGATA, n. sp. Plate II, Fig. 4.
Only a few examples of this species are known.
Stem 4 mm. wide, striate, weak, internodes rather close. Leaves
few (4 to 5) at a node, broad, 4 mm. wide, and 25 mm. (or more)
long, and terminating in a mucronate point; they are short lanceolate-
linear, 5 nerved and rather abruptly pointed at the end, the nerves
converge to the point.
The leaves of this plant spread from a weak internode like those
of Annularia, but the numerous veins distinguish it from others of this
genus. It is separated from Sphenophyllum by the absence of dicho-
tomy from the veins. It may be compared to such species as Annu-
iaria recurva, and Asterophyllites faciculatus, in which the leaves are
arranged in tufts or groups around the node; in this, however, it is
the nerves that are arranged in groups. This form may be the type
of a new genus, but the material is too defective for diagnosis.
Horizon and Locality.— From Bed 2, Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B.
Not rare.
[MATTHEW ] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 129
SPHENOPHYLLUM, Brongt.
SPHENOPHYLLUM ANTIQUUM, Dawson. Plate III, Fig. 3.
Dawson, Sphenophyllum antiquum, Acad. Geol. p. 540, fig. 188 B.
Dawson, Sphenophyllum antiquam Voss. Plani:, Dev. and U. Sil. Can. p.
92; pl. VI, fig. 61, 62.
Dawson’s description is as follows :—
“Leaflets cuneate, one-eighth of an inch wide at the apex and
less than one-fourth of an inch long. Nerves three, bifurcating equally
near the base, the divisions terminating at the apices in six, obtuse
acuminate teeth. About eight leaves in a whorl.
“This plant was described from a few detached leaflets from the
graphitic shale of St. John, which preserve their form and venation in
the most wonderful perfection, though they were completely changed
into films of shining graphite. I have since obtained from Mr. Hartt
a specimen found in Carleton which, though the individual leaflets are
more indistinct, show their general arrangement in whorls of eight
or nine on a slender stem. It is a beautifully symmetrical little plant,
quite distinct from any species of the Coal Measures.”
I have found no better material representing this rare species than
that which passed through Sir William’s hands and so cannot add to
his description.
In my examples the sinuses are not so sharply cut as in that
figured by the author of the species, and the mucros are less acute.
This species may be compared to 8. erosum, L. & H., as regards
the venation, but the points at extremity of the leaf are shorter than
in that species.
Horizon and Locality.-— Collected by the author from the highest
shale bed of the Dadoxylon sandstone at Barrack Point, St. John.
Rare.
GENERAL REMARKS.
The division of this flora into three groups of stratigraphical value
is based on a general survey of the species found to be present in the
several parts of the terrane. Whether these distinctions are due to
the actual extinction of species, or are only of ecological importance
remains to be determined. But Hartt’s section shows that there was
a scarcity of Equisetales in the upper part of the second subflora, and
the same is true of the flora which occurs in the Upper Cordaite shales
of the eastern side of St. John Harbor.
It is also to be noted that some peculiar types of the Equisetales
as Ramicalamus, and Lepidocalamus are specially characteristic of the
130 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
first subfauna; but the former is also found in the Upper Cordaite
shale east of St. John Harbor. And here again the ecological question
comes up, for it is evident that these two forms were lovers of the
borders of shallow ponds occurring in hollows of the river-sands which
constituted the bulk of the Dadoxylon sandstone; they, no doubt,
existed elsewhere, under suitable conditions both earlier and later than
their growth on the border of these sand-enclosed pools.
The varieties and mutations of other species noted in the above
descriptions are, no doubt, also due to an environment specially suitable -
to the production of the differences noted. As instances of luxurious
growth under favourable conditions one might refer to Annularia lati-
folia, as compared with its earlier form A. longifolia-minor, and the
luxuriant whorls of Annularia longifolia—Leavitti as compared with
the ordinary later growths of this species as preserved in the Coal
Measures.
It is an unexpected discovery to find such common species of the
Coal Measures as Calamites Cistit and Calamites Suckovii flourish-
ing in full perfection at this early time in Geologic History. It shows
how much we have yet to learn respecting the first appearance and
distribution of the denizens of the land and the estuaries, both animal .
and vegetable, for if we have the identical plants of the Carboniferous
time in these plant-beds, why may we not have as well the land-snails, the
insects, the myriapods and the amphibians of Carboniferous type.
[MaTTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 131
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
EXPLANATION OF PLATES.
GAIA ie
ig. 1. Asterocalamites scorbiculoides, n. sp. 1a Part of the stem, partly de-
cortiated, showing two joints and part of two others, Natural size,
From Bed 2 Fern Ledges, Lancaster N.B. 1.6. A leaf, after Dawson.
See p. 102.
Asterophyllites fasciculatus, n. sp. Part of the stem with two groups
of leaves, Natural size. From Bed 7. Fern Ledges, Lancaster N.B.
See p. 111.
to
. 3. Asterophyllites longifolius, Sternb. Part of stem showing three nodes
and the leaves. Natural size. From Bed 3. Dadoxylon Sandstone
Duck cove, Lancaster, N.B., See p. 110.
. 4. Calamites Suckovii, Brongt. Part of stem showing a node and the scars
of the leaf bases. Natural size. From Bed 2. Fern Ledges, Lan-
caster, N.B. See p. 97.
PEATE LL
1. Annularia recurva, n. sp. Part of stem showing three nodes, and the
leaves. Natural size. From Bed 2. Fern Ledges. See p. 118.
. 2. and 3. The same, young shoots, showing the shorter and less numerous
leaves. Natural size. From Bed 2, Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B.)
. 4. Annularia (?) ligata, n. sp. Part of stem with three whorls of leaves.
Natural size. From Bed 7? Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 118.
ig. 5. Calamites geniculosus n.sp. Part of stem, mostly decorticated, showing
leaves extending from three nodes. Natural size. From Bed? Fern
Ledges, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 99.
Pere Li:
1. Calamites Cistii. Brongt. mut., n. mut. Part of lower part of the stem
showing three nodes. Natural size. From Bed 3, Dadoxylon Sandstone,
Duck cove, Lancaster N.B. See p. 100.
The same. Higher part of the stem showing two nodes; ribs closer than
in this figure. Natural size. From Bed 7. Fern Ledges, Lancaster
N.B. See p. 100.
3. Sphenophyllum antiquum, Dn. A single leaflet shewing the venation, &c.
Mag. 5. From Bed (equivalent to Bed 1 of Hartt’s section) at top of
Dadoxylon Sandstone at Barrack Point, St. John, N.B. See p. 119.
bo
PLATE IV.
Lepidocalamus seutiger, Dn. Mature stem defoliated.
2. Same. A younger stem partly defoliated.
3. Same. Base of two young stems showing increasing space between the
nodes.
4. A young shoot with leaves, showing several fertile nodes.
5. A stem showing one fertile and three abortive nodes.
—
Figs. 6 and 7. Young shoot, after Sir W. J. Dawson.
Fig.
8. Conical spike (apex of stem?)—All Natural size; No. 1 and 2 from the
Sandstones between Beds 1 and 2 Hartt’s section, Nos. 6 and 7 from
the plant bed No. 1: Nos. 3,4,5 and 8 from Plant Bed No. 2. See p.
107.
Sec. IV., 1906. 9
132
Fig. 9.
Fig.
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ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Variety—Stem showing two nodes, one with fruiting scales the other
with barren bracts, Natural size. From Plant Bed No. 1. Fern
Ledges. Lancaster, N.B. See p. 109.
PLATE V.
Annularia acicularis, Dn. sp. Part of stem and two whorls of leaves
The same. A branch with leaves of the first and second rank from the
node.
The same. A branch with leaves of the second rank, diminishing toward
the tip of the branch. All of the Natural size and from Bed 1. at
Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 117.
Palæostachya acicularis, n. sp. Part of the spike. Natural size. From Bed
2. Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 118.
Asterophyllites lentus, Dn. Part of stem with three whorls. Natural size.
The same. A leaf enlarged, the wider end is the base. Mag. % Both
after Dawson.
The same. The type in Natural History Society collection. Shows three
whorls of leaves. Natural size. From Bed 2. Fern Ledges, Lancaster,
N.B. See p. 112.
PLATE VI.
Asterophyllites parvulus, Dn. Part of stem with branch showing leaves
of the second and third ranks. Natural size.
The same. Part of stem showing two whorls of leaves of the first rank,
2
Mag. ?. Both from highest shale bed in Dadoxylon Sandstone, Bar-
rack Point, St. John. See p. 112.
The same. A variety of slender growth, showing leaves of three ranks
on branches of different sizes. Natural size. Frem Bed 2. Fern Led-
ges, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 113
Asterophyllites (?) fissus, n. sp. Part of stem showing pseudonodes and
leaves from two pseudonodes.
The same. Part of a young stem with two groups of leaves at a node.
Natural size.
The same? Fruiting cone or terminal shoot. All of the natural size.
From Bed 7? Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 111.
PLATE VII.
Annularia longifolia, Brongn. mut. Leavitti. Part of stem showing four
whorls. Natural size. From Bed (3) 200 feet down in Dadoxylon
sandstone, Duck Cove, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 114.
Annularia latifolia, Dn. sp. Three whorls showing leaves of different sizes.
The same. Young shoot showing attitude of the leaves, and reduction
in size toward the tip. Both Natural size. From Bed 2. Fern Ledges,
Lancaster, N.B. See p. 115. |
Annularia latifolia—minor, n. var. Part of stem showing three whorls of
leaves. Natural size.
The same. Terminal branch showing the attitude of the leaves, reduced
in numbers and size toward the tip. Mag, ?. Both from Bed 1. Fern
Ledges, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 116.
[MATTHEW ] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 133
Fig.
I.
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on
PLATE VIII.
Calamites geniculosus, n.sp. Part of stem near the base, showing a
branch at a node with subordinate branches each forking dichotomously.
Natural size. From Bed? Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 99.
Ramicalamus dumosus, gen. et sp. noy. Stem with several branches. Re-
duced 144—No. 2 the main stem. No. 2b the branches.
The same. Part of a stem showing a node having several whorls of
leaves; these leaves of different ranks and sizes. Natural size.
The same. A node seen from above, having several whorls of leaves,
and an annulus at the upper whorl. Natural size. All from bed No.
1. more than 200 below the summit of the Dadoxylon sandstone at
._ Duck Cove, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 105.
The same? An upper branch supposed of this species,showing two single
whorls of leaves with traces of an annulus Natural size. From Bed 1,
Fern Ledges, Lancaster, N.B. See p. 106.
[MATTHEW ] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 137
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[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 141
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PLATE IV.
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A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 143
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A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP
PLATE VI.
145
[MATTHEW]
A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 147
PLATE VII. [Sec. IV., 1906.
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[MATTHEW] A REVIEW OF THE LITTLE RIVER GROUP 149
PLATE VIII.
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Section [YV.,, 1906. [ 151] Trans. R. S.C.
XI.—On Amyzon brevipinne, Cope, from the Amyzon beds of the
Southern Interior of British Columbia.
By LAWRENCE M. LAMBE, F.G.S., F.R.S.C.
Vertebrate Palæontologist to the Geological Survey of Canada.
(Read May 23rd, 1906.)
In examining, recently, some fossil fishes, from Horsefly river,
B.C., presented to the Geological Survey by J. B. Hobson, Esq., C.E.,
of Vancouver, in 1895, the writer recognized a specimen of Amyzon
brevipinne, Cope that throws additional light on the structure of this
small species. The other specimens found by Mr. Hobson in associa-
tion with this second known specimen of A. brevipinne belong to
Cope’s species C. commune, the characteristic fish of the Amyzon beds
of Colorado.
The type of A. brevipinne, is from the North fork of the Simil-
kameen river and was obtained, in 1888, by Dr. George M. Dawson,
who submitted it to Professor E. D. Cope for determination. The
original description appeared in 1894 in the Proceedings of the Aca-
demy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, vol. xlv, p. 401, without
illustrations, and the fossil is referred to by Dr. Dawson in his “ Report
on the area of the Kamloops map-sheet, British Columbia,” 1895
(Geological Survey of Canada, annual report, new series, vol. vii, p.
76 LD, 1896). From the beds in which the type of A. brevipinne
was discovered Dr. Dawson also ohtained in 1888 a scale that is appar-
ently referable to A. commune, Cope, and of which no mention has
hitherto been made.
Other fossils from the North fork of the Similkameen obtained
by Dr. Dawson are plants and insects which have been described by
Sir J. William Dawson? and Dr. 8. H. Scudder? respectively. Thes2
remains are from the shales in which the type of A. brevipinne was
found.
On the evidence of the plants and insects the age of the Simil-
kameen beds is not definitely determined; the general conclusion points
to the age as late Eocene or early Miocene.
1Communicated by permission of the Director of the Geological Survey
of Canada.
Trans. Royal Society of Canada, vol. viii, section iv, 1891, p. 75.
8 Geological Survey of Canada, Contr. to Can. Palæont, vol. ii, part },
Canadian fossil insects, 1895.
152 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA °
Cope, in his description of A. brevipinne, and on the evidence
of this vertebrate, assigns the age of the Amyzon beds of Colorado
and Nevada to the Similkameen beds.
Dr. George Dawson in his report (p. 76 B) concludes that the
Similkameen beds “are probably of Oligocene (later Hocene) age”;
this on the evidence of (1) the plants which Sir J. William Dawson
regarded as referable to the Oligocene or Lower Miocene, and of (2) the
insects (all of which, except one, were new species) and of (3) the fish
Amyzon brevipinne on which Cope based his correlation.
The discovery of a second specimen of A. brevipinne, this time
in association with a well known species of Amyzon, viz., A. commune,
Cope, a species distinctive of the Amyzon beds, is of importance, as
it points to the probable equivalency of both the Similkameen and
Horsefly beds of British Columbia with the Amyzon beds as developed
in Colorado and Nevada.
Unfortunately, the age of the Amyzon beds in the typical localities
has not been definitely settled. Cope, in 1884, in his “ Tertiary Verte-
brata,” p. 742, expressed himself as doubtful whether they belong to
the Eocene or Miocene series. Later, in 1891, William B. Clark!
placed them as low down in the geological scale as the middle of the
Eocene.
In 1894 Professor Cope pointed out that with the discovery of
A. brevipinne the Amyzon beds were extended beyond the then known
limits of South Park, Colorado and Osino, Elko county, Nevada. We
can now add the fourth and much more northern locality of Horsefly
river, B.C., which enters the west end of Quesnel lake from the south.
The original description of A. brevipinne is as follows :—“ Form,
medium; depth of body equal length of ‘head. Fin radii; D. 22-3;
A. 8; V. probably 11, an interruption in the order of the rays making
the location of these rays uncertain. Seventeen vertebre may be
counted anterior to the caudal region, of which 10 are anterior to the
anterior base of the dorsal fin. Space for two additional vertebra
exists at an interruption of the dorsal series, so that the total number
cf precaudal vertebre is probably nineteen, as the dorsal fin is unin-
terrupted. Distal caudal vertebræ and fin absent. Pectoral, ventral
and anal fins well separated from each other. Length anterior to
caudal vertebrae, 57 mm.; length of base of dorsal fin, 23.5 mm.; depth
at anterior base of dorsal fin, 25 mm. The species differs from those
already described in the smaller number of dorsal fin-rays, and of
dorsal vertebrae. The specimen on which it is based is of smaller size
* U. S. Geol. Surv., Correlation papers, Eocene, by William Bullock Clark,
1891.
{LAMBE] ON AMYZON BREVIPINNE 153
than those of most of the other species, but some of the fragments of the
collection indicate larger individuals.”
In the type specimen the caudal fin is missing, a few rays only
of the anal are partially seen and the pectoral is poorly preserved. The
Horsefly river specimen is of about the same size as the type and is much
more perfect, giving details of the structure of all the fins, the vertebral
column and the scales.
The Horsefly specimen may be described as follows:—Body fusi-
form, four times as long as high, with the greatest depth at the anterior
end of the dorsal fin. The head, including the opercular apparatus, is
equal to one-fourth of the entire length, thus equalling the maximum
depth. The anterior end of the dorsal fin is above a point midway
between the front end of the head and the posterior end of the vertebral
column. A line drawn vertically from the beginning of the dorsal
fin passes midway between the distal end of the pectoral fins (when
adpressed) and the proximal end of the ventrals. The pectoral fins
are well preserved and are nearly as long as the ventral fins which
equal in length the front rays of the anal. The rays of the dorsal
fin are robust and long in front and rapidly decrease in size back-
ward, being very short and slender at the posterior end. The front
rays equal in length about two-thirds of the base of the fin whose
outline behind is slightly concave. The caudal fin has equal lobes
and is forked. The anal fin has rays that decrease in size rapidly
backward, its base being equal to about one-half the length of the
anterior rays; when adpressed this fin does not reach the caudal. There
is a space between the posterior end of the base of the anal fin and
the caudal greater than the length of the base of the anal by one-
third. The ventral and pectoral fins are short-based and of nearly
equal size, the former when extended backward falling short of the
anterior end of the anal fin by a short distance, the posterior ends of
the latter being equally in advance of the ventrals. There are about
thirty-four vertebre, of which about eighteen belong to the caudal
region. Ribs, stout and very long. Neural and hemal spines long.
Numerous slender intermuscular bones, directed well backward, are
preserved anteriorly above, and in the caudal region both above and
below, the vertebral column. Cycloid scales cover the trunk. They are
small, three occupying a space of about 3 mm. in a row measured
obliquely upward and backward. Their exposed surfaces show fine
concentric lines and (?) extremely minute, close set horizontal lines.
The fin rays are branched and jointed. The interspinous bones (prox-
imal pterygiophores) supporting the dorsal and anal fins are well
developed, those of the anterior part of the dorsal fin reaching far
154 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
down between the neural spines. The dorsal fin has twenty-four rays,
the anal twelve, each with an equal number of supports. There are
about twelve rays to the ventral fins and fourteen to the pectorals.
In advance of the ventral fin is a conspicuous, long, rather narrow
bone, the basipterygium. The bones supporting the pectorals cannot
be made out, nor are the bones of the head satisfactorily seen. Both
fins of the pectoral and pelvic pairs are preserved in the specimen.
The caudal fin is supported by eight hæmal and three neural arches,
Of the former the posterior seven (hypural bones) are broadened in
a vertical plane. A few rays appear to be attached directly to the
posterior end of the urostyle on its lower side above the last hypural
bene. The rays of the caudal are jointed throughout their length
and branched distally. The lateral line appears to be represented
above the vertebral column anteriorly by a double longitudinal series
of faint, short, horizontal raised lines.
MEASUREMENTS.
Of specimen of Amyzon brevipinne from Horsefly river.
MM
Total length (312 inches).. eer idl eve) cas) ohn
Length of head, including operat ne PS
Depth at anterior end of dorsal fin.. 24 2: 2. ..:..'.. ) ee
Depth‘ at base of caudal fim... LI 4.) 22 as 6
Length of anterior ray of dorsal fin. .:) 5.) ..'). ». .. [a
Length of base of dorsal fin.. .. .. .. : . LOS
Distance of posterior end of base of dora fn on oo 048
Length of anterior ray of anal fin.. ..... .. .. .. .. 1)
Length of base of anal fin .. .. .. . mre RE
Distance of posterior end of base of anal i foun Gael à AT ©
hensth of ventral fin .. 2.703 +." RIRE
Distance of base of vertral fin frome antonio and of anal aaa es aes
Length ‘ot pectoral: fim 3b.) she!)
Distance of base of pectoral fin from tines of eaten ane 10800
Length of vertebral column. : 24°... 52002 EEE OR
The specimens from the southern interior of British Columbia in
the Museum of the Geological Survey, pertaining to the genus Amyzon
are :—
NORTH FORK, SIMILKAMEEN RIVER: obtained by Dr. G. M. Dawson
in 1888.
Amyzon brevipinne, Cope, type specimen.
er
: [LAMBE] ON AMYZON BREVIPINNE 185
Amyzon commune, Cope: scale agreeing in size and ornamentation
with scales of largest specimen of this species from Horsefly
river.
Near TRANQUILLE, KAMLOOPS LAKE: obtained by Dr. G. M. Dawson
in 1890.
Amyzon commune?, Cope: three fragments showing portions of
the skeleton.
HORSEFLY RIVER: obtained by J. B. Hobson, Esq., in 1895.
Amyzon brevipinne, Cope: a specimen more perfect than the type
and described and figured in this paper.
Amyzon commune, Cope: three specimens; the largest with the
scales well preserved, showing all the fins, but with the head
missing (figured in this paper); a second with the pectoral
and dorsal fins and the supports of the ventral and anal fins
preserved, but without the caudal fin and the anterior part
of the head; the third lacking the head, but with the pectoral,
ventral, anal and dorsal fins, and the base of the caudal fin,
preserved. The second and third specimens show the scales
and have the ribs, fin supports, intermuscular bones, etc., well
defined.
The finding of remains of A. commune in association with those
of A. brevipinne in the Similkameen beds is a confirmation of the
correctness of Cope’s correlation of the Similkameen beds with the
Amyzon beds of Colorado and Nevada, and the discovery of a fish fauna
common to the Similkameen and Horsefly beds points to the probable
synchronism of the fish-bearing beds of these two localities.
The rocks near Tranquille, from which the other Amyzon remains were
obtained, should also, with little doubt, be referred to the age of the
Amyzon beds.
156 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
PLATE I.
Figure 1.—Amyzon brevipinne; specimen from Horsefly river, B.C.,
natural size.
Figure ?.—Tihe same specimen reproduced from a photograph; twice
the natural size.
Figure 3.—Amyzon commune; largest specimen from Horsefly river,
reproduced from a photograph; natural size. The depth
of the trunk, owing to compression, is exaggerated in the
fossil
[LAMBE] TERTIARY FISHES FROM BRITISH COLUMBIA. PLAT
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Section IV., 1906. Lis7Z ] Trans. R. S. C.
XII. The Nodule Organism of the Leguminosae —Its Isolation,
Cultivation, Identification and Commercial Application.
By F. C. Harrison, Bacteriological Laboratories, The Macdonald Col-
lege, Ste. Anne de Bellevue, Que.,
and B. BarLow, Bacteriologicai Department, Ontario Agricultural
College, Guelph, Ont.
(Read May 23rd, 1906.)
We shall endeavour to present in as brief a form as possible, the
results of some two years’ study on the nodule organism of the Legum-
inosae. This work was primarily undertaken from the economic stand-
point, but a number of interesting scientific data were obtained, and
are incorporated in this paper. ‘The more practical aspects of the
subjects have already been published as a bulletin by the Ontario
Department of Agriculture, under the title of “ Co-operative Experi-
ments with Nodule-forming Bacteria” (Toronto, March, 1906).
The various subject headings of this paper are as follows :—
1. Occurrence of nodules.
2. Papilionaceae, from which Ps. radicicola has been isolated.
3. Media for the culture of Ps. radicicola and for the growing of
legumes.
4. Isolation of Ps. radicicola.
5. Colony formation.
6. Growth of Ps. radicicola on various media.
7. Morphology.
8. Staining reactions.
9. Viability.
10. Cultures of Leguminosae in flasks containing ash-maltose-agar.
11. Preparation and distribution of nitro-cultures.
12. Co-operative experiments.
1. Occurrence of Nodules— We have examined upwards of thirty
foreign economic species of Leguminosae of the sub-order Papilionace,
exclusive of some twenty-four species and varieties of the genus Vicia,
also a number of native species. Nodules were formed on the roots
of all these with the exception of two species,— Cicer arietinum and
Galega officinalis. The peculiar spongy white roots of Galega were
examined by crushing and staining, but no bacteria were found, and
there is, of course, the probability that the appropriate variety of Ps.
radicicola was not present in the soil.
158 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
No nodules were found on the roots of Gimnocladus, Gleditschia
or Cercis canadensis belonging to the sub-order Caesalpineae, but mycor-
hiza were present in all cases.
2. The following is a list of Papilionaceae from which Ps. radicicola
has been isolated :—
Trifolieae— Medicago sativa, Melilotus alba, Trifolium incarna-
tum, T. pratense, T. repens.
Hedysareae — Desmodium Pn aR D. canescens, D. nudi-
florum.
Vicieae— Vicia villosa, Lathyrus sativus, Pisum sativum.
Phaseoleae— Glycina hispida, Apios tuberosa, Phaseolus vulgaris.
3. Media— Media are required for the bacteria and for the
leguminous plants. It is desirable that these be common media, that
is, serving at once for the growth of the leguminous host and the bac-
terial parasite. These media should be nitrogen free or nitrogen poor
so as to introduce and compel the fixation of atmospheric nitrogen.
In other words, they should be such as best to introduce the specific
functional activity. It is well also in preparing media that the mater-
ials be few and easily available, and the processes be simple and rapid.
The media used in these experiments meet these requirements and offer
additional advantages.
Green plants and bacteria contain and require for their growth
certain elements, and most of these elements are present in due propor-
tion in the ashes of burned plants. For example, wood ashes contain
phosphates, sulphides and chlorides of potash, soda, lime, magnesium
and iron. Wood ashes contain no nitrogen. Water and air may be
had free from combined nitrogen and they furnish the rest of the
essential elements — oxygen, hydrogen and free nitrogen. Green plants
get their energy for growth from the sunshine and the nitrogen fixing
bacteria get their energy for growth indirectly from sunshine, when
they are living within their host. When living independent of their
host, a source of energy growth must be supplied the Bacteria. Sugar
affords such a force of energy and is free from nitrogen. Some of
these relations are indicated in the table below.
Essentials for Growth.
Green plant alone. Bacteria alone. In association.
Wood ashes. Wood ashes. Wood ashes.
Water. Water. Water.
Air. Air. Air.
Combined N. Sugar. Sunshine.
Sunshine.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 159
Our medium record shows (see tabulated summary of media) that
during the past two years we have made up some twenty-five lots of
ash-maltose-agar, varying in amount from a few hundred cubic centi-
metres to 8,000 c.c. in a single lot. The larger lots were used for
preparing nitro-cultures for distribution. We have also made seven
lots of ash agar with sucrose or with sucrose or maltose and acid potas-
sium phosphate.
Some twenty lots of liquid media have been prepared as follows :—
Ash maltose water, 15 lots; ash sucrose water, 2 lots; ash water with
sucrose or maltose and acid potassium phosphate, 4 to 2 parts per 100,
5 lots.
Pseudomonas radicicola from ten different species of Leguminosae
have been inoculated and grown in most of these media, and notes
have been kept of the cultures. Most of the cultures were isolated
in the spring and summer of 1904 and have been kept in stock since
that date.
Sugar-ash-water for Ps. radicicola.— By referring to the tables of
media, it will be seen that the materials and proportions have been
varied. Maltose was found to be more favourable than dextrose or
sucrose. Ashes from maple wood, from mixed beech and maple wood,
from elm and from tamarack were found equally favourable. The
ashes were obtained fresh and passed through a fine sieve — and some-
times reburned to consume remaining particles of carbon— and were
then stored in glass jars until used. The distilled water was con-
densed on tin and stored in glass. Water from artesian wells was also
used and was found equally favourable.
Methods of preparation.— The bacteria were found to grow as well,
or better, in a filtrate from ashes as when the whole of the insoluble
residue was retained and so a filtrate was generally used. For 1,000
parts of cold water take 2.5 to 25 parts by weight of wood ashes, shake
together and filter at once or after half an hour; or heat together
to boiling, boil a minute and filter. The filtrate should be almost
colourless and more alkaline as the amount of ash and as the time
before filtration is increased. To 1,000 parts of the filtrate add 5 to
20 parts of maltose, sucrose or dextrose, maltose being best; heat in
flowing steam and boil a moment over the flame or heat in the auto-
clave for 20 minutes or more at 10 pounds steam pressure. The
medium will vary from faintly alkaline to phenolphthlein to alkaline
—6°, according to the amount of ash used. The colour will vary
from a yellowish tint to a deep amber, being darker as more ash is
used and as the amount of heating is increased. If desired, acid
potassium phosphate, 2 to 5 parts per 1,000, may be added at any
160 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
stage of the preparation, but best, perhaps, after adding the sugar.
The addition of this chemical makes the medium lighter in colour and
strongly acid to litmus and to phenolphthalein.
A living culture of Ps. radicicoia will usually grow well in one
or all of the following three liquid media, the preparation of which
can be varied as before indicated. Such media can be sterilized in
flasks and stored indefinitely.
To 1,000 c.c. of distilled water add 15 grams of wood ashes, heat
in flowing steam, boil a minute and filter.
To 400 c.c. of the filtrate add 4 grams maltose.
To 200 c.c. of the filtrate add 100 c.c. distilled water and 3 grams
maltose.
Heat these three solutions half an hour in flowing steam and boil
a moment over the flame, or else heat for 10 minutes at 10 pounds
steam pressure in the autoclave. Filter clear, tube each lot separately,
and sterilize in flowing steam or in autoclave at 10 pounds steam pres-
sure for 10 to 20 minutes.
Sugar-ash-agar for Ps. radicicola.— The materials and methods of
preparation are, in general, the same as for the liquid media except
that agar is used in addition. The sugar may vary from 4 to 20 parts
per 1,000, the ash from 0 to 50 parts per 1,000, the agar from 1.5
to 15 parts per 1,000, and the acid potassium phosphate may be omitted
or used, from 5 to 10 parts per 1,000. It is best to filter the ashes
from the water before adding the remaining ingredients and to dissolve
the agar in the ash water before adding the maltose. If acid phos-
phate is added at all it should be only when 10 parts or more of ashes
per 1,000 are used, and then after adding the maltose. In making up
a series of agar media the several parts can be prepared separately in
such proportions that, on mixing determined volumes and adding vari-
able quantities of water, media will result having the desired composi-
tions.
The three media of the following compositions were found favour-
able:—Water, 100 parts; maltose, 1 part; agar, 1 part; and the soluble
portion of ashes, 1 part, 1.5 parts and 2.5 parts respectively, prepared
as below.
Solution “ A ”—Water 100 parts, maltose 2 parts, agar 2 parts,
heat together until dissolved.
Solution “ B”—Water 100 parts, ashes 5 parts, boil and filter.
Solution “ A.” Solution “ B.” Water.
100 40 60
100 60 40
100 100 210
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 161
Heat each lot in steam and boil over the flame or heat in the
autoclave at 10 pounds steam pressure, filter, tube and sterilize in steam,
cr in autoclave at 10 pounds steam pressure for 20 minutes to 5 hours.
The media improve with age. Agar media filter slowly through filter
paper, and we prefer to filter through absorbent cotton by means of a
vacuum pump.
Agar media for Leguminosae.— Water-culture fluids were not tried,
but other workers have stated that nodules are not formed beneath the
surface of liquids. Crushed quartz with water-culture fluids did not
fully meet all requirements. Gelatin media were found favourable for
growth, but as gelatin itself is highly nitrogenous, it was unsuitable for
experiments in nitrogen fixation. We then tried agar and found it
suitable in almost every respect.
Ash-maltose-agar sufficient for 12 flask cultures of Leguminosae
may be conveniently prepared as follows :— To 4,500 c.c. of distilled or
tap water and 18 grams of wood ashes, heat in steam, boil one minute
and filter through absorbent cotton by means of a vacuum pump or
through filter paper. To 4,000 c.c. of the clear filtrate add 40 grams
of agar and 16 grams of maltose, heat in steam until dissolved, boil
a minute and filter as above. To each of 12 Erlenmeyer flasks of
1,500 c.c. capacity add 250 grams of the filtered medium, plug with
cotton and sterilize in flowing steam one-half to one hour on each of
three successive days, or better, in the autoclave at 10 pounds pressure
for one-half to one hour. After sterilization, tie a piece of parchment
paper, wet with mercuric chloride solution 1-1000, over the mouth of
the flask, attach a card to receive data and weigh each flask. It will
be seen that each flask contains approximately 250 grams of water,
2.5 grams of agar, 1 gram of maltose and the soluble part of 1 gram
of ashes. As soon as the flasks are sterilized some sterile litmus solu-
tion may be added to some of them by means of a slender pipette
thrust between the glass and the cotton. The medium remaining after
preparing the 12 flasks may be tubed and used as a medium for Ps.
radicicola to furnish cultures for inoculating the flasks and for isolating
the cultures from the nodules which develop. Such tubes are useful
also in germinating the leguminous seeds.
The ash-maltose-agar in Erlenmeyer flasks has many advantages
over quartz and water-culture fluids. It is true that the quartz medium
may be made nitrogen free, but the seed itself is highly nitrogenous
and the ash-maltose-agar is a nitrogen-poor medium, the 1 per cent
agar containing very little combined nitrogen. The agar medium con-
tains only 1 per cent of inert material, 2.e., agar; but the crushed
quartz, if saturated, contains about 60 per cent by volume of inert
162 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
material, i.e., quartz. The agar medium is transparent, so that the
roots are at all times visible and growth and nodule formation may be
observed from the start. The quartz is opaque and the roots cannot
be seen except where they press again the sides and bottom of the
flask. The agar medium is a firm jelly with a glossy surface and
the growth of Ps. radicicola can be measured or observed on the surface
or as it accompanies the roots. Contaminations are easily detected,
because of the formation of visible colonies. The quartz medium is
a mixture that may be regarded as a liquid medium, yet the growth
of Ps. radicicola or any possible contamination cannot be directly
observed nor detected. Both afford good support for root and stem;
both are favourable for the growth of Leguminosae and for the form-
ation of nodules. In the quartz medium, root hairs form in those
portions which are not saturated, and in the agar medium root hairs
form on roots which creep over the surface of the agar but are but
little developed on roots which penetrate the agar.
Growing the plant within a glass flask affords several advantages
and offers few technical difficulties. It makes possible the most rigid
pure culture methods; it requires no attention beyond the initial pre-
paration; that is, the medium does not require to be restored nor
renewed, even during a period of growth of eight months.
In these flask cultures the Plant is nourished as follows :— Sun-
shine, the energy for growth, comes through glass walls of the flask;
the essential ash elements are supplied in the form of a filtrate from wood
ashes, the oxygen, carbon dioxide and free nitrogen, pass in and out
through the cotton plug in the mouth of the flask; water is abundantly
supplied from the agar jelly, which consists of about 98.5 per cent
water. The plant, being within the flask, the water of evaporation
and transpiration is nearly all condensed on the glass and returned to
be used over and over again. In other experiments where the stems
and leaves were freely exposed to the outer air, the water of transpir-
ation was lost and, consequently, the medium was soon exhausted.
Before entering the host plant, the culture of Ps. radicicola is nourished
in like manner, but gets its energy of growth from the oxidation of
the malt sugar supplied in the medium.
163
NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE
[HARRISON & BARLOW]
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164 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Distilled Water 100.
Maltose. 1 per cent.
|
AGAR NONE | AGAR 1 PER CENT.
Stock R Reaction Ash Ash Reaction Stock R
52 US 0 0 130 53
|
54 ie DU UD 5 22/90 55
|
56 —9,5° D Sih 20 ne 57
58 22130 1.5 1.5 pe 59
60 Me 2.0 2.0 9 61
|
|
62 — 6° 2,5 | 2.5 — 2° 63
68 Faintly Alk. 0.5 | 3 — 8° 64
73 mL DE | 4 13° 65
79 DR 0.5 5 Site 66
Agar 1.5 per cent.
1 _5° 69
1.5 _7e 70
0.5 Lure 71 tap W.
1.0 Alk. 72 tap W.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 165
ASH I, MALTOSE 1, Acar I. ASH—MALTOSE— WATER
Water Reaction | Stock Water Ash | Maltose | Reaction | Stock
[Sl mere Huet | mA
DO RAD MISES RS LOUE 87 100 diet. || 40:52) 0005 (1085? R 90
Re |
OO OA UN PR 07 0100 dist. | ‘0.5 0.5 —0.2° R 91
100dist. | —2° | R98 100 tap 1 1 te R 92
bodies AU. ||) 100 100 tap 1 1 Pau R 93
100 dist. | R 100 100 dist. 1 1 Neut. R 95
| ae ae |
100 tap Neut. R 101 100 tap 1 1 ae R 96
100 tap que R 102 |
4. Isolation of Ps. radicicola.—- The plant is dug and the roots
washed under the tap, a nodule is removed with forceps, washed under
the tap and immersed in about 20 ce.c. of the following solution :—
Efydrochloric acid, C..P:spser. 1.20..... 2.0" 6.6.
Mercuniclehlomde crystals" >. 4.0.4 4. 1 gram.
Winer distilled on shapi ais. hr Luce. 500 -e.c:; or 1,000 ce:
The nodule sinks or floats, according to the species of plant from
which it is obtained. In case it floats it must be held beneath the
surface by means of a glass rod. It may remain immersed for 2 to
3 minutes, but not for more than five minutes if it is small. Large
nodules like those from the Soy bean may remain in the solution for
half an hour.
The nodule is then taken in flamed and cooled forceps and placed
between folds of filter paper moistened with the same solution, which
removes the excess of the solution. The nodule is then held with
flamed and cooled forceps and a gash is cut in its side with a hot,
chisel-edge knife-needle. This needle is made by sealing a short, stiff,
iridium-platinum needle in a glass rod and hammering and filing the
end to a chisel edge. The needle is again flamed and, when cool is
thrust into the gash in the side of the nodule end and, by forcing it
in, the nodule is broken open. The needle is flamed, cooled and thrust
into the nodule in the middle of the broken surface. It is gently
Sec. IV., 1906. 11
166 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
rotated and a sensible quantity of the crushed bacteroidal tissue adheres
to its point. The needle is then touched into a drop of sterile water
in a sterile Petri dish until the water is turbid. The needle is thrust
again into the nodule and touched into a small drop of water on a clean
cover glass. In this way three cover glasses are prepared and spread,
to be stained later. Each of several sterilized Petri dishes receives
first a drop of sterile water and then the drop is inoculated with a
loopful, or more, of the turbid suspension from the first Petri dish.
The agar media, previously melted and near the temperature of solidifi-
cation, are poured into the several Petri dishes in such a manner that
the suspension and the medium are mixed throughout and yet some-
what unequally. Then the colonies which develop may be crowded in
parts of the plate but will be well isolated in other parts. If desired,
suitable gelatin media may be poured into some of the plates. These
are interesting for study, but cultures for propagation and inoculation
are taken from the nitrogen-poor agar plates only. When the media
have solidified, the plates are marked and incubated at 20° C.
The films on the cover glasses are now fixed lightly in the flame
and stained (see Staining reactions).
5. Colony Formation.— The colonies of the Ps. radicicola in ash-
sugar-agar media vary with the plant from which the cultures are made
and with the composition of the media, yet they are characteristic.
Colonies may appear in some plates in three or four days at 20° C.,
but the plates made from the same nodules at the same time, but in
different media.
The deep colonies are circular, elliptical, or triangular with rounded
corners. Elliptical colonies often present two opposite lateral-rounded
outgrowths. The outline is sharply defined, but deep colonies some-
times appear as irregular patches. The colonies are granular, white
by reflected light, and brownish by transmitted light. Deep colonies
do not grow so large as surface colonies, but deep colonies may grow
1.5 mm. to 2 mm. long and half as wide. Submerged colonies may
rise to the surface and then they take on the form and appearance of
surface colonies, except that they show at the centre the form of the
colony from which they arose.
The surface colonies are raised, round, wet, entire, shining and
white. They appear like drops of melted paraffin, at first gleaming
and transparent, then translucent, then gradually. more turbid and
opaque. At first they are watery, then more mucilaginous, and then
may become so highly viscid as to draw out in long threads when
touched with the needle. When the surface colonies become viscid the
deep colonies do also. After surface colonies appear they grow steadily
r
—_ =
[HARUSON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 167
for a long time, especially if well separated. Surface colonies may
attain a diameter of 1 mm. to 2 mm. in five days, and 3 mm. to 4
mm. in fifteen days. After some weeks the period of active growth
ceases, the colonies retain their general shape, but sink and become
thin and flat on account of evaporation of the water from the mucilage
in which the cells lie. Under the microscope, the surface colonies
appear more finely granular than the deep colonies.
We have failed to detect the presence of any organism except Ps.
radicicola in leguminous nodules. Plate cultures from a nodule in
special media and in ordinary gelatin and agar media of the laboratory,
develop pure culture of Ps. radicicota or else remain sterile. It is
true that other colonies, mostly moulds, occasionally appear, but they
cre almost always surface colonies, although they are never numerous,
and are not of the same kinds in plates from the same nodule. Fur-
ther, we have frequently made streak cultures direct from the interior
of nodules on inclined gelatin and agar media, and such cultures are
negative or else develop pure cultures of Ps. radicicola, according to the
medium.
Isolation of colonies.— The needle is touched into a colony, then
thrust into agar medium in a Freudenreich flask. Hanging drop and
stain preparations are then made from the same colony.
6. Growth of Ps. radicicola on ash-maitose-agar.— The medium
may be allowed to solidify while the tubes or Freudenreich flasks are
standing upright and later are inoculated by thrusting the needle into
the middle of the agar. In two or three days at 25° C., there is
raised, circular, transparent, wet-shining growth spreading on the sur-
face from the point of inoculation, and a filiform growth along the
needle puncture. This filiform growth increases and many fine fila-
ments may radiate from it horizontally in the agar. These filaments
are shorter toward the bottom.
The surface growth increases, but maintains its sharp circular
outline, and in four to twelve days spreads over the whole surface of
the agar as a white, partly transparent, thick, mucilaginous or slimy
laver, with a wet-shining surface. The growth usually draws out in
a fine thread when touched with a needle. In favourable media the
growth is copious and in seven days may increase to a depth of 6 mm.
over a surface of 10 mm. in diameter. After some months, this layer
is thinner and denser according to the evaporation from its surface,
but in Freudenreich flasks, or in tubes sealed with sealing wax, there
is little change. Cultures on ash-maltose-agar in Freudenreich flasks
remain alive for more than a year at room temperature (see viability).
168 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
On streak cultures, on inclined ash-maltose-agar, in two or three
days there is a moist, shining, transparent growth along the line of
inoculation. As this growth increases, it is transparent at the edges,
becoming gradually translucent, then white and opaque towards the
middle. It is at first watery, then mucilaginous, and it flows down
the inclined surface of the agar by its own weight, and accumulates
as a white, slimy growth at the bottom. It spreads laterally and
forms a broad band or may cover the whole surface of the agar. At
room temperature growth is a little slower, but otherwise as at 25° C.
Growth in ash-mallose-water media.—In January, 1905, a, series
of liquid media were inoculated with pure cultures isolated from nodules
of red clover, alfalfa, vetch, bean and soy bean. The inoculated media
were kept at 25° C. and observed daily, and the following conclusions
were drawn: Some growth takes place in distilled water with 1 per
cent of maltose, but such a medium is not favourable. The liquid
becomes turbid, sediment forms which is not ropy but which diffuses
on shaking, and a thin, wide ring of growth forms on the glass down-
wards from the surface. Media made in the manner already described,
with distilled water, 100 parts; maltose, 1 part; and ashes, $, 1 and 13
parts respectively, and varying from neutral to alkaline —3°, are
parts respectively, and varying from neutral to alkaline —3°, are fav-
ourable. Growth begins usually in three or four days and increases
visibly for fifteen days. The liquid becomes turbid and the turbidity
continues and increases to a thick white layer. On shaking with a
circular motion, this growth rises in the liquid and twists or coils on
itself. It is not easily diffused by shaking, and again settles down
when left standing. There may be strings of slimy growth suspended
on the body of the liquid. A ring of growth appears on the glass in
usually nine or ten days just beneath the surface of the liquid and
gradually increases to a thick, slimy ring which may break in pieces
and fall to the bottom and again form at the surface. A partial film
may form.
Media made with distilled water, 100 parts; maltose, 1 part; and
ashes, 2 parts and 24 parts, respectively, are less favourable. The body
of the liquid remains clear and a slimy white growth takes place at
the bottom in fifteen days or more.
in larger flask cultures, a ring forms and an especially copious
growth spreads over the surface. From the lower side of this mucila-
ginous film many delicate slimy filaments hang down some of which
reach and unite with the copious slimy sediment.
7. Morphology of Ps. radicicola. The cells from colonies are min-
ute or small rods, single or in twos, often swollen at one end or near the
-
{HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 169
middle, often bent, more rarely branched. They are swiftly and actively
motile, darting, whirling and tumbling. In young colonies nearly all
the cells are motile, in older colonies fewer, and as long as the colony
continues to grow some motile cells may usually be seen. The cell con-
tents are not uniform, but denser protoplasm appears in plates and bands,
as in the branched cells direct from the nodule. This can be observed
in the living cells, but is best seen on staining. In this manner, several
surface colonies and as many deep colonies from each plate are isolated
and studied and the growth from each colony will be like that from
the others on the same media. Colonies developed in plate cultures
from pure cultures kept in stock as readily as from the nodules and
they are the same in appearance.
The morphology of the bacteria taken directly from the nodules
varies with the species of legume, the conditions of infection and growth,
the age and size of the nodule, and the portion of the nodule examined.
These bacterial cells are so characteristic, so varied and so beautiful in
form as to be pleasing objects of study. In plants of the tribes Phaseo-
lee (see photographs 6, 17, 23) Hedysareæ and the Genisteæ, the bac-
teria are mostly small rods with comparatively few branching and irregu-
lar cells. In plants of the tribes Trifoliæ (see photographs 1, 2, 3, 4,
5, 8, 9, 10, 13, 15, 16) and Vicieæ (see photographs 12, 13, 14, 18, 20,
21, 22), branching in irregular forms prevail. The simple rods general-
ly but not always prevail in young nodules and in small nodules, where-
as branched and irregular forms are more often observed in older and
larger nodules. The proximal part of the nodule, the part first formed,
may contain simple rods mainly, and the distal part, where growth is
taking place rapidly, may contain simple rods and many branched and
twice branched forms. Where general infection of the leguminous crop
occurs, the bacteria may be mostly rods or mostly branched forms the
same as in nodules (see flask cultures and photograph 22).
Hanging drop preparations from pure cultures on agar and liquid
media have been observed at different stages of growth. From agar
cultures the cells are short or longer rods, mostly single but some are
joined end to end in twos with rounded ends, often larger at one end,
often bent or curved or swollen at the middle. Internally, the proto-
plasm is seen to be of unequal density and shows bands or plates of dens-
er protoplasm with more transparent portions between. The cells are
swiftly and actively motile, darting, whirling and tumbling; they are
especially active from young cultures and when the hanging drop is first
made. In preparations from older cultures, fewer motile cells are seen,
but some may be seen in motion as long as the culture shows any in-
crease in growth.
170 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The heavy ring of growth at the surface and also the film consists
of small rods bound by the mucilage which they excrete. When a piece
of growth is teased in water and examined, some swiftly motile cells are
seen and some rotate slowly or rapidly without liberating themselve:
from the entangled slime. (See photograph 34).
The turbid liquid from the body of the culture shows some swiftly
motile cells and others not in motion, also cells of irregular form, elong-
ated, bent or curved with one end swollen or forking. Twice and thrice
branched cells occur (see photographs 26 and 53). Extravagant forms
with the branches swollen or elongated are not infrequent (see photo-
graphs 29 and 34).
The shmy sediment consists of cells entangled in a mesh of slime
threads. Small rods occur but branched and irregular forms usually
prevail.
8. Staining Reactions. Flagella Stain. Take a loop of the muci-
laginous or viscid growth from an agar culture two days to several
months old and spread it on a clean slide, lashing it out in slender ton-
gues, let the film dry in air without killing or fixing, flood the film a
moment with a saturated alcoholic solution of gentian violet, wash unde
the tap, dry between folds of filter paper and examine with the oil im-
mersion lens. The mucilage in which the cells lie will be found deeply
and evenly stained and the bacteria scarcely stained at all, so that the
preparation presents the appearance of a photographic negative. The
unequal density of the protoplasm of the cells is clearly seen, as indeed
it is in the living cells when examined in a hanging drop. (see photo-
graphs 27 and 31).
The single polar flagellum is clearly demonstrated by this stain since
it, like the protoplasm of the cells, refuses the stain, and so it appears as
a clear or uncoloured streak in the surrounding, deeply stained, mucilage.
The flagella are best seen at the margins of the film and in thin places.
{See photographs 27 and 31). In parts of the film where the culture
is thickly spread, the mucilage is intensely stained and the flagella being
slender and enveloped deeply in the mucilage, are not distinguished.
In these parts, however, the cells are beautifully contrasted with the dark
background and their internal structure is clearly shown. Saturated al-
coholic solution of methyl blue, night blue or fuchsin may be used in
place of saturated alcoholic gentian violet. A film prepared and stained
as above, then flooded an instant with Lugol’s solution, is still more in-
tensely and darkly stained.
Young agar cultures stain well with carbolic fuchsin. The muci-
lage is not deeply stained, but the cells take the stain well and show the
irregular density of their protoplasm by its banded appearance. If th
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 171
film is killed and fixed before staining, the mucilage shrinks away from
the cells, leaving a narrow clear space, giving an appearance as if the
cells were capsulated.
A Stain to demonstrate the nature of the Mucilage. Spread a loop-
ful of a mucilaginous culture from agar or from a liquid culture on a
slide, dry in the air, flood an instant with water, and immediately flood
with some stain as gentian violet or fuchsin. The mucilage of the air-
dried film takes up water and when the stain is added the mucilage con-
tracts and assumes certain patterns or figures composed of bands and
strands of fine and coarser, intricately interlaced filaments. These are
sometimes arranged in wreaths like smoke in form and sometimes in
quite regular hexagonal figures, (see photographs). The bacterial cells
are assembled along the slime threads and correspond in numbers to
the thickness of the slime thread on which they lie. They take the stain,
(see photographs 28 and 30).
Kiskalts Amyl-Gram Stain. This is the same as Gram’s stain
except that amyl alcohol is used as a decolorising agent instead of ethyl
alcohol. Ps. radicicola is quickly decolored by Gram’s method, but stains
deep violet by Kiskalt’s stain. This stain is applicable to all cultures
of Ps. radicicola and is useful in making preparations for photography
from liquid media and especially from the nodules, since the amyl alcohol
clears up the background, brings the bacteria into prominence, and ex-
hibits their internal structure. (See photographs 15, 16, 26, 32, 33, 34).
9. Viability of Pseudomonas radicicola. Some observations on the
viability of Ps. radicicola on agar and in liquid media are collected in
the following table. The cultures were grown a short time at 20°C or
25°C and were then kept at the temperature of the laboratory. ‘These
same cultures were all successfully transferred to various other media
more than once in the interval record in the table, and gave a prompt
and characteristic growth in favourable media. The transfers recorded
in the table were to ash-maltose-agar in all cases and also to ash maltose
water in some cases. The growth, morphology and staining reactions
were carefully observed and were characteristic of Ps. radicicola as else-
where described. The same is true of colonies which developed in plate
cultures in ash-maltose-agar made from certain of these cultures, after
a lapse of nearly a year and eight months in one case. The limit of via-
bility of these culture is not yet known, but this organism will probably
live more than two years on favourable agar and in favourable liquid
media. The longest time here recorded is two years all but five days.
The growth was abundant and mucilaginous, the cells were actively
motile in hanging drops; stained with alcoholic gentian violet they
showed single polar flagella. Occasionally branched forms were seen
from agar cultures and were frequent in liquid media.
172
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Viability of Pseudomonas Radicicola in Cultures at Room Temnerature.
ISOLATED FROM
CULTIVATED IN WATER 100% WITH
ALIVE AFTER
|
|
Ash ¥% | Maltose% | KH, PO. % Agar 7,| Years | Mos.| Days
|
White Clover........ |R 35 | 1 2 Cah dhe 1 ah | tp 2
(Trifolium repens). R361 1 05 15) AUDE PERMIS
RediClover 2 270 *R72 | 1 1 0 Tes 0 11 8
(Trifolium pratense) R 36 | 1 1 0.5 1 1 CO tes
#28) PAT il 0 1.5 1 0 29
ALAIN ER AE R 34 | 1 0 0 1 1 10 27
(Medicago sativa)... R34 1 Ors 0 1 Hear i Me
R 54 | 0.5 i 0 0 1 1 17
R54 | 0.5 1 0 0 1 Tl 19
Wetchmeees eee: R4 | 1 2 0 ee 1 Cia Mee
(Vicia villosa).,....*R44; 1 | 2 0 saan te 7 | 25
R54| 0.5 | 1 0 OE cine 3 | 20
— | ue
Hlatipen:.::... 1.2 |R35 | 1 2 0 1 1 9 15
(Lathyrus sativus).| R35 | 1 2 0 1 | 1 7 26
Pease te oo eee RG 2 0.5 iL | 2 0 1
(Pisum sativum)... | R36 | 1 2 0 5 1 1 9 5
R45 | 1 2 0.2 0 0 9 18
R60] 2 1 0 0 0 9 19
Bean fesse dace een R35] 1 2 0 1 1 7 10
(Phaseolus vulgaris) *R35 1 2 0 1 Il 4 20
| Janets) |p a 2 0 1 i 1 3 26
|
R46 | 1 1 0 1 0 10 | 22
MiICkEDref ONE EC TE RIS5 |p val 2 0 1 1 8 29
(Desmodium nudi- |
HOT) Pee eee IRON at 2 0.2 0 1 Pz | 28
Mildibean tree |R35 | 1 1 0 1 1 | 4 32
(Apios tuberosa).... R36) 1 | 2 0.5 1 1 Ai EU eo
* Plate cultures were made from this culture, and cultures made from the plate
were distributed as nitro-cultures in 1906.
** Sucrose 27:
{HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 173
10. Cultures of Leguminose in flasks containing Ash-maltose-agar.
Various means were tried in order to kill the bacteria and moulds on le-
guminous seed without killing the seeds. The agents employed alone and
in combination with dry heat, moist heat, sulphuric acid, and calcium
hydrate, formalin, and mercuric chloride—but only in a few instances
were living seeds obtained free from living bacteria, never when the seeds
were first inoculated with spores of bacteria. The seeds either refused
to germinate after treatment or else after germination they proved to be
still infected with bacteria. We then gave up trying to kill bacteria
when these were already present and found a way to get seeds free from
bacteria.
The pods were picked from the plants and such were selected as were
sound, well-filled and mature, but not yet dry. The pods were washed
and immersed in mercuric chloride solution, 1: 1000, for an hour or more,
then placed between folds of sterile cotton. A pod was held in for-
ceps and passed through the flame on all sides and the ends were well
burnt. With flamed forceps the pod was opened and the seeds placed
between folds of sterile cotton. After a few days the seeds were dry
and they were then taken in flamed forceps and put in test-tubes which
had been plugged with cotton and sterilized. The tubes of seeds were
then kept at room temperature until used.
Seeds were thus obtained in the summer of 1905 and 1906 from
pea, vetch, bean and soy bean. These seeds were examined for bacteria
by plating some of them in ordinary gelatin or agar media and in ash-
maltose-agar and by dropping some into tubes of sterile bouillon. The
seeds so treated imbibed moisture and in some instances germinated.
Some of these cultures were kept for weeks, yet remained sterile and free
from bacteria and fungi. Plate cultures showed occasional colonies,
mostly moulds from the air, but occasionally the seeds contained living
bacteria. This occurred more often with seeds which were discoloured or
infested with weevils, or which came from broken or diseased pods.
Germination of the Seeds.» From one to three seeds were dropped
into about 3 c.c. of boiling sterile water in a test tube. The tubes were
immediately cooled and incubated at 37°C and then at 25°C until the
seeds germinated. After the first 24 hours, the tubes were so inclined
that the seeds were only partially in the water. Most of the pea and
vetch seeds germinated in three days, but the beans did not germinate
so well. The water in the tubes remained clear and bright and free
from bacteria, except in an occasional tube in which the liquid became
very turbid and contained bacteria, sometimes small and slender rods
and at other times large, motile bacilli in chains. The seed germinated
well in a tube of ash-maltose-agar prepared as for the growth of Legu-
174 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
minose (see media). After three days the seeds were kept in the diffuse
daylight of the room, and after five days or more the seeds which had
germinated and which were found free from bacteria were planted in
the flasks of ash-maltose-agar, prepared as elsewhere described, the plug
was removed from the test-tube, the mouth of the test-tube was flamed,
and the liquid, if any, was poured away. The plug was then removed
an instant from the mouth of the flask containing the ash-maltose-agar
and the germinating seed was shaken from the test-tube into the flask,
and the plug was re-inserted into the mouth of the flask. The parch-
ment paper was tied in place over the cotton plug and the flask weighed
and set aside in diffuse daylight in the laboratory. A number of flask
cultures were prepared in this way on the same day and were kept some
days before any were inoculated in order to observe possible contamina-
tions. Some of the flasks were then inoculated with a pure culture of
Ps. radicicola and some were kept uninoculated as controls. The flasks
were usually kept in a greenhouse. At intervals the flasks were weighed
to determine the loss of water by evaporation. The growth of the
plant, both root and stem, was observed and measured through the glass
and through the transparent medium. The presence or absence of con-
taminating fungi and bacteria was noted. The growth of Ps. radicicola
in the inoculated flasks, the first indication of its invasion of the living
roots, the form and growth of nodules and the results on the root system
were studied and recorded daily or at convenient intervals.
One series of flasks was kept under observation for eight months
and three other series for shorter periods. A final examination of the
flasks was then made, as follows :—
The medium was examined for micro-organisms by staining and
by plate-cultures in ordinary agar and gelatin and in ash-maltose-agar.
A nodule, if any were present, was taken from the roots with sterile
forceps and plate cultures in ash-maltose-agar were made from it in
the manner already described (see isolation of Ps. radicicola from no-
dules). Stains were also made from this nodule and from others.
The roots were examined by staining, and when a general invasion was
observed, cultures were also made from the interiors of the roots so
invaded. Control cultures in the flasks not inoculated were treated in
@ corresponding manner, stains and plate cultures being made from the
medium and from the roots. The plant was then drawn out entire
from the flask and the roots and stems were measured and sometimes
weighed. In some cases nitrogen determinations were made from the
medium and from the plants. The nodules were counted and weighed.
The loss of water by evaporation was found not to vary much in
flasks of the same series. The average loss of seven flasks grown dur-
=
a
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 175
ing 146 days, each containing 250 grams of medium, was + gram per
day, at which rate the medium would be exhausted in 1,000 days.
These flasks were simply plugged with cotton and the cultures were
grown in a living room heated by steam. The loss was less from a
series having parchment paper tied over the mouths of the flasks. In
this case, the medium would have been exhausted in a little less than
three years. The plants grew vigorously in the agar, especially at first;
later, uninoculated plants gradually withered or even died as if from
nitrogen starvation. The inoculated plants easily thrived as long as
they were kept.
Contaminating bacteria and moulds sometimes appeared in the
flasks a few days after the seeds were planted in them; these were
without effect on the plant and were never observed to cause or inter-
fere with nodule formation.
In all inoculated flasks nodules appeared usually in about a month.
They were sometimes few and large, sometimes many and small; in
one case as many as 70 developed on the roots of one plant. The
nodules continued to increase measurably in size as long as the cultures
were observed and were about the same form as seen on plants in the
field, but occasionally larger. In the absence of root hairs, infection
began as a small transparent spot in the root. Nodule formation and
general infection of the root appeared to check extensive root form-
ation. In all inoculated flasks growth of Ps. radicicola was copious
and characteristic, spreading as a thin layer over the agar and pene-
trating the agar along the roots so that each root was surrounded even
to its growing tip with a cylinder of growth.
On final examination, Ps. radicicola was found by stains and by
plate cultures in the medium of the inoculated flasks and no other
organisms were present, or in some cases moulds and other bacteria
were found.
A general infection of the roots generally accompanied nodule
formation.
The stains from the nodules showed that simple rods sometimes
prevail and sometimes branched and irregular forms.
Nodules were never formed and root infection was never observed
in uninoculated controls.
The presence of Ps. radicicola was never detected by staining nor
by cultures in uninoculated controls, where bacteria and fungi were
absent or sometimes present in the medium, but never in the living
roots.
The species on which nodules have formed in flask cultures on ash-
maltose-agar are Phaseolus vulgaris, Vicia villosa, Pisum sativum and
Glycine hispida.
176 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Cross inoculations have not been observed. Pea and vetch growing
in the same flask, which was inoculated with vetch culture, formed
abundant nodules, and root infection occurred in the vetch, but the pea
showed no infection whatever. Ps. radicicola was isolated from the
nodules on this vetch and plates from the peas were negative. The
like was true of bean and pea growing in the same flask and inoculated
with pea culture. Nodules formed on the pea only.
The notes regarding the growths of legumes in all our flasks are
not given, but a few samples will suffice to give the necessary inform-
ation regarding the inoculations, growth of plants and methods of isola-
tion; and we wish to point out the value of this method to any one
engaged in biological problems associated not only with legume bacteria,
but also with the bacterial and fungus diseases of plants. All condi-
tions are better under control and seem to us to offer advantages over
the methods devised by Marshall Ward in his study of certain rusts.
Flask Cultures.—Seeds of Vicia villosa were taken from the pods
under sterile conditions, July 2nd, 1904, and were distributed in tubes
containing sterile water, December 29th, 1904. By January 1, 1905,
eight seeds had germinated and all were free from bacteria. The water
in the tubes was clear and stains from it were negative.
One seed was planted January 1, 1905, in each of seven 1,000 c.c.
Erlenmeyer flasks containing each 200 c.c. of ash-maltose-agar, R51.
The cotton plug was removed, the seed was dropped into the flask by
means of flamed forceps and the radicle was pressed into the agar by
means of a flamed and cooled glass rod. The plug was replaced in
the mouth of the flask. The flasks were then kept in the window of
a living room and on sunny days were protected by a piece of cheese
cloth.
The culture used to inoculate flasks [, III and V was isolated from
a nodule of Vicia villosa on July 6, 1904, in ash-maltose-agar R34,
and a colony was transferred to R44, July 11, 1904. A single needle-
ful of the growth on R44 was used to inoculate all three flasks January
7, 1905. In two days there was growth of the culture in the inocu-
lated flasks. This growth increased rapidly and in eight days there
was a copious, wet-shining, mucilaginous layer covering nearly the
whole surface of the agar. This growth now began to accompany’ the
growing roots, and from this time on every ramification of the roots
was surrounded by a thin cylinder of bacterial growth. This growth
penetrated the solid agar a little distance in advance of the growing
root tips (see photographs 35, 36 and 37).
Flasks II, IV, VI and VII were not inoculated and no bacterial
nodules appeared on the roots of these plants.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 177
Flask I. On February 7, 1905, there were 10 nodules on the
roots of plant 1. The largest was 2 mm. long. On April 22, there
were 10 nodules, 8 large and 2 small, the largest was 2 x 8 mm.
Flask I1I.—On February 7, 1905, there were four nodules on the
roots of plant 3. The largest was 3 mm. long. On March 11 there
were eight nodules, three large and five small, the largest 14 x 5 mm.
On April 22 there were eight nodules, the largest 2x 4 mm. On May
31 there were eight nodules, the roots were otherwise smooth.
Flask V. On February 7, there were two nodules; March 11, five
nodules; April 22, six large and four small nodules; September 25,
six large and seven small nodules, also a general infection of the roots.
The largest nodule was 26 mm. long. Nine of the roots were coiled
at the tips. October 19th, the largest nodule was 30 mm. long and
2 mm. forked at the apex. A part of the nodule was green, having
taken on chlorophyll. The largest nodule was examined by staining
and only rods and no branching forms were found. Seven other no-
dules from this plant were examined. ‘The bacteria were mostly rods,
branched forms occurred but were infrequent. A stain from the agar
showed numerous rods like Ps. radicicola.
Contaminations in Flask V.— No bacterial contaminations were
observed, but one mould colony developed by January 7th and gradually
spread over most of the surface of the agar. No cultures were made
from this flask.
Flask I, Nodule II, Plate Cultures May 31, 1905.— The nodule
was immersed in mercuric chloride solution 1:1000 for one and one-
half minutes and plate cultures were made from it in the usual manner.
Typical colonies of Ps. radicicola developed, which became viscid, draw-
ing out in slender threads when touched with the needle. The cells
were like Ps. radicicola. A culture in ash-maltose-water from this
nodule gave a characteristic growth and branched forms were numerous.
Plate cultures were made from the agar in Flask 1, May 31, 1905,
in ash-maltose-agar R78 and R77. Numerous colonies like Ps. radi-
cicola developed in twelve days, also numerous red colonies of a small
bacillus.
Flask II, not inoculated.— No nodules formed on the roots as long
as the plant was observed. The roots became nodose or knotted by
March 11th and continued so.
Plate cultures were made June 1, 1905, from flask II. These
developed numerous colonies of a yellow diplococcus, but no colonies
resembling Ps. radicicola. Plate cultures in ash-maltose-agar R78 from
one of the nodose roots gave numerous colonies of a yellow diplococcus
but no other bacteria.
178 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The swellings in the roots of this and other plants of this series
were not bacterial nodules, and bacteria were not found in their cells
as long as the plants remained alive. The outer tissues of the nodose
parts of the roots were ruptured, especially the longitudinal walls of
the cells which separated, exposing the inner tissue as columnar chains
of cells The bacteria which contaminated the cultures had to some
extent lodged in these open spaces of the ruptured tissue, but their
position here appeared to be only accidental. (See photographs 38
and 39).
Flask IV, not inoculated.—The plant began to decline after March
11th as if from nitrogen starvation, and by May 31st there was only
a little life remaining. No bacterial colonies formed, but the roots
became very nodose because of the internal swelling and rupture of
the tissues. The flask was examined October 19th. There was a small
bacillus present in great numbers and invading the decaying tissues
of the root and stem. The bacilli were mostly joined end to end in
pairs and did not resemble Ps. radicicola.
Flask VI, not inoculated.— No bacterial nodules appeared on the
roots as long as the flask was observed until October 19th. The roots
became nodose because of a swelling and rupture of the tissues. There
were some living shoots up to September 25th. On October 19th the
roots only appeared to be alive. On examination of the roots Ps. radi-
cicola was not to be found.
Flask X, containing two pea seeds was inoculated September 12th,
1905, with a culture obtained from a nodule on Pisum sativum, which
had been grown on artificial media one year and 199 days.
On December 12th, 1905, there was no bacteria visible in the
medium, which was blue with the litmus, except just beneath the seed,
there the medium had become acid. One of the plants had formed
no roots and it afterwards died without forming any roots. The other
plant had a stem 5 cm. long and a root 1 em. long on December 12th.
The plant which lived had eight nodules February 11th, 1906,
and 35 nodules on March 23rd. By May 7tn there were 80 nodules.
(See photograph 40, Flask 2, taken February 20th, which illustrates
this flask culture).
On March 23rd, the only evident contamination was one mould
colony. On that date the roots were vigorous, forming a closely tangled
mass between the glass and the agar. The nodules were all small and
almost round. The total weight on April 23rd was 430 grams, that
is, there was a loss of 20 grams in 121 days, or less than .2 gram per
day. At that rate the 250 grams of medium in the flask would have
been exhausted in 1,250 days, or three years, five months.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 179
The final examination of this plant was made on May ‘th, 1906.
There were two mould colonies present in the flask, and an abundant
growth of Ps. radicicola over the surface of the agar, this film was
mucilaginous, drawing out in slimy threads when touched with the
needle. A stain made with saturated alcoholic gentian violet showed
that the cells were of characteristic appearance. No bacterial con-
tamination was detected by staining, but spores and mycelium of the
mould were seen.
The medium was still alkaline except near the roots, where the
colour was largely reduced. The roots showed both general invasion
and nodule formation, the nodules appearing above and below the swol-
len and infected parts of the roots. All the main roots were swollen
and contained Ps. radicicola in great numbers. A selected nodule
showed numerous short and long rods, some swollen and clavate with
banded protoplasm, and others with branching forms. Cultures were
from the agar, from a nodule and from an infected root. The plate
containing medium R82 inoculated from the surface growth in the
flask developed only numerous and typical colonies of Ps. radicicola.
Stained preparations from these mucilaginous colonies showed the usual
single polar flagellum.
Cultures from a nodule handled in a manner already described,
in medium R102 produced numerous typical colonies of Ps. radicicola
between the fourth and tenth days. The colonies were mucilaginous
and drew out in slimy thread and the cells were uniflagellate. In
plates containing medium R82 numerous colonies developed in two days,
and sub-cultures in other media showed in all respects the character-
istic growth of Ps. radicicola.
The same process was carried out in detail with material from
an infected root, and cultures and stain confirmed the presence of Ps.
radicicola in this root.
This method of flask culture, inoculation and isolation was carried
out in detail with all our flasks, thus working out thoroughly the four
cardinal requirements as set forth by Koch in his postulates.
Flask IX —A control was planted September 12th, 1905, with one
germinating pea seed. The plant grew until May 7th, 1906, when
an examination was made. The medium was acid in the vicinity of
the roots. The growth was moderate. The flask had not been inocu-
lated and no nodules formed on the roots. There was no evidence at
any time of any contamination in the flask. On May 7th, 1906, stains
were made from agar in the flask, but these were negative. A piece
of the living root was crushed on a slide and stained but no bacteria
were seen.
180 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
On the same date plate cultures were made in ash-maltose-agar
R102 and R82 from the agar in the flask and from the living roots,
but these all remained negative after twenty-four days.
Flask VIII.—Was planted on December 12th, 1905, with one germ-
inating pea and one germinating vetch seed. The flask contained 250
grams of medium R83. The loss by evaporation during the 159 days
of growth was 22 grams, or .138 gram per day.
Inoculation.— The flask was then inoculated with a pure culture
cf Ps. radicicola obtained from a vetch nodule on July 6th, 1905, and
had been grown on medium R44 since July 12, 1905, a period of five
months. In twenty-four hours at room temperature there was good
growth of the organism on the agar and in the water of condensation.
Growth.— Both plants grew well, the vetch more vigorously than
the pea. On January 17th, 1906, there were six nodules on the vetch
and none on the pea. On March 23rd the largest nodule on the vetch
was 6 mm. long and clove-shaped. As the roots of both vetch and pea
penetrated the agar, the culture accompanied them and could be ob-
served as a cylinder of growth around the roots. On May 10th the
final examination was made. The vetch was thrifty and green, with
two main stems, one 0.18 m. and the otner 0.10 m. long, also other
branches, so that the total length of stem was about 0.5 m. Photo-
graph 40, Flask No. 3, was taken February 10th, 1906, at which date
there were ten nodules on the vetch and none on the pea.
From the medium Ps. radicicola was isolated in pure culture, sub-
culture and staining methods furnished proof of the identity.
From the vetch three nodules were taken, the largest was 9 mm.
long, forking at a distance of 6 mm. from the proximal end into two
nearly equal branches, each about 2 mm. thick. The whole nodule
was deep green with chlorophyll except at the growing ends, which were
white. A section from the distal end showed a loose cortical layer
and a central mass of bacteroidal tissue, brownish in colour, and mainly
composed of bacteria. There were few simple rods, but many numerous
and beautifully branched and twice branched cells. Cultures obtained
from this nodule gave pure cultures of Ps. radicicola, confirmed by sub-
cultures and staining reactions (polar flagellum). Direct examination
of the other nodules and cultures therefrom gave identical results. Gen-
eral infection of the roots had also taken place, pure cultures of Ps.
radicicola were obtained from them.
There were no nodules present on the pea. Four plates made from
the interior of the pea root were all negative. The following media,
R82, R87 and R103 were used and plates kept fourteen days.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 181
Flask VII, containing 250 grams of medium R82, was planted Nov-
ember 29th, 1905, with the germinating pea seeds. It was not inocu-
lated, no bacteria were present and no nodules developed.
One mould colony developed by December 12th, 1905. This colony
increased in size, and by May 4th, 1906, it covered, perhaps, one-fourth
of the surface of the agar with a thin, zoned growth.
One of the peas formed no roots and died later, the other grew
well, especially the roots. The energy of the plant seemed largely spent
in root formation. The roots were long and slender and smooth with-
out evident root hairs. The stem grew well, but after several months
began to decline, so that, though growth continued, (the Jeaves and
stems remained green), it did not increase in size. This excessive root
formation and this decline in the growth of green parts were attributed
to nitrogen starvation. These phenomena were reversed in the case of
the inoculated plants, 1.¢c., the growth of stem and leaves was progressive
without decline and was in excess of the growth of root.
Stains were made May 7th, 1906, from the surface of the agar and
from the water of condensation in the bottom of the flask. Spores of
a mould were numerous, but there were no bacteria. The stem of the
plant that died had been invaded by the mould. Its juice was not
turbid and on staining its tissue the mycelium of the fungus was found
Eut no bacteria. The roots of the living plant were washed, crushed
on a slide and stained, and no bacteria nor fungi were found in them.
Plate cultures in gelatin and ash-maltose-agar were made May ‘th,
1906, from the agar in the flask and from the crushed roots of the
living plant. Numerous colonies of a mould like Penicillium glaucum
developed in all the plates, but no bacterial colonies. The plates were _
observed for twenty-four days. Photograph 40, No. 1, taken February
20th, 1906, illustrates this flask culture.
11. Preparation and Distribution of Nitro-cultures.—Preparation
should be made in advance of the season. The medium can be made
up early in the spring. It is a great convenience to have attached to
the steam heating system a large sized autoclave, or a retort such as is
used in canneries. A large sterilizer supplied with flowing steam is
almost a necessity. Large enamel pails can be used for making up
media, and a vacuum pump attached to the water pump is necessary
for rapid filtration. If the bottles are new, it is sufficient to rinse
them in cold water before filling. With a little experience one man
can! easily prepare the medium, fill and sterilize a gross and a half of
bottles in a day.
Preparation of ash-maltose-agar for commercial cultures.— Add 10
parts by weight of wood ashes to 100 parts of cold tap water and stir
Sec. IV., 1906. 12
182 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
well, or add the ashes to the water when it is boiling hot and boil
for a minute; filter within an hour through absorbent cotton by means
of a vacuum pump. To fill 100 parts of the filtrate add 1 part of
agar and 1 part of maltose, heat in steam, boil a minute over the flame
and heat again in steam to dissolve the agar. Filter the hot solution
through absorbent cotton by means of a vacuum pump. In filtering
it is well to use a small plug of cotton thrust tight into the neck of
the funnel, and to renew the plug each time after a litre or so has
been filtered. When the medium is all filtered its reaction may be
tested, using phenolphthalein as an indicator. The ash water may have
been alkaline —9° to —12°, but the agar medium will be neutral
or only faintly alkaline, not more than —1°. Siphon off the filtered
medium into two-ounce French square, narrow-mouthed bottles of flint
glass. Each bottle should receive about 35 c.c., which will nearly half
fill it. Thrust a plug of cotton in the mouth of each bottle and
sterilize in the autoclave at 10 pounds steam pressure for one-half to
one hour, or in flowing steam for one hour on each of three successive
days. Remove the bottles from the autoclave, incline them and allow
the medium to solidify so as to present a large surface for inoculation.
The medium will not usually be found favourable for growth when
first made, but will be fit for use after two or three weeks and will
improve with age.
Inoculation and Growth of Nitro-cullures in Bottles— A mother
culture for each species of legume is isolated the previous year or early
the same spring, and from this several tubes or bottles of ash-maltose-
agar are inoculated to be used from time to time for inoculating the
bottles intended for distribution. These last may be inoculated by
means of a sterile pipette containing the culture mixed with sterilized
water, or it may be done by transferring a bit of the surface of the
agar in the bottle by means of a platinum spatula. In two or four
days at 25° C., the growth accumulates at the point of inoculation and
gravitates down the inclined surface of the agar as a raised, transparent,
wet-shining band which increases in width. The wedge of agar may
now be shaken over so that the inoculated surface comes against the
giass. By shaking back and forth a few times, all five faces become
inoculated and in four to twelve days on favourable media there is a
copious, wet-shining, mucilaginous or slimy growth over the whole sur-
face of the agar and the culture may be used, or it may be kept for
a month if desired, and there will be further increase in growth. Just
before mailing a culture, the cotton plug is replaced by a cork which
is well flamed before inserting. The printed label is attached, the bottle
in :
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 183
is wrapped in a sheet of directions for using and packed with cotton
in a wooden mailing case.
The materials required for 1,000 packages of nitro-culture are as
follows :—
Agar, OES A a gen $ 4 00
Maltose, 3,500 grams .. .. ete ee ET arya CAL MON)
ÉD MOULE NCIS Abies... 4000 00," 20000
Printed labels and directions, 1,000 .. .. .. .. .. 3 00
Mailing cases, at 4 cts. each, 1,000 .. .. .. .. .. 40 00
Postage stamps at 7 cts. per case, 1,000.. .. .. .. 70 00
$147 00
$147.00 for 1,000 bottles, or about 14% cts. apiece, as each bottle
contains enough culture for 60 pounds of seed, the actual cost per acre
will be less than 4 cts. Making ailowance for labour, steam, etce.,
these cultures should not cost more than 25 cents per acre, as compared
with $2.00 per acre charged by some commercial firms.
This method of preparing and using nitro-cultures offers several
advantages. Each culture is, or may easily be, a pure culture and
a living culture, for the growth in the agar is easily seen and is
highly characteristic, so that failure to grow, or possible contaminations,
are easily detected. There are at least two staining reactions, both
easy of application, and so far as known, peculiar to Pseudominas radi-
cwola (see staining methods). The burden and responsibility of pre-
paring the media and growing the cultures is placed, not on the shoul-
ders of the farmer, but rests with the bacteriologist, where it belongs.
A competent worker can by these means isolate a pure culture of the
nodule bacteria from a leguminous plant, grow it, prove that it is
appropriate and efficient and distribute it alive and in pure culture at
reasonable cost, and an intelligent farmer can apply the culture to his
seed and observe whether or not the nodules form and whether or not
the crop is benefited.
12. A number of cultures prepared in this manner were distributed
throughout Canada in the spring of 1905. The results of this distri-
bution were published in March, 1906, by the Ontario Department of
Agriculture as Bulletin 148 —“ Co-operative Experiment with Nodule-
forming Bacteria,’ and a short summary of these results are here
given.
184 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The samples were sent all over Canada, from Prince Edward Island
to British Columbia, the number of cultures being as follows :—
ONÉATIO Gon ene ARENA 76 ASSIMTD OLA) |. sakes see 13
Nova SeObiae EURE 66 Aliperiaice twee ane aaa 12
New Brunswick ...... ial British Columbia ..... 15
Pen Mslandera see 1 United ‘States ty, sae... 2
Cape Breton riens 1
Omebeo ei EN er 10 Total ere 246
Manitoba NE EE et ee PIE
At the end of the season a circular letter was sent to all who
bad received cultures, asking what success each experimenter had had.
These reports may be summarized thus :—
all She Le) eo (eh 0
3 So | as PE
On ce D 8 — £92
- © = nl _
Crop S 3 BERS pas a=
Z À SES = >
| =n Sgn > Ÿ ON Ne
| e 5 o 0. > SoS eg
UPS ee hele Vas PRESSE
| se 4» & to Se) 5 ZÈS
Bucerne of alfaltas ere 59 43 1 15
Red Clovierns: 2. LANCER eee 47 31 1 15
IPOS Ee RE Loe Ne DA STE PE | 12 ÿ 1 4
SCANS ccc is Aes See Re we RO csi 9 5 | de
‘ |
PASI sa al aoe ty eR RO | 2 1 1
White Clover sie steaks Ie alu 1 1
MERCREDI NA Tee 3 2 1
Soy CAN RUE Ce D PA NS RAI Eee 1 il |
134 91 3 | 40
In order to give an idea of these reports, a number of extracts
are given from them which show the benefit some experimenters have
obtained from the use of nitro-cultures.
Taylor Village, N.B.—T put three acres with the treated seed
and three acres without the nitro-culture on a piece of heavy land,
and in examining the plants from time to time I found that nodules
were quite plentiful on the plants from the treated seed, and none on
the plants from the untreated seed, and I also found the growth and
thriftiness quite marked in favour of the plants from the nitro-treated
seed. (Red Clover). | :
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 185
Rwer John, N.S.— The plants from the treated seed were thicker
and thriftier than those without the nitro-cultures, which were thin
and spindly. The roots on the treated spot being loaded with nodules
and very fibrous, while on the untreated there is far less root growth.
(Red Clover).
Colwood, B.C.— The part treated with nitro-cultures looks green
and more vigorous than the untreated. Nodules are numerous on the
treated portion. (Red Clover).
Colina, B.C.— The clover plants were a lot better on the treated
land. (Red Clover).
Emerson, Man.— On some plants treated the nodules were quite
numerous. ‘Those having nodules were very vigorous, but the others
have made but small growth. (Red Clover).
Neepawa, Man.—The vigour of plants from seed treated with nitro-
culture was very good. The untreated seed produced pale and short
plants. (Red Clover).
Edmonton, Alta— Numerous nodules on plants from treated seed
and very healthy stand. With the untreated seed the plants were
sickly with a few healthy stalks. (Red Clover).
Deep Rock, N.S—Soon after seeding 1 commenced examining
plants on the treated patch and found nodules present, which increased
in size and number each week as the season advanced. There was a
marked difference between the plants from untreated and treated seed
in favour of the latter. (Red Clover).
Berwick, N.S.— The plants from treated seed were quite vigorous,
those from untreated only half as high. (Red> Clover).
Cypress River, Man.—Plants from treated seed very strong with
numerous nodules, without nitro-culture much smaller and weaker.
(Red Clover).
Naweig, N.B.—Very vigorous and numerous nodules from the
treated seed; not nearly so vigorous without nitro-culture. (Beans).
Mount Salem, Ont— The nodules on the beans not treated were
small, about the size of pin heads, and pods on plants were short. On
the plants treated the nodules were as large as small peas, growing
tight against one another. The pods on the plants were longer and
the plants withstood dry weather better than those not treated, being
green and flourishing when the others were dried up. The beans when
ripe were bright and even in the pods. . I exhibited half a bushel of
these at the East Elgin Fair and secured first prize on them. (Beans).
Lions Head, Ont.—The alfalfa seed sown by me this spring, and
treated with nitro-culture obtained from you, has grown without a
check. That without the culture came up in patches, but did no
Sec. IV., 1906. 13
186 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
more. As the alfalfa has failed here before, I attribute my success
to the culture.
Round Hill, N.S.— From treated seed the growth of plants was
25 inches, from seed untreated the growth about one inch. (Alfalfa).
Mount Stewart, P.E.I.—Plants from treated seed were dark green
and quite vigorous. From untreated seed the plants were yellow and
unthrifty. (Alfalfa).
Colquitz, B.C.— 1 am not a believer in nitro-culture, or, at least,
was very skeptical as to the treatment being of any value whatever.
I have been unable, however, to shut my eyes to the fact as shown
by my own land. The land had been well sub-soiled in preparation
to a depth of from 16 to 18 inches, and the portion upon which the
nitro-culture was not used was treated in every way as well as the
other. The plants from the treated seed were very strong and sown
with nurse crop are now about eight inches high. From untreated
seed the plants are weak in appearance and only about three inghes
high. (Alfalfa).
Cloverdale, B.C.—Piants from treated seed are healthy in colour
and 18 inches high, from untreated seed four to six inches high and
yellow. I may say, in conclusion, that the quarter acre of untreated
seed was planted on better land, which had been under cultivation in
root crops for two years, and had been slightly manured with barn
vard manure and lime previously. The treated seed was planted on
absolutely new forest land which is almost void of humus and available
nitrogen. This speaks well for the cultures. (Alfalfa).
Charlottetown, P.E.I1.—The boundary between the two plots is dis-
tinctly marked, that growing from the inoculated seed is a richer green
and of stronger growth. (Alfalfa).
St. Catharines, Ont.—The culture was used on Alfalfa sown in
April on fall wheat about fifteen pounds per acre. The stand at
present is considered good, a difference being evident in favour of the
nitro-culture treated seed. (Alfalfa).
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 187
fa
7 res
1. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Trifolium repens (Dutch clover), showing
cuneate and clavate forms.
(À
Ÿ,
€
2. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Melilotus alba.
Sec. 1V., 1906. 14
Ps +
NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 189
[HARRISON & BARLOW]
3. Ps. radicicola, from nodules of seedlings of Medicago sativa.
Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Medicago sativa
4.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 191
%
D
—
5. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Medicago sativa. The plant was grown in
garden soil in a test-tube.
\ ‘al
g = Ph tht
= à ow
é ” i oh
am ww “> i ’ #
Æ o om y ¢ [2
oa ve om, # \ en, "ap
Lr as 7” . } \
+ vo Os
a ha coe toe À
ail ~ La 4 al «
a ™~ ™. ve", N 4
{ \ ft + LA _ t
Lf pi À Y te à L 2 À { e
- . *
& her 2 Le nu" » a wer,
a } 4 nus 4
ie " » Woe | ¢ w ail
os an un ‘ * L
~ x PT ™ | ™
aah à ‘“ es nd
Lal = ?
a w“ we oe .
of ~ + Ÿ > , ee." *
+ J wt 8 *
= AP des ç inact Pad
“ —— Om =
. Pat oe Lu Lt *
" }
7 De +o [es 7
Arr "
6. Ps. radicicola, from a culture on Medium R49. Age of culture 27 days.
[HARRISON « BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 193
>
\ à
ex
6 ,
7. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Medicago sativa showing rods and branched
forms.
oh
à
D = tb,
Rte) 3
Bs SN
# #
tés
8. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Trifolium pratense. Note irregular staining
of protoplasni.
{HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE
195
9. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Trifolium repens. Large, irregular and
branched cells, with banded protoplasm.
10. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Trifolium repens.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 197
Pi
11. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Lathyrus sativus. Showing rodlike cells
and no branched forms.
eee
ge
>
À ln crs
12. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Pisum sativum.
ively few bacterial cells, and these branched with banded protoplasm.
Preparation shows relat-
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 199
13. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Vicia villosa. The cells are short and broad,
clavate and mallet shaped. Banded protoplasm.
14. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule (II) of Lathyrus sativus, showing branched
forms.
| «
= ¥ (2
7 : "
i)
‘
- * ba
They
i i .
5 ‘ ‘
- .
»
¥ Eu =
EE
u >
at a
= 5
= U > 7
ne
EPA
ae
. © =
= “ “
> i
= =
- ~
-
Es ra
à. =
n >
- 7
|
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE) 201
mn J, 7
D s, | |
Le
15. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Trifolinm revens. Amyl Gram Stain.
16. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Trifolium repens. Amyl Gram stain.
Branched forms.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 203
TN? gi,
17. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Phaseolus vulgaris. Small rod-shaped cells.
ty
F >)
18. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Vicia villosa. Plant grown in flask I. Jan.
1, 1905, to May 31, 1905.
Sec. IV., 1906 15
mo LA
[AARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 205
19. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Vicia villosa. Plant grown in quartz, asiaes
and water in a flask.
,*
P ge
so
C2
<8
:
20. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Vicia villosa.
{HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 207
21. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Vicia villosa. Plant grown in ash-maltose-
agar in a flask. Jan. 1, 1905, to May 10, 1905. From this nodule a:
pure culture was isolated.
Plant grown in flask I,
22. Ps. radicicola, from invaded root of Vicia villosa.
Jan. 1, 1905, to May 31, 1905. The tap root was generally infected.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE
209
23. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Glycine hispida. Medium Green Soy.
Sst
v
LE J
CA
[and
24. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Medicago sativa.
a
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 211
Pd ¢ 2? o% ‘
=
a + e we «
|
ms ee + e + sé
4 me.
2”. . bd ee
| *
e +
(2 : ‘ we
“i e-
;® LL of
25. Ps. radicicola, from a nodule of Vicia villosa. Plant grown in ash-maltose-
agar in a flask. Jan. 1, 1905 to May 31, 1905.
26. Ps. radicicola, from a liquid culture (R93) obtained from Vicia villosa.
From the slimy sediment; shows branched forms. Amyl Gram stain.
The corresponding agar stain showed flagella but no branched forms.
a L 2
‘1
A £
« à
x
= 0 D
= 14
3 € =
> >
[ . ia à ~
= a
= À _
à ;
1 es
:
2 ; ‘
4 x
+ «
; sg
LA
!
A
= \ 3 à
+
~ ‘
\
à
-
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 213
27. Ps. radicicola from Lathyrus sativus. Culture on R81. Age 17 days at
25°C. Stained with saturated alcoholic gentjan violet. The mucilage
of the culture takes the stain, the cells and their flagella do not.
28. Ps. radicicola, from Phaseolus vulgaris. Grown on ash-maltose-agar for 60
days at room temperature. Stained with Kiitscher’s gentian violet.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 215
28' Ps. radicicola, same preparation as 28, but stained to show the slime
threads Kiitscher’s gentian violet.
ET.
ee | +»
EY Aras
~
29. Ps. radicicola from Trifolium pratense. From sediment of an ash-maltose-
water culture. Age 16 days at 25°C. Much branched cell, such cells
are frequent in the sediment.
à
-
à
L
Le
{ -
e
= Fy
:
De A
|
#
Fes
nt
| :
29
‘
‘
3
+
!
|
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE Zaz
Isolated from a nodule July 6, 1904, by
30. Ps. radicicola, from Vicia villosa.
plating in medium R384. One colony transferred to medium R44 on July
11, 1904, and from this culture it was plated in medium R81, March 8,
1906, that is, after a lapse of 597 days at room temperature. Stained
preparation was made from one of the colonies which developed after
nine days growth. Kütscher’s gentian violet stain for the slime threads.
307 Ps. radicicola from Vicia villosa. From another part of the same prepara-
tion as 30.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 219
31. Ps. radicicola, showing flagella from Vicia villosa. From a culture on ash-
maltose-agar grown at 25°C for 16 days. Stained with saturated al-
coholie gentian violet.
32. Ps. radicicola, from Lathyrus sativus, from ash-maltose-water, 17 days at
25°C. Amyl Gitam Stain. Unbranched cells.
Sec. IV., 1906. 16
NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 2248
[HARRISON & BARLOW]
nt
33. Ps. radicicola, from Vicia villosa. From ash-maltose-water, 24 days at room
temperature. Preparation shows branched forms from slimy sediment.
Amyl Gram stain.
34. Ps. radicicola, from Lathyrus sativus. From ash-maltose-water, 17 days at
room temperature. The preparation was made from the ring of growth
The cells are mostly short rods as on agar, occasional
at the surface.
much branched cells appear.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 223
35. Vicia villosa. Plant I grown in ash-maltose-agar. The germinated seed
free from bacteria was planted Jan. 1, 1905. The surface of the agar
was inoculated Jan. 7, with a pure culture of Ps. radicicola from Vicia
villosa. Growth vigorous for 4 months. Photo. April 27, 1905.
or = = 7 } = an |
ae | ne j A
guy
#1
” Ay
=
aa
7 =
7 . ‘
2
4
Zz ‘
.
7 =
-
= F a
es
ee 3
/ ‘
7
é .
=
.
= 2
7 2 be
| - CA
à -
>
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 225
36. Photo of bottom of flask of plant I, Vicia villosa, showing club shaped nod-
ules on the roots, (enlarged).
37. Photo of bottom of flask of plant I, Vicia villosa, showing moderate growth
of roots, which are smooth except for the nodules. Largest nodules 8 x
2 m.m after 4 months’ growth.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 227
38. Vicia villosa, plant 2. View showing the growth of roots. Not inoculated
and no nodules formed. The roots did not grow smoothly like those of
the inoculated plants, but became very nodose. As the growth of the
stem and leaf gradually declined, the root formation became excessive.
Photo after + months’ growth.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 229
39. Vicia villosa, plant 2. Showing growth of stem and leaf, same plant as fig.
38. Photo after four months’ growth.
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 231
40. Three flask cultures taken 10. II. 06. 1 Flask VII containing two pea seeds
planted Nov. 29th, 1905. It was not inoculated. No bacteria were pre-
sent and no nodules developed.
2. Flask X containing two pea seeds inoculated 12. IX. 05. The plant
which lived had eight nodules, at the time the photograph was taken.
May 7th it had SO.
3. Flask VIII planted on 12.12.05 with one germinating pea and one
germinating vetch seed. Inoculated with Ps. radicicola obtained from
vetch. 10 nodules developed on the vetch, none on the pea.
ae te (ee Eu
3 À : à 7 e 13 "1
< +
LA
:
:
z
.
;
;
2.
;
5
È
‘ à
\
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 253
41. Soy Bean. Two plants grown in the open, the one on the right inoculated at
the time of seeding with a culture of Ps. radicicola obtained from Soy,
the one on the left untreated.
/ ! ca Pe f |
7 f | ms
_ ¢ t i
7 a + Z
> ‘ ? = ‘
, i
Dh , ’ :
Ss 0 > ‘ .
a . et | .
: . A
2 i i ï S ld
, F * i
7 “« ;
; , \
re
f ?
1 @
235
NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE
[HARRISON & BARLOW |
Û
>
Those on the right from inoculated plants, those on the left
Soy Bean roots.
42,
treated ones.
Irom un
-
17
Sec. IV., 1906
[HARRISON & BARLOW] NODULE ORGANISM OF THE LEGUMINOSAE 237
43. Photograph of colonies of Ps. radicicola obtained from Lathyrus sativus.
This culture was made from a laboratory stock culture 1 year and 237
days old. The medium used was R87. Age of colonies § days.
Section IV., 1906. [239 ] Trans. R. S. C.
XIII.— A Birch Rope; An Account of a Remarkable Tumour Growing
upon the white Birch.
By D. P. PENHALLOW, D. Sc., MacDonald Professor of Botany, McGill
University. :
(Read May 22nd, 1906.)
While in attendance at the Forestry Convention held at Ottawa
during the last winter, my attention was directed to a remarkable growth
upon a white birch (Betula populifolia), which had been found in the
New Brunswick woods and was subsequently deposited in the Museum
of the Crown Lands Department. In response to an expression of
opinion that the growth was of a nature which justified careful examina-
tion, I shortly afterward received from Mr. T. G. Loggie of the Crown
Lands Department, a short portion of the growth which a very casual
examination showed to be of an extraordinary character. The informa-
tion accompanying the specimen was of the most meagre character, and
it did not afford any clue as to the causes which might have issued in
such an unusual development. The original, verbal information stated
that the growth was at least twenty feet in length, and that it hung free,
being attached at the upper end only. Upon communicating with Mr.
Loggie with respect to further details, he forwarded the reply to Mr. H.
M. Balkam of Plaster Rock, N.B., by whom the specimen was found,
which contained only a repetition of what I had heard before. It
therefore became evident that any further light which might be gained
as to the cause of the growth, must be derived entirely from a micro-
scopical examination of the specimen itself. ‘This examination was
therefore undertaken without any expectation of gaining a complete
solution of the question, but of obtaining such information as would
materially assist in explaining any similar growth should such be found
at a future time; but the likelihood of a recurrence of any such growth
in this latitude is exceedingly remote, as it seems to have resulted from
a peculiar combination of circumstances which may not again appear.
Although the original specimen as found, is described as having been
some twenty feet in length, the sample which reached me was only
about 36 cm long; but this was quite sufficient to establish all the essen-
tial features of external appearance, as well as of internal structure. In
its external aspects the growth may be described as follows :—
The surface is characterized by the presence of a white but very thin
tissue which imparts the general aspect of birch bark. This layer is the
Sec. IV., 1906. 18
240 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
result of bleaching as developed in the outermost cork layers, the cells
of which have also become devoid of contents, the whole as in the outer
layers of normal birch bark. It is to be observed, however, that the
bleached layers are not developed with uniformity over the entire surface |
and this, in conjunction with an irregular exfoliation, produces a
blotched appearance due to the exposure of the underlying and brown
layers. Further examination also shows no evidence whatever, of lenti-
cels, nor are there any indications of nodal regions. It is thus to be
noted that, while the general aspect of the structure is such as to indi-
cate with certainty, its relation to the white birch, it differs from the
latter in the important respect that there are no lenticels. ‘The form
of the growth is peculiar and points to some determining influence. The
entire structure is of essentially uniform width and thickness throughout
—that is, there is a variation in such dimensions of not more than about
one millimetre. The cross-section shows a narrow ellipse, the dimen-
sions of which are 1.0-1.1 em. X 0.30-0.40 em., from which it is also
to be observed that there is very little bulk, and that the growth was
of an exceedingly slender character. A transverse section discloses the
fact that the structure is not homogeneous, but that it is built up of a
series of concentric layers disposed about a central, slit-like cavity. A
magnifying power of ten diameters is quite sufficient to show that there
are from 38 to 41 such layers, that they are composed of cork tissue and
that they are separated from one another by a layer of absciss tissue
which ruptures in drying, or which is completely ruptured by the action
of the knife in sectioning; so that whether we look at the end of the
specimen, or at the section removed therefrom, the layers are quite
separate and distinct from each other (Fig. 1.)
Further, microscopical examination shows that the various cork
layers have been disposed about a central region of parenchyma in which
they obviously had their origin, and it is desirable that these regions
should be studied in detail. The parenchymatous layer occupying the
central area (fig. 2, pr.) readily splits at maturity as the result of ex-
treme desiccation, so that it is never found entire, but its two halves lie
on opposite, sides of a central cavity and form layers of very unequal
thickness as may be seen in the photograph. Structurally, it consists of
rounded and very thick-walled parenchyma cells, between which there are
also developed numerous and often very large intercellular spaces which
probably represent a structural accommodation to internal aeration.
The size and frequency of these spaces can be understood when it is re-
called that in the absence of lenticels, respiration must have been carried
on under exceptionally difficult conditions after the cork commenced to
form, and towards the end of the growth it may even have become in-
[PENHALLOW] | A BIRCH ROPE . 241
tramolecular. Not infrequently the cells show a transverse elongation,
indicating a branching habit of growth which is generally observed with
greater clearness in the longitudinal section.
In the longitudinal section the parenchyma is seen to consist of
usually much elongated cells which often become distinctly cylindrical
and several times longer than broad (fig. 3, prt and fig. 4, pr.), but it
is also equally clear that these cells constantly diminish in length toward
the outer face until they gradually pass into cork (fig. 4, c). The walls
are very irregularly thickened, and usually in such a manner that the
Bre: 45 xZo0:
relation of such thickening to mechanical support is quite obvious. The
walls are also very generally provided with rather large and frequent
pits which are nevertheless often so localized that a given section may
not show them, but they appear in part, in figure 4, pt., as also in trans-
verse section (fig. 5) where they impart a sieve-plate aspect to the ter-
minal walls. Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the parenchyma
tissue, is the presence of somewhat definitely organized medullary rays
which, though localized, nevertheless show a very well defined relation
to the other parts. In the transverse section (fig. 6, r.c.) they are seen
242 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
to be composed of radially elongated cells disposed in two or more series,
but outwardly becoming abruptly shortened and passing into cork
toward the outer face (fig. 6. 0.f.) The tissue immediately abutting
upon the rays is that of the general parenchyma structure, and the draw- |
ing (fig 6) gives one more example of the very irregular development it
presents, as well as the extent and character of the intercellular spaces.
In the longitudinal section, the rays are generally several cells high (fig.
3, mr.), and in all cases they are found to extend from the central cavity
through the entire thickness of the parenchyma layer to the cork, with
which their structure becomes blended.
On the outer face of the parenchyma tissue, there is a well defined
layer of cork, the two being united into one structure throughout, with
no evidence at any point, of an absciss layer. Nor is there any well de-
fined evidence of a phellogen layer which evidently disappeared com-
pletely at the moment of full maturity. From this description it is
obvious that the innermost layer of structure is composite, and that it
consists on its inner face of the residue of parenchyma tissue of which
\ GE
2S
SS
Fr ox 250)!
the entire growth must have been composed in the first instance, while
upon its outer face it consists of cork, the latter constituting approxi-
mately about one-third of the entire layer and representing the last pro-
duct in the activity of the growing parts.
The cork presents, in the main, the features usually characteristic
of such a tissue, deviating in detail with respect to (1) the somewhat
unusual thickness of the cell walls, and (2) the presence of very abun-
dant cell contents which persist throughout the entire structure (figs. 2
and 7) and do not disappear until the outermost layers have been
brought under the influence of weathering and the bleaching process is
developed. An inspection of the various layers of cork shows that each
is composed of about six to eight cells with very great constancy. ‘The
various layers are separated by an absciss layer of one or rarely of two
cells, the walls of which are very thin and easily ruptured, the cell itself
being about twice the radial diameter of the adjacent and unmodified
cork cells. The process of desiccation incident to full maturity, appears
[PENHALLOW ] A BIRCH ROPE 243
to be sufficient to rupture this layer, so that upon sectioning, or even
upon inspection of the original specimen, the layers appear quite dis-
tinct and separate from one another. A comparison of the layers
throughout the entire transverse section shows considerable variation in
thickness of such a nature that there is a more or less graduated diminu-
tion from within outwardly. Thus the outermost perfect layer of cork
has a thickness of 17.8 u, while the innermost layer has a thickness of
53.4 mM, giving a ratio of 1 : 3. From this it is evident that the
various layers must have been subjected to compression in growth, and
an attempt was therefore made to obtain a confirmation or denial of
this result from another point of view. Accordingly measurements were
taken of the radial diameter of the cork cells in the inner and outer
regions of growth, as well as on the inner and outer faces of the indi-
vidual layer in the two situations, with the following results :—
Innermost laver of cork united to parenchyma.
L'OTAN dk) Nee APN hid see ee NE INDE 8.70 bu
2 LECT AR HEC ea, Un eT ney ena” oes aia Um Maan OO) 977
Second or first completed layer of cork.
PERE TAC CY PTE AT ES TE PR Sense fee Ua, 8.70 y
Wureriace: . 11.1 5.26 u
One of the outermost layers of cork, immediately be-
neath the bleached layers.
LRO CON MEL TN Re En ne 3.01 fu
DR CO A PQ ae We ae a 3.51 pu
These results taken collectively, show most conclusively, that the
layers of cork have been developed under considerable tension resulting
from the resistance of the outermost and first formed layers. But the
second set of measurements also shows very convincingly, what might
have been anticipated on theoretical grounds, that while there is an
augmenting tension toward the outermost layers, the same rule applies
to the individual layer in such way that the outermost cells are always
of inferior radial diameter. The general result is expressed in the meas-
urements which show that the cells of the outermost layers are to those
of the innermost layers, where the conditions were most favourable to
free development, in the ratio of 1: 2.48, a fact which is also apparent
from an inspection of figures 2 and 7.
Some interesting structural variations have been noted, and these
may be briefly considered. ‘Typically, the central region of parenchyma
is surrounded, terminally as well as laterally, by well developed cork in
successive layers. ‘I'he parenchyma itself is somewhat more dense at
the extremities where it does not readily admit of fracture at maturity
244 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
so that the internal space which is ultimately developed does not reach,
quite to the ends, but stops some distance short (fig. 1). This typical
structure, however, does not seem to apply throughout, since a series of
sections discloses local variations of a more or less marked character. |
Thus in figure 8 it will be seen that an area of parenchyma of circular
form, has been cut ‘off from the principal mass of structure and has
formed cork all about it. Such nodal areas are sometimes duplicated by
smaller ones (fig. 9), but whether there are one or two, the same de-
velopment occurs at opposite ends of the same section. Another varia-
tion also appears locally, in the development of radiating zones of more
dense structure (fig. 8). Whenever such zones appear, they lie between
the nodal areas of parenchyma and the principal mass of tissue, and
thence extending outwardly, they curve upward toward the narrower end
of the section, at the same time broadening out in a fan-shaped manner.
Upon a careful analysis of this region, it is found to be composed of a very
compact and modified cork tissue which forms a perfectly continuous
structure without absciss layers. The first suggestion arising from this
observation is, that such regions are designed to furnish a necessary de-
gree of cohesion between the various layers of cork which would other-
wise become separated at an early period of development, whereby the
integrity of the structure as a whole would be seriously jeopardized.
Such indeed may be the case, but it does not serve to explain the origin
of such localized variations in structure. Upon a closer scrutiny of the
various parts, it will be observed that the following facts may be
noted :—
1. The fan-shaped tissue has its greatest expansion in the outer
layers of cork.
[PENHALLOW ] A BIRCH ROPE 245
2. It does not extend to the outermost layers of cork which were
the first in development, but it terminates several layers below the
general surface of the structure (fig. 8.)
3. Where nodal areas of parenchyma tissue are developed, the
outermost one is always the smaller or smallest as the case may be (fig.
9), the size increasing in centripetal order.
4. In the growth of the structure, the development of the cork
has progressed centripetally and in such a way that the tension between
the outer and inner regions steadily augments.
From the facts thus recited, it would be reasonable to conclude that
the development of the fan-shaped areas of dense and modified cork, as
well as the development of the nodal areas, is a direct response to condi-
tions of tension attendant upon the formation of the inelastic cork mem-
branes.
Conclusions.
Upon the basis of the foregoing facts, we are now in a position to
consider an explanation of the peculiar growth under examination, so
far as an explanation may be possible; but unfortunately we are not in
possession of some of the most essential facts with respect to the special
features which characterized the specimen in situ. In the absence of
such facts, it is impossibie to draw important inferences from its struc-
ture; and although we may not be able to ascertain the determining cause
of such a peculiar development, we can determine certain aspects of its
formation with accuracy, and from the conclusions so obtained, draw in-
ferences which may prove of value as suggestions with reference to the
possible solution of allied phenomena.
The question as to ‘how and under what conditions the growth ori-
ginated, is perhaps beyond the possibilities of successful solution at pre-
sent, but in our efforts to reach an answer, it may be well to first of all
examine into the bearing of the internal structure. As already
pointed out, there is a complete absence of anything which can be inter-
preted as an evidence of intermittent, longitudinal growth, since there
is an entire absence of nodes or of rings or scars which would mark suc-
cessive periods of development, such as would be found in the leaf scars
and nodes upon young branches of the same tree. From this circum-
stance we are led to infer that the entire growth in length must have
been accomplished within the limits of one season. This conclusion is
greatly strengthened by certain other observed facts. The structure as
a whole is very slender, according in this respect with very rapid de-
velopment. Furthermore, the absence of lenticels or other respiratory
246 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
and transpiratory organs, indicates that the development could not have
been greatly prolonged, and that not only was the entire length com-
pleted within a short time, but that the formation of the cork tissue
must likewise have been completed within a correspondingly brief in- :
terval. If we seek elsewhere, examples confirmatory of such develop-
ment, it is very difficult indeed to find them in this latitude. It is true
that in tropical latitudes numerous examples of rhizophores and aerial
roots may be found, and these offer general parallels in development.
But such erial organs require for their growth, a humid atmosphere of
relatively high temperature, and this rarely obtains—certainly not for
any prolonged period—in a northern latitude such as that of New
Brunswick; and even if, under exceptional circumstances such a com-
bination were to occur in a moist woodland, it would still be difficult to
consider it sufficient in itself, to induce the development of such a struc-
ture without the primary assistance of some special stimulus such as
would arise through the presence of a definite lesion of some sort. For
we are now dealing with an abnormal growth, and not with a normal
development of lateral organs such as would be presented by aerial roots
and rhizophores. And here we are faced with a mechanical difficulty ot
some importance. The bark of the white birch is enclosed in a definite
periderm of considerable thickness composed of a large number of super-
imposed layers of cork. It would require considerable force to rupture
such an investing membrane, and we should rather expect, as occurs
usually in such cases, for the hypertrophy to respond to the pressure and
give rise to a tumour of more or less spherical form, situated beneath the
outer bark. But in this case the very remarkable form of the outgrowth
itself may assist us to a correct interpretation of the facts. The “ rope ”—
so-called because of its attenuated form, but without implying any torsion
of its structure—has been found to present the form of a narrow ellipse
in transverse section. This can have but one meaning with respect to
the position which the rope occupied on the tree. It would be mani-
festly impossible for it to grow with its major axis in a vertical plane,
for even if it emerged from the bark in that position, the effect of its
own weight would soon develop a torsion which would speedily bring the
major axis into a horizontal position, and this, we may as-
sume, Was its real position from the very outset of its de-
velopment. Now itis to be observed that while the thickness of
the rope may very readily have been the result of subsequent expansion,
the breadth and more particularly the form, are in direct conformity
with the length and the general shape of a lenticel which always occupies
a horizontal position in the white birch. Such a lenticel would form a
very natural point of emergence as a region of least resistance for a hy-
[PENHALLOW ] A BIRCH ROPE 247
pertrophy originating immediately beneath it, and it seems to offer the
most acceptable explanation of some of the most important features of
the growth.
It is evident, however, that after emergence, the tumour must have
continued its development in the form of parenchyma tissue until the
completion of its length, and that this development must have been con-
tinous within a short period as already shown. ‘That there was a certain
definite, though limited necessity for resistance to transverse strains such
as would be developed by wind pressure, is evident from the presence
of mechanical tissue in the form of the cylindrical, branching and thick-
walled parenchyma cells; but that the necessity for such mechanical ele-
ments was not great, is also implied by its limited extent and by the com-
plete absence of fibrous tissue.
The development of so attenuated an organ of such great length,
necessitated some special provision for the transport of nutrient ma-
terials, as well as for the aeration of parts. This latter we have seen to
have been provided for through the large and numerous intercellular
spaces of the parenchyma tissue, and it is possible even, that the central
cavity may have developed before complete maturity with special refer-
ence to this particular purpose. The longitudinal circulation of the nu-
trient fluids was provided for in the first instance, by the parenchyma
cells themselves, but this provision no doubt proved inadequate after a
time and it was therefore supplemented by the mechanical cells which
also served as conductive cells, as indicated by their strongly developed
and numerous pits. Lateral circulation was provided for in the same
way and through the same elements, but more largely by the develop-
ment of elementary medullary rays which served to connect the central
region with the outer regions where the formation of cork was particu-
larly active; and it is quite probable that these structures also served to
some extent for lateral aeration.
We have yet to gain an explanation of the way in which the growth
in length was accomplished. It may have been brought about in one of
three ways, or by a combination of two or more of them.
1. The development may have been wholly basal and confined to
the tissues lying within the area of the living bark of the parent tree.
In that case the growth would have been pushed forward, and the in-
crease of length would have depended entirely upon the formation of
new tissue at the base. Had such a method of development obtained,
the tumour weuld probably have shown more or less marked irregularity
of surface indicative of want of absolutely continuous development, but
nothing of the kind appears. Moreover, such basal development would
have resulted in the cork being disposed in transverse layers, inasmuch
Sec. IV., 1906. 19
; ‘
248 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
as the older parts would have matured as rapidly as formed; but on the
contrary we find the cork layers to be developed longitudinally, and all
the evidence points to a simultaneous activity throughout the entire
length. We must therefore dismiss the theory of basal growth as being
inconsistent with, and, indeed, opposed to the facts.
2. The second alternative is terminal growth. If the elongation
were to depend entirely upon activity of the cells at the apex, then it
would still be possible for all the more inferior parts to continue active
until the close of the season, but two very substantial facts seem to be
opposed to this view. In the first place, unless the rate of growth were
far greater than we have any reason to suppose was the case, and indeed
far greater than would be probable under the climatic conditions of the
locality, the length attained would not have been completed within the
limits of one season as there is good reason to suppose must have been
the case. In the second place, under the influence of such terminal
growth, the basal portions would have matured much in advance of the
terminal parts, even while the latter were continuing to elongate. There
is no direct evidence in the specimen to prove that such may have been
the case, but on the contrary the strictly parenchymatous character of the
basic structure seems to point to an opposite conclusion.
3. We are thus brought to our third alternative, according to which
we may suppose that as the tumour emerged from the bark, it was com-
posed wholly of very active parenchyma tissue which continued to in-
crease in volume as such a tissue would naturally do when reacting to a
traumatic stimulus. Under such circumstances, each cell would parti-
cipate in the process of division, and thus through division and enlarg-
ment of the individual cells, the tumour would not only increase rapidly
in volume, but at such a rate as would render its completion within a
comparatively short time, a definite possibility. This would seem to my
mind, the most satisfactory explanation which the observed facts will
warrant. On this basis it becomes possible to account for the develop-
ment of the cork which obviously proceeded centripetally, and nearly
if not quite simultaneously throughout the entire length of the tumour.
The only other consideration that needs to be dealt with, is the
structural alteration of the cork layers due to compression. It has been
shown that each layer of cork was influenced by compression in such a
way that the outer cells are always radially narrower than the inner-
most, an alteration also exhibited between the outermost and the inner-
most layers in such way that the cells of the latter are two and one-half
times broader than the former. Otherwise this observation is supported
by the fact that the innermost layers of cork are approximately three
times thicker than the outer layers. But it is also probable that this
[PENHALLOW] A BIRCH ROPE 249
compression is expressed in the formation of the nodal areas of paren-
chyma, as well as in the local consolidation of the cork tissue accom-
panied by an obliteration of the absciss layers. Upon reviewing all the
circumstances connected with this very remarkable tumour, we are
brought to the following final conclusions:
1. The outgrowth had its origin in a lesion of the living bark, the
precise nature and origin of which cannot be ascertained.
2. <A definite hypertrophy developed as a traumatic reaction, but
instead of becoming localized and forming wood or sclerotic tissue, 1t
continued its development as active parenchyma and forced its way
through the overlying and external tissue of the periderm.
3. The form of the outgrowth suggests that it emerged through
a lenticel as a region of minimum resistance.
4. The probable relation of the outgrowth to a lenticel, suggests
that it may have had its origin in the spongy parenchyma which forms
the aeriferous tissue of the lenticel.
5. The outgrowth may be regarded as a special form of tumour,
the particular character of which was determined by the nature of the
surrounding parts, and particularly by the possibilities of ready exit
through a lenticel.
6. The tumour developed by simultaneous division and enlarge-
ment of the component cells, throughout its entire length, and it was
completed within the limits of one season of growth.
7. The formation of cork proceeded more or less simultaneously
over the entire surface until final exhaustion of the parenchyma.
8. The primary cause of the tumour should be sought in a lesion
of the living bark, combined with conditions of high temperature and
high atmospheric humidity.
250 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
EXPLANATION OF PLATES.
Figure 1.—Transverse section showing the general structure of the
“rope,” and the development of the central cavity. x. 9.5.
Figure 2.—Transverse section showing at pr. the parenchyma bordering
upon the central cavity; c. the last formed and imper-
fect cork layer; ab, the absciss layer which has been
ruptured. «x 4170}
Figure 3.—Longitudinal section showing at pr, the parenchyma cells
of the innermost layer, which have assumed an elongated
form and become mechanical cells; pr. the thick-walled
cells of the same region; c, the last formed and imper-
fectly developed layer of cork; ab, the absciss layer;
mr, the medullary ray. x 170.
Figure 4.—Longitudinal section showing at pr, the elongated paren-
chyma cells of the innermost structure bordering upon
the central cavity, with pitted cells at pt, and on the
left (c), the last development of cork tissue. x 250.
Figure 5.—Transverse section showing the pitted terminal walls of
the parenchyma cells as in Fig. 4, pt. x 250.
Figure 6.—Transverse section from the region of the innermost paren-
chyma, with the outer face (of), the inner face (if), the
parenchyma tissue with thick walls and intercellular
spaces (pr), and a rudimentary medullary ray (rc).
x 200.
Figure 7.—Transverse section showing the series of cork layers with
absciss layers, and the variations in volume of the cork
cells. x 170.
‘Figure 8.—Transverse section showing nodal regions of structure at
the end of the central cavity, together with a radially
developed region of modified cork devoid of absciss layers.
KoA.
Figure 9.—Transverse section showing a nodal region at the precise
extremity of the central cavity. x 34.
251
A BIRCH ROPE
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Sec. IV, 1906.
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Section IV., 1906. [ 287] Traxs. R. S. C.
XIV.— Some of the Unsolved Problems of Immunity.
By Arrert G. Nicxozrs, M.A., M.D., C.M.,
Assistant Professor of Pathology, McGill University; Assistant Physician,
Montreal General Hospital; Pathologist to the Western Hospital,
Montreal.
\
Presented by Pror. Wescey Mizzs, M.D.
(Read May 23rd, 1906.)
Immunity is that property of living protoplasm which makes it
insusceptible to the action of agents that are ordinarily deleterious to
other organisms of a similar kind. From the point of view of the
therapeutist it may be defined as “cure in operation from the begin-
ning.” Immunity, which is tne special peculiarity of the organism
from the earliest period of its existence, is termed natural, innate, or
hereditary immunity. Immunity the result of causes influencing the
erganism during its lifetime is called acquired immunity. Strictly
speaking, the word “immunity” denotes complete protection against
external noxæ, but it is not customary to confine its application within
such narrow limits. Complete or absolute immunity is rarely met with,
but we have between this extreme and marked susceptibility all possible
grades of relative immunity.
The phenomena of immunity are manifested in connection with
a great variety of substances. These are in most cases chemical in
nature and may be derived from the vegetable, mineral, and animal
kingdoms.
A consideration of the subject of natural immunity gives rise to
many interesting and suggestive lines of thought. It has long been
recognized that certain organisms are more susceptible to the action
of deleterious agencies than are others. These differences are evidenced
with regard to species, races, families, individuals, and life-periods. As
a general thing, we find that the cold-blooded species of animals are
insusceptible in a considerable degree to the action of micro-organisms
that produce disease in warm-blooded animals, and vice-versa. Note-
worthy variations in this particular are also found in the case of the
warm-blooded animals themselves. Human beings, for example, suffer
from typhoid fever and syphilis, diseases that, so far as we know, never
occur in the lower animals in the ordinary course of nature. Conversely,
many of the infective organisms that attack the lower animals never
Sec. JV., 1906. 22
258 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
invade the human system. Again, the bacillus of anthrax is virulent
for guinea-pigs and mice, but has no effect upon white rats. Ordinary
sheep are also very susceptible to anthrax, but the Algerian breed are
much more resistent. The field-mouse is susceptible to glanders, while |
the white mouse is immune. The microbe of rabbit septicaemia is
excessively poisonous for-rabbits but does not affect rats, guinea-pigs,
or dogs. With regard to human beings different races exhibit similar
notable differences. Whites, for example, are more susceptible to mala-
ria and yellow fever than are negroes.
Family peculiarities have an important bearing on the etiology
of infective disease, as hardly needs to be mentioned. That certain
families are particularly liable to tuberculosis, and that when they have
contracted it the affection goes badly with them, is a matter of common
knowledge.
We may, moreover, narrow the matter down still farther, namely, to
the individual. Personal idiosyncrasy is an element that always has to
be taken into account by physicians. Some individuals are abnormally
sensitive to the action of drugs, such as quinin, antipyrin, mercury,
arsenic, salicylic acid, morphin, iodoform, and the venom of poison-ivy.
Age is also to be considered. It is a matter of common observ-
ation that children are much more susceptible to certain infective dis-
ease, such as measles, scarlatina, whooping-cough, chicken-pox, than
are adults. On the other hand, children are believed to tolerate large
doses of arsenic, belladonna, quinin, digitalis, potassium iodide, and
inercury. Diseases like tuberculosis, typhoid fever, and osteomyelitis,
are much more common in youth and early adult life than they are in
those advanced in years.
When we come to seek the explanation of the occurrence of natural
immunity we are confronted with many and great difficulties. The
problem is most complex as most vital processes usually are. It would
be idle, therefore, to expect a simple solution or even a single solution.
The subject, too, is bound up inextricably with that most abstruse
question — heredity.
By way of clearing the ground for a proper understanding of the
matters we have to discuss, it is necessary to refer briefly to the means
of protection which the animal organism naturally possesses. The
ectodermic covering of the body is differentiated into two portions,
the skin or epidermis and the mucous membranes. These constitute
the first line of defence. Before systemic effects can be produced it
is necessary for the offending agents to pass through the protecting
envelope. This is ordinarily effected through the medium of an abra-
sion or other solution of continuity. When once an entrance has
-[ NICHOLLS] UNSOLVED PROBLEMS OF IMMUNITY 259
been gained, the duties of protection devolve upon the blood and certain
of the tissue cells and juices. The cells chiefly concerned in the com-
bat against the aggressive agents are the polymorphonuclear leucocytes
and hyaline cells of the blood, the lining endothelial cells of blood-
vessels, lymph-spaces, and serous sacs, and to a less extent those of
connective tissue. There is evidence, too, for thinking that the blood
plasma contains substances that are inimical to the growth of infective
micro-organisms. There is another factor, also, to be considered,
namely, the lymphatic channels and the lymph-nodes. The lymphatic
channels in the large majority of cases determine the line of invasion
of the offending substances, and the nodes interpose a barrier in the
shape of a filter, not merely a mechanical filter, but more than this,
a vital filter, the cells of which have, to some extent, the power of
fixing the deleterious agents and neutralizing their effects. From one
,point of view this is a decided gain, but from another, is harmful in
that the presence of an extensive and intercommunicating lymph sys-
tem renders the systemic dissemination of the offending substances more
easy.
The bodily temperature appears also to be of moment. Many
pathogenic germs can flourish only within a comparatively narrow tem-
perature range. Outside of these limits their growth is inhibited or
stopped altogether. This probably explains in part why it is that
micro-organisms that are injurious to man are innocuous to the lower
animals. Jn the coldblooded animals we have not only a low temper-
ature, but in some cases a varying temperature, a condition of things
that is highly inimical to many germs. In certain of the higher
vertebrates the temperature is two or three degrees higher than it is
in man. It would seem probable, also, though upon this point we
have little or no information, that the plasma of human blood differs
considerably from that of the lower animals in the matter of the con-
tained salts and their relative proportions, and we have experimental
evidence to show that a comparatively slight alteration in the percentage
of the chemical substances contained in nutrient media is sufficient to
materially inhibit the growth of bacteria. We may find in this an
explanation of the variations in the susceptibility of various species of
animals. |
To give an adequate explanation of the variation in susceptibility
in different races of the same species is extremely difficult. We know
that many primitive races, living remote from civilization, such as
the Eskimo, Icelanders, and North American Indians, are extremely
susceptible to the ravages of infectious diseases like tuberculosis, small-
pox and syphilis. The comparative immunity of other peoples is
260 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
probably due to the fact that for ages they have been attacked by these
diseases and their tissues have in time become acclimatized, as it were,
to the deleterious influences which are brought to bear upon them. In
what this increasing resisting power essentially consists we are not in
a position to say, but it is clearly inherited. The susceptibility of
certain families to diseases like tuberculosis is probably also a heredit-
ary peculiarity, the tendency being as it were, focussed in such per-
sons as a result of certain accidents of marriage. No satisfactory
explanation of personal idiosyncrasies has ever been offered.
We pass on now, however, to a more fruitful field for enquiry,
namely, acquired immunity. It is a well known fact that individuals
can acquire a toleration of poisonous substances by the ingestion of
these substances in gradually increasing doses over prolonged periods
of time. The chronic alcoholic, the morphinomaniac, and the arsenic-
eaters of Styria are cases in point. Similarly, one attack of an infec-
tious disease will in many cases confer a more or less lasting immun-
ity. Small-pox, scarlatina, typhoid fever, and syphilis, rarely attack
the same individual more than once, though exceptions to this rule
undoubtedly occur. The degree of immunity in such cases varies
greatly with the disease and the individual. The immunity after syph-
ilis and small-pox is almost absolute, after other infectious diseases
is less marked. Immunity of this kind, active immunity as it is called,
can also be produced artificially.
Perhaps the earliest example of this of which we have authentic
information is the inoculation for small-pox practised in the East and
referred to by Lady Mary Wortley Montague in her letters written in
the earlier part of the eighteenth century (1718). The method con-
sisted in the inoculation under the skin of healthy individuals of ma-
terial taken from the pocks. In this way a mild form of the disease
was in many cases induced which protected against subsequent attacks.
The procedure does not seem to have been at all certain in its results,
however, and it was not until somewhat later, when Jenner introduced
the practice of vaccination with the lymph taken from cases of cow-
pox, that reliable results were attained. It is now believed that vac-
cinia or cow-pox is small-pox in an attenuated form, and that by giving
a person an attack so mild as to be in most cases devoid of more than
trifling inconvenience we protect against a much more serious type of
the malady. In this case we are probably dealing with an animal
parasite, but the same principle applies to certain vegetable parasites,
namely, bacteria. It has heen found possible to produce immunity
by the inoculation of living bacteria whose virulence has been attenuated
in various ways, as Pasteur did with chicken-cholera and anthrax in
r
[NICHOLLS] UNSOLVED PROBLEMS OF IMMUNITY 261
sheep, or by the products of their growth, the bacteria having been +
filtered off or destroyed by heat, as in Haffkine’s method of immuniz-
ation against plague, and Wright's antithyphoid inoculations. Such
methods, however, are in general more efficacious in preventing, infec-
tious disease than in curing it when once it has become established.
A notable exception to this rule is met with in the case of diphtheria,
in which disease we have in an antitoxic serum a powerful therapeutic
agent. This, however, is prepared in another way. An animal, in
this case a horse, is rendered immune by one or other of the methods
mentioned, and when highly refractory is bled. The serum is separated
from the biood and a certain amount of this when injected into a
second individual suffering from diphtheria will often suffice to bring
about cure, or, again, protect against the disease in those exposed to
unfection. This form of immunity has been termed by Ehrlich passive
immunity. It is temporary in character and is brought about by the
action of anti-bodies, elaborated in one individual, which neutralize
the effects of bacteria which have gained an entrance into a second.
With regard to the method by which the economy protects itself
against the onslaughts of the infecting micro-organisms many different
opinions have been expressed. Klebs and Pasteur held that during
the first attack of any given disease the germ used up all the available
pabulum and that its existence came to an end, as it were by starv-
ation. Until this food-stuff was recreated the person was immune.
Chauveau was of the opinion that, the toxic emanations from the bac-
teria kept on accumulating in the system until they reached such a
degree of concentration that farther existence of the germ became impos-
sible. It was, in other words, poisoned by its own excreta. Grawitz
explained the production of immunity on the theory that infection is
a combat between the germs and the cells of the body. If the cells
are victorious in the conflict they acquire increased powers of resistance
to the germ in question and subsequently are able to destroy it as
soon as it gains an entrance into the tissues. These various ideas
need only be mentioned, for they are not seriously entertained by path-
ologists at the present day. Two chief opposing schools of thought
only may be said to be in existence now. Metschnikoff, the apostle
of the doctrine of phagocytosis, would attribute the cure of infective
disease and the production of immunity to the activities of special
cells — phagocytes — especially certain leucocytes of the blood, the
splenic corpuscles, the lining cells of blood- and lymph-channels and
of serous sacs. The phenomena of phagocytosis are directly dependent
upon the attraction (positive chemotaxis) existing between these cells
and the bacteria and bacterial products. By their amceboid powers
262 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
LU
the phagocytes take up into their substance bacteria, much as they would
ordinary food-stuffs, digesting them, assimilating portions of their
material, and rejecting others. In the opinion of this eminent investi-
gator and his pupils, phagocytosis is the all important factor in the.
struggle of the body against infective disease. Opposed to this view
is that of the “ Humoralists.” The work of Traube, Von Fodor,
Pfeiffer, and Nuttall, to mention only a few, goes to show that certain
protective substances are contained in the serum and plasma of the
blood, which have the power of destroying defective micro-organisms.
From this point:of view, the struggle against infection may be regarded
as a sort of scavenging process, the phagocytes taking up and digesting
micro-organisms that have been destroyed by other means. Flugge
has graphically illustrated this conception by comparing the phagocytes
to the trenches made ready behind the fighting line to receive the con-
quered dead.
It might at first sight be thought that these views are incompatible,
but a little reflection will show that this is by no means so. It is
conceivable that the bacterial substances in the plasma or serum are
derived from certain cells, and that, therefore, the cells are the impor-
tant factor after all. More searching enquiry would seem to bear this
out. Long ago, Hankin proved that the leucocytes of immune animals
contain bactericidal substances, and the more recent researches of Buch-
ner, Vaughan, Denys and Havel, and Ribbert, go to prove that the
bactericidal power of blood serum is due to substances derived from
the leucocytes. As the matter now stands it may be said that prac-
tically all pathologists admit the great importance of phagocytosis in
the reaction of ‘the organism against infective disease. Metschnikoff
on his part has been constrained to modify the original position ‘and
now accepts the view that there is an extracellular as well as an intra-
cellular activity brought into play. The points in debate at the present
lime appear to be the relative importance of the intra- and extra-cellular
activity as well as certain questions in regard to the details of the
process by which immunity is brought about.
The process of immunity has been aptly compared to a conflict,
the micro-organisms damaging the tissues by means of the toxic pro-
ducts of their metabolism, the invaded organism in its turn endeavour-
ing to protect itself against the microbe by the elaboration of a certain
defensive mechanism. When we consider the vital processes of the
invader and the invaded we can readily understand ‘that the phenomena
of infection and the reaction against infection must be highly compli-
eated. From all we know of metabolism in general we may infer with
considerable probability that the mechanism of defence consists in the
[NICHOLLS | UNSOLVED PROBLEMS OF IMMUNITY 263
production of protective substances which, entering the blood stream,
are carried to the remotest parts of the body. These substances can
be demonstrated in the blood and are undoubtedly the result of some
vital process on the part of the infected organism, though where they
are formed has not as yet been determined with certainty. Farther,
it seems to be generally agreed that Ehrlich’s view is correct. namely,
that before bacterial intoxication can occur, the toxin in question must
enter into a chemical combination with some cellular element of the
body. It is important to note in this connection that these chemical .
affinities vary considerably, certain toxins having a special predilection
for attacking certain cells, while others escape. Thus, the tetanus
toxin and that of rabies have a marked tendency to attack the central
nervous system; the diphtheria toxin has an attraction for the peri-
pheral nerves; the toxin of scarlatina is prone to damage the secreting
cells of the kidney, and so:on.
To emphasize this peculiarity that the toxin has of turning to a
particular class of cell, Wright has coined the term “ tropine ” to desig-
nate bodies of this kind. Adopting this terminology, we may call the
protective substances elaborated to combat the deleterious agents “ anti-
tropines.” Several kinds of antitropines have been discovered, some
capable of neutralizing the effects of bacterial tropines, others the
tropines of certain highly organized plants, still others, those of anima!
origin, such as snake-venom. After twenty years of research we are
only now beginning to apprehend the importance of these antitropines
and the marvellous complexity of the protective forces of the body.
Several kinds of bacterial antitropines have already been demonstrated,
such as antitoxins, agglutinins, precipitins, lysins, and opsonins, and
there may be others. Moreover, these differ both quantitatively and
qualitatively in special cares.
The work of Wright and Douglas, published during the past two
or three years, has thrown a flood of light upon the abstruse subject
of immunity production. These observers have shown conclusively
that the blood-fluids play a most important role in connection with
phagocytosis. By investigating the action of the serum and the leuco-
cytes separately and in conjunction upon bacteria, they have demon-
strated that substances exist in the serum which. in some way later,
the microbes in such a way as to render them an easy prey for the
leucocytes. These substances they call “ opsonins,” from the word
“opsono,” “I cater for,” “provide victuals for.” Divesting their
method of sundry technical details, it may be summed up as follows:
Certain volumes of serum, bacterial emulsion, and leucocytes, pre-
viously washed in a half per cent solution of sodium citrate in normal
264 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
salt solution are mixed together, placed in the incubator for fifteen
minutes at 37° Cent. A film is made from this on a glass slide,
stained by a modified Romanoffsky method, and the number of bacteria
ingested by the leucocytes is determined. The bacteria contained within
twenty cells are counted and an average struck per cell. The authors
find that the leucocytes have no power to engulph bacteria unless the
latter have previously been sensitized by contact with blood serum.
Conversely, serum loses its sensitizing power if it be heated to 60° to
65° for fifteen minutes. Clearly, then, the serum contains some sub-
stance of fundamental importance in determining the fact of phagocy-
tosis. These opsonins, as they are called, are thermolabile, and, accord-
ing to Wright and Douglas, act by effecting some change in the bacteria
and not by directly stimulating the activities of the leucocytes. These
observations have been amply confirmed by later observers, notably,
Bulloch and Atkin, Hektoen and Ruediger, and Dean. In the case of
the sera of animals immunized against certain infections, it has farther
been shown that opsonins are present in the blood in increased amounts,
and, moreover, as a result of the inoculation of bacterial toxins the
opsonic content of the blood can be increased. Some doubt still exists
as to the nature of these opsonins of Wright and Douglas. Dean, for
instance, holds that opsonins are thermostable and, therefore, are to be
identified with the specific “immune body,” “ fixateur,” or “ substance
sensibilisatrice,” previously described by other observers, as Denys,
Metschnikoff, Savtschenko, and Levaditi. The question arises whether
the opsonins of normal blood serum are identical with those of immune
sera. Dean’s work would tend to confirm the idea that they are.
That normal sera contain an immune substance has, of course, been
known for some time. The normal antitoxin (e.g.. of diphtheria)
and antiferments need only be mentioned. The observations of Pfeiffer,
Bordet, Moxter, Ehrlich, and Morgenroth, have firmly established the
fact that the bacteriolytic and hæmolytie actions of normal sera are
due to the presence in the sera of an immune body plus a complement.
With regard to opsonins, it is-still undetermined whether free comple-
ment may take part in the preparation of the microbes, but Dean’s
work goes to show that this at all events is not a necessary factor in
the case.
It would be interesting to know, as tending to elucidate the ques-
tion where the opsonins originate, if there be any relationship between
the increased number of leucocytes so often found in the blood in
most infectious diseases and the amount of opsonin in the blood. Our
knowledge at present is not sufficient to give a decided answer to this
important question. The experiments of Bulloch and Ledingham with
2
[ NICHOLLS] UNSOLVED PROBLEMS OF IMMUNITY 265
regard to this point have failed to show any constant relationship
between the two factors. With certain drugs, such as sodium cinna-
mylicum and tallianine, which produce marked leucocytosis, no increase
in opsonin could be made out. With the nuclein of yeast, however,
they observed a notable increase in the opsonic content, often unasso-
ciated with any increase in the leucocytes. Huggard and Morland, ‘on
the other hand, found that the internal administration of yeast led to
an increased output of opsonins:as well as a marked leucocytosis. This
is an interesting scientific explanation of the efficacy of a certain empir-
ical line of treatment of infection in vogue in certain countries, notably,
France, namely, the treatment of furunculosis with brewer’s yeast.
The doctrine of “opsonins” gives us a working basis on which
to explain some at least of the phenomena of infection. When bac-
teria gain an entrance into the economy some of them are immediately
sensitized by the plasma and are thereupon engulphed by the phago-
cytes. The amount of the immune substance available is, however. small
and the supply soon exhausted. Consequently, if more micro-organisms
be present than it is able to deal with, they will multiply and be
either indifferent to the phagocytes or exercise a repelling influence
upon them (negative chemotaxis), there being no free immune bodies
present.
The activity of the opsonins is, however, but one phase of the
reaction against infection. As before mentioned, there are several
other substances in blood serum which exert defensive powers. In
the case of cholera and typhoid fever, Pfeiffer showed that the specific
germs of these diseases when subjected to the action of immune serum
were first agglutinated rendered motionless (Pfeiffer’s phenomenon)
and eventually dissolved (bacteriolysis). Such immune sera, therefore,
contain two substances, agglutinins, which clump the bacteria, and
lysins, which dissolve them. It used to be thought that the phenomenon
of agglutination was a necessary part of bacteriolysis, but this is not
the case. A serum that is both agglutinative and bacteriolytic may
be deprived of the latter property without detriment to the former.
Lysins are, therefore, different from agglutinins. It is rather-singular,
perhaps, that lysins cannot be always demonstrated to be present in
eases of infectious disease. This, however, simply indicates the great
complexity of Nature’s processes and proves that the same end may
be achieved in a variety of ways. In this sphere, also, apparently,
more than one road leads to Rome. Similarly, antitoxins, which are
so potent a factor in the case of certain infections, as, for example,
diphtheria, cannot always be detected. Why these marked differences
in different cases we are at a loss to know. It would seem as if there
266 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
were a variety of protective mechanisms potentially present, any one
or more of which may on occasion be called into play. That these
mechanisms are not altogether specific is shown by the fact that to some
extent they can be manifested by normal tissues and body fluids and
seem to be a fundamental property of cell-protoplasm. While it is
true that certain of them can be increased in potency by the injection
of bacterial toxins and then probably become specific, yet these pro-
tective substances can he elaborated in other ways. The curative action
of the ferment of yeast or saccharomyces in cases of infection with a
germ of a different class, the staphylococcus, is a case in point. Some
other interesting facts may also be referred to in this connection. More
than forty years ago a distinguished member and former president of
this Royal Society, Sir James Grant, M.D., made a striking series of
observations on the action of the lymph of cow-pox (vaccine) in the
case of certain skin diseases (London Medical Times and Gazette,
March 14th, 1863). Affections, such as psoriasis palmoris, tinea
nummularis, psoriasis lapræformis, and even syphilis, which had resisted
for years the ordinary measures, yielded in a comparatively short time
to the action of vaccination of the Jennerian type. We are not sure,
of course, of the-etiological factors at work in the diseases mentioned,
but, if not microhic, they are at least due to blood dyscrasiæ and the
products of the metabolism of the organism of cow-pox, whatever it
may be, affected some alteration in the system which resulted in cure.
Again, occasional instances are met with where the toxin of one germ
is antagonistic to the growth of another. At least, this can be shown
in vitro. The products of growth of certain bacteria, such as the
B. Prodigiosus and the micrococcus of erysipelas, have been found to
be detrimental to cell growth and metabolism, -as witness the beneficial
effect that Coley’s method of treatment has in some cases of malignant
disease. Facts such as these still want explanation, but farther study
along these lines may eventually result in the discovery of laws which
will be valuable in the therapeutics of infectious disease. All, how-
ever, goes to show that the laws governing immunity are of the widest
scope, and that the process is probably in the main to be explained on
chemical principles, though the vital properties of the cells and tissues
are by no means to be neglected.
x 5
Section 1V., 1906. f 267] Trans. R. S. C
XV.— Notes on the Mineral Fuel Supply of Canada.*
R. W. Evis, LL.D.
(Read May 23, 1906.)
In a country of such enormous proportions as the Dominion of
Canada, extending from east to west across the thousands of miles
between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and northwards into the ice-
laden waters of the Arctic, with its months of severely cold but bracing
climate, the question of an adequate fuel supply, as a source of heat,
light and power, must always be of paramount importance. To some
extent the requisite of power is now being provided by the utilization of
the numerous waterfalls with which Canada is so well supplied, whereby
practically an unlimited amount of energy can be produced and distri-
buted by electric cables to long distances. This electric power will be-
fore many years be utilized on our present great railway systems with
their thousands of miles of transcontinental trunk-lines and their radiat-
ing’ net-work of branches, as well as for the motive power of many of the
large manufacturing centres; but it is scarcely probable that our ordinary
fuel supplies will be entirely superseded in all kinds of transport or gen-
eral industry, while the grand problem of fuel for household purposes
alone presents an interesting feature which must be of much general
interest.
Some thirty or forty years ago it was the generally accepted opinion
that in the matter of coal supply Canada was to a large extent deficient.
The areas in Nova Scotia, more especially those in Pictou county and on
the Island of Cape Breton, had long been known, and had been worked
to some extent for more than a century. In New Brunswick also coal
had been mined from the small seams of the interior for many years,
though the annual output never exceeded a few thousand tons; but west
of that province it was supposed that coal, as a source of fuel supply,
was almost entirely lacking. The great deposits of British Columbia
were scarcely known, with the exception of the coal basin of Vancouver
Island; and our knowledge of the fertile plains of the Saskatchewan dis-
trict, with their enormous deposits of lignite, was practically confined to
the information contained in the reports of the Palliser and Hind expe-
ditions which nearly fifty years ago traversed a comparatively small por-
tion of the plains country. With the further exception of a few who,
in the interests of science, and often in the face of great difficulties as
1Published by permission of the Director of the Geological Survey.
268 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
regards transport, or of danger from Indians with whom no treaties had
then been made, endeavoured to ascertain in some small way the economic
resources of our western heritage, very little enterprise had been shewn
in this direction. With the advent of Confederation and the acquisition
of the great area lying east of the Rocky mountains a new state of things
was inaugurated, and parties of exploration were sent east and west and
to the farthest north. With the growth of knowledge arising from the
detailed examination of every portion of the Dominion, carried on
largely by the officers of the Geological Survey and by the Topographical
Branch of the Interior Department, we have now ascertained this fact,
that in every province of the Dominion, from Nova Scotia on the east
to the most northern confines of British Columbia on the west, including
the islands of the Pacific adjacent to the mainland, and extending into
the wilds of the Yukon district, coal or mineral fuel in some form and in
workable quantity is to be had whenever its exploitation for commercial
purposes is required. Even in the Arctic islands and on the adjacent
coast of Greenland large deposits of coal are now known to occur; and
although no commercial value can at present be attached to the northern
deposits on Canadian territory, it may well be supposed that, in the rapid
development of our great country, the time may come when even these
stores of fuel will be found available for economic purposes.
It is readily seen therefore that the views once so generally held as
to the meagreness of the mineral fuel supply of Canada can no longer
be entertained; and while it is not the object of this paper to enter into
an abstruse discussion of the origin and mode of occurrence of the
several sources of our mineral fuels, a sketch of the character, the loca-
tion and possible value of some of the more important deposits may con-
tain some points of general interest as regards the country’s progress.
In discussing the question of mineral fuels a number of substances
other than coal proper must be considered. The coals themselves include
several varieties such as anthracite which is found along the eastern
flank of the Rocky Mountains and to some extent on one of the Queen
Charlotte group of islands in the northern Pacific ocean; the true or
bituminous coals with their resulting coke, and the lignitic coals and
lignites which are not capable of being coked, and which vary from
brown to black and in quality from a fuel nearly equal to many of the
true coals to others not far removed from peat. In addition to these,
the minerals anthraxolite, oil-shale, albertite, and petroleum and natural
gas must all be regarded as forms of fuel. They are often found in
large quantities and at many widely separated points; while immense
stores of peat, which in the manufactured or compressed state is now be-
coming an important factor as fuel in some parts of the Dominion is
2
[ELLs] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 269
without doubt destined in a few years to become a still more important
national asset as a source of heat, light and power.
More especially will this be the case in those provinces in which the
deposits of peat are large and of good quality and the distances from the
coal centres great. ‘These conditions apply to considerable portions of
Ontario and Quebec to which the coal-fields of Nova Scotia should na-
turally furnish the fuel supply; as also to eastern Manitoba which is
naturally dependent on the coals from the eastern slopes of
the Rocky mountains or on the lignites of the great plains.
As regards those provinces which contain an available fuel
supply in coal the need of utilizing the peat deposits
is probably at present not so great as to warrant the outlay of
capital necessary for the erection of costly plants required for the manu-
facture of compressed peat fuel. In the following pages the distri-
bution of the several varieties of fossil or mineral fuel, above referred to,
will be indicated.
If we consider the geological horizons of the several coal deposits
found in Canada ft will be seen that these embrace a wide range, extend-
ing from the Devonian upward into the Tertiary. Of the other fuels,
some of them range downward in the geological scale to our lowest rocks,
anthraxolite, which is a form of carbon, being found in those of Huronian
and Cambrian age. The geological horizons of the workable coals are how-
ever rather more limited, although even here the early ideas that the
economic deposits of coal belonged especially to the Carboniferous time
have been long since set aside, by the fact that much of the highest grade
coals of the west or Pacific division, which compare most favourably with
bituminous coals of the Atlantic slope, belong to comparatively recent
rocks and extend through the Cretaceous to the middle Tertiary. These
western coals present several varieties in the same field, the difference
being due apparently to various degrees of alteration of the original de-
posit of carbonaceous matter.
Anthraxolite is more closely related to the rock oils or petroleums
than to the true coals. It is found at a number of points in Canada
and at widely separated horizons ; and while not as yet materially increas-
ing our fuel supply, is of interest both to the mineralogist and geo-
logist. In its mode of occurrence it differs entirely from coal, in that it
is always found in the form of veins which traverse strata of different
ages instead of occurring as bedded deposits. From its presence in
rocks of the Laurentian and Huronian systems as well as in the Cam-
brian and Silurian formations, it would, on the hypothesis that all bi-
tuminous substances are of organic origin, indicate that life, in some
form, existed in the remotest periods of the earth’s history. So also the
270 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
carbonaceous mineral graphite, which is found abundant in certain por-
tion of the crystalline limestones and gneisses of the Laurentian, has
been for many years regarded by some as also of organic origin. If this
theory of organic origin for all carbonaceous and bituminous matter in
the earth’s crust is the true one the presence of anthraxolite in granite
and other kindred rock; of graphite in) diorite dikes; and of petroleum
and its-hardened form tar, in great masses of basaltic diabase without
visible sign of sedimentary rocks in the vicinity requires careful
consideration.
In point of age it is probable that anthraxolite takes precedence as
the oldest form of mineral fuel. Thus, in Labrador it has been found in
veins some inches in width, traversing the lower Cambrian rocks; in
Quebec along the St. Lawrence, near Point Levis and on the Island of
Orleans it occurs in pockety masses in slates and sandstone of upper
Cambrian age; in Ontario it is found in large quantities in certain black
slates of Cambrian or upper Huronian age at Chelmsford west of Sud-
bury, where on its first discovery it was regarded as an impure anthra-
cite ; in granite as veins of very pure quality near the Rideau canal north
of Kingston; and in limestone of Black River age near Kingston city
in association with veins of baryte.
In so far as yet proven the fuel value of this mineral has failed to
be of much economic importance. Shortly after its discovery near Que-
bec attempts were made to mine it, and several cart-loads were extracted,
the impression at that time being that a new coal-basin had been found.
The mineral gave fairly good results as a fuel, but the quantity obtain-
able was insufficient to form a supply of permanent value. The occur-
rences in the Labrador peninsula are of course too remote to-be of any
use, while the small exterit of the veins makes them practically valueless.
At Chelmsford the thickness of the deposit is considerable, but its low
powers of combustion and high percentage of ash cause its fuel value to
be greatly reduced, and although attempts to mine the deposit were made
shortly after its discovery the exploitation has long since been given up.
As elsewhere the mineral at this place occurs in vein form.
Closely allied to anthraxolite in composition are petroleum and
asphalt, as also to some extent the peculiar form albertite which was at
one time largely mined in New Brunswick, the latter, however, being a
mineral of exceptional purity as regards ash. As a class these minerals
are quite distinct from the several varieties of coal proper, varying in a
marked degree in the relative proportions of carbon, hydrogen, nitrogen
and oxygen. They are also materially different as to origin, the coals
being apparently formed in ancient peat swamps, entirely from vegetable
tissues, while the minerals of the petroleum group are usually regarded as
.
[ELLs] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 271
derived, in part at least, from animal remains and in part from sea-
weeds, since in the Trenton time, in the rocks of which formation
petroleum often occurs, land vegetation is not known to have existed.
In some areas where oil wells occur the oil has come to the surface
and become thickened, forming what are known as gum-beds. This ma-
terial was found in large masses in the Petrolea oil-field prior to the dis-
covery of the oil itself in quantity. Masses of this thick and spongy oil
have also been picked up in the vicinity of the oil-springs in eastern New
Brunswick and in Gaspé, Que., but in the case of the albertite of the
Albert mines in the former province this thickening of the natural oils
must have recurred through some cause other than exposure, since this
mineral filled a fissure in bituminous shales to a depth of 1500 feet
with a length of over half a mile. The cause of the presence of this
great mass of albertite has never been quite satisfactorily explained.
While for many years petroleum has generally been regarded as de-
rived from organisms either vegetable or animal this hypothesis is by no
means universally accepted. Some authorities contend that its presence
_ is due rather to chemical changes in the rocks of the earth’s interior as
a result of the action of percolating waters on metallic carbides, and that
the occurrence of petroleum even in fossiliferous sediments does not of
necessity imply that these organisms were the original source of the min-
eral in question. ‘This, however, is not the place to discuss the merits of
the controversy.
In the matter of hard coal or anthracite the people of eastern
Canada are to a large extent dependent upon the immense deposits of
this variety which occur in the eastern portion of the United States, or
upon the output of the Welsh collieries; but in all other varieties it will
be found that Canada has an unlimited supply, much of which is readily
accessible. Even of the anthracite variety it has been well established
that the deposits found along the eastern slopes of the Rocky moun-
tains as at Banff, are of excellent quality and of great extent.
Although the island of Newfoundland, politically, is not yet a part
of the Dominion of Canada, from the scientific standpoint it may here be
considered. The existence of coal-fields in the south-western portion of
that province has been known for many years, but the deposits have
never been opened up so as to furnish a supply of fuel either for {local
consumption or for export. The coal formation in this area may possi-
bly represent the extension éastward of the Sydney coal-basin which may
underlie the broad strait between the island of Cape Breton and the
south-west extremity of Newfoundland. Along the line of railway
‘which connects the south-west angle of the island with the city of St.
John’s other deposits of coal have been mined near the height of land in
22 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the interior and used to some extent on this railway. The actual extent
and value of these coal-basins have never been definitely ascertained. It
is possib'e that these coal-bearing rocks may belong to the lower portion
of the Middle Carboniferous formation and underlie the portion which :
1 Nova Scotia carries the thick seams of the productive measures. This
can only be ascertained by a carefully conducted series of explorations
of the entire coal-basin.
In the underlying Devonian rocks which outcrop on the west coast
of this island at Port au Port and further north at Parsons pond, at
which places they rest upon Cambrian or Cambro-Silurian sediments,
indications of petroleum are found, and borings have been carried on at
both places for a number of years. So far, however, these attempts have
not been sucecssful in finding the oil in paying quantities, owing pro-
bably to the greatly disturbed mature of the containing rocks. The
rocks in which the borings have been made are much faulted and in this
respect do not fulfil the conditions supposed to be favourable to the
occurrence of petroleum in quantity.
Beginning with the Atlantic provinces proper, it may be remarked
that in Nova Scotia the coals are for the most part confined to the Car-
boniferous formations, and that the largest workable seams belong to the
middle portion or what is usually styled the productive coal-measures.
This formation is found in several portions of the province, notably at
Sydney on the eastern coast of Cape Breton and in Richmond and In-
verness on the west side of the island; at Pictou in the eastern part of
Nova Scotia proper; and at Springhill and the Joggins which are in
the north-west part of the province in Cumberland county. While
several other deposits of coal are known to exist elsewhere they are, so
far as can be ascertained, of but small economic value,
Seams of considerable size are however found in the underlying por-
tion of the Middle Carboniferous, otherwise known as the Millstone-grit
formation, and occasionally the mineral occurs in the Upper Carbon-
iferous or as it is sometimes styled, the Permian, where coals of no
great thickness have been recognized in that part of the counties of
Colchester and Pictou which border on Northumberland strait. These
small seams cannot, however, in the present state of the industry, be
worked at a profit.
All the coals at present worked in the province are of the bitumin-
ous variety. Associated with these in the mines of Pictou county are
occasional seams of a rich oil-shale known as Stellarite, which contains
a very large percentage of bituminous matter which can be obtained in
the form of oil by a process of distillation, resembling in this respect
certain oil-bearing beds which are found as interstratified members of
i
[ELLS] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 273
the Albert shale series in New Brunswick. “This shale is highly combus-
tible and when ignited gives a strong flame with a great amount of heat.
At present it is not utilized either for the production of oil or as a source
of light, heat or power.
Although the coal formation has a wide distribution in the northern
half of the province of Nova Scotia the southern, portion is occupied by
rocks of much older horizons, comprising great areas of granite with
slates and quartzite, in which the gold fields are located. In this part
of the province no trace of coals is found.
In the island of Cape Breton, the Sydney coal-field is the most im-
portant of those which occur in Nova Scotia. It extends along the
eastern shore from Mira Bay on the south-east to Cape Dauphin at the
entrance to Bras D’Or Lake. The land area of this basin is given by Mr.
Hugh Fletcher as about 200 square miles, being thirty-two miles in
length by six in breadth. ‘The aggregate thickness of coal in the several
workable seams varies from 1314 feet in the Dauphin area in the
northern margin of the basin to 441% feet on Sydney harbour, the seams
ranging from three to nine feet in thickness. The dip is generally at a
low angle seaward, so that a large area of submarine workings is avail-
able where mining is now being prosecuted on a large scale. The coals
are all of the bituminous variety.
On the west side of the island in Inverness and Richmond counties
large and important coal basins are located, the seams being thick and of
good quality. Owing to increased facilities for shipment both by rail
and water, these new areas have recently come into prominence and have
become large producers and shippers.
On the mainland the thick seams of the Pictou basin have been
producers of coal for more than eighty years. The area of productive
measures is scarcely more than thirty square miles, but in this are com-
prised some of the largest seams in eastern America, the main seam in
the Stellarton area having a thickness of forty feet with several others in
the vicinity, of very large size. The Pictou basin is apparently more
affected by faults than that of Sydney.
In the Cumberland basin, as seen at Springhill mines, there are a
number of seams many of which are over ten feet thick. These have
been worked for more than thirty years while several others of workable
size have been developed to some extent. ‘The sales have in-
creased from 10,000 tons in 1873 to nearly 500,000 tons annually. In
the western part of this basin along the shore of Cobequid bay is the old
colliery known as the Joggins mines. Here the seams are comparatively
thin, the principal one worked shewing about five feet of coal, while the
lower seam is somewhat less. These seams extend along the northern
Sec. IV., 1906. 23
274 ROYAL SOCIETY 'OF CANADA
margin of the Springhill basin, and along the outcrops are a number
of small collieries which have been in operation for some years with vary-
ing results. These two seams of the Joggins section have not as yet
been correlated with the workable seams of the Springhill area. |
In addition to these areas the carefully detailed work of Mr.
Fletcher in the last few years has revealed the existence of a possibly im-
portant coal-basin south-west of Springhill along the north flank of the
Cobequid mountain range. The rocks of this area were formerly sup-
posed to belong to the Millstone-grit formation, but a careful study of
the district, both along the shore and inland, has led to the conclusion
that they belong to the Upper Carboniferous series and overlie the pro-
ductive measures in this direction. Acting on this theory the overlying
series has recently been bored to a depth of over 2,000 feet and a coal-
seam of large size has been struck. It is quite possible therefore, in the
event of further borings confirming the first discovery, that a new and
valuable coal-field may be opened in this area.
Among other small and comparatively unimportant coal-seams are
those which occur in formations other than the productive coal measures,
such as the small seams which outcrop on the south side of the Cobequid
mountains at Debert and at several points in the vicinity. These occur
in rocks of apparently Lower Carboniferous age which are much broken
up, and the seams east of Truro at Kemptown are probably of the same
age. Of a still lower horizon are the small seams found along the rail-
way east of Riversdale which are assigned to the Devonian, and several
outcrops along the north side of the Bay of Fundy which may be of the
same horizon. These small and for the most part, isolated basins give
but small promise of successful development.
Boring for oil has been carried on in several parts of the province
for many years. In the island of Cape Breton a number of holes have
been put down in rocks of Devonian age, which are much tilted and
otherwise disturbed; and though traces of oil have been found at several
points no occurrences of economic value have yet been recorded. Quite
recently borings made on the south side of Minas basin reached a depth
of about 2,000 feet without finding an underlying coal or oil basin.
The province of Prince Edward Island does not shew the presence
of coal seams at any point on the surface. ‘The rocks over the whole
island belong to the Upper Carboniferous or Permian formations and
coal seams if existing at all must be sought for at considerable depths by
boring at well chosen points. The only source of mineral fuel in that
province is in the several peat bogs of excellent quality, but no attempt
has ever been made to utilize these, and in view of the cheap transit
from the Pictou and Inverness coal fields across Northumberland strait
[exis] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUELSUPPLY OF CANADA 275
it is probable that this province will continue to obtain its supply of
coal from the Nova Scotia mines unless the contemplated borings should
disclose the presence of underlying seams at a workable depth.
Passing to the province of New Brunswick it may be said that Car-
boniferous rocks have a very wide distribution and comprise an area of
more than 10,000 square miles. They form a triangular area with the
base along the eastern part of the province extending from Bathurst on
the north to the Nova Scotia boundary line on the south, while the apex
of the triangle is near the south-west part of the province. At many
points throughout this area thin coal seams outcrop, and near the upper
end of Grand Lake, where the coal appears to have the greatest thickness,
it has been mined for nearly a century. The thickness of the main
seam at this place rarely exceeds twenty inches but in places two seams
unite, forming a thickness of two and a half feet. The annual output
now amounts to about 40,000 tons.
The mining is done;in a comparatively inexpensive manner without
the expenditure of much capital in the erection of costly mining or hoist-
ing plants; and while, there does not appear to be any possibility of in-
definitely extending the output, as in the case of the Nova Scotia mines,
a fair amount of fuel can be raised for local consumption, and the out-
put meets with a ready sale. Boring operations have been carried on
throughout the coal basin for over sixty years, but have so far failed to
find any underlying seams of greater thickness than the one so long
worked. These coals are regarded as belonging to the Millstone-grit
formation rather than to the productive coal-measures.
At various points in, the province outside the limits of the principal
coal basin small seams of coal are found, some of which belong to a dif-
ferent horizon; Of these, several outcrops in the south-eastern part near
Northumberland strait, belong to the Upper Carboniferous formation but
are of no practical value. At Dunsinane: near the Intercolonial Railway,
north of Sussex, seams, similar in character to those near Grand Lake,
have been found near the surface, but though borings have been made
at this place to over 1000 feet no deep seams have been discovered. They
are probably of the same horizon as those of Grand Lake. In Albert
and Westmorland counties and on the south side of Chaleur bay small
and unimportant seams also occur but have never been mined, owing to
their comparative insignificance.
An interesting occurrence of coal in the northern part of the pro-
vince is seen in Devonian rocks on the south side of the Restigouche
ahout two miles west of the town of Dalhousie. Here a sheet of igneous
rock (diabase) has been injected along the bedding plane of the shale,
276 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
and overlies a seam of coal a foot in thickness, which has been altered to
some extent along the contact. It has, however, no economic value.
In the southern part of the province, at Lepreau basin, a seam of
graphitic anthracite occurs in Devonian shales. The enclosing shales :
are nearly vertical, and a large sum of money was spent some years ago
in mining this deposit. The amount of impurity in the coal was so large
as to render it practically useless as a fuel. Here it would appear that
coal and shale originally bituminous, have passed into the state of gra- —
phitized carbon through heat induced by pressure. The thickness of
the so-called bed was in places about four feet, and it was opened by
shafts to a depth of more than 100 feet. All work on this area has long
since been abandoned.
Among other sources of fuel supply in this province must be men-
tioned the Albert shales and the associated mineral Albertite. Rich
beds of oil shale which by some have been styled Cannelite also
occur as interstratified beds in the mass of the shale. The Albert shale
formation has a thickness of over 1000 feet, the strata are usually highly
inclined and there are numerous faults and occasional overturns. The
Albertite, or Albert coal, as it was often called, occurred in the mass
of this shale near the axis of an anticline, as the filling of a true fissure
haying a width varying from a few inches at the ends to about seventeen
feet in the centre, decreasing in depth to the bottom of the deposit about
1500 feet from the surface. ‘This vein shewed several faults, the min-
eral being thrown from side to side. It was mined to a depth of over
1200 feet, below which level the vein assumed a brecciated structure
composed of fragments of shale cemented by the Albertite. For some
years these shales were regarded as a part of the lower Carboniferous
formations, but from their stratigraphical position as unconformably
beneath the formation wherever they occur, they are now regarded as
a part of the Devonian system.
The shales themselves are highly bituminous throughout. They
contain interstratified beds of black and sometimes grey oil-shale in mas-
sive bands ranging in thickness from three to nearly twenty feet. These
bands are exceptionally rich in oil, yielding by distillation from thirty to
eighty gallons per ton. ‘They burn in the grate with a bright flame, and
some of the bands are so inflammable as to kindle readily with a lighted
match. They can be mined like coal, and should form a valuable fuel.
Though the amount of ash is large, varying from 45 to 60 per cent,
the shales burn with great heat till the bituminous matter is consumed,
and the resulting ash is claimed to possess valuable properties as a fer-
tilizer. As a source of supply for oil by distillation these oil bands are
[ELLs] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 277
superior to those of the extensively mined deposits of Scotland, both in
the ease with which the crude material can be extracted and in the per-
centage of oil contained in the shale itself. Attempts were made more than
forty years ago to distil this oil from the shale bands, and a crude plant
was erected and operated for several years with a fair amount of success,
until the cheaper native oils of western Canada and of the United States
so lowered the price that its manufacture by distillation became un-
profitable
The vein of Albertite was worked for twenty or more years, the
amount of mineral extracted being more than 200,000 tons, which com-
manded in the market over $20.00 per ton in the closing years of the in-
dustry. The gradual exhaustion of the main vein, both at the extrem-
ities and in depth, led to the cessation of work, but another vein has since
been found which is a branch of the one worked and may prove valuable
when opened up.
In connection with the Albert shales a large amount of capital has
recently been expended in the attempt to develop a profitable oil field by
boring. The first borings in this area were put down near the village
of Memramcook about forty years ago, and yielded a small amount of
petroleum, but the area never became a producer. Subsequent attempts
were made by different parties in the area along the Petitcodiac river
near Dover and at other points, and from sixty to seventy holes were put
down, some of which reached a depth of more than 3,000 feet. In
several of these holes a small quantity of oil was found, but so far the
results have not been such as to warrant the erection of costly refining
plants.
The shales in which these borings have been made are usually highly
inclined and are affected by faults, so that while small quantities of
petroleum come to the surface in the form of springs, possibly along lines
of fracture, or may be found in certain bore holes by seepage, it has been
fairly well shewn that these rocks do not readily yield oil except by dis-
tillation. The fact that in the workings of the Albert mine but slight
traces of oil were found under what might reasonably be regarded as
favourable conditions supports this view, since one would naturally infer
that under such conditions as prevailed in this mine, with such large
bodies of rich oil shale as were traversed in the workings, some good
shewings of petroleum would be encountered.
Comparing the beds of Cannelite or rich oil-shale with true cannel
coals it may be remarked that with the exception of the large amount of
ash in the former there are strong points of resemblance. When burned
in a grate or other suitable appliances the oil-bands furnish a fine fuel,
though as already remarked the percentage of ash is high. There seems
278 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
to be no apparent reason why these beds should not some day be exten-
sively used for domestic or manufacturing purposes, apart from their
utilization in the distillation of the contained petroleum. The asso-
ciated Albertite is apparently a highly altered or inspissated petroleum, |
* the analysis shewing the merest trace of ash in composition.
The province of Quebec has always been regarded as en-
tirely lacking in mineral fuel, and as regards coal this is
practically true from the economic standpoint. Mineral coal
does, however, occur in a small seam from two to four inches
thick in the Devonian shales of the south side of Gaspé
basin; and in connection with the same geological formation are a num-
ber of oil springs some of which are on or near the shore and others at a
distance of some miles inland ‘The containing rocks in this area are as
a rule, highly inclined and shew the presence of faults, near which
several of the largest oil-springs are situated. Boring operations have
been carried on at intervals in the vicinity of Gaspé basin for more than
forty years, and have led to a vain expenditure, within the last sixteen
years, of over one million dollars. Although a number of holes were
sunk to depths ranging from 1,000 to 3,000 feet, several of which were
in the immediate vicinity of the oil springs, no petroleum with the ex-
ception of small shewings was found. In all some 60 holes were bored
in an area about thirty miles in length by ten in breadth. The same
broken character of strata prevails throughout, and the shales and sand-
stone, while differing in character from those of New Brunswick, are
closely related in geological time. Bands of rich oil-shale also occur in
these rocks but not, so far as known, in quantity sufficient to incur the
expense of development.
The Carboniferous rocks in this province are limited to a small strip
of Lower Carboniferous age situated along the north side of Chaleur
bay and quite beneath the productive coal measures of Nova Scotia, or
the Millstone-grit areas of New Brunswick. The Devonian shales oppo-
site Dalhousie near the estuary of the Restigouche river abound in the
remains of fossil fishes, but no trace of petroleum has ever been seen in
this area; while on the shores of Gaspé basin petroleum is found filling
a cellular structure in a dike of diabase some 150 feet in width, which
traverses the Devonian slates and ‘sandstone of that district. ,
The veins of anthraxolite found in the Cambrian rocks of Labrador
and near Quebec city have already been referred to as interesting from
the scientific rather than from the economic standpoint. The recent
development of the peat industry in this province as well as in Ontario
bids fair to furnish for certain purposes a fuel which will to some extent
supply the absence of beds of true coal.
[ELLS] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 279
The development of these peat bogs was begun about forty years ago
in the country between St. Johns and Farnham near Ste. Brigide, and
also near Bulstrode, Arthabaska county. Large deposits of excellent peat
oceur along the railway at both these places and were at one time ex-
ploited quite extensively in the matter of peat fuel. Being uncom-
pressed it was not found to be suitable for railway work owing to the
large amount of space required Recently: however, this objection has
been to a large extent overcome, and the peat, after extraction of the
contained moisture down to within 12 to 15 per cent, is compressed into
small cylindrical blocks having almost the hardness and consistency of
coal. Peat bogs are extensively developed in many portions of the
province, and when the process of peat manufacture is perfected, the
new kind of fuel will doubtless to a considerable extent obviate the
necessity of importing the soft or bituminous coals from the United
States or Nova Scotia. The manufacture of this compressed peat fuel
has reached the stage when the demand exceeds the present supply
on the market and it readily sells at a good profit on the cost of
manufacture.
The question of the utilization of the great deposits of peat applies
to the province of Ontario and in large areas in Manitoba as well as to
Quebec, since in all these provinces this material occurs over large areas,
much of which is convenient of access while coal deposits are practically
lacking.
Turning to the province of Ontario, true coals are nowhere found,
but deposits of anthraxolite and lignite occur, the latter in the area
south of James Bay where large supplies have quite recently been dis-
covered and may some day be utilized.
This lignite of the Moose river basin is peculiar, in that it is found
in Post Tertiary deposits of sand, gravel and boulder clay instead of in a
solid rock formation as in the case of the lignites of the west It is
therefore the newest lignite formation known in Canada with the ex-
ception of certain small deposits that occur in clays on the north end of
Graham Island, one of the Queen Charlotte group on the Pacific coast.
In spite of the newness of the deposits along the Moose river the
seams, though in places somewhat irregular in deposition, are of consid-
erable thickness. The lignite when dry burns readily and the deposit
promises to yield, under certain conditions and for certain purposes, a
fairly satisfactory fuel. It is of a brownish black colour and burns
quite freely in an open fire. It cannot, however, compare in quality with
the better or older grade of lignite of the Tertiary period, which is so
abundant throughout the great plains of the west.
280 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
In addition to the lignite and peat deposits which have not as yet
appreciably affected the importation of outside fuels, the deposits of
petroleum which were first discovered in Ontario about 1860, and later
the finding of natural gas in immense quantity, have added largely to the |
resources of the province as regards light and fuel. ‘lhe first attempts
at boring in the peninsula between lakes Huron and Erie resulted in the
outflow of such large quantities of oil that millions of barrels were re-
ported as lost through lack of appliances for saving it. This discovery,
together with that of similar deposits in certain parts of the United
States, soon closed down the small distilling plants which were manufac-
turing oils from the bituminous shales of the Utica formation found in
the Lake Huron district, as well as from the Albert shales of New Bruns-
wick.
The original field from which the Ontario petroleum was first ob-
tained is still a producer of mineral oil, though as might naturally be
expected the supply in recent years has materially decreased.
The discovery of natural gas about fifteen years ago in the place
where petroleum was first known, and later in the Niagara peninsula, has
largely affected the coal consumption in some districts. In addition to
supplying the local requirements immense quantities have been piped
across to the cities of Buffalo and Detroit on the American side of the
great lakes. Exploration for both gas and oil is constantly going on
and reported discoveries of fresh fields are occasionally announced. It is
safe to say that as yet nothing has equalled in importance the great wells
of the Petrolea district at the time of their first discovery.
With the exception of the peat and lignite deposits, already de-
scribed, that portion of Ontario north of Lake Superior is, so far as
known, lacking in mineral fuel, the rocks of this part of
the province belonging for the most part to the oldest crys-
talines which extend into the province of Manitoba where they
form the eastern shore of Lake Winnipeg and continue thence
south-east across the Lake of the Woods into northern Min-
nesota. The finding of occasional veins of anthraxolite in these old
rocks, a feature already referred to for the eastern provinces, sometimes
gives rise to reports of the discovery of deposits of anthracite coal in
this area, but so far as known the geological conditions of this part of
the Dominion are adverse to any such conclusion
Hitherto, in the investigation of this subject the highest or newest
rocks of eastern Canada are of 'l'riassic age. ‘hese are found in Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick. In the geological scale these rocks are next
in order above the Upper Carboniferous or Permian. But in the western
half of the Canadian section, beginning with the great plain of Manitoba,
[ELLs] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 281
and extending across to the shores of the Pacific ocean, many of the
rocks over large areas are of a more recent time, comprising Cretaceous
and Tertiary sediments. In these the greater part of the coals of the
western division are located. These comparatively recent formations
constitute, therefore, an important factor in the geological problem, as
well as in the distribution of the fuel supply of the Dominion.
In Manitoba and throughout the great plains eust of the Rocky
mountains, and extending northward down the valley of the Mackenzie
river to the Arctic ocean, the rocks are largely of Cretaceous age. The
district is underlaid in many places by large beds of lignite, the outcrops
of which are seen as far east as Turtle mountain in the province first-
named. Along the upper waters of the South Saskatchewan as also
along the North Saskatchewan as far down as the settlement of Victoria
these lignites are seen, sometimes in beds of great thickness and extent,
so that the supply of this fuel must be simply enormous.
Passing still further west into the foot-hills of the mountain, as at
Banff and as far south as the Crowsnest pass, the lignites change their
character and pass into lignitic coals, bituminous coals and anthracites.
The sections at these places shew a wonderful series of coal beds, which in
the Crowsnest field aggregate at least 200 feet in thickness, many of
the seams being of workable dimensions and of superior quality. Farther
west the rocks of the mountain chain belong to an older series than those
which contain the coals; but after passing this old series which comprises
in part highly altered sediments and crystallines of various kinds: the
next division westward from the vicinity of Sicamous, although for the
most part igneous in character, contains isolated areas or basins gener-
ally of Tertiary rocks which carry coal in beds often of large extent and
thickness. These are found at widely separated points, such as the
upper part of the Peace river, the valley of the North Thompson, the
vicinity of Kamloops, the Nicola valley, and the Tulameen and Simil-
kameen district, all with the exception of the two first situated to the
south of the Canadian Pacific railway, while to the north are the areas
along the Marble cafion at Hat creek, a few miles north-west of Ashcroft
and the Bulkley valley deposits farther north, situated to the south of
the Skeena river. The greater part of these coals are of the coking
variety, while the lignites are of excellent quality.
On the Pacific coast itself there are great deposits on Vancouver
island of Cretaceous age which have been mined for nearly half a cen-
tury, and which at the present time are the only producing areas on the
Pacific slope in Canada; while further north, on Graham island, which is
the most northerly of the Queen Charlotte group, several varieties of coal
are found, including anthracite, high-grade bituminous and lignite. With
282 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the exception of attempts to work the anthracite on the south coast of
the island, which, however, have not been productive of economic results
beyond the sinking of a few shallow pits in prospecting work in connec-
tion with the development of the great seams of bituminous coals of the
interior, but little work has been attempted. This field promises to be
of great value in the not distant future.
The occurrence of these several varieties of aoal in rocks of prac-
tically the same geological horizon is interesting, since it is probable that
at one time all these newer coals existed in the form of lignite. Thus
it has been pointed out by Dr. G. M. Dawson that as we approach the
foot-hills from the plains, and thence continue westward into the moun-
tain range at Crowsnest and at Banff, the percentage of water in the
lignite gradually diminishes and the coal gradually passes through
lignitic coals into the bituminous variety and thence to semi—and to
true—anthracite, the change being more marked in all cases as the con-
taining rock formation is more and more uplifted and pressed together
or approaches the vertical. It would appear therefore that the altera-
tion‘of the coals is to a large extent due to heat induced by pressure dur-
ing the epoch of mountain making, and when the uplift of the Rocky
mountains was being effected. For some miles east of the range itself
there is a series of folded and titled beds in which the lignitic character
of the contained coal has practically disappeared.
The change in the character of the coals may also, to some extent,
be due to the relative position of the several seams seen in the section,
since the higher grade coals may represent beds from the older or lower
portion of the Cretaceous formation. ‘lhe lignite of the North Sas-
katchewan belongs to the Laramie or upper part of that system of rocks,
but here the strata are comparatively undisturbed. The difference in
the character of the coals does not however depend entirely upon the
geological horizon, since in the interior basins of British Columbia, many
of the Tertiary coals are highly bituminous instead of lignitic, while on
Queen Charlotte island, the Cretaceous coals range from high grade bitu-
minous to broken and shattered anthracite, largely through the alteration
induced by rock movements, but also probably to some extent by later
intrusions of igneous rocks in the immediate vicinity.
The thickness of the coal-bearing strata along the eastern side of the
Rocky mountains aggregates several thousands of feet. The sections
exposed in the vicinity of the Crowsnest and near Banff along the val-
ley of the Bow river, shew the presence of numerous coal seams some of
which are of great thickness. In a section published by Mr. J. Me-
Evoy, (see Rept. Geol. Sur. 1900) the total thickness of the coal-bearing
formation exposed along the Elk river amounts to 4,736 feet, and the
ra
[ ELLS] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 283
coal seams exposed have a total thickness of 216 feet. Of this thickness
of coal it is remarked that 198 feet occur in a thickness of 1,847 feet of
strata, and of this coal, making allowances for shale partings and im-
purities, it is estimated that 100 feet are available for mining. ‘The
thickest beds in the section are 36, 46 and 46 feet respectively.
Another section measured along the south fork of Michel creek gave
55 feet of coal, and on Morrissey creek 68 feet, all in beds of workable
size. In sections measured by Mr. Leach near the divide between Elk
and Fording rivers there were found 3,386 feet of coal strata containing
8912 feet of coal, the greater part of which was in beds of workable size,
the largest bed having a thickness of 351% feet. In a section measured
by Mr. T. Denis near Michel creek, in a thickness of 921 feet of strata
there were 691% feet of coal the thickest seam being 25 feet with a thin
shale parting. It is evident therefore that the quantity of coal in the
Crowsnest basin is inexhaustible, the amount estimated by Mr. McEvoy
for an area of 230 square miles, owned by the Crow’s Nest Co. alone
being no less than 22,595,200,000 tons.
In the Banff district which is traversed by the main line of the
Canadian Pacific railway, several coal crops occur along the Bow river,
some of which have been worked for a number of years at the mines of
Canmore and Anthracite. In this area about fifteen seams have been re-
cognized though none are of such huge dimensions as those in the Crows-
nest Pass. The geological formation is to all intents the same, belong-
ing to the Cretaceous. Ni detailed sections of these Bow river coals
have yet been published, but sufticient is known to warrant the statement
that the area is a very important one. Beds of semi-anthracite have been
opened up having thicknesses of 12 to 15 feet. The coal differs from
the bituminous variety of the Crowsnest on the one hand, and from
the lignites on the other, in having undergone a greater degree of meta-
morphism. The anthracitic and bituminous varieties are found in this
field, the difference being due to the amount of alteration to which the
original lignite was subjected. ‘hese two great coal-basins will be able
to supply the greater part of the territory between the mountains and the
city of Winnipeg, where a higher grade of fuel than the lignite of the
plains is required. These coals extend northward to the upper waters
of the North Saskatchewan and Peace rivers.
Between the Crowsnest and Banff the coal formation extends along
the east flank of the mountains, and large deposits of coal are already
known to exist which have not yet been opened up; while north-
ward in the direction of the upper waters of the Peace river large coal
seams have also been reported. In the present unopened state of the
country in this direction these seams are as yet practically valueless, but
284 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
will in the near future without doubt be thoroughly exploited. In none
of the rock sections of these coal-bearing strata has any trace of coal so
far been found in sediments of Carboniferous age.
The coal areas of Vancouver island have for many years furnished
the great bulk of the coal supply for the Pacific coast
not only in British Columbia but as far south at least as
San Francisco, where it competes with the inferior coals of
the states of Washington and California. The Vancouver coals
are apparently all located on the east side of the island, and though coal-
measure rocks and small indications of coal occur at a number of places
towards the northern extremity, the mining centres are still confined to
three localities, viz., Comox, Nanaimo and Ladysmith, the original col-
lieries at Wellington having recently been abandoned after being worked
for nearly half a century. The coal-bearing rocks of the district are all of
Cretaceous age, and the coal itself is generally a high grade bituminous
variety, the seams varying in thickness from two to eight feet. A pecu-
larity of these seams is the frequent change in size, owing to local thick-
ening or thinning out, generally due to small faults, rolls or slips, so that
a seam which may be worked for a time with a minimum thickness of
three to four feet may rapidly increase to fifteen or even twenty feet.
Though small seams of coal or sometimes lignite have been reported
from several of the local basins to the north no precise details can be
given, other than that the containing rocks are of Cretaceous age.
On the mainland of British Columbia coals of several kinds are also
found at widely separated localities. Most of the deposits as already in-
dicated occur in isolated basins or valleys, the associated sandstones and
shales in most cases resting upon volcanic or igneous rocks which re-
semble closely those seen along the west side of Vancouver island. ‘lhe
greater portion of these inland coals are bituminous rather than lignitic,
though the latter is also found both as lignite and as lignitic coal.
Along the lower Fraser, and between this and Burrard inlet a basin
of Cretaceous or Tertiary rocks occurs. This may indicate the eastward
extension of the Vancouver coal-series. Good exposures of the sand-
stones are seen on the shores near Vancouver city and in the city itself.
Coal indications are seen at different places on or near the line of the
Canadian Pacific railway for more than thirty miles east, but no seams
of workable size have yet been discovered. Very little boring has yet
been attempted to prove the actual value of this basin, and it is therefore
impossible to say definitely whether workable deposits do or do not occur.
In a report by Dr. Dawson, 1877-78, he states that “bunches of good
bituminous coal are known to occur not far from Chilliwack village, as
also similar occurrences in the Cultus range of hills which skirt the
Sumas valley.”
[ELLS] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 285
Brief allusion has already been made to the presence of coal basins
south of the Canadian Pacific railway where several basins of Tertiary
sandstones and shale containing large deposits of excellent coal occur.
Among these may be mentioned the seams which outcrop at several
points in the valley of the Nicola river and lake, an area lying about fifty
miles south of Kamloops. ‘This district is now being opened up by a
line of railway south ‘from the Canadian Pacific at Spences Bridge to
the Similkameen valley. The Nicola coals have usually been referred
to as lignites, but the analyses of specimens from the outcrops on the
Coal gully, the Coldwater and from Quilchena shew them, at all these
places, to be bituminous coals of good grade, yielding an excellent coke.
In these basins a number of seams outcrop, of which on the Coal gully
there are at least four that range in thickness from five to eighteen
feet; on the lower Coldwater the seam exposed and partly opened has a
thickness of over seven feet; and on the Quilchena south of Nicola lake,
where several, seams outcrop, ranging from two to fifteen feet in thickness.
These coal basins are of considerable extent and must contain a large
amount of very excellent fuel, of great value in view of the recent rail-
way extension and the development of the copper and other mines of
the district. From this area a large part of the fuel supply of British
Columbia will doubtless be obtained.
To the south of this basin are the areas found along the Tulameen
and Similkameen rivers about fifty miles distant, but directly on the
lines of railway now being constructed through that part of the province.
The analyses of the coals from the former place shew them in part to be
high-grade coking coals and not lignite as once supposed, but at present
the extent of this basin has not been definitely ascertained. At the
junction of this stream with the Similkameen several seams have been
located, ranging from one to over eighteen feet in thickness, but these are
rather of the nature of a high grade lignite or lignitic coal than a bitu-
minous coal. ‘I'he deposits in this place are however important and will
be extensively utilized as soon as reached by the new line of railway.
It is also quite possible that*in the development of these seams the char-
acter of the fuel will change for the better, a feature which has been
found in other fields in British Columbia, such change being due to the
greater amount of metamorphism which the original lignite has under-
gone.
These deposits are all south of the present line of the Canadian
Pacific railway, and will doubtless be important factors in the develop-
ment of the various mineral industries and smelters, since they repre-
sent the greater part of the good coking coals of south-western British
Columbia. They occur in sandstones and conglomerate with interstrati-
286 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
fied shales which overlie the great mass of igenous rocks in the vicinity,
and part of these at least are not capped by volcanie overflows as was at
one time supposed to be the structure. The coal formations in this
area are of Tertiary age while the underlying igneous rocks are probably
Triassic. È
South of Sicamous junction, and much further east than the areas
just described, is a deposit of coal recently discovered near Enderby on
the branch railway leading to Okanagan lake. ‘lhe extent of this de-
posit has not yet been definitely ascertained, but the quality of the coal
as judged from the samples appears to be excellent and preparations are
now being made to prove its actual value. Should the quality prove
good the area will be important from its accessibility to the main line of
railway.
About three miles south of Kamloops several thin seams of bitu-
minous coal are seen in the bank of a small creek, associated with shales
and apparently overlaid by volcanic rocks. In so far as developed these
seams are too small to be of much economic importance. 'They probably
represent the southern edge of a basin which extends across Kamloops
lake and along the lower part of the North ‘Thompson but which has
never been tested by boring. About forty-five miles north, on this
stream a basin of similar rocks occurs in which are several seams of good
coal of the coking variety, but the distance from shipment and the pre-
sent observed thinness of the coals has hitherto prevented development.
Among the largest of the lignitic coal deposits, which, as well as the
lignites proper, can be distinguished, among other things, by their lack
of coking properties, that on Hat creek near the Marble cañon, about
fifteen miles north-west of Ashcroft on the main line of the Canadian -
Pacific railway may be mentioned. Here, in a section measured by Dr.
Dawson, (1877-78) a bed of high-class fuel, which from the small per-
centage of water obtained on analysis may almost be classed as a true
coal, is found, the thickness of the bed exposed in the creek section being
68 feet, though the lower part could not be seen. ‘I'his coal is also of
Tertiary age.
Further north in the Peace River district a number of coal out-
crops were observed by the early explorers. Some of these coats were
found to be hgnitic but others were true coals of excellent quality. Other
deposits have since been discovered so that in the district about the head
waters of the Peace river good coals will undoubtedly be readily available
when the opportunity offers for their successful development.
Both lignite and true coals are found in northern British Columbia
both south of the Skeena river and northward at intervals into the ter-
ritory of the Yukon. Of these probably the most important yet ex-
= nis Oy
RS
[ELLs] NOTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 287
amined occurs on the Telkwa river in what is known as the Bulkley val-
ley, about 100 miles south of Hazelton on the Skeena, where at least five
seams of coal ranging in thickness from 21% to nearly 20 feet, of excel-
lent quality have been fiound within a convenient distance of the proposed
line of the Grand Trunk Pacific railway. Like the area south of the
Canadian Pacific the formation in this basin is also Tertiary, the coal-
bearing rocks being apparently underlaid by igneous rocks. ‘These coals
are in part high-grade bituminous and in part a semi-anthracite. The
full details of the seams have not yet been announced, but if they should
continue as reported across the basin of sedimentary rocks the quantity of
coal in this area must be enormous.
In the Yukon district coals of good quality have been found at sev-
eral places. Among other localities the Klondike river shews Tertiary
coal-bearing rocks for a distance of about sixty miles. The fuel is of
the lignite variety and outcrops on Rock and Coal creeks, and on Cliff,
Twelve and Fifteen mile creeks the area underlaid by the coal being
estimated at about 200 square miles. ‘lhe quality of this fuel is reported
as fairly good. ‘There are several seams exposed and two outcrops on
Cliff creek with thicknesses of nine and three feet respectively, have
been opened up to some extent.
Lignite also is found on the Lewes river above Rink rapids and a
deposit of anthracite coal has recently been discovered near the line of the
White Pass railway near Dugdale station, not far from the Whitehorse
copper district. This may possibly prove on development to be of econo-
mic value.
Coal was first reported by Mr. William Ogilvie as occurring on the
Pelly river in the Yukon district some years ago, the mineral being of
good quality and in seams from five to seven feet thick. The difficulty
of exploration and the expense of transportation render the development
of these deposits somewhat uncertain, at least for some years.
One of the largest coal-fields on the Pacific coast is found on
Graham island, the largest of the Queen Charlotte group. Attention was
directed to this area nearly fifty years ago through the finding of a bed
of anthracite on the southern end near the head of Skidegate harbour.
Attempts were made at intervals for nearly thirty years to mine this coal
for shipment, but owing to the fact that it was greatly crushed and in
places reduced to powder on removal as a result of dike intrusions and
rock movements, all efforts to find a productive mine were unsuccessful
and the property has long since been abandoned. A similar anthracite
occurring under like conditions is found about seven miles inland and
has been slightly opened up but not worked.
288 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Along the north shore of Skidegate harbour, extending westward
for some ten miles from Skidegate village there is an almost unbroken
series of Cretaceous rocks comprising shales, sandstone and conglomerate.
These are cut by diorites at several points. ‘lhe stratified members of
the series extend northward across the island and at several points carry
large deposits of coal which outcrop principally at two points inland, one
about eight miles from the shore, the other at fifteen miles. The strata
show the presence of several anticlines and near the contact with the ig-
neous rocks are somewhat altered.
The two coal outcrops have been opened to some extent. The more
southerly one is known as Robertson Camp, the northerly as Wilson’s.
At the former place the coal is seen in two seams of workable size with a
shale parting of eight to ten feet, and at the Wilson camp one large seam
with a thickness of about eighteen feet with a shale parting of one foot
only, near the lower part. ‘I'he extension of these seams has never been
ascertained by boring owing doubtless to dilliculty of access in a densely
wooded country which at present is merely by trail. ‘That there is a
very large quantity ot excellent coal in this part of the island is evident.
The general dip of the coals at both camps is to the north-east at a mo-
derate angle, or away from the hilly country which forms the western
half of the island, where the formation is volcanic. It is therefore pno-
bable that the seams exposed extend eastward in the direction of the dips
and should be traceable along the strike north-east and south-west.
In addition to the bituminous coals, which are of high grade, there
are in the northern and eastern portions of the island large areas of Ter-
tiary rocks in which moderately large seams of lignite are known to oc-
cur. ‘These, however, will scarcely be utilized in view of the presence of
such large supphes of bituminous coals which are easier of access and
have greater facilities for shipment. ‘lhe extent of these lignite beds in
the northern part of the island could easily be ascertained by boring east
of Masset.
Along the lower part of the Mackenzie river there is a large de-
velopment of coal-bearing rocks in which seams of lignite occur and these
also outcrop on several of the islands off the mouth of that river. No
attempt has yet been made to ascertain the extent or value of these
deposits.
The observations in the preceding pages have shewn clearly that in
the western half of the Dominion the supplies of mineral fuel are prac-
tically inexhevstible. The analyses of these coals shew that their quality
is greatly superior to those now mined in the Pacific states of the Ameri-
can union.
[eus] NÔTES ON THE MINERAL FUEL SUPPLY OF CANADA 289
From a comparison of the coal-fields of the Atlantic areas with
those of the Pacific slope and even as far east as the great plains, it will
be readily seen that their geological horizons are quite distinct. ‘Thus it
has been pointed out that all the western coals are of comparatively re-
cent date, while those of the east belong to the Carboniferous formation
and in places closely approach even the Devonian. This discrepancy in
horizons continues southward throughout the United States into Mexico,
large deposits of coal, both of the bituminous and lignite varieties, oc-
curring in the area between the Mississippi and the Rocky mountains in
rocks of Cretaceous age, though in several of the states west of the Mis-
sissippi coals also occur in rocks of'the Carboniferous formations. In
eastern Asia, in China and in Japan, immense deposits of excellent
bituminous coal are also found in the Cretaceous and Tertiary forma-
tions, in the latter of which also large quantities of petroleum occur.
In eastern Canada, on the other hand the petroleum is principally
found in rocks of Devonian age, though the original source of this oil,
by those who advocate its organic origin, may be in some lower series;
while in the case of natural gas the largest occurrences are apparently
from Silurian rocks or possibly from even a lower horizon. In the west,
however, wherever oil or gas occurs it is found, like coal, in association
with the more recent formations, and throughout the country of the
plains where boring for oil or gas is now being carried on and where the
latter has been found in large quantity as at Medicine Hat, and further
north along the lower Athabaska river, such borings have,all been con-
fined to the Cretaceous. The outflow of natural gas from the borings
made along the Athabaska in the Tar sand formation is something enor-
mous, the force of the discharge being such that the drill rods could not
be sunk beyond) a certain, depth, though but little petroleum was encount-
ered. Natural gas in the country east of the Rocky mountains will
eventually become an important factor in the fuel supply of the west. It
has been found in large quantity as at Medicine Hat, Calgary, Edmon-
ton, and further north along the lower Athabaska river such borings
have all been confined to the Cretaceous.
Although borings for oil have been carried on for several years
along the eastern flank of the mountains as in the Pincher Creek district
the strata have been too much tilted and faulted to serve as reservoirs
and the operations have so far not been crowned with success. The fact
that the oil-fields of Florence in Colorado are situated in rocks of the
same age as those which occur along the east side of the mountains in
what is known as the Pierre shale formation, lends strength to the sug-
gestion that at some time and jn certain localities, similar oil-fields will
Sec. IV., 1906. 24
290 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA e
be discovered in this direction on Canadian territory. So far no oil de-
posits have been found on the Canadian coast of the Pacific or in any
of the interior coal-basins, though but a limited amount of boring has.
ever been attempted in these rocks till within the last two years.
CS
Ssction IV., 1906. [291] Trans. R.S. C.
/
XVI.—A Short Chapter in Comparative Physiology and Psychology.
By Proressor T. WESLEY MILLs.
(Read May 28rd, 1906.)
1.—Observations on the Habits and General Psychic Behaviours of
certain Birds in Confinement.
2.—Phystological Experiments; Psychological Experiments, etc.
By Westey Mitts, M.A., M.D.,
Professor of Physiology in McGill University.
During the past three years I have been able to keep under
observation for a considerable period, three sea-gulls, a hawk and a
crow, and it is upon observations and experiments on them that the
present paper is founded. For the hawk and the sea-gulls I am
indebted to medical students of McGill University. The crow was
secured for me by one of the physiological staff, Dr. A. A. Robertson.
The gulls were of the black-headed variety, and the hawk was a com-
mon hen-hawk.
Hasits.— THE SEA-GULLS.
These came into my possession on October 8th, 1904. They were
at once put into a fairly large apartment enclosed by wire netting in
which I also kept pigeons. In this enclosure there was always a large
dish of water. The gulls could not be induced to eat for three days,
but on the fourth they accepted a little fish and meat. The food was
always put in the water. After the lapse of ten days they would come
towards the dish as soon as food was put into it and they soon con-
sumed in all about one pound of meat or fish daily. Bread and grains
were only taken in case of extreme hunger, and then in small quantities.
They were fond of fish and meat, but were specially partial to mice,
which they swallowed whole. They bathed very freely in the water
supplied to them. From the first they attempted to bite when handled,
and could do so most effectively.
THE Hawk.
This bird was brought to me on September 10th, 1903. He was
at once placed in a large cage made of very strong wire in which
he was kept in the Laboratory till his death, on February 4th, 1904. He
292 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
was always restless and did not seem to get appreciably tamer.. The
manner in which he dashed himself against his cage was recognized as
fraught with danger, and I was not surprised to find on post mortem
examination evidences of an inflammation of the membranes of the
brain. There was also found a blood clot of considerable size in the bulb.
and a smaller one between the cerebrum and cerebellum, so that it was
likely his death was caused by pressure on the vital centres of the bulb.
The bird would not eat bread or grain under any circumstances,
but was fond of raw meat, fish, and above all rats and mice, which he
preferred alive but did not refuse when dead. The manner in which
he dealt with rats and mice was something which, when once witnessed,
could never be forgotten. Though not a large or heavy bird he could
at once master and speedily kill the largest rat. When a rat or mouse
was put into his cage, he at once seized it with both claws and liter-
ally squeezed the life out of it, perhaps driving his beak into it at the
very moment he seized it, but in any case he very soon proceeded to
tear the creature to pieces and devour it, often eating the head first.
Till I saw what happened I had no idea that a bird of this size could
exhibit such power to destroy life rapidly. His action in these cases
was of amazing rapidity. Mice he often ate whole. On one occasion
he was given four half-grown rats one after the other. This was a
severe test, but he was equal to the occasion, and in a few seconds they
were all hors de combat, and a little later dead.
The intestinal tract of this bird had extraordinary ejective powers,
fæces being spurted two or three feet away. Hair balls were occasionally
passed per rectum. All the facts tended to illustrate the striking
rapidity of action and the strength of his neuro-muscular mechanism,
whether the muscle involved was striped or unstriped.
THE Crow.
This bird came into my possession on December Ist, 1905. Though
he was not an old bird, as it seemed to me, and had been in confine-
ment for some time, he was unexpectedly wild. and restless, and has
remained so or with comparatively little change in spite of the fact
that two operations had been recently performed on his cerebrum. What
surprised me most was the above and certain resemblances he showed
to the hawk." ~
1T have learned since the writing of this paper was begun that this bird
was caught when still young in the spring of 1905, that he was allowed the
freedom of the house, was accustomed to hide things and appeared to recog-
nize his mistress who fed him but took no special notice of other people.
[ MILLS ] COMPARATIVE PHYSIOLOGY AND PSYCHOLOGY 293
While he would eat almost anything usually offered animals as
food, he preferred flesh, and still more fish, but above all mice, which
he swallowed whole when not very large. I have no doubt he would
deal with live mice as did the hawk, but I have not been able to
test him as to this thus far. He held down with his claws and tore
mice and rats to pieces much in the same way as the hawk, but without
that bird’s great power and rapidity of action. Like the sea-gulls
he would bite severely, if given the opportunity, on attempting to handle
him. He has been throughout kept in a cage like that used for the
hawk.
EXPERIMENTAL.
Having made experiments on pigeons, extending over some years,
especially with reference to the question of cerebral localization and the
results of removal of portions of the brain, I was anxious to extend
these experiments to other birds, more particularly those like the hawk
of extraordinary power of feet and beak. I regret that I did not carry
out experiments on this bird, but I found him so interesting to study
psychologically that I was diverted from the physiological, which I
hoped might receive attention later. On the gulls and the crow, how-
ever, I can report some results.
1. On April 3rd, 1905, one of the gulls was with some difficulty
put under ether. The anesthetic effect was with difficulty brought
about and maintained. The action of the drug on the heart was pro-
nounced, the sounds being rendered so distinct they could be heard
some feet away, reminding one of a steam launch in the distance. Under
no strength of current could movements be produced by stimulation of
any part of the cortex that could be reached, in spite of free exposure
of a large surface. In other words, the result was wholly negative
so far as cortical cerebral localization is concerned. Then a large por-
tion, weighing 15 grammes, was sliced away. There was not much
hemorrhage and the wounds healed rapidly. On the day following
the operation examination showed that the bird was palpably blind on
the side opposite to that of operation. He was a little shaky on his
feet, but seemed as fearless as before and showed his usual inclination
to bite, but he took no notice of mice as he did prior to operation. The
bird did not eat of his own accord, but was fed with raw meat and
water was poured into the gullet through a funnel. The meat was
regurgitated.
On April 6th, bread and milk was fed artificially and well retained.
It is observed that to compensate for his blind eye he turns the head
about much more than is usual.
294 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
On April 13th feeding with grain was not successful, the food
being regurgitated. In order to make sure of having the brain in
good condition for microscopic examination the bird was killed on
May 3rd.
2. The second gull was lost as an attempt was made to put him
under the influence of chloroform, ether having proved unsatisfactory
in the other case.
3. The third gull was tested on April 23rd, 1905, the anesthetic
being the A.C.E. mixture. A considerable surface of the cerebrum
being exposed, on stimulating an area situated well forwards and near
the middle line, the following were the results :—
(1) Opening of the lids of the eve of the opposite side.
(11) Drawing down the nictitating membrane.
(111) Dilatation of the pupil.
The bird a few days after ate spontaneously and seemed in no
respect the worse of the operation. But things did not go on well
and death ensued on May 2nd. An examination revealed the presence
of pus and a blood clot.
THE Crow.
The bird was readily put under the influence of ether and was
kept at the right degree of anesthesia without any difficulty. A sur-
face on the right side of the cerebrum as large as a ten cent piece
was laid bare. Stimulation with various strengths of current, includ-
ing such as could not be borne on the hand, produced no movements
of the head, wings, legs, or, indeed, any results other than eye move-
ments such as have been almost invariably readily obtained by me in
various birds, viz.: Movements of the lids, nictitating membrane and
iris; best marked and most constant on the side opposite to that of
stimulation, though not invariably confined to that side.
The portion of the cortex indicated above with enough of the white
matter beneath to expose the corpus striatum was removed. The part
cut away weighed six grains. The results, on stimulation with a
current that could be distinctly felt on the moistened finger and that
could not be borne on the lip, were in marked contrast to the negative
ones obtained from the cortex. There was distinct extension of the
toes of the opposite limb and movements of the head to the opposite
side. These effects were decided, readily obtained and easily repro-
duced. The bird recovered from the anesthetic quickly and in a few
moments was able to sit on his perch.
[MILs] COMPARATIVE PHYSIOLOGY AND PSYCHOLOGY 295
On the following-day no change of a physiological character was
manifest, but both the laboratory attendant and myself were of opinion
that the bird seemed wilder and snatched with greater eagerness at
any food presented to him.
Attempts to determine his visual condition were not successful as
the bird was not sufficiently quiet to permit of accurate tests being
made, but, so far as could be observed, his vision was unaltered, How-
ever, it would be safer to draw no conclusion in this instance. The
bird fed from the first as usual and continued well.
On March 21st a second operation was performed. This was
substantially the same as the other and with similar negative results
as to stimulation. The region exposed, over an area as large as in
the other case, was removed, when stimulation of the underlying parts
gave the same results as in the first experiment, viz.: movements of
the toes and head. The portion cut away weighed seven grains. In
this instance-also there was very speedy recovery from the ether. The
bird at once jumped upon his perch, and as he behaved as usual when
I moved my hand towards him, there seemed no reason to believe that
there was any serious change in his visual powers. Up to March 24th
he seemed more excitable, but in a few days again became natural in
this respect. The only marked changes of any kind in the bird from
the time of operation to the date of writing, May 18th, may be thus
briefly stated :—
1. Periods of greater excitement following each operation.
2. Decrease in weight; the bird weighed 335 grammes at oper-
ation, and on May 16th, only 254 grammes.
3. Decrease in strength. This last was evident this morning
(May 18th), when an opportunity presented itself to judge of his
behaviour on a live mouse being presented to him. The mouse, when
dangled over the cage, at once attracted his attention and an immediate
attempt was made to seize it. When the creature was put before him
it was at once seized and shaken, as a terrier might a rat. The bird
evidently appreciated the fact that the creature was alive, for at no
time did he allow it to escape from him. He soon proceeded to attempt
to tear it to pieces, holding it between the feet on the perch — but
throughout his loss of strength was evident. The loss of weight and
vigour was not due to lack of food, for he has always fed abundantly,
but it is in harmony with a large experience of mine in keeping pigeons
after removal of portions of the cerebrum. ‘There was at no time
any clear evidence that this crow was, except in these particulars,
physiologically in any way disturbed, while he was psychically the same
bird as far as my observations carried me, and as the experiments
296 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
described later, indicated, he had, to say the least, powers of psychic
discrimination of no mean order.
OBSERVATIONS AND EXPERIMENTS ON THE SEA-GULLS.
It should be noted that these birds always remained on the floor
of what was practically a big cage, about 6x6x7 feet. One of the birds
was considerably larger than the other two, and of him they seemed to
be afraid, and with reason, for he was anything but amiable in his
behaviour. At the time the experiments to be described were begun
the birds had evidently learned to associate food and the large water
dish or trough very thoroughly, for as soon as it was placed in the
enclosure (cage or pen) they approached, but the larger dominant bird
nearly always did so first, and the others seemed to have learned to
expect. this.
Experiments based on the approach of other persons than the man
that usually fed the birds were negative, 1.c., there was no evidence of
recognition.
The trough being removed and emptied was replaced when the
birds at once came and looked into it. The trough was then removed
and in its place was put an empty metallic water pail of the usual
size. The birds approached cautiously and seemed somewhat afraid
of it, pecked at it and tried to upset it. After a few moments they
looked over the top of the pail. This was then replaced by a smaller
pail into which they could see with ease, but with no results appre-
ciably different. Food was then put into this vessel, which was filled
about two-thirds full of water; on the surface floated bread, while on
the bottom was meat completely covered with bread. Again ‘the birds
approached, the large one being as usual in the lead. He pecked at
the pail, tried to upset it, then looking into it he suddenly seized a
piece of the meat and bolted it, at once withdrawing to some distance.
The others, after some little time, came forward, but did not seem
inclined to investigate. The pail was now removed, the trough placed
in its usual position when the birds at once greedily devoured the meat
it contained.
Five days later the following experiment was made: A dark
coloured enamelled dish was partly filled with water and in it were
placed bread and meat, the latter being in the centre and covered with
paper of a light yellow colour, the bread filling in all the rest of the
space. The leader approached cautiously (or timidly?) and then
stepped backward, at the same time keeping his fellows away. He
seemed to be looking for something he did not find. Presently he took
{mILLs] COMPARATIVE PHYSIOLOGY AND PSYCHOLOGY 297
some of the bread, pecked at the dish and then looked into the trough
from which the birds were usually fed. The paper was then removed
by us when at once two of the gulls bolted the meat.
Next day the experiment was repeated. : At once one of the
smaller birds snatched the paper away and attempted to devour it.
The larger bird seemed more cautious, he stepped forward pecked at
the pan and at once stepped back. This experiment was repeated on two
occasions afterwards, on both of which the smallest bird seized the
paper and made persistent attempts to tear it up and to swallow it.
A piece of meat was wrapped in white paper, when this same bird
attempted to swallow the paper, apparently not being aware that the
meat was in it till it fell out when it was at once bolted, but just
after the paper also.
Next, meat was placed in red flannel and placed in water sur-
rounded by bread in the usual way. At once the smallest bird that
had been so ready to act before, seized the flannel, and running off
screaming tried to swallow it. These efforts were persistent.
Two days later the birds did not seem very eager for food though
intentionally kept without it the day before. Pieces of meat were
wrapped in paper of various colours,— pink, yellow, blue, and also in
one case in black cloth. These were put in a dish containing water
and with bread floating in it as usual. They pulled out the pink
package first, then the yellow, next the black cloth, and finally the
blue paper. Though they pecked vigorously at the paper they did not
seem to be aware of the presence of the meat. and no attempt was
made to secure it when it dropped from the paper on the floor. It
was picked up, then dropped again suddenly, the paper apparently
receiving more attention than the meat.
Meat was then placed in the feeding trough, but was not taken
up, the birds seeming to be more inclined to enjoy bathing in the
water than eating. One of the birds was not in good physical con-
dition, so it was decided to discontinue these experiments, in all of
which I had been sympathetically assisted by Mr. G. E. Lannin, an
undergraduate in Medicine of McGill University.
CONCLUSIONS:
1. It is difficult to believe that smell was well developed in these
gulls, but vision, including colour vision, was good.
2. Coloured papers seemed to exert some peculiar and attractive
influence over them. This fact makes it difficult to draw safe con-
clusions in regard to the question of a colour-food association or reflex.
298 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
3. There was a firmly established trough-food association of some
kind.
4. Individual differences were strongly marked.
5. This as a whole obscured and complicated the problem of
relative individual mental superiority.
6. Gulls in confinement have not proved themselves of a high
order of intelligence. As compared with the crow they were absolute
“ duffers.”
EXPERIMENTS TO TEST THE BEHAVIOUR OF THE CROW UNDER CERTAIN
CONDITIONS.
These were begun on April 28th, i.e., about five weeks after the
last operation on the cerebrum, none having been made previously.
It was proposed to note the bird’s reaction to a colour-food stimu-
lus, as, perhaps, the test may be designated. For this purpose the
following simple-mechanism was arranged: On a piece of thin board
five and a half inches square were fastened immovably and parallel to
each other, two inches apart, two cardboard boxes (in which packets
of litmus paper had been kept). Hach measured 24 x 24 x + inch;
one was blue and the other red. At first an attempt was made to
apply the tests in the morning before the bird had been fed, but he
was so utterly wild that everything was thrown about and discriminating
observation impossible; but by allowing him to feed moderately better
results were obtained. Food was put now in one box, now in another,
so that the bird might learn if he would the box-food combination.
The apparatus was laid in his cage in front of his perch so that he
could readily see and equally readily pick up the food placed in one
or other box. On-two successive days the food was placed in the red
box and left uncovered. After this the food was always covered by
paper of the same colour as the box itself, and this filled rather closely,
so that it was not possible to see under it from the sides.
The results were ‘as follows: For three days the bird not being
previously fed on the same morning, it was found absolutely impossible
to make observations of any special value, though they were attempted,
but on the fourth and later days when there had been previous feeding,
the following notes were taken:—“‘ May 4th: Food placed in the red
box, each being covered with paper of its own colour and so placed
that the red was on the left side of the observer when facing the cage.
The crow took the blue paper off with his beak, but pecked just after
at the red paper. He soon pecked again at the red paper and
attempted to look underneath it. In this case his interference had
ca
[MILLS] COMPARATIVE PHYSIOLOGY AND PSYCHOLOGY 299
so altered the position of the uncovering paper that he could see the con-
tents of the box (meat), which he at once seized and ate.
1!
May 5th: Accidental exposure of the contents of the box; experi-
ment not successful.
May 7th: The red box was placed on the left. As soon as the
apparatus was placed in the cage, he lifted the red paper up somewhat,
peered underneath in a most suggestive and amusing way, and lifted
out the food very gingerly.
May 8th: The red box was placed to the right. Though he
looked plainly to this box first, he took the blue paper off the blue
box and began to tear it up. A few minutes later he knocked the
red paper off accidentally, saw the meat and ate it.
. May 9th: The red box placed to the left. His attention was
plainly drawn to the red box and held there. Soon he lifted up the
paper and seized the meat in the box.
May 10th: Red box placed to the right. His attention was, as
on the day before, distinctly drawn to the red box and on this occasion
he walked from the left over the blue box and lifted the paper from
the red box and at once ate the meat from it.
May 11th: The same experiment as on the day previous and with
similar results.
May 14th: Red box placed to the left. He again walked over
the blue box, pecked at the red paper covering the other and secured
the meat in it.
May 15th: The experiment of May 14th repeated and with the
same result.
Owing to accident a couple of later experiments were inconclusive,
and to my great regret the bird died on May 19th.
Post Mortem examination showed no special lesion as cause for death,
and as his strength had been obviously failing, while his activity remained
as great as ever, I am convinced death was due solely to exhaustion.
So far, however, as this particular point was concerned, the experiments
were sufficient to make the case clear.
It was plain to both the laboratory attendant, who looked after
the crow from the first, and to myself, that, from May 9th, at latest,
i.e., after five trials, some sort of firm mental association has been
formed largely through the colour sense as the chief initiating stimu-
lus. One could not but feel convinced of the great distance intervening
psychically between such a bird as a gull and a crow.
I was also impressed as a result of these observations as carried
out on the three birds, whose life history in the laboratory has been
given in outline, of the danger of drawing conclusions from even an
300 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
extended series of experiments if these are to be of the nature of wide
generalizations.
The above observations are presented simply for what they may
be worth to each reader. I know of none of a similar character on
birds of these species. They are in no respect ideal but may prove
at least suggestive.
It was difficult for me even within the narrow range of observ-
ation afforded by the few experiments made on the crow not to realize |
how greatly different a so-called association may be in one species of |
bird, even one individual, as compared with another.
An “association” in the case of a gull and a crow, are, I am
convinced very different things. They have elements in common, but
what is not common may be the greater part. The crow seemed to
show real intelligence; he had learned a good deal by a few experi-
énces, and “association” in the narrower sense does not wholly cover this.
One sees who looks without prejudice much that cannot be put |into
words, but which nevertheless impresses, and must influence his judg-
ment, and it is for this reason that I have always laid so much stress
on that general knowledge of animals that must modify all conclusions
derived from experiments which in the nature of the case can give
but a very limited amount of real knowledge of the psychic processes
of any animal.
Let us have all the experiments possible — let us gather facts —
let the facts be much more numerous than the theories, and let us be
very cautious in drawing conclusions, especially such as seem to be
radically destructive in tendency.
I am as thoroughly convinced as ever that the simple explanations
some offer are not justified for the higher mammals or even the higher
vertebrates.
Sxrcrion IV., 1906. [ 301] Trans. R. S. C.
XVII.— Bibliography of Canadian Geology and Palæontology for the
| Year 1905.
By H. M. Amt, of the Geological Survey of Canada.
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1 The numbers in brackets at the end of titles correspond to the numbers
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302 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ‘|
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304 ‘ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
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Sec. IV., 1906. 25
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Wuitson, W. J.—‘“ The Little Current and Drowning Rivers, branches of the
Albany, east of Lake Nipigon.” Sum. Rep. Geol. Surv. Dept. for 1904,
pp. 164-1738. Printed by order of Parliament; Ottawa. (Issued August,
1905).
Woopman, J. E.—*‘ Distributions of Bedded leads in relation to Mining Policy.”
Proc. and Trans. Nova Scotia Institute Se, Vol. XI, pt. 2, pp. 163-
178, March, 1905; Halifax, N.S.
Woopman, J. E.—"* Earthquake of March 21st, 1904, in Nova Scotia.” Proc.
and Trans. Nova Scotian Institute Se., Vol. 11, pp. 227, March, 1905;
Halifax, N.S.
318 ROYALSOCIETY OF CANADA
WoopMANn, S. D.—‘‘ Geology of the Moose River Gold District, Halifax County,
Nova Scotia.” Proc. and-Trans. N. S: Insti Se, Vol Xd, Parte
Session 1902-1903, pp. 18-28; Halifax, Nova Scotia. (Illustrated). (32)
Youne, G. A.—"* On (Geological) Surveys between Rabbit and Temagami Lake.”
Sum. Rep. Geol. Surv. Dept. of Canada for 1904, pp. 195-198. Printed
by order of Parliament ; Ottawa, Canada. (Issued August, 1905). (33)
Youne, G. A.—Numerous Reviews of Canadian Geological Papers, Geologisches
Centralblatt, 1905; Leipzig, Germany.
Abstracts of Writings on Canadian Geology for 1905.
As requested by Section IV, at the last meeting of the Royal
Society of Canada, it was agreed and subsequently endorsed by the
whole Society, that abstracts or reviews of papers issued in 1905 and
subsequent years be added to the bibliographical reference. With a view
of carrying out the object of the Society, and at the same time utilising
excellent material at hand, the writer has excerpted from the Geolo-
gisches Centralblatt, Berlin, Germany, edited by Dr. K. Keilhack, the
abstracts and digests made by Dr. G. A. Young, of the Geological
Survey of Canada and one review by Dr. R. Ruedemann on
“Clewcrmus.” The numbers affixed to the abstracts correspond with
numbers placed at the end of the references in Bibliography.
(1) Apams, F. D.—The report is accompanied by a geological map and a brief
description of the region. The wells are situated in flat-lying palæozoic.
strata, largely calciferous. The underground waters follow irregular
channels resulting from the solvent action of the waters acting along
joints, bedding planes and cracks in the limestone beds.
(2) Battery, L. W.—A review of the known occurrences, within the province, of
rocks of voleanie origin. The great periods of volcanic activity were
the Huronian, Silurian, Lower Carboniferous and Trias. The “ typical
volcanic rocks of the Pre-Cambrian (Huronian) system are diorites
and diabase; those of the Silurian, felsitic and porphyritie rhyolites;
those of the Lower Carboniferous, dolerite, and those of the Trias,
basalt.”
(3) BARLOW, ALFRED HRNEST.—‘ Report on the Origin, Geological Relations and
Composition of the Nickel and Copper Deposits of the Sudbury Mining
District, Ontario, Canada.” ° Illustrated, 5 maps, pp. 232, part H,
Annual Report, Vol XIV, Geological Survey of Canada, Ottawa, 1905,
(Issued end of December, 1904).
The district is an uneven, rocky plain underlain by rocks mostly
of Huronian age. The relative ages of all of the rock bodies are not
eo
[ami]
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN GEOLOGY 319
known, but they are tentatively grouped in four divisions which, begin-
ning with the lowest, are, Upper Huronian, Laurentian, Upper Huron-
jan (?), and post-Huronian.
At the base of the lower division of the Upper Huronian occurs
a series of diorite, porphyrite, hornblende and chlorite schists. The
less altered, more massive varieties appear to have been gabbros and
may often be traced passing into the perfectly schistose types. The
rocks of this series are known as the “greenstone schists,” and are
believed to have been basic eruptives which were greatly faulted, folded
and metamorphosed before the post-Huronian intrusions took place.
Involved in the greenstone schists are certain masses which present
some of the characteristics of effusive bodies.
Large areas of greywake or feldspathic sandstone and quartzite with
local developments of conglomerate are present and are sometimes
intimately associated with the greenstone schists. The greywackes have
been formed mainly of volcanie ashes, they gradually pass upwards
into the quartzites which are undoubtedly of sedimentary origin. A
rock, that in the field and under the microscope closely resembles a
granite, occurs over considerable areas. The field relations show that
this “regenerated granite” is a highly metamorphosed greywacke or
feldspathic sandstone. The relative position of the conglomerate is
not definitely known, but it is not improbable that the succession in
the lower division of the Upper Huronian may be as follows: First, the
greenstone schists overlain by the regenerated granite and above the
latter quartzite, then an unconformity, and secondly, the conglomerates
followed by beds of greywacke passing up into quartzite.
With the lower division of the Upper Huronian are classed certain
masses of gabbro or norite or their altered forms (diorite), which are
intrusive into all of the foregoing rocks. These gabbros present certain
characteristic features which distinguished them from the post-Huronian
intrusives.
The preceding Huronian rocks, with the possible exception of the
last mentioned gabbro type, are intruded by masses of foliated and banded
granitic and dioritic rocks. These are classed as Laurentian.
Younger than all of the foregoing divisions is a formation, com-
posed of voleanic breccias and agglomerates overlain by bituminous
shales that gradually pass upwards into comparatively coarse greywacke
or feldspathic sandstone. These rocks, probably of Upper Huronian
age, appear to form a synclinal trough underlain by younger norites.
The post-Huronian eruptives include granites, the nickel-bearing
eruptive and dykes of olivine diabase, the latter the youngest of all.
The granites are mineralogically much alike and occur in batholites.
These masses have been formed by intrusions closely following on@
another and closely followed by the intrusion of norite containing the
nickel ore. As a result, in some places the granite mass cooled suffi-
ciently to allow the norite to cool against it while, in other places,
the acid magma was still so fluid that the contact between it and the
norite is marked by a rock of intermediate characters.
The nickel-bearing eruptive varies from a norite at its borders to
a handed biotite granite towards the centre of the mass. The char-
320
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
acter of the differentiation is shown by a series of chemical analyses.
In the norite, hypersthene and enstatite usually predominate largely
over the diallage and the rock contains notable quantities of quartzite
sometimes in granophyric intergrowths with the basic plagioclase feld-
spar. Pyrrhotite, chalcopyrite and pyrite are always present in the
rock as original constituents and sometimes, in perfectly fresh specimens,
are so abundant that the rock might be classed as a pyrrhotite norite.
The norite forms one large and several smaller masses, the latter
probably connected with the main mass at no very considerable depth.
The ore occurs at the margin of the norite intrusion in large, irre-
gular, oval-shaped masses. It consists mainly of pyrrhotite with smaller
amounts of chalcopyrite, etc. The nickel is present in the mineral
pentlandite which is distributed mainly through the pyrrhotite. All
the minerals found in the ores are described and their chemical com-
position discussed. The ores of igneous origin, the result of differen-
tiation, though secondary action has played a considerable role in
some instances,
The report includes a review of the previous examinations and
descriptions of the district and a history of mining development in the
region; discusses the origin and genesis of nickel ores throughout the
world; the metallurgical processes and the mode of refining the nickel
are described and the uses of nickel detailed.
(4) BELL, J. M.—The rocks of the district are mapped as Keewatin with the asso-
ciated iron formation separately coloured, Lower Huronian, post-
Huronian granites, etc., and Keweenawan eruptives. The Keewatin
schists form several extensive areas within which lie long, broken bands
of the iron formation. The Lower Huronian and Keweenawan erup-
tives form a number of, relatively, much smaller areas lying almost
entirely, within or on the borders of the Keewatin areas. The post-
Huronian granites and syenites occupy by far the greater part of the
district. The Keewatin schists are unconformably overlain by the
Lower Huronian, the post-Huronian granites, etc., are younger than
and have intrusive contacts with both of the preceding formations while
the basic Keweenawan eruptives are the youngest rocks of the district.
The Keewatin and Lower Huronian are folded and in one area the
Keewatin occurs in a closely folded synclinorium.
The Keewatin is a complex of schistose rocks originally gabbro,
quartzite porphyry, felsite, tuff, etc., with isolated occurrences of phyl-
lite and arkose. These rocks are, in places, further altered to sericite
and chlorite schists, and sometimes to biotite and amphibole schists.
The iron formation of the Keewatin consists of cherts, jaspers and iron
ores interbanded with and grading into one another, quartzites and
phyllites also occur within this division. The Lower Huronian con-
sists chiefly of a closely folded and mashed conglomerate. The post-
Huronian acid intrusions include granite and syenite with quartzite
porphyry facies. Certain areas of banded gneisses within the granites
are thought to be much metamorphosed Keewatin quartzite porphyry.
The Keeweenawan eruptives consist of diabase and gabbro in the form
of dykes, sheets amd bosses.
ae es -
[amr] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN GEOLOGY 321
(5) BucxaAN, J. S.—“* The purpose of the paper is to give an illustration of what
may be seen and observed on even so commonplace an occasion as a
railway journey from one place to another.”
(6) CATHERINIET, JULES.—‘‘ Copper Mountain, British Columbia.” Eng. and
Mining Journal, Vol. 69, pp. 125-127, 5 figs.; 1905.
Copper Mountain is chiefly a mass of gabbro. The upper por-
tion contains veinlets and veins of bornite and also a pegmatite. The
appearance of the veins of bornite and pegmatite suggest a common
origin for both. In other places the bornite, accompanied by some
chalcopyrite, occurs in irregular masses scattered through a coarse peg-
matite vein. The bornite is an original constituent of the dykes while
the chalcopyrite is secondary to the bornite. The pegmatite also carried
native gold and sperrylite.
(7) CHALMERS, ROBERT.—A summary description of the season’s work and con-
taining a number of notes on the glacial geology of the region.
(8) CorKint, E. G.—The article contains abstracts of the chief theories of the
origin’of oil and gas. Measured sections are given of the palæozoic
strata, from the Cambrian to Devonian, of the oil fields of Western
Ontario together with a partial record of boring operations.
(9) DizLoN-Miczs, S.—‘ Temiskaming.” Eng.and Mining Journal, Vol. 79, pp.
996-997, 1 map, 2 figs., 1905.
Ores of cobalt, nickel and silver, with native silver, occur in
lower Huronian rocks varying from slates to conglomerates. These
rocks are often sheared parallel to two planes and have been intruded
by diabase and gabbro, The ore deposits have formed along some of
the shearing planes and are possibly due to fumarole action accom-
panying the gabbro intrusion.
(10) Downine, D. B.—‘‘ The Stratigraphy of the Cascade Coal Basin.’ ’ Can.
Min. Rev., Vol. 24, pp. 105-111, 6 figs.; 1905.
The coal-bearing strata of the basin belong to the lower Creta-
ceous and owe their exposure to the uplift of the Rocky Mountains.
The greater part of the basin is bounded by a fault which follows,
in a general manner, the crest of the anticline, but northward, the
break gradually passes into a fold.
(11) Dresser, J. A.—The article is a description of a six mile section across
the Sutton Mountain anticline. The rocks of the section at one time
classed with the Quebec Group were later, with the exception of a
band of Trenton limestones, mapped as pre-Cambrian. The section in-
includes black limestones, black mica schists, gray mica schists micaeous
dolomite and quartzite now shown to be all of sedimentary origin, to
have been deposited and to pass into one another in the order named.
Ait one locality the micaceous dolomite holds Lower Silurian fossils.
At one end of the section are exposures of a basic volcanic, at the
other end of serpentine. These igneous rocks are older than the kedi-
mentary series. The sediments, again placed in the Quebec group,
Sec. IV., 1906. 26
322 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
occupy a trough between ridges of two earlier igneous rocks and the
latter, alone of the rocks of the district, may possibly be of pre-
Cambrian Age.
(12) .ELLS, R. W.—The article outlines the results of various geological investiga-
tions at a number of localities within the province.
(13) Evans, H. F.—‘‘A reconnaissance into Highland Valley, British Columbia.”
Mining World, Vol. 22, pp. 526-527, and p. 546; 1905.
The area known as the interior plateau of British Columbia was,
during early Tertiary, denuded to base level, has since passed through
a succession of elevations and depressions, has been at times an area
of deposition and a theatre of voleanic eruptions.
(18a) Evans, H. F.—‘‘ In the Eocene Tertiary the interior plateau was reduced
by prolonged denudation to the conditions of an approximately uniform
plane. Since then, the area has been deformed by earth movements,
strata have been deposited and volcanic flows have taken place.
(14) Evans, H. F.—The two articles contain a summary description of the occur-
rence of molybdenum in a system of quartz veins cutting a granite.
(15) GizriN, B. J.—The article contains a number of hitherto unpublished,
sections and analyses of coals of the province.
(16) HorcuxKiss, W. O.—The geological formation of the district, in ascending
order, are, Keewatin, Laurentian, Lower Huronian, Middle Huronian,
large masses of diabase probably of Keweenawan age, and Niagara
limestone. The Keewatin greenstone schists are intruded by the Lau-
rentian granite and both are overlain by the Lower Huronian which
is composed of conglomerates and shales, usually lying in a nearly
horizontal position. The ores occur in narrow, vertical fissures in the
Lower Huronian near the contact with the Keewatin and usually also
near the diabase. The principal gangue mineral is calcite with acces-
sory quartite. The most valuable mineral is native silver, the most
abundant, smaltite chloanthite while of the many accessory minerals.
those mined for values are chiefly niccolite cobalite. The Keewatin
schists are well mineralized with arsenical iron and copper pyrite.
The deposits are possibly due to meteoric waters which, warmed by
the presence of the slowly cooling masses of diabase, derived the ores,
to a large extent, form the Keewatin scists. The cobalt ores and
calcite were first deposited and, after a second period of fracturing,
the silver was deposited, the cobalt ores acting as a precipitating agent
for the silver.
(17) Low, A. P.—A summary of the results of the expedition, including notes
on the geology of the regions visited.
(18) McINNEs, WM.—A summary description of the season’s work. The region
visited is one of low relief and owes its most striking features to
deposits of glacial origin. The underlying rocks are all Archean, mainly
biotite gneisses with areas of Keewatin schists.
[amr] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN GEOLOGY 323
(19) MCMILLAN, JAMES.—“* The area is a plain, in all probability once the bed of
a glacial dammed lake.” Rock exposures are uncommon. ‘The greater
part of the area has been mapped as Huronian, the most common rocks
being variously altered basic eruptives! The regions also includes an
area of Laurentian and gneisses.
(20) Merritt, F. J. H.—A brief notice of the occurrence of narrow calcite
veins cutting Grenville limestone and carrying galene.
(21) Mirter, Witter G.—‘ Nepheline syenite in Western Ontario.” Am. Geol.
Vol. 32, pp. 182-185; 1905.
This article records a probable new occurrence of nepheline syenite
in Ontario. The locality is supposed to be near Sturgeon lake, about
one hundred and fifty miles northwest of Port Arthur. Boulders have
been found and similar rock is supposed to be in a situ near at hand.
Hastings County, Kippewa lake, and the Rainy River district have
hitherto been the only known localities of the occurrence of this rock.
_ The amphibole of the rock has an extinction, C: C, of 20°, which
distinguishes it from arfvedsonite.
(22) Minter, W. G.—The report is accompanied by a map showing the areal
geology of the district surrounding Cobalt. The oldest rocks are Kee-
watin greenstones and schists, these have been intruded by a granite
which is classed as Laurentian. Both the Keewatin and Laurentian
are unconformably overlain by the Lower Huronian and the latter is
separated by an unconformity from the Middle Huronian. The Lower
Huronian rocks are conglomerates, greywacke-slates and quartzites. The
middle Huronian consists of conglomerates and quartzites. Large areas
of diabase are present in the district which are of post-Middle Huronian
age and probably occur both as widespread sills and as boss-like bodies.
. Toxards the north of the district the above rocks are overlain by beds
of Silurian limestone.
The veins of ore are mainly confined to an area 5-6 miles long
by 2-3 miles broad. The veins are very narrow and with but few
exceptions are confined to the Lower Huronian, but have also been
found cutting the Keewatin and the post-Middle Huronian diabase.
The veins usually consist chiefly of smaltite, niccolite, calcite and native
silver deposited in the order named. These minerals are accompanied
by native bismuth argentite chloathite, dyscrasite, etc. The mineral
group as a whole is characterized by the subordinate part which sulphur
plays in comparison with arsenic. The report contains descriptions
amd in a; number of cases analyses of the minerals. The fissures are
thought to have been formed as a result of the contraction following
the cooling of the diabase and the vein material to have been deposited
by heated waters which marked the last phase of the volcanic activity
accompanying the intrusion of the diabase.
(23) Miter, W. G.—The iron formation consists of jaspilyte and occurs as a
narrow band within Keewatin schists, the latter are cut by Laurentian
granite amd syenite. A few small outerops of Lower Huronian con-
glomerates are present.
324
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
(24) NoLAN, A. W. and Dixon, J. D.—Geology of St. Helen’s Island, Can. Rec.
Sci., Vol. 9, p. 53-66, 1903.
This paper is a discussion of some of the results of a detailed
geological Survey of St. Helen’s Island, Montreal, which was made
a part of the Honour Course in Geology at McGill University in
1901-1902. It principally describes the late Devonian breccia of the
island which is a result of the intrusion of the ancient voleano now
represented by the stock of Mount Royal. The breccia has a dolomitic
matrix, probably due to composition of a nepheline-bearing ash, and
contains fragments of earlier rocks. While it rests on Utica (Cambro-
Silurian) shale, some of the included rocks are Oriskany (lower Devon-
ian) in age. This is interpreted to show that the greater part of the
Devonian formation had been removed by denudation at the time of
the irruption of Mount Royal; a conclusion that is corroborated by
the general absence of this formation from western Quebec.
(25) O’SULLIVAN, OWEN.—A summary description of the season’s work. Only
two rock exposures were found on the west coast of James Bay, they
were of fossiliferous Devonian limestone. Evidence is given to show
that the coast is slowly rising.
(26) PooLr, H. S.—The basal rocks of the Magdalen islands are of Carbonifer-
ous limestone age, it is believed that, as shown by soundings, they oncg
extended in a fold parallel to the present coast of Cape Breton and
near to Prince Edward Island. A second anticline, the Wallace anti-
cline, commences in carboniferous strata in Nova Scotia and is believed,
as shown by soundings, to extend further to the east, underneath the
water and parallel with the above submerged ridge. “Within the
shelter of these ridges possibly were the condition alone favourable for
the accumulation of coal in seams of workable thickness. Prince Ed-
ward Island and the major part of the Gulf (of St. Lawrence) lie
outside the fold.”
(27) SHERZER, W. H.—The report is a summary of the most important observa-
tions made during the season of 1904, by the Smithsonian expedition,
upon five glaciers lying within fifty miles of one another. It contains
descriptions of the structures, rates of movements and various phenomena
connected with these glaciers. A parasitic glacier, on a tributary of
the Victoria glacier, moves across the tributary and delivers its ground
moraine to the medial moraine of the main stream. The Wenkchemma
glacier is of the piedmont type and is composed of eight to ten ice
streams. Observations show that the ice granules of the glaciers tend
toi lie with their principal optic axes vertical. Three types of dust
bands are described. The first type is the original dust bands of
Forbes and their formation is explained. The second type is named
dust zones and is caused by the relatively larger proportion of foreign
material in one of two outcropping ice strata. The third type is named
dirt strips, it is entirely superficial and is due to the collection of dirt
in the vesicular ice separating laminæ on a surface subject to melting.
A double series of block moraines, comparatively free from finer material,
occurs in connection with four of the five glaciers examined, its absence
from the fifth is probably due to the form of the surrounding moun-
ca
[AMI]
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN GEOLOGY 325
tains. It is argued that, since normal conditions could mot form this
type of moraine, therefore they must have been caused by a double
seismic disturbance of the entire region. The time of the occurrence
of the probable earthquake is assigned to the thirteenth century.
(28) SPRINGER, FRANK.—* Cleiocrinus.” Harvard Coll., Mus. Comp. Zool. Mem.,
Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 93-114, 1 pl., 1905.
The genus Cleiocrinus has been a puzzle since it was established
by Billings to receive certain very peculiar Crinoids from the Trenton
group of Canada. Its principal peculiarity consists in the composition
of the lowest visible ring of ten plates. Wachsmuth and Springer have
twice discussed the genus in the Revision of the Palæocrinoidea and, from
its resemblance to Ichthyocrinus, asumed the presence of five concealed
basals and three infrabasals.
An investigation of the specimens in the Museum of the Survey
at Ottawa has, after preparation of the base of one of Billings’s types,
disclosed a most extraordinary and anomalous structure.
Instead of two concealed rings, there is only one, consisting of
five large, thick quadrangular plates, resting on the column and sloping
from within upward to a thin upper face. These are radially situate
and followed by the first and second primibrachs, not alternating with
them, but in direct succession. The ten plates of the lowest ring
observed before do not enter into the interior of the calyx wall proper,
but are suspended on the outside of it, to which they are firmly grown.
The author holds now that the so-called interradials of the outer ring
are the basals,”’ which by some strange freak of nature have mor-
phologically — not accidently — become displaced from their proper posi-
tion in the calyx wall, being pushed in between the radials, and both
having slipped down over the infrabasals. Or “or,” it is added, ‘ sup-
posing a reverse process to have taken place, we may consider, that
the disturbance came from below, the base being thrust upward into
the calyx.”
In regard to the systematic relations of Cleiocrinus it is staited
that the general habitus of the genus is that of Ichthyocrinus, and that
its articulate structure and flexible calyx point strongly toward the
Flexibilia, while, on the other hand, the presence of pinnules and of
five infrabasals instead of three, differentiate it absolutely from the
known Flexibilia Impinnata to which all paleozoic forms of the group
hitherto known belong. It is, therefore, suggested that Cleiocrinus like
Rateocrinus, it is an intermediate group between the Flexibilia and
Camerata, closely approximating the Flexibilia. Definitions of the
genus and its two species close the interesting account.
(28) SMITH, W. N.—The formations present include the Lower Huronian,
Upper Huronian (Animikie), and Keweenawan. West of the district
the Lower Huronian unconformably overlies the Keewatin schists. The
Lower Huronian is composed largely of schistose greywacke intruded
by masses of greenstone, both of these, in turn, are intruded by bodies
of granite. This granite is older than the Animikie which, as com-
pared with the Lower Huronian is almost flat-lying and rests uncon-
formably on the latter formation. The Animikie consists of slate
326
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
with two iron horizons. The Upper iron horizon is largely a cherty
iron carbonate, the lower band is distinguished by the presence of
granules. The Keeweenawan lies unconformably on both the Animikie
and the Lower Huronian. The formation consists of conglomerates,
sandstones and marls. The Animikie and Keweenawan are intruded
by sills of diabase (R. Ruedemann).
(29) WELLS, J. WALTER.—The occurrences of limestones within the province
and a large number of analyses of these rocks are given.
(30) WELLS, J. WALTER.—!The report contains an account of the distribution
and character of the clays and shales and a number of chemical analyses
of them.
(31) Witson, A. W. G.—The section occurs along the north shore of the lake,
the last eight miles are mapped and described in detail. Wherever
the deposits are seen resting on bed-rock, the lowest portion consists
of a clay till carrying boulders and pebbles. In places the lower till
is overlain by stratified sands and these, in turn are sometimes followed
by a sheet of till, in part stratified. The upper sheet sometimes rests
unconformably on the lower. In the portion of the section described
in detail, the lower sheet of till, except at one end of the section, is
succeeded by the stratified sands, the whole capped by the upper till
sheet. Within the sands, between the upper and lower till sheets,
occurs a non-continuous till sheet, dividing the deposits into two sets,
belonging to two interglacial epochs. After the deposition of the sands
of the second interglacial epoch, there followed a period of unequal
erosion during which the continuity of the middle till sheet was destroyed
and, in places, the erosion was) deep enough to allow the last till sheet
to be deposited immediately on the lowest. The greatest measured
thickness of the deposit is about 130 feet.
(32) WooDMAN, J. E.—The author contrasts the bedded gold-bearing quartz
veins of the eastern portion of the gold-bearing series of Nova Scotia
with the saddles of Bendigo. In the former case the veins occur in
zones which are situated within domes, usually those having a high
angle of pitch, and these domes are irregularly distributed along a
series of east and west anticlines. The domes occur in discontinuous
slate horizons lying in a quartzite formation, The zones of veins are
confined to the slate measures and, therefore, have a limited lateral
extent, the veins are continuous in certain cases to considerable depths
depending on the amount of erosion the dome has suffered.
(33) Youne, G. A—A summary report on the season’s work. The district
contains large areas of Keewatin schists penetrated by granite, tha
latter cut by a body of syenite. The schists and granite are overlain
by a conglomerate and slates of Huronian age and these are capped
by sills of diabase.
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