The Punjaub and North-West frontier of India;

i^H

THE PUNJAUB

NORTH-WEST FRONTIER OF INDIA.

AN OLD PUNJAUBEE.

LONDON:

C. Kegan Paul & Co., i Paternoster Square.

1878.

FncG

HENRY MORSE STEPHE88

PREFACE.

The following pages have been written with the object
of presenting a rough sketch of a country and people
destined to play an important part in the not very
distant future, as some of us think.

I can hardly hope to amuse English readers with
descriptions of countries and races so little known to
them, but if I can only induce them to take some
interest in a subject which is acquiring greater impor-
tance with every fresh move of Eussian diplomacy, I
shall be content. The authorities I have consulted
are Cunningham's ' History of the Sikhs,' Blue Books,
official reports and papers; and for much connected
with the frontier tribes I have relied on personal
observation extending over ten or twelve years. There
are two excellent works on the latter subject. Sir E.
Temple's ' Notice of the Frontier Tribes,' and Colonel

iv PREFACE.

Paget's ' History of the Punjaub Irregular Force,' but I
have not had the opportunity of consulting either, nor
are they accessible to the general public. I have
avoided Oriental terms as far as possible, but have been
obliged, of course, to call the representatives of the
tribes by their right names.

CONTENTS.

?Part I.
CHAPTER I.

PACK

Geographical description of the Punjaub — The rivers — The Bar or
waste — Its inhabitants — The 'Khoj ' or tracking system— Classi-
fication of the population by creeds— The Hindoos — The
Mohammedans ....... i

CHAPTER II.

Brief History of the Sikhs — Decrease in their numbers — Religion —
The ' Kooka ' schismatics — Cavises which led to the war with
the British in 1845-46 — Claimants to the throne after Runjeet
Singh's death — The 'Jumoo' Rajahs— The army— Punchayuts
— Sikh army crosses the Sutlej — Battles that followed — Final
victory of the British at Sobruon . . . . .11

CHAPTER III.

Administration of the Punjaub under a British Resident — Intrigues
against the British by the Ranee— Siege of Mooltan — Battles of
Ramnuggiir and Chilianwala — Final victory at Goojerat and
annexation of the Punjaub. . . . . .26

h

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.

PAGE

Geographical description of iSTorth-West frontier — The Affghans—
Their political relations — The ' Jirgahs '—Comparison of the
Affghans with the Americans of Cortes's time— Affghan inde-
pendence of Cabul— Description of the Pathan tribes— The
' Chigurzye '— ' Hussunzye '—The Rludah Khail and Amayze—
The 'Judoons' — Bonairs— Swatees — Momunds— Bajourees . 36

CHAPTER V.

Causes which led to the Umbelah campaign — The Hindostanee
fanatics — Assemblage of the British force— Military and politi-
cal difficulties- Occupation of Umbelah Pass by our troops —
Constant state of warfare for two months — Final victory at
'Laloo'— Lessons to be derived from this campaign— Notice
of the ' Akhoond ' of Swat . . . . -47

CHAPTER VI.

The ' Bonairs '—Their fighting strength— The 'Momunds' — Their
hostility to us — ' The ' Afreedees ' — The ' Kohat ' Pass — The
' Khutuks ' — The ' Wuzeerees ' — The 'Cabul Khail' — The
'Oomurzye' — Expeditions against those tribes— The 'Muh-
soods ' — Desci-iption of their country— Attack on our frontier
by a large body of the tribe . . . . .62

CHAPTER VII.

Campaign against the INIuhsoods — Its results — The Butunnees —
Sheoranees — Oostei'anees — The PoAvindah merchants — The
Bilooch tribes — Tlieir character as compared with the Pathans
— The Scinde frontier— The Punjaub frontier force . . 74

CONTENTS.

Part e.
CHAPTER VIII.

FAGK

Characteristics of the border tribes— Their religion — Blood-feuds —
Theft— Treatment of women— Social customs — Hypothesis of
the Affghans being the lost Ten Tribes of Israel— The ' Vesh '
— Similarity of this custom to Jewish institutions— Arms of
the Affghans— Military system— Treachery of the Affghans—
Strength of the different tribes . . . . .9^

CHAPTER IX.

Systems of frontier management — In Scinde — In the Punjaub—
Duties of the Lieutenant-Governor in connection with it —
Pressure of work — Proposed change in system — Advantages
thereof — Policy of conciliation so called — Not successful —
Failure of Sir Lewis Pelly's mission — Detail of staff for Border
Commissioner . . . . . . .105

CHAPTER X.

Method of dealing with the frontier tribes — Policy of prompt chas-
tisement not properly carried out— Causes of the same — Char-
acter of various exxieditions against the tribes — That against
the Jowakees — Means available for carrying out expeditions . 120

CHAPTER XI.

Political dealings with Cabul — Hostility of the Affghans during the
'Sikh' war of 1848-49 — Change of feeling— Application of
Ameer Dost Mahomed to the Governor-General— Subsidies of
money and arms granted— Strife for the succession after Dost
Mahomed's death — Final success of Sher Ali — His feelings
towards us — His visit to Lord Mayo in 1869— Character of Sher
Ali — The conciliation policy — Advantages of the move to
Quettah — Lord Lawrence's opinion on the subject— Remarks
thereon ........ 12S

viii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XII.

PACK

General remarks on the feelings of the natives of India towards
the English— The Mohammedans — Opinions regarding them —
Sir R. Temple — Vambery — Sir G. Campbell — ' Eraser's Maga-
zine '—Major Osborn — Other opinions on this subject— State of
feeling among Hindoos and others — Effects in India of* rapid
changes ........ 142

CHAPTER XIII.

1\ elation of native soldiers with their ofiBcers— Of civil officers and
rj'ots— Unsettled state of feeling in India— Social relations
between Europeans and natives — Importance of union among
English in India — Present want of esprit de corps— Russian
movements in Central Asia, and their effect in India . , 156

CHAPTER XIV.

Further remarks on Russian movements in Central Asia — State of
feeling among certain native chiefs in India — The native press
of India — Reforms required in taxation — Police — Law —
Army— Responsibilities of England to India— Conclusion . i;

THE PUNJAUB

AND

NORTH-WEST FRONTIER OF INDIA.
CHAPTEE I.

Geog7'ap]iical description of the Pimjaub — The rivers— The
Bitr or waste— Its inhabitants— The ' KhoJ' or tracking
system— Classification of the popidatioji by creeds— The
Hindoos — The Mohammedans.

The land of the Five Elvers or Punjaub proper is in-
cluded in the tract between the ' Sutlej ' and ' Indus '
rivers, between which flow also the ' Beas/ the ' Eavee,'
the ' Chenaub,' and the ' Jhelum ; ' the deltas between
the rivers being named after the respective rivers which
bound them, by combining the initial letters or syllables
of each river. Thus the delta between the Beas and
the Eavee is called the ' Ba Eee ' ' Dooab ' (land of two
rivers) ; that between the Eavee and the Chenaub, the
' Ee Chnab ; ' and that between the Chenaub and the
Jhelum, the ' Chu. J.' The delta between the Jhelum

2 THE PUNJAUB.

and the Indus rivers deviates from tlie above nomen-
clature, and is called the^ ' Sind-Sagor ' Dooab, ' Sind '
Leinf*- the local name for the Indus.

o

But beyond the Punjaub proper a large tract to the
south of the ' Sutlej ' river, including the Ferozepore,
Loodianah, and Umballa districts, has always been
considered to form part of the Province, and later on,
for convenience of local administration, after the Mutiny
the Delhi and Hissar divisions, which had formed
part of the territory under the Agra Government, were
added to the Punjaub; while to the north-west, the
tract of country lying between the Indus and the
Affghan mountains had been occupied by the ' Sikhs '
under Pamjeet Singh, and it was included as part of
the British province of the Punjaub at the annexation
of the country in 1849. The northern and western
boundaries of the province are formed by the mountain
ranges of the Himalayas, from Simla on the north-east
to the Suleimani range, whose spurs reach the Scinde
frontier to the westward. The 28th degree of north
latitude represents nearly the southern, and the 78th
degree of east longitude the eastern boundary.

Between the several rivers a large barren w^aste
is found, the cultivation being confined to belts on
each bank, varying more or less in extent. This waste
is termed the * Bar,' and runs down the centre of each
' Dooab ' or delta, varying from forty or fifty miles in
breadth at the base, to a mile or two as it approaches
the apex formed by the junction of the rivers. In the
early time of our occupation, these vrastes owing to
sparseness of population, remoteness from river irriga-

DESERT TRACTS. 3

tioD, and tlie great depth at wliicli water was found,
were left almost entirely to the nomade breeders of
camels, cattle, &c., plenty of fodder bemg found for the
former in the small trees and prickly shrubs with
which the waste abounded, and in a favourable rainy
season grass in abundance was produced for the cattle.
These secluded regions furnished also a safe refuge for
cattle-stealers during the earlier period of our rule.
ISTothing was easier than to pounce upon an outlying
herd belonging to the villages adjoining the 'Bar' at
night, and drive them off into the trackless wilderness,
and by the time the luckless owners awoke to a sense
of their loss, their cattle had been conveyed into the
mazes of the jungle, where even with the assistance of
the law recovery was well-nigh hopeless.

During the 'Sikh' dynasty, and for some time
under our own more enlightened rule, no thorough
effort was made to check this system of depredation,
but civilisation has been attended here as everywhere
else with its usual results. Increase of cultivation and
growth of population, the handmaids of good govern-
ment, are gradually reducing the limits of the waste,
and, accompanied by a better system of police adminis-
tration, we may look for their final victory in the
complete suppression of these reivers of the wilder-
ness.

The habits of these denizens of the waste were, as
may be imagined, rude and uncouth to a degree. They
lived chiefly on the produce of their herds ; wheat or
maize flour was a luxury, their bread being made
principally of the seeds of a jungle grass pounded into

4 THE PUNJAUB.

flour. The taste was not unpleasant, but tlie gluten
contained in the bread must have been represented by
a very small decimal. In a plentiful rainy season
water was obtained from ponds for the cattle and their
owners, and under the same favourable circumstances
grass was to be found in abundance ; but, as a rule, the
nomades generally constructed a well at each of their
encampments. Tliis was a work of difficulty and toil, as
on the high ridge of the deltas water is not found at less
than eighty or ninety feet, and sometimes much more,
from the surface.

The process of well-making consisted in digging a shaft,
often not more than four or five feet in diameter, and, as
the excavation proceeded,lining the sides of the shaft with
a kind of thick rope or fascine, constructed of twigs and
coarse grass,to prevent the sides from falling in. With all
their ingenuity, however, it not unfrequently happened
that the earth gave way and inhumed the unfortunate
excavator. The chief agency resorted to in former
times, and which to a certain extent prevails still, for
tracing stolen cattle in the ' Bar ' was the system called
' Khoj ' or tracking. The trackers are professionals,
and it was the practice to attach one of these adepts to
Police Stations in certain localities. The English reader
may acquire a fair idea of the process from Cooper's
Indian novels. The ingenuity with which these men
ravel out a track quite rivals the marvellous performances
of 'Uncas' or ' Chingachgook,' and many a story is told
of their perseverance in tracing animals through many
miles of both waste and cultivation to a successful result.
But the thieves are not without their ingenious con-

SYSTEM OF TRACK hYG. 5

ti'ivances to elude the ' Klioj.' The river is freely made
use of where available ; for, as ' Hawkey e ' says —

' Kunning water leaves no trail.'

And when cattle are driven over the dry hard soil of
the ' Bar,' where the cloven hoof w^ould betray its
mark, the thieves shoe, or rather slipper, the animal
with a leather bag tied round the fetlock, which effec-
tually prevents the hoof from scratching the surface.
The law of the ' Khoj ' is, that on the ' Khoji ' or tracker
bringing the trace of stolen animals to a village, the
headmen of the tow^nship are bound to show that the
tracks proceed beyond their limits, or failing to produce
the thief, to make good the value of the stolen cattle.
This practice bears some analogy to the ordeal by
which the Israelites were to free themselves from the'
charge of blood shed within the limits of their village
(Deut. xxi. i). The system has its drawbacks, the
principal being that the right enforcement of it depends
on the honesty of the tracker, a somewhat insecure
foundation to build upon. It rests with him to declare
whether the track has been brought home to a village
or not, and it depends on the value and cogency of the
arguments adduced by the villagers as to whether he
can discover it on the other side, and so liberate them
from responsibility.

The Punjaub occupies an area of 95,768 square
miles, contains a population of 17,500,000, and is
inhabited by peoples of widely differing character-
istics as regards physique, habits, and religion.

6 THE PUNJAUB.

The population,^ classified by religions, consists of
Sikhs, Hindoos, comprising several sections of that
creed, Mohammedans of the Punjaub, Mohammedans
of the frontier, and, in comparatively small numbers,
Buddhists, who are found only in the hill regions. The
Hindoos inhabiting the ' Punjaub ' are, as noted above,
of divers sects. The Brahmins here, as in Hindostan,
hold the first place, and, the schismatic movement in
Bengal not having yet reached the * Punjaub,' reign
supreme in all Hindoo communities. 'Eajpoots' are
to be found principally among the tribes inhabiting the
lower hills to the north-east, several of the petty Rajas
of that quarter being of that tribe.

There are several other subdivisions of Hindoos, but
none that call for special remark except the well-
known and widely-spread race of 'Bunniahs' of the
' Khutrie ' sect, and known commonly in the Punjaul)
by the appellation of ' Kirars.' These small grain

1 Details of Census of 1868 :—

Males 9,581,292

Females 8,015,460

17,596,752

Mohammedans 9»335»632

Hindoos 6,134,243

Sikhs 1,129,319

Europeans i7>938

Half-castes and native Chi-istians . 3i97i

Other castes 972,833

Proportion of population to area
Punjaub .
Bengal

North-West Provinces
Madras
Bombay .

: —

. 184

per square

mile

• 311

,. 1

. 420

,,

,

. 170

■,1

,

• 155

5>

,

HINDOOS OF THE PUNJAUB. 7

mercliants, tlioufrli their clealiiiQ-.s are not confined to
that commodity only, are to be found not only in the
civilised parts of the Province, vrliere life and property
are tolerably secure, but also in the wildest parts of
our frontier, both within and beyond the reach of
British authority, in localities where one would suppose
their lives and their earnings were not worth a moment's
purchase. But still they live and thrive, and accumu-
late w^ealth like the Jewish usurer of old. Like them,
perhaps, they are sometimes squeezed, and made to
disgorge their gains ; but, as a rule, they escape fire and
torture, and live the life and die the death of the miser,
their cliildren following in their steps.

It is not to be understood that they always escape
rough treatment, for it has not unfrequently happened
on the frontier that a border 'Front de Eoeuf has
seized a ' Bunniah,' and subjected him to much the
same treatment as his ISTorman prototype proposed for
Isaac the Jew until a suitable ransom was forthcoming.

Up to a not very remote date, a very large portion
of the land paying revenue to Government w^as in the
hands of this class by mortgage or purchase. During
the turbuleut period which intervened betw^een the
death of 'Eunjeet Singh' and the inauguration of our
rule, amid the constant struggles for the succession,
great exactions were made upon the agricultural classes
to replenish the empty exchequer and to furnish sol-
diers for the rival factions. The cultivation of the
soil was consequently much neglected, and the tenants,
improvident themselves, not being able to meet the
requirements of the State on the one hand, and of their

8 THE PUNJAUB.

own domestic necessities and comforts on the other,
and often not being able to provide seed for the periodi-
cal sowingjs, resorted to the Bunniahs, who lent them
money on exorbitant terms on the security of their
land, which was hypothecated to the Bunniahs, so that,
as noted above, the greater portion of the land interest
was in their hands ; but as tranquillity increased under
our rule, and as equitable assessments were made by
our officers, in place of the old rack-renting process, the
agriculturists began to recover themselves, and now
the landholders in many parts of the country have
freed themselves from their bonds, and form a wealthy
and influential class. This, however, is by no means
the universal condition, and the consequences of former
misrule and improvidence still remain, while habits of
comparative luxury, induced by greater prosperity and
advancing civilisation, still conspire to keep the agricul-
tural community more or less in the hands of the
money-lending classes.

The Mohammedans of the Punjaub proper form the
large majority of the population. In the census of
1868 they numbered 9,330,000 to 6,130,000 Hindoos
and 1,130,000 Sikhs. This preponderance of Moham-
medans over Hindoos is peculiar to the ' Punjaub.' Of
the 200,000,000 in India, 160,000,000 are stated to be
of the Hindoo persuasion, which gives a proportion of
4 to I in favour of the Hindoos generally.

It is natural perhaps that Mohammedanism should be
in the ascendant in the Punjaub, from the fact of its
having been the first part of India occupied by the

MOHAMMEDANS OF THE PUNJAUB. 9

Mussulmans, and that on which they retained their
hold even when driven out of Southern India.

The Mohammedan of the Punjaub does not differ
much from his co-religionist of Hindostan, except that
he is more regular in his devotions, and more scrupulous
in the observance of the fasts and festivals of his creed-
It would seem as if distance had something to do with
religious sentiment, that is, that fervour is greatest at
the point from w^hence the Mohammedan proselytisers
issue, and becomes gradually diluted as leagues inter-
vene. Thus the Mohammedan of Affghanistan and our
frontier is far more fervid in his bigotry than the Mus-
sulman of the Punjaub, and he again evinces more zeal
for his creed than the Mohammedan of the plains of
Hindostan. The latter, indeed, are often caUed by the
orthodox Mussulmans of the North- West, 'Kafir-i-Hind,'
or Indian infidels. It will, of course, be understood that
the above remark refers to the mass of the people, for
it is certain that many of the higher class of Moham-
medans in India are far better educated in the doctrine
and principles of their creed than the semi-savage
mountaineers of the Hindoo Koosh.

The Mohammedans of the Punjaub are, as a rule, a
quiet and well-disposed race. They make good culti-
vators, and some of the officers of the Punjaub Irregular
Force, which is largely recruited from their ranks,
prefer them as soldiers to any other class. The Pun-
jaub Mohammedans are almost universally of the
' Sunni ' persuasion. The number of converts or
perverts to Mohammedanism in the Punjaub is con-
siderable. Between the river ' Chenaub ' and the

10 THE PUNJAUB.

Indus, and in the soutliern portion of the Province,
the population is chiefly of this class, but, as has been
said above, the religious fervour of the Punjaubi Mus-
sulmans not being excessive, they and their Hindoo
brethren live contentedly side by side, and it frequently
occurs that descendants from the same stock, and this
among the Piajpoots especially, are to be found exer-
cising joint authority in the village community, one re-
presenting the ancient Hindoo faith of their common
forefather, the other the creed of the ]\Iohammedan
usurper.

In one instance, in the Mozuffergurh district, a
Hindoo tribe, the ' Sigul,' a branch of the great ' Sial '
stock, were converted, the majority of them, to Moham-
medanism, some three or four centuries ago, but to this
day a Brahmin as well as a Moolah attends at the
marriac^e ceremonv of members of the tribe.

( II )

CHAPTEE II.

Brief History of the Sikhs— Decrease in their numbers — Religion
— The ^ Kooka' schismatics — Cattses which led to the war
with the B?'itish in \Z\'^-\(i— Claimants to the throne after
Rimjeet Singlis death— The ^ J lunoo' Rajahs— The army
— Punchayuts — Sikh army crosses the Sntlcj— Battles that
followed — Filial victory of the British at Sobrdoti.

The Sikhs come next under consideration. Their
history has been written by abler pens, and it does
not fall within the scope of a brief sketch like this to
enter at large upon the general history of the people.

Briefly, the Sikhs came into existence as a sect
about A.D. 1 5 10, Nanuk being the first prophet, and
Gooroo G ovind in 1 700 the first religious leader. It is
advisable to draw this distinction between the two
principal apostles of ' Sikhism,' because the first was a
peaceful schismatic from the Hindoo creed, while the
latter supplemented the ' Gurunth ' ^ with the sword.
The power of the people culminated under Eunjeet
Singh (1798 to 1839), since when their decline, both in
numbers and political power, has been manifest. One
principal reason for this, apart from the obvious one
that they are now a subject, instead of a governing
race, is, that the religion is not, so to speak, hereditary.

1 Gurunth, the ' Sikh ' Holy Book.

12 THE PUNJAUB.

The son of a ' Sikh ' father is not necessarily a ' Sikh '
liimself. 'Fit, non nascitur.' He must be admitted
by the solemn right of the ' Pahul/ ^ invested, as it
were, with ' Sikh ' attributes, before he can write him-
self ' Sikh ' in fact ; and it may be that, as the mili-
tary power and glory of the sect has faded, there is
less care on the part of the parents to perpetuate
the race. ' The initiatory ceremony for adults is now
rarely performed' (Punjaub Pteport for 1852-53).
This diminution of the * Sikhs ' as a separate people was
noticed so long ago as 1853, soon after the annexation of
the Punjaub. In one of the early reports of the newly
acquired Province, which was furnished in 1853, it is
noted that ' the " Sikh " faith and ecclesiastical polity
is rapidly going where the Sikh political ascendancy has
already gone;' and again, in the report for 1854-55,
' The " Sikh " tribe is losing its numbers rapidly.'

It is not easy to arrive at a correct estimate of the
numbers of the Sikh nation prior to our rule. Burnes
in his ' Travels,' and Elphinstone, ' History of India,'
estimate them at 500,000 souls. Cunningham, " His-
tory of the ' Sikhs,' " writing later, places the number
at one and a quarter or one and a half millions ; but
these figures appear from subsequent local inquiry to
have been below the mark. In 1854 it was assumed

1 The ceremony of the 'Pahul' was as follows :— The novice, who must
have reached the age of discrimination, stands with his hands joined in
supplication and repeats after the priest the articles of his faith. Some
sugar and water are stirred in a vessel with a double-edged dagger, and
the water is sprinkled on his face and person ; he drinks the remainder
and exclaims '' Wah Gooroo," which completes the ceremony. At least
live Sikhs must be present at the ceremony, one bemg a priest. Women
were sometimes, but not generally, initiated after the above formula.

THE SIKHS. 13

tliat tlie Hindoo population of tliG Piinjaiib was five and
a half millions, of wliicli nearly one-half were supposed
to be Sikhs; but in the census taken in January 1868,
the Sikhs are returned as numbering only 1,130,000,
to 6,130,000 of Hindoos. It was further ascertained
in 1854 that in the Lahore and Umritsur divisions, in
wdiich is the ' Manjah ' or original home of the Sikhs,
there were only 200,000 in an aggregate population of
3,000,000. The figures exhibited in the census of 1868
are as nearly correct as any numbering of the peoples
in India can hope to be ; and assuming that the totals
given in 1S54 are approximate, the prophecy of the
diminution of the ' Sikh ' race may be considered as
undergoing a rapid fulfilment.

This may be a fortunate circumstance for the stability
of our rule in the Punjaub, for there can be little doubt
that the ' Sikhs ' were the most formidable enemies
the British troops ever encountered in the field in
India, and this too when they had lost the cohesion
wliich made them so powerful under ' Eunjeet Singh.'

The first 'Sikh' war with the British in 1845-46
followed on the numerous contests for the succession
after ' Eunjeet Singh's ' death, during which period
there was no leader of sufficient mark to keep in hand
the conflicting agents in the strife for power, or to
dominate with Eunjeet Singh's stern will and iron
hand the turbulent elements of which the ' Sikh ' state
was composed. Even with the disadvantages of incom-
petent and corrupt leaders, and divided counsels, we
shall not readily forget the manner in which the ' Sikh '
soldiers met us during the wars of 1845-46 and

14 THE PUNJAUB,

1848-49. It is hardly too mucli to say, that if the
' Sikh ' cavalry and reserve force under ' Tej Singli '
had made good its advance at ' Feroz-Shuhiir ' on
22nd December 1845, after the deadly strife of the
preceding day, when confusion and dismay reigned in
our ranks, and when our leaders, Hardinge and Gough,
thought that nothing remained but to die where they
stood, we should have been driven back to Delhi.
Thus the events of the Mutiny might have been
anticipated by a decade, with this additional circum-
stance telling against us, that we should have had the
' Sikhs ' in the ranks of our foes, instead of their being
so powerful an element in our favour, as tliey proved.

The ' Sikh ' religion does not recognise caste accord-
ing to the ' Hindoo ' view, though the people uphold the
distinctions of race to a certain extent. The character
of the people has been formed perhaps somewhat on
the nature of their creed, at least on ' Gooroo Govind's '
exposition of it. Hardy in frame, fierce in nature when
aroused and when the welfare of the 'Khalsa'^ was at
stake, it would be difficult to find an Oriental nationality
producing better soldiers than the ' Sikhs.' We have
proved them, as foes, full worthy of our steel, and as
friends, let the ramparts of Delhi and Lucknow,the plains
of China, and many a rugged hillside on the Affghan
frontier, tell of their worth and valour. In institutino-
a comparison with the troops of Western nations, one
would couple the ' Sikhs ' with the British for endur-
in£[ valour and steadiness, while the 'Puthan' mieht

^ An Arabic term, literally Pure, Free, used to denote the ' Sikh ' body
politic.

THE SIKH RELIGION. 15

be likened to the French for ' elan/ but, as I think, like
the Frencli also, \yithout the dogged pluck wliicli does
not know when it is beaten. If we do come to loo-o-er-
heads with the ' Euss,' we may reckon on the ' Sikhs,'
under British leading, for holding their own side by side
with our troops.

The ' Sikhs ' are excellent amculturists, thoudi in
this respect they are hardly equal to some of the less
warlike races.

The ' Sikh ' religion holds somewhat of the same rela-
tion to the Hindoo faith as the Wahabee schism does
to the creed of Mohammed. According to Gooroo
Govind's exposition, all old forms were useless. God
was one and indivisible. Idolatry was abomination,
and Mohammedanism to be destroyed. The 'Waha-
bees,' 1 except of course in the last particular, hold much
the same views. They will allow none of the doctrines
which associate ' Mohammed ' with the Deity, holding
him to have been a mere mortal. They abjure any-
thing like idolatry in the paying of honours to deceased
saints, or erecting mausoleums over their remains, and
admit of no repetitions of prayers over rosaries or
beads. As a matter of religious practice, the smoking
of tobacco is unlawful, which finds its parallel in the
' Sikh ' belief, a true ' Sikh ' never toucliing it. It
should be mentioned, however, that the prohibition in
the 'Sikh' religious writings is confined to snuff-
taking, but the practice of abstention from smoking
also has been general.

The tenets of the ' Sikh ' faith are developed in the

^ Abdul Waliab, the first prophet of the sect, flourished in about 1760.

1 6 THE PUXJAUB.

' Adee Gurimth/ or first book of Xanuk, the first reli-
gious teaclier, and those of his successors to the ninth
Gooroo, Tegh Buhadur, and in the ' Duswen Padshah
ki Gurunth/ or book of the tentli ruler, Gooroo Govind.
There are also other writings of ' Xnuk ' and ' Govind '
which have religious authority. The general tenor of
the doctrine inculcated is belief in the one God, and
the observance of purity, truth, and charity. The cere-
monial forms of the Brahmins are prohibited and con-
temned, and the slaying of Mohammedans, or, as they
are called in the religious writings, 'Toorks,' is con-
sidered a good deed, as recorded above.

Here perhaps should be noticed a branch of ' Sikh '
schismatics known as ' Kookas,' who caused a good
deal of trouble in 1871. This sect came into existence
about a quarter of a century ago. Like most reformers,
Oriental and other, they professed a stricter discipline
and a higher aim than the parent creed. One ' Piam
Singh' was the head of the community in 1871, the
sect having originated in 1847, shortly before the
annexation of the Punjaub. They were as a rule quiet
and orderly, and the sect attracted little notice until
about 1862-63, when their increasing numbers, and
rumours of political agitation designed by the party,
called the attention of the Government to their pro-
ceedings. The apostle ' Pam Singh ' was arrested, or
rather kept under surveillance, but at the end of three
or four years, no tangible proofs of conspiracy having
been discovered against him, he was released, and the
Punjaub Government, with the natural desire of view-
ing all things in the brightest colours, reported in

THE KOOKAS. 17

i^^^-^j that 'the conduct of "Earn Singh" and his
followers, since his release, had been excellent' (Eeport
\%66-6j, par. 328). But this ' excellence' did not long
continue. In June and July 1871, two organised
assaults were made by members of the 'Kooka' sect
on the Mohammedan butchers of 'Umritsur' and
' Loodianah ' respectively. Four Mohammedans were
murdered in the first, and several killed and danger-
ously wounded in the second onslaught. The sentence
of death passed on those of the perpetrators who were
discovered and convicted would, it was hoped, have a
salutary and deterrent effect upon the sect, but this
expectation was not fulfilled.

In January 1872, a numerous body of 'Kookas'
attacked ' Maloudli,' a small town in the ' Loodianah '
district, with a view of getting arms to enable them
to assault the town of 'Maler Kotla,' belonmncr to a
Mohammedan chief. After doing some damage at
' Maloudh ' they w^ere repulsed, and moved on to
attack ' Maler Kotla.' After a sharp conflict, in which
several of the defenders of the place were killed, the
' Kookas ' were beaten back and took refuge in the
jungle, where they were subsequently apprehended.
The Deputy Commissioner (Mr. Cowan) arrived shortly
after, and after consultation with the native chiefs who
w^ere present, ' Maler Kotla ' being in independent terri-
tory, he determined to make a severe example of the
* Kookas ' engaged in this unprovoked assault, in the
hope of striking dread into the rest of the body, who
were, it was said, meditating a general movement. Mr.
Cowan therefore ordered all the ' Kookas ' concerned in

B

1 8 THE PUNJAUB.

the ' Maler Kotla ' affair to be blown away from guns,
which was duly carried into effect, leaving sixteen who
had attacked ' Maloudh/ which was in British terri-
tory, to be tried by the Commissioner, Mr. Forsyth.
These were tried formally the following day, found
guilty, and sentenced to the same punishment as the
others. A great outcry was made at the time against
what was called the barbarity of these sentences, and
Mr. Cowan was dismissed from the service, and Mr.
Forsyth removed from his appointment.

There can be no doubt, however, that the promptness
and determination displayed by these officers saved the
Government from a complication which, if they had
allowed the law to run its tedious course, might have
assumed a very serious form. The hard measure dealt
out to these gentlemen was much commented on at the
time, and men in office did not hesitate to say, that
if this were the treatment to be expected for loyally
doing duty to the Government, the Government might
' kill the next Percy itself.' It is probable that if ]\Ir.
(now Sir Douglas) Forsyth and Mr. Cowan had dis-
posed of these rebels and murderers morh Anglico by
hanging them, they would have been applauded on all
sides, but because they resorted to the native mode of
punishment, which was unfamiliar to English ideas,
therefore they wxre deemed guilty of barbarity. One
by no means desires to be an apologist for unnecessary
savageness in punishment, but no one will deny that a
prompt and severe example was necessary in this case,
where the ' Kookas ' were in open rebellion against the
Government, and in the course of" which they had mur-

I

SIKH INVASION OF BRITISH TERRITORY. 19

dered several unarmed and unoffending subjects of that
Government. And further, it may be fairly assumed
tliat if the culprits themselves had been consulted as to
the mode of their execution, every one of them would
have preferred the death at the cannon's mouth to
being sent out of the world by the hands of the com-
mon hangman, who is religiously unclean. Be that
as it may, there can be no doubt that the Government
reaped the benefit of their officers' energetic action in
the complete quelling of the * Kookas,' who have never
shown front since ; and if Mr. Cowan's prospects have
been ruined, and Sir Douglas Forsyth has been made a
rolling stone of ever since, it is only the way of the

world —

' The page slew the boar, ^

The peer had the gloire.'

A brief notice of the causes which led to the Sikh
invasion of British India in 1845, and which entailed
the occupation, and subsequent annexation, of the Pun-
jaub, may not be out of place here.

As has been noticed above, the death of 'Eunjeet
Singh' in 1839 was followed by anarchy and confusion
in the ' Sikh ' state. Among the aspirants to the
throne there was no one of sufficient capacity to secure
the succession for himself. Among the reputed sons
of Eunjeet Singh was Sher Singh, supposed to be the
offspring of his wife ' Muhtab Kour,' but there were
strong doubts, said to have been shared by Eunjeet him-
self, as to whether she had ever borne a son. The story
at the time was, that Muhtab Kour was really delivered
of a daughter during ' Eunjeet's' absence on a warlike
expedition, and that on his return she presented to

20 THE PUNJAUB.

liim as liis own twin-sons, Slier Singli and Tara Singh,
the offspring respectively of a carpenter and a weaver.
Whether there was any truth in the rumour or not,
' Sher Singh ' was brought up as the son of ' Eunjeet,'
and at the latter's death put in his claim to the succes-
sion. But there was an elder claimant in the person
of 'Khuruk Singh/ born to Piunjeet in 1802, and he
was recognised as the successor by the British Govern-
ment. His son, Xao ^^Tihrd Singh, however, exercised
the real authority during the brief period of Khuruk
Singh's reign, about eighteen months.

In speaking of this portion of ' Sikh ' history, it
becomes necessary to notice briefly the ' Jumoo '
Eajas, as they were called, wdio played a conspicuous
part in this turbulent period, and one of w^hom, Goolab
Singh, was destined to be brought into close political
connection with the British Government thereafter.

The Jumoo Eajas were brothers, three in number.
Goolab Singh, the eldest, a man of great craft and
ambition, but cautious withal, who kept himself aloof
from the purlieus of the court, content to advance the
interests of the family by his intrigues at a distance.

The second brother, ' Dhian Singh,' had not probably
the talent of Goolab Singh, but he had all his ambition,
and devoted his energies to securing for himself the
post of ' Wuzeer,' which he succeeded in obtaining, and
wdth it a considerable influence over the mind of the
Maharaja, Eunjeet Singh.

' Sochait Singh,' the third brother, appears to have
been rather a 'bon camarade and gallant soldier than a
diplomatist, and displayed no special talents of any kind.

THE 'JUMOO' RAJAS. 21

The origin of the brothers was obscure, though
Goolab Singh dairned noble descent. It is certain,
however, that they commenced their career as soldiers
and running footmen in Eunjeet Singh's service in
about 1820, and from that low degree raised themselves
to the position of special favourites of the Maharaja.

' Eunjeet Singh ' conferred upon them the province
of ' Jumoo ' in fief, and they thence derived the title of
the 'Jumoo' Eajas. At Eunjeet Singh's death they
espoused at first the cause of Khuruk and Nao Nihal
Singh, though the latter was secretly hostile to them,
and dreaded their rapidly increasing power and influ-
ence. He was glad to make use of them, however, and
effected through their means the assassination of Chait
Singh, his father Khuruk Singh's favourite. Xao Nihal
Singh's subsequent machinations to get rid of the
' Jumoo ' Eajas were not destined to be successful.

In less than a year and a half after Eunjeet Singh's
death, Khuruk Singh died, worn out and effete, though
not an old man, and very shortly after, on his return
from performing the funeral rites of his father, Nao
Mhal Singh was killed by tlie fall of a masonry gate-
way, under which he was passing on an elephant. It
was surmised by some that this was a shrewd contri-
vance of the ' Jumoo ' brothers to get rid of one whose
power was daily increasing, and whose hostility to their
family had been clearly manifested.

On Nao Nihal Singh's death, Sher Singh renewed
his pretensions to the throne, with the support of the
Jumoo Eajas, and after a brief interval, during which
the claims of Dhuleep Singh, whose existence was not

22 THE PUNJAUB.

known to tlie British Government before the end of
1840, were advanced, Sher Singh succeeded to the
throne about the end of January 1841, Dhian Singh
occupying the post of Wuzeer.

Sher Singh's tenure of power was almost as brief as
that of his predecessor, Khuruk Singh.

He was murdered by Ajeet Singh on 15th September
1 843. His son, Purtab Singh, was slain at the same time
by Ajeet's uncle, and the massacre was completed by the
assassination of Dhian Singh, the Wuzeer. The death
of the latter was amply avenged by his son, Heera
Singh, who assumed the office of Wuzeer, and caused
Dhuleep Singh to be proclaimed Maharaja.

Thus, in the brief space of four years, the ' Sikh '
state had witnessed the removal by assassination of
three of its supreme rulers, and to these may be added
Dewan ' Sawun Mull,' the able governor of the province
of Mooltan, in which post he was succeeded by his son,
Moolraj, who played a prominent part in the war of
1 848-49.

But it is time to speak of a body whose influence had
been gradually increasing since the death of Eunjeet
Sino-h, and which had now become tlie paramount
power in the Sikh state.

As in the decline of the Eoman Empire, the army,
represented by its lawless and ambitious leaders, had
directed and controlled the affairs of the state, so at the
period of the approaching extinction of the ' Sikh '
power, the military body became supreme in authority,
directing the councils of the nation.

During Pamjeet Singh's lifetime, the army had been

THE 'SIKH' ARMY. 23

his willing and obedient instrument for extending the
dominions and enhancing the influence of the ' Khalsa/
hut after his death, when, as has been stated, there was
no individual of sufficient power of will to control and
regulate their action, the army assumed a leading
position in the state, and established an organisation
for its own self-government, and for its transactions in
reference to the civil administration.

This organisation was termed the ' Punchayut,' or
council of five, and consisted of an elective body cliosen
from each battalion, through whom all the dealings of
the military with the civil power were transacted ; and
from the time of which we now treat till the final over-
throw at Sobraon, this body exercised the paramount
influence in the state.

After the death of ' Dhian Singh,' his son, ' Ileera
Singh,' occupied the post of Wuzeer until 1844, when
he also was slain, liaving become obnoxious to the
soldiery. He was succeeded in the office of Wuzeer by
' Jowahir Singh,' the maternal uncle of tlie young Eaja,
f Dhuleep Singh,' — ' Lai Singh,' the reputed paramour of
the Eanee Jundan Kour, being associated with him in
the' office. Neither of these men were endowed with
energy or talent sufficient to deal with the difficulties
of the time, and ' Jowahir Singh ' becoming unpopular
with the army, mainly through the intrigues of his
coadjutor, ' Lai Singh,' was put to death by sentence of
the ' Punchayut.' ' Lai Singh ' was then nominated
Wuzeer, and Ptaja ' Tej Singh ' commander in chief.

The course of events has now brought us to November
1845. It had been evident to the British Government

24 THE PUNJAUB.

for some time past that the predominance of the army
in the ' Sikh ' state, with no responsible or efficient head
to control its movements, would entail ere long a
collision between the two Powers, and measures were
taken to strenc^then the crarrisons of North- West India
with troops and munitions of war. These were held
by the Sikhs to be aggressive movements rather than
simple measures of defence, and served to excite the
restless spirit of the soldiery, whose sentiments of dis-
like and suspicion had already been aroused against
the British Government in consequence of the latter
having escheated a large sum of money which had been
deposited by Eaja ' Sochait Singh ' in Ferozepore, and
which was discovered after his death.

It was not difficult to stir up a restless and lawless
body like the ' Sikh ' soldiery to enter on hostilities
against the British, especially if, as was generally
supposed, the political leaders urged them on in the
hope of the entire discomfiture of the army by the
British, and of their being able to secure profitable
terms for themselves from the victors. The rats had
discovered that the house was tottering to its
fall.

The 'Sikh' army crossed the Sutlej river on nth
December 1845, numbering from 30,000 to 40,000 men,
and with 100 to 150 guns. To meet this attack the
British commander had about 16,000 men and 60 or
70 guns.

Then followed the doubtful victories at Moodkee and
Ferozshuhur. In the latter action defeat seemed
almost certain, if, as has been before noticed, Piaja ' Tej

CONCLUSION OF CAMPAIGN OF 1845-46. 25

Sinirli' had led on his reserves on the mornincf of 22nd
December.

On the 2ist January 1846, the British force under
Sir Harry Smith encountered and repulsed a large
body of the Sikhs at Buddowal, sustaining, however, the
loss of all their baggage. This mishap was retrieved by
the victory at Aliwal on 28th January ; and the final
success at ' Sobraon/ on i otli February, dispersed for
the time the ' Sikh ' army, and left the road to Lahore
open to the conquerors.

( 26 )

CHAPTER III.

Administratio7i of the Ptinjiuib under a British Resident—
Bitrigues against the British by the Ranee— Siege of
Mooltan — Battles of Rammiggur and Chilidnwdla — Fi7ial
victory at Goojerdt and annexation of the Punjaiib.

Then came the difficulty of managing a country wliose
body politic comprised so many discordant elements.
The army, which had been supreme, had for the time
received its ' quietus/ but still contained the elements
of grave disquiet, destined to give trouble at a future
period.

The immediate results of the British victories were
the cession by the ' Sikhs ' of the Jullundar Dooab
(the delta between the Sutlej and Beas rivers), and
the hill countries between the Beas and Indus,
including Cashmere, to the British Government. The
first-named tract was immediately occupied by us, and
broucrht under direct British administration. The
greater portion of the latter country, including
Cashmere, was made over to Eaja ' Goolab Singh'
of Mumoo' in perpetuity, in consideration of a sum
of one million to be paid to the British by him. In
addition to the above, a treaty was effected between
the two states, by which the administration of the Sikh

THE rUNJAUB UNDER A RESIDENT. 27

government during 'Dhuleep Singli's' minority was
to be carried on by a Council of Eegency, assisted by
a British Eesident, wliich latter should 'have full
authority to direct and control all matters in every
department of the state.'

With these plenary powers, the British Eesident,
assisted by a large establishment of subordinate officers,
commenced his work.

Of the Eesident, it need only be recorded that his
name was Henry Lawrence.

Of the subordinates, many became well known to
fame afterwards.

Herbert Edwards, whose military talents helped us
so effectually in the subsequent outbreak of 1848-49,
whose administrative power on the Peshawur frontier
for several years, and whose unyielding pluck and
felicitous management in the Mutiny of 1857,
exercised so large an influence in the saving of the
country. Nicholson, the strong of will and firm of
purpose, whose name was a battle-cry. Arthur Cocks,
the energetic civilian but born soldier, who played a
soldier's part at Goojerat, where he was severely
wounded. The chivalrous Eeynell Taylor, Vans
Agnew, whose noble death confirmed the high promise
of his life; — these and many more were the chosen
supports of the noble chief to whose hands was
intrusted the difficult and delicate task of renovating a
well-nigh ruined country.

The work opened favourably. Eegular courts of
justice, a thing unknown heretofore in 'Sikh' annals,
were established. Officers were set to work imme-

28 THE PUNJAUB.

diately to assess the land revenue on fair and equitable
terms. The military system was placed on a more regular
footing, and all practicable measures were adopted
for ensuring^ the advantai^es of reG^ular government.
But the unsettled passions of the ' Sikhs ' were not to
be quieted down by one series of reverses, heavy and
almost overwhelming though they had been. The
spirit of intrigue was at work, instigated chiefly, per-
haps^ by the ]\Iaharaja's mother, ' Jundan Kour.'

Deprived of her paramour, ' Lfd Singh/ whose banish-
ment was one of the points insisted on in the treaty
of 1846, checked in her extravagant and licentious
career by the presence of the British element in the
administration, and reduced to insignificance as far as
iier political influence was concerned, the Pianee set to
work to undermine the influence of the British, and to
stimulate the turbulent spirit of the ' Khalsa ' to fresh
attempts against the dominant power. Ko long period
elapsed before the machinations of the ' Pianee ' and
the other conspirators bore fruit. The first blow was
the murder of Vans Agnew and Anderson at Mooltan,
assistants to tlie Eesident, who had been sent to
inquire into the conduct of 'Moolraj,' the Dewan or
superintendent of that province, who was suspected of
fraudulent dealing in his administration, and who had
been summoned to Lahore to render an account of his
management.

These transactions commenced in April 1848, about
two years after the location of the Eesident at Lahore.

The first measures taken by our Government were to
deport the Eanee from Lahore, and thus remove a most

INSURRECTION OF 1848. 29

miscliievous influence from our midst. She was taken
across the Sutlej at the end of May 1848, and sent
down under a stroma escort first to Benares, from whence
she was removed to the fort of Chunar.

The next step was to move a force upon Mooltan,
where Mooh^aj, supported by a considerable body of
soldiers of the Khalsa and miscellaneous levies, had
determined to hold out the stroma fort of Mooltan
against the expected attack.

The siege proved a more difficult task than had been
anticipated, and it was soon found that the force which
had been just sent under General Wliish was not
sufficient either in numbers or material to effect the
capture of the place. Eeinforcements both in men and
guns became necessary, and the siege was protracted
from August to December.

Meanwhile a large force under ' Cliutur Singh
Atareewala' had raised the standard of revolt in
Huzarah and the north-western provinces of the
Punjaub, and this leader was soon joined by his son,
* Slier Singh,' from Mooltan, with a powerful reinforce-
ment, and the united body commenced to move towards
Lahore at the end of November 1848.

Meanwhile the British had been assembling their
forces at Lahore to meet these complications, and about
the second week in December the army under the
command of Sir Hugh Gougli moved across the Eavee
to encounter the ' Sikh ' rebel force. The ' Sikhs ' had
by this time crossed the ' Jhelum,' and were in force on
the right bank of the Chenaub, their main camp resting
at * Moon^ij,' near the Jhelum.

30 THE PUXJAUB.

The campaign opened disastrously for the British.
The enemy -svere first encountered at Eamnuggur, a
village on the left bank of the ' Chenaub ' river, in front
of which the ' Sikhs ' had thrown out a considerable
body of skirmishers, covered by their guns on the
opposite bank, and protected in great measure by
ravines running down to the river from the direction
of Eamnuggur. Our cavalry were thrown forward with
the intention of driving these skirmishers across the
river (then fordable), but became entangled in the
ravines, and suffered severely from the fire of the
' Sikh ' marksmen, who w^ere concealed among the
cover afforded by the irregularity of the ground. A
very questionable victory was dearly purchased at the
expense of the lives of Cureton and Havelock, the
former perhaps the first cavalry officer of the day.

A portion of our force crossed the ' Chenaub ' above
' Eamnuggur ' shortly after, and after the desultory
action of ' Sadoolapoor,' was joined by the main body,
and the united force moved forwards in the direction of
the Sikh camp. On the 13th January 1849, the British
force was moving to take up its ground, when its
progress was arrested by the fire of the Sikh heavy
guns. Prophets after the fact urged that the force
should have taken up ground for the night out of
range, and the battle have been postponed till the
morrow. It was now 3 p.m., only about tw^o hours of
daylight remained, and the position was most unfavour-
able for an attack from the broken character of the
ground, which was undulating, and much obstructed in
parts by thick jungle. Besides, the enemy had the

BA TTLE OF ' CHILIANWALA: 3 1

advantage of knowing our position, while' his own for-
mation was concealed from us by the jungle.

It was resolved, however, to make the attack, and the
troops were deployed for the purpose at once. Difficult
as it must always be to write the history of a battle, to
record the order of events in this action of ' Chilianwala '
is simply impossible. The position of the enemy at the
commencement of the action was, as abo\e noted, un-
known, so it was impossible to make any advantageous
disposition of our own forces to out-mana^uvre tliem.
All that remained to do, since fighting was determined
on, was to send the British troops ahead until they felt
the clash of their enemy's steel, a manoeuvre not unfre-
quently adopted by Lord Gough in his Indian battles.
The foe was soon found, and then commenced a game
of hammer-and-tongs, our troops losing all the advantage
which superior discipline and organisation might have
secured to them, in consequence of their fighting in the
dark as to their enemy's position and numbers, and
in the midst of a jungle which foiled all attempts at
regular formation. In the pele-mele which ensued
there was some confusion in the cavalry movements,
which need not be further noticed here. The infantry
stood to it manfully. In numberless instances the
enemy had so penetrated our line that the front and
rear ranks had to ' form square ' on one another to
repel the attacks which were made on all sides ; and
when darkness put an end to the confusion, all we
could boast of was that the British army stood on the
same ground it had occupied when the fight began.
Our loss was frightful. The 24th suffered more than

32 THE PUNJAUB.

any otlier regiment. AMien the cessation of the strife
allowed the melancholy task of collecting the dead to
be undertaken, the bodies of thirteen officers of this
regiment lay in stark repose on the mess-table. Other
regiments suffered nearly as severely, and no result had
been obtained for all this butchery. The enemy retired
in comparatively good order to his position on the
Jhelum, and we were unable to follow up tlie advantage,
if we can so term it, which we had gained. It was
several days before confidence was restored, and we
remained halted without moving to attack the ' Sikh '
force, which lay encamped not very far from us. In
fact, it was considered desirable to wait for tlie rein-
forcement which was expected shortly from jMooltan,
that fort having at last been taken, which liberated
some 6000 men to join the main force at Chilianwala.

The ' Sikhs,' taking heart at our inaction, commenced
a flank movement with the intention of marching on
Lahore, which was almost destitute of troops, and this
move, if successful, might have resulted in the gravest
consequences. It would have raised up in an instant
all the scattered fragments of the ' Khalsa ' in the ' Man-
jah,' or country about Lahore and L^mritsur, and have
exposed these two principal cities to sack and waste ;
and as we had nothing fit to be called a reserve avail-
able— the last European regiment at Lahore, the 53rd,
having been moved up to join the army — it would have
struck a blow at our prestige which might have been
irreparable.

Fortunately the succours from Mooltan arrived in
time to prevent these calamities. The force at ' Chili-

BA TTLE OF ' GOOJERAt: 33

anwala' fell back on the ' Chenaub/ and effected
its junction with the Mooltan division. This change
of position brought the river ' Chenaub ' on the right
flank of the British army, and its front to the
Sikhs, whose intention was to cross the river to the
east of the town of ' Goojerat,' and move direct on
Lahore.

Finding this movement checked by the new position
taken up by the British, the ' Sikhs ' prepared to give
battle, and on the 26th of February 1849 the battle of
Goojerat followed. This was fought on a different plan
to that which had been pursued by Lord Gough in
])revious actions. Instead of, as at Maharajpoor, Feroz-
shuhur, andChilianwala, the troops being sent straight at
tlie guns of the enemy in position, without an effectual
use of the arm of artillery in which we were so strong,
the battle of Goojerat had some claim to be entitled
an artillery action. As usual, we had to deliver the
attack on the enemy in position ; but, under Sir John
Cheape's direction, such good use was made of the
grand force of artillery with the army, that the ' Sikh '
Ijatteries were soon silenced, and our cavalry and
infantry made their advance on fair terms with the
foe. The sabre and bayonet soon disposed of the
enemy's opposition, and before nightfall the Sikh force
was utterly routed. Numbers dispersed after the
action, and the only body which retained any semblance
of cohesion was a force of 15,000 or 16,000 men under
the principal leaders, which made off in the direction of
Peshawur. A body of Affghan cavalry, which had
joined the ' Sikhs' before 'Goojerat,' fled incontinently

34 THE PUNJAUB.

from tlie field, and hardly drew bridle till they reached
the shelter of the ' Khyber ' Pass. A flying division
nnder Sir Walter Gilbert was immediately sent in
pursuit of the Sikh fugitives, and overtook them be-
tween the Jhelum and Peshawur. They surrendered at
discretion, and thus the cowp de grace was given to
the supremacy of the Sikh ' Khalsa.'

On the 31st March following, the annexation of the
Punjaub w^as publicly proclaimed, and one more pro-
vince added to the British Empire.

It seems hardly worth while, at this distance of time,
to reconsider the arguments for and against the annexa-
tion of the Punjaub. The question was much discussed
at the time, and its advisability of course questioned by
the peace-at-any-price party. It may be sufficient to
say that the measure was wholly unpremeditated, and
w^as forced on us by circumstances; and further, it
is highly probable that, if we had not annexed the
' Sikhs,' they would have done their best to annex us !

They w^ere the aggressors in the first instance ; and
unless the final measure of absorbing the ' Sikh ' state
into the British Empne had been promptly and thor-
oughly carried out, we should have had a continual
recurrence of aggressions to meet and invasions to
repel, which, judging from the experience of Feroz-
shuhur and Chilianwala, might have cost us dearly in
the end, independently of keeping up a constant state
of alarm and excitement in our Indian provinces.

It is not within the present purpose to write of
the internal administration of the Punjaub since the
annexation of the country, but rather of its external

PRESENT CONDITION OF THE PUNJAUD. 35

political relations. Let it suffice to say, tliat the efforts
of many succeeding able administrators have been
successful, not only in rescuing the province from
ruin, but in bringing it into a state of almost unpre-
cedented prosperity. The land revenue has been
equitably assessed, rights of property defined, trade
developed, the more heinous character of crime reduced
to a minimum, the people as a rule are prosperous and
contented ; and some years ago few people would have
been inclined to question the right of the Punjaub to
be called the model province. But it has suffered, like
all the rest of India, from over-legislation and over-
government, and being younger than the sister provinces
of Agra, Bengal, e^c, it is likely to feel the infliction
more. The present rage for statistics and percentages
is likely to choke better work, and instead of a district
officer being, as he used to be, a popular administrator
in the best sense of the word, he is likely to degenerate
into a beast of burden.

The present idea appears to be to make administra-
tors machines as far as practicable, to discourage all
individual effort, and to reduce the agents of Govern-
ment to the condition of puppets, the chief at the
central office pulling the wires. We pass on to con-
sider the relations of the Punjaub on the north-west
frontier.

( 36 )

CHAPTER IV.

Geogjaphical descriptio7i of fiorth-iuest frontier— The Afghanis
— Their 'political relations— The ' Jirgahs'— Comparison
of the Afghans with the Americans of Cortes s time —
Afghan independence of Cdbul— Description of the Pathdn
tribes — The ' Chigurzye ' — ' Hussimzye ' — The Mudah
K hail and Amayze — 77?^ ' Judoons' — Bonairs — Swdtees —
Moniun ds — Bajo Jisees.

The nortliern and western boundaries of the Punjaub
are formed, as before described, by the mountain ranges
of the ' Himalayas,' from ' Simla ' on the north-east, to
the ' Suleimani ' range and its spurs on the ' Scinde '
frontier to the westward.

It is difficult to give an exact estimate of the distance
from point to point, as the line of boundary is extremely
irregular, but 800 miles may be roughly assumed as
the extent of frontier. Of this, an extent of about 280
miles is inhabited by Hindoo, and the remaining 520
by Mohammedan races. It is with the latter that we are
now concerned ; and the point of division of the two
sects may be generally assumed as a line drawn from
* Murree ' in British territory to ' Sirinaggar ' in Cash-
mere, or still more widely, the river Indus, the coun-
tries to the west being Mohammedan, those to the east
of the river Hindoo or Buddhist. Neither of these

THE 'AFFG HANS' OR TATHANS: 37

divisions arc exact as regards tlie Moliammedans, many
being found in tracts on the east of the Indus ; but as
regards the Hindoos, the river may be accepted as a
well-defined boundary.

Our ' Hindoo ' or ' Buddhist ' nei2;hbours c^ive us as a
rule no trouble whatever, either diplomatically or in a
military point of view. The tribes which inhabit the
lofty ranges to the north-east are thinly populated
and of peaceful habits, and the kingdom of Cashmere,
which intervenes between them and the Mohammedans,
is a friendly if not a subject state. It is as our border
approaches the Indus that we are brought into contact
with troublesome and frequently hostile neighbours ;
and the following remarks will include, for general
purposes, the wdiole of the ' Affghan ' or ' Pathan '
tribes,^ from our frontier district of 'Huzarah' to the
point of junction of the ' Pathan ' and ' Bilooch ' races
at the southern extremity of the ' Derah Ismail Khan '
district. It is not proposed to enter upon a history of
the Affghan race here ; that has been already effected
by more qualified writers, and to those interested in
that subject I would cite Burnes's ' Affghanistan ' and
Major James's ' History of the Peshawur Settlement,' as
affording full and interesting details. The object in the
present sketch is to show how the Affghans conduct
themselves towards us as neighbours, and to illustrate
our dealings with them in the like capacity.

To arrive at a fair estimate of the character of the

1 These terms may be used almost indifferently — the first signify-
ing an inhabitant of Affghanistan ; the second, one speaking the
Pushtoo language.

38 THE PUNJAUB.

Affglians' conduct and dispositions towards us, we must
first consider their condition politically and socially
among themselves. AVe use the comprehensive appella-
tion ' Affghans ' in common parlance, as we should say
Englishmen, Frenchmen, Germans, or Russians ; but the
plural term to denote a nation has a very different
signification, when applied to the first, to what it holds
when used with reference to European bodies. In the
latter case, we understand the representative of a
united body, under one form of government, and actu-
ated by common interests. But the Affghans are split
up into numberless political bodies, with, as a rule,
no common interests, and acknowledging no common
ruler. The only universal tie, in fact, is the religious
one, all beinc? members of the same creed, but this
affects in only a secondary degree their political
relations. Of course, if the faitli of Islam were
threatened, and a ' jehad ' or general religious crusade
proclaimed, there would be a certain amount of unity
of action among them, but even then the fact of their
being so unaccustomed to regular government, and the
jealousies that would be excited against any one
member of the body who might attempt to take a
decided lead among them, would render the term of
cohesion probably a brief one. Many tribes have their
chief so called, but the obedience rendered to him is
nought, and if his measures should run counter to the
wishes of the majority of the tribe, they would speedily
be set aside. There is one exception to this rule in the
* Akhoond ' of ' Swat,' whose influence over the tribes
of ' Bonair' and ' Swat,' which border the ' Yusufzve '

THE 'JIRGAW OR COUNCIL. 39

section of the Peshawur district is very marked, as he
unites the priestly and chieftain functions in one ; and,
for purposes of defence, we have found to our cost, as
in the Umbelah campaign, that his power of collecting
and keeping together a large number of both the tribes,
and assembling others to meet a hostile demonstration,
is very great ; but it may be doubted if even his influ-
ence, which is in a great measure personal, would suffice
to ensure continued united action, especially in offensive
movements, of the tribes which he governs.

•But although there is no individual government
among the tribes, each has its 'jirgah,' or council of
elders, who are supposed to represent the views and
interests of the community. The ' jirgah ' is composed
of the greybeards and men of chief influence among the
tribes. There is, it is believed, no regular elective
process in the constitution of the 'jirgah,' nor is the
office necessarily hereditary, though a son would pro-
bably succeed his father in the 'jirgah,' supposing him
to possess the same qualifications. It is through the
' jirgah ' that all political transactions are carried on
with the tribe by the British officers, even though there
should be a nominal chief in the background ; and even
at the close of the Umbelah campaign, when the
' Akhoond ' was present in person, the peace negotia-
tions were carried on through the * Swat ' and ' Bonair '
'jirgahs,' without direct reference to him, though he
doubtless influenced their counsels to a considerable
extent.

The tribe generally, but not invariably, accepts the
decision of the 'jirgah,' and it is a matter of policy

40 THE PUNJAUB.

therefore, to work upon their fears or interests, and
perhaps, above all, on their jealousies; for the
' Pathans,' tricky and insincere themselves, regard even
their own tribesmen with suspicion.

An amusing story, showing how these feelings can
be worked on with advantage, is told of Major James,
the Commissioner of Peshawur, who brought the
negotiations at ' Umbelah ' to a successful issue.
Shortly before the last British victory at ' Laloo,' the
tribes came in to negotiate for terms, represented by
their respective ' jirgahs.' At the time appointed for
the conference, they presented themselves at the
Commissioner's quarters, and were admitted separately
in succession. The first 'jirgah' came in, seated
themselves in due form in front of the Commissioner,
and waited patiently for him to open the proceedings.
He continued calmly writing at the table, and said not
a word. After about half an hour had elapsed, he
signified to the 'jirgah' that they were dismissed, and
they were escorted out of the tent by the attendants,
with all due form and ceremony. A second and a
third were ushered in, and dismissed in like manner.
As each came out, they were immediately attacked by
the representative bodies of the other tribes with the
question, ' What did he say to you ? ' At the reply
'Nothing,' the suspicions of the others were immediately
aroused that these had secured favourable terms for
themselves, or perhaps a large present in money, to the
detriment of their neighbours, and the effect was to
instil suspicion and dissension among the different
councils, to our advantage. The author does not vouch

'PATHANS' LIKE ANCIENT AMERICANS. 41

for the entire correctness of tliis story, but it is hen
trovdto, and sometliing like it actually did occur. It
will serve to illustrate the kind of diplomacy our
officers on the frontier have to deal with, and the
weakness, not to say childishness, of the Affghan
representative councils.

There is a passage in Eobertson's ' History of America,'
describing the political and social condition of the
natives of that country at the time of ' Cortes,' which
illustrates so well the condition of the Affghans at
present, that it is worth transcribing in extenso.

' No visible form of government is established. The
names of magistrate and subject are not in use. Every
one seems to enjoy his natural independence almost
entire. If a scheme of public utility is proposed, tlie
members of the community are left at liberty to choose
whether they will or will not assist in carrying it into
execution. No statute imposes service as a duty ; no
compulsory laws oblige them to perform it. All their
resolutions are voluntary, and flow from the impulse of
their own minds. The first step towards establishing a
public jurisdiction has not been taken in those rude
societies. The right of revenge is left in private hands.
If violence is committed, or blood shed, the community
does not assume the power of either inflicting or of
moderating the punishment. It belongs to the family
and friends of the person injured or slain to avenge
the wrong or accept the reparation offered by the
aggressor. If the elders interpose, it is to advise, not
to decide ; and it is seldom their counsels are listened to,
for as it is deemed pusillanimous to suffer an offender to

42 . THE PUNJAUB.

escape with impunity, resentment is implacable and
everlasting' (Eobertson's 'America/ twelfth edition, p.

134).

This description, relating to the condition of a
people three and a half centuries ago, fits exactly the
manners of the Affghans at the present time. On
the concluding portion of the quotation, regarding
blood-feuds and the avenging of personal injuries,
there will be more to say hereafter.

Generally, then, among the tribes which march with
our frontier from Huzarah to the Bilooch border there
is no suzerain or controlling power.

The Ameer of ' Cabul' pretends to some authority
over certain tribes which intervene between British
territory and the kingdom of Cabul, but he is cautious
never to assert it in effect, and, as a fact, the tribes, with
one or two exceptions, hold their own without care or
concern for the views or wishes of the court of * Cabul.'

It is obvious that, with communities like these,
naturally hostile to us on account of our religion and
apprehensive of our motives, ever dreading the
approach of the ' Feringhee,' and the increased civili-
sation and more settled government which follow
in his train, — with neighbours such as these, the
management of our frontier presents difficulties
which are not to be met by any fixed course of
treatment based on political probabilities, or on our
dealings with settled and civilised communities else-
where. The circumstances are exceptional, the treat-
ment must be exceptional also.

An endeavour will now be made to show briefly the

THE 'PATHANS' OF THE BLACK MOUNTAIN. 43

character and power of the tribes with whom we have
to deal, taking them in geographical order from north
to south. Our first ' Pathan ' neighbours to the north
are the inhabitants of a mountain tract on the east
bank of the Indus known as the ' Black Mountain.'
The principal tribes inhabiting this range and its spurs
are the ' Chigurzye ' and ' Hussunzye/ numbering, the
former about 5000, the latter about 3000 matchlocks.
The term ' matchlocks ' is used to denote the number
of fighting men, as we say sabres or bayonets in speak-
ing of European troops, but it is by no means every
Pathan warrior that can boast of a matchlock, many
being obliged to rest content with knife and tulwar.^
ISTeither of the tribes above mentioned bear a very high
character for prowess, even among their co-religionists.
Among the fastnesses and cliffs of their mountain home
they are of course formidable to a certain extent, but
in the open they are very little to be dreaded. As a
sample of their valour, it may be mentioned that
during the fighting at Umbelah in i '^6'}^, when the ' Swat '
and ' Bonair ' mountaineers were keeping up a constant
attack on our position, in spite of daily and severe loss,
the heroes of the Black Mountain, upon whom the
' Akhoond ' of ' Swat ' had laid religious pressure to
assist in the ejection of the infidel, brought a large con-
tingent to the help of the faithful, and the day after
their arrival were sent by the ' Akhoond ' to storm the
' Crag ' piquet. This was the practice always adopted
by the wily old priest, to send every fresh contingent
into action at once, for the purpose probably of testing

1 Sword.

44 THE PUNJAUD.

their courage, and also to spare his own more immediate
followers from ' Swat ' and ' Bonair.' In consequence,
the ' Chigurzye ' and ' Hussunzye ' made the usual pro-
menade, but, unfortunately for them, their intended
attack was known and prepared for, and they met with
such a hot reception, that their anticipated triumph
ended in a disastrous and disgraceful defeat, and these
long-legged paladins of the Black Mountain vanished
with great celerity from the scene of action, and were
never again heard of in a body on the battlefield of
' Umbelah,' although the fighting continued for nearly
two months after their discomfiture. In 1868 the
' Hussunzye ' made a raid on our Huzarah frontier, and
an expedition was organised against them, which turned
out to be rather d. fiasco, as w^e mustered some 4000 or
5000 men of all arms, but did not find an enemy to test
their prowess, the ' Hussunzye ' disappearing before our
troops with the same celerity they exhibited at Um-
belah, so that the military operations ended in a pro-
menade like that of the King of France's men — they
marched up the Black Mountain and down again.
These circumstances are related to show how contemp-
tible as a foe these northern Pathans are.

Passing to the west bank of the Indus, we find tlie
two Pathan tribes of ' Mudah Khail ' and ' Amazye,'
which border the country of our tributary chief of
' Tunawul,' whose principal town is ' Umb ' on the
' Indus.' The ' Mudah Khail ' are to the north of
' Umb,' and the ' Amazye ' inhabit the eastern slopes of
the ' Mahabun ' mountain trending towards the Indus.
Neither of these tribes are of much political importance

'PATH AN' TRIBES WEST OF THE INDUS. 45

to US, the Mudah Kliail being far distant from our
frontier, and the 'Amazye' only mustering 1000 or
1 200 matchlocks, besides being held in check by our
' Tumxwul ' friends.

Following the west bank of the Indus to the ' Pihoor '
ferry, and thence diverging to the westward, we come
to the amphitheatre of hills which environ the Peshawur
district, inhabited by a considerable number of tribes,
more or less under the influence of the ' Akhoond '
of 'Swat.' The nearest tribe to the 'Indus' are the
Mudoons' or ' Gudoons,' which is large in numerical
strength, but by no means remarkable for prowess.
They are a cunning, shifty lot, willing to intrigue at any
one's bidding, if any advantage is likely to accrue to
themselves, but not ready by any means to support
their cause with the sword, and they are looked upon
with indifference and contempt by other more warlike
tribes.

After the ' Gudoons ' come the ' Bonairs ' or ' Bonair-
wal,' the ' Swatees,' the 'Momunds,' and ' Bajourees,' in
geographical order, the territory of the Momunds ex-
tending to the ' Cabul ' river, wdiich forms the boundary
between them and the ' Afreede ' tribes. It should be
noted here that only the chief comprehensive title of
the respective tribes is given. Each is subdivided into
numberless small sections of ' Zyes ' and ' Khails,' the
enumeration of which would only puzzle and embarrass
the general reader.

It was from the tribes just mentioned that we
experienced so strenuous an opposition in the Umbelah
expedition of 1863, and it maybe as well to sketch

46 THE rUNJAUB.

briefly the principal events connected with that cam-
pai<Tn, as ilhistratincj in some measure the character of
the warlike operations we are obliged ever and anon to
undertake against our troublesome neighbours on the
north-west frontier, and showing at once our weakness
and our strength in the manner of conducting these
expeditions.

( 47 )

CHAPTER Y.

Causes which led to the Umbelah campaign — The Hijidostanee
fajiatics — Assemblage of the British force — Military aiid
political difficulties — Occicpatioii of Uinbelah Pass by our
troops — Consta?it state of ivarfwe for two moiiths — Fimil
victo?y at ^ Ldloo' — Lessons to be derived from this cam-
paign— Notice of the ^Akhoond^ of Swat.

The military operations at Umbelali had tlieir origin in
the troublesome action of a body of expatriated Hindo-
stanees, who had taken up their abode in a part of the
' Mah^bun ' mountain, which, as above noted, impinges
on the Indus, where it washes our frontier district of
' Huzarah.' This body of Hindostanees was made up
of refugees from 'Patna,' the hotbed of 'Wahabeeism'
in Bengal, and it had received accessions from the
survivors of the Mutiny in 1857. The party numbered
perhaps 600 or 700 fighting men, and they received
countenance and protection from the tribes, partly from
motives of hospitality, partly on religious grounds as
being Mussulmans, and as being led by a ' Moolvie ' of
superior reputed sanctity, and in no small degree,
perhaps, because of the known hostility of the Hindo-
stanees to the British Government, which they lost no
opportunity of displaying by carrying on intrigues with

48 THE PUN J A UB.

their countrymen at Patna, who regularly farnisher!
funds for their support, and by stirring up disaffection
among the Pathans.

In the summer of 1863, this colony of Hindostanee
fanatics made a move in advance by occupying a village
on the banks of the Indus belonging to an offshoot of
the 'Gudoon' tribes, and immediately adjoining our
tributary of ' Umb,' thus threatening his country on the
right, and British territory on the opposite bank of the
Indus. Pressure was immediately brought to bear on
the tribes to cause the ejection of the Hindostanees
from their limits, but after much conference and inter-
vi'ewings of 'jirgahs,' it became evident that the tribes
could not or would not comply with what, in this
instance, was certainly the just demand of the British
Government, that they should not afford asylum to
those who were actively engaged in carrying on
intrigues against its authority. As soon as it became
certain that we could expect no assistance from the
tribes in ejecting the Hindostanee refugees from their
stronghold, but that rather the Pathan community was
disposed to afford them countenance and refuge, it
became necessary for us to take measures for the
security of our frontier, independently of the views of
the different tribes in the matter. Accordingly, a
large force was assembled in October 1863, amounting
to between 5000 and 6000 men, including — an unusual
element in these border expeditions — two European
regiments, the 71st Highlanders and the loist Fusiliers,
reinforced at a later date by the 7th Pusiliers and 93rd
Highlanders. The plan of attack was much discussed

THE 'UMBELAW EXPEDITION. 49

in botli its military and political bearings, much diffi-
culty attending both. The plan favoured by the
political officers was to advance upon the Hindostanee
stronghold by the east and south approaches of the
' Mahabun ' mountain. The tribes in that direction
were not so formidable as those likely to be encountered
in the advance by ' Umbelah,' and it might have been
hoped that, by avoiding any near approach to the
' Bonair ' country, we should not have experienced any
hostile demonstration from them or the ' Swatees.' The
physical difficulties of attacking the ' Mahabun '
position were not probably greater than those which
were subsequently encountered at ' Umbelah,' and we
should have avoided, at any rate, the appearance of
hostility, which our occupying the head of the ' Bonair '
Pass gave to our excitable neighbours in that quarter.

It was argued on the other side, that the proper course
was to occupy temporarily the country to the north of
the ' Mahabun ' mountain, so as to attack the Hindo-
stanees from that side, and force them to fight with
their backs to the plain, and operating on their line of
retreat. In the former expedition against these fanatics
under Sir Sydney Cotton in 1858, the assault had been
made from the south and south-east, and it was urcjed
the result had been to admit of their escaping into
the hills after their defeat at ' Sitanah.' The latter
plan, that favoured by the military authorities, was
adopted, and on the 19th October 1863 our troops moved
from the ' Yusufzye ' plain to seize the ' Umbelah ' or
'Soorkhavee' Pass, and thence to occupy the 'Chumla'
plain on the northern slope of the ' Mahabun ' hill.

D

50 THE PUNJAUB.

Tlie strictest secrecy \Yas observed as to the route our
troops were to take, and a feint was made by the detach-
ment of a brigade to the mouth of the ' Durrun ' Pass,
by which the British force entered the hills in 1858, as
if that were to be the line of advance now. Further,
the proclamations to the tribes detailing the objects for
which we were about to enter the hills, and avowing
the friendly intentions of the British Government to-
wards themselves, were only issued on the 19th October,
and the heads of our columns appeared at the summit of
the 'Umbelah ' Pass, and within hail of the Bonair limits,
at daybreak on the 20th ; so that if the proclamation
had reached the tribe at all, they had clearly no time
to consider their line of conduct, and, with true Pathan
suspicion, they considered that we had literally and
figuratively stolen a march upon them — which indeed was
the case, the same supposed necessity of secrecy having
been the cause of the withholding of the proclamations
until it was too late for the tribes to consider them.

It is of course easy to be wise after the fact, but
it admits of fair argument whether by an open and
clear avowal of our intentions to the tribes before
taking the initiative by entering their country, we
might not have had a better chance of quieting their
minds and minimising their opposition, than by the
somewhat sharp practice we actually adopted. At
any rate, the suspicions aroused by our precipitate
movements called into action all the energies of the
tribes threatened, and by the time the last body of
troops had marched into camp on the crest of the
Umbelah Pass on the 23rd October, the hostile com-

THE 'UMBELAH' EXPEDITION. 51

bination of the tribes presented so formidable a front,
that we were obliged to relinquish the plan of advanc-
ing into the ' Chumla ' plain, and devote all our energies
to maintain our hold of the precarious position we
occupied. The sacrifice of all other interests to the
requirements of secrecy and rapidity of movement now
bore its unfortunate fruits. It was found that the
reported openness of the ' Umbelah ' Pass was a delu-
sion, too much trust having been placed in the state-
ments of native residents of the neighbourhood, who
wittingly or unwittingly conveyed to our officers the
impression that it was an easy defile, not only for the
march of troops, but for the passage of the huge
impedimenta which usually follow in the train of
an Anglo- Indian army. What the character of the
pass really proved to be let the following extract from
General Chamberlain's despatch determine : — ' As a
road for troops it certainly presents great dii^ cutties.
The track lies up the bed of a stream encumbered with
boulders and large masses of rock, and is overgrown
with low trees and jungle.'

It had been intended that as soon as the whole
force was assembled at the crest of the pass it
should move forwards into the ' Chumla ' plain
leaving a sufficient body to hold the pass, and a
reconnaissance was made on 22nd October by a
party of cavalry and infantry under the guidance of
an engineer officer. The reconnoitring party was
suffered to proceed some eight or ten miles into the
valley without opposition, but on its return, the
' Bonairs,' who had gathered in considerable numbers

52 THE PUAJAUB.

on the heights above, came down in force, and made
a determined attack upon the party. It was repulsed
with some little loss, and the detachment regained the
camp soon after nightfall. This demonstration in
force by the ' Bonairs,' followed as it was shortly after
by the gathering of all the neighbouring tribes in
support of the ' Bonairs,' completely changed the char-
acter of the expedition, and it became necessary to
exert all our strength to hold our own in the position
we had occupied at the head of the Umbelah Pass, and
trust to time and the effect of repeated repulses to
wear out the resources of the motley host which had
collected against us. From the 20th October to the
15 th December our force held this position on the
defensive, exposed every day to the matchlock fire of
the scattered swarms around them, and occasionally to
a determined and united attack on the more exposed
picquets, which on one or two occasions fell into the
enemy's hands for a brief period, but were always
gallantly retaken, though at some loss. These grand
attacks generally took place on a Friday, the Moham-
medan holy day of the week.

To borrow a description from the ' Lady of the Lake ' —

' Wild as the scream of the curlew,
From crag to crag the signal flew ;
Instant through copse and heath arose
Bonnets and spears and bended bows ;
On right, on left, above, below,
Sprung up at once the lurking foe ;
From shingles grey their lances start,
The bracken bush sends forth the dart ;
The rushes and the willow wand
Are bristling into axe and brand ;

THE 'UMBELAir EXPEDITION. 53

And every tuf fc of broom gives life

To plaided warrior armed for strife.

The signal garrisoned the glen

At once with full five thousand men,

As if the yawning hill to heaven

A subterranean host had given.

Watching their leader's beck and will,

All silent there they stood and still,

Like the loose crags whose threat'ning mass

Lay tottering o'er the hollow pass.'

The coalition of tribes ac^ainst us consisted of tlie
' Bonairs,' ' Swatees/ ' Momunds ' and ' Bajoiirees/ who
at a later period were joined by a large contingent from
' Dher.' Besides these, the Black Mountain tribes, and
others on the Indus, lent their countenance and occa-
sional support to the opposition. It is difficult to
give anything like an exact estimate of the numbers
opposed to us at any one time, as they were constantly
chano-ino:, some remaining to fiq-ht, others c^oini:^ home
to fetch supplies. The General, after the final conflict
at ' Laloo,' estimated the numbers opposed to our troops
on 15th and i6th December at 15,000 men, but before
this it is probable that numbers had left the confeder-
acy, hopeless of effecting the discomfiture of the infidel ;
and Major James notes this point in his report, adding
that 'among those who remained a mutual mistrust
prevailed.' It may fairly be assumed, then, that our
troops had to sustain for two months the determined
and often desperate onslaughts of 20,000 men, who
could select their own opportunity for attack, and who
were themselves secure from molestation until brought
into contact with us by their own act. The whole
history of the campaign reads like a romance. The

54 THE rUNJAUB.

locality, a rougli spur of tlie Himalayas, overliung by
pine trees, craggy and wild like the incantation scene
in ' Der Freisclmtz,' the ' Pathan ' warriors, clad for the
most part in long sombre blue garments, hovering like
the demons in the play round the magic circle of our
piquets, but not able to break in, while the constant
rattle of the matchlock and rifle, and the occasional
booming of the big guns, might well stand for the flash-
ing of the lightning and the roar of the elements around
the devoted Caspar. There was no romance, however,
in the deeds of valour which were wrought in that
liotly-contested mountain pass, and especially in and
around the 'Crag' piquet. Though distributing their
favours freely among the other defence posts of our
camp, the ' Crag ' piquet received a special share of the
enemy's attention; it was thrice wrested for a brief
space from our grasp, and it was in the recovering of
this that special acts of dash and valour were exhibited
by our troops.

Two Victoria crosses were won in the assault
and recapture of tliis post by Pitcher, ist Punjaub
Infantry, and Fosbery, doing duty with the loist
Fusiliers. Two other officers, Keyes of the ist, and
Brownlow of the 20th Punjaub Infantry, vrere recom-
mended by the General in command for this much-
prized decoration, and why they did not get it is known
liest to the superior authorities. It was a glorious
defence altogether, and though perhaps the deeds at the
' Crag ' piquet, the ' Castle Dangerous ' of the position,
were the most notable, there were not wanting number-
less instances of pluck, dash, and endurance at the other

THE 'UMBELAIP EXPEDITION. 55

points, wliicli would have reflected honour on any battle-
field where Englishmen have won fame and honour.

We have been led perhaps into too long a discussion
of this particular expedition, but it may be useful as
showing what our troops in India can do under all
disadvantages. Harassed by the constant attacks of
an enemy whose vigilance never ceased, and to whose
successive flow of reinforcements there seemed no limit,
receiving the onset instead of delivering it, ' under arms,
and on duty almost day and night,' and, as regards the
native troops, fighting many of them against their own
relatives, and opposed to their spiritual pastor, the
Akhund — under all these hindrances of constant ex-
posure, fatigue, severe loss occasionally, rupture of
family and religious associations, these noble troops
held their own for two weary months, and when their
time came, rushed to the front, and swept away all
opposition like the wind, and ' stood triumphant on the
fatal hill,' like the heroes of Albuera. The result
achieved by this campaign was of great importance.
The ' Bonairs,' who had suffered more severely, as their
bravery was more conspicuous, than their allies, agreed
themselves to burn the stronghold of the Hindostanees
at ' Mulka,' and for this purpose some of their chiefs,
with a small contingent, and accompanied by Colonel
Eeynell Taylor, the Commissioner, and the corps of
Guides, about 300 bayonets, marched on the 19th after
the victory at Laloo. They reached ' Mi;ilka ' on the
2 1 St. The ' Amazye' tribe, in whose country 'Mulka'
is situated, had assembled in large numbers on the hills
above, as if with the intention of attacking the party.

56 THE PUNJAUB.

Matters looked very serious, as our troops were vastly
outnumbered, and of course quite isolated from the
main force ; but by the influence of the Bonair ' jirgah,'
and the firm and determined bearing of Taylor, the
' Amazye ' withdrew their opposition, and ' Mulka ' was
completely destroyed. The object of tlie expedition
having been obtained, the tribes utterly discomfited
and reduced to sue for peace, the force returned to the
plains, after having, as noted by Major James, the Com-
missioner, completely asserted the power of the British
Government ' before the largest, bravest, and most for-
midable coalition we have ever been called on to meet
in the Trans-Indus territories.'

The lessons to be gathered from the 'Umbelah'
campaign appear to be as follows : —

First, the danger of divided counsels. It will be seen,
from what has been said above, that the civil and political
bodies, represented by the Lieutenant-Governor, Colonel
Eeynell Taylor, and others, were in favour of advancing
by the east and south of the 'Mahabun' mountain,
where, though the difficulties of the country were as great,
probably, as those by tlie ' Umbelah ' route, the chances
of being brought into hostile collision with the more
powerful tribes were infinitely less ; while the military
authorities insisted on the ' Umbelah ' route, mainly on
the grounds that the line of the Hindostanees' retreat
would be cut off by attacking the north front of the
' Mahabun ' mountain. But this argument was hardly
sufficient to outweigh the very palpable danger of
throwing the invading force into such immediate
proximity to the ' Bonair ' tribe, the most powerful of

LESSONS OF THE 'UMBELAW CAMPAIGN. 57

tlie whole coalition. Neither, probably, would the
object have been attained of cutting off tlie Hindo-
stanees' retreat by a successful onslaught on the nor-
thern side of the ' Mahabun,' for the north-east and
part of the eastern slopes of the mountain were still
open to their line of retreat, and they could have found
refuge with the ' Mudah Khail,' or, as some of them
subsequently did, with the ' Hussunzye.'

Prophesying after the fact, it would seem that the
attack by the south and east could not have landed
us in worse difficulties than were experienced in the
northern route, and they might have been avoided
altogether.

Another instance of the danger of divided counsels
in important transactions like these is to be found in
the fact that the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjaub,
supported by the Military Secretary of the Supreme
Government, Lord Elgin, the Governor-General, being
then in a dying state, urged the withdrawal of the
force from the Umbelah Pass to the x^lains. The effect
of this would have been to have raised the whole
border against us, and it would 'necessarily have
committed us to a protracted campaign.' This order
of the Lieutenant-Governor was sent on the 20th
November, the day on which the last attack was made
on our position, in which the enemy suffered so severely
as to leave our troops entirely unmolested until the 1 5th
December, when we ourselves assumed the offensive.

Fortunately, James and Chamberlain were men too
firm of purpose to withdraw from a position, however
dangerous or difficult, while a prospect of success

58 THE PUNJAUB.

remained, and as an option was left to them in tlie
matter, they determined on maintaining the position, a
resolution amply justified by the subsequent success.
At the same time, in thus acting in opposition to the
wishes of the Punjaub and Supreme Governments, they
incurred a most grave responsibility, which might have
been spared them.

Once more, at the critical moment, when all the
circumstances on the spot tended to show that the time
had come for us to make the much-longed for attack,
the result proving the correctness of the views of those
on the spot, the General commanding the force received
a telegram from the Commander-in-chief, prohibiting
him, in consequence of instructions received from the
Supreme Government, from ' attempting any opera-
tions until further orders.' This also was fortunately
overruled by a direct representation of the political
authorities, but the permission to attack only arrived
just in time ; for the assault on Laloo on the morning
of 15th December anticipated by one day only an
intended onslaught of all the tribes, which had been
determined on by the Akhund in consequence of his
havinc^ received larc^e reinforcements, amoncr them, it was
said, 6000 matchlocks from 'Dher.' The above were
not the only differences of opinion. Another lesson to
be learned from this expedition is, in any transactions
with the hill tribes, political or military, always be
prepared for the worst. Let no calculations based on
our ideas of what is probable or reasonable enter into
our action or dealings with them, or into our forecast of
their probable line of action. If this caution had been

LESSONS OF THE 'UMBELAIP CAMPAIGN. 59

observed before entering on the Umbelali campaign,
our force probably would have consisted of ten instead
of five thousand men, and we miglit then have moved
straiglit to the accomplishment of that object, which,
under different conditions, it took us two months to
attain.

Thirdly, Let our dealings with the tribes be plainly
and unmistakably open. It is better to risk somewhat
by a distinct enunciation of our views and motives in
dealing with the Affghans than to attempt to out-
manoeuvre them.

Thus the delay in the issue of the proclamation to
the 'Bonairs,' from the much-insisted on necessity of
secrecy, may have had the appearance to them of a
trick ; for, as Major James has noted in his report, for
documents of this nature to be appreciated, time must
be given to call the representatives of the tribes, that
the matter may be discussed in council. ' Supposing
therefore,' he adds, 'that the proclamations reached
their destination, is it likely that a brave race of igno-
rant men would pause to consider the purport of a
paper they could not read when the arms of a supposed
invader were glistening at their doors ? '

It may be as well, before quitting this part of the
subject, to give a rough idea of who the Akhund
of ' Swat ' is, who exercised so powerful an influence
in these transactions. The Persian term Akhun or
Akhiind signifies a tutor or preceptor, and is applied, I
believe, generally in a religious sense ; and thus the
'Akhund ' is considered as the chief religious head and
authority, holding towards the people of ' Bonair,' &c.,

6o THE PUNJAUB.

much the same position, magnis componere imrva, as
the ' Sheikh iil Islam ' at Constantinople does towards
the general body of the faithful. The present ' Akhund '
is a very aged man, said to be above ninety, but this
extreme longevity seems hardly compatible with his
energy both mental and physical. He has holden his
present position for many years, and, as above noticed,
exercises a most powerful influence over the clans on
the north of the Peshawur valley, but he has rarely
interfered in mundane matters. Indeed, until the
embroglio in 1863, the only worldly affair in which he
exerted his influence over the tribes was to induce the
' Swatees ' to accept ' Syud Akhbar Shah,' the friend
and counsellor of ' Ahmud Shah,' the founder of the
Hindostanee colony, as their king.

During the general convulsion which followed the
outbreak of the Mutiny in 1857, and which reached to
even these distant parts, the ' Akhund ' is said to have
counselled the disciples who resorted to him for advice
not to enter upon any hostile demonstration against us ;
and certain it is that during that time of our great trouble,
' Swat,' often the cause of much anxiety, was quiet.

Major James considered that the Akhund was only
brought into the field in 1863 by jealousy lest 'Moulvee
Abdoolah,' the leader of the Hindostanee fanatics,
should supplant him iu liis religious supremacy over
the ' Bonairwal.' His conduct and character have been
much discussed in the Indian newspapers lately, in
connection with our relations with the Ameer of Cabul,
and he has been reported on one or two occasions to be
organising a 'jehad' or religious crusade against us, but

THE 'AKHUXD' OF SWAT. 6i

liis past career is so much against sucli an hypothe-
sis, that until there are better grounds than native
correspondents' reports for the rumour, one should be
inclined to place little faith in it. The ' Akhund ' ^ is a
great ascetic, and lives a life of simplicity and devotion,
and his influence may be considered as almost entirely
personal. It is not likely that his son, if he should
succeed him in the priestly ofhce, will ever possess the
power or authority exercised by the present ' Akhund.'
Little is known of the son's character, but he has
always been spoken of as far inferior in capacity and
reputation to his father.

^ Since the above was written the deatli of the Akhund has been
reported.

( 62 )

CHAPTER YI.

The ' Bonairs'-— Their fightmg strength— The ' Momnnds'—
Their hostility to us— The ' Afreedees'—The 'Kohdt'
Pass— The ' Khutuks'—The ' Wuzeerees' — The ' Ccibul
KhaiV — The ' Ooimirzye ' — Expeditions against those tribes
— The 'Miihsoods' — Description of their country— Attack
on our frontier by a large body of the tribe.

The Bonairs are said to muster from 12,000 to 15,000
fighting men, the ' Swatees' probably as many; and
taking them and the remaining tribes to the Cabul
river, the ' Momunds ' and ' Bajourees,' we should not
be much astray, perhaps, in fixing the whole number at
from 40,000 to 50,000 men.

The ' Momunds ' have often given us trouble on the
frontier, unfavourably distinguished in this respect
from the Bonairs and ' Swatees,' who, the Bonairs espe-
cially, had conducted themselves as good neighbours
until 1863.

The ' Momunds' ' hostility towards us commenced at
a very early date. The first report of the Punjaub
Government in 1849 speaks of them as having
already ' gained a notoriety by desultory skirmishing
with British troops.' In 1851-52, they * carried on a
guerilla warfare, cutting up stragglers and attacking our

THE 'AFREEDEES: • 63

villages during dark nights ; ' and finally a force of 6000
of them came down on our frontier post of ' Shubkud-
dur.' They were met, however, by Sir Colin Campbell
(Lord Clyde) with a small force, and repulsed with loss.
Thus they continued annoying our frontier till 1860-61,
when their chief, ' Nuwab Klian,' came in and ten-
dered his submission, after which there was an inter-
val of quiet until the 'Umbelah' business in 1863,
when the ' Momunds ' lent their aid to the Bonairs at
Umbelah, and threatened our border at ' Shubkuddur.'

Since then the ' Momunds ' have been tolerably
peaceful neighbours. Many of the tribe hold lands
within our border, and this is a source both of good and
evil to our administration. The ' Momunds ' are more
under the influence and authority of the ruler of
Cabul than any other frontier tribe, and in any demon-
stration against us, he would probably receive sj^ste-
matic support from this clan.

To pass on now to the numerous tribes, or rather
assemblage of tribes, known as ' Afreedees,' a term
which will be familiar even to many English readers,
from their having^ seen so manv accounts in the news-
papers of our dealings with them in the matter of the
Kohat Pass. There are numberless subdivisions of
the tribe, which need not be enumerated here, as it will
be sufficient for the purpose of this notice to designate
them under the general appellation. The country of
the ' Afreedees ' commences from the ri^^ht bank of the
' Cabul' river, and extends for about fifty miles nearly
due south, and marching with our border the whole
distance ; and if its course were unbroken, we should

64 THE PUNJAUB.

probably not have more trouble with the ' Afreedees '
than we exjjerience from the rest of our ' Pathan '
neiohbours. But, as will be seen from a reference to
the map, there is a tongue of ' Afreeclee ' land interposed
between our two principal frontier stations of Peshawur
and Kohat, directly traversing the line of communica-
tion between them. This defile, known generally as the
' Kohat ' Pass, is some fifteen miles in length and three
or four in breadth. Bleak, and in some places precipi-
tous, hills flank the gorge, and it is altogether a trouble-
some and difficult bit of country to deal with — an
expensive incumbrance, but ' politically indispensable
to the British Government, as connecting Peshawur
with our other Trans-Indus possessions.'

It appears that the resolution to keep this pass
open by subsidising the 'Afreedees,' rather than to
hold it ourselves by the construction of fortified posts,
was adopted at the annexation of the Punjaub, as the
first ensraojement with the ' Afreedees ' was contracted
in April 1849. Tlie terms were that E. 5 700 (^570)
per anniun, which was subsequently increased for a
time to ;^I370, were to be paid by the British Govern-
ment to the Af reedee headmen, in consideration of which
the latter bound themselves to maintain forty-five
matchlockmen to hold the pass, to keep the pass open,
and generally to be responsible for the security of the
property and persons of travellers. The contract was
hardly completed before it was broken by the attack of
a body of Afreedees on a working party of our sappers
and miners in the pass. This was retaliated by the
movement of a body of troops under Sir Charles Xapier,

CHARACTER OF THE 'AFREEDEES: 65

and the attack and capture of the Afreedee viHages in
the pass ; but the lesson was not complete, and from that
time till the present, an interval of twenty-seven years,
scarcely a year has passed without witnessing some acts
of robbery and murder on the part of the Afreedees,
and of reprisals on our side. ^N'umerous military ex-
peditions have been organised against the clan during
the quarter of a century which has elapsed since we
first came into contact with them, but it would seem
that they are as untamed and irrepressible as ever.
The Punjaub Government, in each annual report,
cono^ratulates itself that the Afreedees are settling
down to the character of peaceful neighbours and firm
frieuds of the Government, while the succeeding annual
resume probably has to report some act of hostility on
the part of the supposed penitents, which entails the
application of the usual remedies, closing of the pass
and stopping the trade of the delinquents as an alter-
ative in mild cases, and the despatch of a mili-
tary expedition as a drastic dose in more flagrant
instances.

To illustrate this, the following quotation is given
from the Punjaub Eeport of 1869-70, which should be
read in the light of the events of the last two years in
connection with the Kohat Pass, and of the formidable
military expedition now (November-December 1877)
organised against the Pass Afreedees. The Secretary
is contrasting the happy state of affairs at the time of
writing with that which prevailed in former years, and
remarks, ' In Kohat evci^y one of the numerous and
powerful surrounding tribes has paid compensation for

E

66 THE PUNJAUB.

past offences, and souglit the friendship of the British
Government, while the Afreedees, formerly described as
' notoriously faithless,' have become, not probably from
any change in their nature, but owing to their growing
trade in British territory, the most faithful observers
of their engagements.' The italics are the Secretary's
own.

The conduct of the Pass and other Afreedees
illustrates well wliat has been said above regard-
ing the difficulty of dealing with such irresponsible
agents.

Many of the acts which have brought us into colli-
sion with the tribe have been perpetrated by members
of the community against the wishes of the main body,
and yet, when the mischief is done, the whole clan are
obliged to take the responsibility of it, as the idea of
giving up a clansman to suffer punishment is almost
unheard of ; but I reserve further remarks on this head
until we come to consider the whole question of
frontier management. The number of fighting men
among the ' Afreedees,' including the large tribe of
' Orukzye,' may amount probably to between 30,000
and 40,000.

The next tribe in geographical order are the ' Khu-
tuks,' numbering, according to the estimate furnished
by the Beport of 1849-52, 15,000 fighting men. This
is probably considerably above the mark. The tribe
is not mentioned in the enumeration of frontier clans
given in the Beport for 1 869-70 ; they are ' lumped '
probably among the other ' Bathans.' The conduct of
this tribe presents a most singular contrast to that of

THE 'KHUTUKS: 67

their nortliern neiglibours tlie ' Afreedees,' as well as to
that of the ' Wuzeerees ' on the south. These latter
clans have kept us in continual hot water ever since
the annexation of the country, whereas there is not a
single instance, so far as the author is aware, of the
Khutuks, as a tribe, having shown hostility to us ; their
■ quiescence has not proceeded from their being of a less
warlike character than their neighbours, for they are
capable of holding their own against any other tribe,
and are spoken of as their equals ' in manliness and
spirit.'

They displayed these qualities to good effect during
the ' Sikh ' domination, and it w^as said that ' Avi-
tabile,' the savage governor of Peshawur under the
' Sikhs,' whose name is famous or infamous for the
ruthless ferocity with which he suppressed revolt,
never ventured against the ' Khutuks.' How, then, are
we to account for this exceptional character of the
tribe, as compared with the representatives of all the
other ' Pathan ' communities along our border ? One
reason may be, that their country is more open, as a
rule, to retaliatory measures. They occupy the hills
south of Peshawur to ' Kooshakarh ' and ' Kalaba"-h ' on
the Indus, from both of which is a pass to ' Kohat ; '
and the country has, so to speak, both Kohat and
Peshawur in its rear, and part of Kohat and the British
district of Bunnoo on its flanks, so that their position is
far more exposed than that of the ' Afreedees,' ' Bonairs,'
&c. ; still that alone w^ould not account for their good
behaviour. Another reason is to be found, I think, in
their beinc^ more under the individual influence of the

68 THE PUNJAUB.

chief, and less under that of the ' Moolah,' than the
other tribes. ' Khooshal Khan ' Khutuk was a cele-
brated chief of this tribe, and in our time ' Ivhwaja
Mahomed Khan ' has exercised a most strong influence
for good upon the clan. He joined us immediately
after the annexation of the province, and adhered to us
through good and evil most staunchly. This chief had
the farm of the southern portion of the ' Khutuk ' hills,
and also had charge of the Buhadur Khail salt-mine,
both which offices gave him consideration and power
amoncj the clan. The ' Khutuks ' make excellent sol-
diers, and many of them are enlisted in our cavalry
and infantry regiments.

The next on the roll are the Wuzeerees, who are the
pest of the lower, as the ' Afreedees ' are of the upper
frontier. They are supposed to take their name from
one Wuzeer, and are divided into three great branches,
named, it is said, after tlie three sons of Wuzeer —
Ahmud-zye, Ootman-zye, Muhsood.

The ' Ahmudzye ' are on the nortliern, the ' Ootman-
zye ' on the central, and the ' Muhsoods ' on the southern
portions of the Bunnoo and Ismail Khan districts, a
distance, as the crow flies, of some 120 or 130 miles.
Portions of the two first-named branches cultivate land
within British territory, and are in a measure pastoral
and migratory. The ' Muhsoods ' keep to their moun-
tains, and occupy well-built residences. These also,
like the other 'Pathan' clans, are subdivided into
numerous ' Zyes ' and ' Khails.' They number, according
to the last estimate, 20,000 fighting men ; but this, if the
assumed number of the ' Muhsood ' section, 1 2,000, be

THE nVUZEEREES: 69

correct, is probably below the mark. Among the
' Wiizeeree ' clans who have given us the most annoyance
are the ' Cabul Ivhail,' of the 'Ootmanzye' branch,
l)ordering the Kohat district, and infesting the valley
of ' Meeriinzye,' whose inhabitants also have given us
much trouble. No less than three military expeditions
have been sent to punish these people, and the ' Cabul
Khail ' have also received three visitations. The occa-
sion of their punishment in 1859-60, was due to their
having harboured the assassins of a British officer.
Captain Mecham, who was murdered by five men of
the 'Hatee Khail' tribe of the 'Ahmudzye' branch,
while journeying from Bunnoo to Kohat. This circum-
stance is mentioned particularly, as it furnishes one of
the very few instances (their number may be counted
on the lingers of one hand) of the tribes giving up a
malefactor for punishment.

While measures were being taken for the punishment
of the ' Cabul Khail,' pressure was brought to bear on the
' Hatee Khail,' who cultivated a large tract of land in
British territory. These possessions of the tribe within
our limits, and the fact of their fields being sown at the
time, furnished a strong lever by which to work on the
self-interests of the tribe, and after some delay and at-
tempts at evasion, which were sternly repressed, the tribe
gave up the principal assassin, and he was hanged on
the very spot where the crime was committed. The
' Oomurzye ' of the ' Ahmudzye ' branch gave constant
annoyance on the Bunnoo frontier for some time after
the establishment of our rule. They also held certain
lands within our limits at the time of annexation, but

70 THE PUN J A UB.

would not conduct themselves as peaceable tillers of
the soil.

For three years they kept up a harassing petty war-
fare on our border, driving off cattle, sometimes attack-
ing and sacking a village, and kidnapping any well-to-
do husbandmen they could lay hands on. At last, all
measures of conciliation having failed. Major John
Xicholson, the Deputy Commissioner of Bunnoo, made
a swoop on the tribe with a small force at night — slew
some of them, burnt their encampments, and recovered
the cattle they had lifted. This movement had all the
desired effect. The savage mountaineers were disabused
of the idea that their hills were impregnable, and found
that they afforded no effective protection against a
British force. They made their submission, were re-
admitted to a certain extent to their cultivation in British
territory, and have behaved with tolerable decency ever
since.

The ' Muhsoods ' come next under consideration, and
with the exception perhaps of the Afreedees, they are
the most pestilent and troublesome neighbours we have
to deal with along our whole line of frontier. Unlike
their fellow-clansmen, they will not take kindly to
agricultural pursuits, nor do they carry on the same
petty traffic with us in salt, firewood, &c., as do the
Afreedees, and which gives us some slight power over
that lawless community, by enabling us to close their
market when they show themselves hostile. The
■' Muhsoods ' occupy the mountain range to the south
of the Bunnoo, and to the west of the Derail Ismail
(vhan districts. The range is a vast and lofty one, the

THE 'MUHSOOD' WUZEEREES. 71

principal known hills being tlie ' Gluibur,' about 7000
feet above the level of the sea; the ' Peerghul/ 1 1,500;
the 'Shuvee Dlmr/ 11,000 feet; and behind and above
all towers the grand ' Tukht-i- Suleiman ' (Throne of
Solomon), 14,000 feet above the sea level. The last,
however, is, strictly speaking, beyond the 'Muhsood'
boundary.

The extent of the line of country they occupy
facing our border is about eighty miles as the crow
Hies, and during the early period of our administration
they kept the frontier in constant agitation, driving off
cattle at graze near the hills, occasionally attacking the
border villages, kidnapping traders, and carrying on a
regular system of marauding with comparative impun-
ity. It became necessary to have a chain of fortified
posts along the frontier, and to organise a regular
system of patrolling between them, but in spite of these
measures the ' Muhsoods ' continued their raids with
unchecked pertinacity for ten years from the time of
our becoming their neighbours. We had greater
difficulty in dealing with them than with any other of
the frontier tribes. There were no means of making
reprisals. The ' Muhsoods ' had no regular traffic with
the plains like the Afreedees ; there were no members
of the tribe cultivatinir within our limits, as was the
case with the ' Ahmudzye ' Wuzeerees ; the line of
frontier is generally more open to attack opposite the
' Muhsoods ' than in other parts, and there is more
temptation in the presence of vast numbers of camels
belonoim^ to the caravans of ' Powinduh ' merchants,
which are sent to graze often along the very foot of the

72 THE PUNJAUB.

liills, on wliicli there are always scouts ready to scent
the prey afar off. Then the Miihsoods entertained the
idea that they were impregnable in the remote fast-
nesses of their mountains, and boasted that the foot of
an invader had never defiled their native soil, which I
believe was true until the military ex^^edition of i860
dispelled the illusion as to their impregnability.

In March i860, incited thereto probably by long years
of forbearance on our part, they made a hostile demon-
stration on the town of ' Tak,' some four or five miles
from the frontier line, and came on about 4000 strong
with the intention of sacking the town. To meet them
there were only about 160 sabres of the 5 th Punjaub
cavalry and some police troopers, under the command
of a native officer of the 5th named ' Sahadut Khan,' a
resolute soldier, and, as he proved himself, a good
tactician. Drawing out his small body of cavalry, he
advanced to meet the 'Muhsood' invaders, but suddenly,
terrified as it appeared to them, by their imposing array,
he commenced a retrograde movement. The ' Muhsoods '
followed helter-skelter, firing their matchlocks, and
showering abuse on the fugitives' heads, when, having
obtained his object in drawing the ' Muhsoods ' clear of
the hill ravines, and into the open, where cavalry could
act, he wheeled his small troop about, and charged
down on the disorganised body of the enemy.

A complete rout was the result, numbers were slain
and wounded, and the whole rabble made off to the hills
as fast as their mountain legs would carry them. Their
loss was 200 killed and a large number wounded. On
our side there were one trooper killed and fifteen

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE 'MUHSOODS: 72,

wounded, and several horses killed and wounded. This
unprovoked aggression of the ' Muhsoods ' was the fill-
ing of the cup, and the Government at last consented to
a military expedition against them. About the middle
of April, General Chamberlain marched with about
5000 native troops, including two field batteries and two
mountain trains of artillery, to explore the fastnesses
of the ' Peerghul,' and to exact retribution from the
' Mulisoods ' at their very doors for the long course
of provocation and injury we had endured at their
liands.

This expedition against the ' Muhsoods ' is, it is
believed, unique in the history of our military opera-
tions against the tribes, and may call for a more ex-
tended notice. On other occasions we have either ad-
hered to our base, as at Umbelah, effected the punish-
ment of the offenders by a rapid night march, surprising
them in their homes, as in the expedition against the
' Oomurzye ' above alluded to, and in that against the
' Buzotis ' conducted by General Keyes, or the nature
of the ground has enabled us to conduct our offensive
movements without fear of our communications beim^
cut off, as in the expeditions against the ' Meerunzye '
valley. But in this case the General cast to the winds
all considerations of keeping open our communications,
and, confident in his own powers of command and the
excellence of his troops, threw himself boldly into the
middle of the enemy's country, leaving the communica-
tions to care for themselves. It was a bold, perhaps a
liazardous step, but the result justified the General's
confidence in all particulars.

( 74 )

CHAPTEE VII.

Campaign against the Muhsoods — Its 7'esults — The Bntunnees —
Slieoraiiccs — Oosterdnees — The Powindiih merchants — The
B Hooch tribes — Their character as compared with the
Pathdns — The Scinde frontier — The Punjaub frojttier
force.

The force marched from ' Tak ' about the middle of
xVpriL The route hay for the earlier part of the march
up the bed of the ' Zam ' river or stream, wliich takes
its rise in the ' Peerghul ' mountain, and forms a kind
of main artery to tlie country, affording irrigation to
their scanty area of corn cultivation. The channels
for supplying water to the fields from this source were
very creditable samples of savage engineering. They
were often found cut along the side of a rock for long
distances, and sometimes where the rock was altogether
impracticable, the water was carried through tunnels.

The stony course of the ' Zam ' aftbrded rather a rough
pathway, but the troops marched merrily along it, and
the field guns travelled without much difficulty. The
mountain guns of course were carried on mules. At
this time of the year (spring) the stream of the ' Zam '
is scanty and shallow, probably not more than two or
three feet deep, but in the rainy season and after the

THE 'MUHSOOD' CAMPAIGX. 75

melting of the snow, it becomes a turbid torrent often
impassable. Tlie first brush with the enemy was at
' Kot Sliingee/ an important village, to surprise which a
night march was effected; but the ' Muhsoods ' evacuated
tlie place, and only tried some long shots from the hills
above. Here was seen the singular spectacle of cavalry
skirmishing up a mountain-side. A troop of tlie Guides
followed the retreating enemy some way up the hills,
exchanging shots with them, and capturing a flock of
some 1 50 sheep and goats from them, a welcome addition
to the commissariat.

The force then moved on, still up the bed of the ' Zam,'
to 'Puloseen,' whence General Chamberlain marched
with 3000 men to threaten or disperse a gathering
of the tribe at ' Shuhoor,' leaving Colonel Lumsden in
command at ' Puloseen ' with about 1 500 men. Here
the ' Muhsoods ' gave us a Eowland for our Oliver,
and requited the attack on ' Kot Shingee ' by a
similar surprise on our camp. They selected the
morning of the ' Eed,' the great religious festival
of the Mohammedans (on the principle of the
better day the better deed), for their attempt, and,
which seemed to show that they had some trained
soldiers among them, as had been surmised, they chose
the time of withdrawing the piquets at daybreak to
make their ' hooroosh ' on the camp. They managed to
surprise the piquets as they were about to fall in and
move off, and the camp was awakened by the sounds,
almost simultaneous, of the rcixille and the ping of
the'Muhsood' bullets. For about ten minutes there
was a good deal of confusion, and if the ' Muhsoods '

76 THE PUNJAUB.

had only known liow to keep together and make a
combined rush, they might have made the matter
serious, but directly they were past the piquets they
came in, each man for himself, dancing about, and
slashing right and left witli their heavy swords, with-
out any definite aim or purpose. DiscipKne soon
asserted itself, and the ' Muhsoods ' were speedily
driven out of camp, leaving 130 of their party dead,
and a large number wounded. The other portion of
the force rejoined two days after, and the camp halted
to allow of the sick and wounded being sent into the
plains.

On the ist May the 'jirgah' of the 'Muhsoods'
came in for a conference. Our object was fully ex-
plained to them. We had put up with unnumbered
affronts and injuries from the tribe for the last ten
years, and we had now come to exact redress for the
past and guarantees for the future, the former to
consist of a fine of ;^I400, the latter that hostages were
to be furnished for the good behaviour of the tribe in
future. After a long palaver the 'jirgah' declared their
inability to accede to the terms, and were dismissed
with the intimation that the force would march through
their country to ' Kaneegoorum,' the ' Muhsood ' capital,
and repeat the terms there. If unmolested, the march
would be conducted peaceably on our part, but if
attacked, the 'Muhsoods' must abide by the con-
sequences. After a day or two's halt to make the
necessary preparations, and to send all the sick and
wounded into the plains — for from this point there
could be no further communication with the rear — the

THE 'MUHSOOD' CAMPAIGN. 77

force continued its niarcli, still keeping to the bed of
the ' Zam.' Though flanked generally by rugged hill-
sides, there were every now and then some lovely spots
near the bed of the stream, elbows and corners where
in former years the torrents had deposited alluvial soil,
and upon which had sprung up poplar and willow
saplings, now grown into large and shapely trees, while
the green sward beneath helped to make up a small
oasis, amid the sterile surroundings of the stony bed of
the ' Zam ' and the rocky cliffs above. It soon became
evident that the ' Muhsoods ' intended to try an appeal
to arms to prevent the threatened march on their
capital, and on the third day after the ' jirgah ' had left
camp, they were found in considerable strength, occupy-
ing a position selected with much military skill and
judgment.

Across the bed of the ' Zam,' which here ran
through a narrow gorge, with rugged and lofty hills
on either side, they had constructed a most formidable
ahattis, made of huge boulders with trunks and Large
branches of trees interwoven with them, with the
branches protruding from the front like a cJievcmx de
/rise. On the heights on either side they had piled
up strong stone breastworks to prevent their flank
being turned, and they held both the centre and
flanking positions in very considerable force. It was
necessary of course to capture the heights before
advancing to attack the ahattis in the gorge, and a
brigade with mountain train attached was sent up on
each side for that purpose. The right attack was
perhaps the most difficult, as the ascent was steeper

7^

THE PUNJAUB.

than on tlie left, and tlie summit of the hill on which
the strono^est breastwork was constructed was more
precipitous. A temporary check occurred here, which
might have had serious consequences. The leading
regiment, on arriving just below the point where the
upper breastwork was, were in rather scattered order,
and blown with the stiffness of the ascent, which the
enemy observing, made a rush upon them with all the
impetus of a down-hill charge, and drove them and the
regiment in support back on the reserve, where how-
ever the ' ]\Iuhsoods ' were met with a rattling discharge
from tlie mountain guns, and by a counter charge from
the ist Punjaub infantry, which not only checked their
rush, but drove them back, and our troops following
them up at once, a headlong flight was the result.

Meanwhile the attack on the left position had been
progressing steadily under cover of the fire from the
mountain guns, and when the defenders of the breast-
works on that side saw the result of the right attack,
they also took to their heels, as did the garrison of
the abattis. Our troops followed the fugitives for some
distance, but the light-footed mountaineers soon out-
stripped our more heavily weighted infantry, and dis-
persed after their usual fashion to their homes. These
mountain hosts can only be kept together for a few
days at a time, as their commissariat is represented by
what each man carries for himself, probably a supply
for five days or a week. When that is expended, he
must go home to recruit his store, as his leaders have
none to give him, and the neighbouring villages have
none to spare, so that those that come from a distance

THE 'MUHSOOD' CAMPAIGN. 79

to join tlie gathering, liave to reckon not only for the
period in which tliey may be actively engaged, but for
their journey out and home. Here Eobertson's descrip-
tion of the American warriors may again be quoted :
— 'Their armies are not encumbered with baggage
or military stores. Each warrior, besides his arms,
carries a mat and a small bag of pounded maize, and
with these is completely equipped for any service '
(Hist. Amer., vol. ii. p. 153). This is an exact descrip-
tion of Wuzeeree habits, even to the character of
provender carried, wliich generally consists of ground
Indian-corn. After their second defeat the ' Muhsoods '
did not again make head to oppose the onward march
of the British force, which was a matter of surprise to
most of the officers, as the Muhsoods were considered
the most united clan on the border, but they had
suffered heavily, both at ' Puloseen ' and in the second
fight, and having no leader and no commissariat, their
collapse was complete for the time.

Our force marched on without opposition to the ]\iuh-
sood capital, ' Kaneegoorum,' described as ' picturesquely
built on a succession of shelves. The valley below on
either side very pretty. Trees and cultivation in abund-
ance.' The inhabitants came out to meet the force, and
tendered their submission, and the town was spared. The
troops then moved on to ' Mukeen,' a populous village, or
rather cluster of villages. This was burnt, the inhabi-
tants not having come to terms, and the force then
marched through the country, skirting the lofty ' Peer-
ghul' mountain, and debouching opposite Bunnoo,
having been just a fortnight in a thoroughly hostile

8o THE PUNJAUB.

inoimtain country, without any communication with
the plains, and with no supplies but those carried with
the troops. Considering the nature of the country to
be traversed, and the fierce character of the tribe we
liad to deal with, it must be allowed, that the exploit
reflects the highest credit both on the General and the
troops. The expedition had the result of keeping,
the 'Muhsoods' quiet for a time, and they have
never again attempted a hostile demonstration in force,
but they are not yet cured of marauding, and an at-
tempt to induce them to colonise in British territory,
though it looked hopeful at one time, has not as yet
turned out a success. The Umbelah and ' Muhsood ' ex-
peditions have been discussed at some length, as illustra-
ting operations of an entirely opposite character, but the
reader shall not be troubled with any more campaigns.

The ' Buttunees ' come next in order — a small and
insignificant tribe, which occupies the slopes of the
' Ghubur ' hill, and a portion of the country between
the ' Tak ' district and the ' Muhsoods,' They can muster
three or four thousand matchlocks, but they are in no
way formidable in the field. They play the jackal
lietween the ' Muhsoods ' and the ' Tak ' people, and are
sometimes mischievous in that way. They hold lands
to some extent within our border.

The Pathan clan next in order to the above are the
' Sheoranees.'

These, like the Muhsoods, are a thieving, marauding
lot, but they have neither the strength nor the unity of
the Muhsoods, nor is their country so difficult of access.
They inhabit the mountain border of the Derah Ismail

THE 'POIVIA'DAHS: 8r

Khan district, and number perhaps 6000 figliting men.
In the early part of our occupation tliey gave a good
deal of trouble, and in 1853 ^^^ expedition was organ-
ised against them. A force of about 2400 men under
General Hodgson marched into their country, remained
there three or four days, and burnt their chief town,
' Koteli,' and many of their fortified villages. This
lesson had a good effect, and the ' Sheoranees ' have
continued pretty quiet ever since. The last Pathan
tribe are the Oosteranees, a small but gallant body,
who occupy some of the spurs of the Suleimani range,
and who cultivate to a certain extent along the foot of
tlie hills. They have not given us much annoyance by
acts of offence against ourselves, but they were con-
stantly at feud Avith their Bilooch neighbours, the
' Kusranees,' in the course of which our border was
often made the cockpit of the rival clans. Matters are
quieter now, and we have no reason to complain of the
' Oosteranees ' as neighbours.

Before taking our leave of the Pathan tribes, mention
should be made of the 'Powindahs,' as they are called, a
body of travelling merchants, who bring the produce of
Affghanistan, Bokhara, &c., to India. They travel with
'kafilahs,' or caravans as they are termed in English, though
that interpretation hardly represents the equivalent of
the Arabic word. These ' kafilahs' consist sometimes of
several hundred camels, laden with woollen stuffs, Cabul
grapes, madder, sheepskin coats and cloaks, woollen
socks and other apparel, pistachio nuts, dried fruits,
and Persian cats ; otliers bring horses only. From near
Ghuznee, in Affglianistan, to the Derah Ismail Khan

82 THE PUNJAUB.

frontier, wliicli tliey enter by the ' Goomiil ' and other
small passes, the ' Powindah ' merchants often have to
fight their way throughout the greater part of the dis-
tance, or at all events, in those parts which bring them
into contact with the Muhsood and other Wuzeeree
clans. But tliese warrior-traders generally manage to
run the gauntlet with comparative immunity from loss
as regards their merchandise, though they suffer occa-
sionally in person from the swords and matchlocks of
the 'Muhsood' robbers. There is, it is probable, some
kind of agreement in tlie shape of blackmail between
the 'Powindahs' and the Muhsoods, but, as before
noticed, the members of these savage tribes often run
counter to the views of their head men, and hence the
not unfrequent assaults on the ' Powindah ' kafilahs
by isolated bodies to satisfy their private greed. The
' Powindahs,' on arriving in the plains, readjust their
camels' loads, so as to leave the weaker animals and
those with young to graze during Ihe winter months in
the Derah districts, and move on with the rest to the
nearest point on the Lahore and Mooltan Ptailway. In
former times they marched on bodily with their camels
to Delhi, Agra, and Calcutta, the last-named place
beino- some twelve or thirteen hundred miles from their
point of departure at Derah Ismail Khan. After dis-
posing of their merchandise, and reloading their camels
with European and Indian goods, they return to tlieir
encampments in time to move off on their homeward
route before the hot weather sets in. While those who
proceed down-country with the goods are absent, the
members of the party who remain to look after the camels

THE 'BILOOCHES: ^^

occupy encampments in front of tlie frontier liills. Tliese
encampments are made np of small black camel-hair
tents, and are called ' Kirrees,' — ' kirree ' meaning black.
The camels are allowed to graze sometimes on the slopes
of the hills, and, this occasionally brings on a collision
between the 'Wuzeerees' and ' Powindalis,' the former,
as noticed above, ' lifting' the 'Powindahs' ' camels when
tliey get a chance, and the latter, pursuing the raiders
into the hills, often recover their property and punish
the Wuzeerees into the bargain. This summary metliod,
liowever, is not allowed by the Government, and the
' Powindahs ' have been obliged to make reparation occa-
sionally for tlie punishment inflicted on the Wuzeeree
robbers, who, it need hardly be said, richly deserved
it. The ' Powindahs ' are divided into clans like the
rest of the Affghans. The best known are the 'Nasirs '
and ' Meean Khail.' With the exception of one small
tribe, this completes the catalogue of the Patlian tribes
on the frontier.

The Bilooches join the Patlians at the southern
extremity of the Derah Ismail Khan district. The
next tribe to the Patlians is the ' Kusranees,' who were
always squabbling with the ' Oosteranees,' as noticed
above, and who harassed our frontier a c^ood deal during?
the early part of our rule. They were punished by the
same expedition which visited the ' Sheoranees' in 1853,
and they have been better neighbours since. They
number perhaps 3000 or 4000 fighting men. Next to
the ' Kusranees ' come the ' Bozdars,' about 4C00 strong.
These also were troublesome for some years, but in
1857 t^^cy were punished by a force under General

84 THE PUNJAUB.

Cliamberlaiii, the troops returning to quarters just in
time to march off to Delhi on the outbreak of the
Mutiny. This punishment of the ' Bozdars ' had a
good effect in keeping that part of the border quiet
during the throes of the Mutiny, and the ' Bozdars '
themselves have conducted themselves respectably
since. Of course, in stating that tribes have become
better neighbours, the commendation is only compara-
tive. Cattle-lifting and robbery still go on more or
less, but the better-disposed clans abstain from violence
as a rule, and from actively offensive measures.

Next to the ' Bozdars ' comes a small Pathan tribe
called ' Khetrans,' who are curiously sandwiched among
tlie ' Biloochees.' They are or were troublesome, rather
on account of their feuds with their Bilooch neighbours
l)eyond. the frontier, than for hostile acts within our
border. After the Khetrans follow Kosahs, Lugharees,
Gurchanees, Murrees, and Boogtees, occupying the
frontier line of the Dera Ghazi Khan district, down
to its point of junction with the Scinde border. These
number probably 12,000 or 15,000 fighting men, but
they have not given us nearly so much trouble as the
I'athans. As a rule, their country is more accessible
than the rugged cliffs and difiticult passes in the Pathan
mountains, and the people themselves are more manage-
al;)le. They are neither so bigoted nor so obstinate as
the Affghan people. They have less respect for the
Moolah, and more for the chief, to which latter the
Bilooch tribes on the Punjaub frontier render, as a rule,
a fair quota of obedience, and lience it is easier to deal
with them than with communities represented by such

THE FRONTIER EORCE. 85

feeble and vacillating agents as the Pathan ' jirgalis.
The province of Scinde meets the Punjaub at 'Kusmore.'
Its frontier posts cover about 190 miles, but they are
a long way from the hills. The tribes on the Scinde
frontier are the Murrees and Boogtees noticed above,
the Doonikees, Jikranees, Eamdanees, Kosahs, Boordees,
Muzzarees and others, the last six named being inhabit-
ants of tlie Cuchee and Scinde plains. The Scinde
frontier is or was watched entirely by cavalry, their
posts being some fifty or sixty miles from the hills,
except at the two extremities. The force consists of two
res:^iments of Scinde Horse, numbering^ altoQ;ether 1600
sabres. There will be occasion to offer some remarks
hereafter on the respective characteristics of the Scinde
and Punjaub systems of frontier management. Having
enumerated the Pathan tribes which march wdth our
border, and having noticed the system of depredation
and onslaughts on our frontier villages and subjects
so persistently carried on by them, it will be desirable,
perhaps, to say a few words regarding the force by
which this long extent of frontier is to be watched and
protected.

Peshawur, the most important station, as command-
ing the principal route from Cabul via the Khyber Pass,
is garrisoned by the regular army. The force consists
of two European infantry regiments, two native cavalry
regiments, four or five native infantry regiments, and
three or four batteries of artillery. There is a reserve
at 'Noshera' about twenty miles from Peshawur, half
way between it and the Indus, consisting of one European
and one native infantry regiment and one regiment of

86 THE PUNJAUB.

native cavalry. The Pesliawur brigade f urnislies detacli-
ments to garrison the outposts of ' Michnee/ ' Abozye,
and ' Shubkuddar,' facing the ' Momunds/ and Fort
Mackeson observing the Kohat Pass. The cantonment
of Peshawur is opposite to, and about four miles from,
the mouth of the Khyber Pass. In any military opera-
tions having for their object the punishment of the
' Momunds,' of the x\freedees of the Khyber, and of the
northern face of the Kohat Pass, the force would be
furnished by the Peshawur brigade ; all other frontier
expeditions are, as a rule, conducted by the Punjaub
frontier force. This force is constituted as follows : —
Two field batteries and two mountain trains, six regi-
ments of cavalry, including the Guides, numbering about
2500 sabres, and tw^elve regiments of infantry, muster-
ing 7640 rank and file, or, including non-commissioned
officers, about 1 1 ,000 men. They are distributed as
follows : — Two infantry regiments and a mountain
battery in ' Huzarah.' The Guides, consisting of one
cavalry and one infantry regiment, garrison ' Yusufzye.'
At Kohat are three regiments of infantry, a regiment
of cavalry, a mountain battery, and a garrison company
of artillery. At Bunnoo, two regiments of infantry, one
of cavalry, and a field battery. At Derah Ismail Khan
the same detail, with the addition of a detachment of
European infantry which garrisons the fort. At Derah
Ghazi Khan are two regiments of infantry and one of
cavalry, and at Eajunpore, the southernmost station in
the province, nnd near the Scinde border, is one regi-
ment of cavalry. This force supplies detachments to
garrison the outposts, extending over 500 miles of

THE PUNJAUB FRONTIER FORCE. ^7

frontier, and furnislies when necessary the means for
punisliing the frontier tribes, keeping up a regular
establishment of mules in each regiment to enable them
to move at a moment's notice. There is no relief from
outpost duty. Unlike regiments in the quieter and
more central portions of the province, who only liave
to furnish the regimental and station guards, and get
four nights in out of five, the Punjaub force, as a rule,
is never off duty, having, in addition to the ordinary
guards, to supply the outposts as well. During the
twenty-eight years of our occupation of the Punjaub,
there have been about tlnrty military expeditions
against the frontier tribes, in all of which, with perhaps
the exception of two or three against the ' Momunds,'
the Punjaub frontier force has been engaged. Number-
less reports have told of the gallant work they have
done, but few of these unfortunately have come to
public notice, in consequence of most of the warlike
operations in which the Punjaub frontier force has
been engaged having been conducted under the orders
of the Civil Government, and not under the Commander-
in-chief. The despatches, however, published during the
Umbelah campaign teem with commendations of their
gallantry ; and no one will deny that the men of the
Punjaub frontier force are second to none in the
qualities that constitute a soldier, and that in the
matter of warlike experience they are superior to most,
as having been constantly under arms since the annexa-
tion of the Punjaub.

And what has been their reward ? Echo replies, like
an Irishman, with the question. Pteward ? With the

88 THE PUNJAUB.

single exception of the general commanding, there is
not, it is believed, a single officer in the whole eighteen
regiments and four batteries of artillery who can write
C.B. after his name. Considering the manner in which
honours were showered after the Abyssinian and
Ashantee campaigns, one is struck with amazement
that the gallant body of men in the Punjaub force should
have been so long neglected. No soldier would be so
invidious as to detract from the merit due to one brave
man to glorify another, but it might be fairly asserted
that the honours awarded for Abyssinia and Ashantee
have been earned by the officers of the Punjaub force
twice over. The only way in which to account for the
treatment they have received is, that being a civil corps,
that is, under the orders of the local government, and
not under the military chief, the officers' claims have not
been brought to notice with sufficient earnestness, or the
very fact of their not being under the military authorities
may tell against them. Whatever the cause, the result
is injustice ; and it is not to be wondered at that the
officers of the Punjaub force desire to change masters.
The subject of placing the frontier force under the
Commander-in-chief, has been under consideration for
many years past, but it has not been effected up to the
present time. There are strong arguments, certainly,
on the side of its being maintained as a local force.
The advantage derived from the officers knowing the
country and the character of the tribes we have to deal
with, which could not be attained in the ordinary course
of service, where corps are relieved every two or three
years, the facility of obtaining recruits from among the

THE PUNJAUB FRONTIER FORCE. 89

Patlians, which would not be the case if regiments were
liable to be marched to distant stations down-country,
as the Pathans suffer from home-sickness to a consider-
able extent ; — these and other circumstances are in
favour of the frontier force being continued as a local
body. But, on the other hand, the fact of a large body
of troops, equal to two divisions, occupying the most
important position in India, being independent of the
Commander-in-chief in India, and in no w^ay subject to
his control, carries such an anomaly on the very face of
it, as to outw^eigh the considerations advanced in favour
of the localisation of the force. Add to this, that under
present circumstances the officers and men have much
harder ^vork than their brethren in the more settled parts
of the country, and that their services never meet with
acknowledgment, and it must be allowed, I think, that,
from the military point of view, the arguments for the
assimilation of the frontier force to the rest of the
army in India are overpowering. It may be noted
here, that when officers of the Punjaub force have come
under the orders of the Commander-in-chief, their
services have met with prompt recognition. Thus
Wilde, Green, Hughes, P)ro\vne, Probyn, and "Watson/
who w^ere all in the frontier force, and who marched
down with their regiments, or portions of them, to join
the army before Delhi during the Mutiny of 1857, all
received their C.B.'s and three of them the Victoria
Cross. It may be replied that the work of that time
was exceptional both in severity of fighting and stress
of climate ; but that surely cannot be urged with re-
ference to Abyssinia and Ashantee ; and if twenty or

go THE PUNJAUB.

twenty-five years' work on a liostile frontier (and many
of tlie Punjaub officers can sliow so much), under the
conditions above described, does not entitle a soldier to
the rewards accorded for military service, it is difficult
to know what is the necessary qualification.

( 91 )

iart e.

CHAPTER VIIL

Characte7'istics of the border tj'ibes — Their religion — Blood-
fends — Theft — Treatment of women — Social customs —
Hypothesis of the Affghdns beiiig the lost Ten Tribes of
Israel — The ^Vesh' — Similarity of this custom to Jeivish
institutio?is — Arms of the Affghdns — Military system-
Treachery of the Affghdns — Strength of the different
tribes.

Before considering the different systems of frontier
management, it is proposed to offer a few remarks on the
characteristics of the frontier tribes, and first as to their
religion. They are Mohammedans, ' Soonees,'^ without
exception, and a ' Sheeah ' would be likely to have a
bad time of it amongst them. They are strict in the
observance of the times of prayer, the ceremonial
ablutions, and of the fasts and festivals of their creed.

^ 'Soonee,' lit. 'lawful,' one who reveres equally the four succes-
sors of Mohammed. ' Sheeah,' a follower of ' Ali,' Mohammed's sou-
in-law. The Turks are ' Soonees,' the Persians ' Sheeahs.'

92 THE PUNJAUB.

They are given, too, to honouring the shrines of departed
saints, they make pilgrimages to them, and decorate their
tombs with lamps and flowers on anniversaries and
festivals. It is, therefore, a feather in the cap of a
tribe to be possessed of a shrine of special sanctity. An
amusing story is told of one of the wild tribes adjoin-
ing the ' Khyber,' with reference to this amiable weak-
ness.

It happened that the tribe in question was unfortu-
nate in having no ' remains ' of sufficient sanctity to do
pilgrimage to, and they were twitted in consequence by
the neighbouring tribes on their spiritual destitution.
It so fell out that a ' Moolah,' or learned priest of some
reputed sanctity, came to their village on his way
elsewhere. He was received with much honour, and
all the rites of hospitality were duly accorded, when,
unfortunately for him, it occurred to the heads of the
community that this was a grand opportunity for pro-
viding themselves with a ' Zeearut,' or place of pilgrim-
age ; so they killed the unfortunate priest, and inducted
his remains into the place of honour forthwith, setting
themselves free from the sneers of their neighbours by
this primitive proceeding.

Btit ignorance goes hand-in-hand with their bigotry.
The Pathan Pharisee, who recites his five prayers a
day, who will fast religiously from sunrise to sunset
during the whole month of the Eamzan, the ^loham-
medan Lent, not allowing even water to pass his lips
during that interval, and who would cut your or his
own throat at the mere sign of his spiritual adviser, is
as ignorant as the swine he professes to abominate.

CHARACTER OF THE TATHAXS: 93

He cannot render you a reason for the faith which is
in him. What is, is ; what must be, must be, is the
beginning, middle, and ending of his creed. He can
repeat the 'Kuhnah,' or profession of faitli, ' There is
one Allah, and Mohammed is the prophet of Allah,' and
gabble through his five appointed prayer-times, and
do this with just as much unction and devotion when
he is on his way to rob a neighbour or commit a
murder, as if he was about to be engaged in a righteous
and meritorious action ; so that it may be presumed
that all this external devotion exercises no influence
whatever on the life of a Pathan Mohammedan. So
long as he pays to Allah what he considers his due in
the way of prayers, ablutions, &c., well, but in all
other matters he is his own master. It may be thought
that this is an exaggerated picture, but there are good
grounds for the belief that the idea of doinj? vvAit
because it is right does not enter into a Pathan's
philosophy ; that murder, theft, and adultery are only
abstained from according to the degree of fear which is
entertained of retribution, and not from any respect for
the property or life of man or the honour of woman.
There is no fear of law, for, as has been said above, the
first step towards a regular jurisdiction has not been
taken in these rude societies. Murder, in the course of
a blood-feud, is a righteous act ; not in fair and open
fight, but by midnight assassination, or by a safe shot
from behind a rock ; for if the avenger were to get the
worst of it in the attempt, the other party would score
two ! The debtor and creditor account of blood is most
religiously kept, and murder follows murder with

94 THE PUNJAUB.

arithmetical precision. This may be illustrated by an
anecdote of ^Yhich ' Sher Ali,' the man 'who subse-
quently assassinated Lord Mayo, is the subject. He
was a member of one of the clans in the vicinity of the
Khyber Pass, and while he was mounted orderly to the
Commissioner of Peshawur, he used to get leave from
that officer to q;o home for a week or so, borrowinfT or

O 'CI

beii^^ino: at the same time some powder and lead. He
returned after one of these excursions, and announced
that he had arranged his matters satisfactorily, which
arrangement consisted in shooting his uncle or cousin,
with whom he was at feud. It was for decoying
another person with whom he had a difference, and
effecting his murder on British territory, that ' Sher Ali '
received the sentence of banishment to the ' Andamans,'
where he consummated his crimes by the murder of
Lord Mayo.

In the matter of theft, expertness and skiU in the art
of robbing are praiseworthy qualities in the eyes of
many Pathan tribes. In one of the clans near Peshawur,
there is a custom for infants to be passed through a hole
dug in the wall as by a burglar, the parents at the same
time repeatiug the words, ' Ghul she, ghul she,' ' Be a
thief, be a thief,' which is a haiotemc dc vole with a
witness. But there are degrees of baseness even among
thieves. The tribes opposite Peshawur and bordering
on the ' Khyber Pass ' are perhaps the worst in this
particular. 'Shinwarees,' 'Moolagorees,' 'Zukakhail,'and
some of the 'Afreedees' near the Kohat Pass, bear
an infamous character, as do the lower ' AYuzeerees.'

It may be desirable to notice now the subject of

TREATMENT OF PATHAN WOMEN. 95

Patliiui women in reference to their social position.
Generally they are treated as Mohammedan women are
in other localities. Unrespected, distrusted, the drudges
of the household, and objects of a brute sensuality,
describe pretty well the position of Pathan women.
Degraded by treatment like this, it is hardly to be ex-
pected that any of the feminine virtues and excellences
which distinguish tlie sex in our own happy land should
be developed by these unhappy creatures, and it must
almost follow, as the night the day, that their minds
should be depraved, and that anything like loyalty or
affection towards their lords and masters are qualities
not to be looked for in them. The consequence is that
conjugal infidelity is common, and this is often followed
by the murder both of the woman and her paramour,
which, of course, originates a blood-feud, and so the
game goes on.

It is almost a foregone conclusion in taking up an
inquiry into a murder among Path an s, that ' a woman
is at the bottom of it.' The Pathan women are often
attractive in appearance, but have little sensibility and
less intellect.

They are never allowed to join the men in any of
their social gatherings. They fetch the water, do tlie
cooking, look after the house, and so forth, but their
social enjoyments are confined to gossiping and quarrel-
ling among themselves. They have not even the grati-
fication which the more favoured women in Hindostan
enjoy of counting over their clothes and ornaments. A
Pathan female's wardrobe and jewel-box would be re-
presented by a very small total. A blue upper garment

96 THE PUNJAUB.

and trousers to matcli would probably complete the list
of her habiliments, and a silver armlet or two, and pos-
sibly an anklet of the same metal, would sum up the
amount of her finery. Such being the condition of the
women, and the character of the male portion of the
community such as has been described above, the coun-
try they inhabit rugged and unproductive, no commerce
to bring the people into contact with other races, no
system of government to assist social and political
development, it is hardly to be wondered at that the
rathans have not yet issued from the savage state, nor
until there is a stable and enlioiitened 'Government at
Cabul to exercise pressure on them from that quarter, and
to co-operate with our efforts on the east of Affghanistan,
does there seem to be the slightest probability of their
emerging from this barbarous condition. 'Tis pity, too,
for physically they are a fine people, and they possess
also some of the best qualities of the savage — bravery,
hospitality, and, among themselves, fidelity to their salt.
That they have the making of good men in them is evi-
dent from the numerous samples we have in the Pun-
jaub frontier force. Some of the regiments are largely
recruited from the Pathans of the border, notably the
Guides and the ist Punjaub Infantry; and the faithful
service these men have done at Delhi, Lucknow, in
numberless border expeditions, and especially at Um-
belah, where they were in arms against their own spiri-
tual pastor, deserves to be written in letters of gold. It
would seem that there must have been some mistake in
our mode of dealing with the tribes hitherto, or, with
such good material to be met with, we should have made

PATH AN CUSTOMS. 97

a nearer approach to a good understanding with them,
a point that will be noticed further when treating of
frontier management.

Among the social customs of the Pathans may be
mentioned the practice among some tribes of assem-
bling together in the evening at a place set apart for the
purpose to smoke their pipes and discuss village affairs,
the women of course not being admitted. This rendez-
vous is called in some parts the ' Chouk,' but more gene-
rally among Pathans the ' Hoojra.' Here the villagers
congregate after the day's work is over for society and
conversation, and often keep up the ' sederunt ' till after
midnight. When there are two parties in a village, each
has its separate club, the partisans of each adhering
religiously to their own assembly.

The spot selected for the ' Hoojra ' is generally the
foot of a large tree near the centre of the village, with
water at hand for ceremonial ablutions and other pur-
poses. The 'Hoojra' is the place allotted for the
reception and entertainment of travellers, who are
provided for by a general subscription of bread, &c.,
from the habitues of the club. A regular servant is
kept for the ' Hoojra,' often a ' meerasi ' or musician,
who entertains the evening assemblies with music.
Besides this, his duties are to keep the ' Hoojra ' clean,
wait upon travellers, fill the visitors' pipes, &c. He
is remunerated by a certain allowance of grain at each
harvest, and he also receives a small fee on each
occasion of a wedding in the village.

The police organisation of a Pathan community is,
as has been above intimated, of the weakest order, but

G

98 THE PUNJAUB.

one institution may be noticed, which is good in in-
tention, if not always successful in practice. On the
occurrence of any robbery or act of violence in a village,
all the abled-bodied portion of the community are
expected to turn out in pursuit of the offenders. This
is called the ' chigheli,' the English equivalent of which
probably would be ' hue and cry.' The success of the
system depends of course on the promptness with which
the summons to turn out is obeyed.

Only a glance can be given at the interesting hypo-
thesis of the Affghans being the lost Ten Tribes. This
has been fully discussed by more than one writer,
notably by Sir George Eose.

The similarity of feature in the Affghan and the Jew
is often striking, and the division of the people into
tribes bearing familiar Scripture names, as Ishmael,
Esau, David, Joseph, &c., might be accepted, among
other incidents, as indications of Israelitish descent.
The practice of avenging blood is common to the Jews
and the Patlians, but it is found also among other
Eastern nations, and cannot therefore be included in
the category of exceptional coincidences. The most
sino'ular instance of resemblance, as far as customs
are concerned, is the transfer of property among the
Pathans known by the term ' vesh.' After the lapse
of several years, the members of a tribe will change
possessions bodily. So far as our recollection goes, no
exact term is fixed, but after thirty or forty years, per-
haps less, there will be a general move and redistribu-
tion of the land by lot, A moving into B's estate, B
into C's perhaps, and C again into A's, and this without

PA THAN LANG UA GE. 99

any payment or compensation. Unless the Affglians
derived this peculiar practice from the jubilee of Israel,
or from the division of the land by lot, perhaps from an
amalgamation of the two, it is difficult to conceive how
they came by it. The ' vesh ' is not carried out wdth
the regularity observed in the jubilee, nor does the
Affghan necessarily return to the estate he held at the
]3revious ' vesh,' but still the practice is so singular, so
peculiar to Pathan tribes, and bears, at all events in
its general principles, so near a resemblance to the
Hebrew customs, that we may look upon it as a strong
point at least in favour of those who hold the hypothesis
of which we have been speaking. It is stated also that
the Affghans term themselves ' Ben-i- Israel,' — sons of
Israel, — and even that they derive their name from
Affghana, a son of Saul, king of Israel. Enough has been
advanced, however, by the advocates for the identity of
the AfPghans with the lost tribes to show that the
subject is a very interesting one, and to demonstrate
that the claims of the Affghans to be the representatives
of Israel are superior to those of the many candidates
who have been named for this honour.

The author is not philologist enough to offer any
opinion on the language spoken by the Pathans, known
amongst us as ' Pushtoo,' but pronounced by themselves
' Pukhtoo,' with the guttural ' kh.' Some contend that
it is a Semitic language, others that it is of Sanscrit
origin, and others, again, that it is an independent
tongue. There are many Persian and Arabic words to
be found in Pukhtoo as well as Sanscrit, and number-
less others not traceable to either languac^e : so there is

-o — o^

loo THE PUNJAUB,

plenty of room for controversy as to whether ' Pukhtoo '
is a debased form of Arabic or of Sanscrit, or if it can
claim to be an original tongue. There is not, it is
believed, much diversity of dialect among the Pathan
tribes.

The arms used by the Pathans are the matchlock,
sword, knife or dagger, and occasionally the pistol, and
a shield for purposes of defence. The matchlock varies
in size and weight, but the make is similar in all sizes.
The stock is short and sometimes crooked, the Pathan
elevating the elbow, instead of depressing it, as we do
in taking aim. The barrel varies from three and a half
to nearly live feet in length, and the butt runs up to
within a short space of the muzzle, as in the old ' Brown
Bess.' The lighter matchlock is carried in a sling across
the back or on the shoulder, and aim is taken from the
shoulder, standing, sitting, or reclining. The heavier
weapon has a fork attached to it, on which the barrel
rests while taking aim. The ammunition consists of
very coarse-grained powder, and balls, often of ham-
mered ii^on. The piece is discharged by a cotton match.
Flint and steel guns are also met with occasionally, and
in the neighbourhood of Peshawur an armoury of
Eno'lish weapons might possibly be found among the
tribes near that station, the result of many successful
forays. The ' Khyber ' Pass robbers have done a good
deal of business in this line. On one occasion two of
them carried off all the arms of an European guard, in-
cluding the sentry's. The men were sleeping in the
o-uardhouse with their weapons, carbines and swords,
lying by them. The sentry was on his beat outside

PATHAN ARMS. loi

-^'itli a sword. For some reason or other lie placed Ins
sAvord against the wall of the guardhouse, and in the
brief interval that his attention was diverted, the whole
of the arms of the guard, including the sentry's sword,
were carried off. Many stories are current of the ex-
pertness of these hill robbers, especially in abstracting
horses.

Some of the Pathan matchlocks will carry a long
distance, do mischief probably at three or four hundred
yards ; and where an attack is to be made on them in
position, the weapon is a dangerous one ; but in the
open, from the time it takes to load, and the necessity
of perfect stillness to ensure anything like accuracy of
aim, it is an arm very little to be dreaded. The Pathan
sword is a heavy curved weapon, of inferior metal, but
deadly at close quarters from its weight and sharpness.
lN"o Pathan, and indeed, as a rule, no Oriental swords-
man, ever thinks of making a thrust. It is all cut and
slash with them, and they know little or nothing of the
parry.

The Affghan knife is a murderous weapon, heavy in
blade and handle, like an exaggerated butcher's knife.
A dagger also is frequently carried, the blade of wliich
is from nine inches to a foot long, double edged, and
thicker sometimes near the point than at the handle.
The handle is formed by two parallel steel bars, with a
transverse one in the centre for the grip. The parallel
bars are eigfht or nine inches in leno-th, and stronf;f
enough to protect the wrist and lower part of the arm
from a sword-cut.

The Pathans have no artillery among the mountain

102 THE PUXJAUB.

tribes, neither have the latter any semblance of military
tactics or drill, though the troops of the Ameer of
' Cabul ' pretend to a regular system. The great object
among all 'Pathans' is to surprise their enemy, and
there are no high-flown ideas of chivahy or generosity
^Yhich interfere with their taking advantage of any
means, worthy or unworthy, to attain his discomfiture.
We had a sample of this in the massacre of our troops
in Affghanistan in 1841, when the Affghan chiefs, with
Akhbar Khan, the heir to the throne, at their head,
foully broke their faith. Macnaghten was murdered
by Akhbar Khan himself, after having come, at that
chiefs own invitation, to a friendly conference. The
remains of the British force, which marched from
' Cabul ' under the assurance of safe-conduct from the
same individual, were slaughtered to a man, literally,
Dr. Brydon being the sole survivor of the force who
reached ' Jellalabad.' If this were the case with the
' Cabul ' Affghans, who pretend to a higher degree of
civilisation, under the command of a single ruler, and
seeing that the heir to the throne himself was the
instigator and principal actor in this diabolical treachery,
what is to be expected from Pathans of a ruder order,
and under no control of either king or chief ?

It may be interesting to show the estimated strength
of the several tribes. One list is taken from an early
report of the Punjaub Administration, the other from a
report of later date : —

NUMBERS OF THE TRIBES.

103

Report of 1849-51.

Report of 1869-70.

Afreedees .

15,000

20,000

Orukzyes .

30,000

Black Mountain tribes

6,000

8,000

IMomunds .

12,000

12,000

Khutuks

15,000

Yusnfzyes .

30,000

Swatees

...

20,000

Wuzeerees .

15,000

20,000

Kusranees .

5,000

Bozdars

5,000

Buttunees .

5,000

Bilooches .

25,000

15,000

128,000

130,000

A subsequent account rates tlie numbers of the tribes
at 170,000.

It will be seen that the two first lists, tliough varying
in details, correspond nearly in their general results.
The later estimate, which gives a large increase on the
other two, is most Idvely to be the true one; but it
must be remembered that, under no possible contin-
gency, could Ave expect to have the entire strength of
the tribes arrayed against us. It would be impossible,
for instance, for the ' Muhsood ' ' Wuzeerees ' to send
a contingent to help the ' Momunds ; ' and in like
manner, the Black Mountain tribes would implore
assistance in vain from the ' Afreedees.' The ' Umbelah'
expedition at one end of the Pathan frontier line, and
the ' Muhsood ' campaign at the other, may be accepted
as giving a fairly accurate idea of the strength which
the frontier clans could, under favourable circumstances,
concentrate on a given point. At 'Umbelah' every-
thimr ^^^as in favour of a lari:^e hostile o-athering of the

104 THE PUXJAUB.

tribes — our troops remained stationary and in a state
of siege for nearly two months ; the locality was within
easy reach of the most powerful clans on the frontier,
and religious pressure had been brought to bear by the
local high priest ; and yet, out of a lighting strength of
probably 60,000, at no time were there more than
20,000 in arms against us. In the other expedition,
the British force was isolated in the ' Muhsood ' moun-
tains for a fortnight, the tribe having had at least a
month's previous warning of the approaching visitation.
The AVuzeeree clans number at least 25,000, and, if
the neighbouring Pathan tribes be taken into account,
the total would probably exceed 40,000 ; and yet the
numbers arrayed against us never perhaps reached
7000. This want of unity among Pathan races has
been alluded to, pages 40, 43, 44, and whether the views
recorded there be correct or not, the fact is evident that,
with the utmost effort, and under the most favourable
conditions, the border tribes generally cannot succeed
in mustering more than a fifth or sixth of their fighting
strength, even to repel an attack, still less to carry out
an offensive movement.

( I05 )

CHAPTEE IX.

Syste?ns of frontier maiiagenient — In Scinde — /;/ iJic Piinjanh—
Duties of the Liciitenant-Governor in connection with it—
Pressure of work— Proposed change in system— Advantages
thereof— Policy of conciliation so called— Not S2iccessfnl —
Failure of Sir Lewis Pellys mission —Detail of staff for
Border Commissioner.

Haying endeavoured to sketch briefly tlie characteris-
tics and most important particulars connected with the
Pathan tribes, we now proceed to consider the system
under which frontier affairs have been carried on since
our first appearance on the Affghan border in the
spring of 1849.

It may be desirable to notice first (to dispose of the
question so far as the present object is concerned) the
comparative merits of the Scinde and Punjaub frontier
administrations. The word ' comparative ' has been used,
but, in fact, no comparison can be instituted, for the
conditions of the two localities differ so entirely, that
there is no mutual ground on which to form an estimate
of the respective merits of the two systems.

Thus, the Scinde frontier is mostly in the plains,
and there are no inaccessible fastnesses for marauders
to retreat to, like the ' Peerghul,' the ' Ghubur,' the

io6 THE PUNJAUB.

' Afreedee ' mountains, tlie ' Maliabun/ and tlie ' Black
]\Ioiintain/ on the upper frontier. Consequently tlie
force used in Scinde for the protection of the border
consists mainly of cavalry, and their posts are located
at a distance of fifty miles or more from the hills,
approaching them only at the two extremities. This
description is taken from a report by Major Jacob in
1S54, but the line of protection is probably the same
at the present time.

It is obvious that, having to deal vdth robbers and
raiders in a comparatively open country, and with the
dread that all hillmen have of cavalry, the work of
retaliation and punishment must be much easier in
Scinde than it is in a cramped and difficult country
like that in the vicinity of the Affghan hills, in many
parts of vdiich it is impossible for cavalry to act, and
where many of our villages are within a stone's throw
of our hostile hill neighbours. As regards the military
system of frontier management, then, that subsisting in
Scinde need not further be noticed, except to remark
that, under General Jacob's auspices, it has been a
decided success. As regards the political administra-
tion, much stress has been laid by Scinde officers on
tlie practice of treating the Bilooch border tribes as
subjects of the Khan of Khelat, and they infer that the
Punjaub Government should have adopted the same
principle in regard to the Pathan tribes and the Ameer
of Cabul. But it does not appear that this presumed
responsibility of the Khan of Khelat has had much
effect in dealing w4th the Bilooches, for, judging from an
article in the ' Times ' of November 1877, written by a

SCINDE AND PUNJA UB FRONTIER SYSTEMS. 107

strong advocate for the Scinde system, and presumably
by one of General Jacob's old officers, it seems that
the Khan of Khelat's authority over the tribes 'was only
nominal, and was denied altogether by the more power-
ful tribes ; ' so that the influence exercised by him must
have been altogether imaginary. In support of this
view, the following remarks by Sir H. Green, Political
Agent in Scinde, in the Biloochistan Blue-book, p.
5 1 6, are quoted : —

' The ' Murrees ' being Bilooch, are certainly nomin-
ally subjects of the Khan of Khelat, and are held by
him under the same control as tlie Afreedees of the
hills surrounding the Peshawur valley are by the ruler
of Cabul, and any complaint to the Khan would be of
as much use as the Commissioner of Peshawur bringing
to the notice of the Ameer of Cabul the conduct of the
said 'Afreedees." This disposes conclusively of the
advantages supposed to be derivable from considering
the Bilooches as subjects of the Khan of ' Khelat,' and
if this be so as regards the Khan of Khelat and the
Bilooches, the relations between the great majority of
the Pathan tribes and the Ameer of Cabul are of a
still more vague and indefinite character.

The authority of the latter over the Pathans is not
even nominal, for he has never asserted it, except in the
case of the ' Momunds,' and perhaps the ' Dourees ; ' so
what possible ' beneficial results ' would have been
effected by setting up the Ameer as a ' dummy,' and
telling the tribes when they had offended us that this
was the person through whom they must account for
their malpractices, it is difficult to conceive.

loS THE PUNJAUB.

The ^Y^iter in the ' Times ' above quoted gives also
some account of the Affghan frontier tribes, and
impugns with some acrimony the Punjaub policy ; but
lie is incorrect in some important details, and evidently
has not the same personal acquaintance with his
subject which he possesses in regard to Scinde ; so the
party accused may plead of this witness, Niliil novit in
ca usd.

The Scinde and Punjaub frontier lines meet at
'Kusmore,' at the southern extremity of the Derah
Ghazi Khan district ; and it is unfortunate, in the
interests both of the Government and of the Bilooch
Ijorder tribes, that there has been a constant irritation
between the officials representing the Scinde and
Punjaub administrations. This commenced at a very
early date, almost immediately, indeed, after the annexa-
tion of the Punjaub. General (then Major) Jacob con-
sidered himself aggrieved by certain remarks contained
in the first Punjaub Administration Eeport, in which it
was stated that the Punjaub frontier force had to
])rotect a more extended and more exposed line of
frontier, on less pay and with fewer numbers, than the
Scinde force possessed for guarding a limited and com-
paratively quiet border line.

In reply to this. Major Jacob endeavoured to show
that the expenditure in Scinde was relatively less than
that in the Punjaub, that the success bad been greater,
that the border tribes had been in great measure re-
claimed, and that ' proximity to the hills was a very
great advantage' to the protecting force. The words
in inverted commas are Major Jacob's own, but his

CLYDE AND PC/NJA UB FRONTIER SYSTEMS. 109

policy appears to have been at war with his opinions,
for he had his posts removed to a distance of fifty miles
notwithstanding^.

The appointment of a Punjaub officer, Major Sande-
man, to the Political Agency at 'Khelat,' will not,
it is feared, tend to smooth matters over between
the rival administrations. The move to Quettah
and Khelat was General Jacob's own proposal in
1856, when it was negatived; it was brought forward
again in 1865 by Sir Bartle Frere, but again rejected
by the 'masterly inactive' politicians; and now that
tlie measure has been finally carried out, instead of
intrusting it to the Scinde Administration, whose off-
spring it was, the Punjaub tiger has stepped in and
carried off the prey. This conflict of opinion and
interests, combined with many other difficulties, appears
to call for a united system of frontier government
under one responsible head, and in considering the
general question of border management, the agencies
under which it is to be conducted are the first and
most important.

At present, in tlie conduct of Punjaub border affairs,
there are, first, the Deputy Commissioners of the frontier
districts. These, as a rule, are the first to be brouglit
in contact with the 'jirgahs,' and to them, in the first
instance, are brought the reports of what is going on
among the tribes. It is the duty of the Deputy Com-
missioners to keep the Commissioners thoroughly 'posted
up ' in all border affairs, and they are not allowed to
take the initiative in any urgent matter without the
sanction and approval of the Commissioners.

no THE PUNJAUB.

There are two Commissioners of Division on the
frontier ; the headquarters of one are at Peshawur, to
whom are subordinate the districts of Peshaw^ur,
Huzarah, and Kohat ; tlie other Commissioner is
located at Derah Ismail Khan, and under him are the
districts of Derah Ismail Khan, Bunnoo, and Derah
Ghazi Khan. When the Commissioner is on the spot,
as at Peshawur, he would take the principal portion
of the frontier work himself, and the ordinary corre-
spondence with Cabul is carried on by him without the
Deputy Commissioner intervening. The Commissioner
reports regularly, and specially when there is occasion,
to the Secretary to the Punjaub Government, who lays
the papers before the Lieutenant-Governor for his
opinion and orders. The business then proceeds
another stage to the Foreign Secretary to the Supreme
Government, who, with a precis, brings the correspond-
ence before the Viceroy for final orders, except when it
has to go one step further to the Secretary of State for
India. Thus the business passes through five or six
channels before it reaches the final court for decision.

It seems hardly necessary to observe that the delay
of this course of x^i^ocedure must militate powerfully
against promptness of decision, and that a cpiestion
which has been passed through so many different
offices must have gathered a vast amount of un-
necessary and encumbering matter in the process.

The argument on the other side is, that there is advan-
tage in the multitude of counsellors, and the subject
receives fuller and more exhaustive treatment under
the present system than it would experience if there

PUNJA UB FRONTIER SYSTEM. 1 1 r

were only one responsible head. More voluminous the
treatment doubtless is, but whether more practical is
fairly open to question. It appears impossible for the
Governor of the Punjaub to give the undivided atten-
tion which is so urgently required for frontier affairs.
Let any one take up one of the Annual Administration
Eeports of the Punjaub, and observe the multifarious
topics which call on his time and energies, apart from
border affairs. Upon the Lieutenant-Governor devolves
the supervision of a country holding seventeen millions
of inhabitants, the political superintendence of some
fifteen or twenty quasi-independent native states within
the Punjaub limits, and the conduct of political affairs
with Cashmere beyond them. His civil administration
includes, on the revenue side, the land revenue, surveys
and settlements. Government and ward's estates, agricul-
ture, trade, customs, mines, canals, forests, public works,
and the working of telegraph and post-offices. On the
judicial side, there are the civil and criminal law
courts, all of which report regularly to the Governor
annually, and make frequent special reports besides ;
the police and jail administrations, also regularly
reported on ; the great subject of sanitation, statistics,
management of hospitals, the numberless and pressing
claims of education throughout the province, and, finally,
the correspondence connected with the Punjaub frontier
force, numbering 12,000 men, which, as noted above, is
still under the Civil Government.

Is it possible for one man, assisted as he is by a very
limited staff, to do justice to all these subjects, and
be able at the same time to devote the necessary care

112 THE PUAJAUB.

and attention to border jurisdiction — a subject which,
weighty always, has become just now one of the gravest
importance ? The answer must be in the negative.

The Punjaub Government of course clings to the
present system as part of a vested interest, but to all
impartial observers it must be obvious that the pressure
of other work is too great to allow of frontier affairs
being thoroughly and carefully dealt with under exist-
ing circumstances. With reference to the subordinate
frontier officers, the Punjaub Government itself has
been obliged to admit, that ' Our danger now is not so
much from the hostile disposition of the tribes, as from
the fact that, owing to constant demands for reports of
various kinds, the large increase of judicial business,
and the increased care required in judicial procedure,
our frontier officers are crushed with office-work, and
have but little time for friendly personal communica-
tion with the border chiefs' (Punjaub Pteport, 1869-70).

The greater exceeds the less, and if the subordinates
have little time for attending to special frontier work,
a fortiori the Governor of the province cannot be
expected to have any leisure to devote to this most
important branch of his administration.

All this points to a measure which has been advo-
cated for many years past — the appointment of a special
Commissioner for the border provinces, who should be
entirely independent of the Punjaub Government, and
report direct to the Viceroy.

The internal administration of the Punjaub would
not be the least affected by such a measure. The
' Indus ' is a marked boundary of races, those on the

FRONTIER ADMINISTRATION. 113

east of the river being comparatively industrious and
law-abiding peoples, among whom our regular system
of government and administration of codified laws
find favour and ready obedience ; while on the west of
the Indus we are brought almost immediately in con-
tact with races who know not what law and a regular
system of government mean, and who would be pre-
pared to resist to the uttermost any attempts to have
tliem enforced.

The administration of the Cis- and Trans-Indus
districts is even now marked by considerable differ-
ences of treatment, it having been found necessary to
pass special Acts with reference to the latter ; and the
sooner tlie whole frontier jurisdiction is placed on a
new footing, the better for ourselves, and for our rela-
tions w^ith the frontier tribes and with Cabul.

It will be necessary, however, to exercise a careful
discrimination in the selection of the officer to hold
the important post of frontier administrator. Special
qualifications, such as firmness, energy, powers of con-
ciliation, a strong wall, and a knowledge of the charac-
ter of the wild and fierce races he has to deal with, are
what should be looked for in the pro-consul of the
border provinces, who should enjoy also an entire
freedom from other administrative harassments.

Personal government, above all other considerations,
is what is mainly required in dealing with these wild
races. They cannot understand the delays of office, or
why it should be necessary to refer a simple matter to
and fro half-a-dozen times before action is taken on it.
These delays, and the hesitancy which has been shown

114 THE PUNJAUB,

to deal readily and decidedly witli border questions,
have to answer for most of our troubles on the Punjaub
frontier. Instead of dealing promptly and at once
with the affronts which we are constantly receiving
from the hill tribes, the disposition has always been
apparently to see how much the cup will hold before
it overflows, and then we are obliged to undertake a
troublesome and costly expedition to attain the same
object, which might have been secured at half the
expense and trouble if the blow had been struck at
once.

If any of my readers should have access to the Pun-
jaub Annual Administration Picports, I would ask them
to look over the portion which treats of the political
management of the border. There they wiU find, year
after year, the statements of murder, robbery, and acts
of violence committed by the hillmen on British sub-
jects, and of the guarantees which have been taken from
the tribes to prevent a repetition of these offences.
These gueirantees are sometimes the suspension of the
payment for the Kohat Pass, sometimes the promises of
the tribe for future good behaviour (1), sometimes the
taking of hostages. The last would be the only sub-
stantial guarantee of the lot, but I believe that it is
never thoroughly carried into effect. The hostages are
kept at Peshawur probably for a while, until tlie tribe
has been ' good ' for a month or two, and then they are
released to work fresh mischief. If they were sent
off to Lahore or Delhi, and kept there for a year or
more, and were then relieved by a fresh batch of
hostages, the measure might have some effect, but the

THE ' CONCILIA TION ' FOLIC Y. 115

only argument the liillmen really understand is tliat
ad haculum.

Much has been said and written of the policy of con-
ciliation towards the frontier tribes. Sir Charles Wood,
in his despatch to the Governor-General after the
Umbelah campaign, thus discusses the subject. After
stating that ' an aggressive policy is wholly opposed to
the wishes of Her Majesty's Government, as being con-
trary to the true interests of the state,' — as if it had
been our practice to anticipate attacks and make
aggressions, instead of waiting and waiting till very
shame compelled us to assert our power, — he says, ' Our
true course ought to be, not to interfere in their internal
concerns, but to cultivate friendly relations with them,
and to endeavour to convince them, by our forbearance
and kindly conduct, that their wisest plan is to be on
good terms with us, in order that they may derive those
advantages from intercourse with us which are sure to
follow from the interchange of commodities and mutual
benefits.' This sounds plausible enough, but Sir
Charles AVood evidently was not fully cognisant of the
antecedents, and that forbearance and kindly conduct
on our part had been already carried to their extremest
limits. We endured the violence, robbery, and con-
stant attacks of the Muhsood Wuzeerees for ten years
before we retaliated in 1 860. The Umbelah expedition
in 1863 was the consequence of the forbearance exer-
cised towards the hill tribes and Hindostanees in the
expedition against them in 1858 under Sir Sydney
Cotton. The insults we have received from the Afreedees
are without number and without cessation, and the ex-

ii6 THE PUXJAUB.

pedition now undertaken against them (Xovemljer 1877)
was only resolved on after a long series of affronts and
injuries, wliicli have formed the subject of a special
minute by the Viceroy.

If we have succeeded in giving anything like an
accurate representation of the character of the hill
tribes, it will be evident to the reader that these
savage people cannot appreciate a kindly and con-
ciliatory course of treatment, until they have been
made thoroughly to realise that the power which for-
l)ears can also punish. Their view is that, from appre-
liension of tlum, attempts at conciliation on our part
mean simply, ' Please don't do it again.' They see
that we suffer our vilUiges to be harried, our subjects
robbed and murdered, and yet we make no sign ; and
while we are thinking they are acting. AVe have
not yet —

* Learned that fearful commenting
Is leaden servitor to dull delay.'

Xor, to finish the quotation, that —

' Our counsel should be our shield.
■\Ve should be brief when rohhers take the- field.'

There would be good hope if we had a man upon the
spot with a thorough knowledge of the situation, treat-
ing directly with the representatives of the tribes,
receiving them himself, and letting them feel that he
had the power to punish as well as the will to con-
ciliate, the gauntlet of steel in the glove of velvet ; in
fact, making them realise the power of personal govern-

FAILURE OF SIR Z. FELLY'S NEGOTIATIONS. 117

ineut, and that tlie usual formulae of subterfuG^es,
promises to be good in future, and immaterial guar-
antees, availed no longjer.

Of course, as has been said above, special qualities
are required for such a representative of British
authority on the frontier, but the men are to be found
if preferment is allowed to go by desert, and not
by letter and affection. Durand, Edwardes, James,
Nicholson, Taylor are among the names of the past
who would have done ample justice to the position.
In the present, there are the two Lumsdens, Watson,
&c., and doubtless other rising men to be found ; but to
send a representative who has no other qualification
than that of talent or of success in a totally different
sphere of action, would be to court failure.

A mistake of this kind was made, as many think, in
sending Sir Lewis Pelly to Peshawur in the summer of
1877 to negotiate with the Ameer of Cabul's repre-
sentative. There is nothing to be said against Sir
Lewis Pelly, who is a highly esteemed servant of the
Government; but he brought the worst of all recom-
mendations for his ambassadorial work in his ignorance
of the people, the country, and the situation. Further,
he was placed in a false position as regarded the person
through whom the Cabul correspondence is mainly
carried on, viz., the Commissioner of Peshawur. The
latter officer appears to have been completely set aside
in the communications between Sir Lewis Pelly and
the Cabul envoy, which was not only an unnecessary
slight to the Commissioner, but must have militated

Ii8 THE PUNJAUB.

very strongly against any chance Sir Lewis Pelly might
have had of bringing the negotiations to a successful
issue, by depriving liim of the advantage of the local
and political experience of the Commissioner. This
would be necessarily great from his work and position,
and it was enhanced in the present instance from the
fact of the officer now holding the post, Sir E. Pollock,
having been at Peshawur for the last ten years.

Under these circumstances, only a failure of Sir
Lewis Pelly's mission could have been anticipated, and
the result justified the expectation.

Besides the officer intrusted with the management of
the frontier and Cabul affairs, there would be the usual
staff of officers for the transaction of civil business, and
doubtless a few to act as political assistants or secretaries
to the Chief Commissioner ; but the civil work of the
frontier should be minimised, by which is meant that the
dreary system of long reports and elaborate statistics,
which form such a burthen to the majority of Punjaul)
civil officers, should be reduced to its smallest limit.
The civil staff might remain much as it is at present,
the Civil Commissioner beincr endowed with laro^er
powers. At present the Commissioner sentences to
death in extreme cases, but the order is subject to the
approval of the chief court. The final issue might be
left now with the frontier Commissioners, or the Chief
Commissioner might take the place of the chief court
as regards death sentences, but he certainly should not
be encumbered with hearing and passing orders in
appeal cases.

LAW ON THE FRONTIER. 119

These matters of detail might be arranged with(3ut
much difficulty; and if, as some people think, there
is too much law already in the Punjaub, it is most
desirable that all superfluity of the article should be
eliminated from the frontier districts.

( I20 )

CHAPTEE X.

Method of dealing with the froitier tribes — Policy of prompt
chastisement 7iot properly carried out— Causes of the sa?ne —
Chaj-acter of various expeditiojis against the tribes — That
against the Jowdkees — Means available for carryir.g out
expeditions.

AVe come now to consider the mode of dealing with
Cabul and the frontier tribes. Taking the hitter first,
the argument may fairly be commenced with the
assumption that the course hitherto pursued has been
a failure. Sir Charles Wood, in his despatch already
quoted, while inculcating the necessity of conciliatory
treatment, and deprecating distant and costly expedi-
tions, is obliofed to admit that there are circumstances
under which ' individuals or tribes who injure our
subjects or make inroads on our districts must be
summarily and severely jDunished ' (par. 17); and 'there
are no doubt cases in which it may be requisite that
lightly equipped and well-selected detachments should
penetrate for short distances into the hills, and destroy
the towers, rendezvous, and places of assembly of the
offending tribes ' (par. 21) ; and the Punjaub Government
has uniformly insisted on the necessity of promptness

MODE OF DEALING WITH FRONTIER TRIBES. 121

of action in chastising offending tribes. How is it, then,
that this policy has not been consistently carried out ?
The answer is not difficult to find. The Punjaub
Government fears what the Viceroy may say. The
Viceroy doubts before the Secretary of State — and the
Secretary of State hesitates in presence of public
opinion. All deference is due undoubtedly to an
intelligent and well-educated public opinion, but
unfortunately, in regard to India, the public opinion
in Eno-land is neither intelligent nor well informed.
We shall probably be well within the mark if we
assume that there is not more than one in five hundred
of educated Englishmen who has tlie remotest con-
ception of what the JSTorth-West frontier is, of what
nationality the tribes which inhabit it are composed,
or of the policy pursued towards them ; and if England
will not educate itself so far as to acquire some little
knowledge of its most important possession, then the
public opinion in England should not be taken into
account.

An attempt has been made in the preceding pages
to describe the varying character of expeditions against
the hill tribes — the short, sharp, and decisive, as in
Nicholson's descent on the 'Oomurzye' in 1853 ; the
more protracted visitations, as in the ' Muhsood ' expe-
dition of i860; and the greatly extended scale of
operations, as exemplified in the ' Umbelah ' campaign
of 1863. It can hardly be said, perhaps, that complete
success has attended any of these military demonstra-
tions. The 'Muhsoods,' it is true, have never again
attempted a movement in strength beyond the shelter

122 THE PUNJAUB.

of tlieir hills, as in i860, but tliey have been constantly
troublesome since as pilferers and robbers. The scheme
of the Umbelah campaign was intended to include
the punishment of the 'Hussuuzye' and other Black
i\Iountain tribes, but that portion of the programme
was omitted in consequence of the unexpected op-
position we met with at ' Umbelah,' and failing the
lesson which should have been inflicted then, it became
necessary to send a force against the Black Mountain
tribes in 1868, which failed in effecting anything
decisive, as noted above.

Xicholson's raid upon the ' Oornurzye ' was perhaps
the most successful in its results of the three expedi-
tions named, and it is to operations of that character,
I think, that we should look, in all but extreme cases,
for tlie preservation of peace on the border. Another
instance may be given of a rapid and effectual attack
upon a village near 'Peshawur' in August 1877, ex-
ti-acted from the ' Times of India.' Certain Afreedees
about the ' Kohat ' Pass had failed (as usual) to carry
out tlie stipulatious which they had entered into during
the month of March previous to keep open the pass.
A week was given them to consider, at the end of which
time they sent an impertinent reply to our just demands.
On the night of the 14th August, a small body of troops,
consisting of two guns H.A., a troop of Bengal cavalry,
and sixty rifles of the I4tli Sikh regiment, the infantry
riding in ' ekkas ' (the one-horse chaise of the country),
started for the recusant village, which they readied
before daybreak and quietly surrounded. AYhen the
villagers turned out at daybreak for their usual avoca-

THE 'JOWAKEE' EXPEDITION. 123

tions, and found what a predicament tliey were in, tliey
surrendered at discretion, gave up their arms, and
tendered several heads of families as hostages. The
troops returned to quarters within the twenty-four
hours. So far as it went, this result was highly satis-
factory, but it is to be feared that the usual extreme
' forbearance ' may have been observed in this case also,
and the arms and hostages returned after a brief deten-
tion. It would seem as if something of the kind had
occurred, for at the present writing (December 1877),
a petty tribe, the Jowakees, also connected with the
' Kohat ' Pass, are in open conflict with the Government.
It is satisfactory to observe that the G^overnment
appears determined to visit this last affront with signal
punishment. The force under General Keyes has
already been some time in the ' Jowakee ' country, and
has destroyed several strongholds ; and its continual
presence in their hills, contrary to the usual practice
of punishing and departing at once, is likely to make
the refractory 'Jowakees' feel keenly the retribution
they have invited. We have ample means for carrying
out these sudden invasions ready at hand in the Pun-
jaub frontier force. Mule-carriage, the readiest means
for the movement of troops in the hills, is always kept
up by the frontier regiments ; the men are used to hill
warfare ; the mountain batteries can go anywhere ; and
the commissariat for a week's supply for the troops is
always at hand. If these splendid resources had been
always and readily applied to the purpose for which
they were specially organised, viz., the prompt punish-
ment of injuries and affronts received from the border

124 THE PUNJAUB.

tribes, we might have been in a better position now,
but, as we have attempted to show above, the fear of
departing from the policy of conciliation at all costs,
which has been so unreasonably insisted on, has cramped
the energies of our border officials, and thus ' I dare not
waits upon I would ' to the end of the chapter. We
believe that, as a general rule, small expeditions of the
nature described above, with the results when attained
carried to their legitimate issue, would change the
aspect of affairs on the frontier. The captured arms
should be destroyed and not restored, the hostages be
made to feel some of the real inconveniences which
should attach to their position, and the tribes by these
and similar means made to understand that we were
in earnest in our resolution to maintain the peace of
our border, and no long time would elapse before that
end was attained.

It is hardly necessary to observe that these expedi-
tions should not be organised until conciliation in its
proper sense had been fairly tried. The Chief Com-
missioner would point out to the offending tribe the
advisability of a ready and complete reparation for the
injury done, would fix the time within which satisfac-
tion was to be rendered, and would let them understand
at the same time that if they failed to comply there
would be no more pourixtrlers, but swift and ample
retribution. One or two lessons of this kind would pro-
Ijably bring about a good understanding betAveen our-
selves and the frontier tribes, those, at least, within easy
reach of us. It is, of course, possible that we may be
brought face to face with complications of greater mag-

PROPOSALS FOR PA CI FIG A TION OF FRONTIER. 1 2 5

nitude than l^orcler raids, but in all sucli cases it would
be a great help to us to know that we had made our
border neighbours feel from personal experience our
power to deal with them at least, and this would pro-
bably prevent them from joining any combinations
against us.

The prompt expedition, then, such as that of Xichol-
son against the Oomurzye, that against certain of the
Pass 'Afreedees,' quoted at p. 122, and that by Keyes
against the ' Buzotees,' having proved the most success-
ful, should form the patterns of future military under-
takings.

For pacific means, the two principal ones are induc-
ing men of the frontier to enlist in our regiments, and
offering land within our border to the hill tribes for
purposes of colonisation. This latter has answered
wonderfully with the 'Hatee Khail' Wuzeerees, who,
as above noted, were worked upon by the fear of losing
their fields and cultivation to perform the almost
unprecedented act of giving up a fellow-tribesman for
capital punishment. It has had a good effect also with
the ' Oomurzye,' and doubtless with many others. The
attempt has been made, as before recorded, to induce
the ' Muhsoods' to colonise, but hitherto it does not ap-
pear to have been attended with much success ; and that
tribe would perhaps be the last to welcome civilisation
in any form, from their comparatively isolated position
and the wild habits which that isolation involves. But
example will do much, and when they see men of the
branches of their own tribe reaping the advantages of

126 THE PUNJAUB.

civilised life, it is to be hoped that time will bring them
round to follow their lead.

Eegarding the first means of pacification advocated,
that of enlisting men of the border tribes into our regi-
ments, a writer in one of the papers has deprecated the
practice on account of the faithlessness of the Pathans
to their salt, and stated that instances of desertion from
their regiments by these men, carrying their arms with
them, were very common. Times must indeed have
changed in the brief interval which has elapsed since
the author knew the Punjaub frontier force if tliis as-
sertion be correct, but he is convinced that the writer is
altogether misinformed. On looking through his letter
for some proof of his statements, the only tangible evi-
dence that could be found was, that in one of the skir-
mishes lately in the neighbourhood of the ' Kohat ' Pass,
a Government rifle was taken from an Afreedee, said to
have been a sepoy of the 29th I'unjaub infantry {}iot
one of the frontier regiments). All the rest was mere
assertion and hearsay, which, it was satisfactory to see,
was stoutly contradicted by a subsequent writer. All
our experience for the last twenty years goes to disprove
this calumny on the Patlian soldiers.

The position at ' Umbelah ' might be taken as a cru-
cial test. The men were fighting then against their
own relatives and against their own spiritual pastor, the
' Akhiind.' They were exposed for two months to the
incessant reproaches of the ' Bonair ' and other Pathan
tribes, which were launched against them in the midst
of the fighting and whenever opportunity offered ; and
among the large number of Pathan soldiers with the

PROPOSAL TO PURCHASE 'AFREEDEE' LAND. 127

' Umbelali ' force, the solitary instance of desertion was
that of a young ' Bonair ' recruit, who had only lately
joined his regiment. This speaks volumes; and we
may repeat, therefore, tliat by inducing men of the bor-
der tribes to enlist, we should greatly assist the process
of pacification.

We do not know if it has ever occurred to the autho-
rities to try and purchase the tongue of ' Afreedee ' land
which intervenes between Peshawur and the Kohat
districts, and at the head of which is the cause of all
our troubles, the Kohat Pass. We might most justly
have annexed it after all the hostility which its inhabi-
tants have evinced towards us, and the many affronts
and injuries we have sustained at their hands, but it
would, of course, be better if our object could be ob-
tained by purchase or exchange. Undoubtedly there
would be considerable difficulties in the way — the diffi-
culty of inducing an Affghan to give up his land and
birthright ; the probability that, for some time, at least,
we should have to provide carefully against violence
and rapine, and so forth ; but eventually, and that pos-
sibly after no long interval, matters would settle down,
and we should be rid of one of the chief elements which
make the management of the ' Kohat ' Pass so compli-
cated a political problem.

( 128

CHAPTEE XL

Political dealings with Cdbul — Hostility of the A^^hans during
the '■Sikh ' w^;- (9/1848-49 — Change of feeling — Application
of Ameer Dost Mohamed to the Governor-Gejieral — Siib-
sidies of 7noney aiid arms granted — Strife for the succession
after Dost Mohamed' s death — Final sticcess of Sher AH —
His feelings towards ics — His visit to Lord Mayo in 1869 —
Cha7'acier of S her AH — The conciliation policy — Advan-
tages of the move to Quettah — Lord Lawrence's opinion on
the stcbject — Renuu'ks thereon.

Our dealinf^s witli ' Cabul ' have Q-one throiidi several
phases. It was unfortunate that our first connection
with that kingdom should have given a sense of injury
to the ' Affghans/ the remains whereof rankle perhaps
to the present day ; and that we should have received
such wrongs at tlieir hands as made tlie ears of all
Eno-lishmen who heard of them to tins^le. It was a
bad preparation for the cordiality of our relations in the
future. It is beside the present question to discuss the
merits of our intervention in 'Cabul' in 1838-41.
Generally, it could have been neither just nor politic
to attempt to thrust upon the ' Cabulees ' a king whom
the nation detested. It is not likely that we should
ever again undertake so useless and so losing a venture,

TRANSACTIONS WITH DOST MAHOMED. 129

but the unhappy faihire of our agents in those trans-
actions may, or slioukl, give us a lesson in making
selection of our political chiefs for the future. Divided
counsels and delay in seizing opportunities were the
causes of all our disasters in ' Cabul/ and it is to be
hoped that similar mistakes in future may not repro-
duce the same misfortunes.

Our relations with ' Cabul ' appear to have been
of a distant character for some years after our
withdrawal from that country in 1842, but the con-
tinued hostility of the Affghans was evinced by
their sending a cavalry contingent to assist the Sikh
rebel leaders in 1 848-49. This contingent took a part
in the battle of Goojerat, before described, but fled
incontinently on being charged by our cavalry. After
this there appears to have been little intercourse be-
tween the Governments until the autumn of 1854,
when the Ameer Dost Mahomed sent a friendly letter
to the Governor-General. This was favourably con-
sidered, and in the following year an offensive and
defensive alliance was contracted between the ' Cabul '
state and the British Government. In the following
year Dost Mahomed applied to the Governor- General
for assistance against the Persians, who were besieging
Herat. This was acknowledged by the despatch of
4000 muskets and a sum of ^^ 50,000, but this subsidy
arrived too late to save Herat, which was taken by the
Persians in 1856. In January 1857 Dost Mahomed
had an interview with Sir J. Lawrence, then Chief
Commissioner of the Punjaub, at Peshawur, the result
of which was that a further subsidy of ^^ 10,000 per

I30 THE PUNJAUB.

mensem was granted him to assist in the payment of
his troops and to provide for the defence of his country.
At the same time a mission of British officers, con-
sisting of the two Lumsdens and Dr. Bellew, was
despatched to assist and advise the Ameer.

One of the consequences of our successes in the war
with Persia in 1856-57 was the restoration of Herat to
Cabul, and in gratitude for tliis the Ameer exerted
himself to prevent any of his subjects from taking part
against us during the Mutiny.

Our relations with ' Cabul ' continued to be of a
friendly order until the death of Dost Mahomed in
June 1863. After his death there arose a war for the
succession to the throne. ' Sher Ali ' had been nomi-
nated as the ' Wulee-ahud,' or heir-apparent, by Dost
Mahomed, but the ehler brothers, Mahomed Ufzul
and Mahomed Azim, asserted their claims, and civil
Avar commenced, which lasted with varying results till
1868. For the first two years Sher Ali had the best of
it, and was recognised by the British Government as
king de facto, but they declined to hail him as such
de jure. This created no small amount of hostile
feelino" in his bosom towards us, which was doubtless
enhanced by the Governor- General successively recog-
nising Mahomed Ufzul, when he got the ascendant
in 1867-68, and, on his death, for a brief period,
Mahomed Azim also, as de facto sovereigns of Cabul.
' Sher Ali ' was successful at last in quelling all oppo-
sition, and succeeded formally to the throne of Cabul
in August 1 868.

The above circumstances should be borne in mind

CHARACTER OF S HER ALL 131

in considerinG: ' Sher All's ' conduct towards us. With
him the remembrance of slight injuries is graven on
the rock, and the record of weighty favours received
written in the sand. Treacherous, fickle, and un-
i^rateful, an Affo'han of the Affo-lians is he.

In the autumn of 1 868, Slier Ali proposed to meet
the Governor-General, Sir John Lawrence, at Peshawur,
but was unable to carry out his intention in conse-
quence of the hostile front shown by his nephew,
Abdurahman Khan, who was still in arms against the
Ameer's government. Sir John Lawrence, however,
sent the Ameer ;^ 60,000 and 6000 stand of arms; and
in the following spring Sher Ali came to meet Lord
Mayo at Umballah. He was most royally entertained,
and sent home full of presents and promises. As a
consequence of his approval of what he had seen among
us, he ordered a ' Pukhtoo ' translation to be made of
the manual and platoon exercises, and an edict was
issued prohibiting cobblers from making shoes of any
other than the European pattern !

Eelations continued friendly for some years, during
which interval the Ameer begged the British Govern-
ment to arrange the boundaries between Cabul and
Persia in Seistan, which was undertaken by Sir F.
Goldsmid and other officers on the part of the British
Government.

In 1872 there arose differences between the Ameer
and his son Yakoob Khan, which have been ranklins-
more or less ever since ; and within the last year or so,
Sher Ali has begun to show an unfriendly, if not a
hostile, aspect to the British. It will be seen that for

132 THE PUNJAUB.

the last twenty years, at least, our conduct towards tlie
State of Cabul has been not only friendly, but liberal
in the highest degree. We had little to expect from
the Ameer in return for our good offices, and the very
substantial proof of our amity which we have given
liim in the shape of arms and money. He could not help
us in keeping our border quiet, because he had neither
influence nor authority over our turbulent frontier
neighbours. ' Cabul ' is not a country which is of much
use to us in a commercial point of view, and our sub-
jects cannot trade with it in consequence of the dangers
of the road.

The only thing required of Slier Ali, and which,
after our uniform liberality, we had a right to expect
from him, was that he should hold to our friendship,
and not allow himself to be drawn by Eussia into
an alliance detrimental to our interests ; and this latter
course, with the customary faithlessness of the Affghan
race, and with the obstinacy which is peculiar to his
own nature, he appears to be bent on pursuing. Kind-
ness and conciliation are of little use in dealing with
Slier Ali, as events have pretty clearly demonstrated ;
and if we are not prepared to make him agree to our
proposal of having a Eesident at Cabul with a high
hand, we had better leave him alone altogether. Sweet
words and subsidies are alike thrown away on a char-
acter like this, and the latter probably would be used
to our detriment at the first opportunity. Under this
view, we consider the move to Quettah and Khelat to
have been a most desirable one, as showing this bar-
barian ruler that we are determined at last to assert

IMPORTANCE OF AFFGHANISTAN. 133

our position. The most inactive of the 'masterly in-
active ' party cannot deny that we have exhausted con-
ciliation in our dealingjs with ' Cabul,' and unless we
are prepared to carry out the ' inactive ' policy to tlie
uttermost, and allow the uncivilised ruler of a neicrhbour
state to lauGjh us to scorn, and to receive our rival witli
open arms, the sooner we assert ourselves the better!
The course of events has conferred an importance on
Cabul and its ruler which we cannot afford to overlook
or underrate.

So long as there existed no question of Prussian in-
trigue, or of a probability of the Ameer being cajoled
into an alliance with that state, we could afford to
allow ' Sher Ali ' to sulk as he pleased ; but now that
Eussia has commenced her usual game of flattering and
cajoling the Ameer, as a preparatory step to swallowing
him, and as the latter is evincing a dangerous disposi-
tion to dally with his tempter, it is time for us to show
that we are in earnest. The conceit of Sher Ali is
great. He regards himself as ' Aflat oon-i-zumanah/ as
the Persians say — the Plato of the age — and flatters
liimself, doubtless, that he shall be able to outwit the
Russians, and fleece them as he has fleeced us, not
knowing the character of the nation he has to deal with,
and ignorant that she has in the school of deceit taken
a far higher degree than the clumsy best of an uncivi-
lised Affghan. With reference to the importance which
Affghanistan from its position has lately assumed, the
following is quoted from Wallace's 'Russia:' — ' Russia
must pusli forward her frontier until she reaches a
country possessing a governm.ent which is willing and

134 THE PUNJAUB.

able to keep order witliin its boundaries, and to prevent
its subjects from committing depredations on their
neigiibours. As none of tlie petty states of Central
Asia seem capable of permanently fulfilling tins con-
dition, it is pretty certain that the Paissian and British
frontiers will one day meet. Where they will meet
depends on ourselves. If we do not wish our rival to
overstep a certain line, we must advance to that line.
As to the complications and disputes which inevitably
arise between contiguous nations, I think they are fewer
and less dangerous than those which arise between
nations separated from each other b}^ a small state,
\\hich is incapable of making its neutrality respected,
and is kept alive simply by the mutual jealousy of
rival powers .... The old story that great powers may
be made to keep the peace by interposing small inde-
pendent states between them is long since exploded '
(vol. ii. p. 440). The general purport of this all will
agree with, and the appearance of the first Cossack on
the left bank of the Oxus should be the signal for the
movement of British troops from Peshawur on Cabul
and from Quettah on Candahar and Herat.

Jud^rino- from Sir Lewis Pellv's failure to induce the
Ameer to receive a British Eesident at his court, and
from the reports which abound in the Indian papers
tliat Sher Ali is taking measures to increase his army,
it vv'ould seem that we must be on the point of rupture
with that ruler, if indeed it has not already taken
place. It is only to be hoped that our action will be firm
and determined. It cannot be too often repeated that
no trust whatever is to be placed in the professions or in

occur AT ION OF QUETTAH. 135

tlie most solemn promises of the ' Ciibul ' despot. Tliis
lias been proved over and over again, and yet our
policy seems to travel in tlie old groove —

' Trusting again, to be again undone.'

Lord Lawrence has lately written a long letter to the
* Times' on this subject, and as lie is justly supposed to
speak with authority, it may be as well to examine
some of his arguments. Llis objections to the occupa-
tion of Quettah appear to be based on three considera-
tions. First, the expense which is likely to attend the
measure; secondly, that it would be better to await
the attack of an enemy on our own base (the eastern)
of the Affghan mountains than to advance our posts ;
and thirdly, that the Affghans would take umbrage at
the measure. To the first objection it may be answered,
that large interests and vast countries cannot be pro-
tected without cost, and, on the other side, that a judicious
outlay now may save us sums untold in the future.
AYe hope it is not ungenerous to add, that if the move-
ment to Quettah had been effected when it was first
proposed by General Jacob in 1856, or even when it
was renewed by Sir Bartle Frere in 1865, both the
expense and the difficulties attending the measure
Vfould have been far less than they are likely to be
now. It was Sir John Lawrence, it is believed, who
negatived Sir Bartle Frere's proposal, and he is only
consistent in deprecating the movement now. But the
argument by which Lord Lawrence supports his view,
viz., that it would be better to meet a hostile army
at the eastern foot of the Aflltluin hills, rather than

136 THE PUXJAUD.

encounter it farther on, is equivalent to saying that it
is better to receive the attack of a besieging force in
the citadel rather than meet it at the outworks. By
allowing a hostile army to move through the rugged
and difficult defiles of the Affghan mountains unopposed,
and in suffering him to concentrate his battalions under
their cover before making his descent upon the plains,
we should lose all the strategical advantages we might
derive from occupying strong posts on the hills for
impeding and harassing his movements. "We should
be placed also at the moral disadvantage of receiving
instead of delivering the attack ; and even if successful
at first, the pursuit of a defeated army into the moun-
tains is a difficult and dangerous measure, especially as
our enemy would have been careful to maintain, what
we are recommended to neglect, fortified posts in the
hills to cover his retreat and enable him to reform his
columns.

The very fact, too, of our adopting such a timid policy
would probably do more to raise disaffection among our
subjects in India than the apparent remoteness of our
army in the hills would encourage it, as Lord Lawrence
appears to apprehend, especially as we should have the
guarantee of the brothers, sons, and husbands of our
subjects in India forming part of our advance force.

It must be recognised, however, that a great political
difficulty exists in the probability of disaffection being
stirred up among the natives by Piussian agents, and
there will be occasion to offer a few remarks on the
subject presently.

With Quettah strongly occupied, a good road through

OCCUPATION OF QUETTAH. 137

the Bolcin Pass, and a brancli railway from llie Indus
Valley line to the mouth of the pass, we should hold
a strong strategical position or ])oint cTapiJid from
whence a movement to Candahar and Herat mic^dit be
effected with comparative ease. The distance from
Quettah to Candahar is about 1 50 miles, from Candahar
to Cabid about 200, and from Candahar to Herat about
280; so that, in point of time, there would be very little
delay in placing a strong force before any of the positions
named. It would not appear to be necessary at present
to do more than hold Quettah. We have an undeniable
right to do this by treaty, and nnpalatable as the pro-
ject may be to the Affghans, it is so obviously safe and
necessary a measure for us, in tlie prospect of future
complications, that it should be carried out at all risks.
The occupation of Quettah should not be considered
as a threat to Affghanistan, nor as necessarily indicating
a purpose on our part of advancing still farther. The
quarrels between the Khan of Ivhelat and the Bilooch
chiefs had reached to such a height, and compromised
so seriously the safety and well-being of our border,
that when, at the invitation of both parties, we came in
to arbitrate, and it may be to manage affairs for them,
it was most desirable that the hands of the future
Eesident at Klielat should be strengthened by the
location of a military force in the country, a contingency
which had been foreseen and provided for in previous
treaties. If it should so happen that the measure gives
us advantages separate from and in addition to our
interest in Khelat affairs, let us take them and be
thankful, without further question. Of course the step

138 THE PUNJAUB.

is unpalatable to tlie Affglians. It breaks up the ' pur-
dah/ as they term it, of their country, of which all the
hill- tribes are so jealous, tears away the veil, and be-
trays tlie weak places. At Quettah we are inside and
in rear of the ' Suleimanee ' and other mountain ranges,
which have always been looked on as such formidable
obstacles ; and holding Quettah at one end of the line
and Peshawur at the other, we could sweep down on
Cabul whenever it so pleased us. As regards the
opposition we should be likely to meet with, and which
is somewhat insisted on by Lord Lawrence, let the
reader look back at the advance of Nott from Candahar,
and of Pollock from Peshawur in 1842-43, and observe
the ease with which those generals swept away all
Affghan opposition, and then let him consider the
incalculable improvement that has taken place in our
weapons since that time, and reduce the question to
a rule-of-three sum. If troops armed with the old
' Brown Bess,' and possessing only the artillery of that
period, could drive the Affghans off the hills as they
did in 1842-43, what will a force armed with the
Henry-]\Iartini rifle, supplied with field-guns of mar-
vellous precision, and with light mountain pieces which
can go anywhere, be able to effect in 1878 ?

We have supplied the Affghan chief of late years
with a large number of arms, but we may trust that
we have not yet quite gone the length of furnishing
his arsenal with Snider rifles, that he may ' hoist us
with our own petard.' The statement is made under
correction, however. We may fairly, then, speak of the
military difficulties attending a move on Candahar or

CONDUCT OF DOST MAHOMED. 139

Herat as not worth consider] ni'. With reference to

o

the point nrged by Lord Lawrence, that in occupying
Quettah and threatening Candahar we shall give
nmbrage to the Affghan ruler and his people, and ' do
much to destroy all the good that has flowed from
our conciliatory and kindly disposition towards them
during the last twenty years,' it may not be unreason-
able to ask wdiat is the good w^iich has resulted from
this amiable treatment of the Ameer on our part ?
There may be matter in the archives of the Foreign
Office to show good service rendered by the rulers of
Cabul to us, but it is not patent to the public. The
only service generally urged, and that of a negative
kind, was that Dost Mahomed kept quiet during the
Mutiny ; but he was even then receiving subsidies of
money and arms from our Government, and was hope-
ful of much more ; moreover, he had quite enough on
his own hands at the time, with internal troubles and
possible complications with Persia, to admit of his
making any decided movement against us. I think,
under these circumstances, that our debt of gratitude
to the ' Affghans ' on this score is not a heavy one,
especially as, on the other side of the account, the
mission of British officers which was sent to Affghanistan
at that time received very scurvy and unworthy treat-
ment at the hands of the Affghans.

With the single exception above noted, if exception
it can be called, the record of transactions between us
since 1 843 consists of a long list of substantial favours
conferred on our part, while the opposite page of the
account is a blank ; and within the last few months the

I40 THE PUXJAUB.

Ameer's conduct in resisting our advances and tamper-
ing with Eussia to our detriment shows pretty clearly
that there is no intention on his part of requiting
our past good offices in the only way practicable.

The conciliation policy has had its run for a quarter
of a century, both with the rulers of Affghanistan and
with the border tribes, and if its advocates can point
to any satisfactory results which it has achieved, let
them do so by all means. If, as ordinary observers of
facts would opine, none such are forthcoming, surely
it is time to try a change. If a course of policy can
show no good fruits after twenty-five years of operation,
it is a mere truism to say that it is a failure ; and in
the present "very critical times we cannot afford to pro-
long failures for the sake of sentiment. Let us hope,
then, that the Quettah movement will be firmly and
determinedly carried out, without any furtlier reference
to the sentiments of the ruler or people of Affghanistan.
We owe them nothing certainly; all their actions towards
us have been obstructive, and Avill continue so to the
end ; and, as has been repeatedly stated, they cannot
appreciate the purport of honourable and conciliatory
treatment, though they are always ready to take advan-
tage of it. The writer remembers an old Sikh chief,
with whom he was discoursing during the Punjaub
trouljles in 1 848-49, giving an illustration of our posi-
tion then which might apply now. Speaking of the
situation then, when Lahore only was under control,
all the rest of the province being in the throes of
rebellion, be compared it to a sheet with one large
stone in the centre only, and the skirts flying up to all

IMPORTANCE OF HOLDING QUETTAH. 141

the winds of heaven. ' But/ said he, ' place stones at the
four corners also, and you have your sheet nnder con-
trol.' Thus, Mdth Quettah occupied in strength at one
extremity of Afghanistan and Peshawur at the other,
a strong central position at Agra or Delhi, and the
seaports of Calcutta and Bombay well garrisoned, we
should have our sheet secured in the centre and at the
four corners.

( 142 )

CHAPTEE XII.

General 7'cmarks on the feelings of the natives of India towards
the E7iglish—The Mohammedans — Opinions regarding
tkein — Sir R. Temple — Vambery — Sir G. Campbell —
' Erasers Magazine ' — Major Osborn — Other opifiions on
this stibject — State of feeling among Hindoos and others —
Ejects in India of rapid changes.

It is proposed to offer, in conclusion, a few general
remarks on the topic of our native fellow-subjects in
India, the present state of our relations towards them,
and the nature of their feelings towards us; and we
commence with the Mohammedans, wlio, though far
from being the most numerous, are the most influential,
and the most difficult to deal with, of all our Indian
subjects. In the discussions which have arisen on this
subject, the general tendency of opinion appears to be
that the feeling of the Mohammedans towards us con-
stitutes a source of danger to our interests in India,
and Kaye in his 'History of the Mutiny' gives no
obscure intimations of his opinion that they were the
mainspring of the revolt.

That the Mussulman races of India should regard us
with dislike, independent of any special causes operat-
ing to promote disaffection among them, is not to be

THE MOHAMMEDANS OF INDIA. 143

wondered at. With tliem — we speak of the educated
and respectable (for the lower Mussulmans of India are
little better than Hindoos in the matter of caste observ-
ances and knowledge of their creed), — with them there
is the ever-present recollection of the antecedent glory
and dominion of their religion, now existing on suffer-
ance, and admitted to equal privileges only with the
contemned creed of the idolatrous Hindoo ; and the de-
scendants of the former conquerors and rulers of the
land must now be content to share tlie dole of tlieiv
conquerors with the despised race whom they had trod-
den under foot. All this to the formerly dominant race,
whose character is formed mainly on their creed, aggres-
sive, intolerant and overweening, must be gall and worm-
wood, and their dissatisfaction with the present state of
things, even if no exceptional circumstances were pre-
sent, is not question of argument, but of fact. With all
deference to the opinions which have been recorded on
this subject — and some of them are well entitled to con-
sideration and respect — it is to be feared that the Mo-
hammedans of India as a body are disloyal and secretly
hostile to us, and that in the event of another outbreak
they would be found, as they were in the revolt of 1857,
the main instigators of the movement, and the chief
agents in the persecution and destruction of our people.

It is no reply to this to say, that some members
of the ]\Iohammedan faith behaved nobly during the
Mutiny, and ranged themselves on our side when their
co-religionists were wading in English blood.

The rareness of the instances, and the empressement
with which they were brought forward by the advocates

144 THE PUNJAUB.

for Mohammedan loyalty, are sufficient proof of their
exceptional character. Of course, there are men to be
found even now who will uphold the JMohammedans to
be loyal and faithful subjects of the Queen, just as in
the Mutiny many excellent and experienced officers ad-
hered to their belief in the incorruptible fidelity of the
sepoy, and in too many instances sealed their fatal
credulity with their life's blood.

It would not be difficult to support these views by
quotations from the published opinions of men well
qualified to judge. Sir Richard Temple, in one of the
reports presented to Parliament under the title of
' Systems of Government,' has expressed himself very
strongly as to the hostility entertained towards us
by the Mohammedan priesthood, and Yambery in his
' Sketches in Central Asia,' commenting on Muscovite
intrigues, uses even stronger language with reference
to the Indian Mohammedans. These remarks apply
mainly, of course, to the religious side of the question,
the character of the Moslem as formed on the Koran,
and it is difficult to conceive how from that teaching
a strict Mohammedan can be a loyal subject of an
alien and (as they would term it) an infidel Govern-
ment. As a late writer in the ' Quarterly ' has phrased
it, ' Rebellion is with them a religious duty as against a
heathen Government.'

At the same time there is a social aspect to the
question which presents more favourable features.
The Mohammedans have of late years proved them-
selves good and faithful soldiers, even that wild and
bigoted section of them which is recruited from the

S/I^ GEORGE CAMPBELL'S VLEWS. 145

border tribes, as lias been previously noticed ; and the
promptness which has been evinced by Mohammedans
to volunteer for service in Europe now is not only a
satisfactory indication of their readiness to serve us,
but it furnishes a pretty conclusive answer to the
argjuments of those who have asserted that the Mo-
hammedans of India have no interest in common with
their co-religionists in Turkey.

It may be considered fortunate that our line of
policy during the present complications has not taken
the direction of ' coercing ' the Turks, for in that case
the religious element might have made itself dangerously
prominent in India, and such a contingency should
never be lost sight of or treated lightly in our conduct
of affairs in India.

But let us hear also what those who hold the opposite
views on this subject have to say for themselves.

Sir George Campbell, who held the office of Lieuten-
ant-Governor of Bengal for some time, has proclaimed
his opinion that there is little danger of Mohammedan
disaffection in India; that of the forty millions of
Mohammedans in that country, twenty millions are in
Eastern Bengal, and they are the best and quietest of
subjects ; the ten millions of Mohammedans in the Pun-
jaub are quiet and industrious, and make good subjects.
All this is true at present. So long as there is no disturb-
ing element at hand, so long as they are permitted to
cultivate their fields and earn their bread in peace, why
should they not be quiet ; but does Sir George Campbell
know so little of the native temper and of the clanship of
the Mohammedan religion as to suppose that we could

K

146 THE PUNJAUB.

reckon on tlie quietude and fidelity of our j\Iussulman
subjects if anything affecting the interest or welfare of
their creed were to present itself, any measure of con-
quest or annexation in contemplation, by which it might
be supposed (and we all know how painfully susceptible
and credulous natives of India are in matters affecting
their religion) that the Moslem faith and its represen-
tatives were in danger ? Whether Sir George Campbell
has had any special opportunities of obtaining an
insight into the feelings of the Mohammedans of
Bengal we do not know, but with reference to the ten
millions of Mussulmans in the Punjaub, we take leave
to express a directly contrary opinion to that recorded
by the late Governor of Bengal.

There is hardly an officer in the Punjaub who
has held charge of a district in that province for
any length of time wdio has not at one time or
another experienced trouble and difficulty from the
religious proclivities of the Mohammedans of his dis-
trict. Now it is a movement against the mission-
aries' work in the villages ; anon there is a mysterious
document found in some village mosque, of whose
origin there is no trace, purporting generally to be an
exhortation from Mecca, warning the faithful to be
vigilant, and containing cautions and prophecies of
some portentous event shortly to be expected. These
missives occur every now and then, like the mysterious
'chupattie' before the Mutiny. The author has had
experience of two or three of them during his career
as district officer. Then there are frequent religious
squabbles between the Mussulmans and Hindoos, often

INDIAN MOHAMMEDANS AND TURKS. 147

assumincc a troublesome if not a dan2;eroiis character.
There is a constant source of trouble, too, in the fana-
tical character of the Mussulman races along our north-
west frontier. The ' Akhund ' of ' Swat,' and other
religious leaders of that quarter, are always keeping
up a ' raw,' so to speak, in the religious field. With all
these and many other tokens of religious jealousy and
irritation, and with the bitterness specially displayed
against us by the Mussulmans in the Mutiny of 1857,
it is idle to say there can be no danger of Mohammedan
disaffection in India.

Sir George Campbell has not been more fortunate,
perhaps, in his estimate of the religious feeling between
the Mohammedans of India and their co-religionists
in Turkey. He tells us in his ' Handy-Book of the
Eastern Question,' p. 41, that the idea of ' any direct
religious connection between the Sultan of Turkey and
the Indian Mohammedans is absolutely and entirely
untrue ; ' and that it would be quite as correct to say
that the Emperor of Eussia is the religious head of the
English and French Christians, as to say that the
Sultan was the religious head of any one of the Indian
Mohammedans.

This is an argumenhim ad dbsurdum with a ven-
geance, and if applied to the common Bengalee Mo-
hammedan, perhaps it might be correct, seeing that
probably not one in ten of that class could repeat the
' Kulmah,' or profession of his faith, and could not
reasonably be expected, under those circumstances, to
know much of the Sultan of ' Eoum ; ' but amonc^
educated and intelligent Mussulmans the Sultan is

148 THE PUNJAUB.

always spoken of with respect and veneration. "With-
out going so far as to say that he is regarded as their
direct reliuious head, we do assert that he is holden in
hioh reverence Lv the better class of Mohammedans in
India, and this sentiment miglit, through the agency
of the ' Moolahs/ be made to work strongly on the
uneducated classes. The fact is, that statements like
those on which we have been commenting, especially
when put forth by persons of some official status, and
who might be supposed to have more solid grounds for
their assertions, are calculated to do much mischief,
Ijoth in giving our countrymen an incorrect view of the
real state of the question, and in giving the Indian
Mohammedans the idea that their position is altogether
unappreciated in England,

We may take occasion to notice here briefly some
views which have been put forth by other writers on
the subject of the ]\Iohammedan character. An article
in ' Eraser's Magazine' for Xovember 1876, reviewing
]\Ir. Bos worth Smith's ' Mohammed and the Mohamme-
dans,' a work of authority, and comparing the exter-
minating process of removing the Indians in Xorth
America, argues that if these races had been ' in sub-
jection to the thirty millions of Mohammedans in India,
instead of the thirty millions of Christians in America,
the wars fought against them would have been not
w^ars of extermination but of proselytising ; the
millions who were found on the continent would
now be alive in their descendants, and absorbed in the
national life.' This may be sentiment, but it is not
history. Erom this writer an ordinary reader would

MOHAMMEDAN CHARACTER. 149

understand that a complete amalgamation had taken
place among the races in India, and that the process of
]\Iohammedan proselytising had been a gentle influ-
ence, brought successfully to bear on the outnumber-
ing millions of Hindoo and other creeds. But how
different are the facts. The representatives of the
diverse creeds in India will no more amalgamate than
oil and vinegar, and, for the process of Mohammedan
conversion, and the treatment of subjects of other
creeds by Mussulman rulers, let the reviewer consult
liis History of India, and study the record of the reigns
of Muhmood Ghuznevi, Balban, Ala-u-deen, Mahomed
Toghluk, and others, and he may arrive at a more
accurate estimate than he at present possesses of the
tender method of Mohammedan proselytising and the
gentle mercy of Moslem kings.

In the reign of ' Akhbar ' and his immediate suc-
cessors, the Hindoos had, with some variations, a
better time of it, and individuals of that creed were
advanced to posts of trust and importance, but they
were never considered by the great body of Mohamme-
dans as other than infidels and idolaters ; and after six
centuries of Moslem rule, they were scarcely more
' absorbed in the national life ' of their conquerors — if
by that is meant their becoming a representative body
in the government of the country under the Mohamme-
dans— than they were at the first conquest. They have
fared better under their more recent masters, for strong
efforts have been made of late years to educate the
people up to self-government.

Another writer on ' Islamism,' quoted in the same

I so THE P UN J A UB.

article, Major Osborn, does not allow the British
Government even this small credit. He says we have
made India a ' gigantic model prison,' and her regenera-
tion is not to be expected under British rule. He adds,
' Estimating the effects of British rule by its results on
the spirits of men, we shall find that the races of India
have declined in tlie courage and manliness wliich pro-
duce a vigorous nation in proportion to the period they
have been subjected to the blighting influence of au
alien despotism. No human power can avail to arrest
the progress of decay in a people bereft of political
freedom except the restitution of that freedom.' These
be brave words, but unfortunately the conclusions are
drawn from incorrect premises. The people have not
declined in courage and manliness. The men who
fought us in the Mutiny opposed us on more equal
terms, and with better relative success, than their fore-
fathers met the pigmy hosts of Clive and Lake; and
for political freedom, when in the whole record of
history have the races of India been known to possess
it? Did the Hindoos enjoy political freedom under
the Mohammedan Emperors I have named above ?
Did the Mussulman subjects tliemselves possess it ?
Any careful reader of Indian history knows that
despotism pure and simple is the only form of govern-
ment which that country has ever known, whether in
the form of a single ruler, like ' Baber ' or ' Akhbar ' on
the throne of Agra, exercising his sway over countless
subject states, or among the small chiefs, who aired
their petty tyranny over a more limited area.

On this subject the following passage from the Arnold

POLITICAL FREEDOM IN INDIA. 151

Prize Essay of i Z6j on tlie ' Mohammedan Power in
India' forms a good comment on what has been
advanced above. Speaking of tlie influence of caste
on the Hindoo population, the author remarks : — ' By
creating groups, and not gradations in society, it pre-
vented the play of national life. Thus the people of
India remained tied to the land, and spell-bound by
caste, while the dynasties and characters of their rulers
changed and shifted in endless variety.' On this the
author quotes in a note Buckle on civilisation. ' In
India abject eternal slavery v^as the natural state of
the great body of the people ; it was the state to which
they were doomed by physical laws utterly impossible to
resist.' The author of the prize essay does not agree
with this summary mode of dealing with the question,
but considers that, when ' we reach historic times, it
becomes obvious that the action of physical causes is
continually modified by the action of causes having
their origin in human agency ; ' the agency in the
author's opinion being caste, as he explains in the text.
These passages are quoted in support of the view that
national life and political freedom have been hitherto
unknown quantities in India.

Assuming, then, as it is to be feared we must, that,
under present circumstances, the Mohammedans in India
as a body are not cordial well-wishers to the state,
we should at least be entitled to look for the loyal
regard of the Hindoos for securing to them the benefits
of freedom and just government; but the followers of
that creed also hold aloof from us in a manner which
it is difficult to account for, except from the desire for

152 THE PUNJAUB.

change which is inherent in all nationalities, but which
is more strongly developed in the peoples of India than
among other races.

Some few years ago, when, among other projects for
lessening the state expenditure, it was proposed to
reduce the strength of the artillery in India, Lord
Kapler of Magdala, who has had the experience of a
lifetime in India, in protesting against the measure
remarked as follows : —

' It appears to me that we never had less hold on
the affections of the people than at present. The re-
membrance of the benefits which we conferred on the
people of India that we reheved from oppression and
misrule has passed away with the people of those days.
The present generation only consider their present
restraints and the obligations imposed on them, and
the more educated and ambitious look for a larger share
of emolument and influence than they now possess.'
I presume that the general purport of these utterances
will be allowed to be correct, even by the most san-
guine. Past benefits are forgotten, and grievances of the
present are rankling in their minds, while vague ex-
pectations of something turning up in the future are
disturbing the whole native community. Our proceed-
ings during the last quarter of a century are accountable
in some measure, perhaps, for this unsettled state of
feeling, inasmuch as we have attempted to force upon
the natives of India our ideas of Western progress
before there has been any attempt to prepare them for
it. You cannot change the customs, the fixed habits
of ao-es in a decade; you cannot make Oriental thought

INDIA A LAND OF INCONGRUITIES. 153

assume the form of Western ideas by a 'presto pass,'
like a conjuror; and the attempt to do so has, as I
think, resulted in failure. Kaye, in his ' Sepoy War,'
has characterised the attempt as a ' forcing process of
unwholesome rapidity ; ' and it well deserves the appel-
lation. The consequence is that India has become a
land of incongruities. By the side of the express train
whirling through the waste at thirty or forty miles an
hour, you shall see the ancient hackery (native cart),
the vehicle of a period before the Caesars, and the driver
twisting his patient bullocks' tails to get two miles
an hour out of them. Floating down the ' fabulosus
Hydaspes,' you may behold the same kind of craft
which carried Alexander toiling after the swift Western
steamer ; and jogging under the electric wire pants the
Indian postman, carrying the mails at the extreme rate
of four miles an hour.

Material discrepancies like these might not be of
much account, if they did not typify moral and social
incongruities of a like degree, and involving more
serious consequences. We have ourselves to blame in
a measure for this, as has been intimated above, from a
mistaken appreciation of the receptivity of the natives
of India of measures of progress and social improve-
ment. We have been led into doincj the rif]^ht thin^^ at
the wrong season ; but the most bitter and persistent of
our enemies cannot cliarge us with evil intention in
our endeavours to minister to the welfare of the people.
The effort has been all for A"ood, though it has failed
from its premature development.

We have admitted natives as members into the

.54 THE PUNJAUB.

Legislative Council. We have constituted tliem in
large numbers members of the municipal corporations
of their respective townships, with the view of leading
them up to self-government. We have spread the
advantages of education broadcast throughout the land,
have encouraged a native press, and accorded it the
same freedom it possesses in our own land, in the hope
of elevating the intellectual condition of the people.
We have recognised (one might almost write, fostered)
the religious interests of all creeds in India, to an
extent unknown among subject races in other countries,
and the result of all our good intentions and acts has
been dislieartening failure. Our want of success is to
be attributed, doubtless, to the inability of the native
races in India to utilise or to appreciate the means of
self-improvement which we have desired to impart to
them; but to determine what the causes of this inca-
pacity may be would call for much fuller treatment
than can be accorded in a brief summary like this. It
can only be generally stated here, that Oriental human
nature is not Anglo-Saxon human nature, and that the
national character of the latter, which it has taken
centuries to form and mature, may hardly be developed
in an Indian race in five and twenty years.

But it may be asked, Has not our example had some
effect? Has not the contact of the natives with us
been productive of some material improvement among
them ? The Persian poet ' Sadi ' has a pretty fable,
'The Eose and tlie Grass.' The latter, on being
reproached with its insignificance and worthlessness as
compared with the fiower, pleads that it has been tied

EFFORTS TO IMPROVE THE PEOPLE. 155

Tip with the rose, and has derived some of its sweetness.
It would be a happy thing for both races if this
might be urged with truth by our Indian fellows-subjects.
Not that our example has been always of so high a char-
acter as might have been desired, but still we might
claim a modicum of gratitude from the people of India for
much good in intention, and for a considerable measure
of benefits actually conferred. Is there any significance
in the fact that there is no word for gratitude in the
Hindostanee language ? Some results of our endeavour
to improve and educate the people will be considered
further on.

( 156 )

CHAPTEE XIII.

Relation of native soldiers witli thei)' officers — Of civil
officers and ryots— Unsettled state of feeli)ig iji India —
Social relatio7is between Europeans a7id natives — Lnport-
ance of nnion among English in I)idia — Present wafit of
esprit de corps — Russian movements in Central Asia, and
their effect i7i India.

Ix all discussions of Indian affairs the army will
necessarily occupy an important position, and it may
not be out of place here, perhaps, to consider the present
relations of the native soldiery with their officers. For-
merly an officer rose in the regiment he was first posted
to — travelled from cadet to colonel in the same vehicle
— held charge probably of the same company for ten
or fifteen years— knew the family history of all his
men, and was looked up to and confided in by them as
their natural protector. Now officers are shifted about
from regiment to regiment ; there are, properly speak-
ing, no company officers under the present system. The
accounts, internal economy, and management of the
regiment (subject of course to the commanding officer)
are vested in the two officers commanding the ' wings,'
who cannot of course be expected to attain the same
intimate knowledge of half a regiment as a company

NATIVE SOLDIERS AND OEEICERS. 157

officer could of his charge under the old rc^gime, setting
aside their constant liability to be shifted to another
regiment on promotion or for acting appointments.
It is true that tlie existence of these ties between the
native soldier and his officer did not prevent the break-
ing out of the Mutiny, but it should be remembered
that some time before that the old reo^ime had received
a severe shock from the inauguration of the centralisa-
tion system, whereby the powers of commanding officers
liad been grievously curtailed, and the influence of
company officers sensibly weakened, and it seems highly
l)robable that the hasty introduction of novelties, the
pressure of unseasonable progress from high quarters,
have to answer in great measure for the outbreak of the
insurrection.

Nor are the present relations of the civil officers with
the people of a more satisfactory character. Formerly
civil officers moved about their districts making them-
selves acquainted with the habits of the people, their
customs, and the social progress of tlie village communi-
ties. ISTow, for the most part, the officers are so hampered
with office-work, that they have little leisure for mak-
ing these social progresses ; or, if they have, a line has
been drawn so hard and fast by the modern system,
that the old friendly intercourse between the district
officers and their people is now almost impossible.
We have quoted above the admission of the Govern-
ment that officers on the frontier are so harassed with
office-work that they are unable to pay proper attention
to that which should be their principal duty — cultivating
friendly relations with the border chiefs — and this applies

158 THE PUNJAUD.

witli twofold force to the officers iu charge of the more
central districts. A certain latitude is allowed to
frontier officers, both as regards law (not justice) and
routine, but from the Indus to the Beas the incubus
of officialdom and statistics reigns supreme, and to add
to the burden of the officers of those regions, almost
every petty case in court is now represented by a
pleader, whereby the course of a suit is of Cen hopelessly
protracted, the officer's time wasted, and litigation
unnecessarily increased. On the latter point there will
be more to say presently. It would seem that a civil
officer's merits now are estimated by his averages of
legal work performed, and by the polish put on his civil
and criminal judgments, and not by his power as an
administrator or by his success in ruling men. The
effect of all this appears to be, that a state of unrest
has been created throughout the land.

The natives are taking, like the Atlienians of old, to
asking t\ Kawhv 'Xeyerai ; and one might answer in tlie
spirit of Demosthenes, ' What can be newer than that a
foreign army, unfriendly in intent, if not yet in act,
is within a few days' march of the gates of India ! '
The gossip of the bazaar embraces now more dangerous
elements than the price of grain or the domestic
concerns of men's neighbours. This unsettled condi-
tion has been noticed on former occasions when stirring
events have been occurring on the frontier. Thus, with
regard to the Persian siege of Herat and the Affghan
war of 1838-42, Kaye writes, 'In our own provinces
these rumours of mighty movements in the countries
of the north-west disquieted the native mind. There

TREA TMENT OF NA TIVES. 1 59

was an uneasy, restless feeling among all classes,
scarcely amounting to disaffection, and perhaps best to
be described as a state of ignorant expectancy — a look-
ing outward in the belief of some coming change, the
nature of which no one clearly understood.'

Eawlinson's ' England and Eussia in Central Asia '
notices this disturbing influence, and anticipates its
increase as the Eussians advance. It should be a
humiliating reflection to our proud Anglo-Saxon tem-
perament, that after a century of English government,
there has been so little approach of the governed
towards the rulers, that the original chasm created Ijy
the difference of creed, race, and habits has not been
decreased ; that we to all intents and purposes govern
India by the sword as much as we did in the days of
Clive, and that we owe our position in the country to
the disunion of the races which inhabit it. But we are
not solely, if principally, to blame in this matter. It
has been the fashion among recent writers, both in
India and England, to attribute the present unsatis-
factory state of our relations with the natives of India
to our want of cordiality, and the absence of all en-
deavour on our part to ingratiate ourselves with them.
The roughness and hauteur of the Anglo-Saxon tempera-
ment have been assigned as the causes of this coldness
and indifference, and to a certain extent it must be
admitted that there are grounds for the charge. The
treatment of natives by officers of English regiments,
for instance, has often been unfavourably commented
on ; and though it may be hoped that there has been a
change for the better of late years in this respect, there

i6o THE PUNJAVB.

is still too mucli aversion entertained, and sometimes
forcibly displayed, on the part of English officers
towards 'niggers,' under which impalatable term
natives of all degrees in India are commonly classified
by them.

It is not unnatural that officers of English regiments
should imbibe unfavourable impressions of the natives,
as they are for the most part brought into contact with
only the least attractive specimens of the class. More-
over, the sojourn of English regiments in India is very
uncertain, and often for a very brief period, so that the
ofiicers have no inducement to study the language,
without a knowledge of which it is of course impossible
to arrive at any just estimate of the character of the
people. It may be fairly assumed that the treatment
of natives above referred to proceeds rather from
thoughtlessness and indifference than from any actively
hostile feeling or dislike on the part of European
officers towards the people ; and it is probable that if
the military authorities were to let it be clearly under-
stood that a rude and overbearing treatment of the
natives would be regarded with grave displeasure at
headquarters, the effect would be to secure a more
courteous, if not a more cordial attitude towards them.
But although these unsatisfactory sentiments, as regards
the natives of the country, may exist on the part of
the officers, they are not always, perhaps not generally,
shared by the men of English regiments. In former
times the most cordial feelings have been known to
prevail between British soldiers and Sepoys. It was a
common thinf]j for men of the native regiments to

ENGLISH SOLDIERS AND SEPOYS. i6r

carry carefully and tenderly to barracks any British
soldiers whom tliey met with unable to find their way
there by themselves, and when British and native
regiments had been quartered together for any lengtli
of time, the friendliness between the British soldier and
' Johnny,' as they called the Sepoy, was remarkable.

In the Affghanistan campaign, and especially at
Jellalabad, the cordiality wdiich subsisted betw^een
these two very opposite representatives of the British
army is a matter of history, and Indian readers will
doubtless remember the w^ll-known story of the
Sepoys, wdien the troops were on short rations, making
over the rice to the English soldiers, and contentin*'-
themselves w4th the water in w^hich it had been boiled,
saying that their European brethren in arms required
the solid food more than they did. It is, of course,
desirable that these feelings should be encouraged to
the utmost, but the difficulties are greater than in
former years. The duration of British regiments'
employment in India has been reduced from twenty to
ten years, and the term of individual service has been
materially curtailed, so that time is not allowed for
the growth of a good understanding betw^een English
soldiers and Sepoys. A local European army afforded
the most favourable conditions for the development of
these friendly feelings betw^een the two races, and this
is one of the many powerful arguments which might
be advanced in favour of that most valuable instrument,
so heedlessly, as many think, cast aside after the
Mutiny. But after all has been urged of our back-
wardness in encouraging friendly sentiments towards

1 62 THE P UN J A UB.

the natives of India, there is something to be said on
the other part, and that is, that the races of India, in
their present stage of development, v/ill not, perhaps
cannot, meet us half-way. "While the bigotry of the
Mohammedan creed maintains its present grasp upon
the followers of that religion, and so long as the caste
exclusiveness of the Hindoos holds its sway, there is a
social barrier between us which can never be entirely
overpassed. It is perhaps a low view to take of a
great social and religious question, but so long as a man
will neither eat nor drink with you, any real social
■rapprochement between that individual and yourself is
liopeless. It is true that some of the more enlightened
Mohammedans will sit with us at table, and acknow-
ledge that we are entitled to some religious considera-
tion, recognising us, according to the teaching of the
' Koran,' as ' Ahul-i-Kitab,' people having a revealed
reliorion. But the number of the liberal Mohammedans
is very very few, and even they are more or less
influenced by the vast narrow-minded majority, who,
as has been said elsewhere, are strongly impregnated
with the prejudices of their Hindoo compatriots, and
hence their belief forms a mosaic, of which bigotry,
ignorance, and caste are the chief constituent parts.
The caste of the Hindoo appears at first to be a more
serious obstacle to social intimacy than the intolerance
of the other religionists. As to eating or drinking with
you, a high-caste Hindoo would sooner die ; if you pass
near the small enclosure where he cooks his food, the
bread is defiled and cast to the dogs ; if you drink out of
any vessel belonging to him, it is destroyed forthwith.

NATIVE PREJUDICES. 163

But there is more hope of overcoming a prejudice which
is partly social and partly religious, than there is of
softening a hatred which is based on an idea of
religious superiority and a sense of religious injury.

The ' Brahmo-Somaj ' movement shows that tlie
230wer of Hindooism is being gradually undermined by
the spread of civilisation and the diffusion of general
knowledge, but no signs are yet visible of a change
in the spirit of Moliammedanism. With the latter,
reformers, instead of striking, as the ' Brahmo-Somaj '
separatists have done, at the very root of the faith in
which they were nurtured, intensify the spirit while
they would modify the ritual of the parent creed.

The ' Wahabees,' for instance, w^ould abolish all the
quasi-idolatrous practices which have crept into the
religion of 'Islam,' such as the deifying of Mohammed,
decorating the tombs of saints, pilgrimages, and so
forth, but for the enforcement of the tenets of the
faith, according to their interpretation of them, you
could find no sterner bigots. They are j:?/i^s arabe qiccn
arabie. Let us hope, however, that time and reflection
may bring our Mussulman subjects to a right appre-
ciation of our conduct and intentions towards them.
These may contrast favourably, at any rate, with the
course pursued by the other European conquerors across
the Oxus. We, at least, have not erred on the side of
persecution, nor have w^e adopted as our motto, as the
Muscovites appear to have done, the converse of St.
Bernard's advice to the Pope, Aggredcrc cos, noii verho,
sed ferro !

It may be fairly claimed in our favour that civil

i64 THE PUyjAUB.

officers, military officers with native regiments, and
others whose employments entail a constant association
with the natives, do endeavour, in a greater or less
degree, according to temperament and opportunity, to
cultivate friendly relations w^ith them, and cordial
intimacies not rarely folloW'. It is, therefore, desirable
that facilities should be afforded, to the civil officers
especially, for maintaining freely social intercourse with
those whose interests they are appointed to super-
intend, and to this end a relaxing of the present official
strain is most advisable.

Thus much has been said to show^, that though we
stand accountable for a considerable degree of blame
in the matter of conciliation towards the people, the
fault is not altogether on our side. Both parties
require educating, ourselves to a greater readiness to
offer, and the natives to more willingness to accept, the
invitation to a better understanding, and a more cordial
connection between the two races. And as a nearer
approach to union with the native races is a consumma-
tion much to be desired, it is of perhaps still greater
moment that the representatives of the governing class
should be thoroughly and heartily at one among them-
selves. The proverb that ' unity is strength ' found its
full confirmation in the early period of the annexation
of the Punjaub, and during the severest crisis w^e have
ever passed through in India, the revolt of 1857. Kaye
w^rites thus on the subject : ' The chief officers of the
Punjaub were bound together, not merely by the
excitement of a common object. The bonds of a
common affection w^ere equally strong wdthin them,

OLD ASSOCIATIONS VANISHED, 165

and eacli was eager to express liis admiration of the
good deed of another. There may have been good-
fellowsliip in other provinces, but in none was tliere
such fellowship as this ' (" Sepoy War," ii. 487). One
can hardly venture to say that that feeling exists now,
at any rate to the same extent as formerly. All the
old associations are broken up, and no attempt has
been made to renew them.

The men wlio helped to win and first managed the
Punjaub are nearly all gone, and with them have
vanished for the most part the old ' Sikh ' chiefs, who
met us bravely first sword in hand, and helped us
nobly afterwards with their counsel and influence.
The new school of officials has neither the old associa-
tions to fall back upon, the ancient ' Sikh ' counsellors
to look to for help, nor have they the same freedom of
action that the old officers had. The present race of
officials is fettered by codes and formalities, bound as
it were hand and foot with red tape. They lack, more-
over, the bond of ' good-fellowship ' which Kaye speaks
of, inasmuch as they have not passed through the same
stirring events, nor experienced the community of
danger, which brought the old Punjaubees together,
and to judge from their writings, their sentiments
towards their brother officials are much the same as
we might expect from the officials in a Government
department at home looking out for promotion. It is
the fashion in India nowadays to sneer at the idea of
patriarchal government, the rule of social regard as
contrasted with government by regulation. It is stated
to be an anachronism. May be so, as read in the aspect

1 66 THE PUNJAUB.

of Western progress, but it is beyond doubt better suited
to Oriental human nature in its present state of develop-
ment than the overwrought system now obtaining ; and
it possessed one great advantage at least over the
present order of things, that the bundle of faggots was
united and entire, whereas now it is a case of each
stick for himself ! There is now in India but little
remainder of the old esprit cle corjjs, or whatever you
like to call the sentiment which binds a body of men
together, gives each a common interest in the other, and
looks to the general good rather than to the selfish
aggrandisement of the individual. Our want of concord
at home may be an important feature when the pressure
comes from abroad, and that such pressure is not far
distant few but the wilfully blind are prepared to
doubt. Whatever the ' masterly inactives ' may say,
the movements of Eussia in Central Asia and her
future designs are becoming daily more discussed in
India, both among the educated classes and in the
gossip of the bazaar ; and, at the risk of being charged
with ' Eussophoby,' we shall venture to offer a few
remarks on the subject. And at the outset it may be
observed, that instead of applying the term ' Eusso-
phobists ' to those who, like Sir H. Eawlinson and other
eminent men, would warn the country against the
laissez aller policy of the 'inactivity' school, the
saddle should be shifted to the back of the right
quadruped. ' Eussophoby ' is a misnomer as applied
to those who foresee the danger which threatens in
allowing the Eussians to advance unquestioned on all
sides of our Indian dominions, and wlio have the

THE 'INACTIVE' POLICY. 167

courage to grasp the nettle at once. Eatlier does tlie
term apply to those who would let the question ' slide '
from real fear to grapple with it, content only that the
evil should not happen in their day ; for this, setting
aside the garnish of belief in the honest (?) intentions
of Russia, the advantages of civilising the nations of
Central xisia and so forth, this is the real and selfish
intent of the ' inactivity ' policy. It is by no means
intended to assert that all the supporters of this policy
are actuated by the same selfish motives. No one
would charge Lord Lawrence, for instance, with selfish-
ness or fear as regards his political opinions; but
excessive caution in important affairs, and, if I may
so term it, a persistent course of postponement of action,
gives a complexion of timidity to such a policy, even
if it be not really inherent in it.

* The native hue of resohition
Is sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought,
Aud deeds and enterprises of great pith and moment
Become awry, aud lose the name of action.'

The view taken, however, by the majority of the
cautious party appears to be this : The difficulty can-
not present itself for years to come ; the present state
of affairs will last our time ; let posterity look out for
itself. Or, to borrow one of the rounded periods of the
' Times,' ' They prefer the policy of waiting upon events
to the policy of controlling them.' It would not be
difficult to show from the writings of these — what shall
we call them — ' Russophiles,' that this is the real mean-
ing of the 'inactivity' policy. Grant Duff, who we

1 68 THE PUXJAUB.

suppose may "be considered an authoritative exponent
of these views, tells ns in his 'Xotes of an Indian
Journey/ that 'Eussia has done nothing in Central
Asia v'hich she had not a perfect right to do as far
as we are concerned. But as to how far she may have
made imprudent statements as to what she meant and
did not mean to do, that is a matter on which I express
no opinion.'

But that is the very matter in question. How far
we allowed ourselves to be bamboozled by Piussia as to
her progress in Central Asia by statements which Mr.
Duff calls imprudent, but wdiich common men would
term wilfully deceitful, in the past, and how far we are
'.'■oingj to allow ourselves to be led bv the nose bv similar
' imprudent ' manifestoes in the future, is just the point
on which the question of policy hinges, and on this, with
characteristic ' inactivity,' the author leaves us entirely
in the dark. Take the utterances of another author
and representative of this school, a writer in the ' Fort-
nightly Pteview,' now known as the late Mr. Wyllie,
formerly an Under-Secretary in the Indian Foreign Office.
In the ' Fortnightly Pteview ' of December 1869, General
Jacob's proposal to occupy Quettah was treated wdth
much contumely. The plan was opposed, according to
Mr. "Wyllie, by Lord Lawrence, then Governor-General,
on the score of expense, possible jealousy of Persia,
and because it might be done at some future time (the
'inactive' rule of faith). Lord Lawrence was sup-
ported, Mr. ^Vyllie states, by Sir W. ]\Iansfield, then
Commander-in-chief, and by Sir H. Durand; by the
former chiefly on the score of expense.

PROPOSAL TO OCCUPY QUETTAH REJECTED. 169

The proposal originated by General Jacob and sup-
ported by Sir Bartle Frere, and, therefore, one would
suppose, entitled to some sort of respect, is, Mr. Wyllie
pertly remarks in i86g, 'still vigorous in the vitality
of popular error.' The 'popular error' has lived' so
strongly, that the advance to Quettah is an accom-
plished fact; the railway to the mouth of the Bolan
l*ass and the road through it are matters only of time,
and the occupation of Candahar and Herat depends
only, we trust, on the movements of Russia.

AVhen General Jacob's plan was negatived, the
Piussians had not reached ' Khiva.' Noiv they have
absorbed the greater portion of that state, and ' Fer-
ghana' has become a Russian province — 'Ferghana,'
from whence 'Baber' sallied to conquer India. Alisit
omen.

( I70 )

CHxVPTEK XIV.

Furilic}- remarks on Russian movements in Central Asia —
State of feeling among certaiti native chiefs in India — The
7iative press of India — Reforms required in taxation — Police
— Law — Army — Respo7isibilities of E7tgland to India —
Co7iclusio7i.

Is it possible to douljt any longer witli what intent
Eussia is strengthening herself in Central Asia ? Can
human credulity extend so far as to believe that they
are there for the purpose of bettering the condition of
the people of those parts, of evangelising the Khanates ?
Surely the time for all this is gone by. After the
revelations of Schuyler and M'Gahan, both of them
' Eussophiles ' (to judge from their subsequent writings,
at least), of what Eussian proselytising really means,
submission or the sword, it is impossible for any one to
continue in the belief that Eussia has only the welfare
of the people at heart in extending her dominions to
the ' Oxus.' AVhat remains ? Lord Lawrence admits
that Eussia can derive no benefit from the occupation
of Turkestan. He says, ' According to the best autho-
rities, such as Schuyler and M'Gahan, Eussia gains
no real profit from the subjugation of the Khanates
of Turkestan ; those countries do not pay the expense

I^O'SS/AN MOVEMENTS IN CENTRAL ASIA. 171

of tlie occupation, and the commercial advantages tliere-
from are insicfnificant, if we bear in mind that a c^ood
deal of commerce whicli exists would still accrue to her
even if Eussia ceased to be the dominant power.' Why
is she there then ? I do not know that a stronger
ars^ument could be adduced as to what we believe to be

o

the intentions of Eussia than these remarks from the
pen of a principal supporter of the ' masterly inactivity '
policy.

Lord Lawrence goes on to dilate on the difliculties of
the country for an invading army, and instances the
hardships encountered by Peroffsky in 1839, and by
Kauffman, but he does not see, apparently, how these
very circumstances tell against the views of his party,
that Eussia has no designs upon India ; for why should
these difficulties have been encountered as^ain and
again if the Eussians' only object was to occupy a
country confessedly profitless to them ? Schuyler (the
quotation is from the ' Fortnightly Eeview ' of March
1 870) estimates the money loss by ' Turkestan ' at the
time he writes at ^2,000,000; Terentyeff admits a
deficit of ^2,800,000 between 1868 and 1877. The
difficulties above enumerated are not likely to be ex-
perienced again. The navigation of the Oxus is being
opened rapidly, and the main road from Orenberg to
Tashkend is doubtless progressing apace, to be followed
at no very distant period by a railway, and a late report
informs us that telegraphic communication is complete
between ' Ferghana ' and St. Petersburg. Lastly, the
railway between ' Perm ' and ' Ekaterinburg,' on the
eastern side of the Ural Mountains, has been formally

172 THE PUNJAUB.

opened, and the St. Petersburg papers inform us, ' The
country beyond Ekaterinburg is being surveyed for the
projected line to Central Asia.'

"When the next move in advance will be made it is
of course idle to speculate. It may depend in some
measure, perhaps, on the advantages or otherwise which
may accrue to Eussia from the present war, but we may
safely reckon that another decade will bring the Sepoy
and the Cossack into much closer proximity than they
are at present. For our external preparation in the
present, the occupation of ' Quettah ' in force, and the
improvement of the communication therewith, would
pjerhaps suffice. For our strength internally we must
look to good government, for the first means used by
our wily enemy will be the stirring up of disaffec-
tion among the natives of India, a process which has
been begun probably long since, but which will
gather strength as his state of preparedness advances.
Humours are stroDcr even now of disaffection amongj
some of our great feudatory chiefs, who maintain, in
more than one instance, a far larger number of troops
than their requirements can possibly justify. In the
opinion of many, we have made a great mistake in our
late treatment of these chiefs; stars, grand crosses,
generals' rank, &c., have been showered upon them,
and fulsome flattery has been added. Oriental human
nature cannot stand such treatment, and the consequence
is, that, like children, they are spoilt. As their com-
patriots would say, they are become 'hawa-been,'
lookers at the wind, or, as we might term it, they
have their noses in the air. Whether it be true or

IXJUDICIOUS TREA TMEXTOFNA TIVE CHIEFS, i ']z

not that some of these parties have been visited and
tampered with by Eussian agents, as report goes, it is
certain that some few of them have shown by their
conduct lately that their awe and respect for the
dominant power are greatly on the wane. This is a
matter to be carefully looked to, for when the pressure
comes, our difficulties will be greater from within than
from without.

If we can reckon then as now upon the regard
of the ' Sikhs ' and other sects from whom we draw
our soldiers, we may calculate on giving a good account
of any Eussian army which attempts to force the passes
in Afighanistan, but unless we have a contented people
behind us, our strength at the point of contact with an
invading force will avail us nothing. Above all, the
land wants rest, and for some years past there has
been too much turmoil and excitement, royal pro-
gresses, imperial proclamations, viceregal durbars,
and pageants, following one another with dangerous
rapidity, and the advantage of them is open to grave
question. The expense they put the native chiefs to
and the heartburnings they engender outweigh greatly,
it is to be feared, any profit which might be derived
from ministering to the supposed native fondness for
pomp and spectacle. A native chief likes display
when he is the principal figure in the show, but when
he is hustled among a hundred others, some of whom
probably make a better show than himself, his amour
projpre is hurt, and disgust and dissatisfaction are the
only sentiments he carries away with him. This is
known to have been the case with ' Scindia,' who turned

174 THE PUNJAVB.

sulky at some fancied slight at one of these pageants,
and has not hesitated to show his temper since by acts
of discourtesy and rudeness to high officials in India.
This is one of the individuals also who is keeping up
an army far in excess of his requirements, and he
probably would be, or is, one of the first objects of
Russian intrigue.

Another ready-made agent for the furtherance
of Russian schemes will be found in the native
newspapers, to which, following our usual course of
thrusting prematurely Western institutions on Oriental
habits, we have accorded the freedom of the press, and
an edifying use has been made of this liberty. Extracts
from the native journals were published in one of the
London morning papers not long since, teeming with
abuse of the Government of India; but these
specimens are mild to what are sometimes met with
in the vernacular newspapers. This is another
specimen of the unfitness of things in India. We
liave prematurely accorded to a narrow-minded Oriental
people a boon which some countries in Europe even
are not supposed to be fit for, and who can wonder that
it has been abused. Freedom of the press requires a
sound public opinion to balance it, and this does not
exist in India in any shape. The consequence has been,
that our attempt to treat the natives of India as an
enlightened community has only had the effect of
letting loose a continual stream of abuse on all that is
English, and instead of instructing and elevating public
opinion, the vernacular press is only concerned with
raising disaffection among the people.

NEEDED REFORMS. 175

* Amphora coepifc
Institui, currente rota cur urceus exit ? '

The vase is ever turning out a pitcher on our hands.
Such is the history of most of our experiments in India
of late years. What is to be done ? It requires a
master-hand to deal with the difficulties of the situation
now.

* 0 for one hour of Wallace wight ! ' 0 for a brief
season of the great Proconsul, Lord Dalhousie, to take
the helm while the bark is among the breakers ! We
may not look upon his like again, I fear, but let us hope
that, with God's help, the necessity may produce the man
ere long, one strong of will and firm of purpose, who
shall hold his course unswayed by disturbing counsels
of Indian or English advisers — one who will suffer the
labouring land to rest awhile and recover its power.
There is more than enough work for all departments
in repairing and restoring, without resorting to sensa-
tional legislation and to expensive and useless exhi-
bitions. The system of taxation throughout the country
requires a thorough supervision and readjustment.
The police system calls for searching inquiry and
remodelling of the organisation generally, if we may
trust the constant complaints against the force which
appear in the Indian papers. The law codes require
modification, as do the rules of business for the civil
courts, for litigation is becoming the curse of the land.
In the fifth and sixth years after the annexation of
the Punjaub, 1854-55, the number of civil suits
instituted averaged 60,800 per annum. In the fol-
lowing decade, 1864-65, the number of civil suits

176 THE PUNJAUB.

instituted respectively was 103,700, and 139,400;
and in 1873-74, the totals had reached 221,850 and
230,650, with an ever-upward tendency. This unhappy
spirit of litigation has been fostered by the increased
facilities afforded for resort to the law courts, the
multiplication of courts of appeal, whereby a suitor
o-ets three or four chances of a favourable decision of

o

his claim instead of one, and perhaps above all, by the
great increase in the number of pleaders, who now
throng (one might write infest) the law courts. It is
true that an attempt is made to regulate the admission
of advocates by examination tests, and by empowering
the District officers to bar persons of bad character ;
but the law examination is comparatively an easy one,
and it is almost impossible for an officer to arrive at
anything like a correct estimate of a native candidate's
character unless there is something flagrant or notorious
against him. The consequence is that the courts are
flooded with pleaders of all sorts, Europeans, half-castes,
and natives, very few unfortunately of the first named.
Among the others, there are many needy and unprin-
cipled adventurers, who live on their neighbours'
quarrels, and whose object of course it is to foment litiga-
tion to the uttermost. Not long ago it was the practice
of some of these so-called laAvyers to keep ' touts,' whose
business it was to waylay agriculturists and others com-
ing to the courts and bring them to their employer, who
of course vaunted his own talents and influence, and
promised a speedy and victorious termination to the suit.
The unhappy 'ryots' were often thus deluded, and it
would not rarely happen that, instead of winning or

TAXA TION IN INDIA. 177

losing a comparatively inexpensive suit, wliich be miglit
have done if he had kept clear of the pleader's clutches,
the unfortunate victim has been led on from court to
court, original and appeal, and at the end of the business,
what with costs and pleader's fees, has returned home
with little more than the coat to his back. This practice
of * touting ' became so glaring and abominable, that the
chief court was obliged to interfere, and there is reason to
believe that it is not conducted now in so barefaced a
manner as formerly, though it is to be feared that this
trade is still carried on, and it must of course tell greatly
against the popularity of the courts.

Taxation is perhaps the most fertile cause of dis-
content among the Hindoos, as they constitute the
main body of urban taxpayers. The land tax, which
affects only the rural communities, is as a rule fairly
and equitably distributed, and its realisation can aftbrd
no reasonable grounds for dissatisfaction. But this
source of revenue, the backbone of Indian finance,
does not admit at present of much further expan-
sion, and in the increased expenditure which has been
entailed of late years by the requirements of the
Public Works Department, the support of the Home
administration, and by the ever-increasing loss by
exchange, it has become necessary to resort to other
forms of taxation to meet the deficiencies caused by this
drain on the resources of the country. The income tax
was tried first, and after a brief course was abolished
as a failure. It was not only most unpalatable to the
people in consequence of the inquisitorial process by
which it was accompanied, but it failed to reach, in any

M

178 THE PUNJAUB,

appreciable degree, the class for wliich it was intended,
namely, the wealthy among the urban population, a
body from which the Government may most legitimately
demand assistance in supplementing the revenues of
the country. At present this class pays next to nothing
in the way of taxation, and the cesses by which they
were formerly made to contribute indirectly to the
state revenues, such as house taxes, town dues, and so
forth, having been abrogated, or reduced to such an
extent as barely to provide for the expense of each
municipality, the singular spectacle is presented of the
wealthiest portion of the nation escaping the burden of
taxation, which has therefore to be borne by the poorer
members of the community. The recent introduction of
a trade tax appears to have created nearly as unfavour-
able an impression as the income tax, inasmuch as it
shares some of the most obnoxious features of the
latter, especially the official inquiry into sources of
income, and the Finance Minister must be at his wit's
end how to achieve the impossible, in other words, to
raise money in a popular way.

The subject is too vast to discuss in these pages. All
that can be said is, that taxation which is general in its
incidence is more popular with, or rather less obnoxious
to, the people than that which involves personal inquiry
like the income tax. Take the octroi for instance. The
last year's collection of this cess in its original form in
the Punjaub amounted to E.20. 11.074. Its substitute
or successor, the income tax, realised for the first six
months of the ensuing year E. 3996.74, the annual total
not amounting to half the amount of the octroi. In the

LOCAL EUROPEAN ARMY. 179

report announcing these results it was added, that ' in
every town there is a large party of traders who would
hail with gladness the revival of the octroi! If we must
liave additional taxation, it is surely better to let it as-
sume a form which is familiar, and, as far as any scheme
of taxation can be, j)opular with the community, rather
than adhere to systems which have only the doubtful
recommendation of their Western parentage. If the
trade tax is to be maintained at all hazards, it is to be
hoped that the unpopular measure of official scrutiny for
the purpose of determining the amount of individual
incomes may be avoided. At the time of the imposi-
tion of the income tax in the Punjaub, the practice was
often resorted to of making the trades and guilds assess
the members of their respective communities, and pay
the amount for each guild in a lump sum, a reasonable
average being of course assigned, and this process ren-
dered the dreaded official inquiry unnecessary. The
question of. retrenchment affords almost as wide a scope
for the powers of a financier as that of the distribution
of taxation. The subject of reduction of expenditure
engages deeply the attention of the Indian Government,
and it is to be hoped the English branch of the ad-
ministration also ; for the loss of millions annually from
the single item of exchange forms a burden which the
revenues of India in their present inelastic condition
cannot fairly be expected to support.

It remains to consider, lastly, the army, which, since
the amalgamation in 1 861, or rather since the Mutiny,
has been made the subject of constant experiment, like
the Public Works Department. We do not now allude

i8o THE PUNJAUB.

to the ' muddle,' as it has been generally called, in the
way of regulating promotion, retirement, and so forth,
which the authors of the amalgamation scheme landed
themselves in, but to the more imxjortant questions of
the reorganisation of the native army and the abolition
of the local European force. Public opinion has long
since declared itself on the first point, that the change
was injudicious, ' and the powers that be ' appear to be
slowly coming to the same conclusion. If the efficiency
of the native army is to be considered, the argument
for an increased number of European officers does not
admit of question, especially in the not very remote
contingency of our being brought into contact with a
European power. The expense is another matter, but
the difficulty requires to be boldly and promptly faced.
On the subject of the abolition of the local European
army one might write volumes. At the Mutiny we had
a body of 9,000 or 10,000 men, ready to hand, used to
the country, and content to dwell in it; and ordinary mor-
tals would have thought that the best policy would have
been to extend and increase this valuable agency ; but it
was heedlessly sacrificed to the passion for uniformity
which had then taken possession of our rulers and their
advisers. The advantages of a local European army
have been often brought to notice, and independently
of the benefit of having a body of men whose interests
would be bound up in service in India, they might be
utilised also for introducing a system of military colo-
nisation in the country. The subject is a vast one, but
it is well deserving of attentive consideration. The land
is there in abundance, the climate of the Himalayas is

OUR RESPONSIBILITIES IN INDIA. i8i

perfection, and what the advantage would be of having
bodies of European military colonists to furnish a
reserve force in case of necessity, goes without saying.
We need only glance at the immense relief which the
measure would give to the home army.

A word in conclusion as to our responsibilities in India.
Not very long ago the common saying was, that when we
quitted India, the only traces of our occupation which we
should leave behind us would be broken beer bottles.
This would hardly hold good now as regards material
relics, for there are some grand monuments in shape of
railways, bridges, churches, law courts, and so forth, but
as touching our moral remains, it is open to doubt if
the situation is much improved within the last quarter
of a century.

Our system of education so far has resulted only in the
production of 'Young Bengal' and similar abortions.
Among the great majority of the people, education is
only regarded as a means of obtaining a livelihood,
either by employment in the Government service, or by
qualifying for a pleader's certificate, or the like, and
that object once attained, all care for further improve-
ment is cast to the winds ; and as for education ever
being looked upon as a principal means of elevating the
mind and moral character, that among Indian youth is
a vain delusion. If such has been the result of our
system of literary education, what of the higher form
of teaching by example ?

We believe that until later years the natives of India
have regarded their . European masters as upright and
honourable men so far as moral character was concerned.

i82 THE PUNJAUB.

They knew that, as a rule, the English judges were
incorruptible, and that the word of an English officer
might be accepted as an unfailing guarantee for truth.
But it is to be feared that our national character has
within the last few years descended from that high
pedestal in the native's estimation. Xot that there has
been any change in the character of English officers and
gentlemen in India — heaven forbid ! — but a class of Euro-
peans, some of them of the adventurer type, which did
not exist in old time, has come between the official class
and the natives of India, with whom the latter are now
brous^ht into more immediate contact, and from whom,
it is to be feared, they form in great measure their esti-
mate of Eno'lish character. As recrards our relictions
example, it does not stand very high in the eyes of either
Hindoos or Mohammedans. Some twenty or thirty years
ago the natives used to say that the only way in which
the Sahib's hurra din (great or holy day) was recognis-
able Avas by the waving of the flag, alluding to the cus-
tom of hoisting the ensign on Sunday. This reproach
cannot hold good now, for there is a church, usually well
attended, at every important station, and, so far as ex-
ternals go, we may say that we are better than our pre-
decessors ; but it is a question whether we have, any more
than they, taken our proper stand as regards the reli-
gion we profess. It is one thing to abstain from using
Government influence for the propagation of one's faith ;
it is another to shrink from boldly professing that faith
for fear of being misunderstood by Mohammedans and
heathen. The latter has been the line almost univer-
sally adopted by the Indian Government. In 1799,

OUR RELIGIOUS RESPONSIBILITIES. 183

fearful of too active a profession of the Christian faith,
the Government of the day compelled Carey, who had
come to Calcutta to work as a missionary, to leave the
country, when he found shelter in the Danish mission
at Serampoor. A little later, two Baptist missionaries
who had come to assist Carey were ordered to re-embark
at once. One of them went to Burmah, and originated
the mission to the ' Karens/ which has resulted in the
conversion of a whole race, no less than 30,000 of them
having embraced the Christian faith. In this instance
it might be said that God made the fears of the Govern-
ment an instrument for spreading the knowledge of the
Gospel ; but it is little credit to a state calling itself
Christian that the benefits which have accrued have
been in despite of it. Of course the argument on the
other side is, that it behoves a Government ruling over
people of other creeds to be very careful not to offend
their prejudices, or hinder them in the observance of
their respective religions. Quite so ; but this course is
by no means incompatible with a frank and bold asser-
tion of the religion we profess ourselves ; and we believe,
and the opinion has been expressed by many whose
judgment ' cries in the top of ours/ that such an unfear-
ing bearing would carry with it more weight and more
respect, the heathen themselves being our judges, than
the halting, feeble course we have too long pursued.
Was it by a kind of judicial retribution that, after all
our concessions to native prejudices, the Mutiny of 1857
should have been brought about by a religious cry, and
that of so preposterous a nature, that we were going to
work the conversion of the people by pig's fat ? But

1 84 THE PUNJAUB.

while, on the one hand, anything like missionary enter-
prise is looked upon with suspicion and distrust, the
institutions of the Hindoo and Mohammedan creeds
receive something like ten millions sterling as religious
endowment from the state. This has been brought to
notice lately in rather an amusing manner. A petition
has recently been got up by what is termed the ' Indian
Disestablishment Society' ('Young Bengal' again), pray-
ing that the ^150,000 which is spent annually on
Church Establishment in India may be discontinued,
the said grant being contrary to the terms of Her
Majesty's proclamation after the Mutiny, that none of
Her Majesty's subjects should be 'in any wise favoured
by reason of their religious faith and observance.' A
counter-petition of the 'Indian Eeligious Equality
Society ' urges, on the other side, that the Hindoo and
Mohammedan subjects of Her Majesty enjoy for the
endowment of their religious institutions no less a sum
than ten millions sterling, paid from the state revenues,
while Her Majesty's Christian subjects receive a much
less relative sum for the support of their religion, and
this treatment of the latter is contrary to Her Majesty's
proclamation, that none shall be favoured by reason of
their religious faith and observances. The ' Eeligious
Equality Society ' appears to have the best of the argu-
ment.

It is hardly too much to say, that if bygone Govern-
ments in India had been as staunch in the avowal of their
own faith as they have been careful of the interests of
the Hindoo and Mohammedan religions, we might have
been spared many complications, and have held a much

COXCLUSION. 185

higher position in the eyes of the people than we do at
present.

The reader must judge from what has gone before
how far we have fulfilled our responsibilities to India.
It may be tliought, perhaps, that the view taken of our
position in the preceding pages is too gloomy. To this
it can only be replied, that it is the 'custom of the
English nation ' to show the worst side of everything
connected with its own interests, to ' take notes of all
the holes in all our coats, and prent them,' without
favour or affection. If we were writing as Eussians or
as Frenchmen, the account would be of the most roseate
hue — our administration of justice, our equitable assess-
ment of the land revenue, the entire freedom of the
people", the liberal state support of native religious in-
stitutions, the widely-spread system of education, these
and other laudable elements in the administration would
be adduced by a Muscovite author to prove the excel-
lence of the government, and with justice ; only he
would leave out of the catalogue all the defects which
might interfere with the general happy effect. Our
system, the direct contrary to this, is the honestest,
and may possibly be the wisest plan, and in that belief
we do not hesitate to point straight at blots which may
mar an otherwise fair picture. Those who have the
means of acquiring a knowledge of the inner bearings
of Indian politics (which none but an observant resident
can do who depends on his own judgment, and not on
vague chatter and hearsay) are of opinion that the state
of feeling among the natives is in a dangerous phase at
present, and that very much depends upon the rulers of

1 86 THE PUNJAUB.

the land during the next few years, whether by a wise
and steady course of administration they can succeed
in calming the restless and inflammable spirit which
now appears to pervade Indian native society, and
direct it into the path of legitimate progress and de-
velopment, in which case we need fear no external foes ;
or if, ignoring the signs of the times, our governors
allow this ' state of ignorant expectancy ' to gain
strength, plunge India once more into the vortex of
revolt, and render her and ourselves an easy prey to
the far-sighted vulture, noAV biding his time in the
deserts of Turkestan.

POSTSCRIPT. 187

rOSTSCEIPT.

Events marcli rapidly nowadays. Since the conclu-
sion of this work the Government of India has found
it necessary to curb the license of the native press by
special enactment. The appointment of a Commissioner
for the North- West Frontier has formed the subject of
frequent reference between the Indian and Home Ad-
ministrations. Turkey in Europe has almost ceased to
be, and Turkey in Asia is in little better plight. All
these subjects have been treated of in these pages in
the aspect they presented at the time of writing, but as
the object of the work has not been affected by what
has occurred, no alteration has been made in the text.

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