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61sT CONGRESS 1 C-FW A TF /
Sd Session } SENATE { Na 633
REPORTS OF THE IMMIGRATION COMMISSION
IMMIGRANTS IN INDUSTRIES
(IN TWENTY-FIVE PARTS)
PART 25 : JAPANESE AND OTHER IMMIGRANT
RACES IN THE PACIFIC COAST AND
ROCKY MOUNTAIN STATES
(IN THREE VOLUMES: VOL. I)
JAPANESE AND EAST INDIANS
PRESENTED BY MR. DILLINGHAM
JUNE 15, 1910. — Referred to the Committee on Immigration
and ordered to be printed, with illustrations
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1911
THE IMMIGRATION COMMISSION.
Senator WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, Representative BENJAMIN F. HOWELL,
Chairman. Representative WILLIAM S. BENNET.
Senator HENRY CABOT LODGE. Representative JOHN L. BURNETT.
Senator ASBURY C. LATIMER.° Mr. CHARLES P. NEILL.
Senator ANSELM J. McLAURiN.6 llr. JEREMIAH W. JENKS.
Senator LE ROY PERCY. c Mr. WILLIAM R. WHEELER.
Secretaries :
MORTON E. CRANE. W. W. HUSBAND.
C. S. ATKINSON.
Chief Statistican:
FRED C. CROXTON.
Extract from act of Congress of February 20, 1907, creating and defining the
duties of the Immigration Commission.
That a commission is hereby created, consisting of three Senators, to be ap-
pointed by the President of the Senate, and three Members of the House of
Representatives. 'to be appointed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives,
and three persons to oe appointed by the President of the United States. Said
commission shall make full inquiry, examination, and investigation, by sub-
committee or otherwise, into the subject of immigration. For the purpose of
said inquiry, examination, and investigation said commission is authorized to
send for persons and papers, make all necessary travel, either in the United
States or any foreign country, and, through the chairman of the commission,
or any member thereof, to administer oaths and to examine witnesses and
papers respecting all matters pertaining to the subject, and to employ necessary
clerical and other assistance. Said commission shall report to Congress the
conclusions reached by it, and make such recommendations as in its judgment
may seem proper. Such sums of money as may be necessary for the said in-
quiry, examination, and investigation are hereby appropriated and authorized
to be paid out of the " immigrant fund " on the certificate of the chairman of
said commission, including all expenses of the commissioners, and a reasonable
compensation, to be fixed by the President of the United States, for those mem-
bers of the commission who are not Members of Congress ; * * *.
0 Died February 20, 1908.
6 Appointed to succeed Mr. Latimer, February 25, 1908. Died December 22,
1909.
0 Appointed to succeed Mr. McLaurin, March 16, 1910.
LIST OF REPORTS OF THE IMMIGRATION COMMISSION.
Volumes 1 and 2. Abstracts of Reports of the Immigration Commission, with Conclusions and Recom-
mendations and Views of the Minority. (These volumes include the Commission's complete reports
on the following subjects: Immigration Conditions in Hawaii; Immigration and Insanity; Immi-
grants in Charity Hospitals; Alien Seamen and Stowaways; Contract Labor and Induced and Assisted
Immigration; The Greek Padrone System in the United States; Peonage.) (S. Doc. No. 747, 61st
Cong., 3d sess.)
Volume 3. Statistical Review of Immigration, 1819-1910— Distribution of Immigrants, 1850-1900. (S. Doc.
No. 756, 61st Cong., 3d sess.)
Volume 4. Emigration Conditions in Europe. (S. Doc. No. 748, 61st Cong., 3d sess.)
Volume 5. Dictionary of Races or Peoples. (S. Doc. No. 662, 61st Cong., 3d sess.)
Volumes 6 and 7. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 1, Bituminous Coal Mining. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong.,
2dsess.)
Volumes 8 and 9. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 2, Iron and Steel Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st
Cong., 2d sess.)
Volume 10. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 3, Cotton Goods Manufacturing in the North Atlantic States—
Pt. 4, Woolen and Worsted Goods Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volume 11. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 5, Silk Goods Manufacturing and Dyeing— Pt. 6, Clothing
Manufacturing— Pt. 7, Collar, Cuff, and Shirt Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volume 12. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 8, Leather Manufacturing— Pt. 9, Boot and Shoe Manufac-
turing—Pt. 10, Glove Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volume 13. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 11, Slaughtering and Meat Packing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st
Cong., 2d sess.)
Volume 14. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 12, Glass Manufacturing— Pt. 13, Agricultural Implement
and Vehicle Manufacturing. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volume 15. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 14, Cigar and Tobacco Manufacturing— Pt. 15, Furniture Man-
ufacturing—Pt. 16, Sugar Refining. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volume 16. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 17, Copper Mining and Smelting— Pt. 18, Iron Ore Mining—
Pt. W, Anthracite Coal Mining— Pt. 20, Oil Refining. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)~
Volume 17. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 21, Diversified Industries, Vol. I. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong.,
2d sess.)
Volume 18. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 21, Diversified Industries, Vol. II— Pt. 22, The Floating Immi-
grant Labor Supply. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volumes 19 and 20. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 23, Summary Report on Immigrants in Manufacturing
and Mining. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volumes 21 and 22. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 24, Recent Immigrants in Agriculture. (S. Doc. No.
633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volumes 23-25. Immigrants in Industries: Pt. 25, Japanese and Other Immigrant Races in the Pacific
Coast and Rocky Mountain States. (S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volumes 26 and 27. Immigrants in Cities. (S. Doc. No. 338, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volume 28. Occupations of the First and Second Generations of Immigrants in the United States— Fe-
cundity of Immigrant Women. (S. Doc. No. 282, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volumes 29-33. The Children of Immigrants in Schools. (S. Doc. No. 749/6lst Cong., 3d sess.)
Volumes 34 and 35. Immigrants as Charity Seekers. (S. Doc. No. 665, 61st Cong., 3d sessj
Volume 36. Immigration and Crime. (S. Doc. No. 750, 61st Cong., 3d sess.)
Volume 37. Steerage Conditions— Importation and Harboring of Women for Immoral Purposes— Immi-
grant Homes and Aid Societies— Immigrant Banks. (S. Doc. No. 753, 61st Cong., 3d sess.)
Volume 38. Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants. (S. Doc. No. 208, 61st Cong., 2d sess.)
Volume 39. Federal Immigration Legislation— Digest of Immigration Decisions— Steerage Legislation,
1819-1908— State Immigration and Alien Laws. (S. Doc. No. 758* 61st Cong., 3d sess.)
Volume 40. The Immigration Situation in Other Countries: Canada— Australia— New Zealand— Argen-
tina—Brazil. (S. Doc. No. 761, 61st Cong., 3d sess.)
Volume 41. Statements and Recommendations Submitted by Societies and Organizations Interested In
the Subject of Immigration. (S. Doc. No. 764, 61st Cong., 3d sess.)
Volume 42. Index of Reports of the Immigration Commission. (S. Doc. No. 785, 61st Cong., 3d sess.)
Ill
IMMIGRANTS IN INDUSTRIES,
JAPANESE AND OTHER IMMIGRANT RACES IN THE PACIFIC COAST AND ROCKY
MOUNTAIN STATES (IN THREE VOLUMES I VOL. l).
This report, which was prepared under the direction of the Commission by
H. A. Millis, superintendent of agents, forms part of the general report of the
Immigration Commission on immigrants in industries. Dr. Millis was assisted
in the preparation of certain parts of his report as follows: Immigrant labor
in the hop industry, Immigrant labor in California fruit and vegetable can-
neries, Immigrant labor in the manufacture of cement, Immigrant labor in the
salmon canneries of Alaska, Immigrant labor in the manufacture of cigars
and cigarettes in San Francisco, Immigrant labor in the powder factories of
California, Immigrant laborers employed by street railway companies operat-
ing in the cities of the Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain States, Immigrants
employed in miscellaneous industries in California, and Immigrant labor in
the coal and coke industry of the Western States, by Samuel Bryan; Immi-
grant labor in the orchards about Suisun Valley, Immigrant labor and farm-
ing in the Imperial Valley, The wine-making industry of California, and The
celery industry of Orange County, Cal., by Evan J. Hughes; Immigrant labor
in the beet-sugar industry in the Western States and Immigrant labor in the
metalliferous mining, smelting, and refining industry in the Western States,
by W. M. Duff us ; and Immigrants in Los Angeles, CaL, by Ralph D. Fleming.
CONTENTS.
PART I—THE JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES,
Page.
CHAPTER I. — Introductory 3
CHAPTER II. — Formation, geographical distribution, and composition of the
Japanese population in the United States 5
CHAPTER III. — Japanese wage-earners in industries-.
Japanese as railroad laborers 36
Japanese employed in the lumber and timber industries of Oregon and
Washington 46
Japanese employed in the salmon-canning industry in Washington, Oregon,
and Alaska
Japanese employed in fruit and vegetable canneries of California 51
Japanese employed in coal mines in the Western Division 52
Japanese employed in the mining and smelting of metalliferous ores in the
Western Division » 56
Japanese employed in other industries 57
Summary
CHAPTER IV. — Japanese in agriculture 61
Agricultural laborers 61
California r 62
Oregon 68
Washington 69
Idaho 70
Utah 71
Colorado 72
Yearly earnings .*. 74
Japanese farmers 75
CHAPTER V. — Japanese in city employments and business 91
Japanese in domestic and personal service and related employments 91
Japanese in business 99
Laundries 118
Restaurants serving American meals 121
Barber shops '. 123
Shoe repairing 126
Tailoring, cleaning, and dyeing 128
Provision and grocery stores , 129
Organization 131
Summary 132
CHAPTER VI. — Other economic considerations 135
CHAPTER VII . — Social and political considerations 145
CHAPTER VIII — Pacific coast opinion of Japanese immigration and the desire
for Asiatic laborers 167
VII
vrn Contents.
PART II— THE JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN
THE PRINCIPAL CITIES OF THE PACIFIC COAST AND ROCKY MOUN-
TAIN STATES.
Page.
CHAPTER I. — Introductory 181
CHAPTER II. — Japanese in city employments and business in San Francisco. 183
Introduction 183
Japanese employed by white persons 183
Japanese in business 187
Laundries 189
Cobbler shops 197
Restaurants serving American meals 200
Boarding and lodging houses and labor agencies 202
Tailors, dressmakers, and suit cleaners 205
Barber shops 207
Bathhouses 207
Men's furnishing stores. 207
Jewelry and watch repairing 207
Art goods stores 208
Provision and grocery stores 208
Other stores 208
Photographers 209
Billiard and pool halls and shooting galleries 209
Other business 209
Personal data relative to Japanese business men 209
Personal data relative to Japanese wage-earners 213
Sociological data 215
CHAPTER III. — Japanese in city employments and business in Los Angeles... 223
I n troduc tipn 223
Data relating to Japanese business 226
Barber shops 226
Baths 227
Laundries 227
Pool rooms 229
Restaurants 229
Cobbler shops 231
Tailoring and cleaning establishments 231
Provision and grocery stores 232
Fish and poultry and meat markets 233
Art or curio stores 233
Other stores 234
Cigar, confectionery, and ice-cream stands 234
Boarding and lodging houses 235
Employment agencies * 236
Petty manufacture 237
Other business 237
Japanese professional men 238
Summary and statement of the essential facts relating to Japanese business. . 238
Personal data relative to Japanese business men 239
Data relating to wage-earners 243
Sociological data 244
CHAPTER IV.-^-Japanese in city trades and employments in Sacramento 249
Introduction 249
Data relating to Japanese business 251
Barber shops 251
Baths 252
Laundries 252
Restaurants.. 252
Hotels and lodging houses 253
Tailor shops 253
Men's furnishing stores 254
Grocery stores 254
Other stores 255
Employment and real estate agencies 256
Places of amusement.. 256
Contents. ix
CHAPTER IV. — Japanese in city trades and employments, etc. — Continued.
Data relating to Japanese business — Continued.
Photograph galleries 256
Other branches of business 256
Summary 257
Labor employed 258
Organization 259
The Japanese and real estate values. . . . 260
Personal data relating to Japanese engaged in business 261
Personal data relating to employees of Japanese business men 264
Sociological data 265
CHAPTER V.— Japanese in city employments and business in Washington,
with special reference to Seattle 271
Japanese in cities other than Seattle 271
The Japanese in Seattle — historical 273
Japanese employed by white persons 274
The Japanese district in Seattle ^ . . . 276
Laundries 277
Tailor shops ., 281
Barbershops..... 282
Restaurants serving American meals 283
Restaurants serving Japanese meals 285
Japanese stores 285
Hotels and lodging houses 288
Employment agencies 289
Newspapers and periodicals 290
Other kinds of business 290
Summary 291
Japanese business men of Seattle 292
Japanese wage-earners in Seattle 296
Sociological data 297
CHAPTER VI. — Japanese in city employments and business in Portland 303
CHAPTER VII. — Japanese in city employments and business in Denver ...... 307
CHAPTER VIII. — Japanese in city trades and business in Salt Lake City and
Ogden 313
Introduction 313
Japanese in city trades and employments in Salt Lake City 314
Japanese in business in Ogden 316
CHAPTER IX. — Japanese in business in Idaho 319
PART III— THE EAST INDIANS ON THE PACIFIC COAST,
Page.
CHAPTER 1. — Introductory : 323
CHAPTER II. — Settlement and progress of East Indians in Pacific Coast States. . 325
CHAPTER III. — Employment of East Indians in Coast States 331
In lumber mills and rope factory 331
In railroad work 332
In agricultural work in California 333
In other employments 336
Summary 336
CHAPTER IV. — Age and conjugal condition 339
CHAPTER V. — Standard of living 341
Agricultural workers 341
Mill workers '. 342
Tamale men J 344
CHAPTER VI.— Sociological data 347
General tables 351
List of text tables 397
Liat of general tables 401
PART I.-THE JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS IN THE
UNITED STATES.
PART I —THE JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES,
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
Special emphasis was placed upon Japanese immigration by the
agents of the Commission attached to the western office maintained
in San Francisco. Every industry in which the members of that
race have extensively engaged has been investigated, and the results
are set forth in the various reports in this volume. Among the
industries investigated and in which the Japanese have been ex-
tensively employed are the growing of fruit, vegetables, sugar beets,
and hops, the canning of salmon in Oregon, Washington, and Alaska,
and the canning of vegetables in California, railroad work, and coal
mining. An investigation was made also of Japanese engaged in city
employments and in business in the more important cities of the West.
Independent farming by the members of that race was investigated
in all of the States in which it has become extensive. Special investi-
gations were made of farming by Japanese in nine localities in
California, in several localities in northern Colorado, in northern
Utah, in Oregon, and in Washington. Moreover, agents attached
to the eastern office investigated Japanese farming in the States
of Texas and Florida. The detailed results of these special investi-
gations have been set forth in reports dealing with each city and
with each agricultural community. In the present report the more
general results have been brought together with the personal data
obtained for 13,307 Japanese for whom schedules were taken. Of
the 13,307 Japanese 12,905 were foreign-born, 402 native-born. The
representative character of the personal data is indicated by the fol-
lowing table, which shows by industry tbe number of foreign-born
Japanese for whom information was obtained.
TABLE 1. — Total number of foreign-born Japanese for whom information was
secured, by sex and ]by industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
Industry.
Male.
Female.
Total.
Agriculture
6 064
112
617R
Fish canneries
458
Fruit and vegetable canneries
201
36
237
Laundries ... . ........
161
Lumber mills
333
11
344
Mining, coal
447
447
Smelting
65
65
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construction
1 142
3
1 145
Shops, bridges, and buildings, water and signal service
631
631
Electric railways
102
102
Miscellaneous
1 277
61
1 338
Total
10,881
223
11 104
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 1. — Total number of foreiffn-bom Japanese for whom information was
secured, by sex and by industry — Continued.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Industry.
Male.
Female.
Total.
Agriculture
857
280
1,137
459
205
664
Total
1,316
485
1,801
Grand total
12, 197
708
12,905
It is the opinion of the agents of the Commission that in point of
accuracy the data secured in the schedules taken for the Japanese
are superior to those collected for most other races investigated in
the Western Division of the country. In making the investigation
the Commission has had the fullest cooperation of the Japanese
consular officers stationed in the different Western States and of
the Japanese press. In fact, everyone has given the Commission
every assistance in its efforts to secure the information desired. The
Commission is placed under special obligation to four Japanese
students who at different times have served it as interpreters and
translators. It must be added, however, that the investigation of
Japanese immigration was made at an inopportune time. Direct
emigration from Japan for the continental United States had been
greatly restricted by the Japanese Government for approximately a
year before the work of the Commission was begun. As a result
of this fact it has been impossible to ascertain with a satisfactory
degree of certainty the normal workings of an unrestricted immigra-
tion of that race. Because of the restrictions made, the differences
between the wages of Japanese and of white men, which had ob-
tained, had tended to disappear, while changes had been brought
about in the position and work of the Japanese labor contractors,
boarding houses, and emigration companies. It has not been possible
to deal with a number of vital points with the same degree of cer-
tainty as would have been possible had the investigation been made
when emigration from Japan was without great restriction.
CHAPTER IT.
FORMATION, GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION, AND COMPOSITION
OF THE JAPANESE POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES.
The number of Japanese in the continental United States has about
quadrupled since the Census of 1900 was taken. At that time the
number of Japanese reported, excluding Alaska, was 24,326. Esti-
mates made by the agents of the Commission from all available
sources — from the numbers engaged in various occupations, from the
numbers reported as living in different places, from the censuses
made in Oregon, Colorado, and parts of California by Japanese asso-
ciations, and from the annuals published by Japanese newspapers
printed in different cities — would give a total for the summer of 1909,
including the native-born, of between 95,000 and 100,000.
Until after 1890 the number of Japanese immigrants to the United
States was small. One Japanese is reported to have immigrated to
this country in 1861, 7 in 1866, 67 in 1867, 14 in 1868, 96 in 1869, and
55 in 1870. The Census for 1870, however, reported only 55 persons
of that race as residing in this country. The number reported in
1880 was 148, in 1890, 2,039. The number of Japanese (" imnri-
§ rants " and " nonimmigrants ") arriving at the ports of the United
tates and Canada have been separately reported in the annual re-
ports of the Commissioner-General of Immigration since 1893. The
figures presented in the following table have been compiled from that
source and show the number of Japanese or of Japanese " immi-
grants " admitted to the continental United States, excluding Alaska,
in so far as they have not come to the mainland from the Hawaiian
Islands.
TABLE 2. — Number of Japanese (exclusive of those coming from the Hawaiian
Islands) admitted to the continental United States,** fiscal years 1893 to 1910.
Year ending June 30—
Number. &
• Year ending June 30—
Number. *
1893
,380
1902. . .
5 325
1894
,931
1903
6 990
1895
,150
1904
7,771
1896
,110
1905
4 319
1897
,526
1906
5 178
1898 ..
2,230
1907
9 948
1899
3,395
1908
7 250
1900 .
12, 626
1909 .
1 593
1901
4,908
1910
1 552
o Not Including Alaska.
b These figures for the years 1893 to 1899 include "immigrants " and "other alien passengers" of the
Japanese race, the two classes not being separately reported previous to 1900. Since 1900 "other alien
passengers" have been excluded from the figures given. Since 1901 the number given has been obtained
by deducting from the total number of immigrants the number giving their destination as Hawaii or
Alaska. The number of "alien passengers" other than immigrants were 268, 811. 191, 195, 248, 794, fill,
612, 1,591, and 319 for the years 1900 to 1909, inclusive, respectively.
6 The Immigration Commission.
- •
This direct immigration has been greatly augmented by an in-
direct immigration by way of Hawaii. A large number of Japanese
who went there to work on the sugar plantations have later come to
the mainland seeking higher wages or better opportunities for inde-
pendent farming or business than were offered i» the islands. Still
others, when the Japanese Government discouraged emigration to the
continental United States, emigrated to Hawaii as a stepping-stone
to the Pacific coast. It has been reported that 20,641 Asiatics, of
whom perhaps 300 were Koreans and less than 75 Chinese, departed
from Hawaii for the mainland during the four years January 1, 1902.
to December 31, 1905.° The figures, by shorter periods, are as follows :
TABLE 3. — Departures of orientals from Hawaii to the mainland.
Period.
Number.
Jan 1 1902 to Sept. 30 1902 .
1 054
Oct 1 1902 to Sept 30 1903
2 119
Oct l' 1903 to June 30, 1904 %.
3' 665
July 1 1904 to June 30, 1905
11 132
July 1 1905 to Sept 30 1905
1 798
Oct. l' 1905, to Dec. 31, 1905
873
The number of Japanese who came during the years 1906 and
1907 also was large. According to the Hawaiian Board of Immigra-
tion the number of Japanese departing from that Territory to the
mainland during the year 1906 was 12,227.6 The corresponding
figure for 1907 was 5,438, of whom 5,149 were adult males, 198
adult females, and 91 children.0 As a result of the President's
order of March 14, 1907, issued in accordance with section 1 of the
immigration act approved February 20, 1907, excluding from the
continental United States " Japanese or Korean laborers, skilled or
unskilled, who have received passports to go to Mexico, Canada, or
Hawaii, and come therefrom," the corresponding number for the
calendar year 1908 was only 69.d Thus the number of Japanese
coming to the mainland from Hawaii during the seven years, 1902-
1908, was more than 37,000, as against 46,779 who immigrated from
Japan or other countries during the seven years, July 1, 1901, to
June 30, 1908. A third element is found in those who crossed the
Canadian or the Mexican border without permission of the officials
connected with the Bureau of Immigration — a matter discussed later
in this report.
The great majority of the Japanese immigrants have come to this
country when young men, a smaller number when they had become
older but had failed in business or found their prospects as farmers
a Third Report of the Commissioner of Labor on Hawaii, Bulletin of the
Bureau of Labor, No. 66, September, 1906, pp. 378-379. These figures, with those
to follow, cover fairly accurately Japanese immigrants regularly admitted to
the continental United States since the last census was taken, save those who
came from Honolulu during the six months July 1 to December 31, 1901.
b First Report of the Board of Immigration to the Governor of the Territory
of Hawaii, 1908.
c Second Report of the Board of Immigration to the Governor of the Territory
of Hawaii, 1909, p. 17.
* Ibid.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
or laborers in Japan unattractive. The ages of 11,585 Japanese males
from whom information was obtained at time of coming to the
continental United States are shown in the following tables, the first
iving the number, the second the percentage of the total number,
ailing within each specified age group :
TABLE 4. — Age of foreign-born Japanese males at time of coming to the United
States, by industry: Numbers.
WAGE-EARNERS.
•
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number within each specified age group.
Under
18.
18 and
19.
20 to
24.
25 to
29.
30 to
34.
35 to
39.
40 to
44.
45 or
over.
Agriculture
5,985
360
198
160
230
408
65
975
587
88
1,268
703
47
22
24
17
29
3
83
41
7
130
718
56
32
27
19
37
5
118
71
8
169
1,700
127
67
56
70
123
23
306
162
29
470
1,297
65
38
25
57
117
13
192
157
26
271
807
33
15
15
38
58
8
131
84
8
121
491
18
17
7
18
31
10
92
42
5
73
191
9
6
5
4
12
1
39
30
4
25
78
5
1
1
7
1
2
14
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Lumber mills
Transportation:
Steam railroads-
Maintenance of way
and construction . .
Shops, bridges, and
buildings, water
and signal service..
Electric railways
1
9
Miscellaneous
Total
10,324
1,106
1,260
3,133
2,258
1,318
804
326
119
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Agriculture
816
89
84
270
184
114
50
21
4
445
41
35
145
123
56
31
7
7
Total
1,261
130
119
415
307
170
81
28
11
TABLE 5. — Age of foreign-born Japanese males at time of coming to the United
States, by industry: Percentages.
' WAGE-EARNERS.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Per cent within each specified age group.
Under
18.
18 and
19.
20 to
24.
25 to
29.
30 to
34.
35 to
39.
40 to
44.
45 or
over.
Agriculture
5,985
360
198
160
230
408
65
975
587
88
1,268
11.7
13.1
11.1
15.0
7.4
7.1
4.6
8.5
7.0
8.0
10.3
12.0
15.6
' 16.2
16.9
8.3
9.1
7.7
12.1
12.1
9.1
13.3
28.4
35.3
33.8
35.0
30.4
30.1
35.4
31.4
27.6
33.0
37.1
21.7
18.1
19.2
15.6
24.8
28.7
20.0
19.7
26.7
29.5
21.4
13.5
9.2
7.6
9.4
16.5
14.2
12.3
13.4
14.3
9.1
9.5
8.2
5.0
8.6
4.4
7.8
7.6
15.4
9.4
7.2
5.7
5.8
3.2
2.5
3.0
3.1
1.7
2.9
1.5
4.0
5.1
4.5
2.0
1.3
1.4
.5
.6
3.0
.2
3.1
1.4
"i.'i
.7
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Laundries
Lumber mills ...........
Mining, coal ... ...
Smelting
Transportation:
Steam railroads-
Maintenance of way
and construction. . .
Shops, bridges, and
buildings, water
and signal service. .
Electric railways
Miscellaneous
Total
10,324
10.7
12.2
30.3
21.9
12.8
7.8
3.2
1.2
48296°— VOL 23—11-
8
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 5.— Age of foreign-born Japanese males at time of coming to the United
States, by industry: Percentage— Continued.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Per cent within each specified age group.
Under
18.
18 and
19.
20 to
24.
25 to
29.
30 to
34.
35 to
39.
40 to
44.
45 or
over.
816
445
10.9
9.2
10.3
7.9
83.1
32.6
22.5
27.6
14.0
12.6
6.1
7.0
2.6
1.6
0.5
1.6
Miscellaneous
Total
1,261
10.3
9.4
32.9
24.3
13.5
6.4
2.2
.9
Thus, of 10,324 wage-earners from whom data were collected, 2,366,
or 22.9 per cent of the total, were under 20 years of age, and 5,499,
or 53.2 per cent, were under 25 years of age when they immigrated
(from Japan or elsewhere) to the continental United States. Only
1,249, or 12.2 per cent, were 35 years of age or over. Of 1,261 farmers
and business men comprising the second main group shown in the
tables, 249 were under 20 years of age, 664, or 52.6 per cent, were
under 25, and only 120, or 9.5 per cent of the entire number, were 35
years of age or over when they came to this country. Were allow-
ance made for the time spent by many of these in Hawaii, it would
be seen that the great majority had left their native land when young
men.
Perhaps three-fifths, or even more, of the Japanese immigrants
to the United States have been of the agricultural class. The various
city classes have been small in comparison. This is shown by the
occupations of Japanese aliens arrived at the ports of the United
States (including Hawaii) and Canada, as reported by the Commis-
sioner-General of Immigration. The following table has been com-
piled from the reports of that official for the years 1901 to 1909, in-
clusive. The classes who have immigrated to the United States
directly or indirectly do not differ sufficiently from those who have
gone to Hawaii and remained there to prevent broad comparisons
based upon the table from being of value. °
TABLE 6. — Occupations of Japanese aliens arrived at ports of United States and
Canada, as reported by Commissioner-General of Immigration.
Year.
Total
number.
Profes-
sional.
Mer-
chants,
grocers,
and
bank-
ers.
Farm-
ers.
Farm
labor-
ers.
Skilled
labor-
ers.
Labor-
ers.
Per-
sonal
domes-
tic
service.
Other
occu-
pations.
With-
out
occu-
pation.o
1901
5,249
167
660
897
1,153
603
830
181
173
585
1902
14,455
222
1,211
5 212
451
1 047
1 558
173
193
4,388
1903
20 041
274
1 445
5 010
5 816
922
572
132
588
5 282
1904
14,382
373
1,189
121
6,775
641
1,474
317
248
3,244
1905
11.021
280
791
380
5,883
358
743
207
167
2,212
1906
14,243
256
649
522
8,435
329
835
195
567
2 446
1907
30 824
610
783
817
20 636
546
1 334
166
2 174
3 855
1908
16,418
378
687
378
6,766
457
1,144
284
1,742
4,582
1909
3,275
139
108
15
628
85
- 200
67
268
1,765
Total
129 998
2,699
7 523
13 352
56 543
4 988
8 690
1 722
6 129
28 359
Percentages
100.0
2.1
5.8
10.3
43.5
3.8
6.7
1.3
4.7
21.8
o This Includes women and children.
Japanese Immigrants in United States*. 9
Thus, according to these data, 10.3 per cent of the immigrants 'for
the nine years had been farmers in Japan, while 43.5 per cent had
been " farm laborers " most of whom were youths or young men
working on their fathers' farms without wages, for farm laborers
working regularly for wages have been relatively few. Moreover,
21.8 per cent, including women and children, had not been gainfully
occupied. A large percentage of these were the wives and small
children of farmers and farm laborers and should be added to the
percentages given above in order to obtain an estimate of the relative
number of the farming class emigrating from Japan. As opposed to
the 53.8 per cent who had been gainfully employed in agricultural
pursuits, 2.1 per cent were professional men (physicians, teachers,
preachers, actors, etc.), 5.8 per cent were merchants, grocers, and
bankers, 3.8 per cent skilled laborers in a great variety of trades, 6.7
per cent common laborers, 1.3 per cent had been occupied in the vari-
ous branches of domestic and personal service, and 4.7 per cent in
other occupations of which fishing was no doubt one of the more im-
portant. Thus, the majority of the Japanese immigrants have been
drawn from the rural sections of the country. Yet many classes have
found large representation among those who have come to the United
States.
The primary motive to immigration of the Japanese as of most
other races coming to this country has been economic. It is true
that 2,825 of 8,466 passports issued in 1906 for the continental United
States, and 2,843 of 38,559 issued for this country, including Hawaii,
were for the purpose of study.0 Yet, while the number of " stu-
dents " has been large, a majority of those who have come as such
have not pursued a regular course of study after their arrival in this
country but have engaged in gainful pursuits, so that these figures
exaggerate the numerical importance of the student class. That the
economic motive should have appealed strongly to the Japanese is
shown by the advantages which the members of that race have found
offered by this country over those in the parts of Japan from which
the emigration has largely taken place. Moreover, the activity of
emigration companies in Japan and of the " contractors " in this
country, and the part played by Hawaii have been such as to encour-
age immigration to the continental United States.
The Japanese population has a greater density than that of Euro-
pean countries, except Belgium, Holland, and England. Moreover,
though less than one-fifth of the land of the Empire, exclusive of
Formosa, is arable, Japan is primarily an agricultural country, as
shown by the fact that in 1901 some 60 per cent of those gainfully
occupied were engaged in agricultural pursuits. Most of the farms
are exceedingly small and are cultivated most intensively. The ma-
jority of the farmers are tenants of at least a part of their holdings,
andj with an increasing population, rents have been high.& More-
over, the improvements in agriculture, including the consolidation of
scattered holdings into one tract, the improvement of irrigation and
0 The Twenty-sixth Annual Statistical Report of the Japanese Empire, p. 67.
6 According to returns made to the Government in 1888, there were in 38
prefectures about 1,470,000 farmers owning the land they tilled, about 2,000,000
farmers who owned a part and leased a part of their holdings, while 950,000
were tenants. The number of tenant farmers is increasing. (Japan in the
Beginning of the 20th Century, 1904, p. 90.)
10
The Immigration Commission.
drainage, and the use of animals, machinery, and better tools in culti-
vation, have rested heavily upon the small freeholders. In this con-
nection it is noteworthy that a large percentage of the Japanese in
the United States have come from a few districts, among which are
Hiroshima (of first importance), Yamaguchi, Fukuoka, Okayama,
and Hyogo. It is stated that 46,500 of the 84,576 passports issued by
the Government between 1898 and 1903 to Japanese emigrating to
countries other than China and Korea were issued to residents of
these five districts. In all of these cases the majority of the farms
are small. In Hyogo in 1888, 73 per cent of the holdings were of less
than 8 tan, or 1.96 acres. The corresponding percentages for small
holdings in Hiroshima, Okayama, Yamaguchi, and Fukuoka were 70,
66, 61, and 56, respectively.0
The wages of farm laborers, though they have risen rapidly, are
small. According to the Twenty-fifth Annual Statistical Report of
the Department of Agriculture and Commerce of Japan, the wages
of those employed by the year, living with the employer and receiv-
ing board and lodging and perhaps clothing twrice a year, were $16
in 1900 and $23.01 in 1908 — for the year. Those employed by the day
in 1900 were paid 14.8 cents; in 1908, 19.3 cents, without board and
lodging.
Work in the factories, mines, and various urban occupations has
proved more attractive than farming or farm labor. In 1876, 77.8 per
cent of those gainfully occupied were engaged in agricultural pur-
suits. In 1886 66.12 per cent, in 1900 60 per cent, of the families
were reported as being agricultural in their interests.6 A large
number of men have found employment in factories, where they con-
stitute an increasing percentage of the increasing number employed,
and in other nonagricultural pursuits. The wages in some of these
occupations are shown in the following table, translated from the
statistical report to which reference has just been made, the wages
being reduced to American money:
TABLE 7. — Wages of males in specified occupations in Japan.
[Unless otherwise specified the amounts are wages per day without board and lodging.]
Farm
labor-
Year.
ers on
yearly
con-
tract,
with
board
Farm
labor-
ers em-
ployed
by the
Seri-
cul-
tural
labor-
ers.
Gar-
den-
ers.
Fish-
ermen.
Weav-
ers.
Dyers.
•
Cot-
ton
whip-
pers.
Tai-
lors,
Japa-
nese '
dress.
Tai-
lors,
Euro-
pean
dress.
Shoe-
mak-
ers.
Con-
fec-
tion-
ers.
Car-
pen-
ters.
and
day.
lodg-
ing. c
1900.
$15.995
$0.148
$0.153
$0.254
$0.193
$0. 163
$0.143
$0.183
$0.193
$0.294
$0.234
$0. 148
$0. 269
1901.
15. 845
.158
.163
.284
.168
.143
.153
.178
.223
.309
.249
.153'
.294
1902.
15.810
.158
.158
.284
.168
.163
.148
.188
.223
.299
.2*9
.168
.289
1903.
15.925
.153
.158
.274'
.183
.168
.163
.198
.234
.284
.269
.178
.294
1904.
18. 750
.163
.148
.264
.163
.173
.153
.193
.223
.294
.279
.163
.294
1905.
18. 695
.158
.143
.274
.208
.168
.158
.203
.234
.319
.284
.168
.299
1906.
18. 590
.168
.168
.294
.198
.208
.183
.218
.249
.339
.289
.163
.324
1907.
19. 575
.178
.208
.309
.234
.208
.208
.249
.259
.369
.289
.178
.374
1908.
23.015
.193
.208
.344
.254
.218
.228
.244
.269
.382
.341
.193
.402
Yosoburo Yoshida, " Sources and causes of Japanese emigration," Annals American
pp 159-162.
eudal and modern Japan," unpublished
Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 34, pp. 159-162.
* Y. Ichihashi, " Movement of population in feuc
manuscript.
• Wages per year.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
11
TABLE 7. — Wages of males in specified occupations in Japan — Continued.
Year.
Plas-
terers.
Stone-
cut-
ters.
Brick-
layers.
Paper-
hang-
ers.
Cabi-
net-
mak-
ers.
Coop-
ers.
Har-
ness
mak-
ers.
Foun-
dry-
men.
Black-
smiths.
Pot-
ters.
Day
labor-
ers.
Male
serv-
ants. a
1900..
$0.269
$0. 304
$0.314
$0. 249
$0. 249
$0.213
$0. 234
$0.234
$0.239
$0.188
$0.183
$1.345
1901..
.294
.334
.339
.269
.274
.228
.254
.249
.244
.213
.193
1.355
1902..
.294
.349
.364
.269
.269
.234
.274
.269
.259
.223
.193
1.399
1903..
.304
.339
.369
.279
.269
.234
.299
.264
.259
.208
.198
1.479
1904..
.299
.324
.354
.269
.359
.223
.289
.254
.274
.223
.198
1.504
1905..
.299
.329
.354
.279
.274
.228
.309
.264
.274
.228
.203
1.603
1906. .
.324
.364
.407
.289
.294
.249
.314
.274
.284
.269
.208
1.043
1907...
.377
.432
.478
.329
.339
.269
.324
.309
.324
.274
.244
1.917
1908....
.417
.478
.528
.369
.354
.284
.339
.329
.339
.279
.264
2.012
0 Wages per month with board and lodging.
The sums entered in this table are small as compared to the $1
to $2 per day Japanese have generally earned in this country. Direct
comparisons of wages in the two countries are not worth the while,
however, for prices and conditions of living differ greatly. Nor can
these differences be measured and allowed for. It may be said, how-
ever, that most of the Japanese immigrating to the United States
have come with the intention of working for a few or several years
and then returning to their native land with such gains as had
not been sent on before them, and that the average laborer has been
able to save much more to send home or to invest in this country
than he could earn in his native land. Indeed, his annual earnings
in Japan at the rates of wages indicated above are a mere fraction
of the amount of surplus over and above living expenses reported
by Japanese laborers engaged in different occupations. These figures,
together with the amount of money sent abroad, are shown in detail
later in this report.0 It should be added, however, that the wages
earned by Japanese laborers are somewhat higher and their employ-
ment more regular than before restrictions were placed upon their
emigration to this country, with the result that their savings are
naturally somewhat larger than formerly. It has always been pos-
sible for a Japanese to meet the expense of immigrating to this
country — some 65 to 69 yen since 1906 for passage and a smaller
sum for incidentals b — and after a few years of work, if he did not
remain longer in this country because of the gain to be realized, to
return to Japan with sufficient means to establish himself as a small
landowning farmer or in some higher economic position. When he
has not returned to his native land it frequently has been because
of opportunities found here to become an independent farmer or
business man. It is this possibility of economic gain, witnessed when
persons have returned to Japan, commented on by the Japanese press
in some instances, and written about to friends by those residing in
the United States, which has given rise to emigration from Japan
directed toward the United States.
This movement, moreover, when unrestricted by the Japanese Gov-
ernment has been stimulated in various ways. As one of these is
« In Chapter VI.
6 Since 1906 the fare for immigrants from Japanese ports to San Francisco
has been from 65 to 69 yen and from San Francisco to Japan $51.
12 The Immigration Commission.
to be noted the publication and circulation among the Japanese of
guides to different occupations and similar literature, most of which
have exaggerated the advantages presented bv the United States. Of
far more importance, however, has been the influence of the emigra-
tion companies in Japan and the institutions in this country, which,
with or -without cooperation with the emigration companies, have
paved the way and found ready employment for such as came. Little
of the immigration to this country, except of the student class, has
been independent of the emigration company ; usually the first em-
ployment in this country has been under the Japanese contractor.
The Japanese Government has been paternal in its treatment of
its subjects. The inhabitants are registered in the localities in which
they live, and if one emigrates it is with the consent and under the
protection of the Government. Those who emigrate are selected,
passports are granted for limited periods, and security is required
for the welfare of the emigrant while abroad, and in some cases for
the care of his family while he is absent, and for his return to Japan
when sick or disabled.
The regulations of this character, adopted by the Japanese Govern-
ment after the prohibition of emigration from the country was dis-
continued, have been instrumental, if not in calling into existence,
at any rate in providing opportunity for and strengthening the posi-
tion of the emigration companies, of which there were 12 — some of
them with branches — in existence in 1899.° Most of the emigration
has been through these companies, whether for contract labor in
Mexico, Peru, or elsewhere, or for the United States, where the
immigration of laborers under contract has been unlawful. In return
for a fee, varying from 10 to 20 yen, these companies, when the indi-
vidual secures his passport, arrange for his emigration and perhaps
for the surety required by the Government Moreover, these com-
panies, in pursuit of profit, have advertised for contract laborers to
go to Peru, Mexico, and elsewhere, and some years ago, according to a
report made in 1899, " in a general way through circulars, pajnphlets,
and by means of traveling solicitors, for emigrants going to the
United States." 6 -
For several years before this was discouraged by the Japanese
Government, emigration for the United States was thus encouraged ;
from first to last, through the efforts of the companies, emigration
has been rid of its inconveniences and made easy for the individual.
In this country the Japanese employed as section hands on the rail-
roads, as " cannery hands," as laborers in the sugar-beet fields, as
laborers in large groups in other branches of agriculture — in fact,
in most occupations outside of various city trades, have worked
under " bosses " or contractors who serve as employment agents for
one or a few employers. This has been the most characteristic thing
in connection with Japanese labor and accounts in no small degree
for the success which the Japanese have attained in this country.
Except during the winter season, the demand for Japanese labor in
the West has been such that these contractors could readily find em-
ployment within a short time for all the men they could bring under
their control, and frequently the contractors have been unable to
•Rice: "Immigration of Japanese" (House Doc. No. 686, 56th Cong., 1st
).
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 13
supply as many as were wanted for railroad work. The larger con-
tractors have usually conducted boarding houses and supply stores,
the one as a means of assembling laborers, the other as a means of pro-
viding those employed under their control with the larger part of the
good-s consumed. Moreover, the keepers of boarding houses who
have not directly engaged in " contracting," if they had many patrons
of the laboring class, have usually had close connections with those
who were supplying labor for different industrial establishments.
These relations are evidenced by the fees boarding houses, according
to their association rules, are to charge contractors for supplying them
with laborers — as $1.50 in Seattle and $3 in San Francisco for each
railroad laborer. The other phases of this organization of labor will
be discussed elsewhere. The point to be emphasized here is that
this situation has at least guaranteed the immigrant the quickest and
the most regular employment, and its existence has in and of itself
stimulated the immigration of this^race.
To what extent the contractors and boarding house keepers in the
United States and the emigration companies in Japan cooperated
when immigration to this country was without restriction is unknown.
There is little direct evidence of any business connection between
them. In one instance, however, a member of one of the large emi-
gration companies has conducted a business in this country and has
supplied Japanese laborers to several railways. Their first employ-
ment in any considerable number was arranged for just previous
to a visit to Japan, which visit was followed by the immigration of
200 laborers who were set at work under his control as section hands.
Whether they came under contract is unknown. Another man who
was formerly connected with supplying railway labor in one of the
Rocky Mountain States, returned to Japan, where he became inter-
ested in the emigration business.0 Most of the contractors in this
country, however, have come as wage laborers and later have risen
to the position they now occupy. Yet it is noteworthy in this con-
nection that in 1899, when an investigation of this matter was made
by the Immigration Bureau, six of the emigration companies had
agents in California."
As already noted, upward of 37,000 Japanese came from the
Hawaiian Islands to the mainland during the seven years, 1902 to
1908. In 1900, partly as a result of the importation of contract
laborers, partly as the result of voluntary immigration of laborers
to work on the sugar plantations, a large Japanese population of
61,111 (of a total of 154,001) had been built up in those islands. In
1900, as a result of the rapid influx of Japanese to the continent at
that time, many being diverted to San Francisco from Honolulu
because of the bubonic plague which had made its appearance, agita-
tion began in California for the extension of the Chinese exclusion
law to include the Japanese as well, an agitation which has become
more persistent since 1905.° The Japanese Government has been re-
sponsive to the feeling exhibited in the United States, with the result
that emigration for the mainland was more or less discouraged from
1900 until it was greatly restricted in 1907. For several years, how-
0 See Rice, op. cit, p. 6.
6 Rice, op. cit. p. 6, where names and addresses were given.
0 For a discussion of the opposition to Japanese immigration, see Chapter VIII.
14 The Immigration Commission.
ever, there was a strong demand for Asiatic labor for the plantations
in Hawaii, and the immigration of Chinese laborers being unlawful
after annexation of these islands many Japanese went there. Once
there they were no longer under the control of the Japanese Govern-
ment and many of them used Honolulu, as a stepping stone to the
United States, where not only were wages higher and the work more
agreeable than upon the plantations, but more numerous occupations
were open to them, and the opportunities to rise to an independent
position as tenant or land-owning farmers very much better. More-
over, with the strong demand for common labor prevailing in the
West, the Japanese contractors on the coast, and especially those
doing business in San Francisco and Seattle, induced many to come
to the Uniteid States. Some of these contractors were for a time
regularly represented by agents sent to Honolulu, recourse was made
to advertising in the Japanese papers published there, cheap rates
were secured, and in some instances assistance was given in other
ways to those desiring to reach the mainland.0
Japanese residents of Honolulu attempted to profit by a similar
migration and transported 2,777 laborers during ten months in 1907
to British Columbia, whence no doubt a large percentage entered
the United States.
It was under such circumstances as these that the immigration
directly from Japan and from the Hawaiian Islands took place.
The figures given for the number of Arrivals do not show the total
number who have come to the continental United States, however,
for some have entered this country irregularly across the Canadian
and the Mexican borders. As in the case of other races, there is no
°The character of the inducements offered by these contractors to laborers
to come to the mainland are well shown by excerpts from Japanese papers pub-
lished at Honolulu, printed in the " Third Report of the Commissioner of Labor
on Hawaii," pp. 22-23. The advertisements were for the spring of 1905. That
business was continued for some time.
" Recruiting Laborers to America.
" For the S. P. R. R. -Company, 800 men ; for Alaska, 200 men. Advance
$20 for passage to San Francisco. Applications for Alaska close 28th instant.
Egi. Kyujiro, proprietor, Shiranui Hotel, San Francisco. Apply to the below-
mentioned hotels in Honolulu " (followed by the names of 11 Japanese hotels). —
(From Hawaiian- Japanese Chronicle of March 22, 1905.)
" Great Recruiting to America.
"Through an arrangement made with Yasuzawa, of San Francisco, we are
able to recruit laborers to the mainland and offer them work. The laborers will
be subjected to no delay upon arriving in San Francisco, but can get work
immediately through Yasuzawa. Employment offered in picking strawberries
and tomatoes, planting beets, mining, and domestic service. Now is the time
to go! Wages $1.50 a day. Tokujiro Inaya-Niigata Kenjin — care of Nishi-
mura Hotel. Apply to the Honolulu agency for further particulars, giving the
name of your plantation." — (From Hawaiian- Japanese Chronicle of March 22,
1905.)
" The undersigned has appointed Harutada Yasumura agent for recruiting
laborers for the mainland. Any laborer will be given work upon presentation
of a letter of introduction from the above agent. We guarantee that the
laborers receive work from only responsible parties. Tooyo Boyeki Kwaisha
(Oriental Trading Company), Seattle. Honolulu agency at Hong Song Hotel." —
(From Hawaiian- Japanese Chronicle of March 22, 1905.)
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 15
doubt that a fairly large number have come across £he Canadian
border. The problem presented there, however, has been solved by
an agreement entered into in 1908 between the Canadian and Japa-
nese Governments limiting the number of passports which the latter
shall issue to emigrants to Canada in any one year to 400. The
number of Japanese who have come into the United States across
the Mexican border, has been materially larger. In 1906 and 1907
Inspector Braun was detailed by the Bureau of Immigration to
investigate the influx of immigrants of different races from or
through Mexico. With reference to the Japanese he reported that
within two years more than 10,000 had been imported into Mexico
as contract laborers, being sent out by the various emigration com-
panies, but that most of them had left their employment, and that
the entire number in the Republic at the time (June, 1907) was only
about 1,000. Inasmuch as they had not left the country through the
ports, it was concluded that they had migrated to the United States,
lawfully previous to the issue of the President's order of March 14,
1907, " surreptitiously ever since." a Since that time, however, the im-
portation of contract laborers to Mexico has been discontinued, and
the large influx of that race across the border has ceased. The inves-
tigation of Japanese employed in different places failed to discover
more than a comparatively few who had entered the United States
since the summer of 1907 other than those who had come directly
from Japan.
" Special Notice.
" In the next three months we shall recruit 1,000 laborers of Niigata Province,
Japan, for the mainland. Apply to the hotel below. Don't miss a good chance !
The Industrial Corporation of Japanese of Niigata Province have sent a repre-
sentative to Hawaii to encourage their countrymen to go to America. This
representative, Mr. Seisku Kuroishi, assists applicants in every way. Yamaichi
Hotel, February 1, 1905. (Pro. Fuse Totazo.)" — (From Hawaiian-Japanese
Chronicle of March 22, 1905.)
"Arrangements have been made with the Japanese-American Industrial Cor-
poration of San Francisco whereby anyone leaving Hawaii for the mainland
through us can find work. Naigwai Benyeki Shosha." — (From Hawaiian-
Japanese Chronicle of March 22, 1905.)
" New Steamship Line Opened.
" With the steamship Centennial we shall inaugurate a new line between
San Francisco and Hawaii, and will take freight and passengers. For the
convenience of Japanese we have appointed two agents, one at Honolulu and
the other at Hilo. This is a large steamer of 3,000 tons, well built, and
perfectly safe for carrying passengers, making monthly voyages and passage
within a week. Passage is cheap. No deposit of $50 required. Cookj; and
waiters Japanese and Japanese food furnished. First sailing March 25. Ap-
plications received until day before sailing. S. N. S. S. Company agents,
Honolulu, Yukinosuki Shibata ; Hilo, Yasikichi Toda." — (From Hawaii Shinpo
of February 27, 1905.)
" Special Steamer for America — Sailing Direct for Seattle.
" Steamship Olympia. Accommodates 500 passengers. Fare, including com-
missions, $28. Sails April 18, 1905. ' Applications for passage received up to
April 10, 1905. All wishing to go to America apply to the undersigned or to
the following hotels (list of 16 Japanese -hotels in Honolulu). Seattle Occi-
dental Steamship Company, office Han Sang Hotel, Honolulu." — (From Hawaii
Shinpo of February 27, 1905.)
a See reports published in " Annual Report of the Commissioner-General of
Immigration for the year ended June 30, 1907," pp. 73-75.
16 The Immigration Commission.
Largely because of the rapid influx of Japanese from Japan,
Hawaii, and Mexico, the feeling on the Pacific Coast, and especially
in San Francisco, against the members of that race became so in-
tense that a crisis was reached late in 1906. The particular points
at issue a were disposed of by an agreement whereby the Japanese
Government was to discontinue the issuing of passports to certain
classes of its subjects who desired to emigrate to the continental
United States, and by an amendment to the United States immigra-
tion law, authorizing the President to issue an order preventing the
incoming of laborers from other countries and our insular posses-
sions, who did not have passports to this country properly granted
by their home Government. On March 14, 1907, the President,
exercising the authority vested in him by section 1 of the amended
immigration law b approved February 20, 1907, issued an order re-
fusing admission to "Japanese or Korean laborers, skilled or un-
skilled, who have received passports to go to Mexico, Canada, Hawaii,
and come therefrom."
The understanding with Japan contemplates " that the Japanese
Government shall issue pasports to the continental United States only
to such of its subjects as are nonlaborers or are laborers who, in com-
ing to the continent, seek to resume a formerly acquired domicile, to
join a parent, wife, or children residing there, or to assume active
control of an already possessed interest in a farming enterprise in
this country ; " so that the three classes of laborers entitled to receive
passports have come to be designated " former residents," " parents,
wives, or children of residents," and " settled agriculturists." c After
the order of March 14, 1907, above referred to, was issued, the Jap-
anese Government applied the same rule to the granting of passports
to the Hawaiian Islands as to the continental territory.
With the immigration of Japanese thus restricted, the number who
have been admitted at the ports has been much smaller than for
several years, ending with the year 1906-7. The number who applied
during the year 1908-9, with or without passports, the number who
were admitted and the number rejected, by classes covered by the
agreement with reference to the granting of passports, are shown
in the table following.^
« See Chapters VII and VIII.
* A proviso attached to section 1 of that measure reads as follows : " That
wherever the President shall feel satisfied that passports issued by any foreign
government to its citizens to go to any other country than the United States
or to any insular possession of the United States or to the Canal Zone are being
used for the purpose of enabling the holders to come to the continental territory
of the United States to the detriment of labor conditions therein, the President
may refuse to permit such citizens of the country issuing such passports to
enter the continental territory of the United States from such other country
or from such insular possessions or from the Canal Zone."
c Annual Report of the Commissioner-General of linmigration for the fiscal
year ended June 30, 1908, pp. 125-126.
d Similar data for the month of June, 1908, may be found in a table, pp. 92-93
of the Annual Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration for the year
ended June 30, 1908. Similar data were not presented for the earlier months
because of the " indefinite and tentative nature " of the arrangement and the
slow progress that could be made in carrying it into, effect. " The system did
not begin to work smoothly in all its details until the last month of the fiscal
year" (p. 126).
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
17
With and w
proper pas
ill SI
B 8* IS
t pr
port
s3
-JJSB pawas ion 's^uapjsa j jo uaip
-ljup jo 'saAui 'squared 's^uapisaj
jauiioj ^ou'^ '
•?jodssi3d 04 pa^nua IB^OX
~u2v pa^as jou'sjuapjsaj
jo ua jpiiqo JO 'saAjAv 's^ua
Settled agr
turists.
wiv
ldren
ts.
8S S
CO i-t W5
1 1« a
i S- 8*
l lii
co wt3 o>
I s
18
The Immigration Commission.
It will be noted first of all that of the 2,644 who applied for admis-
sion, 2,407 came with proper passports*, while 237 did not. Of those
with passports, 2,203 are recorded as being entitled to them under the
Japanese agreement as interpreted by the Bureau of Immigration,
204 were not. Of the former of these two groups, 768 were former
residents returning to this country, 14 were parents, 658 wives, and
270 children of residents, a total of 942; while 493 were not former
residents, parents, wives, or children of residents, nor settled agricul-
turists, but nonlaborers. Of the 2,203 members of classes entitled to
passports, 2,145 were admitted while 58 were debarred. Of the 204
laborers who came with passports to which they were not entitled
under the agreement, 158 were admitted and 46 debarred. Of the
237 " without proper passports," 53 were nonlaborers and 54 laborers
holding passports limited to Hawaii, Canada, or Mexico; 1 had a
passport which was not genuine; 3 were nonlaborers and 13 were
laborers who were not rightfully in possession of the passports they
had ; 44 were nonlaborers and 43 were laborers who claimed to have
lost or left the passports held at the time of their departure from
Japan; 10 were nonlaborers, and 8 were laborers who were not in
possession of any kind of passport at time of leaving Japan; while
the other 8 were found not to have proper passports or not to require
them in order to be admitted.0 Something more than one-half — •
129 — were admitted, while 108 were denied admission. Thus, of a
total of 2,644 Japanese applying for admission, 2,432 were permitted
to enter the country while 212 were debarred.
The occupations of the 2,432, who were admitted (or readmitted
after being abroad) as reported, are shown in the following table: 6
TABLE 9. — Occupations of Japanese admitted to the continental United States,
fiscal year 1909.
Occupation.
Number
admitted.
Occupation.
Number
admitted.
Actors
10
Barbers
9
Clergy
14
Carpenters
12
Government officials
45
Tailors
5
Teachers.
24
Other artisans
7
Other professional
65
Cooks
60
Clerks
56
Farm laborers
206
Fanners
69
Gardeners
6
Merchants
274
Laborers
245
Restaurant and hotel keepers
64
Servants
114
Students
255
Not stated .
49
children)
690
Total laborers
713
Not stated
153
2 432
Total nonlaborers
1 719
Thus the number of new Japanese admitted (excluding the 768
who were former residents) in 1909 was 1,678. Of these, 409, or
about 24.4 per cent, were laborers of the classes indicated in the
table. From 1901 to 1907, inclusive, these classes constituted a large
percentage of the entire number entering the Hawaiian Islands and
the continental Uniibed States, but a considerably smaller percentage
0 See Annual Report of Commissioner-General of Immigration, 1909, p. 101.
6 Ibid., p. 99.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 19
of those immigrating direct to continental territory. The remaining
1,269 admitted in 1909 belonged to the classes the granting of pass-
ports to whom is not limited by the understanding between the two
countries. One object of the regulation being to avoid any " detri-
ment to labor conditions," one question which arises is with reference
to the number of those of the classes not covered by the agreement
who become wage-earners upon their arrival in this country. Most
of the farmers, clerks, students, merchants, and others of these classes
have become common laborers in the United States. This has been
true of many of those who came during the years 1908 and 1909
as well as of those who came in earlier years. Yet the number enter-
ing this country in 1908-9 and 1909-10 was small and not equal to
the number who departed from the country.
The departures of aliens from the United States have been made a
matter of record only since 11908. During the year 1908 the number
of Japanese admitted (not including the small number coming from
Hawaii) was 9,544; the number who departed, 4,796. As opposed
to the 2,432 admitted in 1909, 5,004 departed. The corresponding
figures for the year ended June 30, 1910, were 1,552 and 4,377. If
allowance is made for the net increase in the number of women and
foreign-born children, it would appear that the number of Japanese
men has already begun to diminish somewhat. That the number
has not increased during the last two years is in accord with all the
information obtained from different sources during the investigation
conducted.
The number of Japanese debarred and deported from the United
States is shown in the table on the next page. Previous to 1901 they
relate to continental territory alone; since that date they relate to
Hawaii as well.
20
The Immigration Commission.
TOO* ptnuo
4
fc '3UTPUBI jawv
' CO i— (t^-^iOCOC^t^-C^*
^tfaa«m*y l»4Ujj .
A
c5
>-|
05
I '.'. '.'.I'.'.'.
* ' I i
56 Zri'v I : : ' : : : f: :*T:7'
* i * • * i • * • • * • • •
i : : ; ; : :^T: ::;;:. * .M
'B101AUOO pUB SJBUIUItJQ
I •
T| -snatiB pa^sissv I :::::!
s
^SSSSSoESSSSS
Av\n
'paja'p jo 9jBognJ93 s>Q88jng M
>!!::!:•.!;: I
9UIO09CI 0!) A|93[^ JO SISKtlUJJ I I ". . " " . ^
W • • t • • a?
O ; pp sg9 pj ;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;; **
^ I » * ' t • • • • t t » • » t ^ » _*___*
ijjininnmp a
-B^UOO 'sisoinoaaqnj,
•sno{3Bq
&
d
r-<
H
i i
1 :<=>
i , mmmmim
/
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
21
It will be noted that some have been rejected almost every year on
the ground that they were assisted immigrants or contract laborers.
An approximately equal number have been rejected lest they might
become public charges, while a still larger number have been turned
back because they had some disease, most frequently trachoma. Since
1908 a comparatively large number who had gained admission to the
country have been deported. During the two years 1908 and 1909,
the great majority of the 680 who were deported were returned to
Japan because they had not complied with the rules concerning pass-
ports or had entered the country without inspection. The number
of the former was 506, of the latter, 148— a total of 654 of the 680.
Of the others, 4 had trachoma at the time of admission, 1 was insane,
4 became public charges within one year after entry, of whom 1 was
afflicted with a contagious disease, 1 became insane, 1 became a public
charge because of physical condition prior to entry, and 1 was a de-
pendent member of a family. Sixteen were prostitutes, 3 at the time
of their admission, and 13 within three years thereafter, while 1 was
deported for attempting to bring prostitutes into the country.
The Japanese population of the continental United States, Alaska
excluded, was reported by the census of 1900 as 24,326. Of these,
23,341. or 96 per cent of the entire number, were males, 985, or 4 per
cent, females. The estimates made of the total number in 1909, the
number of adult males, adult females, and of children, by States of
the western division, and other States, are shown in the following
table, in so far as an acceptable basis for making such an estimate
could be obtained :
TABLE 11. — Japanese population (estimated) of the continental United States in
1909.
State.
Adult
males.
Adult
females.
Children.
Total.
Arizona .... .
o623
oil
03
637
California.
047,301
o5,210
a3,399
655,901
Colorado
5,932
068
(e)
<*6 000
Idaho . ..
950
Montana
1,774
26
(c)
1,800
Nevada ..
1,050
o22
08
1 080
New Mexico
o653
o5
(c)
Oregon .
3,573
213
87
3 873
Utah
2,823
55 to 60
60 to 65
2 948
Washington
16,322
Wyoming . . ..
1,470
a 14
a 10
1 494
Other States
(c)
(c)
(c)
o5,757
o From Japanese-American Yearbook.
6 This figure is larger than the number of arrivals would indicate. The figures of the Japanese Asso-
ciation, however, check very well with the numbers found in different localities by agents of the Com-
mission. In this connection it should be added that the personal schedules obtained from Japanese show
a much greater migration from the Northwest to California than in the contrary direction. It should be
added, moreover, that many Japanese have come into the State from foreign territory elsewhere than
through the port of San Francisco, so that calculations based upon the records of the steamship companies
are apt to prove misleading.
c Not reported.
d A rough estimate during the summer, when the largest number are drawn from other States. Japanese-
American Yearbook gives 3,489 men and 68 women, or a total of 3,557.
As these figures indicate, not much less than 95 per cent of the"
Japanese in the continental United States are in the 11 States and
Territories of the Western Division. Moreover, 55 per cent or more
of the entire number are in the State of California, while some 16 or
22 The Immigration Commission.
17 per cent are in the State of Washington. No other State has a
number approaching that in either of these States where most of
those immigrating have arrived — at Seattle or at San Francisco. In
California the Japanese constitute between 3 and 4 per cent of the
total population ; the Japanese adult males perhaps between 6.5 and 7
per cent of the total number of males 16 years of age or over. The
corresponding percentages for the other States and Territories are
considerably smaller.
It will be noted that the number of women has increased more
rapidly than the number of men. It is probable that the number of
adult females, of whom the great majority are married women, was
in 1909 not far from 7,000. The majority of these women have
entered the United States during the last five -years as the wives of
farmers or business men or as single women to be married upon their
arrival to men of these classes. The increase in the number of women
has accompanied the rise of the Japanese from the rank of wage-
earners to a position of independence.
The majority of Japanese wives, however, have not joined the
husbands in this country, because either their husbands expect to
return to Japan shortly, or there are children to be schooled, or the
husbands have not been able to acquire settled residences and make
proper provision for their families. The conjugal condition of the
Japanese of the wage-earning class is shown in the tables following,
the second giving the percentages corresponding to the figures entered
in the first.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
23
O 000
COC4CQ • >F-4
•P91IJ13H
05CO ItOi-l
C4 • •
cg»o ; i1-1^
•&J S 1 111 s
^PM^^^SIMH
csoo
COQO
»0 CMCO
A
F
L
T
48296°— VOL 23—11-
24
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 13. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born Japanese wage-earners, by sea?,
age groups, and industry: Percentages.
MALE.
Industry.
20 to 29 years of
age.
30 to 44 years of
age.
45 years of age or
over.
20 years of age or
over.
I*
Is
if
tz;0
Per cent who
are—
2.
"S-2
I
fc"
Per cent who
are—
1
II
3 3
fc
Per cent who
are—
M
0 85
!!
jf
Per cent who
are—
<D
I
s
i
!
•o
?
4
1
00
1
S
!
£
I
S3
I 1
1,1
0
*5b
a
2
j
£
A grlculture
2,674
245
108
92
122
165
24
523
294
49
658
88.9
91.4
89.8
88.0
78.7
83.6
87.5
87.8
78.2
83.7
91.5
11.0
8.2
8.3
12.0
21.3
13.9
12.5
11.7
21.1
16.3
7.8
0.1
.4
1.9
.0
.0
2.4
.0
.6
.7
.0
.8
2,725
156
65
48
185
254
34
518
293
46
521
41.4
38.5
36.9
31.3
40.5
49.6
23.5
31.7
29.7
30.4
51.2
56.3
58.3
63.1
68.8
58.9
46.1
76.5
66.0
68.6
67.4
46.1
2.3
3.2
.0
.0
.5
4.3
.0
2.3
1.7
2.2
2.7
310
28
11
5
16
16
3
57
28
4
50
9.4
10.7
.0
(°)
37.5
6.3
(«)
1.8
14.3
(«)
34.0
85.5
78.6
72.7
(a)
62.5
87.5
(«)
96.5
82.1
(a)
60.0
5.2
10.7
27.3
(a)
.0
6.3
(°)
1.8
3.6
(<*)
6.0
5,709
429
184
145
323
435
61
1,098
615
99
1,229
61.9
66.9
65.8
66.2
54.8
60.9
47.5
56.8
52.2
56.6
72.1
36.7
31.0
31.5
33.8
44.9
35.4
52.5
41.7
46.5
41.4
26.1
1.5
2.1
2.7
.0
.3
3.7
.0
1.5
1.3
2.0
1.8
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable
canneries
Laundries
Lumber mills . .....
Mining coal
Smelting
Transportation:
Steam railroads-
Maintenance
of way and
cons t r u c-
tion
Shops,
bridges,
and build-
ings, water
and signal
service
Electric railways.
Miscellaneous
Total
4,954
88.1
11.4
.4
4,845
40.6
57.1
2.3
528
11.7
82.8
5.5
10, 327
61.9
36.5
1.6
FEMALE.
Agriculture
49
13
5
1
31
2.0
.0
(°)
(«)
6.5
95.9
100.0
(«)
(°)
90.3
2.0
.0
(")
(°)
3.2
53
18
5
2
18
.0
.0
(°)
(a)
.0
100.0
100.0
(o)
(°)
88.9
0.0
.0
(<*)
(«)
11.1
4
1
1
(°)
(a)
(«)
(«)
8
(°)
(°)
(a)
106
32
11
3
53
0.9
.0
.0
(«)
3.8
98.1
100.0
100.0
&
0.9
.0
.0
(°)
9.4
Fruit and vegetable
canneries
T^lTmb*r TTiills
Transportation:
Steam railroads—
Maintenance of
way and con-
struction
Miscellaneous
4
(«)
(0)
(a)
Total .
99
3.0
94.9
2.0
9C
.0
97.9
2.1
10
.0
80.0
20.0
205
1.5
95.6
2.9
« Not computed, owing to small number involved.
The corresponding data for the Japanese farming and business
classes are shown in the tables next submitted.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
25
S
sa
•91§uis
-THOD 3ui?Jod9J jaquin^j
ulture
llaneo
Total
fe ^
1
i"
<N
IS
3
0010
2
CO CM
S
; ;
00 CM
0
\ ;
£;i?
i
i-1
•"
s-
S
; ;
:
22
1
• 1-4
^
S3
I
rlrl
n
COO
S3
j |
00
2
*?•*
H
S3
3
jl
33
1
26
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 15. — Conjugal condition of foreign-bom Japanese in business for self, by
sex, age groups, and industry: Percentages.
MALE.
Industry.
20 to 29 years of
age.
30 to 44 years of
age.
45 years of age or
over.
20 years of age or
over.
Number reporting
complete date.
Per cent who
are—
Number reporting
complete data.
Per cent who
are—
Number reporting
complete data.
Per cent who
are—
Number reporting
complete data.
Per cent who
are—
53
1
Widowed.
f
1
Widowed.
I
02
s
Widowed.
A
M
_g
2
3
Widowed.
Agriculture
Miscellaneous
.. 256
129
73^6
19.1
25.6
0.0
.8
517
285
34.6
30.5
60.9
67.7
4.4
1.8
41
30
0.0
6.7
97.6
83.3
2.4
10.0
814
444
47.4
41.4
49.6
56.5
2.9
2.0
Total *
385
78.4
21.3
.3
802
33.21 63.3
3.5
71
2.8
91.5
5.6
1,258
45.3
52.1
2.6
FEMALE.
Agriculture
132
104
0.8
1.0
99.2
98.1
0.0
1.0
117
78
0.0
.0
100.0
98.7
0.0
1.3
8
2
00
00
o.b
00
00
00
00
*
257
184
0.4
.5
.5
99.6
98.4
0.0
1.1
.5
Miscellaneous .
Total
236
.8
98.7
.4
195J . 0
99.5
.5
10
100.0
£
99.1
a Not computed, owing to small number involved.
Comparing the data for the wage-earning males and those for the
farmers and business men, it will be noted that 47.5 per cent of the
former as against 52.1 per cent of the latter were reported as married.
Of more importance, however, is the location of the wives, which is
shown for the various groups of men in the following tables :
TABLE 16. — Location of wives of foreign-born Japanese, by industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number reporting
wife—
In United
States.
Abroad.
Agriculture
2,092
91
58
49
96
153
32
397
267
41
321
236
3
25
23
34
13
1
6
17
1
87
1,856
88
33
26
62
140
31
391
250
40
234
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Laundries
Lumber mills
Mining, coal ... .. . .
Smelting
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construction
Shops, bridges, and buildings, water and signal service
Electric railways
Miscellaneous
Total . ...
3,597
446
3,151
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Agriculture .
405
263
142
Miscellaneous
251
191
GO
Total
056
454
202
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
27
TABLE 17. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese husbands who report wife in
the United States and per cent who report wife abroad, by industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Per cent reporting
wife—
In United
States.
Abroad.
Agriculture
2,092
91
58
49
96
153
32
397
267
41
321
11.3
3.3
43.1
46.9
35.4
8.5
3.1
1.5
6.4
2.4
27.1
88.7
96.7
56.9
53.1
64.6
91.5
96.8
98.5
93.6
97.6
72.9
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Laundries . . ... .
Lumber mills
Mining, coal
Smelting ....
Transportation:
Steam railroads-
Maintenance of way and construction
Shops, bridges, and. buildings, water and signal service
Electric railways .
Miscellaneous . .
Total
3,597
12.4
87.6
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Agriculture
405
64.9
35.1
Miscellaneous
251
76.1
23.9
Total
656
69.2
30.8
Thus of 3,597 married wage-earners reporting data, 12.4 per cent
reported their wives (446) as being in this country, 87.6 per cent
(3,151) as living abroad. In strong contrast 69.2 per cent of the
farmers and business men who had a settled residence and had suc-
ceeded in establishing themselves in an independent position reported
their wives as living in the United States, while 30.8 per cent reported
theirs as living abroad.
Further details with regard to the conjugal condition and residence
of wife were obtained from 2,117 Japanese immigrants. While the
number is small, the details presented in the following tables indi-
cate certain facts of importance in the upbuilding of the Japanese
population in this country.
TABLE 18. — Conjugal condition at time of coming to the United States of foreign-
born Japanese males now 16 years of age or over, and subsequent changes in
conjugal condition and location of wife, by occupation and industry: Numbers.
Occupation and industry.
Total
number
of
arrivals.
Single or widowed at time
of coming to United States.
Married at time of coming to United
States.
Num-
ber.
Married
during
visit
abroad.
Married
in United
States.
Num-
ber.
Wife
abroad.
Accom-
panied
wife.
Wife
joining
later.
Business men
o445
427
6785
416
44
298
343
507
259
30
41
6
c31
1
63
4
72
9
3
145
84
6278
157
14
49
64
137
138
14
55
16
85
15
41
4
56
4
City wage-earners
Fanners
Farm laborers. ...... .
a Including 2 who have wives in California (no further data) .
& Not including 9 married persons with wives in United States but not reporting whether married in
United States or abroad,
c Including 1 person whoso wife is abroad.
28
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 19. — Conjugal condition at time of coming to the United States of foreign-
lorn Japanese males now 16 years of age or over, and subsequent changes in
conjugal condition and location of wife, fcj/ occupation and industry: Per-
centages.
Occupation and industry.
Single or widowed at time
of coming to United States.
Married at time of coming to United
States.
Num-
ber.
Married
during
visit
abroad.
Married
in United
States.
Num-
ber.
Wife
abroad.
Accom-
panied
by
wife.
Wife
joining
later.
Business men
298
343
31
259
30
13.8
1.8
6.1
(a)
.0
21.1
1.2
14.2
3.5
10.0
145
84
278
157
14
33.8
76.2
49.3
87.9
100.0
37.9
19.0
30.6
9.6
.0
28.3
4.8
20.1
2.5
.0
City wage-earners
Farmers ..
Farm laborers
Coal miners
0 Less than 0.05 per cent.
These tables indicate the conjugal condition of these male immi-
grants at the time of their arrival in the continental United States
and the subsequent changes which have taken place. They indicate
(1) that only a small percentage of those who immigrated were ac-
companied by their wives; (2) that a large percentage of those who
have been successful in establishing themselves as business men or
as farmers have been joined by their wives more recently, while their
less successful countrymen, who have continued to work as wage-
earners, have not been; (3) that a large percentage of those who
have been successful in establishing themselves as business men or
as farmers have been married since their immigration, the larger
number of them in the United States, while feAV of those who have
continued to work as wage-earners have contracted marriage subse-
quent to their immigration. The contrast between the two groups
noted is striking, both with regard to the percentage who have
been married and the percentage of those who were married previous
to their immigration and have subsequently been joined by their
wives. This contrast is partly explained by the fact that the Jap-
anese who have sent for their wives have usually sent $200, $300,
or $400 to cover the expenses of the trip. The cost is too great except
for those who have met with considerable success. More important,
however, is the fact that the wage-earners are almost invariably set
at work and housed in groups, and that their employment and resi-
dence are uncertain, so that provision can not easily be made for the
maintenance of a wife. It is only by rising from the ranks of the
wage-earner that a Japanese can make suitable provision for a family.
The contrast is explained partly also by the fact that ordinarily the
formation of a family means a protracted residence in this country,
and that most of the wage-earners still expect to return to Japan
after a time.
The length of time which elapsed before wives who did not ac-
company their husbands joined them in this country is shown in
the table following.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
29
TABLE 20. — Time of arrival of wives of foreign-born Japanese males who were
married before coming to the United States, by occupation and industry.
Occupation and industry.
Number
who were
married
before
coming.
Number
whose
wives are
still
abroad.
Number
accompa-
nied by
wife.
Number
who have
been
joined by
wife later.
Number who have been joined by
wife after each specified num-
ber of years.
Under
t,
land
under 2.
2 and
under 5.
5 or
over.
Businessmen
145
84
278
157
a 49
64
137
138
»55
c!6
85
15
41
d4
56
4
3
1
5
2
18
3
17
20
City wa^e-earners
Farmers
34
2
Farm laborers
a Including 1 whose wife is now in Japan on visit.
c Including 5; 4 have wives in United States but not scheduled, 1 has wife in Japan.
d One has wife now in San Francisco on her way to join him.
Practically all of the Japanese have immigrated to the United
States expecting after a few years to return to their native land.
Many of this race, however, as of others who have come under some-
what similar circumstances, have later decided to become permanent
residents of this country. This is especially true of those who have
succeeded in rising from the ranks of the laboring classes, as is indi-
cated by the following table, as well as by the immigration of the
wives :
TABLE 21. — Intention of Japanese males 18 years of age or over to stay perma-
nently in United States, by occupation and industry.
Occupation and industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
intending
to stay per-
manently
in United
States.
Number
not intend-
ing to
stay per-
manently
in United
States.
Number
who are
in doubt.
Business men
442
167
108
167
City wage-earners
427
54
228
145
Farmers .
327
130
87
110
Farm laborers
414
33
313
68
Coal miners (Wyoming)
41
7
27
7
Thus 167 of 442 men engaged in business for themselves, most of
them small shopkeepers, and 130 of 327 farmers, most of them ten-
ants, state that they expect to remain permanently in this country,
while an approximately equal number are in doubt as to what they
will eventually do, and a smaller number still expect, sooner or later,
to return to their native land. That so many are in doubt is ex-
plained chiefly by the restrictions which have been placed upon
the immigration of Japanese laborers, upon which most of the
business and farming conducted by them depends for its success.
These restrictions also account for the fact that so many expect to
return to their native land. Without the limitations which have
been placed upon further immigration, there can be no doubt that a
large permanent Japanese population would be developed in the
cities and upon the land. The laborers stand in contrast to the more
successful of their countrymen in that a large majority still expect
to return to Japan, while only a small minority expect to become
30
The Immigration Commission.
permanent residents of this country. A rather large number, how-
ever, state that they are in doubt whether they will settle here or
return to their native land. As they say, "it all depends" — the
deciding factors being the degree of success they meet with in this
country, the amount of opposition shown toward them, and the
difficulty involved in readjusting themselves to changed conditions
in Japan after residing abroad.
With the increase of the number of married women living in this
country the number of Japanese children under 16 years of age has
increased to 4,000 or more. The great majority of these have been
born in this country and are under 6 years or age. Many of the
Japanese wives in this country have been picture brides or have been
married upon their arrival. Moreover, because of the separation of
husband and wife for some years, which has usually accompanied
the emigration of the married men, the number of children born to
them has usually been small. Finally, many children born in Japan
of mothers now in this country have been left in their native land
with grandparents or other relatives to receive their schooling. As
yet few of those so left have joined their parents. Because of these
three facts the number of foreign-born children is very small. Of
3,399 under 16, reported by the secretaries of Japanese associations
in different localities of California, 2,855 were reported to be native-
born. The number of Japanese births in the State, as reported by
the secretary of the state board of health, were 156 in 1905-6, 134 in
1906, 221 in 1907, 455 in 1908, and 682 in 1909 ; a total of 1,648 for
the five years.
The following tables show the number and percentage of foreign-
born Japanese from whom personal schedules were obtained, who
had been in the continental United States each specified number of
years, by sex and by industry :
TABLE 22. — Number of foreign-bow Japanese in the United States each specified
number of years, by sex and industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
MALE.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States.
No deduction is made for time spent abroad.]
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number in United States each specified number of years.
Under
1.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5 to
9.
10 to
14.
15 to
19.
20 or
over.
Agriculture
6,053
458
201
161
332
447
65
1,140
628
102
1,277
53
5
13
3
5
313
33
24
24
14
2
757
86
36
32
53
26
1
160
98
18
201
1,378
88
39
31
62
109
20
295
149
31
202
987
36
25
17
35
62
18
200
125
20
149
1,986
164
45
44
118
203
20
367
183
25
455
495
41
15
7
42
39
6
64
37
5
128
72
3
4
3
2
6
12
2
....
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Laundries
Lumber mills . .......
Transportation:
Steam railroads-
Maintenance of way and
construction
2
4
47
29
3
80
3
2
2
1
Shops, bridges, and build-
ings, water and signal
service
Electric railways
Miscellaneous . .......
10
35
17
Total
10,864
95
569
1,468
2,404
1,674
3,610
879
130
35
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
31
TABLE 22. — Number of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each sped fled
number of years, by sex and industry — Continued.
WAGE EARNERS— Continued.
FEMALE.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number In United States each specified number of years.
Under
1.
'•
2.
3.
4.
5 to
9.
10 to
14.
15 to
19.
20 or
over.
Agriculture ....
Ill
36
11
3
61
9
10
1
15
1
17
6
2
25
15
25
2
14
4
1
1
1
1
1
Fruit and vegetable canneries
7
Transportation:
Steam railroads— maintenance
1
1
11
1
6
Miscellaneous
4
4
i?
16
1
1
1
Total
222
24
21
42
52
34
37
7
a
2
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
MALE.
Agriculture
853
8
14
57
95
94
373
156
53
3
Misc*1-! ' anftous
459
2
4
23
30
42
206
108
34
10
Total
1,312
10
18
80
125
136
579
264
87
13
FEMALE.
Agriculture
280
19
30
49
61
45
72
3
1
Miscellaneous
205
7
32
29
30
31
65
8
3
Total
485
26
62
78
91
76
137
11
4
TABLE 23. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each specified
number of years, by sex and industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
MALE.
(By years In the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States. No deduction Is
made for time spent abroad.]
Per cent in the United States each specified number of
Number
years.
Industry.
reporting
complete
data.
Under
1.
2.
3.
4.
5 to 9.
10 to
15 to
20 or
1.
14.
19.
over.
Agriculture
6.053
0.9
5.2
12.5
22.8
16.3
32.8
8.2
1 2
0 2
Fish canneries
458
1.1
7.2
18.8
19.2
7.9
35.8
9.0
.7
.4
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Laundries
201
161
6.5
1.9
11.9
14.9
17.9
19.9
19.4
19.3
12.4
10.6
22.4
27.3
7.5
4 3
2.0
1 9
.0
o
Lumber mills
332
1.5
4.2
16.0
18.7
10.5
35.5
12.7
.6
3
Mining, coal
447
.0
.4
5.8
24.4
13.9
45.4
8.7
1 3
o
Smelting
65
o
.0
1.6
30 8
27 7
30 8
9 2
o
o
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance oi way and
construction
1,140
.2
4.1
14.0
25.9
17.5
32.2
5 6
3
2
Shops, bridges, and build-
ings, water and signal
service ....
628
6
4 6
15 6
23 7
19 9
29 1
5 9
3
2
Electric railways
102
1,277
.0
.8
2.9
6.3
17.6
15.7
30.4
15.8
19.6
11 7
24.5
35.6
4.9
10 0
.0
2 7
.0
1 3
Miscellaneous
Total
10,864
.9
5.2
13.5
22.1
15.4
33.2
8.1
1.2
.3
32
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 23. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each specified
number of years, by sex and industry — Continued.
'FEMALE.
Industry..
Number
reporting
Per a
jntin
theTJn
ited S
3
tates e
rears.
ichsp
icified
numb
erof
complete
data.
Under
1.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5 to 9.
10 to
14.
15 to
19.
20 or
over.
Agriculture
Ill
8.1
13.5
15.3
22.5
22.5
12.6
3.6
0.9
0.9
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Lumber mills
36
11
27.8
(a)
2.8
(a)
16.7
(a)
41.7
(a)
5.6
(o)
.0
(a)
2.8
(a)
2.8
(0)
.0
(0)
Transportation:
Steam railroads— maintenance
of way and construction
Miscellaneous
3
61
%
ft
#,
n
ft
(°)
26 2
n
(a)
1.6
(?6
Total
222
10.8
9.5
18.9
23.4
15.3
16.7
3.2
1.4
.9
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
MALE.
Agriculture . .
853
0.9
1.6
6.7
11.1
11.0
43.7
18.3
6.2
0.4
Miscellaneous
459
.4
.9
5.0
6.5
9.2
44.9
23.5
7.4
2.2
Total
1,312
.8
1.4
6.1
9.5
10.4
44.1
20.1
6.6
1.0
FEMALE.
Agriculture
280
6.8
10.7
17.5
21.8
16.1
25.7
1.1
0.4
.0
Miscellaneous
205
3.4
15.6
14.1
14.6
15.1
31.7
3.9
1.5
.0
Total
485
5.4
12.8
16.1
18.8
15.7
28.2
2.3
.8
.0
o Not computed, owing to small number Involved.
The first point to be noted is the comparatively small percentage
who had arrived in the United States within two years of the time
the data were collected, between August, 1908, and July, 1909. Six
and one-tenth per cent of the male wage-earners and 2.2 per cent of
the business men and farmers reported that they had first arrived in
this country within two years. The second point of interest is the
contrast presented by the males and the females of each group. Of
the male wage-earners, 42.8 per cent had been in this country five
years or over, while 80.3 per cent had been here three years or over,
while the corresponding percentages for the females of the same group
were 22.2 and 60.9. Of the business men and farmers, 71. 8 per cent
had been in the United States five years or over, while 91.8 per cent
had resided here three years or over. The corresponding percentages
for the females of the same group are 31.3 and 65.8. A contrast be-
tween the male wage-earners and business men and farmers is indi-
cated by the percentages just noted. The percentage of the former
group who had been in the United States less than five years was 57.1 ;
less than ten years, 90.3; less than fifteen years, 98.4. The corre-
sponding percentages for the members of the other group are 28.2,
72.3, and 92.4, respectively. The longer residence of the farmers and
business men is a significant fact in connection with the economic
position they occupy — a fact commented on later. Finally, the tables
show that a comparatively small percentage of the number had been
in this country as long as ten years, which is explained by the fact
that the great majority of the immigrants have come to this country
since 1899, and that until recently a large percentage have returned
to their native land after a few years spent in working for wages.
CHAPTER III.
JAPANESE WAGE-EARNERS IN INDUSTRIES.
The great majority of the Japanese in this country have been em-
ployed in railroad and general construction work, as agricultural
laborers, cannery hands, lumber mill and logging camp laborers, in
the various branches of domestic service, and in business establish-
ments conducted by their countrymen. Smaller numbers have been
employed in coal and ore mining, smelting, meat packing, and salt
making. In the building trades they have done little save in making
repairs and in doing cabinet work for their countrymen. They have
found little place in manufacturing establishments in cities. In con-
trast to the Chinese, and partly because of the earlier agitation
against the Chinese so employed, they have found little employment
in shoe, clothing, and cigar factories.
Many Japanese laborers migrate from one locality and from one
industry to another during the year. The following statement shows
roughly, however, the occupational distribution of those in the West
during the summer of 1909. Approximately 10.000 were employed
by the steam railway companies, chiefly as maintenance of way and
shop and roundhouse laborers. More than 2,200 were employed in
67 of the 1,400 or 1,500 lumber mills in Oregon and Washington.
Some 3,600 were employed in salmon canneries in Alaska, Oregon,
and Washington, while a few hundred were engaged in fishing along
the coast of California. The number of Japanese employed in the
mines of Wyoming, Utah, southern Colorado, and northern New
Mexico was 2,000. Nearly 200 were employed in three smelters in
Utah and Nevada and an approximately equal number in an iron and
steel plant at Pueblo, Colo. Several hundred, all told, including
those employed in constructing irrigation ditches in the arid districts
of the Rocky Mountain States, were engaged in general construction
work. Perhaps during the summer months the number engaged
as farmers and farm laborers in agricultural pursuits in Washington
was 3,000; in Oregon, 1,000; in Idaho, 800; in Utah, 1,025; in Colo-
rado, possibly 3,000; in California, 30,000, with smaller numbers in
the other States and Territories of the Western Division. Including
the 30 or more farmers in Texas and Florida, the number of Japanese
farming on thek1 own account was probably in excess of 6,000; the
number of farms or smaller holdings cultivated by them, 4,000; the
acreage controlled by them, in excess of 210,000. The numbers em-
ployed by street railway companies (in Los Angeles), in two salt
refineries near San Francisco, and otherwise outside of towns and
cities, were comparatively small, though amounting to several hun-
dred all told. As opposed to these, the number engaged in city
trades and business — in the West — may be estimated at from 22,000
to 26,000. The majority of those found in the central and eastern
States are engaged in business or are connected with business estab-
lishments.
This occupational distribution of the Japanese is the resultant of
opposing influences. On the one hand, the Japanese are ambitious
33
34
The Immigration Commission.
and in many respects capable, so that, speaking of them as a whole,
they have tended to rise rapidly from the ranks of laborers to the
economic position they occupied in their native land. Upon the
other hand, the race prejudice against them, a prejudice in part due
to that earlier exhibited against the Chinese, has prevented their
employment in many branches of industry and, in those in which they
have been employed, has cooperated with the lack of command of
English and of technical knowledge to retard their occupational
progress. Moreover, the fact that they are Asiatics caused them to
fall heir to much of the work formerly done by the Chinese and to
some extent to limit them to the fields of activity to which the Chinese
had been restricted. These limitations upon their occupational ad-
vance have placed a premium upon engaging in petty business and
farming on their own account.
The great majority of the Japanese immigrants to the Western
States have found their first employment as railroad laborers, agri-
cultural laborers, or in domestic and personal service, using the term
in its broader sense. The first two branches of employ meat have
been well organized under the Japanese " contractors " and " bosses ; "
the last has been found largely through the employment offices or
house-cleaning firms. That the majority were thus employed upon
their first arrival in this country is indicated by the following table,
which shows the first gainful occupation of 1,808, from whom com-
plete data were obtained Avith reference to the various ways in which
they had been employed since their immigration.
TABLE 24. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by present occu-
pation and industry.
Present occupation and Industry.
i
Ja
Is
fl 0
Number who engaged in-
Business for
self.
1
£
Farm labor.
A
P
<2
V
CQ
D o m e s t ic
service.
£>cl
"s i
o
Other occu-
pations.
0 CJ
SI
II
Business man
439
424
490
41
70
3
10
5
"'is
88
99
259
8
276
49
38
103
20
97
6
3
4
2
2
143
158
54
4
19
66
94
11
3
8
6
15
31
4
11
6
14
....
City wage-earners
Japanese farmers
Coal miners (Wyoming) .....
Farm laborers
414
Thus, of 439 men now engaged in business for themselves, 17.1 per
cent were at first so occupied or were farmers. As opposed to these,
32.6 per cent were engaged in domestic or personal service, 20 per
cent as farm hands, 15 per cent in various city occupations, and 11.2
per cent as railroad laborers. The occupational distribution of the
4.24 who are now city wage-earners was very similar. The great
majority of the farmers and farm laborers, on the other hand, were
first employed as farm hands. Of 490 farmers, only 18 began as such
and 10 as business men, while 259, or 52.9 per cent of the entire num-
ber, found their first employment as farm hands, 103, or 21 per cent,
as railroad laborers, and 54, or 11 per cent, as domestic servants.
Two-thirds of the 414 farm laborers secured such as their first em-
ployment, while 23.4 per cent were first employed as railway laborers,
and 4.6 per cent as domestic servants.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
35
In this connection the following tables relating to their present and
their last regular occupation before immigrating to the continental
United States are of interest.
TABLE 25. — Occupation of foreign-born Japanese males before coming to the
United States, by present industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
/ Present Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number who were—
At home.
In farm-
ing or
farm
labor.
Common
laborers.
In busi-
ness for
self or
wage-
earners
in city.
In other
occupa-
tions.
Agriculture
5,983
450
198
160
300
405
65
1,087
587
88
1,265
733
137
50
56
21
25
4
85
43
9
392
4,360
239
121
61
192
327
44
817
361
63
442
36
2
1
658
59
23
33
58
32
15
97
90
7
302
196
13
3
10
27
14
2
23
35
7
70
Fish canneries .....
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Laundries
Lumber mills
2
7
Mining, coal
Smelting
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construc-
tion
65
58
2
59
Shops, bridges, and buildings,
water and signal service
Electric railways
Miscellaneous
Total
10,588
1,555
7,027
232
1,374
400
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Agriculture
511
51
332
118
10
Miscellaneous
439
78
126
227
Total
950
129
458
345
•to
TABLE 26. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese males in each specified occupation
before coming to the United States, by present industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
Per cent who were—
Present industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
At home.
In fann-
ing or
farm.
Common
laborers.
In busi-
ness for
self or
wage-
In other
occupa-
labor.
earners
tions.
in city.
Agriculture
5 983
12 3
72 9
0 6
11 0
0 0
Fish canneries
450
30.4
53 1
4
13 1
2 9
Fruit and vegetable canneries
198
25 3
61 1
5
11 6
1 *»
Laundries
160
35 0
38 1
o
9Q 6
&•>
Lumber mills
£00
7 0
64 0
7
19 3
9 0
Mining, coal .. ..
405
6 2
80 7
1 7
7 9
0 e
Smelting
65
6 2
67 7
o
23 1
q -I
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construc-
tion. .
1 087
7 8
75 2
6 0
8 9
0 |
Shops, bridges, and buildings,
water and signal service
587
88
7.3
10 2
61.5
71 6
9.9
2 3
15.3
8 0
6.0
8 0
Electric railways
Miscellaneous
1 265
31 0
34 9
4 7
2"} Q
c c
Total
10, 588
14.7
66.4
2.2
13.0
3.8
36
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 26. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese males in each specified occupation
before coming to the United States, by present industry — Continued.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Per c
ent who w
ere —
Present industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
At home.
In farm-
ing or
farm
labor.
Common
laborers.
In busi-
ness for
self or
wage-
earners
in city.
In other
occupa-
tions.
Agriculture
511
10.0
65.0
0.0
23.1
2.0
Miscellaneous .
439
17 8
28 7
o
51 7
1.8
Total
950
13 6
48 2
o
36.3
1.9
These tables show three things of interest: (1) That the student
class and the younger immigrants who had not been gainfully occu-
pied at home are largely represented in the city trades and in trades
drawing upon the city population; (2) that the rural employments
have by far the largest percentages of those who were farmers or
farm laborers abroad; and, (3) conversely, that most of the city
employments have the largest percentage of those who were similarly
occupied previous to their immigration. The city employments are
those of the business men, of the miscellaneous wage-earners, and the
laundry workmen, while those which draw chiefly upon the city
population are the fish, fruit, and vegetable canneries. These show
the largest percentage of those who had not been employed in their
native land. The other industries are nonurban employments, and
among their employees were from 61.5 to 80.7 per cent who had been
engaged in agricultural pursuits previous to their immigration. The
percentage of this same class employed in the other occupations varies
from 28.7 of the business men to 61.1 of the laborers in the fruit and
vegetable canneries. The contrast in the distribution of those who
at home had been engaged in business and in city occupations is not
so clearly marked, yet the representation of these classes in the groups
of business men, laundry workers, and miscellaneous city wage-earners
is much above the average for all occupations.
The more important of the data relating to the employment of and
business conducted by Japanese in this country are best presented in
three parts, the first relating to wage-earners in industry, the second
to agricultural laborers and farmers, the third to employees in urban
occupations and business. The employment of Japanese in industry
constitutes the body of this chapter. The other data are presented
in Chapters III and IV. Further data bearing upon these matters
may be found in the special reports to which reference is made in
connection with the several topics discussed.
JAPANESE AS RAILROAD LABORERS.0
In spite of a well-defined tendency on the part of the Japanese
to leave their employment as section hands in order to engage in
agricultural labor and farming, or to engage in business in the towns
a Further information bearing on most of the points touched upon in this
section will be found in a report on " Immigrant laborers employed by the
steam railways of the Rocky Mountain and Pacific Coast States."
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 37
and cities, or to take employment with their countrymen who are so
engaged, perhaps one-eighth of those gainfully occupied at the close
of the year 1909 were on the pay rolls of the steam railway com-
panies operating in the States comprising the Western Division, and
chiefly in Washington, Oregon, Montana, Idaho, Nevada, Utah,
Wyoming, and Colorado. Few are employed in the States farther
east and comparatively few in California. Between 6,000 and 7,000 °
were employed as section hands and members of extra gangs during
the late spring and summer months of 1909. During the other sea-
sons of the year, when many return from their work in the beet
fields and other agricultural labor of a seasonal nature, the number
is materially larger. On the average they constitute between one-
seventh and one-sixth of the laborers in the maintenance-of-way
departments in the western division. Smaller numbers are employed
in railway shops and still smaller numbers in the departments of
bridges and buildings. All told, at the close of the year 1909 the
Japanese employed in the three departments of railway work perhaps
aggregated some 10,000.
As against this, it is estimated that as many as 13,000 6 were simi-
larly employed in 1906, when the number reached its highest point.
In order to indicate the importance of railroad work as a source of
employment for Japanese immigrants to the Western States, those
engaged in railway construction work as members of general con-
struction gangs must be added to the numbers given.
The Japanese were first employed as section hands near the close
of the year 1889 or early in the year 1890, when they replaced some
Chinese at work on a road with a terminus at Portland, Oreg. Their
employment on other roads with terminals at that place soon fol-
lowed. The railroads with western terminals at Tacoma or Seattle
began to employ Japanese as section hands in 1896 and 1898. On
the railroads in the Southwest their employment dates from the
close of the nineties, while on the railroads centering in San Fran-
cisco and Oakland and extending north to the Oregon line, east to
Ogden, and south to Los Angeles, their employment began some-
what earlier. With these beginnings, when the Japanese in the
country were comparatively few. the number employed increased
with the expanding immigration from Japan and Hawaii until 1906.
Three causes contributed to this increase in the number of Japanese
engaged in railroad work. In the first place, they were made avail-
able through contractors at a time when industries were expanding
and it was impossible to retain as section men (at the wages which
had obtained) the Americans, Irish, and north Europeans, who had
constituted the majority of such laborers previous to 1895, and when
the number of Chinese available had become small as a result of the
operation of the exclusion laws and the tendency of that race to
seek agricultural employment or to withdraw to the cities. In the
second place, they were 'willing to work for a lower wage than the
0 Estimate based upon records of the Japanese contractors for railroad labor
and of most of the railroad companies.
6 Estimate contained in the Japanese-American Yearbook. Judging from the
records of the larger contractors who are still in business, it was perhaps not
for wrong. A large number, especially in California, have ceased to be con-
tractors for railway labor since limitations were placed upon the immigration
of Japanese laborers.
38 The Immigration Commission.
Italians, Greeks, and Slavs, who were being steadily employed in
large numbers. In the third place, except where Mexicans have been
available, they have generally been regarded as satisfactory laborers.
The same set of circumstances explains their employment in rail-
way shops and in bridges and building departments during the last
ten years, and after they had established their position in the main-
tenance of way work. Of the circumstances mentioned, the organi-
zation of the Japanese through contractors serving as employment
agents must be emphasized above all others. Greeks, Italians, and
Slavs must be " recruited " from the East and usually through gen-
eral employment agencies. Standing orders with Japanese con-
tractors at the western ports have given greater assurance of the
necessary labor supply, and, moreover, such an arrangement was
more convenient for the railway companies. The only race as easily
and as conveniently secured has been the Mexican through the sup-
ply companies organized within the last ten years to provide certain
railroads, with which they made contracts, with laborers of that race.
The details supporting the above statements and supplying the more
complete information which the importance of this branch of em-
ployment requires are best presented by summarizing briefly the
history of the employment of Japanese as section hands and as mem-
bers of "extra gangs" on a few of the more important steam rail-
ways of the West.
The first Japanese employed as section hands were secured near the
end of 1889 or early in 1890 from a Portland contractor who was or
had been a member of a large emigration company in Japan. From
that time, when possibly 100 were substituted for as many Chinese,
they increased in number on the road which first gave them employ-
ment until 1906, and, with the Italians, Greeks, and various Austrian
races, gradually took the places of the Irish and natives, who were
permitted to leave for more remunerative work elsewhere. In 1896
600 Japanese were employed at $1 per day. In 1905 the average
number employed was 1,052; in 1906, 1,221; in 1907, 1,049; in 1908,
782. Before 1902 their wages had been increased to $1.50, and they
were then increased to $1.60, the rate which has since obtained, except
for a short time beginning in 1908, when the wage was fixed at $1.40
per day. The Japanese, at first paid considerably less than the mem-
bers of any race save the Chinese, are now paid the same as the
Italians and Greeks, who, with the Japanese, have constituted for
several years the majority of the employees in the maintenance of way
department. With few exceptions, the roadmasters have preferred
the Japanese to the Italians, Greeks, and Austrians, so that it has
been the policy of this company to employ as many Japanese as the
Portland contractor could supply. From 1905 to 1907 they consti-
tuted about two-fifths of the maintenance of way laborers employed.
Two railroads operating farther north began to employ Japanese
as section hands in 1896 and 1898, respectively. The laborers have
been obtained through a supply company with its main office in
Seattle, but with branch offices at the various division points in Wash-
ington and Montana. The average number of men supplied by this
Japanese corporation for the eleven years 1898 to 1908, inclusive, were
200, 600, 2,145, 1,199, 1,082, 1,069, 1,515, 1,372, 1,824, 2,295, and 1,936,
respectively. When first employed, the Japanese were paid 10 or 12
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 39
cents per hour, according to the division of the road to which they
were assigned. For some years previous, to 1907 the corresponding
rates of wages per hour had been 13 and 15 cents. At that time they
were reduced somewhat because of the financial depression, but were
soon increased to 12 and 14 cents, or $1.20 and $1.40 for a ten-hour
day — the wages which prevailed at the time of the investigation in
1909. At these wages the Japanese have always been lower paid than
any race save the few remaining Chinese. Their wages have usually
been 25 cents per day less than those paid the Italians, for example.
Most of the Greek, Scandinavian, and Austrian section hands are
paid $1.50 per day, but whatever the wage in the different localities
investigated, it was found to be somewhat higher than that paid the
Japanese similarly employed.
On another road operating in the Northwest the Japanese were first
employed as section hands in 1897 or somewhat earlier, these laborers
being secured from a contractor to whom reference has already been
made and who for years has supplied Japanese laborers to several
railroad companies. The number employed in 1900 was reported as
313, or about one-fifth of the entire number of section hands. By
1905 the number had increased to an average of 793, but since then it
has diminished to an average of 685 in 1906, 626 in 1907, 550 in 1908,
and 430 in 1909. The wages paid in 1897 were $1.05 per day ; in 1900,
$1.10; for some years previous to 1907, $1.50; in 1907-8, $1.20 ; at the
time of the investigation, $1.35. These wages have been less than
those paid to white laborers, most of whom since 1900 have been south
and east Europeans. The Japanese have generally been preferred to
the other races for this kind of work at the wages which have been
paid. In this case it may be added — for it is very exceptional — pref-
erence for Japanese over Chinese was expressed by a prominent ofri-
cial of the company who had had much personal experience with the
members of both races employed as railroad laborers.
The history of the employment of Japanese in the maintenance of
way departments of two railways operating in the Southwest differs
from that in all of the cases to which reference has thus far been
made. In one case previous to the employment of Japanese, native
whites, Indians, Chinese, and natives of Mexican descent had com-
prised the larger number of the section hands and laborers in " extra
gangs," all but the first mentioned being employed for the greater
part in the desert country of Arizona arid California. The Chinese,
for reasons already noted, decreased in number and the Indians
worked irregularly, while with the development of new industries
there was a tendency among the white men to find other work.
Under these circumstances Japanese were employed through a con-
tractor of that race and in 1900 constituted slightly more than one-
half of the total number employed on the western sections of the
road, the members of this race being assigned to those divisions where
the conditions of work and living were least desirable. The Japanese
were paid $1.10 per day, the Mexicans (including the native-born of
that race), the Indians, and most of the white men $1.25. Though
the Japanese were at this time the lowest paid laborers, they were
less strong and less satisfactory than some of the other races. More-
over, they were not suited to the warm climate and were unsatisfac-
48296°— VOL 23—11 i
40 The Immigration Commission.
tory in other ways, and particularly, when compared with the Mexi-
cans, in the matter of discipline.
Under these circumstances a contract was entered into with a
supply company then organized for that purpose to provide Mexican
laborers for maintenance of way. The men were drawn from El
Paso and were paid $1 per day — the wage they have since been
paid — except for a short time in 1906-7 and since the autumn of
1909, when it was $1.25. Since 1902, few persons other than Mexi-
cans have been employed as common laborers by this company, ex-
cept for a time in 1905 when Japanese were again tried. The Mexi-
cans, though inferior to native white men and north Europeans, are
regarded as more satisfactory than the Japanese, and when the pres-
ent contractor has proposed to employ Japanese, the officials of the
company have not given their consent. The Mexicans are preferred
at the same wage. Though given to drink and irregular at work
after pay days, they are stronger and more obedient than the Japa-
nese, and unlike the latter, are not given to making organized de-
mands for higher wages or better conditions. The increase of wages
granted to them on two occasions has been due to the employment of
Mexicans elsewhere at higher wages, this making it necessary for
the company in question to increase its wage in order to obtain a
sufficient number of men. With variations in detail the history of
the competition between these two races has been about the same on
the other railroads operated in southern Nevada, southern California,
Arizona, and New Mexico. The Mexicans have been cheaper laborers
than the Japanese. Moreover, though they do not accomplish as
much work and are not so satisfactory in other respects as white
men of the type formerly employed rather extensively, they are pre-
ferred to the Japanese at the same wage. At present few of the
latter race are employed in maintenance of way work in that entire
section of the country save by one railway company which has not
the same advantage as the others in reaching the supply of Mexican
labor at El Paso.
Formerly Japanese were employed in large numbers on all of the
railways in that part of California lying north of the Tehachapi as
well as in the part lying to the south. They were invariably paid
lower wages than any other race save the few remaining Chinese and
the Mexicans working as far north as Fresno. Because of the oppor-
tunities to engage in agricultural work, however, their wages rose
considerably even while the number arriving at San Francisco was
greatest. Within the last few years the one company controlling
most of the railways of northern California has transferred its re-
maining Japanese section hands to Nevada, where the conditions are
such as to render it difficult to secure men of other races, and their
places have been filled chiefly by Italians, Greeks, and Slavs at higher
wages than had been paid to the Asiatics.
In Nevada and Utah the Central Pacific, the Western Pacific, and
the Salt Lake and San Pedro, employ many Japanese. On one of
these roads which has a history covering a rather long period, Chinese
were at one time employed in large numbers, but it would appear
that with the decrease in the number of that race, more natives and
Irish were employed. During the nineties all of the races mentioned
fradually disappeared and their places were filled by the incoming
talians and Japanese, the former at $1.50, the latter at $1.10 per day.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 41
From 1895, when they were first employed, until 1901 the Japanese
were the most numerous of the races employed as laborers. They
were then displaced by Greeks at a higher wage, but were later
reemployed at a lower wage than that paid to the displaced race. In
1906 they numbered 1,000; in 1908, 900; at the beginning of 1909,
700. They are now paid $1.40 per day, while the Italians, the other
important racial element in maintenance of way work, are in some
cases paid $1.50. On the other two roads referred to, the Japanese
are paid the same wages as all white men, $1.45 per day, and in one
case more than the Mexicans employed on the southern end of the
route. They are also paid the same wage as Greeks, Italians, and
Slavs, and all white men employed on another road with its western
terminus in Utah. The Japanese are employed in Utah and Wyo-
ming, while the majority of the members of the other races are em-
ployed farther east. The Japanese were first employed in 1900. In
1904, 600 of this race were employed; in 1905, 1,000; in 1906, 1,400;
in 1907, 1,200; in 1908, 900. In 1900 they were paid $1.20. Since
then, because of the tendency of the Japanese to engage in the more
remunerative occupations of coal mining and sugar-beet growing,
their wages have been increased until they receive the same as most
of the others, viz, $1.45 per day of ten hours. At the higher wage
more have been wanted than the contractor, through whom they are
supplied, can furnish.
These instances are sufficient to present the variations in the history
of the employment of Japanese in the maintenance of way in the
West and to indicate the more-important conclusions to be drawn.
These conclusions are: First, that with the exception of the Chinese
and the Mexicans, until recently, the Japanese have been the most
Jowly paid laborers employed, and that in the majority of cases in
1909 they were paid less per day than Italians, Greeks, and Slavs.
Secondly, that with their acceptance as desirable laborers and the
expanding opportunities presented in agriculture, mining, and other
occupations (as well as with clever bargaining on the part of the
contractors), their wages rose materially, and that the difference
between their wages and those paid to white men of various races
tended to diminish, even while the number immigrating to this
country and finding employment on the railways was greatest.
Thirdly, that the Japanese have been displaced by other races at
higher wages in a few cases, and more extensively by Mexicans at
lower wages. Finally, that the opinions of the Japanese, as section
hands, vary considerably. Where they and the Mexicans have been
employed the latter are preferred almost without exception. Of
several men who had had experience with both Chinese and Japanese,
all but one preferred the former because more tractable, more pains-
taking in their work, and more satisfactory generally in spite of the
fact that they are less intelligent, less adaptable, and less progress-
ive— all qualities receiving little emphasis in work of this kind.
With few exceptions the Japanese are preferred to the Greeks, who
are almost invariably ranked as the least desirable section hands,
because they are not industrious and are intractable and difficult to
control. As between Japanese and Italians, opinion is fairly evenly
divided. The same may be said of them and the Slavs. Though
the Japanese are usually ranked below the Chinese and Mexicans,
they compare favorably with the south and east Europeans, who
42 The Immigration Commission.
constitute a still larger percentage of the common laborers in mainte-
nance of way work.
Eeference has been made to the tendency on the part of the Jap-
anese to leave their employment as common laborers in the mainte-
nance of way department in search of more remunerative or more
agreeable work elsewhere. The annual earnings of 73 Japanese
employed as section hands on three railroads were secured from per-
sonal schedules taken. Their average earnings were $435. The
minimum was $150 for a few months work; the maximum, $900,
secured in large part from contract work in beet fields. Of the
other 71, 2 earned between $200 and $250 ; 13 between $300 and $400 ;
42 between $400 and $500; 12 between $500 and $600; 1, $640; and 1,
$720. In several instances the men had done other work as well as
that in which they were engaged at the time of the investigation, so
that the earnings given can not be accepted as showing the possi-
bilities offered by maintenance of way work.
The Japanese, like other laborers employed as section hands, are
usually provided with lodging in box cars " set " on the sidetrack.
The men live in a cooperative group, purchasing much, if not most,
of their supplies from the contractor under whose control they work.
The limitations imposed upon them by these conditions are not the
least important in explaining the strong tendency exhibited by the
Japanese to secure other employment. Their desire for better
equipped and clean " bunk cars " was cited by one roadmaster as an
important source of trouble with the Japanese. The Greeks and
Italians were satisfied with less.
In addition to the above facts, this branch of employment has
offered little opportunity for progress. Some Japanese serve as sub-
foremen, and a few, on one railway, as foremen. However, like the
Mexicans and most of the other races not known as " white," they
usually work under foremen of other races, and chiefly the natives
and north Europeans, who occupied an important place as railway
laborers fifteen or twenty years ago and who have more experience,
better technical knowledge, better command of English, and the con-
fidence of the roadmaster.
Comparatively little construction work was in progress at the time
of the investigation. The Japanese have been employed in many
instances, but not so generally as in maintenance of way, for they
are deficient in weight and muscular strength. They were or had
been employed on three railways under construction during the time
covered by the investigation made by the Commission. In one
instance they were employed in comparatively large numbers and
with satisfactory results. In another case they were employed only
to level and straighten track and were found to be superior for that
work to the other races employed, chiefly Greek and East Indian.
In the third case they were found to be less desirable than white men
of many races, but chiefly foreign born, and orders had been issued
that no more should be employed. In a general way what was said
in some detail concerning the wages paid to Japanese and others
employed as section hands applies to railroad construction work as
well.
The same circumstances which explain the gradual substitution of
Japanese, Italians, Greeks, Slavs, and Mexicans for the native and
north European white men and Chinese in the maintenance of way
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 43
departments, explain also a partial substitution of the one group for
the other in the unskilled work of the railroad shops and round-
houses maintained at terminals and division points — the substitution
becoming apparent about ten years ago. In one case, however, the
change was largely incidental to a strike covering a considerable
period of time. The Japanese and other races conspicuously em-
ployed as section hands, being readily available, have been substi-
tuted for other races as they have risen in the scale of occupations
with expanding industry or as they have been attracted elsewhere
for more attractive or better paid work than found in the lower
occupations of the railroad shops. Agents of the Commission investi-
gated 25 shops. Japanese were employed in 12 of these, in fact in
practically all of those belonging to railway systems employing them
as section hands. They were first employed to do the most unskilled
labor, as in the }^ards, or the most disagreeable work, such as engine
wiping. Though most of the work done by them now is unskilled,
they have risen somewhat in the scale of occupations and in several
instances were found to occupy positions which are stepping stones
to skilled work. Of 470 Japanese employed in the shops investi-
gated, 240 were common laborers, 71 engine wipers, 14 boiler washers,
80 car cleaners, 9 car repairers, 33 boilermakers' helpers, 22 machin-
ist helpers, and 1 a blacksmith's helper. They were employed as
common laborers in 12 shops, as engine wipers in 8, as boiler washers
in 6, as car cleaners in 4, as car repairers in 2, as boilermakers'
helpers in 3, as machinists' helpers in 3, and as blacksmiths' helpers in
1. They are found in a wider range of occupations than the Greeks,
Slavs, and the Chinese, but in a less wide range than the Mexicans
and the Italians.
Though more Mexicans than Japanese are engaged in semiskilled
work, this is explained by the fact that most of the former are em-
ployed in shops located in places where it is difficult to secure men
of other races. Indeed, the foremen of shops in the Southwest
usually rank the Japanese ahead of the Mexicans for shopwork, but
regard both as distinctly inferior to the native white laborers. The
Japanese are more industrious, more alert, more progressive, and
more temperate than the Mexicans, who, when of the peon class, are
generally deficient in these qualities. They are invariably preferred
for such work as engine wiping, though the Chinese are regarded
as still better than the Japanese. For other than this and the most
unskilled labor, however, the Japanese are regarded as better than
the Chinese because they learn the details of the work more quickly.
Both are preferred to south and east European races also for engine
wiping and similar work. Moreover, in only one of several shops
where both Greeks and Japanese were employed were the former,
though generally paid higher wages, preferred to the latter. The
Japanese are more industrious, more ambitious, and more tractable.
In several instances the Japanese were preferred to the Italians also,
but these instances were less numerous than those where the contrary
was true.
While the Japanese have generally been employed to replace the
Chinese, who have become fewer, or white men no longer available
for unskilled work at the rate of wages which obtained, the replace-
ment has not always taken place at the rate of wages which had been
paid to white men. As would be expected, there seems from the first
44 The Immigration Commission.
to have been a close relation between the wages paid to them as sec-
tion hands and as laborers, engine wipers, and car cleaners in the
shops. Though paid somewhat more than for track work, frequently
15 cents per day more, their wages have usually been less than those
paid the men they have replaced. " In one shop the Japanese, when
introduced, were paid 16 cents, while those whom they replaced had
been paid 18 cents per hour. In another place they were set at work
at 12J cents per hour where the various white races which had been
employed had received 18 cents per hour. In a third place they were
given work as car cleaners at $1.25 per day where white men had
been paid $1.50. In a fourth instance Japanese at $1.25 replaced
white men who had been paid $1.60 as engine wipers. In still
another shop they began work as engine wipers at 15 cents whereas
the white men they replaced had received 20 cents per hour. The sub-
stitution elsewhere in these occupations seems to have been made on
much the same terms.
" Beginning at a lower rate of pay the Japanese, when not serving
as helpers, are still very generally paid less than the members of other
races doing the same kinds of work. In one city there are three rail-
way shops. In one of these Japanese are employed as laborers at
$1.25 per day ; in the second, Greeks and Italians at $1.80 per day : in
the third, Austrians and Italians at $1.80 per day. One railway pays
Japanese laborers in one of its shops $1.60 per day, all white laborers
$1.90. Usually, however, the differences are less great. The highest
rate paid Japanese laborers is $1.75 per day; the lowest, $1.25, and
the rates most frequently paid are $1.35, $1.40, and $1.60. As engine
wipers they receive from $1.25 to $1.60 in the several shops investi-
gated. As car cleaners they earn from $1.25 to $1.60 per day. As
boiler washers they earn from about $1.60 to $1.80 per day; white
men when employed somewhat more."0
The Japanese are, however, usually paid more than the Mexicans as
unskilled laborers in the shops. In one city, for example, the Mexi-
cans employed as common laborers in one shop are paid $1 per day,
the Japanese similarly employed in another $1.20. Other instances
of the same kind might be cited, though the two races are not often
employed in the same localities, thus limiting possible comparisons
to a few cases.
Finally, passing over the employment of Japanese as janitors and
cleaners of station buildings on a few of the railroads included in the
investigation made by the Commission, the members of this race wero
found to be employed in the department of bridges and buildings of
one. These men were employed at pumping stations, tunnels, and in
similar places, and as cooks, however, and not as regular members
of " crews " engaged in construction work. That they have not been
more extensively employed is no doubt partly explained by the fact
that provision must be made for boarding and lodging the workmen
while not at work in large towns, and that the Japanese prefer to work
and live in their own groups and are not welcomed by the other races
as members of general groups. In some instances the inconvenience
involved in making separate provision for them has caused the rail-
a Quoted from " Immigrant Laborers Employed by tlie Steam Railways of
the Rocky Mountain and Pacific Coast States."
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 45
ways not to employ Japanese, Mexicans, or negroes at all as laborers
in the department of bridges and buildings.
Numerous references have been made to the way in which Japanese
are secured for railroad work. Those employed in maintenance of
way are always obtained through a Japanese " contractor " and those
employed in the shops or elsewhere are usually obtained in the same
way. One corporation in Seattle supplies two railroads, one in
Portland four, one in Salt Lake City two. In other cases, with one
exception, there is a separate contractor for each road. Late in the
spring of 1909, 8 of these men or firms were supplying some 5,600
laborers as section hands and still others for the shops.
These Japanese agents collect their men in various ways. Some
apply directly to them for work, most have been obtained through
boarding houses, while others are " recruited " through advertising
and the more usual methods used with other races in Seattle, Port-
land, San Francisco, and Los Angeles. The most important of these
methods has been the second, where the laborers have been collected
through large boarding houses.
Each of the large boarding houses in the coast cities has or has had
affiliations with large Japanese contractors, or has been conducted
by a contractor as a means of collecting laborers. The hotel keepers'
organizations in San Francisco and Seattle establish the fee which the
contractor shall pay the boarding-house keeper for each man obtained
through him — at $3 in the one city, at $1.50 in the other.
"Agents for Japanese labor invariably collect from each person
employed as a railroad laborer an " office fee " or " interpreter's fee "
of $1 per month and a second payment of so much per day or a given
percentage of their earnings. Two of the largest of the contractors,
and several of the smaller ones collect, in addition to the interpreter's
fee, 5 cents for each day worked. One of these formerly collected
10 cents per day without an interpreter's fee, but in 1904 changed to
the present rule in order to compete more successfully for laborers.
Another agency collects an interpreter's fee of $1 per month and 5
cents for each day worked during the month up to 20, thus limit-
ing the total deduction on account of the agency to $2 per month.
Two agencies collect only 2 cents per day for each day worked, in
addition to the interpreter's fee of $1 per month.
" It may be pointed out in passing that this arrangement is very
much more satisfactory to the laborers than where each " job " is paid
for in a lump sum commission. It, at any rate, protects the men from
the graft sometimes practiced by foremen and agencies cooperating
in collecting, hiring, and discharging laborers." °
As a second source of profit the contractors usually supply their
men with most of the goods they consume, or else act through auxil-
iary organizations which do. Scarcely ever is the supply business
absent. It is well worth the while, for the Japanese, for the most
part, consume Japanese wares, and as the laborers are far removed
from towns, these can usually be had only from the contractor who
finds employment for them. It is estimated that 30 per cent of the
food used is American in its origin and TO per cent Japanese. Most
"Quoted from "Immigrant Laborers Employed by the Steam Railways of the
Rocky Mountain and Pacific Coast States."
46 The Immigration Commission.
of this Japanese food and a small part of the clothing and miscel-
laneous goods purchased are supplied by the contractor.
If property accumulation is a good criterion, the commissions and
profits from supplies sold have given the larger contractors a hand-
some profit. However, the contractor himself, or his interpreters
through whom he usually acts, looks after all difficulties and disputes
arising between laborers and foremen or other representatives of the
company in regard to work, wages, bunk cars, and other matters.
He does much more than find employment for laborers and supply
them with goods at a profit.
As a general rule, the Japanese employed in railroad work are
paid directly by the company, deductions to cover commissions and
supply bills due being made, which sums are paid directly to the
agency. However, the several railway companies supplied with
laborers by two ef the largest of the Japanese agents pay these agents
for the men supplied, they, in turn, paying the laborers after deduct-
ing commissions and sums due for supplies purchased.
JAPANESE EMPLOYED IN THE LUMBER AND TIMBER INDUSTRIES OF OREGON
AND WASHINGTON.0
In 1909 more than 2,200 Japanese were employed in the lumber
industry in Oregon and Washington, while in 1905 the total num-
ber of employees of all races in the industry was 35,307.6 The first
Japanese employed in the lumber mills were deserting sailors, whose
employment in the industry is reported to date from about thirty
years ago. Their numbers were small, however, and they did not
constitute an important factor in the labor supply until after the
year 1900, when they numbered less than 350 and were employed in
only a few mills. Within the last decade, however, there has been
a large immigration of Japanese to the Northwest and especially to
Seattle. For example, between the years 1901 and 1908 no less than
20,011 entered the ports of Seattle and Portland. When the un-
usually prosperous times preceding the financial stringency of 1907
gave rise to a scarcity of labor, this Japanese immigration was drawn
upon along with a much larger number of recent immigrants from
Europe and a smaller number of East Indians, for lumber mill work.
It is estimated that in 1907, 2,685 members of this race were working
in the lumber mills of Washington alone. In 1909 they were em-
ployed in 67 mills and logging camps in Washington, and numbered
2,240, while some '200 Japanese were employed in the lumber and
shingle mills of Oregon.
The Japanese have never been employed in the majority of the
mills of the Northwest, though the mills in which they have been em-
ployed have been among the largest. In fact, because of race preju-
dice exhibited by white employees, they have been discriminated
against to the point of being refused employment in most of the mills.
In one instance 50 Japanese sent out from Portland were not
allowed to leave the train by the inhabitants of the mill town. In
another community they were used to replace Italians at lower wages,
0 See " Immigrants in the Lumber and Shingle Industries of Oregon and
Washington."
6 Census Bulletin 77, 1905, " Lumber and Timber Products."
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 47
but so strong was the sentiment against them that they found it
difficult to live in the locality. Partly as a result of this prejudice
against them the Japanese, with few exceptions, have been able to
enter the least remunerative occupations only. In fact, of 231 em-
ployed in mills investigated and from whom personal information
was obtained, 89 per cent were common laborers, usually laborers in
the lumber yards, oilers, or teamsters — the most unskilled and least
remunerative work offered by the industry.
Where the Japanese have been employed they have, without excep-
tion, been paid lower wages than men of other races engaged in the
same occupations. In the one mill investigated where they were em-
ployed in skilled and semiskilled positions also, their wages were con-
siderably lower than those paid to white men employed in similar
positions in other mills. While the Japanese were employed as
trimmers, edgermen, planing-mill feeders, lumber graders, lath-mill
men, and carpenters at wages varying from $1.65 to $2 per day, at
other mills the white men engaged in these occupations were paid
from $2.75 to $3.50 per day. Of 205 Japanese common laborers 76
earned $1.25 per day, 84, $1.50, and 45, $1.75. Nineteen others were
employed at difficult or semiskilled work and earned from $2 to $2.25
per day. The wages paid to other men, including the small number
of East Indians, engaged in common labor are higher than those paid
to the Japanese similarly employed. While " white men " are paid
$1.75, $2, and $2.25 as common laborers, Japanese are paid $1.50,
$1.60, and $1.75, and rarely $2, and in one mill employing a large
number they receive only $1.25 per day.
Corresponding differences have from the first existed between the
wages paid to Japanese and white laborers employed in this indus-
try. The average earnings of 48 Japanese employed in lumber mills
in northwestern Washington was $515.75 for an approximate average
of 11.2 mpnths in employment during the twelve months immediately
preceding the investigation in the spring of 1909.
As already indicated, the employment of the Japanese in com-
paratively large numbers in lumber mills has been coincident with a
period of rapid industrial expansion. They not only worked for
less than other men, they were also more easily secured, for they are
obtained here, as in most other industries, through a contractor or
bookman, and are generally reported by employers to be more steady
and less inclined to leave their employment for other work than are
the members of other races.
On the whole, the mill managers who have employed Japanese are
of the opinion that they are more satisfactory at the rate of wages
they are paid than the white men available for work as common
laborers at the wages they command in the industry. While the
Japanese have never been employed in the majority of the mills and
have been discharged from some others, this has been due chiefly to
the race feeling exhibited against them and seemingly closely con-
nected with the facts that they are of a different race and tongue and
have always worked for lower wages than were paid to white men.
Organized opposition by the Shingle Weavers' Union and the pres-
ence of conditions which for efficiency require a kind of apprentice-
ship explain why the iJapanese have been employed in only a few
shingle mills, and in so far as could be ascertained had been dis-
48 The Immigration Commission.
charged from these. In a few instances the Japanese have established
shingle mills of their own. However, the developments in thih direc-
tion have been slight, because a relatively large capital is required for
investment in plant and timber, and because the Japanese have been
unable to secure insurance on such mills since one owned by them in
Washington was destroyed by fire. In so far as could be ascertained
only one mill is now owned by Japanese, and this was recently started
in Oregon by a corporation doing business in Portland.
JAPANESE EMPLOYED IN THE SALMON-CANNING INDUSTRY IN WASH-
INGTON, OREGON, AND ALASKA.0
Japanese laborers were first introduced in the salmon canneries on
the Columbia River in 1901, and soon thereafter in the establishments
located on Puget Sound and in Alaska. Few were employed, how-
ever, previous to 1904, but since then their number has increased
greatly. A rough estimate of the number of Japanese engaged in
canning salmon in 1909 is about 3,600 of an approximate total of
10,000, largely Chinese, but including some white men in the Puget
Sound and Columbia River canneries and a rather large number of
Indians and a few Filipinos in the Alaskan establishments. Of the
3,600 Japanese, 2,132 were employed in Alaska and about 1.500 in the
Puget Sound and Columbia River canneries.
Of the 18 canneries located on the Columbia River, 16 were investi-
gated by an agent of the Commission. These employed from 253 to
367 Japanese during the season, the number varying with the " catch "
of salmon. In 19 of 23 establishments on Puget Sound 953 Japanese
were found to be employed, as against 1,024 Chinese. The Japanese
are employed almost exclusively in the more unskilled and disagree-
able parts of the work. They clean and cut fish, operate butchering
and soldering machines, truck and pile cans, and act as helpers in the
" bathrooms." It is only in exceptional cases, when Chinese are not
obtainable, that the Japanese are used for skilled work. In fact, the
Chinese are said to have used their superior position to prevent the
Japanese from learning the processes requiring skill. The Chinese
have taught other races the art of canning fish, but because of race
antipathy they seek to retard the advance of the Japanese in the
industry in so far as they are able.
The few unskilled Chinese employed in the canneries are paid more
than the Japanese. For example, where they are employed in the
same establishment, in northwestern Washington, the Chinese earn $5
per month more than do the Japanese. Where, as is usually the case,
the earnings are paid by the season, rather than by the month, the
difference is notable between those received by the Chinese and the
Japanese. In the Columbia River canneries the latter race receive
from $130 to $140 for the season's work, while the minimum amount
paid to the Chinese engaged in similar work was $150. The packers
operating on Puget Sound employ Japanese for a short season, ordi-
narily of about two months' duration, for which they pay from $60
to $75. On the other hand, the Chinese, most of whom are skilled
workmen, average about $500 each for the season. However, their
0 See " Salmon Canneries of the Columbia River and Puget Sound " and " Im-
migrant Labor in the Salmon Canneries of Alaska."
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
period of work is several months longer, including the labeling and
packing of the cans after the actual canning is completed. Although
still engaged in the most lowly paid occupations in the industry, the
Japanese are earning more than when first employed in 1901. They
were then paid only at the rate of $1.10 per day. At present most of
the members of this race earn $35 or $40 per month, with board and
lodging, a substantial increase over the former $1.10 per day. The
normal day's work is eleven hours.
During the large part of the year in which the canneries are not
in operation the Japanese find their way into various occupations.
The most common of these are railroad construction and maintenance
of way, agriculture, and wood chopping. A considerable number,
however, are of the student and city classes, and are employed for the
greater part of the year in the urban centers as domestics or in the
various city trades. Thus the earnings of the cannery hands in these
localities are drawn from diverse sources. Data were secured from 90
Japanese employees from various establishments in Washington and
Oregon with regard to their yearly earnings from work of various
kinds. They are as follows :
Number of persons earning—
Less
than
$200.
From
$200 to
$250.
From
$250 to
$300.
From
$300 to
$400.
From
$400 to
$500.
From
$500 to
$600.
From
$600 to
$700.
From
$700 to
$800.
Average
amount
per year.
1
2
5
55
22
2
1
2
$378. 27
The smallest earnings were $196, while the largest were $760. The
average of the yearly earnings for the group of 90 was $378.27.
Practically all of the Japanese work under the " boss " system.
In the great majority of establishments the Chinese have contracts
for canning the fish, and they employ Japanese through " subbosses."
Where the packers do not let the work out to Chinese contractors,
they, too, secure their Japanese laborers from " bosses." Formerly
these " bosses " were paid from $2 to $3 per man supplied, but this
system had been superseded by one under which the employer pays
nothing to the " bosses " direct, but the latter derive their income
from fees for securing employment deducted from the wages of the
men, and from profits on merchandise and board furnished them.
However, wh-?re they are employed by Chinese contractors, the latter
as a rule furnish them with board. Where the " bosses " deal di-
rectly with the white employers, they are allowed $7.50 or $8 for
each man per month for boarding the men under them, in addition
to the regular wages. Ordinarily a " boss " makes about $15 per
man during the canning season. Wages are paid at the close of the
season, but advances of supplies and cash up to the amount of $50
are made by the " bosses " to the men.
The situation in the Alaska salmon canneries is different from
that in Oregon and Washington in a number of respects. Practi-
cally all of the Japanese are employed by Chinese contractors
through " bosses " of their own race. The distant location of the
field, the long journey involved, and the impossibility of changing
50 The Immigration Commission.
from place to place during the season serve to give the " bosses "
unusual powers over the men. The latter are of a roving type, and
rated as of a low order by their fellow-Japanese of the cities. They
are sent out in sailing vessels from San Francisco, Astoria, Portland,
and Seattle, late in the spring, and return early in the autumn.
Their work is the most unskilled and disagreeable offered by the
industry — similar to their employment in the canneries of Washing-
ton and Oregon. The Chinese in nearly all cases do the skilled
work.
Wages are paid entirely by the season, which, including the time
spent on the voyage, amounts to above five months. During the
heaviest " run " the men work from sixteen to twenty hours per day.
Season wages vary from $160 to $225. The majority, however, earn
less than $200. These wages are in addition to board and lodging.
The book earnings, however, do not furnish a true index of the
actual earnings of the men, for under the " boss " system, as it has
generally operated in the past, a large part of their earnings have
been taken from them by exploitation. Indeed, the individual is
considered fortunate who returns to the home port with as much as
$30 to his credit.
The exploitation carried on by Japanese "bosses" controlling
Alaskan cannery laborers is worthy of especial comment. They se-
cure the men through subagents (usually connected with Japanese
boarding houses in the cities), who receive for this service a com-
mission of $5 per man, which is deducted from the wages of the
men engaged. An advance is usually made by the packers to the
" boss " in the spring of the year on the basis of the labor to be fur-
nished. With the money so obtained the cost of securing the laborers
is paid, they are advanced enough money to equip themselves for the
trip, and a stock of goods is secured for boarding the men. In addi-
tion to these expenditures an extensive stock of eatables is bought,
which is destined to be sold at high prices to the men en route. This
is made possible by the fact that the food regularly furnished is
poor and frequently insufficient in quantity, costing the " boss "
about $3 per month per man. The men buy these extra eatables and
gamble at tables conducted by subbosses, on credit, their expenditures
and losses being deducted from their total earnings for the season.
The income of the " boss " is thus obtained from two sources — the sale
of goods to the men at monopoly price and the profits realized from
gambling. This income is comparatively large for the ability repre-
sented; frequently, if not generally, amounting to from $2.000 to
$5,000 for the year. It is entirely the result of the exploitation of the
wages of Japanese laborers, since as much or more than the total
sum paid by the packers to the "bosses" is spent in wages and
regular board for the men.
The Japanese keep very much to themselves in the camps, usually
lodging and eating together. They are given to gambling among
themselves and often to excessive drinking.
Though the Japanese are industrious the canners prefer the Chinese,
on the ground that they are more careful and conscientious workmen
and more satisfactory in contractual relations. The preference is so
decided that it is not unusual for the companies to stipulate in their
contracts with the Chinese "bosses," who enter into contract to do
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 51
the cannery work, that the number of Japanese employed shall not
exceed the number of Chinese. The Filipinos, who have been em-
ployed in the Alaska canneries in small numbers, are also preferred
to the Japanese.
Though the Japanese have been employed as fishermen in British
Columbia, they have not been employed in this capacity by the
packers in Alaska, Oregon, and Washington. On the coast of Cali-
fornia, however, a few hundred have been engaged in fishing on
their own account. The largest groups of these are about Monterey,
where they numbered about 150 in 1909. The more important mar-
kets of the State, however, are controlled almost entirely by the
Italians and chiefly by those from the southern Provinces.
JAPANESE EMPLOYED IN FRUIT AND VEGETABLE CANNERIES OF CALI-
FORNIA.0
Japanese were first employed in fruit and vegetable canneries about
twenty years ago, but they have never occupied an important place
in the industry. Together with Portuguese, Italians, Greeks, and
other recent immigrants, they have gradually filled the places vacated
by the north European immigrants and Chinese, who have found
more remunerative employment elsewhere. Few of the Japanese were
employed in canneries before 1900, and since that time their increase
has not been rapid. Among the employees of 19 canneries investi-
gated were 237 Japanese. The 201 males constituted 16.3 per cent
of the total number of that sex, and the 36 females 2.2 per cent of
the total number of that sex, employed in the establishments investi-
gated. Of a total of 2,890 employed, 756 were native females, 357
native males. Among the 1,777 foreign-born were 860 Greeks and
Italians, 172 Portuguese, 132 Chinese, and 58 Mexicans. The Jap-
anese have been employed chiefly by canneries operated by Chinese,
who began to employ Japanese when the supply of Chinese laborers
became too small. The Japanese are given employment, however, in
a number of establishments operated by white men, but a number of
white employers discriminate against them to the extent of not em-
ploying them at all. Where employed in canneries they are under the
control of " bosses " who arrange for their work and through whom
their wages are paid.
While in some cases they earn less than do white persons in similar
occupations, discrimination in wages is not general. The differences
are due largely to the occupations at which they work. Of the 201
male Japanese employees from whom data were secured, more than
one-half were cutting and canning fruit, work which is paid on a
piece basis and which is almost monopolized by women. The Jap-
anese work at the same piece rates as do other employees. The 34
Japanese women who reported their earnings were all canners or
cutters. Of the remaining 75 males, 44 were common floor laborers,
24 were employed in the cooking and soldering rooms, 4 were used in
warehouse work, and 3 were foremen or clerks.
Of the males, 72.2 per cent earned less than $2 per day, while of
the total foreign-born only 64.2 per cent earned less than $2 per day.
Of the Italians and Greeks only 58.1 per cent earned less than $2
« See " Immigrant Labor in California Fruit and Vegetable Canneries."
52 The Immigration Commission.
per day, as did 57.1 per cent of the Portuguese. Moreover, only 12
Japanese earned more than $2.50 per day, while 186, or 44.3 per cent,
of the Greeks and Italians earned more than $2.50. The apparent
difference between the wages of Japanese and Italians and Greeks
is accounted for chiefly on the basis of occupation. Many of the
Italians are used as subforemen and in the more responsible positions
at higher wages than pieceworkers and common laborers command.
The Japanese women earn less than others of the more recently
arrived races. None of them earned as much as $2 per day, whereas
29 of the Portuguese and 57 of the Italian and Greek women earned
$2 or over per day. No discrimination in the piece rates paid was
noted, however.
Information was obtained concerning six vegetable canneries near
the lower Sacramento River, which conserved asparagus almost ex-
clusively. Here the Chinese have always done most of the work of
canning since the inception of the industry ten years ago. They
were formerly used for the warehouse labor also, but because of their
increasing scarcity have recently been replaced at this work by white
men and Japanese. Japanese were employed in one establishment,
but discharged as being unsatisfactory. The foreman of this cannery
stated that Chinese were cheaper at $1.50 per day than Japanese at
$1.25. In another cannery, however, 20 Japanese who were employed
in the warehouse and paid at the rate of 15 cents per hour with
lodging, were proving satisfactory to their employers. They were
also used recently as common laborers (cleaning rusty cans) by an-
other firm, but were not employed at the time of the investigation.
In the other asparagus canneries no Japanese were employed in the
early summer of 1909.
JAPANESE EMPLOYED IN COAL, MINES IN THE WESTERN DIVISION.0
Something less than 2,000 Japanese are employed in the coal mines
of southern Colorado, New Mexico, Wyoming, and Utah. The great
majority of the 27,000 to 30,000 persons employed in the coal-mining
industry of these States are immigrants from south and east Euro-
pean countries and Mexico. The Japanese were first employed in
Wyoming in considerable numbers about 1900, when during a period
of labor scarcity the operators of Wyoming secured " gangs " of
laborers through a Japanese employment agency on the Pacific coast.
Other Japanese entered the mines from the railroad section " gangs "
in the locality because of the larger earnings which might be made.
In southern Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah, on the other hand, few
Japanese were employed in the mines previous to 1903. In that year
they were used as strike breakers. Those who entered the mines of
southern Colorado at this time have left the work, a few at a time,
for agricultural pursuits, until at the present time they constitute a
relatively unimportant part of the labor supply. In New Mexico a
somewhat greater number have remained in the mines, while in Utah
their numbers have increased materially in recent years. That no
Japanese are employed in the coal mines of northern Colorado is due
to the complete unionization of the district and the opposition of the
0 See " Immigrant Labor in the Coal and Coke Industry in the Western
States."
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
53
union to all oriental labor. In Washington, while the field is less
completely organized, the hostile sentiment displayed in the com-
munity has been strong enough to preclude the employment of Japa-
nese as miners.
Of 65 Japanese employed in southern Colorado and reporting
their earnings 4.6 per cent earned $3.50 and under $4 per day, while
69.2 per cent earned $3 and under $3.50, and 15.4 per cent $2.50 and
under $3. The remaining 10.7 per cent earned $1.50 and under $2.50.
No discrimination in wages was noted in this district between the
Japanese and other races.
Members of this race are segregated as much as possible at their
work. Furthermore, they live in separate camps, and all of their
business is managed by " bosses." Their camps are often outside of
the town limits. Other races employed are extremely hostile to the
Japanese, classing them in this regard with negroes. Wherever they
are employed, however, the superintendents regard them as satis-
factory miners.
The situation in New Mexico is essentially the same as that in
southern Colorado. A somewhat larger proportion of Japanese are
employed. For example, 90, or 7.9 per cent, of the total number of
employees on the pay rolls of the mines investigated in the northern
part of the State were Japanese. Of these, 88 were miners or loaders,
1 a common laborer, and 1 a foreman. Their earnings, however, were
somewhat larger than in Colorado. During the month covered by
the pay rolls secured the percentage earning each specified amount
was as follows:
Num-
$10
$20
$30
$40
$50
$60
$70
$80
$100
Aver-
ber of
Under
and
and
and
and
and
and
and
and
and
Japa-
nese.
$10.
under
$20.
under
$30.
under
$40.
under
$50.
under
$60.
under
$70.
under
$80.
under
$100.
under
$120.
over.
ings
per day.
88
2.3
3.4
1.1
4.5
5.7
11.3
17.1
13.6
25.0
12.5
3.4
$3.60
Their average daily earnings were $3.60, while the average for all
miners and loaders was $3.26. Furthermore, the Japanese earned
on the average a greater amount per day than did the more recently
arrived European immigrants and the Mexicans, except the Italians,
whose average daily earnings were 3 cents higher than those of the
Asiatics. The average daily earnings of the races most conspicuous
in mining and loading were as follows:
Italian $3. 63
Japanese 3.60
Montenegrin 3.09
Bulgarian $2. 97
Greek 2. 96
Mexican 2. 87
The number of Japanese employed in the coal mines of Utah has
increased steadily since their introduction in 1903-4 with other races
to fill the places of the " trouble makers " connected with the coal
strike. The number employed in 1905 was 46; in 1908, 114; in 1909,
126. Laborers of this race are supplied to the operators by a Japa-
nese contracting agency in Salt Lake City. As in the other sections,
54
The Immigration Commission.
they are controlled by " bosses," who conduct their business and direct
their work.
The position of the Japanese coal-mine employees in Wyoming is
substantially different from that in the other States where they are
engaged in this industry. A much larger proportion of the labor
supply is drawn from this race. It is estimated that 512 Japanese
in a grand total of 6,915 are at work in the coal mines of the State.
Data were secured from 337 of these. As noted above, they were
first employed about 1900 during a time of labor scarcity. Since
that time they have been continuously employed, but within the last
two years their numbers have fallen off considerably. In one com-
munity, for example, where 200 were employed in 1907 only 135
were reported in 1909.
As in other districts, the Japanese in Wyoming are chiefly miners
and loaders. However, 16 of the 274 who reported their specific oc-
cupation were common laborers, 5 were mechanics, and 2 foremen.
Previous to 1907 Japanese were paid $2.10 per day in the mines —
which was somewhat less than the earnings of European miners. In
1907 the United Mine Workers of America extended its organization
to Wyoming. The presence of a large number of Japanese and a
few Chinese miners made organization difficult. It is stated that
the operators expected to be able to use these orientals at lower rates
than those fixed upon in the union agreement. However, a delegation
of Japanese was sent to the convention of the union, which was held
in Denver, to present their side of the case, with the result that a
special dispensation was granted, and the Chinese and Japanese who
were on the ground were allowed to become members of the union on
an equal footing with other races. The Japanese now earn wages
equal to those of other races — $3.10 per day for company men and
the uniform piece rates for mining and loading. In this State the
Japanese earn higher wages than in any of the other Western States
where they are employed in coal mines. The difference is due to
their participation in the results of union organization. The per-
centages of the 335 reporting wage data, who earned each specified
amount, are as follows :
Total
number.
Percentage earning each specified rate per day.
$1.50 and
under
$1.75.
$1.75 and
under $2.
$2 and
under
$2.50.
$2.50 and
under $3.
$3 and
under
$3.50.
$3.50 and
under $4.
$4 or
over.
335
0.3
1.5
4.5
30.2
38.5
1.8
23.3
Data were obtained from 39 of these men relating to their annual
earnings, in part from other work, however, in those cases where
they had been otherwise employed at any time during the twelve
months preceding the investigation. A few had made large earn-
ings in the sugar-beet fields. The earnings of 3 were reported as
being $400 and under $500; of 2, $500 and under $600; of 2, $600 and
under $700 ; of 5, $700 and under $800 ; of 23, $800 and under $1,000 ;
of 4, $1,000 and under $1,250. The average for the 39 was $820.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
55
The -earnings of the 39 are shown, by the number of months worked,
in the following table:
TABLE 27. — Yearly earnings ° (approximate) of Japanese coal miners 18 years
of age or over.
Months worked.
Number
work-
ing for
wages
and re-
porting
amount.
Average
earn-
ings.
Number earning —
Under
$400.
$400
and
under
$500.
$500
and
under
$600.
$600
and
under
$700.
$700
and
under
$800.
$800
and
under
$1,000.
$1,000
and
under
$1,250.
$1,250
or over.
6
1
1
8
14
9
6
1450.00
500. 00
650. 00
859. 29
881i. (17
970. 00
1
9
2
1
1
2
1
2
2
13
6
2
10
11
1
3
12
Total
39
820. 00
3
2
2
5
23
4
0 Without board.
Though they are members of the union, the individual Japanese are
not masters of their own affairs. They are in most cases controlled
by a Japanese contracting agency in Salt Lake City. All of their
affairs are managed by this agency, in return for which numerous
deductions are made from the earnings of the men, on behalf of the
agency, by the operators. These deductions include items for board,
" bunks," baths, transportation, coupons exchangeable for merchan-
dise, and commissions. So extensive are these charges that often the
employee receives no cash payment, all of his wages being taken in
the form of deductions. Data with regard to this matter were
secured from one mine where 118 Japanese were employed. Their
total earnings for a period of two weeks were $2,828.15, or an aver-
age of $23.97 per man. Of this amount $1,933.75, or an average of
$16.39 per man, was deducted by the company on behalf of the
Japanese agency. In other words, only $894.30, or an average of
$7.58 per man, was paid in cash. Indeed, 60 men received less than
$5 in cash, while 37 earned nothing over and above the claims of the
agency. In this case the men are boarded at a rate of $19 per month
and furnished lodging in bunk houses for 50 cents per month. This
charge is materially higher than the cost of living at the other mines
investigated.
The Wyoming coal fields are extremely cosmopolitan and few race
antipathies are apparent. The Japanese are treated in the same
manner as other immigrants. They prefer to associate with natives
rather than with other foreigners, however. They are loyal members
of the union, and exhibit considerable pride in their connection with
the organization. At work they are under Japanese foremen, but
are usually employed at tasks with other races. In their living quar-
ters, however, they are segregated from other races, living in bunk
houses, often beyond the boundaries of the mining towns. Employers
were unanimous in characterizing the Japanese as regular and atten-
tive workmen giving satisfactory service,
48296°— VOL 23—11 5
56 llie Immigration Commission.
JAPANESE EMPLOYED IN THE MINING AND SMELTING OP METALLIFEROUS
ORES IN THE WESTERN DIVISION.0
Japanese have never played an important part in the mining and
smelting of metalliferous ores in the Western States. In most places
they are not considered eligible to employment, while in the few local-
ities where they have been used their numbers have always been
small. In the investigation of metal mining in the Rocky Moun-
tain States they were found in the iron mines of one locality alone.
In the investigation of smelting in the several States they were
found employed in only three smelters, two of these located near
Salt Lake City and one in Nevada. The Japanese employed in the
smelters near Salt Lake City were secured through a contracting
agency which received as its commission 5 per cent of the wages of
the men. They were first employed in 1908 to replace Greeks who
were on strike for higher wages. They were confined to " general
labor," for they had had no previous experience in the industry, and
at the time of the investigation they were still paid less than the
Greeks for the same kind of work.
All of the 63 Japanese from whom wage data were secured were
paid a flat rate of $1.60 per day, while Greeks received from $1.60 to
$2.50 — the majority earning $1.75 per day. These two races were the
only ones whose wages fell below $2 per day in the locality. The
Japanese worked eight hours per day, while most of the Greeks
worked nine, but those Greeks who worked only eight hours were
paid more than the Japanese — $1.80 to $2.50. Bunkhouses were
furnished the Japanese by the companies at $1 per month per man.
These are built apart from the quarters of the other employees. Be-
sides this segregation in living quarters the men are set at work in
" gangs " to themselves. In the two establishments in Utah where
they were employed, Japanese were preferred to other races used as
general laborers and were characterized as industrious, attentive,
tractable, sober, and progressive.
The only other place in which they were employed at the time of
the investigation, in so far as could be learned, was in a newly estab-
lished smelter, where 35 found work as common laborers.
Although no Japanese were employed in Colorado smelters when
investigated by agents of the Commission, it was found that they had
formerly been employed at two establishments. At one smelter they
were introduced as an experiment in 1907, but proved unsatisfactory
for the work and were subsequently discharged. At another smelter
in Colorado about 100 Japanese were employed when the plant was
first established in 1903, and were retained until 1907. They did not
work in the smelter proper, but were engaged as common In borers in
constructing the railroads and other auxiliaries. When this work
was completed, in 1907, they were discharged, and many of them
found work in the near-by sugar-beet fields. In this instance they
were regarded as lacking in industry and too weak physically for the
heavy construction work.
0 See " Metalliferous Mining, Smelting, and Refining in the Western States.'
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 57
JAPANESE EMPLOYED IN OTHER INDUSTRIES.
As has already been indicated, few Japanese have been employed
in other industries. They have been employed by electric railway
companies operating in and near Los Angeles, by the Colorado Fuel
and Iron Company as laborers in its iron and steel plant at Pueblo,
in two packing houses at Omaha, Nebr.,° in three or more salt re-
fineries about the bay of San Francisco, and in a few quarries. In
none of these instances, however, have the conditions of their em-
ployment been dissimilar to those indicated in connection with the
other industries. They have been paid comparatively low wages in
almost all of these instances. An additional reason assigned for their
employment in salt refineries is that it has been difficult to retain good
white laborers because of the bad conditions under which the work
must be done. In one instance, however, the Japanese were dis-
charged on the ground that they were unsatisfactory laborers, and
their places were filled by white laborers at a higher wage.
SUMMARY.
Any general statement concerning the employment of Japanese
is apt to prove misleading because the circumstances have differed
from industry to industry and from one establishment to another.
The following general statements may be made, however, as a result
of the investigation of the several industries in which the members
of this race are employed :
(1) in a number of instances the first employment of the members
of this race has been to break strikes. This is true of coal mining in
southern Colorado and Utah, where they were first employed in
1903--4, of meat packing in Omaha, of smelting in Utah, where they
replaced Greeks striking for higher wages in 1907, and of the shops
of one railway company. In the great majority of instances, how-
ever, they have been introduced to replace Chinese or when employers
were experiencing difficulty in finding an adequate number of steady
white men to work as common laborers and as helpers at the rate of
wages which had obtained. Seldom have other classes been dis-
charged in large numbers to make room for the Japanese; on the
contrary. Japanese have usually been employed to fill places vacated
by others because of the more remunerative or agreeable employment
to be found elsewhere.
(2) A premium has been placed upon the substitution of Japa-
nese rather than of other immigrant races by the fact that they were
made easily available by the Japanese contractors, and that because
of the position of the contractors their employment involved the
least inconvenience to the employers. These contractors have had a
0 The employment of Japanese in packing houses in Omaha dates from 1904,
when they were introduced as strike breakers. Some 200 were then brought
from the West, but most of these have drifted away, and those who have come
more recently have not been quite sufficiently numerous to maintain the number
at that point. They are paid the same wage — 17$ to 20 cents per hour — as
other employees engaged in the same kind of work. They are entirely satis-
factory for the lighter kinds of work, and especially that ordinarily done by
women.
68 The Immigration Commission.
supply of labor available ; other cheap laborers must be " recruited "
largely through employment agents in the cities of the Middle West,
which involves competition with the industries more conveniently
reached from these supply centers. This organization of the Japa-
nese laborers must be emphasized above all other things in explain-
ing the demand for them.
(3) Moreover, the Japanese have usually worked for a lower wage
than the members of any other race save the Chinese and the Mexi-
can. In the salmon canneries the Chinese have been paid higher
wages than the Japanese engaged in the same occupations. In the
lumber industry all races, including the East Indian, have been paid
higher wages than the Japanese doing the same kind of work. As
section hands and laborers in railway shops they have been paid as
much as or more than the Chinese, and more than the Mexicans, but
as a rule less than the white men of many races. In coal mining they
have been employed chiefly as miners and loaders and have worked
at the common piece rate, but in Wyoming, where they have been
employed as " company men," they were paid less per day than the
European immigrants employed in large numbers, until their ac-
ceptance as members of the United Mine Workers in 1907 gave them
the benefit of the standard rate established by bargaining between
the union and the operators. As construction laborers they have
usually, though not invariably, been paid less than the other races
employed except the East Indian and the Mexican. Competition
between the races engaged in unskilled work appears generally to
have hinged upon the rate of wages paid rather than the efficiency
of the races employed.
(4) It must be added, however, that the difference between the
wages paid to Japanese and those paid to the members of the various
white races engaged in the same occupations tended to diminish, and
in some instances disappeared, while the number of immigrants
arriving in the country was largest. This is accounted for partly
by the skillful bargaining of the few large contractors who have
supplied the great majority of the laborers for work in canneries,
on the railroads, in the lumber mills, and for other industrial enter-
prises, partly by the fact that there was an increasing demand for
their labor in other industries, which, one after the other, had been
opened to them.
(5) Though regarded as less desirable than the Chinese and the
Mexicans, roadmasters and section foremen usually prefer Japanese
to the Italians, Greeks, and Slavs as section hands. In the railway
shops they are usually given higher rank than the Mexicans and
Greeks, and sometimes the Italians as well. They are versatile,
adaptable, and ambitious, and are regarded as good laborers and
helpers. In salmon canning, on the other hand, they are universally
regarded as much less desirable than the Chinese, and are inferior
to the Filipinos who have recently engaged in the industry in Alaska.
In the lumber and other industries there is greater difference of
opinion. On the whole, however, the Japanese have been regarded
as satisfactory laborers at the wage paid. In salt refineries and in
some other places where the labor conditions are hard, they find
favor because they are willing to accept such conditions.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 59
(6) In spite of these considerations, however, in most branches of
industry the Japanese have found it difficult to make much advance.
In the lumber industry, for example, the great majority of employ-
ers have never employed them at all. In some instances this is
explained by the race antipathy 0f the employer, more frequently
by that of the white employees or that of the community in general.
The same situation is found in most industries in which the Japanese
have been employed in so far as large groups of men are brought
together at one place and the work is of such a character that the
members of different races must work in close association. While
exceptions are found in a few other industries, it is mainly in the
salmon canneries and in railway work that a hostile public opinion
has had little effect upon the employment of Japanese.
(7) Chiefly because of the attitude of other laborers and the fact
that many of the Japanese do not understand English and must be
set at work in groups with an interpreter, the Japanese have always
been engaged chiefly in unskilled work. In the lumber industry a
few have advanced to semiskilled positions, but they have not made
the progress the members of the same race have in British Columbia,
where skilled white men have been more scarce.
In fact, in Washington and Oregon few Japanese have been em-
ployed except in the " yards." Nor have they found a place in catch-
ing fish for the canneries as they did in British Columbia, while
in the canneries they are, as a rule, employed to do the unskilled work
during the busiest season, while the Chinese are employed more regu-
larly and fill the positions requiring skill. They likewise occupy the
lowest positions in the fruit and vegetable canneries and are engaged
chiefly in preparing fruit and vegetables for canning. In the coal
mines, with the exception of Wyoming, they are employed as miners
and loaders-— occupations in which the great majority of the new
immigrants are employed, because the work is less regular and more
disagreeable than in the other occupations. Likewise, in the three
smelters where they are employed they share the commonest labor
with Greeks and other recent immigrants from south and east Euro-
pean countries. Perhaps the Japanese have made greater progress
in railway shops than in any other nonagricultural employment.
Though most of those employed in shops are unskilled laborers, they
have risen somewhat in the scale of occupations, and in several in-
stances are found occupying positions which, with their versatility
and capacity, might serve them as stepping stones to skilled work.
These, in brief, are the more general facts relating to the employ-
ment of Japanese in these nonagricultural industries. The Japanese,
who found their first employment in the canneries and as section
harids and general-construction laborers, have shown a strong ten-
dency to leave such employment for agricultural work or to find em-
ployment in the cities. The explanation of the movement is found
partly in the higher earnings which might be realized, partly in the
better conditions of living which might be found, partly in a very
evident tendency exhibited by the Japanese to rise to the occupational
and economic position they had enjoyed in their native land. In
this way the large number who have engaged in agricultural pursuits
or in city trades up^n their arrival have been added to by those who
60 The Immigration Commission.
were leaving their employment in other industries. As a result of
this movement the number of Japanese engaged in railroad and gen-
eral construction work and in coal mining in all of the States save
Utah has been decreasing, especially since restrictions were placed
upon the immigration of laborers from Japan and Hawaii. Their
places have been filled by an increasing number of European immi-
grants, as a rule at higher wages. Business having been in a more or
less depressed condition throughout the West since the end of 1907,
the partial substitution involved has not caused much difficulty.
Moreover, it may be said that none of these industries, save the salmon
canning, has been materially assisted by or has become dependent
upon Japanese labor. In the salmon canneries more Chinese or more
laborers of some other race than Japanese are desired. With the beet-
sugar industry in several States and certain other agricultural in-
dustries in California it is different, for the farmers in many local-
ities have for years relied upon Asiatic labor until a situation has
developed in which the substitution of other races will involve incon-
venience and will require radical changes in order to make the neces-
sary readjustment.
CHAPTER IV.
JAPANESE IN AGRICULTURE.
AGRICULTURAL LABORERS.0
The farms of the Western States furnish employment during the
summer months to more than 40 per cent of their Japanese population.
The number so emp^ed in California during the summer months of
1909 was probably 30,000, in Washington 3,000, Colorado 3,000, Ore-
gon 1,000. Idaho between 800 and 1,000, Utah 1,025, and Montana
700 or 800. Comparatively few are employed in the other States of
the western division, in Texas, and in Florida. Of these, perhaps
6,000 are farmers (chiefly tenants), the others farm laborers.
The work performed by Japanese farm hands is practically all
connected with the more intensive crops, such as sugar beets, grapes,
deciduous and citrus fruits, berries, vegetables, and hops, which
require much hand labor during certain seasons. They also engage
in clearing land in some localities. Japanese are rarely employed on
ranches devoted to general farming. The most important branch of
agriculture as regards Japanese laborers is the raising of sugar beets,
in which between 10,000 and 11,000 out of a total of 25,500 persons in
the industry as a whole are employed during the busiest season. The
great majority of the Japanese farm laborers in Idaho, Montana,
Colorado, and Utah are working in the beet fields of those States
during the busy season, and a part of those in Washington, Oregon,
and California are also similarly employed. In Washington and
Oregon, however, the great majority of the Japanese farm laborers
are employed in berry patches and truck gardens and very few find
employment in fruit orchards. In California the Japanese are exten-
sively employed in nearly all districts, raising vegetables, berries,
citrus and deciduous fruits, nuts, etc. The ra,nge of their work, as
well as their number, in California is much greater than in the other
States.
°The investigation of immigrant agricultural labor embraced studies of the
neet-sugar industry of all of the Western States, the hop industry in Oregon and
California, and intensive farming in several localities in California. The reports
submitted relating to these give much more detail concerning Japanese agricul-
tural labor than is here presented. The reports are as follows : " Immigrant
labor in the beet-sugar industry in the Western States; " " Immigrant labor in
the hop industry of California and Oregon ; " " Immigrant labor in the agricul-
tural and allied industries of California ; " " Immigrant farming on the reclaimed
lands of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers;" "Immigrants in Fresno
County, Cal. ;" "Immigrant labor in the deciduous-fruit industry of the Vaca
Valley; " "Immigrant labor in the garden-seed and deciduous-fruit industries of
Santa Clara County ; " " Immigrant labor in the orchards about Suisun ; "
"Immigrant labor in the citrus-fruit industry;" "Immigrant labor in the
fruit industries of the Newcastle district ; " " The celery industry of Orange
County ; " and " Immigrant labor in the Imperial Valley."
61
62 The Immigration Commission.
The history and conditions of employment of Japanese differ
from one State to another. For that reason the facts are best pre-
sented for several of these States separately.
CALIFORNIA.
^ The Japanese were first employed in agricultural work in Califor-
nia about 1887. The entry and the subsequent extensive employment
of Japanese in the farming districts of this State was made easy,
because of the previous employment of Chinese. In many parts
of the State the Chinese had predominated for years, so that the
restrictions on their immigration paved the way to the extensive
employment of the Japanese, who soon adapted themselves so as to
fit into the Chinese system of labor and living conditions. Among
other things they adopted the Chinese " boss " system. At first the
Japanese worked in small unorganized groups, but as their numbers
increased and they were more extensively employed, they soon be-
came organized into " gangs " under leaders or bosses. Though
individuals move rather freely from one group to another, this form
of organization has been important in explaining the advance made
by the Japanese in agriculture as in other industries.
One of the first of the agricultural districts in which the Japanese
found employment was the Vaca Valley, where four came in the
winter of 1887-8. In 1890 4 Japanese went to Fresno, and the fol-
lowing year 30 found work there in the vineyards. In 1891 they
first sought employment in the Newcastle fruit district. In 1892
13 Japanese were employed as hop pickers in the Pajaro Valley.
They appeared also in the Lower Sacramento and San Joaquin River
country, and in the Marysville and Suisun districts in the early
nineties. In the early nineties the members of this race gained a
foothold in the beet fields of the State. After once securing work,
the number of Japanese in a district increased rapidly, and they
found employment on more and more ranches, especially while the
immigration was at its height — from 1899 to 1906. They were
later in entering agricultural work in southern California than in
the northern part of the State. This was due largely to the fact
that the districts of the south had been more recently developed, and
that few Chinese, whom the Japanese followed in agricultural work
in the north, had been employed there. Japanese were just begin-
ning to find employment in the citrus fruit industry in 1900, and
their employment in most localities of importance in citrus fruit
growing dates from 1903 or 1904. Large numbers of the first Japa-
nese brought to the southern part of the State were employed on the
railroads, from which most of them were discharged in favor of
Mexicans about 1902. The discharged men drifted into farm work,
in certain parts of which they predominated or constituted a large
percentage in most districts in 1909.
In some localities the Japanese laborers have merely made good
the decrease in the number of Chinese due to natural causes, and
supplied a part or all of the laborers needed for the expanding indus-
tries. In other localities there has been a net displacement of Chinese
and white men engaged in certain agricultural occupations. The
chief competition with the Japanese in the. handwork involved in
sugar-beet growing are Mexicans, Chinese, Koreans, and Hindus.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 63
In fact, white men have never been employed to any great extent in
this work. . In other cases, as in the citrus fruit industry and in the
deciduous fruit industry in most of the localities in which this in-
dustry centers, the competition is principally between white persons
and Japanese.
In most localities the Japanese at first offered to work for less
pay than any other race. Underbidding of white men was all but
if not quite universal, of Chinese, previous to 1900, very general.
Underbidding of the Chinese and white men was the method com-
monly used by Japanese for some years to gain a foothold in the
various districts. In one community where .the Chinese were paid
$5 per week, the Japanese first worked for 35 or 40 cents per day in
the early nineties. In another locality the price for work done by
Japanese by contract was first estimated on a basis of 45 cents per
day as against $1 for Chinese, and in the later nineties at day work
Japanese were paid 75 to 90 cents per day where Chinese were paid
$1. In a third district they were paid 70 cents per day and for
two or three years their wages varied from 60 to 90 cents as against
$1.25 per day for Chinese and $1 per day, including board, for white
men. Before the close of the nineties, however, the wages paid
Japanese had begun to rise and the increase in their wages continued
even when the influx of the members of this race was greatest. The
continued rise in the wages of Japanese farm laborers during the
years since 1900, when the number of immigrants of this race was
largest, is explained by the employment of these laborers in more
and more of the rapidly expanding agricultural districts and also
the greater opportunity and employment offered them at better wages
in other industries and in the Pacific coast cities. They were also
well organized under " bosses," which greatly aided them in securing
work at the higher wages. The Chinese were decreasing in number
and the better class of white men did not care to engage in the
seasonal farm work when regular work could be found at good wages
elsewhere. With prosperous times and an inadequate labor supply
under prevailing conditions, with new opportunities opened for them,
and especially with restrictions upon their further immigration, the
wages of Japanese have increased more than 50 per cent within
fifteen years and, especially since great restrictions were placed upon
the further increase of their numbers, they have ceased to greatly
underbid other laborers. Their organization has, in fact, been used
in some instances to effect an increase in the prices paid for contract
work.
That California should give employment to more Japanese farm
laborers than the other States of the West is due mainly to the greater
specialization of large districts in intensive agriculture and because
they were convenient substitutes for the disappearing Chinese in
those industries which had been built up with comparatively few
white hand laborers. These intensive crops require large numbers
of handworkers at certain stages in their production and it has been
most difficult to secure these temporary laborers. The migratory
Japanese have assumed such great importance in the agricultural
districts of the State by supplying the greater part of this urgent
demand for seasonal workers. They have been well adapted to the
disagreeable handwork and have generally been secured at lower
wages than white men. They have been convenient for ranchers to
64 The Immigration Commission.
secure through " bosses," for they are well organized into " gangs,"
as has been described elsewhere in this report, while white men are
not organized and so are more difficult to secure, and with Japanese
available few white ranchers have made any effort to find white men
for such work. Like the Chinese, they have put up with poor living
quarters and have boarded themselves, which has been a convenience
and a saving to the ranchers. The prominence of Japanese in farm
work has been confined mainly to temporary handwork, but in recent
years they have become more firmly established in regular hand-
work also, principally on farms leased by their countrymen, but to
a certain extent on farms conducted by white men as well.
The Japanese have been employed in practically all of the inten-
sive branches of agriculture in California. In the beet industry they
number 4,500 of between 6,000 and 7,000 handworkers employed
during the thinning season. They predominate and control the
handwork in the beet fields of all except three districts in the State^
two in southern California, where they are outnumbered by the
Mexicans, and one northern district, where they do not care to work
and Hindus were the most numerous race employed in 1909. In the
grsrie picking of the various parts of California they are also the
most numerous race, some 7,000 or 8,000 being employed during the
busiest season of a few weeks in the fall. They do practically all of
the work in the berry patches of the State.- In the various districts
specializing in certain vegetables and on truck farms near the cities
they do much of the work. Much of the seasonal work in most of the
deciduous- fruit districts is also controlled by Japanese laborers.
Of the 4,000 extra laborers brought in to work in the orchards of
the Vaca Valley during the summer of 1908, one-half were Japanese.
About 2,000 of the 2,500 or 3,000 persons employed in the Newcastle
fruit district at the busiest season in 1909 were Japanese. About
1,000 members of this race remain in the Pajaro Valley all year, while
for the intensive work during the summer and autumn some 700 or
800 Japanese and about the same number of Dalmatians come into
the district from other places. In the citrus-fruit industry of Tulare
County a little less than one-half of the pickers are Japanese, while
some 5,000 Japanese pickers in southern California constitute more
than one-half of the total number of citrus-fruit pickers in that part
of the State during the busy spring months. Some 200 Japanese
are employed regularly in the handwork on celery ranches in Orange
County, while at the height of the transplanting season the number
is increased to GOO. These instances are sufficient to show the im-
portance of this race in various industries and districts.
The majority of the Japanese farm laborers in California are
seasonal workers, employed only during busy seasons in the produc-
tion of crops involving much hand labor. The Japanese found their
first employment in these various farming districts as transient tem-
porary laborers, and the majority of them are still thus employed,
but in the years since their first coming a considerable number of
them have become permanently located in these communities and
work as regular farm hands for both white farmers and their own
countrymen.
It is generally true that the Japanese are now paid somewhat less
than white men when working on a day-wage basis. The day wages
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
65
of Japanese in farm work in California are shown in the following
table:
TABLE 28. — Day wages of Japanese in farm work in California.
Number re-
porting.
I
o>
1
>
•n
Number earning —
88
8
5J
*
*
S
S
S
8
8
2
£
S
§
S
§
§
JO
d
«J
3
£
M
Regular employees:
With board
93
8ti3
40
2,654
$1.396
1.623
1.421
1.615
8
3
~25
27
7
2
2-1
3
11
"4
13
143
36
243
17
918
2
123
8
77
r>
1
Without board
39
71
193
7
12
17
3
23
1
1
Temporary employees:
Without board
104
193
225
268
688
56
23
10
13
2
3 650
This table is, however, of limited value, for the differences between
districts, industries, seasons of the year, etc., tend to become equalized
in such a compilation. The differences in wages and hours as
between different districts, different races of employees, and between
different farms in the same district are of great importance and will
be found in the separate reports on various California communities
investigated.
The above table includes only those laborers who are paid on a
time basis. Nearly two-thirds of the Japanese from whom data were
obtained were temporary workers not boarded; but as most of the
seasonal workers were paid on a piece basis, they are not included
in the table. It will be seen that very few Japanese farm hands are
boarded, and these few are employed either by Japanese or Chinese,
for white employers never board Asiatic field hands. Of the 863
regular employees not boarded, 86.4 per cent received between $1.50
and $1.75, and of the 2,654 temporary men not boarded, 90.3 per cent
received from $1.50 to $1.75, inclusive. There are more Japanese
receiving $1.50 per day than any other specific wage — 243, or 28.2
per cent, of the regular men received this amount without board;
and 918, or 34.6 per cent, of the temporary employees received the
same. A comparison between the average of the wages of the Jap-
anese on a time basis and the averages of other races is shown in the
following table, which gives the average wage in each case for the
persons reported from all parts of the State :
TABLE 29. — Comparison between the average wages of the Japanese on a time
basis and the averages of other races.
Race.
Regular with
board.
Regular with-
out board.
Temporary
with board.
Temporary
without board.
Num-
ber.
Average.
Num-
ber.
Average.
Num-
ber.
Average.
Num-
ber.
Average.
Miscellaneous, White
411
101
$1. 311
1.108
199
22
85
26
863
66
SI. 889
L667
1.422
1.659
1.623
L534
53
181
SI. 286
1.121
286
SI. 855
Italian
Mexican
82
99
2,654
253
1.721
1.743
1.615
1.441
Chinese. ......
108
93
1.406
1.396
35
40
1.454
1.421
Japanese
Hindus
r>C> The Immigration Commission.
It will be seen that the averages for l><>i.ii Japanese mid Chinese
regularly employed :ui<l recei v ing hoard, $l.;i!)(> mid $!.!()('>, respec
Lively, :i-e In-- IK- r 1 1 1:1 1 1 those for ^miscellaneous while " men, $1.;U I,
and Italians $1.10S. This fuel is accounted for by the higher cost of
board for Ihc while races (him for (he Asiatics. lror Japanese, hoard
by I heir coinil rymen is reckoned a( from '.'() (o )'.() cen(s, while for
while men hoard is valued al from M) (o 7;> cenls per da\'. This is
made plain hy <1om pa ring Ihc averages for (he regular employees
without hoard. u IVIiscel la neons while" n.en were paid $I.SS(.) per
day without hoard, as against $1. ('•'':; paid (o Japanese a dill'erenee
of more than °.'» ccnls in favor of (he while races. The average daily
wage of Ihc (emporarv employees is nol very dill'erenl from (lie regu-
lar \\ age:;, and I hey show I lie Japanese receiving more than while men
where hoard is included and less lhan while men where hoard is nol
included. The waves of I he ('hmc:;c do nol dill'er much from (hose
of Ihe Japanese, exeepl for temporary laborers wilhonl hoai'd, where
1 hey a vcraged ahonl \',\ < enl s mere 1 ha n J a pane, e, although it inns! he
home in mind thai Ihe number of Japanese is many 1 imes larger. ( )f
Mic regular employee,; withonl hoard, Ihe Mexicans averaged !he leasl,
$1.-I:.K!, wilh Hindus next lowesl al $1. .'»:>!. As lemporary employees,
Mie, Hindus were paid (he least, $1. -I I I , while Mexicans received about
10 cenls more Mian Japanese.
Waves vary considerably between <Iill'eren( districts of (he Si ale,
and these averages only show Ihe i'eneral conditions for the State as
a whole. In most dish-iels of the State (here is a discriminat ion of
abonl l.';'» c<'nls per day in favor of while men as against Japanese and
other Asiatics cno-Mo-c'd in the same work. Millionth in a few loca lilies
-c:^;on:il \\ork I|H> day wa^'es are (lie same for both classes of
ers. The wayes reported were in most, cases those at the height
u1 bn \ eason \\'hcn (he demand for laborers was greatest and (ho
wai^»s highest. During (he slack months of Ihe year in most districts
the wa^es of the Japanc:.c art1 usually aboul $1. '.';'> pci- day.
The. lai-;>;er part of die seasonal farm laborers of California are
working on a piece basi.s, and their earnings haye not been tabulated
aho\e, for they \ar\ '.••really \\ilh llh4 number of hours worked per
da\, condition of the crop, amount of skill, and Ihe decree of appli-
cation of the worker. Working on a piece bash;, the Japanese who
predominate in such .seasonal work, make from 10 to 100 per cent larger
average earnings per day lhan at day rales. The average daily earn
ings of the Japanese in picking raisin grapes were in I1H)S in excess of
^1, and there were many members of the race who earned as much as
$(> per day. Americans, working shorter hours and less extensively,
a\ craved about $'» per day; (icrman Russians, $'.!.. p>0; and (he Mexi-
cans., Hindus, and Indians, about £•.'. Huring most of (he longer
season of wine grape picking Japanese averaged about $!.{>! per day,
while other races earned somewhat less. In the handwork of the
beet fields ihe Japanese have the highest average earnings of any race,
for lliey do more work. More than one half of the Japanese report-
ing data in IJH)J> earned $1.7;'), but less than $'J, while ,"»T. I per cent
earned ^-1 or more as again i S.,'» per cent who earned less than $1.7.").
In the hop industry, also, tin4 Japanese make the largest earnings,
because ihc\ are quick and arc willing to work intensively for longer
Immigrants in United States. 67
hours (hail \\hile persons. Of ;':;:> Japanese male, reporlin:" in
!M earned $;*,, but less Ilian $1, while IS succeeded in earnini: $1 or
more per day. Only IV, or one fifth of (lie Japane e, earned |<- ;
(hail $*..' per dav. Of (he natives and north Europe. in , about one
half earned $kj, bill less (lian $!'» per dav, mie third earned l>e( \\een
SI ..'•(> and ^ .!, and ( he renia i nder ea rued from ^1 lo $1 .!><).
II should lie staled, ho\\e\er, Ihal ihe v dala were secured a(, (he
bc^inni ii" of (he season, lielore nian\ of (he \\lnle persons had had
much experience in picking hops. Thee ini|)or( anl indiist ries show
(he larger earnings <d' (lie Japanese in (he sea onal \\ork \\here paid
on a piece, ha sis. Tlia ( ( he\ ea rn more ( ha n \\ h He per on; i explained
hv (he fad (ha( (he\ \\ork longer hour; and \\i(h closer application
(o (heir \\ork, for piece rales are now usually (he : aine for all races.
In (he early years of (heir employmcnl in (he dilferent localities
(he, Japanee \\ere regarded bv (he farmers with «;rea( favor. They
\\ere yoiiiii'er. nealer, and more ac(i\e Ilian (he ('bine e \\ho were
emplo\ed. The\ \\ere mole accoi i IIIMM la I I n «•' a I id accomplished more
\\ork in a da\' and for lower wares than (he lalter, \\lio, as a conse
(|lielice, ol (he restrictions oil further I 111 III L" I a I lol I , \\ere *^l'(>win<^ old
and \\cre uiial)l<' (o nice! (he labor demand of the expanding larmni"
• lislru-ls. Kor some \\ork such a vrape picking, heel (hinnin;';, and
(he raising of \e;'clal»le and herrie , I he ,Ia pa ne e have lieen i <"'arded
as phy^H-allN \\ell adapted to (he " si oop\\ orl\," a lhc\ are : hurl, of
(alllie and elldlire (he exlreme hea( found III a, few loealllle heller
(han moil other race;,. Kor some of (he frm! picking lhe\ are con
sid<'red h1 s well suited because of (heir hoii reach. Kor :<'\cral
years the. , Japanese \\ere fa \orably recei\e«| and praised for (heir
nxluslry, miickne • ••, ada p(abili(y, and ea/«er-ne ; lo learn American
\\ a\ 3,
Willlill (he la-'t fe\\ \<iar:. lio\\e\cr, sinc<' (In1 .lapane • c have c<)nie,
(•o pre<|om i na ( e in (he handuork connecled \\i(h (he production of
most of (lie intensive crop-;, (here ha been much oppo ilioii («• (hem
on the pa r! ol railchei'S. Ooillpla lilts are heard Ihal (he\- are less
ace* iinniodat i ni^' and do les. '\\ork in a da\;; they ha\e become very
independenl and hard to deal with; by strikes and threat" of :lnke
and boycott they ha\e rai <•«! wa^es; and lhe\ can not a I \\ a \ : be.
depend<'d upon !o perform I heir conl racl . At da\ \\a"e the ,(-ap
ane:<- now very often, like other laborer, 'lurk \\ork and are "low,
\\hile on a piece ha1 r (he\ \\ork e.\lremel\ fasl,, bil(, r'-'imre eon
st ant. ,"iip<'r\ i ion. as I hey are CM re less and \\ a teful in I heir eavcrne ;
to make larve earninj' . In spile of this widespread di ah fadioii
\\itli the Japanese, they are lurid because lln-\ ar<1 so numermi and
ea ily "eciire(| throiivh their " bo . The consensus of opinion in
the older di'lricl of (he Stale i Ihal the ('hinese were, far more
ah I'achM'v farm laborers, and are much jirel'ei'i-ed to the Ja.
In a few di Iricl" \\here I he employment of Japanese, has been more
recent aii<l in i rid ir I n<'S. iich as, citron Irmt ."io\\iii". \\here fe,w
grOWen ha ve had e.\ per i el ice with ( !h 1 1 ie e, the opinion of the Ja pa n
• e i more fa vorahle. In oine « d' ( lie < I i"t rid : | »eeia I i/i n;- in I he pro
dtlCtion ol inlen l\e cr«»p , and III the production of beds and ."lane
MI particular, the randier ver\ ,"eneral|\ regard As.ia(ic labor as.
e,ss<'n(.ial t.o (he s,uc.( e: s, of (he c crops, and \\lule (hey re^/aril the
68 The Immigration Commission.
Chinese as the best laborers, consider the Japanese as better suited to
the work and the conditions under, which it is performed than are
white men. White employers nearly always prefer white men as
teamsters and usually state that they would prefer reliable white
men for all work, but the Japanese are better workers than the irreg-
ular white men usually available for handwork.
OREGON.
Comparatively few Japanese farmers and farm hands were to be
found in Oregon before 1900, and the number in the State in 1909
• was only about 1,000 during the busy summer season. Previous to
1900 most of the Japanese coming to Portland were employed by the
railroads through " bosses," who had contracts with the transporta-
tion companies for all of the men they could furnish. Since 1900.
however, more Japanese have sought agricultural work, some work-
ing on farms regularly throughout the year, while others leave other
industries to engage in the harvest work only. The Japanese in
Oregon have been employed by white employers in the agricultural
districts merely to supplement the inadequate number of white
laborers and have not been employed as the main supply for any
kind of work as in California. This is largely due to the more recent
development with white labor of the intensive farming districts of
Oregon.
In 1909 the Japanese farm laborers were found in the following
districts: About 400 were in the vicinity of the city of Portland
working on truck and berry farms, about 300 were in the berry
patches and fruit orchards near Hood River, at The Dalles some 30
men were employed by Japanese farmers, and between 150 and 200
about Salem were employed in truck gardens and in the hopyards
during the vine training and hop-picking seasons. In the beet fields
at La Grande some 125 Japanese did 95 per cent of the handwork
during the busy season of 1908, but the industry has waned and has
been practically abandoned. In the State as a whole the Japanese
do not occupy a very large place in farm work. They are usually
engaged in raising berries and vegetables. Handwork of this char-
acter and the cutting of wood and clearing of land are the principal
occupations in which Japanese are engaged in agricultural districts.
White persons do nearly all of the work in the orchards of the State.
The larger percentage of the Japanese in Oregon work for farmers
of their own race. Because of this fact and the small extent to which
they are employed, the organization of the agricultural laborers of
this race under contractors has not been noticeable.
During the early nineties the few Japanese farm laborers were paid
only 40 to 50 cents per day, and for clearing land in winter only 30
or 40 cents per day, without board. Even as late as 1898, when they
were paid $1 and $1.10 as section hands on the railroads, 75 cents per
day was considered good wages for Japanese, farm hands. Only a
few received as much as $1 for summer work before 1902. Since that
time the wages of Japanese farm laborers have varied' with and cor-
responded closely to the wages of the section hands of that race.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 69
These changes for the years 1905 to 1909 were, approximately, as
follows :
Wages
Wages
Year.
per month
(with
per day
(with-
board and
out
lodging).
board).
1005 . . .
$25
$1.25
1906
30
1.35
1907 . .
$40 to 45
«1.75
1908
30
61.35
1909 . ....
35 to 40
cl.50
o Wages of section hands at the maximum. & Wages of section hands reduced,
c \V ages of section hands increased.
The wages of Japanese have never been as high as those paid to
white men. At first there was about 50 cents per day discrimination
against the Japanese, but that difference has become less until it is
now about 25 cents.
In communities where Japanese have come in numbers there has
been a growing prejudice against them on the part of white men,
but it has not been as pronounced in Oregon as in California.
WASHINGTON.
The earliest Japanese immigrants to Washington were of the
sailor class and found employment in the lumber mills and in the
cities. The number of immigrants was small, however, until 1897
or 1898, when large numbers began to arrive from Japan to engage
in railroad work under Japanese contractors. It is stated that a
few were employed on farms near Tacoma and Seattle as early as
1888 or 1889, and that the first lease of land was made in that locality
as early as 1892. But few engaged in agricultural work until after
a great number were employed upon the railroads. During the last
ten years many have left their employment as section hands to find
work as agricultural laborers or to lease land, and there has been
a smaller movement of the same kind on the part of Japanese em-
ployed in other occupations. In 1909 some 3,000, and possibly a few
hundred more, were engaged in agricultural work in the State. The
great majority of these were in western Washington about Tacoma and
Seattle, where the maximum number of Japanese on farms conducted
by the members of that race was estimated in 1909 at 2,484, while
the minimum during the year was estimated at 834.
The majority of the Japanese farm laborers in this district work
on berry, truck, and dairy farms, conducted by the members of that
race. In eastern Washington more than 200 are found for a few
weeks each year in the beet fields near Waverly engaged in the hand-
work, which is done almost exclusively by them. This sugar-beet
industry is in a sparsely-settled district where it is difficult to get
help. For the first year or two of beet growing, which was begun
in 1899, " transient whites " were employed, but they were too irregu-
lar to be satisfactory. The sugar company turned for relief to a
70 The Immigration Commission.
Japanese contractor in Portland, Oreg., who agreed to furnish men.
At present local contractors provide all of the Japanese required.
As gardeners and nursery laborers near North Yakima about 75
Japanese are employed and about Wenatchee some 20 or 30 are en-
gaged in farm work. The regular and the seasonal work in the
numerous orchards of these two districts are performed almost en-
tirely by white farmers and laborers. Near White Salmon on the
Columbia Kiver some 40 Japanese were, in 1909, engaged in clearing
land. In Washington also very few Chinese have engaged in agri-
culture and these have been truck gardeners near cities. The fruit
and berry farms of the State have been developed recently and the
Chinese-exclusion law limited the immigration of that race before
a demand for many laborers arose in these districts devoted to inten-
sive crops. This fact and the consequent development of these dis-
tricts with white labor accounts for the small part taken by the
Japanese in the farm work of Washington as compared to California.
The wages of Japanese farm laborers have changed materially
since they first appeared. From 1890 to 1895 Japanese were paid
from 75 to 90 cents per day without board, while white men re-
ceived from $15 to $18 per month with board. From 1895 to 1900
Japanese averaged $1 per day without board and white men $20 to
$25 per month with board. In 1900 Japanese were paid $1.10 and
by 1906 $1.25 per day. In 1909, $1.35 per day without board was the
usual wage for regular work throughout the year, while $1.50 was
the standard wage for seasonal work. During berry picking and
potato harvesting, when the demand for men is greatest, $1.75 per
day was frequently paid. The white farmers pay for most of the
seasonal work on a piece basis, and some of the Japanese farmers
do likewise. On such a basis the laborers make larger earnings per
day. Japanese gardeners on a monthly basis were paid from $25
to $35 per month with board and lodging, and dairy hands were paid
$40 or $45 per month with board. White laborers employed regu-
larly by white farmers were usually paid $35 or $40 per month with
board and white milkers were paid $45 and $50. The Japanese have
always shown a tendency to underbid white laborers, but to a less
extent now than formerly, and since restrictions have been placed
upon further immigration their wages have more nearly approached
those of white men.
There has been some opposition to the Japanese in Washington,
but as a rule they have been favorably received in agricultural
districts.
IDAHO.
The Japanese farm laborers in Idaho are and .have always been
chiefly engaged in the seasonal handwork connected with the rais-
ing of sugar beets in four districts — Nampa, Idaho Falls, Blackfoot,
and Sugar City. The beet-sugar industry in Idaho dates from 1903,
when the factory at Idaho Falls was opened.
The Japanese do the greater part of the handwork in the beet
fields of the State, while white persons do most of the work with
teams. The German-Russians who were brought by the sugar com-
pany into one district to give competition to the Japanese and to
place them " on their good behavior," are an important element in
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 71
that locality. In another district about one-half of the work is
done by white persons, principally natives, and among them many
school children who find the employment in thinning suitable.
The Japanese beet workers have generally been secured through
the " bosses " of organized gangs. In one important district, how-
ever, the " boss " system has been modified, so that the growers con-
tract directly with the men employed. The Japanese are brought
in by a large Japanese contracting company which is paid by the
sugar company $1 per acre for each acre worked by the Japanese
laborers plus 35 cents per acre to defray part of the cost of transport-
ing laborers to the community. The sugar company also pays the
salary of the resident agent of the Japanese contractors. The Jap-
anese laborers are distributed among the growers who contract with
them directly and they are paid the full contract price by the growers,
without any " boss's " commission deducted. They are paid on a
piece basis for the various processes, so that their earnings vary with
the amount of work accomplished. The German-Russians are usu-
ally paid a flat rate of $20 per acre for doing the handwork in the
beet fields. The Japanese contracts are now usually on a basis of
$20 per acre for beets running 12 tons to the acre, with a reduction
of 50 cents for each ton under 12 and an addition of 60 cents per ton
for each ton over 12.
This graduated scale has been found advisable in the case of the
Japanese to secure the best work, for by putting a premium upon
good work, their tendency, when paid on a straight rate per acre, to
overthin in the spring in order to have less beets to harvest in the
fall, is overcome. During the slack months many of these Japanese
remain in these localities and engage in other branches of agricul-
tural work.
The Japanese have been generally preferred by Idaho beet growers
to German -Russians and to such transient white men of other races
as are occasionally employed. The German-Russians are considered
more acceptable by some growers, however, for they settle perma-
nently with their families in the community.
UTAH.
In Utah also the employment of Japanese in agricultural work is
mainly confined to the handwork in the beet fields. There are prob-
ably a little more than 1,000 employed in the whole State. In the
oldest beet-growing district in the State, where the industry dates
from 1889, the handwork has always been done by the white farmers,
their families, and the regular farm hands. In the other three dis-
tricts of the State the Japanese do much of the work, white farmers
and their families doing the remainder. In one of these districts the
Japanese do nearly all of the thinning and hoeing, but almost no
harvesting, in another district they do three- fourths of all the hand-
work, while in a third they do only one-half of it.
The first Japanese farm laborers in Utah were brought directly
from California by a beet-sugar company in 1903, and set at work
in a district where beet growing was introduced in that year. The
locality was thinly settled and the sugar company and the employ-
ment agency contracting to supply laborers were unable to secure
enough white men from surrounding towns, so 40 Japanese were im-
48296°— VOL 23—11 6
72 The Immigration Commission.
ported from the beet districts of California, and later in the season
60 more were secured from other places. Much loss resulted from the
inability to secure laborers. The following year several Japanese
contractors appeared, but still white men were employed to do much
of the work. The third year enough Japanese to do practically all of
the handwork came to the district. In another place the establish-
ment in 1904 of a second sugar factory in a more thinly settled part
of a district led to the bringing in of Japanses in 1905. In the third
community, where previously the work had all been done by white
persons, the Japanese employed in railroad work began to bid for
the handwork in the beet fields in 1906.
The first Japanese were brought to Utah through labor " bosses,"
and they wer^- employed mainly under " bosses " for three or four
years. An interesting feature of the labor situation has been a par-
tially successful attempt in two districts to eliminate Japanese
" bosses." As a substitute the sugar companies employ salaried
agents, in one case a Japanese and in the other an American who
speaks the Japanese language, to secure Japanese laborers and dis-
tribute them among the growers as needed. The purpose of this
movement was to eliminate the evils of subcontracting under which
the laborers who actually did the work would often receive only
three-fourths of the contract price, which resulted in poor work.
Under the present system the workers receive the full contract price
paid by the growers.
As a rule the opinions of beet growers in Utah are favorable to
the Japanese laborers. The principal complaint against them has
been the evil of subcontracting under the "boss" system, which has
been largely removed by eliminating the Japanese "boss" himself.
About Ogden, and to a very slight extent elsewhere, Japanese find
a place as laborers in growing asparagus and garden truck, but, -with
the exception of 25 employed by a company growing asparagus and
operating a cannery, they are almost all employed by their country-
men who have purchased or leased land and are farming on their own
account. They find very little employment in harvesting the crops
of the orchards which have been rapidly developed in different locali-
ties and now cover a large acreage.
COLORADO.
Colorado is another State in which the employment of Japanese
agricultural laborers is connected mainly with beet growing. The
Japanese numbered 2,627 out of a total of more than 15,000 persons
engaged in the handwork of the sugar-beet industry of the State in
1909. Of other races so employed there were 6,560 German-Russians,
2,632 Mexicans, and over 3,000 "miscellaneous white persons," be-
sides a few Indians, Koreans, and Greeks. The importance of the
Japanese, however, is greater than their numbers indicate, as they
do more work per individual than the laborers of any other race.
The "miscellaneous white persons" are largely farmers who plant
beets on only a part of their lands, and the women and children of
the families do much of the work in the fields. The German-Russian
men are less efficient than Japanese, doing only about two-thirds as
much work per man, and a large part of the German-Russian laborers
are women and children, who accomplish still less work. The
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 73
Japanese excel the Mexicans also in the amount of work accomplished
by each man during the season. In Colorado, where " miscellaneous
white persons," German-Russians, and Mexicans predominate, and
Japanese constitute only one-sixth of the total number, the average
hand worker in the beet fields cares for a little more than 8 acres per
season, while in California, where Japanese constitute two-thirds of
the total number, the average hand laborer attends to nearly 11 acres.
The Japanese began coming into northern Colorado as early as
1903, when 200 of them were secured in one district to increase the
supply of laborers and to afford competition against the German-
Eussians. During the same year about 100 appeared in other north-
ern Colorado communities. For a time trouble with irresponsible
"bosses" caused some decrease in the number of Japanese, but by
1909 the number of Japanese in northern Colorado had increased to
2,100, as against 5,800 German-Russians and 1,000 Mexicans. In
southern Colorado the " miscellaneous white persons," German-Rus-
sians and Mexicans, did all of the handwork until 1904, when the
Japanese were first employed. In 1909 the latter race in southern
Colorado numbered 442 in a total of 3,918 handworkers, the Mexicans
with 1,630 being the most numerous. In western Colorado only 25
Japanese were found among the 550 handworkers in that part of the
State in 1909. Their small number is explained by a strong local
race prejudice against them.
The organization of Japanese laborers under " bosses " similar to
the " gang " system in California prevails in Colorado. The Mexi-
cans and German-Russians also work in groups, but the group in the
case of the latter is the family. The beet districts of Colorado are
so situated that formerly they had a very small local labor supply.
The German-Russians were brought in from Nebraska for the season
by the sugar companies and the Mexicans and Japanese were secured
from distant places. At first the companies paid the transportation
of the laborers, but now those coming from other districts must pay
their own railroad fare. Many German-Russians and Japanese have
purchased or leased lands and are permanently located in these dis-
tricts throughout the year.
The contract prices for the handwork in the beet fields of .Colorado
are higher than those paid in California, which is accounted for
largely by the greater difficulty of securing laborers. As a rule, a
flat rate of $20 per acre is paid for the thinning, hoeing, and topping.
For this reason the rates of earnings for Japanese laborers are some-
what higher than in California. Out of 370 representative Japanese
beet workers in northern Colorado, 200 averaged between $3 and $3.50
per day during the thinning season of 1909. The earnings of hand-
workers in the beet fields of Colorado are sufficiently above those of
common laborers in other industries to attract them from other
localities and from neighboring States for the season. The Japanese
come principally from the coal mines and smelters of Wyoming and
Colorado, and from maintenance of way work on the railroads.
Opinion concerning the Japanese in Colorado varies all the way
from extreme race antagonism to extreme favor. In northern Colo-
rado where most of them are found the attitude of white persons
toward them is favorable, and on the whole they stand higher in the
esteem of the beet growers than they do in California. Except in
western Colorado, what opposition exists to the Japanese is appar-
74
The Immigratioji Commission.
ently due primarily to the previous mismanagement of "bosses."
Several attempts to introduce Japanese into the orchards of the
western part of the State have been abandoned because of the opposi-
tion of white laborers.
These are the States in which Japanese occupy an important place
as agricultural laborers. In Montana they are employed in smaller
numbers in the beet fields about Billings. The 135 or 140 Japanese
farm laborers in Texas do a small part of the work on the rice farms,
in the truck gardens, and about the nurseries, conducted by their
countrymen.
YEARLY EARNINGS.
The approximate earnings during the preceding year of 375 Japa-
nese farm laborers, from whom such information was secured in some
of these States, are shown in the two following tables.
TABLE 30. — Approximate earnings during the past year of Japanese farm
laborers 18 years of age or over.
WITH BOARD.
States.
Number working for
wages and report-
ing amount.
a
&
««{
Number earning—-
Under $100.
P)
:§
§r
I1
M
"§§
3^
0-3
E*
a
*"*
<*» K
0-§
^d
St.
o-S
§ .
i!
0-3
i
il
<u
o-o
V)
jjj
T3g
it
Q)
O-O
^
s?
OJ
o-c
§d
§£
8*
M
= 8
•o0..
« 53
0S
8^
SI, 000 and un-
der $1,250.
Is
«s
II
»
$1,500 and un-
der $2,000.
$2,000 or over
California
25
2
44
$327. 72
390.00
405.32
1
1
1
2
1
11
1
20
8
1
19
Colorado and Utah...
Washington arid
Oregon
1
3
1
WITHOUT BOARD.
California...
260
$379. 03
1
1
19
18
96
10'>
19
s
1
Colorado and Utah...
22
386. 64
1
1
1
9
7
1
2
Washington and
Oregon
22
439 86
1
3
14
3
TABLE 31. — Approximate earnings during the past year of Japanese farm
laborers.
WITH BOARD.
Months worked.
California.
Colorado and
Utah.
Washington and
Oregon.
Number
working
and
reporting
data.
Average
earnings.
Number
working
and
reporting
data.
Average
earnings.
Number
working
and
reporting
data.
Average
earnings.
1...
1
1
1
1
3
17
$40.00
130. 00
180.00
240. CO
320. 00
420. 00
366. 65
6
7
8...
10...
1
$300. 00
1
1
42
$250. 00
403.00
409.07
11
12
1
420.00
Total
25
327.72
2
390.00
44
405.32
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
75
TABLE 31. — Approximate earnings during the past year of Japanese farm
laborers — Continued.
WITHOUT BOARD.
California.
Colorado and
Utah.
Washington and
Oregon.
Months worked.
Number
Number
Number
working
and
reporting
Average
earnings.
working
and
reporting
Average
earnings.
working
and
reporting
Average
earnings.
data.
data.
data.
2..
2
$133.50
3
1
$90. 00
4
1
$145.00
5
2
219.00
6
7
208 14
2
375 50
7
6
248 33
2
370 00
8
16
311.38
2
291.25
9
25
326 80
5
429 13
1
380 00
10
29
317.38
2
462. 50
11
45
391 36
1
450 00
2
412.00
12
129
427 18
6
440 63
18
462 67
Total
260
379.03
22
386.64
22
439.86
It is apparent from the first table that the Japanese in Washing-
ton and Oregon earned the most ($405.32 with board and $439.86
without board as an average) during the year, while those in Colo-
rado and Utah ($390 with board and $386.64 without board) earned
more than the men in California ($327.72 with board and $379.03
without board). The second table shows the number of months
worked during the year and the average earnings for those working
each specified number of months. Of the Japanese receiving board
in addition to wages 17 of the 25 in California and 42 of the 44 re-
porting in Washington and Oregon worked for twelve months, and
of those not boarded, 129 of the 260 in California, 6 of the 22 in
Colorado and Utah, and 18 of the 22 in Washington and Oregon
worked twelve months. The larger percentage working twelve
months in Wasnm^on an^ Oregon partly accounts for the larger
average earnings for the year in those States.
JAPANESE FARMERS.
The investigation of the Japanese included an extensive investiga-
tion of the independent farming carried on by them in several States.
This was always investigated in connection with the investigation
of agricultural labor, and in 13 different localities included the col-
lection of " family " and " agricultural " schedules from representa-
tive farmers of that race. Schedules were obtained for practically
all of the 25 farms in Texas, and for 490 of the approximate 4,000 in
the States of the Western Division. The schedules from the latter
group of States were collected from various localities in northern
olorado and Utah, various localities in Oregon and Washington,
and from eight localities or districts in California. The results of the
special investigation have been presented in a number of special
76
The Immigration Commission.
reports.* The following statement is merely a summary of some of
the details there presented. At most points this section is the same
as one section of a general report on " Immigrant farmers of the
Western States." Its presentation here is due to the desire to make
this report, comprehensive of the entire situation in so far as the
Japanese are concerned.
It is probajble that more than 6,000 Japanese, including all part-
ners, are farming on their own account in the continental territory
of the United States. The number of farms or subdivisions of
farms controlled by them in 1909 was perhaps in excess of 4,000,
with a total acreage of more than 210,000. The following table is
submitted as indicating roughly the acreage owned, the acreage
leased, the total acreage owned or leased, and the number of holdings
or farms the tenure of which was by Japanese, in the States of Cali-
fornia, Colorado, Idaho, Oregon, Texas, Utah, and Washington.
The number of holdings in the other Western States and in one
colony in Florida is small and the total acreage only a few thousand.
TABLE 32. — Land farmed by Japanese in 1909, by form of tenure and estimated
number of holdings.
Acres
owned.
Acres leased
for cash.
Acres leased
for share of
crop.
Total acres
leased.
Total acres
owned or
leased.
Number of
holdings or
farms.
California
ol6,449.5
a 80, 232
a. 57, 001. 5
a 137, 233. 5
ol53,683
b 3, 000 or 3, 200
Colorado
120
c 14, 750
5,000
19, 750
19,870
200 or over
Idaho
d 4, 870
d 2, 202
d 7, 072
d 7, 072
Oregon
'2.048
« 1,157
«3,205
«91
Texas
12, 642
2,546
15, 188
25
Utah
157.6
/ 5, 724. 5
/ 5,882.1
105 to 115
Washington
07,000
07,000
0325
o According to the Japanese- American Yearbook.
ft A rough estimate based upon the average size of holdings In the several localities investigated.
c Estimated in part upon data contained in Japanese- American Yearbook; in part upon data collected b>
field agents.
d Data collected by field agents. Does not include land leased for the production of sugar beets about
Preston and Whitney.
« Not including several tracts of land leased, exact number and acreage not ascertained.
/Not including three or more farms, acreage not ascertained.
0 Including an estimate of 16 farms with 654 acres in localities from which exact data were not secured.
These figures should not be regarded as complete or as possessing
a great degree of accuracy. Those for California are taken from the
Japanese-American Yearbook and are compiled chiefly from the
records of the secretaries of local Japanese associations. The form
of tenure, number of acres, and use made of each holding are pub-
lished in detail in this annual. The agents of the Commission were
able to check these figures in several localities and found them to be
fairly satisfactory, except that in some instances not all holdings
0 " Japanese and German-Russian farmers of northern Colorado ; " " Japa-
nese farmers of northern Utah ; " " Immigrant labor in the deciduous fruit
industry of the Vaca Valley ; " " Immigrants in the fruit industries of the New-
castle district." Part II. — " Immigrant farming of the reclaimed lands of the
Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers, California," Ch. I-III ; " Immigrants in
Fresno County, Cal.," Ch. IV ; " The Japanese farmers of Los Angeles County,
Cal. ; " " Japanese tenant and landowning farmers of the Florin district, Cali-
fornia ; " " Japanese in the Pajaro Valley ; " " Japanese truck gardeners about
Sacramento, Cal. ; " " Japanese and Italian farmers in Oregon ; " " Immigrant
farmers about Seattle and Tacoina, Wash. ; " and " The Japanese in Texas."
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
77
were reported. The figures presented, therefore, should be regarded
as somewhat smaller than the proper figures would be. The figures
submitted for Colorado are based in part upon the local reports of
the Commission's agents, which covered 13,686 acres. The others
are estimates based upon the Japanese- American Yearbook. Those
for Idaho were secured from the different localities in which Jap-
anese are farming, but are incomplete in that they do not include the
holdings of some tenant farmers growing sugar beets about Preston
and Whitney, in the southern part of the State near the Utah bound-
ary. Nor are the Oregon figures complete, for they do not include
several tracts' of leased land in localities not visited by an agent of
the Commission. The figures for Utah were collected by agents of
the Commission, but do not include three, or possibly more than
three, farms, the acreage of which could not be ascertained. The
figures for Texas were returned by an agent who visited practically
all of the 25 farms in the course of his investigation in that State.
Finally, the figures for Washington are estimates, based in large part,
however, upon a census made by an agent of the Commission. This
agent found 309 farms or holdings, with a total acreage of 6,344, in
the vicinity of Seattle and Tacoma. Several farms were found or
reported in other parts of the State, bringing the total number of
holdings to approximately 325, with 7,000 acres as a probable total.
In many cases the holdings of the Japanese are only subdivisions
or parts of farms. The leases may cover only the fields which are
devoted to the production of sugar beets, vegetables, or berries, or the
orchards. Hence the figures relating to " holdings " should not be
interpreted as equivalent to as many " farms " as the term is ordi-
narily used.
The next table, which is designed to show the kind of farming in
which the Japanese are engaged, is still less accurate. The figures
do, however, indicate in a general way the place occupied by the
farmers of this race. Those for California and Colorado are taken
from the Japanese- American Yearbook, to which reference has been
made; the others are based upon reports made by agents of the
Commission.
TABLE 33. — Kinds of farming in ichich the Japanese are engaged.
Acres devoted to specified crops in 1909 in each specified State.
Califor-
nia.
Colorado.
Idaho.
Texas.
Utah.
Wash-
ington.
General crops (cereals and forape)
12,528
3,653
1,310
(0)
(6)
Poultry, live stock dairying '
1, 187J
300
1 084
Deciduous fruit and grapes
53 G79J
Citrus fruit . ...
237
76
Berries
5, 535
769
Sugar beets
8 042
10 S.T)
4 922
5 190
Vegetables
56,243£
2, 8i)9
840
276
425
3 449
Rice farms
13 li()l
Mixed intensive crops
0 960£
875
1 044
Other land
4,348
207
Total
cl51 767
cl7 691
7 072
15 188
5 889
c6 346
a Reported under " Other land."
& Reported under "Mixed intensive crops."
e Acreage accounted for does not include total acreage for the State.
78 The Immigration Commission.
In Colorado, Utah, and Idaho the Japanese are chiefly growers of
sugar beets. These they rotate to some extent with other crops, while
in recent years they have engaged extensively in growing potatoes
and, less extensively, other vegetables. In Colorado in 1909 the Jap-
anese numbered 158 in a total of 5,298 farmers growing sugar beets
under contract with the beet-sugar companies. In Utah they leased
something less than one-fifth of the acreage devoted to beet growing.
In Idaho in 1909 they leased 4,922 acres for growing sugar beets,
which was almost one-fourth of the acreage devoted to the production
of that crop. In several localities in these States the Japanese are the
chief truck gardeners. In no case do they have effective control of
the beets grown in these States, and the localities in which they pro-
duce most of the vegetables, though increasing in number, are still
few. In Washington and Oregon the farmers of this race are prima-
rily growers of potatoes, vegetables, and berries, though a few have
orchards or poultry yards or dairies. They practically control the
acreage devoted to berry growing about Tacoma, Seattle, and Port-
land and are competing with the growers of other races, but chiefly
the Italian, in the vegetable markets of these places. Thirteen of the
Texas farms are devoted primarily to growing rice, two are citrus
fruit orchards, two are large nurseries, while the remaining eight are
truck gardens.
The Japanese farmers of California also are engaged chiefly in
intensive farming, which requires much hand labor. Seventy- four
were reported among a total of 834 farmers contracting to deliver
beets to sugar factories in 6 different localities of the State. They
grow by far the larger part of the strawberries, the more important
centers of production being Los Angeles County, Florin, Watsonville,
and Alviso and Agnews, near San Jose. They grow the larger part
of the truck for the markets of Sacramento and Los Angeles, sharing
the former chiefly with Chinese and Italians and the latter with
Chinese and white men of various races. They grow a large part of
the celery in southern California, where all of it was formerly grown
by white farmers employing Chinese and Japanese laborers. They
also grow much of the deciduous fruit, potatoes, asparagus, beans,
and other vegetables. In some of the localities devoted chiefly to
growing deciduous fruit, as about Vacaville, Winters, and in the
" Newcastle district," the farmers of this race control by lease or
purchase the majority of the orchards. In the Santa Clara Valley—
another important center of the industry — on the other hand, they
control as tenants only a few of the orchards. In several reclamation
districts on the Sacramento River, where the land is devoted largely
to growing fruit and vegetables, the Japanese in 1909 leased 17,597
of a total of 64,056 acres. Most of the remaining acreage is leased by
Chinese, Italians, and Portuguese. On a few islands on the lower
San Joaquin they leased 8,592, or 21.4 per cent, of the 40,082. Here
the Italians and Chinese are tenants of much of the land, while
Americans lease extensively for the production of barley, which is
used in the rotation of crops. Japanese are also conspicuous as ten-
ants of vineyards and hopyards in a few communities, as on the
American River above Sacramento, and as nurserymen in various
parts of the State. Few have engaged in general agriculture.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 79
The Japanese are engaged almost exclusively in producing for the
market. They grow sugar beets, fruit, berries, potatoes, or vege-
tables and little else. Most of those who are not producing fruit
do not have orchards. Few of those who are producing fruit have
gardens. Their specialization is extreme, as compared to that of other
races, 'and as a rule their leases are for the production of only one
or a few crops. Few of them keep cows, unless they are conducting
dairies; or pigs, unless they are engaged primarily in raising live
stock ; or poultry, unless they are conducting poultry yards.
It is difficult to make a general statement concerning the size of
farms controlled by Japanese tenants and owners. The great ma-
jority of the tracts devoted to the growing of berries and garden
truck are small, from 1 to 10 acres, but much larger tracts devoted
to these purposes are frequently found. In the growing of potatoes,
asparagus, beans, and similar crops, many of the holdings are as
large as 50 or 100 acres, but many small holdings are also found.
The orchards leased are of various sizes, from a few to 100 acres or
even more. The leases of land for the growing of sugar beets fre-
quently cover 100 acres or more, but tracts of 40 or 50 acres or even
much less are found.
Perhaps a better index of the scale of production by Japanese
farmers is found in the values of crops produced for sale on 444
farms during the year preceding the investigation. In 2 cases the
value of the crops sold Avas less than $50 ; in 2 others, $50 but less than
$100 ; in 7, $100 but less than $250 ; in 24, $250 but less than $500 ; in'
49, $500 but less than $1,000; in 47, $1,000 but less than $1,500; in 50,
$1,500 but less than $2,000; in 59, $2,000 but less than $3,000; in 79,
$3,000 but less than $5,000; in 84, $5,000 but less than $10,000; in 29,
$10,000 but less than $25,000; in 12, $25,000 or over. In connection
with the comparatively large number where the value of crops sold
was small, it should be stated that a large percentage of the holdings
had not been fully developed. Of course, it can not be assumed that
the proportions here indicated hold true of the Japanese farmers as
a whole. The figures do indicate roughly, however, that there are
many small and also many large producers among them. The figures
presented are for farms in the States of the Western Division and
do not include any in the State of Texas where the rice farming is.
conducted on a large scale.
The Japanese have rapidly risen to the position they now occupy as
farmers. In 1900 only 39 Japanese farmers were reported by the
census, their holdings aggregating 4,698 acres. The acreage of small
subdivisions of farms under lease, and not included in these figures,
was very small. Indeed, most of the acreage controlled by them has
been acquired since 1904. In California they were reported in the
Japanese-American Yearbook as then owning 2,442 acres, leasing
35, 258 J acres for cash and 19, 572 1 acres for a share of the crops.
The corresponding figures for 1909 were 16,449^, 80,232, and 59,001|.
Most of the land controlled in Oregon and Washington has been
acquired within the last five or six years, and in Colorado, Utah, and
Idaho within the last three or four.
Their progress has been marked also by a change in the form of
tenure, a general advance being evident in most communities from
" contract " work to share tenantry, with little capital provided by
80 The Immigration Commission.
the tenant, to share tenantry where the tenant furnishes most of the
capital and gains some independence as a farmer, to cash tenantry,
where he usually provides much of the capital required and is fairly
free from control by the landlord. The number of purchases has
been small as compared to the number of leases, but has been increas-
ing in recent years as the farmers have accumulated more capital and
as the number who have decided to remain permanently in the United
States has increased. Moreover, it has been found that a large per-
centage of those who are tenant farmers are looking forward to the
purchase of land. This progress is all the more noteworthy because,
with the exception of the large rice growers in Texas and a very few
capitalists who have purchased land in the Pacific Coast States, these
farmers have practically all risen from the ranks of common laborers.
It has been seen that of 490 for whom personal data were secured,
10 upon their arrival in this country engaged in business for them-
selves and 18 became farmers, while 259 found employment as farm
laborers, 103 as railroad laborers, 4 as laborers in sawmills, 54 as
domestic servants, and 42 in other occupations.0
Among the Japanese farmers every form of land tenure is found,
from the nearest approach to a labor contract to independent pro-
prietorship. About Watsonville, Cal., for example, there are many
contracts for the handwork involved in growing potatoes, according
to which the laborer is paid so much per sack harvested. In the
Jberry fields of the same locality there have been numerous contract's
covering a period of years, under which the work done by the laborers
is paid at so much per crate harvested. The acreage covered by con-
tracts of this kind has not been included in that reported above as
leased by Japanese. Much of the leasing by them in the past and
no small part of the leasing by them at present, however, differs
but little from such contracts as these. The landowner provides all
necessary equipment, except, perhaps, crates needed for shipping,
does the work with teams or hires it done, possibly pays the wages
of a part or all of the employees, manages the business in all of its
details, sells the products and collects the selling price, and shares
this with the tenant after all bills have been paid. Much of the
leasing of orchards about Vacaville and elsewhere in California
and a considerable part of the leasing of land for the growing of
sugar beets and of vegetables on an extensive scale takes this form
and differs little in most respects from a contract for the hand labor
for the season, except that the tenant's remuneration depends upon
the amount of the crop produced and its price in the market. In
still other cases the landowner furnishes all permanent equipment
but very little of the other capital required, and the tenant does all
of the work or hires it done, many of the details of management,
but few of the details of marketing the product passing into his
hands, and the crop is shared between the contracting parties. Much
of the leasing of orchards in the Newcastle district, of land for
growing sugar beets in several localities, and of some strawberry
patches about Watsonville takes this form. In still other cases the
share tenant provides some, possibly most, of the equipment. Not
very different from this is much of the leasing with cash rent. In
some instances the landowner provides all or almost all of the equip-
8 Chapter III, p. 34.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 81
ment required, while in others he provides little or none, and the
tenant pays so much per acre or a variable sum per acre, according to
yield, as rent. As a rule, however, the change from share to cash
rental signifies that the tenant provides more of the capital required,
becomes responsible for all of the labor which must be performed,
and is fairly independent in the management of the business, except,
perhaps, the marketing of the product. A large part of the land
devoted to the growing of sugar beets, many of the orchards, most
of the berry fields, and much, if not most, of the land devoted to
the production of " green vegetables " takes this form. As stated,
the Japanese tenants in many localities have progressed from labor
under contract to share tenantry, to cash tenantry, as they have
gained experience, commanded the confidence of landowners, and
accumulated the necessary capital.
In connection with these details relating to tenure, it is noteworthy
that of 490 Japanese farming as individuals or as senior partners,
covered by the investigation, 165, or 33.7 per cent of the entire num-
ber, owned no horses, and 99 owned neither horses nor implements.
Of the 325 who owned horses, 95 had 1 ; 116, 2 or 3 ; 55, 4 to 6 ; and
57 from 7 to 25, and in some cases even more. The value of the live
stock and implements owned by 48 was less than $50; by 17, $50 but
less than $100; by 88, $100 but less than $250; by 83 $250 but less
than $500; by 75, $500 but less than $1,000; by 24, $1,000 but less
than $1,500; by 33, $1,500 but less than $2,500; by 19, $2.500 but
less than $5,000; and by 4, $5,000 but less than $10,000, the total
number reporting being 391.
Several factors have cooperated to make possible the progress of
the Japanese as tenant farmers, which has been indicated. Not the
least important in many localities has been the dominant position
occupied by the laborers of this race. In many instances leasing
has ueen resorted to as a method of securing a nucleus of a desired
labor supply and of transferring to the tenants the solution of the
problem of obtaining the other laborers needed. The beet-sugar
companies in Colorado, Utah, and Idaho have encouraged the leas-
ing of land by Japanese as well as by German-Russians, brought to
the community to do the seasonal work in the beet fields, in order
to keep them in the community and to make it easier year after year
to secure the desired number or men.
In many localities in California the same motive has caused many
orchardists and others to lease their holdings to Japanese as the
predominant element in the labor supply just as they did less exten-
sively to the less ambitious Chinese at an earlier time. By leasing to
one or several Japanese, the nucleus of the necessary labor supply
is obtained and the tenant or tenants serve as " bosses " to obtain
the other laborers needed during the busiest seasons. In many cases
leases have been transferred from Chinese to Japanese as the number
of Chinese laborers decreased, and the Japanese became the predomi-
nant element in the labor supply. Moreover, as a large number of
farms have been leased to the Japanese in one locality and the mem-
bers of that race have done more of the work on these holdings, it
has become increasingly difficult for other farmers to obtain desira-
82 The Immigration Commission.
ble laborers of that race, so that a still greater premium is placed
upon leasing the land. Thus the system tends to spread and become
general, the farms falling under the control of the race which pre-
dominates in the labor supply, especially if the race is ambitious
and capable as the Japanese is.
At the same time the Japanese have been very anxious to lease land
and have generally been the highest bidders among those wishing to
become tenant farmers. Their strong desire to lease land is explained
by several facts. In the first place, the members of this race do
not like to work for wages, are ambitious, and desire to establish
themselves as business men or as independent producers, as most of
them were in their native land. This ambition to rise from the ranks
of the wage-earners has been one of the characteristics most strongly
exhibited by the Japanese and must be emphasized in explaining
their progress either in business or in independent farming. More-
over, as has been indicated, decided limitations have been placed
upon the occupational advance of the Japanese. Unless employed
by their countrymen few have been able to rise to occupations above
that of common unskilled labor. This situation has cooperated, with
the general ambition of the Japanese, to place a great premium upon
independent farming or business. Moreover, by leasing land the
farm laborer secures a settled residence, more regular employment,
and, if he has a family, an opportunity to reunite it in this country
under normal conditions. The differences shown by the Japanese
farmers and the farm laborers as groups, as regards the percentage
who are married and the percentage who have their wives with them
in this country, are not explained entirely by the difference in their
age distribution or in their incomes. The differences in both cases
are closely connected with the fact that most of the laborers can not
secure tolerable conditions under which to live with their families,
while the farmer and his family can lead a normal family life.
Furthermore, the Japanese are venturesome. They are not de-
terred by risk to the same extent that the members of other races are,
and are greatly attracted by the unusual profits realized by a few
of their countrymen. In some instances it has been found that not
only are they highly speculative in their economic activities, but that
they are inclined to reckon expenses and losses at too low a figure.
All of these things have combined to cause the farm laborer to desire
to become a farmer on his own account, and pride and the limited
field of employment have frequently kept him from returning to
the wage-earning class when the profits realized from farming have
been small.
But whatever the explanation of the strong desire evinced by the
Japanese to become independent farmers, it is true that the desire is
so strong that they have been willing, as a rule, to pay comparatively
high rents. In a few localities, as about Vacaville, Cal.. they have
even resorted to coercion in the form of threat to withhold the
necessary labor supply, in order to secure the tenure of orchards or
farms they desired. Such instances, however, have been limited to
a few localities. The offer of comparatively high rents, though
not universal, is fairly general. About Los Angeles the Japanese
tenants have offered higher rents than had previously been paid by
the Chinese for the same kind of land to be used for similar purposes.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 83
On the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers the Japanese have in
some instances displaced Chinese by paying higher share or cash
rents. In another instance they displaced the Italian tenants. About
Vacaville and Newcastle — in fact, in almost every locality- in Cali-
fornia, it was found that the farmers of this race had been willing
to pay higher rents than had previously obtained. This is true also
about Portland, Oreg., Tacoma and Seattle, Wash., and in the beet
fields of Colorado. The rivalry among the Japanese for land in
Colorado was so great that an agricultural association, which they
had organized about Lupton, fixed a maximum rental which should
not be exceeded in the leasing of land for the production of sugar
beets. As a fairly general phenomenon, the Japanese, for reasons
already stated, have been willing to pay higher rents than the mem-
bers of other races, and because of that fact much land has been leased
to them, for it was more profitable to the owner to do so than to farm
it himself, and, other things being equal, the Japanese have been pre-
ferred in the selection of tenants.
Not only have they been willing to pay comparatively high share
or cash rents ; in some instances their advance has been due to a will-
ingness to make improvements upon lands, which the farmers of
other races not so prominent in the labor supply were not willing to
do. Thus about Tacoma much of the leasing of land by Japanese has
been incidental to removing the brush and stumps from " logged-off "
land, drainage of the land, and reducing it to cultivation. The land
has been leased for a period of one or a few years, reclaimed, and
brought under cultivation. The Japanese show a greater willingness
than others to do such work as a part of their contracts. The same
thing is found to be true in the leasing of the newly reclaimed land
of the Sacramento and San Joaquin River Valleys, and has been met
with in various other localities in the course of the investigation.
Another reason for the preference for Japanese in many cases has
been that they are more easily provided with living quarters than
white men are. In many cases the Japanese lease only the orchards,
or the " beet land," or the " berry land," or the " vegetable land " on
a farm, and live in the laborers' quarters, while the farmer with his
family continues to occupy the farmhouse and to cultivate the rest of
the land. Moreover, where the entire farm is leased to Japanese, the
owner and his family usually continue, to live there and the tenant is
housed in a cheap cottage or in the " bunk house." The buildings
erected for Japanese tenants are usually much less expensive than
those required for a white farmer and his family. In some instances,
as about Los Angeles and Tacoma, they have built their own shelters
of materials provided by the landowner or by themselves. Thus the
Japanese have had the advantages incidental to the fact that in many
instances they have been the predominant element in the labor supply,
that they have generally been willing to pay higher rents and to take
land on conditions not acceptable to white tenants, and have been the
most easily provided for when settled upon the land.
Another fact of importance in this connection is that many of the
Japanese farmers have required little or no capital to begin with.
As already indicated, many, in fact most of them to begin with, have
leased land for a share of the crop, the landlord supplying all or
practically all of the equipment. This is especially true in all locali-
84 The Immigration Commission.
ties where much seasonal labor is required and the Japanese are
the predominant element in the labor supply. In these localities
not only have the farmers provided most of the necessary equipment,
but have also frequently provided the money necessary to pay current
expenses, so that the tenant required no capital at all. Moreover,
in the production of sugar beets the beet-sugar companies have ordi-
narily advanced a part of the necessary capital.0 At Newcastle and
Vacaville, and in other localities devoted to the growing of fruit and
vegetables, the commission merchants usually make advances of sup-
plies for shipping the product, and of cash, taking a lien upon the
crop in order to secure the loan. In several instances the competi-
tion between the shippers for business has led to the making of ad-
vances long before the crop matures, and in large amounts. About
Newcastle it was found that some of the shippers had leased land
and then subleased it to Japanese tenants in order to control the
business of shipping the product. With assistance in these forms
(extended to other growers also) the Japanese laborers with little
or no capital have been able to begin tenant farming. And even
where the system of making advances has not been extensively
adopted the tenants who pay cash rent usually do not need much
capital of their own, for it is customary to pay the rent in install-
ments, and credit is extended by the Japanese and other provision
merchants. In some instances, as about Florin, CaL, leasing has
been encouraged by arranging for the larger rentals to be paid dur-
ing the later years covered by the lease.
Finally, the Japanese in many localities have usually formed part-
nerships when leasing land. In some cases this is virtually required
by the landlords, in order that there may be a larger nucleus for the
needed labor supply and that the tenants may be more closely held
to the terms of their contract because of the greater amount of labor
they invest in growing the crops. , It is significant that 194 of 462
tenant farms investigated were leased by partners. There were two
partners in 116 of the 194 cases, three in 36, four in 22, five in 12,
six in 2, seven in 3, nine in 1, and ten in 2. The formation of partner-
ships enables the Japanese to engage in farming with less individual
capital, and has made it possible for them, like the Italians among
whom this form of organization prevails in leasing land, to quickly
establish themselves as farmers.
Most of the land owned by Japanese is in California, Texas, and
Oregon. In the other States the number of farms which have been
purchased is few and the acreage is small. That no land has been
purchased by them in Washington and Idaho is explained by the
fact that in those States aliens may not acquire title to it by pur-
chase.6 Most of the land purchased in Texas is in a few large tracts
and is owned by corporations or by wealthy individuals who have
come to this country to invest their capital in speculative enterprises.
Some have immigrated with $10,000 or more ; one of the farms owned
by them embraces 3,500 acres, another 2,224, a third 1,734. At Liv-
0 See "Japanese and German-Russian Farmers of Northern Colorado " and
"Japanese Farmers of Northern Utah."
& Constitution of Washington, Article II, section 33, and Idaho, Revised Code,
section 2609. In both States these provisions were adopted before there was
any question as to the desirability of Japanese immigrants.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 85
ingstone, Cal., a large tract of land has been purchased by a Japa-
nese corporation and is being disposed of to Japanese farmers in
small holdings on the installment plan.0 Moreover, in a few in-
stances, as in Oregon, large tracts have been purchased by Japanese
who have accumulated wealth by selling supplies or by contracting
for labor.
With such exceptions as these, the purchases have been made in
comparatively small tracts by men who have risen from the ranks of
labor, and have successfully engaged in farming as tenants. They
have been assisted in making their purchases by the extension of
liberal credit. Some of these farms are valuable, however. Of 44
investigated, embracing 1,849 acres,' four were worth $500 but less
than $1,000, four, $1,000 but less than $1,500, eight, $1,500 but less
than $2,500, fourteen, $2,500 but less than $5,000, five, $5,000 but less
than $10,000, seven, $10,000 but less than $25,000, and two more than
$25,000. In all of these cases the owners had coma to tfiis country
with little or no capital. High prices have been paid for land in
some instances, but the number of purchases has been so small and
scattered over so many communities that they have had no effect upon
the market value of land.
In a large number of localities the Japanese farmers are organized
into farmers' associations. Such institutions are found in various lo-
calities about Tacoma and Seattle, about Ogden, about Lupton, Colo.,
and along the Sacramento Eiver, about Agnews, Moneta, and in
various other localities in California. In some instance these act as
agents in finding ranches for Japanese who wish to become tenants;
in a few cases they limit the competition for land by fixing a maxi-
mum rental, as about Lupton, Colo.; in a very few cases they assist
in marketing the product and in obtaining supplies, as some of those
0 Somewhat similar to the venture at Livingstone is that in Dade County,
Fla., where the Yamato colony was organized in 1904. This colony is incor-
porated under the statutes of the State of Florida. The president of the cor-
poration and the head of the colony is one J. Sakai, a Japanese land agent of
the Florida East Coast Railway. The corporation owns or has an option on a
few sections of land, a part of which is being farmed in the name of the colony
until such time as it can be sold to Japanese. When the colony was first es-
tablished it had 23 members, all of whom were adult men. Sakai has gone to
Japan at different times to secure more members, but of those who have come
some 60 have deserted, leaving 37 in the colony in the spring of 1908. Of these
37, 34 were men, 2 women, and 1 an infant. Almost all of the members of the
colony came directly from their native land, but it is said that 3 or 4 have
joined the colony after having lived in the Western States. Practically all of
those who have come have been drawn from the larger cities of Japan. Some of
them were novelty makers, other silk weavers, and still others students and
bankers. Being used to city life and city trades, the majority have found the
hard agricultural work in the warm and humid climate disagreeable, hence the
desertions mentioned above.
The majority of those residing in the colony work for wages for the cor-
porations; a minority have purchased land or leased land for a share of the
crop. About 80 acres have been set in pineapples. While these are develop-
ing the colonists raise tomatoes, peppers, and other vegetables of various kinds.
The land is sold on the installment plan, for from $6 to $25 per acre in its
" wild " condition. After it is cleared and reduced to cultivation it is worth as
much as $300 per acre. Most of the land has been cleared by negro laborers.
Some of the Japanese find employment in a packinghouse at Del Rey, not far
away, while others were employed during the season of 1908 in a canning
factory near by.
86 The Immigration Commission.
about Tacoma, Seattle, and Ogden ; in several instances they interest
themselves where disputes arise between landlord and tenant; while
in several instances they have had more or less to do with the dissemi-
nation of scientific knowledge of horticulture and agriculture among
the Japanese- farmers. One publication issued by the organization
in the Stockton district is particularly interesting in this last con-
nection. These organizations are of interest, chiefly, however, as evi-
dence of the capacity of the Japanese to cooperate and secure the
advantages of organized effort in meeting the problems confronting
them.
Independent farming by Japanese has had several effects upon the
communities in which it is carried on. It is evident from what has
been stated that the competition of Japanese tenants has caused the
rental value of land to increase. It is evident, also, that tenants of
other races, to some extent, have been displaced by them. Another
effect more difficult to measure has been that of the presence of
farmers of this race upon the influx of white families to the com-
munity. There can be no doubt that the extensive leasing by them
about Newcastle and in a few other localities has caused prospective
settlers to locate elsewhere, and the white population of some neigh-
borhoods has actually diminished. In other words, there has been a
partial substitution of Asiatic for white families. But it should be
noted in this connection that in some communities much of the land
leased was reclaimed and reduced to cultivation by Japanese, or was
first devoted to intensive farming by them. In such cases they have
added to the wealth of the community and their farming has not
necessarily affected the white population adversely. Another effect
of leasing by Japanese, as by Chinese and other races similarly cir-
cumstanced, has been to encourage the holding of large tracts of land
by corporations or as " estates," and to remove the premium which
would otherwise be placed upon their subdivision and sale to white
farmers. This is very evident upon the Sacramento and San Joaquin
Rivers, where in some instances several hundred or several thousand
acres are owned in one or a few tracts, and the managers prefer to
retain them as investments and to lease them to Italians or Asiatics at
comparatively high rentals, rather than subdivide them and dispose
of them to permanent settlers. While some of these holdings are in
communities which have* not been developed to the point where white
families would care to live, this is by no means true of all. Leasing
in the form which there obtains places a premium upon landlordism
which will stand in the way of the normal settlement and develop-
ment of these communities.
One characteristic of Japanese farming is that with their short-
time interests the farmers frequently specialize greatly in the pro-
duction of the crop which has proved to be more than usually profit-
able. As a result of the rapid increase in the number of these farm-
ers in certain localities and this specialization, overproduction has
resulted and profitable prices could not be maintained. This is
especially true of the strawberry industry, which has been expanded
rapidly by the Japanese because of handsome profits realized a few
years ago, until the prices have become very unremunerative. Nearly
all of the few white farmers and many of the Japanese have now
withdrawn from this branch of production. A similar instance of
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 87
overproduction is found in asparagus growing on the Sacramento
River, where many of the Japanese tenants have been involved in
great loss during the last two years. The prices of some vegetables
about Tacoma and Seattle also appear to have been adversely affected
by the larger acreage devoted to their production with the increasing
number of Japanese farmers. It appears that other farmers with-
draw from the production of such crops before the Japanese, because
thev are not satisfied with as small profits.
But the instances where the prices realized for crops have been
adversely affected as a result of Japanese competition are compara-
tively few. As a matter of fact, where their acreage has been added
to that productively used in the community it has generally been
devoted to growing crops not extensively grown by white farmers.
Moreover, most of the markets are not local and narrowly limited.
The effect of Japanese farming upon the rental value of land is much
more general than any effect upon the prices of produce.
Another effect of the leasing of orchards and other ranches under
cultivation to Japanese has been to cause a further displacement of
laborers of other races. Except for some of the work with teams
and the cutting of fruit preparatory to drying nearly all of the
laborers employed by these farmers in the West are of their own race.0
While numerous instances are found in which white men and women
and Hindus are temporarily employed by them, these are after all
comparatively few. Like the Italian, Portuguese, and Chinese farm-
ers, they usually employ the members of their own race in so far as
they can secure them. The only essential difference between the
races in this regard is found in the fact that the Japanese laborers
have been available in larger numbers than the others. In so far as
comparisons of wages have been possible, it has been found that the
Japanese farmers frequently pay their countrymen somewhat more
than they are paid by other farmers for work of the same kind. It
must be noted in this connection, however, that the workday is some-
what longer, and that, in some instances, they have been able to
secure the best laborers in the available supply.
Moreover, until a few years ago, they had the advantage, as com-
pared to farmers who employed higher priced laborers, possessed by
all farmers who employed the Japanese at the lower wages which
then prevailed. Yet the Japanese farmer's workday is not so long
as that of the Italian, and he has always paid his laborers as high
or higher wages. It is clear that Japanese farming has given rise
to a further displacement of laborers of other races. While it is not
clear that their outlay for labor is now less than that of their white
competitors, and while it is clear that it is certainly not less than that
of the Italians, the situation was somewhat different a few years ago
when Japanese labor was cheaper.
In several localities in California where the Chinese have been
employed or have leased land there is much dissatisfaction with the
Japanese tenants. There is no doubt that they are less careful work-
men than the Chinese, and that their farming is frequently inferior.
It is generally agreed that the Chinese who have had long experience,
and this counts for much, are better primers of trees and vines and
0 On the rice farms in Texas this is not true.
48296°— VOL 23— 11 7
88 The Immigration Commission.
prepare the product better for shipment. There has also been much
complaint of broken contracts in the case of the Japanese. The com-
plaint is not without reason, for the Japanese do not regard a con-
tract as inviolable, while the Chinese do. In some communities a few
Japanese farmers have not fulfilled their contracts, just as a few
" contractors " have run away with the wages due their laborers. In
some localities the preference for Chinese, partly racial, however,
has been so great that farms have been leased to them for a lower
rental than Japanese have offered.
This is not infrequently true in the leasing of orchards. The
preference for Chinese tenants has become just as marked as for
Chinese laborers in most of the California communities. It is note-
worthy, however, that in communities where Chinese have not been
employed and do not serve as a standard for comparisons no com-
plaint was made of the character of the farming of the Japanese,
and little complaint was heard of failure to fulfill their contracts.
On the contrary, in such communities they are generally regarded as
good tenant farmers and as " fairly reliable " in their contractual
relations.
Some of the Japanese farmers have realized large profits and have
accumulated wealth rapidly, while many have met with loss. In
some cases they have fallen back into the ranks of the wage-earning
class. Some of those who have not been successful have been too
inexperienced in the kind of farming undertaken. A more common
cause of failure, however, has been found in the fact, already com-
mented on, that they produce almost entirely for the market and
specialize greatly, and in some cases have depressed the prices of
produce until they would not cover the expenses incidental to the
harvest. This is notably true of strawberry growing for the Los
Angeles market and of asparagus growing on the lower Sacramento
River, cases to which reference has previously been made. A com-
paratively large number of the tenant farmers in these localities
have become bankrupt, and some of them have been led to break
their contracts with the landowners from whom they leased. More-
over, the wages paid to laborers of their race have recently advanced
rapidly and it has become difficult to secure laborers in sufficient
numbers. This change in the labor market has been a further source
of difficulty to the Japanese farmers. It is proving so serious that
in some localities they insist upon leases for one or a few years, where
a few years ago they desired to secure leases for a period of several
years.
Of 647 Japanese farmers, including partners, from whom infor-
mation was obtained, 432 reported that they had made a surplus
over living expenses during the preceding year. Of the other 215,
114 were involved in a deficit while 101 reported that they had
neither surplus nor deficit. The average amount of surplus realized
was $579.88 ; of deficit, $561.02. Some of the gains were very large.
Those of 31 of the 432 were less than $100; of 92, $100 but less than
$250; of 146, $250 but less than $500; of 114, $500 but less than
$1,000 ; of 35, $1,000 but less than $2,500 ; of 14, $2.500 or over. Some
of the deficits also were large. Those of 5 of the 114 were less than
$100; of 27, $100 but less than $250; of 37, $250 but less than $500;
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 89
of 23, $500 but less than $1,000; of 20, $1,000 but less than $2,500;
of 2, $2,500 or over. These figures must not be taken too literally,
however, for the amount of surplus and deficit, especially in farming,
is difficult to estimate. Moreover, and more important, no allowance
is made for investments in developing strawberry patches and as-
paragus and other crops which require two seasons before the plants
begin to yield a remunerative harvest. The failure of the figures
to make allowance for such cases greatly exaggerates the number
who sustained deficits and increases the amount of deficits reported.
The estimated value of property owned by 488 Japanese engaged in
farming as individuals or as senior partners was ascertained by the
agents of the Commission. Many of them a*e in debt for land or
supplies purchased or for advances made, so that the value of their
property over and above indebtedness is frequently very much less
than the gross value of the property in their possession. Of the 488,
86 had nothing over and above the indebtedness outstanding against
them; 16 had less than $50; 10 had $50 but less than $100; 45, $100
but less than $250 ; 77, $250 but less than $500 ; 92, $500 but less than
$1,000; 48, $1,000 but less than $1,500; 43, $1,500 but less than $2,500;
41, $2,500 but less than $5,000; 17, $5,000 but less than $10,000; 10,
$10,000 but less than $25,000; and 3, $25,000 or over. In considering
these figures, it must be held in mind, however, that they do not in-
clude the value of growing crops and of such improvements made
upon leased land as do not become the property of the tenant upon
the expiration of the lease. The fact that allowance is not made for
these causes the number who are represented as having little or no
property to be unduly large, for most of the data were collected dur-
ing the harvest season when large investments had been made but
before the returns for the crop had been received. Moreover, many
of the Japanese invest heavity in improvements in the land, hoping
to secure a profit from them before the expiration of the lease. The
value of such improvements can not be estimated, however, and is
not included in the values given.
In most localities the Japanese are the most recent race to engage
in farming on their own account, so that there is a striking contrast
between them and the other farmers in the West — in wealth as well
as in the form of tenure and permanency of their relations in the
community. While many of the Japanese farmers have accumulated
considerable property and have become fairly independent in the
conduct of their holdings, the largest number have little property
and many of them have a form of tenure which limits their freedom
in production. Moreover, because of the circumstances under which
they have engaged in farming an unusually large number of the
Japanese have failed. Yet it must be held in mind that most of them
have begun to farm much more recently than the farmers of other
races. The wealth accumulated by a small minority in a few years
has induced many to undertake farming on their own account.
CHAPTER V.
JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS.
JAPANESE IN DOMESTIC AND PERSONAL SERVICE AND RELATED EMPLOY-
MENTS.
As opposed to those employed in the various industries discussed
in the preceding chapters, perhaps between 12,000 and 15,000 Jap-
anese are employed in the 11 States and Territories comprising the
Western Division, as domestic servants in private families, and as
" help " in restaurants, hotels, barrooms, clubs, offices, and stores con-
ducted by members of the white races,a while some 10,000 or 11,000
a It is estimated that between 8,000 and 10,000 are employed in these capac-
ities in the cities and towns and on the farms of California, but any estimate
for the State as a whole or for any city must necessarily be largely a matter
of guesswork. The nature of these employments is such that even those most
familiar with them differ widely in the estimates made. Only a census would
reveal the approximate number. The estimates here made are based upon the
estimates of Japanese employment agents, those of union officials in the trades
embraced under personal service, and those of the secretaries of Japanese
associations. The corresponding number for Washington is perhaps between
2,800 and 3,000 ; for Oregon, 600 ; for Colqrado, 300 ; for Utah, 250 ; for Nevada,
175 ; for Arizona, 150 ; for Montana, 120 ; for Idaho, from 40 to 70, according to
the season of the year ; for Wyoming, 50.
Agents of the Commission made a general investigation of Japanese em-
ployed in domestic service and related occupations in Seattle, Tacorna, Portland,
San Francisco, Los Angeles, Denver, and Salt Lake. The character of the em-
ployments is such that only the more general facts can be ascertained without
the expenditure of much more time than the details warrant and than that at
the command of the Commission's agents. Japanese business was investigated
in a comparatively large number of places named below. General information
was collected with reference to the situation, and schedules were collected for
368 business establishments conducted by them in Seattle, San Francisco, Los
Angeles, Sacramento, Fresno, and Watsonville, for 439 business men of these
cities, and for 427 wage-earners and salaried men. " Individual slips " were
also collected from several hundred men employed in the establishments investi-
gated or elsewhere, or living in boarding and lodging houses or in groups of
house cleaners. The general results of the investigation are set forth in this
chapter, the emphasis being placed upon those cities in which the largest num-
ber of Japanese residents are found, and in which they have been engaged in
domestic and other work and in business for the greatest length of time. The
details are set forth at greater length in a number of special reports as follows:
The Japanese in city employments and business in Washington, with special
reference to Seattle ; " " The Japanese in city employments and business in
Portland, Oreg. ; " " The Japanese in city employments and business in San
Francisco; " " The Japanese in city employments and business in Sacramento; "
"The Japanese in city employments and business in Los Angeles; " "Japanese
in city employments and business in Salt Lake City and Ogden, Utah ; " " Jap-
anese in city employments and business in Denver, Colo. ; " " The Japanese in
business in Idaho ; " " Immigrants in Fresno County, Cal. ; " " The Japanese of
Pajaro Valley, Cal. ; " and " Immigrant laborers and farmers in the Vaca Val-
ley, Cal." The first eight of these are grouped so as to form a series, while the
last three are reports dealing primarily with immigrant agricultural labor and
immigrant farming (in which the Japanese in the town trades and employments
are incidentally discussed), and are therefore to be found in Volume II of this
report, relating to agriculture.
91
92 The Immigration Commission.
more are engaged in business for themselves or are employed by those
who are thus occupied, or are professional men and craftsmen work-
ing on their own account. Few are found in city employments other
than those indicated.
The number engaged in this group of occupations varies greatly
from one season to another, for during the spring and summer months
many leave most of the cities and towns, in which they spend the
winter, for work in fish and vegetable canneries and in the beet
fields, orchards, and gardens. With the close of the " busy " season
in these places many return to the cities to find employment as house
cleaners, domestic, and general help, or to live upon their savings
until the spring months return. The figures given would perhaps be
too conservative as an estimate of the number of Japanese engaged
in these occupations during the winter months.
Most of the Japanese employed in this group of occupations are
found in a few cities which have large populations of that race, and
are with one exception ports at which many immigrants of this race
have arrived. The number so employed in Seattle is perhaps about
2,400, in Tacoma 150, in Portland 470, in San Francisco possibly
4,000, in Los Angeles possibly 2,000. Upon their arrival most have
found work through Japanese " contractors " and employment agents.
The Japanese contractors have directed the majority into railway
or agricultural work, while a large percentage of the others have
engaged in domestic service in its broader meaning. The student
class and farmers' sons and those who had not been gainfully oc-
cupied in their native land have furnished a large percentage of
those engaging in domestic service. The same is true of the business
men. This work is less arduous than in the country, the conditions
of living are materially better, and the opportunity to learn English
and certain American methods are present. It is a significant fact
that of 490 men now engaged in farming 54 found their first employ-
ment in domestic service. The corresponding figure for 317 employed
at present as agricultural laborers was 13. Only 11 of the former and
7 of the latter engaged in other city 'occupations. Of 433 men now en-
gaged in business on their own account, on the other hand, 138 found
their first employment as house servants, 5 as members of house-clean-
ing groups, and 66 in other city employments, but chiefly as restaurant
" help." The corresponding figures for 410 wage-earners in various
city occupations were 148, 10, and 101. The large number found in
Los Angeles is explained partly by the favorable climatic conditions
which prevail there, but largely by the fact that many migrated to that
city as a result of the fire in San Francisco in 1906. These cities,
with Oakland, have the largest numbers of Japanese engaged in this
group of occupations. Sacramento has perhaps 300, Denver 230,
Salt Lake City 150, and other cities comparatively small numbers. In
the aggregate, however, the number found in the smaller cities and
towns of Washington and California, and upon farms in the latter
State, is large.
For convenience this general group may be divided into four minor
groups, viz, those engaged as cooks and other servants in private
families ; house-cleaners, and other " day workers ;" those employed
in restaurants, hotels, barrooms, and clubs; and those employed as
general help in offices and stores conducted by white men.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 93
It is very difficult to obtain accurate data with reference to the
number of Japanese and other house servants, the wages they are now
and have in the past been paid for the same kind of work, and what
the effect of Japanese competition has been. Briefly the results ob-
tained in San Francisco and Seattle and set forth at greater length
in the special reports dealing with the Japanese in city trades and
employments in those places are these: In San Francisco it is prob-
able that some 700 or 800 Japanese were employed as house servants
in 1898, and that the number had increased to more than 3,600 in
1904. More recently, however, with the restrictions upon immigra-
tion, their tendency to leave domestic service for other work or to
engage in business, and the higher wages they command so that there
is no longer the same pecuniary advantage that was formerly found
in employing them, their number has diminished and is possibly at
present not far from 2,000 in a total of several times as many. Per-
haps from 300 to 500 of these are " school boys " who work short
hours and in return receive board and lodging and from $8 to $16 per
month, the sum depending upon the number of hours of work over
that (three or four per day) regarded as an equivalent for board
and lodging. A part of the day or the evening is spent in attending
classes or in private study. Those regularly employed as domestics
in 1909 were paid from $25 per month for those with little experience
as house servants to $60 per month for the most experienced cooks.
The average wage per month of TO, from whom personal data were
secured, was $36.86. Though the number from which this average
is derived is small, it probably reflects the situation very well. The
wages now paid are materially higher than those formerly pre-
vailing. According to the records of Japanese employment agents
the prevailing rate for plain cooks in 1900 was $20 to $30 per month.
By 1903 the rate had advanced $5 per month, and by 1907 another
advance of $5 had taken place.
The field of domestic service in private families is shared chiefly
by Japanese and Chinese men,0 and white women, of whom many
are foreign born. Since the Japanese have immigrated to San Fran-
cisco in large numbers the Chinese have materially diminished in
number as a result of the exclusion acts. The Japanese have much
more than made good the decrease in the number of Chinese em-
ployed, but with the growth of population and the larger number
of families keeping servants, it appears unlikely that the increasing
number of Japanese servants at any time caused an actual decrease
in the number of white domestics in employment.' Though the Jap-
anese, at any rate until recently, have been regarded as the cheapest
servants for cooking, waiting on table, and cleaning (the kinds of
work they have done),b there has generally been a scarcity of white
•Contrary to the custom in Honolulu, very few Japanese women take em-
ployment as domestic servants in the Western States.
6 It is impossible to compare the wages of Chinese, Japanese, and white
women, for the occupations of these persons when employed as domestics differ.
For years the Chinese men have done practically no work except cooking and
some cleaning incidental to that; the Japanese have been occupied in the same
way, except that they do somewhat more of the work about the house. A large
percentage of the white females, on the other hand, are " women of all work."
04 The Immigration Commission.
servants at the wages offered, though these wages have been in-
creasing.0
In Seattle the Japeriese domestics number about 1,200. The num-
ber of Japanese now employed is about the same as the number
(1,217) of female servants and waitresses in Seattle reported by the
census in 1900. With the phenomenal growth in population, the
number of domestics has increased several fold, and doubtless the
number of females so employed has increased during this time, in
spite of the fact that the wages of Japanese were formerly lower
than they now are. No doubt, however, the influx of Japanese has
caused the wages of other domestics to rise less rapidly than they
would otherwise have done, for the Japanese have added greatly to
the number available for such work. But here, as throughout' the
Western States, and especially in the Pacific Coast States, there has
been a scarcity of servants at the comparatively high wages which
they command — wages which compare most favorably with those of
women engaged in other occupations in the same cities and much
higher than the wages which prevail in eastern localities. It should
be added, moreover, that the presence of Asiatics in domestic service
has not had the effect of causing it to be regarded as essentially
Asiatic work, and to be shunned by others, as has been the case with
certain occupations in some agricultural communities of California.
Closely related to the branch of domestic service just discussed is
the work done by Japanese " day workers." These men usually live
in groups, averaging 5 or 6 in San Francisco, but in some instances
containing sevral times as many, and go to private houses to do
house cleaning, window cleaning, cooking, waiting on table, and
gardening " on call." Frequently they live with cobblers, and at the
cobbler shops, or other offices maintained, receive orders for work to
be done.
The Japanese alone have made an organized effort to meet the
desires of those in need of temporary and irregular service, and in
California for years a large number have been thus occupied. The
largest number are found in San Francisco, where in 1909 the num-
ber of groups reported by the Japanese-American Yearbook was 148.
The number of persons in the groups was reported at 984, so that if
allowance is made for individuals not connected with the groups
reported, the number in the winter season, when it is largest, would
be somewhat in excess of 1,000. The number of groups in Los
Angeles is reported for 1909 as 18, a few of which are comparatively
large. In almost every California town in which the Japanese have
settled one or more of these house-cleaning groups is to be found.
In other States, however, few exist, the largest number being in
Denver, where there are 4 groups with an aggregate membership of
about 130.
The position these " day workers " occupy is best shown by the in-
vestigation made of them in San Francisco. In addition to obtain-
ing general information covering them, 14 groups, comprising 53
men, were investigated and personal schedules taken for each member.
0 See Report on Japanese in City Trades and Employments and Business in
San Francisco for such statistical data as are available in the reports of the
(California) State Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 95
The wage for cleaning was 30 or 35 cents per hour (depending largely upon
whether calls from the given place were numerous or infrequent), or $2.50 per
day; for waiting on table, 35 or 50 cents (with white coat), or $1 (with dress
coat); for gardening, 50 cents per hour; for window cleaning, 5 cents per
window. As would be expected, the work is irregular, so that the earnings of
the 53 house cleaners varied between $20 per month as a minimum and $70 as
a maximum. The average of the earnings of the 53 was $42.74 per mouth and
$512.83 per year. The earnings of 4 were less than $30 per month ; of 15, $30,
but less than $40 ; of 12, $40, but less than $50 ; of 15, $50 ; of 6, $60, but less
than $70; of 1, $70 per month. Their earnings per day were higher than
formerly, when the number of newly arrived Japanese was larger than during
the last^t^o years. According to the testimony of Japanese employment agents,
the rate per day for ordinary cleaning was $1.50 in 1900. By 1903 it had risen
to $1.75, by 1907 to $2 per day.0
A large number of Japanese were found to be employed in restau-
rants, hotel kitchens, barrooms, and similar places in Seattle, San
Francisco, and Los Angeles. Smaller numbers were so employed in
Portland, Sacramento, Salt Lake City, and other localities. In
Seattle some 400 (not including 300 employed on boats on Puget
Sound) we,re, in 1909, employed in restaurants and hotels, and some
200 more in barrooms and clubs. In San Francisco and Los Ageles
the number employed in these places is much larger. In Portland,
on the other hand, if the few employed as porters in stores conducted
by white persons are included, the corresponding number is about
120, in Salt Lake, possibly 35. Any estimate, however, is at best a
rough one, for accurate data as regards the number of Japanese and
of others employed in these places can be obtained only by making
a census of a very large percentage of them — which the Commission
did not undertake to do. Any considerable number of Japanese
gainfully employed in these places conducted by white men, however,
are to be found only in the cities of the Pacific Coast States, where
the settled Japanese population is large, and where comparatively
large numbers have resided for more than eight or ten years.
In San Francisco a few hundred Japanese are employed as cooks'
helpers, dishwashers, and general " kitchen help " in restaurants and
hotels conducted by white men, as against, perhaps, 1,000 white per-
sons employed in these capacities. They are generally paid $30, $35,
or $40 per month, with board. These wages are less than the union
scale — about one-third of the white men engaged in these occupations
in 1909 were members of the Cooks' Helpers' Union — for a six-day
week of twelve hours per day. The union scale in effect provides for
a wage of $12 per week for cooks' helpers and pantrymen, and $10
per week for " vegetable men," dishwashers, porters, and " miscella-
neous help," with 25 cents per hour for overtime, with board, in res-
taurants, and for $45 and $35 per month for the two classes, respec-
tively, with " found," in hotels. The nonunion whites, many of
whom are very young or very old men, have no trade, and shift from
place to place, are paid smaller wages. For 947 men supplied during
1907 and 1908 by San Francisco employment agencies for positions
as " kitchen help," the median wage reported was $30 per month.6
0 Quoted from Report on the Japanese in City Employments and Business in
San Francisco.
6 As reported in the Thirteenth Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor Sta-
tistics of the State of California, p. 150. Approximately 45 per cent of the
number reported were employed outside of San Francisco, but chiefly in the
cities on the other side of San Francisco Bay, where about the same scale of
wages prevails.
96 The Immigration Commission.
The Japanese now earn higher wages than those reported for the
nonunion white men, but they are men in the prime of life and fre-
quently, if not usually, work for seven days per week. Moreover, the
wages of Japanese have increased in these occupations, as they have
in domestic service. White men have been displaced to a certain
extent because the Japanese have been —
willing to do various kinds of work regarded by the union man as no part of
his occupation, and to work seven days per week, as the union men do not.
Moreover, they have worked for less than the union scale of wages, while
they are more capable and more regular in their habits than many of the non-
union white men, who receive about the same or less wages.0
In so far as known, Japanese have not been employed as cooks or
as waiters in restaurants or hotels in San Francisco. They have,
however, been employed in these capacities to some extent in saloons,
but here Chinese cooks have been far more numerous and the Jap-
anese have commonly been employed to serve the free lunches, to do
cleaning, and to act as porters. They have never been employed in
any considerable number in saloons frequented extensively by work-
ingmen, however, and as a result of a movement initiated in the
spring of 1909 by the Asiatic Exclusion League to restrict their
employment, by the end of the year they were employed in fewer
public houses than formerly. Before the " campaign " was made
against them they were found in a large percentage of the saloons
of the city, which in 1907 numbered 2,375.6
It would appear that the situation in Seattle and Los Angeles is
not materially different from that in San Francisco. As kitchen and
baiTOom help, the Japanese in Seattle have displaced white persons,
though this displacement is by no means complete. Their wages are
usually $10, less frequently $11, $12, or $13, per week of seven days,
with board, but not lodging, included. The secretary of the Cooks
and Waiters' Union of Seattle asserts that —
there is no longer any regular scale of wages for white employees engaged in
this line of work, but from the few data coliected the wages of this class are
about the same as, or a little higher than, those paid to Japanese. The change
of races employed is explained by the fact that reliable white persons have
found it easy to secure more remunerative and more agreeable employment,
while the Japanese, being more regular in their work, more willing to work
long hours, and more easily secured when needed, have been preferred by the
employers to the less desirable class of white persons available.0
The Japanese have not been employed as cooks and waiters, for this
trade is well organized, requires skill and experience, and for waiters
a good knowledge of the English language. In barrooms they num-
ber about 200 and earn $10, $12, or $14 per week for work like that
described in San Francisco.
The most important difference between Seattle and San Francisco
is found in the absence in the former city of any well-organized oppo-
sition to the employment of Japanese. This has enabled the mem-
bers of that race to secure and retain employment as bell boys in the
• Quoted from Report on the Japanese in City Employments and Business in
San Francisco.
6 Number based upon number of license taxes paid as reported in Census
c Quoted from special report on Japanese in City Employments and Business
in Washington, with Special Reference to Seattle.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 97
hotels, an occupation they have not been admitted to in San Francisco.
Perhaps the Japanese working in this capacity in Seattle are almost
as numerous as the other classes taken collectively. Such employ-
ment is of recent date, though in at least one instance an experiment
was made with them in this capacity several years ago. In a few
instances negroes, but in most instances white youths, have been
displaced.
The displacement appears to have been due to difficulties met with in securing
a reliable class of young men for such work rather than to a desire to economize
in the" matter of wages. The Japanese are paid from $15 to $25 per month, and
from " tips " they frequently receive as much as $30 more.0
The Japanese, though not numerously employed in establishments
conducted by white men in Portland, are conspicuously employed as
bell boys in the hotels. In this capacity they are now employed to
the exclusion of other races in most of the high-priced hotels of the
city. They earn about $30 per month and board. Japanese were
similarly employed in a number of hotels in southern California, but
within the last two or three years, largely because of the sentiment
prevailing against them, especially in other employments than as com-(
mon laborers, they have been discharged from several hotels, so that
their employment in this capacity is now exceptional.
As janitors of office buildings, cleaners, porters in stores, and as
elevator boys, some Japanese are employed in all of the larger cities
of the Pacific Coast States. With few exceptions, however, their
numbers are small, though the work is of such a character that the
collection of accurate data would involve the taking of a census. In
Seattle they are more numerously employed as porters and " general
help " in stores than in any other city. In fact, they are very gen-
erally found in the larger stores in t^e better shopping district, and
it is estimated that at least 300 are so employed. Their wages are
$10, $12, or $14 per week, the rates which are paid to Japanese porters
employed in other establishments. In most of these stores they were
first given employment within the last few years, when with the phe-
nomenal growth of the city it has been difficult to secure responsible
men to serve in such capacities at the wages which have been paid.
It has been difficult to get and to keep good white employees. In San
Francisco and other California cities the number of Japanese simi-
larly employed in white stores appears to be smaller, judging from
the comparatively small numbers so employed living in boarding and
lodging houses. Yet one or a few are employed as porters in a con-
siderable percentage of the drug stores, and in some of the grocery,
clothing, and millinery stores. In some instances they are employed
merely as " general help," in others as attendants to replace goods
which have been displayed to prospective purchasers.
These are the more important occupations in which the Japanese
have been employed in the western cities. Excluding the employ-
ment in industrial establishments discussed in the preceding chapter,
in so far as it happens to be located in cities and towns, the Japanese
have not been employed to any considerable extent by white persons
in any other occupation or trade. A few Japanese carpenters are
found following their trade in practically all of the cities in which
a Quoted from special report on Japanese in City Employments and Business
in Washington, with Special Reference to Seattle.
98 The Immigration Commission.
there is any considerable number of that race, but they are employed
largely in making alterations in buildings occupied and in installing
fixtures in establishments conducted by their countrymen. In this
the situation differs materially from that which obtains in Honolulu,
where the Japanese engage regularly in practically all of the build-
ing trades and enter into contracts lor the construction of some sub-
stantial structures. ' The fact that, from the data collected, there are
many carpenters and other builders in the continental United States
who are not following their trades is explained partly by the extreme
differences in the character of building practiced here and in their
native land, but more by the same general group of facts which ex-
plain why the Japanese have not engaged to any great extent in city
occupations other than domestic service and those closely related to it
and in establishments conducted by their countrymen. A few details
with reference to Japanese in industry in San Francisco, where the
instances of such employment have been more numerous than else-
where, will make the situation clear.
The Japanese have not made the headway the Chinese made in in-
dustry in San Francisco at an earlier time, partly because they have
had less time in which to make progress, but largely because of other
factors in the situation.
The members of the latter race at one time predominated in the
shoe factories, in the manufacture of clothing, and in cigar making.
The opposition to them was so strong, however, that most of them
were discharged from the factories engaged in these branches of
production.0 Moreover, this widespread opposition to the Chinese
prevented occupations in other establishments conducted by white
proprietors from being opened to them. No doubt this expefience
accounts largely for the fact that the Japanese have never been con-
spicuously employed in any branch of manufacture in San Francisco.
At the same time a large influx of Italians and the immigration of
smaller numbers of Russians, Mexicans, Spaniards, and Porto Ricans,
along with other races, has provided an abundance of cheap labor for
manufactures requiring little skill and which are not attractive to
higher classes of workmen. At the time of the immigration of
Chinese in large numbers these classes of " cheap labor " found little
place in the population of San Francisco.
An attempt to employ Japanese in the manufacture of shoes soon
resulted in failure.6 Because of the strong opposition to them, they
have been employed only to a slight extent in the manufacture of
cigars and cigarettes. Even the small number employed has de-
creased in recent years, with the result that the agents of the Com-
mission found them employed (as cigarette makers) in only one of
the cigar factories investigated.0 In the large overall and shirt
factories they have not been employed. The employment of a few
at $2 per day in minor positions in the stove industry a few years
ago was discontinued because of the organized opposition of the
°See reports on "Immigrants in the cigar and cigarette industry of San
Francisco" and "Immigrant labor in the manufacture of clothing in San
Francisco."
& See discussion of the shoe-repairing industry, p. 126.
c See report on " Immigrant labor in the cigar and cigarette industry of San
Francisco."
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 99
molders, a nd, it is said, because they were not regarded by the em-
ployers as satisfactory workmen. In tea packing, partly because
of their efficiency in such work, they are employed in two establish-
ments, but in comparatively small numbers. In one of these they
are found engaged in several occupations at wages varying from $40
to $65 per month, and corresponding to those paid to white women
and men engaged in the same or similar work. With unimportant
exceptions such as these, the Japanese have not been employed in
industrial enterprises conducted by white persons in San Francisco.
In business the Japanese have made more progress than in the
various wage occupations in cities.
JAPANESE IN BUSINESS.
It is probable that between 10,000 and 11,000 Japanese in the 11
Commonwealths comprising the Western Division of the continental
United States are engaged in business on their own accounts or are
employed for wages by their countrymen who are thus occupied.0
The great majority of these Japanese establishments are located in
a comparatively few large general supply centers — San Francisco,
Oakland, Los Angeles, Sacramento, San Jose, Portland, Seattle,
Tacoma, Spokane, Ogden, Salt Lake City, and Denver — but a few
Japanese business establishments are found in almost every town of
importance near which the members of this race are employed.
Agents of the Commission investigated the business conducted by
Japanese in Seattle, Tacoma, Spokane, Bellingham, North Yakima,
and Wenatche, in the State of Washington; Portland, in Oregon;
San Francisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, Fresno, Watsonville, and
Vacaville, in California; Ogden and Salt Lake City, in Utah; Den-
ver, in Colorado ; and several towns in Idaho and Montana.
General information was collected in all of these places, while
details were obtained and set down in schedules for representative
establishments, proprietors, and employees in those having the largest
number of Japanese engaged in business.5 The results of these in-
vestigations are set forth in a number of local studies.0 In this
section of the report only the more general and significant phases
of the situation are presented.
Many of the Japanese business establishments are of such a char-
acter that they are difficult to classify. In some branches of business
their numbers change rapidly, old establishments disappearing and
new ones appearing. The number of establishments devoted to each
kind of business, as classified by the agents of the Commission in
each town or city investigated, at the time the investigation wa's
made (during November and December, 1908, and the first half of
the year 1909), together with the total for each town or city and
0 According to the Japanese-American Yearbook, the number of persons in
these groups in California in 1909 was 7,078. Investigation by agents of the
Commission, in all places in which any considerable number of Japanese are
found, give the following corresponding figures for the States specified : Wash-
ington, 2,025 ; Oregon, 450 ; Utah, 300 ; Colorado, 200 ; Montana, 100 ; Idaho, 80 ;
Wyoming, 50; Nevada, 50. The numbers for New Mexico and Arizona are
very small.
6 Seattle, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, Fresno, and Watsonville.
e See note, p. 91.
100
The Immigration Commission.
the total of the numbers for the several places, is shown in the
following summary table:
TABLE 34. — Number &f Japanese establishments engaged in each specified kind of
business in selected localities in 1909.
Kind of business.
s
I
I
Spokane.
Bellingham.
North Yakima.
Portland.
San Francisco.
1
-<
3
Sacramento.
Fresno.
Watsonville.
>
Salt Lake City.
8
I
Denver.
Eleven Idaho towns 1
and cities.
£
(a) STORES AND SHOPS.
Art and curio
T>
«;
9
4
-P
15
1
3
1
1
86
Book and drug stores
4
14
8
4
?
1
33
Fruit and vegetable
3
fj
90
31
Furnishing
13
q
22
Importing and exporting
•>
5
Meat and fish
6
j
,«>
3
3
4
1
22
?6
•>
,?
8
99
97
1?
4
3
4
4
?
?
3
124
Sake (liquor)
9
7
5
14
Watch and jewelry
7
1
8
5
4
fi
1
32
(b) PERSONAL SERVICE.
Barber shops. ..
46
q
5
1
10
18
44
?6
12
9
1
3
4
4
1
187
Bath houses
Ti
5
13
13
26
7
4
4
o
9
3
105
Hotels, boarding and lodg-
ing houses
79
8
7
1
12
51
90
37
I9
10
4
q
10
10
4
337
Laundries
37
fi
4
3
1
?
IP
7
6
6
1
1
1
1
3
97
Restaurants (American
meals)
36
<i
11
1
3
14
17
°5
8
5
5
1
5
1
1?
149
Restaurants (Japanese
meals)..
51
7
4
1
11
33
58
?8
15
1
1
3
8
10
1
?3?.
Tailoring, dyeing, and dress-
making
45
3
?,
3
?,
5?
16
6
3
1
?
1
136
(C) AMUSEMENTS.
Moving-picture shows
1
1
9
4
Pool and billiard parlors
and shooting galleries
(d) OTHER.
Bamboo shops
25
4
2
1
4
28
7
33
1
15
10
4
3
3
1
6
3
1
3
144
10
Banks
3
1
9
1
9
1
1
1
12
Confectioners
5
1
4
4
4
4
?,?,
Contractors
9
i2
7
4
7
32
Employment agents
17
1
?
12
7
4
1
44
Embroidery "
3
3
E xpressmen
10
3
?
5
10
6
3
?,
?,
43
Florists... . .
4
4
Job printing shops
7
5
2
9
16
Magazines and newspapers
12
1
6
7
1
1
?,8
Photograph galleries.
5
1
8
r,
3
1
1
1
26
Rinft mills..
2
2
Shoe stores and cobbler
shops
5
1
76
17
3
2
1
105
Tofu makers. ........
1
9
3
3
1
10
20
3
3
5
43
35
15
22
6
8
100
Total
478
63
45
11
7
97
5-1 5
473
9()9
107
37
28
46
43
67
26
2,277
In the larger cities there were doubtless some business establish-
ments conducted concerning which information was not obtained
by the agents. These omissions are more than offset, however, by the
duplications contained in the table presented. In the larger cities
the agents found it necessary to rely upon the records kept by the
secretaries of Japanese associations, trade societies, and newspapers
publishing yearbooks, checking the data thus secured by information
gained at establishments actually visited and for which schedules were
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
101
taken. The records thus made use of contain much duplication, due
to the fact that frequently two or more businesses, separately re-
ported, are conducted as one and that much of this duplication has
riot been eliminated from the figures presented in the table. Labor
contractors, in addition to the employment agency, almost invariably
conduct hotels or boarding houses as a further source of profit and
as a means of assembling laborers, and frequently conduct provision
and supply stores as well. Many of the restaurants serving Japanese
meals are carried on in connection with hotels and boarding houses.
Billiard and pool halls and cigar stores are frequently connected with
barber shops. Bath houses are usually connected with barber shops,
small laundries, or boarding houses. The selling of books and drugs
is usually combined in one business or affiliated with other branches
of business enumerated in the table. The job printing is more fre-
quently than not carried on in connection with the publication of a
newspaper or magazine. Hence the table presented is of more value
to show the variety of business and relative importance of the several
branches engaged in by the Japanese than the actual number of
establishments conducted by them. The table does indicate, however,
that the number of establishments conducted by the Japanese is
large — probably about 2,100 in the cities and towns covered by it.
The foregoing table covers all but a few of the establishments in
Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Utah, and Colorado. The total number
in Nevada is about 22 (including 7 restaurants serving American
meals, 2 serving Japanese meals, 2 laundries, 1 barber shop, and 4
stores) ; in Wyoming, 21 (including 5 restaurants serving American
meals, 1 serving Japanese meals, 1 barber shop, 2 laundries, 2 photog-
raphers, and 5 stores and shops). The statement next presented for
California is translated from the " Japanese- American Yearbook,
1910." The number of establishments and amount of capital and
number of employees are as of November 1, 1909, the other figures
for the year July 1, 1908, to June 30, 1909. The figures for the
number of establishments are not complete.
Business.
Num-
ber of
estab-
lish-
ments.
Capital
in-
vested. o
Volume of
trans-
actions,
1908-9.
Num-
ber of
em-
ployees.b
Wages
paid.
Rent per
annum.
Art and curio stores
84
$420, 470
1917 250
209
$96, 360
$105 160
Provision stores
179
1 422 340
2 483 730
323
161 200
89 689
Bookstores
25
32, 250
234, 350
32
15, 060
12 080
Fancy goods stores
21
26 300
165 930
36
17 180
10 410
Watch repair and jewelry stores
32
32 800
89 430
11
6 890
9*514
13
107,600
330 380
20
9 640
6 070
Importers
5
85 500
396 500
11
5 940
4 f,20
Drug stores
15
18, 750
72,760
12
5,840
5' 880
Bamboo shops
9
6 800
41 300
14
7 430
4 780
Fruit and vegetable stalls
73
25 830
279 106
33
12 970
14 947
Florists
9
11,450
55, 100
16
8,160
6*220
Confectionery (Japanese cake)
23
17 550
85 150
27
14 475
8 090
Fish dealers
27
27 960
199 220
95
12 710
8 390
Farm products, dealers in
g
32,300
581 000
17
7,440
4 844
Dealers in miscellaneous goods ....
30
16 600
62 900
13
5 560
7 730
Florists (owners of greenhouses)
89
855 000
625 000
209
96 800
5 600
Laundries
98
293 650
996 320
927
444 080
61 144
Hotels and boarding houses
2Q5
34* 850
886 490
231
94 489
149 098
Lodging houses...
68
34. 180
85.540
15
5.950
23! 470
* Value of real estate used for business purposes included, if owned.
& Includes second and third partners, and members of family working without wages, as. well as those
who are hired for wages. Hence adding 2,937 for the hired partners or managers, the total number gainfully
occupied in these establishments was estimated at 7,038.
102
The Immigration Commission.
Business.
Num-
ber of
estab-
lish-
ments.
Capital
in-
vested.
Volume of
trans-
actions,
1908-9.
Num-
ber of
em-
ployees.
Wages
paid.
Rent per
annum.
American restaurants
105
97 230
957 890
326
142 9%
56 830
Tailor shops
57
64 550
360 060
104
65 230
26 460
Cleaning and dye shops
49
22 850
14c' 110
89
34 000
18 470
Japanese restaurants (sake)
173
148 480
1 080 850
389
144 755
73 725
Japanese meal houses
63
30 365
' 134' 220
59
19 875
17 065
Barber shops .
178
73 701
256 149
88
41 785
38 705
Bathhouses
131
118 790
209' 122
39
15 415
38 891
Billiard and pool parlors
221
136 160
390' 380
82
34 3SO
68 644
Shooting galleries
14
8 050
41 OJO
11
6 010
11 5<;>0
Photograph galleries
26
26 900
64 890
22
8 254
12 704
Job printing offices
11
20 250
40 780
30
16 100
3 130
E xpressmen
42
31 310
76 840
19
16 690
7 2-12
Shoe store and repair shops
208
99 060
426 060
139
51 6SO
47 190
Employment offices
53
5, 983
69 990
3 530
Miscellaneous
381
60 810
187 655
9£Q
29 965
28 57^
Total ....
2 937
4 816 573
13 O'O 462
4 101
1 655 886
1 109 476
The agents of the Commission found as a result of their investiga-
tion of Japanese business in the cities and towns mentioned in the
above table :
(1) That most of the Japanese business establishments have been
started in recent years; that the number in the large cities serving
as supply centers has rapidly increased; and that a few establish-
ments have been started in many smaller places as well.
(2) That with comparatively few exceptions the Japanese busi-
ness establishments are small, employing comparatively little capital,
being conducted with the assistance of comparatively few employees
and having a comparatively small volume of annual transactions.
(3) That in the larger cities where there are many Japanese there
are many branches of business and professions represented, so that be-
cause of clannishness, convenience in point of location and language,
and the character of the goods carried in stock, as well as because of
a feeling of opposition toward the Asiatics, with the result that they
are not welcomed at white establishments engaged in personal serv-
ice, tfye majority of the wants of the Japanese are met by their
countrymen engaged in business and the professions.
(4) Th^t while many of the Japanese establishments have' been
called into existence primarily to meet the needs of the members of
that race, others have been started, chiefly in recent years, for "Ameri-
can trade," and are patronized largely or almost exclusively by white
persons.
(5) That rather frequently, in competing with white establish-
ments, the Japanese have underbid through a lower scale of prices.
(6) But that because of organized opposition in some instances,
and of the small number of Japanese establishments as compared to
those conducted by other races, the trades which have been seriously
affected by Japanese competition in most cities have been few.
(7) That in some instances the changes in the character of the
population resulting from the settlement of Japanese, who trade
chiefly at shops conducted by their countrymen, have seriously af-
fected the business of shopkeepers and others located in or near
Japanese colonies.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 103
(8) That few white persons are employed in Japanese estab-
lishments.
(9) That usually, where there is competition between white and
Japanese business men, the former maintain a shorter workday and a
higher scale of wages than the latter. While the above statements
represent general conclusions from the facts ascertained, the details
differ materially in certain respects in the several localities.
Three facts go far toward explaining the rapid increase in business
conducted by the Japanese during the last eight or ten- years: First,
the great influx of Japanese to the Western States ; second, their well-
defined tendency to rise from the ranks of wage laborers; and third,
the tendency more recently exhibited by them in some branches of
business to seek American patronage and .trade.
The number of Japanese business establishments in Seattle in
1900 was about 50, in 1905 about 216, in 1909, 478. The number in
Tacoma in 1905 was 23, in 1909, 63. The number in Portland in
1900 was about 28, in 1909, 97. In 1904 there were some 160 estab-
lishments in Los Angeles, in 1909 the corresponding figure was 495.
The establishments in San Francisco numbered about 336 in 1904,
perhaps 500 in 1909.a In all of these cases the Japanese population
had increased between the dates indicated', but not in proportion to
the increase in the number of business establishments. In Utah and
Colorado, and most of the other Rock Mountain States, the com-
paratively small number of establishments is the result of a -rapid
growth during recent years, since the Japanese who first found em-
ployment there as laborers not more than ten years ago have become
a more settled part of the population.
This rapid increase in the number of business establishments is
closely connected with the classes from which the Japanese immi-
grants have been drawn and the opportunities which have been
opened to them as wage-earners in this country. It is a significant
fact that of 394 business men who had migrated directly from Japan
to this country and whose occupations previous to their emigration
from their native land were ascertained, no fewer than 132, or ap-
proximately one-third of the entire number, had been engaged in
business on their own accounts, 20 had been employed in stores, 54
had been city wage-earners, while 78, practically all from the non-
wage-earning city classes coming to this country as students, had riot
been gainfully employed previous to their immigration. Opposed to
these persons of the city classes there were 104, 14 of whom had been
independent farmers, the other 90, farmers' sons, working on the
father's farm before coming to the United States. These data drawn
from 6 cities show (1) that a large majority of these men engaged in
business in this country came from the cities of Japan, and (2) that
a still larger number at home had not belonged to the wage-earning
classes. In this country, however, most of them began as wage-earn-
ers. Indeed, less than one-sixth of 439 (45 of whom came to the con-
tinental United States from Hawaii or from Canada) whose first oc-
cupations were ascertained engaged in business on their own accounts
as their first gainful occupation in this country. As opposed to the
70 who engaged in business, 143 found their first employment in
a Exclusive of tlie oilices of house-cleaning groups.
4S2'JG°— VOL 23—11 8
104
The Immigration Commission.
domestic service, 88 as farm hands, 5 as independent farmers, 49
as railroad laborers, 6 as laborers in lumber mills, 3 in canneries, and
some 69 in various city employments other than those already men-
tioned, but chiefly as " restaurant help " and in other unskilled work.
These are the chief branches of employment which, as has been ex-
plained, have been opened to Japanese wage-earners.
Few opportunities have been afforded to the members of this race
to rise from the ranks of the lowest to those of the higher-paid
laborers in railroad work, lumber mills, canneries, smelters, and other
noncity industries in which they have been employed. Moreover, the
conditions of living which have very generally prevailed have been
unsatisfactory from the point of view of the single man, and such
that normal family life was impossible. Because of these facts a
heavy premium has been placed upon acquiring land for independent
farming and upon migration to the cities. It was found that few of
those who immigrated from the cities of Japan remained long at work
outside of the cities, while many of those coming from the nonwage-
earning agricultural classes soon sought work in the cities when they
had become railroad or farm laborers upon their arrival. In the
cities, however, similar limitations upon the employment of Japanese
have prevailed. Few opportunities for employment by white persons
other than as domestics and in related trades have been open to them,
with the result that a premium has been placed upon engaging in
business on their own account, which has been rendered easy by the
small amount of capital required in most businesses engaged in and
the frequent formation of partnerships. The last occupation regu-
larly engaged in previous to their migration to the continental United
States and their first gainful employment in this country are shown
for the Japanese business men investigated in Seattle, San Francisco,
Los Angeles, Sacramento, Fresno, and Watsonville, in the following
table :
TABLE 35. — First occupation in the United States of foreign-born Japanese, by
occupation abroad.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Occupation abroad.
Number.
Number who were —
In business for self.
Farmers.
Fana hands.
i
03
K
$
A
Cannery hands.
Laborers in industrial
establishments .
Store help.
Restaurant help.
House cleaners.
In domestic service.
Tailors and dyers.
Barbers.
f
1
In other occupations.
Occupation unknown.
o/145
78
a 102
42
1
5
3
2
....
4
23
9
3
35
1
2
2
18
3
6
15
1
1
i
2
"2"
1
....
1
7
5
3?
11
1
4
1
2
51
\t home
1
....
5
3
4
?,
1
4
26
7
1
1
d22
6
....
4
9
7
Laborer in industrial estab-
1
6/53
7
g
4
4
20
2
2
2
2
....
1
4
1
j
Total
439
70
~
88
49
6
3
1
19
18
5
138
2
2
24
j*
B
a Including 12 who came via Hawaii.
» Including 4 who came via Hawaii.
c Including 6 who came via.
d Including 2 who came via Hawaii.
€ Including 1 who came via Hawaii.
/ Including 1 who came from Canada.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
105
TABLE 35. — First occcupation in the United States of foreign-born Japanese, by
occupation abroad — Continued.
WAGE-EABNEBS.
Occupation abroad.
•
Number.
Number who were—
1
(H
.2
a
M
ro
<x>
£
Farm} hands.
Bailroad laborers.
Sawmill laborers.
Cannery hands.
Laborers in industrial
establishments.
Store help.
Bestaurant help.
House cleaners.
In domestic service.
Tailors and dyers.
Barbers.
Wage-earners in city.
In other occupations.
1
3
a
|
O
In business for self
a 53
a elQ
2
13
6
12
43
5
5
6
19
1
4
3
1
1
15
S
2
....
4
3
Farmer .
At home
a!34
6/128
c2
1
....
2
1
2
2
3
1
1
14
4
9
9
1
7
72
32
1
2
9
4
"2"
1
4
Farming for father
Farm hand
Store help
a33
6
3
13
s
1
1
1
R
4
q
2
1
1
2
Laborer in industrial estab-
lishments
7
1
1
Wage-earner in city
In other occupations
•Ml
c9
....
1
ia
5
5
4
1
4
1
Occupation unknown
1
1
Total
424
3
....
99
38
3
5
7
30
28
10
148
9
1
26
3
14
« Including 2 who came via Hawaii.
6 Including 17 who came via Hawaii,
c Including 1 who came via Hawaii.
d Including 4 who came via Hawaii.
t Including 1 who came from Canada.
/Including 1 who came from Mexico.
In addition to the above-mentioned facts there has been a tendency
for men who had acquired a trade at home to seek an opportunity
to engage in it here ; in fact most of them immigrated with the hope
of soon being able to do so. A detailed investigation reveals the
fact that in all of the cities included in the investigation the ma-
jority, and in some instances practically all, of those conducting tailor
shops, barber shops, carpenter shops, and watch-repairing shops had
been tailors, barbers, carpenters, or watchmakers in their native land.
This same correspondence between business engaged in in this country
and abroad is also generally shown in the business of conducting curio
stores, drug stores, and shoe-repairing shops, though in a compara-
tively large number of instances the business engaged in here is
entirely unrelated to the occupation in which they had gained expe-
rience abroad. In most other branches of business it is surprising
to find how few have undertaken branches of business for which their
previous experience would fit them. Nevertheless, the effort of
craftsmen and of others so to establish themselves that they may
profit by their skill and. experience acquired previous to their immi-
gration assists in explaining the rapid growth of numbers in a few
branches of trade.
While the conditions of work, the occupations open to them, and
their wages where employed by others have generally been such as
to place a premium upon entering upon business or farming on their
own accounts, much emphasis must be placed upon the fact that the
Japanese like to be free from the wage relation. That they take
great pride in being independent of that relation is a very important
fact in explaining the spread of Japanese business and independent
farming in this country. Moreover, the opportunities presented in
106
The Immigration Commission.
many branches of business have been attractive, and the profits real-
ized by a large percentage of those engaged in them much larger than
the earnings of the wage-earning classes. The profits realized by
410 proprietors of or partners in Japanese establishments located in
Seattle, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, Fresno, and Wat-
sonville, during the twelve months preceding the collection of the
data, are shown in the following table. The figures given are for
net income derived from the main business conducted only. A
rather large percentage of those from whom information was secured
had 'other incomes from subsidiary business carried on, from invest-
ments, or from labor performed other than in connection with the
business conducted by them:
TABLE 36. — Number of persons having* each specified income during the past
year, and average income, by branch of business engaged in.
I
Nun
iber
havi
nge
ach s
peci
Bed
imoi
int of inco
me.
Business engaged in.
Number reporting com
data.
Under $300.
$300 and under $400.
$400 and under $500.
$500 and under $750.
$750 and under $1,000.
$1,000 and under $1,500.
$1,500 and under $2,000.
$2 000 and under $2,500.
$2,500 or over.
Total income.
Average income.
Restaurant proprietor
54
1
1
5
19
10
6
6
1
5
$69, 430
$1,285.74
Lodging house
46
1
1
16
I1?
9
3
1
3
55, 980
1,216.96
Storekeeper
109
3
1
?9
?7
21
8
7
13
173,790
1,594.40
Barbershop
34
1
1
1
90
10
1
23,844
701. 29
Tailor
21
5
4
s
4
23,970
1,141.43
Shoemaker. .
26
1
3
9
10
1
1
1
21,500
826. 92
Real estate and labor agencies
16
1
?
3
6
1
2
1
20, 120
1,257.50
Laundry
33
6
13
3
4
5
2
36,495
1,105.91
12
1
1
4
•}
3
9,880
823. 33
Miscellaneous .
59
?
?
?6
1?
q
4
3
1
54,740
927. 80
Total
410
4
in
19
143
94
6S
32
15
35
489, 749
' 1,194.51
Of course the success of those who have undertaken business for
themselves is not measured by the profits realized by those who have
remained in business. In estimating the degree of success attained,
those who have failed and returned to the ranks of the wage-earners
must also be taken into consideration. What proportion of the
Japanese engaging in business have failed is not ascertainable. Jap-
anese business establishments have frequently changed hands, but in
the data obtained from wage-earners in city trades, the number who
had at any time engaged in business in this country upon their own
account was found to be very small. It should be stated also that
for reasons set forth in detail below, the figures here given for busi-
ness are not entirely representative of the incomes of Japanese busi-
ness men as a class in other cities and towns as well as the six from
which these data were collected, and exaggerate somewhat the differ-
ences between the incomes of the business men as a class and those of
wage-earners.
Moreover, the profits shown in the table presented are in part to be
regarded as interest upon the capital invested in the business con-
ducted, and the percentage of the total which should be so regarded
varies from trade to trade and from one establishment to another in.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 107
a given trade, because of the differences which are found to obtain.
The data relating to the capital employed in, and the profit realized
from, business establishments in the cities mentioned above are
shown in a table presented below. A comparison of profit and capital
and number of persons working without wages, in each establishment,
shows that upon the whole, when interest upon invested capital is
allowed for, the profits are usually much in excess of the earnings of
the wage-earners from whom data were secured in the same cities, in
spite of the fact that the restrictions placed upon the further immi-
gration of laborers had already adversely affected the business and
profits of a rather large percentage of them. Moreover, with few
exceptions, most of the capital employed represents gains from the
business carried on, so that the incomes shown in the table presented
above show roughly the opportunities offered to the Japanese engaged
in the several branches of business mentioned. This is particularly
true of the proprietors of restaurants, barber shops, tailor, cleaning
and dye shops, cobbler shops, and pool rooms, for few of these em-
ploy as much as $1,000 of capifal in their business. The results of the
investigations made by the agents of the Commission would tend to
show that with the exception of a few instances where the Japanese
have met with organized opposition, as in the restaurant and laun-
dry trades in San Francisco, or where, as in Los Angeles, the grocers
have extended credit too freely to their countrymen who were unsuc-
cessful in farming, the Japanese business men have generally made
good profits.
Of 54 proprietors of restaurants covered by the above table, it will-
be noted that while the incomes realized varied greatly, 19 realized
profits for the year of $500 but less than $750 ; 10, of $750 but less
than $1,000; and 6, of $1,000 but less than $1,500— a total of 35. As
opposed to these, 12 earned $1,500 or over, and 5 employing con-
siderable capital, from $2,600 to $9,600, while 7 earned less than $500.
The average for the 54 was $1,285.74. The 34 proprietors of barber
shops with 4 exceptions earned $500 but less than $1,000; 20 of them,
$500 but less than $750; 10, $750 but less than $1,000— the average
being $701.29. Five proprietors of tailor and dye shops netted for
the year $500 but less than $750; 4, $750 but less than $1,000; 8,
$1,000 but less than $1,500; and 4, $1,500 but less than $2,000— the
average for the 21 being $1,141.43. Of the 26 shoemakers, 4 earned
less than $500; 9, $500 but less than $750; 10, $750 but less than
$1,000; and 3 between $1,000 and $2,500— the average for the entire
number being $826.92. Of 12 proprietors of pool rooms and billiard
parlors, 2 earned less than $500 net; 4, $500 but less than $750; 3,
$750 but less than $1,000; and an equal number $1,000 but less than
$1,500. The average for the 12 was $823.33. The incomes of the
proprietors of other business establishments require no comment.
These incomes have proved attractive to the more ambitious of the
laboring class, and many Japanese working for wages, in answering
the query contained in the schedule used as to why they had come to
the locality in which they resided, stated that they did so with the
expectation of engaging in business for themselves. As they have
accumulated a small capital many of the Japanese have sought an
opportunity tp rise from the ranks of the wage-earning class and
have engaged in business, and a not inconsiderable percentage of the
108
The Immigration Commission.
city wage-earners from whom information was obtained have ex-
pected to do likewise.
Though TO of 439 business men reporting data engaged in business
for themselves, as their first gainful occupation after arriving in this
country, only 20 of 435 reporting the amount of money brought to
this country, had upon their arrival as much as $500; and the total
amount reported by 8 who brought more than $1,000, was only
$30,400. Indeed, only 59 brought as much as $200 ; while 21 brought
$150 but less than $200; 53, $100 but less than $150; 131, $50 but less
than $100; and 171 less than $50. By forming partnerships and to
some extent by means of loans, it would appear that the majority of
those who came as wage-earners soon engaged in business. Complete
information was obtained in Sacramento and Los Angeles for 143 of
these men, with reference to their employments from their arrival
until the time of the investigation. Thirty-one engaged in business
at once, while 112 first worked for wages. Of these 112, however, 24
engaged in business within one year of their arrival, 39 within two
years, 25 within three years, 15 within four years, and the remaining
19 after from four to eleven years. Thus it would appear that the
majority soon established themselves in business and when the amoirnt
of property possessed by them was comparatively small. In some in-
stances this was done by forming partnerships or entering those
already organized or by borrowing money.
The aggregate value of property now controlled by 438 men in
business, as reported by them, was $1,597,900, or an average of
•$3,648.17. Against this, however, were the debts of 178, aggregating
$266,649. The net value of property owned, therefore, was $1,318,916,
or an average of $3,011.22 each. The net value of the property owned
by 437 of the 438, and by 427 wage-earners, most of whom were em-
ployed in the establishments conducted by these business men, is
shown in the following table.
TABLE 37. — Net value of (M property now owned by Japanese 18 years of age
or over.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Years since first arrival in United States.
Number reporting complete
data.
Number having each specified amount of property.
I
-§
a
$50 and under $100.
$100 and under $250.
$250 and under $500.
SSOOandunder^JLOOO.
$1,000 and under $1,500.
$1,500 and under $2,500.
$2,500 and under $5,000.
$5,000 and under $10,000.
I $10,000 and under $25,000.
' | $25 000 or over.
Under 1 year ^
2 years
3
22
26
61
1
2
5
2
1
6
2
3
1
6
18
6
1
6
13
15
43
28
7
2
5
1
6
45
20
3
1
1
5
6
40
21
9
1
3
3
30
18
2
1
4 years *
38
200
105
33
10
c 1
61
1
11
6
5
2
5
2
3
1
1
1
2
3
20 years or over
Total
437
4
....
1
18
35
114
81
82
59
25
11
7
a Including 3 in debt (2 for $7.50 each and 1 for $250).
» Gross value of property minus indebtedness is nothing or less than nothing.
• Having gross value of property $2,000 and encumbrances $4,000.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
109
TABLE 37. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese 18 years of age
or over — Continued.
WAGE-EARNERS.
1
Number having each specified amount of property.
ft
S
Years since first arrival in United States.
8
ft
er $100.
der $250.
cfer $500.
der $1,000.
I
•t
t-i
a>
uder $2,500.
nder $5,000.
mder $10,000.
under $25,000
S3
^3
a
q
a
w
Tl
o
M
1
3
-o
3
T>
3
1
1
s
a
a
S
ja
.
ft
a
S
9
9
0
2
§
g
1
1
•d
a
8
5J
5
«»
8"
1
o"
i
2
1
i
1 vear
29
7
13
6
1
74
7
2
11
28
Ifi
q
<
64
a 5
0
21
17
0
4 years
38
5
18
8
8
2
2
151
629
11
41
88
12
8
2
10 to 14 years
46
17
7
5
2
14
91
6
10
4
2
1
3
1
2
1
15 to 19 years
1
20 years or over
6
3
1
2
Total
427
61
7
35
135
90
63
20
10
5
....
1
....
o Including 1 having no gross value of property and encumbrances $200.
J> Including 1 having deficit of $40.
Forty-three, or 9.8 per cent, of the 437 business men had property
with a net value (over and above all incumbrances) of $5,000 or more;
59, or 13.3 per cent, $2,500, but less than $5,000; 82, or 18.8 per cent,
$1,500, but less than $2,500; 81, or 18.5 per cent, $1,000, but less than
$1,500; while 172, or 39.4 per cent, had property the net value of
which was less than $1,000. Thus the majority of these men have
comparatively little wealth, and hence little capital to invest in busi-
ness. Moreover, for reasons pointed out below, a larger percentage
of these than of Japanese business men as a class have a considerable
amount of property. The men from whom data were obtained can
not be regarded as entirely typical of the class to which they belong.
The above table shows also, when taken in connection with the
amount of money brought, the progress in accumulating property
these men have been able to make. It is a fairly good index to the
degree of success they have realized. The contrast between the
amount of property owned by business men and the wage-earning
class is explained ,partly by the larger incomes the former have
earned and partly by the fact that they have sent less of their earn-
ings abroad. The last-mentioned matter is discussed later in this
report.
The amount of capital employed in Japanese establishments investi-
gated is shown by branches of business engaged in in the following
table. In each case where two or more branches of business are con-
ducted in the same establishment the establishment is entered under
the branch of business of most importance in the given case, and the
full amount of capital, as reported, is imputed to it.
110
The Immigration Commission
TABLE 38.-
-Capital employed in Japanese establishments investigated, by branch
of business.
4!,
A
i
Number of establishments re-
0>
porting capital as—
4
58
.2
s .
'1
£.8
c«x3
.
o
o
Branch of business.
|3
.— '£L
"o c3
"3 °
.L o
*!
n
|
i
5^
S
S3
cT
55
b
8
h
i
•3 tc
a 2-
S fe
o
S3
T3
73
-a
2
|
£.2
*o
o
a
IS
03 T3
8
13
a
3
a
s
o
3
0
0
T3
S3
,Q
9
•
1
•g
s
1
i
£2
C9
!zs
1
EH
>
<
!
1
I
S
1
§
i
Boarding and lodging houses
44
$100, 200
$2 277 27
5
9
14
10
R
n
n
Barber shops
28
21
24, 799
22,800
885.68
1,085.71
11
5
9
s
6
6
2
1
0
1
0
n
0
o
Tailor shops
Art and curio stores
9
222,900
24, 766. 66
0
0
0
9
?
2
3
Books, drugs, and stationery stores
9
9
25, 760
31,000
2, 862. 22
3, 444. 44
0
0
2
0
2
5
4
1
1
3
0
0
0
0
Jewelers and watchmakers ' shops
Meat and fish markets
9
11,100
1,233.33
3
1
3
2
0
0
0
Cake, confectionery, and tobacco stores..
Shoe-repairing shops
16
11
17, 450
3,800
1,090.65
345 45
0
9
10
2
4
0
2
n
0
0
0
n
0
0
Billiard and pool halls
13
23 150
1 776 92
o
3
g
i
1
o
(\
Baths.. -
4
8,600
2, 150. 00
1
0
1
9
0
0
0
Laundries
24
98, 880
4, 120 00
1
g
8
6
o
9
• ]
Restaurants
40
71, 620
17, 905. 00
3
0
IS
11
8
0
0
Provision and general merchandise
stores
32
446 650
13 957 81
0
9
12
q
3
1
B
Miscellaneous establishments '.
44
370, 780
8, 426. 82
11
11
8
7
3
i
3
a Includes value of the real estate occupied by the laundry.
The average amount of capital employed and the relative number
of the larger establishments for the cities and towns of the West,
taken as a whole, are somewhat exaggerated by the figures here given
in practically all cases and very much so in a few. Most of the
exaggeration is due to the fact that the establishments investigated
were located in the several cities mentioned, and that these are among
the cities in which the Japanese have made the greatest progress in
business enterprise, and that in the larger cities the amount of capi-
tal employed and the proportion of the larger establishments are
both materially larger than in the smaller cities and towns. More-
over, in attempting to secure data bearing upon competition between
the Japanese and the other races and for the business of contractors,
in some instances the agents selected for investigation more than a
fair proportion of the larger establishments in the cities investi-
gated. The number of large boarding and lodging houses and pro-
vision and general merchandise stores conducted by labor contrac-
tors investigated constituted a far larger proportion of the entire
number of these than the number of the smaller ones for which data
were obtained. Five of the largest curio stores, conducted by cor-
porations, were investigated, so that the figures for that branch of
business are misleading. The other data are more nearly representa-
tive of conditions in the five cities to which they relate.
For the reasons pointed out, however, the data published in the
Japanese-American Yearbook and presented above, though they
doubtless contain inaccuracies and are in some cases based upon
rough estimates, afford a better index to the size of Japanese estab-
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
ill
lishments and the amount of capital employed. Using approximate
figures, the average amount of capital these reported for 361 board-
ing and lodging houses (including a large number of so-called
"camps" in agricultural districts) is $1,044; for 178 barber shops,
$414; for 106 tailor and cleaning and dye shops, $825; for 84 art
and curio stores (including many general shops), $5,006; for 40
book and drug stores, $1,225 ; for 32 watch-repairing shops and jew-
elry stores, $1,025; for 27 fish dealers (including peddlers), $1,036;
for 23 confectionery stores, $763; for 208 shoe-repair shops, includ-
ing a few shoe stores, $476; for 221 billiard and pool parlors, $616;
for 98 laundries, $2,996 ; for 105 restaurants serving American meals,
$926; for 173 restaurants serving ^Japanese meals and drinks, $861;
for 63 restaurants serving Japanese meals only, $482 ; for 179 provi-
sion stores, $7,923. The average amount of capital for the 2,937
establishments reported for the State was approximately $1,640.
Data relating to the volume of transactions for 282 of the estab-
lishments included in the above table are presented in the following
table. The figures for each establishment were for the twelve
months immediately preceding the collection of the data. The
transactions reported are subject to the same limitations as the fig-
ures in the preceding table.
TABLE 39. — Volume of transactions during the past year, by branch of business.
Branch of business.
Number of establish-
ments reporting trans-
actions.
Aggregate of annual
transactions.
Average amount of
transactions per es-
tablishment.
Number of establishments reporting
volume of transactions as—
a
03
J3 .
«
£
<>f
CJ
DO'
T30_
f
|g
&5
0
1
4
2
3
2
4
0
0
0
0
4
17
4
Is
^ rti
r
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
3
4
1
1
CJ
°~<x>
0
0
1
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
Q
i •
§8
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
1
r
Boarding and lodging houses. . .
Barber shops
a 24
625
c20
9
9
9
16
9
4
/23
40
32
042
$83, 680
65, 680
126,560
390, 000
66,300
59,700
145,300
42,900
12,900
30, 452
10,110
221,740
475, 700
1,131.100
1,525,805
$3, 486. 66
2, 627. 20
6, 328. 00
43, 333. 33
7,366.66
7, 462. 50
16, 144. 44
2, 681. 25
1,433.33
2, 537. 66
2, 527. 50
9, 640. 87
11,892.50
35,315.62
36, 328. 69
0
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
2
9
14
5
0
1
1
9
8
6
1
8
4
2
17
8
5
3
1
2
3
0
6
0
2
2
6
3
9
7
3
2
3
2
2
1
0
1
0
6'
9
8
7
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
3
2
Tailor shops
Art and curio stores
Book, drug, and stationery
stores
Jewelers' and watchmakers'
shops
Meat and fish markets . .
Cake, confectionery, and tobac-
co stores ; . . ; .
Shoe-repairing shops . .
Billiard and pool rooms
Baths
Laundries
Restaurants
Provision and general merchan-
dise stores
Miscellaneous establishments . . .
« Does not include 20 boarding and lodging houses investigated in San Francisco having a total capital
of J49,800 and total profits of $38,450.
* 'Does not include 3 barber shops, 2 investigated in San Francisco and 1 in Seattle, having a total capital
of $1,350 and total profits of $2,400.
c Does not include 1 tailor shop investigated in San Francisco having a total capital of $1,000 and total
profits of $1,200.
t Poesfnot include ! Jeweler's shop investigated in San Francisco having a total capital of $1,300 and
"l,1?0?8,110* ^clude ! billiard and pool room investigated in San Francisco having a total capital of $900
and total profits of $720.
/ Does not include 1 laundry investigated in San Francisco having a total capital of $3,200 and tota
a Does not include 2 establishments, 1 in San Francisco, with a capital of $30,000 and profits reuorted
$1,440; 1 in Sacramento with a capital of $4,900, transactions of $1,650— in business only 3 months.
112
The Immigration Commission.
The profits realized from the business transacted during the period
of twelve months were secured from most of the establishments in-
vestigated. The figures are necessarily in some cases approxima-
tions of the true amounts. On the whole, however, they are re-
garded as fairly accurate.
TABLE 40. — Amount of profits realized during the past year, by branch of
business.
Branch of business.
Number of establish-
ments reporting profit.
Total of profits realized.
Average amount of
profit realized per es-
tablishment.
Number of establishments reporting
amount of profit realized as-
Less than $300.
ll
g-S
i
J5
•»
a
:'l
0^3
$750 and un-
der $1,000.
i
ll
II
£
8
1
8
1
2
1
2
2
0
4
1
5
7
5
13
$1,500 and un-
der $2,000.
1 $2,000 and un-
to co to o o o o i-1 tco o 000*0 (jer 52 500.
1
03
1
£i
3
0
1
1
1
2
1
0
0
0
0
4
3
6
3
Boarding and lodging houses. . .
Barber shops
44
28
21
«5
9
9
9
16
9
13
619
c38
d31
«43
$66,551
20, 440
23,370
6,390
11,760
14,340
' 13,720
13,150
6,360
10,908
3,600
30,235
50,406
69,300
66,840
$1,512.52
730 00
1,112.86
1, 278. 00
1,306.66
1, 593. 33
1,523.33
821. 88
706.66
839.08
900.00
1,591.32
1, 326. 47
2, 235. 48
1,554.42
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
9
3
1
1
0
0
1
0
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
2
1
0
12
16
2
1
3
1
3
6
3
2
2
5
10
7
8
10
9
7
1
3
4
0
2
4
4
1
2
6
8
7
7
0
1
0
0
1
1
1
0
0
0
3
6
1
8
Tailor shops and dye shops
Art and curio stores
Book, drug, and stationery
stores
Jewelers' and watchmakers'
shops
Meat and fish markets
Cake, confectionery, and to-
bacco stores
Shoe-repairing shops . . .....
Billiard and pool rooms
Laundries.. ...............
Restaurants
Provision and general merchan-
dise stores
Miscellaneous establishments...
o Does not include 4 art and curio stores investigated in Los Angeles, having a total capital of $170,000
and total annual transactions of $182,000.
& Does not include 5 laundries investigated in Los Angeles, having a total capital of $6,000, and total
annual transactions of $25,400.
c Does not include 2 restaurants investigated in San Francisco, having a total capital of $1,700, and total
annual transactions of $10,000.
d Does not include 1 grocery store investigated in Los Angeles, having a total capital of $7,500 and total
annual transactions of $140,000.
« Does not include 1 gents' furnishing store investigated in Sacramento, having a total capital of $4,900
and transactions of $1,650 for the 3 months that it has been in business.
While the Japanese first engaged in the restaurant trade, serving
American meals at low prices, chiefly to white workingmen, in
Seattle, Portland, Los Angeles, Denver, and in a large number of
the smaller towns, especially in the Rocky Mountain States, the ma-
jority of the establishments opened by them until recently in the
large centers of population in the West have been primarily to pro-
vide Japanese laborers with Japanese goods or to provide them with
such personal service as they required. In recent years, however,
there has been a tendency to open establishments more with refer-
ence to "American " patronage which may be secured, as is shown by
the expansion of the laundry, barber, tailor and dyeing, and restau-
rant trades in a comparatively large number of localities. Yet this
tendency is not so evident from a comparison of the number of estab-
lishments patronized by Japanese almost or quite exclusively, on the
one hand, and the number of those with a large majority of white
patrons on the other; for the number of small shops catering to the
wants of the Japanese has very rapidly increased. Until recently
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 113
the number of Japanese in the Western States and in the larger cities
has been rapidly increasing.
Inasmuch as the members of the Japanese wage-earning class have
not as a rule been accepted as guests at hotels, boarding and lodging
houses conducted by white men, or been served in white barber shops
or many of the white restaurants, the demand for such establish-
ments, as well as billiard parlors, bathhouses, and the like, conducted
by Japanese, has grown rapidly. With the increasing number of
Japanese, the majority of whom have purchased most of their foods?
drinks, and work clothes from their countrymen, the number of
general supply houses and stores has increased. The number of small
establishments of this kind has increased the more rapidly as more
of the laborers have severed their relations with large labor con-
tractors, who usually sell to the men under their control such sup-
plies as they need. Banks, real estate offices, newspapers, printing
plants, and several other branches of business enterprise, have come
into existence or increased in number as a larger percentage of the
Japanese have ceased to be migratory laborers and as other branches
of business have been developed. In spite of the increase in the num-
ber and size of the establishments having much " white " patronage,
the majority of the Japanese establishments are now engaged in busi-
ness chiefly with the members of the Japanese race.
The minority are competing for white patronage. The situation
as regards the extent to which the Japanese establishments are pat-
ronized by the white races, and the more general effects, as found in
the more important of the localities investigated by the agents of the
Commission, may be briefly presented. Following this, the details
relating to the terms upon which Japanese and others have competed
will be set forth in summary form.
Of the business conducted by Japanese in Seattle, the great Jap-
anese supply center of the Northwest, much is conducted primarily
to meet the wants of their own people, most of whom have immigrated
within the last ten years, many of whom do not speak English, and
who are usually discriminated against in white barber shops, res-
taurants, lodging houses, and places of amusement. The 3 banks, the
17 employment and real estate agencies, the bookstores, and the 51
restaurants serving Japanese meals are patronized exclusively by
Japanese. The same is true, with few exceptions, of the general
supply stores, the few drug stores, the 2 liquor stores, the 7 job print-
ing establishments, the 5 photograph galleries, the 25 billiard parlors
and pool rooms, the 72 boarding and lodging houses, and the 10
expressmen. The patronage by whites is in all of these branches of
business comparatively small. Some of the grocers, and most of the
45 tailors and dyers, the 12 curio dealers, the 7 watchmakers, the 5
shoe repairers, the 5 fish markets, the 36 restaurants serving American
meals, the 46 barber sh<Jps, and the 37 laundries (the smaller hand
laundries excepted), on the other hand, have among their patrons a
very large percentage of white people.
The competition of the Japanese in several of these lines has been
sufficient to give their white competitors serious concern. This is
true particularly of the laundries, tailors and dyers, barbers, restau-
rants serving American meals, and some of the grocery stores,
branches of business in which the Japanese, as a rule, have charged or
114 The Immigration Commission.
now charge somewhat lower prices than their competitors and are in
sufficient number to take as their share more than a small percentage
of the business of the community or of the district in which their
shops are located.
Portland, Oreg., for ten years following the introduction of direct
steamship connection with Japan, in 1887, was the most important
supply center in the Northwest; but more recently this position has
been lost to Seattle. In 1909 there were some 97 business establish-
ments conducted by Japanese in Portland. Practically all of the
establishments, the busiijess of one contractor being an important ex-
ception, are small, and most of the business conducted is incidental
to supplying the needs of the Japanese. In fact, the 10 barber shops,
the 14 restaurants serving American meals, and the 4 art and curio
stores alone have more than a small percentage of white patrons.
Though the prices charged are the same as at the other small barber
shops, about 50 per cent of the patrons of the Japanese shops are
white persons, chiefly laborers. The restaurants serving American
meals have only a very small percentage of Japanese patrons. Inas-
much as the curio stores have been conducted by Asiatics chiefly, the
competition of the Japanese engaged in business has been limited
practically to the barber and restaurant trades.
San Francisco has been the port of arrival of the majority of the
Japanese immigrating to the United States, and has also been a more
important center of Japanese business than any other American
city. Its establishments have been more numerous than those of any
other place, and a larger percentage of the business has been con-
ducted on a large scale. It is here, too, that the Japanese have met
with the strongest resistance offered to their advances and that race
lines are most clearly drawn against the laboring class. The more
than 50 hotels and lodging houses, the 18 barber shops, the 13 bath-
houses, the 28 pool rooms and shooting galleries, and a great many
small shops conducted by Japanese are patronized almost, if not
quite, exclusively by the members of that race. Among the small
shops and other establishments to which reference is made are 8
book stores, 3 drug stores, 7 confectioners' shops, 1 meat and 4 fish
markets, a few fruit stands, a sake store, and 1 sake brewery, the 4
dealers in bamboo goods, and 3 tofu (bean curd) manufacturers. On
the other hand, 2 of 8 photographers have some white patrons, some
of the 22 supply stores and groceries find as many as 20 or 25 per
cent of their patrons among the white people, the watch repairers
and jewelers from 10 to 15, the 18 tailors from 10 to 35, the 34 clean-
ing and dye shops from 30 to 100. The small gentlemen's furnishing
stores also have a small percentage of white patrons. In none of
these cases, however, has the gaining of white trade had any par-
ticular significance. The more complete provision for meeting the
wants of the Japanese has (in some lines) -had more. The 42 art
and curio stores are patronized largely by white persons, but these
compete chiefly with similar stores conducted by the Chinese. The
three branches of business in which the percentage of white patrons
has been large, in which the Japanese establishments have been rela-
tively numerous, and where the prices charged have been compara-
tively low, are the laundries, restaurants serving American meals,
and the shoe-repair shops, to which further reference will be made
presently.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 115
In Sacramento the Japanese have established 2 laundries, 2 res-
taurants serving American meals, 10. barber shops, and 1 gentlemen's
furnishing store outside of the well-defined Japanese quarter, embrac-
ing some five or six city blocks, primarily to secure white patronage.
The vast majority of their places of business, however, are located
within the Japanese quarter. The 37 boarding and lodging houses,
the 7 bathhouses, the 4 small hand laundries, the 28 restaurants serv-
ing Japanese meals, the 4 employment and real estate agencies located
in the Japanese quarter are patronized exclusively by Japanese. The
percentage of white patrons of the 1 dry goods store, the 2 drug
stores, the 4 jewelry and watch-repair shops, the 1 curio store, the 3
fish markets, and 4 confectionery shops is comparatively small. Nor
do the 6 small tailor and dye shops and the 8 gentlemen's furnishing
stores located in the Japanese quarter have a large percentage of
white patrons. On the other hand, from 15 to 40 per cent of the
patronage of the 12 groceries, 2 of which are very large, from a very
small percentage to 30 per cent of that of the 16 barber shops, and
the larger part of the patronage of the 6 restaurants serving Ameri-
can meals, here located, are from white persons.
Thus the number of establishments having a large percentage of
white patrons -is comparatively small, and the establishments, with
the exception of two grocery stores, are small shops. Of much more
importance than the competition for white patronage, however, is
the transference of Japanese trade from white shops formerly
patronized by them to shops established by their countrymen in
recent years, and the change in the population of the district con-
stituting the present Japanese quarter. With the establishment of
tailor shops and gentlemen's furnishing stores some of the white
shopkeepers located in or within a few blocks of the large Japanese
settlement have, within the last few years, lost a part of the business
they formerly transacted with the Japanese. As the Japanese have
come to the district in which they are at present located, the other
races have gradually moved away, partly because of the fact that
the rental value of property has increased as the Japanese have
offered higher rents, partly because of the dislike most white people
evince toward living in or near the Japanese colony. With this
change in the character of the population, the white proprietors of
the small groceries and other stores, the restaurant keepers, barbers,
and others dependent for the greater part upon the patronage of
those who live in the immediate vicinity, have suffered loss of busi-
ness, for the Japanese, for reasons already mentioned, usually
patronize shops conducted by their countrymen.
In Los Angeles the 90 boarding and lodging houses, the 58
restaurants serving Japanese meals, the 2 banks, besides the printing
establishments and some petty manufacture of Japanese goods, are
the principal Japanese places of business patronized exclusively or
ilmost exclusively by the members of that race. The other branches
of business are patronized to some extent, and most of them largely,
by non- Asiatics. From 60 to 90 per cent of the patrons of the 7
laundries, something less than one-half of the patrons of the 26
baths, a little more than one-half of the patrons of the 44 barber
shops, a considerable number of the patrons of most of the 33 pool
halls and billiard parlors, the vast majority of the patrons of the
116 The Immigration Commission.
21 restaurants serving American meals, the majority of the patrons
of the 17 cobbler shops, from 20 to 50 per cent of the patrons of the
16 tailor and dye shops, about 18.5 per cent of the patrons of the
groceries and provision stores investigated, a considerable percent-
age of those o± the 3 fish markets, about one-half of the patrons of
the 5 watch-repairing shops, a small percentage of the patrons of
the 8 drug and book stores, about 30 per cent of those of the 1
liquor store,0 and a considerable percentage of the patrons of several
of the numerous cigar and fruit stands were members of other races
than the Japanese, as were practically all of the patrons of the 15
art and curio stores constituting one of the most important branches
of Japanese business.
With the exception of the art stores and some of the laundries,
practically all of the Japanese establishments are located in or very
near the two districts in which the Japanese have colonized, and most
of their patrons are residents of these same districts. Among them
are some Mexicans, a small percentage of negroes, and a large per-
centage of foreign-born whites of the laboring class. Though a
majority of the Japanese establishments are patronized by other
races, and some of them almost exclusively so, the competition of
these, because of the comparatively small amount of business done by
them, has not been of any special importance except in the case of the
cobbler shops, restaurants, pool rooms, barber shops, and laundries.
The California cities to which reference has thus far been made are
the larger supply centers. Watsonville may be taken as the repre-
sentative of the smaller cities and towns which serve as supply centers
for the farmers and agricultural laborers of the community, with the
qualification that the situation which obtains there is the result of a
longer period of growth, and that Japanese count for much more than
in most of the agricultural centers.
In this town of 5,000 inhabitants the number of Japanese business
establishments is 37. The number of boarding houses patronized by
Japanese only is 10; of restaurants serving Japanese meals, 1; of
billiard and pool rooms and bath houses not frequented by white per-
sons, 4 each. On the other hand, the 2 barber shops, the cobbler shop,
the bicycle shop, and the 3 supply stores have a small percentage of
patronage by white people, while persons of that race constitute the
majority of the patrons of the small hand laundry and of the 5 small
restaurants serving American meals. These are all small establish-
ments save one store conducted by a Japanese corporation, and with
the exception of the restaurants are of no special importance in so far
as their patronage by white persons is concerned. Of more impor-
tance, however, is the more complete provision year after year for
meeting the needs of the Japanese. Most of their wants are now sup-
plied by their countrymen in business. However, one large store,
conducted by a corporation of white men, being in better position to
meet the needs of the numerous Japanese farmers and to extend credit
to them, does more business with the Japanese than the large Japanese
supply house to which reference was made above.
Because of their more recent settlement in the cities and towns of
the Rocky Mountain States, the Japanese have not engaged so exten-
a The others entered in the table are little more than sale agencies.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 117
sively in business there as in the cities of the Pacific Coast States, and
most of the establishments conducted by them are devoted chiefly to
supplying the laborers of that race at work in the rural communities.
The number of Japanese business establishments in Salt Lake City in
1909 was 46 ; in Ogden, 43 ; in Denver, 67. These are the three im-
portant Japanese supply centers of the " Mountain States." In Salt
Lake City the supply and grocery stores and the boarding and lodging
houses, the most important branches of business engaged in by the
Japanese, are patronized almost exclusively by their own countrymen.
On the other hand, the 5 small restaurants serving American meals,
the barber shops and baths, employing 8 men, the 3 curio shops, the
3 small tailor and dye shops, and the largest of 3 billiard and pool
rooms are patronized largely or principally by white persons. These
Japanese establishments are relatively very few, however, and the
prices charged are, as a rule, the same as those charged at numerous
shops of the same general character conducted by the members of
other races. In Ogden most of the Japanese establishments of any
particular importance are directly connected with Japanese labor.
The establishments having any considerable percentage of their
patrons among the white races are the 1 small laundry, with 5 em-
ployees; the 1 restaurant serving American meals; and the 4 barber
shops, with a total of 8 chairs, and the pool rooms connected with
them.
The growth of Japanese business in Denver has been chiefly since
1903 and has been incidental to the employment of many laborers in
the growing of sugar beets. Most of the establishments are located in
the ill-defined Japanese quarter, and the 10 boarding and lodging
houses, the 10 restaurants serving Japanese meals, a bank, a fish
market, 2 confectionery shops, and a drug store are patronized almost,
if not quite, exclusively by Japanese. Two dairies, the 4 supply
stores, the 4 barber shops, and a few other establishments are patron-
ized to some extent by white persons, and in some instances by negroes,
but except in the case of the first mentioned the Japanese patrons con-
stitute a majority. The Japanese establishments are relatively few
and unimportant. Indeed, the only instance in which Japanese com-
petition has been of any importance in Denver was in the restaurant
trade a few years before the influx of any large number of laborers of
that race, and that was successfully opposed by the white restaurant
keepers and their unionized employees.
In the other Rocky Mountain Spates the Japanese establishments
are few, and these few are largely lodging houses and restaurants for
Asiatic laborers and American restaurants and small laundries de-
pending upon American patronage. The only thing noteworthy is
the absence of any feeling against them — save in Butte, Mont., where
they were not permitted to engage in business at all — and the free-
dom with which all classes of white persons patronize • the small
restaurants.
Of much more importance than the extent to which white people
have patronized Japanese establishments in different places is the
basis upon which such competition as has arisen has taken place.
This phase of the matter is best brought out by an account of the
laundry, restaurant, shoe repairing, tailoring and dyeing, barber,
and provision trades, in which alone, it is evident from ^hat lias beerx
118 The Immigration Commission.
said, has there been any great amount of competition between Japa-
nese establishments and those conducted by the members of the vari-
ous white races.
LAUNDRIES.
All told the Japanese conduct perhaps as many as 160 laundries
in the cities and towns of the Western States. Most of these are in
the cities of Washington and California. Of the cities investigated
by the agents of the Commission, the largest numbers were found
in Seattle with 37, San Francisco with 19, Los Angeles with 7, and
Sacramento and Tacoma with 6 each. The approximate number of
persons employed for wages in the Japanese laundries was 275 or 300
in Seattle, 75 in Tacoma, 350 in San Francisco, 30 in Sacramento,
and some 75 or 80 in Los Angeles.
Thus the total number of laborers employed in the 75 laundries
of these 5 cities is 800 or 850. The average number for each
laundry is thus approximately 11; but this would be increased
somewhat were proprietors, frequently two or more partners, in-
cluded in the total given. The small average indicated is due to
the fact that the majority of these laundries are small hand laundries,
employing little capital and few men, and doing a small business.
Twenty-one of the 37 in Seattle are small establishments connected
with Japanese barber shops and bathhouses. Of the 16 independent
establishments, 12 employ about 8 persons each; 1, 15; 2 about 30
each; and the largest about 40 men. In Los Angeles only 2 em-
ployed as many as 20 men, in Sacramento the largest number em-
ployed was 9, in San Francisco, 37. It is significant that 24 laundries
for which detailed information was secured, in Seattle, San Fran-
cisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, and Fresno, employed 213, but that
2 of these were operated without hired assistance, 3 with 1 employee
each, 4 with from 2 to 5, 6 with from 6 to 9, 4 with from 10 to 19,
and 3 with 25, 32, and 37, respectively.
The amount of capital employed was less than $1,000 in 7 of the 24
cases, $1,000 but less than $2,000 in 6, $2,000 in 2, $3,000 in 5, and
$3,'200, $10,000, $15,000, and $40,000 (including the value of the real
estate occupied) in the remaining 4. The gross receipts from the
business conducted during the year preceding the investigation were
less than $2,000 in 4 cases, $2,000 but less than $3,000 in 4, $3,000 but
less than $5,000 in 2, $5,000 but less than $10,000 in 6, $10,000 but less
than $20,000 in 4, and $26,400, $35,000, and $42,000, respectively, in
the remaining 3 of the 23 reporting data relating to their gross earn-
ings for the year. The total grass earnings for the 23 were $220,740,
an average of approximately $9,887.
In all of the five cities to which specific reference has been made,
there are numerous white steam laundries, and in some cases, as in
San Francisco, numerous French hand laundries, in which several
times as many persons are employed as in the Japanese laundries.
In San Francisco alone the employees of the white steam laundries
number 3,000, while those of the Chinese and French laundries in-
crease this number to 5,000 or more. Yet in Seattle, San Francisco,
Los Angeles, Fresno, and in various smaller places serious complaint
has been made of Japanese competition in the laundry trade, while in
San Francisco and Los Angeles organized effort had been made to
limit this competition.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 119
The agents of the Commission found that the majority of the
Japanese laundries, and especially the larger ones, had been estab-
lished during the last few years ; that the larger laundries draw most
of their business from white persons ; that the prices charged for work
done have frequently been less than those charged by white laundry-
men of various races and by French laundrymen in San Francisco;
that Japanese are employed almost exclusively * in laundries con-
ducted by their countrymen; and that while they work longer hours
per day, their wages are smaller than those paid to persons employed
in white steam laundries and to those employed in French laundries
in San Francisco. In Seattle the number of Japanese laundries had
increased from 1 in 1900 to 20 in 1905, and to 37 in 1909. The num-
ber in San Francisco was 8 in 1904 and 19 in 1909. In Los Angeles
the corresponding figures were 2 and 7 (with 4 branches) ; in Tacoma,
3 and 6. Moreover, nearly all of the larger laundries had been estab-
lished during the last few years. The rapid increase of numbers,
though not large as yet, and the introduction of improved methods
has caused the sharing of the laundry business with them to be felt
by the proprietors of white steam laundries in several cities. Unlike
the numerous Chinese hand laundries throughout the West, devoted
largely to doing washing " by the bag," the larger Japanese laundries,
a few of which are equipped with steam, follow American methods.
While in Sacramento, Denver, and Salt Lake the prices charged by
Japanese were found not to differ materially from those charged by
their competitors, in most places there had been a certain amount of
underbidding by the Japanese in order to increase the volume of their
business. This is especially true in Seattle and San Francisco, and
in some of the small cities and towns where the number of laundries
is small. Details bearing upon this point are presented in the special
studies to which reference has been made.
^ The 218 wage-earners employed in the Japanese laundries of San
Francisco, Sacramento, Los Angeles, Seattle, and Fresno were, with
the exception of 9 white persons, Japanese. In Ogden and Denver,
where there are fewer Japanese laborers available for such work,
and where there is not so much opposition to the Oriental races as
there is in the cities of the Pacific Coast States, more white persons
are employed in the few small laundries which have been established.
In Seattle, San Francisco, and Los Angeles the agents investigated
the wages and hours of work in white as well as in Japanese laun-
dries. The hours are rather irregular and vary greatly, but in gen-
eral it may be said that in Seattle those of the Japanese laundries
are regularly from 66 to 69 per week, as against 55 to 60 in white
steam laundries. The corresponding figures for Los Angeles were
8J per day for the larger steam laundries and 10 per day for the
small hand laundries and those conducted by Japanese — all with
much overtime each week.' In San Francisco the hours per week
in Japanese laundries varied from 60 to 72, in 6 French laundries,
from 50 to 63, while in unionized white steam laundries they were
49 per week.
Practically all of the Japanese laborers receive board and lodging
in addition to wages. This, together with different periods for the
payment of wages, makes it difficult to compare the wages of different
classes of laundry employees. In San Francisco, however, the aver-
48296°— VOL 23— 11 9
120 The Immigration Commission.
age wage of 89 Japanese male employees, with board and lodging, was
$28.90 per month; of 32 men and 20 women employed in French
laundries, with board and lodging, $37.69 and $33.18, respectively;
of 52 men and 65 women employed in other French laundries, with-
out board and lodging, $58.56 and $40.53, respectively; of 140 men
and 204 women employed in white steam laundries, these also with-
out board or lodging, $69.74 and $44.33, respectively. It is evident
that if allowance is made for the value of board (it costs the Japa-
nese employer from $8 to $10 per month), the wages of the Japanese
were lower for a longer work day than those paid to the employees
of the competing French and white steam laundries. Similar dif-
ferences, though less great, were found to prevail in the wages paid
to these classes of laundry workers in Seattle and Los Angeles, and
in other places where the details as to wages were ascertained. In Los
Angeles, which is perhaps more nearly typical than San Francisco
of the cities as a whole, the wages of 30 Japanese employed in the 4
laundries investigated and who received board and lodging in addi-
tion to the wages paid, varied from $13 to $45 per month. The
median wage, with board and lodging, was $25, the average $27.30
per month. Two other Japanese were paid $40 and $45 per month,
respectively, without board or lodging, while two German-Russian
women, employed for extra work, were paid $1.50 per day. The 5
white steam laundries investigated employed 179 women and 75
men, of whom 165 were native-born whites, 9 American negroes, 14
English, 10 French, 19 German, 8 Irish, 6 Italian, 8 Scandinavian,
3 Scotch, 3 Welsh, 3 Austrian, 1 Canadian, and 4 Mexican. The
wages paid to men and women as a group varied from $1 to $2 ; the
median wage, without board or lodging, for the two sexes, was $1.50
per day or about $39 per month, full time. If allowance is made
for the cost of boarding and lodging the Japanese laborers (in the
buildings used for laundry purposes) , it is seen that the wages paid
by the white laundries are somewhat higher, though the workday is
shorter.
The increase in the number of Japanese laundries, the increase in
their size, the improvements in their methods and equipment, and the
expansion of their business, though its volume is in no large city more
than a small percentage of the whole, together with the comparatively
low rates of wages which prevail in the Japanese laundries, have
caused the white laundry^ien to fear their competition and in some
places to organize in order to limit it. In Los Angeles, where the
Japanese laundry men, whose establishments were equipped to do
hand work only economically, have taken household linen to the steam
laundries to be laundered at " flatwork rates," this fear has taken the
form of a resolution adopted in May, 1909, by the Laundrymen's As-
sociation to the effect that the members of the organization shall not
accept work brought to them by their Asiatic competitors. Moreover,
a " gentlemen's agreement " is said to exist between the laundrymen
and the laundry machinery supply houses to the effect that the latter
shall not furnish equipment to the Japanese, all of whom are now
conducting hand laundries. In northern California local "Anti-Jap
laundry leagues " are found in several localities, and the formation
of a similar organization has been under consideration in Seattle.
The first of these leagues was organized in San Francisco in March,
1908, by the Laundry Drivers' Union, the Laundry Workers' Union,
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 121
and the proprietors of the white steam laundries. Since then similar
organizations have been effected in Alameda County, San Mateo
County, San Rafael, Vallejo, Stockton, and Fresno. In Vallejo and
Stockton, however, the leagues were short-lived. The methods pur-
sued by these leagues are designed (1) to diminish the white patron-
age of Japanese laundries, and (2) to render it difficult for them to
secure supplies and improve their equipment. Though the methods
employed by the several organizations differ somewhat, those adopted
in San Francisco have been copied by other leagues more recently
organized in so far as they were applicable, and may therefore be re-
garded as fairly typical. Lists of patrons of Japanese laundries
are prepared, and appeals are made in person, by card, or by letter to
these patrons to discontinue sending laundry to Japanese establish-
ments. Billboard advertising, making appeals along the same lines,
has also been resorted to. At the same time, the league has been
active in preventing the granting of the necessary permits to Japanese
to operate steam laundries, and by appeals or threat of boycott the
cooperation of some of the laundry-supply houses has been gained,
with the result that difficulty has been experienced by some of the
Japanese proprietors in securing needed supplies.0
Largely because of the opposition with which they had met, the
proprietors of the Japanese laundries in San Francisco in March,
1909, effected a protective organization known as the Association of
Japanese Laundries of America. Its objects are to protect and to
" promote the development and prosperity of the business of its mem-
bers." In order to do this an " emergency fund " is being formed
from the dues of $2 per month paid by each member until his con-
tributions shall amount to $100. The constitution of the association
provides also for the extension of financial aid to members, and the
lending of laborers in cases where extra help is needed, and for the
regulation of the hours of labor and pay for overtime work.
RESTAURANTS SERVING AMERICAN MEALS.
As already stated, in a number of localities the Japanese, as the
first branchTof business engaged in, have conducted restaurants serv-
ing American meals. This was the case in Seattle, Portland, Los
Angeles, and Denver, and in a much longer list of places, where
restaurants were opened some years before these places became im-
portant as supply centers and when the resident Japanese population
was small. While this is true, the greater number and especially the
larger of these restaurants have been established in recent years, as
the members of this race have accumulated some capital and have
sought profitable employment for it.
The advance in some of the large cities has not been rapid because
of the strong opposition encountered. The number in Seattle has
increased from 10 in 1900 and 21 in 1905 to 36 in 1909 ; in Tacoma
from 4 in 1905 to 5 in 1909; in Los Angeles from 21 in 1904 to 25
in 1909. In Portland the number in 1891 was 4 ; in 1900 and also in
1909, 14. In San Francisco there were 8 in 1904, and more than 30 in
°A full account of the methods employed by the Anti-Jap Laundry League
will be found in the special report on the " Japanese in city trades and employ-
ments in San Francisco." Details will be found in the published proceedings
of its Pacific coast conventions held in December, 190$, and May, 1909.
122 The Immigration Commission.
1906, but because of strong opposition the number in 1909 had de-
creased to 17. In the smaller towns the progress has been much more
rapid, for the opposition has not been great, and, unlike that in the
larger cities^ has been unorganized. In many of the smaller places
the conducting of restaurants serving American meals is the most
important branch of Japanese business enterprise. Moreover, in
many of these places the small number of these restaurants consti-
tutes a much larger percentage of the total than the larger numbers
in the cities constitute of the larger number found there.
Most of the Japanese restaurants are small and sell meals for
10, 15, or 20 cents " and up." The approximate number of persons
employed in the 36 restaurants in Seattle is 200; in the 5 in Tacoma,
40 ; in the 14 in Portland, 94 ; in the 25 in Los Angeles, 125 ; in the
17 in San Francisco, 125. Most of them are patronized to some extent
by Japanese who prefer American meals, but the great majority of
the patrons in all cities are white persons, and principally of the
laboring and low-salaried classes. Their competition is Avith the
" quick-lunch " houses and the third and fourth class restaurants.
The more extensive investigations of the restaurant trade were made
by the agents of the Commission in Seattle, Sacramento, and Los
Angeles. The details relating to the restaurants investigated may
be found in the special reports dealing with the Japanese in city
trades and employments in those cities.
In Seattle the Japanese restaurants serve 10 or 15 cent meals and
are located, some in the older shopping district, some near indus-
trial establishments, and some in the Japanese quarter. Previous
to 190T the price of meals was uniformly 10 cents. At that time,
however, a union was formed, and the price was increased to 15 cents
which now prevails except in a few establishments the proprietors
of which did not become members of the organization. But, what-
ever the price charged, the agent of the Commission, as a result of his
investigation, is of the opinion that the restaurants serve better meals
at the price than the majority of their competitors, " white restau-
rants," also serving 10 and 15 cent meals. The former were found
to have an advantage in the wages paid employees. In the 9 Jap-
anese restaurants investigated it was found that first cooks were
paid from $35 to $TO per month, with board and, as a rule, with
lodging, the greater number being paid $35, $40, or $45 per month;
second cooks were paid from $32 to $42 per month ; and third cooks
from $30 to $40. In 6 white restaurants conducted in the same locali-
ties, two of them by Slovenians and one by Greeks, cooks were paid,
with board and usually with lodging, $16, $17, and $18 per week,
and 2 head cooks $100 and $150 per month, respectively. The
Japanese male waiters employed were paid from $25 to $40, the pre-
vailing rate being $30 per month, or $1 per day. A few white
waitresses were also employed in these Japanese establishments at the
current rates — $8, $8.50, and $9 per week, with board. In the white
restaurants, 8 waiters were paid $10; 3, $12; 2, $14; and 2, $15 per
week. The waitresses were paid at the same rates as in the Japanese
restaurants. The "general^' and "kitchen" help in the Japanese
restaurants were paid as follows: 5, $25; 1, $28; 1? $29; and 3, $30
per month. In the white restaurants men were paid $8, $9, $10, or
$11, and women $8 per week.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 123
The wages of the Japanese men employed by their countrymen are
thus shown to be smaller than those of the white men employed in
the competing restaurants. Within the districts in which the Jap-
anese restaurants are located their competition has been seriously
felt, and a few white restaurants have been closed because of the
smallness of profit. The same is true, however, of some Japanese
establishments which were not well managed, for in this trade the
expense account depends far more upon economy and intelligence
in management than upon the cost of labor.
In Los Angeles the same general situation obtains, except that some
of the white proprietors of cheap restaurants investigated employed
Japanese as "kitchen help." About the same differences as in Seattle
are found in the wages paid. An added source of disadvantage en-
countered by the white restaurant keepers in one of the districts
in which the Japanese have settled is that there has been a gradual
change -in recent years in the racial composition of the community.
In Sacramento also it was found that higher wages were paid to
the employees of 4 restaurants conducted by Americans, Germans,
Danes, and Slovenians than in the Japanese establishments near by
and which sold meals of the same general character at about the same
price — 10 and 15 cents " and up."
In almost all, if not in all, of the larger cities of the Pacific Coast
States, and in Denver, the Japanese restaurants have met with oppo-
sition from organized labor. This has taken the form of union rules,
sometimes vigorously enforced by fines in cases of violation, and of
more general boycotts in Denver, San Francisco, and Seattle. As a
result of the cooperation of the restaurant keepers and the cooks and
waiters in Denver several years ago, the several Japanese restaurant
keepers found it impossible to secure supplies and were forced to
suspend business. They have not since engaged in this trade. In
San Francisco the rioting directed against the Japanese restaurants
as a result of a boycott conducted by the Cooks and Waiters' Union
in 1906 resulted in considerable damage to property, and has been
primarily responsible for the decline of the Japanese restaurant
trade, which for some time, and especially after the fire earlier in the
year mentioned, had been expanding rapidly.
BARBER SHOPS.
Another branch of Japanese business which has expanded rapidly
and which has secured the patronage of a comparatively large num-
ber of white persons, most of them residents of the poorer districts of
the cities in which the Japanese quarters are generally found, is that
of conducting barber shops. This increase in the number of shops
has been more rapid in such cities as Seattle, Tacoma, Portland,
Sacramento, Los Angeles, Fresno, and Ogden, where they have not
met with strong and persistent opposition, than where there has been
strong opposition to the Japanese, as in San Francisco and Denver.
The number of shops in Seattle increased from 1 in 1894, to 12 in
1900, to 18 in 1905, to 46 in 1909 ; in Tacoma from 2 in 1905, to 9 in
1909 ; in Portland from 2 in 1900, to 10 in 1909 ; in Los Angeles from
18 in 1904, to 44 in 1909 ; in Fresno from 6 in 1900, to 10 in 1904, to
12 in 1909; in Sacramento from a few in 1900 to 26 in 1909. In
124 The Immigration Commission.
Ogden there are 4 shops, but elsewhere in the Rocky Mountain
States they are few and of little consequence. In San Francisco,
where there has been much friction between the Japanese and the
white races, the Japanese shops are seldom patronized by white per-
sons, and the number of Japanese shops has increased and diminished
with the increase and decrease in the size of the Japanese popula-
tion. The number of shops in 1894 was 2; in 1899, 6; in 1904, 21 ; in
1909,. 18. In most of the other cities mentioned, however, the num-
ber of Japanese shops has increased more rapidly than the popula-
tion of that race, and they not only are sufficient to meet the needs
of the Japanese patrons, but find a large percentage of their patrons
among the other races, and especially among the members of the
laboring classes who live in or near the districts occupied in part by
the Japanese. The increase in the amount of this white patronage
has made possible a part of the progress shown in this trade.
The great majority of the Japanese barber shops are of the same
type as those characteristic of the districts in which they are located.
With few exceptions, the most important of which is a shop in Los
Angeles in which 12 white barbers are employed, they have only
1, 2, or 3 chairs, the proprietor usually working alone, or with the
assistance of his wife or that of 1 employee. A total of 143 men
were employed in the 46 shops in Seattle, 20 in the 9 in Tacoma, 31
in the 10 in Portland, about 50 in the 26 in Sacramento, 33 in the 18
in San Francisco, about 100 in the 44 in Los Angeles, 14 in the 12 in
Fresno, and 8 in the 4 in Ogden. It is evident from the number of
persons thus engaged in these cities that the trade has assumed
greater proportions in Seattle, Los Angeles, and Sacramento than
elsewhere. The agents of the Commission investigated the trade in
these three cities, taking schedules for competing white shops as well
as for the Japanese.
In Seattle the competition of the Japanese barbers, because of the
rapid increase in number and the low prices charged, has been keenly
felt — more so, perhaps, than in any other trade. The barbers of this
race are competing with a large number of small shops of the same
general character and a smaller number of larger shops, the former
conducted by the members of various white races, the latter chiefly
by Americans and located in the older business district adjoining
the Japanese quarter of the city. Of 10 Japanese shops investigated,
2 reported that 30 per cent of their patrons were white persons; 2,
50 per cent; 2, 60 per cent; 1, 80 per cent: and 3, 90 per cent. White
persons constitute perhaps two-thirds of the patrons of the Japanese
shops, taken as a whole.
Since 1902 the prices charged by the Japanese barbers have been
determined by a union which they then organized. Previous to 1907
the price for hair cutting was 15 cents; for shaving, 10 cents; but
upon reorganization of the union at that time the former price was
raised to 25 cents. Moreover, in some shops white customers are
charged 15 cents for shaving. With the increase in the number of
these Japanese shops the union scale in white shops has been lowered
from 35 cents to 25 cents. Moreover, some of the " downtown "
shops have reduced the price for shaving from 15 cents to 10 cents,
in order, it is said, to meet the Japanese competition. Some of the
white barbers on First Avenue South have changed locations because
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 125
of the severe competition. In the several white shops investigated,
all located near Japanese shops, the barbers were paid a percentage
of their gross earnings, with a minimum wage guaranteed. Nine-
teen of the barbers employed in these shops reported their average
earnings as about $16, while 24 reported their average earnings as
about $18 per week. The Japanese barbers working for wages are
paid less. Those employed in the 10 shops investigated received
either $45 or $50 per month without, and from $15 to $30 per month
with, board and lodging, the cost of which may be reckoned at from
$10 to $12 per month.
In Los Angeles the Japanese shops are freely patronized by other
races as well as by Japanese, the proportions of the latter varying for
the 8 shops investigated from 1 to 90 per cent and averaging between
48 and 49 per cent. Some of the patrons are negroes and Mexicans,
and practically all reside near the Japanese shops, which, with the
exception of two, are located in the two districts of the city in which
the Japanese have settled in large numbers. The prices charged by
the Japanese barbers are uniformly 15 cents for hair cutting and 10
cents for shaving, which, with few exceptions, have been the rates
charged at other shops located in the same districts. In a few shops
conducted by other races, however, the prices charged have been even
less. The union prices in the larger shops in other parts of the city
are 25 cents for hair cutting and 15 cents for shaving, while the prices
in still other shops are 20 and 10 cents. The patronage of Japanese
shops is almost entirely local in character, however, and the effects of
any competition equally restricted. The Japanese barbers in the
majority < f the shops are paid $30, $35, $40, or $45 per month with
board and lodging, but those in other shops, following the general
rule in this trade, are paid 60 per cent of their gross earnings without
board and lodging. In 5 white shops located near some of these
Japanese establishments 10 barbers earned on the average $61 per
month on the same percentage basis, while 1 was paid $10 per week.
Thus the white and Japanese proprietors compete on about equal
terms as regards wages and prices. Yet the former complain of the
loss of business, and some have closed their shops. The explanation
of the loss of business is evidently due to the increase in the number
of shops and the change which has taken place in the character of the
population of the two districts in which the Japanese have settled.
Formerly in Sacramento all of the Japanese shops were located in
the " Japanese quarter," but in recent years several have been located
in another district of the city. The white patrons of the 16 shops
located in the first-mentioned district vary from practically none to
50 per cent, while those of the 10 located in the latter district vary
from 50 to 80 per cent of the total. Partly because of the increase in
the number of Japanese shops, and partly because of the lower prices
which they have until recently charged, the barbers of other races
complain of the competition. The prices charged at the Japanese
shops have been determined by the union which has been maintained
in the trade and previous to July, 1909, were 20 cents for hair cutting
and 10 cents for shaving. In July, 1909, however, the former price
was raised to 25 cents, so that now the Japanese prices are the same
as those which have prevailed in the white shops of these districts of
the city. In other shops not far away, however, the price for shaving
126 The Immigration Commission.
is 15 cents. The chief complaint on the part of other barbers,
however, is the increase in the number of Japanese shops, which has
resulted in the sharing of the trade among a greater number. It was
found, however, that a large percentage of the shops conducted by
other races had also been established during the few years in which
the Japanese shops have increased in number most rapidly.
In Stockton and Fresno, where the Japanese have opened a number
of shops and have secured a considerable patronage by white persons,
the situation differs from the preceding in that for some time there
has been an agreement between the proprietors of white union shops
and the Japanese Barbers' Union as to the prices which shall be
charged. The difference in details between the two cities are not
material. In Fresno the white patrons, chiefly laborers, of the 4
small Japanese shops investigated, constituted from 10 to 80 per
cent of the total number. Most of this patronage has been secured
in recent years, and especially shortly previous to 1907, when the
prices charged were much lower than those maintained by union
white barbers. Until that time the price for hair cutting maintained
by the Japanese union had been 15 cents, for shaving 10 cents, while
the union white shops maintained the scale of 35 and 15 cents re-
spectively. This difference in prices, with the increasing number of
Japanese shops, caused a loss of patronage of some of the competing
barbers. To prevent this an agreement was entered into in 1907
providing that the Japanese shops should adopt the union (white)
scale for their white patrons. At the same time 25 cents a*id 15
cents were fixed upon as the prices to be charged Japanese patrons.
Some months later, however, the price for hair cutting at Japanese
shops was reduced to 25 cents for all patrons in order to meet the
competition of some nonunion white shops which had been opened
and in which this price obtained.
SHOE REPAIRING.
Shoe repairing is another trade in which the Japanese have made
rapid progress in recent years in California. The first establish-
ment was opened in San Francisco in 1890, but many if not most
of the 189 shops which in March, 1909, were on the list of the
Japanese Shoemakers' Union have been started in the last six years.
The number in Los Angeles in 1904 was 2; in 1909, 17; in San
Francisco in 1904, 60; in March, 1909, 72. The great majority of the
shops are located in the cities about San Francisco Bay, but one or
more are found in most of the towns of the northern part of the
State in which any Japanese have settled. In the cities and towns
of other States the number of shops is very small and of no particular
significance.
The Japanese cobbler shops are small and the older handwork
methods are followed in making repairs. Practically all, if not all,
of the master journeymen, journeymen, and apprentices employed
in the Japanese shops in California are members of the Shoemakers'
Union to which reference has been made, and in 1909 numbered 298.
In Seattle, Sacramento, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and in all
other localities in which the shoe-repairing trade was investigated
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 127
the Japanese prices were found to be lower than those which ordi-
narily prevail in the competing shops conducted by white craftsmen,
most of them also foreign-born, in the same localities. This under-
bidding, together with changes in population, has given rise to much
complaint of Japanese competition in such places as San Francisco
and Los Angeles, where the number of Japanese shops in certain
districts has become comparatively large.
In Los Angeles, where most of the cobbler shops established by
Japanese are located in the older of the two districts in which the
members of that race have settled, and in which as a result of the
incoming of Japanese the composition of the population has changed,
the proprietors of small cobbler shops located near by have lost much
of their business. They have been adversely affected also by the
competition of better equipped shops in other parts of the city. A
large percentage of the patrons of the Japanese shops are white
people, living or working in the vicinity of the shops. The chief
inducement they have to patronize these shops is the lower prices
which are charged for repairs. The price for half-soling men's
shoes, hand sewed, is $1 or $1.25 at white, 90 cents at Japanese shops.
Corresponding differences were found to obtain in the prices charged
for other kinds of repair work.
In San Francisco, where the Japanese shops number more than TO
in a total of perhaps 1,000, the cobblers of other races located in some
districts complain of underbidding by Japanese and of the increase
of the number of cobblers, among whom the smaller amount of repair
work since the fire of 1906 has been shared. The agents of the Com-
mission found that the Japanese shops located in the city blocks in
which many members of that race reside had white and Japanese
patrons in about equal numbers, but that white persons constituted
from 85 to 95 per cent of the patrons of the shops located elsewhere.
Though the price charged for half-soling shoes is $1.25, as against
90 cents in Los Angeles, the practically uniform prices of the Japanese
cobblers were found generally to be lower than the varying prices of
the white cobblers, most of whom are foreign-born, with almost every
prominent European race represented among them. The net incomes
of 17 Japanese cobblers investigated varied from $40 to $80, and
averaged $61.76 per month. The net earnings of an equal number of
white cobblers whose shops were in the same localities varied between
$400 as a minimum and $1,200 as a maximum, and averaged slightly
less than $800 ($799.06) per year.
Most of these Japanese shoemakers were engaged in the same craft
before immigrating to this country. The craft was well organized in
Japan, and in this country a corresponding organization was effected
in 1893, when the number of shoemakers of that race in California
was about 20. This organization not only fixes a scale of prices to be
charged, usually minimum prices, but controls the location of shops
and protects and furthers the interests of its members in various
ways. In opening shops no two (Japanese shops) may be located
within 1,000 feet of each other. A member of the union opening a
shop in a locality where no Japanese shop is in existence may be
assisted by a loan of money from the organization not to exceed $50
in all. The union also maintains a supply house in San Francisco
128 The Immigration Commission.
and several thousand dollars of the " business fund," accumulated
from dues paid, are invested in the stock of goods carried. Most of
these goods are purchased from two firms in the East and are sold to
the members of the organization at an advance of 10 per cent on the
cost. Finally, this organization controls apprenticeship to the trade,
and maintains a system of fraternal benefits along the lines commonly
followed by craft organizations. The advantages in competition
derived from the organization are apparent.0
TAILORING, CLEANING, AND DYEING.
In the cities and towns in which Japanese business was investigated
by the agents of the Commission, there were 136 tailor shops, clean-
ing and dye shops, and dressmaking establishments. The great ma-
jority of these have been started in recent years. In San Francisco
the number of such establishments was 5 in 1899, 15 in 1904, and 52
in 1900; in Los Angeles, 2 in 1904, and 16 (2 of which were dress-
making establishments) in 1909; in Seattle, 4 in 1900, 12 in 1905, and
45 in 1909. In the smaller cities and towns, such shops as have been
established have been opened in recent years. Practically all of these
shops are small and the majority are devoted to cleaning, dyeing, and
pressing clothes as their main business. Of the 45 shops in Seattle
only 5 have more than 5 employees each. In San Francisco 54 pro-
prietors and 101 wage-earners — a total of 155 — were employed in the
52 shops, while the corresponding number for the 16 shops in Los
Angeles was about 40.
These small shops are located in the districts settled in part by
Japanese and compete with many shops of a similar character con-
ducted by the members of other races. In Seattle white persons con-
stituted from 10 to 90 per cent of the patrons of 7 shops investigated.
The corresponding figures for 4 shops in Los Angeles were 20 to 50
per cent, for 7 in San Francisco 10 to 100 per cent. The percentage
of white patrons of a shop depends largely upon its location, for the
business is almost entirely local in character, and upon the relative
importance of tailoring as opposed to dyeing, cleaning, and pressing.
Few white persons have suits made by Japanese tailors, while a large
percentage of the Japanese do in San Francisco, Seattle, and Los
Angeles, and a smaller percentage in Sacramento. The competition
of Japanese tailors has not been seriously felt except in those cases,
as in Sacramento, where as their shops have been established a part
of the Japanese patronage which had been given to a limited number
of white tailors has been transferred to them. In Seattle, San Fran-
cisco, and Los Angeles, however, these shops have secured a large per-
centage of the cleaning and pressing of suits for white persons resid-
ing near by. In Los Angeles this is usually done at the prices which
have prevailed in the same localities — 50 cents per suit for pressing
and 75 cents for cleaning and pressing. In San Francisco the same
prices with correspondingly low prices for other work, prevail in the
«A fuller account of the Kako Domei Kwai, or Japanese Shoemakers' Union,
and of the circumstances under which the first cobblers immigrated to California
and opened shops, will be found in " The Japanese in city employments and
business in San Francisco, Cal."
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 129
Japanese shops. Here the prices are lower than those generally
charged at shops conducted by other races, if the poorest shops are
excepted.
The prices now charged were established as minima by the Japan-
ese Suit Cleaning Union, which was organized in February, 1909, and
which has as members the majority of the proprietors of cleaning,
pressing, and dye shops. The competition of the Japanese cleaners
and dyers has been more far-reaching in its effects in Seattle than
elsewhere, if some small places, such as Bellingham, Wash., are
excepted. In Seattle the agent of the Commission found that " high-
class " and even " second-class " tailors were not affected by Japanese
competition, but that the third-rate shops, and especially those which
do cleaning and pressing as their chief business, were quite seriously
affected. The Japanese tailors make suits for less money than white
men and their workmanship is often as good. The charge for press-
ing suits has been reduced from $1 to 50 cents, and for pressing
trousers from 25 cents to 15 cents, on account of low Japanese prices.
Even at these rates the white establishments have lost much of their
business to Japanese.
A few white tailors are employed in the larger Japanese shops in
Seattle and one is employed in the largest shop in Los Angeles.
These men are cutters or other skilled workmen. The other em-
ployees are Japanese. The wages paid in the shops investigated in
Seattle, San Francisco, and Los Angeles varied from $20 to $65
per month with board and lodging; from $40 to $55 with lodging
only; and from $35 to $80 per month with neither board nor lodging.
The average monthly wage of 26, with board and lodging, was
$39.23 ; of 8, with lodging only, $47.50 ; of 8, with neither board nor
lodging, $51.88. Still other Japanese were employed at piece rates
as are most of the workmen in American shops.
PROVISION AND GROCERY STORES.
The number of provision and grocery stores in the cities and towns
in which Japanese business was investigated in 1909 numbered 124.
Some of these are large establishments engaged chiefly in providing
Japanese laborers employed in railroad and other work in country
places with canned goods and other staple supplies, chiefly of Jap-
anese origin. At the other extreme are many small establishments
carrying Japanese and American goods in stock in varying propor-
tions and patronized by varying percentages of white persons and
Japanese. The stores of the large cities are located in the districts
in which the Japanese are settled in largest numbers, and with the
more specialized stores which have developed meet most of the wants
of the Japanese save for clothing of a superior type. In Seattle,
Sacramento, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and elsewhere, it was
found that the Japanese traded chiefly at stores conducted by their
countrymen, though some of them have shown a tendency to seek
better service or better bargains elsewhere.
The number of Japanese provision and grocery stores has increased
rapidly in all of the cities in which the Japanese population is large.
In Seattle they numbered 16 in 1905 and 26 in 1909 ; in San Fran-
130 The Immigration Commission.
cisco, 10 in 1904 and 22 and 1909 ; in Los Angeles, 6 in 1904 and 27 in
1909. In Sacramento there are now 12, most of which have been
established in the last five or six years. This increase is due partly to
the increase of the Japanese populations of these cities during this
time, partly to the fact that a smaller percentage of the laborers are
now controlled by contractors and provided with supplies by them,
and partly by an increasing amount of patronage by other races.
In Seattle an agent of the Commission investigated 9 of the 26
grocery stores. Making allowance for differences in the volume of
business transacted, a little less than three-fifths of their patrons were
white persons, while some $51,800 of the total $96,800 of sales were
of goods of Asiatic origin, most of which, together with some goods
of non-Asiatic origin, were sold to Japanese. It is evident that the
larger part of the business is done with Japanese. These stores are
located in a district in which there are a large number of small shops
and a small number of larger grocery stores. A large percentage
of the small shops are conducted by Greeks, Italians, and Servians,
and these places are patronized chiefly by persons of the same race
as the proprietor. The competition of the Japanese has been chiefly
with the stores conducted by other races than those just mentioned.
While their rents are a larger percentage of their receipts, the wages
paid to their employees were found to be lower than those paid in the
few large white stores investigated by the agent. The wages of the
11 employees of 7 Japanese stores (the other 2 investigated were con-
ducted without hired assistance) averaged $29.55 per month, with
board and lodging, while the wages of the white men employed in
other stores were very much larger.
The competition which exists in Seattle is purely local. In Sacra-
mento, on the other hand, 2 of the 12 grocery stores employ large
amounts of capital, and though located in the Japanese quarter, sell
and deliver goods to families living in all parts of the city. From 30
to 70 per cent of the customers of 5 stores investigated were white
persons, but their purchases were reported as being from 15 to 40
per cent of the total, and Japanese goods from 50 to 70 per cent of
those sold. The facts that most of the goods were of Japanese
origin and that most of the sales were to Japanese, while the majority
of the customers were white persons, is due to the large amount of
business done with Japanese agricultural " bosses " and Japanese
farmers who purchase supplies in large quantities for their em-
Eloyees. While some of the Japanese grocers are selling goods to
imilies living in various parts of the city, their competition affects
the small grocers in and near the Japanese quarter far more than
others.
The Japanese sell at somewhat lower prices than other grocers in
Sacramento. Not only do they sell at lower prices, they also pay
lower wages than the white proprietors of 5 groceries located in the
same part of the city. The wages of 11 Japanese clerks and drivers
varied between $25 and $40 and averaged $31.59 per month, with
board and lodging. The wages of 9 white male and 2 female em-
ployees in white stores varied between $40 as a minimum and $90 as
a maximum, and averaged $63.82 per month, without board and
lodging. The most serious disadvantage under which the white
storekeepers have labored, however, is that most of their trade is
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 131
local, and that with the influx of the Japanese, many of their white
patrons have moved to other parts of the city.
An agent of the Commission investigated 9 of the 27 Japanese
grocery and provision stores in Los Angeles. Their annual sales
aggregated $423,400. More than one-half, 51.5 per cent, of the goods
sold were of non-Japanese origin, much of it being rice grown in
Texas, and about 81.5 per cent of the sales were made to Japanese,
a large percentage of them farmers in Los Angeles County and
" bosses " of agricultural labor in the southern part of the State,
who purchase provisions in large quantities for the men who work
under their control. Such competition as has developed in this
branch of trade has been scarcely felt by white grocers. At any rate,
no especial complaint of Japanese competition was made by these
men. Twenty-three Japanese men, 1 Japanese woman, and 1 white
woman were employed in the 9 stores investigated. Omitting two
managers, the wages of the 21 men varied between $30 and $50, and
averaged $38.24 per month, with board and lodging. In San Fran-
cisco the competition between Japanese and other races is even less
than in Los Angeles. The white patronage of Japanese provision
stores investigated varied from 5 to 25 per cent of the total. About
50 per cent of the goods sold were reported to be of Asiatic origin.
ORGANIZATION.
Another detail of interest in connection with Japanese business is
the extent to which they are organized into associations to limit com-
petition among themselves or to protect themselves from injury by
others and to further their own interests. Reference has been made
to the Shoemakers' Union, in which practically, if not quite, all of
the Japanese shoemakers of California have membership. The bar-
bers are organized in almost every city in which more than a few
shops have been established, to provide for relief of those in distress
and to control apprenticeship, hours for opening and closing, and
the prices which shall be charged. Among the places in which such
unions exist are Seattle, Portland, Sacramento, Fresno, and Stock-
ton. Organizations are even more generally found in the restau-
rant trades, among restaurants serving Japanese meals and drinks,
as well as among those serving American meals. Prices are con-
trolled, as well as other matters of mutual interest to the trade.
The boarding-house keepers are commonly very well organized,
especially those who are also labor contractors. The proprietors of
laundries are usually organized where more than a few exist, as in
Seattle and San Francisco, to standardize wages and hours, and in
some instances, as in San Francisco, to provide for their mutual
defense. Other interesting instances of organization are found
among the carpenters, the expressmen, and watchmakers in Sacra-
mento, among the suit cleaners in San Francisco, among the tailors
of San Francisco and Oakland, and among the house cleaners in San
Francisco. The more important details relating to these organiza-
tions are set forth in the special reports dealing with the Japanese in
the cities mentioned. They are of interest here: (1) As an expres-
sion of a tendency exhibited still more extensively in their native
land, to organize the crafts and branches of business; (2) as an evi-
132
The Immigration Commission.
dence in a large number of instances of the ruinous competition
among themselves, said to exist at the time of organization because of
new men constantly entering the trade and reducing profits; and (3)
as a factor affecting the competitive ability of the Japanese engaged
in the businesses in which these organizations exist.
SUMMARY.
A general summary of the persons employed for wages in the
Japanese establishments for which schedules were taken in Seattle,
San Francisco, Sacramento, Los Angeles, and Fresno, shows that
of the 679 only 19 were white persons, and of the 660 Japanese all
but 10 were males. The earnings of the 10 Japanese women were as
follows: $15, but less than $20 per month in 6 cases; $20, but less than
$25 in 1 case ; and $25, but less than $30 in the remaining 3 cases, with
board and lodging in all cases. Twenty-three of the Japanese males
were paid at piece rates or on a commission basis. The earnings
per month of the remaining 627 are shown in the following tables,
those receiving board and lodging, those receiving board only, those
receiving lodging only, and those receiving neither board nor lodg-
ing, in addition to their money earnings, being distinguished:
TABLE 41. — Number of male Japanese employees with each specified amount of
earnings per month, with board and lodging, by branch of business.
Branch of business.
Un-
der
$20.
$20
and
under
$25.
$25
and
under
$30.
$30
and
under
$35.
$35
and
under
$40.
$40
and
under
$.5.
$45
and
under
$50.
$.50
and
under
$00.
$60
and
under
$70.
$70
or
over.
Total.
Hotels
C
7
2
1
4
1
2
1
3
G
1
18
3
24
26
3
5
12
4
5
3
1
159
118
60
27
1
Tailor shops
1
6
1
1
1
3
3
1
1
6
3
1
6
2
7
3
"~3
Book, drug, and stationery stores.
1
.....
3
3
Meat and fish markets
3
Cake, confectionery, and tebacco
1
3
1
1
1
1
1
1
Bathhouses
19
5
15
3
3
24
15
18
50
33
8
7
30
33
13
6
5
16
8
11
4
6
5
12
5
4
2
Restaurants
2
1
1
Provisions and general merchan-
TABLE 42. — Number of male Japanese employees with each specified amount of
earnings per month, with board, by branch of business.
Branch of business.
Un-
der
$20.
$20
and
under
$25.
$25
and
under
$30.
$30
and
under
$35.
$35
and
under
$40.
$40
and
under
$45.
$45
and
under
$50.
$50
and
under
$00.
$00
and
under
$70.
Total.
1
1
1
3
1
1
2
2
1
1
1
3
1
1
2
2
2
1
1
i
2
33
8
2
2
1
4
53
1
1
1
3
2
6
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
133
TABLE 43. — Number of male Japanese employees with each specified amount of
earnings per month, with lodging, by branch of business.
Branch or business.
Un-
der
$20.
$20
and
under
$25.
$25
and
under
$30.
$30
and
under
$35.
$35
and
under
$40.
$40
and
under
$45.
$45
and
under
$50.
$50
ana
under
$60.
$60
and
under
$70.
Total.
Tailor shops .
1
2
3
6
Book drug and stationery stores . .
1
1
Meat and fish markets
1
1
Miscellaneous establishments.. . .
1
1
2
TABLE 44. — Number of male Japanese employees with each specified amount of
earnings per month, without board or lodging, by branch of business.
brunch of business.
IH
$20 and un-
der $25.
$25 and un-
der $30.
$30 and un-
der $35.
30
i*
$40 and un-
der $45.
$45 and un-
der $50.
$50 and un-
der $60.
$60 and un-
der $70.
3d
$80 and un-
der $90.
$100 or over.
3
o
Barber shops
?
1
1
7
9
13
Tailor shops
1
?,
?
1
fi
Art and curio stores
1
1
i
^
9
9
1
11
Meat and fish markets
4
4
Cake, confectionery, and tobacco stores
1
1
Laundries . .
1
1
9
Provision and general merchandise stores
a
9
2
1
7
Miscellaneous establishments
9
3
9
9
ft
4
1
1
?1
In view of the remarks made concerning wages in the preceding
pages of this report, the details presented in this summary table re-
quire no comment, save with regard to the general prevalence of the
" living in " system among the Japanese. The 10 Japanese women
and, including those working at piece rates or on a commission basis,
468 of the 617 Japanese men, received board and lodging; 74, chiefly
in the restaurant trade, received board, but not lodging; 10 received
lodging, but not board ; while 65 received neither board nor lodging,
in addition to their money wages.
The table on the next page shows the earnings of 425 Japanese
wage-earners in Seattle, San Francisco, Sacramento, Los Angeles,
Fresno, and Watsonville for the twelve months ending with the time
the schedule in the given case was secured.
134
ihe Immigration Commission.
TABLE 45. — Yearly earnings (approximate) of male Japanese 18 years of age
or over, oy months worked.
WITH BOARD.
Months worked.
Number working for wages
and reporting amount.
Average yearly earnings.
Number earning—
Under $100.
$100 and under $150.
$150 and under $200.
$200 and under $250.
$250 and under $300.
$300 and under $400.
8
8
|
I
|
$1,000 and under $1,250.
$1,250 and under $1,500.
$1,500 and under $2,000.
$2,000 or over.
$400 and undei
$500 and undei
$600 and undei
$700 and undei
•o
a
3
I
03
12
204
8
8
7
3
$447. 06
311.63
326. 25
405.00
240. 00
2
3
1
2
10
2
1
1
1
2
1
2
1
67
2
4
2
1
69
2
1
1
10
22
7
8
1
1
11
10
....
9
1
1
8
1
7
"---
6
5
2
3
224.40
187. 50
200.00
1
....
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
5
4.,
1
3
2
1
Total
11
240
424. 81
2
6
5
18
8
77
73
23
7
8
1
1
....
WITHOUT BOARD.
12
156
$582 63
1
9
16
•11
99
35
9<1
11
i
3
11
5
448.20
3
1
1
10.. .
4
578 75
1
?
i
9
9
311 89
1
3
4
1
8
5
670.00
1
1
?
1
7 ..
6
4
291 00
1
1
2
5
1
208.00
1
4
3
2
1
60.00
1
1
Total
185
556 95
1
9
5
<>
26
47
9;
?(i
c>^
11
9
3
1
The larger number of these men were employed in the business
establishments investigated in the 6 cities just mentioned, but a
smaller number were employed as domestics, as porters, and in other
city occupations. The data being for a miscellaneous group, the
table may be used properly to show only the large percentage of the
Japanese who had been in fairly regular employment during the
year, the wide range in the earnings of those employed full time, and
the comparatively few whose earnings were as large as those of crafts-
men and small shopkeepers from their labor and small capital, as
shown in Table 36.
CHAPTER VI.
OTHER ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS.
Certain of the economic phases of Japanese immigration remain to
be considered. Among these are the standard of living of the Jap-
anese, the articles entering into their consumption, the relation be-
tween their expenditures and incomes, the amount of money sent
abroad, the savings retained in this country, the forms in which
such savings are invested, and the amount of property they have
accumulated.
The following table presents the data relative to the outlay per
month per individual for food and drink ordinarily consumed, in so
far as they can be combined and presented in tabular form:
TABLE 46. — Cost of food and drink per month per person of Japanese 2 years
of age or over, by occupation and industry.
Occupation and industry.
Num-
ber re-
porting
com-
plete
data.
Number spending each specified amount per month.
Under
$6.
$6 and
under
$7.
$7 and
under
$8.
$8 and
under
$9.
$9 and
under
$10.
$10 and
under
$12.
$12 and
under
$14.
$14 or
over.
Business men and city wage-
earners
860
855
44
28
54
0
49
.92
0
83
211
0
110
73
0
36
62
0
192
189
0
166
96
13
a 196
78
31
Farmers and farm laborers...
Coal miners (Wyoming)
a Including 35 persons spending: 3, $23.33; 13, $25; 2, $27.50; 11, $30; 1,$35; 1, $40; 1, $45; 2, $50; 1, $60.
In considering the outlay for food and drink, it is necessary to
divide the Japanese into groups. The above table presents data
relating to 860 individuals who were engaged in business or were
employed by those who were so engaged, or were members of the
families of such persons. Inasmuch as the " living-in •' system gen-
erally obtains in Japanese establishments, the two classes are found
in the groups and must be considered together. The data for busi-
ness men and city wage-earners were obtained from Seattle, San
Francisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, Watsonville, and Fresno.
Those engaged in conducting restaurants and other enterprises such
that the outlays would not be normal were eliminated from the
tabulation. While few of the data have been taken from accounts
kept, the estimates are indicative of the wide differences which pre-
vail and the extremes which are found among the Japanese as among
48296°— VOL 23—11-
-10
135
136 The Immigration Commission.
other races. Of 860 the cost per individual per month, as reported,
was less than $6 for 28, $6 but less than $7 for 49, $7 but less than $8
for 83, $8 but less than $9 for 110, $9 but less than $10 for 36, $10
but less than $12 for 192, $12 but less than $14 for 166, and $14 or
over for 196. The number of those whose outlay was $12 or over
per month was larger among those investigated than the number of
those whose outlay was less than $10. As will be noted, the expend-
itures of some were very much in excess of $14 per month, but most
of these boarded at restaurants, and the outlay was for more than the
articles constituting their food and drink, which alone are c6vered
by the figur.es where the group had a table of its own. The average
of reported expenditures per month in San Francisco was $11.08; in
Sacramento, $8.32.
There are many Japanese in cities who do not live with their em-
ployers, but live in boarding houses. The cost of board and lodging
at these establishments is a good index to the standard of living.
In one boarding house in Los Angeles, practically all of the boarders
at which were regularly employed in the city, the charge for board
was $9 per month, and for lodging $3.50 to $7 per month. At an-
other the charge for board was $10 per month; for lodging from $3
to $10. These are typical of the boarding houses patronized by the
" rank and file " of Japanese. There are, however, many Japanese
whose board and lodging is much more expensive. The members
of shoemaking and house-cleaning groups in San Francisco may also
be used for the purpose of illustration. Twelve groups of house
cleaners living with shoemakers and paying for their board and lodg-
ing reported the cost at from $12 to $15 per month. It should be
added that they usually take turns in preparing the meals.
The data for farmers and farm laborers presented in the table were
secured from farmers and relate to them, the members of their fami-
lies, and such of their employees as were, provided with board in
addition to wages. The figures are not entirely comparable with
the others given, for a large percentage of the farmers produced a
part of the food they consumed. A small percentage, it has been
seen, keep cows, pigs', and poultry. Though their specialization in
commercial farming is extreme, the majority of them have some vege-
tables and fruit, or both, which are available for home consumption.
Hence the figures in the table, representing merely the outlay for
goods purchased, do not measure the entire consumption. The cost
of the whole would have been materially larger. Of the 855 re-
ported, the cost for each of 54 was less than $6 per month; of 92,
$6 but less than $7; of 211, $7 but less than $8; of 73, $8 but less
than $9; of 62, $9 but less than $10; of 189, $10 but less than $12;
of 96, $12 but less than $14; of 78, $14 or over.
Of much more importance is the cost of food and drink consumed
by groups of farm laborers, who embrace a far larger number than
the groups of farmers, their families, and employees provided with
board. The food is usually prepared for these groups by the mem-
bers, who work in turn, or by a cook provided by the employer or
paid so much per day for each member of the group. The outlay
reported by groups of farm laborers in California varied from 23
to 30 cents per day. In other cases, however, they are boarded by
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 137
the " boss " under whose supervision they work, and the charge here
varied from as little as 20 cents per day in a few to more than 30
cents in other cases. But however the board may be provided, the
cost is far more frequently either 25 or 26 cents per day than any
other amount. While at work the cost of the laborer's board is
usually between $7 and $8 per month.
The cost of food consumed by Japanese section hands may be
reckoned at from $8 to $8.50 per month, or, roughly, $2 per week.
The figures reported by the men, those reported by the supply com-
panies, and the deductions from earnings on account of purchases,
as shown by pay rolls, all combined to cause this to be accepted
as a fairly accurate estimate. Data were obtained from 41 coal
miners at Rock Springs, Wyo. About three-fourths of them reported
their outlay for food and drink at $12 but less than $14 per month,
the remainder spending $14 or a slightly higher amount. Data were
jilso secured for 146 Japanese employed in the packing houses of
South Omaha. The group was so large that accurate accounts were
kept of all outla}^s and the figures submitted were taken by an agent
from those accounts. The cost of board and lodging per month for
ea«h of the 146 was $12.
Data relating to the cost of food and drink were not collected and
tabulated for other races, save in exceptional instances. It may be
said, however, that the outlay of the Japanese for food and drink
does not differ materially from that of other races similarly circum-
stanced with reference to work and earnings and living largely as
members of groups of single men. The outlay of Japanese section
hands is somewhat larger than that of the Mexicans, for the rice and
canned fish constituting a large part of the diet of the former are
more expensive than the beans so largely consumed by the latter.
The cost of living of the Japanese at boarding houses in Los Angeles
and elsewhere does not differ particularly from that at boarding
houses patronized by Slovenians and other recent immigrants. The
expenditures of the Japanese do not differ particularly from those of
the more recent and poorer Germans or of the Russians in Los Angeles.
It is true, however, that while the board of white farm laborers is
reckoned at 50 or 75 cents per day in California, and while these
laborers frequently pay $14, $15, or $16 per month for the board
they receive on ranches, the cost of the food consumed by the Japanese
farm laborers, as stated above, is usually 25 or 26 cents per day. The
important fact is, however, that the cost of food and other necessaries
is covered by the smaller part of the earnings of those immigrants
who are working and living as groups of single men and are not
charged with the support of a family in this country.
The articles of food entering into the consumption of the Japanese
vary greatly according to circumstances, those consumed by railroad
laborers and others similarly circumstanced being chiefly of articles
of Japanese origin, unless Texas rice is purchased as it 'is, except in
the Northwestern States — while those consumed by those who make
individual purchases include more items of food of non-Japanese
origin. With the exception of that of a small percentage who pat-
ronize "American restaurants," however, their diet differs greatly
138 The immigration Commission.
from that of natives and the European immigrants. Tea, soft drinks,
rice, canned fish, and sauce are among the more important articles
purchased. Vegetables and fruit are important in the consumption
of the agricultural classes. They do not use much milk or butter and
the majority do not consume much fresh meat, though in some in-
stances the consumption of meat is large. In short, the majority of
the Japanese consume chiefly the food articles to which they were
accustomed in their native land, where animal husbandry has only
recently made much advance. A tendency is evident among them,
however, to use more of the articles entering largely into the con-
sumption of the other races. This substitution is being hastened by
the fact that rice is not cheap food, especially since the price has
increased so rapidly in recent years.
Lodging has not been an important item in the budget of the Japa-
nese. The agricultural laborers, miners, cannery hands, railroad
laborers, lumber-mill employees, in fact practically all employed
outside of cities, are provided with lodging in addition to wages,
such lodging as is provided, as a rule, not being regarded as a com-
mercial consideration. Only here and there is any charge made for
lodging provided, and in these very exceptional cases it is usually
50 cents or $1 per month. Similarly in the cities the Japanese em-
ployed in business establishments and shops conducted by their
countrymen and in domestic service are generally provided with
lodging, while the business and shopkeeping class more frequently
than not live in the building sheltering the business conducted.
Tins few Japanese, save those living as boarding or lodging groups
and in the boarding and lodging houses of the cities, have a separate
item for lodging in their budgets. The expense at the boarding
houses has already been indicated. These Japanese laborers are
much better housed than the Chinese, who are very gregarious, and
their expenditures vary from $3.50 per month up to three times as
much, as against the $2, or approximately that amount, paid by the
Chinese laborers at the lodging houses conducted for them.
The expenditures of the Japanese for clothing and for incidentals
vary greatly. No data have been tabulated with reference to these,
but it is a notorious fact that1 such expenditures are larger among
the Japanese than among any race the great majority of whose mem-
bers are not charged with the immediate necessity of supporting a
family and are employed as unskilled laborers. American dress has
been adopted before these immigrants arrive in the continental United
States and they almost without exception dress well. Most of them
also spend money liberally on amusements and other incidentals.
Though on the whole a thrifty race they spend more liberally than
the Chinese, the Italians, the Portuguese, and the German-Russians,
taking the members of each of these races as a whole.
The earnings and personal expenditures of the Japanese have been
such that in the great majority of cases there has been a surplus at
the close of the year. The annual earnings of 39 coal miners, 73 sec-
tion hands, 48 lumber-mill laborers, 90 fish-cannery hands, 375 farm
laborers, 425 city wa^e-earners, and 410 shopkeepers and business
men in 6 cities of California and Washington have been noted in
the preceding* chapters.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
139
The data relating to the surplus realized or deficit sustained by
most of these classes and by farmers, are presented in the following
table:
TABLE 47. — Average surplus or deficit income for past year of Japanese males, by
occupation and industry.
•
Average
Number
surplus,.
Occupation and industry.
Total
number
reporting
data.
Number
reporting
surplus.
Average
surplus
reported.
Number
reporting
deficit.
A verage
deficit
reported.
reporting
neither
surplus
nor
based
upon
total
number
deficit.
reporting
data.
Business men
395
344
$699 99
14
$733 86
37
$583 60
City wage-earners
394
339
239. 11
9
214 91
46
' 200 82
Farmers
647
432
579 gg
114
561 02
101
288 34
Farm laborers
408
366
230 92
11
330 00
29
199 22
Coal miners (Wyoming)
41
32
297 66
1 000 00
g
207 93
No great difficulty is involved in estimating the surplus left from
wages earned after personal expenses and those of dependents in
this country have been met. A few of the laborers included in the
tabulation worked only a part of the year, while others had lost
money in some business venture, hence the number as shown by the
table whose earnings did not cover their expenditures. Allowance
made for these cases, the average surplus reported is believed to indi-
cate fairly well the net gains of these laborers. In the case of the
business men, and especially the farmers, it is more difficult to esti-
mate gains because of the nature of a part of the income and of the
investments made in the business in the course of the year. The
figures for shopkeepers and business men perhaps show with a fair
degree of accuracy their net gains and deficits. This is not true of
those for farmers, however, for the investments in the gardens, fields,
and orchards have not been taken into consideration, with the result
that the number incurring deficit and the amount of the deficits in-
curred are exaggerated, while the average surplus reported is dimin-
ished. These remarks apply equally to the following table, which
shows surplus and deficit by occupation and industry and by groups :
TABLE 48. — Surplus or deficit for past year reported by Japanese, by classified
amount and by occupation and industry.
Amount.
Number of
business
men re-
porting.
Number of
city wage
earners
reporting.
Number of
farmers
reporting.
Number of
farm labor-
ers report-
ing.
Coa miners
(Wyoming)
reporting.
Sur-
plus.
Defi-
cit.
Sur-
plus.
Defi-
cit.
Sur-
plus.
Defi-
cit.
Sur-
plus.
Defi-
cit.
Sur-
plus.
Defi-
cit.
Under $100. . .
4
61
129
95
42
13
1
4
4
3
0
2
38
148
130
20
3
0
2
3
4
0
0
0
31
92
146
114
35
14
5
27
37
23
20
2
28
166
163
8
1
0
1
4
3
3
0
0
1
17
8
5
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
$100 and under $250
$250 and under $500.
$500 and under $1,000
$1,000 a.nd under $2,500 .
$2,500 or over
Total
344
14
339
9
432
114
366
11
32
1
140
The Immigration Commission.
Thus the great majority realized a comfortable surplus during the
year, while some made much money. Comparing the figures here
given, it is evident that after allowance is made for the higher wages
earned in this country during the last two or three years the average
Japanese laborer has had as a disposable surplus, all of which might
be sent to Japan, a much larger sum than his earnings as a laborer in
Japan would .have amounted to.0
The extent to which Japanese have sent money abroad has varied
greatly as between classes and according to circumstances. The num-
ber of Japanese sending money abroad during the twelve months
immediately preceding the investigation, and the total amount and
the average amount sent, are shown for 2,075, by occupation and
industry, in the following table:
TABLE 49. — Money sent abroad by Japanese males during past year, by occupa-
tion and industry.
Occupation and industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
not
sending
money.
Number
sending
money.
Total
amount
sent.
Average
amount
sent.
Business men
437
263
174
$48 751
•OOft 1Q
City wage-earners
426
226
200
39' 505
162 53
Farmers
760
515
245
38 090
1 cc 47
Farm laborers
411
160
251
39 805
158 59
Coal miners (Wyoming)
41
19
22
4 465
202 Q1!
Among the more important factors controlling the sending of
money abroad have been the extent of gains, whether or not there were
dependent parents, wife, and children in Japan, the facilities for the
safekeeping of money here, and the opportunities for profitable
investment in this country. It is noteworthy that the majority of
the three groups of wage-earners taken together sent money abroad
during the year, while the majority of the business men and farmers
did not. Though on the whole the gains of the business men and
farmers are larger than those of the laborers, a larger percentage of
them are married men with wives in this country. Moreover, engag-
ing as they do in business or in farming on their own account, they
can make profitable use of their savings. The wage-earners more
frequently have dependents to support at home, have less opportunity
for profitable investment of their savings here, and generally expect
to return to Japan sooner or later. They usually send a large part,
and frequently send all, of their surplus earnings to Japan for the
support of dependents, for safekeeping, or for investment in some
form or other.
Of 411 farm laborers from whom data were obtained, approxi-
mately 370 realized a surplus during the twelve months immediately
preceding the investigation. Oi these, 240 retained in this country
a total of $45,450, some of which was invested in land, but most of
which was placed in the bank or loaned to friends. As opposed to
these, 251 sent various sums abroad, aggregating $39,805. In a few
cases this was for the purchase of land. Thirty-two of the 41* coal
See Table 7, pp. 10 and 11.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 141
miners had a surplus. Of these 32, 22 sent money abroad during
the year, while 23 retained savings in this country. The amount
sent abroad was $4,465; the amount retained in this country was
$5,060. Of the 426 city wage-earners, 200 sent money abroad, the
aggregate amount sent by them being $32,505. As jopposed to this
amount, $45,557 was retained in this country.
It is a noteworthy fact that in all of these groups of laborers the
savings retained in this country exceeded the money sent abroad
during the preceding twelve months. This is far more strikingly
true of the men who were engaged in business and of the farmers.
Of 437 business men, 174 sent money abroad during the year, the
total amount sent being $48,751, or an average of $280.18 each. As
against this amount, the members comprising this group retained in
this country a total of $195,130, or aproximately four times as much.
The greater part of the savings retained in this country were used
for extending the business engaged in, but no small part was invested
in land. Of 760 farmers, 245 sent money abroad during the year,
the sums sent aggregating $38,090, or an average of $155.47 each.
The amount retained in this country and used to pay debts earlier
incurred or invested in land or equipment of various kinds was sev-
eral fold larger. Thus, taking seven groups of farmers for illustra-
tion, the amount of money sent abroad was $18,580; the amount
retained in this country, $91,907.
There is one difference between the Japanese and other races with
which we are more familiar with reference to the disposition of their
gains not explained by the differences in the circumstances under
which they reside in this country. The Japanese family differs from
the European and the American in that the relation between parents
and offspring is much closer in the case of the Japanese. Filial duty
demands that the offspring assist the parents to an extent not found
among the white races, so that unmarried men are usually charged
with at least the partial support of their parents, and married men are
not uncommonly charged with the necessity of contributing to the
support of their parents as well as to the support of the members of
their immediate families. But, more important, the disposition of
gains is largely controlled by the circumstances under which immi-
grants reside in this country. In the percentage of wives and other
dependents living in this country, in the percentage who expect to
remain here for a long time or permanently, and in the opportunities
for profitable investment open to them the Japanese differ from such
races as the East Indian on the one hand and the German, Scandina-
vian, and Armenian on the other. The East Indian immigrants have
no settled interest in this country ; the immigrants of the other races
referred to are practically all permanent settlers and their condition
and interests are modified by that fact.
Thus, of 79 East Indians in Oregon and Washington, 31 sent
$4,320 abroad during the year preceding the investigation. The total
amount of the gains of the entire group retained in this country was
approximately $1,130. Without permanent interest n in this country
and with need at home, they usually send their surplus earnings as
soon as possible and frequently do not make adequate provision for
themselves if work is not available. The amount of money sent
142
The Immigration Commission.
abroad by European immigrants, on the other hand, is usually small,
except by those who belong to the migratory and unsettled class of
laborers. The Italian farmers, for example, send little money abroad,
though the number who send nominal sums as gifts is comparatively
large. In fact, the only group of immigrant white farmers investi-
gated who sent much money abroad were the German-Russians about
Fresno, and their remittances were chiefly to assist others to come to
the United States. A larger percentage of the Japanese than of the
European immigrants in the West send money abroad and they no
doubt send a larger percentage of their net gains. Considered as a
race group they live and work under different conditions. Moreover,
the Japanese are charged with duties which increase the number to
whose support they must contribute.
As a result of retaining the larger part of their savings in this
country, the Japanese have accumulated much property. The net
value of the property owned by the members of the various classes
from whom data were obtained is shown in the following table :
TABLE 50. — Net value of all property owned by Japanese 18 years of age or over,
by occupation and industry.
Nu
mber
owni
Qgpr
opert
y valt
ledal
each
spec
£ed£
unoui
It.
Num-
ber re-
IH
«
1
(_(
*§
b
A
g
-
a
&
^
Occupation and industry.
porting
com-
plete
I
:§
c
§ .
T30
•O o
i§
i!
||
3d
738
S2
3d
-08
9j5
>
o
S
data.
O)
03 *^
cS w
aa
0 M
8 o
«^
§W
§
§
g
i
8
sS
i
35
3»
3*
^QJ
OT3
3
Business men . .
437
4
i
18
85
114
81
8?
59
25
11
7
City wage-earners
427
61
7
35
135
90
63
20
10
5
1
Farmers &
488
86
16
10
45
77
48
43
41
17
10
3
Farm laborers
348
96
8
28
95
68
35
10
6
Coal miners (Wyoming)
41
18
8
9
2
1
3
• Gross value minus indebtedness is nothing or less than nothing.
6 Does not include the value of furniture and growing crops, or the value of such investments by tenant
farmers in or upon the land as do not become their property upon the expiration of their leases.
While a large percentage of the laborers have nothing (aside from
their personal effects), or less than nothing, over and above such
debts as they owe, a few have several hundred or a few thousand
dollars' worth of property. Some of the city wage-earners look for-
ward to the profitable employment of this in business, while a rather
large percentage of the farm laborers have planned to become farmers
on their own account. In fact, a few of them have already invested
in land. The business men and farmers as classes, of course, have
much more wealth than the laborers. Most of them have risen to their
present positions because they are the most successful of the laborers,
they have maintained their positions because not unsuccessful in
business, and they have sent less of their earnings abroad than have
the members of the laboring classes. The wealth of the farmers, as
has been explained,0 is greater than indicated by the table, for most
of them are tenants and have only a tenant's equity in much of the
0 See Chapter IV, p. 75.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
143
investment made in the land, which for that reason is not included
in the estimated values. Moreover, in many localities at the time of
the investigation much had been invested in maturing crops which
had not been marketed, and as the value of growing crops was not
taken into consideration, the estimates are still further reduced be-
low their true level.
Most of the property of the farmers is in live stock, tools, and
other equipment, for, as has been indicated, a relatively small num-
ber own the lands they till. Similarly most of the property owned
by the shopkeepers and business men is in stocks of goods and equip-
ment. Very few of them own the real estate which they occupy for
business or residence purposes. Comparatively few are yet firmly
established in the communities in which they live and conduct busi-
ness. Moreover, most of them have had to meet but recently the
problem of securing sufficient capital for business purposes and have
not been in position to invest in real estate.
The amount of money brought to the continental United States
stands in sharp contrast to the net value of the property now owned
in this country by the Japanese immigrants from whom personal
data were obtained. The data with reference to the sums brought
by 2,001 are presented in the following table :
TABLE 51. — Money brought by Japanese males upon coming to the United States,
l>y occupation and industry.
Num-
1
Jumb
erbri
nging
each
specL
iedai
noun
t.
Occupation and industry.
ber re-
porting
com-
plete
data.
1
a
i
T3
a
p
a
if
$50 and un-
der $100.
$100 and un-
der $150.
$150 and un-
der $200.
$200 and un-
d£ r $300.
$300 and un-
der $400.
$400 and un-
der $500.
$500 and un-
der $1,000.
s
1
i°
s
Business men
435
4
7
160
131
53
21
22
14
3
7
a 13
City wage-earners . ...
426
3
5
189
170
33
g
9
5
2
2
Fanners
689
13
29
2(>9
°0'7
86
29
31
12
7
7
4
Farm laborers
410
18
59
131
151
28
13
6
1
2
1
Coal miners (Wyoming)
41
3
g
18
9
1
2
. - . . .
a Five brought $1,000; 2, $1,200; 2, $1,500; 2, $2,500; and 2, $10,000 each.
A few farmers and business men arrived with sufficient capital to
establish themselves in business or in farming at once, but the great
majority came with little money, expecting to becqme wage-earners.
The great majority of each of the classes shown in the table had upon
their arrival less than $100, while not as many as 10 per cent in any
class, save of business men where the percentage was 13.6, had as much
as $200. In the amount of money brought, however, they present no
strong contrast to most other races who have immigrated in large
numbers to the United States. That they occupy an intermediate
position is shown by the data relating to money in possession by
immigrants, as reported each year by the Commissioner-General of
Immigration. Taking the data for the year 1906-7 (the last year
of normal immigration of Japanese), the average amount reported
for the 30,444 Japanese was $31.33. The English immigrants had
144 The Immigration Commission.
$67.22 on the average; the Scandinavian, $64.62; the German, $55.31;
the Bohemian and Moravian, $41.32; the East Indian, $39.30; the
North Italian, $28.99; the Greek, $23.43; the Finnish, $21.48; the
Portuguese, $20.23; the Russian, $16.88; the South Italian, $16.50;
the Slovak, $16.22; the Croatian and Slovenian, $14.67; and the
•Polish, $13.61.
The data presented in Chapters III, IV, V, and VI summarize the
results of the investigation in so far as they relate directly to the
economic phases of Japanese immigration. It remains to present
data obtained bearing more directly upon the social and political
phases of the problem.
CHAPTER VH.
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS.
The capacity of the Japanese for assimilation, the progress they
have made toward assimilation, and the place they occupy in the com-
munity are indicated by their literacy, the effort made to acquire and
their knowledge of the English language, the character of their read-
ing, their position in political life, their relations with other races,
their religious ideals, and related matters.
The number and percentage of the Japanese from whom personal
data were obtained who can speak English is shown by sex, by eco-
nomic groups, and by industry, and by years in the United States, in
the following tables:
TABLE 52. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese, by sex, years
in the United States, and industry.
WAGE-EARNERS. .
MALE.
[By years In the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States.]
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Years in United States.
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Agriculture
6,041
. 458
201
161
333
447
63
1,135
628
102
1,277
3,973
308
112
141
164
225
18
558
294
60
1,101
3,479
248
137
107
170
199
38
701
405
72
642
2,047
197
70
91
66
89
7
313
150
36
538
1,984
164
45
44
118
203
20
366
183
25
455
1,438
132
30
41
65
110
8
203
114
19
390
578
46
19
10
45
45
5
68
40
5
180
488
39
12
9
33
26
3
42
30
5
173
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries.
Laundries
Lumber mills
Mining coal
Smelting
Transportation:
Steam railroads-
Maintenance of way
and construction
Shops, bridges, and
buildings, water and
signal service
Electric railways .
Miscellaneous
Total
10,846
7,014
6,198
3,604
3,607
2,550
1,041
860
FEMALE.
Agriculture
111
29
91
25
•14
2
6
2
Fruit and vegetable canneries.
36
4
34
3
2
1
Lumber mills
11
4
3
1
7
3
1
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way
and construction. . . .
3
• 3
Miscellaneous
61
31
42
19
16
10
3
2
TotaL
222
68
173
48
37
15
12
c
145
146
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 52. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese, by sex, years
in the United States, and industry — Continued.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
MALE.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Years in United States.
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Agriculture
847
458
791
446
263
100
226
95
373
206
358
200
211
152
207
151
Miscellaneous
Total
1,305
1,237
363
321
579
558
* 363
358
FEMALE.
Agriculture
278
94
202
51
72
42
4
1
Miscellaneous
205
112
129
60
65
44
11
g
Total
483
206
331
111
137
86
15
9
TABLE 53. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese who speak English, by sex, years
in the United States, and industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
MALE.
[By years In the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States.]
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Per cent who speak English, by years in United
States.
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Total.
Agriculture
6,041
458
201
161
333
447
63
1,135
628
102
1,277
58.8
79.4
51.1
85.0
38.8
44.7
18.4
44.7
37.0
50.0
83.8
72.5
80.5
66.7
93.2
55.1
54.2
40.0
55.5
62.3
76.0
85.7
84.4
84.8
63.2
90.0
73.3
57.8
60.»0
61.8
75.0
100.0
96.1
65.8
80.3
55.7
87.6
49.2
50.3
28.6
49.2
46.8
58.8
86.2
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Laundries
Lumber mills
Mining, coal
Smelting
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construc-
tion
Shops, bridges, and buildings,
water and signal service
Electric railways
Miscellaneous
Total
10,846
58.1
70.7
82.6
64.7
FEMALE.
Agriculture
Ill
27.5
14.3
33.3
26.1
Fruit and vegetable canneries
36
8.8
(a)
11.1
Lumber mills
11
(°)
(a)
(a)
(B)
Transportation :
Steam railroads-
Maintenance of way and construc-
tion
3
(0)
(01
(°)
(°)
Miscellaneous .
61
45.2
62. 5
w
50.8
Total
222
27.7
40.5
41.7
30.6
Not computed, owing to small number involved.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
147
TABLE 53. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese who speak English, by sex, years
in the United States, and industry — Continued.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
MALE.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Per cent who speak English, by years in United
States.
Under 5.
• 5 to 9.
10 or over.
Total.
Agriculture .. .
847
458
85.9
95.0
96.0
97.1
9S.1
99.3
93.4
97.4
Miscellaneous
Total
1,305
88.4
96.4
98.6
94.8
FEMALE.
Agriculture
278
25.2
58.3
(a)
33.8
Miscellaneous ,
205
46.5
67.7
72.7
54.6
Total
483
33 5
62 8
GO 0
4°. 7
a Not computed, owing to small number involved.
These tables bring to light certain contrasts between the different
groups. The more important of these are: (1) The contrasts which
are found between those who have been in the United States less than
five years and those who have resided here a longer time; (2) those
which are found between the sexes, the males invariably showing a
larger percentage than the females of the same households, who
ffpeak English; (3) those which are found between the more suc-
cessful who have become business men and farmers and those who
are wage-earners; (4) those which are found between the farmers
and the members of their households and the business men and the
members of their households; and (5) those which are found between
the wage-earners in laundries, fish canneries, and miscellaneous occu-
pations, representing city classes on the one hand and the wage-
earners in the other industries on the other.
The contrasts pointed out are explained partly by the different
classes represented in the different groups, partly by the possibility
of association with the members of other races, and partly by the
possibility of attendance at school. The " student class," which has
been largely represented among the Japanese immigrants to the con-
tinental United States, is found chiefly in the city trades, in busi-
ness, and in the canneries, which draw largely upon the city popula-
tions for seasonal labor during the summer months. The men so
engaged, except in the fish canneries, also have more contact w^ith
white persons, arid a large percentage of them have attended night
schools for the study of English. The farm laborers, lumber-mill
hands, coal miners, smelter employees, and railroad laborers on the
other hand usually work in " gangs " under an interpreter, live
apart from others, and have little opportunity to attend classes.
These facts, together with the further fact that with the exception of
farm laborers, the " student class " finds small representation among
them, account for the difference shown between them and the other
groups.
These same facts account for the slight differences found between
the business men and the farmers. A knowledge of English is
148 The Immigration Commission.
plmost necessary to rise to either class and to maintain that position;
hence the differences between them and the wage-earners. The
marked differences found between the females and the males of the
same industrial and length-of-residence groups are explained partly
by the fact that with a lower standard of education for the latter
few of them belong to the student class, but more by the fact that
they do not take employment as servants and do not come into much
contact with white persons, and, not finding it urgent to know Eng-
lish'in order to be successful, do not so frequently attend classes for
the study of English. The differences are of interest chiefly, how-
ever, in indicating the conditions upon which progress in learning to
speak English depends. A more important question relates to the
progress made. This is in a way shown by the percentages who
speak English among those who have resided here for different
lengths of time. But progress is a relative matter, and must be
shown by comparing the Japanese with other immigrants whose
mother tongue is some other language than English. Inasmuch as
the conditions imposed by work and residence are important — a fact
indicated by the contrasts between different groups of Japanese —
comparisons between the Japanese and others should be limited to
those engaged in the same industries.
The relative advance of the Japanese and Chinese is best shown by
reference to the data gathered from agricultural laborers, while the
mining of coal and the construction and maintenance of way depart-
ments of the electric and steam railroads offer the best field for com-
parison of the Japanese with the south and east Europeans and the
Mexicans. In making comparisons between Japanese and others,
however, it should be held in mind that a large number of the former
have not immigrated directly from Japan, but first went to the
Hawaiian Islands or to Canada. Those who first migrated to the
Hawaiian Islands usually remained there from one to five years before
coming to the continental United States, while those who came from
Canada have frequently resided there for a few years. In both in-
stances they have had some contact with English-speaking people, and
this should have weight in drawing conclusions from a comparison
of the Japanese with other races Avith regard to their progress in
acquiring a knowledge of the English language. Another condition
which would tend to make the apparent progress of the Japanese
more rapid than that of other races is that many of the Japanese
laborers have had high-school training before immigrating. Such an
education includes instruction in English grammar, and thus provides
the foundation for a rapid acquisition of our language after their
arrival here. The members of no other race with which comparisons
are made have had a similar advantage in their native land.
The contrast between the Japanese and the Chinese employed in
agricultural pursuits is striking. Although 94.9 per cent of the
Chinese from whom data were obtained have been in the United
States 10 years or over, and the great majority 20 years or over, a
smaller percentage of them than of the Japanese speak English,
although 90.4 per cent of the latter have been here less than 10 years
and 56.5 per cent less than 5 years. Indeed, of the Japanese who
have resided in the United States less than 5 years, 58.8 per cent speak
English, as opposed to 66.9 per cent of the Chinese who have been
here 10 years or over. This wide difference between the two races is
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 149
•
not due to differences in their environments, for the conditions under
which Chinese farm laborers live and work are substantially the same
as those which surround the Japanese, but it is the result chiefly of
the different attitude of the two races toward American customs and
our language. The Chinese are self-satisfied and indifferent in this
regard, whereas the Japanese are eager to learn the English language
or anything pertaining to western civilization. The same contrast
between these races with regard to progress in learning to speak
English is found in the other industries where Japanese and Chinese
are employed in similar branches of work.
The race most distinctly opposed to the Japanese in the unskilled
labor involved in conducting steam and electric railways is the
Mexican, and members of thisl*ace are decidedly less progressive than
the Japanese as regards the learning of English. Of those em-
ployed on street railways for example, 58.8 per cent of the 102
Japanese speak English, as against only 17.4 per cent of the 539
Mexicans, and this in spite of the fact that 70.6 per cent of the
former as against 57.9 per cent of the latter have been in this country
less than five years. Indeed, only 41.9 per cent of the 81 Mexicans
whose period of residence is ten years or over speak English, while
50 per cent of the 72 Japanese who have been here less than five years
have acquired our tongue.
A comparison of the Japanese employed in the mining of coal with
the other races most commonly used in similar occupations in that
industry shows that their progress in learning to speak English
has been relatively rapid. Of the 199 Japanese who have been in
the United States less than five years, 44.7 per cent speak English,
as opposed to 38.8 per cent of the 129 Poles, 38.7 per cent of the 562
North Italians, 36.7 per cent of the 229 Slovenians, 31.8 per cent of
the 44 Slovaks, and 28.7 per cent of the 216 South Italians. However,
48.7 per cent of the 152 Croatians, 51.8 per cent of the 170 Mon-
tenegrins, and 62.3 per cent of the 61 Finns in this residence group
speak English. It should be noted, moreover, that with the excep-
tion of the South Italians the Europeans whose period of residence
was more than five years, show more progress in this regard than
the Japanese, indicating either that the percentage for Japanese
who have been here a relatively short time is greatly affected by resi-
dence in Hawaii or Canada or that they continue longer than the
Europeans under conditions which retard assimilation.
By way of summary, it may be said that when compared with
other races employed in similar kinds of labor in the same industry,
the Japanese show relatively rapid progress in acquiring a speaking
knowledge of English. Their advance has been much more rapid
than that of the Chinese and the Mexicans, who show little interest
in "American " institutions. During their first five years of residence
a greater proportion have learned to speak English than of most
of the south and east European races. 'However, among those who
have been in this country for a longer period of time, a larger pro-
portion of the south and east Europeans than of the Japanese speak
English. The progress of the Japanese is due to their great eager-
ness to learn, which has overcome more obstacles than have been
encountered by most of the other races, obstacles of race prejudice,
of segregation, and of wide differences in language.
150
The Immigration Commission.
The literacy of the Japanese immigrants upon their arrival in this
country is shown fairly accurately by their ability to read and write
their native language. Few immigrants, except those who came as
children, have learned to read and write their native language since
their arrival here. That the great majority of the Japanese immi-
grants are literate is shown by the following tables. The first gives
the number, the second the percentage of the wage-earning group
who read and write their native language, by sex and by industry.
TABLE 54. — Number of foreign-born Japanese wage-earners who read their
native language ana number who read and write their native language, by
sex and industry.
MALE.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number who—
Read
native
language.
Read and
write native
language.
Agriculture
5,563
368
201
161
231
403
63
1,000
628
102
849
5,429
368
197
161
227
388
63
982
619
94
840
5.425
'368
196
161
226
387
63
981
618
94
840
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Laundries
Lumber mills
Mining, coal
Smelting
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construction
Shops, bridges, and buildings, water and signal service
Electric railways ...
Miscellaneous
Total
' 9,569
9,368
9,359
FEMALE.
Agriculture
81
60
59
Fruit and vegetable canneries
36
19
19
Miscellaneous
34
31
31
Total
151
110
lOt)
1
TABLE 55.: — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese wage-earners ivho read their
native language and per cent who read and write their native language, by
sex and industry.
MALE.
Number
Industry.
reporting
complete
data.
Read
native
language.
Read and
write native
language.
Agriculture
5,563
97.6
97.5
Fish canneries . . _
368
100.0
100.0
Fruit and vegetable canneries
201
98.0
97.5
161
100.0
100 0
Lumber mills...
231
98.3
97.8
Mining coal ...
403
96.3
96.0
Smelting
63
100.0
100.0
Transport ation :
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construction
1,000
98.2
98.1
Shops, bridges, and buildings, water and signal service
Electric railways v
628
102
98.6
92.2
98.4
92.2
Miscellaneous
849
98.9
•98.9
Total
9 .569
97.9
97.8
Per cent who—
FEMALE.
Agriculture
81
74.1
72.8
Fruit and vegetable canneries
36
52.8
52.8
Miscellaneous .
34
91.2
91.2
Total
151
72.8
72.2
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 151
Of the 9,569 male wage-earners from whom data were secured,
97.8 per cent read and write Japanese. The standard among the
females is less good, for only 72.2 per cent of a total of 151 are liter-
ate. Little difference appears between Hhe Japanese employed in the
various industries investigated, but those showing the largest per-
centage who do not read and write Japanese are the farm laborers,
the fruit and vegetable cannery hands', and the smelter hands, among
whom the largest percentages of rural immigrants are found. It is
likewise true that the largest percentage of illiteracy in Japanese
among the females from whom data were secured appears among the
groups of cannery hands and the agricultural laborers, as opposed to
the " miscellaneous " group of city wage-earners.
A comparison of Chinese and Japanese agricultural laborers shows
that 97.5 per cent of the latter, as opposed to 84.5 per cent of the
former, read and write their native language.
The contrast between Japanese and Mexicans is very marked. Of
the members of these races engaged in street-railway labor, 92.2 per
cent of the 102 Japanese, as against 45.5 per cent of the 539 Mexicans,
read and write their native language. Moreover the Japanese rank
higher in this regard than most of the south and east European
races. A comparison of the data secured from those engaged in
mining coal shows that while 96 per cent of the 403 Japanese in this
industry read and write their native language, only 66.3 per cent
of the 474 South Italians, 78.5 per cent of the 214 Slovaks, 82 per cent
of the 245 Poles, 83.9 per cent of the 193 Montenegrins, 85 per cent
of the 419 Croatians, 88.5 per cent of the 479 Slovenians; 90.9 per
cent of the 66 Greeks, and 91 per cent of the 1,175 North Italians,
read and write their native language. However, 98.2 per cent of the
225 Finns read and write Finnish.
It is evident from the preceding discussion that the standard of
literacy shown by the Japanese, as indicated by their ability to read
and write their native language, is far higher than that shown by the
Chinese, the Mexicans, and most of the south and east European
races, if comparison is limited to those who are employed in the same
industries and at the same kinds of work.
It should be noted, however, that the great majority of the Japan-
ese have migrated as single adults, whereas a larger proportion of
the European immigrants have come to this country in family groups,
among them a number of children of school age who have received
their elementary education in American schools, and hence are illit-
erate in their native language. In spite of this fact the differences
shown between the Japanese and Europeans are wide enough to indi-
cate that the standard of literacy in Japan is better than in most of
the south and east European countries. The higher educational
ideals of Japanese are further reflected in the relatively rapid prog-
ress which they have shown in learning to read and write English.
As noted above, with regard to their ability to speak English,
many Japanese immigrants have attended high schools in Japan,
where they have been given a foundation in English grammar. Fur
thermore, others have had the advantage of a slight association with
English-speaking people in the Hawaiian Islands or in Canada be-
fore their arrival in the United States. But a further aid in master-,
ing the English language is found in the schools which are conducted
48296°— VOL 23—11 11
152 The Immigration Commission.
in this country. Practically all of the few Japanese children of
school age in the West attend the American public schools, where
they are found in all classes from the primary grades through the
entire elementary and secondary system. It is estimated that in 17
California cities there were in February, 1909, 573 Japanese children
enrolled.0
The greater part of these were attending schools in the cities about
San Francisco Bay, Sacramento, and Los Angeles. Japanese children
also attend American schools in the cities of other States where their
parents are employed. Such schools, however, are not available for
adults, who are dependent upon schools (night schools or day schools)
conducted by various agencies, and on their own enterprise for any
education in the English language which they may acquire.
Numerous schools are maintained for the benefit of adult Japanese
immigrants. No less than 33, the primary aim of which is to in-
struct adult Japanese in the English language, were reported by
agents of the Commission in Los Angeles, San Francisco, Oakland,
and Sacramento, Cal., and Seattle and Tacoma, Wash. Of these,
several were designed primarily for the " student class," and em-
braced all subjects preparatory for high school, and in one or two
cases for college work. The great majority, however, were conducted
by the various religious missions and by private parties with the
primary aim of imparting a knowledge of English to Japanese
laborers.
In San Francisco and Oakland there are 15 such schools. Four
are conducted by private parties and amount to little more than
private tutoring institutions preparatory to high school or college.
The other 11, however, have regularly conducted classes and a large
number of pupils. Five are maintained by various Japanese mis-
sions. They offer work corresponding to that given in the public
schools from the primary to the high-school grades, mathematics
excepted, in both afternoon and evening classes. Japanese men and
American women are employed as teachers. The majority of the
pupils are between the ages of 20 and 23, and a majority have been
in this country less than 2 years. Some of the 6 private schools are
conducted in much the same manner, offering both elementary and
advanced courses of instruction. The majority of the pupils are
from 19 to 23 years of age, and are recent immigrants. Most of
the adults attending such schools are gainfully employed, largely in
domestic service. There is also a school the object of which is to
teach Japanese children born in this country the use of their mother
tongue and something of the history and institutions of Japan, and
to assist children, born in Japan and recently arrived in this country,
in learning English in order that they may be less handicapped in
the classes of the public schools. This school is therefore merely
supplementary to the public schools.
In Los Angeles there are 7 schools for adult Japanese, and in
addition some Japanese youths are tutored by Americans. The 7
schools are connected with religious missions and have from 20 to 50
pupils each. .They offer about the same kind of instruction as the
similar institutions in San Francisco. In connection with the Budd-
0 See San Francisco Call, Feb. 17, 1909, for partial census made by the
governor.
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
153
hist mission a school with an enrollment of from 20 to 30 pupils is
conducted for Japanese children as supplementary to the public
schools, giving instruction in the language and the history of Japan.
A similar Buddhist school is conducted in Sacramento. In that city
there are 4 schools designed to teach adult Japanese the English
language. Six schools of the same nature were reported in Seattle,
Wash. In fact, in all cities of the West with more than a few hun-
dred Japanese there are schools the primary object of which is to
teach adult Japanese the English language. The number of these
institutions and the many Japanese who attended them at an earlier
time when many immigrants were arriving are the best evidence of
the ambition and eagerness of the members of this race to learn
western civilization. No adult immigrants in the West, unless it is
the Hebrews, show as great desire to learn the English language.
Though the attendance of the Japanese at night classes is, of course,
somewhat irregular, it is far less so than of Greeks and others at the
classes conducted for them at Pueblo, Colo., and in a few other
places where educational facilities have been organized for the benefit
of non-English-speaking immigrants.
Because of the influence of the schools, the greater association with
English-speaking people, which is an inevitable part of city life, and
the larger representation of the student class among them, the Jap-
anese who are employed in the cities are more advanced with regard
to ability to read and write as well as to speak English than are
those employed in the more isolated places, such as section hands on
the railroads or laborers in the smelters. Much the same contrasts
are noticeable in this regard as were noted in the speaking of English.
The following tables show the number and percentage of the Jap-
anese employed in the various industries who read and write English.
Table 56 gives the number and Table 57 the percentage who read
and write English, by sex and industry.
TABLE 56. — Number of foreign-born Japanese- who read English and number
who read and write English, by sex and industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
MALE.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number who —
Read
English.
Bead and
write
English.
Agriculture
6,041
368
201
161
231
447
63
1,000
628
102
1,276
1,307
206
69
95
84
215
7
428
212
52
754
1,194
194
68
95
82
211
7
422
190
51
693
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Laundries
Lumber mills
Mining, coal
Smelting
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construction
Shops, bridges, and buildings, water and signal service....
Electric railways
Miscellaneous
Total
10,518
3,429
3,207
154
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 56. — Number of foreign-lorn Japanese who read English and number
who read and write English, by sex and industry — Continued.
WAGE-EARNERS— Continued.
FEMALE.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number who —
Read
English.
Read and
write
English.
Agriculture. .
Ill
3
2
14
3
2
13
Fruit and vegetable canneries
Miscellaneous
Total
207
19
18
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
MALE.
Agriculture
841
315
308
Miscellaneous
450
320
320
Total
1 291
635
628
FEMALE.
Agriculture
277
21
20
Miscellaneous
198
44
43
Total
475
65
63
TABLE 57. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese who read English and per cent
who read and write English, by sex and industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
Industry.
Number reporting
complete data.
Per cent who read
English.
Per cent who read
and write English.
Male.
Female.
Male.
Female.
Male.
Female.
Agriculture .
6,041
368
Ill
21.6
56.0
34.3
59.0
36. 4
48.1
11.1
2.7
~"5.~6"
19.8
52.7
33.8
59.0
35.5
47.2
11.1
42.2
30.3
50.0
54.3
2.7
"~5.'6
Fish canneries
Fruit and vegetable canneries .A
201
161
231
447
63
1 000
36
Laundries
Lumber mills
Mining, coal
Smelting
Transportation:
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construc-
tion
42.8
33.8
/
Shops, bridges, and buildings,
water and signal service
628
102
1,276
Electric railways
51.0
59.1
Miscellaneous
60
23.3
21.7
Total . .
10,518
207
32.6
9.2
30.5
8.7
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Agriculture
841
277
37.5
7.6
36.6
7.2
Miscellaneous ... ..
450
198
71. 1
22.2
71.1
21.7
Total
1 291
475
49-2
13.7
48.6
13.3
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 155
The wage-earners employed in " miscellaneous " industries (largely
city trades), in laundries, in fish canneries, and as construction and
maintenance of way laborers on the electric railways, reported the
largest percentages who could read and write English. With the ex-
ception of the fish cannery hands, all of these are employed near
the Japanese centers of population. The fish cannery hands on
the Columbia Kiver and Puget Sound are largely of the urban class,
who work in the various branches of domestic jobs in the cities dur-
ing the greater part of the year, but engage in cannery work during
the summer months. Moreover, a larger percentage of the Japanese
business men of the cities than of the independent Japanese farmers
could read and write English.
Of course a much smaller number of the Japanese can read and
write than can speak English. While 64.7 per cent of the male
wage-earners and 94.8 per cent of the business men and farmers
speak English, only 30.5 per cent of the former and 48.6 per cent
of the latter both read and write English. Among the females the
difference is equally great. While 30.6 per cent of the females of
the wage-earning groups and 42.7 per cent of those of the business
and farming groups speak English, only 8.7 per cent of the former
and 13.3, per cent of the latter are able to read and write English.
This difference is due to the fact that the spoken language can be
acquired through association, whereas a knowledge of the written
language presupposes definite educational activity.
A comparison of the Japanese and Chinese males engaged in agri-
culture shows that 19.8 per cent of the former as opposed to only 1.6
per cent of the latter read and write English. An even wider differ-
ence is to be noted between the Japanese and the Mexicans employed
at common labor on the street railways of southern California.
While 50 per cent of the 102 Japanese read and write English, only
5.9 per cent of the 539 Mexicans have acquired these arts. Compar-
ing the data gathered from immigrants employed in the mining of
coal, a larger percentage of the Japanese read and write English than
of most of the races from south and east Europe. Indeed, while
47.2 per cent of the 447 Japanese employed in this industry read and
write English, only 34.2 per cent of the 225 Finns, 22.3 per cent of
the 479 Slovenians, 20.7 per cent of the 214 Slovaks, 19.3 per cent
of the 419 Croatians, 18.8 per cent of the 245 Poles, 17.6 per cent of
the 193 Montenegrins, 14 per cent of the 1,175 North Italians, and 9.9
per cent of the 485 South Italians have acquired these arts. These
comparisons, however, as noted above, should be somewhat modified
because of the fact that many of the Japanese have resided in the
Hawaiian Islands and Canada prior to their immigration to the
continental United States, and, further, that some of them have
studied English in Japanese schools. With due allowance for these
factors in their progress, the proportion of Japanese who read and
write English is unusually high as compared to most of the immi-
grant races employed in similar kinds of work.
As a general summary of the literacy of the Japanese employed
in the western division, the following tables are submitted. The
first shows the number and the second the percentage who read and
who read and write some language, by sex and industry.
156
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 58. — Number of foreign-born Japanese who read and number who read
and write, "by sex and industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
MALE.
Industry.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number who —
Read.
Read and
write.
Agriculture
6,041
458
201
161
332
447
63
1,135
628
102
1,277
5,910
457
197
161
327
429
63
1,102
623
94
1,267
5,903
457
197
161
326
4,128
63
1,091
622
94
1,267
Fish canneries
Fruit and. vegetable canneries ...
Laundries
Lumber mills
Mining, r»nal T
Smelting
Transportation :
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construction .* .
Shops, bridges, and buildings, water and signal service
Electric railways ,
Miscellaneous
Total .. .
10,844
10,630
10,609
FEMALE.
Agriculture
111
88
87
Fruit and vegetable canneries
36
19
19
Lumber mills
11
10
10
Transportation:
Steam railroads-
Maintenance of way and construction
3
2
2
Miscellaneous . ...• .. ..
60
55
55
Total
221
174
173
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
MALE.
838
816
815
450
444
444
Total
1.288
1,260
1,259
FEMALE.
277
246
243
Miscellaneous
198
182
182
Total
475
428
425
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
157
TABLE 59. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese who read and per cent who read
and write, by sex and industry.
WAGE-EARNERS.
Industry.
Number reporting
complete data.
Per cent who read.
Per cent who read
and write.
Male.
Female.
Male.
Female.
Male.
Female.
6,041
458
201
161
332
447
63
1,135
628
102
1,277
Ill
97.8
99.8
98.0
100.0
98.5
96.0
100.0
97.1
99.2
92.2
99.2
79.3
97.7
99.8
78.4
Fruit and vegetable canneries
36
52.8
98.0
100.0
98.2
95.7
100.0
96.1
99.0
92.2
99.2
52.8
Lumber mills
11
(0)
(°)
Smelting
Transportation :
Steam railroads —
Maintenance of way and construc-
tion
3
w
(«)
Shops, bridges, and buildings,
water and signal service
60
91.7
91. 7
Total
10.. 844
221
98.0
78.7
97.8
78.3
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
838
277
97.4
88.8
97.3
87.7
Miscellaneous . ......
450
198
98.7
91.9
98.7
91.9
Total
1,288
475
97.8
90.1
97.7
89.5
0 Not computed, owing to small number involved.
With regard to general literacy no difference appears between the
male wage-earners and those engaged in business for themselves.
However, a sharp difference is to be noted between the females of the
two groups. Of the females of the wage-earning groups only 78.3
per cent as opposed to 89.5 per cent of those of the business group
are literate. As between industries the contrasts are much the same
as those pointed out with regard to the ability to read and write
Japanese. Of those of the business group the urban group are some-
what more literate than the agriculturists. Of the male wage-earners
all except those employed on street railways, in construction and
maintenance of way gangs on the steam railways, in the mining of
coal, and as agricultural laborers reported a greater percentage of
literacy than the average (97.8 per cent). The most illiterate groups
are the laborers on electric railways, of whom 92.2 per cent as op-
posed to 95.7 per cent of the coal-mine employees, 96.1 per cent of
the maintenance of way and construction laborers of the steam rail-
roads, and 97.7 per cent of the agricultural laborers could read and
write some language.
The difference between the Mexicans and Japanese with regard to
general literacy is great. Of the former only 46.2 per cent of the
539 employed on street railways read and write, while 92.2 per cent of
the 102 male Japanese similarly employed are literate. Of the agri-
cultural laborers 97.7 per cent of the 6,041 male Japanese are literate
as opposed to 84.8 per cent of the Chinese from whom data were
158 The Immigration Commission.
obtained. Of the south and east European races employed at the coal
mines only the Finns, of whom all are literate, reported a higher rate
of literacy than the Japanese. Indeed, while 95.7 per cent of the
447 Japanese read and write, only 68.4 per cent of the 461 South
Italians, 82.4 per cent of the 245 Poles, 82.7 per cent of the 214
Slovaks, 83.9 per cent of the 193 Montenegrins, 89.6 per cent of the
479 Slovenians, 90.9 per cent of the 66 Greeks, and 92.3 per cent of
the 1,175 North Italians are literate. A comparison of the various
races employed in the department of maintenance of way of the steam
railways shows that more of the Japanese are literate than of the
other races most numerously employed. Of 1,135 Japanese 96.1 per
cent are literate as opposed to 82.2 per cent of the 714 North Italians,
81.9 per cent of the 1,127 Greeks, 66.4 per cent of the 456 South
Italians, and 41.9 per cent of the 2,508 Mexicans employed at the
same kind of work who can read and write some language.
Reviewing the whole field of literacy, the following facts are
clearly disclosed. More progress in learning English has been made
by Japanese employed in or near the centers of Japanese population
than by others of the same race who work under other conditions.
This is partially due to environment and partially to the fact that
many Japanese employed in the cities are of the student class. Com-
pared to the other races employed in similar kinds of work in similar
industries, the Japanese appear to have progressed more rapidly
than most of the other races, especially the Chinese and Mexicans.
This seeming superiority must be discounted somewhat because of
two facts: First, that many of the Japanese have had a high-school
training in Japan, which usually includes a rudimentary knowledge
of English grammar, and hence is a great aid in learning to use
English; and second, that many Japanese have come into the con-
tinental United States by way of the Hawaiian Islands and Canada,
where they have had some contact with English-speaking people.
None of the other races have had these advantages before immigra-
tion. The differences between the Japanese and some of the other
races with regard to the learning of English are so great, however, as
to justify the statement that the Japanese have acquired the use of
the English language more quickly and more eagerly than the
Chinese, the Mexicans, and some of the European races.
The progress of those Japanese who have been in this country for
a longer period of time has, on the other hand, been somewhat less
rapid than that of the south and east Europeans, due largely to the
fact that the extent to which the latter associate with the natives
increases with their period of residence here, whereas there is little
change in the course of time of the clannish conditions under which
Japanese immigrants live and work. That a high standard of
literacy on the part of the males obtains in Japan is evidenced by the
fact that a much larger percentage can read and write their native
language than that reported by most of the south and east European
races employed in similar work. That the educational opportuni-
ties of females in Japan are not so good is likewise shown by the
relatively low literacy of the female Japanese from whom data were
secured.
The newspapers and periodicals taken by immigrants are of in-
terest, because according to their character they assist or retard the
Japanese Immigrants in United States.
159
process of assimilation. They also indicate the extent te which the
immigrants have been assimilated and their standard of living. The
data relating to newspapers taken by Japanese households are shown
in the following table: »
TABLE 60. — Newspapers taken by Japanese households.
Households.
Number
of house-
holds.
Number taking-
No news-
paper.
Only news-
papers
?rinted in
apanese.
Only news-
printed in
English.
News-
papers;
some print-
ed in Japa-
nese, some
in English.
City households
332
490
8
136
193
322
4
0
127
32
Farm households
Thus only 8 of 332 city households, as against 136 of 490 farm
households, were without any newspaper or periodical publication.
It is noteworthy that only 4 of the entire number subscribing for one
or more publications were without any printed in the Japanese lan-
guage. Of the 332 city households, however, 131 subscribed for oiie
or more publications in English, but the corresponding number among
the farm households was only 32. Some of the Japanese newspapers
taken are published in Japan, but the majority are published in a few
western cities. There are 4 Japanese daily newspapers published in
San Francisco, 3 in Los Angeles, 1 in Sacramento, 2 in Seattle, and a
few elsewhere. A few weekly and monthly publications are also
found in these cities. These publications present Japanese and
American news from the Japanese point of view.
The American publications subscribed for are largely local daily
newspapers of the community in or near which the subscribers live.
However, a number of households (in most cases those of the urban
Japanese) subscribe for weekly or monthly magazines printed in
English. Among these are the Literary Digest, the Independent, the
Outlook, the Review of Reviews, the Pacific Monthly, and Collier's
Weekly. Relatively few, however, are regular subscribers for such
magazines. Without entering upon detailed comparisons, it is found
that the number of Japanese subscribing for no newspaper is much
smaller than that of the Italians and Portuguese. Moreover, the
number of publications taken is very much larger. In all of these
respects the Japanese compare favorably with the households of north
European immigrants. It is true, however, that a far Jarger percent-
age of the publications subscribed for are printed in their native lan-
guage in the case of the Japanese than in the case of the city and farm
households of most of the other races investigated. This fact is of
importance, for it shows at once the interests and an important source
of information of the majority of the Japanese immigrants.
With regard to their political status in the United States, the Jap-
anese, because of their race, occupy a position essentially different
from that of the European immigrants. Under the provisions of
the laws of the United States they can not become citizens by process
160 The Immigration Commission.
of naturalization.0 During the investigation a comparatively large
number of the farmers and business classes expressed a desire to be-
come naturalized and expressed regret at the discrimination against
persons who do not belong to some white race. How many would
become naturalized and how strong their allegiance to the United
States would then be can not be said, for in no country have a suffi-
cient number found it possible to become citizens to serve as a basis
for drawing conclusions with reference to such matters. All that can
be said is, that the Japanese are greatly interested in political mat-
ters, are intelligent, quick to absorb new ideas, and progressive, but
have been accustomed to a somewhat different form of government
and have exhibited a strength of feeling for and loyalty to their
country and its Government and the Mikado, seldom, if ever, found
among other people.
Their distinct racial characteristics, Combined with the race preju-
dice of the " white " population, have made the conditions under
which the Japanese live and work different from those of the non-
Asiatics where employed. In industry they are for the most part
kept in "gangs " of their own race under " bosses," who not only
direct their labor but manage all their business affairs. It is usual
for the Japanese quarters or " bunkhouses " to be located away from
the homes of other races, as, for example, at the mines at Kock
Springs, Wyo., where the railroad track separates the houses of others
from those of the orientals. Moreover, in most cases they are limited
in their work to the least pleasant and least remunerative tasks in the
productive process. Thus the wage-earning Japanese are largely
segregated from others and have little association with Americans or
immigrants of other races, either in their living quarters or at their
work. Moreover, the independent farmers, in the great majority of
cases, have little intercourse with other races in matters other than of
business, and even this relation is greatly limited by the fact that
they usually employ laborers of their own race and make most of their
purchases at Japanese stores. The same segregation, in a more modi-
°The following are four of the leading cases holding Japanese ineligible
for naturalization :
In re Saito (62 Fed., 126, June, 1899). The court held that Japanese, like
the Chinese, belong to the Mongolian race, and so are not entitled to naturali-
zation, not being included within the term " white persons " in Rev. Stat, sec.
2169.
In re Buntaro Kumagai (163 Fed., 922, Dist. Ct. Washington, A. D. Sept.,
3908). Held that Rev. Stat, par. 2166, authorizing the naturalization of aliens
honorably discharged from the military service of the United States does not
extend the right to a person of the Japanese race, although having an honorable
discharge from the Army of the United States.
In re Knight (171 Fed., 299, D. C., B. D., New York, July, 1909). The peti-
tioner whose father was an Englishman and his mother half Chinese and half
Japanese, was born on a British schooner In the Yellow Sea. He enlisted in
the United States Navy off the coast of China in 1882 and served honorably
since his enlistment until his application for citizenship. It was held that the
petitioner was not a free " white person " and was therefore not entitled to
naturalization under Rev. Stat., sec. 2169.
In re Takiyi Yamashita (30 Wash., 234, 70 Pac. Rep., 482, Oct., 1902). Appli-
cation of petitioner, a native of Japan, for admission as an attorney and
counsellor at law was denied, as he was not entitled to naturalization, not being
" a free white person." The judgment of naturalization given in the superior
court was held void.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 161
fied form, exists in the cities in which members of this race have set-
tled in large numbers. Though not as distinct in their boundaries as
the " Chinatowns," the Japanese quarters usually come to be rather
sharply defined.
As the Japanese element becomes more numerous in a locality, the
white residents, who object to their presence more than to the presence
of any white immigrants, gradually move out of the district. The
Japanese frequently use buildings for both business and residence
purposes and are willing to pay higher rent. Thus in many cases as
natives have given place to Japanese the rentals have increased, and
this has hastened the departure of the white families. Property
which Japanese desire to occupy commands a higher rent, but prop-
erty surrounding the Japanese communities which is not sought by
the Japanese falls in value, because it is less desired by other races
on account of its proximity to the Japanese " quarter." ° Many of
the city Japanese, however, are employed in domestic and personal
service and in other occupations where they are thrown into more
direct contact with other races than are those employed in agricul-
ture and industry. Such employment usually carries with" it an
inferior rank, with its limitations.
The segregation of the Japanese in their living quarters, and in
many cases at their work, as well as their failure to obtain employ-
ment in a number of industries and localities, have resulted from an
attitude of opposition to this race taken by the " white " races, which
is more than a negative refusal of association, but an opposition
which has taken organized form in some communities and in others
has resulted in open violence. Reference has been made in the pre-
vious chapters of this report to the organized opposition to Japanese
laundries in Los Angeles, San Francisco, and in a number of smaller
communities in the State of California,6 to the concerted action of
union labor against and the several boycotts of Japanese restaurants
in the leading cities of the West,0 and to the opposition to the em-
ployment of Japanese laborers in the lumber industry in Washing-
ton and Oregon.* Moreover, the hostile attitude of employees toward
all oriental races has prevented the employment of Japanese in the
coal mines of northern Colorado and Washington, in most of the
shingle mills in Washington and Oregon, in the majority of the fruit
and vegetable canneries in California? and in a number of the city
trades in which CKinese were used in the early days. In Butte,
Mont., the Japanese are not permitted to live in the city, although the
Chinese are.
Sporadic outbreaks of violence against the Japanese have occurred
from time to time. In one case a group of 50 Japanese, sent out by
an agency in Portland to a lumber mill, were not allowed to leave the
train by the inhabitants of the mill town. More recently (in August,
1910) a group of Japanese were forcibly driven out of a lumber com-
munity in Washington by the " white " employees. Violence was
0 See especially the report on " Japanese in city employments and business in
Sacramento, Cal."
6 See " Japanese in city trades and employments in San Francisco." Also
Chapter V, p. 118, of this report
c See Chapter V, p. 121.
* See Chapter III, p. 46.
162 The Immigration Commission.
used in the boycott of the Japanese restaurants in San Francisco in
1906, and resulted in considerable destruction of property. The pro-
ceedings of the Japanese and Korean Exclusion League of Denver,
Colo., in 1908 (organized by labor leaders) were such as to make the
Japanese population there fear violence. A counter protective organ-
ization was formed by the Japanese, paid detectives of which fol-
lowed closely the movements of the exclusion league. Literature
favorable to Japanese immigration was distributed by the Japanese
with the hope of allaying the opposition. Moreover, instructions
as to conduct were issued to all Japanese in the neighborhood, in
order that no offense should be given Tpy them in matters of morality,
cleanliness, aggressiveness, etc. Provision was also made for a place
of security in the event of riot, and the men were urged to wear
whistles for protection rather than offensive weapons. In San Fran-
cisco, also, the Japanese have organized to protect their mutual
interests and property.
Aggressive opposition on the part of the " white " population to the
association of Japanese with other races has* also been manifested
with regard to the presence of the latter race in the public schools.
As a result of a popular demand, voiced by the Japanese and Korean
Exclusion League of San Francisco, the board of education of that
city decided on October 11, 1906, to segregate Japanese and Chinese
pupils in a school building designated as the Oriental School, " not
only for the purpose of relieving the congestion at present prevailing
in our schools, but also for the higher end that our children should
not be placed in any position where their youthful impressions may
be affected by association with people of the Mongolian race." The
Oriental School was located in the burned district and was incon-
venient for most of the Japanese, pupils, who, with one exception,
failed to appear there for instruction when debarred from the schools
they had been attending, it being held by the members of that race
that the action was taken in violation of their existing treaty rights,
guaranteed by the Federal Government. The school board later
rescinded its action and the Japanese pupils returned to the schools
which they had formerly attended.0 Yet in most localities Japanese
pupils and the pupils of other races associate with little or no friction.
The race antipathy evidenced by the instances cited above has done
much to cause and to perpetuate the clannishness of the Japanese im-
migrants. The feeling is also very general that marriage between Jap-
anese and white persons should be discouraged. In fact, the strong
popular sentiment in this connection has developed into a definite
legal prohibition of such unions in the State of California,6 and has
been strong enough in the other Western States to prevent any wide-
spread intermarriage between the Japanese and other races.
0 See " The Japanese in city employments, and business in San Francisco,
t&In 1880 section 69 of the California Civil Code was amended so as to pro-
hibit the issuing of licenses for the marriage of white persons with negroes,
mulattoes, or Mongolians. In 1905 section 60 of the Civil Code was amended
so as to make the marriage of white persons with Mongolians, as well as with
negroes and mulattoes, illegal and void. Japanese are regarded as Mongolians.
In fact, the amendment of the law in 1905 was meant to relate specifically to
marriages between them and white persons.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 163
A few Japanese men have married American women in the West,
but the number is too small to be of importance in this connection.
In an investigation of the Japanese population of Denver conducted
by the Japanese 'Association of Colorado, and completed July 15,
1909, 6 Japanese were reported as married to white women. In the
other Western States, save California, such marriages have been occa-
sionally contracted, but they are few in number. They are of in-
terest chiefly in connection with the strong protests which are called
forth and given expression through the press.
Furthermore, in their church affiliations, the Japanese have little
opportunity to associate with other immigrant races and with the
native-born Americans. A large number of them do not attend any
religious services or belong to any religious organization. More-
over, the majority of those who take an interest in religious work
adhere to the Buddhist faith. In 1906 there were 12 Japanese
Buddhist temples in the Western Division, 9 located in California, 2
in Washington, and 1 in Oregon. These 12 temples had at that time
a membership of 3,165 persons, of whom 2,387 were males and 778
females. Nineteen schools were conducted in connection with these
temples, having a teaching staff of 48 persons and enrolling 913
pupils.0 These Buddhist temples include no natives or Europeans in
their membership.
In every community where any considerable number of Japanese
have settled Christian missions have been instituted for their benefit.
The membership of the Christian missions, while large and increas-
ing year by year, is smaller than that of the Buddhist organizations.
These missions are for Japanese alone, a recognition of a difference
between them and other races and a condition which lessens their
value as an assimilative force. All are Protestant missions, some five
denominations (Episcopal, Methodist, Presbyterian, Congregational,
and Baptist) being represented among them.
In Los Angeles there are five Japanese missions and a like number
in San Francisco. The combined attendance of the Christian mis-
sions conducted for Japanese in the two cities is roughly 1,000 per-
sons. Japanese Christian missions were reported in practically all
of the urban centers having a considerable number of Japanese
residents. In several of the rural settlements of the Japanese, how-
ever, no such institutions have been established. In some such cases
a few Japanese who have accepted the Christian faith have united
with local churches on an equal footing with the white members, but
such instances are comparatively rare. On the whole, the religious
ideas and the worship of the Japanese immigrants are not of such a
character as to subject them to influences making for their assimila-
tion. Their association is almost exclusively with members of their
own race and their native language is ordinarily used in their public
worship.
In no cases were Japanese from whom data were secured members
of fraternal orders to which Americans belong. They are racially
ineligible for membership in practically all of the American orders.
The only organizations other than religious in which they as well as
« See Bureau of the Census, Special Report on Religious Bodies, 1906, Part
II, p. 178.
164 The Immigration Commission.
white persons are members are of a business nature, as, for example,
the " Fife Vegetable Growers' Association," in the State of Washing-
ton, the " Sacramento Grocers' Union," and the " Chamber of Com-
merce " of Sacramento.
Among themselves the Japanese are well organized. Most impor-
tant are the " Japanese Associations," which exist in every urban
center in which Japanese have settled in any considerable number.
The local associations are branches of more general organizations, as,
for example, the " Japanese Association of Colorado," the " Japanese
Association of Oregon," and the " Japanese Association of Washing-
ton." These areas often correspond to the consular districts, and the
associations are used to some extent by the Japanese consular service
as administrative organs, as, for example, in the issuing of certificates
of various kinds.
These associations have as their members the better-known Jap-
anese of the communities in which they are organized. Most of the
farmers and business men and some of the laborers have member-
ship in them. Their objects, as stated in their constitutions, are
general and vague. The Japanese Association in San Francisco seta
forth its aims as: (1) To elevate the character of Japanese immi-
grants; (2) to promote association between Japanese and Americans;
(3) to promote commerce, agriculture, and other industries; and (4)
to further Japanese interests. They, in fact, interest themselves in
whatever concerns the welfare of the Japanese. For example, the
San Francisco organization came into existence for the purpose of
protecting the " rights " of the Japanese immigrants, who felt that
unduly harsh treatment was accorded 'them when San Francisco was
threatened with the bubonic plague in 1900. Later, in protecting the
Japanese from violence, " plain-clothes men " were employed upon
the streets. So were they in Denver also during the anti-Japanese
movement of a few years ago. The Japanese Association of Fresno
was instrumental in closing the oriental gambling dens and houses
of prostitution located in that city. They do whatever comes to
hand, and in many localities have been of great value in promoting
morality and orderly living as well as in preserving harmony be-
tween conflicting interests.
A large number of Japanese immigrants are members of prefec-
tural societies, organizations of immigrants from the same prefectures
in Japan. These societies are of a general and benevolent and social
nature. Some provision is made for caring for members in case of
sickness or misfortune. They also serve in some degree as a center
of the social life of the Japanese. In San Francisco 27 prefectures
in Japan are represented by as many prefectural societies, 24 in
Seattle, 12 in Los Angeles, 8 in Sacramento, and smaller numbers in
other communities.
In addition to these more widespread and general organizations,
the Japanese have united in several localities for various purposes.
The organizations among farmers, shopkeepers, and business men
have been noted earlier in this report. Here and there mutual aid
societies are conducted which collect dues, usually $1 per month, and
in turn provide for the members who are sick or in financial distress.
The Japanese Benevolent Society of San Francisco was organized in
1901, with the object of making more complete provision for the
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 165
care of sick, injured, or unfortunate Japanese. It is of the nature of
a charity organization society, organizing the relief-giving agencies
of the race rather than dispensing material aid. However, in the
period 1901-1908 some $7,000 was expended in caring for the un-
fortunate and in transporting persons back to Japan. A hospital is
conducted in San Francisco by the organization. Japanese hospitals
are found in Vacaville, Ogden, and in many of the places in which
a few hundred or more Japanese have settled. Though they are
without any great fraternal organizations, such as those found among
the Portuguese, the Danish, and several other of the European races,
the Japanese in a more or less organized way care for those who
are in need of assistance. Seldom have the Japanese become pub-
lic charges or been charity patients at public hospitals. Perhaps no
race of equal numbers in this country has imposed upon the public
charitable institutions as little burden as the Japanese.
With regard to criminal acts, the record of the Japanese immi-
grants is very good. With the exception of the cases of excessive
gambling and of the operation of houses of prostitution in one or
two localities few charges of misdemeanor or of criminality have been
brought against them. For example, in San Francisco from 1900 to
1907 less than 100 Japanese were reported among the commitments,
a remarkably small number if the size of the Japanese population
of that city and the number of Greeks, Italians, and others committed
are considered. Gambling is rather prevalent among the Japanese,
both among those who live in isolated groups, as for example the em-
ployees of the salmon canneries or agricultural laborers and the resi-
dents of Japanese quarters in the cities. The gambling places are
frequently conducted by Chinese or by other persons. A notable
example of this exists in Fresno, Gal., where a number of Chinese
dives were conducted until the fall of 1908. In the early summer of
that year an agitation against them was initiated by the better ele-
ment among the Japanese, who enlisted the native clergy and the
press in their* fight, with the result that the gambling houses were
finally closed for several months, beginning in August, 1908. A few
Chinese gambling houses, however, were opened in May, 1909, and
were still in operation at the time of the investigation. Gambling
is an evil which is often to be found in the Japanese just as it is
found in other " camps " where any large number of laborers live
and work together. In connection with the whole matter of law and
order it should be noted, however, that the general attitude of the
white people is that it is not important what the Asiatics do among
themselves so long as violation of law or disorder does not endanger
or inconvenience the members of other races.
This spirit is clearly shown by the circumstances surrounding the
agitation and temporary suppression of the Japanese houses of pros-
titution in Fresno in 1908. The better element among the Japanese
•initiated the movement against these as well as against the Chinese
gambling houses, which were largely patronized by the Japanese. In
securing the desired reforms, however, they were consistently opposed
by the chief of police and a considerable part of the native population,
and not until the moral sense of the better native element was aroused
by the appeals of the clergy and the progressive newspapers was action
taken. The action was, however, temporary, and, although all the
166 The Immigration Commission.
Japanese societies protested against the reopening of the vicious re-
sorts, several ha*ve been allowed to continue their business and were
in operation in 1909. Here, in Vacaville, and in some other localities
the attitude of the citizens toward law and order seems to have been
lowered somewhat by the failure to enforce a single standard of ob-
servance.
The Japanese as a race are temperate. Though there is much drink-
ing at restaurants and in " camps," instances are rare in which drunk-
enness has interfered with their efficiency in any branch of employ-
ment. However, some complaint has been made of the excesses of
those who work in the Alaskan salmon canneries. These are of the
most unsettled and reckless class of Japanese immigrants, and are
inclined to excesses of different kinds. Where Japanese have been
employed with other races in the same field of work, as for example
as section hands on the railroads and as laborers in the cement works
and smelters, they are regarded as far more temperate than the Mex-
icans or the races of south and east Europe.
Thus the Japanese have a comparatively small percentage of illit-
erates among them, are intelligent and eager to learn of American
institutions, make fairly rapid progress in learning to speak English,
and unusually good progress in learning to read and write it. They
have not proved to be burdensome to the community because of pau-
perism or crime. Yet the Japanese, like the Chinese, are regarded as
differing so greatly from the white races that they have lived in but
as no integral part of the community. A strong public opinion has
segregated them, if not in their work, in the other details of their
living, and practically forbids, when not expressed in law, marriage
between them and persons of the white race.
CHAPTER VIIL
PACIFIC COAST OPINION OF JAPANESE IMMIGRATION AND THE
DESIRE FOR ASIATIC LABORERS.
For several years there has been strong opposition to the immigra-
tion of Japanese laborers to the continental United States, and not a
little evidence of a desire not to accord to them and other Asiatics
residing in this country all of the privileges and rights accorded to
immigrants of the white races. Much which bears upon this phase
of the matter has been noted in the preceding chapters of this report.
It remains to mention still other matters necessary to give a more
complete view of the situation.
It is a significant fact that the first strong note of opposition to the
immigration of Japanese laborers came from a mass meeting called
in 1900 to consider the reenactment of the Chinese-exclusion law,
soon to expire.
It is true that the incoming of these laborers and the place they
occupied in the industries of the State had been investigated by the
California state labor commissioner shortly before,0 and that an
agent of the Federal Government had made an investigation in Japan
of the circumstances under which the laborers emigrated from that
country to the continental United States.6 It was in 1900, when an
unusually large number arrived, ^ however, that the first organized
demand was made for the exclusion of the Japanese. At the mass
meeting called in San Francisco, May 7 of that year, not only was a
resolution adopted urging Congress to reenact the Chinese-exclusion
law, but it was further resolved to urge the adoption of an act of
Congress or such other measures as might be necessary for the total
exclusion of all classes of Japanese other than members of the diplo-
matic staff. " Such a law," it was added, " has become a necessity
not only on the grounds set forth in the policy of Chinese exclusion
but because of additional reasons resting in the fact that the assumed
virtue of the Japanese — i. e., their partial adoption of American cus-
toms— makes them the more dangerous as competitors." c The fol-
lowing January Gov. Henry T. Gage, in his first biennial message to
the legislature of the State of California, called attention to the
facts that the Chinese-exclusion act of 1892 would expire in May of
the next year, and the convention between the United States and
China might be terminated in 1904, while the recent acquisition of
territory by annexation and war made it particularly necessary that
acts of Congress should be passed and the convention revised so as
to cover beyond question every part of the territory of the United
0 See Ninth Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the State of
California for the years 1899-1900.
6 See Chapter II.
c Report of mass meeting in San Francisco, Cal., May 8, 1900.
48296 ° —VOL 23—11 12 167
168 The Immigration Commission.
States. While urging that action should be taken looking to this
end, Governor Gage took occasion to add :
The peril from Chinese labor finds a similar danger in the unrestricted impor-
tation of Japanese laborers. The cheapness of that labor is likewise a menace
to American labor, and a new treaty with Japan for such restriction, as well
as the passage of laws by Congress, is desired for the protection of Americans.
I therefore most earnestly appeal to your honorable bodies for the passage
as a matter of urgency of appropriate resolutions instructing our Senators
and requesting our Representatives in Congress for the immediate institution
of all proper measures leading to the revision of the existing treaties with
China and Japan, and the passage of all necessary laws and resolutions for
the protection of American labor against the immigration of oriental laborers.
As a result of this appeal a joint resolution was adopted by the
legislature and a memorial addressed to Congress, praying for the
restriction of Japanese immigration. The legislature of Nevada the
same year adopted similar resolutions.
Though the American Federation of Labor, at its annual conven-
tion held in San Francisco in November, 1904, resolved, in response
to a local demand, that the terms of the Chinese exclusion act should
be extended so as to exclude Japanese and Korean as well as Chinese
laborers, there was little discussion of Japanese immigration until
in the spring of 1905, In spite of the fact that the Japanese Govern-
ment for several years had discouraged the emigration of laborers
intending to come to the continental United States the number immi-
grating directly to this country had increased in 1903 and 1904, while
during the latter year, as a result of the inducements made by the
Japanese contractors of the Pacific coast cities, a still larger number
were migrating to the mainland from Hawaii." From these com-
bined sources many Japanese laborers were arriving in the United
States in 1904 and 1905. It was under these circumstances that the
San Francisco Chronicle, on February 23, 1905, began the publication
of a series of articles upon the Japanese question, calling attention
to the number of Japanese already in the country, discussing the
supposed evils connected with their immigration, and emphasizing
the dangers of future immigration of that kind. The Japanese ques-
tion at once commanded the attention of the state legislature of Cali-
fornia and has had a prominent place in the discussions of that body
at every session since that time. On the 1st of March following the
state senate adopted a resolution, which was concurred in the fol-
lowing day by the assembly, demanding that action be taken without
delay, by treaty or otherwise, to limit the further immigration of
Japanese laborers.6 The same year similar resolutions were again
adopted by the legislature of Nevada.
At this time the Union Labor party was in control of municipal
affairs in San Francisco. On May 6, 1905, the board of education
passed a resolution declaring its determination to effect the estab-
lishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japanese pupils. No
action followed this resolution, however, for more than a year. The
great fire following the earthquake of April, 1906, destroyed many
of the school buildings of the city, and among them the one attended
by the majority of the Japanese pupils. The difficulty of providing
a See Chapter II, p. 5 et seq.
6 Senate joint resolution, No. 10, California Statutes, 1905, p. 10GO.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 169
for pupils of any race after the disaster brought the Japanese school
question again into prominence, while the more conspicuous position
the Japanese had made for themselves in the business of the city,
and especially in the restaurant trade, immediately after the fire had
added to the feeling against them as a race. In October, 1906, the
board of education passed a " separate school order," which required
the transfer of most of the Japanese pupils to the " Oriental School,"
located in the center of the city, far removed from the homes of most
of the pupils to be transferred. The objections to this by the Jap-
anese and the complaints from the Government at Tokio, immedi-
ately centered the attention of the whole country upon San Fran-
cisco, and the question of separate schools for Asiatics suddenly be-
came an international one. At the same time, October, 1906, the
Cooks and Waiters' Union conducted a boycott against the numerous
Japanese restaurants which had been opened in various parts of the
city. This boycott was accompanied by much damage to the build-
ings occupied for this purpose and by much violence to Japanese of
all classes.0 This was followed by an investigation by the Federal
Government, a conference between the local officials and the Presi-
dent, the withdrawal of the separate-school order by the board of
education, and an agreement between the governments of Japan and
the United States in which the former agreed to discontinue the
issuing of passports to laborers planning to come directly to the
continental United States. The President, acting in accordance with
an amendment to the immigration law approved February 20, 1907,
issued an order refusing admission to "Japanese or Korean laborers,
skilled or unskilled, who have received passports to go to Mexico,
Canada or Hawaii and come therefrom." 6
The opposition to Japanese immigration had assumed a definitely
organized form in May, 1905, when the Asiatic Exclusion League °
was organized in San Francisco. Later branches of the same body
were organized in Seattle, Portland, Denver, Stockton, and other
places, and a general international organization * was formed hold-
ing yearly conventions. The general organization states its princi-
ples and purposes in the' preamble to its constitution as follows :
Two or more unassimilable races can not exist peaceably in the same terri-
tory. This action between such races results in the extermination of that one
which, by reason of its characteristics, physical and mental, is least adapted
to the conditions of life originating in the given territory.
The conditions of life are, in the last analysis, determined by the conditions
of labor; consequently the question of adaptability as between two unassimila-
ble races must be resolved in favor of that race the characteristics of which
most nearly conform to the conditions of labor.
The labor of to-day in North America is a machine, as distinguished from a
manual process. That race, therefore, which by its nature is best suited to
complement the machine as the essential factor of production is in that respect
the superior race, and therefore best adapted to the conditions of American
industrial life.
0 See " Japanese in city employments and business in San Francisco."
* For the restrictions placed by the Japanese Government upon the emigra-
tion of laborers, the amendment of the immigration law, and the order issued
by the President, see Chapter II.
cThe league was at first known as the Japanese and Korean Exclusion
League, but the official title was later changed to that given above.
d With a membership drawn from British Columbia and several of the West-
ern States.
170 The Immigration Commission.
The Caucasian and Asiatic races are unassimilable. Contact between these
races must result, under the conditions of industrial life obtaining in North
America, in injury to the former, proportioned to the extent to which such
contact prevails. The preservation of the Caucasian race upon American soil,
and particularly upon the west shore thereof, necessitates the adoption of all
possible measures to prevent or minimize the immigration of Asiatics to
America.
With these principles and purposes in view we have formed the Asiatic
Exclusion League of North America, to the end that the soil of North America
be preserved to the American people of the present and all future generations,
that they may attain the highest possible moral and national standards, and
that they may maintain a society in keeping with the highest ideals of freedom
and self-government.
Of the several local organizations that in San Francisco alone has
been active in its agitation against the Japanese for more than a very
short time. Indeed, the other branches have usually been inactive,
and in most places the organization has been little more than a name.
The San Francisco league, however, has been well organized and very
active. Nor did its agitation cease with the restriction of immigra-
tion in 1907, for it has maintained that the agreement was neither a
logical nor an effective method of regulation. At the meeting of the
general organization in Seattle in February, 1908, it was resolved in
a memorial addressed to Congress that —
The first annual convention of the Asiatic Exclusion League of North America
does hereby most respectfully protest against the administrative and executive
officers of the United States entering into any agreement which will permit the
ruler of any foreign country to make stipulations as to what class of persons
and in what numbers shall leave said foreign country for the purpose of immi-
grating to the United States, and your memorialists further declare that the
incoming of immigrants into the United States is a matter for domestic legis-
lation and regulation, and is a prerogative of Congress and of Congress alone.
The composition of the Exclusion League is that of a number of
affiliated bodies, the greater number of them labor organizations. In
February, 1908, the membership in California was reported to be
110,000. In May, 1909, according to the official proceedings for that
month, the organization in California consisted of 238 affiliated
bodies, characterized as follows: ,
Labor 202
Fraternal 18
Civic 12
Benevolent 3
Political 2
Military 1
Total 238
This did not include the membership of leagues in the States of
Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Colorado, and Nebraska.
While not limiting its membership in any way, the league has al-
ways been dominated by organized labor, and the position taken by it
has always had the support of organized labor in general. The
strength of feeling against the Japanese among union laborers has
been shown by frequent boycotts of Japanese goods and services by
fines imposed on members patronizing Japanese and by the fact that
membership in labor unions has been closed to the Asiatics. The
only exception to this is found in Wyoming, where Japanese miners
have been admitted to membership in the United Mine Workers of
America, though working agreements have been entered into by white
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 171
and Japanese organizations representing the same trade, as by the
Japanese and white barbers' unions in Stockton and Fresno.
The Exclusion League, however, has declared officially and em-
phatically that it is not in its province to take the lead in or advise
any boycott either of Asiatics or their goods, and that such matters
shall be left to the labor organizations. It has frequently emphasized
the fact that its opposition to Asiatics was not alone on industrial
but on racial and political grounds as well, and has consistently di-
rected its efforts to arousing a sentiment in favor of the extension of
the present exclusion law to the Japanese. It has sought anti-Japa-
nese pledges from candidates for office, but has not affiliated with
any political party. By its agitation no doubt the league has done
much to increase the opposition to Japanese, especially in California.
It has already been mentioned that the anti-Japanese movement in
San Francisco in 1900, followed by the message of Governor Gage on
the subject and the renewal of the agitation in 1905, both resulted in
resolutions being adopted by the California legislatures, then in ses-
sion, calling the attention of Congress to the need of measures re-
stricting Japanese immigration to this country. With the increase
in the number of immigrants in the country until 1907, and the more
serious and widespread agitation against them throughout the State
at the session of 1907, some more definite measures in regard to the
Japanese question were presented to the legislature. These proposed
bills and resolutions provided for ascertaining and expressing the
will of the people of the State upon the subject of Asiatic immigra-
tion, condemned the proposition of the President to extend the elective
franchise to alien-born Asiatics, urged upon Congress the necessity
of excluding objectionable Asiatics, fixed the age at which children
might be admitted to the primary schools, and protested against the
making or ratification of any treaty with Japan unless it should con-
tain a proviso that nothing in the treaty should affect or impair any
law of any State relating to the subject of education, marriage, suf-
frage, eligibility to hold office, or the exercise of the police powers of
the State. As a result of the efforts of the President and governor all
of the measures proposed failed to pass either one or both houses.
The session of 1909 was still more prolific of anti-Japanese bills.
No fewer than 17 different bills relative to Japanese were introduced,
but the interest centered largely in an " alien land bill " and a " school
segregation " measure. The former bill was intended to prevent the
acquisition of land by the Japanese, but the objections of the Presi-
dent led to its amendment so as to include all aliens, and in that form
it failed to pass. The bill for segregating Japanese children in the
public schools, however, passed the assembly by a vote of 48 to 26.
The prompt intervention of President Koosevelt through the gov-
ernor brought about a reconsideration of the bill and its defeat by a
vote of 41 to 37. The only anti-Japanese measures passed at that
session were one —
to provide for the gathering, compiling, printing, and distribution of statistics
and information regarding the Japanese of the State, and making an appropria-
tion therefor —
and a resolution in favor of exclusion. The report of the state labor
commissioner, who has had charge of the investigation for which
provision was made, has not yet been printed. The resolution
172 The Immigration Commission.
adopted, quoted because it is the most recent expression of the legis-
lature, is as follows :
Whereas the progress, happiness, and prosperity of the people of a nation
depend upon a homogeneous population ;
Whereas the influx of the overpopulated nations of Asia, of people who are
unsuited for American citizenship or for assimilation with the Caucasian race,
has resulted and will result in lowering the American standard of life and the
dignity and wage-earning capacity of American labor;
Whereas the exclusion of Chinese laborers under the existing exclusion laws
of the United States has tended to preserve the economic and social welfare of
the people;
Whereas we view with alarm any proposed repeal of such exclusion laws and
the substituting therefor of general laws;
Whereas the interest of California can best be safeguarded by the retention of
said exclusion laws and by extending their terms and provisions to other Asiatic
people ;
Whereas the people of the Eastern States and the United States generally
have an erroneous impression as to the real sentiment of the people of the
Pacific coast relative to the Asiatic question;
Whereas we think it right and proper that the people of this country should
be advised as to our true position on that question : Therefore be it
Resolved by the senate and assembly jointly, That we respectfully urge the
Congress of the United States to maintain intact the present Chinese exclusion
laws, and instead of taking any action looking to the repeal of said exclusion
laws, to extend the terms and provisions thereof so as to apply to and include
all Asiatics.
Resolved, That our Senators be instructed and Representatives in Congress
requested to use all honorable means to carry out the foregoing recommendation
and requests.
Resolved, That the governor of California be, and he is hereby, directed to
transmit a certified copy of these resolutions to the President and Speaker,
respectively, of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
and to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress.
During the session of 1909 of the Nevada legislature strong anti-
Japanese resolutions, commending the Japanese land bill and the
school segregation bill then pending in the California legislature,
were adopted by the house but were defeated in the senate as a re-
sult of influence brought to bear from Washington through the
United States Senators from Nevada. In the Oregon legislature
also a resolution was introduced calling upon Congress to maintain
the Chinese-exclusion act and requesting that the present laws be
broadened so as to include all Asiatics. This was also defeated
through the efforts of one of the United States Senators. In Mon-
tana a school-segregation measure was introduced and also a joint
memorial calling for the enforcement of the present Chinese-exclu-
sion laws and urging their extension so as to include all Asiatics.
The school-segregation measure was referred to the committee on
military affairs and was reported unfavorably.
In how far this abortive legislation represents the general senti-
ment of the people of the Western and Pacific Coast States can only
be judged by the attitude toward the Japanese question of political
parties, newspapers, chambers of commerce^ and other organizations,
and personal opinions as gathered by agents of the Commission.
Without doubt there has been much difference of opinion as to the
advisability of the proposed measures directed against Japanese
already in the country, but it is equally certain that with reference
to the further immigration of laborers the prevailing opinion is in
favor of effective restriction.
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 173
Only now and then, and chiefly as a result of the movement in
California, has the immigration of Japanese been regarded as a
problem of commanding importance in the Western States other than
California. This is explained largely by the difference in numbers,
the greatest objection accompanying the largest numbers, but partly
also by the greater advance the Japanese have made in California
than elsewhere. No doubt the successful agitation against Chinese,
which was limited very largely to California, has also been a factor
in developing the feeling against the Japanese. That the sentiment
of the great majority of the people in this one State is definitely
opposed to any immigration of Japanese laborers is evidenced by
the fact that the platforms of the three leading political parties of
the State in 1910 all contained " exclusion planks." The exclusion
plank in the Republican platform was as follows:
16. We declare our faith in the unswerving opposition of the people of Cali-
fornia to the further admission of oriental laborers, and we urge upon Congress
and the President the adoption of all necessary measures to guard against this
evil.
The planks in the Democratic platform were:
7. The exclusion of all Asiatic labor.
20. The adoption of the Sanford bill, preventing Asiatics who are not eligible
to citizenship from owning land in California.
The Socialist party's platform contained the following plank:
We favor all legislative measures tending to prevent the immigration of
strike breakers and contract laborers and the mass immigration and importa-
tion of Mongolian or East Indian labor, caused or stimulated by the employing
classes for the purpose of weakening the organization of American labor and
of lowering the standard of life 'of the American workers.
Not only did the parties place themselves on record in favor of
exclusion, but almost all of the leading candidates for office pledged
themselves to work for the exclusion of all Asiatic laborers and many
of them discussed the matter extensively during the campaign.
The general trend of editorial comment in Pacific coast newspapers
within the last few years has been in favor of Japanese exclusion,
either by agreement as at present or by an extension of the Chinese-
exclusion law. Although it would be impossible to state exactly
how general this attitude is, the newspaper clippings sent in from
all parts of the West by agents of the Commission would indicate
that there is a strong and increasing prejudice against the further
admission of Asiatics. The few editors who have favored Japanese
immigration have usually justified their position by the plea that
certain agricultural industries were dependent upon Asiatics, or that
exclusion would injure the trade between the United States and the
Orient. There can be no doubt that those newspapers which are
published in the localities where the Japanese have become estab-
lished as an important element in the labor supply, and then have
become farmers and business men, very generally declare emphatically
against them, and that those papers reflect the general attitude of the
community on the question.
Another important indication of popular sentiment in regard to the
Japanese is found in the expression of boards of trade through their
officers, as shown in correspondence with the Commission or in per-
sonal interviews with its agents. The opinion of the great majority
174 The Immigration Commission.
of these men, representing the more important agricultural centers
in California and a few in Washington and Oregon, was strongly
opposed to further immigration of Japanese laborers. The objections
to the Japanese were partly because of their personal characteristics,
but more generally on the broader ground of the welfare of the
community or of public policy. These boards of trade have been
organized to advertise the resources of their particular localities, to
induce the migration and settlement of families, to secure the reclama-
tion and subdivision of lands and better exploitation of resources,
and in other ways to promote the material welfare of the community.
One almost universal objection made to the Japanese by the repre-
sentatives of these organizations was that their presence, and espe-
cially the lease and ownership of land by them, prevented the migra-
tion of desirable white families to the district. The representatives
of several of these boards of trade, even while opposed to the immi-
gration of Japanese, stated that their communities would gladly make
use of more Chinese if they were available. The reasons advanced
for the favorable opinion of the Chinese as against the Japanese
were their superiority as workmen, their faithfulness to the employer,
a less general desire to acquire possession of land or to engage in
business, and the absence of a desire on their part to associate with
others on equal terms.
A few years ago several chambers of commerce in the larger cities
of the Pacific Coast States adopted resolutions of a more or less pro-
Japanese character. Most of these were adopted at the time of the
difficulties growing out of the "l separate school order " and the boy-
cott of restaurants in San Francisco, and though the opinions of
members of these organizations given expression in the general reso-
lutions adopted differed, it would appear that these resolutions were
usually adopted in order to allay the increasing hostility in Japan,
which would result in a loss of trade. In most cases it appears, upon
investigation, that these resolutions were not intended as an expres-
sion of opinion as to the desirability of the immigration of Japanese
laborers, but as to the treatment which should be accorded to the
Japanese in this country and as to the undesirability of any action
which would result in friction between the two races. The very
general feeling at present is to " leave well enough alone."
The prevailing sentiment in communities where Japanese are found
in large numbers is in favor of exclusion of the laborers of this race,
and in general the present policy of restriction by international agree-
ment is considered satisfactory so long as it proves effective. Yet
there are three classes who advocate a change in the present policy of
restriction in this form. One class advocate the enactment of a posi-
tive Japanese exclusion law such as exists against the Chinese. Among
the reasons assigned by them for desiring the enactment of such a law
are that the present agreement with Japan in regard to a question of
domestic policy creates an undesirable precedent and leaves the ques-
tion in such form that it may be reopened at any time by the repudia-
tion of the agreement. Though this view is taken by some who are
not connected with that organization, it finds expression chiefly
through the Asiatic Exclusion League. A second class is found at
the other extreme in those who object to any discrimination between
races and who favor the immigration of Chinese and Japanese on the
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 175
same terms as other races and under a general immigration law, with
little regard to the immediate effect of such a policy upon the com-
munity. The larger number of this small class — in the West — ap-
proach the matter from a religious or an ethical point of view.
There is a third class composed of some fruit growers and shippers
and men engaged in other industries, who advocate a change in the
present policy, so as to permit the immigration of both Chinese and
Japanese, but the persons of this class usually state that the number
of immigrants should be strictly limited. These men generally hold
that Asiatics are essential, or at least desirable, for the development
of their industries. In the growing of sugar beets, grapes, and certain
other intensive crops, especially in California, and in the canning of
salmon in Oregon, Washington, and Alaska, the Chinese, and more
recently the Japanese, have been regarded as indispensable to the con-
tinuance of the industries. A noticeable feature of the attitude of
those who desire Japanese and Chinese for work in their particular
industries, however, is that their proposals for the admission of such
classes are only of a temporary nature. They generally do not regard
these races as desirable otherwise than in limited numbers, and as
laborers in those employments which have been uninviting to white
men under prevailing conditions and for which the organization,
habits, and physical characteristics of the orientals make them pecul-
iarly acceptable to the employer. It is noteworthy also that the
greater part of those who believe Asiatic labor of some kind to be
necessary to the continued development of the fruit, vegetable, or
other intensive crops prefer Chinese to Japanese, as the former are
more skillful and painstaking and strictly honest as to contracts,
while much complaint and dissatisfaction is expressed with regard to
the Japanese. Moreover, preference is frequently expressed for the
Chinese because they are less ambitious than the Japanese and fewer
of them rise to higher economic positions than that of the laborer.
The attitude of this class is clearly expressed as follows in a report
made by its committee on immigration to the Los Angeles Chamber
of Commerce, February 16, 1910:
The other class of immigrants desired is concerned with handling our citrous
industry, marketing our fruits and vegetables, and in general caring for the
many agricultural products for which southern California is noted. For this
work we need the Chinese and Japanese, and especially the former. To all
practical intents a discussion of the immigration problem in southern California
is synonymous with a discussion of the Chinese question. Your committee
feels that the time is fast approaching when southern California is to be
called upon to face an imminent need of Chinese laborers. While your com-
mittee is entirely in sympathy with the general spirit and idea of the exclusion
laws, it feels that certain modifications should be enacted so as to preserve
the original intent and yet satisfy needs which are at present a serious prob-
lem to some of our most important employers of labor. Our orchardists, our
fruit-packing interests, our vegetable gardens, our great bean fields, our walnut
groves, our vineyards, the raisin industry — these agricultural interests, together
with the omnipresent domestic problem, are clamoring loudly at the present
time. It is a fact a dearth of labor in such industries is approaching. These
conditions demand your attention to this important phase of our economic
problem.
In voicing what we believe to be a sane view of the matter, the Chinaman in
this present instance is not a competitor of our American workman. He is a
necessity. We feel the solution of our immigration needs, now felt seriously
in some quarters, to be found in the modification of the present law providing
for the admission of a restricted number of Chinese workers.
176 The Immigration Commission.
It should be added that this report was merely filed and was never
acted upon by the chamber of commerce, so that it can not be said to
represent the views of that body, but it does set forth the position
taken by the class of employers to which reference has been made.
Thus the desire for a change in the present policy of exclusion of
Japanese laborers by agreement and the further immigration of that
class is closely connected with the assumption that there is a need for
Asiatics specifically to perform certain kinds of labor, and the desire
is for both Chinese and Japanese, or for the former in preference
to the latter. It is evident from the details presented above that the
laborers of both races have done much to develop certain industries,
and notably fish canning and intensive agriculture, and that their
labor in other instances, as in domestic service, has been a great
convenience. It is evident also that the Chinese, and especially the
Japanese, are conspicuously employed in the industries just men-
tioned. The investigation made by the Commission has not shown,
however, that the dependence upon Asiatic labor is so great, that
with the supply already available for work where the employment
of other races would involve too great difficulty, a readjustment and
the substitution of laborers of other races as the Asiatics diminish in
number can not be made. General facts of importance in connec-
tion with the possibilities of such a readjustment and substitution of
white laborers and the specific need for Asiatic labor have been dis-
cussed at length elsewhere.0 They may be stated here in summary
form:
Employers have naturally, as a rule, sought the cheapest and most
convenient supply of labor. In this way the Asiatics have been em-
ployed extensively, and sometimes almost to the exclusion of others,
in certain industries. These industries and the conditions under
which they have been carried on, have been shaped in such instances
by the Asiatics employed. Industries have been developed in ad-
vance of a settled labor supply and specialization has been carried to
the extreme, so that a large migration of laborers has been required
to meet the seasonal demands in the different localities, and the liv-
ing conditions, especially for seasonal laborers, have been so shaped
that they are bad from the point of view of the white laborer. The
Asiatics fit well into this scheme of things; in fact, as stated, the
situation has been given shape by them, and the substitution of other
races involves difficulty. It should be noted, however, that with the
exception of salmon canning in certain localities, there is no work
engaged in by Asiatics in the West which is not engaged in by white
laborers also to some extent and in which white men do not engage in
other parts of the country under not dissimilar climatic conditions.
With better provision for board and lodging there can be no doubt
that the number of white men available for such work would be
materially increased.
The problem of seasonal labor can be met in part in several ways.
The white labor supply of the larger cities has not been fully utilized
because of the abundant, organized and convenient supply of Asiatic
labor at hand. That much more white labor can be made available
for fruit picking and similar work is shown by the fact that by ad-
tt See " Immigrant labor in California agricultural industries."
Japanese Immigrants in United States. 177
vertising, the large hop growers secure white laborers in very large
numbers from the cities. One difficulty in the case of the orchardists
and other small growers has been that they could not well secure
this labor when they and it were both without organization and they
could not guarantee enough work to make it attractive. In southern
California, however, in several instances, the packing houses and the
citrus-fruit associations have " crews " of white pickers who are sent
to the ranches where needed for harvest work. In some other indus-
tries, as in the deciduous fruit industry, where the fruit is shipped
"green," a similar organization is possible, or the matter might be
taken care of by the shippers. In fact, some shippers now pack the
fruit consigned to them. It would be possible to extend this system
and maintain " gangs " of pickers and packers and send them to the
places where needed. Mexicans, German-Kussians, and other white
races can be used more extensively in the hand work in the beet fields
until such time as the lands are subdivided and the growing of beets
takes its place in diversified farming — a condition which obtains at
Lehi, Utah, where the families of American, English, and other
farmers, with the assistance of regular farm laborers, do the work in
the fields.
A greater diversity of crops and of industries in the community
can be developed, so as more nearly to equalize the demand for labor
and to provide fairly regular employment for laborers where it is
not now to be found. With a diminishing number of Asiatic laborers
there will be a tendency to subdivide the large vineyards and vege-
table farms which have been conducted here and there as " estates "
or by corporations. This would induce a settlement of families upon
small farms, the members of the families would do most of the work,
and this would go far toward solving the problem of labor, for
smaller holdings would naturally be accompanied by a greater diver-
sity of crops. A development of this kind, and a decreasing number
of Asiatics, will increase the influx of families from the East and
Middle West, which there can be no doubt has been retarded by the
presence of the Asiatics. Finally, a larger influx of laborers and fam-
ilies, especially of the Italians and Portuguese, should follow the
completion of the Panama Canal.
It is not evident that there is any need for Asiatic laborers as
against laborers of other races, which can not be met indefinitely by
those now in the country. There is need, however, for a much larger
population, who will settle in the western country, exploit its re-
sources more fully, and develop the communities along normal lines.
The presence of Asiatics has in some localities prevented the influx
of other races. It should be added, moreover, that the problem of
labor does not stand alone. Without restrictions out of harmony
with the policy to extend equal privileges to all within the country
and without restrictions of such a character that they would give rise
to difficult political and administrative problems the tenantry and
ownership of land, the personnel of the business class, and the local
institutions are determined largely by the race or races which become
dominant in the labor supply.
PART II. -THE JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND
BUSINESS IN THE PRINCIPAL CITIES OF THE PACIFIC
COAST AND ROCKY MOUNTAIN STATES.
179
PART II— THE JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN
THE PRINCIPAL CITIES OF THE PACIFIC COAST AND ROCKY MOUN-
TAIN STATES, ^___
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
The agents of the Commission made an investigation of the occupa-
tions, business, and social life of the Japanese in several cities in
the Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain States. The investigation in
San Francisco was made between November, 1908, and May, 1909;
in the other localities between March, 1909, afld the 1st of July
of the same year. In Seattle, San Francisco, Sacramento, Los
Angeles, Fresno, and Watsonville, the general investigation was sup-
plemented by the taking of schedules. Family schedules were taken
for wage-earners and business men and their families. Business
schedules also were taken for Japanese and some of the competing
establishments conducted by white men, and individual schedules
were obtained from their employees wherever possible, as in the
industrial investigations. From the family schedules data were ob-
tained for 887 foreign-born male Japanese, 232 foreign-born female
Japanese, and 66 males and 80 females native-born of Japanese for-
eign-born father, residing in the 6 cities mentioned above. Business
schedules were obtained for 92 Japanese establishments in Los Ange-
les, 91 in San Francisco, 86 in Seattle, 55 in Sacramento, 21 in Fresno,
and 19 in Watsonville, while in the first 4 of the cities mentioned
a smaller number of schedules were taken for white business estab-
lishments in trades where Japanese competition was asserted to work
injury to white competitors.
This business schedule among other things contained inquiries con-
cerning the kind of business conducted in the given establishment,
the date at which it was started, the approximate amount of capital
employed in it, the amount of the capital borrowed (including the
cost of goods in stock but unpaid for), the approximate value of
annual transactions, the annual rental value or the property occu-
pied, the occupations, races, sex, and wages of employees, and the
number of hours worked per day and per week, the percentage of
patronage by white and by oriental races, and, if in mercantile trade,
the proportions of oriental and other goods dealt in. In the case
of the Japanese this schedule was employed as a supplement to the
family schedule taken, which contained inquiries relating to family
income, property, and other matters, affording possibilities of check-
ing some of the entries in the business schedule.
The data obtained in this way are presented in a number of special
reports, while the more significant facts are incorporated in Chapter
V of the " General report on Japanese immigrants in the United
« 181
182 The Immigration Commission.
i
States." The special reports are as follows : " Japanese in city em-
ployments and business in the State of Washington, with special
reference to Seattle ; " " Japanese in city employments and business
in San Francisco, Cal. ; " " Japanese in city employments and busi-
ness in Los Angeles, Cal. ; " " Japanese in city employments and
business in Sacramento, Cal. ; " " Japanese in city employments and
business in Portland, Oreg. ; " " Japanese in city employments and
business in Salt Lake City and Ogden, Utah ; " " Japanese in city
employments and business in Denver, Colo. ; " and " Japanese in busi-
ness in Idaho." In addition to these, sections of the reports on " Im-
migrants of Fresno County, Cal.," " The Japanese of the Pajaro
Valley," and " Immigrant labor in the deciduous fruit industry of
the Vaca Valley," deal with the members of the Japanese race in
business in Fresno, Watsonville, and Vacaville, respectively.
In the reports on San Francisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, and
Seattle, which follow in the order named, the statistical tables based
upon the schedules collected are not inserted in the text, but refer-
ence is made by number to these tables, which are published at the
end of the special report to which they relate. The statistical data
must not be regarded as having any degree of finality, but as illus-
trative and indicative. Some of the returns made are taken from
books kept, while most are estimates, and therefore in some instances
no doubt vary considerably from the true amounts in spite of an
almost universal effort made by the persons questioned to furnish the
agents with accurate data. Where a return has appeared question-
able it has been eliminated. As a whole it is believed that the data
are above the average in point of accuracy in matters in which
much — such as the profits of a small business, the percentage of pat-
ronage by a given race, and the cost of food and drink consumed—
must necessarily be more or less uncertain and difficult to reckon.
Moreover, the numbers involved are comparatively small and the
tables can not be accorded the same weight as tables based upon
larger numbers collected with equal care. Finally, in some branches
of business more than a fair proportion of the larger establishments
were included in the investigation, the effect being to increase the
average amount of capital invested, the amount of business done, the
rent paid, and the profit realized by the business men of each city
represented in the investigation in connection with which statistical
tables are used.
CHAPTER IL
JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN SAN
FRANCISCO.
[For General Tables, see pp. 353-361.]
INTRODUCTION.
The majority of the Japanese immigrating to the continental
United States have arrived at the port of San Francisco, from which
city more Japanese laborers have been sent out by contractors to
work in various employments than from any other place. Because
of its position in this respect, San Francisco has always had the
largest Japanese population, the largest amount of business con-
ducted by the members of that race, and the largest number of them
employed as wage-earners of all the cities of the West.
According to the census, the number of Japanese in San Francisco
was 45 in 1880, 590 in 1890, and 1,781 in 1900. With the great influx
of immigrants during subsequent years, the number reported for
1900 has increased several fold. In 1904 it is estimated to have been
10,132, in 1907, ll,380.a More recently, with the further immigra-
tion of laborers discontinued, a tendency on the part of those in the
ports of arrival to migrate to other places, the strong agitation
against them in San Francisco, and a gradually diminishing number
in the United States, the number of Japanese in San Francisco has
decreased. In November, 1909, the population was estimated at
8,746, of whom 6,938 were adult males, 1,187 adult females, and 621
children under 16 years of age. The number varies greatly during
the year because of the exodus of some 1,500 in the spring and sum-
mer for agricultural and cannery work. A partial census conducted
by the Japanese Association in the spring of 1910 was used as a
basis for an estimate of 8,000 or somewhat less.
JAPANESE EMPLOYED BY WHITE PERSONS.
The Japanese, as well as the Chinese, have long been conspicuously
employed as domestic servants in San Francisco. In 1898 it is prob-
able that 700 or 800 were so employed. In 1904 it is estimated that
the number had increased to more than 3,600, but recently the number
has diminished with the smaller number of Japanese in San Fran-
cisco, because of a desire on their part to obtain other work and the
higher wages which housekeepers have found it necessary to pay
them. In 1909 it was estimated that about 2,000 were employed as
domestics. A large percentage of these are " schoolboys," who work
short hours, and in return receive board and lodging and from $8 to
$16 per month, the money wage depending upon the number of hours
of work over that regarded as an equivalent for board and lodging.
0 Estimates contained in the Japanese- American Yearbooks for 1905 and 1908.
48296°— VOL 23—11 13 183
184 The Immigration Commission.
The Japanese who worked regularly as servants in 1909 earned from
$25 per month for those of little skill to $60 per month for experi-
enced cooks. It was difficult to secure personal information from per-
sons thus employed, but data were secured for TO " domestics." Of
this number 4 earned $25; 17, $30; 16, $35; 20, $40 j 9, $45; 3, $50;
and 1, $55 per month. These wages are materially higher than those
paid in earlier years. The wages paid previous to 1900 can not be
ascertained with any degree of exactness, but the scales in effect for
1900 and subsequent years, as shown by the records of a Japanese
employment agent, are presented in the following tabular statement :
Year.
Wages "plain
cook.'yo
Wages waiter
and house
worker.*
Wages
"school
boy."&
1900
$20 to $30
$15 to $25
$1 50
1903
25 to 35
20 to 30
1.75
1907
30 to 40
25 to 35
2.00
« Per month. 6 Per week.
The field of domestic service in private families is shared chiefly by
Japanese and Chinese men and white women of various rrces, among
whom many are foreign-born. It is impossible to estimate with any
degree of accuracy the total number thus employed at present or at
any time in the past, for such domestics are not reported separately
by the census.0 During the last fifteen years the number of Chinese
has diminished somewhat as a result of the exclusion acts. It
appears that the number of Japanese entering upon domestic serv-
ice has not been sufficient to do more than offset the decreasing num-
ber of Chinese servants and to provide for the larger number of serv-
ants employed in consequence of the growth of population. Though
the Japanese until recently have been regarded as the cheapest serv-
ants for such kinds of work as they have done, there has been also a
scarcity of white servants at the wages offered, though these wages
have been increasing.6
Japanese are also employed to do cleaning and related work about
private houses and gardens. These " day workers," as they are called,
usually live in groups of from 2 to 8, the average number being 5 or 6.
Frequently they live with cobblers and at the cobbler shops or other
offices receive orders for work to be done.
The " day workers " do house cleaning, cooking, waiting on table,
and gardening " on call." The Japanese alone have made an organ-
a The census for 1900 reports 6,995 male servants and waiters and 6,837 female
servants and waitresses. Of the 19,741 females thus employed in the State of
California, 7,838 were foreign-born whites, among whom the Irish with 4,493,
the Germans with 2,697, and the Scandinavians with 1,718, were the important
elements.
6 The statistical data presented in the reports of the Bureau of Labor Statistics
are not entirely comparable. It would appear, however, that the median wage
for 56 female cooks who received positions through employment agencies during
April, 1908, was $35 ; for 209 seeking employment in the same way in 1895-96,
about $25, while the median wages for general houseworkers at the two dates
were $25 and $20, respectively. Were the computation of averages possible,
they would indicate a greater increase in wages paid to these two classes of
domestics.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 185
ized effort to meet the desires of those in need of temporary and ir-
regular service, and a large number have been thus occupied for sev-
eral years. At the close of the year 1909 the number of groups re-
ported by the Japanese-American Yearbook was 148, the number of
persons included in them 984. This number is materially larger than
during the summer months, when many men are attracted to the
country for agricultural and related work. A few who are not mem-
bers of the groups mentioned are similarly employed, so that the
maximum number of " day workers " may be reckoned at about
1,000. Fourteen of the groups, comprising 53 men, were investigated.
The wages for cleaning were 30 or 35 cents per hour, or $2.50 per day ;
for waiting on table, 35 to 50 cents (with white coat), or $1 (with
dress coat) ; for gardening, 50 cents per hour; for window cleaning, 5
cents per window. As would be expected, the work is irregular, so
that the earnings of the 53 house cleaners varied between $20 per
month as a minimum and $70 as a maximum.
The average of the earnings of the 53 was $42.74 per month and
$512.83 per year. The earnings of 4 were less than $30 per month;
of 15, $30 but less than $40; of 12, $40 but less than $50; of 15,
$50; of 6, $60 but less than $70; of 1, $70 per month. Their earn-
ings per day are higher than formerly, when the number of newly
arrived Japanese was larger. According to the testimony of Jap-
anese employment agents the rate per day for ordinary cleaning
was $1.50 in 1900. By 1903 it had risen to $1.75, by 1907 to $2 per
day.
A few hundred Japanese — how many can not be ascertained with-
out making a census of the many restaurants and hotels of the city-
are employed as cooks' helpers, dishwashers, and " general kitchen
help " in the restaurants and hotels conducted by white proprietors.
It is estimated that the total number of white persons so employed
is about 1,000. Of these about one-third are members of the Cooks
Helpers' Union and are paid $12 per week as cooks' helpers and
pantrymen and $10 per week as " vegetable men," dishwashers, por-
ters, and "miscellaneous help." The union scale provides for a
6-day week and a day of 12 hours, with board in addition to wages
for the days employed and 25 cents per hour for overtime work.
In hotels the wages for the two classes mentioned are, respectively,
$45 and $35 per month and found. The nonunion white men em-
ployed in these capacities are paid smaller wages. Many of these
men are either very young or very old, have no trade, shift from
place to place, and are willing to accept work at comparatively low
wages. The earnings of most, it would appear, are between $5 and
$10 per week, with board. Of 947 men supplied during 1907 and
1908 by San Francisco employment agencies for positions as kitchen
help, 37 were to be paid less than $15 per month; 63, $20; 165, $25;
237, $30; 178, $35; 107, $40; 46, $45; 111, $50; and 3, $60 per
month.0 The median wage was $30 per month. The Japanese simi-
0 Thirteenth Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the State
of California, p. 150. The above figures do not include the wages of 66 paid by
the day— from $1 to $2.75. Of the total of 1,013, 447 were employed elsewhere
than in San Francisco, but chiefly in the transbay cities, where the same level
of wages obtains.
186 The Immigration Commission.
larly employed usually earn $30, $35, or $40 per month, but they
frequently work 7 days per week. It should be added, also, that
they are all in the prime of life and that their wages are higher now
than formerly, the increase corresponding to that of the Japanese
engaged in domestic work in private families.
The Japanese employed as " cooks' helpers " and " kitchen help "
have displaced some white men. It is in fact asserted by officials of
the 'Cooks' Helpers' Union that there has always been a large number
of white men available for such work, but the Japanese have been
preferred because willing to do various kinds of work regarded by
the white union man as no part of his occupation and to work seven
days per week, as the union man does not. Moreover, they have
worked for less than the union scale of wages, while they are more
capable and more regular in their habits than many of the white men
who receive about the same wages.
Japanese have seldom been employed as cooks or waiters in
" white " hotels and restaurants in San Francisco. They have, how-
ever, been employed in these capacities in saloons, but the number of
Japanese cooks employed has been small, this work frequently, if not
generally, falling to the Chinese. The Japanese employed in saloons
usually serve the lunches — that is, stand behind the counter or bring
food to the counter where patrons wait upon themselves — or else work
as " scrub boys " and porters. In a number of the smaller saloons a
Chinese cook prepares the lunch, serves it, and acts as porter or
" scrub boy," while in other cases the several duties are performed by
a Japanese.
HOWT many Japanese were employed in 1909 in the saloons of San
Francisco, which numbered 2,375 in 1907, it is impossible to estimate
with any degree of accuracy, but they have aggregated several hun-
dred. Most of the barrooms not frequented by workingmen in 1909
employed one or more, but the majority of the saloons conducted are
on the streets occupied largely by workingmen, and because of the
strong opposition to the Asiatics shown here few Japanese are em-
ployed in such establishments. Indeed, it would appear that with
the organized opposition to the Japanese and the agitation against
them, fewer are employed in public houses than formerly.0 The
wages earned vary between $12 and $18 per week of 7 days of 12
hours or more per day.
These are the more important instances in which Japanese have
been employed by white persons in San Francisco. Several hundred
who spend the winter in San Francisco each year — 1,119 in 1909 — are
employed by fish packers and taken to Alaska, a large number are
employed on seagoing vessels, and at times a considerable number
have been employed by the steam railway companies in San Fran-
cisco. In the various employments within the city, however, the
Japanese have not made the headway made by the Chinese at an
earlier time.
8 On March 26, 1909, the secretary of the Asiatic Exclusion League reported
to the Labor Council that between 1,500 and 1,800 Japanese were employed in
saloons, serving free lunches, and requested cooperation in reducing the number
of Japanese employed. As a result of the attitude of the trade unions and their
friends, the number of Japanese employed at the close of 1909 was very much
smaller than at the beginning of the year.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 187
As janitors, cleaners, porters in stores, and as laborers in similar
capacities, all bordering upon or falling within the field of domestic
service, more Japanese are employed. The janitors, however, are
very few. The number employed in drug stores, grocery stores, and
clothing and millinery stores, chiefly as porters or " help " can not
be estimated with any degree of accuracy. In May, 1909, a list of
174 merchants said to employ Japanese in these capacities was sub-
mitted to the Asiatic Exclusion League, but upon investigation it
was reported that a number of these merchants had never employed
members of that race.0 The number employed in any establishment
is limited to one or a very few, and the total number so employed has
never been sufficiently large to affect the terms upon which the
members of other races are employed in the same capacities in other
establishments. The Japanese employed in drug stores were in 1909
paid $50 or $55; in one large department store $45, in another $50
per month.
JAPANESE IN BUSINESS.
A large percentage of the Japanese in San Francisco are engaged
in business for themselves or are employed by their countrymen. In
the spring of 1009 there was a total of about 500 business establish-
ments conducted by Japanese.6 The number of Japanese connected
with these as proprietors or as wage-earners was perhaps between
1,800 and 2,000.
The number of Japanese places of business reported for 1909 and
the corresponding figures for December, 1904, as reported in the
Japanese- American Yearbook (which since 1904 has presented a
fairly accurate census of such establishments in San Francisco), are
shown in the table following. No summary statement of the number
of establishments of each kind is now available for any earlier date.
Such data as the agents have been able to gather, bearing upon the
beginning and progress of each branch of business, are presented in
the later sections of this report.
0 Proceedings of the Asiatic Exclusion League, May, 1909, p. 13, and June
1909, p. 3.
6 The number reported in the census made by the California state bureau of
labor was 497 ; the number reported by the Japanese-American Yearbook for
November 1, 1908, exclusive of " day-workers " offices, was 545, but this
involved some duplication, which when allowed for, left some 482. Not all were
reported, however. The majority of these places of business are located in
the " up-town district," in which most of the " white " shops and offices were
located after the fire of 1906 and in or near " Chinatown." The former district
lies between Van Ness avenue and Fillmore street and Geary and Post streets,
while the latter centers in Grant avenue and Dnpont street. Within these
districts the Japanese places of business are rather widely scattered. The
laundries, shoeshops, curio stores, and some other establishments patronized
chiefly by white persons, are scattered throughout the city. Though 81 estab-
lishments are found on Geary street, 51 on Post, 33 on Sutter, 26 on Grant
avenue, 26 on Laguna street, 23 on Buchanan, and 20 on Bush street, 101 streets
are represented in the Japanese directory of business places. Because of
this fact and the disappearance of old and the appearance of new establishments,
no accurate census of Japanese establishments can be conveniently made and
none was attempted by the agents of the Commission. Efforts were made,
however, to check data presented in the Japanese Yearbook which have been
used to some extent in this report, and while not always accurate in detail,
they were found to indicate the more important facts with a fair degree of
accuracy.
188
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 1. — Business conducted by Japanese in San Francisco, as reported by the
Japanese-American Yearbook.
Kind of business.
Number of
establish-
ments, 1904
Number of
establish-
ments, 1909
Number of
persons
occupied,
1909.
(a) STORES AND SHOPS.
Book
3
42
2
6
10
W !
15
W 4
21
olO
dGO
8
« 8
i- 27
> 15
ol6
W 3
5
2
7
08
42
6
08
13
o5
5
22
c7
8
18
ol3
33
19
18
17
f 12
I 21
/ 18
I 34
( a 22
\ 06
7
1
4
«12
12
3
5
4
/5
3
3
8
2
76
2
43
25
166
11
21
47
16
12
112
19
12
33
28
119
347
30
124
41
102
67
89
34
15
15
15
22
28
18
12
22
9
19
4
73
22
6
146
131
Curio and art
Drug
Fruit and vegetable
Furnishing
Importing and exporting .
Meat and fish.
Provision
Sake
Watch and jewelry
(b) PERSONAL SERVICE.
Barber shops
Bath
Hotels and boarding houses ... .
Laundries
Lodging houses
Restaurants, American meals
Restaurants, Japanese meals
Restaurants, sake
Tailors and dressmakers
Cleaners and dyers ...
(C) AMUSEMENTS.
Pool halls
Shooting galleries
(d) OTHER.
Bamboo shops . . ,
Bank
Confectioners
Contractors
Employment agents
Embroidery
Expressmen
7
2
3
3
2
3
Florists. .
Job printing shops
Magazines
Newspapers
Photograph galleries. . .
Rice mills.. .
Shoe repair shops .
60
1
20
Tofu makers
Miscellaneous
Total
366
545
063
2,019
Duplications ...
Grand total
482
*1,800-2,000
a Usually conducted in connection with other business.
& Not separately reported.
c Some are included in provision stores.
d Hotels, boarding and lodging houses reported together in 1904.
« With one exception, conducted in connection with hotels and boarding houses.
/ Some are newspaper offices.
g About.
ft Proprietors and wage-earners.
The agents of the Commission made a general investigation of all
of the important branches of business engaged in by the Japanese
save the importing and exporting of merchandise. Detailed informa-
tion was obtained for 91 of the establishments, while personal infor-
mation was secured from the proprietors of these and from a large
percentage of their employees. The details relating to the business
conducted are employed in this section of the report, while the per-
sonal data are used in subsequent sections and presented in tabular
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 189
form in the appendix. The 91 establishments from which details
relating to capital employed, amount of business transacted, number
of employees, wages and rent paid, races of patrons and related mat-
ters were obtained included the following: Twenty -two boarding
houses and hotels, 17 shoe-repairing shops and 1 shoe store, 7 tailor-
ing and repairing shops, 7 grocery stores, 6 laundries, 4 watchmakers,
4 restaurants serving American meals, and 23 others representing
branches of business of less importance or interest.
The details presented below show the following facts :
1. That most of the Japanese business is conducted on a small
scale.
2. That Japanese are employed in these establishments almost
exclusively.
3. That the Japanese have encountered so much opposition in a
few branches of business that their progress has been slow, while in
some cases they have found it impossible to maintain the position they
formerly held.
4. That except in the restaurants serving American meals, shoe
repairing, and the laundry trade- the competition with white business
men has thus far been of little importance.
5. That most of the business establishments conducted by Japanese
are patronized exclusively or principally by the members of that race.
6. That most of the wants of that race are provided for by Japa-
nese establishments and professional men.
Inasmuch as the business of the Japanese laundries, shoeshops,
and restaurants serving American meals has been of the most im-
portance from the viewpoint of competition with others engaged in
the same branches of business, the details relating to these may be
presented at length, after which the other branches of Japanese
business may be discussed more briefly.0
LAUNDRIES.
The first Japanese laundry was started in San Francisco in 1890.
By 1904 the number had increased to 8, and by 1908, because of the
handsome profits realized, to 18. Six of these were investigated by
an agent of the Commission, and they are representative of the larger
number.
a From the viewpoint of the number of persons employed, the capital in-
vested, and the amount of business done, the most important branches of
Japanese enterprise are the art stores, provision stores, restaurants, hotels and
boarding houses, and shoeshops. The following figures are taken from the
Japanese-American Yearbook for 1910 (p. 160). The figures seem to be based
upon a thorough investigation undertaken two years before but not completed :
Branch of business.
Amount of
capital.
Annual
value of
business
transacted.
Art stores
$246, 500
$558,300
Provision stores
559,400
932, 940
Laundry
93,500
326, 600
American restaurant ...
19,450
245 400
Hotel
59 300
267 400
Japanese restaurant .... ....
29, 150
198 750
Shoeshop and repairing
39 250
169 890
190 The Immigration Commission.
The Japanese proprietors have not been able to secure the permits
necessary in San Francisco to operate steam laundries. Hence, all
have remained " hand laundries." With the exception of one
equipped to operate with steam the amount of capital invested in the
6 investigated varied from $1,000 to $3,200, the number of employees
from 6 to 37, the amount of gross receipts from $9,000 to more than
$15,000, the amount of profit realized from $1,200 to $6,000 per year.
At an earlier time, because of the inexperience of Japanese men in
laundry work, almost all of the Japanese laundries employed white
persons for those occupations requiring anv great degree of skill.
As the orientals gained skill, however, they gradually filled the posi-
tions, until now they alone are employed in Japanese laundries. Of
the 89 employed in the 6 laundries investigated, 82 were adult males,
7 adult females. They all received board and lodging in addition to
wages. The wages per month for males varied from $15 to $50, for
females from $15 to $21 per month. The median wage for those of
the male sex was $30, the average $28.90 per month. The details of
earnings are shown in the table given below.
These wages are for days varying in length. Though the Associa-
tion of Japanese Laundries in America, organized in March, 1909,
had fixed upon eleven and one-half hours per day and sixty-nine
hours per week as normal and provided for overtime payment, the
hours normally worked were found to be ten per day and sixty per
week in one establishment, eleven per day and sixty-six per week in
three, eleven and one-half per day and sixty-nine per week in one,
and twelve per day and seventy-two per week in the sixth. There
is considerable overtime during the summer months. For this and
for work on holidays and Sundays employees who receive less than
$20 per month are paid at the rate of 10 cents per hour ; those who
receive $20 but less than $30, at the rate of 15 cents per hour; and
those who receive $30 or more per month at the rate of 20 cents per
hour.
As stated above, all of these employees receive board and lodg-
ing in addition to wages. The agent of the Commission found
the food provided at the laundries investigated to be satisfactory,
both from the point of view of quality and quantity. The cost per
employee averaged $8.50 per month at the laundries investigated,
and with regard to lodgings, which are in the structures housing the
business, each married couple was provided with a separate room,
while two or three single men were ordinarily assigned to one room.
In one instance, however, all of the men (there were no female em-
ployees) were sheltered in one large room serving as a bunkhouse.
The bedding was good and the linen was kept clean. Occasionally,
however, the lodgings were deficient in one or more respects. In one
case the two rooms were not well cared for, and the ventilation and
lighting were poor. In another instance the rooms were crowded and
not well cared for. In a third case 10 men were given lodging in
three small rooms, which were in disorder, poorly lighted, and poorly
ventilated. The lodgings in the ramaining three cases were on the
whole satisfactory, though in one of these eight single men lived in
one large room arranged as a bunkhouse.
As against the 18 hand laundries, some of which are large, oper-
ated by Japanese, there are in San Francisco some 102 small hand
Japanese in City Employments and Business. , 191
laundries operated by Chinese, perhaps as many French laundries,
some of them large establisments, and 18 large white steam laundries.
Included in the investigation were 6 French laundries, employing
169 persons, and 4 white steam laundries, employing 344 persons.
Though the amount of unremunerated overtime in the French
laundries can not be accurately estimated, the hours of work per day
and per week were found to be shorter and the wages higher than in
the Japanese laundries. In two of the six French laundries the usual
hours were nine per day and fifty per week; in two others, nine per
day and fifty-four per week; in a fifth, ten per day and sixty per
week ; in the sixth, ten and one-half per day and sixty-three per week.
Omitting drivers who receive commissions in addition to or in lieu of
wages, 32 men employed received from $15 to $60 and averaged $37.69
per month, while 20 women received from $12 to $52 and averaged
$33.18 per month, with board and lodging. Fifty- two men and 65
women did not receive board and lodging in addition to wages. The
wages of the former varied from $26 to $97.50 and averaged $58.56,
while those of the latter varied from $24 to $65 and averaged $40.53.
The lodgings provided (by four of the establishments) were found to
be simply but adequately furnished, and each of the rooms were oc-
cupied by 2 or 3 persons. In some cases living and reading rooms
were maintained for the use of the employees. In none of the four
cases where the " living-in " system obtained were conditions found
to be unsatisfactory. Of the 169 employees 17 were native and 152
foreign-born. Of the latter, 77 were French, 31 Italians, 11 Portu-
guese, and 33 members of various other races, chiefly north European.
The steam-laundry trade in San Francisco is thoroughly unionized.
The Laundry Workers' Union has about 1,500 members, while the
Laundry Drivers' Union has a membership about one-sixth as large.
According to the agreement between the Laundry Workers' Union
and the laundry proprietors, the standard work week was forty-nine
hours at the time of the investigation, but at the end of the year 1909
was to be reduced to forty-eight hours. The agreement fixes the rate
of wages for each occupation and stipulates that all overtime, amount-
ing to a few hours per week, shall be paid for at the rate of " time
and a half." Working under this agreement, the wages of 140 males,
18 years of age or over, employed in 4 laundries investigated, were
found to vary from $20 per month, paid to 2 apprentices, to $92 per
month, paid to " head markers and distributers." Of the 140, 36.4
per cent earned less than $50 per month, 14.3 per cent $50 but less
than $70, and 49.3 per cent $70 or over. The average wage for the
males was $69.74 per month. The wages of 204 females, 18 years of
age or over, varied from $20 per month for a beginner to more than
$70 per month for 11 skilled persons. Of the 204, 79.9 per cent earned
less than $50 per month, 14.7 per cent $56 but less than $70, and 5.4
per cent $70 or over. The average monthly wage of the female em-
ployees was $44.33, while the average monthly wage for both males
and females was $53.94. It may be added that of the 344 employees
(other than drivers) of the 4 steam laundries investigated, 162 were
native-born, while 182 were foreign-born. Of the latter, 85 were
French, 33 North or South Italian, and 8 Portuguese. Most of the
remaining 56 were immigrants from north European countries other
than France.
192
The Immigration Commission.
The details relating to the earnings of the several groups of laundry
employees are shown in the following table :
TABLE 2. — Number of employees working in steam laundries earning each spe-
cified amount per month, by sex.
AMERICAN LAUNDRIES (WITHOUT BOARD).
Num-
hpr
Number earning-—
Sex.
report-
ing
$12
and
$15
and
$20
and
$25
and
$30
and
$35
and
$40
and
$45
and
$50
and
$60
and
$70
un-
un-
un-
un-
un-
un-
un-
un-
un-
un-
or
der
der
der
der
der
der
der
der
der
der
over.
$15.
$20.
$25.
$30.
$35.
$40-
$45.
$50.
$60.
$70.
Male
140
2
2
1
17
g
14
6
7
13
69
Female
204
1
5
45
36
37
39
24
6
11
Total
344
2
3
6
62
45
51
45
31
19
80
FRENCH LAUNDRIES (WITHOUT BOARD).
Male
52
1
6
5
4
4
6
9
17
Female
65
1
1
3
37
6
5
11
1
Total
117
1
2
9
42
10
9
17
10
17
FRENCH LAUNDRIES (WITH BOARD).
Male
32
2
2
1
5
6
g
1
4
3
Female
20
1
1
3
5
5
2
3
Total
52
1
3
2
4
10
11
10
1
7
3
JAPANESE LAUNDRIES (WITH BOARD).
Male
82
17
10
3
14
9
12
1
11
Female
7
6
1
Total
89
23
11
8
14
9
12
1
11
Thus it is seen that if the cost of board and lodging of the Japan-
ese employed in Japanese laundries is reckoned at between $8 and $10
per month, which is the approximate cost, their wages are materially
less than those of the employees of French and white steam laundries,
while their hours are longer. This of course can not be interpreted
as indicating that the labor cost of the work done is necessarily less
in the Japanese laundries than in the other establishments, for there
are differences in the efficiency of the oriental and white employees
and differences in the equipment of laundries, which are important
factors to be taken into consideration in this connection.
The six Japanese laundries investigated estimated their annual
receipts at $83,200. Something less than 80 per cent of this sum —
$65,510 — represented the value of the business done with white
patrons, the remainder that done with Japanese. The establishment
of these laundries in recent years has not affected the Chinese shops.
In fact, the Chinese do little work which would be done by other
laundrymen, and do it generally " by the bag " rather than at piece
rates. The French laundries do a general business, but a large part
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 193
of it is in laundering articles requiring handwork, such as shirt-
waists, lace curtains, etc. The steam laundries do the kind of busi-
ness done elsewhere by establishments of that type. Though there
has been much competition, especially between the French and the
steam laundries, there has been, in a way, a division of the business
between Chinese, French, and the other laundries along the lines of
the kinds of work to be done.
The Japanese doing handwork have competed with the French
and the white steam laundries, but more with the former than with
the latter. Their prices have been somewhat lower than those of the
French laundrymen and these in turn, on certain articles, lower
than those of the steam laundrymen. How much lower the Japanese
prices have been it is impossible to estimate. At the time of the in-
vestigation the Association of Japanese Laundries, organized in
1909, had provided for a uniform list of prices to be charged. In
most cases these are the same as those in the printed lists of other
laundries, while in a few they are lower. Moreover, the association
authorizes the members to accept family washings at reduced rates.
It is conceded by all that in the past, and to a certain extent at pres-
ent, the Japanese laundries charge somewhat less than their com-
petitors. By locating in residence districts, where their shops are
convenient for patrons, and by collecting laundry from all parts of
the city and doing the work at lower rates than others the Japan-
ese laundries have gained their present position. Though their
establishments are not so numerous as those of the French and not
so large or so well equipped as those of the " American " proprie-
tors, their competition has come to be felt. Fear has been expressed
that if their establishments were equipped with modern machinery
while maintaining their lower wage scale and working longer hours
their competition would become a serious matter.
Partly because of the facts noted and partly because of a general
feeling of opposition among the working classes toward the Japanese,
there has always been more or less agitation in San Francisco against
the Japanese laundries. This has been directed chiefly by the trade
unions, until recently the only type of organization which could well
conduct an agitation against a business of this kind. In March, 1908,
however, steps were taken to organize the "Anti- Jap Laundry League,"
an organization which has (August, 1909) locals in Fresno, San
Mateo County, San Eafael, and Oakland (Alameda County), as well
as in San Francisco. This organization was effected by the members
of the Laundry Drivers' Union, to which reference has already been
made. The drivers are usually paid a commission on the laundry they
collect, or rather, have their routes and collect laundry which they de-
liver to their respective laundries, paying them for doing the laun-
dering. Because of this arrangement the Japanese competition has
directly affected the members of this union as well as the proprietors
of the steam laundries. Through the activity of the Drivers' Union,
the proprietors of steam laundries, the laundry workers, and the
drivers, all working under agreements between their respective organ-
izations, were brought together in the Anti-Jap Laundry League.
The funds for conducting the campaign have been obtained from the
proprietors, who contribute 10 cents per month for each emnloyee on
their respective, pay rolls and from contributions of $100 r month
194 The Immigration Commission.
from each of the two unions to which reference has been made. Since
the organization of the league the proprietors of the French laundries
have been added to its membership.0 They pay 10 cents per month
for each employee, but continue to conduct nonunion shops, and some
of them pay less than the union scale of wages.
The campaign of the league against the Japanese laundries has been
conducted along two general lines — one directed toward reducing the
number of their patrons, the other toward preventing them from ob-
taining supplies and becoming equipped as st^am laundries.6 To
accomplish the former object, to reduce the number of patrons, agents
have followed Japanese collectors and reported the names of patrons,
who have then been corresponded with and personally visited and an
appeal made to them to patronize laundries conducted by and employ-
ing the white race.
The following are forms of letters used in the league's appeals to
patrons of Japanese laundries (from report of convention held De-
cember, 1908, pp. 5-8) :
(Form I.)
In behalf of the white boys and girls engaged in the laundry business of this
city we most urgently request your personal and earnest consideration to the
following : The laundry industry, which has given to a considerable portion of
our citizens a fair and substantial means of earning a livelihood, is being
gradually monopolized by Asiatic competition. According to reliable statistics
the increase in the number of Japanese laundries during the past two years has
been over 100 per cent.
The continuation of this appalling rate means practically the elimination of
our race from this field of industry. To prevent such a consummation we make
a personal appeal to you (patron of a Japanese laundry) as a fellow-citizen of
this community, asking you to make it possible, through your patronage, to give
our boys and girls a fair chance of earning a white man's living in a white man's
country.
In this connection we point out the significant fact that the Japanese by no
means contribute toward your subsistence and therefore have no claim upon
your sympathy or support. On the other hand, the white race, off whom you
make your living exclusively, is entitled to your first consideration and patron-
age.
Place yourself in a similar position to ours. If the Japs should invade your
field of industry to the extent of forcing you to the wall (which is a possi-
bility), would you not be entitled to and justified in demanding the moral sup-
port of your fellow men and women to assist you in resisting the Mongolian
invasion that threatened your separation from the bread and butter necessity
of life?
Under these circumstances are we asking too much of you to desist from
patronizing Japanese laundries?
Hoping to hear from you, we remain,
Respectfully, ANTI-JAP LAUNDRY LEAGUE.
(Form II.)
We desire to call your attention to a subject to which perhaps you have given
but little, if any, thoughtful consideration, and yet it is one that to a great
extent menaces your individual prosperity.
Perhaps you do not realize that at present you are rendering aid and financial
support to those who are more than likely later on to encroach upon your
0 Through a branch organization known as the " French Anti-Jap Laundry
League."
6 For history of and methods employed by the Anti-Jap Laundry League in
San Francisco and elsewhere, see reports of its "Pacific Coast Conventions,"
December, 1908, and May, 1909.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 195
present means of earning a living. We refer to the fact that if our various
sources of information be correct a Jap calls for and receives your laundry each
week.
We cheerfully concede your right to patronize whom you choose. We are
simply appealing to your sense of right and justice to others of your own race.
At present, along the limited avenues of employment open to women, a great
many white girls depend upon the laundries as' their means of support. To you
comes the question direct — a question that is in your power to answer :
For a few cents a week difference in your laundry bill can you afford to help
make life harder for our working girls by favoring the Jap, who has no interests
in common with your own? By patronizing a Jap you help reduce the white
girl's standard of living and you are also advertising the Jap, for a Japanese
laundry wagon at your door means that others seeing your example may be in-
clined to follow it.
Again we appeal to you to look at the matter from this point of view, feeling
fully confident that when it comes to a question of white or Jap you can but
decide in favor of your own race, on whom you also depend for your means of
happiness and prosperity.
Will you not help us maintain a white man's standard in a white man's
country ? Believing you will, we remain,
Respectfully, ANTI-JAP LAUNDRY LEAGUE.
(Form III.)
Have you ever given any consideration to the thought that as a patron of
a Japanese laundry you are in a great measure helping to undermine your own
prosperity — that you are helping to deprive women and girls of your race of a
chance to earn a respectable living, that you are encouraging and financially
aiding a Jap, who has no interests in common with your own, that prosperity
for a Jap spells ruin for white engaged in a similar line of avocation, and that
success of Japs in one line of business simply encourages them to branch out
along other lines, and that ere long the battle for a living as against oriental
competition will have reached you direct?
While we concede your right to patronize whom you choose, we appeal to
your sense of fair play by asking you whether for a few cents saved on your
laundry bill you can afford by your actions to declare in favor of a Jap and
against women and girls of your own race, many of whom are entirely depend-
ent upon their own resources for a living. .
The people of our city are becoming aroused to the danger menacing our in-
dustrial conditions from this Japanese invasion. Business men are responding
to our appeals. Unions are passing laws fining their members, and from many
sources we receive the names and addresses of patrons of Jap laundries.
You must surely realize that one can not compete with a Jap and maintain a
white man's standard of living.
Are we asking too much of you, then, in urging you to unite with us in our
endeavor to stay the onward march of the Japanese upon so many of the
industrial lines?
Will you not cease giving your work to a Jap laundry and thus show by your
actions that you indorse our plea and assist us in our effort to maintain a white
man's standard in a white man's country?
Believing you will, and inviting you to attend our meetings, held at the
above address each Thursday evening, we remain,
Respectfully,
ANTI-JAP LAUNDRY LEAGUE.
In cases where a Jap patron has been reported the second time, the
following letter is sent :
A short time ago we made an earnest appeal to you on behalf of others of
your own race who were gradually being deprived of an opportunity to earn
a respectable living by being driven from an occupation that for years has
been theirs, and why? Simply because an oriental accustomed to oriental
standards of living, an oriental against whom no white girl or woman could
compete and live according to a white man's standard, an oriental whose inter-
ests are by no means in accord with your own, is able to do your laundry work
cheaper. And for this reason you have seemingly — if our reports be correct —
196 The Immigration Commission.
decided that you care not for the suffering of others, providing it nets you a
little less outlay.
Oh, foolish policy! Surely you do not realize the ultimate results of its
continuance. Will you wait until you find yourself like we, who are appealing
to you face to face in a struggle with a Jap, who has learned to do well the
task that is at present the means whereby your household is provided with
the comforts and necessities of life? Do you think you can for long prosper
financially while others are being forced down to a lower standard of living?
What does the Jap do with the dollars you give him? Does he spend them
so as to increase the demand for whites as store clerks and business men?
Not so, but just to the contrary, for he takes your coin and with it helps make
some other Jap prosperous, sends some of it across the ocean to help some
other Jap to America, where he may, because he works cheaper, deprive some
family of its means of support.
Let this truth influence you, to the extent that you give financial aid and
encouragement to a Jap in any line of business by just so much you are surely
undermining your own prosperity. Do you doubt this? Go and investigate
the many lines of business the Japs are engaged in in our city, and we know
you will agree with us that it is necessary that we who prize American ideals
and standards of living should be united in an endeavor to preserve the same
as against the dangers menacing us from the oriental invasion bearing down
upon us.
Trusting we may count upon your support along hese lines, we remain,
Respectfully,
ANTI-JAP LAUNDRY LEAGUE.
Billboard advertising, making an appeal along the same lines, has
also been resorted to, while the cooperation of organized bodies, and
especially trade unions, has been sought.0 At the same time the
league has been active in preventing the granting of necessary per-
mits to Japanese to operate steam laundries, and by appeals or by
threat of boycott the cooperation of some of the supply men has been
gained, with the result that difficulty has been experienced by some of
0 The following is a copy of a poster shown on the streets of San Francisco,
Berkeley, Alameda, and Oakland ; size about 4 by 7 feet :
The Jap Laundry Patrons.
Danger !
Yellow competition,
Fostered by the white man's money,
Is the ammunition that will
Orientalize our city and State.
ANTI-JAP LAUNDRY LEAGUE,
483 Guerrero Street.
The following is a copy of poster displayed in nearly every laundry ; size
about 12 by 15 inches :
Are our boys and girls wrong
In expecting you who make your living
Exclusively off the white race
To stop patronizing Jap laundries,
And thereby assist your fellow men and women
In maintaining the white man's standard in a white man's country?
ANTI-JAP LAUNDRY LEAGUE.
Another, more recently displayed, reads:
Foolish woman !
Spending your man's
Earnings on Japs.
Be fair, patronize
Your Own.
We support you.
ANTI-JAP LAUNDRY LEAGUE.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 197
the Japanese proprietors in securing supplies needed.8 The business
of the Japanese laundries in San Francisco has been injured some-
what by this hostile movement, but was found to be profitable. The
net earnings reported by six of them for the 12 months preceding the
investigation by the agent of the Commission varied from $1,200 to
$6,000 and averaged $2,646.67 per year.
Though their business was still profitable, the proprietors of Jap-
anese laundries in March, 1909, effected a protective organization,
known as the Association of Japanese Laundries of America. Its
object is to " promote the development and prosperity of the business
of its members." The extension of financial aid and the lending of
laborers in case of need is provided for. To collect an emergency
fund each member is required to pay $2 per month until his contri-
butions aggregate the sum of $100. In addition to these provisions
the association fixes upon a scale of hours and rate of pay for over-
time— the former of which had not been placed in operation at the
time of the investigation.
COBBLER SHOPS.
In March, 1909, there were 72 Japanese cobbler shops in San Fran-
cisco.6 Seventeen of these were investigated.
The first Japanese shop of this kind was opened in San Francisco
in 1890. The year before a member of the Japanese Shoemakers'
Union came to this country, as a representative of that organization,
to report with reference to -the success of the Chinese employed in
this city in the manufacture of shoes. This representative and two
other members of the union, who had immigrated in the meantime,
opened a shop of their own in 1890.
The attention of a prominent manufacturer was then drawn to
their work, with the result that one of the men was sent to Japan to
bring others to this country, with the assurance that upon their ar-
rival they would be given employment at good wages. Thirteen were
induced to come, and the entire number (16) were set at work in
a room located on Market street. The shoes manufactured in this
shop bore the trade-mark borne by those manufactured in the large
factory conducted elsewhere by the propietor and in which union
men were employed. When the manufacture by Japanese finally be-
came known to the union employees of the same manufacturer, diffi-
culties ensued which led to most of the Japanese seeking employment
elsewhere, and finally to the shop being closed. Some of these Jap-
anese then opened a shop of their own for making and repairing
shoes. This was also in 1890. A few months later a second shop was
opened in San Francisco and another in Alameda. These were well
patronized by white persons, with the result that the number rapidly
increased. In 1909, as already stated, there were 72 Japanese shops
in San Francisco and at least 119 in other cities and towns of Cali-
0 In order to obtain necessary supplies, a Japanese laundryman in a small city
arranged with a supply house in San Francisco to deliver the goods purchased
by him through a grocer, whose business was conducted in the same block.
Because of threatened boycott the dealer would not do business with the Japa-
nese laundryman openly.
6 From membership list of Shoemakers' Union.
198 The Immigration Commission.
fornia, all members of Nihojin Koko Domei Kwai, or the Japanese
Shoemakers' Union, with which the history and progress of these
craftsmen have been closely identified.
This Japanese Shoemakers' Union was organized in 1893, and from
the first, when it had 20, until now, when (March, 1909) it has 298
members, has had practically every master journeyman, journeyman,
and apprentice engaged in the shoemaking trade on its lists.0
The objects of the Koko Domei Kwai are " to promote a friendly
association among the Japanese shoemakers, to provide means for
their mutual assistance, and to limit and to control competition
among themselves." All persons who are connected with the trade are
eligible to membership. In furthering its objects it has accumulated
a '^business fund " amounting to $10,000 or more. This has been
derived from payments of 50 cents per month by each master journey-
man, until his contributions aggregated $50, and from the surplus
from regular dues, which are 50 cents per month for master journey-
men and 35 cents per month for ordinary journeymen and apprentice
members.
The shoemakers' union maintains a supply house in San Francisco,
and several thousand dollars of the " business fund " are invested in
the stock of goods carried. Most of these goods are purchased from
two firms in the East and are sold to the members of the organization
at an advance of 10 per cent on the cost. The sales aggregate about
$3,200 per month, or some $38,000 or $40,000 per year. In this con-
nection it is interesting to note that the company, as it is called, sells
also to white shoemakers, the amount of such sales being about $150
per month. The part of the " business fund " not invested in the
supply business is retained in the bank to serve as an " emergency
fund."
As already indicated, practically if not quite all of the Japanese
engaged in the trade belong to this organization, which regulates the
establishment and conduct of shops and stands ready to assist those
in need of capital to conduct their business and those who meet with
misfortune or are in distress. A journeyman member of the union
must pass a test examination if he wishes to establish a shop within
six months after gaining membership. An apprentice, after having
served one year with a master journeyman, may establish and main-
tain an independent shop, but previous to doing so must have passed
an examination. In opening shops, however, no two shall be located
within 1,190 feet of each other. A member of the union opening a
shop in a locality where no Japanese shop is in existence may be
assisted by the organization by a loan of money not to exceed $50
in all. Provision is made for the repayment of such loans in
monthly installments. Moreover, any member who, because of in-
firmity, is unable to meet his necessary expenses (including outlays
for medicines, etc.) is to be given financial assistance by the union.
In case of death the funeral expenses are paid from the funds of the
organization.
°The agents of the Commission during their investigation found only one
Japanese shoemaker in California who was not a member of this organization,
and so much pressure was being brought to bear upon him that he soon joined
the organization.
Japanese in City Employments and Business.
199
The union has established minimum and, in some cases, actual
prices to be charged for repair work. The prices fixed in the by-laws
of the organization and published in its report for 1906 and the
prices actually charged at the time of the investigation by the Japa-
nese cobblers in San Francisco are shown in the following tabular
statement :
Fixed In
by-laws.
Actual
prices.
$1.00 and up.
$1.25
Women's slices sole and heel (hand sewed) . . ....
80 and up.
1.00
60 and up
1 00
Women's shoes sole and heel (nails) . ....
. 45 and up.
.70
Men's shoes, heels
. 30 and up.
.25— .30
Women's shoes, heels .... . ..
. 20 and up.
.20
Patches
10 each
10
Rubber heels
.45— .50
Slippers (hand sewed) .
1 00
Violation of the rules of the organization and failure to abide by
its regulations are to be penalized by the payment of a sum of not
less than $10 nor more than $50.
As already stated, there were 72 Japanese shops in San Francisco
in March, 1909. Seventeen of these were investigated. The amount
of capital employed varied from $100 as a minimum to $400 as a
maximum. Only 4 of the 17 had an employee, and in each of these
cases the 1 employee was an apprentice.
These men worked from 66 to 72 hours per week for their respec-
tive masters for which they received board and lodging and " pocket
money," amounting to from $8 to $15 per month.
Some of the shops are located on Bush, California, Geary, and
Sutter streets, where many Japanese live, while others are located in
various other parts of the city, where most or all of the residents are
white persons. The shops located on the streets first mentioned were
found to have Japanese and white patrons in approximately equal
numbers, while those located elsewhere drew from 85 to 95 per cent
of their patrons from the members of the various white races.
The gross receipts from the business done, as reported, varied from
$1,200 to $1,500 per year. The net earnings of the 17 master journey-
men varied from $40 to $80, and averaged $61.76 per month. In
detail their net earnings per month, as reported, were as follows :
Amount per month.
Number.
Amount per month.
Number.
Amount per month.
Number.
$40...
2
$65....
2
$80
3
50
4
70
3
55
1
75
1
Total
60
1
The Japanese cobblers compete with a much larger number of
white shoemakers.0 The majority of these are of foreign birth-
German, French, Hebrew, and Italian craftsmen being conspicuous
0 There are several hundred, perhaps 1,000, cobbler shops in San Francisco.
The partial list presented in the San Francisco Directory for 1908 embraces 257.
48296°— VOL 23—11 14
200 The Immigration Commission.
among them. Seventeen of these cobblers, including 5 Hebrews, 2
Germans, 3 French, 3 Italians, 1 American, 1 Swede, and 1 Spaniard,
were included in the investigation made by the Commission,. The
earnings for the preceding year varied between $400 as a minimum
and $1,200 as a maximum. One earned $400, four $600, one $624,
one $700, one $780, three $800, two $900, one $1,000, one $1,080, and
two $1,200. These present somewhat greater variations than the
earnings of the Japanese but average somewhat more.
Almost without exception the cobblers investigated complained of
loss of business and smaller earnings than they had formerly made,
in some cases less than one-half. The business of several had been
injured by the fire of 1906, which had caused their patrons who had
lived near by to settle elsewhere, of others by the industrial depres-
sion at the time the investigation was made, of others by the incom-
ing of too many cobblers to share the trade of a given district of the
city. In some blocks Japanese cobblers had opened shops and re-
duced the amount of work to be done by those who had previously
located there. Moreover, the Japanese prices were usually lower
than those charged by other cobblers, and the loss of patronage by a
few was ascribed to this underbidding which the agent found to
exist. The agent of the Commission found that the lower prices
charged by the Japanese cobblers than by most of their competitors,
together with the large number of Japanese shops recently opened
in some blocks, had caused the business and earnings of competing
white cobblers to perceptibly diminish.
RESTAURANTS SERVING *MEBICAN MEALS.
The number of Japanese restaurants serving American meals was
small previous to 1906. As late as 1904 there were only eight. Fol-
lowing the fire of 1906, however, numerous restaurants were opened
by Japanese in the district of the city devastated by the fire, bring-
ing the total number to more than 30. These were all " cheap " eat-
ing houses charging from " 15 cents up " for meals. For a while
they prospered, because of the large number of laborers who came to
engage in removing debris and rebuilding the city. They were soon
strongly opposed by organized labor, however, and during the labor
troubles which developed at this time became an object of attack by
rioters and several of the proprietors suffered serious loss because
of destruction of property or loss of their patrons, or both.0 Since
°At this time there was a strong agitation against the Japanese. This was
directed largely by the Japanese and Korean Exclusion League and the various
labor unions, many of which had laws forbidding their members to patronize
Japanese or Chinese places of business. At a meeting of the Exclusion League,
held June 25, 1906, complaints were made that many white wage-earners, in-
cluding some union men, were patronizing Japanese restaurants, and the league
requested the labor organizations to enforce the penalties imposed by their
rules for violations of the prohibition mentioned. Among the unions at the
meetings of which the members were urged or directed to refrain from patron-
izing the Japanese restaurants was that of the cooks and waiters. A boycott
was kept in force by this organization from October 3 to 24, 1906, and the
destruction of property of the proprietors of restaurants by rioters followed
peaceable appeals to patrons by the representatives of the organization. The
appeal took the form of a label bearing the words " White men and women,
patronize your own race." For details see Senate Document No. 147, Fifty-
ninth Congress, second session.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 201
then the Japanese restaurants serving American meals, being opposed
by organized labor, have not prospered as they did earlier, and the
number of establishments had decreased to 17 by the end of the year
1908. These are located in the poorer residence districts of the city,
among the smaller shops and restaurants conducted by white persons
of various races. Five of the 10 were investigated by an agent of the
Commission.
Two of the five restaurants investigated were conducted by two
partners and one by three, while the other two were conducted as in-
dividual enterprises. The size of these establishments is indicated
by the fact that two were conducted by the proprietors with one em-
ployee in each case, another with two employees, a fourth with three,
and only one with as many as eight. The annual gross receipts
varied between $4,000 as a minimum and $20,000 as a maximum, the
monthly rent between $25 and $200. The annual profits realized
varied between $600 and $2,600.
The patrons of two of the restaurants are largely Japanese ; of the
others principally, if not exclusively, white people of various races.
The competition of these small restaurants affected many cheap res-
taurants near which the Japanese establishments were opened.
There were 20 persons, all of whom were Japanese, employed in the
5 restaurants investigated. Two cooks were paid $50, a third $35
per month ; 3 " cooks' helpers," $35 per month ; 8 waiters, $35 ; 2
waiters and 1 waitress, $30 ; and 1 waiter employed " part time "
(ten hours per day), $15 per month; and 2 dishwashers $30 and $25
each, respectively, all with board and lodging. Of those employed
full time, 12 worked twelve hours per day and eighty-four hours per
week ; 7, thirteen hours per day and ninety- one hours per week. The
union (white) scale of wages for cooks' helpers, it will be recalled, is
$12 per week ($51 per month) ; for dishwashers, $10 per week ($42.50
per month) with board but not lodging. The majority of the per-
sons so engaged, however, are not members of the unions and, as a
rule, work for less than the union scale, for $5 to $10 per week, which
is not materially higher than the wages paid to the Japanese, who,
however, work longer hours.
The Japanese employees are all provided with lodging in rooms
in the rear of the restaurants. In all but one of the establishments
investigated the agent of the Commission inspected the lodgings and
found them to be adequate and satisfactory, save in one instance,
where the room occupied was poorly furnished and inadequately
lighted and ventilated. The lodging provided is worth $4 or more
per month.
Because of clannishness and language difficulties, as well as on
account of the strong sentiment against them on the part of other
races in the community, almost all of the Japanese patronize Jap-
anese restaurants and usually those serving Japanese meals, which
have always been more numerous than those serving American meals.
In 1904 they numbered 27 ; in 1908, 38. Some of these are conducted
in connection with hotels, while others are independent establish-
ments. Many of the Japanese in San Francisco being unemployed,
and a considerable number of those in employment not receiving
board in addition to wages, these restaurants are largely patronized.
Some of them sell alcoholic as well as soft drinks; in fact, 21 of 33
reported in November, 1909, were said to do so.
202 The Immigration Commission.
BOARDING AND LODGING HOUSES AND LABOR AGENCIES.
Because of the character of Japanese immigration and the place
occupied by San Francisco as a port of arrival and departure and as
a labor market, the keeping of boarding and lodging houses with
their affiliations has always been the most important branch of busi-
ness enterprise engaged in by the Japanese of that city. This busi-
ness began with the immigration of the laboring class and has ex-
panded and contracted with the increase or decrease in the size of
the Japanese population. At the time of the investigation there were
some 35 hotels and boarding houses and possibly as many rooming
houses. A large number of the former and practically all of the
latter are conducted by private families who take a few boarders
and lodgers or rent spare rooms. Most of the patrons of places of
this kind are Japanese regularly employed in San Francisco and not
provided with board and lodging.
On the other hand there are some large hotels and boarding houses
the majority of the patrons of which are laborers out of work, newly
arrived immigrants, and Japanese departing for their native land or
elsewhere. These larger boarding houses are generally connected
with other kinds of business, such as conducting barber shops, baths,
pool rooms, and supplying laborers for various kinds of work. The
investigation by the agents of the Commission embraced 22 of the 35
boarding houses and 3 of the larger lodging houses.
The number of rooms in the 22 boarding houses investigated varied
from 8 to more than 100. Nine of the 22 had more than 20 rooms
each, and 7 of these 9 were of sufficient importance to have member-
ship in the " Japanese Hotel Keepers' Association," about which
something will be said presently.
The majority of the boarding and lodging houses are located in
two districts of the city in which the Japanese have tended to con-
gregate. Many are located in the " uptown " section on Geary,
Sutter, and neighboring streets, and on the intersecting streets beyond
Van Ness avenue. Several large houses, however, are located in
South Park place, near the wharves. Still others, but fewer in
number, are located in the business district, especially near the well-
defined Chinatown, in which all but a comparatively few of the
Chinese have congregated.
Except in the first-mentioned district the houses occupied by the
Japanese have been erected since the fire of 1906 and were constructed
fpr the purpose for which they are used. Most of the rooms are ex-
tremely small, but not more than two persons are provided with
lodging in the same room. The houses in the " uptown " district, on
the other hand, were built to serve as private residences. Most of
them have become old and weatherbeaten and are no longer desirable
as residences for private families who can afford to pay the compara-
tively high rents these houses command. Here the rooms are larger
than in the newer houses in the other district spoken of, and in the
majority of cases at least one or two rooms are equipped to accom-
modate from four to eight persons each. In some cases thin parti-
tions, sometimes extending only part way to the ceiling, have been
made to subdivide largre rooms into smaller ones. Though the in-
vestigation was made in the winter of 1908-9, when the greatest
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 203
number of Japanese were without employment and the number of
persons in the lodging houses the largest, there were very few cases
of overcrowding. In this connection, however, it should be added
that the number of Japanese had already begun to dimmish and that
the business of the boarding houses was not so large as it had been in
previous years.
Very few of the boarding houses are heated and few of them are
provided with bathing facilities. With regard to bathing facilities,
it should be said, however, that there are 13 bath houses in San Fran-
cisco conducted by Japanese primarily for their own race, and that
several of these are operated in connection with boarding houses, the
boarders and lodgers being served on the same terms as other patrons.
The character of the furnishings and care of the rooms in the
boarding and lodging houses investigated varied greatly. The worst
conditions found in any of the 25 houses investigated are described
briefly as follows : The house is very old and is in a dilapidated con-
dition. No care is taken of the rooms and hallways. The toilets
and the bathroom are dirty and ill smelling. The floors are covered
with matting and cheap dirty carpet. Of the 10 rooms for lodgers,
4 have been partitioned by thin boards, the partitions extending only
halfway to the ceiling. A few establishments were found to be of
the same general type as the following: The house is very old and
dirty throughout. In one room there are four double beds; the fur-
nishings are scanty and of the cheapest kind. The floors are bare
and dirty. The patrons are all transient sailors, who pay 50 cents
per day for board and lodging. The majority of the boarding houses
differ only in detail from the following: The house is an old frame
building, but the interior is kept clean. Two large rooms have been
made into four by partitions of thin boards. Each room is furnished
with an iron bed, a couple of chairs, and a desk. A few are provided
with bureaus also. The floors are covered with cheap carpets and
fancy mattings. There are two sinks for washing. The toilets are
clean. The whole house is well lighted and the ventilation is good.
Most of the patrons are transients, who pay 60 cents per day. The
few persons who live there regularly pay $12 per month for board
and various sums for their lodgings. A few of the boarding houses
are somewhat better than the last one described.
As has been indicated incidentally in the cases cited, the prices
charged for board and lodging vary. In a few instances the cost is
as low as 50 cents per day for transients; in more numerous instances
it is 60 cents, while in the majority of the large boarding houses it
is 70 cents per day. Most of the large boarding houses have mem-
bership in the Japanese Hotel Keepers' Association, which provides
in its rules, among other things, that " patrons shall not be charged
less than 25 cents per night for lodging and not less than 15 cents
per meal." The rates per month for regular lodgers and boarders
are, of course, less.
With the exception of the " sailor boarding-house " keepers, the
proprietors of the large boarding houses are organized into the Jap-
anese Hotel Keepers' Association. The organization of this asso-
ciation dates back ten years or more, but it was reorganized and given
its present form in 1905. Its primary object has been to limit or to
eliminate the strong competition which existed between the large
204 The Immigration Commission.
boarding-house keepers whose patrons were transients and laborers
who were available for employment. The only written agreement
or regulation in existence, roughly translated, reads as follows :
We, the members of the Japanese Hotel Keepers' Association, will maintain
in good faith the following agreement :
1. Patrons shall not be charged less than 25 cents per night for lodging and
not less than 15 cents per meal.
2. Storage: Trunks, 25 cents each per month; baskets and valises, 10 cents
each per month.
3. Commissions to be charged as labor agencies : $5 on each Alaskan laborer,
$3 on each railroad laborer, $1 on each ranch laborer.
The matter qf commissions as labor agencies brings up the most
important part of the business of most of the large boarding-house
keepers. Hotel keeping and contracting for labor are closely related.
Indeed, each of the 12 " contractors " now in business in San Fran-
cisco is a boarding-house keeper. In many cases the largest income
is from the commissions charged as noted above (and deducted from
the wages of the laborers) ; in these cases the keeping of the board-
ing house is more or less incidental to assembling a " gang " of
laborers. One proprietor of a house of more than 30 rooms reported
that his net income from the boarding and lodging business was
$1,000;^ from commissions from laborers supplied, $2,500. Another
proprietor of a house of about the same size reported a net income of
$600 from boarding and lodging, $1,600 from his other business, but
chiefly from commissions paid by laborers for whom work was
found. The proprietor of another establishment reported a total
annual income of $1,700, $500 of which was derived from his com-
missions. Finally, the proprietor of a comparatively small estab-
lishment reported an income of $600 from boarding and lodging and
$400 from his services as a " labor agent." The importance of the
business of the labor agency is thus shown.
With the exception of the proprietors of the " sailor boarding
houses," the proprietors of the larger establishments have established
connections with construction companies, railway companies, Jap-
anese bosses supplying ranch laborers, and fish cannery companies.
If the boarding-house keeper, who is a member of the Japanese Hotel
Keepers' Association, receives an order for a given number of men and
does not have them immediately at his command, he draws upon those
at the command of other members of the Hotel Keepers' Association.
In other words, the boarding-house keepers pool their men and co-
operate in filling positions which come to them as labor agents. From
this pooling arrangement the members of the association derive a
gain not second to that resulting from the maintenance of uniform
rates and prices.
The business of the Japanese " contractors " is much less extensive
and less profitable than formerly, however. Prior to 1907, when
many Japanese were arriving in San Francisco from Japan and
the Hawaiian Islands, their business was very extensive. Employ-
ment was found by the contractors for most of the new arrivals. In
1906 the several contractors supplying laborers for railroad work
kept from 216 to 1,500 men each employed — several thousand all
told. In 1909 the number of railroad laborers supplied from San
Francisco varied between 200 and 800. The number of fish cannery
hands and agricultural laborers employed through and controlled
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 205
by these contractors is also smaller than before immigration was re-
stricted. As a result of the restrictions which have been imposed,
several firms have discontinued the contracting business.
As already stated, the proprietors of the " sailor boarding houses "
do not serve as regular labor agents and do not charge any commis-
sion for any service they may render in securing employment for
their patrons. While this is true, employers frequently apply in
person at these houses for laborers of the kind to be found there.
Because of alliances with employers of different kinds of labor, the
classes of laborers found in the large boarding houses differ. Prac-
tically all the laborers found at some are sailors, at others Alaskan
cannery hands, at others railroad laborers or ranch hands. Moreover,
in many cases most of the patrons of the boarding houses were found
to have come from the same provinces as the proprietors and labor
agents.
Besides the " contractors " still in business, there are several em-
ployment agents. These are engaged chiefly in supplying Japanese
domestics and in connection with their labor agencies frequently con-
duct billiard parlors and fruit and cigar stands.
TAILORS, DRESSMAKERS, AND SUIT CLEANERS.
Tailoring, dressmaking, and suit cleaning, as carried on by the
Japanese, are so closely related that it is impossible to discuss them
separately. In 1899 there were 5 shops where tailoring, dressmaking,
and suit cleaning were carried on. In 1904 the number of shops had
increased to 15, by the close of 1909 to 52. Most of the shops, how-
ever, are conducted on a very small scale, having from 1 to 3 em-
ployees at work. A very few have as many as 5 persons employed,
but a much larger number are conducted by 1 man or a man and
wife or by 2 or 3 partners, without the assistance of any persons em-
ployed for wages. Of 7 typical shops, 2 were conducted by the pro-
prietor without assistance, 3 by the proprietors and 1 employee each,
1 by 2 partners and 2 employees, and 1 by the employer and 5 em-
ployees. Some shops are devoted to suit cleaning, pressing, and
repair work (" renovatories "), and have no more than $150 to $400
invested in them, while the larger shops in which tailoring as well
as the cleaning and other work just mentioned is carried on represent
an investment of $2,000 or more. The rent per month paid in 7 cases
varied from $10 as a minimum to $65 as a maximum, but in only 1 of
the 7 cases did it exceed $25. From these data it may be inferred
that the tailoring business as conducted by the Japanese is a case of
petty trade. Three shops doing some tailoring reported that their
gross business amounted to $10,000 in two cases and to $5,000 in the
other case per year. The shops doing repairing, cleaning, dyeing,
and pressing only reported gross earnings varying from $360 to
$1,500 per year.
The Japanese shops are scattered throughout a large section of the
older residence and the small shop portion of the city in which or
near which the larger number of the Japanese have settled. The
character of the patrons differs according to the location of the shops
and also according to the amount of tailoring done. The larger num-
ber of the patrons who have pressing and related work done at these
206 The Immigration Commission.
shops are white persons, while the majority of those who have suits
made to order are Japanese. In fact, in so far as tailoring and dress-
making are concerned, white patronage is so small as to be of little
consequence. It is a significant fact that the proprietors of four
small shops devoted to cleaning, pressing, and related work only
reported that 100 per cent, 90 per cent, 40 per cent, and 30 per cent,
respectively, of their patrons were white persons, while the proprie-
tors of three shops, in which tailoring was done also, reported that 10,
30, and 35 per cent, respectively, of their patrons were members of
the various white races.
That a large percentage of those having cleaning and pressing done
at the Japanese shops are white persons is explained partly by con-
venience of location and partly by the low prices which are charged.
The Japanese Suit Cleaning Union, which in February, 1909, had 23
members, has placed in effect the following scale of minimum prices,
which the shops are required to adhere to :
Men's suits pressed $0. 50 up.
Women's suits pressed . 75 up.
Men's suits cleaned and pressed . 75 up.
Women's suits cleaned and pressed 1. 00 up.
Men's and women's suits steam cleaned 1. 50 up.
Men's and women's suits dyed 2. 00 up.
Coats dyed 1. 00 up.
Though this is a scale of minimum prices, the sums given are those
usually charged. These are lower than the rates which have ob-
tained in other than the poorest shops in San Francisco, with the
result that the competition of the Japanese shops has been felt by
others doing a similar business in the same localities.
In tailoring, on the other hand, there has been little competition.
Yet it is true that the Japanese have much of their clothing made in
establishments conducted by their countrymen and the number of
shops has increased directly with the number of Japanese residing in
San Francisco.
The profits reported by the proprietors of the small shops devoted
to cleaning and pressing were $300, $720, $900, $1,200 ; by the other
shops engaged in tailoring also, $1,440, $1,800, and $3,000, respec-
tively, per year. The wages of tailors varied from $25 to $60 per
month with board and from $40 to $80 per month without board.
Of 20 men employed in Japanese shops 2 were paid $25 ; 2, $30 ; 2, $35 ;
1, $40 ; 3, $50 ; and 4, $60 per month with board ; 3, $45, and 1, $55 per
month with lodging only; and 1, $40, and 1, $80 per month with
neither board nor lodging.
Reference has been made to the regulation of prices by the Japa-
nese Suit Cleaning Union. It controls the location of shops as well,
its rules providing that no two Japanese shops shall be located
within 1,000 feet of each other. The union also provides for assist-
ance to its members. Organization was not effected until the early
spring of 1909. The tailors also are organized. The Tailors and
Dressmakers' Union, including Japanese persons of this class in
Oakland as well as in San Francisco, was organized several years
ago and was incorporated under the laws of California in 1905.
This organization provides that no two shops shall be located within
600 feet of each other on the same street or within 300 feet of each
other on different streets. It also controls the matter of apprentice-
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 207
ship, forbids the employment of persons who are not members of the
union, and provides for persons who are sick, have met with accident,
or are in distress.
BARBER SHOPS.
The number and prosperity of the Japanese barber shops in San
Francisco has always been dependent upon the number of Japanese
in the city, for the members of that race have generally not been ad-
mitted to white shops, while the Japanese shops have had few wliite
patrons. The first Japanese shop was opened more than twenty years
ago. In 1894 there were 2 ; in 1899, 6 ; in 1904, 21 ; at the close of the
year 1908, 18. Previous to 1907 the number of Japanese in San Fran-
cisco was increasing and the number of small shops kept pace with
the growth of population. Since 1907, however, the population has
been decreasing and a number of the barber shops have been closed.
The Japanese shops are small, the number of chairs, as a rule, not
exceeding two, and the amount of capital invested varying from $150
to $400. The earnings of three proprietors from their establishments
were $600, $720, and $960; from the commissions of 10 to 20 per cent
on laundry collected, $120, $480, and $100, respectively, for the year
preceding the investigation. The few barbers employed are usually
paid either $35 or $40 per month, in addition to which they receive
board and lodging.
BATH HOUSES.
The record of Japanese bath houses is in most respects similar to
that of their barber shops. In 1894 there were 2 ; in 1899, 8 ; in 1904,
10; in 1908, 13. About one-half of these are located in or near the
Chinese quarter and are largely patronized by Chinese, who have no
public bath houses of their own. The others are located in the Jap-
anese residence section and are patronized by the members of that
race. Frequently they are conducted in connection with boarding and
lodging houses, some of which are not provided with bathing facil-
ities.0
MEN'S FUBNISHING STORES.
The first establishment of this kind conducted by a Japanese was
opened in 1900. By 1904 there were 8, at the close of 1908, 13 or more.
More than one-half of these are very small shops, the capital invested
varying from $500 to $1,500. They carry a variety of cheap goods,
and their patrons are almost exclusively Japanese. The larger shops
have several thousand dollars, in one case as much as $11,000, in-
vested in Japanese and American goods carried in stock. Like the
smaller shops, they find most of their patrons among the Japanese.
JEWELRY AND WATCH REPAIRING.
The first of the jewelry and watch repairing shops opened by a
Japanese dates from the year 1900 or somewhat earlier. In 1904
they numbered 4 ; at the close of the year 1908, 7. Of these, 4 were in-
vestigated. With one exception the amount of capital employed, the
0 Nine of the 13 are connected either with hotels and boarding houses or bar-
ber shops or with both.
208 The Immigration Commission.
volume of annual transactions, and the amount of profit were small.
All but 1 were conducted without hired assistance, and in this case
only 1 person was employed for wages, a watchmaker, at $30 per
month, with board and lodging. The amount of capital employed in
the 4 shops was $1,000, $1,300, $2,300, and $7,500, respectively. The
profits realized for the year were $900, $900, $1,680, and $3,000, re-
spectively, for the 4 shops in the order mentioned above. In one case
the patronage of white persons was reckoned at 15, in the other cases
at 10* per cent of the total. The significant facts relating to this
branch of business are that most of the shops are small and engaged in
repair work chiefly ; that their patronage by white persons is so small
as to be unimportant, but that they are sufficiently numerous to sup-
ply the greater number of the Japanese with such watches, clocks, and
jewelry as there is demand for among them.
AET GOODS STORES.
The most important branch of business engaged in by Japanese in
San Francisco, from the point of view of white patrons, is the conduct
of art stores. In 1898 some 20 of these were devoted to selling brass
ware, toys, china, etc. By 1904 the number had increased to 40; by
the close of 1909 to 42. The majority of these carry stocks of goods
valued at several thousand dollars, and practically all of the patrons
are white persons. The articles sold have never been carried in stock
to any great extent by white dealers. In San Francisco there are,
however, many Chinese stores of the same type, and the patronage is
shared by these two Asiatic races.
PROVISION AND GROCERY STORES.
The number of Japanese provision and grocery stores has rapidly
increased in recent years. In 1904, 10 were reported; in 1909 there
were 22. Most of these are comparatively small stores, employ a few
thousand dollars of capital, deal largely in Japanese goods, and are
patronized chiefly by Japanese. A few of these stores, however, are
large supply houses and have much capital invested in their business,
most of which is with Japanese outside of San Francisco. The per-
centage of American goods sold is about 50 ; the percentage of white
patrons varies from 5 to 25.
OTHER STORES.
There are many other small stores, most of them patronized almost
exclusively by Japanese. Among these are 8 book stores, selling
books, stationery, and notions ; 3 drug stores,0 selling Japanese drugs
and notions; 7 confectioners' shops, selling the confections manu-
factured by them, fruit, etc. ; 4 fish dealers and 1 butcher, selling fish
and meat to persons of their own race almost exclusively ; a few fruit
stands, and a sake (liquor) store.6 In no case do these have any par-
ticular significance save that through them the Japanese are enabled
to satisfy their wants while dealing with persons of their own race.
0 Some other establishments also sell drugs.
6 Several provision stores also sell sake.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 209
Closely related to some of these branches of petty business are the
businesses carried on by 4 manufacturers and retailers of bamboo
goods, by the 3 tofu (bean curd) manufacturers, by the 2 small rice
mills cleaning imported rice, and the small sake brewery. The Japa-
nese have not engaged in any branch of manufacture of any impor-
tance.
PHOTOGRAPHERS.
There was 1 Japanese photographer in San Francisco in 1895, 3
in 1899, 5 in 1904, and 8 at the close of the year 1908. Formerly the
Japanese studios were patronized rather extensively by members of
the white race, but, with the development of a strong sentiment against
the Japanese^ much of this patronage has been lost. Two of the 8,
however, still have a large number of white patrons.
BILLIARD AND POOL HALLS AND SHOOTING GALLERIES.
The chief places of amusement conducted by Japanese are the
billiard and pool halls and shooting galleries, which numbered 16 in
1904 and more than 20 in 1909. Most of these are small places with
two or three tables. Cigars and soft drinks are frequently carried in
stock. Some of the places are patronized by Japanese only; the
number of white patrons of the others is very small.
OTHER BUSINESS.
Besides the 3 newspaper offices engaged chiefly in the publication of
daily papers, there are a few job printing houses engaged princi-
pally in printing in the Japanese language. There are also 5 Japa-
nese real estate agents, engaged chiefly in acting as intermediaries
in leasing property to be occupied by Japanese. Few of the mem-
bers of this race have purchased the property they occupy. There is
also a branch of the Yokohama Specie Bank, which alone survives
the 4 banking institutions in existence in 1908. The other banks failed
and were closed by the state bank commissioner. There are also 5
parties engaged in the transfer business. In 1907 one of these was or-
ganized as a corporation with a capital stock of $30,000, and combin-
ing the business of several persons formerly doing business inde-
pendently. Most of the business done is in hauling goods under con-
tract with the proprietors of Japanese establishments.
There are also about 10 carpenters, who are employed almost ex-
clusively by their countrymen in altering and repairing buildings
occupied by them. Of physicians there were 8 in 1904 and 5 in 1908 ;
of dentists, 5 in 1904 and 3 in 1909.
PERSONAL, DATA RELATIVE TO JAPANESE BUSINESS MEN.
Personal data were secured from 113 business men engaged in
conducting the establishments investigated. Roughly speaking, two-
fifths of them had been in the United States ten years or over, an-
other two-fifths five years but less than ten, while the remaining
one-fifth had immigrated within the last five years. In more detail,
of 122 (including 9 male members of the families of these business
men), 8 had been in the United States twenty years or over; 4,
210 The Immigration Commission.
fifteen years but less than twenty ; 34, ten years but less than fifteen ;
48, five years but less than ten, while the remaining 28 had immi-
grated within the last five years. Fourteen of them had migrated
to the continental United States from Hawaii, while another came
from Canada. Of the 98 who had immigrated directly from Japan,
27 had been engaged in business on their own account, 7 had been em-
ployed in stores, 18 had been employed for wages in various city
occupations, 23 had been with their fathers on the farm, while 22 had
had no occupation previous to their immigration to this country.
None of the 98 had been farming on his own account in his native
land. From these details it is seen that more than one-fourth of
these men had been in business, one- fourth had been wage earners in
cities, another one-fourth had been farmers' sons, while the remainder
had been at home without occupation.
It is evident from these details also that the great majority had
come from the urban classes of Japan. Some of the immigrants
came to the United States when young men to find their first work
or to pursue their studies; some came when older because of failure
to succeed in business at home; while others, more successful, trans-
ferred their business to this country to avail themselves of the oppor-
tunities offered. Of 116, 16 years of age or over at the time of the
investigation, 21 had been under 20 years of age at the time of their
immigration, 36 between 20 and 25, 34 between 25 and 30, 14 between
30 and 35, 7 between 35 and 40, and 4, 40 years of age or over.
Inasmuch as representatives of the few large business firms were not
included in the investigations, the amount of money brought to this
country was found to be very small. In fact, of 112 reporting data
with reference to this matter, 44 had less than $50 and 32 others less
than $100 upon first landing in the continental United States.
Of the remaining 36 (roughly one-third of the entire number),
16 had $100 but less than $150; 7, $150 but less than $200; 5, $200
but less than $300; 3, $300 and $400; and 5, from $500 to $1,200
each. (General Table 1.) It is apparent that most of them came
without capital and were under the necessity of becoming mem-
bers of the wage-earning class. Indeed, 87 of the 113 were first
gainfully occupied in this country as wage-earners, 1 as a farmer
and 25 as business men, usually in partnership with others and en-
gaged in small enterprises requiring very little capital. The ma-
jority of those who first worked for wages found employment in
San Francisco or other cities. Only 14 became farm hands and 1 a
railroad laborer; 50 first engaged in domestic service, 4 worked in
stores and an equal number in restaurants, and the remaining 14
in other city occupations. (General Table 2.)
Though the great majority of the immigrants investigated had
become wage-earners upon their arrival in this country, most of them
soon advanced from the wage-earning class, to which only a small
minority had belonged in Japan, and established themselves in busi-
ness. The great number of Japanese arriving at the port of San
Francisco, and depending largely upon their countrymen for sup-
plying most of their wants, made it possible for the members of that
race to engage in business in increasing numbers, while because of
the petty nature of most of the establishments and the rather com-
mon practice of forming partnerships, little capital was required of
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 211
one who wished to establish himself as a business man. A further
inducement was found in the fact that in San Francisco as elsewhere
very few remunerative occupations have been open to the Japanese.
As a rule the Japanese has had farming on his own account or the
establishment of a small business enterprise as the only avenue of
escape from the lower forms and least well-paid kinds of unskilled
labor.
In this connection it is interesting to note that with the exception
of the jewelers and watch repairers, barbers, and tailors, most of
whom had been similarly occupied in Japan, few of those investi-
gated were engaged in the same line of business here that they had
engaged in abroad. Most of the business conducted is of such a
character that experience is not highly essential to success.
As has been stated, most of the Japanese have come to the United
States " to make money." How well they have succeeded is indi-
cated by the value of the property they now own. The gross value
of property possessed by the 113 men from whom personal data were
secured was $352,520, or an average of $3,119.65 each. Of these 113,
however, 47 were in debt, the total amount of such indebtedness being
$63,830. The net amount of property owned was, therefore, $290,690,
an average of $2,594.44 per man. (General Table 6.) One had
a net indebtedness of $2,000 outstanding against him, while the re-
maining 112 had property over and above any indebtedness, varying
from $100 to $45,000. Four reported $100, but less than $250; 9,
$250, but less than $500; 33, $500, but less than $1,000; 27, $1,000,
but less than $1,500; 16, $1,500, but less than $2,500; 14, $2,500, but
less than $5,000 j 4, $5,000, but less than $10,000 ; 2, $10,000, but less
than $25,000 ; and 3, $27,000, $30,000, and $45,000, respectively. Thus
23, or one-fifth of the entire number, have property worth $2,500 or
over. Fourteen of these 23 had been in the United States 10 years
or more, the other 9 from 5 to 9 years. As opposed to the 14, 32 who
have been here for 10 years or more have property worth less than
$2,500, and 15 of them have property worth less than $1,000. As
opposed to the 9 who have been in this country from 5 to 9 years and
have property worth $2,500 or over, there are 35 who have less than
$2,500, while 16 (including 1 who is insolvent) have less than $1,000.
(General Table 3.)
The data relating to property are, however, a better index to the
kind of business conducted by the Japanese than of the degree of
pecuniary success with which they have met, for these property-
owning business men remain of the larger number who have engaged
in business on their own account and some of whom are now found in
the ranks of the wage-earners, while, on the other hand, the property
now owned represents the money not sent abroad but saved and in-
vested in this country. A better index is found in the amount of
profit realized during the year preceding the investigation. The net
incomes of 110 from the main business or businesses conducted by them
are shown in General Table 20. The net incomes derived varied
from $300 to $9,600. Of the 110, a hotel keeper and a tailor had
incomes of $300 and $360, respectively; 10 had incomes of $400,
but less than $500 ; 32, $500, but less than $750 ; 27, $750, but less than
$1,000; 14, $1,000, but less than $1,500; 12, $1,500, but less than
$2,000; 6, $2,000, but less than $2,500; while 7 had realized incomes
212
The Immigration Commission.
of $2,500 or over. The incomes of 22 lodging-house and hotel keepers
varied from $300 to $7,000 and averaged $1,491.36. The incomes of
25 storekeepers from the stores conducted by them varied from $500
to $3,000 and averaged $1,404.80. Eighteen shoemakers had incomes
averaging $814.44. Six proprietors of small laundries had incomes
of less than $500, while the proprietor of a large one had a net income
of $6,000 from his business. These data and others presented in Gen-
eral Table 20 show that the incomes vary between wide extremes, but
that all but 12 of the 110 had incomes from the main business con-
ducted by them of $500 or over, which is more than the average
amount received by the wage-earning classes of Japanese from such
occupations as are open to them, and that 66, or three-fifths of the
entire number, realized net incomes of $750 or over.
The net incomes discussed above are those from the principal busi-
ness or group of businesses conducted. No fewer than 29 of the 110
from whom data were obtained, however, had incomes from inter-
ests in other business establishments, investments, labor, lodgers, etc.
The total amount of such subsidiary income was $42,172, If this were
included, the average annual income, reported above as $1,259.64, is
found to exceed $1,643, and the number having each a specified
amount of income is shown in the following table :
Amount of income (all sources).
Number.
Amount of income (all sources).
Number.
Under$300
$1.000 and under $1,500 ..
15
$300 and under $400
1
$1,500 and under $2,000
15
$400 and under $500
9
$2,000 and under $2,500
10
$500 and under $750
22
$2,500 or over
11
$750 and under $1,000
27
a Ten men reported their total net incomes from all sources to be as follows: $2,600, $3,000, $3,000, $3,500,
$4,200, $6,000, $7,200, $7,600, $9,600, and $20,000. The total income of the remaining one in this group
was not ascertained.
Of 112 from whom data were obtained, 4 reported a deficit, 6
neither surplus nor deficit, and 102 a surplus, after all living and
incidental expenses had been paid out of the net income for the year.
The surplus reported varied from $100 as a minimum to $9,750 as a
maximum, and averaged $726.86. The amounts reported by 12 were
$100 but less than $250; by 40, $250 but less than $500; by 30, $500
but less than $1,000; by 17, $1,000 but less than $2,500; by 3, more
than $2,500. (General Tables 4 and 5.) From these data it is evi-
dent that the Japanese business men as a class are fairly prosperous
and that a few have large incomes and large balances over and above
their personal expenses.
By far the larger part of the surplus amounts realized were re-
tained in this country. Of 112 reporting data with regard to the
matter, 51 had sent money abroad during the year, the total amount
sent by them being $12,300, or an average of $241.18 each. Most of
this ($8,950) was for the support or use of relatives and the educa-
tion of children, the remainder for investment or safe-keeping. As
opposed to the money sent abroad by 51 men, 98 reported that they
disposed of $62,290 retained by them in this country as follows:
Invested in business, $30,125 ; deposited in banks, $19,645 ; loaned to
friends, $1,600 ; used to pay debts earlier incurred, $7,200 ; employed
for other purposes, $3,720.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 213
PERSONAL DATA RELATIVE TO JAPANESE WAGE-EARNERS,
Corresponding data were obtained from 231 members of the wage-
earning classes. Some of these were employed in Japanese estab-
lishments, others in the homes and places of business of white persons.
Though the total number of persons from whom complete data were
obtained is comparatively small, the data are sufficient to indicate
certain facts concerning the wage-earning classes of Japanese in the
city.
The first significant fact is that 108 of the 231 wage-earners had
been in the United States less than five years, 82 from five to nine
years, while only 26 had been here ten to fourteen years, 9 from
fifteen to nineteen years, and 6, twenty years or longer. The con-
trast between the members of this class and those of the business
class is shown by the fact that 46.8 per cent of the former as against
23 per cent of the latter had immigrated to the United States within
the last five years, while only 17.7 j>er cent of the former as against
37.7 per cent of the latter had been in the United States ten years or
longer.
Twenty-two of the 231 wage-earners had come to the continental
United States from the Hawaiian Islands, where most of them had
been engaged in agricultural work, while one came from Mexico. The
remaining 208, or 9 of every 10, had immigrated direct from Japan.
Like the business men, most of them had belonged to the urban
classes in their native land. Of the 208 immigrating direct from
their native land, 57 had been on farms with their fathers, while one
had been a farm hand. On the other hand, 35, or roughly one-sixth
of the entire number, had been engaged in businesses on their own
account, 14 had been employed in stores, and 23 in industrial estab-
lishments and in other city occupations. Finally, 68, almost all of
whom had been reared in cities, had had no occupation before leaving
their native land, while the occupation of one was not ascertained.
(General Table 2.) That so many should not have been gainfully
employed or should have been with their fathers on the farm before
emigrating from Japan is indicative of the fact that the majority
of those from whom data were obtained had come to the United
States when young men. Indeed, 26.4 per cent of the 231 were under
20, 59.7 per cent under 25, and only 20 per cent 30 years of age or over
at the time of their first arrival in the continental United States.
Moreover, a comparatively large number of those who were 30 years
of age or over had left Japan when young men and spent some years
in Hawaii before coming to " the mainland." (General Table 9.)
Like the business men, these wage-earners had little money upon
their arrival in this country. Indeed, the percentage of them who
had only nominal sums was larger and the percentage who had more
than $200 was smaller than among the business men from whom
data were obtained. Of 230 reporting the amount of money in their
possession upon landing, 127, or 55.2 per cent, had less than $50 ; 66,
or 28.7 per cent, $50 but less than $100; while only 16, or 7 per cent,
had $150 or more. Though one-sixth of the number immigrating
direct from their native land had been engaged in business, the largest
amount of capital brought to this country by any member of the
group of 230 was less than $500. (General Table 1.)
214 The Immigration Commission.
A comparatively large percentage of those investigated had come
to the United States upon the completion of their schooling in Japan
and expected to pursue their studies in this country. Yet the motive
of the ^reat majority in immigrating to the United States was purely
economic. Nearly all of those who had attended school in this coun-
try had combined labor with their school attendance. This is re-
flected by the fact that of 229 reporting their first gainful employment
in this country 92 were domestic servants, many of them " school-
boys " working short hours and receiving small wages in addition
to board and lodging. The next largest number, 58 — or, roughly,
one-fourth of the 229 — were first employed as farm laborers. Of
the remaining 79, 12 became railroad laborers, 10 house cleaners
working by the day, 7 restaurant " help," 9 store " help," 5 cannery
hands, and 28 wage-earners in various city occupations. Only 2 en-
gaged in business for themselves and very few of the others had
engaged in business at any time and again become members of the
wage-earning classes. From these facts it is evident that the great
majority of these men had come from the urban classes of Japan and
that about two-thirds of them found their first employment in the
cities and in San Francisco. (General Table 2.)
The earnings of 230 during the twelve months preceding the in-
vestigation were ascertained. Of the 230, 194 had been in continu-
ous employment for the 12 months. As against these, 6 had been
employed for eleven months, 3 for ten, 13 for nine, 2 for eight, 7 for
six, 2 for five, and 3 for four months of the twelve. The earnings of
106 who received board and lodging in addition to their wages varied
from $8 per month and $96 per year to $85 per month and $1,020
per year. The average for the year was $415.82 ; for those continu-
ously in employment, $444.54. The median, however, was only $360.
The yearly earnings of 124 who did not receive board in addition to
wages varied from $180 to $2,000. The average for the group was
$553.75, and for the 111 who had employment throughout the year,
$566.76. The median was $540. (General Table 21.)
Two hundred and twenty-nine reported as to surplus or deficit
after their expenses in this country had been paid. Of this number
8 reported a deficit ranging between $58 and $440, while 23 reported
that they had spent all they had earned, but had not incurred any
debts. The remaining 198, or 86.5 per cent of the number, had
realized a surplus during the year.
The aggregate of the balances reported by 198 was $47,434, or an
average of $239.52. The sums reported by 24 were less than $100, by
83 $100 but less than $250, by 76 $250 but less than $500, by 14 $500
but less than $1,000, by 1 $1,050. (General Tables 4 and 5.) It is
evident that the incomes of the wage-earners from their labor are
much smaller than those of the business men derived as a result of
their labor and investments from their business, and that their bal-
ances over their personal expenditures average only about one-third
as much.
Of 229 wage-earners who reported with reference to the disposition
of their pecuniary gains for the year, 121 had sent money abroad,
the total amount sent being $18,445, or an average of $152.44 for each.
Few of them sent more than $200, and all but a negligible percentage
was reported to be for the support of parents or of wives and children
in Japan. As against the total of $18,445, reported by 121 as sent
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 215
abroad during the year, 176 reported a total of $29,429 retained in
this country. Of this total $4,680 was loaned to others, $24,749 de-
posited in banks or kept in hand. In the number sending money
abroad, and especially in the percentage of their gains sent and the
disposition of the part retained in this country, the wage-earners pre-
sent a contrast to the business men. That the business men retained
five times as much of their gains in this country as they sent abroad,
while the wage-earners retained roughly 1| times as much, and that
the business men invested about one-half of the amount retained here,
while the investments of the wage-earning class were found to be
practically negligible are to be explained by the facts that the business
men have much the larger incomes, comparatively fewer wives and
children residing abroad to be supported, and have much better op-
portunities for profitable investment.
Few of the wage-earning classes have property worth as much as
$1,000. Of 231 reporting with regard to their wealth, 1 was in debt
$200 and 36 had no property other than their personal effects. The
remaining 194 had property with an aggregate value of $66,444, an
average of $342.49. (General Table 6.) The value of the property
owned by 28 of these 194 was estimated at less than $100, by 91 at
$100 but less than $250, by 38 at $250 but less than $500, by 23 at
$500 but less than $1,000, by 6 at $1,000 but less than $1,500, by 5 at
$1,500 but less than $2,500, by 3 at $2,500, $3,500, and $4,000, respec-
tively. (General Table 3.)
SOCIOLOGICAL DATA.
As already stated, the Japanese population of San Francisco was in
1909 estimated at 8,746. In this investigation personal data were
secured from 113 business men, 231 wage-earners, and the members of
their families living with them, the total number of persons being
443. The 443 embraced 338 males 20 years of age or over; 9 male
youths 16 years of age, but under 20; 55 females 20 years of age or
over ; and 41 children under 16.° All of these, save 33 of the children,
were foreign-born. (General Tables 7 and 10.)
The majority of the Japanese women have come to the United
States in recent years to join their husbands, or to be married upon
their arrival. Moreover, most of them are wives of men engaged in
business. Only 2 of the 57 (including 2 foreign-born female chil-
dren) had been in this country 10 years, and 31 had immigrated
within the last 5. (General Table 11.) Of 116 males of the busi-
ness class, 16 years of age or over, 66 are married, and all but 17 of
them have their wives with them in this country. Thirty-seven were
married previous to their immigration to this country, and 13 of
these were accompanied by their wives, while 11 have been joined by
them more recently. Twenty-nine of the number investigated have
been married subsequent to their first immigration, 19 of them to
women coming to this country and 10 while on visits abroad.
Of 231 male wage-earners 16 years of age or over, only 46 are mar-
ried, and only 9 of these have their wives in this country. Only 3 of
°As against these 41, most of whom had been born in the United States, there
were some 63 other offspring of the married couples investigated who had re-
mained in Japan with the mother or other relatives,
48296°— VOL 23— 11 15
216
The Immigration Commission.
the 46 have married subsequent to their immigration, and 8 of the 9
wives in the United States came with their husbands when they first
immigrated, nearly all of them from the Hawaiian Islands. That so
comparatively few of the wage-earning class are married, and that
so few of those who are married have their wives with them, is ex-
plained chiefly by the circumstances under which the wage-earners
must live. The members of the business class, on the other hand, hav-
ing a settled residence and being better established, have contracted
marriages more freely, and almost three-fourths or them now have
their wives with them in this country. (General Tables 8 and 9.)
The immigration of married women in recent years is indicative of
a settled residence in the United States. Many of the Japanese, how-
ever, do not expect to remain in this country for an indefinite time.
Of the 113 business men 38 signified their intention to remain perma-
nently in this country; 18, including several whose wives were here,
to return to Japan; while 57 were in doubt as to what they would
eventually do. Of 231 wage-earners, on the other hand, only 34 stated
that they expected to remain here permanently, 105 that they ex-
pected to return to their native land, 92 that they were in doubt as to
what they would eventually do. Of course these answers can be taken
only as indicative of the state of mind of the men at the time they
were questioned, but they show that a large percentage of the busi-
ness men, practically all of whom had come as temporary residents,
had decided to remain permanently, while one-half of the entire num-
ber were in doubt as to what they would do, largely because of the
opposition shown to the members of their race and the uncertainties
of the future, because of the restrictions upon further immigration of
the laboring classes. The number of wage-earners expecting to re-
main permanently is smaller, yet, in spite of the fact that few have
families in this country and that they do not have business interests
of importance, one-seventh state that they intend to remain in this
country permanently.
Something has been said earlier in this report concerning the char-
acter of the lodgings and the cost of meals at the Japanese hotels
and boarding houses, and the board and lodgings of the laundry and
restaurant employees. The day workers, a large element among the
Japanese, usually live in cooperative groups organized among them-
selves or with shoe repairers. Taking the latter as typical of these
groups, it was found that in most instances the day workers con-
tributed a certain amount per month toward the cost of food and
drink and for their lodgings, and that the several members of the
group, including the cobbler with whom they lived, cooked in turn.
Where a wife was present, however, the domestic work was done by
her. The cost per month of their board and lodging reported by 12
of these groups was as follows :
Cost per
Cost per
Number paying sum specified.
month
Number paying sum specified.
month
per man.
per man.
6
$12 50
4
$13 00
^
15.00
4
11.00
4
12.00
T
13.00
T
13.00
4
12.00
6
14.00
5
13.00
6
12.00
9
12,00
Japanese in City Employments and Business.
217
The cobblers and the day workers living with them — when there
are any doing so— invariably live in rooms connected with the shops.
In some instances the rooms are too few and are crowded, and a large
percentage of them are neglected and in disorder.*
Living in the building sheltering the business conducted is the
general rule among the Japanese business classes, except those who
have the largest stores. Indeed, there were only some 9 exceptions
among the 91 investigated. The employees are usually provided
with board and lodging on the premises. Though several cases of
overcrowding were found (elsewhere than among laundrymen and
" day workers " and cobblers) , conditions were not materially differ-
ent from those which obtain among small shopkeepers generally.
Agents of the Commission collected data relating to the cost of
food and drink of families and groups investigated. Excluding
those conducting restaurants or other business where the cost is not
normal or can not be estimated with a fair degree of accuracy, data
were obtained for 347 persons, constituting 140 groups or single
individuals. Seven persons, constituting 3 groups, reported the cost
as less than $6 per month; 18, constituting 4 groups, as $6 but less
than $7 ; 35, constituting 12 groups, as $7 but less than $8 ; 65, con-
stituting 23 groups, as $8 but less than $9 ; 14, constituting 5 groups,
as $9 but less than $10; 59, constituting 24 groups, as $10 but less
than $12; 93, constituting 41 groups, as $12 but less than $14; and
56, constituting 28 groups, as $14 or over per month. The average
cost per person per month was $11.08. Naturally the cost was
higher for the single persons eating at restaurants. Eliminating
all single persons and retaining only groups of 2 or more, the aver-
age for each of the 297 persons was $10.76 per month.
Of 405 foreign-born 10 years of age or over, all but 6 females
were literate (General Table 15). All but 6 of 122 foreign-born
males 6 years of age or over of the Japanese business class could
speak English, and 75, or 53.6 per cent, of the 118 who were 10 years
of age or over could read and write the language as well. Of 231
males of the wage-earning class, 200 could speak, 123 could read, and
121 could both read and write English. This fairly general com-
mand of English was acquired by some in the schools in this country
0 Taking 14 of these groups, the number of persons and the number of rooms
occupied (besides the cobbler shop) were as follows:
Number of men.
Number of
women.
Number of
children
under 15
years.
Number of
rooms
occupied.
3...
o
o
2
3
2
o
4
3
1
1
3
8
o
o
1
5
1
1
3
4
o
o
3
7
o
o
5
6
1
o
5
5...
o
o
3
5
o
o
3
4
o
o
3
9
o
o
4
3....
o
o
2
2
o
o
I
218 The Immigration Commission.
and by contact with English-speaking persons. The females, few
of whom had studied English abroad, few or none of whom had
immigrated as students, and who as a class have immigrated more
recently than the males and have had little contact with members of
the white races, show less proficiency in the use of the English lan-
guage. Of 57, 6 years of age or over, 32 speak English (General
Tables 12 and 13) . Of 56, 10 years of age or over, 10 read and 8 both
read and write the language.
Many of the Japanese have been trained in the use of English in
schools maintained for that purpose in San Francisco. There are,
all told, 15 schools for Japanese immigrants. Four of these con-
ducted by American women, however, are not schools in the proper
sense of the term, but places where individuals, chiefly well-to-do
men and prospective college students, are tutored. The remaining
institutions, on the other hand, have regularly organized classes and
are conducted primarily for the instruction of adults in the use of
English or for teaching the reading and writing of their mother
tongue and the history and geography of Japan to Japanese children
attending American public schools. Five of these are conducted by
as many Japanese missions ; the others by private parties, who, how-
ever, usually have the gratuitous services and contributions of others
and, in some instances, subsidies from Japanese organizations.
The schools conducted by the five missions are very much alike, so
that the following details relating to one would apply, with few
changes, to the other four. This particular mission has conducted a
school for twenty years in which courses are offered corresponding
to the work given in the public schools from primary to the high
school grades, mathematics excepted. The principal is assisted by
four American women and an equal number of Japanese men. The
tuition fee is $1 per month. The number of pupils is about 100. Of
54 attending the afternoon classes, all but 1 — a youth of 14 — were
between 20 and 23 years of age. Fifty of the number were males and
4 females. Most of them had been in the United States only one or
two years, and 42 of the 54 were " schoolboys," i. e., domestic servants
working a part of the day in return for board and lodging and very
small wages. Of the remaining 12, 1 was a reporter, 1 a clerk, 1 an
office boy, 1 a nurse, 1 a teacher of Japanese, while the other 7 were
not gainfully occupied. Thirty-one males in the night classes be-
longed to a somewhat different class as regards occupations, but
they were practically all young men and the majority had been in
the United States only one or two years. Three were " schoolboys,"
14 regular domestics, 2 watchmakers, 2 tailors, 2 laundry hands, 2
house cleaners, 1 a tea packer, 1 a bookkeeper, while 2 were at the
time without occupation.
The most successful of the schools on a private and nonmission
basis and conducted primarily for adults may be described as follows :
Both elementary and more advanced courses are offered, most of the
instruction being in the use of English. The tuition is $2 or $3 per
month, according to the courses taken. Most of the pupils are be-
tween 19 and 23 years of age and have been in the United States only
one or two years. Data were obtained from 71 of some 80 in the
classes. All but 2 of these were gainfully employed — 50 as "house-
workers," 6 as cooks, 3 as waiters, 5 as clerks in Japanese stores, 3 as
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 219
laundry hands, 1 as a tailor, and 1 as an apprentice to a photographer.
Thus of the 71, 59 were engaged in some branch of domestic service.
Besides these schools for teaching adult Japanese, most of whom
are gainfully employed, there is one ° school designed primarily to
teach children of primary and grammar school age to read and write
their native language and to acquaint them with their native litera-
ture and history. However, three years ago the scope of the school
was enlarged so as to interest children born in Japan and recently
arrived in this country in the use of English so as to prepare them
for the public schools. The tuition fee is $2 per month. The Jap-
anese Association contributes regularly to the support of the school,
as do a rather large number of Japanese men interested in educational
work.
These educational institutions among the Japanese are, of course,
entirely supplementary to the public schools of the city, which are
open to pupils of all races.6 The number of Japanese children,
vouths, and young men attending the public schools in the spring of
1909 was 128.
Closely connected with the use of the English language is the mat-
ter of newspapers and periodicals subscribed for. These are indica-
tive of the standard of living and culture and show the interests and
source of much of the information of the Japanese. Of 77 house-
holds reporting all had at least 1 newspaper and 58 had from 2 to 10
each. All of the households had one or more (some as many as 7)
papers and periodicals printed in the Japanese language, some of
them published in San Francisco and other American cities, others
published in Japan. In addition to these, 25, or, roughly, one-third
of the households, had from 1 to 5 newspapers and periodicals
printed in English and published in San Francisco and other cities.
Among the subscriptions to periodicals by those investigated were 3
to the Pacific Monthly, 9 to the Literary Digest, 1 to the Independent,
0 There were two of these schools, but one conducted by the Buddhist mission
has been discontinued.
6 For a time during the fall term of 1906 the Japanese were refused admis-
sion to any of the public schools save the Oriental Public School, established
for Chinese, Japanese, and Korean pupils. The board of education of San
Francisco resolved, May 6, 1905, " that the board of education is determined in
its efforts to effect the establishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japa-
nese pupils, not only for the purpose of relieving the congestion at present
prevailing in our schools, but also for the higher aim that our children should
not be placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be affected
by associations with people of the Mongolian race." On the llth of October,
190G, after agitation conducted by the Japanese and Korean Exclusion League
for separate schools, this board further resolved " that in accordance with
article 10, section 1662, of the school law of California, principals are hereby
directed to send all Chinese, Japanese, or Korean children to the Oriental
Public School, situated on the south side of Clay street, between Powell and
Mason streets, on and after Monday, October 15, 1906." The Oriental School
was located in the burnt district of the city, and many of the 93 Japanese at-
tending school at the time of the adoption of the above resolution lived many
blocks from it. The Japanese, with one exception, failed to go to the Oriental
School, and the resolution was claimed to be in conflict with the treaty rights
guaranteed by the Federal Government. Later the resolution was rescinded by
the board of education and Japanese children admitted to such schools as they
were qualified to attend. See Senate Report No. 147, Fifty-ninth Congress,
second session.
220 The Immigration Commission.
4 to Colliers' Weekly, 1 to the Outlook, and 1 to the North American
Review.
The Japanese missions have already been mentioned in connection
with educational institutions. Of these missions there are now five—
the Methodist, Presbyterian, Congregational, Episcopal, and Bud-
dhist—besides the Japanese Gospel Society. The last-mentioned in-
stitution was organized by Christian students as early as 1887.
Independence of all denominations and its liberal Christian teaching
and great emphasis upon educational work are as true of it now as at
the time of its organization more than twenty years ago. The Meth-
odist Mission, with a history covering twenty years, was the next to
be organized, and was followed by the organization of the Presby-
terian, Congregational, and Episcopal missions. The combined
membership of these missions is some 700 or 800. The membership
of the Methodist Mission is 306; of the Presbyterian, 325; of the
Episcopal, 50. The Buddhist Mission was organized as recently as
1899. There are now 10 such missions scattered throughout Cali-
fornia with a membership, exclusive of the wives and children of
married men, of 2,350. Some 400 of these members reside in San
Francisco. These Buddhist missions do not differ from the Christian
missions save in religious teachings. That the Buddhist organiza-
tion has made more rapid advance in securing members is explained
largely by the fact that most of the Japanese were Buddhists at home.
Reference has been made to the various organizations among the
Japanese engaged in business and to the several missions with Japa-
nese members only. Besides these there are several organizations,
the most important of which are the Japanese Association, prefec-
tural clubs or societies, and the Japanese Benevolent Society.
The Japanese Association was organized in 1900, at the time of
the threatened outbreak of bubonic plague, when the Japanese and
Chinese, being Asiatic races, were dealt with in a different manner
from other races. The organization was effected to protect the
" rights " of the Japanese. When the crisis due to the fear of bubonic
plague ended, the Japanese organization was continued in existence
because of the strong anti- Japanese movement which had sprung up
in San Francisco. Upon the renewal of this agitation in 1905 the
association was reorganized and extended its activity to the entire
State of California. Local associations were soon organized in no
fewer than 33 different places. The general nature of the associa-
tion is indicated by these details relating to its organization and re-
organization. Its objects as set forth in its constitution are: (1) To
elevate the character of the Japanese immigrants; (2) to promote
association between Japanese and Americans; (3) to promote com-
merce, agriculture, and other industries; and (4) to further Japanese
interests. The indefiniteness of this shows the general and elastic
character of the association. It interests itself in whatever concerns
the Japanese. In addition to this, the association has recently re-
ceived recognition from the Japanese consulate, and has become an
administrative organ of the consulate in issuing certificates of vari-
ous kinds and in related matters. Its members number about 400.
The prefectural societies are very numerous. Of 344 men from
whom personal data were obtained 99 had membership in these or-
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 221
ganizations, the societies of 27 different prefectures being repre-
sented among them. The societies indicate the strength of the local
ties among the Japanese. They serve as centers of social life and
give assistance to those who are in need.
The Japanese Benevolent Society was organized in 1901. Its
object was to make more complete provision for the care of the sick,
injured, and unfortunate than had been made by the several mis-
sions, the Japanese Association, the prefectural societies, and trade
associations. During the eight years 1901 to 1908, its expenditures
for the sick and for sending persons back to Japan 'amounted to
$7,000. This does not indicate the importance of its work, however,
for in its methods it is more a charity organization than relief society.
One of the more important branches of its work lies in securing re-
duced rates from the steamship companies for those who are sick
or in need in order that they may return to Japan. As a result of
the efforts of this society and of the other institutions to which ref-
erence has been made, no Japanese become public charges in San
Francisco.
CHAPTER III.
JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN LOS
ANGELES.
[For General Tables, see pp. 361-372.]
INTRODUCTION.
A few Japanese came to Los Angeles about 1885. These men had
served as cooks on a sailing vessel, and, leaving the ship at San Diego,
drifted north to Los Angeles, where they opened a restaurant. With
this as a beginning, the Japanese population of the city increased
slowly until about ten years ago. There has been no direct steam-
ship connection with Japan, and it was only a little more than ten
years ago that Japanese were employed in large numbers by the rail-
road companies with terminals at Los Anegeles, first as section hands
and then as laborers in the shops. The members of the race did not
become conspicuous as farmers and agricultural laborers in the south-
ern part of the State until some six or seven years ago. With the
influx of laborers to engage in such occupations as those mentioned,
however, the number of Japanese who have settled in Los Angeles
and the number and variety of business establishments conducted by
them have rapidly increased. According to the best-informed Japa-
nese, the number of persons of their race in Los Angeles in 1897 was
about 500.° According to the Japanese-American Yearbook for
1905, the number in December, 1904, was 3,358. Of these, 3,178 were
adults males, 144 were married women, while 36 were children. In
1906 the number greatly increased as a result of the San Francisco
fire, wThich caused many to leave San Francisco and settle in other
places, principally in Los Angeles.
The number of Japanese in the city at the close of that year has
been estimated as in excess of 6,000. During 1907 and 1908, however,
the number decreased. Some returned to Japan and others found
business unprofitable and sought employment elsewhere. The total
number residing in the city in December, 1908, was estimated by the
secretary of the Japanese Association of Los Angeles at 4,457. Of
these, 3,925 were adult males, 427 adult females, and 105 children
under 16 years of age. It would appear that the number of adult
males had increased somewhat between 1904 and 1908, and that the
number of women and children had increased almost threefold. These
figures are for the settled population. There have been as many as
20,000 Japanese in southern California, and during those seasons
when many are unemployed they have come to Los Angeles in
large numbers, the lodging houses being crowded with transient
a According to the Census for 1900 (Population, pt. 1, p. 798), however, the
number of foreign-born Japanese in Los Angeles was only 152. There is good
reason to believe that the actual number was in excess of that reported.
224 The Immigration Commission.
laborers. According to the Japanese- American Yearbook for 1905,
2,025 of the 3,358 reported for the preceding December were laborers.
250 were students, 681 were engaged in business or employed for wages
by business men, and 140 were tenant farmers in the suburbs. Accord-
ing to the same authority, in December, 1908, 1,661 of the total 4,457
were engaged in business or employed for wages in establishments
conducted by their countrymen. In all probability between 2,000 and
2,500 were gainfully occupied in other ways. Some of these are em-
ployed in track work on the street railways, others as car cleaners,
and still others as laborers in the yards and shops of the steam rail-
ways. A much larger number, however, are employed in stores, clubs,
saloons, restaurants, and other places conducted by white persons and
as domestics in private families. A small number are employed as
janitors or cleaners about office buildings, at wages varying from $9
per week to $60 per month. As porters in saloons and in a few hotels
they earn from $35 to $50 per month. A small number are employed
as elevator boys at from $35 to $60 per month. By far the largest
number are employed, however, as " kitchen help " in restaurants and
hotels, as domestics in private families, or as " house cleaners," work-
ing by the hour or day. As dishwashers and " general help " in
restaurants they are paid from $8 per week to $40 per month with
board. Domestics earn from $30 to $50 per month with board and
lodging. Most of the cooks are paid $40, the less skilled servants
$30 or $35 per month. There are more than 20 establishments which
send men to private houses to do cleaning and similar work. They
are paid from 27.5 to 35 cents per hour and earn about $40 per month.
As already stated, the first Japanese to locate in Los Angeles started
a restaurant. This was a low-priced place, patronized chiefly by white
working men. A little later another Japanese located here and manu-
factured bamboo furniture, for which he found ready sale. By 1892
there were 14 restaurants serving 10, 15, and 25 cent meals, all patron-
ized chiefly by white workingmen. In 1897 there were 15 restaurants,
7 bamboo- furniture stores, and a few other establishments conducted
by Japanese. Since then, until recently, the number of branches of
business enterprise and the number of establishments conducted
by Japanese have rapidly increased. Most of the business engaged in
has been designed to serve the needs of the increasing number of Jap-
anese employed in Los Angeles and in other parts of southern Cali-
fornia, but some of it, like the first establishments opened, has been
designed to serve the needs of other races in this rapidly growing
city. The number of establishments in which each specified kind of
business was conducted in 1904 and in 1909 are shown in the follow-
ing table. The figures for the year 1904 are taken from the Japanese-
American Yearbook for 1905, while most of those for 1909 were re-
ported by the agents of the Commission as a result of an investiga-
tion made by them during the months of June and July, 1909. The
enumeration by these agents was not complete, so that in several in-
stances use has been made of the figures reported in the Japanese-
American Yearbook for the month of December preceding. In many
branches of business the number of small establishments changes
rapidly, so that the data presented in the table can not be accepted as
being more than an approximation of the true number, and are in-
tended merely to indicate in a general way the extent to which the
Japanese in City Employments and Business.
225
members of this race have engaged in the different branches of busi-
ness enterprise.
TABLE 3. — Business conducted "by Japanese in Los Angeles, Gal., December, 1904,
and June, 1909.°
Kind of business.
Number in
June,
1909.6
Number in
December,
1904. c
(a) STORES AND SHOPS.
5
5
15
7
Drue
3
3
1
20
*5
27
6
1
5
2
(b) PERSONAL SERVICE.
44
18
Bathhouses . .
d*26
8
90
18
Restaurants (American meals)
25
21
*58
12
Tailor shops .
14
2
Dressmaking establishments
2
Laundries '
7
2
(C) AMUSEMENTS.
d*33
13
Moving-picture show . .....
1
(d) OTHER.
Bamboo furniture manufacturers .
*1
5
3
Cobbler shops .... .
16
2
10
Banks
2
7
12
Photograph galleries ....
6
2
i _
Periodicals
5
/ 5
2
Miscellaneous (about) ..
35
21
<473
160
a Does not include physicians, midwives, dentists, interpreters, and other professional men and women,
b As ascertained by agents of Commission. Those marked (*) taken from Japanese- American Yearbook,
and are for December, 1908.
c According to Japanese- American Yearbook for 1905.
d In most cases conducted in connection with other business.
« Number of establishments somewhat smaller because of fact noted in (d).
Most of the Japanese places of business are located in two colonies.
The older colony finds its center in East First street from Alameda
to Main, but many shops are located on Alameda and San Pedro,
while a small number of Japanese are located on the short streets
running from Main to Alameda and lying north of First street. In
this section of the city, laborers and petty business men of many
races are found, but the Japanese alone have colonized there. The
Chinese, the Mexican, and the Italian colonies are found in other
parts of the city not far away. As the number of Japanese has in-
creased, the older white element has tended to move elsewhere, so
that most of the residents of the district at the present time are
foreign-born. In recent years, however, the Japanese have opened
shops in another part of the city several blocks away. At present a
226 The Immigration Commission.
large number of their establishments are located on South Sixth and
Seventh and Hill, Olive, and Hope streets. That is a distinctly bet-
ter part of the city than the other district in which the Japanese have
colonized. Yet it is a mixture of small shops, small residences, and
large old residences which the original occupants have tended to
vacate, making possible the gradual formation of another foreign
quarter. In these two districts practically all of the business of the
Japanese, save the curio shops or " bazaars " (these are located in the
shopping district), are located. Moreover, all but a comparatively
few of the Japanese who provide their own lodgings live in the one
" quarter " or the other, usually in boarding and lodging houses or
in the structures in which business is conducted.
Agents of the Commission collected data relating to 92 of the busi-
ness enterprises conducted by Japanese, the men who conducted them
and the members of their households and some of their employees,
together with general data relating to the competition between Jap-
anese and other races in some lines of business. The detailed in-
vestigation covered the following Japanese establishments: Two
book stores, 6 curio stores, 3 drug stores, 5 fish and poultry markets,
9 fruit, confectionery, and cigar " stands," 9 provision and grocery
stores, 2 watch and jewelry stores, 2 men's furnishing stores, 8 barber
shops, 6 boarding and lodging houses, 9 restaurants, 4 tailor shops, 7
laundries (including separate shops), 6 pool rooms, 3 cobbler shops, 2
photograph galleries, 2 employment agencies, and 7 other establish-
ments of various kinds. Data were also obtained for the purpose of
comparison from 23 establishments conducted by members of other
races in the same districts. The data relating to the date of estab-
lishment, capital employed, the amount of capital borrowed, the
volume of business transacted during the year, thevnumber and race
of employees, rent paid for shop or other structure occupied, the net
profit realized from the business, and the race of patrons, are shown
for each establishment in General Table 22. The personal data col-
lected are presented in other tables at the end of this report.
DATA RELATING TO JAPANESE BUSINESS.
Barber shops. — The number of barber shops conducted by Japa-
nese has rapidly increased. There are now 44 as against 18 in 1904.
These, with two exceptions, where the Japanese proprietor employs
white barbers,0 are all small shops, the majority with two chairs,
the proprietor being assisted by his wife or one employee. The 8
investigated are typical of the greater number. Most of the shops
are fairly clean, are simply furnished, and give the service charac-
teristic of other small shops located in similar localities. The amount
of business transacted varies from $1,200 per annum to something
more than twice that amount. The barbers employed are paid $30,
$35, $40, or $45 per month, with board and lodging, in the majority
of shops; but in others, following the custom of the establishments
conducted by white proprietors, the employees receive 60 per cent of
the earnings of their chairs, without board or lodging.
°One Japanese proprietor employs 12 white barbers.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 227
The prices charged are uniform — hair cutting 15 cents, shaving
10 cents, and corresponding sums for the various other services. AD
of the shops are freely patronized by other races as well as by Japa-
nese, the proportions of the various races depending largely upon
the character of the population residing or working in the immediate
vicinity of each shop. The percentage of patrons other than Japa-
nese in the 8 shops investigated varied from 10 to 99, the average
being between 51 and 52. These races other than Japanese include
some negroes and Mexicans as well as white men, chiefly foreign born.
The Japanese proprietors are making very good profits. The profits
of the 8 from whom data were obtained varied between $600 and
$1,080, and averaged $832.50 for the year 1908. The capital invested
varied from $300 to $2,000 per shop.
The first-class uptown shops have not been affected by Japanese
competition, but the proprietors of the smaller shops in both sec-
tions of the city where Japanese are prominent complain of the loss
of patronage. A number of shops along East First street have been
closed, not because of any reduction of charges but because of the
moving away of their patrons and the incoming of Japanese, who
patronize shops conducted by members of their own race. In fact,
they are usually not desired at shops conducted by white men giving
as good service as at the shops conducted by Japanese. The union
shops in the better parts of the city charge 25 cents for hair cutting
and 15 cents for shaving, and their barbers receive $14 per week or
$14 per week and 60 per cent of the gross earnings in excess of $23.33
per week. In many shops the price for hair cutting is 20 cents and
for shaving 10 cents. In the districts where the Japanese shops are
located, however, the prices are in almost every instance 15 cents and
10 cents for these services, while the barbers receive 60 per cent of
their gross earnings, usually without a guaranty of a stipulated
amount or a minimum wage, or wages no higher than those paid to
Japanese barbers. Nor has there been any appreciable change in
recent years, either in prices or in wages paid to employees. In five
of these shops located near Japanese establishments 10 barbers em-
ployed by two native and one Norwegian proprietor earned about
$61 per month on the percentage basis, while one barber employed
by a Polish proprietor was paid only $10 per week.
Baths. — A large percentage of the Japanese barber shops have
baths in connection. Some bathing establishments, however, are run
independently. Some of the Japanese establishments have as few as
5 or 6 tubs, others as many as 25. Of three places investigated, all
had white as well as Japanese patrons, the latter race constituting
slightly more than one-half of the total number. The price charged
in an ordinary bath is the same as that which has been charged in
these districts, viz, 15 cents, while that for a " salt " bath is commonly
5 cents more.
Laundries. — In 1904 two small laundries were conducted by Jap-
anese. In 1909 there were seven, but three proprietors maintained
second shops in which ironing alone was done, while another main-
tained two of these establishments. The washing in such cases is
done in the poorest parts of the Japanese quarter, while the ironing
is done in good shops in the better residence districts, so as to attract
228 The Immigration Commission.
trade. With two exceptions these laundries are small, employing a
few persons each. The two largest employ 20 and 23 laborers, re-
spectively, so that the total number regularly employed in laundries
is about 75. A comparatively few others are employed by the day
when additional help is needed. These laundries have little in the
way of equipment. In fact, they do " hand work " almost exclusively
and send most of the household linen delivered to them to the white
steam laundries to be done at " family flat work " rates.
Those investigated reported that from 60 to 99 per cent of their
patrons were of races other than Japanese. With the increase in the
number of Japanese laundries, two steam laundries conducted by
whites reported that they had lost the small percentage of patrons
of that race which they formerly had. These Japanese laundries
compete to a certain extent with some half dozen small French hand
laundries located in the same parts of the city and a large number
of steam laundries conducted by the various white races. In May,
1909, the Laundrymen's Association, a loose organization of which
practically all of the white laundry proprietors are members, fear-
ful of the results of Japanese competition, adopted a resolution pro-
viding that no member of the association should accept any work
from Japanese laundrymen. There is also a " gentlemen's agree-
ment " between the laundrymen and the laundry machinery supply
houses to the effect that the latter shall not furnish equipment of
any kind to the Japanese. The laundrymen fear the results of
Japanese competition if their laundries are equipped with modern
machinery.
From what has been stated it is evident that the competition be-
tween Japanese and other laundrymen is practically limited to those
articles which are laundered as " hand work." A comparison of
Japanese rates with those of the French and other laundrymen shows
that while they are about the same on about one-half of the articles
contained in " gentlemen's and ladies' lists," there is considerable
variation, the Japanese rates in such instances almost without excep-
tion being the lowest. Their rates on articles which are preferably
done as hand work are noticeably lower than those of their com-
petitors.
The larger steam laundries have an 8^-hour day, but as is usual
in this trade, there is much overtime work on certain days of the
week. The smaller hand laundries and those conducted by the Japa-
nese have a longer workday, 10 hours being reported as the normal,
which is frequently exceeded. Four Japanese proprietors of laun-
dries at the time of the investigation employed 33 persons. Two of
these were German-Eussian women, employed temporarily at $1.50
per day, or 15 cents per hour. The remaining 31 washermen or
ironers were all Japanese men. Two of these were paid $45 and $40
per month, respectively, and received board and lodging in addition
to their wages. The wages paid per month to the 31 men were as
follows : Forty-five dollars to 1, $40 to 1, $35 to 4, $32 to 1, $30 to 7,
$25 to 9, $20 to 5, and under $15 to 3. The average monthly wage
paid to those who received board and lodging was $27.30. The aver-
age wage bill, allowing for board and lodging, was approximately
$35 per month. Five of the steam laundries investigated employed
460 women and men. Various races were found among them — 1
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 229
Armenian, 14 English, 10 French, 19 German, 8 Irish, 6 Italian, 8
Scandinavian, 3 Scotch, 3 Welsh, 3 Austrian, 1 Canadian, 4 Mexi-
can, 9 American negroes, and 371 native-born whites being reported.
The wages paid, both to men and women, varied from $1 to $2 or over
per day. The median wage, without board and lodging, for males
and females was $1.50 per day, or about $39 per month.
Pool rooms. — Playing poof is the chief amusement of the Japanese,
and the number of pool rooms has kept pace with the increase of the
Japanese population. In 1904 there were 13 ; at the end of the year
1908, 35 of these establishments. Some of them have only one or two
tables, and are run in connection with some other branch of business,
while others have as many as 18 tables. They are all located in the
two districts in which the Japanese are colonized. Almost all are
patronized by other races which live in these districts as well as by
Japanese, but in most cases the members of the last-mentioned race
constitute the majority of the patrons. The character of the pat-
ronage of some of the establishments is indicated by the fact that
the prices charged and other matters are posted on the walls in the
Japanese, Spanish, and English languages. The charge is uniform,
viz, 2J cents " per cue " in the Japanese and in other pool halls, but
as a result of the changes in the character of the population and the
fact that Japanese patronize almost exclusively the halls conducted
by their countrymen the profits of the white proprietors have been
seriously affected by the competition of the increasing number of
Japanese establishments. However, some of the larger pool rooms
conducted by white men are well patronized and yield fairly large
profits.
Restaurants. — From the time of their first settlement in Los
Angeles the Japanese have conducted restaurants serving American
meals. The number of such establishments in 1897 was 14; in 1904.
21; in 1909, 25. These are all comparatively small and serve low-
priced meals. A few are conducted by the proprietor and his wife
without other assistance ; the largest has 11 employees. The average
number of persons employed by the proprietor (who is frequently
first cook) is about five. Some of these restaurants serve meals for
10 cents, others for " 15 cents and up." The latter are patronized in
about equal proportions by white men, chiefly laborers, and Japanese,
the former by Mexicans, negroes and white laborers, most of whom
are foreign born, and a very few Japanese. Of three restaurants
charging 15 cents per meal, two reported that their Japanese and
white patrons were about equal in number, 97-J per cent of the patrons
of the third were members of the various white races. Of two serv-
ing 10-cent meals, one reported that 60 per cent of its patrons were
Mexicans, 30 per cent white persons, and 10 per cent Japanese; the
other, 5 per cent Mexicans, 25 per cent negroes, and 70 per cent white
persons. The restaurants serving 15-cent meals have washable cloths
on the tables, clean silverware, and fair " service," and serve good
meals considering the lowness of the price. The restaurants serving
10-cent meals are very much inferior to these in every respect. Most
of the Japanese restaurants are located in the district first occupied
by the members of that race, but the number located in the newer
quarter occupied by them is increasing. The restaurant keepers of
other races in the former of these districts complain of the competi-
230 The Immigration Commission.
tion of the Japanese establishments. In the other districts, however,
their competition has scarcely been felt. The number of white peo-
ple living in the older of the two districts has diminished in recent
years as the number of Japanese has increased. This has seriously
affected the " white restaurants " for the Japanese, partly because
they are clannish and partly because they are not, as a rule, welcomed
elsewhere, almost invariably patronize restaurants conducted by
their own countrymen. Moreover, it is the opinion of the agent of
the Commission that the Japanese serve better meals than their
competitors serve at the same price.
The agent of the Commission obtained data relative to the em-
ployees of several Japanese restaurants and of five conducted by
white men — one Dalmatian and four natives — as well as regarding
the wages paid by all, in the same localities, the restaurants of the
two groups being of the same general type, except that those of the
latter group were on the whole larger and did a larger business in
the course of the year. The Japanese proprietors employed mem-
bers of their own race only, though a few of those not included in
the investigation employ white waitresses. The Dalmatian em-
ployed his own countrymen exclusively. Three of the other four
white proprietors employed Japanese as dishwashers and "general
help," while two of these three employed Japanese cooks. Only
white waiters and waitresses were employed. On the whole, the
white proprietors paid higher wages than the Japanese, though com-
parison is rendered difficult by the fact that while those employed by
the former receive board only in addition to wages, those employed
by the latter are usually provided with lodging as well.
The Japanese male waiters employed in the Japanese restaurants
investigated were all paid $35 per month. The waiters employed
in the white restaurants were paid from $10 to $16, the waitresses
from $6 to $10 per week, the average for the two classes being
$10.62 per week or about $45 per month. The dishwashers and
" general help " employed in the Japanese restaurants were all
paid $30 per month. The white men and Japanese employed in
the other group of restaurants were paid from $6 to $9 per week,
the average being $8.41 or about $36 per month. The wages paid
to cooks in Japanese establishments varied from $30 to $70, and for
the 9 averaged $48.33 per month, while the wages paid to the 'cooks
in the somewhat larger competing establishments varied from $13
to $25 and averaged $17.45 per week or about $75 per month. Be-
cause lodging was not provided, the Japanese dishwashers employed
in three white restaurants received $8 or $8.50 per week as against the
$30 per month earned in Japanese restaurants.
The number of restaurants serving Japanese meals and patronized
by Japanese only is much larger than that of restaurants serving
American meals and patronized by the members of the various races.
Of these, 12 were reported in 1904, 58 in December, 1908. Most of
these were opened in 1906 and 1907, when the number of boarding
and lodging houses with which some of them are connected greatly
increased. Nearly all of these establishments are small, the employees
of the 58 being reported as 182 in number, or an average of some-
thing more than 3 each. Japanese men are employed as cooks
and " kitchen help," while Japanese women are almost exclusively
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 231
employed as waitresses. The 15 waitresses from whom data, were
obtained received $25 per month with board and lodging. In most
of these establishments the service is a la carte, but where table
d'hote meals are served the price is 15 cents.
Previous to May, 1909, about 30 of the restaurants serving Japa-
nese meals were also selling intoxicating drinks, but were without
licenses to conduct a business of that kind. During the latter part
of the month mentioned these were closed by the police. In August
following, 13 of them paid the city liquor license of $900 and were
permitted to conduct their business as before.
Cobbler shops. — The number of Japanese cobbler shops has in-
creased rapidly in recent years. In 1904 there were only 2 ; at the time
of the investigation in 1909 there were 17, two of which also carried
stocks of shoes. These are all small shops, and the old method of
handwork is employed. The gross earnings of three typical shops
for 1908 varied from $1,200 to $2,500, the net earnings from $720 to
$900. Though the percentage of Japanese patrons is large, all of
the three shops have many patrons of other races. Because of the
increase in the number of small Japanese shops and of the racial
changes in the locality, the cobblers of other races located in the older
Japanese colony have lost much of their business. Those located in
the newer district in which the Japanese are now settling have
been affected to a less extent. These small cobblers have at the same
time suffered from the competition of larger shops equipped with
machinery, doing better work and turning it out more expeditiously.
The Japanese cobblers are all members of the shoemakers' union,
controlling the shops conducted by the members of that race through-
out California. The prices are fixed by this organization, but those
actually charged by the cobblers of Los Angeles are, as a rule, some-
what less than those fixed by the union." In some of the shops con-
ducted by white men in the same localities prices of some kinds of
work were the same as, of other kinds higher than, those fixed by the
Japanese union. In the other shops practically all the prices were
materially higher. In shops owned by white men the price for half-
soling men's shoes, hand sewed, was $1 or $1.25, in Japanese shops,
$0.90. Corresponding differences were found to obtain in the prices
charged for other -kinds of repair work. Evidently there has been
much underbidding by the Japanese cobblers.
Tailoring and cleaning establishments. — In 1904 there were only
two Japanese merchant tailors ; at the time of the investigation there
were 14 tailoring and 2 dressmaking establishments. With the ex-
ception of 1, with 7 employees, 1 of whom is an Austrian, these are all
small shops, with 1 or 2 employees at most. The total number of em-
ployees and proprietors is about 40. Most of the establishments are
0 The prices fixed by the organization are as follows :
Men's shoes half-soled (hand sewed) $1.00
Men's shoes half-soled (pegged) .60
Women's shoes half-soled (hand sewed) .80
Women's shoes half-soled (pegged) .45
Heels placed on men's shoes . 30
Heels placed on women's shoes .20
Patches, each . . 10
The prices charged for the first four items are in practice 10 cents less,
48296°— VOL 23—11 16
232 The Immigration Commission.
engaged chiefly in cleaning, dyeing, and pressing suits. The standard
price for pressing is 50 cents, for dyeing, cleaning, and pressing 75
cents per suit. These are the prices commonly charged at other small
shops in these localities. Only a small percentage of the suits pur-
chased by Japanese are made by these tailors, and their competition
in the tailoring trade has been of little or no consequence. The per-
centages of white patrons of 4 shops investigated were from 20 to 50.
All of the employees of the 4 shops investigated, save 1, were
Japanese. Two of the 10 Japanese were paid $50, another $60 per
month. Of the other 7, one was paid $65, two $45, and the other four
$40, '$30, $25, and $20, respectively, with board and lodging. The
wages of the Austrian employed in the largest shop was $15 per week.
Provision and grocery stores. — At the time of the investigation
by the agents of the Commission there were 27 Japanese provision and
grocery stores. In 1904 there were but 6. The expansion of this
branch of business is given a somewhat undue importance by these
figures, for the majority of the larger provision stores were opened
previous to 1905, while most of the large number which have been
subsequently established have comparatively little capital invested
and a small annual volume of transactions. Nevertheless the growth
of the Japanese provision and grocery trade was very rapid between
1904 and 1908. This is accounted for by the rapid increase in the
number of agricultural laborers in the southern part of the State, the
increasing number of Japanese farmers in Los Angeles County, the
larger number of Japanese residing in Los Angeles, and the develop-
ment of trade with other races. Previous to 1903 or 1904 the vast
majority of the Japanese in the southern part of the State had been
at work in large groups and chiefly on the railroads, and were pro-
vided with their supplies by a limited number of provision stores.
More recently the number of men thus employed has diminished,
while the number employed in small groups, chiefly as agricultural
laborers, has rapidly increased. With this change and the rapid in-
crease in the number of farmers in the vicinity of Los Angeles and
a larger settled Japanese population in the city itself, it has been pos-
sible for more men to engage with profit in the provision trade. At
•the same time several small groceries have been opened to secure the
trade of the members of the other races. During the year preceding
the investigation, however, this branch of business, considered as a
whole, did not prosper because many of the neighboring Japanese
farmers were growing strawberries and the prices received for their
crop were unremunerative. Indeed, because of the straitened cir-
cumstances of many of the farmers three or four Japanese provision
and grocery stores had failed during the year preceding the investi-
gation.
Agents of the Commission secured data from 9 of the 27 supply
stores and groceries — one of the 9 carrying a stock of gentlemen's
furnishing goods as well as groceries. These 9 were selected as
typical of the larger number. It is noteworthy that of the 9 stores
investigated, 2 had been established in 1903, 3 in 1906, 1 in 1907, and
3 in 1908. One employed a capital of $50,000, another $26,000, a
third $7,500, a fourth $7,000. The amount of capital employed by
the other 5 varied from $700 to $3.000. The amount of business
transacted during the twelve months preceding the time of the in-
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 233
vestigation varied between $2,400 and $140,000, the total for the 9
establishments being $423,400. In some cases the figures were taken
directly from the books, while in others, and chiefly in the case of the
smaller establishments, they are only rough estimates. Four of the
9 establishments were so small that they were conducted by the pro-
prietor and his wife or by the partners engaged in the business. The
other 5 employed from 1 to 12 clerks. Of the 25 clerks and drivers
employed, all but 1 were Japanese. The salaries of 2 managers
were $125 and $90 per month, respectively. Of 21 other male Jap-
anese employees, 3 were paid $50, 2 $45, 3 $40, 9 $35, and 4 $30 per
month, while 1 female was paid $25 per month — all with board and
lodging. The 1 native white employee was paid $60 per month.
One of the smallest groceries investigated carried a stock of Ameri-
can goods only. That much of the stock carried by the others is of
non-Japanese origin is shown by the fact that from 20 to 80 per cent
of the goods sold were reported to be of that character. Of sales
reported aggregating $423,400 for the year, approximately 51.5 per
cent were said to be of goods of non-Japanese origin. The largest
single item among the sales was of rice, and that is purchased in
Texas. The small grocery carrying a stock of "American " goods
only has practically no Japanese customers. From 50 to approxi-
mately 100 per cent of the sales of the other stores were made to
Japanese. According to the estimates made by the several proprie-
tors, approximately 81.5 per cent of the business transacted was with
the Japanese. These estimates are at best only approximately cor-
rect, but are believed to be sufficiently accurate to indicate in a gen-
eral way the character of the supply and grocery business conducted
by the members of this race. Though the number of white patrons
of some of the Japanese stores is not small, such competition as has
developed has been scarcely felt by the white grocers. At any rate
no special complaint of Japanese competition was made by these men.
Fish and poultry and meat markets. — The Japanese also conduct
three fish and poultry markets, which, together with the business of
a fish peddler, were investigated by agents of the Commission. The
markets are all located on East First street. With comparatively
small capitals invested (aggregating $4,600), they do a large amount
of business — their sales amounting to $6,000, $12,000, and $28,800
per year. The profits realized in all cases were comparatively large.
The majority of the patrons of two of the markets were Japanese.
Sixty per cent of those who patronized the largest markets, however,
were members of other races. The fish peddler had Japanese patrons
only. One meat market was found which was conducted by the pro-
prietor with the assistance of one butcher and patronized by Japa-
nese almost exclusively.
Art or curio stores. — Aside from the provision and grocery busi-
ness, the curio or art stores, dealing in oriental wares chiefly, are the
most important branch of retail trade engaged in by the Japanese of
Los Angeles. Small shops were opened many years ago. In 1904 the
number of stores, some of which carried large stocks of goods, was
7. In 1909 there were 15, 6 of which were investigated. Three of
these 6 were very large establishments, with a combined capital of
$120,000 and with 28 employees. The other 3 had a combined capi-
tal of $13,400 and had only 3 employees. White clerks, because of
234 The Immigration Commission.
their superior knowledge of English, were employed in addition to
Japanese in 3 of the stores. These were paid $65, $54, (2) $43, $35,
and $30 per month without board or lodging. Three Japanese women
were paid $43, $26, and $22 per month, respectively, without board
or lodging. The remaining 22 Japanese employees were paid wages
per month as follows: Three $75, seven $50, four $45, five $40, one
$35, one $30, and one $25.
Some of these stores and shops are in the " shopping district."
Except in the case of one store, the majority of the patrons were
members of the white race. With unimportant exceptions, the classes
of goods carried in stock are not sold by other dealers save the
Chinese. The competition which exists is limited practically to the
dealers of these two oriental races.
Other stores. — There are several retail shops of kinds other than
those already mentioned. Among those investigated by the agents
of the Commission were two " men's furnishing " stores, one with a
capital of $5,000, the other with a capital of $2,500 invested ; the first
established in 1906, the other in 1907. Both of these are located in
the center of the older " Japanese quarter," but each reports that
40 per cent of its patronage was by persons other than Japanese. One
carries a small stock of Japanese goods. The sales for the year
amounted to $21,000. There is also one shoe store, which was estab-
lished in 1907. It carries a stock of goods worth only about $1,500,
and 80 per cent of its patrons are Japanese. Of the 5 book and sta-
tionery stores, 2 were investigated. One of these reported that about
90 per cent, the other about 60 per cent, of its goods in stock were of
Japanese origin, while 90 and 80 per cent of their patrons, respec-
tively, were members of the Japanese race. Their combined capital
was $6,000; their aggregate sales for the year amounted to $15,000.
Three drug stores are reported, two of which were established in
1905, the other the following year. All three are located in the older
" Japanese quarter " and each has a capital of $4,000 or a little more
invested. Thirty per cent of the stock of two, and 50 per cent of
that of the other, were reported to be Japanese patent medicines.
From 50 to 60 per cent of their patrons are members of the Japanese
race. Among the other patrons about one-fifth are negroes.
Of 5 watch and jewelry shops, 2 — 1 of which was established
in 1902, the other in 1903 — were investigated. One of these had
a capital of $7,000 invested arid employs two clerks, while the other
is engaged in watch repairing almost exclusively. Fifty per cent
of the patrons of the larger and 60 per cent of those of the smaller
shop were reported as Japanese. One general merchandise store was
reported. It had a small stock of American and Japanese goods
worth perhaps $4,000. Sixty per cent of its patrons are Japanese.
One liquor store, with a slightly larger capital, dealing in both Amer-
ican and Japanese intoxicating drinks and patronized by both white
persons and Japanese (70 per cent of the latter class), was reported.
Finally, one bicycle shop engaged in the sale of new bicycles, as well
as in the repair of old ones, and patronized in about equal propor-
tions by Japanese and white persons was investigated.
Cigar, confectionery, and ice-cream stands. — There are perhaps
about 20 cigar, confectionery, and ice cream stands other than those
conducted in connection with pool rooms and other establishments
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 235
already mentioned. These have all been started in very recent years.
Of 9, for which data were obtained, the oldest was started in 1905.
Most of them deal in vegetables, canned goods, candies, ice cream,
soda water, cigarettes, and cigars. Only 2 of the I reported a capital
in excess of $700. All but 1 is conducted without hired assistance
and all but 2 reported profits varying from $300 to $960 for the year.
These small shops are located in the most frequented part of the
Japanese colony. Most of them are patronized chiefly by Japanese,
but a few report that the majority of their customers are of the
various other races residing in the locality.
Boarding and lodging houses. — The conducting of boarding and
lodging houses for their countrymen engages the attention of a larger
number of Japanese business men than any other branch of business
enterprise, for the vast majority of those residing in the city are with-
out families, and unless provided with board and lodging by their
employers, seek these establishments conducted by their countrymen.
Moreover, the agricultural class when not employed come here in
large numbers. In 1908 there were 104 such establishments, but at
the time of the investigation the number had decreased to 90. In 1904
only 18 were reported, but doubtless the list was incomplete and in-
cluded only the more conspicuous among a much larger number.
Whatever the number at that time may have been it is certain that
with the influx of agricultural laborers to southern California and
the larger number of Japanese permanently located in Los Angeles,
it increased rapidly. More recently, however, as the number of Jap-
anese laborers has diminished and as the Japanese population of the
city has become smaller, a comparatively large number of the less
profitable establishments have been closed and the profits of some of
the others are much smaller than they formerly were. The boarding
and lodging houses have very few patrons other than Japanese. Only
2 of some 30 known to the agents had any white patrons, and in those
instances they constituted for one 20 per cent and the other only about
1 per cent of the total number.
The 90 boarding and lodging houses are of diverse types, but in a
general way may be placed in three groups, according to the char-
acter of the patrons and the character of the accommodations pro-
vided. A large number provide meals and lodgings at low prices for
transient agricultural laborers and have a comparatively small num-
ber of regular boarders and lodgers employed in the city. An equally
large, if not greater, number provide meals and lodgings of the same
kind for house cleaners, restaurant employees, and others similarly
employed in the city, and have a small percentage of transients.
Finally, a smaller number provide better lodgings and, in some cases,
meals for the more well-to-do classes — business men, reporters, inter-
preters, etc. Six boarding and lodging houses were investigated.
The details reported by the agents show how a large percentage of the
Japanese in Lbs Angeles live and the cost of their board and lodging.
One of the boarding and lodging houses investigated was conducted
in an old two-story frame structure. There were 1 female and 18
male boarders and lodgers. Three of the latter did house cleaning,
2 were elevator " boys," 5 were restaurant employees, and 1 was a
ranch hand. Practically all of the males were regular boarders and
lodgers, who paid $9 per month for board and from $3.50 to $7 per
236 The Immigration Commission.
month for lodging. Transients pay 35 cents per day for meals and
from 15 to 35 cents per night for lodging. With two exceptions the
rooms were not crowded and were well ventilated and lighted. The
rooms were furnished with iron beds and fairly clean bedding (in-
cluding counterpanes) and cheap chairs and tables. The floors of the
hallways and some of the rooms were carpeted. The care of the
apartments, but not the toilets, was fairly good.
A boarding house of another type was conducted in a large dwell-
ing house, which was in fair repair. The 34 boarders and lodgers in-
cluded 7 men and their wives, 3 married men with wives abroad, and
17 single men. Of the men 18 were farm laborers, 2 were house clean-
ers, 2 were porters in saloons, and 2 were cooks. Of the women 4 were
employed as waitresses. The price of meals was 10 cents each, of
rooms per month from $5 to $10, of lodging per night 25 cents. The
rooms were all clean, comfortably furnished, and well ventilated and
lighted. Iron spring beds were used, the bedding (including counter-
panes, etc.) was clean, and the apartments well cared for. Most of
the rooms were carpeted. The proprietor has alliances with " bosses "
of agricultural laborers, whereby he supplies them with men, but does
not conduct a regular employment agency.
A boarding house of a slightly different type and conducted in an
old frame dwelling had 29 boarders and lodgers. These 29 included
4 married couples, 5 married men whose wives were abroad, 14 single
men, and 2 children. Ten of these men were ranch hands, 5 were
restaurant employees, 2 were house cleaners, 1 a janitor, 1 a porter,
1 an elevator " boy," 1 an expressman, 1 an actor, la" boss," and one
a " day worker." Regular boarders paid $10 per month, transients 40
cents per day for their meals ; regular lodgers paid from $3 to $10 per
month, \vhile transients paid 20 to 35 cents per night for their lodg-
ings. Many of the rooms, which were not large, contained two double
beds. For the greater part iron beds were used, the bedding (includ-
ing, as elsewhere, counterpanes, pillowcases, etc.) was not clean, the
furniture was of the cheapest kind, the floors were bare ; the plumb-
ing was poor and malodorous, the care of the apartments poor. The
proprietor did not' conduct an employment agency, but supplied
laborers to ranch " bosses," " who, if it pleases them, send me money
in acknowledgment of the services rendered." °
Another large establishment investigated was a three-story modern
brick structure, the first floor of which was used for business purposes,
the other two as lodgings. In every respect it was a very good room-
ing house, the rooms well furnished and well cared for. The price
of lodgings was from $8 to about twice that sum per month. The
lodgers were of the professional and business classes of Japanese.
The other boarding and lodging houses, except in minor details, were
duplications of these. As a group they compare favorably with
those conducted by other foreign races, and are distinctly better than
those conducted by some races represented by comparatively large
numbers of single men and men whose wives are abroad, and most
of whom are unskilled laborers or engaged in conducting petty shops.
Employment agencies. — Conducting employment agencies has been
one or the most important branches of business enterprise engaged in
• Free translation of proprietor's statement to agent.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 237
by the Japanese. It has usually been carried on in connection with
the supply business or in connection with those boarding and lodging
houses the patrons of which are largely transient laborers. Large
agencies supplying railroad laborers have maintained branch offices
here. Since the substitution of Mexicans as section hands on the
southern route of the Southern Pacific and on the Santa Fe west of
Albuquerque, however, this branch .of the business has not been of
great importance. Only one branch office of any great importance
is now maintained in Los Angeles by an agency engaged in supplying
Japanese laborers for railroad work.
Many of the lodging houses have until recently conducted agencies
for supplying domestic and farm and other laborers, but the imposi-
tion in 1909 of a state tax of $50 on all employment bureaus in cities
of the size of Los Angeles in addition to the city license tax of $48
per year, has caused most of these establishments to discontinue that
part of their business. Many of the lodging houses, however, still
supply farm laborers to ranch " bosses." These " bosses," who have
their groups of laborers in different localities, correspond with lodg-
ing-house keepers or visit Los Angeles to secure more laborers when
needed. Since Japanese laborers have become scarce the " bosses "
usually pay the lodging-house proprietors for the men secured at their
places. In several instances the payment was found to be 50 cents for
each man secured.
Aside from the house-cleaning groups, which in a sense are employ-
ment agencies supplying men for domestic work by the hour or day,
only 7 Japanese employment agencies were found by the agents of the
Commission. The majority of the latter are general agencies engaged
for the greater part in supplying domestics and general laborers.
Some of them are patronized by both Japanese and white persons.
The Commission collected from persons for whom employment is
secured is usually 7 per cent of the first month's wages of domestics
and general laborers, if paid in advance, or 10 per cent if paid later.
The fee for agricultural laborers is usually $1.50 or $2.
Petty manufacture. — The Japanese have engaged in manufacture
to a small extent. Establishments engaged in the manufacture of
bamboo furniture, tofu (bean curd), soda water, and artificial flowers
are reported, the entire number of establishments being about a half
dozen. These are all small places, the work ordinarily being done
by the proprietors. Most of the goods produced are sold to the mem-
bers of the Japanese race.
Other business. — Several other kinds of business, practically all
designed to serve the needs of their countrymen, are engaged in by
the Japanese of Los Angeles. Among them are two banks engaged
in commercial banking. These also serve as savings institutions and
as agencies for forwarding money to Japan. There are also 11 ex-
pressmen. They do little business except for their countrymen.
Their charges do not differ from those of negro and white express-
men, and they earn from $40 to $75 per month. There are 7 " job
carpenters," one of whom employs two helpers at $35 and $30 per
month, respectively, with^ board and lodging. These mechanics do
cabinet work and " odd jobs " — chiefly in altering the interiors of
buildings occupied by Japanese for business or residence purposes and
in installing store fixtures. They are employed to only a small ex-
238 The Immigration Commission.
tent by the members of other races. Much of the work is done by
" contract," but the standard rate of wages — which is not necessarily
adhered to — is $3 per day of ten hours. Of small photograph gal-
leries there are now six. Only one studio has any considerable num-
ber of white patrons. "With this exception, from 90 to 100 per cent
of their patrons are Japanese. Their gross earnings are compara-
tively small, and the annual profits of two investigated were reported
as being $360 and $600, respectively. There is also one " rubbish
man," who is said to have deprived a negro of the work of hauling
away debris and waste of various kinds for the members of the older
Japanese colony.
In addition to the various kinds of business thus far enumerated,
there are several small printing establishments. Two (and beginning
with the first of the year 1910, three) daily newspapers are published.
Five so-called magazines are published also, but most of them are
email leaflets and reports published by Japanese societies. There are
also two small job printing offices, which engage for the greater part
in printing " matter " in the Japanese language.
Japanese professional men. — Finally, in order to account for the
Japanese not working for wages, reference should be made to the
professional men. These at the close o'f the year 1908 included sev-
eral interpreters, four physicians and surgeons, two dentists, and
three midwives. All of these, save the interpreters, serve their own
countrymen almost exclusively and do not compete for the patronage
of other races.
SUMMARY STATEMENT OF THE ESSENTIAL FACTS RELATING TO JAPANESE
BUSINESS.
From the details presented above, it is evident that the Jap-
anese of Los Angeles have engaged in many branches of business
enterprise and that their business establishments are much more
numerous than in 1904. Practically all of these people, save the
domestic servants, live in the two colonies to which reference has
been made, and in many cases are not welcomed in desirable places
conducted by other races. This is true of hotels and lodging houses,
restaurants, barber shops, poolrooms, and similar places. In other
cases, because of convenience, language difficulties, personal taste, and
race sympathy, the vast majority of the Japanese patronize estab-
lishments conducted by their own countrymen, in so far as fairly
satisfactory service is available. As deduced from these several facts,
it is clear that the Japanese patronize almost exclusively the business
establishments of their own race, with the possible exception of those
selling American clothing. They usually patronize dentists, physi-
cians, and photographers of their own race as well.
It is evident, also, from the details presented that in most lines of
business the Japanese establishments find many patrons among the
other races. The patrons of the curio and art stores are found among
all the races frequenting the shopping districts. In most other cases,
however, the non-Japanese patrons are practically all of the white
people, Mexicans, and negroes who live in or near the two districts
in which the Japanese have settled in large numbers. Much, if not
most, of the business of the cobblers, restaurants serving American
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 239
meals, laundries, barbers, groceries, fish markets, clothes-cleaning and
pressing shops, pool rooms, watch-repairing shops, drug stores, and
cigar and confectionery stands is done with the members of the vari-
ous non-Asiatic races of the class mentioned. The competition of the
Japanese establishments has not been of any special importance, how-
ever, except in the case of the cobbler shops, restaurants, pool rooms,
barber shops, and laundries. Only the proprietors of the laundries
have as yet offered any organized resistance to the inroads of the
Japanese upon their business, the reason being that they alone are
organized and in position to offer such resistance. One characteristic
of most of the Japanese business establishments is the insignificant
amount of capital employed and the small volume of business trans-
acted. In fact, the proportion of small establishments is consider-
ably greater than the number indicated in the investigation. Except
for* a few of the art stores and provision and grocery stores it may
be properly called petty business. In this, however, if a few excep-
tions are allowed for, the Japanese business does not present any par-
ticular contrast to that of the other races — largely foreign — carried
on in the same or similar districts of the city. The total capital em-
ployed by the 92 establishments investigated was $361,710. The in-
debtedness reported outstanding against this amounted to $63,460.
Of this, $59,500 was on account of stock in trade, $2.000 on account of
fixtures, and $1,900 on account of personal loans from friends.
The total number of employees reported by the 92 establishments
was ITT. Of these, 11 were white persons, 166 were Japanese. Of the
latter, 116 were provided with board and lodging by the employer,
31 received board only, 5 lodging only, and 14 neither board nor
lodging in addition to their wages. Most of the employees are single
men or married men whose wives are abroad, so that an arrangement
whereby they receive board and lodging is a convenience for most of
them. In 65 cases the proprietors lived in the rear or over the rooms
in which business was conducted. With very few exceptions the em-
ployees receive lodging and food from their employers. The lodg-
ings of the men were inspected by the agent in 3T cases. The condi-
tions found varied greatly. In 26 cases the rooms were well venti-
lated and comfortably furnished, the bedding clean, and all details
at least fairly satisfactory. In the other 11 cases the lodgings were
deficient in one or more respects, the rooms usually being in disorder
and the bedding dirty. In 4 of these cases the rooms were, in the
opinion of the agent, also inadequate for the needs of the number of
persons occupying them.
PERSONAL DATA RELATIVE TO JAPANESE BUSINESS MEN.
Personal data were obtained from 100 Japanese men engaged in the
business enterprises which have already been dealt with in this
report. As shown by General Table 33 (which includes 3 male
minors who were members of the families of these men), 33 had been
in the continental United States ten years or over ; 6T, or two-thirds
of the entire number, less than ten years; 2 had been in this coun-
try two years, 5 three years, 12 four years, 48 five to nine years, 2T
from ten to fourteen years, 5 from fifteen to nineteen years, and only
1 for twenty years or over. Of 98 from whom data were obtained
240 The Immigration Commission.
bearing upon the point, 8 had been laborers on the plantations in the
Hawaiian Islands before coming to the continental United States.
Thirty-eight of the 98 had been engaged in business on their own
accounts just previous to their immigration. One of the others had
been a laborer in an industrial establishment, 12 had been working
for wages in other capacities, chiefly in cities, 19 had been associated
with their fathers in farming or in business, while 18 had no occu-
pation. From this it is evident that the majority of these men had
come from the cities and that a large percentage had been engaged
in some kind of business on their own account, while a comparatively
small percentage had been members of the city wage-earning classes
(General Table 24).
Most of those who had been engaged in business, however, were
engaged in petty trade, came to the United States when compara-
tively young men, and brought little or no capital with them. Thirty
of the 100 were 30 years of age or over, 70 under 30 years of age
upon their arrival in this country. Ten were under 18, and 7 were
18 or 19 years of age — these comprising the majority of those who
had not been occupied unless working with their fathers, and most
of whom came to this country immediately upon leaving school. Of
the others, 25 were between 20 and 25, 28 between 25 and 30, 13 be-
tween 30 and 35, 13 between 35 and 40, 1 between 40 and 45, and 3
45 or over, at the time of their arrival in this country. (General
Table 31.) The amount of money in their possession upon arrival
was reported by 98. Three partners coming together had $10,000,
4 sums between $500 and $1,000, and 9 others between $200 and $500
each. Sixty-six of the 98, or about two-thirds of the entire number,
had less than $100, and of these, 37 had less than $50 upon their ar-
rival in this country. It is evident that comparatively few came with
sufficient capital to engage in business at the outset. Twelve came
to pursue their studies, but practically all of the others came to this
country on the ground that it presented the best opportunities for
making money and expected to begin as wage-earners. Of 98, 16 en-
gaged in business in this country, while the remaining 82 were first
gainfully occupied as wage-earners. Eleven found their first occu-
pation as railroad laborers, 30 as domestics, 20 as farm hands — a total
of 61, who became wage-earners in employments well organized and
controlled by Japanese " bosses." Of the remainder, 3 found employ-
ment in restaurants, 5 in stores, 10 in various other occupations, while
the first occupation of 3 was not ascertained. (General Table 24.)
Most of those who did not engage in business immediately upon their
arrival were enabled soon to do so, in several instances the formation
of partnerships making it possible to establish themselves with less
personal capital than is required for the kind of business they conduct.
Information as to the number of years they worked for wages in this
country before they engaged in business on their own account was
secured from 89. Sixteen of these engaged in business at once; 8
worked for wages for less than one year ; 30 for one year, but less than
two ; 17 for two years, but less than three ; 7 for three, but less than
four ; 4 for four years, but less than five ; 2 for five years, but less than
six ; 1 for seven, 1 for eight, 2 for nine, and 1 for eleven years before
engaging in business for themselves. It is evident that most of them
soon departed from the wage-earning class. They were enabled to
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 241
do so because of the small amount of capital required in such busi-
ness as they are engaged in and the opportunities presented for
making profit in Los Angeles. Moreover, they found strong induce-
ment in the fact that most of them had not been wage-earners at
home, and that a large number were married men who found it im-
possible to lead a normal family life while working as wage-earners
elsewhere than in the city. Indeed, those who have wished to have
their families with them in this country have found it possible to
make suitable provision for them only by becoming farmers or busi-
ness men and thus severing their connection with the wage-earning
class.
A comparison of the business now engaged in with the occupation
before leaving their native land reveals the fact that the majority
are conducting business in which they had had no experience abroad.
Of 8 grocers and supply men, 1 had been a grocer abroad, 2 had
been clerks, 1 a farmer, and 1 a sailor, while the other 3 had been
otherwise occupied. Of the proprietors of haberdasheries, 1 had
been a grain dealer, the other a farmer; the proprietor of the shoe
store had been a fisherman ; of 9 restaurant proprietors, 1 had engaged
in the same kind of business abroad, 4 had been farmers or farmers'
sons, 2 had been clerks, 1 a sailor, and 1 a metal worker. These are
typical of the majority of the branches of business engaged in. There
are exceptional cases, however, these being found among the pro-
prietors of the larger art and curio stores, druggists, tailors, shoe-
makers, and barbers, most of whom had been engaged in the same
or a closely related business in Japan. How well the Japanese busi-
ness men from whom data were secured have succeeded is indicated
by the net value of the property now owned by them as well as by
the position they occupy as shown in the preceding section of this
report. One of 98 reporting has property the net value of which is
estimated to be in excess of $25,000 ; 4, $10,000 but less than $25,000 ;
8, $5,000 but less than $10,000; 16, $2,500 but less than $5,000; 25,
$1,500 but less than $2,500; IB, $1,000 but less than $1,500; and 22,
$500 but less than $1,000. The remaining six have less than $500
worth of property after indebtedness is deducted. Grouping in a
different way, the wealth of 13 is estimated at $5,000 or more, of 57 at
$1,000 but less than $5,000, of 28 at less than $1,000.
As would be expected, all of those who are worth more than $5,000
have been here five years or longer and most of them have been here
from ten to twenty years or over. The details relating to length of
residence and wealth are shown in General Table 25. The gross value
of all property owned by the 98 was $337,070, the indebtedness of 35,
$40,810, the net amount owned by all, $296,260, the average for each,
$3,023.06. (General Table 28.)
The success of these business men is indicated also by the profits
they report as realized in business and by their personal gains for
the year preceding the investigation. The profits of each establish-
ment are shown in General Table 22, the personal incomes of 97
in so far as derived from the main business in which they are en-
gaged, in General Table 42. These are only estimates and at best
only approximately accurate, but it is believed that they indicate in
a general way the position that these men occupy. The incomes of
the 97 men in so far as derived from the principal business or busi-
242 The Immigration Commission.
nesses in which they engaged, aggregated $111,995 or $1,154.59 per
man. Four had incomes of between $300 and $400, 2 between $400
and $500, 26 between $500 and $750, 27 between $750 and $1,000,
22 between $1,000 and $1,500, 6 between $1,500 and $2,000, 3 between
$2,000 and $2,500, while 7 had annual incomes of $2,500 or over. The
incomes of the restaurant keepers varied between $400 and $2,600 and
averaged $1,267.27. Those of the lodging-house keepers varied be-
tween $600 as a minimum and $2,250 as a maximum and averaged
$1,151.67. The minimum for the shop and store keepers was $300,
the maximum $6,000. Of the 39, only 6 had incomes as great as
$1,500. The incomes of the 6 were $2,400, $2,880, $3,000, $4,000.
$4,200, and $6,000, respectively. The incomes of 8 proprietors or
small barber shops varied between $600 and $1,080 and averaged
$832.50 for the year. Of 2 tailors, 1 made $1,080, the other $1,200.
Of 3 shoemakers, 1 made $900, the other 2 $720 each. The 2 em-
ployment agents reported incomes of $720 and $840, respectively.
The 6 proprietors of laundries reported incomes of $600 each in two
cases, $1,920 each in two other cases, and $875 and $1,200 in the other
two.
The incomes of the proprietors of pool rooms varied between $360
as a minimum and $1,200 as a maximum, and averaged $840 for the 6.
The incomes of 11 of the 14, placed in a miscellaneous group, were
less than $1,000 each. Fifteen of the 97 had subsidiary sources of
income. Two received dividends on stocks aggregating $7,000. The
remaining 13 had comparatively small incomes from other business
or labor or from the renting of property, the total amount being
$5,962. The total incomes of the 97, therefore, aggregated $124,957,
an average of $1,288.14 each. Including incomes from all sources,
the net incomes of the 97 were as follows :
Amount of income: Number.
$300 and under $400 4
$400 and under $500 2
$500 and under $750 L 26
$750 and under $1,000 27
$1,000 and under $1,500 22
$1,500 and under $2.000 6
$2,000 and under $2,500 3
$2,500 or over 7
Total 97
For reasons already stated, the proportion of small incomes would
be considerably larger were a complete census of all Japanese estab-
lishments made.
The surplus or deficit of 95 men, after meeting their personal ex-
penses as reported to the agents, are shown in General Table 26.
One had a deficit of $250 for the year, while 10 had neither surplus
nor deficit. The remaining 84 had a surplus varying from $100 to
$4,000 and averaging $621.61. The surplus of 19 was between $100
and $250 ; of 26, between $250 and $500 ; of 25, between $500 and
$1,000; of 10, between $1,000 and $2,500; of 4, between $2,500 and
$4,000 (General Table 27). The amount of money sent abroad
($5,035) was about one-tenth of the aggregate gains ($52,215) of these
84 men. Of the 98 men reporting, 32 sent sums of money abroad dur-
ing the year. The disposition of the remainder of the profits, save
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 243
for $1,200, the disposition of which was not ascertained, was as fol-
lows : Six thousand five hundred dollars was used by 11 to pay debts
earlier incurred, $500 was invested in land, $28,150 was invested in
the business or in other ways, while the remainder was placed in
the bank. According to the report, the larger part of the profits
were invested in this country, and chiefly in extending the business
conducted.
DATA RELATING TO WAGE-EARNERS.
Corresponding personal data were obtained for only 40 Japanese
wage-earners — with few exceptions men employed in the Japanese
establishments investigated. Some of the data gathered may be pre-
sented at this point to bring out the similarities and contrasts be-
tween the business men and their employees.
Like the majority of the business men, the greater number of these
wage-earners came from the cities of Japan. Two came to this con-
tinent from the Hawaiian Islands, where they had been engaged in
agricultural work. Of the other 38, 5 had been in business for them-
selves, 4 had been employed in stores, 1 in an industrial establishment,
while 5 had been wage-earners in other occupations, presumably in the
cities. Of the other 24. 11 had worked for their fathers, while 12
had had no occupation before coming to the United States (General
Table 24). At the time of arrival in this country all but 7 were
under 30 years of age and 25, five-eighths of the entire number, were
under 25. On the whole their ages were somewhat less than those of
the business men (General Table 31). A much greater contrast,
however, is found in the amount of money brought, for only 1 had
more than $100 and 21 of the 40 had less than $50 on arrival (Gen-
eral Table 23). Being without capital, only 1 engaged in business
when he arrived, 4 of the other 39 became railroad laborers, 21 do-
mestics, 9 farm laborers — all well-organized trades — while the other
5 found employment in stores, restaurants, and other places in the
city (General Table 24). Most of them have been in this country for
five years and 7 of them for ten years or over, so that they have had
sufficient time to find their way into city occupations, which are more
agreeable and more remunerative than railroad and farm work. In-
deed, from the incomplete data available it would appear that those
who were first engaged in railroad and farm work left it after one
or two years to seek employment in the city. A few have engaged in
business ; but, meeting with reverses, have fallen back into the wage-
earning class.
The wages of the employees in the establishments investigated have
been noted. The annual earnings of the 40 are shown in General
Table 43. The earnings of 24 who received board and lodging in
addition to wages varied from $270 for .nine months' work to less
than $800 for twelve months' work. All but 3 were employed for
twelve months during the year; these three were employed for nine,
ten, and eleven months, respectively. The median earnings was $420,
the average $440. The annual earnings of 16 who did not receive
board varied from $330 for eleven months' to $1,500 for twelve
months' employment. Only two were not employed continuously,
and these were without work only one month. The median was $720,
the average earnings $719.38 (General Table 43). Of 38 report-
244 The Immigration Commission.
ing, 8 had neither surplus nor deficit for the year, while the remain-
ing 30 realized a surplus varying from $50 to $1,750. The average
amount of surplus was $326.66, the median $250. That two had
gains amounting to $1,200 and $1,750, respectively, is explained by
the fact that they held managerial positions and owned corporate
stocks which paid them dividends (General Table 26). Fourteen
sent a portion of their earnings abroad during the year, the total
amount being $2,270, or more than 23 per cent of the surplus reported
by the 30 reporting a surplus for the year. That the wage-earners
sent a larger part of their gains abroad than did the business
men is accounted for by the fact that fewer of them have their
families with them in this country and that they have less oppor-
tunity for profitable investment here than do those conducting busi-
ness. Of the much larger sum kept in the United States, $1,500 was
invested in stocks, $200 used to pay a debt earlier incurred in busi-
ness, and the remainder deposited in the bank. By retaining much
of their gains in this country several of these wage-earners have been
able to accumulate several hundred dollars' worth of property. Of
40, 8 have no property other than their personal effects, 14 have
property worth less than $500, 10 worth from $500 to $1,000, 5 worth
from $1,000 to $1,500, and 3 have still more (General Table 25).
SOCIOLOGICAL DATA.
As already stated, the Japanese population of Los Angeles was re-
ported in December, 1908, as numbering 4,457. Of these, 3,925 were
adult males, 427 adult females, 81 American-born children, and 24
foreign-born children. Complete data relating to various matters
were obtained from 220 of these — 140 men, 48 women, 7 foreign-born
children between 6 and 13 years of age, and 25 Japanese- Americans
under 6 years of age. (General Tables 29 and 32.) Practically
all of the females over 16 years of age were married women, most
of whom have come to the United States within recent years to
join their husbands or to be married upon their arrival. Moreover,
most of them are the wives of men engaged in business or in the
professions. Of 100 business men from whom data were obtained
58 are married and 43 of the wives are now in this country. Twenty-
one of themv including 1 who came from Canada and several who
came from the Hawaiian Islands, accompanied their husbands to this
country when they first immigrated, 5 joined their husbands later, 9
came to this country to be married here, while the remaining 11
married when their prospective husbands visited Japan, and all but
2 came to this country with them upon their return. Of 40 wage-
earners, 10 are married. One of these was married during a visit to
his native country, the other 9 previous to their immigration to
the United States. Two 'of these men, who came from the Hawaiian
Islands, were accompanied by their wives, and 1 was later joined by
his wife. At present, therefore, 4 of the wives of the 10 wage-
earners are in this country, 6 abroad. (General Tables 30 and
31.) In recent years a tendency is evident, especially among the men
who engage successfully in business, to bring their wives to this coun-
try. This accounts for the fact that whereas in 1904 only 5 married
women as against 493 adult males were reported, in 1908 427 adult
females and 3,925 adult males were reported.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 245
This change in the composition of the Japanese population of Los
Angeles is indicative of the fact that many expect to remain indefi-
nitely if not permanently in the United States. Of the 100 Japanese
males engaged in business investigated, 73 stated that they expect to
remain permanently in this country, 2 to return to Japan, while 25
were in doubt as to what they would eventually do. The wage-
earners, who, on the whole, have had a shorter residence than the
business men in this country, have been less successful and are not so
well off, present a contrast to the business men in this regard. Of 40
from whom data were obtained, 9 stated that they expected to reside
permanently in this country, 14 to return to their native land, while
17 were in doubt as to what they would do.
Something has been said concerning the conditions under which
the Japanese live. Most of the domestics and some of the laborers
employed by white men are provided with lodging where they are
employed. Though a few of the others live elsewhere, the majority
reside in the two Japanese colonies. As already stated, most of the
business men live in the rear or over the rooms housing the business
conducted, and the majority of their employees live with them. The
greater number of the remainder live in lodging and boarding houses.
A few families live in small cottages on streets which were formerly
occupied mainly by the families of white laborers of various races.
Data were collected from the households investigated relative to the
cost of food and drink consumed. Excluding those groups whose
heads were proprietors of restaurants or who were engaged in some
other business where the articles were not purchased in the usual way,
71 groups, including 131 individuals, remained. Twelve of these,
constituting 4 households, reported the cost as $5 per month ; 12, con-
stituting 6 households, as $7 but less than $8 ; 19, constituting 9 house-
holds, as $8 but less than $9 ; 6, constituting 3 households, as $9 but
less than $10; 28, constituting 12 households, as $10 but less than $12;
14, constituting 8 households, as $12 but less than $14; and 40, con-
stituting 29 households, as $14 or over per month. Of these 29 last-
mentioned households, 1 of 5 persons reported a cost of $25 per person,
1 of 2 persons reported a cost of $30, while 2 single men reported the
cost as $35 and $50 per month, respectively. The cost per month of
lodging and board at the boarding and lodging houses has already
been commented upon. The noteworthy fact made evident by these
estimates — for they are only estimates — is the wide range of costs
reported.
The percentage of illiteracy among the Japanese from whom data
were obtained is small. Of 141 males, 10 years of age or over, all
but 4, and of 48 females, all but 3, could read and write some lan-
guage. (General Table 37.) Moreover, most of the males have a good
command of the English language. Of 143, 6 years of a*ge or over,
140 can speak, and of 141, 10 years of age or over, 95 can read and
write, our language. Of 52 females 6 years of age or over, on the
other hand, only 33 can speak English, and of 48, 10 years of age or
over, only 8 can read and write. (General Tables 34 and 40.) The
contrast between the sexes in this regard is partly explained b*y the
difference in length of residence in this country. Thirty-four of 52
females had immigrated within five years, while of 143 males all but
34 had been in this country five years or more. (General Table 33.)
246 The Immigration Commission.
It is explained in part, also, by the fact that some of the men have
been members of the " student class " and have learned I^nglish in
schools in this country, while few . or none of the Japanese women
have had these advantages. Finally, it is explained in part, also,
by the greater contact the Japanese men have had with English-
speaking people. Few of the Japanese-American children have
reached school age, and there are comparatively few Japanese chil-
dren between 6 and 15 years of age in Los Angeles. Indeed, most
of the Japanese children born abroad have been left there until
they have received their schooling. Of 63 children of 33 fathers,
31 were in Japan, and 32, of whom approximately 25 were born
in Hawaii or in the continental United States, were in this country.
Eighteen of the 31 were with their mothers in Japan, 13 with other
relatives, while they were being educated. In spite of the fact that
one- fourth of the families investigated where the marriage had taken
place at least three years previous, were without children, and that
most of those born abroad have been left there to be educated, 128
pupils of Japanese nativity were in attendance at the Los Angeles
public schools in February, 1908. The majority of these were over
15 years of age, a large percentage of them being young men of the
" student class."
The various missions and religious organizations conduct schools
for the instruction of Japanese classes. The Buddhist Mission con-
ducts a school for teaching children the Japanese language and his-
tory and has from 20 to 30 pupils each year. There are seven schools
for teaching English to adults. These schools have from 20 to 50
pupils each. Besides these classes conducted by missions, there are
several instructors, both Americans and Japanese, who are giving
private lessons in English. This is one indication of the strong desire
shown by adult Japanese to gain a knowledge of our language.
Closely connected with the use of English is the matter of news-
papers taken by the Japanese groups. These also reflect the inter-
ests and indicate the standard of culture of the Japanese people. Of
80 households reporting data, 4 were without newspapers or peri-
odicals of any kind, while the other 76 had from one to nine each.
Only 24 of these had any newspaper printed in English, 17 having
one, and 7 two each. Several of the households had newspapers and
periodicals printed in their native language and published in San
Francisco or Japan, as well as some or all of those published by
Japanese in Los Angeles.
Few Japanese frequent the churches attended by the members of
the other races living in Los Angeles. They have seven missions and
religious organizations of their own. The Methodist Mission was
established in 1896. It has a membership of about 100, most of whom
are young men of the " student class." This mission now owns the
building occupied by it. It has a lodging department which can
accommodate 25 persons. The mission is provided with a dining
room, a library, and an employment bureau. As already indicated, a
school to teach English is run in connection with it.
The Presbyterian Mission organized in 1902 is doing a similar
work, and now has a membership of 114. There are also three other
smaller missions conducted by the various Christian organizations.
More important than any of these, however, is the Buddhist Mis-
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 247
sion, which was organized in 1904 and which now has a member-
ship of about 500. In general, its lines of work are the same as those
of the Methodist Mission, as indicated above. Of the 140 men from
whom data were obtained, 17 were members of the Buddhist Mission.
4 of the Congregational Mission, 2 of the Presbyterian Mission, and
1 of the Methodist Mission, a total of 24.
The Japanese also have various other organizations, but do not have
membership in American societies. Most important among these
organizations is the Japanese Association, which was organized in
1893 and has members in the rural sections of Los Angeles as well as
in the city. Its membership now numbers about 500, of whom are 64
of the 100 business men and 2 of the 40 wage-earners investigated. Its
objects are the same as those of similar organizations in other locali-
ties. There are 12 " pref ectural societies." These supplement the work
of the Japanese Association in various ways. Their primary function,
however, is to render personal aid to members who may fall ill, meet
wtth accident, or become incapacitated for work. Monthly dues, vary-
ing from 50 cents to $1, are collected to defray the expenses involved
in maintaining their objects, and additional contributions are solicited
in case of an emergency. In this way the Japanese who are un-
fortunate are cared for and not permitted to become public charges,
and these organizations also create centers for Japanese social life.
Besides two Japanese student clubs and a ladies' temperance society
there is a Japanese business men's a'ssociation. According to the con-
stitution of this association its "objects are to protect the mutual
interests of the Japanese business men of Los Angeles, to uphold a
high moral standard, and to promote an intimate association among
its members." Sixty-six, or approximately two-thirds, of the business
men from whom data were obtained had membership in it. Though
the degree of assimilation found among the Japanese is greater than
that found among the Mexicans, the Molekane-Russians, and a few of
the less numerous races who have immigrated in recent years and
settled in Los Angeles, it is evident from what has been stated above
that the process of assimilation has not proceeded far, save in the
learning of English and in the adoption of American clothes and
some American business methods. The Japanese colonize and, except
as domestics, do not live with white people. They are, as a rule, not
given personal service in American shops. Save for an occasional
business man who has membership in a general business organization,
they do not have membership in American societies. On the contrary,
they have their own organizations of various kinds, including relig-
ious institutions. Though various Christian organizations are repre-
sented among them, the majority adhere to the Buddhist faith.
Though some of them subscribe for newspapers printed in English
and reflecting American ideals and ideas, the majority, because of
inability to read English, or because of their interests and sympathies,
limit their reading to newspapers and periodicals published here or
abroad in the Japanese language and reflecting the Japanese ideals
and point of view. The associations between the Japanese and white
races are limited, and, with few exceptions, not upon the basis of
equality.
48296°— vor. 23—11 17
CHAPTER IV.
JAPANESE IN CITY TEADES AND EMPLOYMENTS IN SACRA-
MENTO.
[For General Tables, see pp. 372-382.]
, INTRODUCTION.
Because of its location in the Sacramento Valley the city of Sacra-
mento has for twenty years been an important distributing point for
Japanese laborers. Electric and steam railroads run to Oroville,
Marysville, Newcastle, Woodland, and Vacaville to the east, north, and
northwest of Sacramento, and down the valley to Stockton, Fresno,
and other places. Boats on the Sacramento River carry laborers to
various places as far down as Antioch and to the islands of the San
Joaquin. The larger part of the land in all the communities about
the localities mentioned and along the American River is devoted
to producing deciduous and citrus fruits, berries, grapes, vegetables,
sugar beets, and hops. The production of all of these involves much
hand labor, and for ten years or more the Japanese engaged in work
of this kind have been more numerous throughout this large district
than all other races combined. Many of the laborers during periods
of interruption in work spend their time in Sacramento. To supply
their own needs while in the city and to supply provisions and Japa-
nese goods to those working not far away many Japanese have en-
gaged in business in Sacramento. At the same time others have
engaged in businesses designed to secure the patronage of other races,
while still others have found employment in the houses of and in
establishments conducted by white persons.
The Japanese population of Sacramento is estimated to have been
12 in 1883 and 100 in 1893. According to the census it was 337 in
1900.a In June, 1909, it was estimated at 1.000. About 700 of these
Japanese were connected with business enterprises and professions
or were unoccupied members of the families of persons thus gain-
fully employed. Some 300 we?e employed as porters in saloons,
clubs, and other places conducted by white persons, as domestics, or
as general " help " in the city. The 1,000 just mentioned is the esti-
mated number of the Japanese " settled " or regularly residing there.
The " floating population " varies in number. The minimum number
might be placed at 200 and the maximum at 2,500, the latter being
the figure during the last two weeks of August, when the Japanese
gather in Sacramento on their way to the hop fields near by.
When the transient Japanese laborers came to Sacramento in con-
siderable number toward the end of the decade 1880-1890 they found
no welcome in white boarding houses, and the accommodations avail-
able in the lodging houses conducted by Chinese were not regarded
as suitable. Consequently there was great need for Japanese boarding
0 U. S. Census, 1900, " Population," pt. 1, p. 802..
249
250
The Immigration Commission.
and lodging houses. A lodging house and two hotels were opened in
1891. Several others were soon established, four or more being
opened in 1895 and 1896. The first provision store to supply Japa-
nese with Japanese goods was opened in 1893. Another was started
in 1894, and the number increased until it had reached 12 in 1909.
The first restaurant serving American and Japanese meals was
opened in 1893, and the first Japanese barber shop began business in
the same year. The first bathhouse had been established two years
earlier.
As the number of transient Japanese became larger the number
engaged in these branches of business increased and many new
branches were engaged in. Some of the establishments have been
designed to serve the wants of persons other than Japanese. The
number and kinds of business conducted by the members of this race
in Sacramento are shown by the following table based upon an
enumeration made in June, 1909, by Japanese and white agents em-
ployed by the commission.
TABLE 4. — Business conducted by Japanese in Sacramento, CaL, June, 1909.
Kind of business.
Number of
establish-
ments.
Kind of business.
Number of
establish-
ments.
(a) STOEES AND SHOPS.
Fish and vegetable marke's
3
(b) PERSONAL AND DOMESTIC SERV-
ICE— Continued.
12
House cleaning
1
Gents' furnishing stores
9
Shoe store .
(C) AMUSEMENTS.
Tailor shops f . . .
Moving-picture show
1
Pool rooms
a 15
Curio
Books and stationery
2
(d) OTHER.
Cigar stand
1
Banks
1
Dry goods
1
Bicycle shop
1
6
(b) PERSONAL AND DOMESTIC SERVICE.
3
Printing shops
2
Boarding and lodging houses
37
2
Restaurants (Japanese meals)
Restaurants (American meals)
28
8
Tofu manufacturers
3
12
Barber shops
Baths
a 26
a?
Total
&207
Laundries
6
a Some of the barber shops, baths, and pool rooms are conducted in the same establishment,
b Not including 1 artist, 9 carpenters, 5 interpreters, 5 physicians, and 2 dentists.
The agents of the Commission investigated the general situation and
collected details relating to the business carried on in 55 of these
establishments conducted by Japanese and 23 conducted by other
races in the same districts and in those branches of business enter-
prise where the competition between the Japanese and others was
said to be of consequence. Detailed data were obtained from the fol-
lowing Japanese establishments : Seven boarding and lodging houses,
7 restaurants, 4 barber shops, 2 pool rooms, 2 tailor shops, 2 photo-
graph galleries, 5 grocery stores, 4 labor and real-estate agencies, 2
men's furnishing stores, 1 dry goods, 1 drug, 1 shoe, 1 general store,
1 jewelry, and 5 confectionery and tobacco stores, 2 laundries, and
from 8 other establishments indicated by tables printed in the ap-
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 251
pendix. Similar data were obtained from the following establish-
ments conducted by members of other races : Four restaurants, 6 bar-
ber shops, 3 grocery stores, 2 groceries and saloons, 2 tailor shops, 1
men's furnishing store, and 5 laundries. The data relating to the
date of establishing each place, the amount of capital employed, the
amount of the capital borrowed, the value of annual transactions, the
number of employees, the rent per year paid, the net profit realized,
and the races of patrons are presented in tabular form in the appen-
dix. Personal data were secured from the Japanese conducting the
55 establishments and other members of their households. The data
are presented in a later part of this report, while the tables are
printed in the appendix. With few exceptions — these being some of
the shoe-repair shops, barber shops, laundries, and furnishing stores —
the Japanese places of business are in the " Japanese quarter." This
occupies both sides of L and M streets, between Second and Fourth,
and the intersecting streets. Within a space of some 5 or 6 blocks
most of the Japanese live and carry on the greater part of the busi-
ness in which they engage. It is evident that they are closely
colonized.
DATA RELATING TO JAPANESE BUSINESS.
Barber shops. — The Japanese barber shops number 26. With few
exceptions they are small, having one or two chairs and are conducted
by the proprietor, and possibly his wife or an apprentice, and infre-
quently a barber working for wages. Formerly all of the Japanese
shops were located in the " Japanese quarter," but in recent years
there has been competition for the patronage of persons other than
the Japanese, and several shops have been established in another sec-
tion of the city. Of those located outside the " Japanese quarter,"
there are now 10. These are in the oldest part of the business sec-
tion and compete with shops conducted by Americans, Greeks, Ital-
ians, and Negroes. Fifty to 80 per cent of the patrons of the Jap-
anese shops located there are members of the white race, Greeks and
Italians being prominent among them.
Until recently the Japanese barbers charged 20 cents for hair cut-
ting and 10 cents for shaving, but in July, 1909, the union scale was
changed to 25 cents for hair cutting. All of the Japanese barbers
belong to this Japanese organization. Most of the Greek, Italian,
Negro, and some of the American shops charge the same prices as
those recently established by the Japanese union. Some shops, con-
ducted almost entirely by Americans, which are not far away, charge
15 cents for shaving. Though it is evident that there is little differ-
ence in the charges for the services rendered, the white barbers of
this locality complain bitterly of Japanese competition — not under-
bidding through low prices, but an increase in the number of shops
due to the incoming of the Japanese. One American proprietor
whose barbers are employed on a commission basis (usually the bar-
bers receive 60 per cent of the receipts, with a minimum wage of $14
per week guaranteed and a maximum fixed at $22) states that his
four barbers earn on the average $5 less per week than before the
Japanese shops were established. The shop in question was well
equipped, well lighted, and clean, but 15 cents was charged for
shaving.
252 The Immigration Commission.
It is interesting to note in this connection, however, that most of
the shops conducted by white men have been established in recent
years and while the Japanese shops were in process of becoming
more numerous. Moreover, the majority of them are being con-
ducted with profit. In the " Japanese quarter," which is not exten-
sively frequented by other races, the Japanese shops in no case draw
more than 30 per cent of their customers from among the members
of the white races. The profits of the four Japanese shops, from
whose proprietors detailed information was obtained, were $540, $600.
$700, and v$720. Only one of these had more than one " chair," and
in that case the only employee was an apprentice working for his
board and lodging. (See General Table 44.)°
Baths. — The seven baths are conducted in connection with barber
shops and pool rooms. They are patronized by Japanese only, for
they are of the foreign type, i. e., with large tubs in which several
people bathe before the water is changed.
Laundries. — Of the six Japanese laundries, four are " hand " and
two are small " steam " laundries. The hand laundries have few
while the largest of the steam laundries has but 9 employees. The
smaller establishments are patronized by Japanese almost exclu-
sively, while the larger are patronized chiefly by white persons.
Eighty per cent of the patrons of the largest laundry are whites, 20
per cent Japanese. Though there are 20 Chinese " hand laundries "
in addition to those conducted by the Japanese in the city, there has
been little complaint of oriental competition. That the business of
both Chinese and Japanese laundries is comparatively small is shown
by the fact that five white steam laundries investigated had 227
employees. Moreover, the Japanese laundries with white patrons
have practically the same list of prices as the steam laundries con-
ducted by Americans and Italians investigated by the agent of the
Commission. A comparison of the " lists " obtained shows as many
instances in which the prices charged by the Japanese exceed those
charged by the other laundries as the reverse. There is little or no
underbidding by the Japanese in the laundry business.
Restaurants. — Of the 36 restaurants, 28 are located in the Japa-
nese quarter, serve Japanese meals, and are patronized almost ex-
clusively by members of that race. Seven of these 28 are licensed
to sell intoxicating drinks. Most of the restaurants serving Ameri-
can meals are located in the Japanese district and have Japanese and
white laborers as their patrons. Of the few located elsewhere, two
have white patrons almost exclusively, these being largely of the
laboring classes. The price of meals is 10 or 15 cents. The estab-
lishments are of the same general character as those conducted by
Greeks, Italians, and Slavs in the same localities, and there is no
material difference in the prices of meals served. The Chinese res-
taurateurs are more serious competitors than the Japanese. They
conduct four large restaurants in the poorer quarters of the city,
charge comparatively low prices, and have many patrons belonging
to all races.
* See discussion of organizations, pp. 259 and 260.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 253
The wages paid to cooks, waiters, waitresses, and dishwashers in
the Japanese restaurants were found to be somewhat less than those
paid in an American, a German, a Danish, and a Slovenian restau-
rant of the same general type and located in the same sections. Of
five Japanese cooks, one was paid $50, one $45, two $40, and one $25
per month. Of four cooks employed in the white restaurants, one
was paid $80, two $60, and one $40, while a second cook was paid
$25 per month. The Japanese waiters were paid $30, eleven waitresses
$25, two $20, and one $18 per month. Of the waiters in the other
restaurants, four received $40 and one $32 per month. The dish-
washers and kitchen help in the Japanese restaurants investigated
were paid $20 per month ; in the other restaurants $8 per week or $25
per month. All received board, and the Japanese, except in one case,
received lodging in addition to wages. From a comparison of the
data presented in the appendix it would appear that the rate of
profit on the business transacted is larger in the Japanese restaurants
than in the others and that the former are making larger net annual
profits.
Hotels and lodging houses. — The keeping of hotels and lodging
houses was the first branch of business engaged in by the Japanese in
Sacramento, and these are now the most numerous of all the estab-
lishments conducted by members of that race in the city. They are
located in the Japanese colony and have only Japanese lodgers and
boarders. Some of the houses occupied are cottages, while others are
two or three story buildings. Almost without exception the build-
ings are painted and in good repair and the premises are well kept.
With very few exceptions the rooms are well furnished, having good
beds and clean bedding, including pillow slips, counterpanes, etc.,
carpets or matting, and other furnishings of good quality. Both the
exteriors and interiors of these places are superior in appearance to
those conducted by orientals and most other foreign races in other
cities investigated. The price of lodging is from 10 cents to 50 cents
per night and from $5 to $15 per month. Some of these houses pro-
vide meals as well as lodging, the price per meal being 10 or 15 cents,
but most frequently the latter sum. The lodging houses, considering
the fact that most of the patrons are transient laborers, are orderly
and well conducted. A boarding and lodging house keepers' associa-
tion was established in 1901. Until 1907 all of the proprietors had
membership in it. It was reorganized in that year and now has
only 17 members of 37 who were eligible. The written agreement
among the proprietors effected through this association provides,
among other things, that all accounts must be collected in cash ; that
the association shall deal severely with all irresponsible patrons, and
shall publish the names of patrons who have been guilty of dishonesty
or misconduct ; that each proprietor shall see that there is no disturb-
ance after 11 p. m., and that patrons have returned to the house by
that time. To prevent undue competition the association has also
regulated prices.
Tailor shops. — The six Japanese tailor shops are all small, and
most of them do little more than clean, dye, and press clothes. The
price charged for pressing men's suits is 75 cents, which is the cus-
tomary rate in the part or the city in which these shops are located.
254 The Immigration Commission.
The majority of their patrons are Japanese, though 50 per cent of the
patrons of one of the shops are white. A large percentage of the
Japanese purchase tailor-ma4e suits. Until comparatively recent
years these were made at white shops. Doubtless the majority are
still made by white tailors, but some of this trade has been lost to the
rival Japanese shops. Only one tailor (near two Japanese shops)
was found, however, who had had so large a percentage of Japanese
among his patrons that the partial withdrawal of that patronage had
caused him serious loss. Where he had previously made four or five
suits of clothes per week for men of that race, he now makes but one
or two per month.
Men's furnishing stores. — Within the past few years the Japanese
have engaged also 'in the men's furnishing business. At present there
are nine establishments. These all carry small stocks of goods, chiefly
of "American," i. e., non-Japanese, origin. The capital employed is
in no case in excess of $5,000 and the annual transactions of the larg-
est of the nine amount to only $8,000. With one exception, they are
located in the Japanese quarter and have only a small percentage
of white patrons. Seventy per cent of the patrons of the one store
located outside of the Japanese quarter are white persons ; their pur-
chases aggregate between $5,500 and $6,000 per year. On the whole,
however, the trade of the white persons at these stores is not of great
importance. On the other hand, the partial withdrawal of Japanese
trade from stores conducted by white persons has seriously affected
the business of a few located within two or three blocks of the Japa-
nese colony. The Japanese usually purchase American articles of
dress which are of good quality, and before they engaged in this
line of business their purchases at some of the American stores were
an important factor in the business transacted. With the establish-
ment of stores by their countrymen, however, the larger part of their
patronage has been transferred to them. The proprietor of an Amer-
ican shop states that this has reduced the amount of his business by
one-half. Others have been less seriously affected.
Grocery stores. — The most important branch of retail trade en-
gaged in by the Japanese in Sacramento is the sale of groceries and
supplies. The first store of this kind was established as early as 1893.
The number has gradually increased, until it is now 12. These are all
located in the Japanese quarter. Some of them are very small,
while two are large, as compared with groceries conducted by other
races. The smallest has a stock of goods valued at $1,000, and its
annual transactions amount to $1,700. The largest, conducted by a
corporation, has a stock valued at $60,000, and its annual transactions
aggregate $120,000. Five of the 12 stores were investigated. All
carried stocks of American as well as of Japanese goods, the per-
centage of the latter varying from 50 to 70. All have both white and
Japanese customers. Many of the latter are farmers and laborers
about Newcastle, Florin, the several towns along the Sacramento
River, and elsewhere. This trade is an important part of the whole,
for the "bosses" buy supplies in large quantities for the men who
work under their control. Among the city customers, however, are
many white people who buy at the Japanese stores because they sell
some of their goods at lower prices than do their white competitors.
Japanese in City Employments and Business.
255
The situation is very well indicated for the five stores from which
detailed data were secured by the following table :
TABLE 5. — Data for five grocery stores conducted by Japanese in Sacramento,
CaL, June, 1909.
Value o annual transactions.
Per cent of—
Japanese
customers.
White cus-
tomers.
Japanese
goods in
stock.
"Ameri-
can" goods
in stock.
Purchases
by Jap-
anese.
Purchases
by white
persons.
$1,700...
40.0
70.0
50.0
30.0
70.0
60.0
30.0
50.0
70.0
30.0
•50.0
70.0
50.0
70.0
70.0
50.0
30.0
50.0
30.0
30 0
60.0
70.0
80.0
70.0
85.0
40.0
30.0
20.0
30.0
15.0
15,000
$4000
$120,000. ..
$10,000
An agent of the Commission secured data also from 5 grocery
stores conducted by white men, 1 in and the other 4 within a
block of the " Japanese quarter." Two of these were conducted by
native Americans, 1 by a German, 1 by a French-Swiss, and 1 by
a Greek. All were comparatively small stores, the stock of the
Greek being valued at $300 or $400, the largest stock of the other 4
at $6,500. Their annual transactions varied from $1,500 to $20,000.
Japanese were reported as purchasing at only 1 of these — the 1 in
the midst of the Japanese colony — and in that case infrequently.
All of the proprietors complain of Japanese competition. The stores
conducted by that race, it is conceded by purchasers as by all others,
sell at lower prices, but how much the average difference in prices is
it is impossible to estimate, because of the difference in brands of
goods and of the numerousness of the articles carried in stock. The
chief disadvantage undei4 which the white grocers were found to
labor was, however, that their business is almost entirely local in
character, and with the influx of the Japanese most of the white
people have moved elsewhere. Two of these grocers had been en-
gaged in business many years and since becoming established in their
present locations the character of the population had almost com-
pletely changed.
The Japanese stores investigated employed 10 persons, while those
conducted by members of other races had 15 persons engaged as clerks
and drivers, the latter also serving as clerks when not delivering goods
to the. houses of purchasers. In comparing wages, the fact that all
of the Japanese employees receive board and lodging in addition to
wages, while the others do not, must be taken into consideration. Of
the 10 male Japanese employees, 2 were paid $40 per month, 2 $35,
while the remaining 6 earned between $30 and $25. Of the 13 males
employed by the proprietors of the " white stores," none received less
than $50. The 2 women employed were paid $52 and $40 per month,
respectively.
Other stores.— The Japanese, as is indicated by Table 4, page 250,
have a variety of other stores and shops, including 1 dry goods, 2
drug, 4 jewelry and watch repairing, 1 curio, 2 books and stationery,
and 1 shoe store, 3 fish markets (1 dealing in vegetables also), 1
256 The Immigration Commission.
cigar and 4 confection " stands." All of those investigated had been
established since 1904 and most of them in 1907 or 1908. They are
all small shops, are located in the " Japanese quarter,1' and are
patronized chiefly by members of the Japanese colony. The establish-
ments for which data are presented in the tables in the appendix are
typical of the larger numbers — a fish market with a capital of $1,400
and two-thirds of its patrons Japanese ; a confectionery shop, capital
$1,300, 80 per cent of its patrons Japanese; a cigar stand, capital $300,
60 per cent of its patrons Japanese ; a dry goods store, capital $4,000,
80 per cent of its patrons Japanese; a shoe store, capital $1,500, 70
per cent of its patrons Japanese; a drug store, capital $500, 100 per
cent of its patrons Japanese; and a watch and jewelry store, capital
$2,400, 50 per cent of its patrons Japanese. Besides the shoe store, in
which repairing is also done, there are two cobblers' shops. These
are located outside of the "Japanese quarter," charge lower prices
than the cobblers of other races, and have a large patronage, drawn
almost entirely from white persons.
Employment and real estate agencies. — The employment agencies
are connected with stores or, more frequently, with a real estate
brokerage business. The employment agents provide Japanese labor-
ers for all kinds of work. The commissions ordinarily collected from
those who obtain employment through them are 10 per cent of the
first month's wages of domestics, 5 per cent of the first month's wages
of railroad laborers, and 50 cents each for farm hands.
The real estate agents serve as intermediaries between Japanese
tenants and white real estate agents. The Japanese establishments
frequently change location and new ones have been rapidly opened,
so that there is much demand for the services of these men. The
commission charged is 5 per cent of the consideration involved in
the transaction.
Places of amusement. — The places of amusement conducted by
Japanese are 1 moving-picture show and 15 pool rooms. The mov-
ing-picture show is of the usual American type, but frequently serves
as a Japanese theater. A white woman is employed in the box office
and about half of the patrons are white persons, chiefly those living
in the poorer part of the city surrounding the Japanese colony.
The pool rooms are patronized almost entirely by Japanese, though
a few have white patrons, chiefly Italians and Greeks. No complaint
of Japanese competition was found except that made by the pro-
prietor of a Greek pool room located near several Japanese establish-
ments. He had been compelled to reduce his to the more popular
prices charged by his neighbors in order to retain his patronage.
Photograph galleries. — Of the 3 photograph galleries, 2 were
investigated. Each of the proprietors had 1 assistant, and the annual
transactions amounted to $3,000 in each case. Seventy per cent of the
patrons of one and 25 per cent of those of the other were white
persons.
Other branches of business. — The Japanese bank has only 6 or 7
white depositors, and these are Greeks. It finances Japanese enter-
prises and serves as a savings institution and as agent in sending
money abroad. It was organized in 1906 and has a capital in excess
of $65,000.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 257
One newspaper is published and 2 job printing shops are con-
ducted by Japanese. Their patronage, save some advertising matter,
is almost entirely by the members of that race.
The 1 small bicycle shop is run in connection with a Japanese
restaurant. Fifty per cent of its patrons are white.
The only other branches of business engaged in by the Japanese
are the express business and carpentry and repair work. The first
Japanese to engage in the former business began in 1901. There are
now 6 Japanese express wagons. Five of the 6 expressmen belong
to a union, which fixes the prices for hauling baggage. A schedule
has been drawn up in which the prices vary with the character of the
baggage and the distance it is hauled. The union also provides for
the equal sharing among its members of baggage at the railway sta-
tion and at the wharf.
There were 15 Japanese carpenters in Sacramento at the time of the
investigation. Six of these resided there and were members of the
Japanese Carpenters' Union, while 9 were transients, who were em-
ployed in Sacramento at that time. This Japanese Carpenters' Union
was organized in October, 1908. Like the carpenters' union among
the white men, it provides for an eight-hour day and prohibits work
on Sundays and holidays. Wages are fixed at $3.50 or $4 per day,
according to the efficiency of the individual members, but these stand-
ard rates are not closely observed. Most of the carpenters are inde-
pendent workmen, who are employed almost exclusively in altering
interiors of buildings rented by Japanese and in placing " fixtures "
in business houses. Three, howerer, are employed by a Japanese
" contractor and job carpenter," who reports that 40 per cent of his
work is done for white people, 60 per cent for Japanese. The wages
of these 3 employees for an eight-hour day are $2.70, $2.50, and $2.25,
respectively.
Summary. — From the details presented it is evident that with the
growth of the Japanese population the members of that race have en-
gaged in many lines of business; that with the exception of 2 cob-
blers' shops, 1 " men's furnishing " store, 10 barber shops, and a few
restaurants serving American meals, these establishments are located
in the " Japanese quarter," and that many of them supply the needs
of the Japanese population. It is found, however, that some of these
establishments, and especially those located outside of the " Japanese
quarter," have a large percentage of white persons among their
patrons. The larger laundries, the restaurants serving American
meals, the 2 cobbler shops, 10 barber shops, and 1 " men's furnishing "
store have been established primarily to secure "American " patron-
age, while a large percentage of the establishments located in the
Japanese quarter have many white persons among their customers.
This is especially true of the grocery stores, some of which have large
stocks of goods and do a substantial amount of business.
The instances of underbidding other dealers and tradesmen are
not numerous, though several cases have been cited. But more im-
portant in its effects than the attracting of white patronage in some
branches of trade has been the withdrawal of Japanese patronage
from white shops when attractive shops conducted by their country-
men have been established, as they have been in several branches of
258 « The Immigration Commission.
business within the past five or six yearns. The withdrawal of Jap-
anese patronage has seriously affected the profits of some white
tradesmen. But more important in its effects has been the shifting
of population with the influx of the Japanese and the expansion of
their colony. It is evident that the Japanese are well provided for
in most lines of business by tradesmen of their own race, and because
of clannishness, inability to speak good English, convenience, and
other reasons, trade very largely at Japanese stores. For the same
reasons and because they are not welcome in barber shops, restau-
rants, and places of amusement of a good type conducted by white
persons, they patronize Japanese barber shops, restaurants, and pool
rooms. Under these circumstances the white men whose business
establishments were located in or near the present "Japanese quar-
ter " have lost a large share of their former patrons, as they have
moved elsewhere with the influx of Japanese.
It is evident from what has been stated and from an examination
of the data presented in the tables in the appendix that most of the
stores, shops, and other business conducted by the Japanese are small.
With the exception of two grocery and supply stores and a few res-
taurants the capital invested, the volume of transactions, and the
number of employees are small. With the exceptions noted these
places are in these respects like the establishments conducted by the
various races in the poorer quarters of any typical American city.
As a rule, however, the Japanese places are cleaner and more at-
tractive than those conducted by the members of other races in the
same localities. The tables presented in the appendix show also that
much of the capital employed in business is borrowed. Taking 33
establishments where the capital employed was $1,000 or more, a part
was found to be borrowed in 18 instances.
Labor employed. — In the majority of cases the business of the
Japanese is conducted by the individual proprietor, or the one or
more proprietors, but with the assistance of wives in some cases.
Persons were employed for wages in 25 of the 55 establishments at
the time of the investigation, the total number of such employees
being 72. With a single exception these were Japanese. As a gen-
eral rule the system of " living in " prevailed, the proprietor provid-
ing board and lodging in addition to paying wages. Of the 71 Jap-
anese employed, 54 were provided with board and lodging in addi-
tion to wages, 5 (restaurant employees) were boarded but not pro-
vided with lodging, 1 (a photographer's assistant) was provided
with lodging only, while 11 were provided with neither board nor
lodging. Seven of this last-mentioned group were employees of the
bank and the contracting carpenter. The proprietor and his em-
ployees usually live in the rear or over the room used for business
purposes. The agents of the Commission visited 19 of the apartments
in which employees were provided with lodging. Eleven of them
were well lighted, well furnished, well kept, and not crowded. In
two other cases the same conditions regarding equipment prevailed,
but the room was inadequate for the number living there. In the
other six cases the lighting was bad, the ventilation poor, or the care
of the apartment not good. On the whole, the lodging conditions
found were fairly good considering that they represent the poorer
section of a city.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 259
Organization. — Japanese business men are highly organized.
There are now seven local organizations, while the shoemakers belong
to a general organization controlling Japanese cobblers in the various
localities of California. The local organizations are the Boarding
and Lodging House Keepers' Association, the Expressmen's Union,
the Japansee Barbers' Union, two Japanese Restaurant Keepers'
Associations, the Watchmakers Union, and the Carpenters' Union.
All but the first two of these have been organized in recent years.
The objects and the regulations of the Lodging House Keepers'
Association, the Expressmen's Union, the Barbers' Union, and the
Carpenters' Union have already been noted.
The members of the Barbers' Union pay 50 cents per month as
dues. The organization is very strong and its work has many sides.
It fixes the time for opening and closing shops and a scale of union
prices. Violation of the regulations is punished by fine. Under the
union's regulations the shops are closed on Sunday, as they are required
to be by an ordinance of the city, are to be open from 7 a. m. to 12
noon on holidays and from 7 a. m. to 8 p. m. on regular week days.
The union controls the matter of apprenticeship. During the first
four months of his engagement the apprentice receives no wages and
must provide his own board and lodging. During the next four
months he is provided with board and lodging and may be paid not
to exceed $10 per month. In the event that the apprentice leaves his
master and starts an independent shop before the expiration of the
term of his apprenticeship he must pay $40 to his former master.
If a member of the union is obliged to return to Japan because of
ill health, his fare is paid from the treasury of the organization.
If any member is compelled to move his shop, the expense is paid by
the union. If any member is sick for more than one month, each
member of the union contributes $1 per month toward his support.
If any member dies from sickness or accident, the organization sends
his family a sum equivalent to the fare from San Francisco to Japan.
In order that all shall be on the same basis the constitution of the
union provides that a new member shall pay into the treasury a sum
equal to the amount per capita then on hand.
The Japanese Restaurant Keepers' Union was organized in April,
1908, and reorganized in February, 1909. It now has 19 members.
The dues are $1 per month. An effort is being made to induce each
new establishment to join the organization, and when it does it must
contribute a sum equal to the per capita amount then in the treasury.
The organization fixes prices, forbids the sale of intoxicating drinks,
and the serving of any save those provided by the patrons. Violation
of a rule is punished by a fine of $10. Any member who retires from
business is entitled to the redemption of his share in the union's fund.
There is a second Japanese restaurant keepers' union, having for
its membership those restaurants which serve intoxicating liquors.
It was organized July 1, 1908. It has seven members, which includes
all who are eligible. The organization fixes the price of drinks of
various kinds. It requires its members to take out the necessary
license and to do a legal business, and if anyone fails to do this he is
to be reported to the city authorities. The union compels its members
to do business on a strictly cash basis. The dues are 50 cents per
month. The union is to assist any member when assistance is needed.
260 The Immigration Commission.
This may extend to loans from the organization's treasury. Failure
to obey any regulation or the commission of any act contrary to
the interests of the union is punished by dishonorable expulsion from
the union.
The Watchmakers' Union has an agreement written in English.
It is as follows :
NOVEMBER, 1906.
(1) We, Japanese jewelers and watchmakers, who are carrying on our busi-
ness in the city of Sacramento, State of California, hereby form a union in
order to promote our welfare and credit in the eyes of our customers.
(2) We call this union the "Japanese Jewelers' and Watchmakers' Union
of Sacramento."
(3) We construct the regulations of the union by and with the mutual agree-
ment of us all.
(4) We all swear that we will faithfully uphold and obey the regulations.
In order to confirm our pledges, everyone of us deposit $50 in the lawful money
of the United States of America.
(5) We agree and swear that if any of us either disobey or violate the regu-
lations his $50 will be confiscated to the coffers of the union, and he will not
complain of the loss, but will deposit another $50 in the same kind of money
as above mentioned in order to retain membership in the union.
(6) The price of every sort of article sold at our shops will be fixed by us all
according to the manufacturers' price, and everyone of us members of the
union must sen the article for the fixed price. He must neither sell it higher
nor lower than the fixed price.
(7) The charge for repairing watches and other articles will also be fixed
by us all, and every member must charge for repairing the uniform rate, neither
higher nor lower than the rate we have fixed.
(8) We all, being members of the Japanese Jewelers' and Watchmakers'
Union of Sacramento, swear to conform to the regulations of the union, and in
witness thereof we have hereunto set our hand and seal on this day of Novem-
ber, 1906.
This is signed by six members.
The Japanese and real estate values. — It has frequently been stated
that the presence of Japanese in Sacramento has materially lowered
the value of real estate in the section of the city occupied by them.
It was found that because of the strong feeling against "the Japanese,
white people would not continue to occupy houses in blocks in which
Japanese lived and pay the rentals they had been accustomed to
pay. In fact most of the white people have moved from that section
of the city as the Japanese have spread from street to street and
from block to block. The movement has, however, been hastened
by the fact that the Japanese have caused a rise of rents and market
values of real estate in the blocks occupied by them. The assessed
value of real estate in these blocks has steadily increased during the
past five years. The Japanese usually conduct a business and live
in the same structure and are willing to pay high rents for the prop-
erty. One instance was noted where an apartment had been rented
to a white family for $25 per month, but was then tenanted by Japa-
nese who paid $60 per month for it. Another instance was noted
where a man owned two cottages. He had lived in one and rented
the other for $12 per month. The Japanese colony encroached upon
the block in which his cottages were located, and he moved elsewhere,
but each of the cottages was then rented to Japanese for $30 per
month. In a third case an Italian barber had conducted a barber
shop and lived with his family in a small apartment in a street out-
side of the Japanese quarter. He paid $15 per month rent. A Japa-
Japanese in Gty Employments and Business. 261
nese barber desired to lease the premises, with the result that the rent
was raised to $25 per month, but the Italian remained. Only a short
time elapsed, however, until the rent was increased to $38 per month.
The Italian could not pay this sum and vacated the property, which
was then occupied by the Japanese at the rental just mentioned.
These instances are rather extreme, but they are indicative of the
facts as ascertained by the agents of the Commission, viz5 that where
there was a demand for property by Japanese, its rental and its
market values were materially increased, but that property near
the Japanese colony became less desirable and had less value until it
was desired by Japanese tenants or purchasers.
PERSONAL DATA RELATING TO JAPANESE ENGAGED IN BUSINESS.
Personal data were obtained for 73 men conducting the 55 estab-
lishments investigated, also for 5 dependent males. Two-thirds of
them had been in the United States less than ten years, one-third of
them ten years or over. In greater detail, 19 had been in this coun-
try less than five years, 33 from five to nine years, 18 from ten to four-
teen years, 7 from fifteen to nineteen years, and only 1 for twenty
years or over. (General Table 25.) Of 75 reporting data, 12 had
come from the Hawaiian Islands, where they had been employed as
laborers on the sugar plantations, and 2 from Canada. Of the 61
who migrated to the United States directly from Japan, 24 had
been engaged in business on their own accounts, 3 had been clerks
in stores, 6 had been wage-earners in other city occupations, 2 .had
been farming on their own account, 13 had been working on farms
for their fathers, 1 had been in other occupation, while 12 were young
men with no occupation before migrating to the United States.
(General Table 46.) It is evident that the majority of these men
immigrated from the cities and that at least one-third of them had
engaged in business in their native land on their own accounts. Yet,
in spite of the large number who had been employed in Hawaii or
had engaged in business in their native land before immigrating to
the continental United States, all but 18 of the 75 were under 30
years of age at time of arrival. Ten were under 20, 33 between 20
and 25, and 14 between 25 and 30 years of age. (General Table 33.)
With few exceptions, they came to this country to make money and
brought little or no capital with them. Of 74 reporting the amount
of money in their possession upon landing, only 1 had more than
$1,000, 1 other more than $500, and 8 others more than $200. Thirty-
three had $100 or more, 41, including 16 who had less than $50, less
than that amount. (General Table 45.)
Of 74 whose first occupations in this country were ascertained, 2
engaged in business and 4 became farmers upon their own account
immediately upon their arrival, while 68 became wage-earners.
Twenty-seven of these became farm hands, 12 railroad laborers, 22
domestics, 3 assistants in stores, la" helper " in a restaurant, and the
remaining 3 wage-earners in other occupations. Thus it is seen that
the vast majority became wage-earners in those occupations which
were well organized and controlled by Japanese labor agents, and
that the majority (39) found their first occupations in noncity em-
ployments. (General Table 46.) Most of them soon acquired suffi-
262 The Immigration Commission.
cient English and accumulated enough capital to engage in business on
their own account. In many cases they were aided by entering part-
nerships and by securing loans from personal friends and credit in
various forms. Taking 57 from whom sufficient data were obtained
relative to the length of time they had lived in this country before
engaging in business on their own account, 6 began at once, 16 more
after working for wages less than one year, 9 others after working
for wages less than two years, 8 others after working for wages less
than three years, 8 others after working for wages less than four
years, and the remaining 10 after working for wages from four to
ten years.
A comparison of occupations abroad and present business in the
United States throws some light upon the matter in hand. Of 57
business men, 19 are found to be engaged in the same business as
abroad or in a related business, 30 in entirely unrelated business,
while 8 had had no occupation previous to coming to this country.
Among 17 storekeepers, all but 4 are engaged in the same or in a
business related to that engaged in abroad. Two tailors and 1
carpenter were engaged in the same trades abroad. So, too, was 1
of 4 labor agents. Practically all of the others are engaged in
entirely unrelated business or had had no occupation before coming
to this country. For example, of 7 restaurant keepers, 5 had been
engaged in farm work, 1 had been an actor, and 1 a blacksmith
abroad. A shoemaker had been a grocer, a watchmaker a farmer, a
photographer a lumber dealer, a laundry proprietor a farmer. It
is evident that the minority of the business men have soon engaged
in business of the same type as that in which they had been trained
abroad, while the majority availed themselves of the opportunities
presented to engage in business in which they had had no previous
experience.
The primary motive for immigrating to the United States has
been to make money. How well these men have succeeded is shown
by the property they have acquired. As already stated, many had
only small sums of money upon their arrival. Three of 74 now have
a net indebtedness outstanding against them. Of the other 71, 5
have property, after indebtedness is allowed for, worth between
$100 and $250; 13, between $250 and $500; 13, between $500 and
$1,000; 14, between $1,000 and $1,500; 12, between $1,500 and
$2,500 ; 7, between $2,500 and $5,000 ; 4, between $5,000 and $10,000 ; 2,
between $10,000 and $25,000; and 1, more than $25,000. Of the 25
who have been in the United States for ten years or over, 2 are in
debt; 4 have between $250 and $500; 2, between $500 and $1,000; 4,
between $1,000 and $1,500; 7, between $1,500 and $2,500; 2, between
$2,500 and $5,000; 1, between $5,000 and $10,000; 2, between $10,000
and $25,000; and 1, more than $25,000. Of 49 who have been in this
country less than ten years, 1 is in debt; 5 have between $100 and
$250; 9, between $250 and $500; 11, between $500 and $1,000; 10,
between $1,000 and $1,500; 5, between $1,500 and $2,500; 5, between
$2,500 and $5,000; and 3, between $5,000 and $10;000. (General
Table 47.) On the whole, these men have been successful, some of
them very successful, in making money. Of course others, though
not a large number, have been unsuccessful and have fallen back
into the wage-earning class.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 263
The gross value of property controlled by these 74 Japanese was
$210,360; the indebtedness. $55,939; the net amount, $154,421; or
an average of $2,086.77 per man. Thirty-eight, or slightly more
than one-half of the total number, were in debt in sums varying
from $50 to $9,000. (General Table 50.)
The profits realized in the 55 establishments investigated are
shown in General Table 44. These have little significance, however,
aside from the amount of capital invested and the amount of labor
done by the proprietor or proprietors and others who do not receive
wages. The annual incomes of the 63 men in business for the entire
twelve months just preceding the time of the investigation, from the
main or sole line of business engaged in, are shown in General
Table 64. The average net income from this source was $1,124.13
for the twelve months. The extremes were $180 and $4,700. Of the
63, 7, or one-ninth, had net incomes of less than $500, 20, or almost
one-third, between $500 and $750, 6 between $750 and $1,000, 16 be-
tween $1,000 and $1,500, 8 between $1,500 and $2,000, 4 between
$2,000 and $2,500, and 2, $4,700 each. Of course the incomes derived
from different branches of business differ greatly. The incomes of
5 proprietors of barber shops varied between $180 as a minimum
and $720 as a maximum and averaged $492. Those of the proprietors
of three small tailor shops varied between $700 and $1,000 and aver-
aged $800. The minimum income of 8 boarding-house keepers was
$600, the maximum $1,704, the average $937.50. The income of 7
restaurant proprietors varied between $240 and $1,800 and averaged
$1,060. The corresponding figures for 16 storekeepers were $300.
$4,700, and $1,553.75, respectively. The two laundry proprietors had
net incomes from their laundry business of $1,200 each. The incomes
of 5 real estate and labor agents varied between $700 and $1,200 and
averaged $1,020. Though some of these incomes are comparatively
small, as a whole they are in strong contrast to the incomes which
might be made by the Japanese as wage-earners in any occupations
open to them in this country. As already stated, the net incomes
shown in General Table 64 are those from the main or sole business
conducted. Some of these men, however, have other lines of business,
while others have other sources of income. Four were also engaged
in subsidiary lines of business from which they earned $1,780, 2
received dividends on stocks amounting to $80, and 11 received
$5,401 from real estate leased for business purposes but in part sub-
leased to others. Moreover, the wives of 4 of these men had outside
interests or employments from which they earned $1,258.
The surplus and deficit of 69 of these men for the year 1908, after
living and incidental expenses incurred by them and their families in
this country were met, are shown in General Table 48. Nine had
neither surplus nor deficit for the year, 7 incurred a deficit, while 53
had a surplus. The amount of deficit varied from $20 to $500, ag-
gregated $1,645, and averaged $236.29 per man. The surplus of 53
reporting the amounts varied from $50 to $3,000, aggregated
$35,706, and averaged $673.70 per man. Of 60 reporting the amount
of surplus or deficit for the year 43 had a surplus of $250 or more,
26 of these of $500 or more, 11 of $1,000 or more, and 2 of more than
$2,500. (General Table 49.)
48296°— VOL 23—11 1§
264 The Immigration Commission.
Twenty-nine of 77 business men sent money abroad during the
year 1908. The total amount sent was $9,346, or an average of
$322.28 for each man sending money to Japan. Of the total amount
sent $1,580 was for safe-keeping or investment, the remainder for use
by their families or relatives. As against this $9,346 sent abroad
$27,120 was retained in the United States. Of this total $1,150 was
invested by 3 men in farm land, $350 in city real estate, $1,735 was
used to pay debts earlier incurred, $7,260 added by 11 to the capital
employed in the business conducted, $11,380 was deposited in the
bank, and $5,245 otherwise invested, loaned to friends, or in hand.
PERSONAL DATA RELATING TO EMPLOYEES OF JAPANESE BUSINESS MEN.
Data relating to the same points as covered by the investigation of
business men were secured from only 25 of their employees. Though
the number is too small for statistical purposes, some of the data are
indicative of the differences and similarities between them and their
employers.
As regards length of time in the United States, the employees have
come more recently, as indicated by the fact that only 3 of them had
been in the United States as long as ten years and none of them as
long as fifteen years. (General Table 55.) They came from the
same classes. Only 4 were 30 years of age or over, and only 7 others
were 25 years of age or over at the time they arrived in the conti-
nental United States. Four came from Hawaii. Of the others, 3
had engaged in business on their own account, 6 had been working
for their fathers on the farm, 3 had been wage-earners in city trades,
1 had been store help, while 7 had had no occupation in Japan.
(General Table 46.) Only 3 had as much as $150 upon their arrival
in the United States (General Table 45) and all became wage-
earners in this country. Like the majority of the men engaged in
business, the majority of them engaged in occupations controlled by
Japanese labor agents. Eight were first employed as farm hands, 7
as domestics, and 4 as railroad laborers, while the remaining 6 found
employment in other occupations. (General Table 46.)
The rates of wages in different occupations have been noted earlier
in this report. The number of months employed and the earnings in
1908, without reference to the various occupations in which the men
were engaged, are shown in General Table 65. All but one man had
been employed at least ten months, and 18 had been employed twelve
months during the year. The yearly earnings of 13, with board and
lodging, varied from $250 to $1,800. The earnings of 12, without
board, but usually with lodging, from $270 to $1,200. The median
earnings for the two groups were $350 and $400, respectively. Of 23
reporting, 4 had neither surplus nor deficit for the year, while 19 had
a surplus varying from $50 to $550. The average amount was
$245.53, the median $250. (General Tables 48 and 49.) Both incomes
and surplus are very much less than those reported for men engaged
in business on their own accounts. In this fact is found one reason
why many have been eager to engage in business for themselves. A
larger percentage of the employees sent money abroad during the
year, but in smaller sums, the total amount sent by 14 being $1,845, or
an average of $131.78 each, as against $322.28 sent by proprietors.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 265
Of this amount sent, $70 was deposited in banks, $200 invested in
land, while the remainder was for the use of parents and other rela-
tives. As against this, $3,260 was retained in the United States, $630
being loaned, $500 used for paying debts earlier incurred in business
ventures, and the remainder — $2,130 — deposited in the bank or in
hand. A larger percentage of the gains were sent abroad by the
employees than by their employers.
As would be expected, because of difference in economic status,
incomes, and disposition of their gains, the employees have much less
property than the business men as a class. The average amount of
property of the business men, indebtedness deducted, was $2,086.77.
Of the 25 employees, 4 had no property, 10 less than $250, 9 had $250
but less than $500, while 2 had $500 and $800, respectively. The
average amount was $232. (General Tables 47 and 50.)
SOCIOLOGICAL DATA.
Personal data relating to 173 Japanese and Japanese- Americans
and general data relating to Japanese social, educational, and re-
ligious institutions in Scramento were obtained.
Of the 173 persons, 25 were male wage-earners, 148 were business
men and the members of their families in the United States. Of
this latter number, 37 were children under 16 years of age. There
were 36 females 16 years of age or over, 34 of whom were the wives
of business men, one a widow, and one a single woman. There were
100 males 16 years of age or over, 75 of whom were members of the
business class, 25 of the wage-earning class. Of the former, 42 were
married, one widowed, and 32 single; of the latter, 4 were married
and 21 single. Thirty-four of the wives of the business men lived
with their husbands, two lived elsewhere in the United States, and
six abroad. The four wives of wage-earners had all remained in
their native land. (General Tables 51, 52, 53, and 54.) Of the 42
business men, 13 have married in the United States, 6 have returned
to Japan and married there, while 21 ° were married in Japan before
migrating to the United States. Ten of the last-mentioned number
brought their wives with them when they immigrated to this country,
while the other wives residing in this country have joined their hus-
bands more recently after they had become established in business and
could make suitable provision for them. (General Table 53.)
As is indicated by the presence of six-sevenths of the wives of the
Japanese business men, many of them expect to remain long, if not
permanently, in the United States. Of the 75 from whom data
were secured, 31 stated that they expect to reside here permanently,
30 that they expect sooner or later to return to their native land, while
the remaining 14 are in doubt as to what they will eventually do. A
much smaller percentage of the wage-earners — most of whom are
younger, have been in this country for a shorter time and are un-
married— on the other hand, nave decided to become permanent resi-
dents of the United States. Of the 25, 6 expect to do so, 15 to return
to Japan, while 4 are in doubt. These answers of course are not
0 Place of marriage of two whose wives are now in the United States was not
ascertained.
266 The Immigration Commission.
to be accepted as having any degree of finality, but as merely indicat-
ing the probability of a large number permanently settling in this
country.
Few of the Japanese families occupy houses or cottages used only
as residences. The vast majority of the business men, their families
and employees live in the structures used for business purposes. A
much smaller number live at lodging houses. The character of the
tenements occupied in connection with the business conducted and of
the lodging houses has been discussed earlier in this report. Their
method of living is in striking contrast to that of the natives and
well-assimilated immigrants with families, but not unlike that of the
Chinese, Greeks, and other foreign-born races who engage in trade
or are single men and have not as yet been assimilated.
The cost of food and drink was ascertained for 52 Japanese groups,
containing 92 members. Proprietors of restaurants, lodging houses,
or other business in which the cost of food and drink either could
not be easily segregated or estimated with a fair degree of accuracy,
together with the members of their households, have been eliminated
from the computation. The cost per person was estimated as less
than $6 per month by 9, $6 but less than $7 by 11, $7 but less than
$8 by 14, $8 but less than $9 by 9, $9 but less than $10 by 9, $10 but
less than $12 by 17, $12 but less than $14 by 3, and $14 or over by 20.
The average cost for the men, women, and children 2 years of age
or over was $8.32 each.
All but 3 of the 76 business men, 31 of the 36 women who were
members of their households, and all of the 25 wage-earners were
literate. Thus 129, or 93 per cent, of the 137 Japanese immigrants
from whom data were obtained were literate. (General Table 59.)
Seventy -five of 76 males (over 14 years of age) engaged in business
can speak English. So can 23 of 25 persons employed by them from
whom information was obtained. In many cases this knowledge of
English has been gained by attending classes or mission night schools
in this country. Several, however, have belonged to the " student
class " and have acquired a knowledge of our language by attending
other institutions of learning. Less than one-half of the women and
foreign-born girls, on the other hand, can speak English. Of 24
who have been in this country less than five years, 11 speak Eng-
lish ; of 12 who have been here from five to nine years, 6 ; of 2 who
have been here ten years or over, neither speak English. This differ-
ence between the sexes is explained partly by the difference in the
length of time they have resided in this country, but chiefly by the
fact that the females have seldom been members of classes for the
study of English and have not come into contact with persons of
other races to the same extent as the members of the male sex.
(General Tables 58 and 62.)
As would be expected, a very much smaller percentage of the Japa-
nese read and write than speak English. Yet of 76 business men.
42 can both read and write the language. So can 14 of the 25 em-
ployees from whom data were secured. Thus of 101 Japanese men,
98 can speak and 56 can read and write English. The women again
stand in contrast, for while 15 of 36 can speak only 3, or 1 in 12, can
read and write the English language. (General Table 62.)
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 267
The families of Japanese investigated had few children of school
age. (General Table 63.) Fifteen of the 47° married men had no
offspring. This large percentage of families without children is
accounted for partly by the fact that a few of the marriages took
place only a year or two ago, but chiefly by the fact that most of the
Japanese in this country have not been leading a normal family life.
Many of the husbands and wives have been separated for years, and
a large percentage of the latter have been gainfully employed. The
remaining 32 families had 70 offspring all told. Of these, 37 were
in the United States, and of these all but 5 were native-born. Six-
teen were in Japan with their mothers, 2 were married and abroad,
while 13 had been left by their parents with relatives in Japan to
be educated. Few of the Japanese bring their children with them
to this country; the majority of their offspring born abroad are left
with their grandparents or other relatives to receive their schooling
before they leave their native land. The foreign-born and the native-
born of school age and many of the older girls in this country, how-
ever, attend the public schools. The Japanese accept the educational
opportunities offered and the children are regular in their attendance.
All of the public schools of Sacramento are freely open to Japanese
children of school age. At the time of the agent's investigation, 64
Japanese all told were attending the different educational institutions
of the city. Forty-six of these (34 males and 12 females, ranging
from 7 to 13 years of age) were attending the Lincoln Primary School.
Eight more were attending the Chinese department of the same
school. These 8 were all males ranging from 16 to 22 years of age.
Six males from 12 to 22 years of age were at the Harkness Grammar
School, while 1 male of 17 was attending the Sacramento Grammar
School. Two males aged 18 and 20, respectively, were attending the
Sacramento High School. Finally, 1 male, 4 years of age, was attend-
ing the kindergarten at the Lincoln school mentioned above.
That nearly all of these students attend the Lincoln Primary School
is explained by the fact that it is located very close to the " Japanese
quarter," and that the Japanese maintain a supplementary school close
to the Lincoln School — a school to which these Japanese pupils repair
for further instruction at the close of the regular school day at 3 p. m.
That only 2 Japanese are attending the Sacramento High School is
due largely to the fact that those who attend high school usually go
to some place near a university, and chiefly San Francisco. The Lin-
coln School maintains a Chinese department in which are found those
students who attend school more or less irregularly or who are too old
for the regular primary grades and those who do not have a sufficient
knowledge of English to attend the regular grammar grades and the
high school.
The Japanese supplementary school, referred to above, is conducted
by the Buddhist Mission. It is supported by the mission board and
the Buddhist churches in Japan. However, it is not intended to give
religious instruction. These children are taught Japanese history and
geography and to read and write the language of their parents.
Some of the children at the supplementary school are boarders,
while others come from their homes in Sacramento. All of the
• Including 1 man whose wife had died.
The Immigration Commission.
children go to the public school during the regular hours and then
the supplementary school from 3 to 5 p. m. Those who do not board
pay 50 cents per month tuition, while the 27 who do board at the
school pay this tuition fee and $7.50 per month for thoir maintenance.
In connection with this school it is interesting to note that of the -J7
boarding pupils, 10 were born in Hawaii and 11 in Japan. More-
over, the interest of the Japanese in the education of their children,
especially in their native language and history, is indicated by the
fact that 0 of these boarders are children of fanners leasing about
Florin, Acampo, Isleton, Courtland, Wheathuul, and Oak Park: one
is the son of a Stockton grocer and another the son of a Marysville
restaurant keeper. The remaining 10 are the children of scattered
farm hands employed in various localities.
Something should be said, too. concerning the classes conducted for
teaching English to adult males. There are four of these. They are
conducted by the Buddhist Mission, the Episcopal Mission, the Meth-
odist Mission, and the Independent Mission. These classes are for
the teaching of English to aclult males exclusively, and most of these
men belong to the laboring classes. Some of the teachers are Ameri-
cans, while some are Japanese. It was found assary tor them to
work together in order to get good results. English is taught to these
adults by instructing them in reading, grammar, composition, and
conversation. Each of these evening schools has from 20 to ;>0 pupils
during the winter sessions. At the time of the investigation the work
had closed in all of the schools save that conducted by the Buddhist
Mission.
Closely related to the matters just discussed is that of newspapers
and periodicals taken by the Japanese. These are also indicative of
the standard of living and culture and of the interest- of the members
of this race. Of 56 households from which data were obtained all
but one subscribed for one or more publications. Six subscribed for
1 publication only, 7 for 2, 9 for 3, 17 for 4, 6 for 5, 5 for 6, 3 for 7,
1 for 9, and 1 for 10. Eighteen, or slightly less than one-third of
the entire number, subscribed for publications in English, while all
but one (exclusive of the one with no publication) had one or more
publications in their native language. A large number of subscribers
are found for the Japanese paper locally published and the four pub-
lished in San Francisco, a small number for the local papers printed
in English and magazines published in Japan, and a few for such
weeklies as Collier's.
The Japanese investigated were found to have membership in a
great variety of organisations — most of them exclusively Japanese
in membership. Their trade organizations have already been dis-
cussed. They have four missions— the Buddhist, Methodist, the
Christian, and the Independent Thirtv-five of 101 males were mem-
bers of some one of these. Of the 35 all Tout 5 were Buddhists. Fort y-
nine of the 101 are members of the Japanese Association of Amer-
ica — most of them of the Sacramento branch. Twenty-six are mem-
bers of prefectural societies. Eight of these were represented, which
shows that these immigrants had come from many different provinces
of Japan. Through 5ie Japanese Association and the various pre-
fectural societies the Japanese further the general interests of their
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 200
race and care for those who may be in need of assistance. Eight of
the 101 men from whom data were collected were members of a uni-
versity or students' club — a fact indicative of the large percentage
of educated men found among the Japanese of the business class.
O.m: man was a member of an association for industrial concilia-
tion. Finally, three were members of the Sacramento Grocers1
Union — a general organization of the large grocers of the city —
while an equal number were members of the chamber of commerce.
Aside from the last three instances and the students9 organizations, in
so far as was ascertained, the Japanese are not members of organiza-
tions having white persons as members. They are not admitted to
membership in American fraternal organizations.
CHAPTER V.
JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN WASH-
INGTON, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO SEATTLE.
[For General Tables, see pp. 382 to 395.]
JAPANESE IN CITIES OTHER THAN SEATTLE.
To supply the needs of their countrymen, Japanese tradesmen,
using the term in a broad sense, are found in all of the cities and
towns in or near which Japanese find employment. In many of
these places some Japanese conduct business for " white trade " as
well, while others engage in domestic and personal service. First in
point of development and importance are those in Seattle. Because
of that fact an intensive study of the work and business of the Jap-
anese was made in that city. Before presenting the results of the
study, however, something should be said of these matters in cities
of less importance.
Tacoma was formerly the headquarters for many railroad laborers
and sawmill hands. The Japanese consulate was also located there
from 1895 to 1899, when it was removed to Seattle. These facts
caused Tacoma to be an important place from which Japanese goods
were supplied to Japanese laborers who used imported goods almost
exclusively. In that city many of the Japanese laborers were pro-
vided with shelter, food, and amusements while not at work on the
railroads or elsewhere. Finally, the offices of a few professional men
supplying the needs of Japanese were located there. It was not until
recent years, however, that any special attention was given to the
American trade. Nor has Japanese business of this kind? save that
of the restaurants serving American meals, laundries, tailor shops,
and barber shops, assumed much importance. The number of estab-
lishments conducted by Japanese in 1905 and 1909 are shown in the
table below (Table 6). It has been impossible to get accurate figupes
for any earlier year.
TABLE 6. — Number of establishments in Tacoma, Wash., conducted by Japanese
in 1905-1909.
Kinds of business.
Number.
Kinds of business.
Number.
1905.
1909.
1905.
1909.
Industrial companies
1
2
None.
None.
3
3
4
2
3
3
1
3
5
8
5
7
Laundries . . .....
3
2
2
1
None.
None.
Tailor shops
Bath houses
Barber shops ...
Expressmen
Billiard halls
Japanese curio stores
Fruit, tobacco, and cigar stands . .
TCrnployment offices
Hotels and rooming nouses
Restaurants:
Serving American meals
Serving Japanese meals
271
272 The Immigration Commission.
The 6 laundries do a general business for both the Japanese and
white races and employ about 75 men. The 3 tailor shops, cleaning
and repairing suits for the most part, employ 15. The 5 restaurants
serving American meals employ 40 persons and are well patronized.
The 9 barber shops have 20 chairs all told. The 5 curio stores have
20 employees. The other establishments are small and give employ-
ment to about 30 people.
The employment office supplies domestic servants chiefly, while one
of the industrial companies has the contract for supplying laborers
to the Milwaukee, St. Paul and Puget Sound Kailway. Another is
interested principally in arranging for the leasing of agricultural
land to Japanese.
Some 150 Japanese are working in families and hotels as cooks and
domestic servants. They constitute a very small percentage of the
persons so employed.
There are two Japanese missions and the usual Japanese associa-
tion. The purpose of the latter is to protect and promote the in-
terests of the Japanese race. The association has about 80 members,
most of whom are business men and farmers. Two Japanese physi-
cians are practicing among their countrymen.
Spokane is the center or the labor market for most of that part of
the State lying east of the Cascades. As would be expected under
the circumstances, many employment agents, boarding houses, restau-
rants, and barber shops have been established to meet the needs of a
large floating population of common laborers. The Italian shops
seem to be in the majority, but there are many conducted by Greeks,
Austrians, and Japanese. Those conducted by Japanese are as
follows :
Restaurants serving American meals 11
Restaurants serving Japanese meals 4
Grocery stores, selling American goods chiefly 5
Barber shops, patronized largely by white persons 5
Hand laundries, patronized largely by white persons 3
Steam laundry, employing 12 men 1
Tailors, doing cleaning and pressing 2
Dry goods merchants, doing general business 3
Bazaars and curio shops, selling Japanese goods to white persons almost
exclusively 2
Pool rooms, patronized by Japanese chiefly 2
Hotels and lodging houses for Japanese 7
With the exception of the curio and dry-goods shops, these estab-
lishments are located in a district of some 12 blocks given over to
immigrant laborers of various races.
The small grocery stores, cheap restaurants, small barber shops, and
little tailor shops compare favorably with those conducted by the im-
migrant white men, with whose shops they are interspersed. Their
business is with the same class of people, most of them immigrant
laborers. The prices charged are the same as those charged by their
competitors in that section of the city.
A number of Japanese in Spokane are employed in domestic serv-
ice and as porters and other help about the hotels, restaurants, saloons,
and clubs. They have recently entered these lines of employment and
are now only a small percentage of the total number of persons so
engaged.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 273
In Bellingham there are, besides 3 hotels for Japanese, a restau-
rant, 3 tailor shops, 3 laundries, 2 barber shops, and 2 stores which
compete for "American trade." It is stated that the competition
of the Japanese in and near " Old Town " (the poorer quarter) is
strongly felt by white restaurant keepers, barbers, and cleaning
and dyeing establishments. This is particularly true of the cleaning
and dyeing trades, in which, by cutting prices, the Japanese have se-
cured most of the trade. Many Japanese are employed as domestics
and as porters and bell boys in hotels.
Of the smaller cities in the interior of the State, Wenatchee and
North Yakima are the only ones in which any considerable number
of Japanese are engaged in business or domestic and personal serv-
ice. In the latter city there are, in addition to a hotel, a restaurant
and a billiard parlor for Japanese patrons, a laundry and 3 restau-
rants for white people, but the competition of the restaurants alone
has been seriously felt. About 30 Japanese are engaged in personal
and domestic service. The situation is much the same at Wenatchee.
where there are 2 Japanese restaurants serving American meals and
1 Japanese laundry.
THE JAPANESE IN SEATTLE HISTORICAL,
In 1884 there were 4 or 5 Japanese in Seattle, all employed in res-
taurants or hotels. During the following year one opened a restau-
rant for American patronage. In 1886 another opened a lodging
house, which was patronized mainly by white laborers. A year later
25 Japanese came from California, one of them opening a second res-
taurant. In 1888 more came from San Francisco, and the number of
restaurants, all patronized by white laborers, increased to 4. A bath-
house, a laundry, and a small general store for the sale of Japanese
wares were opened during the same year. At that time the Japanese
population aggregated about 100.
By 1894 the number of Japanese had increased to about 400 and
the number of places of business to 10. There were 6 restaurants
serving American meals; 2 general stores selling Japanese goods to
Japanese chiefly ; 1 bamboo-furniture store ; and 1 barber shop, bath,
and laundry, the 3 combined under one management.
Shortly after this the Japanese population of the State increased
rapidly as a result of the establishment of direct steamship connec-
tion between the Orient and Seattle, the discovery of gold in Alaska,
and the employment of Japanese by the railroad companies. The
increase in the number of Japanese in Seattle was equally rapid. The
number reported by the census of 1900 was 2,990. During the same
time the number of business places conducted by that race increased
to about 50. Many of them — especially the employment offices, the
lodging houses, some of the restaurants, and barber shops — were estab-
lished to answer the needs of the large Japanese colony in the city.
The number of places devoted to each kind of business conducted is
shown in the accompanying table (Table 7), which indicates the
various kinds of business engaged in by Japanese in 1888, 1894, 1900,
1905, and in the spring of 1909.
274
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 7. — Growth of Japanese business in Seattle, 1888 to 1909.
Business.
1888.
1894.
1900.
1905.
1909.
Newspapers and periodicals
3
12
Banks
1
3
Employment offices
3
5
17
Hotel and rooming houses
8
42
72
Crockery and curio stores
8
6
12
Grocery and provision scores
1
2
16
26
Watch and jewelry stores
4
7
Printing establishments
4
7
Tailor and dye shops
4
12
45
Shoe stores and shoe repairing shops
2
5
Restaurants, American meals
4
6
10
21
36
Restaurants, Japanese meals
3
22
51
Japanese cake stores
3
5
Liquor dealers
1
2
Fish dealers
2
5
Barber shops «
»i
12
35
64
Baths a
1
ol
16
26
Laundries <*
1
a 1
1
20
37
Express . . .
1
4
10
Book and drug stores
4
Billiard and pool halls a
25
Furniture stores
i
P hotographers
2
5
Miscellaneous ...
12
20
Total
7
12
50
233
496
* Barber shops, baths, laundries, and billiard and pool halls are frequently under one management.
The number of places of business is therefore somewhat smaller than the totals given.
The increase of the Japanese population (and of the total) since
1900 has been very great, and the increase of business done by them
still greater. From 2,990 Japanese returned for Seattle by the cen-
sus for 1900, the number of that race residing in Seattle all or most
of the year had increased to about 4,500 in 1908. The number of
places of business conducted by Japanese increased from 50 in
1900 to 233 in 1905 and to 496 in the spring of 1909. The number
of places already conducting the kinds of business which had been
engaged in greatly increased, while many new kinds were established.
All of this is shown by the table presented above.
With the increasing Japanese population, many have found em-
ployment as domestics, store " help," restaurant " help," bell boys,
and in other callings.
JAPANESE EMPLOYED BY WHITE PERSONS.
Altogether, more than 2,400 Japanese are more or less regularly
employed by white people. Some 1,600 more are employed in the
various business enterprises conducted by Japanese. Of professional
men, and men, women, and children without occupation, there are in
normal times perhaps some 500.
Taking up the first-mentioned class for discussion, the 2,400 are
distributed as follows :
(1) Domestics in private families, about 1,200.
(2) Cooks and waiters on board ships, some 300.
(3) Restaurant and hotel "help" and bell boys in hotels and clubs, some
400.
(4) Attendants in barrooms, some 200.
(5) Porters and miscellaneous employees in white stores, at least 300.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 275
A few are employed in other capacities, but they are not of so much
importance as those specified.0 Any persons so engaged should be
added to the number reported above to get the approximate number
of Japanese employed in Seattle by white persons.
Because of the nature of domestic service, it is difficult to ascertain
very accurately the total number of persons so employed, the wages
the different races have been paid, and the effect of such competition
as may have existed between them. The Japanese have been employed
as domestics for several years, at first at somewhat lower wages than
are now paid. The work is shared by these Japanese men (few
Japanese women being so employed) and white women, a large per-
centage of whom are Scandinavian immigrants or of Scandinavian
extraction. The Japanese constitute a minority of the persons so
employed,6 and the wages they command are about the same as are
paid to others of equal efficiency. The average wage of Japanese
cooks is $35, of other domestics $27 or $28 per month, with board and
lodging. Some 300 of the total of 1,200 Japanese in domestic serv-
ice are " school boys " — young men who work a few hours per day for
board and lodging and a little money (frequently $1.50 per week)
while attending school.
About 300 hundred Japanese men who make their headquarters in
Seattle are employed as cooks and waiters on ships on Puget Sound.
The wages of stewards are from $70 to $90, of cooks from $50 to $75,
of waiters from $25 to $50, and board.
According to the secretary of the Cooks and Waiters' Union of
Seattle, the great majority of the kitchen employees in restaurants
and hotels are now Japanese. The displacement has been fairly
general, though by no means complete. From data collected from
such of these employees as live in lodging houses it was found that
their wages are usually $10, less frequently $11, $12, or $13 per
week (of seven days), with board included. It is asserted that
there is no longer any regular scale for white employees engaged in
this line of work, but from the data collected the wages of this class
are about the same as or a little higher than those paid to Japanese.
The change of races is explained by the fact that reliable white per-
sons have found it easy to secure more remunerative and agreeable
employment, while the Japanese, being more regular in their work,
more willing to work long hours, and more easily secured when
needed, have been preferred by the employers to the less desirable
class of white persons available.
Japanese have not been employed as cooks or waiters in the hotels
and white restaurants. The one trade requires skill, the other a
good knowledge of English, while both are well organized. The
combined influence of these factors has sufficiently protected the
white employees.
a Among these are some 10 Japanese women employed in an establishment
devoted to the manufacture of cloth gloves.
&The Census for 1900, Occupations, pp. 732-733, reported 1,217 female ser-
vants and waitresses in Seattle. With the growth of population the number
has increased several fold. Of the 1,217 reported, 408 were native-born of
native parents, 290 were native-born of foreign-born parents, and 466 were
foreign-born whites, chiefly Germans and Scandinavians.
276 The Immigration Commission.
Many of the hotels, however, employ Japanese bell boys. Perhaps
Japanese working in this capacity are almost as numerous as the
other classes taken collectively. Such employment is of compara-
tively recent date. In some instance negroes, in others — and more
frequently — white boys, have been displaced. The displacement ap-
pears to have been due to difficulties met with in securing a reliable
class of young men for such work, rather than to a desire to econo-
mize in wages. The Japanese are paid from $15 to $25 per month,
and from " tips " they frequently receive as much as $30 more.
The Japanese have come to predominate also as " helpers " in bar-
rooms, clubs, and other places where liquors are sold, and for rea-
sons much the same as those which have led to their employment in
domestic service. They serve as porters, cleaners, and waiters, and
are paid $10, $12, or $14 per week — wages which are too small to
attract reliable men of other races.
Japanese porters are very generally found in the larger stores in
the better shopping district. At least 300 are now so employed.
In most places they have been given employment in recent years,
when with the growth of the city it has been difficult to secure re-
sponsible men to serve in such capacities at the wages which have
been paid. It was both difficult to get and to keep good white em-
ployees for such work. The Japanese, on the other hand, were made
available through the employment agencies and were less prone to
change employers. Their wages vary from $9 to $14 and average
between $11 and $12 per week.
These are the most important occupations in establishments con-
ducted by white proprietors in which Japanese are engaged as wage-
earners. Combining employers and employees, there are some 1,600
more engaged in business conducted by Japanese — some 150 in hotels
and rooming houses, 110 in tailor shops, 143 in barber shops, 210 in
restaurants serving American meals, 250 in restaurants serving Jap-
anese meals, 200 in laundries, 80 in grocery and provision stores,
150 in Japanese curio and general stores, and some 310 in various
other kinds of business. The classes so employed may be discussed
in connection with the business they conduct.
THE JAPANESE DISTRICT IN SEATTLE.
Until about 1900 the Japanese colony in Seattle centered at King
street and Second avenue, the older business portion of the city.
More recently, as the colony has grown and its business expanded,
the center has moved eastward, where rent is lower; at present it is
at Seventh avenue and Main street. Few establishments are located
west of Third avenue or east of Thirteenth avenue, while few are
located north of Yesler way or south of Dearborn street. The
boundaries thus indicated inclose about 50 blocks. Nearly 20 of
these, however, are now unoccupied, because of the prosecution of
extensive improvements involving the cutting down of the hills,
while in the remaining 30 about two-thirds of the houses are occupied
by white people, largely European immigrants of the newer type.
There are no solidly built blocks, such are found in a " Chinatown,"
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 277
occupied by Japanese. But the boundaries set by the streets men-
tioned are somewhat arbitrary. Beyond them, however, there are
few Japanese restaurants, lodging houses, tailor shops, and residences.
In this district most of the Japanese immigrants live and have their
places of business.
From the European immigrants living in the territory just indi-
cated most of the white patrons of Japanese establishments are drawn.
The more important exceptions are those who patronize laundries,
these living in all parts of the city; those who patronize the restau-
rants near stores and industrial establishments, to which men come
from different parts of the city to perform their labor ; and those in
search of " bargains " in clothing, curios, and other things.
Most of the streets of the district in which the Japanese live are
either unpaved or poorly paved, and most of the sidewalks are of
wood and in a bad state of repair. Most of the buildings are one, two,
or three story frame structures in poor condition. Here the Japanese
and a large proportion of the recent European immigrants, those
from north Europe excepted, live — many of them in the rear of or
over the offices or small stores they or others conduct.
Of the business indicated in Table 7, page 274, much is conducted
for Japanese almost or quite exclusively. This is true of the publi-
cation of newspapers, the banking establishments, the employment
agencies, the bookstores, and the restaurants serving Japanese meals.
The same is true of some of the general stores, drug stores, groceries,
liquor dealers, job-printing establishments, photograph galleries,
and billiard parlors and pool rooms. To these the expressmen and
lodging houses may be added, for most of their patrons are Japanevse.
On the other hand, the tailors, curio dealers, watchmakers, dyers, shoe
repairers, fish markets, restaurants serving American meals, barber
shops, and laundries have as their patrons a very large percentage of
white people. The competition of the Japanese in several of these
lines has been sufficient to give their white competitors serious concern.
LAUNDRIES.
Though the Japanese started a laundry in Seattle in 1888, only
one was reported as being conducted by them in 1900. More re-
cently many have been established. In 1905 there were 20; in 1909,
37. Six of these, representing the different types, and 4 white laun-
dries were investigated in detail by an agent of the commission. The
data relating to the amount of capital employed, the value of annual
transactions, rent, and the race of patrons are presented in General
Table 66, page 383.
Most of the white laundries in Seattle are large. They employ a
great deal of capital and many laborers and have large gross earnings
from the business transacted! Most of the Japanese laundries, on
the other hand, are small. Of the 20 in existence in 1905, 13 were
connected with Japanese bathhouses and washed few clothes other
than those left by persons (chiefly Japanese) who take baths. Of
the 37 now in existence, 21 are of the same kind, and the vast ma-
jority of their patrons are Japanese. Of the 16 laundries not con-
nected with bathhouses, one employs more than 40 persons, two others
278 The Immigration Commission.
about 30 each, and a fourth 15. The remaining 12 are for the most
part " hand laundries," employing on the average 8 persons each. It
is with these 16 laundries, some large, others small, that the white
laundries compete. Only one of the white laundries investigated had
Japanese and Chinese patrons, and these were few. Of the Japanese
hand laundries investigated, 2 reported 90 per cent each, another
80 per cent of their patrons as being white people, the others Jap-
anese and (in one case) Chinese. The percentages of the white
patrons of the 3 Japanese steam laundries investigated were 65, 70,
and 90, respectively.
Two of the Japanese laundries employ white collectors. In this
way they doubtless secure some white patrons who do not know
that the laundries are conducted by Asiatics. However, most of
the patronage secured by the Japanese laundries is accounted for on
economic grounds. Their prices are generally lower than those
charged by their white competitors.
The vast majority of the Japanese proprietors are members of a
union which they have organized. While the standard price charged
by white laundries for laundering plain shirts is 12i cents; washing
undershirts and drawers, 12 cents each; handkerchiefs, 3 cents; and
socks, 5 cents per pair ; the Japanese union prices are 10, 7-|, 2, and
3 cents, respectively. The one nonunion laundry investigated made
some further reductions. Furthermore, the majority of the Japanese
laundry slips employed carry the note, " Goods buttoned and mended
free of charge." But on items other than those specified the prices
charged are the same. Both white and Japanese laundries have the
standard prices of 5 cents for cuffs per pair, 3 cents each for collars,
and 10 cents for nightgowns.
They usually also have the same rates printed on laundry slips for
various kinds of household linen. These rates have little signifi-
cance, however, for most such work is done for hotels, restaurants,
saloons, and barber shops, and, whether by white laundries or Jap-
anese, is done at prices agreed upon between the parties concerned.
It is in such work — " soft washing " — that the Japanese have been
most successful in gaining business at the expense of their white
competitors. One laundry firm states that of " 50 hotels and lodg-
ing houses on our books a few years ago we now have only 10 ; Jap-
anese have the rest." The various Japanese proprietors state that
they give from 10 to 30 per cent discount on "soft wash in bulk,"
discounts sufficient to more than offset those given by their rivals.
Besides the two white men employed as collectors, working on
commission, five white women were found working in a Japanese
laundry as ironers. This employment of white ironers is excep-
tional, however. The other employees were all Japanese, and chiefly
men. The races employed by three of the four American laundries
investigated are shown in the first of the two tables following. These
give the rate of earnings of those employed in the establishments
conducted by the two races.
Japanese in City Employments and Business.
279
TABLE 8.— Number of employees in three American laundries in Seattle earning
each specified amount per day, by sex and general nativity and race.
MALE.
General nativity and race.
Number earning each specified amount per day without board or
lodging.
Total.
Under
$1.10.
$1.10
and
under
$1.25.
$1.25
and
under
$1.40.
$1.40
and
under
$1.55.
$1.55
and
under
$1.70.
$1.70
and
under
$1.85.
$1.85
and
under
$2.
$2 or
over.
Native-born of native father,
White
2
2
24
28
1
3
1
2
1
9
1
Foreign-born:
1
English
3
1
2
9
1
Flemish
Hebrew
Scandinavian
Swedish .. .
Total
2
1
2
41
46
FEMALE.
Native-born of native father,
White
8
9
22
25
14
5
2
14
99
Foreign-born:
Armenian ....
1
1
Australian
1
1
Bulgarian .............
1
1
Canadian
1
1
2
2
ft
Danish
1
1
Finnish .....
1
1
Flemish
1
1
2
French ... .
1
1
German
1
1
2
Iceland ......... .
1
1
Irish
1
1
2
4
Italian
2
2
Norwegian .......
1
2
2
2
1
g
Swedish
1
2
1
4
Total
9
12
33
30
24
7
2
17
134
All employees ............
11
12
34
32
24
7
2
^
1180
TABLE 0. — Number of Japanese employees a in Japanese laundries in Seattle
earning each specified amount per day, by sex.
Sex.
Number earning each specified amount per day with board and
lodging.
Total.
Under
$1.10.
$1.10
and
under
$1.25.
$1.25
and
under
$1.40.
$1.40
and
under
$1.55.
$1.55
and
under
$1.70.
$1.70
and
under
$1.85.
$1.85
and
under
$2.
$2 or
over.
Male
6
7
17
8
16
2
2
1
52
7
Female
Total
13
17
8
16
2
2
1
59
The two native white men employed earned $2 or over per day, while one woman earned $1.25, three
per day. They did not receive board or lodging.
$1.50, and one $2
48296°— VOL 23—11
19
280 The Immigration Commission.
The first of these tables shows that of 180 employees reported 127
were native whites. The only large element among the foreign-born
consisted of Scandinavians, and numbered all told 24 persons. No
Japanese were employed in laundries conducted by white proprietors.
One hundred and thirty-four of the 180 were women, while 46 were
men.
The white laundry proprietors do not provide their employees with
board and lodging. Of 46 men, 41 earned $2 or over per day, 2 be-
tween $1.40 and $1.55, 1 between $1.25 and $1.40, 2 less than $1.10.
Of the 134 women, only 17 earned more than $2 and only 26 more
than $1.70 per day (54 from $1.40 to $1.70 per day). Fifty-four, or
two-fifths of the total number, earned less than $1.40. In some laun-
dries the employees worked fifty-five, in others sixty hours per week.
The earnings given are, therefore, for approximately a nine or a
ten hour day.
The Japanese laundry workers all received board and lodging in
addition to wages. The system of " living in " obtains, the employees
usually, but not always, living in the building housing the business.
Of the Japanese males only three earned $1.70 or over per day,
twenty-one $1.40 or over. The Japanese laundries run regularly
sixty-six or sixty-nine hours per week. In other words, if overtime
is excepted, they have an eleven or an eleven and one-half hour day.
The board and lodging provided the Japanese hands should be
reckoned at a little less than 30 cents per day. A wage of $1.40 paid
by the Japanese proprietor corresponds closely, therefore, to a wage
of $1.70 paid by the white competitor. Reckoning thus, it is possible
to compare the earnings of the two races. Comparing Japanese men
and women and white men and women it is found that 64.4 per cent
of the former and 62.8 per cent of the latter earned, in effect, less
than $1.70 per day. Japanese men and women earning less than
$1.40 do about the same work as the white women employed in white
laundries. Their wages (per day) are not very different, but the
wages per hcur of the white women are considerably higher. It
should be added, also, that the wages per day of Japanese in the
higher occupations are less than those paid white men doing the
same kind of work. The differences in wages per hour are still
greater. It follows, therefore, that unless there is a considerable
difference in the efficiency of the two races, the labor cost in the
Japanese laundries is less than in the laundries conducted by their
competitors.
According to the data given in General Table 66, both white and
Japanese proprietors are making good profits. The rates of profit
on the capital invested in three white laundries conducted by Ameri-
cans were in 1908, 13.3, 12, and 30 per cent, those of the larger Japa-
nese laundries, where the manual labor of the proprietor was not
important, 20 and 16.8 per cent.
It is stated that an effort has been made by the " Anti- Jap Laundry
League " of San Francisco to organize a similar institution in Seattle
to prevent the further increase of Japanese laundries and to check
the growth of their business, but no organization has as yet been
effected. There is, however, a general feeling among laundry pro-
prietors in favor of effecting such an organization if the number of
Japanese laundries continues to increase.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 281
TAILOB SHOPS.
The first tailor shop conducted bv Japanese was started in 1894 or
1895. In 1900 there were 4; in 1905, 12; in 1909, 45. Most of them
are small. Only 5 employ more than 5 tailors, and few have an in-
vested capital of more than $1,000. Of the 45 about one-half do
cleaning and pressing chiefly.
Seven of these 45 Japanese establishments and 5 conducted by
white men in the same district were investigated in detail. Of the
latter, one was conducted by a Scandinavian, three by Russian He-
brews, and one by a native American.
All of the establishments investigated did some tailoring, but most
of them did repairing, cleaning, and pressing as their main business.
One of the Japanese tailors also carried a stock of ready-made
clothing.
The Japanese establishments had as their patrons a rather large
percentage of white persons. The percentages of their patrons who
were Japanese was 70 in the case of one small and one large shop, 60
in another case, 50 in* another, 30 in the case of the largest shop, and
10 in two smaller shops. The competing white establishments were
patronized by white persons only.
The net profits made by all but one of the establishments are shown
in General Table 66. Those of the Japanese vary between $600 as
a minimum and $1,440 as a maximum, and those of their competitors
between $800 and $1,800. All were making fair profits considering
the kind of business condupted. The table referred to above gives, in
addition to the earnings reported, the capital invested in the business,
the gross value of transactions, the rent paid per year, and various
other items of importance in investigating a business. From these
figures it would be possible to ascertain the relation between rent paid
and the amount of business transacted and other facts about the
concern. However, it is the opinion of the agent that so many of the
figures are inaccurate that it is not safe to draw any definite conclu-
sions from comparisons in which they are involved.
The 7 Japanese shops reported 23 persons working for wages. All
of these save 2 wei^ Japanese. The 5 white establishments reported
14 employees, each employing, as a rule, a majority of the same race
as the head. Ten of the Japanese were employed by the month. Of
5 who received board and lodging in addition to wages, 3 were paid
$20, a fourth $30, and the fifth $50 per month. Of 4 who received
lodging only, 1 was paid $40 per month, the other 3, $50. Two
who received neither board nor lodging were paid $35 per month.
Some of them who did work other than repairing and pressing were
paid by the piece and reported earnings as high as $75 per month.
Practically all of the employees in the white shops were paid by the
piece. None received board and lodging from the employer. Three
reported piece earnings of $52, one of $61, one of $73, three of $78,
and five of $87 per month. The one not employed on a piece basis
was paid $75 per month. It is apparent that, reckoning the board
and lodging provided for the Japanese at $10 per month, their earn-
ings are smaller than those of the men employed in the white estab-
lishments. Yet, because of differences in the work done and in effi-
ciency, no conclusions can be drawn with reference to the labor cost
282 The Immigration Commission.
as an item of expense in the business. Unfortunately so few Japanese
establishments employ tailors on a piece basis that a comparison of
that kind could not be made.
As a result of the investigation made by an agent of the commis-
sion it was found that " high-class " and even " second-class " tailors
are not affected by Japanese competition, but the third-rate shops,
especially those which do cleaning and pressing, are quite seriously
anected. The Japanese make suits for less money than white men,
and their workmanship is often as good. The charge for pressing
suits has been reduced from $1 to 50 cents on account of low Japa-
nese prices, and for pressing trousers to 15 cents. Even at these
rates the white establishments have lost a good deal of their trade to
Japanese.
In connection with the class of business affected by Japanese com-
petition it should be added that they have not been long engaged in
American tailoring or working with cloths used in this country.
BARBER SHOPS.
The competition of Japanese barbers has been even more serious
than in the branches of business just discussed.
The first of these barber shops was established in 1893. In 1900
there were 12 ; in 1905, 35 ; in 1909, 64. Most of them are carried on
in connection with baths or pool rooms or laundries. Usually the
capital employed is not in excess of $800. Frequently the barbers
are only the proprietor and his wife, and of 64 shops only 4 have
more than three or four " chairs." The total number of barbers is 143.
The rent paid seldom exceeds $90 per month, and in one instance
it is only $15. The fixtures are not expensive.
These small barber shops are competing with less numerous similar
shops conducted by various races and with several larger ones, these
usually being conducted by Americans. Of ten Japanese shops in-
vestigated, one reported that 70 per cent of their patrons were Japa-
nese ; two, 50 per cent ; one, 40 per cent ; one, 20 per cent ; three, 10 per
cent; and two not reporting. White persons (largely laborers) con-
stitute perhaps two-thirds of their patrons. Tljeir competition has
been seriously felt — more so than in any other trade — for they have
caused a reduction of prices as well as shared the trade with the
white shops. As a result of the competition some of the white barbers
on First Avenue South have been forced out of business.
The prices charged by Japanese barbers varied somewhat before
1902. They then organized a union and provided for uniform
prices — 15 cents for hair cutting and 10 cents for shaving. Two years
later they were compelled to suspend business for a time because of
the refusal of the state examiner to renew their licenses, on the ground
that the shops were insanitary — as most of them, in fact, were. In
1907 they reorganized and fixed prices as follows: Hair cutting, 25
cents; shaving, 10 cents; neck shaving, 5 cents additional. These
prices generally obtain at present, but in some cases white patrons
are charged " 15 cents straight " for a shave.
The large number of Japanese shops charging low prices forced
the white barbers to lower the union scale. Until the competition
of the Japanese was seriously felt, this scale was 35 cents for hair
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 283
cutting and 15 cents for shaving, the standard prices on the Pacific
coast. To meet the Japanese competition the prices were changed
to 25 cents for hair cutting. The rate for shaving remained the same,
but most of the " downtown shops," in order to meet the Japanese
competition, reduced the charge to 10 cents, thereby making them-
selves ineligible for membership in the union. The prices thus re-
duced, there is now practically no difference between those charged
in shops conducted by Japanese and in those conducted by white men.
The latter complain that the wages of white barbers and profits
realized are too low. The figures given for capital invested, rent,
and profit tend to bear out this statement. (See General Table 66.)
In competing with the Japanese shops the white proprietors are
handicapped by paying higher wages. The Japanese proprietors
pay their barbers $45 or $50 per month without board and lodging,
or from $15 to $35 with board and lodging. The board and lodging
may be reckoned at from $10 to $12 per month. In the large Ameri-
can shops, on the other hand, the barbers receive a commission, with
a minimum wage guaranteed. Nineteen barbers employed in the
shops investigated reported their average earnings as about $16 per
week, while 24 reported their average earnings as $18 per week.
Some of the larger American shops employ Japanese as porters,
paying them from $9.50 to $12 per week. In one shop with 16 chairs
two negro porters were paid $12 per week each and two Japanese
$9.50.
The Japanese bathhouses are usually connected with barber shops.
The character of the baths provided is such, however, that the per-
centages of white patrons are much smaller than those of the barber
shops, as indicated above. Their competition is of little importance.
A word may be added, also, concerning the billiard parlors and pool
rooms which, though in a few cases conducted independently of or
in conjunction with other kinds of business, are usually connected
with barber shops. The number of these places has rapidly increased
in recent years. They were not reported separately except for 1909,
the number then being 25. Some of these, and especially those not
connected with barber shops, are patronized exclusively by Japanese.
Others have many white patrons, mostly immigrant laborers. These
are in the minority, however, and no complaint has been heard of
the Japanese invasion of this branch of business enterprise.
RESTAURANTS SERVING AMERICAN MEALS.
The restaurant business was the first engaged in by Japanese in
Seattle. There were 4 such restaurants in 1888, 6 in 1894, 10 in 1900,
21 in 1905, and 36 in 1909. . Many of them are small, having a capital
of from $1,000 to $4,000 invested and with seating capacities for
from 35 to 60 or TO persons. Some of those serving American meals
are located near the poorer shopping district, others near industrial
establishments.
Some of these Japanese restaurants serving American meals derive
a small percentage of their patronage from Japanese who prefer
American food, while others have no Japanese patrons. Some or them
serve meals for 10 and others for 15 cents. Their competition is with
third and fourth class white restaurants of the " quick-lunch " variety.
284 The Immigration Commission.
Within the districts in which the Japanese restaurants are located
their competition has been seriously felt, and a few white restaurants
have closed because of the smallness of profit. The same is true of a
few Japanese establishments not economically or intelligently
managed.
Formerly the minimum price charged for a meal by Japanese
restaurants was 10 cents. In 1907, however, a union was organized
and the price advanced to 15 cents. Though this action was taken
because of the higher prices paid for supplies, some of the proprietors
did not become members of the Japanese Kestaurant Keepers' Union
and still continue' to sell meals at the former price. But whatever
the price, it has been somewhat lower than those charged by their
white competitors, who serve meals of the same class and with similar
" service." Furthermore, the rooms, furnishings, " service," and
meals have been better in the majority of cases. The perceptible
difference has been sufficient to attract many white patrons in spite
of the odium attaching among certain classes to patronizing Japanese
restaurants.
At one time the feeling against the Japanese because of the effects
of their competition upon the employment of " restaurant help " was
so strong that a general boycott was organized against them by white
laborers. This boycott was directed chiefly against the restaurants,
but ceased after *a few months without seriously injuring their busi-
ness. More recently, as a result of agitation against the Japanese
restaurants, many of the unions have resolved that their members
shall not patronize them, and in some instances penalties are imposed
when they do. Yet the effect is evidently not great, for many union
as well as nonunion men are numbered among the patrons.
The only apparent advantage the Japanese have in competing with
the white restaurant keepers is found in the low wages they pay their
employees and the smaller profits with which they are satisfied.
As a result of an investigation of 9 of the 36 Japanese restaurants
serving American meals, it was found that first cooks were paid from
$35 to $70 per month with board and usually lodging. The greater
number are paid only $35, $40, or $45. One received $50 and another
$70 per month. Second cooks were paid from $32 to $42 per month
and third cooks from $30 to $40. In six white restaurants of the
same type — two of them conducted by Slovenians and one by Greeks —
cooks were paid $16, $17, and $18 per week, and two head cooks $100
and $150 per month, respectively. All of these received board and
some of them lodging in addition to wages. Japanese male waiters
(Japanese women are not employed as waitresses in restaurants serv-
ing American meals) were paid from $25 to $40 per month with board
and usually lodging, the prevailing rate being $30 per month, or $1 per
day. A few white waitresses were employed, being paid $8, $8.50, and
$9 per week with board. White waiters in the other restaurants were
paid, with board and, in a few cases, lodging, as follows: Eight at
$10 per week, 3 at $12 per week, 2 at $14 per week and 2 at $15 per
week. Others were employed for " part days " only and so are not
included. The waitresses received the same rates as those employed
by the Japanese. The general and kitchen help in Japanese restau-
rants were paid, with board and lodging, as follows: Five at $25, 1
$28, 1 $29, and 3 $30 per month. In white restaurants, on the other
hand, these men were paid $8, $9, $10, and $11, and women $8 per
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 285
week. The wages of the Japanese are thus shown to have been some-
what lower than those of white men employed in white restaurants.
In their smaller cost of labor per man the Japanese proprietors had
a distinct advantage over their competitors.
RESTAURANTS SERVING JAPANESE MEALS.
In restaurants serving Japanese meals Japanese foods are cooked
and served in the Japanese way; the patrons are all Japanese. The
price of meals is " 10 cents and up."
The number of these restaurants has increased rapidly as the Jap-
anese population has grown, for most of these people are unmarried
men or men whose wives are in Japan, and unless provided with
board by the employer usually eat at restaurants. Comparatively
few buy American meals. The number of restaurants of this type
increased from 3 in 1900 to 22 in 1905 and to 51 in 1909.
These restaurants are a center of Japanese social life. Six of them
sell intoxicating drinks as well as meals. They take the place of the
American saloon and of a certain type of club.
Of the 51 restaurants serving Japanese meals 6 were investigated
by an agent of the Commission. The data relating to capital invested,
business transacted, etc., will be found in General Table 66.
Most of the restaurants are small, employing 5 persons each on
the average. Some of them have open dining rooms, boxes, and party
rooms; others no open dining room at all. The seating capacities
vary from 20 to 65. However, all of these establishments cater to
lodging houses and hotels, from 20 to 40 per cent of the meals being
sent out to these places.
The rents paid are usually small, as the buildings or rooms used
are not large and as nearly all are poorly built and in bad repair.
Some of the dining rooms presented a neat appearance ; others did not.
In this they are not unlike small restaurants patronized chiefly by
other races whose members desire food and service of the kind to
which they were accustomed before migrating to the United States.
The work in the Japanese restaurants serving Japanese meals, ex-
cept the attendance, is done by the proprietor, the members of his
family, and male employees. The wages paid the latter as cooks and
helpers are about the same as are paid by the proprietors of Japa-
nese restaurants serving American meals. In the restaurants investi-
gated only waitresses were employed in the dining room. The wage
was uniformly $25 per month with board. The receipts from " tips "
in some cases were estimated at $10 per month in addition to wages.
The earning of waitresses, therefore, may be estimated roughly at $1
per day with board.
JAPANESE STORES.
The Japanese conduct a great variety of shops, some of them pat-
ronized almost exclusively by white persons, others almost exclusively
by Japanese, and still others by the two races in proportions more
nearly equal.
The first of these in point of origin and importance are the grocery
and provision stores. One establishment of this kind was opened as
early as 1888, but none so described was in existence in 1900. In
1905, however, there were 16 ; in 1909, 26. They are all located in the
286 The Immigration Commission.
district in which the Japanese immigrants live, and the effects of
their competition are limited to the competing stores in that part of
the city.
In this part of Seattle there are many small stores conducted by
Italians, Greeks, and Servians, and some by natives and north Euro-
pean immigrants. The few large stores are conducted by the latter
classes only. The Japanese stores are all small, the capital of nine
from which complete data were collected by an agent of the com-
mission aggregating only $19,200, or a little more than $2,000 each.
Their annual transactions aggregated $96,800, an average of a little
less than $11,000. The rents paid by 'eight of the nine proprietors
aggregated $3,964, or an average of about $495.50 per year.
The small shops (such as those for which data are given in General
Table 66) conducted by Italians, Greeks, and Austrians are patron-
ized very largely by persons of the same race as the proprietor.
Few of the south European immigrants of this district trade else-
where than with their countrymen. Nor do these grocers receive
much patronage from the other races. A Greek shopkeeper reported
that 10 per cent of his patrons were Japanese, wKile two Italians re-
ported 2 per cent of this race among their patrons. However, the
business done by them with Americans, north Europeans, and Japa-
nese is net of great importance. And, on the other hand, the busi-
ness done by the Americans, north Europeans, and Japanese with
these classes is not of much greater importance. The vast majority
of the Japanese and a considerable proportion of the natives and
north European immigrants trade with the Japanese grocers. The
native and north European grocers find most of their patrons among
their own classes — practically none among the Japanese. In other
words, the Japanese supply the wants of their own countrymen and
share other trade with native and north European and, to a less
extent, with south European storekeepers.
The Japanese grocers carry many Japanese goods to meet the
needs of their countrymen, who use more foreign than American pro-
visions. One reported that of his sales only 5 per cent were American
goods, another 10, another 30, another 40. Half or more of the sales
made by the others were American goods. The percentages reported
by them were 50 in three cases, 75 in one, and 90 in the other. Of
sales aggregating $96,800, roughly $45,000, or something less than
half, were of American or of other non-Asiatic origin.
The percentages of Japanese and American customers were not the
same as the percentage of American and non- American goods sold,
for the Japanese buy a considerable quantity of non- Asiatic goods,
and v/hite people dealing with Japanese buy some foodstuffs im-
ported from Asia. One grocer reported that 90 per cent of his cus-
tomers were Japanese, another TO, another 60, two others 50, another
30, another 25, and another 10, while one did not report. The others
were white persons. If the size of the stores is taken into considera-
tion, it would seem that something less than three-fifths of the patron-
age was by others than Japanese. This patronage by white persons
is explained partly by the fact that the stores may be the nearest,
partly by the fact that the Japanese sell some goods, such as rice, at
lower prices than their competitors.
The increasing number of Japanese provision stores, with their
large percentages of white patrons, has rather seriously affected the
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 287
business of white grocers not dependent upon their own countrymen
for most of their trade. It has affected the south European immi-
grant less seriously than others.
The rents of 8 of the Japanese establishments were 4.5 per cent
of the receipts reported, while in the case of 5 stores conducted by
Italians, Greeks, and Servians it was 5.6 per cent, and in the case of
2 conducted by natives, 4.7 per cent. These latter were the large
stores conducted by Americans, however.
In the matter of wages paid to clerks, on the other hand, the Jap-
anese were found to have a distinct advantage over their white com-
petitors. The Americans and north European clerks employed in
the latter were paid from $65 to $100 per month, the average being
about $70. Of 15 clerks, all Japanese, employed by 7 of the 9
Japanese stores (the other 2 had none, being conducted by part-
ners), 7 were paid $25 per month, while the wages of the remainder
were from $30 to $50 per month. In addition to the wages paid,
the Japanese clerks were given board and lodging by the employer —
usually in the building in which the business was conducted. These
should be estimated at $10 or $12 per month extra.
There is very little difference between the Japanese stores and
those conducted by the south European immigrants, save in the kind
of goods carried in stock. Few other than the countrymen of the
proprietors are employed, and if board and lodging for their em-
ployees are taken into consideration the wages paid are about the
same. Taking three Italian stores, one clerk was paid $25 per month,
two $50, two $60, and one $65 — the others did not report wages —
none receiving board and lodging.
There are also a few Japanese stores dealing in general merchan-
dise. The largest of these is a supply store conducted by a large
employment agent, and supplying the laborers working on railroads
with Japanese and American goods. Most of the things purchased
by laborers employed by the two largest railway companies are sup-
plied by this company. The few other stores are very small, have
little capital, and little white patronage. Though one of the larger
reports 70 per cent of its patrons as white, most of them are engaged
chiefly in selling American and Japanese goods in about equal pro-
portions to Japanese.
In the third place, there are crockery and curio stores. Of these
there were 8 in 1900, 6 in 1905, and 12 in 1909. These carry large
stocks of Japanese goods only — art works, curios, etc. They are
located in the shopping districts and are patronized exclusively or
almost exclusively by white persons. Their competition is with white
stores having oriental departments and with Chinese shops. Judged
by their effects upon white establishments, they have little impor-
tance. The wages paid to clerks vary from $35 to $60 per month,
$45 and $50 being the most general figures. In most cases board
and lodging are not furnished in addition to wages. Of 13 employees
in 2 stores, 3 were white persons, these being employed on account of
their superior knowledge of English.
It is only recently that book and drug stores have been conducted
by Japanese' independent entirely of other goods. There are at
present four of these establishments. The books are Japanese pub-
lications, and there is no competition with other booksellers. Most
of the drugs and toilet articles are also of Japanese manufacture.
288 The Immigration Commission.
All of the patrons of the one bookstore investigated were Japanese;
of the drug stores, 90 per cent of one and 60 per cent of the other.
AYith one exception the capital invested was very small. The com-
petition with white establishments is scarcely felt.
Seven jewelry stores and watch-repairing establishments are con-
ducted by Japanese. Two of the larger of these had a capital of
$5,000 and $3,500 and did a business of $24,000 and $6,000 per year,
respectively. The others are smaller. Of the larger of the two, only
30 per cent, and of the smaller 80 per cent, of the patrons were white
persons.
Recently the Japanese have opened a number of small fish markets.
They sell both fresh and canned fish, a part of the latter being im-
ported for Japanese consumption. Of two of the five markets now
in existence, one reported 90 per cent, the other 40 per cent, of its
patrons as white persons.
HOTELS AND LODGING HOUSES.
Conducting hotels and lodging houses, chiefly for their countrymen,
is one of the oldest enterprises engaged in by the Japanese in Seattle.
The number of these establishments has rapidly increased with the
number of Japanese in the city, for most of them are single men and,
if not provided with lodging by their employers, must find shelter
elsewhere. Furthermore, race lines are generally drawn against them
and they are not welcomed in places where white persons take lodg-
ing. In 1900 there were 8 of these places; in 1905, 42; in the spring
of 1909, 72. A few of them are hotels providing both board and lodg-
ing, while nearly 40 of them are like private rooming houses with
comparatively few rooms. Of the others a few have as many as 50
rooms.
Most of the buildings used for this purpose are poorly constructed
and some of them are old and in poor condition. The vast majority
are cheaply but neatly furnished and are kept in an orderly condi-
tion. In most of these each room contains a double iron bed and is
occupied by one or two persons. Counterpanes and similar linen are
in general use. The typical room has furnishings costing about $75.
The rates charged for lodging vary considerably, but the vast
majority of the rooms of the "kind described rent for from 25 to 75
cents per night, from $2.50 to $6 per week, and from $5 to $20 per
month. Most of the Japanese pay from $5 to $10 per month for
their lodgings in these places; while many of them pay more, for
many of the well-to-do live here.
In two or three of these hotels and lodging houses white laborers
only are found. Perhaps in half of the others white men find lodg-
ing, frequently as many as 10, 15, or 20 per cent of the total number
being white. The three hotels mentioned above as having white
lodgers only are cheap places, where men get lodging for the night.
One of them is in the basement of a large brick building. The room
is undivided and has 150 cots which let for 15 cents per night. An-
other is in a building formerly used as a skating rink and is of the
same character as the one just described. Such places are not patron-
ized by Japanese. It is chiefly in conducting them that the Japanese
are competing with other races. The lodging furnished does not
materially differ from that supplied by others.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 289
EMPLOYMENT AGENCIES.
Until within recent years some of the lodging houses served in a
general way as employment agencies, but at present that business is
usually carried on entirely independently. However, in a few cases
lodging houses are conducted by employment agents whose chief busi-
ness is to provide laborers for some given line of business. The most
important instance of this kind is one where a contractor furnishing
the vast majority of the Japanese laborers employed in Puget Sound
and many of those employed in Alaskan canneries conducts two lodg-
ing houses. This is exceptional.
The first employment agency was started in 1896. As late as 1905
there were only 5, but more recently many have been established. In
the spring of 1909 there were 17. Most of these supply work for
Japanese only, but a few have Koreans and Filipinos as patrons.
Domestics, bar and restaurant employees, farm, sawmill, cannery,
and railroad hands — in short all kinds of laborers — are supplied to
employers who have need for them.
The commission collected and rules under which the employment
agents operate are in1, a general way controlled by an agreement en-
tered into in 1906. The object of the agreement was to put an end to
the competition which had brought loss to many of the agents. It
was then agreed that domestics receiving both board and lodging
should be charged 7 per cent of one month's wages, those receiving
board alone 6 per cent, and those receiving neither board nor lodging
5 per cent. The commission on earnings where persons were em-
ployed temporarily by the hour was 10 per cent. The fee for " hands "
of various kinds was fixed at $1.50. It was agreed that two-thirds of
the fee collected should be returned if the laborer at the expiration of
three days was not in employment. It was further agreed that in
case an employer refused to pay the wages agreed upon, or in any way
illtreated his employee, the matter should be reported to all parties
to the agreement, who should then refuse to provide the offending
party with labor.
The union thus formed has largely lost its importance, save that
the terms of the agreement are very generally regarded by all employ-
ment agents, whether parties to it or not. The prevailing commission
for domestics is 6 per cent of a month's wages — $1.75 to $2. The com-
mission for all kinds of labor in the -city is about the same. Farm
laborers and sawmill hands are usually charged $1 or $1.50, but more
frequently the latter amount. Cannery hands usually pay no com-
mission ; one large contractor has the privilege of supplying goods to
the laborers under his control, and from this he makes from $10 to
$15 per man for the season. Railroad laborers pay no commission,
but the two contractors furnishing laborers to the Northern Pacific,
Great Northern, and Milwaukee, St. Paul and Puget Sound railways
Eay from $2 to $3 for each man supplied to them. In turn they col-
ict $1 and (with certain exceptions in one case) 5 per cent of the
wages of these men as long as they are employed.
Most of the employment agents bind themselves to return a part or
all of the commission to those who are not satisfied with the work to
which they are assigned or who are not accepted by the employer to
whom they are sent. There seems to be little or no exploitation of
290 The Immigration Commission.
laborers by the Japanese employment agents ; the exploitation which
exists is practiced by the contractors for railroad and cannery work.0
Fifteen of these agencies deal in real estate. Many new Japanese
enterprises are being established, and those in existence frequently
change location or ownership, thus making the real estate business
one of considerable importance. The commission charged is 5 per
cent of the values involved in the transactions effected.
• NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
Beginning with 1899 many new newspapers and periodicals have
been started in Seattle to meet the needs of the Japanese in Washing-
ton, Montana, and British Columbia. Most of these have failed for
some reason. There remain 1 weekly and 3 daily newspapers and
11 magazines, 9 of which are organs of societies and do not have a
general circulation.
Of the three daily newspapers, one dates from 1901 and two from
1905. The two larger papers each have about 2,000 subscribers, the
other a smaller number. The two larger printing establishments
have 37 employees, who are paid from $25 to .$60 per month, with
board and lodging. The weekly newspaper has a circulation of about
500, the two magazines with a general circulation of 500 and 200,
respectively.
At these newspaper offices and a few others job printing is done.
Most of the work is for Japanese and printed in the Japanese lan-
guage. One of these offices, however, reported that 35 per cent of its
work was done for white people. These printing plants are small
and do a business of from $2,000 to $7,000 a year.
The Japanese colony also has professional men of the Japanese
race. There are at present seven physicians and four dentists. Their
practice is entirely among their fellow countrymen.
OTHER KINDS OF BUSINESS.
The other branches of Japanese business, because of the limited
numbers of the establishments or the nature of the business conducted,
are of little importance save in showing the extent to which the Japa-
nese are supplying their own wants.
There are a few Japanese cake stores which sell pastries, ice cream,
and fruits ; two liquor dealers, supplying liquors to Japanese restau-
rants; one second-hand clothing store, with a large percentage of
white patrons ; and a few shoe-repairing shops, some of them carry-
ing small stocks of shoes. The prices for repairing are about 25 per
cent less than the standard prices charged by other cobblers, but the
number of Japanese shops is as yet too small to afford serious com-
petition. There are five small photograph galleries; of the two re-
ported, 70 and 90 per cent of their patrons are Japanese. Of ex-
pressmen there are 10, but only 1 of these has sufficient business to
warrant the keeping of an office, and he alone has any employees.
Of three of these, one reports that 70 per cent of his patrons are
Japanese, another 80 per cent, the third 100 per cent. There are also
16 carpenters, but they do little work except to make repairs and
alter the interior of buildings occupied by their countrymen.
0 See " Immigrant laborers employed by the steam railways of the Pacific
Coast and Rocky Mountain States."
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 291
The Japanese have organized three banks, two in 1905 and one in
1907. Two of them have a total paid-up capital and surplus of
$82,354 and deposits in excess of $150,000. The other is a private
bank, not yet well started. These banks are used largely for financing
the larger business enterprises and for the collection of Japanese
savings. Four per cent interest is paid on deposits in the savings
departments. The banks are also the agency through which Japa-
nese remittances are forwarded to Japan. One of these reports that
it forwards about $50,000 per month, saved by " day laborers " in
Seattle and by laborers elsewhere sent out by contractors from that
place.
SUMMAEY.
From the preceding discussion it is seen that the Japanese have
become conspicuous in several branches of employment, but chiefly
in the field of domestic and personal service. They have found their
way into these departments of work at a time when it was difficult to
get and to keep reliable white employees at the wages which had
obtained. It is seen, also, that the Japanese have engaged in many
branches of business on their own account, two-fifths of the Japanese
in Seattle being employed in establishments conducted by their
countrymen. Few wants of their race can not be and, with the ex-
ception of clothing, are not supplied in this way. The laborers find
employment through Japanese employment agencies; they are pro-
vided with board and lodging by the employer or are given lodging
in Japanese lodging houses; they eat in Japanese restaurants; they
Eurchase at Japanese stores, and they generally patronize Japanese
mndries, barber shops, baths, and places of amusement; they have
their own banks, photographers, newspapers, expressmen, and pro-
fessional men. In several branches of business they have a consider-
able amount of white trade. This is true of the laundries, tailor
shops, barber shops, restaurants serving American meals, grocery and
other stores, and to a less extent of other branches of business. In
some instances the trade has been shared by them ; in two branches of
business — barber and tailor shops — they have caused a reduction of
prices. The white laundries, the third-rate tailors, the barbers, the
third and fourth class restaurants, and the grocery stores have been
affected by the Japanese competition. Japanese prices have generally
been, and usually are, somewhat lower than those charged by their
competitors for what is accepted as an equivalent service. Their chief
advantages lie in the lowness of the wages paid to employees and, to a
less extent, in a willingness to accept lower profits. They employ
their own countrymen almost exclusively.
But in all this they differ only in extent and degree from some of
the recent immigrants from Europe. Though less self-sufficient and
less given to starting competing businesses, the Italians, Greeks, and
Austrians are more or less clannish, conduct their own shops, lodging
houses, and hotels, employ persons largely of their own races, and pay
them frequently less than current wages.
The close approach to self-sufficiency found in the case of the Japa-
nese is explained by the rapid influx of the members of that race dur-
ing a comparatively short time, the shortness of their residence in the
United States, the expectation of the majority of them to return
292 The Immigration Commission.
shortly to their native country, their infrequent command of the
English language, the race feeling and prejudice against them — all
these combining to induce or force them to be clannish and to provide
for their own wants. ^ The competition for the trade of others is ex-
plained partly by their willing-ness to take risks, their ambition, and
their excellent competitive ability. It is also explained partly by the
fact that they desire to work for themselves, and to occupy the
economic position they did in their native land. Further light will
be thrown on some of these points by an examination of the character
of the Japanese business men and their employees.
JAPANESE BUSINESS MEN OF SEATTLE.
Agents of the Commission secured personal information from 108
of the Japanese conducting the 86 business establishments investi-
gated. Of the entire number, only 28, or slightly more than one-
fourth, had been in the United States ten years or more, and none
had been here as long as twenty. Twenty-eight had been in this
country even less than five years. (General Table 77.)°
The majority of these business men came from the towns and
cities of Japan. Three of the 108 had come to the continental United
States from Hawaii, where two had been employed as plantation
laborers, the third as a grocer's clerk. Their occupations in their
native land are unknown. Of the remaining 105, 37, or more than
one-third, had been engaged in business on their own account, 8 had
been employed for wages in stores, 13 had been employed for wages
in other occupations in cities, while only 5 are reported as having
been engaged in farming on their own account. Of the remaining
42, 20 had been assisting their fathers on the farm, while 22 had not
been gainfully occupied before emigrating to the United Stales.
Thus it is seen that only 25 of 105 had belonged to the agricultural
class in Japan. (General Table 68.)
The ntajority of the business men investigated had emigrated to the
United States when comparatively young men and before they accu-
mulated much, if any, money to serve as capital. Moreover, a large
percentage of the older men who had been engaged in business had
not been very successful and came to begin anew. A smaller number,
however, came in the prime of life, and brought considerable capital
with them in order to engage in business at once. Of 109 males
reporting data, 8 were under 18 years of age; 15, 18 and under 20;
37, 20 and under 25 ; 30, 25 and under 30 ; 12, 30 and under 35 ; while
only 7 were 35 years of age or over when coming to the United
States. Approximately one-fifth were under 20, six-elevenths under
25, and nine-elevenths under 30 years of age upon their arrival in
this country. (General Table 75.) Of 106 reporting the amount of
money brought upon coming, 6 had more than $1,000 each; of these,
1 had $10,000, 2, $2,500 each, an equal number $1,500 each, and the
remaining 1, $1,200. Twenty-one more had $100 or over. Of these,
5 had $100 but less than $150; 2, $150 but less than $200; 8, $200
but less than $300; and 6, $300 but less than $400. Seventy-nine, or
74.5 per cent of the entire number, had less than $100, and of these,
0 This table includes two foreign-born male members of the families of these
business men.
Japanese in City Employments and Business.
293
42 had less than $50 upon their arrival in this country. (General
Table 67.)
In spite of the fact that only 20 of the entire number had more
than $200 upon their arrival in this country, 22, by forming partner-
ships or otherwise, engaged in business to begin with. The remaining
86 became wage-earners, most of them in city trades and in Seattle,
where the majority had landed upon coming. Thirty became do-
mestics, a part of them no doubt as " school boys " working a part of
the day for board and lodging and a small sum of money per week;
8 were employed in restaurants, 7 in stores, and 1 in a tailor shop.
Twenty were first employed as railroad laborers, 7 as farm laborers,
and 1 as a cannery hand. The remaining 12 found employment in
other occupations. (General Table 68.) Thus about four-fifths of
the entire number became wage-earners. It was not long, however,
before the larger number of them took advantage of opportunities to
engage in business requiring little capital and thus to rise from the
wage-earning class.
The following table shows the occupations abroad of the 86 indi-
vidual proprietors of, or head partners in, the establishments inves-
tigated, by kind of business conducted in the United States :
TABLE 10. — Kind of business conducted by Japanese in Seattle at the present
time, by occupation abroad.
Kind of business conducted by Japanese at
present.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number who were abroad —
Without oc-
cupation.
In same
business
as in the
United
States.
On farm.
In miscella-
neous oc-
cupations.
Barber
10
1
1
1
2
2
1
6
3
2
4
10
7
8
2
2
13
1
1
7
2
3
4
1
o3
Billiard hall keeper
Bookstore keeper.
1
Cake maker
1
2
2
1
1
Curio dealer
Druggist
Dyer
Employment agent
3
1
1
1
1
1
ftl
cl
dl
Expressman
Fish market keeper
General store keeper
3
2
Grocer
5
2
2
«3
/4
04
*1
Laundry proprietor
1
2
Lodging house keeper
Photographer
1
2
Printer
Restaurant keeper
3
4
<6
n
Second-hand clothes dealer
Shoe repairing
1
1
Tailor
5
2
*i
Watchmaker
Total . . .
86
15
25
20
26
a One cook; 1 clerk; 1 druggist.
i> School-teacher.
c Dairy manager.
d Clerk.
« One fisherman; 1 draftsman; 1 matting maker.
/One lumber dealer; 1 fisherman; 1 cake maker; 1 restaurant proprietor.
o Four storekeepers.
A Printer.
t One cook; 1 clerk; 1 salesman; 1 policeman; 1 clothes dealer; 1 fish broker.
/Salesman.
* Liquor dealer.
294 The Immigration Commission.
It will be noted that of the 86, 25, including the larger number of
those who had been business men at home, are engaged in the same
business here as abroad, while 15 had not been gainfully occupied
before immigrating to this country. Of the remaining 46, 20 had been
on farms, while 26 had been engaged in branches of business different
from those in which they are now engaged or employed for wages
in various city occupations. The majority of the tailors, general-
store keepers, curio dealers, watchmakers, druggists, printers, and one
or two less important groups had established themselves in the same
branch of business as engaged in abroad, while the majority of the
others engaged in branches of business different from those in which
they had been engaged as business men or as wage-earners.
Though a few of the Japanese came to the United States as mem-
bers of the "student class," the vast majority came because of the
better opportunity presented here than at home for making money.
How well they have succeeded is shown by the net value of the prop-
erty n'ow owned by them and their financial gains.
The 108 have property with an aggregate estimated value of
$475,900, or an average of $4,406.48 each. Forty-one of the 108 were
in debt, however, the total amount of the indebtedness being $77,150.
The net value of the property was, therefore, $398,750, an average of
$3,692.13 for each man. (General Table 72.) Some of these have
much while others have little property. Seven had property, less
indebtedness, valued at $100, but less than $250 ; 4 at $250, but less
than $500; 28 at $500, but less than $1,000; 19 at $1,000, but less than
$1,500; 21 at $1,500, but less than $2,500; 18 at $2,500, but less than
$5,000; 7 at $5,000, but less than $10,000; 3 at $10,000, but less than
$25,000 ; and 1 at $170,000. Though 39, or more than 36 per cent of
the 108, had less than $1,000, and 58 others less than $5,000, thus leav-
ing only 11, or about 1 in 10, who have property worth $5,000 or
more, when the comparatively short residences iri this country are
taken into consideration, the property owned is found to be compara-
tively large. The amount of property owned by years in the United
States is shown in General Table 69. As would be expected, there is
a rough correspondence between the number of years in the United
States and the value of property owned. This is not an accurate test
of the degree of success with which the Japanese have engaged in
business, however, for it does not include representatives of the un-
known number who have failed in business and again become mem-
bers of the wage-earning class. For this reason the income derived
from business conducted and the surplus realized or deficit sustained
during the year 1908 is, in some respects, a better index of the degree
of success they are meeting with.
The net incomes for the year 1908 from business engaged in were
ascertained. The income of one was $240; of 2, $400 but less than
$500; of 40, $500 but less than $750; of 28, $750 but less than $1,000;
of 10, $1,000 but less than $1,500 ; of 6, from $1,500 to $2,000. The
incomes of the remaining 8 were $3,000 in 2 cases and $2,400, $3,240,
$3,600, $4,800, $5,400, and $24,000 for the other 6, respectively. The
incomes of the restaurant proprietors varied between $480 as the
minimum and $5,400 as a maximum, and averaged $1,388 for 20 in-
vestigated. They were less than $750 in one-half of the cases, how-
ever, and less than $1>000 in 14 of 20. The incomes of the lodging-
house keepers varied between $840 as a minimum and $1,200 as a
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 295
maximum and averaged $1,020. The stores conducted by Japanese
differ greatly in size and so does the amount of the net income from
the business conducted. The incomes of 4 were $600 each, of one at
the other extreme, $24,000. Inasmuch as 18 of the 23 had net in-
comes from their business less than $1,000 and 2 others less than
$1,500, the average of $2,011.30 for the group of 23 has no signifi-
cance. The incomes of 11 barbers varied between $500 as a minimum
and $960 as a maximum and averaged $727.64. The corresponding
figures for the incomes of the 8 tailors were $600, $1,800, and
$1,038.75. The incomes of 5 real-estate and labor agents investigated
varied between $480 as a minimum and $3,000 as a maximum, the
average being $1,776. Finally, the net incomes of the proprietors
of 6 laundries from their business varied between $600 and $3,000 for
the year. (General Table 86.)
The incomes discussed above are the net amount realized from the
principal business or businesses conducted. Seventeen of the 95 had
incomes from subsidiary business enterprises, the rental of property,
or from investments. Including these, the incomes of the 95 from
all sources for the year 1908 are shown in the following statement.
The average was $1,372.63, the median income $840.
Amount of income.
Number
of
persons.
Less than $300
1
$300 and under $400 .\
$400 and under $500
1
$500 and under $750 .
38
$750 and under $1 000
25
$1,000 and under $1,500
15
$1,500 and under $2 000
7
$2,000 and under $2,500
1
$2,500orover ...
7
Total
95
Seventy-five of the 108 business men reported the amount of sur-
plus left, or deficit incurred, after their living and other current
expenses were paid. Two of these had small deficits for the year,
aggregating $920, 8 reported that 'they had neither surplus nor de-
ficit, while the other 65 reported gains varying from $50 to $25,000.
Between these extremes the surpluses reported by 12 were $100, but
less than $250 ; of 28, $250 but less than $500 ; of 17, $500 but less
than $1,000; of 3, $1,000 but less than $2,500; of 4, $2,500 or over.
The average surplus reported by the 65 was $966.77, but as this was
greatly affected by the large gains of a few, the median sum was only
$400. (General Tables 70 and 71.) The greater part of the gains
were left in this country, but about two-fifths of those investigated
sent money abroad for the use of wives, children, parents, and other
relations, or for investment. Only about 45 per cent of the money
sent abroad was for the use of relations. Of 107 reporting data, 42
sent money abroad during the year, the total amount sent by the 42
being $18,835. The disposition of $47,240— the larger part of the
amount retained in this country — was as follows: Invested in ex-
tending the business conducted, $32,610; used for the payment of
debts, $4,900; placed in bank, $5,680: loaned or otherwise disposed of,
$4,050.
48296°— VOL 23—11 20
296 The Immigration Commission.
JAPANESE WAGE-EARNERS IN SEATTLE.
Corresponding data were secured from 89 members of the laboring
class, most of whom were employed in the Japanese business estab-
lishments investigated. Two of them had come to the continental
United States from the Hawaiian Islands, where 1 had been employed
as a plantation laborer and the other had been a small shopkeeper.
Of the remaining 87, 11 had been engaged in business in their native
land, 9 had been employed for wages in stores, 9 had been wage-
earners in other occupations in cities, 7 had been farmers, 14 had been
on farms with their fathers, while 37 had not been gainfully occupied
before emigrating to the United States. Thus, like the business
men from whom data were collected, the majority of these men in
their native land had been members of the city wage-earning and
business classes. The chief differences between them and the business
men as a group are that they came at a somewhat younger age, fewer
of them had upon their arrival sufficient money to engage in busi-
ness for themselves, and more of them had been in the United States
for a short period of time. Of the 89, 26 were under 20 ; 36, 20 but
under 25; 13, 25 but under 30; 8, 30 but under 35; and 6, 35 but
under 45 years of age, at time of arrival in the continental United
States. (General Table 75.) Two of the 89 had upon their arrival
more than $500 each, and 5 others had between $100 and $300, but
the remaining 82 had less than $100, and 18 of them less than $50.
With insufficient capital to engage in business on their own account,
they all became wage-earners. The majority of them first found
employment in city occupations and chiefly in Seattle. Seventeen
secured their first employment in stores, 15 in restaurants, 20 as
domestics, some of them " schoolboys," 5 as tailors, 1 as a barber, and
8 others in other occupations. As opposed to these, 5 became farm
hands, 14 railroad laborers, and 1 a sawmill laborer. (General
Table 68.) Of the 89 wage-earners, only 12 at the time of the inves-
tigation had been in the United States for ten years or longer, while
61 had been here for less than five years. (General Table 69.)
The number of months employed and the earnings for the year
1908 were ascertained for 88 of the 89 wage-earners. Seventy of the
88 received board and lodging in addition to wages, while 18 did not.
Of the former group 2 were employed for eight of the twelve months
and earned, as an average, $180 in addition to board and lodging.
The remaining 68 were employed throughout the year, and their
average earnings were $446.54. Five of these, employed in unimpor-
tant occupations, earned less than $250 per year; 21, $300 but less
than $400; 23, $400 but less than $500; 4, $500 but less than $600;
11, $600 but less than $700; 2, $700 but less than $800; and 2, $800
or over. Of the 18 who did not receive board in addition to wages,
1 was employed for only six and another for eight months during the
year, and earned $360 and $400 per year, respectively. The remain-
ing 16 were employed throughout the year and earned, on the average,
$656. (General Table 87.)
Data were secured from 61 of the 89 wage-earners as to the surplus
over their expenditures, or deficit, for the year 1908. One, employed
for only six months, incurred a deficit of $250, while another reported
that he " came out even " at the end of the year.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 297
The other 59 reported surpluses ranging from $30 to $1,000 and
averaging $218.14. The median sum was $200. (General Tables 70
and 71.)
Thirty-five of those from whom data were obtained, sent a part or
all of the surplus for the year abroad, the total amount sent being
$7,395. Of this, $400 was for the purpose of bringing a wife and
child to the United States, $1,450 for safe-keeping, and $5,545 for the
use of wife, children, parents, or other relations, or to be disposed of
by them. As against this, 41 retained $9,360 in this country, prac-
tically all of it in the absence of opportunities for investment, being
placed in the bank, for safe-keeping. In the amount of surplus, the
amount of money sent abroad, and the amount of money retained
in the United States and its disposition, the wage-earning group
stand in strong contrast to the business men as a group.
A large percentage of these wage-earners as a result of saving,
have accumulated from several hundred to a few thousand dollars
worth of property. ' Of the 89, 3 had property, indebtedness de-
ducted, with an estimated value of $1,500 or more ; 5, $1,000 but less
than $1,500; 19, of $500 but less than $1,000. As against these 27,
there were 62, 27 of whom had property valued at $250 but less than
$500; 26, $100 but less than $250; five $50 but less than $100, while
four had no savings and no property other than their personal effects.
(General Table 69.)
SOCIOLOGICAL DATA.
Detailed information was obtained from the members of their
households as well as from the 108 business men and the 89 male
wage-earners. All told there were 199 male and 63 female foreign-
born Japanese and 20 male and 21 female Japanese-Americans — a
total of 262 foreign and 41 native born. Of the 41 native-born, 36
were under 6 years of age, 4 native-born and 2 foreign-born Japa-
nese were between 6 and 13, and 1 native-born and 1 foreign-born
were between 14 and 15. (General Tables 7o and 85.) With three
exceptions the female foreign-born were married. (General Table
74.) Of the 109 males of the business class, 62 were married, 2 were
widowed, and 45 were single. Of 89 male wage-earners, 28 were mar-
ried, 2 widowed, and 59 single. (General Table 74.) Thirty-three
of the former group were married -previous to their immigration to
the United States, 11 while upon visits abroad, and 18 in the United
States, in the latter case usually upon the arrival of the women in
this country. Of the 33 men who were married previous to their
immigration, 7 were accompanied by their wives when they came to
this country, while 15 have been joined by them more recently. Only
14 of the 62 wives of business men are now abroad. Of 89 wage-
earning males, 22 were married previous to their immigration to this
country, 4 have been married while on visits to Japan, while 2 have
been married in this country. Six of the 22 who were married pre-
vious to their immigration were accompanied by their wives upon
coming to this country, while 3 have been joined by them more
recently. At the time of the investigation, then, 28 of the wage-
earning males were married and 13 of their wives were abroad.
(General Table 75.)
298 The Immigration Commission.
From these details it is evident that the great majority of those
who were married previous to their immigration to this country were
not accompanied by their wives, but a large proportion of them have
been joined by them subsequently, while a large number have been
married in this country or in Japan and now have their wives with
them. It is evident, also, that there has been a large influx of women
to join their husbands or to be married in the United States. This
recent immigration of women accounts for the fact that of the 63
foreign-born females all but 4 have been in this country less than ten
years, and all but 12 of the remaining 59 have been here less than
five years. (General Table 77.)
In spite of the fact that many Japanese families have been reunited
or established in Seattle, comparatively few of the Japanese men
have definitely decided to remain permanently in this country. Of
109 men of the business group, 18 stated that they expected to remain
permanently in this country, 44 that they expected to return to Japan,
while 47 were in doubt as to what they would eventually do. The
corresponding figures for the wage-earners were 3, 66, and 20.
It has been shown that most of the Japanese employed by white
persons are engaged in domestic and personal service. The vast ma-
jority of them receive board and lodging in addition to wages. Few,
other than those working in stores, must provide their own meals,
and less than half must provide themselves with lodging. A similar
situation obtains among Japanese employed by persons of their own
race. Laundry employees all receive board and lodging, restaurant
employees receive board and as a rule lodging, while the vast majority
of clerks in stores, barbers, tailors, and others live with their employ-
ers. Those who are not provided with their food and lodging in this
way usually live in the lodging houses, and those so doing generally
eat at the restaurants. It is impossible to reckon the cost of rooms
occupied by such persons with any degree of accuracy, but it is less
than $5 per month. Nor was it possible to get much data with regard
to the cost of meals. Of nine men employed by tailors and not
boarded by their employer, three estimated the cost of food at $7 per
month, two at $10, one at $12, and three at $15. The cost reported by
clerks in stores was almost invariably about $13 and of barbers $15
per month. These figures must be used only to show the probable
cost.
Some of the missions alsb furnish board and lodging for people of
these classes and especially for women. The prices of rooms vary,
but the price charged for " table board " by the month is usually
about $9.
Of 40 business men, other than proprietors of hotels and lodging
houses, and expressmen without offices, who had their families with
them, 24 lived in the rear or over the shop, store, office, restaurant,
or laundry conducted by them, while 16 did not. Of 34 single men
or married men with families in Japan, 15 lived in the building
housing the business, while 19 did not.
Taking 69 of these men for whom complete data were obtained,
they, their families, and employees or other lodgers numbered all
told 227. The 69 apartments occupied by them had a total of 180
rooms. The number of persons per room was, therefore, 1.26 — ap-
proximately the figure for congested districts in some of the eastern
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 299
cities. Thirty-four of the 227 were children under 15 years of age —
a smaller proportion than usually obtains in the congested districts
mentioned. This fact would be more than offset, however, by those
cases where meals are regularly taken at restaurants and no cooking
done in the apartments occupied.
In a few cases the rooms were crowded. As rather extreme ex-
amples of these cases, there were 4 men, 2 women, and 1 child
occupying 2 rooms; 1 man, 4 women, and 3 children occupying 2
rooms ; and 2 groups of men, one of 4 and one of 6, each group occu-
pying 1 room. Nine families of husband and wife, with no children
except infants, were living in 1 room each, while the other 2 out of
11 such families had apartments of 3 rooms.
Of 69 families, 9 had a room other than kitchen or bedroom used
as a living room or parlor. The other 60 used shop, store, bedroom,
or kitchen for this purpose. Almost without exception, the kitchen
was used as both kitchen and dining room.
Something has already been said concerning the character of the
buildings in the district in which the Japanese live. The agent of
the commission described one apartment of 69 occupied by Japanese
families as being in " good " condition, 30 " fair," 30 " bad," and 8
"very bad." The care of the apartments, i. e., the housekeeping,
was described as " fair " in 28 cases, " bad " in 36, and " very bad "
in 5. Most of the instances of bad housekeeping were where no
women were living in the group.
In many instances it was difficult to ascertain the actual rental
value of the apartment occupied because it was rented with other
rooms used for business purposes. But apportioning the rent in
such cases, the total amount per month paid for the 69 apartments
was $1,067.50. This is an average of $15.46 per apartment, and a
little less than $6 per room. The rent per occupant was $4.70; per
adult, practically all of whom were gainfully employed, about $5.50.
Data were secured by the agents of the Commission relative to the
cost of food and drink for the several households consisting of the
proprietors of the business places investigated, their families, if in
this country, and such of their employees as boarded with them. The
data for 75 groups, excluding those the heads of which were restau-
rant keepers, boarding house keepers, or others where the food sup-
plies were not purchased and consumed in the usual way, are pre-
sented. Four groups, with 15 members, reported the cost of food
and drink as $6, but less than $7, per month per person; 4, with 22
members, as $7, but less than $8 ; 4, with 12 members, as $8, but less
than $9; 1, with 2 members, $9, but less than $10; 20, with 68 mem-
bers, as $10, but less than $12 ; 15, with 39 members, as $12, but less
than $14; while 27 groups (and individuals) with 51 members re-
ported the cost per month as $14 or over.
No effort was made to secure statistics relating to the cost of cloth-
ing and to miscellaneous expenses of the Japanese. It may be said,
however, that their expenditures for clothing and amusements com-
pare favorably with those of any other race similarly circumstanced
with reference to employment and income.
All but one of the 262 Japanese and the one Japanese- American
10 years of age or over were literate (General Table 81), and the
great majority could speak English. In fact, all but 2 of 199 males
300 The Immigration Commission.
and 35 of 63 females 6 years of age or over had a speaking knowl-
edge of English. (General Table 78.) Moreover, 180 of the males
and 24 of the females could read and write that language as well.
(General Table 84.) Some had studied English abroad, while many
had attended classes for the study of our language in this country.
In Seattle at present there are six night schools conducted by the
several missions and churches for teaching English (and in some
instances religious doctrines) to adult Japanese. The fee is usually
$1 or $2 per month. This is chiefly for incidental expenses, for most
of the teachers donate their services. At the time of the investiga-
tion by the Commission there were only 64 students in the six night
schools, but in the winter the enrollment may reach 200. The number
is not so large as formerly, when all classes of Japanese not barred
by the general immigration law were admitted without restriction.
The adults in the night schools are for the greater part domestics
and store, restaurant, and bar employees. Besides these there are
about 200 Japanese children in the public primary and grammar
schools of the city, 42 in the high schools, and about 15 adults attend-
ing the University of Washington. Some of the children attend a
school conducted under the auspices of the Japanese Association as
well as the public schools, the children attending the formqr when
the public schools are not in session. This " supplementary school "
is maintained to teach Japanese children to read and write the Japa-
nese language and something of the history and geography of Japan.
At the time of the investigation there were 38 children enrolled, and
the teaching staff consisted of three graduates of Japanese normal
training schools.
Closely related to the matter of literacy and the use of English
is that of newspapers and periodicals subscribed for by the Japanese
households investigated. These also indicate the standard of living
and culture of the Japanese, and show the sources from which their
opinions of current events are largely drawn. Of 78 reporting data
bearing upon this point, 2 subscribed for no newspapers at all, 6
for 1, 7 for 2, and the remaining 63 for from 3 to 10 each. Seventy-
three of the 76 subscribed for newspapers and periodicals printed in
their native language, and many of them published in Japan, while
3 subscribed for newspapers printed in English only. Besides these
3, 42, making three-fifths of the entire number, subscribed for from
1 to 6 newspapers and periodicals published in the English language.
Of the 78 households reporting data, then, 33 did not subscribe for
any newspaper printed in the English language.
There are six Japanese missions and churches in Seattle.0
Approximately half of the Japanese have no church affiliations;
the vast majority of the others are nominal 6 or active adherents of
the Buddhist faith. All of these organizations conduct night schools,
and all but two (the Congregational and Episcopal) have other " in-
stitutional " work, such as maintaining dormitories for both men and
°The denomination, the date of organization, and approximate present mem-
bership are as follows: Baptist, 1890, 87 members; Buddhist, 1903, 2,000 mem-
bers; Methodist, 1904, TO members; Presbyterian, 1906, 60 members; Congre-
gational, 1907, 50 members; Episcopal, 1907, 25 members.
6 It is stated that only about 1,000 of the 2,000 members of the Buddhist
mission pay dues regularly.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 301
women. Upward of 100 Japanese had lodging in mission dormi-
tories in the spring of 1909 ; in winter the number is larger.
A word should be said concerning the organizations among the
Japanese of Seattle and their relations with people of other races.
Reference has been made to the laundrymen's alliance, the barbers'
union, the Japanese restaurant-keepers' association, and the lodging-
house keepers' association or union. These are all trade organiza-
tions for the regulation of prices and other matters of common inter-
est. There are similar organizations also among the tradesmen and
the shoemakers. Few lines of business conducted by Japanese are
without an organization to protect and to promote the interests of
those engaged in them.
Besides the business organizations, there are numerous others of
a more general character. Most important among these are the Jap-
anese Association and 24 prefectural societies. These care for the
general interests of all Japanese residents and those coming from
given provinces in Japan, respectively. The prefectural societies are,
perhaps, more thoroughly organized in Seattle than in any other
place. Of 199 men from whom data were secured, 117 had member-
ship in them. Through the various organizations the Japanese care
for those who are ill or meet with misfortune; they do not become
public charges. In these societies and in places of amusement con-
ducted by Japanese, their social life is found. Except in billiard
and pool rooms and similar places frequented by some white men,
there is little association between the adult Japanese and adult white
persons, save that incidental to business and labor. The associations
are closer among those in school, however, and a few Japanese busi-
ness men find a place in the social life of the city. But here, as else-
where, and for the same reasons of racial, language, and institutional
differences and brief and more or less temporary residence, the Jap-
anese are farther removed from normal American life than any
European immigrant race.
CHAPTER VI.
JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN PORTLAND,
The first Japanese came to Portland, Oreg., during the first half
of the decade 1880-1889.° Following these some 40 or 50 cooks came
from California. Some of the latter became domestic servants in
private families. Direct immigration began near the end of the
year 1887 when steamship service was established between Kobe and
Portland. In that year 200 immigrants were sent to Oregon by an
emigration company conducting its business at Kobe. Two years
later a member of this company visited Portland. He soon returned
to Japan, however, and sent over some 40 laborers to work as section
hands on a railroad with one of its terminals at Portland. Three
years later this same agent returned to Portland and entered into
contract with another railroad company to furnish it 200 laborers.
Inasmuch as men were not at this time being sent out from San
Francisco, Seattle, and Tacoma to work on the railroads, Portland
became an important center for the distribution of Japanese laborers
and the influx was rapid, many of the men being sent beyond the
boundaries of the State. In 1885 the total number of Japanese in
Oregon was estimated at 40 or 50, in 1889 at 300. By 1897 the num-
ber had increased to about 1,000, by 1900 to 2,500, by 1907 to 3,000.&
In 1909 the estimated number was 3,872.c This figure includes those
who make their homes in Portland during the winter, but during
the summer go to Alaska or Washington to work in the salmon can-
neries. Some 500 are sent out by corporations from Portland and
Astoria to Alaska, while a large number work in the canneries on
the Washington side of the Columbia River. In all probability the
Japanese population of the State during the summer months is about
3,000.
Since 1887 the majority of Japanese in Oregon have engaged in
railroad work. At the maximum the number so engaged is esti-
mated at 1,800. Many of these leave that employment during the
summer months, however, to engage in cannery and farm work.
Some 200 men all told go to Alaska each year, while from 75 to 100
find employment in Oregon salmon canneries. Roughly speaking,
there are some 400 farm hands in the vicinity of Portland, 300 about
Hood River, 30 at The Dalles, 125 at La Grande during the sugar-
beet season, and from 150 to 200 about Salem during the hop train-
0 The date is not more definitely established.
6 According to the United States census the number of Japanese in Oregon in
1890 was 25, in 1900 (Population, Pt. I, p. 487), 2,501. According to the State
census of 1905 (secretary of state report, 1906-7, pp. 105-106), the total number
was 1,459, but the census of Chinese and Japanese was not complete.
0 These figures are taken from Y. Kudo and T. Abe, The Japanese in Oregon.
The figures for 1909 are based upon an investigation made under the direction
of the consul (at Portland) in April, 1909.
303
304
The Immigration Commission.
ing and picking seasons. Some 200 -men are employed in lumber
and shingle mills. Most of the others are in the cities and towns of
the State. The Japanese population of Portland varies between
900 in summer and 1,500 in winter. From 5 to 20 are found in each
of several smaller cities — Salem, Baker City, Hood River, The
Dalles, Eugene, and Astoria.
Most of the laborers engaged in railway, cannery, lumber mill,
and farm work are distributed by contractors with offices in Port-
land, and are supplied with a large part of the necessaries of life
from that place. Largely because of Portland's importance as a
distributing point and supply center for Japanese laborers, many
members of that race have engaged in business and in the profes-
sions in that city. Moreover, like the Chinese, they have shown a
tendency to compete for the patronage of other races. At the same
time a comparatively small number have engaged in domestic and
personal service. The number so employed, however, has never been
large because of the higher wages paid in railroad and other branches
of employment.
The first business conducted in Portland by a Japanese was that
of a restaurant serving American meals. This was established as
early as 1888, when there were few Japanese in the State. With
this as a beginning, the number of places of business has expanded
as the Japanese population has increased and as the members of this
race have gained a knowledge of American methods and wants.
The kinds of business conducted by Japanese in 1891, 1900, and 1909
are shown in the following table :
TABLE 11. — Data for Japanese in business in Portland, Oreg., in 1891, 1900, and
1909.
Kind of business.
Number of establish-
ments in —
Number
of persons
employed
in 1909.
1891.
1900.
1909.
Restaurants serving American meals
4
14
4
3
14
11
12
2
10
« 13
i>4
1
1
1
1
8
1
2
1
2
1
2
2
2
1
94
48
35
8
31
37
7
6
5
2
2
4
4
64
2
4
1
3
4
4
Hotels and lodging houses
2
2
Tofu maker
Other stores (chiefly general merchandise) . .
3
Tailors
Mechanic
1
2
6
13
Newspaper office
c7
c28
*97
«384
o Three of these are connected with laundries.
b All connected with fruit and cigar stands or with bath houses and barber shops.
c Perhaps not complete.
* Slightly exaggerated because of duplication noted above.
« Net including office men of "contractors."
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 305
Though the figures for 1891 and 1900 may not be complete because
of inadequate records, while those for 1909 are slightly exaggerated
because of duplication, due to two or more businesses being at times
conducted in one establishment, this table indicates that there has
been a great increase in the number of different kinds of business
engaged in and the number of establishments conducted by Japanese.
In so far as can be ascertained, there were in 1891 only 4 restaurants
serving American meals, 2 hotels and lodging houses making pro-
vision for the transient Japanese, and 1 contractor supplying labor-
ers to two railroad companies. By 1900 the number of these estab-
lishments and contractors had increased, while restaurants serving
Japanese meals, barber shops, and stores had been started. A much
more rapid expansion took place later, especially just before the
Portland exposition, for this attracted many Japanese to the city to
engage in petty business. In fact, the number of establishments has
not increased materially since that time.
The character of the business engaged in by Japanese is very well
shown by the table just presented. Most 01 the stores, shops, and
laundries are very small, represent but little capital investment, do
little business, and yield only small profits. The «hief exception is
found in one store conducted by the largest of the contractors. More-
over, most of the business is incidental to supplying the needs of the
Japanese. In fact, the barber shops, restaurants serving American
meals, and the art stores alone have more than a small percentage of
white patrons. Fifty per cent or more of the patrons of the barber
shops are white men, principally laborers. White men constituted
50 per cent of the patrons of one, 70 per cent of those of another, and
96 per cent of those of a third shop from which complete data were
obtained. The barbers are organized as the Japanese Barbers Union,
which has established uniform prices — 25 cents for hair cutting and 10
cents for shaving. These are the prices charged by the majority of
the smaller shops conducted by white men. The barbers employed
usually receive 60 per cent of the receipts and earn from $30 to $50
per month. The patrons of the Japanese restaurants serving Amer-
ican meals are almost all white laborers. One establishment doing a
business of $9,600 per year, reported that 95 per cent of its patrons
were white men, 5 per cent Japanese., Two others doing a business of
$14,400 and $15,000 per year, respectively, had white patrons only.
The proprietors of 12 of the 14 restaurants of this kind are members
of the Japanese Restaurant Keepers Association, organized in 1896,
to regulate prices and to protect the interests of its members. All of
these establishments are of the " 10 cents and up " variety, and do
the same class of business as is done by five Chinese and a many fold
larger number of " white " restaurants. The wages of waiters and
cooks vary from $30 to $40 and average about $33 per month, with
board and lodging. The art stores selling brass ware and other
" novelties " depend almost entirely upon white persons for their
patronage. These establishments are all very small, however, and
their competition is not felt by the dealers of other races.
_As indicated in the table given, the various branches of business
give employment to something more than 384 persons. Only Jap-
anese are employed. In addition to these there are several profes-
306 The Immigration Commission.
sional men — 2 interpreters, 3 dentists, and 5 physicians — the last two
groups practicing among Japanese exclusively. The other Japanese
gainfully employed, the official class and clergymen excepted, are
employed for wages by white persons.
It is estimated that about 350 Japanese men are employed as
domestics in private families. The more experienced command from
$40 to $50 per month as cooks. These wages are much higher than
those earned twenty years ago. The usual wage was then $14 or
$15 per month. At no time has the number of Japanese domestics
been sufficiently large seriously to affect the employment of other
races. It is estimated that about 120 Japanese men are employed
about hotels, bars, clubs, and in stores conducted by white proprietors.
As porters they usually earn $12 per week or $50 per month and
board. As bell boys, another capacity in which they are employed
about hotels, they earn about $30 per month and board. In this
latter capacity they are now employed to the exclusion of other
races in most of the high-priced hotels of the city. The few em-
ployed in stores conducted by white men serve as porters and general
workers. One newspaper is published by the Japanese in Portland.
It is an eight-page daily with a circulation of about 800. The
Japanese maintain two churches. The Methodist Mission was estab-
lished in 1893 and has about 70 members. The Buddhist Mission
was established ten years later. It has about 570 members, 270 of
whom live in Portland and its vicinity, the others in more distant
country places. The Japanese Association of Oregon was organized
in February, 1909. It unifies the various kinds of organizations
among the Japanese and serves to protect and promote the interests
of that race as do the associations organized in other States.
CHAPTER VII.
JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN DENVER.
The first Japanese settled in Colorado a little more than ten years
ago. When they first came to the State they were engaged very
largely in maintenance-of-way work on the railroads and in business
in Denver. The latter city became a supply center. In 1900, how-
ever, they found employment in the coal mines, and somewhat later
in an iron and steel plant at Pueblo. Shortly after that time they
engaged in handwork in the sugar-beet fields, and subsequently
became tenant farmers in large numbers. In 1909 the Japanese
population of the State was estimated at 6,000. Of these, some 400
or more were engaged in coal mining, 128 in iron and steel manufac-
ture, and 4,500 in agricultural and construction and railroad work,
the agricultural laborers swelling the ranks of those otherwise em-
ployed during the seasons when little work is done in the beet fields.
Denver is the supply center and the place of residence for the ma-
jority of the Japanese in the State when they are not employed.
According to an investigation conducted by the Japanese Associa-
tion of Colorado, July 15, 1909, the number of Japanese in Denver
was 526. Of these, 489 werew adult males, 24 married women, and 13
children. This census contained few of the laborers who reside
there when not at work. If these and miscellaneous persons not
included in the above are added, the minimum number is estimated
at about 725. During certain months of the year the number is
much larger. About the middle of August, for example, many agri-
cultural laborers come to the city to remain until the beet harvest
begins toward the end of September. The Japanese population at
that time is about 1,500. Again, at the close of the beet .harvest in
December a still larger number come to the city until they find other
employment for the winter months or until agricultural work begins
again in the spring. At that time the number is in excess of 1,500.
With the growth of the Japanese population, Japanese have engaged
in business in Denver primarily to provide for the wants of the re-
mainder of that race residing there and to furnish supplies to those
gainfully occupied in different parts of the State. Few have en-
gaged in business in the smaller cities and towns. In 1909 five estab-
lishments were reported for Pueblo and two each for Colorado
Springs and Eaton and one each for Greeley and Fort Collins, but
the entire number outside of Denver does not greatly exceed a dozen.
In Denver in 1903 there were two restaurants, one bamboo furniture
manufacturer, and one boarding house. More recently, with the
great influx of agricultural laborers to the beet fields, which began
in 1903, the number of establishments conducted by Japanese has
greatly increased. The number in July, 1909, as ascertained by an
agent of the Commission, is shown in the table following. It shows
also the number of persons gainfully occupied in the several estab-
lishments engaged in each kind of business specified.
307
308
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 12. — Japanese engaged in "business in Denver, Colo., June, 1909.
Kind of business.
Number of
establish-
ments.
Number of
persons oc-
cupied in
same.
Kind of business.
Number of
establish-
ments.
Number of
persons oc-
cupied in
same.
Banks a
1
2
Japanese confectionery «
2
2
Bamboo furniture shop a. .
Barber shops
1
4
1
4
Japanese drug store a
Jewelry shop . .
1
1
2
1
Bath houses (in barber
shops)
3
0
Labor contractors «
Laundries
7
3
8
9
Boarding and lodging
Lodging houses
3
, 4
houses o
7
20
Massage parlor o
1
1
Curio shops
1
2
Photograph gallery o,
1
1
Dairy
2
3
Pool rooms
3
6
Dry goods stores (2 carry-
ing provisions also)
4
18
Restaurants (Japanese
meals)
10
33
Employment office o,
1
2
Tailor shops
2
2
Express
2
2
Tea garden
1
3
Fish markets o ... ...
1
2
Tofu manufacturer <*
1
1
2
2
Ice cream parlors
2
2
Total b
67
133
« Patronized by Japanese only.
& Not including 5 newspaper men with branch offices, 4 house-cleaning agencies with 130 men, 2 physi-
cians, 2 dentists, a hospital, a "bamboo worker," a carpenter, a job painter, and 2 prostitutes.
The total presented, viz, 67 establishments, comprising 133 persons
gainfully occupied, does not include 5 newspaper men, with branch
offices; 4 house-cleaning agencies, with 130 men; 2 physicians, 2
dentists, several craftsmen, and a few others gainfully occupied in
the Japanese colony or in connection with Japanese institutions.
The Japanese are more conspicuous in the general field of domes-
tic service than in any other branch of employment in Denver.
There are 4 house-cleaning agencies, controlling some 130 men, who
do house-cleaning and domestic work by the day. There is also a
§roup of Koreans, as large as any of these 4, likewise employed,
ome 100 Japanese men are regularly employed as domestics in pri-
vate families, but they are only a small percentage of the total num-
ber so employed. There were also, in 1908 and 1909, 22 students
attending the public schools of the city and the University of Den-
ver. This accounts for the vast majority of those residing in the
city throughout the year other than those engaged as professional
and business men and their few dependents.
An agent of the Commission made a general investigation of the
business conducted in Denver by the Japanese. The number of the
establishments was too few to warrant a general statistical analysis.
The general results may be briefly presented. Most of the Japanese
live and, with few exceptions, conduct their business in two or three
blocks of the older part of the business district of the city. There,
as elsewhere, the vast majority of the proprietors, their families, and
employees live in the rear or over the rooms in which business is
conducted.
The seven boarding and lodging houses are patronized exclusively
by Japanese, chiefly farm and railroad laborers. These provide
board as well as lodging. Besides these seven, there are three lodg-
ing houses which provide lodgings only and are patronized to some
extent by white persons of the lower class. These 10 boarding and
lodging 'houses are organized into a boarding-house association, the
primary object of which is to prevent any unnecessary competition.
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 309
At the time of the investigation each member was contributing $5
per month to a fund for the purpose of establishing a cooperative
supply house. There are 10 restaurants, all of which serve Japa-
nese meals and " noodles " only. They have a few white and negro
patrons, but the Japanese patrons are far more numerous than the
others. These proprietors are organized into the Japanese Restau-
rant Keepers' Association, which regulates prices so that they may
be uniform, and controls the location of restaurants, so that undue
competition shall not develop. There are no Japanese restaurants
serving American meals, and there is no competition between those
serving Japanese meals and the restaurants conducted by the mem-
bers of other races. When the Japanese first came to Denver, about
ten years ago, however, several opened restaurants to serve American
meals. It is said that the prices charged were lower than those
which obtained at other cheap restaurants in the city, so that the
competition of the seven or more Japanese establishments was keenly
felt, especially by other establishments located near by. The white
cooks and waiters were at that time strongly organized, and, acting
in cooperation with the white restaurant keepers, they succeeded in
cutting off very largely the supplies which had been furnished the
Japanese restaurants by white dealers. This was done by means of a
threatened boycott of offending dealers. Moreover, the Japanese
were prevented from establishing a supply house of their own, and
though the case was contested in the courts the Japanese restaurant
keepers were soon forced to suspend business.
As indicated in the foregoing table, there were four dry goods
stores. These are in fact supply stores. Two of them carry goods
of every kind, save perishable articles, needed by railroad and farm
laborers, and most of their trade is with out of town laborers of the
kind mentioned, employed through and working under the control
of the proprietors of these supply houses as labor contractors. In
addition to this supply business they have some city customers, both
Japanese and white, the latter being the more numerous. One of the
larger of the supply houses does a business of approximately $100,000
per year, 70 per cent of which is with farmers and laborers in various
parts of Colorado. The value of goods imported from Japan during
the year was $55,000, or more than one-half of the value of the an-
nual transactions.
Besides these dealers who serve as labor contractors, there are sev-
eral other Japanese contractors in Denver, making a total of seven.
These men are engaged in providing laborers for work in the mines,
as section hands on the railroads, and for construction of dams, res-
ervoirs, and other reclamation work. The relations between the
contractors and men are practically the same as in Seattle, where
conditions have already been noted. Besides these labor contractors
there is one employment office patronized exclusively by Japanese and
chiefly by domestics and casual laborers employed in Denver. The
other branches of business engaged in by Japanese are of less im-
portance. There are four barber shops with one chair each. Three
also have baths. The prices are the same as those charged in other
shops of the same type, viz, -20 or 25 cents for hair cutting and 15
cents for shaving. While all of the shops are patronized by other
races, the Japanese are the most numerous of all.
310 The Immigration Commission.
There are three laundries. Two are conducted by the members of
one family without the assistance of outside employees, while only
1 Japanese man and from 3 to 4 white women are employed in the
other. The latter, alone, has patrons other than Japanese, the ma-
jority of its customers being white persons. The prices charged are
higher than those which are maintained by some white laundries but
lower than those of some others. The competition is negligible.
The Japanese conduct two dairies supplying milk in Denver. One
has 33, the other 15 milch cows. Both Japanese and white persons
are found among their patrons, the latter being in the majority.
Both Japanese are members of the Dairymens' Association, and there
is no underselling of other dealers. The three pool parlors are fre-
quented by members of other races as well as by Japanese. Taking
the three together, the percentages of the various races represented
among the patrons are about as follows : White persons, 10 ; negroes,
20; Japanese, TO. The other business conducted by the Japanese is
of little importance. Moreover, as is indicated in the foregoing table,
most of the establishments have Japanese patrons only.
From the table to which reference has just been made and from
this brief review of different branches of business conducted by Jap-
anese, it is evident (1) that while the number of Japanese business
establishments in Denver has rapidly increased since 1903, they are
not comparatively numerous; (2) that with the exception of the
supply stores and some of the lodging houses, they are small; (3) that
the more important branches of business, viz, the labor agencies, sup-
ply business, the boarding and lodging houses, and the restaurants,
as well as the majority of the small establishments, have been started
primarily to provide for Japanese laborers while in Denver as tran-
sients and while at work in other places; (4) that the only branch of
business in which there has been serious competition between Jap-
anese and white establishments is the restaurant trade, and that the
Japanese thus engaged were compelled to suspend business because
of the organized opposition of their competitors and their employees ;
(5) that while a comparatively large number of the small shops and
some of the larger stores have non-Japanese patrons, such establish-
ments occupy such an unimportant place in the trade of Denver that
their existence is of no particular consequence to business men of
other races.
The most important organizations among the Japanese other than
the purely business organizations among the restaurant keepers and
the boarding and lodging house keepers, to which reference has been
made, are the Japanese Association of Colorado, the Business Men's
Association, and two " prefectural " societies, with memberships of
639, 25, 25, and 66, respectively. The Japanese Association of Colo-
rado was organized a few years ago when the opposition to immi-
f rants of that race was organized and directed through the local
apanese and Korean Exclusion League, and was designed to pro-
tect the interests of the members of the race in Colorado. Since the
opposition has become less pronounced, the association has served
the same purposes as similar organizations in other localities. The
Japanese Business Men's Association is chiefly of historical interest.
It was organized in 1907 as a result of a factional fight within the
Japanese in City Employments and Business. 311
Japanese Association of Colorado over the requirements made by
contractors of a deposit of $10 by each of their Japanese laborers
when beginning work. This requirement resulted in hardship and
exploitation, and the association resolved that the practice was un-
just and should be discontinued. Thereupon some of the members
withdrew from the association and organized a rival institution
under the name of the Japanese Business Men's Association. More
recently the requirement of a $10 deposit has been abolished.
A small hospital and the Methodist Mission are the other Japa-
nese institutions which should be noted in Denver. Other religious
denominations had not at the time of the investigation organized
missions among the Japanese.
48296°— VOL 23—11 21
CHAPTER VIII.
JAPANESE IN CITY TRADES AND BUSINESS IN SALT LAKE CITY
AND OGDEN.
INTRODUCTION.
The first Japanese came to the State of Utah a little less than ten
years ago, when a contractor brought in 200 of them to engage in
railroad work. With this as a beginning, the members of this race
have increased in number, engaged in more numerous occupations,
become conspicuous as tenant farmers in certain agricultural locali-
ties, and engaged in business on a small scale in Salt Lake City,
Ogden, and a few of the smaller towns. Most of the Japanese are
common laborers, and many of them move rapidly from place to
place and from one industry to another. The number in a given
locality or engaged in any given industry varies greatly during the
year. Consequently it is impossible to do more than give an approx-
imate estimate of the total number in the State.
The following data were obtained in June and July, 1909, and are
presented as showing the approximate number of Japanese a in the
State and the occupations in which they were engaged at that time :
In the State :
Railroad laborers —
Section hands 813
Shop laborers 107
920
Coal miners. 126
Smelter laborers 143
Cement factory hands 20
Construction laborers '. 48
Sugar beet hands. 6800
Farmers and other agricultural laborers b225
In Salt Lake City : c
Business and professional men and assistants 150
Domestics 90
House cleaners 2
Cooks 35
Store help 15
Students 24
Without occupation 80
"396
In Ogden z> a 125
In towns 6 20
Women and children 125
Total »2, 948
0 Not including about 200 Koreans employed on railroads, in beet fields, and
leasing land.
6 Estimated. .
c Exclusive of 93 included in above entries.
4 Exclusive of laborers and helpers in railroad shops and roundhouse at
Ogden, included under railroad laborers above.
313
314 The Immigration Commission.
The total number of Japanese in Utah is thus estimated to have
been approximately 3,000. Something more than 1,000 of them were
men engaged at the time in agricultural occupations. Though most
of these men purchase the bulk of their supplies at " American "
stores, practically all purchase some if not many supplies at Salt
Lake City or Ogden, and chiefly at the latter place. Some 920 men
were employed under 10 contractors as maintenance of way men or
as shop and roundhouse laborers by the railroads. In addition to
these, 1,340 were similarly employed in Nevada, Idaho, and Wyo-
ming, thus making a total of 2,260 laborers under the control of 10
Japanese contractors with offices at Salt Lake City and Ogden.
These men purchase by far the greater part of their supplies from
Japanese supply stores, the majority of which are conducted by these
labor contractors. The same is equally true of most of the 126 Jap-
anese coal miners and the 143 smelter hands wrho are under the con-
trol of some of the same contractors. In addition to these 126 coal
miners employed in Utah, several hundred are similarly employed in
Wyoming through a contractor at Salt Lake City and purchase many
of their supplies from him. Primarily to secure employment and to
supply the wants of these men while at work and to provide for their
needs when unemployed in the cities, a comparatively large number
of business establishments have been opened by Japanese in Salt
Lake City and Ogden, while a few have been opened in the small
towns of the agricultural districts in which many Japanese laborers
are employed. Still other establishments have been started to secure
the patronage of other races. These various Japanese establishments
provide gainful employment for perhaps 150 Japanese in Salt Lake
City, for perhaps 125 in Ogden, and probably for as many as 20 in
the small towns of the northern part of the State. Finally, in re-
cent years a comparatively small number of Japanese have found
employment as domestics in the homes of and as " help " in establish-
ments conducted by white men.
JAPANESE IN CITY TRADES AND EMPLOYMENTS IN SALT LAKE CITY.
The " settled " Japanese population of Salt Lake City is estimated
at about 441. Of women there were about 20 ; of children about 12.
Of the men, 93 were, in July, 1909, employed in street construction
and railroad work. Of the other 316, about 150 were connected
with Japanese business establishments or engaged in the profes-
sions, about 127 engaged in domestic and personal service and re-
lated employments, 15 were employed in cleaning and similar work
in "American " stores, while some 24 were students in public schools
of the city and the University of Utah. In addition to these Japa-
nese residents, there are a variable number of transient laborers.
At the time of the investigation there were about 80 of these, but
during the winter months this number increases to several hundred.
The number of domestics employed regularly by the month in
"American" families numbers about 75; the' number of "school
boys " who work a few hours per day for board and lodging and a
small sum of money, about 15. The total number is so small as
compared with the total number of persons engaged in domestic
service that no appreciable effect has been wrought upon the wages
and other conditions of employment of other persons similarly occu-
Japanese in City Employments and Business.
315
pied. Only two men, in partnership, have engaged in house clean-
ing and similar work by the hour or day. Some 35 Japanese have
found employment in white restaurants as cooks and " kitchen help."
The number is too small to have had any appreciable effect upon
the employment of other races in similar capacities. The same is
true of the 15 employed as janitors, porters, and " general help " in
stores conducted by white men. The kinds of business and the num-
ber of establishments of each kind conducted by Japanese in Salt
Lake City in July, 1909, are shown in the following table :
TABLE 13. — Japanese in business in Salt Lake City, Utah, July, 1909.
Kind of business.
Number of
establish-
ments.
Kind of business.
Number of
establish-
ments.
Bamboo furniture manufacture
1
Newspaper
1
3
Photograph gallery
1
Bathhouses
2
Provision stores
4
Billiard and pool rooms
3
Restaurants serving American meals.
5
Boarding houses
9
Restaurants serving Japanese meals
3
Contractors
7
Tailor shops
3
3
Laundry
1
Total
046
« Not including 1 physician, 1 house-cleaning establishment conducted by 2 men in partnership, and
1 carpenter.
The total number of establishments was 46. Of these, 7 were
employment agencies (most of which sell supplies also), while 4
were provision or supply stores, both closely connected with the
employment of laborers in the mines and smelters and on the rail-
ways. The 7 contractors, from their Salt Lake City offices, in July,
1909, controlled 1,223 laborers, besides several hundred employed in
the coal mines of western Wyoming. In the majority of cases the
contractors collect an interpreter's fee of $1 per month and 5 per
cent of the earnings of each laborer, the wages being paid by the
employer through the contractor. A further source of profit is
found in the supplies furnished the laborers working under the con-
trol of the several contractors or agents.
Besides the supply stores conducted by the contractors and not
engaged in local retail trade, there are four provision stores con-
ducted by Japanese. These are located in the Japanese quarter,
which centers in a small street one block west of Main street (the
center of the business district), between First and Second streets
south. These stores are patronized almost exclusively by Japanese.
Most of the 9 boarding and lodging houses and the 3 restaurants
serving Japanese meals are also located in this district. Of these
establishments, only one — a boarding and lodging house — is patron-
ized by others than Japanese, and in this case the Japanese patrons
constitute more than 90 per cent of the entire number. The prices
charged for boarding and lodging range from 55 to 75 cents per day
for transients. The charge for lodging alone is from 15 to 35 cents
per night ; that for single meals, 15 cents.
The restaurants serving American meals, the small laundry, the
barber shops and baths, the curio shops, tailor shops, and billiard
and pool rooms, unlike the business establishments already noted,
have comparatively large numbers of white patrons. Until shortly
316 The Immigration Commission.
previous to the investigation there had been seven Japanese restau-
rants serving American meals, but two of them had failed and had
been closed. The five remaining were scattered through the busi-
ness district and were found to be patronized chiefly by white men.
the vast majority of whom were of the laboring class. They serve
cheap but substantial meals at low prices— two at 20 cents, two at
15 cents, and one at 10 cents. These establishments in point of fur-
nishings, service, food, and prices do not differ materially from a
very much larger number of small " cheap " restaurants conducted
by white men of various races. No opposition has as yet been
aroused against the Japanese restaurants; their competition has not
had any serious effect upon their competitors. The hand laundry
employs only four men. The three barber shops are also small, two
of them having only two chairs each, the other four. One of the
barbers employed is a white man. The Japanese and white patrons
of the smaller shops are about equal in number, but the latter class
predominate among the patrons of the larger shop. The charge for
hair cutting is uniformly 25 cents, for shaving 10 cents. These
prices are the same as those which obtain in small shops of the same
type conducted by men of other races, many of whom are foreign-
born. However, in the majority of the shops conducted by white
men the prices are 35 cents for hair cutting and 15 cents for shaving.
The baths conducted by Japanese are run in connection with two of
their barber shops.
The curio shops are small, and, as elsewhere, are patronized largely
by white people. The three tailor shops are small, each being con-
ducted by one man. Though each is an agent for Chicago merchant-
tailoring houses, most of the business done consists of cleaning,
repairing, and pressing suits. The price charged for cleaning and
pressing is $1 per suit, the same as at other shops engaged in that
business. Of three billiard and pool rooms conducted by Japanese
two are small and are patronized by the members of that race almost
exclusively, while a larger one with eight tables is patronized almost
entirely by white men. The last-mentioned establishment sells soft
drinks and cigars also, and does a large amount of business. The
other branches of business engaged in by the Japanese are of little
consequence. They have been indicated in the foregoing table.
The more essential matters relating to Japanese business in Salt
Lake City may be stated in summary form as follows: (1) The more
important establishments are directly connected with the supplying
of laborers to capitalistic enterprises and providing these laborers
with the necessaries of life; (2) the Japanese may supply most of
their needs, save for clothing of superior quality, at establishments
conducted by members of their own race; (3) their barber shops and
baths, some of the pool rooms, the curio shops, tailor shops, and res-
taurants serving American meals are patronized largely by white
persons, but these establishments are few and small, and maintain
the same level of prices as are found in similar establishments con-
ducted by other races, so that the competition between them and
their competitors has been of little consequence.
JAPANESE IN BUSINESS IN OGDEN.
Ogden is a supply point for railway and for agricultural laborers
engaged in truck gardening and sugar-beet growing. The 4 labor
Japanese in City Employments and Business.
317
contractors in July, 1909, controlled 1,322 men employed by a num-
ber of railway companies. These laborers and the vast majority of
those employed in the beet fields and the numerous farmers are
provided with much of their food and some of their clothes by the
Japanese provision and supply stores. During the seasons when
many Japanese laborers are unemployed a large number live at the
boarding and lodging houses conducted at Ogden. To supply their
needs, and in some cases to secure white patrons, a comparatively
large number of establishments have in recent years been started by
Japanese. One important difference between the situation found in
Salt Lake City and that which obtains in Ogden lies in the fact that
to some extent Japanese are engaged in domestic service and related
occupations in the former, while practically all of the approximately
175 Japanese residing throughout the year in Ogden are connected
with business establishments conducted by the members of that
race or work in the railroad shops. Another difference is found in
the fact that less of the business conducted is for the American trade.
The kinds of business engaged in by the Japanese in Ogden and the
number of establishments conducted, in July, 1909, are shown in the
following table :
TABLE 14. — Japanese in business in Ogden, Utah, July, 1909.
Kind of business.
Number of
establish-
ments.
Kind of business.
Number of
establish-
ments.
Bank (branch)
1
Provision stores
* 2
Barber shops
4
Laundry
1
Baths
o2
Restaurant serving American meals...
1
Contractors
4
Restaurants serving Japanese meals
8
Express
2
Tailor shop
1
10
1
Totald
c43
Poolrooms ». ... ....
66
« Connected with barber shops.
* Three of the 6 connected with barber shops,
c See notes "a" and "6."
d Not including 3 branch newspaper agencies dealing in Japanese newspapers and conducted in con-
nection with other business.
The total number of Japanese establishments (including some
duplication which can not be entirely eliminated in this case) was
43. Those of importance, with few exceptions, are directly connected
with Japanese labor. What was said concerning the business of the
labor contractors at Salt Lake City applies equally well to contractors
with offices at Ogden. The two large provision stores, both of which
are closely connected with, though conducted separately from, the
contracting business, carry chiefly Japanese goods in stock and are
patronized almost exclusively by Japanese. They ship large con-
signments of goods to groups of Japanese section hands and beet-field
laborers. The 10 boarding and lodging houses are patronized exclu-
sively by Japanese and practically all of these are of the transient
class who come to Ogden " between jobs." The proprietors of these
establishments have organized an association to limit the competition
among them. The price of lodging is 20 cents for the night, without
board, and 15 cents if meals are purchased also. The cost of meals is
15 cents each. The_two expressmen are engaged principally in haul-
e to and depart from t]
ing the baggage of Japanese as they come
the city.
318 The Immigration Commission.
The number of establishments having any considerable percentage
of their patrons among the white race are the one laundry, the one
restaurant serving American meals, the four barber shops and the
pool rooms. The laundry gives employment to four Japanese and five
white women. About 50 per cent of the patrons are white. The
prices charged, and especially those charged for laundering women's
articles, are somewhat lower than those charged by the white steam
laundries. Yet the prices are higher than those charged for work
done for Japanese, for it is customary to make material reductions on
articles laundered for the members of that race. Though the Chinese
have several restaurants patronized almost exclusively, if not entirely,
by white persons, the Japanese have not engaged in the serving of
American meals to any considerable extent. At the time of the inves-
tigation there was only one small restaurant serving American meals.
The price per meal was 15 cents.
From the point of view of American patronage the barber shops
and the baths and pool rooms connected with them are by far the
most important of all the establishments conducted by the Japa-
nese. There are four small barber shops, each with two chairs.
These are located in the most frequented parts of the city and 70 per
cent of their patrons are white men. The price charged for hair cut-
ting is 25 cents, for shaving 10 cents. These prices are the same as
those charged at three nonunion white shops giving equally good
service, and higher than at two others of a poorer quality at which
the charges for hair cutting and shaving are 15 and 10 cents, respec-
tively. The majority of the white shops are unionized, however, and
the union price for hair cutting is 35 cents, and for shaving 15 cents.
It is evident that the Japanese, together with about an equal number
of white shops, are appealing to the " cheaper trade." The charge for
a bath at the Japanese shops is 15 cents. The same rate obtains at
some white establishments, though at a much larger number the
charge is either 20 or 25 cents. There is no difference in the prices
" per cue " at Japanese pool rooms, three of which are connected with
barber shops and patronized largely by white persons, and those
which prevail elsewhere.
The other business establishments are few in number, are small, and
are patronized chiefly by the Japanese. The bank is a branch insti-
tution designed to serve as an agency for collecting and forwarding
the savings of the Japanese laborers. The tailor is agent for a Chi-
cago merchant-tailoring house, but is engaged chiefly in cleaning and
pressing clothes. His shop is located in the Japanese quarter and is
patronized chiefly by the Japanese who live in the boarding and
lodging houses near by. The small photograph gallery is patronized
chiefly by Japanese laborers. From the details presented it is evi-
dent (1) that most of the Japanese business establishments are small;
(2) that white persons are relatively numerous among the patrons of
a few establishments only; and (3) that the limited competition be-
tween the Japanese and white business men has as yet been of no
particular consequence.
A very few Japanese are engaged in business in some of the smaller
towns. Garland and Logan, in each of which there is a small Jap-
anese restaurant largely patronized by white people, are typical of
these. The entire number of Japanese business establishments in Utah,
outside of Salt Lake City and Ogden, probably does not exceed six.
CHAPTER IX.
JAPANESE IN BUSINESS IN IDAHO.
The number of Japanese in Idaho varies greatly with the seasons,
chiefly because of the importance of the beet fields as a source of
employment. The number of persons engaged in some of the non-
agricultural occupations also varies from season to season for the
same reason. According to the best estimates the number of domes-
tic servants varies between 40 and 70, of railroad laborers between
200 and several hundred. The number of Japanese engaged in the
handwork of the beet fields reaches between 600 and 700 as a maxi-
mum. The number of Japanese farmers and employees perhaps
numbers 50. The number engaged in reclamation work varies
greatly from time to time. The number connected with business en-
terprises is about 80. In all probability the total number in the
State at the minimum in winter is something less than 1,000, the
maximum in summer not much less than 1,400.
The Japanese are employed in many parts of the State as laborers
on the railroads, in the beet fields, and in the construction of irriga-
tion ditches. Wherever they have been employed for a year or so a
small number have engaged in business. While investigating the
beet-sugar industry and railway labor, the agents of the Commission
collected the data relative to Japanese engaged in business presented
in the following table:
TABLE 15. — Japanese engaged in business in Idaho in 1909.
Location.
Provi-
sion
and
supply
stores.
Board-
ing and
lodging
houses.
Res-
tau-
rants
serv-
ing
Japa-
nese
meals.
Res-
tau-
rants
serv-
ing
Ameri-
can
meals.
Barber
shops.
Pool
rooms.
Tailor
shops.
Curio
stores.
Total.
American Falls...
1
Boise
1
3
Gooding
1
Idaho Falls
1
Mindoka
1
Nampa
1
1
1
I
4
Preston
1
1
Pocatello
2
1
1
1
1
ol
I
g
Shoshone
1
I
2
Twin Falls
2
2
Wendell
1
1
Total &.
63
4
1
12
I
3
1
I
626
a With barber shop.
o Not including 1 railroad contractor and a few subcontractors under a general agency in several sugar
beet growing districts, together with the supply business they conduct.
319
320 The Immigration Commission.
The preceding table is not complete. In all probability a few Japa-
nese are engaged in business in other towns in the southern part of
the State. The total number of establishments not reported, however,
is small. Moreover, the table does not include a contractor for rail-
road labor at Pocatello and a few subcontractors working under a
general agency and controlling many of the laborers in the beet
fields and the supply business conducted by them. In spite of this
incompleteness, however, the table shows (1) the comparatively
slight extent to which the Japanese have engaged in business, and
(2) that restaurants serving American meals are by far the most
numerous of the enterprises conducted.
That the Japanese have not engaged more extensively in business
in Idaho is due to the fact that there is no important center in the
State from which Japanese laborers are supplied, and the compara-
tively short time they have engaged in any employment save rail-
way work where they are provided with supplies by the contractors
through whom they are employed. That a number of small res-
taurants serving American meals have been opened in small towns
is an interesting fact. Both the Chinese and Japanese conduct
restaurants patronized chiefly by white people of various classes who
show no antipathy to the Orientals. Unlike the white residents of the
Pacific Coast States, those of Idaho give no evidence of any hostile
feeling toward either the Chinese or the Japanese.
PART III.-THE EAST INDIANS ON THE PACIFIC COAST.
821
I
PART HI,— THE EAST INDIANS ON THE PACIFIC COAST,
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
Agents of the Commission made an investigation of East Indian
immigrants in California, Oregon, and Washington. Data were
secured for 36 groups including 159 members and from 395 other
men found at work on farms and elsewhere. Information was ob-
tained from the members of the 36 groups with reference to their
occupations, wages, cost of living, housing, and related matters. In-
formation was secured with reference to still other matters from 79
of the members of 24 of these groups. Corresponding data relative
to most points of interest were obtained from the 395 from whom
individual schedules were obtained. The number of these latter
schedules is not so large or so well distributed by industries as de-
sired because those employed as section hands on the railroad and in
lumber mills could not be reached by the agents in person, and it
was found impossible to secure the data otherwise because of the
inability of the majority of these immigrants to read and write
English, and because of the disinclination of the foremen under whom
they worked to devote the time necessary to secure the desired in-
formation and to record it. Personal data were secured, however,
from 474 East Indians. These are 15 per cent or more of the total
number in the United States at the time the investigation was con-
ducted. Inasmuch as practically all of these immigrants are en-
gaged in common labor and are of the same class, the data secured
are believed to show the essential facts with a fair degree of accuracy.
323
.
CHAPTER IL
SETTLEMENT AND PROGRESS OF EAST INDIANS IN PACIFIC
COAST STATES.
The East Indians in the Pacific coast States include Sikhs, Mo-
hammedans, and Afghans (who are also of the Mohammedan faith).
They are all known as " Hindus," though, strictly speaking, they are
not all of the Hindu caste.
There are at present about 5,000 East Indians of the working class
in the United States.
The census of 1900 does not specify by race the number of East
Indians in the United States at that time, but it gives a total (exclu-
sive of Hawaii and Alaska) of 2,050 persons born in India, and it is
probable that the greater part of these were East Indians. The
following table, compiled from the annual reports of the Commis-
sioner-General of Immigration for the years 1900-1910, shows the
number of East Indian immigrants admitted during the past eleven
years.
TABLE 1. — Number of East Indians admitted and departed during the years
1900 to 1910.
Year ending June 30—
Admitted.
Departed.o
Increase.
Immi-
grant
aliens.
Nonim-
migrant
aliens.
Total.
Emi-
grant
aliens.
Nonemi-
grant
aliens.
Total.
1900
9
20
84
83
258
145
271
1,072
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906
1907
1908
1,710
337
1,782
124
48
674
1,586
347
1909
113
85
450
1,867
55
678
103
6152
1910 +.
"Previous to 1908 no record of departures was kept. The distinction between immi-
grant and nonimmigrant aliens was first made in 1909, and the basis of the classification
is thus explained : " In making the classification the following rule is observed: Arriving
aliens whose permanent domicile has been outside of the United States who intend to re-
side permanently in the United States are classed as immigrant aliens ; departing aliens
whose permanent residence has been in the United States who intend to reside perma-
nently abroad are classed as emigrant aliens; all alien residents of the United States
making a temporary trip abroad, and all aliens residing abroad and making a temporary
trip to the United States are classed as nonimmigrant aliens on the inward journey and
nonemigrant on the outward" (p. 9, Report Commissioner-General of Immigration, 1909).
» For July, 1909, to March, 1910, inclusive.
This table shows that the immigration of East Indians in more
than small numbers has been very recent, and it also shows how
rapidly the number admitted has been increasing. In 1900, 9 were
admitted to the United States, in 1904, 258, and in 1908, 1,710. The
325
326
The Immigration Commission.
great decline in the number entering this country in 1909 was due to
the fact that the Canadian government put in force a more stringent
policy (hereafter explained) which barred East Indians from British
Columbia, from whence they had been coming to the United States,
and that the United States Bureau of Immigration was more rigid
in its requirements than it had been before or is now. The provision
of the immigration law excluding " persons likely to become a public
charge " was strictly applied against East Indians and discouraged
their coming in that year. In 1908 the number debarred from enter-
ing the United States was one-fourth as large as the number ad-
mitted; in 1909 the number debarred was three- fourths as large as
the number of immigrant and nonimmigrant East Indians admitted,
while in 1910 less than one-fourth as many were debarred as were
admitted.
The reports for the years 1908, 1909, and for nine months of 1910
give the number leaving the United States as shown in the above
table. Previous to 1909 the reports do not distinguish between im-
migrant and nonimmigrant aliens admitted. The number of East
Indians debarred from entering and also the number deported are
given in the following table :
TABLE 2. — Number of East Indians debarred during the years 1900 to 1910,
by cause.
, , ^
o
M "w ^
a
f>x£
3
I
1
Oft03*)
3
0
ls|i
03
"3
Year ending June 30—
1
j
:!
Q'S certifi
mentally
which i
;y to earn
If
a
1
i
i
1
1
1
1
fit!
"3
I
1
-3
t-H
1
£>
Crimin
!
1
I
1900
0
0
1901
I
1
o
1902
0
0
1903
0
1
1904
3
4
7
2
1905
12
1
13
2
1906
6
10
5
2
i
24
2
1907
102
286
29
417
1
1908
1
109
107
118
20
438
9
1909
94
2
54
146
17
2
16
331
1
1910
161
7
18
200
7
18
411
4
This table indicates the causes for rejecting applicants for admis-
sion and the number under each class by years. There are three
main causes (1) trachoma and other loathsome or contagious dis-
eases; (2) surgeon's certificate of mental or physical defect which
may affect the ability to earn a living; and (3) danger of becoming
a public charge. A number were debarred as contract laborers. Of
the total number debarred during the 10 years, 1901-1910, nearly
one-half were rejected owing to their being " likely to become a public
charge." A little less than one-third were rejected as having
trachoma or other loathsome or contagious diseases.
East Indians on Pacific Coast.
327
In this connection the following table, which shows the amount
of money brought to the United States by 79 East Indians from
whom schedules were secured, is given:
TABLE 3. — Money brought to the United States by East Indians.
Num-
Number bringing each specified amount.
ber
report-
ing
$25
$50
$100
$150
$200
$300
$400
com-
plete
None.
Under
$25.
and
under
and
under
and
under
and
under
and
under
and
under
and
under
data.
$50.
$100.
$150.
$200.
$300.
$400.
$500.
73....
3
3
15
36
9
2
- 2
2
1
The next table shows the number of East Indian immigrants bring-
ing $50 and over and the number bringing less than $50, as given in
the reports of the Commissioner-General of Immigration.
TABLE 4. — Money brought to the United States by East Indians during the years
1905 to 1909.
Year.
Number
each
amoun
bringing
specified
I
Total
amount
$50 or
over.
Less than
$50.
shown.
1905
70
55
$13 575
1906
111
75
17 016
1907
255
745
39 278
1908
367
1 129
72 650
1909
189
123
24 834
Total
992
2 127
167 353
Table 5, also compiled from the reports of the Commissioner-
General of Immigration, shows other salient facts in regard to the
East Indian immigrants.
TABLE 5. — General data for East Indian immigrants.
Year.
Number
of immi-
grants.
Sex.
Last permanent
residence.
Occupation abroad.
Male.
Female.
India.
British
North
America.
Farmer.
Farm
laborer.
Laborer.
1901
20
84
83
258
145
271
1,072
1,710
337
1,782
18
82
70
241
137
252
1,056
1,702
327
1,768
2
2
13
17
8
19
16
8
10
14
20
84
83
224
70
155
833
999
138
1,615
0
0
0
0
17
6
89
593
129
23
0
0
6
0
0
19
23
58
26
22
0
0
0
4
2
0
91
123
43
371
1
14
4
7
35
42
816
1,380
128
1,222
1902
1903
1904
1905
1900
1907
1908
1909
1910
4S29G0— VOL 23—11 22
328
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 5. — General data for East Indian immigrants — Continued.
Year.
Intended destination.
Number
who have
been in
the United
States
before.
Illiter-
ates.
New York.
California.
Oregon.
Wash-
ington.
Other
States.
1901
2
42
54
82
31
67
35
63
61
43
6
8
20
19
11
25
491
736
78
1,343
0
0
1
1
2
24
31
70
17
61
0
3
0
8
43
57
475
713
67
48
12
31
8
148
58
98
40
128
114
o60
3
6
15
30
29
25
27
58
58
5
4
18
76
17
77
487
985
98
936
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906
1907
1908. . . .
1909
1910
aNot including 227 going to Hawaii.
The table shows the small number of females of this race who have
come to the United States, and their number has not been increasing
in proportion to the increase in number of immigrants, for members
of the laboring class now coming in large numbers do not bring their
wives.
This table indicates the number giving India or British North
America as their last permanent residence. These have been the two
main sources of the East Indian immigration. As shown under the
head of " intended destination " previous to 1905 nearly all of the
East Indians were bound for Eastern States. Of these New York re-
ceived the majority. The immigration of East Indians to the three
Pacific Coast States, Washington, Oregon, and California, prac-
tically began in 1905, when it will be noted they gave British North
America as their " last permanent residence." For the years 1905 to
1909 inclusive, British Columbia was the principal source of East
Indian immigration to the Pacific Coast States. Most of those giving
India as their last permanent residence came via British Columbia.
Since 1905 the Pacific Coast States have received nearly all of the
rapidly increasing immigration of this race.
It will be noted in the table that since 1905 the proportion giving
the three occupations " farmer," '•' farm laborer," and u laborer " has
increased until in 1908 out of 1,710 immigrants 1,380 were laborers,
123 farm laborers, and 58 farmers.
Of the total of 5,317 admitted during the years 1905 to 1910, inclu-
sive, 778 had been employed in agricultural work, while 3,623 had
been " laborers " abroad. Of 473 East Indians in the United States
from whom agents of the Commission secured personal data, 402 had
been engaged in agriculture, 10 in business and in the trades, and 16
in the other occupations as wage-earners, while 16 had been soldiers
and 6 had had no occupation before leaving their native land. That
the Commissioner-General of Immigration reports more as laborers
while the agents' schedules show more farm workers is due to the fact
that in coming from Canada the East Indians gave their occupation
as laborers, referring to their work in Canada. The East Indian
immigrants came from the Punjab, a farming section of India.
Previous to 1905 the majority of the few East Indians coming to the
United States were professional men, merchants, and travelers. The
East Indians on Pacific Coast. 329
great influx since 1905 has been of the " coolie " class. It will also be
seen that the proportion of illiterates has greatly increased.
The first East Indians settling in the Pacific Coast States in notice-
able numbers came from British Columbia, so that their migration to
Canada will be considered. The number entering Canada is as fol-
lows: 1905, 45; 1906, 387; 9 months to March 31, 1907, 2,124; 1908,
2,623 ; 1909, 6. Total, 5,185.
In speaking of the causes of the East Indian immigration to
Canada, the Hon. W. L. Mackenzie King, royal commissioner, says
as follows:
The influx of recent years has not been spontaneous, but owes its existence in
the main to (1) the activity of certain steamship companies and agents desirous
of selling transportation and profiting by the commission; (2) the distribution
throughout some of the rural districts of India of literature concerning Canada
and the opportunities of fortune making in the province of British Columbia ;
and (3) the representations of a few individuals in the province of British Co-
lumbia, among the number a Brahmin named Davichand and certain of his rela-
tives, who induced a number of the natives of India to come to Canada under
actual or verbal agreements to work for hire, the purpose being that of assisting
one or two industrial concerns to obtain a class of unskilled labor at a price below
the current rate and at the same time of exploiting their fellow-subjects to their
own advantage. Some of the natives may have emigrated to Canada of their
own accord or because of the advice or desire of some relatives who had come
to this country, but had the influence here mentioned not been exerted it is cer-
tain that their numbers would not have been appreciable.0
Later, in another report,6 Mr. King says:
That Canada should desire to restrict immigration from the Orient is
regarded as natural; that Canada should remain a white man's country is
believed to be not only desirable for economic and social reasons, but highly
necessary on political and national grounds. * * *
It is clearly recognized in regard to emigration from India to Canada that
the native of India is not a person suited to this country ; that, accustomed, as
many of them are, to conditions of a tropical climate and possessing manners
and customs so unlike those of our own people, their inability to readily adapt
themselves to surroundings entirely different could not do other than entail an
amount of privation and suffering which render a discontinuance of such immi-
gration most desirable in the interest of the Indians themselves. It was recog-
nized, too, that the competition of this class of labor, though not likely to prove
effective, if left to itself, might, none the less, were the numbers to become
considerable (as conceivably could happen were self-interest on the part of
individuals to be allowed to override considerations of humanity and national
well-being and the importation of this class of labor under contract permitted),
occasion considerable unrest among the workingmen whose standard of comfort
is of a higher order, and who, as citizens with family and civic obligations, have
expenditures to meet and a status to maintain which the coolie immigrant is in
a position wholly to ignore.6
The East Indian immigrants were not welcome in British Co-
lumbia, and the opposition to them led to insurmountable barriers
being erected against them, which accounts for the decline in their
numbers in 1909 when only 6 were admitted. The most formidable
of these barriers is the application to East Indian immigrants of
section 38 of the Canadian immigration act which provides that any
immigrants who have come to Canada otherwise than by continuous
journey from the country of which they are natives or citizens, and
0 Report of the royal commissioner appointed to inquire into the methods by
which oriental laborers have been induced to come to Canada. Ottawa, 1908
p. 76.
6 Report by W. L. Mackenzie King, deputy minister of labor on mission to
England to confer with the British authorities on the subject of immigration
to Canada from the Orient and immigration from India in particular.
330
The Immigration Commission.
upon through tickets purchased in that country, may be excluded.
This provision has been peculiarly efficient because there is no means
by which a continuous journey from India to Canada can be accom-
plished. Another deterrent was an order in council dated June 3,
1908, by which the amount of money required in the case of East
Indians was increased from $25 to $200.
The East Indians in Canada are engaged in sawmill and shingle
mill work, in the construction and maintenance of way of railroads,
and during the fishing season in the salmon canneries on the Frazer
River. They are usually common laborers, but in the lumber mills
of British Columbia they are engaged in more skilled positions than
they ever have been in the United States. In Canada they are the
cheapest grade of labor. In the lumber mills of British Columbia
they receive from 80 cents to $1.25 per day without board, while
Japanese get $1 to $1.75, and white men for the same work $1.75
and over per day.0 The wages paid East Indians in British Columbia
are less than those paid them in the mill work in the United States,
and that caused many of them to come to the State of Washington.
The action taken in Canada in 1908, which prevented the further
immigration of East Indians to British Columbia, reduced the num-
ber leaving British Columbia for the Pacific Coast States, and the
number entering this country was also kept low by the more stringent
policy of the immigration bureau in that year.
In the year 1910 the number of East Indian immigrants has again
become large (1,782 entering from July 1, 1909?> to June 30, 1910,
inclusive), but this is mainly a direct immigration from India to
our western ports, for very few are now coming from British Co-
lumbia. During the first nine months of the calendar year 1910, 1,401
were admitted, while 623 were denied admission at the Port of San
Francisco.5
The East Indian coolie immigrants coming from British Columbia
were first employed in Washington, but later they began gradually
to go farther south into Oregon and later to California, until now
the great majority of them are in the last-mentioned State. Their
migration from one section to another and the industries in which
they have been engaged are shown in the chapter next presented.
0 Tariff Hearings, Committee on Ways and Means, Sixtieth Congress, 1908-9,
Vol. Ill, p. 3371, et seq.
6 Because of the criticism of the administration of the immigration law in
the case of the East Indians, the following statement is given, showing the num-
ber of East Indians admitted at San Francisco and the number rejected, with
the cause assigned, during nine months of 1910 :
Janu-
ary.
Feb-
ruary.
March.
April.
May.
June.
July.
August.
Sep-
tember.
Total.
Total admissions
95
377
47
169
231
183
65
189
45
1,401
Total rejections .
7
4
28
68
23
105
67
138
183
623
Cause of rejection:
Liable to become a public
charge
1
1
14
42
10
90
45
124
162
489
Trachoma
6
3
14
26
13
15
20
13
11
121
Surgeon's certificate of de-
fect which may affect
alien's ability to earn a
living
1
7
8
1
1
Loathsome contagious dis-
ease (syphilis)
1
1
2
2
2
CHAPTER III.
EMPLOYMENT OF EAST INDIANS IN COAST STATES.
IN LUMBER MILLS AND ROPE FACTORY.
When the East Indians came to the State of Washington they
found their first employment in the lumber industry. In 1906 they
were employed in considerable numbers in the mills between Tacoma
and Bellingham. Eeports of higher wages received in the United
States soon brought a large number from British Columbia.
The East Indians met with little difficulty in entering the lumber
industry because there was a scarcity of men to do the rougher and
heavier work. It appears they were not used to undermine the
existing wage scale or to replace striking lumbermen. In spite of
their general willingness to work for less, East Indians have
often been paid the same as white men, lest the latter should object
on the ground that the wage scale had been undermined. Of 53
men employed in 6 mills visited, 1 received $1.50 per day; 3, $1.55;
16, $1.60; 17, $1.65; 6, $1.70; 2, $1.75; 2, $1.80; 3, $1.85; 3, $2.
The average was $1.67, which is somewhat more than the Japanese,
but less than white men, are paid. That the East Indians have not
been worth this wage has been one cause of their decreasing number
in this industry. At the time of this investigation they were found
in 6 mills. Their general disappearance, however, has been due
primarily to the hostile attitude of the white workmen. This preju-
dice against them is due partly to race feeling and partly to a dislike
of the East Indian dress, religion, and manner of living, and, fur-
ther, it may be attributed to the fact that they were cheap laborers
in British Columbia and had been employed by a railroad company
as strike breakers in Tacoma. At Bellingham, where most of the
East Indians were employed, there was rioting against them, and
they left the community fearing bodily injury. This experience has
caused them to be generally discriminated against by employers.
It is now difficult for them to find employment in the lumber mills
of Washington.
A few East Indians have been employed in the lumber mills of
Oregon and California, but not many are now so employed.
The members of this race have been employed only as common
laborers, usually in the lumber yards. There is a difference of opin-
ion among those who have employed East Indians at labor of this
kind. One employer, whose East Indians had been soldiers in the
British army, found them strong and industrious, but unadaptable
and unprogressive, and hence capable only of doing the rougher
kinds of work. As common laborers he found them less desirable
than the Swedes and Norwegians, but more desirable than the class
of Americans employed. Another employer found difficulty in giv-
ing the orders because of their limited knowledge of English. A
third ranks them after Americans, Scandinavians, and Germans in
331
332
The Immigration Commission.
desirability. A fourth regards them as the least desirable of the
many races he has employed because they are so slow to comprehend
instructions given. Two others agree with the latter opinion, while
another found them too weak physically to do the heavy work
required.
In Oregon 20 or more East Indians are working in a rope factory.
They have been operating machines for a year. This is one of the
few instances where they have found " inside " employment. In
this cordage plant 1 receives $60 per month, another $50 per month,
1 $1.85 per day, and 17 $1.75 per day.
The following table gives the average yearly earnings of 63
men employed in the lumber mills and rope factory investigated :
TABLE 6. — Yearly earnings (approximate] of East Indians 18 years of age or
over, by number of months employed.
Number o
months em-
ployed.
Number
working
for wages
and re-
porting
amount.
Average
earnings.
Number earning —
Under
$100.
$100
and
under
$150.
$150
and
under
$200.
$200
and
under
$250.
$250
and
under
$300.
$300
and
under
$450.
$400
and
under
$500.
$500
and
under
$600.
$600
and
under
$700.
$700
and
under
$800.
2
1
2
7
3
6
2
4
38
$86.00
156.00
261. 29
309. 33
348.00
392.00
415.50
532. 76
1
4
2
g
3
3
1
3
7
g
6
g
1
1
4
10
12
4
32
1
1
Total .. ..
63
1
2
3
3
11
9
32
1
1
Of the 63 reported, 38 worked twelve months and earned $532.76
as an average. For the whole number the average number of months
worked during the year was 10. Nine of the 63 earned less than $300
during the year. On the other hand, 34, or almost five-ninths of
the entire number, earned $500 or more during the twelve months.
These yearly earnings must be accepted as perhaps the largest made
by East Indian laborers in the West, for the rates of wages were
among the highest paid to laborers of that race and the amount of
lost time during the year the least.
IN RAILROAD WORK.
As the East Indians in British Columbia very soon went into rail-
road work, so, also, in the United States they early entered that field
of employment as common laborers. In 1907 they were employed at
Tacoma to replace some striking Italians. A small number are still
working on railroads in Washington. The East Indians who went
south to Oregon and California also found employment with the rail-
roads. At various times large numbers of them have been employed
in construction work on the Ocean Shore, Western Pacific, and
Southern Pacific in California, but at the time of this investigation
few were found in construction work. It is reported that many of
the East Indians arriving directly from India during the fiscal year
East Indians on Pacific Coast. 333
1910 have been employed by a railroad company in California in con-
structing a new line. Because of inefficiency, due primarily to physi-
cal weakness and lack of endurance, caused by poor and inadequate
food, the East Indians have not long been employed in any piece of
construction work.
In 1909, in the maintenance of way of railroads in the Western
Division of the United States, 73 East Indians were reported out of
a total of 34,919 employed in that department. Comparatively few
of them are employed as section hands, for they are generally re-
garded as absolute failures, largely because of insufficient strength
and endurance,
IN AGRICULTURAL WORK IN CALIFORNIA.
The majority of the East Indians have migrated from Washington
and Oregon to California because of the warmer climate and because
the opportunities for finding employment as farm laborers are greater
in the last-mentioned State. The first of these immigrants coming
from the north located near Marysville and Chico in 1907. They
found employment temporarily in the industries of the community
and with the railroads, but during the summer of 1908 they were
principally engaged in agricultural work.
During the summer of 1908 about 500 of them made their appear-
ance in the Newcastle fruit district, east of Sacramento, where they
were more favorably received than they had been elsewhere. The
orchardists, being short of help and being thoroughly tired of the
Japanese because of their monopoly control of the labor supply, were
f'ad to hire them. The fruit crop was large and the presence of the
ast Indians greatly relieved the labor situation. Their employment
was in picking fruit and hoeing the weeds from the orchards. In
1909 this race was still present in the district, but not in such large
numbers, as most of them had gone to other districts in the autumn
of the preceding year and many did not return the following summer.
Some, however, found employment here throughout the year 1908-9
in cutting wood, clearing land, etc.
At first the East Indians worked in this district for any rate of
wages offered, and averaged about 50 cents per day less than the
Japanese and white men in 1908, but they have been demanding
higher wages until in 1909 they were usually paid only 25 cents a
day less than Japanese. Of 40 East Indians on day-wage basis
from whom personal data were obtained in 1909, five received $1.25 ;
16, $1.50; and 1, $1.60 per day, without board. Japanese were paid
from $1.50 to $1.85 per day, without board. White men received
$1.25 to $1.50 per day with board, or $1.50 to $2 without board. The
difference of 25 cents per day in wages is probably no greater than
the difference in the amount of work accomplished by the East In-
dians and the other races. It should be added, however, that a large
percentage of the employers in this district who have employed both
Japanese and East Indians were found to prefer the latter.
During the summer of 1908 some 300 East Indians were induced
by a large shipper and grower of fruit to go into the Vaca Valley to
work in the orchards. They served as a check on the Japanese, who
were the most numerous race of laborers. The East Indians received
at fruit picking 25 cents per day less than white men and Japanese.
334 The Immigration Commission.
Of 103 East Indians on the ranches visited in 1908, 86 were paid
$1.25, and 17, $1.50 per day. The usual wage paid to white men and
Japanese was $1.50 per day. The East Indians were regarded as
dear at the lowest wages paid them.
Many East Indians secured work in the beet fields near Hamilton
this same summer. They were employed in thinning, hoeing, and
topping beets. In the Hamilton district where it was hard to get
laborers in 1909, 425, or three-fourths of the total number of hand-
workers, were East Indians.
Late in the fall of 1908, 400 or 500 East Indians went farther
south into the fruit sections of the San Joaquin Valley. Most of
these were employed about Fresno as grape pickers. In picking
grapes, which is paid on a piece basis, the East Indians have not been
found very satisfactory. They are slow and require much super-
vision, as they can not be made to understand the work. On account
of their slowness their earnings were far below those of the Japanese.
In this district, also, they succeeded in getting work only because help
was scarce during the busy season and many ranchers wished to show
the Japanese they were not entirely dependent upon them.
From the Fresno district many of the East Indians went back north
to work on the railroads, while a number went farther south to the
Tulare County citrus-fruit district and found work picking oranges.
It was in the fall of 1908, also, that the East Indians began to
move down into the lower Sacramento Kiver Valley. There were
several hundred of them working in the delta lands of the lower
Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers during the spring and summer of
1909. They were engaged in hoeing and other hand work in con-
nection with the growing of beans, asparagus, and other vegetables.
The East Indians were first paid less than the Japanese and Chinese
in this work, receiving $1.10 and $1.25 per day as against $1.50 for
the other two races. In 1909 all wages were higher. Of 139 East
Indians on ranches visited in 1909, 47 per cent were paid $1.50, 32
per cent $1.55, and 19 per cent $1.60 per day, while 55 per cent of
the 667 Japanese received $1.65 and 37 per cent received $1.75 per
day. It is practically universal for employers to discriminate against
East Indians in wages. They are generally considered the least
desirable race of immigrants.
One grower of fruit and asparagus who paid white men $30 a
month with board (which is regarded as equal to $1.65 per day
without board), and Japanese $1.70, paid East Indians $1.10 per
day without board, but discharged them when they wanted $1.50,
as he says they were not worth $1.10 per day. Another grower of
asparagus and vegetables preferred East Indians to Japanese, though
he states that the East Indians are the least desirable race to have
in the community, and they require a great deal of supervision. An-
other grower, disappointed with the other races he has hired, prefers
the East Indians after one year's experience with them. A fourth
rancher who hired East Indians to hoe beans found them so slow
that he put a pace setter to work with them, but he had to discharge
them, and they threatened violence to the pace setter unless he would
slow down to their pace.
In the spring of 1909 the East Indians were also found in southern
California for the first time. At Highgrove a group of East Indian
East Indians on Pacific Coast.
335
Mohammedans were picking oranges. They had wandered through
the surrounding districts without success in finding anyone to employ
them. It is stated that they were then growing desperate and prac-
tically demanded work of various employers. At Highgrove they
had been employed only a few days previous to the agent's visit.
They were paid $1.50 per day, while Japanese working for the same
company received $1.75 and white men $2 per day. To avoid the
prejudice of the people oi; the community against East Indians the
employer was calling them " Turks," and the agent of the commission
first heard of these East Indians as " Turks " through the Japanese,
who were jealous of their new competitors. They were provided
with lodging 2 or 3 miles from town in a deserted house, away from
all neighbors. Their condition was pitiable. They claimed that
they were hungry, and having been unable to find work, had nothing
to eat.
In Orange County a gang of about a dozen East Indians had
recently come from the northern beet fields and were employed in
thinning beets. Labor was scarce, so they easily found work, and
proved satisfactory.
Near Oxnard a gang of 25 East Indians was employed in hoeing
beets in the spring of 1909. The sugar company operating there had
expected a shortage of Japanese labor that season and had hired
these East Indians to work in a new community where beets had not
previously been grown. These three groups were the only East
Indians in southern California in the spring of 1909.
The following table shows the earnings per day of 371 East Indians
engaged in agricultural work and from whom personal schedules were
obtained :
TABLE 7. — Number of male East Indian employees 18 years of age or over earn-
ing each specified amount per day.
Number reporting complete data.
Number earning each specified amount per day.
Sland
under
$1.21.
$1.25 and
under
$1.50.
$1.50 and
under
$1.75.
$1.75 and
under
$2.
J2and
under
$2.50.
$2.50 and
under
$3.
371
45
104
149
43
28
2
Some of these earnings are reported on a piece basis. Indeed, this
is true of all of those in excess of $1.75 per day, which is the maxi-
mum paid to any East Indians working on a time basis. It will be
noted that 149 of the 371 earned less than $1.50 per day, and that an
equal number earned $1.50 but less than $1.75 per day. Comparisons
have been made between the earnings of the members of this and
other races in the preceding paragraphs.
The wage data given were collected during the months when there
was the greatest demand for labor in the several agricultural dis-
tricts visited. They are materially higher than the rates paid at
other times. Data for the yearly earnings and the number of months
of the twelve employed were not secured for East Indian agricul-
tural laborers. They are engaged in seasonal occupations, and,
336 The Immigration Commission.
though they migrate from community to community, lose much time
during the spring, summer, and autumn months, while in the winter
they find little to do.
IN OTHER EMPLOYMENTS.
A few of the East Indians in California have found work in a
pottery, and still another group were employed as common laborers
in a stone quarry. In San Francisco personal data were secured
from 17 East Indians who were engaged in the manufacture of
tamales and the sale of them on the streets. They were Moham-
medans and were not of those who had immigrated from British
Columbia, but had been in the country four or five years and were
of a higher type. These men were living in four groups and working
in as many partnerships. They earned more than $30 per month per
man. In some of the northern cities, also, some East Indians have
owned peanut carts, but they have not been successful in business as
peddlers.
SUMMARY.
From this review of the employment of East Indians in the Pacific
Coast States it is evident that they are rarely employed at inside
work. It is evident also that they are not employed in as large num-
bers as formerly in the lumber mills and that they have found little
place in railroad work. In mining and smelting, the other indus-
tries of the Western States requiring many unskilled laborers, they
have never been employed. The majority of those who came to this
country from British Columbia have migrated south to California,
while recently most of the direct immigration has been to that State.
As a result, most of the East Indians in the West are now in that
State, where the vast majority are engaged in seasonal handwork
in various branches of agriculture. In only one or two instances
have they been found working with a team. They migrate from
ranch to ranch and from locality to locality, doing the most unskilled
work, and, with few exceptions, at a lower rate of wages per day
than the Japanese or any other race employed. They are usually
regarded as dear at the price, and have been employed chiefly to
supplement the Japanese, who have diminished in number.
In looking for work the East Indians go about in " gangs " of
from 3 to 50 members, under a leader or " boss." The leader is one
who can speak English, and acts as interpreter and carries on all
dealings with an employer. These " gangs " are not as closely or-
ganized as the Japanese and Chinese " gangs," for the East Indian
appears to be more individualistic, and the " gang " system is largely
due to the fact that the majority of them can not understand Eng-
lish, and so can not find work for themselves. Unlike the Japanese
" bosses," the East Indian leaders do not get a commission out of
the wages of their men, but they themselves work and expect slightly
higher pay from the employer for acting as interpreters. Very often
the large gangs send their leaders out alone to look for work, and
often into remote districts, and the members follow when work is
found. The leaders usually offer to supply an employer with as
East Indians on Pacific Coast. 337
many men as he wants, and then they draw upon other " gangs " for
men if necessary. The individualistic tendencies of the East Indians
are shown by the way in which they seek work in smaller groups,
and even singly in the case of men who can speak some English,
and also by the fact that some are located throughout the year on
the same ranches in districts where they have gained a foothold.
In every community in which the East Indians have appeared
there has been a strong prejudice against them and employers have
been adverse to employing them. About 85 per cent are Sikhs, whose
hair is long and who wear turbans, and their strange appearance is a
handicap to them. Their success in finding employment has been
due in most districts to a scarcity of other laborers. They are very
persistent in looking for work, and many employers ascribe their em-
ployment to their frequent applications for work. In some places
where they seemed to be desperate in their needs they have attempted
to force employers to hire them and have entered trie fields to begin
work so that they had to be driven off.
CHAPTER IV.
AGE AND CONJUGAL CONDITION.
Personal data were secured from 474 East Indians. These reported
their ages at time of coming to the United States as follows : Twenty-
three were under 18, 26 were between 18 and 20, 142 between 20 and
25, 120 between 25 and 30, 84 between 30 and 35, 45 between 35 and
40, 16 between 40 and 45, and 16 were 45 years of age or over. Thus
it is seen that about three-fourths of the entire number were between
20 and 35 years of age. The reports of the Commissioner-General
of Immigration give the ages of 3,535 at the time of entry as follows :
TABLE 8. — Number of East Indiana admitted to the United Stdtes during the
period 1905-1909, by age groups.
Year.
Number within each specified
age group.
Under 14.
14 to 44.
45 or over.
1905
3
15
4
3
4
122
245
1,055
1,676
312
20
11
13
31
21
1906
1907
1908
1909
Total
29
3,410
96
Over 96 per cent of those reported were between 14 and 44 years of
age at the time of arrival in this country.
The conjugal condition and location of wife of the East Indians
from whom the agent of the Commission secured data are shown in
the following table:
TABLE 9.-
-Conjugal condition of male East Indians, and location of wife, by
age groups.
Age.
Single.
Married.
Widowed.
Wife
abroad.
16 to 19 . . .
17
2
1
2
20 to 29
130
89
5
89
30 to 44
79
104
17
104
45 or over . .
2
20
g
20
Total
228
215
31
215
More than two-fifths of them are married, but all of their wives
are abroad. Having no families in this country the East Indian men
live in groups of from 2 to 50 members.
839
CHAPTER V.
STANDARD OF LIVING.
AGRICULTURAL WORKERS.
The following table shows the size of a few groups of agricultural
workers, and also their housing conditions and cost of food and
clothes, and average earnings per month per man.
TABLE 10. — General data for agricultural laborers.
Number in group.
Number of
rooms
occupied.
Number of
rooms for
sleeping
purposes.
Wages per
week per
Individual.
Cost of food
per month
per indi-
vidual
Cost of
clothing per
month per
Individual.
Saving per
month per
individual.
6
1
1
$7 50
S7 00
$2 00
$20 00
7
1
1
7 50
7 00
2 00
18 00
13
1
a
7 50
7 00
3 00
20 00
5
1
8 25
7 50
3 50
24 00
8
61
7 50
7 50
2 00
20 00
13
4
7 50
10 00
2 50
18 50
5
I
7 00
10 00
3 00
15 00
45
2
9 50
r!4 00
25 00
' Quite small.
& Tent.
• For food and clothing.
In the agricultural districts usually all the men in the group sleep
in one room, as shown by the table above, and the cooking is done
outside of the house. The quarters furnished them are generally
dilapidated houses, woodsheds, or barns. The agricultural laborers
have no furniture, and in many cases they sleep in their blankets on
the bare floor. The space in the room not occupied by their bedding
is usually taken up by boxes and supplies. Each man has his own
blankets which, as a rule, are dirty and ragged and have been orig-
inally purchased second hand. The boxes serve as chairs, but the
East Indians usually sit on the ground or floor. They often have a
rough board table outside at which they stand to eat, or squat on the
ground near by. Very few cooking utensils are used. Food is cooked
over a fire built in a hole in the ground covered by an iron grating.
Some of the groups eat from tin plates, but most of the farm labor-
ers seen by the agent at meal time used no dishes. They put their
vegetables on their flat " pancake " shaped bread, which is then rolled
up and eaten from the hand.
The groups described above are of a more permanent character.
The migratory groups of seasonal farm laborers are usually not as
341
342 The Immigration Commission.
well provided for but live out of doors without shelter, both eating
and sleeping on the ground under the trees. The groups included
in the table are of the best established members of the East Indian
laboring class and the earnings given are too large to represent those
of all East Indians.
The table shows the average cost of clothing per individual to be
about $2.50 per month. An East Indian's clothing usually consists
of a shirt, a coat, a pair of overalls, a turban, coarse shoes, and,
occasionally, socks. These articles are worn continuously and East
Indians have seldom been seen to wash their clothing. Their unclean
habits have constituted one of the great objections to them. The
native article of dress, the turban, which is also allowed to become
very dirty, has created prejudice. Some of the East Indians in Cali-
fornia have cut their long hair because of the heat, but even these men
continue to wear their native headdress.
The cost of food per month reported by these farm laborers is al?o
given in the foregoing table. These figures must, however, be ac-
cepted as showing the outlay of the more well to do of the laborers.
As a class they spend, on the average, less than $7.50 per month for
food. Unleavened bread, made of whole wheat flour, and baked on the
iron tops of the stoves already described in large, round, flat cakes,
is the most important article of food. They also eat vegetables,
chiefly dried split peas, rice, potatoes, and " greens." Milk is also an
important item when it is available. Eggs, tea, and coffee are often
used. Meat is eaten, but only occasionally. The Sikhs eat fish and
most kinds of meat, but they tabu beef, as the cow is with them a
sacred animal. The Mohammedans, on the other hand, eat all kinds of
meat except pork. The fact that East Indians will not eat meat cut
by the white butchers tends to keep their consumption of meat low.
They confine themselves to chickens, lambs, and other small animals
which they can afford to buy as a group and kill for themselves.
The caste system, which is still adhered to (though probably not
as sjrictly as in India, for different castes are found sleeping under
the same roof), tends to break up a mixed "gang" into separate
groups. A " gang " of 45 engaged in thinning sugar beets was
divided into six eating groups, partly because of the presence of
different castes whose food had to be prepared by their own members
only. The requirements as to the preparation of food are strictly
adhered to. The members of one faith or caste can not prepare cer-
tain articles for those of another; the food must be prepared by
members of the same caste as those who are to eat it.
The East Indians drink a great deal of beer and whisky, but each
man buys his own liquor, so that this expense is not usually included
in the cost of food. Their habit of heavy drinking has tended to
limit their capacity to save in this country.
MILL WORKERS.
The table following shows the grouping, housing, and other facts
relating to the lumber-mill laborers in Washington and Oregon from
whom personal schedules were obtained.
East Indians on Pacific Coast.
343
TABLE 11. — General data for mill hands in Washington and Oregon.
Number in group.
Number of
rooms
occupied.
Number of
rooms for
sleeping
purposes.
Rent paid
per month.
Amount
paid for
food per
individual
per mouth.
6
1
Free.
$10.00
10
2
Free.
10.00
4
2
$8.00
7.50
5
1
10.00
10 00
1
2
•
5.00
14.00
2
1
6.00
10.00
2 .
2
7.00
10.00
2
2
8.00
12.00
2
1
6.00
10 00
1 .
2
3.00
12.00
2
2
6.00
10.00
3 .
2
8.00
10.00
1
1
3.00
12.00
2
2
5.00
12.50
4
2
10.00
11.00
3
2
10.00
11.00
1 ...
2
3.00
12.00
4
2
Free.
15 00
2
1
Free.
12.50
2
2
Free.
12.50
It will be seen from this table that the groups of lumber-mill hands
are comparatively small, that they usually occupy two rooms, and,
as a rule, the members of the group all sleep in one room. The East
Indians engaged in millwork must usually provide their own quar-
ters, and being in the city, their rent is an important item of ex-
pense, as is shown in the table. They usually rent small " shacks "
or rooms in basements in parts of the city or town in which rents are
cheap, and consequently their quarters are very poor. The mill
hands get regular work and higher pay than the agricultural laborers
in California, and their outlay for food appears to be proportionately
higher. Their dress is also slightly better. Their food is practically
of the same varieties, but they enjoy more delicacies. Much the same
is true of the East Indians employed in a rope factory in Portland,
Oreg., at $1.75 per day to $60 per month, shown by the following
table:
TABLE 12. — General data for cordage- factory hands in Portland, Oreg.
Number in group.
Number of
rooms
occupied.
Number of
rooms for
sleeping
purposes.
Rent paid
per month-.
Amount
paid for
food per
month per
individual.
7...
4
3
Owned.
$20.00
5 ...
2
1
$8.50
14.00
4
1
1
6 00
15 00
4
2
1
8.00
11.00
Of 79 of these East Indians in Washington and Oregon from whom
schedules were secured, 4 reported the cost of food and drink as
between $7 and $8 per month; 39 between $10 and $12; 15 between
$12 and $14; and 21, $14 or over; or an average of $12.
48296°— VOL 23—11 23
344
The Immigration Commission.
TAMALE MEN.
The standard of living of 4 groups of partners engaged in the
tamale business in San Francisco is shown by the following table:
TABLE 13. — General data for tamale men of San Francisco, Gal.
Number in
group.
Number of
rooms
occupied.
Number of
rooms Tor
sleeping
purposes.
Kent paid
per month.
Wages per
month per
individual.
Food, rent, fuel,
etc., per month
per individual.
Clothing
per month
per indi-
vidual.
Saving per
month per
individual.
4
2
1
$12.50
$32.00
$18.00-521.00
$5.00
S7.50
5
2
1
20 00
35.00
22.00- 24.00
4.00
7.00
4
3
2
16.00
35.00
24.00
6.00
5.00
4
3
2
15.00
31.00
20.00- 22.00
7.00
3.00
These men usually rent basement rooms and have a kitchen and
living room apart from their sleeping rooms. They have been in
the United States several years and evidently did not come from
British Columbia. They are in better circumstances than their
countrymen more recently arrived. Like the others, however, they
take no care of their quarters arid allow them to become very dirty.
They possess some furniture of a cheap quality — usually beds, tables,
chairs, and stoves and occasionally other articles. Every group has
a gas stove on which they manufacture their tamales in their quar-
ters. The tamales are sold on the streets by the partners, and the
profits, after deducting the expense of manufacture, are divided
equally. Their work brings them in contact with Americans and
they can all speak English.
On account of their business they wear good clothing and try to
keep up a good appearance. They are all Mohammedans and conse-
quently wear their hair short without turbans. As a result of these
changes in their appearance they are not generally known to be East
Indians. Their standard of living is higher than that of the great
body of East Indians in the United States. Their food is of prac-
tically the same kind as that of the other East Indians and is pre-
pared in the same way, but they apparently have more luxuries.
The peculiarities of the East Indian customs, religious beliefs, and
the caste system all hinder their assimilation. The absolute refusal
of East Indians to eat food prepared by others than those of their
own caste and faith and the possible results of this requirement are
well illustrated by the following incident in Placer County, Cal.
An East Indian was convicted of beating and robbing some of his
countrymen on a ranch located in that county. At the time of the
agent's visit he was in the county jail pending an appeal. The
prisoner for 12 days had refused to eat the food offered, and said he
would starve before he would touch any food prepared by one not of
his caste. Finally a small stove was put into the jail and he was there
allowed to prepare his own meals. When the East Indians first came
to Fresno County they occupied private yards and took articles
against the wishes of the owners. Many of them were imprisoned,
but they refused to eat the food given them and were freed in order
to prevent them from starving.
East Indians on Pacific Coast. 345
The condition of 79 East Indians in Washington and Oregon as
regards surplus and deficit for the past year is shown by the follow-
ing facts : There were 35 reporting neither surplus nor deficit ; 36 re-
porting a total surplus of $5,450, or an average of $151.39 each;
while a group of 6 had a deficit of $200 for the months they had
been in the United States.
As may be seen from Table 10, the monthly saving of individuals in
the groups of agricultural laborers as ranging from $15 to $25 per
month, or an average of about $21 a month per man. The work of
the farm laborer being seasonal, however, their savings at this rate
would only be possible for a few months in the year. The tamale
men in San Francisco, as shown by preceding table, saved between $3
and $7.50 per month per individual, or an average of $5.70. Their
lower rate of saving is accounted for by their higher standard of
living and also by the fact that business was poor after the panic
of 1907.
CHAPTER VI.
SOCIOLOGICAL DATA.
Of these 79 East Indians in Washington and Oregon, 31 sent money
abroad, in all $4,320, or an average of $139.35 each during the year
1908. Deducting this amount from the total amount reported as sur-
plus by 36 mentioned above leaves $1,130 in the United States or a
surplus of $31.40 for each of the 36. Of the 79, 62 reported that they
owned no property whatever, and of the remainder, 10 owned less
than $100. The work in the sawmills is quite regular throughout
the year, but the above data show the insecurity of these men when
thrown out of work.
The position of tbe East Indians engaged in agricultural work is
still more precarious, as the work is generally seasonal and they have
greater difficulty in finding such work. While the East Indians
from whom personal data were secured showed an average saving
per individual of $21 per month, it must be noted that as a rule this
rate only applies for.a part of the year. They, as a class, are out of
work a considerable part of the year, partly because of the seasonal
character of the work and partly because of the general aversion to
employing them. It must also be noted that almost all of the sav-
ings are immediately sent to India, leaving them nothing to live on
in case of unemployment. In the winter of 1907-8 the East Indians
in northern California were desperate and in great distress. They
were assisted by money sent to them by the British consul-general.
During that winter the East Indians suffered a great deal, but by
spring the local prejudice had so far subsided that some of the
ranchers in the surrounding country employed them. In spite of
their poverty these East Indians, for the eight months ending July,
1908, had sent money to India. During that period (through the
Marysville post-office) over $34,000 had thus been sent.
The poverty and peculiar character and position of the East In-
dians is likely to make them a public charge at any time. That
many of their groups have not already been thrown upon the public
during the winter months is due largely to the fact that few of them
speak English, so that consequently they live apart from white per-
sons, to whom their condition does not become known. As yet the
only apparent effect of their destitution has been to make them des-
perate and persistent in demanding employment.
The object of the East Indians in coming to the United States
has been to accumulate enough money to enable them to return to
their native land and live well. Two thousand dollars is the goal
of many. Of 31 mill hands who sent money to India, 18 sent to
wives,* 9 to parents, 3 to brothers, and 1 for " investment." This
money sent to relatives is probably partly for their support, but
847
348
The Immigration Commission.
principally it forms the fund which they set out to accumulate when
they came to the United States. On coming to the United States
they practically all intended to return to India within a few years.
According to the personal data secured from 79 in Washington and
Oregon, 36 expressed an intention to return to India, 6 intended
to remain permanently in the United States, while 37 were in doubt
as to what they would eventually do. Like the immigrants of many
other races who have changed their intentions after living in the
United States, it appears likely that the East Indians in large num-
bers will decide to remain in this country, especially since they are
now meeting with greater success in finding work. This seems the
more likely since a few of the East Indians have already taken out
their first papers. Many courts have refused to naturalize East
Indians, but there are others which admit them to citizenship. The
Bureau of Naturalization has instructed federal attorneys to
" oppose the granting of naturalization to Hindus or East In-
dians," but in so far as known no case directly involving the right
of East Indians to become naturalized citizens of this country has
been decided by the courts. Recently the United States circuit court
of appeals in the southern district of New York (180 Fed. Rep.;
695) rendered a decision holding that a Parsee — a native of India —
was eligible for citizenship, but the court made a clear distinction
between the Parsees and the Hindus.
Something has already been said concerning the literacy of the
East Indian immigrants." The following table shows the number of
those for whom personal data were obtained who are able to read and
write their native language and to speak and to read and write
English.
TABLE 14. — Ability of foreign-born male East Indians 10 years of age or over
to read and write their native language and to speak, read, and write English,
by industry.
Industries.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who read
and write
native
language.
Number
who speak
English.
Number
who read
English.
Number
who read
and write
English.
Agriculture
381
171
130
30
26
Lumber and other industries
91
45
65
10
10
Total
472
216
195
40
36
From this table it will be seen that only 45.7 per cent of the East
Indians investigated by the agent of the Commission can read and
write their native language. The reports of the Commissioner-
General of Immigration for the years 1905-1909 (see Table 5, pp.
327 and 328) show 1,664 out of 3,535 as unable to read and write. In
other words, 47.1 per cent were illiterate. That the Commissioner-
General's report should show a small percentage of illiterates is due
to the fact that the nonimmigrant aliens included in those reports are
usually literate.
Of 473 from whom data were obtained, 33 had been in the United
States less than one year, 117 had been here one year, 218 had been
here two years, 94 three years, 7 four years, 2 from five to nine years,
East Indians on Pacific Coast. 349
and 2 twenty years or over. Of 472 of these, 195, or 41.4 per cent,
speak English to some extent. Forty could read and 36 could both
read and write English. These data can not be used, however, to
show capacity on the part of the East Indians for rapid assimilation,
for some of them had learned English in their native schools, others
in the British army, and still others in Canada, where a large per-
centage of them had resided before coming to the United States. The
East Indians found working in mills and other manufacturing indus-
tries have the largest percentage who speak English.
The East Indians on the Pacific coast are almost universally re-
garded as the least desirable race of immigrants thus far admitted
to the United States. In point of desirability they are placed far
below the Japanese, Chinese, and other oriental races found in the
Western States. The white \vorkingmen regard them as a menace
just as the previous unrestricted immigration of Japanese and Chi-
nese was. They accept low wages and threaten to undermine the
position of white men in such occupations as they are capable of
entering. Experience so far has shown them that at the same wages
they can not compete with white men, for they are generally the
least efficient race employed, but they accept employment at low
wages, and if they were admitted in large numbers might seriously
affect the wages of the members of other races in those industries in
which men of low efficiency can be employed. At present, as has been
indicated, many employers discriminate against them even to the
point of not employing them at any wage, yet they find a certain
amount of favor among the employing classes (1) because they work
for low wages at a time when the wages of the other orientals are rap-
idly rising because of the restriction placed upon their immigration
to the United States, (2) because they migrate from place to place
and are available for seasonable work, and (3) because they board
themselves and are provided with any necessary lodging at little
expense.
GENERAL TABLES.
JAPANESE IN SAN FRANCISCO: TABLES 1-21.
JAPANESE IN LOS ANGELES: TABLES 22-43.
JAPANESE IN SACRAMENTO: TABLES 44-65.
JAPANESE IN SEATTLE: TABLES 66-87.
351
GENERAL TABLES.
SAN FRANCISCO.
TABLE 1. — Money brought to the United States by Japanese.
Num-
ber
Nur
aber b
ringing
each
specific
Jd amc
unt.
re-
port-
ing
com-
plete
data.
None.
Un-
der
$25.
$25
and
under
$50.
$50
and
under
$100.
$100
and
under
$150.
$150
and
under
$200.
$200
and
under
$300.
$300
and
under
$400.
$400
and
under
$500.
$500
and
under
$1,000.
$1,000
or
over.
In business for self
112
1
43
32
16
7
5
3
2
3
W age-earners
230
1
2
124
66
21
6
5
4
1
TABLE 2. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by occupation abroad.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Occupation abroad.
Number.
Number who were —
In business
for self.
ti
£
{
Railroad
laborers.
1%
*l
ci —
02
>»
h
<u m
3
0
Laborers in in-
dustrial es-
tablishments.
Store help.
Restaurant
help.
V
&
In domestic
service.
JO
firf
.§•0
g
Wage-earners
in city.
In other occu-
pations.
Occupation
unknown.
In business for self
At hQjnp.
o31
22
*>29
«8
tf«21
c2
12
1
3
I
....
2
1
1
2
1
11
19
2
....
Farming for father
Store help
8
1
1
4
g
4
?
?
Wage-earner ha city
In other occupation
3
1
1
1
10
1
1
Total
113
25
i
14
1
....
1
1
4
4
4
50
1
7
WAGE-EARNERS.
In business for self
«36
1
11
?
1
?
?
1
in
i
1
1
<*70
1
9
1
»
2
1
3
1
1
44
6
Farming for father
/<770
c2
....
24
8
....
2
1
1
1
2
7
23
1
....
1
....
1
Store help
<*16
5
T
1
4
1
1
1
Laborer in industrial
3
1
1
1
Wage-earner in city
A 23
6
1
fi
3
4
3
eg
2
1
4
1
Occupation unknown
1
1
Total
229
2
58
12
1
5
5
9
7
10
92
6
16
1
6
o Including 4 who came to United States from Hawaii.
b Including 6 who came to United States from Hawaii,
c Including 1 who came to United States from Hawaii.
< Including 2 who came to United States from Hawaii.
« Including 1 who came to United States from Canada.
/ Including 12 who came to United States from Hawaii.
9 Including 1 who came to United States from Mexico.
* Including 3 who came to United States from Hawaii.
353
354
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 3. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese, by length of residence in the
United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Is 3
Nuu
saber o
wning
propei
*ty val
ued at
each s
pecifie
I ainoi
ant.
Length of residence
in the United States.
Number rep
complete da
fe
5
$50 and under
$100.
ld
i1
69
ij
gg
if
§x
ll
03 Jj
O q;
«»
$1,500 and un-
der $2,500.
$2,500 and un-
der $5,000.
$5,000 and un-
der $10,000.
-do
fig
8s
§£
°~fl
£3
$25,000 or over.
1
1 year
1
1
2 years
6
1
1
i
3
3 years
3
2
1
4 years
13
3
7
3
5 to 9 years . . .
44
1
2
3
10
12
7
6
2
1
10 to 14 years
34
2
9
g
8
5
1
1
15 to 19 years . .
4
2
2
20 years or over
8
2
1
1
1
3
Total
113
1
4
9
33
27
16
14
4
2
3
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under 1 year
1
1
1 year
13
£
6
2
2 years
39
5
2
6
19
4
3
36
3
2
6
14
9
1
1
4 years
19
3
10
1
1
2
2
5 to 9 years
82
18
5
29
16
10
3
1
26
4
2
9
3
4
2
2
15 to 19 years
g
3
1
2
2
1
6
3
1
2
Total
231
37
6
22
91
38
23
6
5
3
TABLE 4. — Average surplus or deficit of past year, reported by Japanese.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Number.
Average.
Number.
Average.
Reporting:
102
$726 86
Average surplus based on total
$595. 44
Deficit
4
1,862.50
Neither surplus nor deficit .
6
Total
112
WAGE-EARNERS.
198
$239 57
Average surplus based on total
$199.78
Deficit
8
210.53
23
Total
229
General Tables: San Francisco.
355
TABLE 5. — Surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese, by classified amounts.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Amount.
Number reporting.
Amount.
Number reporting.
Surplus.
Deficit.
Surplus.
Deficit.
$100 and under $250
12
40
30
17
$2 500 or over
3
2
$250 and under $500
1
1
Total ... .
$500 and under $1 000
102
4
$1 000 and under $2,500 . .
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under $100
24
2
$1,000 and under $2 500
1
$100 and under $250
83
3
$250 and under $500
76
3
Total
198
g
$500 and under $1 ,000
14
TABLE 6. — Gross value of property, encumbrances, and net value of property now owned
by male Japanese.
•
Num-
ber
report-
ing
com-
plete
data.
Gross value of prop-
erty.
Encumbrances on property.
Net value of property.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
Num-
ber
having
encum-
brances.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
In business for self. .
Wage-earners . .
113
194
$352, 520. 00
66,444.00
$3,119.65
342. 49
47
1
$63, 830. 00
200.00
$1,358.09
200.00
$290,690.00
66,444.00
$2,594.44
342. 49
TABLE 7. — Number of Japanese for whom detailed information was secured, by sex and
general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
General nativity.
Male.
Female.
Total.
Native-born..
13
20
33
Foreign-born
122
60
172
Total
135
70
205
WAGE-EARNERS.
Native-born
231
7
238
Total
231
7
238
356
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 8. — Conjugal condition of Japanese, by sex and age groups.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number within each specified age group.
16 to 19.
20 to 29.
30 to 44.
45 or over.
Total.
1
1
Married.
Widowed.
1
4j
H
•
53
Married.
Widowed.
"cS
1
4
bo
_fl
02
Married.
Widowed.
"06
1
4J
"So
_G
s
Married.
Widowed.
£
n
1
3
Married.
Widowed.
1
£
Male
24
9
?8
33
?S
22
49
19
2
73
19
1
8
1
1
10
1
47
66
4S
3
116
48
164
Female
Total
24
37
....
61
22
68
2
92
1
9
1
11
47
114
3
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
q
q
114
5
119
5?
34
a
88
7
7
1
1,1
18?
4fi
3
ffl
Female
3
3
?
?
4
*,
?
7
Total
q
9
114
8
1?9
R?
3fi
.
9?
7
7
1
15
18?
51
6
?,38
TABLE 9. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born male Japanese 16 years of age or over, by
age at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Age at time of coming to the United
States.
Total
num-
ber
of ar-
rivals.
Single or widowed at
time of coming to
United States.
Married at time of coming to
United States.
Num-
ber.
Married
during
visit
abroad.
Married
in
United
States.
1
2
7
7
o2
Num-
ber.
Wife
abroad.
Accom-
panied
&
Wife
joining
later.
14
7
36
34
14
7
3
1
14
6
31
20
5
1
2
03
1
04
62
18 and under 20 years
1
5
14
9
6
1
1
1
2
4
o2
3
20 and under 25 years
1
4
5
2
1
2
6
2
1
25 and under 30 years .
30 and under 35 years
35 and under 40 years
40 and under 45 years
1
Total
116
79
clO
o!9
37 ! o!3
13
11
WAGE-EARNERS.
29
29
•1
18 and under 20 years
32
31
1
1
20 and under 25 years
77
71
j
1
6
5
1
47
40
7
4
«3
30 and under 35 years
21
10
11
8
3
35 and under 40 years
17
4
13
12
1
40 and under 45 years
6
2
2
Total
231
188
1
«2
43
35
• 8
o Including 1 whose wife is visiting in Japan.
& Including 1 married abroad, wife remaining in Japan.
e Including 3 whose wives are in Japan.
General Tables: San Francisco.
357
TABLE 10. — Number of Japanese within each age group, by sex.
[This table includes persons in business for self as well as wage -earners.)
Number within each specified age group.
Sex.
Under
6.
6 to
13.
14 and
15.
16 to
19.
20 to
29.
30 to
44.
45 or
over.
Total.
Male
11
7
1
9
152
161
25
366
Female .
17
5
31
23
1
77
Total
28
12
1
9
183
184
26
443
TABLE 11. — Number of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each specified number
of years, by sex.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States. No deduction is
made for time spent abroad.]
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number in United States each specified number of years.
Under
1.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5 to 9.
10 to
14.
15 to
19.
20 or
over.
Male
122
50
1
1
6
7
5
3
5
16
10
48
22
34
4
2
8
Female
.Total
172
1
7
12
8
26
70
34
6
8
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
231
1
13
39
36
19
82
26
g
g
7
2
2
1
2
Total
238
1
13
41
38
20
84
26
9
g
TABLE 12. — Ability to speak English of Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex and general
nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
General nativity.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Male.
Female.
Total.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Native-born
5
172
2
122
2
116
3
50
3
27
5
172
5
143
Foreign-born .
Total
177
124
118
53
30
177
148
WAGE-EARNERS.
Foreign-born
238
231
200
7
OQfi
358
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 13. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex
and years in the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States. No deduction is
made for time spent abroad.]
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Years in United States.
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Male....
122
50
116
27
28
26
24
12
48
22
47
13
46
2
45
2
Female
Total
172
143
54
36
70
60
48
47
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
231
200
108
85
82
75
41
40
Female
7
5
5
3
2
2
Total
238
205
113
88
84
77
41
40
TABLE 14. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or over, by
sex and by age at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Age at time of coming to United States.
Under 14.
14 or over.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Male
122
50
116
27
7
2
7
2
115
48
109
25
Female
Total
172
143
9
9
163
134
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
231
200
3
3
228
197
Female
7
5
7
5
Total
238
205
3
3
235
202
General Tables: San Francisco.
359
TABLE 15. — Literacy of Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Male.
Female.
Total.
General nativity.
ber re-
porting
com-
Num-
Num-
ber
Num-
ber
who
Num-
Num-
ber
Num-
ber
who
Num-
Num-
ber
Num-
ber
who
plete
ber.
who
read
ber.
who
read
ber.
who
read
data.
read.
and
read.
and
read.
and
write.
write.
write.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
Foreign-born
167
118
118
118
49
43
43
167
161
161
Total
168
119
119
119
49
43
43
168
162
162
WAGE-EARNERS.
•
Foreign-born
238
231
231
231
7
7
7
238
238
23
TABLE 16. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and years in
the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States.]
Years in United States.
Num-
ber
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Sex.
report-
ing
Num-
Num-
ber
Num-
Num-
ber
Num-
Num-
ber
plete
Num-
ber
who
Num-
ber
who
Num-
ber
who
data
ber.
who
read
ber.
who
read
ber.
who
read
read.
and
read.
and
read.
and
write.
write.
write.
Male
118
25
25
25
47
47
47
46
46
46
Female . .
49
26
23
23
21
19
19
2
1
1
Total
167
51
48
48
68
66
66
48
47
47
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
231
108
108
108
82
82
82
41
41
41
Female
7
5
5
5
2
2
2
Total
238
113
113
113
84
84
84
41
41
41
TABLE 17. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and by age
at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Age at time of coming to United States.
Under 14.
14 or over.
Number.
Number
who read.
Number
who read
and write.
Number.
Number
who read.
Number
who read
and write.
Male
118
49
3
1
3
1
3
1
115
48
115
42
115
42
Female
Total
167
4
4
4
163
157
157
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
231
3
3
3
228
228
228
Female
7
7
7
Total
238
3
3
3
235
235
235
48296°-— VOL 23—11 24
360
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 18. — Ability of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over to speak, read, and
write English, by sex.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Unable to
speak,
read, or
write
English.
Able to
speak
English,
but not to
read and
write it.
Able to
speak and
read, but
not write
English.
Able to
speak,
read, and
write
English.
Male
118
6
37
75
Female
49
23
18
1
7
Total
167
29
55
1
82
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
230
30
* 77
2
121
Female
7
2
3
, 1
1
Total
237
32
80
3
122
TABLE 19. — General occupation of Japanese under 16 years of age, by sex, age groups, and
general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex and general nativity.
Number within each specified age group. .
Under 6.
6 to 13.
14 and 15.
Total.
I
t school.
!
"3
I
1
1
1
3
1
t school.
twork.
§
a
1
t work.
1
•<
•<
£
<
•<
-<
Native-bora:
Male
1
1
1
i
11
17
2
3
5
4
.""
13
20
33
Female
10
1
17
1
Total
1
3
27
1
=
28
1
2
3
4
4
28
n
Foreign-bora:
Male
=
6
'-
6
2
8
41
Female
1
1
1
3
1
5
10
^1
Total
8
—
3
5
Grand total
~27~
1
T
4
_f
....
li-
....
1
i
31
....
TABLE 20. — Total yearly income of male Japanese engaged in business for self, and income
from principal business.
Kind of business.
Number reporting com-
plete data.
Number having each specified amount
of yearly income.
Income from principal
business.
Under $300.
1 $300 and under
| $400.
3
|i
$500 and under
$750.
$750 and under
$1,000.
$1,060 and un-
der $1,500.
$1,500 and un-
der $2,000.
$2,000 and un-
der $2,500.
$2,500 or over.
<u
"3
1
Average In-
come.
3
3
1
$2, 400 00
15, 880. 00
32, 810. 00
2. 280. 00
1,980.00
12, 750 00
14, 600. 00
35, 120 00
8,940.00
11,740 00
$800.00
1, 134. 29
1,491.36
760.00
990.00
2, 125. 00
814. 44
1,404.80
1,490.00
1,067.27
Laundry ....
14
6
1
4
5
?
"5"
1
1
6
2
1
1
3
22
1
3
2
1
1
Restaurant proprietor
(i
1
2
3
6
7
1
9
5
1
3
1
18
1
25
2
2
2
6
3
3
2
Tailor
(j
Miscellaneous
11
1
3
2
....
Total
110
2
10
32
27
14
12
6
7
138, 560. 00
1,259.64
General Tables: San Francisco.
361
TABLE 21.—
earnings (approximate) of male Japanese 18 years of age or over, by
number of months employed.
WITH BOARD.
«.
»ft
I
Nu
imb«
r ear
ning
— ~
Number of months
employed.
Number workl]
wages and re
ing amount.
1
<1
Under $100.
cl
3
•oS
%z
§*
»
$150 and un-
der $200.
$200 and un-
der $250.
ll
<D
T3§
fi*%
c3 ,_,
0-3
$400 and un-
der $500.
t-
i!
g«
Ji
ji
i.
i!
s*
»
TJ ^
a»
I1
$1,680 and un-
der $1,250.
| .
ll
°5S
|l
«f»
$1,500 and un-
der $2,000.
$2,000 or over.
4months
3
$200. 00
1
1
1
'
5 months
2
187. 50
1
1
6 months
5
224. 40
1
1
1
1
1
8 months
1
360.00
1
9 months
5
468. 00
?,
1
i
i
lOmonths
2
365.00
1
1
11 months
5
330 60
1
1
1
9
12 months
83
444.54
9
1
?
4
9
TO
93
2
7
4
6
1
Total
106
415.82
?
4
4
8
5
34
?7
3
8
4
6
1
WITHOUT BOARD.
6 months .•
2
$270. 00
1
1
8 months
1
2 000 00
1
9 months
8
303.75
1
3
3
i
10 months
1
400.00
i
11 months
1
385.00
1
12 months
111
566.76
1
9
n
39
13
*>fi
17
4
1
2
....
Total
124
553 75
2
3
3
18
34
13
26
17
4
1
2
LOS ANGELES.
TABLE 22. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other races.
ART AND CURIO STORES.
Race of proprietor and
number of establish-
ment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital-
Rent
per
year.
Value of
annual
trans-
actions.
Net
profit.
Number of em-
ployees of—
Per
cent
white
pa-
trons.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese:
No. 1
1902
1902
1902
1903
1904
1908
$90,000
20,000
10,000
5,000
3,000
5,400
$10,000
0
0
1,500
300
400
$16,200
40,000
2,400
960
324
4,200
$120,000
40,000
20,000
6,000
4,000
12,000
g
(0)
$1,000
700
850
18
3
2
1
0
1
4
1
0
0
0
1
90.0
90.0
99.0
99.0
30.0
99.0
No. 2...
No. 3.
No. 4...
No. 5.
No 6
BARBER SHOPS.
Japanese:
No 1
1901
$700
Q
$300
«o fiOO
SQfifi
No. 2...
1905
1 500
o
240
2 000
720
1
qq n
No. 3
1906
300
Q
300
2 400
840
No. 4...
1908
300
o
300
1 440
780
&0
Q
fin n
No. 5
1908
300
o
240
1 200
840
bn
No. 6c
1905
2 000
Q
720
2CAA
1 ftRfl
No. lc....
1908
500
o
300
2 500
840
j
Q
en rt
No. 8c
1908
1 400
$200
300
2 000
fiflO
i
American:
No. 9. . .
1901
1 500
o
960
6 000
(a\
3
3
100 0
No. 10
1901
200
(a\
240
1 200
(n\
Q
No. 11
1903
600
(a)
312
2 400
(a)
o
1
100 0
Norwegian:
No. 12
1909
600
o
720
3 500
900
j
Polish:
No. 13
1907
300
(a\
108
1 000
500
o
J
100 0
•Not reported. & Wife of proprietor works also, c Bathrooms connected with this establishment.
362
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 22. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other
races — Continued.
BILLIARD AND POOL ROOMS.
Race of proprietor and
number of establish-
ment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital-
Rent
per
year.
Value of
annual
trans-
actions.
Net
profit.
Number of em-
ployees of—
Per
cent
white
pa-
trons.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese:
No. 1.
1903
1907
1907
1908
1908
1908
1908
1907
1905
1907
$2.000
2,000
1,000
2,500
1,000
800
2,000
900
3,200
1,000
0
$300
0
0
0
200
(«)
$
$720
480
720
960
600
w
480
720
2,400
240
$3,000
1.800
3,000
1,800
1,800
552
2,400
4,000
8,400
3,000
$1,200
960
1,200
360
840
(a)
900
(a)
1,800
(a)
0
1
0
1
0
60
1
4
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
20.0
40.0
50.0
10.0
90.0
.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
No. 2
No. 3....
No. 4
No. 5...
No. 6.
American:
No.7
German:
No. 8...
No. 9. .
No. 10
BOARDING AND LODGING HOUSES.
Japanese:
No. 1
1904
$4,000
o
$520
$2, 500
$700
1
o
0.0
No. 2...
(a)
4,000
0
1,800
5,500
2,250
0
0
1.0
No. 3.
1902
2 000
0
780
3,000
600
1
o
.0
No 4
1906
2 000
$500
1,200
3,600
1,800
2
o
.0
No. 5. .
1908
650
o
900
2,000
720
0
0
.0
No. 6
1906
1,700
0
360
1,900
840
60
o
20.0
COBBLER SHOPS.
Japanese:
No. 1.
1903
$700
o
$180
$1,440
$720
0
o
50.0
No 2
1906
150
o
144
1,200
720
o
o
30.0
No. 3
1908
300
0
216
2,500
900
0
0
50.0
German:
No. 4...
1886
100
o
300
800
(*)
0
0
(°)
No. 5.
1898
100
o
300
1,000
700
o
0
100.0
No 6
1894
100
o
120
1,250
(a)
o
o
(a)
Italian, North:
No. 7
1906
50
o
(c)
600
(c)
0
0
100.0
DRUGS AND BOOKS.
Japanese:
No 1
d!905
$4 000
o
$600
$12, 000
$900
0
0
50.0
No.2
d!906
4,000
0
600
12,000
900
«0
0
50.0
No. 3
d!905
4,360
$360
660
6,800
1,440
1
1
40.0
No 4
1903
4 000
500
720
12, 000
4,200
1
0
10.0
No.5
1904
2,000
1,000
240
3,000
1,200
0
0
20.0
FRUIT, CONFECTIONS, AND TOBACCO.
Japanese:
No. 1
1905
$500
0
$300
$3,600
$960
0
0
30.0
No 2
1907
500
o
144
2,000
540
0
0
70.0
No 3
1908
700
o
144
1,000
300
0
0
90.0
No. 4
1908
700
0
960
2,700
300
0
0
30.0
No 5
1906
2,000
0
540
5,800
2,400
0
0
10.0
No 6
1907
500
o
84
1,300
360
0
0
80.0
No.7
1906
700
0
120
1,800
540
1
0
30.0
No. 8
1906
600
0
108
2,500
720
0
0
80.0
No 9
1906
2,700
$700
144
2,000
1,000
/O
0
5.0
oNot reported.
& Wife of proprietor works also.
c Very small.
d Drug stores.
« Three partners.
/ Two partners.
General Tables: Los Angeles.
363
TABLE 22. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other
races — Continued.
GROCERIES.
Race of proprietor and
number of establish-
ment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital- -
Rent
per
year.
Value of
annual
trans-
actions.
Net
profit.
Number of em-
ployees of—
Per
cent
white
pa-
trons.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese:
No. 1
1903
1903
190G
1906
1906
1908
1908
1908
1907
526,000
7,000
50,000
2,000
3,000
1,500
700
1,000
7,500
$20,000
1,000
15,000
0
500
200
200
0
1,700
$1,200
720
2,160
540
540
480
360
480
3,600
$96,000
50,000
87,000
18,000
15,000
6,000
2,400
9,000
140,000
$2,600
6,000
900
1,200
1,440
780
720
960
(«)
4
2
6
oQ
0
0
oo
60
12
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
20.0
20.0
.0
50.0
40.0
20.0
10.0
99.5
20.0
No 2
No 3
No. 4
No 5
No. 6...
No. 7
No. 8...
No. 9.
LAUNDRIES.
Japanese:
No. 1..
No. 2..
No. 3..
No. 4..
No. 5..
No. 6..
No. 7..
American:
No. 8..
No. 9..
No. 10.
No. 11.
English:
No. 12.
1904
1907
1908
1908
1908
1906
1909
1900
1903
1903
1904
1893
$3,000
1,400
1,500
1,000
700
2,000
800
100.000
30,000
40,000
50,000
60,000
5500
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
$300
420
384
900
420
1,140
540
6,000
1,560
2,400
$6,500
9,000
3,000
8,000
2,000
10,000
2,400
120,000
75,000
124,000
123,000
125,000
$1,200
1,200
18,600
18,450
2
10
1
140
c)
100
120
100
MEAT AND FISH MARKETS.
Japanese:
No 1
1906
$1 000
o
$540
$12 000
$3 000
2
o
20 0
No. 2...
1908
600
o
720
6,000
1,200
1
o
10 0
No 3 .
1902
3,000
o
900
28 880
2 400
63
o
60 0
No. 4...
«1908
200
o
(c)
1,500
600
o
o
o
No. 5
/1908
450
o
240
5 000
600
1
o
1 0
RESTAURANTS.
Japanese:
No. 1.
1899
$2 000
o
$1 260
$18 000
$1 800
06
o
90 0
No 2
1904
5 000
$1 500
960
10 000
2 000
11
o
o
No. 3.
1905
1,000
o
420
3 600
'900
00
o
50 0
No 4
1906
4 000
o
1 500
12 000
2 700
g
o
o
No. 5..
1906
400
o
240
3 000
'840
aQ
o
o
No. 6.
1907
2 500
o
1 080
18 000
600
4
o
100 0
No 7
1907
600
o
276
2 000
400
ol
o
75 0
No. 8.
1907
700
o
900
18 000
1 800
3
o
97 5
No 9
1908
1 500
o
900
12 000
600
4
o
50 0
American:
No. 10
1905
2,500
o
2 520
60 000
(c)
22
o
100 0
No. 11...
1907
1,500
o
900
27,375
(c)
3
5
100 0
No. 12....
1909
1,100
o
1,020
23 400
(c)
5
3
100 0
No. 13
1909
1,200
o
900
9 600
(C)
3
1
100 0
Dalmatian:
No. 14
1902
3,000
o
1,620
18 000
9
o
100 0
a Wife of proprietor works also.
* Two partners.
c Not reported.
i Proprietor owns building.
« Fish peddler.
/ Meat market.
g Wife and daughter of proprietor work also.
ft Small.
364
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 22. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other
races — Continued.
TAILORING AND CLEANING.
No. 1...
1900
1906
1906
1907
$2,000
1,000
700
500
$200
0
0
0
$720
360
336
240
$18, 000
8,800
4,800
1,800
$1,200
840
600
1,080
6
1
2
0
1
0
0
0
20.0
20.0
20.0
50.0
No. 2.
No. 3
No. 4. ..
MISCELLANEOUS.
Japanese (artificial flower
maker): *
No. 1
1906
1903
1905
1906
1907
1907
1905
1906
1907
1908
1907
1908
1907
1902
1903
$500
4,500
500
250
80
70
4,000
5,000
2,500
4,500
1,000
600
1,500
7,000
1,000
0
$1,000
0
(a)
0
(0)
1,500
2,000
0
400
0
0
700
500
600
$216
780
£
144
240
480
' 720
720
600
300
300
420
540
420
$3,000
0,000
800
2,000
, 1,400
1,300
30,000
7,000
14,000
21,600
1,500
1,600
6,000
10,000
4,500
$1,500
1,200
600
840
840
720
2,500
960
1,200
2,800
360
600
1,440
4,500
1,440
3
1
0
2
0
0
0
2
60
1
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
50.0
50.0
10.0
10.0
8
40.0
40.0
40.0
30.0
.0
10.0
20.0
50.0
40.0
Japanese (bicycle shop and
repairs):
No. 1
Japanese (carpenters):
No. 1
No.2
Japanese (em ployment
agencies):
No.l
No. 2.
Japanese (general merchan-
dise):
No.l
Japanese (men's furnish-
T&i.
No.2
Japanese (liquor store):
No. 1
Japanese (photographers):
No. 1
No.2
Japanese (shoe store):
No 1
Japanese (watchmaker and
jeweler):
No 1
No.2
o Not reported. *> Two partners.
TABLE 23. — Money brought to the United States by Japanese.
Num-
ber
re-
port-
ing
com-
plete
data.
Number bringing each specified amount.
None.
Un-
der
$25.
$25
and
under
$50.
$50
and
under
$100.
$100
and
under
$150.
$150
and
under
$200.
$200
and
under
$300.
$300
and
under
$400.
$400
and
under
$500.
$500
and
under
$1,000.
$1,000
or
over.
In business for self
98
40
1
36
21
29
18
8
8
5
1
3
1
4
U
General Tables: Los Angeles.
365
TABLE 24. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by occupation abroad.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Occupation abroad.
Number.
Number who were—
In business
for self.
Farmers.
Farm hands.
Railroad la-
borers.
Sawmill la-
borers.
>>
(_,
Q; CO
«•§
5*
O
Laborers in
industrial es-
tablishments.
Store help.
R e s t a urant
help.
House clean-
ers.
In domestic
service.
e
w S^
.373
"5
Barbers.
Wage-earners
in city.
j)
o P<
3
Occupation
unknown.
In business for self
a 38
67
18
a 19
12
1
1
7
4
4
3
1
fi
3
2
1
1
14
At home
1
1
1
Farming for father
8
4
4
T
1
1
Laborer in industrial es-
tablishment
cl
1
Wage-earner in city
12
2
2
1
1
1
4
1
1
....
1
In other occupations
Total
1
1
98
16
....
20
11
....
1
5
3
1
30
....
1
7
....
3
WAGE-EARNERS.
In business for self
2
1
1
•
Farmer
c-4
s
1
At home
12
1
11
Farming for father
cl2
4
?
1
T
2
Store help . ...
4
1
3
Laborer in industrial es-
tablishment
1
1
Wage-earner in city
4
4
In other occupations
1
1
Total
40
1
q
4
1
9
91
2
a Including 2 who came to United States from Hawaii.
& Including 3 who came to United States from Hawaii,
c Including 1 who came to United States from Hawaii.
TABLE 25. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese, by length of residence in
the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Length of residence
in the United States.
Number reporting
complete data.
Number owning property valued at each specified amount.
1
Under $50.
S3
T3
S .
^8
S*
$100 and under
$250.
$250 and under
S500.
$500 and under
$1,000.
$1,000 and un-
der $1,500.
g
3§
Sa-
il
s
$2,500 and un-
der $5,000.
$5,000 and un-
der $10,000.
$10,000 and un-
der 525,000.
$25,000 or over.
Under 2 years
2 years
2
1
2
1
3 years
5
l
i
3
13
5
3
1
2
10
3
4 years
12
1
2
1
3
9
6
1
3
8
4
5 to 9 years
48
3
4
3
.....
....
10 to 14 years.. .
25
1
15 to 19 years
5
20 years or over
Total
1
1
98
1
1
4
22
16
25
16
8
4
1
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under 2 years
2 years
2
1
1
3 years
5
1
2
2
4 years
7
1
1
2
3
5 to 9 years
19
2
2
3
5
5
1
1
10 to 14 years
4
3
1
15 to 19 years
3
2
1
20 years or over
Total
40
8
1
4
j
10
1
1
1
366
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 26, — Average surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Number.
Average.
Number.
Average.
Reporting:
Surplus ... .
84
$621 61
Average surplus, based on
total number .
$547. 00
Deficit
1
250. 00
Neither surplus nor deficit. . .
10
Total
95
WAGE-EARNERS.
Reporting:
Surplus ...
30
$326 06
Average surplus, based on
total number . .
$213 04
Deficit
Neither surplus nor deficit
8
Total
38
TABLE 27. — Surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese, by classified amounts.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Amount.
Number reporting.
Amount.
Number reporting.
Surplus.
Deficit.
Surplus.
Deficit.
$100 and under $250
19
26
25
10
....
$2,500 or over
4
$250 and under ?500
Total.
$500 and under $1 000
84
1
$1 000 and under $2,500
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under $100... .
1
$1 ,000 and under $2,500
9
$100 and under S950
14
$250 and under $500
12
Total
30
$500 and under $1,000.
1
TABLE 28. — Gross value of property, encumbrances, and net value of property now owned
by male Japanese.
Number
report-
ing
complete
data.
Gross value of prop-
erty.
Encumbrances on property.
Net value of prop-
erty.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
Number
having
encum-
brances.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
In business for self.
Wage-earners
98
40
$337,070.00
31,415.00
$3,439.49
785. 37
35
$40, 810. 00
$1,166.00
$296,260.00
31,415.00
$3,023.06
785. 37
TABLE 29. — Number of Japanese for whom detailed information was secured, by sex and
general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
General nativity.
Male.
Female.
Total.
10
14
24
Foreign-born
103
48
151
Total
113
62
175
General Tables: Los Angeles.
367
TABLE 29. — Number of Japanese for whom detailed information was secured, by sex and
general nativity — Continued.
WAGE-EARNERS.
- • -• •-•• • • • • —
General nativity.
Male.
Female.
Total.
1
1
Foreign-born
40
4
44
Total
40
5
45
TABLE 30. — Conjugal condition of Japanese, by sex and age groups.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number within each specified age group.
16 to 19.
20 to 29.
30 to 44.
45 or over.
Total.
A
I
GQ
!
Widowed.
1
H
.2
"bC
_g
55
Married.
Widowed.
1
4
3
m
S
Widowed.
1
2,
*5b
3
CQ
Married.
Widowed.
ID
H
.2
"Sa
g
S3
Married.
Widowed.
1
Male
23
4
?4
27
?4
16
45
17
1
62
17
9
2
11
39
1
58
4T
3
100
44
Female
1
2
1
Total
1
2
....
3
23
28
51
16
62
1
79
9
2
11
40
101
3
144
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
17
1
18
13
8
21
1
1
30
10
40
3
3
1
1
4
4
Total
17
4
?1
1?
q
99
1
1
SO
14
44
TABLE 31. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born male Japanese 16 years of age or over,
by age at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Age at time of coming to the United
States.
Total
num-
ber of
arri-
vals.
Single or widowed at
time of coming to
United States.
Married at time of coming to
United States.
Num-
ber.
Mar-
ried
during
visit
abroad.
Mar-
ried in
United
States.
Num-
ber.
Wife
abroad.
Accom-
panied
by wife.
Wife
joining
later.
Under 18 years
10
7
25
28
13
13
1
3
10
7
22
16
2
4
1
3
18 and under 20 years
20 and under 25 years
3
05
2
3
62
i
3
12
11
9
1
2
2
6
8
4
1
3
25 and under 30 years
3
2
5
1
30 and under 35 years
35 and under 40 years
40 and under 45 years
45 years or over
1
1
Total
100
62
oil
69
38
12
21
5
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under 18 years
6
6
18 and under 20 years
3
3
20 and under 25 years
16
15
1
1
1
25 and under 30 years . .
8
6
2
1
1
30 and under 35 years
4
1
3
2
1
3S and nnr|fir 4fl yft^rs
3
3
3
40 years or over
Total
40
31
1
9
(j
2
\
a Including 2 married abroad whose wives remained in Japan.
6 Including 1 whose wife is visiting in Japan.
368
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 32. — Number of Japanese within each age group, by sex.
[This table includes persons in business for self as well as wage-earners.)
Sex.
Number within each specified age group.
Under
6.
6 to 13.
14 and
15.
16 to
19.
20 to
29.
30 to
44.
45 or
over.
Total.
Male
10
15
3
4
45
27
83
18
12
153
67
Female .. .
3
Total
25
7
3
73
101
12
220
TABLE 33. — Number of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each specified number
of years, by sex.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States. No deduction is
made for time spent abroad.]
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number in United States each specified number of years.
Under
1.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5to
9.
10 to
14.
15 to
19.
20 or
over.
Male
103
48
2
1
5
10
13
11
50
15
27
2
5
1
1
8
Total
151
1
8
3
15
24
65
29
5
1
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
40
2
5
7
19
4
3
Female .
4
1
2
1
Total
44
2
6
9
20
4
3
TABLE 34. — Ability to speak English of Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex and general
nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
General nativity.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Male.
Female.
Total.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Foreign-born
151
103
101
48
31
151
132
WAGE-EARNERS.
Foreign-born
44
40
39
4
2
44
41
General Tables: Los Angeles.
369
TABLE 35. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex
and years in the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States. No deduction is
made for time spent abroad.]
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Years in United States.
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Male
103
48
101
31
20
31
20
18
50
15
48
11
33
2
33
2
Female
Total
151
132
51
38
65
59
35
35
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
40
39
14
14
19
18
7
7
Female .....
4
2
3
2
1
Total
44
41
17
16
20
18
7
7
TABLE 36. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or over, by
sex and by age at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Age at time of coming to United States.
Under 14.
14 or over.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Male
103
48
101
31
3
6
3
6
100
42
98
25
Female
Total
151
132
9
9
142
123
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
40
39
40
39
Female
4
2
4
2
Total
44
41
44
41
TABLE 37. — Literacy of Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Num-
Male.
Female
Total.
General nativity.
ber re-
porting
com-
plete
data.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
write.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
write.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and '
write.
Foreign-born
145
101
98
98
44
41
41
145
139
139
WAGE-EARNERS.
Foreign-born.
44
40
39
39
|
4
4
44
43
43
370
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 38. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and by years
in the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years in the United States is meant since first arrival in the United States.]
Sex.
Num-
ber re-
porting
com-
plete
data.
Years in United States.
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
write.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
write.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
write.
Male
101
44
19
28
19
27
19
27
49
14
47
12
47
12
33
2
32
2
32
2
Female
Total
145
47
46
46
63
59
59
35
34
34
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male...
40
14
13
13
19
19
19
7
7
7
Female
4
3
3
3
1
1
1
Total
44
17
16
1£
20
20
20
7
7
7
TABLE 39.-
-Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and by age
at time of coming to the United 'States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Age at time of coming to United States.
Under 14.
14 or over.
Number.
Number
who read.
Number
who read
and write.
Number.
Number
who read.
Number
who read
and write.
Male. .
101
44
1
2
1
2
1
2
100
42
97
39
97
39
Female
Total
145
3
3
3
142
136
136
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
40
40
39
39
Female
4
4
4
4
Total
44
44
43
43
TABLE 40. — Ability of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over to speak, read, and
write English, by sex.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Unable to
speak, read,
or write
English.
Able to
speak
English,
but not to
read and
write it.
Able to
speak and
read, but
not write
English.
Able to
speak, read,
and write
English.
Male
101
2
28
71
Female
44
17
19
8
Total
145
19
47
79
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
40
1
15
24
Female
4
2
2
Total
44
3
17
24
General Tables: Los Angeles.
371
TABLE 41. — General occupation of Japanese under 16 years of age, by sex, age groups, and
general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex and general nativity.
Number within each specified age group.
Under 6.
6 to 13.
14 and 15.
Total.
1
1
8
M
1
3
I
1
"d
1
1
1
|
1
1
!
X
1
£
«!
•«
<5
EH
%
<!
<$
£
3
23
<J
H
23
23
«1
Native-born:
Male
10
10
10
10
14
Female
14
14
14
Total
?4
74
?4
24
Foreign-born:
Male
=
==
3
=
•}
3
3
4
7
~~31
Female
2
2
~2~
2
5
~5~
4
2
2
^H
Total
7
2
?6
5
Grand total
24
--^"
~24~
7
=
5
WAGE-EARNERS.
Native-born:
Male . .
Female
1
1
1
1
Total
1
1
1
1
Foreign-born:
Male
Female . . ..... .
Total
Grand total
j
j
1
1
TABLE 42. — Total yearly income of male Japanese engaged in business for self, and income
from principal business.
I
Number having each specified amount
of yearly income.
Income from principal
business.
I
1
1
1
i
o
5
•»
1
1
Kind of business.
II
|
3
&
fe
a
-§
3
fe
§"
I
e
i
d
§
§
73
i
>
o
a
i
^
T3
rs
T5
1
0
a
L
§
•
,
ja
ft
9
§
a
§
0
0
0
«?
I
1
1
i
1
1
s
s
S
i
1
1
Barber shop
8
2
2
5
1
1
1
$6,660.00
7 115 00
$832.50
1 185 83
Laundry ....
6
2
Lodging house
6
6
3
1
1
1
6,910.00
5, 040. 00
1. 151. 67
840 00
fool room
i
1
9
Real estate and labor agencies
2
2
1,560.00
13,940.00
2, 340. 00
780.00
1,267.27
780 00
Restaurant proprietors
11
i
2
2
1
2
2
1
i
Shoemakers
3
Storekeepers . ...
39
2
Q
10
is
1
5
83 390 00
1 368 97
Tailors
2
2
2 280 00
1 140 00
Miscellaneous .................
14
j
7
" j
1
"i
^"
12, 760. 00
911 43
Total
97
4
2
26
27
22
6
3
7
111,995.00
1,154.59
372
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 43. — Yearly earnings (approximate) of male Japanese 18 years of age or over, by
number of months employed.
WITH BOARD.
Number earning—
Number
.
.
.
.
.
.
d
1
1
1
working
9
°
§
s
g
§
R
•»
*l
g
Number of months employed.
for wages
and re-
porting
Average
earnings.
1
d
a
1
1
a
i
fl
i
S3
i
amount.
£
.3
3
p
S
p
*Td
T3
T3
nj
•tf
*&
'O
fcJ
T^J
T3
3
i
S
9
9
b
9
9
9
§
§
§
§
s
§
I
S
§
s
s
S
9 months
1
$270 00
i
10 months
1
300 00
•«
11 months
1
330. 00
1
12 mouths
21
460 00
4
12
0
i
1
Total
3
i
1
—
—
—
24
440.00
i
6
12
WITHOUT BOARD.
11 months
2
$495 00
1
1
1
12 months. ....
14
751. 43
3
?
5 i 3
1
Total
16
719 38
1
^
3
5 3
1
1
SACRAMENTO.
TABLE 44. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other races.
BARBER SHOPS.
Race of proprietor
and number of es-
tablishment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital.
Rent
per
year.
Value of
annual
transac-
tions.
Net profits.
Number of
employees
of—
Per
cent
white
patrons.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese:
No 1
1901
1905
1908
1895
1905
1909
1909
1909
1909
1908
$200
150
449
1,000
1,500
2,000
250
250
5
1,000
0
0
$99
0
0
0
0
0
5
0
$180
180
120
420
720
618
360
300
72
360
$1,000
1,000
800
1,200
7,000
6,000
375
1,680
(>)
3,100
$700
720
600
540
(*)
500
(")
w
261
2,080
aQ
0
0
1
c2
2
1
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
1
2
0
1
0
0
10.0
30.0
.0
70.0
100.0
100.0
d 100.0
100.0.
t.Q
f 100.0
No. 2
No 3
No. 4
American:
No 5
No.6
Greek:
No 7
Italian (North):
No. 8
Negro:
No 9
Portuguese:
No 10
BILLIARD HALLS.
Japanese:
No. 1
1907
1909
$1,500
750
0
0
$276
360
$2,500
1,000
$1,200
148
0
0
0
0
25.0
50.0
No 2
a. One partner, brother. c Two partners. * All negro,
b Not reported. d Mainly Greek. / Approximately.
General Tables: Sacramento.
373
TABLE 44. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other
races — Continued .
BOARDING AND LODGING HOUSES.
Race of proprietor
and number of es-
tablishment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital.
Rent
per
year.
Value of
annual
transac-
tions.
Net profits.
Number of
employees
of—
Per
cent
white
patrons.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese:
No 1
1899
1901
1902
1903
1907
1908
1908
$200
2,000
3,000
1,700
1,700
1,450
300
0
0
0
0
0
$500
0
$480
1,080
780
480
900
780
$1,800
3,500
5,680
3,000
5,300
2,500
2,000
$600
1,200
1,700
900
2,196
950
0
0
2
0
aO
60
0
ooooooo
ooooooo
0 '
No 2
No. 3
No 4
No.5
No 6
No. 7
CONFECTIONERY AND TOBACCO STORES.
Japanese:
No 1
1907
$300
0
$42
$1,800
$600
1
o
40 0
No 2
1907
1,300
o
120
2,000
1,200
1
o
20 0
No. 3
1909
2,750
$750
84
2,000
150
o
o
5 0
No 4
1901
500
o
60
1,200
600
0
o
o
No.5
1901
1,200
o
180
800
600
o
o
o
GROCERY STORES.
Japanese:
No 1
1894
$60,000
$18,000
J1 236
$120,000
$4 700
g
o
70 0
No. 2
1905
2,000
300
300
4,000
840
o
o
50 0
No 3
1906
3,000
1,600
600
5,000
2 400
1
o
30 0
No.4
1908
1,000
300
300
1,700
600
o
o
60 0
No 5
1906
3,300
300
720
10,000
1,800
1
o
30 0
American:
No 6
1904
2,500
o
360
3,000
700
2
o
100 0
No 7
1879
5,000
o
1,025
20 000
(e)
7
o
100 0
German:
No 8
1869
3,500
o
(d)
6,000
(e)
o
4
100 0
Greek:
No. 9
1908
300-400
o
540
6,000
(e)
5Q
o
«100 0
Swiss (French):
No. 10
1896
6,500
o
(d)
1,500
(c)
1
1
100 0
LABOR AND REAL ESTATE AGENCIES.
Japanese: /
No.l
1908
$500
0
$180
$1,500
$1,200
o
o
0 0
No. 2
1906
200'
o
180
2,000
1,000
o
o
40 0
No. 3...
1905
100
0
72
1,300
1,000
o
o
o
No. 4/
1907
300
o
216
2,500
1,900
o
o
' 20 0
LAUNDRIES.
Japanese:
No. 1. . .
1902
$2 000
o
$300
$7,000
$1,200
g
o
80 0
No 2
1907
630
o
48
2,000
1,200
1
o
o
American:
No. 3
1887
30 000
o
(e)
86,000
(*)
17
16
100 0
No.4...
1904
55,000
o
1,800
145,000
'
(0}
(0)
100 0
No.5
1906
25 000
o
1,860
95,000
M
16
17
100 0
No 6
1907
CO
o
300
6 000
(')
21
3
100 0
Italian, North:
No. 7
1002
90 000
o
(4)
100,000
(c)
28
33
(O
o Three partners.
& Two partners.
e Not reported.
* Proprietor owns building.
e Mostly Greek.
/Also acts as interpreter and as broker in vegetables and fruits.
?76 employees, including all races.
374
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 44. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other
races — Continued.
MEN'S FURNISHINGS.
Race of proprietor
and number of es-
tablishment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital.
Rent
per
year.
Value of
annual
transac-
tions.
Net profits.
Number of
employees
of—
Per
cent
white
patrons
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese:
No I
1907
1909
1893
$5,000
4,900
19,000
$1,500
900
0
$000
720
1,080
$8,000
<«)
32,000
$700
(*)
2,800
0
0
0
0
2
90.0
30.0
100.0
No. 2
American:
No 3
PHOTOGRAPHERS.
Japanese:
No. 1
1901
$1 500
o
$180
$3 000
$1 800
]
0
70 0
No. 2
1904
1,880
$380
480
3 000
1 200
1
o
25 0
RESTAURANTS.
Japanese:
No. 1
1900
$600
o
$480
$Q 600
$1 Q20
d2
o
e 100 0
No 2
1904
2 500
o
360
10 000
2 400
eg
o
o
No. 3
1907
1 400
$200
500
9' ooo
1 800
6
o
o
No 4
1907
400
o
150
2 000
360
o
o
e 0
No.5
I9as
500
o
120
2 000
1 016
'0
o
50 0
No. 6.
1908
1,500
o
360
9 000
700
6
o
30 0
No 7
1909
1 800
o
108
2 500
240
2
o
e 0
American:
No. 8
1884
2 500
o
900
13 500
(6)
5
1
e 100 0
Danish:
No. 9
1908
800
o
(g)
12 000
1,200
1
1
e 100 0
German:
No. 10
1907
800
o
720
9,600
1,200-1,500
dO
1
100.0
Slovenian:
No 11
1907
2 000
700
624
20 000
1 200
4
2
100 0
TAILOR SHOPS.
Japanese:
No. 1
1902
$1,000
o
$480
$5,000
$1,400
11
0
10.0
No 2
1902
300
o
180
2 000
1,000
0
0
50 0
German-Hebrew:
No. 3
1884
15.000
o
1,380
28,000
2,500
0
10
100.0
Italian, North:
No. 4
1907
3,000
0
660
8,000
ft None.
4
3
100 0
MISCELLANEOUS.
Japanese:
No. 1 (bank)
No. 2 (bathhouse)
No. 3 (bicycle re-
pairing and
noodle restau-
rant)
1906
1904
1907
$66,650
450
1,200
$1(3, 650
0
200
$360
90
180
$1,072,745
960
1,800
to
$720
500
4
0
0
0
0
0
7.0
.0
50.0
No. 4 (carpenter).
No. 5 (drug store) .
No. f. (dry goods) .
No. 7 (Csh and
vegetable mar- j
ket) '
1905
1908
1908
1908
200
500
4,000
1,400
0
0
2,000
400
180
180
216
180
1,800
2.000
5,400
10,000
1,560
720
1,100
1,000
3
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
40.0
.0
20.0
33.33
No. R (general
business
agency)
1908
800
o
300
36,000
2,100
1
0
.0
No. 9 (general
store)...
1904
31,600
17,300
1,632
70,000
2,000
6
0
28.0
o In business only three months.
& Not reported,
e Four partners.
< Wife works also.
e Approximately.
/Two partners.
g Proprietor owns building.
* Lost $1,600 during year.
General Tables: Sacramento.
375
TABLE 44. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other
races — Continued.
MISCELLANEOUS-Continued.
Race of proprietor
and number of es-
tablishment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital.
Rent
per
year.
Value of
annual
transac-
tions.
Net profits.
Number of
employees
of—
Per
cent
white
patrons.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese — Continued .
No. 10 (moving
pictures)
1907
1908
1907
1907
$3,500
1,500
400
2,400
0
$£00
150
400
$960
240
(«)
162
$5,500
5,000
1,200
3,000
$1,320
1,800
420
800
4
1
bl
0
1
0
0
0
50.0
30.0
99.0
50.0
No. 11 (shoe store
and repairing)..
No. 12 (shoe re-
pairing)
No. 13 (watch-
maker and re-
pairer)
a Proprietor owns building. b One apprentice.
TABLE 45. — Money brought to the United States by Japanese,
Num-
Number bringing each specified amount.
re-
port-
ing
com-
a
8
§ »H
il
and un-
r $150.
li
^
1?
Is
a^
i '
T3 §
§T
and un-
$1,000.
o *
plete
data
I
%
r
8*
|£
!§
O ^J
§9
73
§•
^
§M
B
*O
w
In business for self ....
74
3
2
11
25
19
4
4
2
2
1
1
W age-earners
25
2
13
6
1
1
1
TABLE 46. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by occupation abroad.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Occupation abroad.
Num-
ber.
Number who were —
In business
for self.
i
Farm hands.
A .
I1
.2*
1
02
S ^
||
In domestic
service.
Wage-earn-
ers in city.
2 «
11
In business for self
a28
&3
2
10
3
1
6
4
2
1
8
1
Farmer
At home
12
2
3
1
1
7
1
Fanning for father
a 17
4
4
Farm hand
61
Store help
3
1
1
1
1
Laborer in industrial establishment
cl
Wage-earner in city .
67
3
2
1
2
1
1
In other occupations
b c3
Total
75
2
4
27
12
3
1
22
3
1
WAGE-EARNERS.
In business for self
3
1
2
Farmer
1
1
At home ...
7
3
1
2
1
Farming for father
<*9
2
1
2
3
1
Store help
1
1
Wage-earner in city ...
64
3
1
Total
25
8
4
1
2
7
3
o Including 4 who came to United States via Hawaii.
b Including 1 who came to United States via Hawaii.
e Including 1 who came to United States from Canada,
d Including 3 who came to United States via Hawaii.
48296°— VOL 23—11 25
376
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 47. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese, by length of residence in
the United States'.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Num-
hpr
Number owning property valued at each specified amount.
Length of residence
in the United States.
re-
port-
ing
d
*
T)
q
^d
ig
i.
r^S
^8
!i !i
d]
So
00
si
0
0 .•
com-
plete
«
0
-eg
S«*
!|
s2
§S
|s |»
o?
o5^
8?
o 3
°.o
data
o
'H
0
0-13
§T3
§-S
0^^ ^,g
a||j
8S
o"^
10
fc
P
8
*»
& j S»
s»
i»
S3
1*
Under 2 years
I
2 years
4
1
2
i
3 years
4
2
1
1
4 years
8
1
2
3
1
1
5 to 9 years . ...
33
2
7
6
9
4
3
2
10 to 14 years
17
1
3
2
3
6
2
15 to 19 years
7
1
1
1
1
1
j
1
20 years or over .
1
i
Total
74
3
5
13
13
14
12
7
4
2
1
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under 2 years .....
'
2 years
3
1
1
1
3 years
3
3
4 years
2
1
1
5 to 9 years
14
4
3
6
1
10 to 14 years
3
2
1
Total
25
4
1
9
9
2
o Gross value of property minus indebtedness is nothing or less than nothing.
TABLE 48. — Average surplus or deficit of past year, reported by Japanese.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Number.
Average.
Number.
Average.
Reporting:
Surplus ...
53
$673. 70
Average surplus based on to-
tal number
$493. 51
Deficit
7
236. 29
Neither surplus nor deficit
9
Total
69
WAGE-EARNERS.
Reporting:
19
$245 53
Average surplus based on to-
tal number
$202. 82
Deficit
4
Total
23
TABLE 49. — Surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese, by classified amounts.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Amount.
Number reporting.
Amount.
Number reporting.
Surplus.
Deficit.
Surplus.
Deficit.
Under $100
2
8
17
13
1
3
2
1
$1 000 and under $2,500
9
2
$2 500 or over
Total
$500 and under $1 000
53
7
General Tables: Sacramento.
377
TABLE 49. — Surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese, by classified amounts
Continued.
WAGE-EARNERS.
Amount.
Number reporting.
Amount.
Number reporting.
Surplus.
Deficit.
Surplus.
Deficit.
Under $100
4
3
10
$500 and under $1,000
2
Total
$250 and under $500
19
TABLE 50. — Gross value of property, encumbrances, and net value of property now owned
by male Japanese.
Num-
ber re-
port-
ing
com-
plete
data.
Gross value of prop-
erty.
Encumbrances on property.
Net value of prop-
erty.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
Num-
ber hav-
ing en-
cum-
brances.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
In business for self..
Wage-earners
74
25
$210,360.00
6,050.00
$2,842.70
242.00
38
$55,939.00
250.00
$1,472.08
83.33
$154,421.00
5, 800. 00
$2,086.77
232.00
TABLE 51. — Number of Japanese for whom detailed information was secured, by sex and
general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
General nativity.
Male.
Female.
Total.
Native-born
16
16
32
Foreign-born
78
38
116
Total
94
54
148
WAGE-EARNERS.
Foreign-born . .
25
25
TABLE 52. — Conjugal condition of Japanese, by sex and age groups.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number within each specified age group.
16 to 19.
20 to 29.
30 to 44.
45 or over.
Total.
I
a
•d
Widowed.
I
y>
"So
a
53
Married.
Widowed.
1
£
i
53
i
Widowed.
i
49
.2
3
Widowed.
!
£
y
1
Widowed.
I
Male .
15
7
18
1
1
23
19
17
32
14
T
3
32
1
42
34
1
1
75
36
Female
i
2
3
14
Total
17
i
2
....
3
15
25
2
42
46
fi?
s
3
33
76
2
111
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male.
2 12
12 7 4
21 4 .... 25
378
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 53. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born male Japanese 16 years of age or over, by
age at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Age at time of coining to the United
States.
Total
number
of arriv-
als.
Single or widowed at
time of coming to
United States.
Married at time of coming to
United States.
Num-
ber.
Married
during
visit
abroad.
Mar-
ried in
United
States.
Num-
ber.
Wife
abroad.
Accom-
panied
by wife.
Wife
joining
later.
Under 18 years
5
5
a31
14
11
5
1
1
5
5
28
8
5
1
1
1
20 and under 25 years
3
1
2
6
2
3
3
6
6
4
1
1
2
1
3
4
2
1
1
2
1
25 and under 30 years
30 and under 35 years
1
1
1
40 and under 45 years
Total
o?3
52
6
13
21
6
10
5
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under 18 years
3
3
18 and under 20 years
5
5
20 and under 25 years
6
6
25 and under 30 years
7
6
1
1
30 and under 35 years
2
1
1
1
35 and under 40 years . .
2
2
2
40 years or over.'.
Total
25
21
4
4
a Not including 2 not reporting complete data.
TABLE 54. — Number of Japanese in each specified age group, by sex.
[This table includes persons in business for self as well as wage-earners.)
Number in each specified age group.
Sex.
Under
6.
6 to 13.
Hand
15.
16 to 19.
20 to 29.
30 to 44.
45 or
over.
Total.
Male
17
1
1
2
36
58
4
119
Female
15
3
3
19
14
54
Total
32
4
1
5
55
72
4
173
TABLE 55. — Number of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each specified number
of years, by sex.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States. No deduction Is
made for ffime spent abroad.]
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number in United States each specified number of years.
Un-
der 1.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5 to
9.
10 to
14.
15 to
19.
20 or
over.
Male . . ..
78
38
1
7
4
10
6
3
8
3
33
12
18
2
7
1
Female
1
Total
116
1
8
14
9
11
45
20
7
1
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
25
3
3
2
14
3
General Tables: Sacramento.
379
TABLE 56. — Ability to speak English of Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex and general
nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOE SELF.
General nativity.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Male.
Female.
Total.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Native-born .
1
115
1
38
1
17
1
115
1
93
Foreign-born
77
76
Total
116
77
76
39
18
116
94
WAGE-EARNERS.
Foreign-born
25
25
23
25
23
TABLE 57. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex
and years in the United States.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States.]
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Years in United States.
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Male
77
38
76
17
18
24
18
11
33
12
32
6
26
2
26
Female
Total
115
93
42
29
45
38
28
26
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
25
23
g
g
14
12
3
3
TABLE 58. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or over, by
sex and by age at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Age at time of coming to United States.
Under 14.
14 or over.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Male..
77
38
76
17
1
2
1
2
76
36
75
15
Female . . .
Total....
115
93
3
3
112
90
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
26
23 ...
25
380
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 59. — Literacy of Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Male.
Female
Total.
Num-
ber re-
General nativity.
porting
com-
plete
data.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
write.
write.
write.
Foreign-born
112
76
73
73
36
31
31
112
104
104
WAGE-EARNERS.
Foreign-born
25
25
25
25
25
25
25
9
TABLE 60. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and years
in the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years In the United States Is meant years since first arrival in the United States.]
Sex.
Num-
ber re-
porting
com-
plete
data.
Years in United States.
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Num
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
write.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read,
and
write.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber who
read.
Num-
ber who
read
and
write.
Male
76
36
17
22
16
20
16
20
33
12
32
10
32
10
26
2
25
1
25
1
Female
Total
112
39
36
36
45
42
42
28
26
26
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
25
8
8
g
14
14
14
3
3
3
TABLE 61. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and by age
at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Age at time'of coming to United States.
Under 14.
14 or over.
Number.
Number
who read.
Number
who read
and write.
Number.
Number
who read.
Number
who read
and write.
Male
76
36
1
1
1
75
36
72
31
72
31
Female
Total
112
1
1
1
111
103
103
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
25
25
25
25
General Tables: Sacramento.
381
TABLE 62. — Ability of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over to speak, read, and
write English, by sex.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Unable to
speak, read,
or write
English.
Able to
speak Eng-
lish, but
not to read
or write it.
Able to
speak and
read, but
not to write
English.
Able to
speak, read,
and write
English.
Male
76
1
33
42
Female .
36
21
12
3
Total
112
22
45
45
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
25
2
9
14
TABLE 63. — General occupation of Japanese under 16 years of age, by sex, age groups, and
general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex and general nativity.
Number within each specified age group.
Under 6.
6 to 13.
14 and 15.
Total.
1
t school.
t work.
3
1
t school.
!
3
d
t school.
£
a
t home.
1
M
3
•4
-4
•<<
EH
-j
EH
<!
<j
•<
EH
Native-born:
Male
16
16
16
16
16
Female
15
11
1
1
15
1
Total
31
31
1
1
31
1
32
iy^ -,
3
2
Foreign-born:
Male
-
— ,-._-• - -
1
•-- --'_:
— "
1
1
_!-,„.
1
'
?--'—.:_.
3
T.^T-.-.,_
1
1
Female
?
7
0
Total
=
3
=
1
=
==
1
1
1
1
I
5
Grand total
31
1
^9
4
4
1
1
31
6
....
37
TABLE 64. — Total yearly income of male Japanese engaged in business for self, and income
from principal business.
Kind of business.
Number reporting com-
plete data.
Number having each specified amount
of yearly income.
Income from principal
business.
Under $300.
1
il
1.
T^S
§s
1
^g
gfe
1
T3§
F
tfl.
$1,000 and under
$1,500.
$1,500 and under
S2,000.
$2,000 and under
$2,500.
$2 ,500 or over.
•j
1
o;
I
>
«<
Barber shop
5
2
1
1
3
$2, 460. 00
2, 400. 00
7,500.00
1,200.00
5,100.00
7,420.00
2,220.00
24,860.00
2, 400. 00
15,260.00
$492.00
1,200.00
937.50
,200.00
,020.00
,060.00
,110.00
, 553. 75
800.00
1,090.00
Laundry
?
Lodging house
8
1
4
2
1
1
1
Pool room
Real estate and labor agencies
5
1
4
Restaurant
7
2
1
i
....
1
2
2
1
Shoemaker . .
Storekeeper
16
i
5
?
2
2
1
1
3
2
Tailor
3
Miscellaneous. ..... ... ... . .
14
1
4
2
3
3
1
Total
63
3
2
2
20
6
16
8
4
2
70,820.00
1, 124 13
382
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 65. — Yearly earnings (approximate) of male Japanese 18 years of age or over, by
number of months employed.
WITH BOARD.
Number of months employed.
10 months.
11 months.
12 months.
Total.
13
$287. 50
220.00
501.00
446.54
Number earning—
WITHOUT BOARD.
8 months
1
$400 00
1
10 months
2
735.00
j
1
11 months
1
385 00
1
12 months
8
412.50
3
3
1
1
Total
12
462 92
1
4
4
1
1
1
SEATTLE.
TABLE 66. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other races.
BARBER SHOPS.
Race of proprie-
tor and num-
ber of estab-
lishment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital.
Rent
per
year.
Value
of an-
nual
trans-
actions.
Net profit.
Number of
employees
of—
Per
cent
white
pa-
trons.
Per
cent of
Amer-
ican
goods
sold.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese:
No. la.
No. 2 a.
No. 3 a.
No. 4 c.
No. 5«.
No. 6«.
No. 7...
1900
1900
1903
1905
1907
1908
1908
1908
1909
(b)
1889
1899
1900
1906
1900
$800
3.000
2,000
2,000
2,900
800
250
700
550
800
2,000
21,000
2,000
1,000
25,000
0
0
0
0
0
0
8200
350
400
(")
0
0
0
0
0
$780
600
1,080
1,680
900
384
180
600
360
720
2,400
3,780
1,200
1,500
1,800
$3,120
11,220
6,660
5,400
3,220
1,620
960
6,000
1,080
H
20,000
50,000
5,500
7,500
18,000
$960
504
720
900
960
480
640
720
500
720
2,000
6,000 to 8,000
900
(b)
GO
1
(i]
d5
dl
0
do
2
dQ
2
10
25
4
4
8
0
"2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
4
2
0
2
30.0
(*)
90.0
50.0
(b)
50.0
80.0
60.0
90.0
90.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
No. 8 .
No 9
No. 10
American:
No 11
No. 12o
No. 13
No 14
Norwegian-
American:
15 o
o Bathrooms connected with this establishment.
b Not reported.
c Baths and laundry connected with this establishment.
rf Wife of proprietor works also.
• Pool room connected with this establishment.
General Tables: Seattle.
383
TABLE 66. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other
races — Continued.
GROCERIES.
Race of proprie-
tor and num-
ber of estab-
lishment
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital.
Rent
per
year.
Value
of an-
nual
trans-
actions.
Net profit.
Number of
employees
of—
Per
cent
white
pa-
trons.
Per
cent of
Amer-
ican
goods
sold.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese:
No 1
1898
1904
1904
1907
1907
1907
1907
1908
1908
1901
1902
1907
1900
1902
1907
1906
$2,400
2,500
2,000
1,500
1,000
1,500
3,500
1,800
3,000
16,000
8,000
2,000
12,000
2,000
2,000
1,500
$300
300
1,000
600
300
900
500
700
0
0
0
0
2,300
500
1,000
0
$720
(«)
760
120
480
240
600
324
720
3,000
3,600
840
1,680
1,200
480
720
$7,200
8,000
12,000
6,000
4,800
14,400
12,000
18,000
14,400
80,000
60,000
5,500
48,000
12,000
12,000
9,600
$600
1,200
1,200
600
600
960
600
480
900
(°)
10,000
1,100
c900
(0)
1,800
1,600
1
2
4
&0
1
3
0
1
3
4
5
0
dl
4
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
3
0
1
0
0
0
1
70.0
o.O
10.0
50.0
30.0
50.0
90.0
75.0
40.0
99.0
100.0
90.0
98.0
98.0
100.0
100.0
5.0
50.0
50.0
50.0
30.0
90.0
10.0
75.0
40.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
No. 2...
No. 3
No 4
No. 5
No 6
No. 7...
No. 8
No. 9
American:
No 10
No. 11
Greek:
No 12
Italian, North:
No. 13...
No. 14
Italian, South:
No. 15
Servian:
No 16... .
LAUNDRIES.
Japanese:
No. 1...
1899
$3,000
$1,000
$780
$9,600
$600
<4
0
65.0
0.(
No. 2 . .
1902
15.000
4,000
1,440
42,000
3,000
32
5
90.0
.(
No 3
1905
10 000
o
900
26 400
1 680
25
o
70.0
.(
No. 4 ..
1907
350
0
360
1,440
600
0
0
80.0
.(
No 5
1908
500
300
240
1,920
615
*>1
o
90 0
.(
No.6/
American:
No 7
1908
1887
1,500
150 000
0
o
240
18 000
2,700
182 000
960
(0)
J>0
33
0
31
80.0
(g)
.(
.(
No. 8
1890
80,000
o
6,000
130,000
(a)
20
13
100.0
.(
No. 9
(o)
50 000
o
2,220
100 000
(a)
(a)
(a)
100.0
.(
Swedish:
No. 10
1905
18,000
(o)
3,000
70,000
(a)
(a)
(0)
(a)
.(
RESTAURANTS.
Japanese:
No. 1
1901
$4,000
o
$2,160
$26, 100
$1,440
8
0
80.0
o.o
No. 2 . . ..
1901
2,500
o
2 400
42,000
6,400
12
0
90.0
.0
No 3
1905
2 500
$200
720
18 000
600
5
o
*.o
.0
No. 4
1905
5,000
o
1,800
15,000
1,200
7
o
ft.O
.0
No 5
1906
1 000
o
900
4 800
960
M
o
75.0
.0
No.6....
1906
1,000
o
840
7,200
1.400
<4
0
A.O
.0
No. 7
1907
3,000
o
1,920
36,000
4,800
8
o
99.0
.0
No 8
1907
1 500
o
480
7,200
960
5
o
A.O
.0
No. 9
1907
3,500
o
1,800
18,000
1,920
iQ
2
100.0
.0
No. 10....
No. 11
1908
1908
1,500
1 000
0
o
720
900
18,000
7 200
540
960
6
b /4
0
0
90.0
A.O
.0
No. 12
No. 13
1908
1908
1,500
1 200
500
400
1,200
756
13,000
18,000
600
600
<>6
5
0
o
100.0
90.0
.0
.0
No 14
1908
2 500
400
1 980
14 400
1,270
2
1
100.0
.0
No. 15...
1908
'800
200
180
8,400
570
1
0
A.O
.0
o Not reported.
* Wife of proprietor works also.
c Profit for each proprietor; number of proprietors
notgiven.
d Daughter of proprietor works also.
• Wife and son ofproprietor work also.
/ Bathrooms connnected with this establishment.
0 Almost 100.
h Sells Japanese meals only.
1 Two daughters of proprietor work also.
I Two partners.
384
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 68. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other
races — Continued .
RESTAURANTS— Continued.
Race of proprie-
tor and num-
ber of estab-
lishment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital.
Rent
per
year.
Value
of an-
nual
trans-
actions.
Net profit.
Number of
employees
of—
Per
cent
white
pa-
trons.
Per
cent of
Amer-
can
goods
sold.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
American:
No. 16...,
No. 17
1900
1908
1909
1906
1907
1906
$2,500
1,000
1,400
3,000
900
1,200
0
$200
(•)
0
0
0
$900
720
1,500
1,500
780
960
$30,000
9,000
18,000
32,000
(«)
9,000
w»>
1,000
(a)
14
3
8
6
0
5
0
0
0
4
5
0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
No. 18
Greek:
No. 19
Norwegian:
No. 20
Slovenian:
No 21
TAILOR SHOPS.
Japanese:
No 1
1903
$5 000
$2 000
$1 440
$20 400
$1 200
*>5
2
70.0
0.0
No. 2
1903
800
0
300
9,000
1,440
4
0
50.0
.0
No 3
1904
700
o
360
7 200
960
2
0
90.0
.0
No. 4...
Iy06
400
o
180
4,800
840
61
0
30.0
.0
No 5
1907
2,500
o
360
8,400
900
7
0
30.0
.0
No. 6
1907
500
o
120
1,500
840
0
0
40.0
.0
No. 7 . .
1908
500
(a)
240
2,400
600
2
0
90.0
.0
American:
No. 8
1900
2,000
200
1,200
8,000
1,500
4
1
100.0
.0
Hebrew (Rus-
sian):
No. 9
1891
300
0
660
3,600
1,000
0
1
100.0
.0
No 10
1907
200
0
900
3,000
800
1
0
100.0
.0
No. 11
1908
300
0
300
840
(°)
0
0
100.0
.0
Scandinavian:
No.. 12
1891
300
0
600
7,500
1,800
5
2
100.0
.0
MISCELLANEOUS.
Japanese (bil-
liard hall):
No 1
1908
$2 400
$900
$1,200
$4,200
$960
1
0
0.0
0.0
Japanese (book-
store):
No. 1
1907
1,200
50
390
6,500
720
0
0
.0
30.0
Japanese (cake
store):
No 1
1906
800
0
336
4,800
840
*>0
0
.0
80.0
Japanese (cake
and ice cream
store):
No. 1
Japanese (curio
dealers):
No. 1
1908
1904
1,200
35,000
600
20,000
720
4,800
4,200
70,000
720
3,600
1
B
0
1
20.0
100.0
50.0
.0
No 2 ...
1907
50,000
0
1,200
110,000
(0)
5
2
100.0
.0
Japanese (drug
stores):
No 1 ....
1903
5,000
0
600
8,400
960
2
0
10.0
30.0
No 2
1907
700
o
192
3,600
720
&0
0
40.0
30.0
Japanese (dye-
Ing):
No. 1
1908
600
0
300
4,800
750
1
1
100.0
.0
i Not reported.
* Wife of proprietor works also.
General Tables: Seattle.
385
TABLE 66. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of other
races — Continued .
MISCELLANEOUS— Continued.
Race of proprie-
tor and num-
ber of estab-
lishment.
Date
estab-
lished.
Amount of
capital.
Rent
per
year.
Value
of an-
nual
trans-
actions.
Net profit.
Number of
employees
of—
Per
cent
white
pa-
trons.
Per
cent of
Amer-
ican
goods
lold.
Em-
ployed.
Bor-*
rowed.
Same
race.
Other
races.
Japanese (em-
p lo y m e n t
agencies):
No 1
1907
1907
1908
1908
1908
1902
1904
1908
1908
1904
1894
1902
1907
1899
1907
1907
1905
1905
1906
1906
1907
1908
1908
1909
1907
1908
1907
1908
1903
1906
$300
500
300
600
150
1,000
5,000
850
1,700
2,500
200,000
10.000
2,000
800
3,600
1,800
2,800
5,000
3,500
3,000
2,000
2,500
3,700
600
500
2,000
800
600
3,500
5,000
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
$1,500
200
50,000
3,000
500
0
300
450
0
0
0
0
300
0
2,300
400
0
0
0
0
0
1,000
$240
288
192
300
180
(°)
360
(c)
600
588
1,980
720
600
600
720
144
1,800
1,800
2,400
2,820
780
2,880
1,320
900
432
432
420
180
450
1,020
$2,160
3,000
1,800
4,200
1,200
1,800
9,600
3,600
18,000
54,000
300,000
12,000
9-, 600
13,000
7,200
2,100
5,280
1.800
e^ooo
6,000
2,760
6,000
4,560
1,800
1,000
3,600
4,800
2,400
6,000
24,000
$1,200
1,800
960
2,400
540
840
1,800
1,440
600
1,920
24,000
840
960
3,000
1,800
720
«*1,800
1,440
1,200
1,680
960
840
1,676
504
240
1,200
1,200
720
900
720
0
1
0
1
0
0
65
dO
4
i6
17
2
4
4
2
0
/O
1
1
2
0
2
/O
0
0
d2
0
1
1
3
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
20.0
30.0
90.0
40.0
e.O
70.0
.0
.0
35.0
.0
1.0
50.0
100.0
5.0
20.0
80.0
.0
.0
10.0
30.0
70.0
70.0
80.0
30.0
0.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
0
.0
.0
.0
20.0
50.0
50.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
.0
100.
.0
100.0
100.0
No. 2
No 3 .
No 4
No 5
Japanese (ex-
press compa-
nies):
No. 1
No 2
No. 3
Japanese (fish
market):
No. 1
Japanese (fish
market and
meat store):
No. 1
Japanese (gen-
eral merchan-
dise):
No 1
No. 2
No- 3
Japanese (hotel
and contract-
ing business):
Japanese (job
printing):
No 1
No. 2
Japanese (lodg-
ing houses):
No 1
No 2
No 3
No 4 ..
No 5
No 6 ..
No 7
No. 8
Japanese (pho-
tographers):
No 1
No 2
Japanese (sec-
on d-h a n d
clothing
store):
No 1
Japanese (shoe
reC'fg!:...
Japanese (watch-
es and clocks):
No. 1
No 2
o No rent; 60 per cent of work done for 1 company.
* 3 partners.
e No fixed headquarters.
d 2 partners.
e Except in December, when 50 per cent of trade Is American.
f Wife of proprietor works also.
386
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 67. — Money brought to the United States by Japanese.
-
£rf
Nun
iber b
inging
each i
jpecifie
d amo
unt.
fees
8/9
z$
"5
a
trf
^
g .
So"
§o
§0
a •
3§
0
3
2
•«3
•08
•O ®
T3=<
-«
& d
el
3 o
fc
1
a
T3
a
|5
P
1
I1
it:
83
»»
||
55
a3
ll
o a*
I»
OT3
§S
|l
0 0
In business for self
106
i
41
37
5
2
8
6
6
Wage-earners
89
i
17
64
2
1
2
2
TABLE 68. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by occupation abroad.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Number who were —
"3
i
i
«
1
Occupation abroad.
3
1
8
"§
•^y
2
1
«
^
3
'O
'cfl
,£2
|
ri J3
.a
rt
(j
<S
a
^^
,s?
A
** -^H
M
S
'd
2
•2
||
^
3
b^
i^^i
CJ
5
o
I
c3
v>
•|
3
s
0 w
«
i
i
i
i
»
y
EJ
'3
^
p
Q
0?
fe
03
o
K
a
A
m
a
3
CQ
«
5
^
0
In business for self
37
12
9
g
1
1
1
7
4
Farmer
5
1
1
9
1
At home
22
0
i
n
1
q
9
Farming for father
20
2
g
2
4
7
Farm hand
1
1
Store help
69
5
2
4
1
2
1
1
3
Laborer in industrial establishment
Wage-earner in city
8
1
9
1
0
1
Total
30
~- "-
108
22
7
20
6
1
....
7
8
1
....
6
WAGE-EARNERS.
In business for self . . .
612
1
9
?
?
?
1
1
1
Fanner
7
3
•]
1
At home
37
?
1
?
q
8
11
?
1
1
Farming for father
14
e,
?
4
?
1
1
Farm hand
M
Store help
9
1
4
1
1
?
Laborer in industrial establishment
3
9
1
Wage-earner in city
6
4
1
1
Total
89
5
14
1
9
17
1"i
•>o
*i
1
f>
^
o Including 2 who came to United States from Hawaii.
J» Including 1 who came to United States from Hawaii.
General Tables: Seattle.
387
TABLE 69. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese, by length of residence in
the United States.
IN BUSINESS ^OR SELF.
bo
a
Num
ber OM
mingi
ropert
y valu
edate
achsp
ecifled
amour
it.
£ *
Length of residence
in the United
(H 03
11
u o>
1
1
1
1
L
fig
73 S
T3§
L
§g
13 o
gx
1
States.
sf
•28
S3
*1
£5*
a|
•oS
§8
•eg
Sa
Ss
9i
S»"
SS
|a
g
|8
8
^
1
n
P
1
8
I"3
«5
tB
^
W
iO -^
si
p
8 fe
r
£
Under 1 year
2
1
i
2 years
10
2
2
4
1
i
11
1
1
5
1
2
i
4 years
3
1
2
5 to 9 years
54
2
1
11
14
12
9
4
i
10 to 14 years
18
1
5
3
1
6
1
i
15 to 19 years
10
2
1
3
2
i
i
20 years or over
Total
108
7
4
28
19
21
IS
7
3
i
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under 1 year
1
1
1 year . .
15
2
1
7
4
1
2 years
24
1
7
10
4
1
3 years
15
1
3
5
5
1
4 years
6
2
2
2
5 to 9 years
16
3
4
4
1
3
1
10 to 14 years
10
2
1
6
1
15 to 19 years
2
1
20 years or over
Total
89
4
5
26
27
19
5
3
TABLE 70. — Average surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Number.
Average.
Number.
Average.
Reporting:
Surplus
65
$966. 77
Average surplus based on
$825. 60
Deficit
2
460 00
Neither surplus nor deficit .
8
Total
75
WAGE-EARNERS,
Reporting:
Surplus
59
$218. 14
Average surplus based on
total number .. ...
$206.88
Deficit
1
250.00
Neither surplus nor deficit
1
Total
61
388
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 71. — Surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese, by classifitd amounts.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Amount.
Number reporting—-
Amount.
Number reporting—
Surplus.
Deficit.
Surplus.
Deficit.
Under $100
1
12
28
17
$1 000 and under $2 500
3
4
$100 and under $250
1
$2 500 or over
$250 and under $500
Total
$500 and under $1,000
1
65
2
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under $100
3
$500 and under $1 000
3
$100 and under $250
36
$250 and under $500
17
1
Total
59
1
TABLE 72. — Gross value of property, encumbrances, and net value of property now owned
by male Japanese.
Number
report-
ing com-
plete
data.
Gross value of
property.
Encumbrances on property.
Net value of
property.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
Number
having
encum-
brances.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
Aggregate
amount.
Average
amount.
In business for self. .
Wage-earners
108
85
$475,900.00
35,375.00
$4,406.48
416. 18
41
$77, 150. 00
$1,881.70
$398,750.00
35,375.00
$3,692.13
416. 18
TABLE 73. — Number of Japanese for whom detailed information was secured, by sex and
general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
General nativity.
Male.
Female.
Total.
Native-born . ....
17
19
36
110
51
161
Total ;
127
70
197
WAGE-EARNERS.
Native-born
3
2
5
89
12
101
Total
92
14
106
General Tables: Seattle.
389
TABLE 74. — Conjugal condition of Japanese, by sex and age groups.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Number within each specified age group.
16 to 19.
20 to 29.
30 to 44.
45 or over.
Total.
Sex
i
|
!
3
1
jj
I
5
"S
"So
g
02
1
o
I
1
.1°
02
I
1
EH
02
03
0
I
1
02
1
1
"So
.g
02
1
1
Male
1
1
27
1?
39
17
47
2
66
3
3
4ft
62
2
109
Female
9
9
4
1
?8
1ft
1ft
1
3
46
49
Total
17
62
2
81
3
2
....
5
28
40
68
....
4
....
4
48
108
2
158
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
g
g
41
5
2
48
q
93
T>
59
?s
?
89
Female
^
3
4
4
5
5
1?,
1?,
Total
q
•*
19
41
q
?
ft*?
q
?8
37
59
40
?,
101
TABLE 75. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born male Japanese 16 years of age or over,
by age at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Age at time of coming to the
United States.
Total
num-
ber of
arri-
vals.
Single or widowed at time
of coining to United States.
Married at tune of coming to United
States.
Num-
ber.
Married
during
visit
abroad.
Married
in
United
States.
Num-
ber.
Wife
abroad.
Accom-
panied
by wife.
Wife
joining
later.
Under 18 years
8
15
37
30
12
4
2
1
8
14
29
22
2
1
2
2
8
5
1
18 years and under 20 years.
20 years and under 25 years .
25 years and under 30 years.
30 years and under 35 years.
35 years and under 40 years .
40 years and under 45 years.
45 years and over
1
06
4
1
8
8
10
3
2
1
2
2
6
62
1
63
4
5
1
3
1
1
1
Total
109
76
all
18
33
11
c7
15
WAGE-EARNERS.
Under 18 years
10
10
1
1
18 years and under 20 years .
16
15
1
1
20 years and under 25 years
36
33
2
1
3
2
1
25 years and under 30 years
13
8
1
5
4
1
30 years and under 35 years
8
1
7
3
2
2
35 years and under 40 years
3
3
2
1
40 years and under 45 years .
3
3
1
2
Total
89
67
4
2
22
13
6
3
a Including 1 whose wife remained in Japan,
fc Including 1 whose wife returned to Japan,
e Including 2 whose wives returned to Japan.
390
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 76. — Number of Japanese within each age group, by sex.
[This table Includes persons in business for self as well as wage-earners.]
Number within each specified age group.
Sex.
Under
6.
6 to 13.
Hand
15.
16 to 19.
20 to 29.
30 to 44.
45 or
over.
Total.
Male
17
19
4
2
10
7
87
33
98
20
3
1
219
84
Female
2
Total
36
6
2
17
120
118
4
303
TABLE 77. — Number of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each specified number
of years, by sex.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States. No deduction is
made for time spent abroad ]
Number
report-
Numt
erinl
Inited
States
eachs]
:>ecifie
inuml
^erofj
ears.
Sex.
ing
complete
data.
Under
1.
2.
3.
4.
5 to 9.
10 to
14.
15 to
19.
20 or
over.
Male
110
1
2
10
12
3
54
18
10
Female ....
51
4
9
10
g
5
11
3
1
Total
161
5
11
20
20
g
65
21
11
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male . ..
89
1
15
24
15
6
16
10
2
Female
12
1
4
5
"*
Total
101
2
19
29
16
6
17
10
2
TABLE 78. — Ability to speak English of Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex and general
nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
General nativity.
Number
report-
ing
complete
data.
Male.
Female.
Total.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Native-born .
5
161
3
110
3
109
2
51
2
29
5
161
5
138
Foreign-born .................
Total
166
113
112
53
31
166
143
WAGE-EARNERS.
Foreign-born
101
89 88
12
6
101
94
General Tables: Seattle.
391
TABLE 79.—
79. — Ability to speak English offoreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex
and years in the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
JBy years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States.]
Sex.
Number
report-
ing
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Years in United States.
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Num-
ber.
Number
who
speak
English.
Male
110
51
109
29
28
36
27
15
54
11
54
11
28
4
28
3
Total
161
138
64
42
65
65
32
31
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
89
88
61
60
16
16
12
12
Female
12
6
11
5
1
1
Total
101
94
72
65
17
17
12
12
TABLE 80. — Ability to speak English offoreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex
and by age at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Number
who
speak
English.
Age at time of coming to United States.
Under 14.
14 or over.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Number.
Number
who
speak
English.
Male
110
51
109
29
1
2
109
49
ioy
27
Female
2
Total
161
138
3
2
158
136
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
89
88
1
1
88
87
Female
12
6
12
g
Total.
101
94
1
1
100
93
48296°— VOL 23—11-
-26
392
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 81. — Literacy of Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and general nativity,
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Male.
Female
Total.
General nativity.
ber re-
porting
com-
Slete
ata.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber
who
read.
Num-
ber
who
read
and
write.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber
who
read.
Num-
ber
who
read
and
write.
Num-
ber.
Num-
ber
who
read.
Num-
ber
who
read
and
write.
Native-born
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
Foreign-bora.
161
110
110
110
51
50
50
161
160
160
Total
162
110
110
110
52
51
51
162
161
161
WAGE-EARNERS.
Foreign-born
101
89
89
89
12
12
12
101
101
101
TABLE 82. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and years in
the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
[By years in the United States is meant years since first arrival in the United States.]
Years in United States.
Num-
Under 5.
5 to 9.
10 or over.
ber re-
Sex
porting
com-
Num-
Num-
Num-
plete
Num-
ber
Num-
ber
Num-
ber
data.
Num-
ber
who
Num-
ber
who
Num-
ber
who
ber.
who
read
ber.
who
read
ber.
who
read
read.
and
read.
and
read.
and
write.
write.
write.
Male
110
28
28
28
54
54
54
28
28
28
Female
51
36
35
35
11
11
11
4
4
4
Total
161
64
63
63
65
65
65
32
32
32
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male
89
61
61
61
16
16
16
12
12
12
Female
12
11
11
11
1
1
1
Total
101
72
72
72
17
17
17
12
12
12
General Tables: Seattle.
393
TABLE 83. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and by age
at time of coming to the United States.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Age at tim
e of comin
I to Unitec
I States.
RPT
Number
reporting
Under 14.
14 or over.
complete
data.
Number.
Number
who read.
Number
who read
and
write.
Number.
Number
who read.
Number
who read
and
write.
Male
110
' 1
1
1
109
109
109
Female
51
2
2
2
49
48
48
Total
161
3
3
3
158
157
157
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male . ...
89
1
1
1
88
88
88
Female
12
12
12
12
Total
101
1
1
1
100
100
100
TABLE 84. — Ability of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over to speak, read, and
write English, by sex.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex.
Number
reporting
complete
data.
Unable to
speak, read,
or write
English.
Able to
speak Eng-
lish, but not
to read and
write it.
Able to
speak and
read, but
not write
English.
Able to
speak, read,
and write
English.
Male
110
1
8
101
Female
51
22
8
21
Total
161
23
16
122
WAGE-EARNERS.
Male ..
89
1
9
79
Female
12
6
3
3
Total
101
7
12
82
394
The Immigration Commission.
TABLE 85. — General occupation of Japanese under 16 years of age, by sex, age groups, and
general nativity.
IN BUSINESS FOR SELF.
Sex and general nativity.
Number within each specified age group.
Under 6.
6 to 13.
14 and 15.
Total.
a
1
M
o
'£
3
ft
1
!
3
ft
1
t work.
3
1
t school.
t work.
3
•4
•4
H
Native-born:
Male . ..
13
15
1
2
14
3
T
13
15
4
4
....
17
19
Female
17
1
1
i
Total
28
3
11
4
4
1
i
28
8
-""-
1
36
1
2
Foreign-born:
Male
=z=
=r
1
• •• •
^=r
1
Female
1
1
1
i
?
Total
2
9,
1
i
1
3
1
39
Grand total.
-_"-'.'. —
28
3
.— -J-
31
g
6
2
2
~28~
"IT
" • ""- '
WAGE-EARNERS.
Native-born:
Male .
3
3
T
3
Female
?,
?,
9
?
Total
5
5
5
5
TABLE 86. — Total yearly income of male Japanese engaged in business for self, and
income from principal business.
Kind of business.
Number reporting
complete data.
Number having each specified amount
of yearly income.
Income from principal
business.
Under $300.
•dS
IS
|H
O>
$500 and under
$750.
1
13
i"
»
1
8^
so
i
Is
C3O
|8
9
T3 o
Co
C6 «5
8"~
1
!
o
i
Total in-
come.
Average
income.
Barber shop
11
7
3
4
1
4
$8,004.00
7,560.00
6, 120. 00
8,880.00
27,760.00
720. 00
46,260.00
8,310.00
10,800.00
$727.64
1,260.00
1,020.00
1,776.00
1,388.00
720.00
2,011.30
1,038.75
720.00
Laundry ........... ......
6
"?
1
1
Lodging house
6
Reaf estate and labor agencies
5
}
1
1
1
2
1
1
3
Restaurant proprietors
20
1
9
1
4
Shoemakers
1
23
8
2
10
10
3
2
2
2
2
1
1
....
2
Tailors ...
g
Miscellaneous
15
1
TotaL
95
1
....
2
40
28
10
6
1
7
124,414.00
1,309.62
General Tables: Seattle.
395
TABLE 87. — Yearly earnings (approximate') of male Japanese 18 years of age or over, by
number of months employed.
WITH BOARD.
Number of months
employed.
8 months..
12 months .
Total.
70
$180.00
446. 54
438. 93
Number earning —
WITHOUT BOARD.
1
$360 00
1
,
1
400 00
1
12 months
16
656 00
3
?,
5
?,
4
Total . .
18
625 33
1
4
?,
6
?,
4
LIST OF TEXT TABLES.
PART I— THE JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES,
CHAPTER I. — Introductory: Page.
Table 1. — Total number of foreign-born Japanese for whom information was
secured, by sex and by industry 3, 4
CHAPTER II. — Japanese population of the United States:
Table 2. — Number of Japanese (exclusive of those coming from the Hawaiian
Islands) admitted to the continental United States, fiscal years 1893 to
1910 5
Table 3. — Departures of orientals from Hawaii to the mainland 6
Table 4. — Age of foreign-born Japanese males at time of coming to the
United States, by industry: Numbers 7
Table 5. — Age of foreign-born Japanese males at time of coming to the
United States, by industry: Percentages - 7, 8
Table 6. — Occupation of Japanese aliens arrived at ports of United States
and Canada, as reported by Commissioner-General of Immigration
Table 7. — Wages of males in specified occupations in Japan 10, 11
Table 8.— Japanese arrivals in continental United States, fiscal year 1909. 17
Table 9. — Occupations of Japanese admitted to the continental United
States, fiscal year 1909 18
Table 10. — Number of Japanese debarred or deported from the United
States, 1893 to 1910, by cause 20
Table 11. — Japanese population (estimated) of the continental United
States in 1909 21
Table 12. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born Japanese wage-earners, by
sex, age groups, and industry : Numbers 23
Table 13. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born Japanese wage-earners, by
sex, age groups, and industry : Percentages ^ 24
Table 14. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born Japanese in business for self,
by sex, age groups, and industry : Numbers 25
Table 15. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born Japanese in business for
self, by sex, age groups, and industry: Percentages 26
Table 16. — Location of wives of foreign-born Japanese, by industry 26
Table 17. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese husbands who report wife in
the United States and per cent who report wife abroad, by industry 27
Table 18. — Conjugal condition at time of coming to the United States of
foreign-born Japanese males now 16 years of age or over, and subsequent
changes in conjugal condition and location of wife, by occupation and
industry: Numbers 27
Table 19. — Conjugal condition at time of coming to the United States of
foreign-born Japanese males now 16 years of age or over, and subsequent
changes in conjugal condition and location of wife, by occupation and
industry: Percentages 28
Table 20.— Time of arrival of wives of foreign-born Japanese males who
were married before coming to the United States, by occupation and
industry 29
Table 21. — Intention of Japanese males 18 years of age or over to stay per-
manently in United States, by occupation and industry 29
Table 22. — Number of foreign -born Japanese in the United States each
specified number of years, by sex and industry 30, 31
Table 23. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each
specified number of years, by sex ana industry 31, 32
397
398 The Immigration Commission.
CHAPTER III. — Japanese wage-earners in industry: Page.
Table 24. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by present
occupation and industry 34
Table 25. — Occupation of foreign-born Japanese males before coming to the
United States, by present industry 35
Table 26. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese males in each specified occu-
pation before coming to the United States, by present industry 35, 36
Table 27. — Yearly earnings (approximate) of Japanese coal miners 18 years
of age or over 55
CHAPTER IV. — Japanese in agriculture:
Table 28. — Day wages of Japanese in farm work in California 65
Table 29. — Comparison between the average wages of the Japanese on a
time basis and the averages of other races 65
• Table 30. — Approximate earnings during the past year of Japanese farm
laborers 18 years of age or over 74
Table 31. — Approximate earnings during the past year of Japanese farm
laborers 74, 75
Table 32. — Land farmed by Japanese in 1909, by form of tenure and esti-
mated number of holdings 76
Table 33. — Kinds of farming in which the Japanese are engaged 77
CHAPTER V. — Japanese in city employments and business:
Table 34. — Number of Japanese establishments engaged in each specified
kind of business in selected localities in 1909 100
Table 35. — First occupation in the United States of foreign-born Japanese,
by occupation abroad 104, 105
Table 36. — Number of persons having each specified income during the
past year and average income, by branch of business engaged in 106
Table 37. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese 18 years of age
or over 108, 109
Table 38. — Capital employed in Japanese establishments investigated, by
branch of business 110
Table 39. — Volume of transactions during the past year, by branch of busi-
ness Ill
Table 40. — Amount of profits realized during the past year, by branch of
business 112
Table 41. — Number of male Japanese employees with each specified
amount of earnings per month, with board and lodging, by branch of
business 132
Table 42. — Number of male Japanese employees with each specified amount
of earnings per month, with board, by branch of business 132
Table 43.— Number of male Japanese employees with each specified amount
of earnings per month, with lodging, by branch of business 133
Table 44.— Number of male Japanese employees with each specified amount
of earnings per month, without board or lodging, by branch of business. . 133
Table 45.— Yearly earnings (approximate) of male Japanese 18 years of age
or over, by months worked 134
CHAPTER VI. — Other economic considerations:
Table 46. — Cost of food and drink per month per person of Japanese 2 years
of age or over, by occupation and industry 135
Table 47. — Average surplus or deficit income for past year of Japanese
males, by occupation and industry 139
Table 48. —Surplus or deficit for past year reported by Japanese, by classi-
fied amount and by occupation and industry 139
Table 49. — Money sent abroad by Japanese males during past year, by
occupation and industry 140
Table 50. — Net value of all property owned by Japanese 18 years of age or
over, by occupation and industry 142
Table 51. — Money brought by Japanese males upon coming to the United
States, by occupation and industry 143
CHAPTER VII. — Social and political considerations:
Table 52. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese, by sex, years
in the United States, and industry 145, 146
Table 53. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese who speak English, by sex,
years in the United States, and industry 146, 147
Table 54. — Number of foreign-born Japanese wage-earners who read their
native language and number who read and write their native language,
by sex anal industry 150
List of Text Tables. 399
CHAPTER VII. — Social and political considerations — Continued. Page.
Table 55. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese wage-earners who read their
native language and per cent who read and write their native language,
by sex and industry 150
Table 56. — Number of foreign-born Japanese who read English and number
who read and write English, by sex and industry 153, 154
Table 57. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese who read English and per cent
who read and write English, by sex and industry 154
Table 58. — Number of foreign-born Japanese who read and number who
read and write, by sex and industry 156
Table 59. — Per cent of foreign-born Japanese who read and per cent who
read and write, by sex and industry 157
Table 60. — Newspapers taken by Japanese households 159
PART II— THE JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN
THE PRINCIPAL CITIES OF THE PACIFIC COAST AND ROCKY MOUN-
TAIN STATES,
Page.
CHAPTER II. — Japanese in city employments and business in San Francisco:
Table 1. — Business conducted by Japanese in San Francisco, as reported
by the Japanese-American Yearbook 188
Table 2. — Number of employees working in steam laundries earning each
specified amount per month, by sex 192
CHAPTER III. — Japanese in city employments and business in Los Angeles, Cal.:
Table 3. — Business conducted by Japanese in Los Angeles, Cal., December,
1904, and June, 1909 225
CHAPTER IV. — Japanese in city trades and employments in Sacramento:
Table 4. — Business conducted by Japanese in Sacramento, Cal., June, 1909. 250
Table 5. — Data for five grocery stores conducted by Japanese in Sacra-
mento, Cal., June, 1909 255
CHAPTER V.— -Japanese in city employments and business in Washington, with
special reference to Seattle:
Table 6. — Number of establishments in Tacoma, Wash., conducted by
Japanese in 1905-1909 271
Table 7.— Growth of Japanese business in Seattle, 1888 to 1909 274
Table 8. — Number of employees in three American laundries in Seattle
earning each specified amount per day, by sex and general nativity and
race 279
Table 9. — Number of Japanese employees in Japanese laundries in Seattle
earning each specified amount per day, by sex 279
Table 10. — Kind of business conducted by Japanese in Seattle at the
present time, by occupation abroad 293
CHAPTER VI. — Japanese in city employments and business in Portland:
Table 11.— Data for Japanese in business in Portland, Oreg., in 1891, 1900,
ami 1909 304
CHAPTER VII. — Japanese in city employments and business in Denver:
Table 12. — Japanese engaged in business in Denver, Colo., June, 1909 308
CHAPTER VIII. — Japanese in city trades and business in Salt Lake City and
Ogden:
Table 13.— Japanese in business in Salt Lake City, Utah, July, 1909 315
Table 14.— Japanese in business in Ogden, Utah, July, 1909 317
CHAPTER IX. — Japanese in business in Idaho:
Table 15. — Japanese engaged in business in Idaho in 1909 319
PART III —THE EAST INDIANS ON THE PACIFIC COAST,
CHAPTER II:
Table 1. — Number of East Indians admitted and departed during the years
1900 to 1910 325
Table 2.— Number of East Indians debarred during the years 1900 to 1910,
by cause 326
Table 3.— Money brought to the United States by East Indians 327
Table 4. — Money brought to the United States by East Indians during the
years 1905 to 1909 327
Table 5.— General data for East Indian immigrants 327, 328
400 The Immigration Commission.
CHAPTER III. — Employment of East Indians in Coast States: Page.
Table 6. — Yearly earnings (approximate) of East Indians 18 years of age or
over, by number of months employed 332
Table 7. — Number of male East Indian employees 18 years of age or over
earning each specified amount per day 335
CHAPTER IV. — Age and conjugal condition:
Table 8. — Number of East Indians admitted to the United States during
the period 1905-1909, by age groups 339
Table 9. — Conjugal condition of male East Indians, and location of wife, by
age groups 339
CHAPTER V. — Standard of living:
Table 10. — General data for agricultural laborers 341
Table 11. — General data for mill hands in Washington and Oregon 343
Table 12. — General data for cordage-factory hands in Portland, Greg 343
Table 13. — General data for tamale men of San Francisco, Cal 344
CHAPTER VI. — Sociological data:
Table 14. — Ability of foreign-born male East Indians 10 years of age or
over to read and write their native language and to speak, read, and
write English, by industry 348
LIST OF GETsTEEAL TABLES.
JAPANESE IN SAN FRANCISCO.
Page.
Table 1. — Money brought to the United States by Japanese 353
Table 2. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by occupation
abroad 353
Table 3. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese, by length of
residence in the United States 354
Table 4. — Average surplus or deficit of past year, reported by Japanese 354
Table 5. — Surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese, by classified
amounts 355
Table 6. — Gross value of property, encumbrances, and net value of property
now owned by male Japanese 355
Table 7. — Number of Japanese for whom detailed information was secured, by
sex and general nativity 355
Table 8. — Conjugal condition of Japanese, by sex and age groups 356
Table 9. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born male Japanese 16 years of age or
over, by age at time of coming to the United States 356
Table 10. — Number of Japanese within each age group, by sex 357
Table 11. — Number of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each specified
number of years, by sex 357
Table 12. — Ability to speak English of Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex
and general nativity 357
Table 13. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or
over, by sex and years in the United States 358
Table 14. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or
over, by sex and by age at time of coming to the United States 358
Table 15. — Literacy of Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and general
nativity 359
Table 16. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex
and years in the United States 359
Table 17. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex
and by age at time of coming to the United States 359
Table 18. — Ability of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, to speak,
read, and write English, by sex 360
Table 19. — General occupation of Japanese under 16 years of age, by sex, age
groups, and general nativity 360
Table 20. — Total yearly income of male Japanese engaged in business for self,
and income from principal business 360
Table 21. — Yearly earnings (approximate) of male Japanese 18 years of age or
over, by number of months employed 361
JAPANESE IN LOS ANGELES.
Table 22. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of
other races 361-364
Table 23. — Money brought to the United States by Japanese 364
Table 24. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by occupation
abroad 365
Table 25. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese, by length of
residence in the United States 365
Table 26. — Average surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese 366
Table 27. — Surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese, by classified
amounts 366
Table 28. — Gross value of property, encumbrances, and net value of property
now owned by male Japanese 366
Table 29. — Number of Japanese for whom detailed information was secured, by
sex and general nativity 366, 367
Table 30. — Conjugal condition oi Japanese by sex and age groups 367
Table 31. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born male Japanese 16 years of age or
over, by age at time of coming to the United States 367
401
402 The Immigration Commission.
Page.
Table 32. — Number of Japanese within each age group, by sex 368
Table 33. — Number of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each speci-
fied number of years, by sex 368
Table 34. — Ability to speak English of Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex
and general nativity 368
Table 35. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age
or over, by sex and years in the United States 369
Table 36. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or
over, by sex and by age at time of coming to the United States 369
Table 37. — Literacy of Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and general
nativity 369
Table 38. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex
and by years in the United States 370
Table 39. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex
and by age at time of coming to the United States 370
Table 40. — Ability of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over to speak,
read, and write English, by sex 370
Table 41. — General occupation of Japanese under 16 years of age, by sex, age
groups, and general nativity 371
Table 42. — Total yearly income of male Japanese engaged in business for self,
and income from principal business 371
Table 43. — Yearly earnings (approximate) of male Japanese 18 years of age or
over, by number of months employed... 372
JAPANESE IN SACEAMENTO.
Table 44. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of
other races 372-375
Table 45. — Money brought to the United States by Japanese 375
Table 46. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by occupation
abroad 375
Table 47. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese, by length of
residence in the United States 376
Table 48. — Average surplus or deficit of past year, reported by Japanese 376
Table 49. — Surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese, by classified
amounts 376,377
Table 50. — Gross value of property, encumbrances, and net value of property
now owned by male Japanese 377
Table 51. — Number of Japanese for whom detailed information was secured, by
sex and general nativity 377
Table 52. — Conjugal condition of Japanese, by sex and age groups 377
Table 53. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born male Japanese 16 years of age
or over, by age at time of coming to the United States 378
Table 54. — Number of Japanese in each specified age group, by sex 378
Table 55. — Number of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each speci-
fied number of years, by sex 378
Table 56. — Ability to speak English of Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex
and general nativity 379
Table 57. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or
over, by sex and years in the United States 379
Table 58. — Ability to speak English of foreign -born Japanese 6 years of age or
over, by sex and by age at time of coming to the United States 379
Table 59. — Literacy of Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and general
nativity 380
Table 60. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex
and years in the United States 380
Table 61. — Literacy of foreign -born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex
and by age at time of coming to the United States 380
Table 62.— Ability of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over to speak,
read, and write English, by sex 381
Table 63. — General occupation of Japanese under 16 years of age, by sex, age
groups, and general nativity 381
Table 64. — Total yearly income of male Japanese engaged in business for self,
and income from principal business 381
Table 65. — Yearly earnings (approximate) of male Japanese 18 years of age or
over, by number of months employed 382
List of General Tables. 403
JAPANESE IN SEATTLE.
Page.
Table 66. — General data on business conducted by Japanese and members of
other races 382-385
Table 67. — Money brought to the United States by Japanese 386
Table 68. — First occupation of Japanese in the United States, by occupation
abroad 386
Table 69. — Net value of all property now owned by Japanese, by length of
residence in the United States. 387
Table 70. — Average surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese 387
Table 71. — Surplus or deficit of past year reported by Japanese, by classified
amounts 388
Table 72. — Gross value of property, encumbrances, and net value of property
now owned by male Japanese 388
Table 73. — Number of Japanese for whom detailed information was secured,
by sex and general nativity 388
Table 74. — Conjugal condition of Japanese, by sex and age groups 389
Table 75. — Conjugal condition of foreign-born male Japanese 16 years of age or
over, by age at time of coming to the United States 389
Table 76. — Number of Japanese within each age group, by sex 390
Table 77. — Number of foreign-born Japanese in the United States each specified
number of years, by sex 390
Table 78. — Ability to speak English of Japanese 6 years of age or over, by sex
and general nativity 390
Table 79. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or
over, by sex and years in the United States 391
Table 80. — Ability to speak English of foreign-born Japanese 6 years of age or
over, by sex and by age at time of coming to the United States 391
Table 81. — Literacy of Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and general
nativity 392
Table 82. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and
years in the United States 392
Table 83. — Literacy of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over, by sex and
by age at time of coming to the United States 393
Table 84. — Ability of foreign-born Japanese 10 years of age or over to speak,
read, and write English, by sex 393
Table 85. — General occupation of Japanese under 16 years of age, by se"x, age
groups, and general nativity 394
Table 86. — Total yearly income of male Japanese engaged in business for self,
and income from principal business 394
Table 87. — Yearly earnings (approximate) of male Japanese 18 years of age or
over, by number of months employed 395
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