Reasons against repealing the Occasional, and Test Acts, and admitting the Dissenters to places of trust and power : occasion'd by reading the 6th chap. of a pamphlet called, The state-anatomy of Great Britain : to which is added, An answer to the most material arguments brought by the Dissenters and their friends for their admission into offices

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speciAi
coLLecrioNS

OouqLas

queeN's UNiveusiiy

AT klNQSirON

kiNQSTON ONTARIO CANADA

N^>.

^^

V

[

REASONS

Againft Repealing the

OccaJio7tal,^ndTeJl ABsy '\

And Admitting the

DISSENTERS*

To PLACES of

Truft and Powen

OCCASIONED

By Reading the dtli Chap, of a

'pamphlet called. The State-Anatomy of
Great Britain.

To which is added

An ANSWER to the mod material
Arguments brought by the Diffenteis
and their Friends for their Admiffion
into Offices,

LONDON,

Printed by H. P. for J. Morphew, near
StatiQuers-Hali MDCCXVIII.

(Price Six-Pence.)

A

REASONS

A§ainft Repealing the

Occafional, and Tefl Ads.

Dear Sir.

E pleafed to accept of my hearty
Thanks for the Pamphlets you were fo
kind to fend me ; I cannot return youc
Favour in the fame manner, without

writing one on purpofe for you, which

you will find, by the length of what follows, I
have done : Meanly I confefs, without much Time
or Thought employ 'd upon the Subjeft; yetfuch
as it is, I know your Goodnefs will excufe it. I
defire you would look upon the whole, as what
would drop from me in Converfation, had I an Op^
portunity to kifs your Hands at - — — which my
prefent Indifpofition will not permit.

A a ^

[4]

I am pretty well pleafed with the State-Ana-
tomy oi Great Bntuin. I cannot under/land how
the Tones will be able to reply to his Charge a-
gainfl them, which is no lefs True than Severe.
Yet the Vehemence and Rapidity of his Stile difco-
ver a Man ot a very warm Temper ,• and this State-
Chirurgeon, m fome Particulars at leaft, gives him-
felf the Air of a mere Quack. I have no more
Faith in his irrefragable Demonftration, than in the
Catholicon, or Univerfal Medicine of fome of his
Brother Doftors. I cannot by any means clofe with
^'^ '^n F^""^^^ ""^ repeahng the Occaftonal and
Tefl AEls. h you remember, I long fince hinted to
you, that this was upon the Anvil, and as it is now
probable It will be attempted by fome Favourers of
the Diflentiiig Partj-, give me leave to Ihoot my
Jbolt agamit them. ^

You (mow I have hitherto been in no jrreat ?:i{n
for the Church : Imaginary Dangers ^iw^ me no Di-
Iturbance, nor am I eafily moved with popular Noife
and Clamour. But when fuch Projefts as thefc are
on Foot, out of the regard I have to Decency Or-
der, and good Stnk; I cannot forbear lookin"-
with fome little ;caloufy upon the Difoters, who
fcem m fo peculiar a Manner to be the happy Mi-
nions ot this Author.

This Dodor irrcfragabilis begins his Demon-
llration, or Prefcriprion (call it which you pleafe)
in a very Magifterial Tone, Page 30. Let the Na-
tional Church, &c. But I am not convinced that
tills Gentleman s FJat will fecure the National
Church from the Inva/lons of the Diffenters, uniefs
lie can Demonflrate alfo, chat the Ddfenting Preach-
ers

f 5]

ers will divefl themfelves of their ufual Ambition:
That they will not caft a longing Eye after that
Ecclefiallical Preheminence he mentions, which
(as it is moft apparent ) where ever they have been
Eilabhfted, they are as fond of as any Priefts
whatfoever, carry it to as high a Pitch, and execute
their Decrees with as much Rigour. If I am
right'y informed, Ecclefiaftical Tyranny is ascom-
£ka.t m our Neighbouring Kirk of Scotland, as in
thofe Slaviih Regions on the other fide of the^/dj-
He mufl Demonilrate alfo, that thefe felf-denyin^
Preachers will not be gJad of a feafonable Opportu-
nity to creep into the Dignities (tho' perhaps un-
. der lome other Denominations ) as well as the Im-
munities and Poileffions of the National Cler^^v
As human Nauire is ftill the fame ; and as it is >fo-
torious that our Neighbouring Kirkmen have Ef-
feded this already : As it is well known that thefe
meek and humble Preachers had ingrofsM all Pow-
er, and Profit Ecclefiaftical into their own Hands
cv^en m our own Country, during the late unhappy
Troubles,- how can we rely upon his whimfical
Security of an Irrevocable Laio to make them all He-
I lots, or Slaves if they attempt it? Or what Law
I can be Irrevocable, when the Diifenters by thofe
I very means he propofes, will have a Power to re-
voke it? For by being equally admitted into all
Plaees of Trufl, and Profit, and in almofl all ref-
pe&supon a Par with the National Church, they
will have an Opportunity to promote their Intereff

bny of} the Knaves of our Commiuiion, till at laft
they grow too Big for Piuufhment. How eaHe

kJrlnt ^ Helots or Slaves? lam well aflured
It mil be much more eafy for the Diiienters to

break

1^1

bteak through all his Cobweb Laws, and overturff
all his impotent Schemes.

I cannot but think it will be allowed me, that it
is as Neceflary to fecure the EftabliOi'd Church,
againft the Encroachments of the Diftenters, as to
fecure the Diflenters againft the Perfecutions of
the Eftablilh'd Church: If this is granted, I cannot
help inferring that the OccaJionaUnd TeftABs ought
to be as Sacred and inviolable as the Aft oiToUra-
tion; becaufe every good Church-man (and offuch
I know this Parliament is Compofed) ought to be
as Solicitous at leaft for the fecurity of his owrt
Religion, as for that of his Diflenting Neighbours.

It is Reafonable, and I very heartily agree with
this Author, that Proteflant Diffenters of all Denomi-
nations, ftiould Worfhip God according to their
Confciences, with all imaginable freedom : And as
this is all they can with Modefty ask, fo we Good
Church-men lliould be too Complaifant ( you fee I
give it the mildeft Epithet) fhould we for their fakes
who are already as eafy as they ought to wifh, give
into any Projefts that might poffibly weaken the
Security of the Eftablilhed Church.

I fhall take the Liberty to affirmj that the exclu-
ding Dijfenters from Places of Truft in the Govern-
ment, has been theftanding Opinion of the WSi^g^,
as well as the T o R I e s. In a Conference between
the two Houfes about the Occafional Bill, the Lord
HaUjfax (no inconfiderable Manager for the Peers)
Speaks thus.

Gen-

[7]

Gentlemen,

*' T)je main Dejign of this Bill ts to fecure the Church
.^ of England. In this the Lords do /"rfeSily agree with
*' you. Both fides of the Houfe joyn in it with equal
*' Zeal. And the main Point being the Excluding of
*' all Perfons from EMployments ofTruft, whojoyn them--
" felves tff any other Bodies for Religious Wbr(hipy The
*' Lords dp agree with you intirely likewife in this.
*' And again, the Lords look upon the fixing Qualifica-
" tionsfcr Places of Trui? to he aWxw^fo intirely lodgd
*' with the Legiflaturej that without giving any Reafon
" for it J upon any apprehenficn of Danger (how remote
/;' f0ev>er) every Government may put fuch Rulesy
f^ -Rejlraints and Ccnditiins on All ivho Jerve in any
" Place ofT'ruflyas they jhall fee Caufe for. In that
yery Houfe oi Commons which Profecuted Dr. Sar
chevereLf one Humphreys, a Nonconformift Minifter,
Addrefs'd to them, a Paper containing Reafons foe
abolifliing the I'efi Acl, and admitting the Diflfenter's
jnto.a Share of the Govarnment: But even this very
Houfe of Commons exprefs'd their . Refentments
againft this infolent Propofal, and ordered his
Paper to be burnt by th§ . Haiids o{ the Common
Hang-inan.

Thefe liiAances I conceiive are fuiEcient to prove,
that not many Years paft, it w;is the unanimous
Opinion of the whole Reprefentative of the Na-
tion, of all th^ Members of the Church both Whjgs
and' Tories, that the Diflenters ought to be exclu-
dc^d^from Places. I mull own I cannot difcoverj
how they have fince merited a greater Ihare in ouc
Favour, or what fhould induce us to alter our Senti-
ftjents. If indeed you will believe their own exfra-
Vjftg^nt Boafts, they alone ^re ^h<? ^iipport of;he j^rer

fent

[8]

fent Eftablifliment. The Members of the Church
of England are all either declared Enemies, or in-
iignificant Cyphers. I (hall not pretend to weigh
Men s Merits in a Balance, but am very well fatis-
fied the Dijfemers would in all regards appear light
enough. We of the Church I hope underftand our
felves too well to Trumpet our own Praifes. And
I (hall beg leave to tell thefe very Meritorious Saints,
thefe Confeflbrs, and Martyrs for the Government,
that their Sufferings have been abundantly Recom-
penfed, and that the mofl Loyal, mofl Deferving
of them all have only done their Duty.

But their Boafls are not more Ridiculous, than
their Menaces are Infolent. In many of the little
Papers they have Publifhed upon this Occafion,
they threaten their ^!)ij= jfrietlUlS in the Houfe,
with the feverefl Marks of their Difpleafure. They
accufe them with want of Honour, with Breach of
their Promifes, and -in fine tell them very plainly,
that if they will not repeal thofe Laws, which are a
Bar to their Preferments, they will defert fuch Un-
grateful Perfons, and joyn with the 'Tm-ies at the
next Eledions ,* which, being interpreted, is, that
if their WSmSi'$tiVXQ^ which arc now in Power,
wi.l not admit them into a fliare of the Beneficial
Places, they ^oneft 5ptn will do thebeft they can,
to overturn both them and the Government.

I know Sir you will be under fome Surprife, to
find that the boafted Loyalty of thefe Pillars of the
State, is dwindled into mere Self-Interefl and Sor-
did Gain.

■ - 1 want Faith to believe that any Minifters of
State will make an Attempt fo ridiculous as to

Copy

[9]

Copy after King James, by Repealing the 7c/?-
AEi, which mult make them ociious to the People.
For they will find that the boafted Numbers and
Power of the DUfcnters will be very little able to
fupport them. It mufl llirink into a mere Shadow,
when oppofed to the Bulk of the Natio ^

'The Dijfenters themfelves mufl in the End be
effedually ruined by it. For fmce they will grafp
at more Power than is their Due, the Oppofite
Party, who will undoubtedly have their turn to be
a Majority, will very naturally withdraw the Con-
ceflions they have already made, as from Men
that know no Moderation, and cannot be content
to be Happy, without being Great. And how
can they who have invaded tYi^lefi-AEi, comp'ain,
if they Ihould hereafter lo(e the T'okration, of
which by their ambitious Deiigns they have ren-
dered tliemfelves unworthy ? 1 cannot but be con-
vinced that this muft be the Confequence of their
giving new Jealouiles to the Eflablifh'd Church :
And that every Attempt of this Kind \s not only
in the hieheft demxc unijrateful, but intirelv fub-
verfive ot their own InterelT:. I am confident eve-
ry unprejudiced Man amongfl them, who has no
felf-interefted Views, mufl agree with me, that no-
thing can become them fo well as to fit flill, and
enjoy with thankful Hearts that ample Toleration
which the good Nature of their Fellow-Subjefts
has given them.

By the Aft of Settlement it is provided, that
whoever hereafter fhall come to this Crown, fhall
joyn in Comm.union with the Church of England,
as by Law eflablifiied. With what Modefliy then
can the Dijfemers ask to be free from 4 Reilrainc

B to

[ lO ]

to which the King hiitifelf is fubjeft? Shall they b^
releas'd from tlicfe legal Fetters (as they t:rni
them) and the King himfeU^ for whom they ex-
prefs fo great a Zeal, remain bound ? May we
not with greater Reafon conclude, wlicn thefe
Laws are re| ealed in favour of the Diffenters, that
it will be but common Decency to repeal that
Claufe ill the A6t of Settlement ? And will the
Church be faf.', fhould we hereafter have a King
■who wiUr.o: join in her Communion ? TheLegi-
{lature were not of that Opinion when the Ad of
Settlement was pafs'd, nor I hope ever will. The
many weighty Rcafons for laying this Reftraint
upon the King, who is the Fountain of all Offices
and Honours, will certainly hold good if applied
to thole Perfons who derive the Offices and Ho-
nours from him : at lead will differ as to Magis
and M.nm only. In both Cafes the Wifdom of
the Kation thought thefe Precautions necefl'ary for
the Security of the Church, which has run no lels
hazards in times paft from Diflcnting Brethren,
than fi'om Popifn Princes. It is true, there is a
wide Diflerence as to the State, between Dijfemers
^nd Papifls. Thefe are declared Enemies, the o-
ther 25calOll0 jf jittlUJi. But are they not both Ene-
mies to the Eftablifh'd Church ? Turn over (Sir,)
our Hiilories, and find me one luflance if you can,
where the Dijfemers let flip any one Opportunity
to ufe the Church dcfpightfully, when they had it
in their Power. On the contrary, fo irreconcileablc
their Hatred, chat you will evidently difcover tH'^e?
had once folemnly Sworn to Extirpate and De-
stroy her. Their' III Defigns and Our Fears are of
equal Date, which the Afpiring Temper that now
appears amongfl them, will by no means allay. It
is in vain therefore they plead thgt they have e-

qiial

["]

qual Abilities to ferve the Government with the
Members ot the Church, for (o a-fo h^ive the Pa-
fifls. However it wou'd better become thefe
?mek Saints to let other Men Praife them, and not
their own Lips. The World indeed is every Day
convinced of tiieir vafl Capacity to Govern ; but
this happens unluckily to be a little bei'ide the
Qiieftion j for we do not except againfl: them for
want of Capacity, but on the contrary conclude,
the greater their Abilities, the more they are to
be feared. ^

The mod malicious of our Enemies cannot find
out a more Effectual v^ay to make the Government
Unpopular, than the Repealing thefe Laws, which
are the Bulwark of the Eflablifh'd Church ; The
very Sound of whofe Name can raife a Zeal in the
Multitude little lefs than Diftraftion. You, Sir,
who convers'd among the People during the late
Rebellicn, that you might do the Government all
the good Offices you were able, can tell the mighty
Influence of the word Cinircb. It is plani that Calumny
of the Danger of the Church, had taken deep Root:
It was by this alone that the Enemies of the Go-
vernment gain'd upon the People, and raifed that
Ferment againfl the Dijftntersy the Fore-runner of the'
late Rebellion. You, Sir, and many other honeft
Gentlemen, labour'd with the utmoft Application
to wipe off that Dire call in fo plentiful a manner
upon the King and his Friends. Upon thefe Occa-
lions you have given repeated affuranccs that the
Church was fafej you have Demonftrated that it
was Inconfiftent with the Honour of the Govern-
ment, and with all good Policy, to take any Step
to the Prejudice of the Eftablifli'd Church. You
have ridiculed thofe Fears, as vaiii Chimjeras, ot

B 2 riiallow

C i^ ]

fhallow Artifices of Friends to the Pretender :
The juftnefs of your Reafonings has prevailed, the
People have been afham'd of their ealie Credulity,
have awak'd from thofe idle Dreams, and conclu-
ded with you, that nothing could efteftually Sup-
port the Church, but their firm Adherence to a
Wife, Proteftant King. But how unfortunate aro-
the Friends of the prefent Eflablifliment ? See at
once. Sir, all this hopeful Fabrick falling to the
Ground. The Dijfenters, if they repeal thefe Ads,
fwill triumph in their Succefs \ their foolilli Hopes
will be contained within no Bounds, they will in-
fult without Mercy, the Converts you have made ;
and you with all your honefl Zeal, and the clearefl
Reafon on your lide, will be efteemed little lefs
than a very weak Man, or a very falfe Deceiver.
Thus, Sir, are you delivcr'd up to Infamy and Re-
proach by thofe who out of your Reputation, pay
the Debt they ov/e to their Dijfenting Voters.

A Difl'enter can by no means be faid to be Op-
prefled becaufe he is not admitted into Places of
Truft, and Power; fince no Man has a natural
Right to an OfHce, for that is owing folely to the
Grace and Favour of the Prince. As the Mem-
bers of the Eflablifh'd Church feem to have the
befl Title to thofe Favours of their Prince who
is Supreme Head of that Church, fo it will be
his Intereft to employ Men of the fame Principles
in Religion, if he experts Secrecy, Difpatch, or a-
ny good Underftanding in his Affairs. For how-
ever calm Men's Minds may be in other Countries,
they are in too great a Ferment in England, and
we are too great Bigots on all fides, for a wife
King to employ Men of different Perfwafions.
The Church-man ( I am afraid ) would look with

Envy

c ^n

Envy and Diftruft upon the Promotion of a DiT-
fenter, v/ho in his Opinion can jaflly claim no-
thing more of his Prince than Indemnity and Pro-
teftion. And would there not be fomc Ground
for hisunealinefs ? Since the Diifenter who is ge-
nerally Opinionative, Infinuating, and Ambitious,
if he is once made Great, will afpire to be Grea-
ter-: And by the fame Law that he is admitted in-
to any fhare cf Power, is in a PoOObility of the
higheft Promotions. And fliould the moil Sanguine
ot us all think the Church entirely out of Danger,
were the Dijjenters admitted into the Adminiftra-
tion ? In a Cafe that i'o nearly concerns us, let us
provide even againft Polfibilitits.

I car not think the Body of the Dijfenters are very
uneafy at being excluded from Oifices; It is the
Covetous, and Ambitious only, that gape after
Places ; the Pious Man will be content to ferve
God in his own wayj Temporal Preferments are
Trifles he will eafily forego i an eager Delire to be
Great, and to make a Figure in the World, favours
very Untie of Religion : And I cannot fee of whac
great National Advantage it will be, to admit the
very worft of the Dijjinters into Place and Power.

The Dijfenters will for their own fakes, do all
they can to Support the prefent Eltablifhmerxt, their
Hands, their Purfes (and that is all we want ) will
not fail of being ready, upon every Occalion, againft
the Pretender and his Adherents, becaufe they
mufl know, that their being even but Neuters i\\
this Quarrel, is to them immediate Ruin. Where
their own Prefervatjon is fo nearly concerned, it is
Ridiculous to flifpect their Zeal. Let us therefore
make ufe of cheir AffilUnce to do us Good, but

let

[ H]

let us be careful we do not put ft into their Power
to do us Harm. We live now as Brethren, but
the Time may come when they may difpute our
Birth-right, and fcruggle with us fcr Superiority.
The DiJfenterSi like two very ufeful, but unruly E-
lements, are the bed Servants, but the very wcril
Mafters.

The Toleration i% indeed the Glory of the
Church of England, becaufe in this llie raifes her
ielfto the higheil Pitch oiChnjiianity ; (lie Bleflcs
them, who would Perfecute her. But as Ihe knows
they want not the Will j fhe would Ad the pare
of a Lunatick, or an Idiot, Ihould Ihe tamely givq
them the Power.

I muft confefs I cannot fee how the Repealing-
thefe Ads will greatly advantage the Generality
of Djffemers, whofe Genius feemis mofl; inclined to
Trade, and for wliich they are much better qualifi-
ed, than for Places at Court. His Majefty, if he
has not already, may foon have with a little to-
lerable Condud in his Miniftry, many hearty Sub-
jects of the Church of England to fill the more in-
ferior Polls. There remains nothing now, but to
reconcile the deluded Populace to the beft King
that ever Reign'd ; a Task one would imagine no
way difficult to a Wife,- Steady, and Uncorrupt
Adminiftration. But on the Contrary, the ver3»
Attempt to Repeal thefe Ads will be attended
with the worft Confequences to the prefent Efta-
blifhment. How many were terriiied into Tory-
meafures by that Ridiculous Cry of the DAN-
GER OF THE CHURCH .? Many of whom
were very Well-meaning Men, and have fince had
the Grace to acknowledge their Errors, are per-

tcdly

tin

kdily recovered from that ridiculous Fright, and
are now as hearty Subjeds as any in the King s
Dominions. But all thefe and many others who
are jufi: coming over, and want only an Excufe for
their paft Follies, when an Attempt fhall be made
to Repeal thefe Ads, will immediately relapfe, and
the fhaking Fit will feize them once more with
redoubled Violence. But are We aflured this In-
fedion will creep no further? Will not fuch an
Attempt Ihock many hearty Advocates for the
Government? Gentlemen who feiTe their King
and Country upon Principles of Confcience and
Honour, without any fervile Dependance upon
Miniilers of State, or Expedation of any other
Reward than the Satisfadtion of having done their
Duty : And v/ho I will take the Liberty to fay
are the Beft and mod: Reputable Friends to the
prefent happy Eflablifhment.

If this Author ghcs us thefe bold flrokes, as his
own private Opinion and fecret Wifh only, he
might have faved himfelf the trouble : For I am
very well fatisfied that the Gentlemen now at the
Helm underhand the State of the Nation too well,
to follow his Advice. But if he has the Infolence
to divulge thefe things, as Schemes already agreed
upon by the leading Men in the Government, He
deferves little lefs than the Pillory for fo vile a
Refledion. . ^

Upon the whole ; I am as fully pcrfwaded as e-
ver 1 was of any thing, that an Endeavour at
this time to Repeal the Occaficnal and T'eft-ABs,
will give a mighty Handle to the Difaffeded,
Breath to the Clamorous, plaufible Reafons to
thofe, who are now reduced to the laft Dregs of

Kon-

[ 1(5 ]

Non-fence and Abfurdity, and \vill in the 'end
prove both a nesdleft, and dangerous Experiment.

I anty

Dear Sir,

Tuiirs mojlfincerelyy &:c.

'T?h. 1 0th, i-JiC.

THE

^ J& ^ ^ ^ ^ .■& ^t-S- a * ^ «• ^' t- ?1?' * ^ ^ -3^ * * 4&

*^ *■*•** ^ *■ ^^ *■"*• ^ s^" -^^ St-- ^ ^ •^- <&•*$• ^;^ *$" ^- *S?

The Second

LETTER

Dear S iRj

OUR Zeal for the true Intereft of
our Gracious King, and for the true
Proteflant Religiin as profefsM in the
Church of England^ will readily excufe
my giving you the trouble of a fecond

in '■I /

Letter. I have had the Honour of your Approba-
tion of the former; if I can be fo Fortunate in this,
I Ihall very little regard the Cenfures of thofe, whofe
Intereft in is to Condemn it. I fhall endeavour to
Anfwer the moft material P.eafons given by the
Diffenters and their Advocates for their Admiflion
into Places. What I find in the Bifliop of Bangor's
Anfwer to Dr SnaPe^ and to the Reprefentation of
the Committee ought in juftfce to firft be Confidered.

" Men ought not to be deprived of their Natural
" Rights,

A natural Right «f Civil Offices feems to me
a very wild Notion. In a mere Stat« of Nature

C ^^

[ 18]

there was no fuch Right, becaufe there were th<?rt
no fiich ORices. And when Men enter'd into Po-
litical Societies, the greatefl part of their Natu-
ral Rights were of Courfe depofited in the Hands
of their Civil Governours, the more effedually to
enable them to anfwer the Ends of Society, and
protect the Properties and Pcrfons of their Subjeds :
Of which Number this Right (if it may, tho*
improperly, be called Natural ) mufl be prefum'd
to be one. For Men once incorporated into Ci-
vil Society, to. pretend a Natural Right to carve
for themfelves, and alTiime what Offices and Em-
ployments they think lit, is indeed to Subvert that
Society, and return again into a ftate of Nature
and Corifulion. It muft therefore be left to the
Ciul Governour to appoint fubbrdinate Officers;
forwithout this Right he cam ot Govern. He is ui-
doubtedly rojudgeof the Qiialirications of the feveral
Candidates tor an Office : And . he cannot in any
thing more Evidently abufe the great Truft repofed
in him, than by conferring Offices on thofe Men,
whofe Principles, or Pra6tices have been found dt-
flrudive to the Community. The DiJJcnters there-
fore may thank their pail Pradices, if they are not
in this Particular, upon an equal Foot with the
re/l of their Fellow-Subjefits. They have juflly
render'd themfelves fufpected Loth' to Church and
State; and ought to think they are kindly ufed,
if enjoying in Common all the otliCr Benefits of
Society, they are reftrained only from the Power
ol doing Mifchief. It does not become Men in
tlieir Circumfiances to infult the Lenity of the
Government,- and to claim a Natural - Right in-
confiftent with tlie Commbn Safety^ to which all
•Ri^^hts of wliat kind foever muft givQ place. This
claim of a Natural Right to Offices, would make

a very ridiculous Figure in WeflmwJley-HJL Thev
would there focn convince a BDiffcutUlg p^Ctenl)cr,
that he had the fame Natural Right ro a Man s
Eftate, as to his Office ; and that no Pcrion here
in Ea^land has any other Right to an Office, than
by the Fayour of the Prince, under the Direaion
of the Law.

'' It is equally Reafranhleto incapadtate'Di^cnXQX^
*' jyom exercifmg any honefl Trade, as to mca-
« facitate them jnm exenifing Offices oj State.

To which I am almoft afliamed to give any Aii-
fxver at all : I Ihail only therefore obferve that
lVillia?n Perm, a Privy Counfeller and Minifter ot
State, may poffibly appear a more dangerous Ene-
my to the Church, than the faid J^dham Penn, it
coniinMco'Bulk m Fleet- Street, or even li ftrumng
with more Grandeur behind a Counter in Cheaf-
Sid^ The naked Truth is, Diffcnting Tradefmen
are, and may be ufcful, but Diflenting Stacel-men
muft be Dangerous.

*' Jt is equally reafcmhle to admit Dijfenters info
" Offices of State, as to make ufe of their Af-
f' fifiance in a Critical JnnHure, uhen the Soci-
". ety muft even he undone ivithout it.

I blufli to give an Anfwer to this ^^^<^'''^^^'l
fiiall therefore only obferve, that Cafes of Neceffuy
have been of great ufe to his Lordfiiip ot Bangor,
and us other l)Onett mt}lgS, upon very important
Occafions , but that k is not very Logical in us to
infer wha; may be done in Cafes ot no Neceflfity,
from what muft be done in Cafes ot Neccffity.

[ao]

" F/very one of m ivould think it unreafonahle to
" be excluded Places, were it his owjz Cafe.

To doy as- rue would be done by, is a very Excellent
Rule ; But Selt-Love makes it a little difficult in
the Practice. For as a Merry Bard obferves

Ni) Alan turns

*The Point upon his own Concerns.^

It muft alfo be obferved, that however true this
Rule may be in a Moral, yet it does not always
hold in a Political Senfc. It is indeed the Foun-
dation of Jufiice and Charity between Man and
Man. But in Political Cafes there is a third Par-
ty concerned, I mean the P U B L I C K, to which
all private Confiderations muft fubmit. Publick
Offices are a Publick Truft : And it may be rea-
lonable for me to exclude fome People from Offi-
ces, tho' I would ftot be excluded my felf, becaufc
the Publick Good may neceflarily require it. And
this is certainly much more juftifiable, where the
true Caufe of fuch Exclulion arjfes from the Party
himfelf who is excluded. This I take to be the
Cafe of the Diffcnters, who, if they may feem to
be hardly ufed in this Particular, ought to thank
themfelvcs -, but can neither with Reafon complain
of the Unkiadncfs of Private Perfons, or of the
Publick Juftice. However, for once, I will make
the Cafe my own, and fuppofe my fclf a Dijjeu"
ter-. And in thefe Circumftances cannqt think it
very abfurd to reafon thus. I have already a full
Liberty to VVorfliip God in my own way ; thi^
was formerly the utmoft of our Demands. A
Place may gratiii(? my Avarice or Ambition, but
■ ■■■> nci-

either make me a happier Man, or better Chri-
{lian. The Variablenefs of Human Affairs, the
Uncertain Tenure ot a Place : The la's and Out's
I have pbferved of late, give me no very Advan-
tageous Idea of a Place-Monger. It is a frail Fe-
licity, and not worth my feeking. As the Primi-
tive Chriilians are the beft Patterns a good Man
can follow. To I am verily perfuaded, had they
h^tn happy in fuch an ample Indulgence as we
now enjoy, they would not have fet their Hearts
{o much upon this World, as to give Jealoufies to
thofe about them, by attempting to wreft out of
their Hands the Places and Preferments of the
State. Could they have efcaped the Bar, they
would never have afpir'd to the Bench,- but
would have been content to have left the Reins of
Government in the Hands even of their Heathen
Magiflrates. While the Church of England is upper-
moft, I am fecure of its Indulgence : But fhould any
one Seft of the DiJJenters by being admitted into
Places, in time gam an Eftablifhment, if I fhould
not happen to be of that Sed, and if I may judge
of the Prcfent by the Paft, I have great reafon to
apprehend the utmoft Severity of Perfecution.
Many Thoufands of his Majefty's good Subjeds,
both Churchmen and DilTenters, neither have, nor
defire Places,- why fnould I diftinguifh my felf
from the common Herd, and by my Pride and Suf-
ficiency make my felf Ridiculous ? It is tme I am
excluded from fome Beneficial Places ; but by this
I efcape many Others both troublefome and ex-
peniive. I am content therefore with my own
Lot ; I fubmit to the Judgment of my Superiors,
and will readily Sacrifice my own little Private
Jntcreft to the Publick Peace and Safety-. I can-
not

tjot conceive fuch Sentiments as thcfe would at all
Hiil-bccome an honeft and Confcientious Diflenter.

f' "The Tefl-Avl Qiight to be repealed ; becaufe by it
" the holiefi Infiitution of our Religion^ the
" moFi Sacred Thing in the Worlds is delafed
into a Political Tooly and Engine of State.

I leave it to th^ jDivines to determine whether
this Ad; defcrves this fevere Charge ; as I leave it
to tile World to judge whether this Earneflnefs of
the Dijfenters to repeal it, be out of Zeal for the.
Honour ot that holy Inftitution, cr whether the
true Motive be not? their own Dear 9elf-|nterefl ?
The Repealing thatj part of the Act will giwQ me
no great Unealinefs, provided an efteclual Method
be found out to Anfwer clearly the fame End, and
exclude tlie Dijjenters from Offices^ and Power. I
mufl own, I was in fome hope of a fubftantial E-
quivalent for the Tefi-AEi, fince his Lqrdfnip affures
us in his Anfwer to Dr. Sndpe^ p. 47. X^:at other
le/ls might be thought on agreeable to Ch,ifiianity and
Humanity^ "which might be a truer Security to the £-
fiablijlied Church than the Prefcnt is. Bat when I read
his Lordfhip's Anfwer to the Comjnittee of Convoca-
tion, p. ip3. Where he informs us that every Security
uhich djlars Alenfrom their Civil Rightly is an unjufi
andfalfe Security ; I plainly difcover'd what fort of
Equivalent we were to expedt. For thefe Civil
Rights are the fame, which iiis Lordfhip in another
Place calls Natural Righas, viz. The Rights of the
Dijjenters to Civil Offices^ tho excluded by the Civil
Power. This Notion of a Civil Right to an Office,
diredly in Oppolition to the Crvil Authority^ feems
tome another Paradox, which I mufl own I cannot
eafily 'comprehend. And what Security that can

be

[^5]

be to the Church, which admits Dijfenters into
Place and Power, and puts them into a Capacity
to deftroy it, is to me equally unintelligible. I
dcfpair therefore of any fair Equivalent for the
I'efi-AB : And I hope the Wifdom of our Legifla-
. tors will permit it to continue as it now ilands ;
and not fiifier themfclves and the Nation they re-
prcfent, to be deceived with any treacherous, delu-
iive Equivalents. ..,.;.

I am the more encouraged to hope this, becaufc
this very Parliament in the Ad for the further Se-
curity of his Majefty's Perfon and Government,
Anno I. Georgij, p. 328. in Affirmance of thcTefi-
AB continue to obJig-e all Perfons in Office to re-
Ceive the Sacrament according to the Ufage of the
Church of England. As I cannot therefore fuppofe
they will fo foon deftroy the V/ork of their own
Hands, To I may have leave' to preflime they will
not think themfelves treated with any great De-
cency, when they are thus charged with 'making
the holieft Inftitution of our Religion, the moft
Sacred Thing in the World, a Political Tool, and
Engine of State. " •'"o'u ^

Thus far the Right Reverend Bifhop. Of whofe
writings you know, 6'/V, I have been a fedulous
Reader. And m many pailages of thofe very Wri-
tings I have learnt to pay no manner of regard to
the Authority of Great ^ameiS. I hope therefore
his Lord(hip will cxcufe me, ii I cannot Submit to
luch Weak and frivolous Reafons in a Cafe not ve-
ry becoming his Sacred Character.

I fhall now, Sir, trouble you with feme fiiorc
Remarks upon a l^te Pamphlet, which is cileem'd

fo

[ H ]

fo Confiderable by the Dijfemers, that it has ap-
peared already in a Tecond Edition. The Title
of it is, " An equal Capacity in tiie Subjecis of Great
Britutn fir Civil Bmployments, the befl Security of the
Government.

To prove this equal Capacity to be the beft
Security to the Government, he gives us thefe four
Reafons.

" 1. It adds to thi Peiver ef the Crozuju
■ ^jv^-'.^it^-^ecures the EfiMJh'd Church.

cc

g. It would Recpncik cind kring in many of the
DiflmtsYS.

;/ ,v 4, T'he AEis pfade to the Contrary, have never
" leen the Produce of Mature Delihration^
■** but of Party-ZeaL

ifl. It adds to the Power of the Crown. To
Support this Propofition he Reafons thus. " "That
" itwot4d add to the, Power oftheCrowfiy and flrengthen

the Confiitutiofi, it js hutnbly prefumd your Lord-'
" Jhips, (for you mufl know. Sir, this Pamphlet was
"writ for the Bdijication of certain Prelates ) wi Hallow;
" betaufe fuch Power and fuch Strength is always in
** .proportion to the Number, who Support it. All fuch
" Ails therefore which deveft a Part of the Community
" of their Share in fuch Support by Difqual/fications,
** are equally Prejudicial to the withdrawing fo many
" from the Community, or diminijlnng the Wliole by fa
" many as are under thefe Dtf qualifications.

Upon

[215]

Upon which I fliall venture to make the follow-
ihg Obfervations. Firft, that adding to the Pov/-
er ot" the Crown, and ftrengthening tiie Conftitii-
tion, are quite different Things 5 becaufe adding
to the Power of the Crown may, and often does
weaken the Conftitution. As our Conftitution is
a MixM or limited Monarchy, adding to the Pow-
er of the Crown May alter the Balance, and tend
direftly to Subvert it. Secondly, That tho' the
Power and Strength of the Crown may be fup-
pofed in Proportion to the Number of thofe who
Support it, yet it does not from thence ncceflarily
toUov/, that thofe Numbers Ihould all be capable
of Offices i becaufe a Sub/ed: who is incapable
of OiSces, m^y yet have his Share in the Sup-
port of the Crown. Thirdly, that Afts which
difqualify Men for Offices, are not eqaally prejudi-
cial to the withdrawing fo many form the Commu-
nity, becaufe there is a wide difference between ex-
cluding Men from Ofilces, and excluding them from
being Members of the Community. He who is
no Officer, is as much a Member of the Com-
munity, as he who is; neither does it diminilhthe
Whole, becaufe fome part are not Officers*

He next proceeds to inform us, " T'fjat there are
'* great Complaints from the Lieutenancy of the Tower-
** Hamlets, and divers other PlaceSy that they cannot
*' Officer their Companies by reafon of Parliamentary
*^ Difqiialifications. In fine, he would have us un-
derfland that the prefent Officers of the Militia,
^re as defeftive in their Loyalty as in their Mili-
tary Skill; and that the iD/^^-zy^^rj- out 6f their pub-
flick Zeal for theit Country, and for the Honour of
hofc ufeful Bands of Domeilick Janiz.ariesy will
gracioufly fupply thofe Defers, and furuiih us with

[Id]

Crfarsy and Alexanders from the ^Ctting'-I^oaft.
But it fcems their AfTiflance is no lefs wanted in
a Civil, than in a Military Capacity. The Com-
mon Council of the City, of London invoke their
Aid. " ]\^ny Wards cannot find the Number it is
** their Pri'viledge to be reprefented by^ that are Quali-
*' fied for fuch a Ti'iiji, by their Natural and acqui-
" red Endowments. For my part, I fhall not pre-
tend to ilate the Natural and acquired Endow-
ments of a Common Council-Man, but I may ven-
triie to fay, that we our felves fliould be void of
all E'lidowmentSj both Natural and Acquired, i^ we
fiiould permit thefe worthy Loyalills to carry once
more the Regalia of the City to a Conventicle.
But this Author goes on, and allures us, " T'hat
** great Grievances arife in the Comrnijftin of the Peace
" by Yeafon of the Difqualifcaticns. Many Places in
" the Country have not Perjons ft and Skillful to aSi
*' in fuch an Office. In fhort, that the Bench will noc
be decently tilled without admitting the Dijfenters;
and that the Toleration is not perftft, till they arc
allowed to wreft the Law, as they do the Gofpe'.
But to be a little more ferious with this Pamphle-
teer. I delire he would confider that thi<-Suppo-
ficion upon which all thefe Reafonings are found-
ed, is by no means True. That the Government is
not reduced to fuch Ncccllity for faithflil Officers
either Civil, or Military. That fuch an Infinuati-
on is a vile Calumny, and is in Effed nothing Icf*
than calling Three parts in Four of the Gentlemen
of England ^QY]m'<i Villains. That he does no great
Honour to the Government, by reducing its Friends
-into fo narrow a Compafs. That if it were thus
deferted (which is apparently falfe in Fad) yet
applying to the Difftnters, and putting Weapons in-
to th«ir Hands, would not be the proper Method of

curing

[^7]

curing this Evil. That it is the In^reft of any Go-
vernment to reign in the Affedions ot the P.ople.
That Nothing can be fo difagreeable to the Bulk
of the Nation, as to fee xht Dijf enters at the Head
of Aftairs. That ever fince the Church and Mo-
narchy which they dejftroyed, have been happily
Reftored 5 every fucceffive Reign has carried on the
Publick Affairs without their Help.' That it will
be very difficult to perfwade the Members of the
Church, that their Affiftance is mere neceflary in
this Reign, than any other ; or that they will now
in good Earneft fnpport what they (o lately over-
turn'd. That giving the Eftablilh'd Church any
Caufe for nev/ Jealoufies, will neceflarily create Fa-
aions, and Animofities, and may be attended with
the worft Confequences. And laftly. That nothing
can be properly faid to flrengthen any Government,
which, to oblige a few, will give a lading Uneafi-
ncfs to the Body of the People.

" Secondly, It adds to the Security ofths Church.

This is at firll fight fo grofs a Paradox, that I
Ciould not have troubled you with it here, had
not the Author before-mention'd Brav'd the World
with it, and with a peculiar Confidence affirm'd
that his Reafonings upon his Head amount in a
true ^nd proper Senfe to a Demondration. After
having with great accuracy ( as he imagines) ex-
plained to thofe Learned Prelates, the true Mean-
mg of the Word Church, he further proceeds to m-
ftrua their Lordftip's in a Doftrine, which muft
cectainly appear very new and furprizing. Be plea-
fed to take it in his own Words. " Ihis Under-
" taking then, is only to offer it viith all Humility to your
« Lor dihips, that the Church will hrmder'd much jnore
*' D 2 " Secure

[ i8 ]

*^ Sauve by everything thai is an Addition to the Power
** of the Crown ; becaufe upon fuch an Eflablijhment, it
^** is fo interwcven and made apart of the Civil Conjii*-
" tutioNy that one cannot Subfflbut by the other : And that
" therefore the Security or Danger of the Church will
'* always be^ as is the Security or Danger of the State,
** becaufe they are Infeparable. And he afterwards
** adds, In a true, therefore, and proper Senfe it will
** amount even to Demonftratitn, that every Addition to
" the Power of the Crown, mufl be an Addition to
" the Security of the Church, Upon all which I fhall
obferve,

Firft, That notwithftanding his Nicety about
the Term CHURCH, he is pleafed to nfe the
Words Crown, and Civil Conjiitution in the fame
Scnfe J tho' without the help of Second-fight, it is
eafy to difcover the DiflFerence. Secondly, That
not having proved under his firft Head, that a Ca-
pacity in. the Dijfenters for Civil Employments does
add to the Power of the Crown, this Foundation
failing, his Super- ftirufture muft of Courfe fall to
the Ground. Thirdly, I muft deny that theC/jz/rcA
is fo interwoven with the Civil Conftitution, that
One cannot fubfift but by the Other : For before
the Church was incoporated with the Stare, or Ci-
vil Conftitution, it did for many Ages fubfift, and
if deferted and thrown oft' by the State, it may a-
gain fubfift j as it actually did in Qiieen Mary*s
Reign, and in CromtDcU's ^flirpation, tho' Perfe-
cuted by the State. I muft add alfo, that there is
in fach Cafes Authority enough left in the Church
to prefcribe fuch Rules and Orders as are neceffa-
ry to its Beinc. Fourthly, If the Church be (as
he exprefles it; fo interwoven with the Civil Con-
ftitution, it is by Confequence the Duty of the
Civil Conftitution to protcft, ^nd M^nd. it. From

whence

whence I fliall beg leave to infer, that the Civil
Coaftiturion fhould by no means admit of a Repeal
of thofe Laws which are the Fences and Barriers
of the Church againft its worft Enemies. Fifthly,
That his Maxim with which he is To much de-
lighted, is fo far from being true, that an Addi-
tion to the Crown may often diminifh the Secu-
rity of the Church : Was not the Doftrine of Paf-
/ive Obedience an Addition to the Power of the
Crown? But did not this very Doftrine in the
Reign before the Re-jolution endanger both Church
and State ? Repealing the feveral Limitations in
the Ad of Settlement, or even making the Prince
Abfolute, muft certainly add to the Power of the
Crown -y but will it in any Senfe add to the Secu-
rity ot the Church ? He muft therefore permit me
to believe, tlut any Excefs of Power in the Crown
will be equally dangerous to Church and Stare.
Nothing can be more entertaining than to fee a
Dilfemer fo zealous for the Prerogative j and Men
that are upon Record for jantimonarcljical and iKc*
publican Principles, value therafelves upon the high-
eft flights of Tory-Loyalty.

I cannot here omit taking fome Notice of what
he calls a Memorable and ever to be lamented Li-
ftance, ot the Union of the Church with the State,
in the unhappy Reign of King Charles I. One
would imagine the Dijfenters Ihould not be very
fond of mentioning that Reign upon this Occafion.
*^ But {fays he) as the Croivn Jhook, the Church trem-
^ied, tiUat lafl they both fell into the fame Gra-ie.
Had he been fo kind to have informed us who
were the Grave-Diggers, it had faved me fome trou-
ble, and had been an eftedual Anfwer ro his whole
Book.

But

*if^

C P ]

But he goes on, " And for that deftr able Endy i. e.
'^ the Security of the Church, the IVatton has not only
*' all the Security and AJfurances imaginable from the
** Nature of the 'things, and the very Genim and Tex-
" ture of the Conjlitution, but from the repeated moft
" Graciom Promijes from the 'throne. I know riOt
indeed what the Genius of our Conllitution may
do; but the Nature of Things at prefent does
not afford us a very pleafing Profpcd of Securicy
to the Church. We pay ( as it is our Duty )
all pofTible Deference to his Majefly's moft Gra-
cious Promifes. But muft the Church for this rea-
fon depart from its legal Securities? His Majefty
has alfo Gracioufly Promifed He will defend our
Liberties : We are perfedly fatisfied he will. But
muft we therefore Repeal Magna Ghana ? Since we
are upon this Head of the Security of the Church,,
it may not be improper to hear the whole Body
of the DiJJenters themfelvcs in their Humble Suppli^
cation to Her late Majefty in relation to the Bill to
prevent Schifm, Printed for A.Bell, 1714- ^ ^^>
19. Whofe kind Conceffions may polTibly give fome
light into this. " Even thofe People (fay they) lulx^.
" we are reproached with fevving, and for adhering to
" whom in Civil Affairs, we have been mifreprefented
* to Tour Majefiy, have on all occafions afffted cur E-
*' nemies to take from m all Power oj ?nakmg our f elves
" Ccnfiderable in Gvil Affairs, by entirely dtfabling m
*' to appear in Publick Matters, removing m fom aU the
*• Advantages of Magiflraay intowns, or Offices in the
" Court, whereby we might be capable by our Numbers
" to ?ive any Weigh en one Side, or on the Other. In
" do^ng which, however they have ( tho perhaps agatnfi
« their mil) done m this Favour, that being fo entire-
« ly under their Foot, withrefpeElto Power; the Charge
*' of beinz Dangerom either to Church or State can^ never

[ 31 ]

'* more be brought again fi m. From which PafTagc
it is very natural to infer : Firfl, if ferving thofc
People, (i.e. the tKSl)ig!ti, ) is here called by" the
whole Body of the Dijfenters z Mifreprefentatioii
and Reproach, they would do well to confider,
how fincere a Part they have Aded by their OT!)ig*
5f;itntig» Secondly, If the faid Wi^i%^ alfifted
fheir Enemies in raking from them all Power of
makir.g themfelves coniiderable in Civil Affairs, by
entiiely Difabling, &c. Thofe very ©iHlHgJJ I hope
will remember, iince the Cafe is not in the leaft
altered, and fince the fame good Reafons remain in
full force, to aft Confiffently with themfelres.
Thirdly, If being under Foot with refped to Pow-
er, is a good Reafon why the Charge of being
DangercHi either to Church or State cannot be
brought againft them i do not the whole Body of
the Dijjenters fecm to allow, that if they were not
under Foot with refpeft to Pov/er, the Charge of
being Dangerous to Church or State might be
brought againft them ? As the t(il|)ig!3 therefore
have dene them the Favour to acquit them from
this odious Charge, I hope they will always conti-
nue in the fame good Difpofition to their ^ID
5f|tEntiSl» For as the Toleration is a Right no good
naturM Chrifiian will ever deny; fo fuch unreafo-
rable Demands of Place, Power, and Autluority
from Perfons fo juftly fufpeded, is a Favour no
Good Churchman will ever grant.

** T'hirdlyy It would reconcik and bring in Many
** of the Dijfenters.

As this Author h^s now drop'd all Pretence to
Argument, and is content to fwell the remain-
ing Pages of his Book with hypocritical Com-
plements,

[ 3^ ]

f)lements, wit-lefs Raillery, and mif-applied Hi-
ftory, I fhall trouble yen, Sir, with fome
few ftiort Remark only upon the choicefl Flowers
in this his wonderful Performance. " Lenity and
*' Humanity ( fays he) are certainly the bejl Mnhod
" of making Profelytes. And again, the EJiablijhed
** Church never got Ground by any Oppreffions or Un-
** kindnejfes ruhatfoever over thofe not in her Co?nmunion,
This may be all very True; but with what Face
can it be applied to the Point in Hand ? How
can that Church be charged with want of Lenity
and Humanity, who fo freely Tolerates her weak
Brethren, and refer ves only that Power to her felf,
which (he knows the Dijjenters would turn againft
her/* Is Indulgence Unkindnefs? Is Self-Defence
Perfecution ? If they are now treated Hardly ,
When will they allow they are kindly ufed?
where will their Demands end ? What Limits will
they fix to their reftlcfs Importunity ? A Connivance
was once all they ask'd. In a Toleration they were
as happy as they could wifh. Now they grafp
at Place and Power, and to deny them this new
Demand of Civil Preferments^ is the utmoft ftretch
of Severity. But will they ask no more ? Will they
fit down Content when they have gained this
Point ? Will they not caft a longing Eye after fome
other Emoluments, which have formerly yeilded
a very plentiful Harveft to their Fore-Fathers ?
Thus, Sir, like flurdy Beggars, they grow Infolent
if we deny; and if we grant, each new Conceffion
is an Encouragement to ask more. They gain
ground upon the Good Nature and Eafinefs of their
Church-Friends, and have now the Modefly to
perfwade us to dif-arm our felves, and truft our
valuable Bleffings in their Hands. This Author
with his Demonflrations can eaiily Convince us

that

[33 3

that tliey will renounce what they Covet, that
they will Support what they hate.

In the next Page he makes a very awkward Ex-
cufe for his Friends in the l^ellclUon of 5fOJt^ £Dne.
*' ^be Ml [chiefs ( fays he ) which enfued, how grievous
*' feevey, are rather to be deem'd the Efis^s of Refent-
" ment than Principle. Not of Principle ? Read,
Sir, their Sermons, and their feVeral Public Acts in
thofe Times, where they jufliry their Proceedings
before Gcd and Man. But is their Refentm.ent fo
terrible <" Could nothing facisiy it in thofe Days
till it ended in a Tragedy, wnich no Hiftory can
Parallel? And fliall tiie Church negleft to Guard
her felf now againft their future Vengence ? Believe
me , Sir, when they are once inveiled with Place
and Power, they will never want Matter for Re-
fentment ; but to give a Loofe to it in fach horrid
Inftances, is by no means a Proof of very Chriflian
•Principles. When we Ihall fenfibly feel fuch Effeds
of their Vengeance, it will be a poor Confolation
to the Sufterers, that their Principles are lefs wick-
'jed than their Actions.

In the following Page he has the .Confidence to

ijoafl; of the iirmnefs of the Diffenters in the Reign

of the late King yames, " to the true Liter efl of their

" Country^ and that they generoufly fell in with all pro-

*^ per Meafures for prefer'ving the Church. And he hopes

" we will Remember it with the utmoft Gratitude. We

do indeed Remember it ; but one would imagine

this Author thought our Memorys ver>' Ihort, or

that we could noc Read : But we know very well

•who were Carefs'd in that Reign, who were the

-Tools of Popery, and v/ho were the Favourites

of that Court, when the Church was forfaken by

E thef<P

[ 34 ]

thcfe iier pretended Friends, infuitcd and triufti-*
phed over by her Enemies, and lay Difconfolate
and Forlorn under the Frowns of her Sovereign.
Be pleafed, Sir, to hear an Hiftorian, who was
never thought a Friend to Perfecution. They ( i. e.
The Dijfeuters were not content with a fUent Ac-
ceptance of this Liberty, but were drawn in, to
make Infiilts of Joy for it, and prefented Addrefles
of Thanks, fo flattering, and fo fulfome, that fome
of them were thought Oftenfive to the very Ears
of the King himfelK Compleat Hifl. ofEng.p. 4^5.

** Fourthly^ The ABs for Difqualifications have
" never been the Produce of Mature Delibera-
** tion, but ef Pa*-t/-ZeaL

Under this Head, Sir, you might very juftly ex-
ped to find , fome Obfervations upon the Time
when thofe Ads were made ; upon the Perfons
who promoted their Paffing : Upon the true De-
(ign and Intent of the Law-giver5, and the extent
and confequences of the Laws themfelves. But not
one word of ail this. Our 'Author is pleafed to
fly from his. Text, and put us off only with his
ufual Railing, and fome few general Reflexions.
As therefore there is nothing proved, you will not
require I fhould give any Anfwer.

I cannot forbear mentioning one happy Bifco^'
very he has made, that the ilireft Expedient t6
prevent the fatal Confequences of a /landing Army,
is admitting the Dijfenters into Civil Employments,
which will be entirely ufelefs, if his Majefty fliall
commit the Defence of his Kingdoms to their
Zeal and Capacity. ** Frr they (itfeems) are the on-
J* ly Loyal i the only abk Msnt ''tis they akm are fur-

nijh*'d

C 35 ]

**■ nijl*d -with natural, acquired Endow7nents, T'hey are
'' the BettsY'-Half of the Kingdom. 'The greatefi part
** cf his Majefties Sukjecis. Were thej^ unbound,
releas'd from thcfc legal Fetters, not only the
Church, but his Majefties Throne Ihould be founded
on a Rock.

It is very Merry in the DiJJenters and their
Friends, to inform us of their Great Numbers,
their Influence, and their Abilities, and to plead
thefe as Reafons why we ihould truft theih in
Offices, which are certainly very good ones why
we Ihould not. Their Name, it feems, is Legion j
they are a Great and Numerous Body; and they
make only this one modeft Requeft that the Mem-
bers of the Church would arm them with Power.
It is worth our while to obferve how dextroufly
they can (hift the Scene, and appear Confiderably,
or very Inconflderable as it ferves their prefent
Turn. This Author who has Charitably given his
Advice to feveral Rt. Reverend Prelates how they
Ihould behave themfelves when this Affair comes
before their Houfe, is pleafed to call the DilTenters,
•^ a great Part of his Majefties Subjecls^ half the Sub-
** jecis of the liingdom, with many other pompous
Expreffions to recommend his Friends, and place
them in the bell Light. But when they appeared
as humble Supplicants to her late Majefly in the
Affair of the Schifm BUI, in what- different Figure
do they reprefent themfelves ? " We are ( fays they)
*' not federated from, but promifiwujly fcattered among
** all your Majefties SubjeRs, and in all parts of yovr
" Do7?iinions lue have no Public Heads, Public Stock,
" or Public Strength, nor do ^ive ever feek any, but are
" intirely Naked and Defencelefs, Difccncertsd, Divided
** ji-Qin one antther, and too much uneafy with one another.
E 3 ** The

13^1

'* The Scandal of fo much as thinking onr fehes Powerful,
*' muchlefs of being fo in realUty, •will not lie againfl us,
" even our Enemies themfehes being fudges. Vid.'
Humb. Supplicat. before cited, (7c.

'Tis now, Sir^ high time to relieve you from
this Author: Your Good Nature (I know) will
pardon me, for the Perfccution you have fliffered.
Had not this Piece been thought oF Tome Moment
not only by the Dijjenters themfeives, but by O-
thers, who I am fure ought to know better, I had
not troubled you or my felf, with a Book which
carries in the very Title-page fo many palpable
Abfurdities. I muft only now beg your Patience
while I confider two or three Arguments on that
Side, which I have met with m their Pamphlets,
or in Common Converfation.

** T'hey "who are equally fewiceahle to any Govern-
" ment Jljould be equally intitled to the Favours
" oftt.

This cannot be true of thofe, who by their
Profeffions or Pradices have forfeited their Rights
to thofe Favours. It is with a very ill Grace They
can make any new Demands of Power, who in
the Memory of many now living, over-turned both
Church and State. To ask it, is fomethiiig more
than a Modefl Reque^, to grant it an Unpardo-
nable Folly.

" 'The Tefi-AB by oUiging Men to receive the Sar
" crament ai a Qualification for an Office na-
*' turally tends to -make Men Hypocrites.

It muft here be obferved, that neither the Ma-
kers of that Acr, nor the Ad it Cdt'y nor the P^r-

fon

[37]

fon who Adminifters the Sacrament to an hypocri-
tical Receiver, are the efficient Caufe of his Hy-
pocrify ; but that muft be looked for in another
Place, I'Jz.. in the vicious Difpofition of the Re-
ceiver. It were eafy to fhew that other Ads of
Religion may give an accidental Occafion of Sin-
ing to a Perfon of evil Inclinations. But to ftick
more ciofely to this Point of Hypocrify, let us
fuppofe it a Rule (as it is in fome Parilhes) that
none of the Poor fliall receive the Benefit of the
Sacramental Charity, but tho% who actually receive
the Sacranient at that time. (/ ivijh this may efcaPa
tJ}e Cenfure of adding Jeffiporal SanBions to Chrifi's
Laws.) Let us then fuppofe, that fome of the Poor
People have no other View in Receiving the Sa-
crament, but to get the Money. Shall we f:iy that
the Minifter who prefcribes this pious Rule in his
Church, is the Efficient Caufe of the Hypocrifie
of thofe Perfons ? Will any of their Guilt flick up-
on him ? Does not this Rule more naturally tend
to create true Piety than Hypocrify ? And if ir
fhould accidentally in fome Inftances be the unhap-
py Occafion of the Lafl, mull the ufe of this good
Rule be laid aiide becaufe fome wicked Perfons to
whom it was applied abufed it ? May not this pi-
ous incentive to fo holy a Duty, be a Means to
create a better Difpofition in thofe Minds which
before were little affected with Religion ? May not
the Horror of that Guilt which mufl neccflarily
arife in the Mind of an Hypocritical Receiver,
bring him in time to a more ferious Temper ?
May not that Solemn Occafion revive in him a
Senfe of his Duty, and make him who before was
an Hypocrite, for the time to come fincerely Reli-
gious ? But be that as it will ; nothing can be more
evident than that the Guilt of his Sin is to be im-
puted to himfelf alone, " fVl^^if

[38]

• ^' M^jen the DifaffeBion of fo many in the Church is
" fo very apparent, it is unreafonable to deprive
" the Government of the Jjfifiance of the DiffeMrr
" ters, itf l/efi Friends.

I beg leave a Pari to Reafoii thus. The Difaf-
feftion of many of our own Country-men is very
apparent. It is equally plain, that many Foreign^
crs amongft us, are very good Friends to the pre-»
fent Eftablifliment, and tne Government may fome
time or other want their AlTiflance : muft we there*
fore Repeal tlie Claufe in the Ad of Settlement,
that excludes them from OiEces? I hope we are
not yet ripe for this, tho' the Inference is equally
good in both Cafes. We ought certainly to have
at leaft the fame Care for our Religious, as for our
Civil Rights. Our Zeal for the Government will
by no Meai:s excufe our making a Sacrifice of the
Church, not will our Excefs of Loyalty attone for
our want of Religion. The Government is not
wholly deprived of the Aflifiance of the Diffenters^
becaufe they are excluded from Offices i they have
Hill Liberty to Support it with their Purfes, an4
Arm in its Defence when it fhall be in Danger.
The Queftion is about the COMMAND only.
We are indeed jealous of their Power, but fiiall
gratefully receive their Affiflancc, and fhall never
be angry with any laudable Zeal they fhew for the
prefent happy Eftablifhment. Yet we cannot be-
lieve that there is fo great a Dearth of Loyal
Church-men, but that there may be enough found
to fill all vacant Places. I may pofTibly allow that
fome Church-men are Difafted:ed to the Govern-
ment J but I mufl deny with all my Might that the
Diffenters are its befl: Friends. I have not yet for-
got the feafonable Loyalty of fo many of My

Lords

[ 39 ]

Lords the Bifiiops, and that well-tim'd Declaration
which To effeftiiaily reconciled the AfFedions of the
Common-People. Neither will it be very impro-
per to remember here, that the Deputy-Lieute-
nants, Jiiftices, and all other Officers who ferved
his Majefty faithfully &, at their own Expence in
that Critical Jundure, were every one of them
Members of the Eilablifh'd Church. They ex-
pofe the Weaknefs of the Government who fup-
pofe it cancot fublift without the Dijfemers being in
Offices. A Rebellion profperoufly defeated, has
never yet failed of Strengthening the Intereft of
the Conqueror, of gaining Converts to his Party,
and lellenning the Number of his Enemies. We
mufl not therefore prefume that his Majefty's
Friends are aecreafed lince the Rebellion : And I
will take the Liberty to fay that Popular Schemes
mufl daily augment them. So that we have no
reafon to doubt but fiich Multitudes of Loyal
Church-men will be ready to fupport the Govern-
ment under any Exigency, as will render the ufelefs
whom we know to be Dmigeroui. The Dijfemers
( I hope) will pardon me this ExprefTion, fince I
borrowed it from their Fore-fathers ; and cannot
think it an improper Caution here to that Noble
■Houfe who were no longer admitted to be Peers,
when thefe State-Afpirers were dignified with Of-
fices, and enrich'd with Preferments.

't\j

To conclude. If admitting the Dijfenters into
Military Employmepts will be a Nurflery to breed
up 3rttoni3j> and €romto£UjSi : If the only Improve-
ment that can be made to the Miferies of a Stand-
ing Army, is to have that Army compofed of Dif-
fenting Officers : If a Diflenting Juftice will be as
Odious to the Comraoa People,, ^nd as troublefome

t»

to all about him as a Committee-Man Tif thcit
being admitted into the Magiftracy, will .add a
Weight to their Errors, and if the true Secret of
this Attempt (let them pretend what they will)
is to Model Corporations, to Augment their Num-
bers, to Strengthen their Intereli, and by thefc
^Means to gain a Majority of their own Creatures
'in the Hou/c of Commons, which may hereafLer as ef-
'fedually as heretofore, fubmit bocii t!ie Church and
Crown to their Mercy ; I will leave k to yoj, or
any impartial • Man to judge, whether we ought
not to be very well advifed, and very. -fee Lire of
, their good Faith and Sincerity before we admit fo
great an Alteration in our Conflitution, and throw
up thofe Fences which the Vv^ifdom of our Fathers
thought fo neceflary, both againft our Popifh, and
C'DilVenting Adverfaries ; fmcc we and our Pofterity
cmay repent too late of any inconfiderable Eafinefs
in an Affaic or this Moment. And now ( Sir,) I
;hope you will believe me^ when I allure you, that
•I neither, writ this, or my former Letter, out of any
perfonal Prejudice to the Dijjenters^ whofe juft and
reafonable Claims J fliall never oppofe , but out of
thatfincere regard which every good Briton ought
to exprefs to the true and lafting Intereft of his
King, to the Peace and Qiiiet of his Country, and
to the. Security of that Religion, whofe Dodrines
the i)///£';/ife'rj.themfelves approve j and whofe Dif-
cipline comes the nearell; of any to the Primitive
.Times.

/ amy StYy &c.

'Jan. 2]d, 1 71 7-8,

\ \ F I N. J S,

CORPO RATION & TEST ACTS.

^

The Lonflon Society of Deputirs of the Three Denominations
of Dissenters — Presbyterian, Independent, and Baptist, —
liaving-, witli Deputations from the General Body of Ministers,
and other Bodies or Societies, representing the various leading
Denominations of Protestant Dissenters, lately met, and
formed a Li NiTEi) Committee for the purpose of seeking
relief from their legal disabilities, they have thoiiglit it expedient
to state brietiy their present legal position, and some of the
reasons on which they urge their claim to be restored to equal
rights in the community.

IT can hardly be thought extraordinary that Protestant Dis-
senters should come forward to claim for themselves the benefit
of the principles of civil and religious liberty, and to aid in their
enforcement and practical application, at a time when the sub-
ject is on all hands eaoeriy discussed ; when profound peace
and the oblivion of many onTanimosities and parly prejudices
anovv_j;^opjp3_J]or jmjwU^^ and when even that

body of Christians, v/lio' have ever been the most prominent
objects of exclusion, have on more than one occasion obtained
the favourable sanction of a majority of the House of Commons.

The origin of the proscription of Protestant Dissenters from
the free enjoy ujent of the common rights of citizenship, is singular '
when contrasted witli the moral and political importance of the
iTieasure, and the pertinacity with which it has been subsequentlv
maintained. It seems to have arisen from no maturely weighed
consideration even of political differences — from no acknow-
ledged or even openly asserted demerit on the part of the pro-
scribed. In its principal features it was, in fact, accidental; she
effect of a remarkable concurrence of parties and circumstances,
— in which it was not thought safe to trust even the Sovereign
with the discretion of choosing his own servants, — by which
even the sufferers were, by intrigue or delusion, made instru-
mental to their own and their children's degradation, to the
imposition of a test highly objectionable in a religious poiiit of
view, and not even necessary to the end avowedly proposed —
that of excluding the Roman Catholics from office. The raea- h
sure, however, once carried, has been perseveringl}?^ maintained li
and defended; and enactments, arising out of the animosities,'
fears, i»l-ii^es^ and jealousies of a turbulent reign, have been
preserver! aiTcl extolle^as the ^utwarks raised by deliberate/
^visdom for the permanent protection of the constitution. I

The civil proscription of Protestant Dissenters arises solely)
from the Sacramental Test ininosed by two statutes; the second)
of them directly and positively aimed , against the Romanj
Catholics; and the other apparently connected as little, in itsl
ofiginai object, with the permanent exclusion of Protestant
Dissenters. These statutes are commonly called the Corporation j
and Test Acts.

The first of these Acts, which was passed in 1G61 (1:3 Car. ^I.
Stat; 2. 0,1,) arose from the temporary design of expelling from

corporate ofHcts llie adheicnts ot Uie Inic <;ovciriiiiotit, vvilli a
view to the safety (rf the newly rfistored d) nasty. In all its
clauses but one, it looks to t!ie uhject ot settling hy autliorily
who were ihe unoj^jectioiiabio holders ol these othces, to which
there weie of course, at such a ptiiod, rival pretcnsious. Coui-
inissioners were by the Act a|>pointecl for the settlement of a'l
questions of this sort, and they were directed to administer io
those whom they should esiabiish as the proper possessors of
oftices, the oatlis of Allegiance and Supremacy, toj>ether with
an oath against taking arms against the King, and a declaration,
disavowing the " Solemn League and Coveiuuit;" which two last
requisitions have been since repealed by an act passed 5 Geo. I.
«. G. No Sacramental Test was imposed upon these persons;
but, nearly at the end of the statute, there is a clause which pro-
vided that, after the commission had expired, (1633,) no person
should be placed in any ofHce of magistracy, or place or
employment in the government of a corporation, who had not,
within the previous year, taken the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper according to the rites of the Church of England, and who
will not, when elected, take the oaths of Supreniacy and Allegi-
ance, and the further oath and declaration above mentioned.
The flection of any one not so qualified is declared void. It is
worthy of observation, that the Sacramental Test was not im-
posed on those against whom the act was doubtlessly intended
by the original frainers to be directed, namely, the then holders
of otHces who were not friendly to the court: — -and, as a key to '^^
I the whole, it may be added, that this clause was no provision ' ,'
/ made or contemplated by the constitutional party in the Com- ;
j raons, but was an after-thought of the House of Lords, assented -
I to by the Commons only by way of compromise, to get rid of y
\ what the most ardent admirer of the constitutional precedents of/

\' this reign will hardly now justify, a proposal by the Lords to
vest in the crown the perpetujil nmninaJdtui^tOL_coriKjj[a^t^e.Qftice&.

The second of the statutes aflecting Protestant Dissenters is
the Test Act, by which they are excluded from all civil and
military trusts and oflices. This Act was passed in 1672
(25 Car. IL c. '2.) and is entille<l, " An Act for preventing
Danger which may happen from Popish Recusants." It pro-
vides, that every person admitted into oflice, or receiving pay
from his Majesty, or holding any command or place of trust
under him or in his household, shall, within six months, receive
the Sacrament according to the usage of the Chuich of England,
^ and produce a certificate thereof, under the penalty of inca-
pacity ; and, in case of acting without compliance, of being-
subject, on conviction, to disqualification from serving in anj'
court of law, or acting as a guardian, executor, or administrator, "** ■
or receiving a legacy, or beariiig any othce in England or
Wales, and to the j^ayment of a fine of 500t'., the whole of
which goes to the informer.

At the time of passing this Act, k is obvious that a ditTerent
state of parties and of moving causes existed; the constitutional

3

parly's distrust was (Ureotod to a Hiffc-iTnt qurvitor; axid tho
jKJsitioti of political aftairs, with a kiiii^ whom the nation conid
not trust", and an arniy under the comtnand of the Duke of
York, raised without the sanction of Parliament, and filled
with foreigners, may excuse the alarm and eagerness of self-
preservation which existed on all sides. The Act, it is to be
observed, did not exchide Nonconformists from Parliament, ■
in which stren<ilh was at that time wanted for the purpose of
controlling the King- and the Court, not the Dissenters, who
made comn)on cause with the constitutional party. The statute
which was passed five years afterwards (30 Car. II.) furnishes
a clue to discover the feeling which dictated the Test Act. It
recites that the previous Act "had not had the desired efiect,
by reason of the free access such Popish recusants have had
to his Majesty," and extends the exclusion to Members of
Parliament, but in such a way as not to include the Dissenters
in its operation. It droi)s the Sacramental 'I'est, and prescribes
a Declaration against Catholicism, to be signed as the quali-
fication for filling a seat in Parliament, and also for acting as a
sworn servant of his Majesty, which last provision has been
since repealed : the Act now, therefore, only operates to excludo
Catholics from Parliament,

It may be further added, that a Bill for the relief of tho
Protestant Dissenters passed the Commons, end was enter-
taine<l by the Lords in the very same Session in which the Test
Act passed, that a motion for incapacitating them to sit as
Members of Parliament was lost by a great majority; and that
several other measures pointing to their relief were only]
friistrat(>d by the manoeuvres one while of the Court, and at
other times of its opponc'uts, each jealous of the otiicr's inten
tioDS, and apparently considering that the wish of one party was
at any time a sufficient reason for the distrust and opposition of
the oth.er.

These details are referred to merely for the purpose of meeting
(he argument of antiquity and authority (if such an one should
be resorted to), by shewing that in these events no one ought
to see a deliberate unprejudicgjl. constitutional inteiUion T^t-rwrn-
nentluUt excTuTIe Protestant Dissenters from civil ofiices or
iTusTsT and that the fair historical conclusion is, that the Test
Laws (enacted under fears at one time of the personal adhe-
rents of a disbanded government, and at another of a distrusted

.'^.■-•^>^--<5.:^'

Court) originated in emergencies unconnected with any permii^
nent apprehensions by the constitutional party of the ProtestanP
Dissenters, and that their original enactment^^jiresents as iit'ie
solid ground for the present distiifctjonsTSetween nenibers of th('
community, as wouhl the alleged adherence of tiu^ir ancestors to
the Red or White Hose.

By these laws, however, a great and infiuciuial body of t!ie
community were and have continued to be humbled and
oppressed. All corporate, magisterial, jiidicini, and public
appointments, were thenceforth by law niouo|M>hzed by the

nioiiiUeis of llie Established Chuicli, and it was not to he

wondered at tl»at tlie appetite for perseoution i^ould £iow wjlji

its iiididgence-^ ' . " ~'

Tlie legal situation of Protestant Dissenters has, since the
Kevolution, been one of gradual iniprovejuent, so far at least
as regards the free exercise of their religious worship, under the
operation of Acts of Toleration, which have, for the most part,
been fairly and liberally administered. Tlio registration of iheir
places of worship, and the qualification of their ministers, are
now regulated in asuthciently convenient manner, and they have
little to complain of on this head, with the exception of a few
particulars, —such as the want of provision for ihe registration
of their births — the refusal of the rites of burial to unbaptized
persons, which has not unfrecpiently been persisted in — the
enforcement of marriage according lo the ritfs of the Cliurch-—
and the rerpiiring of a licence or (pialiGcalion from Dissenting
8choolmaste;s, whicii seems tt> impose (ui them an unnecessary
burthen, and v.iiicU may sometimes occasion great annoyance
and inconvenience.

Their situation, however, as to legal capacity lor civil oihccs,
has remained the same, or nearly so, aldiough their relief was
recommended by \V'iIlinin the Third, in one of his earliest
speeches to Faniament; was distinctly sanctioned by George
ihe First on the accessiojj of the House of Brunswick; has
been repeatedly approved anorecommended by several of the
most erdightened Ministers of the Crown and Prelates of the
Church, and has been the subject of repeated discussions in
Parliament; on one of the latest of which occasions (1789), a
Bill for their relief, by the repeal of the Sacramental 'fest, was
rejected only by a majority of twenty votes. '."

Many circumstances have, for several years past, combined to
induce Protestant Dissenters to abstain from tirging their just
claims, for a restitution of their civil rights, further than by re-
peated Petitions to the Legislature on the subject. While
nnable to see a prospect of successful exertion, they have not
been clamorous in their importunities, nor active in keeping up
the memory of former animosities. Having now, however, in
reliance upon the increasing "lights which reason, juslic£^.^nd ---
policy have thrown upon these subjects, determined that the
time is come for no longer pursuing a passive course; they feel

(^'

that they shail be wanting to themselves, to their children, and
to the cause of true religion, of peace, of charity, and freedom,
, if they do not boldly and unremittingly urge those claims, the
justice of which they can hardly persuade themselves will be
denied, and so far at least raise their protest against a sustem
which they believe to be founded in imijolicy and ii^uiitic^

They have this advantage, at least, in (ITscussing the question
since the passing of the Toleration Acts, that all degree of
legal offence which was supposed to belong to Noncoidormity
has been removed. They have the authority of Lord Chief
Justice ^Villes for asserting, that their toleration " is grounded

on natural rights ;-~tliat the highest natural rij^^t \?, that of /^ ,
couscionce ; and (!!jaJJj_j2ii^5lll^_tlia:iiloxej_t^^ — ■

liberal construction;" and of Lord liianstield, that their \v<»r-
sTnp"is~uo\v"''Tr(iT(jTrR'^ erannpted fVoin punishment, but rendered
innocent and lawful — that it is established.''

In the exercise of the rijj,ht of private judgment, which even
positive law thus allows them freely to avow and act upon, and
under the influence of that spirit of nformation, on wincli the
founders of the Church of England rested and defended their
separation from that of Rome, the English Nonconformij^ts pro-
fess, and openly declare, and act upon their dissent from the
Church now established by Law. They cannot, therefore,!
\vitbout a violation of theij^ sincere con victjons, offer that con-j
formity ^vvluchrTsT'as they submit, unnecessarily and unjiigtlyl
required, to enable them to exercise the rights, an<l enjoy orj
aspire to the honour of citizenship in a free country ; and io far I
the profession of their opinions is, notwithstanding the Tolera- J
tion Acts, fettered and made the subject of legal persecution,}
and, what perhaps is worse, a spirit of party distinction and'
exclusion js established,! and spreads itself over the whole/
coramu nit}'. ' ^

It is true, that to avoid the shame of open intolerance, and
iu order to avert the many and serious evils vrhicli would result
from the general enforcement of the Corporation and Test Acts,
(if indeed such an attempt were practicable in the present state
of society and public opinion,) laws have, for a period of g/j %j,
upwards of eighty years, been from year to year passed for the '

purpose of indemnifying, under certain conditions, those who
oflend against the provisions of these penal statutes. Such
laws may surel}' be taken as a confession by the legislature, i; / /^ c
that the practic;' 1 eai'qrc^niSJit. XlJAhe -jLeiialtifis, Vthich tliey sus- l^/^^,
pend, is not necessary to the safety either of the Chnrcii or the ^"^
State; but the Dissenter maybe allowed to observe, l.That *jj j**^^
these laws do not appear upon the face of them to have any J>v« /«-
relation to conscientiGiis nonconformity. They recite the omis-
sion, contemplated by them as the subject of relief, to be
" through ignorance of the law, absence, or unavoidable acci-
dent." They profess, therefore, to shelter the careless or in-
different, but not the conscientious ; and they proceed, so far as
regards Dissenters, (if they relate to them at all), upon the
assumption, in itself unauthorised and untrue, of inad.vertefll.
omission and consecmeiU iiitention pnthe part of the person, who
claimT llieTTenefit ot then», to qualify within the period granted
by the indulgence of the Legislature. 2. Wliere previous con-
formity is actually called f(»r, they are useless; and, for in-
stance, no Dissenter can be elected into an oftice for which
there is a rival candidate, on whose behalf any one chooses to
give previous notice of his opponent's disqualification : and thus
is left in the hands of any single individual the arbitrary power
of wantonly, and at his own caprice, preventing not merely a
Dissenter, but an inadvertent Churchman, from filling a situation

CO-,

6

to whidi hi? station, talent**, or the good opinion of his country-
men, may entitle him to aspire. 3, "^rheir legal etiiciency is, in
many respects, imperfect; and it is, in particular, considered
' doubttiii, whether these IndeiDnily Acts prevent an action and
judgment tor the unniitigable penalty of 4.500, if the party offend-
ing should refuse or neglect to take the Sacrament for six months
alter the passing of each annual act, or if he commit the ofl'ence
after the passing of one annual act before the enactment of
another, and if in the meantime judgment be obtained. 4. They
place the most important liberties on a tenure of mere sufi'erance,
on a [yearly charter, of which accident or caprice may prevent
the renewal. Precarious liberty is a contradiction in terms; and
it should be recollected, that liberty wl.ich depends upon

f suspensive acts of this sort is at all times so far precarious, that
it is at the mercy not of the united legislature of the country,
but of any one branch; which may, without ihe concurrence,
J^^and it may be in opposition to the wishes, of th.e other, retnse its
assent. If liberty were the rule, and exclusion were the ex-
ception, the sufferers would at all events have the consolation of
iTiiowmg that the sentence passed upon thernniust receive the
sanction of all the branches of the legislature.'^^

Finally, Dissenters see i!i such concessions, no relaxation,
but rather a conlirmation of the obnoxious principle of ex-
clusion ; — the Indemnity Acts suspend but do not remove (hose
harsher enactments, the enforcement of which would be
dangerous to the rights of properly^and outrageous to pnblic_
opinion; — they are a licence given, not a TilToriy recDgnrzecF; —
they'tfe'at as matter of offence what Dissenters consider as the
exercise of the unalienable right and the undoubted duty of an
accountable being;— they recognize, in fine, ffre principle, ati1<e~
oppressive and impolitic, by which a vast number of deserving
members of the cnmmunity are shut out from the general
blessings of good government, and subjected to degradation,

/'which no conduct on their part has merited, and which they

( cannot be expected patiently to endure.
- The Dissenters are, they conceive, warranted, by the following
resolutions of the House of Commons, in the assertion that laws
of exclusion and disability, es|)cciaily such as are levelled against
opinion, impose on tlipse who seek their continuance, the per-
petual duty of proving at every moment their necessity, and of
pointing out the social and civil demerits of those who are
subjected to their operation ;—',' That all citizens of the same
/state, living under the same government, are entitled * prima
Ifacie' to equal political rights and privileges." — " That it is at
'all times desirable to create and maintain the most perfect
identity of interest and feeling among all the members of the
same community." Otherreasons, it is plain, must, in this case,
be sf>ught to justify the continuance of the statutes in question,
than those which entered into their original formation; but the
Dissenters, feeling that the burthen of proof does not lie with
them, at the same time that they shrink from no examination, do

7

not feel Uicmselve* culU-d u[}o\i U) teiRU-r any viridication of
their CDiitlnct in society, ami still loss any justitication of their ^
reli'jious princiules, for wliicli tliey hold theiustlves accountable
to no earthly tribunal.

They claim as their right, inasmuch as it is tlieir dati/, as moral
and intellectual beings, in common with all their tellow-men, to
exercise and act upon their best judgment and the diclates of|
their consciences in matters of religion, neither influenced byj
favour on the one hand, nor exposed to proscn[)tion or humiliation | .
on the other, riiey deem actions, not principles or opinious, ' •^''
the safe and legitimate subjects of the civil magislrate's juris- /. m'«
diction. They deny the title of the professors of any particular ^ ^^^
form of religion, on account of njimericaljmi_jori{y, to inoiippolize' '
to themselves, oroidy dole out by favour, the common privileges!
of society; and they consider the assumption of authority,
whether to punish or tolerate another in the perforruance of his
religious duties, an unwarrantable pretension to infallibility, a
cruel injustice towards individuals, and, iinally, a grievous insult
and injury to religion itself. As friends to the purity and sim-
plicity of religion, they feel, in cominon, as they have reason to
believe, with many pious and consistent Churchmen, that the
Test selected for effecting their exclusion, is peculiarly objection^
able. They believe that this country is the only one in which
such a connexion has been formed between the most solemn ' ■^*''
religious ordinance and the qualilication for secular employment, ''''^
often necessarily conferred on persons who.m the Church, in the
unfettered administration of her ortlinances, would receive with
caution ;" andTtiey eHeenj such a connexion a profanation, against
which, as Christians, they would, under any circumstances, be
bouiid to protest.

In point o^i policy and expediency, they urge the ai)andoniJiei)t
of restraints upon conscience, as the fruitful sources of division,
weakness, and discord in the State ; as encouragements only to'
insincerity and dishonesty ; as exclusions of the conscientious j
man, not of the iudiiferent_orj.inprinciplod. While, on the one
hand, tlie allurements of patronage offer, or ought to offer, no/
facility lor the addition of converts of any worth to an established/
faith, proscription tends to blend with conscientious dissent the'
appearance of piTlUjcal 'disaffection. " Conscience," to quote
once more the words of Lord ftransfield, " is uot controllable
by human laws, nor amenable to human tribunals. Persecution,
or attempts to force conscience* will never produce conviction ;
they are only calculated to mal/e hypocrites or martyrs."

They ajjpeal, further, to experience. They point to other
countries, where the principle of free and equal indulgence to
conflicting opinions lias been avowed and acted upon to its
fullest extent. I'hey know uo instance where it has not prodi;ceil
results equally cheering to the Christian, the philosopher, and
the politician ; — they know none where exclusion has uot been
productive of evil,-^lri their own country, they ask whether any
one measure of concession has led to mischievous results;
whether the public prospfrityhas been woakeu^d by the rwuoval/

8

of causes of division ; whether, on the other hand, justice and
hberahty have not always produced tlie hitj)[>y fruits of con-
fidence, union, charity, ant! Christian afi'ection ? If Dissenters
are admitted to have been h)yal siiljjects and useful menil)er9
of the community, while marked with the brand of degradation,
ihey are surely not likely to sink in character by being- treated
with confidence and justice.

They would ask the Legislature to have regard to consis-
tcncrj. tn Scotland no such laws are found necessary to protect
an Establisliment. In Ireland, where, if an}' where, the Esta-
blished Church would seem to need a more especial defence,
no Corporation Act ever existed : the SacranieiUal Test,
existed not till 1703, and was repealed in 1780. Yet an Irish
Dissenter, on coming: to this country, linds himself prosciibc<{
by the law> as does also a membor of tlie Scotch Estahlishment,
m whose case the anomaly is still more striking. Tiso!,i<;h de-
clared on the statute book of England unworthy to till the
most petty civil otiice. Dissenters are allowed, withont any
test, as Members of Parliament, to propose and enact laws
which they are represented as unworthy in a?)y way to execute,
but they are n;oreover debarred from aiming at those higher
honours to which parliamentary eminence would under other
circumstances naturally lead. Public attention has been
directed to the revision oT our code ; — anomalies and absurdi-
ties Jhaye bi^»::n_s33iepLjaiiiay ;---and what can be a more suitable
time for relieving it from the odious traces of religions pro-
jicription ? Why, if penal laws are really thought necessary to
the protection of the Church or the State, shotdd their enforce-
ment be left to the cajiricejof an individual Z Why, in fine, if

the answer to the coniplauiis of the Dissenters be the virtual
suspension of her penal eiiHclments, should not England have
the credit of their annihilaUon^;, and free her statute book from
^dle (IIsTiTicTToiis arKfTiarassing restrictions and disqualifications,
-■-which exist only by the mere naloedjngh^ qf4)ossession,---of
which no one ventures to advocate the application,— -and which
would be expelled with igiiominv or contejiipt by enlightened
renovators of the law?

Thus feeling, —and believing that, in advocating, to the best
of their ability their own particular claims, they are serving the ge-
neral causf of freedom and iil)erality,— the Frote.Ntftnt Dissenters
of England respectfully, but earnestly, call upon the Legislature
to take the obnoxious statutes before referred to, into its con-
sideration; — to relieve this country from the reproach, which
belongs to her alone, of profaning (as they humbly conceive)
the holy ordinances of Christianity fyr secnlaF ends ; — and to
declare and act upon those great principles of religious liberty,
v\ hich in so many other countries have been already recognized,
and which are, in their judgment, essential to the peace and
virtue and happiness of mankind.

ROBERT ^VIlSTEIl, Searlar!/.
U>, Bedford Row.

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