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;M-:t.'-x>  A.^c-s^-f-Crv 


I 


A 


THE 


RTYAZU-S-SALATTN, 


A  HISTORY  OF  BENGAL 


RY 


GHULAM  HtTSAIN  SA«LlM. 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  ORIGINAL  PERSIAN 

BY 

■ 

MAUL  AVI  ABDUS  SALAM,   M.A., 

BENGAL    PROVINCIAL   CIVIL    SERVICE,    MEMBER   OF   Tin?    ASIATIC    SOCIETY    OF 
BENGAL,    AUTHOR   OF   TRANSLATIONS   OF   URFf(  AND   SIH-NASR-T-ZAHURI. 


FASC.    T. 


GALCUTTA: 

»  <■ 

PRINTED    AT    THE    BAPTIST    MISSION    PRESS,    AND    PUBLISHED    BY 

THE    ASIATIC    SOCIETY,    57,    PA^RK    STREET. 

1902. 


Ds 


TRANSLATION 

» 

0 

OF    THE  * 


RIYAZtt-S-SALATIN  OF  GHULAM  HUSALN  SALIM. 


In  the  name  op  God,  the  Kind  and  the  Merciful  ! 


Worlds  of  praise  are  due  uifto  the  palace  of  that  World 
Creator,  who  adorning  this  world  by  means  of  His  hand  of 
perfect  power  with  the  ornament  of  existence,  has  unfurled  tin 
Standard  of  Creatorship,  and  worlds  of  panegyric  befit  the  shrine 
of  that  Supreme  Author  who  has  drawn  by  means  of  his  brush 
of  perfect  art  the  portrait  of  Life  in  particoloured  lines  on*  the 
pages  of  ^Creation.  He  (God)  is  that  Wise  Sage,  who  has  entrusted 
the  affairs  of  the  management  of  the  world  and  the  people  of 
the  world  and  tfhe  good  and  the  right  guidance  of  all  classes  to 
the  persons  of  Sovereigns,  and* who  has  entrusted  into  the  hands 
of  authority  of  Sovereigns  of  this  world}' -the  reins  of  the  opening 
and  stoppage  of  the  business  of  divers  classes  of  mankind.  He 
(God)  is  that  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe  who,  weighing  the 
opening  and  stoppage  of  the  affairs  of  mankind  and  the  good  and 
bad  of  Centre-Sitters  in  the  circle  of  earth,  in  thjs  scale  of 
expediency  of  the  world,  has  left  in  every  clime  and  every 
country  a  ruler. 

From  the  Cloud  of  His  bounty,  the  garden  of  the  world 
is  green.  • 

From  the  zephyr   of  His  generosity,  the  orchard  of  the 
soil  is  green.  * 

From  the  Colouring  of  the  painter  of  His  Creation, 

Emerald  becomes  green  in  the  centre  of  mine. 

Praise  unto  Lord,  High  is  His  rank  and  His  praise. 

Universal  is  His  bounty  Snd  generosity,  - 

All  praise  is  due  unto  His  Beneficence  ! 
And  blessings  full  of  white   effulgence  and  sacred    benedictions 
are  due  unto  all  the  messengers  of  the  Palace  of  His  bounty,  that 


r 


2 

is,  unto  the  Prophets,  especially  unto  that  Symbol  of  Mercy ,  ȣ 
the  people  of  the  world,  that  Herald  of  the  Faithful,  that  Seal  of 
the  Prophets,  that  Pioneer  of  the  better  Path,  that  Bright  Lamp 
of  the  right  road,  the  Raisondetre  of  the  creation  of  this  world, 
the  First-born  :  the  Last-disclosed,1  that  is,  the  Pride  of  the 
Prophets,  the  Leader8  of  thedmocent,  the  Interceder  on  the  day 
of  Judgment,  Muhammad  the  Chosen — Ahmad  the  Select;  God's 
special  mercy  and  peace  be  on  him  and  his  descendants,  and  the 
people  of  his  sacred  house,  and  on  his  successors  and  all  his 
companions  ! 

After  God's  and,  the  Prophet's  praise,3  this  humble  servant  who 
is  hopeful  of  the  intercession  of  the  Prophet,  namely,  Ghulam 
Husain,  whose  title  is  Sallm  Zaidpuri,*  so  says  that  since  some 
period,  according  to  chances  of  time,  he  has  been  in  the  service  of 
Mr.  George  Uduy,  who  is  a  gentleman  of  high  position  and  high 
rank,  of  graceful  character,  of  kind  heart,  mild  disposition,  praise- 
worthy deportment  and  great  generosity,  who  is  the  Hatiin  5  of 


1  This  has  reference  to  the  Muhammadan  belief  that  the  Nur  or  light  of 
Muhammad  was  the  first  thing  created  by  God,  and  that  all  else  followed, 
though  the  Prophet  in  bodily  form  was  ushered  into  existence  after  all  other 
prophets. 

2  This  has  reference  to  tbp  tragic  martyrdom  of  Husain  and  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Fatimite  family,  who  were  all  innocent,  and, whose  ancestor  the 
Prophet  was. 

8  Every  Muhammadan  book  begins  with  the  praise  of  God.  This  praise  is 
called  hamd  in  Arabic,  and  is  followed  by  Na't,  or  praise  of  the  Arabian 
Prophet. 

*  Ghulam  Husain  Salim  Zaidpuri  is  the  author  of  the  present  .historical 
work  entitled  the  Riyazu-s-Salatin,  or  History  of  Bengal.  Ilahi  Bakhsh  in 
his  history  "  Khurshid  Jahin  Numa"  of  which  Mr.  Beveridge  has  published 
lately  an  Analysis  in  the  Journals  of  the  Asiatic  Society,  has  some  notice  of 
Ghulam  Husain.  He  states  that  Ghulam  Husain  was  of  Zaidpur  in  Oudh, 
migrated  to  Maldah  in  Bengal,  and  held  the  office  of  Dak  Munshi  or  Post 
Master  there,  under  Mr.  George  Udny.  Noticing  the  Charitable  Dispensary  at 
Maldah,  Ilahi  Bakhsh  observes  that  here  nsed  to  be  the  house  of  Ghulam 
Husain,  and  that  in  the  quarter  known  as  Cak  Qnrban  All  is  the  tomb  of 
Ghulam  Husain  who  died  in  1233  A.H.  or  1817  A.C.  The  chronogram  com- 
posed in  honour  of  his  memory  by  his  pupil,  Abdul  Karim,  is  &A3j  Ji\fi  \  j-Aix) 

which  yields  1233{     Mr.  Udny  appears  to  have  been  at   the   time  Commercial 
Resident  of  the  East  India  Company's  factory  at  Maldah. 

&  Hatim  was  a  Prince  of  Yemen,  in  Arabia.  His  generous  hospitality  ia  a 
by-word  in  the  East. 


&ie   world  of  bounty,  IheNaushmwan  l  of  t,lie  world  of  Justice,  the 

Grenerous  man  of  the  age,  and  who  is  callous  about  popularity  and 

*  *■■*,<% 

praise — 

May  God  always  preserve  liis  good  fortune,   and  advance  his 
rank,  and  elevate  his  position,  and  double  his. life  and  dignity! — 
and  that  he  has    been   in  the   class  of  Irs  servants,  and  has  ever 
been   and    is    still   the  recipient    of  hie!   favours.      In   short,    the 
excellencies-abounding   and    bounties-springing    person    of    that 
mine  of  discernment,  is  unique  and  matchless  in  this  age. 
He  is  a  paragon  of  all  excellencies, 
He  is  superior  to  all  praise  that  can  be  couceived. 
He  is  enlightened,  sees  through  things  aright,  like  old 

sages, 
But  he  has  the  fortune,  the  age  and  the  rank  of  manhood. 
He  weighs  his  words  which  are  pregnant  with  meaning, 
His  two  lips,  like  two  palms,  at  the  time  of  conversation, 

are  pearl-scattering. 
The  tray  of  his  bounty  is  ready  for  the  poor  and  the  needy  ; 
He  always  keeps  gold  and  dinar  2  for  the  indigent. 
Inasmuch  as   his  high   mind  is   always  pursuant  of  the  study 
of  histories  and1  travels,  and  is  seeker  of  all  sorts  of  knowledge 
and  accomplishments,  in  the"1  year   1200  A.H.   corresponding  to 
1786  A.O.,  his   bent   of    noble   mind   turned   towards   seeking  a 
knowledge  of  the  lives  and  careers  cf  past  sovereigns   and   rulers 
who   unfurling   the   standard   of  sovereignty   over  Bengal,     the 
Paradise  of  Provinces,3  have  now  passed  into  the  secret  regions  of 
Eternity.     Accordingly,  the  order  was  given  to  this   man  of  poor 
ability,  that  whatever  he  might  gather  from  historical  works,  &c, 
he  should  compile   in  simple  language,  so  that  it  might  be  intel- 
ligible to  all,  and  might  deserve  the  approval  of  the  elite.     This 

i< 

1  Nanshirwan  wag  a  King  of  Iran1  or  old  Persia.  He  flourished  in  the 
sixth  century,  and  belonged  to  the  Sassanian  dynasty  His  wazlr  was  the 
famous  Buzurchemeher  -  or  Bouzour,  author  of  the  Zafarnamah.  Naushlr- 
wan's  justice  is  proverbial  in  the  world. 

2  Dinar,  a  gold  coin  weighing  one  misqal,  i.e.,  If  dirhams.  For  details 
see  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I  (Blochmann's  Trans.,  p.  36). 

8  Our  author  calls  Bengal  "  Jinnat-ul-bildd,"  or  '  Paradise  of  Provinces.  ' 
1  am  not  sure  if  there  is  any  historical  basis  for  this  expression,  as  there  is 
for  the  expression  "  Jinnat-dbdd  "  which  latter  epithet  was  bestowed  by 
Emperor  Humayun  on  Gaur  in  Bengal  (see  Tabaqaft-i-Akbari,  Elliot's  History 
of  India,  Vol.  V,  p.  201,  Ain-i-Akbari,   Vol.   II,    p.  123,   and  Badaoni,  Vol.    I, 


ignorant  man,  of  limited  capacity,  deeming  the  execution  of  th. 
order  of  his  master  incumbent  on  himself,  being  the  slave  of  order, 
has  placed  the  finger  of  consent  on  the  eye,  and  girded  up  ""the  loin 
of  effort  and  venture,,  collected  sentence  after  sentence  from  every 
source,  and  for  a  period  of  two  years  has  devoted  himself  to  the 
compilation  and  preparation  of  this  history.  And  after  completing 
it,  he  has  named' it  Riyazu-o-Salatin,1  according  to  the  date  of  its 
completion.  It  is  hoped  that  this  work  may  merit  the  approval  of 
all  persons  of  light.  It  is  desired  of  people  conversant  with  past 
times,  that  if  they  detect  any  mistake  or  oversight,  they  will  over- 
look it,  inasmuch  ag  this  humble  man  is  not  free  from  shortcom- 
ings, according  to  the  saying  "  Man  is  made  up  of  sins  of  commis- 
sion and  omission,"  and  further,  ,£hat,  according  to  their  capacity, 
they  will  correct  the  mistakes  and  defects,  and  if  they  cannot  do 
so,  they  will  be  good  enough  to  overlook  them. 

The  plan  of  this  work  consists  of  an  Introduction  and  Pour 
Chapters. 

Its  arrangement  is  as  follows  :  — 

(a)  The  Introduction  consists  of  Four  Sections. 

Section  I  relates  to  a  description  of  the   state   of  populousness 
of  the  country  of  Bengal,  and  of  its  boundaries  and  environs. 

Section  II  relates  to  a  description   of  certain   characteristics  of 
that  country. 

c 

p.  349).  However  that  may  be,  Bengal  well  deserved  to  be  styled  "  Jinnat-ul' 
biZad  "or'  Paradise  of  Provinces,' owing  to  the  fertility  of  its  soil,  the  richness 
of  its  produce,  and  the  vastness  of  its  natural  resources.  During  Musalman 
rule,  the  Province  of  Bengal  yielded  the  largest  revenue  to  the  Delhi  Emperors, 
and  in  consequence  its  Viceroyalty  was  always  coveted  by  Princes  Royal  of 
Delhi,  from  so  remote  a  period  as  the  times  of  Emperors  Shamsuddin  Altamsh 
and  Ghiasuddin  Balban— whose  sons  in  succession  ruled  over  Bengal,  not  to 
speak  of  later  Mughal  Peinces  Royal  of  Delhi.  Under  British  rule  also,  Bengal 
Proper,  inclnding  Assam,  Behar  and*Orissa  and  Chutia  Nagpur,  forms  the 
largest  Administrative  Division  of  India,  contains  one-third  of  the  total 
population  of  British  India,  and  yields  a  gross  reveuue  of  17  or  18  millions 
sterling,  or  one-third  of  the  actual  revenues  of  the  Indian  Empire.  It  is 
worthy  of  note  that  the  above  expression  is  also  used  in  Mughal  Imperial 
(official)  documents,  vide  J.A.S.B.  for  1901,  Vol.  LXX,  Part  I,  No.  1,  pp.  21-22. 
I  "  Riyazu-s-Salatin  "  is  a  chronogram  yielding  date  1202  A.H.,  correspond- 
ing to  1788  A.C.,  the  year  in  which  this  historical  work  was  completed. 
•  Rauzah  '  in  Persian  means  a  '  garden,'  its  plural  being  '  Riyiiz  '  meaning, 
'  gardens.'  "  Salatin  "  means  "  Kings  "  ;  therefore,  '  Riyiizu-s-Salatm  '  means 
"  gardens  of  Kings."     It  is  a  pity  the  author  does  not  specify  all  the  sources 


i»  Section  III  relates  to  a  description  of  certain  cities  of  that 
country. 

►Section  IV  relates  to  a  brief  sk<?tch  of  the  rule  of  the  Raidn 
of  Hindustan. 

Chapter  i*relates  to  a  description  of  the  rule  of*  the  Musalman 
rnlers  who  as  Viceroys  held  delegated  authority  over  this  country 
from  the  Emperors  of  Delhi.  »  » 

Chapter  II  relates  to  a  chronicle  of%the  Musalman  Kings  who 
mounting  the  throne  of  Bengal,  had  the  ivhnthah l  of  sover- 
eignty recited  after  their  own  names. 

of  his  history,  but  there  is  internal  evidence  to  indicate  that,  besides  consult- 
ing  standard   historical   works,    such    as  Tabaqat-Nasiri  by    Minhaj-u-Siraj, 
Tarlkh-i-Firuz  Shaki  by  Ziauddin  Bar ni  and    by    Siraj    Afif   (which    contain 
references  to  the  history  of   Bengal   only    for   the   period   between   1198   to 
1338  A.C.)  and  Tabaqat-i-Akbari  by  Nizamnddin  Ahmad  (which  contains  an 
account  of  Bengal  for  the  period  1338  to  1538),  the  Badaoni  and  Akbarnamah 
by  Abul  Fazl(forthe  period  under  Akbar)  and  other  similar  standard  historical 
works  on  India  such  as  the  TuzuTc,  the  Iqbdlnamah,  the  Pddshdhndmah,  the 
Alamglrndmdh,  and  the  Maasir-i-Alamgirl.   Salim  had  recourse  als-i  to  other  less 
known  historical  treatises  relating  to  Bengal  which  are  not  perhaps  now  extant, 
and  perhaps  lay  only  in  MSS.     Oar  author  now  and  then  says  '  I  have  seen  in 
a  little  book,'  and  he  also  cites  a  historical  compilation   by   one  Haji  Muham- 
mad of  Qandahar,  of  which  no  cop^r  seems  now  to  exist.     Our  author  appears 
also  to  have  taken  considerable  pains  in  deciphering  old  inscriptions  on  monu- 
ments, mosques,  and  shrines  in  Ganr   and   Pandaah — old    Musalman   capitals 
of  Bengal.     This  feature  considerably    enhances   the  value   of    his  history, 
and  gives  it  a  superiority  over  other  similar  works,  and  places  our   author   in 
the     forefront   of    Bengal    antiquarians   and   researchers.      Indeed,    Ghulam 
Husain  is    pre-eminently    the   Historian   of  Muhammadan    Bengal,   because 
other  Muhammadan  historians  before  or  after  him  dealt  only  with  certain 
periods  of  Bengal  history,  whilst  our  author's  narrative  comprises  the  history 
of  Bengal   from  the  earliest  mythological  period    to  the  dawn  of  British  rule, 
with  a  more  detailed  account  of  Muhammadan  Rulers   of  Bengal.     Stewart's 
History  of  Bengal  is  to  a  great  extent^  based  on  the  '  Riylz  '    though  Stewart 
very  often  has  preferred  the  less  accurate  account  of  the  Dakhln  historian, 
Firishta,  who  nourished  in  the  seventeenth  century.  Tne  great  Oriental  scholar 
and  antiquarian,    Professor    Blochmann,  in  his  '  Contributions  to  the   History 
and  Geography  of  Bengal'    says:     "The  Riyaz    is  much  prized  as  being  the 
fullest  account  in  Persian  of  the  Muhammadan  History  of  Bengal."     Profes- 
sor Blochmann  further    observes    "  for    the    early  portions,    Ghulam   Husain 
Salim  has  used  books  which  are  unknown  at  present  ;  yet*  he    gives    valuable 
dates  which  are  often  confirmed  by  collateral  evidence.     Salim  has  also  made 
a  fan-  use  of  the  antiquities  of  the  Gain1  District." 

J  The  Khutbah  is  a  Musalman  prayer-book  recited  on  Fridays,  '  Id  days,  and 


Chapter  III  relates  to  a  description  of  the  careers  of  thj 
Nazims  l  who  were  appointed  to  the  Nizamat  of  this  country  by 
the  Caghta'I8  or  Mughal  Emperors.        ■  r  e 

Chapter  IV  consists  of  two  parts  :  — 

Part  I  being  descriptive  of  the  arrival  of  the  Christians,  con- 
sisting  of  the  Portuguese  and  the  French,  &c,  in  the  Dakhin  and 
in  Bengal. 

Part  II  being  descriptive  of  the  domination  of  the  English 
Christians  over  Bengal  and  the  Dakhin. 


*&' 


other  special  days  and  occasions.     The  recital   of    the    Khutbah   after   one's 
name  and  the  minting  of  coins,    was   regarded   by    Musalman   sovereigns   as 
emblems  of  sovereignty.  < 
1  Nazims — 

The  Nazims  were  functionaries  created  by  the  Mnghal  Government 
or  by  Slier  Shah  (BadaonI,  Vol.  I,  p.  365).  To  each  Province  or  Subah,  the 
Mughal  Emperors  appointed  two  Principal  Heads  of  administration,  one  being 
the  Nazitn  and  the  other  being  the  Diwan.  The  Nazim  was  the  Governor 
or  Viceroy  of  the  Province,  he  was  the  Executive  and  Military  Head  of  the 
Province,  and  administered  Criminal  Justice  ;  whilst  the  Diwan,  though 
independent  of  the  former  and  directly  subordinate  [to  the  Delhi  Emperor, 
held  portfolio  of  the  Finance,  and  was  responsible  for  the  revenue  administra- 
tion of  the  Province,  and  also  occasionally  administered  Civil  Justice.  Thus 
there  were  two  independent  wheels  in  the*nachinery  of  Provi-ncial  adminis- 
tration. Unfler  the  Nazims,  tHere  was  a  chain  of  subordinate  officials,  called 
Naib  Nazims,  Serlashkars,  F^ujdarSjKotwals  and  Thanadars  on  the  executive 
side,  and  under  Dlwans  on  the  judicial  side,  were  Qazi-ul-Qazzat  (Chief 
Justice),  Qazis,  Muftis,  Mir  Adls,  Sadrs  presided  over  by  Sadr-i-Sadur,  and  on 
the  revenue  side  were  Naib  or  local  Dlwans,  Amils,  Shiqdars,  Karknns, 
Qanungos,  and  Patwaris.  The  Judiciary,  both  Civil  and  Criminal,  were  often, 
however,  independent  of  both  Nazims  and  DTwans,  and  subordinate  only  to  the 
Imperial  Sadr-i-Sadur  or  Sadr-i-Knl  or  Sadr-i-Jahan  (or  Minister  of  Justice) 
at  Delhi,  who  was  responsible  for  good  conduct  to  the  Mughal  Emperor 
himself.     (See  Ain,  Vol.  II,  p.  p.  37-49,  and  do.  Vol.  I,  p.  268.) 

2  Caghtai  Khan  was  a  son  of  Canglz  Khan.  Emperor  Babar,  the  founder 
of  the  Mughal  dynasty  in  India,  was  descended  on  the  mother's  side  from 
a  nobler  stock,  that  is,  from  Caghtai  Khan  ;  hence  the  Mughal  Emperors  of 
India  commonly  styled  themselves  as  Caghtai  Emperors  in  preference  to 
'  Mughal '  Emperors,  the  term  '  Mughal '  not  being  so  honourable,  in  accord- 
ance with  an  accepted  usage  and  principle  amongst  Moslems  to  refer  back 
their  lineage  to  the  nobler  side,  whether  paternal  or  maternal. 


INTRODUCTION  :  CONSISTING  OP  4  SECTIONS. 


Section  I.    A  Description   of  the  Boundaries 'and  Environs 
of.the  Country  of  Bengal. 


Be  it  known  to  the  way-farers  of  the  climes' of  travels  aud 
histories  that  the  Subah  l  of  Bengal  is,  in  the  second  climate.2 
From  Islamabad,  3  otherwise  known  as  Chittagong,  to  Teliagadhi,4 
that  is,  from  east  to  west,  the  length  i%  400  J£aroh,b  aud  its  breadth 
from  north  to  south,  that  is,  frfcm  the  mouutaino  in  the  north  to 

1  The  name  of  Subah  originated  from  the  time  of  Emperor  Akbar,  who 
designated  the  fiscal  areas  as  follows  from  the  time  of  the  ten-years'  settle- 
ment : — A  Subah  was  an  aggregate  of  Sarkars,  a  »Sarkar  or  Division  was 
an  aggregate  of  Dasturs,  a  Dastur  (which  Sir  Henry  Elliot  in  his  Glossary 
explains  as  an  abbreviation  of  Dasturu-1-Aml,  corresponding  to  a  district 
under  a  Sarkar)  was  an  aggregate  of  Parganas  or  Mahals  (used  as  equivalent 
expressions),  and  a  Pargana  or  Mahal  meant  a  fiscal  division,  the  fiscal  unit, 
coinciding  with  the  dominions  of  a  native  chief  under  the  Mughal  dynasty. 
The  words  used  before  Akbar's  time  to  denote  fiscal  divisions  or  tracts  of 
country  larger  than  the  Pargana,  were  Shaq,  Khattah,  'Arsiih,  Diyar,  Vilayet, 
Iqta,  Bilad  and  Mamlakat.  Thus  in  the  earlier  Musalman  histories  before  the 
end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  we  come  across  Shaq-i-Sama,  Khattah-i-Oudh, 
'  Arsah-i-Gorakpui;  Diyiir-i  or  Vilayet-i-Lakhnauti,  Vilayet-i-Mean  Doab, 
Iqta'-i-Kara,  Bilad  Bang,  Mamlakp^;  Lakhnanti.  See  Elliot's  Glossary,  and  Ain, 
Vol.  II,  p.  115,  and  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri*pp.  148  aiJQ  262.  » 

2  The  Musalman  astronomers  and  geographers»divided  the  world  into  seven 
parts,  to  each  of  which  they  gave  the  name  of  IqlTm  or  climate. — See  Ain-i- 
Akbari  Jarrett's  Trans.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  43. 

3  Islamabad  or  Chittagong.  The  district  was  first  conquered  by  the 
Independent  Musalman  Kings  of  Bengal.  In  1350  A.C.,  abon,t  which  year 
Ibn  Batutah  was  in  Chittagong,  it  belonged  to  King  Fakhruddin  of  Sunar- 
gaon.  It  was  re-conquered  in  1665  by  the  Mughal s  under  Umid  Khan  who 
changed  the  name  of  the  place  to  Islamabad  during  the  rule  of  Nawab 
Shaista  Khan,  Viceroy  of  Bengal. — See  Blochmann's  contributions  to  History 

and   Geography   of    Bengal   and   the    Alamgir-Namah,   p.  940,   and  the  Ain, 

Vol.  II,  p.  125. 

4  Teliagadhi  on  Teliagarhi  is  a  pass  lying  betWeen  Rajmahal  on  the 
south,  and  the  Ganges  on  the  north ;  formerly  of  strategic  importance,  as 
commanding  the  approaches  to  Bengal  Proper.  The  ruins  of  a  large  stone 
fort  still  exist,  through  which  the  E.I.  Railway  passes.  See  Hunt.  Imp. 
Gazetteer,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  236  and  Ain,  Vol.  II,  p.  116. 

&  Karoh  or  Kos— Ain  16  says  :— The  Kos  was  fixed  at*  100  tanabs,  each 
consisting  of  50  Ilahi  gaz  or  400  poles  (bans),  each  pole  of  12£  gaz.  Sher 
Shah.fixed  the  Eos  at  60  j arils,  each  of  60  Sikandri  gaz.  A  farsukh  is  equal  to 
three  Kos. — See  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  II,  p.  414.  ' 


( 

8 

Sarkar  Madaran,1  which  is  the  southern  limit  of  this  Siibak,  r 
200  Karoh.  And  since  in  the  period  of  Jalal-uddin  Muhammad 
Akbar  Padshah  Ghazi,  the  fSubah  of  Orissa*  was  conquered  by 
Kalapahar s  and  annexed  to  the  Empire  df  the  Sovereigns  of 
Delhi,  and  mad*e  a  part  of  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  the  extent  of  the 
latter  Subah  became  extended  by  43  karoh  in  length  and  by  20 
karoh  in  breadth.  In  the  southern  limits  of  this  Subah  is  the  sea, 
and  towards  its  north#  and  east,  are  high  mountains,  and  on  the 
west,  it  adjoins  the  Subah  of  Behar.  During  the  rule  of 
Emperor  Akbar,  'Isa  Khan 8  Afghan  conquering  the  eastern 
provinces  struck  com  and  recited  Khutba  in  the  name  of  Akbar, 
and  annexed  it  to  the  Subah  of  Bengal.     There4  are  twenty-eight 

1  Sarkar  Madaran  extended  "  in  a  semi-circle  from  Nagor  in  western 
Birbhum  over  Raniganj  along  the  Damudar  to  above  Bardwan,  and  from  there 
over  Khandghosh,  Jahanabad,  Chandrakoua  (western  Hughli  district)  to 
Mandalghat,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rupnarayan  river,  and  consisted  of  16 
mahals  with  a  revenue  of  Rs.  235,085." — See  Blochmann's  Contributions  to 
the  History  and  Geography  of  Bengal  and  the  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  II,  p.  141. 

S  Kalapahar  is  the  famous  general  of  the  Afghan  King  of  Bengal,  Sulai- 
man  Kararani,  and  the  renowned  conqueror  of  the  temple  of  Jagannath  in 
Pari  in  south  Orissa.  Kalapahar  was  killed  by  a  gun-shot  in  one  of  the 
fights  between  Masiim  and  Qutlu  of  Orissa  and  'Aziz  Kokah,  which  in  990 
A.H.,  took  place  between  Colgong  and  Sadhi.  A  detailed  description  of 
Kahipahar's  conquest  of  Orissa  is  given  in  the  Makhzan-l- Afghani. — See  Ain, 
Vol.  I,  p.  370  and  Vol.  II,  p.«128. 

8  'Isa  Khan  Afghan  flourished  in  '  Bbati '  in  the  reign  of  Daud,  the  last 
Afghan  King  of  Bengal,  and  continued  as  '  over-lord  '  or  '  Marzban-i-Bhati,' 
as  Abul  Fazl  in  the  Ain  styles  him,  with  twelve  great  Zemindars  or  prince- 
lings (known  in  those  days  as  Bara  Bhuiyas)  under  him,  after  annexation  of 
Bengal  by  Emperor  Akbar  to  the  Mughal  Empire.  '  Isa's  gadi  was  known  as 
Masnad-i-Ali,  the  existing  Divvan  families  of  Haibatnagar  and  Jangalbari  in 
Mymensingh  district  claim  descent  from  '  Isa.  "  Bhati  "  according  to  Abul 
Fazl  extended  400  Eos  from  east  to  west,  and  300  Eos  from  north  to  the 
ocean  to  the  south  ;  it  thus  included  th^  Sundarban  and  the  tracts  along  the 
Megna.  Grant  defines  "  Bhati "  as  including  the  Sundarban  and  all  the 
neighbouring  lowlands  (even  Hijely)  overflooded  by  ^he  tides.  The  Musalman 
historians  never  nse  the  term  Sundarban,  but  give  the  sea-board  from  Hijely 
to  the  Megna  one  name  of  '  Bhati,'  which  signifies  lowlands  overflooded 
by  tides. — See  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  342,  and  J.A.S.  No.  3,  1874,  aud  No.  2, 
1875  aud  Ain,  Vol.  II,  p.  117. 

*  In  the  Ain,  Ihe  Subah  of  Bengal  is  stated  to  have  consisted  of  24  Sar- 
kars  including  787  mahals,  and  the  revenue  is  stated  to  have  been  59  Krors 
84  lakhs  59  thousand  and  19  dams,  equivalent  to  Rs.  14,961,482-15-7.'  Its 
standing  army,  according  to   the   Ain,  consisted  of  23,330  cavalry,  801,150 


1 

9 

Sarkars  with  eighty-seven  mahalsin  this  Subab1.  In  past  times, 
the  fixed  revenue  of  this  Subab.  was  fifty-nine  kror  eighty-four  lak, 
fifty-nin«  thousand  and  three  hundred, and  nineteen  dams,  which  is 
equal  to  about  one  h'or  forty-nine  lak,  sixty-one  thousand  four 
hundred  and?  eighty-two  rupees  and  fifteen  annas  in*  sicca  Rupees. 
Twenty-three  thousand  three  hundred  and^thirty  cavalry,  eight  lak 

infantry,  1,170  elephants,  4,260  gnns,   4,400  boats.     Remembering  that   the 
army  was  not  generally  paid  in  coin,  but  by  bestowal  of  fiefs  or  military  jagirs,  , 
even  at  this  distance  of  time,  it  is  not  difficult  to  imagine    how    Bengal    was 
overrun  by    colonies   of   Musalman  feudal  barons. — See  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  II, 
p.  129  and  Vol.  I,  p.  370.  , 

IOn  the  Frontikrs  of  Muhammadan^  Bengal. 

The  text  as  well  as  the  Akbarnamah  *and  the  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri  state 
that  Bengal  was  bounded  on  the  south  by  the  sea,  on  the  north  by  hills  (that 
is,  those  south  of  Nepaul,  Sikkim,  and  Bhutan),  on  the  east  by  hills  (that  is, 
those  of  Chittagong  and  Arakan),  on  the  west  by  the  Sfibah  of  Behar.  Dur- 
ing the  reigns,  however,  of  the  Independent  Musalman  Kings  (such  as  Ilyas 
Shiah,  and  Alauddin  Husain  Shah  in  1502  and  his  son  and  successor  Nasrat 
Shah),  the  Musalman  Kingdom  of  Bengal  was  more  extensive  than  its  geogra- 
phical limits,  and  included  northern  portions  of  Orissa  or  Jajuagar,  Kueh 
Behar,  Kamrup  or  Western  Assam  with  portions  of  Eastern  Assam,  and  the 
whole  of  Upper  Buhar  (a  Governor  to  represent  the  Bengal  Musalman  King 
being  posted  at  Hajipur  opposite  to^Patna),  and  the  eastern  portions  of  South 
Behar  including  Sarkars  Monghyr  £,nd  BehaiJ— (See  J.A.S.  No.  3,  1873, 
pp.  221-222).  The  whole  of  Orissa  was  conquered,  and  annexed  to  the  Bengal 
Musalman  Kingdom  in  the  reign  of  Sulaiuuin  Kararaui,  the  last  but  one  inde- 
pendent Musalman  Afghan  King  in  Bengal. 

When  Bakhtiyar  Khilji  conquered  Bengal,  he  ruled  (ostensibly  as  Viceroy 
of  the  Musalman  Emperor  of  Delhi,  Kutbuddin  Aibak)  over,  portions  of 
DInajepur,  Maldah,  Rangpur,  Nadiah,  Birbhum,  and  Bard  wan  comprising  what 
was  then  called  Diyar-i-Lakhnauti,  and  also  he  held  Behar  (Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, 
p.  156).  This  state  of  things  continued  during  the  rule  of  his  two  immediate 
successors,  when  we  find  Husamuddin  Iwaz  (a  contemporary  of  Sultan 
Shamsuddin  Altamsh)  extending  the  frontier  eastward  to  the  Brahmaputra 
and  southward  to  the  sea-board,  and  reigning  as  an  independent  king  under 
the  title  of  Sultan  Ghiasuddin  (Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  p.  163).  The  Tarikh  Firuz 
Shahi,  p.  87  mentions  that  Emperor  Balban  in  his  pursuit  of  Mughisuddin 
Tughral,  had  to  go  so  far  eastward  as  Sunargaon,  which  would  appear  to  have 
been  within  the  limits  also  of  Tughral's  Bengal  Kingdom.  Again,  in  1350  A.C. 
when  Ibn-i-Batutah  was  in  Chittagong,  we  find  this  important  seaport  was  in 
the  hands  of  King  Fakhruddin  of  Sunargaon.  As  Mr.  ThcAnas  in  his  learned 
discussions  on  old  coins  of  Bengal  Musalman  Kings  has  suggested,  it  would 
seem»that  so  early  as  the  twelfth  century  there  was  free  commercial  inter- 
course between  the  south-easteru  sea-board  of  Bengal  and  the  Arab  seaports 

2 


10 

and  one  thousand  and  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  infantry,  one 
hundred  and  eighty  elephants,  and  four  thousaud  two  hundred 
and  six  guns,  four  thousand  and  four  hundred  fleet  of  boats,  con- 
stituted the  standing  army.  Adjoining  to  the  northern  limits  of 
Chittagong,  is 'the  tract  of  country  ruled  by  the  Rajah  t)f  Tipperah. 
It  is  an  extensive  country.  The  rulers  of  that  country  enjoy  the 
title  of  Manik,  for  instancy  Nya  Manlk.  The  nobles  have  the  title 
of  Narain.1  The  Rajah  of,  that  place  had  one  thousand  elephants 
*and  two  laks  of  infantry  in  his  service.  Riding  horses  are  not 
available.  Between  the  north  and  the  west  of  Bengal,  pointing 
more  towards  the  north,  is  the  province  of  Kuch  Behar.  Its  length 
from  east  to  west,  from  the  beginning  of  Parganah  Bhitarbaud,2 
which  is  included  in 'the  conquered  provinces,  to  Patagaon,2  which 
is  the  limit  of  the  tract  of  the  Murang,  is  55  kos,  and  its  breadth 
from  .louth  to  north,  that  is,  from  Parganah  Najhat,  which  is 
included  in  the  conquered  country,  to  Pushakarpur,2  which  adjoins 
Khontaghafc,2  is  fifty  kos.  This  tract  of  country,  in  point  of  tho 
sweetness  of  its  water,  and  mildness  and  salubrity  of  its  air,  and 

of  Baghdad  and  Basorah  ;  and  it  would  seem  it  was  this  commercial  Musalman 
activity  combined  with  superior  martial  and  moral  qualities  that  paved  the 
way  for  Musalman  domination  throughout  Bengal. 

Subsequently  in  the  reign  of  Ghiasudjliif  Tugklak  Shah,  we  find  the  Ben- 
gal Musalman  Kingdom  has  grown  so  extensive  and  unwieldy,  that  we  find 
him  separating  Behar  from  Bengal,  and  placing  it  under  an  independent 
Governor,  whilst  Bengal  itself  for  purposes  of  convenient  administration 
was  divided  into  three  different  sections,  viz.:  (1)  Diyir-i-Sunargaon, 
comprising  Eastern  Bengal,  (2)  Diyar-i-Satgaon,  comprising  Western  Bengal, 
and  (3)  Diyar-i-LakhnautI,  comprising  Northern  and  Central  Bengal.  A 
Governor  was  appointed  to  each  of  the  above  three  administrative  Sections 
or  Divisions,  the  Governor  of  Lakhnauti  being  the  Supreme  Governor  or 
Viceroy,  whilst  the  two  other  Governors  were  placed  generally  in  subor- 
dination to  him  (Tarikjj-i-Firaz  Shahl,  p.  451).  But  this  state  of  things  did 
not  last  long  ;  for  in  the  reign  of  Muhammad  Shah  Tughlak  (Tarikh-i-Firuz 
Shahl,  p.  480)  Bengal  again  rose  as  an  Independent  Musalman  Kingdom,  and 
as  has  been  mentioned  above,  the  whole  of  Upper  Behar  with  eastern 
portions  of  Southern  Behar  was  again  annexed  to  the  Bengal  Kingdom,  whilst 
Orissa  also  was  subsequently  added  to  it.  This  state  of  things  contiuued 
until  Akbar  came  to  the  throne,  when  Bengal,  with  Behar  and  Orissa,  was 
annexed  to  the  Mughal  Empire  of  Delhi.  See  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  Tarikh-i-Firu- 
Shahi,  4fc6ar«awafi,lbn-i-Batutah's  Travels  and  Mr.  Thomas's  "Initial  Coinage 
of  Bengal,"  J.A.S.B.,  No.  1,  1867  and  No.  IV,  1873  pp.  221-222  and  343. 

1  The  same  in  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  2,  p.  117. 

8  For  identification  of  these  places  see  J.A.S.,  1872,  p.  49. 


11 

tlie  comfort  of  its  inhabitants,  is  superior  to  all  the  eastern 
tracts  of  Hindustan.  Large  oranges  thrive  here,  and  other  fruits 
also  grow  in  abundance.  The  tree  of,  pepper  grows  there,  its  root 
is  thin,  and  its  branches  creep  over  ponds.  Its  ear,  like  the  ear 
of  grape,  hangs  down  from  the  branches.  Its  inhabitants  belong 
to  two  tribes,  namely,  Makh  and  Kiij, l  its  RfcJjah  is  of  the  first 
tribe.  They  mint  gold  coins,  and  the  coins  areVcalled  Naraini. 
Notable  R&rjahs  have  ruled  there.  One  lak  and  one  thousand 
infantry  are  always  in  the  servipe  of  the  Rajah.  » 

And  the  country  of  Kamrup  which  is  also  called  Karuru 2  or 
Kamtah  is  subject  to  those  Rajahs.  The  inhabitants  of  Kaminip 
are  good-looking,  and  in  magic  raise  the  standard  of  mastery  ;  and 
many  incredible  stories  are  related  regarding  ihem.  In  respect  of 
the  flora  of  that  place,  it  is  said  that  the  scent  of  the  flowers  continues 
as  fresh  as  before,  some  months  after  their  being  plucked,  and  that 
with  these  necklaces  are  made,  and  that  by  cutting  trees  a  sweet 
liquid  is  obtained,  and  that  the  mango-tree  trails  like  a  climbing 
vine  over  ponds,  and  produces  mango-fruit ;  and  other  similar 
stories  are  related. 

And  the  mountain  of  Bhutan,  which  is  the  abode  of  the  Bhutiahs, 
lies  to  south  of  Kuch  Behar.  Tangan  s  horses  and  Bhiit  and  Barl 
horses  and  the  musk-deer  are  found  in  this  mountain.     In  the 


1  Tn  Tabaqdt-i-tfamri,  p.  156,  "  Meoh  "  and  "Kern."  See  J.A.S.  for  1872, 
p.  49.  Alamgimamah,  p.  683.  Akbamamah)  p.  207.  Tuzuk  p.  147,  and  Pad- 
shahnamah,  p.  64,  Vol.  II. 

2  Kamrup  (in  Tabaqat-i-Naftrl,  p.  163,  Kamriid)  included  the  Western  portion 
of  Assam  together  with  the  Bengal  Districts  of  Rangpur,  Rangmati  (now  in 
Goalpara  District)  and  Sylhet.  It  was  first  conquered  by  Musalmans  in  the 
reign  of  Hussamuddin  Iwaz  alias  Sultan  Ghiasuddin,  an  immediate  successor 
of  Bakhtiyar  Kkllji,  in  the  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century.  (Tabaqat-i- 
Nafiri,  p.  163).  At  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  its  Rajah  Nelambhar  was 
overthrown  by  Husain  Shah,  King  of  Bengal.  In  ancient  days,  Kamrup  was 
noted  for  its  sorcery  and  the  beauty  of  its  women.  Rangpur  is  stated  to 
have  been  founded  by  Bakhtiyar  Khilji,  during  his  expedition  into  Tibet. — 
See  also  J.A.S.  for  1872,  p.  49;  Alamgirnamah,  p.p.  678  and  730,  makes  it 
equivalent  for  Hajo  (Koch  Hajo)  Gauhati  and  dependencies. 

8  "Tangistan"  is  the  general  name  for  that  assemblage  of  mountains 
which  constitute  the  territory  of  Bhutan,  "tangs"  meaning  'defiles.'  Abal 
Fazl  also  mentions  these  'Tanghan'  horses.  He  states:  "3n  the  lower  parts 
of  Bengal  near  to  Kuch,  a  species  of  horse  is  produced  called  Tanghan." 
The  tangan  pony  is  usually  13  hands  high  and  short  bodied,  deep  in  the 
chest,  and  very  active.  ' 


12 

centre  of  this  tract,  a  river  runs  between  two  rocks,  its  breadth 
is  small,  but  it  is  very  deep,  and  its  current  is  strong.  An  iron- 
chain  is  put  across  the  top  #of  the  river,  and  its  ends  are  affixed 
to  pieces  of  rocks  on  the  two  sides  of  the  river,  and  a  second 
chain  is  put  o-«er  the  first  chain  at  a  distance,  equal  te  the  height 
of  a  man.  Pedestrians  cross  the  river  by  placing  their  feet  on 
the  lower  chain4*and  seizing  with  their  hand  the  upper  chain. 
And  what  is  stranger  is  that  horses  and  all  other  loads  and  bag- 
•gages  are  ferried  across  this  rive,r  along  this  very  chain.  The 
people  of  this  tract  are  ruddy-complexioned  and  fat ;  their  hairs 
fall  hanging  down  their  heads  and  necks.  Their  dress  consists  of 
only  one  rag,  just  sufficient  to  cover  the  private  parts.  Men  and 
women  of  this  place  dress  in  the  same  manner.  The  pronuncia- 
tions in  their  language  resemBle  those  of  the  people  of  Kuch 
Behar.  It  is  said  that  mines  of  turquoise-stone  also  exist  in  this 
mountain. 

Between  the  north  and  the  east  of  the  country  of  Bengal, 
bordering  on  the  tract  of  Kamrup,  is  the  vilayat  or  province  of 
A  sham  (Assam).  In  its  middle,  the  river  Brahmaputra  flows 
from  east  to  west.  Its  length  from  west  to  east — that  is,  from 
Gowahnti  to  Sadiah — is  about  two  hundred  karoh  or  kos,  and  its 
breadth  from  north,  that  is  from  the  rocky  fastuesses  of  the  tribes 
of  Mari,  Majmi,  Dapkla^and  Valandah,1  to  the  hills  of  the  Nanga 
tribe,  is  approximately  seven  or  eight  days'  journey.  Its  southern 
mountains  adjoin  lengthwise  the  mountains  of  Khasia,  Kacliar 
and  Kashmir,2  and  breadthwise  they  adjoin  Autan  or  Atwan,  the 
abode  of  tlie  Nanga  tribe.  Its  northern  mountain  skirts  length- 
wise the  lofty   ridges  of  Kamrup,    and    breadthwise  it  faces  the 

1  Tribes  of  Mari,  Majmi,  Daphla,  and  Vilandah  and  Nag. — Vilandah  or 
Landah  tribe  has  been  identified  with  the  Akas  tribe. 

All  these  tribes  belong  to  the  Non-Aryan  Tibet-Bnrman  stock,  which  have 
clung  to  the  skirts  of  the  Himalayas,  they  crossed  into  India  by  the  north- 
eastern passes,  and  in  pre-historic  times  they  had  dwelt  in  Central  Asia, 
side  by  side  with  the  ancestors  of  the  Mongolians'  and  the  Chinese.  The 
principal  types  of  the  Tibeto-Burman  stock  are  the  following  : — (1)  Cacharis, 
(2)  Garos,  (3)  Tipuras  or  Mrungs,  (4)  Bhutiyas,  (5)  Gurungs,  (6)  Marmis, 
(7)  Newars,  (8)  Lepchas,  (9)  Miris,  (10)  Akas,  (11)  Mishmis,  (12)  Najjas, 
(13)  Daphlas.— Seu  J.A.S  for  1872,  p.  76,  Col.  Dalton's" Ethnology  of  Bengal  " 
and  also  description  of  Assam  and  the  Assamese  in  Alamgirnamah,  p.  722. 

*  This  seems  to  be  a  copyist's  mistake  for  "  Goneser  hills  "  (see  J.A.S^  1872, 
p.  761).    The  AlamgirnanAih  has  Srinagar  !    p.  722. 


13 

mountains  of  the   Valandah   tribe.      The   tract  in   the   north  of 

i 

the  river   Brahmaputra,    from    Gowahati    to  the  abodes  of  Mari 
and   Majmi   tribes,  »is   called   Uttar»kul;  and   the  extent  of  the 
Dakhinkul  is  from  tile  country   of  Naktirani  l  to  village   Sadiah. 
The  climate  of  the   lands  bordering  on  the  Brahmaputra  is  for 
foreigners  poisonous.     For  eight  months  the  rainy  season  prevails, 
and   the  four  months  of  winter  are  no^  free  froni  rain.     And  the 
flowers  and'  fruits  of  Hindustan  and  Bengal  are  available  here  ; 
and  besides  these,  others  are, found  which  are  not  to  be  had  in* 
Hindustan.     Wheat,  barley,  and  pulse  are  not  grown,  but  the   soil 
is  fit  for  cultivation  of  all  kinds.     Salt  is   scarce  and  dear,  and 
what  is  procurable  from  the  defiles  of   some  of  the  rocks  is  bitter 
and  brackish.     The  fighting  cocks  of  that  Country  do  not  turn 
back  face  from  enemies  ;  though  the  adversary  may  be  strong  and 
big,  they  fight  so  much  that  the  brain  of  the  head   become   dis- 
turbed and   they  die.     Large  well-formed  elephants  abound  in  tlie 
wilds  and  the  mountains.     And  plenty   of  deer,  wild-goats,   and 
wild-cows,  and  the  horned  fighting  rams  are  also  to  be  found.     In 
the  sands  of  the  river  Brahmaputra,  gold  is  found  ;  twelve  thou- 
sand Assamese  are  employed  on  this  work.     Every   year  one   tola 
of  gold  per  head  is  paid  into  the  Rajah's  treasury.     But  the  gold 
is  not  quite  pure,  so  that  one  tola  of  gold  sells  for  eight  or  nine 
rupees,  and  silver  and   gold  co%ns  are  minted  in  the  name  of  the 
Rajah,  and  shells  are  current,  but  copper  p^ice  is  not  in  use.   Musk- 
deer  is  found  in  the  mountains  of  Ashara.     The  bladder  of  musk 
is  large,  and  full  of  large  pieces  of  musk,  and  is  beautiful-looking. 
The  aloes-wood,   which  grows  in  the  mountains    of  Kamrup  and 
Sadiah  and    Lakhugirah,  is    heavy  and  full   of  scent.     No    tax 
is  levied  from  its  subjects.     From  every  house,  out  of  every  three 
persons,  one  person  has  to  serve  its   Rajah,   and  in  serving  him, 
shows  no  laxity,  and  if  laxity  is  visible,  he  is  killed.     The  Rajah 
of  that  place  dwells  in  a  lofty  bujlding,  and  does  not  put  his  foot 
on  the  ground,  and  if  he  places  his  foot  on  the  ground,  he  is  de- 
prived of  his  raj.     Aqd  the  people   of  this   country  have  a  false 
notion  that  their  progenitors  were  in  heaven,  and  that  at  one  time 
fixing  a  ladder  of  gold  they  came   down  to   the  earth,   and   that 
since   then  they  have  dwelt  on  earth.     Hence  the  Rajah  is  called 
Sargi — and  'Sarg'  in  the  Hindi  language  means   *  heaven.'     And 

1  "♦Naktirani "    or    "  Naktirani "    has    been     identified   with    Deshrani,  a 
pergana  of  Kamrup. — See  J.A.S.  for  1872,  p.  76. 


14 

the  Rajahs  of  that  country  are  powerful  and  notable.  It  is  said 
that  when  the  Rajah  of  that  place  dies,  his  servants,  male  and 
female,  with  some  conveniences  and  necessaries,  and  e  carpets 
and  clothes  and  victuals  together  with  a  chiragh  full  of  oil,  are 
placed  with  hkn  in  a  sepulchral  monument,  securely  covered  over 
with  strong  logs  of  Vood.1 

And  adjoining  to  Assam,  (Asham)  is  Tibet,  and  adjoining  Tibet, 
are  Khata  and  Maclrin.2  The  capital  of  Khata  is  Kh'an  Baligh,3 
'which  is  at  a  distance  of  four  dayf!  from  the  sea.  It  is  said  from 
Khan  Baligh.  to  the  seashore,  a  canal  has  been  dug,  and  both 
sides  of  it  have  been  solidly  embanked.  And  in  the  mountains 
to  the  east  of  Asham  towards  Utarakul,  at  a  distance  of  fifteen 
days'  journey,  the  tribes  of  Mari  and  Majmi  dwell.  In  that 
mountain  black  deer  and  elephants  are  bred.  Silver,  copper  and 
tin  ai^  procured  from  those  mountains.  The  habits  of  those 
tribes  (of  Marl  and  Majmi)  resemble  those  of  the  Assamese,  and 
in  beauty  and  refinement  their  females  are  superior  to  the  women 
of  Assam.  They  have  a  great  horror  for  the  gun,  in  regard  to 
which  they  say  :  "  It  is  a  wicked  thing,  it  shouts  out,  but  does 
not  move  from  its  place,  and  an  infant  comes  out  of  its  belly,  and 
kills  human  beings." 

And  between  the  south  and  east  of  Bengal,  is  situate  a  large 
tract  called  Arkhang  (Arvacan); 4  £hittagong  adjoins  it.  The  male 
elephant  abounds  there,  horses  are  scarce,  and  camels  and  asses 
can  be  had  at  high  prices.  And  cows  and  buffaloes  are  not  to  be 
found  there,  but  there  is  an  animal  resembling  cows  and  buffaloes, 
and  of  brown  colour,  which  yields  milk.  Their  religion  is  distinct 
from  Islam  and  Hinduism.  Barring  their  mothers,  they  can  take 
all  other  women  for  their  wives ;  for  instance,  a  brother  may 
many  his  sister.  And  the  people  never  remiss  in  their  obeisance 
to  the  authority  of  their  sovereign  and   chief  whom  they  style 

• 

1  "  The   accormt  of  the  burial  of  Ahotn  magnates  is  confirmed  by  recent 

disclosures  of  desecrafed  graves."— See  J.A.S.  for  1872,  p.  82,  footnote. 

2  China  was  long  known  to  Asiatics  under  the  name  of  Khutai  or  Khata 
or  Khata  and  Machin. 

3  Khan  Baligh  is  the  name  given  to  Pekin  ;  it  means  the  Court  of  the 
Great  Khan.     See  D'Herbelot  and  Yule's  Marcopolo. 

4  Arracan  or  tSie  Magh  country  included  Chittagong  till  a  late  period  ;  it 
formed  a  great  Buddhist  Kingdom,  whilst  adjoining  it  on  the  north  was  the 
Hindu  Kingdom  of  Tipperah. — See  Alamgirnamah,  p.  940,  wherein  Airacan 
is  called  "  Rakhang,"  and  its  inhabitants  are  called  "  Maghs." 


15 

'Wall,'  are  always  firm  in  their  allegiance  to  him.  Women- 
soldiers  turn  out  at  darbars,  whilst  their  husbands  stay  at  home. 
The  inhabitants  are  all  black  in  dolour,  and  their  males  do  not 
keep  beard. 

And  adjoining  to  the  country  of  Arkhang,  is  situate  the  country 
of  Pegu,1  between  the  south  and  east  of  Bengal.  And  the  military 
force  of  that  country  consists  of  an  efepbant-co?ps  and  infantry. 
White  elephants  are  found  in  its  jucgles,,and  on  its  boundaries 
are  mines  of  minerals  and  previous  stones  ;  owing  to  this,  enmity 
exists  between  the  Piguans  and  the  Arkhanglans. 

And  bordering  on  this  tract  is  the  country  pf  Mag.*  The  in- 
habitants are  so  many  animals  dressed  up  in  human  forms.  They 
eat  every  animal  of  the  earth  #nd  the  sea  that  is  procurable. 
They  spare  no  animals.  Their  religion  and  law  are  all  unsound. 
And  they  marry  their  sisters,  born  of  different  mothers.  •  And 
the  pronunciations  of  their  language  are  similar  to  those  of  the 
people  of   Tibet. 

And  in  the  southern  limits  of  Bengal,  is  situate  the  vihryet 
of  Odisah  (Orissa).  From  Landahdalul  to  Malwah  and  the 
passage  of  the  Chllkah  lake,  are  its  limits.  In  the  period  of  the 
sovereignty  of  Sultan  Jalalu-d-din  Muhammad  Akbar  Padshah 
Crhazi,  this  country  being  conquered  by  Kalapahar  was  entered 
in  the  Diwan-i-Akbari  and  annexed  to' the  Nizamat  of  Bengal. 
And  its  short  account  is  this,  that  KalapahSr,3  who  was  one  of  the 
nobles  of  Babar  and  who  was  bold  and  could  work  miracles, 
under  order  of  Muhammad  Akbar  Padshah,  engaged  in  conquer- 
ing that  country  with  12,000  select  cavalry.   Rajah  Makand  Deo, 

1  Pegu  13  now  a  division  of  British  Burmah  comprising  the  districts  of 
RangQn,  Bassein,  &c. 

3  The  Maghs  and  Arracanese  were  one  race,  their  country  being  Arracan 
or  Arkhang.  They  made  constant  raids  in  fleets  i?f  armed  boats  up  the 
rivers  of  South-Eastern  Bengal.  During'the  Viceroyalty  of  the  Mughal  Viceroy 
of  Bengal  at  Dacca,  Nawab  Shaista  Khan,  these  raids  were  considerably 
checked,  and  several  of  the  Magh  fleets  were  captured  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Megna  River,  and  the  fort  of  Chittagong  was  also  re-stormed.  The  Maghs 
were  also  expelled  from  the  island  of  Sandip.  A  large  number  of  Magh 
settlers  are  to  be  found  still  in  Chittagong,  Bakarganj,  Noakhali  and  Tipperah. 
Though  originally  Buddhists,  they  have  now  intermixed  »with  the  people, 
and  have  become  Hinduised  or  semi-Hinduised. — -See  Alamgimamah,  p.  940. 

8  The  first  Muhammadan  incursions  into  Jajnagaror  Northern  Orissa  appear 
to  have  taken  place   about  1204  A.C.  under  Mahammad  Shiran,  an  officer  of 


16 

the  ruler  of  that  country,  was  very  luxurious  and  given  to  in* 
dolence  and  ease.  For  six  mouths  he  admitted  the  public  to  his 
audience,  and  attended  to  the*  management  of  the  affairs*  of  his 
country,  and  for  six  months  he  gave  his  body  rest,  and  went  to 
sleep.  And  if  'anyone  awoke  him  during  his  period  of  slumber, 
he  was  sure  to  be  kille/1.  When  the  news  of  the  arrival  in  tliat 
country  of  Kalapahar  with  the  Imperial  forces,  came  to  the  ear 
of  the  Rajah,  he  bui.lt  the  fort  of  Barahbati,1  which'  is  a  strong 
fort,  for  his  security,  and  entrenched  himself  in  it.     And   placing 

Bakhtiyar  Khilji,  and  subsequently  under  Hussamudin  Iwaz,  Tughan  Khan,  and 
Tughral  (see  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  pp.  157,  163,  244,  262).  Under  Husain  Shah. 
Ismail  Gbazi  invaded  als«  Jajnagar  or  Orissa,  sacked  the  capital  Cuttack  and 
successfully  stormed  the  holy  city,  Pufi  (see  J.A.S.  1874,  p.  215  and  do.  1872, 
p.  335).  The  complete  defeat  of  the  Ilindus  took  place  in  1567-68  A.C.,  when 
Sulaiman  Kararani,  Kiug  of  Bengal,  with  a  large  army  under  his  famous 
General  Kalapahar  advanced  into  Orissa  and  defeated  the  last  independent 
Rajah  Makand  Deo  under  the  walls  of  Jajpur  and  Katak.  When  subsequently 
in  Akbar's  time  the  Afghan  Kingdom  of  Bengal  was  snpplanted  by  the 
Mughuls,  the  Afghans  in  large  numbers  migrated  into  Orissa.  In  1575  A.C., 
a  great  battle  took  place  between  Maghuls  and  Afghans  (at  Bajhaura,  Badaoni 
p.  193)  at  Mughalmari,  near  Jaleswar  in  Balasore,  in  which  Daud,  the  last 
Afghan  king,  was  defeatedf  and  Orissa  practically  shortly  after  (1592  A.C.) 
became  a  Mughul  Province,  administered  Vy  the  Mughul  Viceroy  of  Bengal. 
In  the  Ain,»Abul  Fazl  mentions  that  the  Hindu  rulers  of  Orissa  had  the  title 
of  Gajpati,  or  Lord  of  the  Elephant.  In  the  time  of  Nawab  Ali  Vardi  Khan, 
Mughul  Viceroy  of  Bengal,  Orissa  became  the  hunting-ground  of  Mahratta 
free-booters.  The  struggles  between  Ali  Vardi  and  the  Mahrattas  are 
graphically  described  in  the  Seirul  Nutakherin.  See  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, 
Tarikh-i-Firnz  Shahl,  Akbarnamah  and  Makhzan-i-Afghani.  Jajnagar  is 
mentioned  by  Badaoni  I,  p.  233,  as  having  been  subdued  by  Ulugh  Khan  in 
1323  A.C.  or  723  A.H.,  in  Ghiasuddin  Tughlak's  reign,  and  is  mentioned  as 
haviDg  been  subdued  in  1360A.C,  by  Piruz  Shah  Tughlak,  Badaoni  I,  248  and 
Tarikh  Piruz  Shahl  by  Shams  Seraj,  p.  115.  Seraj  mentions  that  the  idol  of 
Jagannath  was  carried  off  to  Delhi  by  Piruz  Shah  (p.  119). 

1  In  the  Seirul- Mutakherin  it  is  called  Barahbati.  The  fort  of  Barahbati 
is  on  the  south  bank  ftf  the  Mahanadi  river,  opposite  to  the  city  of  Cuttack  ; 
it  is  now  in  ruins.  The  following  description  of  it  is  translated  and  sum- 
marised by  me  from  the  Seir  : — "  The  fort  Barahbati  with  the  city  of  Cuttack 
is  situate  on  the  strip  of  land  lying  between  the  rivers  Mahanada  and  Kathajuri... 
The  fort  is  on  the  bank  of  the  Mahanada,  and  the  circumference  of  its  en- 
closing rampart  ife  about  three  Kroh.  The  rampart  is  built  of  stone,  brick, 
lime  aud  cement,  and  a  wide  moat  runs  round  the  rampart.  The  city  of 
Cuttack  is  situate  on  the  banks  of  the  Kathajuri  river,  and  the  distance 
between  the  fort  and  the  fcity  is  about  two  Kroh...." 


17 

proper   forces   for  encountering  the  enemy,  he  himself,  according 
to  his  old  habit,  went   to   sleep.     Kalapahar,   by   successive   aud 
numerofts    fightings',    vanquished  the  Rajah's  forces,  and  brought 
to  his    subjection    the    entire    dominion    of  Odisah    (Orissa),     so 
much  so  that  he  carried  off  the  Rani  together  wiim  all  household 
goods    and    chattels.     Notwithstanding   all    this,  from  fear  of  be- 
ing killed,  no  one  was  bold  to  wake  up  .this  drunkard  of  the  sleep 
of  negligence,  so  that  Kalapahar  had  Jiis  hands  free.     After  com- 
pleting the  subjugation  of  the*entire  country,    and   investing    tlfe 
Fort    of  Barahbati,    which    was  his  (the  Rajah's)    place   of  sleep, 
Kalapahar  engaged  in  fighting.     The  officers  ^nd  employes  of  the 
Rajah  1   summoning  his  clarion-players  communicated  the  news  of 
the  whole  affair  through  the  reed,  of  the  clarion.     When  the  news 
about  Kalapahar  went  to  the    ear    of  that   fortune-sleeper  on  the 
bed  of    sleep,    which    is  brother   of  death,    considering  this  affair 
as  the  event  of  the  Day  of  Judgment,  like  the  sleepers  in  graves, 
from  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  sprang  confounded  from  the  sleep 
of  oblivion,  and  making  the    movement  of  a  slaughtered   apimal, 
devoted    his  head  to  the  swords    of  the    warriors    of  Islam.     The 
country  of  Orissa  aiid  the  fort  of  Barahbati  being  subjugated,  were 
added  to  the  dominions  under  the    sovereignty   of  the   Musalman 
Emperors.     The  firm  Muhajnmadan   religion  and  the  enlightened 
laws  of  Islam  were  introduced*into  thai' country.    Before  this,  the 

* 

1  This  was  Rajah  Mukund  Deva,  Haricandara,  who  reigned  from  1560  to 
1568.  Mukund  Deva  was  a  Telugu  by  birth.  In  1564-65  A.C.  a  treaty  was 
concluded  between  Emperor  Akbar  and  the  Rajah,  preceded  by  mutual  des- 
patch of  ambassadors  on  both  sides  (see  Badaoni  p.  76,  wherein  it  is  stated 
that  Hasan  Khan  Khazanchi  and  Mahaputer  where  sent  by  Akbar  as  ambassa- 
dors to  the  Rajah  of  Orissa).  As  mutual  jealousies  prevailed  between  Mughuls 
and  Afghans, this  political  measure  was  adopted  by  Akbar,  in  order  to  serve 
as  a  counterpoise  to  the  ambition  of  the  Musalmar*  Afghan  King  of  Bengal, 
Sulaiman  Karraram,  who  had  planned  to  extend  his  Bengal  Kingdom  by 
annexing  Orissa  and  also  to  prevent  the  latter  from  helping  Akbar's  rebellious 
Governor  of  Taunpur,  mamed  Khan  Zaman.  Finding  shortly  after  Akbar 
engaged  in  wars  in  the  west,  Sulaiman  Kararani,  the  King  of  Bengal,  attacked 
the  Orissa  Rajah,  who  had  come  close  to  the  Ganges;  the  Rajah  fled  to  Fort 
Kotsama.  The  Bengal  King  detached  a  force  under  Kalapahar,  his  general,  to 
Orissa  across  Mayurbhanja  and  thence  southward  by  the  Kaoabasa  river. 
Kalapahar  ravaged  Orissa,  defeated  the  Rajah's  deputy,  and  shortly  after  the 
Rajah  himself  was  killed,  and  Muhammadans  finally  conquered  Orissa  in  J 568 
A.C.  After  conquering  Orissa,  Sulaiman  Karrarani  (who  reigned  from  A.C. 
1563  to  A.C.  1572)  left  his  Vazir,  Khan  Jahan  Lodi,  as  Viceroy  of  Orissa  with 
headquarters  at  Cuttack,  and  Qutlu.  as  Governor  at  Purif  (Badaoni  II,  174), 
3 


18 

Musalman  Sovereigns  exercised  no  authority  over  this  country/' 
Of  the  miracles  of  Kalapahar,8  one  was  this,  that  wherever  in 
that  country,  the  sound  of  his  drum  reached, 'the  hands  and  the 
feet,  the  ears  and  the  noses  of  the  idols,'  worshipped  by  the 
Hindus,  fell  off  their  stone-figures,  so  that  even  now  'stone-idols, 
with  hands  and  feet  broken,  and  noses  and  ears  cut  off,  are 
lying  at  several  peaces  in  that  country.  And  the  Hindus  pursuing 
the  false,  from  blindness  of.  their  hearts,  with  full  sense  and 
knowledge,  devote  themselves  to  their  worship  ! 
It  is  known  what  grows  out  of  stone  : 
From  its  worship  what  is  gained,  except  shame  ? 

It  is  said  at  the  time  of  return,  Kalapahar  left  a  drum  in 
the  jungle  of  Keonjliar,  which  ,.is  lying  in  an  upset  state.  No 
one  there  from  fear  of  life  dares  to  set  it  up  ;  so  it  is  related. 

And  »Jaggannath,  which  is  a  big  temple  of  the  Hindus,  is  in 
tbis  Subah.  It  is  said  when  tbe  Hindus  reach  Parsutam,  where 
Jaggannath  is,  in  order  to  worship  Jaggannath,  first  they  shave 
their  heads  like  Musalmans,  and  at  the  first  door  of  the  house 
of  Shaikh  Kabir,3  who  was  a  great  saint  of  his  time  and  whose 
parents   were    weavers,   they   eat   and    drink  his  food  and  water, 

1  This  is  not  strictly  correct.     See  note  7,«p,  3  ante. 

2  Prof  essor  «Blochmann  has  surmised  that  Kalapahar  was  originally  a  Hindu 
who  embraced  Islam,  from  the  circumstance  that  his  proper  name  was  Raju. 
Mr.  Beveridge  in  his  Analysis  of  Khurshid  Jahan  Numa  has  followed  in 
Professor  Blochmann's  wake.  I  see  no  warrant  for  this  surmise.  The 
Makhzan-i-Afghani  and  the  Akbarnamah,  contemporary  records,  wonld  not 
have  failed  to  notice  this  fact,  if  it  were  so  ;  for  it  would  have  been  a  matter 
of  additional  exultation  to  the  Musalman  historians.  Tbe  text  describes  him 
as  one  of  the  "  Omrah  of  Babar";  and  Babar  never  dreamt  of  the  policy 
of  his  grandson,  Akbar,  to  employ  Hindus  in  high  military  capacities  or  to 
make  them  his  "  Omra."  Furthermore,  the  name  Raju  is  current  amongst 
Musalmans.  (See  Blochmann's  Am,  Vol.  I,  which  mentions  one  Syed  Raju  of 
Barha  and  Badaonj,  p.  323,  Vol.  2,  and  Ain,  Vol.  2,  p.  371) :  BadinT,  too,  in  the 
Muiitakhibu-l-Taicarikh  (*p.  42,  Vol.  1),  mentions  Kalapahar  as  a  brother  of 
Sikandar  Shah  (alias  Ahmad  Khan  Siir  of  Sher  Shah's  family)  who  occupied 
Bihar  as  tuyul  under  Akbar.  (The  Makhzan-i-Afghani  gives  a  full  description 
of  Kalapahar's  conquest.  He  was  killed  in  1582  A.C.  in  a  fight  with  Aziz 
Kokah  between  Colgeng  and  Rajmahal. 

3  Shaik  Kabir  flourished  about  the  beginning  of  the  15th  century  daring 
the  rule  of  Independent  Musalman  Kings  in  Bengal.  He  was  the  leader  of  a 
great  theistic  movement,  the  object  in  view  being  to  harmonise  Musalman 
and  Hindu  religions,  and  to  teach  votaries  of  both  the  great  religions  of  India 
that  they  were  after  all  children  aud  worshippers  of  one  God,  that  the  Allah 


19 

which  is  called  in  the  lauguage  of  that  country  tarHni.  Atcer 
having  done  so,  they  proceed  to  worship  their  God  of  Jaggannath. 
At  Parsfttam,  Hindus  unlike  their  practice  elsewhere,  eat  together 
with  Musalmans  and*  other  races.  And  all  sorts  of  cooked  food 
sell  in  the  hhzar,  and  Hindus  and  Musalmans  buy  them  and  eat  to- 
gether and  drink  together. 


SECTION  II.— DESCRIPTI@N  OF  CERTAIN"  FEATURES  ' 
OF  THE  COUNTRY  OF  BENGAL! 

Be  it  known  to  the  appraisers  of  the  pearls  of  ^»ast  chronicles  that 
most  of  the  historians  have  narrated  that  when  Ham,    son  of  Noh 
(Noah)  the  prophet  (may  he  be  hi  peace  !),  with  the  permission  of 
his  holy   father,  set  himself  to  colonize  the  south,  he  girded  up  his 
loin  for  accomplishing   this,  and   deputed    his    sons — the   first   of 
whom   was    Hind,  the    second  Sind,   the  third  Habash,  the  fourth 
Zanaj,  the   fifth  Barbar,  and  the    sixth   Nubah — in   all  directions 
on  colonizing  expeditions.     And  the  tract  that  each  of  them  colo- 
nized was  called  after  him.     The  eldest  son,  Hind,  having  come  to 
the  country  of  Hindustan,  it  was  so  named  after  him.     And  Sind 
in  the  company  of  his  elder  brother,  having  set  himself  to  colonize 
the  tract  of  Sind  established  Himself   there,  and  that  was   named 
after  him.     But    Hind    had   four    sons,    the  first  was    Purab,    the 
second  was  Bang,  the  third  was  Dakin,  and  the  fourth  was  Nahar- 
wal.     And   every   tract  that  was   colonized  by  each,  is  still  called 
after  him.    And  Dakin,  son  of  Hind,  had  three  sons,  and  the  coun- 
try of  Dakin  was    parcelled    between    them.     Their  names    were 
Marhat,    Kanar,   and    Talang ;   and   Dakhinans  are  all  descended 
from  him,  and  up  to  this    time  all  the  three  tribes  dominate  there. 
And  Naharwal  had    three   sons,   namely,    Babruj,    Kanoj    and 
Malraj.     After  them  cities  were  also  named.    * 

of  Musalmans  is  the  Pavmeshur  of  the  Hindus,  that  they  ought  to  be 
tolerant  of  each  others  creeds,  and  to  regard  each  others  as  fellow-brethren 
The  labours  of  Kabir  may  be  placed  between  1380  and  1420  A.C.,  and  reflect 
not  only  credit  on  him,  but  illustrate  what  ethical  and  spiritual  progress  took 
place  amongst  the  people  of  India  under  the  impact  of  Islam.  It  may  be 
added  that  on  Kabir's  death,  both  Hindus  and  Musalmans  claimed  his 
body ;  so  catholic  and  liberal  was  he  in  his  views.  This  great  theistic  move- 
ment set  on  foot  by  Kabir,  received  expansion  in  the  following  century  by 
the  labours  of  Chaitanya,  the  Nuddea  leader  of  Vishnuism,  in  Bengal  who 
nourished  in   the   reign  of   Sultan  Alan-d-din  Husain  Shah,  King  of  Bengal. 


20 

And  Purab,  who  was  the  eldest  son  of  Hind,  had  forty-two  sons, 
and,  within  a  short  time,  their  descendants  multiplied  and  colo- 
nized different  countries,  and  when  they  became  numerous,  they 
raised  one  of  themselves  to  be  the  chief  and  to  look  after  the 
management   of  thef  realm. 

And  Bang,  therson  of  Hind,  getting  children  born  to  him,    colo- 
nized the  country  of  Bengal.     The  name  of  Bengal  was  originally 
Bang.     And  the  reasmi  why  the  word  al  was  added  to  it,  is   this  : 
al  in  the  Bengali  language  means  an<;embankment'  or  raised  ground, 
which  is  placed  round  a  garden  or  cultivation,  so  that  floods   may 
not  enter  it.      As  pin    ancient   times,    the   chieftains   of    Bengal 
on  lowlands  which  were  situate  at  the  foot  of   hills,  used  to   raise 
mounds   about   ten    cubits    high*  and  twenty    cubits  broad,    and 
to  make  homes,    cultivations,   and   buildings    within  them,  people 
used   to   call   this   country   Bangalah.1      The  climate  of   Bengal 
is   temperate,    and    owing   to   proximity  to    the   sea   and   owing 
to   heavy  rains,    is   very  damp.       The  rainy  season    begins    from 
the  cnonth    of  TJrdl  Bihisht,2    which  in  Hindi   is  called  Jaet,  and 
for  six    months    the   rains   continue  ;   this    is  unlike  other   parts 
of  Hindustan,    where  rains  set  in  from  the  middle    of  the  month 
of  Khurdad,  which  the  Hindis  call    Asar   and  hist  till  Shahriwar 
which  Hindis  call  A  sin,    for  four  months.     In   the   rainy  season, 
the    lowlands   of  Bengal  get  flooded,   and  the   climate    becomes 
bad,   especially   towards    the    end   of  the  rainy   season.     Human 
beings     as    well    as    animals     become    sick   and    die.      The    soil 
contains    much    damp,   so   that   in    many    places  they  build  two- 
storeyed  buildings,    made    of  lime  and    brick      Notwithstanding 
that  they  make    the  floor    of  lime  and    brick,  the    lower  rooms  are 
not  fit  for  habitation,  and  if  any  one  lives  there  he  soon  falls  sick. 
And  owing   to  excessive  humidity,  the  soil   of  Bengal   has  much 
power  of  sprouting*  for  instance,  some  sorts  of  paddy,  in   propor- 
tion to  the  rise  of  water,  so  long  as  they  are  not  inundated,   shoot 

1  Abul  Fazl  similarly  in  the  Ain-i-Akbari  explains  the  origin  of  the  term 
Bangalah.  (See  Jar.  Tr.,  p.  115,  Vol.  11).  In  the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  the 
expression  "Bang"  is  invariably  used,  in  the  Tarlkh-i-Firuz  Shdhi,  the 
expression  "  Bangalah  "  or  "  Bengal  "  is  used. 

2  The  Persian  Calendar  consists  of  twelve  solar  months,  named  (1)  Farwar- 
din  (March),  (2)  Ardibihasht  (April),  (3)  Khurdad  (May),  (4)  Tir  (June), 
(5)  Murdad  (July),  (6j  Shahriwar  (August),  (7)  Mihr  (September),  (8) 
Aban  (October),  (9)  Ao.ar  (November),  (10)  Di  (December),  (11)  Bahman 
(January),  (12)  Sepandarmaz  (February).  See  Richardson's  Pers.  Diet,  and 
also  Ameer  Ali's  History  of  Sarcens,  p.  316. 


21 

forth  higher  up  and  their  ears  do  not  sink  under  water,  and  similarly 
from  one  paddy-seed  two  or  three  seers  of  paddy  are  obtained 
in  the  c*ase  of  certain  sorts  of  paddy.  And  most  of  the  lands 
grow  three  crops  in*a  year.  And  the  crop  of  that  country  is  all 
paddy,  whelher  fine  or  coarse.  Other  crops,  such  as  wheat,  barley 
and  pulse,  &c,  are  scarce.  And  strange  ^  to  say^  the  paddy  crop 
grows  in  so  much  abundance  that  it»needs  not  the  rains  in  dry 
months  nor  the  water  of  wells  and  risers.  But  in  cases  of  drought 
in  the  rainy  season,  the  paddy  crop  is  totally  destroyed.1 

The  dwellers  in  villages  are  loyal  and  submissive  to  their  rulers, 
and    unlike   the    Zemindars   and  tenants  of, other   provinces   of 
Hindustan,  they  do  not  fight  with  their  rulers.     They  pay   in    the 
land   revenue   of    each   year  in  eight  instalments  in  eight  months, 
and  the  tenants  personally  pay  their  rents  at   the   Kacheris.     The 
appraisement   of    each   crop   is    based  on    nasaq* — and  ntisaq    is 
a  document    which  remains   with  the    mnharir  8   and  the  patwari  * 
and  the  Karkuntb  with  the  seal  of  amil.     But  in    affairs    relating 
to  bargains  of  giving  and  taking  and  purchases  and  sales  and.  other 
worldly    matters,    no    race  in   all  the  four  quarters  of  the  globe  is 
equal  to  the  Bengalis  in  wickedness,  duplicity,  knavery  and  villainy. 
They  do  not  consider  loans  repayable,  and  the  promises  which  they 
pledge  to  perform  in  one  day^  they  do  not  fulfil   in  one  year.     And 
the  food  of  the  natives  of  that  kingdom,  from  the  higli  to  the  low, 
are  fish,  rice,  mustard  oil   and   curd   and*  fruits   and   sweetmeats. 
They  also  eat  plenty  of  red  chilly  and  salt.     In  some  parts  of  this 
country,  salt  is  scarce.     The  natives  of  this  country  are  of  shabby 
tastes,  shabby  habits  and  shabby    modes    of   dress.     They   do   not 
eat   breads   of   wheat  and  barley  at  all.     Meat  of  goats  and  fowls 
and  clarified-butter   do  not  agree  with    their   system.     And  there 
are  many  amongst  them  who,  if   they  eat   the  same,  cannot  digest 
them,  and  vomit  them  out.     The  dress  of  b$th  males  and  females, 

1  Graphic  descriptions  of  famines  in  India  in  past  times  will  be  found  in 
the  Tarlkh-i-Firuz  Shani,  Badaonl,  and  the  Maasir-i-Alamgiri. 

8  Abul  Fazl  in  the  Am  says :— "  The  harvests  are  always  abundant, 
measurement  is  not  insisted  upon,  and  the  revenue  demands  are  determined 
by  estimate  of  the  crop.  His  Majesty  Emperor  Akbar  in  his  goodness  has 
confirmed  this  practice."     (See  A'in-i- Akbar i,  Vol.  2,  pp.  121-122). 

3  "Muhrir"  is  a  clerk. 

4  ,' Patwari '  =  Village  Accountant.— This  functionary  flourishes  even  now. 
6  "  Karkun  "  was  a  supervisor  over  village  patavaris, — he  was  an  Imperial 

officer  in  charge  of  the  accounts  of  a  parganah.     The  "  Karkuns  "  were  in 
turn  supervised  by   '  Amils '  in  charge  of  an  aggregate  of  parganahs  or  a 


22 

of  both   the   upper   and    lower   classes,  consists  of    one   strip   of 
cloth  just  sufficient  to  cover  the  private  parts.  The  males  wear  one 
white  strip   of  cloth,  called   generally  a  dhoti,1  which  is  tied  from 
below  the  navel  down  to  the  leg,  and  a  small  'turban  about  two  or 
three  cubits  long  is  tied  on  the  side  of  the  head,  so  that  the  whole 
skull  of  the  head  ana  the  hair  are  visible.    And  the  females  wear 
one   strip  of  cloth,'  called  a  mri,  half  of  it  is  wrapped  round  from 
below  the  navel  to  the  leg,  and  the  other  half  beiug  drawn  across 
a  side   is   thrown  down  the  neck.    iThey  are  bareheaded,  and  do 
not  wear  any  other  cloth  ;  nor  do  they  wear  shoes   and    stockings. 
Both  males  and  females  daily    rub  mustard  oil  over   their  bodies, 
and  bathe  in  tanks  and  rivers.  The  Bengali  females  do  not  observe 
pardah,   and    go    out  '  of    their    houses    for   the   performance    of 
evacuations  and  other  household  duties.     And  the  wildness  and 
habitation  of  this  country  are  similar,   in  that  the  people  erect 
huts  of  thatch,  made  up   of  bamboos  and   straw.     Their   utensils 
are  generally  earthen,  and  few  are  of  copper.   Whenever  quitting 
one   place   they   migrate   to   another,   straightway  they   erect  a 
thatched   hut,   similar   to   their  former  one,  and  collect  earthen 
utensils.     Most  of  their  habitations  are  in  jungles  and  forests,   so 
that  their  huts  are  encircled  with  trees.     And   in  case    one  of  the 
huts  catches  fire,  all  the  huts  are  bur.nt  down,  and  after  the   con- 
flagration they  get  no   trace  of  their   habitations,  except  through 
trees  which  surrounded  tiieir  huts.   Most  of  them  travel  by  water, 
especially  in  the  rainy  season,  in  which  season    they   keep  boats, 
small   and   large,    for   journeys   and   for   going  ■  to  and  fro.    For 
travelling   by   land,  they  have   conveyances,  such   as  singhasan  l 
and  palki  and  jowalah.     Elephants  are  captured  in  some   parts 
of  the  country  ;  good  horses  are  not  procurable,  and,  if  had,  they 
cost  much.     A  curious  sort  of   boat  is  made   in  this   country   for 
capturing   forts.     And  it  is  in  this    wise :  the  boat  is  large,  and 

* 

district.  Here  we  get,  a  glimpse  of  the  old  fiscal  system  in  regard  to  its 
account-branch.  In  the  collection -branch  of  the  M-usalman  fiscal  system, 
Shiqdars  (corrupted into  Hindu  family  names  Sikdars)  presided  over  Mahals, 
Majmuahdars  (corrupted  into  Hindu  family  names  of  Mozumdars)  presided 
over  a  group  or  circle  of  Mahals  or  a  Turf,  and  over  an  aggregate  of  Mahals 
or  Tnrf  s,  corresponding  to  a  modern  District,  an  Amil  presided,  and  over  an 
aggregate  of  Districts  or  a  Division,  the  Districts,  there  was  a  local  Diwan . 
The  last  two  functionaries  were  generally  Musalmans,  whilst  the  first  ( two 
subordinate  functionaries  wore  almost  invariably   Hindus. 

1  "  Singhasan  "  of  our  author  corresponds  to  Abul  Fa?l's  "  Sukhasan  "   in 
the  Ain.    (See  Aln-i-Akban,  Vol.  2,  p.  126). 


23 

the   prow   of  it,    which   is  called  in   the  dialect  of   the  country 
grtlhi,  is  made   so  high  that  when  it  is  placed  alongside  the  wall 
of  a  fort?  people  from  the  boat  can  gdt  on  to  the  wall  from  it,  and 
enter  the  fort.     And  a  kind  of  carpet  is  manufactured  from   the 
linseed  plant',  which  is  very  pretty  and  much  liked.     And  precious 
stones,  pearls,  jasper,  and  ruby  do  not  exist  in  this  country.    From 
other  countries  these   are    imported  into  the  porfe  of  this  Siibah. 
And  the  best  fruit  of  this  country  is  nutago,  which  in  some  parts  is, 
large,  sweet,  and  without  strigrtfe,  and  tasty,  and  has  a  small  stone. 
And  the   tree  of  three  years'    growth — of  the  height  of  a  man-  - 
bears  fruit.  And  large  oranges,  which  are  called  kaunla,   and  small 
oranges,  which  are  called  narangi,  grow  well  in  this  country.    And 
varieties  of  citrons  are  available.  >  And  lemons,   pineapples,  cocoa- 
nuts,  betelnuts,  palm-fruits,  jack-fruits  and  plantains  have  no  end. 
And  grapes  and  melons,  &c,    do  not  grow  here  ;  though  the   seeds 
of  melons   and  grafts  of  vines  have  been   often   planted  in   this 
country,  they  have  never  thrived.    Sugarcanes,  good,  delicate   and 
sweet,  red,   white  and   black  in   colour,  grow    here   in  abundance  ; 
ginger  and   pepper  in    some    parts    grow    abundantly,    and  betel 
leaves  also    grow  in  abundance,  and  silk  is  also  produced  well  and 
in    abundance  here.     Good    silk-stuffs    are   manufactured    in  this 
country,    and   cotton-fabrics  o?  g^ood    quality  are  turned  out  here. 
Rivers,  small  and  large,    are  plenty  in  this  country,  and  the  prac- 
tice of   digging    tanks   is    very  common.     People  in  this    country 
seldom  drink  the  water  of  wells,  because  everywhere  the  water  of 
tanks  and  rivers  is  found  in  abundance.     And  generally  the  water 
of    wells     is    salt,    but    with    a  little  digging   of  the  soil    water 
comes  out. 

And  the  best  of  rivers  is  the  Ganges  (Gang),  which  rises 
from  the  northern  mountains  of  Hindustan  at  the  point  called 
Goumukhah,  flows  through  the  provinces  of  Hindustan,  Farrakha- 
bad,  Alahabad,  and  Bebar  into  Bengal,  and  in  Bengal  at  a  place 
called  Qazihata,1  within  the  Sarkar  of  Barbakabad,  it  is  named 
Padda.  From  this  place,  a  branch  of  the  Ganges  separates,  flows 
down  Murshidabad,  and  at  Nadiah  joins  the  Jalangi  river,  and  then 
flows  jnto  the  sea.  This  branch  is  called  Bhagriati,  and  it  goes 
towards  Chittagong,  flowing  through  the  sea.  The  Ganges  at 
Alahabad  joins  the  l'ivers  Jouu  (or  Jamna)  and  Sursati,    and  near 

1  Qazihata  mentioned  by  Abul  Fazl  in  the  Am  and  quoted  by  our  author 
appears  to  be  Hajrahatti,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Podda,  now  also  a  ferrv 
place,  near  the  entrance  of  the  Bural  river,  below  Rampiir  Boalia. 


24 

Hajipur  it  unites  also  with  the  Gandak,  the  Saru  and  the  Son, 
and  becomes  very  broad.  And  the  place  where  the  three  rivers 
unite  is  called  Tirbini  by  Hindus,  and  its  Sanctity  in*  the  eye 
of  the  Hindus  is  immeasurable.  And  the  'Gauges,  Siirsati,  and 
Joun  or  (Jainiia),  in  flowing  towards  Chittagong  and  the  sea, 
branch  off  in  a  thousand  rivulets.  And  Hindus  have  written 
volumes  on  the*  sanctity  ©f  these  rivers.  Considering  the  water 
of  these  rivers  sacred,  tlusy  fancy  that  bathing  there  washes 
off  the  sins  of  a  lifetime  ;  especially  bathing  at  certain  ghats 
of  the  Ganges,  such  as  Benaras,  Alahahad,  and  Hardwar,  is 
regarded  as  very  s/icred.  The  rich  amongst  the  Hindus,  getting 
their  supplies  of  the  Ganges  water  from  long  distances,  take 
particular  care  of  it,  and  on  qertain  auspicious  days,  worship 
the  same.  The  truth  of  the  matter  is,  that  the  water  of  the 
Ganges,  in  sweetness,  lightness,  and  tasteness  has  no  equal,  and 
the  water  of  this  river,  however  long  kept,  does  not  stink.  There 
is  no  river  bigger  than  it  in  Bengal. 

And  another  of  the  big  rivers  of  Bengal  is  the  Brahmaputi'a, 
which  flows  from  the  regions  of  Khata  towards  Koch,  and  thence 
by  the  way  of  Baziiha  flows  down  into  the  sea.  In  the  environs 
of  Chittagong,  it  is  called  the  Megna.  The  smaller  rivers  are 
countless.  On  both  banks  of  most  .of  the  rivers,  paddy  is  culti- 
vated. Another  feature  of  this  country,  unlike  that  of  other  coun- 
tries of  Hindustan,  is  that  they  cut  grafts  of  mango  and  lemon-trees, 
and  plant  them,  and  these,  in  the  very  first  year,  bear  fruit. 

SECTION  III.— RELATING  TO  A  DESCRIPTION  OF  CER- 
TAIN TOWNS  AND  FOUNDATION  OF  CERTAIN 
CITIES  IN  THE  COUNTRY  OF  BENGAL. 

The  city  of  Lakhnauti,  which  in  past  times  was  the  Capital  of 
Bengal,  was  founded  by  Sangajdib.  It  is  said  that  at  the  time 
when  Firuz  Rai,  the  Rajah  of  Hindustan,  being  defeated  by  Rus- 
tam  Dastan,1  fled  to  Tirhut,  and  from  there  fleeing  to  the  moun- 
tains of  J  hark  hand  2  and  Gondwarah,3  died,  Rustam  Dastan,  who 

1  Dastan  was  the  title  of  Rustam,  the  Persian  Hercules — otherwise  ^called 
Rustam  Zal.         r 

2  "  Jharkand  "  was  the  name  by  which,  what  we  now  call,  "  Chntia  Nagpur  " 
was  known  in  Muhammadau  times  ;  whilst  "  Bharkundah  "  denoted  "  Sonthal 
Parganas  inclnding  Birhbum." 

3  I  think  "  Gondwarah  "  in  the  text  here  is  a  copyist's  mistake  for  "  Gond- 
wanah  "  which  has  been  identified  with  the  "  Central  Provinces,"  of  which 
the  capital  is  Garha-Katanga  (Jabalpur). 


25 

was  displeased  with  his  insolence,  not  bestowing  the  kingdom  of 
Hindustan  on  the  Rajah's  children,  awarded  the  sovereignty  of 
Hindustan  to  a  Hindu,  named  Suraj*1  Suraj  became  a  powerful 
Rajah,  subjugated  the  kingdom  of  the  Dakhin  and  also  the  king- 
dom of  Bengal.  When  Suraj  died  and  the  sovereignty  passed  to  his 
son,  Bahraj,  disturbances  occurring  in  all^parts  of  the  kingdom, 
ambition  showed  itself  in  every  head,  and  at  length  a  Brahmin, 
named  Kedar,  coming  out  from  the  mountains  of  Sawalik,  and  be- 
coming victorious  after  fightings  possessed  himself  of  the  reins  of 
sovereignty.  Towards  the  end  of  his  reign,  a  person  named  Sangal- 
dib,2  emerging  from  the  environs  of  Kuch,  which,  adjoins  the  limits 
of  Bengal  brought  to  his  subjection,  first,  the  countries  of  Bengal 
and  Behar,  and  then  fighting  against  Kedar  became  victorious,  and 
building   the   city  of  Lakhnauti,3  made  it  his  capital.     And  for 

1  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  there  is  a  town  called  Suraj -garh  (or  fort  of 
Suraj)  in  Monghyr  district,  on  the  southern  banks  of  the  Ganges,  and  close 
to  Maulanagar,  where  there  is  also  an  old  Mnhammadan  Khanqah  founded  by 
Mahabat  Jang. 

2  In  Firishta,  '  Shangal.'  In  the  list  of  Hindu  kings  given  in  the  Ain-i- 
Akbari,  I  do  not  find  this  name. 

8  The  authentic  history  of  the  city  begins  with  its  conquest  in  1198  A.C. 
(594  A.H,)  by  the  Muhamraadans, «vho  made  it  [their  first  capital  in  Bengal. 
(See  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  p.  151,  Pers.  T*ext).  This  was  the  period  'when  were 
erected  numerous  mosques  and  other  Muhammaian  buildings.  (See  Hunt. 
Imp.  Gazetteer,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  333,  also  Kavenshaw's  and  Creighton's  "  Ruins 
of  Gaur  ").  When  the  Musulman  kings  of  Bengal  established  their  inde- 
pendence, they  transferred  the  seat  of  government  to  Sunargaon  and  Pan- 
duah.  Panduah  was  soon  after  deserted,  and  the  royal  residence  re- transferred 
to  Gaur,  whilst  Sunargaon  continued  as  capital  of  East  Bengal.  Minhajus 
Siraj  visited  the  city  in  641  H.  or  1245  A.C,  and  gives  an  account  of  it  in 
his  Tabaqlt-i-Nasiri.  (p.  162,  Pers.  Text)  Abul  Fazl  in  the  Ain  notices  it 
(see  p.  123,  Vol.  2,  Ain,  Jar.  Tr.),  and  states  that  the  city  was  known  in  his 
time  both  as  Lakhnauti  and  Gaur,  and  that  the  latter  epithet  was  changed 
to  "  Jinnatabad  "  by  Emperor  Humayun.  Badaini  (p.  58,  Vol.  1,  Pers.  Text) 
states  that  Bakhtiyar  Ghori  founded  a  city  and  named  it  after  himself  '  Gour.' 
The  capital  was  shifted  in  Sulaiman  Kararani's  time  further  westward  to 
Tandah.  During  the  conquest  of  Bengal  by  the  Mughuls  under  the  Em- 
peror Akbar,  Gaur  again  became  the  headquarters  of  the  Mughul  Govern- 
ment, and  the  Mughul  Imperialists  under  Munaim  Khan,  Khan-i-Khanan, 
the  first  Mughul  Viceroy  of  Bengal,  occupied  it.  A  pestilence,  however,  broke 
out,  in  course  of  which  Munaim  died — and  also  thousands  of  troops  and 
peoplo  daily  (see  pp.  318  and  376,  Ain,  Vol.  1,  Bloch's  Tr.  and  Badaoni,  Vol.  2, 


26 

two  thousand  years  it  remained  the  Capital  of  Bengal.  In  the 
time  of  the  Mughul  Emperors  it  became  ruined,  and  instead  of  it 
Tandah  became  the  Viceregal  Capital.  Afterwards  Tandah  was 
also  ruined,  and  Jahanglrnagar,  and  lastly  Murshidabad,  became 
the  Viceregal  Capital.  The  reason  for  the  name  of  Gaur  is  un- 
known, but  it  is  guessed  that  in  the  period  of  the  rule  of  the  sons 
of  Nojgorlah,  perhaps  tVis  name  was  given.  And  Emperor 
Humayun,  considering  Gaur  an  inauspicious  name,  changed  it  to 
Jinnatabad.  This  city  at  present  «is  in  complete  ruin,  and  has 
become  the  haunt  of  lions  and  tigers.  Excepting  traces  of  gates 
of  the  fort,  and  dilapidated  buildings,  and  the  mosque,  and  founda- 
tions of  the  building  of  Qadam-Rasul,  nothing  else  exists. 

The  place  where  monarchs  dwelt  in  gardens  with  friends, 
Has  become  the  abode  of  crows  and  vultures  and  the  haunt 
,     ""of  lions  and  jackals! 

Gaur  contained  a  large  fort,  traces  whereof  are  still  visi- 
ble. On  the  eastern  side  of  the  city  are  the  lakes  of  Jhatiah  and 
BhaEiahand  other  lakes,  and  the  embankment1  continues  from  that 
to  this  time,  though  it  was  stronger  and  kept  out  the  flood  of  water 
in  the  rainy  season,  when  the  city  was  in  a  flourishing  conditipn. 
At  present,  in  the  rainy  season,  boats  pass  across  it,  and  every- 
thing  is   inundated.     Towards  th/3*  north  of  the  Fort,    to  the  dis- 

p.  217),  and  the  Mughal  metropolis  of  Bengal  was  removed  to  Tandah,  and 
thence  shortly  after  to  Rajmahal  or  Akbarnagar,  which  remained  the  capital 
of  Bengal,  until  it  was  removed  to  Dacca  or  Jahanglrnagar,  and  lastly  to 
Murshidabad.  Dr.  Buchanan-Hamilton  places  the  inhabited  area  of  Gaur  at 
20  square  miles,  containing  over  600,000  souls.  The  author  of  Khurshed 
Jahannuma  notes  the  following  principal  buildings  as  still  existing : — 

1.  The  Qadam-Rasul,  a  square,  one-domed  building  in  the  enclosure  of  the 
Fort,  erected  by  Sultan  Nasrat  Shah,  son  of  Sultan  Allaudin  Husain  Shah  in 
937  A.H.  (1530  A.C.).  « 

2.  The  Minar,  north-east  of  the  Qadam-Rasul,  built  by  Sultan  Firuz  Shah 
The  height  of  the  Minar  is  about  50  cubits,  and   its  circumference  about  5. 
cubits.     Firuz  reigned  in  893  A.H.  (1487  A.C.). 

When  I  visited  Gaur  from  Maldah  in  1887  I  found  also  portions  of  the 
rampart,  the  gateway,  and  the  Qadam-Rasul  building  yet  extant. 

I  The  embanked  road  a  bridge  is  described  in  Tabaqat-i-Nasirl  (p.  162). 
It  connected  Lakhnauti  with  Lakhnur  in  Rar  on  the  western  side,  and 
Lakhnauti  with  Deocote  in  Barind  on  the  eastern  side,  and  was  constructed 
by  Hussamuddin  Iwuz  alias  Sultan  Ghiasuddiu. 


27 

tance  of  otie  kos,  a  large  building  of  ancient  times  existed,  and 
also  a  tank  called  Peasbari — the  water  whereof  was  noxious,  who- 
ever drank  it  became  attacked  with'  bowl-diseases  and  died.  It 
is  said  that  in  past  times,  criminals  were  imprisoned  in  that  tank, 
and  by  drinking  the  water  of  it  they  immediately  d^ed.  And  Em- 
peror Akbar,  taking  pity,  put  a  stop  to  th(is  form  of  punishment. 


CITY  OF  ^URSHIDABAD. 

The  city  of  Murshidabad1  is  a  large  town  situate  on  the  banks 
of  the  river  Bhagirati.     Both  banks  of  the    river   are   populated. 

1  Murshidabad  was  the  latest  Muhammadan  Capital  of  Bengal,  its  immedi- 
ate predecessor  for  over  100  years  being  Dacca  or  Jahangirnagar,  in  Eastern 
Bengal.     In  1704  A.C.,   Murshid  Quli  Khan  also  known  as  Jafar  Khf<fl  (then 
the  Mughal  Diwan)  falling  out  with  Prince   Azim-us-shan,  the   Mughul  Vice- 
roy or  Nawab  at  Dacca,  transferred  the  seat  of   government  from  Dacca  to 
the  little  town  of  Makhsusabad,  and  named  the  place  after  himself  "  Murshida- 
bad."    After  the  battle  of  Plassey  in  1757  A.C.,  Clive  on  entering  Murshida- 
bad describes  it  thus  :  "  This  city  is  as    extensive,  populous,   and  ricl    as  the 
city  of   London  .  .  .  The  inhabitants,   if  inclined  to  destroy   the  Europeans, 
might  have  done  so  with  sticks  and  stones."     Even  after  the  battle  of  Plassey, 
Murshidabad  remained  for  some  years  the  seat  of  administration.     The  result 
of  the    battle  of   Plassey   was  at  th>  time  apprtciated  both  by  Clive  and  the 
people,  for  the  reason  that  it  ended  the  misrule  of  Sirajudaula,  who  had  ren- 
dered himself  obnoxious  both  to  the  people  and  the  English  by  his  youthful 
pranks  and  vagaries ;  it  was    not    regarded    at  the   time    as   interfering  with 
Musulman  sovereignty  :  it  merely  affected  the   substitution  of  a  new  Nawab 
(Mir   Jafar)    for   Sirajudaula.     In  1765,  the  East  India  Company  received 
the  grant  of  Diwani  or  financial  administration  of  Bengal,  Behar,  and  Orissa 
from  the  Mughul  Emperor  of  Delhi,  Shah  Alam,  and   in  the  following  year 
Lord  Clive,  as  the   Emperor's  Diwan,  presided  in  person  at  the  Puniya,  or 
annual  collection  and  settlement  of  revenues.     On  this  occasion,   the  young 
Nawab   Nazim  (as  administrative  and  military  representative  of  the  Mughul 
Emperor  of  Delhi)  sat  on  the  masnad,  'with  the   Diwan  (Lord  Clive)   on  his 
right  hand.     The   work   of   administration    still  remayied   in    the   hands    of 
Muhammadan  officials.     In   1772,   Warren   Hastings  removed  the   Supreme, 
Civil,  and  Criminal  Courts  from  Murshidabad   to  Calcutta,   but  after  three 
years  the   Criminal  court  (Nizamat   Adalat)  was  re-transferred  to  Murshi- 
dabad,  and   it  was  only   in    1790,  under  Lord   Cornwallis,    that    the    entire 
revenue,  civil,   and  criminal  staff  were  posted  in  Calcutta.  ->The  Murshidabad 
Mint,  the  recognized  emblem  of  metropolitan  supremacy,  was  abolished  iu 
1799. t   Thenceforth,  Murshidabad  has  been  left  only  as  the  residence  of  the 
Nawab,  a  descendant  of  Mir  Jafar,  and  now  it  has  ceased  to  be  of  importance. 


28 

In  the  beginning,  a  merchant  named  Makhsus  Khan  built  a 
serai  or  guest-house  there,  and  called  the  place  Makhsusabad. 
The  houses  of  a  few  shop-keepers  were  placed  there.  'In  the 
reign  of  Emperor  Auraugzib  Alamgir,  "Nawab  Jafar  Khan 
Nasiri,  who  heH  the  office  of  Diwan  of  Orissa,  received  the  title  of 
Kartalab  Khan  and  obtained  the  office  of  Diwan  of  Bengal. 
After  his  arrival  at  Jahangirnagar,  otherwise  called  Dhakah 
(Dacca),  which  at  that  time  was  the  Viceregal  Capital  and  where 
from  before  Prince  Azim-u-shan,  who  had  been  appointed  Vice- 
roy by  Emperor] Aurangzib  (as  will  be  setforth  here  after)  lived, 
finding  that  he  (Ja/ar  Khan)  could  not  pull  on  with  the  Prince, 
put  forward  the  pretext  that  the  mahals  of  Bengal  were  at  a  long 
distance  from  that  place  ( Dacca), rseparated  himself  from  association 
with  the  Prince,  and  established  himself  at  Makhsusabad,  and  placed 
there  «the  Amlas  of  Zemindars,  and  Qanungos  and  other  officials  em- 
ployed in  connection  with  the  Revenue  Administration  of  Crown- 
lands.  And  at  Dughariah,  which  was  quite  a  wilderness,  he  erected 
a  palace,  established  the  Board  of  Revenue  (Dewankhanah)  and  the 
Court  of  Exchequer,  and  made  collections  of  the  Imperial  revenue. 
And  when  he  was  appointed  permanently  Subahdar  (Viceroy)  of 
Bengal  and  Orissa  in  addition  to  the  office  of  Diwan,  with  the 
title  of  Murshid  Qfili  Khan  and  with  the  gift  of  a  valuable  Khil'at, 
and  of  the  standard  and  the  Na'qarah  (a  royal  drum)  and  the 
advancement  of  Mansal,  on  arrival  at  Makhsusabad,  he  improved 
the  city,  and  called  it  after  his  own  name  "  Murshidabad."  And 
establishing  a  mint 1  there,  he  had  the  words  "  struck  at  Murshi- 
dabad "  inscribed  on  the  coins.  From  that  time,  this  city  became  the 
Viceregal  seat.  It  is  a  beautiful  city.  Its  inhabitants,  in  the  society 
of  the  Subahdars,  being  thrown  into  contact  with  the  people  of 
Delhi,  in  point  of  refinement  of  manners  and  conversation,  re- 
semble the  people  t  of  Hindustan,  unlike  those  of  other  parts 
of  Bengal.  Amongst  its  buildings,  none  that  was  seen  was  note- 
worthy,  except  the   Imambarah  building,  which  was  erected  by 

l  It  may  be  of  interest  to  note  here  that  the  following  mint  towns  existed 
in  Bengal  during  the  earlier  Mnhammadan  kings  :  (1)  Lakhnanti,  (2)  Firuz- 
abad  (Panduah),  (3)  SItgaon,  (4)  Shahr-i-Nau  (not  identified),  (5)  Ghiyaspur, 
(6)  Snnargaon,  (7)  Muazzamabad  (i.e.,  Sylhet  or  Mymensingh),  (8)  Fatha- 
bad  (Faridpur  town),  (9)  Khalifatabad  (Bagerhat  town  in  Jessore),  and  (10) 
Hnsainabad  (probably  close  to  Gaur)  'See  Thomas'  "  Initial  Coinage  "  and 
Blochmann'3  Contributions). 


29 

Nawab  Siraju-d-daulah.  Its  praise  is  beyond  description  ;  its 
equal  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  whole  of  Hindustan.  Although  at 
present  crae-tenth  of  it  does  not  exist,  «yet  a  remnant  of  it  is  a  fair 
specimen  of  the  original  edifice.  These  two  verses  of  Maulana 
'Urfi  Shirazjf,1  (May  peace  of  God  be  on  him  !)  being  found  to  be 
apposite  to  the  present   case,  are  transcribed  below  : — 

How  much  of  morning  is  known  to  the  dwellers  at  its  gate, 
In  that'  in  its  neighbourhood,  the  ounset  Jias  no  access  ; 
Wonderful  is  the  fairness  oi  the  building,  that  in  gazing  at  it/ 
The   glance   does  not  turn  back  to  the  socket  from  the  sight 

of  the  wall!  ., 

And  the  palaces  of  Mutljhil 8  and  Hirajihl,  which  were  most 
beautiful,  at  present  have  been  dug  up  from  their  foundations,  and 
are  in  complete  ruin. 


PORTS  OF  HUGHLI  AND  SATGAON. 

The  Ports  of  Hughli  and  Satgaon5  are  at  a  distance  of  half  a 
Jcaroh  from  each  other.  In  former  times,  Satgaon  was  a  large 
city,  thickly  populated,  and  was  the  seat  of  a  Governor.  And 
the  factories  of  the  Christian  Portugese,  and  of  other  traders  were 
also  there.  When  Satgaon  fell  into  ruin  owing  to  its  river  silt- 
ing up,  the  port  of  Hughli  became  populous.     The  Faujdars  of 

1  Urfi  was  a  famous  Persian  poet  of  Shiraz,  attached  to  the  Court  of  Em- 
peror Jahangir.  He  possessed  poetical  genius  of  a  high  order,  and  was  much 
appreciated  by  the  Emperor.  I  published  an  English  translation  of  some  of 
his  "  Odes  "  or  "  Qasaid,"  many  years  ago. 

2  The  palace  of  Mutljhil  was  for  several  years,  after  the  installation  of 
Nawab  Mir  Jafar,  the  residence  of  the  British  Political  Resident  attached  to 
the  Court  of  the  Nawab  NSzims  of  Bengal. 

8  Satgaon,  the  ancient  royal  port  or  "  Ganges  Regia  "  of  Bengal.  It  lay  at 
the  point  of  junction  of  the  Hughli  and  the  holy  Saras'Jvitl.  The  river  Saras- 
watl  silted  up  during  the  first-half  of  "the  sixteenth  century,  and  the  Por- 
tuguese merchants  found  that  the  harbour  of  Satgaon  w,as  no  longer  practica- 
ble, and  accordingly  fixed  their  port  at  Gholaghat  in  1537,  a  few  miles  lower 
down  on  the  same  east  bank  of  the  river.  Gholaghat  soon  became  the  chief 
emporium,  and  took  the  name  of  the  river,  that  is,  Hughli  town  or  part. 
Satgaon  is  now  become  a  petty  village,  though  when  I  visited  it  from  Hughli 
in  1888,  I  found  traces  of  a  ruined  mosque.  The  first  mention  of  Satgaon 
that  I  find  in  Mnhammadan  history  is  in  the  reign  of  Sultan  Ghiasuddin  Tugh- 
luk  Shah  who  invaded  Bengal  to  chastise  Bahadur  Shah,  King  of  Sunargaon. 
(Seepp  45-46  Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi).  0 


30 

this  port  had  always  been  appointed  directly  by  the  Emperors  of 
Delhi,  and  had  little  concern  with  the  Nazims  or  Viceroys  of 
Bengal.  Nawrab  Jafar  KhaVi  brought  the  office  of  Faujdar  of  this 
port  within  his  jurisdiction,  as  an  appendage  to  the  Nizamat  and 
Dlwani  of  Bengal,  as  will  be  mentioned  hereafter,  if  God  pleases. 
And  in  that  the  aboven?entioned  Nawab  placed  the  centre  of  the 
financial  resources  of  th»e  country  of  Bengal  upon  the  customs- 
duties  levied  from  ttaders/he  maintained  peaceful  and  liberal  re- 
lations with  the  merchants  of  England,  China,  Persia,  and  Turan, 
and  beyond  the  legitimate  imports  he  did  not  levy  one  dam 
oppressively  or  against  the  established  usage.  Hence  the  port  of 
Hughli,  in  his  time,  became  more  populous  than  before.  And 
merchants  of  all  the  ports  o£  Arabia  and  Ajam,1  and  English 
Christians  who  were  ship-owners  and  wealthy  Mughuls  made  their 
quarters  there ;  but  the  credit  of  the  Mughul  merchants  was 
greater  than  that  of  merchants  belonging  to  other  classes.  The 
English  were  absolutely  prohibited  from  erecting  towers  and  build- 
ingtbazars  and  forts  and  moats.  After  this,  when  oppression  and 
extortion  of  the  Faujdars  increased,  the  port  of  Hughli  declined, 
and  Calcutta  owing  to  the  liberality  and  protection  afforded  by  the 
English,  and  the  lightness  of  the  duties  levied  there,  became 
populous.  « 

THE,  CITY  OF  CALCUTTA. 
The  City  of  Calcutta8  iu  past  times  was  a  village  in  a  taluqah 
endowed  iu  favour  of  Kali,  which  is  the  name  of  an  idol  which  is 
there.     Inasmuch   as   in   the   language   of  Bengal,   '  Karta '  and 


1  Ajam.  The  Arabs  divided  the  races  of  the  world  into  the  Ardbls  and  the 
A j amis  or  non-Arabs.     Persia  Proper  was  called  Irak-i-Ajam. 

2  In  1596  A.C.,  it  ist-uentioned  in  the  Ain-i-Akbari  as  a  rent-paying  village 
named  "  Kalikatta  "  under  Sarkar  Safcgaon.  (See  Am,  p.  141,  Vol.  2,  Jar.  Tr.) 
In  1686,  in  consequence  of  a  rupture  with  the  Mosul  man  authorities  at 
Hughli  port,  the  English  merchants,  led  by  their  Chief,  Job  Charnock,  were 
obliged  to  quit  their  factory  there  and  to  retreat  to  Sutanati  (now  a  northern 
quarter  of  Calcutta).  Their  new  settlement  soon  extended  itself  southwards 
first  over  the  village  of  "  Kalikatta  "  (between  the  present  Customs-House  and 
the  Mint)  and  subsequently  over  the  village  of  Gobiudpur  (which  existed  to 
the  south  of  the  present  site  of  Fort  William).  In  1689,  it  became  the  head- 
quarters of  the  servants  of  the  East  India  Company  employed  in  Bengal 
factories.     In  1696,  the  original  Fort  William  was  bnilt,  being  replaced  by  a 


31 

Kata  "  means  "  master  "  or  "  lord,"  therefore  this  village  was 
named  Kalikata,  meaning  that  its  owner  was  Kali.  Gradually,  by  a 
process  c?f  the  modulation  of  the  tong&e,  the  alif  and  the  ea  being 
dropped  it  was  called  Kalkata.  The  following  is  the  account  of  the 
foundation  of  this  city  and  the  establishment  of  the  English  factory 
there.  In  the  period  of  the  Nizamat  of  Nawab  Jafar  Khan,  the 
factory  of  the  English  Company,  which  existed"  in  the  port  of 
Hughli,  close  to  Lakhoghat  and  Mnghulpurab,  suddenly  after  sun- 
set when  the  English  Chiefs  were  at  dinner  commenced  crumbling 
down  ;  the  English  Chiefs  harum-scarum  ran  out,  and  saved  them- 
selves from  this  whirlpool  of  destruction.  But  #11  their  chattels 
and  properties  were  washed  away  by  the  tide.  Many  cattle  and 
some  human  beings  also  perished,.  Mr.  Charnock,  the  English 
Chief,  purchasing  the  garden  of  Benares,  the  Company's  Gru- 
mashta,  which  was  situate  in  Lakhoghat.  adjoining  to  the  town, 
cut  down  its  trees,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  a  factory,  and  com- 
menced erecting  two-storeyed  and  thi-ee-storeyed  buildings.  When 
the  boundary  walls  were  completed  and  they  were  about  to  roof 
them  with  the  main  beams,  the  nobility  and  the  gentry  of  the  Sayyid 
and  Mughul  tribes,  who  consisted  of  rich  merchants,  represented 
to  Mir  Nasir,  Faujdar  of  Hughli,  that  when  the  strangers  would 
get  upon  the  terraces  of  their*  high  buildings,  it  would  interfere 
with  the  sanctity  and  privacy  or  their  ladies  and  families.  The 
Faujdar  communicated  the  gist  of  this  staJe  of  things  to  Nawab 
Jafar  Khan,  and  subsequently  deputed  there  all  the  Mughals 
and  the  whole  of  the  nobility  and  the  gentry.  These,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Nawab,  set  forth  their  grievances.  Nawab  Jafar 
Khan  despatched  an  order  to  the  Faujdar  prohibiting  absolutely 
the  English  from  placing  a  brick  over  a  brick  and  from  laying  a 
timber  over  a  timber.  The  Faujdar,  directly  on  the  receipt  of  the 
order   of  prohibition,    directed    that   none     o£»  the    masons     and 

new  one  in  1742,  the  above  three  villages  being  purchased  in  1700  from  Prince 
Azam,  son  of  Emperor  Aurangzeb.  In  1756,  the  town  was  sacked  and  Fort 
William  captured  by  Nawab  Siraju-d-danlah,  who  changed  its  name  to 
Alinagar.  In  January  1757  it  was  retaken  by  the  English  under  Admirals 
Watson  and  Clive.  A  new  fort,  the  present  Fort  William,  was  commenced 
by  Clive,  but  it  was  finished  in  1773,  when  the  maidan  was  also  opened  out 
In  this  connection,  it  may  be  added,  that  the  author  of  the  "  Seirul  Muta- 
kherin,"  though  hostile  to  Siraju-d-daulah,and  though  a  contemporary  historian 
does  ndt  say  a  word  about  the  ''  Black  Hole  "  affair  ! 


32 

carpenters  should  do  work  in  connection    with   the  buildings,  and 
in  consequence  the  buildings  remained  incomplete.  Mr.  Charnock, 
getting   enraged,    prepared  *to    fight.     But   as    he   had  *a    small 
force   and  except  one  ship,  no  other  ships  were  then  there,  and 
besides  the  authority  of  Nawab   Jafar  Khan  was  overawing,    and 
the  Mughals  were   numerous,   and   the  powerful  Faujdar   was   on 
their  side,  seeing  no  good' in  shaking  hands   and  feet,  of  necessity, 
raised   the   anchor   of   the"   ship.      And   directing  from   the   top 
of   the   deck   of    the   ship   a  lens'e-burner  towards  the  populous 
part    of   the   town    alongside  the    bank    of    the   river  including 
Chandanagore,  hec  set  it  on  fire  and   started.      The  Faujdar,  in 
order  to  enquire  into  this  matter,  wrote  to  the  officer  in   charge  of 
the  garrison  of   Makhwa  to  the  .effect  that  the  ship  should  not  be 
allowed  to  pass  on.     The   above  officer  placed  across  the  river  an 
iron 'chain,  every  link  whereof  was  ten  seers  in  weight,  and  which 
had  been  kept  ready  alongside  the  wall  of  the  fort  for  the  purpose 
of  blocking   the  passage  of  the  boats  of  the   Arracauese  and  Magh 
enemies,    by  being  drawn  from  one  bank  of  the  river  to  the  other. 
The  ship  on  arriving   at   the   chain   got   blocked,  and   could  not 
move  down   further.     Mr.  Charnock   cut   up  the   chain  with  an 
English   sword  and  effected  his  passage  through,   and  sailed  down 
with  the  ship  to  the  sea,  and  started  for  the  country  of  the  Dakhin. 
In   that,  the  Emperor  Aurangzeb  at  that  time  was  in  the  Dakhin, 
and  the    Mahratta  free-booters  had  cut  off   supplies  of  food-grains 
from  all   sides,    a  great    famine   occurred   amongst   the    Imperial 
troops.     The    Chief   of  the     (English)    factory  in  the  Karnatik 
supplied  the  Imperial  army  with  food-stuffs,  carrying  the  same  on 
board  the  ships,    and   thus  rendered  loyal  and  good  service.     The 
Emperor  Aurangzeb  being  pleased  with  the  English,  enquired  as  to 
what  the  English  Company  prayed  for.     The  English    Chief  peti- 
tioned for   the   grant   of'a,Sanad   (Royal  patent),   permitting  the 
erection  of  factories  in  the  Imperial  dominions,  and  especially    the 
erection  of  the  Bfcngal  factory.     The  petition  was  granted  by  the 
Emperor,  and  an  Imperial  Farman  (patent)  was  issued,  remitting 
all  customs    on  ships  of  the  English  Company,    and  directing  the 
levy   from  them   of  Rs.  3,000,   by   way   of   tribute  to   the   Royal 
Customs-house,    and  permitting   the  erection  of   a   factory.     Mr. 
Charnock,   with  the  Imperial   Farman  and  orders,  returned  from 
the  Dakhin  to  Bengal,  and  at  a  place  called  Chanak  (Barraekpur) 


33 

landed.  He  sent  agents  with  presents,  tribute,  and  gifts,  &o„  to 
Nawab  Jafar  Khan,  and  obtained  permission  to  build  a  factory  at 
Calcutta,  in  accordance  with  the  Imperial  Sanad,  and  building  a 
new  factory  tbere,  devoted  himself  to  the  improvement  of  the 
town,  and  opened  trading  transactions  with  Bengal.  To  this  day 
the  factory  is  notable. 

Calcutta  is  a  large  city  on  the  banks  of  the* river  Bhagirati. 
It  is  a  large*  port,  and  the  commercial  emporium  of  the  English 
Company,  and  is  subject  to  them.  Small  ships,  called  sloops', 
always  every  year  come  to  that  port  from  China,  England,  and 
other  parts,  and  many  remain  there.  At  present,  this  city  is  the 
place  of  residence  of  the  English  Chiefs  and  officers  and  employes. 
The  buildings  are  solidly^  made  <jf  lime  and  brick.  As  its  soil  is 
damp  and  salt,  from  proximity  to  the  sea,  the  buildings  of  that 
city  are  two-storeyed  and  three-storeyed.  The  lower  rooms  are 
unfit  for  dwelling.  The  buildings  are  constructed  after  those  of 
England;  they  are  well-ventilated,  commodious,  and  lofty.  The 
roads  of  that  city  are  broad  and  paved  with  pounded  brick.  And 
besides  the  English  Chiefs,  the  Bengalis,  the  Armenians,  &c  ,  there 
are  also  rich  merchants.  The  water  of  wells  in  this  city,  owing  to 
salt,  is  unfit  for  drinking,  and  if  anyone  drinks  it,  he  suffers  much 
In  summer  and  rainy  seasons,  the  water  of  the  river  also  become 
bitter  and  salt ;  but  the  water*  of  tanks,  which  are  plenty,  is 
drank.  The  sea  is  forty  Karoh  distant  f/om  this  place  ;  within 
every  day  and  night  the  water  of  the  river  has  one  flow  and  one 
ebb.  At  times  of  full  moon,  for  three  days,  the  tide  comes  furiously 
once  in  course  of  a  day  and  night.  It  shows  a  wonderful  condition 
and  a  sti'ange  furiousness.  It  drives  across  the  banks  many  boats, 
and  wrecks  them,  but  those  which  are  not  on  the  sides  of  the  rivers 
are  left  undamaged.  Consequently,  on  that  day,  at  that  place 
boats,  both  small  and  large,  are  left  without  anchor.  This  tide  in 
the  language  of  Bengal  is  called  ban,  and  the  tide  which  occurs 
daily  is  called  joar.  An  earthen  fort  has  been  erected  to  the  south, 
outside  the  city.  The  English  are  wonderful  in  ventors.  To  re- 
late its  praise  is  difficult;  one  ought  to  see  it,  to  appreciate  it. 
Viewed  externally  from  any  of  the  four  sides,  the  quadrangular 
rampart  looks  low  like  the  slopes  of  tanks  ;  but  viewed  internally, 
it  looks  lofty.  Inside  the  fort,  there  are  large  and  lofty  buildings. 
Wonderful  workmanship  has  been  displayed  in  the  construction  of 
the  fort;  and  other  curious  and  rare  workmanships  are  visible  in 
5 


34 

this  city.  In  point  of  beauty  of  its  edifices  and  the  novelty  of  its 
arts,  no  city  is  equal  to  it,  barring  Dehli,  which  is  unique.  But  its 
drawback  is  that  its  air  is  piftrid,  its  water  skit,  and  its'soil  so 
damp  that  the  ground,  though  protected  by  roof,  and  cemented 
with  brick  aud  lime,  is  damp  owing  to  excessive  moisture,  and 
the  doors  and  wajls,  to  t£ie  height  of  two  or  three  cubits,  are 
also  wet  and  damp.  For  four  months  of  winter,  the  climate  is 
not  very  unhealthy,  but  during  eight  months  of  summer  and  rainy 
seasons,  it  is  very  unhealthy.  At  the  present  day,  when  since  a 
few  years  the  countries  of  Bengal,  Behar,  and  Orissa  have  passed 
into  the  possession  tff  the  Chiefs  of  the  English  Company,  this 
city  has  become  the  seat  of  Government  of  these  dominions.  The 
head  of  these  Chiefs,  who  is  styled  Governor-General,  resides 
in  this  city,  and  his  deputies  are  appointed  and  sent  out  to  each 
district,  and  remit  to  Calcutta  the  revenue-collections  from  each 
district.1     The  officers  of  the  Board  of  Revenue  are  in  Calcutta. 

"Wonderful  is  the  City  of  Calcutta  in  Bengal ; 

For  it  is  a  model  of  China  and  England. 

Its  buildings  please  the  heart  and  the  soul, 

And  tower  to  the  height  of  the  air. 

A  master-hand  has  wrought  such  workmanship  in  it, 

That  everything  is  ap  aint  and  .everything  beautiful. 

From  the  exquisite  workmanship  of  the  English, 

Reason,  in  contemplating  it,  becomes  confounded. 

1  Until  1707,  when  Calcutta  was  first  declared  a  Presidency,  it  had  been 
dependent  on  the  older  English  settlement  at  Madras.  From  1707  to  1773 
it  was  on  an  equal  footing  with  presidencies  at  Madras  and  Bombay.  In 
1773,  an  Act  of  Parliament  was  passed,  under  which  it  was  declared  that  the 
Presidency  of  Calcutta  should  exercise  a  sort  of  general  control  over  other 
possessions  of  the  English  East  India  Company,  that  the  Chief  of  the  Presi- 
dency of  Calcutta  should  be  called  Governor-General.  In  1772,  Warren 
Hastings  had  given  into  the  hands  of  the  servants  of  the  East  India  Com- 
pany the  general  administration  of  Bengal  which  had  hitherto  been  in  the 
hands  of  Muhammadan  Nizamat  officials,  and  had  removed  the  Treasury  from 
Murshidabad  to  Calcntta.  The  latter  town  thus  became  both  the  capital  of 
Bengal  and  the  seat  of  Supreme  Government.  In  1834,  the  Governor-General 
of  Bengal  was  created  Governor-General  of  India,  and  was  allowed  to  appoint 
a  Deputy-Governor*of  Bengal  to  manage  the  affairs  of  Bengal  in  his  absence. 
In  1854,  a  separate  Lieutenant-Governor  was  appointed  for  Bengal,  Behar, 
and  Orissa.  , 

(See  Wilson's  Early  Amtalu  of  the  "English  in  Bengal"  Buckland's  "Bengal 
under  Lieutenant-Governors.") 


35 

The  hat-wearing'  English  dwell  in  it, 

They  are  all  truthful  and  well-hehaved. 

The  dwellings-  are  like  these,  (ihe  dwellers  are  like  those, 

How  far  can  I  detail  their  praises  ? 

Its  streets  are  clean  and  paved,  » 

The  air  every  morning  passes  through  and  sweeps  them. 

In  every  alley  moonlike  faces  move  about,  1 

Robed  in  pretty  and  clean   dresaes. 

Their  faces  are  bright  with  radiance,  like  the  moon,  • 

You  might  say  the  moon  has  become  the  earth- trotter. 

One  is  like  the  moon,  another  is  like  Jupiter, 

Another  is  like  Venus  in  effulgence. 

When  large  numbers,  like  wandering  siars,  stroll  about, 

The  alleys  resemble  the  milky- way. 

You  see,  if  you  go  to  bazar, 

The  rare  goods  of  the  world  there. 

All  the  articles  that  exist  in  four  quarters  of  the  globe, 

You  find  in  its  bazar,  without  search. 

If  I  were  to  depict  the  people  of  art  therein, 

The  pen  would  fail  to  pourtray  such  a  picture. 

But  it  is  well  known  to  all,  [England. 

That  pre-eminence  in  viorkmanship  pertains  to  China  and 

Its  plain  is  level  like  the  surface  of  the  sky, 

Roads  are  fixed  on  it,  like  the  equator. 

People,  whilst  promenading  in  gardens, 

Like  wandering  stars,  meet  each  other  in  their  walks. 

Such  a  city  in  the  country  of  the  Bengalis, 

No  one  had  seen,  no  one  had  heard  of. 

o 

Chandannagor1  (Chandarnagar)  alias  Farashdangah,  is  twelve 

karolt  distant  from  Calcutta.    The  factory  of  the  Christian  French 

is  situated   there.     It  is  a  small  town  on   the  bauk  of  the  river 

Bhagirati.     There  is  a  French  Chief  there.     He  is  the  administra- 

tor   of  the  affairs    and  mercantile  concerns  of  that   town.     The 

English  Chiefs  have  no  authority  there.     Similarly  at  Chucharah 

(Chinsurah8),  the  Dutch  hold  authority. 

1  Chandanagore,  founded  as  a  small  French  settlement  in  1673,  rose  to 
mercantile  importance  under  Dupleix  in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

2  'In  the  seventeenth  century,  the  Dutch  merchants  who  had  hitherto  resid- 
ed at  Satgaon  and  Hughli  ports,  founded  theiV  factory  and  port  at  Chin- 
surah, a  little  below  Hughli  town. 


36 

Chucharah,  or  Chinsurah,  whicli  adjoins  the  port  of  Hughli,  is 

to  the  south  of  that  port,  and  is  one  karoh  to  the  north  of  Chandar- 

nagor.     And   similarly  CMra'mpur    (Sirampur)  l  is   on  the    banks 

of  the  same  river,   opposite  to    Ohanak  (Barackpur).     The  factory 

of  the  Danes    is    there,    and    it  is    also  called   Dlnamarnagar.     In 

these  places,  besides  the,  owners  of    the  factories,    no  one  else  has 

authority.  •  ■ 

t o 

TOWN  OF  PiJRNIAH.2 

In  former  times  it  was  called  Pargana-i-havili.  Rupees  32,000 
were  its  revenue  collections.  Since  the  Rajah  of  Birnagar  also 
had  a  force  of  15,000  cavalry  and  infantry,  and  other  inhabitants 
of  that  part  of  the  Chakwar  tribe,  &c,  were  refractory  and  of 
plundering  propensity,  and  used  to  annoy  much  the  travellers, 
therefore  on  the  limits  of  the  Mfirang,  s  the  fort4  of  Jalalgadah, 
to  a  distance  of  two  karoh s  from  Purniah,  was  erected,  and  a  com- 
mandant, in  charge  of  the  fort,  was  posted  there.  In  compliance 
with.the  petition  of  Nawab  Saif  Khan,6  grandson  of  Amir  Khan 
the  elder,  who  enjoyed  the  name  and  title  of  his  father,  and  was 
descended  from  Syeds  and  illustrious  Omra,  and  had  royal  con- 
nections, Nawab  Jafar  Khan  applied  to  Emperor  Auiangzeb  for 
the  former's  deputation,  and  accordingly  Saif  Khan  was  deputed  for 
the    purpose  of  chastising  the  Rajah  of  Birnagar6  and  other   mal- 

1  The  Danes  in  the  seventeenth  century  founded  their  factory  and  port  at 
Serampur,  about  eight  miles  south  of  Chandanagore. 

*  In  the  thirteenth  century,  Purniah  fell  into  the  hands  of  tlie  Mnhara- 
madans.  Sarkar  of  Purniah  is  described  in  the  Am-i-Akbarl,  as  containing 
nine  mahals,  with  revenue  6,408,775  dams  (See  Jarrett's  Trans,  of  Ain,  Vol.  2, 
p.  134).  Under  its  administrator,  Nawab  Saif  Khan,  a  contemporary  of  Nawab 
Jafar  Khan,  the  Viceroy  of  Bengal,  it  attained  the  height  of  its  prosperity. 
Its  manufacture  in  bider%  works,  once  so  famons,  Avas  found  by  me  to  have 
nearly  died  out  when  I  was  at  PnrnTah  in  1898. 

8  The  tract  of  country  between  the  northern  limits  of  Purniah  district  and 
the  foot  of  Nepal  Proper  is  locally  known  as  the  Muraug. 

*  Ruins  of  the  fort  still  stand.  It  is  now  in  the  zemindary  of  Mr.  Forbes 
of  Purniah,  a  few  miles  to  the  north  of  Purniah  railway  station. 

6  The  Maasir-ul-Umara  (Vol.  1,  Fasc.  Ill,  pp.  677-687}  gives  a  detailed 
biographical  sketch  of  Amir  Khan.  It  mentions  Saif  Khan,  Faujdar  of 
Purniah,  as  one  of  the  sons  of  Amir  Khan.  The  Maasir  calls  Amir  Khan, 
"  Amir  Khan  Mlr-I-MIran."  Amir  Khan's  mother,  Hamida  Banu  Begam. 
was  a  grand-daughter  of  Eminu-d-daulah  Acaf  Khan. 

8  Biruagar  is  now  a  circle  under  the  Sub-Manager  of  the  Durbhanga  Raj  at 
Purniah. 


'37 

contents    of  that    part    of    the  country.     Nawab  Jafar  Khan,  con- 
sidering the  arrival  of  such  a  person  to  be  an  acquisition,  conferred 
the    offic*e  of    Faujdar  of  Zila'    Purniah  and    that  of  Commandant 
of  Jalalgadah   upon    him,    and  also    settled   on   him   the  Pargana 
of   Birnagar  alias  Dharmpur,1  and    Gundwarab,    whicli    is    in    tlie 
province  of  Behar,  pertaining  to  Purniab/   and  also   the  mahals  of 
the  Jagir  forming  an  appendage  to  the  office  of  Cotnmamlant  of  the 
above  Fort.     The    aforesaid  Khan,    be*ing    appointed    independent 
ruler  of  the  district,  after   much  fighting  expelled  Durjan  Singh,8 
son  of  Bir  Shah,  the  Rajah    of  Birnagar,    who    was   disloyal    and 
refractory,  aud  brought  the  aforesaid   pargana  inder  his  subjection, 
and  having  thoroughly  chastised  the  other  malcontents  freed  the 
roads    from  all    perils.      He  represented   the  state  of  affairs  to  the 
Emperor,   and  submitted  that  the   mahals  were  small,  and  that  his 
stay  in  this  mahal  was  unlucrative.     In  consequence,  the  Emperor 
Aurangzeb    wrote  to    Jafar   Khan  as  follows  :     "  I   have  sent  to 
you  a  lion,  putting  him  in  a  cage.     If  he  does  not  get  his  food,  he 
is  certain  to  give  you  trouble."    The  aforesaid  Nawab,  who  regarded 
the    stay  of    such  a  person  to  be  a  boon,    remitted  all  the  outstand- 
ing revenue  due  from  him,  and  made  concession  in   view   of  the 
suitable   maintenance  of  his    rank  and  station.     The  above  Khan, 
following  the  example  of  Jafar  Khan,  imprisoned  all  the  zemindars 
of  that   district,    and  did  not  omit   any  means   of  realising   the 
revenue.     So  that  realising  eighteen  lakhs  of   rupees  from  those 
mahals,  he  appropriated  them  to  his  own  use,  and  day  by  day  the 
strength  of  his  government  and  finances  and  of  his  army  increased. 
And  making  peace  with    the  zemindars  of   the  Murang,  he  com- 
menced to  cut  jungles  and  to  bring  them  under  cultivation.    Bring- 
ing under  cultivation  half  the  wastes  up  to  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tains of  the   Murang,   and  placing  it  under  his  rule,   he  enlarged 
his  country  and  his  resources.   And  J,afar  Khan,  seeing  and  hearing 
of  it,  used  to  connive.   At  present,   Purniah  8  is  a  large  city,  and  the 
rivers  KusI  and  Siinra  pass  through  it.     Its    soil  is  low  and  full  of 
water.     In  the  rainy  season  the  floods  rush  down  from  the  moun- 
ts At  present  each  of  these  forms  a  police  circle. 

2  Several  Durjan  Singhs  are  mentioned  in  the  Alamtjirnamah.  One  Bir 
Singh,  Zemindar  of  Srinagar,  is  also  mentioned  in  it. 

3  It  did  not  appear  to  me  so  when  I  was  at  Purniah  in  1898.  The  old 
town  or  city  appeared  to  me  to  have  got  into  complete  ruin,  and  very  little 
trace  of  its  former  opulence  and  prosperity  existed. 


38 

tains  of  the  Murang,  and   the    fields  and    wastes    are    inundated. 
Much  of  the  cultivation  is  consigned  to  destruction  by  the   floods. 
Paddy,   wheat,  pulse  and  mustard-seed  and -other    food-grains  and 
all   kinds  of  corn   grow  in  abundance.     And  oil  and  turmeric  and 
saltpetre,  both  of   water    and  fire,   and   pepper,    and  large   carda- 
mom   and  cassia-leaf  and  very  large  trees  of  ebony,  are  produced 
well  there.     And  the  flowers  of  jasmine  and  bela  and  the  red-rose 
and  other  flowers   that  g^w  there  possess  exquisite  scents.     The 
mountains  of  the  Murang  are  six  <£ays'  journey  to  the  north  of  Pur- 
niah.  The  Murangi  wood,  which  is  called  Bahaduri,  is  obtained  from 
those   mountains.*    From  the  top   of  the  mountains,  the   road  to- 
wards Nepal  and  Kashmir  is  very  close,  but  it  is  very  undulating. 
Half  the  mahals  of  Purniah  pertain  to  the  annexes  of  the  province 
of  Behar;  but  Purniah  itself  is  within  Bengal.     It  is  a  cold  coun- 
try and  the  climate  of  that  tract  is  insalubrious  and  in  congenial. 
Tumours   of  the   throat  in   men  and  women  generally,  as  well  as 
in  wild  beasts  and  birds,  are  common  in  that  country.     Masonry 
buildings  are  few,  excepting  the  Fort,1  the  Lai  Bagh,*  and  some 
others.     Formerly,    Sarnah    was    more    populous    than    Purniah. 
And  Gandah-golah  (Caragola),3  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,   was 
the  resort  of   traders  and  mahajans  from  various  places.     Owing 
to  cheapness  of  food-grains  and  comforts,  landholders  and  travel- 
lers and   professional  men  came  from  every  part,  and  dwelt  there. 
And  very  often  boundary  disputes  led  to  fightings  with  the  Rajah 
of  the  Murang.     Saif  Khan,  every  year,  used  to  go  to  Muishidahad 
for  visiting  Nawab  Jafar  Khan.  The  above  Nawab  used  to  treat  him 
like  a  brother.     Whenever  a  disturbance  occurred  in  that  district, 
the   aforesaid  Nawab  used   to   send   troops  for  assistance.     From 
Gandahgolah    (Caragola)    and    the  banks  of   the  Ganges    to    the 
Murang,  the  tract  of  Purniah  is  about  ten  days'  journey  in  exteut. 
And  from  the  mountains  of  the  Murang,  a  route  4  leads  to  Kuch- 
Behar  and  Assam.      And  the  tribute  of  the  Rajah  of  the  Murang 
was  paid  in  game' 


1  and  s  No  traces  of  these  could  be  found  by  me,  when  I  was  at  Purniah 
in  1898..  . 

8  A  fair  is  still  held  annually  at  Caragola,  and  is  largely  attended  by  Nepan- 
lese,   Bhntias  and  other  hill-tribes,  thongh  not  to  the  same  extent  as  before. 

*  Three  routes  to  I^uch  Behar  and  Assam  are  described  in  the'Alamgir- 
namah  (p.  683). 


39 

DHAKAH  (OR  DACCA)  alias  JAHANGlRNAGAR,1 

This  city  is  on  the  banks  of  the  Budhiganga,  and  the 
Ganges,  named  Padma,, flows  three  karoh  or  kos  distant  from  this 
city.  In  past  times  it  was  known  by  this  name.  During  the 
sovereignty  of  Nuru-d-din  Muhammad  Jahangir,  'the  Emperor, 
the  city  was  called  Jahangirnagar.  From  that  time  till  about 
the  end  of  the   reign   of   Emperor   Aurtfngzeb,  thrs  city   was  the 

» 

1  Dacca  or  Jahangimngar  was  the  Mtisalman    Viceregal  Capital  of  Bengal 
dnring  Mnghul  rule  in  India  for  a  century,  before  it  was  shifted  to  Murshidabad 
by  Murshid  QnlT   Khan   in    1704  A.C.     In  1610  A. C,  Islgm  Khan,  the  Mnghul 
Viceroy  of  Bengal,  shifted  the  Viceregal  Capital  from  Rajmahal.or  Akbarnagnr, 
to  Dacca.     This  transfer  of  capital  appears  to  have  bees  decided  upon,  because 
the   Mnsalman   dominions   in    Bengal  had  considerably    extended     eastward, 
and  Rajmahal   ceased  to  occupy  a  central  position,    and  also  because  Magh 
and      Arracanese     incursions     from    Arrakan      had    become    frequent.     To 
effectually  guard  against  the  latter,  a  powerful  fleet  was  constructed  and  main- 
tained   at   Dacca   and  on   the    rivers    Padda    and  Megna;     and    colonies    of 
Musalman    fendal   barons   (most    of    whom    have    now  died    out  or  sunk  ^into 
ploughmen;  were   planted  throngliont   Eastern   Bengal,  especially  at  places 
of   strategic   importance,  in    order    to  hold    in    check  all  disloyal  Afghan  ele. 
ments,  and  to  prevent  their  iutriguing  with  the  Magh  raiders.   Except  for  about 
sixteen  years,  when  Prince  Shah  Shuja  re-transferred  the  Viceregal  Capital  to 
Rajmahal,  Dacca   remained  the    Viceregal    CapitaJ  of   Bengal  throughout  the 
seventeenth  centnry  under  three  illustrious  Mnghul  Emperors,  viz  ,  Jahangir, 
Shah     Jahan,    and  Anrangzeb.      The    most      notable   amongst  the    Mnghul 
Viceroys  of  Dacca  were  Islam  Khan,    Mir  Jumla,  the  General  of  Aurangzeb, 
and  Shasata  Khan  (nephew  of  Empress  Nfir  Jahan).     The  latter  two  Nawabs 
are  still    remembered  for  their  encouragement  of  architecture,  and  for  their 
construction  of  great    public  works  conducive   to  the  material   improvement 
of  the  people.     Whilst  the  great  achievement  of  the  first  was  the  breaking 
of  the  last  neck  of  Afghan  opposition.     The  suburb  of  Dacca,   it  is  related, 
extended  northwards   for   a   distance  of  15   miles,    now  covered  with  dense 
jungles.     The  muslin  manufacture  of  Dacca,  once  so  famous,  has  now  nearly 
died  out.     The  old  fort,    erected  in  the  reign  of  Emperor  Jahangir,  has  dis- 
appeared.    The  only  old   public  buildings  now  remaining  are  the  Katra,  built 
by  Shah  Sliuja  in  1645,  and  the  palace  of  Lai  Bagh,  both  of  these  also  being  in 
ruins.     (See  Taylor's  Topography  of  Dacca  and  Dr.  Wise's  History  of  Dacca). 
Dacca,  or  Dhakka,  occurs  in  the   Ahbamdmah  as  an  Imperial   Thana  in    1584 
the  mahal  to    which  it  belonged  is  named  "Dhakka   Bazu  ; "  it  pertained  in 
those  early  days  to  Sarkar  Baziiha.     (See  Ain-i-Akbari  Jarrijtt's  Trans.,  Vol.  2, 
Fasc.  II,  p.  138).    Dacca,  though  it  has  lost  its  former  Viceregal  magnificence 
and   opulence,  has  not  yet   sunk  into  an  ordinary  Bengal  town,  by  reason  of 
its  being   the   residence    of  the  present   liberal  anri^  public-spirited  '  Nawabs 
of  Dacca,' 


40 

Viceregal  Capital  of  Bengal.  Since  the  period  of  his  Nizamat, 
when  Nawab  Jafar  Khan  made  Murshidabad  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment, the  latter  became  tlie  Viceregal  seat.  At  present  on  Behalf  of 
the  Chiefs  of  the  English  Company,  there  is  a  district  officer  at 
Jahangirnagar.1    White  muslin  is  excellently  manufactured  there. 


SARKAR  SUNARGAON.i 

Sarkdr  Sunargaon  is  to  a  distance  of  six  karoh  to  the  south- 
east of  Jahanglrnagar.  A  species  of  very  fine  muslin  is  manu- 
factured there.  And  in  the  Monza  of  Kathrahsiindar  there  is  a 
reservoir  of  water;  whatever  clothes  are  washed  there  are  turned 
into  white  linen. 


1  Sunargaon  City,  close  to   Dacca  to  the  south-east,  was  long  an  ancient 
Mnsalman  Capital  of  Bengal.      To  this  place  in  1281  A.C.  (see  p.  87  Tarikh-i- 
Firuz  Shahi  by  Barni)  Emperor  Balbau  from  Delhi  came,  and  pursued  Tu°-li- 
ral,  who  had  proclaimed  himself  Saltan  Mughisuddin  in  1279  A.C. ;  and  about 
610   A.H.  (1214   A.C.)  if   was   together  with   Bang  (East   Bengal)    subdued 
(Tabaqat-i-Nasirl,    Pers :    text,  p    163)    by   Sultan    Ghiasuddin,    one  of    the 
immediate  successors  of  Bakhtiar  Khilji.     Sunargaon  is  a  place  of  melancholy 
historical  interest,  for  it  was  here  that'  the  line  of  Balbani  kings  of  Bengal 
(1282  to  1331  A.C.)  ended,  and  it  was  also  here  that  the  last  Balbani  sovereign 
of  Bengal,  Bahadur  Shah,  in  1331  A  C,  under  the  order  of  Emperor  Muhammad 
Shah  Tughlak,  was  captured,  put  to  death,  and  his  skin  stuffed  and  paraded 
throughout  the  Emperor's  dominions.     Subsequently,  in  1338  A.C,  the  first 
Independent  Mussalmfm  king  of   Bengal,  named  Fakhruddin   Abiil   Mnzaffar 
Mubarak    Shah,  proclaimed  his  independence  at  Sunargaon,  where  he  resided 
and    minted    coins    Thomas'    'Initial    Coinage"    and    Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shnhi, 
p.    480).     Mubarak    Shah's  son,    GhazI    Shah   (third  Independent  king),  also 
resided  at  Sunargaon,  and  minted  coins  there.     In  1352  A.C,    Haji  Ilyas    or 
Sultan   Sliamsaddin    Abul    Muzaffar  Ilyas  Shah    (fourth   Independent   king) 
established    himself   at    Sunargaon  (Thomas'  "Initial   Coinage")   and   there 
founded  a  new  dynasty  "of   Independent  Bengal  kings,  who    (with  an    inter- 
ruption oidy   of   about   forty   years)   continued  to  rule  over  Bengal  for  over 
a  century  (1352  to  1495  A.C),  and  divided  their  residence  between  Gaur  and 
Sunargaon.     It  was  to    Snnargaon  that    the  illustrions   poet  of  Shiraz,  Hafiz 
sent  his  famous  ghazl  to  Sultan  Ghiasuddin  (son  of  Sikandar  Shah  and  grand- 
son of  Ilyas  Shah),   when  the  latter  invited   che  poet  to   his    Royal   Court 
at  Sunargaon.     Sunargaon  has   now  become  an    insignificant  village,  without 
a  single   trace  of   its   former  regal   splendour.    (See  also  Dr.  Wise's  note   on 
Sunargaon,  J.A.S.,  1874,  p.  82). 


41 

ISLAMABAD  alias  CHATGION.i 

Islamabad  alias  Chatgaon  (Chittagong),  from  ancient  times, 
has  beeh  a  large  town,  and  its  environs  are  forests  of  trees.  It  is 
south-east  of  Murshidabad  on  the  seacoast,  and  in  ancient  times 
it  was  a  lai'ge  port.  The  traders  of  every  country— especially  the 
ships  of  the  Christians — used  to  frequent  it.  But  at  present, 
since  Calcutta  is  a  large  port,  all  other  ports  of  Bengal  have  fallen 
into  decay.  It  is  said  that  ships  whfch  founder  in  other  parts  of 
the  sea  re-appear  in  front  of 'Chittagong  ;  it  rests  with  the  nar- 
rator to  prove  this.  The  ebb  and  flow  of  the  sea  occurs  also  here. 
And  the  fighting-cocks  of   that  tract  are  well  known. 


SARKAR  BOGLA.2 

Sarkar  Bagla  was  also  a  fort  on  the  seacoast,  and  around  it 
was  a  forest  of  trees.  And  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  sea  also  occurs 
there,  similarly  to  what  occurs  at  other  places  on  the  seaside  and 
in  the  environs  of  Calcutta.  In  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  the  acces- 
sion to  the  throne  of  Emperor  Akbar,  one  hour  of  the  day  was  re- 
maining, when  a  strange  flood  occurred,  in  consequence  of  which 
the  whole  town  was  submerged.*  The  Rajah  of  that  town,  getting 
on  a  boat,  escaped.  For  five  hours  the  ,fury  of  the  storm,  and 
li^htninsr  and  thunder,  and  tumult  of  the  sea  lasted.  Two  lahs  of 
human  beings  and  cattle  were  engulfed  in  the  sea  of  annihilation. 

1  Chittagong  was  found  to  be  in  the  handa  of  King  Fakhruddln  of  Sunar- 
gaon  about  1350  A.C.,  when  Ibn-i-Batutah  visited  it.  It  was  re-subdued  by 
King  Nasrat  Shah,  son  of  Husain  Shah,  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  In  Todar  Mai's  vent-roll,  it  is  assessed  at  Rs.  285,607,  and  the 
Sarkar  is  shown  as  including  seven  raahals.  During  the  struggle  for  supremacy 
in  Bengal  between  Afghans  and  Mnghuls  in  the  seventeenth  century,  it  tempor- 
arily slipped  out  of  Moslem  hands,  and  had  to  be  re-conquered  in  1664  A.C.  by 
Nawab  Shaista  Khan,  Emperor  Aurangzeb's  Viceroy  at  Dacca,  who  named 
it  Islamabad  (See  the  charming  description  of  the  re-conquest  of  Chitta- 
gong, in  the  Alamgimamah,  pp.  940-956.)  Chittagong  was,  from  very  early 
times,  an  important  place  of  trade,  and  the  early  Portuguese  traders  called  it 
"  Porto  Grando."  j 

2  Sirkar  Bogla  or  Bakla  in  Abnl  Fazl's  Am  is  stated  to  have  contained  four 
mahals,  and  its  revenue  was  Rs.  178,756.  It  comprised  portions  of  the  B^cker- 
gunj  and  Sundarban  districts  and  the  southernrnpst  portions  of  the  Dacca 
district.     Tne  author  of  the  Seiral  Mutakherin  calls  it  Sarkar  Hngla. 

6 


42 

SARKAR  RANGPUR  AND  GHORAGHAT.i 

Bdngpur  and  Ghoraghat. — Here  silk  is  produced,  and  Tangan 
ponies,  coming  from  the  mountains  of  Bhutan,  sell.  "A  fruit 
called  Lathan  of  the  size  of  walnuts,  and  with  the  taste  of  pome- 
granates, and  c6ntaining  three  seeds,  grows  there. 


-o- 


'  SARKAR  MAHMUDABAD.8 

Sarkar   Mahmud'abad    was  a   fort,   and  in   its  environs    were 
rivers.     In  the  period  when  Sher  Shah  conquered  Bengal,  a  num- 

1  Sarkar  Ghoraghat  Comprised  portions  of  Diriajpur,  RangpQr,  and  Bogra 
districts.  Being  the  northern  frontier  district  skirting  Koch-Behar,  numer- 
ous colonies  of  Afghan  and  Mughal  .phiefs  were  planted  there  under  the 
feudal  system,  with  large  jagir  lands  under  each.  Many  of  the  mahals  bear 
purely  .Muhammadan  names,  such  as  Bazu  Zafar  Shahi,  Bazu  Faulad  Shahi, 
Nasratabad,  Bayizidpflr,  Taaluk  Husain,  Taalnk  Ahmad  Khan,  Kabul,  Masjd 
Husain  Shahi.  The  Sarkar  produced  much  raw  silk.  Eighty-four  mahals  ; 
revenue,  Rs.  202,077.  The  old  Musalmln  military  outpost  of  Deocote  near 
Gang^rampur  was  in  this  Sarkar.  It  was  established  in  the  time  of  Bakhtlar 
Khilji  (see  Blochmanu's  Contr.,  J.A.S  ,  1873,  p.  215,  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  p.  156, 
Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  II,  p.  135  and  Vol.  I,  p.  370).  After  the  battle  of  Patna, 
982  A.H.,  when  Daud  retired  to  Orissa,  (Badaoni,  p.  184,  Vol.  II),  his  generals 
Kalapahar  and  Babu  Mankli  proceeded  to  Ghoraghat,  (Badaoni,  p.  192). 
Akbar's  general,  Majnun  Khaj,  died  at  Ghoraghat. 

2  Sarkar  Mahmudibad,  named  after  one  of  the  Sultan  Mahmud  Shahs  of 
Bengal,  comprised  north-eastern  Nadiya,  north-eastern  Jessore,  and   western 
Faridpur.  Eighty-eight  mahals;  revenue  Rs.  290,256.  Its  principal  mahals  were 
Santor,  Naldi,  Mahmiidshahi,  and  Nasratshalu.     When  Akbar's  army  in  1574, 
under  Munim  Khan-i-Khanan  invaded  Bengal,  Murad  Khan,  another   Imper- 
ialist-General, invaded  South-Eastern  Bengal.     He  conquered,  says  the  Akbar- 
namah,  Sarkars    Bakla  and  Fathabad  (Faridpiir)  and  settled  and  died  there 
It  is  remarkable  that  close  to  Faridpiir  there  is  a  village  (now  a  railway  sta- 
tion) called  Khan-Khananpur,  which   probably  was  the  residence  of  Murad 
Khan,  and  which  again  fa  close  to  a  place  called  Rajbari  (probably  the  seat  of 
the  old  Rajahs^.     His  sons  were  treacherously  murdered  at  a  feast  to  which 
they  were  invited  by  .Mukand,  the  Rajah  of  Bhusna  and  Fatahabad.     (See 
ATn-i-Akban,  p.  374,  Bloch.  Trans.)     During  the  reigns  of  Jahangir  and  Shah 
Jahan,  Satrnjit,  son  of   Mukund,  gave  trouble,  and  at  length  in  Shah  Jahln's 
reign  was  captured  and  executed  at  Dhaka  (1636  A.C.)     Nawab  Jafar  Khan 
about  1772  broke  up  this  Sarkar,  and  annexed  part  of  it  to  Rajshahi  and  part 
to  the  new  Chaklah  of   Bhusna.    Bhusna  lies  near  Bonraaldih  and  Dakhinbari 
ancient  Moslem  colonies,  and    it  is  curious  that  west  of  it,  on  the  Nabaganga 
we    find    Satrujltpur  close  to   an  ancient  Moslem  colony,    at  Alukdih  ;    whilst 
opposite  to  Faridpur  we  ffnd  Mukund-chor,  which  is   again  close  to    "  Khan- 


43 

ber  of  elephants  belonging  to  the  Rajah  of  that  plaee  escaped  into 
the  jangles  ;  ever  since  which  elephants  are  to  be  obtained  in  those 
jungles. '  And  pepper  also  grows  in  tfhose  parts. 

o 

SARKAR  BARBAKABAli.1 

Barbakabad.  A  good  stuff  called  Gangajal  is  manufactured 
there,  aud  large  oranges  also  thrive  th'ere.     » 

I 

SARKAR  BAZUHA.2    , 

Sarkar  Bazuha  is  a  forest  of  trees,  these  being  trees  of  ebony 
which  are  used  in  construction  of 'buildings  and  boats.  And  mines 
of  iron  are  also  found  in  that  tract. 


SARKAR  S1LHAT.3 

Sarkar    Silliat  is  a  mountainous   region,    woollen  shields'  are 
very  well  made  there  ;  they  are  famous  for  their  beauty  through- 

Khanlnpur"  station,  referred  to  above.  SatrnjTt's  descendant  or  successor, 
the  notorious  Raja  Sitaram  Rai,  had  his  head-quarters  at  Mahmudpur  town,  at 
the  confluence  of  the  Barasia  and  Madhumati  rivers,  in  Jessore.  Quite  close 
to  Mahmudpur,  is  an  old  Musalnian  colony  at  Shirgaon.  (See  Ain-i-Akbari, 
Vol.  II,  p.  132,  aud  Blochinann's  Contr.,  J.A.S.,  1873,  p.  217). 

1  Sarkar  Barbakabad,  so  named  after  Birbak  Shah,  King  of  Bengal.  It 
extended  from  Sarkar  Lukhnauti,  or  Gaur,  along  the  Padda  to  Bagura,  and 
comprised  portions  of  Maldah,  Dinajpur,  Rajshahi,  and  Bogra  Its  clothes 
were  well  known,  especially  the  stuffs  called  khacih.  Thirty-eight  mahals  ; 
revenue  Rs  436,283.  {See  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  II,  p.  137,  and  Blochmann's 
Contr.,  J.A.S.,  1873,  p.  215.) 

2  Sarkar  Bazuha  extended  from  the  limits  of  SarlAir  Barbakabad,  and  in- 
cluded portions  of  Rajshahi,  Bogra,  Pabna,  and  Maimansingh,  and  reached  in 
the  south  a  little  beyond  the  town  of  Dacca.  Thirty-two  mahals;  revenue 
Rs.  987,921.     (See  Am,  Vol.  II,  p.  137). 

8  Sarkar  Silhat  adjoining  to  Sarkar  Bazuha,  chiefly  extended  east  of  the 
Surma  river.  The  country  was  conquered  by  Musalmaus  led  by  a  warrior-saint 
called  Shah  Jallal  in  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  when  the  Afghan 
King  Shamsuddin  ruled  over  Bengal  with  his  capital  at  G&ur.  Shah  JallaTs 
shrine  in  Silhat  town  still  exists.  Silhat  supplied  India  with  eunuchs,  and 
Jahangir  issued  an  edict  forbidding  people  of  Silhat  from  castrating  boys. 
Eight  mahals;  revenue  Rs.  167,032  {Am,  Vol.  II,  p.  139,  Blochmann's  Contr., 
J.A.S.,  1873,  pp.  216,  235,  278). 


out  the  empire  of  Hindustan.  And  delicious  fruits — such  as 
oranges,  &c,  are  obtained.  And  the  China-root  is  also  procured 
from  that  tract,  and  the  aloesMvood  abounds  in  its  mountains.  It 
is  said  that  in  the  last  month  of  the  rainy  season,  the  lud  tree  is 
felled  and  is  left  in  water  and  exposed  to  the  air,  then  whatever 
shoots  forth  is  utilised,  and  what  decays  is  thrown  away.  A  kind 
of  small  bird  called  Banraj,  which  is  black  in  colour,  and  has  red 
eyes  and  long  tail,  and  parti-coloured,  pretty,  and  long  wings,  is 
easily  snared  and  tamed  there.  'It  catches  the  note  of  every 
animal  that  it  hears.  Similarly,  Shirganj  is  the  name  of  another 
bird  ;  it  is  not  different  from  Banraj  in  any  way,  except  in  this 
that  the  legs  and  the  beak  of  Shirganj  are  i-ed.  Both  these  are 
flesh-eaters,  and  prey  on  small  birds  like  sparrows,  &c. 


-o- 


SARKAR  SHARlFABAD.i 

Large  cows,  able  to  carry  heavy  loads,   and  large   goats,    and 
large  righting- cocks  are  bred  there. 


SARKAR  MADARAN.2 


Sarkar  Madaran,  iston  the  southern  limit  of  the   kingdom  of 
Bengal.     There  is  a  mine  of  small  diamond  there. 


AKBARNAGAR.8 

Akbarnagar  alias  Rajmahal,  is  on  the  banks   of  the    Ganges. 
Formerly  it  was  a    large  and   populous   city.     And  a    Faujdar    of 

1  Sarkar  Sharifabad  comprised  south-eastern  portions  of  Birbhum  and  a 
large  portion  of  Burdwan,  including  Burdwan  town.  Twenty-six  mahals ; 
revenue  Rs.  562,218.     (Ain-i-Akbarl,  Vol.  II,  p.  139). 

2  Sarkar  Madaran  extended  from  Nagor  in  Western  Birbhum  over  Rani- 
ganj,  along  the  Damudar  to  above  Burdwan,  and  thence  from  there  over  Khand 
Ghosh,  Jahanabad,  Chandrakona  (western  Hughli  district)  to  Mandalghit,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Rupnarain  river.  Sixteen  mahals ;  revenue  Rs.  235,085 
(See Am,  Vol.  II,  p.  141). 

S  Sher  Shah  had^already  made  plans  to  shift  the  seat  of  Government  of 
Bengal  from  Tandah  to  Agmahal,  but  this  was  carried  out  by  Rajah  Man 
Singh,  Akbar's  Governor  of  Bengal,  who  named  the  place  Rajmahal,  and 
subsequently  Akbarnagar,tafter  Emperor  Akbar.  Before  Man  Singh,  'baud, 
the  last  Afghan  King  of    Bengal,  had    fortified    Agmahal   (984  A.H.)   in    his 


45 

\ 

rank,  on  behalf  of  the  Nazim  of  Bengal,  resided  there.  At  present 
it  is  in  complete  dilapidation  and  ruin. 

0_JL_ 

MALDAH. 

The  town'of  Maldah  '  is  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Mahanauda. 
At  a  distance  of  three  ltaroh  towards  the  north,  is  situate  holy 
Pandtiah,2  which  contains  the  sacred*  shrine  of  Hazrat  Makh- 
diitn  Shah  Jalal  Tabriz8  (May  God  sanctify  his    shrine!)   and   the 

last  stand  against  Mughuls  under  Khan  Jalian,  Akbar's  general  (Badaoni, 
Vol.  IF,  p.  229).  Subsequently,  in  the  time  of  Jahangir,  Rajmahal  was  the 
scene  of  a  sanguinary  battle  between  Prince  Shah  Jahan  and  Jahangir's 
Viceroy  of  Bengal,  Ibrahim  Khan  Fateh  Jang,  who  was  killed  (Iqbalnamah-i- 
Jahangirl,  p.  221).  It  was  for  about  twenty  years  the  Viceregal  Capital  of 
Bengal,  under  Prince  Shah  Shuja,  who  adorned  the  city  with  beautiful  marble- 
palaces,  no  trace  of  which,  however,  now  exists. — (See  A/n-i-Akbari,  Vol.  II, 
p.  340). 

1  As  early  as  1686  A.C.,  the  English  East  India  Company,  with  permis- 
sion of  Emperor  Aurangzelvestablished  a  silk  factory  here,  and  in  1770  A.C., 
English  bazar,  close  to  Maldah,  was  fixed  upon  as  the  Commercial  residency. 
Maldah  is  mentioned  in  the  Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri :  "When  I  (Jahangir)  was 
prince,  I  had  made  a  promise  to  Mir  Ziyaudin  of  Tazwin,  a  Saifi  Syed,  who 
has  since  received  the  title  of  Mustafa  Khan,  to  give  him  and  his  children 
Pargana  Maldah,  a  well-known  Pargana  in  Bengal.  This  promise  was  now 
performed  (1617  A.O.)"— See  J.A.S.,,1873,  p.  21,fn. 

2  Panduah,  like  Gaur,  is  sitnate  in  the  district  of  Maldah.  'All  Mubarak 
had  his  capital  at  Panduah,  and  the  third  independent  Musalman  Afghan 
King  of  Bengal,  named  Shamsuddin  Ilyas  Shah,  fortified  the  place,  and  per- 
manently removed  the  headquarters  there  about  1353  A.C.  Panduah  for 
over  50  years  remained  the  Capital  of  Bengal,  during  the  reigns  of  seven 
Afghan  independent  Kings  of  Bengal,  after  which  the  capital  was  in  1446  A.C. 
during  the  reign  of  Nasiruddin  Mahmud  Shah  re-transferred  to  Gaur,  which 
was  retained  by  Muhammadans  for  about  three  centuries  as  their  capital. 
The  principal  buildings  at  Panduah  are  the  mausoleums  of  Makhdum  Shah 
Jallal  and  his  grandson  Qutb  Shah,  the  Golden  Mosqfie  (1585  A.C.)  with  wall 
of  granite,  and  ten  domes  of  brick,  the  Eklakhi  Mosque  containing  the  grave 
of  Ghiasuddin  II,  the  fifth  Musalman  independent  Kiiag  of  Bengal,  the  Adina 
Mosque  (fourteenth  century)  characterised  by  Mr.  Fergusson  as  the  most 
remarkable  example  of  Pathan  architecture,  and  the  Satargarh  (seventy 
towered)  palace.  Panduah  was  once  famous  for  its  manufacture  of  indigenous 
jjaper,  but  this  industry  has  now  died  out.  Dr.  Buchanan  Hamilton  gives 
a  detailed  description  of  the  ruins  of  Panduah,  and  the  Khilrshid  Jahannumah 
(an  analysis  of  which  Mr.   Beveridge  has  published)  supplements  it. 

8  Shaikh  Jalaluddin  Tabriz!  was  a  disciple  of  Said  Tabriz!,  a  vicegerent  of 
Slmhabuddin  Shnrawardi,  and  a  friend  of  Khwajah  Qutbuddlu  and  Shaikh 
Bahauddin  Zakariah.     Shaikh  Najmuddin,  Shaikh-ul-Islam  at  Delhi,  bore  him 


46 

i 

sacred  mausoleum  of  Hazrafc  Nur  Qutubu-l-'Alam  Bangali1  (May 
God  illuminate  his  tomb!),  which  are  places  of  pilgrimage  for  the 
people,  and  resorts  of  the  indigent  and  the  afflicted,  and  are 
channels  of  various  boons.  For  instance,  every  traveller  and 
beggar  who  arrive/?  there,  and  stops  therein  the  night,  is  not 
allowed  to  cook,  his  food  for  three  meals.  The  servants  there 
supply  him  from  the  p'ublic  store-house,  either  with  cooked 
food,  or  with  rice,  putoe,  salt1,  oil,  meat  and  tobacco,  according  to  his 
position  in  life.  And  every  year  in  the  month  of  Shab-i-barat  or 
Zilhajh,  whichever  of  these  months  falls  in  the  dry  season,  a  fair 
attended  by  a  larga  number  of  people  is  held,  so  much  so  that 
laks  of  people  from  distances  of  fifteen  and  twenty  days'  journey, 
such  as  Hughli,  Silhat  and  Jahangirnagar,  &c,  come  and  congre- 
gate, and  benefit  by  pilgrimage.  And  in  Maldah  and  in  its  en- 
virons, good  silk-stuff  as  Avell  as  a  kind  of  cotton-stuff  of  the  sort 
of  muslin  is  manufactured.  Plenty  of  silk- worms  are  found  in  its 
environs,  and  raw  silk  is  turned  out.  And  for  a  period  of 
tim6,  the  factory  of  the  English  Company  lias  been  fixed  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Mahananda.  They  buy  cotton  and  silk  piece- 
goods,  made  to  order  of  the  chiefs  of  the  English  Company,  Avho 
make  advances  of  money  in  the  shape  of  bai  '  sallam.  Raw  silk  is 
also  manufactured  in  the,  factory.  ( And  since  two  or  three  years,  an 
indigo-factory  has  been  erected,  close  to  the  above  factory.  The 
Company  manufactures  and  purchases  indigo,  loads  it  on  ships,  aud 
exports  it  to  its  own  country.  Similarly,  close  to  the  ruins  of 
Gaur,  in  the  village  of  Goamalti,  another  masonry-built  factory 
has  been  erected  ;  at  it  also  indigo  is  manufactured.  Although  a 
description  of  the  town  of  Maldah  was  not  necessary,  yet  as  since 
two  years  my  master,  Mr.  George  Udney  (May  his  fortune  always 
last)  has  been  holding  here  the  office  of  the  Chief  of  the  Factory 
of  the  Company,  ana  also  since  in  this  place  this  humble  servant 
has  been  engaged  in  the  composition  aud  compilation  of  this  book, 
the  above  narrative  has  been  given.8 

enmity ;  so  the  saint  went  jto  Bengal.     His  tomb  is  in  the  port  of  Dev  Mahal 
(or  Maldiveisle). — See  Ain-i-Akbarl,  Vol.  II,  p.  366. 

1  Shaikh  Nur  Qutbu-l-'Alam  was  son  and  vicegerent  of  Shaikh  Alau-1-Huq 
(the  latter  having  been  vicegerent  of  Shaikh  Akhi  Siraj).  He  was  a  mystic 
of  eminence,  and  died  in  A,H.  808  ( A.C.  1405)  and  was  buried  at  Panduah. — 
See  Ain,  Vol.  II,  p.  371.    , 

2  Note  onSarkars  of  Bengal  (principally  compiled  from  Blochmann's  Contribu- 


47 

l 
SECTION  IV.— A  BRIEF  NARRATIVE  OF  THE  RULE  OF 
THE   RAIAN    (THE    HINDU   CHIEFS),    IN  ANCIENT 
TIMES,  IN  THE  KINGDOM  OF  BENGAL. 


Since  by  the  laudable  endeavours  of  Bang,  son  of  Hind,  the 
dominions  of  Bengal   were  populated,    Ms   descendants,    one  after 

I 
■  _  j 

tions,  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  TankTa-i-Pirna*  ShahT,  Ain-i-Akbari,  Badocmi,  Thomas's 
Initial  coinage,  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  Badshahnamah,  and  Alamgirnamah.) 

Before  proceeding  to  the  next  section,  it  may  b8  noted  here  that 
our  author  has  not  described  all  the  Sarkars  or  old  Musalman  administrative 
divisions  or  districts  of  Bengal.  • 

Bengal   before    Muhammadan   conquest    in    1198    A.C.    consisted   of    Ave 
Divisions,   namely   (1)    Eadha,   the  tract  south  of  the  Ganges  and  west  of 
the   Hughli;  (2)    Bagdi,   the  deltaic   tract   of   the  Ganges;  (3)   Banga,   the 
tract    to   the  east   and   beyond   the  delta;  (4)   Barendra,    the   tracts  to   the 
north  of  the  Padda  and  between  the  Karatya  and  Mahananda  rivers,    and  (5) 
Mithila,  the  country  west  of  the  Mahananda  (See   Hamilton's  "  Hindustan  "). 
These    Divisions   appear  to   have  been   under  different    Hindu  Rajas  or  petty 
chieftains,  who  had  no  cohesion  amongst  them,  and  were  under  no  allegiance 
to  any  central  authority,  and  whose   form    of    government   was    patriarchal. 
When   Bakhtiar   Khilji    with    eighteen    troopers    stormed    Nadia,   then   the 
Hindu  capital  of  Bengal,  and  conquered   Bengal,  in  1198  A.C.  (591  A. H.)    he 
appears   to  have  conquered  Mithila,  Barendra,  Radha,  and  the  north-western 
portion  of  Bagdi.     This  tract  was  named  Vilayet-i»Lakhnauti  after  its  capital, 
Lakhnauti  city.     Its  extent  is  roughly  described  in  1245  A.  C.  (641  A. H.)    in 
the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  p.  162,  when  its  author  Minhajn-s-Siraj,  visited  Lakhnauti. 
Minhaj    says  that   the    Vilayet-i-Lakhnauti   lies  to  both  sides  of  the  Ganges, 
and   consists   of    two   wings,    the    eastern    one  is  called    Barendra,   to  which 
Deokot  belougs,  and    the  western    called    RSI    (Radha)  to  which   Lakhnauti 
belongs,     that    on  one    side    the  town    of   Lakhnauti  .  is    connected     with 
Deokot,   and    on     the    other     side    with    Lakhnor    by   a   canseway   or   em- 
banked  road,  ten    days'  distance.    Deokot    has   been^  identified  with  an  old 
fort,     now    known    simply    as     Damdamah,     on     the    left    branch    of     the 
Parnababa,  south  of     Dinajpur,  and   close  to   Gangarampur.     Bang  or   East 
Bengal  appears  to   have  been  subdued  in    1214  A.  C.   (*610    A.H.)    by    Sultan 
Ghiasuddin,   an  immediate  successor  of   Bakhtiar    Khilji   (Tabaqat,  p.  163). 
During   the  rule  of  the  Independent  Musalman  Kings  of  Bengal  (1338  to  1538 
A.C),  the  extent  of  the  kingdom  of  Bangala  or  Bengal  was  much  more  appar- 
ently than  what  is  described  in  the  Ain-i-Akbari,  and  in  the^ent-roll  of  Bengali 
prepared  by  Akbar's  Finance  Ministers,  Khwajah  Muzaffar  Ali  and  Todar  Mall 
in  1582  A.C—  (See  J.A.S.,  1873,    p.  254,  Tabaqat-i-Nnsiri  and   Tarikh-i-Fimz 
Shahi,»Thomas's  '  Initial  Coinage ').     In  Akbar's  rent-roll,  the  following  19, 
Sarkars  are  mentioned  as  composing  the  kingdom  of   Bengal  Proper  ; — 


48 

another,  rendering  them  habitable  in  a  beautiful  form,  ruled  over 

Sarkars  North  and  East  of  the  Ganges. 

1.  Sarkar  LakhnautI  or  Jennatabad  extending  from  Teliagadhi  (near  Col- 
gong),  including  a  few  mahals  now  belonging  to  Bhagalpur  and  Purneah  dis- 
tricts, and  the  whole  of  Maldah  district.  Sixty-six  mahals ;  khalsa  revenue, 
Rs.  4,71,174. 

2.  Sarkar  Purneah,  comprising  a  great  portion  of  the  present  district  of 
Purneah,  as  far  as  the  Mahananda.    Nine  mahals  ;  revenue  Rs.  1,60,219. 

3.  Sarkar  Tajpur,  extending  over  eaatern  Purneah,  east  of  the  Mahananda 
and  western  Dinajpur.  Twenty-nine  mahals;  revenue  Rs.  1,62,096. 

4.  Sarkar  Panjrah,  north-east  of  the  town  of  Dinajpur,  comprising  a  large 
part  of  Dinajpur  distivct.  Twenty-one  mahals  ;  revenue  Rs.  1,45,081. 

5.  Sarkar  Ghoraghat,  comprising  portions  of  Dinajpur,  Rangpur,  and  Bogra 
districts,     as    far     as    Uie     Brahmaputra.      Eighty-four    mahals ;     revenue 

Rs.  2,02,077. 

6.  Sarkar  Barbakabad,  comprising  portions  of  Maldah,  Dinajpur  and 
large  portions  of  Rajshahi  and  Bogra.  Thirty-eight  mahals;  revenue 
Rs.  4,36,288. 

7.  Sarkar  Bazuha  comprising  portions  of  Rajshahi,  Bogra,  Pabna,  Muiman- 
siugk,  and  reaching  a  little  beyond  the  town  of  Dacca  in  the  south.  Thiry-two 
mahals  ;    revenue  Rs.  9,87,921. 

8.  Sirkar  Silhat.     Eight  mahals  ;  revenue  Rs.  1,67,032. 

9.  Sarkar  Sunargaon,  extending  to  both  sides  of  the  Megna  and  the 
Brahmnputra,  including  portions  of  western  Tipperah,  eastern  Dacca,  Maiman- 
singh  and  Noakhali.  Fifty-t^o  mahals  ;  .revenue  Rs.  2,58,283. — (See  also  Dr. 
Wise's  '  note  on  Sunargaon,'  J.A.S.,  1874,  No.   1,  p.  82). 

10.  Sarkar  Chatgam.  Seven  mahals  ;  revenue,  Rs.  2,85,607. 

Sarkars  in  the  Delta  of  the  Ganges. 

11.  Sarkar  Satgaon  comprised  a  small  portion  to  the  west  of  the  Hnghli, 
whilst  a  large  portion  comprised  the  modern  districts  of  the  24-Pai'ganas  to 
the  Kabadak  river,  western  Nadia,  south-western  Murshidabid,  and  extended 
in  the  south  to  Hatiagarh  below  Diamond  Harbour.  To  this  Sarkar  belonged 
mahal  Kalkatta  (Calcutta)  which  together  with  2  other  mahals  paid  in  1582 
a  land  revenue  of  Rs.  2^,405.  Fifty-three  mahals ;  revenue  Rs.  4,18,118. — See 
also  J. A. S.,  1870,  p.  280. 

12.  Sarkar  Mahmudabiid,  so  called  after  Mahmud  Shah,  King  of  Bengal 
(846  A.H.),  comprising  north-eagtern  Nadia,  north-eastern  Jessore,  and 
western  Faridpur.  Eighty-eight  mahals  ;   revenue,  lis.  2,90,256. 

13.  Sarkar  Kh  ilifatabad,  comprising  southern  Jessore  and  western  Baqir- 
ganj  (Backergunge).  The  Sarkar  is  so  named  after  the  haveli  perganah 
Khalifatiibad  (or  '^clearance  of  Khalifah'  Khan  Jahan)  near  Bagerhat.  The 
largest  mahal  of  this  Sarkar  was  Jesar  (Jessore)  or  Rasulpur.  Thirty-five 
mahals ;  revenue,  Rs.  135,053.  In  this  Sarkar  is  also  Alaipiir,  which  Professor 
Blochmann  surmises  to  ,have  been  the  residence  of  Sultan  Alauddin  Husain 
SJiiih,  before  the  latter  became  King  of  Bengal. 


49 
the  country.     The  first  person  who  pi'esided  over  the  sovereignty 

14.  Sarkar  Fathabad,  so  called  after  Fath»  Shah,  King  of  Bengal  (886  A.H.) 
comprising  a  small  portion  of  Jessore,  a  large  part  of  Faridpur,  northern 
Baqirganj,  a  portion  of  Dhaka  district,  the  island  of  Dak,hin  ShahbazpQr, 
and  Sondip,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Megna.  The  town  urf  Faridpiir  lies  in  the 
haveli  pergana  of  Fathabad.     31  mahals ;  revenue  Rs.   1.99,239. 

15.  Sarkar  Bakla  or  Bogla,  south-east  <ff  the  preceding,  comprised 
portionsof  Baqirganj  and  Dhaka  districts.  Foitrmahajs  ;  revenue  Rs.  1,78,756. 

Sarkars  South  of  the  Ganges  and  West  of  the  Bhagirati  (Hughli.) 

16.  Sarkar  Udner,  or  Tandah,  comprising  the  greater  portion  of 
Murshidabad  district,  with  portion  of  Birbhum.  Fifty  *wo  mahals;  revenue 
Rs.  6,01,985,  Sulaiman  Shah  Kararani,  the  last  but  one  of  the  Afghan  Kings 
of  Bengal,  moved  the  seat  of  Government  to  Tandah  f rom  Gaur  in  1564  AC, 
that  is,  11  years  before  the  rain  of  the  latter. —  (Aln-i-Akbarl,  Vol.  II, 
p.  130n.) 

17.  Sarkar  Sharlfabad,  south  of  the  preceding,  comprising  remaining  por- 
tions of  Birbhum,  and  a  large  portion  of  Burdwan  districts,  including  the 
town  of  Burdwan.      Twenty-six  mahals  ;  revenue  Rs.  5,62,218. 

18.  Sarkar  Sulaimanabiid,  so  called  after  Sulaiman  Shah,  King  of  Bengal, 
comprising  a  few  southern  parganas  in  the  modern  districts  of  Nadia,  Eurdwan 
and  the  whole  north  of  Hughli  district.  Panduah  on  the  E.  I.  R.  belonged 
to  this  Sarkar.  The  chief  town  of  the  Sarkar  called  Sulaimanabiid  (after- 
wards changed  to  Salimabad)  was  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Damiidar,  south- 
east of  the  town  of  Burdwan.    Thirfy-pne  mahals*  revenue  Rs.  4,40,749. 

19.  Sarkar  Madaran,  extended  in  a  semicircle  from  Nngor  in  western  Bir- 
bhum, over  Raniganj  along  the  Damudar  to  above*  Burdwan,  and  from  there 
over  Khand  Ghosh,  Jahanabid,  Chandrakona  (western  Haghli  district) 
to  Mandalghat  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rupnarain  river.  Sixteen  mahals  ;  revenue 
Rs.  2,35,085.. 

The  above  19  Sarkars  which  made  np  Bengal  Proper  in  1582,  paid  a  revenue  on 
khalsa  lands  (crown  lands)  inclusive  of  a  few  duties  on  salt,  hats,  and  fisheries, 
Rs.  6,3,37,052.   According  to  Grant  the   value  of  jagir  lands  was  fixed  at 

s.  4,348,892,  so  that  in  1582  AC.  and  from  before  it,  Rs.  10,685,944  was  the 
total  revenue  of  Bengal. — (See  J.A.S  ,  1873,  p.  219>  This  was  levied  from 
ryats  in  specie,  as  the  equivalent  of  the  sixth  share  of  the  entire  produce  of 
the  land,  claimed  by  the  sovereign  as  his  share. — (See  Aiji-i-Akbai-J),  pp.  55  ant! 
63,  Vol.  2.  This  rent-roll  remained  in  force  dnring  the  reign  of  Jahangir.  Under 
Shah  Jahnn,  the  boundaries  of  Bengal  were  extended  on  the  south-west,  Medni- 
pur  and  Hijli  having  been  annexed  to  Bengal,  and  in  the  east  and  north-east  by 
conquests  in  Tipperah  and  Koch  Hajo  ;  and  when  Prince  Shuja  was  made 
Governor  of  Bengal  he  made  about  1658  A.C.,  a  new  rent-roll  which  shewed 
34  Sarkars  and  1,350  mahals,  and  a  total  revenue,  in  khalsa  and  jagir  lands,  of 
Rs.  1,31, 15.9U7.— (See  J.A.S.,  1873,  p.  219).  Shuja's  rent-roll  remained  in 
force  till  1722  A.C.,  an  addition  having  been  made, after  the  re-conquest  of 
Chittagong,  and  conquest  of  Assam  and  Koch  Behar  in  Aurangzeb's  time.     In 

7 


50 

/ 

of  the  country  of  Bengal  was  Rajah  Bhaglrat,1  of  the  Khatii  tribe 
For  a  long  period  he  held  the  sovereignty  of  Bengal.  At  length  he 
went  to  Delhi  and  was  killed  with  Darjudhan2  in  the  wars  of  the 
Mahabharat.  His  period  of  rule  was  250  years.  After  this, 
23  persons  amongst  his  descendants,  one  after  another,  ruled  for  a 
period  of  nearly  2,200  years.3     After  that,  the  sovereignty  passed 

that  year,  Nawlb  Jafar  Khan'(Murshid  Quli  Khan)  prepared  his  '  Kamil 
Jama*  Tumari '  or  '  perfect  rent-roll,'  i'a  which  Bengal  was  divided  into  34 
Sarkars,  forming  13  chaklahs,  and  subdivided  into  1,660  perganas,  with  a  revenue 
of  Rs.  1,42,88,186.  After  the  rule  of  Nawab  Jafar  Khin,  Abwab  revenue 
(imposts  as  fees,  &c. ),  appeared  in  the  books.  In  the  time  of  Shuja  Khan,  Nawab 
Jafar's  successor,  the  Abiuabs  (see  Blochmann's  Contributions  and  Grant's 
report)  amounted  to  Rs.  21,72,952,  arfd  they  rapidly  increased  under  Nawabs 
Ali  Vardi  Khan  and  Kasim  Khan,  so  that  when  the  E.I.  Company  in  1765 
acquired  the  Dewani  from  Emperor  Shah  Alam,  the  net  amount  of  all  revenue 
collected  in  Bengal  Proper  was  (see  Grant's  report)  Rs.  2,56,24,223. 

I  respectfully  differ,  however,  from  Professor  Blochmanu's  conclusions  on 
one  point.  He  would  seem  to  suggest  that  the  above  extent  of  territory  with 
the  'above  Revenue,  as  gathered  from  Todar  Mai's  rent-roll  prepared  in  1582 
and  also  from  the  Ain-i-Akbarl,  Iqbalnamah,  Padshahnamah  and  Alamgimamah, 
might  be  taken  to  represent  the  territorial  and  fiscal  strength  of  the  Musalman 
Bengal  kingdom  of  pre-Mughal  times — (J.A.S  ,  1873,  p.  214).  This  inference 
is  vitiated,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Musrlman  Bengal  kingdom  in  pre-Mughal 
times  included  for  the  most  part  the  whole  of  north  Behar,  and,  under  several 
Musalman  Bengal  rulers,  also  south  Behar  as  far  westward  as  Sarkars 
Mungher  and  Behar,  besides  Orissa.  This  consideration  would  indicate  that 
the  territorial  and  financial  strength  of  the  Musalman  Bengal  kingdom  in 
pre-Mughal  times  was  greater  than  what  is  arrived  at  in  Professor  Bloch- 
mann's conclusions.  In  the  Ain-i-Akbari,  Orissa  is  included  in  tte  Siibah 
of  Bengal,  Orissa  consisting  of  5  Sarkars.  Thus,  the  Subah  of  Bengal  is 
described  as  consisting  of  24  Sarkars  (that  is,  including  5  Sarkars  of  Orissa), 
and  787  mahals,  and  the  revenue  is  stated  to  be  Rs.  1,49,61,482-15-7. — (See 
Am,  Vol.  II,  p.  129).  Mutamad  Khan  who  was  attached  to  Emperor 
Jahangir's  Court,  in  his  account  of  the  seventh  year  of  Jahangir's  reign,  states 
that  the  revenue  of  Bengal  was  one  Kror  and  fifty  lahs  in  rupees. — (Vide 
lqbalnamah-i-Jahangiti,  p.  60). 

1  Rajah  Bhagirath  or  Bhagdat,  son  of  Narak,  had  his  Capital  at  the  city 
of  Pragjatespur  (identified  with  the  modern  Ganhati),  is  described  in  the 
Mahabharat  as  espousing  the  cause  of  Darjudhan,  and  as  being  slain  by  the 
victorious  Arjiin.f  According  to  the  Ain-i-Akbari,  p.  144,  Vol.  2,  Bhagirat  or 
Bhagdat  had  twenty-three  successors  in  his  dynasty. 
3  According  to  the  Am,  p.  147,  Jarjudhan. 

8  This  is  the   period  during   which  his    dynasty    ruled.     In  the  Aln,  p.  144, 
2418  years. 


si 

from  his  family  to  Noj  Gouriah,1  who  belonged  to  the  Kyesth 
tribe,  and  for  250 2  years  he  and  his  eight  descendants  ruled. 
The  fortune  of  sovereignty  passed  frovi  his  family  also  to  Adisur,3 
who  was  also  a  Kyesth*,  and  eleven  persons,  including  himself  and 
his  descendants,  ascending  the  throne,  ruled  for  714.years  over  the 
Kingdom  of  Bengal.  And  afterwards  the  sovereignty  passing  from 
his  family  to  Bhiipal  Kyesth,  the  latter  with  his  descendants, 
forming  ten  persons,  ruled  over  this  kingdom  for  a  period  of  698 
years.  When  their  fortune  deaayed,  Sukh  Sen  Kyesth  with  his 
descendants,  numbering  seven  persons,  ruled  over  the  Kingdom  of 
Bengal  (Bangalah)  for  160  4  years.  And  these^  sixty-one  persons 
ruled  absolutely  over  this  kingdom  for  a  period  of  4,240 5  years. 
And  when  the  period  of  their  fortune  was*  over,  their  fortune 
ended.  Sukh  Sen, 6  of  the  Boido  caste,  became  ruler,  and  after 
ruling  for  three  years  over  this  kingdom,  died.  After  this, 
Ballal  Sen,  who  built  the  fort  of  Gaur,  occupied  the  throne 
of  sovereignty  for  fifty  years,  and  died.  After  this,  Lakhman 
Sen  for  seven  years,  after  him  Madhu  Sen  for  ten  years,  after 
him  Kaisu  Sen  for  fifteen  years,  after  him  Sada  Sen  for 
eighteen  years,  and  after  him  Nauj  7  for  three  years  ruled.  When 
the  turns  of  these  were  over,  Rajah  Lakhmania, 8  son  of  Lakhman, 
sat  on  the  throne.  At  that  time,  the  seat  of  government  of  the 
Rais  of  Bengal  was  Nadiah,9  and  this  Nadiah  is  a  well-known 
city,  and  a  seat  of  Hindii  learning.  At  present,  though  compared 
with  the  past,  it  is  dilapidated  and  in  ruin,  still  it  is  famous  for  its 
learning.  The  astrologers  of  that  place,  who  were  known  over  the 
world  for  their  proficiency  in  astrology  and  soothsayings,   unitedly 

1  In  the  Ain,  p.  145,  "  Bhoj  Gauriah." 
"  2  In  the  Ain,  p.  145,  "  520  years." 
3  In  the  Ain,  "  Adsnr."  , 

*  In  the  Ain,  p.  146,  "  106  years." 
6  In  the  Ain,  "  45  44"  years. 

6  In  the  Ain,  "  Sakh  Sin."    He  is  not  described  as  a  Boido. 
1  In  the  Ain,  "  Naugah." 

8  In  Ferishta    "  Lakhmanah  " ;  in  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  "  Lakhmaniah.  " 

9  In  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  "  Nandiah  "  or  "  new  isle."  According  to  current 
legends,  it  was  founded  in  1063  A.C.  by  Lakhman  Sen,  son  of  Ballal  Sen,  who 
resided  partly  at  Ganr,  and  principally  at  Bikrampur,  in  Dacca  district. 
Muhammad  Bakhtiar  Khilji  in  594  A.H.  or  1198  A.C.  stormed  the  fort  of 
Nadiah^  and  conquered  Bengal  with  eighteen  troopers — a  sad  commentary  on 
the  feebleness  of  the  Hiudu  Rajah  ! 


52 

at  the  time  of  delivery,  informed  Lakhmania's  mother,  that  at  this 
hour,  an  unlucky  child  would  be  born,  who  would  bring  about 
bad  luck  and  misfortune,  anil  that  if  it  be  born  after  two  hours,  it 
would  succeed  to  the  throne.  This  heroine' ordered  that  both  her 
legs  should  bev  bound  together,  and  she  should  be  suspended  with 
her  head  downwards  ;  and  after  two  hours  she  came  down,  and  the 
child  was  brought  forth  at  the  auspicious  moment,  but  its  mother 
died.  Rajah  Lakhmania  for  eighty  yeai's  occupied  the  throne. 
Tn  justice,  he  had  no  equal,  and«-in  liberality  be  had  no  match.1 
It  is  said  that  his  gifts  amounted  to  no  less  than  one  hundred 
thousand.  Towards2  the  end  of  his  life,  when  the  perfection  of  the 
period  of  his  sovereignty  approached  decay,  the  astrologers  of 
that  place  said  to  "Rajah  Lakhmania:  "  From  our  knowledge  of 
astrology,  we  have  come  to  know,  that  shortly  your  sovereignty 
would  come  to  an  end,  and  that  your  religion  would  cease  to  be 
current  in  this  kingdom.  "  Rai  Lakhmania,  not  regarding  this 
prediction  as  truthful,  put  the  cotton  of  neglect  and  ignorance  in 
his  .ear,  but  many  of  the  elite  of  that  city  secretly  moved  away  to 
different  places.  And  this  prediction  was  fulfilled  by  the  invasion 
of  Malik  Ikhtiaru-d-din  Muhammad  Bakktiar  Khilji,  as  will  be 
soon  related  hereafter. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  DOMINATION  OF  CERTAIN 
HINDU  RAIS  OVER  THE  KINGDOM  OP  BENGAL, 
AND  OF  THE  CAUSE  OF  THE  INTRODUCTION  OF 
IDOL-WOHSHIP  IN  HINDUSTAN. 

Be  it  not  hidden  that,  in  ancient  times,  the  Rais  of  the  Kingdom 
of  Bengal  (Bangalah)  were  powerful,  and  of  high  rank  and 
dignity,  and  did  not  owe  allegiance  to  the  Maharajah  of  Hindu- 
stan, who  ruled  over  the  throne   at  Delhi.     For  instance,  Suraj,3 

1  This  account  is  repeated  in  several  Masalman  histories,  siich  as  Tabaqat- 
i-Naisri,  Ferishta,  Aln-i-Akbari.  The  Tabaqat,  p.  151,  being  the  nearest  con- 
temporary record,  may  be  specially  referred  to,  especially  as  its  author , 
Minhaju-s-Siraj,  shortly  after,  in  641  A.H.  visited  Lakhnauti.  One  lak  cowrie 
is  meant. 

2  Minhaju-s-Siraj  in  the  Tabaqat,  pp.  150  and  151,  pays  a  high  eulogium  to 
this  Rajah,  and  ectols  his  virtues  and  liberality,  and  winds  up  by  saying : 
"  May  God  lessen  his  punishment  in  the  next  world  !  "  Verily,  Minhaj  was 
himself  liberal  in  his  views! 

3  In  Ferishta  (Per.  tex£),  Vol.  1,  p.  121,  Bahdaj,  father  of  Suraj,  is  described 
as  descended  from  Noah.     It  is  worthy  of  note,  that  in  the  district  of  Monghyr, 


53 

\  .  •  . 

who  was  a  powerful   Rajah,  subjugated  the  Kingdom  of  Dakhin 

(Dakin).  At  that  time,  his  deputies  commenced  grasping  and 
usurping ;  and  in  the  Kingdom  of  Hindustan,  idol-worship  dates 
from  his  time.  It  is  said  that,  in  the  beginning,  Hind,  having  seen 
and  heard  from  his  father  Ham,  son  of  Noah  (peace  be  on  him  !  ) 
devoted  himself  to  the  worship  of  God  ;  and  that  his  children  also, 
in  the  same  manner,  worshipped  God,,until,  in' the  time  of  Rai 
Maharaj,1  *a^  person  coming  from  Persia  perverted  the  people  of 
Hindustan  to  sun-worship.  I»ffiuxeu  of  time,  seme  became  sta/r- 
worshippers,  and  others  fire- worshippers.  In  the  time  of  Rai 
Suraj,  a  Brahmin,  coming  from  the  mountains  of  Jharkand,  g 
entered  his  service,  and  taught  the  Hindus  idol-worship,  and 
preached  that  everyone  prepariug  a  gold  or'silver  or  stone  image 
of  his  father  and  grandfather,  should  devote  himself  to  its  wor- 
ship ;  and  this  practice  became  more  common  than  other  practices. 
And  at  the  present  day  in  the  religious  practice  of  Hindus,  the 
worship  of  idols,  and  of  the  sun,  and  of  fire  is  very  common.  Some 
say   that  fire-worship    was  introduced  by  Ibrahim  Zardash.t3   in 


on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Ganges,  near  Maulanagar,  there  is  a  town  called 
"  Surajgarh,  "  or  "  fort  of  Suraj."  Might  not  this  place  have  been  the  birthplace 
or  seat  of  government  of  Rajah  Sifrai  in  the  text^?  The  locality  is  one  which 
would  facilitate  his  excursion  into  the  Dakhin  through  the  denies  of  the 
Vindhya  range,  of  which  the  text  speaks.  ' 

1  This  is  apparently  a  mistake  in  the  text  for  "  Rai  Bahdaj,  "  who  is  men- 
tioned in  Ferishta  as  the  father  of  Rai  Suraj,  and  as  a  descendant  of  Noah. 

2  We  meet  with  the  name  of  "  Jharkand  "  in  the  "  Akbarnamah  "  ;  it  was 
the  Musalmau  appellation  of  "  Chutia  Nagpur"  just  as  Bharkund  was  the 
Musalman  appellation  of  "  Sonthal  Parganna." 

The  Aryans  must  have  fallen  very  low  in  the  scale  of  spiritualism, 
to  have  needed  lessons  in  religion  from  a  preceptor  hailing  from  Chutia  Nagpur, 
who  was  apparently  a  Dravidian  or  Sonthali  Brahma?. 

This  impringement  of  "spiritual  light"  from  the  defiles  of  Chutia  Nagpur 
tract,  in  the  time  of  Rajah  Suraj,  strengthens  my  surmise  that  Surajgarh, 
which  is  not  far  from  Chutia  Nagpur,  was  the  home  or  residence  of  Rajah 
Suraj.  It  may  also  be  noted  that  the  Sonthalese  worship  images  of  their 
ancestors,  which  worship  is  referred  to  in  the  text. 

8  Zaidasht  or  Zartasht  or  jZardahasht  is  the  name  of  a  person  descended 
from  Mauuchahar,  and  a'disciple  of  Tythagorai.  During  tlje  reign  of  Emperor 
Gashtasp  of  Persia  he  claimed  to  be  a  prophet,  and  introduced  fire-worship. 
The  Magians  regard  him  as  a  prophet,  and  say  that  his  name  was  Ibrahim, 
and  consider  his  book  the  Zend  (or  Zendavarta^  as  a  revealed  book.  He  is 
supposed  to  have  been  the  Zoroaster  of  the  Greeks. 


54 

the  time  ofl3ashtasp, l  Emperor  of  Persia,  and  spread  to  Kabul 
and  Sistan  and  throughout  the  empire  of  Persia,  and  that,  in 
process  of  time,  the  kingdom  »f  Bengal  became  subject  to ^he  Rais 
of  Hindustan,  and  the  Rais  of  Bengal  paid  revenue  and  sundry 
tributes.  After  this,  Shangaldip,*  emerging  from  the  environs 
of  Koch,  3  became  Victorious  over  Kldar,  and  founded  the  city  of 
Gaur,  and  made  it  the  seat,of  government,  and  for  a  period  ruled 
over  the  Kingdom  of  Bengal  and  the  whole  empire  qf  Hindustan. 
When  Shangaldip  collected  four™  thousand  elephants,  one  lak 
cavalry,  and  four  laks  of  infantry,  the  breeze  of  insolence  wafted 
in  the  recesses  of  his  brain,  and  he  ceased  to  pay  tribute  to  the 
Emperors  of  Persia,41  as  was  hitherto  the  practice  with  the  Rais  of 
Hindustan.  And  when  Afrasiab  5  deputed  some  one  to  demand 
the  tribute,  he  rebuked  and  insulted  him.  Afrasiab  flew  into 
rage,  and  despatched  his  General,  Pirau-visah,  with  fifty  thousand 

1  Gashtasp  or  Keshtab  was  the  Darias  Hystaspns  of  the  Greeks,  and 
belonged  to  the  Kainian  dynasty ;  his  son,  Isfaudiar,  was  the  Xerxes  of  the 
Greeks,  and  his  grandson,  Bahman,  was  the  Artaxerxes  Longimanus  of  the 
Greeks.     (See  Namah-i-Ehusruan,  p.  59). 

2  In  Ferishta,  "  Shangaldip"  is  called  "  Shangal,  "  and  so  in  the  text  in 
another  place.  In  Ferishta  (Persian  text),  Vol.  2,  p.  233,  the  following 
account  of  Shangaldip  or  Shangal  appeaVs :  "Shangal,  towards  the  close 
of  the  reign  of  Rajah  Kedar  Brahman,  emerging  from  the  environs  of  Koch 
(Koch  Behar)  won  a  victory<K>ver  Kedar,  and  founded  the  City  of  Lakhnauti, 
which  is  otherwise  known  as  Gaur.  Shangal  mobilized  a  force  of  four  thousand 
elephants,  one  lak  cavalry,  and  five  lak  infantry,  and  stopped  paying  tribute  to 
Afrasiab,  the  King  of  Turan  or  Tartary  or  Scythia.  Becoming  enraged, 
Afrasiab  deputed  his  generalissimo,  Pirau-Visah,  with  fifty  thousand  cavalry, 
to  chastise  Shangal."  The  rest  of  the  account  of  Ferishta  tallies  with  that 
in  the  text. 

8  Kuch  Behar  used  to  be  known  in  early  days  as  the   tract   of   the   "Koch 

tribe  "  or  simply  as  "  Kqoh." 

*  "  Iran  "  or  Persia  here  iu  the  text  is  evidently  a  mistake  for  "  Turan  "  or 
Tartary  or  Scythia,  of  which  Afrasiab  was  monarch.  This  indicates  the 
subjection  of  India  (like  Persia)  to  the  Scythians  at  a  remote  period. 

6  Afrasiab  (conqueror  of  Persia)  was  an  ancient  king  of  Turan  or  Tartary 
or  Scythia.  He  was  a  Mongol  by  birth.  He  conquered  Persia,  killed  Nazar 
with  his  own  hand,  and  reigned  there  for  about  twelve  years,  about  seven 
centuries  before  tb«  Christian  era,  but  was  subsequently  driven  beyond  the 
Oxus  by  a  famous  chief  called  Zalzar.  Afrasiab  again  overran  Persia, 
but  was  at  last  defeated  and  slain  in  Arzibijiin  by  Zalzar  and  his  celebrated  son, 
Kustam,  the  Persian  Hercules.  AfrasiSyab  appears,  however,  to  have  been  a 
family  surname,  like  the  Pharaoahs,  the  Ptolemys,  the  Caesars. 


55 

k  • 

Mongols,  thirsty  for  blood.     In  the  mountains  of  Koch,   near  the 

limits  of  Ghoraghat,  in  Bengal,  an  engagement  took  place  ;  for 
two  days  and  nights  the  fighting  co&tinued.  Although  the  Mon- 
gols displayed  deeds  of  bravery,  and  pub  to  the  sword  fifty  thousand 
of  the  enemy,  yet  owing  to  the  overwhelming  lumbers  of  the 
Indian  army,  they  could  effect  nothing.  The  Mongols  also  lost 
eighteen  thousand  of  their  numbers?,  and  on  the  third  day, 
seeing  symptoms  of  defeat  on  the  forehead  of  their  condition, 
they  retreated.  And  as  the  "Indian  army  was  victorious,  and 
the  Mongol's  country  was  distant,  the  Mongols  gave  up  fightingj 
and  retiring  into  the  mountains,  secured  a  strong  place,  where  they 
entrenched  themselves,  and  sent  to  Afrasiab  an  account  narrating 
the  state  of  things.  At  that  time,  Afrasiab'  was  in  the  town  of 
Gangdozh,  which  is  situate  midway  between  Khata  and  China, 
and  is  distant  a  month's  journey  on  the  other  side  from  Khanba. 
ligh.1  On  the  simple  receipt  of  the  account,  and  being  apprised 
of  the  state  of  tilings,  he  marched  swiftly  to  the  aid  of  the  Mongols, 
with  one  lak  chosen  cavalry.  And  at  a  time,  when  Shr.ngal, 
summoning  together  the  Rais  of  the  surrounding  countries,  was 
pressing  the  siege  hard  against  Piran,  and  was  about  to  put  all  to 
the  sword,  he  (  Afrasiab)  atfacked  him  on  the  way.  The  Hindus, 
on  the  first  onslaught,  losing  heart  and  feeling  paralysed,  dispersed, 
like  the  constellation  of  the  bear.  Piran,  relieved  from  the 
anxiety  of  the  siege,  paid  his  obeisance  to  Afrasiab.  Afrasiab 
threw  down  on  the  soil  of  annihilation  as  many  of  the  Hindu 
nrmy  as  he  could.  And  Shangal  with  the  remnants  being 
vanquished,  retreated  to  the  town  of  Lakhnauti,  and  owing  to 
the  pursuit  of  Afrasiab,  could  not  prolong  his  stay  at  Lakhnauti 
more  than  a  day,  and  took  refuge  in  the  hills  of  Tirhfit.  And 
the  Mongols,  ravaging  the  Kingdom  of  Bengal,  spared  no  trace 
of  fertility.  And  when  Afrasiab  planned  an  expedition  towards  the 
hills  of  Tirhut,  Shangal  begged  forgiveness  for  his  misbehaviour 
through  wise  envoys,  and  presented  himself  before  Afrasiab  with 
a  sword  and  a  winding-sheet,  and  prayed  for  leave  to  go  to  the 
country  of  Tiiran.  Afrasiab,  being  pleased,  bestowed  the  Kingdom 
of  Bengal  and  the  whole  empire  of  Hindustan  on  Shan  gal's  son, 
and  carried  Shangal  in  his   company,  and  in  the^battle  of  Hama- 


1  The  capital  of  China  used   to  be  called  iu  thoee  days  "  Khanbaligh,"  or 
"  City  of  the  Great  Khan." 


56 

waran  Shangal  was  killed  at  the  hands  of  Rustam.1  And  in  the 
reign  of  Rajah  Jaichand,2  owing  to  whose  neglect,  decay  had  over- 
taken several  provinces  of  Hindustan,  and  for  years  Hindustan 
did  not  see  its  normal  stafe,  ruin  was  visible  over  the  whole  empire 
of  India.  At  that  t^nie,  certain  Rajahs  of  Bengal,  finding  an  oppor- 
tunity, and  grasping  at  domination,  became  independent.  And 
when  Fur  (Porus),3  who  wacs  a  relation  of  the  Rajah  of  Kumayun,4 
emerged,  lie  first  subjugated  the  province  of  Kumayun,  and  then 
capturing  in  battle  Rajah  Dahlfi,  brother  of  Jaichand,  who  had 
founded  Dehli/'  subjugated  Kanfij,  and  after  this  he  marched  with 
his  force  towards  Eengal,  and  brought  it  to  his  subjection,  up  to 
the  confines  of  the  sea.    And  this  Porus  is  he,  who  was  killed  at  the 

1  Rustam,  the  Persian  Hercules.  He  was  a  successful  general  under  the 
first  kings  of  the  Kaianian  dynasty,  in  their  wars  of  defence  against  the  in- 
cursions into  Persia  of  the  Turanian  or  Scythian  monarchs.  For  a  graphic 
account  of  those  stirring  warfares  between  the  Scythians  or  Turanians  or 
Mongolians  and  Iranians  or  Persians,  see  "  Shahniimah "  of  Firdausi,  the 
Horner  of  the  East.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Firdansi,  in  his  immortal  Persian 
epic,  gives  also  the  name  of  an  Indian  prince  as  Shangal,  in  connection  with 
the  adventures  of  Bahram  Gaur,  a  Persian  monarch  of  the  Sassanian  dynasty, 
who  reigned  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  Perhaps,  this  later  Shangal 
was  a  descendant  of  the  original  Shangal  taken  captive  by  Afrasiab,  the 
Scythian  monarch.  In  this-  connection,  it  may  also  be  noted  for  grasping 
chronological  relations  referred  to  in  the  text,  that  there  were  the  following 
four  dynasties  of  old  Persian  kings  :  (1)  Peshdadians,  including  the  Kaimnras, 
the  Jamshids,  and  the  Fariduns ;  (2)  the  Kaianims,  founded  by  Kaikubad 
about  600  B.C.,  including  Khusrau  or  Kai  Khusrau,  Bahmau,  and  Darah  or 
Darius  &c.  (3)  Ashkanins,  including  Hormnz,  &c,  &c.  (4)  the  Sassanians, 
founded  in  202  A.O.  by  Ardisher  Babegan,  including  Bahram  Gaur  and 
Naushirvan,  &c.  (See  Namai-Khusruan,  a  short  Persian  History  of  Persia 
by  Mirza  Muhammad). 

2  At  the  time  when  Sultan  Muiznddin  Muhammad  Sam  alias  Shahab- 
udin  Ghori,  made  incurs(ons  into  Hindustan,  Rajah  Jaichand  Rathor  ruled 
at  Kanauj  and  Benares,  and  Rajah  Pethanra  Tonwar  ruled  at  Delhi.  Tabaqat, 
p.  120. 

8  But  it  must  be  noted  that  there  is  in  the  text  (probably  owing  to  mistake  of 
the  copyist  of  the  original  manuscript  text)  a  confusion  in  the  sequence  of 
events  related 

*  In  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Panjab,  Alexander  gave  battle  to  the  Hindu 
prince,  Porus,  who<had  advanced  from  Kanauj,  and  put  him  to  rout. 

6  Abul  Fazl  in  the  Ain  says:  "A  part  of  the  northern  mountains  of  the 
Subah  of  Delhi  is  called  Kumayun.  Here  are  mines  of  gold,  silver,  lead, 
iron,  copper,  and  borax.  Hore  are  also  found  the  musk-deer  and  the  Kulas  cow 
and  silkworms"  Arn-i-AJcbarl,  Vol.  2,  p.  280. 


:-. 


i7 


hands  of  Alexander.  After  this,  Rajah  Madiw  Rathor,1  like  whom 
there  had  been  few  such  powerful  Rajahs  in  Hindustan,  marching 
with  his  forces,  conquered  the  Kingdom  of  Lakhnauti,  and  allotted 
it  to  his  nephews,  and 'after  introducing  perfect  methods  of  govern- 
ment, returned  to  Kanauj  with  immense  booty.  And,  in  efflux  of 
time,  the  Rajahs  of  Bengal  again  asserting  independence,  continued 
to  rule  peacefully.8  i 

Inasmuch'as  the  object  of  the  author  is  to  ..chronicle  the  history 
of  the  Musalman  sovereigns,  therefore,  not  busying  himself  witH 
the  details  of  the  affairs  of  the  Hindu  Rais,  he  reins  back  the 
graceful  steed  of  the  black  pen  of  writing  from  striding  this  valley, 
and  gives  it  permission  to  canter  towards  relating  and  reciting  the 
details  of  the  history  of  the  Muhammadan  rulers  and  sovereigns. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  ILLUMI- 
NATION OF  THE  DARKNESS  OX  BENGAL  BY  THE 
RAYS  OF  THE  WORLD-ILLUMINATING  SUN  OF 
THE  RELIGION  OF  MUHAMMAD  (PEACE  BE  ON 
HIM  ! )  BY  THE  ADVENT  OF  MALIK  IKHTIARU- 
D  DIN  MUHAMMAD  BAKHTIAR  KHILJI,  AND  OF 
HIS  SUBJUGATION  OF  THAT  KINGDOM:- 


1  In  Ferishta,  "  Ramdeo  Rathor." 

3  Most  of  these  legends  and  traditions  regarding  Bengal  and  India  of 
pre-Moslem  times  have  been  borrowed  by  onr  author  from  Ferishta.  For  the 
most  part,  they  consist  of  a  huge  mass  of  mythological  fictions,  to  extract  a 
few  grains  of  sober  historical  truth  wherefrom,  I  mast  leave  to  more 
competent  hands.  Yet  it  is  worthy  of  note  (as  onr  author's  narrative  indicates) 
that  India  and  Bengal  in  very  early  times  had  political  connection  of  some 
sort  with  Scythia  and  (through  the  latter  )  with  Persia.  It?  is  probable  that 
ethnologically,  these  Scythian  incursions  resulted  to  a  great  extent  in  an 
admixture  of  Scythian  and  Aryan  races  in  India,  which  admixture  was 
further  complicated  by  the  subsequent  Dravidian  inctarsions  from  the  south. 
8 


58 


CHAPTER  I. 

c 

A  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  RULE  OP  THE  MUSALMAN 
RULERS  WHO  RULED  QVER  THIS  KINGDOM  OP 
BENGAL,  AS  VICEROYS  OP  THE  EMPERORS  OF 
DELHI.1 

Be  it  not  hidden  from  the  enlightened  hearts  of  those  who 
enquire  into  the  histories  of  Musalman  sovereigns  and  rulers, 
that  the  commencement  of  the  effulgence  of  the  sun  of  the 
Muhammadan  faith  in  the  Kingdom  of  Bengal,  dates  from  the 
period  of   the  reign  of    Sultan  Qutbu-d-din  Aibak,8  Emperor  of 

I'This  period  extended  from  1198  A.C.  to  1338  A.C. 

2  This  is  not  quite  accurate.     Bengal  was  conquered  by  Bakhtiar  Khili-al- 
GhazI  (Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  p.  146),  in  594  A.H.  or  1198  A.C.  (for  the  discussion 
of  the  date,  see    Tabaqat,  p.  150,  and  Blochmann's  contribution  to  history  of 
Bengal),   whilst   Emperor   Shahabuddin    Ghori  alias  Muizuddin    Muhammad 
Sam  was  yet  alive,   and  <whilst  Qutbuddin    Aibak  ruled    at  Delhi,   as  the 
latter's  Indian  Viceroy,  that  is,  only  7  years  after   the   Musalman  occupation 
of    Delhi,    which    took    place    in   587    A.H.    or    1191    A.C.     (Tabaqat,    pp. 
139,  140  and  128).     He  was  called  "  Aibak,"  because    his    little    finger   was 
feeble  or  paralyzed  (Tabaqat,  p.  138),   whilst    according    to   another  account, 
"  Aibak "     signified     the     "  brilliant   chief."       His     name     is    preserved    in 
his  Capital  by  the  Qutb  mosque  and  by  the  Qutb  Minar,   though    these   were 
erected  to  commemorate  other   more   or  less    forgotten    worthies.      Bakhtiar 
Khilji  in  the   first  instance  conquered  Bengal  on  his  own  initiative,  though  he 
acknowledged   the   nominal    suzerainty   of    Shahabuddin    and    subsequently 
of  Qutbuddin,  when  tue  latter  mounted  the  throne  of  Delhi  (Tabaqat,  p.  140). 
That  this  was  so,  appears  from  the  circumstance  that  in  the  list   of    Maliiks 
and    Sultans    under   Shahabuddin    alias    Muizu-d-din   contained  in    Tabaqat 
(pp.  146  and  137),  Bakhtiar  is  assigned  a  co-ordinate  position  with  Qutbuddin, 
In  this  connection,  it  is   worth   noting  that  owing  to  a  popular  and   common 
fallacy,  these  early  pre-Mughul  Moslem  rulers  of  India  have  been   described 
as  '  Pathan  rulers  of  India.'     As   pointed  out  by  Major  Raverty  in  his  trans- 
lation of  TabaqaM-Nasiri,  neither  the  Ghoris,  nor  their   slaves,    "  the   Slave- 
kings   of   Delhi,"  nor    the  Tughluks,     nor     the    Khiljis    were    Afghans    or 
'  Pathans,'  but  that  they  were  all  Turkish   tribes.     (See  also  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, 
p.  150,  where  the  expression  "  Turkdn  "  or  '  Turks  '  is    constantly    employed, 
with   reference   to   the   first   Musalman   conquerors  of   Behar    and  Bengal). 


59 

Delhi.  And  the  origin  of  the  title  "Aibak"  is  that  his  little  finger , 
was  feeble  ;  hence  he  was  called  '  Aibak. '  When  Sultan  Qutbu- 
d-din  in  »590  A.H.  wrested  by  forca  the  fort  of  Kol  from  the 
Hindus,  and  captured  one  thousand  horses  and  an  immense 
booty,  the  news  spread  that  Sultan  Mui'zu-d-dm  Muhammad  Sam, 
also  called  Sultan  Shahabu-d-din,  had  planne'd  expeditions  for 
the  conquests  of  Kaniij  and  Banaras.  Sultan  Qutbu-d-din 
marched  forward  from  Kol  to  receive  him,  presented  to  him  the 
booty  of  Kol  with  other  valuables,  aud  becoming  recipient  of  a 
special  Khila't,  formed  the  vanguard  of  the  imperial  forces,  and 
marched  ahead.  And  engagiug  in  battle  with  the  forces  of  the 
Rajah  of  Banaras,  he  routed  them,  and  at  length,  slaying  on  the 
battle-field  Rajah  Jaichand,  the  Rajah  of  Banaras,  he  became  vic- 
torious. Sultan  Shahabu-d-din,  marching  with  a  force  from  the 
rear,  moved  up  and  entered  the  city  of  Banaras,  and  pillaging 
the  whole  of  that  tract  up  to  the  confines  of  Bengal,  carried  off 
as  booty  incalculable  treasures  and  jewels.  The  Sultan  then  re- 
turned to  Ghazni.  And  the  Kingdom  of  Bengal  as  an  adjunct 
of  the  Empire  of  Delhi,  was  left  in  the  hands  of  Qutbu-d-din. 
Sultau  Qutbu-d-din  entrusted  to  Malik  Ikhtiaru-d-din  Muham- 
mad Bakhtiar  Khilji  the  Viceroyalty  of  the  Provinces  of  Behar 
and   Lakhnauti.1       Muhammad   Bakhtiar,    who    was   one   of   the 

According  to  the  '  Masalik-nl-Mumalik,'  says  Mfyor  Raverty  in  an  article  in 
A.S.J,  for  1875,  No.  1,  p.  37,  "  the  Khalj  are  a  tribe  of  Turks  which  in  former 
times  settled  in  Garmsir,  between  Sijistan  and  the  region  of  Hind.  They  are 
in  appearance  and  dress  like  Turks,  and  observe  the  customs  of  that  race> 
and  all  speak  the  Turkish  language."  The  Khaljs  or  Khiljis  have  been  by 
several  writers  erroneously  confounded  with  the  Afghan  tribe  of  "  Ghalzis  " 
or"Ghiljis."  The  first  Afghan  or  «  Pathan  '  who  sat  on  the  throne  of  Delhi- 
was  Saltan  Bahlul  of  the  Lodi  tribe,  the  thirtieth  Musalman  ruler  of  India, 
counting  from  Qutbuddin  Aibak. 

1  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  in  the  times  of  Bakhtiar  Khilji  and  his  imme- 
diate successors,  South  Behar  was  included  in  the  Bengal  or  Lakhnaut, 
Viceroyalty.  South  Behar  was  separated  from  the  Bengal  Viceroyalty  in 
622  H.  by  Emperor  Altamsh  who  placed  it  under  a  distinct  governor,  named 
Alauddin  Jani.  On  withdrawal  of  the  Emperor,  Behar  was  again  annexed 
by  the  Bengal  ruler,  Ghiasuddin  (see  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  p.  163).  It  continued 
to  be  a  part  of  the  Bengal  Kingdom  till  1320,  when  Emperor  Ghiasuddin 
Tughlak  again  separated  it.  Behar  belonged  to  the  S'karql  Kingdom  of 
Jaunpur  from  1397  A.C. ;  again  under  Ibrahim,  Bahadur  Khan,  son  of 
Governor  Darya  Khan,  assumed  independence  in  Behar,  with  the  title  of 
Shah  Muhammad,  and  about  1498  A.C.   or    about?  903  A.H.   South  Behar 


60 

chiefs  of  Ghor1  and  Garmsir,  was  a  brave  man,  well-built  and 
very  strong.8  In  the  beginning,  he  was  in  the  service  of  Sultan 
Shababu-d-din  Ghori  at  Ghazni.  He  was  allowed  a  small 
allowance,  as  neither  he  was  externally  prepossessing,  nor  was  his 
appearauce  grand.  Becoming  despondent,  Muhammad  Bakhtiar 
came  to  Hindustan  in  the  company  of  the  Sultan,  stayed  behind, 
and  did  not  even  then  get  into  the  good  graces  of  the  Ministers 
of  Hindustan.  Departing  thence,  he  went  to  Bnrdawon3  to 
Anghal  Beg  who  was  the  ruler  oVer  the  Doab  country,  and  there 
gaining  in  eminence,  he  advanced  himself  to  the  exalted  office  of 
generalissimo.  A,nd  the  tract  of  Kambalah41  and  Betali  was 
given  to  him  as  a  jaglr.  From  there  he  went  in  the  service  of 
Malik  Hassama-d-dihB  to  the  Suhah  of  Audh   (Oude).     Subduing 

again  became  more  or  less  subject  to  the  Musalman  Kings  of  Gaur,  Husain 
Shah  and  Nasrat  Shah.  Under  the  early  Mughul  Emperors,  Behar  was  again 
formed  into  a  distinct  Subah,  but  under  the  later  Mughuls,  it  again 
became  incorporated  along  with  Orissa  iu  the  great  Bengal  Viceroyalty. 
North  Behar  appears  to  have  been  generally  included  in  the  Musalman 
Kingdom  of  Bengal  (see  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi,  pp.  451  and  586). 

1  Abul  Fazl  places  '  Ghor '  to  the  north  of  Kandahar,  and  '  Garmsir '  to  the 
west  of  Kandahar.  In  '  Garmsir '  lay  the  city  of  Ferozkoh,  the  capital  of  the 
Ghorian  Sultans. 

2  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  (Pers.Yext,  p.  I46jrwhich  is  the  nearest  contemporary 
account,  describes  Bakhtiar  Khilji  as  "  active,  agile,  brave,  bold,  learned  and 
intelligent."  It  says  that  he  went  to  Ghazui  to  seek  service  under  Sultan 
Muizuddin,  but  owing  to  his  slender  appearance  was  rejected  by  the  Sultan's 
War  Minister.  Disappointed,  Bakhtiar  came  to  Delhi,  where  also  he  was 
x-ejected  by  the  War  Minister  (Dewan-i-'Arz). 

3  In  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  p.  147,  which  is  the  most  reliable  account,  '  Badaon.' 
The  Tabaqat  mentions  the  name  of  the  feudatory  of  Badaon  to  be  Sipasalar 
Hazbaru-d-din  Hasan  Arnab. 

*  Major  Raverty  identifies  Bakhtiar  Kb,ilji's  jaqir  lands  with  the  parganahs 
of  'Bhagwat  and  Bhoili,  south  of  Benaras,  and  east  of  Chunargarh.  Professor 
Blochmann  considers  this  identification  satisfactory.  (See  Raverty's  transla- 
tion of  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  and  Blochmann's  contr.  to  history  and  Geography 
of  Bengal). 

&  This  account  does  not  accord  strictly  with  what  is  contained  in  the 
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  (Pers.  text,  p.  147),  the  nearest  contemporary  account  for 
the  period.  In  Tabaqat,  it  is  stated  that  after  being  rejected  by  War  Ministers 
both  at  Ghazni  and  at  Delhi,  owing  to  his  slender  appearance,  Bakhtiar 
Khilji  proceeded  to  Badaon,  presented  himself  before  its  feudal  baron, 
general  Hazbaru-d-din  Hassan  Arnab,  who  allotted  him  a  fixed  pay,  that 
thence  Bakhtiar  proceeded  to  Oudh  and  presented  himself  before  its  feuda1 


61 

that  province,  he  advanced  himself  further  in  rank  and  dignity. 
When  the  fame  of  his  bravery  and  liberality,  and  the  reputation  of 
his  heroism  and  gallantry,  spread  ovwr  the  confines  of  Hindustan, 
Sultan  Qutbu-d-din  Who,  not  yet  ascending  the  throne  of  Delhi, 
was  still  at  Labor,  sent  to  him  valuable  Kbila't,  and  summoned 
him  to  his  presence,  and  granting  to  him  an  illuminated  Farman  of 
Chiefship  over  the  province  of  Behar,.  deputed  him  there.  And 
Muhammad*  Bakhtiar  marching  quickly  to  that  side,  spared  no 
measure  of  slaughter  and  pillage.  It  is  said  that  in  Behar  there 
was  a  Hindu  Library  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  Muhammad 
Bakhtiar.  The  latter  enquired  from  the  Brahmjns  as  to  the  reason 
for  the  collection  of  the  books.  The  Brahmins  replied  that  the 
whole  town  formed  a  college,  and  that  in  the  Hindi  language  a 
college  was  called  Behar,  and  that  hence  that  town  was  so  called. 
After  this,  when  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  being  victorious'  returned 
to  the  service  of  the  Sultan,  he  became  more  renowned  and 
enviable  than  other  servants.  And  his  rank  was  advanced  so 
much,  that  the  juice  of  envy  set  allowing  amongst  Sultan  Qut-bu- 
d-din's  other  officers,  who  burned  in  the  fire  of  envy  and  shame,  and 
combined  to  expel  and  destroy  him,  so  mitch  so,  that  one  day  in 
the  presence  of  the  Sultan,  in  regard  to  his  strength  and  prowess, 
tbey  said  unanimously  that  Muhammad  Bakhtiar,  owing  to  exuber- 
ance of  strength,  wanted  to  tighf  with  an 'elephant.  The  Sultan 
wondering  questioned  him.  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  did  not  disavow 
this  false  boastfulness,  though  he  knew  that  the  object  of  the 
associates  of  the  king  was  to  destroy  him.  In  short,  one  day  when 
all  the  people,  the  elite  as  well  as  the  general  public,  assembled  in 

baron,  Malik  Hassamuddin  Ughalbak,  who  conferred  on  him  fiefs  of  Sahlat 
and  Sahli  (identified  with  Bhagwat  and  Bhoeli),  and  finding  him  brave  and 
bold  sent  him  (apparently  on  reconnoitering  expeditions)  towards  Munir  near 
Patna,  and  Behar  town.  In  these  reconnoitering  expeditions  for  one  or  two 
years,  Bakhtiar  gathered  a  large  booty,  when  the  Delhi  Viceroy  (Qutbuddin) 
recognized  tardily  Bakhtiar's  merits.  It  would  thus,  appear  that  but  for 
Bakhtiar'a  own  tenacity,  the  stupidity  of  the  War  ministers  of  Ghaznin  and 
Delhi  would  have  robbed  the  Indo- Moslem  Empire  of  a  valuable  recruit,  and 
perhaps  postponed  indefinitely  its  rapid  expansion  towards  Behar  and  Bengal ! 
1  In  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  pp.  147  and  148  it  is  stated  that  Bakhtiar  presented 
himself  before  the  gate  of  the  fort  of  Behar  with  two  hundred  horse-girths 
and  armours  covered  with  fur-cloth  (&)jim£  ^j),  and  stormed  the  fort,  and 

that  Bakhtiar  had  with  him  at  the  time  two  wise  brothers,  named  Nizamud- 
dln  and  Samsamuddin  (of  Farghana). 


62 

■ 
Darbar,  a  white  rogue  elephant  was  brought  to  the  White  Castle 
(Qasr-i-Sufed).  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  tying  up  the  loin  of  his 
garment  on  the  waist,  came  a>ut  to  the  field,  struck  the  elephant's 
trunk  with  a  mace,  when  the  elephant  i*an  away  roaring.  All  the 
spectators,  including  those  assembled,  and  the  envious,  raising 
shouts  of  applause  to  the  sky,  were  confounded.  The  Sultan 
bestowing  on  Malik  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  special  Khila't  and 
many  gifts,  ordered  the  nobles  to  bestow  on  him  presents,  so  that 
all  the  nobles  gave  him  numerous  largesses.  Muhammad  Bakhtiar, 
in  the  same  assembly,  adding  his  own  quota  to  all  the  largesses, 
distributed  the  same  amongst  those  preoent.  In  short,  at  this 
time,  the  Viceroyalty  of  the  Kingdoms  of  Behar  and  Lakhnauti 
was  bestowed  on  him*;  and  with  peace  of  mind,  having  gained 
his  object,  he  proceeded  to  the  metropolis  of  Delhi.  That  year1 
Malik  Bakhtiar,  bringing  to  subjugation  the  Subah  of  Behar,  en- 
gaged in  introducing  administrative  arrangements,  and  the  second 
year  coming  to  the  Kingdom  of  Bengal,  he  planted  military  out- 
posts in  every  place,  and  set  out  for  the  town  of  Nadiah,  which  at 
that  time  was  the  Capital  of  the  Rajahs  of  Bengal.  The  Rajah  of 
that  place,  whose  name  was  Lakhmania,  and  who  had  reigned  for 
eighty  years  over  that  Kingdom,  was  at  the  time  taking  his  food.2 

1  The  second  year  after  his  conquest  of  Behar,  Bakhtiar  Khilji  set  out  for 
Bengal,  stormed  Nadia,  and  conquered  Bengal.  Therefore,  the  conquest  of 
Behar  took  place  in  592  A..H.  or  1196  A.C. 

The  text  is  not  strictly  in  accord  with  the  account  given  in  the  Tabaqat-i- 
Nasiri  which  is  the  most  reliable  and  the  ne  arest  contemporary  account  for 
the  period.  Whilst  in  the  service  of  the  feudatory  of  Oudh  (Tabaqat,  Pers. 
text,  p.  147),  Bakhtiar  reconnoitered  Behar  for  one  or  two  years,  and  carried  off 
much  plunder.  Qutb-u-din,  the  Delhi  Viceroy,  then  called  Bakhtiar  to  Lahore 
tardily  recognized  his  merits,  and  loaded  him  with  presents.  Bakhtiar  re- 
turned to  Behar,  and  conquered  it,  and  carrying  off  again  a  large  booty, 
presented  himself  to  Qutb-u-diu  at  Delhi,  where  he  had  to  undergo  a  gladia- 
torial ordeal  at  the  White  Castle  (Qasr-i-Sufed  of  Delhi),  and  then  receiving 
presents  from  Qutb-u-din,  returned  to  Behar,  and  the  second  year  after  his 
conquest  of  Behar,  he  invaded  and  conquered  Bengal,  storming  and  sacking 
Nadia,  and  establishing  himself  at  the  village  or  mouza  of  Lakhnauti  (Tabaqat- 
i-Nasiri,  p.  151).  This  would  indicate  that  Lakhnauti  was  founded  by  liim, 
and  was  distinct  from  Gaur,  though  possibly  close  to  it. 

8  The  Tabaqat  (Vers,  text,  p.  151)  states  that  the  Rajah  (Lakhmania)  was 
then  sitting  in  his  inner  apartments,  with  his  food  set  before  him  in  gold  and 
silver  plates,  when  the  sudden  inrush  of  Bakhtiar  Khilii  with  eighteen  troopers, 
struck  terror,  and  the  Rajah  ran  out  bare-foot  by  a  back-door,  and   fled  to 


63 

Suddenly,  Muhammad  Bakhtiar,  with  eighteen  horsemen,  made 
an  onslaught,  so  that  before  the  Rajah  was  aware,  Bakhtiar  burst 
inside  th'e  palace,  and  unsheathing  from  the  scabbard  his  sword  that 
lightened  and  thundered,  engaged  in  fighting,  and  put  the  harvest 
of  the  life  of  many  to  his  thundering  and  flashing-  sword.  Rajah 
Lakhmania  getting  confounded  by  the  tumult  of  this  affair,  left  be- 
hind all  his  treasures  and  servants  aid  soldiers,  and  slipped  out 
bare-foot  by  a  back-door,  and  embarking  on  a  boat,  fled  towards 
Kamrup.1  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  sweeping  the  tovvn  with  the  broom 
of  devastation,  completely  demolished  it,  and  making  anew  the  city 
of  Lakhnauti,  which  from  ancient  times  was  the  seat  of  Gov- 
ernment of  Bengal,  his  own  metropolis,  he  ruled  over  Bengal 
•peacefully,  introduced  the  Khiitbah,  and  minted  coin  in  the 
name  of  Sultan  Qutbu-d-din,  and  strove  to  put  in  practice 
the     ordinances     of    the    Muhammadan     religion.8     From    that 

Sanknat  and   Bang,  his  treasures,  harem,  slaves  and  servants  and  women  and 
elephants  all  falling  into  Bakhtiar's  hands. 

1  Some  copies  of  the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  have  '  Saknat'  and  also  '  Sankanat.' 
Tabaqat-i-Akbari  has  "  Jagannath." 

According  toother  and  more  reliable  accounts,  the  Rajah  fled  from  Nadiah 
to   Bikrampur,    south-east   of    Dacca.       I    think     therefore    "-&Jjcljli£ 
in    the   printed    text   of    the   Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  «is   a     copyist's     mistake   for 
••  Xjj  i£*jj£*»,"    meaning  the     Rajah's    "Bengal    Residence"   which   was  at 
Bikrampur  from  before. 

Kamrud  (or  Kamrup)  as  well  as  Sanknat  and  Bang  is  mentioned  in  the 
Tabaqat  (Pers.  text,  p.  150),  in  connection  with  the  previous  flight  from  Nadiah 
of  Brahmans  and  Sahag  who  hearing  of  Bakhtiar's  prowess  and  of  his  con- 
quest of  Behar,  anticipated  Bakhtiar's  invasion  of  Bengal,  and  had  advised 
the  Rajah  to  shift  with  all  his  troops  and  people  from  Nadiah  to  his  residence 
in  East  Bengal  (at  Bikrampur).  The  astrologers  had  also  prepared  the  Rajah 
for  Bakhtiar's  conquest.  But  the  Rajah  was  deaf  to  all  advice,  whilst  tho 
Brahmans  and  Sahas  had  fled.  It  is  opposed  to  the  probablities  of  the  case 
that  the  subsequent  defeat  of  the  Rajah  by  eighteen  troopers  of  Bakhtiar  was 
brought  about  by  any  foul  play  or  stratagem  from  'one  side  or  the  other ; 
because  the  Rajah  was  a  good,  noble  and  generous  prince,  and  the  idol  of  his 
people,  and  even  the  Musalman  historian  (author  of  the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri) 
pays  him  a  glowing  tribute.     (See  Tabaqat,  p.  149). 

8  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  Khilji  was  not  a  military  marauder  or  a  religious 
fanatic.  He  was,  no  doubt,  a  champion  of  Islam,  but  at  the  same  time 
combined  in  himself  all  the  qualities  of  a  great  general  and  a  wise  statesman. 
We  read  in  the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  (Pers.  text,  p.  151),  that  both  in  Behar  and 
Bengal,  just  after  their  conquest,  he  established  Mosques,  Colleges,  Khanqahs 


64 

date1  the  Kingdom  of  Bengal  became  subject  to  the  Emper- 
ors of  Delhi.  Malik  Ikhtiarud-din  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  was 
the  first  Muhammadan  ruler  of  Bengal.  In  the  year  599 
A.H.  when  Sultan  Qutbu-d-din  after  conquest  of  the  fort 
of  Kalinjar,2  proceeded  to  the  town  of  Mahubah8  which  is 
below  Kalpi4  and  conquered  it,  Malik  Muhammad  Bakhtiar 
going  from  Behar  to  wait  on  him,  met  the  Sultan,  at  the  time, 
when  the  latter  was  proceeding  from  Mahubah  towards  Badaun.6 
He  presented  jewelleries  and  .divers  valuables  of  Bengal 
and  a  large  amount  in  cash.  And  for  a  time  remaining  in 
the  company  of  the  Sultan,  he  took  permission  to  return,  and 
came  back  to  Bengal,  and  for  a  period  ruling  over  Bengal  he 
engaged  in  demolishing  the  temples  and  in  building  mosques. 
After  this,  he  planned  an  expedition  towards  the  Kingdoms 
of  Khata 6  and  Tibbat,  with  a  force  of  ten  or  twelve  thousand 
select  cavalry,7   through   the   passes  of  the  north-eastern  moun- 

or  Charitable  establishments  consisting  of  Students'  Hostels  and  travellers' 
Guest-houses,  founded  cities,  and  established  military  outposts  at  strate- 
gic points,  and  introduced  the  coinage  of  money  (see  Tabaqat,  pp.  151  and 
149).  He  laid  down  embankments,  constructed  roads  and  bridges  con- 
necting his  northern  military  outposts  at  Deokot  and  his  southern  military 
outpost  at  Laknor  (perhaps  Nagor  in  B;rbhum)  with  his  newly-founded 
capital  at  Lakhnauti. 

1  i.e.,  594  A.H.  or  1198  A.C.  This  subordination  (during  Bakhtiar  Khilji  and 
at  least  two  of  his  immediate  successors)  was  nominal,  as  Bakhtiar  conquered 
Bengal  and  Behar  on  his  own  account,  though  he  outwardly  acknowledged  the 
suzerainty  of  Delhi. 

2  A  town  and  a  celebrated  hill-fort  in  Banda  district. 

3  In  the  text  '  Mahma,'  which  is  evidently  a  mistake  of  the  copyist. 
Mahaba  is  a  town  abont  15  miles  from  Lucknow  city. 

*  A  town  in  Jalaun  distriot,  North-Western  Provinces,  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  Jamna. 

6  On  the  banks  of  the  river  Sot,  North-Western  Provinces,  first  conquered 
by  Sayad  Sabar  Masud  Ghazi,  nephew  of  Sultan  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  in  1028 
A.C,  and  re-conquered  by  Qutbu-d-din  in  1196  A.C. 

«  In  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  p.  152,  "  Tibbet  and  Turkistan." 

T  One  can  easily  imagine  what  an  immense  Musalman  army  Bakhtiar 
Khilji  must  have  subsequently  poured  into  Bengal  from  the  Upper  Western 
Provinces,  to  have  enabled  him  to  detach  10,000  cavalry  for  an  expedition  into 
Tibbat,  without  weakening  his  garrison  in  the  newly-conquered  Provinces  of 
Bengal  and  Behar,  especially  as  we  read  in  the  Tabaqat  (p.  157),  that  at  the 
same  time  he  sent  a  detachment  under  Muhammad  Shiran  to  invade  Jajna- 
gar  (Orissa).     Those  who  ate  given  to  amazement   at  the   present  numerical 


Go 

tains  of  Bengal*  Guided  by  one  of  the  Chiefs  of  Koch,  named 
'AH  Mich,  who  had  been  converted  to  Mnhammadan  faith  by 
Muhammad  Bakhtiar,  he  reached  •  towards  those  mountains. 
'AH  Mich  led  Bakhtiar's  forces  to  a  country,  the  town  whereof 
is  called  Abardhan.1  and  also  Barahmangadi.  It  is  said  that 
this  town  was  founded  by  Emperor  Garshasp.8  Facing  that 
town,  flows  a  river  called  Namakdi,3 » which  in  its  depth  and 
breadth,  is  tiirice  as  much  as  the  river  Gange^.  Since  that  river 
was  tumultous,  broad,  and  deep,  and  fordable  with  difficulty, 
marching  along  the  banks  of  the  river  for  ten  days,4  he  reached 
a  place  where  existed  a  large  bridge5  made  of  stone,  and  extending 
over  twenty-nine  arches,  erected  by  the  ancients.  It  is  said  that 
Emperor  Garshasp,  at  the  time  of  invading  Hindustan,  constructed 
that   bridge,  and    came   to    the   country   of    Kamrup.     In  short, 

strength  of  Musalman  population  in  Bengal,  and  are  at  pains  to  evolve  theo- 
ries to  account  for  it,  might  as  well  bear  in  mind  these  elementary  facts  of 
history.  , 

1  In  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  p.  152  "  Mardhan-Kote  "  and  "  Bardhan-Kote  ;  "  in 
Badaoni,  p.  58,  Vol.  I,  "Brahman."  The  ruins  of  '  Bardhan-Kote'  lie  north 
of  Bogra  close  to  Gobindgunje,  on  the  Karatya  river,  not  far  from  Ghoraghat, 
and  this  is  the  place  meant  according  to   Professor  Blochmann. 

2  A  King  of  Tiiran  or  Turkistan  or  Tartary  oij  Scythia  ;  but  in  Namah« 
i-Kliusruan,  p.  7,  he  is  described  as  the  last  sovereign  of  the  Peshdadian 
dynasty  of  Persia.  In  Feri  shta  it  is  stated  that  when  Garshasp  made  an 
incursion  into  Hindustan  from  Turkistan,  he  founded  the  city  of  Bardh.au." 

3  In  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  p.  152,  '  Bagmati  '  and  '  Bakmadi ' ;  in  Badaoni, 
p.  58,  Vol.  I,  "  Brahmanputr "  and  "  Brahmkadi."  The  river  referred  to 
has  been  identified  by  Professor  Blochmann  to  be  the  Karatya,  which  formed 
for  a  long  time  the  boundary  between  ancient  Mnhammadan  Bengal  and 
Kamrfip. 

*  This  ton  days'  march  extended  northward  along  the  banks  of  the  Karat3ra 
and  the  Teesta,  which  latter  before  1784  flowed  west  of  <fche  Karatya,  joined  the 
Atrai,  and  fell  into  the  Padma,  aud  of  all  Bengal  rivers  extended  furthest  into 
Tibbat.  This  march  then  was  along  the  frontier  between  ancient  Musalman 
Bengal  and  the  territory  of  the  Rajah  of  Kamrup.  Bakhtiar's  Tibbatan 
expedition  must  have  commenced  in  the  latter  part  of  605  A.H.  (1209  A.C.) 
or  beginning  of  606  A.H.  (1210  A.C.) 

6  This  bridge  must  have  been  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Darzheling  (or  Dar- 
jeeling)  which  in  those  days  appears  to  have  been  the  bound%ry  separating  the 
Meches  from  the  hill-tribes.  The  author  of  the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  (Pers.  text, 
p.  152),  in  this  connection  mentions  the  following  three  tribes  as  then  inhabit- 
ing Northern  Bengal,  viz.,  (l)Koch,  (2)  Mech,  and  (3\Tharo  ;  ride  also  Dalton's 
Ethnology  of  Bengal. 
9 


C.6 

/ 
Muhammad  Bakhtiar  sending  across  his  forces  by  that  bridge,  and 
posting  two  commandants  for  its  protection,  planned  to  advance. 
The  Rajah  of  Kanirup,  dissuading  him  from  an  advance,rsaid  that 
if  he  (Muhammad  Bakhtiar)  would  postpone  his  march  to  Tibbat 
that  year,  and  npxt  year  collecting  an  adequate  force  would 
advance  towards  it  in  full  strength  "  I  too  would  be  the  pioneer 
of  the  Moslem  force,  and  would  tighten  up  the  waist  of  self-sacri- 
fice." Muhammad  Bakhtiar  absolutely  unheeding  this  advice, 
advanced,  and  after  sixteen  days^1  reached  the  country  of  Tibbat. 
The  battle  commenced  with  an  attack  on  a  fort  which  had  been 
built  by  king  G&rshasp,  and  was  very  strong.  Many  of  the 
Moslem  force  tasted  the  lotion  of  death,  and  nothing  was  gained. 
And  from  the  people  of  that  place  who  had  been  taken  prisoners,  it 
was  ascertained  that  at  a  distance  of  five  farsang  from  that  fort, 
was  a  large  and  populous  city.2  Fifty  thousand  Mongolian 
cavalry  thirsty  for  blood  and  archers  were  assembled  in  that  city. 
Every  day  in  the  market  of  that  city,  nearly  a  thousand  or  five 
hundred  Mongolian  horses  sold,  and  were  sent  thence  to  Lakhnauti.3 
And  they  said  "  you  have  an  impracticable  scheme  in  your  head 
with  this  small  force."  Muhammad  Bakhtiar,  becoming  apprised 
of  this  state  of  affairs,  became  ashamed  of  his  plan,  and,  without 
attaining  his  end,  retreated.  And  since  the  inhabitants  of  those 
environs,  setting  fire  to  the  fodder  and  food-grains,  had  removed 
their  chattels  to  the  ambuscades  of  the  rocks,  at  the  time  of  this 
retreat,41  for  fifteen  days,  the  soldiers  did  not  see  a  handful  of 
food-grains,  nor  did  the  cattle  see  one  bushel  of  fodder. 

i  la  the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  (Pers.  text,  p.  153),  this  march  is  thns  related  : 
11  After  leaving  a  Turkish  officer  and  a  Khilji  officer  with  a  lai'ge  body  of  troops 

to  guard   the  bridge Muhammad  Bakhtiar  Khilji  with  his  army  for  fifteen 

days  marched  across  kigh  hills  and  low  defiles,  and  on  the  sixteenth  day  (from 
his   march   from   the   bridge)    descended   into   the  open  plain  of  Tibbat,  and 

passed  many  populous  villages, and  after  some  eight  hoars'  hard  fighting, 

sutrenched  himself  in  a  fort  there." 

2  The  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  names  the  city  Karmbatan.  Bakhtiar  Khilji's  mnrch 
from  the  bridge  was  northward  for  sixteen  days. 

*  The  fair  at  Nik-mardan,  40  miles  north-west  of  Dinajpur,  attracts 
every  year  a  larlge  number  of  hill-ponies,  which  go  thence  to  other  places  in 
Bengal  and  elsewhere. 

*  In  15  days  Bakhtiar  Khilji  retreated  from  the  hills  of  Tibbat  into  the  plains 
.  Kamrfip.  According  to  Major  Raverty,  from  the  hills  of  Darjeeling,  Bakhtiar 

Khilji  had  advanced  through  Sikkim  into  Tibbat  towards  the  Sangpa. 


G7 

Neither  human  beings  saw  any  bread  except  the  circular  disc 

of  the  sun. 
Nor  tiid  the  cattle  see  any  fodder'except  the  rainbow  ! 


From  excessive  hunger  the  soldiers  devoured  flesh  of  horses 
and  horses  preferring  death  to  life  placed  their  necks  under  their 
daggers.  In  short,  in  this  straitened  condition,  they  reached  the 
bridge.  Since  those  two  commandants  quarrelling  with  each  other 
had  deserted  their  posts  at  the  head  of  the  bridge,  the  people  of 
that  country  had  destroyed  the  bridge.  At  the  sight  of  this  des- 
truction, the  heart  of  the  high  and  the  low  suddenly  broke,  like 
the  Chinese  cup.  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  engulphed  in  the  sea  of 
confusion  and  perplexity,  despaired  of  every  resource.  After 
much  striving,  he  got  news  that  in  the  neighbourhood  there  was  a 
very  large  temple,1  and  that  idols  of  gold  and  silver  were  placed 
there  in  great  pomp.  It  is  said  that  there  was  an  idol  in  the 
temple  which  weighed  a  thousand  maunds.  In  short,  Muhammad 
Bakhtiar  with  his  force  took  refuge  in  this  temple,  and  was  busy 
improvising  means  for  crossing  the  river.  The  Rajah  of  Kani- 
rup 2  had  ordered  all  his  troops  and  subjects  of  that  country 
to  commit  depredations.  The  people  of  that  country,  sending  out 
force  after  force,  engaged  in  besieging  the  temple,  and  from 
all  sides  posting  in  the  ground  bamboo-made  lances,  and  tying 
one  to  the  other,  turned  them  into  the  shape  of  walls.  Muhammad 
Bakhtiar  saw  that  all  chance  of  escape  was  slipping  out  of  his 
hands,  and  that  the  knife  was  reaching  the  bone,  so  at  once  with 
his  force  issuing  out  of  the  temple  and  making  a  sortie,  he  broke 
through  the  stockade  of  bamboos,  and  cutting  through  his  way, 
rescued  himself  from  the  hard-pressed  siege.  The  infidels  of  that 
country  pursued  him  to  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  stretched  their 
hands  to  plunder  and  slaughter,  so  that  some  b"y  the  sharpness  of 
the  sword  and  others  by  the  inundation  of  water,  were  engulphed 
in  the  sea  of  destruction.  The  Musalman  soldiers  on  reaching  tho 
liver-banks  stood  perplexed.  Suddenly,  one  of  the  soldiers 
plunged  with  his  horse  into  the  river,  and  went  about  one  arrow- 
shot,  when  another  soldier  seeing  this,  plunged  similarly  into  the 
river.     As   the  river  had  a  sandy  bed,  with  a  little *movement;  all 

l  Very  likely,  the  temple  of  Mahumairi  in  Kamrup  district. 
8  It  would  appear  that  the  Rajah  of  Kamrup    whoiiad  offered  his   services 
to  Bakhtiar  KhiljT,  in  the  end  turned  out  treacherous. 


68 

I 

were  drowned.      Only   Muhammad  Bakhtiar   witli  one  thousand 

cavalry   (and  according   to   another  account,    with  three  hundred 

cavalry)   succeeded  in  crossing  over;1  the  rest  met  with 'a  watery 

grave.     After  Muhammad  Bakhtiar   had  crossed   safely  over  the 

tumultous   river  with  a   small   force,    from   excessive  rage   and 

humiliation,  in  that  the  females  and  the  children  of  the  slaughtered 

and  the  drowned  from  alleys  and  terraces  abused  and    cursed  him, 

he  got  an  attack  of    consumption,   and  reaching  Deokot3  died. 

And  according  to  other  accounts,  'Ali  Mardan  Khilji,  who  was  one 

of  his  officers,  during  that  illness,  slew  Bakhtiar,  and  raised  the 

standard   of   sovereignty   over   the  kingdom  of  Lakhnauti.     The 

period  of  Malik  Ikhtiaru-d-din  Muhammad  Bakhtiar's  rule  over 

Bengal  was  twelve  years.     When  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  passed3 

1  For  a  discussion  of  the  route  of  Bakhtiar  Khilji' s  expedition  into  Tibbat, 
and  of  his  retreat  therefrom,  see  Raverty's  notes  in  his  translation  of  Tabaqat- 
i-Nasiri,  and  Blochmann's  Contributions  to  History  and  Geography  of  Bengal, 
J.A^S.  for  1875,  No.  3,  Part  I,  p.  283. 

Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  (Pers.  printed  text,  p.  156)  states  that  Bakhtiar  Khilji 
successfully  swam  across  the  river  with  only  one  hundred  troopers,  whilst  all 
the  rest  of  his  army  were  drowned. 

8  Deokot  or  Damdamah,  near  Gangarampur,  south  of  Dinajpur,  was  the 
northern  Musalman  Military  outpost  ,inc  the  time  of  Bakhtiar  Khilji,  who 
had  set  out  for  Tibbat  either  from  Deokot  or  Lakhnauti. 

3  Ali  Mardan  assassinated  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  Khilji  in  606  A.H. 
(1210  A.C.)  at  Deokot.  This  date  is  arrived  at  if  Bengal  was  conquered  in 
594  A. II.  or  1198  A.C.  by  Bakhtiar  Khilji,  as  the  best  accounts  would  indicate, 
and  also  if  he  reigned  for  12  years  over  Bengal.  Professor  Blochmaim  men- 
tions 602  A.H.  as  the  date  of  Bakhtiar's  assassination,  but  he  accepts  59-4 
A.H.  as  the  date  of  the  Bengal  conquest — which  involves  chronological 
contradiction. 

Mr.  Thomas  in  his  "  Initial  Coinage  of  Bengal"  states  that  Ali  Mardan 
assumed  independence-  under  the  title  of  Alauddin  when  Qutbuddin  Aibak 
died  in  Lahore  in  607  A.H.  Thus  allowing  8  months  for  Malik  Azuddin's 
rule,  Bakhtiar  Khilji  appears  to  have  been  assassinated  about  the  middle 
of  606  A.H. — the  date  previously  arrived  at  by  me. 

In  Badaoni,  it  is  stated  that  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  Khilji  returned  to 
Deokot  from  Tibbat  with  only  some  three  hundred  troopers,  the 
rest  of  his  expeditionary  force  having  perished,  and  fell  ill  from  vexation, 
and  was  attacked  with  hectic  fever,  aud  used  to  say  "no  doubt  Sultan 
Muhammad  Muizuddin  has  met  with  an  accident,  that  fortune  has  gone  so 
against  me."  And  when  he  became  weak  from  illness,  Ali  Mardan,  ODe 
of  Muhammad  Bakhtiar's  principal  officers,  arrived  at  Deokot,  and  find- 
ing  him   bed-ridden,    pulled  down  the  sheet  from   his  face,   and  despatched 


69 

from  the  rule  of  this  transitory  world  into  the  eternal  world, 
Malik1  'Azu-d-din  Khilji  succeeded  to  the  rule  over  Bengal. 
Eight  mbntlis  had  not  passed,  when  *Ali  Martian  Khilji  slew  him. 


RULE  OF  'ALI  MARDAN  KHlLJl  IN  BENGAL. 

—  » 

After  the»assassination  of  'Azz-ud-din,  his  assassin,  'All  Mardan 
Khilji  became  ruler  of  Bengal,  styled  himself  Sultan  'Alau-d-din, 

him  with  one  blow  of  a  dagger.  The  above  account  is  rendered  thus  by 
the  Tabaqat-i-Nisiri,  the  nearest  contemporary  account,  (Pers.  text,  1  p- 
156) : — When  Bakhtiar  Khlji  with  about  one  hundred  troopers  only  made 
good  his  escape  across  the  river,  'Ali  Mich  with  his»  relatives  rendered  good 
services,  and  conducted  Bakhtiar  Kullji  towards  Deokot.  On  arrival  at 
Deokot,  from  excessive  humiliation  Bakhtiar  fell  ill  and  shut  himself  up, 
and  did  not  ride  out  in  the  streets,  for  whenever  he  did  so,  widows  and 
orphans  of  the  soldiers  and  officers  that  had  fallen,  used  to  curse  and  abuse 
him  from  the  terraces  and  the  streets.  Bakhtiar  would  say  "  Some  mishap 
must  have  befallen  Sultan  Muizuddin,  for  the  tide  of  fortune  to  .have 
thus  turned  against  me."  And  it  was  a  fact,  for  at  that  time  Sult;"n  Muiz- 
uddin had  fallen  at  the  hands  of  an  assassin  (a  Ghakkar).  From  excessive 
humiliation,  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  Khilji  fell  ill  and  was  confined  to  his 
bed,  and  at  length  died.  And  according  to  another  account,  one  of  his  officers 
'All  Mardan  Khilji  who  was  bold  land  ferocious,  and  held  the  fief  of  Deokot, 
on  hearing  the  news  of  Bakhtiar' s  illness,  came  to  Deokot,  found  him  lying 
in  bed,  threw  aside  the  sheet  from  his  face,  and  slew  him." 

1  His  name  was  Malik  '  Azuddin  Muhammad  Shiran  Khilji  (Tabaqat- 
i-Nasiri,  Pers.  text  p.  157).  The  following  account  of  him  is  summarised 
from  Tabaqat,  the  nearest  contemporary  account :  "  Muhammad  Shiran 
•and  Ahmad  Iran  were  two  brothers,  both  being  Khilj  noblemen,  and  in  the 
service  of  Bakhtiar.  When  Bakhtiar  led  his  expedition  towards  Tibbat,  lie 
sent  the  above  two  brothers  with  an  army  towards  LakhnautI  and  Jajnagar 
(Orissa).  When  these  heard  the  news  of  Bakhtiar' s  assassination,  they  returned 
to  Deokot,  and  after  performing  funeral  ceremonies,  proceeded  towards 
Narkoti  (not  identified,  but  must  have  lain  not  far  from  Deokot)  which  was 
held  in  fief  by  '  Ali  Mardan  Khilji.  They  captured  the  latter,  and  placed  him 
in  charge  of  the  Kotwal  (the  police  commissioner)  of  that  place,  named  Baba 
Kotwal  IspahanI,  and  returned  to  Deokot.  Muhammad  Shiran  was  an 
energetic  man  endowed  with  noble  qualities.  At  the  conquest  of  Nudeah, 
he  had  rendered  good  service  by  capturing  elephants.  As  he  was  head  of  the 
Khilji  oligarchy,  all  the  Khilji  nobles  acknowledged  him  *s  their  chief  and 
paid  homage  to  him.  In  the  meantime,  All  Mardan  Khilji  made  good  his 
escape,  proceeded  to  Delhi,  and  persuaded  Saltan  Qutbuddin  to  depute  from 
Oudh  Qaimaz  RumI  to  Lakhnauti,  in  order  to  put  jdown  the  Khilji  oligarchy 
in  Bengal.     Hussamuddin  Iwaz  who  held  the  fief  of  Kaukton  (Kangor,  near 


70 

and  introduced  the  Khutjbah  and  the  coin  in  his  own  name.1  The 
breeze  ot  insolence  and  vanity  blew  into  the  recesses  of  his  brain, 
and  he  commenced  oppressions  and  innovations.  Two  years  he 
continued  to  rule,  at  length  when  the  Imperial  army  from  Delhi 
arrived,  all  the  Khilps  making  a  common  cause  with  the  Imperial 
army  avenged  the  murder  of  'Azu-d-dln.  After  this,  the  rule 
of  this  kingdom  passed  to  Ghiasu-d-din  Khilji. 


RULE  OF  GHIASU-D-DlN  KHILJI  IN  BENGAL. 

Ghiasu-d-din  Khilji2  succeeded  to  the  rule  of  Bengal.  In  that 
year   607   A.H.,   Sultan   Qutbu-d-din,  Avhilst  playing  at  polo  at 

Deokot)  from  Bakhtiar  Khilji,  went  "ahead  to  receive  Qaimaz  Riimi,  and 
in  the  latter's  company  proceeded  to  Deokot,  and  on  the  initiative  o* 
Qaimaz,  received  the  fief  of  Deokot.  When  Qaimaz  was  returning  from 
Deokot,  Mubammad  Shiran  and  other  Khilji  nobles  collected  together,  and 
attempted  to  re-take  Deokot.  Qaimaz  came  back,  fonght  with  the  Khilji 
nobility  and  Muhammad  Shiran,  who  being  defeated,  dispersed,  quarrelled 
amongst  themselves  near  Makidah  (Masidah,  a  perganah  south-east  of  Deo- 
kot) and  Mantosh  (Santosh,  a  perganah  south-east  of  Deokot),  and 
Muhammad  Shiran  was  slain.  He  lies  buried  at  Santosh  (on  the  banks  of 
the  Atrai  river). 

1  '  AliMardan  Khilji.  assassin  of  Bakhtiar  Khilji  and  Azuddin  Khilji,  ruled 
from  607  A.H.  to  609  or  610  A.H.  and  assumed  independence  and  title  of 
Sultan  '  Alauddin,  on  the  death  of  Qutbu-d-din  Aibak.  In  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  it 
is  stated  that  he  recited  the  Khutbah  ;  but  Badaoni  states  that  he  minted  also 
coius  in  his  own  name.  [I  have  not  yet  seen  any  of  his  coins.  Mr.  Thomas 
in  his  '  Initial  Coinage  of  Bengal"  notices  the  coins  of  Abauddin's  successor, 
Ghiasuddin,  struck  in  A.H.  616,  see  J.A.S.,  p.  354,  p.  1,  Vol.  XLII  for  1873]. 
It  is  also  stated  in  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  (Pers.  text,  p.  159),  that  from  excessive 
insolence,  he  divided  the  country  of  Iran  and  Tiiran  amongst  his  adherents, 
and  no  one  dared  to  suggest  that  those  dominions  did  not  pertain  to  him. 
One  person  complained  <^f  poverty  to  Alauddin,  who  enquired  whence  he 
came.  On  learning  he  came  from  Ispahan,  he  ordered  his  ministers  to 
write  out  a  document  assigning  lands  in  Ispahan  to  him  ! 

It  is  stated  inTabaqat,  that  on  escape  from  the  custody  of  the  Kotwal 
of  Narkoti,  Ali  Mardan  went  to  Sultan  Qutbu-d-din,  and  received  the  Vice- 
royalty  of  Lakhnauti.  When  he  crossed  the  Kosi  river,  Hussamuddin  from 
Deokot  received  him,  conducted  him  to  Deokot,  where  Ali  Mardan  was 
formally  installed  in.  power.  He  was  cruel  and  ferocious,  killed  many  Khilji 
nobles,  and  the  native  chieftains  trembled  under  him.  The  subjects  as 
well  as  the  soldiers  were  in  disgust  with  him. 

8  His   real    name  was  Hussamuddin   Iwaz-bin   Al-Husain.     He  was   a 
noble  of  Khilji  and  Garmsir,  and   on   joining  Bakhtiar   Khilji   was   first  np- 


71 

Lahor,  fell  from  liis  horse,  and  died,  and  his  son,  Aram  Shah, 
mounted  the  throne  of  Delhi,  and  the  Empire  fell  into  decay. 
Ghiasu-d-din  establishing  completely  his  rule  over  this  province, 

pointed  to  lief  of  Kangor,  (which  lay  south-east  of  Deokot)  and  next 
promoted  to  charge  of  the  important  northern*  military  outpost  of 
Deokot.  On  the  appointment  of  Ali  Mardan  Khil.j  i  to  .the  rule  of  Bengal, 
he  advanced  to  receive  the  new  Viceroy  on  the  banks  of  the  Kosi  river, 
and  helped  in  the  latter's  installation  at  Deokot*  On  the  assassination 
by  the  Khilji  nobles  of  Ali  Mardan,  who  had  since  the  death  of  Emperor 
Qutbuddiu  Aibak  assumed  independence,  Hussamuddin  was  elected 
chief  of  the  Khilji  oligarchy  in  Bengal  in  609  or  610  A.H.  Seeing  the 
feebleness  of  Qutbuddin's  successor,  Aram  Shah.  Hussamu-d-din  assumed 
independence,  made  Lakhnauti  his  capital,  and,  assumed  the  title  of 
Sultan  Ghiasu-d-dlu  about  612  A. EL,  find  minted  coins  in  his  own  name. 
Mr.  Thomas  in  his  "  Initial  Coinage  of  Bengal "  notices  several  ^oins  of 
Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  struck  at  Gaur  or  Lakhnauti  between  614  and  620 
A.H.  An  examination  of  these  coins  indicates  the  interesting  and  curious 
fact  that  Ghiasu-d-din  had  put  himself  in  communication  with  the  Khalifa 
of  Baghdad  so  far  back  as  620  A.H.  (that  is,  earlier  than  Emperor  Altamsh 
of  Delhi  who  obtained  similar  honour  in  626  AH.)  and  obtained  a 
pontificiil  patent,  recognizing  the  sovereign  of  Bengal  amongst  the 
Moslem  hierarchy  of  the  world.  This  circumstance,  as  suggested  by 
Mr.  Thomas,  would  also  indicate  that  in  those  days  there  was  freer  sea 
and  ocean-intercourse  between  the  Musalma.ns  along  the  shores  of  Bengal 
and  the  Arabs  of  the  sea-ports  of  Basrah  and  Baghdad,  than  between 
Musalmans  of  more  inland  places  in  Iudia  and  the  Arabs  of  the  aforesaid  sea- 
ports. 

In  622  A.H.,  Emperor  Altamsh  from  Delhi  invaded  Bengal,  and  on 
Sultan  Ghiasuddin  paying  him  tribute,  peace  was  concluded.  In  624  A.H. 
Sultan  Nasiruddln,  eldest  son  of  Emperor  Altamsh,  invaded  Lakhnauti, 
whilst  Ghiasuddin  was  engaged  at  Kamrup  and  Bang  (East  Bengal},  and 
fought  a  battle  with  Sultan  Ghiasuddin,  on  the  latter's  return,  and 
killed  the  latter,  and  succeeded  to  the  rule  over  Bengal  in  a  semi-sovereign 
capacity,  with  the  approval  of  his  father,  Emperor  Altamsh.  Ifc  is  stated 
that  Sultan  Ghiasuddin  extended  and  consolidated  the  Moslem  sovereignty 
in  Bengal,  and  extended  his  empire  over  Jajnagar  (Orissa),  Bang  (East 
Bengal),  Kamrud  (or  Kamrup,  Western  Assam),  and  Tirhut  (see  Tabaqat- 
i-Nasiri,  Pers.  text,  p.  163.)  Minhajus-Siraj,  Author  of  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  who 
visited  Lakhnauti  shortly  after  in  641  A.H.  and  appreciated  the  material 
improvements  effected  by  Ghiasuddin,  pays  him  a  high  tribute  (Pers.  text, 
p.  161),  a  tribute  which  in  627  A  H.  Emperor  Altamsh  had  also  paid  to  the 
memory  of  this  good  and  great  sovereign,  by  decreeing  that  Ghiasuddin 
should  in  his  grave  be  styled  as  a  Sultan.  Amongst  his  public  works, 
Tabaqat-i  Nasiri  mentions  that  he  founded  the  Fort  of  Baskot  (Basankot 
near  Gaur),  established  mosques,  and  Public  Halls,  &c. 


72 

introduced  the  Khutbah  and  the  coin  in  his  own  name,  and  to 
some  extent  arrogating  to  himself  the  sovereign  power,  he  ruled 
over  this  country.  And  when  the  throne  of  Delhi  hy  the  accession 
of  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  Altamsh  received  eclat  in  the  year  622 
A.H.,  the  latter  marched  with  his  forces  to  Behar,  and  invaded 
Lakhnauti.  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  not  finding  strength  in  himself 
to  stand  an  encounter,  presented  to  the  Emperor  thirty-eight 
elephants,  eighty  thousand  rupees,  together  with  various 
valuables  and  other  presents,  and  enlisted  himself  amongst  the 
adherents  of  the  Emperor.  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  Altamsh 
introducing  there  the  Khutbah  and  the  coin  in  his  own  name 
and  bestowing  on  his  eldest  son  the  title  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din, 
and  entrusting  to  him  the  rule  ovgi*  the  kingdom  of  Lakhnauti,  and 
presenting  to  him  the  royal  umbrella  and  staff,  himself  returned 
to  the  metropolis  of  Delhi.  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  was  just  and 
liberal,  and  the  period  of  his  rule  was  twelve  years. 


RULE    OF    SULTAN    NASlRU-D-DlN,    SON  OP    SULTAN 
SHAMSU-D-DlN  ALTAMSH,  EMPEROR  OP  DELHI. 

Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  succeeded  to  the  rule  of  Bengal.  After 
the  return  of  Sultan  JShamsu-d--din  Altamsh  towards  Delhi, 
Ghiasu-d-din  who  had,  gone  towards  the  kingdom  of  Kamrup, 
returning,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt.  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  killed 
him  after  a  bloody  engagement,  and  obtaining  much  booty,  sent 
many  valuables  and  presents  of  this  country  to  many  of  his 
acquaintances  at  Delhi,  and  for  three  yeai^s  and  some  months  he 
continued  to  rule  over  Bengal.  In  the  year  626  A.H.,  at  Lakhnauti, 
he  tasted  the  untasty  lotion  of  death.1     And  Hussamu-d-dinKhilji8 

T 

1  His  body  was  brought  to  Delhi,  and  enshrined  by  the  loving  father  in  a 
beautiful  mausoleum  (known  as  the  mausoleum  of  Saltan  Ghazi),  about 
three  miles  west  of  the  celebrated  Qutb  Minar.  In  the  inscription 
on  the  mausoleum,  Nasirnddin  is  entitled  "  Emperor  of  the  East,"  or 
"  Malik-ul-Maluk-ul-Sharq."  Emperor  Altamsh  so  much  loved  the  memory 
of  his  eldest  son  (the  King  of  Bengal)  that  he  bestowed  his  name 
(i.e.,  Nasirnddin)  on  his  (Emperor's)  yonnger  son  who  afterwards  mounted 
the  throne  of  Delhi,  after  whom  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  is  named. 

2  In  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  "  Balka  Malik  Khilji."  The  correct  name  appears 
to  be  Malik  Ikhtiarnddin  Balka,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Doulat  Shah, 
and  minted  coins.     Mr.  Thomas  in  his  "Initial  Coinage   of   Bengal"  notices 


73 

» 
who  was  one  of  the  nobles  of  Md.  Bakhtiar   succeeded  to  the  rule 
of  Bengal. 


RULE  OF  'ALAU-D-DiN  KHAN. 

When  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  Altamsh  heart?  the  news  of  the 
death  of  his  beloved  son,  he  observed  ^he  necessary  ceremonies 
of  mournings  and  iii  the  year  627  A.  H.  for  the  purpose  of  quench- 
ing the  fire  of  insurrection  which  had  appeared  in  Bengal  after 
the  death  of  Nasiru-d-din,  proceeded  to  Lakhnauti,  and  after 
fighting  with  Malik  Hussamu-d-diu  Khilji,  who  raising  insurrec- 
tion had  brought  about  complete  disorder  in  the  government  of 
Bengal,  captured  him.  After  weeding  out  the  root  of  insurrec- 
tion, and  quelling  the  tumult  of  rebellion,  he  assigned  the  rule 
of  that  kingdom  to  Izzul-mulk  Malik  '  Alau-d-din  Khan.1  And 
the  latter  devoting  himself  to  the  subjugation  and  administration 
of  the  country  enforced  in  this  country  the  Imperial  Khutbah  and 
coin.     After  ruling  three  years,  he  was  recalled. 


o 


RULE  OF  SAIFU-D-DIN  TURK.* 

After  supercession   of    Izziul-raulk    'Alau-d-din,   Saifu-d-din 
Turk   received  the   Royal  patent  of  Viceroyalty  of  Bengal.     He, 

a  coin  of  Doulafc  Shah  struck  in  627  A.H.  To  put  down  Doulat  Shah,  Emperor 
Altamsh  personally  invaded  Bengal  for  the  second  time  in  627  A.  H.,  defeated 
Doulat  Shah  or  Ikhtiarnddin  Balka,  and  entrusted  the  government  of  Bengal 
to  Alauddin  Khan  or  Alauddin  Jam.     (Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  Pers.  text,  p.  174). 

1  In  Badoni,  "  Malik  Alauddin  Khafi,  "  in  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  "Alauddin 
Jani."  After  his  first  invasion  of  Bengal,  in  622  A.H.,  Sultan  Shamsuddin 
Altamsh  separated  Behar  from  Bengal,  which  was  under  Sultan  Ghiasuddin 
and  left  Alauddin  Jani  as  its  Governor.  On  Altamsh's  withdrawal,  Sultan 
Ghiasuddin  wrested  Behar  again  from  Alauddin  Jani,  and  hence  the  second 
invasion  of   Bengal  by  Emperor  Altamsh's  son.  • 

2  The  following  account  of  him  is  abridged  by  me  from  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, 
the  nearest  contemporary  account  (Pers.  text,  p.  238) :—"  Malik  Saifnddin 
Aibak  lghantat  was  a  Turk  of  Khata ;  he  was  a  noble  Malik,  and  was 
endowed  with  excellent  qualities.  Sultan  Nasiruddin  Mahmud,  King  of 
Bengal,  (son  of  Emperor  Altamsh),  purchased  him,  and  Jcept  him  in  his 
company,  first  appointing  him  as  Amir-ul-Majlis  (Lord  Chamberlain)  and 
then  conferring  on  him  the  fief  of  Sarsati.  Subsequently,  for  his  good 
services,   he   was  appointed   Governor   of    Behar,  add  next  promoted  to  the 

10 


74 

too,  occupied  the  Viceregal  throne   for  three  years,  when  he   died 
of  poison. 


RULE  OF  IZZU-D-DlN  TUGHAN  KHAN.1 
o 

Since  the  juggling  sky  at  that  time  had  thrown  the  reins  of 

a 

Viceroyalty  of  Bengal  (Lakhnauti),  when  Alauddin  Jani,  the  Bengal  Viceroy, 
was  recalled.  He  captured  several  elephants  in  Vilayet-i-Bang  (East 
Bengal),  sent  thetn  as  presents  to  the  Delhi  Emperor  (Shamsuddin  Altamsh) 
and  received  the  title  of  Ighantat. 

1  The  following  account  of  him  is  summarised  by  me  from  Tabaqat-i- 
Nasiri,  the  nearest  contemporary  account  (Pers.  text,  p.  242); — Malik  Tughan 
Khan  Turki  was  come-ly  in  appearance,  and  noble  in  heart.  He  hailed 
from  Khata.  He  was  liberal  and  generous,  endowed  with  noble  qualities  ; 
in  liberality  and  generosity,  and  in  conciliating  and  winning  over  people, 
he  had  no  match  in  the  army.  When  the  Sultan  (Emperor  Altamsh) 
purchased  him,  he  first  became  the  Koyal  cup-bearer,  next  he  was  appointed 
Secretary  and  Keeper  of  the  Imperial  Seal  (Dawat  Dar).  He  lost  the 
Imperial  jewelled  ink-pot,  and  was  degraded  to  the  office  of  Chashnigir 
(a  taster  to  a  prince),  and  after  a  long  time,  was  appointed  Superintendent 
of  the  Imperial  stables  ( Amir-i-Akhur) ;  and  after  some  time,  was  appointed 
feudatory  of  Badaon,  and  next  appointed  Governor  of  Behar,  when  Lakhnauti 
(Bengal)  was  conferred  on  Ighantat  Saifuddin  Aibak.  At  length  when  Saif- 
uddin  died,  Tughan  Khan  was  appointed  to  the  vacant  Bengal  (Lakhnauti) 
"Viceroyalty.  After  the  death  of  Sultan  Nasiruddin  Mahmud  (son  of  Emperor 
Altamsh,  and  Viceroy  of  Bengal),  between  Tughan  Khan  and  the  feudatory  of 
Lakhnauti  named  Lakor  Aibak,  who  enjoyed  the  title  of  Anr  Khan,  ill-feeling 
broke  out.  Tughan  Khan  fought  with  Lakor  Aibak  before  the  fort  of 
Basankot,  close  to  Lakhnauti,  defeated  and  killed  the  latter,  and  subdued 
both  wings  of  Lakhnauti,  one  being  in  Badh  on  the  side  of  Lakor  (probably 
Nagor)  and  the  other  being  in  Barand,  on  the  side  of  Deokot.  At  this 
time,  Empress  Baziah  ascended  the  Imperial  throne  of  Delhi,  and  Tughan 
Khan  sent  envoys  with  presents  to  Delhi,  and  received  in  return  Imperial 
presents  sent  in  charge  of  Qazi  Jallalnddin.  Tughan  proceeded  from 
Lakhnauti  to  Tirhut  district,  and  acquired  much  booty  and  treasure. 
When  Sultan  Muizuddin  Bahram  Shah  ascended  the  Imperial  throne  of 
Delhi,  Tughan  Khan  sent  tho  former  also  presents.  When  Sultan  Alauddin 
succeeded  Bahram  Shah,  Bahauddin  Hullal  Sudani  invaded  Ondh, 
Manikpur,  and  Karah  and  cast  eyes  on  the  eastern  provinces,  and  so  Tughan 
Khan  went  to  Karah  and  Manikpur,  (to  conciliate  Bahauddin  and  to  turn 
him  back),  and  \n  Oudli  met  Minhaju-s-Siraj,  (author  of  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri), 
and  with  the  latter  went  back  to  Lakhnauti  in  641  A.H.  At  this  time 
the  Rajah  of  Jajnagar  (Orissa)  committed  depredations  in  Lakhnauti. 
Tughan  Khan  that  year,  by  way  of  reprisal,  invaded  Jajnagar  (Minhaju- 
s-Siraj     accompanying  him)  and  reached  and   stormed  the  fort  of  Baktasan, 


75 

> 
the  empire  of  Delhi  into  the  hands   of  Sultan    Raziah,1  daughter 

of  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  Altamsh,  during  her  reign,  the  Viceroyalty 
>  * 

which  is  on  the  Orissa  frontier.  Fighting  ensued,  and  the  Musalmans 
were  defeated.  Tughan  Khan  returned  to  Lakhnauti,  sent  Sharfn-1-mulk 
Ashari  to  the  Emperor  of  Delhi,  to  seek  for  help.  Under  Emperor's  order, 
a  large  army  led  by  Tamar  Khan  Qamruddin  Qiran,  feudatory  of  Oudh 
was  sent  to  Lakhnauti,  in  order  to  repel  'and  chastise  the  infidels  of 
Jajnagar  (Orissa).  The  Rajah  of  Jajnagar  invaded  Lakhnauti,  owing 
to  Musalmans  in  the  previous  expedition  having  demolished  the  Orissa 
fort  of  Katasan  (or  Baktasan).  The  Orissans  first  took  Lakor  (probably 
Nagor),  and  slaughtered  a  large  body  of  Mnsalmans  including  the  Command- 
ant of  Lakor,  named  Fakhrul  Mulk  Karimuddin,  and  then  approached 
the  gate  of  Lakhnauti,  but  after  fighting  retreated.  Then  between 
TughanjjjKhan  and  Tamar  Khan  ill-feeling  ensued,  and  they  fought  against 
each  other,  and  on  both  sides  many  were  killed.  By  the  intercession 
of  Minhaju-s-Siraj  (author  of  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri)  peace  was  brought  about 
betweeti  the  two,  on  condition  that  Lakhnauti  would  be  left  to  Tamar 
Khun,  and  Tughan  Khan  with  his  treasures  and  elephants  and  effects 
would  retire  to  Delhi.  Tughan  did  so  (in  his  company  being  Minhaju- 
s-Siraj);  the  Emperor  loaded  him  with  presents,  bestowed  on  nim 
the  Governorship  of  Oudh,  whilst  Tamar  Khan  held  the  Bengal 
Viceroyalty.  On  the  same  night,  both  died,  Tamar  Khln  at  Lakhnauti, 
and  Tughan  in  Oudh  !  " 

It  would  appear  from  the  above^  that  the  invasion  of  Bengal  by  Mughals 
under  Changiz  Khan  referred  to  in  tha  text,  is  a  n/yth  and  a  mistake  for  the 
invasion  of  Lakhnauti  by  the  Hindus  of  Jajnagar  (Orissa).  The  mistake 
is  repeated  in  many  histories,  but  Tabaqat's  account  is  the  most  reliable, 
as  its  author  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  affair. 

I  The  daughter  of  Emperor  Altamsh.  named  Raziah,  ascended  the  throne 
of  Delhi  in  accordance  with  her  father's  wishes  in  634  A.H.  (1236  A.C.) 
The  sight  of  an  unveiled  Moslem  Empress  seated  on  the  Imperial 
throne  of  Delhi,  struck  all  Indo-Moslem  eyes  in  those  days  as  a  curious 
phenomenon,  and  hence  our  author's  expression,  "  Juggling  sky."  She 
reigned  for  three  years  from  1236  A.C.  to  1239  A.C.  According  to 
Badaoni,  the  Empress  was  endowed  with  excellent  qualities,  and  was 
brave,  generous  and  intelligent.  She  followed  the  path  of  equity  and  the 
principles  of  justice,  and  set  iu  order  the  affairs  which  iad  remained  in  con- 
fusion during  the  brief  reign  of  her  step-brother  Sultan  Ruknuddin  Firuz 
Shah.  She  set  before  her  the  pursuit  of  beneficence  as  the  object  of  her 
ambition,  and  made  Nizamul  Junaidi,  Chief  Vizier.  The  Empress  came  out 
of  the  curtain,  wore  masculine  garments,  such  as  a  tunic  and  a  Kullah,  and  sat 
on  the  throne.  According  to  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  she  was  'put  to  death  by 
the  Hindus.  She  was  learned  in  the  Qoran,  industrious  in  public  business, 
firm  and  energetic  in  every  crisis.  Indeed,  she  was  a  great  woman  and  a  great 
Queen.  » 


76 

of  Lakhnauti  was  bestowed  on  Izzu-d-din  Tughan  Khan.  The  latter 
devoted  himself  to  the  administration  of  the  country,  and  for  a 
period  was  successful.  When  in  the  year  639  A.H.  Sultan 
Alau-d-din  Masud  ascended  the  throne  of  Delhi,  Tughan  Khan  sent 
many  presents  and  valuables  to  the  Emperor  of  Dehli  in  charge 
of  Sharfu-1-Mulk  Sanqari,  and  the  Emperor  sent  to  Izzu-d-din 
Tughan  Khan  in  charge  of  Qazi  Jalalu-d-diu,  Governor  of  Oudh, 
a  ruby-laid  umbrella  and  a  special  robe  of  honour.  And  in  the 
year  642  A.H.,  thirty  thousand  Mughal  soldiers  of  Cliangiz  Khan, 
making  an  incursion  into  the  kingdom  of  Lakhnauti  through 
the  passes  of  the  northern  mountains,  created  much  confusion. 
Malik  Izzu-d-din  sent  an  account  of  this  to  Sultan  Alau-d-din. 
On  hearing  of  this,  the  Empsror  despatched  to  Lakhnauti  a 
large  force  under  Malik  Qurabeg  Tamar  Khan,  who  was  one  of 
the  servants  of  Khwajah  Tash,  for  assisting  Tughan  Khan.  At 
the  time  of  engagement,  the  Mughal  forces  not  being  able  to  give 
battle  returned  to  their  country,  vanquished.  In  the  meantime,  on 
certain  occasions  between  Izzu-d-din  Tughan  Khan  and  Malik 
Qurabeg  Tamar  Khan,  dissension  set  in;  consequently,  Sultan 
Alau-d-din,  in  accordance  with  the  saying  "Two  rulers  cannot 
rule  over  one  country,"  appointed  Malik  Qurabeg  Tamar  Khan 
to  be  ruler  of  Lakhnauti,  and  recalled  to  Dehli  Malik  Izzu-d-din 
Tughan  Khan.  Tughan  Khan  ruled  for  13  years  and  some 
months. 

o 

RULE  OF  MALIK  QURABEG  TAMAR  KHAN.' 

After  supercession  of  Malik  Izzu-d-din  Tughan  Khan,  Qurabeg 
Tamar  Khan,  becoming   ruler  of  the  kingdom  of  Lakhnauti,  set 

l  Malik  Qurabeg1  Tamar  Khan  or  Qamru-d-din  Qiran  Tamar  Khan  was 
Governor  of  Bengal  from  642  A.H.  to  644  A.H.,  when  he  died. 

An  account  of  his  career  in  Bengal  already  appears  in  a  previous  note 
His  previous  career  may,  however,  be  noticed  here.  I  summarise  it  from 
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  (Pers.  text,  p.  247),  which  is  a  contemporary  account : — 
"  Mallik  Tamar  Khan  Turk  was  virtuous  and  polished  in  manners,  very  ener- 
getic and  generous  and  active  and  brave.  He  had  a  handsome  appearance. 
Sultan  Shamsu-didin  Altamsh  purchased  him  for  50,000  chital,  appointed  him 
Deputy  Superintendent  of  the  Royal  Stables,  whilst  Tughan  Khan  was  the 
Chief  Superintendent.  In  the  reign  of  Empress  Raziah,  he  became  feuda- 
tory of  Kanauj,  and  fought  in  the  expedition  against  Kali  war  and  Malwah, 
and  rendered  good  services.     He  received  fief  of  Karab,  and  also  did  good 


77 


> 


himself  to  administrative  affairs.  After  ruling  ten  years,  he  died. 
And  in  the  reign  of  Emperor  Nasiru-d-dml  Mahmud,  son  of 
Saltan  Shamsu-d-din  Altamsh  in  the'year  655  H.  the  Viceroyalty 
of  Lakhnauti  was  entrusted  to  Malik  Jalalu-d-din  Khan, 


KULE  OF  MALIK  JALALU-D-DIN  KHAN.* 

1 

When  Malik  Jalalu-d-din  Khan  succeeded  to  the  Viceroyalty 
of  the  kingdom  of  Lakhnauti,  he  ruled  over  it  for  a  year  more 
or  less,  and  in  the  year  656  A.H.  he  was  superceded,  and  Arsalan 
Khan  was  appointed  Viceroy  of  that  province. 

RULE  OF  ARSALAN  KHAN.* 

When  Arsalan  Khan  became  Viceroy  of  Lakhnauti,  he  devot- 
ad  himself  to  administrative  matters.  He  asserted  some  amount 
of  independence.  In  the  year  657  A.H.,  he  sent  two  elephants 
and  much  jewellery  and  rare  stuffs  to  Sultan  Nasiru-d-d'n,  and 
shortly  after  died  at  Lakhnauti. 

service  there.  On  the  death  of  Nasirn-d-dln,  he  was  appointed  Governor  of 
Oudh.  Whilst  at  Oadh,  he  invadet?  all  the  eastern  tracts  including  Tirhut, 
and  carried  off  immense  booty.  He  was  thence  sent  to  Lakhnauti  to  help 
Tughan  Khan  in  repelling  the  Ooriya  invasion,  and  after  that  settled  down 
in  Bengal  as  its  Viceroy. 

1  After  him  the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  is  named ;  it  is  a  general  history  of 
India  from  the  commencement  of  Musalman  Rule  down  to  658  A.H. 
(1260  A.C.)  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  succeeded  Sultan  Alau-d-din  to  the  throne 
of  Delhi  in  1246  A.C.  His  Vizier  was  Ghiasu-d-dln  Balban  (afterwards  Em- 
peror Balban).  Of  the  six  years  which  intervened  between  658  A.H.  and 
664  A.H.  (the  date  of  assumption  of  sovereignty  by  Emperor  Balban)  there 
is  no  known  historical  work.  The  Tarikh  Firuz  Shs>hl  of  Ziau-d-dm  Barni 
only  began  from  Ghiasu-d-dln  Balban's  reign.  Emperor  Balban  reigned  from 
1265  to  1287  A.C. 

3  Jalaluddin  Masud,  Malik  Jani  Khilji  Khan,  became  Governor  of 
Bengal  in  656  A.H. 

I  do  not  find  any  detailed  account  of  him  given  in  the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri. 

S  Izzu-d-din  Balban  was  Governor  of  Bengal  in  657  A.H.,  in  which 
year  he  was  attacked  by  Taju-d-din  Arsalan  Khan  Sanjar  ii-Khwarizmi,  who 
was  subsequently  captured  or  killed  at  Lakhnauti  by  Izzu-d-din.  Hence 
Taju-d-din  Arsalan  Khan  cannot  count  amongst  Governors  of  Bengal  (see 
Blochmann's  Contr.  to  Hist,  and  Geog.  of  Bengal,  and  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,' 
Pers.  text,  p.  267). 


78 

RULE  OF  MUHAMMAD  TATAR  KHAN.* 

After  the  death  of  Arsalan  Khan,  his  son,  Md.  Tatar  Khau,  who 
was    illustrious   for   his   bravery,   liberality,  heroism  and  honesty, 
becoming   independent  in  his    rule    of    Lakbnauti,   did    not  much 
bend  his  head  in  submission  to  Emperor  Nasiru-d-din.     And  after 
a  while,  he  had  the  Khutbah  in  the  kingdom  of  Lakhnauti  recited 
in  his   own  name,  and  for 'some  time  he  passed  in   this  wise.     And 
when   in    the  year   664    A.H.    the    throne  of  Dehli  received  eclat 
from  the  accession  of  Sultan   (rhiasu-d-din   Balban,   and  the  fame 
of  high    aspiration    and    steadiness     and    high    ambition    of  that 
Emperor  spread  to  all  sides,    Md.    Tatar    Khan,    using   foresight, 
sent  sixty-three  head  of  elephants,   together  with  other    presents, 
to  Dehli.     As    this    was    the  firct   year    of  his  accession,    Sultan 
Grhiasu-d-din  Balban  considering  this  an   auspicious    augury,  illu- 
minated the  City  with  lamps,  and  the  nobles,  feudatories  and  the 
principal   officers    presenting    nazar   became    recipients    of    gifts. 
And  the  envoys  of  Muhammad  Tatar   Khan,   after  being  loaded 
with  presents,  got  permission  to  return.    Tatar  Khan  pleased  with 
the  Imperial  gifts, submitted  and  enrolled  himself  in   the   ranks  of 
the  Emperor's  Omara.     Sultan    Ghiasu-d-din  Balban    appointed  a 
Turkish  slave  named  Tughral  to  the  Viceroyalty  of  Lakhnauti.8 

1  Muhammad  Arsalan  Tatar  Khan,  son  of  Arsalan  Khan  Sanjar,  had 
been  for  some  time  Governor  of  Bengal,  when  the  Emperor  Balban 
ascended  the  throne  (-664  A.H.)  (See  Tarikh  Firuz  Shahi,  by  Ziau-d-din 
Barni,  Pers.  text,  pp.  53  and  66.)  He  was  generous,  liberal  and  brave.  After  a 
few  years  he  was  succeeded  by  Tughral,  who  proclaimed  himself  king,  under 
the  title  of  Sulfcan  Mughisu-d-din. 

2  This  account  differs  slightly  from  Professor  Blochmann's  conclusions 
derived  from  inscriptions  and  the  evidence  of  coins,  as  set  forth  in  his  Contri- 
butions to  the  History  and  Geography  of  Bengal.  Professor  Blochmann  holds 
that  on  the  death  of  Muhammed  Tatar  Khan,  which  took  place  shortly  after 
Balban's  accession,  Sher  Khan  was  appointed  Imperial  Governor  of 
Lakhnauti ;  that  Sher  Khan  was  succeeded  in  the  office  by  Amin  Khan, 
whoso  Deputy  or  Naib  was  Tughral.  Tughral  heard  of  Balban's  illness* 
attacked  and  defeated  Amin  Khan,  and  proclaimed  himself  king  of 
Bengal  under  the  title  of  Sultan  Mughisu-d-din  (A..C.  1279).  Balban 
recovered  from  his  illness  shortly  after,  invaded  Bengal  in  person,  defeated 
Tughral,  at  some  place  near  Suuargaon,  where  Danuj  Rai  was  the  zemindar 
(Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi,  p.  87),  and  in  681  H.  (A.C.  1282)  before  leaving  Bengal 
conferred  the  throne    of    Bengal    on  his  (the  Emperor   Balban's)  son,  Bughra 

'Khan,  who  assumed  the  title  of   Sult;an  Nasiru-d-din.  Nasiru-d-din  appears  to 
have  died  in  691  H.  (1292'  A.C),  that  is  about  five  years  after  the  death  of  his 


79 

RULE    OF    TUGHRAL,    STYLED    SULTAN   MUGHISU-D- 

DlN. 
»  » 

Tughral  became  Viceroy  of  Lakhnauti.     In  that,  in  liberality 

and  bravery,  courage  and  sagacity  be  was  unequalled,    in  a   sbort 
time    he   brought   the  kingdom    of  Lakhnauti* to   subjection  and 
order,  and   subjugated    Kamrup    (Western   Assam).     In  the  year 
678  A.H.  he  .marched  with  his  forces  from  Lakhnauti  to  Jajnagar, 
and  vanquishing  the  Rajah  of  that  place,  obtained  many  eiepbants 
and  much  riches  and  chattels  and  stuffs.     In  that   Sultan  Ghiasu- 
d-din  Balban  had  become  old,  and  both  of  his  sons  were  at  Multan 
with  large  forces  engaged   in  fighting   the    Mughals,  the  kingdom 
of  Lakhnauti  was  lost  sight  of.     In   consequence  of  this  circum- 
stance,  Tughral    failed  to   despatch   elephants   and  booty   to   the 
Emperor.     And  also  as  at  the  time  the  Emperor  was  sick  at  Delhi, 
and  had  not  come  out  of  the  palace  for  one  month,  and  rumours 
of  his  death  had  spread   in  the   Empire,  Tughral  finding  the  field 
completely  open,  sallied  out,  and  collecting  a  large  force  proclaimed 
himself  Sultan  Mughisu-d-din,  and  unfurling  on  his  head  the  red 
Royal  umbrella,  had  the  Khutbah  in  that  country  recited  after  his 
own  name.     Simultaneously  with  this  event,  the  Emperor  recovered 
health,   and  royal  edicts   announcing  the   recovery  were  received, 
Tughral,  not  becoming  ashamed,  of  what  lie  had  done,  struck  the 
hand   of    disloyalty    on    the    hem     of     hostility.     When     Sultan 
Ghiasu-d-din  Balban  became  aware  of  this,   he   despatched  Malik 
Abtakin  who  had  long  hairs,    and    who    had    the    title    of    Amm 
Khan  and  was  Governor  of  Oudh,    appointing   him   generalissimo 

illustrious  father  Emperor  Balban.  For  a  full  account  of  Tughral  styled  Sul- 
tan Mughisu-d-din,  see  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  (Pers.  text,  p.  261),  and  also  Tarikh-i- 
Firuz  Shahi  (Pers.  text,  pp.  81  to  94),  by  Ziau-d-dm  Barni.  Before  becoming 
Governor  of  Bengal,  he  held  the  following  offices  :  Chashnigir  (Taster  to  a 
prince)  under  Shamsu-d-din  Altamsh  ;  Amir-ul  Majlis  or  Lord  Chamberlain 
under  Emperor  Ruknu-d-din,  Superintendent  of  Elephants,  next  Superintend- 
ent of  Stables  under  Empress  Raziah,  feudatory  of  Tttbarhind  under  Sultan 
Alau-d-din,  next  feudatory  of  Kanauj  and  Governor  of  Oudh,  and  next  Vice- 
roy of  Bengal.  He  invaded  Jajnagar  (Orissa),  Oudh  and  Kamrup  (Western 
Assam)  successfully,  and  then  proclaimed  his  independence.  Tughral  was 
active  and  energetic,  bold  and  courageous,  liberal  and  generous.  It  is  worthy 
of  note  that  in  this  connection,  the  author  of  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  (p.  93) 
for  the  first  time  uses  expressions  like  these,  "  Iqlim-i-Lakhnauti,"  "  Iqlim-i- 
Sanargaon,"  "  Arsah-i-Bangalah," — indicating  that  Tughral  had  considerably 
extended  his  Bengal  Satrapy. 


80 

of  the  expedition,  and  also  Viceroy  of  Lakhnauti,  together  with 
other  nobles,  such  as  Tamar  Khan  Shamsi,  Malik  Taju-d-din,  son 
of  'Ali  Khan,1  and  Jamala-d-din  Qandaharl,  for  destroying 
Tughral.  And  when  Malik  Abtakin  with  a  large  force  crossed 
the  river  Sro,  and  marched  towards  Lakhnauti,  Tughral,  too,  with 
a  large  force  came  to  encounter  him.  In  that,  in  bravery  and 
generosity,  he  was  matchless,  some  nobles  and  soldiers  deserting 
Amin  Khan  joined^  Tughral,  so  that  on  the  day  of  engage- 
ment the  force  of  Amin  Khan  was  routed.  And  when  Amin 
Khan  being  vanquished  retreated  to  Oudh,  the  Emperor  hearing 
of  this  became  anxious  and  perplexed,  ordered  that  Amin  Khan 
should  be  hanged  at  the  gate  of  Oudh,  and  afterwards  appointed 
Malik  Tarmini  with 'a  large  force  for  destroying  Tughral.  And 
Tughral  making  a  bold  attack  vanquished  this  force  also,  and 
obtained  much  booty. 

Owing  to  strength  of  fortune, 

that  rampant  lion, 
Twice  routed  the  army  of  the  enemy. 

Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din,  on  hearing  this  bad  news,  became 
dejected  and  anxious,  and  made  kingly  efforts,  and  boldly  resolved 
to  march  out  himself,  aad  ordered  tliat  numerous  boats  should  be 
kept  ready  in  the  rivers  Jon  and  Ganges,  and  he  himself  on  the 
pretext  of  a  hunting  excursion  went  towards  Sanam  and  Samanah. 
Appointing  Malik  Sunaj  to  be  governor  of  Samanah,  he  took  his 
young  son,  Bughra  Khan,  with  a  select  force  in  his  own  company, 
and  passed  from  Samanah  to  Doab.  Leaving  Maliku-1-Umara- 
"Fakhru-d-din  Kotival  to  rule  as  Viceroy  at  Dehli  in  his  absence, 
he  crossed  the  Ganges,  and  not  heeding  that  it  was  the  rainy 
season,  by  forced  marches,  proceeded  towards  Lakhnauti. 
Tughral  who  in  this  interval  had  collected  his  efficient  troops, 
marched  in  state  towards  Jajnagar  with  his  treasures  and  a  large 
army,  and  planned  to  take  it  and  to  encamp  there,  and  subse- 
quently to  return  to  Lakhnauti,  when  the  Emperor  would  return 
to  Dehli.  But  when  the  Emperor  reached  Lakhnauti,  after  stay- 
ing there  a  few  days,  he  despatched  General  Hassamu-d-din 
Vakil-dar  Barbag  (Secretary  of  State),  who  was  the  grandfather 
of    the    author   of   the     Tarikh-i-Ftruz    ShahJ,   to   subjugate   the 

l  In  Tarikh-1-Firuz  Shahi,  "  Qutlngh  Khan  Shamsi," 


81 
» 
kingdom  of  Lakhnauti,  and  the  Emperor  himself  marched  towards 
Jajnagar,1  to  chastise  Tttghral.  At  the  time,  when  the  Emperor 
reached  the  confines  of  Sunargaon,  Bhuj  Rai,2  who  was  the  Zamin- 
dar  of  that  place,  enrolled  himself  in  the  ranks  of  the  Imperial 
adherents,  and  promised  that  in  case  Tughral  attempted  to  escape 
across  the  river,3  he  would  prevent  his  doing  so.  But  when  the 
Emperor  swiftly  passing  from  that  place  marched  several  stages, 
the  trace  of  'Tughral  was  lost,  and  no  one  could  give  a  clue  to  his 
whereabouts.  The  Emperor  ordered  Malik  Barbak  Baras4  that 
he  should  march  ahead  ten  or  twelve  Karoh  with  seven  thousand 
chosen  cavalry.  Although  these  tried  every  means  of  pursuit  and 
search,  they  could  obtain  no  trace  of  Tughral.  One  day,  Malik 
Muhammad  Tirandaz,6  the  ruler  qf  Koel,6  and  his  brother,  Malik 
Muqaddar,  separating  themselves  from  the  vanguard  force,  with 
thirty  or  forty  troopers  marched  ahead.  Suddenly,  on  a  field  they 
came  across  some  grocers.  Arresting  these,  they  made  enquiries, 
and  in  order  to  frighten  them,  they  commenced  slaughter  by 
breaking  the  neck  of  one ;  then  the  others  cried  out : — "  If  your  object 
is  to  obtain  goods  and  provisions,  whatever  we  have,  you  may  take; 
but  spare  our  lives."  Malik  Muhammad  Tirandaz  said  :  "  We 
have  no  concern  with  your  goods  and  stores:  our  object  is  to 
ascertain  the  whereabouts  of  tughral.  If  v^ou  show  the  way,  your 
lives  and  things  would  be  spared  ;  otherwise  whatever  will  befal 
you,  will  be  the  consequence  of  your  misconduct."  The  grocers 
said  :  "  We  carried  food-grains  to  the  camp  of    Tughral,7  and  now 

1  From  the  manner  of  description  given  here,  the  Jajnagar  here  referred 
to  would  seem  not  to  be  in  Orissa,  but  some  place  in  East  Bengal  (probably 
Tipperah).  For  an  exhaustive  and  iuteresting  discussion  on  "  Jajnagar," 
see  Blochmann's  "  Contributions  to  History  and  Geography  of  Bengal." 

2  In  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi,  "  Danuj  Rai,"     (p.  87). 

3  Probably  the  river  Brahmaputra  or  Megna  is  meant*  Sunargaon  is  situate 
on  the  banks  of  the  Brahmaputra,  13  miles  S.-E.  of  Dacca.  For  a  contempo- 
rary and  graphic  description  of  Emperor  Ghiasu-d-din  Balban's  expedition 
to  Bengal,  see  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  (pp.  85-9-4  Pers.  text.) 

4  In  Ferishta,  "  Barbaq  Barlas,"  iu  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  "  Barik  Begtaras." 
6  In  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi.     (  "  Malik  Muhammad  Sherandaz,"  p.  88). 

6  Koel  is  a  tehsil  in  Aligarh  District. 

1  From  the  description  given,  Tughral  alias  Sultan  Mughisn-d-din  would 
appear  to  have  pitched  his  tent  at  the  time  on  the  western  banks  of  the 
Brahmaputra  not  very  far  from  Sunargaon.  Or,  one  might  imagine  him 
at  this  point  of  time  having  shifted  his  tent  further  eastward  to  the 
western  bank  of  the  Megna,  opposite  perhaps  to  the  old  ferry  of  Manicknagar 
11 


82 

we  are  returning  from  there.     Between  you  and  Tughral,   there  is 
a  distance  of  half  a  farsakh.     To-day  he  is  encamping  there  ;  to- 
morrow he  will  march  to  Jajnagar."     Malik  Muhammad  Tirandaz 
sent  the  grocers  with  two  troopers  to  Malik  Barbak  Baras,and  sent 
word  that  after  ascertaining  the  truth  from  the  grocers,   he  should 
march   up    swiftly,    so    that   Tughral     might    not    march    to    the 
Vilayet  of  Jajnagar  which  <is  in  the  kingdom  of  Bengal,  and  leagu- 
ing with   the   peoplenof   that    part,  might   not  hide  himself  in  a 
jungle.     And    he   himself  with    troopers    went  forward,   and  saw 
the  tent  of  Tughral,  and  his   army  resting   in    false   security,   and 
his  elephants  and    horses   grazing  about.     Availing  himself  of  the 
opportunity,    he    rushed    with    his  cavalry   towards   the   camp   of 
Tughral.     No   one    opposed    their    progress,    fancying   that   they 
were   officers    attached    to    the     army    of  Tughral.       "When    they 
arrived  in  front  of  Tughral's   tent,    all  of  a    sudden  drawing  their 
swords,  they  killed  every  one    they    found   in    the    Audience-Hall, 
and  shouted  out    that  the   kingdom   of  Bengal   pertained  to  the 
Erryoire  of   Balban.     Tughral  fancied  that    the   Emperor  had  him- 
self   arrived.      Becoming    totally    confounded,    he  slipped  out   in 
great    perplexity   by    the    bath-room  door,    and    mounting  an  un- 
saddled  horse,    and    not    mustering    his  own  adherents,  owing  to 
great  confusion  of:  mind,  he  intended  to  plunge  into  the  river  near 
the  soldiers'  quarters,  and  then  to'  swim    across    to  Jajnagar.     As 
misfortune  would  have  it,  owing  to  the    disappearance  of  Tughral, 
all  his  officers,    soldiers    and    followers    turned    towards    different 
directions.     And  Malik  Muqaddar,  at    whose    hands  the  slaughter 
of  Tughral    had  been    destined,    marched   in   pursuit  of  Tughral, 
and    encountered    him   on  the  river-bank.     Then  Malik  Muqaddar 
shot  a  shooting  arrow  at  Tughral's  shoulder,  dismounted  the  latter 
from  his  horse,  and  himself  dismounting  from  his  own  horse,  sever- 
ed   Tughral's  head  ifrom  the  body.     Seeing  that   the  followers  of 
Tughral   were  searching  for  their   master,    Malik  Muqaddar  hid 
Tughral's  head  in  the  mud  by    the  river-side,  and   flung  his  body 
into  the  river,  and  pulling  off  his  own  garments,  he  set  himself  to 
washing   them.       At   this    moment,    Tughral's     soldiers    arrived, 

across  the  river,  or  somewhere  close  to  the  modern  Bhoyrab  Bazar  ferry, 
seriously  planning  to  cross  over  on  boats  from  the  Dacca  side  to  the  Tipperah 
tract  (which  has  been  identified  here  with  Jajnagar),  with  the  old  and 
powerful  Emperor  of  Delhi  (Ghiasa-d-din  Balban)  shadowing  him.  This  Jaj- 
nagar, therefore,  in  Bengal,  is  different  from  Jajnagar  in  Orissa, 


S3 

shouting   out   "  Lord   of   the   world !    Lord  of  the  world!  "    and 
searched  for  Tughral.     Not  finding  him,  they  took  to  their  heels. 

They  shot  an  arrow  at  his  heart,' 
Dismounted  him  from  his  horse,  and  cut  off  his  head. 
When  Tughral  at  that    place    was   killed  owing  to  his    iu- 
alertness,  . 

> 
One  shout  arose  from  every  side. 
The  adherents  of  Tughral  were  completely  routed, 
From  the  absence  of  their  leader,  tuey  were  all  cowed  down. 

At  this  time  Malik  Barbak  Baras2  arrived,  and  Muqaddar  run- 
ning forward  announced  the  joyful  tidings  of  J  the  victory.  Malik 
Barbak  applauding  liim  sent  a  despatch  to  the  Emperor,  announcing 
the  victory,  together  with  the  head  of  Tughral.  On  the  following 
day,  together  with  the  booty  and  prisoners  of  Tughral's  army,  he 
proceeded  himself  to  the  Emperor,  and  narrated  the  story  of  the 
victory.  And  Malik  Muhammad  Tirandaz3  was  promoted  to.  the 
first  rank,  and  his  brother  Malik  Muqaddar4*  received  the  title  of 
Tughral-kush  ("  Tughral-slayer  "),  and  was  raised  to  the  peerage. 
Sultan  Grhiasu-d-diu  Balban  after  this  marched  back  to  Lakhnauti, 
and  set  himself  to  the  work  of  chastisement.  Along  both  sides  of 
the  road  passing  through  the  market-place' of  the  City,  putting  up 
scaffolds,  the  Emperor  hanged  such  adherents  of  Tughral  as  had 
been  taken  prisoners,  and  capturing  their  women  and  children, 
wherever  fouud,  he  had  them  slaughtered  at  Lakhnauti,  after 
putting  them  to  indescribable  tortures.  Till  that  time,  none  of 
the  Emperors  of  Dehll  had  slaughtered  the  children  and  women 
of  miscreants.6     After  this,  the  Emperor  bestowed  the  kingdom  of 

1  These  verses,  with  slight  variations,  have  *  been  borrowed  very 
probably  from  Amir  Khusrau,  the  poet-laureate  of  Emperor  Ghiasu-d-dia 
Balban. 

2  In  Tarikh  Firuz  Shahi  (p.  88.)  Malik  Barbak  Bektars. 

8  In  Tarikh  Firuz  Shahi  (p.  88)  Malik  Muhammad  Shirandaz. 

4  From  Tarikh  Firuz  Shahi  (pp.  88,  90  and  91)  Malik  Muqqadar  and 
Tnghral-kush  would  seem  to  be  two  different  individuals. 

6  The  author  of  Tarikh  Firuz  Shahi  remarks  that  on  Aoth  sides  of  the 
principal  bazaar  of  Lakhnauti  that  was  more  than  one  karoh  long,  scaffolds 
were  set  up,  and  men,  women  and  children  were  hanged.  Such  cruelty, 
sorrowfully  remarks  Ziau-d-din  Barni,  had  never  before  been  perpetrated  by 
Musalmau  sovereigns  of  Delhi.     (See  pp.  91-92  Tarikh  Firuz  Shahi). 


84 

Lakhnauti  on  his  own  son,   Bughhra   Khan,1  giving  him  at  the 
same  time  the  treasures,  etc.,  and  other  valuables  of  Tughral  that 

r 

I  Bughra  Khan,  younger  son  of  Emperor  Balban,  assumed  the  royal 
title  of  Saltan  Nasiru-d-din  at  his  elevation  to  the  throne  of  Bengal.  He 
was  the  first  of  a  succession  of  Balbani  Kings  who  ruled  over  Bengal, 
from  1282  A.C.  to,  1331  A.C.  (or  681  A.H.  to  731  A.H. )  and  had  mostly 
their  court  at  Sunargaon  near  Dacca.  Nasiru-d-din  Bughra  Khan,  son  of 
Emperor  Balban,  reigned  over  Bengal  from  681  H.  to  691  (1282  A.C.  to 
1292  A.C.)  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Ruknu-d-din  who  assumed  the 
title  of  Sultan  Kai-Kans.  From  inscriptions  found  at  Gangarampur  and 
Khagol,  near  Lakhisarai,  he  appears  to  have  been  alive  in  697  H.  (A.C. 
1297).  Mr.  Thomas  has  published  coins  of  this  King  bearing  the  dates 
691,693,694,  695  A.H.  He  appears  to  have  been  succeeded  by  his  brother 
who  reigned  under  the  name  of  Shamsa-d-din  Firuz  Shah.  Firuz  Shah  had 
several  sons,  namely,  Bughra  Khan,  Nasiru-d-din,  Ghiasn-d-din  or  Bahadur 
Khan,  Qutlu  Khan,  and  Hatim  Khan.  The  third  son,  Ghiasu-d-din,  made 
conquests  in  Eastern  Bengal,  established  himself  at  Sunargaon  near  Dacca, 
and  struck  coins  from  1311  A.C.  under  the  name  of  Bahadur  Shah.  The 
fifth  son  Hatim  Khan  was  in  1309  and  1315  A.C.  Governor  of  Oudh.  Firuz 
Shah"  died  in  718  H.  (1318  A.C.)  Quarrels  then  broke  out  between  the 
several  sons  of  Firuz  Shah,  who  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son  who  took 
the  title  of  Shahabu-d-din  Bughra  Shah  who  ruled  at  Lakhnauti  in  1318-19. 
Soon  after  his  accession,  Bughra  Shah  was  defeated  by  his  brother  Bahadur 
Shah  who  reigned  at  Sunargaon.  Bughra  j§_hah  and  his  brother  Nasiru-d-din 
took  refuge  with  Emperor  Tughluk  Shah  who  in  1320  had  mounted  the  throne 
of  Delhi.  Qutlu  Khan,  another  brother,  was  killed  by  Bahadur  Shah  who 
was  now  supreme  King  over  Bengal  and  Behar,  and  held  a  magnificent 
Court   at   Sunargaon. 

At  the  instigation  of  Bughra  Shah  and  Nasiru-d-din,  the  fugitives  (says 
Ibn  Batutah),  Emperor  Tughlak  Shah  invaded  Bengal.  When  the  Imperial 
army  left  Delhi,  Bahadur  Shah  retired  to  Sunargaon,  whilst  Nasiru-d-din 
joining  the  Emperor  at  Tirhut  came  with  the  latter  to  Lakhnauti,  when  the 
Emperor  confirmed  Nasiru-d-din  as  Governor  of  Lakhuauti.  The  Emperor 
sent  his  adopted  son  Tafar  Khan,  Governor  of  Zafarabad  (near  Jaunpur)  with 
an  army  to  operateagainst  Sultan  Bahadur  Shah,  who  was  captured  and  sent 
to  Delhi  with  a  chain  round  his  neck.  At  this  time,  also,  two  additional 
distinct  Provinces  in  Be'ngal  were  constituted,  viz.,  Sunargaon  and  Satgaon, 
each  being  placed  under  a  Military  Governor  ;  whilst  Behar  was  separated 
from  Bengal.     Sunargaon  was  placed  under  Tatar  Khan. 

With  the  accidental  death  of  Emperor  Tughlak  Shah  and  the  acces- 
sion of  his  successor  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah  Tughlak,  other  changes 
took  place  in  the  administration  of  Bengal.  The  new  Emperor  released 
Bahadur  SJiah,  allowed  him  to  return  to  Sunargaon,  on  condition  that  the 
Bengal  coinage  was  to  bear  the  joint  names  of  Bahadur  Shah  and  the  Emperor 
Muhammad  Tughlak,  and  also  that  in  the  Khutbah  the   names  of  both  were  to 


85 
> 
had  been  captured,  except  the  elephants  ;   and   conferring  on   him 

the  title  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din,  he  placed  on  the  son's  head  the 
royal  umorella,  and  allowed  also  the  Khutbah  to  be  recited  and  the 
coin  to  be  minted  in  his  name.  And  at  the  time  of  departure,  the 
Emperor  giving  his  son  some  parting  advice, lt  said  :  "  It  is  not 
discreet  for  the  king  of  Lakhnauti,  be  he  a  relation  or  a  stranger, 
to  quarrel  with  or  rebel  against  the  Emperor  of  Delhi.  And  if 
the  Emperor  of  Delhi  marches  to  Lakhnauti,  the  ruler  of  Lakhnauti 
should  retreating  take  refuge  in  some  distant  corner,  and  when 
the  Emperor  of  Delhi  withdraws,  he  should  return  to  Lakhnauti, 
and  resume  his  work.  And  in  the  levy  of  revenue  from  sub- 
jects, he  should  observe  the  middle  course,  that  is,  he  should 
not  levy  such  a  low  amount,  that  Ahey  should  become  refractory 
and  disloyal,  nor  such  an  excessive  amount,  that  they  should  be 
ground  down  and  oppressed.  And  he  should  pay  such  an  amount 
of  salary  to  his  officers,  that  it  may  suffice  for  them  from  year 
to  year,  and  that  they  may  not  be  pinched  in  regard  to  their 
necessary  expenses.  In  matters  of  administration,  he  should  take 
counsel  with  wise  people  who  are  sincere  and  loyal ;  and  in  the 
enforcement  of  orders,  he  should  abstain  from  self-indulgence,  and 

be  recited.  Tatar  Khan  who  was  hitherto  Military  Governor  of  Sunargaon, 
received  the  title  of  Bahrain  Khan,  and  was  stationed  at  Sunargaon  at  the 
Court  of  Bahadur  Shah,  as  a  sort  of  Imperial  Resident.  Nasiru-d-din  was 
continued  as  Subordinate  Governor  of  Lakhnauti. 

In  726  A.H.  (1326  A.C.),  Nasiru-d-din  died,  and  Muhammad  Shah 
appointed  Malik  Bidar  Khilji  as  Governor  of  Lakhnauti  with  the  title  of 
Qadr  Khan.  Bahadur  Shah,  the  king,  at  Sunargaon,  attempted  soon  after 
to  throw  off  all  outward  signs  of  allegiance  to  the  Emperor,  who  sent  an 
army  to  Bahrain's  assistance.  Bahadur  Shah,  the  last  Bengal  Balbani 
sovereign,  and  the  last  royal  representative  of  the  house  of  Emperor  Ghiasu- 
d-dln  Balban,  was  defeated  and  put  to  death  abcnt  731  A.H.  or  1331 
A.C.  Bengal  remained  Imperialist  till  the  death  of  Bahrain  Khan  in  1338 
A.C.,  when  Fakhru-d-din  successfully  revolted,  killed  Qadr  Khan  and 
established  the  independence  of  Bengal.  (See  Blochmann's  contribution 
to  History  of  Bengal,  Thomas'  Initial  coinage,  Ibn-i-Batutah,  Tarikh 
Firuz  Shahi,  pp.  92,  181,  254,  450,  451,  461,  480). 

1  The  pieces  of  solemn  advice  given  by  Emperor  Balban  to  his  Bon 
Bughra  Khan,  at  the  time  of  former's  departure  from  BengEJl,  are  set  forth 
in  detail  in  the  Tarikh-i-Firuz  .Shahi  (pp.  95  to  106),  and  will  repay  perusal. 
They  contain  golden  rules  for  the  conduct  of  sovereigns,  and  indicate  that 
this  Musalman  Emperor  cherished  a  noble  and  exalted  ideal  of  kingly  duties 
and  responsibilities. 


86 

should  not  act  unjustly  from  selfishness.  In  the  cai*e  for  the  condi- 
tion of  the  army,  he  should  not  he  negligent,  and  he  should  consider 
it  incumhent  upon  himself  to  show  them  considerateness  and  to  win 
tlieir  hearts,  and  he  should  not  allow  negligence  and  indolence  to 
intervene.  And  whoever  tempts  you  away  from  this  coarse,  you 
should  look  upon  him  as  your  enemy,  and  you  should  not  listen  to 
his  talk.  You  should  seek  protection  with  persons  who  relinquish- 
ing this  world,  have  dedicated  themselves  to  God's  service. 

Help  from  the  old  hems  of  saints, 

Is   stronger   than    the    strength    of    a    hundi'ed   walls   of 
Alexander." 

After  this,  bidding  adieu  to  his  son,  the  Emperor  returned  to 
Delhi,  by  forced  marches,  after  three  months.1  The  period  of  the 
rule  of  Tughral  in  Bengal  was  twenty-five  years  and  some  months. 


RULE  OF  BUGHRA  KHAN,    STYLED  SULTAN"   NASIRU- 
D-DlN",  SON  OF  EMPEROR  GHIASU-D-DlN  BALBAN. 

When    Sultan  Nasiru-d-din    became   ruler  of   the   kingdom    of 

Lakhnauti,   after  some  time,   his    tilder   brother  who   was   named 

Sultan  Muhammad  and  was   known  as  Khan-i-S]jahid8  was  killed 

at  Multan,  fighting  against  the  Mughals.     And  Sultan  Ghiasu-d- 

din  Balban  who   was   much  attached  to  him,  became  dejected  by 

his  death,  and   summoned  Sultan     Nasiru-d-din    from   Lakhnauti. 

When  the  latter  reached  Delhi,    after    observing   the   necessary 

mourning   ceremonies    for   his      elder    brother,     he   attempted   to 

console  the  heart  of  his  father.      The  Emperor  said  :     "  The  death 

of  your  brother  has  made  me  sick  and  feeble,  and  soon  the  time  of 
&■ 

1  In  Tarikh  Fh'uz  Shahi  (p.  107),  "after  three  years." 

2  Saltan  Muhammad,  eldest  son  of  Emperor  Ghiasu-d-din  Balban,  was 
Imperial  Viceroy  of  Multan  Province  or  Vilayet  at  this  time.  This  Prince 
was  brave,  gallant  and  accomplished,  and  he  fell  gallantly  fighting  between 
Lahore  and  Dibalpur  against  the  Mughal  hordes  under  Tamar  from  Central 
Asia  who  were  harrying  at  this  time  the  North- Western  frontier  of  India- 
Hence  the  Prinze  is  styled  "  Khan-i-Shahid "  or  "Martyred  Prince  or 
Chief."  His  death  was  a  great  shock  to  the  aged  Emperor.  (See  Tarikh-i- 
Piruz  Shahi,  pp.  109-10).  The  Prince  was  a  patron  of  learning,  and  to  his 
court  at  Multan  were  attached  the  celebrated  poets,  Amir  Khusrau  and  Amir 
Hasan,  for  whose  biographical  sketch,  see  Badaoni,  Vol.  1,  pp.  200-201, 


87 

my  departure  from  the  world  shall  approach.  At  this  time,  your 
separation  from  me  is  not  proper,  because  besides  yourself,  I  have 
no  other  heir.  Your  son,  Kaiqubad,  and  your  nephew,  Kai  Khusrau, 
are  young,  and  have  no  experience  of  life.  Should  the  Empire 
fall  into  their  hands,  they  would  be  incapable  of  defending  it,  and 
you  would  have  to  pay  homage  to  either  who  might  ascend  the 
throne  of  Delhi.  Therefore,  it  is  meet  that  you  should  remain 
with  me."  *Nasiru-d-din,  according  to  his  father's  request,  re- 
mained with  his  father.  But  on  seeing  his  father  regain  some 
health,  he  quickly  under  pretext  of  hunting  went  out  of  the  city, 
and  without  taking  leave  of  the  Emperor  returned  to  Lakhnautl. 
The  Emperor,  being  affected  at  this,  again  fell  ill,  and  in  the  year 
685  A.H.,  passed  from  this  transitory  world.  '  And  when  Sultan 
Muizu-d-din  Kaiqubad,  after  the  death  of  his  grand-father,  at  the 
age  of  eighteen  years,  mounted  the  throne  of  Delhi,  in  consequence 
of  youth,  indulging  in  frivolities  and  dissipations,  he  became  un- 
mindful of  the  affairs  of  the  Empire,  excepting  women  and  wine.1 
And  Malik  Nizamu-d-din  setting  himself  to  the  destruction  of  ihe 
Balbani  family,  induced  Muizu-d-din  to  call  his  cousin  Kai  khusrau 
from  Multan,  and  to  kill  him  on  the  way,  and  to  dismiss  many  of 
the  loyal  Umara.  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  Bughra  Khan  at  Lakhnauti, 
on  receiving  news  of  the  negligence  of  his  son,  and  of  the  over- 
bearing influence  of  Malik  Nizamu-d-din,  wrote  to  his  son  letters 
containing  instructions,  and  by  insinuations  and  hints,    advised 

1  Ziauddin  Barni,  author  of  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  (p.  121)  states  that 
shortly  before  his  death  in  686  A.H.  (1287  A.C.),  the  aged  and  venerable  Em- 
peror Ghiasn-d-din  Balban  summoned  to  his  presence  in  his  palace  in  Delhi, 
Malik- ul-Umara  Fakhru-d-din  Kotwal  (or  police  commissioner)  of  Delhi, 
Khwajah  Hussain  Basri,  the  Vizier  or  Prime  Minister,  and  some  others,  and 
instructed  them  to  place  Kai  Khusrau,  son  of  Sultan  Muhammad,  on  the 
throne.  After  the  Emperor's  deatli,  however,  the  Kotvjal  and  his  party  placed 
Kaiqubad,  son  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  Bughra  Khan  (King  of  Bengal,  and 
second  son  of  the  Emperor)  on  the  throne.  The  personnel  of  Sultan 
Muizu-d-din  Kaiqabad's  administration  consisted  of  (1)  Malik-ul-Umara 
Kotwal  of  Delhi,  (2)  Nizamu-d-din,  nephew  of  Malik-ul-Umara,  who 
became  Dadbig  or  Chief  Justice,  and  subsequently  Wazir  or  Prime  Minister, 
(3)  Malik  Quamu-d-din  who  became  Wakildar  or  Administrator- General. 
Emperor  Kaiqubad,  who  was  a  boy  of  seventeen  years,, was  addicted  to 
pleasures,  and  spent  most  of  his  time  in  the  charming  pleasure-villa  of 
Kilukhari,  in  the  suburbs  of  Delhi.  Nizamu-d-din  the  Wazir  who  now 
assumed  the  title  of  Nizamu-1-Mnlk,  set  about  devising  means  to  destroy 
the  house  of  Balban  (see  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi,  p.   132) 


88 

him  to  beware  of  the  wily  enemy  in  the  person  of  Nizamu-d-din. 
It  was  of  no  use  In  despair,  two  years  after  the  death  of  Emperor 
Balban,  in  the  year  687  A'.H.,  with  the  object  of  conquering  the 
province  of  Delhi,  and  chastising  his  son,  Nasiru-d-din  Bughra 
Khan  marched  with  his  army.  On  reaching  Behar,  Sultan 
Nasiru-d-din  passing  from  Behar  to  the  banks  of  the  river  Sara, 
encamped.1 

The  standards  of  the  Emperor  of  the  world  were  pitched 
On  the  banks  of  the  Ghagar,  in  the  environs  of  the  town. 
The  Ghagar  was  on  one  side,  and  the  Sam  on  the  other, 
From  excessive  heat,  the  soldiers  foamed  from  their  mouths. 
The  sword-casting  East  from  yonder  side  of  the  river 
Became  bright  as  if  the  sun  had  risen  ; 
On  the  banks  of  the  river,  the  marshalling  of  the  forces 
Flashed  like  two  Suns  from  two  sides. 

At  length,  after  nearing  each  other,  Sultan  Nasiru-d-ilin,  aban- 
doning the  idea  of  the  conquest  of  Delhi,  made  overtures  for  peace. 
And  Sultan  Muizu-d-din,  owing  to  the  instigation  of  Malik 
Nizamu-d-din,  refused  to  make  peace,  and  prepared  to  fight. 
After  negotiations  had  proceeded  for  three  days  between  the  con- 
tending parties,  on  the  fourth  day,  'Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  with  his 
own  hand  wrote  : — 

"  Son !  I  have  a  great  longing  to  meet  you.  I  have  no  further 
strength  of  self-restraint  in  your  separation.  If  you  show  a  way 
by  which  I  who  am  consumed  by  the  fire  of  misfortune,  may  behold 

1  The  text  here  is  rather  confused.  In  Ferishta,  the  rendering  is  as  fol- 
lows :  "  When  Sultan  Mniza-d-din  Kaiqubad  heard  of  the  intention  of  his 
father  (Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  Bughra  Khan,  King  of  Bengal)  and  of  the  latter's 
arrival  in  Behar,  he  (EJmperor  Kaiqubad),  too,  arrayed  his  forces,  and  in  the 
hottest  part  of  the  year  reached  the  banks  of  the  Ghagar  river,  and  halted. 
And  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din,  on  hearing  of  the  news,  advanced  from  Behar, 
reached  the  banks  of  the  river  Sro,  and  halted."  The  meeting  between 
Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  Bughra  Khan  and  his  son  the  Emperor  Kaiqubad  is 
immortalized  in  the  pages  of  "  Qiranu-s-Sadain  "  by  Amir  Khusrau,  the 
celebrated  poet  of  Delhi.  The  camp  of  the  father  was  on  the  bank  of  the 
river  Sro  or  Sarii^r  Sarju,  the  old  river  boundary-line  between  the  Musalman 
Kingdom  of  Bengal  (which  included  Behar  in  those  days)  and  the  Empire 
of  Delhi,  and  the  camp  of  the  son  was  on  the  opposite  banks  of  the  Sro. 
Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shdhl,  p.  141.  The  Qirann-s-Sadain  fixes  the  meeting-place  at 
Ajudheya  on  the  banks  of  the  Ghagar. 


89 

■ 
you,    and,   Jacob-like,  if  once  more  my  eye  which  has  become 

blind,  becomes  bright  by  the  sight  of  Joseph,  no  harm  shall  betide 

to  your  sbvereignty  and  enjoyment."*  The  Sultan  wound   up  this 

message  with  the  following  verse  : — 

"Although  pai'adise  is  a  happy  region, 

Nothing  is  better  than  the  joy  of  Union." 

» 

Sultan  Muizu-d-din  being  touched  by  the  perusal  of  his  father's 
letter  desired  to  proceed  unattended,  to  meet  his  father.  Nizamu- 
d-din  used  dissuasion,  and  arranged  that  the  Emperor,  with  all 
Imperial  pomp  and  paraphernalia,  should  for  the  purpose  of 
meeting  his  father  march  from  the  bank  of  the  river  Ghagar  to- 
wards a  plain,  and  then  encamp  on  the  bank  of  the  Sarii.  And  it 
was  also  arranged  that  out  of  regard  for  the  rank  of  the  Emperor 
of  Delhi,  Nasiru-d-din  crossing  the  Sam  should  come  to  visit 
Kaiqubad,  who  should  remain  seated  on  the  throne.  Then  Bughra 
Khan  emharking  on  a  boat  crossed  the  river,  and  proceeded  to  the 
tent  of  Muizu-d-din  Kaiqubad.  Kaiqubad  being  overpowered  by 
feelings  dismounted  from  the  throne,  prostrated  himself  on  his 
father's  feet,  and  both  the  father  and  the  son  embracing  each 
other,  and  giving  each  other  kisses  on  the  head  and  the  face  shed 
tears.  After  this,  the  father  catching  the  hand  of  the  son,  placed 
the  latter  on  the  throne,  and  desired  to  stand  in  front  of  it.  The 
son  descending  from  the  throne  placed  the  father  on  it,  and  him- 
self respectfully  sat  before  him ;  and  ceremonies  of  rejoicings  were 
performed.  After  a  while,  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  left,  and  crossing 
the  river  returned  to  his  tent.  From  both  sides  gifts  were  ex- 
changed. Several  days  successively,  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  went  to 
meet  Ids  son,  and  both  were  in  each  other's  company.  And  on 
the  day  of  departure,  after  speaking  some  wo,rds  of  advice, '  and 
taking  his  son  in  the  lap,  he  departed,  and  weeping  and  crying 
returned  to  his  own  camp.  That  day  he  ate  nojfood,  aud  told  his 
confidants  :  "  To-day  I  have  bid    the    last   farewell    to    my   son." 

I  It  is  stated  that  on  the  day  of  departure,  Saltan  Nasiru-d-din 
Bughra  Kh.au  exhorted  his  son,  Emperor  Kaiqnbad,  to  attend  to  prayer  and  to 
observe  the  fast  of  Ramzan,  taught  him  certain  regulations  and  fixed  rules 
of  sovereignty,  warned  him  against  excesses  in  wine  and  neglect  of  State 
matters,  rebuked  him  for  killing  Kai  Khusrau  and  other  noted  Amirs  and 
Maluks  of  Ghiasu-d-din  Balban,  aud  advised  him  to  dismiss  Nizamn-d-dm  alias 
NizamnI  Mulk,  the  Wazir.  (See  Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shahl,  pp.  144  to  156). 
12 


90 

Tlien  marching  back  from  that  place,  he  returned  to  his  kingdom. 
And  when  Sultan  Muizu-d-din  Kaiqubad  at  the  end  of  689  A.H. 
was  slain,1  and  the  Empire  was  transferred  front  the  Grhorian 
dynasty  to  the  Khilji  family,  and  Sultan  Jalalu-d-din  Khilji 2 
mounted  the  throve  of  Delhi,  Sultan  Naeiru-d-diu  seeing  no  alter- 
native except  profession  of  loyalty  and  submission  put  aside  the 
royal  umbrella  and  the  '}£hutbah,  conducted  himself  like  other 
nobles,  and  remained  contented  with  the  fief  of  Lakhnauti.  Till 
the  reigns  of  Sultan  Alau-d-din  and  Sultan  Qntbu-d-din,s  Sultan 
Nasiru-ddin  Bughra  Khan  conducted  himself  in  this  wise.  The 
period  of  the  rule  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  in  Bengal  was  six  years. 


RULE  OF  BAHADUR  SHAH. 

In  the  reign  of  Sultan  'Alau-d-din,  Bahadur  Khan  who  was  one 
of  the  connexions4  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din,  and  was  one  of  the 
leading  nobles  of  Sultan  'Alau-d-din,  was  entrusted  with  the 
Viceroyalty  of  Bengal.  For  many  years  he  occupied  the  Viceregal 
throne,  and  enforced   the   i^ecital  of  the  Khutbah  and  the  minting 

1  See  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi,  p.  173.  According  to  other  accounts  Emperor 
Kaiqubad  was  poisoned  at  the  instigation  of  the  Amir-ul-Umara  who  was 
in  league  with  Jallalu-d-din  Khilji.  With  him  (Kaiqubad)  ended  the  Balbani 
dynasty  in  Delhi,  but,  as  will  be  observed  in  these  pages,  it  lingered  for  a 
longer  period  in  the  Bengal  Kingdom  in  the  persons  of  the  Balbani  Kings 
of  Bengal. 

2  Sultan  Jallalu-d-din  Khilji  is  said  to  have  been  descended  from  Qalej 
Khan,  son-in-law  of  Changiz  Khan.  He  was  Governor  of  Samanah  and  held 
the  office  of  State  Secretary  (Arzi  Mamalik)  in  the  Cabinet  of  Emperor 
Kaiqubad.  Jallalu-d-din  ascended  the  Delhi  throne  in  1290  A.C.  or  689  A.H. 
and  with  him  commenced  the  Khilji  dynasty  which  continued  to  reign  over 
India  till  1320  A.C.  During  his  reign,  Muhammadan  conquests  were  ex- 
tended into  Southern  India  through  the  prowess  of  his  nephew,  Alan-d- 
din  Khilji.  See  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  pp.  170-174,  Badaoni,  p.  167,  vol.1. 
Badaoni  states  that  '"Qalij  "  and  "  Khilj  "  were  different,  and  that  "  Khilj" 
was  one  of  the  children  of  Yafus,  son  of  Noah. 

3  Sultan  Qutbn-d-din  Khilji  was  son  of  Sultan  Alau-d-din  Khilji.  See 
Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  p.  408  and  381. 

*  In  respect  of  the  weak  rule  in  Bengal  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din  Bughra 
Shah  (son  of  Emperor  Balban),  Zlau-d-din  Barni  (p.  189)  relates  that 
Emperor  Jalaln-d-dln's  favourite  mode  of  disposing  of  dacoits  captured 
in  the  Delhi  territory,  was  to  send  them  in  shiploads  to  Bengal,  where  they 
were  let  loose. 


91 

* 
of  coins  after  the  names  of  the  Emperors  of   Delhi.     During  the 

reign,  however,  of  Sultan  Qutbu-d-din  KLiljI,  he  usurped  the 
sovereignity  of  Bengal,  and  proclaiming  himself  Bahadur  Shah, 
introduced  the  Khutbah  and  the  coin  in  the  kingdom  of  Bengal 
after*  his  own  name,  and  commenced  oppressions.  For  some  time, 
he  passed  in  this  wise.  But  when  the  Empire  of  Delhi  passed  to 
Ghiasu-d-din  Tughlak  Shah,1  in  the  year  724  AH.  petitions  from 
Lakhnauti  describing  the  oppressions  of  the  rulers  of  that  country- 
were  received.  Sultan  Tughlak  Shah  with  an  efficient  army 
marched  towards  Bengal.  When  lie  reached  Tirhut,  Sultan 
Nasiru-d-din  8  whose  fief  had  not  been  confiscated  during  Alau-d- 
diu's  reign  owinjr  to  his  good  conduct  and  who  resided  in  a  corner  of 
Lakhnauti,  not  finding  strength,  in  himself'  to  contend  against 
Tughlak  Shah,  submitted  to  his  fate,  marched  from  Lakhnauti 
to    Tirhut,   and   presenting  himself   before  the   Emperor   offered 

1  Ou  the  defeat  of  Khusrau  Khan,  (Tarikh-i-FIruz  Shahi,  pp.  420  and 
421)  the  nobles  placed  GhazI-ul-Mulk  on  the  throne  of  Delhi.  Ghazl-ul- 
Mulk  then  assumed  the  title  of  Ghiasu-d-din  Tughlak  Shah.  His  father 
was  a  Turkish  slave,  named  Malik, '  of  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  Balban,  and 
his  mother  was  of  a  Punjab  family.  Brave,  noble,  and  magnanimous, 
he  was  the  founder  of  the  Tughlak  dynasty  which  reigned  for  ninety- 
four  years  at  Delhi  (13:0-1414  A  C).  He  founded  the  city  of  Tughla- 
kabad,  about  4  miles  east  of  Delhi.  He  reigned  from  1320  to  1324  A.C.  In 
order  to  put  down  the  assumption  of  entire  independence  by  Bahadur  Shah 
at  Sanargaon  in  Bengal,  Ghiasu-d-din  Tughlak  marched  to  Sunargaon,  fought 
a  decisive  engagement,  took  Bahadur  Shah  a  prisoner,  and  marched  back  with 
the  latter  towards  Delhi,  storming  the  fort  of  Tirhut,  and  leaving  Nasiru- 
d-din  as  Governor  of  Vilayet-i-Lakhnauti.  Ghiasu-d-din  divided  Bengal  into 
three  provinces,  namely  (1)  Vilayet-i-Lakhnauti,  (2)  Vilayet-i-Satgaon. 
(3)  Vilayet-i-Sunargiion,  placing  each  under  a  distinct  Governor,  and  placing  a 
Viceroy  (stationed  at  Sunargaon)  over  all  the  Governors.  Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shiihi 
p.  451. 

2  This  Na?iru-d-din  was  a  grandson  of  Sultan  Naftra-d-din  Bughra  Shah, 
sou  of  Emperor  Balban.  He  was  Governor  of  Lakhnauti,  but  had  been 
ousted  by  his  brother  Bahadur  Shah,  king  of  Beugal,  who  held  his  court  at 
Sunargaon.  This  Nasiru-d-dlu  and  another  brother  Bughra  Khan  had  taken 
refuge  at  the  time  with  the  Emperor  of  Delhi  (Tughlak  Shah)  who  at  their 
instigation  invaded  Bengal  to  chastise  their  brother,  Bahadur  Shah  (king 
of  Bengal).  The  text,  however,  is  misleading,  and  would  incorrectly 
indicate  that  the  Nasiru-d-dln  here  referred  to  is  Sultan  Njsiru-d-din  Bughra 
Shah,  king  of  Beugal  (son  of  Emperor  Balban).  See,  however,  Blochmann's 
"  Contributions  to  History  and  Geography  of  Bengal"  and  Tarikh-i-FIruz 
Shahi,  pp.  450-451. 


92 

< 

numerous  presents.  Sultan  Glriasu-d-din  Tughlak  Shah  treated 
him  honourably,  bestowed  on  him  the  Royal  Umbrella  and  the 
Royal  Staff,  and  ratified  according  to  the  old  custom  the  continu- 
ance of  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din's  fief.  And  bringing  to  his  presence 
Bahadur  Shah  wl\o  had  proved  hostile,  the  Emperor  enrolled 
him  in  the  ranks  of  nobles.  He,  too,  submitting  to  the  Emperor, 
behaved  like  one  of  the  nobles.  Emperor  Ghiasu-d-din,  appoint- 
ing his  adopted  sou,  Tatar  Khan,  Governor  of  Sunargaon, 
and  entrusting  to  Nasiru-d-din  the  over-lordship  of  Sunargaon, 
Gaur  and  Bengal,  returned  to  Delhi.1  But  soon  after,  Sultan 
Nasiru-d-din  died.  The  period  of  the  rule  of  Bahadur  Shah  in 
Bengal  was  thirty-eight  years. 


RULE  OF  QADR  KHAN. 

When  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  Tughlak  Shah  returned  from 
Bengal,  before  he  could  reach  Delhi,  on  the  way,  in  the  month  of 
Rabiu-1-awwal  in  the  year  725  A.H.,  he  perished  under  the  roof  of  a 
newly  built  pavilion.  His  son,  Ulagh  Khan2,  ascended  the  throne 
of  Delhi  and  proclaiming  himself  Muhammad  Shah  bestowed  on  all 
the  nobles   offices   and  Jagirs,    and  bestowing   the   title   of   Qadr 

1  This  text  is   not   quite   accurate  on   all   points.     See  note   ante,vcgard- 
ing  the  fortunes  of  the  Balbaui  dynasty  in  Bengal. 

S  Ulagh  Khan  or  Alagh  Khan  alias  Fakhru-d-din  Juna,  nephew  and 
son-in-law  of  Emperor  Ghiasu-d-din  Tughlak  Shah,  on  the  death  of  the  latter 
by  the  accidental  fall  of  the  roof  of  a  newly  erected  pavilion,  ascended  the 
throne  of  Delhi  under  the  title  of  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah  Tughlak  in  725  A.H. 
An  accomplished  scholar,  a  general  of  the  first  order,  a  man  of  consummate 
ability,  his  eccentricity  and  visionary  schemes  marred  his  success  as  a 
sovereign.  His  great  ambition  was  to  extend  his  empire  over  the  world, 
and  to  be  a  second  Alexander.  He  fruitlessly  threw  away  the  pick  of  his 
splendid  army  for  the  invasion  of  Persia  and  the  conquest  of  China. 
Though  the  fertility  of  his  genius  evolved  and  organised  a  revenue  system, 
his  financial  eccentricity  in  establishing  a  fixed  currency  of  copper 
coins  completely  disorganised  it.  He  received  an  embassy  from  the 
Khalifa  of  Egypt,  who  seut  out  to  him  the  investiture  of  lloyalty. 
In  his  reign  a  severe  famine  broke  out  in  Delhi,  and  in  consequence 
there  was  a  general  exodus  of  its  population  to  Bengal.  He  restored  Baha- 
dur Shah  to  the  kingdom  ufSunargaou  on  certain  conditions,  but  subsequent- 
ly dethroned  him.  Iti  his  reign,  Bengal  became  independent  under  Fakhru- 
d-din.  (See  Tarikh-i-Fixviz  ghihi,  pp.  428,  453,  457  to  461,  473,  475,  478, 
80,  492.) 


93 

Khan  on  Malik  Bedar  IQjilji,  who  was  one  of  his  leading  nobles, 
lie  assigned  to  liim  the  country  of  Lakhnauti,  which  had  fallen 
vacant  by  the  death  of  Sultan  Naslru-d-din.  And  giving  the 
title  of  Bahrain  Khan  to  Tatar  Khan,  whom  Tughlak  Shah  had 
appointed  Governor  of  Sunargaon,  and  who  was  a^i  adopted  brother 
of  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah,  and  bestowing  on  him  in  one  day 
one  hundred  elephants  and  one  thousand  horses  and  one  karor 
gold  coins,  and  conferring  on  him  the  royal  umbrella  and  the 
staff,  and  making  him  Viceroy  of  Bengal  and  Sunargaon,  he 
sent  him  to  Bengal  with  all  honours.  Aud  after  fourteen  years' 
administration  of  that  country,  Qadr  Khan  was  killed  at  the 
hands  of  his  servant,  Fakhru-d-din,  as  will  be  related  hereafter. 


0 

94 


CHAPTER  II. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  INDEPENDENT  MUSALMAN 
KINGS  WHO 'IN  THE  KINGDOM  OF  BENGAL  MOUNT- 
ED THE  THRONE,  AND  RECITED  THE  KHUTBAH 
AFTER  THEIR  OWN  NAMES. 

It  ought  to  be  known  that  from  the  reign  of  Sultan  Qut  bu- 
d-din Aibak  to  the  reign  of  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  Md.  Tughlak 
Shah,  seventeen  Emperors  ruled  at  Delhi  for  a  period  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  and  that  in  the  kingdom  of  Bengal  its 
rulers  exercised  authority  as  Viceroys  of  the  Emperors  of  Delhi, 
and  that  the  Khutbah  and  the  coins  of  the  Emperors  of  Delhi 
were  current  in  Bengal.  If  any  of  the  Viceroys  rebelling  intro- 
duced the  Khutbah  and  the  coins  after  their  own  names,  the  Emper- 
ors of  Delhi  considering  their  chastisement  necessary,  swiftly 
punished  them.  In  the  reign  of  Muhammad  Shah,  Qadr  Khan, 
being  appointed  Governor  of  Lakhnauti,  for  fourteen  years  admin- 
istered the  affairs  of  that  State.  Then  Malik  Fakhru-d-din, 
who  was  Qadr  Khan's  Armour-Superintendent,  meddling  in 
administrative  matters,  obtained  much  influence,  and,  resolving  in 
mind  to  usurp  the  Viceroyaltj-,  watched  for  an  opportunity. 
Finding  Qadr  Khan  off  his  guard,  Fakhru-d-din  revolted,  killed 
his  own  master,  and  became  Viceroy  of  the  kingdom  of  Bengal* 
When  the  Empire  of  Muhammad  Shah,  the  Emperor  of  Delhi, 
fell  into  complete  d,°cay,  aiming  in  his  mind  amongst  other  things 
at  the  Emperor's  capture,  Fakhru-d-din  withdrew  his  hand  from 
submission  to  the  Emperor  of  Delhi,  and  proclaimed  himself 
king.1     The  Emperor  of  Delhi,   owing   to    confusion    in    his  own 

1  The  period  of  the  Independent  Musahuan  Kings  of  Bengal  lasted  from  1338 
to  1538  A.C.,  and  beyau  with  Fakhrn-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Mubarak  Shah,  who 
was  Silahdar  or  armour-bearer  to  Bahrain  Khan,  the  Governor  of  Sunar- 
gaon.  On  his  master's  death  in  739  H.or  1338  A. C,  Fakhra  killed  Qadr  Khan, 
Governor  of  Lakhnauti,  and  subdued  provinces  of  Lakhnauti,  Satgaon  and 
Suuargaon,  and  assumed1  independence  under  the  title  of  Fukhruddin  (Tarikh- 


95 

t 

Empire,  could  not  direct,  hia  attention  towards  the  kingdom  of 
Bengal.  From  that  time,  the  kingdom  of  Bengal  became  in- 
dependent  and  distinct  from  the  Delhi  Empire.  Fakhru-d-din 
was  the  first  king  who  had  the  Khutbah  of  sovereignty  recited 
after  his   own    name  in  the    Kingdom  of  Bengal.1 


— o- 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  SOVEREIGNTY  OF  SULTAN 

FAKHrtU-D-I)lN. 

When  Sultan  Fakhru-d-din  ascended  the  throne  of  the 
kina-dom  of  Lakhnauti,  he  sent  out  his  officer  Mukhalis  Khan 
with  an  efficient  army  for  the  subjugation  of  the  outlying  pro- 
vinces of  Bengal.  Malik  '  AH  Mubarik,  the  generalissimo  of 
Qadr  Khan,  encountered  him  with  a  large  army,  and  after  much 
fighting  killed  Mukhalis  Khan,  and  routed  the  latter's  entire  force. 
Sultan  Fakhru-d-din  who  had  just  become  king,  and  was  not 
confident  of  the  loyalty  of  his    officers,    did    not  venture  to  attack 

i-Firuz,  Sbahl,  p.  480).  His  coins  minted  afc  Sunargaon,  (published  in  Thomas's 
"  Initial  Coinage  ",  would  indicate  that  he  reigned  for  ten  years  and  some 
months.  Ibn-i-Batutah  mentions  that  he  was  an  eminent  man,  and  very 
generous  His  capital  appears  to  bavtj  been  at  Suyutrgaon.  His  son-in-law, 
Zafar  Khan  fled  from  Sunargaon  to  Firnz  Shah  in  Delhi,  who  at  his  request 
(Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  by  Shams-i-Siraj,  pp.  105-114)  invaded  Bengal  a  second 
time  during  Sekandar  Shah's  reign.  Bengal  attained  great  prosperity  during 
the  rule  of  these  Independent  Musalman  Kings.  Forts  and  public  buildings 
were  erected,  Mosques,  Colleges,  Students'  Hostels  and  Travellers' Guest-houses 
and  Khanqahs  were  established  in  all  parts  of  the  Kingdom,  tanks  excavated, 
and  roads  laid  down.  Two  great  Royal  Houses — one  of  Haji  Ilyas  and  another 
of  Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah  (with  a  brief  break  of  about  forty  years,  during 
which  Rajah  Kans  and  his  successors  usurped  the  Bengal  Kingdom,) 
reigned  during  this  period.  The  Kingdom  of  Bengali  received  territorial 
expansion  during  this  period.  Western  Assam  (or  Kamrup),  portions  of  Koch- 
Behar,  and  portions  of  Jajnagar  (or  Orissa1,  the  whole  of  North  Behar, 
(Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi.  p.  586)  and  eastern  portions  of  South  Behar  up  to 
generally  the  town  of  Behar,  were  subject  to  the  Bengal  Kingdom. 
Musalman  arms  were  carried  far  to  the  east  across  the  Megna,  which  had 
hitherto  proved  a  great  barrier  to  Musalman  extension,  right  up  to 
Silhat  and  the  western  portions  of  Tiperah  and  Noakhali  districts,  including 
Chittagong.  Great  theistic  movements  having  for  their  object  the  con- 
ciliation of  the  two  races,  sprang  up.  Kabir  and  Chaitanya,  the  great  spiritual 
leaders  who  preached  catholic  doctrines,  nourished  in  this  period, 
l  This  was  in  1338  A.C. 


96 

'Ali  Mubarik.  And  Malik  '  All  Mubarik  collectings  large  army 
proclaimed  himself  Sultan  '  Alau-d-din,  marched  with  his  forces 
against  Sultan  Fakhru-d-dln,  and,  in  the  a  year  741  A!H.,  after 
fighting  captured  him,  and  slaying  him,1  avenged  the  murder 
of  Qadr  Khan. 

Ye  murdered,  whom  hast  thou  murdered,   that  to-day  they 

have  murdered  thee  ?  c 

To-morrow  they  will  kill  him  wTho  has  to-day  killed  thee  ! 

After  this,  Sultan  'Alau-d-din,  after  leaving  .an  efficient  force 
to  garrison  Lakhnauti,  himself  proceeded  to  subjugate  the  out- 
lying provinces  of  Bengal.  The  rule  of  Sultan  Fakhru-d-din 
lasted  two  years  and  five  months. 


THE  ACCESSION  TO  THE  THRONE  OF  '  ALI  MUBARIK 
STYLED  SULTAN  'ALAU-D-DIN.2 

c  It  is  said  that  in  the  beginning  Malik  'Ali  Mubarik  was  one  of 
the  trusty  servants  of  Malik  Firuz  Rajab.     And  MalikFiruz   was 

1  The  account  in  Badaoni  (vol.  I,  p.  230  Pers.  (text)  gives  a  different  ver- 
sion. Badaoni  states  as  follows  : — On  the  cbath  of  Bahram  Khan,  Governor  of 
Sunargaon,  in  739  A.  H,  Malik  Fakhruddin  who  was  his  Silahdar  or  Quarter- 
master General,  revolted,  assumed  the  title  of  Fakhruddin,  and  fought 
against  Qadr  Khan,  Governor  of  Lakhnauti,  and  was  defeated.  A  second 
time,  Fakhruddin  fought  against  Qadr  Khan,  and  defeated  the  latter  (Qadr 
Khan's  own  soldiers  killing  Qadr  Khun),  established  his  rule  over  Sunargaon 
Province,  and  detached  his  officer  Mukhalis  to  operate  against  Lakhnauti. 
Ali  Mubarik,  Adjutant  General  (Ariz-i-Lashkar)  of  the  Army  of  Qadr  Khan 
killed  Mukhalis,  established  his  own  independence  (in  Lakhnauti),  and  sent 
out  letters  to  the  Emperor  Mnhammad  Shah  Tughlak,  who  sent  out  Malik- 
Yusaf,  who  died  on  his  way  to  Bengal.  After  this,  the  Emperor  being  engaged 
with  other  affairs,  did  not  send  out  any  others  to  Bengal.  For  State  reasons 
(observing  the  hostility  of  Fakhruddin  of  Sunargaon)  Ali  Mubarik  in  Lakh- 
nauti assumed  regal  honours  aud  the  title  of  Sultan  Alau-d-din.  Malik  Ilyas 
Haji,  who  was  a  tribal  chief  and  a  military  commander,  after  some  days,  in 
collusion  with  certain  Omara  and  Maliks  of  Lakhnauti,  killed  Alau-d-diu) 
and  himself  assumed  the  title  of  Shamsu-d-din.  In  741  A.  H.,  the  Emperor 
Muhammad  Shal^  Tughlak  marched  to  Sunargaon,  captured  Fakhruddin, 
brought  him  to  Lakhnauti,  and  killed  him,  and  then  retired  to  Delhi.  Thence- 
forth Shamsuddin  Ilyas  Haji  ruled  independently  over  Bengal. 

8  His  name  appears  from  his  coins  (published  in  Thomas's ''Initial  Coinage), 
to  be  Alau-d-din    Abul  Muzaffar    'Ali    Shah.     His   capital    appears    to    have 


97 

a  nephew  of  Sultan  Grhiasu-d-din  Tughlak  Shah,  and  h  cousin  of 
Sultan  Muhammad  Shah.  When  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah 
ascended*  the  throne  of  Delhi,  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  he 
appointed  Malik  Firuz  to  be  his  Secretary.  At  that  time,  some 
misdemeanour  came  to  pass  on  the  part  of  Haji  TJyas,  foster-brother 
of  'Ali  Mubarik,  and  owing  to  that  he  (Haji  Ily^s)  escaped  from 
Delhi.  When  Malik  Firuz  demanded  him  from  '  Ali  Mubarik, 
the  latter  searched  for  him.  When  no  trace  of  his  whereabouts 
was  obtained,  '  Ali  Mubarik  informed  Malik  Firuz  of  his  escape- 
Malik  Firuz  remonstrating  with  him,  banished  him  also  from  his 
presence.  'Ali  Mubarik  started  for  Bengal.  On  the  way  he  saw 
in  a  dream  Hazrat  Shah  Makhdiim  Jalalu-d-din  Tabrizi l  (may 
God  sanctify  his  sepulchre  !)  and  showing  submissiveness  and 
humility  pleased  the  saint,  who  said  :  "  We  have  bestowed  on 
you  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  but  you  should  build  for  us  a  shrine." 
'  All  Mubarik  agreeing  to  this,  enquired  in  what  place  the  shrine 
was  required  to  be  built.  The  saint  replied :  "  In  the  town  of 
Panduah,  at  a  place  where  thou  shalt  find  three  bricks,  one  over 
the  other,  and  one  fresh  hundred-leaved  rose  beneath  those  bricks  ; 
at  that  place  the  shrine  should  be  built."  When  he  reached 
Bengal,  entering  the  service  of  Qadr  Khan  he  stayed  there,  until 
gradually  he  became  generalissimo  of  Qair  Khan's  army.  And 
when  Malik  Fakhru-d-din  revolting  against  Qadr  Khan,  and 
killing  his  benefactor,  assumed  the  reins  of  sovereignty,  '  Ali 
Mubarik  proclaiming  himself  Sultan  'Alau-d-din  and  drawing 
bis  forces  against  Fakhru-d-din,  as  has  been  mentioned  before, 
avenged  the  murder  of  his  benefactor,  by  slaying  Fakhru-d-din. 
With  great  promptitude,  posting  a  garrison  at  Lakhnauti,  Sultan 
'Alau-d-din  turned  his  attention  to  the  conquest  of  other  pro- 
vinces of  Bengal.     When   he  introduced    the    Khutbah    and   the 

been  at  Panduah,  from  the  circumstance  that  his  coins  appear  all  to 
have  been  minted  at  Firuzab  id  (i.e  ,  Panduah).  Indee'd,  Panduah  is  known 
as  'Ali  Shah's  capital.' 

I  Shaikh  Jalaluddin  Tabrizi  was  a  disciple  of  SJiaikh  Said  Tabrizi. 
After  travelling  for  some  time,  he  joined  Shaikh  Shahabuddin  and  became 
the  latter's  Khalifa  or  chief  disciple.  He  was  a  great  friend  of  Khwajah 
Qutbuddin  and  Shaikh  Bahanddin.  Shaikh  Najmuddin  the  junior  who 
w;is  at  the  time  Shaikh-ul-Islam  of  Delhi,  bore  ill-feeling  towards  him, 
and  made  false  accusations  against  his  piety  and  character,  and  so 
Jalaluddin  retired  to  Bengal.  He  is  buried  at  *the  port  of  Deomahal 
(Maldive)  See  8eir,  Vol.  I,  p.  231  and  Ain. 
13 


98 

coin  of  the  kingdom  of  Bengal  after  his  own  name,  becoming 
intoxicated  with  luxury  and  success,  he  forgot  the  injunction  of 
the  saint,  so  that  one  night'  he  saw  in  a  dream  the  sa^nt,  who 
said  :  "  'Alau-d-din,  you  have  obtained  the  kingdom  of  Bengal, 
but  forgotten  my  bidding."  'Alau-d-din  on  the  following  day 
searching  for  the  bricks,  and  finding  them  agreeably  to  the  direc- 
tions of  the  saint,  erected  there  a  shrine,  the  trace  whereof  exists 
up  to  this  time.  At  that  time  Haji  Ilyas  also  came  to  Panduah. 
Sultan  'Alau-d-din  for  some  time  kept  him  a  prisoner,  but  by  the 
intercession  of  Ilyas's  mother,  who  was  the  nurse  of  Sultan  'Alau- 
d-din,  he  released  him,  and  giving  him  an  important  position 
admitted  him  to  his  presence.  Haji  Ilyas  in  a  short  time  gaining 
over  the  array  to  his  side,  one  day  with  the  help  of  eunuchs  slew 
Sultan  'Alau-d-diu,  and  proclaiming  himself  Shamsu-d-din 
Bhangrah  usurped  the  provinces  of  Lakhnauti  and  Bengal.  The 
reign  of  Sultan  'Alau-d-din  lasted  one  year  and  five  months. 


REIGN  OF  HAJI  ILYAS  STYLED  SULTAN  SHAMSU-D- 

DIN. 

When  Sultan  'Alau-d-din  was  killed,  and  the  sovereignty  of 
Bengal  passed  to  H&ji  Ilyas  VA.lai,  proclaiming  himself  Sultan 
Shamsu-d-din  he  mounted  the  throne  in  the  holy  city  of  Panduah.1 
As  he  took  much  bhang,  he  was  called  Shamsu-d-din  Bhangrah. 
In  conciliating  the  people,  and  winning  the  heart  of  the  army,  he 
put  forth  noble  efforts.  After  a  while,  mustering  an  army,  he 
went  to  Jajnagar,  and  from  there  obtaining  many  valuables  and 
presents  and  large  elephants,  returned  to  his  capital.  And  owing 
to  the  decay  which   had  set    in  in  the  Empire  of  Delhi  from  the 

1  Panduah  is  situate  12  miles  north  of  English  Bazar  in  Maldah  district. 
From  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Shams uddin  Ilyas  to  the  end  of  the  reign 
of  Rajah  Kans,  six  kings  ruled  there  for  a  period  of  52  years,  from  743  to  795 
A.H.  But  perhaps  'Ail  Mubarik  should  also  be  included  amongst  the  kings 
who  ruled  at  Panduah.  His  reign  appears  to  have  commenced  in  741  A.H. 
(1340  A.C.)  Professor  Blochmann  calls  Panduah  'Ali  Shah's  capital  (J.A.S.B., 
XLII,  254)  and  Professor  Blochmann's  statement  seems  to  be  supported  by  the 
narrative  of  our  author,  viz.,  the  statement  about  'Ali  Mubarik  building  a  shrine 
of  the  saint  Jallaluddin  at  Panduah,  and  also  about  Shamsfiddln  Ilya's  arrival 
at  Panduah.  In  795  A.H.  (1392),  king  Jallaluddin  (son  of  Rajah  Kans) 
who  became  a  Muhamtnadan,  removed  the  capital  back  again  to  Gaur  or 
Lakhnauti. 


99 

time  of  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah,  for  thirteen  years  the  Emperors 
of  Delhi  did  not  turn  their  attention  to  Bengal.  Sultan  Shamsu- 
d-din  [  with  absolute  independence  devoted  himself  to  the  adminis- 
trative affairs  of  Bengal,  subjugated  gradually  all  the  tracts  up 
to  the  limits  of  Banaras,  and  enhanced  more  than  before  his  pomp 
and  power,  until    the  throne  of  Delhi  passed  to  Firiiz  Shah,2  son 

1  Haji  Ilyas  first  appears  to  have  in  746  A.H.  made  himself  master 
of  Western  Bengal,  whilst  at  that  time  Ikhtiarudcfin  A^ul  Muzaffar  Ghazi 
Shah  (son  of  Mubarak  Shah)  still  reigned  at  Sunargaon  in  Eastern  Bengal. 
Haji  Ilyas  shortly  after  (753  A.H.)  subdued  Eastern  Bengal  also,  and 
established  himself  at  Snnargaon,  and  founded  a  dynasty  which  continued 
(with  a  brief  break)  to  reign  over  Bengal  till  896  A.H.  or  nearly  a 
century  and  a  half.  He  extended  his  western  boundaries  as  far  as  Benares, 
founded  Hajipur,  and  though  Firnz'Shah  Tnghlak  the  Emperor  led  an 
expedition  into  Bengal  to  punish  him,  he  had  to  return  unsuccessful.  For 
Ilyas  Shah's  coinage,  see  Thomas's  Initial  Coinage  of  Bengal,  J.A.S.,  1867, 
pp.  57,  58. 

The  nearest  contemporary  account  of  this  King  will  be  found  in 
Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  p.  586  by  Ziauddin  Barui  and  Siraj  Afif  p.  77.  :» 

2  Sultan   Firuz    Shah  Tughlak    alias    Malik    Firuz  Barbak   was  a  son  of 
an    uncle  of    Muhammad  Shah   Tughlak.    and  a  nephew     of    Ghiasu-d-din 
Tnghlak   Shah.     His   father   was  Rajab    Salar   who  abandoning   all    worldly 
affairs,  became  a  saint.     When  fifty  years  old,  in  755  A.H.,  he  was  crowned 
as  Emperor  of  Hindustan.     He  was  a  wise,  noble  and  enlightened  sovereign, 
He  paid  special  attention  to  improvement  of  agriculture  and  of  the  econo- 
mical condition  of  the  country.     He  reformed  the  administration  of  justice, 
put  down  oppressions   and   corruption,   lightly  assessed  land-revenue,   and 
regulated   its   assessment   according  to   the  produce   of   the  lands   assessed 
and  also  according  to  the  capacity  of  the  tenantry  to  bear  the  assessment, 
and  abolished  octroi  duties.      He   established  thirty  colleges,  founded  five 
hospitals    and    dispensaries,     erected     forty    cathedral    mosques    and   two 
hundred  caravanserais,  twenty  monasteries,  one  hundred  palaces  and  villas, 
and  one  hundred  and  fifty-two  baths,  and   numerous   gardens,  and    bridges. 
In  the   environs   of  Hansi,   ho    erected    a    fort    calljd   Hisar-i-Firuz,    and 
joined  it  by  means  of  a  canal  with  the  river  Jumna.     His  greatest  work 
was   the  old  Jumna   canal ;   this  canal   drew   its  water  from   the   Jumna, 
near  a  point  where  it  leaves  the  mountains,  and  connected  that  river  with 
the  Ghaggar  and  the   Sutlej  by   means   of    irrigation  channels,   spreading 
fertility  all  around.     He  caused  the  translation  of  several  Sanskrit  works 
into  Persian,  and  encouraged  learning  and  the  learned.     He  was  the  recipient 
of  a  Royal  investiture  from  Abul  Fatah  Khalif  of  Egypt.     He  reigned   from 
1351  to  88  A.C.    The  Tughlak  dynasty  ended  in  1414  A.C.,  the  Empire  being 
shattered  by  the  invasion  of  Timiir  in  1398  A.C.,  during  the  reign  of  Mahmud 
SJiah  Tughlak,  the  last   real  Tughlak  king.     (See  Tarjkh-i-Firuz  Shahi  pp.  548 
570  by  Ziauddin  Barni,  aud  by  Shams-i-Seraj). 


100 

of  Rajab,  who  attempted  to  re-conquer  Bengal.  It  is  said  that  at 
that  time  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  built  a  bath,  similar  to  the 
Shams!  bath  of  Delhi.  Sultan  Firuz  Shah  who  was  furious  with 
anger  against  Shamsu-d-din,  in  the  year  754  A.H.,  set  out  for 
LakhnautI,  and  after  forced  marches  reached  close  to  the  city  of 
Panduah,  which  was  then  the  metropolis  of  Bengal.  The  Emperor 
encamped  at  a  place  which  is  still  called  Firuzpurabad,1  and 
riding  from  that  place  besieged  the  Fort  of  Panduah.  Sultan 
Shamsu-d-din  leaving  his  son  with  an  array  in  the  fort  of  Panduah, 
entrenched  himself  in  the  fort  of  Ekdalah  which  was  very  im- 
pregnable. Firuz  Shah,  not  oppressing  the  people  of  Pandiiah, 
captured  in  battle  the  son  of  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din,  and  marched 
towards  the  fort  of  Ekdalah.2     c 

(End  ov  Fasc.  I.) 


(Fasc.  II.) 

On  the  first  day,  a  bloody  engagement  took  place.  After 
that,  for  twenty-two  days,  he  besieged  the  Fort.s  Not  succeed- 
ing,   Firuz    Shah   resolved   to    transfer    his    camp   to   the   bank 

i 

I  Firuzabadpur  is  a  mistake  here  for  FIruzabad,  close  to  Panduah. 

8  Mr.  Westmacott  places  Ekdalah  near  Dinajpur,  whilst  Mr.  Beveridge 
places  it  near  Dacca.  For  a  discussion  on  the  site  of  the  fort  of  Ekdalah, 
also  see  Blochmann's  Contributions  to  History  and  Geography  of  Bengal, 
J.A.S.,  1873,  p.  213  and  also  Mr.  Beveridge's  Analysis  of  "  Khurshid  Jahan 
Numa." 

In  Tarikh-i-FIruz  Shahi  by  Zia  'Barni,  Ekdalah  is  described  as  follows 
(Pers.  text,  p.  588) :  "  Ekdalah  is  the  name  of  a  mouza  close  to  Panduah  ;  on  one 
side  of  it  is  a  river,  and  on  another  a  jungle."  Zia  'Barni  is  a  contemporary 
historian  for  the  period ;  therefore,  this  description  given  by  him  fixes  the 
site  of  the  Fort  of  Ekdalah  near  Panduah,  and  sets  at  rest  all  the  speculations 
to  the  contrary  raised  by  Mr.  Beveridge  (in  his  Analysis  of  Khurshid  Jahan 
Numa)  who  fixes  it  near  the  Bhowal  jungle  in  Dacca  district,  and  also  by  Mr. 
Westmacott  who  would  place  it  towards  Dinajpur.  Professor  Blochmann  is 
inclined  to  treat  'Ekdalah'  as  a  generic  name,  referring  to  several  places. 
See  J.A.S.B.  for  1873,  pp.  212-213.  Rennel  gives  another  Ekdalah  north  of 
Dacca  "map  of  Hindustan."  Shams-i-Siraj  in  his  Tarikh-Firuz  Shahi  (Pers. 
text  p.   79)  calls  it  the  "isles  of  Ekdalah." 

8  The  first  expedition  of  Emperor  Firuz  Shah  Tughlak  into  Bengal  (in 
754  A.H.  =  1353  A.C.)  is  fully  and  humourously  described  by  Zia 'Barni,  a 
contemporary  historian,  in  the  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  (Pers.  text,  p.  586),   who 


10J 

of  the   Gauges.     Then,  alone,  he    searched   for    a    proper   camp- 
ing   ground.     Sultan    Shamsu-d-dln    thinking    that    Firuz    Shah 

closes  his  history  with  a  narrative  of  this  expedition  and  of  the  events  up  to  the 
sixth  year  of  Firuz  Shah's  reign.  The  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  punish 
Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  Haji  Ilyas  who  had  invaded  and  ravaged  Tirhut  and 
harried  the  frontier  (then  the  Sro  river)  between  the  Bengal  Kingdom 
and  the  Delhi.  Empire.  The  Emperor  set  out  from  Delhi  on  10th  Shawal 
754  A.H.,  reached  Oudh,  crossed  the  Sro  river,  when  Ilyas  Shah  with- 
drew to  Tirhut.  The  Emperor  crossing  the  Sro,  marched  through  Arsa-i- 
Kharosah  (not  identified)  and  Gorakpur,  the  Rajahs  whereof  paid  him 
homage  and  enlisted  themselves  on  his  side.  Ilyas  Shah  then  returned 
from  Tirhut  to  Panduah,  the  Emperor  following  him  towards  Lakh, 
nauti  and  Panduah.  after  traversing  Jagat  or  Jal^at  (not  identified)  and 
Tirhut  (the  Rajahs  whereof  also  paid  homage  to  the  Emperor).  Ilyas  Shah, 
on  approach  of  the  Emperor  to  Panduah,  retired  to  Fort  Ekdalah,  where  he 
entrenched  himself.  The  Emperor  did  not  plunder  Panduah,  but  left  its 
population  unmolested,  crossed  the  river  in  front  of  the  fort  Ekdalah,  and 
laid  siege  to  it  for  several  days.  He  had  scruples  about  destroying  promiscu- 
ously the  garrison  of  the  Fort,  so  he  made  a  feint  retreating  movement  back 
across  the  river,  which  resulted  in  drawing  out  Ilyas  Shah  from  the  Fort.  A 
battle  was  fought,  the  Bengal  army  in  which  elephants  formed  a  prominent 
feature  was  defeated,  and  the  Imperialists  captured  forty-four  Bengal 
elephants,  &o.,  &c.  On  finding  that  the  rainy  season  was  approaching,  the 
Emperor  by  forced  marches  (after*  appointing  Collectors  in  Tirhut  district) 
returned  to  Delhi,  which  was  reached  on  12th  Shaban  755  A.H.  or  1354  A.C. 

This  first  expedition  is  also  narrated  by  S_hams  Siraj  Afif ,  another  nearly 
contemporary  historian,  who  continued  Barni's  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahl.  (See 
Pers.  MSS.,  text  p.  76).  From  this  account,  the  following  additional  interest- 
ing facts  are  gleaned  : — 

1.  That  Firuz  Shah  sailed  to  Bengal  in  one  thousand  flotilla  of  war- 
vessels,  and  his  route  lay  across  the  Sro,  the  Ganges  and  the  Kosi  rivers,  that 
his  expeditionary  force  consisted  of  70,000  Khanans  and  Maliiks,  two  laks  in- 
fantry, 60,000  cavalry,  besides  an  elephant-corps. 

2.  That  when  Firuz  Shah  crossed  the  Kosi  rivers  Ilyas  Shah,  king  of 
Bengal,   retired  from    Panduah  to    Ekdalah,  which  is  called  here  the  "  Isles 

of  Ekdalah." 

» 

3.  That  Firuz  Shah  laid  siege  to  the  fort  of  Ekdalah  for  several  days, 
and  nothing  decisive  occurring,  made  a  feint  retreating  movement  westward 
seven  karoh  or  Kos  from  Ekdalah,  when  Ilyas  Shah  thinking  Firuz  Shah 
was  retreating,  came  out  of  the  fort  Ekdalah,  advanced,  and  attacked  the 
Imperialists,  who  defeated  and  killed  one  lak  of  the  Benga?  army,  and  cap- 
tured 50  Bengal  elephants. 

4.  That  then  Ilyas  Shah  escaped  again  to  the  Fort  of  Ekdalah,  which 
was  about  to  be  stormed  by  the  Imperialists,  when  tie  females  of  the  garrison 
uncovering  their  heads,  exhibited  themselves,  and   raised  loud   lamentations, 


102 

had   marched   to    retire,    came    out  of  the  fort,  and  mustered  his 
f  orces. 

Owing  to  the  sword  and  the  arrow  and  the  spear  and  the 

gun, 
The  marketrof  fighting  became  warm  on  both  sides. 
The  bodies  of  heroes  were  emptied  of  their  souls  ; 
Like  roses,  on  their  faces,  budded  forth  woundc. 

After  much  slaughter  on  both  sides,  a  large  number  of  people 
were  killed  and  destroyed.  At  length,  the  breeze  of  victory  wafted 
on  the  standard  of  Firuz  Shah,  and  Shamsu-d-din  being  over- 
powered fled,  and  sought  refuge  in  the  Fort.  Forty-four  elephants 
which  he  had  brought  from  Jajnagar,  together  with  the  Royal  Um- 
brella and  the  standard  and  other  regal  chattels  and  paraphernalia, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  soldiers  of  Firuz  Shah.  It  is  said  that  at 
that  time  the  Saint  Shaikh  Raja  Biyabani1  in  whom  Sultan 
Shamsu-d-din  had  great  faith,  died.  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din 
coming  out  of  the  Fort,  in  the  guise  of  a  mendicant,  joined  the 
Shaikh's  funeral.  After  finishing  the  obsequies,  he  rode  alone 
to  see  Firuz  Shah,  and  without  the  latter  recognizing  hira,  return- 
ed to  the  Fort.  When  the  Sultan  came  to  know  about  it,  he 
expressed  regret.  In  short,  when  the  period  of  siege  was  pro- 
tracted, and  the  rainy  season  set  in,  in  that  in  the  rains,  the 
country  of  Bengal  becomes  one  sheet  of  water,  and  cause  for 
anxiety  arises,  Sultan  Firuz  Shah  made  overtures  for  peace. 
Sultan  Shamsu-d-din,  who  was  hard-pressed  by  the  3iege,  partial- 
ly made  his  submission,  and  also  sought  for  peace.  Firuz  Shah, 
releasing  the  sou  of  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  together  with  other 
prisoners  of  the  kingdom  of  Lakhnauti,  raised  the  standard  of 
return.  And  in  the  year  755  A.H.,  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  sent 
many  presents  and  numerous  rareties,  in  charge  of  wise  envoys, 
to  Sultan  Firuz  Shah.  The  latter  also  showing  attentions  to  the 
envoys,  sent  them-  back.     And  since   Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  had 

which  softened  the  heart  of  Firuz  Shah,  who  abandoned  the  work  of  destruc- 
tion. 

5.  That  before  marching  back  towards  Delhi,  Firuz  Shah  halted  for 
some  days  at  Panduah,  named  it  "  Firuzabad,"  introduced  there  the  Khutbah 
after  his  own  name,  and  also  named  "  Ekdalah  "  "  Azadpur." 

6.  That  Firuz  Sb_ah's  expedition  lasted  eleven  months. 

1  He  died  in  1353  A.C.  (754  A.H.)  when  Emperor  Firuz  Shah  besieged 
Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  Haji  Ilyas  in  Ekdalah  Fort. 


103 

great  anxiety  from  Firuz  Shah,  consequently  in  757  A.H.  the 
former  sent  to  Delhi  wise  and  sagacious  envoys,  and  sought  for 
peace.  Firuz  Shah  agreeing,  returned  the  envoys  loaded  with 
honours.  From  that  time,  the  boundaries  between  the  Kingdoms 
of  Delhi  and  Bengal  were  delimitated ;  and  the  Emperors  of 
Delhi  adhering  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  never  meddled  with  the 
Kings  of  Bengal,  and  by  mutual  exchange  of  presents  on  both 
sides,  they  maintained  friendly  relations  befcween  the  two  king- 
doms. And  in  the  year  758  A.H.,  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  again 
sent  from  Bengal  Malik  Taju-d-din  with  some  nobles,  in  the  form 
of  an  embassy,  with  many  presents  and  gifts  to  Delhi.  Sultan 
Firuz  Shah  bestowing  attentions  on  the  envoys  more  than 
before,  after  some  days,  sent  in  'return  to  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din 
Arab  and  Turkish  horses,  together  with  other  valuable  presents, 
in  charge  of  Malik  Saifu-d-din  Shahnafil.  In  the  meantime, 
Sultan  Shamsu-d-din1  had  died  in  Bengal.  Malik  Taju-d-din  and 
Malik  Saifu-d-din  had  approached  Behar,  when  they  heard  the 
news  of  the  death  of  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din.  Malik  Saifu-d-din 
communicated  this  intelligence  to  Delhi,  and  agreeably  to  the 
order  of  the  Emperor,  he  gave  away  the  horses  and  the  presents 
in  lieu  of  the  pay  due  to  the  Imperial  soldiers  stationed  in  Behar. 
Malik  Taju-d-din  returned  to*Be,ngal.  Thc»reign  of  Shamsu-d-din 
lasted  16  years  and  some  months. 


THE  REIGN  OF    SIKANDAR  SHAH,    SON  OF  SHAMSU- 

D-DlN. 

When  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  Bhangra  passed  away  from  this 
fleeting  world,  on  the   third  day,  with  the  consent  of  the  nobles 

1  Regarding  coinage  of  Ilyas  Shah,  see  Thomfis's  Initial  Coinage  of 
Bengal,  J.A.S.,  1867,  pp.  57-58. 

"  Having  in  746  become  master  of  Western  BengsJ,  Ilyas  S_hah  in  753 
A.H.  established  himself  at  Sunargaon,  near  Dacca,  and  thns  founded  a 
dynasty  which  with  an  exception  of  about  forty  years  in  the  beginning  of 
the  ninth  century  of  the  Hijrah,  continued  to  rule  over  Bengal  till  886  A.H." 
(Blochmann's  Contribution,  J.A.S.,  1873,  p.  254). 

His  coins  (see  p.  58,  J.A.S.  for  1867),  disclose  the  interesting  fact  that 
several  of  them  were  minted  at  Sunargaon  (which  is  termed  on  the  coins 
Hazrat  Jallal  Sunargaon  or  the  Illustrious  Royal  Residence  of  Sunargaon), 
bearing  dates  A.H.  753,  754,  755,  756,  757,  758.  »  His  name  on  the  coins  is 
"  Shamsu-d-din  Abfd  Muzzaffar  Ilyas  Shah." 


104 

and  the  generals,  his  eldest  son,  Sikandar  Shah,  ascended  the 
throne  of  Bengal,  and  spreading  the  hem  of  justice  and  genero- 
sity on  the  heads  of  the  people,  proclaimed  joyful  tidings  of  peace 
and  security.  And  deeming  it  expedient  to  conciliate  Sultan  Firuz 
Shah,  he  sent,  in  tbe  shape  of  presents,  fifty  elephants  with  sundry 
rareties.  In  the  meantime,  Firuz  Shall,  Emperor  of  Delhi,  in 
the  year  760  A.H.  marched'  to  subjugate   the  kingdom  of  Bengal. 


1  The  object  of  this  second  expedition  of  Emperor  Firuz  Shah  into 
Bengal  in  760  A.H.  (1359  A.C.)  was  to  reinstate  Zafar  Khan  (son-in-law  of 
Sultan  Fakhru-d-din  Mubarak  Shah,  king  of  Sunargaon)  on  the  throne  of 
Sunargaon.  See  details  in  Tarikh-i- Firuz  Shahl  by  Shams  Siraj  Afif  ( Pers. 
MS.  text,  p.  97).  From'  it,  it  appears  that  the  Musalman  throne  of  Sunargaon 
was  more  ancient  than  the  Musalman  throne  of  Panduah,  that  on  Firuz  Shah's 
return  from  Bengal  after  his  first  expedition  (this  would  necessitate  a  slight 
modification  of  Professor  Blochmaun's  date  in  n:  1  ante  p.  103)  Shamsuddin 
Ilyas  Shah  sailed  and  reached  Snnargaon  in  a  few  days.  At  that  time  (755  A-H. 
or  1354  A-C.)  Sultan  Fakhru-d-din  was  reigning  in  security  at  Sunargaon. 
Shsmsuddin  took  him  by  surprise,  captured  and  slew  him,  and  usurped  the 
Sunargaon  Kingdom,  in  addition  to  his  Kingdom  of  Lakhnauti  and  Panduah. 
At  that  time  Zafar  Khan,  son-iu-law  of  Fakhruddin  who  was  touring  out  in  the 
interior  of  Sunargaon,  to  collect  revenue  and  to  locally  enquire  into  the  conduct 
of  collectors  of  revenue,  heard  the  above  news,  sailed  on  a  ship  from  Sunargaon 
by  the  ocean-route  to  Thatih  and  thence  proceeded  to  Delhi,  and  sought  help 
from  Firuz  Shah.  Peace  was  concluded  with  Sikandar  Shah,  on  the  latter 
agreeing  to  reinstate  Zafar  Khan  in  the  kingdom  of  Sunai'gaon — which  how- 
ever did  not  come  to  pass,  as  Zafar  Khan  preferred  to  go  back  to 
Delhi.  Like  Ilyas  Shah,  Sikandar  took  refuge  in  the  Fort  of  Ekdalah.  From 
Bengal,  Firuz  Shah  invaded  Jajnagar  (Orissa),  defeated  the  Rajah  who  made 
his  submission,  carried  off  the  idol  of  Jaganath  to  Delhi,  (p.  119)  and  captured 
many  elephants.  The  Emperor's  stay  in  Bengal  and  Jajnagar  during  this 
expedition  covered  2  years  and  7  months  (p.  121).  In  this  connection,  an 
interesting  description  of  Jajnagar  is  given  by  Shams  Siraj  Afif  (Tarikh-i- 
Flruz  Shahl,  Pers.  MS."  text,  p.  115,  and  in  Muntakhibal  Tawarikh  (Pers.  text< 
p.  247,  Vol.  1,  Fasc.  Ill,  ).  Bearing  in  mind  what  Zia  'Barni  states  regarding 
Jajnagar  in  connection  with  Emperor  Balban's  expedition  to  Snnargaon,  I 
am  inclined  to  agree  with  Professor  Blochmann  that  there  were  two  Jajnagars  : 
one  in  Orissa,  and  another  towards  Tipperah.  The  account  in  Muntakhiba 
Tawarikh  referred  to  above,  is  slightly  different  from  that  in  Taiikh-i-FIruz 
Shahl  by  Shams  Seraj  Afif.  Badaoni  in  Muntakhib  states  that  Firuz  Shah 
after  completing1  his  second  expedition  into  Bengal  (760  A.H.)  returned  from 
Panduah  by  forced  marches  to  Jaunpur  (p.  247,  Muntakhib  Pers.  text,  Vol.  I, 
Fasc.  Ill),  where  lie  speut  the  rainy  season,  and  that  at  the  end  of  this  year, 
by  way  of  Behar,  he  manehed  into  Jajnagar  (Orissa),  passing  throngh  Sathi- 
ghira,    Baranasi,    and   crossing    the    Mahandri   river    (the   Rajah  of  Baranas 


105 

When  he  reached  Zafarabad,1  the  rains  setting  in,  the  Emperor 
encamped  there,  and  sent  envoys  to  Sikandar  Shah.  Sikandar 
Shah  was  in  anxiety  about  the  aim  of  the  Emperor  of  Delhi, 
when  Firuz  Shah's  envoys  arrived.  Sikandar  Shah  immediately 
sent  his  aid-de-camp  together  with  five  elephants  and  other  presents, 
and  opened  negociations  for  peace ;  but  these  resulted  in  nothing. 
After  the  rainy  season  was  over,  Sultan  Firuz  Shah  marched  to 
Lakhnauti.  When  the  Sultan  encamped*  in  hhe  environs  of 
Panduah,  Sikandar  Shah  feeling  that  he  was  no  match  for  the 
Sultan  followed  his  father's  tactics,  and  entrenched  himself  in  the 
Fort  of  Ekdalah.  Firuz  Shah  pressed  the  siege  hard.  When  the 
garrison  was  reduced  to  straits,  Sikandar  #Shah  sending  forty 
elephants  together  with  other  goods  and  presents  and  numerous 
rareties,  and  agreeing  to  pay  an  annual  tribute,  sought  for  peace. 
Firuz  Shah  accepting  these  returned  to  Delhi.  After  this  for 
some  years,  Sikandar  Shah  with  absolute  independence  gave  full 
rein  to  enjoyments.  And  in  the  year  766  A.H.,  he  built  the 
Adina  mosque  ; 8  but  before  he  could  finish  it,  death  overtook  him, 
and  the  mosque  remained  half  finished.  Some  trace  of  the 
mosque  still  exists  in  the  jungles  of  Panduah,  at  a  distance  of  one 
karoh  from  the  town.     The  Author  of  this  history  ha3  seen  it.     In 

>  * 

fleeing  to  Telinga  and  the  Rajah  of  Sathghira  fleeing  into  a  distant  corner) 
marched  into  the  territory  of  Rajah  Prihan  Deo,  who  sent  to  the  Emperor  as 
tribute  32  elephants,  besides  other  valuable  presents,  and  thence  the  Emperor 
marched  on  hunting  expeditions  into  the  forests  of  PadmavatI  and  Piremtola 
which  contained  powerful  and  big  elephants,  bagged  three  live  elephants,  and 
killed   two   elephants,  and   in   762  A.H.  returned  to  Delhi  victorious. 

The  account  in  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  by  Shams-i-Siraj  is  more  reliable 
as  Siraj's  father  was  with  Firuz  Shah  during  the  expedition  (p.  115)— Siraj 
correctly  mentions  'Banaresi'  (which  means  evidently  'Katak  Banares',  there- 
fore, Badaonis  'Baranasi'  appears  to  be  an  error),  also  names  'Adabah'  as  Rai 
of  Jajnagar,  also  "  Rai  Shanied,"  also  'Rai  Thud.'  The  Rajah  of  Jajnagar 
owned  ships,  elephants,  and  lofty  palaces  constructed  af  stone,  and  laid  out 
with  gardens,  (p.  116). 

I  Zafarabad  lies  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Gumti,  a  little  below  Jaunpur, 
which  lies  on  the  left  bank.  The  maps  give  instead  "  Jaffarabad,"  which  is  a 
corruption  of  "  Zaffarabad."  Zaffarabad  is  mentioned  in  the  Ain-i-Akbari  as 
apergunah  in  Sarkar  Jannpur  under  the  Subah  of  I lahabad  (Allahabad )— 
Jarrett's  Tr.,  Ain.,  Vol.  II,  p.  16-i. 

*  This  beautiful  mosque  is  at  Panduah.     Its   inscription    has    been   pub- 
lished  in  J.A.S.B.,    1873,   p.   257.     The  inscription  «was  written  in  770  AH 
(1369  A.C.) 

H 


106 

truth,  it  is  a  beautiful  mosque,  and  an  enormous  sum  must  have 
been  expended  on  its  erection.     One  ought  to  be  thankful  for  his 
efforts.     It  is  said  that  Sikaridar   Shah  had  seventeen  sons  by  his 
first  wife,  and  by  his  second  wife  he  had  oue   son,  named  Ghiasu- 
d-din,  who,  in  polish  of  manners  and  other  qualities,  was  superior 
to  his  other  brothers,  and  was  proficient  in  the  art  of  govei*nment. 
Consequent^',  the  first  wife  kindling  the  fire  of  envy  and  jealousy 
and    wishing   the    destruction    of     Ghiasu-d-din,    sought    for    an 
opportunity  to  injure  him.     One  day,  finding  an  opportunity,  she 
respectfully  placed  the  hand  on  her  chest,  in  the   presence  of  the 
king,  and  desired  to  state   her   object.     The  king  guessing  from 
the  manner  of  the  wife  said  :  "  Speak  out  what  thou  hast  to   say." 
The  wife  said:  "  I  would   subnv't  my  prayer,  if  the   king  would 
take  an  oath  to  fulfil  it  and  try  his   best   to  fulfil  it."     The  king 
swore  to  fulfil  it,  aud  indulging  in  a  bit  of  hyperbole  said  :  "  Un- 
bosom the  desire  that  thou  hast,  and  make  thy   lip    the  mirror  of 
the  dust  of  thy  heart."     The  shrewd  queen  said  :  "  I  am  in  great 
anxiety,   in   consequence   of    the   conduct    of    Ghiasu-d-din.     He 
is  scheming  to  mount   the  throne,  by  killing  the  king   and    des- 
troying my  sons.     Although  he  is  in   the  position  of  a  son  to  me, 
and  I  do  not  wish  that  he  should  be  killed,   yet   as  the  safeguard- 
ing of  the  life  of  the  king  is  incumbent,  you  should  not  let  slip 
from   the   hand   the   rein   of    alertness,  but    provide    previously 
against  any  mishap.     The  best  course  would  be  that  you  should 
imprison    him,   or   blind  his   eyes."     The  king  on   hearing   this 
became    perturbed,    and    said,    "  What    is    this    aim    of    thine 
which    thou    hast    mingled     with    the    liquid  of    my    welfare  ?, 
and     what    is   this    fire   of    envy    that   thou   hast   mixed     with 
solicitude    for    me  ?      Thou    feelest    no   shame    that   thou   hast 
seventeen    sons,    whilst   the   other  frail   lady  has   only   this  one 
son.     "What   you   do    not  like  for    yourself,  do   not   desire    unto 
others."     The  queen  again  anxiously   said  :   "  Envy   and   jealousy 
have  nothing  to  do  with  my  suggestion.     The  duty  that  I  thought 
incumbent  'upon  myself  in  the  interests  of   thy  well-being,  I  have 
discharged;  after  this,  my  sovereign  is  at  liberty  to  do  what  he 
pleases."     The  king  putting  the  padlock  of  silence  on    the  portal 
of  the  tongue,1  kept  quiet,  and  said  within  himself,   "  As   Ghiasu- 
d-din  is  a  dutiful  son  and  possesses  capacity  for  ruling,  even  if  he 
seeks  to  take  my  life,  let  it  be  so !     Happy  it  is,    if  the   son   is 
dutiful.     But  if  he  is  undutiful,  may  he  perish!"  After  this,  he 


107 

> 

put,  the  reins  of  authority  entirely  into  the  hands  of  Sultan 
Ghiasu-d-din.  But  Grhiasu-d-din,  who  suspected  always  the 
wiles  and  stratagems  of  the  queen,  one  day  on  the  pretext  of 
hunting  escaped  towards  Sunargaon,  and  in  a  short  time  mobi- 
lising a  large  army,  demanded  the  throne  fromdiis  father.  Short- 
ly after,  in  order  to  wrest  the  kingdom,  he  marched  with  a  large 
army  from  Sunargaon,  and  encamped  at  Sunargadhi.1  From  the 
other  side,  the  father  also  with  a  powerful*  arniy  advanced.  On 
the  next  day,  on  the  battlefield  of  Goalpara,2  both  sides  marshall- 
ing their  forces  prepared  to  fight. 

The  son  shewed  malice  towards  the  father  : 

Blood  flowed  from  the  perturbed  heart. 

The  father  snapped  the  ties  of  kindness  and  affection  : 

You  might  say  that  love  had  vanished  from  the  world. 

Although  Grhiasu-d-din  had  given  strict  orders  to  his  soldiers 
and  commanders  that  to  the  utmost  they  should  capture  the  king 
alive,  but  as  fate  willed  otherwise,  Sikandar  Shah  was  unknow- 
ingly killed  at  the  hands  of  one  of  the  commanders  of  Grhiasu-d- 
din.  Whilst  still  the  slayer  was  standing  at  his  head,  one  amongst 
them  seeing  Sikandar  Shah  killed,  enquired  as  to  who  had  killed 
him.  He  said  :  "  I  have  killed  him ;  "  the  other  man  said,  "  You 
felt  no  pity  for  Sultan  Sikandar."  Then  both  in  fright  went  to 
Ghiasu-d-din  and  said  :  "  In  case  we  fear  that  by  restraining 
our  hands,  we  may  be  killed,  can  we  kill  him  ?  "  Grhiasu-d-din 
said  :  "  Certainly  you  may  kill  him,"  and  after  some  reflection  he 
said  :  "  Apparently,  thou  hast  killed  the  king."  The  slayer  said  : 
"  Yes,  unknowingly  I  inflicted  a  cut  with  the  spear  on  the  heart 
of  the  king.  Still  he  has  some  remnants  of  life."  Grhiasu-d-din 
proceeded  swiftly,  dismounted  from  the  horse,  and  placed  the 
head  of  the  father  on  his  lap,  and  tears  trickled  down  his  cheek, 
and    he   said :   "  Father,   open  thy  eyes,   and'  express  thy  dying 

l  Not  identified,  but  it  must  have  been  close  to  Sunargaon. 

3  Identified  by  Professor  Blochmann  to  be  a  village  quite  close  to 
Panduah,  S.-W.  of  it  (J.A.S.,  1873,  p.  256).  But  Dr.  Wise?  in  his  interesting 
"  Notes  on  Sunargaon "  (J.  A.  S.  for  1874,  p.  85)  correctly  places  it  near 
Jafargunje  in  Dhaka  district,  and  nearly  opposite  to  the  junction  of  the 
Ganges  and  the  Jabuna.  "  Eight  years  ago,"  says  D*.  Wise,  "  Sikandar  Shah'a 
tomb  was  pointed  out  in  the  above  neighbourhood." 


108 

* 

wish,   that  I  may  fulfil  it."     The  king  opened  his  eyes,  and  said  : 
"  My  life's  work  is  over  ;  the  kingdom  is  welcome  to  thee. 

c  < 

May  you  prosper  in  your  sovereignty, 
As  I  have  quitted  the  world." 

After  he  said  this,  the  bird  of  his  soul  flew  away.  Ghiasu- 
d-din  seeing  no  good  in  tarrying  further,  left  behind  some  nobles 
to  attend  to  the  obsequies  of  his  father,  and  himself  rode  forward 
towards  Panduah,  and  ascended  the  throne.  The  reign  of 
Sikandar  Shah  l  lasted  nine  years  and  some  months.  He  was  a 
contemporary  of  the  saint  '  Alaul  Haq.2 

THE   REIGN    OF   GHIASU-D-DIN,s  SON   OF  SIKANDAR 

SHAH. 

^  When  Sikandar  Shah  was  laid  in  the  grave,  the  throne  of 
Bengal  received  eclat  from  the  accession  of  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din. 
First  blinding  the  eyes  of  his  step-brothers,  he  sent  them  to  their 
mother,  and  freed  himself  from  anxiety  as  to  the  wiles  of  his 
brothers.  After  this,  he  commenced  dispensing  justice,  and 
throughout  his  life  lived  at  rest  and  ease.  It  is  related  that  once 
Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  falling  seriously  ill  despaired  of  life,  and 
selected    three   maids    from   his   harem,    one    named    Sarv,    the 

1  For  his  coinage  see  Thomas's  Initial  Coinage  (J.A.S.,  1867,  pfc.  II). 
His  name  from  coins  (see  pp.  65-67  J.A.S.,  1867),  appears  to  be  "^Abul 
Majahid  Sikandar  Shah."     Some  of  his  coins  are  of  Sunargaon  mint. 

2  Shaikh  'Alauddin  Alaul  Haq  died  on  the  1st  Rajab,  800  A.H.  or  20th 
March,  1398,  and  his  tomb  is  at  Panduah.  A  short  biographical  sketch 
of  this  saint  is  given  *t>y  Professor  Blochmann  in  J.A.S.B.,  p.  262  for  1873. 
His  son  and  successor  was  Shaikh  Nuruddin  Nur  Qutb  Alam  who  died  in  851 
A.H.  or  1447  A.C.,  and  .lies  buried  at  Panduah.  Nur  Qutb  Alam  was  succeed- 
ed by  his  sons  Rafiuddin  and  Shaikh  Anwar. 

8  On  the  coins,  he  is  called  "  Ghiasuddin  Abul  Muzaffar  Azam  Shah." 
(See  Thomas's  Initial  Coinage  of  Bengal,  J. A.S.  for  1867,  pp.  68-69).  His 
early  coins  were  minted  at  Muazzamabad  in  Eastern  Bengal,  and  he  held 
court  at  Sunargaon,  during  the  lifetime  of  his  father,  Sikandar  Shah,  against 
whom  he  rebelled.  His  court  was  an  asylum  for  the  learned  and  the  cultured, 
and  he  was  himself  a  just  and  righteous  sovereign,  and  a  man  of  light  and 
sweetness.  He  invited  the  illustrious  Persian  poet  Hafiz  to  his  court.  His 
tomb  is  at  Sunargaon  (See  pi.  8  in  J.  A.S.  1874,  p.  85.) 


109 
» 
second  named  Gul,  and  the  third  named  Lalah,  to  perform  the 
last  bathing  ceremony.  When  God  granted  him  recovery,  consi- 
dering them  auspicious  he  bestowed  attentions  on  them  more  than 
before.  The  other  maids  from  envy  used  to  taunt  them 
about  the  bathing,  so  that  one  day  whilst  the  king  was  in  a  jolly 
mood,  they  related  to  him  this  affair.  The  kjng  recited  the 
following:  line — 


Z3y>fO  *))lj    Ofjjjm 


Cu<Xa. 


"  Cup-bearer,  this  is  the  story  of  Sarv  (the  cypress)  Gul  (the 
Rose)  and  Lalah  (the  Tulip  "). 

The  second  line  of  the  verse  could  not  be  supplied,  and  none 
of  the  poets  attached  to  court  co'uld  supply  it.  Then  the  king 
writing  this  line,  sent  it  with  an  envoy  to  Shamsu-d-din  Hafiz  to 
Shiraz.     Hafiz  l  quickly  supplied  the  next  line  : — 

("This  story  relates  to  the  three  bathers  ").  This  2nd  line 
is  not  devoid  of  ingenious  excellencies,  and  he  sent  also  another 
ghazal  in  his  name.  The  king  in  return  bestowed  on  him  valuable 
presents.     These  two  lines  are  from  that  gh'azal:  — 

ai*  c>1— fci>k  A»&    oi^w  (j££  j&> 

{Translation).  The  parrots  of  Hindustan  §hall  all  be  sugar- 
shedding 

From  this  Persian  sugar-candy  that  goes  forth  to  Bengal. 
Hafiz,  from  the  yearning  for  the   company  of  Sultan   Ghiasu- 

d-din, 
Rest  not ;  for  thy  (this)  lyric  is  the  outcome  of  lamentation. 

1  Hafiz  the  renowned  Persian  poet  of  Shiraz  died  in  791  A.H. 
8  Translation  of  first  two  lines  by  Jarret  (See  Ain  p.  148  Vol.  2.) 
"  And  now  shall  India's  parroqoets  on  sugar  revel  all. 
In  this  sweet  Persian  lyric  that  is  borne  to  far  Bengal." 


110 

In  short,  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  was  a  good  ruler,  and  adhered 
strictly  to  the  injunctions  of  the  sacred  law.     For  instance,  it  is 
related  that  one  day  whilst  at  arrow-shooting,  the  king's  arrow  ac- 
cidentally hit  a  widow's  son.     The  widow  sought  for  redress   from 
Qazi  Siraju-d-din:     The    Qazi  was   in  anxiety;    for  if    he  shewed 
partiality  towards  the  king,  he  would  be  held  culpable  before   the 
tribunal  of  God,  and  if  he  did  not  do  so,  the  summoning  of  the  king 
would  be  a  difficult  affair.     After  much   deliberation,  he  sent  a 
peon  to  summon  the  king,  and  himself  sat  on  the  tribunal  of  justice, 
placing  a  whip  underneath  the  viasnad.     When  the   Qazi's  peon 
reached  the  palace,  finding  access  to  the  king   impossible,  he  com- 
menced shouting  out  the  call  to  prayer  (Azan).     The  king  hearing 
this  untimely  call  to  prayer,  ordered  the  Muazzin  (caller  to  prayer) 
to  be  brought  to  his  presence.     Wheu  the  Royal  servants  carried 
the  latter  to  the  royal  presence,  the  king  enquired   as  to  this  un- 
timely  call  to  prayer.     He  (peon)  said:  "Qazi  Siraju-d-din  has 
deputed  me,  in  order  that  I  may  take  the   king  to  the  tribunal  of 
justice.     Since  access  to  the  king  was  difficult,  I  adopted  this 
device  to  obtain  access.     Now  get  up,   and  come  to  the  tribunal 
The  widow's  son  whom  you  wounded  with  au  arrow,   is  the  com- 
plainant."    The  king  immediately  got  up,  and  concealing  a  small 
sword  under  his  arm-pit,  set  out.     'When  he  appeared    before  the 
Qazi,   the   latter  not  at  all   paying   attention  to  the    king,   said  : 
"  Consolate  the  heart  of  this  old   woman."     The  king  consolated 
her  in  a  way  that  he  could,  and  said  :  "  Qazi,  now  the    old   woman 
is  satisfied."     Then  the  Qazi  turning  to  the  old  woman  enquired, 
"  Have  you  received  redress  and  been  satisfied  ?  "     The  woman 
said:  "  Yes,  I   am  satisfied."1     Then   the    Qazi  got  up   in   great 
delight,  and  showing  respect  to  the  king,  seated  him  on    the   vias- 
nad.    The  king  drawing   out  the   sword  from   his  arm-pit  said  : 
"  Qazi,  in  obedience  to  the  injunctions   of  the  sacred  Law,  I  have 
appeared  at   your  tribunal.     If  to-day  I   found  you  deviating  by 
one  hair-breadth  from  adherence  to  the  injunctions  of  the  Law,  with 
this  very  sword  I  should  have  severed  your  head.     God  be  thank- 
ed, that  everything   has  been  all-right."     The  Qazi  also  drew  his 
whip  from  underneath  the  mansad,   and  said  :    "  Sire,  if  to-day  I 
found  thee  in  the  least  transgressing  the  injunctions  of  the  sacred 

1  Commutation  or  compounding  of  certain  offences  i8  permitted  by  the 
Muhammadau  Law,  as  is  also  permitted  (though  to  a  more  limited  extent) 
by  the  present  English  Criminal  Procedure  Law  of  India. 


Ill 

Law,  by  God,  with  this  very  whip  I  should  have  turned  your  back 
red  and  black  " 1  and  added — 

"  A  calamity  had  come  but  has  ended  weR.  The  king,  being 
pleased,  bestowing  gifts  and  presents  on  the  Qazi;  returned.  The 
king  from  i*he  beginning  had  great  faith  in  the  Saint  Nur 
Qutubul  'Alam,  and  was  his  contemporary  and  fellow-student ; 
for  botli  took  their  lessons  from  Shaikh  Hamidu-d-din  2  Kunjna- 
shin  Nagori.  At  lengtb,  in  the  year  775  A.H.,  by  the  stratagems 
of  Rajah  Kans  who  was  a  zemindar  in  that  part,  the  king  was 
treacherously  killed.  The  reign  of  Ghifisu«d-din  lasted  seven 
years  and  some  months,  aud  according  to  another  account,  it  lasted 
sixteen  years,  five  months  and  three  days.3 


REIGN  OF  SAIFU-D-D1N  STYLED  SULTANU-S-SALATrN*.* 

When  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-dln  passed  from  the  narrow  human 
frame    into  the  wide  space  of  the  soul,  the  nobles  and  the  generals 

1  This  story  speaks  volumes  in  favour  of  the  purity  of  the  administration 
of  justice  that  must  have  prevailed  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourteenth 
century  under  the  Mnsalman  regime  in  Bengal.  History  fails  to  furnish  an 
instance  that  cau  surpass  this,  in  exemplifying  the  honesty  and  sense  of  duty 
of  a  humble  peon,  the  judicial  fearlessness  and  integrity  of  a  judge,  and  the 
law-abiding  nature  of  a  king, 

2  Shaikh  Hamid  of  Nagor  belonged  to  Nagor  in  Jodhpur. 

8  For  Coinage  of  this  King,  see  Thomas's  Initial  Coinage,  J.A.S.B.,  1867, 
pp.  68-70. 

From  the  circumstance  that  his  early  coins  were  struck  at  the  mint-town 
of  Muazzamabad  (territory  whereof  has  been  identified  %o  liave  extended  from 
the  Megna  to  north-eastern  Maimansingh  and  the  right  bank  of  the  Snrm.i), 
it  would  appear  that  he  first  acquired  power  in  Eastern  .Bengal,  and  reigned 
first  at  Snnargaon,  from  which  place  according  to  the  Riyaz  he  marched  ont  to 
tight  against  his  father,  Sikandar  Shiih,  who  reigned  at  Pandnah.  Sultan 
Ghiasu-d-din  must  have  invited  Hafiz  to  his  court  at  Sunargaon,  (as  Hafiz 
died  in  791  A.H.,)  when,  according  to  Sikandar  Shah's  coins  noticed  by  Mr. 
Thomas,  Sikandar  Shah  yet  ruled  at  Pandnah.  (See  also'  J.A.S.  for  1873, 
p.  258). 

*  On  the  coins  he  is  called  Saifn-d-dTn  Abul  Majahid  Hamzah  Shah,  son 
of  Azam  Shah  (see  J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  259).  Ferishta  says:  "The  Rajahs  of  the 
country  did  not  draw  their  heads  out  of  the  yoke  of  obedience,   and   did   not 


112 

of  the  army  placed  his  son,  Saifu-d-din,   on   the   paternal    throne 
styling  him  Sultan-u-s-Salatiu. 

One  goes  out,  and  another  comes  in  in  his  place  : 
The  world  is  never  left  without  a  master. 

| 

He  was  sober  in  character,  and  generous  and  brave.  He 
reigned  over  Bengal  for  ten  years,  and  in  the  year  £85  A.H.  he 
died,  and  according  to  another  account,  he  reigned  three  years 
and  seven  months  and  five  days.     God  knows  the  truth. 


REIGN  OF  SHAMSU-D-IMNV  SON  OP  SULTANU-S- 

SALATlN. 

After  the  death  of  Sultanu-s-Salatin,  his  son,  Shamsu-d-din, 
with  the  consent  of  the  councillors  and  members  of  Government, 
ascended  the  throne,  and  according  to  ancient  usages  he  observed 
the  ceremonies  attendant  on  assumption  of  sovereignty,  and  for  a 
period  was  at  ease  and  comfort.  In  the  year  788  A.H.  either  by 
some  natural  disease,  or  by  the  stratagem  of  Rajah  Kans,  who  at 
that  time  had  become  very  powerful,  he  died.  Some  have  written 
that  this  Shamsu-d-din  was  not  an  actual  but  adopted  son  of 
Sultanu-s-Salatin,  and  that  his  name  was  Shahabu-d-din.  Either 
way,  he  reigned  for  three  years,  four  months,  and  six  days.  And 
the  true  account  is,  that  Rajah  Kans  who  was  zamindar  of  Bath- 
uriah8  attacking  him,  slew  him,  and  usurped  the  throne. 

neglect  or  delay  in  paying  revenue  to  him."  According  to  the  Tabaqat,  he 
reigned  10  years.  The  coins  discovered  of  him,  were  struck  at  Firnzabad 
(or  Panduah). 

I  Ferishta  says,  t!»at  as  the  king  was  young  and  weak  in  intellect,  an 
infidel  named  Rajah  Kans,  who  was  attached  to  the  court,  usurped  the 
executive  and  collection  of  taxes.  The  Tabaqat  says  that  the  king  died  after 
a  quiet  and  peaceful  reign  of  three  years  and  a  few  months. 

Professor  Blochmann  identifies  this  king  (whose  coins  have  not  been 
discovered)  with  king  Shahabu-d-din  Abul  Muzaff'ar  Bayazid  Shah,  whose  coins 
are  noticed  by  Professor  Blochmann  in  J.A.S  ,  p.  263,  for  1873.  Bayazid 
Shah,  according  to  Professor  Blochmann's  theory,  was  "a  puppet  king — a 
benami  transaction,"  whilst  Rajah  Kans  ruled  over  Bengal. 

8  Professor  Blochmann  says  (J.A.S. B.,  p.  263  for  1873)  :— 

"  The  name  of  Bhatnriah  does  not  occur  in  the  Ain,  nor  have  I  seen  it 
before   the   time  of  Kennel's  Atlas  (1778)  in  which  the  name  of  Bhatnriah  is 


113 

USURPATION  OF  RAJAH  KANS1  ZAMINDAR. 

When  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  died,  Rajah  Kans  a  Hindu 
Zaraindar,  subjugating  the  whole  kingdom  of  Bengal,  seated  him- 
self on  the  throne,  and  commenced  oppressions,  and  seeking  to 
destroy  the  Musalmans,  slew  many  of  their  learned  and  holy 
men.  His  aim  was  to  extirpate  Islam  from  his  ^dominions.  It 
is  said  one  day  Shaikh  Badrul  Islam,  father  of  Shaikh  Muinu-d- 
din  'Abbas,  sat  down  before  that  wretch,  without  saluting  him. 
Thereupon  he  said  :  "  Shaikh,  why  did  you  not  salute  me  ?  "  The 
Shaikh  said :  "  It  is  not  becoming  for  the  learned  to  salute 
infidels,  especially  a  cruel  and  blood-shedding  infidel,  like  thee, 
who  has  shed  the  blood  of  Musalmans."  On  hearing  this,  that 
unholy  infidel  kept  silent,  and,  calling  like  the  serpent,  aimed  at 
killing  him.  One  day  he  sat  in  a  house  which  had  a  low  and 
narrow  entrance,  and  summoned  in  the  Shaikh.  When  the  Shaikh 
arrived,  he  guessed  the  Rajah's  object,  so  he  first  put  out  his 
legs  inside,  and  afterwards  not  bending  the  head,  entered.     That 

given  to  a  large  district  east  of  Maldah,  bounded  in  the  west  by  the  Maha- 
nanda  river  and  the  Pnrnabhaba,  its  tributary,  in  the  sonth  by  the  left  bank 
of  the  Ganges,  in  the  east  by  the  Karataya,  and  in  the  north  by  Dinajpur  and 
Ghoraghat.  Bhaturiah  therefore  is  ihe  district  to  both  sides  of  the  Atrai 
river."  Professor  Blochmann  (J.A.S.B.  for  1875,*  p.  287),  identifies  "  Bha- 
turiah "  as  part  of  old  Barendra,  in  Kajshahi  proper,  between  Amrul  and 
Bagura,  and  signifying  Northern  Rajshahi  Proper  including  Tahirpur. 
Professor  Blochmann  also  considers,  that  the  name  "  Rajshahi "  is  connected 
with  Rajah  Kans,  who  was  a  Rajah-Shah,  that  is,  a  Hindu  Rajah  who 
ascended  a  Musalman  throne. 

1  The  Tabaqat-i-Akbari  merely  notices  Kans's  usurption.  Ferishta  says 
that  though  not  a  Musalman,  Kilns  was  a  friend  (Sic)  of  Musalmans.  The 
Riyaz  gives  the  best  account,  based  perhaps  on  local  traditions.  Mr.  West- 
macott  inaccurately  identifies  "  Rajah  Kans "  of  Bhathuriah  with  Rajah 
Ganesh  of  Dinajpur."  Professor  Blochmann  (I  think  correctly)  identifies 
"Rajah  Kans"  with  "Rajah  Kans  Narayan"  of  Tahirpur  which  latter  is 
included  in  Bhathuriah.     (See  J.A.S.B.,  p.  287  for  1875).* 

Rajah  Kans  does  not  appear  to  have  issued  coins  in  his  own  name  but 
during  his  rSgime,  posthumous  coins  of  Azani  Shah  (noticed  by  Hon'ble  Sir 
E.  C.  Bayley  in  J.A.S.,  1874,  p.  294n.)  and  coins  in  the  name  of  Shahabudin 
Bayazld  Shah,  a  puppec  king  or  a  benami  king  (noticed  by  Professor  Bloch- 
mann in  J.A.S.B.  for  1873,  p.  263).  were  issued. 

Rajah  Kans  from  the  testimony  of  coins  appears   to   have   reigned   from 
810   A.H.   to   817    A.H,   or  1407  to  1414  A.G.  but  he  appears  to  have  actually 
usurped  the  government  earlier  in  808  A.H. 
15 


114 

r 

infidel  flew  into  rage,  and  ordered  that  the  Shaikh  should  be 
placed  in  a  line  with  his  brothers.  Immediately,  the  Shaikh  was 
killed,  and  the  rest  of  the  'learned  that  very  day  were  placed  on  a 
boat  and  drowned  in  the  river.  The  Saint  Niir  Qutbu-l-'Alam 
becoming  impatient  by  reason  of  the  oppressions  of  that  infidel 
and  his  slaughter  of  the  Musalmans,  wrote  as  follows  to  Sultan 
Ibrahim  Sharqi l  who  ruled  at  that  time  up  to  the  limits  of  Behar  : 
"  The  ruler  of  this  country,  named  Kans,  is  an  infidel.  He  is 
committing  oppressions,  and  shedding  blood.  He  has  killed  many 
of  the  learned  and  holy  men,  and  destroyed  them.  At  present, 
he  is  aiming  to  kill  the  remainder  of  the  Musalmans,  and  to  extir- 
pate Islam  from  this  country.  Since  to  help  and  protect  Musal- 
mans, is  a  duty  indnmbent  on  Musalman  sovereigns,  accordinly  I 
intrude  on  your  valuable  time  with  these  few  lines.  I  pray  for 
your  auspicious  arrival  here,  for  the  sake  of  the  residents  of  this 
country,  and  also  in  order  to  oblige  me,  so  that  Musalmans 
may  be  rescued  from  the   oppressive  load  of  this  tyrant.     Peace 

l  Shamsu-d-dln  Ibrahim  Shah  Sharqi,  king  of  Jannpur,  reigned  from  804 
to  845  A.H.  (1401-1441  A.C.)  The  Sharqi  kingdom  was  created  in  795 
A.H.  by  Sultan  Mahmud,  son  of  Sultan  Alauddin  Sikandar  Shah,  son 
of  Sultan  Muhammad,  son  of  Sultan  Firuz  Shah  Tngkluk,  owing  to  the 
increasing  feebleness  of  ,the  Delhi  Empke.  The  Sharqi  kingdom,  extended 
from  Qanuj  to  Behar.  Mahmud  first  bestowed  the  title  of  Sultan-us-Sharql 
on  Malik  Sarwar,  a  eunuch  who  already  held  the  title  of  Khajah-Jaban. 
The  following  table  will  be  usef  nl : — 

Khajah  Jahan    ... 

Mubark  Shah 

Shamsn-d-din  Ibrahim  Shah 

Mahmud  Shah    ... 

Muhammad  Shah 

Husain  ♦• 
The  last  took  refuge  in  the  court  of 
Bengal  about  900  A.-H.  or  1497  B.-C. 
the  Lodi  dynasty  till  the  defeat  and  death  of  Ibrahim,  grandson  of  Bahlol 
at  Paniput  by  Babar  in  1526  A.C.  A  local  kingdom  was  for  a  short  time 
established  under  Bahadur  Khan,  governor  of  Behar ;  it  was  recovered  by 
Humayun,  passed  again  into  the  hands  of  Sher  Shah  and  his  son  Sallm 
Shah.  Jannpur  continued  under  the  Afghans  until  Akbar  in  the  4th  year  of 
his  reign  took  possession  of  it  through  Ali  Qull  Khan.  In  1575,  the  Vice- 
regal court  was  removed  to  Allahabad,  and  Jaunpur  was  thenceforth 
governed  by  a  Nazitn — See  Jarrett's  Tr.  of  Aln,  Vol.  II,  pp.  169-170, 
and  also  Badaoni,  Vol.  I,  pp.  264,  272,  273,  316,  307,  Pers.  text. 


A.H. 

A.C. 

800 

1397 

803 

1400 

804 

1401 

845 

1441 

856 

1451 

856 

1451 

Alau- 

d-din 

Husain    Shah,    king    of 

Jaunp 

nr 

continued  to  be  governed  by 

115 

be  on  you."  When  this  letter  reached  Sultau  Ibrahim,  the  latter 
opened  it  with  great  respect,  and  read  it.  Qazi  Shahabu-d-din  - 
Jaunpuri  who  was  one  of  the  scholars'of  the  time,  and  the  chief 
of  the  body  of  the  learned  men,  and  who  was  highly  respected  by 
Sultau  Ibrahim  who  used  to  seat  him  on  a  silver  chair  on  auspi- 
cious occasions,  also  used  his  great  persuasions  and  said  :  "  You 
ought  to  set  out  quickly  ;  for  in  this  invasion  both  worldly  and 
religious  benefits  are  to  be  obtained,  namely  the  country  of  Bengal 
will  be  subjugated,  and  you  would  also  meet  the  Saint  Shaikh 
Nur  Qutbu-l-'Aiam,  who  is  the  fountain-head  of  both  worldly 
and  eternal  boons,  and  you  would  also  be  doing  a  pious  deed  by 
avenging  the  oppression  of  Muhammadans."  Sultan  Ibrahim 
pitching  out  his  tents  struck  the  kettle-drum  of  march,  and 
making  forced  marches,  in  a  short  time,  with  a  powerful  army 
reached  Bengal,  and  encamped  at  Firuzpur.2  Rajah  Kins,  on 
hearing  this  news,  was  confounded,  and  hastened  to  wait  on  the 
Saint  Qutbu-l-'Alam.  Showing  submissiveness  and  humility, 
and  weeping,  the  Rajah  said :  "  Pray,  draw  the  pen  of  forgiveness 
across  the  page  of  the  offences  of  this  sinner,  and  dissuade  Sultan 
Ibrahim  from  subjugating  this  country."  The  Saint  replied : 
"  In  order  to  intercede  on  behalf  of  an  oppressive  infidel,  I  cannot 
stand  in  the  way  of  a  Musalnftin,sovereign„especially  of  one  who 
has  come  out  at  my  desire  and  request."  In  despair,  Kans  pros* 
trated  his  head  on  the  feet  of  the  Saint,  and  added,  "  Whatever 
the  Saint  may  bid,  I  am  willing  to  submit  thereto."  The 
Saint  said  :  "  So  long  as  thou  dost  not  embrace  the  Musalman 
religion,  I  cannot  intercede  for  thee."  Kans  assented  to  this 
condition,  but  his  wife  casting  that  misguided  man  into  the 
well  of  misguidance,  prevented  his  conversion  to  Islam.  At 
length,  Kans  brought  to  the  presence  of  the  Saint  his  son  named 
Jadu  who  was  twelve  years  old,  and  said  :  "  I  have  become  old,  and 

desire  to  retire  from  the  world.     You  may  convert  to   Islam  this 

» 

1  "Qazi  Shahabu-d-din,  a  sage  of  Hindustan,  flourished  in  the  time 
(of  Ibrahim  Shah).  He  was  born  at  Delhi  and  in  that  city  acquired  a 
comprehensive  knowledge  of  the  indactive  sciences  and  traditional  lore,  and 
at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  Timur,  he  set  out  for  Jaunpur  in  the  company 
of  his  master  Maulana  Khwajigi  who  was  the  successor  of  Nasiru-d-dln 
Cheragh  of  Delhi,  and  then  continued  his  progress  and  became  the  envy  of 
his  time."— Aln-i-Akbarl  (Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II,  pp.  169-170). 

2  i.e.,  Panduah. 


116 

son  of  mine,  and  then  bestow  on  him  the  kingdom  of  Bengal." 
The  saint  Qutbu-l-'Alarn  taking  out  from  his  own  mouth  some 
chewed  betel,  put  it  into  Jaau's  mouth,  and  making  him  pronounce 
the  creed  of  the  Musalman  faith,  converted  him  to  Islam,  and 
naming  him  Jalaln-d-din.  had  the  fact  proclaimed  in  the  city,  and 
caused  the  Khutba  of  the  kingdom  to  be  recited  after  his  name. 
The  ordinances  of  the  sacred  Muhanimadan  law  from  that  day 
were  again  put  in<  force.  After  this,  the  saint  Qutbu-l-'Alam 
went  to  meet  Sultan  Ibrahim,  and  after  making  apologies,  prayed 
that  the  latter  might  withdraw.  The  Sultan  was  annoyed  at  this 
request,  and  turned  his  face  towards  Qazi  Shahabu-d-din.  The 
Qazi  said  :  "  Saint,  the  king  has  come  here  at  your  requisition  ; 
and  now  you  yourself  siding  with  Kans,  appear  as  his  agent ;  what 
is  your  aim  ?  "  The  Saint  said  :  "  At  that  time  (when  I  made  the 
requisition)  an  oppressive  ruler  was  tyrannising  over  the  Masai- 
mans  ;  now  owing  to  the  auspicious  arrival  of  the  Sultan,  he  has 
embraced  the  Muhammadan  faith.  The  Jihad  (or  holy  war)  is 
CTijoiued  against  infidels,  not  against  Musalmaus."  The  Qazi, 
finding  no  answer,  kept  quiet.  But  as  the  Sultan's  temper  was 
irritated,  in  order  to  soothe  the  Sultan,  the  Qazi  commenced 
testing  the  learning  and  miracles  of  the  saint,  and  was  discomtit- 
ted.  After  much  questions  and  answers,  the  Saint  said  :  "  To  view 
with  contempt  saints  and  to  try  to  test  them,  ends  in  nothing  but 
discomfiture.  Before  long,  thou  shalt  die  in  a  wretched  plight." 
And  the  saint  at  the  same  time  cast  au  angry  glance  towards  the 
Sultan.  In  short,  the  Sultan,  annoyed  and  vexed,  returned  to 
Jaunpur.  It  is  said  that  shortly  after  Sultau  Ibrahim  and  Qazi 
Shahabu-d-din  Jaunpuri  died. 

'  Whoever  quarrels  with  saints,  suffers.' 

Rajah  Kans  hearing  that  Sultau  Ibrahim  had  died,  displaced 
Sultan  Jalalu-d-diu,  and  himself  re-ascended  the  throne.  According 
to  the  injunctions  of  his  false  creed,  the  Rajah  prepared  several 
gold-figures  of  cows,  shoved  in  Jalalu-d-din  through  their  mouths, 
and  pulled  him  out  from  their  buttock-sides,  and  then  distributed 
the  gold  of  those  cow-figures  among  the  Brahmans,  and  thus  re- 
perverted  his  sou  to  his  own  creed.  As  Jalalu-d-din,  however,  had 
been  converted  by  the  Saint  Qutbu-l-'Alam,  he  did  not  abandon 
his  faith  in  Islam,  and  the  persuasions  of  the  infidels  had  no  effect 


m 

on  his  heart.  And  Rajah  Kans  again  unfurling  the  standard  of 
misbehaviour,  attempted  to  destroy  and  extirpate  Muhammadans. 
When  his  cruelties  passed  all  bounds, 'one  day  Shaikh  Anwar,  son 
of  the  Saint  Qutbu-l-'Alam,  complained  to  his  father  of  the 
oppressions  of  that  tyrant,  and  said  :  "  It  is  a  matter  of  regret  that 
in  spite  of  such  a  holy  saint  of  the  time  as  yourself,  Musalmans 
should  be  oppressed  and  ground  down  by  the  hand  of  this  infidel." 
The  saint  at  that  time  was  absorbed  in  prayer  and  devotion.  On 
hearing  this  utterance  of  his  son,  the  saint  was  enraged,  and 
replied :  "  This  tyranny  sliall  cease  only,  when  thy  blood  shall  be 
shed  on  the  earth."  Shaikh  Anwar  knew  full  well  that  whatever 
fell  from  the  lips  of  his  holy  father,  was  sure  to  come  to  pass,  and 
so  after  a  moment,  said :  "What  you  have  said  about  me,  is  meet 
aud  proper ;  but  in  respect  of  my  nephew,  Shaikh  Zahid,  what  is 
your  will  ?  "  The  saint  said  :  "  The  drum  of  the  virtues  of  Zahid 
sliall  resound  till  resurrection-day."  In  short,  Rajah  Kans  extend- 
ing more  than  before  his  oppressions  and  cruelties,  gradually 
oppressed  the  servants  and  dependants  of  the  saint  himself, 
plundered  their  effects  and  chattels,  imprisoned  Shaikh  Anwar 
and  Shaikh  Zahid.  As  he  had  heard  the  Saints'  prophecy  about 
Shaikh  Zahid,  not  daring  to  kill  him,  he  banished  both  to  Sunar- 
gaon,  aud  sent  orders  to  his  agents  there,  that  after  ascertaining 
from  them  the  whereabouts  of  the  hidden  treasures  of  their 
fathers  and  grandfathers,  they  should  slay  both.  And  on  the 
Shaikh's  arrival  at  Suuargaon,  they  perpetrated  many  cruelties, 
yet  not  finding  any  clue  to  the  hidden  treasures  which  did  not 
exist,  first  they  murdered  Shaikh  Anwar,  and  when  they  attempt- 
ed to  take  the  life  of  .Shaikh  Zahid,  the  latter  stated  that  in  a 
certain  village  a  large  cauldron  was  hidden.  When  they  dug  it 
up,  they  found  a  large  chatty,  but  did  not  find  more  than  one 
gold  coin  in  it.  They  enquired,  "  What  has  become  of  the  rest  ?" 
Zahid  said  :  "  Apparently  some  one  has  stolen  it."  And  this 
affair  was  the  outcome  of  a  miracle.  It  is  said  that  on  the  very  day 
and  at  the  very  moment  when  Anwar  was  murdered  at  Sunargaon, 
and  his  sacred  blood  shed  on  the  earth,  Rajah  Kans  passed  away 
from  his  sovereignty  to  hell.  According  to  some  accounts,  his 
son,  Jalalu-d-din,  who  was  in  prison  leagued  with  his  father's 
servants,  and  slew  him.  The  rule  and  tyranny  of  that  heathen 
lasted  seven  years. 


118 

THE  REIGN  OF  JALALU-D-DlN,'  SON  OF  RAJAH 

KANS. 

<  << 

After  this,  Jalalu-d-din  mounted  the  throne  with  full  inde- 
pendence. He  converted,  contrary  to  his  father,  many  infidels 
to  the  Moslem  faith,  and  compelled  the  Hindus  who  had  tasted  of 
the  gold-made  figures  of  cows,  to  eat  beef.  And  calling  back  the 
saint  Shaikh  Zahid  from  Sunargaon,  he  paid  him  every  respect 
and  honour,  and  rendering  him  services,  was  very  often  in  atten- 
dance on  him.  He  managed  the  affairs  of  Government  in  an 
efficient  manner.  In  his  reign,  people  passed  their  lives  in  ease 
and  comfort.  It  is  said  that  in  his  time  the  town  of  Panduah 
became  so  populous,  that  it  cannot  be  described.  At  Gaur,  he 
erected  a  mosque,  a  resevoir,  the'  Jalali  tank  and  a  caravanserai. 
The  city  of  Gaur  commenced  being  re-populated  in  his  time. 
He  reigned  for  seventeen  years.  In  the  year  812  A.H.8  he 
removed  the  capital  back  again  to  Gaur.  To  this  day,  a  large 
tower  exists  over  his  mausoleum  at  Panduah.  The  graves  of  his 
wife  and  his  son  lie  by  the  sides  of  his  mausoleum. 


REIGN  OF  AHMAD  £HAH,*  SON  OF  JALALU-D-DlN. 

When  Sultan  Jalalu-d-din  was  laid  in  the  grave,  his  son 
Ahmad  Shah,  with  the  consent  of  the  nobles  and  the  generals  of 
the  army,  ascended  the  throne,  in  succession  to  his  father.  As  he 
was  very  peevish,  oppressive  and  blood-thirsty,  he  shed  blood  for 

1  He  is  described  in  coins  (see  J.A.S.B.,  p.  267,  for  1873),  as  Jalalu-d-din 
Abul  Muzaffar  Muhammad  Shah.  His  reign  probably  lasted  from  817  to  834 
A.H.  (1413  to  1430  A.C.)  Some  of  his  coins  were  struck  at  the  mint-town  of 
Sunargaon.  He  resided  at  Panduah,  but  in  822  A.H.  built  a  Palace  at  Gaur, 
and  shifted  his  residence  to  the  latter  place.  Panduah  also  became  very 
populous  in  his  time. 

8  The  date  is  a  mistake  for  822  A.H. 

*  His  name  as  appearing  on  his  coins  is  Sfiamsu-d-din  Abul  Mujahid 
Ahmad  Shah.  He  reigned  for  16  years  from  834  to  850  A.H.  (that  is  1430- 
1446  A.C.) 

The  Tabaqat  states  that  he  reigned  for  sixteen  years,  and  died  in  830 
A.H.  Stewart  says  he  reigned  for  eighteen  years.  Ferishta  says  lie  was  a 
good  and  generous  king,  whilst  Riyaz  states  he  was  a  tyrant.  With  Ahmad 
Shah  ended  the  dynasty  of  Rajah  Kans,  and  commenced  the  restoration  of 
the  Ilyas  Shahi  dynasty.     (See  J.A.S.B.  for  1873,  p.  268). 


119 

nothing,  and  used  to  cut  open  the  bodies  of  pregnant  woman. 
When  his  oppressions  reached  the  utmost  limits,  and  the  low  and 
the  high  were  exasperated  to  desperation  by  his  tyranny, 
Shadi  Khan  and  Nasir  Khan  who  were  his  two  slaves  and  held 
the  rank  of  nobles  intrigued,  and  killed  Ahmad  Shah  ;  and  this 
event  occurred  in  830  A.H.  His  reign  lasted  sixteen  years,  and 
according  to  another  account,  eighteen   years. 


REIGN  OF  NASIR  KHAN,  THE  SLAVE. 

When  the  throne  became  vacant  by  the  murder  of  Ahmad 
Shah,  Shadi  Khan  desired  to  pat  Nasir  Khan  out  of  the  way 
and  to  become  himself  the  Administrator-General  of  the  kingdom. 
Nasir  Khan,  guessing  his  design,  forestalled  him,  and  slew  Shadi 
Khan,  and  boldly  placing  himself  on  the  throne,  commenced  to 
enforce  orders.  The  nobles  and  the  Maluk  of  Ahmad  Shah  not 
submitting  to  him,  slew  him.  His  reign  lasted  seven  days,  aj}d 
according  to  another  account,  half  a  day. 


REIGN  OP  NASIR  SHAH.' 

When  Nasir  Khan  the  slave  in  retribution  for  his  misdeeds 
was  killed,  the  nobles  and  the  generals  leaguing  together,  raised 
to  the  throne  one  of  the  grand-sons  of  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din 
Bhangra  who  had  capacity  for  this    onerous    charge,    styling  him 

1  His  name,  as  appearing  on  hig  coins,  is  Nasirn-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar 
Mahmud  Shah.  With  him  commenced  the  restoration  of  the  llyas  Shahl 
dynasty  in  Bengal.  He  reigned  for  thirty-two  years  in  peace  (this  peace 
being  probably  due  to  the  wars  that  then  prevailed  between  Jannpur  and 
Delhi),  and  according  to  another  account  for  '  not  more  than  twenty-seven 
years,'  and  died  in  A.H.  862.  In  the  histories,  he  i%  simply  called  Nasir 
Shah.  Dates  of  his  reign,  as  ascertained  from  coins  and  inscriptions,  are 
846  ;  861 ;  863  ;  whilst  the  earliest  dates  ascertained  for  the  reign  of  Barbak 
Shah,  Mahmud  Shah's  successor,  is  865.  Mahmud  Shah  therefore  must  have 
reigned  till  the  beginning  of  864  A.H.  If  his  reign  lasted  twenty-seven  years, 
this  would  put  back  the  commencement  of  his  reign  to  836  (the  year  in  which 
Marsden's  Ahmad  Shahl's  coin  was  struck),  and  render  Mahmud  Shah  an 
opposition  king  during  14  years  of  Ahmad  Shah's  reign  which  is  doubtful. 
Inscriptions  of  thia  king  from  Satgaon,  Dacca,  and  Gaur  have  been  published. 
(See  J  A.S.  for  1873,  pp.  269,  271  and  for  1872,  p.  108). 


120 

Nasir  Shah.  Nasir  Shah  conducted  himself  with  justice  and 
liberality,  so  that  the  people,  both  young  and  old,  were  contented, 
and  the  wounds  of  oppression  inflicted  by  Ahmad  Shah  were 
healed.  Tbe  buildings  of  Gaur  and  the  Fort  there,  were  erected 
by  this  high-ranked  king.  Reigning  thirty-two  years  over 
Bengal,  he  passed  away  like  others  before  him  from  the  world,  and 
according  to  another  account,  his  reign  did  not  exceed  twenty  - 
seven  years. 

o 

REIGN     OF  BARBAK  SHAH,'  SON   OF  NASIRU-D- 

DlN. 

When  Nasir  Shah  died,  his  son  Barbak  Shah  mounted  the 
throne.  He  was  a  sagacious  and  law-abiding  sovereign.  In  his 
time,  the  soldiers  were  happy  and  contented,  and  he  also  spent 
his  life  in  comfort  and  ease.  He  died  in  879  A.H.  His  reign 
lasted  seventeen  or  sixteen  years. 


o 

REIGN  OF  YUSUF  SHAH. 

After  the  death  of  Barbak  Shah,  his  son  Yusuf  Shah  with 
the  consent  of  the  nobles  and  the  elite  of  the  kingdom  ascended 
the  throne.  He  was  a  sovereign  of  gentle  temperament,  solicitous 
for  the  welfare  of  his  subjects,  and  virtuous  and  learned  and  pious. 
He  reigned  seven  years  and  six  months,  and  died  in  887  A.H.a 

•  The  coins  do  not  give  hi9  fall  name,  which  however  appears  from 
inscriptions  (J.A.S.B.  for  1873,  p.  272),  to  have  been  Ruknn-d-din  Abul 
Mnjahid  Barbak  Shah.  His  reign  commenced  in  864  A.H.,  and  as  appears 
from  the  Tribeni  inscriptions  (published  by  Professor  Blochmann  in  J.A.S.B. 
for  1870,  p.  290),  before  that,  he  rnled  as  Governor  of  South-Western  Bengal 
in  860  A.H.  The  Dinajpnr  inscription  (published  by  Mr.  Westmacott  in 
J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  272),  proves  that  Barbak  Shah  undoubtedly  reigned  as  king 
in  Bengal  in  865  A.H."(1460  A.C.) 

3  His  name  from  inscriptions  (published   in  J.A.S.B.    for    1873,  p.   275) 
appears   to  be  Shamsu-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Yusuf  Shah.     He  appears  to  have 
reigned  from  879  to  886  A.H.,  when  he  died.     From  his  inscriptions  found   at 
Panduah,    Hazrat    Panduah,   and    Gaur,  the  following  dates  of  his  reign  have 
been  ascertained,  namely,  A.H.  882,  884,  885  (that  is  1477,  1479,  1480  A.C.) 

Ferishta  says  he  was  a  scholar  who  charged  the  Ulema  to  see  the  law  of 
the  Prophet  duly  observed.  "No  one  dared  to  drink  wine"  (Blochmann's 
Contr.  J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  275). 


121 

'REIGN  OF  FATH  SHAH,  SON  OF  YUSUF  SHAH. 

After  the  death  of  Yusuf  Shah,  his  son  Sikandar  Shah,1 
ascended  the  throne.  He  had  a  little  touch  of  lunacy.  As  he 
had  no  capacity  for  this  important  function,  the  nobles  and  the 
leaders  deliberating  that  very  day  superceded  Mm,  and  raised  to 
the  throne  another  son  of  Yusuf  Shah,  named  Fath  Shah.  The 
latter  was  wise  and  sagacious.  Observing  with  wisdom  the 
usages  of  the  rulers  and  sovereigns  of  the  past,  and  bestowing 
on  the  nobles  dignities  according  to  their  individual  ranks,  he 
pursued  a  liberal  policy  towards  his  subjects.  In  his  reign,  the 
gates  of  happiness  and  comfort  were  thrown  open  to  the  people 
of  Bengal.  It  was  then  the  established  custom  in  Beugal  for 
five  thousand  paths  to  turn  out  every  night  w"ith  music,  and  for 
the  king  to  go  out  for  a  while  in  the  morning  to  receive  their 
salute,  and  then  to  give  them  leave  to  depart,  a  new  corps  of 
paiks  relieving  them.  One  day,  the  eunuch  of  Fath  Shah,  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Barbag,  leagued  with  the  paiks,  and  slew  Fath 
Shah.2  This  event  took  place  in  the  year  896  A.H.  Fatsh 
Shah's  reign  lasted  seven  years  and  five  months. 


REIGN  OF  BARBAG,  THE^EUNUOH,    STYLED    SULTAN 

SHAHZADA. 

Barbag  the  eunuch,  the  faithless  miscreant,  after  slaying  his 
own  master,  placed  himself  on  the  throne,according  to  the  saying — 

When  a  forest  is  untenanted,  jackals  give  themselves  the 
aits  of  lions. 

1  Stewart  calls  him  a  "  youth  of  the  royal  family";  other  histories  say 
nothing  about  his  relationship.  The  Ain-i-Akbarl  gives  him  half  a  day;  the 
Tabaqat  gives  him  two  and  a  half  days ;  Ferishta  gives  no  period,  and 
Stewart  gives  him  two  months  (J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  281). 

2  His  name  from  coins  and  inscriptions  (J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  281),  appears 
to  be  Jalalu  d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Fath  Shah.  He  appears  from  histories  to 
have  reigned  from  887  to  896  A.H.;  but  inscriptions  and  coins  shew  that  he 
reigned  in  886  A.H.  Some  of  his  coins  were  struck  at  Fathabad  (Faridpur 
town)  in  886  and  892  A.H.  These  together  with  the  inscriptions  on  Baba 
Salih's  mosque  at  Bandar,  near  Dacca  (dated  886  A.H.  or  1482  A.C.),  of 
Bikrampur  (Dacca  District)  on  Adam  Shahid's  mosque  (dated  888  A.H.  or 
1483),  of  Sunargaon  on  Muqqarabud-daulah-din's  mosque  (dated  889  or  1484 
A.C.)  are  published  in  J.A.S. B.  for  1873,  pp.  282-285),  and  fix  the  dates  of  his 
reign.     Fathabad  (or  Faridpur  town)  is  named  after  him. 

16 


122 

He   styled  himself  Sultan  Shahzada.     He  collected  together 
eunuchs  from   all  places;    and  bestowing  largesses  on  low  people, 
won  them   over   to  his  side,  and  attempted  to  enhance" his  rank 
and  power.     Finding  that  only  his  own  peers  would  come    within 
his  clutches,   he  tried   to  destroy  the  high  and  influential  nobles. 
Out  of  these,  the  premier-nobleman,  Malik  Andll,  the  Abyssinian, 
who  was  on   the    frontiers,    becoming   apprised    of  the    eunuch's 
designs,  planned   to   set   his    own  capable  son  on  the  throne,  and 
to  finish  off  the  eunuch's  life-work.     At    that    time,    the   doomed 
eunuch   thought   of   summoning   Malik    Andll,    in    order   to   im- 
prison   him    by   means   of  a  trap;  then    he    issued   orders   sum- 
moning him.     Malik    Andil   guessing  the  real  significance  of  the 
summons,  with  a  lavge  number   proceeded  to    meet   the   eunuch. 
Since  the  Malik  observed  great  precaution  in   his  ingress  to  and 
egress  from  the  rtarbar,  the  eunuch  despaired  of    destroying  him. 
In  consequence,  one  day,  the  eunuch  arranging  an  entertainment, 
showed  great  intimacy  towards  Malik  Andil,  and  placing  a  Qoran, 
said  :  "  P.lace  your  hand  on  the  Holy  Book,  and  vow  that  you  will 
not  iujure  me."     Malik   Andil  vowed,    "  So  long   as   you  are  on 
the   throne,  I    shall  do   you    no   injury."     Inasmuch   as  all  the 
people  were  designing  to  destroy   that  miscreant  eunuch,  Malik 
Andil  also  schemed  to  avenge  the. murder  of  his  benefactor,  and 
leaguing  with  the  porters  sought  for  an  opportunity.     One  night, 
whilst  that  miscreant  was  intoxicated  by  excessive  indulgence  in 
liquor,  and  lay  asleep  on    the    throne,    Malik  Andil,  being  led  in 
by  the  porters,  entered  the  harem,  to  kill  the  eunuch.     When  he 
found  the  latter  asleep  on  the  thi'one,  he  hesitated,  on  recollecting 
his  vow.     Suddenly,    that  miscreant   over    whom  a   fatality  was 
hanging,  by  the    will    of  Povidence    which    flings    one   from    the 
throne  of  pride  down  to  the  dust  of  degradation,   and  places  on 
another's  head  the  crown  of  sovereignty,  owing  to  his  intoxication 
from    liquor,    slipped    down   from  the  throne.     Malik  Andil  was 
delighted  at  this  incident,  and  drew  his   sword  on    him,    but   did 
not  succeed  in  despatching  him.     Sultan  Shahzada,  awaking,  and 
seeing  himself  in    front   of  an    unsheathed   sword,    seized   Malik 
Andil,  and  being  strong,  in  the  wrestling,  threw  down  the   latter, 
and    sat  on    his  chest.     Malik  Andil  who  held  tightly  the  hair  of 
the  eunuch's  head,  did  not  let  it  go,  but  shouted  out  to  Yugrush 
Khan  who  was  standing  outside  the   room,    to   come   up  quickly. 
Yugrush  Khan,  the  Turk,  with  a  number  of  Abyssinians,  instantly 


123 

came  in,  and  finding  Malik  Andil  underneath  the  eunuch,  hesi- 
tated in  attacking  with  the  sword.  In  the  interval  of  search, 
the  lights  had  fallen  under  the  hands  and  feet  of  the  two  wrest- 
lers  and  had  got  extinguished,  and  all  was  dark.  Malik  Andil 
shouted  out  to  Yugrush  Khan,  "  I  am  holding  the  hair  of  the 
eunuch's  head,  and  he  is  so  broad  and  robust,  that  his  body  has 
become  in  a  way  my  shield  ;  do  not  hesitate  to  strike  with  your 
sword,  since'it  will  not  penetrate  through,  and  even  if  it  does, 
it  does  not  matter  ;  for  I  and  a  hundred  thousand  like  me  can  die 
in  avenging  the  death  of  our  late  master."  Yugrush  Khan  gent- 
ly inflicted  some  strokes  with  his  sword  on  the  back  and  shoulder 
of  Sultan  Shahzada,  who  feigned  being  dead.  Malik  Andil  then 
got  up,  and  along  with  Yugrush  Khan  and  the  Abyssinians,  went 
out,  and  Tawachi  Bashi,  entering  the  bed-room  of  Sultan 
Shahzada,  lighted  up  the  lamp.  Sultan  Shahzada,  fancying 
him  to  be  Malik  Andil,  before  the  lamp  was  lit,  from  fear  not 
mounting  the  throne,  had  escaped  into  a  cellar.  Tawachi  Bashi 
proceeding  towards  the  cellar,  entered  it ;  then  again  Sultsaa 
Shahzada  feigned  being  dead.  The  Bashi  cried  out :  "  It  is  a 
pity  that  rebels  have  killed  my  master,  and  ruined  the  kingdom." 
Sultan  Shahzada,  fancying  him  to  be  one  of  his  own  loyal 
adherents,  cried  out :  "  Look»  here,  hold  your  peace,  for  I  am 
alive,"  and  enquired  where  Malik  Andil  was.  Tawachi  said : 
"  Thinking  that  he  has  killed  the  king,  he  has  returned  home  with 
peace  of  mind."  Sultan  Shahzada  told  him,  "go  out,  call  together 
the  nobles  and  set  them  to  fetch  Malik  Andil's  head,  after  killing 
him,  and  place  watchmeu  in  charge  of  the  gates,  warning  them 
to  be  armed  and  on  the  alert."  Tawachi  the  Abyssinian  replied  : 
"  Very  well,  now  I  go  to  effect  a  radical  cure."  Coming  out, 
he  quickly  told  the  whole  affair  to  Malik  Andil,  who  again  went 
in,  and  inflicting  cuts  with  the  dagger,  finished  off  the  eunuch's 
life,  and  leaving  his  corpse  in  that  cellar,  locked  it,  and  coming 
out  sent  a  person  to  summon  Khan  Jahan,  the  Vizier.  And  after 
the  arrival  of  the  Vizier,  he  held  a  council  for  the  election  of  a  king. 
And  since  the  son  of  Fath  Shah  was  only  two  years  old,  the 
nobles  were  diffident  as  to  how  he  could  be  placed  on  the  throne, 
so  that,  in  the  morning,  all  the  nobles  being  of  one  mind  went 
to  the  house  of  the  widow-queen  of  Fath  Shah,  related  to  her 
the  story  of  the  night,  and  said  :  "  As  the  prince  is  a  child,  you 
should  appoint  one  to  manage   the  affairs   of  Government,  until 


124 

the  prince  comes  of  age."  The  queen,  on  learning  their  anxiety, 
knew  what  to  say.  She  said  :  "  I  have  made  a  vow  to  God  that 
I  would  bestow  the  kingdom  on  the  person  who  kills  the 
murderer  of  Fath  Shah."  l  Malik  Andil,  at  first,  declined  to 
accept  the  burden  of  kiugdom,  but  afterwards,  when  all  the 
nobles  collecting  in  that  assembly  unanimously  besought  him, 
he  mounted  the  throne.  The  period  of  Sultan  Shahzada's 
reign  according  fo  one  account  was  eight  months,  and, 
according  to  another  account,  two  and  a  half  months.  After 
this  incident  in  connection  with  Sultan  Shahzada,  for  some 
years,  it  became  the  ruling  practice  in  Bengal  that  whoever 
slew  the  ruling  king,  and  got  an  opportunity  to  seat  himself  on 
the  throne,  became  recipient  of  homage  and  submission  of  the 
people,  who  did  not  protest  against  his  installation.8  In  one  pam- 
phlet, the  period  of  the  rule  of  Sultan  Shahzada  is  stated  to  be 
six  months.     God  knows  the  truth. 


REIGN    OF  MALIK  ANDlL,  THE  ABYSSINIAN,    STYLED 

FlRUZ  SHAH.s 

When  Malik  Andil  the  Abyssinian,  by  his  good  fortune,   took 
in  lap  the  bride  of  the  sovereignty   of  Bengal,   he  styled   himself 

1  This  affords  another  instance  to  illustrate  the  great  influence  exercis- 
ed by  Mnsahnan  ladies  in  the  past,  and  the  chivalrous  deference  paid  to 
their  wishes  by  Musalmans. 

2  "  The  pretoriau  band  of  Abysshiians,  which  Bai-bak  Shah  had  introduc- 
ed into  Bengal,  became  from  the  protectors  of  the  dynasty  the  masters  of  the 
kingdom,  and  eunuchs  were  the  actual  rulers  of  the  country.  .  .  .  What 
royalty  at  that  time  was  in  Bengal  is  well  described  by  Abal  Fazl,  who  says 
that  after  the  murder  of  Fath  Shah,  low  hirelings  flourished  ;  and  Ferishta 
sarcastically  remarks  that  the  people  would  obey  him  who  had  killed  a  king 
and  usurped  the  throne."     Blochmann's  Contr.  (J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  286). 

With  Sultan  Shahzada  begins  a  succession  of  Habshi  or  Abyssinian 
kings,  which  terminated  only  with  the  rise  of  the  Husaini  dynasty  of  Bengal. 

8  His  name,  as  appearing  on  his  coins  (J.A.S.B.  for  1873,  p.  288),  is 
Saifu-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Firuz  Shah.  He  was  an  Abyssinian  or  Habshi,  and 
reigned  from  893  to  895  A.H.  (according  to  the  testimony  of  coins);  whilst 
histories  give  (incorrectly)  the  year  of  his  death  to  be  899.  He  was  (accord- 
ing to  Riyaz)  the  premier  nobleman  and  a  generalissimo  under  Fath  Shah. 
He  proved  a  wise  king. 


125 

Flruz  Shah,  and  proceeding  to  the  metropolis  of  Gaur  established 
himself  there.  In  the  directions  of  justice  and  liberality,  he  put 
forth  noble  efforts,  and  secured  for  his  subjects  peace  and  comfort. 
In  that,  during  the  time  he  was  a  noble,  Malik  Andil  had  done 
great  aud  heroic  deeds,  both  his  soldiers  and  subjects  dreaded  him, 
and  did  not  lean  towards  disaffection.  In  liberality  and  generosity, 
he  was  matchless.  In  a  short  time,  he  bestowed  o'u  the  poor  the 
treasures  and"  largesses  of  past  sovereigns.,  who  had  hoarded 
the  same  with  considerable  exertions  and  pains.  It  is  said 
that  on  one  occasion  in  one  day  he  bestowed  on  the  poor  one 
lak  of  rupees.  The  members  of  Government  did  not  like  this 
lavishness,  and  used  to  say  to  one  another  :  '  This  Abyssinian 
does  not  appreciate  the  value  of  t.he  money  Which  has  fallen  into 
his  hands,  without  toil  and  labour.  We  ought  to  set  about  dis- 
covering a  means  by  which  he  might  be  taught  the  value  of  money, 
and  to  withhold  his  hand  from  useless*  extravagance  and  lavish- 
ness." Then  they  collected  that  treasure  on  the  floor,  that  the 
king  might  behold  it  with  his  own  eyes,  and  appreciating  its  valu^ 
might  attach  value  to  it.  When  the  king  saw  the  treasure,  he 
enquired  :  "  Why  is  this  treasure  left  in  this  place  ?  "  The  members 
of  Government  said  :  "  This  is  the  same  treasure  that  you  allotted 
to  the  poor."  The  king  said  :»"  How  can  this  amount  suffice? 
Add  another  lak  to  it."  The  members. of  Government,  getting 
confounded,  distributed  the  treasure  amongst  the  beggars.  Malik 
Andil,  after  reigning  for  three  years,  in  899  A.H.  fell  ill,  and  the 
light  of  his  life  was  extinguished  by  the  breeze  of  death.  But  the 
more  reliable  account  is,  that  Firuz  Shah  also  was  slain  at  the 
hands  of  the  Paiks.1  A  mosque,  a  tower  and  a  reservoir  in  the 
city  of  Gaur,  were  erected  by  him. 

1  For  a  humourous  description  of  the  cowardice  ot  the  Bengal  Paiks  (an 
Infautry  corps  of  Bengal)  in  the  time  of  Sultan  Ilyas  Shah  (1353  A.C.),  see 
Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  by  Zia'  Barni  (Pers.  text,  Fasc.  7,  p.* 593),  from  which  the 
following  is  translated :  "  And  the  well-known  Bengal  Paiks  who  for  years 
dubbed  themselves  "  Abu  Bangal,"  and  gave  themselves  martial  airs,  and  pro- 
claimed their  readiness  to  sacrifice  their  lives  for  Ilyas  Shah  the  Bhang-eater, 
aud  used  to  attend  that  maniac  of  a  monarch,  in  the  company  of  the  dusky- 
looking  Bengali  Rajahs — at  the  time  of  actual  warefaie,  pat  from  fear  their 
fingers  into  their  mouths,  ceased  to  be  on  the  alert,  threw  down  their  swords 
and  arrows,  rubbed  their  foreheads  on  the  ground,  and  were  all  put  to  the 
sword  (by  the  army  of  Emperor  Firuz  Shah  Tughlak)." 


126 

THE  REIGN  OF  SULTAN  MAHMUD,  SON  OF  FIRUZ 

SHAH. 

When  Firuz  Shah  passed  to  the  secret-house  of  non-existence, 
the  noble3  and  the  ministers  placed  on  the  throne  his  eldest  son, 
named  Mahmud.  And  an  Abyssinian  slave,  named  Habash  Khan- 
became  the  Administrator-General  of  financial  and  administrative 
affairs,  and  his  influence  so  completely  pervaded  all  affairs  of 
government,  that,  except  a  bare  title,  nothing  of  sovereignty  was 
*eft  to  Mahmud  Shah,  and  the  latter  was  compelled  to  live  in  this 
way,  until  another  Abyssinian,  who  was  called  Sidi  Badr  Dlvvana, 
despairing  of  his  ways,  killed  Habash  Khan,  and  himself  became 
the  Administrator  of  the  affairs  of  government.  After  some  time, 
leaguing  with  the  commandant  of  the  Paiks,  at  night-time,  he 
killed  Mahmud  Shah,  and  next  morning  with  the  concurrence  of 
the  nobles  of  the  palace,  who  were  in  league  with  him,  he  as- 
cended the  throne,  assuming  the  title  of  Muzaffar  Shah.  The 
reign  of  Mahmud  Shah  lasted  one  year.  And  in  the  history  of 
■^laji  Muhammad  Qandahari,  it  is  related  that  Sultan  Mahmud 
Shah1  was  a  son  of  Fath  Shah.  Jashn  Khan,3  a  slave  of  Barbag 
Shah,  under  order  of  Sultan  Firuz  Shah,  trained  him  up ;  and 
after  the  death  of  Sultan  Firuz  Shah,  Sultan  Mahmud  was  placed 
on  the  throne.  After  six  months  had  passed,  Habash  Khan, 
harboured  notions  of  sovereignty  in  his  head.  Malik  Badr 
Diwana  killing  Habash  Khan,  as  has  been  related  before,  himself 

mounted  the  throne. 

o 

THE  REIGN  OF  SlDI  BADR,  STYLED  MUZAFFAR 

SHAH. 

When  Muzaffar  Shah  mounted  the  throne  in  the  city  of  Gaur, 
being  very  blood-thirsty    and   audacious,    he    slew    many   of   the 

1  His  name  from  coins  and  inscriptions  (see  J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  289), 
appears  to  be  Nasiru-d-din  Abul  Mujahid  Mahmud  Shah.  Though  the  histories 
generally  call  him  a  son  of  Firuz  Shah,  the  account  of  Haji  Muhammad 
Qandahari  referred  to  in  the  text,  namely,  that  Mahmud  Shah  was  a  son  of 
Fath  Shah,  appears  to  be  more  reliable.     Mahmud  Shah  reigned  in  896  A.H. 

2  "Jashn  Khan  "  in  the  text  is  evidently  a  copyist's  mistake  for  "  Habsh 
Khan,"  an  eunuch-slave  of  Barbag  Shah,  who  according  to  Haji  Muhammad 
Qandahari,  was  entrusted  by  Firuz  Shah  with  the  bringing  up  of  Mahmud 
Shah,  who  was  only  two  years  old,  when  his  father  Fath  Shah  died,  and  Malik 
Andil  Firuz  Shah  ascended  the  throne,  with  the  consent  of  Fath  Shah's  queen. 


127 

learned   and  the  pious  and  the  nobility  of  the  city,  and  also  killed 
the  infidel  Rajahs  who  were  opposed  to  the  sovereigns  of  Bengal. 
He    bestowed   on    Syed   Husain   Sharif  Maki  the  office  of   Vizier, 
and  made  him  Administrator  of  the  affairs   of  Government.     And 
he  became  assiduous  in   hoarding   treasure,   and  by  the    counsel 
of   Syed    Husain,   he   cut  down    pay  of   soldiers,    and   set  about 
building  a    treasury,  and    he     committed     oppressions     in     the 
collection    of 'revenue.     Consequently     the  people,   receiving  in- 
juries  at   the  hands  of  Muzaffar   Shah,  became  disgusted    with 
him.     Gradually,   Syed   Husain's    mind  was  also  changed,  so  that 
matters  came  to  this  pass,  that  iu  the  year  903  A.H.,  mo..~;t,  of  the 
principal  noblemen,  seceding  from  the  king,  went  out  of  the  city, 
whilst   Sultan    Muzaffar  Shall  with  five  thousand  Abyssinians  and 
three  thousand  Afghans  and  Bengalis  entrenched  himself  in   the 
fort  of  Gaur.     For  a  period  of  four  months,  between  the  people 
inside,  and  outside,  the  city,   fightings  raged,   and   daily  a   large 
number  of  people  were  killed.1     It  is  said  that,  during  the  period 
Sultan  Muzaffar  was  entrenched  in  the  fort,   whenever  any  onc^ 
was  captured  and  brought  before  him,  he  used  to  kill  him  with  the 
sword  with   his  own    hand,    with    a  ferocity  characteristic  of  the 
Abyssinians,  so  that  the  number  of  people  killed  by  him  amounted 
to  four  thousand.     At  length,  Muzaffar   Shah,8  sallying  out  with 
his  force  from  the  city,  gave  battle  to  the  nobles,  whose  leader 
was  Syed  Husain  Sharif  ;  and    from  both  sides,  twenty   thousand 
men  fell,  either  by  the  sword  or  the  arrow. 


t  This  sanguinary  civil  war  in  Bengal,  about  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  between  the  Royalists  on  one  side  and  the  people  on  the  other,  headed 
by  the  nobles,  reminds  one  of  a  similar  war  between  king  John  and  his  barons 
in  England,  and  illustrates  that  the  people  in  Bengal  were  not  "  dumb,  driven 
cattle,"  but  that  they  had  sufficient  political  life  and  strength  and  powers  of 
organization  to  control  the  monarchy,  when  its  acts  exceeded  all  constitutional 
bounds,  as  set  by  the  Shara'  or  Muhammadan  law.  Indeed,  Moslem  monar- 
chies, wherever  established,  (barring  individual  aberrations)  have  been  consti- 
tutional in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  from  the  time,  when,  in  the  seventh 
century,  the  first  Khalifate  was  established  in  Arabia  (see  Sir  W.  Muir's 
"  Annals  of  the  Early  Caliphate  "). 

i  Ilia  name  on  inscriptions  and  coins  (published  in  J.A.S.B.  for  1873, 
pp.  289-290),  appears  to  be  Shamsu-d-din  Abu-Nasr  Muzaffar  Shah.  Hia 
inscriptions  and  coins  shew  that  he  reigned  from  896  to  899  A. H.  (that  is, 
from  1491  A.C.  to  1494  A.C.)  Histories  allot  to  his  reign  three  years  and  five 
months.     He  was  an  Abyssinian,  and  his  original  name  was  Sidi  Badr, 


128 

The  field  was  heaped  up  with  the  slaughtered  : 
You  might  say  another  rampart  had  been  raised  ! 

1 

At  length,  the  zephyr  of  victory  wafted  on  the  standard  of 
the  nobles.  Muzaffar  Shah,  with  a  number  of  his  associates  and 
adherents,  was  killed  on  the  field.  And  according  to  the  state- 
ment of  Haji  Muhammad  Qandahari,  during  that  time,  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  of  the  war,  one  lakh  and  twenty  thousand 
people,  of  both  Musalman  and  Hindu  persuasions,  passed  to  the 
regions  of  destruction.  And  Syed  Husain  Sharif  Maki,  gaining 
the  throne,  raised  the  standard  of  sovereignty.  And  in  the 
history  of  Nizamu-d-din  Alimad,1  it  is  related  that  when  the 
people  got  disgusted  with  the  misconduct  of  Muzaffar  Shah,  Syed 
Sharif  Maki  becoming  aware  of  lihis  state  of  national  disgust,  won 
over  to  his  side  the  Commandant  of  the  Household  troops  and,  one 
night,  with  thirteen  men  entering  the  inner  chambers,  slew  Muzaffar 
Shah,  and  next  morning  mounted  the  throne,  and  proclaimed 
himself  Sultan  'Alau-d-din.  The  reign  of  Muzaffar  Shah  lasted 
three  years  and  five  months.  A  mosque,  amongst  his  other  build- 
ings, exists  at  Gaur. 

o 

THE  REIGN  OP    ^LAU-D-DItf   SYED  HUSAIN  SHARIF 

MAKI.2 

Syed  Husain  Sharif  Maki,  during  the   period   of   his    Vizarat, 
used  to  treat  the  people    with   affability.     He    used  to  tell   them  : 

1  Nizamu-d-din  Ahmad  was  Bakhshi  under  Akbar,  and  was  a  patron  of 
the  historian  Badaoni.  Nizamu-d-din  completed  his  history  called  Tabaqat-i- 
Akbari  in  1590  A.C.  ;  he  is  the  first  writer  who  gives  a  concise  connected 
account  of  the  Independent  Masalman  kings  of  Bengal  from  1338  AC.  to 
1538  A.C. 

2  His  name  on  coins  and  inscriptions  (vide  J.A.S.B.  for  1873,  pp.  292-293) 
is  "  Alau-d-din  Abul  Mnzzafar  Husain  Shah,  son  of  Syed  Ashraf-al-Hueainl." 
Nowhere  on  coins  and  inscriptions  is  ho  called  "  Sharif  Maki,"  as  in  the  text. 
The  Tabaqat-i-Akbari  simply  calls  him  "  Alauddin  " ;  Ferishta  erroneously 
calls  him  "  Syed  Sharif  Maki  ";  whilst  Stewart  incorrectly  calls  him  "Sharif 
Mecca."  He  reigned  from  899  to  927  A.H.  (according  to  coins  and  inscriptions). 
The  Riyaz  states  that  Alauddin,  after  arriving  as  an  adventurer  in  Bengal, 
settled  at  a  place  called  Chandpur  in  Radha  district  (Western  Bengal),  tut  Pro- 
fessor Blochmann  (J.A.S.B.  for  1873,  p.  228 n.)  is  inclined  to  identify  the  Chand- 
pur in  question  near  'Alaipur  or  'Alau-d-din's  town,'  on  the  Bhariab,  east  of 
Khulna,  in  Jeesore  district,  as  the  place  where  the  Husain  dynasty  of  Bengal 


129 

"  Muzaffar  Shah  is  very  stingy,  and  rude  in  behaviour.     Although 
I   advise    him   to   attend    to   the   happiness  of  the  array  and  the 

independent  kings  had  its  adopted  home,  because  Husain  Shah  first  obtained 
power  in  the  adjacent  district  of  Faridpur  or  Fatha.ha.bad  (which  latter  at  the 
time  was  included  in,  or  rather  included  portions  of,  Jessore),  where  his  firs^ 
coins  were  struck  in  899  A.H.  (Marsden's  pi.  XXXVIII,  No.  DCCLXXIX),  and 
also  because  Hnsain  Shah's  son,  Nasrat  Shah,  erected  a  mint  at  the  neighbour- 
ing place  of  Knallfatabad  (or  Bagerhat,  formerly  in  Jessore  district)  and 
minted  there  coins  in  the  lifetime  of  his  father  in  922  A.H.  (see  p.  297» 
J.A.S.B.  for  1873  and  pi.  IX,  No.  10).  Anothor  circumstance  which  also  sup- 
ports the  above  theory  of  Professor  Blochmann  about  the  locale  of  Alau-ddin 
Hussain  Shah's  adopted  home,  appears  to  be  this,  that  the  names  of 
Husain  Shah,  his  brother  Yusuf  Shah,  and  his  sons  Nasrat  Shah,  and  Mahmud 
Shah,  are  found  in  connection  with  several  parganas  of 'Jessore  (Jasar)  district 
(as  formerly  constituted,  before  its  being  split  up  into  Pabna,  Khulna  and  Farid- 
pur districts),  such  as  parganas  Nasratshahl  and  Mahniudshahl  and  Yusuf- 
Shahi,  and  Mahmudabad  (a  whole  Sirkar  including  Northern  Jessore  or  jasar 
and  Bosnah).  In  regard  to  Alauddlu  Husain  Shah,  Professor  r>lochmann 
observes  (J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  291)  that  "  of  the  reign  of  no  kitr,  of  Bengal — 
perhaps  of  all  Upper  India  before  the  middle  of  the  10th  century — do  \fE^ 
possess  so  many  inscriptions.  Whilst  the  names  of  other  Bengal  kings 
scarcely  ever  occur  in  legeuds,  and  remain  even  unrecognized  in  the  geographi- 
cal names  of  the  country,  the  name  of  '  Husain  Shah  the  Good '  is  still 
remembered  from  the  frontiers  of  Orissa  to  the  Brahmaputra."  This  great 
and  good  king  extended  his  empire  into  OHidsa,  iDtro  Assam,  into  Chittagong, 
and  reigned  over  all  north  Behar,  and  "Jil  south  Behar  up  to  the  western 
limits  of  Sarkar  Monghyr,  where  his  son  Danyal  erected  a  vault  over  the 
shrine  of  Peer  Nafa.  (See  Tabaqat-i- Akbarl  and  also  Badaoni,  Vol.  I,  p.  371). 
A  cathedral  mosque  amongst  his  other  edifices  was  erected  by  this  king,  in 
907  A.H.  at  Machain,  opposite  to  Faridpur  in  Dhakah  ;  the  inscription  of  this 
mosque  appears  in  J.A.S.  for  187"3,  p.  293.  The  Husain  Shahl  dynasty  con- 
sisted of  four  sovereigns:  (1)  Alaiiddlu  Husain  Shah  who  reigned  from  899  to 
929  A.H.  (2)  Alau-d-dln's  son,  r^aslru-d-dln  Abul  Muzaffar  Nasrat  Shah  (929 
to  939).  (3)  Alau-d-din  Firuz  Sbah  (939),  a  son  of  No.  2,  and  (4)  Ghiasu-d-dln 
Mahmud  Shah,  (940-945  A.H.)  tjhe  last  Independent  kin*  of  Bengal,  who  was 
defeated  by  Sher  Shah's  arnry  at  Gaur  under  Jalal  Khan  and  Khwas  Khan 
in  94.4  A.H.  or  1538  A.D.  That  is,  for  forty-four  years,,  this  HusainI  dynasty 
consisting  of  four  kings,  reigned  over  Bengal.  (See  J  A.S.B.  for  1872,  p.  332). 
The  Tabaqat-i- Akbari's  notice*  of  Bengal  closes  with  an  account  of  the  reign 
of  Nasrat  Shah,  the  second  king  of  the  above  HusainI  dynasty.  The  fourth 
king  of  the  HusainI  dynasty,  jit  may  be  of  interest  to  remark,  is  the  "  El  Ray 
Mamud  de  Ben^ala"  of  the  Portuguese,  who  described  Gaur,  the  capital  at  the 
time,  as  being  "  three  leagi/ies  in  length,  well-fortified  and  with  wide  and 
straight  roads,  along  which  raws  of  trees  were  planted  to  shade  the  people." 
This  Mahmud  Shah  died  in  9  p  A.H.  at  Colgong  (Kahalgaon),  where  he  lies 
buried. 

17 


130 

nobility,  ami  dissuade  him  from  evil  pursuits,  it  is  all  in  vain ;  for 
he  is  simply  bent  on  hoarding  wealth."  In  consequence,  the  nobles 
looked  upon  Husain  as  their  friend,  patron  and  sympathiser.  Aa 
his  virtues  and  Muzaffar  Shah's  vices  were  known  to  the  public 
and  to  the  elite,  on  the  day  that  Muzaffar  Shah  was  slain,  all  the 
nobles  held  a  council  for  the  purpose  of  electing  a  king,  and 
favoured  the  installation  of  Syed  Sharif  Maki,  and  said,  "  If  we 
elect  you  king,  in  what  way  will  you  conduct  yourself  towards 
us  ?  "  Sharif  Maki  said  :  "  I  will  meet  all  your  wishes,  and  im- 
mediately I  will  allot  to  you  whatever  may  be  found  over-ground 
in  the  city,  whilst  all  that  is  under-ground  I  will  appropriate  to 
myself."  The  patricians  as  well  as  the  plebeians  fell  in  with  this 
tempting  offer,  and  hurried  out  to  pillage  the  city  of  Gaur,  which 
at  this  time  eclipsed  Cairo  (in  point  of  wealth). 

In  this  way,  a  city  was  pillaged : 

You  might  say,  it  was  swept  by  the  broom  of  plunder. 

»  Syed  Sharif  Maki  by  this  easy  contrivance,  seized  the 
umbrella  of  sovereignty,  and  introduced  the  Khutba  and  the  coin 
in  his  own  name..  Historians  write  that  his  name  was  Syed 
Sharif  Maki,1  and  t..  t  when  he  ascended  the  throne,  he  styled 
himself  'Alau-d-dln.  .But  I  note  that  throughout  the  kingdom  of 
Bengal  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Gaur,  his  name  as  Husain 
Shah  is  on  the  lips  of  the  elite  and  the  mass.  Since  I  did  not  find 
the  name  of  Husain  Shah  in  history,  I  was  in  doubt. 
After  much  research,  by  deciphering  wordings  of  inscriptions 
which  exist  up  to  this  day,  and  are  engraved  on  the  ruins  of  the 
City  of  Gaur,  on  the  stone  of  the  large  gate-way  of  the 
Qadam  Rasul  building,2  and  on  the  Golden  Mosque,  and  also  on 
some  other  shrines,  which  are  amongst  the  edifices  erected  by 
Sultan      Husain     Shah      and       his     sons      Nasrat     Shah      and 

1  The  Tabaqat-i-Akbari  and  Badaoni  (p.  317  vol.  1)  simply  call  him 
Alanddin  (which  however  was  obvionsly  the  Jaliis  name),  Ferishta  erro- 
neously calls  him  "  Sayid  Sharif  Maki,"  whilst  Stewart  incorrectly  calls 
him  "Shiref  Mecca,"  erroneously  led  no  doubt  by  the  remark  of  the 
'  Riyaz' whose  author  thinks  that  Husain's  father  or  one  of  his  ancestors 
might  perhaps  have  been  a  Sherif  of-  Mecca.  The  Alamgirnamah  (p.  730) 
calls  him  Hnsain  Shah. 

2  The  inscription  dated  937  A.H.  on  the  Qadam  Rasul  building  at  Gaur  is 
published  in  J.A.S.B.  for  1872,  p.  338;  in  it  Nasrat  Shah  is  described  aa  son  of 
Hnsain  Shah,  son  of  Syel  Ashrafal  HusainT. 


131 

Mahmud     Shah,     it      appeals     that     Syed     '  Alau-d-din     Abul 
Muzaffar    Husain  Shah    is  the  son  of  Syed   Ashrafal-Husainl.     In 
regard  to  the  months  and  years  of  Syed  Sharif  Maki's  period,  all 
these  inscriptions   tally,   and  thus   all  doubts  are  set  at  rest.     It 
appears   that   apparently     his   venerable    father — Syed  Ashrafal 
Husaini — was  Sharif  of  Makka  ;  hence  the  son  also  was  known  as 
Sharif-i-Maki,;    or   else,    his    name     was     Syed     Husain.      In    a 
pamphlet,  I  have  noticed  that  Husain  Shah  and  his  brother  Yusuf, 
together  with  their  father,  Sayyid  Ashrafal  Husaiui,  were  residents 
of  the  town  of  Tarmuz.1     By  chance,  they  came  to  Bengal,  and 
stayed  in  the  mouza  of   Chandpur  in  the  zilla  of  Radha,2  and  both 
the  brothers  took  their  lessons  from    the  Qazi  of   that  place.     On 
knowing  their  noble   pedigree,   the   Qazi  married  his  daughter  to 
Husain   Shah.     After    this,    he   entered    the   service    of    Muzaffar 
Shah,  and  reached  the  office  of  Vizier,  as  has  been  related  before. 
When  he  ascended  the  throne  in  the  city  of  Gaur,  after  some  days, 
he  forbade  the  people  from  the  pillage  of  the  city,  and   when  they 
did    not    cease,    he     slaughtered     twelve    thousand   plunderers  p 
then   these  stayed   their   hands  from  the    work   of   pillage.     And 
making  search,  he  found  much  of  the  hidden    treasures   including 
thirteen    hundred    plates  of   gold.      From     ancient     times,    the 
custom   in    the   couutry    of     lAkhnautl    and,    East   Bengal     was 
that  rich   people   preparing   plates   of  gold,   used  to   take  their 
food  thereon,  and   on  days   of  carnivals    and  festivities,  whoever 
displayed  a  large  number  of  golden   plates,    became  the  object 
of    pre-eminence.     And    this    custom    up  to    this   time  prevails 
amongst  the  rich  and   high-ranked  people.     Sultan    'Alau-d-din 
Husain   Shah,   since     he   was    a    wise  and   sagacious  sovereign, 
shewed  considerateness  towards  the  influential  nobles,  and  raised 
his  select  officers  to  high   positions  and  trusty  offices.     And  he 
prohibited  the  Paiks — whose  faithlessness  and*  regicides  had  be- 
come characteristic — from  guarding  the  Palace,   and  totally  dis- 
banded them,    so  that  no  harm  might  befal  hfm.     And  in  place 
of  the  Paiks,  in  the  Guard-room  and  on  the  Baud-stand,  he  appoint- 
ed other  body-guards.     And  he  also  expelled  totally  the  Abyssini- 
ans  from  his  entire  dominions. 

1  A  town  in  Turkestan. 

2  That  is,  the  Western  Bengal  tract.  See  however,  note  13  to  p.  48,  where 
Professor  Blochmann  identifies  Chandpur,  near  Alaipur  on  the  Bhairab, 
in  Jessore  district. 


132 

c 

Since  these  Abyssinians  were  notorious  for  their  wickedness, 
regicides  and  infamous  conduct,  obtaining  no  footing  in  Jaun- 
pur  and  Hindustan,  they  went  to  Gujrat  and  the  Dakhin.  Sultan 
'Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah,  girding  up  the  waist  of  justice,  unlike 
other  kings  of  Bengal,  removed  his  seat  of  government  to  Ekdala, 
which  adjoins  the  city  of  Gaur.  And  excepting  Husain  vShah,  no  one 
amongst  the  kings  of  Bengal  made  his  seat  of  government  anywhere, 
except  at  Pandua  and  the  city  of  Gaur.  As  he  was  himself  of  noble 
desceut,  according  to  the  saying,  "  Every  thing  turns  back  to  its 
origin"  he  took  the  Syeds,  Mughal s  and  Afghans  by  the  hand, 
and  sent  efficient  District  Officers  to  different  places,  so  that  peace 
in  the  country  being  secured,  anarchy  and  revolutions  which  had 
occurred  during  the-  period  of  the  Abyssinian  kings,  etc.,  vanished? 
and  all  disloyal  elements  were  reduced  to  order.  And  subjugat- 
ing the  Rajas  of  the  environs  and  conquering  up  to  Orissa, 
he  levied  tribute.  After  this,  he  planned  to  conquer  Assam,  which 
is  north-east  of  Bengal.  With  an  overwhelming  army  consisting 
^f  infantry  and  a  numerous  fleet,  he  marched  towards  that  king- 
dom, and  conquered  it.  And  conquering  the  whole  of  that  country 
up  to  Kamrup,  Kamtah  and  other  districts  which  were  subject 
to  powerful  Rajas,  like  Rup  Narain,  and  Mai  Kunwar,  and  Gasa 
Lakhan  and  Lachml  Narain  and  others,  he  collected  much  wealth 
from  the  conquered  tracts  ;  and  the  Afghans  demolishing  those 
Rajas'  buildings,  erected  new  buildings.  The  Raja  of  Assam 
not  being  able  to  oppose  him,  relinquishing  his  country,  fled  to  the 
mountains.     The   king,    leaving   his    son  l    with   a   large  army  to 

1  This  was  Prince  Danyal  (incorrectly  known  as  Dulal  Ghazi).  This 
invasion  of  Assam  took  place  in  1498  A.C.  See  J.A.S.  for  1872,  p.  335. 
Particulars  of  this  invasion  of  Assam  in  1498  A.C.  or  903-4  A.H.  are  given 
in  the  Alamgirnamahn  pp.  730  and  731  and  the  Assam  Buranji  (J. A. 8.,  for 
1874,  p.  281).  Husain  Shah's  conquest  of  Kamrup  and  Kamta  (western  Assam) 
is  also  chronicled  in  a  contemporaneous  inscription  of  907  A.H.  (1501  A.C.)  in 
a  Madrasah  or  College  founded  by  Husain  Shah  at  Gaur.  This  inscription  is 
also  published  in  J.A.S.,  for  1874,  p.  303.  Husain  Shah's  first  Governor  of 
Western  Assam  or  Kamrup  was  his  son,  Prince  Danyal, — the  same  prince  who 
erected  the  vault  over  the  shrine  of  Pir  Nafa  in  Monghyr  fort  in  903  A.C, 
whilst  returning  from  a  mission  on  behalf  of  his  father  to  meet  Sultan 
Sikandar  Lodi  in  Behar,  and  immediatly  before  setting  out  on  this  Assam 
expedition  (Badaoni,  p.  317  Vol.  I).  He  was  followed  as  Governor  of  Assam  by 
Musunder  Ghazi,  who  was  succeeded  by  Sultan  Ghia.su-d-din  who  introduced 
a  colony  of   Muhammadans  into  Assam. 


133 

complete     the    settlement  of     the    conquered    country,     returned 
triumphant  and   victorious     to    Bengal.     After    the     withdrawal 
of  the  king,  his  son  devoted  himself  to  the  pacification  and  defences 
of  the  conquered  country.  But  when  the  rainy  season  set  in,  owing 
to  floods,  the  roads  and  tracks  became  closed  ;  and  the  Rajah  with 
his  adherents  issued   from  the  hills,  surrounded  the  Royal  army, 
engaged  in  warfare,  cut  off  supplies  of   provisions,'  and   in  a  short 
time  put  all  to  the  sword.     And  the  king,  erecting  a  fort  on  the 
bank  of    the    river    Bhatah,1     bestowed   great    efforts    on    the 
improvement  and   advancement  of   the  Kingdom  of  Bengal.     And 
erecting  and    establishing  Mosques    and  Rest-houses  at  different 
places     in   every    district,   he   conferred  numerous  gifts   on  saints 
and  recluses.2   And  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Rest-house  in  connec- 
tion  with    the    eminent    saint,   Nur    Qutbu-l-'Alam,    he    endowed 
several  villages,    and   every   year,   from   Ekdala,  which   was  the 
seat  of  his  government,  he  used  to  come  to  Pandua,  for  pilgrimage 
to  the  bright  shrine  of  that  holy  saint.5     And  because  of  his  meed- 
worthy    courteousness  and  affable    deportment,    and  owing  to   th-?-. 
exuberance   of   his    good   sense   and   wisdom,  he  ruled  for  a  long 
period  with  complete  independence.     In  the  year  900  A.H.,  Sultan 
Husain   Sharql,   ruler  of   the  Jaunpur  kingdom,   on    being  defeat- 
ed   and   pursued    by    Sultan  » Sikandar,    proceeded     to    Colgong 
(Kahlgaou),4'    and  took    shelter  with   Sultan   'Alau-d-dln  Husain 
Shah.     The   latter,  paying  regard  to  the  refugee's  rank,  provided 
him  with   means  of    comfort,     so     that     relinguishing     anxieties 
and     cares   of     sovereignty,    Sultan   Husain   Sharql    passed     the 
rest  of  his  life  at  the  above  place.     Towards  the   end   of  'Alau-d- 
din's   reign,  Muhammad   Babar     the    Emperor    invaded    Hindus- 
tan.    Sultan   Husain  Shah,  in  the  year  927  A.H.,  died  a  natural 
death.    His  reign  lasted  27  years,  and  according  to  some,  24  years, 

1  Stewart  lias  '  Bateah,'  and  says  it  is  the  name  of  a  stream,  which  also 
bears  the  name  of  Gaudak.     I  do  not  know  how  far  Stewart  is  correct. 

2  He  also  founded  Madrasahs  or  Colleges  for  the  advancement  of  learning, 
as  is  evidenced  by  the  testimony  of  the  contemporaneous  inscription  of  907 
A.H.  published  in  J.A.S.B.,  for  187-i,  p.  303.  This  inscription  opens  with  the 
remarkable  saying  of  the  Prophet,  "  Search  after  knowledge  even  as  far  as 
China." 

8  See  note  p.  46. 

*  See  Badaoni,  p.  316,  Vol.  I. 


134 

and  according  to  others,  29  years  and  5  months.  Amongst  the 
sovereigns  of  Bengal,  none  has  been  equal  to  '  Alau-d-din  Husain 
Shah.  And  traces  of  his  beneficence  in  this  country  are  well- 
known  to  all.  He  had  eighteen  sons.  Nasrat  Shah,  after  his 
father,  became  king  of  Bengal. 


THE  REIGN  OF  NASRAT  SHAH,1  SON  OF  'ALAU-D-DiN 

HUSAIN   SHAH. 

When  Sultan  'Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah  died,  the  adherents  of 
the  kingdom  and  the  members  of  the  government  placed  on  the 
throne  his  eldest  son,  named  Nf.srat  Shah,  commonly  known  as 
Nasib  Shah,  who  was  wise  and  just,  and  well-behaved,  and  in 
affairs  of  administration  was  more  proficient  than  his  other 
brothers.  The  most  laudable  work  that  he  performed  was  that, 
instead  of  imprisoning  his  brothers,  he  doubled  the  offices  which 
"nad  been  conferred  on  the  latter  by  their  father.  And  capturing 
the  Rajah  of  Tirhut,  he  killed  him.  And  lie  set  two  officers? 
named  'Alau-d-din  and  Makhdum  'Alim,  otherwise  known  as  Shah 
'Alim,  and  who  Avere  sons-in-law  of  Husain  Shah,  for  the  conquest 
of  the  limits  of  Tirhut  and  Hajipur,^  and  posted  them  there.  And 
when   Empei'or   Babar,   killing    Sultan    Ibrahim,3   son   of   Sultan 

1  His  name,  as  appearing  on  his  coins  and  inscriptions,  is  Nasiru-d-din 
Abul  Muzzafar  Nasrat  Shah.  (See  J.A.S.B.  for  1873,  pp.  296  and  297). 
Historians  call  him  also  Nasib  Shah,(Badaoni,  p.  348),  but  perhaps  whilst  as  a 
prince,  he  held  the  name  of  Nasib  Khan.  He  appears  to  have  reconquered 
Chittagong  Tract  (see  Tarikh.j-Hamidi  and  J.A.S.  for  1872,  p.  336),  and  to  have 
subdued  Tirhut  and  Hajipur  tracts  in  North  Behar— and  to  have  also  held 
temporary  sway  over  Azimgarh  in  the  N.-W.  Provinces  (see  Sikandarpur 
Azimgarh  inscription  published  in  J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  296).  Kharid  mentioned 
in    this   inscription  is  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Ghagra  river. 

Nasrat  Shah  reigrwd  from  929  to  939  A.H.  (J.A.S.  for  1872,  p.  332). 

8  Hajipur  was  long  the  head-quarters  of  the  Bengal  Governors  of  Behar 
from  the  time  of  Haji  Ilyas,  and  was  founded  by  Haji  Ilyas  alias  Shamsn- 
d-din  Ilyas,  king  of  Bengal.  It  sank  in  importance  with  the  transfer  of  the 
head-quarters  to  Patna,  on  the  establishment  of  Mughal  rule  under  Emperor 
Akbar. 

8  Ibrahim  Lodi,  son  of  Sikandar  Lodi  and  grandson  of  Bahlol  Lodi,  was 
defeated  and  killed  by  Babar  at  the  decisive  battle  of  Panipat  in  1526  A.C. 
or  932  A.H.  See  the  graphic  description  of  this  decisive  battle  in  Badaoni 
(Pers.   text,   Vol.   I,   pp.  334>-336.)     By  this  great  battle,  the  sovereignty  of 


135 

Sikandar  Lodi,  conquered  the  great  empire  of  Hindustan,  many 
of  the  Afghan  Omra  escaping,  sought  refuge  with  Nasrat  Shah. 
And  at  length,  Sultan  Mahtnud,1  brother  of  Sultan  Ibrahim, 
being  expelled  from  his  kingdom,  came  to  Bengal.  Nasrat  Shah 
showing  kindness  to  every  one,  bestowed  on  all  pargannahs  and 
villages,  in  accordance  with  their  respective  rank  and  condition, 
and  consistently  with  the  resoui'ces  of  his  kingdom.  And  he 
married  Sultan  Ibrahim's  daughter,  who,  had  also  come  to 
Bengal.  And  planning  the  subjugation  of  the  Mughal  forces,  he 
despatched  Qutb  Khan  with  a  large  force  towards  the  environs 
of  Bharaich.8  And  the  latter  fought  several  battles  with  the 
Mughals,  and  for  a  period  the  contending  forces  were  bivouacked 
there,  fighting.  But  Khan  Zamap.3  son-in-law  of  Emperor  Babar, 
had  conquered  up  to  Jaunpur,  and  when  in  the  year  930  A.H., 
Emperor  Babar  came  to  Jaunpur,  and  brought  to  his  subjuga- 
tion all  its  limits  and  environs,  and  planned  to  march  to  Bengal 
and  to  bring  it  also  under  his  domination,  Nasrat  Shah,  foreseeing 
the  result,  sent  valuable  presents  and  gifts  in  charge  of  wise  envoys-, 
and  offered  submission.  Emperor  Babar,  in  view  of  the  exigencies 
of  the  times,  made  peace  with  Nasrat  Shah,  and  retired.  When 
Emperor  Babar  died  on  the   5th  of    the  month  of  Jamadiu-1-Awal 

» 
India  was  transferred  from  Afghan  hands  to  those  of  the  Mnghals.  Strange 
enough  to  add,  this  revolution  was  effected  by  the  intrigues  of  Afghan  officers 
and  Omara  of  Ibrahim  who  had  joined  Babar,  and  invited  the  latter  to 
India.  (Badaoni,  Pers.  text,  p.  331,  Vol.  I).  No  doubt,  it  was  a  penalty  paid 
by  Sultan  Ibrahim  for  his  ill-treatment  of  his  brothers,  officers  and  noblemen, 
whom  he  constantly  distrusted  ami  disgraced. 

1  Sultan  Mahinud  was  a  son  of  Sultan  Sikandar  Lodi.  He  was  set  np 
as  a  King  by  Hasan  Khan  Mewati  and  Rana  Sanka,  and  induced  to  fight 
with  Babar  who  defeated  him.  After  defeat,  he  lived  at  Chitor,  whence  he 
was  brought  by  Afghans  to  Behar,  and  proclaimed  its  Kjng.  Sher  Khan  joined 
him,  but  subsequently  deserted  him  in  favour  of  Mughals,  who  defeated  him. 
From  Patna,  he  fled  to  Orissa,  where  he  died  in  949  A.H.  (See  Badaoni, 
pp.  361  and  338,  Vol.  I;. 

2  Sarkar  Bharaich  is  included  in  the  Subah  of  Oudh,  and  is  mentioned  in 
the  Ain-i-Akbari  (Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II,  p.  93). 

This  was  the  farthest  western  incursion  made  by  the  Musalman  kings  of 
Bengal  (barring  of  course  Sher  Shah,  who  from  king  of  Bengal  rose  to  be 
Emperor  of  all  India). 

3  See  p.  139  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I.  From  Badaoni's  account  (p.  338, 
Vol.  I),  the  conquest  of  Jaunpur  appears  to  have  been  made  by  Humayun, 
during  Babar' s  lifetime.  In  Badaoni  (p.  314,  Vol.  I),  Md.  Zaman  Mirza. 


136 

937  A.H.,  and  Emperor  Humayun  ascended  the  throne  of  Delhi, 
it  was  rumoured  that  the  Emperor  of  Delhi  was  planning  the 
conquest  of  Bengal.  Consequently,  Nasrat  Shall  in  the  year 
939  A.H.,  in  view  of  demonstrating  his  sincerity  and  friend- 
ship, sent  rare  presents  in  charge  of  Malik  Mar j an,  the  eunuch, 
to  Sultan  Bahadur  Gujrati.1  Malik  Marjan  met  Sultan  Bahadur 
in  the  fort  of  Mandu,  and  became  the  recipient  of  a  special  Khill'at. 
In  the  meantime,  Nasrat  Shah,  in  spite  of  his  being  a  Syed, 
indulged  in  dissipations  and  sundry  oppressions,  to  detail  which 
would  be  to  harrow  the  feelings  of  all.  And  a  world  was  grind- 
ing under  his  tyranny.  In  that  interval,  Nasrat  Shah  rode  to 
Aknakah,  in  the  city  of  Gaur,  in  order  to  visit  the  tomb  of  his 
father.  As  Avill  would  have  it,  there  he  punished  an  eunuch  for 
some  fault.  From  fear  of  life,  this  eunuch  leagued  with  other 
eunuchs,  and  murdered  Nasrat  Shah  on  his  return  to  the  palace, 
in  the  year  913  A.H.  His  reign  lasted  16  years,  and  according 
to  some,  13  years,  and  according  to  others,  less  than  13  years. 
•—The  foundations  of  the  building  of  Qadam  Rasul  2  in  the  year 
939,3  and  the  Golden  mosque  commonly  called  the  SonaMusjid4 
in  the  year  932  A.H.,  were  laid  by  him,  and  these  with  their 
shattered  doors  and  walls  exist  to  this  day,  amongst  the  build- 
ings of  Nasrat  Shah,  sou  of  SuLan  'Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah, 
amidst  the  ruius  of  Gaur.  And  the  foundation  of  the  luminous 
shrine  of  the  saint  Makhdum  Akhi  Siraju-d-din  5  at  Sadu-1-lahpur 
is  also  amongst   the  noble   relics  of   that  monarch. 

i  He  reigned  in  Gnjarat  from  1526  A.C.  to  1536  A.C. — see  ATn-i-Akbari, 
Vol.  II,  p.  261,  and  Badaoni,  pp.  344  to  347,  Vol.  I. 

He  foolishly  engaged  in  a  war  with  Humayun  and  was  defeated,  (Vol.  II, 
p.  266,  and  Badaoni,  p.  346,  Vol.  T). 

2  This  building  was  in  fair  order  when  I  visited  Gaur  in  1887.  It  is  a 
square  one-domed  building  in  the  enclosure  of  the  Fort.  Its  length  from 
east  to  west  is  24  cubits,  and  its  breadth  is  the  same.  The  Bhagirati  flows 
to  the  west  of  it,  aboifct  a  distance  of  30  rasls.  This  building  was  erected  by 
Nasrat  Shah  in  937  A.H.  (1530  A.D).  Inside  the  mosque  under  the  dome, 
there  is  a  foot-print  of  the  Arabian  prophet  on  a  piece  of  stone,  which  is 
said  to  have  been  formerly  at  Panduah  in  the  Chillakhatia  of  the  Saint 
Jallaln-d-din  Tabrizi,  who  is  supposed  to  have  brought  it  from    Arabia. 

The  inscription  on  the  building  is  published  in  J.A.S.B.  for  1872,  p.  338. 

5  The  date  on  the  inscription  is  however,  937  A.H.  (See  J.A.S.B.  for 
1872,  p.  338). 

*  See  Ravenshaw's  and  Creighton's  "Ruins  of  Gaur." 

6  He  was  a  Saiut  of  Gaur.     He  came  as  a  boy  to  Nizamu-d-dln    Auliah  of 


137 

[Note  by  the  author,  Salim:  In  all  the  inscriptions  that 
engraved  on  stones  exist  to  this  time,  the  king's  name  is  mentioned 
as  Nasrat,  Shah,  son  of  Sultan  'Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah.  In 
histories,  his  name  is  mentioned  as  Nasib  Shah.  Apparently,  this 
is  a  corruption  or  a  mistake,  in  that  there  is  no  room  for  mistake 
in  the  inscriptions  engraved  on  stones.] 


-o- 


REIGN  OF  FIRUZ  SHAH,'  SON  OF  NASRAT  SHAH. 

When  Nasrat  Shah  drank  the  disagreeable  syrup  of  death, 
his  son,  Firuz  Shah,  by  the  counsels  of  the  grandees,  ascended  the 
throne.  He  had  reigned  for  three 8  years,  when  Sultan  Mahmud 
Bengali,  who  was  one  of  the  eighteen  sons  of  Sultan  'Alau-d-din 
Husain  Shah,  and  whom  Nasrat  Shah  had  installed  to  the  rank 
of  a  nobleman,  and  who  in  the  life-time  of  Nasrat,  conducted 
himself  like  an  ameer,  finding  an  opportunity,  slew  Firuz  Shah, 
and  ascended  the  throne  by  right  of  inheritance  from  his 
father. 

Delhi  and  in  course  of  time  acquired  great  learning.  He  was  then  sent  to 
Bengal,  where  he  died  in  758  A.H.  or  135/  A.C.  After  Nizamu-d-din's  death 
(according  to  the  Haft  I  qlim),  he  went  to  Lakhnauti — (See  J.A.S.  for  1873 
p.  260). 

Nasrat  Shah  could  not  have  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Saint's  shrine ; 
he  could  have  only  repaired  and  improved  it,  for  the  inscription  on  the  shrine 
(see  J.A.S.  for  1873,  p.  294),  shews  that  its  door  was  built  by  Nasrat  Shah's 
father,  Sultan  'Alan-d-din  Husain  Shah,  in  916  A.H.  (A.C.  1510). 

Akhi's  pupil  was  the  Saint  Alau-1-Hnq,  father  of  the  Saint  Nur  Qutb 
'A lam  of  history. 

Akhi  was  a  contemporary  of  Shamsn-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Uyas  Shah, 
King  of  Bengal. 

1  His  name  appears  to  be  'Alan-d-dln  Abul  Muzzafar  Firuz  Shah,  both  on 
his  coins  and  his  inscriptions  (See  J.A.S. B.  for  1873,  p.  297).  He  reigned  for 
only  one  year  (939  A.H.)  when  he  was  slain  by  his  uncle  Mahmud  Shah 
the  next  King.  Tliis  wonld  also  put  back  the  date  of  Nasrat  Shah's  murder 
to  end  of  938  or  beginning  of  939  A.H. ;  but  Badaoni's  account  (p.  348,  Vol.  I), 
renders  it  doubtful. 

2  "  Three  years."  is  evidently  a  copyist's  mistake,  for  Stewart  who  bases 
his  history  on  the  Riyaz,  mentions  "  three  months "  which  he  must  have 
fo.ind  in  his  copy  of  the  MS.  of  the  Riyaz,  and  which  appears  otherwise  more 
consistent,  chronologically. 

18 


138 

REIGN  OF  SULTAN  MAHMUD,'  SON  OF  'ALAU-D-DlN. 

When  Mahmud  Shah  ascended  the  throne,  MakhdG.ni  'Alam, 
his  brother-in-law,  who  was  Governor  of  Hajipur,  raised  the 
standard  of  rebellion,  and  intrigued  and  allied  himself  with  Slier 
Khan,  who  was  in  the  tract  of  Behar.8  Mahmud  Shah  deputed 
Qutb  Khan,  Commandant  of  Monghyr,  to  conquer  the  Province  of 
Behar,  and  to  chastise  Makhdum  'Alam.  Sher  Khan  made  efforts 
to  conclude  peace,  but  they  were  of  no  avail ;  and  at  length,  by 
the  concurrence  of  the  Afghans,  resolving  to  die,  he  determined 
to  fight.  When  the  two  forces  closed  together,  a  great  battle 
ensued.  Qutb  Khan  was  killed  in  the  battle,  and  Sher  Khan, 
obtaining  his  elephants  and  baggage,  became  powerful.  After 
this,  Makhdum  'Alam,  in  order  to  avenge  himself,  or  to  usurp 
the  throne,  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion,  and  fighting  with 
Mahmud  Shah,  was  killed.  And  Sher  Khan  Afghan  instantly, 
who  had  usurped  the  throne  of  Delhi,3  drew  his  force  toward.-; 
.Bengal.     The  nobles  of  Bengal,  guarding  the  passes  of  Tellagadhi 

1  The  name  of  this  King  as  appearing  on  his  coins  and  inscriptions  is 
Ghiasu-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Mahmud  Shah  (See  J.A.S.for  1872,  p.  339,  and  for 
1873  p.  298).  He  was  the  last  Independent  King  of  Bengal,  and  reigned  from 
940  to  9-4-4  A.H.  He  is  ,fhe  "  El  Bey  Mkmnd  de  Bangala,"  with  whom  the 
Portugnese  Alfonso  de  Mello  made  a  treaty.  At  this  time,  Sher  Khan  and  hie 
brother  Adil  Khan  had  deserted  the  Mughal  cause,  and  gone  over  to  the  side 
of  the  King  of  Bengal.  But  subsequently  Sher  Khan  on  the  pretext  of  aveng- 
ing the  mnrder  of  Firuz  Shah,  made  war  on  Mahmud  Shah,  besieged  him  at 
Gaur,  and  Mahmud  Shah  fled  to  Colgong  (Kahalgaon),  where  he  died  in  9-45 
A.H.  (1538  A.C.)  of  injuries  received  on  the  battle-field.  (See  Badaoni, 
p.  348,  Vol.  I). 

2  The  town  of  Behar  is  meant.  It  appears  that  at  this  time  both  Sarkar 
Monghyr  in  Sonth  Behar  and  the  whole  of  North  Behar  were  subject  to  the 
Bengal  kings,  and  H^jTpur  was  the  head-quarters  from  a  long  time  of  the 
Bengal  Governor  of  North  Behar.  West  of  Sarkar  Monghyr  in  South  Behar, 
which  was  subject  to  the  Sharqi  kingdom  of  Jaunpur,  on  tlie  decay  of  the 
latter  kingdom,  fell  into  the  hands  of  semi-independent  Afghan  chiefs, 
including  Daria  Khan,  his  son  Bahadnr  Khan  (who  proclaimed  himself 
Sultan  Muhammad),  Sultan  Mahmud,  and  Sher  Khan.  At  this  time, 
as  the  text  shews,  Makhdum  'Alam,  Mahmud  Shah's  brother-in-law,  who 
was  his  Governor  of.  North  Behar,  and  had  his  head-quarters  at  Hajipur, 
also  rebelled  against  his  sovereign,  and  intrigued  with  Sher  Khan  (after- 
wards   Sher   Shah).     (See   Badaoni,   pp.    360,  358,  361,  Vol.  I). 

3  How  Sher  Shah  acquired  the  Delhi  Empire,  is  related  in  Tarikh-i- 
Sher  Shahi,  and  also  in  Badaoni, and  the  Akbarnamah. 


139 

i 

and   Sakrigali  '  for    one    month   continued  fighting.     At    length, 

the  passes  of  Teliagadhi  and  Sakrigali  were  captured,  and  Sher 
Khan  entered  Bengal,  and  Mahmiid  Shah,  drawing  his  force, 
encountered  the  former,  when  a  great  battle  ensued.  Sultan 
Mahmiid,  being  vanquished  in  the  field,  entrenched  himself  in  the 
citadel,  and  sent  a  message  to  Emperor  Humayun  in  Delhi, 
seeking  for  help.  Humayun  Shah  in  the  year  944  'A.H.  turned  to- 
wards the  conquest  of  the  province  of  .Taunpur.  Since  at  that 
time,  Sher  Khan  was  in  Bengal,  Emperor  Humayun  going  to  the 
foot  of  the  fort  of  Chunar,2  laid  siege  to  it.  Ghazi  Khan  Sur,  who 
was  in  the  fort  on  behalf  of  Sher  Khan,  raised  the  standard  of 
opposition,  and  for  six  months  the  siege  was  protracted.5  By  the 
efforts  of  Rumi  Khan,4  ladders  being  mounted,  the  fort  was 
scaled  and  captured  by  Humayun.  Sher  Khan  also  put  forth 
grand  efforts  for  capturing  the  fort  of  Gaur,  and  the  garrison 
were  hardpressed.  But  as  in  the  meantime  one  of  the  zamindars 
of  Behar,  becoming  refractory,  raised  disturbance,  Sher  Khan, 
finding  it  inexpedient  to  halt  at  Gaur,  left  his  son,  Jallal  Khan, 
and  Khawas  Khan,  one  of  his  trusty  nobles,  to  besiege  the  fort 
of  Gaur,  whilst  he  himself  inarched  back  to  Behar.  And  Jallal 
Khan,  son  of  Sher  Khan,  skirmished  with  Mahmiid  Shah,  so  that 
the  garrison  were  reduced  to>  straits,  and,  food-grains  became 
scarce  in  the  city.  On  Sunday,  the  13th  of  the  month  of  Far- 
wardi,  corresponding  to  the  Gth  of   Zil-Qadh,  944  A.H.,B  Jallal 


1  These  passes  are  close  to  Colgong,  and  are  now  traversed  by  the  E.I. 
Railway  line.  They  were  in  those  days  considered  the  '  key  '  to  Bengal.  They 
were  fortified  under  Sher  Shah's  order  by  Qutb  Khan,  son  of  Sher  Khan  and 
Khawas  Khan,  slave  of  Sher  Khan.  (See  Badaoni,  p.  349,  Vol.  I). 

2  In  the  Aln-i-Akbari,  under  the  Subah  of  Allahabad,  Chunar  is 
described  "  as  a  stone-fort  in  the  summit  of  a  hill,  scarcely  equalled  for  its 
loftiness  and  strength."  The  river  Ganges  flows  at  its  foot — Aiu-i-Akbari 
(Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  2,  p.  159). 

8  It  is  stated  that  its  siege  by  Emperor  Humayun  commenced  ou  8th 
January,  1538  A.C.  As  its  siege  lasted  six  months,  and  as  it  was  stormed  before 
Gaiir  fell  (on  6th  April,  1538  A.C.)  into  the  hands  of  Sher  Shah's  general 
Khawas  Khan,  the  siege  of  Chunar  must  have  commenced  in  October  1537 
A.C.  (See  Tarikh-i-Sher  Shahi),  or  it  may  be  that  the  fall  of  Gaur  took  place 
in  July  1538  A.C.     (See  Badaoni,  pp.  348  and  349,  Vol.  I). 

*  See  p.  441  Blochmann's  Trans,  of  Am,  Vol.  I,  p.  441 ,  and  Badaoni,  p.  348 
Vol.  I.  Chunar  was  captured  by  Humayun  in  943  A.H. 

*  This  corresponds  to  6th  April,  1538  A.C. 


140 

Khan  with  other  grandees,  such  as  Khawas  Khan,  etc.,  struck  up 
the  kettle-drum  of  battle.  Sultan  Mahmud,  who  was  hard- 
pressed  by  the  siege,  sallying  out  of  the  fort,  advanced  to  fight. 
Since  the  period  of  his  fortune  had  turned  to  declension,  and  the 
luck  of  Sher  Khan  assisted  the  latter,  Sultan  Mahmud,  unable 
to  cope  in  battle,  escaping  by  the  way  of  Bhata,1  fled,  and 
Mahmud  Shah's  sons  were  taken  prisoners;  and  the  fort  of  Gaur, 
together  with  other  booty,  fell  into  the  hands  ofJallal  Khan, 
son  of  Sher  Khau.  Jallal  Khan  and  Khawas  Khan,  entering 
the  fort,  engaged  in  slaughter  and  capture  and  plunder  of  the 
garrison.  And  Sher  Khan  also,  being  set  free  from  the  distur- 
bance in  Behar,  pursued  Sultau  Mahmud.  When  they  closed 
each  other,  Sultan' Mahmud  was  obliged  to  fight,  and  receiving 
a  serious  wound,  fled  from  the  battle-field.  Sher  Khan,  victorious 
and  triumphant,  spurred  on  to  Gaur,  and  became  master  of 
Bengal.  The  Cathedral  Mosque  at  S'adu-1-lahpur,8  amongst  the 
buildings  of  Sultan  Mahmud,  sou  of  Sultan  '  Alau-d-din  Husain 
Shah,  exists  to  this  day.  From  the  inscriptions  engraved  on  it,  it 
appears  that  he  was  a  son  of  Sultan  'Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah. 
The  period  of  his  reign  appears  to  have  lasted  five  3"ears.s 


o- 

ACCESSION  OF  NASIRU-D-DlN  MUHAMMAD  HUMAYUN 
PADSHAH  TO  THE  THRONE  OF  GAUR. 

Sultan  Mahmud,  fleeing  wouuded  from  the  battle  with  Sher 
Khan,  turned  to  meet  Sultan  Muhammad  Humayun,  the  Emperor. 
At  the  time  when  Sultan  Humayun  the  Emperor  captured  the 
fort  of  Chunar,  Sultan  Mahmud  arriving  at  Darvishpura,*  and 
meeting  the  Emperor,  and  using  much  cajolery  and  persuasion, 
requested  the  Emperor  to  invade  Bengal.  The  Emperor,  taking 
pity  on  Mahmud,  left  Mirza   Dost  Beg6  in    charge  of  the  fort  of 

1  See  note  ante. 

2  This  was  a  quarter  of  Gaur.  The  inscription  on  this  tnosqne  is  pub- 
lished in  J.A.S.B.  for  1872,  p.  339. 

3  The  fate  of  Mahmud  Shah  is  fully  described  in  the  Tarikh-i-Sher  Shalii, 
of  which  the  Hon'ble  Sir  Edward  Clive  Bayley  has  published  a  translation  in 
Dowson's   edition  of  Elliot's  History  of  India,  IV,  pp.  360-36-1. 

*  I  have  not  identified  this  place  ;  but  it  must  have  been  close  to  Chunar. 
6  In  Badaoni  (p.  348,  Vol.  I),  it  is  stated  that  when  the  King   of  Bengal 


141 

Chunar,  and  in  the  beginning  of  945  A.H.1  raised  the  standard 
of  march  towards  the  conquest  of  Bengal.  Sher  Khan,2  learning 
about  this,  despatched  Jallal  Khan  and  Khawas  Khan  to  defend 
the  pass  of  Teliagadhi,  which  leads  to  Bengal.  And  this  Telia- 
gadhi  and  Sakrigali  is  a  place  between  the  provinces  of  Behar 
and  Bengal,  it  is  very  impregnable  ;  it  is  flanked  on  one  side  by  a 
lofty  hill  and  a  dense  forest  which  are  quite  impassable,  and  on 
another  side'  by  the  river  Ganges,  to  ford  which  is  very  difficult. 
Emperor  Humayun  detached  Jahangir  Beg  3  Mughal  to  capture 
Teliagadhi  and  Sakrigali.  On  the  day  that  Jahangir  Beg  reached 
that  place,  just  after  he  had  dismounted,  Jallal  Khan  and 
Khawas  Khan,  marching  up  quickly  witli  an  efficient  force, 
attacked  him.  The  Mughal  forces,  unable  to  cope,  were  van- 
quished, aud  Jahangir  Beg,  getting  wouuded,  in  a  hapless 
condition,  retreated  to  the  Emperor's  camp.*  But  when  Emperor 
Humayun  himself  marched  up  to  Teliagadhi  and  Sakrigali, 
Jallal  Khan  and  Khawas  Khau,  seeing  their  inability  to  stand  the 
Emperor's  onslaught,  fled  towards  the  hills,  and  from  thence,  tc 
Sher  Khan  at  Gaur.  The  Imperial  army,  forcing  its  way  easily 
through  that  narrow  defile,  marched  up,  stage  by  stage.  And 
when  the  Imperial  camp  halted  at  Kohal  Gaon*  (Colgong), 
Mafymud  Shah,  who  was  in  t'*e  company  of  the  Emperor,  heard 
that  his  two  sons  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  by  Jallal  Khan, 
had  been  slain.     From   this  grief  and  affliction,  he  pined   away 

(named  erroneously  Nasib  Shah,  which  should  be  Mahmud  Shah)  getting 
wounded  in  the  war  against  Sher  Shah,  came  and  met  the  Emperor  (Humayun), 
and  invoked  his  help,  the  latter  left  Mir  Hindu  Beg  Quchin  in  charge  of 
Jaunpur  province,  and  marched  (from  Chuuar)  towards  Bengal,  forcing  the 
pass  of  Teliagadhi,  which  was  fortified  and  held  by  Qut.b  Khan  and  Khawas 
Khan  (son  and  servant  respectively  of  Sher  Shah). 

1  i.e.,  1538  A.C. 

2  Sher  Khan  or  Sher  Shah  was  afc  this  time  at  Gaur  and  had  made 
himself  master  of  it.  (See  Badaoni,  pp.  348  and  349,  Vol.*  I).  Mughal  historians, 
to  please  the  Mughal  Emperors,  invariably  belittle  Sher  Shah  by  calling  him 
"  Sher  Khan."  Sher  Shah  finally  defeated  Humayun  (Jarrett's  Tr.,  Ain,  p.  421, 
and  Badaoni,  pp.  354  and  356,  Vol.  I)  near  Kanauj  in  A.H.  947  (A.C.  1540), 
when  Humayun  fled  to  Sindli. 

3  He  is  mentioned  as  Governor  of  Bengal  under  Humayun  (vide  Bloch- 
manu's  Tr.,  Ain-i-Akbari,  and  also  the  text,  Fasc.  1,  p.  331,  and  also  Badaoni, 
p.  352,  Vol.  I.) 

*  This  must  have  beeu  near  Colgong  (Kahlgaon),  at  the  time. 


142 

day  by  day,  and  in  a  short  time  died.1  And  since  Sher  Khan,  on 
hearing  about  the  approach  of  the  Imperial  forces,  became 
anxious,  he  removed  the  treasures  of  the  kings  of  Graur  and 
Bengal,  fled  towards  Radha,2  and  from  thence  towards  the  hills 
of  Jiiarkand.3  Emperor  Humayun  captured  without  opposition 
the  city  of  Graur4',  which  was  the  capital  of  Bengal,  and  owing  to 
the  ominous  nature  of  its  name,  he  changed  it  to  Jinnatabad,  and 
introduced  the  Imperial  Khutba  and  coin.  The  ports  of  Sunar- 
gaon  and  Chatgaon  (Chittagong),  etc.,  came  into  the  possession  of 
the  Emperor.  For  some  time,  the  Emperor  lived  in  ease  and 
comfort,  and  did  not  pursue  Sher  Khan,  and  made  light  of  the 
enemy.  Three  months  had  not  yet  passed,  since  his  stay  in  that 
city,  when  owing  to  the  badness  of  the  climate  of  that  place,  many 
horses  and  camels  died,  and  many  soldiers  fell  ill.  Suddenly, 
the  news  was  received  that  the  Afghans,  marching  by  way  of 
.lharkand,  had  captured  the  fort  of  Rohtas,5  and  that  leaving 
a  force  for  the  defeuce  of  the  fort,  Sher  Khan  himself  had  march- 
ed to  Monghyr,  and  had  put  to  the  sword  the  Emperor's  grandees 
who  were  there.  And  the  news  of  the  successful  rebellion 
of  Mirza  Hindal  which  had  come  to  pass  at  Delhi,6  was  also 
received.     The  Emperor  becoming  auxious  on  the  a  receipt  of  the 


1  Mahmud  Shah,  the  last  Independent  Musalman  king  of  Bengal,  died  at 
Colgong  in  1538  A.C. 

2  This  was  the  name  which  Western  Bengal  bore  under  Hindu 
Rajas. 

5  Chuta  Nagpur  tract  was  so  called  during  Moslem  rule  in  India. 

*  Humayun  captured  Gaur,  about  July  1538.  Humayun  stayed  at  Gaur 
for  three  months,  that  is,  till  September  1538  A.C,  and  named  the  place 
Jinnatabad.     (See  Badaoni,  p.  349,  Vol.  I). 

6  This  importaut  fort  in  South  Behar  was  captured  by  Sher  Shah  in  945 
A.H.  or  about  September  1538  A.C.  by  an  ingenious  stratagem.  (See  Badaoni, 
p.  349,  Vol.  I).  Sher  Khan  induced  the  Rajah  of  Rohtas  to  give  shelter  to 
his  family  in  the  Fort,  and  then  sent  in  there  two  thousand  armed  Afghans 
in  mahfas  or  palanquins;  these  latter  killed  the  Rajah  and  his  soldiers, 
aud  easily  captured  the  Fort  for  Sher  Shah. 

8  In  Firishta  occurs  the  following :  "  At  this  time  news  was  received  that 
Mirza  Hindal  had  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion  in  Agrah  and  Mewat,  had 
eaused  the  Khutba  to  be  recited  after  his  own  name,  and  had  killed  Shaikh 
Bahlol"  (Vol.  I,  p.  423,Pers.  text).  Delhi  mentioned  here  therefore  appears 
to  be  a  mistake  for  Agra,  as  appears  also  from  the  text  which  follows.  (See 
Badaoni,  p.  350,  Vol.  I). 


143 

news  .from  Delhi,  appointed  Jahangir  Quli  Beg1  Governor  of 
Bengal,  ^and  leaving  Ibrahim  Beg,  who  was  one  of  the  priucipal 
Omra,  with  five  thousand  select  cavalry  in  the  former's  company, 
himself  swiftly  marched  back  towards  Agra.  This  happened 
in  946  A.H. 


-o- 


THE  ACCESSION  OF  SHER  SHAH  2  TO  THE  THRONE, 
IN  THE  CITY  OF  GAUR. 

When  Emperor  Humayun  in  the  year  946  A.H.  withdrew 
towards  Agra,  Sher  Khan,  apprised  of  the  unprepai  edness  of  the 
Imperial  army  and  of  the  rebellion  of  Mirza  Hindal,  set  out  from 
the  fort  of  Rohtas  with  a  large  army.  And  at  the  time,  when 
the  Imperial  camp  arrived  at  Chausa,  capturing  the  high  way, 
for  three  months  Sher  Khan  bivouacked  facing  it,3  and  caused 
as  much  harassment  as  he  could.  At  length,  by  way  of  treachery 
and  stratagem,  sending  to  the  Emperor  Shaikh  Khalil,  the 
well-known  saint   who  was  his   spiritual  guide,  Sher  Khan  nought 

1  In  Badaoni  (p.  350,  Vol.  I).  "  JahangTr  Beg  Mughal." 
8  His  regal  style  was  Faridu-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Sher  Shah.  He  reigned 
from  944  to  952  A.H  or  1538  to  1545  \.C.  He  lies  buried  at  Sahasram  (Sasseram) 
in  Behar.  His  first  Governor  of  Bengal,  Khizr  Khan,  who  married  a  daughter 
of  MahmQd  Shah  III,  king  of  Bengal,  was  replaced  by  Qazi  Fazilat,  of  Agra. 
Those  who  care  to  know  the  life  and  career  of  this  remarkable  Sovereign, 
will  find  a  full  account  in  Badaoni  (Vol.  I,  pp.  356  to  374).  A  man  of  learning 
and  wonderful  resources,  a  dashing  soldier,  a  general  of  high  order  (always 
ready  to  avail  himself  of  all  stratagems  and  tactics  in  war),  a  politician  of 
keen  diplomacy,  when  he  mounted  the  throne,  he  exhibited  the  highest 
qualities  of  a  statesman  and  a  beneficent  sovereign.  Moderate  and  scientific  in 
his  revenue-assessments,  liberal  in  his  gifts,  Jageers  and  benefactions,  generous 
in  supporting  learning  and  the  learned,  wise  in  his  sarmy -reforms  (copied 
subsequently  by  Akbar)  munificent  in  laying  down  trunk  roads,  planting  trees, 
sinking  wells,  establishing  caravanserais,  building  Mosques,  Madrasahs  and 
Khanqahs,  and  erecting  bridges,  few  Indo-Moslem  Kings  come  up  to  his 
level.  He  administered  justice  bo  vigorously  that  he  impressed  his  perso- 
nality on  all,  and  established  thorough  peace,  so  that,  says  Badaoni  (p.  363, 
Vol.  I),  no  dacoit  or  robber  would  dare  to  touch  a  gold  plate,  though  it 
might  be  left  on  the   road   by  an  old  woman,  during  her  sleep. 

3  Sher  Khan  had  encamped  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  between 
Chausa  and  Baksar.  The  river  here  is  called  Thora  Nadi.  The  battle  of 
Chausa  was  fought  on  9th  Safar  946  A.-H.  or  26th  June,  1539  A.C.  (See 
Badaoni,  pp.  351  and  352,  Vol.  I). 


144 

for  peace.  The  Emperor,  owiug  to  the  exigencies  of  the  times, 
accepted  his  overtures,1  and  it  was  agreed  that  Bengal  and  the 
fort  of  Rohtas  would  continue  in  the  possession  of  Sher  Elan, 
and  that  the  latter  would  put  forth  no  further  pretensions,  but 
that  the  Imperial  coin  and  Khutba  would  be  in  force  in  those 
provinces.  Sher  Khan,  taking  his  oath  on  the  holy  Qoran, 
accepted  these  terms  ;  and  the  Imperial  army  were  re-assured 
by  this  oath.  But  Sher  Khan,  on  the  following  day,  with  an 
efficient  and  well-equipped  Afghan  force,  taking  the  Imperial 
army  by  surprise,  did  not  allow  it  time  to  rally  into  ranks,  and 
after  fighting  became  victorious,  and  closed  the  ferries  where 
boats  were  moored.  Owing  to  this  cause,  the  king  as  well  as  the 
beggar,  the  high  as  well  as  the  low,  became  dispirited  and 
straitened,  and  being  hardpressed  by  the  Afghans,  plunged  pell- 
mell  into  the  river  Ganges,  so  that  besides  the  Hindustanis, 
nearly  twenty  thousand  Mu glials  got  drowned.  The  Emperor 
also,  plunging  into  the  river,  with  the  help  of  a  water-carrier, 
ith  great  difficulty  crossed  over  to  the  bank  of  safety,  and  with 
a  small  number  of  followers,  the  cup  of  whose  lives  was  not  yet 
full  to  the  brim,  set  out  for  Agra.  Sher  Khan,  after  gaining  this 
strange  victory,  returned  to  Bengal,  fought  repeatedly  with  Jahan- 
gir  Quli  Beg,  and  at,  length  by  way  of  deception  aud  treachery, 
invited  him  to  his  presence,  and  slew  him  and  his  retinue.  And 
putting  to  the  sword  the  remainder  of  the  Imperial  army  who 
were  at  other  places,  he  introduced  the  Khutba  and  the  coin  after 
his  own  name,  and  brought  the  provinces  of  Bengal  aud  Behar 
absolutely  under  his  domination.  And  from  that  time  he  assumed 
the  title  of   Sher   Shah,8  and  that  year  devoting  himself  to  the 

1  Rather  the  evertnres  for  peace  were  made  by  Humaynn,  who  sent 
Malla  Muhammad  Agiz  for  the  purpose  to  Sher  Khan,  who  was  then  at 
Chausa.  At  the  time,  Sher  Khan  with  his  sleeves  stuck  up  and  with  a  spade 
in  hand,  in  grilling  weather,  was  digging  a  trench,  and  fortifying  the  place 
On  seeing  the  Mullaf  he  sat  down  on  the  bare  ground,  and  in  reply  to  the 
Mulla  said :  "  Tell  this  one  word  on  my  behalf  to  the  Emperor,  that  he 
seeks  war,  and  not  his  soldiers,  whilst  I  do  not  seek  war,  but  my  soldiers  do." 
Sher  Shah  then  sent  to  the  Emperor  his  spiritual  guide  Shaikh  Khalil,  a  des- 
cendant of  Shaikh  Farid  Ganj  Shakar.    (See  Badaoni,  pp.  350  and  351,  Vol.  I). 

*  After  defeating  Humaynn  at  Chausa  on  26th  June,  1539  A.C.  (9th 
Safar,  946  A.H.)  Sher  Khan  marched  to  Gaur,  slew  Hnmayun's  Governor, 
Jahangir  Quli  Beg,  and  assumed  the  same  year  at  Gaur  the  royal  title  of 
Faridu-d-din  Abul   Muzaffar  Sher  Shah,  and  struck  coins.     Sher  Shah  stayed 


U5 

settlement-  of  his  kingdom,  attained  great  power  and  pomp.  At 
the  ena  of  the  year,  leaving  Khizr  Khan  to  rule  over  Bengal,  he 
himself  started  for  Agra.  And  from  that  side,  Humayun's  force, 
despite  the  fraternal  dissensions,  consisting  of  one  hundred 
thousand  soldiers,  marched  forward  to  encounter  him.  And  in 
the  year  947  A.H.1  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  month  of  Muharram, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Qanauj,  on  the  bank's  of  the  river 
Ganges,  the  contending  hosts  faced  each  otlnar.  And  whilst  the 
Mughal  forces  were  preparing  to  encamp  at  this  stage,  nearly 
fifty  thousand  Afghan  cavalry  dashed  up.  The  Imperial  army, 
without  fighting,  was  routed,  and  Sher  SJjah  chasing  it  up  to  the 
river,  marched  forward  to  Agra. 

RULE  OF  KHIZR  KHAN  AT  GAUR. 

When  Khizr  Khan  was  appointed  Governor  of  Bengal  on 
behalf  of  Sher  Shah,  he  married  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  kings 
of  Bengal,3  and  in  his  mode  of  living,  and  in  his  paraphernalia 
of  comforts  and  luxuries,  observed  the  kingly  mode.  And  when 
Sher  Shah  at  Agra  came  to  know  about  this,  exercising  fore- 
sight, he  deemed  it  proper  to  adopt  remedial  measures  against 
the  disease  before  it  shewed  itself,  and  swiftly  marched  to  Bengal. 
And  when  Khizr  Khan  went  forward  to  receive  him,  Sher  Shah 
imprisoning  him,  divided  the  province  of  Bengal  amongst  several 
tribal  chiefs,  and  appointed  Qazi  Fazilat,  who  was  one  of  the 
learned  scholars  of  Agra,  and  who  was  distinguished  for  his  vir- 
tues, honesty  and  trustworthiness,  to  be  the  over-lord,  and 
entrusting  to  his  hands  the  power  of  making  peace  and  war  in  the 
country,  he  himself  returned  to  Agra.s 

till  end  of  December  1539  A.C.  at  Gaur,  and  then  leaving  Khizr  Khan  as  his 
Governor  of  Bengal,  he  marched  towards  Agra.  {Badaoni,  pp.  352  and  364 
Vol.  I). 

1  Corresponding  to  the  year  1540  A.C.  •  See  description  of  battle  of 
Qananj  in  Badaoni,  p.  354,  Vol.  I. 

2  He  married  a  daughter  of  Mahmud  Shah  IIT,  the  late  king  of  Bengal, 
and  gave  himself  royal  airs,  in  consequence  of  which  Sher  Shah  promptly 
removed  him,  and  appointed  Qazi  Fazilat  as  Governor  of  Bengal  in  his  place. 
(See  Badaoni,  p.  365,  Vol.  I). 

3  In  948  A.H.  Khizr  Khan  was  deposed  at  Gaur  by  Sher  Shah.  Sher 
§hah  had  political    insight   of  a   high   order.     The   administrative   arrange- 

19 


146 


ACCOUNT  OF  THE  OVER-LOUD  SHIP  OF  MUHAMMAD 
KHAN  SUR  IN  BENGAL.  < 

When  in  the  year  952  A.H.,  Sher  Shah,  in  capturing  the  fort 
of  Kalinjar,1  by  the  will  of  Providence,  was  accidentally  burnt 
by  the  explosion  of  the  gunpowder  of  a  mine  that  had  been  laid 
underneath  tne  rampart,  and  his  younger  son,  named  Jallal 
Khan,  ascended  the  throne  of  Delhi  and  assumed  the  title  of 
Islam  Shah,2  popularly  known  as  Salim  Shah,  Muhammad 
Khan  Sur,  who  was  one  of  the  principal  Omra  and  a  connexion  of 
Salim  Shah,  and  who  was  renowned  for  his  justice  and  equity  and 
courteous  deportment,  was  appointed  Governor  of  Bengal.  And  for 
someyears  until  the  end  of  Salim  Shah's  reign  he  continued  so,  after 
which  he  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion,  and  turned  towards  the 

ments  that  he  introduced  at  this  time  in  Bengal,  viz.,  of  placing  different 
tribal  chiefs  to  rule  over  different  territorial  divisions  wonld  indicate  that  he 
was  fully  alive  to  the  policy  "  Divide  and  rule."  His  installation  of  QazI 
Fazilat,  a  scholar  of  Agra,  in  a  position  of  over-lordship  over  these  tribal 
chiefs,  further  indicates  that  he  set  a  high  value  on  learning.  Sher  Shah  died 
ou  12th  Rabi  I,  952  A.H.  (3rd  June,  1545) ;  he  lies  buried  at  Sahsram,  in  South 
Behar,  See  Tarikh-i-SJier  Shahi  for  an  interesting  account  of  Sher  Shah's 
career,  and  also  Badaoni,  p.  365,  Vol.  I,  Firishta  and  Akbarnamah. 

Sher  S_hah  was  the  £rst  ruler  who  from  a  king  of  Bengal,  became  the 
Emperor  of  all  India.  His  triumph  was  a  triumph  for  Bengal,  whose  prosperity 
and  welfare  continued  to  receive  his  special  attention,  even  after  he  became 
Emperor  of  India.  Mughal  historians  generally  (no  doubt  from  their  delicate 
position)  have  failed  to  appraise  Sher  Shah's  qualities  as  a  statesman  and  as 
a  soldier  at  their  proper  worth.  His  reign  was  fruitful  of  military,  fiscal' 
agricultural,  economic,  currency  and  revenue  reforms  in  Bengal,  and  also  of 
many  public  works  of  utility,  such  as  roads,  rest-houses,  bridges,  fortifications, 
Khanqas,  colleges  and  wells,  &c. 

1  "  Kalinjar  is  a  stone  fortress  in  Subah  Allahabad,  upon  heaven-reaching 
hill." — Ain.  During  its  siege  in  1545  A.C.,  a  shell  rebounded  from  the  walls 
into  the  battery  where  Sher  Shah  stood,  aud  set  fire  to  the  gun-powder.  He 
was  severely  burnt,  ^nd  died  next  day.  (Jarrett's  Tr.,  Ain.,  Vol.  II,  p.  1604). 
Ain  simply  says  "  he  fell  at .  the  powder  magazine  when  the  fire  opened  in 
the  fort."     (See  Badaoni,  p.  372,  Vol.  I). 

2  Jallal  Khan  assumed  the  royal  title  of  Jallalu-d-dm  Abul  Muzaffar 
Islam  Shah  in  1545  A.C.  (or  952  A.H.)  He  reigned  from  1545  to  1553  A.C. 
He  appointed  his  relative  Muhammad  Khan  Sur  as  his  Governor  of  Bengal 
removing  Qazi  Fazilat.  Islam  Shah  lies  buried  at  Sassaram.  He  drew  up  a 
comprehensive  Procedure  Code,  and  followed  the  enlightened  and  statesman- 
like policy  of  his  illustrious  father.     See  Badaoni,  Vol.  I,  p.  374. 


U7 

conquest  of  Chunar,  Jaunpur l  and  Kalpl.2  Muhammad  Shah 
'Adli,3  taking  in  his  company  Hemu4  the  grocer,  who  was  one  of 
his  leading  Omra,  with  a  large  army,  proceeded  to  encounter 
Muhammad  Khan,  and  in  the  village  of  Chaparghatha,  which  is 
fifteen  Jcro  distant  from  Kalpi,  between  the  two  armies,  a  san- 
guinary engagement  took  place.6  Many  persons  on  both  sides 
were  killed,  and  Muhammad  Khan,  too,  was  killed.  The  grandees 
who  escaped  from  the  sword  fled,  and  rallied,  together  at  Jhosi,6 
and   installed   in   power   Muhammad  Khan's    son,    named  Khizr 


1  "  Jaunpur  is  a  large  city.  Sultan  Firnz  Tughlak  laid  its  foundation  and 
named  it  after  his  cousin  Fakhru-d-din  Jnnai." — Ain. 

8  Kalpi  is  mentioned  in  the  Ain  und.er  Subah  Agra'(Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II, 
p.  184). 

s  Mubariz  Khan  killed  Piruz  Khan,  son  of  Islam  Shah,  and  assumed  (in  960 
A.H.  or  1553  A.C.)  the  title  of  Muhammad  Shah  'Adil.  Owing  to  this  un- 
warranted assassination,  popularly  he  was  known  as  'Adil  Shah  or  simply  as 
"  Andhali  "  which  means  "the  blind"  in  Hindustani. 

In  Firishta  and  Stewart,  it  is  stated  that  Muhammad  Khan  Sur  ruled 
over  Bengal  and  North  Behar  wisely  and  beneficently  till  the  close  of  the 
reign  of  Salim  Shah  ;  but  when  in  960  A.H.  Muhammad  'Adili  who  was 
addicted  to  debauchery  and  pleasures,  mounted  the  throne,  after  slaying 
Piruz  Khan,  Muhammad  Khan  refused  to  pay  him  homage,  viewing  him  as 
the  assassin  of  his  late  master's  son.  ' 

Muhammad  Khan  Sur  was  appointed  in  952  A.H.  (1545  A.C.)  Governor 
of  Bengal  and  North  Behar  by  Islam  Shah,  who  had  deposed  Qazi  Fazilat, 
the  nominee  of  S_her  Shah.  Islam  Shah  at  the  same  time  confirmed  Miyan 
Sulaiman  Karrarani  to  continue  as  Governor  of  South  Behar. 

*  Hemu  the  grocer  was  made  a  Superintendent  of  the  Markets  by  Salim 
Shah,  and  raised  to  the  office  of  Administrator-General  of  the  Empire  by 
Muhammad  Shah  'Adil.  He  was  defeated  by  Akbar's  General,  Bairam  Khan, 
in  1556  A.C.  at  Panipat. 

6  Muhammad  Khan  Sur,  Islam  Shah's  Governor  of  Bengal,  refused  to 
acknowledge  Muhammad  'Adli  Shah,  and  himself  assutned  the  royal  title  of 
Shamsu-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Muhammad  Shah,  and  invaded  Jaunpur  and 
Kalpi.  The  battle  of  Chapparghatta  was  fought  between  the  two  in  962  A.H. 
(1555  A.C.)  Chapparghatta  is  east  of  Kalpi,  on  the  Jamiina  river.  He 
ruled  as  Islam  Shah's  Governor  of  Bengal  from  952  to  960  A.H.  and  reigned 
as  king  of  Bengal  from  960  A.H.  to  962  A.H.,  that  is  from  1553  to 
1555  A.C.     (See  Badaoni,  p.  432,  Vol.  I). 

8  Jhosi  is  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Ganges,  opposite  to  Allahabad ;  there 
Khizr  Khan,  son  of  Muhammad  Shah,  who  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Chappar- 
ghatta, celebrated  his  julus,  and  assumed  the  royal  title  of  Bahadur  Shah  in 
962  A.H.  (1555  A.C.)     (See  Badaoni,  p.  433,  V^ol.  I). 


Ub 


Khan.  Bahadur  Shah  (that  is,  Khizr  Khan),  to  avenge  the 
death  of  his  father,  set  about  collecting  his  forces,  subdued  many 
of  the  eastern  provinces,  and  invaded  Bengal. 


RULE  OF  KHIZR  KHAN,  STYLED  BAHADUR  gHAH.i 

When  Bahadur  Shah,  with  an  efficient  army,  invaded  Bengal, 
Shahbaz  Khan,  who,  on  behalf  of  Muhammad  Shah  'Adli,  was  at 
that  time  Governor  of  Gaur,  advanced  to  fight.  The  grandees  of 
Shahbaz  Khan,  seeing  the  overwhelming  force  of  Bahadur  Shah, 
deserted  to  the  lattsr.  SJiahbaz  Khan,  with  the  remnant  of  the 
soldiery  who  held  on  to  him,  resolved  to  fight,  and  was  slain  on 
the  battle-field. 

The  man  whom    Fortune  favours, 
Who  has  power  to  vanquish  ? 

Bahadur  Shah,  triumphant  and  victorious,  captured  the  City 
of  Gaur,  and  introduced  the  coin  and  Kbutba  in  his  own  name. 
After  this,  he  drew  his  forces  against  Muhammad  Shah  'Adli, 
and  a  great  battle  was  fought  at  a  point  between  Surajgadha 
and  Jahangirah.2     Muhammad  Shah,  receiving  mortal  wounds  on 

1  Bahadur  Shah  or  Khizr  Khan,  son  of  Muhammad  Khan  Sur  alias 
Shamsu-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Mohammad  Shah,  was  installed  in  power  at 
JhosI,  where  Muhammad  Shah's  defeated  grandees  and  officers  rallied  after 
the  battle  of  Chapparghatta.  He  reigned  over  Bengal  as  king  from  962  to  968 
A.H.  (or  1555  to  1561  A.C.)  Badaoni  calls  him  Muhammad  Bahadur.  The 
most  important  event  of  his  reign  was  his  war  with  'Adli  Shah,  whom  he 
defeated  at  the  decisive  battle  of  Surajgarha  in  Monghyr  district,  in  964  A.H. 
At  this  battle,  Sulatman  Kararani  who  held  South  Behar  from  Sher  Shah's 
reign  assisted  Bahadur  Shah.  (See  Tarikh-i-DaudI  and  Badaoni,  pp.  433-434, 
Vol.  I). 

Bahadur  Shah  was  king  of  Bengal  and  North  Behar  from  962  to  968 
A.H.  (that  is  1555  to  1561  A.C.)  During  this  period,  South  Behar  continued 
under  its  old  Governor,  MIyan  Sulaiman  Kararani. 

It  may  be  noted  here  that  Bahadur  Shah  was  a  contemporary  of  Emperor 
Akbar  who  ancended  the  Imperial  throne  in  963  A.H.  (or  1556  A.C.) 

2  Jahangirah  village  is  close  to  Jamalpur  railway  station,  in  Monghyr 
district.  Surajgadha  or  Surajgarha  is  a  town  close  to  Maulanagar,  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  Ganges,  in  Monghyr  district. 


J  49 

the  battle-field,1  was  killed.  And  this  Muhammad  Shah  alias 
Mubariz  Khan,  was  a  son  of  Nizam  Khan  Sur,  who  was  a  nephew 
of  Sher  Shah,  and  a  cousin  and  brother-in-law  of  Salim  Shah.  After 
the  death  of  Salim  Shah,  on  the  third  day,  slaying  the  former's 
son,  named  Firuz  Shah,  who  was  his  nephew,  Muhammad  Shah 
mounted  the  throne  of  Delhi,  and  assumed  the  title  of  Muhammad 
Shah  'Adli.2  As  the  latter  had  no  capacity  for  Government,  the 
Afghans  nick-named  him  '  Adli,'  and  by  a  sljght  change  of  pro- 
nunciation, they  called  him  '  Andli.'  And  '  Andli,'  m  the  Hindus- 
tani language,  means  "  the  blind."  After  this,  Bahadur  Shah, 
reigning  over  Bengal  for  six  years,  died. 


REIGN  OF  JALLALIT-D-BlN,  SON  OF  MUHAMMAD  KHAN. 

After  Bahadur  Shah's  death,  his  brother  Jallalu-d-din  3  as- 
cended the  throne,  and  after  five  years'  reign,  in  the  City  of 
Gaur,  died. 


REIGN  OF  JALLALU-D-DlN'S  SON. 

After  Jallalu-d-din's  death,  his  son,  whose  name  is  unknown, 
ascending  the  throne,  struck   up  the  drum  of  brief  authority,  and 

1  At  this  battle  in  964  A.H.  (1557  A.C.)  Bahadur  Shah  was  assisted  by 
Sulaiman  Kararani.  According  to  Tarikh-i-DaudT,  the  decisive  b;ittle  was 
fought  at  the"  stream  of  Surajgarh,  near  Monghyr  "  (which  is  the  Keoi  Nadi). 
Professor  Blochmann  locates  the  battle-field  at  Fathpnr  village,  4  miles  west 
of  Surajgarh  and  the  Keol  nadi.  Tarikh-i-Daudi  inaccurately  places  Suraj- 
garha  one  kos,  more  or  less,  from  Monghyr. 

2  See  Badaoni,  p.  384,  Vol.  I. 

3  His  royal  title  was  Ghiasu-d-dln  Abul  Muzaffar  Jallal  Shah.  He 
reigned  over  Bengal  and  North  Behar  from  968  to  971  1. H.  (or  1561  A.C.  to 
1564  A.C.)  During  this  period,  Sulaiman  Kararani  continued  as  semi- 
independent  Governor  of  South  Behar,  whilst  Hajipuf  which  had  risen  in 
importance  from  the  time  of  Nasrat  Shah  continued  to  be  the  head-quarters 
fo  the  Bengal  Governor  of  North  Behar.  Patna  became  the  seat  of  Behar 
Governors  from  the  time  of  Emperor  Akbar.  Sher  Shah  had  built  the  Fort 
of  Patna  (see  Bloch.  Contr.  J.A.S.  for  1875,  p.  302).  Jallal  Shah  died  at 
Gaur  in  971  A.H.  With  Jallal  Sh  ah  aud  his  son,  ended  the  Sur  dynasty  in 
Bengal.  Badaoni  (p.  430,  Vol.  I)  states  "  that  Mubammad  Khan  Sur,  ruler 
of  Bengal,  assumed  the  title  of  Sultan  Jallalu-d-din,  and  extended  the  Bengal 
Kingdom  up  to  Jaunpar." 


150 

as  yet  more  than  seven  months  and  nine  days  had  not  ^lapsed, 
when  Ghiasu-d-din,  slaying  him,  usurped  the  reinr.  of  the 
sovereignty  of  Bengal. 

REIGN  OF  GHLSSU-D-DIN. 

When  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  drew  to  his  lap  the  bride  of  the 
kingdom  of  Bengal,  as  yet  he  had  not  more  than  one  year  and 
eleven  days  rested  on  the  bed  of  ease,  when  Taj  Khan  Krani  l 
gathering  strength,  slew  him,  and  by  means  of  the  sharp  sword 
conquered  the  kingdom. 

o 

REIGN  OP  TAJ  KHAN  KRANL 

Taj  Khan  Krani  was  one  of  the  grandees  of  Salim  Shah,  and 
Governor  of  Sambhal.2  At  the  time  of  the  decline  of  Muhammad 
Shah  'Adli,  escaping  from  Gwalior,  he  set  out  for  Bengal. 
Muhammad  Shah  'Adli  detached  a  large  army  in  pursuit 
of  him.  In  the  environs  of  Chaprampur,  which  is  forty  kro 
distant  from  Akharabad  and  thirty  kro  distant  from  Qanauj, 
the  two  forces  encountering  each  other,  a  battle  was  fought, 
■when  Taj  Khan  being  routed, ,  retired  towai'ds  Chunar.  On 
the  way,  winning  over  certain  Revenue  Collectors  of  the 
Crown-lands  of  Muhammad  Shah  'Adli,  he  levied  from  them  in 
the  shape  of  cash  and  goods  whatever  he  could,  and  taking  one 
halqah  of  elephants — a  halqah  consisting  of  100  elephants — from 
the  pargannahs,  united  with  his  brothers,  'Ahmad  Khan  and 
Ilyas  Khan,  who  were  Governors  of  certain  districts  alongside  the 

1  Sulaiman  Khan  Karani,  Governor  of  South  Behar  in  971  A.H.  (1564 
A.C.)  sent  his  elder  brother  Taj  Khan  Kararani,  to  Gaur,  to  put  down  the 
usurper,  Ghiasu-d-din.  Taj  Khan  killed  the  usurper,  and  established  himself 
at  Gaur,  in  971,  and  from  971  to  972  A.H.  (1564  to  1565  A.C.)  ruled  as 
Governor  of  Bengal,*on  behalf  of  his  brother  Sulaiman  Kararani  (J.A.S.  for 
1875,  p.  295,  and  Badaoni,  pp.  409,  420  and  421,  Vol.  I).  Badaoni  describes 
Taj  Khan  as  one  of  the  most  learned  scholars  of  his  time.  He  died  in  972 
A.H. 

2  Sarkar  Sambhal  under  the  Subah  of  Delhi  is  mentioned  in  the  Ain 
(Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II,  p.  104). 

The  Ain  further  states  :  "In  the  city  of  Sambhal  is  a  temple  called  Hari 
Mandal  (the  temple  of  Vishnu)  belonging  to  a  Brahman,  from  whose  descen- 
dants the  tenth  avatar  will  appear  in  this  spot"  (Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II,  p.  281). 


151 

banks^f  the  Ganges,  and  of  Khwaspur  Tandah,  and  raised  the 
standar<\of  rebellion.  When  Muhammad  Shah  'Adli  marched 
from  Gwalior  with  his  army  against  the  Karanians,  and  on  the 
bank  of  the  Ganges,  the  two  armies  encountered  each  other, 
Hemu1  the  grocer,  who  was  the  generalissimo  of  Muhammad 
Shah  'Adli's  army,  taking  with  him  one  halqah  of  elephants,  and 
crossing  the  river,  and  fighting,  became  victorious.  And  when 
Ibrahim  Khan    Sur,8  who  was   'Adli's  sister's  husband,  escaping 

■s 

and  capturing  Delhi  raised  troubles,  Muhammad  Snah  'Adli  was 
compelled  to  leave  the  Karanians,  and  to  march  back  towards 
Delhi.  And  the  Karanians  thus  became  independent.  And,  as 
has  been  related,  when  Taj  Khan  reduced  to  his  subjection  the 
City  of  Gaur,  after  nearly  nine  years  ruling  over  it,  and  conquer- 
ing the  kingdom  of  Bengal,  like  others,  he  died. 


REIGN  OF  SULAIMAN  KARANI.s 

In  the  beginning  of  his  career,    Sulaiman   Karani  was  one  of 
the  grandees  of    Sher    Shah.     Sher   Shah  appointed    him  Gover- 

1  Though  a  grocer  or  baqdl,  Hemu  rose  to  the  officer  of  Vizier  and  gene- 
ralissimo under  Muhammad  Shah  Adli,  and  exhibited  great  personal  courage 
at  the  battle  of  Panipat  fought  in  964  A.H.  between  him  and  Akbar.  He 
assumed  the  title  of  Rajah  Bikrammadit  at  Delhi.  He  ill-treated  the 
Afghans,  who  at  heart  despised  him,  and  who,  therefore,  for  the  most  part 
threw  in  their  lot  with  Akbar.     (See  Badaoni,  Vol.  II,  pp.  13  to  16). 

2  See  Badaoni,  Vol.  I,  pp.  422  to  428.  During  the  chaos  which  arose 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  feeble  reign  of  Muhammad  Shah  Adli,  it  was 
arranged  between  Ibrahim  and  Sikandar  alias  Ahmad  Khan,  that  the  former 
would  rule  over  the  Eastern  Empire  from  Delhi  to  the  easternmost  portions 
of  India,  whilst  the  latter  would  be  master  of  the  Panjab,  Multan  and  other 
western  tracts. 

3  According  to  the  Akbarnamah,  Badaoni  and  the  Tabaqat-i-Akbari,  he 
died  in  980  A.H.  and  reigned  in  Bengal  from  971  to  980  A.H. ,  or  1563  to 
1572  A.C.  He  is  sometimes  called  Kararani  and  sometimes  Karani  and  also 
Krani.  It  is  related  of  him  that  he  held  every  morning  a  devotional  meeting, 
in  company  with  150  Shaikhs  and  'Ulamas,  after  which  he  used  to  transact 
business  during  fixed  hours,  (See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Am,  p.  171,  and  Badaoni,  Vol.  IL 
pp.  76,  173,  174  and  200),  and  that  this  practice  influenced  Akbar's  conduct. 
His  conquest  of  Orissa  (in  975  A.H.  or  1567  A.C.)  mainly  through  the 
efforts  of  his  distinguished  general,  Kalaphar,  is  detailed  in  a  following 
section  in  the  text,  and  also  in    Firishta,    Akbarnamah,    and  Tarikh-i-Daudi. 


152 

ttor  of  the  Subah  of  Beliar,  which  he  continued  to  hole]  in  the 
reign  of  Salira  Shah.  When  Salim  Shah  passed  to  the  regions 
of  eternity,  in  Hindustan,  tribal  chiefs  established  themselves, 
and  in  every  head  the  ambition  of  sovereignty,  and  in  every 
heart  the  aspiration  of  suzerainty,  arose.  Sulaiman  Khan,  after 
the  death  of  his  brother,  Taj  Khan,  established  himself  with  full 
independence  as  king  of  Bengal  and  Behar,  and  abandoning  the 
City  of  Gaur,  owing  to  the  inclemency  of  its  climate,  established 
himself  in  the  town  of  Tandah.1  And  in  the  year  975  A.H.,  he 
conquered  the  country  of  Orissa,  and  placing  it  under  a  permanent 
Governor  with  a  large  army,  he  himself  set  out  for  the  conquest 
of  the  country  of  Kuch  Behar.  He  subjugated  its  environs  and 
outlying  parts,  and  whilst  he  was  besieging  its  capital,  he  got 
news  that  the  insurgents  in  Orissa  had  again  raised  the  standard 
of  insurrection.  Thus,  of  necessity,  he  abandoned  the  siege  of 
Kuch  Behar  town,2  and  returned  to  Tandah,  which  was  his 
Capital.  And  for  some  time,  in  a  similar  manner,  there  was 
commotion  all  over  Hindustan.  And  when  Emperor  Humayun 
returned  to  Hindustan  from  Persia,  Sulaiman  Khan,  exercising 
foresight,     sent   a    letter   embodying    sentiments  of   loyalty   and 

His  principal  nobleman  and  officer,  Khan  Jahan  Lodi,  held  a  conference  with 
Akbar's  general,  Munim'  Khan-i-Khaiia'n,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Patna.  and 
it  was  arranged  to  recite  the  Khutba  and  strike  coins  in  Bengal  after  Akbar's 
name  (see  p.  427,  Bloch.  Tran.,  Am,  and  Badaoni,  p.  174).  lu  972  A.H., 
Sulaiman  removed  his  capital  from  Gaur  to  Tandah.  Akbar  sent  an  embassy 
to  him  (Badaoni,  p.  76,  Vol.  II). 

1  Tandah  was  on  the  west  side  of    the  Ganges,  nearly  opposite  to  Gaur. 
In  972  A.H.  (1564  A.C.)  Sulaiman  Kararani,  the  Afghan  king   of   Bengal, 

abandoned  Gaur  on  account  of  its  bad  climate,  and  shifted  the  capital  westward 
to  Tandah,  which  was  also  called  Khwaspur  Tandah.  In  983  A.H.  (1575  A.C.) 
Munim  Khan-i-Khanan,  Akbar's  Sipasular,  re»occupied  Gaur,  where  a  pestilence 
soon  broke  out,  an\I  he  as  well  as  many  Mughal  officers  and  soldiers  died. 
(See  Badaoni,  pp.  216  and  "217,  Vol.  II).  About  1242  A.H.  (1826  A.C.)  Tandah 
was  destroyed  by  floods,  and  disappeared  into  the  river.  Now-a-days  it  lies 
as  a  heap  of  dust  about  a  mile  from  Lakhlpur.  (See  Beveridge's  Analysis  of 
Khurshid  Jahan  Numa,   J.A.S.,  1895,  p.  215). 

2  Taking  advantage  of  the  dissensions  between  the  Afghans  under  S_her 
Shah  and  the  Mughals  under  Emperor  Humayun,  Kuch  Behar  which  had 
previously  been  subdued  by  Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah,  king  of  Bengal,  and 
partially  re-conquered  by  Sulaiman  Kararani  rose  into  semi-independence  in 
944  A.H.  under  Bisa,  and  became  independent  under  Rajas  Nara  Narayan 
(962  A.H.)  and  Bal  Gosain  (980  A.H.)     Subsequently  it  was  reconquered. 


.153 

friendship,  together  with  presents.  From  the  other  side  also, 
owing  t\the  exigencies  of  the  times  which  called  for  the  destruc- 
tion and  extirpation  of  the  descendants  and  adherents  of  Sher 
Shah,  the  presents  and  gifts  were  accepted,  and  a  condescending 
reply  containing  expressions  of  reassurance  and  good-will  was 
sent,  together  with  a  Royal  manifesto,  ratifying  Sulaiman's 
continuance  in  his  office.  After  this,  though  Sulaiman  Khan 
continued  the  Khutba  and  the  coin  after  hi's  own  name  in  the 
kingdom  of  Bengal,1  he  styled  himself  Hazrat  'Ala  (the  Supreme 
Chief),  and  outwardly  showing  submission  to  Jallalu-d-dln  Muham- 
mad Akbar  Badshah,  he  sent  occasionally  presents  and  gifts. 
Nearly  sixteen  years  2  ruling  independently  over  Bengal,  in  the 
year  981  A.H.  he  died.  And  he  was  very  energetic,  industrious, 
and  strict.  In  the  history  of  Firishta,  the  reign  of  Taj  Khan 
is  not  given,  and  the  reign  of  Sulaiman  Khan  is  described  as 
lasting  25  years.  Since  the  brothers,  from  the  beginning,  held 
conjointly  the  rule  of  this  country,  and  Taj  Khan  came  afterwards, 
therefore  the  rule  of  both  has  been  ascribed  to  one.  God  knows 
the  truth  ! 

REIGN  OF  BAYAZlD  KHA»N,8  SON  OF, SULAIMAN  KHAN. 

After  Sulaiman's  death,  his  son  Bayazid  Khan,  assuming  the 
sovereignty,  ascended  the  throne  of  Bengal.  As  yet  more  than  a 
month  had  not  elapsed,  and  according  to  another  account,  one 
year  and  six  months  he  had  ruled,  when  an  Afghan  named  Hanso, 
who  was  a  cousin  and  brother-in-law  of   Bayazid,   attacking  him, 

1  Prom  note  ante,  it  would  appear  that  he  ceased  to  do  so  in  Akbar's 
time. 

2  From  note  ante,  it  would  appear  that  he  ruled  oniy  for  ten  years  over 
Bengal,  whilst  he  held  Behar  from  the  time  of  Sher  Shah. 

3  He  reigned  in  930  A.H.  or  1572  A.O.  (See  extract  from  BadaonI  and  the 
Sawanih  Akbari  regarding  the  death  of  Sulaiman,  accession  and  assassination 
of  his  son  Bayazid,  and  the  installation  of  Bayazid's  brother  Daud,  chiefly 
through  the  efforts  of  Lodi  Khan,  the  premier  nobleman  of  the  Bengal 
kingdom  (J.A.S.  for  1875,  pp.  304-305). 

BadaonI  who  was  a  zealous  Moslem  remarks  that  '  Sulaiman  conquered 
the  town  of  Katak-Benaras,  the  mine  of  unbelief,'  and  made  Jagannah  (Pnri) 
a  dar-ul  Islam,  and  ruled  from  Kamrup  to  Orissa.  Sulaiman's  first  Viceroy  of 
Orissa  (includiug  Katak)  was  Lodi  Khan  alias  Khan  Jahan  Lodi,  and  his  first 
Governor  of  Jagauuath  or  Pari  was  Qutlu  Khan  (see  Badaoni,  p.  174,  Vol.  II). 
20 


154 

filled  him  by  stratagem  in  the  Audience-hall,  and  attemroed  to 
become  Administrator  of  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom.1  Lo/ii  Khan 
who  was  a  principal  and  trusty  officer  of  Sulaiman  Khan,  demur- 
ring, tried  to  kill  him.  According  to  a  tradition,  after  2|  days, 
the  younger  brother,  named  Daud  Khan,  killed  Hanso,  to  avenge 
the  death  of  his  brother.  Either  way,  after  Bayazid,  his  brother, 
Daud  Khan,  succeeded  to  the  throne. 


REIGN  OF  DAUD  KHAN,  SON  OF  SULAIMAN  KHAN. 

When  Daud  Khan 2  ascended  the  throne  of  Bengal,  sub- 
duing completely  all  parts  of  Bengal,  he  introduced  the  Khutba 
and  the  coin  after  his  own  name.  Owing  to  continual  indulgence 
in  wine  and  association  with  low  and  mean  people,  and  because 
of  numerous  troops  and  retinue,  and  plethora  of  equipage,  and 
abundance  of  effects  and  riches,  and  greatness  of  rank  and  dignity 
(in  that  he  had  40,000  well-mounted  cavalry,  and  3,300  elephants, 
and  140,000  infantry,  consisting  of  musketeers,  matchlockmen  and 
rocketeers  and  archers,  and  20,000  pieces  of  ordnance,  most  of 
which  were   battering  guns,   and  many  armed  cruisers,  and  other 

1  It  is  related  in  the  Sawanih  Akbari  and  Badaoni  that  Bayazid  '  in 
his  youthful  folly  read  the  Khutba  in  his  own  name,  neglected  all  forms  of 
courtesy,  and  also  ill-treated  the  chief  nobles  of  his  father  who  consequently 
hated  him.  Hanso,  the  sou  of  his  uncle  Imad  (brother  of  Sulaiman),  who 
was  also  his  brother-in-law,  then  killed  him.  Lodi  Khan  then  killed  Hansor 
installed  Daud.     (See  J.A.S.  for  1875,  pp.  304-305). 

8  Daud  Khan  became  king   of    Bengal,    Behar   and    Orissa   in   980   A.H. 
(1572  A.C.)  and  reigned  from  980  A.H.  to  984  A.H.  (1572  to  1576  A.C.),  under 
the  title  of  Abul  Muzaffer  Daud  Shah.     In  982  A.H.  Akbar  personally  wrested 
Behar  from  him  by  storming  Patna  and  Hajipur  forts,  and  Daud  fled  to  Orissa 
where  the  battle  of  Mughulmari  or  Tukaroi  north  of  Jalisar,  was  fought  in 
1575  A.C.  between  h:im  and  the  Imperialists,  commanded  by  Munim  Khiin-i 
Khanan.     Daud  was   defeated,    and   concluded   the    Peace    of    Katak,   under 
which   Bengal  and  Behar  were  ceded  by  him  to  Akbar,  the  latter    recognising 
Daud's    sovereignty    over    Orissa.     In   983  A.H.  Munim  Khan-i-Khanan  died 
of  malaria  at  Gaur,  with  a  large  part  of  his  army,  and  Daud  Khan,  encouraged 
by  this  circumstance,  invaded  Bengal,  and  on   15th  Rabi   II  948  A.H.  (12th 
July,   1576  A.C),  was  defeated  by  Akbar's  General,  Husain  Quli  Khan  Jahan, 
at   Akmahal   or   Rajmahal,    captured    and  beheaded.      (See   Tarikh-i-Daudi, 
Firishta,  Badaoni   and  Akbarnamah).     With  Daud  Khan's  death    (1576  A.C.) 
the  Kararani  dynasty  ended  in  Bengal. 


155 

implements  of  war,  which  he  had  ready  and  in  store)  he  became 
haught^  and  aiming  at  conquests  caused  troubles  to  the  frontiers 
of  the  Empire  of  Emperor  Akbar.  Although  the  well-wishers  dis- 
suaded him  from  this  policy,  and  gave  him  good  counsel,  he  did  not 
listen.  And  Munim  Khan,1  styled  the  Khan-i-Khanan,  who  was 
Akbar's  Governor  of  Jaunpur,  and  held  a  mansab  of  Panjhazari, 
under  the  order  of  the  Emperor,  turned  towards  the  destruction 
and  extirpation  of  Daud  Khan,  and  sent  in  advance  of  himself  a 
small  body  of  Mughal  officers.  Daud  Khan,  on  hearing  of  this, 
appointed  Lodi  Khan  Afghan,  who  was  his  premier  grandee,  to 
oppose  the  Mughals.  At  Patna,  both  the  armies  encountered 
each  other,  and  for  some  time  were  engaged  in  skirmishes.  At 
length,  both  the  factions  patched,  up  terms,  a'nd  both  the  armies 
withdrew  to  their  respective  Provinces.  But  Emperor  Akbar, 
declining  to  ratify  the  treaty,  appointed  Raja  Todar  Mai 2  (after 

1  He  was  appointed  to  his  jagirs  in  Jaunpur  in  the  12th  year  of  Akbar's 
reign,  when  he  concluded  peace  with  Sulaimin  Kararani,  king  of  Bengal,  who 
promised  to  read  the  Khutba  and  strike  coins  in  Akbar's  name.  Munim  in 
982  A.H.  was  appointed  Governor  of  Behar  (after  Akbar  captured  Hajipur 
and  Patna  from  Daud)  and  ordered  to  follow  Daud  into  Bengal.  Munim 
moved  to  Tandah,  opposite  to  Gaur,  on  the  right  side  of  the  Ganges,  to  settle 
political  matters,  and  left  the  pursuit  to  Mnhammafl  Quli  Khan  Barlas.  The 
latter  followed  Daud  to  Satgaon,  whence  however,  Daud  withdrew  to  Orissa, 
and  Muhammad  Quli  Khan  Barlas  from  Satgaon  invaded  the  district  of  Jasar 
( Jessore),  where  Sarmadi,  a  friend  of  Daud,  had  rebelled,  but  the  Imperialists, 
here  too  met  with  no  success,  and  returned  to  Satgaon.  Muhammad  Quli 
soon  after  died  at  Midnipur,  and  Munim  Khan  with  Todar  Mai  invaded  Orissa, 
defeated  DIud  at  the  battle  of  Mughulmari  or  Tikaroi,  when  the  Peace  of 
Katak  was  concluded,  under  which  Bengal  and  Behar  were  ceded  by  Daud 
to  Akbar.  Munim  died  of  malaria  at  Gaur  in  983  A.H.  The  great  bridge  of 
Jaunpur  was  bnilt  by  him.  It  may  also  be  of  interest  to  note  that  another 
general,  named  Murad  Khan,  under  Munim  Khan-i-Kh*anan,  about  982  A.H. 
invaded  Fathabad  (or  Faridpur),  and  conquered  it  as  well  as  Sarkar  Bogla. 
This  Murad  Khan  died  at  Fathabad  (Faridpur)  in  988  A.H.,  and  Mukund, 
the  zamindar  of  Fathabad  and  Bhosna,  invited  Murad's  sons  to  a  feast  and 
treacherously  murdered  them.  See  Bloch.  Trans.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  318  and 
Badaoni,  pp.  178  and  180. 

2  For  a  biographical  account,  see  Blochmann's  Tr.  of  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I, 
p.  32.  He  was  a  Khetri  by  caste,  and  attained  the  mansab  of  Chahar- 
hazdri  and  also  the  office  of  Akbar's  Naib  Diwan  or  Deputy  Finance  Minister. 
He  was  very  loyal  to  his  sovereign,  and  Akbar  held  a  high  opinion  of  him^ 
The  rent-roll  associated  with  his  name  and  prepared  under  the  direction  of  his 
sovereign,   is   well-known,   and   is   given   in  the  Ain-i-Akbari.     (See   Ain-i- 


156 

raising  hiin  to  the  rank  of  Hazari)  to  the  office  of  Administrator 
of  Bengal,  and  sent  him  in  advance  of  the  Khan-i-Kha/?an,  and 
detached  other  officers  and  soldiers  under  the  command  of  the 
aforesaid  Khan  for  chastising  Daud  Khan,  and  repeated  his  order 
to  the  Khan-i-Khanan  in  regard  to  the  conquest  of  Behar.  Since 
at  that  time,  between  Daud  Khan  and  LodI  Khan,  some  estrange- 
ment had  arisen,  Lodi  Khan,  being  displeased,  opened  with  the 
Khan-i-Khanan  communications  of  conciliation,  and  avowed  to- 
wards Emperor  Akbar  sentiments  of  submission  and  loyalty. 
Another  Afghan  officer,  named  Qutlu  Khan,  who  bore  a  grudge 
against  Lodi  Khan,  shaking  the  chain  of  enmity,  denounced 
LodI  Khan  before  Daud  Khan,  stating  that  Lodi  Khan  had  been 
in  collusion  with  Akbar's  gran.dees,  and  that  covertly  he  was  of 
oue  mind  with  the  latter.  Daud  Khan,  on  being  apprised  of  this, 
writing  a  soothing  letter  to  Lodi  Khan,  and  bringing  him  over  to 
his  side,  had  him  in  his  presence,  and  churlishly  slew  Lodi  Khan, 
who  was  renowned  for  his  soundness  of  views,  sagacity,  bravery 
and  valour.  Daud  Khan  then  himself  with  a  large  army 
marched  towards  the  bank  of  the  river  Sone,  to  encounter  Akbar's 
army.  And  at  the  point  of  the  confluence  of  the  rivers  Sone, 
Sro  and  the  Ganges,  a  great  naval  engagement  took  place. 

The  young  and  the  old  were  tired  out  with  the  battle, 

Owing  to  incessant  shower  of  spears  and  arrows. 

The  hurtle  of  daggers  rose  to  the  skies, 

Hearts  were  pierced,  and  a  torrent  of  blood  set  a-flowing  in 

the  river. 
The  battle-axe  became  inlaid  on  the  helmets  of  the  heroes, 
Like  the  comb  of  fighting  cocks  on  the  head. 

At  length,  the  fortune  of  Akbar  triumphed,  and  the  Afghans 
being  routed,  took  to  flight,  and  retired  to  Patna.  Some  of 
their  war-vessels  'fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mughals.  The 
Khan-i-Khanan  also  following  up  and  crossing  the  river,  marched 
with  the  greatest  expedition  to  Patna,  and  investing  that  fort, 
where  Daud  Khan  had  entrenched   himself,  prepared  to  assault  it. 

Akbari,  Vol.  II,  Jarrett's  Tr.,  p.  88,  and  also  Vol.  I,  pp.  366  and  348 
Blochmann's  Tr.)  It  would  appear  that  this  great  rent-roll  which  has  made 
Totter  iial  so  famous,  was  jointly  prepared  by  him  and  his  Chief,  Muzaffar 
ghan,  Akbar's  Chief  Finance  Minister  or  Diwan.     (See  Badaoni). 


157 

>When  the  signal  to  assault  the  fort  was  given, 
t\jom  both  sides  a  hundred  guns  and  muskets  roared. 
From    the   booming   of    the    thundering   guns,    and   their 

smoke, 
Like  unto  the  sable  cloud  wherein  the  thundering  angel 

dwells, 
From  the  shower  of  cannon-balls,  like  the  hail, 
Gushed  in  amidst  those  armies  a  deluge,  of  destruction. 

When  this  news  reached  Muhammad  Jallalu-d-din  Akbar,  he 
came  to  realize  that  without  his  effort  the  conquest  of  the  fort 
of  Patna  was  impossible.  Therefore,  mustering  up  Imperial 
courage,  he  with  all  his  princes  and  nobles  set  gut  in  one  thousand 
flotilla  of  boats,  placing  over  them,  covers  of  variegated  colours, 
in  the  thick  of  the  rainy  season.  When  the  Emperor  reached 
the  suburbs  of  Patna,  he  got  news  that  'Aesh  Khan  NeazI,  who 
was  one  of  the  faithful  officers  of  Daud  Khan,  sallying  out  of  the 
fort,  had  been  killed  whilst  fighting  with  the  Khan-i-Khanan, 
and  that  the  garrison  of  the  fort  were  contemplating  flight.  The 
Emperor  then  detached  Khan  'Alim  1  wi'th  a  corps  of  3,000  cavalry 
for  storming  the  fort  of  Hajipur ;  and  the  latter  arriving  there, 
wrested  the  fort  from  Fath  Khan,  aud  reduced  it  to  his  own 
possession.  Daud  Khan,  on  hearing  of  thfe  fall  of  the  fort  of 
Hajipur,  deputed  sagacious  envoys  to  the  Emperor  Akbar, 
asking  forgiveness  for  his  misconduct.  The  Emperor  replied 
that  on  his  personal  attendance,  his  crimes  would  be  forgiven ; 
and  in  the  event  of  his  non-attendance,  he  might  choose  one  out 
of  the  following  three  alternatives  :  "  (1)  either  he  might  engage 
singly  in  a  combat  with  me,  (2)  or  he  might  send  one  of  his 
grandees  to  fight  singly  with  one  of  my  grandees,  (3)  or  he  might 
send  one  of  his  war-elephants  to  fight  singly^  with  one  of  my 
elephants ;  whoever  is  triumphant  in  either,  the  country  shall  be 
his."  Daud  Khan,  on  receiving  this  message^  was  frightened, 
and  seeing  no  advantage  in  tarrying  at  Patna,  at  night-fall  slipped 

1  His  name  was  Chalmah  Beg.  He  was  Humayun's  Safarchi  or  table- 
attendant.  Hnmayun  sent  him  with  Mirza  Kamran  to  Mecca,  and  on  the 
latter's  death,  he  returned  to  India,  was  graciously  received  by  Akbar  who 
conferred  on  him  the  title  of  Khan  'Alim.  '  When  Akbar  moved  against  Daud 
Shah  in  Patna,  Kht'in  'Alim  commanded  a  corps,  and  passing  up  the  river  on 
boats  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Gandak,  effected  a  landing.'  (See  Blochmann's 
Tr.  of  Ain,  Vol.  I,  pp.  378-379). 


158 

out  through  the  iron-gate,  and  getting  iuto  a  boat,  and/ieaving 
behind  effects  and  equipage,,  fled  towards  Bengal.  Thf?  forts  of 
Hajipur  and  Patna  were  seized  by  the  Imperialists,  and  the 
Emperor  Akbar  pursued  the  vanquished  Afghan  army  to  a  dis- 
tance of  25  kro,  and  400  war-elephants  of  Daud  Khan,  together  with 
other  equipages,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mughal  heroes.  Who- 
ever (amongst  the  vanquished)  fled,  saved  his  life,  the  rest  were 
put  to  the  sword.  The  Emperor,  leaving  Munim  Khan  to 
subjugate  the  outlying  provinces  and  to  extirpate  Daud  Khan, 
retired  from  Dariapur.1  When  the  Khan-i-Khanan  reached 
Sakrigali,  Daud  Khan  becoming  helpless  fled  to  Orissa.  And  some 
of  the  grandees  of  Akbar,  like  Rajah  Todar  Mai  and  others,  who 
had  taken  the  route2  to  Orissa  in  pursuit  of  him,  were  twice 
vanquished  by  Junaid  Khan,  son  of  Daud  Khan,  Muuim  Khan, 
hearing  of  this,  himself 3  marched  to  Orissa.  Daud  Khan  ad- 
vanced  to  encounter  the  latter ;  when  both  the  forces  approached 
each  other,  they  fell  into  battle-array.41 

1  There  is  a  Dariapur  about  2  miles  south  of  Mokamah  railway  ghat 
station.  This  was  probably  the  point  up  to  which  the  Emperor  Akbar 
advanced  from  Patna  on  boats  in  pursuit  of  Daud  Shah,  the  king  of  Bengal. 
With  the  fall  of  the  forts  of  Patna  and  Hajipur,  (See  Badaoni,  pp.  180-181, 
Vol.11),  Behar  was  practically  lost  by  Daud  Shah,  who  under  the  Peace  of 
Katak  subsequently  ceded  Bengal  also. 

2  The  route  appears  to  have  been  through  Bardwan  across  Madaran  and 
Midnipur  to  parganah  Chittua  in  Orissa,  where  Todar  Mai  was  subsequently 
joined  by  Munim  Elan.  Daud  Khan  at  this  time  advanced  to  Haripur  lying 
intermediate  between  Orissa  and  Bengal  (see  Akbarnamah). 

8  At  this  time  the  Khan-i-Khanan  was  at  Tandah,  opposite  to  Gaur, 
Bettling  political  matters.  On  receiving  Todar  Mai's  appeal  for  help,  the 
Khan-i-Khanan  promptly  left  Tandah,  and  quickly  advanced  to  Orissa  across 
Birbhum,  Bardwan  and  Midnipur  into  parganah  Chittna  in  Orissa,  where 
Todar  Mai  was.         * 

4  See  Akbarnamah,  Tabaqat-i-Akbnri,  Badaoni,  for  full  particulars  of  this 
battle.  The  Akbarnamah  places  the  battle  in  a  village  called  Takadhi  or 
Takroi  ftwo  miles  from  the  bank  of  the  Soobanarika  river  and  close  to 
Jalesar).  Professor  Blochmann  has  traced  also  a  village  called  Mughulmari 
(or  Mughal's  Flight)  close  to  this  Takroi  or  Tookaroi.  (See  Blochmann's  Tr. 
of  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  375,  and  also  Badaoni,  p.  193,  Vol.  II.) 

Todar  Mai,  says  Pfofessor  Blochmann  "  moved  from  Bardwan  over  Madaran 
into  the  perguna  of  Chittua,  where  he  was  subsequently  joined  by  Munim. 
Daud  had  taken  up  a  strong  position  at  Haripur  which  lies  between  Bengal  and 
Orissa.  Battle  took  place  on  3rd  March,  1575  A.D.  After  the  battle,  Todar 
Mai  leads  the   pursuit,   and  reaches  the  town  of  BLadrak.     Not  long  after  he 


159 

She  heroes  arrayed  themselves  on  the  battle-field, 

Ai\  were  armed  with  daggers,  arrows  and  spears. 

On  two  sides  the  two  armies  sprang  up  like  mountaius, 

One  without  terror,  the  other  with  terror. 

All  vied  with  each  other, 

And    charged,    and   themselves  were    charged    with    guns, 

arrows  and  spears. 
Prom  the  blood  of  the  heroes  of  both  tho  armies, 
Flowed  a  torrent  on  that  battle-field. 
On  the  field  fell  many  a  slaughtered, 
On  both  sides,  towered  heaps  of  corpses. 

An  Afghan  named  G-ujra,1  who#  in  heroism  and  valour  was  the 
Rustam  of  his  time,  and  who  commanded  the  van  of  Daud  Khan's 
army,  made  a  bold  onslaught  on  the  commander  of  the  Khan-i- 
Khanau's  van,  named  Khan-i-'Alim,  discomfited  the  Imperial 
vanguard,  slew  Khan  'Alim,  and  shook  the  van.  And  a  number 
of  Imperialists  who  were  between  the  centre  and  the  van, 
becoming  discomfited  by  the  attack  of  Daud  Khan,  reeled  back  to 
the  centre,  and  caused  confusion.  The  Khan-i-Khanan,  with  the 
small  remnant  of  troops  that  yet  held  the  ground,  advanced  in 
front  of  Gujra,  and  by  chance,  Gujra  and  the  Khan-i-KMuan 
encountered  each  other. 

When  the  two  heroes  encountered  each  other, 
They  unsheathed  from  both  sides  dazzling  swords. 
Now  one,  and  then  the  other,  inflicted  sword-cuts, 
Worthy  of  heroes. 

The  one  did  not  succeed  in  penetrating  the  cuirass, 
The  other  defended  himself  with  a  shield. 
At  length,  by  the  sword  of  Gujra,  • 

The  body  of  the  Khan-i-Khanan  got  wounded. 
Other  adherents  came  in  the  midst,  , 

And  intervened  between  the  two  combatants. 

writes  to  Munim  to  come  up  and  join  him,  as  Daud  had  collected  his  troops 
near  Katak,  and  the  whole  Imperial  army  moves  to  Katak,  where  a  peace 
is  concluded." 

1  When  Bayazld  was  killed  by  Hanso,  it  is  related  in  the  Sawanih  Akbari 
that  Gnjra  Khan  attempted  to  raise  in  Behar  Bayazid's  son  to  the  throne. 
It  may  be  noted  that  a  village  called  Gujarpur  lies  about  5  miles  from  Katak, 
and  that  there  is  a  family  there  that  claims  Gujra  Khan  as  its  ancestor. 


160 

The  Khan-i- Khanan,  in  that  plight  fighting,  retired  from  the 
battle-field  and  halted,  and-  when  the  scattered  Mughal  forces 
again  rallied  round  him,  ho  again  advanced  to  fight  with 
Gujra. 

When  Gujra  a  second  time  came  to  fight, 

From  the  aim  of  destiny,  the  bow  became  stretched, 

When  the  arrow  hit  him  clean  on  the  forehead, 

The  arrow  passsd  right  through  the  head. 

Gujra  fell  on  the  field  like  a  mountain, 

By  his  fall,  his  army  became  dispirited. 

When  fortune  turned  its  face  from  Daud  Khan, 

From  every'side,  misfortune  hemmed  him  in. 

Daud  Khan  fled  from  the  battle, 

As  he  no  longer  dreamt  of  victory. 

Daud  Khan,  leaving  behind  the  war-elephants  and  other 
armaments,  iu  despair  fled  from  the  battle-field.  And  Rajah 
Todar  Mai  and  other  Imperial  grandees  marched  in  pursuit 1  of 
Daud  Khan.  When  Daud  Khan  reached  the  environs  of  the 
river  Chin,2  he  took  refuge  in  the  fort  of  Katak.  Since  every 
avenue  of  escape  was  closed,  he  vras  obliged  to  place  his  family 
and  children  inside  the  Fort,  and  then  himself  advanced  to  fight, 
putting  the  coffin  on  the  shoulder,  and  preparing  to  die.  Rajah 
Todar  Mai  communicated  to  the  Khan  Khanan  the  state  of 
affairs.  Although  wounded,  the  Khan  Khanan  on  the  wings  of 
swiftness  proceeded  to  that  place.  But  Daud  Khan  negociated 
terms  of  peace  through  the  mediation  of  one  of  the  Omra,  and 


1  It  appears  from  the  Akbarnamah  that  after  the  battle  of  Takroi,  Todar 
Mai  pursued  Daud  ^han  up  to  Bhadrak,  whilst  Mun'im  Khan  the  Khan-i- 
Khanan  owing  to  his  wounds  still  lay  behind.  At  this  time  Daud  Khan  collect- 
ed his  troops  at  Kat«k,  and  so  Todar  Mai  wrote  to  Mun'im  Khan  to  come  up, 
and  Mun'im  Khan  in  spite  of  his  wounds,  moved  up  with  the  whole  Imperial 
army  to  Katak,  when  the  Peace  of  Katak  was  concluded.  Under  it,  Daud 
Khan  formally  resigned  the  sovereignty  of  Behar  and  Bengal  to  Akbar,  retain- 
ing only  Orissa.  The  battle  of  Takroi  (3rd  March,  1  575  A.C.) — called  by 
Badaoni  'Bichwa — was*  a  most  decisive  battle,  as  it  virtually  ended  Afghan 
supremacy  in  Bengal  and  Behar,  and  substituted  Mughal  rule  in  its  place. 

8  "Chin"  is  apparently  a  copyist's  mistake  for  the  "  Mahanadi  "  river. 
In  shekista  writing,  the  words  'Chin'  and  Mahanadi  in  Persian  might 
resemble  each  other. 


161 

whenHhe  basis  of  tlie  treaty  '  was  settled,  he  went  to  meet  Mun'im 
Khan.  \The  Khan  Khanan,  showing  chivalry  and  generosity, 
presented  to  him  a  belt,  a  dagger,  and  a  sword  set  in  jewels, 
left  to  him  the  province  of  Orissa  and  Katak  Benares,  and 
himself  (on  behalf  of  the  Emperor)  taking  possession  of  other 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  returned  with  triumph  and  pomp,  entered 
the  city  of  Tandah,  and  set  himself  to  administer  the  country. 
Since  in  former  days,  from  the  time  of  Mjahammad  Bakhtiar 
Khiljl  down  to  the  time  of  Sher  Shah,  Gaur  had  formed  the 
Capital  of  Bengal,  (though  owing  to  the  climate  of  the  latter  place 
not  suiting  foreigners,  the  Afghans  had  built  Khawaspur  Tandah 
for  the  settlement  of  the  rulers),  the  Khan  Khanan,  setting  him- 
self  to  the  reconstruction  of  the  cjty  of  Gaur,'  proceeded  to  the 
latter  place,  and  built  it  anew,  and  made  it  his  head-quarters. 
Soon  after,  owing  to  the  badness  of  its  climate,  lie  fell  ill,  and 
on  the  19th  Rajab,  983  A.H.2  died.  Daud  Khan,  on  hearing  the 
news  of  the  Khan  Khanan's  death,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
Afghans,  re-occupied  Bengal  and  Behar,  and  immediately  marched 
to  wrest  the  city  of  Khawaspur  Tandah.  The  Imperialists,  not 
being  able  to  tarry,  evacuated  the  place.  Daud  Khan  with  full 
independence  resumed  his  former  sovereignty. 

• 
- o 


THE  RULE  OF  NAWAB  KHAN  JAHAN  IN  BENGAL,  AND 
AN  ACCOUNT  OF  DAUD  KHAN'S  DEATH. 

When   the   news   of   Mun'im  Khan,    Khan    Khanan's    death 
reached   Delhi,    Emperor   Akbar    appointed    Husain  Quli    Khan 

1  Under  this  treaty  of  Katak,  Behar  and  Bengal  were  formally  ceded 
by  Daud  SJiah,  the  Afghan  king  of  Bengal,  to  the  Mughal  Emperor  (Akbar), 
Orissa  being  still  retained  by  Daud  Shah.  Badaoni  gives  an  interesting 
description  of  the  Darbar  held  on  the  occasion  by  Mun'im  Khan  Khan 
Khanan,  across  the  Mahanadi  river,  opposite  to  the  fort  of  Katak  (Cuttack). 
Both  Mun'im  and  Daud  shewed  refined  chivalry  and  magnanimity  towards 
each  other,  at  this  State  function. 

2  Corresponding  to  1576  A.C. 

Professor  Blochmann,  in  his  Tr.  of  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  376,  gives  a 
list  (compiled  from  the  Akbarnamah)  of  14  other  principal  Mughal  officers 
who  died  at  Gaur  of  malaria  at  this  time  (983  A.H.  or  1576  A.C.)  Badaoni 
also  gives  the  list. 

21 


162 

Turkman,  after  bestowing  on  him  the  title  of  Khan  Ja^an,1  to 
the  office  of  Governor  of  Bengal.  And  when  Khan  Jaha/  reached 
the  frontiers  of  Bengal,  Khwajah  Muzaffar  All  Turbati,8  who  was 
a  servant  of  Bahrain  3  Khan,  and,  obtaining  the  title  of  Muzaffar 
Khan,  was  Governor  of  Behar,  and  had  come  for  the  conquest  of 
the  Rohtas  fort,  joined  him  with  the  troops  of  Behar,  Tirhut  and 
Hajipur,  &c.  And  all  the  Imperialists  uniting  their  forces, 
advanced  to  storm  .the  fort  of  Teliagadhi  and  Sakrigali.  Daud 
Khan  also  with  a  formidable  army  advanced  to  Akmahal,4  which 
lies  midway  between  Gadhl  aud  Tandah,  to  fight  with  Khan 
Jahan.  But  Khan  Jahan,  by  delivery  of  the  first  assault,  stormed 
Gadhl,  slaughtered  about  1,500  Afghans,  and  advanced  towards 
the  site  where  Dated   Khan  was  entrenched.     When  the  distance 


1  He  was  appointed  in  983  A.H.  (1576  A.C.)  by  Akbar  Military  Governor 
of  Bengal,  on  the  death  of  Mun'im  Khan  Khan-i-Khanan.  His  second-in- 
command  was  Rajah  Todar  Mai.  He  was  a  sister's  son  of  Bairam  Khan 
Khan-i-Khanan.  See  his  biographical  sketch  in  Blochmann's  Tr.  of  Ain-i- 
Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  329,  and  alsb'  Maasir-ul-Umara. 

At  Bhagalpur,  the  Amirs  of  Bengal  waited  on  Khan  Jahan. 

From  this  period  the  whole  of  Behar,  including  South  and  North  Behar, 
was  placed  under  a  separate  Mughal  Governor,  whilst  Bengal  was  similarly 
governed  by  another  separate  Mughal  Governor.  The  Governorship  of  Behar 
generally  henceforth  formed  a  sort  of  stepping-stone  for  the  more  responsible 
and  lucrative  office  of  Governor  of  Bengal  (see  the  text). 

2  " Tirhuti "  is  a  copyist's  mistake  in  the  text  for  "Turbati."  He  was 
Akbar's  Governor  of  Behar,  and  held  all  Behar  from  Chausa  to  Teliagadhi. 
He  was  ordered  by  Akbar  to  assist  Khan  Jahan,  Akbar's  Governor  of  Bengal, 
when  the  latter  encountered  opposition  from  the  Afghans  under  Daud  Khan, 
who  had  at  this  time  entrenched  himself  in  the  fort  of  Akmahal  (subse- 
quently, Rajmahal  or  Akbarnagar).  He  was  at  one  time  Finance  Minister  or 
Dewan  of  Akbar,  ^nd  had  Todar  Mai  under  him.  He,  together  with 
his  Deputy,  Todar  Mai,  was  the  author  of  Akbar's  revenue-roll  called 
"  jam-i-hasil-i-hal, "  which  supplanted  the  former  revenue-roll  of  the 
Emperor,  called  'Jami  Raqmi, '  that  had  existed  from  Bairam's  time. 
He  was  previously  Bairam's  Dewan  also.  The  old  Jam-i-Masjid  (now  in 
ruins)  of  Agra  was  erected  by  him.  He  was  killed  at  Tandah  by 
Masiim  Khan,  the  rebel.  (See  his  full  biographical  sketch  in  Blochmann's 
Tr.  of  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  348,  and  also  Maasir-ul-Umara). 

3  "Bahrain  "  is  a  copyist's  mistake  in  the  text  for  "  Bairam." 

4  i.e.,  Rajmahal  or  Akbarnagar — Previous  to  Man  Singh  selecting  it,  Sher 
Shah  had  selected  its  site. 


163 

betweVi  was  covered,  on  the  15th  Muharram,  983  A.H.,  which 
was  a  Thursday,  both  the  contending  hosts  arrayed  their  forces 
in  battle-rank. 

The  two  armies  fell  into  battle-array  ; 
The  warriors  became  anxious  to  fight. 
When  the  market  of  fight  and  combat  became  warm, 
The  warriors  drew  against  each  other  sharp  swords. 
From    the    thundering   of   guns,    and  the   raging   of    war- 
rockets, 
The  sky  itself  quaked. 

Kala  Pahar  who  was  one  of  the  renowned  generals  of  Daud 
Khan,  attacking  the  right  wing  of  Khan.  Jahan, *  spread  consterna- 
tion, and  Muzaffar  Khan  assaulting  the  left  wing  of  Daud  Khan, 
caused  it  to  reel  back,  and  simultaneously,  Khan  Jahan  as- 
saulted the  centre  of  Daud  Khan,  and  a  great  battle  commenced. 

On  that  battle-field,8  mutual  fightings  occurred  : 

Both  the  armies  lost  numbers  of  men. 

From  the  numbers  of  the  killed,  mounds  were  raised, 

And  signs  of  the  Day  of  Resurrection  appeared. 

The  renowned  hero,  Kha«  Jahan,  in  th,e  battle, 

Reduced  to  dust  the  army  of  Daud  : 

Whichever  side  he  raised  his  sword, 

He  severed  the  head  of  the  enemy  from  the  body. 

And  from  this  side,  Daud  with  the  sharp  sword, 

Caused  havoc  in  the  army  of    Khan  Jahan  : 

Whichever  side  he  turned  with  his  sword, 

He  felled  on  his  feet  the  helmet  of  the  enemy's  head. 

If  he  struck  a  horse  with  his  sharp  sword, 

It  was  ripped  into  two  pieces  up  to  the  hoff  of  the  saddle. 

1  "  Khan  Jahan  "  was  a  title  next  in  importance  to  "  Khan-i-Khanan." 

2  This  was  the  decisive  battle  of  Akmahal  or  Agtnahal  (subsequently 
called  Rajmahal  or  Akbarnagar),  on  15th  Rabi  II  984  A.H.,  corresponding  to 
12th  July,  1576  A.C.  It  finally  crushed  Daud  Shah  or  Daud  Khan,  the  last 
Afghan  king  of  Bengal,  Behar  and  Orissa,  and  laid  firmly  the  foundation  of 
Mughal  supremacy  over  those  provinces,  reduced  Bengal  to  a  §ubah  of  the 
Great  Mughal  Empire,  and  extinguished  for  ever  Independent  Moslem  Royalty 
in  Bengal. 

-    See  full  account  of  this  great  battle   in   the   Akbarnamah   and    Badaoni, 
which  are  contemporary  accounts. 


164 

And  if  he  struck  a  spear  on  the  chest  of  any  person; 

Its  point  passed  right  through  his  back  : 

By  the  strength  of  arm,  that  furious  lion 

Killed  many,  and  squeezed  mauy. 

But  as  fortune  did  not  favour  him, 

He  could  not  stand  his  ground  on  the  battle-field. 

He  was  vanquished,  and  he  lost  his  treasures  and  effects, 

Misfortune,  Mke  a  post-boy,  ran  towards  him. 

When  the  eagle  of  victory  and  triumph  cast  its  shadow  on 
the  army  of  Emperor  Akbar,  and  Daud  Khan  fled  from  the  battle- 
field, the  heroes  of  Khan  Jahan's  army,  not  abandoning  Daud's 
pursuit,  followed  him  up,  and  at  length  Daud  Khan  was  captured, 
and  brought  to  Khan  Jahan.  The  latter,  considering  Daud's  life 
to  be  a  source  of  disturbance  and  insurrection,  ordered  him  to 
be  killed.1 

His  head  was  cut  off  with  the  sharp  sword, 
From  the  blood  of  Daud,  the  ground  underneath  reddened. 
The  Royal  throne  ("of  Bengal)  became  emptied  of  kings, 
From  Bengal,  Royalty  vanished  ! 

Junaid  Khan,  s,on  of  Daud  Khan,  who  receiving  a  mortal 
wound,  had  fled  from  the  battle-field,  some  two  or  three  days 
subsequently  also  died.  Khan  Jahan  reduced  to  subjection  as 
much  of  the  country  as  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Khan-i- 
Khanau,  and  sent  all  the  elephants  captured  from  the  Afghans, 
together  with  other  booty,  to  Emperor  Akbar.  And  Muzaffar 
Khan,  striking  up  the  kettle-drum  of  return,  proceeded  to  Patna, 
and  in  981-  A.H.,  turned  to  the  conquest  of  the  fort  of  Rohtas.8 

1  One  cannot  h^p  noting  the  entire  absence  of  chivalry  on  the  part  of 
this  Mughal  General,  Khan  Jahan.  If  he  possessed  one-qunrter  of  the 
chivalry  of  his  own  predecessor  in  office,  the  Khan-i-Khanan,  he  could  have 
never  extended  his  hand  to  the  perpetration  of  this  brutality,  which  was  as 
ferocious  as  it  was  ungallant.  A  worthy  and  heroic  foe  like  Daud  Shah 
deserved  a  better  fate,  and  it  is  a  pity  that  Khan  Jahan's  master,  the  Great 
Akbar,  should  not  have  provided  against  such  a  misdeed,  which  must  reflect 
adversely  on  the  Emperor's  memory  itself. 

2  This  renowned  Fort  in  South  Behar  in  945  A.H.  passed  into  the  hands 
of  Sher  Shah.  (See  Badaoni  for  a  description  of  it,  as  it  existed  in  Akbar's 
time).  During  his  reign  and  that  of  his  son  Salim  Shah,  Fath  Khan 
Batni  commanded  the  Fort.     Subsequently,  it  came  into  the  hands  of  Sulai- 


165 

A&  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  EXTIRPATION  OF  CERTAIN 
^  GRANDEES  OF  BAUD  KHAN. 

When  Muzaffar  Khan  planned  to  return  to  Patna,  on  the  way 
he  detached  Muhammad  Ma'sum  Khan1  to  conquer  Husain  Khan  8 
Afghan  who  was  in  those  parts,  and  he  causing  Husain  Khan  to 
flee,  came  to  the  Parganna  which  was  his  jagir,  and  entered  the 
fort.  And  Kala  Pahar  coming  with  800  corps  of  cavalry, 
besieged  Ma'sum  Khan.  The  latter  seeing  a  b'reach  made,  battered 
down  the  rear-wall  of  the  fort,  sallied  out,  and  gave  battle  to 
Kala  Pahar.  As  ill-luck  would  have  it,  in  the  heat  of  warfare, 
the  war-elephant  of  Kala  Pahar,  with  its  trunk,  flung  down 
Ma'sum  Khan's  horse,  and  threw  down  Ma'sum  Khan  on  the 
ground.  In  the  meantime,  'the  Mughal  archers  hit  the 
elephant-driver  with  the  arrow,  and  the  elephant,  being  without 
its  driver,  turned  round  and  attacked  its  own  army,  and  killed 
and  trampled  down  numerous  Afghans,  From  this  cause,  the 
Afghans  were  vanquished,  Kala  Pahar  was  killed,  and  his 
elephant  turned  back.  The  province  of  Orissa  and  Katak. 
Benares,  the  whole  kingdom  of  Bengal  and  Behar,  by  the  efforts 
of  Khan  Jahan,  were  annexed  to  the  Empire  of  Akbar  ;  and  the 
fortune  of  the  kings  of  Bengal  terminated,  and  no  other  king  in 
that  kingdom  thenceforth  minted  coins,  6r  had  the  Khutbah 
read  after  his  name.  And  the  leading  Afghan  grandees,  like  Husain 
Khan  and  Kala  Pahar,  as  related  above,  were  totally  extirpated, 
and  some  fled  to  the   jungles   in  the   tracts  of  Bengal.3     In  the 

man  KararanI  and  Junaid  Kararani.  The  latter  appointed  Syed  Muham- 
mad Commandant  of  the  Fort.  The  latter  beings  hardpressed  by  Muzaffar 
Khan,  Mughal  Governor  of  Behar,_  fled  to  Shahbaz  Khan  (who  had  been 
deputed  by  Akbar  to  chastise  Rajah  Gajpati.  See  Am-i-Akbari,  Bloch.  Tr.,  Vol. 
I,  p.  399),  and  handed  over  the  Fort  to  him  (984  A.H?)  In  the  same  year, 
Akbar  appointed  Mahbub  All  Khan  Rahtari  Governor  of  Rohtas,  and  Shahbaz 
Khan  made  over  the  Fort  to  him.     (See  Bloch.  Tr.  of  Ajn,  Vol.  I,  p.  422). 

1  He  fought  against  Kala  Pahar.  See  particulars  of  his  career  in  Bloch, 
Tr.  of  Am,  Vol.  I,  p   431  n    and  also  in  Badaoni  and  Maasir-ul-Umara. 

2  See  p.  439,  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I. 

8  After  the  battle  of  Akmahal  or  Rajmahal  (1576  A.C.),  in  which  the  last 
independent  Afghan  king  of  Bengal,  Behar  and  Orissa,  named  Dlud  Shah, 
was  defeated  and  killed,  Khan  Jahan  proceeded  to  Satgaon,  where  Daud's 
family  lived  at  the  time,  defeated  remnants  of  Daud's  followers  under 
Jamshid  and  Mitti,  and  re-annexed  Satgaon  to  the  Mughal  Empire.  Daud's 
mother  came  to  Khan  Jahan  as  a  supplicant.     .     .     With  the  defeat  and  death 


166 

year  987  A.H.,  Khan  Jahan  died,1  and  the  Afghans,  whose/aames 
and  traces  had  been  lost,  now  issued  out  from  all  corners,  and 
tried  to  re-occupy  and  re-conquer  the  country.  Amongst  these, 
one  principal  Afghan  commander,  named  'Osman  Khan,  combining 
with  other  Afghans,  raised  an  insurrection.  Emperor  Akbar 
appointed  Khan  'Azim  Mirza  Kokah,8  together  with  other  princi- 
pal Omra,  to  the  Government  of  Bengal  and  Behar.  And  he 
made  meedworthy  efforts  to  destroy  and  extirpate  the  Afghans. 
And  when  he  did  not  succeed  in  completely  extirpating  them, 
Shahbaz  Khans  came  with  re-inforcements,  ns  an  auxiliary  to  the 
Imperialists ;  and  then  engagements  ensued  with  'Osman  Khani 
The  ferocious  Imperialists  did  not  stay  their  hands  from  the 
slaughter,  capture  and  extirpation  of  the  insurgent  Afghans.  In 
short,  in  the  life-time  of  Akbar,  the  fortune  of  the  Afghans  declined, 
but  as  their  extirpation  was  not  completed  by  the  time  of  the  death 
of  Emperor  Akbar,  which  took  place  in  1014  A.H.,  'Osman  Khan 
rising  again,    re-sharpened     his  sword.     And    mobilising  nearly 

of  Daud,  Bengal  was  by  no  means  thoroughly  conquered,  as  troubles  broke  out 
in  Bhati  (Sundarbans  including  tracts  along  the  Megna),  where  the  Afghans 
had  collected  under  Karim  Dad,  Ibrahim  and  'Isa  Khan,  whom  Abul  Fazl  calls 
<<  Marzban-i- Bhati."     (See  Ain-i-Akbari,  Bloch.  Tr.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  330  and  343). 

1  He  died  at  a  town  called  Sihatpur/the  'Sanitarium')  which  he  had 
founded  near  Tandah. 

2  In  988  A.H.  Aziz  was  promoted  by  Akbar  to  command  of  Five  Thou- 
sand, received  the  title  of  Azam  Khan,  and  was  in  988  A.H.  detached  with 
a  large  army  to  Bengal  and  Behar,  to  quell  disturbances.  In  990  A.H.  he  was 
again  sent  there,  when  he  occupied  Teliagadhi,  the  "  key  "  to  Bengal.  He 
fought  against  the  rebels  Ma'sum-i-Kabuli  and  Majnun  Khan,  and  also  operated 
against  the  Afghan  Qutlu,  who  had  occupied  Orissa  and  a  portion  of  Bengal,. 
He  took  ill,  retired  to  Behar,  leaving  the  command  in  Bengal  to  Shahbaz 
Khan  Kambu.  Of  him,  Akbar  used  to  say"  Between  me  and  Aziz  is  a  river 
of  milk  which  I  cannot,  cross."  (See  Blochmann's  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  325  for 
details  of  his  career  and  also  Maasir-ul-Uinara). 

8  For  interesting  details  of  his  career  see  Blochmann's  Tr.,  Ain-i-Akbari, 
Vol.  I,  p.  399  and  Maasir-ul-Umara.  Ma'sum  Khan  Kabul!  rebelled,  fled  to 
Bliati,  and  took  refuge  with  the  Marzban-i- Bhati,  'Isa  Khan.  Shahbaz 
Khan  followed  him  to  Bhati,  crossed  the  Ganges  at  Khizrpur  (near  Naraln- 
ganj)  plundered  Bakhtiarpur,  'Isa  Khan's  residence,  occupied  Sunargaon 
and  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Brahmaputra.  'Isa  Khan  made  pro- 
posals of  peace  which  were  accepted  :  under  it,  an  Imperial  Resident  was 
to  stay  at  Sunargaon,  Ma'sum  was  to  go  to  Mecca,  and  Shahbaz  was  to 
withdraw.  But  these  terms  were  not  carried  out,  as  his  officers  shewed 
insubordination,   and  Shahbaz  had  to  retreat  to  Tandah. 


167 

20,00$  Afghans,  he  had  the  Khutba  in  that  tract  read  after  his 
name,  a^d  from  the  pride  of  being  at  the  head  of  numerous 
followers,  he  became  aggressive.  And  taking  no  account  of  the 
Imperial  officers  who  were  stationed  in  this  country,  he  raised 
his  hand  of  conquest  on  the  Imperial  dominions. 


Now  I  adorn  my  rarity-depicting  pen  with  the  chronicle  of 
the  accounts  of  the  Nazimsof  Bengal,  who  were  honoured  with  the 
khill'at  of  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal  from  the  lofty  presence  of  the 
Chagtai  l  Emperors,  and  who  raising  the  standard  of  authority, 
freed  this  country  from  the  weeds  and  thorns  of  rebellions. 

*  i.e.,  Mughal  Emperors.     See  note  ante. 


108 


j 

i 


CHAPTER  III. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  RULE  OF  THE  NAZIMS  WHO 
WERE  APPOINTED  TO  THE  NIZAMAT  OF  BENGAL 
BY  THE  T1MURIDE  EMPERORS  OF  DELHI. 


NIZAMAT  OR  VICEROYALTY  OF   RAJAH  MIN  SINGH. 

When  on  the  19th  Jamadi-ul-Sani  1014  A.H.,  Nuru-d-din 
Muhammad  Jahangir  Badshah,  in  the  fort  of  Agra,  ascended  the 
Imperial  throne,  inasmuch  as  from  official  despatches,  news-letters, 
and  the  correspondence  of  officers,  news  of  the  insurrection  of 
'Osman  Khan  was  continually  received,  on  the  very  day  of  his 
accession,  the  Emperor,  bestowing  rich  khill'at  with  charged,  and 
a  sword  set  in  jewel,  and  a  splendid  horse,  appointed  Rajah  Man 
Singh  to  the  Nizamat  of  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  whilst  Wazir  Khan 
was  exalted  to  the  office  of  Diwan  and  Auditor  of  this  Province.1 
After  their  arrival  in  this  country,  the  refractory  'Osman  advanced 
to  fight,  and  a  battle  ensued.  'Osman  with  great  shrewdness  opened 
secret  negotiations.  As  the  war  was  protracted,  and  the  extirpa- 
tion of  the  Afghans  was  not  accomplished,  in  that  very  year 
of  accession,    Rajah   Man   Sing  8  was  recalled    from  office,   and 

1  For  the  first  time,  we  hear  of  the  offices  of  Nazini  and  Diwan .  Hither- 
to we  heard  of  Military  Governors,  called  "  Sipasalars  "  or  "  Sirlashkars  '' 
or  "  Hakims  "  appointed  by  the  Mughal  Emperor.  It  is  obvious  that, 
hitherto,  Bengal  under  the  Mughals  was  under  a  sort  of  Military 
Government,  presided  oTer  by  Military  Governors.  When  the  back-bone 
of  Afghan  oppositior  was  broken,  in  the  time  of  Emperor  Jahangir, 
for  the  first  time,  under  Mughal  rule,  Bengal  was  placed  under  Civil 
Government  by  the  Mughal  Emperors,  who  appointed  two  distinct  func- 
tionaries,.one  being  the  Nazim  (in  charge  of  executive  government)  and  the 
other,  the  Diwan  (in  charge  of  Revenue  and  Finance).  This  system  of 
Government,  though  actually  enforced  in  Bengal "  in  Jahangir's  time,  must 
have  been  matured  towards  the  end  of  Akbar's  reign. 

2  He  was  a  son  of  Bhagwan  Das,  and  Akbar  bestowed  on  him  the  title  of 
"  Furzand  "  or  "  Son,  "  and  raised  him  to  the  Mansab  of  Haft  Hazavi.     See  full 


169 

Qutbw-cUdin  Khan  Kokaltash  was  exalted  to  his  place,  being  the 
recipient  at  the  same  time  of  khil'ats  with  a  belt  set  in  jewels, 
and  of  a  horse  with  gold-mounted  saddle.  The  "Viceroy alty  of 
Rajah  Man  Singh  lasted  eight  months  and  a  few  days. 


NIZAMAT  OP  QUTBU-D-DIN  IfflAN. 

When  Qutbu-d-din  Kokaltash,1  on  tlie  9th  Safar,  1015  A.H., 
was  honoured  with  the  khil'at  of  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal,  he  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  a  Pavjhazari,  with  5,000  soldiers  and  troopers  ; 
and  2  lacs  of  rupees  was  given  him.  for  his  allow'ance,  and  3  lacs  of 
rupees  was  given  for  the  expenses  of  his  contingent.  After 
taking  leave  of  the  Emperor,  he  arrived  in  Bengal.  As  yet  some 
months  had  not  passed,  when  he  was  killed  at  the  hands  of  'Ali 
Quli  Beg  Astajlu,  styled  Sher  Afghan  Khan.2     And  the  detail  of 

particulars  of  his  career  in  Bloch.  Tr.  of  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p,  340,  and  also  in 
Maasir-ul-  Umura,  and   Iqbalwunah-i-Jahangiri. 

i  His  name  was  Shaikh  Khuba  [Qutbu-d-din  Khan-i-Chishti]  and  his  father 
was  Shaikh  Zada  of  Badaon,  and  his  mother  a  daugher  of  Shaikh  Salim  of  Fath- 
pur  Sikri.  He  was  a  foster-brother  of'Jahangir,  who  whilst  a  Prince  conferred 
upon  Khuba  the  title  of  Qutbu-d-din  Khan,  and  made  him  Subadar  of  Behar. 
On  Jahangir's  accession  to  the  throne,  Khuba  was  appointed  Subadar  of  Bengal, 
(1015  A.H.)  At  that  time  Sher  Afghan  'Ali  Quli  Istajlu  was  tuyuldar  (or 
jagirdar)  of  Bardwan,  and  his  wife  Mehrunnissa  (afterwards  Empress  Nur 
Jahan)  was  coveted  by  Emperor  Jahangir.  Qutbu-d-din  had  instructions  to 
send  Sher  Afghan  to  court,  but  the  latter  refusing  to  go,  Qutb  went  to 
Bardwan,  where  Sher  Afghan  came  to  meet  him.  On  his  approach,  Qutbt 
lifted  up  his  horse-whip.  Sher  Afghan  thereon  rushed  with  his  sword  against 
Qutb,  and  inflicted  a  cut  on  his  abdomen.  Qutb  died,  and  one  of  his  followers 
Ambah  Khan,  ga,vc  Sher  Afghan  a  sword-cut  on  the  head,-,when  the  latter  was 
also  killed.    (Bloch.  Tr.,  Am,  Vol.  I,  p.  496  and  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  p.  19). 

2  He  was  safarchi  or  butler  of  Ismail  II,  king  of  Persia.  After  the  latter's 
death,  he  went  to  India,  and  met  at  Multan,  Abdur  Rahiru  Khan-i-Khanan. 
and  received  a  mansab,  and  on  arrival  at  court,  Akbar  gave  him  in  marriage  to 
Mehrunuissa  (the  future  Nur  Jahan),  daughter  of  Mirza  Ghiyas  Tehran!. 
Prince  Salim  fell  in  love  with  her,  and  brought  about,  on  his  accession  to  the 
throne,  Sher  Afghan's  death.  Sher  Afghan  had  received  Bardwan  district  as 
tmjwl  or  jagir,  on  Jahangir's  accession.  His  body  was  buried  in  the  shrine  of 
the  saint  Bahram  Saqqa  at  Bardwan.     (See  Iqbalnamah,  p.  22). 

Four  tigers  had  been  caught,  and  Nur  Jahan  requested  Jahangir  (Tuznk  , 
p.  186),  to  let  her  shoot  them.  She  killed  two  with  one  bullet,  and  the  other 
22 


170 

this  incident  is  tins.  'Ali  Quli  Beg  Astajlii  was  a  bntier  of 
Sbah  Isma'il,1  son  of  Shah  Talimasp  Safavi.1  On  the  death  of 
Shah  Isma'il,  comiDg  to  India  via  Qandahar,  atMultan  he  entered 
the  service  of  'Abdur  Rahim  Khan,  Khan  Khanan,2  who  was 
then  employed  on  the  conquest  of  Tbatah  and  Sindh.  The  Khan 
Khanan  informally  enlisted  him  in  the  ranks  of  Impei'ial  officers,  and 
in  that  expedition,  'Ali  Quti  shewed  bravery  and  rendered  valuable 
services.  When  the  Khan  Khanan  from  that  expedition  returned 
triumphant  to  the  Imperial  presence,  at  Ids  request,  'Ali  Quli  was 
honoured  with  an  appropriate  Mansab,  and  at  the  same  time,  a 
daughter  of  Mirza,  Ghiyas  Beg  Tehran!,3  named  Mehrunnisa,4  was 
wedded  to  him.  And  at  the  time  when  Emperor  Akbar  proceeded 
from  Akbarahad  (Agra)  to  the  conquest  of  the  Dakhin,  and  the 
Crown-Prince  (Prince  Salim,  afterwards  Emperor  Jahangir),  was 
ordered  to  undertake  the  subjugation  of  the  Rana  of  Udaipur,  'Ali 
Quli  Beg  was  appointed  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  Prince.     The  Prince, 

two  with  two  bullets,  and  so  one  of  the  courtiers  spoke  out  on  the  spur  of  the 
moment  the  verse  given  in  the  text.     See  Bloch.  Tr.,  ATn,  Vol.  I,  p.  524. 
1  These  were  kings  of  Persia.     See  p    97,  Namaih-Khusruan. 

*  He  was  a  sepahsalar  or  Commander-in-Chief  under  Akbar.  His  great 
military  services  were  conquests  of  Sindh  and  Gnjrat.  He  was  also  an  ac- 
complished scholar,  and  translated  in'^o  Persian  Memoirs  of  Babar.  See 
Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  334  and  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  p.   287. 

8  His  real  name  was  Mirza  Ghiyiisu-d-din  Muhammad,  and  his  father  was 
Khwajah  Muhammad  Sharif,  who  was  Vazir  to  Tatar  Sultan  and  his  son 
Qazaq  Khan,  and  who  was  subsequently  appointed,  by  Shah  Tahmasp,  Vazir 
of  Yazd.  After  his  father's  death,  Ghiyas  Beg  fled  from  Persia  with  two 
sons  and  one  daughter.  On  the  way  at  Qandahar,  his  wife  gave  birth  to  a 
daughtor,  named  Mehrunuissa — the  future  world-renowned  Nur  Jahan, 
consort  of  Emperor  Jahangir.  On  his  arrival  at  Fathpnr  Sikri,  Akbar 
appointed  him  Diwan  of  Kabul,  and  subsequently  Diwan-i-BayQtat.  In 
Jahangir's  reign,  be  received  the  title  of  Itimadu-d-daulah. .  After  the  death 
of  her  first  husband,  Sher  Afghan,  at  Bardwan  in  the  fight  with  Qutbu-d-din 
Khan,  Jahangir's  Governor  of  Bengal,  Mehrunnissa  was  brought  to  court, 
and  married  in  1020  A  H.  by  Jahangir,  who  bestowed  on  her  first  the  title  of 
Nur  Mahal  and  then  that  of  Nur  Jahan,  her  father  Ghiyas  Beg  being  at  the 
same  time  advanced  to  the  office  of  Prime  Minister  or  Vakil-i-Kul.  See 
Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  508  and  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  pp.  3,  54 
and  55. 

*  Udaipur  is  mentioned  by  Abul  Fazl  in  Sarkar  Chitor  under  the  Siibah  of 
Ajmir.  (See  Jarrett's  Tr  of  Ain,  Vol.  II,  p.  273).  It  is  related  that  a  daughter 
of  Naushirvan,  the  Persian  king,  whose  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Maurice  of 
Constantinople,  was  married  into  the  Udaipur  Royal  family. 


171 

shewing  every  attention  to  him,  gave  him  the  title  of  Sher  Afghan, 
and  on  accession  to  the  throne,  bestowing  on  him  a  Jagir  at  Bardwan 
in  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  he  sent  him  there.  Afterwards,  when  the 
crookedness  of  his  conduct,  his  wickedness  and  ill-temper 
became  known  to  the  Emperor,  the  latter,  whilst  sending  Qutb 
Khan  to  Bengal,  gave  the  latter  a  hint  that  if  he  found  Sher 
Afghan  well-behaved  and  loyal,  well  and  good,  but  if  otherwise, 
he  should  send  him  to  the  Imperial  presence,  and  tlr.it  in  coming 
if  he  made  excuses,  he  should  punish  him.  When  Qutbu-d-dln 
Khan  reached  Bengal,  he  was  dissatisfied  with  Sher  Afghan's 
action  and  conduct.  Although  he  summoned  the  latter  to  his 
presence,  putting  forward  idle  excuses,  he  did  not  attend.  Qutbu- 
d-din  Khan  communicated  the  matter  to  the  Emperor,  who 
ordered  that  agreeably  to  the  injunctions  conveyed  at  the  time 
of  his  departure,  he  should  punish  Sher  Afghan.  The  above 
Khan,  on  receipt  of  the  Imperial  order,  instantly  marched 
swiftly  to  Bardwan.  Sher  Afghan  on  getting  news  of  the 
arrival  of  the  above  Khan,  advanced  forward  with  two  grooms 
to  receive  him.  At  the  time  of  meeting,  the  soldiers  of 
Qutbu-d-din  Khan  crowding  in  stood  at  a  distance,  like  a  ring. 
Sher  Afghan  said :  "  What  is  this  treatment,  and  what  does 
it  mean  ?  "  The  Khan  tokh  his  soldiers  to  disperse,  moved 
alone  in  Sher  Afghan's  company,  and  commenced  conversation. 
Sher  Afghan  read  signs  of  treachery  in  the  aspect  of  affairs,  and 
forestalling  the  other,  he  thought  it  prudent  to  apply  the  i-emedy 
before  the  disease  appeared,  and  with  great  agility  hit  Qutbu- 
d-din  on  the  abdomen  with  a  sword,  so  that  the  latter's  entrails 
came  out.  The  Khan  l  seizing  his  abdomen  with  both  hands, 
shouted  out :  "  Don't  spare  him,  don't  let  this  wretch  escape." 
A  Kashmirian,  named  Aina  Khan,8  who  was  one  of  Qutb's 
principal  officers,  spurring  bis  horse,  struck  SJpr  Afghan  with  a 
sword  on  the  head.  In  that  plight,  Sjier  Afghan  with  another  blow 
finished  Aina  Khan's  work.  At  this  moment,  the  soldiers  of  Qutbu- 
d-dlu  Khan  collecting  from  all  sides,  killed  Sher  Afghan  also, 
by  inflicting  successive   cuts.     Sher  Afghan  Khan  is  that  person, 


1  He  was  a  stout  man,   and   one   can  well   imagine  his  pitiful  posture  at 
this  moment. 

2  He  is  called  Pir  Khan,  also  "  Raibab  Khan  "    and   "  Daibah  Khan  "   in 
Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  p.  24. 


17- 

whoee  widow,  Nur' Jahan,1  as  Consort  of   Emperor  Jahangir^  is  so 

renowned.     A  poet  says  :  — 

Translation  : 

Nfir  Jahan,  albeit  in  appeai-ance  a  woman, 

In  the  ranks  of  heroes,  is  a  tiger-hunting  woman. 

After  Qutbu-d-din  Khan  was  slain,  the  office  of  Governor  of 
the  Subah  of  Bengal  was  bestowed  on  Jahangir  Qui!  Khan,  who 
was  Governor  of  the  Subah  of  Behar ;  and  Islam  Khan  was 
appointed  Governor  of  Behar  in  the  latter's  place. 


THE  NIZAMAT  OP  JAHANGIR  QULl  KHAN.3 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1015  A.H.,  which  was  the  second 
year  of  Emperor  Jahangir's  accession,  Jahangir  Quli  Khan,  who  was 
Governor  of  the  Subah  of  Behar,  was  appointed  to  be  Governor  of 
Bengal.     And   his   name   was   LaVih   Beg,  and  he  was  a  slave-boy 

1  What  chivalry  towards  women  was  possible  under  Islam  in  olden 
days  even  in  India,  is  eloquently  testified  to  by  the  career  of  Nur  Jahan, 
the  renowned  Empress.  Emperor  Jahangir,  her  Royal  Consort,  used  to 
say  of  her,  "  Before  I  married  her,  I  never  knew  what  marriage  meant. 
1  have  conferred  the  duties  of  Government  on  her  ;  I  shall  be  satisfied  if  I 
have  a  seer  of  wine  and  half  a  seer  of  meat  per  diem."  With  the  exception 
of  the  Khutba,  she  received  all  the  privileges  of  royalty.  She  sat  by 
the  side  of  her  Consort  in  administering  State  affairs,  and  her  name  appears 
side  by  side  with  that  of  Emperor  Jahangir  on  the  Imperial  farmans  and  coins. 
She  took  particular  care  of  orphan  girls,  led  the  fashions  of  the  times,  and  dis- 
played aesthetic  art  in  adorning  apartments  and  arranging  feasts.  She  was 
also  a  poetess.  Shb  exhibited  great  resourcefulness  and  bravery  in  rescuing 
Jahangir  from  Mahabet  Khan's  hands.  She  lies  buried  at  Lahore  near 
her   husband.     On   Jahangir's  coins,  the  following  inscription  was  engraved. 

JJi)   p*H    »U  *k    O't*  JtfJ    r»liJ 

2  Note  the  pun  here.     See  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  pp.  56  and  57. 

3  See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  501,  and  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  p.  24. 


173 

of  Mir"/a  Hakim.  After  the  Mirza's  death,  lie  entered  the  service  of 
Emperor  Akbar,  who  bestowed  him  on  Prince  Nuru-d-din  Muham- 
mad Jahangir.  He  was  a  strong-built  man,  and  he  had  rendered 
useful  services.  In  religious  matters  and  in  regard  for  justice, 
he  was  very  firm.  After  reaching  Bengal,  as  yet  he  had  not  fully 
set  his  hand  to  the  work  of  administration,  when  death  claimed 
him.  His  rule  lnsted  one  month  and  some  days.  "When  news  of 
his  death  reached  the  Emperor,  Islam  Khan,1  son  of  Shaikh  Badru- 
d-din  Fatehpuri,  who  held  the  office  of  Governor  of  Behar,  was 
appointed  Governor  of  Bengal.  And  the  Governorship  of  Subah 
Behar  and  Patna  was  conferred  on  Afzal  Khan,2  son  of  Shaikh  Abul 
Fazl  'Allami.3 


RULE  OP  NAWAB  ISLAM  KHAN,  AND  AN  ACCOUNT 
OP  THE  FALL  OF  'OSMAN  KHAN. 

When  in  the  third  year  of  Emperor  Jahangir's  accession,  the 
Nizamatof  the  Subah  of  Bengal  was  entrusted  to  Islam  Khan,  the 
latter  had  strict  orders  to  extinguish  tile  fire  of  insurrection  and 
rebellion  that  had  been  kindled  by  '  Osman  Khan.     Islam  Khan  on 

1  Islam  Khan  was  married  to  a  lister  (named  La,dli  Begam)  of  Abul  Fazl, 
Akbar's  renowned  Prime  Minister.  Islam  Khan  died  as  Governor  of  Bengal  in 
1022  A.H.  (Tuzuk,  p.  126).  His  name  was  Shaikh  Alau-d-din  Ohishti.  and  he 
was  a  grandson  of  Shaikh  Salira,  the  Saint  of  Fathpiir  Sikri.  He  received 
the  title  of  Islam  Khan,  and  was  Governor  of  Bengal  from  1015  to 
1022  A.H.  He  shifted  in  1015  A.H.,  the  Mughal  Viceregal  Capital  of  Bengal 
from  Tandah  to  Dacca.  See  Iqbalnamah-i-Jakangiri,  p.  33  and  Maasir-ul- 
Umara. 

2  Shaikh  Abul  Fazl  Allami,  Akbar's  friend  and  Prime  Minister,  was  born 
on  14th  Jannary,  1551  A.C.,  (6th  Muharram,  958  A.H.)  at  Agrah,  during  the 
reign  of  Islam  Shah.  He  was  a  son  of  Shaikh  Mubarik  ;  hejd  the  office  pf  Prime 
Minister  under  Akbar  and  actively  co-operated  with  the  latter  in  the  enuncia- 
tion of  a  liberal  policy  of  toleration  in  the  government  of  the  mixed  races 
subject  to  the  Musalman  Rule  in  India.  He  was  a  great  scholar,  and  author 
of  several  works  including  the  Akbarnamah  and  the  Ain-i-Akbari.  He  was 
murdered  by  BIr  Singh,  at  the  instigation  of  Prince  Salim  (afterwards. 
Emperor  Jahangir)  on  12th  August,  1602  A.C.  See  his  life  in  Blochmann's 
Tr.  of  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I,  and  also  in  Maasir-ul-Umara. 

3  Abdur  Rahman,  son  of  Abul  Fazl  Allami,  received  the  title  of  Afzal 
Khan,  and  was  appointed  by  Emperor  Jahangir,  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign, 
Governor  of  Behar,  vice  Islam  Khan  who  was  appointed  Governor  of  Bengai. 
Iqbalnamah,  p.  33,  and  Maasir-ul-Umara. 


174 

arrival  at  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca),1  set  himself  to  the  affairs 
of  the  administration  of  the  country.  When  his  good  administra- 
tion and  his  thorough  grasp  of  the  affairs  of  the  Nizamat  came  to  be 
known  by  the  Emperor,  the  latter,  in  recognition  of  his  good 
services,  in  the  4th  year  of  accession,  raised  him  to  the  rank  of  a 
Panjhazari,  including  soldiers  and  troopers.  Islam  Khan  detach- 
ed a  large  force  under  the  command  of  Shaikh  Kablr  Shuja'it 
Khan2  for  the  extirpation  of  'Osman  Khan,  leader  of  the  Afghan 
insurrection,  whilst  other  notable  grandees,  like  Kishwar3 
Khan,  son  of  Qutbu-d-dm  Khan  Kokah,4  Iftikhar  Khan,6  Syed 
Adam   Barha,6    Shaikh  Achha,7    M'utaqad   Khan,     the   sons   of 

1  At  this  time  (1015  A.H.)  the  Capital  of  Bengal  was  transferred  from 
Tandah  to  Dacca  or  Jahangirnagar  (so  called  after  Emperor  Jahangir)  by 
J ahangir's  Viceroy  of  Bengal,  named  Islam  Khan.  Dacca  continued  to  remain 
henceforth  the  Mughal  Viceregal  Capital  of  Bengal  for  nearly  a  century 
(barring  a  few  years  when  it  was  temporally  shifted  to  Rajmahal). 

2  His  name  was  Shaikh  Kabir  Chishti,  and  his  titles  were  "  Shujait  Khan 
Bustam-i-Zaman."  In  the  printed  Pers.  text,  j  is  inserted  by  mistake  be- 
tween "  Shaikh  Kablr "  and  "  Shnjait  Khiin,"  thus  misleading  the  reader  to 
fancy  that  these  were  two  individuals.  See  note  post.  He  was  a  relation  of 
Islam  Khan-i-Chishti,  Governor  of  Bengal,  and  received  first  the  title  of 
Shujait  Khan'  from  Prince  Salim,  who  on  ascending  the  throne,  gave  him 
the  additional  title  of  "  Rpstiim-i-Zaman.'^on  account  of  his  services  in  putting 
down  the  Afghans  under  'Osman  in  Bengal.  See  p.  64,  Iqbalnamah  Jahungiri 
and  Maasir-ul-Umara. 

5  His  title  was  '  Kishwar  Khan,'  in  the  text  it  is  misprinted  as  "  Kir 
Khan.  His  name  was  Shaikh  Ibrahim ;  he  was  a  son  of  Shaikh  Khuba 
(Qutbu-d-dTn  Khan-i-Chishti),  Governor  of  Bengal.  In  1015  A.H.,  he  was  a 
commander  of  1,000  foot,  300  horse,  and  received  the  title  of  Kishwar  Khiin 
from  the  Emperor  Jahangir.  He  was  for  some  time  Governor  of  Rohtas, 
and  served  in  Bengal  in  1021  A.H.,  under  Shujait  Khan  (Shaikh  Kabir 
Chishti)  against  'Osman  Khan  Lohani,  the  Afghan.  See  Iqbalnamah,  pp.  61  and 
66  and  Maasir-ul-Umira. 

*  See  n.  1,  p.  169,  ante. 

6  Two  sons  of  Ahmad  Beg  Kabuli  (see  Bloch.  Tr.,  Am,  Vol.  I,  pp.  465- 
466)  named  Maqbullah  Khan  and  Abdul  Baqaheld  the  title  of  '  Iftikhar  Khan'; 
either  of  them  is  meant. 

6  He  was  a  grandson  of  Syed  Mahmud  of  Barha,  who  served  Akbar.  Most 
of  the  Barha  Syeds  received  from  the  Mughal  Emperors  the  honorific  distinc- 
tion of  '  Khan,'  which  in  those  days  was  considered  the  highest  title  of 
Indo-Moslem  peerage,  next  only  in  rank  to  Princes  Royal  and  the  "  Khan-i- 
Khanan"  and  "  Amirn-1-Umara."  (See  Bloch.  Tr,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  392,  and 
Alamgir-  namah). 

T  He    was  nephew  of  Shaikh  Hassan  or  Hassu  alias  Muqqarab  Khan   who 


175 

Mtt'asHcam  Khan,1  together  with  other  Imperial  officers,  were  ftp* 
pointed  his  auxiliaries.  When  these  reached  the  frontiers  of  the 
tract2  under  'Osman,  they  first  deputed  a  sagacious  envoy  to  con- 
ciliate the  refractory  mind  of  the  leader  of  the  insurrection.  They 
struno-  the  precious  pearl  of  good  advice  to  the  ear-corner  of  his 
heart.  Inasmuch  as  that  wretched  man  ( 'Osman  Khan)  was  by 
inherent  nature  a  bad  stuff,  and  had  not  the  capacity  of  appreciat- 
ing goodness,  not  appraising  the  value  of  this  pearl  of  advice,  he 
collected  brickbats  of  vain  aspirations  in  the  vessel  of  his  bad 
luck,  and  in  the  face  of  that  shining  pearl,  he  pat  forward  the 
stature  of  his  wild  ambition,  gave  permission  to  the  envoy  to 
withdraw  without  accomplishing  his  mission,  and  preparing  to  die, 
spurred   swiftly   the   horse   of    aggressiveness   p,nd    fighting,    and 

in  1027  A.H.  was  Governor  of  Behar.  (See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Am,  Vol.  I,  pp.  521 
and  543). 

1  Shaikh  Bayazid  (Muazzam  Khan)  was  a  grandson  of  Shaikh  Salim 
Qljishti  of  Fathpur  Sikri.  He  was  made  Subadar  of  Delhi  by  Jahangir. 
His  son  Mukkaram  Khan  was  a  son-in-law  and  nephew  of  Islam  Khan,  Viceroy 
of  Bengal,  and  served  under  the  latter,  conquered  Koch  Hajo  and  Khur- 
dah,  became  Governor  of  Orissa  and  subsequently  of  Bengal.  See  Maasir-ul- 
Umar  a. 

8  The  tract  under  'Osman  appears  to  have  been  '  Bhati,'  that  is  the 
tract  including  the  Sundarbans,  the  *lands  alongside,  the  Brahmaputra  and 
the  Megna,  in  fact,  the  whole  tract  from  Ghoraghat  (or  Bangpur) 
southward  to  the  sea.  His  residence  is  mentioned  in  the  histories 
(see  Bloch.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p  520)  to  have  been  at  "  Kohistan-i-Dacca,'' the 
"  Viiayet-i-Dacca,"  bat  his  fatter  'Isa  Khan's  residence  (vide  p.  343  of  do.)  is 
mentioned  to  have  been  at  Baktarapur,  close  to  Khizrpur.  Khizrpur  has  been 
identified  with  a  place  about  a  mile  north  of  modern  Narainganj,  close  to 
which  are  ruins  of  tbe  forts  built  by  Mir  Jumla,  Mughal  Viceroy  at  Dacca,  in 
the  17th  century.  There  is  still  there  a  M-iqbarah,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the 
resting-place  of  one  of  Jahangir's  daughters  Here  was  the  chief  naval  fort  of 
Muhammadan  Government,  it  lay  at  the  confluence  of  the^Ganges,  the  Lakhiya 
and  the  Brahmaputra  rivers.  It  is  three  miles  west  of  Sunargaon,  and  nine  miles 
from  Dacca  About  thirty  miles  north  of  Khizrpur,  are  two  villages  within  a 
mile  of  each  other,  called  "  Baktarpur  "  and  "  IssurpuV,"  but  these  contain 
no  ruins.  (See  J.A.S.  for  1874,  pp.  211-213).  "  Bhati  "  from  its  inaccessibility 
was  elected  as  the  last  stronghold  of  the  Afghans,  who,  sheltered  amidst  its 
jungles,  cut  up  by  numerous  rivers  and  channels,  long  defied  there  the  power 
of  the  Mughals.  During  the  Mughal  military  revolt  under  Akbar,  the  chief 
rebel,  Masum  Khan  Kabuli,  who  was  a  Turbati  Syed  and  whose  uncle  had 
been  Vazir  under  Humayun,  took  refuge  in  "  Bhati,"  where. he  fought  against 
Muzaffar  and  Shahbaz,  and  at  length  died  in  1007  A.H.  (See  Bloch  Tr.,  Ain, 
Vol.  I,  p.  -431). 


176 

rallied  his  forces  on  the  banks  of  a  river,'  full  of  mud.  '  When 
news  of  this  daring  impudence  reached  Jahangir's  officers,  in  the 
seventh  year  of  accession,  towards  the  end  of  the  month  of  Zilhaj, 
1020  A.H.,  the  latter  arrayed  their  forces,  and  advanced  to  the  field 
of  warfare.  From  the  other  side,  'Osman  Khan  also  arrayed  his 
miscreant  troops  for  battle  on  the  field  of  adversity,  in  front  of 
the  auspicious'Imperialists.  The  heroes  of  the  battle,  on  both 
sides  advancing  to  fight,  displayed  heroism  and  bravery. 

When  the  fighting  hosts  on  both  sides  faced  each  other, 
They  fell  to  fighting  against  each  other  from  every  side. 
From  the  gun,  the  musket,  the  spear  and  the  arrow, 
The  banquet  of  warfare  became  warm. 
From  excess  of  smoke  and  dust  up  to  the  sky, 
The  universe  could  not  be  descried. 
From  the  din  and  tumult  of  both  the  armies, 
The  battle-field  turned  into  the  field  of  the  Day  of  Resur- 
rection, [rockets, 
Showered  from   every   side  cannon-balls,  arrows    and   war- 
And  emptied  the  world  of  heroes. 
The  corpses  of  heroes  frisked  in  every  direction, 
Like  slaughtered  cocks,  on  both  sides. 

In  the  thick  of  the  fighting,  and  amidst  the  shower  of 
arrows  and  rockets,  'Osman,  displaying  great  valour,  placed  before 
himself  rogue  war-elephants,  and  assaulted  the  vanguard  of  the 
Imperialists. 

The  brave  Imperialists  advancing,  grappled  with  their 
swords  and  spears,  and  exhibited  heroism  worthy  of  a  Rustamand 
a  Sam.  Syed  Adam  Barha8  and  Shaikh  Acha2  who  were 
Commanders  of  the  Imperial  vanguard,  fell  gallantly  fighting.  At 
this  moment,  the  flanks  of  both  the  armies  came  into  line. 
Iftikhar  Khan,2  Commander  of  the  left  wing,  and  Keshwar 
Khan,2     Commander   of   the    right  wing,    with   a   large   number 

1  Probably  this  was  the  small  Lakhya  river,  on  which  modern  Narainganj 
is  situate,  and  close  to  which  were  Khizrpur  and  Baktarpur.  Iqbalnamah, 
pp.  61  and  64. 

2  The  Tnzuk  (p.  102)  mentions  that  Kisbwar  Khan  (son  of  Qutbu-d-din 
Khan,  late  Governor  of  Bengal),  Iftikhar  Khan,  Syed  Adam  Barha,  Shaikh 
Acha,  brother's  son  of  Muqqarib  Khan,  Mu'tamid  Khan,  and  Ihtim'am  Khan 
were  under  Shujait's  oommand  in  his  fight  with  'Osman.  Syed  Adam,  Iftikhar. 
and  Shaikh  Acha  were  killed  (theTuzuk,  p.  132).     Later  Abdus  Salam  Khan,  a 


177 

of  adherents,  were  killed  ;  and  on  the  enemy's  side  also  many  passed 
to  hell.1  On  seeing  that  some  or  the  leaders  of  the  Imperialists 
had  been  killed,  and  their  ranks  emptied  of  veterans,  a  second  time 
'Osman  placing  before  himself  the  rogue  elephant,  named  Bacha, 
himself  mounted  on  a  saddled  elephant,  personally  assaulted  the 
Imperial  van,  and  delivered  successive  ousets.  From  the  side 
of  the  Imperialists,  Shujait  Khan,8  with  his  relation's  and  brothers, 
advancing  to  oppose  him,  exhibited  great  bravery  and  heroism. 
Many  of  his  relations  were  killed,  and  many  retreated  on  receiv- 
ing mortal  wounds.  When  that  elephant  came  in  front  of 
ghujait  Khan,  the  latter  spurring  his  horse  struck  it  with  a  spear 
on  its  trunk,  and  with  great  agility  drawing  the  sword  from  his 
waist,  inflicted  two  successive  cuts  on  its  head ;  and  when  he  came 
in  collision  with  the  elephant,  he  drew  his  dagger,  and  inflicted 
on  it  two  more  cuts.  The  elephant,  from  its  great  ferocity,  not 
recking  of  these  cuts,  with  great  fury  rushed  up,  and  flung  down 
both  the  rider  and  the  horse.  Shewing  agility,  Shujait  dismounted 
from  his  horse,  and  stood  erect  on  the  ground.  At  this  juncture, 
Shujait's  groom  struck  the  trunk  of  the  elephant  with  a  double- 
edged  sword,  and  inflicted  a  serious  cut,  causing  the  elephant  to 
fall  on  its  knees.  Shujait  Khan,  with  the  help  of  his  groom, 
threw  down  the  rider  of  the  elephant,  and  with  a  dagger  inflicted 
another  cut  on  its  trunk.  The  elephant  roaring  fiercely  fled  after 
this  cut,  and  moving  some  paces  fell  down.  Shuja'it  Khan's  horse 
sprang  up  unhurt,  and  the  Khan  mounted  it  again.  In  the  mean- 
time, another  elephant  attacking  the  Imperial  standard-bearer 
threw  him  down  with  the  standard. 

son  of  Muazzam  Khan  (a  former  Governor  of  Bengal)  joined  the  Imperialists, 
and  pursued  'Osman.     See  also  Iqbalnamah,  pp.  61  to  64. 

1  The  author's  remark  is  unjust  aud  ungraceful.  The  Afghans  under 
'Osman  were  fighting  for  their  homes  and  hearths,  and  did  not  deserve  this 
opprobrious  expression. 

«  The  Tuzuk  calls  the  elephant  "  Gajpati,"  Iqbalnamah  (p.  62) 
"  Bakhtah." 

8  His  name  was  Shaikh  Kabir-i-ChishtT,  and  his  title  was  Shaikh 
Shujait  Khan  Rustam-i-Zaman.  He  was  a  relative  of  Islam  Khan,  Governor 
of  Bengal  and  served  under  the  latter  in  Bengal,  and  commanded  the 
Imperialists  in  the  fightings  with 'Osman,  the  Lohani  Afghan.  (See  Bloch. 
Tr.,  AIn,  Vol.  I,  p  520,  and  the  Ticzuk,  and  the  Maasir  and  Iqbalnamah,  p.  64). 
He  was  subsequently  appointed  Governor  of  Behar. 
23 


178 

Sbnjiiit  Khan  shouted  out,  "  Take  care,  behave  like  a  man,  I  atn 
alive,  and  will  soon  advance  to  your  rescue."  A  number  of  troops 
who  were  round  the  standard-bearer  took  courage,  inflicted 
serious  cuts  on  the  elephant  which  fled,  and  placed  the  standard- 
bearer  on  the  horse  again.  At  this  time,  when  the  battle  was 
lingering  towards  its  close,  and  many  had  fallen,  and  many  being 
wounded  were  uuable  to  move  their  limbs,  the  Imperial  fortune 
blazed  forth,  and  a  cannon-ball  hit  'Osman  Khan  on  the  forehead, 
and  levelled  him  straight  on  his  horse.  Though  he  realised  that 
he  could  not  survive  this  wound,  still  he  heroically  encouraged  his 
soldiers  to  fight  on.  And  when  he  read  signs  of  defeat  in  the  fore- 
head of  his  fate,  pulling  back  the  l'ein  of  his  adversity,  with  the  last 
breathings  of  a  dying  man,  he  reached  Bengal.  And  the  triumph- 
ant Imperialists  following  him  up  to  his  camp,  halted.  'Osman  l 
expired  at  midnight.  Wali  Khan,  his  brother,  and  Mamriz 
Khan,  his  son,  leaving  behind  the  tents  and  the  armaments, 
and  removing  his  corpse,  fled  to  their  tent.  Shujait  Khan  on 
hearing  of  this,  thought  of  following  up  the  enemy,  but  his  ad- 
visers opposed  the  pursuit  that  day,  on  the  ground  that  the 
troops  were  tired,  the  killed  had  to  be  buried,  and  the  wounded 
dressed.  In  the  meantime,  Mu'taqad  Khan,  who  was  afterwards 
honoured  with  the  title  of  Lashkar  Khan,  'Abdus-Salam  Khan,  son 
of  'Abdul  Mu'azzam  Khan,2  and  other  officers  of  the  Emperor 
arrived  with  a  fresh  re-inforcement  of  300  cavalry  and  400  mus- 

1  Khwajah  'Osman,  according  to  the  Makhzan-i-Afghani,  was  the  second 
son  of  Miyan  'Isa  Khan  Lohani,  who  after  the  death  of  Qutb  Khan  was  the 
leader  of  the  Afghans  in  Orissa  and  South  Bengal.  'Osman  succeeded  his 
brother  Sulaiman,  who  had  '  reigned '  for  some  time,  had  killed  in  a  fight 
Himat  Singh,  son  of  Rajah  Man  Singh,  and  had  held  lands  near  the  Brahma- 
putra, and  subdued  the  Rajahs  of  the  adjacent  countries.  'Osman  succeeded 
him,  and  received  'from  Man  Singh  lands  in  Orissa  and  Satgaon  and  later 
in  Eastern  Bengal,  with  a  revenue  of  5  or  6  lacs  per  year.  His  residence  is 
described  to  have  cbeen  at  "  Kohistan  Dacca,"  the  "Villyet-i- Dacca  "  and 
Dacca  itself.  The  battle  between  'Osman  and  the  Imperialist  General,  Shujait. 
took  place  at  a  distance  of  100  kos  from  Dacca  on  9th  Muharram,  1021  (or  2nd 
March,  1612  A.C.)  Stewart  places  the  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  Subarnarika 
in  Orissa,  which  is  improbable.  'Osman's  brother,  Wall,  on  submission,  received 
a  title  with  a  jagir,  and  was  made  a  commander  of  one  thousand.  According 
to  the  Maasir  he  was  murdered.  See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  520,  Makhzan- 
jr Afghani  and  Iqbulnamah,  p.  61. 

i  He  was  a  Subadar  of  Delhi.     See  Bloch.  Tr.,  A  in,  Vol.  I,  p.  493. 


170 

keteers.  Shujait  Kkan  taking  this  corps  with  kirn,  cliased  tke 
enemy.  Wali  Kkan  despairing  sent  the  following  message  :  "The 
root  of  this  insurrection  "was  'Osman ;  ke  kas  met  witk  kis  deserts, 
we  are  all  loyal.  If  we  receive  assurance  of  safety,  we  would 
make  our  sukmission  and  would  send  tke  elepkants  of  'Osman, 
in  tke  skape  of  tribute."  Skujait  Kkan  and  Mu'taqad  Kkan, 
shewing  ckivalry,  arranged  terms  of  peace.  The  following  day, 
Wali  Kkan  and  Mamriz  Kkan,  witk  all  tkeir  brothers  and 
connexions,  came  to  meet  Shujait  Kkan,  and  presented  forty- 
nine  elepkants  as  tribute.  Shujait  and  Mu'taqad  Kkan,  taking 
charge  of  them,  moved  victorious  and  triumphant  to  Islam  Kkan 
to  Jakaugirnagar  (Dacca).  Islam  Kkan  sent  a  despatch  contain- 
ing news  of  the  victory  to  the  Emperor  at  Akbarabad  (Agra). 
On  tke  16tk  of  tke  montk  of  Muharram  1021  A.H.,  this  despatch 
reached  the  Emperor,  and  was  perused.  In  recognition  of  this 
good  service,  Islam  Khan  was  raised  to  the  mansab  of  a 
Shashhazari,  and  Shujait  Khan  had  his  mansab  raised,  and 
received  the  title  of  Rustam-i-Zaman ;  whilst  all  other  Im- 
perialists who  had  loyally  and  gallantly  co-operated  in  the 
extirpation  of  'Osman  Khan,  received  similarly  befitting  mansabs. 
The  insurrection  of  'Osman  Khan  lasted  eight  years,  and  in 
the  7th  year  of  the  Emperor's  accession,  corresponding  to 
1022  A.H.,  his  subjugation  was  accomplished.  In  the  8th  year 
of  the  Pjrnperor's  accession,  Islam  Khan  led  an  expedition  against 
the  Mags,  who  were  brutes  in  human  form.  Islam  Khan  sent  to 
the  Emperor,  in  charge  of  ids  son,  Hoshang  Khan,  a  number  of 
the  Mags  that  were  captured,  and  in  the  same  year  (1022  A.H.) 
Islam  Khan  died  in  Bengal.  Thereupon,  the  Governorship  of 
that  country  was  entrusted  to  his  brother,  Qasim  Khan. 


NIZAMAT  OF  QASIM  KHAN. 

After  the  Governorship  of  Bengal  was  conferred  on  Qasim 
Khan,  brother  of  Islam  Khan,  he  ruled  five  years  and  a  few 
months,  when  the  Assamese  making  an  incursion  into  the 
conquered  Imperial  domains,  captured  and  decoyed  Syed  Abut 
Bakr.1     Qasim   Kkan    failed    to    make  a  sifting  enquiry  into  tkis 

1  He  was  Commandant  of  a  Mughal  out-post  on  the  Assam  frontier  at 
Jamdhara,  under  Jahangir.     (See  Alamgimamah,  p.  680). 


ISO 

affair,   and   was  therefore   superceded,   and   Ibrahim   Khan'Fateh 
Jang  was  appointed  Nazim  in  his  place. 


NIZAMAT  OF  IBRAHIM    KHAN,  AND  THE  ARRIVAL 
OF  P'RINCE   SHAH  JAHAN  IN  BENGAL. 

Ibrahim  Khan  Fateh  Jang,1  in  the  year  1027  A.H.,  corres- 
ponding to  the  13th  year  of  the  Emperor's  accession,  received  the 
Viceroyalty  of  Bengal  and  Orissa.  He  appointed  his  nephew, 
Ahmad  Beg  Khan 2  to  be  Governor  of  Orissa,  whilst  he  himself 
resided  at  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca),  and  devoted  himself  to  the 
work  of  administration.  As  during  his  incumbency,  several  grave 
affairs  came  to  pass,  these  will  be  briefly  narrated.  In  the  17th 
year  of  the  Emperor's  accession,  corresponding  to  1031  A.H., 
news  reached  Emperor  Jahangir  to  the  effect  that  the  King  of 
Persia  was  aiming  to  wrest  the  fort  of  Qandahar.3  In  conse- 
quence thereof,  Zainul-'Abidin,  the  Pay-Master  General  of  the 
Ahadi*  troops,  communicated  an  order  to  Prince  Shah  Jahan  at 
Burhanpur.  directing  the  latter  to  march  quickly  to  the  Imperial 
presence  with  troops,  artillery  and  elephants.  The  Prince  march- 
ing  from  Burhanpur 6  reached  Mando,6   sent  a  message   to   the 

1  He  was  the  youngest  son  of  Mirza  Ghiiis  Beg,  and  a  brother  of  Empress 
Nur  Jahan.     (See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Aln,  Vol.  I,  p.  512). 

2  See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  512.  He  was  a  son  of  Muhammad  Sharif, 
eldest  son  of  Ghias  Beg,  father  of  Empress  Nur  Jahan. 

S  Iu  the  15th  year,  when  the  Persians  threatened  Qandahar,  Khan  Jahan 
was  appointed  by  Jahangir  Governor  of  Multan.  In  the  17th  year,  Shah 
Akbar,  king  of  Persia,  took  Qandahar,  after  a  siege  of  forty  days.  Khan  Jahan 
was  called  to  court  for  consultation,  and  it  was  decided  that  Prince  Khnrram. 
(Shah  Jahan)  should  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  expeditionary  force  to  re- 
conquer Qandahar.  In  the  meantime,  Shah  Jahan  rebelled,  and  the  expedition 
to  Qandahar  was  not  undertaken.     See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Aln,  Vol.  I,  pp.  503-504. 

*  They  were  a  hody  of  troops  intermediate  between  the  Regulars  and 
non-Regulars  and  Auxiliaries.  They  were  created  under  Akbar.  See  Bloch. 
Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  249,  for  a  full  description  of  Ahadi  troops.  Zainul-Abidin 
was  a  son  of  Asaf  Khan  (III).     See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol,  I,  p.  412. 

5  A  town  in  the  Dakhin  ;  it  was  for  some  time  the  Mughal  head-quarters, 
during  the  military  operations  in  the  Dakhin. 

8  Mando  is  name  of  a  Sirkar  or  district  as  well  as  the  name  of  a  city  in 
Sirkar  Mando,  included  in  the  Siibah  of  Malwah.  (See  Jairett's  Tr.  of  Ain, 
Vol.  II,  p.  206). 


181 

Emperor  to  the  effect  that  as  the  rainy  season  had  approached,  he 
would  make  Mando  his  rainy-season  quarter,  and  would  afterwards 
wait  on  the  Emperor.  He  also  asked  for  pargannah  Dholpur  '  being 
added  to  his  jagir,  and  set  Daria  Khan  2  Afghan  to  take  charge  of  it. 
But  before  the  arrival  of  the  Prince's  letter,  the  Emperor  had 
negotiated  the  marriage  of  Prince  Shahryar  with  a  daughter 
of  Nur  Mahal  s  by  Sher  Afghan,4,  and  at  Nur  Mahal's  request 
the  aforesaid  Pargannah  had  been  bestowed  on  Shaharyar,  and 
Sharifu-1-Mulk,  servant  of  Prince  Shaharyar,  had  taken  possession 
of  the  fort  of  Dholpur.  Soon  after,  Daria  Khan  arrived  and 
wanted  to  forcibly  take  possession  of  the  fort.  From  both  sides, 
the  fire  of  conflict  kindled.  As  luck  would  have  it,  an  arrow  hit 
Sharifu-1-Mulk  on  the  eye,  and  blinded  him.  This  mishap 
caused  the  Begam  B  to  be  indignant ;  the  fire  of  discord  blazed  up, 
and  at  the  instance  of  the  Begam,  the  expedition  to  Qandahar 
was  entrusted  to  Prince  Shahaiyar,  whilst  Mirza  Rustam  6  Safavi 
was    appointed     'Ataliq  of    the  Prince    and     Generalissimo    of 


1  Dholpur  lies  20  hos  from  Agra,  near  the  laft  bank  of  the  Chambal  river. 
(Blooh.  Tr.,  Am,  Vol.  I,  p.  357). 

4  Dariya  Khan  Rohilla  was  an  officer  of  Shah  Jahan  in  the  Dakhin.  (See 
Bloch.  Tr.,  Am,  Vol.  I,  pp.  504-505).  , 

3  Another  name  of  the  renowned  Empress  Nur  Janan,  consort  of  Emperor 
Jahangir. 

4  Sher  Afghan  was  the  first  husband  of  Nur  Jahan ;  by  him  she  had  one 
daughter  named  Ladli  Begum,  to  whom  Prince  Shahryar  (fifth  son  of  Jahangir) 
was  married.  Shah  Jahan  or  Prince  Khurram  was  Jahangir's  third  son.  Nur 
Jahan  had  no  children  by  Jahangir. 

6  That  is,  Empress  Nur  Jahan. 

6  Mirza  Kastam  Safavi  was  third  son  of  Sultan  Husain  Mirza,  nephew  of 
Shah  Tahmasp  king  of  Persia  (930-984  A.H.),  and  Governor  of  Qandahar 
under  the  latter  in  965  A.H.  Mirza  Eustam's  daughter  wa^s  married  to  Prince 
Parviz,  second  son  of  Jahangir.  He  invaded  Qandahar,  but  met  with  no 
success.  In  1021,  Jahangir  appointed  him  Governor  of  Thatha,  and  after- 
wards Shiishhazart  and  Governor  of  Allahahad,  and  in  the "21st  year,  Governor 
of  Behar.  He  died  in  1051  at  Agra.  His  third  son  Mirza  Hasan-i-Safavi  was 
Governor  of  Koch  under  Jahangir  and  died  in  1059  A.H.,  and  his  grandson  (son 
of  Mirza  Hasan)  named  Mirza  Safshekan  was  Faujdar  of  Jessore  in  Bengal. 
(See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Am,  Vol.  I,  pp  314-315  and  Maasir-ul-Umara).  Mirzanagar, 
a  place  close  to  Jessore  town,  probably  was  Mirza  Safshekan's  Faujdari  head- 
quarters, and  received  its  name  from  him.  He  died  in  1073  A.H.  Mirza 
Safshekan's  son,  Mirza  Saifu-d-clin  Safavi,  accepted  the  titular  distinction  of 
Khan  under  Auraugzeb. 


182 

his  army.  On  hearing  of  the  blazing  of  the  fire  of  discord,'  Shah 
Jahan  sent  to  the  Emperor  along  with  a  letter  Afzal  Khan,  son  of 
Abul  Fazl  'Allami,  who  after  his  dismissal  from  the  Governorship 
of  Behar,  held  the  office  of  Diwan  to  the  Prince,  so  that  with  the 
aid  of  cajolery  and  civility  the  storm  of  the  dust  of  discord  might 
be  made  to  subside,  and  relations  of  amity  and  harmony  between 
the  Emperor  and  the  Prince  might  not  cease.  Inasmuch  as  the 
Begam  held  absolute  sway  over  the  mind  of  the  Emperor,  Afzal 
Khan  was  refused  an  audience,  and  was  ordered  back  with- 
out accomplishing  his  mission.  And  orders  were  passed  on  the 
Imperial  Revenue-officers  directing  that  the  Mahals  in  the 
possession  of  Shah  Jahan,  in  the  Sarkars  of  Hisar  l  and  Doab,3 
should  be  transferred  to  Prince  Shaharyar.  And  injunctions 
were  issued  to  Prince  Shah  Jahan,  intimating  that  the 
Subahs  of  the  Dakhin,  and  Gujrat  3  and  Malwa  *  were  bestowed 
on  him,  and  that  he  might  rule  over  them,  making  his  head- 
quarters within  those  limits  wherever  he  pleased,  and  directing 
that  he  should  quickly  despatch  to  the  Emperor  some  troops  for 
the  expedition  to  Qandahar.  And  in  the  beginning  of  the  month 
of  Khurdad,  in  the  18th  year  of  the  Emperor's  accession,  in  the 
year  1032  A.H.  Asaf  Kban,b  was  appointed  Subahdar  of  the  Pro- 
vinces of  Bengal  and  Orissa.  Since  a  daughter  of  Asaf  Khan  had 
been  married  to   Shah  Jahan,   some  malicious   persons  imputing 

1  In  the  Ain-i-Akbari,  Sarkar  of  Hissar  (or  Hissar  Firuzah  called  after 
Emperor  Piruz  Shah  Tughlak  who  founded  the  city  of  Hissar  about  1354 
A.C.),  is  described  as  one  of  the  Sarkars  or  districts  included  in  the  Subah  of 
Delhi.  This  Sarkar  is  described  as  containing  27  mahals,  with  revenue  of 
52,554,905  Dams.     (Jarrett's  Tr.  of  Am,  Vol  II,  p.  293). 

8  Under  the  Subah  of  Lahore  (Jarrett's  Tr.  of  Ain,  Vol.  II,  p.  315),  five 
Doab  Sarkars  are  mentioned.  These  five  Sarkars  were  :  ( 1 )  Sarkar  of  Bet 
Jalandhar  Doab,  (2)tSarkar  of  Bari  Doab,  (3)  Sarkar  of  Bechnan  Doab,  (4) 
Chenbat  (Jech)  Doab,  (5)  SiDdh  Sagur  Doab. 

3  See  Ain-i-Akbari,  Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II,  p.  238. 

4  See  Ain,  Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II,  p.  195. 

6  He  was  Mirza  Abul  Husain  Asaf  Khan  (IV)  second  son  of  MIrza  Ghias 
Beg,  and  brother  of  Empress  Nur  Jahan,  and  father  of  Shah  Jahan's  Queen, 
Mumtaz  Mahal  or  Taj  Bibi,  whose  mausoleum,  the  Taj,  is  at  Agra.  He  received 
from  Shah  Jahan  the  title  of  Yaminu-d-daulah  and  Khan-i-Khaiian  Sepahsalar} 
and  was  made  a  commander  of  9,000.  He  died  in  1051  A.H.  and  was  buried 
at  Lahore,  north  of  Jahangir's  tomb.  He  married  a  daughter  of  Mirza  Ghias  - 
u-din  AH  Asaf  Khan  II.  See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  pp,  511  and  368  and 
Maaiir  ul-Umara. 


183 

to  Asaf  Khan  partiality  for  Shah  Jahan,  induced  the  Begam  tf) 
call  from  Kabul  Mahabet  Khan,  who  was  an  old  enemy  of  Asaf 
Khan,  and  who  was  also  ill-disposed  to  Shah  Jahan.  And  the 
Imperial  order  with  the  Begam's  message  was  sent  for  summons- 
ing Mahabet  Kb  an.  Mahabet  Khan  on  arrival  from  Kabul,  was 
honoured  with  an  audieuce  by  the  Emperor.  Order  was  also 
passed  to  Sharif  Khan,1  Vakil  of  Prince  Parviz,  to  hasten  to 
Court  with  the  Prince  and  the  Behar  army.  And  since  the 
Begam  was  anxious,  owing  to  separation  from  her  brother,  that 
year  on  the  2nd  of  tbe  month  of  Adar,  order  was  given  to  Asaf 
Khan  to  return  to  Court.  In  short,  on  being  apprised  of  the 
foregoing  incidents  of  inattention  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor,  and 
of  ill-will  on  the  part  of  Nur  Jahan  Begam,  Shah  Jahan  arranged 
that  Qazi  'Abdul  Aziz  proceeding  to  court,  should  represent  his 
wishes  to  the  Emperor,  whilst  he  himself  would  follow  before  the 
arrival  of  Prince  Parviz  and  the  armies  from  different  parts  of 
the  Empire,  so  that  the  dust  of  discord  might  possibly  be  laid. 
In  short,  the  aforesaid  Qazi  met  the  Imperial  army  on  the  banks 
of  the  river2  of  Ludianah.  Inasmuch  as  the  Emperor's  mind  was 
enamoured  of  the  Begam's  seductions,  the  Qazi  was  refused 
access  to  the  Emperor,  and  Mahabet  Khan  was  ordered  to  im- 
prison him.  Soon  after,  Shah,  Jahan  also  with  a  large  army 
encamped  at  Fatehpur,  in  the  vicinity  of  Akbarabad  (Agra). 
The  Emperor  marched  back  from  Sirhind,8  and  all  the  grandees 
and  officers  from  different  jagirs  joined  the  Emperor,  and  before 
the  Capital,  Delhi,  was  reached,  a  numerous  force  collected.  The 
vanguard  of  the  Imperialists  was  entrusted  to  the  command  of 
'Abdullah  Khan,41  who  was  ordered  to  proceed  one  Jcroh  in  advance 
of  the  Imperial  camp.  But  Shah  Jahan,  foreseeing  the  result, 
thought  that  if  he  engaged  in  fighting  against  such  a  numerous 
army,  the  result  might  prove  disastrous.     Consequently,  together 

1  See  p.  517,  Vol.  I,  Bloch.  Tr.  of  Am  and  Maasir-ul-Umara.  He  enjoyed 
the  titles  of  Amir-ul-Umara  and  Vakil,  and  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  Jahangir. 

2  Kiver  Satlej  is  meant ;  Ludhiana  town  is  situate  on  its  banks.  See  Ain- 
i-Akbari,  Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II,  p.  310. 

8  Sarkar  of  Sirhind  is  mentioned  by  Abul  Fazl  under  Subah  Delhi  in 
the  Am  (See  Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II,  p.  105).  Sirhind  was  long  the  western 
frontier  of  India,  and  hence  the  name. 

*  He  was  a  Barha  Syed.  The  Barha  Syeds  alone  had  the  privilege  to 
fight  in  the  vanguard  (or  harawil). 


184 

with  the  Khan  Khanan  l  and  other  officers,  retiring1  by  the  right- 
side  road,  he  marched  20  Jcroh  northwards.  He  left,  however,  Rajah 
Bikramajit2  and  Darab  Khan,  son  of  the  Khan  Khanan,  together 
with  other  officers,  in  front  of  the  Imperialists,  so  that  if  the 
latter,  under  the  direction  of  the  Begam,  led  the  pursuit,  the 
aforesaid  commanders  might  prevent  their  advance,  till  the 
discord  subsided.  On  the  20th  Jamadi-al-Awwal  1032  A.H., 
news  of  Shah  Jahan's  withdi'awal  reached  the  Emperor.  The 
Begam,  under  the  advice  of  Mahabet  Khan,  detached  Asaf  Khan 
Khwajah  Abul  Hasan,3  'Abdullah  Khan,  Lashkar  Khan,4* 
Fedai  Khan 5  and  Nawazish  Khan,6  &c,  with  25,000  cavalry 
to  tight.  From  Shah  Jalian's  side,  Rajah  Bikramajit  and  Darab 
Khan,  arraying  their  forces,  advanced,  and  on  both  sides  the 
figliting  commenced  with  arrows  and  muskets.  As  'Abdullah 
Khan1?  was  in  intrigue  with  Shah  Jahan,  he  promised  that  when 
the  two  forces  would  encounter  each  other,  availing  himself  of  an 
opportunity,  he  would  go  over  to  the  Prince's  side.     Finding  an 

1  This  was  Ehan-i-Khanfm  MTrza  Abdiir  Rahim,  son  of  Bairam  KJiiin. 
See  Bloch.  Tr.  of  Ain,  Vol.  I,  (p.  334  and  Maasir-ul-  Vmara.  When  Shah  Jahan 
rebelled,  he  sided  with  the  latter.  His  second  son's  name  was  Darab  Khan, 
who  fell  into  the  hands  of  Prince  Parviz  and  Mahabet  Khan,  who  killed  him, 
wrapped  his  head  in  a  table-cloth,  and  s,ent  it  as  a  present  of  a  '  melon  '  to 
his  father,  Mirza  Abdur  Rahiui. 

2  His  name  was  Rai  Pati  Das;  he  was  a  Khatri.  Akbar  conferred  on 
him  the  title  of  Eaja  Bikramajit.  He  served  Akbar  as  joint  Diwan  of  Bengal, 
Diwan  of  Behar,  and  was  made  a  commander  of  5,000.  Jahangir  on  his 
accession  created  him  Mir  Atash  or  Superintendent  of  Artillery.  When  dis- 
turbances broke  out  in  Gujrat,  he  was  sent  to  Ahmadabad  to  pacify  the 
rebels.     See  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  469,  Bloch.  Tr.  and  Maasir-ul-Umara. 

3  The  printer  or  editor  of  the  text  by  mistake  has  put  «  between  Asaf 
Khan    and  Khwajah  Abul  Husain. 

4  The  title  of  'J  Lashkar  Khan"  was  held  by  (1)  Muhammad  Husain  of 
Khurasan,  under  Akbar,  (2)  by  Abul  Hasan  Mashadi  under  Jahangir,  and  (3) 
by  Jan  Nisar  Kh;in  Yudgar  Beg  under  Shah  Jahan.  The  second  is  meant 
here.  i 

6  Mirza  Rustam  had  the  takhallus  of  Fidai.  (See  p.  314,  Bloch.  Tr.,  Am, 
Vol.  I).     I  am  not  sure  if  he  is  meant  here. 

6  Sadullah,  son  of  Said  Khan,  Governor  of  Bengal,  held  the  title  of 
Nawazish  Khan  (see  Ain,  Bloch.  Tr.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  363-331). 

T  Abdullah  Khan  Uzbak  was  made  by  Akbar  a  Panjhazari,  and  was  sent 
to  Malwah  with  unlimited  power.  He  '  reigned  in  Mando  like  a  king.'  See 
Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  321  and  Maasir-ul-Umara.  I  am  not  sure  if  he  is 
meant  here. 


165 

opportunity  now,  he  with  the  greatest  expedition  joined  Shah 
Jahan's  army.  Rajah  Bikramajit  who  was  aware  of  'Abdullah 
Khan's  plan,  with  great  delight  went  to  Darab  Khan,  to  inform 
the  latter  of  'Abdullah  Khan's  desertion.  As  luck  would  have 
it,  a  cannon-ball  hit  the  Rajah  on  the  forehead,  and  threw  him 
down.  From  this  mishap,  the  thread  of  the  arrangement  of 
Shah  Jahan's  army  was  broken.  Although  »a  commander 
like  'Abdullah  Khan,  destroying  the  basis  of  the  Imperial  van- 
guard, had  joined  the  Prince's  army,  Darab  Khan  and  other 
commanders  of  Shah  Jahau's  army  were  not  daring  enough  to 
hold  their  ground.  On  the  Imperialists'  side,  the  desertion  of 
'Abdullah  Khan,  and  on  the  Prince's  side,  the  fall  of  Rajah 
Bikramajit  caused  mutual  confusion,  and  both  the  armies  were 
dispirited.  Towards  the  end  of  the  day,  both  the  forces  withdrew 
to  their  quarters.  At  length,  the  Emperor  withdrew  from  Akbar- 
abad  towards  Ajmlr,  whilst  Prince  Shah  Jahan  retired  towards 
Maudo.  On  the  25th  of  the  Jamadi-al- A  wwal,  the  Emperor 
detached  Prince  Parviz  with  a  large  army  to  follow  up  Shah 
Jahan  ;  and  Mahabet  Khan  was  entrusted  with  the  command  of 
Prince  Parviz's  army.  When  Prince*  Parviz  with  his  army, 
crossing  the  defile  of  Chanda  l  arrived  in  the  Vilayet  8  of  Mando, 
Shah  Jahan  with  his  army  sallied  out  of  the  fort  of  Mando,  and 
detached  Rustam  Khar. s  with  a  body  of  'troops  to  encounter 
Prince  Parviz.  Bahau-d-din  Barqandaz,  one  of  the  confidants 
of  Rustam  Khan,  a  servant  of  Shah  Jahan,  held  treason- 
able correspondence  with  Mahabet  Khan,  and  was  waiting 
for  an  opportunity.  At  the  time  when  the  two  armies  fell  into 
battle-array,  Rustam  Khan  riding  forward  joined  the  Imperialists. 
This  wretched  Rustam  Khan  was  by  Shah  Jahan  elevated  from 
the  niansab  of  a  Sehb<tsti  *  to  that  of  a  Pavjhazdri,  and  honoured  with 
the  title  of  Rustam  Khan  and  appointed  Governor  of  Gujiat,  and 
he  enjoyed  the    Prince's  full  confidence.     Now    that    the    Prince 

1  it  is  a  place  mentioned  under  Subah  Berar  in  the  ^In-i-AkbarT  (Bloch 
Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  II,  p.  230),  near  it  is  Manikdrug  fort. 

2  There  is  no  such  Vilayet,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term ;  but  only  a 
Sarknr  of  Mando  in  Sahah  Malwah. 

3  Rustam  Khan-i-Dakhini  is  mentioned  in  the  Ain,  as  Jagirdar'of  Samo- 
garh.     See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol    I,  p.  478. 

*  "  Sehbasti"  in  the  printed  text  seems  to  be  a  mistake  or  misprint  for 
"  Sihaspi."  (See  Bloch  Ain,  Tr.,  Vol.  I,  p  24,5,  for  a  dissertation  on  the  con- 
stitution of  the  Mughal  Armyh 

24 


186 

appointing  him  generalissimo  detached  liim  to  encounter  Prince 
Parviz,  the  wretch  shelving  the  obligations  of  so  many  years' 
kindness,  joined  Mahabet  Khan.  Owing  to  the  occurrence  of  this 
mishap,  Shah  Jahan' s  army  got  demoralised,  and  all  confidence 
between  each  other  was  lost.  Many,  going  the  high-way  of 
infidelity,  fled.  On  hearing  of  this,  Shah  J  ah  an  summoned  the 
remnant  of  the* army  to  his  side,  crossed  the  river  Narbada,  and 
removed  the  boats  to  his  side  of  the  river-bank.  Leaving  Bairam 
Beg,  the  Pay-Master  General  of  the  Force,  with  a  body  of  troops 
on  the  banks  of  the  river,  Shah  Jahan  himself  with  the  Khan- 
i-Khauau  and  'Abdullah  Khan  and  others  proceeded  towards  the 
fort  of  Asir  and  Burhanpur.  Muhammad  Taqi  Bakshi  intercept- 
ing the  letter  of  the  Khan  Khauan,  which  the  latter  had  secretly 
despatched  to  Mahabet  Khan,'  produced  it  before  Shah  Jahan. 
On  the  top  of  the  letter,  this  line  was  written:  — 

«   Translation  : 

A  hundred  persons  with  their  eyes  watch  me, 

Or  else  1  should  have  fled  from  this  discomfort. 

<■ 

Shah    Jahan    summoning    the    Khan    Khan  an   with    his    son 
Darab  Khan  from  his  house,  secretly  showed  him  the  letter.     The 
latter    failed  to  give  any  satisfactory  explanation.      Consequently, 
the   Khan-i-Khanan  with  his  son  was  kept  in  surveillance  close  to 
the  Prince's   quarters,  and  then  the   inauspicious  presage  of  the 
line  (quoted  above)  came  to  pass.     Mahabet  Khan  sending  secret 
letters,  had  diverted  the  Khan  Khanan  from  the  path    of    loyalty, 
through  the  persuasions  of  traitors.   And  the  Khan  Khanan,  by  way 
of    advice,  told  Shah  Jahan  that  as  the   times  were   out  of  joint, 
following   the  saying  :  jU>  AjU  jb  /i  a}LJ  y  lj  jJUj  (Translation  : 
"If  the   times  do  not   fall   in  with   you,  you  must  adjust  yourself 
to  the  times  ")  he  should  arrange  for  an  armistice,  as    that   would 
be   expedient  and  desirable   in   the  interests  of  humanity.      Shah 
Jahan  deeming  the  extinguishing  of  the  fire  of  discord  to  be  a  great 
achievement,  called  the  Khan  Khanan  to  his  closet,  and  first  reas- 
sured his   mind  in   respect  of  him  by  making  the  latter  swear  by 
the  Qoran.    And  the  Khan  Khanan  placing  his  hand  on  the  Qoran 
swore  with  vehemence  that  he   would  never   play   false   with  the 


187 

Prince,  nor  turn  disloyal,  and  that  lie  would  put  forth  his  efforts 
to  bring  about  the  welfare  of  both  the  parties.  Thus  beiug  reas- 
sured, Shah  Jahan  sent  off  the  Khan  Khanan,  and  kept  Darab 
Khan  and  his  sons  with  himself.  It  was  also  settled  that  the 
Khan  Khanan  should  remain  on  this  side  of  the  river  JSTarbada, 
nnd  by  means  of  correspondence  arrange  terms  of  peace. 
When  news  of  the  conclusion  of  an  armistice  and  t>f  the  departure 
of  the  Khan  Khanan  became  known,  the  troop.3  who  had  been 
stationed  to  guard  the  banks  of  the  river,  ceasing  to  be  vigilant 
and  alert,  neglected  to  guard  the  ferries  of  the  river.  Of  a  night, 
at  a  time  when  these  were  asleep,  a  body  of  Imperialists  plunging 
into  the  river  with  their  horses,  gallantly  crossed  over.  A  great 
hubbub  arose,  and  from  panic  men's  hands  and  feet  were 
paralysed.  Bairam  Beg,  ashamed  of  himself,  went  to  Shah 
Jahan.  On  hearing  of  the  treachery  of  the  Khan  Khanan  and  of 
the  crossing  of  the  river  Narbada  by  the  Imperialists,  Shah 
Jahan  deeming  it  inexpedient  to  halt  any  further  at  Burhanpur, 
crossed  the  river  Tapti,  in  the  thick  of  the  rains,  amidst  a 
storm-wave,  and  marched  towards  Orissa,1  scouring  the  Proviuce 
of  Qutbu-l-Mulk.2 

1  The  following  is  extracted  from  Bloch.  Tr.,  Am,  as  it  briefly  and  at  the 
same  time  lucidly  describes  Shah  Jahan's  movements: 

"  Shah  Jahan  rebelled,  returned  with  MIrza  Abdur  Rahim  Khan-i-Khanan 
to  Mando,  and  then  moved  to  Burhanpur.  On  the  march  thither,  Shah 
Jahan  intercepted  a  letter  which  MIrza  Abdur  Rahim  had  secretly  written  to 
Mahabet  Khan,  whereupon  he  imprisoned  him  and  his  son  Darab  Khan  and 
sent  them  to  Fort  AsTr,  but  released  them  soon  after  on  parole.  Parviz  and 
Mahabet  Khan  had  in  the  meantime  arrived  at  the  Narbadda  to  capture 
Shah  Jahan.  Bairam  Beg,  an  officer  of  Shah  Jahan,  had  for  this  reason  re- 
moved all  boats  to  the  left  side  of  the  river,  and  successfully  prevented  the 
Imperialists  from  crossing.  At  MIrza  Abdur  Rahim'sf  advice,  Shah  Jahan 
proposed  at  this  time  an  armistice.  He  made  him  swear  on  the  Qoran,  and  sent 
him  as  ambassador  to  Prince  Parviz.  Mahabet  Khiin,  knowing  that  the  fords 
would  not  now  be  so  carefully  watched  as  before,  effectSd  a  crossing,  and 
MTrza  Abdur  Rahim,  forgetful  of  his  oath,  joined  Parviz  and  did  not  return 
to  Shah  Jahan,  who  now  fled  from  Burhanpur,  marching  through  Talinganah 
to  Orissa  and  Bengal.  Mahabet  and  MIrza  Abdur  Rahim  followed  him  up  a 
short  distance  beyond  the  Tapti.  .  .  Shah  Jahan  then  moved  into  Bengal 
and  Behar,  of  which  he  made  Darab  Khan  Governor."  Bloch.  Tr.,  Aln,  Vol. 
I,  p.  337. 

2  In  the  Aln,  it  is  stated  as  below  : — "  Talinganah  was  subject  to  Qutbu-1- 
Mulk,  but  for  some   time    past   has   been  under  the    Ruler   of    Berar."     (See 


188 

AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  ARRLVAL  OF  PRINCE  SJJAH 
JAHAN'S  ARMY  IN  BENGAL,  AND  THE  FALL  OF 
IBRAHIM  K^AN  FATEH  JANGr. 

When  Prince  Shah  Jahan's  army  reached  Orlssa,  Ahmad  Beg 
Khan,  nephew  of  Ibrahim  Khan,  Nazim  of  Bengal,  who  from  before 
his  uncle  held  the  Deputy  Governorship  of  Orissa,  was  out  in  the 
interior  to  chastise  some  Zamindars.  Suddenly  hearing  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Prince,  he  lost  all  courage,  and  abandoning  his 
mission,  he  proceeded  to  Pipli  *  which  was  the  Headquarters  of  the 
Governor  of  that  Province,  and  withdrew  thence  with  his 
treasures  and  effects  to  Katak,  which  from  Pipli  is  12  kroh 
towards  Bengal.  Not  finding  himself  strong  enough  to  encamp 
even  at  Katak,  he  fled  to  Bard  wan,  and  informed  Saleh  Beg,2  nephew 
of  Ja'fer  Beg,  of  the  whole  affair.  Saleh  Beg  did  not  credit  the 
iiews  of  the  arrival  of  Shah  Jahan  in  Orissa.  At  this  time,  a 
letter  of  a  soothing  teuour  came  from  Abdullah  Khan  to  Saleh 
Beg.  The  latter,  not  being  won  over,  fortified  the  fort  of 
Bardwan,  and  entrenched  himself  there.  And  when  Shah  Jahan's 
army  arrived  at  Bardwa.i,  'Abdullah  besieged  the  fort,  and 
Saleh  Beg  was  hard-pressed.  When  things  came  to  their  worst, 
and  all  hopes  of  relief  were  lost,  Saleh  Beg  was  obliged 
to  surrender  to  « 'Abdullah  Khan.  The  Khan  putting 
a  piece  of  cloth  round  the  Beg's  neck,  dragged  him  to  the  presence 
of  the  Prince.  When  this  thorn  was  put  out  of  the  way,  the 
banners  of  victory  were  raised  aloft  towards  Rajmahal.   When  this 

Jarrett'a  Tr.,  Am,  Vol.  II,  p.  230),  Quli  Qntb  Shah  was  the  founder  of  the 
Qutb  ShShI  dynasty  in  1512,  with  Golkandah  as  his  capital.  It  was  conquered 
by  Aurangzeb  in  1688.     (See  p.  238  do.) 

1  This  is  obviously  a  Printer's  mistake  in  the  text  for  Pipli.  south  of 
Cuttack.  Behli  (or  Pipli)  is  mentioned  in  Sarkar  Jalesar  in  the  Ain.  (See 
Jarrett's  Tr.,  Vol.  II,  p.  142). 

2  The  list  of  grandees  in  the  Padshnhna7nah  describes  Muhamad  Shiih  (or 
Saleh  Beg)  as  a  son  "of  MirzaShabT,  and  nephew  of  Mirza  Jafar  Beg  As-if  Khan 
III.  (See  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  pp.  411-412).  Asaf  Khan  Jafar  Beg  is 
described  as  a  man  of  the  greatest  genius,  an  able  financier,  and  a  capital  ac- 
countant. Dis  intelligence  was  sufdi  that  he  could  master  the  contents  of  a  page 
by  a  glance  ;  he  was  a  great  horticulturist,  planting  and  lopping  off  branches 
with  own  hinds  in  his  gardens.  He  was  also  a  great  poet.  He  was  Vakilu- 
1-Mulk  and  a  Commander  of  Five  Thousand,  under  Emperor  Jahan gir.  His 
son  Mirza  Zainul-abidin  is  mentioned  in  the  Am  as  a  commander  of  1,500 
with  500  horse. 


189 

news  reached  Ibrahim  Khan  Fateh  Jang,1  who  was  Viceroy 
of  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  he  sank  in  the  river  of  bewilderment. 
Although  his  auxiliary  forces  were  scattered  about  in  the'tract3 
at  Magha  and  in  other  places,  mustering  up  courage,  at 
Akbarnagar  otherwise  called  Rajmahal,  he  set  himself  to 
strengthen  the  fortifications,  to  mobilize  bis  troops,  and  to  arrange 
his  forces  and  armaments.  At  this  time,  the  message  of  the 
Prince  came  to  him,  to  the  following  effect:  'Owing  to  the 
decree  of  fate,  whatever  was  predestined  has  "passed  from  poten- 
tiality into  action;  and  the  victorious  army  has  come  this 
side.  Though  before  the  outlook  of  my  aspiration,  the  extent  of 
this  Province  is  nob  wider  than  the  area  coveted  by  the  movement 
of  a  glance,  yet  as  this  tract  has  fallen  in  my  course,  I  cannot 
summarily  leave  it.  If  you  intend  to  proceed  to  the  Imperial 
presence,  and  to  stay  my  hand  from  meddling  with  your  life, 
property  and  family,  I  tell  you  to  set  out  in  full  security  for 
Delhi;  or  else  if  you  consider  it  expedient  to  tarry  in  this  Pro- 
vince, select  any  place  in  this  Province  that  may  suit  you, 
and  you  will  be  let  alone  there  at  ease  and  comfort."  Ibrahim 
Khan  in  reply  wrote  :  "  The  Emperor  lias  entrusted  this  country 
to  this,  their  old  servant.  So  long  as  my  head  survives,  I  will  cling 
to  this  province  ;  so  long  as  my  life  lasts,  I  will  hold  out.  The 
beauties  of  my  past  life  are  known  to  me ;  how  little  now  remains 
of  my  future  life  in  this  world  ?  Now  I  have  no  other  aspiration 
than  that,  in  the  discharge  of  niy  obligations  for  past  Royal 
favours  and  in  the  pursuit  of  loyalty,  I  may  sacrifice  my  life,  and 
obtain  the  felicity  of  martyrdom."3  In  short,  Ibrahim  Khan  at 
first  intended  to  shelter  himself  in  the  fort  of  Akbarnagar,  but  as 
the  fort  was  large,  and  as  he  had  not  at  his  command  a  sufficiently 
large  force  to  properly  defend  it  from  all  sides,  he  entrenched 
himself  in  his  sou's  mausoleum,  which  had  a  small  rampart.  At 
this  time,  a  body  of  Shah  Jahan's  troops  who  were  detailed  to 
garrison  the  Fort  besieged  the  rampart  of  the  mausoleum,  and 
from  both  inside  and  outside,   the   fire  of  arrdws    and   muskets 

1  He  appears  to  have  gone  at  this  time  temporarily  from  Dacca  (then  the 
Mnghnl  Viceregal  Capital  of  Bengal)  to  Rajmahal. 

3  That  is,  South- Western  Behar.  'Tract  of  Magha'  or  South-Western 
Behar  should  not  be  confounded  with  the  '  tract  of  Mags',  or  Arrakan. 

8  I  must  remark  Ibrahim  Khan  was  uncommonly  loyal  for  his  times 
which  were  full  of  traitors,  as  the  text  shews. 


190 

blnzed  up.  At  the  same  time,  Ahmad  Beg  Khan  also  arrived, 
and  entered  the  rampart.  By  his  arrival,  the  hearts  of  the 
besieged  were  somewhat  encouraged.  As  the  family  and  children 
of  many  of  Ibrahim  Khan's  party  were  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  'Abdullah  Khan  and  Daria  Khan  Afghan  planned  to  cross 
the  river,  and  array  their  forces  on  the  other  side.  Ibrahim 
Khan1  on  hearing  of  this,  became  anxious.  Taking  in  his  com- 
pany Ahmad  Khan,  Ibrahim  marched  confounded  to  the  other  side, 
left  other  persons  to  protect  the  fortifications  of  the  mausoleum, 
and  sent  in  advance  of  himself  war- vessels,  so  that  these  seizing 
the  routes  of  march  of  the  Prince's  army,  might  prevent  his  cross- 
ing over. 


End  of  Fasc.  2. 

1  Mirza  Ghias  Beg's  third  son  was  Ibrahim  Khan  Fateh  Jung.  He  was  a 
brother  of  the  Empress  NTur  Jahan,  and  through  her  influence,  became  Gover- 
nor of  Bengal  and  Behar,  under  Jahangir.  He  was  killed  near  his  son's  tomb 
at  Bajmahal,  during  Shah  Jahan's  rebellion.  His  son  had  died  young,  and 
was  buried  near  Rajmahal,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges  (Tuzuk,  p.  383). 
His  nephew,  Ahmad  Beg  Khan,  on  Ibrahim's  death,  retreated  to  Dacca, 
where  he  handed  over  to  Shah  Jahan  500  elephants,  and  45  lacs  of  rupees 
(Tuzuk,  p.  384).  See  alfo  Padshahnamdh  11,727  and  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain.  Vol. 
I,  p.  511.     Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri  and  Maasir-ul-Umara. 


191 


(Fasc.  III.) 

But  before  the  war-vessels  arrived,  Daria  Khan  had  crossed  the 
river.  Ibrahim  Khan  on  being  apprised  of  this,  directing  Ahmad 
Beg  to  cross  the  river,  sent  him  to  oppose  Daria  Khan.1  When 
the  two  armies  encountered  each  other,  a  great  battle  ensued  on 
the  banks  of  the  river,  and  a  large  number  of  Ahmad  Beg's 
comrades  were  killed.  Ahmad  Beg,  not  finding  himself  strong 
enough  to  stand  his  ground,  retired.  Ibrahim  Khan  with  a  corps 
of  well-mounted  cavalry,  joined  him.  Daria  Khan,  on  hearing  of 
this,  retired  a  few  kmh,  and  AbduJIah  Khan  Bahadur  Firuz  Jang  a 
also  advancing  a  few  kroh,  under  guidance  of  zamindars,  crossed 
the  river,  and  joined  Daria  Khan.  By  chance,  on  a  site  which  is 
flanked  on  one  side  by  the  river  and  on  the  other  by  a  dense 
jungle,  they  encamped,  and  arrayed  their  troops  for  battle. 
Ibrahim  Khan,  crossing  the  river  Ganges,  set  to  fight.  He  detach- 
ed Syed  Nurullah,3  an  officer,  with  eighj;  hundred  cavalry  to  form 


1  Daria  Khan  was  a  Rohilla  general  under  Shah  Jahan.  In  the  begin- 
ning,  he  was  employed  under  Shaikh  Farid,  and  under  Sharif  n-l-Mulk,  distin- 
guished himself  in  the  battle  of  Dholpur.  After  the  battle  of  Benares,  he 
deserted  Shah  Jahan.     (See  Maasiru-l-Umara,  p.  18,  Vol.  II). 

3  When  Rajab  Partab,  Rajah  of  Bhojpur  or  Ujjain  (west  of  Arrah)  revolt- 
ed against  the  Emperor  Shah  Jahan,  in  the  10th  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign, 
Abdullah  Khan  Firuz  Jang  besieged  and  captured  Bhojpur  (1016  A.H.) 
Partab  surrendered,  and  was  executed;  his  wife  became  a  Muhammadan  and 
was  married  to  Abdullah's  grandson.  (See  Padshahnamah  1,  b.  pp.  271  to 
274  and  Maasiru-l-Umara,  p.  777,  Vol.  II).  Abdullah  Khan,  though  he  was 
thoroughly  loyal  to  Prince  Shah  Jahan  at  the  battle  of  Benares,  subsequently 
seceded  from  the  Prince,  and  submitted  to  Jahangir  through  the  intercession 
of  Khan  Jahan.     (See  p.  248,  Fasc.  3,  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahanyin). 

3  One  Mir  Nurullah  is  mentioned  in  the  Ain  amongst^the  learned  men  of 
Akbar's  time.  It  is  evident  the  Nurullah  in  the  text  was  a  Syed  of  Barha ; 
for  the  Syeds  of  Barha  from  Akbar's  time  were  enrolled  in  the  Army,  and 
claimed  their  place  in  battle  in  the  van  or  haraol.  Many  of  these  Barha 
Syeds  for  their  military,  or  political  services  to  the  State,  were  honoured  by 
the  Mughal  Emperors  with  the  honorific  distinction  of  "  Khan,"  which  in 
course  of  time  very  often  obliterated  all  traces  of  their  being  Syeds.  For 
instance,  Syed  All  Asghar,  son  of  Syed  Mahmud  of  Barha,  received  the 
title  of  '  Saif  Khan '  under  Jahangir,  his  nephew  Syed  Jafar  received  the  title 
of    '  Shnjait    Khan',  Syed    Jafar's  nephew,    Syed  Sultan,  received  the  title  of 


192 

the  van,  and  set  Ahmad  Beg  Khan  with  seven  hundred  cavalry 
to  form  the  centre ;  whilst  he  himself  with  thousands  of  cavalry 
and  infantry,  held  the  line  of  reserve.  A  great  battle  ensued, 
when  the  two  forces  encountered  each  other.  N&rnllah  being 
unable  to  stand  his  ground,  retreated,  and  the  fighting  extended 
to  Ahmad  Beg  Khan.  The  latter  gallantly  ^continuing  the  fight, 
was  seriously  wounded.  Ibrahim  Khan  being  unable  to  be  a 
passive  spectator  of  the  scene,  advanced  rapidly.  By  this  forward 
movement,  the  array  of  his  force  was  disturbed.  Many  of  his 
followers  stooped  to  the  disgrace  of  flight,  whilst  Ibrahim  Khan 
with  a  few  troops  only  advanced  to  the  battle-field.  Although  the 
officers  of  his  staff  seizing  him,  wanted  to  drag  him.  out  from 
that  labyrinth  of  destruction,  he  did  not  assent  to  retreat,  and 
said  :  "  At  my  time  of  life,  this  cannot  be.  What  can  be  better 
than  that,  sacrificing  my  life,  I  should  be  reckoned  amongst  the 
loyal  servants  of  the  Emperor  "?  At  this  juncture,  the  enemy 
from  all  sides  rushing  up,  inflicted  on  him  mortal  wounds,  finished 
his  work,  and  victory  declared  itself  for  the  adherents  of  the 
fortunate  Prince.  And  a  body  of  men  who  were  entrenched 
inside  the  rampart  of  the  mausoleum,  on  being  apprised  of  this, 
were  depressed.  At  this  time,  the  Prince'3  army  set  fire  to  a 
mine  which  they  had  laid  under  the  rampart,  whilst  gallant  and 
intrepid  soldiers  rushing  up  from  all  sides  stormed  the  forti- 
fications. In  this  assault,  'Abid  Khan  Diwan  and  Mir  Taqi 
Bakhshi  and  some  others  were  killed  by  arrows  and  muskets,  and 
the  fort  was  stormed.  Many  of  the  garrison  of  the  fort  fled 
hare-headed  and  bare-footed,  whilst  a  number  of  people  with  whom 
the  charge   of  their  family  and  children    was  the  halter  of  their 


'  Salabat  Khan  alias  Ikhtisas  Khan,'  the  latter's  cousin,  Syed  Muzaffar,  re- 
ceived the  title  of  '  Himmat  Khan.'  Again  Syed  Abdul  Wahhab  received  the 
title  of  '  Diler  Khan,'  whilst  Syed  Khan  Jahan-i-ShShjahani's  son,  Syed  Sher 
Z  .man,  received  thft  title  of  '  Muzaffar  Khan,'  another  son,  Syed  Mun^war, 
received  the  title  of  •  Lashkar  Khan,'  whilst  his  grandson,  Syed  PIruz,  received 
the  title  of  '  Ikhti?as  Khan.'  Again,  Syed  Qnsim  flourished  under  the  title  of 
'  Shahamat  Khan  '  in  Aurangzeb's  reign,  whilst  his  nephew,  Syed  Nasrat,  held 
the  title  of  '  Yar  Khan  '  under  Muhammad  Shah.  (Seethe  Tuzuk,  Padshah- 
namah,  Maasiru-l-Umara,  Alamgimamah,  Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  and  also  Professor 
Blochmann's  interesting  note  on  Barha  Syeds  on  his  Tr.,  of  Am  Akbari,  Vol.  I, 
pp.  390-392).  The  Maasiru-l-Umara  mentions  also  one  Mir  Niirullah,  as  a 
son  of  Mir  Khnllilullah  ,'p.  337,  Vol.  Ill,  Maasir). 


193 

neck,  came  and  submitted  to  the  Prince.1  As  Ibrahim  Khan's 8 
family  and  children,  effects  and  treasures  were  at  Jahangirnagar 
(Dacca),  Shah  Jahan's  army  proceeded  there  by  river.3  AhmadBeg 

1  For  a  graphic  contemporary  account  of  this  warfare,  see  Iqbalnamah-i- 
Jahangiri  (Pers.  text,  Fasc.  3,  pp.  218-221),  and  the  Tuzuk  (p.  383).  Ibrahim 
Khan  was  killed  near  the  tomb  of  his  son  at  Eajmahal,  on  Jbho  banks  of  the 
Ganges.  Our  author  appears  to  have  borrowed  his  account  (in  an  abridged 
form)  from  the  Iqbalnamah,  though  there  are  slight  variations.  In  the  text 
we  are  told  that  Ibrahim  Khan  at  the  battle  had  with  him  "  thousands  of 
cavalry  and  infantry,"  whilst  in  the  "  Iqbalnamah,"  it  is  mentioned  that 
Ibrahim  Khan  had  with  him  only  "  one  thousand  cavalry." 

2  Ibrahim  Khan  Fatih  Jang  was  a  son  of  'Itamd-u-daulah  Mirza  Ghias. 
His  real  name  was  Mirza  Ibrahim. 

In  the  commencement  of  his  career,,  he  held  the  •office  of  Bakhsju  and 
Wagia-navis  at  Ahmadabad  in  Gujrat.  In  the  9th  year  of  Jahangir's  reign, 
he  received  the  title  of  "  Khan'"  and  the  mansab  of  hazar  and  pansadi,  and 
was  promoted  to  the  office  of  Imperial  Bakhsh/,  and  was  gradually  further 
advanced  to  the  rank  of  Panjhazarl  and  to  the  office  of  Subadar  (or  Viceroy) 
of  Bengal  and  Orissa,  receiving  at  the  same  time  the  titles  of  "  Ibrahim  Khan 
Fatih  Jang."  In  the  19th  year  of  Jahangir's  reign,  Prince  Shah  Jahan 
invaded  Orissa  and  Bengal  via  Telingaua.  On, hearing  of  this  news,  Ibrahim 
Khan  moved  from  Dacca  (which  was  then  the  Viceregal  Capital,  and  where  his 
family  and  treasures  were)  to  Akbarnagar  or  Rajmahal.  Prince  Shah  Jahan 
sent  messengers  to  him,  to  win  him  over  to  his  side,  but  he  proved  unflinching 
in  his  loyalty  to  the  Empercr,  and  fell  fighting  heroically  in  the  battle  of 
Rajmahal,  near  the  mausoleum  of  his  son.  Ibrahim  Khan's  reply  to  Prince 
Shah  Jahan,  is  a  model  of  dignified  and  firm  protest  couched  in  the  best  dip- 
lomatic form  of  the  Persian  language,  and  is  worth  quoting : — 

iZjij'axt  Uxxij  JLo  j  ^L».j   -   c**»  jj^l|  J&£»\  ufi+tj*  <i»jMA.l^yCjS 

&\j3\  y  l£*lj  cJs:^  ^j  Bib  ZjS>  j\j»jI>*  &>  j     -     .iXmj  fJfj***  C-AJJ^Uj  &i 

p*k\js*°  AiiL,  JUaf  i-Sj*  &)jjL»  p~)\±>\  b  \)  ^a.^J^U.U  -  ±jjjj  ^jl^J 

(See  Maasir-ul-Vmara,  Vol.  I,  p.  135). 

8  At  this  time,  the  Musalman  Viceregal  Capital  of  Bengal  continued 
(See  Maasir,  p.  135,  Vol.  I),  to  be  at  Dacca  or  Jahangirnagar,  which  appears 
to  have  been  so  named  during  the  Viceroyalty  of  Islam  Khan  I,  owing 
to  the  decisive  battle  which  was  fought  under  its  walls  on  9th  Muharram 
1021  A.H.  or  2nd  March,  1612  A,C,  in  the  seventh  year  of  Emperor 
25 


194 

Khan  ',  nephew  of  Ibrahim  Khan,  who  had  gone  ahead  to  that 
city,   saw   no    resource   except    in   surrender,    and   through   the 

Jahangir's  accession,  between  the  Afghans  under  Khwajah  Osman  Lohani, 
and  the  Mughal  Imperialists  under  Shujait  Khan  Rustam-i-Zaman  (Shaikh 
Kabir-i-Chishti),— a  battle  which  finally  crushed  Afghan  resistance  in  Bengal 
and  Orissa,  and  firmly  consolidated  Mughal  supremacy  throughout  these 
Provinces.  (See  pp.  60-64,  Fasc.  1,  Pers.  printed  text  of  Iqbalnamah-i- 
Jahangiri,  a  contempora-y  record,  and  also  Tuzuk  for  fascinating  descriptions 
of  this  sanguinary  and  decisive  battle  near  Dacca),  Stewart  wrongly  places 
the  battle  "  on  the  banks  of  the  Subarnarika  in  Orissa."  Osman  being  stout, 
rode  at  the  battle  on  a  rogue  elephant  called  Bakhta.  Many  Imperialist 
leaders,  such  as  Sycd  Adam  Barlia,  Shaikh  Acha,  Iftikhar  Khan,  Kishwar 
Khan  fell  at  the  battle,  which  was  halt'  decided  in  favour  of  Osman,  when  a 
chance  arrow-shot  wounded  Osman  en  the  forehead,  and,  coupled  with  the 
arrival  of  Mughal  reinforcement  under  Mu'taqqid  Khan  and  Abdus  Salam 
Khan,  saved  the  Mughal  disaster,  and  turned  it  into  a  victory. 

It  would  appear  that  when  in  the  19th  year  of  Jahangir's  reign  corre- 
sponding to  1033  A.H.  Prince  Shah  Jahan  rebelling  against  his  father,  invad- 
ed Bengal,  the  Mughal  Bengal  Viceroy,  Ibrahim  Khan  Fateh  Jang  (a^relation 
of  Empress  Nur  Jahan)  had  moved  from  his  capital  at  Dacca  or  Jahangir- 
nagar  toRajmahal  or  Akbamagar.  The  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangir  (p.  218,  Fasc.  3, 
printed  text),  a  contemporary  record,  states  that  Ibrahim's  troops  were 
scattered  at  the  time  on  the  borders  of  Magha,  which  signifies  South  Western 
Behar.  Owing  to  paucity  of  troops  (the  Maasir  explains  otherwise),  Ibrahim 
did  not  think  of  fortifying  the  fort  of  Rajmahal  which  was  large,  but  en- 
trenched himself  in  the  mausoleum  of  his  son,  situate  within  the  Fort  and 
close  to  the  river  Ganges.  Shah  Jahan  moved  from  Burhanpiir  in  the  Dakhin 
across  Talingana  into  Orissa,  overran  it  across  Pipli  and  Katak,  and  moved 
to  Bard  wan  across  Sarkar  Madaran,  and  after  captiu*ing  Bard  wan  (where 
Salih  was  commandant)  marched  up  to  Rajmahal,  where  the  great  battle  was 
fought,  and  after  defeating  Ibrahim  Khan,  proceeded  to  Dacca,  whither 
Ahmad  Beg  Khan  (nephew  of  Ibrahim  and  of  Empress  Nur  Jahan)  had  previ- 
ously retreated  after  Ibrahim's  death.  Ahmad  Beg  surrendered  to  Shah  Jahan 
at  Dacca  (according  to  the  Tuzuk  and  Maasir)  with  forty-five  lacs  of  treasure 
and  500  elephants.  Shah  Jahan  leaving  Darab  KlLan  (a  son  of  Mirza  Abdur 
Rahim  Khan  Khanln)  as  Governor  of  Bengal,  marched  back  westward  across 
Bengal,  Behar  and  Jaunpur  to  Benares,  where  he  was  opposed  and  checked  by 
Mahabet  Khan.  (See  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  Fasc.  3,  Pers.  text,  pp.  215,  216, 
217,  222,  223,  228,  238,  239).  Shah  Nawaz  Khan  was  the  eldest  son  of  Abdur 
Rahim  Khan-i-Khnnan ;  his  life  also  is  given  in  the  Maasir-ul-Umara. 

1  Ahmad  Beg  Khan  was  a  son  of  Muhammad  Sharif,  and  a  nephew  of 
Ibrahim  Khan  Fateh  Jang,  the  Bengal  Viceroy,  and  of  Empress  Nur  Jahan. 
At  the  time  of  Prince  Shah  Jahan's  incursion  into  Orissa  and  Bengal,  he  was 
Deputy  Governor  of  Orissa.  He  was  at  the  time  engaged  in  an  expedition 
against  Kburda.     On  hearing  of  Shah  Jahan's  invasion,  he  withdrew  to  Pipli 


195 

intercession  of  Shah  Jahan's  confidants,  was  granted  an  audience 
with  the  Prince.  The  Prince's  officers  were  ordered  to  confis- 
cate Ibrahim  Khan's  treasures.  Besides  goods  and  silk-stuffs, 
elephants  and  aloes  wood,  ambergris  and  other  rarities,  forty 
lacs  of  rupees  were  confiscated.  The  Prince  released  from  confine- 
ment Darab  Khan,  son  of  the  Khan-i-Khanan,  who  had  hitherto 
been  in  prison,  and  exacting  from  him  an  oath,  entrusted  to  him 
the  Government  of  Bengal,  and  took  along  with  him  as  hostages 
the  latter's  wife  and  a  son,  Shah  Nawaz  Khan.1  The  Prince  sent 
Rajah  Bhlm,2  son  of  Rajah  Karan,  with  a  large  force,  as  his 
Deputy     to    Patna,     and    he   followed  himself  with    'Abdullah 

(his  head-quarters),  thence  to  Katak,  and  not  feeling  himself  secure  even 
there,  marched  first  to  Bardwan,  whence  he  went  to  Rajmahal  or  Akbarnagar, 
and  joined  his  uncle  Ibrahim  Khan.  Being  defeated  in  the  battle  there, 
Ahmad  Beg  moved  to  Dacca  (which  was  then  the  Viceregal  capital  of  Bengal, 
and  where  the  family  and  treasures  of  Ibrahim  Khan  were),  but  was  soon 
overtaken  there  by  Prince  Shah  Jahan,  to  whom  he  surrendered.  *  On  Shah 
Jahan's  accession,  he  was  appointed  Faujdar  of  Siwastan.  (See  Maasir-ul- 
Umara,  p.  194,  Vol.  I).  > 

1  In  the  text  there  is  some  mistake.  When  Darab  Khan  (second  son  of 
Mirza  Abdur  Rahlm  K^ian-i-Khanan)  was  made  Governor  of  Bengal,  Shah 
Jahan  took  his  wife,  a  son  and  a  daughter,  and  also  a  son  of  Shah  Nawaz  Khan 
(eldest  son  of  the  Khan-i-Khanan)  as  hostages  (see  %Iaasir-ul-Umara).  Shah 
Nawaz  was  not  taken  as  a  hostage,  as  the  text  would  imply.  Darab  was 
subsequently  killed  by  Mahabet  Khan,  at  the  instance  of  JahangTr.  The 
following  chronogram  is  given  in  the  Maasir-ul-Umara  (p.  17,  Vol.  II),  as 
yielding  the  date  of  Darab's  death  (1034  A.H.) : — 

2  Ram  Das,  the  Kachwah  Rajput,  was  at  first  attached  as  naib  in  the 
Financial  Department  under  Todar  Mai,  and  soon  gained  Akbar's  favour  by 
his  regularity  and  industry.  Emperor  Jahangir  conferred  on  him  the  title  of 
'  Rajah  Karan,'  but  owing  to  his  disgraceful  flight  during  the  wars  in  the 
Dakhin,  he  lost  Jahangir's  favour.  Jahangir  is  stated  to  have  cursed  him 
thus: — "When  thou  wert  in  Rai  Sal's  service,  thou  hadst  a  tankah,  per  diem; 
but  my  father  took  an  interest  in  thee,  and  made  thee  an  Amir.  Do  not 
Rajputs  think  flight  a  disgraceful  thing?  Alas,  thy  title,  Rajah  Karan, 
ought  to  have  taught  thee  better.  Mayest  thou  die  without  the  comforts  of 
thy  faith."  His  sons  were  Naman  Das  and  Dalap  Das — Bhim  Das  is  not 
mentioned  amongst  his  sons  (see  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  483).  But  one 
Bhim  Singh  is  mentioned  (see  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  Vol.  I,  p.  418),  amongst  the 
grandsons  of  Madhu  Singh,  son  of  Rajah  Bhagwan  Das.  This  Bhim  Singh  was 
killed  in  the  Dakhin,  in  the  3rd  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign.  Another  Rana 
Karan  is  mentioned  in  the  Maasir-ul-Umara  (p.  201,  Vol.  II). 


196 

Khan  and  other  officers.     As  tlie   Subah  of  Patna   was  assigned 
as   a  jagir  to    Prince    Parviz,  the  latter  had  appointed  his  Di wan, 
Mukhalas  Khan  1,   as  its  Governor,   and   Alah  Yar  Khan,  son  of 
Iftikhar  Khan,  and  Sher  Khan  Afghan,  as  its  Faujdars.     On  the 
arrival   of     Rajah   Bhiin,   they  lost   courage,    and    had   not   even 
the    boldness    to    shelter    themselves    in    the    fort   of    Patna, 
till  the  arrival  of  auxiliaries.     They  fled  from  Patna  to  Allahabad. 
Rajah    Bhlm    without    movement    of    the    sword    or   the     spear, 
entered    the    city,     and    subdued    the    Subah  of     Behar.     Shah 
Jahan     followed,     and   the     Jnghdars     of  that   tract    went     to 
meet  him.     Syed  Mubarik,  who  was  Commandant  of   the  fort  of 
Rohtas,  leaving  the  fort  in  charge  of  a  zamindar,  hastened  to  pay 
his  respects  to  the  prince.    The  Prince  sent  Abdullah  Khan  with  a 
body  of  troops  towards  the  Subah  of  Allahabad, and  sent  Daria  Khan 
with  another  body  of   troops   towards  the  Subah  of   Oudh,   whilst 
after   a    while,    leaving    Bairam    Beg  to   rule  over  the  Subah  of 
Behar,  the  Prince  himself  advanced  towards  those  parts.     Before 
Abdullari  Khan  crossed  the  river  at  Chausa,  Jahanglr  Quli  Khan,2 
son  of   Khan  'Azim  Kokah,    who  was  Governor  of  Jaunpur,  being 

1  Mukhalis  Khan  was  in  the  beginning  in  the  service  of  Prince  Parviz 
and  gradually  by  his  merit  and  abilitv  advanced  himself  to  the  office  of 
Uiwan  under  the  Prince.  He  was  subsequently  promoted  to  the  office  of 
Subadar  of  Fatna  (which  was  then  in  the  tiyul  or  jagir  of  Prince  Parviz).  In 
the  19th  year  of  Jahangir's  reign,  when  Prince  Shah  Jahan  invaded  Bengal 
and  Behar  via  Telingana  and  Orissa,  and  advanced  towards  Patna,  after  the 
fall  of  Ibrahim  Khan  Fatih  Jang  (the  Bengal  Viceroy),  accompanied  by 
Rajah  Bhlm,  son  of  Rana  Amar  Singh  (in  the  text  Rana  Karan),  Mukhali? 
Khan  (though  he  had  with  him  Allahyar  Khan,  son  of  Iftikhar  Khan,  and 
Sher  Khan  Afghan),  instead  of  holding  out  in  the  fort  of  Patna,  fled  to 
Allahabad.  After  Shah  Jahan's  accession,  Mnkhalis  Khan  was  appointed 
Faujdar  of  Gorakpur,  and  in  the  seventh  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign,  was 
appointed  a  commander  of  Three  Thousand  and  also  Subadar  of  Telingana. 
He  died  in  the  10th  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign.  (See  p.  428,  Vol.  Ill, 
Maasir-ul'Umara).     <» 

2  His  real  name  was  Mirza  Shamsi.audhe  was  the  eldest  son  of  Khan  'Azam 
Mirza  'Aziz  Kokah.  At  the  end  of  Akbar's  reign,  Shamsi  was  a  Commander 
of  Two  Thousand,  and  in  the  third  year  of  Jahangir's  reign,  he  received  the 
title  of  "  Jahanglr  Quli  Khan,"  vacant  by  the  death  of  Jahanglr  Quli  Khan 
Lalah  Beg,  Governor  of  Behar,  and  was  sent  to  Gujrat  as  deputy  of  his  father, 
who  was  Governor  of  Gujrat.  Subsequently,  Shamsi  was  made  Governor  of 
Jaunpur.  When  Prince  Shah  Jahan  invaded  Behar  from  BeDgal,  and  the 
Prince's  vauguard  under  Abdullah  Khan  Firnz  Jang  and  Rajah  Bhlm  crossed 


197 

panic-stricken,  had  left  his  post,  and  had  fled  to  Mirza  Rustam  l 
to  Allahabad.  Abdullah  quickly  advanced  to  the  town  of  Jhosi, 
which  is  on  the  other  side  of  the  Ganges  facing  Allahabad,  and 
encamped  there.  As  he  had  taken  a  flotilla  of  large  vessels  with 
him  from  Bengal,  with  the  help  of  cannonade  crossing  the  river, 
he  encamped  at  the  pleasantly-situate  city  of  Allahabad,  whilst 
the  main    body  of   Shah  Jahan's  army  pushed  up  to  Jaunpur. 


-o- 


PRINCE  SHAH  JAHAN'S  FIGHTINGS  WITH  THE 
IMPERIAL  ARMY,  AND  HIS  WITHDRAWAL  TO 
THE     DAKHIN. 

When  news  of  Shah  Jahiin's  advance*  towards  Bengal 
and  Orissa  reached  the  Emperor,  he  sent  orders  to  Prince  Parviz 
and  Mahabet  Khan,  who  were  in  the  Dakhin,  to  march 
quickly  towards  theSubahs  of  Allahabad  and  Behar,  so  that  in  case 
the  Nazim  of  Bengal  was  unable  to  oppose  successfully  thewidvance 
of  Shah  Jahan's  army,  they  were  to  engage  Shah  Jahan.  In  the 
meantime,  news  of   the  fall  of   Nawab  Ibrahim  Khan  Fateh  Jang, 

at  Cliausa  to  proceed  to  Allahabad,  Jahangir  Quli  Khan  fled  from  Jaunpur  to 
Allahabad  and  joined  Mirza  Rustam  £afavi  there.  He  subsequently  became. 
Governor  of  Allahabad,  and  on  Shah  Jahan's  accession,  was  appointed 
Governor  of  Surat  and  Junagarh.  He  died  in  1041  A.H.  at  Surat.  (See 
Maasir-ul-Umara,  p.  524,  Vol.  I,  Pers.  text). 

1  Mirza  Rustam  Safavi  was  a  son  of  Sultan  Husain  Mirza,  grandson  of 
Shah  Ismail,  king  of  Persia.  Mh'za  Rustam  was  appointed  by  Akbar,  Gover- 
nor of  Multan;  Akbar  also  made  him  a  Panjhazari,  and  gave  him  Multan  as 
Jag'ir.  One  of  his  daughters  was  married  to  Prince  Parviz,  and  another  to 
Shah  Shuja'.  He  enjoyed  great  influence  Avith  Jahangir  who  made  him  a 
Shathhazarl,  and  also  Governor  of  Allahabad,  which  he  successfully  held 
against  Shah  Jahan's  General,  Abdullah  Khan,  forcing  the  latter  to  retire  to 
Jhosi.  He  was  subsequently  Governor  of  Behar.  Shah  Jahan  pensioned 
him  off,  and  he  died  at  Agra  in  1051.  It  is  worthy  of  interest  to  note  that 
his  grandson,  Mirza  Safshikan  (son  of  Mirza  Hasan  Saravi)  was  Faujdar  of 
Jessore  in  Bengal,  where  he  died  in  1073  (see  Bloch.  Tr.,  Ain,  p.  314,  Vol.  I). 
After  him,  I  guess  Mirzanagar  (a  seat  of  old  Jessore  Musalman  Faujdars)  is 
named.  The  family  still  survives  there,  though  impoverished.  Safshikan's 
son,  Mirza  Saifu-d-din.  Safavi,  accepted  the  title  of  "Khan"  under 
Emperor  Aurangzeb.  (See  Maasir-ul-Umara,  Pers.  text,  p.  478,  Vol.  III). 
The  Maasii-  (printed  text)  states  that  on  the  death  of  his  father,  Mirza 
Hasan  Safavi,  Mirza  Safshikan  was  appointed  Faujdar  of  '  Hasr  '  in  Bengal. 
'  Hasr  '  is  evidently  a  misprint  or  a  misreading  for  '  Jasar '  (Jessore). 


198 

Nazim  of  Bengal,  reached  the  Emperor,  who  thereon  repeated  his 
previous  orders  to  Prince  Parviz  l  and  Mahahet  Khan.  Prince 
Parviz  with  Mahabet  Khan  and  other  officers  marched  towards 
Bengal  and  Behar.  As  the  Commander  of  Shah  Jahan's  army, 
drawing  the  boats  towards  his  side,  had  fortified  the  ferries  of 
the  river  Ganges,  some  delay  was  caused  in  the  arrival  of  the 
Imperialists.  The  Imperialists,  with  considerable  difficulty,  col- 
lected thirty  flotillasof  boats  from  the  zamindars,  and  under  the  lat- 
ter's  guidance  selecting  one  ford,  succeeded  in  crossing  over.  For 
some  days,  both  the  armies  arrayed  themselves  in  front  of  each 
other.  As  the  Imperialists  numbered  40,000,  whilst  Shah  Jahan's 
army  did  not  number  more  than  10,000,  the  advisers  of 
Shah  Jahan  dissuaded  the  Prince  from  offering  battle.  But 
Rajah  Blum,  son  of  Rana  Karan,  unlike  other  advisers,  displayed 
rashness,  and  with  the  rashness  common  to  Rajputs  insisted  that 
he  would  part  company,  unless  they  agreed  to  fight.  Prince 
Shah  Jahan,  of  necessity,  considered  it  expedient  to  humour  Bhim's 
wishes,  despite  paucity  of  troops,  and  passed  orders  for  fighting. 
Both  sides  rallying  into  ranks,  commenced  to  fight.  8 

On  both  sides,  the  troops  rallied  into  ranks, 

Holding  in  hand  daggers,  arrows  and  spears. 

t 

1  Prince  Parviz  was  the  second  son  of  Emperor  Jahangir,  and  a  great 
favourite  with  the  latter.  He  imitated  his  father  in  everything,  "  in  dress, 
in  quaffing  wine,  in  eating,  and  in  night-keeping  "  (Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, 
Fasc.  3,  p.  279),  and  "  never  disobeyed  his  Imperial  father's  wishes."  He 
died  at  the  age  of  38  years  in  the  Dakhin,  where  he  was  employed  in  sub- 
jugating the  country  and  in  quelling  the  insurrection  of  Malik  Amber,  in 
1035  A.H.,  that  is,  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  Emperor  Jahangir's  accession 
to  the  throne.  He  rendered  also  important  services  to  his  father,  in  opposing 
Shah  Jahan's  invasion  of  Bengal,  Behar,  and  Orissa,  and  with  the  help  of  his 
generalissimo,  Mahabet  Khan,  defeated  Shah  Jahan  at  Benares,  and  obliged 
the  latter  to  abandon  Behar,  Bengal  and  Orissa,  and  to  beat  a  hasty  retreat 
to  the  Dakhin.  (See  pp.  233,  239,  240,  273,  279,  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  Ease 
3,  Pers.  text,  which  is  a  contemporary  record). 

2  See  description  of  this  battle  at  Benares  between  the  Imperialists  under 
Prince  Parviz  and  Mahabet  Khan,  and  Shah  Jahan's  troops,  in  the  Iqbalnumah- 
i-Jahangiri,  a  contemporary  record,  p.  233,  Pers.  text.  Shah  Jahan  was 
totally  defeated,  owing  to  the  rashness  of  his  favourite  officer,  Rajah  Bhim, 
who  himself  fell  fighting,  being  cut  to  pieces  by  the  Imperialists.  The 
Maasir-ul-Umara  states  that  the  battle  took  place  on  the  side  of  ,«wJ»3  «.i 
(Nahr-i-Tunas)  in  the  Suburbs  of  Benares. 


199 

They  tramped  up  to  the  field  for  fighting ; 
Yea  the  fire  of  war  blazed  up. 

First  from  both  sides,  the  artillery  of  the  gunners, 
Commenced  scattering  fire  on  the  hosts. 
From  the  smoke  of  the  gun-waggons  of  the  two  forces, 
You  might  say  a  pitchy  cloud  had  formed. 
The  cannon-balls  showered  like  hail, 
Yea  a  storm  of  destruction  blew  :  , 

Yea  the  heads  and  hands,  the  breasts  and  feet  of  the  Corn- 
Blew  like  wind  on  all  sides.  [manders, 
From  blood,  yea  on  every  side  a  stream  flowed, 
Yea  like  fish,  the  bodies  of  the  heroes  throbbed. 
On  every  side  showered  stone-rending  arrows  ; 
They  passed  right  through  every  body  that  they  lodged  in. 
From  swords  and  spears,  breasts  were  torn  to  shreds  ; 
The  corpses  of  heroes  fell  on  the  ground. 
But  the  Imperialists,  like  stars, 
Hemmed  in  on  the  army  of  the  Prince. 
They  surrounded  the  latter  in  that  battle, 
Yea  as  the  ring  encircles  the  finger. 
From  Shah  Jahan's  army,  Rajah  Bhim  the  valorous, 
Was  not  cowed  down  by  this  slaughter. 
Some  of  his  race  who  were  his  comrades, 
Hurled  themselves  on  the  enemy's  force. 
They  spurred  their  horses,  yea  like  lions  in  fight, 
They  drew  swords,  yea  like  water-dragons. 
By  one  gallant  charge,  they  broke  the  enemy's  ranks, 
And  swiftly  attacked  the  enemy's  centre. 
Whoever  stood  in  the  way  of  that  force, 
They  hurled  down  his  head  on  the  dust. 
But  the  veteran  Imperialists,                          * 
When  they  saw  that  suddenly  a  calamity  had  come, 
Spurred  on  their  chargers  from  every  side,   » 
And  attacked  that  elephant-like  hero,  Bhim. 
They  cut  up  his  body  with  the  sword, 
And  hurled  him  down  from  his  steed  on  the  dust. 
Other  commanders  and  officers  (of  Shah  Jahan). 
Could  not  advance  to  his  (Bhim's)  rescue. 

The  gunners,  on   seeing  this   crisis,   leaving   the    artillery, 


200 

fled,  and  the  arsenal  was  captured  by  the  Imperialists.  Daria 
Khan  and  other  Afghans  and  Generals  ceasing  to  fight,  decamped. 
The  Imperialists,  collecting  from  all  sides  like  a  circle  formed  by 
a  pair  of  compasses,  surrounded  the  Prince,  who  remained  at  the 
centre.  Save  and  except  the  elephants  carrying  flags  and  standards, 
and  select  targeteers  who  were  behind  the  Prince,  and  'Abdullah 
Khan  who  stood  to  his  right-hand  side  at  a  short  distance,  not  a 
single  soul  remained.  At  this  moment,  an  arrow  hit  the  horse 
of  the  Prince.  When  'Abdullah  Khan  saw  that  the  Prince  would 
not  retire  from  the  field,  he  moved  up,  and  by  use  of  great 
entreaties  a*nd  exhortations,  succeeded  in  bringing  out  the  Prince 
from  the  field,  and  placing  before  him  his  own  horse,  induced  the 
Prince  to  mount  it.c  In  short,  from  the  battle-field  up  to  Rohtas, 
the  contest  did  not  cease.  As  at  this  time,  Prince  Murad  Bakhsh1 
was  born,  and  long  marches  could  not  be  made,  leaving  him  to 
the  protection  of  God  and  appointing  Khedmit  Parast  Khan  and 
some  other  trusty  servants  to  take  care  of  him,  Shah  Jahan  with 
other  Princes  and  adherents  slowly  marched  towards  Patna  and 
Behar.  At  the  same  time,  letted  were  received  from  people  in 
the    Dakhin,    especially    from    Malik     'Ambar2    the   Abyssinian 

I  Ho  was  the  fourth  and  youngest  son  of  Shah  Jahan,  whose  other  sons 
were  (1)  Dara  Shekoh,  (2)  Shah  Shuja  (3)  Aurangzeb. — See  p.  306,  Iqbnl- 
namah-i-Jahangiri,  Fasc.  3,  Pers.  text. 

8  He  gave  no  end  of  trouble  to  Jahangir.  His  insurrection  is  fully 
described  in  the  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  a  contemporary  record,  Fasc.  3, 
pp.  234  to  238.  The  author  of  the  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahang~tri  pays  a  high  tribute 
lo  his  military  genius  and  generalship,  to  his  administrative  capacity  and 
vigorous  rule  in  the  Dakhin.  (See  p.  271,  Fasc  3,  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangi ri , 
Pers.  text).  He  died  at  the  ripe  old  age  of  eighty,  holding  his  own  against 
the  Imperialists  to  the  last.  After  Malik  Ambar  the  Abyssinian's  death,  his 
generalissimo,  Yaqu(  Khan  the  Abyssinian,  together  with  Malik  Amber's  son, 
Patih  Khan,  and  other  officers  of  Nizam-ul-Mulk,  submitted  to  Khan  Jahan, 
Jahangir's  Viceroy  or  Subadar  in  the  Dakhin,  in  the  twenty-first  year  of 
Jahangir's  accession^    (See  p.  280,  Fasc.  3,  Pers.  text,  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri). 

The  Maasir-ul- Umara  (Vol.  Ill,  p.  7),  gives  some  additional  facts  about 
him.  It  states  that  Malik  Amber  was  an  Abyssinian  slave  of  the  Bijapur 
king,  Nizam  Shah.  When  in  1009  A.H.,  Queen  Chand  Sultan  or  Chand  Bibi 
was  killed,  and  the  fort  of  Ahmadnagar  fell  into  the  hands  of  Akbar's  officers, 
and  Bahadur  Nizam  Shah  was  taken  prisoner,  and  kept  in  the  Gwalior  fort, 
Malik  Amber  and  Raju  Mian  proclaimed  their  independence.  Malik  Amber 
brought  to  his  control  the  territory  extending  from  the  limits  of  Telingana  to 
a  point,  four  kroh  from  Ahmadnagar  and   eight  kroh  from   Danlatabad.     In 


201 

requesting  the  Prince's  return  towards  the  Dakhin.  Shah  Jahan,1 
after  retreat,  summoned  Darab  Khan  who,  after  taking  oaths, 
had  been  left  as  Governor  of  Bengal,  in  order  to  join  the  Prince 
in  his  march.  Darab  Khan,  owing  to  his  disloyalty  and  knavery 
putting  a  wrong  interpretation  on  his  call,  replied  that  the 
zamindars,  surrounding  him  on  all  sides,  had  cut  off  ways  of  his 
march,  and  that,  therefore,  his  egress  being  difficult,  he  begged 
to  be  excused.  Shah  Jahan  losing  all  hopes,  of  Darab's  arrival, 
and  having  no  body  of  troops  capable  of  action,  was  obliged  with 
a  sorrowful  heart,  and  in  an  anxious  mood,  after  leaving  Darab 
Khan's  son  in  charge  of  Abdullah  Khan,  to  march  towards  Akbar- 
nagar  (Rajmakal).  From  thence  carrying  all  household  parapher- 
nalia, which  had  been  left  there,  Sljah  Jahan  nia/ched  back  towards 

1010  A.H.,  close  to  Nandirah,  a  battle  was  fought  between  Malik  Amber  and 
Mirza  Iraj,  son  of  Abdur  Rahim  Khan-i-Khanan.  Malik  Amber  was  wounded, 
but  the  Khan-i-Khanan,  knowing  the  adversary's  capacity,  was  glad  to  arrange 
terms  of  peace.  When  Akbar  died,  and  dissensions  broke  out  between 
Emperor  Jahangir  and  his  son,  Prince  Shah  Jahan,  Malik  Amber  mobilising 
a  large  force  encroached  on  Imperial  territories.  In  consequence,  during 
Emperor  Jahangir's  reign,  the  Imperialists  were  constantly  engaged  in  war- 
fare against  Malik  Amber,  who  held  out  to  the  last,  and  died  a  natural  death 
in  1035  A. H.  He  lies  buried  in  a  mausoleum  at  Daulatabad.  between  the 
Shrines  of  Shah  Muntajab-ud-din  Zarbakhsh  and  Shah  Rajavl  Qattal.  The 
author  of  the  Maasir-u I-  Umara  pays  a  high  tribute  to  Malik  Amber,  as  a 
general  and  as  a  soldier,  and  also  as  a  leader  of  men  and  as  an  administrator. 
He  ruled  his  dominions  vigorously,  stamping  out  all  turbulence,  weeding  out 
all  bad  characters,  maintained  perfect  peaoe  in  his  domains,  and  always 
strove  for  the  well-being  and  happiness  of  the  subjects  he  ruled.  In  the 
village  of  Kharki  (which  was  subsequently  named  Aurangabad),  he  digged 
tanks,  laid  out  public  gardens,  and  built  lofty  palaces.  He  was  liberal  in 
charities,  and  very  just,  and  very  pious.     A  poet  has  written  about  him. 

i>yi  J^J  «-£>     \&*>  Jj*t)    «£*AJj^i.  )&   , 

■ 

1  From  the  battle-field  of  Benares,  after  defeat.  Shah'Jnhnn  retreated  to 
Bohtas  (up  to  which  desultory  fighting  was  kept  up  between  the  Imperialists 
and  Shah  Jahan's  troops),  thence  inarched  to  Patna  and  Behar  town,  and 
thence  to  Garhi  or  Teliagarhi  fort.  Whilst  at  Garhi,  Shah  Jahan  summoned 
his  Governor  of  Bengal,  Darab  Khan,  to  join  him,  but  the  latter  made  excuses, 
whereon  Shah  Jahan  becoming  dispirited  went  to  Rajmahal,  and  retreated 
thence  to  the  Dakhin  (being  hotly  pursued  by  Prince  Parviz  and  M aha bet 
Khan)  across  Saikar  Madarau,  Midnipur,  Orissa  and  Telingana.  (See 
Iqbalnamuh-i-Jahangiri,  Fasc,  3,  pp.  239-24U). 

26 


202 

the  Dakhin  by  the  same  route  that  lie  had  come.  Abdullah  Khan, 
on  knowing  the  disloyalty  and  villainy  of  Darab  Khan,  slew 
the  latter's  grown-up  son,  and  satisfied  his  grudge.  Although 
Shah  Jahan  sent  orders  to  prevent  the  son  being  killed,  these  had 
no  effect.  When  the  news  of  Shah  Japan's  retreat  from  Bengal 
to  the  Dakhin  reached  the  Emperor,  the  latter  ordered  that 
Mukhalas  Khan  should  quickly  go  to  Prince  Parviz,  who  had 
gone  to  Bengal  in  pursuit  of  Shah  Jahan,  and  taking  up  the  office  of 
Sazawal  (  Superintendent  of  Revenue),  should  send  the  Prince  with 
other  leading  noblemen  to  the  Dakhin.  Consequently,  Prince 
Parviz  left  for  the  Dakhin,  entrusting  the  Subah  of  Bengal 
to  the  Jayir  of  Mahabet  Khan  and  his  son  Khanahzad  Khan. 


THE  ASSIGNMENT  OP  BENGAL  IN  JAGIR  TO 
MAHABET  KHAN  i  AND  HIS  SON. 

When   the   Subah  of  Bengal    was   assigned,  in   the   shape  of 
Jaglr,  to   Nawab    Mahabet   Khan  and  his   son  Khanahzad  Khan, 

1  Mahabet  Khan  distinguished  himself  under  Emperor  Jahangir  in  the 
long  war  carried  on  in  the  Dakhin.  He  was  early  attached  by  the  Emperor 
to  Prince  Parviz,  as  atallq  and  generaliss'mo,  when  the  Prince  was  sent  to  the 
Dakhin  to  quell  the  insurrection  there.  Where  Prince  Shah  Jahan  subse- 
quently rebelled  against  his  father  (Emperor  Jahangir),  and  marching  out 
from  the  Dakhin  across  Talingana  invaded  Orissa  and  over-ran  Bengal  and 
Behar,  the  Emperor  ordered  Mahabet  Khan  along  with  Prince  Parviz  to  oppose 
Shah  Jahau's  progress.  In  this,  Mahabet  Khan  (along  with  Prince  Parviz) 
completely  succeeded,  inflicted  a  crushing  defeat  on  Shah  Jahan  on  the  battle- 
field of  Benares,  and  compelled  the  latter  to  beat  a  hasty  retreat  across 
Behar,  Bengal  and  Orissa  into  the  Dakhin.  For  this  signal  military  service, 
Mahabet  Khan  received  from  Prince  Parviz  (no  doubt,  with  the  previous  sanc- 
tion of  the  EmperorJ  Bengal  in  jagir.  His  head  was  soon  turned,  and  he  failed 
to  send  to  the  Emperor  the  war-elephants  taken  by  him  in  Bengal,  and  also 
failed  to  remit  the  Imperial  revenue  from  Bengal.  For  this,  the  Emperor 
summoned  him  to  his  presence  for  chastisement,  when  Mahabet  Khan  adopted 
the  extraordinary  and  impudent  step  of  getting  at  the  person  of  the  Emperor, 
and  placing  the  latter  for  some  time  under  surveillance — from  which  at 
length  the  Emperor  was  rescued  by  the  bold  stratagem  of  his  Queen,  Nur 
Jahan  Begam.  Mahabet  was  then  sent  away  in  disgrace  to  Thata,  whence  he 
went  to  Gujrat,  and  joined  the  rebel  Prince,  Shah  Jahan.  (See  pp.  228,  233, 
235,  238,  239,  244,  245,  248,  252,  253,  254,  255,  256,  257,  258,  259,  260,  261, 
262,  263,  276,  277,  Faso.  3,  Pers.  text  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  a  contemporary 
record,  and  also  Maasir-ul-Umara,  p.  385,  Vol.  III). 


203 

they,  parting  company  with  Prince  Parviz,  marched  to  Bengal. 
And  orders  were  given  to  the  zamindars  of  that  country  to  cease 
impeding  Darab  Khan,  and  to  allow  him  to  come.  Darab  Khan, 
without  any  impediment,  came  to  Mahabet  Khan.  But  when  the 
news  of  Darab's  coming  to  Mahabet  Khan  reached  the  Emperor, 
the  latter  sent  an  order  to  Mahabet  Khan  to  the  followiug  effect : 
"What  expediency  dost  thou  see  in  sparing  that  villain?  It  behoves 
you,  instantly  on  reading  this,  to  send  the  head  of  that  mischievous 
rebel  to  the  Imperial  presence."  Mahabet  Khan,  carrying  out  the 
Emperor's  order,  beheaded  Darab  Khan,  and  sent  the  latter's  head 
to  the  Emperor.  And  as  Mahabet  Khan  had  not  sent  to  the 
Emperor  the  elephants  that  he  had  captured  in  Bengal,  and  had 
defaulted  in  payment  of  a  large  amount  of  the  Imperial  Revenue, 
the  Emperor  passed  orders  to  the  effect  that  'Arab  Dast  Ghaib1 
should  go  to  Mahabet  Khan,  confiscate  the  elephants  and  send 
them  to  the  Emperor,  and  tell  Mahabet  Khan,  that  if  he  got  proper 
accounts,  he  should  submit  them  personally  to  the  Emperor,  and 
pay  up  all  Revenue  arrears  to  the  Imperial  exchequer.  Mahabet 
Khan  first  sent  the  elephants  to  the  Emperor,  and  subsequently 
after  appointing  his  son  Khanahzad  Khan  to  be  Subadar  of 
Bengal,   set  out  to  meet  the  Emperor  with  four  or   five  thousand 

• 

From  the  Maasir-ul-Umara  (p.  385,  Vol.  Ill),  the  following  additional 
facts  about  Mahabet  Khan  are  gleaned.  His  real  name  was  Zamanah  Beg, 
his  father's  name  being  Ghiwar  Beg  Kabull.  He  was  a  Razavl  Sayyid. 
Ghiwar  Beg  came  from  Shiraz  to  Kabul,  and  thence  to  India,  and  entered 
Akbar's  service,  and  distinguished  himself  in  the  battle  of  Chitor.  Zamanah 
Beg,  in  youth,  entered  Prince  Salim's  service  a^  an  ahadi,  and  soon  was 
advanced  to  the  office  of  Bakhshi  under  the  Prince.  In  the  beginning  of 
Jahangir's  reign,  Zamanah  Beg  was  appointed  to  be  commander  of  three 
thousand,  and  received  the  title  of  Mahabet  Khan.  He  was  deputed  to  serve 
with  Prince  Shah  JahSn  in  the  Dakhin,  and  in  the  12th  vear  of  Jahangir's 
reign,  was  appointed  Subadar  of  Kabul.  In  the  17th  year,  dissensions  broke 
out  between  Emperor  Jahangir  and  Prince  SJiah  Jahan,  and  Mahabet  Khan 
was  recalled  from  Kabul.  When  S_hah  Jahan  ascended'  the  throne,  he  ad- 
vanced Mahabet  Khan  to  the  rank  of  Haft  hazari,  and  conferred  on  him  the 
title  of  "  Khan-i-Khanan  Sipasaliir,"  and  appointed  him  Subadar  of  Ajmlr,  and 
next,  Subadar  of  tbe  Dakhin.     He  died  in  1044  A.H. 

1  He  appears  to  have  been  employed  by  Emperor  Jahangir  on  similar 
missions  with  reference  to  other  refractory  princes  and  officers,  such  as  Hoshang, 
son  of  Prince  Danyal,  and  Abdur  Rahim  Khan-i-Khanan  and  Mahabet  Khan. 
(See  p.  244,  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahanglri  Pers.  text,  Fasc.  3,  and  also  Maasir.ul- 
Umara,  p.  392,  Vol.  3). 


204 

blood-thirsty  Rajput  cavalry,  and  resolved  inwardly  that  in  case 
any  harm  or  injury  were  attempted  against  his  honour,  property 
or  life,  he  with  his  family  and  children  would  be  prepared  to  face 
martyrdom.  When  news  of  his  arrival  reached  the  Emperor,  order 
was  passed  that  he  would  not  be  granted  an  audience,  so  long  as 
he  did  not  pay  up  the  Revenue  arrears  to  the  Imperial  Exchequer, 
and  so  long  as  he  did  not  redress  by  exercise  of  justice  the  public 
grievances  against,  him.  Afterwards  summoning  to  his  presence 
Barkhurdar,  son  of  Khwaja1  Nakshbandi,  to  whom  Mahabet  Khan, 
without2  the  Emperor's  approval,  had  betrothed  his  daughter,  the 
Emperor  had  him  disgracefully  whipped  and  thrown  into  prison, 
with  his  neck  bound  and  head  bare.  In  the  morning,  Mahabet 
Khan  rode  out  with  his  cavalry,  and  without  making  obeisance  to 
the  Emperor,  in  an  insolent  and  daring  manner  broke  open  the 
door  of  the  Emperor's  Private  Chamber,3  entered  it  with  four 
hundred  or  five  hundred  Rajputs,  saluted  the  Emperor  in  hunting 
and  travelling  suit,  and  marched  back  towards  his  own  residence.4 

1  In  p.  253,  Fasc.  3,  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahavg'iri,  "  Khwajah  'Umar 
Nakshbandi." 

8  In  the  printed  text,  the  words  occur  "  ^b'AijbLi  *£«■?  "  which  is 
obviously  a.  mistake.  The  words  should  be  "  ^d>L£kXAl£  *Xa  ^j."  (See 
p.  253,  Fasc.  3,  Iqbalnan.ah-i-Jahanglri). 

8  In  the  printed  Persian  text,  there  is   a  mistake  :  the  word  "  AJlac-1-"**  " 

(see  p.  256,  Fasc.  3,  Iqbalnamah)  is  misprinted  in  the  Riyaz  as  "  ^jlj  *-;«*." 
The  Ghnsalkhana  or  '  Bathing  Room '  was  a  luxury  in  Mughal  days:  it  was 
fitted  up  elegantly  with  cooling  apparatus  and  on  snltry  days,  the  Mughal 
Empprors  and  the  Mughal  Omara  passed  much  time  in  it,  transacting  bus- 
iness. Thus,  '  Ghnsalkhana'  gradually  came  to  signify  a  '  Private  Chamber, 
or  a  '  khaskhana.' 

*  The  author  of  the  Riyaz  has  borrowed  the  account  from  the  Iqbalnamah' 
i-Jahanglri  (see  pp.  256-257,  Fasc.  3),  but  in  his  attempt  to  condense  it,  he  has 
rendered  his  account  slip-shod  and  confused.  The  author  of  the  Iqbahiamah- 
i-Jahanglri,  named  Mu'tamid  Khan,  was  Jahangir's  Bakhshi  at  the  time,  and 
was  an  eye-witness  <of  what  occurred.  From  the  account  that  he  gives,  it 
appears  that  the  Emperor  was  returning  at  the  time  to  Hindustan  from 
Kabul,  that  he  had  his  camp  pitched  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Bihat  (or 
Jhelam),  th-  t  he  was  alone  there  with  some  courtiers,  such  as  'Arab  Dast 
Ghaib,  Mir  Mansiir  BadakhshT,  Jawaher  Khan  the  Eunuch,  Firuz  Khan, 
Khiiimat  Khan  the  Eunuch,  Baland  Khan,  Khedmat  Parst  Khan,  Fasih  Khan, 
njid  three  or  four  others,  that  all  the  rest  of  the  Imperial  officers  and  atten- 
dants including  Asif  Khan  the  Prime  Minister,  had  left,  and  crossed  over  to 
the    eastern  banks  of  the  river.     Seizing,  therefore,  this  opportunity,  Mababe 


205 

In  short  as  the  Imperial  army  had  gone  towards  Thatah,  Mahabet 
Khan  was  ordered  to  join  it  there.  In  the  meantime,  Prince  Parviz 
died.  As  Sharif  Khan1  had  entrenched  himself  in  the  fort  of 
Thatah,  Shah  Jalian's  army  marched  back  to  the  Dakhin.  Mahabet 
Khan  after  reaching  Thatah  sent  letters  to  Shah  Jahau,  avowing 
his  loyalty,  and  Shah  Jahan  being  conciliated,  Mahabet  Khan 
entered  the  former's  service.  In  consequence,  the  Subah  of  Bengal 
was  transferred  from  Khanahzad  Khan,  son  of  .Mahabet  Khan,  to 
Mnkkaram   Khan,2  son   of  Muazzam   Khan,   and  the  Province  ot 

Khan,  leaving  some  Rajpnt  troops  to  .guard  the  bridge,  marched  up  to  the 
Imperial  tent  with  a  large  number  of  Rajpnt  cavalry.  At  the  time,  the 
Emperor  was  reposing  in  the  Khaskhana.  Mahabet  Khan  fearlessly  broke 
open  the  door,  and  entered  it  with  about  500  Rajput  cavalry,  and  paid 
obeisance  to  the  Emperor.  The  Emperor  coming  out  of  the  tent,  seated 
himself  on  the  Imperial  Palanquin,  which  had  lain  in  front  of  the  tent« 
Mahabet  Khan  came  quite  close  to  the  palanquin,  and  addressed  the  Emperor 
as  follows :  "Fearing  that  through  the  vindictiveness  and  malice  of  Asif 
Khan,  I  should  be  disgraced,  tortured  and  killed,  I  have  dared  to  take  1 1  is 
daiing  step  of  personally  throwing  myself  on  the  Imperial  protection.  Sire> 
if  I  deserve  to  be  killed  and  punished,  kill  and  punish  me  in  your  Imperial 
presence"  (p.  256,  Fasc.  3,  Iqbalnamah).  In  the  meantime,  Mahabet  Khan's 
Rajput  cavalry  surrounded  the  Imperial  tent  from  all  sides.  Then  Mahabet 
Khan  told  the  Emperor  that  that  was  the  usual  time  for  the  Emperor  to  go 
out  hunting,  and  asked  the  Emperor  to  mount  a  horse*  The  Emperor  mount- 
ed a  horse,  and  went  out  some  distance  and  then  leaving  the  horse  mounted 
an  elephant.  Mahabet  Khan  in  hunting  dress  accompanied  the  Emperor  and 
led  the  latter  to  his  own  camp.  Finding  that  Nur  Jahan  Begam  had  been 
left  behind,  he  led  back  the  Emperor  to  the  Imperial  tent,  but  in  the  mean- 
time Nur  Jahan  had  gone  across  the  river  and  had  joined  her  brother,  Asif 
Khan  and  was  busy  concerting  measures  to  rescue  the  Emperor.  After  some 
days,  by  adoption  of  an  ingenious  and  a  bold  stratagem — when  the  efforts  of 
all  tho  Imperial  officers  had  failed — Nur  Jahan  succeeded  in  rescuing  her 
Royal  Consort,  and  in  banishing  Mahabet  Khan,  who  was  sent  in  disgrace 
to  Thatah.  (See  p.  276,  Fasc.  3,  Iqbalnamah  i-Jdhnngfri)  Mahabet  Khan 
subsequently  joined  Shah  Jahan  in  the  Dakhin. 

1  In  the  Iqbalnamah,  "  Sharifu-1-Mulk"  it  appears  ,that  Prince  Shah 
Jahan  had  gone  from  the  Dakhin  to  invade  the  province  of  Thatah.  Then 
Sharif u-l-Mulk,  on  behalf  of  Prince  Shahriyar,  held  the  Fort  of  Thatah  with 
4,000  cavalry  and  10,000  infantry.  On  hearing  the  news,  the  Emperor 
Jahangir  sent  an  Imperial  army  to  repel  Shah  Jahiin's  invasion,  and  Mahabet 
Khan  was  sent  on  the  same  errand.  Shah  Jahan  was  obliged  to  raise  the 
siege,  and  to  march  back  to  the  Dakhin  via  Gujrat.  (See  Iqbalnamah  and  also 
Maasir-ul-Umara,  Pers.  text,  Fasc.  3,  pp.  281-282). 

2  Mukkaram  Khan  was  a  son  of  Shaikh  Bayazid  Muazzam   Khan,   grand- 


206 

Patna  was  entrusted  to  Mirza  Rustam  Safavi.1  It  is  said  that  on 
the  day  the  patent  transferring  the  Subahdaiu  of  Bengal  from 
Khanahzad  Khan  to  Nawab  Mnkarram  Khan  was  drawn  up  at 
ShahJahanabad  (Delhi),  Shah  Neamatullah8  Firuzpuri  composing 
a  Qasidah  (an  Ode)  in  praise  of  Khanahzad  Khan,  transmitted 
it  to  the  latter,  and  in  this  Qasidah,  there  was  one  line  which 
was  indicative  of  Khanahzad's  supercession,  and  that  line  was 
this  .— 

Translation  : 

I  am  in  love  with  thee,  0  budding  rose,  like  a  nightingale, 
Thy  cypress,  however,  is  a  new  spring  and  a  sight  to  others. 

When  Khanahzad  Khan  perused  the  above  lines,  he  antici- 
pated his  supercession,  and  made  preparations  to  pack  up.  And 
after  one  month  the  Imperial  order  of  recall  was  received  by 
him. 

c 

son  of  Shaikh  SalTm  ChTshti  of  Fatihpur  Sikri.  Jahangir  conferred  on  Shaikh 
Bayazid  the  title  of  Muazzam  Khan  and  made  him  Subadar  of  Delhi.  Muazzarn 
Khan's  son,  Mukkaram  Khan,  was  a  son-in-law  of  Islam  Khan  I,  Jahangir's 
Viceroy  in  Bengal,  and  rendered  important  services  under  the  latter.  He 
conquered  Kuch  Hajo  (a  portion  of  Kuch  Behar)  and  captured  its  zemindar 
or  Rajah,  Parichat  ( Padshahnamah  11,  64),  and  for  some  time  remained  as 
Governor  of  Kuch  Hajo.  Later,  he  was  appointed  Governor  of  Orissa,  and 
conquered  Khurdah  ( South  Orissa)  and  annexed  it  to  the  Delhi  Empire.  Iu 
the  sixteenth  year,  he  came  to  court,  and  was  made  Subadar  of  Delhi.  In 
the  21st  year,  he  was  sent  to  Bengal  as  Governor  in  the  place  of  Khanahzad 
Khan,  Mahabet  Khan's  son.  (See  pp.  286,  287,  291,  Fasc.  3,  Iqbalnamah-i~ 
Jahangh-i,  and  al?o  Mnasir-ul-Umara).  A  gale  upset  his  boat,  and  he  was 
drowned  in  the  river  with  all  his  companions. 

1  See  n.  ante. 

The  author  of  the  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri  mentions  that  Mirza  Rustam 
Safavi  was  appointed  by  Jahangir  Subadar  of  Vilayet-i- Behar  and  Patna,  in 
the  21st  year  of  the  Emperor's  reign.  (See  p.  280,  Fasc.  3,  Pers.  text, 
Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri.  and  also  Maasir-ul-Vmara). 

2  Later  on  in  the  text,  he  is  described  as  a  Saint,  in  whom  Prince  Shah 
Shuja  had  great  faith. 


207 

NEZIMAT  OF  NAWAB  MUKKARAM  KHlN. 

In  the  21st  year  of  the  Emperor's  accession,  corresponding  to 
1030  A.H.,  Mukkaram  Khan  was  appointed  to  the  Nezamat  of  the 
Suhah  of  Bengal.  Many  months  had  not  elapsed,  when  by  chance, 
an  Imperial  firman  came  to  his  address.  The  Khan  in  order  to 
receive  it,  advanced.1  As  the  time  for  afternoon  prayer  had  arrived, 
he  ordered  his  servants  to  moor  his  boat  toward^  the  bank,  so  that 
he  might  turn  to  business,  after  fiuishing  prayer.  The  boatmen 
attempted  to  take  the  barge  towards  the  bank.  At  this  time,  a 
strono-  wind  blew,  and  sent  the  boat  adrift.  A  severe  gale  coupled 
with  a  storm- wave,  caused  the  boat  to  sink.  Mukkaram  Khan 
-with  his  companions  and  associates  was  drowned,  and  not  a  single 
man  escaped.2 


NEZAMAT  OF  NAWAB  FIDAI  KHAN.s 

When  news  of     Mukkram   Khan    being     drowned     reached 
the    Emperor   in    the    22nd  year    of    tlie    Emperor's    accession 

1  This  incident  illustrates  the  solemn  personality  of  the  '  Great  Mughal ' 
•in  those  days,  and  the  ceremonial  homage  paid  him  by  his  officers.  The 
practice  of  advancing  several  miles  to  receive  imperial  orders  and  firmans, 
existed  throughout  the  Mughal  regime. 

2  See  similar  account  in  Iqbalnamah-i-Jahavgiri,  Pasc.  3,  Pers.  text, 
p   287. 

8  "  Pidai  Khan  "  and  "  Jan  Nisar  Khan  "   or   "  Janbaz    Khan  "    were    his 
titles,  his  name  being  Mirza  Hedaitullah.     He  should  not  be  confounded  with 
Mir   Zarif   who   also   received   the   title  of   "  Pidai  Khan."     When  Mir  Zarif 
received  this  title  of  Pidai  Khan,  Mirza  Hedaitullah  who   held  the  same   title 
from  before,  received  the  new  title  of  "  Jan  Nisar  Khan  "  from  Shah  Jahan  the 
Emperor,     In  the  beginning,  iu  the  reign  of  Emperor  Jaharcgir,  Mirza  Hedait- 
ullah was  "  Mir  Bahr-i-Nawarah  "  or  Admiral  of  the  Imperal  Fleet,  and  being 
patronised  by  Mahabet  Khan,  he  advanced  rapidly  in  influence.    In  the  quarrel 
between    Mahabet    Khan    and    Emperor    Jahansjir,     he   toot    sides    with    his 
patron,  Mahabet  Khan,  and  subsequently  fled  to  Rohtas.     On  return  in  the  22nd 
year  of  Jahangir's  reign,  he  was  appointed  Viceroy  of  Bengal,  in  succession  to 
Mukkaram  Khan,  who  lied  been  drowned,  the  arrangement  entered  into  being 
that  he  should  yearly  remitfrom  Bengal,  in  the  shape  of  presents,  five  lacs  forthe 
Emperor  and  five  lacs  of  rupees  for  the  Empress  Nur  Jahan  (no  doubt,  over  and 
above  the  annual  Imperial  revenues).     In  Shah  Jahan's  reign,  he  was  recalled 
from  Bengal  and  received  Jaunpur  in  tiyul  (or  jagir)  and  subsequently  was  ap- 
pointed Faujdiir  of  Gorakpur.     He  then    helped  Abdullah  Khan,  Governor   of 


208 

corresponding  to  1036  A.H.,  Nawab  Fidai  Khan  was  appointed 
Viceroy  of  the  Subah  of  Bengal.  Since  at  that  period,  besides  rare 
silkstuffs  of  this  country,  and  elephants  and  aloes-wood  and  amber- 
gris and  other  presents  and  gifts,  no  specie  used  to  be  presented  to 
the  Emperor,  at  this  time,  contrary  to  the  former  practice,  it  was 
settled  that  evvery  year  five  lacs  of  rupees  as  present  to  the  Emperor 
and  five  lacs  of  rupees  as  present  to  Nur  Jahan  Begam — in  all 
ten  lacs  of  rupees  should  be  remitted  to  the  Imperial  Exchequer.1 
When  on  the  27  th  2  0f  the  month  of  Safar  1037  A.H.,  Emperor 
Nuruddin  Muhammad  Jahangir,  whilst  returning  from  Kashmir, 
died  at  Rajor,  his  son  Abul  Muzzafar  Shahabuddin  Shah  Jahan 
(who  was  then  in  the  Dakhin)  marched  out,  and  through  the 
noble  exertions  of  Asaf  Jah  Asaf  Khan3  (after  destroying  and 
extirpating  his  brothers)  ascended  the  Imperial  throne  at  Delhi. 
Then  the  Subah  of  Bengal  was  transferred  from  Fidai  Khan  to 
Qasim  Khan. 

Behnr,  in   the  conquest  of   Bhojpur  or  Ujjain.     (See  Haasir-ul-Umara,   p.  12, 
Vol.  3). 

1  This  Fiscal  Provincial  Contract  under  Fidai  Khan  is  also  noted  in  the 
Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri,  Fasc.  3,  Pers.  text,  p.  291. 

8  In  the  Iqbalnamah,  "28th  Safar  (.Sunday)  Emperor  Jahangir  died  in  the 
22nd  year  of  his  reign,  whilst  returning  from  Kashmir  towards  Lahore."  He 
was  buried  at  Lahore  in  a  garden  which  had  been  laid  out  by  his  beloved 
Consort,  the  Empress  Nur  Jahan.     (See  Iqbalnamah,  Fasc.  3,  p.  294). 

8  His  titles  were  "  Asif  Khan  Asif  Jah,"  his  name  being  Mirza  Abiil 
Hasan.  He  was  a  son  of  'Itamad-u-daulah,  and  the  eldest  brother  of  the 
Empress  Nur  Jahan  Begam,  and  he  was  father  of  Arjumund  Banu  Begam  alias 
Mumtaz  Mahal,  the  beloved  Consort  of  Emperor  Shah  Jahan,  (whose  memory  is 
enshrined  in  marble  by  the  Taj  at  Agra).  In  the  9th  year  of  Jahangir's  reign, 
he  was  appointed  to  the  Mansab  of  Qhash  hazari,  and  subsequently  raised  to  a 
haft  hazari,  and  w^s  also  appointed  Subadar  of  the  Panjab,  and  Vakil  or  Prime 
Minister.  In  1037  A.H.  when  Jahangir  on  return  from  Kashmir  died  on  the 
way  near  Rajor,  Nur  Jahan  (who  espoused  the  cause  of  Prince  Shwhriyar) 
wanted  to  imprison  Asif  Khan  (who  espoused  Prince  Shah  Jahiin's  cause), 
but  Asif  Khan  could  not  be  seized  or  brought  back.  Asif  Khan  sent  a  swift 
runner,  named  Benaresi,  a  Hindu,  to  Shah  Jahan  who  was  then  in  Gujrat. 
Shah  Jahan  quickly  marched  out  to  Agra,  where  he  was  installed  as 
Emperor,  whilst  Shahriyar  and  other  princes  were  soon  imprisoned  and 
made  away  with.  On  his  accession,  Shah  Jahan  gave  Asif  Khau  the 
title     of      "  Eminu-d-daulah,  "     and    made     him     a     "  Nuh     hazari.  "       He 

died   at   Lahore   in    1051  A.H.   "  eA^  OUaf  ^»>«*»»l  J*>j  ;"  is   a  chronogram 
which  yields  the  above  date.     (See  Maasir-ul-Umara,  p.  151,  Vol.  I). 


209 

NEZAMAT  OF  NAWAB  QASIM  KHAN.' 

When  Qasim  Khan  succeeded  to  the  Nezamat  of  Bengal,  like 
his  predecessors   in    office,    he  devoted  himself  to  the   affairs  of 

1  It  is  strange  that  the  Riydz  should  give  such  a  meagre  account  of 
the  Administration  of  Nawab  Qasim  Khln,  the  firsj;  Bengal  Viceroy  appointed 
by  Emperor  Shah  Jahan.  Yet  this  Administration  is  pecuMarly  interesting 
and  significant  from  the  modern  stand-point,  as  the  chxmicle  of  this  adminis- 
tration contains,  for  the  first  time,  a  reference  to  a  conflict  (no  doubt,  then  un- 
importaut)  between  the  Christian  European  merohants  in  Bengal  and  the 
Musalman  Viceroys  of  Bengal.  To  supplement  the  account  of  this  Musalman 
Viceroy  with  some  additional  facts  gleaned  from  the  Maasir-ul-  Umara,  would 
therefore    be  interesting. 

Qasim  Khan  was  a  sou  of  Mir  Murad  of  Juaiu  (in  the  Vilayet  of   Baihaq). 
Mir    Murad  was  a  leading  Sayyid  of  that  place,  whence  he  migrated  into  the 
Dakhin.     He  was  brave  and  a  capital  archer,  and  was    engaged   by    Emperor 
Akbar  to  train  up  Prince  Khurram .     He  was  subsequently  appointed  Bakshi 
of  Lahore,  in  the  46th  year  of  Akbar's  reign.     His  son,    "  Qasim  Khan  ;'   (this 
was    evidently    his    title,    his    actual    name  is  not  given  in  the  Maasir)  was  a 
man   of   culture    and    literary    habits.     Under    Islam    Khan    Ohishti    Faruqi 
(Jahangir's    Bengal   Viceroy),  Qasim  Khan  served  as  Khazanchi  or  Treasurer- 
General  of  Bengal.     Islam  Khan  took  particular  interest  in    training  him   up. 
Some  timeafter,  Qasim  Khan  was  lucky  in  getting  married  to  Manijah  Begam, 
sister  of  the  Empress  Nur  Jahan.     This  matrimonial  ^lliance   was  a    turning 
point   in    Qasim    Khan's   fortune ;  he  was  soon  advanced  in  rank  and  dignity. 
The  witty  courtiers  of  the  time  called  him  "  Qasim  Khim  Manijah."     He  soon 
became  an  associate  of  the  Emperor  Jahanglr.     Towards  the  end  of  Jahangir's 
reign,  he  was  appointed  Siibadar  (or  Viceroy)  of  Agra.     In  the   first   year   of 
Shah    Jahan's    reign,    the  Emperor  (Shah  Jahan)  raised  him  to  the  Mansab  of 
Panjhazari,  and  appointed   him    Subadar   (Viceroy)    of    Bengal,   in    place    of 
Fidai    Khan.     During   his    stay    in    Bengal    (during   Jahangir's    reign),  Shah 
Jahan  had  become    personally    apprised    of    the    excesses    practiced    by    the 
Christians    (Portuguese,    obviously)    resident  in   the  Port  of   Hughli.     For  in- 
stance, Shah  Jahan  had  come  to  know  that  these  often  took>unauthorised  leases 
of  adjoining  pargannas,  oppressed  the  tenantry  of  those  pargannas,  and  some- 
times by  tempting  offers,  converted  them  to  Christianity,  and  even  sent  them 
to  Farang    (or    Europe).     Further   these    Christians    (Portuguese,    obviously) 
carried    on  similar  malpractices  even    in   pargannas,   with  which  they  had  no 
connection.     Further,    these    Christians,    under  the    pretext    of   carrying  on 
trading   transactions,    had   in   the    beginning   established    some   ware-houses 
which  they  had  gradually  and  clandestinely,  by  bribing  local  officers,  converted 
into  large  fortified  buildings.  In  consequence,  the  bulk  of  the  trade  whioh  had 
found    its   way,  hitherto,  to   the  old    Imperial   emporium  at    Siitgaon,   was 
diverted  to  the  new    port  of  Hughli.     In  consideration  of   the  above    circum- 
stances,   the    Emperor    Shah   Jahan,    whilst  sending  Qiisim    Khan  to  Bengal 

27 


210 

administration,  and  to  the  putting  down  of  disturbances.  In  the 
sixth  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  accession,  he  marched  against  the 
Christians  and  Portuguese  who  had  become  insolent  in  the  port  of 
Hughli,  and  after  fighting  expelled  and  defeated  them.  As  a 
reward  for  this  service,  he  received  favours  from  the  Emperor, 
but  he  soon  after  died. 


NEZAMAT  OF  NAWAB  'AZAM  KHAN. 

After   this,  Nawab    'Azam    Khan  1   was    appointed    to    the 
Nezamat   of   Bengal.     As   he   could    not    properly  discharge   the 

as  his  Viceroy,  gave  the  latter  instructions  to  expel  the  foreign  Christian 
(Portuguese)  traders  from  the  port  of  Hughli.  Accordingly,  in  the  4th  year  of 
Shah  Jahan's  reign,  Qasiin  Khan  sent  his  son  'lnaitullah  Khan  in  com- 
pany of  Allahyar  Khan  and  other  officers  to  Hughli,  and  he  sent  also  by  the 
sea-route  vid  Chittagong  another  company  of  troops  on  a  fleet  of  vessels 
from  the  Imperial  Naicarah  or  Fleet  stationed  in  Dacca,  so  that  the 
Portuguese  might  not  escape  by  water,  giving  out  at  the  same  time 
that  the  expedition  had  as^  its  objective  Hijli.  These  besieged  Hughli, 
and,  after  the  fighting  was  protracted  to  three  months  and  a  half, 
succeeded  in  storming  it,  and  in  expelling  the  Christian  (Portuguese)  traders 
from  it.  2,000  Christians  were  killed^  in  the  fighting,  4,400  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  10.000  Indian  captives  that  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Portuguese 
were  released,  and  1,000  Musalman  soldiers  got  killed  in  the  fighting.  Three 
days  after  this  victory  (in  1041  A. H.)  Qasim  Khan  died  of  disease.  He  built  the 
Cathedral  Mosque  at  Agra  in  Angah  Khan  bazaar.  (See  p.  78,  Vol.  3,  Maasir- 
ul-Umara). 

I  A'zim  Khan's  real  name  was  Mir  Muhammad  Baqir,  his  titles  being 
"Iradat  Khan,"  and  subsequently  "  A'zim  Khan."  He  was  a  Sayyid  of  Sava 
which  is  in  'Iruq.  On  arrival  in  India,  he  was  appointed  Faujdar  of  Sialkot 
and  Gujrat,  through  the  interest  taken  in  him  by  Asif  Khan  Mirza  Ja'fnr,  who 
married  to  him  his  daughter.  Then  he  was  presented  to  Emperor  Jahangir, 
who  gave  him  (on  the  recommendation  of  Eminu-d-daulah  Asif  Khan)  a  good 
Mansab  and  the  office  of  Imperial  Khansaman.  In  the  15th  year  of  Jahangir's 
reign,  he  was  appoifited  Subadar  (Governor)  of  Kashmir  and  next  Mir  Bakhshi 
under  the  Emperor  directly.  On  Shlh  Jahan's  accession  to  the  throne,  Shah 
Jahan  raised  him  to  the  rank  of  Panjhazari,  and  also  to  the  office  of  vizier  of 
the  Supreme  Diwan.  In  the  second  year  of  ?hah  Jahan's  reign,  he  was  set  to 
reform  the  Revenue  Administration  of  the  Provinces  in  the  Dakhin.  In  the  third 
year,  he  received  the  title  of  "  A'zam  Khan,"  and  was  employed  by  the  Emper- 
or for  chastising  Khan  Jahan  Lodi  and  for  the  conquest  of  the  Nizam  Shahi 
kingdom  in  the  Dakhin.  Though  he  succeeded  in  dispersing  Khan  Jahan's 
force,  and  though  he  stormed  the  fort  of  Dharwar.  his  services  in  the  Dakhin 


211 

duties  of  a  Governor,  the  work  of  administration  fell  into  confu- 
sion. The  Assamese,  making  an  incursion,  invaded  and  ravaged 
many  of  the  pargannahs  within  the  Imperial  domains,  and  along 
with  much  riches  and  effects  captured  and  carried  away  'Abdus 
Salam,1  who  had  gone  on  an  expedition  to  Gauhati  with  1,000 
Cavalry  and  numerous  infantry.  When  this  news  readied  the 
Emperor,  the  latter  superseded  'Azam  Kh3n,  and  appointed  Islam 
Khan,  who  had  much  experience  in  the  work  of  administration 
and  was  one  of  the  principal  'Omara  of  Jahangir,  to  the  office  of 
Subadar  of  Bengal. 


RULE  OF  NAWAB  ISLAM  KHAN. 

When  Nawab  Islam  Khan  was  appointed  Subadar  of  Bengal, 
as  he  was  an  experienced  and  a  sagacious  ruler,  on  his  arrival  in 
did  not  satisfy  the  Emperor,  who  sent  him  to  Bengal  as  Viceroy,  in  succession 
to  Qasim  Khan,  who  died  in  the  5th  year  of  Shah  Jahsin's  reign.  He  continu- 
ed in  Bengal  as  Viceroy  for  three  years  only,  and  in  the  8th  year  was  trans- 
ferred to  Allahabad,  and  subsequently  to  Gujrat,  and  lastly  to  Jaunpur,  where 
he  was  Rector  of  the  Jaunpur  University,  and  died  in  1059  A.H.,  in  his  76th 
year,  and  was  buried  in  a  garden  which  he  had  laid  out  on  the  banks  of  the 
Jaunpur  river.  His  daughter  was  *  married  to  Pyince  Shah  Shuja  (after 
the  latter  had  lost  his  first  wife,  a  daughter  of  Mirza  Rustfun  Safavi).  He 
possessed  many  good  qualities,  and  was  very  strict  in  auditing  the  accounts 
of  'Amils  (Collectors   of   Revenue).     (See  Maasir-ul-Umara,  p.  174,  Vol.  I). 

1  This  'Abdus  Salam  would  seem  to  be  the  Abdus  Salam  (son  of  Muazzam 
Khan,  Subadar  of  Delhi)  who  opportunely  reinforced  Shujait  Khan  at  the 
decisive  battle  ne*r  Dhaka  (Dacca)  with  the  Afghan  leader  Osman  Lohani. 
He  would  seem,  therefore,  to  have  been  a  brother  of  Mukkaram  Khan  (an- 
other son  of  Muazzam  Khan)  who  was  Governor  of  Bengal  and  who  was  con- 
queror of  Kuch  Hajo  (or  Kuch  Behar)  and  Khurdah.  'Abdus  Salam  at  the 
time  would  seem  to  have  been  Governor  of  Kuch  Hajo.  in  succession  to  his 
brother  Mukkaram  Khan,  and  to  have  invaded  Assam.  (See  n.  ante). 
The  Alamglrnamah  (p.  680,  Fasc.  VII,  Pers.  text)  calls  him  "Shaikh 
Abdus  Salam,"  and  states  that  towards  the  early  part  of  Shah  Jahln's  reign, 
he  was  '  Faujdar  '  of  '  Hajo' (that  is,  Kuch  Hajo,  or  western  part  of  Kuch 
Behar),  and  that  at  Gauhati  he  together  with  many  others  was  captured  by 
the  Assamese,  and  that,  to  chastise  the  Assamese,  an  expedition  to  Assam 
was  shortly  after  (during  the  Viceroyalty  of  Islam  Khan  II  alias  Mir  Abdus 
Salam)  sent  out  under  command  of  Siadat  Khan  (Islam  Khan's  brother),  but 
that  the  expedition  reached  only  Kajal  (which  is  on  the  frontier  of  Assam), 
and  did  not  result  in  any  decisive  issue,  as  Islam  Khan  was  shortly  after 
recalled  by  the  Emperor  to  assume  the  office  of  Imperial  Vizier  at  Delhi. 


212 

the  Subah,  he  vigorously  set  himself  to  the  work  of  administra- 
tion. He  organised  a  punitive  expedition  against  the  refractory 
Assamese,  and  also  planned  to  conquer  Kuch  Behar  and  Assam. 
Marching  towards  those  tracts  and  fighting  many  battles,  he 
chastised  those  wicked  tribes,  recovered  the  Imperial  mahals  which 
had  been  over-run  by  the  latter,  and  marched  against  Kuch  Behar. 
After  much  fightings,  he  stormed  numerous  forts,  and  then  extir- 
pated the  refractory  Assamese.  At  this  juncture,  Islam  Khan1  was 
recalled  by  Shah  Jahan,  for  the  purpose  of  being  installed  in  the 
office  of  Vazir.     And  order  was  sent  to  Nawab  Saif  Khan8   to  the 

1  Islam  Khan  Mashadi ;  his  actual  name  was  Mir  Abdus  Salam,  and  his 
titles  were  ''Ikhtisis  Khan"  and  subsequently  "  Islam  Khan."  He  should 
not  be  confounded  with  "  Islam  Khan  Chishti  Faruqi,"  whose  real  name  was 
Shaikh  'Alau-d-din,  and  who  was  Viceroy  of  Bengal,  under  Emperor  Jahangir. 

Mir  Abdus  Salam  was  in  the  beginning  a  Munshi  or  Secretary  of  Prince 
Shah  Jahan.  In  1030  A.H.  (during  Jahanglr's  reign),  he  was  Vakil-i-Darbdr 
or  Prince  Shah  Jahan's  Political  Agent  at  the  Imperial  Court  (Shah  Jahan 
being  engaged  at  the  time  in  affairs  connected  with  the  Dakhin),  and  at  tho 
same  time  received  the  title  of  "  Ikhtisas  Khan."  When  dissensions  broke 
out  between  Shah  Jahan  and  Emperor  Jahangir,  Mir  Abdus  Salam  joined 
Shah  Jahan.  On  Shah  Jahan's  accession  to  the  throne,  he  raised  Mir  Abdus 
Salam  to  the  rank  of  Qhnhdrhazdri,  bestowed  on  him  the  title  of  "  Islam 
Khan,"  and  appointed  him  Bakhshi  and'  subsequently  Governor  of  Gujrat, 
with  command  of  Five  Thousand.  In  the  8th  year,  on  the  recall  of  A'zam 
Khan  (the  Bengal  Viceroy),  Mir  Abdua  Salam  alias  Islam  Khan  Mashadi  was 
appointed  Viceroy  of  Bengal.  In  the  11th  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  accession, 
he  achieved  several  notable  triumphs,  viz.,  (1)  the  chastisement  of  the 
Assamese,  (2)  capture  of  the  son-in-law  of  the  Assam  Rajah,  (3)  capture  of 
fifteen  Assam  forts,  (4)  capture  of  Srighat  and  Mando,  (5)  successful  establish- 
ment of  Imperial  military  out-posts  or  Thanas  in  all  the  mahals  of  Koch  Hajo 
(the  western  portion  of  Kuch  Behar),  (6)  capture  of  500  Koch  war-vessels. 
Manik  Rai,  brother  of  the  Rajah  of  Arrakan,  also  at  this  time  came  to  Dhaka 
(Dacca)  and  took  refuge  with  Islam  Khan.  In  the  13th  year  (in  the  text,  cor- 
rectly, 11th  year),  Islam  Khan  was  called  back  by  Shah  Jahan  from  Bengal, 
and  installed  in  the  office  of  Imperial  Vazir.  He  was  subsequently  appointed 
Viceroy  of  the  Dakhm,  where  he  died  at  Aurangabad  in  the  21  st  year  of  Shah 
Jahan's  reign,  in  1057  A.H.  He  was  buried  in  a  mausoleum  at  Aurangabad. 
He  was  a  learned  scholar,  a  brave  general  and  a  sagacious  administrator.  (See 
Maasir-ul-Umiira,   p.  162,  Vol.  I). 

2  Saif  Khan  Mirza  Safi  was  a  son  of  Amanat  Khan.  He  married  Malikah 
Banu,  sister  of  Empress  Mumtaz  Mahal,  and  a  daughter  of  Asif  Khan  Eminu- 
d-daulah,  and  was  thus  closely  connected  with  Emperor  Shah  Jahan,  by  mar- 
riage. He  first  became  Diwan  of  the  Subah  of  Gujrat,  and  for  his  victory 
over   'Abdullah  Khan  under  daring  circumstances,  was  appointed  Subadar  of 


213 

effect  that  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal  was  assigned  to  Prince  Muham- 
mad Shuj'a,  and  that  until  the  latter's  arrival,  he  should,  as  Prince's 
Deputy,  carry  on  the  work  of  Bengal  administration.  As  Islam 
Khan,  in  the  very  midst  of  fighting,  had  to  march  back  to  the 
Imperial  presence,  the  work  of  Assam  conquest  was  left  incomplete, 
and  his  departure  was  a  signal  for  fresh  disturbances  amongst 
the  Assamese.  This  happened  towards  the  end  of  the  11th  year 
of  Shah  Jahan's  reign.  -> 

o 

RULE  OF  PRINCE  MUHAMMAD  SHUJ'A. 

In  the  12th  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign,  Prince  Muhammad 
Shuj'a1  arrived  in  Bengal,  and  made  Akbarnagar  or  Rajmahal  the 

Gujrat,  and  also  received  the  title  of  "  Saif  Khan."  He  was  subsequently- 
appointed  by  Emperor  Shah  Jahan  to  be  Governor  of  Behar  (where  at  Patna 
he  bnilt  several  lofty  public  edifices).  [Safiabad  town,  near  Jamalpur  in 
Monghyr,  I  guess,  was  built  by  him,  and  is  named  so  after  him.  There  is 
still  a  place  in  it  called  "  Safi  Sarai  "  or  "  Safi's  inn."  If  my  memory  serves 
me  aright,  I  found  a  big  well  in  Monghyr  town  near  the  Clab,  which  bears 
an  inscription  to  show  that  it  was  built  by  Saif  Khan].  In  the  5th  year  of 
Shah  Jahan's  reign,  he  became  Governor  of  Allahabad  ;  in  the  8th  year,  he 
was  selected  as  Governor  of  Gujrab,  and  next  appointed  Commandant  of 
Agra.  In  the  12th  year,  when  Islam  Khan  Mashadi  was  summoned  back 
from  Bengal  to  Delhi,  to  assume  charge  of  the  portfolio  of  Imperial  Vazarat, 
Bengal  was  assigned  to  Prince  Shah  Shuj'a.  As  the  Prince  was  at  the  time 
away  at  Kabul,  Saif  Khan  received  orders  to  administer  Bengal  on  behalf  of 
the  Prince,  during  his  absence.  In  the  13th  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign  (in 
1049  A.H.)  Saif  Khau  Mirza  Safi  died  in  Bengal,  and  his  wife  Malikah  Banu 
died  the  following  year.     (See  Maasir-ul-Umara,  p.  416,  Vol   II). 

1  Prince  Shah  Shuj'a  was  the  second  son  of  Emperor  Shah  Jahan,  whose 
other  sons  were  (1)  Dara  Shekoh,  (2)  Aurangzeb,  and  (3)  Murad.  Shah  Shnj'a 
■was  married  to  a  daughter  of  Mirza  Rustam  Safavi,  and  subsequently  (on  the 
death  of  his  first  wife)  to  a  daughter  of  Nawab  'Azam  Khan  (a  former  Bengal 
Viceroy).  Shah  Shuj'a,  on  appointment  to  Bengal,  temporarily  removed  the 
Viceregal  Capital  from  Dacca  to  Rajmahal.  He  twice  ruled  over  Bengal, 
that  is,  once  for  eight  years,  and  again  (after  a  break  of  two  years)  for 
another  eight  years.  Shall  Shuj'a's  rule  over  Bengal  was  marked  by  the  intro- 
duction of  financial  reforms  and  by  the  growth  of  revenue.  "  About  1658 
A.C.  he  prepared  a  new  rent-roll  of  Bengal,  which  showed  34  Sarkara  and 
1,350  mahals,  and  a  total  revenue  on  Khalsa  and  Jagir  lands  of  Rs.  13,115,907 
exclusive  of  abivahs."  (See  Blochmann's  Contr.  to  history  of  Bengal  and  the 
Padshahnamah) .  Shah  Shnj'a  was  a  lover  of  architecture,  and  he  built 
numerous     marble    edifioes     in    Rajmahal,   Monghyr    and    Dacca.     He  also 


214 

seat  of  his  Government,  and  adorned  it  with  grand  and  hand- 
some edifices.  The  Prince  deputed  to  Jahangirnagaror  Dacca  his 
Deputy  and  father-in-law,  Nawab  'Azam  Khan.1  The  affairs  of 
administration  which  had  fallen  into  confusion  by  the  departure 
of  Islam  Khan,  received  now  fresh  eclat.  For  a  period  of  eight 
years,  the  Prince  devoted  himself  to  the  work  of  administra- 
tion. In  the  20th  year  *  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign,  the  Prince  was 
recalled  to  the  Imperial  presence,  and  Nawab  'Itaqad  Khan  was 
appointed  to  the  Nizamat  of  the  Sfibah  of  this  country. 


-o- 


NIZAMAT  OP  NAWAB  'ITAQAD  KHAN. 

When  Nawab  'Itaqad  Khan  8  being  appointed  to  the  Nizamat 
of  Bengal  arrived  in  this  country,  he  ruled  over  Bengal  for  two 

extended  his  Bengal  Satrapy  by  incorporating  therein  Sarkars  Monghyr  and 
Behar  (see  Alamgirnamah),  bat  shortly  after  he  received  a  check  in  his 
onward  career  by  coming  in  collision  with  his  clever  brother,  Aurangzeb,  and 
at  length  fled  to  Arrakan  where  he  perished. 

1  See  n.,  ante. 

*  In  the  text  j**^  is  evidently  a  njisprint  for  fy"*t$. 

8  'Itaqad  Khan  Mirza  Shapiir  was  a  son  of  'Itamd-u-daulab,  and  a 
brother  of  Asif  Khan  Mirza  Abnl  Hasan,  and  therefore,  a  brother  also  of 
Empress  Nur  Jahan  (Maasir-ul-Umara,  p.  180,  Pers.  text,  Vol.  I.,  Fasc.  11). 

Professer  Blochmann's  list  (p.  511,  Ain,  Tr.,  Vol.  I),  does  not  give  his  name. 
Iu  the  17th  year  of  Jahangir's  reign,  he  was  appointed  Governor  of  Kashmir, 
and  continued  there  for  a  long  period.  He  was  also  raised  by  Emperor 
Jahangir  to  a  command  of  five  thousand.  In  the  5th  year  of  Shah  Jahan's 
reign,  he  was  recalled  from  Kashmir.  In  the  16th  year,  he  was  appointed 
Governor  of  Behar,  and  whilst  there,  in  the  17th  year,  he  organised  and 
despatched  an  expedition  to  Palaun  (Palamow)  under  Zabardast  Khan,  and 
defeated  its  zemindar  or  Rajah,  named  Partab,  who  submitted  to  the 
Emperor,  and  agreed  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  of  one  lac  of  rupees.  In  the 
20th  year  of  Shah'  Jahan's  reign,  when  Prince  Shah  Shuj'a  was  recalled 
from  Bengal,  'Itaqad  Khan  in  addition  to  his  Governorship  of  Behar  wag 
appointed  Viceroy  of  Bengal,  where  he  continued  for  two  years.  In  the  23rd 
year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign  (1060  A.H.)  'Itaqad  Khan  died  at  Agra.  He  was 
a  man  of  great  refinement  and  culture,  and  his  aesthetic  tastes  led  him  to 
be  one  of  the  founders  of  a  new  and  elegant  style  of  architecture.  He  built 
a  splendid  palace  on  a  new  and  improved  design  at  Agra. 

In  Alamgirnamah  (p.  Ill)  'Itaqad  Khan  is  mentioned  as  a  son  of  Eminu- 
d-doulah  Asif  Khan.  (See  Maasir-ul-Umara,  Vol.  I,  Fasc.  2,  Pers.  text,  p.  180). 


215 

years.  In  the  22nd  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign,  he  was  superseded, 
and  Prince  Muhammad  Shuj'a  was  for  the  second  time  re-appointed 
to  the  Nizam  at  of  Bengal. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  RULE  OF  SHAH  SHUJ'A,  FOR  THE 
SECOND  TIME,  AND  THE  END  OF  HIS  CAREER. 

When,  for  the  second  time,  Prince  Muhammad  Shuj'a  arrived 
in  Bengal,  for  eight  years  more  he  carried  on  vigorously  the  work 
of  administration,  and  conquei'ing  other  tracts  added  laurels  to 
himself.  In  the  30th  year  of  the  Emperor's  accession,  corres- 
ponding to  1067  A.H.,  Emperor  Shah  Jahan  fell  ill.  As 
the  period   of  illness   become   protracted,1    and  the   Members  of 

1  Emperor  Shah  Jahan  fell  ill  at  Delhi  on  7th  Zil-haj  1067  A.H.  (Alam- 
gimamah,  p.  27).  At  the  time  of  the  Emperor's  illness,  Prince  Dara  Shekoh, 
the  eldest  son,  was  at  Agra.  Prince  Shuj'a,  the  second  son,  was  in  Bengal; 
Aurangzeb,  the  third  son,  was  in  the  Dakhin  ;  whilst  Prince  Mnrad,  the  fourth 
eon,  was  in  Gujrat.  Owing  to  illness,  Shah  Jahan  was  invisible  to  the  public 
as  well  as  to  his  ministers  and  officers,  and  great  confusion  in  State  affairs 
occurred,  and  Dara  Shekoh  went  to  the  Emperor,  and  took  into  his  hands 
the  reins  of  Government.  In  order  to  make  himself  thoroughly  master  of  the 
situation,  Dara  Shekoh  aimed  to  keep  the  Emperor  fully  under  his  control, 
and  so  forcibly  removed  the  Emperor  together  with  all  royal  treasures  from 
Delhi  on  20th  Maharram,  1068  A.H.  (1086  in  the  printed  Pers.  text  is  a  mis- 
print) to  Agra,  which  was  reached  on  19th  Safar,  1068  A.H.  In  the  mean- 
time, Murad  proclaimed  himself  King  in  Gujrat,  whilst  Shuj'a  similarly 
proclaimed  himself  King  in  Bengal,  and  invaded  Patna  and  Benares 
(Alamgirnamah,  p.  29). 

Dara  Shekoh's  plan  was  first  to  vanquish  Shah  Shuj'a,  next  Murad,  and 
to  reserve  the  final  blow  for  Aurangzeb,  whom  he  dreaded  most.  In 
pursuance  of  this  scheme,  he  first  detached  a  large  army  under  the  command 
of  his  son  Sulaiman  Shekoh  together  with  Rajah  Jai  Singh  to  operate  against 
Shah  Shuj'a.  The  army  under  Sulaiman  Shekoh  on  the  4th  Rabi-al-Awwal 
1068  A.H.  reached  Bahadnrpur,  a  village  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  2\  Jcos 
from  Benares,  and  1J  Icos  from  Shah  Shuj'a's  encampment.  Shah  Shuj'a  had 
brought  with  him  a  large  number  of  Nawarah  or  war-ships  from  Bengal,  and 
so  was  sanguine  of  success,  and  treating  the  foe  with  contempt,  he  had  dis- 
pensed with  all  ordinary  precautions  of  war.  Sulaiman  Shekoh  made  a  feint 
retreat  which  further  took  in  Shah  Shuj'a,  and  then  suddenly  wheeling  round, 
made  a  bold  dash  which  completely  surprised  Shah  Shuj'a,  who  leaving  behind 
his  tents,  treasures,  guns  and  horses,  hastily  got  into  a  boat,  and  sailed  down 
to  Patna,  thence  to  Monghyr,  where  he  halted  for  some  days.  Sulaiman 
§hekoh's  army    pursued  Shuj'a  to  Monghyr;  and,  then  the  latter  quitting 


216 

Government  could  not  obtain  audience  with  the  Emperor,  great 
confusion  ensued  in  the  affairs  of  the  Empire.     Since  amongst  the 

Monghyr,  set  out  for  Bengal.  (See  Alamgirnamah,  p.  31).  Whilst  these 
events  were  transpiring  in  Bengal,  Aurangzeb  with  his  marvellous  insight 
grasping  the  situation  forestalled  Dara  Shekoh  by  making  a  move  from 
Aurangabad  towards  Burhanpur  on  Friday,  12th  Jamadi-nl-Awwal  1068  A.H. 
(Alamgirnamah,  p.  43).  After  halting  for  a  month  at  Burhanpur  to  get 
news  of  the  state  of  things  at  Agra,  Aurangzeb  learnt  that  Dara  Shekoh  had 
detached  a  large  army  under  Rajah  Jaswant  Singh,  who  had  already  arrived 
at  Ujjain,  in  Malwah.  This  made  Aurangzeb  decide  his  plans.  He  imme- 
diately on  25th  Jamadi-ul-Akhirah  on  a  Saturday  marched  from  Bnrhanpnr, 
reached  the  banks  of  the  Narbadda,  crossed  it,  and  on  the  20fch  Rajab 
encamped  at  Dibalpur.  On  the  21st  Rajab,  setting  out  from  Dibalpur,  he 
met  on  the  way  Prince  Murad,  and  won  him  over  to  his  side  (Alamgirnamah, 
p.  55),  and  reached  Dharmatpur,  a  place  7  kos  from  Ujjain,  and 
one  kos  from  Rajah  Jaswant  Singh's  army,  and  pitched  his  camp  on  the 
banks  of  a  rivulet,  called  Char  Narainah.  (Alamgirnamah,  p.  56). 
Rajah  Jaswant  Singh  was  quite  out-witted  by  this  strategic  move  of 
Aurangzeb  who  had  united  his  forces  with  those  of  Murad.  Aurangzeb  then 
inflicted  a  crushing  blow  on  Rajah  Jaswant  Singh  at  Dharmatpur.  (See 
charming  description  of  this  battle  in  the  Alamgirnamah,  Pers.  text,  pp.  61, 
66  to  74).  Marching  quickly  from  Dharmatpur,  Aurangzeb  passed  through 
Gwalior.  In  the  meantime  Dara  Shekoh  had  marched  to  Dholpur  (p.  85, 
Alamgirnamah),  to  oppose  AurangzebV  progress,  and  to  prevent  his  crossing 
the  Chanbal  river.  Aurangzeb  quickly  however  crossed  the  Chanbal  river  at 
the  ferry  of  Bhadureah,  which  is  20  kos  from  Dholpur,  on  the  first  day  of  the 
month  of  Ramzan.  On  the  7th  Ramzan,  the  battle  of  Dholpur  was  fought, 
and  Dara  Shekoh  was  completely  defeated  by  Aurangzeb.  (See  description 
of  the  battle  of  Dholpur  in  the  Alamgirnamah,  pp.  100  to  104).  Dara  Shekoh 
fled  to  Agra,  and  thence  to  the  Panjab  and  other  places,  was  eventually 
captured  and  beheaded.  Shortly  after  his  installation,  Aurangzeb  drew  his 
force  against  Shah  Shuj'a  who  had  advanced,  and  occupied  Rohtas,  Chunar, 
Jaunpur,  Benares  and  Allahabad.  The  battle  between  Aurangzeb  and  Shuj'a 
was  fought  at  KacLwa,  a  place  close  to  Korah,  and  resulted  in  Shuj'a's  defeat. 
(See  description  of  the  battle  in  the  Alamgirnamah,  Pers.  text,  p.  243).  After 
his  defeat,  Shuj'a  fled  to  Bahadurpur,  thence  to  Patna,  thence  to  Monghyr 
which  he  fortified, l  and  thence  (owing  to  the  treachery  of  Rajah  Bahroz, 
zamindar  of  Kharakpur)  to  Rangamati,  and  thence  (owing  to  treachery  of 
Khwajah  Kamalu-d-din,  zamindar  of  Birbhum)  to  Rajmahal,  thence  through 
minor  places  to  Dacca,  thence  through  Bhaluah  and  minor  places  to  Arrakan, 
always  heroically  contesting  every  inch  of  ground  against  the  hosts  of 
Aurangzeb,  led  by  his  General  Muazzam  Khan  alias  Mir  Jumla,  but  every 
time  baffled  by  the  treachery  of  so-called  adherents,  barring  a  noble  band  of 
Barha  Syeds  who  clung  to  him  to  the  last.  (See  pp.  495  to  561,  Alamgirnamah, 
Ters.  text). 


217 

Princes  Royal,  no  one  except  Dara  Shekoh  was  near  the  Emperor, 
the  reins  of  Imperial  administration  were  assigned  to  him.  Dara 
Shekoh,  viewing  himself  to  be  the  Crown-Prince,  fully  grasped 
the  threads  of  Imperial  administration.  Owing  to  this,  Prince 
Murad  Baksh  in  Grujrat  had  the  ghntbah  read  after  his  own  name, 
whilst  in  Bengal,  Muhammad  Shuj'a  proclaimed  himself  King,  and 
marshalling  his  forces,  marched  towards  "Patna  and  Behar,  and 
advancing  thence,  reached  the  environs  of  B,enares.  On  hearing 
this  news,  Dara  Shekoh,  during  the  serious  illness  of  the  Emperor, 
marched  with  the  latter  from  Shahjahanabad  (Delhi),  to  Akbara- 
bad  (Agra),  on  the  20th  Muharram,  1068,  A.H  corresponding  to 
the  31st  year  of  the  Emperor's  accession,  and  on  the  19th  Safar, 
reached  Akbarabad  (Agra).  From  this  place,  Dara  Shekoh 
detached  Raja  Jai  Singh  Kachoah,  who  was  a  leading  Rajah  and 
a  principal  member  of  tlie  Empire,  together  with  other  leading 
noblemen,  such  as  Diler  Khan,  Salabat  Khan  and  Izad  Singh,  and 
other  officers  holding  the  ranks  of  Panjhazarl  and  Chain  irhazari, 
besides  a  large  army  composed  of  his  own  and  the  Imperial 
troops,  along  with  gnus  and  armaments,  under  the  general  com- 
mand of  Sulaiman  Shpkoh,  his  eldest  son,  in  order  to  fight  against 
Muhammad  Shuj'a.  Accordingly,  these  marched  from  Agra  on  the 
4th  of  the  month  of  Rabiul-Awwal  of  the  aforesaid  year,  and  set 
out  on  the  aforesaid  expedition.  And  after  inarching  several 
stages,  and  passing  through  the  city  of  Benares,  these  encamped  at 
the  village  of  Bahadurpnr  (which  is  situated  on  the  bank  of  the 
Ganges  at  a  distance  of  two  and  a  half  kroh  from  the  city  of 
Benares)  to  a  distance  of  one  and  a  half  kroh  from  Muhammad 
Shuj'a's  army.  Both  the  armies  exhibited  military  stategy  and 
tactics,  and  sought  for  an  opportunity  to  surprise  the  other.  In 
consequence  neither  side  made  a  sally.  On  the  21st  Jamadiul- 
Awwal,the  Imperialists  made  a  feint  as  if  to  shi$k  their  camp,  but 
suddenly  wheeled  round,  and  rushed  Shuj'a's  army,  which  was 
completely  taken  by  surprise.  On  hearing  the  news  of  the  feint 
retreat  of  the  Imperialists  on  the  previous  day,  Shuj'a  had 
neglected  his  wrar-preparations,^and  was  fast  asleep.  Being  thus 
taken  by  surprise,  he  woke  up  from  his  slumber,  and  mounting  a 
female  elephant,  he  moved  about  restlessly.  But  the  game  was 
already  up,  especially  as  Raja  Jai  Singh  making  a  dashing  flank 
movement  from  the  left  side,  closed  in  upon  him.  Seeing  no  alter- 
native, Shah  Shuj'a  got  into  his  war-vessels  which  he  had  brought 
28 


218 

up  from  Bengal,  and  sailed  down  swiftly,  abondoning  his  treasures, 
guns,  horses,  baggages  and  teuts.  Sailing  swiftly  down  Patna, 
he  reached  Mungir,  and  prepared  to  fortify  it,  aud  halted  there 
for  some  days.  Stilaiman  Sjbekok's  army,  after  plundering  and 
ravaging  and  slaughteiung  and  capturing,  followed  up  Muhammad 
Shuj'a,  and  reached  Mungir.  Muhammad  Shuj'a,  finding  it  impos- 
sible to  stand  his  ground  there,  fled  with  the  swiftness  of  light- 
ning and  air,  and  entered  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal).  The  Imperial 
army  reduced  to  subjection  the  Subah  of  Patna  and  Behar.1  But  in 
the  meantime,  Aurangzeb  had  marched  from  the  Dakhin2  towards 
the  Imperial  Presence,  and  on  the  outskirts  of  the  Narbadda  had 
fought  an  engagement  with  a  numerous  horde  of  Imperialists,  and 
after  sanguinary  fightings  had  inflicted  a  signal  defeat,  and  had 
marched  to  Shahjahanabad,  and  entered  the  Capital.  Deputing 
his  eldest  son,  Sultan  Muhammad,  to  be  near  the  Emperor, 
Aurangzeb  put  the  latter  under  surveillance,  and  killed  Dara 
Shekoh  3  after  much  warfare,  and  in  the  holy  month  of  Ramzan 
1069  A.H.  ascended  the  Imperial  throne  of  Delhi.  Sulaiman 
Shekoh,  on  hearing  the  news  of  Dara  Shekoh's  defeat,  gave  up  the 
pursuit  of  Shah  Shuj'a,  and  retreated  towards  Shahjahanabad 
(Delhi).  Muhammad  Shuj'a  faucying  that  the  struggle  between 
Dara  Shekoh  and  Aurangzeb  would  be  a  protracted  one,  thought 
his  opportunity  had  come,  and  by  the  bad  advice  of  Alivardi  Khan 
and  Mirza    Jan    Beg    and  other    members    of    his   Government, 

1  The  Alamgirnamah,  p.  31  (from  which  the  account  here  in  the  text 
appears  to  be  borrowed)  s  iys  :  "  From.  Monghyr  to  Patna  became  annexed  to 
the  Satrapy  (iqtd)  of  Dara  Shekoh." 

8  Aurangzeb  moved  from  the  Dakhin  in  1068  A.H.,  inflicted  a  crushing 
defeat  on  Dara  Shekoh's  troops  led  by  Maharaja  Jaswant  Singh  at  Ujjain,  and 
also  defeated  Dara  Shekoh  near  Agra,  aud  then  informally  proclaimed  himself 
Emperor  in  1069  A.H.     (See  Alamgirnamah,  pp.  59  to  86,  and  pp.  87  to  108). 

3  Dara  Shekoh, "after  his  defeat  by  Aurangzeb  near  Agra,  fled  to  Delhi, 
and  thence  to  Lahore,  and  after  various  adventures  in  the  Panjab,  Gujrat 
and  Kabul  was  captured  by  Jiwan,  zamindar  of  Dadar,  and  made  over  to 
Aurangzeb  who  caused  him  to  be  imprisoned  and  subsequently  slain,  and  his 
body  buried  in  the  mausoleum  of  Humayun  at  Delhi.  (See  Alamgirnamah, 
pp.  433  and  408).  Those  who  take  an  interest  in  Dara  Shekoh's  adventures 
after  his  flight,  will  find  a  full  account  of  the  same  in  the  Alamgirnamah. 
Dara  Shekoh  was  a  free-thinker  and  a  pro-Hindu,  and  if  he  had  succeeded  to 
the  throne,  he  would  have  out-Akbared  Akbar  in  his  pro-Hindu  policy. 
Aurangzeb  was  the  reverse  of  Dara  Shekoh  ;  he  was  a  champion  of  Islam,  and 
an  iconoclast  like  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  or  Shahabu-d-din  Ghori. 


219 

refurbishing  his  sword,  laid  claim  as  his  heritage  to  the  suzerainty 
of  Bengal,  and  with  a  large  and  formidable  army  marched  towards 
the  Capital  of  Hindustan.  As  before  Shuj'a's  arrival,  the  struggle 
in  Hindustan  between  Aurangzeb  and  Dara  Shekoh  had  teimiinated, 
and  Aui'angzeb  had  already  mounted  the  Imperial  throne,  on  hear- 
ing this  news  of  Shuj'a's  march,  Aurangzeb  with  his  entire  army 
of  Hindustan  swiftly  marched,  and  at  Kaohwah  t»he  two  armies 
encountered  each  other,  and  a  battle  was  fought. 

The  armies  were  arrayed  on  both  sides, 

They  stood  forth  like  mountains  on  a  plain. 

When  the  armies  from  both  sides  approached  each  other, 

From  the  dark  dust  that  arose,  the  universe  turned  dark. 

When  from  both  sides  they  struck  up  drums  of  war, 

The  lion-like  heroes  spread  their  claws  to  smite. 

Tumult  arose  from  drums, 

The  ear  of  the  world  was  deafened. 

From  guns  and  muskets,  rockets  and  arrows, 

Security  in  the  world  fled  to  a  corner. 

From    the   smoke   of    gun-wagons  #that    mingled     with    the 

atmosphere, 
The  sky  became  hidden  from  the  world's  view. 
The  spear  warmed  in  slaughtering,  • 

And  whispered  messages  of  destruction  into  the  ear  of  Life. 
The  lightning  of  the  sword  kindled  fire  so  much, 
That  it  burnt  the  harvest  of  existence. 
The  fire  of  warfare  blazed  up  so  keenly, 
That  it  scorched  the  heart  of  Mars  aloft  on  the  sky. 

After  much  exertions  and  fightings,  Aurangzeb's  army  was 
defeated.  Aurangzeb,  however,  with  a  number  of  noblemen  and 
some  gunners,  stood  his  ground  on  the  battle-field.  Alivardi  Khan, 
the  generalissimo  of  Shah  Shuj'a's  force,  attempted  to  capture 
Aurangzeb  and  checkmate  him.  As  God  has  "bestowed  greater 
wisdom  on  Sovereigns  than  on  the  mass  of  mankind,  and  as  in 
military  affairs,  Sovereigns  are  endowed  with  a  more  accurate  per- 
ception of  the  situation,  that  wise  sovereign  (Aurangzeb)  observing 
the  adage  that  "  war  is  fraud,"  deceived  the  aforesaid  Khan  by 
holding  out  to  him  the  chance  of  being  appointed  Prime  Minister, 
and  said  that  if  the  latter  could   induce  Muhammad   Shuj'a  to 


220 

dismount  from  his  elephant  and  to  mount  a  horse,  he  would  win 
this  game.  The  aforsesaid  Khan,  seduced  by  the  bait  held  out  by 
Aurangzeb,  played  false  with  his  own  old  benefactor,  and  spoke 
to  Muhammad  Shuj'a  as  follows  :  "  Victory  has  been  already 
achieved  by  our  army,  and  the  enemy's  force  has  been  defeated. 
As  cannon-balls,  and  rockets  and  arrows  are  raining  from  every 
side,  it  is  possible  thut  the  Royal  elephant  might  be  hit  ;  it  is 
therefore  advisable  that  your  Highness  should  dismount  from  your 
elephant  and  mount  a  horse.  By  the  good  luck  of  your  Highness, 
I  would  immediately  capture  and  fetch  'Alamgir."  Instantly  as 
Shah  Shuj'a  mounted  a  horse,  the  aforesaid  Khan  sent  informa- 
tion to  'Alamgir.  'Alamgir  immediately  adopted  the  ruse  of 
causing  the  music  of  victory  to  be  struck  up.  And  since  the  army 
did  not  find  Shah  Shuj'a  on  the  elephant,  news  spread  in  the 
army  about  the  victory  of  'Alamgir  and  the  defeat  of  Shah  Shuj'a. 
Shuj'a's  force  fled  panic-stricken,  thinking  that  Shuj'a  had  been 
killed.  Although  Shuj'a  made  exertions  to  stop  the  panic  and 
prevent  the  flight,  these  were  in  vain.  Hence  the  adage  is 
"  Shuj'a  lost  a  winning  game."  The  army  of  Aurangzeb  collect- 
ing together,  made  an  onslaught.  When  Shah  Shuj'a  found  that 
he  had  lost  the  game,  he  was  obliged  to  take  to  flight,  and  fled 
to  Bengal,  and  fortifying  the  passes  of  Teliagadhi  and  Sakrigali, 
he  entrenched  himself  at  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal).  'Alamgir 
appointed  Nawab  Mu'azzam  Khan,  Khan-i-Khanan,  the  Generalis- 
simo, to  be  Subadar  or  Viceroy  of  Bengal.  And  detaching 
twenty-two  renowned  noblemen,  like  Nawab  Islam  Khan,  Diler 
Khan," Daud  Khan,  Fateh  Jang  Khan,  and  Ihtisham  Khan,  etc., 
under  the  command  of  Sultan  Muhammad,  to  pursue  Shah  Shuj'a, 
Aurangzeb  himself  triumphant  and  victorious  marched  back  to- 
wards the  Capital  (Delhi). 


VICEROYALTY  OF  NAWAB  MU'AZZAM  KHAN, 
KHAN-I-KHANAN. 

When  Nawab  Mu'nzzam  Khan  was  appointed  Subadar  of 
Bengal,  he  marched  towards  Bengal  with  a  large  army.  As 
the  passes  of  Teliagadhi  and  Sakrigali  had  been  fortified  by  Shah 
Shuj'a,  viewing  the  forcing  of  those  defiles  to  be  a  difficult  opera- 
tion, with  twelve  thousand  soldiers  he  swiftly  marched  to  Bengal 


221 

by  way  of  Jharkand1  and  the  mountains.  When  the  contending 
armies  approached  each  other,  Shah  Shuj'a  finding  it  impracticable 
to  tarry  at  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal)  caused  'Alivardi  Khan,  -who 
was  the  root  of  all  this  mischief,  to  be  slain,  himself  retired  to 
Tandah,  and  erecting  redoubts,  fortified  himself  there.  When  the 
two  forces  approached  each  other,  separated  by  the  river  Ganges, 
one  day  Sharif  Khan,  who  was  a  source  of  misoliief,  and  Fateh 
Jang  Khan,  getting  into  boats,  crossed  over  to  the  northern  bank, 
and  they  were  similarly  followed  by  others.  Ibroni  the  northern 
side  of  the  bank,  as  soon  as  Sharif  Khan  landed,  the  soldiers  of 
Shah  Shuj'a  gave  battle.  Neai-ly  seventy  persons  who  had  reached 
the  banks  were  killed  and  slaughtered.  The  remaining  boats  retired 
from  the  middle  of  the  river.  Sultan  Shui'a  ordered  the  wounded 
persons  to  be  killed  ;  but  Shah  Neamatullah  Firuzpuri  expostulat- 
ed. Shah  Shuj'a  who  had  great  faith  in  this  Saint  made  over  to 
the  latter  Sharif  Khan  together  with  other  wounded  prisoners. 
The  Saint  nursed  them,  and  after  their  wounds  had  healed  up 
sent  them  back  to  their  army.  But  Sultan  Muhammad,  desiring  to 
desert  to  his  uncle,  came  alone  to  meet  the  latter,  and  receiving 
much  kindness  from  his  uncle,  stayed  on'with  him.  Sultan  Shuj'a 
gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  him.  Sultan  Muhammad,  on 
the  side  of  Sultan  Shuj'a,  fought  several  battles  with  the  Imperial- 
ists,   consisting    of   the    Khau-i-Khanan 8    awd    Diler  Khan,    &c. 

1  The  Alamgimamah  indicates  that  at  the  time  Shah  Shuj'a  had  halted 
at  Monghyr,  fortifying  the  place.  Then  Rajah  Bahroz,  zamindar  or  Rajah  of 
Kharakpur,  who  professed  loyalty  to  Shah  Shuj'a,  bnt  iu  reality  was  a  traitor 
secretly  intrigued  with  Aurangzeb's  general,  Mir  Junila  alias  Mu'azzam  Khan, 
and  showed  the  latter  another  route  across  the  hills  to  the  east  of  Monghyr, 
Iu  covering  this  route,  Mir  Jumla  had  to  make  a  detour  of  several  miles ;  and 
Shah  Shuj'a  finding  that  he  was  being  out-flanked,  instantly  sailed  down  on 
his  war-vessels  from  Monghyr  Fort  to  Eangamati  and  Rajmahal,  and  on  the 
way  fortified  the  passes  of  Teliagadhi  and  Sakrigali,  whicli  were  then  regard- 
ed as  the  '  key '  to  Bengal. 

2  A  full  account  of  his  life  will  be  found  in  the Haasir-ul-Umara,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  530,  Pers.  text. 

From  it,  it  appears  that  his  name  was  Mir  Muhammad  Said  Mir  Jnmla, 
and  his  titles  were  "  Mu'azzam  Khan,  Khan-i-Khanan  Sipasalar."  He  came 
from  Ardastan,  first  served  under  Sultan  Abdullah  Qutb  Shah,  ruler  of 
Golkondah,  where  he  attained  great  eminence.  Falling  out  with  Qutb  Shah 
he  joined  Prince  Aurangzeb  who  was  then  in  the  Dakhin.  His  great  services 
were  (1)  the  conquest  of  Bijapur,  (2)  the  extirpation  of  Shah  Shuj'a,  (3)  the 
conquests   of  Kuch  Behar  and  Assam.     He  was  a  statesman  of  great  sagacity 


222 

At  length,  on  finding  Sultan  Shuj'a  negligent  and  apathetic, 
Saltan  Muhammad  went  over  again  to  the  side  of  the  Imperialists, 
and  from  thence  to  the  presence  of  Emperor  Aurangzeb  at  Shah 
Jahanabad,  where  he  was  imprisoned.1  And  orders  were  repeated 
to  the  Khan-i-Khanan  to  pursue  Sultan  Shuj'a.  In  short,  one  day 
when  Diler  Khan,  &c,  crossed  the  river  at  Paglaghat,  Diler 
Khan's  son,  with  a  number  of  efficient  men,  was  drowned.  Sultan 
Shuj'a  with  his  dependants  and  adherents,  getting  into  war- 
vessels  which  had  been  brought  up  from  Jahangh'nngar  (Dacca), 
set  out  for  the  latter  place.  The  Khan-i-Khanan8  also  followed  him 
up  by  land.  Finding  it  impossible  to  make  a  stand  at  this  place 
either,  Sultan  Shuj'a  with  a  number  of  followers  took  the  road  to 
Assam,  and  from  t  thence  proceeded  to  Arrakan,  and  took  shelter 
with  the  ruler  of  that  tract,  who  was  a  Syed,3  and  in  a  short 
time  he  died  there,  either  owing  to  the  treachery  of  the  ruler  of 
that  tract,  or  from  natural  disease.  When  in  the  period  of 
anarchy  under  Sultan  Shuj'a,  Bhim  Narain,  Rajah  of  Kuch 
Behar,4  becoming  daring,  with  a  large  force  attacked  Ghoraghat, 

and  foresight,  and  as  a  general,  he  was  matchless  in  his  day.     (See  Maasir-ul- 
Umara,  p.  555,  Vol  III,  Pers.  text). 

1  Details  of  Sultan  Muhammad's  desertion  to  Shah  Shuj'a,  and  his 
subsequent  secession,  are  given  in  the  Alamgirnamah. 

a  Details  of  Shall  lShuj'a's  fightings  and  adventures  are  given  in  the 
Alamgirnamah.     See  notes,  ante. 

8  The  description  in  the  Alamgirnamah,  pp.  557  to  562,  shows  that  the 
rulor  of  Arrakan  was  neither  a  Syed  nor  a  Mussulman,  bat  a  Buddhist.  It  also 
appeal^  from  the  Alamgirnamah  that  setting  out  from  Tandah  on  boats, 
Sultan  Shuj'a  reached  Dacca  (Jahangirnagar)  where  his  eldest  son  Zainu-d- 
din  had  been  from  before.  Zainu-d-din  had  arranged  with  the  Rajah  of 
Arrakan  to  escort  Sultan  Shuj'a  to  Arrakan,  on  the  latter's  arrival  at  Dacca. 
At  this  time,  Maniiar  Khan,  a  zamindar  of  Jahangirnagar,  proved  obstructive 
to  Zainu-d-din's  plans,  and  so  he  (Manuar)  was  first  chastised  with  the  help 
of  the  Arrakanese.  Starting  from  Dacca  on  boats,  guarded  by  the  Arrakanese, 
Shuj'a  passed  through  Dhapa  (4  kos  from  Dacca),  Sirlpnr  ( 12  kos  north  of 
Dacca),  Bhaluah  (which  then  formed  the  southern  limit  of  the  Mughal 
dominions  in  Bengal),  and  thence  to  Arrakan.  One  who  cares  to  note  names 
of  old  Bengal  towns,  may  profitably  read  this  portion    of    the   Alamgirnamah. 

*  In  the  Alamgirnamah  (p.  676),  he  is  called  "  Bim  Narain,  zamindar  of 
Kuch  Behar."  It  is  stated  therein  that  hitherto  he  used  to  regularly  pay 
tribute  to  the  Emperor,  but  that  during  the  chaos  which  arose  owing  to 
Emperor  Shah  Jahan's  illness,  and  owing  to  S_hah  Shnj'a  march  to  Patna, 
jn  order  to  lay  claim  to  the  Imperial  throne,  Bim  Narain  ceased  paying 
tribute,    and  invaded   Ghoraghat   or   Kangpur   and   subsequently    Kamrup. 


223 

he  captured  a  large   number  of   the  Musalman  residents,  male  and 
female,  of  that   place,  and    with  the  object  of  conquering  Kamrup, 
to    which    Province    pertained    the  tracts    of    Hajo  and    Grauhati, 
and  which  was  included  in   the   Imperial   domains,  he    despatched 
his  minister  named  Saliuanath  l  with  a   large  force.      On   the  news 
of  tliis   invasion,  the  Rajah  of  Assam  8  shewing  short-sightedness 
sent  also    a  large    force    by    land    and    water    towards   Kamrup. 
Mir    Lutfullah    Shirazi,    who    was   Faujdar    of   the    Province    of 
Kamrup,8  seeing  from    both  sides  torrents  of   invasion   overtaking 
him,  and  despairing  of  relief,  and  being  certain  about  the  absence 
of  Imperial    auxiliaries,    quickly    got    into    a    boat,    and    reached 
Jahanglrnagar  or  Dacca,  and  rescued  himself  from  the  impending 
danger.     And     Sahuanath,     not    being    able     to    cope    with    the 
Assamese,  acting  up  to  the  saying  *    "  To  return  is  better,"  retired 
to  his   own  country.     The  Assamese,   without   contest,   conquered 
the    province  of    Kamrup,    swept    it  with    the   broom  of    plunder, 
carried  by  force  to  their  own  country  all  and  everything,  including 
the  moveable  and  immoveable  effects  of  the  people,  pulled  down  the 
edifices,     left    no     trace    of     fertility,    and     reduced    the     whole 
province  to  one  plain,  level  ground.      As'Sultan  Shuj'a  was  occu- 
pied   with    his   own    affairs,   the     infidels    of    Assam    finding     an 
opportunity  conquered  the  environs  of   mauza   Kadi   Bari,  which 
is  five   stages   from  Jahanglrnagar,  and  placifig  a   garrison  at  the 
village  of  Tabsilah  near  Kadibari,   raised    the  standard   of  daring 
and  insurrection.     Consequently,  when  the  Khan-i-Khanan  reached 
Jahanglrnagar,    after   devoting    himself    for    some   time     to    ad- 
ministrative business,   he  collected   war-vessels  and  artillery  and 
other  armaments,  and  leaving  Ihtisham    Khan    to  protect  Jahan- 
glrnagar   (Dacca)    and  its    environs,  and   appointing  Rai  Bhogati 
Das  Shujai  to  charge  of  financial  and  internal  affairs,   in   the   4th 

t 
According  to  the  Tqhalnamah-i-Jahangiri  (p.  110),  Lachmi  Narain,  "  zamindar 
of  Kuch  Behar"  also  used  to  pay  homage  and  tribute  to  Emperor  Jahanglr. 
1  In  Alamgimamah  (p.  678),  "  Bholanath." 
8  Hia  name  was  Ji  dhaj  Singh.     (Alamgimamah,  p.  678). 
*  See  Alamagirnamah,  a    contemporary  record,  p.  678.    Lutfullah  Shirazi, 
the  Faujdar  of  Kamrup,  retired  on  war-boats  from  Kamrup  to  Jahanglrnagar 
(Dacca).     The  Koch  also  withdrew,  on  finding    that    the    Assamese    had    in- 
vaded Kamrup.     The  Assamese  advanced  up  to  Karibarl  which  is  five  manzal 
from  Dacca,  and  established  a  military  out-post  at  Mast  Salah,  close  to    Kari- 
barl.    (See  Alamgimamah,  p.  679). 


224 

year  l  of  Emperor  Aurangzeb's  accession,  corresponding  to  1072 
A.H.,  he  set  out  on  an  expedition  towards  the  conquest  of  the 
Kingdoms  of  Kuch  Behar  and  Assam,  sending  forward  by  the  rirer- 
route,  artillery,  &c,  and  himself  pushing  on  by  land  with  a  force 
of  twenty  thousand  efficient  cavalry  and  numerous  infantry,  via 
a  hill  which  was  frontier  of  the  Imperial  dominions.  In  a  short 
time,  he  subdued  the'  Kingdom  of  Kuch  Behar  up  to  Gauhati. 
After  this,  he  pushed  on  with  his  forces  to  conquer  Assam.  In 
the  meanwhile,  the  Emperor's  order  came,  directing  him  to 
march  to  Arrakan,  in  order  to  rescue  the  children  and  ladies  of 
the  household  of  Shah  Shuj'a  from  distress  and  from  imprison- 
ment at  the  hands  of  the  Arrakanese,  and  to  send  them  up  to  the 
Imperial  pi'esence.  The  Khan  in  reply  to  the  Imperial  order, 
represented  that  the  Imperial  troops  were  busy  in  fighting 
to  conquer  the  provinces  of  Kuch  Behar  aud  Assam,  and  that  to 
march  to  Arrakan,  without  accomplishing  the  conquest  of  the 
aforesaid  two  provinces,  was  opposed  to  expediency,  and  that 
he    would    postpone   the    expedition    to    Arrakan     to    next   year, 

and    that    this    year,     he      would     set    about     subjugating    the 

« 

1  The  Khan-i-Khinan  (Munzzam  Khan)  set  out  from  Khizapnr  (which  ha? 
been  identified  to  be  a  place  close  to  Na/ainganj )  with  war-vessels,  on  17th 
Rabiul-Awwal  1072  A.ff.,  for  the  conquest  of  Kuch  Behar,  leaving-  Mukhalis. 
Khan  as  Governor  of  Akbarnngar  (Rajmahal)  and  Ihtisham  Khan  as  Gover- 
nor of  Jahangimagar  (Dacca)  and  Bhagoti  Dass  as  Diwan  under  the  latten 
aud  reached  Baritollah,  the  Imperial  frontier  out-post.  The  Alamgirnamah 
mentions  that  at  the  time  three  land-routes  lay  to  Kuch  Behar: — (1)  vid, 
the  Murang  !  (2)  vid  the  Doars,  (3)  vid  Ghoraghat  or  Rangpur.  The  Khan-i- 
Khanan  sent  out  scouts  to  ascertain  which  route  was  the  best,  and  then  chose 
the  Ghoraghat  route,  by  which  he  pushed  on  with  his  forces  by  land,  sending 
out  another  force  by  the  river  on  war-vessels,  the  two  forces  to  give  cover  to 
each  other,  and  to  cover  equal  distance  each  day.  (See  Alamgirnamah, 
p.  683,  for  a  fait  description  of  this  expedition  to  Kuch  Behar  and  Assam). 
The  war-vessels  passed  through  a  river  which  joins  Ghoraghat  with  the 
Brahmaputra,  and  the  Imperialists  reached  Kuch  Behar  town.  The  Rajah 
(Bim  Narain)  fled  to  Bhntan,  his  minister  Bholanath  fled"  to  the  Murang,  and 
the  Imperialists  stormed  Kuch  Behar  town,  and  named  it  Alamgirnagar.  Syed 
Sadiq,  Sadr  or  Chief  Justice  of  Bengal,  shouted  out  the  Azan  from  the  terrace 
of  the  Rajah's  palace;  the  Rajah's  son  Bislmnnath  embraced  Islam,  and  Is- 
fandyar  Beg  (who  received  the  title  of  Isfandyar  Khan)  was  left  by  the 
Khan-i-Khnnan  as  Faujdar  of  Kuch  Behar,  with  Qazi  Samu  (who  was  former- 
ly Shah  Shuj'a's  oflicer)  as  Diwan  of  Kuch  Behar.  (See  p.  694,  Alamgirnamah, 
Pers.  text). 


225 

provinces  of  Kuch  Behar  and  Assam.  After  this,  on  the  27th 
Jamadialsanl  of  the  aforesaid  year,  marching  from  Gauhati,  he 
entered  Assam.  Fighting  by  water  and  by  land,  he  pushed 
through  the  jungles,  mountains  and  rivers.  And  wherever 
he  went  he  established  a  garrison.  Storming  the  citadel  and 
palace  of  the  Rajah  of  that  country  after  much  fighting,  he 
gained  much  booty.  After  successive  "battles,1  the  hapless 
Assammese,  being  routed,  fled  and  ^scapqd  to  the  hills  of 
Bhutan,  and  the  whole  of  Assam  was  conquered.  At  length, 
the  Rajah  of  Assam  drawing  the  rein  of  submission  to  the  neck, 
and  wearing  the  ring  of  obedience  on  the  ear,  deputed  a  trust- 
worthy envoy  to  wait  on  the  Khan-i-Khanan  with  gifts  and 
presents,  and  agreed  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Emperor,  and  also 
sent  his  own  daughter  with  goods,  rare  silk-stuffs,  elephants 
and  other  rarities  in  charge  of  Badli  Phukan,  for  Emperor 
Aurangzeb.  The  aforesaid  Phukan,  with  all  the  presents,  reach- 
ing the  outskirts  of  the  city   of   Dacca,  encamped  and  prepared 

1-  After  conquering  Kucli  Beliar,    the    Khan-i-Khanan   (Muazznm    Khan), 
proceeded  to  the  banks  of  the  Brahmaputra,  with  his  military  and  naval  forces, 
and   passed    through  Rangamati.     Diler  Khan    commanded   the    van,    whilst 
Mir   Murtazza   was  in  charge  of  the  artillery.     The  Khan-i-Khanan  occupied 
Jogikhapa,  and  appointed  A taullah  to  jbe   Faujdar   of  jthat   place,   and   then 
occupying    Sirigliat,    stormed    Gauhati,    and  appointed  Muhammad  Beg  to  be 
Faujdar   of   Gauhati.     After   halting   at   Gauhati  for  some  time,  the  Khan-i- 
Khanan  marched  out,  when  the  Rajahs  of  Darang  (named  Makrupanj)  and    of 
Daromariah  offered  tribute  and  submitted.     The  Khan-i-Khanan  then  stormed 
the  fort  of  Jamdhara,  appointed  Syed  Mirzai  Sahzwari   (together   with    Syed 
Tatar  and  Rajah  Kishin  Singh)    to  be  Thanadar  of  Jamdhara,    and   appointed 
Syed  Nasir-ud-diu  Khan  (together  with  other  Imperial  officers)  to  be  Thanadar 
or  commandant  of  Kilabari,  captured  400  Assamese  war- vessels  with  numerous 
guns  and  armaments  and  stores,  occupied  Solagadha,  Lakhokadh,  Diwalgaon, 
Kajpur,  and  Kargon  or  Gargaon,  the  capital  of  Assam,  captured  208   batter- 
ing guns,    100   elephants,   and   3  lac*  of  specie  iu  gold  and  silver,  675  other 
guns,  1,000  war- vessels,  with  other  armaments  and   stores.     (See    description 
of  Gargaon,  the  old  Assam  capital,  in  p.  728,  Alamgimamah):     When  the  rains  ' 
set  in,  the  Khan-i-Khanan  encamped  at  Mathurapur,   which  was  a  high  place, 
about  3  kroh  distant  from  Gargaon,  leaving  Mir  Murtazza   with    Rajah    Amar 
Singh   and   others  in  charge  of  Gargaon,  and  appointing  Syed  Muhammad  as 
Diwan,  and  Mnhamtnad  'Abid  to  confiscate  the  effects  of  the  Rajah    who   had 
fled   to   the    hills    of    Kamrup,    and   Meana   Khan  in  charge  of  Salpani,  and 
Ghazi  Khan  in  charge  of  DewpanI,  and   Jallal   to    protect   the   banks    of   the 
Dhank   river.     The   whole  of   Dakhinkul  and  portions  of  Uttarkul  were  sub- 
dued by  the  Imperialists  (p.  736,  Alaimjirnamah). 
29 


226 

to  set  out  for  the  Imperial  capital.  In  that  the  sorcery  of  the 
Assamese  is  well  known,  the  Khan-i-Khanan  was  affected  by  their 
sorcery.  For  some  time  he  was  laid  up  with  pains  on  the  liver 
and  heart ;  daily  these  increased,  and  pointed  to  a  fatal  termina- 
tion. Although  he  got  himself  treated,  no  beneficial  effect  was 
perceptible.  He  was,  therefore,  obliged  to  leave  behind  Mir 
Murtaza  and  'other  'commanders.  Leaving  garrisons  at  every 
strategic  point,  he  proceeded  to  a  hill,  and  from  thence,  owing  to 
his  illness  increasing,  he  set  out  l  on  a  barge  for  Jahangirnagar 
(Dacca).  At  a  distance  of  two  kroh  from  Khizrpur,  on  the  2nd 
of  the  month  of  Ramzan  1073  A.H.,  corresponding  to  the  5th 
year  of  Emperor  Aurangzeb's  accession,  he  died  on  board  the 
vessel.2  Subsequently,  the  garrisons  of  the  outposts  evacuated 
their  outlying  posts,  but  the  Rajah's  daughter  stayed  behind 
with  the  tribute,  as  the  Rajah  refused  to  take  her  back  into  his 
household. 

1  After  the  rains  set  in,  the  Rajah  of  Assam  with  his  army  came  down 
from  the  hills  of  Kamrnp,  and  gave  some  trouble  to  the  Imperialists,  who 
suffered  also  from  ague  and  d:arrhoea.  At  length,  the  Rajah  sued  for  peace i 
and  the  Khan-i-Khanan,  who  had  fallen  ill,  granted  it  on  the  following  terms 
(Alamgirnamah,  p.  808) : — 

1.  That  the  Rajah  should  send  his  sister  and  a  daughter  of  Rajah  Patam 
together  with  20,000  tolas  of  gold,  and  20,000  tolas  of  silver,  and  20  elephants 
by  way  of  tribute,  besides  15  elephants  for  the  Khan-i-Khanan,  and  5  elephants 
for  Diler  Khan. 

2.  That  in  course  of  next  12  months,  the  Rajah  of  Assam  should  send  3 
lak  tola  of  silver  and  90  elephants  to  the  Emperor,  and  that  every  year 
he  should  send  20  elephants  to  the  Emperor,  and  that  till  the  payment 
of  the  indemnity,  4>  leading  Assamese  noblemen  should  be  given  as 
hostages. 

3.  That  Darang  (in  the  Uttarkul)  and  Biltali  and  Domariah  (in  the 
Dakhinkul)  should  be  subject  to  the  Emperor,  and  that  in  the  Dakhinkul,  the 
delimitation  line  between  Assam  and  the  Imperial  dominions  should  be  the 
river  Kalang,  and  in  the  Uttarkul  it  should  be  Alibarari.  Rahmat  Banii,  a 
daughter  of  the  Assam  Rajah,  was  given  in  marriage  to  Prince  Muhammad 
Azam,  her  dower  being  one  lak  and  Rs.  80,000.  (See  Maasir-i-Alamgiri, 
p.  73). 

2  See  Alamgirnamah,  p.  812.  He  was  Viceroy  of  Bengal  from  1658  to 
1663.  He  died  near  Dacca  in  30th  March,  1663.  In  1661,  he  had  threatened 
to  expel  the  English  merchants  from  Hughli. — These,  however,  prudently 
submitted  and  were  pardoned,  on  their  tendering  an  apology  through  their 
Hughli  agent,  Trivisa,  on  their  agreeing  to  pay  Rs.  3,000  annually.  See 
Wilson's  Early  Annals  of  the  English  in  Bengal,  Vol.  II,  p.  35. 


227 

VICEROYALTY  OF  NAWAB  AMIR-UL-UMARA 
SHAISTA  KHAN. 

After  the  KJian-i-KJjanan's  death,  the  office  of  Subadar  of 
Bengal  being  conferred  on  Amir-ul-Umara  Shaista  Khan,  the 
latter  arrived  in  Bengal.  For  some  years  devoting  himself  to 
administrative  work,  he  administered  justice  and  promoted  the 
welfare  of  the  people.  Bestowing  grants  of  villages  and  lands  on 
widows  of  nobles  and  others  in  straitened  circumstances,  he 
made  them  well-off.  Spies  informed  the  Emperor,  whereon 
Shaista  Khan  1  himself  went  to  the  latter  and  explained  the 
true  state  of  things.  As  the  alleged  dissipation  of  the  Imperial 
revenue  was  unfounded,  he  was  re-invested  •  with  the  Khellat 
of  appointment,  and  sent  back  to  Bengal.8     But  as  the  Khan  was 

1  Shaista  Khan  was  a  son  of  Eminu-d-daulah  Asaf  Khan,  and  a  brother 
of  Mumtaz  Mahal,  wife  of  Shah  Jahan.  His  name  was  Mirza  Abu  Talib, 
and  his  titles  were  "  Ainir-ul-Umara  Shaista  Khan."  In  the  reign  of  Shah- 
jahan,  he  became  a  Panjhazari  and  Nazim  of  Balaghat  in  the  Dakhin,  and 
snbseqaently  Subadar  of  Behar  and  Patna,  when  he  invaded  Palaon  (Palamn) 
and  subdued  Partab,  Zamindar  of  Palaon  (Palamu).  He  then  became  Suba- 
dar of  Malwah  and  Gujrat  and  subsequently  Viceroy  of  all  the  Subahs  of  the 
Dakhin.  He  rendered  good  services  to  Aurangzeb  in  the  latter's  fightings  with 
Dara  Shekoh  and  Salaiman  Shekoh.  -"On  the  death  o^  Mir  Jumla,  he  became 
Viceroy  of  Bengal  in  1664  A.C.  He  chastised  thoroughly  the  Mag  pirates  who 
harried  the  coasts  of  Bengal,  and  wrested  from  them  (chiefly  through  the  exer- 
tions of  his  own  son,  Buzurg  Umed  Khan)  the  fort  of  Chittagong,  and  named  it 
Islamabad  (Alamgirnamah,  p.  940).  He  subsequently  became  a  Hafthazari  and 
Viceroy  of  Agra,  where  he  died  in  1105  A.H.  He  was  held  in  high  esteem  by 
Emperor  Aurangzeb,  who  lavished  on  him  high  privileges  and  semi-regal 
honours.  With  all  his  greatness,  Shaista  Khan  was  meek  and  humble,  courteous 
a?id  affable,  just  and  liberal,  brave,  noble,  and  enlightened.  He  established 
mosques  with  madrassas,  rest-houses,  bridges,  and  roads  throughout  India,  and 
his  charities  were  wide.  He  was  married  to  a  daughter  o3  Shah  Nawaz  Khan, 
son  of  Abdur  Hahim  Khan  Khanan.  He  forms  a  prominent  figure  in  connection 
with  the  early  commercial  enterprises  of  the  English  East  India  Company. 
(See  Wilson's  Early  Annals  of  the  English  in  Bengal,  Vol. 'I, pp. 48 — 99  and  111, 
and  Hunter's  "  History  of  British  India,"  Vol.  2,  pp.  238— 266J.  Nawab  Shaista 
Khan's  Viceroyalty  in  Bengal  forms  a  brilliant  chapter  in  the  Mughal  annals 
of  Bengal,  as  during  it  many  useful  public  works,  such  as  serais,  bridges,  and 
roads  were  constructed,  and  the  economic  and  agricultural  condition  of  the 
people  attained  an  unique  degree  of  prosperity,  in  that  a  maund  of  rice  sold 
in  the  bazar  for  two  annas  only  (See  Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  pp.  167  and  368,  and 
Maasir-ul-umara,  Vol.  2,  p.  690). 

*  Shaista   Khan   was    Aurangzeb's   Viceroy  of  Bengal  for  a  quarter  of  a 


228 

not  desirous  of  staying  in  this  Province,  he  used  constantly 
to  write  letters  to  the  Emperor,  requesting  permission  to  kiss 
the  Royal  feet,  and  begging  deputation  of  some  other  officer  to 
assume  the  office  of  Subadar  of  this  Province.  At  first  his  resig- 
nation was  not  accepted;  but  at  length,  owing  to  Shaista  Khan's 
importunities,  the  Nizamat  was  bestowed  on  Nawab  Ibrahim  Khan, 
a  sou  of  'Alim'ardau  Khan  Yar  Ofadar.  Traces  of  the  beneficent 
administration  of  the  Nawab  Amir-ul-umara  are  known  not  only 
in  Bengal,  but  throughout  Hindustan.  One  is  this,  that  during  his 
Nizamat  the  cheapness  of  food-grains  was  so  great  that  for  a 
damri,1  one  seer  of  rice  could  be  purchased  iu  the  market.  At 
the  time  of  his  return  to  the  capital  Shahjahanabad  (Delhi),  he 
caused  the  following  inscription  to  be  engraved  on  the  western  gate 
of  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca):  "  Let  him  only  open  this  gate  that  can 
shew  the  selling  rate  of  rice  as  cheap  as  this."  From  his  time  on- 
ward till  the  regime  of  Nawab  Shujaud-din  Muhammad  Khan,  this 
gate  remained  closed.  In  the  period  of  the  Viceroyalty  of  Nawab 
Sarfaraz  Khan,  the  gate  was  again  opened,  as  will  be  mentioned 
hereafter.  The  Katrah  and  other  buildings  of  the  'Amir-ul-umara  8 
up  to  this  day  exist  in  Jahaugirnagar  (Dacca)."3 

century  with  a  short  break,  that  is,  from  1664  to  1680  A.C.  He  died  in  11694 
in  his  93rd  lunar  year.  For  his  parwana  of  pardon  to  the  English  iu  1687, 
see  Hunter's  History  Vol.  2,  p.  260,  f.n. 

1  A  dam  was  equal  to  the  fortieth  part  of  the  rupee,  and  a  damri  was 
equal  to  one-eighth  part  of  a  dam  (See  Ain-i-Akbarl,  Vol.  I,  p.  31),  that 
is,  320  damris  made  up  one  rupee.  Therefore,  during  Shaista  Khan's 
Viceroyalty  in  Bengal,  for  one  rupee  8  maunds  of  rice  could  be  had,  in  other 
words,  the  price,  per  maund,  of  rice  was  two  annas  only. 

2  The  Maasir-i- Alamgiri  (p.  368)  is  highly  eulogistic  in  praise  of  Nawab 
Shaista  Khan.  It  says  that  he  established  numerous  caravanserais  and 
erected  numerous  bridges  throughout  India.  His  great  achievements  in 
Bengal  were  (1)  the  Conquest  of  Chittagong  which  was  named  by  him  Islama- 
bad (for  details  see  Alamgirnamah,  p.  940) ;  (2)  the  extirpation  of  the  Mag 
pirates;  (3)  the  improvement  of  the  economic  and  agricultural  condition  of 
Bengal;  and  (4)  construction  of  numerous  useful  public  works.  (See  also 
Maasir-ul-umara,  p.  690,  Vol.  II).  During  his  Viceroyalty,  Duldan  Namjal, 
Rajah  of  Tibat  (through  the  exertions  of  Saif  Khan  Subadar  of  Kashmir, 
Murad  Khan,  zamindar  of  Tibat-i-Khurd,  and  Muhammad  Shafi  envoy) 
submitted  to  Aurangzeb  (pp.  921-922,  Alamgirnamah). 

3  It  is  stange  that  the  author  of  the  Biyaz  in  his  account  of  the  Vice- 
royalty  of  Nawab  Shaista  Khan  should  have  omitted  all  mention  of  the 
Navvab's  greatest  military  achievements  in  Bengal,  viz.,  the    chastisement   of 


229 
VICEROYALTY  OF  NAWAB  IBRAHIM  KHAN.1 

Nawab  Ibrahim  Khan  on  being  invested  with  the  Khillat  of 
the  Nizamat  of  the  Snbah   of  Bengal,  arrived  at  Jahangirnagar 

the  Mag  and  Portuguese  pirates  and  the  re-conqnest  of  Chittagong.  I  there- 
fore translate  freely  the  following  contemporary  account  from  the  Alamgir- 
namah  (Pera.  text,  p.  943)  : —  * 

As  the  Mags  emerging  from  Arrakan  on  war- vessels  (Nawarah)  and 
taking  advantage  of  the  straggle  for  supremacy  between  Aurangzeb  and  Shah 
Shnj'a,  harried  the  coasts  of  Bengal,  Emperor  Aurangzeb  sent  out  orders 
to  his  Bengal  Viceroy,  Nawab  Shaista  Khan,  to  take  immediate  steps  for 
chastising  the  Mags.  With  this  object  in  view,  Nawab  Shaista  Khan  first 
took  steps  to  guard  and  fortify  his  southern  frontier  out-posts.  He  appoint- 
ed an  Afghan  named  Said  with  500  rocketeers  and  muskeNeers  to  charge  of  the 
Noakhali  out-post,  Muhammad  Sharif,  Faujdar  of  Hughli,  with  500  rocketeers, 
1,000  infantry  and  20  guns  to  defend  the  out-post  of  Sankram-Kadah, 
and  set  Muhammad  Beg  Abakash  and  Abul  Hassau  with  the  Imperial 
war-vessels  which  lay  at  Siripiir  to  patrol  the  river.  From  Siripur  to 
'  Alamgirnagar  covering  a  distance  of  twenty-one  kroh,  an  embanked  road  so 
that  it  might  not  be  flooded  during  the  rains  was  also  constructed  under  the 
Nawab's  order,  for  military  purposes.  The  Nawab  then  ordered  Abul  Hassan 
to  bring  round  Dilawar,  zamindar  of  Sandip,  or  to  punish  him,  as  the  latter 
secretly  sided  with  the  Mags.  Abul  Hassan  attacked  Sandip  and  fought  with 
Dilawar,  who  being  hit  by  an  arrow  fled  to  the  jungles.  Meanwhile,  the 
Arrakanese  fleet  came  up  to  Sandip  to  render  assistance  to  Dilawar.  Abul 
Hassan  prepared  to  assault  the  Arrakanese  fleet,  which  withdrew,  and  then 
Abul  Hasan,  not  pursuing  it,  retired  to  Noakhali.  Nawab  Shaista  Khan, 
on  hearing  of  this,  sent  another  fleet  consisting  of  1,500  gunners  and  400 
cavalry,  commanded  by  Ibn-i-Husain,  Superintendent  of  the  Nawarah  (Fleet), 

1  Ibrahim  Khan  was  the  eldest  son  of  Amir-nl- Umara  'All  Mardan  Khan. 
On  his  father's  death,  he  was  made  a  Chahar  hazari,  and  subsequently  a 
Panjhazari.  He  became  Subadar  of  Kashmir,  of  Lahor,  of  Behar,  and  of 
Bengal  in  quick  succession.  His  sons  were  Zabardast  Khan  (who  chastised 
the  rebel  Afghan,  Rahlm  Khan)  and  Taqub  Khan  (who  bJcame  Subadar  of 
Lahor).  He  was  recalled  from  Bengal  in  1109  A.H.  (in  the  41st  year  of 
Aurangzeb's  reign),  when  Shahzadah  Muhammad  Azim,  alias  Azimu-sh-Shan, 
was  appointed  in  his  place.  (See  Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  pp.  7 If  163,  and  387,  and 
Haas ir-ul-umara,  Vol.  I,  p.  295).  The  English  merchants  styled  him  "the 
most  famously  just  and  good  nabob"  (see  Wilson's  Early  Annals  of  the 
English  in  Bengal,  Vol.  I,  p.  124),  as  he  allowed  them  to  return  from  Madras 
and  finally  settle  at  Sutanuti  (future  Calcutta)  in  the  first  year  of  his 
Viceroyalty  (1690),  after  Emperor  Aurangzeb  had  that  year  granted  a 
'general  pardon'  to  the  English  merchants,  on  their  making  a  most  humble 
submissive  petition,  and  on  their  '  promising  to  pay  a  fine  of  Rs.  150,000 ' 
(See  Hunter's  India,  Vol.  2,  pp.  265-266). 


230 

(Dacca)  and  devoted  himself  to  administrative  affairs.     He  un- 
furled to  the  oppressed  the  gates  of  justice  and  clemency,  and  did 

Jamal  Khan,  Serandaz  Khan,  Qaramal  Khan  and  Muhammad  Beg,  to  re- 
inforce Abiil  Hassan,  to  co-operate  with  the  latter  and  occupy  Sandlp 
(Sondip),  and  to  extirpate  its  zamindar,  Dilawar.  Ibn-i-Husain  with  thia 
re-inforcement  m6ved  up  'Jo  Noakhali,  which  is  in  front  of  Sandip,  and 
halted  there  with  Muhammad  Beg,  in  order  to  blockade  the  passage  of  the 
Arrakanese  fleet.  Abul  Hassan  with  others  then  attacked  Sandip,  wounded 
and  captured  Sharif,  son  of  Dilawar,  and  captured  also,  after  severe  fighting, 
Dilawar  with  his  followers,  and  sent  them  prisoners  to  Jahangirnagar 
(Dacca)  in  charge  of  Manuar,  zamindar  of  Jahangirnagar,  and  subdued 
Sandip.  Nawab  Shaista  Khan,  on  getting  news  of  the  conquest  of  Sandip, 
appointed  Abdul  Karim,  brother  of  Rashld  Khan,  to  the  charge  of  Sandip, 
with  200  cavalry  and  1,003  infantry.  The  Feringis  (Portuguese)  were  at  this 
time  siding  with  the  Arrakanese,  so  Nawab  Shaista  Khan  first  took  steps 
to  detach  the  Feringis,  and  for  this  purpose  sent  out  letters  to  some  of  the 
leading  Feringis.  Some  of  these  letters  falling  into  the  hands  of  Karam 
KibrI,  a  Mag,  who  with  a  fleet  was  in  the  environs  of  Sandip,  the  latter  com- 
municated it  to  the  Rajah  of  Arrakan,  who  lost  confidence  in  the  Feringis, 
and  ordered  that  the  Feringis  should  be  deported  fromChittagong  to  Arrakan. 
The  Feringis  of  Chittagong  getting  scent  of  this  set  fire  to  many  of  the 
Arrakanese  fleet,  and  fled  to  Noakhali  in  the  Mughal  dominions.  Farhad 
Khan,  Commandant  of  Bhalnah  out-post,  kept  some  Feringis  with  himself, 
and  sent  their  leaders  to  Nawab  Shaista  Khan  to  Dacca  (Jahangirnagar). 
The  latter  treated  them  generously.  The  Nawab  then  sent  ont  an  expedition 
to  Chittagong  in  charge  of  his  son,  Buzurg  Umed  Khan,  oflkhtisas  Khan 
Barha,  Sabal  Singh  Sinsudiah,  Mlanah  Khan,  Karan  Khajl,  with  2,000  cavalry. 
Orders  were  sent  out  to  Farhad  Khan,  Thanadar  of  Bhaluah,  to  move  up  with 
Ibn-i-Husain  and  Manuar  zamindar,  with  the  fleet,  and  to  Mir  Murtaza, 
Superintendent  of  Artillery,  to  join  Farhad  Khan  and  to  cover  the  latter's 
front.  Captain  Moore,  Chief  of  the  Portuguese  in  Chittagong,  with  his  fleet 
was  directed  to  render  loyal  services.  Kamal,  son  of  the  former  Rajah  of 
Arrakan,  who  had  taken  shelter  in  Dacca  in  the  reign  of  Emperor  Shah  Jahan, 
was  also  directed  to' go  with  Mir  Murtaza,  and  to  send  conciliatory  messages  to 
the  Mag  Commander  of  Chittagong.  Farhad  Khan  and  Mir  Murtaza  proceeded 
by  the  land  route,  whilst  Ibn-i-Husain,  Muhammad  Beg,  and  Manuar  proceed- 
ed  by  the  river  route.  These  reached  (setting  out  from  Noakhali)  Thana 
Jagdiah,  on  16th  Rajab ;  on  the  18th  Rajab,  Farhad  Khan  with  his  followers 
crossed  Finny  river  (PhanI),  and  on  the  24th  Rajab  reached  near  a  tank, 
which  was  one  day's  distance  from  Chittagong,  and  then  waited  for 
the  General-in-Chief,  Buzurg  Umed  Khan.  The  latter  on  21st  Rajab  crossed 
Finny  river,  and  on  25th  Rajab  reached  a  point  which  was  10  kroh  distant 
from  Chittagong,  and  8  kroh  from  Farhad  Khan's  encampment.  The 
Imperial  fleet  halted  at  Domariah  village,  which  was  20  kroh  from  Buznrg 
Umed  Khan's  eucampment.     On  27th  Rajab,    two   naval    engagements    were 


231 

not  allow  an  ant  to  be  oppressed.  As  Emperor  Aurangzeb  was 
engrossed  in  fighting  for  twelve  years  in  the  Dakhin  with 
Abul  Hasan  l  alias  Tana  Shah,  the  Ruler  of  that  Province,  and 
with  Siva  and  Sambha8  Mahrattas,  rebellious  zamindars  of 
Sattara,  &c,  disturbances  s  broke  out  in  several  parts  of  the  Empire 
owing  to  the  Emperor's  protracted  absence  from  his  capital. 
In  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  in  the  district  of  Bardwan,  Subha 
Singh,  zamindar  of  Chitwah 4  and  Bardah,  revolted,  whilst 
Rahim  Khan  the  cut-nosed,  who  was  leader  of  the  Afghans, 
joined  the  former  with  a  contingent  of  Afghans.  Kishan  Ram, 
zamindar  of  Bardwan,6  who  smarted  under  the  former's  oppressions 
advanced  with  his  force  to  encounter  him,  and  was  killed.  And 
the  latter's  wives  and  children,  together   with  all  his  effects  and 

fought,  in  which  the  Arrakanese  were  defeated.  The  Arrakanese  fleet  then 
moved  up  to  the  Karanphnli  river.  Under  orders  of  Buzurg  Umed  Khan,  Mir 
Murtaza  cutting  down  the  jungles,  and  laying  down  a  road,  moved  up  by  land 
to  near  the  Karanphuli,  to  re-inforce  the  Imperial  fleet,  Buzurg  Umed  Khan 
himself  similarly  moving  up.  A  severe  naval  engagement  took  place  in  the 
Karanphuli  river,  in  which  the  Mags  were  crushingly  defeated,  and  Buzurg 
Umed  Khan  stormed  Chittagong  fort,  captured  the  Arrakanese  fleet,  and 
subdued  the  whole  tract  of  Chittagong,  and  132  Arrakanese  war-vessels,  with 
guns,  armaments  and  elephants,  were  captured.  Emperor  Aurangzeb  ordered 
Chittagong  to  be  named  Islamabad,  and  conferred  gifts  on  Nawab  Shaista 
Khan,  and  raised  his  son  Buzurg  Umed  Khan  to  the  rank  of  Hazar-o-Pansadi, 
and  Farhad  Khan  to  the  rank  of  Hazar-o-Pansadi,  and  conferred  on  Mir 
Murtaza  the  title  of  '  Majahid  Khan,'  and  on  Ibn-i-Husain  the  title  of 
Muzaffar  Khan,  and  raised  Manuar  zamindar  to  the  rank  of  Hazar-o-Pansadi. 
This  conquest  of  Chittagong  took  place  in  the  8th  year  of  Aurangzeb's  reign. 
See  Alamgirnamah,  p.  956. 

1  See  pp.  259,  144,  143,  244,  245,  269,  285,  and  309,  Maasir-i-Alam- 
giri. 

2  See  pp.  142,  211,  319,  332,  308,  Maasir-i-Alamgiri. 

3  The  text  does  not  narrate  another  disturbance  t'jat  had  previously 
broken  out  on  the  Assam  frontier.  The  Assamese  had  attacked  the  Imperial 
garrison  at  Gauhati,  and  killed  its  Faujdar,  named  Syed  Firnz  Khan. 
For  the  purpose  of  chastising  the  Assamese,  an  Imperial  Expeditionary  force 
was  sent  out  by  Aurangzeb  to  Assam  (Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  p.  64). 

*  Chitwa  or  Chatwah  is  mentioned  in  the  Ain-i-Akbari  (see  Jarret's  Tr.  Vol. 
2,  p.  141)  as  a  parganaor  mahal  under  Sarkar  Madaran.  I  have  failed  to  trace 
Bardha,  which  may  be  a  misprint  in  the  text  for  Balgarhi,  another  mahal 
under  the  same  Sarkar,  or  for  Bharkondah  (var.  Bhargodha),  a  mahal  under 
Sarkar  Sharifabad  (see  Ain,  Vol.  2,  p.  139). 

6  Bardwan  appears  in  the  Ain  (Vol.  2,  p.  139)  as  a  mahal  under  Sarkar 
Sharifabad. 


232 

treasures,  were  captured,  and  liia  sou,  Jagat  Rai,  taking  to  his 
heels,  fled  to  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca),  which  was  the  Viceregal 
capital  of  Bengal.  On  hearing  of  this,  Nuru-1-lah  Khan,1 
Faujdar2  of  the  Chaklah  of  Jasar  (Jessore),  Hugli,  Bardwan,  and 
Mednipur,  who  was  very  opulent  and  had  commercial  business, 
and  who  also  held  the  dignity  of  a  Sehhazari,  marched  out  from 
Jasar  s  in  order  to  chastise  and  subdue  the  rebels.  From  the  din 
of  the  enemy's  march,  considering  himself  unable  to  stand  the 
onset,  he  retired  to  the  fort  of  Hugli,  and  sought  for  help 
from  the  Christian  Dutch  of  Ohuchrah  (Chinsurah).  The  enemy, 
on  getting  news  of  Nurullah's  cowardice,  promptly  set  to  besiege 
the  fort,  and  after  skirmishes  reduced  the  garrison  to  straits. 
And  that  coward,  acting  on  Shaikh  S'adi's  couplet : 

"  When  you  cannot  vanquish  the  enemy  by  your  might, 
You  ought  to  close  the  gate  of  disturbance,  with  largesses," 

throwing  away  his  treasures  and  effects,  considered  it  lucky  to  save 

his  own  life.     With  a  nose  and  two   ears,  clad  in  a  rag,  he  came 

out   of  the  fort ;  and   the  fort  of  Hugli,   together   with   all    his 

effects  and    property  fell  into    the    enemy's   hands.      From    the 

occurrence    of    this  disaster  there    was  a    universal    commotion. 

The  leading  gentry  and   nobility  of   the  town  and  suburbs,  and 

the   merchants    and    residents    of    the    environs,    together   with 

their  effects,   took  refuge  in   Ohuchrah  (Chinsurah),  which  was  a 

place   of  security.     The  Dutch  leaders  sailed   up   to  the  foot  of 

the  fort   with   two  ships  loaded  with    soldiers    and    armaments, 

and  by   a   shower    of   cannon-balls,   they   battei'ed  the  buildings 

of  the  fort,  aud  flooded    the  harvest   of  numerous    lives  with  the 

torrent    of    destruction.     Subha   Singh,   not  arranging   terms   of 

peace,  fled  to  Satgaon,  close  to  Hugli,  and  there,  too,  not  finding 
t, 

1  This  Nurullali  Khan  appears  to  have  been  subsequently  promoted  by 
Aurangzeb  to  the  post  of  Deputy  Subadar  of  Orissa  (See  Haasir-i-Alamgiri, 
p.  169). 

2  Ain,  II,  says  :  "  In  the  same  way  that  His  Majesty  (Emperor  Akbar), 
for  the  prosperity  of  the  Empire,  has  appointed  a  Commander  of  the  forces 
for  each  Province,  so  by  his  rectitude  of  judgment,  &c,  ...  he  apportions  se- 
veral pargaunahs  to  the  care  of  one  of  his  trusty,  just  and  disinterested  ser- 
vants, called  a  Faujdar."      (See  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  2,  p.  40). 

8  Apparently,  Jessore  or  Jasar  at  the  time  formed  the  head-quarters 
station  of  the  Mughal  Faujdar  of  the  Chaklah  or  Division,  including  Jessore, 
Ilughli,  Bardwan,  and  Mednipur  districts. 


233 

it  practicable  to  tarry,  retired  to  Bardwan,  and  under  the  lead 
of  Rahini  Khan  marched  thence  with  his  rabble  towards  Nadia 
and  Murshidabad,  which  was  then  called  Makhsusabad.  Amongst 
the  women  and  children  of  the  slain  Kishan  Ram  that  were 
captives  in  the  oppressive  grip  of  Subha  Singh,  the  former's  daughter 
was  adorned  with  the  ornaments  of  beauty  and  elegance  and  of 
chastity  and  modesty.  That  wretch  of  a  villain  '(Subha  Singh) 
plotted  to  stain  the  hem  of  the  maiden's  chastity  with  the  filth 
of  defilement.  As  fate  would  have  it,  that  dog  of  a  night  wanted  to 
pounce  on  that  maiden,1  and  through  seduction  of  Satan,  it  stretched 
out  its  hand  towards  her.  That  lion-like  maiden  with  the  swiftness 
of  the  wink  of  blood-shedding  eyes,  by  means  of  a  sharp  knife 
which  she  secreted  with  herself  for  such  an  occasion,  cut  him  up 
from  below  the  navel  to  the  belly,  and  with  the  same  sharp  knife 
cut  asunder  the  thread  of  her  own  life.  When  this  world-con- 
suming fire  was  extinguished,  another  arose  in  the  person  of 
that  villain's  brother,  by  the  name  of  Himat  Singh.  The 
latter  also  resolved  to  set  the  world  on  fire,  and  attempted  to 
plunder  and  pillage  the  Imperial  domains.  And  Rahim  Khan, 
owing  to  the  strength  of  his  rabble  and  clan,  styled  himself 
Rahim  Shah.  Placing  crookedly  on  the  head  of  pride  the  cap 
of  vanity,  and  collecting  a  large  number  of  low  and  ignorant 
badmashes,  he  redoubled  the  flame  of  insurrection,2  so  that  from 
Bardwan  to  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal)  on  the  west  of  the 
Granges,  half  the  Province  of  Bengal  was  harried  by  him.  And 
whoever  amongst  the  Imperial  adherents  refused  to  submit  to  him 
was  punished  and  tortured.  Amongst  them,  in  the  environs  of 
Murshidabad,  there  lived  an  Imperial  officer,  named  Neamat 
Khan,  with  his  family  and  dependants.  When  he  infused  to 
joiu  Rahim  Shah  the  latter,  thirsty  for  his  blood,  ordered  his 
head  to  be  brought.  Seeing  the  measure  of  his  life  full  to  the 
brim,  Neamat  Khan  prepared  to  drink  out  of  the  cup  of  martyr- 
dom, and  advanced  to  the  field.  Tauhar  Khan,  Jhis  nephew,  who 
was  as  brave  as  his  name  implied,  spurring  on  his  charger,  made  a 
brave  onset.  At  length  the  forces  of  the  enemy  hemmed  him  in, 
and  from  every  side  attacked  him,  so  that  he  drank  the  syrup  of 
martyrdom,     and   his  comrades,  one  after  another,  were  levelled 

1  Literally,  "Chinese  deer." 

2  This   opportunity  was    utilised  by    the  English  for  fortifying  their  new- 
settlement  in  Calcutta — See  Wilson's  Annals,  Vol.  II,  p.  147. 

30 


234 

round  him  on  the  bed  of  annihilation.      Neamat  Khan,  on  see- 
ing   this,  without    cuirass    and    armour,    tying  a   sword  to  his 
unlined  garment,  mounted  a  swift  charger,  cut  through  the  right 
and  left  wings  of  the  enemy's  force,  and,  dashing  up  to  the  centre, 
inflicted  a  cut  on  the  head  of  Rahim  Shah.     As  fate  would  have 
it,   Neamat's   sword   striking   against  the  latter's   helmet  broke. 
From  ferocity  of  disappointed  rage,   putting  his  grip  on  Rahim's 
face   and   seizing   his    waist   with  the  hand,  by    sheer   strength, 
Neamat  dismounted  Rahim  from  his  horse  and  threw  him  on  the 
ground.     With  great  agility  then  springing  from   his  own  horse, 
Neamat  sat  on  the  top  of  Rahim's  chest,  and  drawing  a  dagger 
from  his    waist     struck    him  on   the  throat.      Accidentally,  the 
dagger  got  entwined  in   the  link  of  the  cuirass  of  Rahim  and  did 
not  penetrate  through  to  his  throat.     Meanwhile,  the  adherents 
of  Rahim  Shah  coming  up  wounded  Neamat  Khan,   by  inflicting 
cuts  on  him  with  swords  and  spears,  so  that  he  was  disabled,  and 
dragging  him  down    from   his   saddle,    they    threw    him    down 
on  the  ground.      Rahim  Shah,  recovering  life  in  a  way  a  second 
time,  remained  unhurt  and  unscathed.     And  they  carried  Neamat 
Khan  to  a  tent,  with  his   flickering  life,  in    a  state  of  fainting. 
From  excessive  thirst,  he  opened  his  eyes  to  signal  for  water. 
When  the  men  of  Rahim  Shah  brought  a  cup  of  water,  his  feel- 
ings revolted  against  his  drinking  it  out  of  their  hands,  and  thus 
with  a  parched   lip   he  quaffed  the  goblet  of   martyrdom.     The 
zamindars  of  the  environs  and  the  news-messengers,  in  succession, 
carried  this  woful  news  to  Nawab  Ibrahim  Khan,  to  Jahangir- 
nagar  (Dacca).     The   Nawab,  to   whom   the  following  couplet  is 
applicable  : — 

"  Although  possessed  of  the  strength  of  a  lion, 
In  seeking  vengeance,  he  was  flabby  like  a  soft  sword  " 

owing  to  pusillanimity,  said  :  "  War  causes  the  spilling  of  blood 
of  God's  creatures ;  what  necessity  is  there  that  the  blood  of  people 
on  both  sides  should  be  shed  ?  "  And  when  from  messages  and 
news-letters,  the  gist  of  this  disaster  reached  the  Emperor  in 
the  Dakhin,  an  Imperial  order  was  despatched  to  Zabardast  Khan, 
son  of  Ibrahim   Khan,  conferring  on  him  the  office  of  Faujdar  1 

1  Apparently,  Zabardast    Khan    was    appointed  to   the  office   of  Faujdar 


235 

of   the  chaklahas  of    Bard  wan,    Mednipur,    etc.,  insisting  on  the 
chastisement  of  the  miscreant  enemy,  and  directing  the  Nazims 
and  Faujdars   of  the  Subahs  of  Oudh  and  Allahabad  and  Behar, 
that,  wherever  they   might  get  trace  of  the  enemy,  they  should 
capture  him  with  his  women  and  children.     It  was  also  proclaimed 
that  whoever  would  desert  the  enemy  should  be  granted  security 
of  life,  and  whoever  would  join  the  enemy  und  thereby  draw  the 
paint  of  infamy  on  the  face,  should  have  his  family  extirpated.     And 
so  it  came  to  pass.     Shortly  after,  the  Subahdari  of  Bengal  and 
Behar  was  conferred  on  Prince  'Azimu-sh-shan,  who  was  ordered 
to  proceed  to  Bengal  with  a  number  of  the  Imperial  officers.1     The 
noble  Khan,  named  Zabardast  Khan,  on  the  very  receipt  of  the 
Imperial    order,    fitting    out   a   fleet  of  war-vessels  armed   with 
artillery,  Bailed  up   from  Jahangirhagar  (Dacca)  with  a  numerous 
force,  and  spurred  on  the  charger  of  war.     Rahim  Shah,  on  hear- 
ing  news  of  the  approach  of  the  Imperial  army  of  vengeance, 
swiftly  marched  to  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  with  a  large  army, 
consisting  of  infantry  and  cavalry.     Zabardast  Khan,  mooring  his 
war-vessels  alongside  the  river-bank,  quickly  entrenched  himself 
in  front  of  the  enemy's  force,  arrayed  liis  troops  for  battle,  and 
placed  in  front  of  the  entrenchment  of  those  Gog-like  people  the 
projecting  parts   of  waggons,  in  the  shape  of  Alexander's   wall. 
On  the  next  day,  advancing  from  his  entrenchment,  he  arrayed 
his  troops,  posting  armed  heroes  and  warriors  in  the  right  and  left 
wings,   in  the  centre,  in  the  van,  and  in  the  rear.     Placing  the 
artillery  in  front,  he  advanced  like  the  wave  of  the  sea,  and  struck 
the  kettledrum  of  war.     When  the  din  of  call  to  battle  resounded 
in  the  ear  of  Rahim  Shah,  the  latter  became  perturbed,  but  moved 
with  his  intrepid  Afghan  soldiers   to  encounter  the  Imperialists. 
From  the  side  of  the  Imperialists,  Zabardast  Khan  ordered  the 
artillery  to  be  brought  into  action,  and  directed  the  discharge  of 
muskets   and   war-rockets.      The   gunners    and    musketeers   and 
rocketeers  did  not   slacken  their  fire,   whilst  gallant  combatants 
charged  with  their  swords,  and  worked  havoc    in   the   enemy's 
ranks. 

of  the  chahlahs  of  Jasar,    Hugli,  Bardwan  and   Mednipur,  in   the   place  of 
Nurullah  Khan,  who  was  apparently  recalled  for  his  pusillanimity. 

1  It  would  appear,  like  Nurullah,  Nawab  Ibrahim  Khan  was  also  recalled 
promptly  for  exhibition  of  pusillanimity.  The  latter  was  a  bookworm  and  a 
man  of  peace. 


236 

They  charged  with  tlieir  spears  and  swords, 

And  shed  profuse  blood  on  that  battle-field.1        [the  infantry, 

From  the  smoke  of  gun-waggons  and  from  the  dust  raised  by 

The  earth  up  to  the  sky  became  pitchy  dark. 

From  profuse  spilling  of  blood  on  that  battle-field, 

One  roaring  sea  of  crimson  was  spread. 

The  heads- of  wartiors  looked  like  ripples  therein, 

Their  corpses  swam  like  fish  therein. 

After  terrible  carnage,  the  cowardly  Afghans  took  to  their 
heels  and  Rahim  Shah  retreated  from  the  field.  Zabardast 
Khan,  who  was  strong  and  agile,  became  triumphant,  and  striking 
blows  after  blows,  drove  the  Afghans  like  cattle  to  their  tents. 
For  three  full  hours  the  fire  of  warfare  continued  to  blaze.  Towards 
sun-down,  owing  to  the  excessive  sultriness  of  the  wind,  and 
owing  to  terrible  exertion  and  fatigue,  the  cavalry  had  to  give  up  the 
chase.  So  the  victors  withdrew  their  hands  from  the  work  of  blazing 
the  fire  of  warfare  and  encamped  on  the  battle-field,  and  set  about 
washing,  and  burying  the  dead,  and  nursing  and  dressing  the 
wounded.  They  passed  the  night  in  alertness  and  watchfulness, 
posting  advance-guards  and  night-patrols.  Next  morning  when 
the  King  of  the  East,8  riding  on  a  blue  charger  3  and  suspending 
the  dagger  of  rays,  advanced  on  the  plain  of  the  celestial  sphere, 
the  darkness  of  the  hosts  of  night  and  the  troops  of  stars  became 
effaced,  nay  extinguished,  by  its  one  onset ;  and  again  triumphantly 
seeking  vengeance,  the  victors  set  about  setting  their  forces  in 
battle-array.  On  the  approach  of  the  two  armies,  they  charged 
with  their  spears,  swords,  and  daggers.  The  Imperialists  tying  the 
girdle  of  devotion  and  self-sacrifice  to  the  waist  of  their  lives, 
engaged  in  killing  the  insurgents,  and  piled  up  a  heap  from  the 
slain.  And  after  two  hours'  fighting  the  Afghan  force  was  once 
again  shattered.  Rahim  Shah,  stooping  to  the  disgrace  of  flight, 
fled,  and  in  a  hapless  state  took  the  route  to  Murshidabad. 
Zabardast  Khaii  to  a  distance  of  one  farsakk  rode  forward,  beat 
and  chased  the  enemy,  captured  and  slew  a  large  number  of  the 
rebels,  and  capturing  their  treasures,  effects,  armaments  and  horses, 

1  This  battle  was  fought  near  Bhagwangalah — See  Stewart's  Bengal  and 
Wilson's  Annals,  Vol.  I,  p.  149. 

2  That  is,  the  sun. 
8  That  IB,  the  sky. 


237 

triumphantly  returned  to  his  own  camp.  He  then  made  a  gift  of 
the  booty  to  the  soldiers,  according  to  their  rank,  and  did  not 
spare  himself  in  winning  their  hearts.  For  three  days  he  halted 
there,  and  looked  after  the  nursing  of  the  wounded.  For  the  pur- 
pose of  effectually  blockading  the  passages,  and  cuting  off  the 
enemy's  supplies  he  despatched  stringent  orders  to  the  zamindars 
and  watchmen  of  passages.  He  sent  the  wounded  soldiers,  together 
with  the  more  precious  goods  and  spoils,  to  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca), 
and  detailed  scouts  in  all  directions  for  ascertaining  the  where- 
abouts of  those  who  had  fled.  Rahim  Shah,  in  a  hapless  condition 
and  in  an  anxious  mood,  reached  Murshidabad,  and  there  exerted 
himself  diligently  to  mobilise  troops.  Rallying  round  some  of  his 
vanquished  rabble,  who  were  in  a  state  of  disorder,  and  also  others 
who  were  in  straits  and  without  armour  and  helmets,  he  opened  out 
his  treasures  and  chests,  and  by  distributing  horses  and  arms  and 
by  lavishing  money,  he  quickly  mobilised  au  army,  and  once  again 
prepared  for  battle.  Zabardast  Khan,1  on  the  fourth  day,  striking 
the  kettledrum  of  march  from  the  battle-field,  advanced  in  pursuit 
of  the  enemy  towards  Murshidabad.  In  the  meantime,  the  zamin- 
dars of  the  vicinity  flocked  in  and  joined  the  Imperialists.  After 
marching  several  stages,  Zabardast  Khan  encamped  on  the  east 
side  of  the  plain.  Rahim  Shah,  seeing  the  overwhelming  force  of 
the  Imperialists,  felt  himself  no  match  for  them,  and  cowardly  fled  to 
Bardwan.    Zabardast  Khan  hotly  chased  him  and  gave  him  no  rest. 


VICE  ROYALTY  OF  SHAHZADAH  WALAGUHAR 
MUHAMMAD  'AZIMU-SH-SHAN  AND  THE 
FALL  OF  RAHIM  2  KHAN. 

As     related     before,     Shahzadah    Walaguhar    Muhammad 
'Azimu-sh-Shan,8   son  of  Muhammad   Muazzam   Bahadur   Shah, 

1  Zabardast  Khan  was  the  eldest  son  of  Ibrahim  Khan,  son  of  Ali  Mardan 
Khan.  Zabardast  Khan  rose  subsequently  to  the  office  of  Subadar  of  Oudh 
aDd  Ajmir,  and  also  to  the  rank  of  a  Chaharhazari.  His  great  service  was 
the  defeat  of  the  Afghan  insurgents  led  by  Rahim  Khan,  during  the  Vice- 
royalty  of  his  father,  Ibrahim  Khan,  in  Bengal.  (See  Maasir-ul-Umara, 
Vol  III,  p.  300,  and  also  Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  pp.  397  and  497). 

2  "  Rahim  Khan"  is  misprinted  in  the  Persian  printed  text  as  "  Ibrahim 
Khan." 

8  Priuce  Muhammad'  A  zim  alias  Azimu-sh-Shan  was  a  son  of  Aurangzeb's 
eldest  son,  Muhammad  Muazzam  Bahadur  Shah,  by  the  latter's  wife,  who  was 


238 

received  from  the  Emperov  a  special  Khilat,  together  with  a  jewell- 
ed sword,  a  high  Mansab  and  the  Insignia  of  the  Mahi  l  Order,  and 
was  appointed  Subadar  of   Bengal   and  Behar. 

For  the  chastisement  of  the  rebels,  he  started  from  tbe  Dakhin 
with  his  two  sons,  named  Sultan  Karimuddin  and  Muhammad 
Farukh  Sir  for  the  Subah  of  Behar,  and  swiftly  arrived  in  Behar 
via  Subah  Oud'h  and  Avlahabad.  The  Prince  issued  Royal  mandates, 
as  potent  as  God's  decrees,  summoning  to  his  presence  the  Zamin- 
dars,  'Amils,  and  Jagirdars.  These  appeared  in  His  Highness' 
presence  with  tributes  and  gifts,  and  were  recipients  of  valuable 
Khillats  according  to  their  respective  ranks.  And  attending  to 
the  administration  of  the  State  affairs,  they  paid  in  the  revenue  and 
taxes  into  the  Imperial  treasury.  The  fiscal  and  administrative 
affairs  were  entrusted  to  honest  Diwans  and  thrifty  Karhuns,  and 
Tahsildars  were  appointed  to  charges  of  Circles  and  Mahals. 
All  of  a  sudden,  news  of  the  victory  of  Zabardast  Khan  and  of 
the  defeat  of  Rahim  Shah  arrived  through  the  medium  of  news- 
letters. Fancying  that  the  fish  of  victory  and  triumph  that  was 
worthy  of  himself  might  be  angled  by  another,  who  would  go  in 
for  reward  on  account  of  good  services,  and  fearing  that  Zabardast 
Khan,  who  was  a  grandson  of  Nawab  'Alimardan  Khan,8  in  recogni- 

a  daughter  of  Rup  Singh  Rathor.  He  was  born  on  the  6th  Jamadi-nl-Awal, 
1074  A.H.  (in  the  8th  year  of  Aurangzeb's  reign).  (See  Maasir-i-Alamgiri, 
p.  49).  He  married  in  1089  A.H.  (in  the  21st  year  of  Aurangzeb's  reign)  a 
daughter  of  Kerat  Singh,  who  received  as  jihaz  or  dower  Rs.  63,000,  jewel- 
leries, one  jpalki,  five  dfilis  with  embroidered  and  jewelled  pillows.  (See  Maasir- 
i-Alamgiri,  p.  167).  He  married  in  the  36th  year  of  Aurangzeb's  reign 
(1103  A.H.)  a  daughter  of  Rnh-Allah  Khan  (Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  p.  347).  In 
1108  A.H.  (in  the  41st  year  of  Aurangzeb's  reign),  he  succeeded  to  the 
Viceroyalty  of  Bengal,  including  Kuch  Behar,  in  succession  to  Ibrahim  Khan. 
(See  Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  p.  387).  In  1114  A.H. ,  Behar  was  added  to  his  Bengal 
Viceroyalty  (Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  p.  470). 

A  The  Order  of  the  Mahi  was  one  of  the  most  Exalted  Orders  founded 
under  the  Mughal  regim 6  in  India. 

8  'Ali  Mardan  Khan  Amir-ul-Umara  rendered  important  services  to  the 
State  in  the  reign  of  Shah  Jahan,  and  rose  to  the  offices  of  Subadar  of 
Kamshir  and  the  Panjab  and  to  the  rank  of  a  Hafthazari.  In  1050  A.H.,  he 
became  Subadar  of  Kabul,  and  also  subsequently  received  the  title  of  Amir- 
ul-Umara.  In  1056  A.H.,  he  invaded  Balkh  and  Badakhshan  and  partially 
subjugated  those  tracts.  Subsequently  he  became  again  Subadar  of  Lahore. 
In  1067  A.H.  he  died,  and  was  buried  at  Lahore.  His  rectitude  of  purpose, 
straightforwardness    in    conduct,   firm  loyalty,  and  sincerity  combined  with 


239 

tion  of  such  valuable  services,  might  be  invested  with  the  office  of 
Subahdar  of  Bengal,  the  ambitious  Shahzadah,  moving  from  Subah 
Beliar,  swiftly  marched  to  Rajmahal,  and  spurring  his  horse  for  the 
chastisement  of  the  rebels  advanced  with  his  large  force  to  Bard  wan. 
The  Prince  ignored  Zabardast  Khan's  services,  and  failed  to  bestow 
on  him  a  single  word  of  praise  or  encouragement.     The  aforesaid 
Khan,  becoming  depressed  by  the  apathy  of  the  Sjiahzadah,  and 
finding  his  great  labours  wasted,  resolved  to  proceed  to  the  Emperor. 
Caring  not  for  the  power  of  the  Shahzadah,  he  struck  the  kettle- 
drum of  march,  and  took  the  route  to  the  Dakhin.     Rahim  Shah 
who,  from  fear  of  the  fury  of  that  lion  of  the  forest  of  warfare,  had 
been  hiding  like  the  fox  and  the  jackal,  in  the  holes  of  the  mouse 
and  the  serpent,  finding  now  an  opportunity,  brought  back  water 
into  the  rivulet  of  his  ambition,  and  triumphantly  made  incursions 
on  the  frontiers  of  Bardwan,  Hugli,  and  Nadia.     Pillaging  the  in- 
habitants of  that  tract   he   desolated  it,   nay  rendered   it  a  den 
of    wild    beasts    and    a    nest   of   owls    and   crows.      After    the 
departure  of  Zabardast  Khan  the  Prince,  with  great  self-reliance, 
despatched  mandates  and  orders  to  Jabangirnagar  (Dacca)  for 
conciliating  and  reassuring   the    Zamindars   and  Faujdars.     His 
Highness  himself,  slowly  marching  from  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal), 
advanced   stage  by  stage,  studying  the  convenience  of  his  troops. 
The  'Amils,  Faujdars,  and  zamindars,  with  appropriate  contingents 
drawn  from  their  respective  mahals,  presented  themselves  before 
the  Prince  with  gifts  and  tributes,  and  accompanied  the  latter  in  his 
Royal  Progress.     The  ill-fated  Rahim  Shah,  fancying  the  news  of 
the  approach  of  the  Prince  to  be  a  fiction,  like  his  own  fate,  was 
sleeping  the   sleep  of  negligence.     When,  however,  the  news  of 
the  approach  of  the  Royal  Army  reached  the  ear  of  that  wretch, 
he  hurriedly  and  anxiously  concentrated  his  Afghan  levies  who  were 
scattered  far  and  near,  and  prepared  for  warfare,     f  hat  royal  eagle 
of  the  summit  of  the  Empire,  caring  not  for  that  flock  of  sparrows, 

bravery,  soon  gave  him  an  unique  position  amongst  the  Imperial  officers  of 
his  day,  and  he  enjoyed  the  full  confidence  of  his  sovereign,  who  used  to  call 
him  "  Far  Ofadar  "  or   the  "  faithful  friend." 

His  important  public  works  were  (1)  the  irrigation  of  a  large  canal 
joining  the  river  Ravi  with  Lahore  city  ;  (2)  the  establishment  of  a  splendid 
public  garden  called  "  Shalamar "  together  with  aqueducts,  reservoirs,  aud 
fountains,  on  the  banks  of  that  canal,  close  to  Lahore.  (See  Maasir-ul-Umara, 
Vol.  II,  p.  807). 


240 

set  out  unhesitatingly,  without  baggage  and  paraphernalia,  and 
pitched  his  camp  in  the  outskirts  of  Bardwan.  There  the  Prince 
suspended  the  royal  pearl  of  salutary  advice  to  the  ear  of  that  con- 
temptible prevaricator,  promised  reward  in  the  event  of  acceptance, 
and  threatened  vengeance  in  the  event  of  refusal.  That  dissembler 
treated  the  bright  pearl  of  the  order  of  the  Prince  ostensibly  as 
the  jewel  of  the  ear,  bii't  covertly  as  the  gravel  of  his  own  eyes,  that 
is,  apparently  he  .shewed  signs  of  submission,  but  in  reality,  he 
sowed  the  thorn  of  rebellion  and  dissimulation  in  the  field  of  his 
heart.  He  besought  to  his  assistance  Khwajah  Anwar,  elder  brother 
of  Khwajah  'Asam,1  who  was  a  high  officer  and  a  boon  companion  of 
the  Prince,  and  in  fact  the  latter' s  prime-minister,  and  represented 
that  in  case  the  Khwajah  came  and  promised  on  oaths  and  re-assured 
his  mind,  next  morning  he  would  proceed  in  his  company  to  the 
Prince's  presence,  to  sue  for  pardon  for  misdemeanour.  The  guileless 
Prince,  ignorant  of  the  wiles  of  that  traitor,  assenting  to  his  request, 
ordered  the  above  Khwajah  to  proceed  early  in  the  morning  to 
Kahim  Shah's  camp,  and  instructed  him  to  reassure  the  latter  and 
to  fetch  him  to  the  Royal  Darbar  to  publicly  avow  submission. 
Next  morning  the  abovenientioned  Khwajah.  following  the  order 
of  his  master,  adopted  no  measures  of  precaution,  and  rode  out  with  a 
few  relations  and  friends.  Halting  in  front  of  the  camp  of  Raihni 
Shah,  he  sent  information,  and  on  horseback  remained  on  the 
look-out.  Hiding  his  armed  Afghan  soldiers  in  his  tent,  Rahim 
Shah  was  in  pursuit  of  treachery.  Opening  towards  the  envoy 
the  door  of  wiles  and  softness,  he  requested  that  the  Khwajah  should 
enter  his  camp.  Fearing  lest  smoke  might  arise  from  the  fire  of 
the  reptile,  the  above  Khwajah  hesitated  to  go  in,  and  making 
promises  summoned  out  Rahim  Shah.  When  the  demands  of  both 
sides  resulted  in  a  parley  and  the  object  of  the  mission  remained 
unaccomplished,  suddenly  Rahim  Shab  with  an  armed  force  sallied 
out  of  his  camp  shouting  and  advanced  in  front  of  the  Khwajah. 
From  wounds  /)f  the  tongue  it  culminated  in  wounds  of  the 
spear.  Fathoming  the  water  underneath  the  straw,  Khwajah 
Anwar,  regretted  his  coming,  and  wanted  to  return  without  ac- 

1  Khwajah  Asam  came  to  Agra  from  Badakhshan.  and  subsequently 
received  the  titles  of  "  Samsam-ud-daulah  Khan  Dauran  Amir-ul-Umara." 
The  Maasir-ul-Umara,  p.  819,  Vol.  I,  says  his  elder  brother's  name  was 
"  Khwajah  Muhammad  Jafar-Khan."  Dauran  was  wounded  in  the  battle  with 
Nadir  Shah,  and  died  in  1151  A.H. 


241 

complishing  the  object  of  bis  mission.  Rahim  Shah,  advancing 
forward,  commenced  fighting.  Being  compelled  to  encounter  him, 
Khwajah  Anwar  gallantly  and.  bravely  fought,  and  made  heroic 
exertions,  but  being  covered  with  mortal  wounds,  fell  together  with 
a  number  of  his  comrades.  Finding  tbe  field  deserted,  the 
Afghans  with  swords  rushed  out  and  attacked  the  Royal  camp 
of  the  Prince.  „  „ 

When  that  scion  of  the  Imperial  family     •  , 

Beheld  pei'fidy  in  that  prevaricator, 

And  also  in  regard  to  tbe  condition  of  Khwajah  Anwar, 

News  arrived  that  his  head  had  been  severed  from  bis  body  ; 

His  face  became  cherry  from  rage, 

He  called  for  aims  from  the  armour- bearer*. 

He  placed   the  cuirass  on  the  shoulder  and  the  helmet  on  the 

head, 
From  head  to  foot  he  became  a  figure  of  iron. 
He  suspended  an  adamantine  sword, 
And  placed  tightly  a  dagger  in  bis  waist. 
He  tied  one  sunny  shield  to  his  shoulder, 
And  placed  a  shining  spear  in  his  hand. 
He  hung  a  quiver  from  his  waist, 
And  threw  round  the  shoulder  a  Kaianian  bow.1 
He  tied  a  noose  to  the  top  of  his  hoivdah, 
And  clutched  with  the  hand  an  iron  mace. 
He  gave  order  that  the  Generals  of  the  army 
Should  eollect  quickly  near  the  Royal  tents. 
At  his  order,  the  battle-seeking  army 
Flocked  in  towards  the  Prince. 
When  the  Prince  mounted  his  elephant, 
He  looked  like  the  sun  on  a  mountain. 

The  kettledrum  of  battle  was  struck,  and  the*  army  moved, 
Like  the  river  waving. 

He  advanced  to  the  field  and  raised    aloft  hi*  standard, 
And  boldly  set  himself  to  put  his  troops  in  array. 
He  arranged  his  centre  and  wings  : 
The  right  and  left  wings,  the  rear  and  the  van. 

1  The  old    Kaianian  sovereigns   of  Persia    or  Iran   were  capital  archers 
and  marksmen.     Their  bows  were  famous  for  range  and   precision  of  shot. 
See  Namai-Khusman,  p.  44,  for  an  account  of  Kaianian  Kings 
31 


242 

From    the    overwhelming    number     of     his   force,   and    from 

the  Imperial  prestige, 
The  world  quaked  with  terror. 
He  rode  up  to  the  battle-field, 
But  was  dilatory  iu  delivering  an  assault. 

When  the  battle-field  was  arranged,  and  the  cavalry  and  in- 
fantry, like  the  men  at  chess,  were  set  in  their  proper  places, 
Rahim  Shah  made  a  hostile  flank  movement,  and  fought  gallantly. 
A  number  of  Afghan  troopers  clad  in  cuirass  and  armed  with 
daggers,  by  a  desperate  sally,  galloped  right  through  the  ranks  of 
the  Imperialists,  reached  the  centre,  and  sought  for  the  Prince, 
shouting  out  "  Azimu-sh-Shan."  Attacking  the  Royal  elephant 
with  their  horses,  they  prepared  to  give  the  final  checkmate.  The 
Imperial  cavalry  and  infantry,  unable  to  withstand  the  onslaughts 
of  those  villains,  left  the  Prince  in  a  corner  before  the  enemy  and 
fled.  Thus  the  thread  of  the  arrangement  of  the  Imperial  army 
was  snapped.  Rahim  Shah,  breaking  through  the  entrenchments, 
attacked  the  Prince's  elephant.  At  this  crisis,  and  at  the  sight 
of  this  impudent  daring,  Hamid  Khan  Quraishi,1  who  was  standing 
at  a  short  distance,  spurred  on  his  charger  like  an  arrow  shot  from 
its  bow,  attacked  Rahim  Shah,  and  said,  "  Villain,  I  am  Azimu-sh- 
Shan."  Promptly  discharging  a  rock-piercing  arrow  from  his 
quiver,  he  pierced  Rahim  Shah  on  the  chest. 

He  pulled  out  his  bow  from  its  string 

And  drew  out  his  Khadang*  arrow  from  its  quiver. 

He  joined  the  arrow-notch  to  the  ass's  leather, 

And  aimed  at  that  giant. 

Wheu  the  arrow-notch  was  shot  to  take  aim, 

It  pierced  through  the  breast  of  that  fighting  demon, 

Piercing  right  through  his  breast, 

It  figured  like  the  balance  from  weight. 

In  quick  succession  Hamid  Khan  shot  other  arrows  at  the 
neck  of  Rahim  Shah's  horse,  and  laid  low  both  its  neck  and  head. 
Rahim    Shah,   owing  to  two  mortal  wounds   on  the  breast,  was 

1  He  was  a  son  of  Daud  Khan  Qurashi.     See  n.  ante  and  p.  37  Maaser-ul- 
Umara,  vol.  2. 

*  Khadang   is   the    white   poplar  tree   of    which   arrows   and  bows   are 
prepared. 


248 

felled   to  the   ground.     Hamid    Khan   with   great  agility  sprang 
down  from  his  horse,  and  sat  upon  Rahira  Shah's  chest,  and  sever- 
ing the  villain's  head   from  his  body  whirled  it  round  on  a  spear. 
At  the  sight  of  this,  the  cowardly  Afghan  soldiery  faltered  and  fled, 
whilst  the  standards  of  those  insolent  villains  were  turned  upside 
down.     The  zephyr  of  triumph  and  victory  once  again  blew  on  the 
tails  of  the  Imperial  banners,  and  the  Imperial  band* of  victory  and 
triumph  struck  up  loudly,  whilst  cries  of  "  Allah,  Allah  "  resounded 
from  the  earth  to  the  sky.     The  cavalry  of  the  victorious  Imperial 
army  chased  the  vanquished  to  their  tents,  and  whoever  amongst 
young  or  old  fell   across  the  range  of  its  career  became  the  food  of 
the  crocodile  of  blood-drinking  swords  ;  whilst  the  rest  who  escaped 
the  sword,  scampered  off,    covered  with  wounds  and   racked  by 
anxieties.      Much  booty  and  numerous  captives  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Imperialists.     The  fortunate  Prince,  an  associate  of  triumph 
and  victory,  entered  Bardwan,  and  made  a  pilgrimage  to  the  noble 
shrine  of  the  saint  Shah  Ibrahim  '  Saqqa.     Making  votive  offerings, 
the  Prince  entered  the  citadel,  and  sent  a  congratulatory  message 
on    this    victory    to    the    Emperor,    and   despatched    troops   for 
chastising  the  adherents  and  abettors  o'f  the  miscreant  Afghans. 
Wherever  trace   could  be  found  of  their  whereabouts,  they  were 
captured  and  slaughtered,  and  in    a  short  time  the  districts   of 
Bardwan,  Hugli,  and  Jasar  (Jessore)  were  purged  of  the  defilement 
caused  by  the  Afghan  raiders.     The  tracts  that  had  been  desolated 
by  the  ravages  of  these  rebels  once  again  became  fertile.     Jagat 
Rai,  son  of  Kishan  Ram,  the  slain  Zamindar  of  Bardwan,  was  in- 
vested with  the  khilat  of  the  hereditary  Zamindari  of  his  forefathers. 
In   a   similar   way,  other  Zamindars  of  that  tract  who  had  been 
oppressed  and  banished  by  the  Afghans,  were  re-assured  by  Royal 
Proclamations  of  goodwill,   and    re-installed    in  their   hereditary 
ranks   and  dignities.     Taking   fresh    settlements  »of  the   Khalsah 
mahals  (crown  lands)  and  of  Jagirs,  these  commenced  making  collec- 
tions  of  rent;   whilst   the    holders  of    Tiyulsi    and  lAimalis  and 

«» 

1  In  Stewart,  "Bahram."  He  was  a  saint  who  lived  at  Bardwan,  bnt 
I  have  not  been  able  to  get  details  of  his  career. 

2  "  Tiynls  "  or  "  Tuynls  "  and  "  Jagirs  "  are  corresponding  terms,  and 
signify  the  same  class  of  land-tenure.  These  were  conferred  for  a  specified 
time  on  Mansabdars  in  lieu  of  salaries,  and  also  on  others  by  way  of  reward 
during  lifetime  or  a  fixed  period.  In  the  early  Mnghal  period,  the  word 
"tiynl"    is   frequently    mentioned,    but  it   frequently  gives  way  to  the  word 


244 

Altamghas  re-entered  into  the  possession  of  their  respective  mahals. 
Hamid  Khan  Quraishi,  in  recognition  of  his  gallantry  was  re- 
warded hy  the  Emperor  with  tlie  advancement  of  his  mansab,with  the 
bestowal  of  the  title  of  Shamshir  Khan  Bahadur,  and  with  the  office 
of  Faujdar  of  Silhat  (Sythet)  and  Bandasil  (?).  And  the  other  offi- 
cer's of  the  Prince,  who  had  rendered  good  services,  according  to 
the  measure  of  <cheir  services,  and  according  to  their  ranks,  were 
honoured  with  mansahs  and  dignities.  The  Prince  halted  in  the 
fort  of  Bard  wan,  which  contained  the  Residency  of  the  Faujdars 
of  that  district,  laid  the  foundations  of  buildings,  and  erected  a 
Cathedral  mosque.     And   in   Hugli,  he   founded  Shahganj,1  alias 

Jagir,  from  Akbar's  time.  In  the  time  of  Sher  S_hth,  the  Afghan  king,  the 
word  Jagir  is  also  frequently  used.  In  the  Ghorian,  Khilji  and  Tugklak 
periods,  the  word  '  Iqta,' corresponding  to  'Jagir,'  is  frequently  used.  (See 
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  Tarikhi  Firnz  Shahi.  and  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  270). 

Besides  the  "  Jagirs  "  or  "  Iqtas  "  or  "  tiynls,"  there  was  another  class 
of  land-tenures"  which  were  conferred  for  benevolent  purposes,  were  hereditary 
(unlike  Jagirs),  and  free  from  revenue  and  cesses,  and  imposed  no  obligations 
for  military  or  other  services.  These  before  Mughal  times  were  called  milk, 
madad-i-mash,  ayema  and  altamghah,  but  were  denominated  in  Mughal  times 
by  the  Ohaghtai  word  "Sayurghal."  An  officer  called  Sadr-i-Jahan,  or  Adminis- 
trator-General, was  in  charge  of  these  Sayurghals.  These  were  conferred  on  the 
following  four  classes  of  persons  :  (1)  On  enquirers  after  wisdom  who  have 
withdrawn  from  worldly"occupations  and  make  no  difference  between  night  and 
day  in  searching  after  knowledge"  ;  (2)  on  such  as  practise  self-denial  and  have 
renounced  society  of  men  ;  (3)  on  such  as  are  weak  and  poor  and  have  no 
strength  for  enquiry;  (4)  on  honourable  men  of  gentle  birth  who  from  want 
of  knowledge  are  unable  to  take  up  a  profession."  (See  Tarikh-i-Firuz 
Shahi,  pp.  353,  382,  and  558,  and  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol,  I,  pp.  268,  270,  271, 
272). 

Sher  Shah  was  very  liberal  in  conferring  these  aimahs  and  altamghas , 
which,  however,  were  considerably  resumed  by  Akbar  who,  on  account  of  his 
hatred  of  the  Ulama,  deprived  them  of  their  madad-i-mash  lands,  and 
banished  most  of  them  to  Bengal.  (See  note  in  Ain-i-Akhari,  Vol.  I,  p.  270, 
and  Badadoni,  Vol.  II,  pp.  274,  276,  279). 

Altamgha,  a  Turkish  word,  meant  a  '  red  royal  seal  or  stamp '  and  also  a 
'royal  grant'  of  rent-free  tenure,  which  was  perpetual,  hereditary,  and 
transferable.  (See  Ain,  Vol.  IT,  p.  57  n).  In  founding  tnis  system  of  Sayur- 
ghals or  Altamghas,  the  Musalman  Rulers  were  actuated  by  a  desire  to  per- 
petuate the  three  aristocracies  of  birth,  of  character,  and  of  intellect. 
Care  was  taken  to  also  maintain  more  or  less  permanently  the  fourth 
aristocracy  of  wealth,  as  the  Zamindars  under  Mughal  Emperors  were  more 
or  less  permanent  g»ns/-state  functionaries. 

1  Shahganj  town  lies    between    Bansbaria   and    Hughli   towns.      When 


245 

'Azimganj,  and  named  it  after  himself.  And  he  extended  the 
scope  of  the  Sayer  taxes  that  had  hitherto  been  levied  only  on 
wares  and  silk-stuffs.  And  he  levied  customs-duties,  in  the  shape 
of  tax,1  at  the  rate  of  2|  percent,  on  the  goods  of  Musalmans,  and 
5  per  cent,  on  the  goods  of  Hindus  and  Christians.8  He  held  in 
esteem  and  respect  the  learned,  the  good,  and  the  noble  ;  and  in  the 
society  of  the  nobility  and  the  gentry,  he.discusaed  the  subjects 
of  Theology,  Casuistry,  Traditions,  poetical  works  of  Maulana 
Rum8  (God's  mercy  be  ou  him),  and  History.  He  shewed  an  anxious 
solicitude  to  profit  by  the  advice  of  saints  and  he  exerted  himself 
to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  realm.  One  day  he  sent  Sultan 
Karimu-d-din  and  Muhammad  Farukh-sir  to  invite  over  Sufi 
Baizid,4  who  was  the  most  glorious  amongst  the  saints  of  Bard- 
wan.  On  their  approach  the  saint  greeted  them  with  the  saluta- 
tion of  "  Salam  Alaekum."  Sultan  Karimu-d-din,  assuming  the 
gravity  of  princely  rank,  did  not  respond ;  but  Farukh-sir  walking 

I  was  at  Hughli  in  1887,  I  saw  at  Shahganj  an  old  dilapidated  mosque 
which  was  said  to  have  been  erected  by  Prince  Azimush-Shan. 

1  This  is  another  saint  of  Bardwan,  the  .details  of  whose  career  are 
unknown  to  me. 

8  There  is  nothing  to  wonder  at  in  this,  for  one  finds  the  same  invidiona 
distinction  in  a  more  accentuated  form  was  observed  by  another  European 
Christian  community  in  the  16th  and  17th  centuries.  "  Moslems  were  to  pay 
duty  on  all  Merchandise.  Portuguese  were  to  be  exempt."  (See  Hunter's 
History  of  British  India,  Vol.  I,  p.  145). 

3  Maulana  Rum  is  the  renowned  Mystic  or  Sufi  Persian  poet.  His  name 
was  Maulana  Jallaln-d-din.  He  was  born  at  Balkh.  in  604  A.H.,  and  died 
in  672  A.H.  He  was  a  great  saint.  His  Masnavi  is  a  storehouse  of  spirit- 
ual treasures,  and  has  well  been  described  thus  : — 

Selflessness  was  the  keynote  to  his  teachings,  which,  further  inculcated 
the  cultivation  of  a  constant  sense  of  Divine  presence  in  all  human  actions. 
For  instance,  he  says  : — 

jj.ji.vA  |.U  ^Z3  *l)\   aUi  *  ^jJ  c«w  aJDt  Jj.c  4JU1  aXJt 

Again  :  — 

hjj   ))&      ^ — i~ *     l^&if    #   l^y  yv>  <Sa.  &js*  aJJ|    iX)\ 

*  The  word  used  is  "  tamgha."  "In  every  Kingdom,  Government  taxes 
the  property  of  the  subject  over  and  above  the  land-revenue,  and  this  they 
call  Tamgha."     (See  Ain-i-Ak-bari,  Vol.  IT,  p.  57). 


246 

up  barefooted,  stood   respectfully  and  after  offering   salutations 
communicated   his    father's    message.     The    saint,  being   pleased 
with  the  courteous  behaviour  of  Farukh-sir,  took  the  latter  by  the 
hand,  and  said :     "  Sit  down,   you  are  Emperor  of   Hindustan," 
and  he  offered  prayer  for  Farukh-sir.      The  arrow  of  the  saint's 
prayer  reached  the  butt  of  Divine  acceptance.     As   a  result   of 
courteous  behaviour  on>the  part  of  Farukh-sir,  what  the  sire  desired 
was  bestowed  on  the  son.     When  the  saint  arrived  to  meet'Azimu- 
sh-Shan,  the  latter  advanced,  and  making  apologies  besought  the 
saint's  prayer  for  the  attainment  of  the  object  which  His  Highness 
had  in  view.     The  saint  said  :    "  What  you  seek,  I  have  already 
bestowed  on  Farukh-sir,  and  now  the  discharged  arrow  cannot  be 
recalled."     Offering  the  Prince  benedictions,  the  saint  returned  to 
his  own  closet.     In  short,  being  satisfied  with  the  administrative 
methods  and  arrangements  introduced  in  respect  of  the  affairs  of  the 
tracts  of  the  (Jhaklah  of  Bardwan,  Hugli,  Hijli,  and  Midnlpur,  &c, 
the  Prince  set  out  on  Imperial  war-vessels,    constructed  by   Shah 
Shuja,  towards  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca).     After  arrival  at  Dacca, 
he  set  himself  to  organise  the  administration  of  that  tract.     When 
information  about   certain  improper  acts  of  the  Prince  like  prac- 
tices of  Satida-i-Khas  and  Sauda-i-'Am,  and  the  wearing  of  saffron- 
coloured  red  clothes  at  the    time  of  the  Holi,  which  is  the  Nauroz 
or  New  Year  of  the-  Hindus,  through  the  medium  of  messages  of 
news-writers  and   historiographers,   reached  Emperor  Aurangzeb, 
the  latter  was  annoyed.1    The  Emperor  wrote  thereon  to  the  Prince 
as  follows :     "A  Saffron-coloured  helmet  on  thy  head,  a  red  garment 
on  thy  shoulder,    thy  venerable    age   verging  on  forty-six  years ; 
hurrah  on  thy  beard  and  moustache  !"     In  regaid  to  Sauda-i-Khas 
the  Emperor  wrote  the  following  across  the  news-letter,  and  putting 
his  own    signature   returned  it :     "  What  propriety  is  there  in 

< 

1  Aurangzeb's  pen  was  as  much  dreaded  as  his  sword.  As  a  writer  of 
caustic  and  terse  letters  full  of  withering  sarcasms,  few  Persian  writers  surpass 
Aurangzeb.  He  wac  in  the  habit  of  constantly  writing  D.-O.  letters  to  his 
officers,  in  order  to  keep  them  straight.  The  reader  who  wishes  to  have  a 
taste  of  Aurangzeb's  caustic  sarcasm,  might  turn  to  the  original  Persian, 
as  I  am  afraid  I  have  not  been  able  to  convey  its  full  relish  in  this  English 
dressing.     I  quote  the  original  Persian  :  — 

vij>1  -  J*£j  Jf^  <-*ij~  urvfj^  is^b^  ^§j^ji   ur'l^j  b*? 

-  (_T*J  LTi)  Vij? 


247 

calling  public  oppression  Sauda-i-Khas,  and  what  connection  lias 
Saudal-i  Khas  with  Sauda-i-'Am? 

Those  who  purchase — sell  ; 
We  neither  purchase  nor  sell." 

And  by  way  of  censure,  to  serve  as  a  deterrent,  the 
Emperor  reduced  the  Prince's  mansab  by  500.  The  meanings 
of  Sauda-i-Khas  and  Sauda-i-'Am  are  as  follows ,:  "All  the  goods 
which  arrived  on  board  the  mercantile  ships  at  the  port  of  Chatgaon 
(Chittagong),  &c,  were  bought  up  on  behalf  of  the  Prince,8  and  were 
styled  Sauda-i-Khas  ;  afterwards  those  very  goods  were  re-sold  to 
the  merchants  of  this  country,  when  they  were  called  Sauda-i- 
'Am.  When  the  news-letter  containing  the  Erriperor's  signature 
carue  to  be  perused  by  the  Prince,  the  latter  abandoned  the  afore- 
said trade.  The  Emperor  Aurangzeb  appointed  Mirza  Hadi  to  the 
office  of  Diwan  of  the  Province  of  Bengal,  after  bestowing  on 
him  the  title  of  Kar  Talab  Khan.  The  Mirza  was  a  saga- 
cious man,  and  an  officer  of  honesty  and  integrity.  He  had 
already  held  the  office  of  Diwan  of  the  Subah  of  Orissa.  In 
several  Mahals  pertaining  to  Orissa  he  had  effected  retrenchments 
in  expenditure,  and  had  thus  become  prominent  amongst  the 
Imperial  officials.  He  was  held  matchless  in  probity  and  rectitude 
of  purpose.  Rendering  eminent  services,  in  periods  of  siege  and 
war,  he  had  got  into  the  good  graces  of  Emperor  Aurangzeb.  At 
that  period,  the  reins  of  the  administration  of  Financial  and 
Revenue  affairs,  the  power  over  the  assessment  and  collection  of 
revenue,  and  payments  into  and  disbursements  from  the  Imperial 
Treasury  lay  in  the  hands  of  the  Diwan  of  the  Subah.  The  Na- 
zim  had  jurisdiction  over  the  Procedure  and  Administration  of 
Political  affairs,  such  as  the  repression  and  chastisement  of  the 
refractory  and  the  disobedient,  and  the  extirpation*  of  rebels  and 
tyrants.  Except  with  regard  to  the  Jagirs  attached  to  the  Nizamat 
and  personal  Mansabs  and  presents,  the  Nazim  Jiad  no  power  to 

1-  The  reader  might  note  that  there  is  a  pun  here  on  the  word  '  sauda,' 
which  in  Persian  means  both  '  trade '  and  '  madness.' 

8  "  Azimu-sh-Shan  was  lazy  and  covetous.  He  was  ready  to  concede  any- 
thing for  a  sufficient  bribe."  In  Jaly  1698,  for  the  sum  of  Us.  16,000,  the 
English  were  permitted  by  the  Prince  to  purchase  from  the  existing  holders 
the  right  of  renting  the  three  villages  of  Calcutta,  Sutanati,  and  Gobindpnr. 
(See  Wilson's  Annals,  Vol.  I,  p.  150). 


248 

meddle  with  the  Imperial  revenue.  Both  the  Nazim  and  the  Diwan 
were  guided  iu  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Subah  by  a 
Procedure  Code1  that  was  issued  year  after  year  by  the  Emperor, 
and  they  were  not  permitted  to  deviate  from,  or  infringe,  them 
by  a  hair-breadth.  Kar  Talab  Khan,  being  appointed  by  Emperor 
to  be  Diwan  of  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  arrived  at  Jahangirnagar 
(Dacca).  After  waiting  on  the  Prince,  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
administration  of  the  fiscal  affairs.  And  the  remittances  into,  and 
disbursements  from,  the  Treasury  being  in  charge  of  the  above- 
mentioned  Elian,  the  Prince's  control  over  the  income  and  expendi- 
ture ceased.  The  abovementioned  Khan,  finding  that  the  country 
was  without  thorns,  and  fertile  and  rich,  commenced  re-assessment, 
and  deputed  sagacious  and  thrifty  Collectors  to  every  Parganah 
and  Chaklah  and  Sarkar.  And  after  assessing  accurately  the 
Imperial  revenue  and  sair  taxes,  he  remitted  one  Kror  of  rupees  to 
the  Emperor,  aud  prepared  a  complete  Revenue-roll  of  the  Ehahah 
mahals  (crown  lands)  and  of  the  Jagirs.  In  former  times,  owing  to 
the  badness  of  the  climate  of  Bengal,  the  higher  officers  did  not 
care  to  seek  for  service  in  this  Province,  as  they  fancied  it  not 
only  fatal  to  human  lives,  but  as  actual  haunts  of  demons. 
Therefore,  the  Chief  Imperial  Diwans,  by  way  of  inducement,  con- 
ferred numerous  Jagirs  in  Bengal  on  the  Bengal  Mansadars.  In 
consequence  of  this  policy,  very  few  Khalsah  mahals  were  left 
in  Bengal,  so  that  the  revenue  of  the  mahals  of  this  Subah  did 
not  suffice  to  meet  either  the  pay  of  the  soldiers  under  the  Prince, 
or  that  of  the  naqdi  troops.  Therefore,  their  pay  had  to  be 
provided  for  from  revenues  of  other  Subahs.  The  aforesaid 
Khan  submitted  a  scheme  to  the  Emperor  suggestiug  allotment  of 
lands  in  Orissa  on  account  of  Jagirs  to  the  Bengal  Mansabdars;2 

1  The  Procedure  Code  or  Manual,  containing  set  rales  and  regulations  on 
all  revenue  and  administrative  affairs,  was  called  in  Persian  Dastur-uW Amul. 
It  was  issued  to  all  Provincial  Governors,  Administrators,  and  officials  after 
being  personally  approved  by  the  Emperor  himself,  and  every  year  modifi- 
cations or  additions  were  made  to  it  with  the  Emperor's  approval.  No 
provincial  Administrators,  whether  Nazims  or  Diwans,  had  authority  to 
deviate  from  the  set  rules  contained  iu  the  Dastur-ul-'Amal.  Badaoni  (Vol.  I, 
pp.  384-385)  states  that  in  the  time  of  Salim  Shah,  son  of  Sher  Shah,  the 
Dastur-ul-Amal  was  so  comprehensive  and  explicit  that  even  on  Ecclesiastical 
matters  (not  to  speak  of  Fiscal  or  Administrative  matters),  no  reference  to 
Qazis  or  Muftis  was  necessary. 

8  The  Mansabdars  were  the  higher  officers  under  the  Mughal    Emperors  ; 


249 

and  tli is  scheme  met  with  the  Emperor's  approv.il.  The  Kh.au1 
thereon  resumed  all  Jagirs  in  Bengal,  together  with  their  sair 
revenues,  save  and  except  such  as  pertained  to  the  Nizarnat  and 
the  Diwani,2  and  allotted  in  lieu  thereof  Jagirs  to  the  Bengal 
mansabdars  in  Orissa,  the  soil  whereof  was  comparatively  worse, 
poorer,  more  sterile,  and  less  fertile.  By  this  ingenious  stroke  of 
policy,  the  Khan  effected  a  big  surplus  in*the  Befrgal  revenue  to 
the  credit  of  the  Emperor,  and  squeezed  out  the  profits  from  the 
Bengal  Zamindars  and  Jagirdars.  And  by  minute  attention  to 
details,  he  effected  considerable  retrenchments  under  the  several 
Heads  of  the  Public  Expenditure.  Year  after  year,  he  enhanced  the 
Kevenue-assessmeuts  of  the  Subah,  and  thus  became  the  re- 
cipient of  Imperial  favours.  When  the  Prince  ('Azimu-sh-Shan) 
found  his  control  over  the  Bengal  revenue  diminished,  he  was  con- 
stantly in  a  bad  humour.  Besides,  the  rewards  which  the  Khan 
received  for  his  good  services  from  the  Emperor  weighed  as  thorns  of 
envy  on  the  heart  of  the  Prince,  and  kindled  the  fire  of  his  jealousy. 
The  Prince  schemed  to  kill  the  Khan,  but  failed  in  his  aim. 
The   Prince   won   over  to  his  side  the  Commander  of  Nuqdi  troops 

the  term,  however,  was  also  used  in  the  times  of  Slier  Shiih.  The  leading 
Mansabdars  were  either  Provincial  Governors  or  Generals  in  the  Army, 
whilst  other  Mansabdars  held  Jagirs.  These  Man»abd;irs  sometimes  held 
Mansab  (or  office)  in  one  Province  or  Subah,  and  Jagir  lands  in  another. 
(See  Aln-i-Akbarl,  Vol   I,  pp.  241- 242,  Blochmnnn's  trans.) 

1  Revenue  from  land  was  called  Khiraj.  Jaziayah  was  capitation  tax 
levied  from  uon- Moslem  subjects  in  exchange  for  protection  afforded,  at  the 
rate  of  "48  derhams  for  persons  of  condition,  21  derhams  for  those  of  the 
middle  class,  and  12  for  the  lowest  class."  Over  and  above  the  land-revenue, 
taxes  on  properties  were  called  "  Tamgha."  Imports  on  manufactures  of 
respectable  kinds  were  called  Jihat,  and  the  remainder  Sair  Jihat.  Sair  in  its 
original  purport,  meant  "  walking,"  '  moving,'  or  '  unstable,'  and  so  came  to 
denote  all  unstable  sources  of  state  revenue  (barring  lan<?-revenue  or  Khiraj 
which  was  stable),  such  as  customs,  transit  duties,  market-tax.  (See  Vol.  TT 
pp.  57  and  58  and  p.  66,  Ain-i-Akbari,  for  a  list  of  Sair  taxes  abolished  by- 
Emperor  Akbar). 

2  Jagirs  were  conferred  on  Mansabdars  for  military  service,  and  on 
others  they  were  conferred  without  requiring  military  service.  Before 
Mughal  times  the  word  "  Iqta"  corresponding  to  "  Jagir  "  is  frequently  met 
witli  in  the  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  as  well  as  in  the  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi.  But 
in  histories  of  the  Mughal  period,  the  word  'Iqta'  is  seldom  met  with,  and 
is  replaced  by  the  word  Jagir.  In  Akbar's  time,  an  officer  called  Diwan-i- 
Jagir  or  Superintendent  of  Jagirs  was  maintained.     (See  Aln,  Vol.  I,  p.  261). 

32 


250 

named  Abdul  Wahed  and  the  NaqcU  Contingent  under  the  latter, 
by  holding  out  promises  of  rewards  and  increase  in  pay.  These 
naqdi  troops  were  old  Imperial  servants.  From  pride  of  their 
strength  and  from  confidence  in  their  number,  they  did  not  truckle 
to  the  Nazim  or  Diwan  of  Dacca,  and  much  less  to  others. 
From  their  conceit  of  being  dexterous  swordsmen,  they  fancied 
others  no  match  for  .  themselves.  For  their  nonchalance  and 
bravado,1  they  were  widely  known.  These  naqdi  troops  were 
incited  to  waylay  the  Khan  when  opportunity  might  offer,  under 
the  pretext  of  demand  of  pay,  and  to  kill  him.  This  wicked 
Contingent  at  the  instigation  of  the  Prince  were  on  the  look-out 
for  an  opportunity  to  kill  the  Khan.  The  Khan  adopting  precau- 
tionary measures,  always  carried  in  his  retinue  an  escort  of 
armed  troops,  and  never  failed  to  be  on  the  alert  whilst  going  to 
and  from  the  Darbar.  One  day,  however,  early  of  a  morninpf,  he 
rode  out  unattended  to  wait  on  the  Prince.  On  the  way,  a 
corps  of  naqdis,  under  pretext  of  demanding  pay,  raised  a  tumult, 
and  crowded  in  round  the  Khan.  The  latter,  displaying  great 
nerve,  faced  them,  and  drove  them  away.  Ascertaining  that 
the  originator  of  this  disturbance  was  the  Prince,  he  in  fury  and 
rage  proceeded  to  the  latter.  Discarding  all  official  decorum, 
in  an  avenging  mood,  he  placed  his  hand  on  his  dagger,  and  sat 
knee  to  knee  with  the  Prince,  and  added  :  "  This  riot  was  due  to 
your  instigation,  desist  from  this  course,  or  else  at  this  moment 
I  will  take  your  life  and  give  mine."  The  Prince  saw  no  way  of 
escape,  and  from  fear  of  the  Emperor's  resentment  he  trembled 
like  the  aspen.  Summoning  Abdul  Wahed  with  his  corps,  the 
Prince  publicly  forbade  him  from  creating  tumult  and  disturbance, 
and  set  about  soothing  the  Khan  by  display  of  courtesy  and 
affability.  The  Khan,  being  freed  from  anxiety  arising  from  the 
hostility  of  his  enemies,  proceeded  to  the  Diwan-i-Am,  demanded 
the  account  of  naqdi  troops,  levied  their  pay  from  Zamindars, 
and  paying  them  off  cashiered  them.  And  he  sent  the  Emperor 
an  account  of  tlieir  meeting,   embodying  the   same   both  in   the 

1  These  naqdi  troops  appear  to  be  a  class  of  Ahadi  troops  who  received 
their  pay  in  cash  from  the  Imperial  treasury,  and  were  reckoned  immediate 
servants  of  the  Emperor.  They  constituted  an  Imperial  Contingent  of  troops 
maintained  in  Provincial  capitals,  and  were  thoroughly  independent  of  the 
local  authorities,  and  were  thus  dignified  by  their  independence.  (See  Ain-i- 
AJcharl,  Vol.  I,  pp.  249  and  231). 


251 

Court-Record  as  well   as  in  the  News-sheet.'     He  also  submitted 
to  the    Emperor    a    Proceeding  signed  by  the  leaders  of  the  riot, 
together   witli   his   own   Report.     Fearing  the  ill-humour   of   the 
Prince,    the    Khan    resolved    to    keep    himself    aloof    from    the 
former,  and    to  stay  at    a    safe  distance  from    him.     After   much 
deliberation   and    consultation,  he   fixed    on    the    excellent  site  of 
Makhsusabad,  where  news    of  all  the  four  quarter^  of  the  Subah 
could    be   easily    procurable,  and    which,    like    the    pupil    of   the, 
eye,    was    situate    in  the    centre  of  the   important  places   of   the 
Subah.     It   had   on  the    north-west    the    chaklah   of    Akbarnagar 
(liajmahal)    and    the    passes    of    Sakrigali   and    Tiliagadhi,    the 
'  Key  '     to    Bengal,    on    the    south-west,    Birbhum,    Pachit    and 
Bishanpur,  the  road  to  Jharkand,  and  the  forests  and  hilly  passes 
for  the  ingress   and   egress   of  freebooters   and   armies  from  the 
Dakliiu  and  Hindustan,  on  the  south-east,  the  chaklah  of  Bard  wan, 
the  road  to  Orissa,  and  Hughli  and  Hijli  (ports  for  the  arrival   of 
ships  of  Christian  and  other  traders),  and   the  chaklahs  of  Jasar 
(Jessore)  and  lihusnah,  and  on  the  east  the  chaklah  of   Jahangir- 
uagar  (Dacca),    which   then   constituted  the  Viceregal  Capital  of 
this  Subah,  and  to  which  pertained  frontier  outposts  like  those  of 
Islamabad  or  Chittagoug,    and  Silhat  and  Rangamati,  and  on  the 
north,  the  ohaklahs  of  G-boraghat  and  Rangpur  and   Kuch   Behar. 
The   above   mentioned    Khan,   without  taking  permission  from  the 
Prince,  migrated  to  Makhsusabad  with   the   officers   of  Zamindars 
and  Qanungos  and  Revenue  officials  in  charge  of  crown-lands,   and 
settled  down  there,     but  when  the  news  of  the  disturbance  created 
by  the  naqdis  reached   the   Emperor  in   the    Dakhin    through   the 

1  The  terms  used  are  "Waqiah"  and  "  Sawanih."  The  Mughal  Emperors 
maintained  a  Special  Intelligence  Department.  In  every  Provincial  capital 
and  important  centre,  two  special  functionaries  were  maintained  by  the 
Mughal  Emperors,  one  called  "  Sawanih-navis,"  and  Jhe  other  "  Waqiah  - 
navis."  These  were  Imperial  servants,  quite  independent  of  the  local  officials. 
The  duties  of  both  these  functionaries  were  to  daily  record  and  send  news  to 
the  Emperor  of  all  that  transpired  in  local  centres,  "a nd  as  they  worked 
independently  of  one  another,  the  report  of  intelligence  sent  by  one  checked 
that  of  the  other.  The  "  Waqiah-navis "  was  an  official  Court- Recorder, 
whilst  the  "  Sawanih-navis "  was  an  official  General,  Intelligence-give'. 
(See  Arn-i-Akhari,  Vol.  I,  pp.  25S  and  259.)  The  object  in  keeping  up 
these  functionaries  was  that  the  Emperor  at  Delhi  might  "  be  informed  daily 
of  all  that  transpired  throughout  his  Empire,  and  also  that  active  servants 
might  work  withont  fear,  and  negligent  and  forgetful  men  be  held  in  check." 


252 

medium  of  News-letters  and  Court-records,  and  through  the  Report 
of  Ear  Talab  Khan  containing  denunciation  of  the  Prince,  an  Impe- 
rial edict  couched  iu  threatening  language  was  addressed  to  the 
Prince  to  the  following  effect :  "  Ear  Talab  Khan  is  an  officer  of  the 
Emperor;  in  case  a  hair-breadth  injury,  in  person  or  property, 
happens  to  him,  I  will  avenge  myself  on  you,  my  boy."  And 
peremptory  orders  were1  also  passed  by  the  Emperor  to  the  effect 
£hat  the  Prince  should  quit  Bengal  and  withdraw  to  Behar. 
Leaving  Sarbaland  Khan  1  Avith  Saltan  Farukh-sir  as  his  Deputy  in 
Bengal,  the  Prince  with  Sultan  Earlmu-d-din,  his  household 
attendants  and  bodyguard  set  out  from  Jahangirnagar,  and  reach- 
ed Munglr  (Monghyr).  Finding  there  the  elegant  white  and  black 
marble  edifices8  built  by  Shah  Shuja  to  be  in  a  dilapidated  condi- 
tion, and  seeing  that  a  heavy  outlay  would  be  needed  to  set  them 
in  order,  he  did  not  like  to  fix  his  quarters  there.  And  preferring 
the  climate  of  Patna,  which  is  on  the  bank  of  the  river  Ganges,  the 
Prince  fixed  his  quarters  there.  With  the  Emperor's  sanction,  he 
improved  that  city,  named  it  'Azimabad  after  himself,  and  built 
there  a  fort  with  a  strong  rampart.  Ear  Talab  Khan,  at  Makhsu- 
sabad,  after  the  lapse  of  "a  year,  prepared  the  Annual  Abstract 
Accounts,  and  started  for  the  Imperial  Camp.3  And  preparing  the 
Revenue- Assessment  papers,  the  Revenue-Roll,  the  estate  Ledgers, 
and  the  Cash- Account  of  Receipts  and  Disbursements  of  the  Subah, 
he  desired  Darab  Naraiu,  the  Qanungo  of  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  to 
sign  them.  Taking  advantage  of  the  system  then  in  force  that 
the  Accounts  relating  to  the  financial  and  internal  administration 
of  the  country  were  not  passed  by  the  Imperial  Central  Diwan, 
unless  they  bore  the  signatures  of  Qanungos,  that  mischievous 
and  shortsighted  fool  refused  to  sign  the  papers,  unless  his  demand 
for  three  lakjs  of  rupees  on  account  of  his  fees  as  a  Qanungo 
were  satisfied.     The  Khan  under  stress  of  necessity   promised  to 

1  Subsequently  in  1709,  this  Sarbaland  Khan,  whilst  in  temporary  charge 
of  Bengal,  received  tC  bribe  of  Rs.  45,000  from  the  English  merchants,  and 
granted  them  freedom  of  trade  in  Bengal,  Behar,  and  Orissa.  (See  Wilson's 
Annals,  Vol.  I,  p.  183). 

8  No  trace  of  these  mined  white  and  black  marble  edifices  was  found 
by  me  at  Hunglr  (Monghyr)  when  I  was  there  in  the  years  1893,  1894,  or 
subsequently. 

3  Emperor  Aurangzeb  was  at  this  time  in  the  Dakhin  bnsy  warring 
against  the  Musalman  Kingdoms  of  Golkondah,  Ahmadnagar  and  Bijapnr,  and 


253 

pay  one  laic  of  rupees  on  his  return  from  the  Emperor,  but 
Darab  Narain  would  not  accept  this  arrrangement,  and  "withheld 
bis  signature.  But  Jlnarain  Qanungo,  who  was  a  Joint-Qanimgo  l 
with  Darab  Narain,  using  foresight,  signed  the  Accounts, 
Regardless  of  the  hostility  of  the  Prince,  and  regardless  of 
the  refusal  of  Darab  Narain  to  sign  the  Account-papers, 
the  Khan  started  for  the  Imperial  Camp,  -presented  gifts 
and  tributes  of  Bengal  to  the  filmperor  and  to  the  Vizier  and. 
other  Imperial  Ministers,  and  also  paid  to  "the  Emperor  the 
Revenue-balances  and  pi'ofits  of  the  Jagirs.  And  making  over  the 
Account-papers  of  the  Subah  to  the  Mastaufi3  and  to  the   Diwau-i- 

also  against  the  Mahratta  free-boofcers.  Anrangzeb,  with* all  his  politics!  saga- 
city, committed  a  grievous  mistake  of  policy  by  supplanting  these  Musalman 
States,  as  these  had  hitherto  effectually  curbed  Mahratta  and  other  outsido 
ambition,  and  kept  in  order  all  disturbing  elements  in  the  Dakhin.  Their 
political  effacement  resulted  in  letting  loose  a  number  of  Mahratta  frep-booters 
and  other  adventurers  that  had  hitherto  had  no  political  existence,  and  hastened 
the  growth  of  the  Mahratta  Confederacy  that  later  on  in  a  great  measure, 
coupled  with  other  forces,  distracted  the  Great  #Mughal  Empire.  By  use  of  a 
liberal  and  statesman-like  policy,  Aurangzeb  might  hare  federated  thoee 
Musalman  States  in  the  South  into  Imperial  feudatories,  and  thus  converted 
them  into  strong  and  loyal  bulwarks  of  the  Mughal  Empire.  But  fanaticism 
in  this  matter  (see  Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  which  explains*  that  this  policy  of  re- 
pression was  adopted  by  Aurangzeb,  by  reason  of  certain  religious  innovations 
that  were  in  force  in  those  States)  fatally  clouded  the  otherwise  clear  political 
vision  of  this  Great  Mughal  Emperor,  to  the  lasting  detriment  of  the  Indo- 
Moslem  Common-wealth. 

i  The  Qanungo  "  was  an  officer  in  each  district  acquainted  with  its 
customs  and  land-tenures  and  whose  appointment  was  usually  hereditary.  He 
received  reports  from  the  pativaris  (land-stewards)  of  new  cases  of  alluvion 
and  diluvion,  sales,  leases,  gifts  of  land,"  etc.  (See  Ain-I-Akbari,  Vol.  II, 
p.  47  n). 

Over  the  district  Qaniingos,  there  was  a  Provincial  Qanungo  as  the  text 
indicates.  (.See  also  p.  66,  Vol.  II,  Ain-i-Akbarl,  which  sets  forth  functions 
and  emoluments  of   Patwaris,  Qanungos,  Shiqdar,  Karkuns,  and  Amins). 

In  the  Ain-i-Akbari  (Vol.  II,  p.  49)  it  is  stated  that  it  was  the  duty  of 
the  Betikchi  or  Accountant,  "at  the  year's  end,  when  the  time  of  revenue- 
collections  had  closed,  to  record  the  balances  due,  and  deliver  the  record  to 
the  Collector,  and  forward  a  copy  to  the  Royal  Court."  It  would  seem  from 
the  text  tiie  same  duty  in  regard  to  the  entire  Subah  had  to  be  performed  by 
the  Provincial  Diwan  and  the  Provincial  Qanungo. 

2  These  important  functionaries  are  frequently  mentioned  in  the  Ain-i- 
Akbnri.     Thoir    function    was   to  check,    overhaul    and  audit  important  State 


254 

Kill,1  and  proving  his  good  and  faithful  services,  the  Khan  became 
the  recipient  of  further  Imperial  favours,  and  was  appointed  by  the 
Emperor  Deputy  to  the  Prince  in  tlie  Nizam  at  of  the  Subah  of 
Bengal  and  Orissa,  in  addition  to  the  office  of  Diwan.  He  was  also 
given  the  title  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  and  further  received  a 
valuable  Khilat,  with  a  staudard  and  a  kettle-drum.  His  mansab 
was  also  raisedf 

BESTOWAL  OF  THE  NIZAMAT  OP  BENGAL  ON  NAWAB 

JAFAR  KHAN,  AS  DEPUTY  TO  PRINCE 

AZIMU-SH-SHAN. 

When  Murshid  Quli  Khan2  being  invested  according  to  the 
former  usage  with  the  khilat  of  the  offices  of  Deputy  Nazim  of 
Bengal  Diwan  of  Bengal  and  Odisa  (Orissa),  reached  the  Subah, 
he  Rppointed  Syed  Akram  Khan  to  be  his  Deputy  Diwan  in 
Bengal,  and  Shujau-d-din  Muhammad  Khan,  his  son-in-law,  to 
be    his    Deputy    Diwan    in  Odisa  { Orissa).     After   his   arrival  at 

papers,  such  as  Royal  grants,  payment-orders,  sanads,  farmans,  state-accounts, 
etc.,  and  then  to  sign  and  seal  them,   i  See  Aln-i-Akbarl,  Vol.  T,  pp.  262,  263,  264). 

I  The  Diumn-i-Ktd  was  the  Central  Imperial  Diwan-in-Chief.  It  would 
appear  the  keen  administrative  genius  of  the  Mughal  Rulers  of  India  evolved 
and  organised  a  perfect  system  of  Acconnts  as  well  as  of  Audit.  Two  indepen- 
dent systems  of  Account  and  Audit  (e  ich  checking  the  other)  were  maintain- 
ed. The  patwaris  kept  one  independent  set  of  accounts,  and  the  Bitikchis, 
(Accountants)  another.  The  first  submitted  their  accounts  to  local  or  district 
Qanilngos,  wlio  submitted  their  Consolidated  Accounts  to  the  Provincial 
Qnnfaigo.  The  second  submitted  their  accounts  to  District  Collectors  as  well 
as  copies  direct  to  the  Royal  Court  ;  and  the  several  District  Collectors  sub- 
mitted their  consolidated  Accounts  to  the  Provincial  Diwan  who  collected 
them,  and  compared  them  with  the  Consolidated  Accounts  (independently 
prppared)  in  the  hands  of  the  Provincial  Qanfmgos.  Then  both  the  Provincial 
Dhcdn  and  the  Provincial  Qamlngo  signed  after  comparison  one  General  Detailed 
Consolidated  Account  together  with  au  Abstract  Account,  and  forwarded  it 
to  Court,  where  it  was  first  audited  by  the  Central  Mustaufi  and  next 
audited  by  the  Diwan-i-Kid  (after  reference  to  the  set  of  accounts  already 
received  regularly  in  the  Royal  Courts  from  district  Bitikchis  or  Accoun- 
tants), and  histly  approved  and  passed  by  the  Emperor  himself.  Thus,  few 
loop-holes  were  left  for  defalcations  in  accounts.  (See  the  text,  and  the  Aln-i- 
Akbari). 

2  Murshid  Quli  Khan  was  son  of  a  Brahmin  and  embraced  Islam.  Haji 
ShafI  Tspaliani  purchased  him,  and  named  him  Muhammad  Hadi,  treated  him 


255 

Makhsusabad,  he  improved  that  town,  and  named  it  after  himself 
Murshidabad,  and  founded  a  mint  l  there.  And  separating  the 
chakhlah  of  Midnipur8  from  the  Subah  of  Odisa  (Orissa)  lie 
annexed  it  to  Bengal.  And  imprisoning  the  defaulting  zamindars 
of  the  Subah,  and  deputing  experienced  and  honest  Collectors  of 
Revenue  to  their  mahals,  lie  attached  the  rents,  and  realised  the 
outstanding  Imperial  revenues.  Aud  puttkig  a  complete  stop  to 
the  authority  of  zamindars  over  the  collection  and  disbursement  of 
the  Imperial  Revenue,  he  limited  their  source  of  income  to  profits 
of  Ndnkar1  tenures.     And  the  'Aniils'  (Collectors  of  revenue)  under 

like  a  son,  and  took  him  to  Persia,     On  Shaft's  death,  Mnhatnmad    Hadi  came 

to  the  Dakhin,  and  entered  the  service  of  Haji  Abdullah  Khurasan!,   Dlwari  of 

Subah  Berar.  He  subsequently  entered  Imperial  service,  and  received  the  title 

of  Kar  Talab  Khan,  and  was  employed   in  the  Dakhin.     He  rose    there   to    be 

Diwan    of  Haidarabad — and    then    to  be  Diwan  of  Bengal  (on    the  transfer  of 

Ziaullah  Khan),  with  the  title  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan.   Previous  to  this,  he  was 

Diwan  of  Orissa   (Maaair-i-Alamgiri,  p.  483),   in    the  48th    year  of   Emperor 

Aurangzeb's  reign.     When  Farrukh-sir  ascended  the   throne,    by  payment   of 

large    sums    as    presents    to    the  Emperor,  he  became  Subadar  of  Bengal  and 

received  a  Mansab  of  Haft  h'izari.     His  advancement  is  an  eloquent  testimony 

to    the    Islamic    toleration    (even    under  the    mnch-abused    Anrangzeb)    that 

made    no  distinction    between    converts    and  born    Mu«almans    in  matters  of 

official  preferments.     He  died  in    1138    A.H.  at   Mnrshidabad,  which    he    had 

founded    as    the    new    Viceregal    capital    of     Bengal,    in    place    of    Dacca    or 

Jahangirnagar.     He    was     a     good    financier,    an     able     accountant,    and    a 

strong  and  sagacious  administrator.      He  built  a    dungeon  full  of    filth,  named 

it  '  Baikant '  or  '  Paradise,' and  confined    in    it    zamindars    who    defaulted    in 

payment  of  revenue.     He  re-surveyed  and  re-assessed  Bengal,  divided  it    into 

Chaklas,    and  prepared  a  new  Perfect  Revenue-Roll.      [See  Maasir-i-Alamgiri, 

p.  483,  and  Maasir-ul-Umara,  p.  751,  Vol.  Ill  (Pers.  text)]. 

I  A  list  of  mint-towns  in  Hindustan  in  Akbar's  time  is  given  in  the 
Aln-i-Akbarl,  Vol,  I,  p.  31.  It  appears  that  in  Bengal,  minting  of  gold 
coins  was  restricted  to  the  Provincial  capital  (which  in  Akbar's  time  was 
partly  Gaur  and  partly  Tandah),  and  that  minting  of  silver  and  copper  coins 
took  place  in  Bengal  in  Tandah 

*  In  Akbar's  Rent- Roll,  Midnipur  is  shown  as  a»oity  with  two  forts 
(caste,  Khaudait)  under  S  irkar  Jalesar  of  Subah  Orissa.  It  continued  to 
form  a  part  of  the  Orissa  Subah,  until  it  was  transferred  from  Orissa  to 
Bengal  by  Murshid  Quli  Khan. 

8  The  term  '  Nankars'  is  still  prevalent  in  several  parts  of  Bengal  and 
Behar.  "  Naukars  "  were  "service-tenures,"  that  is,  "  tenures  of  land  con- 
ferred free  of  revenne,  in  consideration  of  services  tendered."  In  those  days, 
the  zamindars  amongst  other  duties  would  appear  to   have    performed   police 


256 

lii's  orders,  sent  Shiqdars  and  Am  ins  to  every  village  of  the 
Parganahs,  measured  the  cultivated  and  waste-lands,  and  leased 
them  back  to  tenants,  plot  by  j>l"t,  and  advanced  agricultural  loans 
(Taqavi)  to  the  poorer  tenantry,  and  put  forth  exertions  for 
increase  in  the  produce  of  the  lands.  Thus  in  all  the  malmls 
Murshid  Qu.li  effected  not  only  increase  in  revenue,  but  also  in- 
crease in  their 'areas.    ' 

Murshid  Quli  prepared  a  perfect  Revenue-Roll,  collected  the 
rents  in  kind,  season  by  season,  and  also  the  land-revenue,  sair 
taxes,  and  fees  from  agricultural  lands.  And  effecting  retrenchment 
in  the  Public  Expenditure,  he  remitted  revenue,  double  the  former 
amount,  into  the  Imperial l  Treasury.     The  zamindars  of  Birbham 

duties,  and  were  held  responsible  for  maintenance  of  peace  in  their  mahals — 
the  village  chowkeedars  or  watchmen  being  directly  under  them.  Tliey  were 
also  in  charge  of  village  ferries,  village  pounds,  and  village  roads  in  their  mahals, 
and  performed  more  or  less  the  duties  of  "justices  of  the  peace."  They  were 
more  or  less  quasi-official  functionaries,  and  received  snnads  on  appointment, 
and  were  liable  to  removal  for  gross  misconduct.  Their  mahals  were  not  liable 
to  auction-sale  for  arrears  of  revenue,  but  liable  to  attachment  by  the  Crown 
for  realisation  of  revenue,  and  defaulting  zamindars  were  liable  to  punish- 
ment. They  were  quasi-state  functionaries  or  quasi-official  landed  Aristocracy 
maintained  by  Musalman  sovereigns  for  State  purposes.  They  were  quite  a 
different  species  from  the  Bengal  zamindars  of  to-day.  (See  Alamgirnamah, 
Maasir-i-Alamgiri,  Aln-i-Alcharl  and  the  text). 

1  As  has  been  remarked  before,  Murshid  Quli  Khan  was  an  able  financier, 
and  prepared  a  perfect  actual  Revenue-Roll  of  Bengal,  after  carefully  re- 
surveying  lands  iu  all  the  mahals  in  Bengal,  and  re-assessing  them  on  the 
basis  of  increase  in  actual  areas  as  ascertained  by  measurement,  and  of 
increase  in  the  actual  prodace  of  the  soil.  He  sent  out  for  this  purpose 
Amine  (or  Surveyors)  together  with  Shiqdars  (or  Supervisors  of  revenue)  to 
each  village,  under  the  immediate  supervision  of  honest,  experienced  and 
capable  Collectors  of  Revenue  or  'Amils.  He  helped  the  poorer  tenants 
with  agricultural  ijans  or  advances  (taqavi  or  twccavi),  and  encouraged 
them  to  till  their  lands  and  improve  agriculture.  Murshid  Quli  Khan  was  no 
believer  in  Permanent  Settlements.  He  preferred  the  Ryotwari  Settlement 
system  to  the  Farrafiig  system.  Islamic  Revenue  systems  recognise  the  soil 
as  State  property  and  allot  a  portion  of  its  profit  or  produce  to  the  actual  tiller 
of  the  soil  for  his  labour  on  it. 

"A  Shiqdar  meant  an  'officer  appointed  to  collect  revenue  from  a  certain 
division  of  land  under  the  Mughal  Government." 

The  constitution  of  the  Surveying  party,  their  pay,  their  duties,  with 
the  process  of  measurement  and  testing  in  Mughal  times,  are  set  forth  in  the 
Aiu-i  Akburt,  Vol.  II,    p  45,  which  shows  that  the  measurement  of  lands  and 


257 

and  Bishanpur,  being  protected  by  dense  forests,  mountains  and 
hills,  did  not  personally  appear  before  the  Nawab,  but  deputed 
instead  their  agents  to  carry  on  transactions  on  their  behalf,  and 
through  them  used  to  pay  in  the  usual  tributes,  presents,  and 
gifts.  In  consideration  of  the  fact  that  Asadullah,  zamindar 
of  Birbhum,  was  a  pious  and  saintly  person  and  had  bestowed 
half  of  his  property  as  Madad-i-mdsK*  grants  on  learned, 
pious  and  saintly  persons,  and  had  fixed  daily  doles  of 
charity  for  the  poor  and  the  indigent,  the  Khan  refrained  from 
molesting  him.  He  directed  his  attention,  however,  to  the 
chastisement  of  the  zamindar  of  Bishanpur,  whose  items  of 
expenditure  were  heavy,  and  whose  collections  of  rents  from 
mahals  were  low.  The  Rajahs  of  Tipra,  KuchJBehar,  and  Assam 
called  themselves  chatar  dhari  and  ruling  chiefs,  and  did  not 
bend  their  heads  in  submission  to  the  Emperor  of  Hindustan,  and 
minted  coins  after  their  own  names.  On  hearing,  however,  of  the 
vigorous  administration  of  the  Khan,  the  Rajah  of  Assam  presented 
to  the  Khan  chairs  and  palkis  of  ivory,  musk,  musical  instruments, 
feathers,  fans  of  peacock  feathers,  etc.,  and  offered  his  submission. 
Similarly  the  Rajah  of  Kuch  Behar  offered  presents  and  tribute  to 
the  Khan.  The'abovementioned  Khan  sent  Khilats  for  them  ;  and 
this  practice  was  observed  year  after  year.  The  Khan,  having  intro- 
duced order  in  the  Financial  condition  of  the  Mahals  of  Bengal, 
devoted  his  attention  to  the  improvement  of  other  administrative 
and  internal  affairs.  His  administration  was  so  vigorous  and 
successful  that  there  was  no  foreign  incursion  nor  internal  distur- 
bance, and  consequently  the  military  expenditure  was  nearly  abol- 
ished. He  kept  up  only  2,000  cavalry  and  4,000  infantry,  and  with 
these  he  governed  the  Province.  Through  Nazir  Ahmad,  who  was 
a  peon,  he  used  to  collect  the  revenue  of  Bengal.  And  the  Khan 
was  so  powerful  a  personality  and  his  commands  voire  so  overawing, 
that  his  peons  sufficed  to  keep  peace  in  the  country,  and  to  overawe 
the  refractory.  And  fear  of  his  personality  was  so^deeply  impressed 
on  the  hearts  of  all,  both  the  high  and  the  low,  that  the  courage  of 
lion-hearted  persons  quailed  in  his  presence.  The  Khan  did  not 
allow  petty  zamindars  access  to  his  presence.  And  the  mutsadis 
and  'amils  and  leading  zamindars  had  not  the  heart  to  sit  down 

the  assessment  of   revenue  were  based   on   thoroughly  scientific  principles, 
quite  analogous  to  the  existing  Settlement  Procedure  in  India. 
33 


258 

in  his  presence ;  on  the  contrary,  they  remained  standing  breath- 
less like  statues.  Hindu  zamindars  were  forbidden  to  ride  on 
palkis,  but  were  permitted  use  of  Jawalahs.  The  mutasadis,  in 
his  presence,  did  not  *  ride  on  horseback  ;  whilst  the  Mansabdars 
attended  at  State  functions  in  their  military  uniforms.  In  his 
presence  one  could  not  salute  another  ;  and  if  anything  opposed 
to  etiquette  ocelirred  oti  the  part  of  anyone,  he  was  immediately 
censured.  Every  week  he  held  court  on  two  days  to  listen  to 
complaints,  and  used  to  mete  out  justice  to  the  complainants. 
Amongst  his  deeds  of  justice,  it  may  be  mentioned,  that  to  avenge 
the  wrong  done  to  another,  obeying  the  sacred  Islamic  law,  he 
executed  his  own  son.2  In  administration  of  justice,  in  ad- 
ministration of  the  political  affairs  of  the  country,  and  in  main- 
tenance of  the  respect  due  to  his  Sovereign,  he  spared  no  one. 
And  he  reposed  no  confidence  in  the  mutasadis,  and  used  daily 
to  inspect  the  collection  and  disbursement  papers  and  the  estate 
ledgers,  and  to  sign  tbem.  At  the  close  of  each  month,  he  used  to 
seize  all  the  agreements  of  Khalsah  (crown  lands)  and  Jagirs. 
Till  the  dues  on  account  of  those  agreements  were  paid  up  into 
the  Imperial  Treasury,  he  caused  mutasadis,  'amils,  zamin- 
dars, qanungos  and  other  officers  to  remain  in  duress  in  the 
Dlwan  Khana  of  the  Chihel  Satun  Palace.  Setting  collecting  peons  to 
realise  the  dues,  he  did  not  allow  the  defaulters  leave  for  eating  or 
drinking  or  for  answering  calls  of  nature,  and  posted  spies  over 
the  peons,  so  that  none  of  the  latter,  owing  to  temptations  of  bribe, 
might  supply  a  drop  of  water  to  the  thirsty  defaulters.  Week  after 
week  they  had  to  pass  without  food  and  drink,  and  at  the  same  time 
he  had  them  suspended,  head  downwards,  to  triangles  off  the 
ground,  and  had  their  feet  rubbed  against  stones,  and  had  them 
whipped ;  and  in  beating  with  sticks  he  shewed  no  quarter.  And 
he  converted8  to  the  Muhammadan  religion  the  amlahs  of  zamindars 
with  their  wives  and  children,  who,  in  spite  of  being  scourged  with 

1  In  the  text  apparently,  "Asjo"  has  been  by  mistake  dropped. 

2  Murshid  Quli  Khan's  uprightness  in  administration  of  justice  (regard- 
less of  all  family  ties  of  attachment)  is  remarkable.  But  his  severity  in  ill- 
treating  and  torturing  defaulting  zemindars  throws  a  shade  on  his  otherwise 
bright  personality. 

8  The  only  instances  of  forcible  conversions  of  Hindus  in  Bengal  to  the 
Islamic  religion,  as  would  appear  from  these  pages,  were  on  the  part  of  two 


259 

sticks,  failed  to  pay  up  the  State  revenue-collections  that  they 
had  misappropriated.  Amongst  these,  Andlnarain,  zamindar  of  the 
Chaklah  of  Rajshahl,  who  was  the  descendant  of  a  Hindustani, 
and  who  was  both  capable  and  efficient,  held  charge  of  the  revenue- 
collections  of  the  Khalsah  (crown  lands).  With  him  were  in  league 
Ghulam  Muhammad  and  Kalia  Jamadar  with  two  hundred 
troopers.  Andlnarain  demurred  to  the  payment  of  the  demand, 
and  prepared  to  fight.  Murshid  Quli  Khan  sent  his  officer, 
Muhammad  Jan,  with  a  force  to  chastise  him.  Close  to  Rajbari,1 
the  contending  forces  approached  each  other,  and  a  battle  ensued. 
Ghulam  Muhammad  Jamadar  was  killed,  whilst  Andinarain  from 
fear  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan's  anger  slew  himself,  and  his  zamindar! 
was  transferred  to  two  Bengal  zamindars  on  the  northern  side  of 
the  Ganges,  named  Ram-Jivan  2  and  Kali  Kunwar,  who  were  punc- 
tual in  payments  of  revenue.  When  that  year  came  to  a  close, 
and  the  new  year  commenced,  in  the  month  of  Farwardi  (corre- 
sponding to  Asar)  weighing  the  treasures  3  Murshid  Quli  remitted 
to  the  Emperor  one  kror  and  three  laks  of  rupees  on  account  of 
the  Imperial  revenue,  loading  the  same  on  two  hundred  waggons, 

non-Moslems,  that  is,  by  Hindus  themselves  who  had  embraced  the  Islamic 
religion,  namely  (1)  by  Jado  alias  King  Jallal-ud-din.,son  of  Rajah  Kans  and 
(2)  by  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  who  was  himself  the  son  of  a  Brahmin.  I  fail  to 
come  across  in  Bengal  history  any  instance  of  forcible  conversion  of 
Hindus  in  Bengal  to  the  Islamic  religion,  on  the  part  of  any  born  Musalman 
ruler  or  king.  Proselytes  and  converts,  under  all  systems  of  the  world's 
religions,  are  generally  more  zealous  and  bigoted  than  those  born  and  brought 
up  within  their  pale.  The  general  insinuation,  therefore,  against  Musal- 
man sovereigns  and  rulers  of  Bengal  that  they  forcibly  converted  the  Hindus 
to  the  Islamic  religion,  seems  to  be  as  unfounded  as  ungenerous.  No  doubt, 
the  superior  moral  influence  of  Musalman  saints,  like  Nur  Qutb  Alim  and 
others,  naturally  told  on  Hindu  society  (disorganised  and  demoralised  by  the 
caste-systems  of  the  later  days,  and  shorn  of  the  old  Vedantic  purity)  and 
induced  portions  of  its  ranks  to  flock  spontaneously  to  the  Moslem  creed, 
with  its  simpler  doctrine  of  Monotheism.  * 

1  Probably,  Rajbari  on  the  E.B.  Railway,  near  the  Goalundo  station. 

2  This  Ram-Jivan,  I  believe  was  the  founder  of  the  present  Natore  Raj- 
honse.     I  do  not  know  of  which  family  Kali  Kunwar  was  the  founder. 

3  In  the  Ain-i-Akbari  (Vol.  II,  p.  49),  it  is  explained  under  the  term 
'  Fotadar '  or  the  '  Treasurer,'  that  the  term  fota  (not,  potah)  is  applied  in 
Arabic  to  cloths  used  as  waist  wrappers.  A  poddar  meant  '  a  banker,  a  cash- 
keeper,  or  an  officer  in  public  establishments  for  weighing  money  or   bullion. 


260 

convoyed  by  six  hundred  cavalry  and  five  hundred  infantry.     Over 
and  above  this  amount,  he  remitted  the  profits  derived  from  Jagirs, 
together  with  other  fees.     And  also  at  the  beginning  of  each  year 
he    sent    to   the    Emperor    elephants,    Tangan   horses,    buffaloes, 
domesticated  deers,  and  game  dressed  specially  at  Jahangirnagar 
(Dacca),  wolf-leather  shields,  sital  pati  mats  mounted  in  gold,  and 
mosquito  curtains1  made  of  Ganga  jali 2  cloth  of  Sylhet,  through 
which  serpents  could  not  penetrate,  together  with  other  rarities, 
such  as  ivory,  musk,  musical  instruments,  and  European  manufac- 
tures and  presents  received  from   Christians,   &c.     At  the  time 
of  sending  the  remittance,    he   used   to   accompany    it   on  horse- 
back together   with  his   staff   up   to    the   Suburbs  of  the   City, 
aud     used   to    have    the    fact    recorded  in    the    Court-Record 
as  well  as  in  the  News-sheet.     And  the  procedure  for  despatch 
of  remittances  was   the    following.     When   the  waggons,    loaded, 
with  treasure,  passed  into  the  limits  of  another  Subah,  the  Suba- 
dar  of    that   place   sending   his  own   men   had    the  waggons   of 
treasure   brought  into   his    fort,  and  relieving  the   waggons  and 
their    escorts   reloaded   the  treasure   into   fresh    waggons,    cou- 
voyed   by    fresh  escorts    furnished  by   himself.     And    the   same 
procedure    was   adopted  by   succeeding  Subadars,   till  the   trea- 
sures with  the  presents   reached  the  Emperor  Aurangzeb.     And 
when  the  Khan's  efficient  administration  met  with  the  approba- 
tion of  the  Emperor,  the  former   received    fresh    favours    from 
the  Emperor,  who  raised  his  rank  and  bestowed  on  him  the  title 
of    Moatamanu-1-Mulk'Alau-d-daulah    Ja'far   Khan  Nasiri  Nasir 
Jang.     He  was  also  rewarded  with  the  personal  Mansab  of  a  Haft 
Hazari  together  with  the  Insignia  of  the  Mahi  Order,  and  was  raised 
to  a  higher  class  of  the  Peerage.     No  appointments  to  offices  in 
Bengal  were  made  without  his  advice.     And  Imperial  Mansabdars 
hearing  that  the  country  of  Bengal  had  been  turned  into  a  fertile 
garden    without   thorns,    sought   for   offices    in    Bengal.     Nawab 
Jafar   Khan    appointed  the  applicants  to  offices  under  him.     One 

Therefore  %&j$  A5jJ  would  seem  to  mean  '  weighing  the  coins '  or  '  testing 
and  counting  tha,m,'  or  "putting  them  in  cloth  bags." 

1  Here  we  get  a  glimpse  of  some  of  the  old  industries  and  arts  of 
Bengal. 

S  Gangajal  was  a  kind  of  cotton -stuff  manufactured  in  Bengal  in  the  times 
of  the  Mughals.    See  Am-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  94  (Blochmann's  trans.) 


261 

of  these  was  Nawab  Saif  Khan  l   whose  application  for  appoint- 
ment being  received  through   the  Emperor,  Nawab  Jafar  Khan 
conferred  an  office  on  him.     A  short  account  of  Saif  Khan's  career 
is   mentioned   in   the  body  of  this   History.     Nawab   Saif  Khan 
was  alive  till  the  period  of  the  Nizamat  of  Nawab  Mahabat  Jang. 
As  he  was  the  scion  of  a  very  noble  family,  he  never  visited  Nawab 
Mahabat  Jang.2     Although   the   latter  sought   for  *an  interview, 
Nawab  Saif  Khan  did  not  visit  him.     Whenever  > Nawab  Mahabat 
Jang  whilst  out  on  a  hunting  excursion  went  towards  Purneah, 
Nawab   Saif  Khan   advanced   with  his   troops   and  blocked   his 
progress.     Bat    whenever    Nawab   Mahabat   Jang   had  need   of 
auxiliaries,  Saif  Khan  furnished  efficient  contingents.    After  Saif 
Khan's  death,  his  son,  the  Khan  Bahadur,  succeeded  to  the  office 
of  Faujdar  of    the   tract  of  Purneah   and   its  environs.     Nawab 
Mahabat  Jang  gave   in .  marriage   the   daughter   of  Nawab   Said 
Ahmad  Khan  Bahadur  Saulat  Jang,   his  nephew,  to  the  Khan 
Bahadur,3  but  that  lady  died  four  days  after  the  wedding.     On 
account  of  this,  confiscating  the  treasures  and  effects  of  the  Khan 
Bahadur,  Nawab  Mahabat  Jang  kept  the  jatter  under  Surveillance. 
The  Khan  Bahadur  of  necessity  was  obliged  to  mount  a  horse 
and  escape  to  Shah  Jahanabad   (Delhi).    Nawab  Mahabat  Jang 
bestowed   the  tract  of    Purneah  on   Saulat  ,Jang.      The   latter 
proceeding    there   with   a    large   force,    devoted  himself    to  its 
administration,   and  held  sway.     After  Saulat  Jang's  death,  his 
son,  Shaukat  Jang,  succeeded  him.     Nawab  Siraju-d-daulah,  who 
was  the  latter's  cousin,  during  the  period  of  his  Nizamat,  killed 
Shaukat  Jang  in  battle,  and  deputing  Diwan  Mohan  Lai,   con- 
fiscated Shaukat's  treasures  and  effects. 

What  was  I  saying  ?  and  to  what  have  I  digressed  ? 
Where  lay  the  horse  ?  and  where  have  I  galloped  away  ? 

I   now  return   to  my  story.     Nawab  Jafar  Khan  was  seeking 

1  He  received  the  office  of  Faujdar  of  Purneah,  held  the  rank  of  a 
Haft  hazari,  and  was  a  son  of  '  Umdatu-1-mulk  Amir  Khan,  Subadar  of 
Kabul.     See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  574. 

2  '  Mahabat  Jang'  was  a  title  of  Nawab  Ali  Vardi  Khan  ;  his  actual  name 
was  Mirza  Muhammad  Ali.     See  Seirul  MutaMerin,  Vol.  II,  p.  470  Pers.  text. 

3  In  Seirul  Mutakkerin,  Vol.  II,  p.  552,  the  name  of  Saif  Khan's  son  is 
mentioned  as  Fakhruddin  Husain  Khan. 


262 

an  opportunity  to  avenge  himself  on  Darab  Narain  Qanungo, 
who,  during  the  Nawab's  incumbency  of  the  office  of  Diwan, 
had  declined  to  sign  the  accounts.  Inasmuch  as  the  office 
of  Qanungo  corresponded  to  the  office  of  Registrar  of  the  Con- 
quered dominions,  and  the  Diwan's  Statements  of  Account 
and  Revenue-roll  without  the  Qanungo's  signature  were  not 
accepted  by  the  CeuWal  Imperial  Diwan,  the  Nawab  sought  for  an 
opportunity  to  tarnish  Darab  Narain's  reputation,  by  doubling  the 
sphere  of  Darab  Narain's  authority  over  the  affairs  of  adminis- 
tration. With  this  object  in  view,  the  Nawab  entrusted  to  him 
control  over  the  affairs  of  the  Khalsah  (crown  lands).  And 
when  Diwan  Bhupat  Rai,  who  had  come  with  the  Nawab  from 
the  Imperial  Camp,  died,  and  his  son,  Gulab  Rai,  could  not  satis- 
factorily discharge  the  duties  of  the  office  of  Diwan,  the  office 
of  Peshkar  of  the  Khalsah  was  also  bestowed  on  Darab  Narain. 
And  leaving  to  his  control  the  Assessment  and  Collection  of  the 
revenue  and  other  Financial  and  Internal  affairs,  the  Nawab 
made  him  supreme.  Although  the  abovementioned  Qanungo  by 
minute  attention  to  details  raised  the  Revenue  of  the  Khalsah 
(crown  lands)  to  one  hror  and  fifty  lakhs,  made  Revenue  Collec- 
tions, and  under  every  Head  of  Income  shewed  considerable  in- 
crease, and  presented  a  Budget  with  a  larger  Surplus  of  Imperial 
Revenue  than  before,  still  the  Nawab,  gradually  wresting  authority 
from  him,  imprisoned  him  together  with  the  Statements  of 
Accounts  and  Estate-ledgers,  and  employing  various  tortures  killed 
him.  And  he  allotted  ten  annas  of  the  Qanungo-ship  to  Darab 
Narain's  son,  Sheo  Narain,  and  six  annas  thereof  to  Jai  Narain, 
who  at  the  period  of  the  Nawab's  Diwani,  when  the  Nawab  was 
setting  out  for  the  Imperial  Camp,  had  shewn  good-will,  and  had 
signed  the  Nawab's  Statements  of  Accounts.  And  dismissing 
Ziau-d-din  Khan,  Faujdarof  Hughli,1  he  with  the  Emperor's  sanc- 
tion brought  the  Faujdari  of  that  Port  under  his  immediate  autho- 

1  The  office  of  Faujdar  of  Hughli  was  hitherto  directly  under  the 
Emperor,  and  was  independent  of  the  Subadar  of  Bengal.  Murshid  Qnll 
Khan  succeeded  in  reducing  the  Faujdar  of  Hughli  to  the  position  of  his  own 
immediate  subordinate.  For  Murshid  Quli's  relations  with  the  English  mer- 
chants, see  Wilson's  Annals,  Vol.  I,  pp.  301,  299,  298,  297,  290,  268.  The 
English  merchants  secured  a  great  patron  in  Ziau-d-din,  who  was  appointed 
by  Shah  Alam  in  1710  to  be  Faujdar  of  Hughli  and  Admiral  of  all  the  sea- 
ports on  the  coast  of  Coromandel.     See  Wilson's  Annals,  Vol.  I,  pp.  185  and 


263 

rity  as  an  appendage  to  the  Nizamat,  and  appointed  Wali  Beg 
on  his  own  authority  as  Faujdar  of  that  place.  The  above- 
mentioned  Khan,  on  the  arrival  of  Wali  Beg,  relinquishing  the 
fort,  came  out  of  the  town  to  set  out  for  the  Imperial  Capital. 
Wali  Beg  summoned  to  himself  Kankar  Sen  Bengali,  who  was 
Peshkar  of  the  dismissed  Faujdar,  for  submission  of  papers 
relating  to  receipts  of  revenue  and  the  office-records,  together 
with  the  clerks  and  subordinate  officers  of  the  'office  of  Faujdar. 
Ziau-d-din  Khan  turned  to  Kanker  Sen's  assistance ;  and  thereon 
Wali  Beg  opposed  the  Khan's  march.  In  consequence,  between 
Ziau-d-din  Khan  and  Wali  Beg  a  quarrel  ensued.  The  above- 
mentioned  Khan  with  his  army,  on  the  field  of  Chandanagar 
(Chandenagore)  between  Chinsurah  and  Frendh  Chandanagar, 
with  the  help  of  the  Christian  Dutch  and  French,  constructed 
redoubts,  and  prepared  to  fight.  Wali  Beg  also  on  the  field 
of  the  'Idgah,1  on  the  bank  of  the  tank  of  Debl  Das,  to  a 
distance  of  one  and  a  half  kroh,  drew  up  his  forces,  con- 
structed entrenchments,  and  transmitted  an  account  of  the 
state  of  affairs  to  Nawab  Jafar  Khan.  And  both  the  quondam 
and  the  new  Faujdars  were  busy  fighting  from  behind  their 
respective  entrenchments,  and  reviewing  their  forces.  Mulla 
Jarsam  Jurani,  Deputy  of  Ziau-d-din  Khan, .and  Kankar  Sen, 
secretly  obtaining  help  of  guns,  gunpowder,  and  armaments  from 
the  Dutch  and  French,  advauced  to  the  battle-field,  and  assumed 
the  offensive.  Wali  Beg,  waiting  for  auxiliaries,  assumed  the 
defensive.  At  this  juncture,  Dalip  Singh  Hazari  with  a  force  of 
cavalry  and  infantry  came  from  Nawab  Jafar  Khan  to  the 
assistance  of  Wali  Beg,  and  also  brought  a  mandate  containing 
threats  addressed  to  the  Christians.  Ziau-d-din  Khan,  on  the 
advice  of  the  Christians,  opened  negotiations  of  peace  with  Dalip 
Singh,  and  put  him  off  his  guard.  Early  in  the  morning,  sending 
by  way  of  a  ruse  a  false  message  to  Dalip  Singh  through  an  agent, 
Ziau-d-din  Khan  instructed  the  latter  to  hand  *he  message  to 
Dalip  Singh  and  to  get  back  the  reply,  and  placing  one  red  shaivl 
for  recognition  on  the  head  of  the  agent  despatched  the  latter  on 

332,  329,   341.     Murshid  Qull  got  Ziau-d-din   promptly  dismissed  in  1711. 
(See  Wilson's  Annals,  pp.  22  and  123,  Vol.  II.  p.  28). 

1  I    found    the   Idgah  existing   when    I    was  at  Hnghli  in  1887  to  1891 
An  Idgah  is  a  place  where  the  'Id  prayer  is  offered. 


264 

iris  errand.  And  an  English  gunner  whose  aim  was  unerring 
directed  a  large  bronze1  gun  (the  range  whereof  extended  over  one 
and  a  half  kroh)  towards  Dalip  Singh's  camp,  and  by  means  of 
a  telescope  kept  in  view  the  agent's  shawl.  Arriving  at  a  time 
when  Dalip  Singh  was  bareheaded  and  barebodied  and  was 
engaged  in  rubbing  oil  in  order  to  bathe,  the  agent  handed  the 
message  to  Dalip  Singh.  Then  the  gunner  directing  his  aim  at 
the  shawl  fired  his  gun,  and  the  cannon-ball  hit  Dalip  Singh  on 
the  chest  and  scattered  his  body  to  the  air.  Praise  is  due  to  that 
unerring  magician,  for  no  harm  ensued  to  the  agent.  Ziau-d-din 
Khan  rewarding  the  gunner  attacked  the  enemy's  entrenchment. 

When  Dalip  Singh  was  killed  without  delay, 

Ziau-d-diu  rushed  to  fight. 

Like  the  tumultuous  river,  his  army  moved, 

And  flight  ensued  in  the  ranks  of  the  other  side. 

Not  only  were  the  soldiers  killed, 

But  the  entrenchment  was  also  stormed. 

Wali  Beg  fled  from  that  place, 

And  in  an  anxious  mood  took  refuge  in  the  Fort. 

Ziau-d-din  Khan,  free  from  all  anxiety,  set  out  for  the  Im- 
perial Capital,  and  after  arrival  at  Delhi  died.  After  his  death, 
Kankar  Bengali,  who  was  the  root  of  all  this  disturbance,  and  had 
his  residence  at  Hughli,  returning  from  the  Imperial  Capital, 
arrived  in  Murshidabad,  and  fearlessly  waited  on  Nawab  J  afar 
Khan,  and  with  the  left  hand  saluted  the  latter,  wishing  to  convey 
that  with  the  hand  that  he  had  saluted  the  Emperor,  to  salute 
Jafar  Khan  would  be  profane.  Nawab  Jafar  Khan  retorted  by 
saying  :  "  Kankar  is  under  the  shoe."  And  Kankar*  with  fatah 
on  both  the  ^J  and  the  sakun  of  the  cJ  and  j  in  Hindustani 
means  "  a  gravel."     Nawab  Jafar  Khan,  feigning  forgetfulness  of 

1  It  would  appear  the  French,  Dutch,  and  English  were  all  backing  up  the 
dismissed  Faujdar  Ziau-d-din  Khan  against  the  new  Faujdar,  Wali  Beg.  See 
Wilson's  Annals,  Vol.  II ,  pp.  66,  72,  75,  79,  81,  82.  The  skirmishes  between 
Ziau-d-din  Khanand  Wali  Beg  occurred  in  1712  A.C. 

2  "  Kankar  "  means  a  "  pebble  "  "  a  gravel"  or  a  "  brick-bat.  "  Murshid 
Qui!  Khan  was  punning  on  the  Hindu  Naib's  name  of  '  Kankar. '  So,  it,  would 
seem  that  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  the  stern  iron-man,  could  now  and  then  unbend 
himself  and  receive  humourous  flashes. 


265 

Kankar's  past  and  present  misconduct,  and  outwardly  shewing 
reconciliation,  appointed  him  to  the  office  of  Chaklahdar  of  Hughli. 
At  the  close  of  the  year,  at  the  time  of  auditing  the  Annual  Abstract 
Accounts,  the  Nawab  put  him  in  prison  on  charges  of  misap- 
propriation of  the  current  and  arrear  revenue  collections  and  sair 
duties,  and  put  this  cat  into  breeches,  and  forced  him  to  swal- 
low some  laxative,  and  set  on  him  a  harsh  collector  ftf  revenue.  In 
the  breeches  continually  easing  himself,  Kankar  died.  At  that 
time  Syed  Akram  Khau  who  held  the  office  of  Diwan  of  Bengal 
died,  and  Syed  Razi  Khan,  husband  of  Nafisah  Khanam,  a 
daughter  of  Shujau-d-diu  Muhammad  Khan,  (Nawab  Nazim  of 
the  Subah  of  Orissa  and  son-in-law  of  Nawab  Jafar  Khan,)  who 
was  the  scion  of  a  leading  Syed  family  of  Arabia,  was  appoint- 
ed Diwan  of  Bengal.  And  he1  was  a  bigoted  and  short-tempered 
man,  and  in  collection  of  dues  was  extremely  strict,  and  by  adopting 
harsh  measures  collected  the  revenue.  It  is  said  he  prepared  a 
Reservoir  full  of  filth,  and  as  in  the  language  of  the  Hindus  Para- 
dise is  called  '  Baikant,'  he  sneeringly  named  this  Reservoir  "  baih- 
ant."  He  used  to  thrust  into  this  Reservoir  the  defaulting  Zamin- 
dars  and  defaulting  Collectors  of  Revenue.  After  torturing  them 
in  various  ways,  and  making  them  undergo  various  privations, 
he  used  to  collect  in  entirety  the  arrears.  In  that  year,  news  of 
the  insurrection  of  Sitaram  Zamindar,  and  of  the  murder  of  Mir 
Abu  Turab,  Faujdar  of  the  Chaklah  of  Bhusnah,  in  the  Sarkar 
of  Mahmudabad,  was  received.  The  details  of  this  affair  are 
as  follows : — Sitaram,2  zamindar  of  Parganah  Mahmudabad, 
being   sheltered   by   forests  and  rivers,  had   placed    the  hat  of 

1  The  test  is  ambiguous.  This  sentence  refers  probably  to  Mnrshid  Qnli 
Khan. 

2  Sitaram  had  his  residence  at  Muhammadpur  or  Mahmudpur,  at  the 
junction  of  the  Barasia  and  Madhumati  rivers,  in  Jesb'ore  district.  See 
Westland's  History  of  Jessore.  Muhammadpur  is  now  a  police  circle.  Ruins 
of  his  tanks  still  exist  there.  Bhosna  lies  near  Bonmaldiah  (formerly 
in  Jessore  now  in  Faridpur  district),  an  old  Mnsalma*n  colony,  on  the 
Chan  dan  a  river.  Ruins  of  a  fort  lie  at  Bhosna.  Close  to  Muhammadpur  or 
Mahmudpur,  lies  an  old  Musalman  colony  at  Shirgaon,  on  the  Barasia  river. 
See  also  Wilson's  Annals,  Vol.  II,  pp.  166,  167,  168.  Sitaram  was 
'  executed  for  murder  and  rebellion '  by  Mnrshid  Quli's  order.  Sitarams 
family  and  children  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Calcutta,  were  in  1713  surrend- 
ered by  the  English  to  Mir  Nasir,  Faujdar  of  Hughli,  for  being  made  over  to 
Murshid  Qui!  Khan. 

34 


266 

revolt  on  the  head  of  vanity.  Not  submitting  to  the  Viceroy, 
he  declined  to  meet  the  Imperial  officers,  and  closed  against  the 
latter  all  the  avenues  of  access  to  his  tract.  He  pillaged  and 
raided  the  lands  adjoining  to  his  Zamindari,  and  also  quarrelled 
with  the  Imperial  garrisons  and  Faujdars.  Mir  Abu  Turab, 
Faujdar  of  the  Chahlah  of  Bhusnah,1  who  was  the  scion  of  a 
leading  Syed'clan  arid  was  closely  related  to  Prince  Azimu-sh- 
shan  and  the  Tirnuride  Emperors,  and  who  amongst  his  con- 
temporaries and  peers  was  renowned  for  his  learning  and  ability, 
looked  down  upon  Nawab  Jafar  Khan.  Mir  Abu  Turab  tried 
to  capture  Sitararu,  but  was  not  successful.  At  length,  he 
detailed  his  General,  Pir  Khan,  with  200  cavalry  to  chastise 
Sitaram.  On  being  apprised  of  this,  Sitaram  concentrating  his 
forces  lay  in  ambush  to  attack  the  aforesaid  General.  One  day, 
Mir  Abu  Turab  with  a  number  of  friends  and  followers  went  out 
for  hunting,  and  in  the  heat  of  the  chase  alighted  on  Sitaram's 
frontiers.  Pir  Khan  was  not  in  Abu  Turab's  company.  The 
zamindar  (Sitaram)  on  hearing  of  this,  fancying  Mir  Abu  Turab 
to  be  Pir  Khan,  suddenly  issued  out  from  the  forest  with  his 
forces  and  attacked  Mir  Abu  Turab  from  the  rear.  Although 
the  latter  with  a  loud  voice  announced  his  name,  Sitaram  not 
heeding  it  inflicted  wounds  on  Abu  Turab  with  bamboo-clubs, 
and  felled  him  from  his  horse.  When  this  news  reached  Nawab 
Jafar  Khan,  his  body  trembled  from  fear  of  the  Emperor's  resent- 
ment. Appointing  Hasan  Ali  Khan  who  had  married  Nawab 
Jafar  Khan's  wife's  sister  and  was  descended  from  a  noble  family 
to  be  Faujdar  of  Bhusnah,  and  supporting  him  with  an  efficient 
force,  Nawab  Jafar  Khan  directed  him  to  capture  that  trouble- 
some villain  (Sitaram).  The  Nawab  issued  mandates  to  the 
Zamindars  of  the  environs  insisting  on  their  not  suffering  Sitaram 
to  escape  across  their  frontiers,  aud  also  threatening  that  should 
the  latter  effect  his  escape  across  the  frontiers  of  any  one,  not  only 
he  would  be  ousted  from  his  Zamindari,  but  be  punished.  The 
Zamindars  from  all  sides  hemmed  him  in,  when  Hasan  Ali  Khan 
arrived    and    captured    Sitaram   together    with   his    women    and 

1  It  whs  formerly  in  the  Jessore  district,  but  is  now  included  in  the  more 
modern  district  of  Faridpur.  Close  to  Bhusnah,  on  the  banks  of  theChanda- 
na  river,  lie  several  other  ancient  colonies  of  Syeds  or  Mirs,  such  as  those  at 
Baumaldih  and  Dakhinbari,  etc. 


267 

children,  confederates  and  adherents,  and  sent  them  with  chains 
round  their  necks  and  hands  to  Nawab  Jafar  Khan.  The  Nawab 
enclosing  Sitaram's  face  in  cow-hide  had  him  drawn  to  the  gallows 
in  the  eastern  suburbs  of  Murshidabad  on  the  high- way  leading  to 
Jahangirnagar  and  Mahmudabad,  and  imprisoned  for  life  Sitaram's 
women  and  children  and  companions.  Bestowing  his  Zamindain 
on  Ram  Jivan,  the  Nawab  confiscated  to  the  State  Sitaram's 
treasures  and  effects,  and  extirpating  his  family,  root  and  branch, 
he  sent  an  account  of  the  affair  to  the  Emperor.  As  the  Em- 
peror1 Aurangzeb  Alamgir  had  died  in  the  Dakhin  on  Friday, 
28th  of  Zilqadh  1119  A.H.,  Muhammad  Mu'azzam  Shah  Alim 
Bahadur  Shah  i  ascended  the  Imperial  throne  of  Delhi. 
Nawab  Jafar  Khan  sent  presents  with  the  tribute  of  Bengal,  and 
received  an  Imperial  Patent  confirming  him  in  the  Viceroyalty 
of  Bengal.  The  Nawab  was  also  honoured  with  the  gift  of  a 
ghillat  including  a  fringed  palanquin.  Prince  Azimu-sh-Shan 
leaving  Sar-bland  Khan  as  his  Deputy  at  'Azimabad,  set  out  for 
the  Imperial  Capital.  And  that  very  year  Sultan  Farrukh-sir 
prior  to  the  accession  of  Bahadur  Shah,  came  to  Murshidabad 
from  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca)  at  the  invitation  of  Nawab  Jafar 
Khan,  and  put  up  at  the  L'al  Bagh  palace.  The  above-mentioned 
Nawab,  paying  proper  deference  to  the  princely  rank  of  his 
guest,  rendered  him  due  services,  and  defrayed  the  expenses  of 
the  Prince  and  his  household ;  whilst  according  to  the  established 
practice  he  remitted  the  Revenue  with  the  tribute  to  the  Emperor 
Bahadur  Shah.  After  a  reign  of  five  years  and  one  month,  in 
the  year  1124  A.H.,  Emperor  Bahadur  Shah  died,  and  his  eldest 
son,  Sultan  Mazu-d-din,  under  the  title  of  Jahandar  Shah,  3 
became   Emperor,  and  in  concert  with  his  two  younger  brothers 

1  Emperor  Aurangzeb  died  in  the  52nd  year  of  his  rfeign,  at  the  age  of 
ninety-one,  in  1118  A.H.  or  1707  A.C.  at  Ahmadnagar,  and  was  buried  at 
Aurangabad.  See  Seir  Vol.  II,  p.  375,  and  Khfifi  Khan.  He  left  the  following 
sons  : — Muhammad  Muazzam  (at  Kabul),  2,  Muhamad  ^am  (at  Malwah)  3, 
Kam  Bakhsh  (at  Bijapur.) 

2  Muhammad  Muazzam  alias  Shah  'Alam  the  eldest  son  became  Emperor 
in  1707  with  the  title  of  Bahadur  Shah,  after  defeating  and  killing  his  two 
brothers.  He  died  in  1712.— See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  pp  378-379,  and  history  of 
Khan  Khan. 

8  The  great  Timuride  House  was  at  this  time  torn  asnnder  by  factions 
and  was  badly  served  by  venal  ministers  and  officers.     The  Syed  brothers 


268 

killed    Prince    'Azimu-sh-Shan.1     After  removing  the    causes  of 
anxiety,  and  with  the  exertions  and  help  of   Asad  Khan  the  Prime 
Minister  and  Amiru-1-Umara  Zu-1-fuqar  Khan,  the  new  Emperor 
killed  his  other  two  brothers.8     Indeed,  after  Bahadur  Shah's  death, 
within  the  space  of  eight  days,  he  killed  almost  every  one  of  the 
Imperial  scions  numbering   more  than   thirty  persons,  and  after 
torture    and  imprisonment    of    those    who    escaped    the    sword, 
Jahandar  Shah  mounted  the  throne.     He  appointed  the  '  Amiru-1- 
Umara  who  was  Pay-Master-General  of  the  Army  to  the  office  of 
Grand  Vizir  and   Amiru-1-Umara's  father  'Asafu-d-daulah  'Asad 
Khan  to  the  office  of  Vakil-i-Kul  or  Supreme  Regent  of  the  Empire. 
According  to  the  established  practice,  the  new  Emperor  sent  message 
of    confirmation  pto    Nawab  Jafar   Khan.     The   aforesaid   Khan, 
shewing  submission,  remitted  presents  and  tribute  to  the  Emperor. 
In   order   to   assert    his    claim   to    the    Imperial   throne,    Sultan 
Farrukh-sir,  the  second  son  of  Prince  'Azimu-sh-Shan,  who  resided 
in  the  Province  of  Bengal  as  Deputy  Nazim  of  the  Subah  resolved 
to  fight  with  Sultan  Mazu-d-din,  planned  to  start  for  Shahjahana- 
bad  (Delhi),  and  demanded  money  and  troops  from  Nawab  Jafar 
Khan.       The   latter  gave  the  following  straightforward  answer : 
"  I  as  an  Imperial  servant  am  subject  to  the  Crown  and  Throne  of 
the  Sovereign  of  the  Imperial  Capital.     To  submit  to  any  one  save 
and  except  the  person  who  descended  from  the  Timuride  House  sits 
on  the  Throne  of  the  Empire  of  Delhi,  would  be  an  act  of  treachery. 
Since    M'azu-d-din,  your   uncle,  is   in  possession    of   the    Crown 
and  the  Throne,  the   Imperial  revenue  cannot  be   paid   to  you." 
Despairing  of  obtaining  the  treasures  and  troops  of  Bengal,  but 
remembering  the  injunction  in  the  Qoran  "  I  put  my  trust  in   my 
Lord  God"  Farrukh-sir  took  heart,3  and  marched  out  with  a  small 
force  of  old  and  new  comrades  who  were  in  his  company,  on  an 

s 

were  heads  of  one  faction,  and  their  ascendency  and  their  selfish  policy  are 
fully  related  in  the  Seir-ul-Mutakherin. 

1  See  Seir  and  Irvine's  Later  Mughals,  J.A.S.  for  1896. 

2  i.e.,  .Tahan  Shah  and  Raffish  Shan. 

S  Farrukh-sir's  mother,  Saheb-un-Nissa,  was  a  brave  and  resourceful 
lady,  and  when  Farrukh-sir  contemplated  flight  across  the  sea,  she  inspired 
her  son  with  a  noble  ideal  by  addressing  him  thus :  "  If  thy  flight  must 
needs  be  across  the  sea,  let  it  be  the  sea  not  of  waters  hut  of  blood."  En- 
couraged by  his  noble  mother's  inspiration,  Farrukh-sir  at  length  defeated 
Jahandar  Shah,  at  the  end  of  1712,  and  became  Emperor. 


269 

expedition  against  Sultan  M'azu-d-din.  Summoning  his  own 
army  and  artillery  from  Jahangirnagar,  Farrakh-sir  set  out  for 
Shalijahanabad,  and  by  the  time  he  arrived  at  'Azimabad 
(Patna)  a  large  army  collected  under  him.  Levying  money  in  the 
way  of  tax  from  the  bankers  of  that  town,  he  reduced  the 
Subah  of  Behar  to  his  subjection.  Collecting  paraphernalia  of 
royalty,  he  mounted  the  throne,  and  unfurlingJthe  Imperial  Umbrella 
he  whirled  it  over  his  head.  Raising  the  standard  of  march  from 
Patna  with  Royal  pomp  and  splendour,  he  cast  the  shadow  of 
peace  and  tranquillity  on  the  residents  of  Banaras.  And  raising 
a  loan  of  one  hror  of  rupees  on  the  security  of  the  Empire  from 
Nagar  Set  and  other  leading  bankers  of  Banares,  he  raised  a  levy 
of  efficient  troops.  Syed  Abdullah  Khan  and,  Syed  Husain  AH 
Khan,1  the  two  Syed  brothers  of  Barha,  who  were  Nazims  of  the 
Subahs  of  Oudh  and  Allahabad  and  were  matchless  in  courage  and 
heroism  had  been  dismissed  by  Sultan  M'azu-d-dln,  and  conse- 
quently were  smarting  under  a  sense  of  wrong.  They,  therefore, 
espoused  the  cause  of  Sultan  Farrukh-sir,  and  tied  the  girdle  of 
devotion  and  self-sacrifice  to  the  waists  of  their  hearts.  And  in- 
tercepting  the  treasure  from  Bengal  remitted  by  Nawab  Jafar 
Khan,  which  owing  to  the  revolution  in  government  Shujan-d-din 
Muhammad  Khan,  Darogha  of  Allahabad  (unyoking  the  bullocks 
in  the  garden  of  the  town)  guarded  with  300  troops,  Farrukh-sir 
detailed  a  large  force  to  guard  it.  Having  satisfied  himself  about 
the  security  of  the  treasure  and  the  efficiency  of  the  force  which 
he  had  detached  to  guard  it,  Farrukh-sir  bestowed  the  office  of 
Vizarat  on  Syed  Husain  AH  Khan,  and  had  the  Khutbah  of  sover- 
eignty recited  after  his  own  name.  "  When  God  wills  a  thing, 
the  conditions  for  its  accomplishment  are  also  provided."  As 
Farrukh-sir  was  displeased  with  Jafar  Khan,  he  appointed 
Rashid  Khan,2  elder  brother  of  Afrasiab  Khan*  Mlrzai-Ajmiri, 
who  was  the  scion  of  an  ancient  and  noble  family  of  Bengal 
and  was  brought  up  in  the  Imperial  household,  agd  who  in  physi- 
cal prowess  was  equal  to  a  Rustam  or  an  Isfandiar,  and  who 
used  to  hurl  down  rogue  elephants—  to  supersede  Jafar  Khan  in 
the  Subahdari  of  Bengal.  It  is  said  that  when  Sultan  Farrukh- 
sir  set   out  from   Akbarnagar    (Rajmahal)    towards   'Azimabad 

l  See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  381. 

8  See  Wilson's  Annals,  Vol.  II,  p.  90.     This  was  in  1712. 


270 

(Patna),  the  cannon  of  Malik  Maidan1  which  required  a  maund 
weight  of  cannon-hall  and  150  bullocks  and  two  elephants  to 
move  it,  was  stuck  in  the  mud  in  a  hollow  ditch  near  Sakrigali. 
Although  an  attempt  was  made  to  drag  it  out  with  the  help  of 
bullocks  and  elephants,  it  could  not  be  moved.  Farrukh-sir  himself 
going  up  to  the  cannon  brought  into  requisition  the  ingenuity 
of  Christian  #unnerSf  but  even  that  was  of  no  avail.  Mirza-i- 
Ajmiri  making  his  obeisance,  said  :  "If  ordered,  thy  slave  might 
try  his  strength.'"  The  Sultan  gave  permission.  Mirza-i-Ajmiri, 
tying  the  hem  of  his  garment  round  his  waist  and  putting  both  of 
his  hands  beneath  the  cannon-frame,  lifted  up  the  cannon  together 
with  its  frame  on  his  chest,  and  said  "  wherever  ordered,  I  will  put 
it."  The  Sultan  ordered  it  to  be  placed  on  a  high  ground.  The 
Mirza  removed  the  cannon  from  the  ditch  to  a  high  ground.  From 
the  strain  of  his  physical  power,  drops  of  blood  were  about  to  ooze 
out  from  his  eyes.  The  Sultan  applauded  him  whilst  the  assembly, 
sent  up  shouts  of  praise  and  choruses  of  applause  to  the  skies. 
The  Mirza  at  that  very  moment  was  rewarded  with  the  mansab 
of  a  Sih  hazari  together  with  the  title  of  Afrasiab  Khan. 
Rashid  Khan  set  out  with  a  large  army  for  Bengal,  and  entered  it 
via  the  passes  of  Tiliagadhi  and  Sakrigali.  On  hearing  the  news 
of  his  entry,  Jafar  Khan  shewed  no  signs  of  anxiety.  Besides  the 
regular  war-establishment  of  the  Subah  he  mobilised  no  extra 
troops.  Rashid  Khan  reaching  three  kroh  distant  from  Murshidabad 
arrayed  his  troops  for  battle.  Next  morning,  Nawab  Jafar  Khan 
detailed  Mir  Bangali  and  Syed  Anwar  Jaunpuri  with  two  thousand 
cavalry  and  infantry  to  encounter  Rashid  Khan,  whilst  the  Nawab 
himself,  according  to  his  daily  practice,  set  to  copying  the  Quran. 
When  the  two  forces  encountered  each  other,  a  battle  ensued. 
Syed  Anwar,  in  the  thick  of  the  fight,  was  killed,  but  Mir  Bangali, 
with  a  small  frrce,  bravely  stood  his  ground  on  the  battle-field, 
till  the  army  of  Rashid  Khan  surrounded  him  from  all  sides. 
Although  these  tidings  reached  Nawab  Jafar  Khan,  the  latter 
remained  unconcerned  and  quietly  went  on  with  his  work  of 
copying  the  Quran.  At  last  the  news  of  Mir  Bangali's  retreat 
arrived.  It  was  then  that  the  Nawab  detached  his  special 
disciple,  Muhammad  Khan,  who  was  Faujdar  of  Murshidabad  and 

1  He  was  apparently  a  Turk,  as  the  title  Malik  would  indicate,  but  I  cannot 
trace  who  this  notable  was. 


271 

an  Officer  of   the  Army,  to  reinforce  Mir  Bangali.     The  former 
with  the  swiftness  of  lightning  and  breeze  joined  Mir  Bangali,  and 
threw    in   the    auxiliaries.     Subsequently,    Nawab    Jafar    Khan, 
after   having  finished    his    work  of   copying   the   Quran,   recited 
the  Fatiha-i-Khair  and  armed  himself  for  battle.     And  mounting 
an  elephant,  with   a  force  of  cavalry  and  a  retinue  consisting  of 
kinsmen  and     Turkish,    Georgian    and    Abyssinia   servants    he 
encountered  Rashid  Khan  on  the  field  of  Kariraabad  outside  the 
City,  and  commenced  chanting  the  Duai-Saifi.1  '  It  is  said  that  he 
had    so   persistently   practised    the    Duai-Saifi,     that    when  he 
commenced  chanting  it  his  sword  of  itself  unsheathed  itself  from 
its   scabbard,    and    through    invisible   help   he    vanquished     the 
enemy.     On  the  arrival  of  Jafar  Khan,  the  courage  and  boldness  of 
Mir  Bangali  and  his  army  increased   ten-fold  and  hundred-fold. 
With  his  clamorous  force  Mir  Bangali  attacked  the  centre  of   the 
enemy.     Rashid  Khan,  who  considered  Jafar  Khan  no  match  for 
himself,  swaggering  of    swordmanship  and  his  capacity  to  easily 
rout    the  enemy,    mounted   a  rogue  elephant,  and  charged    Mir 
Bangali  who  was  in  the  van.     The  aforesaid   Mir  who  was  an 
unerring  marksman 

Placed  a.  wooden  ai'row  in  his  bow-string, 

And  stretched  his  bow,  and  extended  his  arm-pit. 

When  the  arrow-notch  came  up  to  his  ear, 

He  shot  the  arrow  straight  at  the  struggling  enemy. 

As  luck  would  have   it,   the  arrow    hit  the    enemy  on    the 

forehead, 
And  pierced  right  through  the  hind-head. 
That  leader  of  the  heroes  was  pierced  by  the  arrow: 
That  brave  lion  rolled  on  the  elephant. 
At  that  juncture,  the  troops  forming  a  solid  cdlumn, 
Made  one  united  rush  at  the  enemy. 

The  ground  was  trodden  down  into  funows  by  horses'  hoofs, 
The  sky  was  cut  to  pieces  by  cannons  and  spears. 
With  swords,  daggers,  iron-maces  and  spears, 
They  charged  the  enemy. 

I  This  dua  or  prayer,  meaning  literally  the  "  prayer  of  tlie  sword"  is  said 
to  have  been  uttered  by  the  Prophet  at  the  battle  of  Badr,  when  it  is  related 
angels  descended  to  fight  in  his  ranks,  and  tnrned  disaster  into  victory. 


272 

Owing  to  profuse  shedding  of  blood  on  that  battle-field, 

The  whole  face  of  the  earth  looked  crimson. 

A  whole  world  was  consigned  to  destruction, 

If  any  one  survived,  he  was  imprisoned. 

The  enemy's  treasures  and  effects  were  looted, 

Jafar  Khan  won  a  glorious  victory. 

Nawab  Jafar  Khan  returning  triumphant  caused  tlie  music  of 
victory  to  be  struck  up,  entered  the  Fort,  and  ordered  that  a 
minaret  should  be  raised  entombing  the  heads  of  the  slain  on  the 
highway  leading  towards  Hindustan,  so  that  it  might  serve  as 
a  warning  to  others.  The  prisoners  of  Rashid  Khan's  army  said 
tliat  on  the  advance  of  Jafar  Khan  green-dressed  soldiers  with 
drawn  swords  descended  from  the  clouds,  attacked  the  force  of 
Rashid  Khan,  and  afterwards  vanished.  Sultan  Farrukh-sir  who 
had  not  yet  finished  settling  his  accounts  with  Sultan  M'azu-d- 
din,  on  the  way  receiving  news  of  Jafar  Khan's  victory  and 
Rashid  Khan's  defeat  was  depressed.  In  short,  when  near  Akbara- 
bad  (Agra)  a  battle1  ensued  between  Farrukh-sir  and  Sultan  M'azu-d- 
din  Jahandar  Shah,  the  Syeds  of  Barha,8  on  the  side  of  Muham- 
mad Farrukh-sir,  displaying  self-sacrifice,  exhibited  heroic  valour. 
On  the  side  of  M'azu-d-din,  Khan  Jahan  Bahadur  Kokaltash 
Khan,  who  was  the  Pay-Master  General  of  the  Army,  was  killed, 
owing  to  the  carelessness  of  the  Amlru-l-Umara  Zu-1-fuqar  Khan.5 
And  M'azu-d-din's  other  noblemen,  especially  the  Mughal  noblemen, 
being  in  conspiracy  with  the  noblemen  of  Farrukh-sir,  exhibited 
treachery  during  the  battle.  In  consequence,  great  confusion 
arose  in  the  army  of  M'azu-d-din  Jahandar  Shah.  Becoming 
depressed  by  observing  the  fate  of  Khan  Jahan  Bahadur,  Jahandar 

1  See  description  of  the  battle  in  December  1712  in  Seir-ul-Mutakherin, 
Vol.  II,  p.  392. 

3  The  Syed  brothers  of  Barha  were  Syed  Husain  AH  Khan,  Nazim  of  the 
Subah  of  Patna  and  Syed  Abdullah  Khan,  Nazim  of  the  Subah  of  Allahabad. 
The  Seir-ul-Mutakherin  (Yo\.  II,  pp.  387,  388,  391,  392),  gives  a  detailed  account 
as  to  how  these  Syed  brothers  helped  Farrukh-sir  in  the  war  of  succession. 
These  Syed  brothers  subsequently  fell  out  with  Farrukh-sir,  and  imprisoned 
him  and  had  him  killed  (Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  419).  For  a  life  of  Syed  Husain  Ali 
Khan,  see  Maasir-ul-TJmara,  Vol.  I,  p.  321. 

3  He  was  a  son  of  Asad  Khan,  the  Prime  Minister  of  Aurangzeb.  His  name 
was  Muhammad  Ismail,  and  his  titles  were  '  Zu-1-fnqar  Khan  Amir-ul-Umara 
Nasrat  Jang.'  See  Hassir-ul-Umara,  p.  93,  Vol.  II,  for  his  life. 


273 

Shah  fled  straight  to  Sjiabjahanabad  to  tbe  house  of  'Asad  Khan 
Asifu-d-daulah,1  the  Chief  Minister  of  the  Empire.  Immediately 
after,  Amiru-1-Umara,  son  of  Asifu-d-daulah,  presented  himself 
before  his  father,  and  counselled  the  latter  to  shelter  the  Emperor. 
The  father,  not  considering  it  expedient  to  throw  in  his  lot  with 
Jahandar  Shah,  kept  the  latter  under  surveillance.  Then  Sultan 
Muhammad  Farrukh-sir,  without  encountering  any  farther  opposi- 
tion, ascended  the  Imperial  throne  at  Akbarabad  {Agra),  towards 
the  end  of  the  year  1124  A.  H.  From  Akbarabad  (Agra), 
Farrukh-sir  swiftly  marched  to  Shahjahanabad  (Delhi),  where 
he  slew  Jahandar  Shah  and  the  Amiru-1-Umara.2 


ACCESSION  OF  SULTAN  FARRUKH-SIR  TO  THE 
THRONE  OF  DELHI. 

On  hearing  of  the  accession  of  Emperor  Fai-rukh-sir,  Nawab 
Jafar  Khan  sent*  presents  and  tribute,  and  remitted  the  entire 
balance  of  the  Imperial  revenue.  In  return,  the  Nawab  received 
patents  confirming  him  in  the  united  office's3  of  the  Nizamat  aud 
Dewani  of  the  three  Subahs  of  Bengal,  Behar,  and  Orissa.  The 
Nawab  was  also  recipient  of  a  rich  Khilat.  The  Nawab's  repre- 
sentations to  the  new  Emperor  continued  to  '  receive  attentive 
consideration,  as  during  former  regimes.  The  Nawab  became  an 
object  of  envy  to  his  contemporaries  and  peers.  For  instance, 
on  Jafar  Khan's  representation  to  the  Emperor,  Nagar  Set's  uncle 

1  His  name  was  Muhammad  Ibrahim,  and  his  titles  were  Asifu-d-daulah 
Juralatul-Mulk  Asad  Khan.  He  was  related  by  marriage  to  Eminu-d-daulah 
Asaf  Khan,  and  became  Prime  Minister  under  Emperor  Aurangzeb.  (See 
his  life  in  Maasir-ul-Umafa,  Vol.  I,  p.  310,  and  in  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  406.)  He 
was  a  statesman  of  eminence  and  sagacity.  On  his  son,  2i?ulfuqqar  Khan's 
assassination,  he  composed  the  following  pathetic  epitaph  : — 

2  See  Seir-ul  Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  395  (Pers.  test).  The  corpse  of  Jahan- 
dar Shah  was  placed  on  an  elephant,  and  the  corpse  of  Zulftfqqar  Khan  was 
tied  to  its  tail. 

s  This  was  a  very  unwise   departure  from   the  old  Mughal   policy   of 
keeping  the  two  offices  distinct,  in  that  it  encouraged  later  on  the  growth  of 
disloyal  intrigues  against  the  Central  Authority  in  Delhi. 
35 


274 

and  agent,  Fateh  Chand  Sahu,  whose  services  had  won  the  good 
graces  of  the  Khan,  was  invested  with  the  title  of  Jagat  Set,  and 
appointed  to  the  office  of  Treasurer- General  of  Bengal.  Syed 
Husain  'Ali  Khan,  the  Paymaster-General,  who  was  a  brother 
of  Qutb-ul-Mulk  'Abdullah  Khan  Vazir,  aspired  after  the  title  of 
Nasirjang,  which  title  Jafar  Khan  held.  As  it  was  not  consonant 
with  the  Imperial  regulations  that  two  persons  should  simultane- 
ously hold  one  ti*le,  an  Imperial  mandate  was  issued  to  Jafar  Khan, 
suggesting  an  exchange  of  titles.  Although  the  Syed  brothers  were 
personages  of  immense  influence  and  power,  Jafar  Khan  resented 
their  impudence,  declined  to  exchange  his  title,  and  sent  the  follow- 
ing manly  reply  to  the  Emperor  :  "  This  old  servant  has  no  hanker- 
ing after  names  or  titles  ;  but  the  title  which  it  pleased  the  late 
Emperor  'Alamgir  (Aurangzeb)  to  confer  on  him,  he  declines  to 
barter."  When  Syed  Razi  Khan  died,  at  the  desire  of  Jafar  Khan, 
Emperor  Farrukh-sir  conferred  the  Diwaui  of  the  Subah  of  Bengal  on 
Mirza  Asadu-1-lah,  son  of  Shuja'u-d-din  Muhammad  Khan,  Nazim 
of  Orissa,  by  the  daughter  of  Jafar  Khan,  bestowing  at  the  same 
time  ou  the  Mirza  the  title  of  Sarfaraz  Khan.  As  Jafar  Khan 
had  no  son,  and  Sarfaraz  Khan  was  his  maternal  grandson, 
shewing  foresight,  he  purchased  from  the  income  of  his  personal 
jaglr  the  zamindari  of  Qismat  Chunahkhali  in  Parganah  Kholhar- 
bah  in  the  district  of  Murshidabad  from  Muhammad  Aman,  the 
Taluqdar  of  the  aforesaid  Qismat,  in  the  name  of  Mirza  Asadu-1- 
lah  Sarfaraz  Khan,  named  the  said  zamindari  Asadnagar,  and  caused 
it  to  be  entered  in  the  Imperial  and  Provincial  Qanungo's  registers. 
This  estate  came  to  be  known  as  Khas  Taluq,  so  that  after  his  death 
it  might  afford  subsistence  to  his  descendants,  and  after  the  pay- 
ment of  revenue  from  its  income  its  surplus  might  be  at  their 
disposal.  And  in  the  same  year,  the  Deputy  Governorship  of 
Jahangirnagar  ( Dacca)  was  bestowed  on  Mirza  Lutfu-1-lah,  a  son- 
in-law  of  Shuja'u-d-din  Muhammad  Khan.  The  Mirza  at  the 
same  time  received  the  title  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan.  In  that  on  the 
9th  Rabiu-1-Sani  1131  A.H.  the  Emperor  Farrukh-sir  was  slain,1 

1  Between  Farrukh-sir  and  the  Syed  brothers,  ill-feeling  broke  out 
through  the  instigation  of  one  Mir  Jumla  (who  possessed  great  influence  over 
Farrukh-sir,  having  been  Qazi  of  Dacca,  when  Farrukh-sir  was  there  as 
Deputy  Nazim).  This  ill-feeling  was  fanned  by  Ratan  Ohand,  the  crafty 
Diwan  of  the  Vazir  Qutb-ul-Mulk  Syed  Abdullah,  brother  of  Syed  Hnsain 
Ali  Khau.     This    ill-feeling  which  not  only    paralysed   the  Administration, 


275 

through  the  treachery  of  'Abdullah  Khan  the  Vizir  and  Husain 
'Ali  Khan,  the  Paymaster- General,  the  Syeds  of  Barha  raised 
Sultan  Rafi'u-d-darajat,  l  son  of  Prince  Rafi'u-sh-shan,  son  of 
Bahadur  Shah,  to  the  throne.  For  four  or  five  months,  ruling 
nominally,  this  Emperor  died  of  consumption.  After  this,  Rafi'u- 
d-darajat's  second  brother,  named  Sultan  Rafi'u-d-daulah,2  was 
brought  out  from  captivity,  and  placed  on  the  throve,  and  was 
styled  Shah  Jahan  the  Second.  The  latter  al*o,  like  his  elder 
brother,  for  five  or  six  months  sat  nominally  on  the  throne.  At 
the  time  when  the  Imperial  army  was  engaged  in  repelling  Sultan 
Neko  Sir,  son  of  Sultan  Akbar,  and  grandson  of  Emperor 
Alamgir,  who  had  invaded  Akbarabad  (Agra),  Shah  Jahan 
the  Second  also  died.  And  the  Syeds  of  Barha  and  other 
Imperial  noblemen,  at  the  end  of  the  year  1131  A.H.,  bringing 
out  Sultan  Raushan  Akhtar,  son  of  Jahan  Shah,  from  the  citadel 
of  Shahjahanabad  (Delhi),  and  marching  with  him  day  and  night, 
reached  Akbarabad  (Agra),  and  in  the  beginning  of  IJ32  A.H. 
they  placed  him  on  the  Imperial  throne,  and  styled  him  Abu-1- 
Fattah  Nasiru-d-din  Muhammad  Shah  G_hazi.s    A  poet  has  said  : — 

"  He  was  a  bright  star,  now  he  has  waxed  into  a  moon, 
Joseph  has  returned  from  captivity,  and  has  become  a  king." 

Nawab  Jafar  Khan,  hearing  of  the   accession  of  Muhammad 
Shah  to  the  Imperial  throne,  sent  presents  and  tribute,  and  received 

but  undermined  for  ever  the  prestige  of  the  old  illustrious  Timuride  House 
is  detailed  in  the  Seir-ul-Mutalcherin,  Vol.  II,  pp.  407,  409,  415,  416,  418, 
419,  and  420.  The  Syed  brothers,  to  the  detriment  of  the  State  and  to  their 
own  lasting  dishonour,  made  the  Imperial  Mughal  throne  of  Delhi,  at  this 
time,  a  football  for  their  own  selfish  aims  and  personal  ambitions.  (See 
extracts,  from  Khafi  Khan's  history  at  p.  420,  Vol   II,  Seir). 

1  In  Seir-ul-Mutalcherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  419,  it  is  related  the  Syed  brothers 
raised  to  the  throne  Shamsu-d-din  Abul  Barkat  Rafi'u-d-darajat,  eon  of  Bafiu-1- 
Qadr,  and  grandson  of  Bahadur  Shah,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  in  1131  A.H. 

2  See  Seir-ul-Mutalcherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  421.  The  ambitious  Syed  brothers 
now  virtually  ruled  over  the  Mughal  Empire  in  India.  > 

8  See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  pp.  422,  423.  At  this  time  Ratan  Chand  was  the  evil 
genius  of  Qutb-ul-Mulk  Syed  Abdullah  the  Vazir,  and  had  the  impudence  of 
nominating  persons  to  even  the  Qasiships,  for  which  he  was  once  snubbed 
by  his  master. 


276 

in  return  patents  confirming  him  in  his  former  offices,  and  adding 
thereto  the  Subakdari  of  Orissa.  In  short,  owing  to  the  undue 
influence  exercised  over  the  administration  by  Syeds  Husain  'Ali 
Khan  and  'Abdu-1-lah  Khan  from  the  reign  of  Farrukh-sir  till 
that  period,  the  affairs  of  the  Empire  had  suffered  much  in  eclat, 
and  owing  to  constant  changes  in  Emperors  the  administration  of 
the  country^  had  fallen  into  chaos.  The  people  of  Bengal 
were,  however,  free  from  the  troubles  incidental  to  revolutions 
in  the  kingly  office,  as  Jafar  Khan  ruled  over  that  Province  "with 
great  vigour.  In  his  time  no  harm  ensued  to  Bengal  at 
the  hands  of  the  Mahrattas.  The  Christian  Danes  who  had  no 
factory  in  Bengal,  and  carried  on  commercial  transactions  through 
the  agency  of  the  French,  with  the  advice  of  the  latter,  offering 
nazar,  applied  for  permission  to  erect  a  factory  at  Bangibazar.1 
Obtaining  sanad  from  Navvab  Jafar  Khan,  they  erected  mud- walled 
houses,  established  themselves  there,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  a 
factory  with  strong  towers,  surrounded  by  a  deep  and  broad  moat, 
into  which  the  river  water  flowed,  and  wherein  sloops  could  move 
about.  Working  day  and  night,  and  spending  much  money,  they 
set  about  building  the  same.  Placing  obliquely  the  cap  of  vanity 
on  the  head  of  pride,  they  gave  themselves  airs  at  the  expense  of 
other  Christian  nationalities,  and  bragged  they  would  sell  woollen- 
stuffs,  velvet,  and  silk-stuffs8  at  the  rate  of  gunny-cloth.8  The 
English  and  Dutch  Christians,  seeing  the  loss  in  their  own  markets, 

1  This   place   is   marked   between   Ichapnr  and  Ohauk.  on  the  map  in 
Wilson's  Annals,  Vol.  I,  p.  130. 

8  jS^"°    is  a  silk-stuff  with  figures  of  leaves  and  branches  woven  on  it. 

The  Ain-i-Akbari  (Blochmann's  tr.,  pp.  92 — 96)  gives  a  list  of  the  gold-stuffs, 
cotton-fabrics,  and  woollen-stuffs  current  in  India  in  Akbar's  time.  It  would 
appear  therefrovi  that  out  of  28  gold-stuffs  only  two  were  imported  from 
Europe,  out  of  39  silk-stuffs  only  seven  were  imported  from  Europe,  out  of  29 
cotton-stuffs  nil  was  imported  from  Europe ;  whilst  out  of  26  woollen-stuffs 
only  one  was  imported  from  Europe,  all  the  rest  being  either  manufactured  in 
India,  or  imported  from  Asiatic  countries,  like  Arabia,  Persia,  China,  &c. 

8  Richardson's  Dictionary  does  not  seem  to  give  the  word  (^^J,  but  it 

occurs   in  the   following   charming   lines  of  the   great   Persian   poet,    Omar 
Kbyam  : — 

-  i)  a*.   lx|)    &*■   ^£5**   f^a 


o.«^j    Aa.    • Aja   &&.  ^la^ilf  t$.)jM> 


i* 


277 

conspired   to   have   the  former's  factory  closed,  intrigued  with  the 
Mughal  merchants,  and  undertook  to  pay  themselves  their  nazars. 
Relating  to  Ahsanu-1-lah  Khan,  Faujdar  of  the  Port  of  Hooghly,  tales 
of  their  bloodshed  and  oppression  in  Europe  and  also  exaggerated 
accounts  of  their  having  erected  forts  and  towers  with  moats  at 
Baugibazar,  and  of  their  past  misdeeds  in  the  Emperor's  domin- 
ions, they  induced  Ahsanu-1-lah  Khan  to  write  to"  Nawab  Jafar 
Khan,  and  themselves  petitioned  the  latter  to  issue  mandates  in  the 
name  of  the  above  Faujdar  to  close  the  factory  of  the  Danes.     Al- 
though Ahsanu-1-lah  Khan  sent  agents  to  close   the   factory,   the 
Danes  not  relying  on  their  message,  failed  to  close  their  factory ; 
at   length   the    Faujdar    deputed    his   own    Deputy,     named   Mir 
Jafar,  to  the  Danes.     The  Chief  of  the  Danes,  who  was  styled 
a  General,    mounted   cannons    on    the   heights    of   the   ramparts* 
and  prepared  to  fight.     The  aforesaid  Mir,  erecting  entrenchments 
facing  the  ramparts,   commenced   fighting  with  cannons,   rockets, 
arrows,  and   muskets.     But   the  soldiers  of  the  Mir  could  not  ap- 
proach the  factory,  owing  to  constant  shower  of  cannon-balls  and 
rockets.  And  the  ways  for  the  ingress  and  egress  of  the  vessels  of 
merchants  in   the  river   became    closed      The    Christian   French 
secretly  leagued  with  the  Danes  and  assisted  the  latter  with    sup- 
plies of  shot,  powder,  and  armaments.     The  Danes  captured,  with 
the  secret  help  of  the  French,  Khwajah  Muhammad  Kamil,  eldest 
son  of  Khwajah  Muhammad  Fazal,  who    happened    to  pass  and 
repass  the  river  by  boat.  Owing  to  this,  all  the  Mughal,  Armenian, 
and  other  merchants  made  great  exertions  to  effect  his    release, 
and  fearing  lest  he  might  be  slain,  for  two  or  three  days  a  truce 
was  arranged.     The  aforesaid  Khwajah,  agreeing  to  pay  a  large 
ransom,   and  also   promising  to   bring  about   peace,  was  released 
from   the   custody   of   the   Danes.      Then   the  Christian  French, 
dreading   the   resentment   of  the   Faujdar,   deserted   the   Danes. 
Mir  Jafar,  advancing  his  entrenchments,  with  volleys  of  cannon- 
balls,   rockets,   arrows,  and    musket-balls,    reduced  the   garrison 
to  straits,  and  cut  off  all  supplies  both  by  land  and  by  water. 
When  the    garrison  were    reduced    to   starvation,    their    Indian 
servants  all  fled,  and  the  General  alone  with  thirteen  Danes  remained 
in  the  factory.     Though  reduced  to  such   straits   and    numbers, 


278 

they   with     their   own   hands   kept   up     a   perpetual   shower   of 
cannon-balls   and   rockets,    and    allowed   no   opportunity   to    the 
attacking    force     to     lift     up     their     heads,     and    far     less     to 
advance  out   of    their  entrenchments  or   to    assault   the   factory. 
For    some     time     the    fighting     continued    in   this     wise.      By 
chance,    a  cannon-ball  discharged  from  Mir  Jafar's  entrenchment 
hit  the  Danish'Jjeneraron  the  right  arm,  and  broke  it,  and  his  hand 
became  in  consequence  useless.    The  General l  was  obliged,  in  conse- 
quence, at  dead  of  night,  to  scuttle  out  of  the  factory,  and,  embark- 
ing on  board  a  vessel,  he  set  sail  for  his  own  native  country.    Next 
morning,  the  factory  was  captured ;  but  save  and  except  some  cannon- 
balls,  nothing  of  value  was  found.     Mir  Jafar,  rasing  the  gateway 
and   the   tower   o£  the  factory,  returned  victorious  and  triumph- 
ant.    About  that  time,  news  arrived   that  the  Afghans.  Shuj'ait 
Khan  and  Nijat  Khan,  zamindars  of  Tonki  Sarubpur,2  in  the  Sarkar 
of  Mahmudabad,  who  were  notorious  for  their  lawlessness,  had 
plundered  the  revenue  of  Mahmudabad  amounting  to  sixty  thous- 
and rupees,  whilst  on  its  way  to  Murshidabad.     Nawab  Jafar  Khan, 
who  thirsted  for  the  blood  of  thieves  and  robbers,  hearing  this  news, 
appointed  a  Superintendent  of  Dacoity  with  spies  under  him,  and 
after  ascertaining  the  reality  and  origin  of  this  affair,  he  issued  an 
order  to  Ahsanu-1-lab  Khan,  Faujdar  of   the  Chaklah  of   Hughli, 
directing  their  arrest.     The  aforesaid  Khan,  ostensibly  marching 
out  on  a  hunting  expedition,  like  a  sudden  calamity,  surprised  their 
stronghold,  arrested  and  captured  all  the  brigands,  put  them  in 
chains   and   fetters,  mutilated   their   hands   and   feet,  tied    them 
strongly  and  securely  with  pieces  of  stirrup-leather,  and  sent  them 
to  Nawab  Jafar  Khan.     The  Nawab  imprisoned  them  for  life,  and 
confiscated  their  treasures.     After  they  were  thus  banished  and 
extirpated,3  the  Nawab  settled  their  aforesaid  zamlndarl  with  Ram 
Jivan.     Levying  indemnity  equal  to  the  plundered  revenue   from 
the  landholders  of  the  neighbourhood,  the  Nawab  credited  it  to  the 
Imperial  treasury .^   During  the  Nawab's  administration,  the  names 
of  free-booters,  night-marauders,  and  assassins  were  blotted  out 
from  the  annals  of  the  Bengal  Satrapy,  and  the  dwellers,  both  of 

1  The   Danish  Chief's  name  appears  to  be   Mr.  Attrup   (See   Wilson's 
Annals,  Vol.  II,  p.  200).     This  happened  in  1714. 

2  This  is  a  place  about  five  miles  from  Jessore  head-quarters. 

8  There  is  still  a  Pathan  family  in  Sarubpnr,  thongh  impoverished. 


279 

towns  and  villages,  lived  in  perfect  peace  and  comfort.     The  Thanahs 
of  Kafcwah  and  Murshidganj,  on  the  highway  leading  to  Bardwan, 
were  established  by  the  Nawab,  in  the  early  part  of  his  Nizamat, 
whilst  he  held  the  title  of  Murshid  Quli   Khan.     He  established 
these    Thanahs    for    guarding     the    above    highway,    and     their 
control  and   administration  was  entrusted  by  the  Nawab  to   his 
special   disciple,  Muhammad   Jan.     In  thut,  in  the   environs    of 
Fanachor,  which  is  on  the  highway  leading  from  Nadia  to  Hughli, 
in  the   plantain    groves    thefts    took    place     in    broad     daylight, 
Muhammad  Jan  established  an  outpost  at  Pupthal,  subordinate  to 
the  Thanah  of  Katwah.     Capturing  the    thieves  and  robbers,  and 
chopping  them  into  bits,    Muhammad   Jan    hanged   them   on    the 
trees  of  the  highway,  to  serve  as  warnings  to  others-     As  i:i  his 
retinue,  hatchet-men   used    to  go   ahead,   he   became   known   as 
Muhammad  Jan  Kolharah.     Thieves  and   robbers  used  to  tremble 
on   hearing  of    his     name.     As   a    propagator    of    Muhammadan 
religion,    as     a    strict   observer    of     the     religious    injunctions, 
as   a   friend   of    scions    of    good    family,    as    a    reliever   of    the 
distressed,  and  as  an  exterminator  of  oppressors,  Nawab   Jafar 
Khan  was  a  second  Amira-1-Umara  Shaista  Khan.     He  was  strict 
in  the   enforcement  of   his  orders,  and  faithful  in  the  fulfilment 
of  his  engagements.     He  never  neglected  saying  his  daily  prayers 
five  times,    and  fasted  for  three  months  in  the  year,  and  used  to 
completely  recite  the  Qoran.     On  the  12th  and  13th  of  the  lunar 
months,  be  used  to  fast,  and  on  Thursday  nights  he  was  vigilant 
in  his  prayers.     Many  nights  he  used  to  pass   in    reciting  certain 
select  portions  of  the  Qoran,  and  he  slept  little.     From  morning 
to  midday,  he   devoted  himself  daily  to  transcribing  the  Qoran. 
And  he  used  to  send,  every  year,  copies  of  the  Qoran  transcribed 
by  his  hand,  together  with  votive  offerings  and  gifts,  through  the 
headmen  of  the  pilgrims  and  other  caravans  bound  for  pilgrimage, 
to  Mecca,  Medinah,  Najaf,  Karballa,   Baghdad,  Khorasan,  Jidah 
Basrah,    and   other   holy   places,   like  Ajmir,  Panduah,  &c.     For 
each  of  these  places,  he   allotted    votive   offerings,   endowments, 
and  reciters  of  the  Qoran.     The  humble  author  of  this  History 
has  seen  a  torn  copy  of  the  Qoran,  every  chapter  of  which  was 
detached,  in  the  shrine  of  Hazrat  Makhdum  Akhi  Siraju-d-din,  at 
S'adu-1-lahpur,1  written  in  large  characters  in   the  handwriting 

*  I  do  not  kuow  if  that  copy  is  still  there.     See  also  note  ante. 


280 

of  Nawab  Jafar   Khan.     The  Nawab  had  in   his   employ   2,500 
reciters  of  the   Qoran,  who   completely  recited   the  Qoran  daily, 
and    corrected   what   the   Nawab   transcribed  from   the    Qoran ; 
and  their  meals  were   supplied  twice  daily  from  the  Nawab's  own 
kitchen,    and   comprised   game,   birds,    and   other    animals.     He 
shewed  a  great  predilection  for  the  company  of  Syeds,  Shaikhs,  the 
scholarly,  and /he  pious,  and  he  deemed  it  meritorious  to  serve  them. 
And  from  the  lstt  to  the  12th  of  the  month  of  Rabi'u-1-Awwal, 
which  is  the  anniversary  of  the  death  of  the  Prophet  Muhammad 
(Peace  be  on  him  !),  daily  he  used  to  feed  the  excellent  and  the 
venerable   Shaikhs,   the   Ulama,  the   pious    saints,   and   inviting 
them  from  the  environs  of  Murshidabad,  he  used  to  receive  them 
with  great  respect   at  his  banquets,  and  till  they  finished  their 
dinners,  he  used  to  stand  before  them  in  a  respectful  posture,  and 
to  serve  them.     And  every  night  during  that  period,  from  Mahi- 
nagar  to  Lalbagh,  on  the  bajiks  of  the  river,  he  used  to  arrange 
illuminations  with  chiraghs,  in  an  elegant  fashion,  so  that  from  the 
brightness    of   the  illumination,  the  altars  of  the  mosques  and  the 
pulpits,  with  the  inscriptions  of  the  Qoran  engraved  thereon,  could 
be  read  from  the  other  side  of  the  river  by  spectators,  to  their  great 
amazement.     It  is  said  that  he  employed  more   than  one  lak  of 
labourers   to  light   the   chiraghs  under  the  supervision  of  Nazir 
Ahmad.     After  sunset,  as  soon  as  the  gun  was  fired   to   signal 
that    the   illumination  should   commence,   all   the  chiraghs  were 
simultaneously  lit  up  in  one  instant,  producing  an  illusion  as  if  a 
sheet  of  light  had  been  unrolled,  or  as  if  the  earth  had  become  a 
sky  studded   with   stars.     And  he  constantly   consecrated  his   life 
to  seek   the    approbation  of   his   Creator  and   to  seek   the   well- 
being   of   his   subjects,   and  to    redress   the   grievances    of   the 
oppressed.     He  used  to  sign  his  name   with  the  Shangarfi  pen. 
He  exerted  himself  to  render  the  prices  of  food-grains  cheap,  and 
did  not  allow  rich  people  to  hoard  up  stocks  of  grains.     Every 
week,  he  had  the*  price-current  reports  of  food-grains  prepai'ed, 
and  compared  them   with  the  prices   actually  paid  by  the  poor 
people.     If  these  latter   were  charged  one  dam  over  the  prices 
stated  in  the  price-current  reports,  he  had  the  dealers,  mahaldars, 
and  weighmen  punished  in  various  forms,  and  had  them  patrolled 
through  the  city,  placed  upon  asses.     During  his   administration, 
the  ruling  price  of  rice  was  5  or  6  maunds  (of  the  standard  market 


281 

weight)  per  rupee,  and  other  articles  were  similarly  cheap,  so 
much  so  that  by  spending  one  rupee  in  a  month,  people  ate polao  and 
qaliah  daily.'  Owing  to  this  cheapness,  the  poor  lived  in  ease 
and  comfort.  Aud  the  captains  of  ships  were  not  permitted 
to  export  on  their  vessels  food-grains  beyond  tbose  needed  for 
actual  consumption  by  those  on  board  the  ships.  At  the  period 
of  disembarkation  of  ships,  the  Faujdar  o'f  the  pjrt  of  Hughli 
deputed  to  the  harbour  a  Preventive  Officer  foy  the  inspection  and 
attachment  of  the  food-grains,  in  order  that  no  food-grains 
beyond  what  were  needed  for  actual  consumption  on  board  the 
ships  might  be  exported.  Aud  the  Nawab  had  so  much  reverence 
for  the  Imperial  authority,  that  he  never  travelled  on  any  of  the 
Imperial  flotilla  of  boats.  In  the  rainy  seasons,  wben  the  Im- 
perial war- vessels  came  for  review  from  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca) 
be  used  to  go  up  to  receive  tbem,  and  turning  his  face  towards 
the  Imperial  Capital  he  used  to  offer  Jiis  salute  aud  presents.  Aud 
in  obedience  of  the  Sacred  Law  he  never  indulged  in  intoxicating 
liquors,  and  eschewed  things  prohibited  by  the  sacred  law,  neither 
be  saw  dancings  nor  heard  singings.  In  his  whole  lifetime,  be- 
sides his  one  wedded  wife,  he  kept  no  mistress,  and  never  bestowed 
his  attention  on  any  other  woman.  Owing  to  his  extremely  nice 
sense  of  honour,  he  did  not  allow  eunuchs  and  women  who  cannot 
be  lawfully  seen  to  enter  his  harem.  If  a  female  slave  went  out 
of  his  harem  once,  he  did  not  allow  her  access  to  the  harem  again. 
In  every  branch  of  learning,  art,  and  science  he  had  great  profi- 
ciency. He  abstained  from  delicious  and  luxurious  dishes  ;  nor  did 
he  taste  anything  of  luxury  except  ice- water  and  ice-preserves. 
And  Khizr  Khan,  Deputy  of  Nazir  Muhammad,  was  deputed  for 
four  months  in  winter  to  the  mountains  of  Akbarnagar  for  storing 
ice.  The  Nawab  had  stores  of  ice  full  for  twelve  months,  used  ice 
daily  and  received  his  supplies  of  ice  from  Akbarnagar.  Similarly, 
in  the  season  of  mango-fruit,  which  is  the  best  of  the  fruits  2  of 
Bengal,  the  Superintendent  of  mango-supplies  was  posted  in  the 

1  This  would  indicate  wonderful  economic  and  agricultural  prosperity  in 
Bengal  during  the  Viceroyalty  of  Mur  Shid  Quli  Khan.  Polao  and  Qaliah  are 
rich  Hindustani  dishes.  See  Aln-i-Akbari  (Bloch's  Tr.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  59  and  62) 
for  a  list  of  Hindustani  menu,  and  also  for  statistics  of  prices  of  certain 
articles  in  Akbar's  time. 

2  For  a  detailed  description  of  the  Fruitery  iu  India,  in  Akbar's  time, 
see  Ain-i-Akbari  (Bloch's  Tr.,  p.  64.) 

36 


282 

Chaklah  of   Akbarnagar,  and  he,  counting  tlie  mangoes   of    the 
Khas  trees,  entered  them  in  the  accounts,  and  shewed  their  collec- 
tion and  disposal,  and  the  watchmen  and  carriers,  levying  the 
expenses  of  carriage  from  the  zamindars,  sent  the  sweet  and  deli- 
cious mangoes  from  Maldah,  Katwah,  Husainpnr,  Akbarnagar,  and 
other  places.     And  the  zamindars  had  no  power  to  cut  down  the 
Khas  mango-trees  ;  on  the  contrary,  the  mangoes  of  all  the  gardens 
of  the  aforesaid  Chaklah  were  attached.     And  this  practice  was 
more   rigorously  observed   in    the   times   of   previous    Nazims    of 
Bengal.     Even  at  present,1  when  the  administration  of  Bengal  is 
virtually   in  the   hands  of    the   Christian   English,   and  only  the 
nominal  Nizamat  rests  with  Nawab  Mubarakn-d-daulah,  son  of 
Nawab  J'afar  Ali  Khan,2  in  the  mango-season  the  Superintendent 
of  the  Khas  mangoes  proceeds  to  Maldah  on  behalf  of  the  aforesaid 
Nawab  Mubaraku-d-daulah,   attaches  the  mangoes  of  the   Khas 
trees,  and   sends  them  to  the  Nawab,   and  the  zamindars  do  not 
go  near  the  Khas  mango-trees.     But  the  Superintendent  no  longer 
obtains  the  carriage  expense  from  the  Zamindars,  nor  does  he  enjoy 
his  former  prestige  and  respect.     The  roots  of   oppression  were  so 
thoroughly  extirpated  in'  the  time  of   Nawab  J'afar  Khan,   that 
the  agents  of  zamindars  used  to  loiter  about — from  the  Naqar 
Khanah  to  the  Ohehal  satim?  in  quest  of  the  oppressed  and  of  com- 
plainants.    Wherever  they  came  across  an  oppressed  man  or  a  com- 
plainant, they  amicably  settled  matters  with  him,  and  did  not  leave 
him  to  complain  to  the  Nawab.  And  if  the  officers  of  the  Courts  of 
justice  shewed  partiality  towards  the  oppressors,  and  if  the  oppress- 
ed carried  their  complaints  to  the  Nawab,  the  latter  instantly  re- 
dressed their  grievances.  In  administering  justice,  he  did  not  allow 
consideration  and  partiality  to  be  shewn  to  anyone  ;  he  weighed 
the  high  and  the  low  evenly  in  the  scale  of  justice.     For  instance, 
it  is  well  known*  that  to  avenge  the  death  of  an  oppressed  man,  he 
executed  his  own  son,4*  and  obtained  the  title  of  "lAdalat  Gastar"  (or 
Justice-Strewer).     He  used  to  dispense  justice,  basing  his  orders 

1  i.e.,  when  this  history  was  written  (1788) 

3  i.e.,  Mir  Jafar  Ali  Khan. 

S  The  Ohihel  Satan  was  a  Public  Audience  Hall  built  by  Murshed  Quli 
Khan,  at  Murshidabad. 

*  This  incident  of  stern  and  blind  justice  recalls  to  memory  the  glorious 
career  of  another  Musalman  sovereign  in  the  far  West — that  is,  of  Abdur 
ltahman,  the  Khalifa  of  Spain.    (See  Amir  Ali's  History  of  the  Saraceus,  p.  510)* 


283 

on  the  injunction  of  the  Qoran,  and  on  the  expounding  of  the  law 
by  Qazi  Muhammad  Sharf,  who  had  been  appointed  to  the  office  of 
Qazi  by  Emperor  Aurangzeb,  and  who  was  an  upright  judge  and  a 
great  scholar,  free  from  hypocrisy.  It  is  related  that  a  mendicant 
at  Chunakhall  begged  for  alms  from  Bindraban,  the  Tcdqudar. 
The  latter  got  annoyed,  and  turned  him  out  from  his  house.  The 
mendicant  on  his    (Bindraban''  "     ,^"n?e   collected    some 

bricks,  laid  them  one  ov^lue  of  the  woH  i\ko  the  foundation 
of  a  wall,  and  named  it  a  mosque,  and  sh6u*ted  out  the  call  to 
prayer,  and  whenever  the  palanquin  of  Bindraban  passed  that  way, 
he  shouted  out  still  more  loudly  the  call  to  prayer.  Bindraban, 
becoming  annoyed  by  this,  threw  down  some  brickbats  from 
that  foundation,  and  abusing  the  mendicant  drove  the  latter 
from  that  place.  The  mendicant  lodged  a  complaint  at  the 
Court  of  justice  of  Nawab  J'afar  Khan.  Qazi  Muhammad  Sharf, 
with  the  concurrence  of  other  Ulama,  acting  on  the  injunction 
of  the  sacred  Law,  ordered  the  execution  of  Bindraban. 
J'afar  Khan,  not  acquiescing  in  the  sentence  of  execution, 
enquired  thus  from  the  Qazi  as  to  whether  he  could  be  let 
off:  'Can  in  any  way  this  Hindu  ba  saved  from  the  death- 
sentence  ? '  The  Qazi  replied :  "  Only  so  much  interval  may 
be  allowed  in  the  execution  of  his  death-sentence  as  may  be 
taken  up  in  the  execution  of  his  interceder ;  after  that,  he 
must  be  executed."1  Prince  'Azimu-sh-shan  also  interceded  for 
Bindraban;  but  that,  too,  was  of  no  avail.  The  Qazi  killed  him 
by  Shooting  him  with  an  arrow  with  his  own  hand.  Azimu- 
sh-shan  wrote  to  Emperor  Aurangzeb  as  follows  :  "  Qazi  Muha- 
mmad Sharf  has  turned  mad ;  for  nothing  he  has  killed  Bindra- 
ban with  his  own  hand."  The  Emperor  remarked  on  the  report 
of  the  Prince  thus  :  "  This  is  a  gross3  calumny ;  the  Qazi  is  on 

1  A  wonderfully  upright  and  fearless  Judge  Qazi  Muhammad  Sharf 
must  have  been. 

8  Mark  the  pun  on  the  word  "  Azim"  in  the  text.  "  Azim"  means  '  great' 
as  well  as  it  may  refer  to  the  name  '  Azimnshshan'.  So  it  may  mean  "it  is  a 
great  or  gross  calumny"  and  also  "it  is  a  calamny  on  the  part  of  Azim 
(Azimushan)."  Aurangzeb,  even  whilst  angry,  was  not  free  from  flashes  of  wit 
(often  sarcastic  wit)  in  his  epistles.  As  I  am  afraid,  in  thjs  English  garb,  the 
reader  may  miss  the  relish  of  the  original,  I  give  the  original  in  Anrangzeb's 
language  :— 

d>jh  ,j5  |t>£.    ^i         +*Ja*    uM*l    \**> 


284 

the  side  of  God."  Till  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Emperor  Aurang- 
zeb,  Qazi  Sharf  continued  to  hold  the  office  of  Qazi.  On  the 
death  of  the  Emperor,  the  Qazi  resigned  his  office ;  though  J'afar 
Khan  pressed  him  to  continue,  he  did  not.  And  during  the  reign 
of  Emperor  Aurangzeb  and  during  the  Nizamat  of  J'afar  Kharu 
only  the  nobility,  the  scholars,  the  learned,  and  the  excellent 
who  passed  exam  in/,-.-  av  ,  '  .vud  to  the  office  of  Qazi,  -which 

was  never  be^towe*.*.         ,  .,'  t  =»•  the  low.     No  changes  or 

transfers  in  the  offices  of  the  pious  and  hereditary  Qazis  existed, 
nor  was  any  tax  levied  from  them ;  in  fact,  they  were  subordinates 
to  no  superiors,  nor  answerable  to  any.1  For  instance,  Ahsanu-1- 
lah  Khan,  Faujdar  of  the  port  of  Hughli,  grandson  of  Baqir  Khan, 
the  Senior  (after  whom  a  kind  of  Indian  bread  has  acquired  the 
name  of  Baqir  Khani),  was  a  protege  of  Nawab  J'afar  Khan,  and 
he  possessed  great  influence  with  the  Nawab.  During  his  adminis- 
tration, Imamu-d-din,  Kotwal  (Police  Superintendent)  of  the  port 
of  Hughli,  who  had  acquired  a  high  position  and  much  influence, 
enticed  away  the  daughter  of  a  Mughal  from  the  latter's  house.  The 
aforesaid  Ahsanu-1-lah  Khan,  conniving  at  this  offence,  shewed  par- 
tiality towards  his  Kotwal,  and  stood  surety  for  his  future  good 
behaviour.  The  Mughals  carried  their  complaint  to  Nawab  J'afar 
Khan.  The  Nawab,  according  to  the  injunctions  of  the  Holy  Book, 
had  the  Kotwal  stoned  to  death,  and  did  not  listen  to  the  inter- 
cession of  Ahsanu-1-lah  Khan  for  the  offender.  Towards  the  close 
of  his  career,  on  the  eastern  plain  of  the  city  of  Murshidabad,  on 
the  grounds  of  his  Khas  T'aluq,  the  Nawab  erected  a  Treasury,  a 
Katrah,  a  Cathedral  mosque,  a  monument,  a  Reservoir,  and  also 
sank  a  large  well,  and  under  the  staircase  of  the  mosque,  he  located 
his  own  tomb,  so  that  it  might  be  safe  from  damage,  and  might 
also,  owing  to  the  proximity  of  the  mosque,  be  blessed  with  perpetual 
benedictions  for  his  soul.  When  his  life  drew  to  its  close,  finding 
that  he  had  no  son,  he  proclaimed  Sarfaraz  Khan,  who  was  his 
maternal  grandson,  and  who  had  been  brought  up  by  him,  as  his 
heir  and  successor^  and  he  entrusted  to  him  charge  of  the  treasures 

1  Emperor  Aurangzeb,  though  rather  a  bigot  in  some  points,  had  scrupu- 
lous regard  for  the  majesty  of  the  Shard  or  Law,  and  took  considerable 
pains  to  improve  the  administration  of  Justice.  The  Qazis,  or  Magistrates 
and  Judges,  were  exclusively  recruited  from  the  ranks  of  eminent  scholars,  and 
they  were  not  subordinate  to  any  except  the  Law  itself,  and  their  offices 
carried  great  prestige. 


285 

and  effects  and  the  control  of  both  the  Nizamat  and  the  Imperial 
offices.  In  1139  A.H.  he  died.  From  the  following  Misr'a,  the 
date  of  his  death  is  obtained  : — 

(Translation)  From  the  Imperial  Capital,   the  rampart   has 
fallen. 

When  the  numerical  value  of  the  word  y^  is  deducted  from 
the  word  ojiUr!.'  'j>  die  date  of  his  death  is  obtained. 
He  spurred', vi  his  steed  of  march  towards  eternity ; 
He  has  pa    <ed  away,  but  his  good  name  survives. 
Aye,  what  better  can  anyone  aspire  to  than  this  ?  : 
That  after  he  has  passed  away,  his  many  virtues  might  sui  vive.1 


NIZAMAT  OF  NAWAB  SHUJ'A-UD-DIN*  MUHAMMAD 
KHAN  WHO  WAS  ALREADY  NAZIM  OF  THE 

SUBAH  OF  ODlSA  (ORISSA). 

■ 
When  Nawab  J'afar  Khan  passed  to  the  regions  of  eternity, 

Sarfaraz  Khan3  following  the  Nawab's  dying  wish,  laid  the  former 
in  the  tomb  under  the  staircase  of  the  Katraht  mosque,  and  himself 
ascended  the  masnad  of  Nizamat  as  his  successor.  And  conciliat- 
ing the  Nizamat  and  Imperial  officials,  like  Nawab  J'afar  Khan  he 
administered  fiscal  and  administrative  affairs.  Save  and  except 
the  Public  Funds  and  Imperial  treasures,  he  removed  to  his 
private  residence  the  private  treasures  and  effects  of  J'afar  Khan. 
He  reported  J'afar  Khan's  death  to  Emperor    Muhammad  Shah 

1  These  beautiful  lines,  I  suspect,  are  borrowed  from  Saadi,  the  great 
Persian  Moralist  and  Poet  of  Shiraz.  * 

2  He  was  called  "  Mirza  Dakni,"  and  he  hailed  from  Burhanpur.  His 
father's  name  was  Nuru-d-din,  who  came  originally  from  Khorasan.  He  was 
son-in-law  of  Murshed  Quli  Khan,  and  was  Nazim  of  Orissa,  when  Murshed 
Qali  Khan  became  Subadar  of  Bengal.  He  received  the  title  of  Mutaman-ul- 
Mulk,  Shujau-d-daulah  Asad  Khan  (See  Madelr,  Vol.  3,  p.  953,  and  Seir-ul- 
Mutakherin,  Vol.  2,  p.  469). 

3  His  name  was  Mirza  Asadu-d-din,  and  his  titles  were  Alau-d-daulah 
Sarfaraz  Khan  Haidar  Jang'.  He  was  a  son  of  Shujau-d-din  Khan,  and  a 
maternal  grandson  of  Murshed  Quli  Khan.  (See  Maasir-ul-  Umara,  Vol.  3, 
p.  754,  and  Seir-ul- Mutakherin,  Vol.  2,  p.  408). 


286 

and  to  Qamru-d-din  Husain  Khan  Bahadur.1  He  also  communicat- 
ed the  intelligence  to  his  father,  Shuja'u-d-din  Muhammad  Khan, 
who  was  Nazim  of  Orissa.     The  latter  on  hearing  the  news  said : — 

"  The  sky  has  turned  towards  the  fulfilment  of  my  aim, 
And  has  miuted  coins  of  the  kingdom  after  my  name." 

Since  Shujk'u-d-diu  was  very  anxious  to  obtain  the  Nizamat 
of  Bengal  with  its  honours,  treasures,  and  privileges,  he  shelved  all 
paternal  and  filial  attachments,  and  left  his  son,  Muhammad  Taqi 
Khan,  who  was  matchless  in  bravery  and  liberality,  in  charge  of 
the  Nizamat  of  Orissa  in  the  City  of  Katak. 


End  of  Fasc.  3. 

1  His  name  was  Mir  Muhammad  Fazil,  and  his  title  was  Itamadu-d-danlah 
Qamruddiu  Khan  Bahadur.  He  was  a  son  of  Itamadu-d-danlah  Mohammad 
Amin  Khan.  On  Nizam-ul-Mnlk  Asaf  Jah  resigning  the  office  of  Vazir, 
Qamruddin  Khan  became  Vazir  of  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah  in  1137  A.H. 
He  was  liberal,  affable,  and  pdiished.  (See  Maasir-ul-Umara,  Vol.  1,  p.  358, 
and  Seir-ul-Mutakherin,  Vol.  2,  p.  457). 


» 


THE 


RIYAZU-S-SALAJIN, 


A  HISTORY  OF  BENGAL 


BY 


CHULAM  HUSAIN  SALIM, 


TRANSLATED  INTO  ENGLISH  FROM  THE  ORIGINAL  PERSIAN, 

WITH  NOTE'S, 

BV 

M AULA VI  ABDUS  SALAM,  M.A., 

BENGAL    PROV^CIAL    CIVIL    SERVICE,    MEMBER    OF    THE    ASIATIC    SOCIETY    Or 
BENGAL,    AUTHOR    OF    TRANSLATIONS    OF    UUFI    AND    JlH-NASR-I-ZAHURI. 


FASC.     IV. 


CALCUTTA : 

PRINTED    AT   THE    BAPTIST    MISSION    PRESS,    AND    PUBLISHED   BY 
THE    ASIATIC    SOCIETY,    57,    PARK    STREET. 
1904. 


287 
Fasc.  IV. 

■ 

Shajau-d-dTii  marched  with  a  large  army  towards  Bengal.  In 
order  to  obtain  the  Imperial  Sanad  of  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal,  and 
in  order  to  secure  the  support  of  the  Imperial  Ministers,  he  sent 
a  message  to  Rai  Balkishan,  agent  of  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan,  at  the 
Imperial  Court,  who  enjoyed  moi'e  confidence  and  eminence  than 
Ja'far  Khan's  other  agents.  He  also  sent  messages  to  other 
agents  of  his  own.  •  ° 

Emperor  Muhammad  Shah,1  on  receiving  news  of  Nawab  Ja'far 
Khan's  death,  had  conferred  the  pubahdari  of  Bengal  on  Amiru-1- 
Umara  Samsamu-d-daulah  Khan-i-Dauran8  Khan  Bahadur,  Chief 
Pay-Master- General  of  the  Army.  The  latter  was  Emperor's 
loyal  friend  and  intimate  associate  both  in  social  gaieties  as  well  as 
in  State  deliberations,  and  was  his  comrade,  companion,  and  coun- 
cillor in  matters  pertaining  to  feasts,  as  well  as  to  wars.  The 
Amiru-1-Umara  misled  by  the  intrigues  of  the  aforesaid  agent, 
sent  the  patent  and  Khila't  of  the  Deputy  Nizamat  of  Bengal  in 
the  name  of  Shujau-d-din  Muhammad  Khan.  Shujau-d-din 
Khan  had  reached  this  side  of  Mednipm>  when  the  patent  address- 
ed to  his  name  arrived,  and  viewing  this  event  as  a  good  omen,  he 
named  that  place  "  Mubarak-Manzil  "  or  "  the  Auspicious  place,  " 
and  ordered  a  Katrah  (a  Tower)  and  a  masonry-built  Caravanserai 
to  be  erected  there.  When  news  of  the  approach  of  his  father  reached 

1  Emperor  Mohammad  Shah  was  raised  to  the  Imperial  throne  of  Delhi  by 
the  Syed  brothers  in  1131  A.H.    See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  422. 

2  His  name  was  Khwajah  Asam.  His  ancestors  had  come  from  Badakh- 
shan  to  India,  and  settled  at  Agra.  He  held  a  small  Manmb  in  the  beginning 
nnder  Prince  Azimu-sh-Shan,  and  was  in  the  latter's  comjmny  in  Bengal  at 
Dacca.  When  the  Prince  in  obedience  to  the  summons  of  his  father,  Muham- 
mad Maazzam  (afterwards  Emperor  Bahadur  Shah),  on  tLi  death  of  Emperor 
Anrangzeb,  left  Bengal  to  join  his  father  at  Agra,  he  left  Khwajah  Asam  in 
the  company  of  his  son  Farrukh  Sir,  who  remained  in  Bengal  on  behalf  of  his 
father.  He  soon  made  himself  a  persona  grata  to  Priuce  Farrukh  Sir,  and 
exercised  considerable  influence  over  his  conduct  and  policy.  Farrukh  Sir 
conferred  on  him  the  title  of  '  Ashraf  Khan, '  and  on  ascension  to  the  throne 
conferred  on  him  the  further  titles  of  "Samsamu-d-daulah  Khan  Dauran," 
and  created  him  a  Haft  hazarl,  and  second  Bakhshi.  In  the  reign  of  Muham- 
mad Shah,  on  the  fall  of  Syed  Husain  Ali  Khan,  he  received  the  title  of 
'  Amiru-1-Umara '  and  also  became  the  Supreme  Bakhshi  or  Generalissimo,  or 
Paymaster- General  of  the  Army.  He  fell  during  the  war  against  Nadir 
Shah  who  had  invaded  India  in  1151  A.H.    See  Maasiru-l-Umara,  Vol.  I,  p.  819. 

37 


288 

Sarfaraz  Khan,  owing  to  recklessness  of  youth,  the  latter  intended 
marching  to  Katwah,  in  order  to  oppose  his  father's  advance.  The 
Dowager  Begam  of  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan,  who  was  a  very  wise  and 
sagacious  lady,  and  who  regarded  Sarfaraz  Khan  as  dearer  than 
her  own  life,  dissuaded  the  latter,  and  with  soft  and  sweet  words 
of  counsel  set  his  mind  at  ease.  She  said  to  Sarfaraz  Khan  : 
"  Your  father  is  old  ;  after  him,  the  Snbahdari  as  well  as  the  coun- 
try with  its  treasures  ivould  devolve  on  you.  To  fight  against  one's 
own  father,  is  cause  of  loss  both  in  this  world  and  in  the  next,  as  well 
as  of  ignominy.  It  is  meet  that  till  the  lifetime  of  your  father, 
you  should  remain  contented  with  the  Dhcani  of  Bengal."  Sar- 
faraz Khan,  whonever  acted  against  the  advice  of  his  grand-mother, 
acquiesced  in  her  couusel.  Advancing,  he  received  Shujau-d-din 
Muhammad  Khan,  and  escorted  him  to  Murshidabad.  Making  over 
to  his  father  the  Fort  and  the  offices  of  the  Nizamat,  Sarfaraz  Khan 
retired  to  his  private  residence  at  Naktakhali.  From  there  he  used 
to  attend  daily  on  his  father,  and  spend  his  time  according  to  the 
latter's  wishes.  Retaining  in  his  own  service  the  Qoran-readers, 
hymn-reciters,  and  scholrrs  belonging  to  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan's 
household,  Sarfaraz  Khan  employed  them  on  devotions  and  on  re- 
citations of  the  Qoran,  as  was  the  practice  under  Nawab  Ja'far 
Khan.  He  further  consecrated  his  life  to  winning  the  hearts  of 
people,  and  also  sought  for  help  and  blessings  from  saints  and 
hermits. 

Shujau-d-din  Muhammad  Khan,1   who  in  point  of  bravery  and 

l  The  author  of  the  Seiru-l-Mutakherin  also  pays  a  glowing  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  Nawab  Shujau-d-din  Khan,  and  styles  him  a  second  Naushirvan  in 
justice  and  liberality.  He  treated  all  his  officers,  high  and  low,  including  sol- 
diers and  household  servants,  with  affability  and  considerateness,  and  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  begged  their  forgiveness,  and  gave  them  all  two  months' 
pay  in  advance.  In  the  administration  of  justice,  he  was  very  impartial  and 
made  no  difference  between  his  own  son  and  his  humblest  subject.  He 
appreciated  talent,  and  during  his  administration,  people  possessed  of  the 
east  talent  flocked  into  Bengal  from  all  parts  of  Hindustan,  and  found  a 
ready  friend  and  helper  in  him.  Bengal  which  enjoyed  the  title  of  '  Jinnatu- 
1-Bilad'  or  '  Paradise  of  Provinces,'  now  literally  became  so,  under  Shujau- 
d-din  Khan's  wise  and  beneficent  administration.  His  charities  were  unos- 
tentatious and  catholic,  and  his  liberality  was  unstinted.  His  subjects,  dur- 
ing his  administration,  enjoyed  perfect  peace  and  happiness.  See  Seiru-l- 
Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  pp.  472  and  488  (Pers.  text). 

By  the  way,    the  general    immunity  from  civil   wars   and  disturbances 


289 

courage  was  unique  in  his  day,  and  who  in  point  of  liberality  and 
generosity  was  matchless  in  his  time,  was  born  at  Burhanpur.1 
As  he  ascended  the  masnad  of  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal  in  his  old  age, 
he  felt  compassion  for  the  condition  of  the  Bengal  Zaraindars,  who 
being  in  duress  from  the  time  of  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan  had  never, 
even  in  dreams,  beheld  the  faces  of  their  wives  and  children.  He 
set  them  at  large,  and  permitted  them  bo  return,  to  their  homes, 
after  levying  from  them  Nazars  over  and  above  the  amounts  of 
revenue  assessed  by  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan.  By  ibis  stroke  of  policy, 
over  and  above  the  profits  of  Jaglrs  and  fees  on  ware-houses  and 
factories,  he  easily  raised  one  kror  and  fifty  laks  of  rupees,  which 
he  remitted  to  the  Imperial  Treasury  through  the  Banking  Agency 
of  Jagat  Seth  Fatih  Chand.  And  selling  off  at  fancy  prices 
to  Zamindars  the  jaded  horses,  cattle,  and  other  live-stock,  as 
well  as  damaged  carpets  and  curtains  belonging  to  the  private 
estate  of  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan,  he  sent  another  forty  laks  of  rupees, 
besides  elephants,  to  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah.  And  after  the 
Abstract  Balance-sheet  of  the  Annual  Accounts  was  prepared,  he 
remitted  to  the  Imperial  Capital  the  stipulated  annual  tribute  of  the 
Nizamat,  besides  the  Imperial  Revenue,  according  to  the  established 
usage.  And  sending  to  the  Emperor,  at  their  proper  seasons,  ele- 
phants, Tangan  horses,  special  cotton-fabrics,8  and  qiishkhana  s  aud 

enjoyed  by  Bengal  daring  the  vigorous  regimes  of  Murshid  Qui!  Khan  and 
liis  successor,  Shujau-d-din  Khan  (whilst  the  whole  of  Upper  India  was  con- 
vnlsjted  and  torn  by  fratricidal  wars  and  foreign  invasions  which  converted 
those  fair  regions  into  human  shambles),  would  in  a  large  measure  account 
for  the  existence  of  a  comparatively  large  Musalman  population  in  Bengal, 
contrasted  with  that  in  Upper  India,  without  having  recourse  to  theories 
of  a  more  or  less  fauciful  character,  for  which  there  appears  little  or  no 
historical  warrant. 

1  Burhanpur  is  described  in  the  Aln  (see  Vol.  II,  p.  2'?i3)  as  "  a  large  city, 
three  kos  distant  from  the  Tapti,  in  Subah  Dandes  or  Khandes.  It  was  em- 
bellished with  many  gardens,  inhabited  by  people  of  all  countries,  and  handi- 
craftsmen plied  a  thriving  trade."  j 

2  Khasah  is  mentioned  in  the  list  of  cotton-fabrics  manufactured  in  India. 
See  Am,  Vol.  I,  p.  94,  for  a  list  of  cotton,  silk  and  woollen  manufactures  of 
India,  in  Akbar'a  time.  Emperor  Akbar  took  great  pains  to  improve  all  indi- 
genous manufactures.     "  Skilful  masters  and  workmen  were  settled  in  India  to 

3  (J- j3  means  "  small-bodied  (man)."  1  do  not  exactly  understand  what 
AjLs*^s  signifies.  It  was  apparently  some  sort  of  cotton  or  silk-stuff  manu- 
factured in  Bengal,  with  human  figures  woven  thereon. 


290 

other  manufactures,  lie  attested  thereby  his  loyalty  to  the  Imperial 
throne,  and  was  in  consequeuce  invested  with  the  titles  of  Mauta- 
manu-1-Mulk,  Shuja'u-d-daulah,  Shuja'u-d-din  Muhammad  Khan 
Bahadur  Asad  Jang.     He   also  received  the  personal  Mansab  of 
a  Haft  Hazari,   with   seven  thousand  troopers,  besides  a  fringed 
Palki,  together  with  the  insignia  of  the  Malil  Order,  and  a  Jchila't 
consistiug  of  sis  pieces  of  robes,  precious  stones,  a  jewel-mounted 
sword,  and  a  RoyaLelephant  with  a  horse.     He  was  further  con- 
firmed in    the  office  of  Nazim  of  Bengal.     He  surpassed  his  pre- 
decessors in  office  in  paraphernalia  of  royalty  and  armaments,   aud 
though  his  prime  of   life  had  passed,  he  did  not  scorn  life's  plea- 
sures.    Dismantling  the  public  buildings  erected  by  Nawab  Ja'far 
Khan,  as  they  seemed  too  small  according  to  his  lofty  ideals,  he 
built  instead  a  grand  and  spacious  Palace,  an  Arsenal,  a  lofty 
Gateway,  a  Revenue  Court, x  a  Public  Audience-Hall,2  a  Private 
Office,3  a  Boudoir  for  Ladies,  a  Reception-Hall,4  a  Court  of  Chancery6 
and  a  Court  of  Justice.6      He  lived  in  magnificent  splendour,  and 
used  to  ride  out  in  right  regal  state.     He  attended  constantly  to  the 
well-being   of  his  Army,  and  to  the  happiness  of  his  subjects.     On 
his  officers,  he  lavished  largesses  amounting  to  no  less  than  one 
thousand  or  five  hundred  rupees  in  each  case.     Constantly  animated 
by  a  scrupulous  regard  for  justice,  and  always  inspired  by  fear  of 

teach  people  au  improved  system  of  manufacture.  The  Imperial  workshops, 
the  towns  of  Lahore,  Agra,  Fathpur,  Ahmadabad,  Gujrat,  turn  out  many 
master-pieces  of  workmanship;  and  the  figures  and  patterns  and  knots,  and 
variety  of  fashions  which  now  prevail,  astonish  experienced  travellers.  His 
Majesty  himself  acquired  a  theoretical  and  practical  knowledge  of  the  whole 
trade,  aud  on  account  of  the  care  bestowed  on  them,  the  intelligent  workmen  of 
this  country  soon  improved.  All  kinds  of  hair-weaving  and  silk-spinning  were 
brought  to  perfection,  and  the  Imperial  workshoi^s  furnish  all  those  stuffs 
which  are  made  in\,tker  countries...."  See  Ain-i-Akbari,  Blochmann's  trans- 
lation, Vol.  I,  pp.  87,  88. 

I  '  The  Biwan  KhanA  '  is  a  building  containing  the  office  of  Divvan  or  Finance 
Minister. 

8  A  'Chihel  Satun'  means  literally  '  forty-pillared.'  It  was  a  large  build- 
ing, intended  as  a  Public  Audience-Hall. 

8  '  Khilwat  Khhana  '  means  a '  Private  Chamber.' 

*  '  Jalus-Khana'  means  "Office-room  or  building." 

6  Khalisah  Kachcri  means  the  "  Court  of  Exchequer,"  or  the  Revenue  Court 
or  Revenue  Board  in  respect  of  Crown-land  Affairs. 

8    Farmanbari    means  a  '  Court  of  Justice.5 


291 

God,  he  uprooted  from  his  realm  the  foundations  of  oppressions  and 
tyrannies.  Executing  Nazis  Ahmad  and  Murad  Fan-ash,  the 
employes  of  Navvab  Ja'far  Khan,  who  were  notorious  for  their  high- 
handedness, he  confiscated  their  effects.  Nazir  Ahmad  had  laid  the 
foundation  of  a  Mosque  with  a  garden  at  Dehpara  on  the  banks  of 
the  river  Ebagirati.  Shuja'u-d-daulah,  after  executing  him,  finished 
the  mosque  and  garden,  and  named  them  after  himself.  And  he 
tastefully  embellished  the  garden  by  building  therein  grand  palaces 
with  reservoirs,  canals  and  numerous  fountains.  It  was  a 
splendid  garden,  compared  with  which  the  spring-houses  of  Kash- 
mir paled  like  withering  autumn-gardens  ;  nay,  the  garden  of 
Irani1  itself  seemed  to  draw  its  inspiration  of  freshness  and  sweet- 
ness from  it.  Shuja'u-d-daulah  used  frequently  to  resort  for  pro- 
menades and  picnics  to  that  paradise-like  garden,  and  held  there 
pleasure-parties  and  other  entertainments.  Every  year  in  that 
beautiful  garden,  he  used  to  give  a  State  Banquet  to  the  educated 
section2  of  his  State  Officers.  It  is  said  that  owing  to  the  superb 
charmfuluess  of  that  garden,  Fairies  used  to  come  clown  there  for 
picnics  and  walks,  and  to  bathe  in  its  tanks.  The  guards  on  get- 
ting scent  of  this,  informed  Shuja'u-d-daulah.  Dreading  mischief 
from  the  genii,  the  Nawab  filled  up  the  tanks  with  earth,  and  dis- 
continued his  picnics  in  that  garden.  , 

Being  fond  of  ease  and  pleasures,  Nawab  Shuja'u-d-daulah  en- 
trusted the  duties  of  the  Nizamat  to  a  Council,3   composed  of  Haji 

•i 

1  'Iram'  orj^jl  "is  the  celebrated  but   fabulous   garden    said  to  Lave   been 

anciently  laid  out  in  Arabia  Felix  by  a  king  named  Shadad-biu-i-Ad  or  Iram 
bin-i-Omad.  Frequent  mention  of  these  gardens  is  made  by  the  Eastern  poets, 
who  describe  them  as  a  perfect  model  of  Paradise. 

2  It  is  significant  that  even  in  those  declining  years  of  the  Mnghal  regime, 
towards  the  first  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century,  scholarship  and  intel- 
lectual attainments  had  not  ceased  to  command  esteem  amongst  the  Mugjial 
Pro-Consuls. 

8  See  slightly  varied  account  in  the  '  Seirul-Mutakherin,'  which  shews 
that  Mirza  All  Vardi  Khan  was  the  leading  spirit  in  &hiija,u-d-din's  Coun- 
cil or  Cabinet.  See  Seind-MutaMerin,  Vol.  II,  p.  473  Pers.  text.  On  ascend- 
ing the  gadi  of  Nizamat,  Shujau-d-dln  Khan  constituted  a  Cabinet  of 
Advisers  or  Council  of  State,  consisting  of  (1)  Mirza  Mohammad  All  Vardi 
Khan  alias  Mirza  Bandi,  (2)  Haji  Ahmad,  brother  of  No.  1,  (3)  Rai  Raian 
'Alam  Ch,and  (formerly  Shujau-d-din's  Diwan  in  Orissa),  (4.)  Jagatset  Fateh 
Chand,  the  banker.  In  all  important  matters,  he  used  to  consult  them  before 
passing  orders.  His  first  measure  was  to  release  the  Bengal  Zamindars  who 
had  been  imprisoned  by  Ja'far  Khan.     This  measure  brought  him  not  only 


292 

Ahmad,  Rai  A'lamchand  Di  wan,  and  Jagat-SetFatehchand,  whilst  the 
Nawab  himself  indulged  in  pleasures.1  Rai  A'lamchand   Mukhtar,8 

popularity  but  also  an  increase  to  the  revenue  (as  Nazar  was  levied),  and  at 
the  same  time  contributed  to  the  fertility  of  Bengal,  the  Jinnatu-l-Bilad.  (See 
Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  473).  For  purposes  of  administration,  he  main- 
tained his  son  Sarfaraz  Khan  as  the  nominal  Diwan  of  Bengal,  conferred  the 
Subahdarl  of  Oi'issa  on  his  son  (by  another  wife),  named  Muhammad  Taqi 
Khan,  the  Deputy  ITizamat  of  Jahangirnagar  or  Dacca  on  his  son-in-law> 
Murshid  Quli  Khan  II,  the  Fanjdarship  of  Rangpur  on  Sayid  Ahmad  Khan 
(nephew  of  All  Vardi  Khan),  the  Faujdari  of  Bajmahal  or  Akbarnagar  on 
Zainu-d-din  Ahmad  (another  nephew  and  son-in-law  of  All  Vardi  Khan) ; 
Nawazish  Mhd.  Khan  (another  nephew  of  Ali  Vardi)  was  created  Generalissimo 
of  the  Army.     See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  472. 

1  This  preference  of  personal  pleasures  to  the  performance  of  public  duties  by 
the  later  M  ughal  pro-consuls  and  sovereigns  of  the  18th  century,  marks  a  sad  moral 
collapse,  and  was  one  of  the  causes  that  hastened  the  downfall  of  the  Great 
Mughal  Empire  in  India.  Preferring  their  own  personal  ease  and  pleasures,  these 
later  Moslem  Satraps  and  Emperors  delegated  the  unchecked  control  of  their 
State  concerns  into  the  hands  of  ministers,  who  often  proved  unscrupulous,  venal 
and  treacherous,   and  scrupled  not  to  barter  them  to  intriguers  for  the  sake 
of  what  they  deemed  to  be  their  individual  and  personal  self-aggrandisement. 
It  was  a  failing  which  stood  out  in  jarring  contrast  to  the  noble  traditions  and 
examples  of  aBabar,  aSher  Shah,  an  Akbar,  and  an  Aurangzeb,  each  of  whom 
'scorned  delights  and  lived  laborious  days.'     As  bearing  on  the  same  point,  I 
may  also    quote   from   Bernier's  Travels  pp.    129-130  the  weighty  words   of 
Aurangzeb,  whilst  admonishing  one  of   his  Omarah   who   had   ventured   to 
express  his  fears  lest  the  Emperor's  incessant  occupations  might  be  productive 
of  injury  to  his  health.     Thus  burst  forth  the   Great  Monarch   in   the  follow- 
ing noble  strain  : — "  There  can  surely  be  but  one  opinion  among  you  learned 
men  as  to  the  obligations  imposed  upon  a  sovereign,  in  seasons  of  difficulty  and 
dauger,  to  hazard  his  life,  and,  if  necessary,  to  die  sword  in  hand  in  defence  of 
the  people  committed  to   his  charge.     And  yet  this  good  and  considerate  man 
would  fain  persuade  me  that  the  public  weal  ought  to  cause  me  no  solicitude  ; 
that  in  devising  mvans  to  promote  it,  I  should  never  pass  a  sleepless  night,  nor 
spare  a   single  day  from  the  pursuit  of  some  low  and  sensual  gratification. 
According  to  him,  I  am  to  be  swayed  by  considerations  of  my  own  bodily  health, 
and  chiefly  to  study  'tvhat  may  best  minister  to  my  personal   ease  and  enjoy- 
ment.    No  doubt,   he  would  have  me  abandon  the  government  of  this  vast 
kingdom  to  some  Vizier  :  he  seems  not  to  consider  that,  being  born  the  son 

i 
2  The  Seirul-Mutakherin  describes   Alamchand  as  having  formerly  held  the 

office  of  Diwan  under  Shuja'u-d'din  Khan,  when  the  latter  held  the  office  of 
Nazim  of  Orissa.  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  473,  Pers.  text.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  in 
Kattak  (Cuttack)  town,  there  is  still  a  quarter  or  Mahalla  known  as  'Alam- 
chand Bazar.' 


293 

in  the  period  of  Shuja'u-d-daulah's  Nizamat  of  Orissa,  was  a  Muhrar 
attached  to  the  latter's  household.  At  this  time,  he  was  invested 
with  the  Deputy  Diwani  of  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  and  heing  ap- 
pointed Superintendent-General  of  the  Affairs  of  the  Nizamat  and 
the  Diwani,  he  effected  considerable  retrenchments  in  tlie  public  ex- 
penditure, and  received  the  personal  Mansab  of  a  Hazari  with  the 
title  of  Rai  Raian — a  title  which  until  that  time  no  officer  of  the 
Bengal  Nizamat  or  Diwani  had  enjoyed.  And  Haji  Ahmad1  and 
Mirza  Band!  were  sons  of  Mirza  Muhammad,  who  was  a  cup-bearer 
of  A'zzam  Shah,  a  son  of  Emperor  Aurangzeb  A'lamgir.  Haji  Ah- 
mad, on  the  death  of  his  father,  was  appointed  Cup-bearer  and 
Superintendent  of  the  jewellery-stores  of  Sultan  Muhammad 
A'zzam  Shah.     As  A'zzam  Shah2  fell  in  the  struggle  for  the  Em- 

of  a  king,  and  placed  on  a  throne,  I  was  sent  into  the  world  by  Providence 
to  live  and  labour,  not  for  myself,  hut  for  others;  that  it  is  my  duty  not  to  think 
of  my  oivn  happiness,  except  so  far  as  it  *s  inseparably  connected  with  the 
happiness  of  my  people.  It  is  the  repose  and  prosperity  of  my  subjects  that 
it  behoves  me  to  consult ;  nor  are  these  to  be  sacrificed  to  anything  besides 
the  demands  of  justice,  the  maintenance  of  the  royal  authority,  and  the 
security  of  the  State.  This  man  cannot  penetrate  into  the  consequence  of 
the  inertness  he  recommends,  and  he  is  ignorant  of  the  evils  that  attend  upon 
delegated  power.  It  was  not  without  reason  that  our  great  Saadi  emphatic- 
ally exclaimed  :—' Cease  to  be  kings;  Oh,  cease  to  be  kings ;  or  determine 
that  your  dominions  shall  be  governed  only  by  yourselves....'  Alas!  we  are 
sufficiently  disposed  by  nature  to  seek  ease  and  indulgence  ;  we  need  no  such 
officious  counsellors.  Our  wives  too,  are  sure  to  assist  us  in  treading  the 
flowery  path  of  rest  and  luxury."  What  a  noble  ideal  of  kingly  duty ! ,  and 
what  a  sad  falling-off  in  later  Moslem  times  ! 

1  In  Seirul-Mutakherin  and  Stewart's  History  of  Bengal,  it  is  stated  that 
Mirza  Muhammad's  eldest  son  was  Haji  Ahmad,  and  his  second  son  was  Mirza 
Muhammad  All  (the  latter  received  the  title  of  Muhammad  JL'li  Vardi  Khan, 
through  the  favour  of  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan,  whilst  the  latter  was  Nazim  of 
Orissa).     See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  470. 

2  A'zzam  Shah,  surnamed  Prince  Muhammad  A'zzam,  was  the  second  son  of 
Emperor  Aurangzeb,  his  eldest  brother  being  Prince  Muhammad  Muazzam, 
afterwards  surnamed  Emperor  Bahadur  Shah.  On  Emperor  Aurangzeb's 
death,  there  was  a  fratricidal  struggle  for  the  Empire  between  the  above 
two  brothers,  with  the  result  that  at  the  sanguinary  battle  uf  Jajo,  near  Agra, 
in  1119  A.H.,  A'zzam  Shah,  or  Prince  Muhammad  A'zzam,  was  killed,  and  Baha- 
dur Shah  became  victorious.  See  description  of  this  sanguinary  battle  with 
the  slaughter  of  several  Princes  Royal  in  the  Seirul-MutaMerin,  Vol.  II,  p.  377. 
Emperor  Aurangzeb's  third  son,  Prince  Kam  Bakhsh,  similarly  fell  shortly 
after  in  1120  A. II.,  near  Haidarabad,  in  a  similar  fratricidal  struggle '  with 


294 

plre,  at  the  time  of  this  Revolution,  the  two  brothers  leaving  the 
Imperial   Capital  proceeded  to  the  Dakhin  and  thence  to  Odisa 
(Orissa),  and  entered  there  the  service  of  Shuja'u-d-daulah.     Ad- 
opting a  policy  of  tact  and  prudence  which  "is  a  friend,  and  like  water, 
takes  to  every  hue,"  these  two  brothers  got  into  the  good  graces  of 
Shuja'u-d-daulah.     When  Shuja'u-d-daulah  acquired  the  Nizamat 
of  the  Subah  of  Bengal,  Haji  Ahmad  became  his  intimate  associate 
and  councillor  in  aU  affairs  of  the  Nizamat ;  whilst  Mirza  Band! 
was  invested  with  the  Mansab  and  title  of  A'li  Vardi  Khan,  and  ap- 
pointed Faujdar  of  the  Ohaklah  of  Akbaruagar1  (Rajmahal).     Simi- 
larly, the  Haji's  eldest  son,  named  Muhammad  Riza,8  received  the 
office  of  Daroghah  or  Superintendent  of  the  Bajutrah  of  Murshida- 
biid;  his  second  son,  Aga  Muhammad  Sa'id,  was  appointed  Deputy 
Faujdar  of  Rangpur;  whilst  his  youngest  son,  Mirza  Muhammad 
Hashim,  was  invested  with  the  Mansab  and  title  of  Hashirn  A'li 
Khan.  Pir  Khan,  who  during  #Shuja'u-d-daulah's  stay  at  Burhanpur 
had  rendered  faithful  services,  and  who  from  his  youth  to  old  age 
had  passed  his  days  in  his  company,  was  at  this  time  invested  with 
the  Mansab  and  title  of  Shuja'  Quli  Khan,  and  given  the  Faujdar! 
of  the  Port  of  Hugli,  on  the  transfer  of  Ahsanul-lah  Khan. 

Merit  is  no  passport  to  worldly  advancement, 

When  times  are  propitous,  failings  seem  accomplishments. 

The  new  Faujdar  of  Hugli  commenced  exactions  and  oppres- 
sions. The  Port  of  Hugli  from  his  rapacity  was  ruined ;  aixd  he 
commenced  quarrelling  with  the  European  merchants.  On  the 
pretext  of  collecting  the  customs-duties  of  the  Imperial  Customs- 
Bahadur  Shah.  See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  379.  It  ought  to  be  noted  that  these  fra- 
tricidal struggles  did  more  to  weaken  the  great  Timuride  Dynasty,  than  the 
ravages  of  Mahratta  freebooters  or  the  incursions  of  Nadir  Shah  and  Ahmad 
Shah  Durrani. 

1  'Mirza  Bandi'  was  another  surname  of  Mirza  Muhammad  A'li  (subse- 
quently styled  Muhammad  A'li  Vardi  Khan).  In  Seir  it  is  stated  that  he 
formed  the  leading  spirit  in  the  Council  or  Cabinet  of  advisers  of  Nawab 
Shnja'u-d-din  Khan,  and  that  the  Faujdarship  of  Akbarnagar  or  Rajmahal 
was  bestowed  by  §huja'u-d-din  Khan  on  A'li  Vardi  Khan's  nephetv  and  son-in- 
law  named  Zain-udd-iu  Ahmad.     See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  472. 

2  During  the  Nizamat  of  A'li  Vardi  Khan,  Muhammad  Riza  received  the 
title  of  '  Nawazish  Muhammad  Khan,'  and  was  advanced  to  the  office  of 
Diwan  of  Bengal.  I  do  not  quite  understand  what  the  word  '  Bajutrah '  in 
the  text  means.     It  probably  signifies  "  Miscellaneous  Revenue." 


295 

House,  he  requisitioned  troops  from  the  Emperor,  commenced 
hostility  with  the  English,  Dutch,  and  French,  and  levied  Nazars 
and  taxes.  It  is  said  that  once  unloading-  from  English  vessels 
hales  of  silk  and  cottou-stuffs,  and  placing  these  below  the  fort> 
he  confiscated  them.  The  English  troops  advancing  from  Calcutta, 
arrived  near  the  fort.  Shuja'  Quli  Khan  finding  himself  an 
unequal  match  for  them  climbed  down,  when  the  'English  troops 
carried  off  their  goods.  The  aforesaid  Khan; writing  to  Nawab 
Shuja'u-d-daulah  requisitioned  troops  to  attack  the  English, 
and  by  cutting  off  supplies  of  Qasimbazar  and  Calcutta,  he  re- 
duced them  to  straits.  The  Chief  of  the  English  Factory  at 
Qasimbazar  was  compelled  in  consequence  to  arrange  terms  of 
peace,  by  agreeing  to  pay  three  laks  of  rupees  as  nazar  to  Shuja'u- 
d-daulah.  The  Chief  of  the  English  Factory  in  Calcutta,  borrow- 
ing the  nazarana  money  from  the  Calcutta  bankers,  remitted  it 
to  Shuja'u-d-daulah.  • 

In  short,  as  the  good  services  of  Shuja'u-d-daulah  came  to  the 
notice  of  the  Emperor  through  the  medium  of  Khan  Dauran 
Khan,  in  recognition  thereof,  the  Nizanjat  of  the  Subah  of  Behari 
on  the  transfer  of  Fakhru-d-daulah,  brother  of  Raushanu-d- 
daulah  Turabbaz  Khan,  was  also  conferred  by  the  Emperor  on 
Nawab  Shuja'u-d-daulah.  The  aforesaid  *  Nawab  considering 
Muhammad  A'll  Vardi  Khan  to  be  a  person  of  capacity  and  tact, 
appointed  him  to  be  his  Deputy  Governor  of  Behar,  and  sent  him 
to  'Azimabad  (Patna)  with  five  thousand  cavalry  and  infantry. 
A'li  Vardi  Khan,  arriving  in  the  Subah  of  Behar,  associated 
with    himself,    in    the   administration,     General    Abdul     Karim 

1  Fakhru-d-daulah  was  Siibadar  of  Behar  from  1140  A. II.  for  about  five 
years.  He  was  given  to  ease  and  pleasures,  and  ill-treated  not  only  his 
minister,  Shaikh  Abdullah,  who  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  public,  but  also 
insulted  Khwajab  Mn'tassam  (brother  of  Amim-1-Umara  Samsamu-d-daulah 
Khan  Dauran  Khwajah  Asam).  The  latter  in  consequence  left  Patna,  went 
to  Delhi,  and  complained  to  his  brother,  who  held  great  influence  at  the 
court  of  the  Emperor,  Muhammad  Shah-Fakhru-d-daulah  was  at  once  re- 
called, and  Behar  was  added  to  the  Bengal  satrapy  under  Nawab  Shuj'au- 
d-din  Khan.  The  latter  appointed  Muhammad  A'll  Vardi  Khan  as  his 
Deputy  in  the  Nizamat  of  Behar,  conferring  on  him  (with  the  sanction  of 
the  Emperor)  the  title  of  Mahabat  Jang,  and  promoting  him  to  the  rank  of 
a  Panjhazari.  A'll  Vardi  ruled  over  Behar  vigorously.  See  Seirul-Muta- 
Jcherin,  Vol.  II,  pp.  469,  472.  For  Raushan-u-d-daalah  see  page  462,  Vol, 
II,  Seir. 

38 


296 

Khan,1  Chief  of  the  Afghans  of  Darbhanga,  and  raised  a  levy  of 
efficient  troops.     Entrusting  the  reins  of  authority  over  administra- 
tive and  revenue  affairs  to  the  hands  of  Abdul  Karira  Khan.  A'li 
Vardi  Khan  sent  the  former  on  an  expedition  against  the  Banjarah 
tribe,  who  were  a  class   of  marauders  and  murderers,  and  who 
in   the   guise    of   traders   and    travellers    used    to    plunder    the 
imperial    domains    and    treasures.      Abdul    Karira    Khan,    sub- 
duing  the   Bnnjar'ali    tribe,    gained    a   large  booty.     Muhammad 
A'li  Vardi,  by  chastising  the  Banjarah*  tribe,  achieved  a  high  repu- 
tation.   And  being  aided  by  the  Afghans,  A'li  Vardi  advanced  with 
his  forces   against  the  tracts  of  the   Rajahs  of  Bitiah  and  Bha- 
warah,3  who  were  refractory   and   turbulent.     Their  regions  had 
never  previously   been   trod   by  the  feet  of  the  armies  of  former 
Nazims,  nor  had  their  proud  heads  ever  bended  before  to  any  of 
the  former   Subalidars.     Indeed,   they   had  never  before  paid  the 
imperial   revenues  and  taxes-:     After   fighting    with   them   inces- 
santly, A'li  Vardi  Khan  became  victorious  and  triumphant.     Raid- 
ing and  pillaging  their  tracts,  A'li  Vardi  Khan  carried  off  a  large 
booty,  amounting  to  several  laks,  in  specie  and  other  effects.     And 
settling  with  the  Rajahs  the  amounts  of  tribute,  presents  and  the 
imperial  revenue,  he  raised  an  immense  sum.     The  soldiery  also 
were  enriched  by  the    booty,  and  the  strength  of  Ali  Vardi's  ad- 
ministration   increased.      And    drawing    his    forces    against   the 
Chakwar  tribe,  who  had  acquired  a  world-wide  notoriety  for  their 
marauding  propensities,  Ali  Vardi  also  extirpated  them.     In'vad- 
ing   the   tracts    of   the   refractory   and    turbulent    Zamindar    of 
Bhojpur,4'  and  of  Rajah   Sundar  Singh,  Zamindar  of  Tikari,  and  of 
Namdar  Khan  Muin,6  who,  sheltered  by  dense  forests  and  rocks, 

1  Abdul  Karim  Khan  was  a  Rohilla  Afghan  ;  he  was  very  brave  and  power- 
ful, and  had  a  large  Afghan  following.     See  Seir  Vol.  II,  p.  473. 

2  Banjarah  is  described  as  a  zemindar!  with  100  horse  and  1000  foot,  under 
Subah  Berar  in  the  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  II,  p.  230.  The  tribe  of  Banjarah 
were  Rajputs  in  caste. 

8  Bhaurah  or  Bhawarah  is  mentioned  as  a  Mahal  under  Sarkar  Tirhut,  in 
Subah  Behar.  See  Ain,  Vol.  II,  p.  156.  Stewart  inaccurately  calls  it  Phul- 
warah.     Phulwari  is.  a  Mahal  under  Sarkar  Behar. 

*  BhSjpur,  a  parganna  in  Sarkar  Rohtas,  Bihar,  west  of  Arrah  and  north 
of  Sasseram.  The  Rajahs  of  BhSjpur  called  themselves  Ujjinniah  Rajahs, 
as  they  claimed  descent  from  the  ancient  Rajahs  of  Ujjain  in  Malwah.  See 
Ain  Bloch.  tr.,  Vol.  I,  p.  513  n. 

5  I  cannot  trace  of  which  place  in  Bihar  he  was  a  local  chieftain. 


297  , 

had  not  cared  for  former  Nazirns,  and  had  neglected  to  discharge 
loyal  duties,  and  without  coercion  had  never  paid  the  Imperial 
revenue,  All  Vardi  set  about  chastising  every  one  of  them,  subdued 
their  tracts  thoroughly,  levied  the  revenues  from  them  to  the 
fullest  extent,  and  reduced  them  to  thorough  subjection.  And 
similarly  punishing  other  insolent  rebels,  AH  Vardi  Khan  placed 
the  ring  of  submission  on  their  ears.  And  iw  a,  short  period 
becoming  master  of  immense  treasures  and  a  large  army, 
Ali  Vardi's  power  and  prestige  grew  enorm'ously.  As  'Abdul 
Karim  Khan  held  control  over  all  the  State  affairs,  he  exercised 
absolute  sway,  and  ignored  Muhammad  Ali  Vardi  Khan.  Hence 
the  latter  becoming  suspicious  of  the  former,  inveigled  him  by 
some  device  into  his  own  house,  and  slaying  him  raised  the  stand- 
ard of  triumph.  And  through  the  agency  of  Muhammad  Ishaq 
Khan,1  Diwan  of  the  Imperial  Khalisah,  Ali  Vardi  Khan  opened 
negociations  with  Qamru-d-din  Khan,2  the  Imperial  Vizier,  and  also 
with  other  Imperial  Ministers,  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  directly 
from  the  Emperor  the  title  of  Mahabat  Jang 3  Bahadur,  without 
Shuju'a-d-daulah's  recommendation.  Shuja'u-d-daulah,  who  re- 
posed full  confidence  in  Haji  Ahmad  and  Ali  Vardi  Khan, 
viewed  without  misgivings  this  elevation  of  Ali  Vardi's  rank ; 
but  his  son,  Sarfaraz  Khan,  felt  misgivings  about  it.  On  account 
of  this  difference  in  views,  between  the  father  and  the  son  a  cool- 
ness set  in.  Another  son  of  Shuja'u-d-daulah  by  a  different  wife 
was»  Muhammad  Taqi  Khan.  He  was  Deputy  Nazim  of  Orissa, 
and  was  not  only  brave  and  bold  but  was  also  popular  with  the 
Army.  Haji  Ahmad  and  Ali  Vardi  Khan  basing  their  intrigue 
on  his  rivalry  contrived  to  bring  about  a  rupture,  advantageous  to 
themselves,  between  the  two  brothers.  When  the  plan  of  this 
intrigue  was  matured,  Haji  Ahmad  secured  the  adhesion  of 
Rai    Raian  'Alam  Ohand  and  Jagatset  Fateh  Uliand ;    and  the 

1  For  Ishaq  Khan,  see  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  489.  He  enjoyed  Emperor  Muham- 
mad Shah's  confidence. 

2  When  Nizamu-1-Mulk  Asaf  Jah  resigned  the  Imperial  Vizarat,  I'tamu-d- 
daulah  Qamru-d-din  Khan,  son  of  Muhammad  Amin  Khan,  succeeded  him  as 
Imperial  Vazir  of  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah.  See  Vol.  IT,  p.  457,  Seiru-l- 
Mutakkerin.     Pers.  text. 

3  The  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  however,  (see  n.  ante)  states  that  Shuja'u-d-din 
Khan  secured  from  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah  the  title  of  '  Mahabat  Jang ' 
for  his  favourite  and  protege,  Ali  Vardi  Khan. 


298 

Triumvirate  now  waited  for  the  development  of  their  conspiracy. 
Shuja'u-d-daulab,  by  the  advice  of  the  Triumvirate,  was  induced 
not  to  entrust  the  coutrol  of  any  affair  to   Sarfaraz  Khan.     When 
the  fibres  of  mistrust  thus  sown  took  root  in  the  soil  of  the  hearts 
of  the  son  and  the  father,  as  well  as  cf  the  two  brothers,  and  these 
were  about  to  germinate,  Muhammad  Taqi  Khan,  ascertaining  the 
real  origin  of  this  misunderstanding,    proceeded  from  Orissa   to 
Bengal,    to    personally    interview    his    father   and    brother.     The 
Councillors   of   Shuja'u-d-daulah,    finding   the    odds   of  the  times 
evenly  balanced,   fanned  strifes  and   fomented  jealousies  between 
the  two  brothers,  so  much  so  that  both  the  latter  prepared  to  fight. 
Muhammad  Taqi  Khan  with  his  army  rode  out,  and  arrayed  his 
force  on  a  sandy  plain,   opposite  lo  the  Murshidabad  Fort,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river  Bhagirati.     Thence  he  advanced  to  inter- 
view  his  father,   but  did  not  plunder  the  City.     And  the  army 
of  Sarfaraz  Khan  was  arranged  in    battle-array  from  Naktakhali 
to  Shahnagar,  and  was  ready  to  kindle  the  fire  of  war  and  slaugh- 
ter.    Secretly  tempting   by    offers  of  bribe    the   commanders  and 
officers  of  Muhammad  Taqi's  army,  Sarfaraz  Khan  won  them  over 
to   his   side,   and  sending  messages  for  Muhammad  Taqi's  capture, 
waited  for  the  enemy,  in  the  hope  that  when  the  two  contending 
hosts  would  face  each  other  in  battle-array,  his  own  officers  would 
capture   Muhammad   Taqi   and  bring  him   in.     Muhammad  Taqi 
Khan,  who  in  bravery  was  the  Rustani1  of  his  day,  did  not  care  for 
the  enemy.     The  negociations  for  peace  and  war  passed  and  re- 
passed between    the    two    brothers.     When    Nawab    Shuja'u-d- 
daulah  saw  that  affairs  had  taken  a  grave  turn,  he  intervened,   re- 
conciled the   brothers,   and   prevented  their  fighting.     And  out  of 
regard  for  the  feelings  of  Sarfaraz  Khan  and  the  Begams,  rebuk- 
ing several  times  Muhammad  Taqi  Khan,   Shuja'u-d-daulah  pro- 
hibited the  latter  from  coming  to  see  and  salute  him.     At  length, 
at    the    intercession    of    Sarfaraz   Khan's   mother,   he    pardoned 
Muhammad   Taqi.  Khan,   and    permitted   him     to  go   back  to  the 
Subah    of  Orissa.     But  on    arrival  in    Orissa,   in   the    year  1147 
AH.,  owing   to  the  witchcraft  of  the  enemy,  he2  died.       On  this, 
Murshid   Quli   Khan,   surnamed    Majbur,3  who  was   a   son-in-law 

1  The  Persian  Hercules.     His  clatmtless  bravery  and  splendid  heroism  lias 
been  immortalised  in  the  Shalmamah  of  Ferdausi,  the  Persian  Homer. 

2  InMaasiru-1-Uniara,  Vol.lI,p.  844,  "  Makhmur,"  which  seems  to  be  correct. 
8  Muhammad  Taqi  J£han,  the  Nazim  of  Orissa  and  a  sou  of  Nawab  Shuji'a- 


299  , 

of  Shuja'u-d-daulah  and  was  already  Deputy  Nazim  of  Jahangir- 
nagav  (Dacca),  and  was  a  son  of  a  merchant  of  the  Port  of  Surat, 
and  who  in  his  writings  and  compositions,  and  in  his  poetical 
productions  and  caligraphy,  enjoyed  great  excellence,  was  appoint- 
ed Deputy  Nazim  of  the  Subah  of  Orissa. 

During  the  Viceroyalty  of  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan,  whilst  the 
abovementioned  Murshid  Quli  Khan1  stayed  at*  Murshidabad, 
a  person  named  Mir  Habib,  a  native  of  Shiraz,  sjaoke  Persian  very 
fluently,  though  he  was  not  read  in  that  language.  By  chance, 
Mir  Habib  arrived  in  the  Port  of  Hiigli,  where  he  earned  his  live- 
lihood by  retailing  the  wares  of  Mughal  merchants.  Owing  to  his 
kindred  mercantile  pursuits,  and  also  owing  to  his  conversational 
powers,  Mir  Habib  quickly  ingratiated  himself  with  Murshid 
Quli  Khan,  and  entered  the  latter's  service.  When  Nawab  Ja'far 
Khan  conferred  the  Governorship  of  Jahangir-nagar  (Dacca)  on 
Murshid  Quli  Khan,  Mir  Habib  also  went  in  the  latter's  company 
to  Jahaugir-nagar  (Dacca),  and  was  attached  to  the  latter  as  his 
Deputy.  By  personally  attending  to  minute  details,  and  by  adopt- 
ing a  policy  of  economy,  Mir  Habib  curtailed  the  State  expendi- 
ture on  account  of  the  Nawarah  (war-vessels),  the  artillery,  and 

d-din  Khan,  lies  buried  in  the  Qadam  Rasul  building  at  Cuttack,  which  had 
been  erected  by  Nawab  Shnja'u-d-dln  Khan,  when  the  latter  was  Nazim  of 
Orissa.  The  tomb  of  Muhammad  TaqI  Khan  is  now  in  a  dilapidated  condition. 
On  it  I  found  still  the    following  inscription  :      dU.    (*ja^/o    « j|_^i    e>b>j    £Jjlj 

|  | r°v  *2+*j  ii*^-  I  may  acW  tnat  tlie  Seiru-l-MutaMerin  (Pers.  text,  p.  534), 
makes  mention  of  this  Katak  Qadam  Kasul  building,  and  of  the  Deputy 
Governor,  Abdul  Nabi  Khfm  (father  of  Abdur  Rasul  Khan,  another  Deputy 
Governor  of  Orissa),  being  entombed  there.  In  this  connection,  I  may  point 
out  there  is  a  historial  anachronism  in  the  Qadam  Rasul  building  inscription 
which  states  "  it  was  erected  by  Shauja'u-d-din  Khan  in  th»  time  of  Alamgir 
II."  Shujii'u-d-din  was  not  a  contemporary  of  Alamgir  II  at  all,  he  was  a 
contemporary  of  Alamgir  I  whilst  at  Katak,  and  of  Emperor  Muhammad 
Shah,  whilst  Nazim  of  Bengal.  • 

1  The  reader  must  not  confound  this  Murshid  Quli  Khan  (son-in-law 
of  Shnja'u-d-daulah  whose  real  name  was  Mirza  Lutfullah)  with  Nawab  Ja'far 
Khan,  who  had  formerly  held  the  title  of  '  Murshid  Quli  Khan.  '  On  re- 
ference  to  the  account  of  Ja'far  Khan  in  the  text,  it  would  appear  that  '  Ja'far 
Khan  received  several  titles  in  succession;  first  he  received  the  title  of 
'  Kartalab  Khan,'  next  that  of  '  Murshid  Quli  Khan,'  and  lastly  that  of 
'  Mutaman-ul-Mnlk  Alau-d-danlah  Jafir  Khan  Nasir  Jang,"  his  original 
name  having  been  Mirza  Hadi. 


300 

the  army,  and  thus  rendered  good  services,  and  in  consequence, 
shortly  after,  his  official  rauk  was  raised.  Finding  the  tract  of 
Jahangir-nagar  (Dacca)  to  be  fertile,  profit-yielding,  and  suited  for 
trading  business,  he  revived  the  system  of  §!auda-i-khas  current 
during  the  Viceroyalty  of  Prince  Aziniu-sh-Shan,  and  by  means 
of  other  exactions,  both  he  and  his  Chief  amassed  wealth.  On  the 
pretext  of  collecting  the  Imperial  revenue,  he  induced  Nuru-1-lah, 
Zamindar  of  Parganah  Jalalpur,8  who  was  the  leading  Zamindar, 
together  with  other  Zamindars,  to  attend  his  Kachiri  (Court). 
Adroitly  dismissing  the  other  Zamindars,  one  after  another,  Mir 
Habib  kept  Nuru-1-lah  under  duress.  At  midnight,  he  permitted 
him  to  return  home,  escorted  by  a  number  of  Afghans.  The  latter, 
at  the  instigation  of  Mir  Habib,  slew  Niiru-1-lah,  in  a  narrow 
and  dark  alley.  Next  morning,  Mir  Habib  announced  that  Nuru- 
1-lah  had  fled,  sent  a  detachment  to  his  house,  confiscated  his 
treasures  and  jewelleries  and  effects  and  silk-stuffs,  amounting  in 
value  to  several  laics,  as  well  as  his  Abyssinian  male  and  female 
slaves.  Mir  Habib  possessed  himself  of  the  above,  and  thus 
acquired  aristocratic  paraphernalia. 

Subsequently  leaguing 'with  Aqa  Sadiq,  Zamindar  of  Patpasar,1 
who  in  artfulness  and  cunning  was  his  match,  Mir  Habib  sent  him 
on  an  expedition  against  Tiprah.  By  chance  the  Aqa  met  the 
nephew  of  the  Rajah  of  Tiprah,  who  haviug  escaped  from  the  con- 

1  On  reference  to  the  Ain-i-Akbari  (Vol.  II,  pp.  132-133),  I  find  two  parganahs 
with  the  name  of  'Jallapnr,'  one  being  Sawail  (apparently,  Sarail),  commonly 
called  Jallapnr  (revenue,  1,857,230  dams)  under  Sarkar  Fathabad,  another 
being  Dahlat  Jallapnr  (revenue,  1,200  dams)  under  Sarkar  Mahmiidabad.  The 
first  Jallapur  or  Sarail  is  situated  in  the  Brahmanbaria  Sub-Division  of  the 
present  Tiprah  district,  and  when  I  was  in  charge  of  that  sub-division  in 
1896,  I  found  the  head  of  the  Musalman  family  there  (who  was  still  called  a 
Diwan)  in  an  impoverished  condition.  The  second  Jallalpur  pargauah  is  now 
in  the  modern  Faridpur  district,  aud  is  owned,  I  believe,  by  the  present 
Musalmau  Zamindars  of  Habibganj  in  that  district.  It  may  be  that 
'  Habibganj '  owes  its^name  to  Mir  Habib ;  specially  as  there  was  formerly  a 
"Chaklah  Habibganj." 

2  I  fail  to  find  Pntpnsnr  in  the  Ain-i-Akbari.  I  have  not  been  able  to  trace 
where  it  is,  nor  know  if  any  descendants  of  this  family  survive.  I  may,  how- 
ever, add  here  that  local  traditions  prevalent  in  Tiprah  mention  that  the 
Diwans  of  Horishpur  (another  old  family  of  Musalman  Zamindars,  now  in  an 
impoverished  condition)  had  something  to  do  with  the  old  Tiprah  Rajahs, 
and  with  their  conquest  by  the  Mughala.  I  am  not  sure  if  Aqa  or  Aga 
Sadiq  of  the  text  was  connected  with  the  above  family. 


301  ) 

trol  of  his  uncle  was  wandering  away  from  his  native  country, 
and  who  at  this  time  happened  to  stay  within  the  Imperial  domi- 
nions. The  aforesaid  Aqa  considering  his  company  very  lucky 
kept  him  in  his  company,  promising  to  instal  him  in  the  Zamiu- 
dari.     The  Rajah's  nephew,  according  to  the  saying, — 

"  The  hare  of  that  country  can  assuredly  aatch  the  dog  of 
that  tract," — 

guided  the  Aqa  through  the  rocky  defiles  and  river-fords,  and  led 
him  to  the  country  of  Tiprah.  The  Rajah  of  Tiprah,  who  was 
careless  and  wras  unaware  of  the  incursion  of  the  Imperial  army, 
was  paralysed  by  this  sudden  on-rush  of  the  Imperialists,  and  not 
having  the  capacity  to  fight  fled  to  the  summit  of  the  hills.  The 
tract  of  Tiprah,  without  any  difficulty,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Mir 
Habit),  who  by  fightings  stormed  the  fort  of  Chandigadah,  which 
was  the  residence1  of  the  Rajah.  'Capturing  numerous  booty, 
Mir  Habib  brought  the  tract  of  Tiprah  within  the  Imperial 
domains.  After  completing  the  settlement  of  this  tract,  Mir 
Habib  8    appointed  Aqa  Sadiq  as  Faujdar   of    Tiprah,  and  the 

1  The  present  residence  of  the  Rajah  of  Hill  Tiprah  is  at  Agartala,  I  do 
not  know  where  Chandigadah  lies.  It  could  not  have  been  far  away  from 
Agartala.  Tiprah  or  Commilla  does  not  appear  in  Akbar's  rent-roll  of 
Bengal. 

2  Arfull  account  of  Mir  Habib  is  given  in  the  Seiru-l-Mutalcherin,  Vol.  II,  Pers. 
text,  pp.  593,  591,  590,  &c.  (also  see  Maasiru-1-Uraara,  Vol.  II,  p.  844).  He 
subsequently  joined  the  Mahrattas,  and  induced  the  latter  to  invade  Orissa 
and  Bengal  in  order  to  have  his  revenge  against  Ali  Vardi  Khan  for  supplanting 
from  the  Governorship  of  Orissa  his  old  master  and  benefactor,  Murshid  Quli 
Khan  (son-in-law  of  Shuja'a-d-din  Khan).  He  appears  to  have  been  a  man 
of  wonderful  resourcefulness,  bravery  and  tact,  and  gave  no  end  of  trouble  to 
Ali  Vardi,  who  at  length  had  to  patch  up  a  peace  with  Mir  Habib  and  the 
Mahrattas,  by  appointing  Mir  Habib  as  his  Deputy  Nazim  in  Orissa,  the 
arrangement  being  that  Mir  Habib  was  to  pay  the  Mahratta  army  of  occupa- 
tion from  the  revenue  of  Orissa,  besides  receiving  from  Ali  Vardi  an  annual 
subsidy  of  twelve  laks.  Mir  Habib's  signal  services  to  the  Mahrattas  in  the 
end  were  most  churlishly  requited  by  the  latter,  for  Janoji,  son  of  the  Mahratta 
Raghoji  Bhonsla, treacherously  murdered  him  at  Katak  (se&Seirn-l-Mutakherin, 
Vol.  II,  p.  592,  Pers.  text),  after  having  invited  him  to  a  feast.  But  throughout 
their  rise,  treachery  was  their  great  weapon  of  offence  and  defence,  and  the 
Mahratta  freebooters  could  not  lay  it  down,  even  in  the  treatment  of  one, 
who,  though  distinct  from  them  in  race  and  religion,  had  given  them  the 
virtual  mastery  over  the  Province  of  Orissa. 


(  302 

Rajah's  nephew  as  the  Rajah,  ]  whilst  he  himself  returned  to 
Jahangirnagar  (Dacca)  with  treasures,  valuables  ami  elephants. 
Murshid  Quli  Khan  sent  to  Nawab  Shuja'u-d-daulah  an  account 
of  the  conquest  of  Tipraii,  together  with  the  best  specimens  of  the 
wares  and  silk-stuffs  of  that  tract.  The  Nawab  named  that  tract 
(of  Tiprah)  Raushanabad,2  and  invested  Murshid  Quli  Khan  with 
the  title  of  '-Bahadur}'  and  conferred  on  Mir  Habib  the  title  of 
•Khan.'  .   . 

In  short,  when  the  Deputy- Nizamat  of  the  Subah  of  Odisah 
(Orissa)  was  bestowed  on  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  the  latter,  on  the 
recommendation  of  Nawab  Shuja'u-d-daulah,  was  given  by  the 
Emperor  the  title  of  Rustam-Jang.  Observing  the  old  age  of  his 
father,  and  fearing  lest  after  the  latter's  death  Rustam-Jang 
might  fight  ngainst  him,  Sarfaraz  Khan3  detained  at  Mnrshi- 
dabad  as  hostages  Rustam-Jang's  son,  named  Yahya  Khan,  and 
his  wife,  named  Durdanah  Bpgam.  Although  this  incident  caused 
some  bitterness  of  feeling  to  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  the  latter  had 
no  alternative  but  to  endure  it  in  silence.  Murshid  Quli  Khan 
with  his  army  arrived  in  the  Subah  of  Orissa,  and  appointed  Mir 
Habibu-1-lah  Khan  to  be  his  Deputy  there,  in  the  same  way  as 
the  latter  had  been  his  Deputy  at  Jahangirnagar.  By  use  of  di- 
plomacy, and  by  dyit  of  statesmanship  and  energy,  Mir  Habib 
snoceeded  in  chastising  and  reducing  to  order  all  refractory 
Zamindars  of  Orissa.  He  neglected  no  step  towards  the  per- 
fect organisation  and  settlement  of  Orissa,  and  effected  a  surplus 
in  its  revenue.  During  the  commotion  in  Muhammad  Taqi  Khan's 
time,  the  Rajah  of  Parsutam4'  had  removed  Jagannath,  the  Hindu 

1  Evidently,  the  Rajah  was  no  longer  an  independent  Rajah,  but  was  left 
move  or  less  as  a  feudatory  prince. 

2  When  I  was^at  Brahmanbaria  in  1896,  I  found  the  Court  peons'  badges 
still  bearing  the  word  "  Chaklah  Ranshanabad."  I  do  not  know  if  they  have 
been  since  changed. 

3  Murshid  Qnll  KJian  II  Rustam-Jang  was  a  son-in-law  of  Nawab  Shuja'n- 
d-din  Khiin,  having  married  Durdana  Begam,  step-sister  of  Sarfaraz  Khan. 
Syed  Razi  Khan  was  another  son-in-law  of  Shuja'u-d-dm  Khan,  having 
married  Nafisah  Begam,  uterine  sister  of  Sarfaraz  Khan. 

4  He  was  hitherto  only  '  Mir  Habib.'  His  name  was  changed  to  '  Mir  Habibu- 
1-lah  Khan,'  on  his  receiving  the  title  of  '  Khan '  from  Emperor  Muhammad 
Shah,  in  recognition  of  his  services  in  connection  with  the  conquest  of  Tiprah. 
See  note  ante  in  regard  to  the  title  '  Khan  '  and  its  significance,  under  Musal- 
man  Emperors  of  India. 


303  ) 

God,  from  the  limits  of  the  Subah  of  Odisah  (Orissa),  and  had 
guarded  it  on  the  summit  of  a  hill  across  the  Chilka  lake.  In  con- 
sequence of  the  removal  of  the  idol,  there  was  a  falling-off  to  the 
tune  of  nine  laks  of  rupees  in  the  Imperial  revenue,  accruing  from 
pilgrims.  Establishing  friendly  relations  with  Mir  Habibu-1-lah 
Khan,  and  paying  nazar  to  the  Nazim  of  the  time,  Rajah  Dand 
Deo  brought  back  Jagannath  the  Hindu  God  to  Par&utam  (Puri), 
and  re-established  the  worship  of  Jagannath  at  Puri.  An  account 
of  the  worship  of  Jagannath  has  been  already  given  in  the  text  of 
this  History. 

When  the  Deputy-Nizamat  of  Odisah  (Orissa)  was  conferred  on 
Murshid  Quli  Khan  Rnstam-Jang,  the  Deputy-Nizamat  of  the 
Ohaklah  of  Jahangiimagar  (Dacca)  was  bestowed  on  Sarfaraz  Khan.1 
The  latter  appointed  as  his  Deputy-Governor  Ghalib  Ali  Khan 
who  was  a  scion  of  the  Royal  family  of  Persia,  and  deputed 
Ghalib  Ali  Khan  to  Dacca.  Sarfaraz. Khan  also  appointed  Jasunat 
Rai,  the  late  Nawab  Jafar  Khan's 2  Secretary,  and  his  own  tutor- 

1  '  Parsntam  '  is  another  name  for  Puri.     See  Hunter's  '  Orissa.' 

2  It  may  be  noted  here  there  was  a  radical  change  in  the  administrative 
machinery  of  Bengal,  during  the  latter  part  of  Emperor  Aurangzeb's  reign. 
The  offices  of  Nazim  and  Diwan  had  been  hitherto  kept  quite  distinct,  but  a  re- 
trograde step  towards  their  eventual  amalgamation  was  taken  by  Aurangzeb, 
when  the  latter  appointed  his  favourite  officer  Murshid  Quli  Khan  I.  (after. 
wards  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan)  to  the  dual  offices  of  Diwan  of  Bengal  and  Orissa 
and  Dejxity  Nazim  of  Bengal  and  Orissa.  Murshid  Quli  Khan  I.  could  not 
personally  perform  the  functions  of  these  dual  offices,  and  whilst  himself 
personally  holding  the  portfolio  of  Deputy  Nizamat  of  Bengal  (the  Chief 
Nazim  being  still  Prince  Azitnu-sh-Shan),  he  delegated  the  office  of  Diwan  in 
Bengal  to  Syed  Akram  Khan  and,  on  the  latter's  death,  to  Syed  Razi  Khan, 
(son-in-law  of  Shujau-d-din  Khan,)  and  that  of  Deputy  Nazim  and  Diwan  of 
Orissa  to  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan  (his  son-in-law).  Emperor  Farrukh  Sir,  on  his 
accession  to  the  throne  of  Delhi,  further  confirmed  and  accentuated  the  above 
administrative  change  by  uniting  in  the  person  of  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan  the  offices 
of  Nazim  of  Bengal  and  Orissa,  and  of  Diwan  of  those  Provinces.  This  union 
of  the  two  offices,  whilst  weakening  the  Imperial  hold  thereon,  greatly  added 
to  the  •prestige  of  the  Bengal  Satrap,  and  gave  him  almost  a  semi-regal  aspect. 
This  regal  aspect  was  further  broadened  by  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah  adding 
Behar  to  the  Bengal  Satrapy,  whilst  Nawab  Shnja'u-d-dtn  was  the  Bengal 
Viceroy.  For  purposes  of  administration,  Shuja'u-d-din  appointed  a  State 
Council  of  three  members  to  help  him  in  the  administration,  and  divided  his 
entire  Satrapy,  consisting  of  three  Provinces  of  Bengal,  Behar,  and  Orissa,  into 
four  Political  or  Administrative  Divisions,  viz.  :  (1)  Bengal  Proper,  comprising 
Western,  Central,  and  a  portion  of  Northern  Bengal,  (2)  Jahangir-nagar  or 

39 


I  304 

guardian,  to  be  the  Diwan  and  Minister  of  that  place,  and  sent 
him  to  Dacca,  in  company  of  Glial  ib  Ali  Khan.  And  out  of  regard 
for  Nafisah  Begam,  his  sister,  he  bestowed  the  office  of  Superin- 
tendent of  the  Nawarah  (war- vessels)  on'Murad  A'li  Khan,1  son  of 
Syed  Razi  Khan.  TFie  control  over  Fiscal  and  Home  affairs,  and 
the  management  of  Crown-lands,  Jagirs,  war-vessels,  artillery, 
Accounts  and  Customs-house  were  all  entrusted  to  Munshi  Jasiinat 
Rai.  In  that  the  aforesaid  Munshi  had  been  trained  up  by  Nawab 
Ja'far  Khan,  by  dint  of  honesty  and  integrity,  by  thorough 
attention  to  details  and  by  ripe  wisdom,  he  effected  not  only  an 
increase  in  the  State '  Revenue,  but  secured  the  happiness  of  the 
people.  He  completely  abolished  the  system  of  Sauda-i-khas,  and 
banished  the  exactions  and  innovations  introduced  by  Mir  Habib, 
during  the  regime  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan.2  Putting  forth  laudable 
efforts  to  keep  down  the  selling-rates  of  food-grains,  and  effect- 
ing cheapness  in  their  pricqs,  he  threw  open  the  western  gate 
of  the  Fort  of  Jahangirnagar  (or  Dacca),  which  Nawab  Amiiu-1- 
Umara  Shaistah  Khan  had  closed,  inscribing  on  it  a  prohibition  to 
the  effect  that  no  one  should  open  it,  until  he  succeeded  in  reducing 

Dacca  Division  comprising  Eastern  and  Southern  Bengal,  and  a  small  portion 
of  Northern  Bengal,  and  including  Sylhet  and  Ohittagong,  (3)  Behar  Division, 
(4)  Orissa  Division.  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan  directly  administered  the  first  Divi- 
sion, and  appointed  a  Deputy  Nazim  or  Deputy-Governor  to  hold  charge  of 
each  of  the  other  three  Administrative  Divisions,  under  his  general  control 
and  supervision. 

1  Mnrad  A'li  Khan  was  a  son  of  Naflsah  Begam,  uterine  sister  of  Sarfa- 
raz Khan.  Nafisah  Begam  was  a  daughter  of  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan,  and  was 
married  to  Syed  Razi  Khan,  wlio  was  Diwan  of  Bengal,  on  the  death  of 
Syed  Akram  Khan,  during  the  regime  of  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan.  On  Syed 
Razi  Khan's  death,  during  the  reign  of  Emperor  Farrukh  Sir,  on  the  nomina- 
tion of  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan  (his  maternal  grandfather),  MTrza  Asadu-1-lah 
received  the  title  of  Sarfaraz  Khan  and  was  appointed  Diwan  of  Bengal. 
Sarfaraz  Khan  continued  to  be  the  nominal  Diwan  of  Bengal,  whilst  his 
father  Shuja'u-d-din 'Khan  succeeded  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan  as  Nazim  of  Bengal, 
being  deprived,  however,  of  all  real  power,  which  was  transferred  to  the  State 
Council,  consisting  of  Haji  Ahmad  (brother  of  A'li  Vardi  Khan),  Diwan 
Alamchand,  and  Fatihchand  Jagat  Set. 

2  Mirza  Lutfullah,  surnamed  Murshid  Quli  Khan  II,  son-in-law  of  Shuja'u- 
d-din  Khan.  He  was  first  Deputy-Governor  of  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca),  and 
was  subsequently  transferred  in  the  same  capacity  to  Orissa.  He  should 
not  be  confounded  with  Nawab  Ja'far  Khan  who  also  held  the  title  of  Murshid 
Quli  Khan. 


305  > 

the  price  of  food-grains  to  one  seer  of  the  Bazar  weight  per  Dirham,1 
as  was  current  in  the  Nawab's  time.  From  that  time  until  now, 
no  one  else  had  been  able  to  effect  such  cheapness  in  the  rate  of  food- 
grains.  He  rendered  the  tract  of  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca)  fertile, 
like  the  garden  of  Irant*,  by  sprinkling  on  it  the  waters  of  liberality, 
equity  and  justice  ;  and  in  consequence,  Sarfaraz  Khan  won  a  good 
name  amongst  all  classes  of  his  subjects.  At  the  desire  of  Nafisah 
Begam3,  Murad  All  Khan  was  married  to  a  daughter  of  Sarfaraz 
Khan,  and  was  appointed  Deputy-Governor  of  Jahangirnagar 
(Dacca)  in  the  place  of  Grhalib  A'li  Khan.  Murad  Ali  Khan  now 
promoted  Raj  Balab,  a  clerk  attached  to  the  Admiralty,  to  the  office 
of  Peshkar  thereof,  and  commenced  oppressions.4  Munshi  Jasunat 
Rai,  who  had  acquired  a  good  name  amongst  the  people,  appre- 
hending that  his  reputation  might  be  tarnished,  resigned  his  office 
of  Diwan,  and  the  Province  of  Jahangirnagar  or  Dacca  turned  to 
desolation  through  the  tyranny  of'the  new  oppressive  Deputy 
Nazim. 

Mirza  Muhammad  Sa'id,  the  second  son  of  Hajl  Ahmad,  who  was 
on  behalf  of  Sarfaraz  Khan  Fanjdar  of  the  Chaklah  of  Grhoraghat 
and  Rangpur  and  Kuch  Behar,  desolated  the  Mahals  of  Rangpur 

by  his  exactions  and  oppressions,  and  acquiring  the  treasures  of- 

• 

1  See  n.  ante  and  the  text  with  reference  to  Nawab  Shaista  Khan. 

2  See  n.  ante. 

8  Njifisah  Begam  was  a  sister  of  Sarfaraz  Khan,  and  Murad  A'li  Khan  was 
a  son  of  Nafisah  Begam,  by  Syed  Razi  Khan,  Sarfaraz  Khan's  predecessor  in 
the  office  of  Diwan  of  Bengal.  Thus,  Murad  A'li  Khan  was  a  nephew  of 
Sarfaraz  Kb  an.  He,  hitherto,  held  the  office  of  Superintendent  of  the 
Naumrah  (war-vessels)  at  Dacca,  and  on  his  marriage  with  Sarfaraz  Khan's 
daughter,  was  promoted  to  the  office  of  Deputy -Governor  of  Jahangirnagar 
(Dacca),  in  supercession  of  Ghalib  A'li  Khan.  It  maybe  interesting  to  note 
that  there  is  a  place  called  Muradnagar,  near  Daudkandi,  in  Commillah,  which 
is  associated  with  some  former  Ntwabs  of  Dacca,  and  where  some  landed  pro- 
perty is  still,  I  believe,  owned  by  the  Bhiknapahari  Nawabs  of  Patna,  said  to 
be  descended  from  an  extinct  old  Nawab  family  of  Dacca.  I  fancy,  therefore, 
Muradnagar  owes  its  name  and  origin  to  this  Murad  A'li  Khan. 

*  Rajballab's  son,  Kishan  Ballab,  in  the  time  of  Nawab  Siraju-d-daulah,  fled 
from  Dacca  to  Calcutta,  and  by  his  intrigues  brought  aboni  a  rupture  between 
Sirajn-d-daulah  and  the  English.  See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  Pers.  text, 
p.  621.  Rajballab  was  the  evil  genius  of  Murad  A'li  Khan,  as  Alamchand  was 
the  evil  genius  of  Shuja'ud-diu  Khan,  and  Ratanchand  that  of  the  Syed  brothers. 
See  note  ante.  Rajballab  subsequently  ingratiated  himself  with  the  infamous 
Miran,  son  of  Mir  Ja'far. 


I  306 

those  whom  he  oppressed,  he  mobilised  an  army.  Requisitioning 
troops  from  the  Emperor,  he  marched  with  his  troops  against  the 
Rajahs  of  Kuch  Beharand  Dinajpur.  Those  Rajas  fancying  they 
were  masters  of  large  armies,  and  also  fancying  that  they  were 
sheltered  by  numerous  forests  and  rivers,  had  hitherto  paid  little 
heed  to  the  authority  of  the  Nazim.  By  dint  of  diplomacy  and 
by  use  of  forte,  and  by  wars  and  battles,  Mirza  Muhammad  Sa'id 
conquered  those  tracts,  and  acquired  possession  of  the  treasures, 
buried  hoards,  jewelleries  and  effects  of  those  Rajahs.  Owing  to 
the  immense  treasure — indeed  the  treasure  of  a  Croesus— that  thus 
fell  into  his  hands,  he  acquired  much  power.  After  the  conquest 
of  Kuch  Bihar,  by  humouring  Haji  Ahmad,  on  the  recommenda- 
tion of  Nawab  Shuja'u-d-daulah  and  Sarfaraz  Khan,  Mirza 
Muhammad  Sa'id  received  the  titles  of  '  Khan  '  and  '  Bahadur.' 
Nawab  Shuja'u-d-daulah,  on  the  advice  of  his  Triumvirate 
Council,  deputed  Sarfaraz  .Khan  to  chastise  Badi'u-z-zaman, 
zamindar  of  Birbhurn.  Sheltered  by  rocks  and  forests  and  support- 
ed by  numerous  Afghans,  this  zamindar  did  not  bend  his  head 
in  submission  to  the  Nagim,  and  failed  to  pay  the  revenue  beyond 
the  stipulated  tribute.  He  had  also  diverted  to  dancing-parties 
and  pleasures  fourteen  laks  of  revenue  derived  from  the  measured 
and  cultivated  lands-,  that  had  been  endowed  for  the  express  pur- 
pose of  helping  the  poor  and  the  scholarly.  The  zamindar  him- 
self was  plunged  in  dissipations  and  frivolities.  On  the  ridges  of 
Khubra  Kandi  and  Lakra  Khondah  and  of  other  hills  and  narrow 
rocky  defiles,  he  had  mounted  strong  guards,  and  cut  off  all  ingress 
and  egress  of  the  Imperial  troops  and  scouts,  and  he  fancied  the 
forest  flanked  by  the  hills  to  be  a  secure  recess,  in  that  no  one  could 
enter  that  tract  without  his  passport.  He  had  appointed  his 
brother,  Azam^Khan,  to  administer  his  State,  and  his  son,  A'li  Quli 
Khan,  to  command  his  army,  and  Naubat  Khan  to  be  his  Diwan 
and  Minister.  Badi'u-z-zaman  himself  did  no  work,  but  wasted 
his  time  on  flute-claying  and  on  carousals.  Sarfaraz  Khan  sent 
him  a  message,  containing  promises  and  rewards  in  the  event  of 
his  submission  to  Nawab  Shuja'u-d-daulah,  and  embodying  also 
threats  and  punishments  in  the  event  of  his  recalcitrance  and 
disloyalty.  Subsequently,  Sarfaimz  Khan  despatched  via  Bardwan 
his  special  confidantes,  Khwajah  Basant  and  Mir  Sharfu-d-din,  the 
second  Paymaster-General,  with  a  large  army.  Badi'u-z-zaman 
now  prudently   woke   up  from  the  slumber  of  vanity,   and   ten. 


307  ) 

dered  his  homage  and  submission.  Inducing  the  aforesaid  Mir  and 
the  above  Khwajah  to  become  his  interceders,  he  sent  through  the 
latter  a  petition  expressive  of  submission  and  loyalty,  and  subse- 
quently in  the  company  of  the  former  he  set  out  for  Murshidabad. 
And  after  waiting  on  Sarfaraz  Khan,  through  the  introduction  of 
Mir  Sharfu-d-din,   Badi'u-z-zaman   was    granted   an  audience  by 
Nawab  Shuja'u-d-daulah,  who  not  only   pardoned  hi^  past  misde- 
meanour,    but    generously    bestowed  on    him  kbila'ts.     Badi'u-z- 
zaman  agreed  to  pay  three  laks  of  rupees  annually  on  account  of 
the  Imperial  revenue,   consented  to  abide  by  the  ordinary  proce- 
dures for  payment  of  land-revenue  and  for  execution  of  orders,  and 
furnished  as  his  surety  Karatohand,  1  zamindar   of  Bardwan.     He 
was  then  allowed  to  return  to  Birbhum. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1151  A.H.,  when  Nadir  Shah 
invaded  a  the  Imperial  Capital,  and  Samsamu-d-daulah  Khan-dauran 
fell  in  the  battle 3  against  Nadir  Shah,  Nawab  Shuja'u-d-daulah 
being  ill  and  confined  to  bed  permitted  Tahya  Khan  and  Dur- 
danah  Begam  (son  and  wife  respectively  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan) 
to  go  to  Orissa,  and  proclaimed  Sarfaraz  Khan  as  his  heir.  Ear- 
nestly exhorting  the  latter  to  confide  'in  Haji  Ahmad,  the  Rai 
Raian  *  and  Jagatset,  and  always  to  respect  their  feelings,  and 
entrusting  to  him  control  over  the  offices  of  the  Nizamat,  Nawab 
Shuja'u-d-din  Khan  died  on  the  13th  Zilhaj  of  the  aforesaid  year. 
After  laying  to  rest  Shuja'u-d-daulah's  b  corpse  in  the  sepulchre 
whi«h  he  (Shuja'u-d-daulah)  had  in  his  lifetime  erected  at  Deh- 
para,  opposite  to  the  Fort  and  the  City  of  Murshidabad,  Sarfaraz 

1  Badi'u-z-zaman  Khan  of  Birbhum,  and  Karatohand  of  Bardwan,  appear  to 
have  been  the  two  principal  zamindars  in  Westeru  Bengal  at  the  time.  I  un- 
derstand the  descendants  of  Badi'u-z-zaman  still  survive  at  Birbhum,  but  are 
iu  an  impoverished  condition.  • 

8  A  full  description  of  Nadir  Shah's  invasion  will  be  found  in  all  Indian 
histories,  and   also  in  Seiru4-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  482. 

8  This  battle  took  place  at  Karnal,  4  stages  (manzvl)  distant  from  Shah- 
jahanabad  or  Delhi,  in  1151  A.fl.     See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  482. 

*  That  is,  Rai  Alatnchand,  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan's  de  facto  Diwan.  He  receiv- 
ed the  title  of  '  Ra'i  Raian '  from  the  Emperor,  on  the  recommendation  of 
his  master,  Nawab  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan.     See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  471. 

6  It  should  be  noted  that  both  "  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan  "  and  "  Shuja'u-d- 
daulah"  signify  one  and  the  same  person.  These  were  his  titles.  This 
'Shuja'u-d-daulah,'  better  known  as  '  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan"  must  not  be  con- 
founded with  the  Nawab  Vizier  Shuja'u-d-daulah  of  later  history. 


(  308 

Elian  mounted  the  rnasnad  of  tbe  Nizamat  in  the  place  of  his 

father. 

o 

NIZAMAT  OF  NAWAB  SARFARAZ  KHAN. 

When  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan  mounted  the  masnad  of  the  Niza- 
mat  of  Bengal,' agreeably  to  the  dying  instructions  of  his  father, 
he  appointed  Haj^  Ahmad,  the  Rai  Raian  and  Jagatset  to  be  his 
Councillors  in  respect  of  Reveuue  and  Administrative  affairs. 
But  these  meddling  more  than  before  in  State  affairs  ignored  the 
old  officers  of  Sarfai^az  Khan  who  expected  promotions  and  man- 
sabs,  and  further  intrigued  to  bring  about  their  disgrace  and  over- 
throw. Although  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan  and  the  Begams  were 
anxious  to  promote  their  old  officers,  owing  to  the  opposition  of  the 
Triumvirate  Council,  they  could  not  do  so.  The  Triumvirate 
Council,  after  secret  vows  and  stipulations,  plotted  to  call  in  Ali 
Vardi  Khan  with  his  army  from  'Azimabad  (Patna)  under  pre- 
text of  visiting  the  Nazim,  and  then  to  instal  him  on  the  masnad 
of  the  Nizamat  in  supercession  of  Sarfaraz  Khan.  l  And  in 
deliberations  over  this  plo't  they  passed  days  and  nights,  but  failed 
to  mature  any  plan.  At  this  time,  Nadir  Shah,  2  the  king  of  Per- 
sia, had  defeated  Muhammad  Shah,  captured  Nizarnu-1-Mulk, 
Buidiauu-l-Mulk,  Qamru-d-din  Khan,  and  Muhammad  Khan  Bang- 
ash,  &c,  who  were  the  pillars  of  the  Mughal  Empire,3  and  en- 

1  The  author  of  the  Maaseru-l-Umara  states  that  Sarfaraz  Khan  rendered 
himself  unpopular  by  adopting  a  policy  of  rigid  economy  and  retrenchment, 
and  by  reducing  his  army,  and  that  this  gave  an  opportunity  to  Ali  Vardi 
Khan  to  intrigue,  in  concert  with  the  latter's  brother,  Haji  Ahmad,  who  was 
Sarfaraz  Khan's  chief  councillor.  Seep.  84i,  Maaseru-l-Umara,  Vol.  II,  p.  844. 
It  should,  however,  be  added  in  justice  to  Sarfaraz  Khan's  memory  that 
this  policy  was  isspired  by  the  faithless  Triumvirate  Councillors,  whom 
Sarfaraz  Khan  trusted  owing  to  the  dying  exhortations  of  his  father,  and 
that  it  formed  a  part  of  the  despicable  trap  they  were  cunningly  laying  to 
ruin  and  overthrow  their  benefactor's  son.  One  feels  sick  to  dwell  on  such 
tales  of  vile  treachery,  for  Sarfaraz  Khan  from  all  accounts  appears  to  have 
been  an  ideally  noble  and  mild  prince. 

2  Nadir  Shah  was  a  soldier  of  fortune.  After  capturing  Shah  Tahmasp, 
King  of  Persia,  he  held  a  Council  of  State,  and  got  himself  elected  as  King  of 
Persia.  See  his  life  in  Namai  Khusruan  (p.  153),  which  also  gives  his  por- 
trait. 

8  For  details,  see  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  p.  482  ( Pers.  text).  It  would  appear, 
even  at  this  crisis  in  the  fate  of  the  Empire,  the  venal  Ministers  of  Emperor 


309  j 

tering  SJiah-jahaiiabad  (Delhi)  l  with  his  Persian  troops  had  plun- 
dered the  palaces  of  both  the  Emperor  and  his  nobles.  In  conse- 
quence, the  whole  Empire  was  shaken  to  its  foundation.  2  The 
Triumvirate  Council  persuaded  Sarfaraz  Khan  to  introduce  in 
Bengal  the  coins  and  the  Khutbah  3  of  Nadir  Shah,  and  about 
the  same  time  they  remitted  the  confiscated  treasures  of  Shu- 
ja'u-d-daulah  and  the  Bengal  tribute  in  charge  »f#  Murld  Khan, 
who  had  arrived  in  Murshidabad  on  behalf  of  Qamru-d-din 
Khan41  long  before  Nadir  Shah's  invasion.  'Hajl  Ahmad  and 
Ali  Vardi  Khan  intrigued  with  Murld  Khan,  and  won  him 
over  to  their  sido.  On  the  withdrawal  of  Nadir  Shah,  they 
carried  tales  of  the  introduction  of  the  Nadir  Shahi  coin  and 
Khutbah  to  Nawab  Qamru-d-din  Khan  and  to  Nizamu-1-Mulk,  and 
laid  various  other  charges  against  Sarfaraz  Khan.  Aided  by  the 
machinations  of  the  Imperial  ministers,5  they  secured  a  royal 
patent  granting  to  them  the  Nizilmat  of  Bengal,  and  authorising 
the  execution  of  Sarfaraz  Khan,6  on  account  of  his  treason  in 
introducing   the  coin   and  Khutbah  of   Nadir   Shah.     When    the 

Muhammad  Shah  could  not  put  aside  personal  feelings  and  clannish  jealousies 
— the  great  bane  of  all  Moslem  races  and  the  grave  of  so  many  Musalman 
Empires, — nor  could  combine  loyally  in  one  common  and  sacred  cause  to 
repel  the  enemy's  invasion  of  India.  Burhanu-1-Mulk  was  the  greatest  delin- 
quent in  this  respect.  Only  Nizaniu-1-Mulk  and  Qamru-d-din  Khan  ap- 
pear in  better  light,  and  seem  to  have  worthily  maintained  the  high  tradi- 
tions of  their  great  offices.  For  Nizamu-1-Mulk  Asif  Jah,  and  "Qamru-d-din 
Khan,  see  Maaseru-l-Umara,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  837,  and  Vol   I,  p.  358. 

1  For  some  gruesome  details  of  the  sack  of  Delhi  and  the   general  massa-' 
ere  of  its  population,  see  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  485. 

8  Nadir  Shah's  invasion  was  one  of  the  great  external  calamities  that 
overtook  the  Mughal  Empire  and  hastened  its  ruin. 

s  lU^utba  was  also  recited  after  Nadir  Shah's  name  in  all  the  mosques  of 
Delhi  on  his  entry  there.     See  Seir.  * 

*  He  was  at  the  time  Chief  Vizier  or  Prime  Minister  of  Emperor  Muham- 
mad Shah. 

6  The  priucipal  Imperial  Minister   who   sided  with   Haji   Ahmad  and  All' 
Vardi  Khan   in   their   intrigue,    was    Mutamu-d-daulah   Ishaq    Khnn.      The 
latter  exercised  at  the  time  great  influence  over  Emperor  Muhammad   Shah. 
See  p.  489,  Seiru-l-Mutakherin. 

8  The  Triumvirate  Councillors  were  themselves  responsible  for  this  treason, 
which  was  a  part  of  their  adroitly-laid  plot  to  overthrow  Sarfaraz  Khan,  by 
subsequently  denouncing  the  latter  before  the  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah.  It 
is  a  pity  Sarfaraz  Khan  the  Good,  owing  to  his  guilelessness  and  lack  of  in- 
sight, could  not  see  through  their  despicable  game  of  villainy. 


I  310 

arrow  of  their  efforts  reached  the  butt  of  their  aim,  the  Triumvir- 
ate Council  represented  to  Sarfaraz  Khan  that  the  resources  of 
the  State  were  limited,  whilst  its  expenditure  was  heavy,  and 
thereby  persuaded  the  Nawab  to  reduce  the  strength  of  his  Army. 
They  at  the  same  time  secretly  sent  instructions  to  All  Vardl 
Khan  to  mobilise  troops  and  collect  arms,  in  view  of  the  invasion 
of  Bengal.  Whoever  'was  cashiered  from  the  army  of  Sarfaraz 
Khan  was  straightway  enlisted  by  Haji  Ahmad  in  the  service  of 
Ali  Vardi  Khan,  and  sent  off  to  Azlmabad  (Patua).  Nearly  one- 
half  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's  troops  were  in  this  way  disbanded.  Ali 
Vardi  Khan,  having  completed  preparations  for  war  and  mobilised  a 
large  army  consisting  of  Afghans,  Rohilahs,  and  Bhalias,  set  out  for 
Bengal;  whilst  Haji  Ahmad  sent  his  and  his  sons'  hoarded  treasures 
amounting  to  several  laks  of  rupees  for  the  expenses  of  Ali  Vardi's 
army.  When  Sarfaraz  Khan,  from  the  despatches  of  his  Political 
Agents  at  the  Court  of  the  Emperor,  and  from  informations  of  emis- 
saries, came  to  be  apprised  of  the  machinations  of  the  treacherous 
enemy,  deeming  it  prudent  to  adopt  remedy  for  the  affair  before  it 
came  to  pass,  he  set  himself  to  overthrow  the  traitors,  and  decided 
to  bestow  the  Deputy-Governorship  l  of  Azimabad  (Patua)  on  his 
son-in-law,  Syed  Muhammad  Hasan,  in  supercession  of  Ali  Vardi 
Khan,  and  the  Faujdari  of  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal)  together  with 
the  command  of  Sakrigali  and  Teliagadhi  passes  on  Mir  Sharfu-d- 
dln  Bakhshi,  in  supercession  of  A'tau-1-lah  Khan,  son-in-law  of 
Haji  Ahmad.  Sarfaraz  Khan  also  determined  to  appoint  Munshi 
Jasunat  Rai  as  Diwan  in  the  place  of  the  Rai  Raian.  But 
as  yet  this  decision  had  not  been  put  in  force,  when  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Triumvirate  Council  adroitly  submitting  a  representa- 
tion about  their  long  services,  the  heavy  outstandings  of  the  Im- 
perial Revenue,  and  their  losses,  persuaded  Sarfaraz  Khan  to  post- 
pone their  supercession  and  the  installation  of  others  in  their  places 
till  their  preparation  of  the  Annual  Balance-sheet,  which  fell  due 
after  three  months.,8     Sarfaraz  Khan,  who  owing  to  guilessness  of 

1  See  slightly  varied  accounts  in  the  Seiru-l-MutaMierin  (p.  489),  which 
states  that  Sarfaraz  Khan  transferred  the  office  of  Diwan  from  Haji  Ahmad 
to  Mir  Murtaza,  and  contemplated  transferring  the  Faujdari  of  Rajmahal  from 
Ataa-1-lah  Khan  to  his  son-in-law,  Hasan  Muhammad  Khan. 

8  This  is  the  old  story  of  gaining  time.  Sarfaraz  Khan  exhibited  a  lament- 
able lack  of  judgment  in  accepting  this  false  representation  of  his  faithless 
Councillors.     His  credulity,  indecision,  and  generous  impulsiveness  cost  him 


m       j 

his  nature  had  already  been   victimised   by  the   duplicity  of  the 
Triumvirate  Council,  once  again   suffered   himself   to  be  duped 
by    their    wiles.      A'li    Vardi   Khan,  utilising    this  short  respite, 
secured  the  adhesion  of  Mustafa  Khan,   Shamsher  Khan,    Sardar 
Khan,  U'mar  Khan,  Rahim  Khan,  Karam  Khan,  Sirandaz  Khan, 
Shaikh    Ma'sum,    Shaikh    Jahangir    Khan,   Muhammad   Ziilfuqar 
Khan,    Ohidan   Hazari    (Bakhshi    of   the  'Bhaliahsi),    Bakhtawar 
Singh,    and   other    Generals  and  officers   of   the   Army.     Under 
the  false  pretext  of  waiting  on  Sarfaraz  Khan'   A'li  Vardi  Khau 
marched  swiftly,  crossed  the  passes  of   Tiliagadhi  and    Sakrigall, 
and  reached  the  frontiers  of  Bengal.      At  the  instigation  of  Haji 
Ahmad,  Ataullah  Khan,  Faujdar  of  Akbarnagar  ( Rajmahal),  had 
taken  steps  to  prevent  all  movements  of  messengers  and  spies,  and  to 
interdict  all  intercourse  through  news-letters  between  A'zimabad 
(Patna)  and  Bengal  via  the  passes  of  Tiliagadhi  and  Sakiigali, 
until  A'li   Vardi  Khan   had  crossed   through   those  passes.      In 
consequence,  no  news  of  A'li  Vardi  Khan's  movements  had  reached 
Sarfaraz  Khan.     It  was  only  when   the  vanguai'd  of  A'li  Vardi 
Khan's  army  had  actually  reached  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal),  that  all 
of  a  sudden  the  news  of  All  Vardi  Khan's  movement  reached  Sar- 
faraz Khan.     This  news  threw  both  the  City  of  Murshidabad  and 
its  Bazaar  into  commotion.     Perplexed  by  this,news,  Sarfaraz  Khan 
instantly  imprisoned    Haji    Ahmad.       Although   the   Rai    Raian 
treacherously  explained  that  A'li  Vardi's  arrival  was  for  the  pur- 
posed waiting  on  Sarfaraz  Khan,  this  explanation  had  no  reassur- 
ing effect.      Detailing  Ghaus   Khan  and  Mir  Sharfu-d-din,  who 
were  his  old  officers,  to  lead  the  vanguard,  and  leaving  his  son, 
Hafizu-1-lah  surnamed  Mirza  Amani,  together  with  Yasin  Khan 
Faujdar,  to  guard  the  Fort  and  the  City,  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan 

together  with  GThazanfar  Husain  Khan  and  a  son  of  Muhammad 
—   ..  .  —  ^ 

Taqi  Khan,  (both  of  whom  were  his  sons-in-law),  and  with  Mir 
Muhammad  Baqir  Khan,  Mirza  Muhammad  Iraj  Khan,  MirKamil, 
Mir  Gadai,  Mir  Haidar  Shah,  Mir  Diler  Shah,  Baji  Singh,  Rajah 
Ghandarab  Singh,  Shamshir  Khan  Qurishi,  (Faujdar  of  Silhat), 
Shuja  Quli  Khan,  (Faujdar  of  the  port  of  Hiigli),  Mir  Habib, 
Murshid  Quli  Khan  Faujdar,  Mardan  A'li  Khan  (the  late  Shnj'a 
Khan's  Bakhshi)  and  other  Generals  and  Mansabdars  and  Zamin- 

his  throne  arid  his  life,  and  sonnded  the  first  faint  bat  certain  death-knell  of 
the  ancient  Moslem  Satrapy  in  Bengal,  which  became  shorn  of  its  semi-regal 
prestige  with  his  full. 

40 


I  812 

dars  of  Bengal,  marclied  out  from  the  City  with  a  large  army  and 
fire-pouring  artillery,  and  encamped  at  Bahmaniah,  which  is  two 
Earoh  distant  from  Murshidabad.  Marching  on  the  second  day, 
the  Nawab  reached  Sarai  Dlwan,  and  marching  on  the  third  day, 
he  encamped  at  Khamrah,  where  he  mustered  his  army  and  re- 
viewed its  strength  and  armaments.  In  that  the  officers  of 
Shuj'a  Khan'?-  fegime  Were  in  league  with  Haji  Ahmad,  brick-bats 
instead  of  shells  were  discovered  in  the  arsenal,  and  rubbish  was 
found  inside  guns.  Consequently,  cashiering  Shahriar  Khan,  the 
Haji's  brother,  who  was  General  Superintendent  of  the  Artillery, 
and  making  him  over  to  the  custody  of  his  retainers,  Nawab 
Sarfaraz  Khan  appointed  in  his  place  Pancho,  son  of  Antony  the 
Portuguese,  to  be  General  Superintendent  of  the  Artillery.  The 
forces  of  Mahabat  Jang  were  arranged  in  the  form  of  a  circle  from 
Aurangabad,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Suti  (where  the  shrine  of  Shah 
Murtaza'  Hindi  exists)  to  the, plain  of  Balkatah. 

On  the  fourth  day,  when  the  silvery-crowned  King  (i.e.,  the 
Sun)  pranced  on  to  the  plain  of  the  sky  from  his  camp  in  the 
East  darting  forth  daggers  of  radial  lines,  and  the  dusky  Moon 
with  thousands  of  its  forces  (i.e.,  stars),  not  finding  itself  a  match 
for  that  unique  Cavalier,  hid  itself  behind  the  hills,  Nawab  Sar- 
faraz Khan,  selecting  an  auspicious  moment  according  to  astro- 
logers, advanced  to  assault  the  enem}'.  By  one  single  assault,  the 
troops  of  Mahabat  Jang  were  thrown  into  panic  and  confusion, 
were  set  a-reeling,  and  were  nearly  routed.  The  Rai  Raian,1  find- 
ing that  the  table  was  being  turned,  at  this  moment  treacherously 
represented  to  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan  that  the  Sun  had  moved 
right  vertical  to  the  head,  and  that  at  that  sultry  hour  if  fighting 
were  continued,  both  horses  and  soldiers  would  perish,  owing  to 
excessive  heat  and  thirst,  and  that  therefore  if  that  day  further 
fightings  were  postponed,  next  morning  the  bitter-palated  enemy 
could  be  treated  to  a  similar  bitter  soup  (of  death) — 

Whence  will  thy  enemy  command  the  strength, 

To  fight  with  thee  ? 

Owing  to  thy  good  luck, 

The  enemy's  head  shall  be  trampled  upon  by  thy  feet. 

1  This  Rai  Eaian  Dlwan  Alamchand,  the  protege  and  favourite  of  Sarfaraz 
Khan's  father,  under  the  false  mask  of  loyalty,  did  more  damage  te  Sarfaraz 
Khan's  cause,  than  even  A'h"  Vardi  Khan  and  his  brother  liajl  Ahmad.    Bat  it 


313  ) 

Al though  astrologers  descanted  on  the  auspiciousness  of  that 
hour  for  fighting,  and  adduced  arguments  in  proof  of  the  incom- 
ing  victory,   and    although   his    Generals    insisted    on    continuing 
the  battle,    Sarfaraz  Khan  was  unmoved,  and  forbade  by  use  of 
threats  further  fightings  that  day.     Then  Sarfaraz  Khan  encamp- 
ed on  the  banks  of  the  Geriah  river.     Meanwhile,  a  letter  from 
Mahabat  Jang  came  avowing  his  loyalty,  And  explaining  that  he 
had  come  simply  to  pay  his  respects  to  Sarfaraz  Khan.     Sarfaraz 
Khan,  who  was  quite  inexperienced,  on  perusal  of   the  letter,  be- 
came reassured,  dispensed  with  all  precautions,  foolishly  released 
Haji  Ahmad,   who  was  the  root  of  all  the  disturbance,  and  sent 
him  to  A'li  Vardi  Khan  Mahabat  Jang,  in  order  to  reassure  the 
latter  and  to  bring  him  over.     He  also  sent  in  the  Haji's  company 
Shaja  Qui!  Khan  and  Khwajah  Basant,  his  two  special  confidantes, 
with  a  view  to  ascertain  exactly  the  prospects  of  peace  and  war,  to 
guage  correctly  the  dispositions  of  A'li  Vardi's  Army,  and  then  to 
apprise  him  accurately.     The  imprisonment  of  the  Haji  with  his 
other  relatives  had  plunged  Mahabat   Jang  into  a  whirlpool  of 
confusion.     He  had  apprehended  that  they  would  be  slain,  and 
had,  therefore,  hesitated  to  offer  battle.     Viewing  the  release  of 
the  Haji  to  be  auspicious,    nay  as   the   first  augury   of    victory, 
Mahabat  Jang  (A'li  Vardi)  enclosed  in  a  casket  a  brick,  giving  out 
it  contained  the   Holy  Qoran,  held  it  in  his  hand,  and  swore  by  it 
that  next  morning  he  would  with  folded  hands  present  himself  be- 
fore»Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan,  and  would  sue  for  pardon  for  his  mis- 
conduct.    At  the  same  time  he  presented  two  hundred  gold  coins  to 
Khwajah  Basant.     These  idiots  (Shuj'a  Quli  Khan  and  Khwajah 
Basant),  not  fathoming  the  water  under  the  grass,  returned  happy 
and  jolly,  and  describing  to  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan  the  loyal  dis- 
position of  A'li  Vardi  Khan  cooled  the  fire  of  his  wrath.     Nawab 
Sarfaraz  Khan  then  ordered  his  butler  to  prepare  dainty  dishes  for 
a  banquet,  sat  re-assured  on  the  bed  of  comfort,  nay  slumbered  the 
sleep  of  insecurity  on  the  bed  of  sleep  (which  is  akin  to  death) ; 
and  his  soldiers,  intoxicated  by  the  inebriation  of  the  wine-cup  of 
peace,  let  go  from  their  hands  the  reius  of  watch  and  alertness. 

Aye  !     It  is  sheer  folly  to  rely  on  the  cajolery  of  thy  enemy  ; 
The  seeming  prostration  of  floods  undermines  walls  ! 

is  due  to  Dlwan  Alamchand's  memory  to  add  that  he  was  only  oue  of  the  faith- 
less  out  of  a  faithless  herd. 


.314 

After  the  withdrawal  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's  emissaries,  A'li  Vai'di 
Khan  soothed  and  won  over  his  officers  by  promising  them  two 
months'  pay  in  the  event  of  his  victory,  and  also  by  promising 
them  tlie  booty  that  might  be  captured.  He  thus  incited  and  in- 
stigated them  to  fight,  and  distributed  shells,  gunpowder  and  arma- 
ments. The  Generals  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's  army  who  from  before 
were  in  league  with  A'li  VardI  Khan,  wei*e  all  ready  for  treachery 
and  regicide.  The^only  exceptions  were  Muhammad  Grhaus  Khan 
and  Mir  Sbarfu-d-dfn,  Commanders  of  the  vanguard  of  Sarfaraz 
Khan's  army,  who  were  posted  at  the  ford  of  the  river  Geriah. 
Ascertaining  through  messengers  and  spies  the  secret  plot  of 
teachery  that  was  hatching,  both  the  above  Generals  at  midnight 
hastened  to  Sarfaraz  Khan,  apprised  the  latter  of  the  fire  of 
treachery  that  was  fanning  under  a  straw-covering,  and  offered  by 
way  of  precaution  to  remove  him  that  night  to  their  own  camp, 
and  there  to  guard  him,  and  next  morning  to  sacrifice  their  lives 
by  fighting  gallantly  round  him.  In  that  in  matters  of  destiny, 
efforts  are  helpless,  and  the  knot  of  Fate  cannot  be  untied  with  the 
nail  of  Efforts,  the  will  of  Providence  cast  the  quicksilver  of 
heedlessness  into  the  ear  of  Sarfaraz  Khan.  Placing  no  reliance  on 
their  loyal  representation,  Sarfaraz  Khan  treated  those  two  Generals 
in  a  rude  and  threatening  manner,  and  by  way  of  censure  added  : 
"You  opening  a  shop  of  self- aggrandisement  desire  that  I  should 
be  involved  in  war  against  Mahabat  Jang,  who  is  my  well-wisher." 
Those  two  Generals  got  up  blushing  with  shame  and  humiliation, 
and  returned  to  their  own  camps.  Arming  themselves,  along  with 
their  forces,  they  passed  the  night  in  alertness  ;  whilst  Sarfaraz 
Khan,  in  the  slumber  of  heedlessness,  lay  intoxicated  with  the  wine 
of  sleep.  At  the  instigation  of  Haji  Ahmad,  in  the  dead  of  njght, 
nnder  the  pretext  of  visiting  relations  and  friends,  the  officers 
and  soldiers  of  "Mahabat  Jang's  army,  with  their  light  baggages, 
by  ones  and  twos,  mingled  with  the  army  of  Sarfaraz  Khan,  and 
forming  rings  round  the  Royal  tent  looked  out  for  an  opportunity 
to  strike. 

The  officers  of  Shuj'a  Khan's  regime,  upon  whom  Sarfaraz 
Khan  placed  great  reliance,  from  the  very  beginning  were  in  intri- 
gue with  the  Haji,  and  seeing  and  knowing  all  connived  at  and 
concealed  the  conspiracy ;  whilst  the  loyal  adherents  of  Sar- 
faraz Khan  held  their  tongue  from  fear  of  being  snubbed.  Whilst 
one   hour   of    the   night   yet   remained,    A'li   Vardi    Khan    and 


3J5  ] 

Haji  Ahmad  divided  their  forces  into  two  divisions.  They  detail- 
ed one  division  under  the  command  of  Nandlal  Jama'dar,  together 
with  the  standard  and  the  kettle-drum,  and  flags  and  elephants, 
to  attack  Grhaus  Khan  and  Mir  Sharfu-d-din,  whilst  with  another 
division,  consisting  of  Afghan  and  Bhallah  troops,  in  the  darkness 
of  the  night,  under  the  guidance  of  the  men  of  the  Zamindari  of 
Ramakant,  Zamindar  of  Rajshahi,  they  tlfemselv'esi  marched  to 
deliver  a  night-attack  against  Sarfaraz  Khan.  ,And  towards  the 
day-break,  whilst  yet  the  darkness  of  the  niglit  continued,  and 
friends  could  not  be  distinguished  from  foes,  they  suddenly,  like 
death,  attacked  Sarfaraz  Khan's  troops  who  were  inebriated  with 
the  wine  of  sleep,  (which  is  akin  to  death),  and  fired  their  guns. 
The  old  proteges  awoke  Sarfaraz  Khan  from  his  slumber  of  neg- 
lect, and  apprised  him  of  the  aspect  of  affairs.  As  fortune,  how- 
ever, had  averted  its  face  from  him,  even  now  Sarfaraz  Khan  refus- 
ed to  listen  to  them  with  the  ear  of  credence,  snubbed  them,  and 
again  insisted  on  the  quick  preparation  of  viands  for  a  banquet. 
Sarfaraz  Khan  l  added,  "  A'li  Vardi  Khan  is  coming  to  visit  me." 
At  this  moment,  another  cannou-shell  fell ;  and  by  the  time  of  the 
sunrise,  the  troops  of  Mahabat  Jang  exhibited  themselves  in 
battle-array.  Guns  and  lockets,  arrows  and  muskets  flashing 
lightning,  and  showering  destruction  poured,  in.  The  troops  of 
Sarfaraz  Khan  who  were  intoxicated  by  the  wine  of  the  morning 
sleep,  harum-scarum  sprang  up  from  their  beds  of  slumber,  and 
girdifig  up  their  loins  fled;  whilst  others,  not  commanding  the 
nerve  to  gird  up  their  loins  or  to  arm  themselves,  were  butchered. 

Sarfaraz  Khan's  army  was  panic-stricken. 

• 

You  might  say,  from  dread  of  that  warfare, 

Earth  itself  had  fled. 

.» 
Only  one  solitary  column  consisting  mostly  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's 

old  officers,  impelled  by  sentiments  of  honour,  and  animated  by  a 

sense  of  loyalty,  arrayed  themselves  on  the  battle-field,  gallantly  re- 

1  Sarfaraz  Khan  possessed  a  most  guileless  sonl,  and  Ms  gnilelessness  and 
his  confidence  in  A'li  Vardi  cost  him  his  throne.  Sarfaraz  Khan  lacked  insight 
into  human  character,  which  is  one  of  the  essential  attributes  of  a  wise  ruler. 
Whilst  noting  this  failing  in  Sarfaraz  Khan,  it  must  be  added  there  is  nothing 
to  condone  or  extenuate  the  black  ingratitude  and  treachery  of  A'li  Vardi 
and  the  Triumvirate  Councillors,  Dcwan  Alamchawl,  Haji  Ahmad  and  Jagat* 
set,  who  were  all  'proteges  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's  father. 


j  316 

solved  to  sacrificetheir  lives,  and  firmly  stood  their  ground.  Nawab 
Sarfaraz  Khan,  after  finishing  his  morning-prayer,  also  armed 
himself,  seized  the  Holy  Qoran  with  one  hand,  and  mounted  a 
swift  elephant.  Then  letting  loose  the  royal  elephant  in  front 
of  himself,  he  flung  himself  into  the  thick  of  the  fight,  and  com- 
menced shooting  arrows.  The  Afghan  generals  of  Mahabat  Jang's 
army,  covered  by  a  squadron  of  Bhaliah  infantry,  charged  Sarfaraz 
Khan's  army. 

When  on  both  sides,  the  troops  stood  in  battle-array, 

You  might  say,  the  Day  of  Judgment  had  arrived. 

Owing  to  the  thundering  of  guns,  muskets  and  rockets, 

Aye,  the  Universe  itself  quaked. 

The  twang  of  bow-strings  and  the  cracking  of  arrows 

Resounded  aloft  their  echo  to  the  lofty  sky. 

The  spear,  like  Death  with  out-stretched  hands, 

In  the  taking  of  life,  chbpped  the  breast  into  slips. 

In  the  hands  of  heroes,  sharp  steel- made  swords, 

In  shedding  blood  of  the  enemy,  leapt  warmly: 

The  heroes  became  warm  in  taking  and  in  giving  life; 

Aye,  the  world  became  emptied  of  heroes. 

In  this  sword-charge,  wherein  the  boisterous  wind  of  Death 
threw  down  on  the  plain  of  annihilation  corpses  like  leaves  of 
trees,  and  the  flood  of  blood  raged  tumultously  on  every  side, 
Mardan  A'li  Khan,  the  Dakhshi  of  Shuj'a  Khan's  regime,  wh#was 
now  the  generalissimo  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's  army,  and  commanded  the 
van,  feeling  himself  incapable  of  continuing  the  contest  any  longer, 
fled.  At  the  sight  of  this  flight,  Sarfaraz  Khan's  army  was 
demoralised,  and  a  general  stampede  ensued  in  its  ranks. 

Ea&h  one  felt  contented  with  saving  himself, 
No  one  cared  for  another. 

Save  and  except  his  Georgian  and  Abyssinian  slaves  and  a  few 
of  his  old  comi'ades,  not  one  oat  of  the  numerous  mock-heroes  re- 
mained to  cover  Sarfaraz  Khan's  elephant.  The  elephant-driver 
perceiving  that  victory  had  declared  itself  for  the  enemy,  said  to 
Sarfaraz  Khan  : — "  If  it  be  your  Highness's  pleasure,  I  shall  cany 
you  to  Birbhum  to  the  Zamiudar,  Badi'u-z-zaman."  Sarfaraz  Khan, 
striking  the  elephniit-driver  a  blow  on  the  neck,  retorted:  "Tie 
the  chain  round  the  feet  of  the  elephaut,  as  I  will  not  retreat  before 


M7 

these  dogs."  l  The  elephant-driver  was  obliged  to  drive  on  his 
elephant.  The  Barqandozes  and  the  Bhaliahs  of  the  enemy's  Army, 
who  had  from  before  ranged  themselves  like  a  ring  round  Sarfaraz 
Khan's  tent,  discharged  from  all  sides  cannon-shells  on  his  ele- 
phant ;  and  over  and  above,  rockets  and  cannon-balls,  arrows  and 
muskets  were  showered  incessantly  by  the  hostile  army.  Mir 
Gadai,  who  was  a  special  favourite  of  Sarfaraz  Kh,an,  was  shot 
down  by  a  rocket.  MirKamil,  brother  of  Mir  Muhammad  Baqir 
surnamed  Baqir  A'li  Khan  (nephew  of  Shuja'u-"d-daulah),  and  a 
young  unmarried  boy  of  Mirza  Muhammad  Iraj  Khan  Bakhshi, 
and  other  personal  attendants,  including  Bahram,  Sa'id  and  other 
slaves,  who  had  not  fled  from  the  battle-field,  were  hit  by  rockets, 
cannon-shells  and  bullets,  and  fell  right  in  front  of  Sarfaraz 
Khan's  elephant.  Mirza  Iraj  Khan  was  also  mortally  wounded. 
Mir  Diler  A'li  gallantly  attacked  the  Afghan  column  of  A'li  Vardi 
Khan,  exhibited  feats  of  prowess  and  Ijravery,  but  receiving  sword- 
cuts  gallantly  fell  with  a  number  of  his  comrades. 

At  this  moment,  Sarfaraz  Khan  himself  was  hit  on  the 
forehead  by  the  bullet  of  a  gun  shot  by  a  traitor  from  his  own 
camp,  and  was  felled  on  his  elephant-litter,2  aud  the  bird  of  his 
soul  flew  to  Heaven.  As  soon  as  they  saw  this  mishap,  Mir  Habib, 
Murshid  Quli  Khan,  Shamshir  Khan  Quraishi  (Faujdar  of  Silhat) 
and  Rajah  Ghandrab  Singh,  who  with  their  forces  stood  aloof 
at  a  distance  from  the  battle,  and  were  silent  spectators  of  the 
seeno>  took  to  their  heels.  Mir  Haidar  Shah  and  Khwajah  Basant 
who  clung  to  each  other,  and  were  hiding  themselves  in  a  Rath,2" 
fled  without  even  casting  a  glance  at  the  corpse  of  their  master. 

Not  one  out  of  his  companions  remained, 
To  guard  him  for  an  instant. 

In  the  cover  of  the  darkness  of  the  night,  and  deceived  by  the 
ruse  of  the  Royal  Standard  aud  the  Elephant  being  displayed  by 
the   Division    under  Nandlal    Jama'dar,    Ghau«  Khan   and  Mir 

1  Though  exceptionally  humane  and  forbearing  in  disposition,  it  is  refresh- 
ing to  note  Sarfaraz  Khan  could  fight  and  fall  bravely  like  a  hero. 

8  The  word  used  is  -u3  &4&J*  (  Mikhah  Dambar),  wRich  means  a  royal 
litter,  carried  on  elephants.  It  is  c;illed  Mile  Dambar  ( j\i'S  i^Xxto  i  in 
the  Seiru-l-Mutalcherin  (p.  378)  which  explains  its  significance.  It  is  possibly 
a  Turkish  word. 

?  A  four-wheeled  carriage  ;  whilst  Chakrah  is  a  two-wheeled  carriage. 


318 

Sharfuddin  mistook  the  latter  for  Mababatjang,  and  commenced 
fighting.  By  means  of  Rustam-like  onslaughts  and  brave  assaults, 
they  killed  Nandlal,  and  cut  him  up  with  their  swords.  Routing 
those  who  escaped  the  sword,  they  captured  the  Standard,  kettle- 
drum, elephauts,  camels,  horses  and  armaments,  and  then  they 
marched  swiftly  to  enquire  about  Sarfaraz  Khan.  Though  Sar- 
faraz Khan  had  fallen,  on  seeing  those  two  brave  Generals,  Maha- 
bat  Jang  did  not  stir  from  the  field,  but  with  his  force  which  was 
more  numerous  than  ants  and  locusts  remained  stationary  and 
motionless  on  the  battle-field.  Those  two  Generals  had  yet  received 
no  tidings  of  the  fall  of  Sarfaraz  Khan,  and,  therefore,  with  a  small 
force  of  veteran  heroes  comprising  their  sons,  brothers,  kinsmen 
and  companions,  they  bravely  spurred  on  their  chargers,  fiercely 
assaulted  All  Vardi  Khan's  army,  broke  through  its  ranks,  and 
heroically  dashed  up  to  its  centre.  The  army  of  Mahabat  Jang  was 
about  to  reel  from  the  blows  pf  those  lions  of  the  forest  of  warfare, 
when  G_haus  Khan  received  on  the  breast  mortal  wounds  from  the 
bullets  of  Qhidan  Hazari's  musketeers,  and  fell.  Ghaus  Khan's 
two  sons,  Qutb  and  Babar,  who  were  veritable  tigers  of  the  forest 
of  bravery,  and  who  on  hunting-grounds  were  wont  to  slay  lions 
with  swords,  unsheathed  their  swords,  and  killed  a  large  number 
of  Afghans  and  Bballaks.1 

They  attacked  no  one  whom  they  did  not  finish, 
They  struck  no  head  which  they  did  not  hurl  down. 
On  whomever  they  struck  their  long-piercing  daggers, 
His  head  came  down  rolling  from  the  shoulder. 

Qhidan  Hazati  also  received  sword-cuts  at  their  hands. 
After  much  slaughter  and  daring,  being  hit  by  the  bullets  of  mus- 
kets, Qutb  and  Babar  fell  like  brave  martyrs,  and  joined  their 
gallant  father'm  his  journey  to  Eternity.  Mir  Sharfu-d-din  with 
seven  brave  cavaliers  galloped  right  up  to  Mahabat  Jang,  and 
with  great  agility  shot  at  the*latter's  breast  a  heart-piercing 
arrow,  which,  however,  grazed  against  the  bow  of  Mahabat  Jung, 
and  piercing  through  lodged  itself  in  the  latter's  side-ribs.  Mir 
Sharfu-d-din  had  pulled  another  arrow  towards  the  bow-string, 
when  Shaikh  Jahan  Yar  and  Muhammad  Zulfuqar,  Mahabat 
Jang's  Generals,  who  were  old  friends  of  the  Mir,  came  forward 
and  said :  "  Nawab  Safaraz  Khan  has  fallen,  what  can  you  gain 

1  It  would  seem  the  race  of  heroes  was  not  yet  extinct  in  Moslem  Bengal. 


319  ! 


now  by  continuing  the  contest  and  sacrificing  your  life  "  ?  The  Mir 
bravely  replied  :  "  Hitherto  1  fought  from  a  sense  of  loyalty  for 
tlie  salt  l  I  had  eaten,  and  from  a  sense  of  comradeship,  but 
now  I  fight  to  maintain  my  honour.  "  These  two  Generals 
stood  sureties  for  the  security  of  his  honour,  and  pulled  him 
back.  Then  the  Mir  with  his  followers  set  out  for  Birbhum« 
Notwithstanding  that  his  gunners  had  run  away,  Paiicho  Ferengi,  8 
Superintendent  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's  artillery,  served  his  guns  and 
bravely  stuck  to  them,  and  kept  up  an  incessant  cannonade.  After 
Mir  Sharfu-d-din's  withdrawal,  the  Afghans  in  large  numbers 
attacked  Pancho,  and  killed  him.  Baji  Singh,  a  Rajput  General, 
who  with  the  rear-guard  was  at  Khamrah,  on  receiving  news  of 
his  master's  fall,  felt  his  sense  of  honour  aroused.  Alone  spurring 
on  his  horse  and  placing  his  spear  on  his  horse's  right  ear,  by 
brave  onslaughts,  he  dashed  through  the  enemy's  foi'ce  to  a  point 
where  Mahabat  Jang  stood.  With  one  stroke  of  his  sharp  spear, 
Baji  Singh  attempted  to  hurl  the  latter  down  from  his  elephant- 
saddleandto  despatch  him  to  the  next  world,  to  be  a  companion  there 
of  his  fallen  master.  Mahabat  Jang  made  him  out  on  seeing  his 
heroism  lad  agility,  and  ordered  Daur  Quli  Khan,  superintendent  of 
the  artilrery,  to  quickly  oppose  him.  Daur  Quli  Khan  encountering 
him  shot  a  bullet  through  his  breast,  and  Baji,Singh  being  mortally 
wounded  fell  on  the  ground.3  Zalim  Singh,  Baji  Singh's  son, 
aged  nine  years,  with  that  inherent  bravery  which  is  characteris- 
tic of  the  Rajput  race,  unsheathed  his  sword  from  the  scabbard,  and 
stood  up  to  guard  his  father.  People  from  all  sides  surrounded 
him  like  a  ring.  Nawab  Mahabat  Jang,  on  seeing  the  daring  of 
that  boy,  applauded  hiin.,  and  forbade  the  people  from  killing  him, 

1  Such  instances  of  isolated  loyalty  and  heroism  relieve,  to  some  extent,  the 
darkness  of  the  picture  of  faithlessness  and  treachery  that  these  events  portray. 

2  "  The  ravenous  hordes  thus  let  loose  on  India  made  the  race-name  of 
Christian  (Ferengi)  a  word  of  terror,  until  the  strong  rule  of  the  Mughal  Em- 
pire turned  it  into  one  of  contempt." — Sir  W.  Hunter's  History  of  British 
India,  Vol.  I,  p.  184.  The  name  'Ferengi'  was,  however,  more  especially 
applied  to  the  Portuguese  settlers  in  India,  whilst  the  term  'Nasara'  (or 
Nazarene)  was  a  generic  term  for  all  Christians.  . 

3  It  is  an  eloquent  testimony  to  the  goodness  of  Sarfaraz  Khan,  that  even 
in  those  treacherous  times,  and  in  such  a  trying  crisis,  he  could  command  the 
undying  devotion  and  homage  of  his  brave  Kajput  officers.  This  is  (mother 
incident  which  relieves,  in  some  measure,  the  darkness  of  the  picture 
presented  by  these  scenes. 

41  ^. 


320 

and  ordered  them  not  to  oppose  the  removal  of  his  father's  corpse. 
The  artillery-men  helped  in  the  removal  of  Baji  Singh's  corpse,  and 
carried  along  with  it  Zalim  Singh  on  their  shoulders.  During  the 
fightings  of  Grhaus  Khan,  Mir  Sharfu-d-din,  Baji  Singh  and  Pancho 
Ferengl,  both  the  sons-in-law  of  Sarfaraz  Khan,  named  Grhazanfar 
Husain  and  Hasan  Muhammad,  together  with  other  Mansabdars 
and  vanquished  soldiers,  had  fled  from  the  battle-field,  and  had  in 
one  day  marched  back  to  Murshidabad.  And  the  Rai  Raian  Alam- 
chand,  by  way  of  retribution  for  his  treachery,  received  an  arrow- 
shot  on  the  hand  from  a  cross-bow,  plunged  into  the  river,  and 
half-dead  reached  his  house.  Repenting  of  his  disloyal  treachery, 
he  committed  suicide  *  by  swallowing  diamond-filings.  In  short, 
when  Sarfaraz  Khan  was  felled  on  his  elephant-litter,  the  ele- 
phant-driver carried  his  corpse  swiftly  to  Murshidabad.  Yasin 
Khan,  Faujdar  of  Murshidabad,  who  together  with  Hafizu-1-lah 
Khan,  son  of  Sarfaraz  Khan,  -had  been  left  to  guard  the  City,  the 
Citadel  and  the  Nawab's  family,  buried  at  midnight  the  corpse  of 
Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan  at  Nakta'ihall.  Hafizu-1-lah  and  Grhazan- 
far Husain  hurriedly  th>-ew  up  entrenchments,  and  prepared  to 
fight.  They,  however,  received  no  encouragement  from  the  van- 
quished troops,  and  therefore  abandoned  their  plan  of  fighting,  and 
tendei'ed  their  submission  to  Ali  Vardi  Khan.  This  Revolution  in 
the  Government  threw  the  City,  as  well  as  the  Army  and  the 
people  of  Bengal,  into  a  general  and  deep  convulsion.  Haji 
Ahmad  first8  entering  the  city  of  Murshidabad,  proclaimed  peace 

1  The  Rai  Raian  Alamchand  (the  protege  and  creature  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's 
father  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan)  was  after  all  a  penitent  sinner,  and,  therefore  hia 
character  stands  out  in  a  less  hideous  light,  than  that  of  Haji  Ahmad  and  Jagat 
Set,  who  do  not  appear  to  have  been  similarly  disturbed  by  qualms  of  conscience 
for  their  black  ingratitude  and  treachery. 

2  All  Vardi  Khan  himself  entered  the  city  of  Murshidabad  on  the  third  day 
after  his  victory.  He  was  a  Machiavellian  diplomatist,  and  therefore,  the 
first  step  he  took  on  his  entry  into  the  city,  was  to  sue  for  pardon  for  his 
treachery  from  Nafisah  Begam,  a  daughter  of  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan,  and  sister 
of  Sarfaraz  Khan.  He  next  held  a  Darbar  in  the  Chehel  Satun  palace  of 
Shuja'u-d-din  Khan,  and  though  at  first  he  was  detested  by  the  people  and 
the  officers  for  his  black  ingratitude  and  treachery,  he  soon  managed  to 
conciliate  them  by  bestowing  on  them  rich  largesses.  (See  Seiru-UMutakherin, 
Pers.  text,  p.  494).  He  appointed  in  his  place  as  Naib  Nazim  of  Patna 
(Azimabad)  his  son-in-law,  Zainu-d-din  Khan  Haibat  Jang,  (See  p.  499, 
Seiru-l-Mutakherin). 


321 

and  security  on  behalf  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan.  Yasin  Khan  Faujdar, 
under  the  order  of  the  Haji,  set  guards  on  Sarfaraz  Khan's  trea- 
sury and  family,  officers  and  servants,  as  well  as  on  his  Seraglio, 
so  that  none  could  escape.  This  battle  1  of  Gheria  took  place  in 
1153  A.H. 


NIZAMAT  OF  NAWAB   ALI  VARDI  KHAN"  MAHA- 

BAT  JANG.  » 

After  obtaining  victory,  Ali  Vardi  Khan  Mahabat  Jang,  in 
order  to  overlook  the  sacking  of  the  City  and  the  loot  of  Sarfaraz 
Khan's  treasures  at  the  hands  of  Afghans  and  Bhaliahs, s  for 
three  days  encamped  outside  the  City,  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
Gobrah.  On  the  fourth  day,  with  a  sense  of  perfect  security  en- 
tering the  Citadel,  he  seated  himself  with  extended  thighs  on  the 
masnad  of  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal,»  and  confiscated  without  any 
trouble  Sarfaraz  Khan's  treasures  which  the  past  Nazims  with 
considerable  self-denial  had  hoarded.  In  that  Nawab  Mahabat 
Jang  avoided  the  company  of  strange  ,,women,  and  did  not  care 
for  this  sort  of  pleasure,  during  his  life  he  had  only  one  wedded 
wife,  and  in  fact,  he  often  plumed  himself  on  this  circumstance. 
Haji  Ahmad  and  his  sons  and  relations  possessed  themselves  of 
Sarfaraz  Khan's  fifteen  hundred  pretty  female  dependants  and 
slaves.  Mahabat  Jang  banished  to  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca)  the 
wedfled  Begams  of.  Sarfaraz  Khan  with  their  children,  3  and  fixed 
small  allowances  for  them  from  the  income  of  the  Khas  Ta'luqah. 

1  Compare  the  description  of  this  battle  with  that  given  in  the  Seiru-l- 
Mutakherin,  pp.  492-493.  The  anthor  of  the  Seir,  though  a  stroDg  partisan 
of  Ali  Vardi,  and  though  anxious  to  gloss  over  his  treachery  and  ingratitude, 
is  forced  to  pay  a  glowing  tribute  to  the  bravery  and  devoted  courage  dis* 
played  by  several  officers  of  Sarfaraz  Khan  at  this  battle.  Biyaz's  account  of 
this  important  battle  seems  much  richer  in  details,  as  well  as  more  graphic 
and  more  exact  than  that  of  the  Seir,  This  important  battle  took  place  about 
11  months  after  Nadir  Shah's  return  to  Persia  after  the  sack  of  Delhi,  and 
about  14  months  after  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan's  death. 

2  This  fact  which  redounds  to  the  discredit  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan  is  suppressed 
by  the  author  of  the  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  whose  father  was  employed  in  a  hi^h 
capacity  under  All  Vardi's  son-in-law,  Zainu-d-din  Khan,  at  Patna.  The  author 
of  the  Biyaz,  not  being  a  partisan,  does  not  suppress  it. 

3  It  may  be  interesting  to  enquire  if  any  descendants  of  these  Btill  Burvive 
in  the  alleys  of  Dacca. 


322 

And  Naflsah  Begam,  Sarfaraz  Khan's  sister,  who  had  adopted  as 
her  child  Aqa  Baba  Kuchak  who  was  her  nephew,  entered  service 
as  a  governess  in  the  Seraglio  of  Nawazish  Ahmad  Khan,  l  the 
eldest  son  of  Haji  Ahmad,  and  in  this  way  supported  her 
nephew. 

When  news  of  the  fall  of  Sarfaraz  Khan  and  of  the  succession  of 
All  Vardi  Khan  to  the  Masnad  of  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal  reached 
Emperor  Nasiru-d-din  Muhammad  Shah,  the  latter  wept  and 
said:  "Owing  to  Nadir  Shah,  the  whole  of  my  Empire  is  con- 
vulsed and  shattered."8  But  to  mend  the  state  of  affairs  was 
difficult,  and  so  the  Emperor  kept  quiet.  Mahabat  Jang,  through 
Murad  Khan,  s  who  was  one  of  the  associates  of  the  Prime 
Minister,  Nawab  Qamru-d-din  Khan  (about  whom  mention  has 
been  made  before),  intrigued  with  the  Prime  Minister  and  other 
Ministers.  He  remitted  to  the  Emperor  forty  laks  of  rupees  on 
account  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's  confiscated  treasures  and  fourteen  laks 
on  account  of  tribute,  over  and  above  the  usual  fixed  revenue.  He 
also  gave  three  laks  of  rupees  to  Qamru-d-din  4  Khan  Vazir,  and 
one  lak  of  rupees  to  Asaf  .lab  Nizamu-1-Mulk.  He  similarly  con- 
ciliated and  bribed  other  Imperial  Officers  according  to  their 
ranks.  Intriguing  with  Rajah  Jugal  Kishor,  agent  of  Sarfaraz 
Khan,  Mahabat  Jang,  obtained  in  his  own  name  the  patent  of  the 
Nizamat  of  all  the  three  Subahs  of  Bengal,  Bihar,  and  Orissa, 
according  to  the  usual  practice.     He  then  exacted  double  the  usual 

1  He  was  then  Deputy  Nazim  of  Jahangirnagar  or  Dacca. 

3  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah  was  not  quite  fair  to  Nadir  Shah  in  his  poli- 
tical diaguosis.  He  onght  to  havo  added,  the  glorious  Timurkle  Empire  in 
India  had  been  shattered  and  undermined  by  the  laxury  and  love  of  ease,  and 
fatricidal  jealousies  and  strifes  of  himself  and  his  immediate  predecessors, 
and  principally  by  the  venality  and  corruption,  joined  to  clannish  jealousies 
and  personal  ambitions  that  had  seized  the  later  Mughal  ministers  and  pro- 
consuls. A  moral  paralysis  had  seized  the  heart  of  the  Empire  at  Delhi,  and 
it  quickly  extended  in  and  affected  its  distant  limbs  in  outlying  Provinces. 
The  Musalmans  in  India  had  lost  their  Islamic  virtues  first,  and  next  their 
Empire  ;  whilst  Nadir  >Shah's  terrible  invasion  operated  only  as  an  accelerat- 
ing force  towards  its  eventual  dissolution. 

3  He  had  been  deputed  by  the  Emperor  to  bring  the  attached  treasures  of 
Sarfaraz;  Khan,  and  the  revenue  of  Bengal.     See  Seir,  p.  496. 

*  It  is  humiliating  to  observe  that  even  ministers  of  the  calibre  and  position 
of  Qamru-d-din  Khan  and  Nizamu-1-Mulk  Asaf  Jah  were,  at  this  dark  period 
of  Indo-Moslem  History,  not  above  corruption. 


323        ; 

amount  of  revenue,  presents  and  tribute  from  the  Zamlndars  of 
Bengal. 

For  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  1  and  for 
conquering  the  Subah  of  Odisah  (Orissa),  Mahabat  Jang  now  girded 
up  his  loins,  mobilised  troops  and  collected  armaments,  and  bes- 
towed the  office  of  Generalissimo  on  Mir  Ja'far  Khan  Bahadur, 
who  was  Mahabat  Jang's  brother-in-law,  an9  who  imthe  war  with 
Sarfaraz  Khan  had  rendered  Mahabat  Jang  good  services.  Mahabat 
Jang  bestowed  on  Mir  Ja'far  a  corps  of  bodyguard,  together  with  a 
mansab,  a  title,  and  a  peerage.  He  bestowed  the  office  of  Diwan 
with  the  title  of  Rai  Raian  on  Chin  Rai,  2  who  was  a  clerk  in  charge 
of  the  Jagirs  of  Ja'far  Khan,  and  who  was  a  person  of  probity 
and  honesty.  And  he  bestowed  on  Muhammed  Riza  Khan,  the 
eldest  son  of  Haji  Ahmad,  who  had  married  (xhasiti  Khanam, 
daughter  of  Mahabat  Jang,  the  title  of  Nasiru-1-Mulk  Ihtishamu- 
d-daulah  Nawazish  Muhammed  Khan  Bahadur  Shahamat  Jang, 
together  with  the  nominal  office  of  Diwan  of  Bengal,  and  the 
Deputy  Nizamat  of  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca),  including  Chittagong, 
Raushanabad     (Tipperah),     and  Silhat.     And    he    bestowed    on 


1  He  was  a  son-in-law  of  Shuja'u-d-din  Khan,  and  had  been  appointed  by 
tke  latter  Deputy  Nazim  of  Orissa,  on  the  death  of  Muhammad  Taqi  Khan  (a 
son  of  ghuja'u-d-din  Khan).  Ali  Vardi  and  his  unholy  Haji  brother  were 
resolved  to  spare  no  one  amongst  the  capable  male  representatives  of  their 
late  master  and  benefactor.  A  reign  ushered  in  by  such  treachery  and 
characterised  by  such  vindictive  posthumous  courtesies  was  bound,  under 
an  Avenging  Providence,  to  terminate  ignominiously.  The  unholy  Haji 
brother  quickly  met  with  his  proper  deserts,  by  being  tortured  and  butchered, 
along  with  his  son  Zainu-d-din  Khan,  by  the  Afghan  rabble  who  sacked 
Patna.  Ali  Vardi  himself  was  continually  distracted  and  harassed  by 
Mahratta  freebooters,  who  swooped  down  again  and  again  on  his  fair 
provinces  like  armies  of  locusts,  and  harried  and  devastated  them,  and  Ali 
Vardi's  energy,  courage,  and  prowess  were  of  no  avail  against  this  visitation 
of  God's  curse.  He  at  length  had  to  conclude  an  inglorious  pence  with  the 
Mahiattas,  and  to  practically  cede  to  the  latter  the  Province  of  Orissa.  And 
not  many  months  had  rolled  away  since  he  had  closed  his  eyes,  when  his 
favourite  grandson,  Siraju-d-daulah,  was  tortured  to  death,  and  Ali  Vardi's  ill- 
gotten  Satrapy  dissolved  for  ever,  and  was  transferred  to  other  hands. 
"Verily,  Divine  retribution  was  not  slow  in  overtaking  Ali  Vardi  Khan. 

2  Chin  Rai  was  the  Peshkar  under  the  Diwan  Alam  Chand.  Mahabat 
Jang,  on  Alam  Oh,and's  death,  appointed  Ohin  Rai  as  his  Diwan.  (See  Seirt 
p.  495).  Ohin  Rai  proved  vex-y  honest,  and  was  held  in  high  esteem  by 
Mahabat  Jang.    (See  Seir,  p.  575). 


324 

Hashim  Ali  Khan,  the  youngest  son  of  Haji  Ahmad,  who  had 
married  the  younger  daughter  of  Mahabat  Jang,  named  Amanah 
Khanam,  the  title  of  Zainu-d-din  Ahmad  Khan  Haihat  Jang,  to- 
gether with  the  Deputy  Nizamat  of  the  Province  of  Bihar  and 
Azimabad  (Patna).  And  he  advanced  to  ranks,  titles,  and  Jagirs 
his  other  relations  l  and  connexions,  according  to  their  ranks  and 
aspirations.  .But  the  Afghans  and  the  Bhaliahs,  who  owing  to 
their  large  numbers  were  haughty,  meddled  so  much  in  all  the 
affairs,  that  they  did  not  care  for  Mahabat  Jang,  and  deviated 
from  the  usual  forms  of  etiquette.  Shelving  the  canons  of  justice 
on  the  shelf  of  forgetfulness,  they  looted  treasures,  and  killed  and 
slaughtered  the  people,  together  with  their  women  and  children. 
And  the  conduct  of  ingratitude,  which  had  subsisted  in  the  times 
of  the  early  Musalman  Independent  Kings  of  Bengal,  reasserted 
itself  afresh  from  the  time  of  Mahabat  Jang.2 

a 

1  The  following  details  of  the  administrative  arrangements  made  by  Ali 
Vardi  Khan  on  his  usurpation    of  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal,   are   summarized 
briefly   from    the   Seiru-l-Mutaiherin,   p.  495.     Zainu-d-din  Ahmad  Khan,  All 
Vardi'8  youngest   son-in-law,  was   appointed  Subadar  of  Behar  and  Patna. 
The    Deputy  Nizamat   of   Jahangirnagar,    including  the  Faujdari   of  Silhat, 
Chittngong,    and   Tipperah,    was   giveu    to   his   eldest   son-in-law,    Nawazish 
Muhammad    Khan.      Tjie    Deputy    Nizamat    of    Orissa    was    bestowed    on 
his   second    son-in-law,    Said    Ahmad   Khan   (after  Murshid  Qui!  Khan  was 
defeated).     The   Superintendentship  of   the   Nawarah   or  Imperial   Fleet   at 
Jahangirnagar  (Dacca)   was   bestowed  on   his   grandson,    Mirza  Muhammad 
(son   of    Zainu-d-din   Ahmad   Khan)    surnamed    Siraju-d-daulah    Shah    Qull 
Khan    Bahadur.      Siraju-d-daulah's    brother     was    adopted    as    a    son    by 
Nawazish  Muhammad  Khan,  and  surnamed  "  Ikramu-d-daulah  Padshah  Qnli 
Khan  Bahadur  "  with  nominal  command  of  the  Jahangirnagar  or  Dacca  army. 
Atau-1-lah   Khau,    a   son-in-law   of   Haji   Ahmad  (Ali   Vardi's  brother)   waa 
appointed   Faujdar  of    Rajmahal   (Akbarnagar)    and    Bhagalpur.     Alah   Yar 
Khan    (step-brotner   of   Ali  Vardi),    Mir  Jafar  Khan  (brother-in-law  of   Ali 
Vardi),  and  his  other  connexions  like  Faqiru-1-lah  Beg  Khan.  NuraMah  Beg 
Khan  and  Mustafa  Khan  were  given  mansabs  and  peerages  with  titles  and 
body-gnards.     Chin  l  Rai    (Peshkar  under    Diwan   Alamchand)   received   the 
title  of  '  Rai  Raian,'  and  wa3  appointed  Deputy  Diwan  of  Bengal.    Rajah  Janaki 
Ram,  who  was  the  old  household    Diwan  of  Mahabat  Jang,  was  appointed 
Diwan  of  Miscellaneous  departments.     The  Seir's  author's  maternal  uncle  or 
Klialoo,  Abdul  Ali  Khan  (who  was  also  a  connexion  of  Ali  Vardi),  received  a 
mansab,  together  with  the  parganahs  of  Narhat  Samai  and  Behar. 

8  For  its  revival,  Ali  Vardi  Khan  Mahabat  Jang  was  himself  responsible. 
He  re-inaugurated  an  era  of  force  and  fraud,  and  he  and  his  successors  were 
paid  back  in  the  same   coin   by   others.     He  taught   the  lesson  of  ingrati- 


325 

Towards  the  commencement  of  the  insurrection  of  All  Vardi 
Khan  Mahabat  Jang,  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan  had  asked  for  help 
from  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  the  Governor  of  Odisah  (Orissa),  who 
was  his  brother-in-law  ;  but  the  latter,  owing  to  personal  spite 
which  has  been  referred  to  before,  had  delayed  to  march  to  his 
help.  Whilst  Murshid  Quli  was  occupied  with  despatching  a 
body  of  troops  iu  the  shape  of  an  auxiliary  force,'  he  suddenly 
received  news  of  Sarfaraz  Khan's  fall  and  of, "All  Vardi  Khan's 
mastery  over  the  Sfibah  of  Bengal.  It  was  then  that  Murshid 
Quli  Khan  woke  up  from  slumber,  and  was  plunged  into  shame 
and  sorrow. 

General  well-being  follows  mutual  union,1 

General  ruin  follows  disunion. 

In  short,  from  fear  of  All  Vardi  Khan,  Murshid  Quli  Khan 
made  preparations  in  self-defence,  and  exerted  himself  strenuous- 
ly towards  the  mobilisation  of  an  army,  and  deputed  to  Murshida- 
bad  Mukhalis  All  Khan,  son-in-law  of  Haji  Ahmad,  who  from 
before  was  in  his  company,  in  order  ts>  arrange  the  basis  of  a 
treaty  of  peace.  After  the  latter's  arrival,  Ali  Vardi  Khan  and 
Haji  Ahmad  sending  a  reassuring  and  diplomatic  message  to 
Murshid  Quli  Khan,  set  him  at  ease,8  and  ° sent  back  Mukhalis 
Khan,  in  order  to  sow  treason  secretly  amongst  the  Officers  of 
Murshid  Quli  Khan's  army.  Mukhalis  Khan  presenting  himself 
before  Murshid  Quli  Khan  outwardly  tried  to  humour  and  re- 
assure him,  but  covertly  by  offer  of  allurements  and  temptations 
sowed  sedition  in  Murshid  Quli's  army,  and  sent  an  account  of  his 
success  in  this  direction  to  Ali  Vardi  Khan  Mahabat  Jang.  The 
latter,  with  a  large  army  and  an  immense  artillery,  instantly 
marched  towards  the  Province  of  Orissa.  On  receipt  of  this  news, 
leaving  his  wife,  Durdanah  Begam,  and  his  son,   Yahya  Khan, 

tudebyhisown    treacherous   conduct,   and  so   others   iook   their  cue  from 
him. 

1  The  Persian  couplet  is : — 

2  Ali  Vardi  and  Ids  worthy  Haji  brother  could  never  lay  down  their  favour- 
ite weapon  of  tieichery,  and  well  were  they,  tlirongh  their  children,  repaid  in 
ttie  same  coin  by  Mir  Ja'far  and  others, 


;  326 


with  his  treasures  in  the  fort  of  Barahbati,1  Murshid  Quli  Khan 
with  an  efficient  force  and  requisite  war-paraphernalia,  together 
witli  his  two  sons-in-law,  named  Mirza  Muhammad  Baqir8  Khan, 
a  Prince  of  Persia,  and  Alau-d-din  Muhammad  Khan,  marched  out 
from  Katak  (Cuttack)  in  order  to  fight,  and  advanced  to  the 
port  of  Balisar  (Balasor).  At  the  ferry  of  Phulwar,  from  the 
rock  of  Tilgad'hi  8  to  the  river  Jon,4  he  threw  up  an  entrenchment, 
and  remained  behind  it  waiting  for  the  enemy.5  Unfortunately, 
Murshid  Quli  Khan  was  ignorant  of  the  wiles  of  the  traitor  in  his 
own  camp  in  the  person  of  Mukhalis  Ali  Khan,  and  had,  therefore, 
failed  to  take  any  precautionary  steps  against  that  double-faced 
scoundrel,  and  had  thus  ignored  the  saying  of  Shaikh  Sa'di6 : — 

l  "  The  construction  of  Fort  Barabati  has  been  assigned  to  various  mon- 
archs  with  varioas  dates.  Sterling  thinks  it  was  built  by  Rajah  Anang  Bhem 
Deva  in  the  fourteenth  century.  The  stonework  has  been  taken  by  the  Public 
Works  Department  to  build  lighthouses  and  hospitals,  and  to  pave  roads.  The 
ditch  of  the  fort,  however,  still  remains,  and  so  does  the  gate,  which  is  still 
approached  by  a  causeway  .  .  .  Rajah  Mukund  Deo  built  a  palace  here  with 
nine  courts  .  .  .  The  palace  was  in  time  abandoned  by  the  Musalman  Governors 
who  preferred  to  live  in  the  Lalbagh,  on  the  south  side  of  the  city,  (now  Com- 
missioner's Residence  ") — Wilson's  Early  Annals  of  the  English  in  Bengal, 
Vol.  I,  p.  4,  f.  n. 

3  There  is  still  a  mdhalla  or  quarter  in  Katak,  called  '  Bakrabad,'  named 
so,  probably,  after  Baqir  Khan. 

3  Tilgadhi  in  the  text  is  apparently  a  mistake  for  the  hill  '  Tahirmunda ' 
marked  on  the  maps  of  Orissa,  near  Balasore.  t 

4  'Jon'  in  the  text  is  also  obviously  a  mistake;  I  do  not  find  any  river  of 
that  name  near  Balasore  or  in  Orissa.  It  is  a  mistake  probably  for  the  river 
near  Balasore,  called  '  Nuniajuri,'  Balasore  itself  being  situated  on  the  Bura- 
balung  river. 

&  In  Seiru-l-MutaMerin  (p.  497),  it  is  stated  Murshid  Quli  Khan  passed 
through  Balasore  port,  and  encamped  on  the  banks  of  its  river,  in  the  Mouza  of 
Bhalwar.  The  encampment  is  described  in  the  Seir  as  being  flanked  by  dense 
forests  on  one  side,  and  by  deep  rivulets  on  another.  A  ring  with  artillery  was 
formed  round  this  encampment.  Ali  Vardi  Khan  passing  through  Mednipnr 
and  Jalasore,  took  up  a  position  on  the  north  banks  of  the  Burabalung  river. 
The  position  taken  up  by  Murshid  Quli  Khan  is  described  as  very  impregnable, 
and  he  might  not  have  been  dislodged  from  it,  but  for  the  rash  sally  of  his 
son-in-law,  Mirza  Baqir  Ali  Khan,  and  the  treachery  of  his  Afghan  General 
'Abid  Khan,  who  deserted  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  his  old  master  and  benefactor, 
and  joined  with  his  Afghan  contingent  Mustafa  Khan,  the  Afghan  General  of 
Ali  Vardi  Khan.  The  crafty  Ali  Vardi  Khan  had  by  means  of  bribes  sown 
treason  amongst  the  Afghan  troops  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan  (497  Seir). 

*  The  well-known  Persian  poet  and  moralist. 


327 


'  If  thy  relative   be  thy  enemy,  treat  him  outwardly  a    thy 

friend, 
But  never  be  heedless  of  his  treachery. 
For  inside  his  heart,  wound  festers  from  thy  envy, 
Whenever  he  thinks  of  the  love-shackles  of  kinship.' 

Advancing  from  Bengal  by  forced  marches  with  a  large  army, 
which  numbered  more  than  one  lak  cavalry  and  infantry,  AH 
Vardi  Khan  reached  Mednipur,  secured  the.*  adhesion  of  the 
Zamiudars  of  that  district  by  bestowing  on  them  Khila'ts  and 
gifts,  and  encamped  at  Jalisar  (Jalasore),  which  was  an  Imperial 
outpost.  On  the  banks  of  the  river  Sabaurikha,1  at  the  ferry  of 
Rajghat,  Rajah  Jagardhar  Bhanj,  Zamindar  of  Morbhanj,8  had 
established*  a  garrison  of  his  Chawars  and  Khandaits,  and  had 
erected  entrenchments.  To  cross,  therefore,  at  the  ferry  of 
Rajghat  which  was  protected  by  dense  jungles  and  thorny  trees, 
was  found  to  be  a  difficult  operation,  and  therefore,  All  Vardi 
Khan  had  to  ask  for  help  from  the  Rajah.  The  Rajah,  however, 
was  haughty  owing  to  his  command  of  a  large  army,  and  did 
not  care  for  All  Vardi  Khan.  He  i«efused  to  side  with  the 
latter,  or  to  permit  him  to  cross  at  the  Rajghat  ferry.  Ali 
Vardi  Khan  placing  his  artillery- waggons  in  front  of  the  Rajghat 
ferry,  commenced  bombarding  it.  The  Rajah's  army  were  unable 
to  hold  the  ground  in  their  entrenchment,  and  fled  to  the  jun- 
gles. Ali  Vardi  Khan  with  troops  and  artillery  crossed  over 
at  Rajghat,  and  encamped  at  Ramchandarpur  which  was  at  a 
distance  of  one  and  a  half  Icarcih  from  Murshid  Quli  Khan's 
encampment.  Emissaries  and  envoys  were  busy  for  some  days 
moving  to  and  fro  with  messages  of  peace  and  war,  and  this  sort 
of  diplomatic  parley  lasted  for  one  month.  All  this  time  Murshid 
Quli  Khan  s  did  not  advance  across  the  ferry  of  Plulwar.    Having 

1  This  is  an  error  in  the  text,  or  a  misprint  for  '  Subamarika '  river,  on 
which  Jalesar  or  Jalasore  is  sitnated. 

2  This  forms  now  one  of  the  Tributary  Mahals  under  the   Commissioner  of 
Orissa. 

&  As  another  interesting  and  remarkable  illustration  of.  the  potent  influence 
in  politics  and  society  exercised  by  Musalman  ladies  in  Bengal,  even  towards 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  it  may  be  noted  that  Murshid  Quli 
Khan  himself  was  averse  to  fight  with  Ali  Vardi  Khan,  owing  to  a  sense  of 
feebleness,  but  that  his  brave  wife,  Durdanah  Begam,  encouraged  and  inspired 
him  to  fight,  in  order  to  avenge  her  brother  Sarfaraz  Khan's  fall,  and  threat- 
42 


328 


regard  to  the  wasteful  expenditure  on  account  of   a  Luge  army 
thus  locked  up,  and  viewing  the  dearth  of  provisions,  and  apprehend- 
ing the  approach  of  the  rainy  season  as  well  as  the  raids  of  Mah- 
ratta  freebooters,  All  Vardi  Khan  thought  it  expedient  to  patch  up 
peace,  and  return.     But  Mustafa  Khan,  generalissimo  of  All  Vardi's 
Afghan    contingent,    not    acquiescing    in    peace,    suggested    en- 
ti'enchmentsi' being  thrown  up  during  the  rains.     After  a  Council  of 
War,  it  was  decided  after  much  deliberation  to  send  a  soothing  mes- 
sage to  Murshid  Quli  Khan  through  a  trustworthy  envoy,  who  was 
instructed  to  get  back  a  reply   in  the  following  form  : — "  I   shall 
not  allow  you  authority  or  possession  over  the  Subah  of  Odisah," 
and  then  with  this  document  to  return  to  Beugal,   and  after  the 
rainy  season,  again  mobilising  troops,  to  re-attempt  Murshid  Quli 
Khan's  subjugation.     Although   'Abid    Khan   and  other  Afghan 
Generals,  owing  to  the  sedition  sown  amongst  them  by  Mukhalis 
Ali  Khan,  treacherously  advised  Mirza  Baqir  Khan,  who  com- 
manded the  vanguard  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan's  army,  to  give  bat- 
tle by  advancing  out  of  the  entrenchment,  Murshid  Quli  Khan 
remained   on    the   defensive,     and  dissuaded   Mirza   Baqir   from 
attempting  a  sally.    Bat  as  the  period  of  stay  within  entrenchments 
was  tediously  protracted,  Mirza  Baqir,  carried  by  his  youthful  im- 
pulsiveness, sallied  out  with  his  contingent  composed  of  Syeds  of 
Barha,   and  arrayed  himself  in  battle-rank.     Murshid  Quli   was, 
therefore,  obliged  to  array  his  troops  in  front  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan's 
army.     On  both  sides,  the  battle  opened  with  a  cannonade,  cvhich 
was  soon  abandoned  for  a  sword  and  spear-charge  at  close  quarters. 
Murshid  Quli  Khan's  generalissimo,  Mir  Abdu-l-'Aziz,  who  com- 
manded the  van,   and   his  devoted   contingent  of  three  hundred 
knights  consisting  of  Syeds  of  Barha  spurred  on  their  chargers, 
exhibited  feats  of  heroism  and  hereditary  gallantry,  and  with  the 
flashing  of  their  lightning  swords  ignited  the  life-harvests  of  all 
whose  moment  for  death  had  arrived.     Before  this  gallant  charge, 
Ali  Vardi  Khan's  soldiers,  who  had  hitherto  fancied  themselves 
lions  of  the  forest  of  bravery,  fled  like  sheep  from  the  battle-field, 
and  met  with  a  crushing  defeat.     The  elephant   on  which  Ali 

ened  that  in  case  her  husband  failed  to  do  so,  she  would  supplant  him  from  the 
Government  of  Orissa,  and  raise  to  the  gadi  her  son-in-law,  Mirza  Baqir  Ali 
Khan,  in  his  place.  Thereon,  Murshid  Quli  gave  way  to  his  wife's  influence 
and  resolved  to  fight  with  Ali  Vardi.  (See  Seiru-l-MutaMerin,  Pers.  text, 
p   496). 


329  ] 

Vardi  Khan  with  his  Begam  l  was  mounted,  was  withdrawn 
half  Vkfarsakh  away  from  the  battle-field.  At  this  crisis,  Mukhalis 
Ali  Khan  and  Jibid  Khan  surnamed  Farzand  All  Khan,  upon 
whose  loyalty  Murshid  Qui!  Khan  reposed  implicit  confidence, 
together  with  Muqarrab  Khan  and  other  Afghan  generals,  ex- 
hibiting treachery  which  is  the  characteristic  of  the  Afghan 
race,  effaced  from  the  tablets  of  their  hearts 'all  the"  alphabets  of 
obligations  that  had  been  engraved  thereon  by  majiy  years  of  shel- 
ter and  salt-eating,  deserted  the  side  of  Murshid  Qull  Khan,  and 
retired  from  the  battle-field.  At  this  juncture,  Manikchand,2 
Peshkar  of  the  Rajah  of  Bard  wan,  who  had  arrived  with  an  ap- 
propriate auxiliary  force  to  serve  under  Ali  Vardi  Khan,  reflect- 
ing that  results  of  war  were  dubious,  and  speculating  about  the 

1  This  is  a  remarkable  incident  illustrating  that  Mnsalman  ladies  in  India 
had  not  yet  all  taken  to  the  existing  form  o£  seclusion,  nor  ceased  to  take  an 
active  share  in  their  husbands'  burdens,  both  in  peace  and  war.  Indeed,  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  All  Vardi's  Begam  played  the  rtle  of  Supreme  Politi- 
cal Officer,  whilst  her  husband  fought  the  battles  with  the  Mahrattas.  It  is 
stated  in  the  Seiru-l-MutaMerin  (Pers.  text,  p.  55ft),  that  one  day  All  Vardi  at 
Patna  after  fighting  with  the  Mahrattas  under  Raghoji  Bhosla,  entered  the 
Begam' s  boudoir  with  an  anxious  look.  The  Begam  enquired  what  the  mat- 
ter was,  when  Ali  Vardi  replied  that  this  time  he  feared  treachery  from  his 
own  soldiers  and  officers.  Thereon,  the  Begam  on  her  own  initiative  and  her 
own  responsibility  organised  a  political  mission,  and  sent  it  to  Raghoji's 
camp,  to  arrange  for  a  treaty  of  peace.  Raghoji  fell  in  with  the  proposal' 
but  his  Chief  Adviser,  Mir  Habib,  dissuaded  him,  and  advised  him  to  make  a 
dash  for  Murshidabad,  holding  out  the  prospect  of  loot.  The  Begam  must 
have  been  a  lady  of  keen  judgment  and  uncommon  sagacity  to  have  been 
relied  upon  at  such  a  crisis  by  her  shrewd  husband. 

2  Manikchand  who  was  afterwards  left  as  Governor  of  Calcutta,  when 
Siraju-d-daulah  conquered  it,  was  a  shrewd  and  time-serving  man,  and  regulat- 
ed his  loyalty  by  prudential  considerations.  He  was  a  prototype  of  Nubo- 
kishen  of  later  times,  of  whose  loyal  assistance  to  the  English  so  much  has  of 
bite  been  made  by  a  recent  writer,  bnt  who  only  followed  Manikchand  in  his 
loyal  tactics,  feeling  his  way  cautiously,  and  keenly  watclflng  which  way  the 
tide  of  success  turned,  in  order  to  adjust  his  individual  position  with  an  eye  to 
self-aggrandisement.  The  Sair  makes  no  mention  of  Manikchand  having 
taken  any  part  in  the  battle,  and  ascribes  Murshid  Qnli  Elian's  disaster  to 
the  treachery  of  his  Afghan  general  'Abid  Khan,  and  to  the  rash  sally  of  his 
son-in-law,  Mirza  Baqir  Ali  Khan.  At  this  battle  near  Balasore,  the  Syeds 
of  Barha  fought  bravely  on  the  side  of  Murshid  Qnli  Khan,  and  several  of 
them,  such  as  Mir  Ali  Akbar  and  Mir  Mujtaha  Ali  fell,  whilst  Mirza  Baqir 
Ali  Kha     himself  was  severely  wounded.     (See  Seir,  p.  497.) 


330 

future,  covertly  humoured  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  and  asked  for 
the  latter's  flag  of  truce,  in  order  to  join  him  and  exhibit  self- 
sacrifice  and  loyalty.  From  a  side  of  the  forest,  towards  the 
direction  whence  the  force  of  Mirza  Baqir  Khan  was  marching 
in  pursuit  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan,  Mauikchand  shewed  himself,  and 
displayed  Murshid  Quli  Khan's  flag.  Inasmuch  as  the  afore- 
said Mirza  va's  unaware  of  his  aim,  he  opposed  his  progress. 
Manikchand  was  obliged  to  fight.  Mirza  Baqir' s  efficient  soldiers 
were  already  exhausted  by  warfare,  so  they  fought  in  broken 
lines,  and  by  the  viccisitudes  of  times,  the  corps  of  Mirza  Baqir 
was  defeated.  Ali  Vardi  Khan,  on  being  apprised  of  this, 
hurriedly  collected  his  vanquished  troops  by  use  of  persuasions, 
and  a  second  time  engaged  in  fighting.  Mir  Abdu-l-'Aziz  and 
his  corps,  consisting  of  three  hundred  Syed  knights,  dismount- 
ing from  their  horses,  and  girding  up  their  loins  of  bravery, 
marched  to  the  battle-field,  ai?d  one  by  one,  all  of  them  fell,  being 
shot  down  by  bullets  fired  by  the  Bhaliah  corps.  Murshid  Quli 
Khan  being  thus  defeated  retired1  to  the  Port  of  Balisar  (Bala- 
sore),  and  there  embarking  on  a  sloop  which  had  been  kept 
ready  from  before,  he  sailed  for  the  Dakhin,  and  presented  him- 
self before  Nawab  Asaf  Jah.8  A  providential  victory  thus  fell  to 
the  good  fortune  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan  Mahabat  Jang.  The  latter 
pursued  the  vanquished  army  up  to  the  Port  of  Balasore.  From 
there,  he  detached  Mirza  Khairu-1-lah  Beg,    Faqiru-1-lah    Beg, 


1  It  is  stated  in  the  Seir  that  after  his  defeat  at  the  battle  of  Balasore, 
Murshid  Quli  Khan  together  with  his  son-in-law,  Mirzii  Baqir  Ali  Khan,  with- 
drew to  the  town  of  Balasore,  with  two  or  three  thousand  troops.  Apprehend- 
ing treachery  from  the  latter,  he  gave  out  that  he  would  entrench  himself 
in  the  town,  told  them  off  to  some  distance  to  guard  the  I'oads  leading  to  the 
town,  whilst  he  himself  with  Mirza  Baqir  Ali  moved  towards  the  sea-shore. 
At  this  time  it  so  happened  that  a  friend  of  his,  Haji  Mohsin,  a  merchant  of 
Surat,  had  hia  mercantile  ship  in  the  port,  and  also  a  pinnace.  Murshid  Quli 
Khan  got  into  the  "pinnace  along  with  Mirza  Baqir  Ali  and  Haji  Mohsin  and 
some  servants,  embarked  on  board  the  ship,  which  sailed  down  to  Masuli- 
patam.  From  Masulipatam,  Murshid  Quli  Khan  sent  Mirza  Baqir  Ali  to- 
wards Sikakul  and  Ganjam,  to  bring  away  Durdanah  Begam  and  her  daughter 
from  Katak  (Cuttack). 

8  Nizamu-1-Mulk  Asaf  Jah  was  Viceroy  of  the  Dakhin  under  Emperor 
Mnhammad  .Shah,  at  this  time.  He  had  made  himself  semi-independent 
there,  owing  to  the  feebleness  of  the  Central  Government  at  Delhi.  See 
note  ante. 


331  ■ 

and  Nuru-1-lah  Beg  to  capture  Yahya  Khan l  and  Murshid 
Qull's  Begam,  and  also  to  seize  his  treasures  and  chattels.  All 
Vardi  instructed  them  to  proceed  by  forced  marches,  whilst  he 
himself  followed  them  on  horse-back.  When  news  of  this  affair 
and  of  Murshid  Qui!  Khan's  retreat  to  the  Dakhin  reached  Katak 
(Cuttack),  Murad  Khan,  the  generalissimo  of  the  Rajah  2  of  Parsu- 
tam  (Puri),  who  had  been  detailed  for  guarding  Yaljya  Khan  and 
the  Begam  in  the  Fort  of  Barahbati,  planned  to  send  instantly 
the  Begam  and  Yahya  Khan  together  with'  all  their  chattels 
aud  treasures  to  the  Dakhin,  by  way  of  Sikakul.8  Baggages 
and  equipages  were  kept  ready,  and  jewelleries,  gold  coins, 
treasui'es,  and  other  precious  things  were  loaded  on  elephants, 
camels,  and  waggons,  when  all  of  a  sudden  the  army  of  All 
Vardi  Khan  made  its  appearance.  The  elephant  and  camel- 
drivers,  &c,  leaving  behind  the  loaded  treasures  and  chattels  with 
their  baggages,  fled,  and  all  those  .treasures  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the   aforesaid   Mirzas,  who   divided   the   precious   jewelleries, 


1  Murshid  Quli  Khan  had  left  his  wife  Durdanah  Begam  and  his  son  Yahja 
Khan,  together  with  his  treasures,  in  the  Fort  of  Barahbati  at  Katak,  whilst 
advancing  to  Balasore. 

2  The  Rajah  was  Hafiz  Qadir,  a  Muhammadan.  See  n.  3  below  and  Seiru-l- 
MutaMerin,  Pers.  text,  p.  498. 

3  Sekakul  or  Chicacole  is  a  place  in  the  Ganjam  district,  over  100  miles 
soutlj-west  of  Puri.  The  land-route  from  Orissa  to  the  Dakhin  lay  in  olden 
days  vid  Sekakul  or  Chicacole  across  the  Chilka  lake.  It  is  stated  in  the 
Seir  that  after  arrival  at  Masulipatam,  Murshid  Quli  Khan  sent  his  son- 
in-law,  Mirza  Baqir  All  Khan,  towards  Sekakul  and  Ganjam,  to  proceed  to 
the  relief  of  Durdanah  Begam  and  her  daughter.  In  the  meantime,  on  hear- 
ing of  Murshid  Quli  Khan's  defeat,  Murshid  Quli's  friend,  Hafiz  Qadir,  Rajah 
of  Hatipur,  Khnrdsih,  who  was  Superintendent  of  the  temple  of  Jagannath, 
(Note  by  Translator. — This  is  an  interesting  and  remarkable  fact  shewing 
that  a  Musalman  was  once  at  the  head  of  this  Hindu  Temple.  See  Seir,  Pers. 
text,  p.  498)  of  his  own  motion  had  sent  his  general,  Muhammad  Murad, 
with  a  force  to  guard  and  relieve  Durdanah  BegifTn  and  her  daughter. 
Murad  succeeded  in  bringing  away  the  Begam  and  her  daughter  with  their 
treasures  and  effects  to  Inchapur,  which  is  in  the  Ganjam  district.  Anwaru-d- 
din  Khan,  Governor  of  Inchapur,  treated  the  Begams  very  hospitably.  At 
this  time,  Mirza  Baqir  Ali  Khan  reached  Inchapur.  and  proceeded  from  there 
with  the  Begams  and  their  treasures  to  Masulipatam,  whence  Murshid  Quli 
Khan,  Mirza  Baqir  Ali  Khan  and  the  Begams,  together  with  the  treasures 
and  effects,  proceeded  to  the  Dakhin  and  took  shelter  with  Asif  Jab,  its 
ruler.     (See  Seiru-UMutakhcrin,  Pers.  text,  p.  498). 


332 

treasures,  and  other  valuable  wares  amongst  themselves.1  Since 
All  Vardi  Khan  also  followed  up  subsequently,  he  captured  the 
remaining  treasures,  and  also  confiscated  other  treasures  of  the 
adherents  of  Murshid  Qui!  Khan.  Issuing  proclamations  of 
peace  and  security,  and  employing  reassurances  and  persuasions, 
Ali  Vardi  Khan  won  over  to  his  side  the  Collectors,  Zamindars 
and  Officers  ofTCrissa,  and  set  about  making  settlement  of  the 
revenue,  nazar,  and  tribute,  as  well  as  of  the  Jagirs.  And  in 
the  course  of  one  montb,  having  finished  the  organisation  and 
settlement  of  the  Sfibah  of  Orissa,  he  entrusted  the  charge  of  that 
Province  to  Said  Ahmad  Khan,  his  nephew,  who  had  previously 
served  as  the  Faujdar  of  Rangpur,  procuring  for  him  from  the 
Emperor  the  title  of  Nasiru-l-Mulk  Said  Ahmad  Khan  Bahadur 
Saulat  Jang.  Ali  Vardi  Khan  also  left  Gujar  Khan,  a  Rohilla 
general,  together  with  a  contingent  of  three  thousand  cavalry 
and  four  thousand  infantry,  to  be  in  attendance  on  Said  Ahmad 
Khan  at  Katak  (Cuttack).  Ali  Vardi  Khan  then  returned, 
triumphant  and  victorious,  to  Bengal. 

fjSaulat  Jang  was  of  a  churlish  disposition  and  regulated  himself 
by  avarice.  For  effecting  retrenchment  in  the  military  expendi- 
ture, he  took  into  his  service  Salim  Khan,  Darvesh  Khan,  Nia'mat 
KJiau,  Mir  A'zizu-1-lah  and  other  generals,  and  sent  back  Gujar 
KJban8  to  Mursjiidabad,  on  the  plea  of  smallness  of  the  revenue  of 

1  It  would  appear  the  account  in  the  Seiru-l-Mutajcherin,  as  regards  the  fate 
of  the  Begams  and  their  treasure  is  somewhat  different  from  that  inthei2tj/az, 
which  states  that  the  Begams'  treasures  and  effects  were  captured  by  Ali 
Vardi  Khan's  officers.  The  Riyaz  is,  however,  strangely  silent  as  to  the  fate 
of  the  Begams  who  were  with  the  treasures.  Obviously,  the  account  in  the 
Riyaz  is  incomplete  and  halting,  whilst  that  of  the  Seir  is  more  consistent 
and  comprehensive  and,  therefore,  more  acceptable. 

2  The  account  iv.  the  Seir  is  somewhat  different  from  that  in  the  Riyaz. 
In  the  Seir,  it  is  stated,  in  pursuance  of  a  policy  of  economy,  Saulat  Jang 
wanted  to  reduce  the  pay  of  his  soldiers.  This  reduction  in  pay  was  resent- 
ed by  the  Murshidabad«iroops  and  officers  who  in  consequence  were  disband- 
ed, whilst  the  soldiers  and  officers  domiciled  in  Orissa  accepted  this  reduced 
pay,  and  in  consequeuce  were  enlisted  in  the  army  in  large  numbers.  SaulsTt 
Jaug  subsequently,  at  the  instigation  of  one  Shah  Yahea  indulged  in  debau- 
cheries aud  ill-treated  the  men  and  women  of  Katak,  who  all  in  consequence 
were  disgusted  with  him.  This  state  of  affairs  at  Katak  came  to  the  notice 
of  Mirza  Baqir  AIT,  who  was  in  the  Dakhiu.  The  latter  asked  Murshid  Quli 
Khun  to  invade  Orissa,  but  Murshid  Quli  demurred.  Thereon,  Mirza  Baqir 
AJi  himself  invaded  Oriss*,  first  persuading  the  soldiers  and  residents  of  Katak 


o 


33 


Katak.  The  aforesaid  generals  who  were  anxious  to  avenge  the 
fall  of  their  old  master,  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  finding  now  an  oppor- 
tunity, broke  out  into  revolt.  Saulat  Jang  sent  to  them  Qasim 
Beg,  Superintendent  of  the  Artillery,  and  Shaikh  Hidaitu-1-lah, 
Faujdar  (Magistrate)  of  Katak,  for  effecting  the  basis  of  a  recon- 
ciliation. The  Generals,  who  were  seeking  for  an  opportunity, 
finding  the  above  two  emissaries  unescorted,  slew  Qasim  Beg, 
whilst  Hidaitu-1-lah,  after  receiving  some  wounds,  made  his 
escape.  The  citizens  and  soldiers  en  masse  broke  out  into  revolt, 
and  under  cover  of  the  darkness  of  night  they  besieged  Saulat 
Jang,  took  him  prisoner  along  with  his  followers  and  relations, 
and  looted  his  treasures  and  effects.  Then  inviting  over  Mirza 
Baqir  Khan,  son-in-law  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  from  Sikakiil 
across  the  Chilkah  lake,  they  placed  him  on  the  masnad  of  the 
Nizamat  of  Orissa,  and  advancing  with  their  forces  they  conquer- 
ed Mednipur  and  Hijli.  , 

The  news  of  the  approach  of  the  Katak  army  threw  Bengal  into 
commotion.  Ali  Vardi  Khan,  on  the  occurrence  of  this  disaster, 
mobilised  an  immense  army  equipped  with  a  battering  artillery, 
and  then  set  out  for  Katak,  in  order  to  relieve  Saulat  Jang  and 
re-conquer  Orissa.  By  forced  marches,  scouring  through  Bardvvan, 
he  encamped  on  the  outskirts  of  Mednipur.  On  receiving  news 
of  the  approach  of  Mababat  Jang,  the  Katak  army,1  which  was 
spread  at  Hijli  and  Mednipur,  concentrated  at  Mednipur  and  Jalisar, 
nexb  crossed  over  at  the  ferries  of  Rajghat  and  Phulwar,  and  then 
encamped2  at  the  Port  of  Balasore.     The  soldiers  of  Mirza  Baqir, 

to  break  out  into  revolt.  The  latter  revolted,  killed  Gnjar  Khan,  the  general, 
when  Baqir  Ali  marched  swiftly  to  Katak,  imprisoned  Saulat  Jang,  together 
with  his  wife  and  children  in  the  Fort  of  Barahbati,  and  installed  himself  on 
the  gadi  of  Orissa.     (See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Pers.  text,  p.  5Q2.) 

1  The  Editor  of  the  printed  Persian  text  has  inserted,  j  after  j_£if  »-!«i| 
though  he  says  in  his  MSS.  text,  j|  occurs.     I  consider  j  makes  the  text  unin- 
telligible, and  \\  of  the  MSS.  text  is  correct.     Accordiilg  to  the  latter  read- 
ing, I  have  translated  the  text. 

2  See  the  account  in  the  Seir  (Pers,  text  pp.  503-505)  of  Ali  Vardi's  expedi- 
tion to  Katak,  to  relieve  Saulat  Jang.  It  is  stated  in  the,  Seir  that  Ali  Vardi 
Khan  apprehending  that  Mirza  Baqir  Ali  Khan  was  being  helped  by  Asif 
Jah  from  the  Dakhin,  marched  to  Katak  with  a  huge  army,  consisting  of  twenty 
thousand  soldiers,  led  by  picked  generals  and  officers,  such  as  Mustafa  Khan. 
Shamshir  Khan,  Umar  Khan,  Atau-1-lah  Khan,  Haidar  Ali  Khan,  Faqiru-1- 
lah   Beg   Khan,   Mir   Jafar.    Mir   SJiarfu-d-din,   S^aijcji ^.Muhammad    M'aeum 


331 

who  had  previously  received  arrow-shots  at  the  hands  of  the 
Bhaliahs,  suddenly  lost  heart,  and  sending  all  their  baggages  to 
Sikakul  remained  unencumbered.  When  Mirza  Baqir  came  to  know 
of  the  disloyalty  and  cowardice  of  his  soldiers,  ostensibly  he  gave  out 
that  he  contemplated  advancing  against  the  enemy,  but  in  reality 
he  planned  to  withdraw  to  the  Dakhin.  Whilst  completing  his 
arrangementr  for  withdrawal  to  the  Dakhin,  he  detached  a  force 
to  Chaprah  l  ghat,  which  is  the  ferry  of  the  river  Mahandi  and  is 
situate  midway  the  town  of  Katak.  And  he  himself  with  Saulat 
Jang,  &c,  and  a  number  of  other  captives  together  with  tents,  &c, 
crossed  the  river  Katjuri.  Mahabat  Jang  was  encamped  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  Kamhariah,8  at  a  distance  of  forty  Karoh  from 
Katak,  and  there  at  midnight  messengers  bought  him  news  of 
Mirza  Baqir's  flight.  Immediately  summoning  Mir  Muham- 
mad Ja'far  the  generalissimo,  Mustafa  Khan,  Sham  shir  Khan, 
Sardar  Khan,  'Umar  Khan,  Buland  Khan,  Sirar/daz  Khan,  Balisar 
Khan  and  other  Afghan  generals,  and  holding  a  Council  of 
War,  Ali  Vardi  that  very  night  with  their  concurrence  despatched 
them  expeditiously  under  the  command  of  Mir  Ja'far  Khan  to 
pursue  Mirza  Baqir  Khan.  Soon  after,  All  Vardi  Khan  himself 
with  the  remainder  of  his  army  set  out.  When  the  aforesaid 
generals  with  their  army  arrived  five  karoh  from  Katak,  Mirza 
Baqir  Khan  being  apprised  placed  Saulat  Jang  in  a  fringed  Bath, 
placed  in  it  Haji  Muhammad  Amin,  brother  of  Murshid  Quli 
Khan,  with  a  drawn  dagger,  to  be  his  companion  and  attendant, 
and  also  set  two  armed  horsemen  on  two  sides  of  the  Rath,  with 

Amanat  Khan,  Mir  Kazim  Khan,  Bahadur  Ali  Khan.  Ali  Vardi  reached  with 
his  army  the  northern  banks  of  the  Mahanadi  river  opposite  to  Katak  town, 
whilst  Mirza  Baqir  Ali  was  encamped  with  his  troops  on  the  southern 
banks  of  the  same  river.  Seeing  Ali  Vardi's  huge  army,  Mirza  Baqir  All's 
soldiers  fled,  and  dispersed  in  all  directions,  whilst  Ali  Vardi's  troops  plunged 
into  the  river,  qnickly  crossed  over  to  Katak  town  (at  the  Jobra  Ghat,  as 
would  appear  from  the  Biyaz),  and  rescued  Sanlat  Jang  who  was  encaged  in  a 
Rath  (a  four-wheeled  carriage)  covered  over  with  a  white  sheet  tied  round  it 
with  white  strings.  Saulat  Jang's  escape  from  certain  death  was  almost 
miraculous. 

1  "  Ohaprah  "  of  the  text  is  known  locally- as  '  Jobrah  '  ghat.  It  is  situate 
midway  the  town  of  Katak,  alongside  the  Mahanadi  river.  Close  to  the  ghat, 
there  is  an  old  mausoleum. 

8  "  Kamhariah  "  river  of  the  text  is  probably  a  misprint  or  misreading  for 
"  Phumra  "  river,  down  Jajpur,  which  would  be  about  40  Kroh  from  Katak. 


335 

instructions  that  should  the  army  of  Mahabat  Jang  overtake  them, 
they  should  instantly  hack  up  Saulat  Jang  with  daggers  and  spears 
and  on  no  account  should  let  the  latter  escape.  Aud  Mirza 
Baqir  himself  mounted  a  horse,  and  along  with  the  Bath  contain- 
ing Saulat  Jang  he  left  the  La'l  Bagh  l  Palace  situate  in  the  city 
of  Katak,  and  arrived  at  Malisar.  2  At  this  time,  Balisar  Khan 
with  fifteen  horsemen,  who  were  his  comrades, '  came  up.  The 
flags  carried  by  the  cavalry  were  visible  in  the  forest.  By  chance* 
at  that  time,  from  the  excessive  heat  of  summer,  Saulat  Jang 
changing  his  seat  inside  the  Bath  sat  in  the  place  where  Haji 
Muhammad  Amln  had  hitherto  sat,  and  gave  his  own  seat  to 
the  Haji.  At  the  very  sight  of  the  flags  of  Balisar  Khan's  caval- 
ry, the  two  armed  horsemen  who  rode  alongside  the  Bath  thrust 
their  spears  through  the  Bath — screen,  wounded  Haji  Muhammad 
Amin  whom  they  mistook  for  Saulat  Jang,  and  fled.  As  fate 
would  have  it,  as  soon  as  the  spear-ihrust  pierced  the  Haji's  hand 
and  shoulder,  the  Haji's  dagger  fell  from  his  hand,  and  shouting 
out,  "  you  have  killed  me  ;  you  have  killed  me,"  the  Haji 8  tum- 
bled down  inside  the  Bath.  Saulat  Jang,  the  cup  of  whose  life 
was  not  yet  full  to  the  brim,  remained  unscathed.  When  the 
Afghan  troops  were  busy  looting  the  vanquished,  Mir  Muhammad 
Ja'far  Khan  Bahadur  and  Muhammad  Amin4  Khan  Bahadur, 
with  a  few  men  fell  in  with  the  runaways,  and  moved  in  every 
direction  in  quest  of  Sa'Id  Ahmad  Khan  Bahadur  Saulat  Jang ;  but 
Saulat  Jang  fearing  lest  some  enemy  might  be  searching  for  him, 

1  Lai  Bagh,  on  the  banks  of  the  Katjnri,  now  forms  the  residence  of  the 
Commissioner  of  the  Orissa  Division.  It  was  built  by  Musalman  Governors 
of  Orissa  for  their  residence,  in  preference  to  Fort  Barabati  on  the  banks 
of  the  Mahanadi. 

2  Malisar  is  apparently  a  mistake  for  Mukamasar,  a  place  across  the  Katjuri, 
about  2  miles  distant  from  the  Lai  Bagh,  on  the  Puri  road. 

3  A3  the  sequence  of  the  story  would  indicate,  the  Haji  was  to  some  extent 
shamming  death,  and  was  a  sly  fox,  for  quickly  after  he  got  up,  and  nimbly 
scampered  off,  mounting  another  man's  horse. 

*  Mir  Muhammad  Amin  was  a  step-brother  of  All  Vardi  Khan,  surnamed 
Mahabat  Jang,  and  brother-in-law  of  Mir  J  afar,  the  latter  having  married  an 
uterine  sister  of  Mir  Muhammad  Amin.  Neither  Ali  Vardi  nor  his  father  was 
a  Syed  ;  they  were  Mirzas  ;  and  therefore,  Muhammad  Amin  (Ali  Vardi's  step- 
brother) could  not  have  been  a  Syed  or  Mir  from  his  father's  side,  he  was  so 
probably  from  his  mother's  side.  It  is  common  amongst  Muhammadans  (and 
the  usage  has  the  sanction  of  authority)  to  call  themselves  Syeds,  if  their 
mothers  are  Syedas. 
43 


336 

held  his   hreath  quietly.     When  Muhammad  Amln   Khan   came 
up  quite  close,  Saulat  Jang,  recognising  his  voice,  answered  him. 
The  aforesaid  Khan,  on  hearing  the  response,  immediately  tearing 
the  screen  of  the  Bath,  and  cutting  up  the  tent-ropes  brought 
out    Saulat    Jang,     and    dismounting    from  his  horse  embraced 
him.     And  Mir  Muhammad  Ja'far   Khan   also  coming  up,  they 
embraced    each  other, '  and  after  offering  thanks   to  Providence 
for   the  safety  of    Saulat  Jang's  life,   they    indulged  in  jubila- 
tions.    At  the  time  when  they  were  busy  with  embracings  and 
hand-shakings,  Haji  Muhammad  Amln,  finding  an  opportunity, 
nimbly  got  out  of  the  Rath,  and  mounting  the    horse   of  Muham- 
mad   Amin    Khan    fled    to   the    jungle,    and    vanished.     When 
after  enquiries  into  the  condition  of  Saulat  Jang  they  mounted 
their  own   horses,   Muhammad  Amin   Khan    was  confounded  at 
the  disappearance  of  his  own  horse.     On  subsequently  ascertain- 
ing the  secret,  they  were  all  sorry.1     When  the  Afghan  soldiery, 
after  finishing  their  work  of  plunder   and    sack,    rallied    round 
Mir  Muhammad  Ja'far  Khan,  they  sent  Saulat  Jang  to  Mahabat 
Jang,  whilst  they  themselves  set  out  in  pursuit  of  Mirza  Muham- 
mad  Baqir.     Finding  the  chance  of  his  escape  to  be  slender,  the 
Mirza  bcame  despei'ate,  and  opened  the  battle  by  shooting  rockets 
and  arrows  and  firing  muskets.     When  the  fighting  was  about  to 
turn  to  a  charge  with  spears  and  swords,  Murad  Khan,  the  general- 
issimo of  the  Rajah  of  Puri,8  who  with  a  large  contingent  of  troops 
supported  Mirza  Baqir,  seizing  the  rein  of  the  Mirza's  horse,  and 
by  use  of  great  persuasion,  pulled  him  back  from  the  battle-field. 
Becoming  his  guide,  Murad  Khan  led  the  Mirza  by  a  route  across 
the  forest  towards  the  Dakhin.     Ali   Vardi  Khan,  after  holding 
a  thanksgiving  service  for  meeting  Saulat  Jang   and   obtaining 
victory,  allowed  Saulat  Jang  to  retire  to  the  city  of  Katak  for  rest, 
whilst  he  himself,  after  resting  some  time  and  being  freed  from  all 
anxiety  on  account  of  the  enemy,   entered  Katak  triumphantly. 
And  after   chastissag  fully  the  adherents  and  friends  of  Mirza 
Baqir,  Ali  Vardi  confiscated  all  the  branded8   horses  of   Mirza 

I  If  Mir  Ja'far  and  his  friends  were  capable  of  appreciating  a  practical 
joke,  instead  of  being  sorry,  they  might  have  enjoyed  a  hearty  laugh. 

8  This  was  Hafiz  Qadir,  Rajah  of  Ratipur,  Khurdah,  and  master  or  Superin- 
tendent of  the  Jagannath  Temple.  (See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Pers.  text, 
p.  498,  and  note  ante.) 

3  That  is,  the  horses  which  were  supplied  to,  or  had  to  be  kept  by  military 


337  J 

Baqir,  appointed  Shaikh  Ma'sum,1  who  was  an  able  General,  to 
the  office  of  Deputy  Nazim  of  the  Subah  of  Odisah  (Orissa),  and 
after  finishing  the  administrative  arrangements  of  that  Province 
returned  to  Bengal. 

Inasmuch  as  Jagat  Isar,  Rajah  of  Morbhanj,  had  taken  sides 
with  Mirza  Baqir,  and  had  not  submitted  to  the  authority  of 
Mahabat  Jang,  the  latter  was  in  anxiety  owing  tomis  insolence. 
Therefore,  on  arrival  at  the  port  of  Balasore,'  he  girded  up  his 
loins  in  order  to  chastise  the  Rajah.  The  latter  was  at  Harihar- 
piir  which  contained  his  mansion,  and  was  at  the  time  plunged  in 
pleasures  and  amusements.  His  knowledge  of  the  denseness 
of  the  forests  that  surrounded  him,  coupled  with  his  command 
of  numerous  hordes  of  Ohawars8  and  Khandaits,  made  him  feel  inso- 
lent, and  so  he  did  not  pull  out  the  cotton  of  heedlessness  from 
the  ear  of  sense,  nor  cared  for  the  army  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan.  All 
Vardi  Khan's  army  stretching  the  hand  of  slaughter  and 
rapine,  set  about  looting  and  sacking  the  populations,  swept  the 
Rajah's  dominion  with  the  broom  of  spoliation,  captured  the 
women  and  children  of  the  Khandatis  and  Chawars,  and  sowed  dis- 
sensions amongst  them.  The  Rajah,  seeing  the  superiority  of  AH 
Vardi  Khan's  army,  with  his  effects,  followers  and  dependants,  fled 
to  the  top  of  a  hill,  and  hid  himself  in  a  secret  fastness,  beyond 
the  ken  of  discovery.  Ali  Vardi  Khan  then  subjugated  the 
tract  of  Morbhanj,  shewed  no  quarter,  and  mercilessly  carried  fire 
and  tjWoi'd  through  its  limits. 

Mir  Habib, 3  the  Generalissimo  of  Murs_feid  Quli  Khan,  after  the 

commanders  for  military  purposes  after  being  branded.  See  Ain-i-AkbaHt 
Vol.  I.,  p.  255,  Blochmann's  translation  for  the  Dagh  or  branding  regulations. 

1  The  Seir  states  that  his  name  was  "  Shaikh  Muhammad  Masim,  Pani 
Pati."  He  was  appointed  Deputy  Governor  of  Orissa,  in  the  place  of  Saulat 
Jang,  on  the  recommendation  of  Ali  Vardi's  Afghan  general,  Mustafa  Khan, 
who  now  got  the  upper  hand  in  all  political  affairs.  The  SJjaikh  is  described 
as  a  veteran  and  brave  general.     (See  Seir,  Pers.  text,  p.  505). 

2  I  am  told  '  Ohawars '  is  a  mistake  for  "  Ohowans  "  who  are  Khetris  by 
caste.  'Khandaits'  are  also  mixed  Khetris;  the/  are  to  be  found  in  large 
numbers  throughout  Orissa.  • 

8  This  story  shews  that  one  of  the  most  prominent  Musalmau  leaders  and 
pillars  of  the  State  in  Bengal,  towards  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
in  order  to  avenge  Ali  Vardi's  overthx-ow  of  his  master  Murshid  Quli  Khan 
from  the  Orissa  Government,  and  to  gratify  personal  vindictiveness,  ignored 
ties  of  religious  obligations  and  national   interest,  and  joined  hands  with 


338 

latler's  defeat,  had  gone  to  Raghoji  Bhoslah,  and  persuaded  the 
latter  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  Bengal.  At  this  time,  Raghoji 
Bhoslah,  nephew  of  the  Rajah  of  the  Dakhin,  was  Governor  of 
the  SQbah  of  Berar.  Taking  advantage  of  the  circumstance  that 
Mahabat  Jang  was  occupied  with  the  affairs  of  Oi'issa,  and  find- 
ing that  the  whole  extent  of  Bengal  was  denuded  of  troops,  Raghoji 
Bhoslah  detached  his '  generalissimo,  Diwan  Bhaskar  Pandit,  and 
Ali  Qarawal,  who,  was  an  able  general,  with  a  contingent  of  sixty 
thousand  Mahratta  cavalry  from  Nagpur,  in  the  company  of  Mir 
Habib,  by  the  route  across  the  forest,  in  order  to  invade  and  pil- 
lage Bengal.  On  receiving  news  of  the  approach  of  Mahratta 
freebooters,  Mahabat  Jang  abandoned  the  pursuit  of  the  Mor- 
bhanj  Rajah,  and  withdrew  towards  Bengal. 

As  yet  AliVardi  Khan  had  not  passed  through  the  forests  of 
Morbhanj,  when  the  army  of  Mahratta  freebooters  swooped  down 
from  the  direction  of  the  ckaklah  of  Bardwan.1  Mahabat  Jang, 
with  the  celerity  of  lightning  and  wind,  marching  swiftly  by  night 
and  day,  reached  the  inn  of  Ujalan  adjoining  to  Bardwan.  The 
armies  of  Mahratta  freebooters,  concentrating  from  different 
directions,  commenced  looting  baggages  and  tents.  The  Ben- 
gal army,  which  was  ignorant  of  the  tactics  of  Mahratta  free- 
booters, but  which  had  heard  tales  about  their  barbarity  and  rava- 
ges, stood  motionless  from  fear  like  an  army  of  statues,  and  were 
hemmed  in  and  attacked  by  the  freebooters.  Their  baggages 
were  looted,  and  their  food-supplies  were  cutoff.  Horses,  elephants, 
and  camels  of  the  Bengal  army  were  captured,  and  carried  off  by 
the  freebooters.  The  army  of  Mahabat  Jang,  being  tired  out  by 
the  devastating  onslaughts  and  sieges  of  the  freebooters,  broke 
in   disorder.     The  Mahrattas   at   once  hemming  in  attacked  the 

Mahratta  freebooters,  in  order  to  place  the  Moslem  Satrapy  in  Bengal  under 
Mahratta  heels.  The  story  is  an  object-lesson,  and  illustrates  the  intellectual 
and  moral  desolation  that  had  seized  Musalmans  in  Bengal  at  the  time. 

1  It  is  related  in  fne  Seiru-l-MtUaMierin  (Pers.  text,  p.  507),  whose  author's 
father,  Syed  Hedait  Ali  Khan,  was  at  the  time  employed  as  Fanjdar  of  Magna 
in  Behar,  and  was  on  an  expedition  to  the  hill-passes  of  Raingarh,  that  the 
Mahratta  cavalry  numbering  40,000  led  by  Bhaskar  Pandit,  general  of  Rag- 
hoji Bhoslah,  swooped  down  through  the  above  passes,  cut  through  Pachit  and 
Morbhanj,  and  appeared  near  the  outskirts  of  Mednipur.  Raghoji  Bhoslah 
(miscalled  in  the  Pers.  printed  text  of  the  Riyaz,  Rnghoji  Ohoslah)  was  a 
nephew  of  Rajah  Saho  and  MaJeasdar  (probably  Governor  or  Chief)  of  the 
Subah  of  Berar,  and  his  capital  wae  at  Nagpur  in  the  Central  Provinces. 


339 

elephant  Landah  on  which  Mahabat  Jang's  Begam  l  was  mount- 
ed, and  capturing  the  elephant  dragged  it  towards  their  own  camp. 
Musahib  Khan  Mohmand,  2  son  of  U'mar  Khan  the  General, 
having  his  Hindustani  courage  aroused  in  him,  attacked  the 
freebooters,  and  advancing  his  feet  of  valour  and  gallantry,  by 
means  of  valorous  onslaughts  and  Rustam-like  onsets,  rescued  the 
elephant  together  with  its  fair  rider  from  tne  clutches  of  the  free- 
booters. In  consequence,  however,  of  numerous  mortal  and 
ghastly  wounds  that  they  received,  Musahib  'Khan  and  a  large 
number  of  his  comrades  and  kinsmen  drew  the  red  paint  of 
martyrdom  on  the  face,  aud  on  that  very  spot  of  slaughter  were 
buried.  And  when  the  freebooters  from  impudence  and  insolence 
made  onslaughts  from  all  sides,  Mahabat  Jang,  of  necessity, 
opened  leathern  bags  of  coins,  and  scattered  them  on  the  field.3 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  we  saw.  All  Vardi  Khan's  Begam  moving 
beside  her  hnsband  on  an  elephant  at  the  battle  of  Balasore,  and  we  find  her 
again  by  the  side  of  her  husband  at  this  battle  with  the  Mahrattas,  near 
Bardwan.  She  must  have  been  a  lady  not  only  of  nerve,  but  of  wisdom,  to 
have  been  retained  by  his  side  as  a  companion  »by  All  Vardi  at  such  critical 
junctures.  We  saw  also  that  that  iron-man  Ali  Vardi  in  his  usurpation  of 
the  Bengal  Nizamat,  bended  himself  before  Nafisah  Khanam  and  sued  for 
pardon  from  her.  From  such  incidents,  the  inference  is  not  without  warrant 
that  Musalman  ladies  in  Bengal  even  towards  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century  occupied  a  different  position  from  what  they  occupy  now,  took  an 
active  part  in  the  wider  concerns  of  their  husbands,  and  exercised  a  powerful 
and  beneficent  influence  both  in  the  domains  of  politics  and  Society. 

8  His  name  would  indicate  he  was  an  Afghan  belonging  to  the  Mohmand 
tribe. 

8  The  Seiru'l'MiUakkerin  (Pers.  text,  pp.  507-513)  gives  a  very  graphic 
description  of  this  first  Mahratta  invasion  of  Bengal  (1155  A.H.),  and  of  the 
causes  which  rendered  it  possible.  The  first  cause  was  the  instigation  of  Asif 
Jah  (of  Mir  Habib,  according  to  the  Biyaz  which  seems  more  probable ;  for 
Asif  Jah  was  too  high-minded  to  set  loose  Mahratta  freebooters  on  a  Musal- 
man satrapy) ;  the  second  cause  was  the  discontent  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan's 
Afghan  troops  and  officers,  notably  of  Mustafa  Khan,  as^Ali  Vardi  Khan  had 
disbanded  many  Afghan  levies  after  the  Katak  expedition  to  rescue  Saulat  Jang ; 
the  third  cause  was  the  treacherous  assassination  by  Ali  Vardi  of  the  Rajah  of 
Morbhanj,  whose  cause  was  espoused  by  Mustafa  Khan.  The  Seir  further 
states  that  when  Bhaskar  Pandit  reached  near  Bardwan  via  Pachit  with 
25,000  cavalry  (given  out  as  40,000  cavalry),  Ali  Vardi  Khan  was  on  his  way 
back  from  Orissa  at  Midnapur,  with  only  4  or  5,000  cavalry  and  4  or  5,000 
infantry,  the  latter  having  ordered  back  all  his  other  troops  to  Mnrshidabad 
with  Saulat  Jang.     Ali  Vardi  reached  Bardwan  with  this  small  army.     Bhas- 


340 

Thus    diverting  the    freebooters    with  the  work    of    picking  up 
coins,  Mahabat   Jang  seized  this  respite,   and  with   the   celerity 
of  lightning  and  wind  riding  out   at  full  gallop  arrived  at  Bard- 
wan.     The  hungry   troops,   who  for  three  days  and  nights  had 
not  seen  the  face  of  food-stuffs,  quenched  the  fire  of  their  hunger 
with  the  stores  of  Bardwan.     The  army  of  Mahratta  freebooters 
followed  up  in  pursuit.     Sacking  villages  and  towns  of  the  sur- 
rounding tracts,  and  engaging  in  slaughters  and  captures,  they 
set   fire   to   granaries,    and    spared  no    vestige  of  fertility.     And 
when  the  stores  and  granaries  of  Bardwan  were  exhausted,  and 
the  supply  of  imported  grains  was  also  completely  cut  off,  to  avert 
death  by  starvation,  human  beings  ate  plantain-roots,  whilst  animals 
were  fed  on   the  leaves  of  trees.     Even  these  gradually  ceased  to 
be  available.      For  breakfasts  and  suppers,  nothing  except  the 
discs  of  the  sun  and  the  moon  feasted  their  eyes.     And  for  nights 
and  days  together,  being  constantly  mounted  on  their  high  saddles, 
they  did  not  even  dream  of  sleep.     The  Afghan  and  Bhaliah  troops 
becoming  desperate,  determined  to  die  hard.    Mahabat  Jang,  seeing 
signs  of  defeat,  owing  to  the   exhausted  condition   of  his  soldiery, 
held  a  Council  of   War.     It  was  at  last  decided  to  place  the  artil- 
lery round   the  army,   and   to    put  baggages  in  the  centre,  and  in 
this  form  to   march   out  expeditiously  from  Bardwan    to  Katwah, 
where  food  and  fodder  would  be  either  procurable,  or  could  he  im- 
ported by  waterways  or  highways  from  the  environs  of  Murshida- 
bad,  to  relieve  the  distressed  soldiery.     In  short,  in  pursuance  of 

kar  Pandit  having  heard  of  All  Vardi's  bravery,  proposed  to  the  latter  to  give 
him  ten  laks  of  rupees  by  way  of  his  entertainment  expense,  in  which  case 
he  would  return  to  his  own  country.  Ali  Vardi  received  this  snggestion  with 
disdain.  For  some  time  he  Was  hard-pressed  by  the  Mahrattas,  especially 
owing  to  the  defection  of  his  Afghan  officers  and  troops.  Ali  Vardi  then  with 
Siraju-d'daulah  waited  on  his  Afghan  General-in-Chief,  Mustafa  Kljln,  told 
him  to  kill  him  with  his  grand-son,  or  else  to  give  him  his  support,  in  order 
to  oppose  this  Mahratta  invasion.  Mustafa  Khan,  together  with  other 
Afghan  officers  now  fought  bravely  against  heavy  odds  with  the  Mahrattas, 
and  All  Vardi  succeeded  in  retiring  to  Katwah,  where  provisions  with  a  re- 
inforcement came  up  under  §aulat  Jang  from  Murshidabad.  At  Katwah, 
Mustafa  Khan  inflicted  a  severe  defeat  on  Bhaskar  Pandit,  who  now  seri- 
ously thought  of  returning  to  his  own  country  vi<l  Birbhum ;  but  his  cliief 
adviser,  Mir  Hablb,  dissuaded  him  and  brouglit  him  back  from  Birbhum  to 
Katwah,  holding  out  prospects  of  loot,  and  making  himself  responsible  for 
the  Mahratta  conquest  of  Bengal. 


341 

this  plan,  setting  out  at  night  from  Bardwan,  Mahabat  Jang's 
army  marched  towards  Katwah,  and  in  a  short  interval  by  forced 
marches  reached  Katwah.  The  light  Mahratta  cavalry,  however, 
covered  forty  karoh  a  day,  and  thus  before  Mahabat  Jang's  arrival 
at  Katwah,  they  had  already  burnt  down  its  fields,  farms,  and 
granaries,  and  reduced  them  to  ashes.  The  army  of  Mahabat 
Jang  now  being  in  a  state  of  utter  despair,  sent  up  to  the  skies 
wails,  similar  to  the  following  : — i  » 

We  never  get  relief  from  distress  ; 
To  whatever  country  we  roam, 
We  see  the  sky  alone. 

However,  Haji  Ahmad  collecting  the  bakers  of  Murshidabad 
got  breads  prepared,  and  sent  these  together  with  other  eatables 
and  food-stuffs  on  boats  to  Katwah.  Other  provisions  and  food- 
grains  were  also  similarly  conveyed  gradually  and  in  large  quanti- 
ties. At  last,  Mahabat  Jang's  army  were  saved  from  starvation, 
and  their  cattle  also  received  a  grateful  supply  of  fodder  and 
grass.  Mahabat  Jang's  soldiers,  whose  houses  were  in  Murshida- 
bad, felt  home-sick,  and  gradually  drifted  away  towards  their 
homes. 

As  Mir  Sharif,  brother  of  Mir  Habib,  together  with  the  family 
treasures,  dependants  and  children,  was  at  Murshidabad,  Mir 
Habib  with  seven  hundred  Mahratta  cavalry  swooped  down 
on  Murshidabad,  in  order  to  relieve  his  brother.  Marching  expe- 
ditiously, night  and  day,  early  at  day-break,  Mir  Habib  reached 
Dihparah  and  Ganj  Muhammad  Khan,1  to  which  he  set  fire.  And 
opposite  to  the  Citadel,  crossing  the  river  Bhagirati,  Mir  Habib 
reached  his  residence,  and  taking  out  Mir  Sharif,  together  with 
his  treasures,  effects,  followers,  and  dependants,  he  kept  them  in 
his  company.  Sweeping  clean  the  houses  of  numerous  residents  of 
the  City  with  the  broom  of  plunder,  and  looting  as  much  gold  and 
silver  coins  as  he  could  from  the  houses  of  Jagat  1§et,  and  captur- 
ing Murad  Ali  Khan,  2  a  son-in-law  of  Sarfaraz  Khan,  and  Rajah 
Dulabh    Ram3  and    Mir  Shujau-d-din,     Superintendent   of    the 

1  These  would  seem  to  have  been  suburbs  of  Murshidabad. 

8  He  was  a  son  of  Nafisah  Begam,  sister  of  Sarfaraz  Khan,  and  subsequently 
became  the  latter's  son-in-law,  and  in  Sarfaraz  Khan's  time  held  the  office  of 
Deputy  Governor  of  Jahangirnagar.     See  n.  ante. 

8  Dulab  Ram  was  a  son  of  Rajah  Jauokiram  Peshkar,  and  waa  appointed  by 


;U2 

Bajutarah  Sair  duties,  he  encamped  at  Tiratkonah,  ■which  was  to 
the  west  of  the  City,  at  a  distance  of  one  farsaJch.  Haji  Ahmad, 
Nawazish  Ahmad  Khan  and  Husain  Quli  Khan,  who  were  in  the 
City,  at  the  very  sight  of  the  Mahratta  cavalry,  firing  their  guns 
once  or  twice,  and  closing  the  avenues  to  the  City  as  well  as  the 
gates  of  the  Citadel,  entrenched  themselves,  but  found  it  impos- 
sible to  fight '-and  disperse  the  enemy,  or  to  defend  the  City.  On 
the  next  day,  Mfthabat  Jang,  with  his  army  marching  night  and 
day,  entered  Murshidabad.  Then  the  Mahrattas  abandoned  the 
idea  of  assaulting  the  City,  and  after  desolating  the  surrounding 
tracts  across  the  river  returned  to  Katwah.  The  rainy  season 
now  set  in.  In  view  of  the  tumultuousness  of  the  river,  the 
Mahrattas  now  suspended  their  fighting,  established  their  quar- 
ters at  Katwah,  and  from  there  commenced  making  administrative 
arrangements.  Giving  Mir  Habib  a  free  hand  in  all  affairs,  Bhaskar 
Pandit  himself  remained  at  Katwah,  and  sent  out  detachments  in 
all  directions  for  raid  and  plunder.  Similarly,  Mahabat  Jang,  in 
view  of  giving  rest  to  his  army,  did  not  move  out  of  the  City. 

As  in  his  earlier  years,  Mir  Habib  had  lived  at  Hugli,  the  latter 
place  still  abounded  with  many  of  his  kinsmen  and  friends. 
Their  headman,  Mir  Abu-1- Hasan  Sarkhil,  now  laid  plans  to  sur- 
prise Hugli.  He  won  over  many  of  the  Mughal s  to  his  side, 
and  held  secret  correspondence  with  Mir  Habib.  Mir  Muhammad 
Riza,  the  Deputy  Faujdar  of  Hugli,1  used  to  treat  Mir  Abii-1- 
Hasan  as  his  right-hand  in  all  affairs. 

Mahabat  Jang  Snbadar  of  Orissa,  in  place  of  Abdul  Rasnl  Khan  who  was 
recalled.  Dulab  Ram  had  been  before  Peshkar  in  Orissa.  Dulab  Ram  exhibited 
great  cowardice  when  the  Mahrattas  invaded  Orissa.  The  Mahrattas  captur- 
ed him,  and  he  was  released  on  payment  of  a  heavy  ransom  after  a  year. 
He  was  very  superstitious,  and  spent  his  time  mostly  in  the  company  of  San- 
yasis,  who  turned  out  to  be  Mahratta  spies.  See  Seiru-l-MutuMerin,  p.  545 
(Pers.  text). 

i  In  the  Seiru-l-Mutakherin  (Pers.  text,  p.  514)  it  is  stated  that  Muhammad 
Yar  Khan,  a  step-brother  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan,  was  at  the  time  Governor  of  the 
Port  of  Hugli,  and  that  Mir  Abii-1-Hassan  and  Mir  Abu-1-Qasim,  who  were 
intimate  with  the  above  Governor,  conspired  with  Mir  Habib,  and  induced  the 
Governor  by  their  treacherous  assurances  to  admit  Mir  Habib  into  the  Fort 
of  Hugli.  After  thus  treacherously  seizing  Hugli,  Mir  Habib  installed  as  its 
Governor  Sis  Rao,  a  Mahratta,  whilst  he  himself  played  the  rtle  of  the  Chief 
Administrator  of  Mahratta  affairs  in  Bengal,  and  divided  his  residence 
between  Hugli  and  Katwah. 


343  ' 

» 

In  blissful  ignorance  of  the  fact  that  lie  had  a  traitor  in  his 
camp,  the  Deputy  Faujdar  passed  nights  and  days  in  carousals. 
At  length,  afc  the  instigation  of  Mir  Abii-1- Hasan,  Mir  Habib  with 
a  detachment  of  two  thousand  cavahw  commanded  by  Sis  Rao 
advanced  to  Hugli,  and  at  midnight  arriving  at  the  gate  of  its 
Fort  announced  his  arrival  to  Mir  Abu-1-Hasan.  Whilst  Muham- 
mad  Riza,  arranging  a  feast  of  revelry,  \ras  qu':tej  absorbed  in 
watching  the  dancing  of  some  pretty  women,  Mir  Abu-1-Hasan 
said  to  the  former  :  "  Mir  Habib  has  come  alone  to  visit  you, 
and  is  waiting  at  the  gate  of  the  fort."  Under  the  influence  of 
liquor,  the  Deputy  Faujdar  unhesitatingly  ordered  the  gate  of 
the  Port  to  be  thrown  open  and  to  admit  Mir  Habib.  Entering 
the  Fort,  Mir  Habib  with  the  concurrence  of  Mir  Abu-1- Hasan 
placed  Muhammad  Riza  and  Mirza  Piran  under  surveillance, 
established  himself  inside  the  Fort,  and  posted  his  own  guards 
at  its  gate.  The  noblemen  and  residents  of  the  town  that  very 
night  fled  to  Ohuchrah  (Chinsurah)  and  other  places,  and  took 
refuge  in  the  houses  of  the  Dutch  and  French.  Next  morn- 
ing, Sis  Rao  with  his  detachment  of  cavalry  entered  the  Fort. 
Many  of  the  Mughal  residents  who  were  Mir  Habib's  acquaint- 
ances were  introduced  to  Sis  Rao  by  Mir  Habib.  The  Rao  treat- 
ed them  courteously  and  deferentially,  reassured  every  one  of  them, 
and  issuing  proclamations  of  peace  and  security  forbade  the 
Mahrattas  from  looting  or  sacking  the  town.  He  persuaded  the 
Zami.ndars  to  assess  and  collect  the  revenue,  and  appointing  as 
usial  Qazis,  Muhtasibs  and  other  officers  to  administer  justice, 
he  bestowed  the  office  of  Faujdar  on  Mir  Abu-1-Hasan.  Mir 
Habib,  carrying  off  some  guns  and  ammunitions  together  with  a 
flotilla  of  sloops  from  Hugli,  rejoined  Bhaskar  Pandit  at  Katwah. 

As  it  was  the  rainy  season,  Mir  Habib,  deputed  Mir  Mihdi 
with  a  detachment  of  musketeers  on  boats  for  collecting  revenue 
from  (he  mahals  across  the  Ganges.  But  Mir  Mihdi,  from  fear 
of  Mahabat  Jang,  did  not  land.  The  agents  of^the  Zamindars 
proceeded  to  Mir  Habib,  and  paying  him  large  sums  obtained 
guards  for  the  immunity  of  their  tracts  from  the  ravages  and 
loot  of  Mahratta  freebooters.  The  wealthy  nobiljty  and  gentry, 
to  save  their  family  honour,  quitted  their  homes,  and  migrated 
across  the  Ganges.1     The  whole  tract  from  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahali 

1   That  is  to  say,  there  was  a  general  exodus    of  the  Mnsalman  nobility  and 
gentry  from  the  western  side  of  the  Ganges  (that  is,  from  Southern  and  Wes^- 
44 


344 

to  Mednipur  and  Jalisar  (Jalasore)  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
Mahrattas.  Those  murderous  freebooters  drowned  in  the  rivers  a 
large  number  of  the  people,  after  catting  off  their  ears,  noses  and 
hands.  Tying  sacks  of  dirt  to  the  months  of  others,  they  mangled 
and  burnt  them  with  indescribable  tortures.  Thus  they  desolated 
and  dishonoured  the  family  and  children  of  a  whole  world.  Maha- 
bat  Jang,  rfcaking  strenuous  efforts  towards  the  chastisement  and 
expulsion  of  the  insolent  enemy,  set  about  collecting  troops  and 
armaments  Requisitioning  to  Murshidabad  a  large  flotilla  of  boats 
from  the  neighbourhood  of  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca), from  the  Jilengi, 
from  Maldah,  and  Akbarnagar  ( Rajmahal),  &c  ,  he  constructed  a 
road  leading  to  Katwah.  From  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Bhagirati 
he  detached  for  bridge-making  twelve  thousand  pioneers  and  sap- 
pers on  boats,  and  attended  to  the  comforts  of  the  army.  Collect- 
ing paraphernalia,  horses,  elephants,  and  swords,  and  winning  the 
hearts  of  his  soldiery  by  bestowing  on  them  gifts  and  increments 
in  pay,  he  encouraged  and  incited  them  to  fight.  Finding  the 
enemy  absorbed  in  political  affairs  relating  to  Zamindars,  Reve- 
nue-Collectors and  Administrators,  Mahabat   Jang   seized  this  op- 

ern  Bengal)  to  its  Eastern  and  Northern  sides  (that  is,  Eastern  and  North- 
ern Bengal)  which  were  immune  from  Mahratta  raids.  Those  who  are  at 
pains  to  account  for  the  comparatively  large  Mnsalman  population  in  Eastern 
and  Northern  Bengal  and  are  ready  to  put  forward  more  or  less  fanciful  theo- 
ries, might  perhaps  take  into  consideration  the  above  circumstance,  and  also 
the  following  facts  which  I  summarise  from  the  Seiru-1-Mutakherin  (a  contem- 
porary account).  The  Seir  states  that  in  this  wave  of  Mahratta  invasion  of 
Bengal,  the  whole  of  the  Chaklahs  of  Bardwan,  Mednipur,  Balasore,  Katak, 
Birbhum,  some  pargannahs  of  Rajshahi  (probably  those  on  the  south  side  of 
the  river)  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal)  were  overwhelmed,  whilst  only  Mnrshida. 
bad  and  the  countries  on  the  other  side  (that  is,  Eastern  and  Northern  sides) 
of  the  Ganged  remained  peacefully  in  possession  of  All  Vardi  Khan,  that  in 
the  rainy  season,  even  the  populations  of  Mnrshidabad,  apprehending  Mah- 
ratta raids,  migrated  en  masse  on  boats  to  the  other  sides  (that  is,  Eastern  and 
Northern  sides)  *>-  the  Ganges,  such  as  Jahangirnagar  or  Dacca,  Maldah, 
Rampore  Beauliah,  &c,  and  that  even  Nawab  Shah  am  at  Jang  (All  Vardi's  son- 
in-law)  with  his  family  and  children  moved  across  the  river  to  Godagari,  a 
place  close  to  Rampore  Beauliah,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Ganges  or  Poda. 
These  historical  facts  occurring  as  they  did  only  in  the  middle  of  the  eight- 
eenth century,  would  sufficiently  explain  why  the  Mnsalman  populations  in 
Western  Bengal  and  even  near  Mnrshidabad  (the  latest  Musalman  capital  in 
Bengal)  are  numerically  much  less  than  those  in  Eastern  or  Northern  Bengal 
(See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Pers.  text,  pp.  564  and  514). 


345  ] 


> 


portunity,  and  held  a  Council  of  War  with  his  Afghan  and  Bhaliah 
Generals  in  view  of  delivering  a  night-attack.  In  pursuance  of  this 
plan,  Mahabat  Jang  marched  expeditiously  with  a  large  and  effi- 
cient army,  and  by  forced  marches,  at  midnight,  reached  a  place 
just  opposite  to  Katwah.  in  the  cover  of  the  night's  darkness,  he 
instantly  floated  a  bridge  of  boats  that  had  been  kept  ready  from 
before,  and  with  a  large  army  commenced1  crossing  the  river- 
Whilst  he  with  the  officers  and  some  veteran  soldiers  had  crossed 
the  river,  the  bridge  suddenly  gave  way  under  ^he  heavy  weight 
of  a  large  army.  Some  of  the  boats  sank,  whilst  a  large  number 
of  Afghans  and  Bhaliahs  were  drowned  in  the  river.  Mahabat 
Jang,  on  learning  about  this  mishap,  was  engulphed  in  a  sea  of 
confusion.  His  mind  was  racked  with  anxiety.  He  realised  that-  the 
entire  army  from  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river  had  been  unable  to 
cross  over,  and  that  he  alone  with  a  handful  of  troops  was  on  the 
western  bank  face  to  face  with  the  enemy.  In  consequence) 
he  apprehended  that  in  the  event  of  the  enemy  getting  scent 
of  his  movement,  he  would  meet  with  a  terrible  disaster.  He, 
therefore,  put  out  the  torches,  and  gave  directions  for  immediately 
repairing  the  broken  portions  of  the  bridge.  After  the  bridge 
was  repaired,  he  ordered  the  whole  army  to  cross  over  and 
join  him.  As  the  enemy  was  heedless  and  negligent,  everything 
ended  well.  Kishwar  Khan,  the  Deputy  Faujdar,  and  Mankant, 
the  commandant  of  the  pioneers  and  sappers,  quickly  rendered  the 
damaged  boats  water  tight  by  plastering  their  cracks  and  rends 
with  mud  and  bits  of  wood,  and  thus  displayed  Luqman-Uke  skill. 
An  army,  waving  like  the  sea,  swiftly  crossed  the  bridge,  ral- 
lied round  Mahabat  Jang  and  his  Generals,  and  quickly  unsheath- 
ing their  swords,  in  a  solid  and  clamorous  phalanx,  like  some  hea- 
venly disaster,  swooped  down  on  the  enemy.  Shouts  rose  up  on 
every  side. 

True,  the  night  was  dark,  but  the  sword  flashed, 
So  as  amidst  the  dusky  clouds,  lightning  fiSshes. 
From  profuse  shedding  of  blood  on  that  battle-field, 
Earth's  face  turned  crimson. 
Heaps  of  corpses  crashed  on  heaps  of  corpses, 
Aye,  formed  veritable  mounds  on  every  side. 

Overwhelmed  with  disaster,  and  unable  to  stand  their  ground, 
Mir  Habib  and   Bhaskar  Pandit  with  other  Mahratta  officers  fled 


346 


from  the  battle-field,  leaving  their  army  to  their  fate,  just  as  a 
cow  is  left  to  the  tender  mercies  of  a  butcher.  A  crushing  defeat l 
was  inflicted  on  the  Mahratta  army,  which  whs  triumphantly 
chased  to  some  distance  Bhaskar  and  other  Mahratta  Generals 
fell  back  to  Ramgadh,  from  where  with  common  consent  they 
marched  with  celerity  across  jungles,  to  invade  and  ravage  the 
Subah  of  Orissa. 

Shaikh  Muhammad  Ma'sum,  tbe  Deputy  Nazim  of  Orissa,  in 
order  to  resist  the  enemy,  advanced  from  Katak,  and  opposed  the 
enemy's  march.  When  the  two  armies  encountered  each  other,  the 
fire  of  conflict  flared  up  once  again.  Although  the  Zamindars 
had  deserted  his  side,  with  a  small  band  numbering  five  thousand 
cavalry  and  infantry,  Shaikh  Muhammad  Ma'sum  stood  his  ground 
dauntlessly  on  the  field.  The  Mahratta  army,  which  was  more 
numerous  than  ants  and  locusts,  surrounded  Shaikh  Ma'sum  from 
all  sides  like  a  circle,  and  slaughtered  him  together  with  his 
comrades.  The  Subah  of  Odisah  (Orissa),  together  with  the  Fort 
of  Barabati  and  the  citadel  of  the  City  of  Katak,  fell  once  again 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Nawab  Mahabat  Jang,  on  hearing  of  the  above  disaster,  march- 
ed swiftly  to  Bardvvan.  He  paid  to  each  soldier  two  months'  pay 
and  also  other  gifts  on  account  of  the  victory  of  Katwah,  advanc- 
ed to  Katak,  and  repeatedly  assaulting  the  Mahratta  troops  drove 
them  from  Katak,  and  victoriously  entered  its  citadel.  Leaving 
General  Abdu-r-Rasul  Khan,  who  was  a  second  Mustafa  Khan  and 

l  This  defeat  of  the  Mahrattas  at  Katwah  took  place  in  1155  A.H.  The  Seir 
states  that  after  his  defeat  at  Katwah,  Bhaskar  Pandit,  the  Mahratta  General, 
fled  through  the  hill-passes  of  Pachit  into  a  forest,  but  losing  his  way,  and 
not  succeeding  in  making  his  retreat  to  his  own  country  (Nagpur),  under  the 
guidance  of  Mir  Habib,  came  back  to  the  jungles  of  Bishanpur,  passed  through 
them  to  the  jungles  of  Chandrakonah,  emerged  at  Midnapur,  and  made  for 
Katak,  fought  with  and  killed  Shaikh  Ma'sum,  Subsidar  of  Orissa.  Mahabat 
Jang  hotly  chased  Bhaskar  Pandit  up  to  the  confines  of  the  Chilka  Lake,  but 
Bhaskar  succeeded  -rii  effecting  his  retreat  into  the  Dakhin.  Then  Mahabat 
Jang  returned  to  Katak,  where  he  installed  Abdul  Nabi  Khan  (nephew  of 
Shaikh  Ma'sum)  as  Subadar  of  Orissa,  and  left  Dulab  Ram  (son  of  Rajah 
Janaki  Ram)  as  Peshkar  under  the  latter,  and  then  returned  to  Murshidabad 
(p.  519,  Seiru-l-Mutcikherin,  Pers.  text). 

There  is  a  village  called  Masumpur  about  11  miles  north  from  Katak. 
It  is  a  colony  of  respectable  Muhammadans,  and  is  probably  named  so  after 
the  above  Shaikh  Ma'sum  Panipati.  Six  miles  from  Masumpur,  is  another 
colony  of  respectable  Musalmans  at  Salihpur. 


347 

who  was  also  the  latter's  nephew,  as  the  Deputy  Nazim  of  Orissa, 
together  with  a  contingent  of  six  thousand  cavalry  and  infantry, 
Mahabat  Jang  returned  to  the  Subah  of  Bengal. 

On  receiving  news  of  the  defeat  of  Bhaskar  Pandit,  Sis  Rao 
evacuating  the  fort  of  Hugli  retreated  to  Bishanpur.  Other  Mah- 
ratta  officers,  who  were  posted  at  different  places  for  the  collection 
of  revenue,  also  fled.  The  Collectors  and  Faujdars  o£  Maliabat  Jang 
entered  the  ravaged  tracts,  and  again  set  about  to  re-settle  them. 

But  Bhaskar  Pandit,  after  his  defeat,  sent  Bairagi  dacoits  to- 
wards Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal),  Bliagalpur,  and  Behar.  Maliabat 
Jang,  who  had  not  yet  breathed  freely,  again  set  out  from  Bengal 
for  those  places.  He  had  not  yet  reached  the  Subah  of  Behar, 
when  the  Bairagis  retreating  from  those  parts  swooped  down  on 
Murshidabiid.  Maliabat  Jang  fell  back  from  Behar,  and  pursued 
them.  These  Bairagi  freebooters  were  busy  with  looting  Baliichar, 
when  the  music  of  the  drum  and  tambourine  of  Mahabat  Jang's 
vanguard  rang  in  the  ears  of  those  maniacs.  Losing  all  courage, 
and  leaving  behind  bags  of  booty,  they  fled  from  Baliichar.  Mahabat 
Jang  chased  them  up  to  Ramgadh,  from  where  he  returned. 

In  short,  this  sort  of  guerilla  warfare  lasted  three  years.   Victor- 
ies on  both  sides  were  mingled   with  defeats,  and  it  was    hai'd  to 
decide  which  side  eventually  came  off  the   best.     Nawab  Mahabat 
Jang,  following  the  saying  that  "  war  is  made  up  of   fraud,"  diplo- 
matically established  friendly  relations  with  All  Qarawal,  who  was 
one  of  the  Mahratta  leaders  that  had  embraced  the  Muhammadan 
faith,  and  was  surnamed   All  Bhai.     From  considerations  of  expe- 
diency,  Maliabat   Jang  invited    him  over.     Receiving  him  kindly 
and   courteously,   using   dissimulation  and  artfulness,  and  profess- 
ing friendship  and  benignity,  he    made  him  consent  to  arrange  an 
interview  between   himself  and  Bhaskar  Pandit  with  other  Mah- 
ratta Generals.    Heedless  of  the  duplicity  of  the  times,  that  simple- 
ton was  taken  in,  and  arrived  at  Diknagar.     He  induced  Bhaskar 
and  other  Mahratta  Generals  to  meet  Mahabat  J*>ng,  by  conveying 
to  them  the   assurances  and  avowals  of  Mahabat  Jang  with  refer- 
ence to   the   settlement  of  the  Ghanth  and  the  establishment   of 
friendly  relations.     And  these,  in  accordance  with  the  saying ;  — 
"  One  perceiveth  according  to  the  length1  of  his   sight,"    placing 

1  The  Arabic  saying  is  : 
j*aJ\   dki  jJSt)\  sL>>  lit 


1  348 

the  finger  of  acceptance  on  their  blind  eyes,  summoned  to  their 
presence  Rajah  Janaki  Ram  and  Mustafa  Khan  for  fixing  the  basis 
of  a  treaty,  and  for  ratifying  it  by  protestations  and  oaths.  These 
going  over  to  Bhaskar  made  vows  and  oaths,  according  to  the  forms 
of  their  respective  religions  and  creeds.  Mustafa  Khan  had  with 
him,  under  a  cover,  a  brick  instead  of  the  Qoran,  and  holding  it  he 
repeated  oaths?  "Falling  into  the  trap  laid  by  Mahabat  Jang,  and 
reiterating  the  vows  of  peace,  All  Bliai  and  Bhaskar  with  other 
Mahratta  Generals  promised  to  meet  Mahabat  Jang  at  a  place  called 
Mankarah, 1  and  permitted  Mustafa  Khan  and  Rajah  Janaki  Ram 
to  return.  These  going  to  Mahabat  Jang  assured  him  of  the  suc- 
cess of  their  mission,  and  related  the  mutual  promises  and  vows 
that  had  taken  place.  Expressing  his  satisfaction,  Mahabat  Jang 
ostensibly  set  about  collecting  valuable  khillats  and  jewelleries, 
together  with  elephauts,  hoi'ses,  and  other  rare  and  precious  pre- 
sents for  presentation  to  the  aforesaid  Mahratta  Generals.  Announc- 
ing to  the  general  public  news  of  the  approaching  peace,  Mahabat 
Jang  covertly  laid  a  plot  of  treachery,  and  took  into  confidence  his 
own  Generals  towards  its  development.  He  picked  out  veteran 
and  brave  soldiers  from  his  army,  and  caused  long  and  wide  tents> 
capable  of  holding  large  detachments  with  horses  and  elephants,  to 
be  pitched  at  Mankai*ah.  Himself  going  into  one  of  the  tents,  he 
arranged  a  grand  party  of  friends  and  comrades.  He  secreted  in 
battle-ai'ray  inside  the  tents  a  battalion  of  picked  men,  and  sent 
a  message  to  All  Bliai  to  bring  over  Bhaskar  with  all  the  Mahuatta 
Generals.  In  short,  Bhaskar,  leaving  all  his  troops  in  camp,  came 
to  All  Vardi's  tent,  together  with  Ali  Bhai  and  twenty-one  other 
Mahratta  Generals.  The  tent-pitchers  following  the  signal  drop- 
ped down  the  screens  of  the  pavilion,  tied  them  strongly  with  tent- 
ropes,  and  cut  off  the,  ingress  and  egress  of  friends  and  foes. 
Mahabat  Jang,  at  the  very  sight  of  Bliaskar,  said  to  hi«  comrades 
who  were  waiting  for  the  signal  :  "Kill  these  heathen  sinners."8 
Instantly,  swords  gprang  up  from  every  side  on  the  Mahrattas. 

1  In  Seir  (p.  529)  Mankara'is  described  as  lying  on  the  banks  of  the  Bhagi- 
rati.  How  the  wily  Ali  Vardi  Khan  treacherously  inveigled  Bhaskar  Pandit 
and  other  Mahratta  Generals  into  liis  tent,  is  lucidly  described  in  the  Seiru-l- 
Mutakherin  (p  529).  In  this  game  of  treachery,  Ali  Vardi  Khan's  principal 
coadjutors  were  Mustafa  Khan  and  Rajah  Janaki  Ram,  the  Peshkar.  It  must) 
however,  be  added  that  the  Mahrattas  were  well  paid  back  in  their  own  coin. 

8  The  expression  given  in  the  Seir  (p.  530)  is  :     "  Kill  this  enemy." 


349  ' 

The  clamour  of  assault  rose  up  to  the  skies, 
Breasts  were  pierced  through  by  swords. 

Bhaskar  and  twenty-one  other  Mahratta  Generals  were  butcher- 
ed. In  the  midst  of  this  carnage,  Mahabat  Jang  mounting  an  ele- 
phant ordered  the  music  of  victory  to  be  struck  up,  and  ordered 
his  select  battalion  to  charge  the  Mahratta  army  with  their  swords. 
On  seeing  this,  one  l  of  the  Mahratta  Generals,  who  was  posted  out- 
side the  pavilion  with  ten  thousand  cavalry,  AM  together  with  his 
force.  Mahabat  Jang's  soldiers  pouncing  like  fighting  lions  on 
this  flock  of  sheep  fiercely  attacked  the  Mahratta  troops,  and 
slaughtered  them,  right  and  left,  raising  human  shambles,  and 
captured  those  who  escaped  the  sword.  On  hearing  of  this 
disaster,  other  Mahratta  detachments  which  were  encamped  at 
Bardwan  and  Diknagar, 2  &c,  or  patrolled  the  tracts  between 
Mednipur  and  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal)  fled  to  Na«-pur. 

When  news  of  this  disaster  reached  the  ear  of  Raghoji  Bhoslah, 

He  knitted  his  brow,  from  fury  of  rage, 

And  coiled,  like  a  serpent,  from  anxiety  of  lost  treasures. 

He  kindled  such  a  fire  of  wrath  in  his  heart, 

That  he  scorched  himself  from  head  to  foot. 

After  the  rainy  season  was  over,  Raghoji  Bhoslah  3  mobi- 
lised a  lai'ge  force,   and  marched  towards  Bengal,  to  avenge  the 

1  His  nftme  was  Ragho  Gaekwar.  (See  Sew-,  p.  531).  Mustafa  Khan  tried 
hard  to  inveigle  him  also  into  Ali  Vardi's  tent,  but  this  Mahratta  General  ap- 
pears to  have  been  an  uncommonly  shrewd  man,  and  said  he  would  wait  on 
Ali  VardI  Khan  on  the  following  day,  after  Bhaskar  Pandit  and  All  Bhai  had 
returned  from  their  interview  with  Ali  VardI 

2  In  the  printed  Pers.  text  '  Diknagar,'  which  place  I  cannot  locate. 

8  The  Seirio-l- Miitakherin  (Pers.  text,  pp.  545-548)  gives  a  very  lucid  account 
of  this  second  Mahratta  invasion  of  Bengal  by  Raghoji  Bhoslah.  It  appears 
that  important  affairs  transpired  in  the  meantime  in  the  Bengal  Satrapy, 
which  made  for  this  second  Mahratta  invasion.  In  tXs  first  place,  Mustafa 
Khan,  the  Afghan  General-in-Ohief  and  the  chief  pillar  of  the  State  of  Ali 
Vardi  Khan,  fell  out  with  the  latter,  and  was  locked  up  in  fighting  against 
Ali  Vardi's  son-in-law,  Zain-d-din  Khan,  Subadarof  Azimabad  (Patnai.  Whilst 
hardpressed  by  the  well-formed  battalions  of  Zain-d-din  Khan,  Mustafa  Khan, 
like  Mir  Habib,  took  the  unusual  step  to  invite  over  to  Bengal  Rasjhojl 
Bhoslah,  who  seized  the  invitation  with  avidity  and  inarched  with  Mir  Habib 
(the  implacable  foe  of  Ali  VardI  and  the  inspiring  genius  of  the  Mahrattas), 
towards    Katak.       At  this   time  at   Katak,   a  cowardly   person    ruled    as    All 


350 

slaughter  of  Bhaskar  and  other  Mahratta  Generals,   and  engaging 
on   massacres,  captures,  and   plunders,  tortured   many  of  his  cap- 

Vardi's  Sabadar  in  Orissa.  His  name  was  Dulab  Earn,  and  he  was  a  son 
of  Rajah  Janoki  Rani,  All  Vardi's  Peshkar.  All  VardI  had  appointed  Dulab 
Ram  as  Subadar,  in  the  place  of  Abdnl  Rasul  Khan  (son  of  Abdul  Nabi 
Khan)  who  had  resigned  his  office  and  joined  Mustafa  at  Patna.  Dulab  Ram' 
was  not  only  cowu'rdly,  bile  superstitious,  and  most  probably,  also  treacher- 
ous (as  his  subsequent  conduct  towards  All  Vardi's  grandson  indicates).  He 
associated  at  Katak  wLh  the  Sanyasis,  most  of  whom  were  spies  in  the  employ 
of  Raghoji  Bhoslah.  As  soon  as  Dulab  Ram  heard  of  the  approach  of  the 
Mahrattas,  he  attempted  to  run  away;  but  was  soon  after  captured  by  the 
Mahrattas.  At  this  time,  a  small  band  of  Syeds,  under  the  command  of  Mir 
Abdul  Aziz,  bravely  held  out  for  over  a  month  in  the  Fort  of  Barabati.  The 
heroic  stand  against  heavy  odds  made  by  this  small  beleaguered  garrison 
and  its  unflinching  loyalty,  once  more  relieves  the  darkness  of  the  moral 
chaos  that  had  seized  the  times.  When  cajoled  and  threatened  by  Raghoji 
Bhoslah's  friend,  Mir  Habib,  and  entreated  by  Dulab  Ram  and  by  his  own 
brother  to  join  Raghoji's  side,  Mir  Abdul  Aziz  returned  the  following  gallant 
and  loyal  answer :  "  I  own  no  brother  nor  any  other  master ;  I  acknow- 
ledge only  one  master,  namely,  Mahibat  Jang ;  true,  some  cowards  have 
joined  you  ;  but  from  regard  for  the  salt  I  have  eaten,  T  will,  by  God,  stand 
by  this  Fort,  so  long  as  there  is  breath  in  my  life."  (Seir,  p.  546).  As  how- 
ever, no  reinforcements  came  up,  though  over  a  month  had  elapsed,  and 
as  all  provisions  had  run  out,  this  noble  band  of  beleaguered  garrison  had 
at  length  to  capitulate  on  honourable  terms  to  Raghoji  Bhoslah,  who  made 
himself  master  of  the  Fort  Barabati  and  also  of  the  whole  of  Orissa  pro- 
vince, as  well  as  of  Mednipiir,  Hughli  and  Bardwan..  All  Vardi  was  occupied 
at  this  time  in  Patna  in  crnshing  ont  the  Afghan  revolt  under  Mustafa 
Kh,an.  When  Mustafa  Khan  was  slain  and  the  Afghan  revolt  was  crush- 
ed, Ali  Vardi  hastened  back  to  Bengal.  At  this  time,  Raghoji  was  encamped 
at  Birbhum.  Meanwhile  the  Afghan  comrades  of  the  late  Mustafa  Khan,  who 
lay  in  a  death-trap  in  the  Jungles  of  Tikari  asked  Raghoji  to  help  them, 
and  promised  him  their  adhesion.  Baghoji  marched  to  Tikari  to  their  rescue 
via  the  jungles  of  Birbhuia  and  Kharakpnr,  looting  en  route  the  Tillages  of 
Shaikpura  and  Tikari,  &c.  Mahabat  Jang  followed  quickly  in  their  heels  and 
moved  to  Patna.  From  Patna,  Raghoji  (on  the  advice  of  Mir  Habib,  who  was 
the  inspiring  genius  of  the  Mahrattas,  also  in  this  second  Marhatta  invasion) 
turned  towards  Murshidabad,  pursued  closely  by  Ali  Vardi,  whose  pursuit 
was  hot  and  unslacking.  At  Katwah,  another  battle  was  fought,  in  which 
the  Mahrattas  were  worsted.  Finding  that  victory  was  out  of  the  question, 
and  hearing  of  some  troubles  in  his  own  country,  Raghoji  now  prudently 
withdrew  to  his  own  country  at  Nagpur,  leaving  in  Bengal  his  friend,  guide, 
and  philosopher,  Mir  Habib,  with  3,000  Mahratta  and  7,000  Afghan  troops. 
(See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Pers.  text,  p.  551).  It  would  seem  a  despicable  mo- 
ral chaos  had  at  this  time  seized  the  country,  in  which  neither  religious    tjes 


351  i 

tives.  All  Vardi  Khan  with  a  large  army  again  advanced  to  en- 
counter the  enemy.  At  this  juncture,  Balaji  Rao,  l  son  of  Baji 
Rao  Pandit,  Peshwa  and  generalissimo  of  Rajah  Sahu,  who  was 
young,  and  had  enmity  with  Raghojl,  under  orders  of  Emperor 
Muhammad  Shah,  came  from  the  Imperial  Capital  (Dihli)  to  Ben- 
gal with  sixty  thousand  Mahratta  cavalry,  to  re-in force  AH  Vardi 
Khan.  Mahabat  Jang,  finding  floods  of  disaster  approaching  Bengal 
from  two  sides,  shewed  firmness  and  foresight,  fie  deputed  ex. 
perienced  eiivoys  with  presents  to  Balaji  Rao,  won  him  over  to  his 
side  by  display  of  courtesy  and  sincerity,  met  him  at  Birbhum,  estab- 
lished friendly  relations  with  him,  and  both  unitedly  resolved  to 
drive  out  Raghojl  Bhoslah.  Raghojl  finding  it  impracticable  to 
accomplish  the  object  of  his  mission  withdrew  to  his  own  country, 
without  gaining  his  end.  Being  somewhat  relieved  of  his  anxiety 
by  the  withdrawal  of  Raghojl  Bhoslah,  Mahabat  Jang  presented  a 
large  amount  of  cash  to  Balaji  Rao,  and  thus  sent  him  out  of  Ben- 
gal in  a  contented  and  thankful  mood,  whilst  he  himself  returned 
to  Bengal.  Being  inwardly  in  anxiety  as  to  the  demand  of  Rag- 
hojl for  Ghauth,  Mahabat  Jang  set  about  mobilising  troops. 

At  this  moment,  a  rupture  occurred  botween  All  Vardi  Khan  and 

nor  national  sentiments  were  held  of  any  account.  One  finds  now  Musalman 
Afghans  (at  the  instigation  of  two  Mnsalman  leaders,  Mir  Habib  and  Mus- 
tafa Khan),  fighting  the  battles  of  Hindu  Mahratta  freebooters  against  a 
Musalman  power  in  Bengal.  The  event  is  a  dark  land-mark  in  Moslem  history 
of  BtJngal,  and  marks  the  sad  disintegration  and  moral  paralysis  that  had  now 
seized  the  Musalman  race  in  Bengal  or,  for  the  matter  of  that,  in  India.  (See 
Seir,  Pers.  text,  pp.  556-566). 

1  Balaji  Rao  (the  generalissimo  of  the  Imperial  Army  in  the  Dakhin) 
and  Safdar  Jang,  son-in-law  of  Burhanu-1-Mulk,  the  Subadar  of  Oadh,  were 
orderd  by  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah,  to  help  All  Vardi  against  the  Mahrattns 
under  Raghojl.  Whilst  seeking  Imperial  assistance,  All  yard!  wrote  the 
following  pregnant  and  prophetic  words  to  the  Emperor  : — "Should  Bengal 
which  is  the  financial  mainstay  of  the  Empire  fall,  your  Majesty's  Empire 
will  be  shorn  of  all  lustre."  (See  Seir,  p.  516,  Pers.  textj.  These  words  had 
reference  to  the  fact  that  Bengal  had  ever  been  the  best  milch-cow  of  the  Em- 
pire. Safdar  Jang  did  not  pnll  on  witli  Ali  Vardi,  and  so  was  recalled  by  the 
Emperor,  whilst  Balaji  Rao  (whose  designs  were  also  suspected  by  the 
shrewd  Ali  Vardi)  who  had  come  to  Mankar  by  way  Of  Patna,  was  courte- 
ously shewn  cut  of  Bengal  by  the  latter.  (See  Seir,  pp.  522  and  524).  In 
this  connection,  the  Seir  (p.  524)  gives  the  story  of  a  Musalman  amazon  in 
the  person  of  the  widow  of  the  late  Muhammad  Ghaus  Khan  who  resided 
at  Bhagulpur,  and   who  held  out  bravely  against  Balaji  llao. 

45 


352 

Mustafa  Khan,  the  Afghan  General,  and  it  was  so  far  accentuated 
that  all  the  Afghans  combining  with  the  latter,  broke  out  into 
revolt,  nnd  set  out  with  a  large  force  for  Azimabad  (  Patna),  in  order 
to  storm  that  City,  and  to  capture  Haji  Ahmad  and  Zainu-d-din 
Ahmad  Khan.  On  reaching  Mungir  (Monghyr),  Mustafa  Khan  be- 
sieged the  Fort  of  Monghyr.  The  Commandant  of  the  Fort  pre- 
pared to  fight.  A.bdu-r-rasul  Khan,  l  a  cousin  of  Mustafa  Khan,  ad- 
vancing in  the  inebriation  of  the  wine  of  valour  and  daring,  wanted 
to  storm  the  Fort,  by  battering  down  its  gate.  The  guards  of  the 
Fort  hurled  down  a  huge  stone  on  his  head.  From  the  blow  of 
that  heavy  stone,  his  head  was  smashed  to  atoms.  Mustafa  Khan, 
viewing  this  disaster  to  be  a  bad  omen,  abandoned  the  siege  of 
Monghyr,  marched  with  celerity  to  Azimabad,  (Patna),  engaged  in 
besieging  the  latter  City,  and  commenced  fighting  with  Zainu-d- 
din  Ahmad  Khan.  Most  of  the  detachments  of  Zainu-d-din  Khan, 
not  being  able  to  stand  their  ground  in  the  face  of  the  onslaughts 
of  the  Afghans,  retreated  to  the  citadel,  but  Zainu-d-din  Khan 
himself  with  a  small  squadron  of  cavalry,  artillery,  and  Bhaltah 
musketeers  remained  out  in  the  open  to  encounter  the  enemy. 
At  this  moment,  the  Afghans  fell  to  plundering  and  pillaging 
the  tents  of  Zainu-d-din's  troops  who  had  retreated.  Seeing 
Mustafa  Khan  now  left  with  a  small  force,  Zainu-d-din  Ahmad 
Khan  formed  a  van-guard  of  artillerymen  and  Bhallah  musketeers^ 
and  commenced  an  assault. *  The  shells  of  guns  and  bullets  of 
muskets  now  commenced  showering  like  hail.  Most  of  Mustafa 
Khan's  comrades  tasted  the  bitter  potion  of  death  ;  whilst  one 
bullet,  hitting  Mustafa  Khan  on  the  socket,  blinded  one  of  his 
eyes.  Then  Zainu-d-din's  other  troops  who  had  retreated  to  the 
citadel  also  rushed  out,  attacked  the  Afghans,  and  put  them  to 
the  sword.  Mustafa  Khan  on  being  defeated  retreated  to  Jag- 
dishpiir.3  Becoming  victorious  and  triumphant,  Zainu-d-din  Khan 
struck  up  the  band  of  victory,  made  his  State  entry  into  the 
Fort,  and  next  engaged  on  chasing  the  enemy.  Mustafa  Khan 
now   sent  a  message  to  Raghoji   Bhoslah,  *  and  asked  for  help. 

'  He  was  Subadar  of  Orissa  before  Dulab  Ram.     See  note  ante. 

8  The  whole  thing  would  seem  to  have  been  a  well-planned  tactical  move 
on  the  part  of  Zainu-d-din  Khan,  who  was  a  good  General,  strong  in  tactics. 

8  The  printed  Persian  text  of  the  Riyaz  has  throughout  "  Raghoji  Ohoslah." 
1  GhoslaV  is  obviously  a  misreading  or  misprint  for  '  Bhoslah.' 

4  '  Jagdishpur '  or  '  Jagdispur,   is   mentioned    in   the   Ain-i-Akbari  (Vol  I 


353  ' 

> 

Raghoji,  who  was  waiting  for  such  an  opportunity,  was  delight- 
ed, and  prepared  to  despatch  reinforcements.  But  Mahabat 
Jang,  on  being  apprised  of  this  news,  swiftly  marched  to  Azi- 
mabad (Patna).  The  Bengal  and  Azimabad  (Patna)  armies  form- 
ing a  junction  combined  to  attack  Mustafa  Khan.  After  much 
fighting,  Mustafa  Khan,  finding  it  impossible  to  hold  his  own, 
retreated  in  a  hapless  condition  across  the  frontier  of %J  Azimabad  to 
Ghazipur ;  whilst  Mahabat  Jang  becoming  victorious  and  trium- 
phant returned  to  Murshidabad.  Mustafa  Khan  again  collected 
a  large  force  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  and  again  invaded  Azimabad. 
Zainu-d-din  Ahmad  Khan,  according  to  the  adage  "  One  who  is 
beaten  once  can  be  beaten  twice,"  with  his  victorious  troops 
encountered  him,  and  after  much  efforts  and  countless  exertions, 
and  after  much  slaughters  and  fightings,  became  victorious,  whilst 
Mustafa  Khan,  as  a  retribution  for  his  disloyalty,  was  slain  on  the 
battle-field.  Zainu-d-din  Khan  cutting  off  the  head  of  that  wretch 
from  his  body  tied  his  corpse  to  the  feet  of  an  elephant  which 
was  patrolled  round  the  city  to  serve  as  a  warning,  and  also 
suspended  his  head  at  the  City  Grate. 

At  this  juncture,  Raghoji  Bhoslah  despatched  to  Bengal  a  Mah- 
ratta  army  under  the  command  of  his  son  Rajah  Janoji,  his  adopted 
son,  Mohan  Singh,  and  the  miscreant  Mir  Habib,  in  order  to  de- 
mand the  Chauth.1     A  large  number  of  Mustafa  Khan's  Afghan  ad- 

pp.  400  and  498,  Blochmann's  Tr.)  Ifc  was  the  "stronghold  in  Akbar's  time 
of  Rajah  '  Gajpate'  or  '  Kachite, '  who  was  the  greatest  Zamindar  in  Behar  at 
the  time."  In  the  16th  year  of  Akbar's  reign,  Akbar's  General,  Shahbaz  Khan- 
i-Kambu,  operated  against  this  Rajah  who  fled,  and  Shahbaz  then  conquered 
Jagdispur,  when  the  whole  family  of  the  Rajah  was  captured.  Shahbaz  then 
conquered  Shergadh,  which  was  held  by  Sri  Ram,  Gajpati's  son,  and  about  the 
same  time  took  possession  of  Rohtas. 

I  This  third  Mahratta  invasion  of  Bengal  under  Janoji/ son  of  Raghoji 
Bhoslah  (with  him  being  of  course  the  inevitable  Mir  Habib  as  the  Chief  Ad- 
viser and  as  guide,  friend  and  philosopher  of  the  Mahrattas),  is  also  lucidly 
narrated  in  the  Seiru-l-Mutakherin  (Pers.  text,  pp.  555-S&2).  Janoji  came  to 
Katak,  whilst  Ali  Vardi's  newly-nominated  Deputy  Subadar  of  Orissa,  Mir 
Jafar,  was  still  at  Mednipur,  on  his  way  to  Katak.  On  hearing  of  the  Mah- 
ratta incursion,  Mir  Jafar  (who  secretly  was  conspiring  against  Ali  Vardi) 
retired  to  Bardwan.  The  Mahrattas  then  advanced  to  Bardwan.  After  some 
indecisive  skirmishing,  Janoji  made  for  Murshidabad,  and  after  doing 
some  looting  in  its  neighbourhood  retreated  to  Mednipur,  pursued  by  Ali  Vardi 
Khan.  In  the  meantime,  Janoji's  principal  adviser,  Mir  Habib,  had  opened 
treacherous-  negotiations  with  the   late  Mustafa  Khan's  Afghan   adherents 


354 

herents  also  joined  them,  and  the  market  of  fight  and  slaughter  once 
again  became  warm  in  the  conflict  between  Mahabat  Jang  and  the 
Marhattas.  The  Subah  of  Orissa  fell  into  the  hands  of  Janoji, 
whilst  weakness  set  in  in  the  Province  of  Bengal.  Mir  Habib  open- 
ed negotiations  for  the  settlement  of  the  Chauth  of  Bengal.  Nawa- 
zish Ahmad  Khan,  Ahsan  Quli  Khan,  1  Jagat  Set,  and  the  Rai- 
Raian  a  exerted ■  themselves  strenuously  on  the  side  of  peace.     But 

in  Darbhanga  and  its  neighbourhood,  and  these  had  effected  a  sanguinary 
revolution  by  treacherously  killing  at  a  Darbar  Zninu-d-din  Khan,  Subadar  of 
Patna.  Now  Janoji  moved  to  Patna  (with  him  being  Mir  Habib),  and  Ali  Vardi 
also  proceeded  to  Patna.  Ali  Vardi  now  rose  to  the  height  of  his  generalship, 
and  succeeded  in  crushing  and  routing  his  united  Afghan  and  Marhatta  foes 
in  a  great  battle  near  Barh.  (See  the  spirited  description  of  this  battle  in 
the  8eir,  p.  566).  Janoji,  now  receiving  news  of  his  mother's  death,  retreat- 
ed to  Nagpur,  leaving  Mir  Habib  towards  Katak  and  Mednipur  with  some 
Mahratta  and  Afghan  troops  (Seir,  p.  576).  Shortly  after,  Eaghoji  sent  to 
Mir  Habib  another  Mahratta  reinforcement  under  Manaji,  younger  brother  of 
Janoji  [Mohan  Singh  of  the  text  is  obviously  a  mistake  or  misprint  for  Manaji] 
Ali  Vardi  marched  out  with  his  army  from  Murshidabad  and  passed  through 
Katwah,  Bardwan,  Mednipur,  Bhadrak,  and  Jajpur  ;  whilst  Mir  Habib  with 
his  Mahratta  and  Afghan  troops  fell  back  from  Mednipur  towards  Katak.  Ali 
Vardi  triumphantly  entered  once  more  the  City  of  Katak,  and  recaptured  the 
Fort  of  Barabati,  after  killing  its  commandants,  Serandaz  Khan,  Syed  Nur, 
and  Dharam  Dass  (p.  578,  Seir),  Pers.  text.  This  re-conquest,  however,  proved 
abortive,  for  whilst  Ali  Vardi  was  still  at  Balasore  on  his  way  towards  Mur- 
shidabad, Mir  Habib  with  his  light  Mahratta  and  Afghan  cavalry  swooped 
down  on  Katak,  and  killed  Shaikh  Abdus  Subhan,  who  had  been  left  there  as 
Deputy  Governor  by  Ali  Vardi.  (See  pp.  579-580  of  the  Seir,  which  also  gives 
a  good  description  of  the  Katak  City).  The  Mahrattas,  it  would  seem,  always 
moved  with  light  and  mobile  cavalry,  whilst  Ali  Vardi's  army  was  not  equally 
light  or  mobile.  Ali  Vardi  had,  therefore  (despite  the  face  that  next  to 
Asafjah,  he  was  the  first  General  of  the  time  in  India)  to  encounter  the 
same  difficulties  ia  encountering  Mahratta  troops,  that  the  British  had  in  en- 
countering the  Boers  in  the  late  South  African  War.  In  the  end,  it  is  true, 
Ali  Vardi  triumphed,  but  the  price  that  he  had  to  pay  for  his  apparent  victory 
was  too  much,  nor  did.  he  survive  it  long  enough  to  reap  its  benefit. 

1  In  a  former  part  of  the  text,  he  is  named  "  Husain  Quli  Khan, "  which 
appears  to  be  correct.  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  Pers.  text,  p.  495).  Husain  Quli 
Khan  was  Naib  or  Deputy  of  Nawazish  Muhammad  Khan,  son-in-law  of  Ali 
Vardi  Khan,  and  Governor  of  Chakla  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca),  including  Silhat 
and  Chittagoug. 

2  Nawazish  Muhammad  Khan  was  Governor  of  Jahangirnagar,  and  also  held 
the  portfolio  of  Supreme  Diwan  of  Bengal  under  Ali  Vardi  Khan,  the  De- 
puty Diwauship  being  held  by  Oh,iu  Rai  (who  had  been  Peshkar  under  Alam- 


355 

» 

Mahabat  Jang,  considering  tbe  acceptance  of  Chauth  to  be  bu- 
rn iliating,  refused  to  conclude  peace,  and  wifcb  his  army  prepared 
to  fight  and  drive  out  the  Mahrattas.  Mahabat  Jang  suspected 
treachery  from  Sham  Sher  Khan,  Sardar  Khan,  Murad  Sher  Khan, 
Haiat  Khan,  and  other  Afghan  Generals  of  Darbhanga,  who,  during 
the  late  insurrection,  had  sided  with  Mustafa  Khan.  And,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  these  Afghan  Generals  had  ''opened'  sit  this  time 
treasonable  correspondence  with  Mir  Habib  and  his  Mahrattas. 
These  Afghan  Generals,  following  the  example  of  Mustafa  Khan, 
now  broke  out  into  open  revolt  on  the  pretext  of  demand  of 
pay.  Mahabat  Jang,  having  lost  all  confidence  in  them,  paid 
them  up,  and  disbanded  them.  These  reaching  Darbhanga,  after 
a  short  time,  leagued  amongst  themselves  in  pursuance  of  designs 
of  treachery,  and  made  offers  of  service  to  Zainu-d-din  Ahmad 
Khan.  As  Zainu-d-din  Khan  was  a  friend  of  soldiers,  he  con- 
ciliated them,  accepted  their  offers  of  •service  with  the  approval  of 
Nawab  Mahabat  Jang,  and  invited  them  to  a  Darbar.  Sham  Sher 
Khan  and  Murad  Sher  Khan  with  a  corps  of  Afghans  arrived  at 
Hajipur,  and  encamped  on  the  banks  of  tbe  river.  According  to 
the  order  of  Zainu-d-din  Ahmad  Khan,  they  left  behind  all  their  sol- 
diers, and  crossing  the  river  came  to  Azimabad  (Patna)  attended 
only  by  three  hundred  cavalry,  consisting  of  kinsmen  and  comrades 
who  were  all  of  one  heart  for  the  purpose  of  waiting  on  Zainu- 
d-din  Ahmad  Khan.  On  obtaining  an  audience,  they  observed  all 
the  points  of  etiquette,  and  sat  in  the  Qhihil  satiin  Palace,  ranged 
on  the  right  and  left  of  Zainu-d-din.  Zainu-d-din  Ahmad  Khan 
reclining  against  pillows  on  a  M asnad,  made  polite  enquiries  regard- 
ing each.  Murad  Sher  Khan,  nephew  of  Sham  Sher  Kharr,  finding 
Zainu-d-din  off  his  guard,  pulled  out  a  dagger  from  his  waist,  hit  the 
latter  so  hard  with  it  on  the  stomach,  that  his  intestines  came  out. 
By  that  single  blow,  Zainu-d-din  was  killed.1     The  traitors,  lifting 

chand,  Deputy  Diwau  of  Shujau-d-dTn  Khan).  (See  Seir,  Vol.11,  Pers.  text,  p. 
495).  See  also  note  ante.  Chin  Rai,  on  death,  was  succeeded  in  his  office  by 
Bhirun  Dutt,  who  again  was  followed  by  Kiratchnnd  (son  of  Alamchand)  and 
by  Umed  Rai  (See  Seir). 

1  It  would  appear  from  the  account  given  in  the  Seiru-l-ft&utakherin  (p.  566) 
alluded  to  before,  that  the  Afghan  adherents  of  the  late  Mustafa  Khan  were 
in  secret  conspiracy  with  Mir  Habib,  the  inspiring  genius,  and  the  guide,  friend 
and  philosopher  of  the  Mahrattas,  and  that  in  consequence  of  Mir  Habib's 
instigation,  they  had  enacted  this  cruel  tragedy  at  Patna. 

A  very    lucid   account  of  this  tragedy  is  given  in  the  Seiru-l-Mutakherin 


356 

up  their  swords,  cut  down  Zainu-d-din's  companions,  looted  all  his 
treasures  and  effects,  captured  the  Begam  x  with  her  daughter  and 
also  Haji  Ahmad.  They  suspended  the  Haji  a  to  a  tripod  with  his 
head  downwards,  and  by  torturing  him  made  him  give  up  large 
treasures,  and  slew  him.  They  carried  off  the  ladies  of  the  Harem 
together  with  numerous  treasures  as  booty.  And  similarly,  they 
swept  the  houses  of  other  nobles  of  the  City  with  the  broom  of 
rapine.  These  Rohilah  Afghans  sacked  the  City  and  its  suburbs, 
looted  treasures,  dishonoured  women  and  children,  and  desolated  a 
whole  world.  s  A  great  consternation  seized  those  regions.  "  Pro- 
tect me,  0  Lord,  from1  the  wickedness  of  infidels  and  from  the 
wrath  of  Thine."  Sham  Sher  Khan  collecting  one  hundred  thou- 
sand cavalry  and  infantry  was  not  contented  with  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Azimabad,  and  he  further  cherished  visions  of  conquering 
Bengal.  Mahabat  Jang,  who  was  at  this  time  encamped  at  Ama- 
nigauj  4  on  some  important  business  connected  with   the  Mahratta 

(Pers.  text,  p.  559).  Zainu-d-din  (son-in-law  of  All  Vardi  Khan  and  Subadar 
at  Patna),  was  holding  a  Darbar  for  the  reception  of  the  Darbhanga  Afghan 
Generals  who  were  adherents^and  connexions  of  the  late  Mustafa  Khan.  The 
Darbar  function  was  nearly  over,  and  Zaiuu-d-din  Khan  was  handing  betels 
with  his  own  band  to  the  Chief  Afghan  Generals,  when  one  of  these,  Abdur 
Rashid  Khan,  whilst  receiving  a  betel,  treacherously  gave  Zaiim-d-din  Khan  a 
dagger-thrust  in  the  abdomen.  This  thrust,  however,  was  not  quite  effective,  as 
Abdur  Rashid's  hand  faltered.  Then  another  cowardly  assassin,  Murad  Sher 
Khan,  quickly  gave  another  sword-cut  to  Zainu-d-din  Khan,  and  instantly  killed 
him.  The  Afghans  shewed  ferocious  barbarities  in  their  conduct  towards  the 
ladies  and  children  of  Zainn-d-din's  household.  The  Seir  (p.  561),  notes 
commencement  of  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali's  invasions  of  India  at  this  time. 

1  Her  nfcme  was  Amena  Begam.  She  was  a  daughter  of  Ali  Vardi,  and 
wife  of  Zainu-d-din  Khan. 

2  The  Haji  after  all  met  with  his  desert,  for  his  black  ingratitude  to  his 
benefactor's  (fehujau-d-din  Khan's)  memory,  and  for  his  dark  treachery  to- 
wards his  benefactor's  son,  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan. 

3  See  description  of  this  loot  and  carnage  in  the  Seir  (pp.  560-561). 
Happening  as  it  'did  towards   the  middle  of  the   18th  century,   this  fact 

would  explain  in  a  great  measure  the  smallness  of  Musalman  population  in 
Behar,  compared  with  that  in  Northern  Bengal  and  Eastern  Bengal,  which  in 
modern  times  were  never  or  seldom  the  scenes  of  such  carnage,  which  were 
immune  from  Mahratta  raids,  and  which  wonld,  therefore,  naturally  afford  an 
asylum  for  Musalman  refugees  not  only  from  the  disturbed  parts  of  Western 
and  Southern  Bengal,  but  also  from  Behar. 

*  The  Seir  (Pers.  text,  p.  563)  states  that  at  this  time,  which  was  towards 
the  month  of  winter,  Ali  Vardi  Khan  was  encamped  at  Amauiganj,  in  order 


357  ' 

freebooters,    suddenly    received    the  terrible  intelligence    of    tbe 
slaughter  of  Zainu-d-din  Ahmad  Khan  and  Haji  Ahmad,  and  of 
the  hostile  advance  of  the  Afghans.     Inconsequence,  an  indescrib- 
able agony  seized  him,  and  his  family  and  kindred.     From  exces- 
sive depression  and  agony,  he  wanted  to  isolate  himself  from  all  in- 
tercourse with  the  world,  and  to  abandon  the  City  with  its   Bazar 
to  the    Mahratta   freebooters.     His    generaJs   employing    various 
consolations  and  assurances  recited  passages  inculcating  fortitude, 
and  tied  the  girdle  of  courage  in  pursuit  of  revenge  in  the  waist  of 
their  hearts.     But  when  for  accomplishing  this  avenging  mission? 
they  applied  for  the  payment  of  the  soldiers,  Mahabat  Jang  plead- 
ed he  had  no  money.     Then  Nawazish  Muhammad  Khan  Shahamat 
Jang,  standing  surety  for  the  expenses  of  the  soldiery,  paid  to  the 
soldiers  eighty  laks  of  rupees  in  cash  from  his  own  treasury,  and 
-made  them  agree  to   undertake  the  avenging  expedition.     Maha- 
bat Jang,  being  somewhat  now  relieved'  from  anxiety,  left  Nawa- 
zisb.  Muhammad  Khan  Shahamat  Jang  at  Murshidabad,   and  him- 
self marched  to  Azimabad   with   a  large  army.  l      Mir  Habib,  at 
the  instigation  of  Sham  Sher  Khan,  with  hordes  of  Mahratta  free- 
booters, pursued  Mahabat  Jang*  from  the  rear,  tracking  jungles 
and  setting  fire,  right  and  left,  to  the  villages,  with  their  grana- 
ries.    Mir  Habib  looted  Mahabat  Jang's  baggages  and   tents,  and 
did  not  allow  Mahabat  Jang's  army  a  breathing  interval  either  for 
sleep  or  for  food,  nor  suffered  a  single  day  to   pass   without  skir- 

to  march  out  against  the  Mahrattas  under  Mir  Habib  and  Janoji.  There  in 
camp,  Ali  Vardi  received  this  terrible  news  of  the  slaughter  of  his  son-in-law, 
and  of  the  imprisonment  of  his  brother  and  daughter  and  grand-children. 
.  He  summoned  his  officers  to  a  Darlar,  and  broke  to  them  the  news  of  the 
great  calamity  in  the  following  solemn  strain  : — "  Gentlemen,  a  stone  has  fal- 
len on  me,  and  that,  too,  a  heavy  one  ;  my  son-in-law  has  been  killed,  and  mv 

* 
brother  and  children  are  in  the  disgrace  of  capture.     Life  is  how  a  trash  to 

me;  I  have  resolved  to  kill  and  to  be  killed.  What  is  your  intention,  gentle- 
men ?  Who  amongst  you,  my  comrades  and  friends,  shall  join  me  in  my  aveng- 
ing expedition?"  All  who  were  present  cheerfnlly  respanded  to  Ali  Vardi 
Khan's  appeal,  and  resolved  to  fight  and  fall  with  him. 

1  The  account  in  the  Seir  (p.  565),  shews  that  Mir  Habib  with  his  Mahratta 
friends  opposed  ineffectually  All  Vardi's  march  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohampana- 
gar  stream,  and  then  dispersed  to  the  jungles,  whilst  Ali  Vardi  moved  on  to 
the  Monghyr  Fort,  where  he  halted  some  days.  Then  Rajah  Sundar  Singh, 
Zamindar  of  Tikari,  and  Kamgar  Khan  Muin,  Zamindar  of  Tirhut,  came  to 
pay  homage  to  All  Vardi.  A  saint,  Maulana  Mir  Muhammad  Ali,  also  visited 
All  Vardi  at  this  time  at  Monghyr. 


358 

mishes  with  swords  and  spears,  till  they  passed  beyond  Barh.  At 
Baikantpur  l  an  engagement  took  place  with  the  army  of  Sham 
Sher  Khan.  Rajah  Sundar  Singh,  Zamindar  of  Tikari,  with  a 
powerful  corps,  joined  Ali  Vardi.  And  when  on  both  sides,  the 
fire  of  slaughter  flared  up,  the  army  of  Mahratta  freebooters,  who, 
like  the  shadow,  always  followed  Mahabat  Jang's  army,  attacked 
its  rear.  Afghan  troops  from  front  and  Mahratta  freebooters 
from  the  rear  attacked  and  hemmed  in  the  army  of  Mahabat 
Jang.  The  heroes  of  Mahabat  Jang's  army,  perceiving  the 
approaching  inrush  of  calamity  towards  tliem  from  both  sides, 
prepared  to  die  hard,  and  fought  desperately.  In  that  victory 
lies  with  God,  by  a  stroke  of  good  luck,  Sham  Sher  Khan,  Sardar 
Khan,  Murad  Sher  Khan,  and  other  Afghan  Generals  were 
hit  by  bullets  of  guns,  in  retribution  for  their  disloyalty,  and 
were  killed,  whilst  other  Afghan  troops  cowardly  fled.  The  sol- 
diers of  Mahabat  Jang,  by  brave  onslaughts,  routed  the  enemy's 
army,  charging  them  with  swords,  spears,  arrows,  muskets  and 
rockets,  killed  those  wretches,  and  raised  hecatombs  of  the 
slain.  The  Mahratta  army,  on  seeing  Ali  Vardi's  glorious  vic- 
tory, retreated,  and  dispersed  like  the  constellation  of  the  bear. 
Maliabat  Jang  after  prostrating  himself  in  thanksgiving  to  God, 
triumphantly  entered  Azimabad,  and  rescuing  the  family  and 
childreu  of  Zainu-d-din  AhnmdKhan  and  Haji  Ahmad  from  the 
rack  of  those  outragers  of  honour,  captured  the  wives  and  daughters 
of  those  treacherous  wretches. 

Time  itself  with  the  sword  in  hand  is  always  after  retribution  ; 
What  need  is  there  for  anyone  to  se£k  for  retaliation  ? 

Nawab  Mahabat  Jang,  shewing  considerateness,  8  paid  travel- 

1  The  Seir  (p.  567),  which  gives  a  very  lucid  account  of  this  battle,  states 
that  Ali  Vardr-who  in  generalship  was  next  only  to  Asaf  Jah,  took  up  a  posi- 
tion on  an  isle,  in  front  of  Barh,  having  on  one  side  the  river  Ganges  and  on 
another  the  old  bed  of  the  same  river.  This  place  is  called  in  the  Seir  "  Sarai 
Rani,"  4  kroh  to  tka,west  of  Barh,  on  the  side  of  the  river  Ganges. 

It  would  also  appear  from  the  Seir  (p.  566),  that  Mir  Habib  and  the  Mah- 
rattas  held  a  conference  with  the  Afghan  rebels,  Sham  Sher  Khan  and  Sardar 
Khan,  in  order  to  concert  measures  for  attacking  All  Vardi  Khan.  The 
Afghans  and  Mahrattas  under  Mir  Habib  now  made  a  common  cause  against 
Ali  Vardi  who,  however,  crushiugly  defeated  both,  owing  to  his  superior 
generalship  (See  Seir  p.  568). 

8  It  reflects  credit  en  Ali  Vardi  that  he  treated  honourably  the  women 
and  children  of  Sham  S_her  Khan  and  other  Afghans.     He  not  only  generously 


359 

ling  expenses  to  the  A%han  ladies,  and  allowed  them  to  depart 

honourably  to  Darbhanga,  and  followed  the  adage  "Turn  Evil  by 

Good.  "     Appointing  Siraju-d-daulah,   son  of  Zainu-d-din  Ahmad 

Khan,  to  be   Subadar  of    Azlmabad,  in  succession  to  his  father, 

and  leaving  Rajah  Janaki  Ram  as  Siraju-d-daulah's  Deputy  there, 

and    finishing    the   administrative  arrangements  of  that   Subah, 

Mahabat    Jang  returned    to  Bengal,   in  orGer  to"  derive  out  the 

Mahratta  freebooters.  , 

About  this  time,  the  office  of  Faujdar  of  the  tract  of  Purniah 

was  vacant,   owing   to   the  flight   to  the   Imperial  Capital  of  the 

Khan  Bahadur,1    son  of  Nawab  Saif  Khan.      Ali  Vardi  Khan  con- 

>  — 

ferred  the  above  Faujdarship  on  Said  Ahmad  Khan  Saulat  Jang, 
in  whose  heart  ambition  for  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal  lurked,  and  in 
whose  head  visions  of  ruling  over  Bengal  existed.  At  the  time 
when  Mahabat  Jang  was  engaged  in  fighting  with  Sham  Slier 
Khan,  Siraju-d-daulah  shewed  his»  temper  to  Nawab  Izazu-d- 
daulah  Atau  1-lah  Khan  Sabit  Jang,  a  son-in-law  of  Haji  Ahmad, 
who  held  the  office  of  Faujdar  of  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal).  Know- 
ing Atau-1-lah  Khan  2  to  be  brave  and  popular  with  the  army,  and 
ambitious  and  sound-headed,  Siraju-d-daulah  set  to  work  his  ruin, 
and  plying  Ali  Vardi  Khan  with  his  suspicions  gained  over  the 
latter,  and  induced  him  to  send  a  message  to  Atau-1-lah  to  quit  the 
country,  or  else  to  prepare  for  death.     The  aforesaid   Khan,   after 

forgave  them,  and  set  them  at  liberty,  bat  bestowed  properties  at  Darbhanga 
for  their  maintenance.  (See  p.  570,  Seir).  He  never  addressed  the  Afghan  ladies 
except  as  'Madams  '  or  '  Bibis.'  "He  studiously  maintained  the  sanctity  of  their 
seclusion,  and  this,  too,  after  the  gross  provocation  he  had  received  at  the 
hands  of  Sham  Sher  Khan  and  other  Afghans.  Ali  Vardi's  chivalry  towards 
women  seems  to  have  been  remarkable,  and  his  forbearance  after  victory  is 
also  commendable.  A  vaulting  ambition  that  faltered  not  t»  break  all  ties 
of  gratitude,  nor  scrupled  to  use  all  weapons  of  treachery  in  the  realisation 
of  that  ambition — casts  a  dark  and  sombre  hue  on  his  otherwise  great  and 
remarkable  personality.  >  a 

1  His  name  was  Fakhru-d-din  Husain  Khan.  He  suoceeded  his  father, 
Nawab  Saif  Khan,  in  the  Faujdarship  of  Purniah.  Ali  Vardi  Khan  got  him 
dismissed,  and  kept  him  under  surveillance  for  some  time  at  Murshidiibad. 
Through  the  help  of  Mir  Habib  and  his  Mahrattas,  Fakhru-d-dm  managed  to 
make  good  his  escape  to  Delhi,  where  he  died  after  a  short  time.  (See  Seir, 
Vol.  II,  p.  582,  Pers.  text). 

2  He  was  a  son-in-law  of  Haji  Ahmad,  brother  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan.  He 
was  Faujdar  of  Rajmahal  or  Akbarnagar  daring  Ali  Vardi's  regime, 

46 


360 

fighting  some  time  in  self-defence,  set  out  at  length  for  the  Im- 
perial Capital,  remained  in  the  company  of  Nawab  Vazlru-l-mulk 
Safdar  Jang,1  and  then  joining  Rajah  Nul  Rai  8in  the  Rohilla 
Afghan  war  was  killed  at  Farrukhabad. 

As  in  consequence  of  the  insurrection  at  Azimabad,  the  Mah- 
ratta  freebooters  had  taken  possession  of  the  Subah  of  Orissa, 
Mahabat  Jang,  not  hatting  in  Bengal,  set  out  for  that  Subah.  Ex- 
pelling the  Mahratta  freebooters  from  that  Subah,  Mahabat  Jang 
put  to  death  Syed  Nur,  Sarandaz  Khan,  and  other  officers,  who  were 
adherents  of  the  Mahratta  freebooters,  and  who  were  entrenched 
in  the  fort  of  Barahbati,  by  drawing  them  out  of  their  entrenched 
position  by  use  of  diplomatic  assurances.  3  And  capturing  the 
horses  and  armaments  of  their  comrades,  and  expelling  them  all 
from  Katak,  Mahabat  Jang  returned  to  Bengal. 

As  Mir  Hablb  was  the  root  of  all  the  mischiefs  and  troubles, 
Mahabat  Jang  hatched  a  plan  for  his  destruction.  He  sent  to  his 
name  a  letter,  purporting  falsely  to  be  a  reply  to  his  message,  to  the 
following  effect :  "  The  letter  sent  by  you  has  been  received  ;  what 
you  have  written  in  respect  of  your  plan  to  extirpate  the  Mah- 
ratta freebooters,  has  met  with  my  approval.  It  is  a  very  good 
idea  :  you  from  that  side,  and  I  from  this  side,  will  be  on  the  alert 
and  wait.  By  every  means  possible,  try  and  induce  them  to  come 
this  side,  and  then  what  is  now  in  the  minds  of  us  both  will  come 
to  pass."     Mahabat  Jang  sent  this  message  through   a  courier,  in- 

1  Safdar  Jang  wa,s  appointed  Subadar  of  Oude  by  Emperor  Muhammad 
Shah,  and  in  the  reign  of  Emperor  Ahmad  Shah  became  Chief  Vizier  of  the 
Empire,  on  the  death  of  Qamru-d-din  Khan.  At  this  time,  Ahmad  Shah 
Abdali  invaded  India  several  times,  and  the  Rohilla  Afghans  of  Farrukhabad 
and  Moradabad  became  a  power  in  the  land.  Safdar  Jang  appointed  as  his 
Deputy  in  Oude  a  Kyet,  named  Rajah  Nul  Rai.  (See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol. 
II,  Pers.  text,  pp.  874-875). 

2  Rajah  Nul  Rai  was  a  Kyesth,  At  first  he  was  an  obscure  servant  of 
Nawab-Vizier  Safdar  Jang,  but  subsequently  rose  to  the  office  of  Deputy  Suba- 
dar of  Oude  under  Che  latter.  He  resided  at  Kanauj,  twenty  kroh  from  Far- 
rukhabad, the  Rohilla  stronghold .  Nul  Rai  ill-treated  the  Rohilias  of  Far- 
rukhabad, who  combined  and  attacked  Nul  Rai  who  was  killed.  Atau-1-lah 
Khan  (son-in-law  of  Haji  Ahmad)  who  fought  in  this  war  on  the  side  of  Nul 
Rai,  was  also  killed.  The  reinforcements  sent  by  Nawab-Vizier  Safdar  Jang 
to  support  his  Deputy  in  Oude,  Nul  Rai,  were  also  routed  by  the  Rohilias. 
(See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  876,  Pers.  text). 

3  See  the  account  of  the  capture  of  the  Fort  of  Barabati  in  Seir,  Vol.  II, 
p,  578,  Pers.  text. 


361 

i 

structing  the  latter  to  proceed  by  such  a  route,  that  he  might  be 
intercepted  by  the  Mahrattas  and  the  letter  might  fall  into  their 
hands.  This  ruse  proved  a  complete  success,  and  the  Mahrattas 
suspecting  Mir  Habib  slew  him.1 

To  sum  up,  for  twelve  long  years  the  fires  of  war  and  slaughter 
kindled  between  the  Mahrattas  and  Mahabat  Jang,  and  the  Mah- 
rattas did  not  retire  without  levying  the  Shauth '  ,-And  owing  to 
Haji  Ahmad  and  Zainu-d-dm  Ahmad  Khan  .having  fallen,  the 
power  of  Mahabat  Jang  was  weakened,  whilst 'old  age  and  infirm- 
ity told  on  his  physical  vigour.  Of  necessity,  in  view  of  expe- 
diency, and  in  compliance  with  the  entreaties  of  Nawazish  Muham- 
mad Khan  Shahamat  Jang,  Mahabat  Jang  at  last  concluded  a 
peace  with  the  Mahratta  freebooters,  agreeing  to  pay  the  latter 
Ch<iuth  for  the  three  Subahs,  and  through  the  medium  of  Maslihiu- 
d-din  Muhammad  Khan,  nephew  of  Mir  Habib,  and  Sadru-1-Haq 
Khan,  fixed  the  basis  for  the  terms  ,of  peace  and  the  settlement  of 
tbe  Chauth.  In  lieu  of  the  payment  of  the  Ghauth,  he  assigned  the 
revenue  of  Subah  of  Orissa  to  the  Mahrattas,  and  appointed  Sadru- 
1-Haqto  be  its  Administrator  and  Governor.  2  After  settling  this 
important  affair  with  the  Mahrtfttas,  Maliabat  Jang  regained  peace 

1  Mir  Habib,  the  inspiring  genius  of  the  Mahrattas,  and  their  'guide,  friend, 
and  philosopher '  for  over  a  decade, — was  at  last  butchered  by  Jauoji,  son  of 
Raghoji  Bhosla.  But  after  all,  however  blameless  his  initial  motive  might 
be,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  he  met  with  his  desert  for  his  narrow-minded 
imprudence  in  fraternising  with  the  Mahratta  freebooters,  regardless  of  all 
religious  and  national  ties.  The  account  as  to  how  Mir  Habib  was  inveigled 
into  a  house  by  Janoji,  and  there  treacherously  murdered  in  1166  A.H.,  is 
detailed  in  the  Seir,  Vol.11,  p.  593,  Pers.  text.  The  Seir  (p.  592),  also  states 
that  after  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  between  Mahabat  Jang  and 
the  Mahrattas,  Mir  Habib  ruled  over  Orissa  as  Governor,  on  behalf  of 
Mahabat  Jang,  whilst  a  Mahratta  contingent  of  troops  under  a  Mahratta 
officer  was  stationed  at  Katak.  Mir  Habib  was  succeeded  in  the  office  of 
Governor  by  Maslihn-d-din  Muhammad  Khan,  who,  however,  enjoyed  less 
prestige,  and  regarded  himself  as  a  servant  of  the  ASahrattas  (Seir,  p.  593, 
Vol.  II,  Pers.  text. 

2  There  is  some  difference  between  the  account  here  and  the  account  in  the 
Seir.  From  Seir's  account  (p.  592),  it  would  appear  Mir  Habib  was  the  first 
person  who  held  the  office  that  is  assigned  to  Sadra-1-Haq  in  the  text,  after 
the  conclusion  of  the  peace.  The  details  of  this  treaty  of  peace  in  1165  A.H. 
are  given  in  the  Seir  (pp.  590-591).  The  Seir  states  that  overtures  for  peace 
came  from  the  side  of  the  Mahrattas  (represented  by  Mir  Habib)  who  had 
first  been  defeated  again  in  1164  A.H.  at  Mednipur.     As  Mahabat  Jang  was 


362 

of  mind,  and  took  to  travelling  and  hurting.  After  ruling  for 
sixteen  years,  lie  died  of  dropsy  on  Saturday,  9th  Rajab,  1169 
A.H.,  corresponding  to  the  second  year  of  the  accession  of  Em- 
peror Alamgir  II,  and  was  buried  in  the  Khush  Bagh.  1  Siraju-d- 
daulah,  who  was  his  heir,  then  mounted  the  masnad  of  Nizatnat. 


now  75  years  old,  and  physical  ailment  and  infirmity  had  seized  him,  and  as 
the  war  between  him  and  Mahrattas  had  been  protracted  to  ten  years,  and  as 
the  chief  Afghan  pillars  of  his  State  had  revolted  against  him,  and  as  the  peo- 
ple had  suffered  indescribable  miseries  during  this  long  struggle,  Mahabat  Jang 
accepted  the  overtures  of  peace,  which  was  concluded  through  the  interven- 
tion of  Mirza  Salih  (on  behalf  of  Mir  Habib  and  the  Mahrattas)  and  Mir 
Jafar  (on  behalf  of  Mahabat  Jang).  The  terms  of  peace  were  :  (1).  Mir 
Habib  becoming  a  servant  of  Mahabat  Jang  should  on  behalf  of  the  latter 
rule  as  Deputy  Governor  over  Orissa.  (2).  The  revenue  of  Orissa  should  be 
assigned  by  Mir  Habib  for  the  pay  of  Raghoji  Bhosla's  Mahratta  army  of 
occupation.  (3).  That  over  aud  above  the  revenues  of  Orissa,  twelve  laks  of 
rupees  should  be  annually  paid  by  Mir  Habib  to  Raghoji  Bhoslah  (presumably 
from  the  revenues  of  other  provinces),  on  condition  that  Ragboji's  troops  should 
not  raid  the  dominions  of  Mahabat  Jang.  (4).  The  river  Sunamukhia  (or 
Subarnarikha)  near  Jalisar  (JaHsore),  was  to  form  the  demarcation-line  of  the 
boundaries  of  Orissa  and  Bengal  j  Mednipur  at  this  time  being  separated  from 
Orissa  and  annexed  to  Bengal. 

1  The  author  of  the  Seir  (who  was  a  connexion  of  Mahabat  Jang)  praises 
up  the  memory  of  Mahabat  Jang.  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  pp.  609-611).  He  states 
that  Mahabat  Jang  abstained  from  pleasures,  was  regular  in  his  prayers, 
abstemious  in  habits,  and  methodic  in  business.  He  slept  little,  and  passed 
most  of  his  time  in  attending  to  State  affairs,  or  in  the  company  of  scholars 
and  savants  whom  he  held  in  high  esteem.  He  had  only  one  wife,  to  whom 
he  was  greatly  devoted.  He  was  a  splendid  general  and  a  far-sighted 
statesman.  When  Mustafa  Khan,  his  Afghan  General,  and  his  relatives, 
S_hahamat  Jang  and  Saulat  Jang  used  to  press  Mahabat  Jang  to  fight  aud 
drive  out  the  English  from  Calcutta,  Mahabat  Jang  used  to  reply  :  "  Mustafa 
Khan  is  a  military  man,  and  therefore  he  is  always  eager  for  war,  that  I  may 
be  constantly  in  need  of  his  services.  What  evil  have  the  English  done  to 
me,  that  I  should  wish  evil  to  them  ?  The  (Mahratta)  fire  on  land  is  not  yet 
extinguished ;  and  if  the  fire  is  extended  to  the  sea,  who  will  quench  it  ?  " 
(Seir,  p.  611,  Vol.  II,  Pers.  text).  Despite  the  Seir's  panegyric,  it  seems  to  me 
that  Ali  Vardi  must  forfeit  his  claim  to  be  regarded  as  a  far-sighted  statesman, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  his  treacherous  and  violent  conduct  towards  his  past 
masters  and  benefactors  inaugurated  in  Bengal  an  era  of  violent  treachery 
and  serious  disintegration,  andthat  his  example  quickly  reacted  on  others  who 
paid  him  aud  his  grandson  back  in  the  same  coin.  In  this  connection,  one 
may  read  an  interesting  old  little  work  in  Persian,  called  Ibrat-i-Arbab  Basr 
(meaning 'a  Moral  for   people  with  eyes')  each  sentence  of  which  contains 


363 

NIZAMAT  OF7NAWAB  SIRAJU-D-DAULAH. 
When  Nawab  All  Vardi  Khan  Mahabat  Jang  passed  to  the  re- 
gions of  eternity,  Nawab  Siraju-d-daulah,  son  of  Zainu-d-din 
Ahmad  Khan  Haibat  Jang,  and  maternal  grandson  of  All  Vardi, 
who  from  before  had  been  declared  heir-apparent  by  Ali  Vardi 
Khan,  and  whom  Ali  Vardi  Khan  had  in  his  life-time  placed  on 
the  cushion  of  the  Nizamat,  and  to  whom  Ali  Vardi  with  all  the 
grandees  of  the  court  had  paid  homage  and  offered  presents — as- 
cended the  masnad  of  the  rulership  over  Bengal,  Behar,  and  Orissa 
Siraju-d-daulah  exhibited  insolence  and  arrogance,  which  are  the 
•worst  of  attributes,  and  are  displeasing  to  God.  At  that  time, 
owing  to  certain  reasons,  Ghasiti  Begam,  widow  of  Nawazish 
Ahmad  Khan  Shahamat  Jang,  who  resided  at  Mutijhil,  resolving 
to  oppose  Siraju-d-daulah,  appointed  Mir  Nazar  Ali,  who  was  her 
servant  and  was  bound  to  her  by  ties  of  various  favours  and  obli- 
gations, to  be  the  commander  of  her  Vanguard,  and  Nawab  Bairam 
Khan  to  be  generalissimo  of  her  army.  Then  the  Begam  of 
Mahabat  Jang,  and  Jagat  Set,  as  an  emissary  of  Siraju-d-daulah, 
went  to  Ghasiti  Begam  and  gave^er  assurances  ;  and  so  the  latter 
refrained  from  hostility,  whilst  Nazar  Ali  fled,  and  Bairam  Khan 
taking  refuge  with  one  of  the  generals  fell  into  disgrace.  Siraju- 
d-daulah's  army  arriving  captured  Ghasiti  Begam,  together  with 
all  her  effects.  The  Begam  saw  what  she  had  never  seen,  and  heard 
what  she  had  never  heard.  Siraju-d-daulah's  army  rased  to  the 
ground  her  buildings  and  her  palace,  and  unearthing  her  buried 
treasures  carried  them  to  Mansurganj.  Owing  to  Siraju-d-dau- 
lah's harshness  of  temper  and  indulgence  in  violent  language, 
fear  and  terror  had  settled  on  the  hearts  of  everyone  to  such  an 
extent,  that  no  one  amongst  the  generals  of  the  army  or  the 
noblemen  of  the  City  was  free  from  anxiety*  Amongst  his  officers, 
whoever  went  to  wait  on  Siraju-d-daulah  despaired  of  life  and 
honour,  and  whoever  returned  without  being  disgraced  and  ill- 
treated  offered  thanks  to  God.  Siraju-d-daulah*  treated  all  the 
noblemen  and  generals  of  Mahabat  Jang  with  ridicule  and  drollery, 
and  bestowed  on  each  some  contemptuous  nick-name  that  ill-suited 
any    of    them.  l     And    whatever   harsh    expressions    and   abusive 

letters  which  added  give  1170  !  (the  date  of  Siraju-d-daulah's  murder  by  Mir 
J  afar  and  his  son  Miran).  The  Ibrat  seems  to  have  been  written  by  some 
adherent  of  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan. 

1  The  Seir  (Vol.  II,  p.  621),  mentions  that  Siraju-d-daulah,  on  accession,  ap- 


364 

epithets  came  to  his  lips,  Siraju-d-daulah  uttered  them  unhesita- 
tingly in  the  face  of  everyone,  and  no  one  had  the  boldness  to 
breathe  freely  in  his  presence.  Appointing  a  Kyeth,  named  Mo- 
hanlal,  to  be  the  minister  and  controller  of  all  affairs,  Siraju-d- 
daulah  bestowed  on  him  the  title  of  Maharajah  Mohanlal 1  Baha- 
dur, gave  him  a  large  bodyguard  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  and 
ordered  all  his  generals  and  nobles  to  pay  respect  to  him.  All  did 
so,  except  Mir  Mohammad  Jafar  Khan,  a  brother-in-law  of  Nawab 
Mahabat  Jang,  and  the  generalissimo  of  the  army,  who  refused  to 
pay  respect  to  Mohanlal,  and  for  some  time  ceased  to  pay  respect 
even  to  Siraju-d-daulah.  But  Rajah  Mohanlal,  coiling  himself 
round  the  brain  and  skin  of  Siraju-d-daulah,  forgot  himself  so  far 
that  he  fancied  nobody  else  existed,  appointed  his  own  kith  and 
kin  to  posts  connected  with  the  Crown-Domains  and  also  to  other 
revenue  offices,  and  dismissed  the  old  officers.  For  instance,  Rajah 
Mohanlal  sent  a  message  to  Nawab  Ghulam  Husain  Khan  Baha- 
dur 8  that  if  he  accepted  a  pay  of  Rs.  200  a  month,  he  might 
stay  on,  otherwise  he  should  quit  the  country.  The  latter, 
of  necessity,  on  the  plea  of  visiting  the  Kabah,  set  out  for 
Hugli. 

Inasmuch  as  before  Mahabat  Jang's  death,  in  the  beginning  of 
that  year,  on  the  13th  of  Rablii-l-Awal,  Nawab  Nawazish  Ahm- 
mad  Khan  Shahamat  Jang,  swho  held  the  office  of  Diwan  of  Ben- 
pointed  a  Kyeth  named  Mohanlal  as  his  Supreme  Diwan.  This  elevation  of 
an  obscure  Hindu  to  the  highest  civil  appointment  naturally  caused  great 
offence  to  the  old  nobility,  and  especially  to  Mir  Jafar,  who  conspired  with 
other  officers  of  the  late  Mahabat  Jang  in  order  to  bring  about  a  Revolution 
to  destroy    Siraju-d-daulah's  power,   and  to  place  himself  on  the  masnad  of 

Bengal. 

1  The  Seir,  the  Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Basr,  and  the  Biyaz  all  condemn  Siraju-d- 
daulah  for  appointing  this  obscure  and  insolent  Hindu,  Mohanlal,  as  his  Sup- 
reme Minister,  and  mention  the  disgust  it  caused  amongst  the  old  nobility, 
who  chafed  under  this  indignity,  and  were  therefore  anxious  to  throw  off 
Siraju-d-daulah's  yoke.  (See  Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Basr,  p.  26,  Seiru-i-MutaMerin 
p.  621,  Vol.  TI.) 

3  He  was  author  of  the  splendid  Persian  History  of  India  entitled  Seiru-l- 
Hutakherin.  He  was  a  partisan  of  Mir  Jafar  and  the  English  East  India  Com- 
pany. Siraju-d-daulah  had  ordered  his  banishment  from  the  country. 

S  He  held  the  office  of  Deputy  Governor  of  Jabangirnagar  (Dacca)  under 
Ali  Vardi  Khan,  whose  son-in-law  he  was.  He  also  held  nominally  the  office 
of  Diwan  of  Bengal,  though  the  practical  work  of  Diwan  was  actually  per- 
formed by  Hindu  Deputy  Diwans.    Shahamat  Jang  had  also  at  Jahangirnagar 


365 

> 

gal,  had  died,  Siraju-d-dRulah  arrested  Rajah  Rajballab,  Peshkar 
of  Shahamat  Jang-,  on  the  plea  that  he  should  render  up  his  accounts. 
Although  Rajballab  tried  hard  to  pay  up  some  cash  and  to  com- 
promise the  demands,  Siraju-d-daulah  did  not  consent,  and  kept 
him  under  surveillance.1  Rajballab  sent  his  family  and  children 
to  Calcutta,  to  take  shelter  with  the  English.  Siraju-d-daulah 
desired  to  arrest  Rajballab's  family  also,  and  ordeied"  Rajah  Ram? 
head  of  his  spies,  to  proceed  to  Calcutta,  arrest  Rajballab's 
family,  and  bring  them  over.  Mahabat  Jang,  whilst  on  sick- 
bed, had  dissuaded  Siraju-d-daulah,  and  directed  him  to  post- 
pone   the    matter,   and    urged   that  after    recovery   he    (Mahabat 

a  Deputy  Diwan  in  the  person  of  Rajballab,  in  respect  of  the  Chakla  of  Tahan- 
girnagar  or  Dacca,  of  wliich  he  (Shahamat  Jang)  was  Depnty  Governor. 

1  The  Seir,  the  Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Basr  and  the  Rhjaz  mention  that  the  new 
Nawab,  Siraju-d-daulah,  inaugurated  his  regime  by  (1)  the  plunder  of  Ghasiti 
Begam,  (2)  the  dismissal  of  Mir  Jafarand  fche  appointment  of  a  Hindu,  Mohan- 
lal,  as  the  Supreme  Minister,  &c,  (3)  imprisonment  of  Rajballab,  (4)  the  con- 
quest of  Calcutta,  and  (5)  conquest  of  Purniah.  When  dispassionately  viewed, 
the  particular  measures  noted  above  (excepting  one,  namely  the  appointment 
of  Mohanlal)  do  not  appear  to  ha^e  been  Unjustified,  thongh  they  were 
impolitic.  Ghasiti  Begam  had  no  right  to  take  away  and  appropriate  the 
State  treasures  held  in  trust  by  her  late  husband,  Shahamat  Jang,  All  Vardi's 
Diwan,  and  Siraju-d-daulah  who  had  lawfully  succeeded  All  Vardi  was,  there- 
fore, justified  in  recovering  them  from  her.  Mir  Jafar  had  proved  unfaithful 
and  treacherous  even  int  the  lifetime  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan  in  the  struggle 
with  $he  Mahrattas  (See  the  Seir)  ;  and  Siraju-d-daulah  was,  therefore,  not 
unjustified  in  suspecting  him  and  dismissing  him  from  ihe  responsible  office 
of  generalissimo  of  the  army.  Rajballab's  surveillance  was  a  necessary 
political  measure,  as  this  crafty  man,  the  Deputy  Diwan  or  Peshkar  of 
Jahangirnagar  or  Dacca  under  the  late  Shahamat  Jang  (Deputy  Governor  of 
Dacca)  had  failed  to  render  his  accounts,  and  as  Siraju-d-daulah  had  reasons 
to  believe  he  (Rajballab)  had  misappropriated  a  large  part  of  the  Public  Funds 
in  his  charge.  And  when  Rajballab's  son,  Kishan  Das,  fled  with  the  State 
treasures  to  Calcutta,  the  Nawab  was  obliged  to  advance  against  Calcutta,  to 
recover  the  State  treasures  and  chastise  his  rebel  subject,  Kishan  Das,  though 
had  Siraju-d-dualah  been  less  impulsive  and  more  prudent,  it  is  possible  he 
might  have  effected  his  object  by  opening  diplomatic  correspondence  with  the 
English.  But  it  must  be  remembered  the  Nawab  was  yet  quite  a  boy,  and 
had  no  good  or  reliable  advisers  about  him.  As  for  the  conquest  of  Purniah, 
it  was  a  necessary  political  measure  in  self-defence,  as  Shaukat  Jane,  at  Mir 
Jafar's  instigation,  had  publicly  avowed  his  pretensions  to  the  gadi  of  Bengal. 
The  only  unwise  measure  was  the  elevation  of  an  obscure  Hindu,  named 
Mohanlal,  to  the  highest  civil  State  office.  This  measure  caused  great  disgust 
to  the  old  nobility,  who  chafed  under  the  insolence  of  this  upstart. 


366 

Jang)    would  himself    summon    them.     At    this    time,   Siraju-d- 
daulah  ordered  Rajah  Ram,  head  of  his  spies,  to  proceed  to  Cal- 
cutta and   arrest  and  bring  over  Rajballab's  family  and  children, 
and  himself  in  the  month  of  Shaban,  on  the  plea  of  touring,  pro- 
ceeded towards  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal).      Whilst  Siraju-d-daulah 
reaching  Dunahpiir  had  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the  river  Kala- 
pani,  he  received  neWs  that  the  English  Chiefs  in  Calcutta  had 
offered  opposition,-. and  prevented  the  arrest  of  Rajballab's  family 
and  children.     On  the  very  receipt  of  this  news,  the  fire  of  Siraju- 
d-daulah's  rage  kindled,  and   he    summoned  the  officers  of    his 
army,   and  said  :  "  I  iutend   proceeding  on  an  expedition   against 
Calcutta.     It  is  necessary   that   none  of   you  should  go  back   to 
Murshidabad,  but  that  all  should   proceed  straight   from   here   to 
Chun akh all    and    encamp    there."       Next    morning,     setting    out, 
Siraju-d-daulah  reached  Chunakhali,  and  from  there  proceeding  by 
forced  marches  invaded  Calcutta.     In  the  mouth  of  Ramzan,  fig-lit- 
ing  with  the  English,  Siraju-d-daulah  became  victorious  and  trium- 
phant, and  the  English  Chief  embarking  on  a  boat  fled.     Sweeping 
the  town  of  Calcutta  with  the  broom  of  plunder2,  and   naming  it 
Alinagar,    Siraju-d-daulah   left    Rajah    Manikchand  with    a  large 
detachment  as  Governor  of  Calcutta.     Posting  strong  garrisons  at 
Makhuah  and   Bajbajia    (Budge-Budge)    and  other  fords  for  the 
crossing  and  passage  of  English  ships,  Siraflu-d-dualah  at  the  end 
of  the  above  month  returned  to  Murshidabad. 

Saulat  Jang,  Faujdar  of  Purniah,  that  year,   previous  to  Maha- 
bat  Jang's  death,  in  the  month  of  Jamadi-1-Awal,  had  died,  and 

1  Both  the  Seir  and  the  Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Basr  give  his  name  as  Mr.  Drake. 

*  Tbat  Siraju-d-daulah  plundered  Calcutta,  is  also  mentioned  in  the  Ibrat- 
i-Arbab-i-Basr,  (p.  29),  as  well  as  in  the  Seir  (p.  622,  Vol.  II);  but  none  of 
these  more  or  less  contemporary  Musalman  accounts  make  any  mention  of 
the  '  Black  Hole  '  incident,  generally  associated  with  Siraju-d-daulah's  con- 
quest of  Calcutta. 

The  Seir  states  that  Mr.  Drake,  the  English  Chief  in  Calcutta,  with  a  small 
number  of  English  officers  fled  on  a  ship,  whilst  other  English  residents  re- 
mained behind  in  Calcutta,  and  fought  to  the  last,  so  long  as  their  powder  and 
shot  were  not  exhausted.'  Many  of  the  English  fell  in  this  fight,  whilst  a 
number  of  their  cocarades  were  captured.  In  this  connection,  the  Seir  also 
mentions  the  fact  that  some  English  ladies  who  were  captured  in  this  fight 
were  well-treated  by  a  Muhammadan  nobleman,  Mirza  Amir  Beg,  who  escorted 
them  honourably  to  Mr.  Drake's  ship  and  received  Mr.  Drake's  and  other 
English  officers'  thanks  for  his  humane  and  chivalrous  conduct.  (See  Seir, 
Vol.  II,  p.  622,  Pers.  text). 


367 

his  son,  Shaukat  Jang,  wbp  was  a  cousin  of  Siraju-d-daulah,  had 
succeeded  his  father.  At  this  time,  Siraju-d-daulah  desiring  to 
displace  Shaukat  Jang  demanded  the  revenue  of  Puruiah.1  Shaukat 
Jang  replied  :  "  You  are  lord  of  three  Subahs  (Provinces),  whilst 
I  am  fallen  iu  this  corner,  and  am  content  with  a  bit  of  bread. 
Now  it  does  not  become  your  high  aspiration  to  set  the  teeth  of 
your,  avarice  on  this  bit  of  bread.  "     Siraju-d-daulah,'  ch  receipt  of 

> 

1  Tlie  account  in  the  Seir  (Pers.  text,  Vol.  II,  pp.  624-632),  is  quite  differ- 
ent, and  is  more  reliable,  as  its  author  was  attached  at  the  time  as  a  Chief 
Adviser  to  Shaukat  Jang.  It  would  appear  from  the  Seir  that  Mir  Jafar,  in 
pursuance  of  his  conspiracy  to  effect  a1' Revolution,  had  written  a  letter  to 
Shaukat  Jang  requesting  the  latter  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  revo- 
lutionary party  in  view  of  the  prospect  of  succeeding  to  the  Nawabi  of  Ben- 
gal. Shaukat  Jang  was  a  vain  fool,  and  on  receipt  of  Mir  Jafar's  letter  he 
openly  talked  in  Durbar  of  his  wild  ambition  to  extend  his  empire  to  Ghazni 
and  Kandahar,  and  to  conquer  Bengal.  Siraju-d-daulah  hearing  of  the  disloy- 
alty that  was  brewing  in  the  Purniah  Court,  depnted  Rai  Ras  Behary  (a  son 
of  Rajah  Janoki  Ram  and  brother  of  Dulab  Ram)  to  Purniah,  with  a  letter  to 
Shaukat  Jang,  calling  upon  the  latter  to  make  over  the  Jagirs  of  Gondwarah 
and  Birnagar  (which  pertained  to  the  Bengal  Nifamat)  to  Rai  Ras  Behary. 
When  this  letter  was  received,  the  author  of  the  Seir  (who  was  then  Shaukat 
Jang's  principal  adviser)  being  consulted  advised  Shaukat  Jang  to  temporise, 
to  treat  Rai  Ras  Behary  with  outward  courtesy,  to  mobilise  troops,  and  to  pass 
in  this  wise  till  the  rainy  Reason  was  over,  when  it  was  expected  by  the 
author  of  the  Seir  (who  appears  to  have  been  in  the  confidence  of  the  English) 
the  English  would  also  fight  against  Sirajn-d-daulah  and  that  then  Shaukat 
Jang's  turn  would  come  to  join  the  winning  party.  However  that  may  bej 
Shaukat  did  not  adopt  the  above  advice,  and  sent  an  insolent  reply  to  Sirajn- 
d-daulah,  adding  that  he  f  Shaukat  Jang)  had  received  sanad,  of  the  Subddurt 
of  Bengal,  Behar,  and  Orissa,  that  Siraju-d-daulah  had  forfeited  his  head  by 
his  disloyalty,  but  that  as  an  act  of  grace  he  would  be  permitted  to  settle 
down  quietly  in  some  corner  of  Jahangirnagar  or  Dacca.  Siraju-d-daulah 
answered  the  above  insolent  reply  by  at  once  advancing  with 'his  army  to 
Manihari,  together  with  his  Diwan  Mohanlal.  Ramnarain  from  Patna  was 
also  ordered  to  join  Siraju-d-daulah  with  the  Patna  army.  In  this  battle  which 
took  place  between  Manihari  and  Nawabganj,  Shaukafc  €ang  was  killed, 
through  his  folly  in  leaving  his  entrenched  position  and  marching  through 
marshy  swamps.  Siraju-d-daulah  appointed  Mohanlal  to  the  office  of  Fauj- 
dar  of  Purniah,  and  the  latter  left  his  son  as  Deputy  Faujdar  there. 

I  have  given  the  above  details  from  the  Seir,  in  order  to  shew  that  the  war 
with  Shar.kat  Jang  was  not  of  Siraju-d-daulah's  seeking,  that  it  formed  a 
part  of  the  conspiracy  hatched  by  Mir  Jafar,  in  order  to  bring  about  a  revo- 
lution t.)  destx-oy  Siraju-d-daulah's  authority,  and  that  Siraju-d-daulah  had  no 
alternative  but  to  fight  in  self-defence, 

47 


368 

this  reply,   which  did  not  satisfy  his  designs,  despatched  Diwan 
Mohanlal,  together  with  other  Generals  such  as  Dost  Muhammad 
Khan,  Shaikh  Din  Muhammad,  Mir  Muhammad,  and  Jafar  Khan, 
&£,,  with  a  large  army,  to  fight  with  Shaukat  Jang ;  and  he  also 
wrote  to  Ramnarain,  the  Subahdar  of  Azimabad,  to  march  quickly 
to   Purniah.      From    the  other    side,    Shaukat  Jang  detailed  for 
fighting  Shaikh  Jahan  Yar  and  Karguzar  Khan,  the  generalissimo, 
and  Mir  Murad  Ali  and  others,  and  subsequently  he  himself  set  out 
and  assaulting  and  sacking  and  burning  Haiatpiirgolah  returned 
to   Purniah.       On    arrival    at  Manihari,    Siraju-d-daulah's    army 
encamped,    whilst   Shaukat    Jang's    army    at    a    distance    of  one 
Karoh  at  Nawabganj  entrenched  itself.       On  the  next  day,  Shau- 
kat Jang  also  arrived   and  joined   his   army  ;  and  on   the  same 
day,    Rajah   Ramnarain,    the    Subahdar   of    Azimabad,   with    his 
contingent    of    troops,  joined    Siraju-d-daulah's  army.      On    the 
morning  of  the  following  dsy,  Rajah  Mohanlal  advanced  with  his 
force  in  order  to  fight,  and  unfurled  his  flag  carrying  the  ensignia 
of  the  Mdhi  Order  which  he  held.     Shaukat  Jang,  on   seeing  the 
ensignia  of  the  Main  Order,  fancied  that  Siraju-d-daulah  himself 
had  joined  his  army,  and  was  marching  up  for  fight,   and  so  Shau- 
kat Jang  advanced  also  with  his  army.     Shaikh   Jahan  Yar  dis- 
suaded Shaukat  Jang,  saying: — "  To-day  the  moment  for  fighting 
is  not  auspicious,  if  it  pleases  God,  to-morrow  early  in  the  morn- 
ing we  shall  fight,  and    whatever  is   decreed  by  Providence  shall 
take  place."     Shaukat  Jang,  paying  no  heed   to  this   dissuasion, 
marched  up  to  the  battle-field.     Shaikh  Jahan  Yar  was  also  obli- 
ged to   advance  with   his  corps,   and   whilst   fighting   bravely  he 
received  a  gun-shot.      Shaikh   Abdu-r  Rashid,    his   brother,  and 
Shaikh    Qudratu-1-lah,     his     son-in-law,    together    with     Shaikh 
Jhahan  Ysr,  his   nephew,   as  well  as  his  other  kinsmen  were  slain 
on  the  battle-field,  and  earned  present  and  future  glory.     At  this 
time  of  strife,  a  sword  fell   on  the  neck  of  the   horse   of   Shaikh 
Jahan  Yar,  and1  cut  asunder  its  rein,   and   the  horse  furiously  gal- 
lopped  away  with  its   rider  from  the  field.     As  he   had  already 
received  several  mortal  wounds,  by  the  time  of  his  arrival  at  Bir- 
nagar,  he  expired.     At  that  crisis,  Shaukat  Jang,   himself  joining 
in  the   fight,   advanced,   discharging   arrows,  and  came  in  front  of 
Dost  Muhammad  Khan.     The  aforesaid  Khan  said,  "  Come  on  my 
elephant,  as  you  will  find  security  then."     Shaukat  Jang  not  con- 
senting fixed  a  sharp  arrow  in  his  teeth,  and  shattered   his  front- 


3<& 

tooth.  At  this  time,  besides  two  horsemen,  one  of  whom  was  Habib 
Beg,  no  one  else  was  with  Shaukat  Jang.  Habib  Beg  dismount- 
ing from  his  horse  stood  in  front  of  his  elephant  on  the  field.  As 
decreed  by  fate,  a  bullet  from  the  gun  of  a  servant  of  Dost  Muham- 
mad Khan  hit  Shaukat  Jang  on  the  forehead,  and  the  bird  of  his 
soul  flew  away,  and  nestled  on  the  branches  of  annihilation.  And 
Kaiguzar  Khan,  the  generalissimo  Shaikh  Bahadui  ftarnuti,  Abu 
Turab  Khan,  Murad  Sher  Khan,  nephew  of  Shaikh  Jahan  Yar, 
Shaikh  Murad  Ali,  disciple  of  Nawab  Saif  Khan,  Mir  Sultan 
Khali  1,  the  archer,  Loha  Singh  Hazari,  and  Mir  Jafaru-1-jo,  &c, 
displayed  gallant  bravery,  and  tasted  the  potion  of  death  on  the 
battle-field.  Siraju-d-daulah  had  advanced  to  Akbarnagar  (Kaj- 
mahal).  when  the  tidings  of  victory  arrived  ;  and  he  ordered  the 
music  of  victory  to  strike  up.  He  also  caused  the  adherents  of 
Shaukat  Jang,  such1  as  were  captured,  to  be  punished  in  various 
forms.  Rajah  Mohanlal  confiscating  fifty-one  elephants,  and 
horses,  and  camels,  and  other  treasures  of  Shaukat  Jang,  and  leav- 
ing his  own  son  as  Deputy  Governor  of  the  Faujdari  of  Purniah, 
returned. 

When  Siraju-d-daulah,  after  the  fall  ,of  his  cousin,  arrived  in 
Murshidabad,  the  chess-board  of  time  presented  a  new  game.  Of 
the  English,  who  had  been  routed  by  Siraju-d-daulah  in  Calcutta* 
and  whose  treasures  worth  several  laks  had  been  plundered,  some 

escaped  and  fled  to  an  island.1  Thence  they  sent  messages  to  Eng- 
i 
1  The  Seir  (Vol.  II,  p.  6331,  Pers.  text),  states  that  after  his  flight,  Mr. 
Drake,  the  Chief  of  the  English  factory  in  Calcutta,  together  with  a 
number  of  other  English  officers,  proceeded  to  Madras,  in  Arcot  Province 
of  the  Dakhin.  Then  Clive  had  just  retired  after  fighting  against  the 
French  on  behalf  of  Salabat  Jang  (son  of  the  late  Asif  Jah),  Nazim  of  the 
Dakhiu,  who  had  bestowed  on  him  many  favours  and  also  the  |itle  of  Sabat 
Jang.  Then  Mr.  Drake,  with  other  Englishmen,  who  had  fled  from  Calcutta  held 
a  conference  with  the  Englishmen  in  Madras  factory,  and  it  was  decided  that 
Clive,  together  with  the  English  refugees  from  Bengal,  "  should  proceed  to 
Calcutta  and  by  every  means  that  they  thought  desirable,  should  try  to  renew  the 
foundation  of  the  Factory  in  Calcutta.  If  by  negotiations  and  by  payment  of 
money  this  object  could  be  attained,  well  and  good  ;  if  not,  force  might  be  resort- 
ed to.  Then  Clive,  together  with  other  Englishmen,  embarked  on  a  ship  from 
Madras,  and  reached  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Hugli.  As  the  English  Chiefs 
were  very  wise,  brave,  well-informed,  and  experienced,  they  made  overtures  of 
peace  to  Siraju-d-daulah,  begged  that  Mr.  Drake's  offence  might  be  pardoned  by 
the  Nawab,  and  offered  to  pay  the  Nawab  several  laks  of  rupees,  in  case  the  latter 
granted  them  permission  to  re-build  their  Factory  as  before  in  Calcutta.    Sirav 


370 

hxud  and  other  ports,  and  in  a  short  t|ime  obtained  reinforce- 
ments. After  some  months,  the  English  chiefs,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Sabit  Jang  (Olive),  with  thirty  thousand  men,  annved 
on  ships  of  war,  obliged  the  garrisons  of  the  Nawab's  outposts  to 
take  to  their  heels,  and  fought  with  Rajah  Manikchand.  The 
Rajah  suffered  a  heavy  defeat.  The  English  advancing  to  Hugli, 
rased  its  fortifications"  with  the  cannonade  of  their  artillery,  and 
the  Faujdar  of  tb,at  Fort  fled.  Siraju-d-daulah,  on  getting  news 
of  the  English  victory,  set  out  for  Calcutta  from  Murshidabad,  and 
encamped  in  the  garden  of  Karhati,  in  the  suburbs  of  Calcutta. 
The  English  made  a  night-attack.  The  next  day,  Siraju-d-daulah 
not  having  the  boldness  to  advance,  and  outwardly  proclaiming 
the  conclusion  of  peace,  marched  back  anxiously  to  Murshidabad. 
After  arrival  in  Murshidabad,  Siraju-d-daulah  found  that  all  the 
Nobles  and  Generals  were  disaffected.  Foremost  amongst  them  was 
Mir  Muhammad  Jafar  Khan  Bahadur,  from  whom  the  office  of 
generalissimo  had  been  transferred  to  Khwajah  Hadi  All  Khan, 
and  who  had  shut  himself  up  in  his  house.  Siraju-d-daulah  plac- 
ing large  batteries  in  front  of  Mir  Jafar's  palace  was  ready  to 
blow  him  up,  and  ordere4  him  to  quit  the  City.  Mir  Jafar  ten- 
dering excuses  and  apologies,  secretly  set  about  making-  warlike 
preparations  in  self-defence,  and  tampering  with  the  Bhaliah  Gene- 
rals and  Commanders  and  with  Jagat  Set.1  Ratifying  their  con- 
spiracy by  mutual  oaths  and  promises,  Mir  Jafar  sent  secretly 
Amir  Beg,  who  was  one  of  his  confidential  adherents,  with  letters 


ju-d-daulah  who  was  very  foolish,  and  whose  courtiers  were  still  more  foolish, 
was  unaware  of  the  bravery  and  wisdom  of  the  English  race  ;  so  that  no  one 
from  fear  of  incurring  the  Nawab's  displeasure,  communicated  to  the  Nawab 
the  English  message  containing  overtures  of  peace.  Matters  being  thus  delayed, 
and,  being  in  the  meantime  apprised  of  the  discontent  amongst  the  Bengal  nobles, 
Olive  resolved  to  fight,  and  fought  against  Manikchand,  Nawab's  Governor 
of  Calcutta,  who  fled." 

!■  Besides  Mir  Jafar  who  was  the  soul  of  this  conspiracy,  some  other  prom- 
inent persons,  like  Dulab  Earn  (son  of  JanoLi  Ram)  Jagat  Set  and  Ghasiti 
Begam  (widow  of  Nawazish  Muhammad  Khan,  son-in-law  of  All  Vardi  Khan), 
were  active  colleagues  of  Mir  Jafar  in  this  conspiracy.  Ghasiti  Begam  helped 
Mir  Jafar  with  the  State  treasures  that  she  had  secreted.  One  may  understand 
the  resentment  of  Mir  Jafar  (who  had  been  disgraced  and  dismissed  from  the 
office  of  generalissimo)  and  of  Ghasiti  Begam  (who  had  been  obliged  to  dis- 
gorge a  portion  of  the  State  treasures  that  she  had  hidden),  but  the  disloyal 
conduct  of  Dulab  Ram,  Jagat  Set,  Ram  Narain,  Rajabllab  and  other  Hindus 


371 

to  Calcutta,  asking  the  English  troops  to  be  sent.  Amir  Beg, } 
by  indulging  in  various  assurances,  induced  the  English  Chiefs  to 

seems  to  be  a  riddle,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  in  the  distribution  of  State  Pat- 
ronage, Siraju-d-daulah  had  adopted  an  extremely  pro-Hindu  policy,  ana  that 
it  was  Sirnjn-d-daulah'a  elevation  of  an  obscure  Hindu,  named  Mohanlal,  to 
the  highest  civil  State  office  that  to  a  great  extent  alienated  from  the  Nawab 
the  sympathies  of  his  Musalman  adherents,  who  would  have  perhaps  other- 
wise stood  by  him  in  this  crisis      (See  Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Basr,  p.  26.) 

1  This  Amir  Beg  is  mentioned  in  the  Seir  as  having  conducted  some  English 
ladies  honourably  to  Mr.  Drake's  ship,    after  Sirajn-d  daulah's  capture  of  Cal- 
cutta.    Amir  Beg,  in  consequence,  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  English.   See 
note   ante.     On    Mons.  Las's    departure,    Mir  Jafar  worked  more  vigorously  in 
pursuance  of  his  conspiracy,  and   indnced  the    English  to  give  Mir  Jafar  their 
support,  and  to  fight  on  his  side.     To  instigate  the   English  to   join  his  con- 
spiracy,  Mir  Jafar  sent  to  Calcutta  to  Clive  his  agent,  Mirza   Amir  Beg.  Mir 
Jafur  also  sent  to  Clive  through  the  above  Mirza  a  Manifesto,  purporting  tobear 
the  seals  of  some  noblemen  and  officers  of  Bengal,  recounting  their  grievances, 
real  or  fancied,  against    Siraju-d-daulah,   and   inviting  the  English  to  deliver 
them    from    the  Nawab      Jaget   Set  instructed    his    Calcutta   Agent,    Amin 
(  known  popularly  as  Omichand),   to  work  in  the  same  direction,  whilst  Dulab 
Bam  also  instructed  his  agent  to  influence  the(  English  in  the  same  direction. 
Mir  Jafar  wrote  to   Clive  that  the  latter  had,  only  to    make   a  move   with 
his    English    troops,  when   all   the   fighting  would  be    done    by  Mir  Jafar  and 
his  fellow-conspirators,  whilst    three    crores   of  rupees  would  be  presented  to 
Clive  for  this   service.     Clive   yielded   to  Mir  Jafar's    importunities    and    ad- 
vanced towards  Palasi  (Plassey).    (See  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  637).    In 
regard  to  these  events,  Tarikh-i-Mansuri  may  also  be  referred  to.     Professor 
Bloclimann  gives  some  notes  from  the  Tarikh-i-Mansuri  in  Journal  of  the  Asia- 
tic Society,  Part  I,  No.  II,  of  1867.     These  notes  mention  that "  Chandernagore 
fell  into  the   hands  of  Clive  and    Watson    through  the  treachery  of  a  French 
officer,  named  Tarraneau,  who  harboured  a  grudge  against  the  French  Gover- 
nor of  Chandernagore,    named   M.  Renault    (p.  88,  J. A. S.  referred  to  above) 
and  that  after  the  fall  of  Chandernagore,  Mons.  Las,  a  French  officer,  became 
an  attendant  at  the  Court  of  the  Nawab   Siraju-d-danlah,  foi'whom  he  fitted 
out  a  detachment  by  the  name  of  Telinga.     To  this  the  English  objected,  say- 
ing that  according  to  the  recent  treaty  of  peace,  the  friends  and  enemies  of  the 
English  were  to  be  regarded  as  friends  and    enemies  afothe   Nawab,  and  the 
friends  and  enemies  of  the  Nawab  were  to  be  regarded  as  friends  and  enemies 
of  the  English.     After    some    correspondence,    the    Nawab  sent    away   from 
Murshidabad  Mons.  Las  to  humour  Clive.     At  this  time  (1757),  Clive  built  the 
present  Fort  William  and  a  Mint  in  Calcutta,  without  waiting  for  permission 
of  the  Nawab.     A  few  letters  written  by  Siriiju-d-daulah  to  M.  Bussy,   in  the 
Dakhin,   had   been  intercepted  by  the    English,  and    Siraju-d-daulah  was  ac- 
cused of  breach  of  faith.     The  wrath  of   the  Nawab    at    the  crooked  deal- 
ings and  slow  but    steady    advance    of  these  foreigners  increased  daily.     Mr. 


372 

■ 

set  out  from  Calcutta  and  to  march  to  ^alasi  (Plassey).  When 
the  moment  for  action  had  passed,  Siraju-d-daulah  on  hearing  the 

Watts,  the  English  Resident  at  Murshidabad,  was  threatened.  The  Nawab 
went  so  far  as  to  tear  up  a  letter  which  Col.  Clive  had  written  to  him.  Soon 
after,  however,  from  fear  of  his  false  courtiers  and  want  of  confidence  in  his 
own  army,  he  tried  to  pacify  Mr.  Watts  by  a  Khilat,  and  wrote  an  excuse  to 
Clive.  Bat  Clivu  had  already  flung  himself  into  the  conspiracy  headed  by  Mir 
Jafar,  to  dethrone  Sirijju-d-danlah.  According  to  the  Tarikk-i-Mansuri,  the 
conspiracy  was  planned  by  Mir  Muhammad  Jafar,  Aminchand  Raura  (gene- 
rally called  Omichand)  and  Khwajah  Vizier,  but  according  to  the  Seiru-l- 
Mutakherin,  by  Mir  Muhammad  Jafar,  Rajah  Dnlab  Ram  and  Jagat  Set,  who 
had  each  their  agents  in  Calcutta.  (Dee  quotation  from  Seir  given  by  me 
already  in  this  note).  Clive  treated  with  the  conspirators  through  Mr.  Watts. 
The  author  then  gives  a  description  of  Clive's  double  dealings  with  Aminchand 
(Omichand)  as  given  in  all  histories  of  Bengal." 

"  Early  in  June  1757,  Clive  left  Calcutta,  reached  on  the  17th  the  small 
town  of  Katwah,  south  of  Plassey.  and  took  possession  of  the  fort  of  that 
place. 

On  the  21st  June,  4  p.m.,  Clive  left  Katwah,  crossed  the  Hugli,  and  pitched 
his  tents  on  the  morning  of  the  23rd,  in  the  fields  of  Plassey.  The  Nawab's 
army  was  now  in  sight.  A  cannonade  commenced.  The  English  attacked 
the  tents  of  Siraju-d-daulah,  bu,t  were  vigorously  opposed  by  Mir  Madan  (call- 
ed Moodum  Khan  in  Thornton,  Vol.  I,  p.  240),  one  of  the  Nawab's  faithful 
amirs.  About  12  o'clock  Mir  Madan  was  struck  by  a  cannon-ball  and  carried 
to  Siraju-d-daulah's  tent,  where  he  died.  The  fighting  was,  however,  continu- 
ed, Mohanlal  having  taken  Mir  Madan's  place.  But  nothing  decisive  was 
done.  Afraid  of  a  conspiracy  Siraju-d-danlah  sent'for  Mir  Jafar,  who(had 
taken  no  part  in  the  fight.  After  most  earnest  solicitations  on  the  part  of  the 
Nawab,  Mir  Jafar  promised  to  fight  the  next  day,  on  condition  that  Mohanlal 
should  be  at  once  ordered  to  withdraw  from  the  fight.  Siraju-d-daulah 
agreed,  and  Mohanlal  returned  to  his  tents.  But  no  sooner  did  the  troops  see 
their  General  had  left  the  field  than  they  became  hopeless  and  began  to  flee. 
Before  evening,  the  army  of  the  Nawab  had  dispersed.  This  is  the  battle  in 
which  India  wa^lost  for  Islam."  See  Blochmann's  notes  from  the  Tarikh-i- 
Mansuri  referred  to  above. 

The  Seiru-l-Mutakherin's  explanation  regarding  (p.  637,  Vol.  II),  Clive's 
breach  of  the  treaty  »w.ith  Siraju-d-daulah  is  apologetic  in  tone.  The  Seir 
states  that  the  English  had  joined  Mir  Jafar's  conspiracy,  but  as  this  wise 
race  do  not,  without  some  substantial  reason,  engage  in  hostilities,  or  break 
treaties,  they  must  have  entered  into  some  correspondence  with  the  Nawab, 
and  advanced  some  good  reason  (of  which  the  author  was  not  aware)  for 
breaking  the  treaty  of  peace.  Possibly  the  reason  was  found  in  the  delay  in 
the  payment  of  the  Nawab's  indemnity  on  account  of  the  losses  sustained 
by  the  English  during  the  capture  of  Calcutta  by  Sirajn-d-daulah. 

I  will  now  summarise  the  description  of  the  battle  of  Plassey  from  the 


873 

news  of  the  advance  of  the  English  troops,  marched  out  of  the 
City.     Now  taking  out  the  cotton  of  recklessness  from  the  ear, 

Beiru-l-Mutakherin  (Vol.  II,  p.  638).  On  hearing  of  Clive's  movement,  Sirlju- 
d-daulah  tried  to  conciliate  his  disaffected  officers,  who  outwardly  professed 
loyalty  to  him,  but  inwardly  plotted  his  ruin.  Siraju-d-daulah  sent  Rajah 
Dulab  Ram  (the  traitor)  ahead  to  Plassey,  to  supervise  the  construction  of 
redoubts  and  entrenchments,  and  shortly  after  moved  up  there  himself,  with 
his  faithful  officers,  MTr  Madan  and  Mohanlal  and  witl\,the  traitor,  Mir  Jafar. 
Clivealso  moved  to  Plassey  with  a  small  number  of  English  Telengi  troops,  num- 
bering about  2,000  in  all.  Clive  commenced  the  battle  with  a  brisk  cannonade, 
whilst  Mir  Jafar  stood  by  at  a  distance  and  watched  the  game.  Mir  Madan 
fought  bravely  till  about  3  P.M.,  and  steadily  advanced  with  Mohanlal  close  to 
Clive's^position.  Seeing  Mir  Madan's  gallantry,  Clive,  it  is  said,  was  dispirited 
and  reproached  Omichand  for  having  falsely  assured  him  that  everyone  was 
disaffected  against  the  Nawab,  and  that  no  one  would  fight  for  the  latter. 
As  luck  would  however  have  it,  at  this  time  Mir  Madan  was  hit  by  a  cannon- 
ball  and  was  removed  to  Siraju-d-daulah's  tent,  where  he  died.  Siraju-d- 
daulah  now  becoming  anxious  sent  for  Mir  Jafar,  beseeched  the  latter  to  fight 
on  his  behalf,  and  even  placed  his  turban  before  the  latter,  and  addressed  this 
arch-traitor  as  follows  :  "  I  now  repent  of  my  deeds,  and  in  the  name  of  re- 
lationship that  you  bear  to  me,  and  in  the  name  of  the  bounties  that  you 
received  from  my  grandfather,  Mahabat  Jaqg,  I  entreat  you  to  defend  my 
life  and  honour."  The  pathetic  appeal  did  not  move  the  heart  of  this  arch  - 
traitor  who  still  harboured  his  treacherous  designs  under  the  mask  of  friend 
ship  and  who  returned  the  following  false  answer  :  "  To-d<iy  is  at  its  close, 
and  the  time  for  further  fighting  to-day  is  over.  To-day,  order  the  battle  to 
cease;  to-morrow  I  wilTfight  for  yon  with  the  whole  army."  Siraju-d-daulah 
fell  into  Mir  Jafar's  trap,  and  sent  a  message  to  his  Diwan,  Mohanlal,  who  was 
continuing  the  fight  after  Mir  Madan's  fall,  to  return.  Mohanlal  said  there 
was  no  time  to  return  now,  as  he  was  in  the  thick  of  the  fight,  which  would 
finally  decide  the  fate.  Siraju-d-daulah  consulted  Mir  Jafar,  who  cunningly 
repeated  his  former  treacherous  advice,  and  in  consequence  Mohanlal  was 
summoned  back.  Mohanlal's  return  had  a  disastrous  effect  on  Siraju-d-daulah's 
army,  who  dispersed  in  all  directions.  Siraju-d-dalilah  then  returned  swiftly  to 
Murshidabad,  halted  for  some  time  at  Mansurganj,  but  found  he  was  surround- 
ed on  all  sides  by  false  courtiers  and  traitors.  So  he  left  with  his  Begams 
and  gold  for  Bhagwangolah,  whence  on  boats  he.,  sailed  for  Azimabad 
sending  at  the  same  time  a  lecter  to  Mons.  Las  to  join  him.  Before  Las's 
arrival,  Siriiju-d-danlah  was  on  his  way  to  Patna.  Owing  to  his  Begams  and 
children  having  had  no  food  for  some  days,  Sirajn-d-daulah,  whom  misfortune 
was  dogging,  landed  at  Rajmahal,  went  to  the  house  of  &faheer  named  Dann 
Shah,  who  undertook  ostensibly  to  prepare  Khichri  for  him,  but  who  inward- 
ly harboured  resentment  against  the  Nawab,  owing  to  previous  ill-treatment. 
This  falceer  promptly  sent  news  of  Siraju-d-daulah's  arrival  to  Mir  Daud 
(brother  of  Mir  Jafar),  who  was  at  Rajmahal.     Mir  Daud  and  Mir  Qasim  Khan 


»    374 

he  displayed  towards  the  aforesaid  JThan  (,Mir  Jafar)  flattery  arid 
endearment,  and  sending  the  Began!  of  Mahabat  Jang  to-  Mir 
Jafar  opened  the  gates  of  apology  for  his  past  shortcomings. 
Mir  Jafar  did  not  listen  to  them,  as  he  had  no  reliance  on  Siraju- 
d-datilah's  assurances  and  actions.  After  this,  when  Siraju-d- 
daulah  advanced  from  Chunahkhali,  the  aforesaid  Khan  (Mir  Jafar) 
also  marching  encamped  at  a  distance  of  half  a  farsakh  from  the 
army  of  Siraju-d-daulak.  Mir  Madan,  Superintendent  of  the  Artil- 
lery, told  Siraju-d-daulah  that  the  English  were  coming  at  the 
instigation  of  Mir  Muhammad  Jafar,  and  that  it  was,  therefore, 
expedient  to  finish  first  Mir  Muhammad  Jafar,  and  that  after  the 
latter  was  killed,  the  English  would  not  have  the  daring  to  ap- 
proach this  side.  In  that  the  arrow  of  Fate  cannot  be  parried  by 
the  shield  of  Effort,  and  in  that  God's  decree  had  already  been 
passed  another  way, 

To  the  advice  of  that  wise  sage, 

That  light-hearted  man  (Siraju-d-daulah)  was  deaf. 

When  next  day,  Siraju-d-daulah  reached  Daudpur,  tidings  came 

(son-in-law  of  Mir  Jafar),  came  and  captured  Siraju-d-daulah,  carried  him  to 
Murshidabad  where  he  was  murdered  by  Mir  Jafar  and  his  son  Miran.  Siraju- 
d-daulah's  corpse  was  placed  on  an  elephant  and  paraded.  The  Seir  winds 
up  its  account  of  this  tragic  murder  of  Siraju-d-daulah  with  the  following 
pathetic  lines  : — 

C~«|     <j~=w     UJ^   ji ^t     isj^  j\       #      ;(Sjijj       e;* — *.£>&     ■D—  J    (^ — *■}*■ 

iS*»*\&2k.  %$     c Txi.>     ,?,}     Jus    &$       %       ^^"-^      &>&*■     O     "«»)  y*  wJa/o   y*. 

tSitf     e**"i'-     inxl?     £~~^  ^      *      ^J—^  '•    lA— **    *j!    &!$  <*; 

^.yL     ^ ,i.±u    A^-i/    j*-*>  *<>Uj       *      LSJ^J — "*     ty.    <^A^^°^   j*>       & 

I  have  already  quoted  the  moral  which  the  author  of  the  Ibrat-i-Arbab-i- 
Basr  draws  from  this  tragic  event.     See  n.  ante, 

This  account  compiled  from  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Biyazu-s-Salatin,  Ibrat-i- 
Arbab-i-Basr,  and  Professor  Blochmanu's  notes  from  Tarikh-i-Mansuri  may  pro- 
fitably be  compared  with  the  accounts  in  Orme's  History  of  the  Military  Tran- 
sactions of  the  English,  Mill's  British  India,  and  Thornton's  British  India 
(as  suggested  by  Professor  Blochinatm  in  J.A.S.,  Part  I,  No.  2,  1867,  p.  86). 


375 

to  the  effect  that   the  English  had  set  fire  to  Katwah.     At  that 

I        . 
time  Mobanlal  repi'oached  Siraju-d-daulah,  and  said  :  "You  have 

ruined  me,  and  rendered  my  children  orphans.  If  you  had  not 
removed  Mir  Muhammad  Jafar  Khan  and  Dullab  Ram  from  the 
Katwah  outpost,  things  would  not  have  taken  this  turn."  In  short, 
on  the  morning  following  that  day,  which  was  5th  Shawal  of  the 
3rd  year  of  the  reign  of  Emperor  Alamglr  II,  the'  English  army 
from  Palasi  (Plassey)  on  one  side,  and  Siraju-d-daulah  from  Daiid- 
pur  on  the  other  encountered  each  other,  and  opened  the  battle  with 
a  cannonade.  Mir  Muhammad  Jafar  Khan,  with  his  detachment, 
stood  at  a  distance  towards  the  left  from  the  main  army  ;  and 
although  Siraju-d-daulah  summoned  him  to  his  side,  Mir  Jafar 
did  not  move  from  his  position.  In  the  thick  of  the  fighting,  and 
in  the  heat  of  the  work  of  carnage,  whilst  victory  and  triumph 
were  visible  on  the  side  of  the  army  of  Siraju-d-daulah,  all  of  a 
sudden  Mir  Madan,  commander  of  the  Artillery,  fell  on  being  hit 
with  a  cannon-ball.  At  the  sight  of  this,  the  aspect  of  Siraju-d- 
daulah's  army  changed,  and  the  artillerymen  with  the  corpse  of 
Mir  Madan  moved  into  tents.  It  was  now  midday,  when  the  peo- 
ple of  the  tents  fled.  As  yet  Nawab  Sii'aju-d-daulah  was  busy 
fighting  and  slaughtering,  when  the  camp-followers  decamping 
from  Daudpur  went  the  other  side,  and  gradually  the  soldiers 
also  took  to  their  heels.  Two  hours  before  sun-set,  flight  occurred 
in  Siraju-d-daulah's  aroay,  and  Siraju-d-daulah  also  being  unable 
to  s!and  his  ground  any  longer  fled.  On  arrival  at  Mausurganj, 
which  had  been  founded  by  him,  he  opened  the  Treasury  gates 
and  distributed  money  to  the  arm}'.  But  owing  to  grave  anxie- 
ties, being  unable  to  halt  there,  the  Nawab  abandoning  his  trea- 
sures and  effects,  at  nightfall,  with  his  wives  and  children,  got  into 
a  boat,  carrying  with  himself  a  lot  of  precious  jewelleries  and  gold 
coins,  and  sailed  towards  Purniah  and  Azimabad.  After  Siraju-d- 
daulah's  defeat,  Mir  Muhammad  Jafar  entered  his  camp,  in  the 
night  held  a  conference  with  the  English  Ch>ef-s,  and  early  next 
morning  marched  in  pursuit  of  Siraju-d-daulah,  and  arrived  in 
Murshidabad.  Finding  the  sky  propitious  towards  his  views, 
Mir  Jafar  entered  the  citadel,  struck  up  the  musrc  announcing  his 
iiccession  to  the  masnad  of  Bengal,  issued  proclamations  of  peace 
and  security  in  the  City,  and  unfurled  the  standard  of  gitbahdari. 
Mir  Jafar  then  detailed  his  son-in-law,  Mir  Muhammad  Qasim 
with  a  corps  to  capture  Siraju-d-daulah,  and  quartered  the  Eng- 
48 


876 

ish  army  at  Babniah.  l  But  Siraju-d-daulah,  travelling  in  the 
night,  had  sailed  swiftly  from  below  Maldah,  and  reached  Babial. 
When  news  reached  him  tliat  the  mouth  of  Nazirpur  was  unnavi- 
gable  and  boats  could  not  pass  by  that  way,  he  was  obliged  to  dis- 
embark, and  went  to  the  house  of  Dan  Shah  Pirzadah,  whose 
house  was  at  that  place.  Dan  Shah  who  previous  to  this  had 
suffered  some,  injury  at  the  hands  of  Siraju-d-daulah,  findiug  the 
latter  in  his  power,  and  seeing  the  times  favourable,  by  giving  as- 
surances and  consolations,  detained  Siraju-d-daulah  in  his  house, 
and  ostensibly  engaging  on  preparing  food,  sent  information  to 
Mir  Daud  Ali  Khan,  Faujdar  of  Akbarnagar  (Rajmahal),  who 
was  brother  of  Mir  Muhammad  .jafar  Khan.  The  spies  of  Daud 
Ali  Khan  who  were  searching  for  Siraju-d-daulah,  fancying  it  to 
be  a  grand  victory,  swiftly  arrived,  and  capturing  Siraju-d-daulah 
carried  him  from  the  house  of  Dan  Shah  2  to  Akbarnagar,  from 
whence  the  spies  of  Daud  AlifcKhan  and  Mir  Muhammad  Qasim 
Khan  carried  him  in  their  company  to  Murshidabad.  Mir  Muham- 
mad Jafar  Khan  threw  Siraju-d-daulah  into  prison  that  day.  On 
the  next  day,  with  the  advice  of  the  English  Chiefs,  and  on  the 
importunity  and  insistahce  of  Jagat  Set,  he  slew  him,  and  sus- 
pending the  corpse  of  that  victim  of  oppression  to  a  hotvdah  on 
an  elephant's  back,  sent  it  round  the  City,  and  then  buried  it  in 
Khosh  Bagh  in  the  Mausoleum  of  Nawab  Mahabat  Jang.  After 
some  days,  Mir  Jafar  killed  also  Mirza  Mihdi  Ali  Khan,  the 
younger  brother  of  Siraju-d-daulah,  by  stretching  him  ou  an 
instrument  of  torture,  and  buried  his  body  by  the  side  of  his 
brother's  grave.     The  Nizamat  of  Nawab  Siraju-d-daulah  s  lasted 

1  I  am  not  sure  if  this  word  is  correctly  printed  in  the  Pers.  text. 

2  In  Seir,  Dana  Shah. 

3  I  have  no^ced  in  a  previous  note  the  principal  measures  of  Siraju-d- 
danlah's  administration. 

The  Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Basr  (p.  26)  characterises  Siraju-d-cla\ilah  as  '  light- 
hearted,  unsparing^self-willed,  petulant,  short-tempered  and  sharp-tongaed.' 
The  Seim-l-Mutakherin  (vol.  II,  p.  621)  states  in  condemnation  of  Siraju-d- 
daulah  that  Siraju-d-daulah's  '  harsh  and  uncouth  utterances,  his  derision  and 
jesting  in  respect  of  the  officers  of  his  Government  caused  resentment  in 
their  hearts.'  If  this  be  what  constituted  the  head  and  front  of  his  offending, 
— if  this  be  what  exhausts  the  catalogue  of  his  sins,  then  one  has  to  materi- 
ally modify  the  generally  current  view  of  Siraju-d-daulah. 

The  explanation  accounting  for  the  tragic  fate  of  Siraju-d-daulah  is,  how- 
ever, attempted  by  the  author  of  the  Ibrat-i-Arbab-i-Basr  (p.  32).     This  author 


377 

one  year  and   four  months,  and    he   was   slain  at   the   end  of  the 
month  of  Shawal  1170  A.H. 

N1ZAMAT  OP  SHUJAU-L-MULK  JAFAR  ALI  KHAll 

When  Jafar  All  Khan  ascended  l  the  masnad  of  the  Nizamat  of 
Bengal,  .Bihai",  and  Oi'issa,  he  set  himself  to  the  conciliation  of  the 

• 
states,  in  effect,  that  Siraju-d-danlah  was  a  victim  of  Intrigues  and  misfor- 
tunes left  as  a  legacy  by  his  grandfather,  AH  Vardi  Khan,  who  had  inaugu- 
rated in  Bengal  an  era  of  violent  intrigues  and  dark  treachery,  by  killing  his 
own  master,  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan  (ijon  of  AH  Vardi's  benefactor,  Nawab 
Shujan-d-din  Khan),  and  who  was,  therefore,  now  punished  by  an  Avenging 
Providence  in  the  person  of  his  grandson  Siraju-d-daulah,  whom  AH  Vardi 
had  regarded  as  dearer  than  his  own  life.  That  Siraju-d-daulah  did  not  bring 
on  the  misfortunes  on  himself  by  his  own  incapacity,  is  proved  by  what  the 
Seiru-l-Mutakhevin  (Vol.  II,  p.  633),  states,  namely,  that  'Siraju-d-danlah  had 
attained  the  zenith  of  power  and  opulence,  and  that,  therefore,  a  declension 
was  inevitable  according  to  the  laws  of  nature.' 

This  Revolution  in  the  history  of  Bengal  which  in  effect  supplanted  Moslem 
Rule  and  made  the  English  virtually  supreme  in  this  country,  may  also  be 
viewed  in  another  aspect  as  a  wise  Dispensation  of  Providence  for  the  ulti- 
mate good  of  the  people.  At  the  time,  it  is  abundantly  clear,  the  people  in 
Bengal  were  sunk  in  the  abyss  of  moral  debasement,  and  the  cankers  of  dark 
ingratitude  and  treachery,  untruthfulness  and  venality  had  crept  deep  into  the 
vitals  of  their  hearts.  In  the  pursuit  of  the  phautoms  of  individual  self- 
nggrandisement  and  of  personal  ambitions,  they  had  taken  advantage  of  the 
youthrul  failings  of  their  sovereign  and  of  the  internecine  jealousies  that 
distracted  his  family,  forgotten  and  forsaken  all  sentiments  of  gratitude  and 
honour,  and  yielded  to  their  instinct  of  intrigue  by  fraternising  with  the 
Nawab's  disloyal  relation,  Mir  Jafar.  These,  therefore,  verily  needed  a 
Chastener — a  Moses — to  save  them  from  further  moral  dissolution  ;  and  so 
Providence  in  His  inscrutable  wisdom  sent  to  them  One  from  across  the  seas 
in  the  person  of  the  English,  to  scourge  the  vices  ok  the  land,  "do  chasten  the 
people,  to  purify  and  re-form  them,  and  to  once  more,  if  possible,  to  rescue 
them  from  the  sea  of  moral  annihilation. 

1  See  the  account  in  the  Seir  (Vol.  II,  p.  640).  After  ihjB  battle  of  Plassey, 
Mir  Jafar  and  Clive  had  a  conference  on  the  battlefield,  and  they  together 
entered  Murshidabad.  Mir  Jafar  occupied  the  palace  of  Mansurganj,  which 
was  the  residence  of  Siraju-d.daulah,  and  then  visited  the  Nizamat  Treasury, 
in  order  to  distribute  the  treasures  between  himself,  Dulab  Ram,  and  Clive, 
as  had  been  agreed  to  mutually.  Dulab  Ram  now  became  Mir  Jafar's  most 
influential  colleague  in  the  administration.  Their  friendship,  however,  did  not 
last  long,  and  shortly  after  Dulab  Ram  contemplated  placing  Siraju-d-daulah's 
brother,  Mirza  Mahdi,  on  the  masnad.     See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  Pers.  text,  p.  644). 


378 

army  and  the  nobility,  who  had  joined  him  in  his  conspiracy  to 
destroy  Siraju-d-daulah.  He  appointed  his  nephew,  Khadim 
Husain  Khan,1  to  the  office  of  Faujdar  of  Purniah,  and  conferred 
on  Ramnarain  a  rohe  of  honour,  confirming  him  in  the  Deputy- 
Governorship  of  the  Subah  of  Azimahad  (Patna).8 

At  this   time   Shah   Alain3   invaded  the   Subah    of    Azimabad. 

1  See  Seir  (Vol.  II,  p.  645),  for  an  acconnt  of  Khadem  Husain  Khan. 
Khadem  Husain  Khar's  father,  Syed  Khadem  Ali  Khan,  was  husband  of  Mir 
Jafar's  sister,  but  Khadem  Husain  was  not  from  this  sister,  but  born  of 
another  wife  of  Khadem.  Khadem  Husain  was  a  boon  companion  of  Mir 
Jafar,  who  was  fond  of  pleasures  and  caronsals  (p.  645,  Vol.  II,  Seir). 

2  Mir  Jafar  was  quite  incompetent  for  the  office  of  Subadar  of  Bengal.  As 
soon  as  he  ascended  the  musnad  of  the  Nizam  at,  he  flung  himself  into  pleasures, 
neglected  State  affairs,  and  left  them  in  the  hands  of  his  son.  Miran,  and 
others.  Jahangir  Nagar  or  Dacca  fell  into  the  hands  of  Kiijballab,  Diwan  of 
Miran  ;  this  Rajballab  in  the  time  of  the  late  Shnhamat  Jang  was  peshkar 
of  Shahamat  Jang's  Diwan,  Husain  Qnli  Khan.  Bardvran  and  some  other 
districts  were  ceded  to  the  English,  in  lieu  of  cash  payment  of  a  part  of  the 
Bengal  revenue.  Hugli  was  assigned  to  Mir  Beg  Khan,  who  had  rendered 
good  services  to  the  English.  Rajah  Ramnarain  became  snpreme  administrator 
of  Bihar,  whilst  Purniah  was5  bestowed  on  Khadem  Husain  Khan.  (See  Seir, 
Vol.  II,  p.  651).  It  is  stated  in  the  Seir  that  shortly  after  Mir  Jafar's  acces- 
sion, people  got  tired  of  him  and  his  son  Miran,  and  sighed  back  for  the  old 
days  of  Siraju-d-danlah,  whom  they  regarded  now  as  better  in  all  respects 
than  Mir  Jafar  (Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  656). 

8  A  detailed  account  of  this  will  be  found  in  the  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II, 
p.  656.  It  appears  that  many  of  the  noblemen  in  Bihar  and  Bengal  sown  got 
into  thorough  disgust  with  Mir  Jafar  and  his  son,  Miran,  and  opened  corres- 
pondence with  Muhammad  Quli  Khan,  Subadar  of  Allahabad  (a  cousin  of 
Shujau-d-daulah,  and  a  nephew  of  Safdar  Jang).  Muhammad  Quli  Khan  took 
counsel  with  his  cousin,  Shujau-d-daulah,  Subadar  of  Oudh,  who  inwardly 
harboured  ill-feeling  towards  his  cousin  and  aimed  at  his  ruin,  gave  him 
false  advice,  «j\nd  encourged  him  to  invade  Bihar  and  to  carry  with  him 
Prince  All  Gauhar,  surnamed  Shah  Alain  (who  was  heir  of  Emperor  Alamgir  II). 
Ali  Gaahar  was  harassed  at  this  time  by  Imadu-1-Mulk,  and  was  staying  with 
Najibu-d-daulah  Najib  Khan  Afghan  at  Miranpur,  Grhaturah.  At  first  Ram- 
narain, Deputy-Governor  of  Bihar,  took  counsel  with  Mr.  Amytt,  the  Chief 
of  the  English  Factory  at  Patna,  enquired  what  course  of  action  he  should 
adopt,  and  suggested  that  the  English  should  help  him  in  opposing  Prince  Ali 
Gauhar's  invasion.  *  Mr.  Amytt  said  he  could  give  no  decisive  answer.  Find- 
ing that  no  help  was  coming  from  the  Nazim  of  Bengal,  Mir  Jafar,  nor  from 
the  English,  Ramnarain  became  anxious,  opened  political  courtesies  with 
Prince  Gauhar  and  Muhammad  Quli  Khan,  waited  on  them  in  Durbar,  and 
professed  allegiance  to   the  Prince.     Both   the  Prince  and  Muhammad  Quli 


379 

Rahim  Khan  and  Qadirdad  Khan,  &c,   sons   of  Umar   Khan,  and 
Grhulara   Shah   and   othefc  commanders  and  generals  in  the  service 

Khan  being  thus  re-assnred,   let  Rainnarain  return  to  the  fort  of  Azimabacl. 
Shortly  after,  on   getting   news   of  the  approach   of  Miran   and  the   English, 
Raumarain    threw  off  his   mask  of  loyalty   to   the    Prince   and    Muhammad 
Quli  Khan.     The    latter  pressed  the    siege    of    Patna,    assaulted    the    Port, 
and  Ramnarain   being   hardpressed  was    about  to  aurrend  'r  and  run    away. 
Then  news   arriving  that   Shujau-d-daulah  by  a  foul  trick  had  made  himself 
master  of  the  Fort  of  Allahabad,  which  was  held  by  his  cousin   Muhammad 
Quli  Khan,  the  latter  together   with  Prince  All   Gauhar  abandoned  the    siege 
of  Patna,  and  withdrew    towards  Allahabad.     (See   p.  669,   Seir,  Vol.  II).     At 
this  time,    Mons.  Las  met  the  Prince,  persuaded  the  latter  to  attack  again 
Patna,   but  the   latter   acknowledged  his   inability  to  do  so,  owing  to  want  of 
funds.     If,  at  this  time,  Shujau-d-daulah,  instead  of  being  meanly  treacherous 
to  his  cousin,  had  supported  him,  the  fate  of  Bihar  might  have  been  different. 
See  Mons.  Las's  observations  on  the  point  quoted  in  the  Seir  (Vol.  II,  p.  670). 
At  Benares,  Muhammad   Quli    Khan's   march    was    opposed    under  orders  of 
Shujau-d-daulah,    whilst   Prince  All   Gatfhar  with  Mons.  Las  was  allowed  to 
pass  on  vici  Mirzapur  to  Chattarpur  towards  Bundelknnd.     Muhammad  Quli 
Khan  was  carried  to  Shujau-d-danlah  who  had  the  meanness  to  imprison  him. 
In  the  meantime,  Miran   with  Col.   Clive   came    to   Patna,    and    Eamnarain 
waited  on  them,  whilst  apparently  Amicable  relations  were  opened  between 
them  and  Prince  All  Gauhar,  through  the  diplomatic  correspondence  of  Ghu- 
lam  Husain  Khan,  author  of  the  Seir.     (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  674). 

Shortly  after,  on  the  invitation  of  Diler  Khan  and  Kamgar  Khan,  Zamindar  of 
Tirhut   Samai,   Prince  Ali  Gauhar  again  invaded   Patna.     At   this    time,  the 
English  army  under  Capbain  Cochrane  supported  Ramnarain.    Mr.  Amytt  was 
still'the  Chief  of  the   English  Factory  at  Patna,  whilst  Dr.  Fullerton  was 
attached  to   the   Factory  as  the    medical  officer.      Tffe  author  of  the    Seir 
(Ghulam   Husain    Khan)   was   a  friend  of  Dr.  Fullerton,  and  was  the  latter's 
guest  at  the  time.     (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  676).    At  this  time  Emperor  Alamgir  II 
was  treacherously  murdered  under  orders  of  Imadu-1-Mulk   (See  Seir,  Vol.11, 
p.  676),  and  Ali  Gauhar  consulted  Ghulam  Husam  Khan's  father,  who  resided 
at   the   time   in    Hnsainabad    in    Bihar    Province  and  proclair^d  himself  Em- 
peror under  the  title  of  Shall  Alam  iu  1173,  A.H.,  appointed  Shujau-d-daulah 
as  his  Vizier,    and  Najibu-d-dau!ah    as    his  General.     Then   Kamgar  Khan 
Muin  and  Asalat  Khan  and  Diler  Khan  met  the  Emperor,   and  induced   the 
latter  to    invade    Bihar.     At    this   time,   Ramnarain  was   encamped  on   the 
banks  of  the  river    Dhanah.     At   this  battle,  Shah  Alam  defeated  Ramnarain, 
who  was  wounded.     The  English  army  who    supported   Ramnarain   and   were 
led  by  Captain  Cochrane  and  Mr.  Barwal,  were  also  defeated  and  dispersed  ; 
and  Patna  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Emperor.    (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  678).     At 
this  battle,  Diler  Khan  and  Asalat  Khan,    sons  of  Umar  Khan,  fought  and  fell 
heroically  on  the  side  of  the  Emperor.     Shortly    after,   Miran,  with  the  Eng- 
lish troops  under  Colonel  Clive   arrived.     On  the  side   of  the  Emperor,  Kam- 


380 

of  Siraju-d-daulah,  whom  Jafar  All  Khan  had  previously  from 
policy  shifted  to  the  province  of  Bihar,  '-now  joined  the  Imperial 
Army.  At  Fatuhah,  a  battle  took  place  between  the  Imperialists 
and  Ramnarain.  Ramnarain  was  wounded,  and  fled  to  the  fort, 
and' the  Imperial  troops  laid  siege  to  the  fort.  Nawab  Jafar  All 
Khan,  on  getting  this  news,  despatched  to  Bihar  his  son,  Nawab 
Nasiru-1-Mulk  .Sadiq  All  Khan  Shahamat  Jang,  surnamed  Mi  ran, 
with  a  detachment  of  English  troops.  On  the  banks  of  the  river 
Adhuah,  adjoining  Barb,  a  battle  ensued  with  the  Imperialists. 
On  the  side  of  the  Imperialists,  Qadirdad  Khan  and  Kamgar 
Khan  displayed  feats  of  bravery.  Muhammad  Amin  Khan  was 
wounded,  whilst  Rajballab  fell  b'ack,  and  both  contemplated  flight. 
Qadirdad  Khan,  with  others,  by  brave  onslaughts,  attacked  the 
lines  of  artillery.  A  heavy  gun,  which  required  to  be  drawn  by 
400  bullocks,  happened  to  lie  in  front  of  these.  Those  men  got 
entangled  amidst  the  bullocks,  and  failed  to  cut  thi'ough  as  the 
bullocks  hemmed  them  on  all  sides.  At  this  juncture,  the  ele- 
phant-driver of  Qadirdad  Khan  was  shot  by  a  bullet.     Qadirdad 

gar  Khan,  Qadirdad  Khan,  Ghulam  Shall  were  the  Generals.     Qadirdad  Khan 
made  a  bold  movement  to  the  rear  of  Miran,  heroically  fought,  killed  Muham- 
mad  Amin  Khan    (maternal  uncle  of  Miran),  wounded  Miran,  and   worked 
havoc  in  Miran's  army.     Miran  fled.     Then  the  English  opened   a    brisk  can- 
nonade, and  one  cannon-ball  hit  Qadirdad  KhSn  who   was  killed.     Then   the 
tide  of  victory   turned  in  favour   of  Miran,  whilst   Kamgar  Khan,  with  the 
Emperor,  proceeded  towards   Bihar.    (Seir}  Vol.  II,  p.  680).     Now    Kamgar 
Khan,  with  the  Emperor,  contemplated  surprising  Muishidabad,  and  proceed- 
ed  to  Bardwan.     Mir  Jafar,  with   the  English  army  and  his  own  troops,  pro- 
ceeded to    Bardwan.     Kamgar   Khan    with    the   Emperor   now  turned   back 
towards  Azimabad,  while  Mons.  Las  also  arrived.     (Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  680).     At 
this  time  Khadim  Hasain  Khan  and  Dulab  Ram  (who  had  got  sick  of  his  old 
fellow-conspirator,   Mir  Jafar)  sent  help  secretly  to  the  Emperor.     The  Em- 
peror and  Kamgar  Khan  with  Mons.  Las  and  Zainu-d-din  Khan  now  assault- 
ed the  fort  of  Patna.     The  assaults  were  vigorously  repeated,  and  the  fort 
was  about  to  fall,  when  a  company  of  English  troops  under  Captain  Knox 
brought   timely    reinforcement,   and   raised   the   siege.     The  Emperor  with 
Kamgar  Khan  now  went  some  distance  from  Patna,  and  was  busy  collecting 
revenue.     In  the  meantime,  Khadim   Husain,   who  bore  an   old   grudge  to 
Miran,  moved  to  Hajipur  with  a  large  number  of  troops  to   attack  Patna,  but 
was  defeated  by  Captain  Knox  who  was  supported  by  Shitab  Bai  (Seir,  Vol.  II, 
p.  6S5).     Shortly  after  Miran,  with  Colonel  Clive  and  another  English  army, 
arrived,   and   pursued  Khadim   Husain  Khan,  who  felt  himself  too  weak  to 
oppose  their  united  forces,  and  retired  towards  Bitiah,  where  of  a  night  Miran 
was  killed  by  lightuing,  whilst  sleeping  in  his  tent.  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  688). 


381 

Khan  spurred  on  his  elephant  with  his  feet,  and  shot  arrows. 
Nawab  Sadiq  All  Khan  received  a  wound,  being  hit  by  an  arrow. 
At  this  moment,  a  big  cannon-ball  hit  Qadirclad  Khan  on  the  left- 
side of  the  chest,  and  finished  him  up.  On  seeing  this  misljap, 
Kamgar  Khan  and  others  reining  back  their  horses  fell  back  to 
their  own  lines.  The  army  of  Sadlq  All  Khan,  on  ascertaining 
this,  made  a  fresh  onslaught,  attacked  the  Imperialists,  and  struck 
up  the  music  of  victory.  The  Imperialists  were  defeated.  Rahim 
Khan  and  Zainu-1-Abidin  Khan,  who  had  made  a  detour  towai'ds 
the  rear  of  Sadiq  Ali  Khan's  array,  on  hearing  the  music  of 
victory,  made  a  flank  movement  towards  the  right  wing,  and 
attacked  it.  But  owing  to  the  cannonade  of  the  Euglish  artillery, 
they  were  unable  to  stand  their  ground,  and  were  defeated.  After 
defeat,  the  Imperialists  retired  towards  Bard  wan,  and  Sadiq  Ali 
Khan,  pursuing  them,  followed  them  up  to  Bardwan  via  Chakai,1 
Khauti,2  and  Birbhiim.  From  this*  side,  Jafar  All  Khan  also 
marched  expeditiously  to  Bardwan,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  river  3 
below  the  town  of  Bardwan,  a  battle  commenced  with  a  cannon- 
ade. The  Imperialists  not  being  able  tp  hold  their  own  there, 
marched  back  to  Azimabad.  » 

Jafar  Ali  Khan  and  Sadiq  Ali  Khan  now  set  themselves  to  con- 
fiscate the  treasures  and  effects  of  Nawab  Siiaju-d-daulah  and  the 
Begams  of  Mahabat  Jang,  &c.  Rendering  the  latter  hai'd  up  for 
even  a  night's  sustenance,  they  had  already  sent  to  Jahangirnagar 
(Dacca),  the  Begam  of  Mahabat  Jang  with  her  two  daughters, 
one  named  Amanah  Begam,*  mother  of  Siraju-d-daulah,  and 
the  other  named  GhasitI  Begam,  widow  of  Shahamat  Jang,  to- 
gether with  other  ladies  of  Mahabat  Jang's  harem.  Jafar  Ali 
Khan  and  Sadiq  Ali  Khan  now  sent  Baqir  Khan,  the  General, 
to  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca)  with  a  corps  of  on^  hundred \savalry,  and 
wrote  to  Jasarat  Khan,  Faujdar  of  Jahangirnagar,  peremptorily 
directing  the  latter  to  capture  and  make  over  Ghasiti  Begam  and 

*      * 

1  In  the  printed  Persian  text  '  Jakai, '  which  would  apparently  seem  to  be 
a  misreading  or  misprint  for  Ohakai,  in  Mongliyr  district,  which  would  be  on 
the  line  of  route. 

2  '  Khanti  '  or  Contai  is  in  Midnapur  district.  I  think  this  must  be  a  mis- 
print or  misreading  in  the  Pers.  printed  text,  as  Khanti  does  not  appear  to 
lie  on  the  line  of  route  from  Bihar  to  Bardwan ;  probably  Kandi  is  meant. 

3  That  is  to  say,  Damudar  river. 

$  In  Seiru-l-Mutakherin,  '  Amanah  Begam.' 


382 

Aminah  Begam  to  Baqir  Khan,  as  soon  as  the  latter  arrived. 
On  the  arrival  of  Baqir  Khan  at  Jahangirnagar,  Jasarat  Khan  l 
was  obliged  to  pass  the  necessary  orders.  The  Begams  were 
placed  on  a  hoat,  which  was  taken  out  some  karoh  from  Jahangir- 
nagar and  there  sunk  in  the  river.  It  is  said  that  when  the 
Begums  were  taken  out  to  the  boat,  and  became  aware  of  their 
fate,  they  repeated  their  prayers,  held  the  Holy  Qoran  in  their 
armpits,  embraced  each  other,  and  then  plunged  into  the  river. 
0,  Gracious  God*  what  inhuman  barbarity  was  this  !  But  at 
length,  Sadiq  All  Khan  also  suffered  retribution  for  it  in  his  own 
life-time.8 

At  this  time  a  misunderstanding  had  set  in  between  Sadiq  AH 
Khan  and  Khadim  Husain  Khan,  or.  account  of  levy  of  revenue 
and  also  of  other  matters.  Sadiq  All  Khan,  resolving  to  expel 
and  extinguish  Khadim  Husain  Khan,  planned  an  expedition  to 
Purniah.  Khadim  Husain  Khan  advancing  with  his  troops  from 
Purniah,  entrenched  himself  at  Gandahgolah  (Caragola)  for  fight- 
ing. Then,  all  of  a  sudden,  news  arrived  that  the  Imperialists  had 
besieged  the  fort  of  Azlmabad  (Patna),  and  were  fighting  with 
Ramnaiain.  Consequently,  Sadiq  All  Khan,  abandoning  his 
contemplated  expedition  to  Purniah,  set  out  for  Aziniabad. 
Khadim  Husain  Khan,  not  considering  himself  a  match  for 
him,  set  out  for  the  Imperial  Capital.  From  this  (i.e.,  the  south- 
ern) side  of  the  Ganges,  the  army  of  Sadiq  Ali  Khan,  and  from 
that  (i.e.,  the  northern)  side  of  the  Gauges,  Khadim  Husain  Khan 

1  To  the  credit  of  Jasarat  Khan,  Faivjdar  of  Dacca  or  Jahangirnagar,  it  is 
related  in  the  Seir  that  he  had  declined  to  be  a  party  to  such  a  diabolical 
murder,  and  had  offered  to  resign  his  post.  It  appears  from  the  Seir  Mir  Jafar 
subsequently  hoaxed  Jasarat  Khan,  and  induced  the  latter  to  make  over  to 
Baqir  Khan  frtie  two  Begams,  on  the  plea  that  they  would  be  safely  lodged 
at  Mnrshidabad,  now  that  Miran  had  left  that  place  for  Bihar. 

2  That  Mir  Jafar  and  his  son,  Miran,  were  despicable  tyrants,  is  sufficiently 
attested  by  this  diabsJical  murder.  There  is  nothing  to  match  such  inhuman 
barbarity  in  the  record  of  the  much-abused  Siraju-d-daulah.  See  Seiru-1- 
Mutakherin ,  Vol.  II,  p.  689.  It  appears  Aminah  Begam,  before  plunging  into 
the  river,  prayed  to. God  that  Miran  might  meet  with  retribution  aud  be  killed 
by  lightning  for  his  barbarous  inhumanity  in  causing  her  and  her  sister's  death. 
It  is  further  stated  in  the  Seir  that  Miran  was  killed  by  lightning  in  his  tent 
the  same  night  that  Ghasiti  Begam  and  Aminah  Begam  (daughters  of  All  Yardl 
Khan  Mahabat  Jang,  and  wives  of  Shahamat  Jang  and  Haibat  Jang  respec- 
tively )  met  with  a  watery  grave  in  the  river  below  Dacca. 


383 

> 

marched  up.  And  \vl1e7  news  of  the  approach  of  Sadiq  All 
Khan  spread  at  Azimabad,  the  Imperialists  raising  the  siege  of 
the  fort  of  Patna  retired  by  the  highway  towards  Munlr.  Sadiq 
All  Khan,  thus  finding  himself  at  leisure,  crossed  the  river,  >and 
marched  in  pursuit  of  Khadim  Husain  Khan.  Khadim  Husain 
Khan  marched  forward  with  the  swiftness  of  lightning  and  wind, 
whilst  Sadiq  Ali  Khan  hotly  pursued  him  from  behind,  making 
forced  marches.  At  this  juncture,  a  storm  fit  wind  and  rain 
came  on  and  disabled  both  the  horsemen  and  the  horses  from 
action.  Khadim  Husain  Khan  reached  the  bank  of  a  river,1  to 
ford  which  was  difficult,  and  to  cross  which  without  a  ferry 
boat  was  impossible.  The  army  of  Khadim  Husain  Khan,  like 
the  Israelites  of  old,  finding  the  river  in  front  and  the  enemy  in 
the  rear,  despaired  of  life.  Finding  all  ways  of  escape  cut  off, 
Khadim  Husain  Khan  of  necessity  flung  his  treasures  and  heavy 
baggages  amongst  his  soldiers,  and  pfacing  his  trust  in  his  God  and 
looking  up  to  the  Infallible  Artist,  looked  out  for  supernatural 
help.  The  army  of  Sadiq  Ali  Khan,  having  had  to  march  through 
mud  and  clay  and  being  drenched  through  by  a  heavy  shower 
of  rain,  were  rendered  unfit  for  fighting,  ^and  halted  that  day  at  a 
distance  of  2  JcaroTi  from  Khadim  Husain  Khan.  In  that  the  cup 
of  the  life  of  Khadim  Husain  Khan  and  his  companions  was  yet 
not  full  to  the  brim,  at  midnight  a  lightning  fell  on  Sadiq  Ali 
Khan,  and  killed  him'  and  his  personal  attendant.  This  mishap 
occurred  in  1173  A.H.  Khadim  Husain  Khg,n,  thus  getting 
providentially  rescued  from  the  claws  of  certain  death,  marched 
away  with  the  speed  of  lightning  and  wind,  and  went  to  the 
Subah  of  Audh  (Oudh).  Rajballab  8  and  other  comrades  of  Sadiq 
Ali  Khan  rubbed  the  ashes  of  sorrow  and  anguish  on  their  heads, 
and  together  with  the  English  army  retiree? to  Azimabad.  There 
they  directed  their  attention  towards  the  Imperial  army,  includ- 
ing the  Emperor's  Mahratta  Contingent,  who  wei'e  encamped  at 
Hilsah,  and  commenced  warfare.  The  Imperialists  were  again 
defeated,   and  the  French  General  8  who  was  in  the  company  of 

1  This  was  the  river  Gandak,  as  would  appear  from  the  description  in  the  Seir. 

2  Rajballab,  a  native  of  Dacca,  was  Peshkar  of  Husain  Qnli  Khan,  whilst 
the  latter  was  Diwan  of  Shah  am  at  Jang  in  Dacca.  After  Husain  Quli  Khan's 
death,  Rajballab  rose  to  be  Diwan  of  Shahamat  Jang.  He  was  continued  in 
the  same  office  under  Miran. 

3  This  was  Mons.  Las,  as  would  appear  from  the  Seir. 

49 


384 

the  Emperor  was  captured,  whilst  Rajballab  followed  up  to  Bihar. 
When  the  Imperialists  marched  towards  Gya-Manpiir  and  Kam- 
gar  Khan  fled  to  the  hills,  Rajballab  thought  of  returning.  But 
at  this  moment,  news  arrived  to  the  effect  that  Nawab  Jafar  All 
Khan  was  a  prisoner,  and  that  Nawab  Qasim  All  Khan  '  had 
acquired  the  Sfibah  of  Bengal,  as  will  be  related  hereafter.  The 
period  of  the' Nizamat  of  Nawab  Mir  Muhammad  Jafar  AH  Khan 
lasted  about  three  years. 

NIZAMAT     OF    ALLJAH   NASlRU-L-MULK     IMTIAZLT-D- 
DAULAH  QASIM  ALI  KHAN  BAHADUR  NASRAT  JANG. 

Nawab  Jafar  Ali  Khan  had  sent  to  Calcutta  his  kinsman,  Mir 
Muhammad  Qasim,2  who  was  a  son  of  Nawab  Imtiaz  Khan,  snr- 
named  Khfilis,  to  represent  him  at  the  Conference  regarding  the 
Administration  and  settlement  of  the  apportionment  of  10  annas  of 
the  revenue  to  Jafar  Ali  Kb  an  and  six  annas  to  the  English,  and 
regarding  the  enjoyment  of  the  office  of  Diwan  by  Jafar  Ali  Khan. 
On  the  death  of  Sadiq  All  Khan,  the  Army  demanding  their  pay 
which  had  fallen  into  arrear  for  some  years  mutinied  in  a  body, 
besieged  the  Nawab  in  the  Ghiliil  Satiin  Palace,  and  cut  off 
supplies  of  food  and  water.  In  consequence,  the  Nawab  wrote  to 
Mir  Muhammad  Qasim  Khan  to  the  effect  that  the  army  had 
reduced  him  to  straits  for  demand  of  arrear  pay.  Mir  Muham- 
mad Qasim  Khan,  in  concert  with  Jagat  Set,  conspired  with 
the  English  Chiefs,  and  induced  the  latter  to  write  to  Nawab 
Jafar  Ali  Khan   to  the  effect  that  the  mutiny   of  the  army  for 

1  Mir  Qiisim  was  a  son-in-law  of  Mir  Jafar,  who  had  conferred  on  the  former 
theFaujdari  rf  Pnrniah  in  addition  to  that  of  Kangpur.  Mir  Qasim  went  on 
some  State  business  to  Calcutta,  and  there  made  an  impression  on  Mr.  Vansit- 
tart,  who  had  now  succeeded  Clive  as  Governor  of  Calcutta.  At  this  time, 
the  pay  of  the  army  being  in  arrear,  the  latter  besieged  Mir  Jafar  in  his 
palace.  With  the  help  of  the  English  Council  in  Calcutta,  Mir  Qiisim  now 
became  Nazim  of  Bengal,  Bihar,  and  Orissa,  in  supercession  of  Mir  Jafar,  who 
had  proved  himself  an  incapable  ruler,  (See  jSeiY,  Vol.  II,  p.  695).  Mir 
Qasim  owed  his  installation  chiefly  to  Mr.  Vansittart,  the  Governor  of  Calcutta, 
and  his  colleagne  in  the  Council,  Mr.  Hastings,  both  of  whom  went  for  the 
purpose  to  Murshidabad.  Mir  Jafar  came  to  Calcutta  and  remained  there 
under  surveillance. 

2  In  the  Seir,  it  is  stated  Mir  Qiisim  was  a  son  of  Syed  Murtaza,  who 
was  a  son  of  Jmtlaz  Khan,  snrnamed  Khalis. 


385 

> 

demaucl  of  pay  was  a  very  serious  matter,  and  that  it  was  ad- 
visable that  the  Nawab*  abandoning  the  Fort  should  come  down 
to  Calcutta,  entrusting  the  Fort  and  the  Subah  to  Mir  Muhammad 
Qasini  Khan.1  Mir  Muhammad  Qasim  with  full  self-confidence, 
on  attaining  his  aim,  returned  to  Murshidabad.  The  English 
Chiefs  leaguing  with  Mir  Muhammad  Qasim  Khan  brought  out 
Nawab  Jafar  Khan  from  the  Fort,  placed  him  -ou  a  boat,  and 
sent  him  down  to  Calcutta.  Mir  Qasim  Khan  entered  the  Fort, 
mounted  the  masnad  of  Nizamat,  and  issued  proclamations  of 
peace  and  security  in  his  own  name.  He  sent  a  message  to  Raj- 
ballab2  to  bring  back  the  Emperor  to  Azimabad,  whilst  he  himself 
afterwards  set  out  for  Azimabad1,  in  order  to  wrait  on  the  Emperor, 
after  attending  to  and  reassuring  his  army,  and  making  some 
settlement  in  regard  to  their  arrears  of  pay.  Leaving  his  uncle, 
Mir  Turab  Ali  Khan,  as  Deputy  Nazim  in  Murshidabad,  Mir 
Qasim  carried  with  himself  all  his  effects,  requisites,  elephants, 
horses,  and  treasures  comprising  cash  and  jewelleries  of  the 
harem,  and  even  gold  and  silver  decorations  of  the  Imambara, 
amounting  to  several  laics  in  value,  and  bade  farewell  to  the 
country  of  Bengal.  After  arriving  at  Monghyr,  and  attending 
to  the  work  of  strengthening  its  fortifications,8  he  marched  to 

1  Mir  Jafar  pi'oved  himself  thoroughly  incapable.  la  whatever  light  his 
character  is  viewed,  he  appears  to  have  been  much  worse  than  the  much- 
abused  Siraju-d-daulah.*  Though  much  older  than  the  latter,  Mir  Jafar  was 
unquestionably  inferior  to  the  latter  in  qualities  both  of  head  and  heart, 
As  a  general  or  an  administrator,  Siraju-d-daulah  was  superior  to  him, 
whilst  as  a  man,  Siraju-d-daulah  was  much  better  than  Mir  Jafar  or  his 
infamous  son,  Miran.  The  Seir  states  that  shortly  after  the  Revolution, 
even  Mir  Jafar's  old  adherents  sighed  back  for  the  days  of  Siraju-d- 
daulah.  Mir  Jafar  was  even  incapable  of  retaining  the  friendships  or 
attachments  of  his  fellow-conspirators,  Dulab  Kam  and  Jagut  Set.  After  as- 
cending the  masnad  of  Nizamat,  Mir  Jafar  gave  himself  up  to  pleasures 
and  debaucheries,  though  he  was  an  elderly  man,  and  neglected  State  affairs 
wliich  fell  into  confusion.  Mr.  Vansittart  and  Mr.  Fastings  contemplated  at 
first  that  Mir  Jafar  should  be  allowed  to  retain  his  titles  and  privileges  as  the 
Nazim  of  Bengal,  whilst  Mir  Qasim  should  act  as  Administrator-General  or 
Regent  on  his  behalf.  In  this  arrangement,  Mir  Jafar  refused  to  acquiesce,  and 
so  he  was  brought  down  a  prisoner  to  Calcutta,  whilst  Mir  Qasim  was  pro- 
claimed Nawab  Nazim  of  Bengal,  Bihar,  and  Orissa.  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  695.) 

2  Rajballab  was  at  this  time  in  Patna  in  charge  of  Miran's  army,  as  Miran 
had  been  killed  by  lightning. 

s  From  the  Seir,  Vol.  II,  Pere,  text,  p.  711,  it  appears  that  Mir  Qasim  went 


386 

Azimabad  (Patna),  in  order  to  wait  on  the  Emperor.  Before 
Mir  Qasim's  arrival  at  Aziraabad,  the'  Emperor  had  returned 
to  that  place,  and  the  English  going  forward  to  receive  him 
had  accommodated  His  Majesty  in  their  own  Factory.1  Sub- 
sequent^, Qasim  Ali  Khan  also  aiTived,  had  the  honour  of  an 
audience  with  the  Emperor,  and  received  from  the  latter  the 
title  of  Nawab  Ali  Jah  Nasiru-1-mulk  Imtiazu-d-daulah  Qasim  Ali 
Khan  Nasrat  Jang.  But  the  officers  of  the  Emperor  marking 
some  change  in  the  conduct  of  Qasim  Ali  Khan  marched  back 
with,  the  Emperor  to  Banaras,  without  giving  any  intimation 
thereof  to  the  aforesaid  Khan.2     Nawab  Qasim  Ali  Khan  followed 


to  Monghyr  and  resided  there  in  1175  A.H.,  after  having  finished  his  expedi- 
tions to  Tirhut,  Shahabad,  and  Azimabad,  and  after  having  left  Rajah  Naubat 
Rai  as  Deputy  Subadar  of  Patna,  in  place  of  Ramnarain  and  Rajballab  who 
were  imprisoned.  (See  Seir,  Vol.  JI,  p.  711).  Two  days  every  week,  the 
Nawab  dispensed  justice,  attended  personally  to  every  State  affair,  and  listen- 
ed patiently  to  the  complaints  and  grievances  of  everyone,  however  humble 
his  position,  and  did  not  permit  corruption  or  bribery  to  thwart  the  course  of 
justice.  He  paid  assiduous  attention  to  the  happiness  of  his  people  and  to  the 
comfort  of  his  army,  which  ho  placed  in  a  highly  efficient  state.  He  was, 
however,  a  terror  to  enemies  aud  wrong-doers,  and  his  vigorous  personality 
pervaded  all  affairs  of  the  State.  Friends  aud  foes  alike  respected  him,  and 
even  the  English  regarded  him  as  a  real  power  in  the  land,  and  not  as  a 
shadow  like  Mir  Jafar.  He  respected  learning  and  the  learned,  and  appre- 
ciated the  company  of  scholars,  savants,  and  saints.  The  one  fatal  mistake 
that  he  made  was  that^.he  trusted  implicitly  the  Armenian  cut-throat,  Gurgan 
Khan,  who  was  the  generalissimo  of  his  Army  and  who  was  secretly  bent 
on  ruining  him,  and  this  one  fatal  mistake  which  embroiled  him  in  a  quarrel 
with  the  English  subsequently  proved  disastrous  to  his  power.  See  Seiru-l- 
MutaMterin,  Vol.  II,  p.  712. 

1  It  appears  the  English  General,  Major  Carnac.  concluded  a  truce  with  the 
Emperor,  established  amicable  relations  with  him,  and  induced  the  latter  to 
come  to  Patna.  At  this  time,  the  moves  of  the  pawns  on  the  political  chess- 
board of  India  were  quick  and  strange  and  inconsistent.  Everyone  was  after 
his  game  of  self -interest,  regardless  of  traditions  and  of  sentiments.  (See 
Seir,  Vol.  II,  pp.  700,  703-704).  At  this  time  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali  had  again 
invaded  India,  defeated  the  Mahrattas,  and  instructed  Shujau-d-daulah. 
Najibu-d-daulah  and,  other  Afghans  to  show  allegiance  to  Emperor  Shah 
Alam  who  was  his  brother-in-law.     (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p  706). 

2  There  does  not  appear  to  be  any  authority  for  this  statement.  It  would 
appear  that  agreeably  to  the  instruction  left  by  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali  who  had 
inflicted  a  crushing  defeat  on  the  Mahrattas,  Shujau-d-daulah,  Subadar  of 
Oadh,  had  come  at  the  time  to  the  borders  of  Oudh,  to  receive  the  Emperor 


387 

■> 
tliem  up  to  the  confines  of  Baksfir  and  Jagadishpiir,  and  after  pillag- 
ing those  places  returnea  to  Azimabad,  halted  at   the  residence 
of  Ramnarain,  and  set  himself  to  the  work  of  administration  of 
the  affairs  of  that  place.1 

When  Qasim  All  Khan  demanded  from  the  English  duties 
on  their  trade-goods,  the  latter  refused  to  pay  the  same,  and 
carried    on    their    trade    duty-free.2     Naw&b    Qa^im   All   Khan 

Shah   Alam   and  to  escort  him  to  Delhi,  to  instal  him  onius  ancestral  throne. 
See  Seiru-l-MutaMerin,  Vol.  II,  pp.  705-706. 

1  Important  administrative  changes  transpired  at  this  time.  Nawab  Mir 
Qasim  called  for  accounts  from  Ramnarain,  who  was  Deputy  Subadar  of 
Behar.  Finding  that  Ramnarain  had  lieen  guilty  of  malversation  in  respect 
of  large  amounts  of  the  public  revenues,  the  Nawab  dismissed  him  from  office 
and  threw  him  into  prison,  at  the  same  time  confiscating  all  his  treasures. 
Shitab  Rai,  who  was  Ramnarlin's  colleague,  was  also  suspected,  and  dismiss- 
ed by  the  Nawab,  who  took  into  his  own  hands  the  direct  administration  of 
Behar,  retaining,  however,  Rajballab  as  his  Depnty  there.  See  Seir,  Vol.  II, 
p.  707.  Subsequently  Rajballab  was  thrown  into  prison,  his  office  being 
given  to  Rajah  Naubat  Rai,  who  was  replaced  shortly  after  by  Mir  Mehdi 
Khan.  Gurgan  Khan,  an  Armenian,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Artillery 
and  the  Nawab  placed  implicit  confidence  in  hirs.  But  as  later  events  would 
shew,  this  Armenian  proved  a  traitor.  The  Naavab  employed  a  large  num- 
ber of  spies,  and  thus  kept  himself  well  informed  of  everything  that  trans- 
pired. He  also  appointed  Mir  Mehdi  Khan  as  Faujdar  of  Tirhut,  and 
Muhammad  Taqi  Khan  as  Faujdar  of  Birbhum. 

2  This  was  the  beginning  and  ostensible  cause  of  the  rupture  between 
Nawab,  Qasim  Ali  and  the  English.  The  Seir  (Vol.  II,  p.  715),  details  these 
important  events.  In  1176  A.H.,  Mr.  Henry  Vansittart,ethen  acting  as  Gov- 
ernor of  the  English  East  India  Company  in  Calcutta,  visited  the  Nawab  at 
Monghyr,  and  held  a  conference  with  him  on  various  matters.  The  Nawab 
then  told  Mr.  Vansittart  that  much  trade  passed  through  the  country  duty- 
free, as  it  was  given  out  that  it  was  on  behalf  of  the  English,  that  in  conse- 
quence the  State  suffered  a  heavy  loss,  and  that  it  w,as  proper  that  duty  should 
be  levied  on  all  such  goods,  except  those  particularly  belonging  to  the  English 
East  Irdia  Company.  Mr.  Vansittart  informed  the  Nawab  not  to  do  any- 
thing in  the  matter  in  haste,  but  to  wait  till  his  return  to  Calcutta,  when  pro- 
per orders  on  the  subject  would  be  passed  by  him  aud'fco'mmunicated  to  the 
Nawab.  The  Nawab  on  the  strength  of  this  felt  sanguine  that  his  request 
would  be  complied  with,  and  in  the  meantime  wrote  to  his  Collectors  (Amils), 
directing  them  to  be  vigilant  in  regard  to  permitting  goocls  to  pass  duty-free, 
and  adding  that  full  orders  would  be  communicated  to  them  hereafter.  These 
Amils  in  some  cases  exceeded  their  authority  by  stopping  goods,  with  the 
result  that  several  of  them  were  imprisoned  by  Mr.  Ellison,  of  the  Patna  Fac- 
tory, and  by  Mr.  Batteson,  of  the  Dacca  Factory,  and  sent  to  Calcutta.  The 
Nawab,  on  hearing  this,  directed  reprisals,  and  ordered  the  arrest  of  the  gomash. 


388 

remitted  thereupon  the  duties  leviable  from  all  the  traders  of 
Bengal  and  Bekar,  and  declared  that  so  long  as  he  failed  to  levy 
duties  from  the  rich,  he  would  hold  back  his  hand  from  doing:  so,  in 
the,  case  of  the  poor.  Owing  to  this  cause,  and  owing  to  some  other 
matters,  a  misunderstanding  set  in  between  him  and  the  English 
chiefs.  The  Nawab  now  hatched  plans  for  exterminating  them.1 
At  length,  he  formed  the  resolution  of  putting  them  all  to  the  sword 
on  one  clay.  In  pursuance  of  this  plan,  he  sent  despatches  to  his 
Deputies  and  Faujdars  in  Bengal  to  the  effect  that  on  a  cer- 
tain fixed  date  everywhere,  they  should  by  means  of  treachery 
or  violence  massacre  all  the  English  residents.  And  after  perso- 
nally giving  peremptory  injunctions  to  the  Generals  of  his  nrmy 
to  kill  and  capture  and  pillage  and  plunder  the  English,  he  return- 
ed to  Monghyr.  And  when  on  the  day  fixed,  the  army  of  Qasim 
Ali  Khan  prepared  to  discharge  their  commissioned  task,  a  battle 

tas  of  the  English,  and  remitted  duties  on  all  goods,  explaining  that  when 
the  goods  of  richer  traders  were  to  be  exempt  from  duties,  it  would  be  inequit- 
able to  levy  duties  on  goods  of  poorer  traders  who  contributed  only  a  fraction 
to  the  State  revenue.  The  Cc  uncil  in  Calcutta  sent  Mr.  Amy  tt  as  their  envoy  to 
the  Nawab  to  Monghyr  to  setftle  matters  (p.  720,  Seir,  Vol.  II).  Mr.  Vansittart 
also  sent  a  friendly  letter  to  the  Nawab  requesting  the  latter  to  concede  the 
demand  of  the  Council.  The  Nawab  consulted  his  general,  the  Armenian 
Gurgan  Khan,  who  advised  the  Nawab  not  to  listen  to  Mr.  Yansittart's 
advice  (p.  760,  Seir,  Vol.  II).  In  the  meantime,  Gurgan  Khan  had  caused 
the  flower  of  the  Nawab's  Army  to  perish  in  a  fruitless  expedition  for 
the  conquest  of  Napal  (p.  717,  Vol.  II,  Seir.)  The  Nawab  now  solicited  aid 
from  Nawiib  Vizier  Shujau-d-daulah  and  the  Emperor,  in  order  to  repel  the 
encroachments  of  the  English  (p.  718,  Seir,  Vol.  II).  The  Nawab  also  wrote 
to  his  capable  and  loyal  Faujdar  of  Birbhum,  Muhammad  Taqi  Khan,  to  send 
Jagat  Set  Mahtab  llai  and  bis  brother,  Maharaja  Surupchand,  grandsons  of 
Jagat  Set  Fatehchand,  from  Murshidabad  to  Monghyr  under  proper  escort,  and 
Muhammad  Taqi  Khan  accordingly  sent  them  to  Monghyr,  where  they  were 
ordered  to  reside  under  surveillance  (p.  721,  Seir,  Vol.  II).  On  hearing  that 
Mr.  Amytt  was  coming  to  Monghyr,  the  Nawab  sent  Mir  Abdullah  and  Ghu- 
lam  Husain  Khan  (author  of  the  Seir),  who  were  intimate  with  Mr.  Amytt,  to 
go  and  receive  him,  and  to  enquire  into  the  object  of  his  mission.  (See  Seir, 
Vol.11,  p.  712).  Mr.  Amytt's  mission  proved  a  failure  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II, 
p.  742). 

1  The  Riyatfs  account  is  not  quite  accurate.  What  actually  happened 
is  detailed  in  the  Seir,  the  author  of  which  was  an  actor  in  these  scenes. 
(See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  725).  It  appears  that  before  the  Council  in  Calcutta  had 
decided  anything,  on  Mr.  Amytt's  return,  Mr.  Amytt  on  his  own  responsibility 
bad  written  from  Monghyr  to  Mr.  Ellison,   Chief  of  the  Patna  Factory,  to 


389 

ensued  with  the  English   army1.     At  length  after  successive  on- 
slaughts, Nawab  Qasim  All  Jflian's  army  triumphed,2  and  engaging 

prepare  for  war,  and  the  latter,  without  waiting  for  any  declaration  of  war  by 
the  Council,  quietly  concentrated  all  the  available  English  regiments  in  his 
Factory,  and  suddenly  attacked  the  Fort  at  Patna  The  Nawab's  garrison 
who  were  quite  unprepared  for  such  an  attack,  were  surprised,  and  the 
Fort  fell  partially  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  whose  troop's  plundered  the 
houses  in  the  Fort.  (See  Seir,  Vol.  IT,  p.  726).  From.  Monghyr,  reinforce- 
ments were  hurried  up  by  the  Nawab,  and  with  these  reinforcements  Mir 
Mehdi  Khan,  Nawab's  Deputy  Subadar  of  Patna,  vigorously  assaulted  the  Fort, 
recaptured  it,  also  captured  the  English  Factory,  when  Mr.  Ellison  with  Dr- 
Fullerton  and  other  Englishmen  and  th&ir  troops  fled  to  Ohapra  and  thence  to 
the  Sarju,  when  they  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  Bengalee  Ram  Nidhi,  Faujdar 
of  Saran,  and  Sumroo  the  Frenchman,  and  brought  to  Monghyr,  where  they 
were  thrown  into  prison.  It  was  then  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  727),  that  the 
Nawab  sent  despatches  to  all  his  Faujdars  and  generals,  apprising  them  of  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities  between  him  and  the  English,  and  directing  them  to  put 
to  the  sword  the  English,  wherever  found.  Mr.  Amytt  was  killed  at  Murshi- 
dabad, in  pursuance  of  the  above  order  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  727).  The  Riyaz's 
statement  that  the  Nawab  fixed  a  '  particular  day'  for  the  massacre  of  the 
English,  or  that  he  instructed  his  officers  to  kill  Englishmen  by  treachery — 
does  not  accord  with  the  Seir's  version,  which  ia  more  authentic  and  reliable. 

1  It  is  not  clear  to  which  battle  the  Rtyaz  refers  here.  As  wonld  appear 
from  the  note  ante,  the  first  battle  in  which  the  Nawab's  army  triumphed 
was  fought,  in  order  to  re-capture  the  Fort  of  Patna  after  the  English  had 
suddenly  surprised  it.  Jt  does  not  appear  from  the  Seir's  account  that 
on  this  viotory,  the  Nawab  slew  "  all  the  Englishmen,  "  but  what  he  did  was 
that  he  apprised  his  officers  of  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  between  him  and 
the  English,  and  directed  the  former  to  put  the  English  to  the  sword  wher- 
ever found.  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  727).  In  pursuance  of  the  above  general 
order,  Mr.  Amytt  was  put  to  the  sword  at  Murshidabad,  and  the  Qasimbazar 
factory  was  looted.  (See  S'eir,  Vol.  II,  pp.  727-728).  Then  the  English 
Council  assembled  in  Calcutta,  and  decided  on  war  against  the  Nawab,  and 
also  proclaimed  Mir  Jafar  (who  was  in  surveillance  in  Calcutta)  as  the  Nawab 
Nazim  of  Bengal  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  pp.  768-769).  In  the  meantime,  the 
Nawab  had  directed  his  Faujdar  of  Birbhum  (Muhammad  Taqi  Khan)  to  pre- 
pare for  fighting  with  the  English,  and  had  sent  hid  officers,  Jafar  Khan, 
Alam  Khan  and  Shaikh  Haibatu-1-lah  with  others  to  re-inforce  Muhammad 
Taqi  Khan.  The  above  three  officers  proceeded  to  Murshidabad,  took  ammu- 
nitions and  armaments  from  Syed  Muhammad  Khan,  wjjo  was  Deputy  Nazim 
of  Murshidabad  at  the  time,  and  encamped  at  Plassey  and  Katwah,  whilst 
Muhammad  Taqi  Khan,  with  his  army,  proceeded  from  Birbhum  to  Katwah. 
(See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  728). 

2  The  ouly  real  victory  that  Mir  Qasim  appears  to  have  achieved  over 
the    English,    was   in   his    re-capture    of   the   Fort   of    Patna,     The   Riyaz's 


390 

in  capturing  arid  killing  slew  all  the  Eng^sh,  and  plundered  their 
factories.  Bnt  Sadru-1-Haq  Khan,  Faujdar  of  Dinajpur,  and  the 
Rajah  of  Bardwan  held  back  their  hands  from  this  wretched  work. 

account  of  these  events  is  neither  so  detailed  nor  so  lucid  as  that  of  the 
Seiru-l-MutaMerin,  whose  author  Ghulam  Husain  Khan  was  an  actor  in,  or 
actual  spectator  of,  most-  of  these  scenes.  From  the  Seir,  it  appears  that 
after  the  re-capture  of  Patna,  the  next  battle  between  the  English  and  the 
Nawab's  troops  was  foaght  at  Katwah.  The  Nawab's  Faujdar  of  Birbhum, 
Muhammad  Taqi  Khan,  fought  at  this  battle  most  gallantly,  but  his  gallantry 
was  of  no  avail,  as  Syed  Muhammad  Khan,  Deputy  Nazim  of  Murshidabad, 
failed,  owing  to  jealousy  that  he  bore,  to  support  him,  and  prevented  Jafar 
Khan,  Alam  Khan,  and  Shaikh  Haibatu-1-lah  also  from  re-inforcing  him.  (See 
Seir,  Vol.  II,  pp.  729  to  731).  After  this,  the  English  with  Mir  Jafar  entered 
Murshidabad  (Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  731).  The  news  of  the  fall  of  his  brave  officers 
Muhammad  Taqi  Khan,  disconcerted  the  Nawab,  who  hurried  up  re-inforce- 
ments  under  Sumroo,  Mallear  Armenian,  and  Asadullah,  and  directed  them  to 
concentrate  at  Suti  with  the  vanquished  troops  of  Katwah.  Major  Adams 
commanded  the  English  army.  At  the  battle  of  Suti,  the  Nawab's  troops 
were  defeated,  and  the  English  won  the  victory  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  pp. 
732-733). 

On  hearing  of  the  defeat  at 'Suti,  the  'Nawab  sent  his  Begams  and  children 
to  the  fort  of  Rohtas,  whilst  he  himself  set  out  with  his  general,  the  Arme- 
nian Gurgin  Khan,  to  re-inforce  his  army  that  was  now  concentrated  on  the 
banks  of  the  Adhua  nalla,  a  stream  taking  its  rise  from  the  hills  north  of 
Rajmahal  and  flowing  to  the  Ganges.  This  position  was  considered  to  be  of 
strategic  importance  and  impregnable,  as  it  was  accessible  by  only  one  secx'et 
passage.  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  734).  On  24th  Muharram  in  1177  A.E.,  in 
the  night,  the  Nawab  marched  out  from  the  Monghyr  Fort.  Suspecting  trea- 
chery from  his  officers  as  well  as  from  his  prisoners,  and  his  suspicion  being 
fanned  by  the  Armenian  Gurgin  Khan,  the  Nawab  before  leaving  Monghyr 
killed  his  prisoners,  namely,  Rajah  Ramnarain,  the  quondam  Naib  Subadar  of 
Behar,  Rajah  Rajballab,  the  quondam  Diwan  of  Nawab  Shahamat  Jang, 
Rai  Raian  Ume/I  Ram,  Rajaii  Fateh  Singh,  Rajah  Buniad  Singh  (zamindar  of 
Tikari),  Shaikh  Abdullah,  as  well  as  others.  The  Nawiib  caused  Ramnarain 
to  be  thrown  into  the  river  below  Monghyr  fort  with  a  pitcher  filled  with 
sand  tied  to  his  neck.  Gurgin  Khan,  no{;  satisfied  with  this  work  of  butchery, 
incited  the  Nawab  to  kill  also  his  English  prisoners,  consisting  of  Mr.  Elison 
and  Dr.  Fullerton  and  others  of  the  Patna  Factory.  The  Nawab,  however, 
refused  to  kill  them  and  placed  extra  guard  on  them.  Kamgar  Khan  Muin 
also  joined  the  Na^ab,  who  was  encamped  at  the  Ohampanagar  nalla, 
but  was  sent  away  to  Birbhum  by  the  traitor,  Gurgin  Khan.  (Seir,  Vol. 
II,  p.  735).  At  this  time,  Mir  Ruju-d-din,  son  of  the  late  Nawab  Saif 
Khan  of  Purniah,  deserted  Mir  Qasim's  army,  proceeded  to  Pnrniah,  and 
made  himself  its  master,  and  opened  correspondence  with  Mir  Jafar  Khan 
and  the  English  (Seir,  Vol.  II,   p.   736).     At   Adhua,   the    Nawab's   troops 


391 

When  Nawab  Qasim  Ali  Khan  made  his  entry   into   Monghyr, 
he  summoned  to  his   presence   all   the   officers   of  the  Nizamat  of 

were  wont  for  some  time  to  sally  out  in  the  night  by  the  secret  passage, 
and  to  do  havoc  amongst  English  troops.  Once  they  went  so  far  as 
to  attack  Mir  Jafar  Khan's  Camp,  Mir  Jafar  Khan  having  come  to  Adhua 
with  the  English  army.  Mir  Jafar  was  about , to  run  "away,  when  the 
English  army  re-inforced  him.  The  English  were  thrown  into  consternation 
by  these  destructive  night-attacks,  and  were  at  a  loss  fy?  find  out  the  passage 
by  which  the  Nawab's  troops  approached  the  English  entrenchments.  At 
tins  time,  an  English  soldier  who  had  long  ago  left  the  English  army  and 
taken  service  under  the  Nawab,  informed  the  English  army  of  the  secret 
passage  {Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  737),  and  undertook  to  guide  them  to  the  Nawab's 
entrenchments  at  Adhua.  With  the  help  of  this  man,  Colonel  Goddaro,  with 
an  English  regiment,  moved  to  the  Xawiib's  entrenchment  in  the  night.  The 
Nawab's  army  were  in  a  false  sense  of  security,  fancying  the  position  impreg- 
nable, and  thinking  that  the  secret  passage  to  it  was  unknown  to  the  English. 
The  Nawab's  army  under  Asadullah  Kjaln,  the  Frenchman  Sumroo,  the 
Armenians,  Malkar  and  Antony,  were  surprised  by  this  night-attack  of 
the  English  and  defeated  {Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  738),  and  dispersed  on  26th 
Safar,  1177  A.H.  .On  the  second  or  third  day,  the  news  of  this  disaster 
readied  the  Nawab,  who  now  moved  to»the  Mong4iyr  Fort.  After  halting  there 
two  or  three  days,  lie  left  that  place  with  Gnrgin  Khan  and  others,  placing 
the  Fort  in  charge  of  one  Arab  Ali  Khan,  a  protege  and  creature  of  Gnrgin 
Khan,  and  reached  the  Kohua  nulla.  At  this  time,  a  leading  nobleman 
named  All  Ibrahim  Khan  counselled  the  Nawab  to  release  the  English  pri- 
soners, named  Messrs.  Elijon,  Jee,  and  Lushington  and  others,  or  at  least  to 
send  iheir  wives  by  boat  to  Major  Adams.  The  Nawab  referred  All  Ibrahim 
Khan  to  Gnrgin  Khan,  the  Aimeuian  evil  genius  of  th£ Nawab.  The  Arme- 
nian said  no  boats  were  available,  and  refused  to  listen  to  the  humane  counsel 
of  Ali  Ibrahim  Khan.  On  the  way,  Gurgin  Khan  was  hacked  to  pieces  with 
the  sword  by  some  horseman,  whose  pay  was  in  anear.  The  Nawab  moved 
from  Rolma  nulla  to  Barh,  where  Jagat  Set  and  his  brother  Sarupchand  were 
put  to  the  sword  under  Nawab's  orders.  From»theie  the  Na,wab  moved  to 
Patna,  where  he  received  news  that  Arab  Ali  Khan,  commandant  of  the 
Monghyr  Fort,  and  a  creature  of  Gurgin  Khan,  had  accepted  a  bribe  from  the' 
English,  and  treacherously  made  over  the  Fort  to  the  latter.  {Seir,  Vol.  II, 
p.  741).  The  Nawab  was  exasperated  ;  he  was  filled  with  suspicion,  and  his 
annoyance  knew  no  bounds.  He  ordered  the  Frenchman,  Sumroo,  to  kill  the 
English  prisoners.  This  Sumroo,  though  of  one  religion  with  the  English 
prisoners,  willingly  accepted  this  murderous  errand,  and?  on  the  night  of  the 
last  day  of  Rabi-al-Awal,  1177  A.H.,  he  shot  down  the  English  prisoners,  who 
were  lodged  at  the  time  in  the  house  of  the  late  Haji  Ahmad,  brother  of  Maha- 
bat  Jang.  That  house  has  since  become  the  English  burial-ground  in  Patna, 
(See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  739).  None  escaped  except  Dr.  Fullerton  (Seir,  Vol.  II, 
p.  740).     The  Nawab  accused   Dr.  Fullerton  of  treachery,   which  the  latter 

50 


392 

Bengal,  and  set  himself  to  the  work  of  administering   the   several 

disavowed.  The  Nawab  tlien  spared  his  life.  Dr.  Fullerton  subsequently 
escaped  to  Hajipnr  and  joined  the  English  army  there  (Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  741). 
The  English  next  invaded  Patna,  and  stormed  the  fort  there  [Seir,  Vol.  II, 
p.  742).  The  Nawab  now  crossed  the  Karamnassa  river,  and  entered  the  terri- 
tory of  Nawab-Vizier  Shujan-d-danlah.  [Seir,  p.  743).  The  Nawab  (Mir 
Qasim)  now  met  -the  Nawab-Vizier  Shujau-d-daulah  and  the  Emperor  near 
Allahabad,  and  induced  them  to  help  him  in  driving  out  the  English  from 
the  Subahs  of  Behar'and  Bengal  (Seir,  Vol.  IT,  p.  745).  The  Emperor,  the 
Nawab-Vizier  and  the  Nawab  now  marched  to  Benares  where  they  encamped 
for  some  time,  in  order  to  invade  Behar  (p.  746  Seir).  Dreading  the  approach 
of  the  Nawab-Vizier  Shujau-d-daulah,  the  English  with  Mir  Jafar,  who  had 
gone  in  pursuit  of  Mir  Qasim,  now' retired  from  Baksar  towards  Patna. 
Shujau-d-daulah  with  his  huge  army  and  with  Mir  Qasim  now  overtook  the 
English  near  Phulwari  (p.  749,  Seir,  Vol.  II).  There  were  skirmishes,  follow- 
ed by  a  battle  in  which  the  English  army  reeled,  but  the  result  was  indeoiaive) 
owing  to  absence  of  concerted  action  between  Mir  Qasim  and  Shujau-d-daulah 
(pp.  749-750,  Seir,  Vol.  II).  At  the  same  time,  Mir  Mehdi  Khan,  who  had 
before  fought  so  bravely  for  Mir  Qasim  and  re-captured  the  Patna  Fort  from 
the  English,  now  deserted  his  old  master,  Mir  Qasim,  and  joined  the  English 
(p.  750,  Seir,  Vol.  II). 

The  Nawab-Vizier  with  MirtQasim  no\r  retired  to  Baksar  (Seir  pp. 751).  At 
this  time,  from  the  English  sirKj,  Dr.  Fullerton  used  Ghulam  Husain  Khan,  the 
author  of  the  Seir,  as  a  spy,  and  wrote  to  him  to  induce  the  Emperor  to  give 
his  support  to  the  English,  and  to  withhold  his  support  of  the  Nawab-Vizier 
(p.  751,  Seir,  Vol.  II).  Ghulam  Husain  Khan  and  his  father  Hedait  Ali  Khan» 
who  held  jagirs  at  Husainabad  in  Monghyr  district,  held  a  peculiar  position 
at  the  time.  They  professed  friendship  both  for  Dr.  Fullerton  and  therEng- 
lish,  and  also  for  Min-Qasim  and  the  Nawab-Vizier.  They  were  all  things  to 
all  men,  and  enjoyed  friendship  and  influence  amongst  both  the  hostile 
parties.  They  opened  secret  correspondence  with  the  Emperor,  and  induced 
the  latter  to  give  his  moral  support  to  the  English  (p.  751,  Seir,  Vol.  IT).  A 
conference  was  now  held  between  Ghulam  Husain  Khan  who  now  played  the 
role  of  an  English  spy  ayd  between  Major  Carnac,  Dr.  Fullerton  and  Mir 
Jafar,  and  a  reply  was  sent  through  Ghulam  Hosain  Khan  and  other  spies 
to  the  Emperor.  In  the  meantime,  Shujau-d-daulah  fell  out  with  Mir  Qasim 
(p.  752).  Mir  Qasim  now  assumed  the  garb  of  a  faqir,  but  was  shortly 
after  induced  to  give  it  up,  at  the  entreaties  of  Shujau-d-daulah  who  found 
his  honour  was  at  stake.  Shortly  after,  Mir  Qasim's  French  officer,  Sumroo> 
the  infamous  perpetrator  of  the  Patna  massacre,  mutinied  against  Mir  Qasim, 
and  was  paid  up  and^discharged  by  the  latter.  Then  this  infamous  Frenchman 
took  service  under  Shujan-d-daulah  with  all  the  gans  and  ammunition  of 
bis  old  master,  Mir  Qasim  (p.  755,  Vol.  II,  Seir).  The  Nawab-Vizier  shame- 
lessly imprisoned  his  refugee  Mir  Qasim  ;  all  people  deserted  the  latter,  except 
his  onefold  brave  and  loyal  officer,  Ali  Ibrahim  Khan,  who  clung  to  his  old 
master  with  a   fidelity    uncommon  in  those  treacherous  days.     When  Shujau- 


393 

Pz-ovinces.     And   summoning   to   Monghyr,   one   by  one,  the   Rai 

d-danlah  spoke  ill  of  Mir  Qasim,  and  wondered  why  All  Ibrahim  Khan  citing 
to  Mir  Qasim,  in  spite  of  the   latter  speaking   ill  of  Ali    Ibrahim,  the   latter 
retnrned  a  manly  and  dignified  answer  which  brought  tears  even  to  the  eyes 
of  the  mean  Nawab-Vizier.     All  Ibrahim  said  :     '  To  my  knowledge,  I  have  not 
been   gnilty    of  any   dereliction  in    duty   to   my   master  (Mir  Qasim),  except 
that  after  the  events  at  Patna,  whilst  his  other  officers  counselled  him  to  go  to 
the  Dakbin,  and    secure    support   of  the    Mahrattas,  I    alone-insisted  on    Mir 
Qasim  to  seek  shelter  with  you,  the  Nawfib-Vizier,  and  .with  the  Emperor  !  " 
(p.  757,  Vol.  II,  Seir.)     At  this  time,  Major  Munro,  commander  of  the  English 
army  in    Patna,   wrote   through   Dr.   Fullerton   to  Ghulam    Husain  Khan,  the 
author  of  the  Seir,  to  use   his  inflnence  in  acquiring    the    Fort  of  Rohtas  for 
the  English.     Ghulam   Husain  Khan  tampered  with  Mir  Qasim's  commandant 
Rajah    Sahmel,  and  induced  the   latter  to    make  over  the  Port  of  Rohtas  to 
Captain  Goddard  of  the  English   army  (p.   758,    Seir,    Vol.    II).     Mir   Jafar 
now  returned  to  Murshidabad,  where  he  died   (Seir,  Vol.   II,  pp.    758   759), 
on   14th   Shaban,    1178.     Mir  Jafar  before  setting  out    for  Calcutta  had  left 
his  brother,  Mir  Muhammad   Kazim  Khan,  as  Deputy  Nazim  of  Patna,  with 
Dhiraj   Narain  (Ramnarain's  brother)  as  Diwan   under  the  latter.     Mir  Jafar 
appointed  Nando  Kumar  as  his  Diwan  (p.  759,  Seir,  Vol.   II),  and  imprisoned 
Muhammad  Riza  Khan,  Deputy  Nazim  of  Dacca   (Jahangirnagar),   who  was 
son-in-law  of  Rabia  Begam  and  Ataullah  Khan  Sabat  Jang.     From  fear  of  the 
prestige    and    power    of  Shujau-d-danlah   and  from   fear  of  the  odium  they 
would  incur  by  engaging  in  a  war  with   the  Emperor,  both  Mir  Jafar  and  the 
English  seriously  contemplated  patching   up  a  peace   with  the  Nawab-Vizier 
and  the    Emperor,   leaving  to   them    the   Behar    Provinces,  and  stipulating  to 
pay  them  a  fixed  revenue  for  Bengal  (p.  760,  Vol.  IT,  Seir).   This  was,  however, 
not  to  be,  owing  to  the  ISfawab-Vizier's  ambition    which  would  accept  of  no 
compromise,  but   aimed   at   an    exclusive  domination  over   the  whole  Empire. 
Whilst    Mir   Jafar   was  yet   alive  in  Calcutta,  Major  Munro  succeeded  Major 
Cnrnac  in  the  command  of  the  English  army,  and  was  ordered  in  Safar  1178 
A.H.,  to  proceed  to  Baksar  to  fight  with  the  Nawab-Vizier  Shujau-d-daulah 
who  was  offensive  in  his  correspondence  with  the  English  Council  in  Calcutta. 
The  Nawab-Vizier  and  his  army  were  in  a  sense  of  false  security  and  were 
immersed   in    pleasures,  frivolities  and  amusements,  as  if  they  Had  come  for  a 
picnic.     On  Major   Munro's  arrival,  the  Nawab-Vizier  with  his  army  hurriedly 
took  up  a  position  on  the  north-west  of  n  jhil  or  marshy  sheet  of  water.    The 
English  army  rested  on  the  south-east'of  the  jhil,     ThetN^xwab-Vizier  posted 
Sumroo  and    Madak  with   eight   guns   and   eight  regiments  of  Mir  Qasim  to 
cover  his    front.     The   Nawab-Vizier's   army   was   composed  of  three  wings. 
The  right  wing  was  commanded  by  the  Nawab-Vizier  himself,  his  centre  was 
commanded  by   Shuja   Qnli  Khan   with   six  thousand  Mughal  troops,  and  his 
left  wing  was  under  the  command  of  Rajah   Beni    Bahadur,    Nawab-Vizier's 
Deputy  Subadar  in  Oudh  and   Allahabad.     The  left  flank  of  the  left  wing 
rested  on  the  banks  of  the   Ganges.     The  battle  opened  with  a  cannonade, 
which  was   briskly   kept  up  on  both  sides,  and  which  did  its  destructive  work 


394 

JRaiau   Uixiid  Rai,  his"  son,  Kali   Parshad,  Ramkishor,  Rajballab, 

on  both  sides.  Then  the  Nawab-Vizier  with  his1  Mughal  and  Duranian  troups 
made  a  flanking  sally  from  towards  the  right  of  his  own  artillery,  assaulted 
Major  Munro's  cavalry  and  camp,  and  worked  havoc  in  the  English  army. 
FroiL  the  brisk  cannonade  kept  up  by  Madak  and  Sumroo,  and  from  the 
repeated  assaults  of  the  Nawab-Vizier,  the  English  army  was  hard-pressed. 
Major  Munro  grasping  the  crisis  and  finding  a  frontal  attack  impossible, 
owing  to  the  muddy  jhil  Tying  in  front  of  him,  quickly  detached  a  corps  under 
Captain  Nau  to  make  a  flanking  movement  from  the  side  of  the  river,  in 
order  to  attack  the  'Nawab-Vizier' s  left  wing,  commanded  by  Rajah  Beni 
Bahadur.  This  corps  approached  slowly,  and  reached  the  plain  of  the  ruins 
amidst  which  Rajah  Beni  Bahadur's  troops  lay.  Shaikh  Ghulam  Qadir  and 
other  Shaikh  Zadas  of  Lucknow  who  formed  the  van  of  Rajah  Beni  Bahadur's 
army,  stood  with  guns  behind  a  wall  amidst  those  ruins.  The  English  regi- 
ments slowly  and  circumspectly,  without  disclosing  themselves,  crept  up  to 
the  summit  of  the  wall,  and  it  was  only  when  they  rolled  down  stones  on  the 
heads  of  the  Rajah's  troops  that  rested  behind  the  wall  at  its  foot,  that  these 
woke  up  from  their  slumber.  It  was  only  then  that  Shaikh  Ghulam  Qadir 
and  his  kinsmen  and  followers  came  to  know  of  the  arrival  of  the  English 
regiment,  and  rose  up  to  fight.  Before,  however,  these  Shaikhs  could  arrange 
their  force  in  fighting  array,  the  English  regiment  commenced  firing  their 
muskets,  and  killed  Ghulam  Qadir  and  his  kinsmen,  whilst  others  fled.  At  this 
time,  Rajah  Beni  Bahadur  asked  Ghaiib  Khan,  a  notable  of  Delhi,  what 
course  he  was  to  follow.  Ghaiib  Khan  answered  that  if  the  Rajah  cared  for 
his  honour,  he  must  die  fighting,  or  else  must  run  away.  Then  for  a  time 
the  Rajah  engaged  in  fighting,  but  shortly  after  changing  his  mind,  and  pre- 
ferring not  to  die,  ran  away.  In  the  meantime,  hearing  the  booming  of 
cannons  by  the  English  regiment  on  the  heads  of  '.^haikh  Ghulam  Qadir  and 
Rajah  Beni  Bahadur,  Shuja  Quli  Khan's  jealousy  was  aroused,  and  fancying 
that  the  booming  proceeded  from  the  Rajah's  army,  and  that  the  Rajah  would 
soon  achieve  the  honour  of  a  victory,  without  stopping  to  enquire  into  the 
matter,  he  forthwith  sallied  out  of  his  position,  advanced  across  Sumroo  and 
Madak,  who  in  consequence  had  to  suspend  their  cannonade,  and  waded 
across  the  jhil  full  of  mud.  The  English  artillery  from  front  now  quickend 
their  cannonade,  and  Shuja  Quli  Khan  and  his  soldiers  uselessly  sacrificed 
their  lives,  having  lost  the  cover  of  their  own  artillery.  The  British  regiment 
now  penetrated  through  the  entrenchments  of  Rajah  Beni  Bahadur  who  had 
fled,  and  attacked  tjte,wing  of  the  NawCb-Vizier,  as  the  ground  between  was 
already  cleared  by  the  foolish  and  disastrous  forward  movement  of  Shuja 
Quli  Khan.  Then  the  Nawab- Vizier's  army  reeled  and  broke,  the  Nawab- 
Vizier  himself  stood  the  ground  for  some  time,  but  seeing  himself  deserted  by 
his  troops,  retreated  to  Allahabad,  whilst  his  Mughal  aud  Duranian  troops  as 
well  as  English  troops,  commenced  plundering  his  tents.  Mir  Qasim  who 
wTas  a  prisoner  in  the  hauds  of  the  Nawab-Vizier  had  been  released  one  day 
before  this  battle,  and  after  the  battle  fled  to  Benares.  (See  Seir,  Vol.  II, 
pp.  761-763). 


395 

Jagat  Set  Mahtab  Rai,  Rajah  Sariip  Chand  (Jagat  Set's  brother), 
the  Zamindars  of  DinaJJpiir,  Nadiah,  Khirahpur,1  Birbhum,  and 
Rajshahi,  &c,  and  Dulal  Rai,  Diwan  of  Bhujpur,  Fatih  Singh, 
the  Rajah  of  Tikari,  son  of  Rajah  Sundar,  and  Ramnarain,  De- 
puty Governor  of  the  Subah  of  Azimabad,  Muhammad  Mffsum, 
and  Munshi  Jagat  Rai  and  others,  the  Nawab  threw  them  into 
prison.  And  after  strengthening  the  Fort  ctf  Morighyr,  the  Nawab 
sent  a  large  army  to  Bengal.  In  the  vicinity  of  Rajmahal,  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  Adhuah,  he  reviewed  his  army,  and  sent  des- 
patches to  the  Faujdars  and  the  Deputy  Nazim  of  Bengal,  direct- 
ing and  instructing  them  peremptorily  to  fight  with  the  English. 
Amongst  them,  Shaikh  Hidayitu^-lah,8  Deputy  Faujdar  of  Nadiah, 
with  a  large  army,  Jafar  Khan,  and  Alam  Khan,  Commandant  of 
the  Turkish  bodyguard  of  the  Nawab,  swiftly  advanced  to  Katwab> 
to  fight.  From  the  other  side,  the  English  army  proclaiming 
Nawab  Jafar  All  Khan  as  Subadar  of  Bengal,  and  taking  him  in 
their  company  advanced  to  fight,  and  at  a  distance  of  two  karoh 
entrenched  itself  at  Dainhat.3  On  the  3rd  of  the  month  of  Muhar- 
ram,  both  the  armies  arraying  themselves  for  battle  kindled  the 
fire  of  warfare.  The  army  of*  Qasim  •All  Khan,  after  the  fall  of 
a  number  of  men  whose  moment  for  death  had  arrived,  being  de- 
feated, fled  to  Palasi  (Plassey)  to  Muhammad  Taqi  Khan,  Faujdar 
of  Birbhum.  After  two  or  three  days,  when  the  army  of  Bengal 
had  collected  together,  the  English  Generals  arrived  pursuing  them. 

This  decisive  victory  at  Baksar  in  1764  (more  than  the  battle  of  Plassey) 
gave  the  English  a  firm  foothold  in  Bengal,  as  a  Ruling  Power.  It  was  soon 
followed  by  the  Emperor  Shah  Alam's  grant  of  the  Diwani  of  Bengal,  Behar, 
and  Orissa  to  the  English  in  1765.     (See  Seir,  Vol.  II,  p.  773). 

The  English  stipulated  to  pay  annually  twenty-four  lakhs  to  the  Emperor  on 
account  of  the  Revenue  of  the  above  three  Subahs. 

In  this  note,  I  have  thought  fit  to  summarise  the  events  %s  narrated  in 
the  Seiru-l-MutakJierin,  a  contemporary  record,  the  author  whereof  was  either 
an  actor  in,  or  a  spectator  of,  the  many  scenes  enacted  in  those  times.  The 
note  is  long,  but  I  have  thought  fit*  to  give  it,  in  ortlef  to  follow  the  deve- 
lopment of  the  many  important  and  stirring  events  that  at  length  culminated 
in  the  transfer  of  the  Ruling  Power  in  Bengal  from  Moslem  into  English 
hands. 

1  Probably  a  misreading  or  misprint  in  the  printed  Persian  text  for 
Kharakpur. 

8  In  the  ■.Seir,  his  name  is  mentioned  as  Shaikh  Haibatu-1-lah.  (See  Set?-, 
Vol.  II,  p.  728,  and  n.  ante). 

8  This  must  be  the  name  of  a  market-place  in  Katwah  itself. 


396 

Muhammad  TaqI  Khan,  with  a  large  army,  advanced  to  fight,  but 
fell  on  being  wounded  with  a  gun-shot,    (His  army  being  defeated, 
retired  to  Murshidabad.     Syed  Muhammad    Khan,  who  held  the 
office   of    Deputy   Nazim   of     Bengal   after  the   departure    of   Mir 
Turub  All   Khan  for  Moughyr,   came  out  of  the  City  of  Murshi- 
dabad with  the  troops  at  hand,  and  entrenched  himself  at  Ohuna- 
Khali.     But,  when  the  news  of  the  approach  of  the   English  army 
arrived,  his  troops  (many  of  whom  had  already  receivedwounds  in 
their  fightings  with  the  English)   without  engaging  in  battle  and 
without  firing  their  guns  and  muskets  abandoned  their  entrench- 
ments, and  fled  to  Suti.     The    army    of  Qasim    Ali  Khan   arrived 
at   Siiti,    where    Sumroo   the  Frenchman,  with  other  Generals  and 
troops,  was  already  from  before.     But  the  English  not  abandoning 
their  pursuit  followed  them  up,  and  a  great  battle  ensued  at  Suti. 
In  that  the  star  of  Nawab  Qasim  Ali  Khan's  luck  was  waning,  and 
the  fortune  of  the  English  was  in  the  ascendant,  after  severe  fight- 
ing, in   this    battle  also  the    English    triumphed.     The    army   of 
Nawab   Qasim  All  Khan,   unable  to  stand  the   cannonade  of  the 
English   artillery,  were  defeated,  and  retired  to  the  banks  of  the 
Adhuah    nulla,   which    wi.s    their-- camping    ground    from    before. 
There  all  the  troops  of  the  Nawab  collected  together,  and  renewed 
fighting.      At  length,  many  of  the   Generals  of  Nawab  Qasim  Ali 
Khan's  army,  including  Gurgin  Khan,  Commander  of  the  Nawab's 
Artillery  corps,    as    well    as   others,    conspired   with  the   English. 
The  English,  thus  freed  from  anxiety,  made  a  night-attack,, and 
broke  the  Nawab's* army,  which  fled.     A  severe  defeat   was   thus 
sustained  by  the  Nawab.     The  defeated  army  in  a  worsted  con- 
dition retreated  to  Monghyr.     Nawab  Qasim  Ali  Khan,  on  receiv- 
ing news  of  this  defeat,  lost  heart,  and  was  thrown  into  consterna- 
tion.    In  view  of  the  disloyalty  and  treachery  of  the  traitors  who 
had  eaten  his  salt,  the  Nawab  felt  himself  unequal  for  a  contest, 
and  abandoning   all  ideas   of   warfare   he  set  out  in    an   anxious 
mood  for  Azimabad.     The  Nawab  now  killed   Gurgnn  Khan  on 
account  of  his  treachery,  and  also  slew  Jagat  Set  and  his  brother, 
who  were  the  plotters  of  this  treacherous  conspiracy,  and  who  had 
sent  out  secret  messages  inviting  Jafar  Ali  Khan  and  the  Chris- 
tian  English,    and   whose   treasonable    correspondence    had    been 
intercepted.     The  Nawab  also  killed  other  Zamindars,  &c,  who 
from  before  were  in  prison,  and  each  of  whom  was  unrivalled  in 
his    day   for     hatching    plots    and    intrigues.     After    arrival    at 


397 

» 
Azimabad,  there,  too,  not  finding  himself  secure,  the  Nawab  sent 

his  Begams  to  the  Fort  of  Rohtas,  whilst  he  himself  proceeded  to 

the  Subah  of  Oudh  to  the  Vazitul-Mulk  Nawab  Shuj au-d-daulah 

Bahadur.     There  also   he  fell  out  with   the  Nawab-Vizier,    who 

confiscated  much  of  his  treasures.     From   thence  departing,    the 

Nawab  retired  to  the  hills,  and  in  those  tracts  he  lingered  some 

years  in  various  mishaps,  and  at  length  died*.1  '  / 

o • 

NIZAMAT  FOR  THE  SECOND  TIME  OF  JAFAR  ALl 

KHAN  BAHADUR. 

After  Qasim  Ali  Khan's  defeat*  the  English  Chiefs  again  placed 
Nawab  Jafar  Ali  Khan  on  the  masnad  of  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal. 
Ten  annas  of  the  revenue  of  the  Provinces  were  allotted  to  the 
English  for  their  service  as  Diwan,  whilst  six  annas  of  the  same 
were  held  by  Nawab  Jafar  All  Khan.  This  time  also  for  a  period 
of  three  years,  after  displaying  great  feebleness  in  his  Nizamat, 
in  the  year  1178  A.H.,  Nawab  Jafar  Ali  Khan  died.  The  English 
Chiefs  placed  on'the  masnad  of  Nizamat  his  son,  Najmu-d-daulah,2 
and  appointed  Nawab  Muhammad  Riza#  Khan  Bahadur  Muzaffar 
Jang  to  the  office  of  Naib  Nazim  (Deputy  Nazim).  Najmu-d-daulah 
after  sitting  on  the  masnad  of  Nizamat  for  two  years,  passed  to 
the  regions  of  eternity.  After  Najmu-d-daulah 's  death,  his  youn- 
ger brother,  Saifu-d-daulah3  succeeded  to  the  masnad  of  Nizamat, 
whifet  Nawab  Muzaffar  Jang  continued  to  hold  the  office  of  Naib 
Nazim.  Saifu-d-daulah  after  holding  the  *Nizamat  for  two 
years  died  of  small-pox  ;  and  another  brother  of  his,  Mubariku- 
d-daulah,  succeeded  to  the  masnad  of  Nizamat.  The  English 
Chiefs  removing  Nawab  Muhammad  Riza  Khan  Muzaffar  Jang 
from  the  office  of  Deputy  Nazim,  have  fixed  sixteen  lajcs^  of  rupees 
as  an  annual  allowance  for  the  Nazim.  This  amount  the  English 
pay  each  year.     The  English  have  now  acquired  domination  over  the 

»  i 

1  For  some  time,  Mir  Qasim  stayed  in  the  Rohilla  country,  subsequently 
left  UtercJ\anaidi  (the  Afghan  tract)  and  proceeded  to  the  country  of  the 
Rana  Gab  ad  ;  theuce  he  proceeded  to  Riijpntana,  whence  again  he  moved  to 
the  tract  between  Agra  and  Delhi,  where  he  died  in  distress.  See  Seiru-l- 
Mutakherin,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  933. 

2  See  Seim-l-Mutakherin,  Vol.  II,  p.  771. 
&  See  Seiru-l-MittcMerin,  Vol.  II,  p.  775. 

*  In  the  Seir,  "  twenty-fonr  lakhs, "  Seir  Vol.  II,  p.  781. 


398 

three  Subahs,  and  have  appointed  Ziladars1  (District  Officers)  at 
various  places.  They  have  established  in  Calcutta  the  Khali sah 
Kachari  (the  Court  for  Crown-lauds),  make  assessments  and  col- 
lections of  revenue,  administer  justice,  appoint  and  dismiss  Ami  Is 
(Collectors  of  revenue),  and  also  perform  other  functions  of  the 
Nizamat.  And  up  to  the  date  of  the  completion  of  this  History, 
namely  12021  A.H.,  corresponding  to  the  thirty-first  year  of  the 
reign  of  Emperor  Shah  Alain,  the  sway  and  authority  of  the 
English  prevail  over  all  the  three  Subahs  of  Bengal,  Behar,  and 
Orissa. 

1  The  English  divided  the  country  in,to  six  Zillahs,  viz.:  (l)Zillah  Calcutta; 
(2)  Zillah  Bard  wan;  (3)  Zillah  Rajshafey.e-Marshidabad ;  (4)  Zillah  Jahangir- 
nagar  (or  Dacca) ;  (5)  Zillah  Dinajpur  ;  (6)  Zillah  Azirnabad  (or  Patna)  ;  and 
appointed  English  Zillahdars  to  each  Zillah  with  a  Council.  See  Seir,  Vol.  II, 
pp.  782-783. 

2  That  is,  1788  A.C. 


399 


CHAPTER  IV. 

•  * 

DESCRIBING  THE  DOMINATION  OF  .THE  ENGLISH 
CHRISTIANS  IN  THE  PROVINCES  OP  THE  DAKHIN 
AND  BENGAL,  AND  CONTAINING  TWO  SECTIONS. 


SECTION  I.— DESCRIPTIVE  OP  THE  ARRIVAL  OP  THE 
PORTUGUESE  AND  FRENCH  CHRISTIANS,  &c,  IN 
THE  DAKHIN  AND  IN  BENGAL. 

Be  it  not  hidden  from  the  bright  hearts  of  the  bankers  of  the 
treasure  of  History  and  the  appraisers  of  the  jewel  of  Chronicles, 
that  the  Jewish  and  Christian  communities,  before  the  advent  of 
Islam,  used  to  come  to  many  ports  of  the  Dakhin,  like  Malabar, 
&c,  for  trading  purpose  by  the  sea-route,  and  after  acquiring 
familiarity  with  the  people  of  that  country,  they  settled  down  in 
some  of  the  towns,  erected  houses  with  gardens,  and  in  this 
manner  dwelt  there  .several  long  years.  When  the  planet  of 
the  Muslim  faith  rose,  and  the  bright  effulgence  of  the  Muslim 
sun  shone  on  the  East  and  the  West,  gradually,  the  countries  of 
Hindustan  and  the  Dakhin  were  recipient  of  the  rays  of  the  moon 
of  the  Muhammadan  faith,  and  Muslims  commenced  visiting  those 
countries.  Many  of  the  kings  and  rulers  of  those  parts  embraced 
the  Islamic  religion,  whilst  the  Rajahs  of  the  ports  of  Goa, 
Dabil,  and  Jabul,  &c,  like  Muhammadan  rulers,  gave  Musalman 
emigrants  from  Arabia  quarters  on  the  sea-shores,  and  treated 
them  with  honour  and  respect.1  •  In  consequence. j the  Jews  and  the 

1  See  Hunter's  History  of  British  India,  Vol.  I,  p.  29.  Writes  Dr.  Hun- 
ter:  "The  Saracen  Arabs  who  under  the  conquering  impulse  of  Islam  next 
seized  the  countries  of  the  Indo-Syrian  route  (632-651  A.D.)  soon  realised  its 
value.  They  were  a  trading  not  less  than  a  fighting  race,  and  Bussorah  and 
Baghdad  under  the  Caliphs  became  the  opulent  headquarters  of  the  Indian 
trade. "  The  Saracens  conquered  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Persia,  632-651  A.D.  In 
a  footnote  to  p.  28  of  the  above  History,  Dr.  Hunter  refers  the  reader  for 
hi 


400 

Christians  burnt  in  the  fire  of  envy  and  malice.  And  when  the 
Kingdoms  of  the  Dakhin  and  Gujrat  became  subject  to  the  Musal- 
man  Emperors  of  Dehli,1  and  Islam  became  powerful  in  the  king- 
dom of  the  Dakhin,  the  Jews  and  the  Christians  placed  the  seal  of 
silence  on  the  door  of  their  tongues,  and  ceased  to  utter  words  of 
enmity  and  hatred.  Subsequently  in  the  year  900  A.H.,  weakness2 
and  decay  set  in  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Dakhin.  At  that  time, 
the  Portuguese  Christians,  on  behalf  of  the  king  of  their  own 
country,  were  directed  to  build  forts   on  the  sea-shores  of   India. 

an  account  of  the  Jewish  trade  with  the  East  to  an  article  on  '  The  Jews 
nnder  Rome'  hy  Lieut. -Col.  Conder.  Again  says  Dr.  Hunter  (p.  45) :  "  The 
trading  colony  of  Arabs  at  Canton  included  at  the  beginning  of  the  7th  cen- 
tury A.D.,  an  uncle  of  Muhammad  the  Prophet."  Again  in  p.  46,  says  Dr. 
Hunter:  "  It  was  a  commercial  dispute  that  brought  about  the  first  Musal- 
man  conquest  of  an  Indian  Province.  In  711  A.D.,  Kasim  led  a  naval  ex- 
pedition against  Sindh,  to  claim  damages  for  the  ill-treatment  of  Arab  mer- 
chantmen and  pilgrims  near  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  in  their  voyage  from 
Ceylon.  During  the  following  centuries  the  Indian  Ocean  became  an  outly- 
ing domain  of  Islam.  The  Arab  geographers  mapped  the  course  from  the 
Persian  Gulf  to  China  into  '  seven  seas, '  each  having  a  name  of  its  own,  and 
with  the  Arab-Chinese  harbou;  of  Gampua  on  their  eastern  limit.  Abnl  Feda, 
the  princely  geographer  of  the  fourteenth  century  (1273-1331)  mentions 
Malacca  as  the  most  important  trading  place  between  Arabia  and  China,  the 
common  resort  of  Moslems,  Persians,  Hindus,  and  the  Chinese.  Colonies  of 
Arabs  and  Jews  settled  in  an  early  century  of  our  era  on  the  southern  Bom- 
bay coast,  where  their  descendants  form  distinct  communities  at  the  present 
day.  The  voyages  of  Sinbad  the  Sailor  are  a  popular  romance  of  the  Irdian 
trade  under  the  Caliphs  of  Baghdad,  probably  in  the  ninth  centmy  A.D." 
From  the  above  it  is  clear  that  India,  including  Bengal,  was  within  the  sphere 
of  the  commercial  influence  of  the  Saracen  Arabs,  from  about  the  very  dawn 
of  Islam. 

1  The  first  Mnsalman  conquests  in  the  Dakhin  were  made  in  the  reign  of 
Jallaln-d-din  Khilji,  Emperor  of  Delhi,  through  the  military  genius  of  his 
nephew,  Alau-d-din  Khilji.  See  Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shabi,  p.  170,  and  n.  2,  ante, 
p.  90. 

S  "  In  1564,  Vijayanagar  finally  went  down  before  the  Moslems  in  the 
field  of  Talikot  afte^  an  existence  of  4f  centuries.  The  Bahmani  dynasty 
formed  from  the  coalition  of  the  Mnsalman  adventurers  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  began  to  break  up  in  1489,  and  by  1525,  its  disintegration  was  com- 
plete. The  Portuguese  arrived  just  as  this  once  powerful  kingdom  was  evolv- 
ing itself  through  internecine  war  into  the  Five  Musalmin  states  of  Southern 
India.  At  the  time  (1498,  when  Vasco  da  Gama  landed  in  India)  the  Afghan 
sovereignty  in  Northern  India  was  dwindling  to  a  vanishing  point.  "  See  Dr, 
Hunter's  History  of  British  India,  Vol.  I,  pp.  101-102. 


401 

In  the  year  904  A.H.,  four  ships  of  the  Portuguese  Christians7 
came  to  the  ports  of  Qandrinah  2  and  Kalikot,  and  the  Portuguese 
after  ascertaining  thoroughly  the  state  of  affairs  3  of  the  sea-hoard 
sailed  back.  And  the  next  year,  six  Portuguese  ships  arrived  at 
Kalikot,4  and  the  Portuguese  disembarked,  and  made  a  prayer  to 
the  ruler  of  that  place,  who  was  called  Samri,  to  prevent  theMusal- 
mans  from  trading  with  Arabia,  urging  that  they  (the  Portuguese) 
would  yield  him  more  profit  than  the  Musalmans.  The  Samri  did 
not  listen  to  their  prayer.  But  the  Christians  commenced  molesting 
the  Musalmans  in  mercantile  business,  so  that  the  Samri  6  becom- 
ing enraged  ordered  the  foi'mer's  slaughter  and  massacre. 
Seventy  leading  Christians  were  slain  ;  whilst  the  rest  getting  into 
sloops  sailed  out  to  save  themselves,  and  alighted  near  the  town 
of  Kuchin,  6  the  ruler  whereof  was  on  terms  of  hostility  with  the 

1  Covilharo,  the  first  Portuguese  explorer  in  India,  stayed  some  time  on  the 
Malabar  coast  (having  come  there  from  Aden  on  an  Arab  ship),  in  1487^ 
Vascoda  Gama  reached  Calicut  on  May  20th,  1498.  See  Dr.  Hunter's  His- 
tory, Vol.  1,  pp.  87-88. 

*  The  European 'form  of  Qandrinah  is,  I  guess,  Conlon  or  Calicoulan.  For 
Conlon,  Calicoulan,  Cochin,  Calicut,  see  the  rryap  at  p.  96,  of  the  above  His- 
tory. Ibn-i-Batutah  (1304-1377)  mentions  Quilon  and  Calicut  amongst  the 
five  chief  ports  that  he  had  seen.     See  p.  48,  n.  2  of  the  above  History. 

3  Dr.  Hunter  states  that  at  the  time  the  Malabar  chiefs  were  tolerant  of 
the  religions  of  the  many  nations  who  traded  at  their  ports.  Abu  Zaid  when 
mentioning  the  foreign  colonies  records  that  the  king  allows  each  sect  to  fol- 
low its  own  religion  (Abu  Zaidu-1-Hasan  of  Siraf  translated  in  Sir  Henry 
Elliot's  History  of  India).  Manichaeans,  Musalmans,  Jews,  and  Christians 
were  alike  welcome  at  the  Malabar  ports.  Not  only  Jews  from  the  earlier 
times  (from  6th  century  B.C.)  and  '  St.  Thomas  Christians,  '  from  68  A. D., 
but  also  Arab  traders  (Moplahs)  both  in  pre-Islamic  and  Islamic  times  were 
settled  on  the  Malabar  coasts.    (See  Dr.  Hunter's  History,  Vol.  I,  pp.  98-100). 

*  The  Zamorin  of  Calicut  received  the  Portuguese  gracioftsly.  But  the 
foreign  Arab  merchants,  then  the  most  powerful  community  at  his  port,  per- 
ceived that  the  new  ocean-route  must  imperil  their  ancient  monopoly  by 
way  of  the  Red  Sea.  They  accordingly  instigated  thei  epurt  officials  to  in- 
trigues which  nearly  ended  in  a  treacherous  massacre,  p.  103,  Hunter's  History, 
Vol.  I.  The  Riyaz's  accouut  would  however  sheAv  that  the  provocation  came 
from  the  side  of  the  Portuguese,  who  came  with  a  crusading  spirit.  (See 
p.  101,  ibid). 

&  In  English  histories,  he  is  called  the  '  Zamorin,'  which  is  the  European 
form  of  the  Tamil  Samuri.  meaning  '  son  of  the  Sea.  '  See  Hunter's  History 
of  British  India,  Vol.  I,  p.  95,  n.  1. 

6  Or  Cochin.  From  Hunter's  History,  Vol.  I,  p.  103,  it  would  appear  Da 
Gama  departed  from  Calicut,  and  for  some  time  stopped  at  Cannanore. 


4U2 

Samri.  There  they  obtained  permission  to  build  a  fort,  and  with- 
in a  short  time  they  erected  quickly  a  smal*  fort,  and  dismantling  a 
mosque  which  stood  on  the  sea-shore  they  built  on  its  site  a 
church. l  And  this  was  the  first  fort  which  the  Christians  erected 
in  India.  In  the  meanwhile,  the  inhabitants  of  the  port  of 
Kauor  also  leagued  with  them.  The  Christians  erected  a  fort  also 
there.  Being  treed  from  anxiety,  the  Christians  commenced  a 
trade  in  pepper  and  ginger,  and  obstructed2  others  from  trading 
therein.  Consequently,  the  Samri  advancing  with  his  forces  slew 
the  son  of  the  king  of  Kuchin,  and  ravaging  that  province  returned. 
The  successors  of  the  slain  ruler  collecting  again  a  force  raised 
the  standard  of  sovereignty,  re-populated  the  province,  and  under 
the  advice  of  the  Ferengis  3  placed  a  flotilla  of  galleys  in  the 
sea.  And  the  ruler  of  Kanor  also  similarly  fitted  out  a  flotilla  of 
boats.  The  Samri,  getting  enraged  at  this,  bestowing  all  his 
treasures  on  the  army,  twice  nor  thrice  advanced  with  his  forces 
against  Kuchin.41     At  every  time,  the  Portuguese  helped  Kuchin, 

1  In  1500  King  Emmanuel  of  Portugal  sent  a  fleet  of  thirteen  ships  under 
Pedro  Alvarez  Caleral,  who  wai  well  received  by  the  Zamorin,and  established 
a  factory  on  shore  at  Calicut  Tor  purchase  of  spices.  He  captured  an  Arab 
vessel  and  a  Moslem  vessel.  The  Arab  merchants  were  roused  to  indig- 
nation, and  sacked  the  Portuguese  factory  at  Calicut,  slaying  the  chief  agent 
and  fifty-three  of  his  men.  Caleral  retaliated  by  burning  ten  Arab  ships, 
and  sailed  down  to  Cochin,  burning  two  more  Calicut  vessels  on  his  way. 
Caleral  concluded  a  friendly  treaty  with  the  Rajah  of  Cochin,  promising  to 
make  him  some  day  Zramorin  of  Calicut,  and  established  a  factory  at  Cochin. 
Friendly  overtures  were  also  received  by  him  from  the  Rljah  of  Quilon  and 
Cannanor.  See  Hunter's  History,  Vol.  I,  p.  107.  The  fanatical  vandalism 
of  the  Portuguese  Christians  in  demolishing  a  Moslem  Mosque,  is  in  sad  con- 
trast to  the  toleration  and  scrupulous  regard  for  the  sanctity  of  the  Christian 
Church  shewn  by  the  early  Moslem  Arabs  under  Omar,  after  the  latter  had 
conquered  Palestine  and  visited  Jerusalem. — See  Sir  William  Muir's  'Annals 
of  the  Early  Caliphate,'  p.  210. 

2  Animated  by  a  crusading  spirit  the  aim  of  the  Portuguese  Government 
was  to  destroy  the  Arab  commerce,  and  to  establish  an  armed  monopoly.  See 
Hunter's  History,  Vol.  I,  p.  108. 

3  I.e.,  the  Portuguese  Christians.  For  the  origin  and  significance  of  the 
term  Ferengis,  see  Di\  Hunter's  History  of  British  India,  Vol.  I,  p.  184.  Says 
Dr.  Hunter  :  "  The  ravenous  hordes  thus  let  loose  in  India,  made  the  race- 
name  of  Christian  (Ferengi)  a  word  of  terror  until  the  strong  rule  of  the 
Mughal  Empire  turned  it  into  one  of  contempt.  "     See  also  n.  2,  idid. 

*  'In  1502  Vasco  da  Gama  as  Portuguese  Admiral  of  the  Indian  Seas  oame  to 
India  for  the  second  time,  with  a  fleet  of  twenty  vessels.   He  bumbarded  Calicut 


403 

so  that  the  Samri  did  not  succeed  in  subduing  it,  and  without 
attaining  his  object  retired.  Becoming  powerless,  he  sent  envoys 
to  the  rulers  of  Egypt,  Jiddah,  the  Dakhin  and  Gujrat.  Cora- 
plaining  of  the  malpractices  of  the  Christians,  he  asked  for  help, 
and  sending  out  narratives  of  the  oppressions  practised  by*  the 
Christians  over  the  Musalmans,  he  stirred  up  the  veins  of  their 
zeal  and  rage.     At  length,  Sultan  Qabsur  Grh,uril  despatched  to  the 

and  destroyed  its  Arab  merchant-fleet.  At  Cochin,  Gannanore,  Qnilon,  and 
Baticala,  he  established  factories.  Da  Gama's  successes  were  stained  by  re- 
volting cruelties  never  to  be  forgotten.  For  a  gruesome  detail  of  those  bar- 
barous cruelties,  see  Hunter's  History,  Vol,  I,  pp.  109,  139,  140  and  141.  Da 
Gama  now  (1503)  returned  to  Lisbon.  The  Zamorin  and  the  Arab  merchants 
burned  to  avenge  the  tortures  and  outrages  inflicted  by  this  Christian  ft«natic# 
They  attacked  the  Cochin  Raja,  seized  his  capital,  and  demanded  sur- 
render of  the  Portuguese  factors  left  under  his  protection.  The  Cochin  chief 
bravely  held  out  until  relieved  by  arrival  of  the  next  Portuguese  fleet  in  Sep- 
tember, 1503.  Hunter's  History,  Vol.  I,  p.  110.  This  fleet  operated  against 
India  under  Alfonso  de  Albuquerque  and  his  cousin  Francisco  de  Albaquer- 
que.  In  India,  the  two  Albuquerques  built  a  fort  at  Cochin,  established  a 
factory  at  Qailon,  and  severely  pnnished  the  Zamorin.  Alfonso  returned  to 
Lisbon  in  1501,  whilst  his  cousin  was" lost  on  hfe  way  home  together  with  his 
squadron.'     See  Hunter's  History,  Vol.  I,  p.  111. 

The  next  expedition  was  sent  in  1504  under  Lopo  Soarez  de  Albergaria.  •  He 
continued  the  policy  of  unsparing  destruction  against  the  ports  in  which 
Arab  influence  prevailed  ;  laid  part  of  Calicut  in  rnins,  and  burned  Cranganor- 
Soarez  broke  the  Arab  supremacy  on  the  Malabar  coast.  In  1505,  King 
EmnAnuel  of  Portugal  sent  Don  Francisco  da  Almeida  as  the  Portuguese 
Viceroy  in  India.  His  principal  duty  was  to  coersce'the  Malabar  sea-coast 
chiefs  who  might  be  friendly  to  the  Arab  merchants,  to  strengthen  the  Portu- 
guese factorites  on  shore,  and  thirdly,  to  break  the  Moslem  Naval  supremacy, 
including  the  armed  Arab  merchantmen  of  Calicut  and  the  regular  Navy  of 
the  Mameluke  Sultan  of  Egypt,  who  menaced  the  existence  of  Portugal  in  the 
East.  This  was  the  third  and  last  act  in  the  long  conflict  between  Mediaeval 
Christendom  and  Islam.  In  four  years  (1505-1509),  Almeida  overthrew  the 
power  of  the  Moslem  Arabs  at  the  Malabar  ports,  defeated  the  Zamorin  and 
destroyed  his  fleet  of  84  ships  and  J20  galleys,  and  slew  3,000  Musalmans.' 
See  Hunter's  History,  Vol.  I,  p.  116. 

1  "  The  Mameluke  Sultan  of  Egypt  sent  forth  in'1508  a  great  expedition  under 
Admiral  Amir  Husain,  who  effected  a  coalition  with  the  Moslem  fleet  of  the 
northern  Bombay  coast,  and  was  aiming  to  effect  alsd  a  junction  with  the 
southern  Calicut  squadron.  Lourenco  Almeida,  son  of  the  Portuguese  Viceroy, 
attempted  to  oppose  this  junction,  but  was  shot  down.  The  Moslem  victors 
chivalrously  gave  him  honourable  burial,  and  respectfully  congratulated 
Almeida  on  a  son  who  at  the  age  of  twenty-two  had  covered  himself  with 


404 

Indian  coasts  a  General,  named  Amir  Husain,  with  a  fleet  of 
thirteen  war-vessels,  containing  a  naval  force  with  armaments. 
Sultau  Mahmud  of  Gujrat  and  Sultan  Mahmud  Bahmani  of  the 
Dakhin  also  fitted  out  numerous  ships  from  the  ports  of  Deo, 
Surat,  Kolah,  Dahil  and  Jabul,  in  order  to  fight  with  the  Portu- 
guese. First,  the  ships  from  Egypt  arrived  in  the  port  of  Deo, 
and  uniting  with  the  Iships  of  Gujrat  set  out  for  Jabul,  which  was 
the  rendezvous  of  the  Portuguese.  And  some  ships  of  the  Saniri 
and  some  ships  of  Goa  and  Dabil  having  also  joined  them,  they 
kindled  the  fire  of  war;  but  suddenly,  one  warship  full  of  the 
Portuguese  quietly  sailed  up  from  the  rear.  The  Portuguese 
commenced  a  cannonade,  and  converted  the  sea  into  a  zone  of 
fire.  Malik  Ayaz,  ruler  of  Deo,  and  Amir  Husain  were  obliged  to 
fight  with  them,  but  failed  to  effect  anything.  Some  Egyptian 
galleys  were  captured,  and  the  Musalmans  drank  the  potion  of 
martyrdom,  whilst  the  Portuguese  triumphantly  steered  back  to 
their  own  ports.  Inasmuch  as  at  that  period,  Sultan  Salim, 
Khaqan1  of  Rum  (Turkey),  defeated  the  Ghoriah  Sultan8  of 
Egypt,  and  the  empire  of  the  latter  came  to  an  end,  the  Saniri 
who  was  the  promoter  oi  this  war  lost  heart,  and  the  Portuguese 
acquired  complete  domination.  In  the  month  of  Ramzan,  915 
A.H.,  the  Portuguese  proceeded  to  Kalikot,  set  fire  to  the  Cathe- 
dral Mosque,  and  swept  the  town  with  the  broom  of  plunder.     But 

on  the  following  day,  the  Malabarese  collecting  together  attacked 

«■> 

imperishable  glory.  Jn  1509,  Almeida,  the  senior,  defeated  the  combined 
Moslem  fleets  off  Diu,  and  slew  3,000  of  their  men.  The  aggressions  of  the 
Turks  upon  Egypt  gave  the  Mameluke  Sultan,  of  Cairo,  work  nearer  home, 
and  disabled  him  from  sending  further  expeditions  to  India. 

[The  Turks  wrested  Egypt  from  the  Mameluke  Sultan  in  1517]. 

Almeida's  victory  over  Moslems  off  Diu  on  February  2nd,  1509,  secured  to 
Christendom  the  Naval  supremacy  in  Asia,  and  turned  the  Indian  Ocean  for 
the  next  century  into  a  Portuguese  sea.  "  See  Hunter's  History  of  British 
India,  Vol..I,  pp.  117-118. 

"  The  first  five  ye*irk  of  annual  expeditions  from  1500  to  1505  had  given  the 
Portuguese  the  upper  hand  in  the  armed  commerce  of  the  Malabar  coast. 
The  following  four  years  under  Almeida  (1505-1509)  left  them  masters  of  the 
Indian  Ocean.  The  next  six  years  (1509-1515)  were  under  Alfonso  de  Albu- 
querque to  see  them  grow  into  a  territorial  power  |on  the  Indian  continent." 
See  ibid.,  p.  119. 

I  In  the  printed  Persian  text,  Khankan  is  obviously  a  misprint  or  misread- 
ing for  Khagan,  which  is  a  title  held  by  Sultans  of  Turkey. 

*  I.e.,  the  Mameluke  Sultans  of  Egypt. 


405 

the  Christians,  killed  five  hundred  leading  Portuguese,  and 
drowned  many  of  them  in  the  sea.  Those  who  escaped  the  sword 
tied  to  the  port  of  Kolam,1  and  intriguing  with  the  Chief  of  that 
place,  at  a  distance  of  half  a  farsakh  from  that  town,  erected  a 
small  fort,  and  entrenched  themselves  there.  And  in  the  same 
year,  they  a wrested  the  fort  of  Goah  from  the  possession  of  Yusaf 
Adil  Shall  ;8  hut  the  latter  shortly  after  amicably  g.ot  it  back  from 
their  hands.  But  after  a  short  period,  the  Portuguese  offering 
a  large  sum  of  money  to  the  ruler  of  that, 'place  re-acquired 
possession  of  it,  and  establishing  their  Capital  at  that  port,  which 
was  very  strong,  fortified  it  further.  And  the  Samri,  from  the 
humiliation  and  sorrow  consequent  on  this,  died  in  the  year  921 
A.H.,  and  his  brother  succeeding  him  ceased  hostility,  and  estab- 
lishing peaceful  relations  with  the  Portuguese,  gave  the  latter 
permission  to  erect  a  fort  near  the  town  of  Kalikot,  obtaining  from 
them  a  stipulation  to  the  effect  that  he  would  send  yearly  four 
ships  of  pepper  and  ginger  to  the  p*orts  of  Arabia.  For  a  short 
while,  the  Portuguese  kept  their  promise  and  word,  but  when 
the  fort  was  completed,  they  prevented  his  trading  in  the  afore- 
said articles,  and  commenced  various  malpratices  and  oppressions 
on  the  Musalmans.  And  similarly,  the  Jews  who  were  at  Ka- 
datklor,4  being  informed  of  the  weakness  of  the  Samri,  trans- 
gressed the  limits  of  propriety,  and  caused  many  Musalmans  to 
drnnk  the  syrup  of  martyrdom.  The  Samri,  repeuting  of  his  past 
policy,  first  proceeded'  to  Kadatklor,  and  completely  extinguished 

1  Perhaps  c  Coulan.'  • 

2  Albuquerque  (1509-1515)  succeeded  Almeida  as  the  Portuguese  Viceroy 
in  India. 

S  Yusaf  Adil  Shah  was  king  of  Bijapur,  which  was  one  of  the  five  Musal- 
raan  States  formed  in  Southern  India  out  of  the  old  Bahmani  kingdom. 

The  fort  of  Goa  was  seized  by  the  Portuguese  in  1510.  , 

"The  pirate  chief  Timoju  proposed  to  Albuqnerque  that  as  the  lord  of 
Goa  was  dead  (in  reality  absent)  they  should  seize  the  place.  This  they  easily 
did  in  March,  1510.  But  the  rightful^  sovereign,  a  son  of  the  Ottoman  Sultan 
Amorad  II,  whose  romantic  adventures  had  ended  with  his  carving  for  himself 
the  kingdom  of  Bijapur  in  southern  India,  hurried  back  to  Goa,  and  drove  out 
the  Portuguese  in  May.  The  king  being  again  called  away  by  disturbances  in 
the  interior,  the  Portuguese  recaptured  Goa  with  the.'  help  of  the  pirate 
Timoju  in  November,  1510.  Its  rightful  sovereign,  Yusaf  Adil  Shah  the  king 
of  Bijapur,  died  in  the  following  month  (December.)  His  son  was  a  minor." 
See  Hunter's  History,  Vol.  I,  pp.  152-153. 

*  That  is,  '  Cranganor.'     (See  map  in  Hunter's  History,  Vol,  I,  p.  96). j 


the  Jews,  so  that  no  trace  of  them  remained  there.  After  this, 
with  the  support  of  all  the  Musalmans  o*  Malabar,  he  advanced 
to  Kalikot,  besieged  the  fort  of  the  Portuguese,  and  fighting 
bravely  defeated  the  latter,  and  stormed  their  fort.  In  conse- 
quence, the  power  and  prestige  of  the  Malabare  se  Musalmans 
grew,  and  without  any  pass  from  the  Portuguese  they  despatched 
on  their  own  behalf  vessels  loaded  with  pepper  and  ginger  to 
the  ports  of  Arabia.  In  the  year  938  A.H.,  the  Portuguese  erect- 
ed a  fort  at  Jaliat,  which  is  six  karoh  from  Kalikot;  and  the  pas- 
sage of  ships  from  Malabar  was  thereby  rendered  difficult. 
Similarly,  the  Christians1  in  those  years,  during  the  reign  of 
Burhan  Nizam  Shah,  erecting  a  fort  at  Raikundah  close  to  the  port 
of  Jabiil,  settled  down  there.  In  the  year  943  A.H.,  erecting  a  fort 
also  at  Kadatklor,  the  Christians  acquired  much  power.  At  this 
time,  Sultan  Sulaiman,   son  of  Sultan  Salim  of  Turkey,8  planned 

1  The  word  LjJ  means  both  '  a  Christian,'  as  well  as  a  '  fire-worshipper.' 

In  the  latter  sense,  it  would  imply  the  '  Parsees.' 

8  In  1538,  Solyman  the  Magnificent,  Emperor  of  Turkey,  captured  Aden 
(Hunter's  History,  Vol.  II,  p.  147).  Constantinople,  the  capital  of  the  old 
Eastern  Roman  Empire,  is  stilt  known  amongst  Musalmans  in  India  as  '  Rum.' 

"  To  the  '  martyr's  blood  '  ot'  the  Portuguese,  the  Moslems  opposed  their 
Holy  Fleet.  First  the  Arabs  of  the  Indian  ports  supplied  the  fighters  for  the 
faith.  Then  the  Mameluke  Sultan  of  Cairo  sent  armaments.  Finally  enter- 
ed on  the  scene  the  mighty  power  of  the  Turkish  Empire,  which  deemed  its 
subjngation  of  Egypt  incomplete  as  long  as  the  Portuguese  threatened  the  Red 
Sea.  The  Arabs  of  the  Indian  ports  quickly  succumbed  to  the  cavaliers  of 
the  Cross.  The  Mameluke  Sultan  of  Egypt,  hard-pushed  by  the  Ottommas 
from  the  north,  could  make  no  headway  against  the  Portuguese  in  the  east. 
But  the  Turks  or  '  Rumis '  turned  back  the  tide  of  Christian  conquest  in 
Asia.  '  The  cry,  the  Rumis  are  coming  '  which  afflicted  Albuquerque,  for  ever 
resounded  in  the  ears  of  his  successors.  When  the  Portuguese  closed  the 
Malabar  shore  route  to  the  Moslem  world,  the  Arab  ships  struck  boldly  across 
the  Indian  Ocean  for  Aden  to  south  of  Ceylon,  passing  through  the  Maldive 
Island  or  far  out  at  sea.  When  the  PortugueBe  secured  the  strong  position  of 
Dili  at  the  north  entrance  to  Indian  waters,  the  Turks  constantly  harassed 
that  station  and  tried  to  outflank  it  by  menacing  the  Portuguese  factories 
westward  on  the  Persian  Gulf.  When  the  Portuguese  sought  the  enemy  in 
the  Red  Sea,  they  were  often  repulsed,  and  their  momentary  successes  at 
Aden  ended  in  lasting*  falinre.  In  vain  the  Lisbon  Court  tried  to  make  a  few 
years'  arrangement  with  the  Turks,  offering  in  1541  to  supply  pepper  in 
exchange  for  wheat,  and  passes  for  Moslem  ships  in  Indian  waters  in  return 
for  free  entrance  to  Aden  and  the  Arabian  ports  of  the  Red  Sea.  The  unholy 
project  came  to  nought.     Four  years  later,  in  1545,  the  Turks  boldly  attacked 


407 

to  turn  out  the  Portuguese  from  the  port's  of  India,  and  to  take 
possession  thereof  himself.  Accordingly,  in  the  year  944  A.H.,  he 
sent  his  Vazir,  Sulaiman  Pasha,  with  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  war- 
ships to  the  port  of  Aden,  in  order  to  take  it  first,  as  it  formed  the 
key  to  the  maritime  position  of  India,  and  then  to  proceed  tc?the 
ports  of  India.  Sulaiman  Pasha  in  that  year  wresting  the  port  of 
Aden  from  Shaikh  Daud,  and  slaying  the  latter,  safled  out  for  the 
port  of  Deo,  and  commenced  warfare.  He  had  nearly  stormed  it, 
when  his  provisions  and  treasures  ran  short,  •therefore,  without 
accomplishing  his  mission,  he  sailed  back  to  Turkey.  And  in  the 
year  963  A.H.,  the  Portuguese  became  dominant  over  the  ports  of 
Harmuz1  and  Muscat,  over  Sumatra,  Malacca,8  Milafor,  Nak, 
Fatan,  Nashkur,  Ceylon,  and  over  Bengal  to  the  confines  of 
China,  and  laid  the  foundations  of  forts  at  many  places.  But 
Sultan  All  Akhi  stormed  the  fort  of  Sumatra ;  and  the  ruler  of 
Ceylon  also  defeating  the  Portuguese,  put  a  stop  to  their  molesta- 
tion over  his  country'.  And  the  Samri,  ruler  of  Kalikot,  being 
hard-pressed,  sent  envoys  to  Ali  Adil  Shah,  and  persuaded  the 
latter  to  fight  with  the  Portuguese,  and  to  expel  them  from  his 
kingdom.  And  in  the  year  979  A.H.,  »the  Samri  besieged  and 
stormed  the  fort  of  Jaliat,  whilst  Nazim  Shah  and  Adil  Shah 
pushed  on  to  Raikandah  and  Goah.8  The  Samri,  by  the  prowess 
of  his  men  of  bravery  and  heroism,  captured  the  fort  of  Jaliat, 
but  Nazim  Shah  and  Adil  Shah,  owing  to  the  venality  of  their 
disloyal  officers  who  suffered  themselves  to  be  taken  in  by  the 
bribes  offered  them  by  the  Portuguese,  had  to  retire  without 
achieving  their  objects.     From  that  time  forward,  the  Portuguese 

the  Portuguese  Diu ;  in  1547,  their  janissaries  appeared  before  Portuguese 
Malacca  ;  in  1551,  and  again  in  1581,  their  galleys  sacked  Portuguese  Muscat. 
My  present  object  is  merely  to  bring  into  ^iew  the  straggle  between  Islam 
and  Christendom  for  the  Indian  Ocean  in  the  ceutnry  px-eceding  the  appear- 
ance of  the  English  on  the  scene.  I  dare  not  expand  these  preliminary 
chapters  by  the  deeds  of  heroism  and  chivalrous  devotion  on  both  sides. '' 
See  Dr.  Hunter's  History  of  British  India,  Vol.  I,  pp.  130-132. 

1  I.e.,  Ormuz. 

2  Malacca  was  taken  by  the  Portuguese  under  Albuquerque  in  1511.  See 
Dr.  Hunter's  History,  Vol.  I,  p.  127. 

3  On  the  Portuguese  seizing  Goa  in  1510,  the  Portuguese  naval  supremacy 
along  the  South- Western  Indian  coast  was  thoroughly  established,  and  no 
Musalman  ship  could  safely  trade  in  Malabar  waters  without  a  pass  from  the 
Christians.     See  Dr.  Hunter's  History  of  British  India,  Vol,  I,  p.  126. 

52 


408 

Christians,  adopting  a  settled  policy1  of  molesting  and  oppress- 
ing the  Musalmans,  perpetrated  much  highhandedness.  "Whilst 
some  ships  of  Emperor  Jalalu-d-din  Muhammad  Akbar,  which 
without  a  pass  from  the  Portuguese  had  proceeded  to  Makkah, 
werti  returning  from  the  port  of  Jiddah,  they  looted  them, 
and  inflicted  various  molestations  and  humiliations  on  the  Musal- 
mans, and  set  fire  t<j  the  ports  of  Adilabad  and  Farabln  which 
belonged  to  Adil  Shah,  and  ravaged  them  completely.  And  com- 
ing under  the  guise  of  traders  to  the  port  of  Dabil,  the  Portu- 
guese schemed  by  means  of  fraud  and  treachery  to  get  hold  of  it 
also.  But  the  Governor  of  that  place,  Khwajah  Aliu-1-Mulk,  a 
merchant  of  Shiraz,  becoming  apprised  of  their  intention,  killed  one 
hundred  and  fifty  principal  Portuguese,  and  quenched  the  fire  of 
their  disturbance. 

SECTION  II.— DESCRIPTIVE  OP  THE  DOMINATION  OF 
THE  ENGLISH  CHRISTIANS  OVER  THE  DOMINIONS 
OF  BENGAL,  AND  THE  DAKHIN,  Ac. 

Be  it  known  to  the  minds  of  enlightened  researchers,  that  from 
the  date  that  the  ships  of  Jalalu-d-din  Muhammad  Akbar  Pad- 
shah2 were  captured  at  the  hands  of  the  Portuguese  Christians,  the 
sending  of  ships  to  the  ports  of  Arabia  and  Ajam  was  totally 
suspended,  inasmuch  as  the  Emperor  viewed  the  acceptance  of 
passes  from  the  Portuguese  to  be  derogatory,  whilst  to  send  the 
ships  without  such  passes  was  attended  with  clanger  to  the 
lives  of  passengers,  and  with  peril  to  their  property.  But  the 
Emperor's    TJmara,    like    Nawab  Abdu-r-Rahim    Khan  Khan-i- 

1  "  From  the  time  of  Albuquerque  the  inexorable  issue  between  Catholicism 
and  Islam  in  Asia  stands  forth.  Each  side  firmly  believed  itself  fight- 
ing the  battles  of  its  God.  '  I  trust  in  the  passion  of  Jesus  Christ  in  whom 
I  place  all  confidence^'  Albuquerque  declared  in  1507  before  entering  on  his 
governorship,  '  to  break  the  spirit  of  the  Moors  (Musalmans).'  '  We  desire 
nought  else  but  to  be  close  to  God '  ran  the  Moslem  summons  in  1539.  It 
denounced  the  aggressions  '  of  the  Christians  of  Portugal,'  and  warned  an 
Indian  prince  that  it'  he  held  back,  his  soul  would  descend  into  hell. '  (Sulai- 
man  Pasha  to  the  ruler  of  Cambay,  May  7th,  1539.)  See  Hunter's  History, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  129-130. 

2  Akbar  the  Great,  Emperor  of  India,  born  1542,  reigned  1556-1605,  and 
was  the  contemporary  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 


409 

Khanan1  &c,  taking  passes  from  the  Portuguese  Christians, 
sent  out  ships  to  the  ports.  And  for  some  time  the  state  of 
things  continued  in  this  wise.  When  Emperor  Nuru-d-dln  Mu- 
hammad Jahangir  ascended  the  throne  of  Dehli,  be  permitted  the 
English  Christians,  who,  in  their  articles  of  faith,  totally  differ 
from  the  Christian  Portuguese  and  the  Christian  French,  &c,  and 
who  thirst  for  the  latter's  blood,  and  are , in  hortiiity  with  the 
latter,  to  settle  down  in  the  tract  of  Sux'at,2  which  pertained  to  the 
Province  of  Gujrat.3  This  was  the  first  place  amongst  the  Indian 
sea- ports,  where  the  English  Christians  settled  down.  Before 
this,  the  English   Christians  used  to  bring  their  trading  ships  to 

i 

1  Abdur  Rahim,  Khan-i-Khanan,  was  a  son  of  Bairam  Khan,  and  was 
born  at  Lahore,  964  A. EL  In  984,  he  was  appointed  to  Gujrat.  He  conquered 
for  Akbar  Gujrat,  and  defeated  Sultan  Muzaffar,  King  of  Gujrat,  at  the 
battle  of  Sarkij.  His  great  deeds  were  the  conquests  of  Gujrat  and  Sindh; 
and  the  defeat  of  Suhail  Khan  of  Bijapuf.  (See  Blochamann's  Translation 
of  Ain-i-Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  334). 

8  In  1607  Captain  William  Hawkins  landed  at  Snrat  with  a  letter  from 
James  I.  to  the  Mughal  Emperor  (Emperor  Jahangir  reigned  1605-1627),  and 
proceeded  to  the  Court  at  Agra.  In  1611  Sir  Henry  Middleton  landed  at 
Swally.  In  1612  Captain  Best  routed  the  Portuguese  squadron  near  Surat, 
and  obtained  congratulations  of  the  Mughal  Governor,  who  allowed  the 
English  to  settle  at  Surat  in  1613.  Downton's  sea  fight  in  1615  established 
English  supremacy  over  the  Portuguese.  In  1615,  Sir  Thomas  Roe  was  sent 
by  James  I.  to  be  '  ambassador  to  the  Great  Mogul.'  Surat  was  the  chief 
starting  place  for  Mecca,  and  the  Portuguese  squadron  had  troubled  the  ocean 
path  of  pilgrimage.  The  Imperial  Court,  too  happy  that  one  infidel  fleet 
should  destroy  another,  granted  to  Sir  Thomas  Roe  an 'order'  for  trade. 
Roe  obtained  a  '  permit '  in  1616  for  the  English  to  reside  at  Surat  and  to 
travel  freely  into  the  interior,  and  also  a  similar  'grant'  in  1618  from  Prince 
Khurram  (afterwards  Emperor  Shah  Jahan)  who  was  then  Mughal  Viceroy 
of  Gnjrat.  The  English  by  their  good  conduct  gradually  acquired  the  posi- 
tion of  a  useful  sea-police,  and  as  patrol  of  the  Moslem  pilgrim-ocean-route  , 
and  as  a  '  sure  source  of  revenue,'  under  the  Great  Mughal.  In  1657  the  Eng- 
lish Company  decided  that  there  should  be  one  '  presidency  '  in  India,  that 
being  at  Surat.     See  Hunter's  History  of  British  India,'  V{ol.  II,  Chap.  II. 

8  Akbar  conquered  and  re-conquered  Gujrat  and  the  province  on  the  shore 
of  the  Gulf  of  Cambay  between  1572-1592  ;  and  these  were  finally  annexed 
to  the  Mughal  Empire  in  1593.  Surat  was  the  Capital  of  Gnjrat  and  the 
Chief  Mughal  port  on  the  western  coast  for  the  embarkation  of  pilgrims  to 
Mecca.  Surat  is  the  modern  representative  of  the  ancient  province  of  Surash- 
tra  which  included  not  only  Gujrat  but  part  of  Kathiwar.  See  Dr. 
Hunter  s  History,  Vol.  II,  p.  47,  and  his  reference  to  Cunningham's  Ancient 
Geography  of  India. 


410 

the  ports  of  India,  and  after  sale  of  their  cargoes  used  to  sail  back 
to  their  own  country.  After  they  settled  down  at  Surat,  the 
trading  factories  of  the  English  Christians,  like  those  of  the 
Christian  Portuguese  and  the  French,  &c,  gradually  spi'ang  up  at 
different  centres  both  in  the  Dakhin l  and  in  Bengal,2  and  they  paid 

1  For  the  first  English  settlements  on  the  Madras  Coast  (1611-1658),  see  Dr. 
Hunter's  History  of  British  India,  Vol.  II,  Chap.  III.  Their  first  settlement 
under  Captain  Hippen  on  that  coast  was  in  1611  at  Masulipatam,  the  chief 
sea-port  of  the  Moslem  Golconda  Kingdom  (founded  in  1512  under  Kutab 
fihahi  line  on  the  breaking-up  of  the  Musalman  Bahmani  Dynasty,  and  not 
subdued  by  the  Mughal  Empire  until  1687).  In  1632,  the  English  received 
the  '  Goldeu  Phermaund'  (farman)  of^the  Golconda  King  for  their  settlement 
at  Masulipatam.  In  1639,  the  English  under  Francis  Day  built  a  factory  at 
Madras.  In  1615,  the  Moslem  King  of  Golconda  confirmed  the  grant  of 
Madras  for  an  English  settlement.  In  1653,  Madras  was  raised  to  an  indepen- 
dent '  presidency,'  and  in  1658,  the  English  Company  declared  all  its  settle- 
ments in  Bengal  and  the  Coromandel  Coast  subordinate  to  Fort   St.  George. 

8  For  an  account  of  the  English  settlements  in  Bengal  (between  1633-1658), 
see  Hunter's  History  of  '  British  India, '  Vol.  II,  Chap.  IV,  and  Wilson's 
'  Early  Annals  of  the  English  in  Bengal, '  Vol.  I. 

In  1632,  by  order  of  Emperor  Shah  Jahan,  Qasim  Khan  destroyed  the  Por- 
tuguese settlement  at  Hugli,  and  expelled  the  Portuguese  who  had  been  ill- 
treating  the  Moslems.     The  English  Company's  agent  at  the  Masulipatam  fac- 
tory seized  the  occasion,  and  sent  out   in  1633,  on  a  country   boat,  eight  Eng- 
lishmen to  try  and  open  up  trade  with  the  fertile  provinces  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Ganges.     These  headed  by  Ralph  Cartwright  reached  Harishpur  in  Orissa> 
and  then  quietly  crept  up   to  the  court  of  Malca'ndy,  in   Fort  Barabati,  in 
Cuttack,  where  resided  a  Mughal  Deputy-Governor  for  Orissa,  named  Agha 
Muhammad    Zaman.     This  polite  Persian — the  Deputy-Governor  of  Orissa — 
'  received    the  Englishmen  in  his   Audience-hall,  affably  inclined  his  head  to 
Mr.  Cartwright,  then  slipping  off  his  sandal  offered  his  foot  to  the  English 
merchant  to  kiss,  which  he  twice  refused  to  do,  but  at  last  was  fain  to  do  it.' 
(Hunter's  History,  Vol.  II,  p.  89).     The  Deputy -Governor  on  May  5th,  1633, 
sealed  an  order  giving  the  English  ample  license  to  trade.   (See  text  of  order 
in  Wilson's  Early  Annals  of  the  English  in   Bengal,  Vol.  I,  pp.  11-12).     The 
beginning  of  the  English  trade  with  Orissa  is  usually  ascribed  to  a  farman 
granted  to  the  English  in  1634  by  Emperor   Shah  Jahan,  confining  them  to 
Pippli  near  an  old  mouth  of  the  Subarnarukha  river.    On  May  6th,  1633,  the 
English  built  a  house  of  business  at    Hariharpur,    near  Jagatsingpur  iu  the 
Cuttack  district,  this  being  the  first  English  factory  in  the  present  Lieutenant- 
Governorship  of  Bengal.     In  June,    1633,  Cartwright    founded   a   factory  at 
Balasore.     In  1650,  the  English  founded  a  factory  at  Hugli.      Gabriel  Bough- 
ton,  an  Euglish  Surgeon,   who  was  in  1650  Surgeon  to  Shah    Shuja  (Mughal 
Viceroy  of  Bengal  who  resided  at  Rajmahal),   used  his  influence  in  the  Vice- 
regal Court,  in  getting  favour  extended  to  the  English,  who  received  in  1650 


411 

customs-duties  like  others.  During  the  reign  of  Emperor  Aurang- 
zeb  Alamgir,  the  Engliih  rendered  loyal  services  to  the  Emperor, 
and  were,  therefore,  granted  an  Imperial  Farman,1  permitting  them 
to  erect  trading  factories  in  the  Imperial  dominions  generally,  and 
in  Bengal  especially,  and  also  remitting  customs-duties  ort  the 
ships  of  the  English  Company,  in  consideration  of  an  annual 
payment  by  the  latter  of  three  thousand  r.upees,  "a3  has  already 
been  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  foundation  of  Calcutta. 
From  that  time,  the  English  acquired  much  prestige  in  Bengal. 

In  the  year  1162  A.H.,  Nawab  Muzaffar  Jang,  maternal  grand- 
son of  Nizamu-1-Mulk  Asaf  Jah,  at  the  instigation  of  Husain 
Dost  alias  Chand,  who  was  one  of  the  leading  men  of  Arkat 
(Arcot),  allied  himself  with  the  Christian  French,  and  attacked 
Anwaru-d-din  Khan  Shahamat  Jang  Gopamani,  who  was  Nazim 
of  Arkat  from  the  time  of  Nawab  Nizamu-1-Mulk  Asaf  Jah,  in 
order  to  wre3t  the  province  of  Arkat.  A  great  battle  was  fought, 
and  Nawab  Shahamat  Jang,  on  the  battle-field,  displaying  bravery 
and  heroism,  was  killed.  Nawab  Nizamu-d-daulah,  second  son 
of  Nawab  Asaf  ,Jah,  who,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  had  suc- 
ceeded to  the  masnad  of  the  Vicerojalty  of  the  Dakhin,  on  hear- 
ing of  the  hostility  of  his  maternal  'nephew,  with  a  force  of 
seventy  thousand  cavalry  and  one  hundred  thousand  infantry,  set 
out  to  chastise  Muzaffar  Jang.  Arriving  at  the  port  of  Bulcharl 
(Pondichery)  on  the  26th  Rabiu-1-awal  1163  A.H.,  Nizamu-d- 
dau\ah  fought  a  battle,  in  which  he  triumphed,  whilst  Muzaffar 
Jang  was  captured.  Nizamu-d-daulah  spent  the  rainy  season  at 
Arkat.  The  Christians  of  Bulcharl  (Pondichery)  conspired  with 
Himmat  Khan  and  other  Afghan  generals  of  Karnatik,  who  were 
servants  of  Nizamu-d-daulah,  and  deceiving  them  by  holding  out 
temptations  of  lands  and  treasures,  blinded  their  sense  of  obliga- 

&  '  nishan'  or  '  permit'  from  Shah  Shuja  to  trade  duty-free  in  Bengal  on  pay- 
ment of  Rs.  3,000. 

1  His  Majesty  Emperor  Aurangzeb*  on  27th  February,;  1690,  granted  a  far- 
man  to  the  English.  The  farman  sets  forth  that  ^all  the  English  having  made 
a  most  humble,  submissive  petition  that  the  ill-crimes  they  have  done  may  be 
pardoned,'  and  promised  to  pay  a  fine  of  Rs.  150,000,  to  restore  all  plundered 
goods,  and  behave  themselves  no  more  in  such  a  shameful  manner,  the  Em- 
peror accepts  their  submission  and  grants  them  a  new  license  for  trade,  on 
condition  that  '  Mr.  Child,  who  did  the  disgrace,  be  turned  out  and  expelled.' 
(See  Hunter's  History,  Vol.  II,  p.  266).  In  1690,  Charnock  returned  from 
Madras,  and  for  the  third  time  anchored  at  Calcutta. 


412 

tions.  Those  traitors  tied  up  the  waist  of  mutiny  and  treachery, 
and  conspiring  with  the  Christians  of „ J3iilchari  (Pondichery), 
on  the  night  of  the  sixteenth  Muharrara,  1174  A.H.,  delivered  a 
night-attack,  and  killed  Nawab  Nizamu-d-daulah.  After  the  fall 
of  Nawab  Nizamu-d-daulah,  the  Afghans  and  the  Christians  (the 
French)  placed  Nawab  Muzaffar  Jang  on  the  masnad.  Muzaffar 
Jang  proceeded"to  Bulcharl  (Pondichery)  with  a  contingent  of  the 
Afghans,  and  taking  a  large  number  of  Christian  French  in  his 
service  made  them  his  confidants.  In  the  same  year,  taking  a 
large  force  consisting  of  Afghans  and  Christians,  he  set  out  for 
Haidarabad,  and  crossing  the  confines  of  Arkat  came  to  the  Af- 
ghan tract.  From  the  vicissitude  of  fortune,  hostility  broke  out 
between  Muzaffar  Jang  and  the  Afghans,  and  it  led  to  a  fight. 
On  the  17th  Rablu-1-awal  of  the  aforesaid  year,  both  sides  ar- 
ranged themselves  in  battle-array.  On  one  side  were  arrayed 
Muzaffar  Jang  and  the  Christian  French,  and  on  the  other  the 
Afghans.  Himmat  Khan  and  other  Afghan  Generals,  meeting 
with  their  deserts  for  disloyalty,  were  killed,  whilst  Muzaffar 
Jang  from  an  arrow-shot  which  pierced  the  pupil  of  his  eye 
was  also  killed.  After  this,  the^  Christian  French  entered  the 
service  of  Aniira-l-Mumalik  Salabat  Jang,  third  son  of  Asaf 
Jah,  received  as  jagirs  Sikakul  and  Rajbandari,  &c,  and  acquired 
so  much  influence,  that  their  orders  became  current  in  the  Dakhin. 
No  Musalman  ruler  had  before  this  taken  into  employ  the  Christian 
French,  though  from  a  long  period  they  used  to  frequent  the  poi^s  of 
the  Dakhin.  It  wa»  Muzaffar  Jang  who  taking  the  Christian  French 
into  his  service,  introduced  them  into  the  Moslem  dominions. 
When  the  Christian  French  acquired  so  much  influence,  the 
Christian  English,  who  thirsted  for  the  blood  of  the  French,  also 
cherished  ambition  to  meddle  wTith  the  Imperial  dominions,  acquir- 
ed possession  of  some  tracts  in  the  Dakhin,  brought  the  fort  of 
Siirat  into  their  own  possession,  and  established  fortified  fac- 
tories in  Bengal.  In  that  the  French  slaying  Nawab  Anwaru-d- 
dln  Khan  Gopamani,  the  Subahdar  of  Arkat,  and  nominally 
installing  another  person  at  its  head,  had  become  dominant  in  the 
Dakhin,  Nawab  Muhammad  All  Khan,  son  of  Nawab  Anwaru-d-din 
Khan,  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  English  Chiefs.  The  latter 
advancing  to  the  assistance  of  Nawab  Muhammad  Ali  Khan  spared 
no  measure  to  help  him,  and  exerted  themselves  strenuously  to 
exterminate    the    French.     In    1174    A.H.,  the  English   besieged 


413 

the  fort  of  Bulcharl  (Pondichery),  and  wresting  it  from  the  hands 
of  the  French  rased  it>  whilst  Sikak&l,  Rajbandari,  and  other 
Jfigirs  were  unexpectedly  abandoned  by  the  French.  Nawab 
Muhammad  Ali  Khan,  with  the  support  of  the  English,  succeeded 
his  father  on  the  throne  of  the  Viceroyalty  of  Arkat  (Ai'cot), 
under  the  surname  of  Walajah  Amiru-1-Hind  Muhammad  Ali  Khan 
Mansur  Jang,  subordinated  himself  to  the,  Engh'sb  Chiefs,  and 
passed  his  life  in  ease  and  pleasure.  Now  the  province  of  Arkat 
(Arcot),  like  Bengal,  is  under  the  domination  of  the  English 
Chiefs. 

And  as  has  been  related  before,  when  Nawab  Siraju-d-daulah, 
Nazim  of    Bengal,  owing  to  his  iaexperience,  flung  the  stone  into 
the  hornet's  nest,    he  suffered  of  necessity  the  sting.     And  IN'awab 
Jafar  Ali  Khan,  treating  the  English  as  his  confidants  and  collea- 
gues in  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal,  suffered  them  to  acquire  control 
over  administrative  affairs.     Inasmuch  as  complete  disintegration 
had  overtaken  the  Moslem  Empire  of  Delhi,  in  every  Siibah  the 
Provincial    Governors    acquiring    authority  grew  into  semi-inde- 
pendent Feudatories.     Now,  since  a  period  of  thirty  years,  the  Pro- 
vinces of  Bengal,  Bihar,  and  Grissa  have  come  into  the  possession 
and  authority  of  the  English   Chiefs.     An  English  Chief,  styled 
the    Governor-General,    coming    from    England,    resides    in    Cal. 
cutta,    and    selecting   Deputies    for  the  collection  of  the  revenue 
and  for  administration  of  civil  and  criminal  justice,   and  for  trad- 
ing >business,   sends  them   out  to  every  place.     And  establishing 
the  Khalisah  Kachiri  l  (the  Court  of  Crown-lartds)  in  Calcutta,  the 
English  Governor  settles  on  his  own  behalf  the  assessment  of  the 
revenue    of    each    Zila    (District).     And    the    Deputies   and    the 
Ziladars   (District   Officers)    collecting   revenues,  remit  them  to 
Calcutta.  , 

In  the  year  1178  A.H.,  when  the  English  became  victorious2  over 
Nawab  VazIra-1-Mulk  Shujau-d-daulah,  Nazim  of  the  Siibah  of 
Audh  and  Ilahabad  (Allahabad),  a  treaty  was  entered  into,  and  the 
English  left  to  the  Nawab  Vazir  his  country.  From  that  time,  they 
have  acquired  iufluence  over  that  Siibah  also,  and  seizing  the  district 
of  Banaras  have  separated  it  from  that  Siibah.  ,  And  their  soldiers 
quartering  themselves  in  the  dominions  of  the  Nawab- Vazir,  as  the 

1  That  is,,  the  Board  of  Revenue  or  the  '  Sudder  Board.' 

2  For  this  victory  and  the  treaty  that  followed,  see  note  ante  and  Seir-ul. 
Mutakherin. 


414 

latter's  servants,  exercise  influence  over  all  affairs.     Heaven  knows 
what  would  be  the  eventual  upshot  of  this-- state  of  things. 

Similarly,  in  the  Dakhin,  the  English  have  got  in  the  fort  of 
Madras  an  old  factory  and  a  large  army.  They  have  also  ac- 
quired possession  of  the  Province  of  Arkat.  They  hold,  as  jaglrs 
under  Nizam  Ali  Khan,  the  towns  of  Ganjam,  Barampur,  Ichapur» 
Sikakul,  Isha^p'atan,  the  fort  of  Qasim  kotah,  Rajbandar,  Ilor 
(Ellore),  Machlibandar  (Masullipatam),  Bajwarah,  and  the  fort  of 
Kondbali,  &c,  and  the  Zamlndars  of  those  places  appearing  before 
them  pay  in  revenue.  And  whenever  Nizam  Ali  Khan  needs 
auxiliaries,  they  furnish  him  with  strong  contingents,  and  out- 
wardly do  not  disobey  his  orders.  * 

But  the  English  Christians1  are  embellished  with  the  ornaments 
of  wisdom  and  tact,  and  adorned  with  the  garments  of  considerate- 
ness  and  courtesy.  They  are  matchless  in  the  firmness  of  their  re- 
solutions, in  the  perfectness  of  their  alertness,  in  the  organisation 
of  battles,  and  in  the  arrangement  of  feasts.  They  are  also 
unrivalled  in  their  laws  for  the  administration  of  justice,  for  the 
safety  of  their  subjects,  for  extermination  of  tyranny,  and  for 
protection  of  the  weak.  Their  adherence  to  their  promises  is  so 
great  that  even  if  they  risk*  their  lives,  they  do  not  deviate  from 
their  words,  nor  do  they  admit  liars  to  their  society.  They  are 
liberal,  faithful,  forbearing,  and  honourable.  They  have  not 
learnt  the  letters  of  deceit,  nor  have  they  read  the  book  of  crooked- 
ness. And  notwithstanding  their  difference  in  creed,  they  do, not 
interfere  with  the  faith,  laws,  and  religion  of  Musalmans. 

All  wranglings  between  Christianity  and  Islam,  after  all,  lead 
to  the  same  place  : 

The  dream  (of  empire)  is  one  and  the  same,  only  its  interpreta- 
tions vary. 

1  The  author  of  the  Riyaz  appears  to  be  remarkably  liberal  and  catholic 
in  his  views,  as  the  concluding  lines  of  his  History  would  indicate.  Compare 
this  picture  of  the  '  new  English  rulers  '  "Vvith  that  in  the  Seir-xd-MittaMerin. 

The  End. 


INDEX  TO     ' 


RIYAZU-S-SALATIN, 


A  HISTORY  OF  BENGAL 


BY 


QHULAM  HUSALN  SALIM, 


TRANSLATED  INTO  ENGLISH  PROM  THE  ORIGINAL  PERSIAN, 

WITH  NOTES, 

BY 

MATJLAVI  AB3US  SA-LAM,  M.A., 

BENGAL    PROVINCIAL    CIVIL    SERVICE,    MEMBER   OF    THE    ASIATIC    SOCIETY    OF 
BENGAL,    AUTHOR   OF    TRANSLATIONS    OF    URFI    AND    SIH-NASR-I-ZAHURI. 


FASC.  V. 


CALCUTTA : 

PRINTED   AT   THE    BAPTIST   MISSION    PRESS,    AND    PUBLISHED    BY 
THE    ASIATIC    SOCIETY,    57,    PARK    STREET. 

1904. 


ERRATA. 
P.  xxiii,  for  'prisoner  '  read  '  Governor.' 
P.     9,  for  '  Bakhtiyar  Khilji '  read  '  Bakhtiar  Khilji.' 
P.   17,  for  '  where  '  read  '  were.'  ■» 

P.  17,  for  '  Taunpar  '  read  '  Jaanpur.' 

P.  26,  for  '  embanked  road  a  bridge  '  read  '  embanked  road  or  bridge.' 
P.  32,  for  '  raised  the  anchor'  read  '  he  raised  the  anchor.' 
P  42,  for  '  Babn  Mankli '  read  '  Baba  Mankli. ' 
P.  170,  for  'AH  Qnti '  read  'AH  Qali.' 
P.  172,  for  ljyjj  '  in  second  line  read  '^).' 
P.P.  209  and  210,  for  '  Nezamat '  read  '  Nizamat.' 


PREFACE. 

"  And  now  sliall  India's  paroquets  on  sugar  revel  all, 
In  this  sweet  Persian  sugarcandy  that  is  borne  to  far  Bengal." 

Hafia  to  Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din,  King  of  Bengal. 

The  History  of  Bengal  cannot  fail  to  be  of  special  interest 
not  only  to  Hindus  and  Musalpaans  in  Bengal,  but  also  to 
Englishmen,  in  that  Bengal  formed  the  foundation-stone  of 
the  glorious  fabric  of  Empire  in  Asia  that  England  was  des- 
tined in  subsequent  years  to  rear  on  the  wreck  of  the  mighty 
Empire  of  the  '  Great  Mogul.'  Yet  Histories  of  Bengal  are 
very  few.  From  the  Muhammadan  side,  though  there  are  plenty 
of  General  Histories  of  India,  containing  incidental  references 
to  Bengal,  or  dealing  with  particular  periods  of  it,  there  is  no 
general  or  comprehensive  History  of  Bengal,  save  and  except 
the  Riyazu-s-Salatin.  From  the  European  side,  the  only 
standard  History  of  Bengal  is  Stewart's  History,  but  this  last, 
too,  whilst  mainly  based  on  the  Riyaz,  incorporates  also  the 
less  "ieliable  accounts  from  Ferishta.  To  appreciate  the  his- 
torical value  and  position  of  the  Riyaz,  I  neea*  only  quote  the 
opinions  of  two  eminent  Orientalists.  "The  Riyazu-s-Salatin," 
says  the  late  Professor  Blochmann  who  laboured  so  largely 
for  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  ' '  is  much  prized  as  being 
the  fullest  account  in  Persian  of  the  Mullammadan  History  of 
Bengal,  which  the  author  brings  down  to  his  own  time  (1786- 
88)  " ;  whilst  Dr.  Hoernle  observes  in  a  letter  to  me  :  "  The 
Riyaz  is  a  Standard  History  of  ^Bengal,  is  continually  quoted 
by  Mr.  Blochmann  in  his  '  Contributions  to  the  History  and 
Geography  of  Bengal '  in  the  Journals  of  the  Asiatic  Society  » 
Mr.  Blochmann  strongly  recommended  that  it  should  be 
translated,  and,  therefore,  the  book  is  one  which  deserves 
being  translated  and  published  by  the  Asiatic  Society." 

Whilst  fully  sensible  of  the  honour  conferred  upon  me  by 


11  PREFACE. 

the  Asiatic  Society'  in  entrusting  to  me  the  duty  of  transla- 
ting with  notes  this  Standard  Hiafcory  of  Bengal,  I  can- 
not help  confessing  to  a  sense  of  diffidence  in  presenting 
this  volume  to  the  public  under  their  auspices.  Circumstan- 
ces over  which  I  have  had  little  control,  such  as  domestic 
troubles,  difficulties  of  access  to  libraries  or  books  of  refer- 
ence in  out-of-the-way  mofussil  stations,  and  scanty  snatches 
of  leisure  after  by  no  means  light  daily  official  duties — have 
combined  not  only  to  retard  the  publication  of  this  annotated 
translation,  but  to  interfere  with  my  presenting  it  in  the 
shape  that  I  had  fondly  aimed  at.  As  it  is,  I  venture  to  think, 
whilst  fully  conscious  of  its  defects  and  flaws,  that  I  have 
spared  no  pains  to  render  the  translation  a  faithful  and 
literal  representation  of  the  original,  consistently  with  lucid- 
ity and  clearness  in  statement.  To  constantly  elucidate  the 
text,  I  have  given  ample  foot-notes.  These  foot-notes  have 
been  prepared  by  me  by  reference  to  original  and  generally 
contemporary  Persian  sources,  and  in  some  cases  also  embody 
results  of  the  labours  of  European  scholars  and  antiqua- 
rians, as  well  as  my  own  personal  observations.  The  prepara- 
tion of  these  foot-notes  has  involved  considerable  research 
and  entailed  much  labour. 

For  my  laboui's,  such  as  they  have  been,  I  shall,  however, 
feel  amply  rewarded  if  these  pages  in  any  measure  contri- 
bute to  awaken  amongst  my  co-religionists  in  Bengal  an  en- 
lightened consciousness  of  their  historic  past,  coupled  with  an 
earnest  longing  in  the  present  to  avail  themselves  of  the  op- 
portunity afforded  by  a  progressive  and  beneficent  Govern- 
ment for  their  future  social  and  intellectual  regeneration  ;  and 
also  if  they  widen  the  mutual  sympathies  of  the  two  great 
nationalities  in  JBengal  by  infusing  sentiments  of  closer  and 
more  cordial  comradeship,  in  that  they  have  been  fellow- 
travellers  over  the  same  tract  for  many  long  centuries:  and 
last,  though  not  least,  if  they  evoke  the  sympathetic  interest 
of  Englishmen  in  the  fate  of  a  great  and  historic  Community 
that  preceded  them  for  six  centuries  in  the  Government 
of  this  country. 


PREFACE.  HI 

A  respectful  tribute  of  mournful  acknowledgment  is  due 
to  the  memory  of  my  lamented  wife,  Hyatunnissa  Begam, 
who  often  sat  up  by  me  during  progress  of  this  work,  and 
sustained  me  in  my  labours. 

ABDUS  SALAM.  ' 

Orissa,  Cuttack  : 
23rd  May,  1903. 

P.S. — I  had  hoped  to  add  to  this  work  an  Appendix  deal- 
ing with  the  social,  economic  and  political  condition  of  the 
people  in  Bengal  under  each  period  of  Moslem  Rule;  but  for 
this  (though  I  have  collected  some  materials)  at  present  I  com- 
mand neither  the  requisite  leisure  nor  the  full  critical 
apparatus.  The  foot-notes  will,  however,  it  is  hoped,  give 
the  reader  some  idea  of  the  culture  and  civilisation  that  pre- 
vailed in  Bengal  under  the  Moslems,  of  their  system  and 
methods  of  administration,  of  their  policy  in  adding  to  the 
physical  comforts  of  the  people,  and  in  improving  their  in- 
tellectual, social  and  ethical  idoals. 

A.  S. 
Babisal,  Backergunje  : 

17  th  November,  1903. 

■ 


RIYAZU-S-SALATIN,  OR  A  HESTORY  OF  BENGAL. 

CONTENTS. 


• 


Page. 

Preface  by  the  Translator  ...  ...  ...  i  to  iii 

Contents  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  v  to  xxiii 

Ghulam  Husain  Salim's  Preface         ...  ...  ...  ...         1 

—  ■» 

Introduction:  Section  I  ...  ...  ...  ...  7 

Boundaries    and    environs  of    Bengal — Frontiers    of    Moslem  Bengal 
— Revenue — Standing      army — Tiprah — Knch      Behar — Kamrup — 
Arrakan — Pegu — Orissa. 
Introduction:  Section  II  ...  ...  ...  ...       19 

Certain  features  of  Bengal — Mythological   traditions — Origin   of  the 
name  of  '  Bangalah  ' — Physical  aspects — Produce — Character  of  the 
people — Land-Revenue — Food    of  the    people — Their   dress — Mode 
of    living — Modes  of  travelling — Manufactures — Natural  resources 
— Fruitery — Rivers. 
Introduction  :  Section  III  ...  ...  ...  ...       24 

Towns  and  Cities  in  Bengal — City  of  Lakhnauti  or  Gaur  or  Jinnata- 
bad — Mint-towns  in  Bengal  during  the  early  Moslem  Kings — 
City  of  Mursiddabad— Ports  of  Hugli  and  Satgaon — City  of 
Calcutta — Chandauagore,  Chinsurah  and  Serampore — City  of 
'  Purniah — City  of  Dacca  or  Dhaka,  or  Juliangirnagar — City  of 
Sunargaon — Ohittagong  or  Chatgaon  or  Islamabad — Sarkar  Bogla 
— Rangpur  and  Ghoraghat — Sarkar  Mahmudabad— Sarkar  Bar- 
bakabad — Sarkar  Bazuha — Sarkar  Silhat  or  Sylhet — Sarkar 
Sharifabad — Sarkar  Madaran — Akbarnagar  or  Rajmahal — Maldah 
— Shrine  of  Shah  'Jallal  Tabrizi — Mausoleum  of  the  Saint,  Nur 
Qutbu-1-Alam — English  silk  and  cotton*  factory  in  » Maldah — 
English  Indigo  factory  at  Goamalti  near  Gaur — Note  on  the 
Sarkars  or    Districts   of  Bengal   by   the   Translator, 

Introduction:  Section  IV  .,»  ...  „  #  ...  ...  47 

» 

Rule  of  the  Hindu  Chiefs  or  Raian  over  Bengal — Rajah  Bhagirat  of 
the  Khatri  caste — Naj  Gouriah  of  the  Kyesth  caste — Adisur 
Kyesth — Bhupal  Kyesth— Sukh  Sen  Kyesth — Sukh  Sen  Boido 
— Ballal  Sen — Lakhman  Sen — Madhu  Sen — Kaisu  Sen—  Sada 
Sen — Nauj — Rajah  Lakhmania,  son  of  Lakhman — Nadia,  the 
Hindn  seat  of  Government  in  Bengal,  under  Rajah  Lakhmania 
—Character  of  Rajah  Lakhmania — Domination  of  certain  Hindu 
Kais     or    Chiefs   in      Bengal — Rajah     Suraj —Hindus     originally 


VI 

c 

Page. 

worshippers   of  one  God — In  the  time    of    Ra-"    Mahraj    (probably, 
Rai  Bahdaj),     sun-worship      introduced     into      Hindustan     by   a 
Persian — Idol-worship    introduced     into    Hindustan    by  a  Dravi- 
difn  Brahmin   from  the    mountains    of    Jharkand     (Ohutia    Nag- 
pur) — Fire-worship      introduced      into      Hindustan    by     Ibrahim 
Zardasht    (or   Zoraster)     of    JPersia — Shangaldip,     and    hie    vic- 
tory  over  Kodar — India   subject    to    the    Scythian   Emperors   of 
Persia,  the  Afrasiabs — Near  Ghoraghat  and    Rangpur,    battle     be- 
tween    the    Scythians    and     the      Hindus     under     Shangaldip — 
Afrasiab  defeats  the   Hindus    under    Shangal — Flight    of    Shangal 
to  Lakhnauti,  and  thence  to  the  hills    of    Tirhut — The    Scythians 
or  Mongols  ravage  Bengal — Shangal  surrenders    to    Afrasiab,  who 
carries  him  to  Turan — Shangal  killed  at   the  battle   of    Hamadan, 
at  the    hands    of    Rustam — Rajah     Jaichand — Rajahs    of    Bengal 
become     independent — Fur     (or     Porus)    subdues    Bengal — Porus 
killed    by  Alexander — Rajah  Madio    Rathor    conquers    Lakhnauti 
— Rajahs  of  Bengal  subsequently  become  independent  again. 
Chapter  I       ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...       58 

Rule  of  the  Musalman  rulers  who  ruled  over  Bengal,  as  Viceroys  of 
the  Musalman  Emperors  of  Delhi — Bengal  conquered  for  Islam 
by  Muhammad  Bakhtiar  Khilji  in  594  A.H.  or  1198  A.C.— In  the 
time  of  Bakhtiar  Khilji,  'South  Behar  included  in  the  Bengal 
Viceroyalty — Note  by  the  Translator  on  the  successive  inclusion 
and  separation  of  South  Behar  in,  and  from,  the  Bengal  Vice- 
royalty — Bakhtiar  Khilji' s  antecedents  and  adventures — Conquest 
of  Behar  by  Bakhtiar  Khilji — Conquest  of  Bengal  by  Bakhtiar 
Khilji — Bakhtiar  Khilji's  prowess,  though  slender  in  'physique — 
Bakhtiar  Khilji  storms  Nadiah,  the  Hindu  Capital,  with  eighteen  ' 
troopers — Rajah  Lakkmania's  flight — Bakhtiar  Khilji  re-builds 
the  City  of  Lakhnauti,  and  establishes  it  as  the  Moslem  Capital 
of  Bengal— Character  of  Bakhtiar  Khilji — Bakhtiar  Kljilji  estab- 
lishes mosques,  colleges,  students'  hostels,  travellers'  rest-houses, 
and  military  out-posts ;  introduces  coinage  of  '  money,  and  con- 
structs other  public  works,  such  as  embankments,  roads  bridges 
etc. — Bakhtiar  Khilji  sends  an  expedition  under  his  Lieutenant, 
Muhammad  Shiran,  to  invade  Jajnagar  (Orissa),  and  himself 
leads  an  expedition  to  Tibat  (or  Tibet  J — The  expedition  to  Tibat 
(Tibet)  a  disastrous  failure — Treachery  of  the  Rajah  of  Kamrup 
(Western  Assam) — From  humiliation,  Bakhtiar  Khilji  dies  at  Deo- 
cote  (Devkot),  south  of  Dinajpur — Malik  'Azu-d-din  Khilji  suc- 
ceeds Bakhtiar  Khilji — Rule  of  Ali  Mardan  Khilji — Rule  of  Ghiasu- 
d-din  Khilji — Sultan  Qutbu-d-din  dies  whilst  playing  at  polo  in 
Lahore,  and  Emperor  Aram  Shah  succeeds  him — Ghiasu-d-din 
obtains  in  620  A.H.  from  the  Caliph  (Khalifa)  of  Baghdad  a 
poutificial   patent  recognizing   the    Moslem    sovereign    of    Bengal 


Vll 

• 

Fage. 
amongst  the   Moslem*  hierarchy   of    the  world— Free  commercial 
intercourse  by  sea  between  the  Musalmans  along  the  sea-board  of 
Bengal  and  the  Arabs  of  the  sea-ports  of  Basrah  and  Baghdad — 
Emperor    Altamsh    from    Delhi    invades   Bengal    in    622    A.H.-*- 
Ghiasu-d-din  extends  his  Bengal  Kingdom    over  Jajnagar  (Orissa), 
Bang  (East  Bengal),   Kamrud  or  Kamrnp  (Westerly  Assam),   and 
Tirhut — Ghiasu-d-din     establishes    mosques,'  public     halls,   etc., — 
Sultan  Nasiru-d-din,  son  of  Emperor  Altamsh,  fj-omDelhi  invades 
Bengal  in  624  A.H.,  kills  Ghiasu-d-din,  and  succeeds  to  the  rnle 
over  Bengal,  with  the  approval  of  his  father,  Emperor  Altamsh — 
Rule  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d-din,  son  of  Emperor  Altamsh — Hussamu- 
d-din   Khilji — In  627  A.H.,   Emperor   Altamsh    from    Delhi   again 
invades  Lakhnauti,  defeats  and  captures  Hussamu-d-din  Khilji,  and 
bestows  the  Viceroyalty  of  Bengal  on  Alau-d-din  Khan — Rnle  of 
Alan-d-din  Khan — Rule  of    Saifu-d-din    Turk— Rule  of    Izzu-d-din 
Tughan   Khan — Empress    Razinh    ascends   the   throne  of    Delhi — 
Sultan    Muizuddin    Bahram    Shah    ascends   the    Imperial    throne 
of  Delhi — Sultan  Alau-din  succeeds  Bahram  Shah — Tughan  Khan 
meets    Minhaju-s-Siraj.  author   of   the   splendid    Persian    history, 
Talaqat-i-Nasirl,  and  brings  the  latter  to  Lakhnauti  as  his   guest — 
Tughan  Khan  (with    him  being  Minhaju-s-Siraj)  invades   Jajnagar 
(Orissa),    storms     the    fort    of    Baktas9.11  or    Katasan — Fightings 
between   the    Rajah  of  Orissa  or   Jajnagar  and   the   Musalmans — 
Lakhnauti     invaded    by    the    Ooryias — Rule    of    Malik     Qurabeg 
Tamar  Khan — Emperor    Nasiru-d-din    Mahmud  (son  of    Emperor 
Altamsh)  entrusts  the  Viceroyalty  of  Lakhnauti  to  Malik  Jalalu-d- 
din   Khan — Rule   of    Malik   Jalalu-d-din    Khan — Rule  of    Arsalan 
Khan — luale     of    Muhammad    Tatar    Khan — Emperor   Balban   as- 
cends the  Imperial  throne  of  Delhi  (664  A.H.) — Emperor  Balban 
appoints  Tughral  to  the  Viceroyalty  of  Lakhnauti — Rule  of  Tughral 
surnamed     Sultan     Maghisu-d-din — Tughral's     character — Tughral 
invades   Jajnagar    (Orissa),  Oudh  and  Karnrup   (Western    Assam) 
successfully,  and  proclaims   independence— Emperor  Balban   from 
Delhi  invades  Bengal  and  defeats  Tughral  at  a  place  near  Sunar 
gaon  in  the  Dacca  district,  and  in  681  A.H.  confers  the  throne  of 
Bengal    on  his   (the    Emperor's)  own    son,   Bughra  Khan,  who  is 
henceforth  styled  Sultan  Nasitu-d-din —  Bughra*  Khan,  the  first  of 
a  succession  of  Balbaui  Kings   who  ruled,    over  Bengal,  and  held 
their  court  mostly  at  Sunargaon,  near  Dhaka   or  Dacca — Rule  of 
Bughra  Khan — Emperor  Balban's  parting  advice  to  his  son  Bughra 
Khan   indicative    of   an    exalted     ideal  of    kingly  duties  and  res- 
ponsibilities   cherished    by    this    great    Indo-Moslem    Emperor — 
Empe/or    Balban   dies  in    685    A.H.,    and    is  succeeded  by  Sultan 
Muizu-d-din    Kaiqnbad    (son   of    Bughra   Khan,    surnamed    Sultan 
Nasiru-d-din) — Dissensions  between  Nasiruddin  and  his  son,   Em- 


7111 

Pane. 
peror    Maiznddin — The    father    and    the   son  meet  on  the  opposite 
banks  of    the   Soro  or  Snrju  (old  river-boundary  between  the  king- 
dom of    Bengal  and  the  Empire   of  Hindustan)— The  meeting  im- 
mortalised  in    the     Qira.7m-s-8ada.in    by   Amir    Khusrau,    the    fa- 
mous poet   laureate    of  the    Delhi    Courc    of    Emperor  Altamsh — 
Sultan    Jalalurd-din    Khilji    becomes     Emperor    of     Delhi — Sultan 
Nasirn-d-diii  of  Bengal  tenders  homage  to  Emperor   Jalalu-d-din, 
as  well  as  to  the  ]atter's  successors,   Sultan  Alau-d-din  and    Sultan 
Qntbu-d-din — Rule      of      Bahadur     Shah — Emperor      Ghiasu-d-din 
Tughlak  succeeds  to  the  Imperial  throne  of  Delhi,  invades  Bengal, 
and  leaves  Tatar  Khan  as  Governor  of   Sunargaon.  and  Nasiru-d- 
din  as  over-lord   of  Sunargaon,  Gaur,   and   Bang  or  East  Bengal — 
Re-arrangement  of     the    administrative    divisions    of    the    Bengal 
Satrapy  by    Emperor  Ghiasu-d-din  Tugblak — Emperor  Ghiasn-d-din 
Tughlak      dies,   and   is   succeeded    by    Emperor    Muhammad    Shah 
Tughlak — Emperor     Muhammad     Shah     appoints    Tatar    Khan    as 
Viceroy  of  Bengal  and  Sunargaon,  and  Qadr  Khan    as  Governor   of 
Laklmauti — Re-arrangement    of    the   Administrative    Divisions    of 
Bengal    introduced    by    Emperor  Muhammad  ShahTughlak — Qadr 
Khan  killed  by  Pakhrn-d-din. 
Chapter  II      ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...       94 

Account  of  the  Independent  Musalman  kings  of  Bengal — Bengal  be- 
comes independent  in  the  reign  of  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah 
Tughlak — Fakhru-d-diu  proclaims  himself  independent  King  of 
Bengal — Note  by  the  Translator  on  the  period  of  the  Independent 
Musalman  kings  of  Bengal — Great  territorial  extension  of  the 
Bengal  kingdom,  and  commencement  of  great  theistic  movements 
during  this  period — Kabir  and  Chaitanya  nourish — Bengal  attains 
peace  and  prosperity  :  Forts,  Mosques,  Colleges,  Students'  Hostels 
and  Travellers'  Guest-houses  established,  tanks  excavated  and  roads 
laid  down — Two  Moslem  Royal  Houses — one  of  Uaji  Hyas,  and 
another  of  Syed  Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah  (with  a  brief  break) 
reign  during  this  period — Reign  of  Sultan  Faichru-d-din — Reign 
of  Sultan  Ali  Mnbarik,  surnamed  Alau-d-din — Reign  of  Haji  Hyas, 
surnamed  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din — Haji  Hyas  extends  his  western 
frontiers  as  far  as  Benax*es,  and  founds  Haji  pur  in  Behar  —  Em- 
peror Firuz  Shah  Tughlak  succeeds- to  the  throne  of  Delhi,  and 
invades  Laklmauti  in  754  A.H.  and  reaches  Panduah  in  the 
Maldah  district — Sultan  Shamsn-d-din  retires  to  the  fort  of 
Ekdalah— Note  by  the  Translator  on  the  site  of  Ekdalah — Note  by 
the  Translator  on  the  first  Bengal  expedition  of  Emperor  Firuz 
Shah  Tughlak — The  patron-saint  of  Haji  Hyas,  named  Shaikh 
Rajah  Biyabani,  dies — Rains  set  in,  and  Emperor  Firuz  SJjah 
retires  from  Bengal,  without  achieving  success — Peace  proclaimed 
between     Emperor      Firuz     Shah  and      Shamsu-d-din — Reign     of 


IX 

• 

Page, 
Sikandar  Shah — Empferor  Firuz  Shah  Tnghlak's  second  Bengal 
expedition  in  760  A.H.  (1359  A..C.)— The  Emperor  withdraws 
without  achieving  anything  decisive  -Note  by  the  Translator  on 
Emperor  Firuz  Shah's  second  Bengal  expedition,  including  I/is 
march  to  Orissa  and  his  hunting  in  its  forests  —  Sikandar  Shah 
builds  the  Adinah  Mosqne  at  Panduah — Dialogue  between  Sikandar 
Shah  and  his  Queen — Battle  between  Sikandar  Shah  ahd  his  son, 
Ghiasu-d-din  at  Goalpara,  near  Jaffargunge  ;n  the  Dhaka  or 
Dacca  district — Sikandar  Shah  defeated  and  killed — Reign  of 
Ghiasu-d-din — Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  invites  the  immortal  Persian 
poet,  Hafiz,  to  his  Court  at  Sunargaon — Hafiz  excuses  himself, 
but  sends  a  lyric — Ghiasu-d-din'?  Conrt  at  Sunargaon  an  asylum  for 
the  learned  and  the  cultured — Sultan  Ghiasu-d-din  lies  bnried  at 
Sunargaon — Remarkable  judicial  integrity  of  the  Judge  Qazi 
Siraju-d-din,  and  law-abiding  nature  of  the  king  Sultan  Ghiasu- 
d-din — Reign  of  Saifu-d-din  Sultann-s-Salatin — Reign  of  Shamsu-d- 
din — Usurpation  of  Rajah  Kans,  Zemindar — Raja  Kans  aims  at  the 
extirpation  of  Islam  from  Bengal — Dauntless  behaviour  of  one  of 
the  Musalman  'Ulama,  named  Shaikh  Badrul  Islam — The  saint, 
Nur  Qatbu-l-'Alam,  invites  over  to  Bengal  Snltan  Ibrahim  Sharqi. 
King  of  Jaunpur,  to  put  down  Raja^h  Kans — Snltan  Ibrahim 
(accompanied  by  an  eminent  scholar,  Qazi  Shahabu-d-din)  comes 
to  Bengal,  and  arrives  in  Panduah — Rajah  Kans  terrified  asks 
the  saint's  forgiveness  and  offers  his  son  Jado  as  a  convert  to 
Islam,  aud  himself  abdicates  in  favour  of  his  son — The  saint  ap- 
peased— Jado  assumes  the  name  of  Jallalu-d-din — The  saint  now 
asks  Sultan  Ibrahim  to  withdraw,  as  to  fight  against  a  Musalman 
king  was  unlawful  under  the  Moslem  Law  or  fihara — Parley  be- 
tween the  saint  and  Qazi  Shahabu-d-din — Sultan  Ibrahim,  annoyed 
and  vexed,  withdraws  to  Jaunpur — Rajah  Kans  displaces  Sultan 
Jallalu-d-din,  and  re-ascends  the  throne,  and  renews  oppressions 
on  Musalmans — Shaikh  Anwar,  son  of  the  saint,  Nur  Qutbu-1-Alam 
— Shaikh  Zahid,  nephew  of  Shaikh  Anwar— Rajah  Kang  banishes 
Shaikh  Anwar  and  Shaikh  Zahid  to  Sunargaon — Shaikh  Anwar  kill- 
ed by  Rajah  Kans — Rajah  Kans  the  same  day  dies — Reign  of  Sultan 
Jallalu-d-din  son  of  Raja  Kans — In  Sultan  Jallalu-d-diu's  reign,  peo- 
ple happy  and  comfortable — Tin? city  of  Panduah  Ueijomes  very  popu- 
lous— Jallalu-d-din  builds  at  Gaur  a  Mosqu§,  a  Reservoir,  the  Jallali 
tank  and  caravanserai — Jallalu-d-din  removes  the  capital  from  Pan- 
duah to  Gaur — Jallaln-d-din's  mausoleum  at  Pa/iduah — Reign  of 
Ahmad  Shah,  son  of  Jallalu-d-din — Ahmad  Shah  proves  a  tyrant, 
and  is  killed — Reign  of  Nasir  Khan,  the  slave — Reign  of  Nasir  Shah 
a  grand-son  of  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din,  and  restoration  of  the  Ilyas 
Shahi  dynasty  in  Bengal — Nasir  Shah  just  and  liberal,  and  the 
people  under  him  happy — Nasir    Shah  builds  the  fort  and  other 

2 


f 

Page. 
edifices  in  Gaur — Reign  of  Barbak  Shah, 'son  of  Nasir  Shah — 
Barbak  Shah  a  wise  and  law-abiding  sovereign — Reign  of  Yusuf 
Shah — Yusaf  Shah,  a  scholar,  and  a  sovereign  solicitous  for  the 
•Welfare  of  his  subjects — Reign  of  Fath  Shall,  son  of  Ynsuf  Shah 
— Fath  Shah,  a  wise  and  liberal  sovereign — Fath  Shah  bestows  befit- 
ting dignitiesron  the  nobles — People  of  Bengal  nnder  Fath  Shah 
hnppy  and'  prosperous — Some  of  Fath  Shah's  coins  struck  in 
Faridpur  town,  .named  Fathabad  after  Fath  Shah — Reign  of 
Bftrbag,  the  Eunuch,  styled  Sultan  Shahzada — Malik  Andil,  the 
Abyssinian — Wrestle  between  Sultan  Shahzada  and  Malik  Andil — 
Malik  Andil  kills  Sultan  Shahzada— Khan  Jahau,  the  Bengal  Vazir 
or  Premier — A  State  Council  convened  by  the  Vazir  or  Premier 
for  the  election  of  a  king — Council  consnlts  Fath  Shah's 
widowed  Queen — Influence  of  Musalman  ladies  in  Bengal  in  the 
past  over  society  and  politics — The  Queen  nominates  as  king  Malik 
Andil,  the  slayer  of  her  husband's  assassin — Iteign  of  Malik 
Andil,  the  Abyssinian,  styled  Fy-uz  Shah — Firnz  Shah  establishes 
himself  in  Gaur — Firuz  Shah  a  just  and  liberal  sovereign, 
and  the  people  of  Bengal  under  him  happy,  and  enjoy  security  and 
peace — Firuz  Shah  builds  a  mosque,  a  tower  and  a  reservoir  at 
Gaur — The  Bengal  Paiks  i^jr  Infantry  Corps)  and  their  cowardice 
— Reign  of  Saltan  Mahuiuf*,  son  of  Firuz  Shah — Habsh  Khan,  the 
Administrator-General  of  Financial  aud  Administrative  affairs — 
Sidi  Badr  Diwana  kills  Habsh  Khan— History  of  Bengal  by  Haji 
Muhammad  Qandahari  referred  to  in  the  text  in  this  history  of 
Bengal,  not  now  extant — Reign  of  Sidi  Badr  styled  Muzaffar  Shah 
— Syed  "  Husain  Sharif  Maki,  Muzaffar  Shah  s  Vazir — Muzaffar  ( 
Shah  oppressive  ajid  harsh  in  the  collection  of  Revenue — People 
disgusted— Nobles  side  with  the  people— Civil  war  between  the 
nobles  and  people  on  one  side,  aud  the  King  witli  his  Afghan, 
Abyssinian  and  Bengali  mercenaries  on  the  other — Syed  Husain 
Sharif  Maki  heads  the  popular  party — People  of  Bengal  possessed 
of  political  life  and  strength — Moslem  monarchies  strictly  con- 
stitutional, and  the  powers  of  Moslem  sovereigns  strictly  regulated 
and  limited  by  the  Shara  or  Muhammadan  Law,  whose  expounders 
were  the  TJIama  or  the  Body  of  the  Learned — Civil  war  proves 
sanguinary — Muzaffar  Shah  killed,  hnd  Syed  Husain  Sharif  Maki 
gains  the  Bengal  throne — Muzaffar  Shah's  mosque  at  Gaur — 
Reign  of  Alau-d-din  Syed  Husain  Sharif  Maki — Alau-d-din's  name 
on  coins  and  inscriptions  is  '  Alau-d-din  Abul  Muzaffar  Husain 
Shah  ' — Note  by  the  Translator  on  Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah — 
Husain  Shah  arrives  as  an  adventurer  in  Bengal,  and  settles  at 
Ohandpur — Professor  Blochmann  identifies  Ohandpur  in  question 
near  Alaipur  or  '  Alau-d-din's  town  '  on  the  Bhairab,  east  of 
Khulna   (formerly  in  Jessore    or    Jasar),  as  the  place  where   the 


XI 

Page. 
Husaiu  Shahi  dynasty,of  Bengal  Moslem  independent  kings  had  its 
adopted  home — Husain  Shah  first  obtained  power  in  the  district  of 
Faridpur  or  Fathabad  where  his  first  coins  were  struck — Hnsain 
Shah's  son,  Nasrat  Shah,  erected  a  mint-town  at  Khalifatab^.d 
(or  Bagerhat,  formerly  in  the  Jessore  or  Jasar  district) — Names 
of  Husain  Shah,  his  brother  Ynsuf  Shah,  \nd  his  son, 
Nasrat  Shah  and  Mahmud  Shah,  fonnd  in  oonnection  .with  several 
pargannahs  of  Jessox-e  or  Jasar  district — Hnsain  Shah  "  the  Good  " 
still  remembered  from  the  frontiers  of  Orissa  •  to  the  Brahma- 
putra— Husain  Shah  extends  his  empire  into  Orissa,  Assam,  aud 
Chittagong,  and  reigns  over  all  North  Behar  and  all  South  Behar, 
up  to  the  limits  of  Sarkar  Monghyr  (Mungir)  where  his  son, 
Prince  Dauyal,  erects  a  vault  over  the  shrine  of  Pir  Nafa-— Huj.\iu 
Shah  builds  a  Cathedral  Mosque  at  Machain  (in  Dacca  district), 
where  there  is  still  an  old  colony  of  Musalmans — The  Husaini 
dynasty  consisting  of  four  kings  reigned  over  Bengal  for  forty- 
four  years — Rich  people  in  Bengal  use  plates  of  gold — Husain 
Shah  disbands  the  Paiks,  and  expels  the  Abyssinians  from  Bengal 
— Hnsain  Shah  removes  his  seat  of  Government  to  Bkdalah  which 
adjoins  the  City  of  Ganr — Husain  Shah,  being  himself  of  a  noble 
stock,  employs  nnmerous  Syeds,  'Mughals  and  Afghans  of  noble 
families  in  his  service  in  Bengal — Hnsain  Shah  appoints  efficient 
District  Officers,  and  secures  thorough  peace  in  Bengal — 
Husain  Shah  subjugates  Rajahs  of  the  environs  up  to  Orissa, 
conquers  Assam,  Kamrup  and  Kamtali — Husain  Shah's  first 
Governor  of  Western  Assam  or  Kamrup  was  his  own  son,  Prince 
Danyal,  who  was  followed  by  Musunder  Ghazi,  who  was  succeeded 
»  by  Sultan  Ghiasu-d -din,  who  introduced  a  colony  of  Muhammadans 
into  Assam — Rajahs  Rup  Narain,  Mai  Kunwar,*  Gasa  Lakhan  and 
Lachmi  Narain  subdued — Husain  Shah  builds  numerous  mosques 
and  rest-homes  in  Bengal,  as  well  as  numerous  Madrassahs  or 
Colleges — Husaiu  Shah  confers  numerous  gifts  of  lands  etc.  on 
saints  and  scholarii — For  the  maintenance  of  the  Rest-house  in 
connection  with  the  shrine  of  the  saint  Nur  Qutbu-1-alam, 
Husain  Shah  endowed  several  villages  —  Husaiu  Shah's  character 
— Amongst  the  sovereigns  of  Bengal,  none  equal  to  Husain 
Shah — Traces  of  Husain  Shah's  beueficence^k^own  widely — L 
Sultan  Husain  Sharqi,  a  refugee  at  the  Court  of  Husain  Shah — 
Emperor  Babar's  invasion  of  India,  towards  the  end  of  Husain 
Shah's  reign — Reign  of  Nasrat  Shah,  son  of  Alau-d-diu  Husain 
Shah — Nasrat  Shah  or  Nasib  Shah  a  wise  aud  just  and  an  effi-  ~ 
cient  sovereign — Nasrat  Shah  re-conquers  Chittagong,  subdues 
Tirhut  and  Hajipur,  and  holds  temporary  sway  over  Aziingarh 
in  the  N.  W.  Province — Hajipur  long  the  head-quarters  of  the 
Bengal  Governors  of  Behar — Emperor  Babar  conquers  Hindustan 


Xll 

Page. 
in   1526  A.C.   (932  A.H.)— Many  Afghan  Onara  or  noblemen  flee 
and  take  refuge  in    Bengal  under  Nasrat  Shah — Sultan  Mahmud, 
brother  of    Sultan  Ibrahim,  also  a  refugee  under  Nasrat    Shah— 
Nasrat    Shah    bestows    on   all  these  noble    Afghan   refugees  pjr- 
gannahs  and    villages   in    Bengal— Nasrat     Shah     marries   Sultan 
Ibrahim's   daughter — Nasrat    Shah    despatches    Qutb   Khan    with 
a  large  ari%  from  Be'.igal  to  Bharaich,  to  oppose  the  Mughal  army 
—Khan  Zaman,  Emperor  Babar's  son-in-law,   conquers   Jannpnr — 
Emperor  Babar  marches  to  Jaunpur,  and  plans  to  invade  Bengal  — 
Nasrat    .Shall    sends  valuable  presents   to    Emperor   Babar,     who 
makes  peace  with  Nasrat  Shah  and  retires— Emperor  Babar  dies, 
Emperor     Humaynn     ascends     the     throne     of      Delhi — Emperor 
Humayun    plans    the    conquest    of     Bengal— Nasrat     Shnh    sends 
presents    to    Emperor   Humaynn— Towards    the  close    of    his   life, 
Nasrat    Shah    indulges   in     dissipations    and    oppressions— Nasrat 
Shah   killed— Nasrat  Shah    builds  the  Qadam  Easul  building  and 
the  Golden  Mosque  or  the  Sona  Masjid  in  Gaur— Reign  of  Firuz 
Shah— Reign     of    Saltan     Mahmud,     son     of    Alau-d-din    Hnsain 
Shah— Makhdum       'Alam      (Mahmud        Shah's      brother-in-law), 
Governor   of     Hajipur,    intrigues   with  Sher    Khan,   who  was    in 
Behar — Mahmud     Shah     details'    Qutb     Khan,     Commandant     of 
Monghyr    (Mungir),  to  coSiquer  Behar,  and  to  chastise  Makhdum 
'Alam— Qutb    Khan    killed,    and    Sher   Khan   wins    the  victory— 
Makhdum    'Alam   killed— Sher  Khan  invades    Bengal— The  nobles 
of  Bengal   guard    the    passes    of    Telingadhi    and    Sakrigali,    and 
fight — Sher   Khan    enters     Bengal,    and    attacks     Mahmud    Shah, 
who  entrenches  himself  in  the  fort  of   Gaur,  aftd  seeks     for   help 
from    Emperor     Humayun— Emperor  Humayun  storms  the  fort   of 
Ohunar — Disturbance  breaks  out  in  Behar,  and  Sher  Khan    retires 
from  Bengal,  leaving  his  son  Jalal  Khan  and  his  noble,  Khawas  Khan , 
to  besiege   the  fort   of    Gaur — Sultan    Mahmud   flees   and    Jalal 
Khan    captures    Gaur — Sher    Khan     marches    to     Ganr,    and    be- 
comes   master     of     Bengal — Sultan    Mahmud  '  Shah    erects    the 
Cathedral*  Mosque  at   Ssadullapur,   a    quarter    cf    Gaur — Emperor 
Humayun      pushes      through     the    passes      of      Teliagadhi    and 
Sakrigali— Jalal     Khan     and    Khwas    Kh,an  retreat  to    Gaur  to 
Sher  Khan— Mahmud  Shah,   the  last  independent  Mnsalman  king 
of  Bengal,  dies  at  Kahlgaon  or  Colgong — Sher  Khan,  on  Emperor 
Humayun's   approach,    retires  from   Bengal    towards    the  hills  of 
Jharkand   or   Chutia  Nagpur — Emperor  Humayun  captures  Gaur, 
names  it  Jinnatabad,  introduces  tb.9  Mughal  Imperial  khutba  and 
coin,  and   halts  at  Gaur  for   three    months — Owing    to  badness    of 
climate  of  Gaur,  many    Mughal  soldiers  perish — Sher  Khan  ewfth 
his    Afghan   soldiers   marches    from   Jharkand    or  Chuta  Nagpur 
to     the     fort     of     Rohtas,     captures      it,     and      also     surprises 


XU1 

Page. 
Monghyr  (Mungir) — Nejrs  of  Mirza  Hindal's  rebellion  received 
by  Emperor  Humayun,  who  marches  back  to  Agra,  leaving 
Jahangir  Quli  Beg  as  the  Mughal  Governor  of  Ganr  and  supported 
by  Ibrahim  Beg  with  five  thousand  cavalry — Sher  Khan  re-  . 
captures  Gaur,  ascends  the  throne  of  Bengal  and  assumes  the 
title  of  Sher  Shah — Sher  Shah,  a  great  statesman,  \  benevolent 
sovereign  and  a  splendid  general — His  fiscal  Reforms — Sher  Shah 
bestows  jagirs,  Altamghas,  and  Madad-i-Mash  for  ^the  support  of 
scholars  and  saints — His  Army  reforms — His  ^public  works — 
His  vigorous  administration  of  justice — People  enjoy  perfect 
security  of  life  and  property — Peace  concluded  between  Emperor 
Humayun  and  Sher  Shall,  Bengal,  together  with  the  fort  of 
Rohtas  being  left  in  the  possession  of  Sher  Shah— Sher  Shah  sud- 
denly attacks  Emperor  Humayun  at  Ohausa,  and  defeats  the  latter 
— Sher  Shah  reduces  Bengal  and  Behar  to  subjection — Shaikh  Khalil, 
patron-saint  of  Sher  Shah — Sher  Shah  leaves  Khizr  Khan  as  his 
Governor  of  Bengal,  and  marches  to  Agra — Sher  Shah  again 
defeats  Emperor  Humayun  at  Kanauj,  and  marches  to  Agra — 
Rule  of  Khizr  Khan  at  Gaur— Khizr  Khan  gives  himself  royal 
airs,  and  is  quickly  supplanted  by  gher  Shah,  who  divides 
Bengal  amongst  several  tribal  chiefs,  placing  over  them  an  over- 
lord in  the  person  of  Qazi  Fazilat,  a  lee/ned  scholar  of  Agra — 
Sher  Shah  returns  to  Agra — Over-lordship  of  Muhammad  Khan 
Sur  in  Bengal — Sher  Shah's  son,  Jallal  Khan  surnamed  Islam 
Shah  or  Salim  Shah,  ascends  the  throne  of  Hindustan,  and  draws 
up  a  comprehensive  Procedure  Code  or  Bastur  ul  Amdl* — Battle 
between  Muhammad  Khan  Sur  and  Muhammad  Shah  'Adli — 
Muhammad  Khan  killed — Rule  of  Khizr  Khan,  surnamed  Bahadur 
Shah,  Muhammad  Khan's  son — Battle  between  Khizr  Khan 
and  Muhammad  Shah  'Adli  near  Surajgarha  in  the  Monghyr 
district — Muhammad  Shah  killed — Reign  of  Jallalu-d-din,  son  of 
Muhammad  Khan — Reign  of  Jalallu-d-din's  son — Rule  of  Ghiasu- 
d-din — Reign  of  Taj  Khan  Karani — Taj  Khan,  one  of  the  most 
learned  scholars  of  his  time— Reign  of  Sulaiman  Karani, 'brother 
of  Taj  Khan — Sulaiman  Karani  holds  every  morning  a  devo- 
tional meeting  in  company  with  150  Shaikhs  and  'Ulama,  after 
which  he  transacts  business  *  during  fixed  ho$rs — Sulaiman 
Karani,  with  the  help  of  his  renowned  general  Kalapahar,  con- 
quers Orissa — Sulaiman  Karani  shifts  his  capital  from  Gaur  to 
Tandah — Sulaiman  partially  subdues  Kuch  Behar — Peace  con- 
cluded between  Sulaiman  and  Emperor  Humayun — Peace  main- 
tained between  Sulaiman  and  Emperor  Akbar — Sulaiman 
Karani  »very  energetic,  industrious,  methodic,  and  strict — Reign 
of  Bayazid  Khan,  son  of  Salaiman  Karani — Reign  of  Daud  Khan, 
son  of  Sulaiman  Karani — Daud  Khan  reigns  over  Bengal,  Behar  and 


XIV 

Page. 
Orissa — His    standing     army — Daud     is  ^aggressive    and    invades 
the    frontiers    between  the    kingdom    of  Bengal    and  the   Empire 
of    Hindustan — Emperor      Akbar      orders     his     general,     Munim 
Khan,   Khan-i-Khanan,    Governor     of  Jannpur,   to   oppose   Daud's 
advance — Peace    concluded  by   Munim  Khan    with    Daud — Akbar 
declines    to    ratify    the     treaty — Disloyalty    of     Daud's    premier 
grandee,  -Lo'di  Khan,— Naval  engagements  between  Daud  Khan   and 
Emperor   Akbar — Daud    retires    to     Fatna,  pursued     by   Emperor 
Akbar — Akbar 'captures  the  fort  of   Hajipur — Daud  abandons    the 
fort  of    Patna,    and    sails    down    to    Bengal — Patna    captured     by 
Emperor     Akbar — The     Khan-i-Khanan      Munim     Khan     pursues 
Daud  who  retires  to  Orissa — Todar  Mai   in  Bengal  and  Orissa — To- 
dar     Mai's     loyal     services    to  'Emperor    Akbar — Battle    between 
the    Mughals    and    the    Afghans— Peace     of     Katak — Bengal    and 
Behar    ceded     to     Akbar,     whilst     Orissa    yet    retained     by    the 
Afghans — Darbar  on  the  banks    of    the    Mahanadi  river   opposite 
to  Katak  (Cuttack)  City  held  by  the   Khan-i-Khauan  for    reception 
of  Daud  Khan  who  attends  from   Katak  with  his  Afghan    nobles 
—  Refined    chivalry    and     magnanimity  displayed  by    the  Khau-i- 
Khanan  Munim  Khan  and  Daud  Khan  at  the  State  Darbar. 
Akbar    causes  a   general  survey  of    Bengal    and  preparation    of  its 
Rent- Roll     by     his     Fil.ance    Ministers,    Khwajah     Muzaffar     AH 
and  Todar  Mai  in  1582  A. C— The  Khan-i-Khanan  (Munim  Khan) 
transfers  the    seat    of    Government  of     Bengal    from  Tan  da  h  to 
Gaur,  when  many   Mughal    officers  including    Munim  Khan  perish 
owing  to    malaria — Murad     Khan    invades     Fathabad     or    Farid- 
pur — On    Munim     Khan's    death,    Daud    Khan    reoccupies    Bengal 
and    Behar,  and   instals    himself     agaiu    at    Tandah — Viceroyalty 
of  Nawab    Khan  Jahan    in    Bengal,  and    an     account     of    Daud 
Khan's  death — Akbar    appoitits  a      separate    Governor  for    Behar 
— Battle    of     Akmahal     or     Rajmahal     or    Akbarnagar    between 
Mnghals  and  Afghans  — Daud  with  his  general  Kalapahar  defeated — 
Daud    killed — Orissa    annexed    by    Mughals— 'Extirpation    of     cer- 
tain   grsndees    of     Daud     Khan  — Kalapahar     killed    in    battle — 
Leading    Afghan  grandees  or    Omara  flee    to    the    jungles   in   the 
tracts     of     Bengal — Afghans     collect     in     Bhati    (i.e.   Sundarbans 
inclndiug  Baqi,rg|iuj  or  Backerguiyej   under  Karitn     Dad,   Ibrahim 
and  'Isa  Khan — 'Isa  khan's  residence — Shahbaz  Khan,  the  Mughal 
general,  plunders  BakAtiarpur,  occupies   Sunargaon    and  encamps 
on  the  banks  of  the  Brahmaputra  — Khan  Jahan  dies,  and  Akbar 
appoints  Khan 'Azim  Mirza  Kokah  to  succeed  him — Afghans  rally 
in   Bhati  under  Osman,  their  chief. 
Chapter  III  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...       .  ...     168 

Account   of    the    Nazims     of     Bengal     appointed    by     the    Mughal 
Emperors  of    Delhi — Nazims    and  Diwans    defined— Accession  of 


XV 


Page. 
Emperor  Jahangir — Insurrection  of  Osman  Khan— Nizamat  or 
Yiceroyalty  of  Rajah  Man  Singh — Wazir  Khan  appointed  Diwan 
of  Bengal — Rajah  Man  Singh  re-called,  not  being  able  to  subdue 
Osman  Khan — Nizamat  of  Qutbuddin  Khan — Qutbuddin  Khan  ' 
killed  by  'Ali  Quli  Beg,  surnamed  Sher  Afghan  Khan,  at  Bardwan 
— Sher  Afghan  Khau,  husband  of  Meherunnessa  {afterwards 
Empress  Nnr  Jahan) — Emperor  Jahangir's'  chivalry*  towards 
his  Queen  Empress  Nnr  Jahan — Jahangir  Quli  Khan  appointed 
Nazim  or  Viceroy  of  Bengal — Islam  Khan  appointed  Governor  of 
Behar — Islam  Khan  promoted  to  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal — 
Afzal  Khan,  son  of  Shaikh  Abnl  Fa zl  Allami,  appointed  Governor 
of  Behar— Rule  of  Nawab  Islam  Khan  over  Bengal,  and  an 
account  of  the  fall  of  Osman  Khan — Nawab  Islam  Khan  transfers 
the  seat  of  Mughal  government  from  Tandah  to  Dacca  or 
Dhaka  or  Jahaugirnagar— Battle  between  the  Imperialists  under 
Shujait  Khan  and  the  Afghans  under  Osman  Khan,  near  Dhaka 
or  Dacca — Osman  hit  by  a  canon-ball,  and  dies — Afghans  now 
thronghly  crushed— Islam  Khan  leads  an  expedition  against  the 
Mags,  defeats  them,  and  sends  some  Mag  captives  to  Emperor 
Jahangir,  in  charge  of  his  son,  Hoshang  Khan — Nawab  Islam 
Khan  dies— Nizamat  of  Nawab  ,Qasim  Khan — Assamese  make  an 
incursion  into  the  conquered  Imperial  •  domains — Qasim  Khan 
re-called — Nizamat  of  Ibrahim  !  Khan '  and  arrival  of  Prince  Shah 
Jahan  in  Bengal — The  title  of  Khan  a  high  honorific  distinction 
under  the  Mughal  Emperors — Ahmad  Beg  Khan  appointed  Go- 
vernor of  Orissa— Shah  Jahan's  insurrection — an  account  of  Shah 
~ ~ "»  ^  ~ 

^bail's  invasion  of  Bengal  and  the  fall  of  Ibrahim  Khan  *Fateh 
Jang  at  Rajmahal — Many  Barha  Syeds  for  political  and  military 
services  receive  from  Mughal  Emperors  honorific  title  of  Khan 
which  in  course  of  time  obliterates  all  traces  of  their  Syed  descent 
—  Shah  Jahan  marches  to  Dacca — Prince  Shnh  Jahan's  fightings 
with  the  Imperial  Army  and  his  withdrawal  to  the  Dakhin — Assign- 
ment of  Bengal  in  Jagir  to  Mahabat  Khan  niyl  his  son — Nizamat  of 
Nawab  Mukkaram  Khan — Nizamat  of  Nawab  Fedai  Khan — Em- 
peror Jahangir  dies,  and  his  son,  Shah  Jahan,  ascends  the  throne  of 
Delhi — Nizamat  of  Nawab  Qasim  Khan  — Qasim  Khan,  under  orders 
of  Emperor  Shah  Jahan,  expels*  the  Portugnese*f*;om  Bengal — 
Nizamat  of  Nawab  'Azam  Khan — The  Assamese  make  an  incursion 
into  Bengal — 'Azam  Khan  recalled  by  the  Emperor— Viceroyalty 
of  Nawab  Islam  Khan  II — Islam  Khan  sends  out  punitive  expedi- 
tion to  Kuch  Behar  and  Assam — Islam  Khan  recalled  for  being  in- 
stalled as  Imperial  Vazir  at  Delhi — Nizamat  of  Bengal  bestowed  on 
Prince  Shah  Shuja — In  the  interregnum,  Nawab  Saif  Khan  repre- 
sents Shah  Shuja  in  Bengal — Rule  of  Prince  Muhammad  Shuja — 
Prince  Shuja  transfers  temporarily  seat  of  Mughal  government  from 


XVI 

f 

Page. 

Dhaka  or  Dacca,  or  Jahaiigirnngar  to  Rajrmihal  or  Akbarnagar — and 
deputes  his  father-in-law,  Nawab  'Azam  Khan,  as  his  Deputy  Go- 
vernor at  Jahangirnagar  —  In  1658  A.C.  Shah  Shuja  prepares  anew 
r  Rent-roll  of  Bengal — The  Prince    recalled — Shah    Shuja   a  lover  of 
architecture   and    builds   numerous    marble  edifices  in    Rajmahal, 
Monghyr  and  Dacca — Nizamat  of  Nawab  Itaqad  Khan — Nawab  Ita- 
qad  Khan  recalled—Rule  of  Prince  Shah  Shuja  for  the  second  time 
in    Bengal — Aljbar  banished  most  of     his    'Ulama   to   Bengal — Em- 
peror Shah  Jahan  falls  ill — Fratricidal  wars  between    Shah  Jahan's 
son,  Dara  Shekoh,  Shah  Shuja,    Aurangzeb    and    Murad — Arangzeb 
triumphs  in   the   end  over  all    the  brothers — Shah  Shuja  defeated 
and  pursued  by  Aurangzeb's    general,  Mir  Jumla,  Muazzam    Khan. 
Khan-i-Khanan— Viceroyalty    of    Mir    Jumla,    Nawab      Muazzam 
Khan,  Khan-i-Khanan — Prince  Shah  Shuja  flies  to  Arrakan,  where 
he  perishes — The  Khan-i-Khanan  Muazzam  Khan  Mir  Jumla    leads 
expeditions  to  Kuch  Behar  and  Assam,  and  subdues  them,  falls  ill, 
returns  and  dies  at    Khizrpur  near    Naraingunge   in  the  Dacca  dis- 
triob — Viceroyalty    of     Nawab     Amirul-Umara     Shaista     Khan — 
Nawab  Shaista  Khan  chastises  thoroughly  the  Mag  and  Portuguese 
pirates,  and  with  his  sou  Buzurg  Umed  Khan  re-conquers  Chitta- 
gong  and  names  it  Islamabad — 'Nawab  Shaista  Khan'forms  a  promi- 
nent figure  in  connection,  with  the  early  commercial  enterprises  of 
the    English   East    India  Company — Nawab    Shaista  Khan    builds 
numerous  Madrassahs  or  Colleges,  Mosques,  rest-houses,  bridges  and 
roads — Economic    condition  of    the   people   in    Bengal  attains  an 
unique  degree  of  prosperity — Rice   sells  at  two  annas  per  maund — 
Nawab  Shaista  Khan  builds  the  Katrah  or  tower  and  other  buildings 
at  Dhaka  or  Dacca — Viceroyalty  of    Nawab    Ibrahim  Khan — The 
English  merchants  style  Nawab  Ibrahim  Khan  "  the  most  famously 
just  and  good  Nabob" — Ibrahim  Khan  allows  the  English  to  return 
from  Madras  and  finally  settle  at  Sutanati  (future  Calcutta) — Em- 
peror   Aurangzeb   engaged   in   fighting  for    twelve   years   in   the 
Dakhiu     against    the     Musalman      kingdoms      of      Bijapur     and 
Golcond'ah,  and  Ahmadnagar,  and  also  against  the  Mahrattas  under 
Sivaji   and    Sambhu — The   Emperor's  protracted  absence  from  his 
capital  leads  to  outbreak  of  insurrections  in    different   parts  of  the 
Empire — Rebellion  of  Subha  Singk,  Zamindar  of  Chittwah  and  of 
Rahim  Khan,  the  Afghan — Kishan  Ram,    Zamindar   of    Bardwan, 
killed  by  the  rebels— Nurullah  Khan,  Faujdar  of    the  Chaklah  of 
Jasar  (Jeesore],   advances  to  fight  with  the  rebels,   but   retreats 
soon  after  to  the  fort  of  Ilnghli,  and  seeks  for  help  from  the  Dutch 
of  Chinsurah — Kishan  Ram's  daughter,  a  heroine,  kills  Subha  Singh 
for  attempt  upon  her  chastity — Himat  Singh  succeeds  Subht  Singh 
— The  rebels  harry  half  the  province  of    Bengal  from  Bardwan  to 
Rajmahal — This   opportunity  utilised  by  the  English  for  fortifying 


XV11 


Page, 
their  new  settlement    in    Calcutta— Brave  fall  of    Niamafc   Khan 
and   Lis    jiephew,   Tauhar   Khan— News    of    the  disaster   carried 
to  Nawab  Ibrahim  Khan  who  exhibits  pusillanimity — News   carried 
to    Emperor     Aurangzeb,  who    appoints    Zabardast   Khan     to    be» 
Faujdar  of  Bardwau  and  Mednipur,  and    to   chastise    the  rebels — 
Zabardast  Khan,    son   of    Ibrahim    Khan,    chastises    the   rebels — 
Azimu-sh-shan    appointed    Viceroy  of  Bengal'and    Behur,    Nawab 
Ibrahim   Khan  being  recalled   by  Emperor    Aurangzeb — Battle    of 
Bhngwangolah— Zabardast  Khan  defeats  Rahim  Khan  or    Rahim 
Shah — Rsihim    Shah's   flight    to     Bard  wan — Viceroyalty  of    Prince 
Azimu-sh-shan  and  fall  of  Rahim  Khan  — Azimu-sh-shan's  jealousy 
of  Zabardast  Khan—  Azimu-sh-shan   marches  to  Bardwau — Zabar- 
dast Khan  in  disgust  leaves   Bengal  and  proceeds  to  the  Emperor 
Aurangzeb  in  the  Dakhin — Tiyuls,  jagirs,  madad-i-mash,  Altamgha 
land-tenures  noticed — Recrudescence  of   Rahim  Shah's  rebellion— 
Rahim   Shah    treacherously     attacks    Azimu-sh-shan,    and   nearly 
captures    the    latter — Loyal    gallantry   of     Hamid    Khan  Quraishi 
(Faujdar  of  Silhat)  who  moves  swiftly  to   Azimu-sh-shan's  rescue, 
tnrns   disaster   into  victory  and    kills    Rahim   Shah,   the  rebel — 
Azimu-sh  shan  after  victory  enters  Bardwan,  and  makes  a  pilgrim- 
age to  the  shrine  of  the  saint  Shah  Ibrahim  Saqqa — Jagat  Rai,    son 
of    Kishan   Ram,    invested   by    the    Prin<je    with  the  zamindarl  of 
Bardwan — The  prince  3i-ects  a  Cathedral  Mosque  at  Bardwan — The 
prince  founds  the  town  of  Shahgauj  alias  Azimganj,  in  the  suburbs 
of  Hugh  City — Azimu-sh-shan's  Mosque  at  Shahganj — Farukh  Sir, 
Azimu-sh-shan's  son,  blessed  by  the  saint  of  Bardwan,  Sufi  Baizld, 
and  prophesied  by  the  saint   as    the   future    Emperor   of    India — 
Azimu-sh-shan  sails  from  Bardwan  for  Dhaka  or  Dacca  or  Jahan- 
girnagar   on  Imperial  war-vessels — Azimu-sh-shan     speculates    at 
Dhaka  in  trade  and  introduces  Sauda-i-Khas   and  Sauda-i-'Am,  and 
is  sharply  rebuked  by  Emperor  Aurangzeb — The  Emperor  appoints 
Mirza  Hadi,  surnamed  Karialab    Khan  (afterwards  Murshid    Quli 
Khan),  to  the  office  of   Diwan    of  Bengal— Powers   of  the   Diwan 
defined — Powers  of    the  Nazim  defined — Azimu-sh-shan  lazy  and 
covetous,  and  in  July   1698  for  the  sum  of  16,000  rupees  permits 
the  English  to  purchase  from  existing  holders  the  right  of   renting 
the  three  villages  of  Calcutta,  Sttfcanati  and  Gobmc>pur — Both  the 
Nizam's  and  the  Diwan's  powers   regulated,  by    an  Imperial  Pro- 
cedure Code  revised  year   after  year  by  the   Emperor — The  Pro- 
cedure Code  or  Dastur-al-' Amal  in  India  described— dCartalab  Khan 
appoints   sagacious     and    thrifty    Collectors  to   every    Pargannah, 
Ohaklah    and      Sarkar  — Murshid    Quli     Khan    (Kar  Talab   Khan) 
resumes   Jagirs   in   Bengal  of    the   Bengal  mansabdars,  and   allots 
them  Jagirs  in  lieu  in  Orissa  — A  big  surplus  in  the  Bengal  Revenue 
thus    effected— Murshid    Quli    Khan     enhances     the     Revenue — 

3 


XV  111 


Page. 
assessments  of  Bengal,  presents  a  prosperity  Budget,  and  be- 
comes Emperor  Anrangzeb's  favourite — Azimu-sh-shan  becomes 
jealous  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  aud  plots  his  destruction — Khiraj, 
Jaziah,  Tamgha,  Jihat,  Sair  Jihat  revenue  and  taxes  des- 
cribed— At  the  instigation  of  Azimu-sh-shan,  the  Naqdi  troops  in 
Dacca  mutiny,  and  surround  Mnrshid  Quli  Khan — Murshid  Quli 
Khan  behaves  dauntlessly,  pays  up  the  troops  and  cashiers  them, 
aud  reports  the  affair  to  the  Emperor — Emperor  Aurangzeb  threat- 
ens Azimu-sh-shan,  and  orders  the  latter  to  quit  Bengal  aud  with- 
draw to  Behar — Mnrshid  Quli  Khan  removes  with  the  Revenue  offi- 
cers from  Dacca  or  Jahangirnagar  to  Makhsusabad,  which  he  names 
after  himself  Murshidabad— The  Mughal  Special  Intelligence  De- 
partment, consisting  of  the  '  Waqiah-navis  '  and  '  Saicanih-navis  ' 
described — Leaving  Farrukhsir  as  his  Deputy  in  Bengal,  Azimu- 
sh-shan  proceeds  first  to  Mungir  (Munghyr)  and  then  to  Patna, 
which  he  names  'Azimabad,  and  settles  down  there — Emperor 
Anrangzeb's  fatal  mistake  in  fighting  against  aud  crushing  the 
Musalman  kiugdonis  of  Golkondah,  Ahmadnagar  and  Bijapur 
— -The  effacement  of  these  Musalman  kingdoms  in  the  Dakhin  re- 
sulted in  letting  loose  the  Mahratta  freebooters  and  other  adven- 
turers that  had,  hitherto,  no  political  existence— -Mughal  system 
of  Revenue-accounts — Mughal  Account- Officers — Emperor  Aurang- 
zeb appoints  Murshid  Quli  Khan  Deputy  Xazim  of  Bengal,  in  addi- 
tion to  his  office  of  Diwan — Mughal  Revenue  and  Fiscal  Officials 
described — Bestowal  of  the  Deputy  Nizamat  of  Bengal  ou  Murshid 
Quli  Khan,  as  Deputy  of  Azimu-sh-shan — Mint-towns  in  Bengal 
— Nankars  land-tenures  described — Auiils  (collectors  of  revenue), 
Shiqdars  and  Amius — Status  of  Zamindars  described — Murshid 
Quli  Khan  prepares  a  perfect  Revenue-Roll  of  Bengal  and  re- 
surveys  lands  in  all  the  mahals  of  Bengal  — Murshid  Quli  Khan's 
settlement  and  survey  procedures  described- -Murshid  Quli  Khan 
gives  taqavi  or  taccavi  or  agricultural  loans  and  advances,  and  en- 
courages the  tenantry  to  till  their  lands  aud  improve  agriculture — 
Murshid^Quli  Khan  uo  believer  in  Permanent  Settlements,  aud  pre- 
fers Ryotwari  to  Farming  Settlements — Islamic  Revenue  systems 
recognize  the  soil  as  State  property,  and  allot  a  portion  of  its  profit 
or  produce  to  "the  actual  tiller  ofi  the  soil  for  his  labour  on  it,  aud 
abhor  the  'middle  men.' — The  constitution  of  the  surveying  party 
and  the  Settlement  procedure  under  the  Mughal  Emperors  almost 
exactly  analogous  to  the  existing  British  Survey  aud  Settlement 
Procedure— Mnrshid  Quli  Khan  chastises  the  Zamindar  of  Bishan- 
pur  (or  Vishuupur)—  Asadullah  Khan,  Zamindar  of  Birbhum,  muni- 
ficent in  his  gifts  aud  madad-i-mash  grants  to  scholars  and  saints — 
Rajahs  of  Tipra,  Kuch  Behar,  and  Assam  all  caved  in  before  the 
vigorous  personality  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan — During  Muisjjid   Quli 


XIX 


Page. 
Khan's  Administration?  no    foreign  incursion  nor  internal  distur- 
bance— In  consequence,  military  expenditure  reduced,   and  nearly 
abolished — Hindu  Zamindars  forbidden  by  Murshid  Quli  Khan  to 
ride  on   palkis — Murshid  Quli  Khan   strict    and  impartial    in  his* 
administration  of  justice — To  avenge  the  wrong  done   to    another, 
Murshid  Quli,  Khan  in  obedience  to  the  Islamic  law,  "executes  his 
own  son — Murshid  Quli    Khan    harsh  to   defaulting    zamindars — 
Forcible  conversion  of    Hindus  to    Islam  only  on  the  part  of  two 
2<fa«-Moslem  rulers  in  Bengal— Poddar  or  the  Treasurer — Procedure 
of   sending  remittances  of  the  Revenue  to  the  Emperor — Some  old 
industries  and  arts  and  manufactures  in  Bengal — Murshid  Quli  Khan 
secures  from  Emperor  Aurangzeb  title  of  '  Motamunul-Mnlk  Alau-d. 
daulah  Jnfir  Khan  Nasir  Jang  ' — Imperial  Mansabdars,  hearing  of 
the  prosperity  of  Bengal,  seek  for  offices  in  Bengal — Nawab  Saif 
Khan  appointed  Faujdar  of  Purniah    on  recommendation  of  Em- 
peror     Aurangzeb—  Qanungo      Darab     Narain — Qannngos      gheo 
Narain  and  Jai  Naraiu — Ziau-d-din,  Khan,   Faujdar  of    Hugli  and 
Admiral  of  all  the  sea-ports  on  the  coast  of  Coromandel,  a  patron 
of  the  Euglish  merchants,  dismissed  by   Murshid  Quli  Khan  who 
with  the  Emperor's  sanction   brings    the  port   of    Hugli  under  his 
immediate  authority,    thougli    hitherto  it    was    independent  of  the 
Subahdari  of  Bengid — Murshid  Quli  appoints  Wali  Beg  as  Faujdar 
of  Hugli — The  French,  Dutch  and  English  secretly  support  Ziau- 
d-din  Khan — Battle  between   Ziau-d-din  and  Wali  Beg   near   Hugli 
— Ziau-d-din  withdraws   to  Delhi — Kankar  Bangali ;  his    insolence 
to  Nawab  Jafar  Khan ;   Jafar  Khan's  retort — Syed  Akram  Khan, 
Diwan  of  Beugal,  dies,  and  is  succeeded  by   Syed  Razi  Khali,  hus- 
band of  Nafisah  Khanam — The  '  Baikant '  or  '  Reservoir  of  filth '  into 
which  defaulting  Zamindars  were  thrown — Insurrection  of  Sitaram 
Zamindar    of  Mahmudabad    (in  Jessore    or  Jasar)  and   murder  of 
Mir  Abu  Turab,  Faujdar  of  Bhusna  (formerly  in  Jasar  or  Jessore, 
now  in   Faridpur  district) — Sitaram's   residence  at  Muhammadpur 
or  Mahmudpur,  at   the  confluence    of  the    Madhumati  and  Barasia 
rivers   in   Jasar    (Jessore)    district — Pir    Khan,    Mir  Aba  Tnrab's 
general,  detailed  to   chastise   Sitaram — On    Mir   Abu  Turab's  fall, 
Hasan  All    Khan,    scion   of    a   noble   family,    who    had    married 
Murshid  Quli  Khan's  wife's  sistef,  appointed  Faujuift'  of  Bhusna — 
Hasan  Ali  Khan   captures   Sitaram  and  his,  women   and  children, 
and  sends   them   to   Murshidabad  to  Nawab  Jafar   Khan  (Murshid 
Quli   Khan)  who   hangs    Sitaram,   and   bestows   h\s   zamindari  on 
Ram  Jivan — Emperor  Aurangzeb  dies,    and  his  son    Bahadur  Shah 
succeeds   him — Prince   Azimu-sh-shan   sets   out   for  the    Imperial 
Capitai — Prince  Farrukh-sir  comes  to  Murshidabad  and  is  received 
with  honour,  and  puts  up  at  the   Lai  Bagh  palace,  as  Nawab  Jafar 
Khan's  guest — Nawab   Jafar  Khan  remits   the   revenue  of  Bengal 


XX 


Page. 
to  Emperor   Bahadur   Shah— Emperor    Bahftdur   Shah  dies,  and  is 
succeeded   by    his    son,    Jahandar   Shah — Azimn-sh-shan     killed — 
AsadKhan  the  Prime  Minister  and  Amivu-1-UmaraZulfnqar  Khan — 
farrukh-sir  resolves,  under  the  inspiration   of    his  brave  mother 
Sahebu-n-Nissa,  to  fight  for  the  Imperial  Crown  against  Jahandar 
Shah — The  Syed  brothers  espouse    Farrukh-sir' s    cause  — Farrukh- 
sir  being  displeased''with  Jafar  Khan,  appoints    Hashid    Khan    to 
supersede  Jafar,  Khan — Battle    between  Rashid    Khan   and  Jafar 
Khan — Rashid  Khan   killed — Farrukh-sir  defeats  Emperor  Jahan- 
dar   Shah    near    Akbarabad    or    Agra,  and    ascends   tlie    Imperial 
throne — Jahandar  Shah  aud   the   Amiru-l.Umara    slain — Accession 
of  Emperor    Farrukh-sir  to    the, throne   of     Delhi — Nawab    Jafar 
Khan     sends    presents     and     tribute     to    Emperor    Farrukh-sir — 
Farrukh-sir  confirms  Jafar  Khan  as    Nazim   and  Diwan  of  Bengal, 
Behar,    and    Orissa — On    Jafar  Khan's  representation,  Nagar  Set's 
uncle  and  agent,  Fatih  Chand  Sahfi,  was  invested  by  the    Emperor 
with  the  title  of  'Jagat-Set, '    and  appointed  Imperial  Banker  for 
Bengal — Jafar  Khan  purchases  from  his  personal  income  Zamindari 
of  Qis-mat  Chnnahkh&li   in   Pargannah    Kalharbah   in  the  district 
of  Murshidabad,  names  it  Asaduagar  after  his  maternal  grandson, 
Mirza  Asadnllah  Sarfaraz  Khan--Jafar  Khan  bestow's   the  Deputy- 
Governorship  of  Jahangirnagar  (Dacca)  on  Mirza  Lntfnllah,  a  son- 
in-law  of  Shujau-d-din  Khan,  and   gives  him   the   title  of  Murshid 
Quli  Khan — Emperor  Farrukh-sir  slain,   and  Sultan  Rafin-d-darajat 
raised  to  the  throne  by  the  Syed  brothers — Rafi-u-darajat  dies  and 
is  succeeded  by    Rafi-n-d-danlah — Rafi-n-d-daulah    dies,  and  is  snc- 
ceedecUby  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah — Nawab' Jafar  Khan  sends  to 
Emperor  Muhammad  Shah  tribute  and  presents  from   Bengal — The 
Emperor  bestows  on  the  Nawab   the  Subahdari  of    Orissa  in  addi- 
tion— Bengal    free     from     Mahratta   raids — Nawab   Jafar   Khan's 
quarrel  with  the   Christian  Danes  who    had    erected    a   Factory  at 
Banqibazar — The  Danes    though  secretly  supported  by  the  French, 
expelled  from    Bengal — Ahsanullah   Khan,  Fanjdar   of  the  port  of 
Hugli — Shujait  Khan  and  Nijat  Khan,  Zamindars  of  Tonki  Sarubpur 
(in  Jessore  or  Jasar  district) — Jafar  Khan  creates  the  office  of  Super- 
intendent of  Dacoity  with  spies  under  the  latter — Jafar  Khau  con- 
fiscates the  zcuhiw-dari  of  Shujait  Ehan  and  Nijat  Khan,  and  settles 
it  with  Ram  Jivan — Perfect   peace  and  security   in  Bengal — Jafar 
Khan  establishes  Thanahs  or     military  police  out-posts  at  Katwah 
Murshidganj,  Pupthal — Thieves,   dacoits  and    robbers  exterminated 
— Nawab   Jafar  Khan's    (Murshid  Quli    Khan)    character,  conduct 
and  policy — A  copy  of  the  Qoran  transcribed  by  Nawab  Jafar  Khan 
by  his  own  hand  exists  in  the   shrine  of  Makhdnm  Akhi   Siraju-d- 
din  at  Sadu-1-lapur — Weekly  price-current  reports   prepared — Rice 
sold  at  5  or  6  mauuds  per  rupee  in  Bengal — People  eat  polao  and 


XXI 


Page . 
qaliah  daily,  spending  Jnly  one  rupee  per,  month — People  happy 
and  comfortable— No  exportation  of  food-grains  permitted— A 
preventive  officer  appointed  under  the  Fanjdar  of  Hugli  to  see  that 
ships  in  the  harbour  did  not  smuggle  out  food-grains  from  Bengal—* 
Murshid  Quli  Khan  has  only  one  wife—  Abstemious  in  habits,  but 
allows  himself  the  luxury  of  ice-water  and  ice-prest«;ves— Mango 
culture  in  Bengal— Murshid  Quli  Khan  strictly  impartial  in  ad- 
ministration of  justice— To  avenge  the  death  of  an  .oppressed  man, 
Murshid  Quli  Khan  executes  his  own  son,  and  ob'tains  the  title  of 
'Adalat-Qastar '— Qazi  Muhammad  Sharf  appointed  by  Emperor 
Aurangzeb  Qazi  or  Chief  Justice  of  Bengal— Qazi  Muhammad 
Sharf  s  remarkable  integrity,  and  judicial  independence — How  Qazis 
or  Judges  and  Magistrates  were  recruited,  and  how  their  judicial 
independence  was  safeguarded  by  Musalman  Emperors  of  India— 
Qazis  subordinate  only  to  the  Shara  or  the  Muliammadan  Law — A 
Police  Superintendent  of  Hugli  stoned  to  death  under  orders  of 
Nawab  Jafar  Khan  (Murshid  Quli  Khan)  for  enticing  away  the 
daughter  of  a  Mughal  citizen— Murshid  Quli  (Nawab  Jafar  Khan) 
erects  a  treasury,  a  Eatrah  or  Tower,  a  Cathedral  Mosque,  a  Monument 
and  a  Beservoir— M  urshid  Quli  Khan  proclaims  Sarf araz  Khan  as  his 
heir,  and  dies— Nizamat  of  Nawab  Shuja-nd-din  Muhammad 
Khan — Sarfaraz  Khan  reports'  Nawab, '  Jafar  Khan's  (Murshid 
Quli's)  death  to  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah,  andalsoto  his  ownfather, 
SJiujau-d-din  Khan,  who  was  Deputy  Nazim  in  Orissa— Shujau-d- 
din  aspires  to  the  Nizamat  of  Bengal,  leaves  his  son  Muhammad 
Taqi  Khan  as  Deputy  Nazim  of  Orissa  at  Katak  (Cutfcack)  and 
inarches  swiftly  to  'Bengal  -Fighting  between  the  fathermnd  the 
son  avoided  through  the  good  offices  and  wisdom  of  the  widowed 
Begam  of  Nawab  Jafar  Khun  (Murshid  Quli  Khan )— Shujau- d-din's 
character,  conduct  and  policy— his  humane  treatment  of  the 
Bengal  defaulting  zamindars — Shnjau-d-din  sends  tribute  and  pre- 
sents to  Emperor  Muhammad  §hah — Nawab  Sbujau-d-din's  public 
works — Nawab  Shujan-d-din  delegates  the  duties  of  the  Nizamat 
of  Bengal  to  a  Council  or  Cabinet  of  Advisers,  and  himself  prefers 
pleasures — Haji  Ahmad,  Bai  Alamohand  Diwan,  and  Jagat  Set 
Fatehch_and  members  of  Nawab  SJiujan-d-din's  State  Council  in 
Bengal — Alamchand  appointed*  Deputy  Diwan  ef<  Bengal — Ante- 
cedents of  Haji  Ahmad  and  Mirza  Bandi  (afterwards  Ali  Vardi 
Khan) — Chief  Administrative  Officers  in  the  beginning  of  the 
regime  of  Nawab  SJiujan-d-din  Khan— Quarrel  between  Shuja  Quli 
Khan,  Faujdar  of  Hngli,  and  the  English,  Dutch  and  French 
merchants — English  goods  Beized,  but  afterwards  released — Chief 
of  th?  English  factory  at  Qasimbazar  agrees  to  pay  three  lacs  as 
nazar  to  Nawab  Shujau-d-din  Khan — Chief  of  the  English  factory 
in   Calcutta    remits   the   naaar   to  Nawab   SJt>ujau-d-din  Khan— 


XX11 

Page. 
Behar  added  to  the  Bengal  Satrapy  by  En*peror  Muhammad  Shah 
— Ali  Vardi  Khan  appointed  Deputy  Governor  of  Behar  by  Nawab 
Shujan-d-din — General  Abdul  Karim  Khan,  Ali  Vardi's  principal 
colleague — Ali  Vardi  chastises  the  Banjarah  tribe  and  subdues  the 
zamindar  of  Bhojpur,  Tikari,  and  Namdar  Khan  Muin — Ali  Vardi 
obtains  for  ,the  Emperor  Muhammad  Shah  title  of  "  Mahabat 
Jang  Bahasdnr  " — Haji  Ahmad,  Ali  Vardi,  Alamchand  and  Jagat 
Set  plot  to  bring  about  a  rupture  between  the  two  sons  of  the  Nawab 
(Sarfaraz  Khan  'and  Muhnmmad  Taqi  Khan),  in  order  to  obtain 
personal  advantages — Rupture  between  the  brothers  takes  a 
serious  turn,  when  Nawab  Shujau-d-din  interferes,  and  Muhammad 
Taqi  Khan  departs  for  Katak,  where  he  dies — Murshid  Quli  Khan  (No. 
11),  son-in-law  of  Nawab  Shnjauddin,  and  Deputy  Nazim  of  Jahan- 
girnagar  or  Dacca,  appointed  Deputy  Nazim  of  Orissa — An  account  of 
Mir  Habib,  principal  adviser^of  Murshid  Quli  Khan  (No.  11)  both 
in  Dhaka  or  Dacca  or  Jahangirnagar,  and  in  Orissa — Whilst  at 
Jahangirnagar,  during  the  regime  of  Nawab  Shujau-d-din  Khan,  Mir 
Habib,  lieutenant  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan  No.  11)  conquers  Tiprah, 
which  was  henceforth  named  Raushanabad— Aqa  Sadek,  zamindar 
of  Patpasar — Nurullah,  zamindar  of  Parganah  Jallalpur — Murshid 
Quli  (No.  11)  receives  the  title  of  Rustam  Jang — Mir  Habib  re-or- 
ganises the  administration  and  settlement  of  Orissa,  and  effects  a 
surplus  in  its  revenue— During  the  conflict  between  Muhammad  Taqi 
Khan  and  Safaraz  Khan,  the  Rajah  of  Parsutam  or  Puri  removes 
Jagannath,  the  Hindu  God,  to  across  the  Chilka  lake — Rajah 
Dand  brings  back  Jagannath  to  Puri — Sarfaraz  Khan,  Governor 
of  Jahangirnagar,  his  Deputy-Governor  being  Ghalib  Ali  Khan  — 
Jasnnant  Rai,  the  State  Secretary  at  Jahangirnagar — Murad  Ali 
Khan,  Superintendent  of  the  Naicarah  at  Jahangirnagar  or  Dacca 
— Rajballab,  clerk  of  the  Dacca  Admiralty — Mirza  Muhammad  Said, 
Faujdar  of  Ghoraghat  and  Rangpur  and  Kuch  Behar — Badiuz- 
zaman,  zamindar  of  Birbhum — Karatchand,  zamindar  of  Bard- 
wan — Nadir  Shah's  invasion  of  India — Shu'jauddin  or  Nawab 
Shujau-d-flaulah  dies,  and  is  succeeded  by  his  son,  Nawab  Sarfaraz 
Khan — Nizamat  of  Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan — Treachery  of  Sarfaraz 
Khan's  Councillors,  Haji  Ahmad,  Jagat  Set,  and  the  Rai  Raian — 
Treachery  of  Ali  Vardi  Khan — Batt>le  of  Ghei-ea — Sanguinary  fight 
between  Ali  Vardi  Khan  and  Sarfaraz  Khan — Sarfaraz  Khan  killed 
— Decline  of  Moslem  Bengal  from  this  date — Nizamat  of  Ali  Vardi 
Khan — Ali  Vardi  Khan  banishes  to  Dacca  the  Begams  of  Sarfaraz 
Khan — Emperor  Muhammad  Shah's  lament  on  the  Bengal  revolu- 
tion— Ali  Vardi's  Personnel  of  Government — Ali  Vardi  wages  war 
against  Murshid  Quli  Khan  II,  Governor  of  Orissa,  and  bestows 
all  important  offices  on  his  own  relatives — Durdanah  Begam,  the 
brave  wife  of  Murshid  Quli  Khan  II — Mirza  Baqir,  son-in-law  of 


XX111 

» 

Tage. 
Murshid   Qnli    Khan  51 — Ali  Vardi    bestows  the   Governorship  of 
Orisaa  on  his  nephew  and  son-in-law,  Saulafc  Jang  alias  Said  Ahmad 
Khan — Saulat  Jang  taken  prisioner,  and  Mirza  Baquir  takes  the  mas- 
wad  of  Orissa— Ali  Vardi's   avenging  expedition    to  Orissa — Mirza 
Baqir  flies — Mir  Habib,  the  Deputy  of    Murshid  Quli  Khan  II,  seeks 
help  of  the  Mahrattas  in  order  to  invade  Bengal — M.shratta  incur- 
sions into  Bengal,  under  the  inspiration  of  Mir  Habib— At  length, 
peace  concluded  between  Ali  Vardi  and  Mahrattas— Ali  Vardi  dies — 
Ali  Vardi's  character — Ali  Vardi  succeeded  by  his  maternal  grandson 
Siraju-d-daulah— Nizamat    of    Nawab     Siraju-d-daulah — Siraju-d- 
chiulah's  character  and   policy — His  mistakes — Mohanlal,  a  Kyeth, 
appointed  Chief  Minister— Sirajn-d-daulah's  quarrel  with  Rajballab 
leads  to  rupture  with  the  English — Treachery   of  Mir  Jafar,  Duiab 
Ram    and    Jagat     Set     who    invite   over    the    English — Siraju-d- 
daulah's  quarrel  with  Shnukat  Jang,  Faujdar  of  Pnrniah — Siraju- 
d-daulah   captures    Calcutta,  and    names  it  Alinagar   and  leaves 
Manikchand  as  its  prisoner — The   English   under  Clive  return  to 
Bengal — The  English  re-take  Calcutta,  and  defeat  Manikchand— On 
the  invitation  of  Mir  Jafar,  Dulab  Ram  and  Jagat  Set,  the  English 
under  Clive    march    to   Plassey — Battle     of    Plassey — Defeat   and 
murder  of  Siraiu-d-danlah — Nizamat  of  Jafar    Ali  Khan  or  Mir 
Jafar — Mir     Jafar's    and  his    son     Mirjin's     cruelty     to   Srraju-d- 
daulah's  mother   aud  aunt,    Amanah   Begam  and    Ghaseti  Begam, 
who  are  drowned — Miran  suffers  and  receives  retribution  by  being  kill- 
ed   by  lightning — Mir  Jafar  replaced  by    Mir  Qasim — Nizamat  of 
Nawab  Mir  Qasim  Ali  Khan — His  character  and  policy — Mir    Qasim 
removes    his   capital  from  Murshidabad  to  Monghyr — Mir**Qasim's 
rnpture   and   fight    with    the    English — Mir    Ja^ar  re-installed  as 
Nazim  of  Bengal — Battle  of  Baksar — Grant  of  the  Diwani  of  Bengal 
to  the  English  by  Emperor  Shah  Alam — Mir  Qasim's  adventures  and 
death. 
Chapter  IV — Domination  of  the  English  in  the  Dakhin  and  in  Bengal, 
Section  I — Arrival  of  the  Portuguese  and  French   Christians  in  the 
Dakhin-and  in  Bengal.  ...  ...  ...  ?..  399 

Section  II — Domination    of  the  English   Christians   over  Bengal  and 


the  Dakhin.  ... 

... 

... 

... 

408 

ndex  with            ...                  ...           • 

■tt 

•    • 

• 

... 

415 

Map  of  Bengal  under  Moslem  Rule 

... 

.      •  •  • 

' 


INDEX. 


Arsah,  7 

Akbar,  8,  27,  41,  148,  152, 155, 157, 

158,  160,  184 
Autan,  12 
Assam,  12,  14,  38,  49,  132, 142,  211, 

212,  213,  223,  224,  225,  226,  231, 

257 
Assamese,  211,  212,  223,  226 
Afghans,    16,  127,  132,    142,    145, 

150,  152,  159,  161,  177,  194,  231, 

235,  236,  241,  242,  243,  296,  315, 

323,  412 
Akbarnamah,  16,  39,  146 
Aziz  Kokah,  18 
Azimu-sh-shan,  2*7,  235,  237,  242, 

246,  247,  252,  266,  267,  300 
Aurangzeb,   28,    32,   37,  181,  200, 

214,  215,  218,  219,  224,  225,  226, 

231,  232,  246,  247,  252,  255,  259, 

267,  273,  283,  287,  30,3,  311 
Allahabad,  24,  114,  146,  197,  235, 

238,  392,  394,  413 
Arabia,  30,  136,  401,  405,  406,  408 
Ajam,  408 
Azam,  30,  31 
Armenians,  33  # 

Alinagar  or  Calcutta,  31 
Admiral  Watson,  31 
Arracanese,  15,  32,  39,  231 
Arracan  or  Arkhang,  15,  212,  214, 

224,  229 
Alamgirnamah,    37,  38,    47,    130, 

132,  216,  229 
Akbarnagar  or  Rajmahal  or  Ak- 

mahal,  44,   154,   189,  201,   218, 

220,  221,  233,  251,  269,  282,  294, 

310,  311,  344,  349,  359,  369,  376 
53 


Ali  Mubarak,  rurnamed  Sultan 
Alau-d-din,  45,'95\  96,  97 

Adinah  Mosque,  45 

Akbar' s  Kent-*Roll,  47 

Alaipur,  48,  128 

Ain-i-Akbari,  10,  49,  .50,  52,  56, 
136,  143,  250 

Abwab  revenue,  50 

Alivardi  Khan  Mahabat  Jang,  50, 
291,  293,  294,  296,  297,  308,  311, 
313,  314,  318,  320,  321,323,  324, 
327,  328,  329,  330,  331,  332,  333, 
336,  337,  351 

Af  rasiab,  54,  55,  56 

Artaxexes  Longimanus,  54 
'Ardisher  Babagan,  56 

Alexander,  56,  57,  86 

Abul  Fazl  Allami,  56,  60,  173,  182 

Aryans,  57 

Aibah,  59 

Alau-d-din  Jani,  59 

Aughal  Beg,  60 

Audh  or  Ouie,  60 

Alimich,  65 

Abardhan,  65 

Atrai,  65 

Alimardan  Khilji  surnamed  Sul- 
tan A»lau-d-din,  6&,  70,  71 

Azu-d-din  Muhammad  Shiran 
Khilji,  69,  70 

Ahmad  Iran%  6$ 

Aram  Shah,  71' 

Alau-d-din  Kban,  73 

Alau-d-din  Masud,  76 

Arsalan  Khan',  77,  78 

Amin  Khan,  79,  80 

Amir  Khusrau,  86,  88 

Amir  Hasan,  86 


416 


Arz-i-Mamamtdik,  90 

Alau-d-din  Husain  Shah,  95,  114, 

128,  129,  131,  132,  134,  1S6,  140 
Alau-1-Haq,  108,  137 
Ahmad  Shah  118,  119,  120 
Adam  Shahid,  121 
Alau-d-din  Firuz  Shah,  129 
Azimgarh,  135,  , 

Adil  Khan,  138 
Agra,  143,  145,  146/183,  217,  273> 

287,  4C9 
Aesh  Khan  Neazi,  157 
Ali    Quli   Beg,  Astajlu,  surnamed 

Sher  Afghan  Khan,  169,  170 
Abdur      Rahim     Mirza     Khan-i- 

Khanan,  170,  184,  201,  408 
Shaikh  Abdur  Rahman,  surnamed 

Afzal  Khan,  173,  182 
Adam  Barha  Syed,  174,  176,  194 
Acha  Shaikh,  174,  176,  194 
Alau-d-din    Chishti    Shaikh,    sur- 
named Islam  Khan,  173,  174 
Abdus  Salam  Khan,  176,  178,  194, 

211 
Abdus    Salam     Mir,      surnamed 

Islam  Khan,  211,  212 
Abdul  Muazzam  Khan,  178 
Abu  Bakr  Syed,  179 
Abul    Husain    Mirza,     surnamed 

Asaf  Khan,  182,  183,  208,  273 
Abdul  Aziz  Qazi,  183 
Abdullah  Khan,  183,  185,  191, 195, 

196,  200,  274 
Ahmad   Beg  Khan,  190,    191,192, 

193, 194,  195 
Abid  Khan  Diwan,  192 
Alahyar  Khan.  196,  324 
Ahmadnagar,  200 
Arab  Dast  Ghaib,  203,  204' 
Azam  Khan  Nawab,  210,  211,  214 
WLli  Vardi  Khan,  218,  219,  221 
Ali  Mardan  Khan,  237 
Atau-1-lah   Khan,    225,   310,    311, 

359 


Alamgirnagar     or     Kuch    Behar 

town,  224 
Abu  Talib  Mirza,  surnamed  Shais- 

ta  Khan.  227,  228 
Abul  Hasan,  229,  230,  231 
Anwar  Khwajah,  240 
Asam  Khwajah.  240,  287 
Azimganj,  244 
Ayema,  244 
Altamgha,  244 
Abdul  Wahed,  250 
Azimabad,  252,  267,  269,  295,  310, 

324,  349,  352,  353,  356,  357,  358, 

359,  360,  368,  375,  377,  381,  382, 

383,  385,  386,  387,  396,  397 
Amins,  253,  256 
Akram  Khan  Syed,  254,  265 
Abdullah  Khorasani  Haji,  255 
Amils,  238,  256,  255 
Assadullah,  257,  390,  391 
Andinarain,  259 
Abu  Turab  Mir,  266 
Assad  Khan,  268,  272,  273 
Afrasiab  Khan,  269,  270 
Ahsanullah  Khan,  277,  278,  284 
Attrup,  278 
Ajmir,  279 , 
Akhi  Siraju-d-din  Hazrat    Maiih- 

dum,  279 
Abdur  Rahman  Khalifa,  of  Spain, 

282 
Alamchand  Diwan,  291,  292 
Azam  Shahs  293 
Abdul  Karim  Khan,  296,  297 
Aga  Sadiq,  Zamindar,  300,  301 
Azam  Khan,  306 
AH  Quli  Khan,  306 
Aurangabad,  312 
Alau-d-din  Mahmud  Khan.  326 
Abdul  Aziz  Mir,  328,  350 
Abid  Khan,  328 
Ali  Akbar  Mir,  328 
Asaf  Jah  Nizamul-Mulk,.  309,  330, 

411,  412 


417 


Anwaruddin  Khan,  331,  411,   412 

Azizullah  Mir,  332 

Amanat  Khan,  334 

Amin  Khan  Md.,  336 

Ali  Qarawal,  surnamed  AH  Bhai, 

338.  347,  348 
Abul  Hasan  Mir,  343 
Abdur  Easul  Khan,  346,  350,  352 
Abdul  Nabi  Khan,  299,  346,  350 
Ahsan  Qnli  Khan,  354 
Amena  Begara,  356,  381,  382 
Amaniganj,  356 
Abdur  Kashid  Shaikh,  368 
Abu  Turab  Khan,  369 
Amir  Beg,  370 
Ahmad  Shah  Abdali,  386 
Amytt,  Mr.,  388,  389 
Abdullah  Mir,  388, 
Adams,  Major,  390,  391 
Adhua  nalla,  380,    390,  391,  395 

396, 
Abdullah  Shaikh,* 390 
Antony,  391  * 

Arab  Ali  Khan.  391 
Ali  Ibrahim  Khan,  391,  392,  393 
Alam  Khan,  395 
Abul  Feda,  400 

Alauddin  Khilji,  Emperor,  400, 
Albuquerque,  403 
Admiral   Amir  Husain,  403,  404 
Almeida,  403 
Ayaz  Malik,  404 
Aden,  407  , 

Ali  Adil  Shah,  407,  498 
Adilabad,  408 

Agha  Muhammad  Zaman,  410 
Amiru-1-Mulk   Salabat  Jang,  411 

412 
Arkat  (Arcot),  413,  414 
Agartola,  301 

B 

Bengal,  3,  4,  5,  6  7,  8,  9,  10,  11,  12, 
13,  14  15, 17, 19  ,20,  23,  24,  25,  26. 


28,  30*32,  34,  40,  47,  49,  51,  54, 
55,  56,  57,  58,  59,  60,  62,  63,  64, 
65,  68,  69,  70,  71,  82,  87,  88, 
90,  91,  92,  93,  94,  95,  96,  97,  98, 
100,  101,  103,  104,  107,  108,  111, 
113, 116,  120,  121,  124,  125*  126, 
127,  128,  129,  131,  132.  133,  134, 
135, 136,  137, 138,- 140,  141,  151, 
162,  195  202 

Behar.  8,  59,.b*0,  10,  23,  25,  34,  50, 
58,  61,  62,  63,  64,  72,  89, 114, 132, 
134,  138,  139,  140,  141,  152,  155, 
162,  197 

Buffaloes,  14 

Bliitarband,  10 

Baghdad,  10,  400,  279 

Basorah,  10 

Bhutan,  9,  11,  224,  225 

fehutias,  12 

Brahmaputra,  9,  11,  12,  13,  24,  47, 
329 

*Burmah,  15 

Babaf!  Emperor,  133,  134,  135 

Beauleah,  23 

Bajhaura  16 

Balasore,  16 

Bengalis,  33,  35,  127 

Barahbati  Fort,  16,  17* 

Bhagirati,  23,  27,  35,  49,  136 

Barbar  19,  25 

Babruj,  19 

Bang,  19,  20  25,  40,  47 

Bangalah,  20 

Barbakabad,  23,  43,  48 

Bazuha,  24  43,  44,  48, 

Barrackpur  or  Chanak,  36 

Birnagar  36,  37 

Board  of  Reverfue,  34 

Bir  Shan,  37 

Bir  Singh,  37 

Baba  Mankli,  42 

Bhusna,  42,  251,  265,  266 

Banraj,  44 

Bagdi,  47 


418 


Barenda,  47 

Banga,  47 

Bakhtiar   Khilji,  9,  16,  40,-  47,  51, 

52,   57,  58,  59,  60,  61,  63,  66,  67, 

68,  69,  70,  161 
Bahauddin  Zakariah,  45 
Bombay,  34 

Bagerhat,  48    ,  . 

Birbhum,  9,  24,  49,  251 
Bhati,  8,  166 
Bogla  or  Bakla,  41,  49 
Baqerganj.  15,  48,  49 
Bural,  23 
Bardwan,  9,  49,  158,  169,  171,  188, 

195,  245 
Bbatiah,  26 
Bbagirat  Rajah,  50 
Bhupal  Kyesth,  51 
Ballal  Sen,  51 
Brahmans,  63,  150" 
Bikrampur,  51,  63 
Bahdaj,  52  f 

Bahramgor,  56" 
Bhagwat,  60,  61 
Bahlol  Lodi,  59,  134 
Betali,  60 
Babadur  Kban  59, 
Badaon  or  Burdawon.  60,  16,   248 
Benares,   24,   31,    59,<  60,  99,  161, 

191,  413 
Brahman  gadi,  65 
Bhoeli,  61 
Bardhan  Kote,  65 
Bagmati,  65  ,  » 

Bogra,  65,  113 
Blocbmann,  Professor,  47,  48,  50, 

58,  60,  65,  68,  85,  91,   100,   103 

120,  124,  131,  139 
Baskofc  or  Basankot,  71 
Badaoni,  16,  18,  64,  68,  86,  90,  96, 
►<  114,130,  133,  134/135,  136,   138, 

140 
Baba  Kotwal  Ispahani,  69 
Bughra  Khan,    surnamed  Sultan 


Nasiruddin,  79,  80,  84,  85,  86, 

89 
Bhuj  Rai,  81 
Barbak  Baras,  81,  82,  83 
Balban  Ghiasuddin,    Emperor,  78 

79,  80,  82,  88,  89 
Babadur  Sbah,  40,  84,  85  90,  91, 

92,  147,  148,  268 
Babrara  Khan.  85,  93,  94,  96 
Balbani  Kings  of  Bengal,  40,  90 
Batburiah,  112,  113 
Banaresi,  105 
Badrul  Islam  Shaikh,  113 
Barbak  Shah,  43,  120,  124,  126 
Bhawal,  100 
Barbag,  121,  126 
Beveridge,  Mr.,  100 
Bhairab,  128,  131 
Baba  Salih,  121 
Babadur  Gujrati  Sultan,  138 
Bandar,  121 

Bayley,  Edward 'Clive,  Sir,  140 
Bengali  Paiks,  125 
Bal  Gosain,  152 
Bhata,  133,  140 
Bayazid  Khan,  153,  154,  159- 
Bairam  Kh,an,  184 
Bakhtiarpur,  166,  175,  176- 
Babram  Saqqa,  169 
Bikramajit  Rajab,  185 
Bairam  Beg,  186,  187 
Burhanpur  180,  186,  216 
Bhojpur,  1Q1,  296 
Bhim  Rajah,  195 
Bahadurpur,  215,  217 
Bahroz  Rajab,  216 
Barkhurdar,  204 
Bijapur,  221 
Bhimnarain,  222 
Bhaluah,  222 
Bhagoti  Das,  224 
Baretola  224 
Beninarain,  224 
Bholanath,  224 


419 


227,    230, 

» 


Badli  Phukan,  225 
Buzurg    Umed   Khan 

231 
Bardah,  231 
Bhagwangolah,  236 
Bandasil,  244 
Bishanpur,  251 
Bitakchi,  254 
Baikant,  255 
Bangibazar,  276,  277 
Bindraban,  283 
Baqir  Khan,  284 
Baqirkhani  bread,  284 
Badakhshan,  238,  287 
Bandi  Mirza,  291 
Bahadui'  Shah,  Emperor,  294 
Birbhnm,  24 
Banjarah  tribe,  296 
Bitiah,  296 
Bhawarah,  296 
Bassein,  15 

Badiuzzaman,  306*,  307 
Basant  Khwajah,  306 
Bakhtwar  Singh,  311 
Baqir  Khan  Mirza,  311,  317,  326 
Baji  Singh,  311,  319 
Bahmaniah,  312 
Bab#  Kuchak  Aga,  322 
Balasore,  16,  326,  333,  410 
Bakrabad,  326 
Baland  Khan,  334 
Balisar  Khan,  334 
Bahadur  Ali  Khan,  334 
Bhoslah  Raghoji,  338,  349 
Berar,  338 

Bajutrah  Sair  duties,  342 
Bhaskar  Pandit,  343,  347,  348 
Baluchar,  347 
Balaji  Rao,  351 
Baji  Rao  Pandit,  351 
Burhanul  Mulk,  351 
Bhagalpur,  48,  162,  351 
Baikantpur,  358 
Bairani  Khan  Nawab,  362 


Budge-Btidge  or  Bajbajia,  366 

Birnagar,  367 

Babniah,  376 

Babial,  376 

Barh,  380 

Baqir  Khan,,  284,  381,  382 

Baksar,  387,' 392,  393 

Batteson  Mr.,  387"  ,• 

Bazuha,  24 

Buniad  Singh  "Rajah,  390 

Beni  Bahadur  Rajah,  393,  394 

Bahmani  dynasty,  400 

Boughton  Gabriel,  Surgeon,  410 

Bulchari  or  Pondicherry,  411 

Barampur,  414 

Bajwarah,  414 

C 

Chagtai  or  Mughal,  5 
Chagtai  Khan,  6 
Changiz  Khan,  6,  76 
"Chitta^ong,  10,  41,  227 
Clival  27,  369,  370 
China,  30 
Calcutta,   30,  247,   365,  366,  369, 

370 
Charnock,  31,  32,  411 
Chandanagore,  35 
Christian  French,  35,  411 
Chinsurah,  35 
Chakwar  tribe,  36,  296,  327 
Chaklas,  50,  255 
Chaudpur,  128 
Colgong  or  Kahalgaon,  129 
Chunar,  140,  147 
Chuta  Nagpur,  142 
Chausa,  143 
Chaparghatta,  "147 
Cuttack  or  Katak,  158,  161 
Chalmah   Beg,    surnamed    Khan 

Abin,  157     * 
Chitor,  203 
Christian    Portuguese,    209,   210, 

400,  401 


420 


Captain  Moore,  230 
Christian  Dutch,  232 
Ohaukidars,  256 
Crown-lands  or  Khalsah,  258 
Christian  Danes,  276 
Christian  English,  276,  408,  410 
Cotton-fabrics,  289 
Chehelsatun,  29C 
Chandigadah,  30l 
Chilka  lake,  303       •  , 
Chidan  Hazari,  311 
Chaprah  or  Jobraghat,  334 
Chauth,  34/,  361 
Chunakhali,  366,  374 
Chakai,  381 

Champanagar  nalla,  390 
Colonel  Goddard,  391 
Carnac,  Major,  392 
Captain  Nan,  394 
Caliphs  of  Baghdad,  400 
Covilham,  401 
Calicut,  401 
Ceylon,  407 

Captain  William  Hawkins,  409 
Captain  Best,  409 
Captain  Hippen,  410 
Child  Mr.,  411 

'        D 

c 

Dinar,  3 

Delhi,  5,  8,  27,  34,  40,  51,  56,  60, 
64,  69,  83,  86,  87,  88,  89,  90,  92, 
95,  101,  119,  136,  137,  142 

Dakhin,  6,  19,  32,  53, 132,  1,97, 412, 
414 

Diwan,  6,  27,  248 

Dasturs,  7 

Diyar-i-Lakhnautv'9 ' 

Dugharia,  28 

Dam,  30 
_Dutch,  35,  295 

Dupleix,  35 

Danes,  36 

Dharmpur,  37 


Durjan  Singh,  37 

Dacca,  39,  49,   100,  103,  119,  121, 

129,  W4,  194,  210,  212,  214,  224, 

225,  232,  381 
Dadha,  47 

Deocote,  47,  64,  68,  69,  70,  71 
Damdaniah,  47 
Dinajpur,  47,  100,  306 
Dakhin  shahbazpur,  49 
Damudar,  49 
Durjadhab,  50 
Darius  Hystaspes,  54 
Dahlu,  56 
Dara  or  Darin  s  56 
Dravidians,  57 
Daria  Khan,  59,  181,  191,  196 
Doab,  60 
Diwan-i-Arz,  60 
Darjeeling,  65 
Debalpur,  86,  216 
Dadbeg  or  Chief  Justice,  87 
Deo  Mahal  or  Maldive,  97 
Danyal   Prince  or   Dullal  Ghazi, 

132 
Daud  Khan,   154,   155,   156,   157, 

158,  159,  161,  163, 164, 165,  166, 

220, 
Dariapur,  158  ,, 

Dholpur,  181 

Darab  Khan,  184,  186,  187,  195 
Dara  Shekoh    Prince,    200,   216, 

217,  219,  227 
Daulatabad,  200 
Dharmatpur,  216 
Diler  Khan,  217,  220,  221 
Diwalgaon,  225 
Duldan  namjal,  228 
Dilawar  Zamindar,  229,  230 
Daud  Khan  Quraishi,  242 
Diwan-i-jagir,  249 
Darab  Narain  Qanungo,  252,  262 
Diwan-i-Kul,  254 
Diwan-Kkanah,  258,  290  ( 
Diwan  Mohanlal.  261 


421 


Diwan  Bhupat  Rai,  262 
Debi  Das,  263 
Dalip  Singh,  264 
Darbhanga,  296,  355,  359 
Durdanah  Begam,  302,   307,  325, 

327,  331 
Diwan  Alamchand,  312,  323 
Daur  Quli  Khan,  319 
Diwan  Chin  Rai,  323 
Darvesh  Khan,  332 
Dulab  Ram,   Rajah,  341,  342,   350 
Dunabpur,  366 

Dost  Muhammad  Khan,  368,  369 
Daudpur,  374 
Dan  Shah  Pivzadah,  376 
Dr.  Fullerton,  389,  390,  391,  392, 

393 
Dhiraj  Narain,  393 
Dalai  Rai,  395 
Dabil,  399,  403 
Deo,  403 
Downton,  409 
Darham,  305 

E 

English,  6, 30,  35, 295, 369, 375, 387, 

397,  398,  399,  408,  409,  410,  411, 

412,  413,  414 
English  Governor- General,  413 
English    East     India    Company, 

30,  31,  32,  40,  45,  46 
English  Chiefs,  31,   33,  34,    371, 

375,  376,  385,  413 
English  Silk  Factory,  45,  46 
England,  33,  369 
Eminuddaulah  Asaf  Khan,  36 
Emperor        Muhammad        Shah 

Tughlak,  40,  84,  96 
Emperor  Akbar,  41,  148,  150,  408 
Eklakhi  Mosque,  45 
Emperor  Jahangir,  50,  168,  172 
Emperor  Altamsh,  59,  72 
Emperor  Qutbuddin,  61,  63,  64 
Emperor  Shahabuddin  Ghori,  60 


Emperor*Muizuddin,  60 
Emperor  Aram  Shah,  71 
Empres's  Raziah,  75 
Emperor   Tughlak   Shah,  84,   92, 

97 
Exodus   of  .Delhi   population    to 

Bengal,  92 
Ekdalah,  132 
Emperor  Babar,  134,  135 
Emperor  Humayun,  136,  139,  141 
Emperor  Aurangzeb,  283,  284 
Empress   Nur     Jahan,»169,    172, 

181,  194,  208,  209 
Emperor  Shah  Jahan,  205,  210 
Empress    Mumtaz    Mahal     alias 

Arjumand  Banu  Begam,  208 
Emperor  Muhammad   Shah,  287, 
,  322,  351 

Emperor  Shah  Alam,  388,  392 
Emmanuel,  402 
Egypt,  403,  404 

F 

• 

Faujdar,  6,  30 

Frontiers  of  Moslem  Bengal,  9 
Firuzabad  or  Panduah,  28,  97,  100 
Fatheabad  or  Faridpur,  28,  42,  49, 

129,  155 
Firuz  Rai,  24/ 
Fort  William,  30,  31 
Famine,  32,  92 
French  Settlement,  35 
French,  35,  263,  277,  399,  409,  412 
Fransda'nga  or  Chanrlanagore,  35 
Frakhruddin    Sultan,    40,   85,  92, 

95,96 
Fateh  Shah,  49.  121,  123,  124 
Ferishta,  52 
Firdausi,  56 
Fur  or  Porus,  56 
Fariduns,  56 
Firuz  Koh,  60 
Firuz,  Shab,  95,  99,    100,  101,  103, 

105,  124,  125,  137 


422 


Firuz  Rajab  Malik,  96,  S7 

Fakhruddin,  Mubarik  Shab  Sul- 
tan, 104 

Fateh  Khan,  157 

Firuz  Khan,  204 

Fasih  Khan,  204 

Fatebpur  Sikri,  206 

Fedai  Khan,  ^ 

Fatib  Jang  Khan,  220 

Farbad  Khan,  230,'  231 

Firuz  Khan  Syed,  231 

Farukhsir,  246,  255,  287 

Forcible  conversion  of  Hindus  in 
Bengal,  258 

Farmanbari,  290 

Fakhrulla  Beg,  330 

Farrukhabad,  360 

Fatuha,  380 

Feringis,  402 

G 

Ghulam  Husain  Salim,   author  oi 

the  Riyazu-s-Salatin,  2,  5, 
George  Udney,  2,  46 
Gajpati,  16,  177 
Ghiasuddin  Tugblak,  16,  59 
Gandak,  24,  133,  157 
Gondwarah,  24,  37 
Gaur,  25,  51,  54,  62.J17,  125,  129, 

131,  132,  136,  140,  141,  142,  145, 

151,  155,  158,  161 
Govindpur,  30 

Gandabgolah  or  Caragola,  38,  382 
Ganges,  39,  ,53,  344  * 

Ghazi  Shah'  40 
Ghiasuddin    Sultan,   40,   47,    107, 

108,  110,  111,  132 
Ghoraghat,  41,  55,  *65,   224,   251, 

305 
Gangarampur,  41,  47 
^Oangajal  cloth  manufacture,   43, 

260 
Goamalti  factory,  46 
Grant  of  Diwani  of  Bengal  to  the 


English    by     Emperor      Shah 

Alam,  50 
Gashtasp,  54 
Greeks,  53,  54 
Gangdozh,  55 
Ghazni,  59,  60,  61 
Garmsir,  59,  60 
Ghalzis  or  Ghiljis,  59 
Ghor,  60 
Garshasp,  65,  66 
Ghiasuddin  Kbilji,  Sultan,  70,  71, 

72 
Ghagar  89, 134 
Ghorians,  90 
Gumti,  105 
Gul,  109 
Ghiasuddin     Muhammad     Shah, 

129 
Golden  Mosque,  130 
Gujrat,  132, 136,  182,  400 
Gasa  Lakhan,  132 
Ghiasuddin  Abul  Muzzafar   Mah- 
1      mud  Shah,  158 
Ghazi  Khan.  Sur,  139 
Gwalior,  151 
Gujra  Khan.  158 
Gauhati,  211,  224,  225,  231 
Golkondah,  252 
Gulab  Rai,  262 

General  Abdul  Karim  Khan.  295 
Ghalib  Ali  Khan.  303,  304 
Ghaus  Khan.  315,  318,  320 
Ghazanfai;  Husain,  320 
Gheriah,  321 

Ghasiti  Khanam,  323,  363,  381 
Ohusalkhana,  204 
Gujar  Khan,  332 
Godagari,  344 

General  Abdur  Rasul  Khan.  346 
Ghaus  Khan  Muhammad,  351 
Ghulam  Shah,  378 
Gya-Manpur,  384 
Gurgan  Khan.  Armenian,  388,  390, 
391,  396 


423 


Ghulam  Husain  I&an  Nawab, 
author  of  the  Seir-ul-Mutakher- 

.  in,  388,390,392,393 

Ghulam  Qadir  Shaikh;  394 

Ghalib  Ali  Khan,  394 

Goa,  399,  404,  405 

Ghoriah  or  Mameluke  Sultans 
of  Egypt,  404 

Ganjam,  414 

Goalpara,  107 

H 

Hatim,  2 

Hindustan,  5,   19,  25,  44,  52,  53, 

54,  55,  56,  60,  61,  65,  99 
Hussamuddin  Iwaz,  styled  Sultan 

Ghiasuddin  Khilji,    16,  60,  69, 

72,73 
Husain  Shah,  16,  60,  129 
Hasan  Khan  Khazanchi,  17 
Ham,  19,  53 
Hind,  19,  20,  53 
Habash,  19 
Hardwar,  24 

Humayun  Emperor,  25,  114,  136 
Hirajhil,  29 
Hugli,  29,  31,  35,  36,  46,  49,  210, 

2G2,  342,  410 
Hamida  Banu  Begam,  36 
Hafiz,  the  immortal  Persian  poet, 

40 
Hamawaran,  55 
Hormuz,  56  ' 

Hassamuddin  Ughal  Beg,  61,  80 
Haji  Ilyas,  styled  Sultan  Shams- 

uddin   Bhangarah,  97,  98,  100, 

101,  102,  134 
Hazrat  Shah  Jallaluddin,  97 
Hazrat  Jallal  Sunargaon,  103 
Hamiduddin  Kunjnashin  Shaikh, 

111 
Hindus,  18 
Hinduism'  14 
Habash  Khan,  126 
54 


Hajipur,  >38,  154,  355,  392 

Haji  Muhammad  Qandahari,  126, 

128      • 
Henm,  147,  151 
Hazrat  Ala,  153 
Hanso,  153,  1,58 
Husain  Quli  Khar  #  161 
Hoshang  Khan,  179  •' 
Hajo,  223 
Himat  Singh,  233 
Hamid  Khan  Quraishi,  244 
Haji  Abdullah  Khorasaitt,  255 
.  Haidarabad,  255.  293,  412 
Hnsainpur,  282 
Han*  Ahmad,  292   293,  294,  297, 

311 
Hashim  Ali  Khan,  294 
Hassan  Muhammad.  320 
Hafizullah  Khan,  320 
Hashim    Ali  Khan,  styled  Zainu- 
.  ddin  Ahmad  Khan  Haibatjang, 

324    - 
Haji  Mohsin,  330 
Hijli,  333 

Hafiz  Qadir,  331,  336 
Haji  Muhammad  Amin,  336 
Haiat  Khan,  355 
Haiatpur-golah,  368 
Habib  Beg,  369 
Hilsa,383 
Harmuz,  407 
Hariharpur,  41-0 
Himmat#Khan,  411 


Islamabad  or  Chittagong,  7 

Iqlim,  7  "  '. 

Ibn-i-Ba?tutah,  7 

Isa  Khan  Afghan.  8,  175 

Ibrahim  Zardasht,  53 

Iran  or  Persia,  70 

lspihan,  70 

Izzul  mulk,  73 

Izzuddin  Tughan  Khan,  74,  76 


424 


Islam  Khan,  146 

Islam  Shah,  147 

Ibrahim  Khan,  150 

Ibrahim  Khan  Sur,  151 

Islam  Khan,  172,   174,  179,   193, 

213,  214 
Iqbalnximah-i-Jahan^iri,  172,  193 
Iftikhar  Khan,  174, 176,  194 
Ibrahim  KhanFatehjang,  180, 188, 
189,  190,  191,  192, 193,  194,  195 

Islam  Khan  Mushadi  alias  Mir 
Abdns  Salam,  211,  212 

Islam  Khan  Chishti  Farnqi,  alias 
Shaikh  Alauddin,  212 

Izad  Singh,  217 

Ihtisham  Khan,  220,  223,  224 

Isfindiyar  Beg,  224 

Ibrahim  Khan  Nawab,  229,  235, 
237 

Ibni  Husain,  229,  230 

Iqta,  244 

Irani,  291 

Inchapur,  331 

India,  407,  410 

Ishaqpatan,  414 


Jajnagar,  16,  64,  79,  80,  81,  82,  95, 

102,  104  c-  [329. 

Jaleswar  or  Jalasore,  16,  154,  158. 

Jagannath,    16,  18,    63,  153,   302, 

331,  336 
Jaunpnr,  17,  104,  114,  132,  135 
Jafar  Khat,  27,  30,  31,  32,  33,  36, 

37,  38,  40,  42,  50,  266,  267 
Jahangirnagar,  or  Dacca,  28,  174. 
193,  214,  222,  22?,  226,  230,  232, 
248,  251,  292,  302 
Jon  or  Jamna,  23,  24 
Jalangi,  23 
'  Jharkand,  24,  142" 
Jallalgadha  fort,  36,  37 
Jahangir,  42,  45,  50,  168,  202 
Jaichand,  56 


Jamsheds,  56,  59 
Jallaluddin  Khilji,  90 
Jallaluddin,   son  of  Rajah  Kans, 

98,  117,  118 
Jallal  Khan,  140,  141 
Jahangir  Beg,  141 
Jinnatabad,  or  Gaur,142 
Jahangir  Qnli  Beg,  143 
Jhosi,  147 
Jamalpur,  148,  213 
Jallaluddin,  Md.  Akbar  Padshah 

149,153,157 
Junid  Khan,  158, 164 
Jahangir  Quli  Khan,  197 
Jasar    or    Jessore,   or   Rasulpur, 
48,  49,  197,  232,  235,  243,  251, 
265,  266 
Jai  Singh,  217 
Jaswant  Singh,  218 
Jamal  Khan,  230 
Jagat  Rai,  232,  243 
Jagir,  143,244/ 
Jaziah,  249 
Jihat  taxes,  249 
Jinarain  Qanungo,  253 
Jagatset    Fatehchand  Sahu,  274, 

289,  291,  297,  363 
Jidah,  279,  408 
Jalus  Rhana,  290 

Jasunat  Rai,  303,  310 

Jagat  Isar,  337 

Jagdishpur,  352,  387 

Janoji,  35<1 

Jasarat  Khan,  381,  382 

Jamshid,  165 

Jafar  AH  Khan  or  Mir  Jafar,  380, 
381,  395 

Jagatset  Mahtab  Rai,  395 

Jabul,  399,  404 

Jews,  400,  405 

Jaliat,  406,  407 

James  I,  409 

Jagatsinghpur,  410 

Jafarganj,  107 


• 


425 


K 


Kotwal,  6 

Kroh  or  Kos,  7 

Khattah,  7 

King  Fakhruddin,  7 

Kalapahar,  8,  16,  17,    18,   42,    150, 

163,  165 
Kuch  Behar,   10,   11,   38,    49,  54, 

211,  212,  224,  257,  306 
Khotaghat,  10 
Kamrup  or   Kamra   or   Kamtah, 

11,  63,  132,  226 
Koch  tribe,  11,  25,  55 
Khasia  12 
Kachar,  12 
Khata,  14,  55 
Khan  Baligh,  14,  55 
Khan  Zaman,  17 
Kotsama  fort,  17 
Keonjhur,  18 
Kabir  Shaikh,  18 
Kartalab  Khan,  28 
Kanuj,  19,  56 
Kali,  30 

Kalikata  or  Calcutta,  31 
Kosi,  37 

Kak'ksundar,  40 
Khan-Khananpur,  42 
Khanjahan,  45 
Khwajah  Qutbuddin,  45 
Khalifatabad,  or  Bagerlrat  48,  129 
Khalifa  Khan  Jahan,  4$ 
Koch  Hajo,  49,  175 
Kamil  Jama  Tumari,   or  Perfect 

Revenue-Roll,  50 
Kabul,  54,  183 
Kedar  154 
Kumayun,  56 
Kaianians,  56 
Kaimuras,  56 
Kaiqubad,  56,  90 
Khusrau,  56 
Kai  Khusrau,  56 


Khiljis,  S8 

Kalinjar,  64,  146 

Kalpij  <S4,  147 

Kangtosi,  69 

Khwajah  Tash,  76  * 

Khalifa  of  Egypt,  92 

Kkutba,  116  . 

Khan  Jah<?n  Vazir,  123 

Khulna,  129      , 

Kahlgaon  or  Oolgong,  129,  141 

Khawas  Khan,  139,  140,  141 

Khizr  Khan,  145,  147,  149 

Khwaspur  Tandah,  150, 151,  161 

Khan  Jahan  Lodi,  152 

Katak,  153,  158, 161,  286,  336 

Khan-i-Khanan,     Munim     Khan 

158,  160,  161 
Khan  Alim,  158 

Khan  Jahan  Nawab,  161,  163.  166 
Khwajah   Muzaffar   Ali  Turbati, 
,   162 ' 
Khan   Azim  Mirzah  Kokah,  166, 

196" 
Karimdad,  166 

Khizrpur,  166,  175,  176,   224,   226 
Kishwar  Khan,  174,  176,  194 
Khurram  Prince,  181   - 
Khan-i-Khanan      Mirza      Abdur 

Rahim,  187'* 
Khwajah  Osman  Lohani,  194 
Khedmat   Parast   Khan,  200,  204 
Khanazad    Khan,    202,   203,   205, 

206 
Khurdah,  211,  336 
Kajal,  211 
Kashmir,  214 
Kharakpur,  2113' 
Khwajah  Kamaluddin,  216 
Kachwah,  219 
Kadi  Bari,  223  ' 
Khan-i-Khanan  Muazzam    Khan. 

Mir  Jumla,  224,  225,  226 
Kargaon  or  Gargaon,  225 
Karan  Khaji,  230 


426 


Kishanram  Zamindar  of  Bardwan, 

2S1,  233,  243 
Karanphuli  river,  231 
Karkuna,  238,  253 
Khwajah  Anwar,  240 
Khwajah  Asam,  240 
Khan  Dauran,  240 
Khalsah   Mahal,   or  Crown-lands, 

243 
KarTalab    Khan/ 247,    248,   252, 

254 
Kali  Kunrar,  2' 9 
Kankar  Sen,  263,  264 
Karimabad,  271 
Khanjahan    Bahadur      Kokaltash 

Khan.  272 
Khwajah  Md.,  Kamil,  277 
Katwah,  279,  340,  342,  390 
IQiorasan,  279 
Khizr  Khan,  281, 
KlwXwat  Ehanah,  290 
Khalisah  Kachery,  290 
Khwajah  Mutassim,  295 
Khwajah  Basant,  306,  313 
Karat  Chand  307 
Karam  Khan,  311 
Khamrah,  319 
Khandar,  329 
Katjuri,  334 
Kamharin,  334 
Karguzar  Khan,  368,  369 
Kh.adim  Husain,  Khan.  378,  382 
Kamgar  Khan,  380,  381,  384 
Khanti,  381  c 
Kali  Parshad,  394 
Kalikot  (Calicut),  401 
Kochin,  401 
Kanor,  402 
Kolah,  403 
,Kolam,  405 
Kadat  klor,  405 
Khwajah  Ali-ul-Mulk.  408 
Khan-i-Khanan.     Abdur    Bahim, 

408 


Karnatik,  411 
Kandbali  fort,  414 


Lakhugirah,  13 

Landahdalul,  15 

Lakhnauti  or  Gaur  or  Jinnatabad, 

24,  25,  48,  55,  62,  66,  70,  71,  83, 

87,97 
Lakhoghat,  31 
Lai  Bagh,  38,  39,  335 
Lakhman  Sen,  51 
Lakhmania,  51,  52,  62,  63 
Lahore,  61,  71 
Laknor,  64 
Lalah,  109 
Lodi  Khan,  surnamed  Khanjahan, 

153,  154,  156 
Lakhia  river,  176 
Lashkar  Khan,  178 
Lachmani  Narain,  223 
Latidah,  339 
Loha  Sing,  369 

Lopo  Soarez  de  Albergaria,  403 
Lourenco  Almeida,  403 
Land*  routes  to  Kuch  Behar,  224 

'  M 

Mufti,  5 
Mir  Adil,  5 

Murang,  10,  37,  38,  224 
Makh  tribe,  11 
Mech  tribe;  11 
Mari  tribe,  12,  13 
Majmi  tribe,  12,  13 
Mishmi  tribe,  12 
Mahanadi  16,  160 
Musalman  Emperors,  17 
Mnsalmans,  18 
Muntakhab-ul-Taioarikh,  18 
Murshidabad,  27,  34,  38,  40,  233 
Murshid  Quli,  Khan,  27,   28,  262 
Makhsusabad,  or  Murshidabad,  27 
28 


i 


427 


Makhsus  Khan,  28 

Mahals,  28  [Moslem  Rule,  28 

Mint-towns     in    Bengal,      Under 

Malraj,  19 

Muharir,  21 

Majmuahdars       corrupted      into 

Mozoomdars,  21 
Minhaju-s-Siraj,  author  of   Taba- 

qati-Nasiri,  25,  47,  52 
Mughals,  25,  26,  32,  60,  86,   132, 

135,  141,  144.  145,  152,  160,  161, 

162 
Munaim    Khan,     Khan-i-Khanan 

25,   42,  152,  155,  158,  159,  160 
Matijhil,  29 
Mughal  merchants,  30 
Mughalpurah,  31 
Mir  Nasir,  31 
Makhvva  fort,  32 
Magh,  32,  39 
Mahrattas,  32 

Madras,  34  # 

Maasiru'hUmarah,  36 
Megna  39,  49 

Musalman  feudal  Barons,  39 
Mir  Jumla,  39,  175 
Mahmudabad,  42,  48,  129,  278, 
Maj'nun  Khan,  42 
Mahmud  Shah,  42,   45,    119,    126, 

129,  131,  138,  139,  140,   141,  145 
Murad  Khan,  42 
Mukund  Rajah,  42 
Mukund-chor,  42  j 

Mahmudpur,  43 
Madaran,  44,  49,  158 
Man  Sing,  44,  162,  168,  169 
Maldah,  45  , 

Mahananda,  45 
Makhdum  Shah  Jalal,  45 
Mednipur,  49,  155,  158 
Mahabharat,  50 
Murshid  Quli  Khan's KamilJama 

Tumarv  or    Perfect     Revenue- 
Roll,  50 


Moslem  #  Kingdom    of    Bangalah 

or   Bengal,    its   territorial   and 

finanaial  strength,  50 
Mungir  or  Monghyr  50,    52,   138, 

142,  148 
Mutamad  Khan,  author  of    J^bal' 

namah-i-Jalumniri,  50 
Madhu  Se,n,  51      *  ,- 
Manuchehar,  53 
Mongols,  55,  £6 
Muizuddin  Md.  Sam,  Sultan,    59, 

60,  69  _a- 

Muhammad  Bakh/iar    Khilji     59, 

60,  61,  62,  63,  65,  66 
Major  Raverty,  60 
Mahnbah,  64 

Muhammad  Shiran,  64,  69,  70 
Mardhan  Kote,  65 
Mahomani,  67 

Malik  Azuddin  Khilji,  69,  70 
Makidar,  70 
'Masida,  70 
Manio'sli,  70 

Malik  Jalaluddin,  Khan,  77 
Muhammad  Tatar  Khan,  78 
Malik  Abtakin,  79 
Malik  Tajuddin,  80 
Malik  Tarmini,  80 
Malik  Sunaj?80 
Muhammad  Tirandaz,  81,  82,  83 
Malik  Muqqadar,  81,  82,  83 
Muhammad    ghah     Emperor,  84, 

85,  94,  96,  99 
Mir  As&dullah,  gummed  Sarfaraz 

Khan,  274 
Mirza  Lutfullah   surnamed  Mur- 
shid Quli  Khan  II,  274.  292, 298 

304,  307 
Mir  Jumla,  274 
Mir  Jafar,  278 
Maldah,  45,  46,  282 
Mubariku-d-Daulah,  282 
Mir  Md.  Fazil,  surnamed  Qamrud- 

din  Husain  Kham  286 


428 


Md.  Taqi  Khan,  286,  292/>297,  298, 

302 
Md.  Muazzam,  surnamedEabadur 

Shah,  287 
Musalman   population  in  Bengal, 

4,  89,  40,  64,   65,  71,  90,  92,  108, 

132,  133,  135,  143,  155,  166,  244, 

249,  260,  261.,  276,  288,,  289,   321, 

343,  344,  356 
Murad  Farash,  291'  « 
Mirza  Bandi,  291 
Md.  Isha^Khan,  297 
Mir  Habib,  surnamed  Habibullah 

Khan,  299,  30'J,  301  302,  303,  304 
Murad  Ali  Khan,  304,  305 
Munshi  Jasu  riant  Rai,  304 
Mirza  Md.  Said,  306 
Mir  Sharfuddin,  307,  310 
Md.  Khan  Bangash  308 
Md.  Zulfuqar  Khan,  311 
Mustafa  Khan,  311,  328 
Mirza  Amani,  311 
Md.  Baqir  Khan,  311 
Mirza  Md.  Iraj  Khan,  311 
Mir  Karnil,  311 
Mir  Gadai,  311 
Mir  Haidar  Shah,  311 
Mir  Diler  Shah,  311 
Mardan  Ali  Khan,  31l 
Mababat  Jang,  312 
Mukbalis  Ali  Khan  325 
Masulipatam,  330,  41Q 
Mir  Azizullah,  332 
Morbhunj  Raja,  338 
Musahib  Khan,  339 
Masum  Kabuli,  166 
Malafir,  407 
Muscat,  407 

Middleton,  Sir  Henry,  409 
Madras,  411,  414 
Mahrattas  340,  355 
Mir  Sbujauddin,  341 
Murad  Ali  Khan,  341 
Mir  Sharif,  341 


Mir  Abul  Hasan,  343 

Mirza  Piran,  343 

Mir  Mehdi,  343 

Mankant,  345 

Mankarah,  348 

Md.  Ghaus  Khan,  351 

Moban  Singh,  353 

Murad  Sber  Khan.  355 

Mir  Nazar  Ali,  363 

Mansurganj,  363 

Mohanlal  Kyesth,  364 

Manik  Chand,  366 

Mir  Muhammad,  368 

Mir  Murad  Ali,  368 

Manihari,  368 

Murad  Ali,  369 

Mir  Madan,  374 

Mir  Md.  Qasim,  375 

Mirza  Mehdi  Ali  Khan.  376 

Mir  Turab  Ali  Khan.  385 

Miran  alias   Sadiq  Ali  Khan.  383 

Major  Carnac,  386 

Mr.  Henry  Vansittart,  387 

Mr.  Ellison,  387 

Mr.  Betteson,  387 

Md.  Taqi,  Khan,  388 

Major  Adans,  390 

Malkar,  391  < 

Major  Munro,  393 

Mir  Md.  Kazem  Khan,  393 

Madak,  393 

Md.  Masum,  393 

Malacca,  40G 

Malabar,  401 

Malik  Bedar  Khilji,  85,  93 

Multan,  86 

Muizuddin   Kaiqubad  Sultan,  88, 

89 
Malik  Firuz  Rajab,  96 
Malik  Yusuf,  97 
Malik  Eiruz,  99 
Malik  Tajuddin,  103 
Malik  Saif  uddin,  103 
Muazzamabad,  108,  111 


> 


429 


Malik  Andil,  surnamed  Firuz 

Shah,  122,  123,  124,  125,  126 
Muzzafar  Shah,  126,  127,  428, 129 
Malik  Badr  Diwana,  126 
Mecca  or  Makkah,  128,  157,  iJ79 
Medina,  279 
Mai  Kunwar,  132 
Musunder  Ghazi,  132 
Mosques,  133,  143 
Madrassahs  or  Colleges,  133 
Makhdum  Alam,  138,  134 
Malik  Marjan,  136 
Makhdum  Akhi  Sirajuddin,  136 
Mirza  Dost  Beg,  140 
Mir  Haidar  Beg  Quchin,  141 
Mirza  Hendal,  142,  143 
Mulla  Muhammad  Aziz,  144 
Muhammad  Khan,  146,  147 
Muhammad  Salim  Shah,  146,  152 
Muhammad  Khan  Sur,  146 
Muhammad  Shah  Adil,  147,    148, 

149,  150, 151 
Mabariz  Khan,  147,  149 
Miyan    Sulaiman   Kararani,  147, 

152,  155 
Mughalmari,  154,  155,  158 
Muzzafar  Khan,  156, 163, 164,  165 
Minza  Kamran,  157 
Mokamah,  158 
Masum  Khan,  166,  175 
Mahbub  Ali  Khan,  165 
Mitti,  165 

Marzban-i-Bhati,  166  j 
Mirza  Hakim,  173 
Mutaqad  Khan,  174, 178, 179,  194 
Muqqarab  Khan.  274 
Muazzam  Khan.  175,  177,  205,  211, 
Mukkaram  Khan,   175,   205,  207, 

211 
Mamriz  Khan,  178,  179 
Miyan  Isa  Khan,  178 
Mirza  Ghaus  Beg,  180 
Md.  Sharif,  180 
Mando,  181,  185,  212 


Mirza  Sa|shikan,  181 
Mirza  Husain  Safavi,  181 
Mirza  S,aifuddin  Safavi,  181 
Malwa,  182 
Mirza  Abul  Husain  Asaf  Khan, 

182,  183  » 

Muhammad' Ghias  Beg,  182,  190 
Mahabat  Khan-,  183,  184,  185  186, 

202        S 
Mirza  Abdur,Rahim  Khan-i-Khan 

an,  184,  187 
Mir  Atash,  184 
Mir  Mansur  Badakhshi,J*204 
Mirza  Bustam  Safavi,  206,  211 
Mirza  Hidaitullah,  207 
Mir  Zarif,  207 
Mir  Balvr-i-Nawarah,  207 
Mumtaz  Mahal,  208,  227 
Mir  Murad,  209 
Manijah  Begam,  209 
Mir  Abdus  Salam,  suramed  Islam 

Khan  II,  Mashadi,  212 
Manjk'  Bai,  212 
Mirza  Jan  Beg,  218 
Muazzam  Khan    Khan-i-Khanan, 

Mir  Jumla,   220,  221,  223,  224, 

225,  226 
Mast  Salah,  223 
Mukhalis  K\an.  224 
Mir  Murtaza,  225,  226,  229 
Md.  Beg,  225 
Mathurapur,  225 
Md.  Abid,  225 
Miana  Khan,  225,  229 
Mirza  Abu  Talib,  surnamed  Shaista 

Khan,  227,  228,  229,  230,  231 
Magh  pirate^,  ^27,  229 
Manuar  Khan  ^amindar,  222,  230, 

231 
Murad  Khan,  228 
Md.  Shafi,  228* 
Md.  Sharif,  229 
Md.  Beg,  229 
Mahi  Order,  237 


430 


Madad-i-mash  tenure,  244,  257 

Maulana  Rumi,  245 

Mirza  Hadi,  surnamed  Kartalab 

Khan,  247 
Mastaufi,  253 

Mintf-towns  in  Hindustan,  255 
Mansabdars,  258 
Mutasadi,  258  c 

Md.  Jan,  259,  279 
Moatamunal    Mulk'  'Alauddaulah 

Jafar  Khan  Nasir  Jang,  259 
Muhammadpur     or   Mahmudpur, 

265 
Mir  Nasir,  265 
Mir  Abu  Turab,  266 
Malik  Maidan,  270 
Mir  Bangali.  270,  271 
Muhammed  Khan,  270 

N 

Naushirvan,  3,  56 

Nazim,  6, 168  ( 

Naib  Nazim,  6 

Naib  Diwan,  6 

Narain,  10 

Najhat,  10 

Nanga  tribe,  12 

Naktirani,  13 

Nizamat  Adalat,  27    < 

Noah,  19,  53 

Nubah,  19 

Nawab  Saif  Khan,  36,  261,  369 

Nur  Qutbu-1-Alam,    46,    111,    114 

115,  116,  11.7.  137 
Note  on  Sarkars  of  Bengal,  46 
Nadiah,  49,  51,  62,  63 
Noj  Gouriah,  51 
Namaih  Khusruan,  54 
Nasrat  Shah,  60,  129, 130, 137,  134, 

136 
Nar  Koti,  69 
Namakdi,  65 
Nizamuddin,  87,  88 
Nasir  Khan.  119 


Nasir  Shah,  120 
Nizamuddin  Ahmad.  128 
Nasib  Shah,  137,  134 
Nasiruddin   Abul  Mujahid  Mah- 

mud  Shah,  126 
Nasib  Khan,  141 
Nizam  Khan  Sur,  149 
Nawab  Khan  Jahan,  161,  163,  166 
Kizamat,  168 
Nur  Jahan  Empress,  183,  194, 170, 

172,  205,  207 
Nawazish  Khan,  184 
Narbada,  187 
Nurullah,  192 
Nizamul  Mulk,  200,  309 
Nizam  Shah,  200 
Nawab  Mukkaram  Khan.  207 
Nawab  Fidai  Khan,  207 
Nawab  Qasim  Khan.  209 
Nawab  Azam  Khan,  210,  214 
Nawab  Islam  Khan,  211 
Nawab  Itaqad  Khan,  214 
Nawarah,  215,  229 
Narainganj,  224 
Nawab  Ibrahim   Khan,    228,  229, 

234,  235 
Nawab    Sbujauddin     Md.   Khan 

228,  285,  287,  288,  289,  291,  £07 
Noakhali,  230 
Nurullah  Khan,  232,  235 
Neamat  Khan,  233,  234 
News-letters,  252 
Nawab  Jafor  Khan.  28,  254,  261, 

280,  283,  284,  288  to  320 
Nazir  Ahmad,  257,  280 
Nafisah  Khanam  or  Begam,   265, 
<    304,  305,  322,  320 
Nijat  Khan.  278 
Najaf,  279 

Nadir  Shah,  287,  307,  308,  309 
Nawab  Sarfaraz  Khan,  308,  309, 

310,  311,  312,  313 
Nawab   Alivardi   Khan'   Mahabat 

Jang,  321  to  362 


I 


431 


Nawab  Sirajuddaulah,  363  to  377, 

413 
Nawazish    Md.    Khan,    2&,    323, 

354,  357 
Namdar  Khan  Muin,  296 
Nurullah  Zamindar,  300 
Nagpur,  338 

Nawab  Vazirul  Mulk  Safdar  Jang, 

360 
Nawab  Bairam  Khan.  363 
Nawabganj,  368 
Nazirpur,  37<6 
Nawab  Mahabat  Jang,  376 
Nawab  Jafar  AliKhan  alias  Mir 

Jafar,  380,  385,  397,  413 
Nawab     Sadiq     Ali    Khan    alias 

Miran,  380,  382 
Nawab     Qasim    Ali     Khan   alias 

Mir  Qasim,  384,  386,   388,  391, 

397 
Nawab  Imtiaz  Khan.  384 
Nawab  Yazir  Shuj'auddaulah,  386. 

388,  392,  394,  397,  413 
Najibuddaulah,  386 
Nando  Kumar,  393 
Nawab  Najmaddaulah,  397 
Nawab  Md.  Riza  Khan.Muzzafar 

Japg,  397 
Nawab  Sait'uddaulah,  397 
Nawab  Mubarakuddaulah,  397 
Nak,  407 

Nawab    Abdur     Rahim     Khan-i- 
Khanan,  408  , 

Nawab  Muzzafarjang,  411,  412 
Nizamul  Mulk  Asafjah,  411 
Nawab  Nizamuddaulah,  411,  412 
Nawab  Anwar uddin  Khan  Gopa-# 

mani,  412 
Nawab  Md.  Ali  Khan.  412,  413 
Nizam  Ali  Khan.  414 

O 

Oris'sa  or  Qdessah,  15,    17,  28,  34, 
152,  153,  155,  160,  161,  165,  182, 
55 


188,  23*2,  247,  249,  25l,  255,  274 

285,  286,  307,  323,  333,  338,  347, 

350,  398,  410,  413 
Oudh,  101,  238,  383,  413 
Osman  Khan.  166,    168,    173,    174, 

175,  176,  177,  178 

P. 

Portuguese,  6,  210,  229,  230,  245, 
399,  400,  4G1?  402,  404,  405,  406, 
407,  408,  409,  410 

Patwari,  6,  21,  253,  254 

Patagaon,  10 

Pashakarpur,  10 

Pegu,  15 

Peasbari,  27 

Purab,  19\  20 

Parsutam  or  Puri,  19,  304,  303 

Persia,  30,  92,  255 

Prince  Azam,  31,  226 

Purniah,  36,  37,  38,   48,   359,   367, 

"    368,375 
> 

Padma  or  Padda,  39 

Panjrah,  48 

Pabna,  48,  129 

Prince  Shuja's  Rent-roll,  49 

Pragjatishpur,  50 

Puranvisa,  54 

Patna  or  Azimabad,  61,   155,    157, 

158,  164,  196,  206,  218,  295,  355,' 

368,  375,  389 
Peshdadeans,  65 
Panduah,  97,  9*8,  100,  101, 104, 105, 

115,  118,  120,  133,  279 
Paiks,  125 
Pargana,  129,  256 
Pir  Khan,  171,  266,  294 
Prince   Shahja'Aan    or    Khurram, 

182,  1S3,  187,  188,  195,  197,  205, 

210,  409 
Prince  Shahri^ar,  182  [203 

Prince  Parviz,  186,  196,    197,   202, 
Prince    Danyal    or    Dullal  Ghazi 

132 


432 


Pipli,  188  e  Qadar  Khan,  92,  93,  94, 95, 

Prince  Danyal,  203  96,  97_ 

Prince    Muhammad   Shuja,  213,       Qazi  Sirajuddin,  110 

215,  218,  219,  220,  221,  222  Qazi  Shahabuddin,  115,  11*5 

Palamow,  214  Qadam  Rasul,  130,  136 

Prince  Sulaiman  Shekoh,  215,  218,      Qutb  Khan,  138 

227  Qazi  Fazilat,  143,  145 

Prince  Murad;,216  c  Quli  Beg,  144 

Prince  Aurangzeb,  216,   219,  220,      Qutlu  Khan.  156,  178 

222  '  -  Qutbuddm    Khan,  169,  171,   172, 

Prince  Dara  Shekoh,  216,  218,  219,  176 

227        . ,  Qasim  Khan,  179,  210,  211,  410 

Prince   Sultan   Muhammad,  218,      Qandahar,  180,  182 

220,  221,  222  '  Qutbul  Mulk,  187 

Paglaghat,  222  Qazi  Samri,  224 

Prince    Azimush-Shan,   ^29,  237>      Qazi  Sharf,  283,  284 

245,  246,  249,  266,  267,  283  QamruddinHusain  Khan.  286.308. 


Prince  Farrukh-sir,  267,  269,   270; 

272,  273 
Pupthal,  279 
Prince  Azzam  Shah,  293 
Prince  Kam  Baksh,  293 
Prince  Md.  Muazzam  (afterwards      Qasim-Kotah,  414 

Emperor  Bahadur  Shah,)  293 
Patpasar,  300 

Pancho  Portuguese,  312,  319 
Peshkar,  323 
Phuhvar,  326,  333 
Palasi  or  Plassey,  372?  375,  395 
Phulwari,  392 
Pondichery    (or   Bulchari) ;    411,      Radha,  47,  142 


309,  322 
Qasim  Bazar,  295,  389 
Qasim  Beg,  333 
Qadirdad  Khan,  380  . 
(Qandrinah,  401 


R 

Revenue  of  Bengal,  9,  50 
Rajah  Mukund  Deo,  16,  17 
Rajmahal,  or  Akbarnagar,  18f  45, 

189,  190,  194,  195,  213,  221,  239, 

395 


412 


Q 


Qazi,  6 

Qanungo,  6,  254 

Qazihata,  23 

Qasr-i-Sufed,  62 

Qutbuddin  Aibak,  Saltan,'  62,  64, 

68,  70,  71,  94 
Qazi  Jallaluddin,  76 
Qurabeg  Tamar  Khan.  76 
Qiranu-s-sadain,  88 
Qutbuddin  Khilji,  Sultan,  91 


Raniganj,  49 

Rajah  Bhagirat,  50 

Rai  Mahraj,  53 

Rajah  Pathaura,  56 

Rajah  Madiv  Rathor,  56 

Rajah  Kans,  98,  111,  112, 113, 116, 

118 
Rangpur,  42,  251,  305 
Rajshahi,  113,  259 
Riydzu-s-Salatin,  4 
Rohtas,   142,    143,   200,  390,  393, 

397 
Rajah  Man  Singh,  178 


433 


Rajah  Bikramjit,  184,  185 

Rai  Pafci  Das,  184 

Rajah  Partab,  191 

Rajah  of  Bhojpur,  191 

Rajah  Bhim,  195,  196,  198 

Rajah  Karan,  195 

Ramdas,  195 

Rajputs,  204,  205 

Rajah  Jaswant  Singh,  216 

Rajah  Bahroz  of  Kharakpur,  216 

Rangamati,  216,  .  21,  251 

Rajah  of  Darang,  225 

Rajah  Kishan  Singh,  225 

Rajah  Patam,  226 

Rajah  of  Assam,  226 

Rahmat  Banu,  226 

Rajah  of  Tibet,  228 

Rahim  Shah,  234, 236, 237, 238,  239, 

241,  242,  243 
Rup  Singh,  238 
Ruhallah  Khan,  238 
Revenue-assessment.  249 
Rarnjivan,  259,  267 
Rafiush-shan,  268 
Rashid  Khan,  269,  270,  271,  272    . 
Rafiul  Qadr,  275 
Ratanchand,  275  , 

Ra>h  Sundar  Singh,  296,  358 
Rajah  of  Parsutam  or  Puri,   302. 

331 
Rajah  Dand  Deo  of  Puri,  303 
Rajballab,  305,  365,  380,  383,  384, 

385,  390,  394  , 

Rai  Raian.  Diwan  Alamchand,  307, 

311,312 
Rajah  G-handrab  Singh,  311 
Ramakant,  zamindarin  Rajshahi. 

315 
Rai  Raian  Chin  Rai,  323 
Rajah    Janakiram,   324,   341,   346, 

348,  359 
Rajghat,  327 
Rajah  Jagardliar    Bhanj   of  Mor- 

bhunj,  327 


Rajah  o?  Bardwan,  320,  390 

Rajah  Hafiz  Qadir,  Rajah  of  Rati- 
pur,  'Khurdah  and  Superinten- 
dent of  Jagannath  temple,  336 

Ratipur,  336 

Rajah  of  Morbhunj,  337 

Raghoji  Bhosh  h,  338,  349,  351, 
352,  353, 

Ramgadh,  346,  347 

Rasul  Khan.  346 

Rajah  Sahu,  351 

Rajah  Janoji,  353,  354 

Rajah  Nul  Rai,  360 

Rajah  Ram,  365,  366 

Rajah  Ramnarain,  368,  378,  380, 
3*2,  387,  390,  395 

Rajah  Manikchand,  329,  370 

Rahim  Khan,  311,  379,  381 

Ramnidhi,  389, 

Rai  Raian  Timed  Ram,  390,  394 

Rajah  Fateh  Singh.  390 

Rajah  Buniad  Singh  of  Tikari 
393.' 

Rohua  nalla,  391 

Rajah  Sahmel,  393 

Rajah  Beni  Bahadur.  393,  394 

Ramkishor,  394 

Rajaji  Sarupchand.  395 

Rajbandari,*  or  Rajbandar  412, 
414 

Roe,  Sir  Thomas,  409 

•    S 

Serlashkar.  5  > 

Sadars,  5 

Shiqdars,  5 

Sarkars,  7 

Sunargaon,  7,'^,  27,  40,    48,  81 

84,  92,  95,  96,  104,  107,  108 
Snlaiman  Kararani,  16,  149,  150 
Seirul  Mxtfikherin,  16 
Sii-ajiiddiiulah,     27,    29,    31,   363, 

365.  366,  367,  370,  375,  376,  378, 

381 


434 


Sangaldib,  24,  25,  54,  55  ' 

Sonthal  parganas,  24 

Suraj,  .  5 

Sawalik,  25 

Satgaon,  29,  35,  48,  84,  94,  165 

Sutanati,  30,  247 

Surnah,  37 

Sultan  Ghiasuddin,  40    f 

Satrujifc,  42 

Silhat,  43,  48,  95      '  ■ 

Sitataram  Rai,  43,  265,  266,  267 

Shah  Jallal.  43 

Sharifabad,  44 

Sher  Shah,  44,  114,  129,  139,   140- 

142 
Shaikh  Alaul  Huq,  46 
Shaikh  Akhi  Siraj,  46 
Shah  Muntajabu-d-din  Zarbakosh) 

201 
Shah  Rajavi  Qattal,  201 
Sultan  Alauddin  Husain  Shah.  48 
Suk  Sen,  51 

Sada  Sen,  51  o 

Suraj  gar,  53 
Suraj,  53 
Sistan,  54 
Sassanians,  55 
Sultan    Muizuddin    Md.    Shahab- 

uddin     Sam,      surramed     Md. 

Ghori,  56,  59 
Syed  Sabir  Masud  Ghazi,  64 
Sultan  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  64 
Sikim,  66 

Sultan  Ghiasnddin  Khilji.  '70 
Sultan  Altams^,  72 
Sultan  Nasiruddin,   71,  77,  86,  91, 

93 
Saifuddin  Turk,  75 
Sultan  Raziah,  75 
Sharful  Mulk  Sanqari,  76 
Sultan    Muhammad   alias    Khan- 

i-Shahid,  86 
Sultan  Muizuddin  Kaiqubad,  88 
Sara  or  Sro,  89 


Sultan  Jallaluddin  Khilji,  90 

Sultan  Alauddin,  90 

Sultan  (^utbuddin  Khilji,  90 

Sultan  Qtitbuddin  Aibak,  94 

Shams -i- Siraj,  95 

Sikandar  Shah,  95,  103,  104,  105, 

121 
Sultan  Fakhruddin,  96 
Sultan  Shamsuddin,  96 
Sultan  Ghiasuddin  Tughlak  Shah, 

97 
Sultan  Muhammad  Shah,  97 
Shaikh  Shahabuddin,  97 
'  Sultan  Firuz  Shah,  100 
Sunargadhi,  107 
Shaikh  Anwar,  108 
Sultanu-s-Salatin,  112 
Shaikh  Badrul  Islam,  113 
Shaikh  Muinuddin  Abbas,  113 
Salim  Shah,  114,  146,  149 
Sultan  Ibrahim,  115,  116 
Shadi  Khan,  119' 
Sultan  Shahzada,  122 
Sidi  Badr,  126 
Syed   Husain     Sharif  Maki,    127, 

128 
Sultan  Alauddin,  128 
Sultan  Sikandar  Lodi,  132       • 
Sultan  Mahmud,  135 
Sikandarpur,  135 
Sona  Masjid,  136 
Sirajuddin,  136 
Sadullahpur,  136,  140 
Saint  Jallaluddin  Tabrizi,  136 
Sakrigali,  139 
Shaikh  Khalil,  143 
Sultan  Firuz  Tughlak,  147 
Soobanarika,  158 
Shahbaz  Khan.  165,  166 
Sundarban,  166 
Sher  Afghan  Khan.  169,  171 
Shaikh  Salim,  Ohishti,  169,  175 
Shah  Ismail,  170 
Shaikh  Abul  Fazl  Allami,  173 


43; 


Shaikh  Kabir  Chishti,  174 

Syed  Adam  Bacha,  174,  176 

Shaikh  Achha,  174,  176      ' 

Syed  Mahmud  of  Barha,  174 

Shaikh  Bayazid,  175 

Shujait  Khan.  178 

Sharful  Mulk,  181 

Sultan  HusainMirza,  181 

Shah  Tahmasp,  181 

Syed  Nurullah,  191 

Shaikh  Farid,  191 

Shah  Nawaz  Khan,  194 

Syed  Mubarik,  196 

Safiahad,  213 

Shahjahanabad,  217,  218 

Shah  Neamatulla,  221 

Sahuanath,  223 

Sirighat,  -25 

Syed  Mirzai  Shazwan,  225 

Syed  Tatar,  225 

Syed  Nasiruddin  Khan,  225 

Salagosha,  225 

Sulpani,  225 

Shaista  Khan.  228,  230 

Saif  Khan,  228 

Sirandaz  Khan.  230 

Sandip,  230 

Sabal  Singh,  230 

Subha  Singh,  232 

Shaikh  Sadi,  232 

Sultan  Karimuddin,  238,  245 

Shahganj  alias  Azimganj,  244 

S  ay  ur  glials,  244  , 

Sufi  Baizid,  245 

Sauda-i-khas,  246 

Saud-i-Am,  246 

Subahs,  248 

Sairjihat  tares,  249 

Shujauddin  Md.  Khan, 254 

Syed  Akram  Khan,  254,  265 

Shiqdar,  256 

Sitalpati  manufacture,  259 

Shaukat  Jang,  261 

Shah  Alain.   262 


Syed  RaKi  Khan,  265,  274,  304 

Sahebunnissa,  268 

Syed  Abdullah  Khan,  269,  276 

Syed  Husain  Ali  Khan.  269,  276 

Syed  Anwar,  270 

Sarfaraz  Khan.  274,  284,  288 

Sultan  Rafiuddaraja+r,  275 

Sultan  Akbar,  275  ■ 

Sultan  Neko  Ser,  275 

Shujait  Khan.  278 

Superintendent  of  Mango-Sup- 
plies, 281  [287 

Samsamuddaulah   Khan   Dauran, 

Said  Ahmad  Khan,  surnan.ed 
Saulat  Jang,  292,  332,  334 

Shuja  Quli  Khan,  294,  295 

Shahnagar,  298 

Shaikh  Masum,  311 

Shaikh  Jahangir  Khan,  311 

Shamsher  Khan  Quraishi,  311 

Shahriqr  Khan.  312 

Shah  Mumtaz  Hindi,  312 

Salinj.  Khan.  332 

Sikakul,  333,  334 

Sardar  Khan,  334 

Shaikh  Md.  Masum,  346 

Syed  Nur,  360 

Sadvul  Huq  Khan.  361 

Shaikh  Muaad  Ali,  369 

Shahamat  Jang,  381 

Syed  Muhammad  Khan.  389 

Sadrul  Huq  Khan,  390 

Sumroo,  390,' 391,  393,  396 

Suti,  390 

Shaikh  Abdullah,  390 

Sarupchand, 391 

Shuja  Quli  Khan,  393 

Shaikh  Ghulatn  Qad.ir,  394 

Samrf.  401,  403,  405 

Sultan  Mahamud  of  Gujrat,  401 

Surat,  404,  409,  410,  412 

Sultan  Salim  of  Turkey,  404,  406, 

Sultan  Solyman  the  Magnificent 
406 


43G 


Sultan  Ali  Akhi,  407         • 
Shiraz,  408 
Swally,  409 

T 

Teliagadhi,  7,  139 

Tiprah,  10,  95,  257,  300* 
Tangan  horse,-ll 

Tughan  Khan,  16  [83,  86 

Tughral,  16,  40,  58,  V?,  79,  80,  81, 

Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  16,  25,  51,  52,  60 

Tarikh-i-Firuz  Shahi,  16,  60 

Talang,  19*"' 

Tandah,  26,  151,  161,  162,  173,  221 

Turan,  30,  54,  55 

Todar  Mai,  47 

Taj  pur,  48 

Thomas's  Initial  Coinage,  47,  68, 
95,  96,  103 

Todar  Mai's  Rent-roll,  50 

Territorial  strength  of  Indepen- 
dent Musalman  Kingdom  of 
Bengal,  50 

Tartars,  54 

Tirhut,  55,  91,  101 

Turks,  59 

Tibat,  64,  65,  68 
Tibat-i-Khurd,  228 
Tamar  Khan  Shamsi,  00 
Tatar  Khan,  85,  92,  93 
Tughlakabad,  91 
Tughlak  Shah,  93 
Tamachi  Bashi,  123 
Takroi,  158     t 
Talingana,  187,  196,  200 
Thatah,  205 
Tabsilah,  223 
Trivisa,  226    . 
Tiyuls,  243 
Tamgha,  249 
'Tfrat  Konah,  342       ' 


U 


Ur-6  Shirazi,  29 


Umed  KJjan,  7 
Uttarkul,  13,  225 
Umar  K^ian,  311,  279 


"Valandah  tribe,  12 

Vakil-kul,  170 

Vansittart,  Mr.  Henry,  387 

Vazirul    Mulk,  Nawab   Shujaud- 

daulah,  397,  413 
Vasco  da  Grama,  401 
Vazir  Sulaman  Pasha,  407 
'Vakildarffl 

w 

Wali,  15 

Wilson's     Early    Annals     of    the 

English  in  Bengal,  229,  326 
Wazir  Khan.  168 
Wali  Khan.  178,  179 
Wali  Beg,  263,  264 


Xerxes  or  Isfindiar,  54 


Yusuf  Adil  Shah,  405 

Yusuf  Shah,  120,  121,  129 

Yugrush  Khan.  122,  123 

Yaqub  Khan.  229 
t. 


Zainuddin  Ahmad  Khan,  324,  352, 

357,  358,  369 
2falim  Singh,  319,  320 
Zabardast    Khan.    229,   234,    235, 

236,  237 
Zafarabad,  105 
Zainul  Abidin,  180 
Zamanah  Beg,  203  . 

Zainuddin,  222 


437 

Zamindar,  238,  239,  249  Ziauddiy  Khan.  262,  263,  264 

Ziaullah  Khan.  255  Zulfuqar  Khan,  268,  273 


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