/
ROBERT FULTON
AND THE
SUBMARINE
COLUMBIA TTNIVERSITy PRESS
Columbia University
New York
SALES AGENTS
London
HUMPHREY MH^FORD
Amen Corner, E.C.
Shanghai
EDWARD EVANS & SONS, Ltd.
30 North Szechuen Road
ROBERT FULTON
n65-«815
FXOM A SELF PORTRAIT IN THE POSSESSION OF L F lOREt
PORTRAIT OF FULTON
ROBERT FULTON
AND
THE SUBMARINE
BY
WM. BARCLAY PARSONS
m^
] > •■ = ° .'
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
1922
All rights reserved
Copyright, ig22
By Columbia University Press
', ."■ : :PiiaWd from type. Published December, 1922
« 1 * *
PRINTED BY
THE PLIMPTON PRESS
NORWOOD-MASS- U-S -A
To
A. R. P.
WHO IN THE LINE OF DUTY DURING THE WORLD WAR
CROSSED AND RECROSSED THE HOSTILE SUBMARINE ZONE
THIS ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST SUBMARINE
IS INSCRIBED
W. B. P.
61561
FOREWORD
That Robert Fulton devoted some attention to the
possibility of an underwater boat during the years when
his mind was laboring with plans for the propulsion
of boats by steam, has been known since that time. Not,
however, until 1896, did it become clear to what extent
he had carried his ideas. In that year Lieut. Emile
Duboc discovered in the Archives Nationales in Paris
the full account of Fulton's negotiations with the French
Government and the plans of the boat that he had con-
structed, and in which he actually plunged. Other in-
vestigators, chiefly Lieut. Maurice Delpeuch of the
French navy and Mr. S. L. Pesce, have made public this
interesting record. To their respective treatises, " Les
Sous-Marines a travers les Siecles " and '* La Naviga-
tion sous marine " the author of this book is indebted
for much information.
It was also known that Fulton left France for England
in 1804 presumably to work for the government of the
latter country in the development of torpedoes. It has
been supi:)osed that he made some suggestions for a
submarine, suggestions that were not taken seriously.
His first biographer, Cadwallader D. Golden, and his
own published writings make no reference to an under-
water boat. But such a boat was the basis and essence
of his work and not merely an incidental suggestion.
The lack of knowledge and consequently the erroneous
supposition are due to the fact that what he actually
proposed to the government was purposely kept secret
for political reasons. A manuscript wholly in Fulton's
handwriting, signed in three places, and large, carefully
vii
viii FOREWORD
executed water-colored drawings made and each signed
by him have recently been found in England. This
manuscript and drawings show that the main idea that
he laid before the British Government was a sea-going
submarine vastly superior to the one that he had pre-
viously submitted to the French authorities. The manu-
script and other substantiating documents and letters
that have been examined prove clearly that it was alarm
on the part of the British Admiralty regarding his
initial French submarine that led the government to
induce Fulton to go to England and place himself and
his devices unreservedly at their service.
This record, now published for the first time, shows
that Robert Fulton was unquestionably the first one to
design a practical vessel capable of submerging and
rising at will, that could keep the sea for an extended
period of time with a large crew, and that could be pro-
pelled either on or beneath the surface, or that could
lie safely at anchor under either condition. The record
also shows that Fulton foresaw with extraordinary
clearness conditions that might arise, and which actually
did come to pass in the great war recently ended.
Fulton's manuscripts and letters are reprinted exactly
as he wrote them so far as access has been had to the
originals, words that he erased are enclosed in brackets.
Some of his letters taken from books have evidently been
corrected in their orthography before publication. In
such cases the published text has been followed.
In the preparation of this book the author has been
assisted, and for which assistance he makes grateful
recognition, by Mrs. Alice Crary Sutcliffe and Mr.
Edward C. Cammann, descendants of Mr. Fulton, who
have kindly placed at the author's use their great grand-
father's papers; by Mr. L. F. Loree who did the same
with his collection of Fultoniana; by the British Am-
bassador who procured a search of the British Govern-
FOREWORD ix
ment records, and by the New Jersey Historical Society.
The author has drawn from a number of works on
Fulton, particularly the biography by Golden (1817)
and '' Robert Fulton " by H. A. Dickenson (1913), as
well as the French volimaes above mentioned.
Wm. Barclay Parsons
New York, 1922.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1
Page
From Art to Engineering 1
Instructions to Barlow regarding the "Drawings and Descriptions".
Fulton's youth (1765-1782). Residence in England studying art
(1786-1793). Change from art to engineering as a vocation (1793).
Arrival in France (1798).
CHAPTER II
Early Attempts at Sub-surface Navigation 15
Fulton's first efforts for mechanical navigation. Some early sub-
marines: Bourne, Van Drebbel, Mercenne, de Son, Wilkins, Bushnell.
CHAPTER III
Fulton's First Submarine 24
Fulton begins work on a submarine (1797). Nautilus laimched at
Rouen (1800). Havre experiments. Fulton aided by Monge and Laplace.
Received in audience by Napoleon Bonaparte. Hopes and disappoint-
ments.
CHAPTER IV
Negotiations with France 39
Nautilus reconstructed and tested at Brest (1801). Reports to Monge,
Laplace and Volney. Great expectations. Final rejection (1802).
Partnership with Robert R. Livingston. Work begun on steamboat.
British Admiralty aware of his submarine accomplishment. Induced to
return to England (May, 1804).
CHAPTER V
The "Drawings and Descriptions" 54
CHAPTER VI
The British Contract 78
Size of the "Drawings and Descriptions." Pseudonyms. Pro-
posals. Contract with the British government. Was Fulton false
to his principles in supporting Great Britain against France? His finan-
cial position under the contract.
xi
xii CONTENTS
CHAPTER VII
Paqb
Experience in England 93
Attack on fleet at Boulogne. Torpedoing of Dorothea (1805).
Effect of Trafalgar on Fulton's work. Copies of "Drawings and Des-
criptions." Intent of government not to proceed with the submarine.
Correspondence with Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Pitt (1804). Com-
mission of investigation appointed. Decision adverse to a submarine.
Nevertheless Pitt signs contract.
CHAPTER VIII
Negotiations with Cabinet 103
Fulton begins to have doubts of accomphshment (1805). Correspond-
ence with Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh reciting his contract, rights
and claims. Pitt dies (Jan. 1806) and Fulton begins anew with Lord
Grenville and Lord Howick.
CHAPTER IX
Further Correspondence 114
Demand for arbitrators. Further correspondence with Lord Gren-
ville and Howick.
CHAPTER X
The Failure of the Negotiations 124
Arbitrators appointed. Fulton's presentation of his case (Aug.
1806). Arbitrators decide against Fulton. He makes a last appeal
to Lord Grenville, reviewing whole case (Sept. 1806). No reply.
CHAPTER XI
Return to America 139
Summary of the British Negotiations. America used as a threat.
Offer of neutrality. Fulton's review of the past and plans for the
future. Appeal to Jefferson. Departure for home.
CHAPTER XII
Examination of Fulton's Design 146
What the Nautilus accomplished. The British design compared with
that of the Nautilus. Folding propeller. Horizontal propeller.
Details of machinery. Effectiveness of the vessel. Screening the
Channel.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Robert Fulton (self-portrait) Frontispiece
TO FACE PAGE
Title page of " Report on the Canal between the Rivers Heyl and
Helford" 8
Jonathan Hulls' Steamboat, 1737 16
de Son's Underwater Boat, 1653 18
Fulton's '' Nautilus," 1798 26
Manuscript page of ''Drawings and Descriptions" with Fulton's
signature S4
Manuscript page from " Drawings and Descriptions " 56
Fulton's Drawings of Submarine : Plate the First 60
Plate the Second 61
Plate the Third 62
Plate the Fourth 63
Plate the Fifth 64
Plate the Sixth 65
Plate the Seventh 66
Plate the Eighth 68
Plate the Ninth 70
Plate the Tenth 72
Plate the Eleventh 74
Plate the Twelfth 76
Compressed Air Cylinder 77
xiu
ROBERT FULTON AND THE
SUBMARINE
Chapter I
FROM ART TO ENGINEERINa
Instructions to Barlow regarding the " Drawings and Descriptions."
Fulton's youth (1765-1782), Residence in England sti-dj'ing Art
(1786-1793). Change from art to engineering as a vocation (1793).
Arrival in France (1798). , ,
^^ . . . .1 am now busy winding up everything and
will leave London about the 23rd inst. for Falmouth
from whence I shall sail in the packet the first week
in October and be with you, I hope, in November,
perhaps about the 14th, my birthday, so you must have
a roast goose ready. The packet, being well manned
and provided will be more commodious and safe for an
autumn passage, and I think there will be little or no
risk; at least I prefer taking all the risk there is to
idling here a winter. But although there is not much
risk, yet accidents may happen, and that the produce
of my studies and experience may not be lost to my
country, I have made out a complete set of drawings
and descriptions of my whole system of submarine
attack. . . . These with my will, I shall put in a tin
cylinder, sealed and leave them in the care of General
Lyman, not to be opened unless I am lost. Should such
an event happen, I have left you the means to publish
these works, with engravings, in a handsome manner,
and to which you will add your own ideas — showing
how the liberty of the seas may be gained by such means.'*
1
2 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Thus Robert Fulton wrote to Joel Barlow who had
been his close friend and faithful guide since his arrival
in Paris in 1797. The letter of which the above is but
an extract is dated London, September, 1806, and was
written, as the context shows, on the eve of his final
departure from England, after a residence abroad of
nearly twenty years. General Lyman to whom he re-
ferred had been appointed American Consul in London
in 1805, in which capacity he served until he died in 1811.
Joel Barlow was in his day a person of considerable
importance. Born in 1754, in Connecticut, educated at
Dart^iouth and Yale, he first studied theology and then
law. Though he practised these professions in turn for
a short time, he retired from both to devote himself to
literature. In 1788, he went to London and Paris to
market some lands in Ohio, an unfortunate undertaking.
While in Europe, he became interested in liberal politics,
even to the extent of standing as a candidate for elec-
tion to the French Convention of 1793. After having
acquired a competence in commerce, and after a short
but highly creditable service as American Consul at
Algiers, he returned to Paris and resumed his literary
life, his principal production being a poem entitled,
** The Columbiad." In 1805, he returned to America,
remaining there until 1811, when he was appointed
American Commissioner to Emperor Napoleon. He
joined the latter at Vilna in 1812, during the Russian
campaign and, as the result of exposure to inclement
conditions on the disastrous retreat from Moscow in
the same year, died in Poland on Christmas eve. Barlow
was enough older than Fulton to be accepted not only
as a friend, but as a counsellor, while his character, ex-
perience and views on world questions appealed to the
enthusiastic yoimger American in whom there was
curiously blended a high development of an artistic
temperament and scientific genius, and who was in
FROM ART TO ENGINEERING 3
thorough sympathy with the extreme liberal movement
of the period that Barlow to some extent approved.
When Fulton arrived in Paris in 1797, he at once
called on Barlow. The two men were mutually attracted
and there soon sprang up an intimacy that was to de-
velop into the most affectionate friendship. This inti-
macy has been compared to that existing between father
and son, or rather between parents and son because Mrs.
Barlow joined with her husband in taking Fulton into
their lives. This they did the more readily as they had
no children of their own. As evidence of the relation,
they gave Fulton the nickname of " Toot.*'
Cadwallader D. Golden, in his biographical memoir
of Fulton, finds no fitter words to describe this friend-
ship than by quoting as he says, " the warm language
of one who participated in the sentiments expressed."
From this description of the quotation by Golden, it is
evident that the words were those of Mrs. Barlow her-
self, who was still alive when Golden was writing the
memoir in 1817. The quotation that Golden gives is as
follows :
Here commenced that strong affection, that devoted attach-
ment, that real friendship which subsisted in a most extraor-
dinary degree between Mr. Barlow and Mr. Fulton during their
lives. Soon after Mr. Fulton's arrival in Paris, Mr. Barlow
removed to his own hotel and invited Mr. Fulton to reside
with him. Mr. Fulton lived seven years in Mr. Barlow's
family, during which time he learnt the French and something
of the Italian and German languages. He also studied the
high mathematics, chymistry and perspective, and acquired that
science which, when united with his uncommon natural genius,
gave him so great a superiority over many of those who, with
some talents but without any sort of science, have pretended
to be his rivals.
The house in which the Barlows lived in Paris and
where Fulton lived with them for much of the time, was
4 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
No. 59, Rue Vaugirard. The above quotation gives a
suggestion of what the Barlows must have been to Fulton
during his struggles in a foreign land, with visions of
success almost attained alternating with bitter dis-
appointments. It was but natural that the affection of
Joel Barlow should be reciprocated and, consequently,
when facing in 1806 the then not inconsiderable danger
of a transatlantic voyage, it was to Barlow that he en-
trusted the task of publishing the results of the dis-
coveries and of his labors, should he be lost at sea.
Fulton, as we know, reached America safely and,
therefore. Barlow was not called on to publish the
*' drawings and descriptions " that Fulton had left be-
hind in England. Due to the fact that Fulton lived
for some years and became very prominent in the success-
ful development of steam navigation, the drawings and
accompanying manuscripts of a device that had not at-
tained practical recognition seemed to have for the
moment comparatively small value or importance and
were put aside, perhaps after the death of Consul Lyman.
They made no appearance until 1870, when they were
sold at auction by a Mr. Andrews of Swarland Hall,
Felton, Northumberland, and apparently without at-
tracting any comment. Then for a period of 50 years,
they rested quietly and unknown to the general public
in the family of the purchaser. In 1920, they once more
changed owners and passed into the possession of the
writer. Now after a lapse of 116 years, the request of
Fulton to his dearest friend. Barlow, a request that he
realized when he made it might be his last, will be com-
plied with, and the interesting story of his work through
several years be made of record.
Could Fulton have foreseen the development that his
conception of submarine navigation would attain, it is
well within the limit of probability that he would have
preferred that publication of his plans be withheld until
FROM ART TO ENGINEERING 5
the basic principle had reached its present status of
complete application. Though he lived more than eight
years after writing his letter to Barlow, he made no
effort to publish his plans, nor did he in any of his
subsequent writings refer to his submarine idea nor
what he had done in England. Apparently his sole
thought of publishing was in the event of his being lost
at sea on his return. If he could not carry his concep-
tion of submarine attack into actual execution, he appar-
ently preferred that his plans be allowed to rest quietly
in some English private library until the idea that he
had espoused had taken actual practical form, and the
principles that he advocated had been proved true. Ab-
sorbed at first on his return to America in the construc-
tion of his steamboat, perhaps he realized in the interval
between 1806 and his death in 1815, that the world was
not yet ready to receive the innovation of sub-surface
navigation, that the state of the art of engine construc-
tion had not yet been advanced sufficiently to render
the theory feasible and, consequently, that publication
might have detracted from his fame as an engineer by
apparently showing that he was a dreamer. Sometimes
it is a misfortune to be ahead of the times. Better to
wait until proved facts entitle one to be accorded praise
as a man of vision, rather than through premature
publication to be classed as a visionary man.
Robert Fulton was born on the 14th November, 1765,
on his father's farm on Conowingo Creek in Little
Britain Township, Pennsylvania. His father, Robert
Fulton, Sr., was of Scottish descent. To his mother, Mary
Smith, a woman of force and intelligence, young
Robert owed his early education, and from her he
derived the personal qualities that were to make him
distinguished. His father was not successful as a
farmer, so that when he died in 1768 he left his widow
and five children in very straightened circumstances.
6 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Of the five children, three were girls, and of the boys,
Robert was the elder.
This story is not concerned with the history of the
Fulton family which has been thoroughly set forth by
others, except to recall those salient steps in Robert's
career that led to his investigation of the possibilities
of submarine navigation, and the designing of a boat to
accomplish the end so far as the then state of the art of
boat and engine construction would permit.
At school he did not excel in his studies which he
neglected for sketching and mechanical experiments.
When he was seventeen years of age, he set out to make
his own career. As the village of Lancaster, where he
was living with his mother, offered narrowly limited
opportunities, he went to Philadelphia, then in many
respects the most important city in the colonies. Not
much is known of his early struggles, though apparently
he devoted part of his time to art, because the City
Directory in 1786, puts him down as a miniature painter,
and some of his miniatures are in existence. Under the
patronage of Benjamin Franklin, he made progress and
earned enough money to purchase a farm for his mother.
But the spirit that was within him — the spirit that
was to record his name indelibly in history — led him
to think of the greater world that lay beyond the
colonies, even though the colonies were at last success-
ful in their struggle for independence and were then
engaged in the equally difficult and more prolonged
struggle to weld themselves into a nation. In 1786, he
sailed for England provided only with a letter from his
protector, Franklin, to Benjamin West. At that time
West was approaching the height of his career as painter
in London, being chosen president of the Royal Academy
in 1792. Under the guidance of and probable instruction
by West, Fulton made progress as an artist, the Royal
Academy accepting some of his pictures.
FROM ART TO ENGINEERING 7
The path of a yoimg artist is rarely a smooth one. It
is no smoother when the young artist is working in a
foreign land without fame, friends or private means.
What Fulton did and how he lived in London during
the first four years of his stay in England, is best told
by himself in his own words, in a letter to his mother
under date of January 20, 1792, a letter given at full
length by Dickenson.
.... And I must now Give Some little history of my
life since I Came to London. I Brought not more than 40
Guineas to England and was set down in a strange Country
without a friend and only one letter of Introduction to Mr.
West — here I had an art to learn by which I was to earn my
bread but little to support whilst I was doing it And numbers
of Eminent Men of the same profession which I must Excel!
before I Could hope to live — , Many Many a Silant solitary
hour have I spent in the most unnerved Studdy Anxiously
pondering how to make funds to support me till the fruits of
my labours should sifficant to repay them. Thus I went on
for near four years — happily beloved by all who knew me or 1
I had long ear now been Crushed by Poverties Cold wind —
and Freezing Rain — till last Summer I was Invited by Lord
Courtney down to his Country seat to paint a picture of him
which gave his Lordship so much pleasure that he has intro-
duced me to all his Friends — And it is but just now that I
am beginning to get a little money and pay some debtt which
I was obliged to Contract so I hope in about 6 months to be
clear with the world or in other words out of debt and then
start fair to Make all I Can.
In 1793, when he was on the very threshold of a
successful career as an artist, he suddenly, and without
any explanation that is known, gave up the art of paint-
ing and turned to the science of engineering as his life's
vocation. It is an interesting fact that two great
American engineers — Fulton who made steam naviga-
tion practical, and Morse who did the same for the elec-
tric telegraph — were both artists before they became
8 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
engineers. The only hint as to the cause of his change
of occupation is given by himself in the introduction to
his first and greatest literary production, " A Treatise
on the Improvement of Canal Navigation," which ap-
peared in 1796. In this introduction he said: " On
perusing a paper descriptive of a canal projected by
the Earl of Stanhope in 1793, where many difficulties
seem to arise, my thoughts were first awakened to this
subject."
But Fulton in 1796 was something more than an
author and investigator of canals. He was at that date
actually in the field as a practicing engineer as is shown
by a printed report, dated London, November 24th, 1796,
addressed to '' Sir Francis BuUer, Bart, and the Gentle-
men interested in the Helston Canal." This report is
of particular interest in that it is not recorded in any
Fulton bibliography and no copy is to be found in the
British Museum, or in the Congressional or other
American public libraries. Perhaps the copy lying
before the writer is the sole survivor. The edition was
undoubtedly very small and the few copies, as soon as
immediate interest was lost, were likely to be thrown
aside as of no value. The title page is reproduced in
facsimile on the opposite page.
Now as an addition to the Fulton bibliography, this,
his second book and first published account of his own
engineering work, is of importance and merits a brief
description.
The pamphlet consists of fifteen pages, those of the
copy referred to measuring 4J by 7| inches, with an
engraved map 10| by 7J inches, showing the route of
the proposed canal from the headwaters of St. Ives
Bay to the navigable waters of the Helford River in
Cornwall.
The report possesses no scientific or constructive
value. It presents neither plans nor details, except
REPORT
ON THE
PROPOSED CANAL
BETWEEN THE
RIVERS . ' '.'• • ••• '. .••*=.' •''.' • '"'
HETL JND HELFORD.
BY
ROBERT FULTON,
ENGINEER.
FROM ART TO ENGINEERING 9
estimates of cost and earnings, obviously imperfect.
Had Sir Francis and his friends followed the advice of
their professional advisor, it is probable that they would
have suffered financial disappointment. The report,
however, is full of a young man's optimistic hopes, a
si^irit of altruism and a plea for economy. These are
sentiments that always actuated Fulton and frequently
find expression in his other writings. It is not impos-
sible, in fact it is quite probable, that a desire to be of
tangible service to others was one of the compelling
reasons that led him to devote himself to construction
rather than to art. The underlying thought on which
this report is based is shown by the following extracts
in which Fulton after pointing out how in his profes-
sional opinion he believes that the operations of this
enterprise will be lucrative, gives his own views of such
undertakings as follows:
But I hope the gentlemen of Cornwall will view them in a
better light; and, considering them as of national utility, con-
template the infinite advantages they give to the numerous
operations of society. . . .
In such investigation, if by a facility in carriage I find the
expence of manure reduced, I then see that the farmer may
improve more land, give a greater polish to his estates, and
nourish agriculture to the benefit of the mass of society and
the emolument of his landlord. . . .
In towns, if the grocers, carpenters, ironmongers, or other
tradesmen, have the carriage of their commodities reduced, they
or their customers are benefitted; and so on in all professions
where much carriage is required. If the housekeeper or cot-
tager have their coals reduced, the comfort becomes more ex-
tended. In fact there is no point in which a canal can be
viewed but it exhibits advantages to the mass of the people;
and for an evident reason, because all improvements which
reduce manual labour, or which give a greater produce with
the same quantity of labour, will render the conveniences of
life more abundant, cheap and diffused. . . .
10 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
By 1786, Fulton had definitely devoted himself to
canal engineering, or, as he says himself in the Re-
port of the Board of Commissioners of the Western
Canal, published at Albany and dated February 22, 1814 :
I passed three years at various canals in England to obtain
practical knowledge on the manner of constructing them and
to make myself familiar with their advantages.
With Fulton's work on canals, his designs for inclined
planes to take the place of locks, his financial difficulties
and his acquaintance with the Earl of Stanhope, the
present story has no concern, except as such work is
the intermediate step in Fulton's career between art and
mechanical navigation.
That Fulton was sorely pressed as to money in these
days, the following extract from a long letter addressed
to Lord Stanhope, and given in full in Dickenson's
*' Robert Fulton," clearly proves:
Works of this kind Require much time, Patience and appli-
cation. And till they are Brought About, Penury frequently
Presses hard on the Projector; And this My Lord is so much
my Case at this Moment, That I am now Sitting Reduced to
half a Crown, Without knowing Where to obtain a shilling for
some months. This my Lord is an awkward sensation to a
feeling Mind, which would devote every minuet to Increase
the Comforts of Mankind. And Who on Looking Round Sees
thousands nursed in the Lap of fortune, grown to maturity,
And now Spending their time In the endless Maze of Idle
dissipation. Thus Circumstanced My Lord, would it be an
Intrusion on your goodness and Philanthropy to Request the
Loan of 20 guineas Which I will Return as Soon as possible.
And the favour shall ever be greetfully Acknowledged By your
lordship's
Most obliged
Robert Fulton
In 1797, Fulton conceived the idea of making a short
trip to France and then returning to America. From
FROM ART TO ENGINEERING H
various letters he appears to have had expectations, or
perhaps they were only hopes, that he could find oppor-
tunity to apply his canal ideas in his own country.
Accordingly, the summer of 1797 finds him in France
en route for America. But instead of tarrying for a
few weeks as he had in mind, he remained seven fruit-
ful and critical years.
In France he began at once to devote himself, as he
had been doing in England, to the development of small
canals, republishing in French his " Treatise on
Canals " under the title, " Recherches sur les Moyens
de Perfectionner les Canaux de Navigation, etc." It
bore date an 7, the French revolutionary equivalent to
1799, and contained not only all the matter of the
English edition of 1796, but also new material of par-
ticular application to France. In 1798, he was granted
a French patent for certain details of canal construc-
tion, and in the same year attempted to secure the in-
terest of Napoleon in the utilization of his ideas. The
letter in which he makes the attempt was written in
French, and a copy made by Fulton is now preserved
in the New York Public Library.^
To General Bounaparte
Citizen General
Citizen Perier having advised me that you desire to know
of my work on the System of Small Canals, I take the liberty
of presenting you a copy of that book, only too happy if you
will find therein some means of improving the industry of the
French Republic.
1 Au General Bounaparte,
Citoyen General
Le Cn Perier m'ayant appris que vous desiriez connaitre mon Travail sur le
Systeme des Petits Canaux, je prends la liberie de vous presenter une copie
de cet ouvrage, trop heureux si vous y trouvez quelques Moyens d'ameliorer
I'industrie de la Republique Fran^aise
Parmi toutes les Causes des Guerres chaque jour, il est vrai, voit disparaitre
12 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Of all the causes of War, every day, it is true, sees those
disappear which appertain to the existence of kings, priests
and all that accompany them. But, nevertheless, republics
will not be free of these lamentable properties so long as they
do not free themselves from the erroneous systems of exclusive
commerce and distant possessions. It is therefore a reason for
every man who loves his fellows to endeavor to destroy these
errors. Even ambition cannot seek a greater glory than in
pointing out to men the path of truth and removing obstacles
that impede nations from arriving at a durable peace. What
glory can stand against time if it does not receive the approval
of philosophy? In order to free nations. Citizen Bounaparte,
you have executed vast enterprises and the glory with which
you are covered should be as permanent as time itself. Who
then can support with more eflBcacious approbation, projects
which contribute to the general welfare? It is with this idea
that I submit to you my work, hoping that if you find therein
celles qui tiennent a I'existence des Rois, des pretres, et de ce qui les ac-
compagne. Mais neanmoins les Republiques elles-memes ne seront pas a
I'abri de ces funestes querrelles, tant qu'elles ne se deferont pas de ces Systemes
erronea de Commerce exclusif et de Possessions lointaines. C'est done un
motif pour tout homme qui aime ses semblables de chercher a detruire ces
erreurs; I'Ambition meme ne doit plus Chercher la gloire qu'en montrant aux
hommes le chemin de la verite, et en ecartant les obstacles qui empechent les
nations d'arriver a une paix durable; Car, quelle Gloire pent resister au temps,
— si elle ne regoit la Sanction de La Philosophie?
Pour affranchir les Nations, Citoyen General, vous avez execute de vaste
entreprises, et la gloire dont vous vous etes convert, doit etre aussi durable
que le temps; qui done pourrait seconder d'une approbation plus eflBcace des
projets qui peuvent Contribuer au bien General? C'est dans cette idee que
je vous soumets mon Travail, esperant que si vous y rencontrez quelques veritea
utiles, vous daignerez les appuyer d'une influence aussi puissante que la Votre;
et en effet, favoriser des projets dont I'exeeution doit rendre des millions
d'homme heureux, peut-il etre pour le genie vertueux de plus delicieuse jouis-
sance? C'est sous ce point de vue que les ameliorations interieures et la
Liberte du Commerce Sont de la plus haute importance. —
Si le Succes couronne les efforts de la France, Contre I'Angleterre, il ne
tiendra qu'a elle de terminer Glorieusement cette longue Guerre, en donnant
la liberte au Commerce et en faisant Adopter le Systeme aux autres puis-
sances; La liberte politique acquerra ainsi le degre de perfection et d'etendue
dont elle est susceptible, et la Philosophie verra avee joie I'olivier d'une paix
etemeUe ombrager la Carriere dea Sciences et de 1 'Industrie.
Salut et respect
Pans 12 floreal an 6 Robert Fulton
FROM ART TO ENGINEERING 13
any useable truths that you will deign to support them with
an influence as powerful as your own, and in effect to patronize
projects the execution of which should render millions of men
happy. Can there be for virtuous genius a more delicious
reward? It is from this point of view that interior improvements
and freedom of commerce are of the highest importance.
Should success crown the efforts of France against England,
there will remain but gloriously to terminate this long war,
to give freedom to commerce and make other powers adopt
the system. Political liberty will then acquire that degree of
perfection and breadth of which it is susceptible and philosophy
will see with joy the olive branch of an eternal peace shade
the course of science and industry.
This letter possesses two great points of interest.
One that it marks the first approach of Fulton to
Napoleon, leading as will be seen below to a far more
important suggestion than that of building small canals ;
and the other that it is animated by an intense desire
for French success over England. That this was in the
beginning Fulton's hope is to be borne in mind when,
as will be shown, having developed in 1804 the opposite
or pro-British sympathy, he lived and worked during
two years in England for the destruction of Napoleon's
power though perhaps not of French ascendancy. The
letter speaks of a *' lasting peace." That is something
that the same nations a century and a quarter later are
still seeking.
How delightfully charming and naive is Fulton's
confidence that his picture of an altruistic ambition
would excite a sympathetic emotion in Bonaparte. If
Napoleon read the letter he must have smiled at Fulton's
enthusiastic simplicity.
Fulton's leaning to French views at this time is ex-
plained by the fact that in politics he was intensely
republican, in fact, somewhat extreme, a position that
was undoubtedly encouraged and strengthened by his
14 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
mentor, Barlow, who we have seen was a candidate for
the celebrated Convention of 1793. This same leaning
very likely influenced his remaining in France, rather
than undertaking his contemplated return to his native
land, because at this period his political ideals seemed
more probable of realization in the former than in the
latter country.
Chapter II
EARLY ATTEMPTS AT SUB-SURFACE
NAVIGATION
Fulton's first eflforts for mechanical navigation. Some early sub-
marines: Bourne, Van Drebbel, Mercenne, de Son, Wilkins, Bushnell.
While Fulton was taking out patents for his little
canals — patents that never had either practical or
profitable application — and endeavoring to earn a live-
lihood through the introduction of some of his methods
of canal construction, there was germinating in his mind
the great principle of mechanical propulsion on water
that was eventually to win for him both fame and a
competence.
The seeds had found lodgment some years previously.
Dickenson shows that in 1793, or about the time when
he retired from his art career, Fulton wrote a letter to
the Earl of Stanhope stating that he had a project for
moving boats by steam. This was a subject in which
Stanhope took particular interest, being an inventor
and a great student of applied science, and especially
as he at that same time was working on a design of
his own for a steamboat. Lord Stanhope requested
Fulton to present his plan in detail. The original letter
and accompanying sketches, dated November 4th, 1793,
are still in the possession of the Stanhope family.
The idea of propelling boats by steam was not new.
Jonathan Hulls had published a pamphlet in 1737 en-
titled, " A Description and Draught of a New Invented
Machine for Carrying Vessels Out of or Into Any
Harbour, Port or River, Against Wind or Tide or in
15
16 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
a Calm." This pamphlet is of great rarity, and the
plate it contains, being the first pictorial representation
of a boat propelled by the force of steam, merits repro-
duction. But in Fulton's own country practical results
had already been achieved. James Rumsey had actually
moved a vessel by steam on the Potomac in 1785—88,
and in 1788 and 1790 took out British patents. In
February, 1793, Rumsey ran a steamboat on the Thames.
Equally important was the work of John Fitch, who also
constructed a boat operated by a steam engine and actu-
ally conveyed passengers on a regular schedule on the
Delaware River in 1790. Fitch, like his rival inventor
Rumsey, went to Europe further to develop his
ideas and, in 1791, took out a French patent. All these
experiments were, of course, known to Fulton and it is
not impossible that they gave him his first suggestion.
For the moment we are not interested in the develop-
ment of steam navigation. However fascinating the
story of how Fulton gradually developed a better engine
than his predecessors and contemporary experimenters
had succeeded in doing, and one that was completely
practical, it is not to be repeated here. Our story is
concerned with his work on submarines, but before
leaving the subject of steamboats, it is convenient to
recall that the fortuitous appointment of Robert R.
Livingston (1746-1813), the famous Chancellor of the
State of New York, as American Minister to France in
1801 brought to Fulton his ultimate means of success
through the partnership that the two men established.
Chancellor Livingston, like Fulton's other friend, Lord
Stanhope, was interested in philosophical subjects and
had turned his attention to the possibility of steam
navigation as early as 1798. Therefore, his arrival in
France in 1801, when Fulton was struggling with the
mechanical problems, was most opportune for Fulton
and the art of mechanical propulsion. Though Fulton
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SUB-SURFACE NAVIGATION 17
even then had ahnost reached the solution of the en-
gineering difficulties, he was without the necessary funds
to put his ideas in concrete form. These funds Living-
ston supplied, and, what to a man of Fulton's tempera-
ment was almost as valuable, personal encouragement and
guidance. It is not too much to assert that the early
realization of the application of steam to navigation was
due to Livingston's acceptance of the post of Minister
to France, thus bringing the two men together.
While Fulton was studying and experimenting with
mechanical propulsion of boats on the surface of the
water, it was but natural that he should take under con-
sideration the possibility of constructing a boat that
could be sunk and raised at will and move under water.
This basal principle was far from being novel. From
the earliest times man has not been content to remain
only a land animal. As far back as records go, he has
had the ambition to emulate the birds, and certainly
during the Roman period he began to think of sharing
with fishes the power to explore the depths of the sea.
Perhaps William Bourne was the first writer on
submarine vessel design. In his little quarto volume
published in 1573, and entitled, " Inuentions or Denises
very necessary for all Generalles and Captaines, or
Leaders of Men, as well by Sea as by Land," he de-
scribes as the " 18 Deuise," " a Ship or a Boate that may
goe vnder the water vnto the bottome, and so to come
vp againe at your pleasure." Recognizing that the
variation in displacement of a vessel whose weight re-
mains constant adds to or detracts from its buoyancy,
he suggested a vessel with sides that could be distended
or contracted at will by screws, thus permitting her to
sink and rise. These distendable sides, he thought,
might be made of leather. For ventilation when sub-
merged, he would have a hollow mast, taking care that
the depth of water in which the boat should plunge
18 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
would never exceed the height of the mast. He did not
propose any means of propulsion.
Van Drebbel, a Dutch engineer, born in Holland in
1572, made actual application of Bourne's ideas, and
constructed a submersible boat in 1624. He tested it
in 15 feet of water in the Thames at London, during one
of which tests it is reported that he had King James I.
as a passenger. Apparently he attempted propulsion
by means of oars that passed through the boat's sides,
the apertures being covered by leather pockets attached
to oars and boat. What plan he had for keeping the
boat's air respirable when submerged is not clear, though
there are some fantastic but not authenticated claims
that he used a chemical compound for refreshing it.
If he really plunged, which is by no means certain, it
was probably for only a few minutes at a time.
In 1634, the same year in which Van Drebbel died in
London, there was published a book entitled, '' Hy-
draidica Pneumatica," containing a chapter " De
nauibus sub aqua natantibus." This interesting work
was written by a noted French theologian and philoso-
pher, Marin Mercenne (1588-1648), a member of the
order of Minimes Fathers. As was frequently done at
that period in the case of technical treatises. Father
Mersenne wrote his book in Latin, and gave his name
the latinized form of Mercennus. He describes Dreb-
bel's boat, but credits Bourne with having first proposed
the principles that Drebbel used, and recalled that
Bourne had suggested the possibility of getting fresh
air through tubes reaching to the surface. Mercenne 's
contribution to the art was his stated belief that the
compass would be equally efficient beneath as well as
on the surface.
In 1653, a French engineer, de Son, constructed in
Holland a curious boat, 72 feet long, propelled by a hand-
driven wheel. This boat was hardly a submarine as it
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SUB-SURFACE NAVIGATION 19
was not expected to submerge completely. It is inter-
esting as the first application of a mechanical motive
force other than oars and the first suggestion of a paddle
wheel. It, therefore, marked a great step forward in
matters of design. A translation of de Son's modest
description of this boat as shown on the bottom of the
design is as follows:
Accurate Representation of the New Wonderful Ship
Made at Rotterdam.
As Mens. Duson has been greatly disappointed at the present-
ment of his ship, which was in all ways greatly misrepresented,
both as regards the rudder, the paddle wheel, and the whole
disposition of the vessel when published at Amsterdam, we
think it useful to give an exact representation of the ship (as
above depicted) and the reader will at once see the difference.
The Inventor will undertake to destroy with the ship in one
day a fleet of a hundred vessels. No fire, no cannon ball or
rocket, no storm or waves can hinder him unless God the Lord
should intend to do so. Even if the ships which lie in the
harbors consider themselves safe, he will run them to the
bottom and turn around just as easily as a bird in the sky so
that no one can hurt him, and should his ship be taken by
treason, for otherwise it is quite impossible, it could not be
governed by any one else but him. He wiU be able to make
in one hour at least ten miles, and should he run on a bank
his vessel will swim as light on the water as a light sloop
would do. He believes he will be able to go with this vessel
in ten weeks to and from the East Indies, and in one day to
and from France, so that it may be called the greatest wonder
of the world.
The next contributor was an Englishman, John
Wilkins, Bishop of Chester. Wilkins was an exceed-
ingly interesting character and deserves to be remem-
bered not only for what he did to advance the art of
submarine design, but for what he was and what he
accomplished in many ways. His life is set forth in
considerable detail in the preface of the fifth edition of
his principal scientific production, " Mathematical
20 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Magick: or the Wonders that may be performed by
Mechanical Geometry," this particular edition being
published posthumously in 1707.
From this sketch it appears that he was born in 1614.
It is stated that at school his proficiency was such that
he entered New Inn, Oxford, when 13 years old. After
graduation, not at New Inn but at Magdalen Hall, he
took orders and served as Chaplain, first to Lord Say
and then to Charles, Count Palatine of the Rhine. On
the outbreak of the English civil war, he joined the
parliamentary party. In 1648, he received the degree
of Doctor of Divinity, and in 1656, married the sister
of Oliver Cromwell, then Lord Protector. Soon after
he was appointed head of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Charles II, on his restoration to power, removed Dr.
Wilkins from his position at Cambridge, though subse-
quently gave him preferment, first, by making him Dean
of Ripon, and soon after. Bishop of Chester. Appar-
ently Wilkins had made it clear to the royalist party
that he could serve quite as well under their standard
as under that of his late brother-in-law.
In the short interim while out of royal favor he re-
sided in London, where he was elected to the Royal So-
ciety and a member of its Council. It will thus be seen
that Wilkins was no narrow-minded person. He could
adapt himself to whatever political party was in power,
and apparently he could do equally well as an educator,
theologian and man of science. At any rate, of his
varied abilities, his excellence in these three was recog-
nized by his contemporaries who conferred on him the
highest honors in each of the three fields. He did not
however restrict himself to those labors, but was also an
author of no small productivity. Among his writings are :
1. "The Discovery of a New World; or, a Discourse tending
to prove that ('tis probable) there may be another Habitable
World in the Moon." 1638.
SUB-SURFACE NAVIGATION 21
2. " Discourse concerning the Possibility of a Passage to the
World in the Moon." 1638.
3. " Discourse concerning a New Planet ; tending to prove,
that ('tis probable) our Earth is one of the Planets." 1640.
4. "Mercury; the Secret Messenger: Shewing how a Man
may with Privacy and Speed communicate his thouhts to
his friend at any Distance." 1641.
5. "Mathematical Magick; or, The Wonders that may be
perform'd by Mechanical Geometry." 1648.
6. " An Essay towards a Real Character, and a Philosophical
Language " including, " An Alphabetical Dictionary." 1668.
7. Several works on theological subjects.
The above books seem to have won popular approval
because they appear in several editions. Bishop Wilkins
died in 1672 after a life full of strenuosity, variety and
action.
It is with his scientific publication standing fifth in
the above list that we are specially interested. This
little book, which treats of a great number of mechanical
devices and principles such as wheels, pulleys, screws,
engines of war, clocks and other similar machines, con-
tains two chapters, one entitled, '' Concerning the Art
of Flying. The several ways whereby this hath been,
or may be attempted " ; and the other, '' Concerning
the Possibility of framing an Ark for Submarine Navi-
gation. The Difficulties and Conveniences of such a
Contrivance." The latter chapter is the one that bears
on our present discussion.
Although Wilkins gives credit to Mercennus, who as
he puts it, " doth so largely and pleasantly descant upon
the making of a ship wherein men may safely swim
under the Water," nevertheless he follows the line of
thought of Bourne without giving him credit. He
closely imitated Bourne's scheme of leather attachments.
He suggested leather bags open at both ends, one end
being without and the other within the ship, the ends
capable of being closed like those of a purse. These
22 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
bags he would use as means of ingress and egress for
men and materials. Motion he proposed to obtain by
means of oars whose blades would be collapsible on the
back stroke, the oars projecting through the ship's sides,
the holes being closed with leather attached to the oars
and vessel. Wilkins had in mind the use of such a
vessel in attack against a " Navy of Enemies, who by
this means may be undermined in the water and
blown up."
The submersible power Wilkins would obtain by hav-
ing his boat or '' Ark " ballasted so as to be of " equal
weight with the like magnitude of water," that is, to be
at the critical point between floating and sinking, obvi-
ously one of greatest danger. He fancied that he could
then obtain vertical motion or plunging by attaching a
great weight to the bottom of the ship, to be computed,
of course, as part of the ballast. If the weight were
lowered by means of a cord, so would the boat ascend,
and if the weight were raised, it would descend. The
method of supplying air to the submerged crew was
equally amusing. He depended upon the ability of men
to live in a polluted atmosphere by continued practice,
or if that were found impossible, the air might be puri-
fied by what he calls " refrigeration," that is, by heat-
ing it by lamps and allowing it to cool on coming in
contact with the sides of the vessel, the process being
assisted by bellows. It is hoped that the theology of
the undoubtedly worthy bishop was sounder than his
science, and that it emulated rather the particularly high
scale of wisdom of his political adaptability. But no
matter how ridiculous his details, he, nevertheless, left
the main idea more firmly implanted in men's minds.
The above references are not a complete resiune of
the early development of the underlying principles of
the art of submarine navigation. They are nothing
more than a brief recital of the salient and outstanding
SUB-SURFACE NAVIGATION 23
features that mark the path of progress like milestones
along a road.
With these and other similar impracticable concep-
tions, the art of submarine construction was found by
an American, David Bushnell, born at Saybrook, Con-
necticut, in 1742, and graduated from Yale in 1775. In
the war with Great Britain, which broke out shortly
after his graduation, Bushnell conceived the idea of
attacking the enemy's ships under water and there is no
doubt that he constructed a boat embodying among other
novel devices a screw propeller. His boat, a small affair
carrying but a single operator, was scarcely a submarine
as it was not intended to plunge, but to float just
'' awash " or almost submerged. Like Rumsey and
Fitch, Bushnell went abroad and, as Fulton did later,
opened negotiations with the French Government.
Delpeuch says, '' Then (1797) there appeared an en-
gineer who offered to the Directory a means quite as
terrible as it was invisible to force the British to lift
their blockade, and not only did this man undertake to
drive the enemy from our shores, but he even proposed
to carry the war to the shores and ports of Great Britain,
heretofore invi olable. ' '
Fulton undoubtedly became acquainted with Bushnell
during the time they were both in France engaged in
similar pursuits. But the failure to accomplish results
or to get his ideas adopted by others disappointed Bush-
nell so keenly that he returned to his native country,
went to Georgia, adopted the name of Bush, and began
the practice of medicine. He died in 1826, at the age
of 84, when his will disclosed his identity.
Chapter III
FULTON'S FIRST SUBMARINE
Fulton begins work on a submarine (1797). Nautilus launched at
Rouen (1800). Havre experiments. Fulton aided by Monge and
Laplace. Received in audience by Napoleon Bonaparte. Hopes
and disappointments.
The previous chapter shows that not only was the
principle of a submarine boat not novel when Fulton
began his work on it, but that according to the record
a competitor was actually in France urging upon the
French Government the adoption of a design that, un-
like the fantastic conceptions of Bourne and Drebbel,
was capable of being moved by an invisible power and
of making an attack beneath the surface. But if Fulton
lacked initial originality he achieved practical success
in his subsequent labors by greatly improving the plans
of his predecessors, as he later did in the case of the
steamboat.
At first his work on a design for a submarine was
merely incidental and secondary to his more cherished
ambition to become a great constructor of canals. It
was soon after his arrival in France that the idea
of an underwater boat occurred to him, and this sev-
eral years before mechanical operation of boats ob-
tained the supremacy in his mind over small canals.
His first move was apparently on the 24 Frimaire an VI
(13 December, 1797) when he wrote to the Directory,
" having in view the great importance of lessening the
power of the English fleet, that he had a project for the
construction of a mechanical Nautilus." It is interest-
ing to note that this letter was written but six months
24
FULTON'S FIRST SUBMARINE 25
after his arrival in France, and in the same year that
Delpeiich records Bushnell as having laid his own plan
before the Directory. It is difficult to repress the
thought that the latter 's efforts roused Fulton to action,
even if they did not suggest to him the initial thought.
On the 2nd January, 1798, Fulton made definite pro-
posals to the Minister of Marine, among the terms being
a request that rank in the French navy be conferred
at least on him, if not on all the members of the crews
of the submarines, because otherwise he feared the
British would treat him as a pirate. On February 12,
1798, Fulton was informed that his proposals had been
declined.
Unlike Bushnell, who under similar circumstances
went home discouraged and hid himself under an assumed
name, Fulton prepared to renew the attack. Waiting
until another Minister of Marine had been appointed,
he submitted new proposals, under date of 5 Thermidor
an VI (23 July 1798), concluding the offer by pointing
out that the destruction of the English navy would as-
sure the freedom of the seas and the nation which had
the most natural resources — France — would alone
hold, and without rival, the balance of power in Europe.
The Minister convened a board of technical men to whom
Fulton submitted his plans for a submarine that he
called the " Nautilus." This boat had the shape of an
imperfect ellipsoid, with an over-all length of 6m. 48
(21 ft. 3 in.) and extreme beam 1 m. 94 (6 ft. 4 in.).
Beneath the ellipsoid there was a hollow iron keel 0 m. 52
(1 ft. 8 in.) in height, running to within 1 m. from the
bow. The keel contained a quantity of ballast so that
the difference between the weight of the flotation and
that of the water displaced by it should be only about
4 to 5 kilograms. The only communication with the in-
terior of the keel lay in the two parts of a suction and
force pump which by means of a hand crank would
26 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
permit the introduction into or removal of water from
the metal keel at will. The excess in buoyancy of the
Nautilus being small, the introduction of only a little
water would make it sink, and conversely, the expulsion
of a small quantity would cause it to return to the sur-
face. On the forward and top part of the Nautilus there
was a spherical dome pierced with port holes covered by
thick glass for observation and a man-hole that served
as means of ingress and egress for the crew.
For propulsion, Fulton proposed a screw as Bushnell
had already done, a principle that was not to be adopted
in general practice imtil nearly half a century later in
spite of its many and great advantages over side wheels.
The screw was placed at the stern and directly ahead of
the rudder and was operated by a hand crank and gear-
ing turning a shaft passing through a stuffing box.
The crank was to be turned by man power only. Plung-
ing was to be secured by pumping water into the keel,
while submersion at a given depth, provided the boat
was in motion, was to be attempted by means of two
inclined planes attached to the sides of the steering
rudder. The angle of these planes could be altered from
within, thus giving an upward or downward direction
to the boat. Motion on the surface he thought to obtain
by a fan-shaped sail which, with the supporting mast,
could be folded down to the deck and then, preparatory
to submersion, covered with envelopes like the wings of
a fly. Fulton estimated that he could work the boat
with a crew of three men.
The offensive feature of the design consisted first of
a vertical spike attached to the top of the observer's
dome. In the spike was an eye through which passed
a cord leading through a stuffing box to a winding spool
in the forward end of the boat. The second part was
a torpedo attached to the other end of the cord. In
action the Nautilus would be placed directly beneath
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FULTON'S FIRST SUBMARINE 27
the hull of an enemy vessel, the spike being in contact
with the bottom planking. As one end of the spike pro-
jected into the observer's dome, a blow on that end
would drive the upper end, which was sharp and detach-
able, into the ship's timbers. Then the Nautilus was
to move forward leaving the spike sticking in the ship.
As she moved forward, the torpedo would trail behind,
but as the cord passed through the eye in the spike, the
torpedo would soon be brought into contact with the
hull, when the shock would fire the discharge. In the
meanwhile, enough cord would have been paid out to
permit the Nautilus to have attained a safe distance.
The Commission to whom the design was submitted
found in its favor, except as to the sail arrangement,
which they pointed out had the larger part of its area too
far aloft, and that consequently the boat would lack
stability under a strong wind. A translation of the Com-
mission's conclusion is as follows:
The Minister of the Marine and Colonies is therefore requested
to give to Citizen Fulton the authorization and necessary means
to construct the machine of which he has submitted a model.
There is no doubt that with the same wisdom that has been put
into its conception, and the refinement and solidity of the various
mechanisms comprising the whole, that he who has supervised
the execution of this interesting model will be able to construct
the full sized machine in a manner equally ingenious and that the
new ideas that he will have obtained from study and experience
will but lead to its perfecting.
Though the design of the Nautilus fell far short of
that of a modern submarine, nevertheless, it was so far
ahead of anything previously accomplished or sug-
gested that it entitles Fulton to be credited with being
the first to propose a type of vessel capable of plunging
and being navigated beneath the surface of the water.
That his plans gave promise of this accomplishment
was recognized by the examining commission in their
28 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
report, a report that gave Fulton great encouragement
for further action. Delpeuch in his book on submarines
states that in consequence of this favorable ofi&cial
approval :
Fulton submitted to the Minister on the 27 Vendemiaire
an VI (October 17, 1798) a new project of the Company which
was similar to those previously proposed except in the following
articles :
1. That the Government should pay immediately on the
receipt of news of the destruction of an EngUsh ship of the
line, 500,000 francs, with which sum he engaged to build a
squadron of 10 Nautilus to be used against the English fleets.
2. That the Government was to pay him or his assigns the
sum of 100 francs for each pound of calibre of the guns of
English ships destroyed or put out of action by the Nautilus
during the war, that is to say, for a 5 pounder gun 500 francs,
or for a 10 pounder, 1000 francs.
In spite of the favorable report by the investigating
Commission and of the financial terms offered by Fulton,
which were certainly liberal as they were entirely con-
tingent on success, Fulton's proposals were again
rejected.
He then went to Holland, but obtained no more en-
couragement from the Dutch Government than from the
French. Hearing that Bonaparte had been named First
Consul, he hurriedly returned to Paris. On the 13
Vendemiaire, an XI (October 6, 1800), he wrote to the
Minister of Marine again proposing the consideration
of the Nautilus. Attached to this letter was a memorial
entitled, " Observations sur les Effets Moreaux du
Nautile." This memorial was written in French, and
is preserved in the Archives Nationales and is quoted
at length by E. L. Pesce in '' Navigation Sous-Marine.'*
The plaint as to delay with which he began he re-
peated in varying form until finally in 1806, he aban-
doned all European negotiations and returned to
America. The portion of the memorial that gives his
FULTON'S FIRST SUBMARINE 29
political reasoning is at the present time the most in-
teresting, especially as the German Admiralty held
almost precisely the same views with respect to the effect
that submarines would have on the British Empire
during the recent war. Fulton's severe restrictions on
the British navy and his lauding of the submarine as
an instrument for true " liberty and peace " sound much
like communiques emanating from Berlin during 1914-
1918. As we will see, Fulton recognized later that his
description of the criminal character of the British was
at least inaccurate when in very similar language he
pointed out how it could and should destroy the naval
power of France.
The Memorial reads in part as follows : '
Citizen Minister
It is now twenty months since I presented for the first time
the plan for my Nautilus to ex-Director La Reveillere Lepaux.
He presented it to the Directory who ordered that it be for-
warded to Minister of Marine Pleville, and finally it was turned
down after five months of discussion.
Taken up again under the administration of Citizen Bruix,
it had the same fate after about four months of waiting. A
reception so little favorable on the part of the first magistrates
of France, whose duty it is to encourage discoveries tending
to spread liberty and to estabUsh harmony among nations,
1 Citoyen Ministre
II y a maintenant vingt mois que je presentai pour la premiere fois le plan
de mon Nautile a I'Ex-Directeur La Reveillere Lepaux; il le presenta au
Directoire qui eu ordonna le renvoi au Ministre de la Marine Pleville, et enfin
il fut rejete apres cinq mois de discussions. Reproduit sous I'administration
du citoyen Bruix, il eut le meme sort apres environ quatre mois d'attente, un
accueil si peu favorable de la part des premiers magistrats de la France, dont le
devoir est d'encourager les decouvertes tendantes a propager la Liberte et a
etablir I'harmonie entre les nations, me prouve qu'ils s'etaient fait une idee
fausee des efTets tant phisiques que moraux de cette Machine.
Voyons d'abord quels seraient pour la France les effets immediats du
Nautile. La perte du premier Batiment anglais qui serait detruit par un
moyen extraordinaire, jeterroit le Gouvemement Britannique dans le dernier
30 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
proves to me that it was considered with a false idea of the
physical as well as the moral effects of this machine.
Let us see first what would be for France the immediate
effects of the Nautilus. The loss of the first English ship
destroyed by extraordinary means would throw the English
Government into utter embarrassment. It would realize that
its whole navy could be destroyed by the same means, and by
the same means it would be possible to blockade the Thames
and to cut off the whole commerce of London. Under such
circumstances what would the consternation be in England?
How would Pitt then be able to support the allied powers?
The result would be that deprived of Pitt's guineas, the coali-
tion would vanish and France thus delivered from its numerous
enemies would be able to work without obstacle for the
strengthening of its liberty and for peace.
After having thus shown the happy effects that would follow
immediately a success by the Nautilus, I pass to the objec-
tions, quite as commonplace as they are lacking in philosophy,
that have been raised against this machine. I will show below
embarras; il sentiroit que par le merae moyen on pourroit detruire toute sa
marine; que par le meme moyen il seroit possible de bloquer la Tamise et de
couper tout le commerce de Londres. Quelle seroit, dans de pareilles cir-
constances, la consternation de I'Angleterre? Comment Pitt soudoyeroit-il alors
les puissances coalisees? It en resulteroit que, privee des guinees de Pitt, la
Coalition s'evanouiroit, et que la France, ainsi delivree de ses nombreux en-
nemis, pourrait travailler sans obstacle a Taffermissem' de sa liberte et a la paix.
Aprea avoir ainsi montre les heureux effets qui resulteroient immediatement
du succes du Nautile, je passe aux objections aussi vulgaires que peu philoso-
phiques, elevees contre cette machine. Je ferai voir ensuite comment le Nautile
pent contribuer a propager la veritable Liberte et a etablir I'harmonie entre
les peuples.
La premiere objection est que si la France se servoit du Nautile contre
I'Angleterre, I'Angleterre pourroit egalement eu faire usage contre la France;
mais il ne me paroit nullement vraisemblable que les Anglais s'en servent contre
FULTON'S FIRST SUBMARINE 31
how the Nautilus can further real liberty and establish harmony
among peoples.
The first objection is that if France should make use of the
Nautilus against England, England would be equally able to
make use of it against France. But it does not seem to me
any way likely that the English would make use of it against
France because before they could become acquainted with the
mechanism, France would be able to blockade the Thames and
cut off commerce from London and thus reduce the cabinet of
St. James to terms of the most complete submission.
la France, car avant qu'ils en connussent la mecanique, la France pourroit,
comme je I'ai dit, bloquer la Tamise, couper le commerce de Londres et reduire
par la le cabinet de St. James aux termes de la plus entiere soumission ;
C'est la force navale de I'Angleterre qui est la source des horreurs incalcu-
lables qui se commettent joumellement; c'est la marine anglaise qui soutient le
gouvemement anglais, et c'est ce gouvemement qui, par ces intrigues, a ete la
cause des deux tiers des crimes qui ont signale le cours de la revolution.
Si par le moyen du Nautile on reussissoit a detruire la marine anglaise, on
pourroit, avec une flotte de Nautiles, bloquer la Tamise, jusqu'a ce que
I'Angleterre fut republicanisee ; bientot I'Irelande secoueroit le joug et la
monarchic anglaise seroit aneantie. Une nation riche et industrieuse viendroit
ainsi augumenter le nombre des republiques de I'Europe, et ce seroit avoir fait
un pas immense vers la liberte et la paix universelle.
Si I'Angleterre adoptait le gouvemement republicain, je ne doute pas que la
France et elle n'ensevelissent dans I'oubli ces vieilles haines et cette fatale
rivalite fomentees par la stupide aristocratie. Les deux Republiques se traite-
roient en soeurs, donneroient a leur commerce respectif une entiere liberte et,
dans ce cas, n'auroient besoin, ni I'une ni I'autre de marine militaire; ainsi
I'amitie, malgre le prejuge vulgaire, uniroit deux grands peuples, et I'humanite
respireroit.
De legeres circonstances produisent souvent de grands changemens dans les
operations des hommes. La Boussole a donne au commerce une extension sans
bomes et a multiplie les lumieres; I'invention de la poudre a change tout I'art
de la guerre, sans en dimineur les horreurs. J'espere que le Nautile non seule-
ment detruira les marines militaires, mais en brisant ces instrumens destructeurs
dans les mains de I'aristocratie, servira la cause de la liberte et de la paix.
Je vous ai presente ici, d'une maniere claire et impartiale une partie de sea
heureux effets, et je suis loin de me faire aucun merite de I'avoir imagine le
premier. L'idee pouvoit en venir a tout autre ingenieur qui cherche avec
autant d'ardeur que moi a faire triompher la cause de I'humanite.
32 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
It is the naval force of England that is the source of all the
incalculable horrors that are committed daily. It is the
English navy which supports the English Government, and it
is that Government which by its intrigues has been the cause
of two-thirds of the crimes that have marked the course of
the revolution.
If by means of the Nautilus one could succeed in destroying
the English navy, it would be possible with a fleet of Nautilus
to blockade the Thames to the end that England would become
a republic. Soon Ireland would throw off the yoke and the
English monarchy would be wiped out. A rich and industrious
nation would then increase the number of republics of Europe
and this would be a long step toward liberty and universal
peace.
If England should adopt a republican government, I do not
doubt that France and she would bury in oblivion the old hates
and that fatal rivalry fomented by the stupid aristocracy, and
the two republics would treat each other as sisters and would
give to their respective commerce complete freedom, and in
this case neither one nor the other would have need of a mili-
tary marine. Then friendship in spite of common opinion
would unite these two great peoples and humanity would
breathe freely.
Small circumstances often produce changes in the affairs of
men. The mariners' compass has given to commerce an ex-
tension without limits and has multiplied its knowledge. The
invention of gunpowder has changed the whole art of war
without diminishing its horrors. I hope that the Nautilus will
not only destroy military marines, but in breaking these de-
structive instruments in the hands of the aristocracy will serve
the cause of liberty and peace.
I have laid before you in a clear and impartial manner a
part of its happy effects and I am far from assuming any merit
of having imagined the first thought. The idea could have
come to any other engineer seeking with the same ardor that
I have to make the cause of humanity triumph.
At last success seemed to be in sight. Official lethargy
and resistance were overcome and permission was given
FULTON'S FIRST SUBMARINE 33
Fulton to build a Nautilus at Rouen, which he at once
commenced doing in the boat yard of the firm of Perrier.
From his model he made one important change, the
addition of a deck about 6 feet wide and 20 feet long,
enabling the crew to come out of the hull when not
submerged.
On July 24, 1800, the Nautilus was launched, and on
July 29, she made her first plunge in 25 feet of water.
The first submersion lasted 5 minutes, and the second,
17 minutes, the personnel consisting of Fulton and two
comxjanions. The swift river current interfered with
the manipulation of the boat to such an extent that
Fulton decided to make further tests in still, open water
at Havre.
Under date of 19th November, 1800, he wrote a long
letter to Messrs. Monge and Laplace giving an account
of results obtained. These gentlemen appear to have
been his loyal and enthusiastic friends through all his
efforts. When others failed, or his propositions were
refused by the authorities, they continued to support
him, and were always ready to imdertake to obtain a
new hearing.
Gaspard Monge, born 1746, died 1818, was a well-
known mathematician, particularly celebrated in the
field of descriptive geometry. He was an ardent revo-
lutionist, serving as Minister of Marine during 1792-3.
When Bonaparte came into power, Monge espoused his
cause and accompanied him to Italy.
Pierre Simon Laplace, afterward Marquis de Laplace,
was even more illustrious, being a mathematician and
astronomer of the highest distinction. His '' Mecanique
Celeste " whose exposition of the nebular hypothesis
gives it permanent rank among the masterpieces of
scientific reasoning, secured for its author the proud
position of President of the French Academy. Like
Monge he was a republican, and allied himself to Bona-
34 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
parte immediately on the latter becoming First Consul,
although in 1814, he voted for Napoleon's dethrone-
ment. At the time Fulton could have found no better
supporters than these two men of science, especially as
both enjoyed the personal friendship of Bonaparte.
From the above mentioned letter it appears that while
at Havre he carried the same crew as at Rouen, he now
had a lighted candle. On his early experiment he plunged
in darkness fearful that a light might seriously vitiate
the air. He now remained submerged in one test
six hours without inconvenience, during which time he
obtained some air through a tube with the open end
supported by a surface float that could not be seen
at a distance of 200 fathoms. While trying relative
speeds produced by two men rowing as against two men
working the screw, the former made the boat cover 60
fathoms in 7 minutes, while the latter propelled it the
same distance in 4 minutes. He reported that the
Archimedes screw and the horizontal rudder for depth
control did not satisfy him in point of efficiency. The
Bushnell screw was literally a full screw with several
turns as proposed by Archimedes twenty centuries
earlier to raise water. When Fulton found that a full
screw was not efficient, he proposed to replace it with
separate blades set at an angle similar to the sails of
a windmill. To this arrangement he gave the name of
*' Flier." The error of trying to use a full screw in
propeller design persisted for more than forty years after
Fulton had appreciated the lack of efficiency. Other
engineers for nearly two generations ignored Fulton's
experience and decision.
He then returned to Paris and elated by the success
of his experiments, which certainly justified elation, he
again drew up new proposals in which he offered to
accept whatever remuneration the government would
give, so great was his confidence. These proposals his
FULTON'S FIRST SUBMARINE 35
friend Monge laid before the First Consul with whom
Monge was on terms of intimacy and whose interest
Fulton had so long desired to obtain. The First Consul
forwarded Fulton's letter to the Minister of Marine on
27 November, 1800, with the following marginal note:
Je prie le Ministre de la Marine de me faire connaitre ce
qu'il sait sur les pro jets du capitaine Fulton.
Bonaparte.
A few days later Monge and Laplace presented Fulton
to Napoleon Bonaparte, First Consul, urging the latter
to make an allowance of 60,000 francs for further
experiments.
What a dramatic moment when the two men of science
presented the young American to the still younger
Frenchman! A moment heavy with destiny, because
the fates of nations were trembling in the balance, await-
ing the decision. But no one of the four understood the
importance of the conference, not even he who had most
at stake. The central figure was the young Corsican
artillery officer whose guns had swept the remnants of
the French Revolution from the streets of Paris only
five years before, then a man almost unknown, but now
First Consul and Dictator of France. The successes of
Lodi, the Pyramids and Marengo were still fresh in his
mind and were beckoning him on to other conquests.
Almost within his grasp was the crown of empire, plans
to seize which he was even then maturing. In his eyes
there stretched before him a path through conquest and
glory, — but leading where ? As he then saw the path
in his imagination it led to absolute world domination
with the great and little powers of Europe vassals of
France.
The beginning of the path as he saw it with all its
magnificence he had already found. It lay over the
glittering heights of Austerlitz, Jena, Friedland and
36 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Wagram. Across it there was only one obstacle to pre-
vent his reaching the culmination of his ambition, and
that obstacle was England's navy. Unless that could
be removed, he would be forced to turn from the path
over the heights and pass down into the valley of
Borodino, Leipzig and Waterloo to the island prison of
St. Helena. In boundless confidence in his destiny and
in his own power to control it, he saw not the obstacle;
or if he did, there was no doubt in his mind that he
himself could remove it. Already he was all powerful
on land, and he dreamed of being all powerful on sea.
It is not difficult to picture the dictator, supreme in
his arrogance, facing the American, who was actually
offering him the only chance there was to surmount the
obstacle. Bonaparte had already learned who he was,
a foreigner with few friends and no money, an unsuc-
cessful artist in England, and an engineer in France
without practise, a dreamer and inventor. Hardly the
type of man to appeal to one who had already resolved
to be an Emperor.
With what means did this inventor propose to attack
those great masses of oak with their towering sides, with
row on row of guns and great spreads of canvas? A
tiny boat propelled by two men by hand, that would
meet the enemy, not as Bonaparte would meet him by
an attack in force, but by stealth, unseen and beneath
the surface of the sea! As Bonaparte looked at his
visitor he could not see the valley of Waterloo and St.
Helena. Nor could he possibly imagine that long before
that f atef id June day of 1815, when the silence of the guns
on the slope of Mt. St. Jean would mark the end of
his career, the man who had been rash enough to seek
the audience would have given to the world a vessel
whose motive power would defy that of wind and that
he would have designed a ship of war more powerful than
any ship that sailed under the command of Nelson.
FULTON'S FIRST SUBMARINE 37
The tiny boat that was offered him was far from being
a perfected machine, but even as it was it presented
sufficient potentiality to strike terror to England's navy
as Fulton had prophesied in his Memorial. If Living-
ston with such limited means as he possessed could de-
velop Fulton's ideas into practical reality, how much
sooner could the same result have been attained through
the resources of a great government?
Fulton offered to Bonaparte world dominion.
Bonaparte listened and took the offer under con-
sideration.
While waiting Bonaparte's answer and apparently
while Admiral Decres, Minister of Marine, still had the
matter under investigation in accordance with Bona-
parte's instructions, Fulton wrote the Minister under
date of 3rd December, 1800, saying among other things : ^
You will permit me to observe that although I have the
highest respect for you and the other members of the Govern-
ment, and although I retain the most ardent desire to see the
English Government beaten, nevertheless the cold and dis-
couraging manner with which all my exertions have been treated
during the past three years will compel me to abandon the
enterprise in France if I am not received in a more friendly
and liberal manner.
It is interesting to note that this is the only letter in
French that has been found in the government archives
written wholly in the handwriting of Fulton himself.
The other letters in the possession of the French Govern-
ment that are written in French were written bv his
ft/
secretary and signed by him.
Fulton's wise and diplomatic friends. Barlow, Monge
1 Vous me permettrez d'observer, que quoique j'ai le plus haut respect
pour vous et les autres membres du gouvemement, et quoique je conserve le
plus ardent desir de voir abattre la marine Anglaise, cependant la maniere
froide et decourageante dans laquelle toutes mes exertions ont ete traitees
depuis trois ans, me forcent a abandonner Tenterprise en France, si on ne
I'accueille pas d'une maniere plus amicale et liberale.
38 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
and Laplace, must have been absent when the above tact-
less lines were penned. That they were the actual hand-
work of Fulton himself would seem to indicate that he
was actuated by a momentary burst of impatience, and
that in his haste to give vent to his feelings, he did not
wait for his secretary to write the letter in French.
What was in consequence almost inevitable, happened.
Admiral Decres, as Minister of Marine, reported ad-
versely on Fulton's plans. Fulton's letter, of course, had
not served to overcome the settled objection of a sailor
to mechanical innovation.
Chapter IV
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE
Nautilus reconstructed and tested at Brest (1801). Reports to
Monge, Laplace and Volney. Great expectations. Final rejection
(1802). Partnership with Robert R. Livingston. Work begun on
steamboat. British Admiralty aware of his submarine accomplish-
ment. Induced to return to England (May, 1804).
The always faithful Monge and Laplace came once
more to the aid of their temperamental friend. They
personally intervened with the First Consul, and actu-
ally succeeded in persuading him to authorize the re-
construction of the Nautilus in spite of the adverse
professional opinion of the Minister. He appointed a
new commission to investigate, naming MM. Monge,
Laplace and Volney. The last, unlike the first two, was
not a scientist. He was an eminent scholar, a great
traveller and member of the Institute. He had visited
the United States five years previously and had written
a book on its climate and soil. He narrowly escaped
the guillotine, was created a count under the Empire,
and a peer of France after the restoration. He died
in 1820.
With the encouragement induced by the naming of
this friendly commission, Fulton at once began his task.
The Nautilus was transported from Havre to Brest and
there refitted with the alterations and imi3rovements
that occurred to Fulton as the result of the Havre ex-
periments. On July 3rd, 1801, he made his first plunge
at Brest in his improved boat. This time he was
accompanied by three men instead of two as on the
previous occasions.
39
40 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
An account of what he did at Brest is preserved in a
manuscript copy of a report that he made to the com-
missioners. This report was published by Mrs. Sutcliffe
in her book on the " Clermont," but it is so graphic
that with Mrs. Sutclift'e's consent it is reprinted in full
exactly as Fulton wrote it :
Paris 22*^, fructidore An 9
Robert Fulton to the citizens Monge, La Place and Volney,
members of the National Institute, and Commissioners
appointed by the first Consul to promote the invention of
Submarine Navigation —
Citizens, yesterday on my return from brest I received your
note, and will with pleasure communicate to you the result of
my experiments, during the summer, also the mode which I
conceive the most effectual for using my invention against the
enemy. Before I left Paris I informed you that my plunging
boat had many imperfections, natural to the first machine of
so difficult a combination, added to this I found she had been
much injured by the rust during the winter in consequence
of having in many places used Iron bolts and arbours instead
of copper or brass, the reperation of those defects and the
difficulty of finding workmen consumed near two months And
although the machine remained still extremely imperfect yet
she has answered to prove every necessary experiment In the
most satisfactory manner.
On the 3d of thermidor I commenced my experiments by
plunging to the depth of 5 then 10 then 15 and so on to 25
feet but not to a greater depth than 25 feet as I did not con-
ceive the Machine Sufficiently Strong to bear the Pressure of
a Greater column of water, At this depth I remained one hour
with my three companions and two candles burning without
experiancing the least inconvenience.
Previous to my leaving Paris I gave to the Cn. Gueyton
member of the Institute a calculation on the number of cube
feet In my boat which is about 212 in Such a Volume of Air
he calculated there would be sufficient Oxszine to nourish 4
Men and two small candles 3 hours. Seeing that it would be
of great Improvement to despence with the candles I have con-
structed a Small window in the upper part of the Boat near
the bow which window Is only one inch and a half diameter
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE 41
and of Glass 9 lines thick, with this prepared I descended on
the 5th of thermidor to the depth of between 24 and 25 feet
at which depth I had Sufifecient light to count the minuets
on the Watch, hence I conclude that 3 or 4 Such windows
arranged in different parts of the boat would give suffecient
light for any operation during the day each window may be
Guarded by a Valve in Such a manner that Should the glass
break the Valve would immediately Shut and Stop out the
Water, finding that I had air and light Suffecient and that I
could Plunge and Rise perpendicular with facility. On the
7th Ther*^ I commenced the experiments on her movements
At 10 in the Morning I raised her anchor And hoisted her
Sails which are the Mainsail and Gib the breeze being light
I could not at the Utmost make more than about two thirds
of a league per hour. I tacked and retacked tryed her before
and by the wind And in all these operations found her to
Answer the helm And Act like a common dul Sailing boat,
After exersising thus About An hour I lowered the mast and
Sails and commenced the operation of Plunging this required
about two Minuets. I then placed two men at the engine
which gives the Rectileniar Motion, And one At the helm,
while I governed the machine which keeps her ballanced be-
tween two waters. With the bathomater before me And with
one hand I found I could keep her at any depth I thought
Proper the men then commenced movement and continued
about 7 Minuets when mounting to the Serface I found we
had gained 400 Matres. I again plunged turned her round
under water and returned to near the Same place. I again
plunged And tried her movements to the right and left, in all
of which the helm answered And the compass acted the same
as if on the serface of the Water having continued these ex-
periments the 8, 9, 10 and 12th untill I became fameliar with
the movements And confidence in their operation, I turned
my thoughts to Increasing or preserving the Air, for this pur-
pose the On. Gueyton advised to precipitate the carbonic acid
with lime, or to take with me bottles of Oxizine which might
be uncorked as need required; but as any considerable quantity
of bottles would take up to much room. And as oxizine could
not be created at Sea without a Chymical operation which
would be Very Inconvenient, I adopted a mode which occured
to me 18 months ago which is a Simple Globe or bombe of
copper capable of containing one cube foot to (Manuscript is
42 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
torn here) A Pneumatick Pump by means of which Pump 200
Atmospheres or 200 cube feet of common Air may be forced
Into a Bomb consequently the Bomb or reservoir will contain
As much oxegine or Vital air as 200 cube feet of common
respirable Air, hence if according to Cn. Gueyton's Calculation
212 feet which is the Volume of the boat will nourish 4 Men
and two small candles 3 hours this additional reservoir will give
Suffecient for 6 hours — this Reservoir is constructed with a
measure and two cocks So as to let measures of Air Into the
Boat as Need may require —
Previous to my leaving Paris I gave orders for this machine
but it did not arrive till the 18 of thermidore on the 19 I or-
dered 2 Men to fill it which was an operation of about one
hour I then put It into the boat and with my three com-
panions but without candles plunged to the depth of about
5 feet, At the expiration of one hour and 40 Minuets I began
to let off Measures of air from the reservoir and So on from
time to time for 4 hours 20 Minuets without experiancing any
Inconvenience —
Having thus succeeded
To Sail like a common Boat
To obtain Air And light
To Plunge and rise Perpendicelar
To turn to the right and left at pleasure
To steer by the Compass under Water
To renew the Common Volume of Air with facility
And to Augment the respirable air by a reservoir, which may
be obtained at all times, I conceived every experiment of im-
portance, to be proved in the most satisfactory manner hence I
Quit the experiments on the Boat to try those of the Bomb
Submarine. It is this bomb which is the Engine of destruc-
tion the Plunging boat is only for the purpose of carrying the
bomb to where it may be used to Advantage. They are con-
structed of Copper and of different sizes to contain from 10
to 200 Pounds of powder each bomb is arranged with a Gun
lock In Such a manner that if it Strikes a Vessel or the Vessel
Runs against it, the explosion will take place and the bottom
of the Vessel be Blown in or so Shattered as to insure her
destruction. To prove this Experiment the Prefet Maritime,
And Admiral Vellaret ordered a Small Sloop of About 40 feet
long to be anchored in the Road, on the 23d of Thermidor
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE 43
With a bomb containing about 20 Pounds of powder I ad-
vanced to within about 200 Matres then taking my direction
So as to pass near the Sloop I Struck her with the bomb in
my Passage the explosion took Place and the Sloop was torn
into Atoms, in fact nothing was left but the buye and cable,
And the concussion was so Great that a Column of Water
Smoak and fibres of the Sloop was cast from 80 to 100 feet
in Air, this Simple Experiment at once Proved the effect of
the Bomb Submarine to the Satisfaction of all the Spectators;
of this experiment you will See Admiral Villarets description
in a letter to the Minister of Marine —
Having Given in a Short Sketch of the Sucession of my Ex-
periments, the mode of using these inventions Against the
enemy is now to be considered, on this Point time and ex-
perience will make numerous improvements As in all other
new inventions and discover modes of operation which could
not possibly accur to me; when Powder was Invented Its In-
finite applications were not thought of, nor did the Inventors
of the Steam Engine conceive the numerous purposes to which
It could be applied, in like manner it is Impossible At present
to See the Various modes, or the best methods of Using a
plunging boat or the bomb Submarine —
But as far as I have Reflected on this point I conceive the
best operation to be as follows —
First
To construct one or two Good Plunging Boats each 36 feet
long and 12 feet wide Boats of this capacity would be Suf-
ficient to contain 8 Men and Air for 8 hours. With Provisions
for (paper is torn here) and transport from 25 to 30 Bombs
at a time, their Cylenders Should be Brass and of a Strength
to admit of descending 60 or 80 feet under Water in case of
need And they may be Constructed to Sail from 5 to 7 Miles
per hour; here it may be well too proove that Quick SaiUng is
not one of the most important considerations in this inven-
tion, if such a boat is Pursued, She plunges under water and
as She Can remain under Water from 4 to 8 hours and Make
at least one Mile Per hour She Could rise Several miles from
the Place where She Plunged to renew her air, thus the enemies
Ports could be approached, And particularly under the cover
of the Night Nor do I at Present See that any Possible Vigil-
44 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
ence could Prevent these invisible engines entering their Ports
and Returning at Pleasure —
Second
Let there also be Some hundreds of Bombs Submarine Con-
structed of Which there Are two Sorts one arranged with Clock-
work in Such a manner as to Go off at any Given Period from
4 Minuets to 4 hours, the Other with a gun Lock as before
mentioned So as to go off when it Strikes against a Vessel or
when a Vessel runs Against it. Each of these carcasses is
arranged So as to float from 4 to 15 feet under water in Pro-
portion to the Water which the Vessels to be attacked Draws,
And in this there are two advantages, the first is that the
bomb is Invisible, the Second is that when the explosion takes
place under water the Pressure of the colume of water to be
removed forces the whole action of the powder Against the
Vessel: it was the resistance of the water which caused the
Sloop on which I proved the experiment to be reduced to
Atoms; for Water when Struck Quick such as the Stroke of
a cannon ball or the expansion of Powder acts like a Solid,
and hence the whole force was Spent on the Sloop or rather
passed through the Sloop in finding its Passage to the air by
the perpendicular and Shortest line of Resistance — the Same
effect would no doubt be produced on a Vessel of Any dimen-
sions by applying a Proportionate Quantity of powder Such
as 2, 3 or 4 hundred Weight,
Therefore being prepared with plunging boats and Bombs
submarine let the business of the boats be to go with cargoes
of bombs and let them loos withe the current into the harbours
of Portsmouth, Plymouth, Torbey or elsewhere, those with their
graplings floating under water could not be perceived Some
would hook in the cables, bow or Stern, or touch in their
Passage; many no doubt would miss but Some would hit go
off and destroy the Vessels they touched, one or more Vessels
Destroyed in a Port by such invisible agents would render
it to dangerous to Admit of any Vessel remaining. And thus
the enemy may At all times be attacked in their own Ports —
and by a means at once cheap, Simple And I conceive certain
in its operation. Another mode Should be to go with cargoes
of Bombs and Anchor them in the entrance of rivers So as to
cut off or Blockade the commerce 2 or 3 hundred for example
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE 45
Anchored in the Thames or the channels leading to the Thames
would completely destroy the commerce of that river and Re-
duce London and the Cabinet of St. Jameses to any tirms;
no Pilot could Steer clear of Such hidden dangers, no one dare
to raise them even if hooked by graplings as they could not
tell the moment they Might touch the Secret Spring which
would cause the explosion and destruction of everything
Around them. No Vessel could Pass without the utmost
danger of running on one of them And her instant destruc-
tion, if this measure Should ever become necessary Some Vessels
Will most certainly be destroyed and their Destruction alarm
the whole commerce of the Thames, by this means the Thames
may be blockaded and the trade of London completely stoped
nor can the combined fleets of England prevent this Kind of
attack — And this is Perhaps the most Simple and certain
means of convincing England that Science can put her her in
the Power of France and of compelling her to become a humble
Pleader for the liberty of the Seas She now denies to her
Neighbors — I therefore conceive that it will be good Policy
to commence as Soon as Possible the construction of the Boats
and bombs if they can be finished before the arrival of Peace
their effects may be Proved during this War Should Peace be
concluded before they are finished the experiments can be con-
tinued Men can be exersised in the use of the engines; And
it is Probable in a few years England will See it her best policy
never to give france reason to exersise this invention against
her — if England cannot prevent the Blockade of the Thames
by the means of plunging boats and Bombs submarine, of what
use will be her boasted navy, the free Navigation of the Thames
nourishes the immense commerce of London And the commerce
of London is the Nerves and Vitals of the Cabinet of St. Jameses
— convince England that you have the means of Stopping that
Source of Riches — And She must Submit to your terms —
Thus Citizens I have presented you with a Short account
of my experiments and Plan for using this invention Against
the enemy, hoping that under your protection it will be carried
to Perfection, and Practised to promote the Liberty of
the Seas —
Health and Sincere Respect
Robert Fulton
46 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
After reading the above, the commissioners desired
further information which Fulton gave in the following
letter :
" Complimentary day an 9
(i.e. September 20, 1801)
Robert Fulton to the Citizens Monge, La Place and Volney
members of the National Institute and Commissioners appointed
by the first Consul to Promote the invention of Submarine
Navigation.
Citizens this morning I received yours of the 2d Comp^ As
to the expence of Plunging boat, I believe when constructed
in the best manner with every improvement which experience
has Pointed out She cannot cost more than 80,000 Livers, the
bombs Submarine may be estimated at 80 Livers each on An
Average independent of the Powder.
I am Sorry that I had not earlyer information of the Consuls
desire to See the Plunging boat, when I finished my experi-
ments. She leaked Very much and being but an imperfect
engine I did not think her further useful hence I took her to
Pieces, Sold her Iron work lead and Cylenders and was neces-
sitated to break the greater part of her movements In taking
them to Pieces, So that nothing now remains which can give
an Idea of her Combination, but even had She been complete
I do not think She could have been brought round to Paris —
You will be so good as to excuse me to the Premier Consul,
when I refuse to exhibit my drawings to a committee of En-
gineers for this I have two reasons, the first is not to put it
in the Power of any one to explain the Principles or move-
ments least she Should Pass from one to another till they enemy
obtained information, the Second is that I consider this in-
vention as my Private Property the Perfectionment of which
will give to france incalculable advantages over her most
Powerful and Active enemy. And which invention I conceive
aught to Secure to me an ample Independence, that conse-
quently the Government Should Stipulate certain terms with
me before I proceed to further exphnation: the first Consul
is too Just and you know me too well to construe this Into an
Avericious disposition in me.
I have now laboured 3 years and at considerable expence to
Prove my experiments. And I find that a man who wishes
to Cultivate the useful Arts cannot make rapid Progress with-
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE 47
out Sufl5cient funds to put his Sucession of Ideas to immediate
Proof — And which Sufficiency I conceive this invention Should
Secure to me, You have intimated that the movements and
combination of So interesting an engine Should be confided
to trusty Persons least any accident Should happen to me,
this Precaution I took Previous to my departure from Paris
for my last experiment by Placing correct Drawings of the
machine and every improvement with their descriptions In the
hands of a friend So that any engineer capable of constructing
a Steam engine could make the Plunging Boat and Carcasses
or Bombs. You will therefore be so good as to beg of the first
consul to permit you to treat with me on this business, And
on this Point I hope there will not be much difficulty
Health and Sincere respect
(Signed) Robert Fulton
From the above letter it appears that Napoleon had
expressed a wish to inspect the Nautilus, which was pre-
vented by Fulton having destroyed her immediately
after the termination of the experiments. Had she been
saved what an intensely interesting exhibit she would
make today!
Fulton's haste in dismantling her is quite on a par
with his refusal to exhibit his drawings on the ground
that they were his private property. Apparently he
expected the French government to adopt his ideas on
his own statement of facts and unverified interpretation
of his experiments. In his impetuosity and lack of
judgment he could not see that he was defeating his own
purposes.
The Brest experiments not only repeated the success
shown at Havre, but gave evidence of improvements as
was recognized by the authorities. Their attitude is
perhaps shown by the Prefet Maritime at Brest who
after witnessing the tests was forced to approve the
Nautilus and all of Fulton's claims, but added, *' This
manner of making war against an enemy carries the
adverse criticism that the person using the device and
48 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
sinking with it would be lost. Certainly that is not a
death for military men." How little did the estimable
and high-minded pref et foresee the ruthless methods of
warfare to be employed in another century.
Delpeuch asks what were the reasons that prevented
use being made of the Nautilus or at least from trying
it, and in answering his own question says that it is a
mystery that has been impossible to clear away. There
was no mystery. All innovations, and perhaps particu-
larly so in connection with ships, have been forced on
the world against the opposition of those to be directly
benefited. It was so with Fulton's submarine, and
later with his steamboat. The change from side wheels
to propellers, the use of metal for hulls, the introduction
of watertight bulkheads and the elimination of sails
were all adopted only after long delay and strong an-
tagonism, due to the same official and unreasoning
opposition.
Realization of defeat came slowly to Fulton, and was
all the more bitter because it came so. He returned to
Paris from Brest elated by his success in demonstrating
the value of the improvements to his previous design.
He expected to be notified immediately that his offer
had been accepted. As the days passed without word
from Bonaparte, certainty of victory first gave way to
doubt, then doubt to hope, and finally hope was changed
to despair. In his impatience he wrote a personal letter
to Bonaparte. This letter dated 19 Fructidor an IX
(16 Sept., 1801) urging and begging favorable action is
still iDreserved in the Archives Nationales at Paris.
Bonaparte made no reply.
He had made up his mind to travel the road that led
to St. Helena. Although he gave Fulton no answer, it
is reported that he spoke of Fulton as being a charlatan
and a swindler, intent only on extorting money.
There is one piece of evidence showing that Bonaparte
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE 49
subsequently regretted his action and realized the value
that Fulton and his inventions might have been to him.
Desbriere in his book entitled " 1793-1805, Projets et
Tentatives de Debarquement aux lies Britanniques, "
quotes a letter written on July 21st to M. de Champagny,
at that time Counsellor of State in the Marine
department : ^
I have just read the proposition of Citizen Fulton that you
have sent to me much too late to permit it to change the face
of the world. However I desire that you will immediately refer
its examination to a commission composed of members chosen
from the different classes of the Institute. It is there that the
wisdom of Europe should seek judges to solve the problem in
question. As soon as the report is made it will be transmitted
to you and you will send it to me. Be sure that this will not
take more than a week.
Desbriere states that the year when this letter was
written is commonly put down as 1804. But he points
out that in July of that year Fulton was in England
and Champagny in Austria. The year was probably
1803, because in July, 1803, Fulton was exliibiting a
steam-propelled boat on the Seine, concerning which in-
novation an official of the Navy department would un-
doubtedly have informed the First Consul.
During the agonizing period of waiting for an answer
to his personal letter to Bonaparte, from which he had
the right to expect some acknowledgment at least in
view of the high standing of his introducers, Fulton
still hoped. But when he heard that Bonaparte had
characterized him as a swindler, he knew that all was
ended, and that the door to further progress in France
1 Je viens de lire la proposition du citoyen Fulton que vous m'avez adressee
beaucoup trop tard, en ce qu'elle pent changer la face du monde. Quoiqu'il en
soit, je desire que vous en confiiez immediatement I'examen a une commission
composee de membres choisis dans les differentes classes de I'lnstitut. C'est la
que I'Europe savante doit chercher des juges pour resoudre la question dont
il s'agit. Aussitot le rapport fait, il vous sera transmis et vous me I'enverrez.
Tachez que tout cela ne soit pas 1 'affaire de plus de huit jours.
50 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
had been shut and finally barred. This was something
much more to Fulton than a mere refusal of an inventor's
offer of an incomplete device. Such a refusal he could
have endured with courage and some equanimity. He
had gone through similar painful experiences with his
canal schemes and his various excavating machines.
Now he had to suffer that disappointment and in addi-
tion the still harder blow of having his altruistic offer
of service and his views on political philosophy rejected
with slanderous contempt to which he was powerless to
reply. His writings show that his heart was as much
set on his conception of liberty and freedom as on his
mechanical contrivances.
After his defeat, one that Fulton recognized as final
so far as France was concerned, he laid aside perma-
nently his long cherished plans for constructing small
canals, and temporarily his consideration of submarine
warfare, to devote his attention to the development of
a boat propelled by a steam engine. His only subse-
quent move to promote a system of canals coupled with
his scheme to overcome differences in elevations by in-
clined planes was in a letter to Albert Gallatin, dated
Washington, Dec. 8, 1807. Gallatin was then Secretary
of the Treasury of the United States and was about to
issue in pursuance of a resolution of the Senate a re-
port upon ** Public Roads and Canals. '' Fulton in his
long letter, that Gallatin made a part of his report,
urged the construction of canals in preference to high-
ways. Engrossed, however, in his steamboat to which,
following the rejection of the Nautilus, he had thrown
his impetuous energy, Fulton made no effort personally
to carry his canal plans into execution either in France
or the United States.
In 1801, Robert R. Livingston had arrived in France
as American Minister to the French Government. He
and Fulton met at the critical period in the latter 's
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE 51
career. The statesman, whose mind was sympathetic to
the consideration of mechanical applications, soon be-
came interested in his countryman's projects. Stimu-
lated by Livingston's personal encouragement and sup-
ported by his financial aid, Fulton pushed his studies
of a practical steam engine for navigation and entered
into correspondence with Messrs. Boulton and Watt,
then the most prominent builders of engines in England.
The junior member of this firm was the famous James
Watt (1736-1819), the discoverer of the principle that
power could be produced from the elastic energy of
steam, and the inventor of the steam condensing engine.
Livingston as an individual with his own limited re-
sources was about to accomplish in a few years a com-
plete revolution of vessel propulsion that Napoleon with
the almost unlimited resources of France could have
done in much less time, certainly in time to offset
England's sujDeriority on the high seas. Livingston with
greater vision seized the opportunity that Naj)oleon re-
jected. But with this we are not concerned.
While Fulton was working under Livingston's direc-
tion, the British Government was not unmindful of what
he had done in the matter of submarine experiments.
They had a secret service at work in enemy lands as
other governments have done before and since. In
England there were some men in authority who appre-
ciated the possibilities lying dormant in the scheme of
under-water attack.
In the British naval archives there has recently been
found the following letter with its enclosure, recording
the information possessed by the government and sent
confidentially to the naval commanders that they might
be on their guard against attack, if, perchance, any of
Fulton's boats should have been made secretly and un-
known to the British navy. The British authorities
did not deceive themselves, nor were they oblivious of the
52
ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
latent merits and actual accomplishments of Fulton's
design.
SECRET
CIRCULAR
Adml. Lord Keith
Sheemess.
Admiral Montagu/20th/
Portsmouth.
Rear Adml. Montagu
Downs.
Honbl. Adml. Cornwallis
/20th/ at Sea.
Adml. Sir Jno. Colpoys, K. B.
/20th/ Plymouth.
Admiralty Office,
19th June, 1803.
My Lord,
My Lords Commissioners of
the Admty. having been in-
formed that a plan has been
concerted by Mr. Fulton, an
American resident at Paris,
under the influence of the First
Consul of the French Republic,
for destroying the Maritime
Force of this Country; I am
commanded by their Lordships
to send you herewith the sub-
stance of the information they
have received relative thereto,
that you may be apprised there-
of, in order to your taking such
measures as may appear to you
necessary for frustrating any at-
tempt on the part of the Enemy,
connected therewith.
I have the Honour to be,
etc.
(Signed) Evan Nepean
(ENCLOSURE)
Mr. Fulton, an American resident at Paris, has constructed
a Vessel in which he has gone down to the bottom of the Water,
and has remained thereunder for the space of seven Hours, at
one time — that he has navigated the said Vessel, under water,
at the rate of two Miles and an half per Hour; that the said
sub-marine Vessel is uncommonly managable, and that the
whole plan to be effected by means thereof, may be easily
executed, and without much risk; That the Ships and Vessels
in the port of London are liable to be destroyed with ease,
and that the Channel of the River Thames may be ruined;
and that it has been proved that only twentyfive pounds of
weight of Gunpowder was sufficient to have dashed a Vessel
to pieces off Brest, tho' externally applied.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE 53
But Fulton contributed directly to the information
possessed by the British Government of what he had
been doing and what he had in mind. He himself states
that he wrote to his old friend the Earl of Stanhope
giving him " general ideas of my plans and experi-
ments." Stanhope became so much interested, or
'' alarmed," as Fulton puts it, that he made a public
speech on the matter in the House of Lords. The speech
by the Earl and the confidential information secured by
the Admiralty led the British authorities to open com-
munication with Fulton and finally, though without great
difficulty, to induce him to go to England. They saw
that it would be better to have the ingenious American
a friend on their side rather than attached to the enemy's
cause. But let Fulton tell this story in his own words
as given in the manuscript that he left with Consul
Lyman to be delivered to Mr. Barlow in the event of
his being lost on the voyage home. This paper will be
subsequently called the '' Descriptions " as named by
Fulton.
Chapter V
THE '^ DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS "
Motives for inventing submarine Navigation
and attack,
Statement of the causes which brought me to
England, reflections on the prospect of emolu-
ment held out to me by Lord Hawkesbury,
and again under the Contract with Mr. Pitt
and Lord Melville,
Statement of the Sums received and disbursed
by me.
Robert Fulton
Motive for inventing Submarine Navigation and attack.
Having contemplated the Federal government of the united
States; the Vast country comprised in them which gives room
for 120 Millions of inhabi tents; Seeing the rapid increase of
their population and consequently of their industry and com-
merce; A people without colonies and who did not desire to
have any; Without Enemies on their frontiers, and having
nothing to contend for but a rational intercourse with foreign
nations by sea; which intercourse would be interrupted on every
war which might take place between England and France or
between European nations; and cause Vexatious feuds and
parties in America, which might lead to marine and army
establishments, to alliences offensive and defensive with
European states, thereby direct the ambition of individuals to
Military fame and the people to warlike pursuits; and all their
complication of evils; which might finally divide the states,
and destroy a system which should progress as near as man is
capable, to the perfection of civilization.
I was to prevent the possibility of all such consequences;
by destroying the principles which lead to them; that induced
54
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MANUSCRIPT PAGES WITH FULTON'S SIGNATURE
THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 55
me at first to contemplate a plan which might destroy all
Military marines and give liberty to the seas; But I did not
hope to neutralize military marines by a confederation of mari-
time states; Henry the Fourt of France, and the Abbey St.
Pierre with all their influence endavoured in vain to preserve
peace in Europe by a confederation of States and a congress
[of st] to decide on grievances;
I therefore looked to the arts for efi'ecient means; and after
some months study found that only two things were wanting:
First to navigate under water, which I soon discovered was
within the limits of physics, Second to find an easy mode of
destroying a ship; which after a little time I discovered might
be done by the explosion of some pounds of powder under her
bottom; Being convinced of the practicability of two such en-
gines, I commenced drawings on their combinations; and cal-
culations on their power and effects; which occupied me near
nine months I then began my experiments first on a small and
then on a large scale; and in two years was so wellsatisfied
with my success and that everything which I had contemplated
might be performed; that I wrote to the Earl of Stanhope
and gave him general Ideas of my plan and experiments; His
Lordships mathematical mind soon opened to him the practi-
cability and ultimate consequences of such a System; he felt
alarmed and as we all know spoke of it in the house of Lords;
which excited much public curiosity And Some ridicule; on
the justice of which Gentlemen will now have the opportunity
of judging; however still anxious on a subject which his talents
gave him a facility to understand; he took the trouble about
the year 1803 to form a committe of Gentlemen to consider
the principles and powers of my inventions, and get all possible
information on the progress I had made, which committee I
believe made a report to the then Minister Lord Sydmouth;
whose attention was awakened to it; about this time May
1803 there was an english Gentleman in London who had known
me for some years in Paris; Dr. Grigory became acquainted
with him; had many conversations with him on my plan and
its consequences if carried into effect; the Dr. Communicated
what he had learned to Lord Sydmouth and it was agreed to
send the Gentleman to Paris to induce me to come to London;
when he communicated his mission to me, he said the British
Government wished to us my submarine Vessel against the
French fleets; I replied that in this there must be some mis-
56 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
take that it was neither the interest nor policy of the British
government to Introduce such a Vessel into practice; he Said
on consideration that might be true; but Ministers wished to
be fully acquainted with the properties of my inventions; and
wished me out of France and in England; that would I go
over and explain to them my engines I should be rewarded
in proportion to their Value ; I asked if he had any written proof
that such was their intention; he said no, that it was too dan-
gerous to carry letters on such a subject; but as a proof of
their liberality and the prospect which I had of being treated
in like manner; they had given him 800 £ to pay his expences
and mine in bringing me over; Knowing the Gentleman to be
a man of Integrity; I believed such might be the wish of
Ministers, Yet I would not move without some plan and written
proof of their intention. I therefore desired him to return with
the following proposals and if Ministers agreed to them I
would come over,
First, For leaving France and the pursuits which at present
occupy me, and for going to England I [demand] require the
sum of Ten thousand Pounds;
Second, On my arrival in London Government shall within
three weeks, mane a committe to examin the following prin-
ciples of submarine Navigation and attack;
First Principle
That a Submarine Vessel 35 feet long, 10 feet wide, an 8 feet
deep, capable of containing 6 persons, shall have the property
of sailing like an ordinary fishing Boat;
Second
That her capacity including her machinery shall be sufficient
to hold provisions for Six persons to continue at Sea for twenty
days ;
Third
That Six persons can enter such a vessel & descend in her
under water at pleasure,
Fourth
That the Six men can continue under water three hours with-
out renewing the air,
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MANUSCRIPT PAGE OF "DRAWINCiS & DESCRIPTIONS"
THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 57
Fifth
That to renew the air, it is not necessary the Vessel should
appear above water; but approaching the Surface two tubes
project, through one of which the mephitic air is discharged,
through the other fresh air is drawn into the Vessel, which
operation can be performed in 3 or 4 minuets, to continue
again three hours under water; in this manner a crew can con-
seal themselves under water during the day, on renewing the
air 4 times, hence might lie many days in the Neighbourhood
of an enemy unperceived,
Sixth
That the crew can raise her to the surface at pleasure hoist sail
and proceed on their [Voage] Voyage; as before descending;
Seventh
That where the water is not more than Sixty fathoms deep,
and the current not more than four miles an hour, she can cast
anchor and continue under water at any depth from one to fifty
feet ; that she will there remain as stationary as Vessels usually
are while anchored on the surface;
Eighth
That in open Sea where bottom is not saught, she can plunge
with safety and continue Under water while the air is respir-
able; but in this case she must drift with the tide like a vessel
which cannot anchor and has no wind,
Ninth
That in Still water and while under water, she can move for-
wards, or backwards, to the right or left, mount or descend at
pleasure ;
Tenth
That She is capable of carrying 30 Submarine bombs each con-
taining 100 pounds of powder
The preciding properties are all which are necessary, to a
plunging Vessel, such a vessel cannot be taken in consequence
of the ease with which she can hide under water during the
58 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
day, she can make her approaches [in the night] in the night
and must be considered as a masked [battery] Magazine which
can lie secure in the neighbourhood of an Enemy watch an
opportunity to deposit her cargo of Bombs and retire
unperceived.
Should the committee find the properties here specified within
the laws of physics, and by the ordinary course of improvement
reducable to simple practice, the investigation will there finish ;
but should it so happen that I cannot make the committee
feel these truths without Occular demonstration, I reserve to
myself the power of building a submarine Vessel, for which the
Government shall allow a sum not exceeding ten thousand
pounds; to be paid progressively as I may think proper to call
for it to proceed with the work,
Of the Submarine Bombs,
That a copper case containing from one hundred to three hun-
dred pounds of powder, coming into contact with the bottom
of a Ship of any size and explosion there taking place will
completely destroy her; that the machinery attached to such
Bomb is so contrived [to] as to cause explosion when the bomb
strikes the Vessel, or when the Vessel strikes the bomb; or at
any time desired from 4 minuets to 13 hours or, 8 days; If
the Committee are not to be convinced of this without experi-
ment and will appropriate any kind of Vessel I will blow her
up with a submarine bomb to give demonstration;
When the properties of the Submarine Vessel and Bombs
are demonstrated and admitted by the committe, a new suc-
cession of Ideas will of course result, it will be seen that England
may draw advantages from these inventions, or they may be
turned to the total destruction of the British marine; in either
Case it is of importance to the British Government to have the
entire command of Such engines to do with them as they may
think proper;
But as these inventions are the produce of my labours for
some years, I now consider them as rich gems drawn from the
mines of science and which I and my friends have a right to
convert to our own advantage and which I now offer for sale
to the British Government; For putting the Government in
full possession of all the combinations and movements of the
submarine Vessel; so that any Engineer of good talents can
THE ''DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 59
construct one, and navigate her; also for explaining the com-
binations of the submarine bomb, and the modes of attack
which time and experience will multiply and perfection; I
[demand] require the sum of one hundred thousand pounds
Sterling — ;
When the Gentleman departed with these proposals it was
agreed that I should go to Holland and wait his return, I did
so, and staid at Amsterdam three months; contrairy winds
prevented his arrival; I Abandoned the negotiation and re-
turned to Paris where he arrived in a few weeks with the
following letter from Lord Hawkesbury —
Sir:
Your proposals have been considered with that attention
which the merit of the invention deserves, you must well know
that it would be contrairy to Established rules to grant such
sums as you require, before your invention authenticated by
actuel experiment in presence of persons appointed by this
Government, in order that a fair opportunity may be granted
of appreciating its merit and adiquacy to the end proposed;
The responsibility attached to his Majesty's Ministers in their
official capacity renders it impossible for them to advance the
sums which you have required ; in the form pointed out by you ;
without exciting such public attention as must be equally un-
pleasant to you and His Majestys Ministers; if however you
have sufficient confidence in His Majestys Government to offer
them your invention, you may rely on being treated with the
utmost liberality and Generosity., Though this Government
and you, have every reason to be satisfied with the zeal and
activity with which your friend has conducted the business,
Yet a negotiation personally conducted would smoothe many
difficulties, and every facility and protection you can desire
shall be granted you.
And should you be disposed to accept Active employment
from the British government you may rely on the most liberal
treatment, proportioned to your efficient Service; —
This letter was brought in cipher; I Shortly after left Paris
and arrived in London on the 28 of April 1804, On My Arrival
Lord Sydmouth and Hawkesbury, were out of office and Mr.
Pitt was minister To him I proposed the terms before men-
60 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
tioned; But Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville instead of arranging
with me on the terms of my proposals; prefered making an
attack on the Enemy with part of my engines; and as a fair
prospect of emolument, at least equal if not superior to that
which I had expected; I was to recieve 200£ a month during
the time Government detained me on this business; and half
the Value of all vessels of an Enemy which might be destroyed
by my engines in 14 years; His Majestys Dockyard and ar-
senals were to furnish every necessary means to render my plan,
efficient; useful to the Nation and Consequently productive to
me; and on these principles a contract was entered into which
is inserted in the body of the arbitration Bond,
Here read the Bond and contract;
On drawing up this contract I foresaw that Ministers might
discover the bad policy of introducing the whole of my en-
gines into practice; and therefore would not organize it nor
exersise men to it so as to render it productive to me; and
this has proved to be the fact; Government may be said to
have abandoned this plan And it will be seen during the in-
vestigations that their true policy is to abandon it; if so, from
whence are my profits to arise, what is my interest in it with
this Governmt for 14 years, where is my emolument equivalent
to the sum of 100 thousand pounds mentioned in the proposals?
sent to Lord Hawkesbury.
Now Gentlemen I foresee before you enter into an examination
of my engines and their final consequences; that you must as
true friends to your country advise ministers [to] never to use
them, but to conseal them if possible from the world; it will
then become a consideration whether 40 thousand pounds is
a reasonable equivalent to me and my friends for abandoning
engines of such importance to this government to do with as
they may think proper, — and for ever giving up the prospect
of gain which was held out to me on coming to this country;
or which the contract presented; had my plans been organized
and carried into effect on System; But your powers are con-
fined within the limits of the arbitration bonds; whatever may
be your opinion you cannot exceed the sum of 40 thousand
pounds But from your report as men of science and calm
delibiration ; Ministers will be able to Judge of the reasonable,
hopes of the proprietors of these inventions and not only of
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THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 61
justice towards them, but of the real interest of the nation;
in now finally Setteling with me for the parties concerned;
No Man can in Justice Say that we have not a right to make
every possible profit of these inventions; And we have a right
to accept Mony, or to abandon mony for fame — or raise our
demands in proportion as time and new Idas develop the im-
portance of these discoveries; But I have the pleasure to say
that the gentlemen with whom I act, have never troubled me
with one ungenerous or illiberal wish to raise their demands,
they conceived these inventions worth at least the Value of one
first rate man of war or 100 thousand pounds; and they have
never deviated from this first proposal — on my part I Saw
that government could not grant any sum with propriety, unless
there was reasonable security given, that the proprietors would
never communicate the engines to any nation or persons to
the injury of the British marine; and there Is but one mode
of giving such security That is to bind these proprietors by
their own interest to keep the secret, I therefore Voluntarily
offered that should I be entitled to the 40 thousand pounds;
to receive one moiety in cash, and an annuity equal to the full
value of the other moiety; which annuity is to be forfeited
Should I be the means of Introducing My inventions into prac-
tice against the British marine; perhaps this is the Strongest
proof a man can give of his own sense of Justice and it Should
be a convincing proof of my confidence in my own power over
the fate of my inventions, and the good Opinion I have of the
integrity of my friends; but whatever may be done in this
business in capital or annuity; the annuity must depend on
my life as their names cannot appear, having so far stated
facts gentlemen will deliberately consider the engines the modes
of using them their ultimate consequences, the Interest of the
Nation, and a reasonable compensation to the proprietors;
The first consideration will probably be the accounts, of
which the following is a statement,
Of the Accounts,
The sums of money received and expended by me are as follows
1804 July 19 of Mr. Hammond 200
1804 [April] August 11th of Do 1500
£ 1700
62 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Article the Second of the contract states that 7000 £ shall be
allowed for Mechanical preperations, this was for the first ex-
periment; but after the attempt off Boulogne on the Second
of October 1804 where Lord Melville was present; he enter-
tained such hopes from the engines, that he and Mr. Pitt, then
at Walmer castle, ordered more Locks and large copper coffers
to be made; and for this purpose a further sum of 3000 £ was
about the month of November or December 1804 placed to my
order in the house of Missrs Davison and Co. At this time
Ministers were so well satisfied with the prospect of success
from my engines, and feeling the right which I had to a re-
muniration, for neglecting other pursuits and coming to this
country, and for the communication of my engines to them
that they granted me for my own use the Sum of Ten thousand
pounds; it will be seen by a letter from Mr. Davison to Mr.
Hammond, that this sum was also granted me to relieve me of
some pecuniary embarrassments and was considered by them
as a reward for past services ; not to be refunded should nothing
more be done or required, but to make part of any future sum
which might be awarded to me
Again on the 9th of October 1805 about the time Sir Sidney
Smith took the command off Boulogne; Lord Castlereagh
thought it right to have more locks. Bombs, Boats, and prepera-
tions made; and for this purpose Also to pay old accounts I
received of Sir Sidney Smith 4045£
Of Mr. Hammond first Sum 1700
Of Do Second Sum 7000
Of Do third Sum 3000
For my private Use 10000
25745£
By an error in Mr. Cutlers accounts he has refunded 1,000 £
to the treasurer of the navy, which leaves 24745 £ to be ac-
counted for, of this sum it will be seen by the bills and receipts
which were submitted to the commissioners of the Navy and
£ S P
passed by them that 11353.. 3.. 2 has been expended for
government uses And 13391. . 16. . 10 to my own use
First a remuniration 10,000
Second my salary from the 20th of July 1804 to the 20th
of August 1806 or 25 months at 200 £ a month 5,000
£ 15,000
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As my right to the Salary cannot as I conceive be questioned
for I have continued in this Country to get the decision of
ministers; and Should the 10 thousand pounds remuniration
be admitted Government will owe me on this Account
1,608. . 3. . 2, such are the sums received by me and the Gross
of their distribution the accounts wiU explain the details.
Robert Fulton
London august 10th 1806
Description of the drawings of the Submarine
Vessel, submarine bombs, and mode of Attack
Plate the first half an inch to a foot,
The incompressible part of this vessel in which the men are
when she descends under water, is composed of cast brass
cylenders 6 feet diameter and 6 feet long about one inch thick;
which will be of a strength to resist the pressure of more than
one hundred perpendicular feet of water; Three or more of
such cylenders may be screwed together at the flanges to make
a length of 18 or 24 feet; the ends forming a part of a sphere
to resist the pressure of the water in all directions; The dome
where the Men enter may be three feet diameter three feet
high; with a smaller dome on the lid through which observa-
tions may be made when raised a foot above the water:
The cylender and dome is placed in the body of an ordinary
shaped vessel ; and the water chambers for sinking will be round
the cylender as seen in plate the second;
In this place it will only be necessary to mention the dif-
ferent parts which compose a submarine Vessel, any person
acquainted with mechanics can trace their movements and uses,
A The bow anchor,
B The plunging flyers communicating by two angle wheels
to the insides;
C The bow cable, its windlass Slides backwards and forwards
on a square axis and lays the cable in regular coils;
D A small safety pump to drive the water out of the balancing
chest G; suppose this pump one inch diameter, a column of
water one inch diameter and 300 feet high would weigh about
64 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
150 pounds; hence one Man with a lever of three to one; could
work such a pump under a pressure of 300 feet and rendering
the Vessel lighter than her volume of water, could mount from
that or even a greater depth to the surface;
E and F a pipe and cock to let the water into the balancing
chest G;
G The balancing chest of a capacity to receive from three
to five hundred weight of water, when the outer chambers are
full, the Vessel being still from three to five hundred pounds
lighter than water; Water is then let into the balancing chest
correctly to such a weight that the flyers or plunging anchor
can hold her under water;
H A air pipe to let out the Mephitic air; there is a similar one
which extends to the stern, and enters a Ventilator Q by which
means the air may be renewed in the Vessel;
/ A movement to work the rudder while under water; on going
to plunge the man who steers must take the helm off, this
should always be his first act least he should forget it,
K The windlass of the plunging anchor sliding Hke that at
the bow;
/ The crank of the stern flyers; of the pumps, and of the
plunging anchor; all these movements to be performed at
pleasure by sliding the little wheels N and 0 in & our of gear;
P A screw movement to hoist the stern flyers out of gear;
and out of water when the vessel is under sail,
M The pumps to force the water out at the pipe R.
The mast descends the sail boom and mast are tied together
and made fast to the deck before the operation of plunging
commences.
Plate the Second one inch to a joot,
This exhibits a transeverse section A the Valve to let in the
the water which rises up to the deck B.B from which to the
upper deck all round the Vessel are chambers to hold sub-
marine bombs; which are placed in the chambers through trap
doors on deck; and which bombs being the weight of water
will in plunging displace their volume of water; and not add
to or deminish the weight of the Vessel; this is the best mode
of arranging the bombs for were they inside they would be
embarrassing and each one when taken out would require to
be replaced with its weight of water —
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THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 65
F The pipe to give air,
G The pipe to discharge the Mephitic air,
H.H Two air pipes to let the air out of the water chambers;
they mount to the highest part of the Vessel to let the air
in when the water is discharging; there should be at least
four of these pipes; two in the bow and two in the stern; they
may be lead from the stem along side and unite at /./ there
the two mounting pipes H.H will be suffecient, care must be
taken that the air can pass off with ease from all parts of the
water chambers, or they cannot fill, nor can the vessel be got
under water,
C The balancing chamber.
D The safety pump
E The discharging pipe
/ Is a valve to let the water go from the centre chamber to
•the two ends, but not return, by this means water may be
drawn from either end to balance the Vessel horizontal there
are four such Valves,
All the communications with the exterior have cocks as will
be seen in plate the third,
Plate the Third one inch to a foot,
Figure the first shews a section of the double forcing pumps
A and B too cocks to draw the water from the right and left
water chambers.
Figure the second a side View of the pumps A the pump B
the valve which lets the water pass into the body of the pump
C the valve which discharges the water by the cock and pipe
D by shutting all the cocks and screwing off the top plates
which cover the Valves they may be cleaned and put in order
though the vessel were under water. Near the pump the plung-
ing anchor F has a cock to stop the water in case the cable
should break £' is a screw on which the anchor cap rests while
the anchor is up and thus its weight is taken off the cable,
Figures the 3d and 4 represent a side and end view of the
Cable windlass and the mode of sliding on its axis.
Figure the 5th Shews the whole communications of the pump
tubes the great water chamber being divided into three parts,
it is necessary to drive water out from the middle or either
end at pleasure A A the pump seats B.B.B.B the four valve
chambers C the discharging tube through the bottom, D a
66 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
tube to draw water from the Balancing chest E.E to draw
water from the right and left middle chambers only one of these
are necessary as the water communicates by the Kelson to
both sides
F To draw water from the bow chambers,
G To draw water from the stern chambers,
H The seat of the plunging Anchor,
Plate the 4th
Figure the first drawn by a scale of one quarter of an inch
to a foot, Shews the incompressible part laid down in the
body of a boat, A and B the divisions which form the length
of the vessel into three water chambers, with the valve to let
the water from the middle chamber to the two ends; but not
return ; C is a passage for the water from one side to the other.
The other figures are of the real size, shewing the modes of
constructing the air pipes with cork valves to let in the air
and keep out the water;
Plate the 6th real Size
Figure the first shews the mode of placing the conic glass
windows with the stop cocks in case of accidents; Figure the
second the lid and cap of the dome; A head taking an ob-
servation through a window; this mode of making a window
conic renders it as strong as the surrounding brass, as relates
to the pressure of the water, a stroke only can break them;
Figure the third is a Bathomater, to shew the depth under
water.
Plate the 6
This is an addition to the dome more curious than useful;
it is a mode of sending up a note and bringing down an answer
while the Vessel is under water, Figure the first A is a cock
with the cavity B in which there is a small reel; C the handle
of which runs to D. . . . ^ is a piece of Cork, the note is to
be written on a piece of parchment, tied round the cork or
put into it, the cock is them turned by the handle F to face
the opening G; the reel is then turned off and the cork mounts
to the surface attached to a small silk line, when the answer
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THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 67
is fixed to the cork the man below wind it down into the cock
which being turned towards the inside of the Vessel the answer
may be taken out.
Figure the second is an end View.
Figure the Third shews a man operating & the cork mounting,
this may be useful in making experiments;
Plate the Seventh one quarter oj an inch to a foot
This shews the submarine vessel under sail and at anchor
under water with her plunging anchor out,
These seven drawings with this discription will enable any
able mechanician to construct and perform the experiments
of a submarine Vessel; It is not intended that she should
go under or near the vessels which are to be attacked, her
use is to enable the weaker maritime nations to attack the
stronger without being detected or interrupted in their opera-
tions, hence She is contrived to hide under water when pur-
sued, where she may continue the whole day and approach
the fleets and harbours of the enemy in the night, there anchor
her cargo of submarine bombs under water, or leave them to
the tide, or use them in any other way which time and prac-
tice may point out; and retire unperceived for another cargo
and deposit them in like manner on the coast, in the mouths
of rivers in harbours or among fleets at anchor, and thus place
Such numbers as would render it impossible for any Vessel
to move through them without the imminent danger of being
blown up and totally annihilated;
Of the submarine Bombs and modes of
Using them.
As Government are in possession of the real locks and Bombs
with the modes of arranging them for action it will not be
necessary to make detailed drawings of the several parts.
Plate the 8th
Shews a bomb arranged with an instantanious lock, and an-
chored from ten to twenty feet under water, for this purpose
when the bomb is arranged with its lock it should be ten or
68 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
fifteen pounds lighter than its volume water, it will then have
a tendancy to mount to the surface but must be held down
by an anchor or weight of 20 or more pounds; as the depth
of water in all channels, bays and Harbours is known, the line
D should before setting out be of such a length as will hold
the Bomb from 5 to ten feet under water at low water, it will
then be that number of feet added to the rise of the tide at
high water,
At Slack water it will stand in the position B perpendicular
from the anchor at half ebb or flood when the current is strong
it will be inclined to A or C where the action of the water on
a flat board which is fixed to its bottom at E will keep iti in
the position here deleniated on the 5th of June in this year
this experiment was made by my desire by Lieutenant Wm
Robinson In Dover roads; and the result was as here described
— A vessel under sail and striking on the Trigger F of such
a Bomb would be instantly blown up, as will be seen in plate
the Ninth,
Plate the Ninth
In this drawing A represents the Brig Dorothea as she blew
up near walmer Castle on the 16th of October 1805, the bomb
made use of on this occasion had a clockwork lock set to 15
Minuets the bomb contained 180 pounds of powder; and was
coupled by a line of 70 feet in length; to a bomb which was
filled with peas and which served as a counterbalance; As
the boat run within the Buoy, one was thrown to the Larbord,
and one to the Starbord side of the bow, and at the distance
of 60 or 80 yards from the brig; as the tide drifted them along
the coupling line caught the cable, the pressure of the tide
then drove the bombs under her bottom near the Keel, where
the explosion taking place she opened in the middle was com-
pletely decomposed and in 20 Seconds disappeared, which ex-
periment has proved that wherever such an explosion takes
place under the curve of a Vessels bottom; so that the action
must be perpendicular through her, certain destruction must
be the consequence; B represents a Ship under Sail, C. D. E
Bombs anchored as described in the last plate, she moving to-
wards and among them with the risk of contact and destruction;
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THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 69
Plate the Tenth,
Figure 1st shews the mode of suspending the bomb to the
cork floater A; the line B has pieces of cork on it to keep it
from sinking; the line C is a brace to prevent the tide driving
the Bomb by the doted line to near the surface where it could
do no execution: the line E will be longer or shorter in pro-
portion to the draught of water of the vessel to be attached,
which will be further explained in figure the Third;
Figure the Second is another mode of arranging the bomb
A. B. C. are pieces of cork tied by small lines 8 or 10 feet long
to the principal line D in this manner it is floated under water
where it is not Visible nor in danger of being hooked or
taken up;
Figure the third is a section of a ship shewing how the
bomb lies when first it comes alongsides; here the suspend-
ing line A is of a length to bend round the curve of the vessel
and lay the Bomb in the position B. where the explosion taken
place; to get the bomb into that position two things are neces-
sary First When it is loaded and has its lock screwed on, or
a weight equal to that of the lock; it must be suspended in
a tub of salt water and if too heavy it must have a cussion
of Cork fastened to it; so as to balance it to two or three pounds
heavyer than its volume of water; in which case its tendency
downward being not more than three or four pounds a little
pressure of tide will raise it or move it latirally; and that it
may mount latirally, and move to the position B, it must be
hung with an inclination to the tide, as will be seen in figure
the fourth, in which A represents a Vessel to be attacked, B
her cable, C. C. two bombs united by a line 100 or more feet
long, which line is tied by the bridles D. D. when it touches
the cable the tide drives the bombs alongside; the pressure
of the tide on the angle D will then drive them under the
bottom of the Vessel as seen in Figure the 3d.
The Bomb was thus arranged to blow up the Brig Dorothea,
To throw them in case of an attack it is only necessary for
the Boats to run inside of the Buoy — ; which might be done
of a dark night without being observed, or if Seen, would run
little risk from musket shot in the dark, and at such a distance,
70 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Observations on these inventions
It having been fully proved that the explosion of a Submarine
Bomb under a vessel will completely destroy her, it is now
necessary to consider the expence of the two kinds of Bombs
and their application; The expence of the Bomb complete,
with the instantanious lock will be as follows
£ S D
Lock 2.. 0 ..0
Bomb of Copper 2. . 10 . .0
100 lb of powder 7. . 10 . .0
Anchor or weight and lines 2.. 0 ..0
£ 14.. 0 ..0
The Bomb with the clockwork Lock
Lock 10 ..0 ..0
Bomb of Copper 2. . 10 . .0
100 lb of powder 7. .10 . .0
Cork and lines 2.. 0 ..0
£22.. 0 ..0
The Average price is 18 £ and each bomb of 18 £ Value is
of a power to do as much execution as a fire ship which costs
2 or 3 thousand ; 6,660 of them may be made for 120 thousand
pounds or the first cost of one first rate Ship of the line when
engines of such destructive powers can be multiplied to so
great a degree, and at an expence which cannot be felt by an
opulent nation the practice of them may produce novel and
serious consequences
In cases where a nation commands the seas as in the pres-
ent state of the British marine, the Seamen can approach suf-
feciently near the Enemy's harbours and roadsteads to use such
engines from common boats; by which means several hundred
Bombs with instantanious Locks might be anchored in the
passages leading to the Texel, Havre, Brest or other ports of
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THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 71
the Enemy which would render it impossible for any Vessel
to move in or out. But it may be said that the Enemy are
already completely blockaded and England has no need for
such a mode of war; this I admit, but this mode is less ex-
pensive than the Usual method of Blockading and destressing
an Enemy's commerce; yet should the economy not be thought
of importance Still this invention has to be considered in
another point of View, and that of the most interesting kind,
Which is;
how would it affect the commerce and marine of England
had the French the means of anchoring 20 or 20 thousand such
Bombs in the channels to the Thames in the Bays, Harbours,
Roadsteads, and a long the coast of England, Scotland or
Ireland ;
I will now endavour to Shew what an Economic simple and
certain means this would give to France to totally destroy the
British Marine
And First as to Economy,
The Boulogne Flotilla has cost the french treasury more than
three millions Sterling, for this sum, more than Two hundred
thousand instantanious Bombs might be made; with such a
Magazine at Boulogne or Calais and 100 good row boats the
Enemy might each dark night throw some hundreds of Bombs
in the channels of the Thames in the Downs or along the
coast, to the total destruction of the British Commerce, And
if her commerce cannot be protected what is the use of her
Marine f
I will now Shew that were this Simple System organized
in France, it is not in the power of the whole British marine
to prevent the practice of it to any extent which Bonapart
might desire, and he certainly would desire the annihilation of
the British Marine, —
For example. Suppose the French boats were to anchor 500
Bombs in one night in the waters before Boulogne; where the
Blockading squadern usually cruise; some of the cruising
squadern would most certainly be blown up, and the fleet would
be obliged to Keep at a greater distance. The Bombs being
anchored 6 Feet under water at low water, would admit of
row and sail boats to pass over them without danger; while
vessels drawing from 15 to 20 feet of water and running among
them would be destroyed. The french Boats passing over the
72 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Bombs or knowing the line in which they had anchored them;
could the next dark night anchor another 500 still further out,
and compel the blockading squadem to keep at a still greater
distance; In fact 1200 Bombs would lay a whole line from
Calais to Dover, allowing an interval of only 30 yards between
each, and 12,000 which would only cost 168,000 £ would lay
ten lines from Dover to Calais which would render it impos-
sible for any Vessel to pass without certain destruction, and
thus a Blockade of the whole Channel would be formed of
which plate the 11 will give some Idea;
Plate 11
I have before observed that the french boats could not be
prevented depositing the bombs in this manner; Ships of war
could not prevent them Because they dare not approach where
the Bombs are anchored ; British boats could not prevent them
because they could not always be on the watch; and Second
because the french boats can or may be encouraged to combat
any boats whatever; And the moment this System or any other
reduces the British marine to Boat fighting, the revered Sov-
ereignty of the seas will be for ever lost; Colonies must be
Abandoned and the whole influence which England holds in
the scale of nations will Vanish, This is the natural and ob-
vious consequence of this system when reduced to practice and
prosicuted by a powerful nation with energy and Spirit;
Ten lines of Instantanious Bombs or even a less number an-
chored in the British channel would cut off the greater part
of the commerce of London and of England, The wealth of
England and the existance of her fleets depend on her immense
and uninterrupted commerce,
But should France ever possess a means to cut off or interrupt
such trade, England would be obliged to submit to any terms
which Bonapart might think proper to dictate, I think I have
here shewn that the plan described would give him such power.
Gentlemen will deliberately consider it and its consequences —
When Mr. Pitt saw the sketch of this engine of simple con-
struction, easy application, and powerful effect, he observed
that if Introduced into practice it would lead to the annihila-
tion of all military marines, It was therefore agreed not to
use it, — But when I speak of my interest and that of my
friends in these inventions, I must call the particular Atten-
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THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 73
tion of the Arbitrators to this engine to Shew that while in
france I might have brought forward this system to the in-
finite Injury of England; I did not bring it forward but came
to this Country by Invitation to explain the engines to govern-
ment; and receive what might be considered a fair equivalent
for inventions of such magnitude, leaving them to government
to use or not as they might think proper; It must therefore
be considered that my negative to France is a Positive ad-
vantage to England, and out of these Ideas will arise con-
siderations on such sums or annuity as a Great nation can
afford to pay for her own security, and which should in reason
satisfy men possessed of inventions the consequences of which
are incalculable,
After what has been said on the practice of the instantanious
Bomb, it will be seen that the submarine Vessel is not of much
importance nor necessary to Carry such engines into effect from
England against France, or from France against England, but
it would be of the first importance to the Sweeds, Danes, Dutch,
Spaniards or Portuguise in a War against England for with
such vessels they could come without risque and anchor in-
stantanious Bombs in the British channel in the mouth of the
Thames in the roadsteads and, along the coast, and distress
the commerce to as great a degree as before described.
Each submarine Vessel constructed in the best manner would
cost about 8,000 £ 10 of them could be built for 80 Thousand
pounds, and each of them requiring 6 men to Navigate them,
the total would be 60 men. Each Vessel could carry 30 bombs
the ten could convoy 300, Besides the Bombs each could carry
water and provisions for 6 men for 6 weeks, they are there-
fore calculated to navigate all the narrow seas of Europe and
might anchor Bombs in any channel or roadstead where it
might be thought necessary; Thus it is that this invention of
submarine navigation and Submarine Bombs, gives to the minor
maritime powers a decided advantage over the Major maritime
Nations,
The manner of attacking a single ship with two clockwork
bombs has been explained in plate the tenth; which mode I
conceive will be allowed to be less expensive than fire ships
and attended with less Risk than Bordage or any mode now
in practice
But suppose an enterprise to send such Bombs in among
the Shipping at Brest or any other open port; the tide run-
74 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
ning at the rate of two miles an hour, the clockwork being
set to two hours would make it practicable to set the Bombs
afloat at four miles distance from the Enemy; and they would
arrive among the shipping about the time the explosions com-
menced; It would of course be advisable to get as near the
Enemy as possible before giving the Bombs to the tide, and
in allmost all cases it is possible to near them within two miles
or a mile and a half in the night time; the clockwork should
be set accordingly
Plate 12
Plate the 12 will Shew how the hooks are arranged to pass
the Buoys and yet hook in the Cable; in all cases where the
line of the Bomb may cross one; it is a round ended hook
filled in with cork to keep it from sinking being round at the
end it cannot hook in the Buoy, but if the line crosses a cable
it will glide along till it comes to the hook and be caught,
the Bomb will then drift alongside, and sheer under the ships
bottom, this being a mode of attack it is to be considered what
would be the risk of 10, 15 or 20 Sail were 2 or 3 hundred
such bombs floated among them in one night.
But as Ships at anchor cannot follow or even fire to advan-
tage in the night on boats which are 4 or 5 hundred yards
off; it [necessarily] reduces the enemy to the necessity of de-
fending themselves against boats, by boats — , this being the
Case what could prevent 40 British Boats running with the
flood into the harbour of Brest, there throw their Bombs across
the Bows and retire with the ebb of night;? 16 oard cutters
each with 4 or 5 marines and two swivels would complete such
an enterprise with little risk for as the objects of the British
Boats would not to fight but run: the oars would never be
interrupted and their Velocity together with the fire of the
marines would clear their way through any of the enemy's
boats which could be ready to oppose them; but they would
have another advantage for the explosion of the first bomb or
the Blowing up of the first ship, would occupy all the enemy's
boats In saving the men which would leave little or no oppo-
sition to the British Boats; I Leave to nautical Gentlemen
to consider whether such an attack with such engines whose
operation is instantanious ; Is not practicable for British sea-
men in Brest harbour; and if at Brest, it is also practicable
at Cadiz and other ports, and presents a more effectual mode
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THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 75
of destroying the Enemys fleets than any method now in prac-
tice and with less risk, But I do not expect Gentlemen to
decide in favour of this mode of attack without first contem-
plating Galleys or cutters of the best construction, and picked
men, habituated and exersised to the System and practice of
the Bombs, — For as a morter is not given to the manage-
ment of a lighthouseman, but to a Bombadeer, so these en-
gines should not be confided to officers or men till they had
been practiced in the use of them,
I have now described the leading principles of this mode
of warfare; it is well known that all new inventions, and par-
ticularly those connected with a government, require years to
perfect them, to render them fameliar, effecient; and introduce
them into general practice; men must be exersised establish-
ments must be made, and the plan whatever it is Should be
pursued with System,
But when ever any invention, or project is within the limits
of Physics and evidently practicable, it is to be reduced to
simple operations and fameliar practice by time; and the in-
ducement to perfect it is always in proportion to the magni-
tude of the object in View;
Every principle her ascerted has already been proved by prac-
tice, what then is wanting to make them productive of all
the consequences here contemplated? only time and perse-
verence, even talent is hardly necessary; for all the principal
defficulties have been overcome, the question therefore on the
policy and true interest of this government concerning these
inventions is whether they Should rest in their present state
or be left to the proprietors to convert to their own advantage
as they think proper;
As gun powder, Cannon, muskets, gun locks, and even flints,
all had opponents prejudices and established habits to en-
counter; yet have in time totally Changed the art of war and
the relative strength of nations: — So these inventions on
submarine navigation and attack may now be considered as
the Embryo of a total change in the military marine system;
and the existing relative power of States; it, is therefore a
subject not only of simple arbitration but one on which the
Arbitrators as men of science should deliberate with the ut-
most care For it is now and by their means, that the present
and future Ministers, the guardiens of the interests of Great
76 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Britain; are to get exact Ideas on this subject, and fully make
up their minds, whether there is anything to be hoped or feared
from this system; Vulgar men see and admit only of such
things as time and practice has rendered fameliar to all Man-
kind; Men of Sense and science penitrate from principles to
future and certain effects
Robert Fulton
London,
August 10th 1806
Additional Notes
Of the supply of air in the submarine Vessel
The Cylender or incompressible part of this Vessel being 6 feet
diameter and 24 feet long will have an Area of 672 cube feet
on allowing a Man to consume the Oxygene of 20 Cubic feet
in an hour it would be suffecient for one Man for 33 hours or
for 6 men for 5 hours or should each Man consume the oxy-
gene of only 15 cube feet in an hour and which is the usual
estimate, there would be suffecient for 6 men for 7 hours or
should a greater supply of air be necessary for any particular
operation it may be done as in the following sketch
A
A is a cast Iron or copper box one cube yard or 27 cube feet.
Into this 20 atmospheres may be compressed by proper pumps
5 is a measure of half a cube foot C. D two cocks C being
shut D is opened and the measure B filled D is then Shut
and C opened which lets the measure of air circulate in the
Vessel, the 20 atmospheres compressed in in this reservoir would
equal 540 cube feet of common air and suffice for the 6 men
for 5 hours more and thus the 6 men might continue under
water 11 hours in such case were they in a harbour or sur-
f)
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THE "DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS" 77
rounded by a fleet they could continue under water all day
and mounting with their air pipe out of water in the night re-
new the air for the following day, but this is contemplating
an extreme case, a Vessel which can stay 4 hours under water
can move 8 miles in that time where the tide is two miles an
hour and could get out of any open harbour Such as Brest,
Cadiz &
On the weight of the Cylender and its Buoyancy
Suppose it cast one inch thick on calculating its cube inches
and allowing 4 cube inches of brass to a pound it would Weigh
about 8 tons. Its volume of water or 672 cube feet would
weigh upwards of 16 tons, hence such a cylender hermetically
cloased would float 8 tons lighter than Water
Chapter VI
THE BRITISH CONTRACT
Size of the " Drawings and Descriptions." Pseudonyms. Pro-
posals. Contract with the British government. Was Fulton false
to his principles in supporting Great Britain against France? His
financial position under the contract.
The ** Descriptions " that Fulton left in England
were in two parts, of which the first is a recital of his
negotiations and work, and the second a minute descrip-
tion of the boat and bombs. Both parts are wholly in
Fulton's handwriting and cover twelve double sheets
of paper, five for the first and seven for the second part.
The sheets are 14J inches high with a double or folded
width of 19i inches. The writing is on both sides of
the sheets, so that exclusive of the outside pages, which
are left blank, except for the descriptive recital on
page 1 of the first part, there are 43 pages of writing.
There are from 26 to 28 lines to a page with a margin
of 2 inches on the left-hand side, and about 8 words to
a line. The paper is heavy hand-made linen, slightly
off the white in color with gilt on the edges. One-half
of each sheet is water-marked with a design composed
of a crown and fleur-de-lys surmounting the letters
P & B, the other half of the sheet being water-marked
Portal & Co. 1796.
The drawings are water-colored and are on sheets of
heavy Bristol paper measuring 22^x181 inches. As
will be seen each one is dated and signed by Fulton.
The " Bond and Contract " to which reference is made
was found in 1812 among the papers of Lord Melville
and was then deposited by his executors in the Public
78
THE BRITISH CONTRACT 79
Record office. With the exception of the Admiralty
CIRCULAR given on page 52, the contemporaneous
archives of the government contain little concerning
Fulton's work, and are in this respect quite different
from the French records. The explanation is that the
British ministers were fearful lest information regard-
ing the submarine should transpire to their detriment.
They, therefore, treated all correspondence as confiden-
tial and kept letters and other documents in their per-
sonal rather than official files. In fact Fulton adopted
the pseudonym of " Robert Francis," a designation
that was frequently, though not exclusively, used by
both the Government officials and himself in correspond-
ence during the years 1804-1806.
The *' Contract " was Fulton's own conception in
form and substance, the government accepting the terms
that he proposed. This is shown by his notes and copies
of letters that still exist.
Lord Hawkesbury who had induced Fulton to leave
France for England was Robert Banks Jenkinson
(1770-1828). His father, created Lord Hawkesbury in
1786 and Earl of Liverpool in 1796, had served as Sec-
retary for War from 1778 and therefore during the
greater part of the American Revolution. The son,
using his father's junior title of Lord Hawkesbury, be-
came Secretary for Foreign Affairs in 1801 in the
Addington ministry. As such Secretary, he would be
the one to open negotiations with Fulton in Paris.
Fulton arrived in London on the 19th of May. Ad-
dington had been displaced by Pitt in the control of
the government a few days before. Lord Hawkesbury,
though no longer in charge of Foreign Affairs, continued
in office, holding the portfolio of the Home Office in the
new cabinet. In spite of his change of status, Fulton
would naturally call on him as the only official with
whom he was acquainted. In his note book, in which he
80 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
copied in neat hand the letter of Lord Hawkesbury that
the agent " Mr. Smith " had handed him in Paris, he
writes at the bottom of the copy of the letter, ** I had an
interview with Mr. Hammond on the 21 when he desired
me to give in proposals they were as follows."
From this juxtaposition of names it is fair to assmne
that to Lord Hawkesbury he gave the name of Ham-
mond. Fulton was fond of doing such things. His own
attempt at personal disguise under the name of Francis
was very thin. The coincidence that his real and tem-
porarily assumed names began with the same letter will
be noted. So do Hawkesbury and Hanmiond. The
letters to '' Mr. Hammond " are letters that would be
written only to one who was high in authority. It was
not in accordance with Fulton's character to send such
communications as are the Hammond letters to a sub-
ordinate. In " Mr. Hammond " can be seen Lord
Hawkesbury who had just been made a peer in his own
right and was Pitt's leader in the House of Lords. This
identification of " Mr. Hammond " will be borne in
mind in connection with several letters given on images
96 et seq. as well as those inmiediately below containing
the proposals promised on May 21st.
London May the 22d 1804
Proposals for the examination of a System of Submarine
navigation,
Having been invited to London by the late Administration
to demonstrate the practicabihty of navigating under water
and attacking and destroying ships of war by submarine opera-
tions I propose that government name a commission as they
think proper to examine the following principles and give their
decision for or against each article, which commission Should
be composed of at least two able mechanecians and one
Chymest, —
THE BRITISH CONTRACT 81
Then follows matter describing the plunging vessel
almost verbatim with that given in the " Descriptions,"
beginning with First princijDle on page 56 down to and
including the demand for £100,000 on page 59, after
which the proposals continue as follows:
What plans government may have in View to draw the power
of Bounapart into governable limits Secure perminant peace
and forever remove all Ideas from the Side of France I do not
pretend to Conjecture
I beg leave to propose one which will be prompt in execu-
tion and if Successful will forever Remove from the mind of
Man the possibility of France making a descent on England
I propose a submarine expedition to destroy the fleets of
Boulogne and Brest as they now lie I am ready to exhibit
the practicability of my plan or at least that the chances are
many to one in favour of Success, and merits immediate at-
tention as the Season is much advanced much is to be done
and no time should be lost,
If government adopt my plan it must be organized nearly
as follows.
One good Mechanecian must receive my drawings take my
orders and see to the execution of the Machinery. An Active
Sea ofl&cer must have power to choose 100 hardy seamen out
of the fleet who are good swimmers about 40 tons of powder
and 7 thousand pounds for various expences will fit out the
expedition.
If government give into this plan I demand the following
terms
A pay of 200 pounds a Month while I devote my time to
the enterprise or till government notify that they have no
further need of my exertions,
If Government appoint their own officers to make the At-
tack; from the directions I may give, without my going to
Sea to direct it I demand only the monthly pay
But if government think proper that I go on board a Ship
of war off Boulogne and Brest to direct the time and mode of
Attack I demand one fourth the Value of each Vessel burnt
or destroyed, In either case if I do not succeed I demand noth-
ing for my trouble but the monthly pay before mentioned, till
government notify that my exertions are no longer necessary,
Robert Francis
82 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
n
These proposals were sent under a covering letter to
Mr. Hammond " dated the following day.
London May the 23d 1804
Mr. Hammond
Sir I herewith send you my proposals for examining the
principles of submarine navigation, also my proposal for a
submarine attack on Boulogne and Brest, in this period of our
communications it is necessary we Should clearly understand
eachother, First Ministers will have the goodness to examine
the mode I propose for investigating the properties and com-
binations of Submarine navigation, if they approve of it they
will Sign it as a contract between them an me, then appoint
a commission to decide which commission approving the re-
ward follows ; this part finished the expedition if thought proper
is to commence on the terms specified
I have the honor to be with
much respect your most obedient
Robert Francis
Without waiting for his proposals to be accepted,
Fulton's mind began working on the commission to be
named. On June 12th he suggested to " Mr. Ham-
mond " that the government and he should name an
equal number, the majority to decide. On his part, he
proposed Bishop Watson, Sir John Sinclair, Lord
Stanhope and the Rev. Edmund Cartwright. Appar-
ently Fulton had great faith in the efficacy of the church
in this matter.
The Bond and Contract is on fiive pages wholly in
Fulton's handwriting with an outside sheet with two
dockets, one reading
Articles of Agreement
with Mr. Fulton
20th July 1804
The other
THE BRITISH CONTRACT 83
This attested Counterpart
of an agreement between
His Majesty's Government
in 1804 & Mr. Robert
Fulton was found among
the papers of the late
Lord Viscount Melville,
22nd Jan. 1812.
M
Articles of Agreement between the Right Honorable William
Pitt, first Lord commissioner of his Majesty's treasury and
Chancelor of the Exchequer; and the Right Honorable Lord
Viscount Melville first Lord of the Admiralty, in behalf of his
Majesty's government on the one part; and Robert Fulton
citizen of the United States of America and inventor of a plan
of attacking fleets by submarine Bombs, on the other part,
The said Robert Fulton agrees to disclose the principles of
his scheme to Sir Home Popham and to superintend the execu-
tion of it on the following conditions
First To be paid Two hundred pounds a month while he
is employed on this Service for his personal trouble and
Expences;
Second, To have a credit lodged from time to time for the
payment of his Mechanical preperations, not to exceed Seven
thousand pounds.
Third, That in His Majesty's dockyards and Arsenals shall
be made or furnished all such articles as may be required, which
are applicable to this purpose.
Fourth, If any circumstance should arise to prevent govern-
ment carrying this plan into execution then the parties are
each to name two commissioners for the purpose of examining
the principles; and trying such experiments as they may think
proper, And if it should appear to the Majority of the Mem-
bers that the plan is practicable and offers a more effectual
mode of destroying the enemies fleet at Boulogne, Brest, or
elsewhere, than any now in practice and with less risk, then
government is to pay the said Robert Fulton the sum of Forty
Thousand Pounds as a compensation for demonstrating the
principles, and making over the entire possession of his sub-
marine Mode of Attack.
84 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Fijth When the Said Robert Fulton has destroyed by his
submarine carcasses or Bombs one of the enemies deck'd
Vessels, then Government is to pay him the sum of Forty
Thousand pounds, provided commissioners appointed As in the
previous article shall be of opinion that the same Scheme can
be practically applied to the destruction of the enemies fleets,
Sixth, If the Arbitrators differ in opinion then they are to
draw lots for the choice of an Umpire and the Majority of
Voices to decide all points of reference within the construction
of this agreement and that decision to be final
Seventh One half the supposed Value of all Vessels de-
stroyed by Mr. Fulton's Submarine Mode of attack to be paid
him by government as long as he superintends the execution
of his plan; but when government has no further occasion for
his service; or that he wishes to retire, then he is only to be
paid one quarter of the supposed value of such vessels as may
be destroyed by his scheme, and this remuneration to continue
for the space of fourteen years from the date thereof
Eighth, In case the Vessels destroyed by this scheme should
exceed in amount Forty thousand pounds, then the Forty
Thousand pounds first stipulated to be paid, shall be con-
sidered as part payment of the whole sum which may become
due to the said Robert Fulton,
Ninth, If in the course of practice any improvemt Should
be Suggested that can only be esteemed as a collateral Aid to
the general principles of Mr. Fulton's mode of attack, then
such improvements are not to deminish or set aside his claims
on government.
Tenth, All monies which may become due to Mr. Fulton
to be paid within six months from the time when they Shall
be so adjudged according to the tenor of this agreement,
Eleventh, This agreement to be considered by both parties
as a liberal covenant with a View to protect the Rights of the
individual, and to prevent any improper advantages being taken
of his Majesty's Government.
Mr. Fulton having deposited the drawings and plans of his
submarine scheme of attack; in the hands of a confidential
friend with the View to their being delivered to the American
government in case of his death, does hereby bind himself to
withdraw all such plans and drawings and not devulge them
or any part of his principles to any person whatever for the
THE BRITISH CONTRACT 85
space of fourteen years; which is the term during which he is
to derive all the advantages of their operation from the British
Government,
The benefit of the foregoing agreement shall be extended
to the heirs and executors of the said Robert Fulton,
Signed this Seventeenth day of July one thousand eight
hundred and four
exchanged with a counterpart Robert Fulton
signed by the Right Honble
William Pitt & the Right
Honble Lord Melville
H.P.
Witness
Home Popham
The reading of these remarkable documents of such
great historical interest, especially at this time when
submarine navigation has been developed to the point
of complete success, kindles many lively reflections.
The question is whether Fulton acted as a man of
honor in abandoning the country for which he had volun-
teered to fight and where he had received such signal and
loyal service from its citizens. Was he justified in trans-
ferring his support to another nation at war with France
and thus help destroy the growing power of France for
which country he had professed so much affection ? This
question has been debated by Fulton's biographers, al-
though apparently none of them knew exactly what it was
that Fulton had done for the British Government. They
were all under the impression that his work consisted
chiefly in the demonstration of the efficacy of torpedoes,
carcasses or bombs as Fulton vicariously called them, or
mines as we would speak of them today. Cadwallader
D. Golden gives several pages of his book to developing,
with some labor, an excuse for Fulton. Dickinson finds
some justification in the fact that Fulton had been only
partially reimbursed by the French Government for his
work, but more particularly in that the development of
86 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Napoleon's ambitions was repugnant to Fulton's ideas
of republicanism. The last is without question the
correct and only view to take.
A radical republican, hating blindly all forms of
autocracy, he had remained in France believing that in
France he would see the full flowering of his principles.
He offered his inventions to the French Grovernment,
not for 23ecuniary gain, because his proposals show that
he was willing to abide by their decision as to the
monetary value to be determined only after he had
achieved success, but because he thought that the French
revolution was a real movement toward perfect liberty.
To this end he offered not only his device, but also him-
self. He was anxious to be enrolled in the fighting
force of France and go forth in his little boat to do
battle against mighty England. When, therefore, he
was refused by Bonaparte and his sincere offers scorned
with absolutely unjustified insult, we can imagine his
revulsion of sentiment and forgive any bitterness of
feeling. In a moment his idol was shattered. He
realized that those in control of the French Government
were not actuated by a broad conception of world free-
dom, but solely by personal ambition and thirst for
power. He makes this position quite clear in a letter
to Lord Melville quoted by Golden as follows, though,
before publishing, the latter must have edited the orthog-
raphy: " In writing this letter, I feel no enmity to the
people of France, or any other people; on the contrary,
I wish their happiness; for my principle is, that every
nation profits by the prosperity of its neighbours, pro-
vided the governments of its neighbours be hiunane and
just. What is here said, is directed against the tyran-
nic principles of Bonaparte, a man who has set himself
above all law; he is, therefore in that state which Lord
Somers compares to that of a wild beast unrestrained
by any rule, and he should be hunted down as the enemy
THE BRITISH CONTRACT 87
of mankind. This, however, is the business of French-
men. With regard to the nations of Europe, they can
only hold him in governable limits, by fencing him round
with bayonets."
France, his dearly beloved France, was no more
liberal under the upstart clique of the consulate than
was England under the regime of her long established
autocracy. This is the only explanation of how and why
Fulton abandoned his allegiance to France, went to
England and there worked to strengthen the British
navy that it might the more easily smash the growing
power of the French fleet with which he had once so
ardently desired to serve. He had been cruelly stabbed
by the hands of his friends in the most tender spot in
his heart. This cruelty that served to clear his vision
he could not forgive, much less forget.
Fulton had undoubtedly been unfairly and even
cruelly treated by the French authorities. His cher-
ished ideas into which he had thrown his whole soul
had been rejected without fair or reasonable examina-
tion. His pride had been deeply wounded. But Fulton
was magnanimous enough to have overlooked this treat-
ment had France herself remained true to his concep-
tion of her own ideals. It was not that Fulton abandoned
France, but that France deserted Fulton. From his
arrival in 1797, he thought that he saw in France a great
exponent of a new world liberty, with freedom of trade,
freedom of men, freedom of the seas, and above all an
enduring world-wide peace. In his enthusiasm he be-
lieved that such ideals, in which he firmly believed, were
not only practically realizable, but that France was
about to make them the guiding principles of every na-
tion. It was for that reason that he so warmly espoused
her cause.
In 1797, soon after his arrival in Paris, he wrote to
his friend Lord Stanhope his views based on what he
88 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
fancied to be the actuating theory of the French
revohition :
My Lord
Hoping every month to Return to England, together with
the difficuhy of transmitting Letters to London, has hitherto
prevented my Writing to you Since my arrival In Paris. But
at present I have troubeled you with a very Long Letter, the
object of Which I will here explain, — Since my arrival In
Paris I have been Very active In my Canal pursuits. And on
this Subject I have Created a Revolution In the mind of all
the french engeneers I have met with, who are now descidedly
In favour of the Small System of Canals — Which are now
Contemplated on an emmense Scale of extension which you
will See explained in my Letter — It is Contemplated to
Raise the Whole Revenue by a Single toll on Canals which
System will Infinately Simplify the operations of Government,
tend directly to Set trade free and annihilate a Mass of Political
absurdities which have hitherto disturbed the peace of Nations
— all of Which you will find explained in the annexed Letter,
Which Letter will Shew you how much Frenchmen are turn-
ing their mind to the true fountain of Riches — viz home
Improvement and Systems of Industry. With the true philoso-
phic Ideas which the entertain of Foreign Possessions and
Restricted trade — And I Can assure you that I find In them the
most Resolute determination to establish the principles which
you will find explained And Which to me appears of the Very
first Importance to Lasting peace — and the Wellfare of all
Nations — It is therefore of much Importance that English
Men Should know the truth of these principles and Learn their
true Interest by Giving up as the french mean to do, and will
Compel others to do the System of foreign Possessions and
Restricted trade they should also understand that Frenchmen
are Realy thinking Like philosophers Which I hope my Letter
will prove.
'By 1801, when his offer of his talents and personal
service were spurned, Napoleon was already leading
France far afield from the altruistic but impossible
programme of 1797. In 3802, Napoleon had made him-
self consul for life. In the spring of 1804, he was
THE BRITISH CONTRACT 89
proclaimed Emperor of the French and the beautiful
dream that had entranced Fulton for more than ten years
had faded into nothingness, as dreams usually do. He
saw that in the aristocracy of England he could find a
truer democracy than in the demagogic leaders of
France. Fulton was but hiunan. His warm heart, ar-
tistic temperament and impetuous nature now asserted
themselves and drove him back to the country whence
his forebears had come, and away from the people whose
governing powers had wounded his pride and had failed
him in his ideals.
The *' Descriptions '^ given above were written just
prior to August 10th, 1806, and recite the course of events
from the autiman of 1803. At the time they were signed,
Fulton was arranging to return to America, and actu-
ally sailed about ten weeks later. His negotiations with
the Government had not been satisfactory in that his
devices had not been accepted and he had not received
in money what he felt was due. The contract shows
that Fulton, profiting perhaps by his French experi-
ences not to put trust in princes, foresaw this contingency
and provided against it in the Fourth article, that should
any circumstance arise to prevent carrying the plan into
execution commissioners should be appointed to deter-
mine whether the stipulated compensation had been
earned. The '' Descriptions " were prepared for sub-
mission to the arbitrators and were actually read to them,
as is shown by a note attached to a copy of the manuscript
reading as follows:
These papers I read to Sir Charles Blagden, Capt. Hamilton,
the Rev. Dr. Cartwright and Alexander Davison, Esq., on the
18th of August 1806 these gentlemen being named Arbitrators
to settle my Claims on Government under a contract which
I made with Mr, Pitt and Lord Melville — the two last named
acting for me.
90 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
The words *' two last " refer, of course, to Dr. Cart-
wright and Mr. Davison. The '' Descriptions," there-
fore, give Fulton's case as he saw it, and consequently
are of intense interest and historical importance.
His vision for the United States that the population
would increase from 5,500,000, as it then was, to
120,000,000 has already been almost realized, sooner, of
course, than he expected, but the absence of colonies and
lack of desire for them have hardly met an equally suc-
cessful prophetic fate. Certainly he never foresaw
Porto Rico, Panama, Samoa, Hawaii, Guam, the Philip-
pines and other outlying possessions.
What a delightful picture Fulton unconsciously pre-
sents of the skillful and diplomatic way in which the
British Ministry handled him from the beginning to the
end! When the emissary, known only as " Mr. Smith,"
stated to Fulton that the Government wished to use the
submarine against the French fleet, Fulton pointed out
that it was not the part of wisdom so to do, that the
British with their superiority in sea power had more to
lose than to gain by developing such a weapon. In so
doing, he but anticipated Earl St. Vincent who, bluff
old sea-dog like so many of his profession to whom in-
novations in naval warfare were anathema, exclaimed
that " Pitt was the greatest fool that ever existed to
encourage a mode of war which they who commanded
the seas did not want, and which, if successful, would
deprive them of it."
'' Mr. Smith " was very clever and was not put off by
any such argument. He saw clearly that whether Eng-
land needed the device or not, they must have control of
the man who possessed the secret. He evidently felt sure
of Fulton's sentiments because he told him quite frankly
that they wished him " out of France and in England."
On the financial side, Fulton appears to have had a
proper estimate of himself and the value of his devices.
THE BRITISH CONTRACT 91
The sum of £10,000 as a retainer would be no mean figure
today, but owing to the difference in purchasing power
it was comparatively a vastly greater figure in 1803.
This retainer was in addition to his main fee or price
for selling the explanation of his devices which he put
at £100,000. The " Descriptions " read that he said
" require " that sum. He first wrote " demand," which
word he erased, but not sufficiently to obliterate it, and
then wrote '' require."
The rating of the value of his devices as being equiva-
lent to a ship-of-the-line, or battle ship as a capital ship
is now called, is certainly ingenious and not imreason-
able. If his devices had any value at all they would
increase the effective power of the fleet by much more
than the addition of one first-class vessel.
But Fulton was dealing with men far abler than he
in fixing values and making contracts. The negotiations
were not broken off by abruptly refusing to pay the
sums asked. That would have been a blunder that one
selected for such a delicate mission would not be guilty
of committing. The British representative apparently
did not even suggest that the retainer was exorbitant,
but only that it was *' contrary to established rules " to
pay in advance. Then, before giving an obligation to
pay a sum commensurate with the value of the devices,
the reasonable and unanswerable preliminary condition
of an experimental demonstration was made a pre-
requisite.
The British diplomats unlike the French had avoided
giving any offense to his amour propre. Though they re-
fused to grant his financial requests, they succeeded in
getting him to go to England, which was their main
purpose. Not until they had him safe in London, did
they take up the question of a contract. The original
demand of £100,000 was reduced to £40,000. The re-
tainer disappeared entirely except as it was represented
92 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
by such portion of the £800 with which '' Mr. Smith "
was furnished in the first instance to pay his own and
Fulton's expenses. In lieu of the reductions, there
appears in the contract an agreement to pay a salary
of £200 a month. How deliciously clever! To one in
the straightened circumstances in which Fulton always
had been and still was, for even now any surplus of
income of which he might have been possessed, but of
which there is no evidence, was swallowed up by his
steamboat experiments, this monthly payment must have
been of inestimable importance. It guaranteed him
comfort and at last a substantial excess for his other
work, because his submarine disbursements were to be
met entirely by the government up to a maximiun limit
of £7,000. On the other hand, the Government held se-
cure the man, who as an enemy they feared, and who
as such was a constant source of worry. This result was
obtained at a cost that was to them a trifling figure.
Fulton appears to have concluded that his claim for
£100,000 was perhaps too high because he voluntarily
accepted the sum of £40,000 mentioned in the contract.
Of this latter amount, he made to the arbitrators the
ingenious suggestion that they pay him one-half in cash
and the other half in an annuity based on his life, the
annuity to be forfeit should the secret of his inventions
in submarine warfare be divulged by him or his friends.
It is regretted that Fulton did not disclose the names
of his friends who were jointly interested with him, as
they were probably the same who had financed his
French experiments.
Fulton's receipts on his own account amounted on
balance to £13,391 . . 16 . . 10, leaving due as he claimed
£1608 . . 3 . . 2, exclusive of any payment in part or
whole of the £40,000. As it was, he did not do badly
for two years' work. In addition the Government
furnished £11,353 . . 3 . . 2 to repay his expenditures.
Chapter VII
EXPERIENCE IN ENGLAND
Attack on fleet at Boulogne. Torpedoing of Dorothea (1805).
Effect of Trafalgar on Fulton's work. Copies of "Drawings and
Descriptions." Intent of government not to proceed with the sub-
marine. Correspondence with Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Pitt (1804).
Commission of investigation appointed. Decision adverse to a
submarine. Nevertheless Pitt signs contract.
Two years had passed since the execution of the con-
tract, during which time Fulton remained actively at
work for the Government. He made an attack on the
French fleet at Boulogne by means of his bombs but
without success. He explained the cause, and probably
correctly, but nevertheless he was charged with failure.
Then he repeated the experiment with altered details
in the mechanism and blew up a brig called the
*' Dorothea " on October 15, 1805, in the presence of
Pitt and other officials. Success was again in sight, but
only to vanish as quickly as it appeared.
Six days after the destruction of the " Dorothea "
came the great event that made secure England's control
of the sea. On October 21st, Nelson destroyed the
combined French and Spanish fleets in the decisive
battle of Trafalgar. After that England had no need
of submarines, torpedoes or Fulton. Her ships of oak
were absolutely supreme, and she saw the force of Lord
St. Vincent's criticism.
The parallel between 1805 and 1922 is close. Then
as now, and for similar reasons, England was, and is,
opposed to the use of submarines in warfare.
Mention was made above that the " Descriptions " he
left in England had been copied. Fulton did this with
93
94 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
nearly all his important papers, and the copies were in
manuscript, not letter press tissues. In this case the
copy is in the possession of Edward C. Cammann, Esq.,
a great grandson, and bears several dates. To the main
recital are added 41 pages of the same size paper, of
which 12 pages contain material entitled '' London
August the 16th, 1806. Notes on observations of the
Arbitrators, Particularly of Capt. Hamilton and Sir
Charles Blagden in answer to objections stated by them."
The balance are taken up by letters to Lord Grenville
dated September the 3rd, and '' Further considerations
on the instantaneous and clockwork bombs."
Before leaving England he also copied the drawings.
These copies are on thin paper and are obviously trac-
ings of the original " Drawings " that are on bristol
board. In the course of time the tracings have become
separated from the manuscript copy and are now the
property of the New Jersey Historical Society at
Newark, N. J. The latter plates are signed and dated
1806, whereas the originals bear date 1804. In the
eleventh clause of the contract Fulton stated that he
had " deposited the drawing and plans of his submarine
scheme of attack in the hands of a confidential friend
with the view to their being delivered to the American
Govermnent in case of his death." As it is unlikely
that Fulton made two sets of carefully prepared draw-
ings in 1804, the evidence is presumptive that the plans
above referred to are the ones that have recently been
found in England and that form the basis of this book.
The American Consul at the time, especially as he was
a man of character and responsibility, would be the
natural depositary for papers of semi-official character.
Of the original drawings, numbers 1, 6, 8, 10 and 11 are
unfortunately missing. Through the courtesy of the
Historical Society their copies have been used to make
good the deficiency.
EXPERIENCE IN ENGLAND 95
By the spring of 1806, Fulton had no misapprehensions
as to the intent of the British Government. It was
quite clear to him, as his letters show, that the authori-
ties had decided not to use his devices for either sub-
marine or torpedoes. It is also likely that he had
received an intimation that his salary would be discon-
tinued. Professional recognition was to be denied him,
and unless he was also willing to forego hope for
substantial pecuniary recompense he must have recourse
to the arbitration clause of his contract.
Whether the necessity for such action came as a sur-
prise to Fulton, one thing is clear from his letters. In
spite of a liberal contract, carrying a generous salary
and full allowance for his disbursements, Fulton had
not been happy from the very first. He was impatient
at every delay and intolerant of every suggestion. He
would not, or could not, understand that the progress
of government affairs is always slow, and that no
government official, no matter how exalted his rank,
could make decision promptly without reference to his
professional advisors. The similar errors in judgment
that he committed in France he repeated in England.
His letters, of which he wrote many, are from the
very first couched in terms that it must be confessed
are impatient, dictatorial and fault-finding, and never
in that diplomatic and conciliatory form that has always
been considered proper when addressing high govern-
ment officials. This is particularly true when one re-
members that he was corresponding with men holding
office under George III, a period when those directing
government did not hesitate to arrogate to themselves
full autocratic powers and to regard all who were not
in their own class as far removed inferiors. From
others than their associates they were not inclined to
accept dictation or brook carping criticism. That the
several ministers with whom Fulton dealt tolerated the
96 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
tone of his communications and overlooked his demands
and complaints, is most striking testimony of the high
regard in which they held his devices. Just so long as
France was in a position to threaten their power on the
ocean they intended to keep and hold Fulton safe.
Although on May 23rd he had submitted his proposals
to " Mr. Hammond," nevertheless immediately after-
ward, and before his proposals could be examined, he
decided to go over Lord Hawkesbury's head and seek
a conference direct with the prime minister. On June
6th, he wrote the following letter in which it will be
noticed he explained the connection between his right
and assumed names:
Robert Fulton known by the name of Francis Author of
Submarine Navigation to Mr. Pitt.
Sir What I have to say on this subject and its prompt
effects I hope you will find interesting, it possibly may be of
the utmost importance in Seconding your Views if Soon
adopted; it is at least of some moment that you feel a con-
viction what I propose to demonstrate are facts and that your
mind trace over the political consequences I beg 20 minuets
conversation with you as soon as possible.
I have the honor to be your most
Obedient R Francis
Storeys gate coffee house June the 6th 1804
Before Pitt had reasonable opportunity to arrange
for an interview, or Lord Hawkesbury to name a com-
mission of investigation, Fulton wrote ' ' Mr. Hammond ' '
a tart letter of complaint just one month after he had
arrived in London:
Storeys Gate coffeehouse June the 22d 1804
Mr. Hammond
Sir
The first day I had the pleasure of Seeing you I promised
you candor, and Should time make me more known to your
government they will find frankness one of the leading lines
EXPERIENCE IN ENGLAND 97
of my character, Now I candidly declare that having been here
5 weeks in some degree like a prisoner, and at present as much
in the dark as on the day of my arrival such a state of Sus-
pence begins to grow extremely unpleasant
The flattering and I believe candid promises of the late
ministry induced me to come to this country and as yet I do
not repent it but I beg to be informed if the present ministry
mean to act up to the spirit of Lord Hawkesburies letter to me
or what do they desire of me?
On my part I came here to acquire wealth by communicating
a new System to government which I do not hesitate to Say
is to them more than one thousand times the value of any sum
I may receive, I have pointed out the most Simple and
honorable mode of determining whether this ascertion is fact,
by means of a committee of scientific men, and now I beg to
know will government agree to such decision and when Shall
the discussion commence? or do they wish to decline all re-
search into this business you will have the goodness to give me
their ultimatum when I shall have the honor to see you on
tuesday
Believe me impressed with the highest
respect for you your most obedient
RoBT Francis
As a matter of fact, in spite of Fulton's impatience
the government acted with commendable, if not extraor-
dinary, celerity. A commission was named and it re-
ported before June 27th, because on that date Fulton
addressed to '* Mr. Hammond " a review of their find-
ings. The commission was composed of Sir Joseph
Banks, President of the Royal Academy, the Hon. H.
Cavendish, a well-kno\\Ti chemist. Sir Home Popham,
Major Congreve, an inventor of projectiles, and Mr.
John Rennie, one of England's leading engineers.
Dickenson thinks that possibly the first two were sug-
gested by Fulton. The subjoined letter to " Mr. Ham-
mond " seems to contradict this, because in it he
complains that they ** passed judgment " (adversely)
'* without even desiring to have the details of operation."
98 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Had two of the five members been representing Fulton it
is almost certain that they would have insisted on his be-
ing invited to be present to explain his device. As it was,
all they had were certain proposals made by a " Mr.
Francis. ' '
Storeys Gate coffeehouse June the 27th 1804
Mr. Hammond
Sir
I have examined the 5 Articles of the commission they
seem to admit the possibility of making a Submarine Vessel
but they conceive it impossible to use it to Advantage, hence
recommend that it Should not be adopted,
It possibly may be good pohcy in government not to adopt
the whole of my system, it merits however their serious con-
sideration whether they cannot draw great advantage from
using part of it without risque to themselves, But that the
whole of it is practicable and even in general cases easy executed
can be proved, hence I am somewhat surprised that 5 Gentle-
men of science Should pass Judgement on a work which rises
out of the progress of improving Arts, without even desiring
to have the details of Combination or operation, without hav-
ing evidence of what has been done; and Judging from thence
what maybe done, thereby leaving government as much un-
informed of the truth and probable consequences of Submarine
navigation as though I had never arrived; this is not the in-
terest of Government your interest is to know the whole truth
that you may see, clearly what maybe hoped or calculated upon
from this discovery, I shall be happy to have an interview
with Mr. Congreve, Mr. Cavendish and Sir home popham, but
I can say little more to those gentlemen than endavour to
convince them that the true Interest of Government, is to go
into a thorough examination in order to arrive at truth; which
examination I will put on the most liberal and honorable terms,
you will have the goodness to desire a meeting as soon as
possible
I have the honor to be yours
with respect
Robert Francis
EXPERIENCE IN ENGLAND 99
The suggestion to have a conference with Major
Congreve, Mr. Cavendish and Sir Home Popham was
referred to Mr. Pitt and was objected to by him, as is
shown by a memorandmn among Fulton's papers:
June the 28th 1804
Saw Mr, Hammond this morning at 1 who informed me
Mr. Pitt wished me to see the whole of the commission least
it should offend Sir Joseph Banks & Mr. Rennie, Agreed
If Fulton was impatient he was also indefatigable.
However much one must condemn his lack of tact, one
cannot heli3 admiring his persistence. He wrote not
only to " Mr. Hammond," but also to Sir Home Popham.
In spite of the fault-finding tone of Fulton's letters, he
and Sir Home Popham apparently remained friendly
to the very end. As will have been noticed, it was the
latter who witnessed the contract and perhaps was in-
strumental in arranging for its execution. When
Fulton found that the commission would not come to-
gether again, he wrote to Sir Home a long letter under
date of June the 30th. The letter is too long to quote
fully but the following extracts will show its general
nature :
To Sir Home Popham
Sir
Were the Gentlemen who reported on my proposals to
meet again I Should have addressed them as a commission.
As that may not be the case I shall be happy to
have some conversation with you on the subject of submarine
navigation
If Gentlemen were Actuated by what the conceived Patriotism
in rejecting every investigation of this Subject in order to keep
it in oblivion as much as possible I conceive the measure not
effectual, what has been proved And is Supported with Energy,
cannot be consealed but by the consent of the Author; but
perhaps this was not the motive, for deciding without
evidence
100 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Now Sir permit me to make some observations on the real
patriotism connected with this business
If what I Say of submarine navigation and attack be true,
if fleets can be destroyed by this means without any human
foresight preventing it; is it not important that Government
should Know how and by what means, if on investigation you
should found it all false and visionary would not the infirma-
tion be pleasing to government and cost nothing? If true is
not the wise policy to take amicable measures to prevent it
doing any injury to this country. Suppose the decision of the
commitee should necessitate me to seek fortune else where by
disclosing my system it might fineally appear that such a deci-
sion was the most unpatriotic act a citizen could commit, Sir
I give you my honor I have come here with the most friendly
disposition towards the government And I have not one
sinister feeling the interest of this nation is not to adopt the
submarine vessel they government aught to know what it is
and its probable consequences
When he speaks of the most friendly disposition
towards the government, it is interesting and perhaps
amusing to recall that in 1798 he wrote to Barras, then
the guiding spirit of the Directorate, urging the destruc-
tion of British ships of war, saying : " Le commerce
enorme de I'Angleterre, ainsi que son Gouvernement
monstreux, depend de sa marine militaire." Times
had changed!
To " Mr. Hammond " he wrote begging the latter to
persuade '* Mr. Pitt to name one person in wliome lie
has full confidence, to treat or arrange with me."
Fulton perhaps felt that the action of the commission
was not intended to be final and therefore it was for
him to suggest other ways for passing on his devices.
If so, he was justified by the fact that in spite of the
adverse report of the commission of which Mr. Pitt
must have been informed, the latter accorded Fulton an
interview on July 20th at which Sir Home Popham, who
had just voted against the submarine, was present. An
account of this interview Fulton committed to paper.
EXPERIENCE IN ENGLAND 101
20th of July 1804
Breakfasted with Mr. Pitt at his country house Near Putny
common, Sir Home Popham only present Lord Melville ex-
pected but did not arrive, after my being Introduced Mr. Pitt
demanded of Sir Home if he and Mr. Francis had agree'd on
terms Sir Home replied in the affirmative and told Mr. Pitt
his perusal and Signature were only wanting, he then read
and Signed the papers, delivering them to Sir Home, witti
orders to call on Lord Melville for his signature,.
At Breakfast some general principles of SubmajJa^ naviga-
tion and mode of attack explained, which appeared to give
pleasure; and make a Strong impression. When Sir Home
Popham went into an ajoining Room, Mr. Pitt, remarked that
this is an extreordinary invention which seemed to go to the
distruction of all fleets; I replied that It was invented With
that View, And as I had no design to desceive him or the
government I did not hesitate to give it as my opinion that
this invention would lead to the total annihilation of the existing
System of Marine war.
But in its present state of perfectionment Said Mr. Pitt those
who command the seas will be benefited by it while the minor
maritime powers can draw no advantag from what is Now
known. Answer, true unless plunging or submarine Vessels
were introduced into practice; that it probably would be some
years before any nation could bring to perfection such a Vessel,
that it is not the interest of the British government to use
such Vessels that consequently there was not at present much
danger to be apprehended from that part of my System; at
all events there would be, time to fit future politics to future
circumstances, if at present the french preperations can be de-
stroyed by Submarine attack, it will convince Bonapart and
the whole world that frenchmen never can make a descent on
England for any future fleet prepared by them may be burnt
in like manner —
Little more passed it was agree'd to make the Submarine
attack on Boulogne as soon as the engines could be prepared,
returned to town with an appointment to meet at the same
place on the following Week,
From the above it will be seen that Fulton and Sir
Home had come to an agreement between June 30, the
date of Fulton's letter, and July 20.
102 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
While at work on his submarine he did not permit
his political ardor to cool. He has left a copy of a
letter about 2600 words in length written " to the right
Honorable Lord Viscount Melville," dated London,
Jany the 20th, 1805, giving his " Observations on Bona-
parte's pacific Communications," This long letter is in
the flamboyant style that Fulton used when writing on
political topics. After dilating upon economies that
would flow 'from peace and how such savings from war
disbursements might be turned to establishing canals,
iron works, manufactures and improving agriculture, he
speaks of Napoleon:
Humanity would commend the Man, who turned his talents
to such usefull works provided he should use the fruits of it
humainly, but it is a question whether, Bonaparte would do
So, his insatiable ambition and extravagant Ideas, do not war-
rent so much confidence in him, Raised from nothing by military
talents and a combination of extriordinary events, he is intoxi-
cated with success, adulation has become his daily food as
necessary to his happiness as high seasoning to a vitiated appe-
tite, his mind is perpetually working on schemes, which he
thinks will give great Eclat, he seeks to be ranked by the
future historian above Ceasar and Charlemagne, his principle
is that future ages, never take into consideration the miseries
which accompany war, they only listen to the brilliant actions
of the Chief
Chapter VIII
NEGOTIATIONS WITH CABINET
Fulton begins to have doubts of accomplishment (1805). Corre-
spondence with Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh reciting his contract,
rights and claims. Pitt dies (Jan., 1806) and Fulton begins anew with
Lord Grenville and Lord Howick.
By midsummer of 1805, Fulton was not making the
progress that he had expected, and again we find him
writing letters that could not have been helpful in
advancing his cause.
Sackville Street Piccadilly No 13
July the 18th 1805
To the Right Honorable William Pitt
Sir
I have waited till you were releeved from the fateague of
attending Parliament before I would urge you on my particular
business, on which I have written to Lord Barham twice with-
out an answer, which with other circumstances have led me
to believe that government do not intend to prosecute my
system of attack Whatever may be their decision it is inter-
esting for me to know it As I have other and previous engage-
ments of much magnitude which call for my attention, and
do not warrant my loosing time; hence I hope you will have
the goodness to mention an hour when I may have the honor
to wait on you that a plan of Acting may be arranged or the
business as relates to me put into such a train as to be speedily
and finally setteled
I have made the machines and exhibited to Sir Home Popham
all that I know of them; the mode of using them and their
effects, and if it is thought proper to use them; it can be done
as well without my aid as with it As to the submarine Vessel
my opinion ever has been that it would not be good poUcy
in this government to introduce it into practice, consequently
you will not want me to construct one, But I have all the
103
104 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
drawings to Shew that everything which has been said of it is
practicable and which drawings according to contract, are to
be delivered to such persons as you may think proper to name
Under these circumstances I wish to sail for America about
the first of September, I Shall therefore hope that you will
have the goodness, to appoint an early hour when I may have
the honor to wait on you
I have the honor to be your most
Obedient Robt Francis
Before the year was finished the tone of his letters
became more bitter. He was no longer giving the
government advice upon how they were to treat Bona-
parte, but was deeply engaged in fighting for what he
considered his own rights. The stilted style gave place
to a more simple and direct form, in which he made
no attempt to disguise his irritation as is shown by two
letters written to Lord Castlereagh:
London
Ibbotsons hotel Vere Street Oxford Road
December 13th 1805
Lord Viscount Castlereagh
My Lord
I have the honor to send you reflections without disguise
with what I conceive a fair and honorable proposal for a final
settlement with government you will have the goodness to
consider them and let me have the honor of your decision as
soon as possible
With all respects I have the honor
to be your Lordships most Obedient
RoBT Francis —
London December the 13th 1805
Lord Viscount Castlereagh
My Lord
At various times I have been necessitated to say much on
the importance of forming the Submarine mode of warfare
into a regular and permanent System, As there is now full proof
of the powerful effects of the carcasses, and the great execution
NEGOTIATIONS WITH CABINET 105
which maybe done with them, a well organized mode of acting
should be adopted,
System in this business is the true and best Interest of govern-
ment, I must also beg leave to state that in System, I have a
great and important Interest, for without it there is little hope
of my acquiring the emolument from my invention which I
have a right to expect,
When I discovered this mode of destroying ships of war, I
considered it as the basis of an ample fortune. And every ex-
periment I have made has confirmed me in my opinion of its
immense importance, and my high interest In it. Therefore
while I frankly give you my opinion on what I conceive the
best interest of government I must be excused if I begin to
insist on what I conceive my personal rights
Lord Melville with whome I contracted was Very friendly
to my enterprise and I have now no doubt would have wrought
it into a form to produce the greatest possible effect. Since his
leaving the Admiralty I have waited from month to month,
hoping Lord Barham would follow Lord Melvilles measures,
but I have reason to beheve he disapproves of the whole plan
or is indifferent to it which is the same thing in effect, how-
ever as to my private Interest and the situation In which I
Stand In this country I consider that of little consequence,
though it may be of some importance to the nation.
My contract states a certain reward for every Vessel of an
enemy which shall be destroyed by my engines in 14 years
and His Majesty's Dockyards and Arsenals are to furnish me
the necessary means of applying the carcasses to the destruction
of the enemy hence if they do not give me reasonable and
efficient means, government do not fulfill their part of the con-
tract, the enemy cannot be attacked nor destroyed however
good' and simple the engines may be, and my time is consumed
to no purpose;
As a Neutral in this country I cannot have a command so
as to direct my own enterprise, nor do I desire it nor have I a
right to press my plans and opinions on the Admiralty, but
I have a right to convert the result of my studies to my own
emolument And having demonstrated their certain effects to
the conviction of every reflecting mind I cannot undertake to
contend with opinions or prejudices nor wait the indeterminate
time which maybe necessary to produce a conviction of their
utility to this country, I must therefore in justice to myself
106 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
and in conformity to all my engagements with this govern-
ment beg leave to state my final resolution, The Submarine
mode of warfare must be organized so as to render it effecient,
or I must abandon it and direct my attention to other pursuits
equally Interesting to me, The principles on which I came to
this country were changed from the first week of my arrival
I came by the invitation of Lord Hawkesbury to satisfy min-
isters as to the truth of whether I had or had not invented
a destructive engine which might be wielded, either for or
against the fleets of this country, and on proving that the en-
gine has powers superior to the methods at present in practice,
I was to receive an adequate reward, leaving government to
use or bury the invention in oblivion as they might think proper,
After what has been done I hope that the power of the car-
casses, and the certain annihilation which must be the conse-
quence of their right application will not be doubted, arrange-
ment and ordinary courage are only wanting to produce the
most brilliant success, and were it prosecuted according to the
terms of my contract, I should acquire an immense fortune,
the destruction of 30 Ships of the enemies line would entitle
me to half their Value or more than a Million Sterling, hence
were the System pursued to the annihilation of the enemies
fleets, and it should be practised to their annihilation or aban-
doned such would be my reward, but I have no such Ambitious
Views, tranquility and a much less sum will content me
I have now directed the construction of a store of engines,
shewn their incalculable effects and the simple mode of using
them, arrangement time and perseverance are only necessary
to destroy every Ship of the Enemy, but as in this part of the
business I can be of no use I do not at present see that I can
be of any further material service In this system of warfare,
I therefore propose as the most equitable arrangement be-
tween his Majesty's Ministers and me to revert to the prin-
ciples which brought me to this country and finally settle with
them,
Before I came to this country Ministers were desirous of
knowing whether my invention was of a kind to be feared this
has been proved in the affermetive, they have possessed them-
selves of it, may use it as they think proper and Averted all
danger which might be apprehended this consideration alone
is suffecient to justify ministers in granting me the terms
which I shall propose and which being small compared, with
NEGOTIATIONS WITH CABINET 107
the prospect of emolument before me will be infinately better
terms for the nation than my existing contract
My Lord in making this statement I beg you to be assured
that I am nowise discontented, with what has passed nor with
the time lost, It has been caused by the natural Suit of Idea
and demonstration necessary to open the mind to a new subject.
And although I feel a high sense of my independence of the
immense and incalculable consequences of my discovery, of
the right which I have to dispose of it as I think proper and
convert it to my own emolument or Ambition, In doing which
I might change the whole politics of this country and even
Europe * yet on a fair and honorable arrangement with this
government there is nothing to be feared from me, I am per-
fectly satisfied with the conduct of Lord Melville Mr. Pitt and
your Lordship but Seeing that you have prejudices to combat
and many diflBculties to encounter, feeling also that I can be
of no further use, and having other and previous engagements
which I must In honor fulfill I wish a final and equitable settle-
ment and on this business I beg to have the honor of seeing
your Lordship and Mr. Pitt as soon as possible,
I have the honor to be your
Lordships most Obedient
RoBT. Francis
* This will appear strong and extraordinary assertion for a
simple individual, but if necessary I will prove such to be the
natural consequence of the invention if prosecuted to the extent
of its powers with the means which I possess. I alude to the
Submarine boat or Vessel
The following are the terms I propose the Sum and Conditions
are Similar to those Specified in my letters sent by the agent
of government from paris to Lord Hawkesbury
Terms
That for leaving France and coming to England I Should
receeive ten thousand pounds
That for clearly demonstrating that Ships of war can be
destroyed by my engines with more ease and less risque than
by any method now in practice I demanded th Value of one
first rate line of battle Ship or one hundred thousand pounds
108 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
With this demand the following Ideas were associated, First
that I Should not exersise or be the cause of exersising this
invention against the fleets of great Britain, Second that by
not Shewing the Mechanism of the Submarine boat and adopt-
ing only a part of my plan, this government might draw advan-
tage from it Government can now Judge whether it is im-
portant that I should never be the means of using this invention
against the British marine whether it is their interest to grant
these my original terms and whether this proposal is extrava-
gant considering the demonstrations I have made and the power
I possess to render my invention Infinately more productive,
In this proposal as it Stands I See that Ministers Will have
one difficulty which is a Security that I Shall not be induced
to use this invention against the british fleets after having re-
ceeived the sum Specified, there is but one way to give such
security that is to put it in my power and make it my interest
to remain tranquil or occupy myself in other pursuits equally
honorable and important to my country for this purpose I pro-
pose to receive Sixty thousand pounds and my present Salary
of two thousand four hundred pounds per annum for life, the
Annuity to be forfeited if I break the treaty — I have already
receeved ten thousand to be considered part of the above Sum,
My Lord I conceive this proposition fair you have the In-
terest of England to consider I have my own, I love tranquility
and science in my chamber, As a man of honor my principle
Is to fulfill my part of all my engagements before writing this
letter I have well considered the subject on all its bearings
and made up my mind to the general principles here proposed
And I assure you that great as this demand may appear to
be I am not much interested in its success, for by agreeing to
let my invention lie dormant I feel that I abandon a Subject
in which there is the most Philosophic and honorable fame and
perhaps the interest of my country which is dearer to me than
all considerations of wealth. However I hope America And
England will so well understand their Mutual Interest, that
it will not be necessary for me to introduce my Invention into
practice for our own defence And I have no desire to use it
to the Advantage of any other Nation
I am Sir & & &
R Fulton
NEGOTIATIONS WITH CABINET 109
Fulton was not content to submit his demands to Lord
Castlereagh only, but as on other occasions he went over
the head of his correspondent and appealed to higher
authority. In this case he forwarded a copy of the
letter with some additional thoughts to the Prime
Minister, Mr. Pitt:
London Jany 6th 1806
Mr. Pitt
Sir
That you may have an opportunity before you come to
Town, to Judge of what I conceive my rights And the govern-
ments Interest, I have taken the liberty to send you a Copy
of my letter to Lord Castlereagh you will no doubt at the first
thought consider my demand great, but there is one reflection
which Usually accompanies all negotiations, whether between
Nations or Individuals, that is the power which each possess
to support certain claims. Now in this business I wiU not
disguise that I feel the power which I possess which is no less
than to be the means if I think proper of giving to the world
a System which must from necessity sweep all military marines
from the ocean, by giving to the weaker maritime powers Ad-
vantages over the stronger which the Strong cannot prevent,
this power I felt before and when I came to this country but
I did not think right to insist upon it nor could I expect min-
isters to believe it till I had given them sufficient demonstra-
tion This is a power which is not possessed by even Bonapart,
It is concentered in me and two friends who are governed by
my success in this country
Hence on Such power I have a right to set what price I think
proper, but I hope I am not of a disposition to abuse the ad-
vantages which the Arts have given me either by unreasonable
demands or any illiberal act. In my present terms I have not
raised the Sum first proposal to Lord Hawkesbury; And It must
be observed, I did not come here so much with a View to do
you any material good as to Shew that I had the power and
might in the exersise of my plan to acquire fortune, do you an
Infinate Injury, which Ministers if they thought proper might
prevent by an arrangement with me, —
I did however Zealously attempt to be of Service, I have
proved that Infinate good or Injury may be done. I have
no ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
written to Lord Barham two letters without receiving any
Answer. I can easy conceive he has not had time to consider
the position in which I Stand nor my Invention in all its con-
sequences and might not think An Answer of any importance,
However it is time that he Should See it in all its consequences
and Judge of the propriety of a fair and honorable arrangement
with me,
Although Sir you will be overwhelmed with business on your
coming to Town yet I hope you will not let this escape your
memory
I have the honor to be your most
Obedient and Very humble servant
Robert Francis
The Right Honbl
William Pitt Bath
The letter to Lord Castlereagh is in the best form of
any of Fulton's communications to the government in
spite of the thinly veiled suggestion of a threat in the
closing lines, but Lord Castlereagh must have been
amused to learn that the foreign inventor, then without
fame or position, was " perfectly satisfied with the con-
duct of Lord Melville, Mr. Pitt and your Lordship."
He, whose conduct was approved and from whose deci-
sion Fulton practically appealed in advance without time
being given to render it, was a most important character
in British politics at that time.
Lord Castlereagh lived between 1769 and 1822. He
was the son of the Earl of Londonderry, and as his
father was still living during the period under con-
sideration, the son was known by the courtesy title of
Viscount Castlereagh. Instrumental in securing the
union with Ireland he forfeited the King's support by
urging emancipation for Koman Catholics, and to such
an extent that the resignation of the Pitt government
was forced. Castlereagh accepted a position in the new
cabinet and on Pitt's return to power in May, 1804, con-
tinued in office, and in 1805 became Secretary for War.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH CABINET 111
It was to that official, therefore, that Fulton wrote the
above letters.
On the 23rd of January, 1806, Pitt died and was suc-
ceeded in office by Lord Grenville. This necessitated
new approaches by Fulton. Charles Grey became First
Lord of the Admiralty in the ministry then formed.
His father. Sir Charles Grey of Howick, had served
as a British General in America during the revolution
and was raised to the peerage as Lord Grey of Howick
in 1801. In April, 1806, he was created Earl Grey, when
his son adopted the courtesy title of Lord Howick.
Fulton's letters, therefore, to Mr. Gray (misspelled for
Grey) and to Lord Howick are to the same person.
During February, Fulton recommenced his efforts for
a settlement by writing Mr. Grey. At the same time he
enclosed copies of letters previously sent to Mr. Pitt,
assuming that Mr. Grey, being new to the office, it was
necessary to acquaint him with what had gone before.
Ibbotsons Hotel Vere Street Oxford
Road Feby 22d 1806
Mr Gray
Sir
In my letters to Mr. Pitt the copies of which I had the
honor to present you there are some Assertions on the powers
of submarine attack which men in general will be inclined to
doubt, few men will believe that any plan can be carried to
Such perfection as totally to annihilate the present system of
Mihtary marines and maritime war. And I presume most
men in my Situation would endavour to conseal this part of
the Business from every member of a Government the conse-
quence of which depends on her marine.
But as I have been invited to this country to give Ministers
full information on the nature and powers of submarine At-
tack, I have been disposed from the first candidly to explain
every principle and mode of practice which Occured to me on
the subject. And then leave Ministers to Judge for themselves
Whether fleets can be destroyed by my means, and how much
of my System they may practice with safety, or what part of
112 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
it conseal from public knowledge I therefore conceive it the
most prudent and prompt measure, first to go into a full and
Satisfactory examination of the principles of Submarine navi-
gation and attack, their practicability and consequences and
from such investigation judge of what this nation has to hope
or fear from the System; and on what ground I found my
Claims; such a mode of proceeding will place this Subject clear
before the mind I therefore Advise that you will have the
goodness to Invite such of your friends as you conceived best
acquainted with Mathematical and Physical Subjects I will
meet them and explain the whole Machinery and mode of
operating and from their decision ministers can Judge how to
Act This I conceive necessary for every reason, first to Obtain
a clear knowledge of facts; Second to Judge of the policy of
practicing my System; and third whether My deamnds are
reasonable; and which demand, I presume must be setteled
by the privy council —
To go into the investigation it is not Necessary to have Many
persons 3 or 4 will be Suffecient for the less number who be-
come acquainted with the Mechanism of the submarine Vessel,
the less it will be talked of or become publicly known,
I hope Sir you will form such a committee as soon as possible
and when formed favor me with a line, —
I have the honor to be your
Most Obedient and Very
humble servant
RoBT Fulton
P. S. Would not Lord Sidmouth Lord St. Vincent, Mr. Wind-
ham and Yourself Sufl&ce for the investigation?
The Right Honorable
Charles Gray
First Lord of the Admiralty
& & &
The duties of new office probably occupied Mr. Grey's
time to the exclusion of coming to a settlement with
Fulton. At any rate the latter writes again:
NEGOTIATIONS WITH CABINET 113
March the 17th 1806
Mr. Gray
Sir
After the Various changes of Ministers and Measures which
have kept me in this country for near two years and the time
fast approaching when I must Absolutely sail for America you
will excuse me for Urging that my arrangements with this gov-
ernment may be finally Setteled. In the copies of my letters
to Mr. Pitt which I had the honor to present you my Ideas of
the powers and Consequences of Submarine navigation and
Attack are fully explained and without disguise the question
therefore between government and me appears to be Simply
this have I proved Sufficient to merit the 40,000 mentioned in
the contract? if there be Still doubts on this point it is Stipu-
lated to be setteled by arbitration this is Justice founded on
the contract, but added to this Is it not the Interest of govern-
ment to finally settle with me and then use my mode of attack
as they think proper,? I beg you will have the goodness to
mention an early hour when we may have a conversation on
this subject and fix a plan for a just honorable and prompt
Settlement, let it be morning or evening or any period most
convenient to you when there may be suffeceent time for ample
Explanations,
I am &
R Fulton,
Fulton 's impatience always inclined him to correspond
simultaneously with more than one official, and particu-
larly so if thereby he could reach one higher in authority.
Although his negotiations begun through Lord Howick
were apparently proceeding satisfactorily, he forestalled
a submission by the latter to Lord Grenville by writing
to the latter himself. As this letter gives a review of
Fulton's claims and forms the basis for arbitrators who
were subsequently appointed, it is of peculiar interest.
Chapter IX
FUETHER CORRESPONDENCE
Demand for arbitrators. Further correspondence with Lords
Grenville and Howick.
London May the 5th 1806
To the Right Honorable
Lord Grenville
My Lord
Lord Howick will have a conversation with your Lord-
ship on the mode of finally setteling with me, As the papers
which I have from time to time written to Successive Ministers
and to his Lordship may not be at hand at the time of such
conversation, And as a right understanding of submarine Navi-
gation with all its probable consequences Is I conceive of much
importance to this government I beg your Lordships atten-
tion to the following observations which shall be as concise as
possible, And I hope it will be admitted by your Lordship
that whatever may be the effect of any Scientific discovery
on the interest or politics of this country, It is better his
Majesty's Ministers should be acquainted with it than remain
uninformed, And I conceive Investigation the more necessary
when it is considered that discoveries in the Sciences have from
age to age changed the whole art of war and the politics of
nations That being slow in the operation their consequences
cannot be traced by ordinary men, who being creatures of habit
and Guided by existing things consider new discoveries as
Visionary or trivial Such were the Ideas of the Inventions of
printing, gunpowder and the Mariners Compass had their
authors Shown their consequences they would not have been
believed by their Contemporaries
So my Lord when I say that I have discovered a mode of
attacking Ships of war which if prosicuted to its Ultimate powers
and rendered fameliar to all nations must from necessity de-
stroy the existing system of military marines and alter the whole
politics of Europe I do not expect to be believed by any but
men of penitrating Judgement and Sound Sense nor do I ex-
114
FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE 115
pect them to believe me untill they have see the whole of the
engines and had ample proof of the simple mode of using them
and their certain destructive effects Now my Lord if this be
a truth it is certainly important to know it, if it be false the
conviction that it is so will be equally important for then there
will be nothing to guard against, hence to place this Subject
in its true light I have proposed to Lord Howick to form a
committee compossed of Your Lordship Lord Moria Lord
Sydmouth Lord Erskin Mr Fox Mr. Windham Sir george Shee
and Alexander Davison Esqr. the members of this committee
are all friends to government to them I will exhibit all the
machinery and modes of using it and Reasoning from Experi-
ments already made endavour to Shew what may he done leav-
ing to the committee to Judge whether my preceding assertion
is true And for Such communications I make no demand, but
Should the committee find my assertion supported by facts
It will be acknowledged that I have a high Interest in this
produce of my own mind and that I have a right to prosecute
it to the acquirement of fortune or fame, I have mentioned
to Lord Howick my Views on fortune, the committee will Judge
whether it be the interest of government to acceed to my pro-
posal and whether the terms Specified are the best security
which I can give that this subject shall not be further prosi-
cuted by me My Lord I beg you to be Assured that I have
every disposition to act in the most liberal and honorable
manner towards this government At the Same time I must
Acknowledge that I never will abandon my private interest
Till satisfied by specific Stipulations and I hope my Lord that
this fair proposal to investigate all the principles and this un-
disguised mode of Acting will inspire your Lordship and Every
member of the committee with a confidence that what I agree
to Shall be scrupeleusly and honorably adheared to. Should
your Lordship require any private conversations on this sub-
ject I shall be happy to wait on you at an appointed hour.
I am my Lord your Lordships
Most obedient and Very humble
Servant
Robert Fulton
P. S. Just as I was finishing this letter I was informed by
Mr. Tucker that Lord Howick and your Lordship had decided
not to have any thing to do with the submarine boat My Lord
116 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
I never wished this government to introduce such boats into
practice But it is Stipulated in my contract that if for any
reason government do not think proper to practice my mode
of war Arbitrators Shall be appointed and if it appears to the
majority that enemies Vessels can be Destroyed by my means
at less expence and Risque than by any method now in practice
I shall receive 40,000 £ hence as the Submarine boat makes
part of my System it must come under the consideration of the
arbitrators.
Previous publications dealing with this portion of
Fulton's career have inclined to the view that considera-
tion of his plan for a submarine boat had been discarded
soon after he came to England. From the postscript
to the above letter it appears that Fulton was not in-
formed that the submarine had been rejected until May,
1806, or two years after his arrival in England. Un-
doubtedly it was held under serious and secret con-
sideration. Even if Fulton did not construct such a
boat for the British Government, the latter reserved the
right so to do until it was decided to drop all thought
of adoption, or even of further investigation of any form,
of under-water attack.
On May 14, Fulton again writes to Lord Grenville:
May the 14th 1806
My Lord:
Since writing to your Lordship on the 10th Inst Lord Howick
has agreed to decide on my Contract by arbitrators, 1 now
beg you Lordship will have the goodness to give orders that
my accounts which are with Mr. King may be immediately
setteld. They have no connection with the final decision on
my contract they have been 4 months moving from office to
office and now wait your Lordships decision
My Lord when I was Invited to this country I was led to
believe that every reasonable attention would be paid to my
demonstrations propositions and claims. I was therefore dis-
posed from the first to do everything in the most liberal and
open manner. I have uniformly acted on this principle And
I have hoped for equal attention and Uberality from each of
FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE 117
His Majestys ministers with whome I may have to act. My
Lord mine is no common Case; Tis my Sincere wish and the
real interest of this government which I will hereafter explain
that everything relative to this business may be setteled in the
most friendly manner hoping to have the pleasure of arranging
with your Lordship on this principle
I have the honor to be your Lordships
most obedient and Very humble Servant
RoBT Fulton
The Right Honble
Lord Grenville
From the above it appears that Ms previous requests
to Lords Hov^ick and Grenville for the appointing of
arbitrators had met vrith a generally favorable response.
But sometimes diplomats agree " in principle '' and
then avoid arriving at a settlement of such inconvenient
things as defined details.
There still remained much letter v^riting, threats and
begging before the arbitrators v^ere actually named,
during v^hich time Fulton came very near giving public
proof that he had lost his temper.
More than three weeks after Lord Howick had in-
formed Fulton that he had decided to submit the con-
tract to arbitration, nothing had been done as shovni
by the following letter to Lord Grenville 's secretary:
London June the 6th
Ibbotsons Hotel Vere Street Oxford Road
Mr. King
Sir
Yesterday Lord Howick informed me that Lord Grenville
had mentioned to him two or three persons whome he thought
fit arbitrators. I beg you will speak to his Lordship to decide
on two as soon as possible which decision becomes urgent in
consequence of my being under the necessity of sailing for
America About the 10th of July —
That this business may proceed with the least possible delay,
and trouble to Ministers I Conceive the best mode will be to
118 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
name one person first who with my friend Mr. Davison or Mr
Mc Arthur will [first] arrange the terms of the Arbitration bond:
then they being arbitrators [proceed] associated to two others
[Can proceed] can proceed to the examination of the Machinery
the principles of application and a decision on the contract.
I beg Sir to hear from you on this Subject as Soon as possible
I am etc
R Fulton
On June ITtli lie again writes to Mr. King :
Ibbotsons Hotel June the 17th 1806
Sir
Anxious to Know the progress of my affairs and [conceiving
that] conceiving that there can be no objection or obstacle to
prevent the immediate naming of Arbitrators on the part of
government I will take the liberty of waiting on you tomorrow
between the hours of 11 and 12 to have a few minuets con-
versation on this subject.
I am Sir your most obedient &
Very humble Servant
KingEsqr. Robt Fulton
No rei)ly having been received within two days, his
impatience and irritation overcame his control of his
nerves and on June 19th, he takes pen in hand to begin
the inditing of three letters. Considering that of these
letters one is addressed to the chief of the most power-
ful government then existing, a government that con-
trolled the affairs of the world, another to the member
of the cabinet in charge of the Navy, and both written
by a man who had been for two years and still was in
the employ of the government, they leave unbroken few
rules for the proper conduct of official correspond-
ence. At this time Fulton's feelings were like the
actions of a series of his bombs — a state of prolonged
and violent explosions.
One of the letters is addressed to Mr. King, whose
first name Fulton does not seem to know, the second to
FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE 119
Lord Grenville, and the third a covering letter to
Lord Howick. The corrections show that Fulton spent
some time in composing these communications, a task of
no small difficulty in view of Fulton's position and the
disturbed condition of his temper. The two dates on
the Grenville letter indicate that Fulton slept on it for
one night, while the lapse into his earlier degree of dis-
regard of orthography is perhaps further evidence of
his emotions. Tlie delay of one day in transmittal saved
him, as similar delays have saved others. Perhaps
some kind friend came to his guidance on the morrow,
or perhaps a night's rest had calmed somewhat his
troubled spirit; whatever the reason, according to the
footnote to the Howick letter he refrained from
forwarding any of the three.
It is not difficult to picture what Lord Grenville 's
outburst would have been had he received Fulton's letter
of June 19th-20th. The man who had not feared to
break with the all-powerful Pitt, and who had become
premier of England, would hardly have taken kindly
to Fulton's ultimatum nor his threat to write a letter
to The Times.
Mr. King
Sir
by your silence on my Several letters permit me to say
that you have treated me in a most ungentleman like
manner; Inclosed is a letter for Lord Grenville which you will
please to read and present to his Lordship, by it you will per-
ceive the line I mean to pursue I have more favours to bestow
on this government than Ministers will ever bestow on me and
I am now about to put that, to the proof should they drive me
to such necessity.
I am Sir your most
Obedient R Fulton
King Esq Secretary to Lord Grenville
At the Treasury
June the 19th 1806, London
120 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
June the 20th 1806
My Lord
I wrote to your Lordship on the 5th 10th and 14th of May,
And to Mr. King on the 30th of May & 6th of June, to which
letters I have not received any answer nor assurance, that my
[business] Claims on government shall be speedily and honor-
ably setteled. As, time presses hard upon me for for three
months past I informed Lord Howick and your Lordship that
I should Sail for america In July, I am driven from neces-
sity to urge in the strongest manner that my concerns with
governmt may be immediately and finally setteled, hence Should
my rights Continue to be treated with silent indifference, the
letters which I may hereafter have occasion to write to your
Lordship must from necessity be through the medium of the
public prints, But I yet hope that so disagreeable an alterna-
tive may be avoided And that your Lordship will se the Jus-
tice and propriety of immediately naming your Arbitrators and
of their immediately proceeding to a discision on my Claims,
My Lord Much [and Silent] experience has made me conscous
of the powers of the engines I possess. I am also sensible of
my own resources and means of Action I convinced the late
Ministers of them they felt them and treated me with that
attention Justice and civihty which should satisfy a rational
man. [And] Since the new Ministry has been formed I have
repeatedly offered to your Lordship and Lord Howick to Sub-
mit the whole of my Assertions, demenstrations and claims to
Men of science and Arbitration by which means [government]
Ministers may become acquainted with scientific facts interest-
ing to the nation, and Justice may be done to me, more liberal
and honorable terms cannot be proposed, these terms I have
a right to demand [them] and My Lord I now do demand them,
I look to your Lordship and Lord Howick for prompt Justice
I demand it as my right And I never will Submit to [receive]
plead for it as a favour
My Lord if I have not before monday next Satisfactory As-
surance that Arbitraters Shall be immediately Named on the
part of Government And my [Claims] Business [immediately]
proceeded upon in a prompt and liberal manner I will on the
commencement of next week put this letter in the public prints
and proceed to publish such details and demonstrations As
will put it in the power of the nation to Judge if my rights,
FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE 121
the Justice of Ministers And the importance of a Subject ex-
tremely interesting to [them] every Englishman.
I am my Lord your Lordships most
Obedient and Very humble Servant
Robert Fulton
Lord Grenville,
June the 19th 1806
Lord Howick
My Lord
As yet I can neither see nor heard from Lord Grenville
nor Mr. King. Inclosed Is a copy of a letter which I have
written to his Lordship degrading neglect, to a man in my
situation, compels me to take the measures which I have
adopted ;
I am My Lord your Lordships
Most Obedient [and]
R. Fulton
June the 19th 1806
These three letters not delivered for the
present the following two Substituted,
The two letters that lie substituted were addressed
one to Mr. King and the other to Lord Howick.
The copy of the King letter, now in the possession of
the writer, is dated but not signed. In it he still gave
vent to some of the bitterness and threats contained in
the letter to Lord Grenville, but in gentler tone. As
the censure is not now addressed to Lord Grenville but
to his secretary the irritating character is much softened.
Ibbotsons Hotel June the 20th 1806
Mr. King
Sir
Your Silence on my several letters Is a want of politeness
and an Injustice which I feel in the most sensible manner I
have offered His Majestys Ministers the Most rational and
122 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
honorable terms, by proposing to submit my whole plans to
men of science and arbitrators if Ministers have not time or
doubt their own [power] ability to Judge of the powers and
consequences of new inventions how can they expect to arrive
at truth or get correct Ideas but through the medium of Men
of Sciences, of their own appointment, to refuse such a pro-
posal and what is worse to treat it with contempt is injustice
to the nation and to me and is [the] sufficient to sink any man
or men in the opinion of the [nation] public. I hope I Shall
not be driven to the necessity of appealing to the public opinion
on this point but that I Shall have prompt and reasonable
attention immediately paid -to my claims I hope sir for your
immediate answer
The letter to Lord Howick is a model of self-restraint
as compared with the violent outburst of the withheld
epistle to Lord Grenville:
Ibbotsons Hotel June the 20th 1806
Lord Howick
My Lord
I have not as yet seen or beared from Lord Grenville nor
Mr. King nor received any assurance that my business shall
be speedily setteled In a thing so Just and Simple as the
naming of two Arbitrators why should such unnecessary delays
and injustice be [extended to me] exercised toward me? Will
Ministers necessitate me to lay my Claims before the public,
and force me to such demonstrations and disclosure of facts
as must be disagreeable to all parties and of serious conse-
quence to the nation; My Lord I look to your Lordship and
Lord Grenville for prompt Justice I demand it as my right
and will not Submit to ask it as a favor. I am Conscious of
my own Strength and resources I convinced the late ministers
of them, they felt them and treated me with Justice attention
and civility, I have offered to convince your Lordship and
His Majesty present Ministers, of the truth of these powers
by submitting the whole to men of Science and Arbitrators
Your Lordship has intimated that [you] you doubted your own
[capacity] power to Judge of the [power or] effect and ultimate
consequences of my Inventions, then how do you expect to
arrive at truth but through the medium of men of Science
FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE 123
My Lord this is common sense and [the Nation] Men of
sense and the Nation will not approve of any other line of
conduct in this Business —
My Lord 3 months ago I informed you that my plans were
laid for Sailing to America In July this is still my intention
the time is fast approaching And one of the gentlemen who
[was] agreed to act As my arbitrater must shortly leave town
for these reasons I must [Insist on] [beg Insist] [beg] hope
for your immediate decision, and answer to this letter.
I am etc.
R. Fulton
As one reads these letters beginning with the moder-
ate request to Lord Grenville on May 5th, the unwritten
matter between the lines suggests that Fulton was not
very hopeful of obtaining either a satisfactory financial
award or the personal treatment that he felt he was
entitled to receive.
Chaptee X
THE FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS
Arbitrators appointed. Fulton's presentation of his case (Aug.,
1806). Arbitrators decide against Fulton. He makes a last appeal
to Lord Grenville, reviewing whole case (Sept., 1806). No reply.
The arbitrators were finally appointed. By that
time the increasingly fault-finding note of Fulton's
correspondence shows that his fears as to the outcome
had become almost certainties in his mind, because he
prepared a written brief for submission, the tone of
which was far from hopeful. This brief is the
*' Descriptions " of this book.
When the arbitrators met, those representing the
government put simdry questions particularly as to
whether any one would risk being caught in the sub-
marine vessel and expose himself to being hanged in
consequence of using engines not permitted by the laws
of war; the sweeping of the Channel to locate floating
bombs; the effect of storms on such bombs, and on the
chance of a submarine being driven on shore by a storm.
These questions were all met by Fulton in a very logi-
cal manner. Both questions and answers are recorded
as *' Notes on Observations of the Arbitrators Particu-
larly of Oapt°. Hamilton and Sir Charles Blagden "
attached to Fulton's own copy of the *' Descriptions."
These same notes show that Fulton made it clear that
the plans he submitted to the British Grovernment were
so far in advance of anything he had proposed to the
French that they constituted new plans. On this point
he savs:
124
FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS 125
But, it may be said that my Experiments have been so Public
that no part of my plan is now a Secret, I would ask who has
seen the Plans and System which I have exhibited to this Com-
mittee where is to be found did any gentleman here know
them all or any part of them perfectly before I appeared,? It
is true there have been Ideas of this subject scattered in the
World but the impracticability of any important result has
always been attached to them which Idea I perceive has much
weight in this Committee.
He urged on the Arbitrators that a list of questions
which he sets forth in his notes bearing on the efdcacy
of his bombs should be submitted to Lord Kieth, Com-
modore Owen, Admiral Demet, Captain Seccombe,
Captain Salt, Captain King, Lieutenant Wm. Robinson
and Captain Thomas Johnson of the Nile Cutter. He
concludes his appeal to the Arbitrators in the following
spirited language:
Now Gentlemen I beg you to believe that I have not taken
these measures nor made use of these Arguments to draw from
you either Capital or Annuity I am not a Man much gov-
erned by a thirst for Money, an honorabel fame is to me a
much more noble feeling, But I hke truth candor, and Justice
to all Parties concerned with me in this Business, I have there-
fore used these Arguments for the following reasons.
First, That at this meeting it is right for me to Shew you
in the most striking manner in my power what I conceive your
danger and should you not see it as I do and future bad con-
sequences should result to this Country the fault will not rest
with me but with you and His Majesty's Ministers, and I shall
not have to accuse myself of want of Candour —
Second, I have used them to gratify two friends who have
been kind to me, and who are more governed by the hope of
gain than I am, I have now acquitted myself to this Govern-
ment and to them, And neither this Government nor they have
more to expect of me Therefore Gentlemen should your award
not meet their views of Wealth, I shall feel free to act as I
think proper And I will take the fame and Consequences of
these Engines on myself Abandoning all calculations of a
pecuniary kind, and the whole of the Drawings and Papers
126 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
here exhibited shall be published withm one year with all my
Experiments in France and Negotiations with this Government.
In fact I will do my utmost to make it a good Philosophic Work
and give it to the World. I will then form a Committee of
the most respectable Men in America and proceed regularly
in Experiments on the large Scale publishing the result from
time to time and thus drawing the attention of the ingenious
and Enterprising to such Pursuits I shall hope to succeed in
my first object that of annihilating all Military Marines and
giving liberty to the Seas.
Gentlemen a man who has the candour to give you this in
Writing has but little deception or fear in his character and
will not abandon so glorious an Enterprise for trifling Rebuffs
or mean consideration
At all events whatever may be your Award I never will con-
sent to let these inventions he dormant Should my Country
at any time have need of them, Were you to grant me an An-
nuity of £20,000 a Year, I would sacrifise all to the safety &
independance of my Country, But I hope England and
America will understand their mutual Interest to well to War
with each other And I have no desire to introduce my En-
gines into practice for the benefit of any other Nation.
At the end of the '' Notes " he adds his own views and
a record that the decision, adverse to him, was signed soon
after the conference was concluded.
After the Arguments used in the preceding Paper, one would
have thought that Justice and Policy would have induced the
Arbitrators to hear Evidence on the practicability and probable
consequences of such Engines, before they would venture to
decide on a Work of Art of so much consequence, they did not
however call in one Evidence nor hear one opinion and to my
great astonishment the Award was Signed in one Hour after
I left the room. Such inconceivable blindness to the Interest
of the Nation, and Injustice to me on the part of Sir Charles
Blagden and Captn. Hamilton, Induced me to write the follow-
ing Letter to Lord Grenville and this I did that Ministers may
have no excuse to plead that they were lead into Error by their
Arbitrators, and again that my two friends may be convinced
that I never abandoned their Interest as long as there was one
reasonable hope of succeeding to their wishes.
FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS 127
There is a footnote to the copy as follows:
This paper I read to the Arbitrators on the morning of this
date and it is deposited with the Government.
In the letter to Lord Grenville referred to above and
given at length below, Fulton, it will be seen, states that
he had deposited twelve drawings with descriptions of
facts in the hands of Mr. King, secretary to Lord Gren-
ville. This is undoubtedly what he means by the state-
ment in his notes of the paper read to the arbitrators
having been " deposited with the government." As
the drawings were intricate and the paper very long, it
is hardly probable that Fulton made three copies includ-
ing the copy of the paper and tracings of the drawings
that he brought home. As neither Mr. King nor the
arbitrators had any need for the drawings and paper,
it is quite likely that they were returned to Fulton, who
left them with Consul Lyman as described in his letter
to Barlow and which are consequently the foundation
of this book.
The letter to Lord Grenville to which Fulton refers
is worthy of reproduction as it is a general summary
of his case written immediately before his departure for
America. It is his last appeal, and in it he uses every
argument that occurs to him.
Ibbotsons Hotel, September the 3d 1806
To the Right Honorable
Lord Grenville
My Lord
As the subject of which this letter will treat is of the ut-
most importance in as much as it may render the power and
independence of Great Britain doubtful and a wrong judgement
of it may not only involve the country in comphcated evils
but attach eternal blame to his Majesty's present ministers of
whome your Lordship is one. I Shall hope for your calm perusal
and deliberate contemplation of the following facts and ob-
servations on the means which science has developed for de-
128 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
stroying military marines and in such case what would be the
fate of England? There is one suit of thinking which gains
easy access to an intelligent mind, and opens the way to a
right Judgement on the progress of the arts and the possibility
of effecting every thing which is within the limits of physics
it is that all science is progressive every year exhibits new com-
binations and effects, Steam engines, Cotton Mills, Telegraphs,
Baloons, and submarine navigation and attack have all appeared
almost within our memory, and only Vulgar minds harbour
the thought that a Physical possibility is impracticable because
it has not already been done. It does not require much depth
of thought to trace that science by the discovery of Gunpowder
changed the whole art of war by land and sea and may by
future combinations sweep military marines from the ocean
My Lord I have discovered the means which may produce such
an effect, and by ample experiments proved them true, that is
I have proved them to a degree which should convince every
reflecting and unprejudiced mind, Common minds which cling
to the Ideas of forefathers, or established customs are only to
be convinced by demonstrations which enter at the Eyes. But
if in this case the marine of England must be destroyed to
convince the Vulgar of the possibility it will then be too late
to reason on the consequences It is to avoid being driven to
so dreadful a proof of the power of my engines that I now
take the liberty of calling the attention of your Lordship to
this Subject, Of the principles of the Engines I have deposited
twelve drawings with descriptions of facts and reasonings on
them in the hands of Mr. King who I believe has committed
them to the care of Alexander Davison Esq^ In St. Jameses
square which drawings and writings were made for arbitrators
who had to decide on my claims under a contract made with
Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville.
Of the Arbitrators two Mr. Davison and Dr. Cartwright are
of opinion that all military marines may be destroyed by the
means which I have Exhibited, how far Sir Charles Blagden
and Capt. Hamilton may be of that opinion I cannot tell but
resting on their own judgement they never heared evidence
nor called for the opinion of nautical men, on the several modes
of using the machines, hence Ministers are Still in the dark
as to what may be the power Practicability and consequence
of such engines.
Now my Lord his Majesty's Ministers cannot do Justice to
FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS 129
the public nor guard their own honor untill they enter into a
full examination of my system and take the opinion of many
nautical men on the means by which such engines may be used
for out of the opmion of the many a right thinking may arise.
I would therefore propose a meeting of His Majesty's Min-
isters, Your Lordship, Lord Moira, Lord Henry petty, Lord
Howick, Lord Erskine, Mr. Fox if his health will permit and
Mr. Windham, or any other Gentleman whome it may be
thought right to call in, And that before them the opinions shall
be taken of Lord Kieth, Admiral Demet, Sir Even Nepene, Com-
modor Owen, Capt. Seccombe, Capt. Salt, Capt. Thos. Johnson
of the nile Cutter, and Lieutenant Wm. Robinson — or such
other persons as have seen the experiments and know most of
the engines
But should this mode be inconvenient a Comraitte of 12
Nautical men to examine and report on the plans which I have
exhibited, by such means & such only Ministers can do Jus-
tice to the pubhc and get a clear understanding of this subject
And at Such committee if thought proper I will attend and
explain my several modes of attack which will give gentlemen
an opportunity to see what means they can devise to prevent
your commerce being distressed and your marine by such en-
gines were they in the hands of an enemy and practiced by them
against this country.
There are many powerful reasons why such investigation
Should be entered into.
First.
That if what I ascert be fact and Ministers refuse to take the
rational and easy means here pointed out of being rightly in-
formed and my engines should be practiced to the Injury of
the commerce and fleets of England the people will not Suffer
in silence but attach the whole blame to Ministers for wilfull
neglect, therefore in as much as gentlemen regard their future
reputation this Subject is of serious consequence to them,
Second
If the Engines be harmless it certainly is important to be con-
vinced on this head But will Ministers consent to be convinced
on Vague reports and Vulgar opinions which accompany aU
new Inventions and not calmly sit down with nautical men
and by examining principles penetrate into facts — ? My Lord
130 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
men of sense must penetrate into all the facts connected with
this subject and that His Majesty's Ministers may not have the
least excuse, that they have not had a fair and timely wammg
on what maybe the consequence of these inventions I have
Written this letter which I beg your Lordship to Communicate
to His Majesty's ministers.
In case of a Committe of investigation I conceive the prin-
ciple points for consideration and to guard the interest of the
nation will be as follows,
First
What is the present state of perfection of submarine navigation
and attack,?
Second,
To what state of perfection is it capable of being brought
Third
With such engines in the hands of an Enemy could they injure
the commerce fleets and independence of England?
Fourth
What is the general opinion of this subject and public knowl-
edge of it,?
Fifth
Under all considerations is it policy to practice such engines
or to let them be practiced,?
Sixth
Is it the interest of the nation that they should rest in their
present state and is the public or European mind so little im-
pressed with the use of Such engines that they may rest in
their present state of incertitude?
Now My Lord permit me to give you my opinion It has been
proved by the most satisfactory experiments, that were an
Enemy in possession of all the means which I exhibited to the
Arbitrators they could at any time in two months embarrass
the commerce of England in the most distressing degree, Or
should they think proper to persevere in the practice of such
FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS 131
Engines they could destroy the whole British Marine And I
thing it cannot be doubted that The french Emperor whose
most ardent wish is to get freedom for his commerce would
practice such engines were he acquainted with them, knew the
modes of using them and the immense advantages they would
give him, That he has not such a Knowledge is in some de-
gree proved by his not making any move in the manufacture,
practice or use of them, — For although I made some experi-
ments in france they were always thought more curious than
useful and the French never were impressed with the Idea that
any advantage could be drawn from what I had done, which
opinion prevails in this country at present. The feilure at
Boulogne has also spread the Idea that the engines are harm-
less, but the want of success at Boulogne was in consequence
of not having experience, and no defect in the principles of
the Engines, hence under these impressions in france and
England I believe these inventions may lie silent for many
years —
From this I infer that it rests with me and my friends in
America whether these inventions shall sleep or or be rendered
fameUar to all nations, of this Gentlemen can Judge on
investigation
When I was invited to this country a prospect of emolu-
ment was held out to me in some degree proportioned to the
Value of my engines but in consequence of Lord Melville going
out of office, The death of Mr. Pitt the change of Ministers
and opinions on this subject the agreement with me has not
been fulfilled. Therefore My Lord after Seven Years Labour,
Experience Expence and Successful experiment It is reason-
able and right that I should convert my inventions to my own
use in every honorable way, your Lordship or any other man
in my situation would act in like manner, And it is right now
to assure your Lordship that I never will Suffer these inven-
tions to rest till I Succeed; But as I have no desire to in-
troduce these inventions Into practice unless my country should
have need of them and which I hope will not be necessary as
long as England and America understand the true interest of
their commerce I still offer my neutrality to this government
on Condition that Ministers will meet the Ideas held out to me
on coming to England,
This my Lord is placing the security of the Commerce and
fleets of England in the Balance against a few thousand pounds
132 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Or an Annuity, which Annuity to be continued to me only so
long as such engines are not used by France or any other nation
against England, The resting my pecuniary hopes on such
conditions is perhaps the best proof which can be given of my
conviction that such engines are not yet sufficiently known to
be turned against this nation. In Such an arrangement It
should be a condition that government Should not permit such
engines to be used by any british subject least they should be
made known, and turned against this country Or should the
present or future ministers use them they should fulfill the
terms of the contract for fourteen years as Stipulated in Said
contract —
But Should terms to this effect not be Acceeded to I must
from necessity place the whole system in such a position as
will give it to the world I must also publish this letter, the
nation will then Judge whether I have acted frankly And
whether Ministers have done Justice to the public and to me.
My Lord having made you this communication your honor
and future fame is involved in this question, the high situation
which you hold as one of his Majesty's Ministers and your
Consequent responsibility to the nation together with my full
conviction that what I have here said is not only practicable
but easy is the reason I have taken the liberty thus to address
you,—
I now beg your Lordship to believe that although this busi-
ness has been treated in a manner extremely disagreeable to
my feelings and I have been much disappointed in not finding
the calm and rational investigation which I hoped for, yet I
have not one feeling of enmity towards this nation or any one
of his Majesty's Ministers I make every allowance for estab-
lished opinions and Ideas of art which particular education fix
on the human mind And my wish ever has been that this
subject should be one of reason and not of passion or prejudice
And for this reason I again submit it to your Lordship and His
Majesty's Ministers before I leave the Country which will be
in a few days.
Believe me my Lord impressed
September the with the greatest respect for
3d 1806 your high Character and
Sense of right
Robert Fulton
FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS 133
The above is an argument. Fulton placed his facts,
which were summarized as a series of questions put by
him to the arbitrators, or by them to him, and recorded
by Fulton in a —
Second Letter
To the Right Honorable Lord Grenville
On Questions, Answers doubts and Considerations at the
Arbitration on the powers of Submarine navigation and attack
After exhibiting the Engines to the arbitrators and the Various
modes of using them I put the following questions to the four
arbitrators,
First
Will the explosion of a submarine Bomb of one or two hun-
dred pounds of powder under the bottom of a Ship of the line
destroy her,?
Answer, we believe it would the blowing up of the Brig
Dorothea in walmer roads being indubitable proof —
Second
Were an instantanious bomb anchored under water and a Vessel
to run against it so that the bomb should strike any place
under her bottom and explosion there take place would it destroy
her,?
Answer, we believe it would,
The power of the engines being thus acknowledged the follow-
ing opinions were started by Capt. Hamilton as difficulties in
the way of using them.
First
Where can men be found who will have courage to use such
engines, who knowing that were they caught they would be
liable to suffer death for using engines not admitted by the laws
of war hence what advantages could the enemy draw from
Such engines?
134 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
My Answer
Englishmen have had courage to run four times among the
Enemy in Boulogne roadstead with such engines and have
courage to do so again Then is it suffecient security for England
to rely on that frenchman have not courage to take advantage
of dark nights to anchor submarine bombs in the waters near
Boulogne where the blockading squaderns usually cruise or near
the Black rocks or ushant where the brest Blockading squadern
usually cruise or off cape Grinez or half channel over In the
waters where British fleets now cruise without a feeling of
danger, Should the French Emperor adopt such a system and
Issue a proclamation that he would retaliate man for man who
would hang a Frenchman? This is for Ministers to consider;
Second objection of Capt H
Were ten thousand of such bombs anchored the first storm
would drive them on shore and destroy them.
Answer
The Buoys to mark shoal water are held in the Same spot in
all weathers yet Buoys are of a large Volume and exposed to
the shock of the surface of the water which is much more violent
than the action ten or fifteen feet deep, therefore if Buoys be
held by suffecient anchor and cable, a bomb of not one fortieth
of the Buoys Volume may be held also, but to decide on this
doubt let a bomb without a lock be anchored in Dover Roads
and if it be not found there next Spring I will give up this
point.
Third objection of Capt. H.
A few vessels with cables stretched could sweep the channel
and destroy the Bombs.
Answer,
What would be the situation of a commercial country like
England were she obliged to lay an embargo on her trade and
keep her Ships of war in port till 3,000 square miles of channel
were swept once a month,? for while sweeping the Channel
in one part, the enemy could be laying down bombs in several
places, Suppose for example that the Enemy had anchored
FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS 135
500 or 1000 bombs from the lands end to the humber they who
were to sweep them not knowing where they were laid would
be necessitated to sweep the whole channel to find them, and
another difficulty occurs, for not Knowing the number which
were put down who could tell when exactly every one was
taken up?
Will Capt Hamilton have the goodness to point out to his
Majesty's ministers a certain mode of keeping the channel free
from such engines so that the British commerce and fleets may
move with all the security and confidence which they at present
enjoy*?
*When a few hundred of such bombs are anchored it is im-
possible to clear the Channel of them nor give confidence to
navigation till they destroy themselves in the given time for
which they were set. That is from one to twelve months. This
I know how to do, Therefore the danger may be laid down for
any time from one to 12 months and the trade destroyed for
any period which the french might think proper,
Fourth Objection.
And one to which I believe all the arbitrators Yielded but which
they did not give me an opportunity to answer and which I
shall now do.
That such a system of Attack would not only destroy English
but all neutral commerce, and even the commerce of france that
consequently Buonapart would not use it —
Answer
When any port is blockaded the commerce of all neutrals as
connected with that port is distressed But as the existance
of England depends on her uninterrupted commerce while
France is more Agricultural, and as france could lay down such
engines in the channel so as to distress British commerce yet
leave Brest, Bordeaux and the Medeterranian free to her own
trade unless England laid down bombs also in which case mari-
time war would become a war of Bombs in which France would
have the advantage in consequence of her trade with Spain and
her own frontier, the Question then would be which of the two
nations England or France could bear such interruption of their
136 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
trade for the greatest length of time and which must finally
yield to the dictates of the other In such a contest where every-
thing is to be gained
Nepolion is not of a temper to consult the temporary Interest
of Neutrals and it will not be wise in his Majesty's Ministers
to risk it.
Questions put by me to Capt Hamilton and which I desired
might be put to Lord Kieth, Admiral Demet, Commodor Owen,
Capt. Seccombe, Capt Salt, Capt. King, Capt. Thos. Johnson
of the nile Cutter, and Lieutenant Wm. Robinson, but which
was not done, Consequently an injustice has been done to me
and to the Government by leaving ministers ignorant of the
facts connected with this subject.
First Question
Were you informed that two hundred or more of Such Bombs
were anchored in any particular Channel would you venture
to Sail through it and among them,
Answer by Capt Hamilton no
Second.
Had the Enemy three or four hundred good row boats with
six or seven thousand men exersised to them and such boats
were established along their coast in tens or twenties, from
Ostend to Brest with a magazine of bombs at each place how
could they be prevented anchoring bombs in such places as
would endanger the commerce and fleets of England,?
Third
If while sailing in a fleet you saw two or three of the head-
most Vessels blown up by such invisible engines would it not
destroy your confidence in sailing in such waters?
Fourth
Is there any enemy so distressing to the mind of a seaman or
so calculated to destroy his confidence as one which is invisible
and instantanious destruction and which cannot be avoided
but by forsaking the Seas where they are?
FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS 137
Fifth
As each bomb will cost 14 say 20 £ and fifty thousand of them
may be made for a million sterling is the expence compared
with the advantage which is would give France any considera-
tion to prevent the adoption of such a plan as one thousand
Bombs would distress the trade for one year — 50,000 would
extend their terrors to 50 years,
Now my Lord I appeal to common sense whether the ob-
jections started by Capt Hamilton are suffecient security for
the great interest which this nation has at Stake against such
engines,?
I am my Lord your Lordships
most obedient and very humble
servant
Robert Fulton
Sept 3d 1806
Further remarks on the arguments of
Capt Hamilton
What claim said he has Mr. Fulton to Forty thousand pounds
or ten thousand or any other sum from this government, while
many british seamen of the first talents do not get half the
sum in a whole hfe of exertions? I myself would feel happy
to be so rewarded.
Answer.
This is no part of the Question the point for consideration
is have I fulfilled my part of the contract? and aught not
government In Justice to fulfill their part? But I will now
put my pretentions to ample reward in another point of View.
If I cannot exhibit to the world an easy mode of destroying
all miUtary marines and consequently the whole poUtical in-
fluence of England If I cannot give a clear prospect that by
my exertions and the exertions of my friends my plans must
in a short time be adopted by European nations at varience
with England then I will admit that I have no pretentions
to any sum from this government, but for the time already
spent and which I consider as paid,
But if science and industry has developed to me a means
-which by my exertions and the natural order of things must
138 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
destroy all military marines and consequently that of England,
and if to preserve the power of the British marine undeminished
is worth milhons to the nation it follows that my neutrality
is of as much real value to the nation as the active services
of any man in it,. And I might say of more for there is not
nor ever has been an individual in England who could render
services to the country equal to what the marine gives yet
there are Gentlemen whose income from government is from
five to ten thousand a year for services which hundreds of men
can do when I speak of reward it is for what only three men
beside myself can do that is my two friends in America and
the Earl of Stanhope in England. Whether I possess such
powers and for my neutrality merit ample compensation can
only be known by investigating the principles and practice of
the engines.
Robert Fulton
In his letters Fulton has made a number of references
to his friends who were associated with him. In the
above letter he gives the only clue as to whom they
might be. At the time when this letter was written,
both Robert R. Livingston and Joel Barlow had returned
to the United States.
The above two letters on which he staked everything,
were too important to be entrusted to a messenger, so
Fulton carried them himself. In order to be sure that
Lord Grenville should be acquainted with the contents,
Fulton read them aloud as is shown by the following
footnote :
On the 3r of September 1806 I had an interview with Lord
Grenville in Downing street I entered his room about three
oclock he was, alone handed me a chair I sat down near him
and after a few words I read him the preceding letters, on
which no comment whatever was made His Lordship only
observed that he could not then say anything on the Subject
and I retired.
That was the end. His work of twenty years in Europe
was finished!
Chapter XI
RETURN TO AMERICA
Summary of the British negotiations. America used as a threat. Offer
of neutrality. Fulton's review of the past and plans for the future.
Appeal to Jefferson. Departure for home.
One's sympathy goes unreservedly to Fulton. He was
at this time almost forty-one years old. He had fought
his battle of life alone, without money, and with only such
friends as he had attracted to himself from time to time.
He had tried several avenues that might lead to success,
but he found that one after the other came to an end in
desert fields. To his latest effort he had devoted nine
years. It had been the most promising of them all. It
had brought him in contact with many powerful people,
it had provided action that he sought, it was lighted with
the bright hopes for success, and for the past two years
had furnished a comfortable living, the first of any of his
efforts so to do. But now this avenue like the others had
reached an end. This disappointment must have exceeded
all his previous disappointments. He had abandoned art,
small canal construction and his excavating devices at a
time when no one of them offered any great encourage-
ment. In none of his earlier efforts had he attained a good
foothold. In his submarine he had buried more time and
energy than he had in any of his other lines : in fact, he
had spent nearly one half of the years since leaving home
in its study. Whatever estimate he had placed on art and
his various engineering projects, this time he knew that
he was right. There was no doubt in his own mind as to
the correctness of his reasoning and the workable qual-
139
140 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
ities of his invention. All the harder it must have been,
when he realized that he could not make men see it as he
did, other than his two unnamed friends in America and
his one friend in England, the Earl of Stanhope.
His emotions on sailing from England were of a dis-
tinctly different character from those he felt when leav-
ing France. In the latter country he had been rejected
with contumely, the first real shock that he had experi-
enced. He departed from France sore and angry, as
has been shown. In England he had been treated
quite otherwise. Throughout his stay of twenty-
eight months he had been shown every courtesy.
He had the entree to government offices and enjoyed
the confidence of the highest officials, including
Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville, in turn prime min-
isters. The disagreement with the British Government
was on financial grounds. During his period of work he
had received a generous salary in addition to reimburse-
ment for aU his expenses. Development of events made
Fulton no longer necessary to the Government on the one
hand, while on the other his steamboat arrangement with
Chancellor Livingston was forcing Fulton's return to
America. Both parties were ready to end the contractual
relation. The British Government, not having received
any direct benefit from Fulton's ideas, except the indirect
one that he had been kept from going over to the enemy,
naturally sought a means of terminating the contract
without further payment. Fulton, equally naturally,
sought substantial pecuniary reward. He was past the
age when men have usually made their mark, and had
accomplished nothing. His steamboat plans were as yet
on paper with nothing more definite than hope. He was
in debt to his " two friends in America," a debt that he
could repay by no other means in sight than through his
submarine contract. He, therefore, made the best fight he
could, single-handed, to obtain a favorable settlement.
RETURN TO AMERICA 141
It is interesting to follow the working of Fulton's mind
in these final negotiations for a satisfactory adjustment,
as shown by his own letters. In his original contract of
May, 1804, he made no reservation, but placed his ideas
wholly and exclusively at the disposition of the British
Government. It does not appear that he gave any thought
to the use of his device by the United States. This is not
remarkable. He had left America when he was but
twenty-one years old. At that time there was no constitu-
tion, no federal government, nothing but a confederacy
of colonies disturbed by strong jealousies of each other.
He had lived abroad for twenty years, including the form-
ative period of a man's character. His sole tie with his
native country, his mother, had been cut by her death.
The Barlows were quite as much French as American.
There was nothing except the friendship and personality
of Livingston to rouse in him a sense of patriotism, or
lead him to feel the existence of a national spirit in a
united country in America.
The first reference to the use of his submarine by
America appears in his letter to Lord Castlereagh, dated
*' London December 13th, 1805," given on pages 104r-8.
When this letter was written, it was becoming clear to
Fulton that the British Government might refuse to make
payment under the contract, and that he would have to use
some sort of force to compel a compliance with the terms.
The only force that he could employ would be a threat to
give his secret to some other power. France was now quite
out of the question, and there was no one power in Europe
that could serve as a means to scare. The United States,
now become a nation, was the only hope. In his letter to
Lord Castlereagh he advances the ingenious solution that
he receive a substantial cash payment and an annuity,
the latter to continue only so long as the secret was kept
inviolate by him. He concludes by diplomatically hinting
that the only government to whom he would be likely to
142 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
explain his invention would be his own. In the paper
that he read to the Arbitrators he makes a distinct threat
that, unless a satisfactory offer be made, he will not only
give his secret to America but publish it to the whole
world, although he modified this by stating that he had
*' no desire to introduce my Engines into practice for the
benefit of any other Nation." (page 126.)
Although refused by the Arbitrators, he made a final
effort with Lord Grenville, on September 3rd, to obtain
his pecuniary award, by again offering what he called his
** neutrality." (pages 137-8.)
But the best exposition of Fulton's position is given
by himself in the concluding pages of his Notes, this part
being written after his letters to and audience of Lord
Grenville on September 3rd. This quotation was his
final word :
'' I have now said suffecient of this System to enable
any ingenious man to make and arrange the Engines and
any maritime nation to carry the whole into effect. If
I live it is my intention to give this system to the public
engraved with every necessary detail and I have made
these sketches and this loose description which is litte
more than a sketch of my studies on this Subject In
order that they may not be lost to my country and man-
kind in case of any accident to me,
The prosecution of this system will put maritime na-
tions on equal means of offensive war, will give them
equal means of distressing each others commerce or de-
stroying their Ships of war and consequently will produce
the liberty of the Seas. What I mean By the liberty
of the seas, is that all Vessels of all nations should
carry any kind of Cargo to any port of any and every
nation whever (wherever?) the owners thought proper to
Send her if In such port she could not dispose of her cargo
or found a duty equal to a prohibition then let her go else-
RETURN TO AMERICA 143
where, unmolested for the perfect liberty of trade is the
real interest of all mankind. Under such a system Infi-
nate stupid causes of war will be done away, and the
genius and millions which are now Expended on wars,
will then be directed to useful enterprises —
With such immense and humain objects In View and
which has been the great Stimules to my prosecuting of
this subject. It may be necessary to give a reason for offer-
ing to abandon these inventions to the British government
to use or not as they might think proper.
My first reason is that my country does not at present
seem to require such engines And although I had written
to Mr. Jefferson twice on the progress I had made and the
final happy consequences of such a system I never had an
answer from him nor do I know that I shall have the least
encouragement in America to systematize these plans for
the use of the Country
Second, Untill my country feels the importance of
these engines and seeing the power which they possess
to give liberty to the seas, and will unite with me in
introducing them effectually into the world, and consider-
ing the immense advantages which America would gain
from a perfect liberty of the seas, and would make my
friends a reasonable compensation for the Sums they have
advanced to enable me to prosecute my experiments,
Untill my (" country," undoubtedly omitted) sees such
advantages and does such things It is right that I Should
do everything in my power for the interest of such friends
and even to guard my own Interest Will any American or
liberal minded man call such actions sorded and wish me
to abandon years of Industry to the public good while
neither he nor the government have offered one Shilling
to promote so glorious an enterprise ?
Third
As my country has not inunediate use for such engines
and the prosecution of my system may now be considered
144 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
on the broad scale of general good It is no abandonment
of my plan to take some years to reflect on it and give
give it to the world with every demonstration of probable
success.
Fourth.
As I am bound in honor to Mr. Livingston to put my steam
boat in practice and such an engine is of more immediate
use to my country than submarine navigation I wish to
devote some years to it and Should the British Govern-
ment allow me an annuity I Should not only do Justice
to my friends but it would enable me to carry my steam
Boat and other plans into effect for the good of my coim-
try. It is therefore for this reason I have offered Eng-
land my neutrality for the present and when I proposed
an annuity it was only to continue for so long as my
engines were not used by france or any other nation
against England, this is doing justice to all parties and
leaving me at liberty to abandon the annuity whenever
my friends and I might think proper, to introduce the
engines into practice.
It never has been my intention to hide these inventions
from the world on any consideration on the contrary it
ever has been my intention to make them public as soon as
consistent with Strict justice to all with whome I am
concerned
For myself I have ever considered the interest of
America, free commerce the interest of mankind the mag-
nitude of the objective view and the rational reputation
connected with it superior to all calculations of a
pecuniary Mind
Eobert Fulton "
It will be seen that Fulton made two appeals to the
President at Washington, undoubtedly when his negotia-
tions for a final settlement with the British Government
were beginning to take a discouraging turn. But Mr.
RETURN TO AMERICA 145
Jefferson apparently never even acknowledged his
letters.
Scorned by France, played with and then rejected by
England, ignored by America, Fulton with weary heart
and disappointed spirit set out in October, 1806, on the re-
turn to his own country, that he had left, with only forty
guineas in his pocket, but radiant with youth's hopes,
twenty years before. He still had hope, and his courage
had never failed him. Now, at last, he was to win his re-
ward, in the way most dear to him, by receiving recog-
nition of his talents. Though he had but the short space
of nine years more to live, nevertheless, before they were
completed he was to achieve everlasting fame through his
steamboat " Clermont."
His submarine plans he had left in England. He dis-
missed them from further consideration in the excitement
of his other success. Then came his death, and his plans
lay dormant. Others were to work over the same idea and
bring it after many trials to perfection, until finally after
an interval of more than one hundred years, it was to be-
come, as Fulton foresaw, a great offensive force. It was
then to be used, but not as he could have imagined, against
the three countries, jointly, that he served and loved
in turn.
Chapter XII
EXAMINATION OF FULTON'S DESIGN
What the Nautilus accomplished. The British design compared
with that of the Nautilus. Folding propeller. Horizontal propeller.
Details of machinery. Effectiveness of the vessel. Screening the
Channel.
However interesting from an academic point of view
may be Fulton's views on philosophy, free trade and
social problems, and his personal peculiarities as dis-
played in his negotiations with government officials, the
animating question of historical bearing relates to the
boat itself. Was the design practical, would it as de-
veloped have been able to serve a useful purpose, or was
it only a single step in a long process of evolution?
The NautOus, defective as she was in many particulars
which Fidton admitted, clearly demonstrated certain
facts : firstly, that a boat coidd be made to plunge and
rise at will; secondly, that it could remain under water
with a crew of three men for several hours; thirdly,
that it could be manoeuvered and steered by the com-
pass under water as well as on the surface. These
features are the essence of the principle of successful
submarine practice, and so much Fulton accomplished.
It is a far cry from a little vessel like the Nautilus,
no bigger than a ship's boat that is carried at the davits,
to a modern submarine capable of keeping the seas for
many weeks, of crossing and recrossing the ocean without
replenishing either stores or fuel, and of carrying not
only torpedoes and apparatus for their discharge but also
a 12-inch long-range gun firing a projectile weighing
nearly one-half ton. Except as to size, which is not
146
EXAMINATION OF FULTON'S DESIGN 147
really a basic feature of principle, the modern submarine
differs from Fulton's proposals in that it possesses an
engine actuated when on the surface by a fuel (oil) whose
activity can be instantly stopped preparatory to plung-
ing, and by a power (electric storage battery) that
neither generates heat nor vitiates the air while sub-
merged. For that combination of motive power the
world had to wait another hundred years.
The Nautilus, as a matter of fact, was something
vastly more than a toy or experimental model. It pos-
sessed real offensive powers, and a fleet of them, as
Fulton proposed and as the British navy officials feared,
would have been able to do real havoc. In estimating
the offensive power of Fulton's design, the picture of
the modern submarine must be kept out of sight. The
latter is called on to meet conditions of mechanical de-
velopment and types of hostile vessels that are as much
in advance of those existing when Fulton lived, as is the
complicated mechanism of a present-day submarine over
the hand-driven propeller proposed by him.
At the beginning of the last century, a ship-of-the-line
was a very unwieldly affair. She was bluff bowed and
high sided and consequently could be handled satisfac-
torily only when " off the wind." Even under these
favorable conditions, speed was comparatively slow.
With a light wind, especially with a light adverse wind,
she could make but little headway. Such a wind ren-
dered capital ships practically helpless. That they were
not destroyed by the opposing force was because at such
times the opposing force was helpless too. A boat that
had offensive power of attack and had means of loco-
motion enough to overcome tidal currents would have
been an effective menace. As Fulton pointed out, the
only measure of defense by a large vessel at anchor would
lie in a cordon of small boats. But a boat fully, or even
partially, submerged would have had an excellent chance
148 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
to get throiigli a cordon and destroy her prey. In spite
of the limitation of sjjeed and cruising range that today
would condemn any such boat as absolutely worthless,
these limitations w^ere sufficiently generous when com-
pared with the status of naval architecture that j^re-
vailed in 1800-1806 to make Fulton's submarine, when
he proposed it, a factor of actual and positive value.
If that can be said of the Nautilus, all the more it is
true of the design that he submitted to the British
Government. Between the Brest experiments in 1801
and his proposals in 1804, as evidenced by his ' ' Drawings
and Descriptions," it is clear that he had given the
matter considerable thought and to some purpose. The
specifications as submitted to the British agent called
for a boat 35 feet long and 10 feet beam as compared
with the similar dimensions of the Nautilus of 21 ft. 3 in.
and 6 ft. 4 in., respectively, giving at least three times
the tonnage. It was to carry a crew of six instead of
three men with provisions sufficient to enable her
to be kept at sea for 20 days. The offensive capacity
was 30 submarine bombs (or mines) as against a single
trailing one with the Nautilus. The vessel designed for
the British Government was a real sea-going boat that
could independently navigate the Channel while the
little Nautilus could not venture far from land or from
some large vessel acting as a base.
An examination of the details, particularly those
on Plates First and Second will disclose many improve-
ments over the French prototype, shown facing page
26. In the first place the hull is that of a seagoing
boat, equipped with a well-developed sail plan for
propulsion when on the surface and not the queer con-
traption that the French marine architects condemned.
On the surface this boat could have been handled as
easily and she would have sailed as fast as any sloop
of the same size. The mast could have been laid back
EXAMINATION OF FULTON'S DESIGN 149
on the deck and the sails disposed of in a few minutes
preparatory to plunging.
To plunge and again come to the surface of the water,
ballast tanks, sea valves and hand pumps provided ample
facilities readily to overcome or restore excess of buoy-
ancy. The brass cylinder with the hemispherical ends
would suffice to withstand the exterior hydrostatic pres-
sure. The required thickness of shell was a matter of
computation, one readily made with certainty even in
those days.
The difficulty with all early submarines was motion
beneath the surface. In the British plan, Fulton pro-
posed to obtain motion by a manually operated crank
turning a propeller. The boat was larger than the
Nautilus, but so also would have been the crew. For
short distances he could undoubtedly have driven the
boat at his estimated speed. The propeller was a two-
bladed affair of modern type. Fulton had now definitely
abandoned the full helical or Archimedes screw that
Bushnell used and which he had himself tried in his
first experiments.
Reference to Plate First and its description will show,
however, an exceedingly interesting addition that Fulton
had made in the British boat. He reasoned correctly
that a propeller when not turning would cause a con-
siderable drag to the boat when sailing, and thus reduce
her speed. He, therefore, arranged that his propeller
could be folded so as to lie horizontally. This he pro-
posed to do by a hand crank and gearing operated from
within the boat. On Plate Seventh it will be seen that the
propeller when folded lay well above the water surface
and so would not have been an impediment to the mo-
tion of the boat. When it is recalled that the propeller
was not generally adopted as a means of vessel propul-
sion until after 1845, when the steamship Great Britain
crossed the ocean between England and New York, the
150 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
first vessel driven by a screw propeller to accomplish
the feat, and that a propeller that could be folded or
hoisted above water was not introduced until about 1850,
because at that period steam was merely an auxiliary
to sails, it will be seen how far ahead of his time Fulton
was in the design that he made in 1804.
Another radical innovation was a horizontal propeller.
Marked B in Plate First, attached near the bow of the
boat. This propeller, also actuated by a crank from
within the boat, was to give the boat vertical motion
when submerged and so enable it to be kept at any depth
that might be desired. This principle of the horizontal
propeller is that of the helicopter, the device now being
experimented with by airplane designers in order to give
planes a vertical motion or permit them to hover sta-
tionary in the air. It was precisely those same results
in the water that Fulton undertook to accomplish with
his submarine.
The other mechanism in the interior of the boat is
simple and self-explanatory. There were two anchors
with windlasses, one anchor to hold in the usual manner
against drifting, the other to regulate depth when lying
stationary. There were pumps for emptying the water
ballast chambers. On deck was a conning tower quite
similar to the tower on a modern submarine, which served
when closed as a lookout for the helmsman, and when
open as means of ingress and egress for the crew. This
conning tower had glass windows through which an ob-
server could watch hig prey, or steer his course when the
boat was partially submerged. Plate Fifth shows how the
conning tower could be used when it should be the only
part of the vessel above the surface. This particular
plate is of peculiar interest in that Fulton has drawn
a picture of himself looking through the glass-covered
ports. In the original drawing the head is full size.
Attached to the conning tower were two pipes marked
EXAMINATION OF FULTON'S DESIGN 151
F and G in Plate Second. These pipes led to the interior
of the boat and permitted fresh air to be drawn in, and
the vitiated or mephitic air (as Fulton called it) ex-
pelled. These pipes permitted the boat to be submerged
so that the deck was just awash, the only part above
the surface being the upper half of the conning tower
and the air pipes. This is the situation as shown in
Plate Fifth. So operated, the boat did not differ mate-
rially from a modern submarine under similar conditions
with her periscope out of water.
From Fulton's small conning tower he had only direct
vision. A periscope enables the boat to be wholly sub-
merged with vision obtained by reflecting mirrors. But a
boat submerged so as to be just awash, with only the
conning tower showing, and driven by a hand-operated
propeller could have entered at night unseen almost any
harbor, because in those days there were no powerful
searchlights to illuminate the surface of the water at a
distance.
The British were right in the secret note that they
sent to the naval commanders that Fulton's boat,
even without the later improvements that he showed the
British Govermnent, could in the hands of the French
have made an attack with very serious results upon an
open roadstead such as the mouth of the Thames.
According to modern phraseology, Fulton's British
boat was a submersible rather than a submarine. The
latter term defines a vessel that has powers of offense
under water by torpedoes that in turn have means of
locomotion. With such a torpedo neither Fulton nor
the art was acquainted. His torpedoes or " bombs "
were immobile affairs intended to be anchored, dragged
by a boat or allowed to drift with the tide and to explode
by concussion.
With the Nautilus it is true that he contemplated
dragging a " bomb " beneath the bottom of a ship to be
152 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
attacked, and in this respect the Nautilus possessed
some feature of a true submarine. The plan that he
proposed for the Nautilus presented many serious diffi-
culties depending as it did on the fixing of a spike in
the bottom of the other vessel. Fulton himself appar-
ently reached the conclusion that this suggestion was
impracticable, through actual experiments or further
study. The boat that he proposed for the British Gov-
ernment had no such attachment, but instead was de-
signed to carry " bombs " to be deposited secretly in
an enemy harbor, and there to be anchored so as to re-
main beneath the surface when they would come in con-
tact with the bottoms of passing vessels, or to be released
in couples held by bridles and thus to be carried by tidal
currents across the cables of anchored ships when the
'* bombs " would be drawn beneath the vessel and
explode.
What Fulton called '' bombs " are today known as
mines. No means are shown in his plans by which these
mines could be placed or released while his boat was
submerged. The capability to submerge and to move
beneath the surface was expected to permit the boat to
work into a harbor unperceived, and there to lie in wait
beneath the surface until night presented the opportunity
to rise unseen, when the mines would be placed or set
free. The successful experiment with the Dorothea
showed that his mines could be completely effective and
that, therefore, his submersible mine layer, as perhaps
she can be correctly described, could have been developed
into a very effective engine of war.
In Fulton's bombs, as he calls them, we are not par-
ticularly interested because he has fully described these
devices in his book that he wrote on Torpedo Warfare.
It is, however, in view of subsequent events exceedingly
interesting to point out that Fulton foresaw the condi-
tions that actually obtained in the recent war.
EXAMINATION OF FULTON'S DESIGN 153
On pages 71-2 of the " Descriptions/' lie explained how
hundreds of such bombs or mines could be strewn in
the channel of the Thames or along the coast and it
would not be in the power of the whole British marine
to prevent such practice. This is precisely what the
Germans undertook to do, forcing the British, even
though they had control of the open seas, to sweep the
Channel by daylight, day after day, in order to remove
mines that might have been planted during the night.
Furthermore, Fulton pointed out that a line of such
mines could be strung from Calais to Dover, rendering
it '* impossible for any vessel to pass without certain
destruction." When the German submarine attack on
British commerce became seriously acute, the British
authorities put into execution that which Fulton had
suggested and strung a line of obstructions across the
Channel from Dover to Calais thereby compelling the
German submarines to pass around the northern coast
of Scotland in order to reach the open sea.
Speaking of the effect of submarines and mines,
Fulton's language is worthy of repetition because the
sinister side of his prophecy became so nearly realized
between 1914 and 1918;
The moment this System or any other reduces the British
marine to Boat fighting, the revered Sovereignty of the Seas
will be forever lost; Colonies must be Abandoned and the
whole influence which England holds in the scale of nations
will Vanish, This is the natural and obvious consequence of
this system when reduced to practice and prosicuted by a
powerful nation with energy and Spirit. The Wealth of
England and the existence of her fleets depend on her immense
and uninterrupted commerce, But should France ever possess
a means to cut ofi" or interrupt such trade, England would be
obliged to submit to any terms which Bonapart might think
proper to dictate.
154 ROBERT FULTON AND THE SUBMARINE
Substituting Germany for France and Hohenzollern
for Bonaparte, we have precisely the very situation
that existed in 1915, when the naval authorities of
Germany expected to break the power of Great Britain,
and in which attempt they came so perilously near
success.
The Commission charged by the Directory to examine
the plan of the Nautilus gave credit in its report on Sep-
tember 5th, 1798, to Fulton for having invented a terrible
means of destruction since it acts in silence. That de-
scription was merited, but it remained no more than an
expression of private opinion. It failed to secure for
Fulton the public support to which his device entitled
him. The world, perhaps fortunately, had to wait a cen-
tury for the production of this engine of destruction. In
the light of experience an examination of Fulton's im-
proved plan as contained in his ' ' Drawings and Descrip-
tions," fully confirms the decision of the French Com-
mission in that:
'' LE BATEAU SOUS-MARIN IMAGINE PAR LE CITOYEN
FULTON EST UN MOYEN DE DESTRUCTION TERRIBLE^ FARCE
QU^IL AGIT DANS LE SILENCE ET D^UNE MANIERE PRESQUE
INEVITABLE. ^^
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