purcbaseo for tbe Xibrarp of tbe
Tflniversit^ of Toronto
out of tbe proceeos of tbe funo
bequeatbefc b£
B. pbillips Stewart, B.B., XOL.B.
OB. A.D. 1892.
THE RUSSELLS OF BIRMINGHAM
WILLIAM RUSSELL (1740-1818)
from a water colour.
THE RUSSELLS OF
BIRMINGHAM
IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
AND IN AMERICA
1791-1814
BY
S. H. JEYES
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
LONDON
GEORGE ALLEN & COMPANY, LTD.
44 & 45 RATHBONE PLACE
1911
[All rights reserved]
Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON 6s Co.
At the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh
PREFATORY NOTE
IT had always been the intention of my father to
allow these family diaries and letters to be published.
In order, however, to present them to the public in
a connected and interesting form, he felt that it re-
quired some one not only with an aptitude for con-
densing the mass of material and bringing out its
salient points, but possessing also an accurate and
wide knowledge of the history of the period. No
suitable opportunity presented itself until his friend
Mr. S. H. Jeyes expressed his willingness to under-
take the work.
Mr Jeyes had completed the book before his
lamented death, with the exception of two short
passages on pages 14-18 and 117-119, which, based
on matter prepared by him, have been added in
accordance with his wishes, expressed when illness
compelled him to resign his work. These additions,
also the final revision of the text and the correction
of the proofs, have been sympathetically carried out
by his friend Mr. David Hannay, to whom our grate-
ful thanks are due.
T. H. RUSSELL.
LONDON, August 30, 1911.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE AT THE END
OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
PAGE
The Russell family in Birmingham — Intimate relations with Dr.
Priestley — His unpopularity explained— Theological heresies
and the High Church party — His devout frame of mind — Letter
to Martha Russell — William Russell's close alliance with .
Priestley — Their sympathy with the French Revolution — Pro-
posed celebration of the capture of the Bastille — Rumours of
vengeance on the Radical Dissenters — Slackness of the Bir-
mingham authorities — The banquet undisturbed — An ominous
gathering — Beginning of the riots 8
CHAPTER II
Attack on the New Meeting-house — Total destruction — Similar fate
of the Old Meeting-house — The mob in possession — Flight of
the Priestleys — William Russell confronts the rioters— Return
to Showell Green — Priestley's house burnt down — Martha
Russell's reflections — Savage hunt for Priestley — William
Russell again faces the mob — Flight of the Russell girls — Help
of poor neighbours — An unfriendly acquaintance — Magistrates
indifferent — Russell's house destroyed by fire — Advance by the
mob — Further retreat of the Russell girls — Adventures on the
road — Rioters on horseback — Father's anxiety — A farm-house
dormitory — Drive to London — MaidenheadThicket — A drunken
post-boy — Refuge in the Adelphi — Return to the ruined home. 23
CHAPTER III
RUSSELL'S AND PRIESTLEY'S EMIGRATION
Three days of mob-law — Inaction of authorities — Charges against
ministers and local magistrates — King George's letter — Detes-
tation of French Revolution and French nation — Intolerance in
viii CONTENTS
PAGE
the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries — Russell's
agitation for justice — Appeal to Pitt — Priestley's relations with
Whig leaders — Unpopularity of Radical Dissenters general
and increasing — Priestley's encouragement of Russell — The
appeal to the public — His confidence shaken — England no
place for his sons — Russell leaves Birmingham — Decides to
emigrate to America' 39
CHAPTER IV
A COACH-DRIVE TO FALMOUTH
Martha Russell's diaries — The family start in state — Visits to
Berkeley Castle — Bristol — Wells Cathedral — Glastonbury
Abbey — An old family friend — Exeter — A primitive inn —
French prisoners of war at Bodmin — Dreary Cornwall — Ar-
rival at Falmouth — Meeting with future companions — Captain
Prebble of the Mary — Preparations for the voyage — An un-
comfortable start 51
CHAPTER V
CAPTURED BY THE FRENCH
A French frigate in sight — English travellers ordered on board —
Assurances of kind treatment — Accompanied by Captain
Prebble — Scene on the man-of-war — Emblems of Liberty —
Singing the Marseillaise — The ladies' good humour — Close
quarters on board — Vermin and suffocating heat . . .61
CHAPTER VI
PRISONERS OF WAR
Monotonous life — Hunting for prizes — Burning a Dutch vessel —
Preparing for action — A strange sail — French sailors dancing
— In view of Brest — The Land of Liberty — Martha Russell's
enthusiasm — An unconquerable nation — Hopes of speedy re-
lease— Disappointment and collapse — Removed to another
prison ship — Execution of Robespierre — A favourable circum-
stance— Guillotine at Brest — Thomas Russell's illness — Harsh-
CONTENTS ix
PACE
ness of the commanding officer — Shortness of provisions and
increasing appetites — French cookery — A naval spectacle — A
kindly captain — His remembrances of captivity in England —
William Russell's curious adventure 70
CHAPTER VII
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY
Transfer to the Achille — Companions in adversity — Cramped
quarters — Disagreeable associates — A lively quarrel — More
castles in the air and renewed disappointment — Delights of
making apple dumplings — A family observance — The promised
order of release — Accouchement of the Russells' servant — Brest
guillotine at work — Death of a girl prisoner — Fears of diph-
theria— William Russell breaking down — A cruel order — Cap-
tain Bryan's intervention — Happy revulsion — Officers and
sailors dirty in the extreme — Fresh hopes of release — The Com-
mittee of Public Safety's procrastination — British sailors as
prisoners of war — Bullying the other English and intimidating
their captors — Martha Russell's feelings — Arrival of the order
of release — Its limited terms — Disappointment of friends and
sympathy of the Russells — Affecting scenes — Christmas Day
spent in freedom — Causes of five months' delay — Text of the
Decree — Captain Bryan's exertions — William Russell's testi-
mony— Good faith of English prisoners — A pleasing remem-
brance . . . 85
CHAPTER VIII
JOURNEY TO PARIS BY ROAD
Start for Paris — A quaint turn-out — The peasants' costumes — Diffi-
culty of posting — Official delays and landlord's impositions —
A desecrated church — Royalists and "brigands" on the road
— The Mayor of Morlaix — Entertaining company — Stories of
the guillotine — A bread riot — Stupid officials — Horses unshod
— Awkward workmen — A dangerous stage — The driver's for-
tunate barbarity — A Republican officer's advice — Sugar in the
warming-pan — Misery of the peasants — A chateau destroyed
Impassable roads — Scarcity of bread — A plain breast of mutton
— Charms of Caen — The approach to Paris— A girl Republican's
enthusiasm — " The centre and zenith of the magnificence of the
world" ...'........ 104
x CONTENTS
CHAPTER IX
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS
PAGE
A circle of friends — An Irish adventurer — Advanced lady — Gor-
geous apartment — General Miranda — Victims of anarchy —
Philosophical instruments of Citoyen Charles — Visit to the
Convention — Grotesque Republicans — Disorderly proceedings
— The Observatory — A Jacobin astronomer — Women furies in
the street — Sound of the Tocsin — The city under arms — Rising
against the Convention— General Pichegru in charge of Paris
— Trial of Fouquier — Scene in court — His audacious behaviour
— Execution witnessed by the Russells — The guillotine — Veteran
soldiers at the Hospital — A novel view of the Revolution —
Municipal bakeries — The distress in Paris — Persecutions and
arrests — Brissot's sister-in-law — Madame Roland's daughter —
Another alarm — Summary measures 116
CHAPTER X
SOCIAL LIFE IN PARIS (1795)
Reviving gaiety of Paris — Carriages in the streets — Dress of children
and women — Food of the people — Theatre-going — Mary Russell
on the French drama — Stage realism — Teaching of the deaf
and dumb — Sicard's system — A clever, good girl — Visit to a
convent — Hardships of the Sisters during the Revolution — The
days of terror — A charming Englishman — William Russell's
commercial undertaking — Claim for damages against the
French Government — Captain Prebble — Purchase of properties
in France — Preparations for the voyage to New York — Live-
stock on board 140
CHAPTER XI
FROM PARIS TO NEW YORK
Reflections on leaving Paris — By coach to Havre — A French rural
scene — A little white cat — Dirty Rouen — Normandy caps —
William Russell's visit to Abbey Ardennes — Boarding the Nancy
— Rough weather — Suitable reflections — Cards under difficulties
— The recovered ham — A notable anniversary — Land in sight
— Beautiful America 1 56
CONTENTS xi
CHAPTER XII
IN SEARCH OF A HOME
PAGE
Hunting for rooms in New York — Start for Philadelphia — Road
scenery — Visit to Priestley in Northumberland — Sunday ob-
servance in New Jersey — Golden rod and Michaelmas daisy —
Impressive tavern-keeper — Scene at Dobbs's Ferry — Entering
Connecticut — M. Talleyrand de Perigord — The epidemic —
Evasive replies — Valley of the Connecticut — Like place, like
people — A vision of Middletown— Springfield in 1795 — A. self-
possessed beggar-woman — Road adventures — Manners in New
England — Priestley's remarks — Fever almost universal — Ap-
proach to Boston 167
First view of Boston — The clergy and churches — Chief industries —
The beauty of the women — A dinner-table story — Prices of pro-
visions— Journey to Rhode Island — Untidy farming — A vener-
able joke — The Malbon Estate — Advantages of the island —
Society at Newport — A chance lost — Return to Middletown —
The corn-fed girls of Connecticut — Admiration for Yankees —
New England vocabulary — A winter in Philadelphia — Public
spirit in New York 183
CHAPTER XIV
THE EARLY SETTLER
Untidiness of American towns — Disregard for beauty in estate
management — The earlysettler — His successor — ThePriestleys
at Northumberland — An unflattering picture — Early history of
New Haven — Influence of prosperity on national character —
Luxury in Boston — Social dissipations in Philadelphia — General
Washington's friendship — Extravagance of upstarts — Com-
mercial dishonesty in America — Priestley as a guest — Infirmities
of great men — Study of the prophecies — Curious interpretations
— Piety in Philadelphia — A country house in Maryland — The
easy life — A runaway marriage — American depravity — Re-
publican manners — A friendly disputation — Society in Middle-
town — Innocent familiarities — A young gentleman's misgivings
— Unbending — An unedifying minister — Views on a domestic
institution 194
xii CONTENTS
CHAPTER XV
JAMES SKEY
PAGE
Ske/s lack of sympathy with provincial American life — His obser-
vations on Ireland en route — A long voyage — Devastations of
fever in Philadelphia — A pathetic figure — Desolation in New
York — Welcome at Middletown — Divorce facilities in New
England — Unceremonious courts of law — Heavy taxation —
Rates and special calls — Limits of religious toleration — Faith
and works — Sunday observance — Sanctimonious deacons — A
candid confession — Church government — The school system —
Superficial training — Agriculture in Connecticut — Hessian fly
— Slovenly farming — Hard life in the small holdings — Lack of
cash and want of credit — The maize crops— Neglect of live
stock — Dullnessofthelife — Frame houses —The smoke chamber
— Provincial self-satisfaction — Superfluity of ladies — Lack of
charm — Scandalous stories — The men unsociable — Dishonest
adventuress — Meeting-house anecdotes — The Russells held up
for Sabbath breaking — Malice and envy — The right law — Free
and easy domestics — Partisan rancour — Treatment of Priestley
— New England idioms — The class of small country gentlemen
— A tale of home life — Excursion to Maryland — An ineffectual
claim against the State — Law and justice in the Assembly . 217
CHAPTER XVI
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND
Original plans for a settlement — Pennsylvania unsuitable — Farm-
ing in Connecticut — William Russell's business enterprises —
Litigations — Mount Vernon — General and Mrs. Washington —
Notes on Virginia — A black cook for sale — Drawbacks of life
at Middletown — Mary Russell's explanation — A limited range
of interests — Trip to New Haven — Commencement at Yale —
Mary Russell's criticisms — Animosity against the French —
Danger of war — Priestley and President Adams — Reasons for
leaving Middletown — William Russell's offer to Priestley — Re-
turn of the family to Europe . . . . . . .256
CONTENTS
Xlll
CHAPTER XVII
THE RETURN TO EUROPE
PAGE
William Russell's arrival at Bordeaux — His anomalous position —
Perils of doubtful nationality — Investment in French land —
Residence at Abbey Ardennes — Technical felony — Pardon sug-
gested — Erskine's opinion — Russell's attitude — Correspon-
dence with his son in Paris — Suspicious French authorities —
Proposed petition to the English Government — Fear of pre-
judicing title of French property — Political gossips — The Em-
peror of Russia — Lord Lauderdale's mission — Death of Fox —
Prolonged suspense — Thomas Russell and the First Empire —
Bonaparte's marriage — Public fetes in Paris — Return of
William Russell 277
APPENDIX
Genealogical Tables showing the relationships of the members of
the Russell and Skey families whose names are mentioned
in the book 305
INDEX 307
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
BOOKPLATE OF WILLIAM RUSSELL .... On Cover
WILLIAM RUSSELL (1740-1818) (Colour) . . . Frontispiece
A photograph of the original painting hangs in the
Assay Office in Birmingham, of which he was a
Guardian and Warden 1787-1791
GILBERT WAKEFIELD Facing page 14
After a painting by W. ARTAUD
DESTRUCTION OF DR. PRIESTLEY'S HOUSE AND
LABORATORY, FAIR HILL, BIRMINGHAM,
JULY 14, 1791 . . . „ „ 26
After a picture sketched on the spot, now in the possession
of MADAME BELLOC, London
RUINS OF SHOWELL GREEN, THE RESIDENCE
OF WILLIAM RUSSELL, DESTROYED JULY
16, 1791 .... ,, „ 30
From an engraving published May 1792
WILLIAM RUSSELL (1740-1818). ... „ ,, 96
From a miniature painting
NEW YORK CITY IN 1768 .... „ ,, 166
ClTY OF MlDDLETOWN IN 1825 .... „ „ 176
From an engraving
MlDDLETOWN, CONNECTICUT . . . . „ „ l8o
From a water-colour drawing by Miss M. RUSSELL,
about 1800, which was presented to the CONNECTICUT
HISTORICAL SOCIETY, HARTFORD, by her nephew,
DR.W. J. RUSSELL, in 1889. (Reproduced by kind
permission. )
xvi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
THOMAS POUGHER RUSSELL (1775-1851) . . Facing page 194
From a water-colour drawing
JOSEPH PRIESTLEY „ ,,198
From a pastel (g in. Y.J in.) by MRS. SHARPLES, in the
possession o/T. H. RUSSELL
JAMES SKEY (1754-1838) „ „ 216
From a miniature painting by J. MILLAR (1797)
GEORGE WASHINGTON „ „ 262
From a pastel (9 in. x 7 in.) ascribed to MRS. SHARPLES,
in the possession ofl. H. RUSSELL
FACSIMILE OF LETTER FROM GEORGE WASH-
INGTON TO WILLIAM RUSSELL ... „ ,, 266
THE ABBEY ARDENNES, NEAR CAEN. . „ ,, 280
The church (13^ and i^th centuries) now used as a barn.
From a photograph by T. H. RUSSELL, April 1909
WILLIAM JAMES RUSSELL (1830-1909) . ,, „ 298
From a photograph by RUSSELL & SONS (1905)
RUSSELL MEMOIRS
INTRODUCTION
IF an excuse were required for adding another volume
to the recent stream of memoirs relating to the end
of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth
century it might be found in the intrinsic interest of
adventures here described at first hand. But there is
another justification. The ground covered in these
authentic contemporary jottings, if not absolutely un-
broken, is comparatively novel. Most of the lately
published reminiscences deal with great folks ; the
sayings, doings, and feelings of persons distinguished
in society, politics, or literature. In dozens of these
posthumous confidences we have been taken behind
the scenes of famous events, notorious controversies,
and memorable scandals. Courtiers and gallants,
statesmen and plotters, leaders of fashion and chartered
demireps cross the pages, and we are privileged, so
we fancy, to overhear their conversations, and read
their secret thoughts. Nothing can be more delight-
ful than thus to mix at one's ease with the ghosts
of the illustrious, gratifying one's taste for good
company and appetite for gossip, while all the time
one affects to be studying the sources of history. In-
cidentally one may compare the verified tattle of three
2 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
generations ago with the dark hints and whispered
rumours about the ladies and gentlemen who figure
in modern society journals. It is a veritable branch
of comparative mythology.
No such entertainment or edification is provided
in these annals of a middle-class family who neither
sought adventures nor made history. Against their
will, almost without their knowledge, these prosperous,
cultivated, inconspicuous persons were thrust from
the humdrum routine of a sheltered life and caught in
the vortex of international strife. Their journals and
correspondence, casually composed and accidentally
preserved, show us how the vicissitudes of war and
peace affected a class of English people who have
been given little space in the printed records of a
momentous age. On the Russells of Birmingham
was visited the wrath of a nation panic-stricken at
the excesses of a foreign Revolution. They were
Radicals, Nonconformists, and sympathisers with what
they regarded as a cosmopolitan effort for the emanci-
pation of the human race. Overtly the head of the
family had done nothing to offend his neighbours'
opinion beyond being one of Dr. Priestley's staunchest
and most generous supporters, and though that scien-
tific divine was known, alike in religion and politics,
to favour the new ideas, he enjoyed amongst educated
persons all over the world a distinguished and per-
haps exaggerated reputation both as theologian and
chemist. To the perfunctory tolerance of these times it
seems almost unaccountable that friendship with Joseph
Priestley should have entailed not merely social ex-
communication but active persecution. In the mildly
INTRODUCTION 3
heterodox circle at Birmingham of which he was the
centre nothing was said or thought more outrageous
than what passed with Fox and his party as common-
places of debate, or than the epigrams exchanged
between Lady Holland and her pet philosophers at
Holland House. But it was one thing " daring to be
a Daniel" in London society, where the Tory lions
were likely to meet their match ; another, to celebrate
the Fall of the Bastille and defy the local big-wigs
in a provincial town already noted for the vigour of
its public spirit.
The irony of the Russells' destiny was that, driven,
literally, by fire from their home, and seeking refuge
in more enlightened foreign countries, they underwent,
at French hands, treatment more painful than they
had suffered in England, and when, after an ex-
hausting odyssey by sea and land, they reached an
American haven, they gained little relief from the
narrowness of thought and religious intolerance to
which, when they sailed from their native shores, they
believed they had bidden a long farewell.
The account here given of the hardships inflicted
on an elderly traveller and his girl daughters after the
American vessel on which they were sailing had been
overhauled by a French privateer reflects no special
discredit on their captors and gaolers. It was not
characteristic of the times to make provision for the
comfort of prisoners of war. Possibly it would be
unwise on this point for an Englishman to challenge
comparison with the arrangements made for French
guests on a British man-of-war. Of malicious in-
humanity in the treatment of the Russells we find in
4 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
these diaries no suggestion — simply there was neglect,
with almost incredible ignorance of sanitary con-
ditions. Individual Republican officers showed the
utmost kindness and thoughtful courtesy — neverthe-
less, the wretched captives were nearly done to death.
We are also given some glimpses of the efforts made
by kindly outsiders, chiefly Americans, to mitigate
the rigours of confinement. The quite inexcusable
prolongation of the Russells' imprisonment on board
was but part and parcel of the comprehensive incom-
petence displayed in Paris by the Committee of
Public Safety. There had been no time to elaborate
a system, and without a system the French official,
then as now, is a lost soul.
As to the feelings with which the elder Russell viewed
the inner working, when he saw it at close quarters,
of the two young Republics of the Old and the New
Worlds there is no evidence in these pages. Those of
his letters which have been preserved relate in the
main to matters of private business. But his daughters,
who had started on their travels with enthusiasm for
everything Republican, found their zeal cooling after a
few weeks' residence in Paris. They witnessed some of
the so-called trials of public offenders, and were within
an ace of being present at an execution. With the
disorders, sufferings, and discontent in Paris and in
the country they had become personally familiar, and,
though they did their best, as loyal Radicals, to shut
their eyes to abominations practised in the name of
liberty, they were too candid, on quitting Paris and
saying good-bye to their dear captivating General
Miranda, not to confess to their disillusion.
INTRODUCTION 5
Disappointment in France, however, did not dull
their expectations of happiness in America. When
first they were settled in the beautiful Valley of the
Connecticut, and for a long time afterwards, Martha
and Mary Russell congratulated themselves on being
partners in a primitive yet not unprogressive com-
munity, where the charms of a bountiful nature were
enhanced by the pleasures of a rational society. They
were happy, they felt, in having at last made good
their escape from the vices and prejudices of a sophisti-
cated feudalism. How they came to change their
sentiments does not quite unmistakably appear. Their
young brother Thomas had all along been something of
a John Bull, and hardly tried, worthy lad, to accommodate
himself to new conditions. Radical and Rationalist,
Gilbert Wakefield's favourite and admiring pupil, he
had nevertheless brought with him a stock of old-
fashioned British prejudices. No such charge can be
urged against the sisters, who, under the most severe
tests, on board ship as well as in Paris, had displayed
a remarkable talent for " getting on with people," and
contemplated the new Republic with feelings of affec-
tionate veneration. At Middletown, however, after
a fairly good start, they seem to have broken down.
Very soon they either found themselves avoided
by their neighbours or of their own choice withdrew
from social intercourse. Martha's marriage with an
English suitor was for some time kept secret from the
neighbours, probably because the Russells did not
wish to entertain people for whom they had but slight
regard, or because they feared that an English marriage
would be locally unpopular. Here it should be pointed
6 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
out that the inability revealed by these willing young
settlers to fit themselves into the social life of the
American States was by this time a common ex-
perience amongst English people who had hoped in
the New World to find a sort of realised Heaven. In
the letters from Gilbert Wakefield (a typical British
Radical, who suffered in person for the intemperance
of his opinions) addressed to young Thomas Russell
we come upon some unreasonably bitter references
to the conditions of American life. Dr. Priestley him-
self, though a considerable personage in Philadelphia,
and duly honoured by distinguished citizens, in private
letters expressed himself somewhat harshly about the
social behaviour and moral standard of the people
about him in Northumberland. Evidence of the like
kind is plentiful in such books as Henry Bradshaw
Fearon's Sketches of America — a series of reports
expressly prepared for a group of English families
who had wished to "ascertain whether any and what
part of the United States would be suitable for their
residence." The intending emigrants are warned that
a " cold uniform bigotry " pervades all American sects
in regard to religion. Again, though any industrious
man could earn a living, the place is " not a political
Elysium." Mechanics and labourers would do well, but
there was no room for men of letters or artists. Shop-
keepers might do as well as in London, but not better.
A good deal is said about American speculativeness
in business, and this complaint is often coupled, by
Priestley and the Russells, with a charge of prevailing
dishonesty. These ethical generalisations which the
wise traveller never expresses, which a prudent settler
INTRODUCTION 7
in a new land lives to banish from his mind, and which
a genuine citizen of the world knows to be delusive,
were passed freely from hand to hand, and helped, no
doubt, to breed mutual suspicion and generate mis-
understandings. It was a long time before the British
and the Americans even began to understand each
other, and at the time of the eighteenth century
the sense of reciprocal repugnance was the stronger,
because in essentials the two nations were identical.
Each expected the other to be exactly like itself, and
every difference on either side was made ground of
offence. Curiously enough, the hostility seems to
have been at its sharpest between those Englishmen
who sympathised with the Republican ideal and those
Americans who professed themselves eager to welcome
refugees from a land groaning under priestcraft and
aristocratic oppression. On this, as on many other
neglected or comparatively unexplored passages in the
social life of the two peoples a hundred years ago, these
homely memoranda throw informing and interesting
sidelights. Nothing here quoted was written with a
view to publication. The widest audience contem-
plated by the Russell girls, by James Skey, the Eng-
lishman who married first one and then the other, or
by their brother, was the little circle of relatives and
friends at Birmingham or in Gloucestershire. In a
formal and full-dress generation we are presented in
these pages to a little group of candid, observant,
shrewd, if slightly prejudiced young people writing
down, in confidential deshabille, what they saw and
thought, or thought they saw.
CHAPTER I
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE AT THE
END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
The Russell family in Birmingham — Intimate relations with Dr.
Priestley — His unpopularity explained — Theological heresies and
the High Church party — His devout frame of mind — Letter to
Martha Russell — William Russell's close alliance with Priestley —
Their sympathy with the French Revolution — Proposed celebra-
tion of the capture of the Bastille — Rumours of vengeance on the
Radical Dissenters — Slackness of the Birmingham authorities — The
banquet undisturbed — An ominous gathering — Beginning of the
riots.
WILLIAM RUSSELL of Birmingham, whose remarkable
adventures at the turn of the eighteenth century, in
England, France, and America, as well as on the high
seas, are set out in the diaries and family papers that
form the substance of this book, was a gentleman of
ample means, irreproachable character, and wide in-
tellectual sympathies. By circumstances as by nature
he seemed to be marked out for a career of civic use-
fulness, and perhaps of public distinction. He was a
liberal subscriber to such causes as the abolition of
slavery, promoted various philanthropic agencies at
home, and was on intimate terms with many distin-
guished Englishmen. Chief amongst them were Dr.
Joseph Priestley, the famous chemist and divine, and
the erratic genius, Gilbert Wakefield, scholar and
pamphleteer, to whom he entrusted the training of
his son Thomas Russell. In a few words, he was a
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE 9
broad-minded, public-spirited, if perhaps somewhat
viewy man — a local personage who should have stood
well with all his neighbours. But within a few years
this prosperous and, to all appearances, easy-going
citizen had his house burned almost over his head, was
driven out of his native country by social ostracism,
made prisoner of war and nearly done to death by
officers of a Government and people to whom he had
looked as vindicators of human liberty, established a
new home in the young American Republic, gave it up,
and on returning to Europe found himself threatened
with prosecution for treasonable correspondence with
the King's enemies.
Of all these troubles the origin was his friendship
with Dr. Joseph Priestley, a man whose solid and en-
during work as a pioneer in chemical science was,
in his lifetime, somewhat overshadowed by polemical
labours in theology and politics. It has been the
fashion amongst his admirers to speak of him as a
peculiarly gentle and inoffensive divine. In point
of fact, one has but to glance along the titles of his
books and pamphlets, or read a few pages of his
argument, in order to understand the exasperation of
his adversaries. When he is not dealing them hard
knocks in the old-fashioned style, he is tormenting
them with a sort of Socratic ingenuity. The occa-
sional quietness of his exposition was itself an affront,
as though he were a kindly pedagogue seeking to
instruct a class of rather dull pupils, while the irony of
which he made frequent use was equally efficacious
and irritating. As well might one have expected
Kingsley to appreciate Newman's exquisite urbanity in
io RUSSELL MEMOIRS
making mincemeat of Broad Church theology as ask
Priestley's opponents to relish the tone and temper of
his attacks on the High Church doctrine of their day.
The Roman cardinal and the Unitarian minister
were comparable in the simplicity, charm, and purity
of their private lives, as in their power of inspiring
all who knew them with deep personal affection.
Intellectually, however, they were hard and even
ruthless. In controversy their assumption of sweet
reasonableness was but their blameless way of em-
ploying dum-dum bullets in warfare against persons
whom they regarded as little better than savages.
During the happy and intellectually prolific time
which Priestley spent at Birmingham, enjoying the
public support and private friendship of William
Russell, he produced his History of the Corruptions
of Christianity. The sufficiently adventurous promise
of the title-page was well borne out by the contents
of the volume. Not only did it shock the suscepti-
bilities of High Church people1 in England: it was
repudiated by Calvinists and Lutherans abroad. At
Dordrecht (as Sir Edward Thorpe reminds us in his
pleasant memoir of Priestley published in 1906) it
was burned in public by the common executioner.
This inflammatory treatise Priestley followed up pre-
sently with a History of Early Opinion concerning
Jesus Christ and a series of pamphlets in defence of
Unitarian doctrine. At the end of the eighteenth cen-
tury, it should be remembered, the average believer
in Christianity, especially in this country, recognised
1 They must not be considered ecclesiastical ancestors of the present
High Church Anglicans.
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE n
no great difference between a Unitarian and a Deist
— or between a Deist and a Atheist. Priestley him-
self and the Unitarians for whom he spoke claimed
the name of Christians, warmly denounced the errors
of Deism, and, indeed, clung to many articles of faith
discarded by the New Theology of our own times, but
the depth and breadth of their creed did not count with
ordinary orthodox men and women. In a rough-and-
ready, intolerant way they banned all heretics together,
and looked upon Priestley as a peculiarly mischievous
ringleader.
This confusion of thought was played upon, no
doubt, by some High Church controversialists who
knew better. They had conceived a special animus
against Priestley and his associates at Birmingham
because, not content with waging a war of books and
pamphlets against the Establishment, the local Non-
conformists set up a rivalry with the Church of
England in the matter of Sunday-schools. Priestley
delivered a sermon in 1789 on behalf of the New
Meeting School, and took an active part in the teach-
ing. Russell, meantime, as Priestley's letters show,
was a substantial and open-handed supporter of the
militant Nonconformist divine. In addition to solid
sums of money which he contributed from his own
purse or raised amongst members of the congregation,
he placed his horses and carriages regularly at the
minister's disposal, and in the general work of Uni-
tarian organisation in Birmingham was his right-hand
man and something more. The value of Russell's
services is warmly recognised by Priestley's autobio-
graphy and in his correspondence (as collected in
12 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
1832 by J. T. Rutt). Writing from Leeds in October
1790, during a temporary absence from Birmingham,
he regrets that a friend and fellow-minister whom he
is visiting, though possessing as much zeal as himself,
"has no Mr. Russell to second, or rather to lead him,
as I have." This letter is addressed to the Martha
Russell, William Russell's daughter, much of whose
work will appear in the following chapters, and
expresses his condolence with her on the loss of her
mother, killed in a carriage accident : —
"Your affecting letter, which I could not read
without many tears, abundantly repays me for any
pains I may have taken to instil Christian principles
into the minds of the young persons of the congrega-
tion, as it shows that in some at least it has had its
full effect. It also proves to myself that Christianity
is not a mere speculation, but of the greatest practical
use on the most serious and trying occasions. I find
it so myself now as well as at other times. As to
death, I have habitually considered it as no great evil,
except in particular circumstances, and in your case
there is much to alleviate your sorrow ; and in the
midst of judgment we should not forget our mercies.
" My wife, who desires to be most kindly remem-
bered to you, is but poorly, but better than she has
been. However, we hope to arrive at Fairhill on
Friday. With my earnest prayers for the best
interests of all the family, and my most affectionate
respects to your father and sister (to whom, indeed, I
consider myself as writing not less than to yourself),
I am, &c., &c."
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE 13
These passages, with many others in Priestley's
private letters, might of course be cited to prove that
his theological heresies were consistent with what
used to be called a devout Christian spirit ; but the
purpose for which they have here been quoted is to
establish the closeness of the tie between the minister
and his chief lay supporter. Elsewhere it appears
that Priestley assisted, informally perhaps, in the
education of Martha and Mary Russell, and possibly
it may have been due to his teaching that the elder
sister acquired her quite remarkable quality of simple
and orderly narration, together with a tendency, not
always resisted, towards stilted language and senti-
mental platitudes.
Hereafter it will appear how confidently Priestley
relied, in time of trouble, upon Russell's advice and
assistance. For the present it is enough to have
shown that, in the mind of their neighbours and
enemies, it would be impossible to hit one man with-
out also striking at the other. If Priestley were to
be prosecuted, Russell could not be spared. Perhaps
it may be thought that the reasons already explained
sufficiently account for the virulent prejudice which
had been aroused against men like Priestley, Russell,
and other leaders of the little body of earnest, enlight-
ened, and possibly somewhat supercilious reformers
who had pitted themselves, as it were, against the
prevailing sentiment of the place. But it should be
added that the agitation against the Unitarians of
Birmingham was not in origin purely theological.
Largely, if not predominantly, it was political. Though
there is no logical or necessary connection between
14 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
latitudinarianism in religion and progressivism in
politics, at the time of the French Revolution it had
been rendered impracticable, in any European country,
to distinguish the two movements. People who took
up the one adopted the other, and those who hated
either impartially detested both.
[Gilbert Wakefield was a man who bore a decided
likeness to Priestley. Their intellectual interests were
not the same, for Wakefield was mainly a critic and a
classical scholar. But in type and method they were
alike. Joseph de Maistre, the great Savoyard Ultra-
montane— or we may even say Tory — publicist, when
speaking (with overflowing rancour) of Hume makes
a curious remark on the " cruelty of the syllogism."
This was his figurative way of explaining that the
reasoner who attacks the cherished beliefs of simple-
minded people can inflict as much pain and humilia-
tion as if he struck a blow with a whip. In private
life Wakefield was a good friend, husband, and father,
but it is allowed that his pen was " dipped in gall "
when he took part in controversy. And unfortunately
he did not confine himself to debating questions of
classical scholarship with Person, who was eminently
capable of giving him the counter-check quarrelsome.
He had a brilliant career at school at Nottingham
and Kingston, and then at Jesus College, Cambridge.
He was a Fellow of the college, had been Second
Wrangler in 1776 (though he found algebra "odious
beyond conception "), and Chancellor's Medallist. It
was natural enough, but it was none the less unfor-
tunate for him, that he began by an ill-judged entry
into the Church with innocent views on a college living.
GILBERT WAKEFIELD
After the painting by W. ARTAND
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE 15
He did not go beyond taking deacon's orders, for so
soon as he applied his mind to the study of theology
he found himself quite unable to accept the orthodox
creed. He inevitably fell away from the Church, but
not from theology — which meant that he became a
dissenter, holding Unitarian or Arian views, therefore
an assailant of the Established Church, and therefore,
as was then inevitable, no friend to the established
political order. The morning of a battle, or the stress
of a siege, are not opportune moments for revising the
articles of war. Wakefield was regarded as a mutineer
when he professed only to be a candid critic.
Of course he held his country responsible for the war
with France. Every writer of authority, from Herbert
Marsh, afterwards Bishop of Llandaff and of Peter-
borough, whose Politics of Great Britain and France
appeared in 1799, down to M. A. Sorel, whose Europe
et la Revolution Fran$aise was recently concluded,
agree that the struggle was forced on us by the action
of the French parties, Jacobins and Girondins alike,
for each hoped that war would enable it to destroy
the other. Englishmen knew the truth, and were not
unnaturally angry with dissidents such as Wakefield.
When in 1798 he published a controversial pamphlet,
in which he declared that the poor would lose nothing
by a French invasion, he was naturally tried for a
seditious publication. His imprisonment in Dor-
chester Jail, where he was allowed to see his friends
and left free to work, was a very gentle martyrdom,
if we compare it to the savage treatment of " aristo-
crats " and priests, who would not submit to the civil
constitution of the Church, in France.
16 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
His correspondence with William Russell is rich in
outspoken statements of his political views as well as
of his religious sentiments, and he was equally out-
spoken in his letters to Thomas Russell, who had for
a time been his pupil — for Wakefield took refuge in
keeping a school when he had shut himself out by his
heterodoxy from all other professions. On the i3th
August 1793, we find him writing as follows to
Thomas Russell, then in Madrid : —
"The gross stupidity of the Spaniards is certainly
a sufficient ground for sceptical speculations ; and yet
a knowledge of the conduct of Englishmen blessed by
more knowledge and light and more liberty, is no less
a subject for national admiration. We see here a set
of people who fancy themselves to possess a reformed
religion, and although that religion principally consists
in useful and benevolent actions, joining in prayers to
the Supreme Being to assist them out of His infinite
mercy in murdering His image — their own fellow-
creatures — with whom they have not the least reason
to interfere, and with whose conduct at home they
cannot make out the smallest privilege thus to concern
themselves. I defy any absurdities of the Catholics
to transcend this, numerous and prodigious as they
may be. Many other singularities might be exempli-
fied in our countrymen, which would advance them
very far to a level with these infatuated sons of slavery
and superstition ; but the villains at the post-office, the
subordinate agents of greater villains, must be some
restraint even upon one who fears them less and de-
spises them more than any calculation can specify."
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE 17
This is a pretty explicit statement of Wakefield's
point of view. It is characteristic of him and his
whole party, that he always holds the enemies of
France exclusively responsible for the bloodshed. By
a natural process he is led to rejoice in their defeat,
and of course in the defeat of his own country. In
the month after he had written the passage quoted
above, he penned this wholesale condemnation : —
" It is truly dreadful to see such havoc of the
human species to gratify the infatuation of a set of
unprincipled governors, whose guilt rises to a magni-
tude of enormity beyond all calculation. I look upon
the death of every Frenchman that is killed in battle
by the invading armies to be as absolute murder as
was ever committed ; and in the eye of God and
reason will be estimated accordingly. The chief actors
will rue their conduct a hundred-fold, or I am greatly
mistaken ; and I suppose they begin to repent heartily
of their abomination by this time, at least those of our
own country.
" Certainly on such grand emergencies we should
not acquiesce in a bare discharge of stipulated duty,
but should attempt great enterprises ; otherwise I am
inclined to think that Custine was severely dealt with,
and that some of the French leaders are not governed
by such sentiments of humanity and disinterestedness
as become their station, but our means of forming a
judgment are few and defective.
" Biron and one or two have not yet been brought
to their trial, and I hope no guilt will appear. I most
cordially abhor the shedding of blood, and would not
i8 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
have a drop spilled scarcely on any supposable
occasion : and the horror with which I reflect on the
conduct of our king and ministers in this view, who
ought to know better than to act so vile a part, is
beyond all power of language to express ; but murderous
instincts are so incompatible with every affection of
humanity and every principle of religion, with every
feeling essential to the grand intention of the creature,
the happiness of the world — that such minds will
surely undergo a long and painful purgatory before
they will be qualified for the society of Godlike
spirits."
It is amusing to compare Wakefield's hesitating
criticism of the French with his hearty condemnation
of his own king and ministers. His letters serve a
purpose he certainly never contemplated. They show
how great was the measure of freedom allowed in
England in those days of "tyranny." Though he
constantly referred to the risk that his letters would be
opened by the police, he had plainly no fear of serious
danger. If a Frenchman or any other continental
malcontent had written with equal freedom he would
have run a very grave hazard of a worse fate than
mild imprisonment in Dorchester Jail, after fair and
open trial.]
It would not be unfair to describe the Birmingham
riots in 1791 as a mean and dirty back- wash of the
year 1789 in Paris. The relation was direct. In a
good many English towns the advanced persons had
resolved to celebrate the fourteenth of July of two
years before as a date marking the emancipation of
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE 19
mankind and the commencement of a new cosmo-
politan era. As a feat of arms (so the late Captain
D. Bingham well showed) the capture of the Bastille
was contemptible : as an act of State, it was all but
useless. On the other hand, as a Revolutionary
advertisement it was a huge success. Naturally it
was seized upon by foreign sympathisers as a symbol
of Liberty, while the party of Law and Order, as
represented by street-corner politicians, was driven to
fury by the mere mention of that ridiculously exagger-
ated event. Some days before the proposed demon-
stration on the part of the Birmingham Radicals, it
became known that the roughs on the other side
meant mischief. Inflammatory hand-bills had been
circulated in the town, misrepresenting the purpose
of the Radical banquet, and the promoters thought it
necessary to counteract them by means of an explana-
tion printed in a local newspaper. They declared
their "entire disapprobation of the hand-bills and
their ignorance of the authorship." Sensible them-
selves of the advantages of a free government, they
rejoiced in the extension of liberty to their neighbours,
at the same time avowing, in " the most explicit
manner, their firm attachment to the Constitution of
their own country, as vested in the Three Estates of
the King, Lords, and Commons. Surely no free-
born Englishman can refrain from exulting in this
addition to the general mass of human happiness. It
is the cause of Humanity, it is the cause of the People."
Apart from the fact that the Sovereign is not an
Estate of the Realm, this avowal of constitutional
principles was not altogether sincere. Some, at least,
20 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
of the signatories were in theory Republican. Still,
it was all that could be expected — and a good deal
more — from men who were being threatened with
lawless persecution because they claimed the right to
form and express their reasoned convictions upon the
great questions of the day. The authorities were
legally bound to protect them, and, after this formal
declaration, had no excuse for neglecting the duty.
But while we are not obliged to believe, with Priestley
and some of his friends, that certain justices of the
peace were in secret league with the rioters, or that
leading clergymen instigated the disorder, it is certain,
though Russell himself had a seat on the local bench,
that the magistrates omitted to take such precaution
as the conveners of the banquet might fairly have
required. On the morning of July I4th, so it appears
from a statement contributed by W. Russell to a
Birmingham newspaper, rumours were still current
that violence was contemplated. It was, therefore,
decided to postpone the celebration. A notice to that
effect was despatched to the printer, but, before a proof
had been returned, the keeper of the hotel where the
dinner was to have been held protested against its
being countermanded. He was sure that no danger
need be apprehended if the gentlemen would break
up early. Mr. Badley's opinion was, unhappily,
accepted. " Accordingly, there was a meeting of
eighty-one gentlemen, inhabitants of the town and
neighbourhood, at the great room in the hotel, where
they dined and passed the afternoon with that social,
temperate, and benevolent festivity which the con-
sideration of the great event that has diffused liberty
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE 21
and happiness among a large portion of the human
race inspired."
The room was decorated, Russell mentions, with
three elegant pieces of emblematic sculpture. The
central object was a finely executed medallion of his
Majesty, encircled with a glory, on each side of which
was an alabaster obelisk, one exhibiting Gallic Liberty
breaking the bands of Despotism, and the other re-
presenting British Liberty in its present enjoyment.
The chair was taken by a truly respectable gentleman
belonging to the Church of England, Mr. Keir, and
other members of "that profession," we read, were
present. " Nor was any single sentiment uttered, or,
I believe, conceived, that would hurt the feelings of
any one friend to liberty and good government under
the happy Constitution we are blessed with in this
kingdom."
Although a mob had begun to assemble outside
the hotel before this Feast of Reason had come to its
end, the company were permitted to take their de-
parture in peace. It was not till two hours later that
the organisers of the riot gave the signal to their chief
confederates. At the cry of "Church and King" all
the windows in the front of the hotel were suddenly
broken with stones — just to hearten up the mob.
This done, a march was made to the New Meeting-
house, the place where Priestley used to preach.
Quickly the building was broken into, gutted, and set
on fire. Next came the turn of the Old Meeting-
house, which was treated in the same manner. But
the ignominious story can hardly be better told than
by Martha Russell, who has already been mentioned
22 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
as Priestley's correspondent. This is the only im-
portant document here printed which has previously
seen the light. It was contributed to the Christian
Reformer, May 1835, having been composed in 1794,
when Martha Russell was upon her way to America
and while the matter was fresh in her memory.
Probably from what we shall learn of her methodical
diary-keeping, it was then compiled from notes taken
at the very time of the events to which it relates.
Anyhow, it has become the locus classicus for a dis-
graceful episode which in its time did more harm to
the cause of Church and King than all the theorising
subtleties of latitudinarian divines, all the arguments
of philosophic Radicals, all the mistakes of a perverse
because unimaginative sovereign and maladroit or
prejudiced statesmen.
CHAPTER II
A PERSONAL HISTORY OF THE
BIRMINGHAM RIOTS
Attack on the New Meeting-house — Total destruction — Similar fate of
the Old Meeting-house — The mob in possession — Flight of the
Priestleys — William Russell confronts the rioters — Return to Showell
Green — Priestley's house burnt down — Martha Russell's reflections
— Savage hunt for Priestley — William Russell again faces the mob
— Flight of the Russell girls — Help of poor neighbours — An un-
friendly acquaintance— Magistrates indifferent — Russell's house
destroyed by fire — Advance by the mob — Further retreat of the
Russell girls — Adventures on the road — Rioters on horseback —
Father's anxiety — A farm-house dormitory — Drive to London —
Maidenhead Thicket — A drunken post-boy — Refuge in the Adelphi
— Return to the ruined home.
FROM Martha Russell's account of the events pre-
ceding the destruction of her father's house at Showell
Green, it appears that it was his advice that pre-
vented Priestley from attending the French Revolu-
tion banquet. On its apparently peaceful termination,
he had called upon the Doctor to exchange congratu-
lations, and then came on, with a few other friends of
liberty, to take tea with his family. There they all
inspected a conservatory which had that day been
finished.
" How delighted we were with its appearance and
the prospect of the interesting and gratifying amuse-
ment it would afford us, upon which we hoped to
enter on the following morning, little suspecting what
23
24
the morning would bring forth. As we were at
supper, W. T., our footman, came in with a
countenance as pale as ashes, and told my father a
messenger was just arrived to inform him that a mob
had collected and set fire to the New Meeting-house,
and were then employed in destroying the Old
Meeting-house also, and they declared their intention
to come from thence to Dr. Priestley's house and
then to ours — and that no magistrates appeared or
could be found to disperse them. Consternation and
alarm now filled our minds. My father ordered his
horse, intending to go and meet the mob, and search
out the justices to quell it. Whilst he was loading
his pocket-pistols to carry with him, a chaise drove
up to the door, with Dr. and Mrs. Priestley and Mr.
S. Ryland. The latter had taken alarm, and, pro-
curing a chaise, had hurried the Dr. and Mrs. Priestley
away from their house, fearing the mob would be
there immediately."
William Russell was implored not to face an
ungovernable concourse of people. The magistrates
would certainly be set in action by friends in Birming-
ham. He would listen to no remonstrance, however,
and declared "he would be his own master that
night." His daughters Martha and Mary could dis-
tinctly hear the shouting of the rioters, and paced up
and down on the foot-road in a dreadful state of
suspense. Presently, like practical and plucky young
women, they slipped away, and without alarming Mrs.
Priestley, packed up the plate in trunks, and sent it
to a neighbour's house.
THE BIRMINGHAM RIOTS 25
In about three hours their father returned. He
had gone to Priestley's house and instructed the son
William to remove the manuscripts most likely to be
valuable. Afterwards Russell had ridden on to Dig-
beth, where he met the mob. There he also came
upon many of his friends, who begged him to return,
telling him of the threats uttered against him.
"At length, one of them, I believe Mr. J. F.,
suddenly turned his horse, and, giving him a cut with
his whip, the press was so great, and the spirit of the
horse so roused, my father found himself obliged in a
manner to return. Arriving at Dr. Priestley's gate
before the mob, he stationed himself within-side till
the mob came up and then addressed them, en-
deavouring to induce them, by fair words and money,
to desist and return home. At first they seemed a
little pacified and inclined to listen, till one more loud
than the rest, and who had the appearance of a ring-
leader, cried out, ' Don't take a sixpence of his
money; in the riots of '80 in London, a man was
hanged for only taking sixpence.' They all then
vociferated, ' Stone him, stone him ! ' and began to
fling stones."
Driven back, Russell rode to Showell Green, and
decided that the Priestleys should be taken out of
danger to the house of Mr. Hawkes, half a mile off,
at Moseley. Several messages of warning were re-
ceived at Showell Green, and the advice was given
(and taken) that a barrel of beer should be set out
on the lawn by way of pacifying or at least occupying
26 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
the rioters. The whole party then walked up to
Moseley, where they distinctly heard the cries of the
mob at Priestley's house — such a din as cannot be
imagined. Presently " the flames burst forth and all
was quiet then."
"What were the emotions of our minds at this
moment [Martha Russell exclaims] no one can imagine,
unless they had beheld our countenances and heard
the broken short sentences that formed all the conver-
sation which passed among us : yet the extreme agita-
tion of our minds did not prevent us from admiring the
divine appearance of the excellent Dr. Priestley. No
human being could in my opinion appear in any trial
more like divine, or show a nearer resemblance to
our Saviour than he did. Undaunted he heard the
blows which were destroying the house and laboratory
that contained all his valuable and rare apparatus and
their effects, which he had made it the business of
his life to collect and use. All this apparatus, together
with the uses he had made of them, the laborious
exertions of his whole life, were being destroyed by
a set of merciless, ignorant, lawless banditti, whilst
he, tranquil and serene, walked up and down the
road with a firm yet gentle pace that evinced his
entire self-possession, and a complete self-satisfaction
and consciousness that rendered him thus firm and
resigned under the unjust and cruel persecution of
his enemies, and with a countenance expressing the
highest devotion, turned as it were from this scene,
and fixed with pure and calm resignation on Him
who suffered the administration of this bitter cup.
THE BIRMINGHAM RIOTS 27
Not one hasty or impatient expression, not one look
expressive of murmur or complaint, not one tear
or sigh escaped him ; resignation and a conscious
innocence and virtue seemed to subdue all these
feelings of humanity."
About four o'clock Russell reported that the work
of destruction was complete, and the mob, having
waded ankle-deep in liquor, had taken their departure.
The Russells then made their way to their home,
thankful that it had been spared. " We all looked and
felt all gratitude, but the Doctor appeared the happiest
amongst us."
Presently William Russell returned with the news
that the mob had re-assembled — they had sworn to
find Dr. Priestley and take his life. Forthwith the
Doctor and his wife got up from their bed, and with
Mr. Ryland were driven to Mrs. 's house, near
Dudley. The Russells at the same time set to work
on packing their best furniture, carrying it to the
custody of friends, amongst whom their former neigh-
bours were most active in giving help. Parties of the
mob were constantly coming to the gates, but persons
were stationed there to appease them and send them
away. The main body of rioters had gone to Mr.
Ryland's house, Easy Hill, but W. Russell insisted on
his daughters and son making their way at once to
a neighbour's house lying about half a mile distant in
a retired spot.
"As we passed across the fields we were alarmed
by parties of men in their shirt sleeves, without hats ;
28 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
all half drunk ; they were breaking the boughs from
the trees and hedges, shouting, laughing, swearing,
and singing in a manner that seemed hideous beyond
expression. After much alarm, and frequently hiding
ourselves behind the hedges and trees, we at length
arrived at the place of our destination. We found
our good neighbour, Mrs. G , very ready to
receive us, though we had never been upon anything
of a sociable footing with her. Her house was a
superior sort of cottage, and here we hoped to find
an asylum till the storm was over-blown."
At dinner they were joined by their father, who
was disheartened at getting no reply from his friends,
and especially from the magistrates in Birmingham,
to whom he had made urgent appeals. He decided
that his family must go farther for safety, and selected
the house of an old servant (Mrs. Cox), who lived at
Warstock, about five miles away. They were to start
immediately on foot, while he would return to Showell
Green and send the coach after them. The men-
servants were staying there to take what care they
might of the place, but all the females had left except
the cook, who stayed to the end and "showed astonish-
ing courage and spirit."
" Walking up the common, we passed Mr. Ander-
ton's (Moseley Wake Green), a neighbour with whom
we had been upon friendly terms, but who was of the
Church and King party, and had refused to shelter
a waggon-load of our goods in his barn, saying, he
did not choose to risk his barn to save them ; thus
THE BIRMINGHAM RIOTS 29
letting his poor illiterate neighbours outdo him in real
friendship and charity. As we passed, he, with Mrs.
Anderton, &c., were on the lawn, and they had the
assurance to accost us and express sorrow for our
trouble. We received their compliment with coolness,
and pursued our way."
The carriage overtook them when they had pro-
ceeded about two miles, and William Russell with it.
On arriving at Mrs. Cox's, the coachman and Mr.
Cox were sent back, one to help guard at Showell
Green, and the other to reconnoitre. At one o'clock
in the morning the latter returned and reported that
the mob had destroyed the houses of Mr. Ryland and
Mr. Hutton (the historian of Birmingham), and were
then at Mr. Taylor's, Bordesly Hall, where they were
"committing the most inhuman depredations."
" My father now thought it right to go again
himself and try if the magistrates could not by some
means be persuaded to act. We did what we could
to dissuade him from it, not now fearing for anything
so much as his safety, and as there is no answering for
the fury of a mob — and some envious, malicious spirits
had, we knew, spared no pains to inflame them against
my father — our apprehensions for him when absent from
us were cruel, for we were well aware that his active
and bold daring spirit might lead him into danger
before he was sensible of it. This we represented to
him, and urged him as much as we could to remain
in safety with us, but all in vain ; go he would,
promising to return soon. We did not think of going
30 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
to bed, or even taking off our clothes through the
night, though this was the second we had passed in
this state. To think of sleep or quiet was impossible
in our state of mind, and all about us in the same
state of agitation with ourselves."
During the Friday night and Saturday morning
the girls and their companions were distracted with
alarming reports from terrified neighbours as to the
unabated fury of the mob and by the long absence of
their father. Not until two o'clock in the afternoon
did he reappear. He had been in Birmingham
trying to rouse the magistrates to exertion, but had
been met with such indifference from them as "in
the present state of things seemed almost incredible
and quite unnatural."
Returning to Showell Green in the hope of defend-
ing it, he disregarded for a time the urgent entreaties
of his friends and servants that he should go away.
At length, however, he yielded to a private request,
from a friend belonging to the other party, who begged
him to depart "as he valued his life," for the fury of
the mob had become ungovernable. " His counte-
nance," records Martha Russell, " was altogether
changed by the fatigue he had undergone," but he
decided that it was not yet safe to rest. He would
ride on to Alcester to the "White Lion," and his
family were to follow him as soon as their coach
should arrive.
All the afternoon the Russell girls and their com-
panion, Miss Sarah Smith, were wandering about the
grounds "listening and fearing." Often and often
a s
THE BIRMINGHAM RIOTS 31
they expressed a wish to start on foot, but they did
not know the way, and were naturally afraid of a
seven miles' tramp along a road " infested by a set
of demons."
" About seven o'clock in the evening, we perceived
a cloud of smoke arise from that quarter which almost
amounted to a certainty with us to be our house in
flames. Hence, we supposed, sprung the reason of
the coachman's delay. Now a sort of melancholy
filled our bosoms, hitherto torn by lively and different
apprehensions. To contemplate the awful columns
of smoke ascending from that beloved mansion where
I had passed all my days in a calm, virtuous, and a
happy tranquillity, where all my pleasure seemed to
centre, and where alone I felt as if happiness could be
tasted, pierced me to the soul : it seemed as if a dear
friend were expiring before me in whom my happiness
centred. My whole soul was moved and distressed,
but the luxury of tears was denied : spent and ex-
hausted, my feelings, though not violent, were acute
and quiet.
" In this state we continued, looking towards the
smoke, and wandering up and down the garden, till
ten o'clock, till, all of a sudden, the dreadful shouts
of the mob assailed our ears, and almost at the same
instant two women came running as if for their lives,
and quite out of breath ; they begged us for God's
sake to go away, for that the mob was coming — they
would be there immediately. ... In a few minutes after
the alarm was given, my brother, sister, Sarah Smith,
and myself set off to walk to Alcester, apparently with
32 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
as much spirit and strength as we ever had in the
whole course of our lives set off upon the most agree-
able walk ; hedges, ditches, and gates, nothing stopped
us. All we surmounted with an agility inconceivable ;
for some distance we ran as fast as possible. The
continued and increased shouts of the mob strengthened
us most wonderfully. At length we got into the public
road, and were there soon stopped in our career by
hearing a party of men on horseback galloping full
speed. We stopped and hid ourselves under a hedge
till they had passed, and by their conversation found
that they belonged to the mob : they were in liquor,
and swore dreadfully as they passed the place we were
concealed in ; and we heard one of them distinctly say
' I know there's a d d Presbyterian somewhere
hereabouts ; we'll have him before morning.' This,
we had no doubt, applied to my father, and our fears
for him consequently increased. They galloped on,
and we came from our lurking place and continued
our route ; but as these ruffians were going towards
my father's we feared they might meet him on the
road, as it was possible he might return to seek for us.
We had not proceeded far before these men stopped
their horses, and we not perceiving it, and coming on
our way, were almost upon them before we were
sensible of it; but as the moon shone uncommonly
bright, and we thought it impossible but they must
see us, it seemed most prudent to continue on quietly
as if we did not notice them.
"Had we left the road it might have excited
suspicion ; accordingly, we passed them ; they looked
hard at us, but said nothing, and presently galloped
THE BIRMINGHAM RIOTS 33
up and repassed us, then stopped their horses till we
again passed them, and this they continued to do
in such a manner that each of us was alive to secret
apprehension. No other person was to be seen, and
no house appeared in sight : three young girls walking
at that time of night, with no other protection than a
boy, might find cause for apprehending insult at any
time, but in our state of mind and in the present state
of the country, how much must these fears be in-
creased ! My brother and our faithful little dog was
all the protection we had. We continued thus for
about three miles, marching with a firm pace, but with
almost a deadly silence. The moon shone un-
commonly bright, the shadows it cast therefore were
unusually strong, and almost every shade of a tree or
bush that fell across our path startled us. The men
on horseback were sometimes by our side, sometimes
out of sight behind us, sometimes before ; their in-
tentions we feared, and our situation powerfully aided
our apprehensions.
" After a little time, we now heard a horse coming
after us, and were at first alarmed, but afterwards
relieved by finding it was our own servant, who had
gone to Cox's, and, not finding us there, had rode
on after us. He informed us of the truth of our
conjectures, for that our house was burnt, and all
the gardens and premises most dreadfully laid waste.
Though he brought us this sad intelligence, we were
all truly relieved to see him and to keep him with
us as guard from these men. Shortly after we met
my father in the greatest distress. His fears for us
had almost distracted him ; he had set out to meet
c
34 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
us, and by some unlucky chance his horse had got
away from him, and to get him again had taken him
a long time, and almost exhausted his remaining
strength. He had just caught him as we came up,
and our meeting was joyful and happy, though under
such sad circumstances.
" My father now sent the servant back, with orders
to have our chaise sent to meet us at Stratford, as
he had resolved to go straight up to London and
remonstrate with Mr. Pitt on these outrageous pro-
ceedings. My father now accompanying us, we now
continued our route, comparatively speaking, with
pleasure, for the men had gone on before us since
William joined us, and we saw nothing more of them.
We now passed several houses — at the door of each
the family was collected in a solemn sort of silence ;
they all gazed at us as we passed ; not a word was
spoken, except sometimes by some of them in a
whisper. We held our peace, not knowing whether
any we might address or put any questions to were
friends or enemies. In about half an hour we met
an honest and respectable farmer, a brother of one
of my father's tenants, who had heard of our being
in the neighbourhood, and had set out to seek for
and assist us ; he accompanied us the remainder of
our walk, and when we arrived at the end of seven
miles, which in the afternoon we imagined it quite
impossible for us to accomplish, we found ourselves
sufficiently strong to walk another seven."
On entering the inn, at which they found a good
many disorderly persons assembled, the fugitives
THE BIRMINGHAM RIOTS 35
decided that they must at once go on. Neither bed
nor refreshment offered them any temptation. The
girls felt they would walk twenty miles rather than
stay where their father might be recognised. Luckily,
when they had arrived at this heroic determination,
their belated coach came up. With a pair of horses
which had never before drawn a coach, and with a
man on the box (a tenant of Mr. Russell's) who had
never before acted as coachman, they went off to
the house of a friend whom they had met at the
" White Lion " (another tenant).
" We arrived safe at Mr. Greaves's, and, he not
being arrived with the chaise, we took some refresh-
ment offered us by the good lady, and at her earnest
request went upstairs to get a little repose. Here
a curious scene presented itself: we three ladies were
shown into a room with four beds in all, but whether
occupied by men or women we did not know ; but
the loud nasal concert, and the different notes of which
it was composed, seemed to indicate both. We were
amused at our situation, and felt sufficiently at ease to
laugh at it. We lay down upon the bed, and our
faithful little dog by the side ; but the room was
suffocatingly hot, and the number of persons in it
made the air very oppressive : this, together with the
music that assailed our ears, and a most numerous
swarm of fleas, which attacked us all, keep rest and
even quiet at a distance."
Presently Mr. Greaves came up with the chaise,
and the Russells all got into it, being here left by
Miss Sarah Smith, who went to meet her family,
36 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
staying half a mile away with some Roman Catholic
friends at Claughton. Having made their way to
Stratford, the Russells started at five o'clock on
Sunday morning for London. Their only further
adventure was comparatively mild and almost comical.
Their post-boy proved to be hopelessly intoxicated,
and William Russell had to try his hand at driving.
Just as they reached "that place noted for robbers,"
Maidenhead Thicket, they were overtaken by the
mail coach. Russell, thinking it would be wise to
keep pace with this public conveyance, drove pretty
fast — much to the indignation of the drunken post-
boy, who did not like his animals being so hard
pressed, and also because he found it difficult to keep
his seat.
" He clenched his fist, called and swore, but all in
vain ; we galloped on in fear every moment of the
fellow's falling under the wheel, and also under some
little expectation of robbers. Though we thought it
likely we might be attacked, none of us felt at all
alarmed, and had they come, such was our state of
mind, I am convinced we should have met them with
cheerful calmness : as for myself, I seemed fully to
expect them, but did not feel as if it was anything to
be alarmed at. We had some rings and other valu-
ables about us, which we had in our haste put in our
pockets ; these we hid in our hat-crowns and shoes.
However, we got safe through the Thicket, and when
nearly arrived at Henley-on-Thames my father suffered
the postillion to mount again, who by this time was
pretty well sobered.
THE BIRMINGHAM RIOTS 37
" On Monday, July i8th, about seven o'clock in the
morning, we arrived at Bates's Hotel in the Adelphi,
the house we were accustomed to be at in town. Mr.
Bates was not up, but soon rose and came to meet us
with tears in his eyes, so happy was he to meet us ;
he had heard reports on the disturbances, and was
truly relieved to see us all safe. On sitting down
here, for the first time since Thursday had we thought
ourselves safe or at rest. Now we found both, and
the greatest refreshment from washing off the dust
and filth from our skins, and in changing our clothes.
My father soon waited upon Mr. Pitt, and very soon
after arriving we learned that Dr. Priestley was in
town, as well as Mr. G. Russell's family, and many
others of our Birmingham friends. This evening we
went to bed very early, and enjoyed it in such a
manner as cannot be imagined. Soon after getting to
sleep we were awakened by what we thought a most
terrible shouting : we jumped up, crying out the mob
had followed us ; we rose up and in great alarm slipped
on our cloaks, and went out to see how matters were.
We found the servants, who, in turns, sat up through
the night ; they informed us that it was as quiet as
usual, and we need not be at all alarmed, for the noise
we had heard was only the gardeners coming to
Covent Garden Market. Thus happily relieved, and
smiling at our own fears, we returned to comfortable
rest.
" After staying a few days in London we returned
to Birmingham — my father, sister, and self; Thomas
remained there at school. Nothing material occurred
upon the journey, but the sentiments I felt on
38 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
approaching dear Showell Green, and first beholding
the ruin of our much-loved mansion, I shall not forget.
At a distance of two or three miles we discerned the
spot, and on a nearer approach descried a part of the
shell of the building rearing its head, blackened by
smoke, despoiled of its windows, and so defaced and
demolished as scarce to leave a trace of its original
form. The fine tall elms that grew at the back of
the house, which shaded our nursery windows, and
which I loved almost as if they were my sisters, still
stood ; they reared their venerable heads above these
melancholy ruins, but had partaken in their fate —
their fine foliage was all burnt on the side next the
house, and their stems blackened by smoke. What
dismal feelings filled my soul on contemplating this
sad spectacle ! It seemed as if I viewed the distorted
and mangled corpse of a dear friend, a parent to whom
I was indebted for much of my past happiness, and
who could never again be restored to me. Passing on,
we beheld Mr. G. Humphrey's house (now J. Bate-
man's, Sparkbrook), the shell complete, but despoiled
of all its windows. Dr. Priestley's was as melancholy
a piece of ruin as our own. Arriving at New Hall
Street (G. Russell's), we met a hearty welcome from
our friends there, and took up our residence under the
hospitable roof of my good uncle, till my father could
procure a house for us. All I saw, felt, and observed
seemed like a dream, and it was a long time before I
could realise what had passed."
CHAPTER III
RUSSELL'S AND PRIESTLEY'S EMIGRATION
Three days of mob-law — Inaction of authorities — Charges against
ministers and local magistrates — King George's letter — Detestation
of French Revolution and French nation — Intolerance in the
eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries — Russell's agitation
for justice — Appeal to Pitt — Priestley's relations with Whig leaders
— Unpopularity of Radical Dissenters general and increasing —
Priestley's encouragement of Russell — The appeal to the public —
His confidence shaken — England no place for his sons — Russell
leaves Birmingham — Decides to emigrate to America.
FROM Thursday afternoon to Sunday evening, as we
have seen, the town and neighbourhood of Birming-
ham had been abandoned to the mercy of a drunken
and destructive mob. No serious attempt was made
by the authorities to put down the disorder. A body
of constables had indeed been got together to rescue
Mr. Ryland's house at Easy Hill, but they were
driven back with heavy loss. The victorious wreckers,
however, did not all escape unpunished. A number
of them were caught by the collapse of a burning
roof; many were badly injured, and ten perished in
the ruins. But more than three days had been
allowed to pass before the military were brought up.
On the arrival of three troops of dragoons the rioters
saw that their game was up and quickly dispersed.
What could be done on the Sunday night might as
easily have been done on the previous Friday — nor
39
40 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
has any satisfactory explanation been given of the
official delay. In these circumstances it was natural
for Priestley and his friends to suspect complicity in
the very highest quarters, and if they went beyond
the proved facts, they might in justification point to
the astonishing letter which the King addressed to
Dundas, the Secretary of State, in approval of troops
having been sent to Birmingham. "Though I can-
not but feel the better pleased that Priestley is the
sufferer for the doctrines he and his party have in-
stilled, and that the people see them in their true
light, yet I cannot approve of their having employed
such atrocious means of showing their disapproval."
In order to understand the ferocity with which
Priestley and his associates were pursued, and the
condonation extended by respectable persons to this
persecution, we must look beyond the heresy of his
religious opinions and his pamphleteering way with
Madan and other High Church leaders in Birming-
ham. Nor will the peculiar animosity be explained
by the special energy and exceptional talent displayed,
amongst the Nonconformists of the day, by the
Unitarian section in pressing for repeal of the Test
and Corporation Acts. A large part of the mischief
was, of course, due to odium theologicum. Political
animus also has to be allowed for. But in justice
to the men, whether educated organisers or ignorant
agents of persecution, it should be borne in mind that
average English people of the time looked upon
friends of the French Revolution as enemies of their
own country. That memorable uprising was neither
represented by its friends nor regarded by its enemies
RUSSELL'S EMIGRATION 41
as a merely national movement. In purpose and effect
it was cosmopolitan. The Constituent Assembly, in
proclaiming the Rights of Man, was asserting the
rights of all men and attacking the authority of every
established Government. The Revolutionists, as
Seignobos has succinctly observed, " were not content
to reorganise France according to the principles of
1 789 ; they wished also to revolutionise Europe, to
destroy abuses, and to establish the reign of justice
and equity." Briefly, the movement was international
and universally upsetting. To the ordinary English-
man's mind, therefore, it was anti-English, and the
men in England who supported it were looked on as
little better than traitors to their country. Burke's
Reflections, published in 1790, had been a powerful
agent in working up English feeling against the
Revolution, and against all who sympathised with its
objects or condoned its methods.
During the previous hundred years England and
France had been engaged in almost incessant warfare
— from 1689 to J^97 (League of Augsburg); from
1702 to 1713 (Spanish Succession) ; from 1740 to
1748 (Austrian Succession); from 1756 to 1763 (the
Seven Years' War), and from 1778 to 1783 (American
Independence). For their expulsion from Canada the
French had taken a bitter and effective revenge when
they intervened in the quarrel between the British
American Colonies and the King's Government.
Compelled at the same time to fight France and
Spain, and to protect Ireland against occupation, the
British Parliament, disgusted alike with the King's
perversity and his Ministers' bungling, disheartened
42 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
by the incapacity of some generals and the difficulties
confronting others, insisted upon peace being made
with the American Congress. Although few sensible
men have ever supposed that the Colonial system, as
practised in the eighteenth century, could have stood
the strain of many more years' usage, the readjustment
might have been pacific, and the separation, if separa-
tion there must be, should have been rendered
honourable to both parties. In England there were
plenty of reasonable and influential politicians who
would gracefully have yielded all the legitimate de-
mands of the Colonists. Infinite mischief was done
by the hot-heads on both sides. They counteracted
the influence of statesmen such as Chatham and
Washington, who would have rejoiced in the oppor-
tunity of escaping a sort of civil war. This happy
solution was finally excluded when Franklin and
Vergennes formed their momentous compact. For
the ignominious termination in 1783 of a war equally
wanton and unpopular, Englishmen in 1791 could
hardly have forgotten that they had to thank the
French nation.
Nor did it require any remarkable gift of prescience
to understand that war on a great scale would soon be
recommenced between England and France. Whigs
of the Holland House circle and abstract thinkers like
Priestley and his friends might cherish hopes of a
lasting peace with the "hereditary foe." But, distin-
guished as many of the Whig leaders were for par-
liamentary eloquence and literary talents, they seem
at this period to have lost touch with national senti-
ment. They failed to discern — what a statesman of
RUSSELL'S EMIGRATION 43
comparatively limited intellect such as the younger Pitt
grasped as by instinct — that it would soon be incum-
bent on England to fight the French Revolution, with
all that it embodied, in defence of the national liberty.
In a word, France was the enemy, and friends of
France, so the popular argument ran, were enemies
of England. This of course does not justify, but it
helps to explain, the brutal and blackguardly conduct
of the roughs who broke loose in 1791 at Birmingham,
and accounts in some degree for the negligence of
the authorities, who, if they had chosen, might at the
outset have put down the trouble before it had become
unmanageable. They had received ample warning,
but perhaps, like the King, they thought it would do
no harm to let the Radical and Dissenting dogs get
a sharp lesson.
Before we raise our hands in righteous deprecation
of our grandfathers' misbehaviour let us ask ourselves
whether our own practice is much superior. Are
there no recent instances of authority standing by
with folded arms while an unpopular person has the
" place made too hot to hold him" ? In one respect,
no doubt, " we may boast ourselves to be greatly
better than our fathers." If the object of loud con-
demnation is well known in the country at large — if
he is a prominent member of Parliament, for instance
— he may reckon upon being given police protection
when he chooses (at Birmingham or elsewhere) to
proclaim his political heresies. On the other hand,
should a number of humbler recusants, such as miners
not enrolled in a federation, be visited with tokens of
trade unionist disapproval, it has not been remarked
44 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
that the local authorities were either vigilant to prevent
outrage or quick to punish it. Before we pass judg-
ment upon the intoxicated rioters and craven magis-
trates of Birmingham in 1791 let us then be sure that
our modern code of tolerance is more strictly enforced.
It was not, however, likely that two men such as
Priestley and Russell would sit down quietly under
gross maltreatment. Whatever might be their politi-
cal opinions, or their views on foreign affairs, they
were thoroughly English in their love of personal
liberty, and neither regard for the Court nor fear of
Ministers would deter them from standing up for
their rights. Moreover, they could make themselves
heard. The one, besides being a militant Dissenter,
was a philosopher of universally recognised attain-
ments : the other had an ample fortune, powerful
friends in London, and a stout heart of his own. The
man who had twice ridden out alone to face an angry
mob would not easily be restrained from seeking
redress in the courts of law. From Priestley's letters
we see that Russell conducted, largely at his own
expense, a thorough inquiry, as the result of which it
appears that solid, if not adequate, compensation was
eventually obtained. The sum of ,£26,961, of which
Priestley received £2542, was raised by a rate on the
Hundred — about half the estimated damage to pro-
perty. In August, at the Warwick Assizes, two of
the more conspicuous rioters were put on trial, found
guilty, and sentenced to death.
Meantime, Priestley, by no means a child in worldly
affairs, had been entering into relations with Fox and
Sheridan, who professed great zeal to take up his
RUSSELL'S EMIGRATION 45
cause. He dined with Sheridan, who gave him a
message from Fox. Clearly, they meant to use him
against Pitt. "They conceive," Priestley writes to
Russell on July 29, "that the encouragement given
by the Court to the High Church party was intended
to crush Mr. Fox and those who took our part, and
to intimidate both them and us." Priestley and
Russell, however, did not mean to be made Whig
catspaws. " I cannot think that there is much in
this, and I am very unwilling to connect our cause
with any political party, as, upon the face of it, it is
evidently of a purely religious nature. I, therefore,
differ from most of our friends here, and wish, with
you, to show no distrust of Government, since our
end will be answered whether they appear in earnest
to redress our grievances or not. Our tribunal is our
country and the world ; and before this our Court, as
well as ourselves, must appear, and we cannot doubt
an equitable decision."
Priestley, of course, was tactically well inspired in
desiring to ignore the political side of the affair and
assume it to be, what on its face it was, purely religious.
But in spite of his repeated assurances of confidence
in an ultimate triumph the immediate conditions were
discouraging. In his refuge near London he realised
that " the same bad spirit " was pervading the whole
kingdom. If, he writes, Dr. Price had been alive
Hackney would have suffered as much as Birmingham
had, nor would the College l itself have been spared.
Feeling was equally bitter in Manchester, and bad
1 Hackney College, of which Dr. Price was Principal, a famous centre
of Nonconformist education.
46 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
accounts were received from the West of England.
"It is indeed an alarming crisis that things are come
to." Whatever may have been his regret, and it is
frequently expressed in his letters, he felt no hesita-
tion about severing his connection with Birmingham.
Russell, on the other hand, returned to the scene of
danger. "It gives me great concern," writes Priestley
to him, " that so great a share of this great burden occa-
sioned, though innocently, by myself should fall upon
you (if not endanger your valuable life), while I am
out of the way and can bear no part of the burden,
and run no part of the risk." Meantime he was
working upon his Appeal to the Public. As to the
prudence of this treatise his friends were divided in
opinion, since it was well calculated to exasperate the
" shocking spirit of party " which the author lamented
as increasing in Birmingham. On September 29,
through Russell, he bade a sort of farewell to his work
in the Midlands, wishing, at the same time, that it were
possible to keep up " something like a connection with
Birmingham." He did not like the idea of being
driven off or abandoning a charge in which he had
been so happy. A few days later he wrote that,
go where he might, he would never find such a
friend as Russell had been to him. " Whatever I
did at Birmingham was much more yours than mine,
for without you I should not have been able to do
much."
Russell was working indefatigably to obtain res-
titution for the sufferers by the riots, a task involv-
ing no little outlay of cash besides the trouble and
odium incurred. Moreover, he seems to have been
RUSSELL'S EMIGRATION 47
maintaining "two of the cleverest young ministers in
England " in the place of Priestley, so that the evicted
preacher's enemies would discover they had gained
nothing by expelling him. But Russell would feel,
so Priestley tells him, that the eyes of the whole
country, and, in some measure, of all Europe, were
upon him ; that money could not be expended to
better purpose ; and that when the history of his
conduct went down to posterity it would be to his
immortal honour. He was stimulated to further activity
against the Birmingham magistrates by the remark
of a friend that formerly the Court hated the Dis-
senters, but now, if they did not prosecute the magis-
trates, it would despise them.
So Priestley wrote in January 1792, and seems
to have believed, not being in the thick of the fight,
that victory was already assured. In this sanguine
opinion he was supported by the attitude of his friends
in London. " All the Dissenters here that I con-
verse with hold this language. Now is not the time
to feel intimidation or despondence. Our enemies
have much more cause for fear, and they will find
more so every day, as new publications and free dis-
cussion will demonstrate how much they have been
in the wrong. You need not fear any more riots,
and the clergy of your town will be over-awed by
the ability and spirit of your ministers." He flattered
himself also that a great effect would be produced
by his Appeal to the Public.
In a few months his confidence was shaken by
the appointment of Dr. Madan, the leader of the
High Church party in Birmingham, as Bishop of
48 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Bristol. This, he remarks on April 25, revealed the
disposition of the Court, and should be considered
a signal of hostility by all Dissenters. " Time may
come, and not be far distant," he adds, "when the
Court may want our assistance." What precisely
he meant by this expression does not appear, for,
about six weeks later, he confesses that the battle
had been lost. On June 12 he writes to Russell,
" I see that the country is against us, and that no
justice is to be had for us in it ; and since our friends
will not rouse themselves from their present de-
spondency, I approve your resolution of retiring from
the game for a time, though the idea of your final
emigration is more than I can bear, so intimately and
happily connected as we have been. I wish it could
suit me to accompany you, but to that there are those
who will never consent."
This is the first intimation of Russell's intention
to make a new home in America — a country with
which he had a family and business connection of
long standing. It appears that his exertions on behalf
of the Dissenters had involved him in almost intoler-
able unpleasantness at home. " I am concerned,"
writes Priestley on June 22, 1792, "to hear of the
rancour with which you continue to be visited at
Birmingham, where your public spirit and disinterested
services have been unexampled ; but in this manner
has not patriotism almost always been requited ?
We must not look for our recompense here." It is
a bad look-out for a fighting man like Russell when
his companion-in-arms bids him be content with
spiritual comfort.
RUSSELL'S EMIGRATION 49
Priestley, though clinging to the hope of con-
tinuing his work and ending his days in England,
had made up his mind that England was no -place
for his sons. One of them had been settled in Man-
chester and was doing well, but, after the Birmingham
riots, his partner felt himself obliged to propose a
separation. Deciding to go to America, the young
man wished to study farming with an eminent agri-
culturist, but the proposal was declined. The second
son became a naturalised Frenchman, but afterwards,
with his elder and a younger brother, settled in
America. Meantime, the father, with plentiful lack
of discretion, paraded his sympathy with the Revolu-
tion. He lamented the "horrid violences committed
in France, especially on my old friend and corre-
spondent, the Duke de la Rochefoucauld." Still, he
was in such close relations with some of the Revolu-
tionists that he received with gratification — though
he declined — an offer to sit in the approaching National
Convention. Writing on September 21, 1792 (which
he describes as the Fourth Year of Liberty), he prays
that the Supreme Being may destroy the machina-
tions of the enemies of the Revolution.
It does not appear that the sympathies of Priestley
and Russell with the French movement were estranged
by the atrocities of the Revolution, or even by the
quasi-legal murder of the King, or by the renewal
of hostilities between England and France, for in
March 1793 we come upon a letter in which Priestley
laments to Russell that the times were very critical,
and required the united counsels of all the friends of
liberty. " I fear the worst, as the Court party are
D
50 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
triumphant everywhere, especially on account of the
repulse of the French armies and the distracted state
of France, from which, indeed, everything is to be
feared." The illness from which Russell was at this
time suffering had apparently increased, and on April
30 he left Birmingham. " I do not wonder," says
Priestley ; " your merit is too great to be forgiven,
and your associates unworthy of you." For some
reason unexplained he declared Pitt to be tired of
the war, and persisting in it only because he was
overruled. But this truly remarkable piece of thought-
reading did not blind Priestley to the "increasing
malignancy on every side against all things Liberal."
On June 17 he suggests that in the following year,
1794, he may join his sons in America, and if he
should go, so he writes, Russell's daughters might
count upon finding with him a home and protection.
Russell himself had settled for a time in Gloucester-
shire, in an " agreeable situation," but was intending
to go to America. Priestley thinks that he will
himself be " drawn into the vortex, though not im-
mediately." In point of fact, the two friends started
within a few months of each other. Priestley sailed
from London on April 8, 1794, and reached New
York on June 4 ; Russell took ship at Falmouth on
August 13, but, for reasons which will appear, did not
arrive on American soil till close on the end of the
same month in the following year (1795).
CHAPTER IV
A COACH-DRIVE TO FALMOUTH
Martha Russell's diaries — The family start in state — Visits to Berkeley
Castle — Bristol — Wells Cathedral— Glastonbury Abbey — An old
family friend — Exeter — A primitive inn — French prisoners of war
at Bodmin — Dreary Cornwall — Arrival at Falmouth — Meeting with
future companions — Captain Prebble of the Mary — Preparations
for the voyage — An uncomfortable start.
AT this point the family story, hitherto pieced together
from stray memoranda and casual references in letters,
may be taken up for a time by Martha Russell.
Throughout the most disconcerting experiences this
admirably trained young lady hardly ever interrupted
the habit of writing up her diary. With the formal
though not inelegant style of the period she combined,
it will be seen, a rare capacity for noting anything
remarkable, and as a rule, omitting what might be
uninteresting or irrelevant. Her accounts here of her
journeys in three countries have been considerably
abridged, because, as a faithful chronicler, she con-
ceived herself under an obligation to describe at length
many places and scenes which to this more travelled
generation are tolerably familiar.
Again, she dealt somewhat particularly with
matters of purely domestic importance, and often, as
was inevitable, repeated herself. Perhaps it was
partly due to her training under Priestley, and to her
52 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
lively concern in serious questions, that she too
frequently indulged, as clever young people will, a
pretty gift of moralising. If all her reflections were
to be reproduced here they would give a false idea
of her character, which, if perhaps a trifle prim, was
charmingly accessible to laughter and amusement. A
little Quakerish she may have been, but not Puri-
tanical, while her shrewd natural intelligence was no
doubt sharpened by the exciting adventures described
in the previous chapter and by the subsequent period
of anxiety, strife, and social persecution.
William Russell, when he started, with his daughters
Martha and Mary and his son Thomas, to make him-
self a settlement in the New World, travelled in the
style becoming a gentleman of fortune. He and his
son rode on horseback, while his daughters, accom-
panied by men-servants and maids, sat in the family
carriage. He had stood out stiffly against intolerant
neighbours, and his departure was not to be that of a
fugitive. On the leisurely journey from his Gloucester-
shire resting-place to his port of embarkation he took
the opportunity of showing his young people some-
thing of the country which they intended for ever to
abandon. But Martha's observations on the route
from Matson l to Falmouth have here been ruthlessly
abbreviated, though some of them, sufficiently quaint
or acute, illustrate the manifold discomforts of travel-
ling in England, at the end of the eighteenth cen-
tury, even for persons who did not need to study
economy.
1 Two miles from Gloucester. Charles I. occupied Matson House
during the siege of Gloucester in 1643.
A COACH-DRIVE TO FALMOUTH 53
" Wednesday, July 23, 1794. — Left Matson at
half-past seven in the morning, arrived at Newport
about one, where we got a very good dinner, and after-
wards went to see Berkeley Castle, which has been
built 464 years ; the walls are from 13 to 15 feet thick.
Here, after passing through a long suite of rooms, we
came into a small garden, in which was a cold bath,
and here to our great surprise we found ourselves
on the top of the castle. So imperceptibly had we
ascended by a step or two to each room, that we had
not the smallest idea of being so high. Passing across
this garden we entered a passage which brought us to
a room detached from the other building, in which
Edward the Second was murdered. The hangings
of the bed and room were of very fine thick scarlet
cloth finely embroidered, the curtains of the bed
lined with different coloured silks in patchwork — the
tester and head of carved wood. In the window
lay a plaster-of- Paris head of Edward, and an iron
instrument with which, tradition says, he was mur-
dered."
The next stop was at Bristol, which was reached
at nine o'clock. But the town was so full that the
party could not gain admittance either at the Bush or
White Hart, and therefore were obliged to go to the
White Lion, where the people, we learn, were "civil
but dirty." On Thursday the travellers went to Bath,
and stopped at " Pickwick's " (the White Stork), where
they found " very good beds, &c." Friday was spent
in exploring the new part of the city. The streets
they pronounced very handsome, but " owing to the
54 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
dullness of trade " — no doubt caused by the war — " all
was at a stand."
On Friday evening about nine o'clock Wells was
reached, and before breakfast the Cathedral was
visited — " superb and grand beyond imagination and
description. . . ."
"Among the finest curiosities this magnificent
edifice has to boast is a clock brought from Glaston-
bury 400 years old. It was made by a monk, and is
the largest piece of mechanism of the kind I ever
heard of. It has a large dial plate within the church,
the middle of which shows the age of the moon.
Round are two rows of figures. The hour and minute
hands are a small and large star : on the top are
two rows of soldiers on horseback, which move round
and pass each other. Against the wall which runs
from the end of that against which is this dial, and at
a good distance from it, is a small figure of a man
sitting, which strikes the quarters with his heels and
the hours with his hands against two bells that are
suspended before him. Beside this is a still larger
clock on the outside of the building, which can be
heard seven miles off. All is the same piece of
mechanism — we heard them both strike at once. . . .
" The organist belonging to this Cathedral, of the
name of Jenkins, is remarkably clever at instructing
in singing — a pupil of his whom we heard at the new
Drury Theatre in the winter, and who has a remark-
able fine voice, is engaged by the proprietors of that
place at ^400 per annum for five years, and his
brother, who is older, at ^200 per annum for taking
A COACH-DRIVE TO FALMOUTH 55
care of him. This young man's home is Welsh ; I
suppose he is about twelve years of age."
On Saturday evening, after a passing glance at
Glastonbury and Bridge water, the party came to Taun-
ton, where they fell in with several Nonconformist
friends.
"Sunday the i>]th. — Mr. Broadhurst, a minister,
called on us before breakfast, and we afterwards went
to hear Mr. Toulmine preach. Before dinner a Mr.
Wood called on us, who introduced himself, saying he
knew my grandfather Russell, and was a great com-
panion of his. He was eighty-two years of age, and was
highly gratified with seeing my father and inquiring
after his old friends, most of whom, however, were
dead. He went to see my grandfather previous to
his going to America, and now called upon my father
on the like occasion."
At Exeter, on the 28th, the Cathedral was duly
inspected and admired.
" The shops here are very good ; we made several
purchases. This part of the county abounds with
clothiers ; a manufactory of coarse flannel is carried
on here, and some carpeting. The landlord of the
London Inn is building a very good new house, which
we went to see ; it has eighteen sitting rooms below-
stairs and several more above. Mr. Renwick, the
minister, called on us with a Mr. Shate. The latter has
a son settled in America. A Mr. Davey also called, who
56 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
has a brother there, who intends going himself; like-
wise a Mr. G. a young man of fortune, who is going
to America principally for his health. He much wished
to have gone with us in the Mary, but we had not
room."
" This county," remarks Martha Russell on her
way to Crockernwell, " is the most hilly I ever was
in." On Tuesday they passed through Okehampton
(a borough town, though miserably poor), and reached
Launceston, but the tremendous hill at the entrance
" almost knocked up our poor coach horses."
" Wednesday r, 30/^5. — After breakfast we left Laun-
ceston, dined at the Jamaica Inn, a small house in the
middle of a common, or moor, with not a tree or
house to be seen for miles. Here in the kitchen were
pigs and ducks, which, with children, hardly left room
to stir. The good woman had nothing in the house
but a piece of pork, which in the course of an hour
and a half we got boiled, and a few potatoes with some
brown or rather black bread. No cheese was to be
had, and the butter looked almost like lard. Their fires
were of turf, which they told us was the best that
could be to cook by. Indeed, I was surprised to see
it burn so clear, and so soon light up. Such a very
barren, dreary country as this I never before saw.
The good woman took a great deal of pains to make
us believe that they often had people stop there,
though, in spite of all her endeavours, we remained
rather incredulous. Such a poor, mean, dirty place I
never before was in, and such a scarcity of everything
A COACH-DRIVE TO FALMOUTH 57
bespoke no great intercourse with society. No
hay could we get for our horses, and nothing to drink
ourselves. The malt liquor, as well as the water,
was very bad. After staying about two hours we
went on to Bodmin, a small, poor town, but which
afforded tolerable accommodation. A number of
French prisoners who were walking about the town
amazed us."
Martha Russell, like most eighteenth - century
people, had no relish for rugged scenery, for on the
way from Bodmin she remarks that "the country still
continues the most dreary I ever saw." Truro, how-
ever, she liked, as being a " neat, pretty town." She
afterwards "heard" that there were some parts of
Cornwall " very pleasant and fertile."
The county of Cornwall, she notes, had sub-
scribed very strongly towards the internal defence of
the country, and at Truro she saw boys about fourteen
years old in regimentals. " There is a society formed
of them all near of a size. They were going to
exercise just as we left Truro, from whence we came
through Penryn to Falmouth." This town, which
struck them as "small and dirty," the party reached
on Friday, ist August. There they found a friend.
Mr. W. Chambers, who was waiting to embark for
Spain. Next morning they came upon Mr. Saunders,
Dr. and Mr. Edwards, Mr. and Mrs. Terry, and Miss
Clarkson, who were to be of their party on board the
Mary for New York. On Tuesday they were joined
by Mr. and Mrs. Huddy. In the evening they "raised
a little dance, the waiter playing the violin." On
58 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Wednesday evening they repeated the entertainment.
On the following three days of the week nothing
very particular happened, except that Mr. Chambers
sailed for Spain.
" Sunday. — We all went to Meeting. Mr. Terry we
found to be a Deist, fond of turning every argument
for religion into ridicule ; is noisy and rude whenever
the subject is introduced ; omits no opportunity of
ridiculing religion in general, and sneering at . Dis-
senters in particular. We begin to fear now he will
not prove a very desirable companion ; he seems to
be a forward, upstart, bold fellow. Neither is Mrs.
Terry remarkably pleasing, nor has she seen anything
of the world, but appears lifted up by her mere
marriage out of her station.
" Just as we were returning from Meeting in the
morning a sailor accosted my father at the door of the
hotel with ' So your ship is in sight ' — and very true
it proved, to our no small joy. But it seemed quite
astonishing that at so great a distance they could tell
that it was an American vessel. Immediately the glass
was applied, we saw the American flag, and therefore
hoped it might prove the Mary, and some time after
dinner we had the felicity to see her come into har-
bour. Dr. Edwards with the glass saw Captain
Prebble and my father's dog, which confirmed our
hopes. At length we saw the boat hoisted out and
Captain Prebble get in ; we walked to meet him on
his landing and gave him a hearty welcome. We
were all much pleased with his appearance, and we all
agreed that if we liked the vessel as well as we did
A COACH-DRIVE TO FALMOUTH 59
the captain our voyage must most likely be an agree-
able one."
Monday and Tuesday were spent in packing and
buying provisions for the voyage.
" Wednesday, \^th [August]. — After tea we all
went on board the Mary ; the tide was just coming in
and there was a swell of the sea ; our boat was heavily
loaded, and some of the party were a little alarmed,
Mrs. Terry particularly. No sooner were we got on
board the Mary than Miss Clarkson and my sister
were obliged to run down into the cabin, and this
with all possible expedition. Mrs. Huddy was also
very soon ill, as well as Lyddy and Betsy (maid
servants), for although the vessel was at anchor, the
swell being heavy there was a good deal of motion.
After the invalids were all gone to bed my father,
brother, Mr. Terry, Mr. Saunders and I supped upon
deck on a cold mutton pie we had brought with us.
The evening was fine, and I, feeling quite well, really
enjoyed much the novelty of the scene, and watched
the moonbeams playing on the water. About eleven
o'clock we went to bed, and I never slept better in my
life, although through the night there was a good deal
of motion.
" About seven in the morning of Thursday, the
wind being fair, we weighed anchor. The morning was
delightful, the sea calm, and all charmingly pleasant.
Mrs. Terry and myself were the only ladies that were
well enough to join the breakfast party, and Mrs.
Terry after breakfast was very sick. Mr. Huddy was
60 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
also to-day one of the worst, and Mr. Terry did not
escape. In short, all except my father, brother, and
myself were more or less indisposed ; however, at
dinner they all managed to make their appearance,
though for a short time only. Very soon they were
all obliged to retreat again to their berths, finding
that bed was far the most comfortable place. All the
servants were now ill except one, so that I had very
full employment in waiting upon the invalids, and had
sometimes much fear lest I must also have joined the
sick party.
" Saturday, 1 6tk. — All continue ill ; the weather
fine, but the wind ahead. Had a little pig roasted for
dinner, and I never relished a dinner more in my life,
although it was attended with many circumstances
that in almost any other situation would have taken
away my appetite. But the sea air, I find, fully
counteracts all necessities of this kind by creating an
appetite too keen to admit of attending much to trifles.
This evening the sea was rather rough, and the vessel
rolled a good deal."
On Sunday there was a great swell at sea. Mr.
Terry and Martha Russell were still the only persons
able to get about. By this time, perhaps, she may
have hoped she was beginning to see the end of her
troubles. She had not yet begun them.
CHAPTER V
A French frigate in sight — English travellers ordered on board — Assur-
ances of kind treatment — Accompanied by Captain Prebble — Scene
on the man-of-war — Emblems of Liberty — Singing the Marseillaise
— The ladies' good humour — Close quarters on board — Vermin and
suffocating heat.
NEXT morning the thoughts of the emigrants were
forcibly diverted from the ordinary perils and dis-
comforts of a long voyage in a sailing vessel.
"Monday, \%th [August]. — This morning I lay
late till 10 o'clock, having been much disturbed with
the roughness of the weather during the night. Just
as I was beginning to dress my brother came to tell
us there was a French frigate coming up with us. I
hurried on my clothes, well pleased with the thought
of seeing the good Republicans, and running up on
deck found nearly all our party, sick and well, assembled
together, and the Frenchmen nearly alongside of us.
"I returned to prevail on Mary to come up like-
wise, which she did. When we got on deck we found
Captain Prebble speaking to them ; they hoisted at
first English colours, but on seeing that ours were
American took them down and ran up their own.
Their questions with the trumpet were, if the vessel
was American, where bound, with what laden, and
61
62 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
who the passengers were. After this they hoisted
their little boat and came on board us. We all re-
joiced to see them, and had no idea of their being
come for anything but news. However, it proved
otherwise ; they commanded of Captain Prebble a list
of his passengers and of us passports. With these
none of us were provided, except Dr. Edwards, and
he had only an old one, which he had secured when
he went to Holland. This, with the testimonials he
produced of his being an American, satisfied them for
himself, Mrs. Edwards, and Miss Clarkson, who
passed as his niece. With regard to the rest of us
they appeared suspicious, merely from our being
British and having no passport to America. By
means of the speaking trumpet with their captain,
Captain Prebble was ordered on board the frigate.
I still had not the least suspicion that they could think
of making us prisoners when our situation had been
made known to their captain, which Captain Prebble
— who could speak French — promised to explain.
"There was this morning a very great swell of the
sea, and we wondered at the Frenchmen in the first
instance for venturing on so high a sea in a small
boat. Soon after Captain Prebble was got on board a
fresh party of French were sent to tell us we must pre-
pare to go on board their frigate. This order both
astonished and alarmed us beyond conception : we re-
monstrated most earnestly, and as there was one among
this party who could talk English we were better off.
However, all we could say was of no avail. My father
was ordered on board immediately, and we were desired
to get ready all we wished to take. Struck with
CAPTURED BY THE FRENCH 63
amaze, and scarce knowing what I did, I ran down to
collect what I could, for the servants were quite unable
to do anything from sickness. Our beds were tied up
first, and then we scrambled together a few cloaks and
other little things. But so great was our hurry that
we scarce knew what was taken or what it would be
proper to take ; fearing that if we were made prisoners
all we had with us would be seized. Fortunately,
among other things, we remembered our medicine-
chest. All the time we were putting up our things
the French officers were hurrying us and saying their
Captain was angry at our staying so long.
"We were now to go ourselves in the same little
boat and on the same high sea which had made us
wonder at the boldness of the Frenchmen for ven-
turing to face ; and yet so agitated were our spirits
at the idea of being made prisoners, and taken on
board the frigate, which seemed to swarm with men,
that we hardly thought of the danger, although the
sea ran mountains high, and once came over on the
side of the boat where I was sitting, so as to com-
pletely wet me down one side. The motion of the
boat and vessel during the time that the party were
getting in appeared to me to cause a good deal of
danger to us who were in the boat first. However,
I seemed to care for nothing, and felt now composed
enough, or rather so stupefied as to be able to meet
any danger.
" The young man who spoke English accompanied
us, and appeared to be humane and kind : he assured
us that we should be well treated, and begged we
would not distress ourselves. On getting to the side
64 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
of the frigate we found we could not be hoisted up
in the chair, but must climb up the sides of the
vessel. This, which in almost any other circum-
stances we should have thought impossible, was soon
overcome. I went up first, but it was literally like
clambering up the side of a house. I shall never
forget my feelings on finding myself at the top, with
300 dirty, filthy, ragged-looking sailors crowded on
the deck to see us.
" We were met by my father and Captain Prebble,
the expression of whose countenances plainly testi-
fied the agitation of their minds and their fears for
us. They led us to a seat there was in the middle
of the deck ; here, when seated, the scene was beyond
description novel and distressing. The doctor be-
longing to the vessel, who could talk English a little,
came up to us and assured us, in the most urgent
manner, that if we were what we said we should find
ourselves among friends and brethren, and should be
treated as such, and that we need fear nothing, for
he would be answerable that we should receive no
insult, and desired that if any one offered the least
we should let him know. Several of the officers who
stood round assured us of the same, both by the
expression of their countenances, as well as their
words ; they appeared to feel much for us.
" Still, all this did not stifle our apprehensions ; we
were on board a ship of war, with between 300 and
400 men, few of whom felt, as we supposed, any
restraint from principle ; and, although the officers
were well disposed, among such a number of men
they, we feared, could not be answerable, and there
CAPTURED BY THE FRENCH 65
was no female on board till we arrived. Over-
whelmed with apprehensions of what was to come,
and foreboding ill from everything almost that I saw,
my feelings had now almost overcome me, when
Captain Prebble, seeing and feeling for our distress,
kindly said he would go to France with us, in order
that when we arrived in Bresthaven, where the frigate
was bound, he might go himself to the American
Ambassador at Paris on our behalf. This was a
drop of comfort that seemed to calm my troubled
breast, for till this moment I had seen no end to our
imprisonment as long as the war lasted.
" After we had been seated on the deck about half-
an-hour the Captain made his appearance ; he bowed
to us and we all rose and acknowledged it. His
countenance was placid and prepossessing, and I
augured well from his manner. The men, as may
naturally be supposed, all crowded round to view us.
All our invalids had lost their sickness from the
fright. We were now asked to walk down into the
cabin to dinner. Here was a scene novel indeed.
The room was perhaps 20 feet by 18 ; along the
middle was a table, covered with an oilcloth, on
which stood the dinner. On one side of the table,
about the middle, was a small pillar against which
was a small bush to represent the Tree of Liberty,
with a bunch of national ribbons under, and a small
Cap of Liberty on the top. Even with the top of
this pillar, and just over the centre of the table, was
a circle of small swords or scimitars, I suppose about
thirty or forty, put in a frame, which frame was fixed
to the ceiling. Along the walls at the top and bottom
E
66 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
of the cabin were fixed two rows of muskets, and a
large cannon on each side. Along the top and
opposite to the door were the windows, under which
was a broad seat with lockers. From the window
to where the muskets were arranged on the sides,
the walls were covered with strong network, as I
afterwards found, to prevent the splinters of wood
flying about in case of a ball coming through.
" Our bedding and trunks lay all in a heap on one
side, and we were desired to see that all was there.
After that we sat down to dinner. As soon as the
company were assembled, they all sung one verse of
the Marseillaise Hymn, with the chorus, and then fell
to heartily — taking care, however, to help us first, and
that in a very polite manner. Of the dishes we had
for dinner I could make out but few. Indeed, my
attention was more fixed on the company than the
table. Such a set I never before saw, some with hats
on, some without, others with the ' bonnet rouge,' all
dirty and all merry, and chattering away as fast as
possible. They were waited on by little boys ; every
officer had one, who brought him his napkin, knife,
fork, spoon, and glass, and each had a bottle of wine.
They did not sit at all after dinner, but drank their
wine with it ; the bread was excellent, and we had a
very good rice pudding.
" After dinner we went on deck again, and I began
to feel more comfortable from the great attention and,
really I may say, tenderness of the officers. They
seemed to have but one wish respecting us, and that
was to assure us we should be kindly treated, and
that they had not a doubt of our being liberated as
CAPTURED BY THE FRENCH 67
soon as our case was known ; yet they said their taking
us was unavoidable, for the English had, they said,
lately set them an example of it, and they had orders
to let no English escape them whatever. This frigate,
it appeared, belonged to a squadron that had been
cruising in the Channel for twenty days ; the officers
told us they expected to return to Brest very soon.
This was grateful, for of all things, we seemed to
dread most an engagement. The name of this frigate
was the Proserpine ; she carried forty guns, thirty-six
pounders,1 and was twenty-two years old. In the last
cruise she had sprung a leak, and, but for the English
prisoners on board, had been lost. Against the main-
mast was the mark of a cannon ball, just under a
national cockade which was fixed in the mast. They
pointed out to us as a matter of exultation that it had
gbne so near and had not hurt it.
" One thing I heard this afternoon added much to
my anxiety, which was that there was a very bad
putrid fever on board, which had carried off numbers.
" At four o'clock all the boys assembled and placed
themselves in ranks in the middle of the deck, where
they sang the Marseillaise Hymn. They made a
practice of singing it three times a day, morning, noon,
and night. After supper they very earnestly pressed
us to sing, and sang themselves several songs, and,
though our feelings were ill-disposed to cheerfulness,
yet so very pressing were they, and so desirous were
we to show we wished to oblige them in return for
their kindness, that somehow or other Mrs. Terry,
Mary, and I managed to sing together, although
1 A lady was not bound to know, but this is impossible.
68 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
none of us had ever before attempted it in company,
and no one of the three knew anything at all about
the matter. However, the attempt had the desired
effect of pleasing them much, and the Captain as
much as any of them. He afterwards gave us a song
himself.
" About nine o'clock we were handed by the officers
to the place where we were to sleep, the sight of which
made us feel very sensibly that we were prisoners. It
was at one end of the vessel, between decks, about 10
or 1 1 feet square, partitioned out from the other part
with canvas. One part at the top was something
higher than the rest, being raised with boxes, and
here Mr. and Mrs. Terry lay. Our beds were spread
on the floor, and Mrs. Huddy, Lyddy, Betsy, Mary,
and I lay in a row ; Mr. Huddy at the entrance across
our feet. On one side of the canvas joined another
smaller partition of the same kind, and here, on the
floor likewise, slept my father and brother and Mr.
Saunders. Opposite to them, upon a store of cannon
balls, our men-servants laid their beds. The officers
slept in small berths round our canvas, and were con-
tinually passing backwards and forwards, so that it was
absolutely necessary to extinguish our light as soon
as possible, though we all laid down in our clothes.
The gentlemen waited on the outside till we were
ready, and then giving the light to the man who had
also been waiting there for it, came into the hole (for
nothing better can I term it).
" Left to my own reflections, the feelings of my
mind are not to be described. The recollection of
what had passed in the course of the day — the forlorn,
CAPTURED BY THE FRENCH 69
sad situation in which we then were, and the fear that
all of us might not have strength of mind and body
sufficient to carry us through what was to come —
almost overcame me. These reflections, added to the
effects of our confinement, deprived me entirely of
sleep. The vermin we encountered were inconceiv-
able ; but what was to me really worse was the great
closeness of the place. With the greatest difficulty
could I breathe at all, and was every now and then
obliged to jump up through fear of suffocation. Apart
from these circumstances the noise was enough to
have prevented any one from sleeping ; the creaking
of the vessel was really tremendous, and the rolling of
the cannon not less so. ... On first going into the
air I felt ready to faint, but soon recovered, and was
refreshed by breathing it freely more than can be
described."
CHAPTER VI
PRISONERS OF WAR
Monotonous life — Hunting for prizes — Burning a Dutch vessel — Pre-
paring for action — A strange sail — French sailors dancing — In view
of Brest — The Land of Liberty — Martha Russell's enthusiasm — An
unconquerable nation — Hopes of speedy release — Disappointment
and collapse — Removed to another prison ship — Execution of
Robespierre — A favourable circumstance — Guillotine at Brest —
Thomas Russell's illness — Harshness of the commanding officer —
Shortness of provisions and increasing appetites — French cookery
— A naval spectacle — A kindly captain — His remembrances of
captivity in England — William Russell's curious adventure.
NEXT morning the prisoners on board the Proserpine
were visited by Dr. Edwards, who gave them a letter
to his very particular friend, Mr. Monroe, the American
Minister in Paris,1 and also promised to look after
their property on the Mary. Captain Prebble, hand-
ing over the command of his vessel to his mate, made
arrangements to accompany them to France. About
six o'clock in the evening, with " acheing hearts," they
bade farewell to the Mary. But in the evening, after
supper, they were again bidden to sing, " which we did
all round." The fare upon the French frigate was very
coarse, and persons not possessing their own knives and
forks had to manage without any. Captain Prebble's
spoon usually served them all. So monotonous
1 Afterwards (1816) elected President of the United States, whose
name was given to the famous doctrine of international usage.
70
PRISONERS OF WAR 71
was the daily life that the indefatigable diarist gave
up mentioning the distinct dates. The prisoners
simply rose, breakfasted, dined, and supped and went
to bed at the same time and in the same manner. In
fine weather they sat or walked on deck : when it was
wet they played cards or read books (if any book
could be found) in the cabin. But Martha and Mary
Russell, like sensible, good-humoured young ladies,
made the best of their plight. They taught English
to the officers, who taught them French in return.
Regretfully it must be added that they began to
find an unholy joy in the operations of war. The
squadron consisted of five frigates besides corvettes.
During the cruise, which lasted forty days, they took
thirty prizes — so Martha exultingly records, having
seemingly forgotten the peace principles imbibed from
Dr. Priestley. It was "comparatively uninteresting,"
we read, when a ship was burnt because they knew
that there was nobody on board — much as though a
motoring lady of our own day were to complain of
a drive being dull because no chickens had been
killed ! Let Martha speak for herself : —
" The evening, or rather afternoon, on which we
came on board, we saw a Dutch vessel sunk after
they had taken out the crew and cargo. A large hole
was bored in the bottom, but it was many hours before
it went down : the masts were to be seen the next
morning. Another day they set fire to a vessel ; this
was a small English sloop, and never did I see a more
terrible sight. No description either of pencil or pen
can equal the reality, no scene can ever be more
72 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
tremendous, though the idea of no person being on
board rendered the sight comparatively uninteresting.
The only diversion we had was going in chase of prizes,
and this the officers enjoyed so much that it was im-
possible for us not to enter also into the spirit of it in
a degree. The moment a signal was hoisted by the
Commodore, we were all impatience to know what it
meant, hoping from the first day for commands to
steer for Brest, as the officers had told us their time
was expired, or at least what was fixed for the cruise.
The hopes of the officers constantly were for signals
to go in chase ; when these came they all appeared
intoxicated with joy, all hands were aloft to set the
sails and off we went. It really was very pleasant to
sail away so fast in so large a ship. Though we never
went more than 12 knots an hour, yet from her size
we seemed to glide along so smoothly as rendered it
delightful. . . .
" On coming up with our prize the officers, all
dressed in their regimentals, buckled on swords and
pistols, and boarded her. After examining her papers,
the trumpets were hoisted and they informed the
Captain particularly. He then gave them orders what
to do. The sailors and passengers were uniformly
sent on board. If a part only of the cargo was valu-
able, that was sent also, and the rest destroyed in the
vessel. If the cargo proved a valuable one French
sailors were sent on board. But the first sight of our
prize was always the most trying time to us, and the
first and most interesting question ' Is she a ship of
war ? ' and till this was answered agitation had com-
plete possession of our minds. Relieved from this
PRISONERS OF WAR 73
fear, we afterwards entered the more into the general
pleasure of the moment from having felt it. On going
on board the prize the officers generally privately
asked us what they would bring us. We were at first
content with wishing only for potatoes, there being
none then on board. After having returned several
times without them, and disappointed themselves much
more than us, they at length returned from a Dutch-
man, tugging a large bag up the side of the ship.
Throwing it upon the deck before us they cried 'Vive
la Republique ! ' One day a vessel appeared in sight,
taken for a ship-of-war by all the squadron. Prepara-
tions were now made for an engagement ; every
partition was taken away between decks, and nothing
was to be seen but the cannon ranged on each side.
The officers put on their best, loaded their pistols,
buckled on their swords, and everything was in readi-
ness. They all declared they would sink the vessel
sooner than be taken — we were to have our choice of
going into the hold or cockpit."
Happily the ladies were not put to this embarrass-
ing selection. The vessel proved to be an American.
For a little longer they were allowed to enjoy the
more pleasant side of life on board a man-of-war.
They were particularly struck with the cleverness and
high spirits of the French sailors.
" One evening we were highly pleased with seeing
the sailors dance. The astonishingly light manner in
which they move, many in wooden shoes, was matter
of surprise to us all. They appeared to be particularly
74 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
made to excel in dancing, for really I never saw any
dancing master in England acquit himself better than
these dirty, mean, awkward-looking fellows. The
contrast between the French and English sailors, or
rather peasantry (for these are all requisition men) is
striking indeed. The uniform good humour of these
men one to another, together with their playfulness,
is amazingly pleasing all the day ; the sides of the
deck were filled between the cannon with different
parties playing at cards, and always were they play-
ing tricks on each other, which jokes are uniformly
well received."
On August 29th, after the Russells and their
English companions from the Mary had been prisoners
of war on the Proserpine for eleven days, another
American vessel (the Ivor, bound from Bristol to New
York, Capt. Gooderich) was captured, and the English
passengers were taken on board. The new-comers,
twenty-seven in number, naturally encroached upon
the scanty accommodation available for passengers.
For some reason not explained by the diarist — possibly
the strangers were not sufficiently open-handed — they
were treated with small consideration. One gentleman
was quartered in the hold, very near the oven, and fed
upon bread and water, while another, taken for an
aristocrat, was constantly mocked and refused leave
to promenade on deck.
Meantime the fever was increasing : of the four
hundred persons on board more than one hundred
were sick, the ship's doctor amongst them. Another
anxiety that pressed upon the emigrants was the fear
PRISONERS OF WAR 75
of being captured by " our enemies and countrymen."
On September 2nd the Proserpine had a narrow
escape. Off Ushant the French sighted twenty-six
British sail, and had to thank the dirty weather for
getting away in safety. Presently they were in view
of Brest. A thick fog did not prevent the Russell
family from going on deck early in the morning in
order to get a peep at the coast of France, the Land of
Liberty. "It had in my eyes," writes Martha Russell,
" more charm than ever land held before." At noon
they entered the harbour, and were impressed with
the appearance of the five fine three-deckers, especially
the Admiral's flag-ship, La Montague, with 1200 men
on board. The in-coming squadron was hailed with
cries of " Vive la Re"publique ! " The crews seemed as
one man to be inspired in the cause for which they
were engaged.
" The ardour they all felt and expressed in the
cause of Liberty really astonished me, although I was
prepared to find it at a high pitch. It seems the only
thing for which they wished to live, and the only
cause in which they wished to die. Very often have
I exclaimed, ' This people will never be conquered.'
At present all their religion is Liberty, and in this
there sure never were greater enthusiasts. A time
will, I am convinced, come, and that shortly, when the
Maker of the World will be held in the highest vene-
ration by that people whose hearts glow with such
generous sentiments towards His creatures."
In this amiable and expansive frame of mind Martha
Russell and her companions were making ready for
76 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
their assured release. First there was to be a thorough
washing — " the extreme filth of the vessel could scarce
be imagined " — and a hardly less welcome change of
linen. Presently came an order to take them to another
ship ! This was indeed an unexpected stroke. They
found about one hundred others in the same plight. A
little comfort they got from the assurance of some
kindly Americans, who promised to watch where they
were taken to, and provide them with anything they
might require. The poor ladies had fairly broken
down under their disappointment, when happily they
were discovered in their new prison by Captain Prebble,
who undertook to fetch for them from the Proserpine
certain things which in the hurry of changing ship
they had overlooked. The accommodation in La
Belle d1 Orient proved to be much the same as on the
Proserpine, but the personal kindness was missing.
The servants fared badly, being compelled to sleep
in the hold. The gentlemen were not much better
treated. When the eight o'clock bell rang they were
all ordered to carry down their beds ! No sooner were
they got down, and so crowded that literally they
could not stir, than the light was put out, and they
were obliged to remain all night just in the posture
they were when it was extinguished. Some of the
party found themselves on large casks, and the fear of
slipping between them deterred them from moving,
as they found by dropping things down that the
cavities between the casks were very deep. "The
sailors appeared to be the refuse of all nations,
English, Dutch, and Portuguese, each vying with the
other in noisy and opprobrious language."
PRISONERS OF WAR 77
Next day (September 3) the Russells were visited
on board by Captain Prebble as well as by Captain
Bryan, Captain Hooper, and a Mr. Wilson, who had
been struck with their forlorn condition. But any
hopes which they may have rested on the possession
of " friends at Court " were dashed next day. Having
undergone persecution in their native land on account
of the French Revolution, they were now suffering
from "the very people whose cause they had espoused."
The American Consul at Brest was either impotent
or indifferent, and it became apparent that no influence
which William Russell could exercise, either personally
or through his friends, would avail except in Paris
itself. " It was now but a short time," Martha Russell
quietly remarks, " since Robespierre had been guillo-
tined (July 28, 1794), and the change this measure
was likely to make in the Government was, we hoped,
favourable for us." From the stern gallery, the lady
adds, they had a view of the guillotine at Brest, which
was credited with having recently dispatched twenty
persons in thirty minutes.
Captain Prebble and Captain Bryan undertook to
go to Paris on behalf of the Russells, though they
were almost afraid to venture, as "so many murders "
had lately been committed on the road by the Royalists
of La Vendee.
On the following Sunday morning young Russell
when he arose complained of a headache, and by
evening was down with fever.
"Monday. — My brother had a very indifferent night,
and was so ill this morning that we became seriously
78 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
alarmed for him ; we gave him James's Powder, but
to be ill in such a situation was a trial I had dreaded
all along for some or other of us, and to which I feared
we should not be equal. Captain Bryan called to-day
and brought us fruit, chocolate, sugar, butter, and
biscuits. His humanity and philanthropy seemed un-
bounded. This evening my brother was quite delirious.
All our fears increased much, and our prospects on
his account appeared gloomy indeed, for they were
here afraid of getting a fever on board, so that any
one among the crew who was at all indisposed was
sent directly to the hospital. This we dreaded most
awfully. The doctor on board appeared to be as
ignorant as possible, and great secrecy was therefore
necessary. We continued giving him James's Powder.
" Thursday. — My brother still very ill.
"Saturday. — My brother something better, his
fever abating.
" Sunday. — Better still.
"Monday. — He got on deck to walk, and though
very weak was much better.
" Tuesday. — My brother well, except a great degree
of weakness, which we feared he would not lose for
some time."
But even the hardships on board seemed prefer-
able to those of a prison ashore, and William Russell
wrote to the Admiral begging that they might not be
sent away. A sympathetic reply was received. Their
unkind treatment on the Belle d Orient seems to have
been probably due to the officer's fear that as an ex-
aristocrat he might be under Republican surveillance.
PRISONERS OF WAR 79
" Bold and unfeeling to a degree, he had remain-
ing about him many traits of aristocracy. He kept
us as much at a distance as possible, and on many
occasions behaved with bare civility. At meals we
particularly felt his unfeeling disregard of us, for he
placed us on each side of him, and took care never
to ask us to have anything, as well as to eye every-
thing we got in such a manner that we could suppose
nothing less than that he grudged us every bit we
ate. We had thought ourselves short of provisions
on board the Proserpine, but here we really felt ill.
Every sort of provisions was extremely dear at Brest,
and not only so, but nothing could be had without
a maximum^ or order from the municipality. The
bread we ate was what they called Equality Bread ;
very brown, very hard, and very dry, full of grit,
straw, and barley-corns, and often excessively sour.
At first we were tired of eating before we were satis-
fied— it was so hard — but use not only reconciled us
to it, but gave it a relish, and never shall I forget
the astonishing gout with which we used to eat our
breakfast."
In spite of her French sympathies, Martha Russell
did not take easily to French cookery. The dishes,
she says, looked and smelt well, but on closer in-
spection proved to be little more than vegetables
dressed in a variety of ways.
"Soup we had every day, and the beef of which
it was made was always served round before any of
the other dishes were touched. It was boiled to a
8o RUSSELL MEMOIRS
chip, and resembled horseflesh much more than beef.
We dined in general about thirty people, and I do
not think it an unfair calculation on the average to
say that, one day with another, dinner and supper,
we had not more than 3 or 4 Ibs. of meat (with the
bones) at a meal. Very seldom was it that we got
any meat besides the ' bouilli.' Happily for us, we
had cheese every day after dinner for the first part
of the time, though towards the last that luxury failed
us. As we were stinted for food our appetites seemed
to increase."
Great was their rejoicing when their sour jailer,
with his wife, went ashore, and his place was taken
by a genial officer. He welcomed the party in his
cabin and joined them in a game of whist. He was
an expansive Frenchman, and told them about his
private circumstances — how he had not seen his
mother for thirty years, had buried his wife and seven
children, and was then attached to a lady whom he
would marry as soon as the war was over. In return
Martha Russell listened to his fiancee's letters and
worked him a cravat in the national colours.
On September 27th the Russells were transferred
to another ship as a temporary abode, so they were
assured, before they could be landed in Brest. But
so amazing was the variety of tales which had been
told them that they were beginning to despair of
release.
" Wednesday, October ist. — Great rejoicings at
Brest on account of a victory over the Duke of York.
PRISONERS OF WAR 81
All the ships in the harbour were decorated with their
different coloured signals ; about twelve o'clock the
men mounted in the rigging, and all united in one
cry, ' Vive la Re"publique.' On the mast heads many
boys were clinging, and the crowd of men that
filled the yards, &c. was astonishing : I can compare
them to nothing but a swarm of bees on each vessel.
They all mounted together in the different ships,
remained up about ten minutes, and then dismounted.
Immediately after was seen a procession of boats
decorated with flags ; this proved to be the repre-
sentatives going to dine on board the Montague.
This evening brought one of the finest sights I ever
witnessed — a grand illumination of the Admiral's ship
and the other three-deckers, namely the Majestueux
and the Revolution, but the Admiral's ship far sur-
passed the others from the vast number of lamps
that filled every porthole. Their blaze of light, ex-
hibited without apparent order or device, formed a
good groundwork for the lightness and elegance that
shone among the rigging. All three of the masts
were decorated to the top with wreaths of lamps
twining round them, and from one to the other lamps
were suspended in different and beautiful forms, such
as festoons, &c., and none of the rigging was visible
except what was illuminated. Consequently the lamps
appeared to be suspended in the air, and the whole
had a most beautiful effect. The evening was dark
but serene, and the water perfectly smooth, so
that the reflection from the lamps illuminated its
surface a good way and produced a most charming
appearance."
82 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
The vessel on which they were confined (the
ElizabetJi) had become a sort of home to the Russells.
They had it all to themselves, and the Captain was
like an affectionate father. He had spent several
years in England as a prisoner of war, and cherished
quite a pleasant recollection of his time there. He had
several companions, French officers, and they spent
their time pleasantly. He mentioned in particular a
circumstance that happened at Stratford-on-Avon,
where they were made amazingly happy and gay
from the great civility and kindness of their landlord,
at the White Lion. Here they raised a dance and
invited several lasses of the town to it. A Lord,
whose name the officer had forgotten, happened to
be at the inn at the time with his two daughters.
He heard of it, and brought them to join the dance ;
they were very affable, pleasing women, and the
gentlemen were not a little gratified by their attend-
ance. In the morning, on going away, the Lord,
whoever he was, left thirty guineas with the land-
lord to defray the expenses of the dance.
Captain Clement apparently tried to make a re-
turn for the kindness he had received by making
the lot of his prisoners tolerable. He provided them
with the best fare obtainable, rigged up a sort of
kitchen for them, and allowed them to do part of
their own cooking. They were supplied with a few
books, and Martha Russell derived special pleasure
from the Tales of Marmontel and the Ruins of
Memphis. " We experienced a tranquillity and de-
gree of ease and enjoyment that had been a long
time banished from our breasts."
PRISONERS OF WAR 83
It was while they were on board this homelike
prison that a curious accident befell William Russell.
"He had received a large quantity of assignats1
from Captain Bryan. They were put into his
pocket-book, and this he carried in his side pocket.
One morning, when washing himself in the stern
galley, he took off his coat and hung it over the
rails. Soon after he returned into the cabin, having
finished washing, and had occasion to use his pocket-
book for something, when to his great surprise it
was gone, though he had, as he thought, had it not
more than half-an-hour before. As he clearly re-
membered having it when he went to bed the night
before, we all set to to examine the beds, which were
tied up in bundles and placed upon one another in
the corner of the cabin. My father was quite dis-
tressed about this, as the money was of no small
value at any time, but particularly now. Whilst we
were all busily employed pulling the beds about, in
came Mr. Huddy with the pocket-book in his hand,
and as wet as possible. He did not know either of
our loss, or that it was my father's book, but said
there had just been a boat with oysters alongside
the ship. He went to buy some of them, and saw
the sailors take it up out of the sea. He thought it
appeared to be English, and that therefore it most
probably belonged to some one of our party, and
therefore, with some to-do, prevailed upon them to
give it him. No doubt it fell out of the pocket at
1 A paper currency issued by the Revolutionary Government of
France.
84 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
the time my father hung the coat over the rails,
but it was singular enough that the boat should
come by just at that time, and that Mr. Huddy
should see them take it up, but above all that he
should persuade them to relinquish their prize, as he
did not speak the language."
William Russell's luck had not quite run out !
CHAPTER VII
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY
Transfer to the Achille — Companions in adversity — Cramped quarters
— Disagreeable associates — A lively quarrel — More castles in the
air and renewed disappointment — Delights of making apple dump-
lings— A family observance — The promised order of release —
Accouchement of the Russells' servant — Brest guillotine at work —
Death of a girl prisoner — Fears of diphtheria — William Russell
breaking down — A cruel order — Captain Bryan's intervention —
Happy revulsion — Officers and sailors dirty in the extreme — Fresh
hopes of release — The Committee of Public Safety's procrastination
— British sailors as prisoners of war — Bullying the other English
and intimidating their captors — Martha Russell's feelings— Arrival
of the order of release — Its limited terms — Disappointment of
friends and sympathy of the Russells — Affecting scenes — Christmas
Day spent in freedom — Causes of five months' delay — Text of the
Decree — Captain Bryan's exertions — William Russell's testimony —
Good faith of English prisoners — A pleasing remembrance.
ON October 2nd the prisoners were informed, with
profuse regret, by Captain Clement, that they were
about to be transferred to another ship, the Achille.
Not only were they grieved to part with their kind
friend, but they felt their worst misgivings confirmed
— that they would remain in captivity until peace
should be arranged. On board the Achille they
found crowds of prisoners — "dirty-looking fellows as
ever they saw " — and on being shown into the cabin
they came again upon their own party from the
Elizabeth. Amongst the new prisoners were a
Captain and Mrs. James, captured on the way to
85
86 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Jamaica, where his regiment was stationed. Another
lady was a Madame Duver, French by birth, who
had married a Flemish artist and settled in Rome.
On account of their Republican principles they had
found their position there unpleasant, so embarked in
a Swedish vessel for Stockholm. Another artist, also
from Italy, was named Skirving. Owing to Captain
Clement's intercession, the new-comers were given a
room to themselves (the lower cabin), and of this
the Russells, now experienced foragers, secured one
corner, with a good closet, a cupboard, and two
windows. They also got a couple of small iron bed-
steads, in which the father and brother lay, while the
window-seat was wide enough for Martha and Mary
to sleep upon.
The cabin was twenty feet by eighteen, and thirty
persons had to live in it.
" We agreed to divide ourselves into two messes,
one consisting of seventeen in number, to take in all
the children, steerage passengers, and servants ; and
the other of fourteen, which included all the ladies and
gentlemen. We were to divide our rations after this
manner, and each mess to procure what they could
besides. This was for dining, but, as we each had
our own tea and sugar, we thought it would be best
to divide again into smaller parties for breakfast and
tea. Therefore we took Mr. Saunders with us, which
made our party five in number. Mr. and Mrs. Terry
were by themselves, also Mr. and Mrs. Huddy and
Mr. Sharpler and family ; Mr. and Mrs. Morgan took
in Mr. Bolton — the seventeen also divided again both
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY 87
for dinner and supper. The two steerage passengers,
Mrs. J and Mrs. B , showed their dispositions
on the first afternoon, for we proposed that their party
should always dine and breakfast first, so that they
might go up on deck whilst we ate ours. To this they
both objected, saying they had as much right to the
cabin as any of us, they were as good as we, all being
prisoners alike. In short their behaviour was very
impertinent and disagreeable, and they proved sad
plagues to us the remaining time of our imprisonment,
particularly Mrs. B , who was really a virago."
It will be noted that Martha Russell's French
Revolution principles did not go very deep. She
suffered from the close association with ill-bred persons
quite as keenly as from the physical discomforts of
captivity. Next day, however, her heart was lightened
by a letter from Captain Prebble, saying that the
Committee of Public Safety in Paris had promised
him an immediate order for the release of the Russells.
" This inspired a joy not to be described, and dispersed
a cloud that hung heavy on our spirits. We all looked
upon it as certain that a few days must terminate our
confinement, and began each to settle where they
should go on being set free. With these airy castles
we amused ourselves happily enough." The fare was
plentiful — coffee, butter, cake, fresh meat (procured
through their American friends or through the cook),
pudding and potatoes, rice and currants, in addition
to the ship's rations — plenty of bread with a very small
quantity of salt pork or beef, salt fish, and occasionally
fresh beef. The favourite dainty of the Russells was
88 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
apple dumplings — " when they could afford butter to
make them."
To the delights of apple dumplings on board further
testimony is borne in Mary Russell's diary. The
indefatigable and indispensable Captain Bryan supplied
them whenever possible with flour and apples. But
they had no rolling pin, and were therefore obliged to
use a glass bottle. Also they were short of cloths,
and had to make it a rule that the lady whose turn it
was to prepare the dumplings should also provide the
cloths for boiling them in. As fourteen dumplings
were required on every occasion, nobody being content
without a full ration, the cook's work, according to
Mary Russell, was sometimes a "tiresome job." At
the time, probably, the occupation was found exhilara-
ting. Anyhow the observance was long cherished in
the family after the occasion had been forgotten.
Amongst the descendants of these prisoners of war it
has been an inviolable custom to serve apple dumplings
on a certain day in the year — the day of their release
— but until these diaries had been ransacked no expla-
nation had been forthcoming. It is a curious modern
instance of the principle which runs through all folk
lore — of tenacity in ritual as compared with the rapid
decay in tradition.
Occasionally the Russells tried to play whist
amongst themselves. As the cabin's only light was a
single candle (in a lantern), reading was out of the
question. The nightly scene, says Martha Russell,
was one which only a Hogarth could depict : —
"In our corner were John, Betsy, and Lyddy
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY 89
(servants) (with ourselves) unbundling our beds, we
sometimes assisting and sometimes not ; putting our-
selves in any corner where we could find room to
stand, though this was by no means an easy matter.
Next to us was Mr. Sharpler's family ; Mrs. Sharpler
generally sitting in the corner with the infant at her
bosom, three of the children in a little bed in the
corner ; Mr. Sharpler, without his coat, making the
beds on the floor and Betsy the servant girl assisting.
Next was Mr. and Mrs. Terry, both busy making their
bed, then Mr. Morgan's ; next to them Mr. and Mrs.
Huddy ; behind them, on the locker, Mrs. Lumly, and
further still on the locker and next our bed Mrs. B ;
in the middle were Mr. Bolton and Mr. Saunders busy
slinging their cots, and under them lay our servants'
beds in bundles, and upon these beds sat the children,
some half-undressed, others more. The great bustle
of the scene, the variety of droll figures and attitudes
that it every night presented, cannot be imagined."
The worst of their sufferings was caused by the
inconceivable heat and stuffiness. The steerage lady
(Mrs. B ) asserted her position by refusing to
have the windows opened. On this question she fell
foul of Mr. Bolton, and the language used on both
sides was " such as I never heard before." Once
he got up and opened a window in defiance of her
orders, whereupon she "hit him a slap." The scene,
adds our proper Miss Martha, " was ludicrous though
disagreeable."
So a week passed, but with no order of release for
the Russells. The father began to ail, and Lyddy,
90 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
one of the servants, who was to become a mother,
gave them a good deal of concern. A few days later
she was prematurely delivered of a boy — "a circum-
stance which of itself in our present situation was
almost enough to have overcome us." The child was
stillborn. It is fair to add that every possible con-
sideration had been shown to the mother by the officers
on board. In Mary Russell's diary it appears that a
small berth was found for her in the gun-room.
Another weary week had now passed away, the only
excitement being the execution at Brest of a woman
and two priests. " We plainly saw the guillotine and
crowd of people, but no more." On; Monday, October
24th, a little girl on board (Helen Sharpler) was taken
with croup, and the doctor comfortingly suggested
that it might turn to " putrid sore throat," which would
"probably go the round." But there was no help —
"she could not be moved, neither could we." On
Friday she died, and her body was carried off to the
hospital on shore for a post-mortem examination. This
was an absolute rule in regard to persons dying in
prison, and " certainly the medical men at Brest stand
in need of all the information possible, for such a set
of ignorant, unfeeling creatures I never heard of."
Meantime the father's health seemed to be giving
way, partly through the unwholesome surroundings,
partly through repeated disappointments as to the
release — another fortnight had passed without definite
news.
" I felt ill beyond expression, but saw that every
exertion possible was now necessary. Accordingly
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY 91
as much as possible I kept up my spirits. Our only
consolation was the confidence we felt in the great
Ruler of All ; He had hitherto preserved us, and I
trusted His mercy would not quite forsake us in this
time of trouble. Among those around us were un-
believers and libertines ; their conversation was full
of despair, murmuring, and profane language. Our
sources of trouble were various, more than I can
mention. Strength both of body and mind failed fast,
nothing but clouds hung round us, and they appeared
so heavy as though of themselves to overpower us,
and, what very much increased our sufferings, our
friends in England seemed to have forgotten us, for
we had not yet heard a word from them."
Then befell what " seemed the final stroke." An
order was issued for the women and children to get
up into the country while the men should be kept on
board, " and, we doubted not, put down into the hold."
In the state of the father's health, when he required
every attention, this would mean death. Martha
Russell had resolved not to be taken away except by
force. Her father, however, managed to communicate
with the Admiral, and, through Captain Bryan, got
the cruel order revoked.
" Now the scene was changed indeed : husbands
and wives, parents and children, regarded each other
with a joy inexpressible. Satisfaction and pleasure
dwelt in every countenance, trouble of all kind died,
and the world did not contain a more enviable set of
beings as to their feelings than we then were. The
92 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
influence of this happiness was felt a long time ; it
rendered our situation more bearable by making us
more content. We thought that this order originated
with the officers of the ship, who wanted the cabin of
which we had possession, but this for certain we never
knew."
The officers and sailors, we read, were dirty and
filthy in the extreme, while the soldiers, who were
stationed and messed outside the cabin, smelt shock-
ingly of garlic and swarmed with live creatures.
On November ist news was received by Mr.
Sharpler (father of the little girl who had died a few
days before) from Captain Gooderich that the decree
of release had been passed. Still there was no news
for the Russells from Captain Prebble. M. and
Madame Duver, however, had got their liberty, and
often came to visit their old companions in distress.
"Yet another week passed, and then a letter came
from Captain Prebble, but with no mention of our
liberation." The party got leave, however, to visit
an American vessel lying in the harbour — returning
to their own grimy quarters the more discontented
after having seen the comfort and cleanliness on a
strange vessel. Occasionally they found a little diver-
sion over a bowl of punch or wine and water in the
gun-room, and the Captain sometimes joined them,
though he would not touch the punch. The ladies
worked him a cravat in the national colours.
Prices ran up to a great height, and the meat was
almost uneatable. One whole sheep — that is, the two
sides of it — weighed only 7^ Ibs. ! A side of mutton
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY 93
cost 35 livres (at this time 40 livres went to the guinea).
Horse beans, very grubby, were served as rations —
half-a-pint each — and next day, perhaps, there might
be a salted pilchard.
On December 7th Captain Gooderich came and
explained that the delay in the order of release was
caused only by the multiplicity of business in which
the Committee of Public Safety had been engaged.
It had, however, passed a decree against the future
seizure of passengers in similar circumstances — cold
comfort to those still held in durance. Fever was
spreading on board. On the I2th one of the boat-
swains died, and next day two English officers. A
British vessel of forty guns had recently been captured,
and the English sailors were brought on board, where,
according to the traditions of the service, they soon
made themselves at home !
" They were a most desperate set of fellows — a
complete contrast to the French sailors — fine, tall, lusty
men, well clothed, and clean to a degree. They obliged
us all, very soon after they came on board, to take off
our cockades. My father and we were the last who
did it, not being willing to submit to English tyranny
in France. At last we were obliged to take them out,
hardly daring to go on deck with them for fear of
their insults. My father continued obstinate till they
threatened to throw him overboard if he did not take
it off. They sent message after message to him, some
in a haughty tone, others begging him not to wear the
colour of his country's enemy. He remonstrated with
them by saying England was no longer his country.
94 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
France was a friend to America, and his principles led
him to admire the French Government. At last all
our party appeared to be uneasy, fearing my father's
persisting might bring trouble upon them all. He,
therefore, to relieve them, permitted us to take off our
cockades. These fellows threatened to get off with
the ship, and, had they been on board after the fleet
sailed, I have no doubt but they would. The French
certainly were a little in awe of them. Soon after the
first fifty came on board they moved the station of the
vessel under the forts. These men were marched up
the country with the other prisoners, fifty at a time."
In spite of her Republican sympathies Martha
Russell seems a little proud of her unruly countrymen.
A pardonable aberration.
Another letter from Captain Prebble, saying that
the order of release had only to be signed. " Hope,
that great supporter of the human mind, revived and
exhilarated our spirits. Trouble and distress ap-
peared, in our view of things, to be flying before joy
and happiness."
" Thursday was a very fine day, and clear frost ; the
country, which we had so often viewed with longing
eyes and ardent wishes, now appeared more beautiful
than ever because the hope of soon enjoying its plea-
sures illumined our view. Formerly I used to feel afraid
of suffering my eyes to dwell upon its objects, because
it was impossible to see green fields and gardens, fine
trees and thick bushes, without longing to ramble
among them, after so long a confinement upon the water,
and because by a combination of ideas I generally
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY 95
ended by recollecting the paradise we had left at
Matson, where we fully enjoyed everything heart
could wish for. This induced the most poignant re-
gret from connecting my dear and valuable friends in
England with these past pleasures, and a compari-
son of my present situation generally followed. The
anxiety I knew our friends all felt for us, the sincere
regard I had for them, the fear we might never meet
again, in short a thousand nameless but poignant
reflections, succeeded each other in so quick and pain-
ful a succession upon these occasions that to avoid
this I generally endeavoured to direct my attention
from the beauties of the country, and in short from
every other circumstance that led me to recollect my
friends and the past comforts of life. All the re-
solution and exertion possible was necessary, and
everything that could at all damp this I found must
be carefully avoided. However, notwithstanding all
philosophy, the feelings of humanity often overpowered
me. Reflection always made me deeply melancholy —
save for the firm persuasion that the same Almighty
Being who gave us our pleasures also willed these
sufferings ; and that His fatherly hand guided all
events. Therefore all was for the best, and ere
long we should be convinced of this, though at
present clouds and distress seemed to hide His mercy
from us.
" On December 2Oth another letter arrived from
Captain Prebble. We all expected that it would con-
tain an account of our release. My father opened it
with no small degree of emotion, and read with a
faltering voice, ' I am happy to inform you your
96 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
release is sent; it went on the i2th' — a general ex-
clamation of joy ! — but here my father stopped, his
countenance changed astonishingly, he turned as pale
as death. All now anxiously fixed their eyes upon
him, to divine, if possible, what was amiss by his ex-
pression. Suspense had not long possession of our
minds ; he soon continued reading, and the next
sentence was a blow indeed, ' but I am sorry to add
that it is for your family only.' What surprise, con-
sternation, and disappointment now filled every coun-
tenance. It was some minutes before any of us could
speak a word. This was a most cruel stroke. To have
experienced so much suspense, and for so long a time
to depend fully upon receiving the joyful order soon,
to have the letter expected to contain it arrive to
say that the release was sent, according to the hopes
and expectations of each in the company, and after
all to find they were not included, but must go through
the same suspense again, and perhaps for a longer
time, was a trial of the most cruel kind"
William Russell, it was added by Captain Prebble,
was expected to proceed at once to Paris. This he
was the more ready to do as he might then be able
to help in the liberation of their detained friends, and
also because it would be more pleasant to spend the
winter in France than on a voyage to America.
Martha Russell's pleasure in the prospect of freedom
was damped by the sorrow of her friends. The
family servants, however, were all ecstasy, and she
felt she had never loved them so much. They had
suffered severely themselves (especially poor Lyddy),
WILLIAM RUSSELL (1740-1818)
From a miniature
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY 97
but had done everything they could to alleviate the
troubles of their employers.
All Sunday the approach of " the little boat from
Brest" was eagerly awaited. On Monday still no
news, and some of the fellow-prisoners began to scoff.
Not till Tuesday, December 23rd, was the suspense
terminated, when the American consul, Mr. Anderson,
came on board and presented William Russell with
the long-looked-for paper. "No treasure, however
immense, was ever more acceptable, no jewel, however
precious, was ever eyed with more delight, or ever
excited equally exquisite sensations. No one who
has not felt the loss of liberty can estimate its worth,
nor fully conceive that next to life it is the first of
blessings, or that without it life scarce deserves the
name of a blessing but is merely a dragging on of
existence."
William Russell and his son were soon ashore.
His daughters busied themselves with " packing up
their matters." They transferred themselves joyfully
to the American vessel Alexander. On the night of
the 24th they " slept luxuriously," though their
slumbers were interrupted by a storm in which a
French man-of-war was lost with 1 1 2 men. They
saw it quite plainly, Mary Russell testifies, and " a
very sad and shocking sight it was." Next morning
they were rejoined by their father and brother, and in
their company they ate an excellent Christmas dinner.
On the 26th they set their feet on terra firma " with
feelings hardly to be imagined." In Brest they met
their faithful friend Captain Bryan with " good Captain
Clement." In the afternoon they visited their friends
G
98 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
on the Achille, where, in Martha Russell's quaintly
formal words, they " experienced a mixture of feelings
not altogether agreeable " — meaning, probably, that
all the ladies had a good cry — kissed — and cried
again.
If only for the sake of the signatures appended it
may be interesting to read the text of the document
which marked the end of the imprisonment of William
Russell and his family — an imprisonment which had
commenced with an unwarrantable 1 extension, if not
absolute defiance, of the rules of war, and which was
prolonged, over nearly five months, by the inexcusable
procrastination and red-tape methods practised by the
Committee of Public Safety.
Bureau
des prisonniers PARIS, le 2t>frimaire, 3""' annfe
de Guerre. (15 December 1794)
Le Commission de la Marine et des Colonies
A 1'Agent Maritime a Brest.
CITOYEN, — La Commission t'envoye I'exp&lition
d'un arret£ que le Comite de Salut public a pris le 16 de
ce mois en faveur de William Russell, et de sa famille.
Elle te charge de faire mettre sur le champ cet arret£
a execution.
Signd DAVID.
Pour Copie
GENAY
Au Cen Anderson.
1 It was alleged by the French that the British had set the bad
example.
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY 99
Extrait du Registre des arret^s du Comite de Salut
public de la Convention nationale.
Du 1 6 frimaire 1'an 3me de la Republique fran9aise une
et Indivisible.
Le Comite de Salut public, apres avoir entendu
la Commission d' Agriculture et des Arts sur la peti-
tion de William Russell, ci-devant manufacturier de
Birmingham, actuellement detenu comme Anglois a
Brest a bord du Vau de la Republique FAchille.
Le Comit6 instruit que cet etranger, lors de son
arrestation, abandonnoit PAngletere ou il etoit perse-
cute", a cause de la manifestation de ses sentimens pour
la liberte", et la revolution fransoise, arrete ce qui suit
Art. ier William Russell sera sur le camp mis en
liberte" avec sa famille.
ART 2eme
II se rendra sans delai aupres du Comite pour con-
f£rer sur des objets d'industrie manufacturiere, il lui
sera tenu compte des frais de son voyage a Paris.
ART 3.
La commission de la Marine est tenu de veillir a
1'execution du present arrete. Signe Cambaceres,
Boissy, Carnot, J. J. B. Delmar, Pelet, L. B. Guyton,
Prieur (D.l.m.) pour copie conforme. Signe David.
Pour Copie
GENAY.
ioo RUSSELL MEMOIRS
The two following documents explain them-
selves : —
PARIS, le 3 PluviSse, Pan 3 ...
(22 January 1795)
Le Comit£ de Salut Public de la Convention Nationale
A William Russell.
C'est avec satisfaction que le Comite" de Salut
public vient d'apprendre ton arrivee a Paris. II
t'invite a te rendre a la Commission d' Agriculture et
des Arts, rue Dominique, Faubourg Germain : le
citoyen Berthollet, Commissaire d' Agriculture, te
recevra avec rempressement que meritent tes malheurs
et tes travaux. Tu conf^reras avec lui des arts et
manufactures, et nous ne doutons pas que ton zele a
servir une nation qui t'accueille comme un ami de la
Liberte", n'equale tes connoissances et la reputation
qui t'a precede".
Les membres du Comite" de Salut Public.
L. B. GUYTON.
DUBOIS-CRANC£. CARNOT.
MARU.
BOISSY. PRIEUR.
MIHAROI. (d.l.m.)
Addressed to —
Au Citoyen
William Russel,
Maison de thuileries,
Rue Vivienne.
PARIS, leflordal, an 3"
(April or May)
La Commission d' Agriculture et des Arts
Au Citoyen Russel.
Nous avons re$u, citoyen, la derniere lettre que
tu nous as ecrite.
Nous t'assurons que nous saisirons avec le plus
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY 101
vif empre'ssement toutes les occasions qui se pre"-
senteront d'encourager et d'activer L'Establissement
que tu te proposes de former. Sois persuade" que
nous ferons (pres des) Comite's du Gouvernement
toutes les demarches qui pourront contribuer au succes
des projets dont tu nous as fait part.
Salut et fraternit^
Addressed to— le Commissaire-adj.
Au Citoyen J. Q DuBOIS.
Russel, Maison du
Carousel, Place du Carousel,
a Paris.
Maison des thuillerie, rue
honore".
It will be observed that no explanation of the
official delays is offered by this dilatory Committee
of the National Convention. We may fairly assume
that the eventual concession to William Russell was
brought about, not by the inherent justice of his
demand, but by the persistence and adroitness of his
American friend, Captain Joseph Bryan. Though the
original cordiality between the French and American
Governments had recently been exchanged for an
attitude of mutual suspicion, citizens of the United
States still spoke in Paris with a certain authority.
Already their official representatives showed the
resolute spirit which they have subsequently displayed
in their dealings with foreign powers. Captain Bryan,
the unofficial seaman, was in this respect a worthy
progenitor of American diplomatic tradition.
In a letter addressed to the Monthly Magazine
and dated September 5, 1801, a full acknowledgment
102 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
is made by William Russell of his deep obligations to
Joseph Bryan. A touching tribute is paid to the
courage, kindness, and self-sacrifice of the sailor's
devotion to his fellow-citizens, whether actual or pro-
spective. " In spite of the jealousy of the French, in
spite of the remonstrances of some of his countrymen,
whose narrow souls dare not show compassion to the
enemies of France, in spite of difficulties we were
afterwards informed of by others, his exertions to
serve us in every way that our wishes would lead
us to mention, or his generosity could suggest, were
indeed truly extraordinary." His liberality in provid-
ing helpless persons with the comforts and luxuries
which meant so much to them was hardly more re-
markable than the personal sacrifice which he under-
went, even when he was ailing, in order to raise their
spirits and keep up their courage. Nor was it only
to influential persons like the Russells, who might
one day repay his favours, that he extended his
beneficence. He distributed his bounty among people
of whom he knew nothing, and who could give him no
security but their word for his indemnification. A long
panegyric, in which the heartfelt sincerity is not dis-
guised by the somewhat Johnsonian style, is concluded
with a pleasing remembrance.
Amongst the objects of Captain Bryan's generosity
were English people — not in the position of the
Russells, nor intending to become American citizens,
but ordinary prisoners of war. He distributed amongst
them several hundreds of pounds, and could, of course,
obtain from them no acknowledgment of their debt
beyond letters to their friends at home. Not a single
FIVE MONTHS OF CAPTIVITY 103
case occurred in which the obligation was ignored by
the friends of the sufferers, or in which the payment of
the debt was not accompanied by handsome expres-
sions of gratitude. Amongst the Russell family he
inspired an affection not second to their regard for
Dr. Priestley himself. They were always full of
praises of this " Guardian Angel," for that was the
appellation given to him by common consent. But
Joseph Bryan was something more than an open-
handed philanthropist. He also possessed the busi-
ness-like quality of getting justice done — even by the
Committee of Public Safety.
CHAPTER VIII
JOURNEY TO PARIS BY ROAD
Start for Paris — A quaint turn-out — The peasants' costumes — Difficulty
of posting — Official delays and landlord's impositions — A desecrated
church — Royalists and " brigands " on the road — The Mayor of
Morlaix — Entertaining company — Stories of the guillotine — A
bread riot — Stupid officials — Horses unshod — Awkward workmen —
A dangerous stage — The driver's fortunate barbarity — A Republican
officer's advice — Sugar in the warming-pan — Misery of the peasants —
A chateau destroyed — Impassable roads — Scarcity of bread — A plain
breast of mutton — Charms of Caen — The approach to Paris — A girl
Republican's enthusiasm — " The centre and zenith of the magnifi-
cence of the world."
ON December 30, 1794, the Russell family started
from Brest to Paris — their vehicle, which cost them
about ;£8o, was like " what in England would have
been called a very small coach." It had a deep well,
which held the luggage so that the seats were com-
fortable. The horses — six of them — looked fit for
nothing but food for dogs. The harness was made
of ropes, which broke several times on the road to
Landerneaux. The two "drivers" wore great jack
boots and woollen caps with large hats over them, and
had pipes in their mouths. This comical turn-out was
the best that could be procured by a gentleman of
means anxious to reach Paris without delay. In
hoping for speed he counted without the citoyens with
whom he had to deal on the road. On no account
would they be hurried. On the other hand, Martha
104
JOURNEY TO PARIS 105
Russell noted with approval the neat dress of the
peasant women, mob caps with the ends turned up
and pinned at the top instead of under the chin,
coloured woollen petticoats, and short skirts, like
jackets, of different colour. The wooden shoes worn
by men, women, and children made an astonishing
noise ; when they went to work in the morning it was
like a drove of cart-horses.
Arrived at Landerneaux and their passports
examined, the travellers' first care was to arrange for
horses. William Russell and his son requested the
municipality to instruct the post-master that they
should have the next horses he got. But in the
morning they discovered that the six destined for
them had been claimed by a Representative of the
People. The landlord offered some at sixty livres
each for the two-league stage, whereas the regular
charge was forty-five livres. Like a true Englishman,
Russell preferred suffering inconvenience to being
fleeced by a foreigner, and waited another day. Two
churches were noted, " apparently of Saxon architec-
ture." One was being used as a barn ; the other kept
for reading the Mass and singing the Marseillaise
Hymn, "which we understood, is all the service they
have on the dead." This church was inscribed on the
door, Le peuple Fran$ais reconnait FEtre Supreme et
I' Immortalite de r Ame.
At Morlaix on January ist they were delayed
because the guard insisted upon the drivers producing
passports — which, of course, they did not possess.
At the inn the travellers fell into conversation with a
talkative stranger, who told them the danger of meeting
106 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
brigands on the road had been exaggerated, "as an
amnesty for a month had been agreed upon." Still,
there was some risk, and it would be well to inquire at
Guingamp whether an escort would be necessary.
Russell and his son called upon M. Deot, Mayor
of Morlaix, and American Consul. In the evening
the whole party went to his house and met a large
company, all French except a Mr. and Mrs. Macnamara
who had been prisoners for nineteen months, but
" since a system of moderation prevailed, were allowed
to be on parole, residing with a guard at their own
expense in M. Deot's house." Mr. Macnamara de-
scribed some of the scenes of distress which he had
himself witnessed.
" Among his fellow-prisoners were a number of
ci-devant nobles, people who had been accustomed to
all the comforts and luxuries of life, and reduced to
living on a small portion of bread and water and
sleeping on the bare ground. The number of these
was lessened almost daily by the guillotine. Innocent
persons who had committed no crime but that of having
been among the noblesse were selected one by one.
Mrs. Macnamara mentioned having formed several
pleasing and gratifying attachments with charmingly
amiable characters, but they were one by one snatched
away. The distress, consternation, and terror that
always seized the whole company when thegens ctarmes
appeared cannot be conceived. Each was alarmed for
him or herself, no one knowing who was then the object,
or whose turn would come next. Mr. Macnamara had
some hopes of going to England in a cartel ship (for
JOURNEY TO PARIS 107
exchange of prisoners) which was soon to be sent with
Lady Ann Fitzroy, who, he informed us, was a prisoner
at Quimper and during her captivity had lost her
husband, and had suffered much distress ; but, Mr.
Macnamara added, she had met with a most feeling
friend among the American captains, who had visited
her often, much alleviated her sorrows, and had been
the chief promoter of this cartel on her account. The
circumstances mentioned of this American so much
resembled what we had experienced in our friend
Bryan that I could not forbear asking the name of the
person, although it was carefully intended to be con-
cealed during the whole of the relation. My question
was answered, though in a whisper, that it was Captain
Bryan."
M. Deot did not appear until nine in the evening,
and then explained that as mayor he had been com-
pelled to help in dealing with a riot. A mob of 500
persons, on account of the scarcity of bread, had
broken windows in the town, and he feared that they
would be made to suffer.
"At Belle Isle, a small, poor place, no horses were
to be got. Consequently we went to the municipality,
the members of which were very civil, but seemed to
be a set of clowns that scarcely knew their right hand
from their left. It took three of them at least ten
minutes to read our passport and order for horses. It
was as much as they could all three do to make it out.
After this process was over, and they had explained
one to another the different words as they went on,
io8 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
they set to making out an order for horses for us,
but it was in vain that we with our broken French
endeavoured to render them sensible that we were
in haste, having another stage to perform before
night, and that therefore despatch was necessary.
It was at least half-an-hour before the order was
ready."
It was impossible, the Russells found, to quicken
the movements of French officialism. When eventu-
ally the horses had been produced they were not shod,
so the night had to be spent at an inn, where the
travellers were served with an excellent supper —
partridge, woodcock, fowls, and veal, with apples and
butter — but had to sleep in a huge draughty room
without a fire or blankets. Young Russell was the
only one of the party who could speak French, and
he had to contend all the way against a conspiracy, so it
seemed, of inn-keepers, post-masters, and postilions to
delay and defraud the English party. For mending
a broken shaft, which an English blacksmith would
have done in half-an-hour, fifty livres were charged,
on the plea that the job had taken till two in the
morning. The cord harness was continually breaking,
and the awkward way of mending it made these
stoppages ten times longer than they need have
been.
" At Guingamp it was the old story over again.
Here, as in almost all other places we had stopped at,
the horses wanted shoeing before they could be put to
the carriage. My brother attempted, as he had done
JOURNEY TO PARIS 109
before, to persuade them to shoe them for frost.
But they would not be put out of their way ; they
said it was not the custom of the country, and they
therefore did not choose to do it. This to be sure
was a curious sort of an apology when they had just
broken down their old political system, and are erect-
ing an entirely new one, and consequently are intro-
ducing numberless new customs which before they
had no idea of. But the awkwardness of the peasantry
is astonishing, as well as their careless indifference
and universal vivacity and cheerfulness. There are
in general three stout lusty men employed to shoe a
horse. One of them holds his head, another his foot,
and the third operates upon it. He is in general half-
an-hour about one shoe, having often to take it off
two or three times before it is right. All the time
they are chattering as fast as their tongues can run,
and every now and then stopping to laugh at some-
thing or other."
Already it appears that Martha Russell, though
she had shaken the dust of England off her feet, was
falling into the British habit of comparing domestic
with foreign ways and manners.
Proceeding from Lamballe to Jugon the travellers
found themselves going through the "brigands'
country " — that is, where the Royalists were holding
their own. They were rather thankful, it seems, that
their postilion was a " brute of a fellow with his horses."
By his barbarity he kept the half-starved animals to
the full exertion of their strength. It was distressing
to sit behind him. Still they got on rather better
no RUSSELL MEMOIRS
than they had expected at first starting. But it was
nervous work, and the ladies were glad enough to be
joined by a foot traveller.
"An amazing stillness reigned on all sides, no
living creatures of any kind were to be seen, and it
appeared as if we had the whole world to ourselves
or were in an uninhabited island. However, we
travelled the whole way without the least molesta-
tion from brigands or anything else, though not en-
tirely without something like fear, which made us
now and then take bushes for men, and start at
every noise that appeared at all like human voices
— imagination was all alive and heated to a degree
by apprehension."
At the inn in Jugon the party were joined at
supper by the Commander of the West Republican
force — a pleasant, rattling fellow, who told them about
his work in fighting the " brigands." As the ladies
were evidently tired he advised them to put a little
brown sugar in the warming-pan for their beds. It
dried the linen, he said, and was infinitely refreshing.
But this interesting experiment could not be tried, as
the good woman of the inn flatly refused to waste her
good sugar ! At Dinan the direct road was reported
to have been made impassable by baggage waggons
and artillery, so the travellers were advised to go
round by Chateau-neuf past St. Malo and then to
Dol. Afterwards they received different counsel and
got into difficulties. The road was frozen so hard
and the ruts were so deep that they had to walk
JOURNEY TO PARIS in
most of the way. They had ample time, therefore,
to note the wretched condition of the peasantry, who
lived in miserable hovels made of mud, with no
window but a hole in the wall. At Chateau-neuf
they saw the work of the Revolution in the ruins of
a fine old mansion which had belonged to a ci-devant
nobleman. They also saw something of the devasta-
tion wrought by the Royalists.
On January 9 the party reached Villedieu, where
they were much alarmed at a fit of spasms which
seized William Russell. They would not call in a
physician, " having no opinion of these gentry in
France." Next day, however, he was well enough
to go on, and reached St. Sever. Presently they
found the road to be a "mere sheet of ice" over an
almost perpendicular hill. Having harnessed three
extra cart-horses to the carriage, they got it up
about a tenth of the way, and then the driver aban-
doned the ascent and determined to go round on a
by-way. But how to get the carriage down again ?
It was decided to lock all the wheels and let it slide
down.
At a later stage the travellers were cheered with
nice fresh eggs and some brown bread and butter,
though the latter were not much to be boasted of.
The landlady, however, showed them, as a curiosity,
some bread sent to her from Paris — white and nice
— which was sold there at three sous the pound. The
people in the country already were " obliged to pay
fourteen sous for very bad, and glad to get it." The
old lady did not think this a good Republican prac-
tice, and complained loudly.
H2 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
In another roadside village the fare offered was
a breast of mutton plainly roasted and served with
nothing but pepper and salt. This was such a treat
to our English people that they voted nothing could
be nicer. Here also they came on "the first symp-
tom of religion." On going downstairs after supper
young Russell "found them all at Mass as busy
as they could be." He retreated without disturbing
them.
"The road to Caen was charmingly fine and
level, though now very slippery from the snow and
frost, the country tolerably level and finely outlined,
orchards on each side of the road, and the road
straight as usual. The spires of Caen we saw rising
a long while before we reached the town itself, which
was by far the most considerable we had seen in
France : it is the capital of Lower Normandy, and
had formerly sixteen convents, a celebrated Univer-
sity, and several churches. The Cathedral is a very
fine old Gothic building. It is a fine old town, and
seems to contain plenty of good things. Here William
the Conqueror is buried. The inn we found good,
and more like an English one, except in dirt, than
any we had yet seen."
It was no doubt the favourable impression then
produced by Caen that predisposed William Russell
afterwards to acquire an important property in this
neighbourhood.
From Caen onwards the travelling became easy,
and the country, to the travellers' eighteenth-century
JOURNEY TO PARIS 113
eyes, delightful. Here is one of Martha Russell's
descriptions : —
"The next stage, La Riviere, the bonne- ville, was
a most beautiful place situated at the foot of a fine
hill, before which the river, meandering along through
a rich and highly cultivated plain, was truly orna-
mental. On mounting a hill a most charming view
opened upon the sight; a superb mansion rose in
front among a rich group of trees. Before it was
spread a fine lawn bounded by the river, and this
surrounded by the finest valley imaginable even at
this season, when the ground, half covered with snow,
assumed an unpleasant greyish colour. What must
the country be when Nature, clothed in all her rich
variety of colour, exhibits these objects in their gay
attire ! "
The girl's excitement on nearing Paris is naively
confessed. The beauty and grandeur of the road
from St. Germains onwards produced "sensations
unknown before." She felt a strange kind of re-
luctance to believe that they really were approaching
the place concerning which her earliest impressions
had been as of the " centre and zenith of the magni-
ficence of the world."
" These ideas were imbibed from a set of pictures
we had seen in a show of the different places round
and in Paris. Seeing this show was one of our
greatest indulgences, and from this circumstance my
infantine ideas had been impressed so strongly with
H
ii4 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
admiration of this city that the effect of it still re-
mained. Add to this the more permanent impres-
sions recently made of this place as the scene where
the great acts of the greatest of revolutions had been
transacted. I was quite amazed to reflect that I was
approaching the spot and the people of which and
of whom I had heard and read such astonishing
things. I appeared to be in a dream rather than
a reality."
The passage is interesting as revealing the light
in which this amiable and clever gentlewoman had
been taught to view acts and scenes such as the
execution of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette, the
mock trials and murders in the Reign of Terror, and
the worship of the Goddess of Reason. In Martha
and Mary Russell's nature there was nothing harsh
or unwomanly, but crimes committed in the name of
Liberty were, to their enthusiastic spirits, sufficiently
condoned by the pretence under which they had been
perpetrated.
The lighting on the roads was hardly less re-
markable in this "emporium of politics" than were
the Elysian Fields. Having duly admired the Re-
volution Bridge and the temporary statue of Liberty,
the party got a peep at the Gardens of the Tuileries
and the Palace. Thence they drove through streets,
narrow and dirty enough, to the Paston Hotel, where
they found Captain Prebble. The shops, they re-
marked, were very smart. Their senses were all
alive to take in every object that presented itself.
On the way to their lodgings in the Place de
JOURNEY TO PARIS 115
Carousel, opposite the Louvre, they beheld "a most
amazingly smart lady, rouged most wonderfully, so
that, in fact, we all burst out with a unanimous
laugh." Their first meal, sent in from a traiteurs,
they did not relish at all. Even the few things that
might otherwise have been tolerable to an English
palate, were spoilt by the onions, garlic, and oil.
CHAPTER IX
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS
A circle of friends — An Irish adventurer — Advanced lady — Gorgeous
apartment — General Miranda — Victims of anarchy — Philosophical
instruments of Citoyen Charles — Visit to the Convention — Gro-
tesque Republicans — Disorderly proceedings — The Observatory — A
Jacobin astronomer — Women furies in the street — Sound of the
Tocsin — The city under arms — Rising against the Convention —
General Pichegru in charge of Paris — Trial of Fouquier — Scene in
court — His audacious behaviour — Execution witnessed by the
Russells — The guillotine — Veteran soldiers at the Hospital — A
novel view of the Revolution — Municipal bakeries — The distress in
Paris — Persecutions and arrests — Brissot's sister-in-law — Madame
Roland's daughter — Another alarm — Summary measures.
ALMOST before the Russells had settled down in Paris
they found themselves surrounded by a little circle of
friends, old and new, who took pleasure in showing
them the sights of the city. Active amongst these
was, of course, Henry Prebble, who had been com-
pensated for leaving his ship the Mary to follow his
passengers' fortunes by being associated in some of
William Russell's many commercial ventures. Since
they had last seen him he had married a young woman
of lively disposition, who was nothing loth to join in
their social gaieties. Another acquaintance in whom
the girls became interested was Archibald Hamilton
Rowan, a political Irishman with a happy knack of
getting into trouble and out of it again. He was
accompanied by Mary Wollstonecraft, author of the
116
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 117
justly famous Vindication of the Rights of Women.
Her supposed husband, Gilbert Imlay, author of an
account of Kentucky, was then in England. She
had much information, Mary Russell says, and was
fond of communicating it. Also she possessed a
little girl of eight months old, whom she was bring-
ing up "quite on her own plan." In the intervals of
applying her educational theories she was, it appears,
engaged in writing a history of the French Revolution
— a task somewhat prematurely undertaken. Mary
Russell's language seems to indicate that in a demure
way she is making fun of her gifted friend.
[We can gather from the references made to " Mrs.
Imlay" that Mary Russell believed her to be married
to the light-of-love American who was the father of
her little girl. Fully emancipated as the Russells
may have been from political and religious orthodoxy,
they were not the people to condone lightly the laxity
of a woman who lived openly with another woman's
husband. Now we know that this was the position
of Mary Wollstonecraft in 1795. She had fled to
Paris in December 1792, not to study the language,
nor even to observe the Revolution, but to escape from
the untenable position into which she had been swept
in her passion for Fuseli, the painter and writer on
art, who it may be observed was also a married man.
Her offer to live in the same house with the Fuselis,
and as a member of the family, in order that she
might enjoy the daily pleasure of his company, had
been declined by his wife. Fuseli, who had a keen
sense of the ridiculous, and who was a man of over fifty,
eluded the ardour of her attack. Mary Wollstonecraft
n8 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
fled to Paris. The history of her connection with
Imlay may be said to have been an illustration of
La Rochefoucauld's maxim — that there are women
who never have an affair of gallantry, but there never
was a woman who had only one. No marriage was
possible for them, but Mary Wollstonecraft was
registered as Mrs. Imlay at the American Legation,
was accepted as his wife, and passed by that name
till she did actually marry Godwin in 1797, a month
before her death. We will not go further into her
unhappy history, the infidelity of Imlay, her frantic
efforts to maintain her hold on him, her two unsuc-
cessful attempts to commit suicide, her liberation from
the American by Godwin, and her tardy marriage to
him. She died in childbirth, of a daughter, the Mary
Wollstonecraft Godwin who became the second wife
of Shelley.
The Russell girls must have been acquainted with
Mary Wollstonecraft's work — with her Thoughts on
the Education of Daughters, her so-called " answer "
to Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, and
certainly with her widely-read Vindication of the
Rights of Women, published in 1792. There was
nothing in it to offend such open-minded people as
the Russells. The author pleads in substance that
women should be treated neither as " saints nor brutes,"
but as "reasonable beings." The Russells had been
themselves treated as reasonable beings by their
father. Their position as daughters of a humane, right-
minded man of fortune protected them against the evils
which had beset Mary Wollstonecraft herself— poverty
and the obstacles placed in the way of a woman who
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 119
was compelled to earn her livelihood. But their good
sense and knowledge of the world must have shown
them how large an element of truth there was in
the Vindication. The work on which she was engaged
when the Russells met her in Paris was her Historical
and Moral View of the Origin and Progress of the
French Revolution. A first volume appeared in 1794.
She no doubt spoke of continuing the work, but no
second volume was published. Mary Wollstonecraft,
who like so many others had " hailed the dawn of
freedom" in 1789, was greatly disillusioned by the
course of the Revolution, but not for the same reasons
as most English people. With a sagacity which does
her considerable credit, she saw that the overthrow of
the nobility had so far served mainly to add to the
power of the moneyed bourgeoisie. The poor were
but little if at all the better off.]
Clearly, the Russells were impressed with Rowan's
story of adventures, though they might perhaps suggest
that he sat somewhat lightly to his obligations, whether
of matrimony or parole. He was born in 1751, and his
original name was Archibald Hamilton : the Rowan
he took from his maternal grandfather, from whom
he inherited a fortune on condition that he should be
educated at an English University, and should not
go to Ireland before he was twenty-five years of age.
At Queen's College, Cambridge, he had been noted
as a dog-fancier, as also for threatening to pitch his
tutor into the river. In Portugal he served in the
army, and at the age of twenty-six obtained the rank
of lieutenant-colonel. About the year 1788 he
settled for a time in Ireland at his place, Killyleugh
120 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Castle. In 1791, he became a " United Irishman,"
and three years later was arrested on the charge of
distributing a seditious pamphlet. Believing that the
Government meant to make an example of him, he
fled to France, where, as we see, he soon became
acquainted with the Russells.1
He had arrived in a small boat with four sailors ;
as soon as he landed, he applied to the municipality,
stating his situation. The answer they gave him was
that as he had escaped once from prison they would
take care he should not do it a second time. He
hoped the sailors who brought him would have escaped,
but he heard in a few days that they had been pur-
sued, taken, and imprisoned, which seemed to hurt
him very much. The place where he first landed
was near Brest, and he was soon removed there, where
he remained many months, making continual applica-
tions to the Committee of Public Safety, but for a
long time receiving no answer. At last an order
came for his removal to Paris under a guard, and
there, on his case being known, he was set at liberty.
He said he much wished to go to America, but feared
1 Subsequently he went vid Hamburg to America. The Govern-
ment, however, did not confiscate his estates, and allowed his wife to
send him ^300 a year. He was a supporter of the Union and of Roman
Catholic Emancipation. He was pardoned in 1803, acted as justice of
the peace, and was a guest at the Castle. In 1821 he was received by
the King himself. In 1825 Sir Robert Peel got himself into a scrape in
the House of Commons by describing Rowan as an "attainted rebel."
He was soundly lectured by Hutchinson, so we read in Lord Broughton's
Recollections (vol. iv.). " Never did Minister get such a whipping, as
the Americans call it. Peel looked so red and silly, and all those who
had cheered him looked so red and silly, and we so roared and cheered
our champion, that a by-stander would have thought the Opposition
certain of a victory."
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 121
he should not get a passport. He escaped from
prison by getting leave to sup with his wife (along
with the gaoler) and, while the latter was regaling
himself with the servants, escaped out of the window
of the apartment by means of a ladder that was
ready provided. He said he had a wife and eight
children, and seemed hardly able to mention them
without great emotion. He had never once heard
from them since he left.
Rowan, no doubt was excellent company, and
presented a type unfamiliar to girls who had hitherto
mixed only in the rather serious society of a highly
educated and thoughtful English circle. Amongst
the well-known people to whom he introduced them
was Rouget de Lisle, author of the Marseillaise.
Perhaps it was on Rowan's advice that the family,
after a month in the lodgings chosen for them by
Captain Prebble, removed to more elegant quarters
in the Hotel des Tuileries — an apartement of almost
pagan magnificence.
" We had a very large saloon with two handsome
sets of furniture ; one, blue and white silk damask, the
frames of the chairs gilt ; the other, white silk worked
with coloured ribbon. Over one of the sofas was
thrown a white satin cover painted in Chinese figures
very delicately ; a handsome cut glass chandelier hung
in the middle of the room ; the ceiling was well painted
in clouds with stars and Cupids. In the four corners
of it were the four seasons. The door was panelled
with looking-glass, the walls gilt in panels, beside
which were two exceedingly large mirrors. Three
122 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
large windows on one side reaching to the ground,
and one at the end opening on a fine large terrace in
front of the gardens of the Tuileries, made the room
delightfully pleasant. The saloon opened into another
which also opened upon the terrace. In a recess stood
a handsome chintz bed where my father slept, and in
this room we most commonly sat, for we were so far
become French as to forget that it was a lodging
room that we occupied when sitting there. A door
covered with morocco led out of this room into a little
boudoir, the walls of which were ornamented with
paintings of natural flowers, as large as life, in the
prettiest bunches, so that you might fancy yourself in
a little summer house."
Here the ladies gave a grand tea-party : the
company included —
" Mrs. Henderson, an English lady settled in
Paris, Miss Adams, another English lady at a pension
and a friend of Mrs. Prebble, two French American
ladies from the same pension, two Misses Dulens
with their father (French people), Miss Dupont,
the sister-in-law of Brissot, Miss Williams and her
sister Mrs. Lockart, General Miranda, Mr. Stone,
Captain Cowper, Colonel Fulton and Mr. Skipwith,
Americans, the latter the consul in Paris ; Mr.
Kearney, a ci-devant Abbe\ now our great friend and
French master ; M. Holenboc, a Dane, a Mr. Jones,
Mr. Cockerel, Mr. Beresford, a Worcestershire man,
and Mr. White, also an Englishman, and one of our
most intimate associates."
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 123
The last was a mechanical inventor of great ability
with whom the Russells, father and son, afterwards
came to be intimately related in business.
It is unnecessary to reproduce either girl's descrip-
tions of the Paris of those days. To tell the truth,
they are written in the regulation guide-book style,
though the zest of the young sight-seers lends a cer-
tain charm to their formal appreciations. Some of
their reflections, however, are worth quoting ; e.g., on
a walk with General Miranda, after visiting the old
Louvre, they passed the Chatelet, the "gloomy place
where so many persons lost their lives on September
2nd and 3rd."
"It was through a dark large gateway we passed,
on the side of which was formerly a door, now
bricked up, through which the unhappy victims were
brought. Here our ideas naturally took a gloomy
cast. Hence we walked to the Conciergerie and the
Revolutionary Tribunal : in the former the good
General [Miranda] was confined eighteen months, and
in the latter he had not been since he was carried from
thence amidst the acclamations of the people after his
trial. Poor man, how much he seemed to feel, and how
much his feelings awakened ours ! What kind of
sensation struggled in my breast in mounting the steps
of the Tribunal cannot easily be imagined. How my
heart shrank within me on the recollection of the
many, many aching hearts that had mounted and dis-
mounted these steps, the number of innocent victims
that have here been condemned to suffer by the cruel
hand of anarchy and party. Humanity cannot forget
124 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
even should ages of happiness flow from this bloody
source."
The General, at this time a man of forty, had
already gone through many adventures. By birth a
Venezuelan, he had fought in the Spanish Army, with
the French allies of the North Americans, commanded
a division in the French Army of the Republic, and in
1793 was tried before the Revolutionary Tribunal.
At this time he was engaged in Paris with plots for
the emancipation of Spanish America. On his return
to Venezuela, he was made first commander of the
patriot army and afterwards dictator. Eventually, how-
ever, he was vanquished and sent as a prisoner to
Spain, where he died in 1816.
At the Louvre the Russells had been specially
interested in a collection of philosophical instruments.
" They are the property of an individual of the name
of Charles. In the middle of the room, in a cupola, is
suspended the car in which he ascended in a balloon
with Blanchard. He has two astonishingly large elec-
trical machines, besides several smaller ones, and
curious machines of all kinds, hydraulic and all others.
Among other things we were much pleased with a
little harmonium, with keys the same as a harpsichord,
but not larger than a portable writing desk ; also a
curious piece of metal, round and bent in the middle.
On the least touch of a kind of sponge he had at the
end of a stick, it sent forth such an amazing sound
as almost stunned you, and by repeating the blows
though ever so gently it increased to that extent it
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 125
was not to be borne. It appears like brass, and looks
more like a large brass kettle lid than anything else :
it comes from China, but it is not known what metal it
is. He has the largest camera obscura I ever saw.
It has a charming effect, showing the opposite part of
the Louvre and all the passing to and fro through
the court, which is very great. Here is also a most
curious collection of time-pieces, the exquisite work-
manship of which, together with the ingenuity displayed
in their construction, as well as the great variety, is
astonishing ; also curious mirrors of all kinds — in
short, to mention all the curiosities is impossible.
Citoyen Charles has been indefatigable in making
this collection, and at his death means to give them
to the nation."
On several occasions the girls visited the National
Convention. Martha Russell was painfully disillu-
sioned on seeing at close quarters these makers of the
Republic. Her first experience is thus recorded : —
"The confusion, noise, low language, the nervous
attempts to overpower one another by the loudness of
voice in place of the strength of argument, the stamp-
ing, raving, and uncouth attitudes, menacing each
other with clenched fists, some jerking their arms
suddenly as if throwing stones at their adversaries,
others while speaking moving their whole bodies like
a pendulum of a clock — in fact such a variety of un-
couth gestures and vulgar-looking people I should
have thought could be found but among a set of
old-clothesmen. In truth their appearance was much
126 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
more like this than anything else — dirty, mean, shabby-
looking fellows, all of them ; some in fur caps, others
in red and blue caps, some apparently in dirty night-
gowns, others shabby great coats, many that had
not been shaved for a week at least, and some that
had not a comb in their hair that day. A few among
them there were who looked clean and had smooth
locks — among these the first day we were there was
Relle, who was their President, Tallien, Bourdon,
De TOise, Loudret, and some others. This day the
President broke three bells trying to keep silence, and
this circumstance, together with the unparalleled tur-
bulence of the meeting in my idea, made me suppose
that this was an uncommonly tumultuous meeting.
Much was I astonished on inquiry afterwards to find
that it was not more so than common, and in fact very
seldom indeed were there then more peaceable meet-
ings. It seemed to me impossible that any business
could be there settled, particularly the business of a
great nation. That this was the National Convention
of France, of which I have read and heard so much,
appeared to be almost impossible.
" Immediately on one member finishing a speech
four or five would start up and begin in the most
vociferous manner, and continue trying to overpower
each other by the strength of their lungs, till the Pre-
sident by means of his bell overpowered them all and
decided who should speak first. This generally was
he who had the oftenest attempted it before. He
then advanced to the tribune, but generally stood
there a long time before he could gain silence to be
heard. The gestures and oratory of each of the
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 127
speakers were to me perfectly original, and not less
curious than that of the President, who, all the while
any one is speaking, on the least noise (and that is
nearly always) stands up with his arms extended and
hands spread, and moving them up and down, as if by
that means he was keeping the people down in their
seats. In short, the whole of the scene excited in my
breast a degree of disappointment, disgust, and aston-
ishment scarcely to be imagined."
At the Observatory the Russells were conducted
over the sights by an official who seemed to be a
man of high culture and scientific knowledge. They
could not help envying him his " delightful employment
amongst such a charming collection of instruments in
so quiet a spot " — free from the strife and turbulence
of the disordered city. On their next visit they heard
that their friend had been arrested for a Jacobin and
was lying in prison.
For some few days there had been rumours of
renewed trouble.1 It was, of course a regular thing in
the Tuileries to see groups of men and women dis-
puting about politics (or bread) ; latterly, however, the
quarrels had become more frequent and acrimonious
between the two parties, the Jacobins and Muscadins
— enemies and friends of the National Convention.
The vehemence of the women was incredible, and
William Russell, though he could not understand their
language, was so shocked that he lost all patience with
them. Martha could only compare them to a " set of
1 This was the abortive insurrection of the Jacobins commonly called
the 1 2th Germinal.
128 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Furies, and that of the most vulgar, impudent cast
possible."
" On the evening of the i ith of Germinal (March
31) our friend Mr. White, who seldom missed spending
his evenings with us, and in whose society we ever
found the truest pleasure, told us he expected some
disturbances might take place soon. The guard at
his section was doubled, and, he believed, at most of
the sections in Paris. The next morning, as we passed
through the Tuileries, we met Mr. Kearney : he begged
we would not walk in those gardens after two o'clock, as
he thought it very likely they would be suddenly shut
and that we should not then get out. It happened
that we had appointed this morning for doing some
errands with Miss Adams, who was come to spend a
few days with us. Towards one o'clock the streets
became uncommonly crowded, particularly with women,
and we were insulted once or twice. We had walked
the first part of the morning, and intended to take a
fiacre when we were tired, not then having got horses
to our own coach. But behold, on seeking a coach,
they had all left the streets, and we were obliged to get
home as well as we could. By three o'clock we heard
the tocsin sound — which I had really wished to hear,
though I did not long for any disturbances. It is
merely the sound of a chapel bell, when the clapper
hits one side only, but it touches a string of dreadful
ideas in one's mind.
" About four o'clock Mr. White came. He told us
all Paris was under arms, and a plot had been discovered
by means of a billet found in a small piece of cheese
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 129
that was going to be sent. Fouquier-Tinville and his
accomplices were in custody and on their trial at the
Revolutionary Tribunal. The message informed them
that when a number of eggs should be sent them, half
of them white, and half coloured, then they might
depend upon it the plot was ripe ; and as many eggs as
were sent, so many days would it be before they should
be delivered. The word of ralliement was to be ' Vive
la Montagne ! ' The Faubourg Antoine were to go to
the arsenal, and by surprise get possession of the arms,
then repair to the Convention and demand the arrest
of Jullien, Fre*ron, Barras, Dubois-Crance", Legendre,
Louvet, and many others. The reinstatement of
Barrere, Billaud, and Collot, by a decree of the Con-
vention was to be effected. Cambon and Thuriot were
likewise to be brought in, the telegraph was to be
seized, and the prisons opened, and in short the terrible
Mountain again to rear its head.
" Happily, however, this plot was discovered, the
papers found and seized, which proved its existence,
and proper measures taken to prevent its ripening.
Every one being under arms and prepared, our fears
were quite calmed, and we walked out in the streets
in the evening on purpose to see what was going on.
How different a scene presented itself to what we had
witnessed in the morning ; every shop shut up, the
streets filled with armed men, different sections march-
ing about, some with pikes, and others muskets and
bayonets, also a great many horse and foot military,
but all as quiet as possible. The citizens continued
under arms all night ; the next day was extremely dis-
turbed, and the contest by no means over. The garden
I
130 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
of the Tuileries was filled with armed men. Sentence
of banishment was passed upon Barrere, Collot, and
Billaud, and the Convention were resolved it should
be executed. They had attempted to send them off
thrice, and the populace, or rather the Jacobins, had
brought them back. General Pichegru was sent for,
and this day commanded the troops in Paris (of which
many more were arrived). With the well-disposed
citizens who carried arms, they were said to amount
to 100,000 men. We managed this morning to get
to Mrs. Imlay's, whose rooms were just over our old
lodgings in the Carousel, and fronted the Committee
of Public Safety. Here we were so fortunate as to
arrive in time to see Barrere brought in. He was in
a hackney coach with two gens cfarmes. The place
and the street opposite, as well as the square of the
Tuileries, were filled with armed men, through the
midst of which Pichegru with a company of horse
soldiers made his way. As soon as he had arrived
opposite the Committee he addressed a short but
energetic speech to the citizens under arms, exhorting
them to patience, and to recollect how his soldiers had
fought for them and been for weeks without tasting a
mouthful of bread while exposed to hardships they
had no idea of.
" Soon after this we saw the carriage moving slowly
along, and had full time to view the villain's counte-
nance [Fouquier-Tinville's], which betrayed a mixture
of impudent hardiness and villainy I hope never to see
equalled.
"In the afternoon we were engaged out to tea.
Not supposing any danger as. the party for the
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 131
Convention were so strong and so well upon their guard,
we set off to walk it, being but just across the water.
We passed through crowds of armed men, some with
their arms on the ground and themselves trying to
get a little rest, others parading about. Cannon were
placed round the Convention, at the end of every
street leading to it, and through most of these no one
could pass : the shops all shut up ; in short, the whole
scene wore so much the appearance of a besieged town,
that it was impossible not to be much impressed by
the sight.
" Just as we were got half-way there was a smoke
seen from some of the cannon we had passed and a
general cry of ' To arms.' It seemed as if some
enchantment had been employed, for in a moment in-
numerable bayonets glittered in the air. We stopped
to look, but were commanded to pass on and not stand
still. It appeared afterwards that just at the moment
a Jacobin had found means to put a lighted match to
the mouth of the cannon, from which we had seen the
smoke, with the intent to set it off among the people ;
luckily he was discovered. Barrere was this evening
sent off again, and again brought back in face of
Pichegru himself. In the night, however, they once
more packed him off, and then he was suffered to go :
after which all grew quiet."
As illustrating Martha Russell's serenely observant
frame of mind, it is worth mention that from this lively
account of the attempted rising against the Convention
she passes on to the remark that the French are " very
fond of eggs boiled hard," and " you see great quantities
132 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
of them exposed for sale in the market ; but they
are always coloured on the outside to distinguish them
from those that are not boiled." Having disposed of
this housewifely item, the diarist turns to the tragic
events which are in progress about her. The sisters
were fortunate enough to get seats for one day of
Fouquier-Tinville's trial at the Revolutionary Tribunal.
They were "gratified as well as disgusted" by what
they saw there. It was impossible, as Martha justly
observed, to enter without sensations of horror and
disgust the place where so many innocent victims had
heard their last sentence pronounced, in many cases
without accusation or leave to make a defence.
The Tribunal was an oblong room, about two-thirds
portioned off for women, the rest for the public. At
the upper end sat the President in black robes and a
black hat, looped up in front, with a large plume of
black feathers ; on each side were the judges, robed
like him and wearing similar hats. On the right,
against the side wall, were seats one above another
where sat " the execrable Fouquier and his gang." In
the centre were the seats reserved for spectators hold-
ing tickets from a Judge or a Senator in attendance.
" Fouquier was of a tall, meagre figure, visage
long, thin, and sallow, hair dark, dirty with powder,
greasy, and looking as if it had not been combed the
last week. His beard also had not for some time
been impeded in its growth, and a filthy, greasy great-
coat accorded well with the other parts of his person.
On first entering we thought his countenance betrayed
dismay mixed with its ferocious villainy. But soon
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 133
did he convince us, both by its expression and his
words, that impudence and hardiness still held their
places among the wickedness of his heart. He brought
under his arm a box, out of which as soon as he was
seated, he drew an abundance of papers, and a pen
and ink. As soon as a witness was called and sworn
he began making notes of the evidence given, and
often interrupted him in the course of his evidence in
the most impudent manner. As soon as the witness
had finished, he endeavoured, by means of equivoca-
tion and the most bare-faced lies, to set aside the
evidence. Among the witnesses examined this morn-
ing was a young lady whose name had been placed by
Fouquier on the list to be guillotined. She was in
prison, not knowing the cause, and was very near
her time of lying in. On receiving her sentence she
demanded to know the offence charged upon her, and
the brutish refusal to this request given her by
Fouquier, together with her unhappy fate, affected her
so as to bring on premature labour. The next morn-
ing, which was to have carried her to the guillotine,
from her weak state she was suffered to remain for
another time, and afterwards, fortunately for her,
among the crowd of prisoners that there were, she
escaped observation.
" The chief argument that Fouquier made use of
was that he was only the instrument in the hands of
Robespierre and Barrere, and did but execute their
commands, and that, as Barrere had preserved his
life and was only to be transported, it was very hard
that he, the servant only, should suffer ; but facts
proved that he was a hearty accomplice in all their
134 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
guilt. Fouquier-Tinville was the President of the
Revolutionary Tribunal at the time when France was
so stained with innocent blood, and the jury who were
now on their trial with him all appeared to be equal in
hardiness and guilt with himself. The open, candid,
and patient behaviour of the Judges and President now
was very pleasing, and offered a striking contrast to
what was laid before us, the conduct of the then culprits.
The populace behind was very noisy, and at last were
so provoked by the impudence of Fouquier and one or
two others as not scarcely to suffer them to speak."
The impudence displayed, as Martha Russell
thought, by Fouquier and some of his associates was
explained, she suggests, by thejr knowledge of the
plot previously described, for their rescue. " My
father and brother," Mary Russell writes, " went to
the execution. The sixteen condemned men were
guillotined in thirteen minutes. Fouquier was the last,
and as the multitude showed great signs of joy when
he mounted the scaffold, he, not being able to express
the resentment he felt any other way, turned round
and grinned at them."
At this point the younger sister mentions that she
went once with Martha to see the guillotine erected
for an execution. They thrilled with horror at behold-
ing the knife which had deprived so many innocent
fellow-creatures of existence. Then they walked
away in the direction of the Champs Elys^es, but
returned another way, thinking the execution was
over. To their great distress, however, they met the
poor victim going in a cart, with his neck shaved, and
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 135
in his shirt and trousers. He was a mulatto, and
leader of an insurrection in the Faubourg Antoine.
" We were not only hurt by seeing the poor man that
was to be soon launched into eternity, but also by
meeting such throngs of people going with the great-
est gaiety to witness the execution."
Among the sights that shocked the girls in a minor
degree was the deplorable spoliation of the churches.
Round some of the most famous ecclesiastical and
other buildings they were escorted by General Miranda,
a man who had travelled widely in four continents,
had studied the Fine Arts in Athens and Rome, and
who perhaps inspired some of the sound if rather
obvious aesthetic criticism which, though not repro-
duced here, appears in the young ladies' diaries.
At the hospital they found the veteran soldiers
going in to dinner.
" The sight of the long tables so nicely spread for
them," says Martha, " was very pleasant. Soup plates,
with a napkin in each, were set all round, and every-
thing looked, though coarse, as clean and comfortable as
possible. The sight of so many poor maimed fellows
as you here meet is distressing, but to see how happy
they are altogether does one's heart good : a great
many with wooden legs, and some without arms, others
on crutches ; all merry, and singing, or laughing, with
their pipes smoking away, both old and young ; but the
young ones I could not but look upon with the superior
degree of veneration, strange as it may seem : it was
because they had been maimed in fighting for the liberty
of their country."
136 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
In conversation with one of the women who
showed them over the Hospital the Republican young
ladies discovered to their surprise that two opinions
prevailed amongst poor people as to the effects of
the Revolution. The men in power, so this woman
said, did not know what they would be at. What
they had done one day they would undo the next.
In fact the country was going to destruction. This
despondency, however, Martha attributes to the per-
sonal misfortunes of the speaker — a pretty young
woman with seven small children, whose husband
was disabled by rheumatism, and only able to get
for them all one pound of bread a day — and that only
fit for pigs. It was indeed a severe winter in Paris.
Food and fuel were scarce and costly. Many poor
families underwent privations " compared to which
even the fangs of despotism they had not thought
hard."
Bread, we read, was distributed by bakers ap-
pointed by the Sections (private sale being forbidden),
and before you could get any of it you must obtain
from your Section a card testifying to the number of
your family. During the greater part of the winter
the Russells, being six in family, could only draw one
pound a day, and that so bad that if you threw it
against the wall it would stick there. Many days
they obtained no bread at all, but had to content
themselves with one or two mouldy hard biscuits or
with rice, and for this their man-servant was obliged
to stand many hours ^ la queue. Poor women often
waited all night so as to get a good place the next
morning. In a general way they stayed peaceably
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 137
side by side chattering and laughing (for " une Fran-
faise feels but at intervals"). But too often the miser-
able objects seen in the streets showed that there
was much justification for the cry, Du pain, du bain
pour nous et pour nos pauvres enfants.
Presently this famous experiment in municipal
trading was given up as a proved failure, and bread
became both cheaper and better.
Authentic accounts of the prevailing distress were
given to the Russells by a Mile. Dulens, whose father
was a member of the Faubourg Saint Antoine Section
— where most of the ouvriers lived. But the hard-
ship was by no means confined to the working classes
— " many of the deputies and wives of deputies made
away with themselves." One fine young woman,
wife of a deputy, threw herself out of a window just
opposite the Russells' hotel.
" The dismal histories we were continually hearing
from those we fell in company with about the suffer-
ings that they and their friends had endured in the
time of Robespierre made one's heart shrink within
one. Never were we in company when more than
two were present who had not been in prison. Often,
very often, did it happen that not one present had
escaped, and the sufferings they had there experienced
were as little to be imagined as the causes of their
imprisonment. . . .
" Among our friends was the sister-in-law of Brissot.
Her order for arrest I read myself, and the cause of
it was solely for being la belle-sozur de Brissot. In
short it is now considered as an honour and a card of
138 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
civism to have been in arrest. Brissot's mother and
this sister-in-law were among the friends we saw
oftenest. Once we had the melancholy pleasure of
being in company with the wife of Petion and the
daughter and only child of the unfortunate and great
Madame Roland. She is an uncommonly interesting
girl, has a fine open countenance, and a degree of
simplicity in her manners and dress seldom met with
among the French."
A certain alarm was caused in Paris on the First of
Prairial (May 20) by the report which the Russell
ladies received from their drawing-master — it was said
that the Mountain that day would make another great
effort. The girls went out at noon and returned with-
out molestation. But during their absence their
father and Captain Prebble had felt some anxiety, as
they had seen some well-dressed ladies being led to
the Convention by a party of fish-women. The streets
were filled with parties of these furies — apparently
drunk with passion. After dinner the Russells wit-
nessed the ducking of a Muscadin in one of the
Tuileries ponds. Meantime, several guns had been
brought into the garden and turned upon the Conven-
tion. The Faubourg Antoine had assembled, and
sent a deputation to the Convention to state what laws
they desired to be passed. The guns were to back
up their demand !
" After dinner the gentlemen walked out and found
the streets filled with armed men ; they were obliged
to go out armed, no one being now suffered to walk
THE REVOLUTION AT CLOSE QUARTERS 139
the streets without ; several times were they stopped,
but showing their American passports secured them.
After tea Mr. Prebble leftjus, but Mr. Skipwith seemed
rather fearful of venturing alone lest he might get
ducked for a Muscadin, as he was neatly dressed.
However, after putting on the shabbiest greatcoat we
could find, and hiding his little cane under it, he
walked off, though with a pale face. . . .
" The number of reports we heard through the day
was astonishing : the disturbances continued through the
night ; by three o'clock the next day troops arrived,
but all in great disorder. In the evening Mr. Kearney
brought us an account that the insurgents had gained
possession of the arsenal, and that he much feared
the party for the Convention would be overpowered.
The struggle through this night was severe indeed.
Feraud, one of the members of the Convention, was
killed in the Convention itself, and through the night
this body was insulted in the most alarming manner by
the Jacobin party. But the sitting was declared per-
manent, and the members remained at their posts.
Boissy d'Anglas showed much courage as President.
The next day more troops arrived ; in the evening
they went round the Faubourg Antoine and made
prisoners of the principal conspirators ; we saw them
brought up in much triumph by the horse soldiers to
the Surety General. The next day the guillotine was
erected and the principal of them executed."
Then everybody was happy and comfortable again.
CHAPTER X
SOCIAL LIFE IN PARIS (1795)
Reviving gaiety of Paris — Carriages in the streets — Dress of children and
women — Food of the people — Theatre-going — Mary Russell on the
French drama — Stage realism — Teaching of the deaf and dumb —
Sicard's system — A clever, good girl — Visit to a convent — Hardships
of the Sisters during the Revolution — The days of terror — A charm-
ing Englishman — William Russell's commercial undertaking — Claim
for damages against the French Government — Captain Prebble —
Purchase of properties in France — Preparations for the voyage to
New York — Live-stock on board.
" THE longer we stayed in Paris," wrote Mary Russell,
" the gayer it became. Every day seemed to add
something to it. The people were by degrees recover-
ing from the times of terror during Robespierre's
reign, when every one was afraid of appearing not
merely smart but even clean." The two girls — though
they dutifully studied French and drawing — threw
themselves heartily into the social life of the city.
They were delighted, as healthy-minded young
Englishwomen should be, with walking in the Palais
Royal, which was then the fashionable shopping-place
for Parisian ladies. The cheapness and beauty of the
shops were, they declared, indescribable, especially
when they were lighted up in the evening. When the
ladies first drove out in their carriage they had encoun-
tered some unpleasantness, being pointed at and called
Aristocrats — a form of infamy which the ordinary
140
SOCIAL LIFE IN PARIS (1795) 141
unregenerate person is apt to enjoy unless the demo-
cratic censure takes too material a form, as, for instance,
on their first outing, when a man had "aimed a large
stick at the glass and threatened much." After a
little time, however, the streets were filled with
carriages, and no further trouble was experienced.
Martha Russell was "disgusted," she says, with
the manner in which French children generally used
to be dressed — like little men and women. But
already this fashion was wearing out and the English
simplicity adopted.
"The method of swaddling the infants is terrible.
They are girded round and round as tight as possible
with a broad band of dimity and then rolled up tight
in a piece of thick flannel, the head only coming out,
and the flannel doubled about the feet and bound as
tight as possible, so that the poor thing cannot stir
any one of its limbs and feels more like a mummy or
that sort of statue called Hermes, viz. a long block of
stone with a head at the top. It is certainly owing to
this circumstance that many more deformed people are
seen among the French than the English."
Nevertheless, Martha notes that Frenchwomen
in general have good shapes, carry themselves well,
and walk much better than the English. This obser-
vation may be comforting to English ladies of our
own days, who are often reproached with falling away
from the ease and grace displayed by their ancestresses
of three or four generations ago.
142 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
" Of wine an astonishing quantity is drunk in Paris,
it being the common beverage. They have no water
but that of the Seine, which is conveyed to different
parts by pipes, where are fountains from which men
carry it about the city in buckets. It is very un-
pleasant, dirty water, and on the least rain very thick.
Most of the floors are of large red brick or tile,
except the state rooms or saloons, which are of bright
oak inlaid in different forms. The tile floors and
stone staircases are very generally a great preserva-
tion against fire. The common people live chiefly
on bread, butter, hard eggs, fruit, salad and rice.
They make little use of tea, but are immoderately
fond of coffee. The coffee-houses here are as nume-
rous as the ale-houses in England."
" French people," says Martha Russell, " would sell
the clothes from their backs rather than give up theatre-
going." This taste seems to have been rather quickly
acquired by two young Englishwomen then resident
in Paris, though, to be sure, Mary Russell accounts
for their assiduity by saying that it was the best
means of perfecting themselves in the French language.
She was a little disappointed, however, at the Theatre
de la R^publique, which they visited a few days
after their arrival in Paris. The actors were very
few, the scene never changed, and the house, though
good, was not equal to the New Drury. It was
badly lighted and "the company by no means smart."
But the girls were not discouraged ; thirteen other
theatres were open, and in time Mary Russell qualified
as a critic of the drama. "The French," she says,
SOCIAL LIFE IN PARIS (1795) 143
with delicious juvenile confidence, "exceed the Eng-
lish in comedy, though in tragedy they cannot dispute
the palm."
" Their comedies in general are full of good moral
sentiments, and have none of those low scenes which
are too often introduced on the English stage. I
never hardly went to an English play without being
disgusted with some immodest sentiment, but never
saw anything of the kind here, though in general
their manners are more free than the English — I mean
the manners of the people in general. One piece
called Fdnelon we were particularly struck with. It
is the most interesting thing I ever saw. The
chief of the scenes are in a convent where the Lady
Abbess and all the nuns appear just in the dresses
they used to wear. Another very pretty piece we
saw was called William, Tell, where the father shot
the apple off his son's head. We went with Mrs.
Imlay to the opera ; it was one of the most famous
ones called Castor and Pollux. The scenery and
dancing were excellent. The manner in which they
managed their scenes was very ingenious. They
seemed to rise out of the ground in a very quick
manner. One scene was very pretty in which he
was taken up to heaven in a triumphal car. The
scenery then changed to heaven, and he descended
apparently in the midst of the clouds. The scenery
of heaven was more beautiful than anything I ever
saw. We saw a representation of heaven and hell at
the opera in London, but the French heaven was, I
must confess, much superior in taste and beauty to
144 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
the English, though the English hell was far more
terrific and dreadful than the French.
" Vestris, the famous dancer, was ill this evening
and could not perform. We therefore went again
some time after to see him perform. The opera was
called Telemachus — it was very well acted. Vestris
danced wonderfully. It is almost incredible with
what agility and ease he danced. Several of the
girls danced exceeding well. The opera house is
a very fine one, but not equal, in my opinion, to the
New Drury in London. Both the play and opera
in Paris are exceeding cheap, not a third of what they
are in England."
An instructive day was spent on May 4th, when
the party visited the Academy for the Deaf and
Dumb.
" The Abbe" Sicard, the governor, when we en-
tered was delivering his lecture to the poor subjects,
which he does publicly three times a week. I regretted
we had not come earlier to have heard the begin-
ning, but learned that he divided all words into different
families, making his pupils understand and express
many things by signs. Morning he represented by
putting the fingers of the right hand behind the back
of the left, and causing them to rise up gradually to
represent the rising sun : time past, by passing the
right hand quickly over the left ; a large number by
closing the fingers of one hand over those of the other ;
giving, by laying the hand upon you and letting it
remain some time ; lending, laying the hand upon
SOCIAL LIFE IN PARIS (1795) 145
you and taking it away quickly ; asking to borrow and
beg, by laying your hand the same way upon them-
selves ; building, putting the hands repeatedly and
quickly one over the back of the other.
" When we entered, one of the pupils, a young man
of perhaps twenty-one, was explaining to the others
the use of the definite article, and, as a sign of it, drew
a semicircular score from one word to another where
it was wanted. He explained it by tying a piece of
string to his watch and then to himself, and giving
the watch afterwards to another ; he then wrote his
name, Massieu, and the word ' watch,' and drew a line
from one to the other, which showed them the watch
tied to Massieu.
" The Abbe" Sicard is a most humane and ingenious
man, and deserves the highest encomium for the un-
remitting attention he pays these poor unfortunates.
Massieu was an acquaintance of our friend Mr. White,
and we invited him to return and dine with us, which
pleased him highly, and equally gratified us. As we
walked along he conversed chiefly with Mr. White
by signs, and interested us most amazingly. His
countenance is lively, and expressive of great sensibility
and quickness ; not the least vacancy, but everything
opposite to it. He wrote a most excellent hand and
with the greatest ease, and thus with a slate and
pencil conversed with us most freely. All his answers
or questions were sensible, and discovered him to be
well informed on every subject started, which from
curiosity, were not a few. He wrote and seemed to
understand English as well as French, and never all
the day spelt one word wrong in either, or committed
K
146 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
the least grammatical error that we observed. He is
the most excellent mimic I ever saw, and acted a
monkey, lion, and President of the Convention, Louis
XVI., Marie Antoinette, Virtue, Vice, a coquette, a
gallant, &c., most wonderfully. He delighted us so
much that we urged him at parting to repeat his visit
frequently, to which he appeared to have no objection.
He was very inquisitive to know our history, and
seemed very sorry to learn we were going to leave
France, telling us about a sister he had who was also
deaf and dumb. He said she was a clever, good girl
— she never laughed but when there was occasion."
An admirable definition of a clever, good girl !
This much abbreviated account of the sisters' ex-
periences and observations in Paris may be wound up
with Martha's description of their visit to a convent of
English nuns. They were taken to it by their friend
Mr. Kearney, formerly Head of the Irish College, but
(so it may be inferred) withdrawn from active exercise
of his orders. Their interest in this particular convent
was due to a letter from Mr. Skey, a friend of one of
the White Nuns (Mrs. Fitz-Herbert), and intimately
associated with the Russells.
" On Monday morning, the loth of April, we took a
walk to their residence, situated in Rue Sainte Victoire
— the house the White Nuns have always occupied.
There were formerly in Paris three sorts of English
nuns, the White, Black, and Blue ; all that now
remain of each reside in one building. The one
among them Mr. Kearney was most acquainted with
SOCIAL LIFE IN PARIS (1795) 147
and for whom he inquired was the youngest among
the Blue Nuns. The house stands in a court back
from the street. On ringing the bell a portress
appeared, who accosted us in English, which at
first surprised us, not immediately recollecting that it
was among our own countrywomen we were going.
Having inquired for Sister Theresa, Mr. Kearney's
acquaintance, we were desired to walk in the garden
till they should call her. There we found a very
pleasing retreat consisting of delightful walks, shaded
by fine old trees. We had not walked many minutes
before Sister Theresa appeared with another Sister,
also known to Mr. Kearney. They both accosted us in
the most affectionate manner, after the French fashion,
with a salute on each cheek. The open simplicity of
their manner, and the unfeigned pleasure they testified
on seeing us, their countrywomen, much increased the
interest I before felt in their situation, and I believe
we all felt much more like old friends than new
acquaintances.
" We were, as is natural to suppose, fully employed
answering the numerous questions of our friends con-
cerning their native land, from which they had not
seen any person for many years, and also concerning
our own sufferings and expectations.
" Their ignorance of the world and all passing there
much astonished us. After we had a little gratified
their curiosity, they began to recount to us their
sufferings, which they appeared to think greater
than any one else's, though in fact to those who had
been in the world (or rather in France) they were
scarcely to be named as sufferings, when compared
148 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
with what others had to recount. The having to
leave off their nuns' dress seemed to be their greatest
trial, and was looked upon by them as a most severe
one. The next grievance was that they had been
brought from their own convent. They in common
with others had suffered from a scarcity of provisions,
though this they laid little stress upon. Their
property had been seized, and they had scarcely
anything to live upon, but this they seemed to esteem
a trifle in comparison with having been forced to
quit their beloved convent and lay aside their vestal
attire. These nuns had never been in prison, but
were sent here from their own convent. They
acknowledged having been treated very kindly by the
White Nuns, to whom the house belonged.
" The Black Nuns only had been in prison, and they
had suffered much, having been sent to Vincennes,
with a number of other unfortunate people, among
whom were several profligate women — from some of
whom the nuns received great kindnesses. This
house in the time of Robespierre had been used as
a prison for some Englishwomen and a few friends
of distinction. Happy was it for those who happened
to be sent here, as in all probability there was not
in or near Paris, perhaps not in all France, another
place of arrestation so comfortable. The liberty of
rambling in the garden, with the solacing society
and good offices of the nuns, who studiously did all
in their power to relieve their distress, were allevia-
tions but too sadly contrasted in the other prisons.
In these sad times our friend witnessed many trying
and heart-wringing scenes ; amiable and charming
SOCIAL LIFE IN PARIS (1795) 149
women, with whom she had formed a feeling at-
tachment, suddenly and without notice or reason
dragged from her to the guillotine by the ferocious
%ens d'armes, on whom prayers, entreaties, or any
signs of distress had no other effect than exciting
laughter and derision. A rap at the outer gate was
never heard by any of them without raising terror
and dismay not to be described or imagined, and
numerous were the tryingly affecting scenes which
passed in this place only, during that horrid reign
of terror and cruelty. What then can be said or
thought of those passing in the numerous other
prisons, all of which were as a dungeon to a palace
when compared with this ?
" The present dress of these nuns was neat and
clean — cotton gowns, delicately white handkerchiefs
and aprons, mob caps, with borders quilled, close
round the face, and little plain black bonnets.
Theresa begged to introduce us to her Mother
Abbess and the rest of the Sisters ; we were therefore
shown upstairs. The house was large, and seemed
to consist entirely of long galleries with small rooms
on each side, which served as cells for the nuns,
five of whom had died since their arrest. Theresa
said in consequence of it there were now only
seventeen of the Black Nuns. The Lady Abbess
we found to be a very cheerful, good-humoured
woman ; she had nothing at all of the morose about
her, which I had expected to have seen, and all
the Sisters appeared so likewise, and greatly attached
to each other ; in short I could not but be much
pleased as well as surprised at the simple, truthful life
150 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
they led in the midst of this disordered city. They
had no idea of the distress that had been felt there,
never having been beyond their own door, and
spending their time in praying, reading, and working.
After sitting a little while we took leave, not without
first promising to pay them another visit soon, and
offering to execute any little commissions they might
have in the city. It was not long before we fulfilled
our promise, and sending our man one morning with
two meat pies, some cakes, tea, sugar, &c., Mr.
Kearney, Mary, and I went in the afternoon to
taste the tea with them, and thereby made them
very happy. In the course of our first visit Theresa
had given us each a curious satin pin-cushion of her
own making as a keepsake, and in return for mine
I now took her a red morocco thread-case, which
seemed to please very much. She was yet quite
young, although it was six years since she had taken
the veil. There was something very interesting in
her manner as well as graceful in her person, though
I found more to admire in the former than in the
latter.
" The next time we visited this convent, to our great
astonishment we found Theresa gone to England
with three other Sisters and the priest. Never was
I more surprised. We had several times proposed
it to her, really wishing to see her released, as her
health was evidently much impaired, and I thought
she was going into a decline. She appeared to have
such a dread of going into the world that I should
have supposed nothing hardly could have overcome :
but it seems hard living and the fear of a decline had
driven her to it, for they had really not enough to
subsist upon. She and those who accompanied her
applied for passports, though without the smallest
expectation of obtaining them, which, however, they
did, and were ordered to leave the city in forty -eight
hours after, so that no choice or time for deliberation
was allowed them. Our visit this time was to one
of the White Nuns, for whom we had been requested
to inquire by letters from England. A neighbour
of our friend Mr. James Skey (Mrs. Homeholds) had a
sister here, of whom she had not heard for two years,
and he wrote to ask that we would inquire for her.
This commission we executed with much pleasure,
and found Mrs. Fitz- Herbert, the lady in question,
a most worthy, good woman. She was exceedingly
gratified to receive news of her friends, and more so
with the opportunity offered her of writing to them.
Mrs. Fitz- Herbert was about forty years of age, had
received a good education, and had superintended the
education of eight Sisters, all of whom had been in
the convent under her care. She alone had taken
the veil.
"She showed us up into her little room, or cell,
which was charmingly pleasant, being at the corner
of the house, and having a window each way. Each
of them presented a sweet, though different view ;
from one was seen an extensive part of the city with
the country beyond it, and from the other nothing
but the fine, stately trees and close, retired walks of
their own garden. Here were the cooing wood-
pigeon and sweet warbling blackbird striving to
welcome us to their hallowed retreat, for they began
152 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
tuning their sweet notes as soon as we entered the
room. This little cell was cleanliness itself, the walls
as white as snow, and also the little calico bed and
coverlid ; the door and chest of drawers were oak as
bright as a mirror. In one corner was a little row
of shelves filled with books, opposite to it a large
crucifix, and under that a St. Augustine, the saint
of this convent, and at the bed's head was suspended
another, but very small, crucifix. The floor was so
clean you might have eaten off it, especially after
you had been accustomed a little to the French filth.
To us, who had now seen a great deal of it, the sight
of this room was a real treat. We visited Mrs. Fitz-
Herbert several times, and always found much pleasure
in her society. Among the Blue Nuns is the Vis-
countess of Stafford, who has a pension of £200 per
annum, or rather ought to have, for she has not
received it for the last two years. She is an odd-
looking old woman of fifty years of age and half
crazy."
Mrs. Fitz- Herbert fairly captivated the whole
Russell family, even Mary, the staunch anti-clerical,
who had disapproved of the decree by which the
Convention restored liberty of worship. She had
agreed with people who " looked beyond the present
moment," and feared that its influence would be bad :
the " priests might regain their power and corrupt
the minds of the people." On William Russell the
impression produced by the good-looking and pleasant-
mannered Mrs. Fitz- Herbert was still more favour-
able— she had, he told James Skey, much elevated
SOCIAL LIFE IN PARIS (1795) 153
his conception of a nun. Her agreeable conversa-
tion and refined bearing were much superior to his
expectation. But what, perhaps, most surprised him
was her refusal to take money for her charities. He
was ready, he wrote, to give her ^500, but she would
only accept £5. Probably in his English experience
he had never before encountered a religious person
who was not beating up subscriptions.
His correspondence at this period relates chiefly
to his business concerns. He had at last come up
with the letters withheld during his five months of
captivity, and began to understand — what had given
him so much anxiety while he was a prisoner of war
— the long silence of his friends in England, especi-
ally of his brother and late partner, George Russell.
When the rumour was first received in Birmingham
that the English passengers on the Mary had been
seized by the French it was discredited, and, even
when confirmed in William Russell's letters from
Brest, his friends, not unnaturally, assumed that he
would almost immediately be released. The pro-
longation of their captivity was as unexpected in
England as it was unexplained in France.
Russell, with the courage and persistence dis-
played against his persecutors in Birmingham, now
set himself to get damages from the Republic, and
filed a claim for the expenses incurred through his
capture and for the maintenance of himself and
family in prison. To the end of his stay in Paris
he seems to have persevered in the sanguine belief
that he would obtain satisfaction. His more practical
thoughts, however, were devoted to complicated
154 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
dealings in various kinds of merchandise and to setting
up Prebble as master and owner of a ship. He had
withdrawn the captain from a seafaring life, hoping
to make him useful in a more profitable line of busi-
ness. Finding, however, that the experiment was
not successful, he resolved, with his accustomed gene-
rosity, to reinstate Prebble in his old profession. His
first hope was to purchase the Mary for him, but
she had been lost at sea, so he set aside ^1500 for
acquiring a similar vessel. He was also concerned
in the purchase of large plots of house property in
Paris, and of a considerable estate near Caen, the
Abbey Ardennes. In these monetary transactions he
does not seem to have been altogether successful,
being disposed to place overmuch reliance in agents
or partners whom he had not sufficiently tested.
Some of them, as was to be expected, took advan-
tage of his generous confidence. Nor does he seem
to have considered adequately the position in which
he had placed himself, while still a British subject,
by purchasing landed property in France while the
two countries were at war. It is true that his fixed
purpose was to reside permanently in the United
States and become a naturalised American. But
having, as it appears, entertained and firmly rejected
the idea of applying to be made a French citizen, he
should have taken into account the possibility — soon
to be realised — of strained relations arising between
the two Republics.
Apart from what then seemed the impossibility
of his ever wishing to live again in England (which
would introduce a special set of difficulties), his legal
SOCIAL LIFE IN PARIS (1795) 155
advisers should have warned him of the embarrass-
ments that might befall a person not a French citizen
who should acquire property in France.
His original purpose had been to stay on in Paris
till the autumn. But by midsummer he had com-
pleted his business arrangements, while his family,
somewhat disillusioned with Revolution principles as
seen in operation at close quarters in Paris, were
eager to embark for America, which they were sure
would realise their dreams of a Land of Tranquillity
and Peace.
It may be interesting to take note of the pro-
visions collected by William Russell for the voyage
on the Nancy. He ordered large quantities of beef,
pork, and salmon in cases, while his daughters asked
for a good stock of preserves (currants, gooseberries,
cherries, strawberries, and bilberries). The bottled
peas did not answer, we read, but satisfaction was
given by a fine store of prunes and figs. Then there
were tamarinds, biscuits, and drugs, good French
brandy, wine, and cider, porter; cheese, gingerbreads,
eggs in salt, butter, and dried haricots.
With these stores was to be a good supply of
live stock. Russell instructs his agents at Havre to
provide him with a goat (fresh milk) which had
previously gone to sea ; five dozen fowls ; three dozen
ducks ; some fat, middle-sized porkets (not too large),
and a sow with sucking-pigs eight or ten days old.
Evidently the travellers felt no misgivings about
their digestions at sea.
CHAPTER XI
FROM PARIS TO NEW YORK
Reflections on leaving Paris — By coach to Havre — A French rural
scene — A little white cat — Dirty Rouen — Normandy caps— William
Russell's visit to Abbey Ardennes — Boarding the Nancy — Rough
weather — Suitable reflections — Cards under difficulties — The re-
covered ham — A notable anniversary — Land in sight — Beautiful
America.
ON June 25, 1795, the Russell family, travelling in
their own coach with hired horses, started from Paris
for Havre en route for New York. The weather,
recorded Martha, favoured their flight as they rattled
down the Rue Honore and passed the Place Victoire.
She departed without regret from the city which about
six months before she had entered with hope, affection,
and enthusiasm. One tear she shed — on passing, in the
Rue Florentine, the windows of their " great and good
friend General Miranda." In the sorrow of parting
she was grateful that she had ever been allowed to
know such a man. On driving through the Place de
la Revolution the girl thought sadly of the hundreds
and thousands of guillotined persons, and confessed
on leaving the French people that her original ideas
of their Revolution had been somewhat modified.
The first stage ended at Gaillon — " a poor, miser-
able dirty town, as all French towns are," remarks Mary
Russell ; but near it was a fine castle once belonging
156
FROM PARIS TO NEW YORK 157
to the Duke de la Rochefoucauld, but then being used
as a jail for Austrian prisoners of war. The travellers
walked about the park, and Martha, though she had
no eye for the wild and rugged in nature, could keenly
enjoy a scene of typical French comfort and plenty.
" We walked up the side of a hill in the park, and
enjoyed one of the sweetest views that ever met the
eye of man ; immediately under the hill lay a fine old
wood, broken in places by the appearance of a garden
well kept and laid out. Adjoining this were cottages
and farm houses, each enjoying its garden, orchard,
well-stocked farmyard, and the different little enclosures
and etceteras necessary to complete the picture of
a cottager's treasure. Through the midst of these
interesting objects meandered the Seine, reflecting
in its limpid waters the rich fringe that adorned its
banks. Beyond, the ground exhibited the sweetest
intermixture of villages and enclosures, of different
shades of green and yellow, and spotted here and
there with comfortable-looking chateaux and their
appendages. The boundary line of this sweet picture
was a fine range of hills, beautifully wooded, and
appearing more beautiful to us because they resembled
what we have so often looked upon with so much
pleasure in Gloucestershire."
On returning to their gloomy quarters in the town
they were cheered by the welcome of their white cat.
The animal which they were taking with them to
America had a history which threw a light on the
general destitution in Paris. In the streets of Paris
158 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
their friend Mr. White had seen a little ragged girl,
with a deeply concerned face, running as hard as she
could from a traiteurs door. He found that she had
deposited there a kitten which her father and mother
had no food for, but at a cookshop she thought there
must be plenty for it. The traiteur, however, said he
already had too many mouths to feed, and was about
to despatch the kitten, when it was rescued by Mr.
White and given to the Russells. On the road to
Havre the travellers met with no remarkable adven-
tures. Sometimes they could not get rooms and had
to sleep in their coach. Everywhere they found it
difficult to obtain horses. Apparently they were not im-
pressed with Rouen — "a very ugly town," says Mary,
"the streets very narrow and crooked, the houses very
high." Rather than be detained over the night at such
a place they paid an exorbitant price for horses — 800
livres for two stages. After an expensive dinner,
hastily consumed, they set off, not without fear and
trembling, as the driver was rather drunk. " However,
we got on very well." At the next stage they met
Mr. Astor, who was to be their companion on board
ship. No details are given about him in the diary.
But he was a New York gentleman, married, and evi-
dently of substantial position. At Havre they drove
to the best inn in the town, which was "about as
filthy a place as could well be."
Mary Russell had been favourably struck, on the
approach to Havre, with the number of gentlemen's
seats bearing a certain resemblance to country houses
in England. But the Normandy caps of the peasant
women she thought preposterous. "They are the
FROM PARIS TO NEW YORK 159
inner part in the form of a sugar loaf, made of silk or
satin richly embroidered with gold spangles : over
this are very high pleated lappets which reach down
very low — I am sure some of them were near three-
quarters of a yard high."
Here it may be mentioned that William Russell
had hurried the journey to Havre in order that before
the sailing of the Nancy he might have a few days
to spare for a visit to his property near Caen, which,
apparently, he had not yet seen except in passing.
The estate he found far better than he had expected,
and the house fit for a nobleman.
During the stay at Havre the anti-clerical Mary
was annoyed at the occurrence of a Saint's day, which
prevented her doing anything active in the way of
preparation for the voyage. The fears she had ex-
pressed in Paris as to the " revival of superstition "
were already being realised in Normandy, and " the
priests seemed to be resuming their power very fast."
On July 3rd the emigrants rose betimes and
boarded the Nancy, a vessel of 350 tons burden, built
for the West Indian trade. Captain Butler was said
to be one of the best American officers, and the ac-
commodation for the party was pronounced excellent.
Martha and Mary had a state-room with two comfort-
able beds and a window looking upon deck. Round
the cabin were four berths, occupied by William
Russell, his son, his secretary (an Irish gentleman
named Carstairs), and Mr. Astor. It was, therefore,
with light hearts that they bade farewell to the
" French rogues," who had " pinched us through the
nose to the very last."
160 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Travelling by sea, for people who had plenty of
money, were not pressed for time, and were tolerably
good sailors, was in those days, the risks of war
excepted, rather more comfortable than the hurry and
scurry of a crowded modern steamer. Most of Martha's
diary is occupied with notes on the weather and
memoranda of their meals. The pigs and sheep gave
thorough satisfaction, but the fowls and ducks did not
thrive, and had "fallen away sadly" before they ful-
filled their destiny on the table. The weather at the
outset was fair and suggested suitable reflections to
Martha : —
" This immense, this beautiful, this grand body
of water, of which the depth is unfathomable, what
a wonder in creation is it, how does it display the
unbounded power of our Almighty Creator ! and this
little vessel of wood, the work of man, to us a
world of itself in the midst of this great sea, how does
it display the extent of those faculties with which the
Almighty has blest His offspring ! To see the proud
sails swell with the wind and waft the vessel along
which thus rides upon the waves, and seems to defy
their swell, is nearly as beautiful and to us more inter-
esting to contemplate than the ocean itself. Gratitude
to the Almighty and His rich gifts to us as intelligent
creatures and for His rich display of magnificence in
creation, always fills my mind on the review."
On July yth the Nancy was passing " in triumph "
from the "proud shores of England," as Mary re-
marked, though she could not help feeling a pang of
regret for the "many valuable friends" left behind,
FROM PARIS TO NEW YORK 161
or without wishing that they too were bound for the
"peaceful America."
Presently the sea became rougher, but Martha's
confidence is not shaken, either in the care of Provi-
dence or the skill of Captain Butler. But the party
did undergo a fright when they saw a strange sail
bearing down, so they thought, upon them, and the
captain suggested that it might be an Algerine. He
had once been chased by one of these gentry, and did
not wish to repeat the experiment. The Nancy put
on all sail, and, favoured with a brisk wind, got clear
away. A few days later the alarm was renewed, but
this time the stranger proved to be a harmless brig
from Baltimore.
One serious storm the Nancy encountered, and
Martha Russell suggests that the sailors were fright-
ened. The Captain was laid up, and they had been
demoralised by the bad behaviour of the mate.
" We all sat up till nearly one o'clock, when, being
quite exhausted with balancing ourselves to the motion
of the vessel, and having hitherto waited ineffectually
for the abatement of the storm, we thought it best to
go to bed or rather lie down, for to sleep was not
possible. I could not persuade myself to undress,
but threw myself down to give vent to these reflections
which the continuance of so awful a situation naturally
called forth. After adoring the power of the Almighty
in whose hands we were, and whose power and
omnipotence we then so particularly experienced ; after
feeling in a most forcible manner that we were in His
hands to do with us as seemed good in His sight, and
L
162 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
that perhaps the next moment He might send us to
Eternity ; after recollecting the great sum of enjoy-
ment and happiness, the mercy and indulgence of the
same Almighty Being we now adored with trembling,
had kindly allotted me in past life, gratitude warmed
my bosom, and excited a glow of hope that the same
bounty would still be with us, and preserve us happily
through this storm. Added to these and such like
reflections, the remembrance of my dear friends in
England pressed upon my mind and excited a pleasure,
though a melancholy one."
The Nancy had fallen in with the tail of a West
Indian hurricane, and not till four in the afternoon did
she get into quiet water. " FewT can conceive of the
degree of happiness we all felt at having been so
mercifully delivered in such an extremity." The
storm-tossed mariners' dinner that afternoon was
reasonably substantial — " boiled mutton and soup,
fowl, pork, cold plum pudding, cheese and figs." But
though the water was calm enough for the party to
enjoy that good old English repast, the motion of the
vessel was still lively.
" After dinner, whilst I am writing this, our gentle-
men form so laughable a group, that I cannot help
minuting down their appearance. Mary and I are
tossing about in the window-seat writing as we can,
in the opposite corner are the four gentlemen playing
at whist. Their party commenced by lashing each
his chair as he could. Then down they sat, with a
board upon their knees to serve for a table ; about
every five minutes the four heads went clang together,
FROM PARIS TO NEW YORK 163
and swing they go, first towards one corner of the
room, and then the other. Just now I heard an out-
cry, turned to look and saw, instead of four heads,
three heads and two heels. They had all rolled upon
Mr. Astor, and thrown him over. They hoisted him
up again, shouting as the sailors do when pulling the
ropes, and again they fastened their chairs and set to.
This we saw three times over. Poor Mr. Astor got
three falls in a short time, but escaped unhurt."
Mr. Astor, it appears, was a bad sailor, nervous at
the least breath of wind, and anxious, at any expense,
to abbreviate the voyage.
On July 3Oth they had a shark adventure : —
" This evening the Captain caught a shark. One of
our steerage passengers had put a nice piece of fat
ham in a net, and tied it to a drag in the sea, in order
to soak out the salt a little. Near this the Captain
had suspended a hook for the purpose of catching
fish : towards evening the ham was gone, and about
an hour afterwards the shark was caught. The
Frenchman who had owned the ham immediately sug-
gested that it might be in the belly. If so, he hoped the
Captain would give it him. This diverted us all very
much. However the poor shark was dragged upon
deck and his tail cut off, after this his head, and then his
stomach opened, in which sure enough was the French-
man's ham. Amidst a burst of laughter Captain Butler
surrendered it to the owner."
According to Mary's account, " the Frenchman
put the ham in soak for dinner next day, but the smell
164 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
was very strong and disagreeable." The mate after-
wards regaled the party with a pleasing story of a
shark which he had captured with a button of the
Fifty-seventh Regiment in its belly.
On August 13, 1795, the anniversary of the
embarkation at Falmouth on the Mary, the Nancy
fell again upon rough weather. When the storm had
abated Martha Russell found leisure for reminiscences.
" What a year we have passed ! " she exclaimed. " It
appears more like a dream than a reality being a
twelvemonth going to America."
On August i Qth, a year and a day after their
capture, the travellers saw land and smelled it — the
delightful fragrance from the pine trees. Presently
they got the scent of hay from Long Island. After a
good many exasperating little delays and disappoint-
ments, the Captain told them on August 21 that he
could see the high land of Never Sink. By evening
they should make Sandy Hook !
"How this rejoiced our hearts ! We now were as
happy as a few hours ago we had been miserable, and
immediately set to putting our things together for
going on shore, intending to go up in the pilot boat
this evening, provided we reached the Hook early
enough to admit of it. We were thus happily employed
till dinner when, about four o'clock, having accom-
plished all our odd jobs, we went upon deck to view
the happy land we were approaching, and here was
a view never to be equalled or forgotten from the
feelings it inspired.
" Never did I see such beautiful land before : it had
FROM PARIS TO NEW YORK 165
a thousand charms not to be described : it was the
land to which my eyes had been directed for more
than a year ; it was the land of virtue, of peace, and of
plenty. In short it was America, though to believe
this I found no easy matter. It appeared as if I were
in a dream. Sure, I thought, it is impossible that I
really see America, the place of which I have heard
and thought so much, and to which I have looked
forward as the place of rest from all our troubles. I
felt giddy, I could hardly breathe on seeing the beauti-
ful rich country within a mile and a half of us : the
sandy beach appeared close to us, and beyond that
finely wooded hills and rich green fields offered as
highly cultivated, as rich, and a far more pleasing
view, than any part of England could boast."
At 6.30 P.M. the Nancy cast anchor in Sandy
Hook, but the pilot told the travellers that he could
not take them to New York till next morning, as his
boat was wet and his men tired.
For conveyance in the pilot's boat the sum of $30
was asked. At this demand William Russell kicked,
but, on Mr. Astor, eager at all costs to be safe on
land, offering to pay one-third, he gave way as to the
$20. The pilots, it was said, became quite rich men.
That was easy to believe.
Martha's epithets of joy, admiration, and enthu-
siasm seem to fail her when she tries to describe the
first voyage in American water — the verdure on the
shore, the beautiful trees ornamenting the tops, the
fields of Indian corn like vineyards, the comfortable
houses, the mouth of the Hudson River. It was
166 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
impossible to express the pleasure felt in feasting the
eyes on fair America.
"How beautiful did everything now appear in
our eyes ! Every tree, every green field, every house,
and in short every object wore a thousand charms
unknown before. ' Oh that our friends in England
did but know how happy we are now ! ' did we often
exclaim — and also how many thousands there were
in the world that would be glad to exchange situations
with us if they could. That we had been preserved
through all our trials and brought safe to our des-
tined port filled our hearts with gratitude to the great
Author of all our mercies, that Great Being who had
protected us."
CHAPTER XII
IN SEARCH OF A HOME
Hunting for rooms in New York — Start for Philadelphia— Road scenery
— Visit to Priestley in Northumberland — Sunday observance in
New Jersey — Golden rod and Michaelmas daisy — Impressive tavern-
keeper — Scene at Dobbs's Ferry —Entering Connecticut — M. Tal-
leyrand de Perigord — The epidemic — Evasive replies — Valley of
the Connecticut — Like place, like people — A vision of Middletown —
Springfield in 1795 — A self-possessed beggar-woman — Road ad-
ventures— Manners in New England — Priestley's remarks — Fever
almost universal — Approach to Boston.
BETWEEN the New York of 1795 and that of to-day
the difference cannot, perhaps, be more vividly marked
than by the fact that the Russells had considerable
difficulty in providing themselves with board and
lodging. Eventually they were taken in, almost as
a favour, at a coffee-house recommended by Mr.
Astor — who had incontinently rushed off to meet his
wife and children — and made themselves tolerably
comfortable. Indeed, they were not in a mood to be
critical. Never was such cold beef and pickles as
they ate upon landing, never bread so delicious. But
they were not given much time for enthusiasm over
New York, where, by the way, " the fever " was raging
with unusual virulence. William Russell was eager
to reach Philadelphia, then the capital city of the
United States. On the 26th the start was made in
their Parisian coach, drawn by four hired horses.
167
168 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Along the winding way the girls feasted their eyes
on the arbutus, oleander, and other flowering shrubs,
which at home they had cultivated only under 'glass.
They counted the sail gliding along the river. The
road, to be sure, was terrible. For miles it was made
on logs laid in the swamp and loosely covered with
stones and soil.
Newark was voted enchanting. It was a fine
evening, and the rural scene was illumined with the
sun's parting rays : —
" Children were playing under the trees, and the
neat houses at different distances from each other,
around the green, completed this charming picture of
rural felicity. What a different scene is here presented
to those we used to behold in Paris. Here they know
not, ' the busy hum of men/ nor the vain hurry of
the bustling great. Intrigue, licentiousness, and the
various vices abounding there are here unknown, and in
their place reside quiet, content, happiness, and virtue
(though in some cases, perhaps, of a negative kind)."
The young immigrants were naturally struck with
the distinctive feature of the American village : —
" The houses here are all what they call frame, that
is a frame of logs, one single brick wall within it, and
a casing of shingles or boards cut in small planks and
laid one just over the edge of the other on the outside.
These are painted, some white, others red, and others
again stone colour and yellow, with red and slate-
coloured roof. All of them have sash windows, and
IN SEARCH OF A HOME 169
they have a small garden and trees before them, and
neat white rails round them."
At Philadelphia the family stayed some time while
William Russell looked around him a little. Also
they visited Dr. Priestley at Northumberland, Penn-
sylvania. The next journey recorded by Martha
Russell commenced on October 3rd, with Boston as
destination. A stage-waggon had been engaged for
the party, and as " the springs were very short " the
diarist gently remarks that the "exercise was much
more than they had been accustomed to in their own
carriages." Her brother, less cheerfully, complained
of the intolerable jolting with four excellent horses
and on a good road — unusually good, the remark is.
They soon reached Bristol, but at a Frankfort tavern
were stopped for health certificates. On reaching
Princeton they found a capital inn and civil landlord,
but were told that he could not let them have horses
the next day (being Sunday). By the law of the State
of New Jersey he would be liable to a penalty of £$.
William Russell, however, wrote a note to Judge
Beattie, who very politely sent an open order to all
whom it might concern to suffer the party to proceed.
Passing Kingston and Brunswick, they had a delight-
ful drive to Woodbridge. Here they noted the fine
turf and beautiful shrubs, " so that it appeared like
riding through a gentleman's park " and, as usual, the
still unregenerate Englishwoman "caught herself
looking for the house."
" The prettiest shrubs of which we knew the names
170 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
in this ride were the arbutus, which was in blossom,
and the juniper, which last grows very luxuriantly :
and among the flowers fine golden-rod and Michaelmas
daisy, far superior to any I have ever seen in England
for the beauty of its colour. Stopped at Woodbridge
only to change our horses and carriage, and then pro-
ceeded on to Elizabeth Town, where we found all the
good people at church, and were astonished at the
number of carriages, chairs, and other sorts of vehicle
which stood waiting. At the door of one church I
counted between seventy and eighty. This we had
observed at two other country chapels as we came
along, one in the morning and the other this after-
noon. At one small chapel stood forty-five and at
another thirty."
From Elizabeth Town they went to Newark, where
they were cordially greeted as old friends by Mr.
Gifford, the landlord. On their asking him to get
them a carriage so that they could join the high road
between New York and Boston, he introduced a
" genteel-looking man in black," a General Cousins, as
the person who would let them the carriage. "So it
is commonly here," remarks Martha ; " men of property
are the tavern-keepers and have the hiring of carriages."
"The title of Major, General, Colonel, &c., is very
frequently met with indeed in the country places, as
there they are fonder of retaining them than in the
towns. Whilst we were at Northumberland an excur-
sion was one day proposed to a Major Beatts' in the
neighbourhood. As we went thither I inquired if
IN SEARCH OF A HOME 171
we did not take a great liberty in going such a large
party without sending him word. I had no idea that
a Major would keep a tavern — which was in fact the
case."
From Newark the road lay over Dobbs' Ferry —
passengers and horses having to cross first, the carriage
afterwards. The tavern on the other side was also a
general store, and the only window a wooden shutter.
Under the shed running along the front of the house
sat a number of decent young women. They had
started down the river with their goods for the New
York market, and, as the wind had left them, were
waiting for its return.
On October 6th the Russells arrived at Stamford
— the country astonishingly stony. Next day they got
to Norwalk, a pretty town with several neat frame
houses.
" These houses outwardly are the prettiest pictures
of content and cleanliness. Here as well as Newark,
Hackensack, and indeed in most of the country towns
they stand at regular distances from each other. In
front of them is a fine green turf ; between each is a
garden railed round, with sometimes the addition of
plot of land."
In this part of the country the travellers saw
nothing inviting except " the fine variety of tints
which the hand of autumn exhibits." At Fairfield
(Connecticut), they met M. Talleyrand de P^rigord.
The former Bishop of Autun, the future member of
172 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
the Directoire and Foreign Minister of Napoleon and
Louis XVIII., was then in the United States. He
had fled to London to escape the Jacobins, and then
went on to America to avoid the suspicious English
Ministers. In America he engaged in rather obscure
land speculations. The Russells would know of him
through Mme. de Stael, the friend who finally obtained
leave for him to return to France, and whom he treated
with cool ingratitude. Though unwieldy and de-
formed, he had a distinguished manner and garcious
speech.
" After dinner we left Fairfield and went to Strat-
ford, a charming road through a pleasanter country,
and not near so stony as that we had last come through.
Passed a pretty town called Herefield, a seaport,
where is a very long wooden bridge, nearly 200 yards
in length. Ever since we have been in Connecticut
we have observed the country has been much more
enclosed and bears marks of having been longer in-
habited. The orchards, of which there are many,
appear to have an old turf like those we have been
used to see in Gloucestershire, and the trees are quite
old. The fences here are chiefly stone walls. We
observed at every place we came to that they said
they were healthy there, but that the country round
was extremely unhealthy. No one seems willing to
own that his own spot is sickly, but at Fairfield and
at Stratford they have had the dysentery, and some
children have died of it."
Newhaven was reached on the 8th. The town
IN SEARCH OF A HOME 173
made a conspicuous figure in the landscape, and had
" several brick buildings."
" Having heard reports, and seen many accounts in
the papers of this place being unhealthy, we, not only
to satisfy our curiosity, but also to see if they would
not find some ingenious way or other to throw the
sickness a little distance from them, inquired into the
matter. So in fact it proved, for on asking the boy
who waited on us if the dysentery did not prevail in
the town, he replied ' Yes, but only three have died
this morning ' (it was now nearly eleven o'clock), and
' we are very healthy in this house.' They call the
disorder prevalent here the camp disorder, or dysen-
tery. It is principally confined to children, young
persons, and old women. There are very few instances
of its being fatal to men ; they had this same disorder
much worse last year than this."
9
On the way to Durham the travellers were "much
incommoded by the abominable stench of the swamps
and gutters, which, no doubt, was increased by the
rain, but which as certainly is the cause of the people's
unhealthiness." However, the stony ground was now
passed, the hills were left behind, and the roads good.
" Supposing that we could not, from the time we
had set off, be far from Durham, we stopped to in-
quire of a man how far it was ; he told us we were in
the town, but that the tavern was two miles off. We
looked round to see for the houses. Only one was to
be seen, and we rode on for another quarter of a mile
174 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
before we saw any other houses in these streets than
those inhabited by the birds and squirrels. So it was
very well that we inquired, for had not this good man
informed us, we should never have discovered that we
were riding through a town. At length we came to a
meeting-house, and half a mile farther off we found a
comfortable tavern."
Durham town, the landlord said, was five miles
square, but all the people lived close together.
In spite of delay at Durham over the shoeing of a
horse — almost as long an operation there as in France
— the immigrants were delighted with this part of New
England. They well might be. A fairer land than
the Valley of Connecticut on a fine October day — then
or now — it would be difficult to imagine. But let
Martha Russell speak, not her editor : —
" Indeed I do not recollect a day's ride, either here,
in England, or France which has given me so much
satisfaction and pleasure. A fine undulating country,
richly and extensively cultivated, although finely
wooded and watered by the clear, beautiful river Con-
necticut, and populated beyond any spot I have ever
seen of like extent. Here are no signs of poverty
either in the country or the inhabitants. The houses
all show a degree of taste, elegance, and neatness not
to be found in Pennsylvania ; the breed of cattle also
indicates a degree of spirit and ambition among them.
In short, here you feel to be not only in the world but
in a most delightful part of it. Every comfort seems
here to be within the easy reach of all : to which is
IN SEARCH OF A HOME 175
added simple elegance, devoid of ostentation and
parade. Were I to sit down and in idea paint a country
as I could wish to find it, no visionary fancies could
approach nearer to my wishes than this day's reality.
"The beauty of the houses it is not possible to
describe. They are all framed, painted different
colours, some white, others different shades of yellow
stone colour, and a few light green ; most of them are
double houses, and apparently very roomy ; some of
them have wings adjoining the body of the house,
others attached to piazzas, and others without them.
Many of them have square roofs, and flatter than those
we have been accustomed to see in Pennsylvania,
which gives them a much more light and tasty appear-
ance, and most of them have a small garden before
the door with neat white rails running round it. In
short, the extreme neatness, comfort, simplicity and
elegance of these sweet dwellings quite enchant me.
Sure, the inhabitants of them must be happy ! It
seems almost impossible that discord or any evil
passions should dwell in such Arcadian-looking places.
Although the judgment of the Almighty may visit
them, I cannot help expecting that the constructors of
these temples to neatness must possess minds cast in
a finer mould than the inhabitants of the other States
we have seen ; but I ought to recollect that this
country is more than as old again as some of them,
and has therefore had so much the longer time for
improvement."
On that principle, however, the Russells would
have been wrong in going to the New World and
176 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
leaving the Old, which had enjoyed so much more time
to make itself perfect. The truth is, and Martha's
diary makes it evident, that the girls fell in love at
first sight with the region through which they were
passing, and had practically decided that, if they
could, they would make their home there and nowhere
else.
" Six miles from Durham we came to Middletown,
without exception the prettiest place I have seen in
America. It is situated on a rising ground, about
half a quarter of a mile from the river, beyond the
river, whose waters admit vessels of 200 and 300 tons
up it. It is a most enchanting country, exhibiting the
riches of nature brightened and improved by the hand
of cultivation, and ornamented by numerous villages,
with detached orchards and farms, &c., without number.
The streets are all covered with the finest green turf
imaginable, excessively wide, and the houses all good,
and mostly detached from each other by neat gardens.
Trees stand here and there in the streets, and children,
pigs, and poultry each in their way under their shade.
" I very very much lamented that it did not accord
with my father's arrangements for the day to stop here,
especially as we heard at Durham that several English
were settled here, some of them lately come. Perhaps
if we could have stopped we might have found some
one we knew, and from them have learned if the
inhabitants are in any degree as superior to the rest
of the Americans as their houses are."
Other " small but sweet places " were passed, but
2 I
R
* £
IN SEARCH OF A HOME 177
none quite so charming as Middletown. At Hartford,
a pretty considerable place with four thousand inhabi-
tants, they fell in with a man who had a carriage and
horses, which he would let them take to Boston for
$60 — an offer that William Russell thought too good
to refuse.
At West Springfield, not without difficulty, the
Connecticut river was ferried by lantern light. At
Sykes's tavern the travellers found that they could not
be entertained, owing to the camp disorder having
broken out in the house. The next inn, two miles
away, promised well in the distance, but, " within all
was filth and nastiness." Here also there was camp
disorder, but the people offered to provide breakfast.
The party would not stay for meat (" which it is here
the universal custom to eat at breakfast"), but con-
tented themselves with a dish of tea (" terrible stuff
it was, as black as your hat ") and rye bread, which
they had often inquired for. On this occasion, how-
ever, they did not find it preferable to white — being
" mighty weighty."
It was here that the Russells met with the second
beggar whom they had seen in America — a neat,
cleanly dressed woman, who said she was waiting
for a chance to get to Bushfield, where she had
plenty of friends. She was, she said, crippled with
rheumatism and for half the year unable to work.
Coming into the room where Martha and William
Russell were sitting —
" She preferred her complaint to my father.
As there was an empty chair by him where my
M
178 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
brother had been sitting, she quietly sat herself down,
giving us an instance thereby of the plebeian manners
of which we had heard so much whilst in England,
but as yet had seen but little — none that to my
feelings was in the least offensive. Presently she
began to admire Mary's shawl, feeling it and at the
same time exclaiming, 'Well, this is the most curi-
ousest shawl I ever saw.' After breakfast, seeing
my father use his glass to look at something across
the road, she jumped up in a violent hurry, ex-
claiming, 'Well, I've seen a great variety of glasses,
but that is the most curiousest I ever saw.' "
The country on the way from Springfield, though
pretty, did not excite Martha Russell's admiration
as the Valley of the Connecticut had done, though
she was struck with the fine larches covered with
long white moss. Brookfield, a pretty town though
not containing many houses, had a church. Thence
to Leicester they found the road very rough, and
on coming within five miles of Worcester were told
that they could not get on.
" The rain had swollen a small river so much,
a little farther on, and had carried away a bridge.
A waggon that had just attempted to cross had been
carried away and much damaged. Soon after a boy
came up who told us we might go through. Accord-
ingly we drove on to see how the matter really was ;
but a stage overtaking us just as we got to the place,
we suffered them to pass us, thinking to let them
make the attempt first. My father, getting out to
IN SEARCH OF A HOME 179
examine, thought it most prudent to turn back and
go to a tavern we had observed about i|- miles off,
as it was now grown very dark, and would be quite
dark long before we could get to Worcester. This,
added to the danger of crossing the water, determined
him, for they said the horses must swim and the
water would come into the carriage. We accordingly
turned back and soon reached the tavern, which,
though not very inviting on the outside, proved clean
and comfortable within, and was kept by very civil
people — ' The Black House.'
" Observed as we rode along this afternoon, also
yesterday and the day before, several grave-yards,
as they call them here, uninclosed by the side of the
road, and oftentimes on each side of it — the road
as it were running through the middle of it. These
O C5
grave-yards, sometimes enclosed and at other times
not, you often see a long distance from the chapel
or meeting-house."
But if the roads in Massachusetts 115 years ago
left something to be desired, autumn tints on the
leaves were irresistible.
" The fine colouring upon the woods seems to
get finer every day ; its variety and richness is incon-
ceivable ; many trees we see all of the finest orange
possible, others as fine a red, and others green in
the inner part, and the outer branches as a kind
of border of red or yellow. It is chiefly the gum
and maple that turn the finest red, and the orange
is principally pleasing. The variety of colours in
i8o RUSSELL MEMOIRS
a clump of wood, and also the beauty of the trees
standing singly, is not to be described or imagined.
The fields of buck wheat now just reaped made
a pretty variety in the view. The stubble is the
most beautiful red that can be, and the orchards also,
with their trees laden so that literally in many places
the fruit is as thick as reaves of onions tied close
together ; and their apples, piled in heaps here and
there on the turf, are no unpleasing objects among
the great variety that attract our notice."
In Massachusetts at that time it was noted that
you scarcely ever passed a person without receiving
a bow or a curtsy. Nothing of the sort was offered
in Pennsylvania, though in other respects the people
had been equally civil.
Priestley, in a letter from Pennsylvania, remarks
that his State compared unfavourably in this respect
with Connecticut. " I believe the lower class of
people with you," he wrote to Russell at Middle town,
"are more decent than with us and something better
than in England. But I think there is not as generally
a principle of honour and honesty in any class of men
as in England, and their religion is chiefly form and
bigotry, which does not tend to improve the heart."
Here also, the travellers found, sickness was dis-
tressingly prevalent — a putrid fever and " canker rash "
—the latter attacking adults as well as children and
frequently carrying them off in forty-eight hours. In
almost every district which the Russells had visited
they had come upon some formidable malady. Read-
ing and Northumberland had been fairly healthy, but
>J
B I
CJ 03
J-1 5
8 §
a g
IN SEARCH OF A HOME 181
along the Genesee there was a bad fever very general
and very fatal. All the way to Philadelphia fever and
ague were very prevalent. At Philadelphia there was
the fall fever, and in New York dreadful ravages were
made by yellow fever. In all small places, Martha
Russell declares, it was discovered on inquiry that
sickness was about, though an attempt was made to
conceal it. But the disorders in Massachusetts, she
thought, were of a more dangerous kind, as well as
more peculiar and dangerous than in Pennsylvania.
" i2th [October]. — Rose soon after five, not having
had a very comfortable night's rest from a little fear
we had of getting some disorder from a sick woman,
who we found out just before we got to bed was in a
room adjoining that in which Mary and I slept. A
door opened out of it into ours which would not shut
close. On seeing a fire through it in the next chamber
we made inquiry, and were told by the landlady that
one of her daughters had had a tooth drawn that day,
and was very ill after it. Her countenance said much
more than her tongue, and we found on a little further
inquiry she had been well blistered, and had pains all
over her as well as in her teeth. However, thinking
it best not to be too minute in our questions, since
there was now no remedy, as our room went through
my father's and brother's and they were now in bed,
we shut the door, and stopped the crevices as well as
we could with our petticoats and, keeping the window
a little open, went to bed, though not perfectly at ease."
Next morning an early start was made, as water
i82 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
had to be crossed. Men had been at work during the
night, and the flood was reduced, but the bridge had
been partly moved from its foundations, so the driver
was sent across upon one of the horses to test the
depth of the stream. But soon after the passage had
been made the tyre came off one of the wheels. This
meant a long visit to the blacksmith's, and hardly had
the party started again when, on going down an ugly
bit of road, the pole broke. After breakfast at
Jenison's tavern, they passed through Henborough
and Marlborough, though, if they had not been ap-
prised beforehand, they would hardly have known
these places to be towns. The roads, they remarked,
were still bad, though at Jenison's tavern they were
within forty-two miles of Boston. But every three or
four miles they found a good inn. They hired their
last horses at Munro's, where they enjoyed an excel-
lent beef-steak, and were charmed with his daughter,
a very pretty girl of pleasing behaviour — with very
light hair and complexion and fine blue eyes. The
prevailing type in the neighbourhood, they were told,
was fair complexions, with dark hair. From Captain
Hogg's tavern they passed through Waterton, a neat
pretty place, and on to Great Cambridge, where they
were delighted with the sight of a number of pretty
seats. Except that the buildings were of wood, the
scene recalled the villages about London.
CHAPTER XIII
THE JOURNEY CONTINUED
First view of Boston — The clergy and churches — Chief industries — The
beauty of the women — A dinner-table story — Prices of provisions —
Journey to Rhode Island — Untidy farming — A venerable joke — The
Malbon Estate — Advantages of the island — Society at Newport — A
chance lost — Return to Middletown — The corn-fed girls of Con-
necticut— Admiration for Yankees — New England vocabulary — A
winter in Philadelphia — Public spirit in New York.
MARTHA Russell was impressed, as she could not help
being, by the fine approach to Boston. It may be
worth noting how it looked in 1795. "The city,"
she writes, ''appears almost to stand in the water —
at least to be surrounded by it — and the shipping,
with the houses, trees, and churches, have a charming
effect. We passed over a long causeway and bridge
— the latter wood, but excessively neat, with lamps
on each side. This bridge and causeway together,
they say, is a mile and a half long."
In 1795 the population of Boston was 18,000: in
1900 it was 560,892, and since that time has very
largely increased.
Unfortunately for the readers of Martha Russell's
diary she did not stay very long in the capital of Mas-
sachusetts, already the centre of a vigorous political
and intellectual life. Truth to tell, it was, like most
American cities at that time, a little clergy-ridden,
183
184 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
though the divines there, so Martha Russell says,
were the most liberal and enlightened of any on the
Continent.
" The number of churches I do not know : the one
we attended (called the Stone Chapel), where a Mr.
Freeman officiates, is a handsome, neat building, and
has a very numerous and genteel congregation. This
is a Unitarian Church where they use the reformed
liturgy of the Church of England. They have a
custom here and I believe in most towns upon the
Continent I like much, which is that all sects meet
to worship at the same time and the same bells call
them. The first rings about an hour before service
both parts of the day, and at the second many
church-goers turn out, so that the streets are filled
with people going to worship, some going one way
and some another, but to see all so quietly and
cheerfully thus going to worship at the same time
each in his own way inspires one with pleasurable and
animating reflections."
The Russells duly inspected the chief industries
of Boston (shipping, candles, cord, paper-hanging
&c.) : visited a beautiful theatre (where the perform-
ance was better than the scenery), the Assembly-
room, and "a most noble State-house, in as fine a
situation as can be imagined, on the side of Beacon
Hill, and commanding a superb view. From the top
of this hill is such a prospect as I never before
beheld."
But the chief ornament of Boston — here Martha
THE JOURNEY CONTINUED
Russell does but anticipate the verdict of subsequent
visitors — lies in the beauty of its women ; while its
greatest boast is the hospitality and kind, friendly
manners of its inhabitants. Streets, however, were
so ill paved in 1795 that the fact was pleaded as " an
apology for the ladies walking so little and walking
so badly." "The water," we read, "was so brackish
that when a Bostonian travelled he was obliged to
add salt to the wa,ter in order to make it taste."
Already, it seems, the American cities had begun to
drive a factory in jokes at one another's expense —
especially New York and Boston.
Whatever may have been the quality of the water,
the longevity of the inhabitants was a subject of
general remark. A Dr. Parker in twelve months
had buried eleven people, whose united ages made
loooyears. As a good housekeeper, Martha Russell
noted the prices of provisions at Boston : —
Beef, 6d.~9d.
Pork, 8d.
Mutton, 7d.-gd.
Butter, is. 4d.
Eggs, doz. is. 8d.
Eels, 6d. per Ib.
Sucking pig, gd.
Flour, Si 6 barrel.
Ducks, $i couple.
Fowls, 2S. to 45. 6d.
Turkeys, gd.-i id. Ib.
Cheese, 6d.-8d.
Wood, per load, 333.
Partridges, couple,
3s.-6s.
Fish, 4d. per Ib.
Cider, 133. barrel.
Pigeons, 73. 6d. doz.
Geese, each 33. to
43. 8d.
Hams, cured, is. 2d.
Ib.
Milk (goat's), 4d. pt.
Potatoes, 33.
Apples, 43.
Carrots, 43.
Onions, 43.
Cranberries, 35. 6d.
Soap, is. 6d. per
Ib.
Candles, is. to is. 4d.
Ib.
For our lodgings and boarding $7 per week each, exclusive of fire
and wine.
Men-servants' wages were from $12 to $14 a month: women's
from $3 to $7, and washing, if "done out," was $i a dozen.
i86
RUSSELL MEMOIRS
At New York in December :-
Beef, from lod. to 23.
Butter, as. to 25. 6d.
EggS, 2S. 2d. tO 2S.
6d. per dozen.
Flour, $14 barrel.
Wood, Si 8 load.
Potatoes, 45.
Apples, $5
Wages as in Boston, but no charwoman to be had under $i
per day.
A friend of ours paid a man for sawing wood half a day $2.
Washing, $i per day.
Oysters IDS. to 123.
per hundred.
Geese, 55. each.
At Middletown in November: —
Beef, 3|d. to 4d.
Chickens, is. 6d.
couple.
Turkeys and geese,
5d. per Ib.
Butter, lod. to is.
Eggs, 5d. to gd. per
dozen.
Potatoes, is. 6d.
Apples, is. 6d. to 23.
Flour, $13 barrel.
Wood, $4 to $6 load.
Women's wages, $2
to $2^ per month.
Washing, 35. per
dozen.
These household notes were not made without a
purpose. Already it was in the mind of Martha and
Mary to make out a case for settling at Middletown.
The family with their servants from England
(whom they had picked up at Boston) started on
November 6th. About Stoughton they pronounced
the country the most dreary they had ever seen —
nothing but stones, stumps, dead leaves, and stunted
trees. They were astonished that the farmers could
make it answer. After passing Norton and Taunton
they came to a romantic scene, where " the Fall River
tumbles most sublimely down a rock of fifty or sixty
feet, with different beds and interruptions of trees and
projecting pieces of rock, and runs at length into
Providence River." The rest of the way to Tiverton
is dismissed as " vile country." Presently the travellers
found rest in a tavern opposite the still unfinished
THE JOURNEY CONTINUED 187
bridge to Rhode Island. It was there, in spite of
Middletown's attractions, that William Russell hoped
to make his residence.
" After peeping over the bridge, where we paid a
toll of fourpence, we came upon a neck or projection
of land, which formed one end of the island, and the
appearance of this strip of land pleased us much, as it
was clothed in a fine rich turf, and wore a different
face to the stony land we had left on the other side of
the water. Soon we mounted upon the island itself,
and found a most charming road, on each side of
which, at different distances, were comfortable-looking
farm-houses, the grounds about which, such as the
yards and gardens, appeared neat, and much more like
English than the generality on the Continent. For an
apathy and indifference to everything which does not
immediately relate to the comfort of the inhabitants
are but too evident in most places we have yet seen,
and this is particularly obvious as relates to gardens
and farm-yards on the land round the house. In the
former as many weeds are permitted to thrive as
Nature pleases so as the vegetables they sow have
a space left them. As to their farm-yards, so little
trouble do they give themselves that in Pennsylvania
we actually saw a stable door one-third filled up by
dung that lay on the outside. Mr. Wallis, who was
with us, remarked that he had no doubt that the stable
would soon be moved from the dung, as it could be
effected with more ease than moving the manure."
Mr. Wallis, it is to be feared, was an unprincipled
i88 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
wag. This is one of the Old English jokes believed to
have gone out to America in the Mayflower. Eleven
miles' drive brought our home-hunters to Newport,
where they were taken by a Mr. Channing to the
Malbon Estate — 700 acres of meadow and upland,
with the ruins of a capital stone house (destroyed by
fire) and extensive gardens. The view was delightful,
commanding Newport and the ocean, Providence
River, Massachusetts, and Cannonicut Island.
" We admired this spot so much as to think we
should here find everything necessary for our happi-
ness, especially as in the course of our ride this
morning we saw that there was plenty of room for
any of our friends who might have an inclination to
settle near us. Several farms around were upon sale,
and so great is the spirit of emigration up into the
back country, that it is thought nearly all the island
might be had. However, we did not find the island
itself so beautiful as we expected, though certainly the
season now is bad for judging of it, yet the weather
proved delightful. The land is by no means what it was
described to us, neither as to the state of its cultivation
nor its quality ; and the scarcity of trees, they having
been all burned down in the time of war, with the
universal stone wall fences, gives the whole a very
cold and barren appearance.
"The advantages which might here be derived from
uniting agriculture and commerce are by no means
inconsiderable, as Newport is one of the finest and
safest harbours on the Continent, and you might have
THE JOURNEY CONTINUED 189
a wharf on your own farm. The water communication
with New York and Philadelphia offers also a very
advantageous method of disposing of your produce,
and this easy communication would also be productive
of many conveniences, as the packet boats are con-
stantly going to New York and the stages to Boston.
The society in Newport is at present small, though in
an increasing state. As a proof of which the houses
in the town sell for just double what they did last year,
an advance seldom to be equalled, and the place, from
its great salubrity, is much resorted to in summer by
people of property from all parts, particularly the south,
so that in this season we should find as much society
as we could wish. This evening we drank tea at a
Mr. Gibb's, where we found a large party of ladies,
dressed up most amazingly, but all of whom we found
sensible and chatty."
For the Malbon Estate William Russell offered
$40 an acre, expecting it would be accepted, but the
vendors would not take less that $45. "This we all
thought too much," so on Nov. loth, "having seen all
worthy of notice on the island," they went away.
They had to spend two hours, owing to the badness
of the boat, in crossing Bristol Ferry. The night
they spent at Providence, between which place and
Newport there was a keen rivalry. " The moon's
bright beams discovered to us that its situation was
pleasant and its apparent convenience beyond that of
Newport."
At this time the population of Newport was about
8000 persons. What the profit on a purchase of
190 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
the 700 acres in the Malbon Estate at $40 an acre
would have reached by this time is a sum that would
stagger the statistician. Of all William Russell's bad
investments the most unlucky was the one he did not
make in Rhode Island. On the i4th the "Fishes'
Tavern " was reached and the country of stones re-
entered.
"It seems really astonishing how any one could be
induced to settle in such a country as that around the
Tavern ; and yet the inhabitants appeared to think it
very pleasant, and not to have a wish ungratified.
The house was newly built and clean, and they appar-
ently had everything quite comfortable about them,
though not many neighbours. Could a Deucalion
spring up in this region, and turn the stones into men,
it would become populous indeed — beyond most of
the European States."
From Norwich on the I5th, through Lebanon,
to East Hartford, and on the i6th, from Hartford
(where the travellers had a visit from a Captain
Wordsworth and a Mr. Bull), they made their way
back to the fascinating Middletown — which had not
lost the high estimation they first set upon it.
" My sister and self by means of a letter we had
to a Mrs. Allsop, as well as through Mrs. Philips,
became acquainted with all the Middletown ladies,
and a more sociable, pleasant set of acquaintance I
never wish to meet with. There is a simplicity in the
manners here I have never seen equalled anywhere.
THE JOURNEY CONTINUED 191
Here are several French people from the Cape,
who have been well brought up and who have lived
in great affluence, but have unhappily lost their all,
and suffered much. They make a pleasant variety,
and had it not been for these gentlemen we should
have had no beaux at all. As to the situation of this
place and the beauty of the country round I cannot
say enough, and shall not therefore enlarge, but only
just mention that it resembles some of the prettiest
parts of Devonshire more than any other place I
have seen.
" There are about eight thousand inhabitants in
the township of Middletown, and in the town are
two meetings and a church, but no market-house.
The streets are wide and adorned with trees, the
houses in general are in a pretty style, neat and
elegant without, and within neat and clean. The
ladies here are very pretty in my opinion, much more
so than in Rhode Island, and their sociability charms
us. We passed a month here in all. Part of the
time my father and brother were with us ; and all
the time we were so full of enjoyment that not one
day did we spend alone, and I believe had we stayed
two months longer it would have been the same. In
short we all admire the Yankees much, and thought
o
ourselves half become Yankees already. That we
shall in time be so altogether by residing among
them does not appear very improbable.
" The corn-fed girls of Connecticut, it seems, are
noted for health and beauty, and I admire them
much, and also relish their fare, such as wheat and
192 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Indian and rye bread, Indian pudding, mush,
pumpkin pudding and pie squash, buckwheat cake,
waffles, &c. . . .
" Some of their phrases much diverted us, and the
strange way in which they use some words, as for
instance, fetch for bring (' Did you fetch that from
Boston with you ? '), a likely man or a likely woman,
for a good-looking person, spry for nimble, wont for
-will ('Won't you come to dinner?') Horses they
call creatures, but this is general over the Continent.
My son or my daughter instead of the names, and
I guess for I suppose ; elegant does for everything
(elegant house, elegant prospect, elegant horse, &c.).
Throughout the Continent they use clever as meaning
good, and on inquiring your way they universally
direct you to the point of the compass the place lies
in (keep to the eastward or westward). They also
call their chambers the north and south chamber.
To those other phrases might be added ; suffice these
for a memorandum.
" My father and brother were highly pleased with
their ride up the river ; the land they found good
and cheap, the country beautiful, and the roads
charming, and every ten or twelve miles was a neat,
pretty town all the way they went (beyond Brattle-
borough), but I do not think any place can equal
Middletown for advantages. At least none have
fewer objections. Northumberland has its agues,
Boston its easterly winds, and Rhode Island its
fogs ; here is a situation unrivalled in its healthiness
as in its beauty ; possessing equal advantages for
commerce and agriculture, and through which the
THE JOURNEY CONTINUED 193
mail and other stages from Philadelphia and New
York to Boston are daily passing."
In spite of Middletown's charms and advantages
it was wisely decided to spend the winter in Phila-
delphia, and the servants were sent ahead to make
ready the house that William Russell had taken for
a short period. On December i2th the family drove
to Newhaven, Stratford, Fairfield, Horsenach, and
slept at New York on the i4th. The city was
pronounced "very healthy," as 750 persons (chiefly
poor and low Irish) had died off, and presumably the
survivors were regarded as immune ! These had
almost been confined to one quarter of the town
where the docks were filthy. Martha Russell in-
quired of the landlady whether the Corporation or
some private inhabitants would not some day take
measures to drain the unwholesome district. " It
was to be feared," she was told, " that there was
nobody in New York with sufficient public spirit."
N
CHAPTER XIV
THE EARLY SETTLER
Untidiness of American towns — Disregard for beauty in estate manage-
ment— The early settler — His successor — The Priestleys at Northum-
berland— An unflattering picture — Early history of New Haven —
Influence of prosperity on national character — Luxury in Boston —
Social dissipations in Philadelphia — General Washington's friend-
ship— Extravagance of upstarts — Commercial dishonesty in America
— Priestley as a guest — Infirmities of great men — Study of the
Prophecies — Curious interpretations — Piety in Philadelphia — A
country house in Maryland — The easy life — A runaway marriage —
American depravity — Republican manners — A friendly disputation
— Society in Middletown — Innocent familiarities — A young gentle-
man's misgivings — Unbending — An unedifying minister — Views on
a domestic institution.
WHILE Martha Russell, delighted in the sense of
novelty and adventure, and giving way gracefully to
her girlish enthusiasm, was recording her impressions
of American life and scenery, her brother Thomas, as
became a very young man, maintained a critical,
detached, almost pessimistic attitude. He will concede
praise when it is deserved, not otherwise, nor will he
shrink from speaking his mind when he finds that they
order things better in England. In New York, for
instance, Thomas Russell saw but one good street —
Broadway — though that was " noble." Philadelphia,
however, struck him as a city of considerable beauty,
with the streets regularly disposed and crossing each
other at right angles.
194
THOMAS POUGHER RUSSELL
From a water-colour
THE EARLY SETTLER 195
" A large market-place standing in the middle of the
street extends from front to Fourth Street, and greatly
diminishes the beauty of the street, but you are still
more hurt by the constant sight of waggons, some-
times to the number of twenty, standing in the street
with the horses tied to the shafts, where they remain
night and day as long as the waggons stay in town.
For they belong entirely to persons who come out of
the country to bring their produce to market, and not
choosing to be at the expense of stabling, bring food
for their horses with them and fix a trough behind the
waggon which they put upon the shafts for them to
feed out of : thus is this noble street rendered offensive
from filth and the horses exposed to all the incle-
mencies of the weather, for want of a good police."
The young Englishman is offended by the general
disregard for beauty and art. Everything is sacrificed
to order in the management of profit.
" There are a great number of gentlemen's seats
(if they deserve the name) on the Skulkhill, Delaware,
and other parts, where families retire during the hot
summer months and raise fruit and vegetables sufficient
for the supply of their own table and perhaps hay and
corn for their horses, but they have no idea of taste in
the disposition of their grounds, of beauty in a flower
garden, or the management of a hot-house ; indeed the
same observation will apply to the Arts in general,
owing chiefly to the absence of that class of men who,
inheriting large fortunes, have leisure to attend to
these delightful pursuits. But this will not entirely
196 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
excuse them, as many, though they may not have
inherited an independent fortune, have acquired one,
and that in a short space of time ; but when a man has
once devoted himself to the gaining of money, it is
difficult to change the object.
"As far as Harrisburg the land on each side the
road was generally cultivated ; houses were frequent
and towns at no great distance from each other, but
having passed that place we often travelled many
miles through thick woods without seeing the least
signs of cultivation except at the regular taverns and
those miserable holes with a few acres of clear ground,
an apple or peach orchard, around them. The
inhabitants were chiefly Germans ; indeed in several
towns we passed through we could scarce find a
person that could speak English."
After a brief account of the various methods
employed at the time for clearing the ground of useless
timber, we come to an interesting sketch of the stages
in an agricultural settlement.
" New settlers are commonly of the poorest order,
and their object, of course, is to make their land produce
them the necessaries of life as soon as they possibly can.
These people, when they first go upon a tract of land,
build themselves a bark hut, where they live till they
have cut down an acre or two of ground. They then
chop the logs into proper lengths, notch them so as to
fit into each other, and when all is ready they make a
frolic of it. That is, if they should happen to have
any neighbours, they are collected together upon the
THE EARLY SETTLER 197
appointed day, and all assist in raising the logs. This
is generally completed before evening, when they are
regaled with whisky and such provisions as the
situation may afford. The interstices of the logs are
filled up with clay, and a rough framed roof is after-
wards put on the top of the logs and covered with
shingles. This house serves them for a few years, by
which time, as one settler generally attracts others,
they probably get a saw-mill erected in the neighbour-
hood, if there was none before, and begin to build a
frame house by the side of the log house, which serves
afterwards as a stable or barn. This being done,
they begin to enjoy the fruits of their labour, and
please themselves with the thoughts of having advanced
the value of the property at the same time that they
have been procuring the necessities of life."
As a rule, however, the first settlers do not stay.
They sell- the property to men of a different type —
retreating themselves into the backwoods, there to
repeat the process. The improvement of the land is
carried on by the second settlers, who frequently are
skilled mechanics. They are followed presently by
the tavern-keeper, next come the physician, the
lawyer, and the priest, who, our young philosopher
adds, " disturb the peace of society with their
quackeries, litigations, and superstitious doctrines."
Of Dr. Priestley and his family, who had been
settled for some time in Northumberland, we are
given a not altogether engaging picture : —
" Dr. Priestley and his family have selected
198 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Northumberland for their residence. He has bought
a frame house, and it is fitted up with all that neatness
for which his wife is well known, but still it is a mere
hut in comparison with the one they lived in formerly.
His eldest son, Joseph, lives with his wife in a large
brick house. William and Henry, his other sons,
cultivate a farm three miles from town. The Doctor
is enveloped in his studies, partly philosophical and
partly theological. Joseph is both a farmer and a
speculator ; he has sturdiness enough for the former,
and is, I believe, a pretty good adept in the latter.
He is concerned in several large tracts of land in
the back country, and has bought several small
places about the town, and, I imagine, thought
the value of his property would be much increased
if his father should settle there, by which others
would be attracted, and a considerable settlement
formed.
" He might probably think it as good a place for
his father to reside in as any that could be found out
of the great cities. But an impartial person would
be far from making the same conclusion. There is
not a family except his own, and perhaps Mr. Cooper,
with whom Dr. Priestley can enjoy that kind of society
to which he has always been accustomed. From its
remote situation there is very little communication
with Philadelphia. The post only comes in once a
week, and the intercourse by water is so uncertain
that anything more bulky than a letter is sometimes
longer coming from Philadelphia to Northumberland
than it would have been coming from England to
Philadelphia."
JOSEPH PRIESTLEY
From a fastelly MRS. SHAKPLES
THE EARLY SETTLER 199
The climate is unhealthy, and has told severely
on some of the family, especially on Henry Priestley.
Thomas Russell's pessimism in this case was justified,
for Henry died while quite a youth. He and William
were farming together on a place they had purchased,
" with a bad situation, and on a bad soil." But the
unsteadiness of William's disposition would " soon
make him discontented." Henry had more persever-
ance and inclination for the employment, but weak
health. A Mr. Cooper of Manchester was also apply-
ing himself to agriculture on " as barren, rude a farm
as he could have selected." If they had been banished
by law to this spot, Thomas thinks, they would have
been right to make the best of the situation. But to
retire into voluntary exile, appeared to him extra-
ordinary and unaccountable.
With all his youthful foibles, Thomas was evi-
dently a man of judgment and character. Probably
it was the son's strong view against Northumberland
that determined the father against his original idea
of joining forces with Priestley, and making a sort
of colony. Already William Russell's agent, Mr.
Watson, had bought some farms for him in the neigh-
bourhood, and hopes were entertained that the pro-
perty would largely improve in value. But that was
a different matter from living on the place, even with
the advantage of Dr. Priestley's society. Quid non
potest auri sacra fames ? asks the young philosopher.
But it should not blind them, he trusted, so that for
the acquisition of a little more wealth they would
sacrifice the main blessings of life. His business
judgment was not less sound than his moral principle,
200 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
for in point of fact the Northumberland settlement,
partly through young Joseph Priestley's errors of
judgment, did not turn out prosperously.
It is unnecessary to quote the brother's notes on
places which the sister has described with more sym-
pathy, but occasionally he drops an amusing or edify-
ing remark, as, e.g. on reaching New Haven, one of
the first places settled in the Eastern States, and —
" Chief witness of those horrid scenes of monstrous
tyranny, and barbarous enthusiasms, which the first
inhabitants, who had themselves but just escaped
from persecution, exercised in the name of religion.
Their government was then ecclesiastical, to the great
misfortune not only of their own brethren, but of the
poor Indians, thousands of whom were massacred
under the banners of the Lamb. Alas, how anxious
have Christians hitherto been to protract the coming
of the time, when that emblem of innocence shall be
at peace with the savage lion — savage indeed when com-
pared with the lamb, but meek and compassionate in
comparison with these defenders of Christianity."
Another admirable reflection is suggested by the
lack of architectural interest in scenes of rural life.
"The eye," says Thomas Russell, "would be gratified
by the occasional view of a ruined tower or elegant
country seat, but a rich compensation arises from the
reflection that the general distribution of property
causes general plenty and general contentment.
Happy will it be for them if this plenty, which already
THE EARLY SETTLER 201
seems to produce apathy, does not beget indolence and
end in corruption. The simplicity of their present
mode of life, added to their distance from the sources
of corrupt example, may preserve them for some time.
Perhaps the general diffusion of information, which the
Government encourages as much as it can, though
still the means of acquiring it are very scanty, may so
increase as to make succeeding generations sensible
that public happiness is best promoted by private
virtue. That, it is true, will be unprecedented in the
history of nations, though it is doubtless consistent
with the intentions of the great Governor of the Uni-
verse that the period shall arrive when nations shall
act upon that principle, though probably this continent
will not be the first to reduce it to practice."
At Boston the young Englishman was less pleased
with the buildings, the prospects, and the physical
surroundings than with the company.
" Upon arrival our good friend Mr. C. Vaughan
came to see us, and in a few days after we were waited
upon by many gentlemen of the town, Mr. Bulfinch,
Stonor, Mr. Russell, the principal merchant here,
Judge Sullivan, Mr. Freeman, a Unitarian minister,
Mr. Elliot, Judge Tudor, Mr. Craigie, Dr. Deyton,
Dr. Smith, Mr. Gore, &c. : each of whom showed us
every civility in their power, so that the whole time
of our stay there was one continued succession of
dining, tea, or supper visits.
" As to the pleasures of the table, few places display
202 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
more abundance or more luxuries, and still fewer can
boast that concord, goodwill, and real sociability which
reign here but are never found in the fastidious osten-
tation of high life, or in the gluttony and clamour of
intemperate circles.
"When we dined at Mr. Russell's the third course
was served in a most elegant service of brilliant cut
glass, with everything proportionally splendid ; he is
one of the most courteous, free and, as common con-
sent says, the most generous of men. What the dis-
position of his wife may be, who is young and beautiful,
I cannot say. My father while at Boston was made
an honorary member both of the Humane and Agri-
cultural Societies there, the latter of which he
frequently attended, and speaks highly of the intelli-
gence and enterprise of its members."
With Rhode Island, and especially with Newport,
Thomas Russell confesses himself a little disappointed.
Though the climate is moderate, there are daily fogs
in spring and autumn, which perhaps account for the
prevalence of consumption. The island is famous, he
remarks, for the beauty of its females, but " though I
examined the streets and windows very attentively
I did not encounter one pretty face." Perhaps he
would not give the same verdict if he were a young
man in Newport to-day.
William and Thomas Russell, after returning to
Middletown, where they left Martha and Mary for a
short time, went on a prospecting expedition through
Suffield, Westfield, Northampton, Greenfield, Deer-
field, Barnardstown, and Brattleborough. Another
THE EARLY SETTLER 203
journey was made to Springfield, where the arsenal,
with a stand of 6000 arms, besides cannon and accou-
trements, was visited and admired.
During the winter spent at Philadelphia (i 795-96),
the Russells found themselves absorbed in what
Thomas, not without secret complacency, describes
as a "vortex of luxury and dissipation." He used,
with his father, to attend President Washington's
levees, and, with his sisters, occasionally went to the
drawing-rooms. The formal relationship was to ripen
into a personal friendship, and already the Russells
were sometimes invited to drink tea with General and
Mrs. Washington. They were on such terms that
they could take their friends with them — a privilege
by which the Priestleys profited on their visit to
Philadelphia. The Doctor was greatly delighted with
the General's cordial reception of him.
Amongst the Russells' American friends occur the
names of a good many persons known in the early
records of the United States : Mr. Breck and Mr.
Travis, Judge Wilson, Dr. Rush, Mr. Dallas, Mrs.
Pembroke, Miss Shoemaker (since Mrs. Morris), Mrs.
Capper, Mr. Nicklin, Mr. Sharpies, Mrs. Serjeant
and Mrs. Waters, daughters of Dr. Rittenhouse, Major
Butler, Senator from S. Carolina, while a number of
gentlemen also called, who were strangers in town or
had no families, such as many members of Congress.
English friends were less numerous ; their French
acquaintances numbered the M. Talleyrand- Pe"rigord
already mentioned, the Due de Liancourt, M. Volney
(brother of the Minister), and M. Guillemard.
In January 1796, the arrival of Dr. and Mrs.
204 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Priestley " involved the family still more deeply in the
turbulence of never-ceasing calls and daily visits."
Scarcely ever did they go to a dinner-party of less
than twenty persons ; the luxury and profusion far
exceeding the display made by English persons in the
same circumstances. Dr. Priestley declared that in the
days when he was tutor in the Marquis of Lansdowne's
house he never witnessed such display as was made
by the merchants of Philadelphia. But listen to our
young moralist : —
" When men either by good fortune or address find
themselves suddenly in the possession of a much larger
property than they ever expected to enjoy, it is
commonly found that they dispose of it profusely,
unless the passion of ' still, still to be getting, never,
never cease,' obliterates every other thought ; and often,
by grasping at too much, they not only lose all, but
involve themselves in difficulties, troubles, anxieties,
and disappointments."
Fortunes had been rapidly amassed by speculating
in back lands, town lots, and house property, as well
as by navigation and commerce. But a stranger must
be on his guard in dealing with these adventurers —
men of all nations, all characters, and all professions.
There was as yet no national character, nor did these
people regard the rules universally observed amongst
the inhabitants of European countries.
" Here a man may break his word with impunity,
and may without disgrace flagrantly violate those
THE EARLY SETTLER 205
established customs, the infringement of which would
in England irretrievably ruin his character. He may
have been two or three times a bankrupt and be
known to have defrauded his creditors, and if he there-
by reacquires considerable wealth, he will nevertheless
be received in the first company. One who rises on
the ruins of a benefactor whose property he may have
purloined would meet with respect from his rich neigh-
bours, and a land jobber, though he made his fortune
by the sale of lands that never were created, would
yet be received in the first circles. In short, as wealth
is the darling object of their attention, so a person
with that needs no other letter of recommendation."
In this judgment, harsh as it was, Thomas Russell
was evidently sincere, and over and over again in his
private letters to his father he reaffirms the view here
set out. A metropolis, he adds here, has ever been
a seat of corruption, and Philadelphia could be no
exception to the general rule. The example and in-
fluence of the Quakers, who were very numerous, had
not counteracted the general tendency. The elder
Russell, it should be added, was of his son's opinion,
and on several occasions roundly denounced the
morals of American cities.
Priestley, we are told, preached in a chapel be-
longing to the Universalists, and his sermons were
largely attended — amongst others by Vice- President
Adams (of whom more anon), Pickering, and many
members of Congress. But most of Priestley's audi-
tors, Thomas Russell declares, were attracted more
by curiosity than any other motive, and were "too
2o6 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
worldly-minded to receive any lasting benefit from his
teaching."
" The cause of religion has need of the exertions of
every learned and candid man like him, by dissemi-
nating rational ideas of Christianity and clearing it
from the superstition and prejudice that has hitherto
concealed its true form, may perhaps in some degree
arrest the process of infidelity, which now stalks
through this city with unrestrained rapidity. He had
brought with him a set of Sermons on the Evidences
of Revelation, and as he preached but once a day, he
was detained in Philadelphia till the month of April
before he had delivered the whole of them."
This long visit paid by his father's famous friend
was not altogether to Thomas Russell's taste. He
was not the first humble person, however, to remark
on the difference between a great man's public char-
acter and his private aspect : —
" Dr. Priestley is undoubtedly a very virtuous,
learned, and agreeable man, and his name will be
handed down to posterity as a great philosopher, and
as one who dared to reduce religion to the laws of
reason and common sense by chasing the superstitions
and prejudices that had till then veiled not only the
Catholic but Protestant faith, yet he is not one with
whom one could enjoy the pleasures of domestic inter-
course. In the little occurrences of a family he is apt
to be discontented and fretful. In case everything
does not go to his mind, he will be upon the fidgets
THE EARLY SETTLER 207
until it is rectified, and perhaps for some time after. In
short he displays a degree of selfishness which I should
never have suspected from one who acts so disinter-
estedly in greater things. But who can lay a just
claim to the title of a consistent character through all
events and circumstances ? "
It appears that Priestley was "much disgusted at
the depravity and narrow, worldly tempers of the
Philadelphians." His intercourse with Mr. Ritterhorn
was interrupted by death, and it was only with Dr.
Rush that he could share the pleasures of the intellect.
Hence it was without reluctance that he returned to
Northumberland.
On a subsequent visit the Russells found Priestley
living with his son Joseph, Mrs. Priestley having died.
The old Doctor felt the loss very deeply, but kept
his mind occupied with his theological and philosophi-
cal pursuits. For intellectual society he might have
turned to his neighbour, Mr. Cooper, but their senti-
ments on religion were so opposite that they would
probably fall into dispute. They both professed great
liberality of sentiment, says Thomas Russell, but
there were very few even of modern freethinkers
who would not disclaim the lengths to which Mr.
Cooper proceeded. Another of Priestley's neighbours
was Mr. John Humphreys, but he also was a professed
unbeliever, and his political sentiments, though he
practised reserve as to them, were certainly not Re-
publican or Radical. Thus the lonely old divine was
thrown back upon himself and upon his curious cogi-
tations on the fulfilment of the Prophecies.
208 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Upon this topic, it may here be mentioned, he
corresponded, quite late in life, with William Russell,
who was equally interested in the subject. When
the French arms seemed likely to be victorious in
Europe, Russell speaks of France as being an instru-
ment in the hand of Providence. In April 1799,
he writes that the present state of the world baffled
all calculation. But he would not be shaken in his
conviction that, amidst all scenes of violence and
commotion, the Ruler of the Universe was bringing
about the speedy deliverance of the human race
from the power of Anti-Christ and all its adherents,
with the complete overthrow of Superstition and
Tyranny, which had so long ruled the Old World —
but for whose destruction all the Prophecies led
men to hope with a cheerful assurance.
In the following September Priestley feels sure
that England cannot be exempt from the impending
punishment. " If all anti-Christian tyranny and
persecution is to be punished, and where the spirit
of persecution has imbued the land with the blood
of the Protestants, or the tyrants of the country
have persecuted and oppressed the views, the aveng-
ing sword of destruction is now to execute Divine
vengeance, Britain, who is not free from either of
these charges, must expect to drink of the bitter
cup, and I cannot but think there is great reason to
fear her day of humiliation may speedily approach,
notwithstanding her unprecedented career of naval
successes."
Such passages as these, representing so intensely
Biblical a point of view, however perverted we may
THE EARLY SETTLER 209
think the interpretation, prove the injustice of con-
founding Unitarians like Priestley and Russell with
the Deists whose heresies they were incessantly
striving, in their own words, to root out.
An attractive episode, which Thomas affects to
regret, was a visit to the house of his father's sister
(Mrs. Sheredine) near Baltimore in Maryland — a
well-to-do, hospitable lady, widow of an iron-master,
with grown-up boys and girls. The eldest daughter,
Maria, was brought by her mother to Philadelphia,
and spent a fortnight in one long round of gaiety.
Thomas (the impudent young dog) describes his
aunt as a well-meaning, excellent old lady without
any of the refinement of high life but full of simple
decorum. Maria has a " fine person," but, while free
from affectation, lacks the polish of genteel society :
Fanny and Nancy are hardly less attractive, and
seem to have " shaken up " their English cousin
with some considerable success. As for their brother,
he is " rough in mind and appearance, but has a good
temper and a great deal of genuine naivetd."
To these relatives Thomas Russell paid a return
visit, and was given an opportunity of describing
Maryland society. In a few days spent at Baltimore
he saw more gentility and good breeding (with equal
luxury and profusion) than in a whole winter in
Philadelphia.
" Col. Howard, the Governor, is now finishing a
most elegant seat in as elegant a situation, and is
worthy of the large property he possesses. Col.
Rogers and Mr. Nicol are men of superior manners,
o
2io RUSSELL MEMOIRS
as Mr. Caton and Mr. Fredk. Smith also. With all
these we dined and received other marks of politeness,
as we did also from Mr. Pleasants, Mr. Merriman,
Mr. Gittings and several others. Although it is very
pleasing to receive attentions from persons of this
description, yet it is disagreeable from one point of
view. In accepting their civilities you are necessarily
obliged to give in to an excess both of eating and
drinking which the laws of temperance cannot justify,
yet which they cannot altogether condemn, as it was
never carried beyond what the modern rules of
hospitality and good fellowship require."
Here it may be mentioned that one of these
personable young women (Miss Fanny Sheredine)
afterwards got herself into a sad scrape. For no
assignable reason she made a runaway match, and
thus threw her mother into deep affliction. The
husband of her choice was in no way detrimental,
but she was resolved — though not otherwise resem-
bling Miss Lydia Languish — to have a romance in
her young life. It was the fashion of the houK.
Uncle Russell was called in to counsel the grieving
household, and very sensibly declared that there was
nothing to make a fuss about. So everybody was
happy again. But it is not uninteresting, in the
records of a quiet Maryland family, to come upon
an echo of Sheridan's recently published Rivals.
Thomas Russell, like his father, was deeply im-
pressed with the sinfulness of American cities. Stay-
ing near Boston, he came across a young Englishman
named Greenway, who had been sent out to transact
THE EARLY SETTLER 211
business for his father, and also, no doubt, " with the
idea that in this land of simplicity and virtue he would
be free from the temptations which assail young men
in the corrupt cities of Europe." " It will be his own
merit," adds Thomas sardonically, " if he returns as
virtuous as he came."
At the house of Mrs. B. Vaughan in Little Cam-
bridge, he met a Mr. Merrick, who had come over as
tutor to her children. He was, like Thomas Russell,
one of those men, who in England had formed en-
thusiastic ideas on the happiness of a Republic, " but
he had not yet stayed long enough in America to have
his ardour cooled."
" I told him I contemplated with pleasure the very
small amount of misery that was to be found in this
country, when compared with most parts of Europe,
but that I attributed this not to the form of its govern-
ment, so much as to its particular situation ; for as
yet the population bears so small a proportion to the
extent of country, that land is comparatively of little
value, and consequently agriculture is the chief employ
of the middling and lower classes, who with a moderate
share of industry may soon gain a comfortable liveli-
hood. The scarcity of labour is such that those of
the lower class who are not disposed to possess land
of their own may earn a comfortable subsistence by
the price of their own labour. By their Constitution,
they certainly enjoy a greater degree of religious and
of civil liberty than the people of England, but I
believe the sum of virtue is as great there as it is
here, and perhaps, as the country advances in age, the
212 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
corruptions, the luxuries, the vices of Europe will be
introduced, and make an easy prey of the present inde-
pendent spirit of Republicanism. But as neither the
horrors of superstition nor the political abuses that we
have beheld in Europe may be here endured to so
extreme a degree, we may hail the Revolution as
a step, though almost an imperceptible one, towards
the general improvement of the human race."
Mr. Merrick rejoined that it gave him pleasure to
see the lower class riding about in their horse chairs
and enjoying all the pleasures of life. He did not
trouble about their posterity.
" In returning home, we met some of these citizens
in chairs on a narrow bridge, and they were very near
overturning us into the river — in showing us that they
were free to run against our carriage if they chose,
though there was abundance of room to pass clear of
us. A little later we met some independent bakers
and independent butchers in their carts, whose pride
it is to show their freedom by making every one turn
out of the road indiscriminately, and should any one
refuse it would be at the risk of his life."
In due course, as described in the last chapter, the
Russell family found their way back to Middletown,
and they had agreed that no other place would suit
them so well for the home they wished to make in
New England. Although a town, it had all the ap-
pearance of what in England would be called a country
village, containing about 200 houses. It was situated
THE EARLY SETTLER 213
on a beautiful eminence and surrounded by undulating
plains. It lay on the main road from the three great
cities of the United States — Boston, New York, and
Philadelphia. While the air was exceptionally salu-
brious the society appeared equally free from " osten-
tatious pride and disgusting ceremony." A house was
found without difficulty — a large brick building with a
fine view, standing with garden and stables in a lot
of 4 acres. It belonged to Mr. Thompson Phillips,
brother of General Phillips, who offered it at £60 New
York currency or $200 per annum on an eight years'
lease. With it could be taken about 30 acres of land
near, on the same terms — the whole being just half
what William Russell had been paying for a house in
Philadelphia not nearly so large.
The new comers were received kindly by the old
inhabitants, and Thomas Russell, though perhaps a
little surprised, took pleasure in the comparative free-
dom of New England manners. He was invited to
go out for a ride with Miss H. Phillips. The reserve
so general in England is discarded between young
people and apparently not regretted by the parents.
"In society with each other they are perfectly free
and often indelicately so. It seems to make very little
difference whether other elderly people are present or
not, and even these appear not to have the smallest
objection to a young man's visiting their daughters
when alone, and attach no idea of impropriety to their
riding or walking together. " Thomas confessed that
in the company of Miss Phillips he felt no disposition
to moralise. He even derived "some pleasure" from
the ride, nor did he think that she was altogether
214 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
displeased. Still, he had his misgivings about the
American custom, though hardly on the grounds
which one would have expected a young philosopher
to assume. The English reserve had, he saw, a certain
advantage — that the swain to whose favour a lady
relaxes feels the favour heightened, while it is " rather
humiliating" in America to reflect that the "same
condescension would probably be granted with equal
benignity to any one whom chance should place in
the same situation."
But pleasant communications corrupt austere
manners, and Thomas easily fell into the ways of
the place.
" This evening there was a public ball in town, to
which all the elderly people were invited, say all above
five or six and twenty (a curious distinction). General
and Mrs. Phillips were of the party : we drank tea
with Mr. Bull and in the evening I walked with one
of his daughters (a comely lass) down to General
Phillips to bear Miss Hannah company. We found
another young lady, Miss Warner, with her, and being
all of us in good humour we amused ourselves in
dancing, singing, &c. ; till at length, our spirits con-
tinuing to rise, laying aside all English reserve, I
joined them in what they termed a proper frolic.
However, we had no game more romping than Blind
Man's Buff, though, to be sure, the candle happened
to be thrown down by the blind man ; the fair damsels
might be ranked among those who as Boileau says —
' Mollement resiste, et par un doux caprice,
Quelquefois le refuse, afin qu'on le ravisse.' "
THE EARLY SETTLER 215
Amongst the Russells' neighbours was a U.S.
senator who, like Cato of Utica, when released from
the service of his country, employed himself in farming.
Mr. Hillhouse drove his own team and held his own
plough, though it would probably appear that his
present energy was due to necessity rather than desire
of independence. From his features he appeared to
have some Indian blood in his veins. He presented
no appearance of being either an orator or statesman.
Still, as Thomas genially remarks, he must have pos-
sessed some merit, or he would hardly have been
made a senator.
At Christiania Bridge one day Thomas came across
"a Presbyterian parson," who ''appeared to be in the
Baptist way." He had lived seventeen years in
America and persuaded two congregations to elect
him as their teacher.
"In the course of conversation, this worthy minister
of that Gospel which teaches us that 'all men are
brethren' told us with perfect indifference that he
had just been purchasing a slave.
' Mihi frigidus horror
Membra quatit, gelidusque coit formidine sanguis.'
" Is it possible that this man can pretend to explain
the Gospel of Christ ? Is it possible that he should
dare blasphemously to invoke the blessing of that
God, who formed us ' all of one flesh ' and ' whose
tender mercies are over all His works,' with a heart
so callous to all the feelings of benevolence ? This is
what he would call, I suppose, an accommodating spirit,
216 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
and there are probably not many of his brethren in
England, but what in like circumstances would show
the same condescension."
Here perhaps Thomas overdoes his indignation.
His father, one of the most benevolent of men, entered,
as will be seen, into negotiation for the purchase of
a negro cook. Only a few pages later in Thomas's
own diary, the fact is mentioned that in the Southern
States the labour difficulty was solved by the use
of slaves. Why should he have applied to this
unfortunate Baptist minister a rule of conduct from
which he exempted such men as General Washington
and his own father ?
-
JAMES SKEY (1754-1838)
From a miniature by J. MILLAR (1797)
CHAPTER XV
JAMES SKEY
Skey's lack of sympathy with provincial American life — His observations
on Ireland en route — A long voyage — Devastations of fever in
Philadelphia — A pathetic figure — Desolation in New York — Wel-
come at Middletown — Divorce facilities in New England— Uncere-
monious courts of law — Heavy taxation — Rates and special calls —
Limits of religious toleration — Faith and works — Sunday obser-
vance— Sanctimonious deacons — A candid confession — Church
government — The school system — Superficial training — Agriculture
in Connecticut — Hessian fly — Slovenly farming — Hard life in the
small holdings — Lack of cash and want of credit — The maize crops
— Neglect of live stock — Dullness of the life — Frame houses — The
smoke chamber — Provincial self-satisfaction — Superfluity of ladies —
Lack of charm — Scandalous stories — The men unsociable — Dis-
honest adventuress — Meeting-house anecdotes — The Russells held
up for Sabbath breaking — Malice and envy — The right law — Free
and easy domestics — Partisan rancour — Treatment of Priestley —
New England idioms — The class of small country gentlemen — A
tale of home life — Excursion to Maryland — An ineffectual claim
against the State — Law and justice in the Assembly.
JAMES SKEY, of Upton-on-Severn, has several times
been mentioned as one of William Russell's friends.
His correspondence with Martha had led to an engage-
ment, and in August 1798 he started from his Wor-
cestershire home to celebrate the marriage and bring
away his bride. From frequent references to him in
the family papers as well as from his own diary it is
evident that he was a good man of business and a
shrewd, humorous, kindly man of the world. In the
narrow, censorious, and rather primitive society of
217
218 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Middletown he was a fish out of water. His criticisms
of the people amongst whom he was thrown should,
perhaps, be taken with a certain allowance both for
British prejudice and personal incompatibility. But
the picture which he draws — somewhat maliciously,
perhaps — of provincial American life at the end of the
eighteenth century is not altogether unhistorical. It
is in some degree corroborated by more charitably
disposed observers. His judgments, however, were
hastily formed. Altogether he spent only a few
months on American soil, and for a considerable
period of his stay he was engaged in travelling about
the country on business errands. He was tempted,
perhaps, to generalise freely from a few particular
cases, and he seems to have been galled by his failure
to make a favourable impression on the Russells'
neighbours in Connecticut. At home he had been
a popular and acceptable person ; naturally he was
puzzled and vexed at being viewed in Middletown with
undisguised coldness. Clearly the ladies did not
make much of him, and the gentlemen declined to
laugh at his jokes. The result was that he saw no
beauty in the women and lamented the absence of
humour amongst the men.
Having sailed on August the 2nd in a vessel
of about 300 tons from Liverpool he had to undergo
five days' tossing in the Irish Channel before he made
Cork Harbour — " one of the safest, largest, and best
defended of any belonging to Great Britain." There
the Betsy had to wait some time for convoy. Owing
to the expected arrival of the fleet, and the disturbed
condition of the country, it was impossible to make
JAMES SKEY 219
long excursions into the interior. Martial law was
then in force. The insurgents appeared by their
conduct to have formed no regular system of defence.
They were without leaders, without resources, and
even in general without arms and ammunition. A
wild and barbarous fury, almost peculiar to the lower
Irish, led them to actions of extravagant rashness and
mad conduct, not only in exposing their own persons
but also in the destruction of those who fell into their
hand inimical to their cause.
" However lamentably popular all insurrections
generally are, and though it may naturally be antici-
pated," writes Skey, " that rapine and barbarity will
accompany the steps of the enraged and undisciplined
rabble, excesses of this kind would not be expected
from a well-ordered military. But it must be acknow-
ledged by every impartial observer of the soldiery
at this period in Ireland, that they are distinguished
by acts of unprovoked cruelty and extreme injustice.
It was distressing to see the sad ruins of numerous
little cabins set on fire by the military and to hear the
miserable tales of helpless women and little innocent
children who were necessitated to sleep under the
hedges and to subsist upon what they found in the
fields. A guard of one or two soldiers were placed
upon the roads and on the side of the rivers to en-
quire of the passenger where he came from and where
he was going, and if this was not to their satisfaction,
the traveller was confined."
Skey experienced great hospitality in Ireland —
220 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
" courteous and friendly without ostentation," but
lamented the backward and wasteful methods of agri-
culture.
"There is something in the lower order of people,
their look and manner, which indicates a savage dis-
position. This alarmed me when surrounded by a
multitude of them at my first landing, but I soon
found this was without cause, for although this place
is inhabited by poor people principally sailors and
fishermen, yet such is the confidence of the shop-
keepers, that I observed they have but one small bolt
to their doors and no shutters to their windows. A
house broke open, highway or footpad robbery has not
been heard of in the neighbourhood ; not one instance
of either can be recorded. Several murders have been
committed, but all were the effect of passion and the
impulse of momentary resentment, generally occasioned
by too large a portion of whisky."
The voyage was continued on August 26 on the
Chesapeake, a very fine ship and good sailer, 1400 or
1500 tons, bound for Philadelphia. On September 10,
she was followed by a French privateer, which in turn
was chased by the accompanying man-of-war. Except
for some rough weather, the crossing was unadven-
turous, if slow — 4195 miles having been traversed — and
on October 26 the Chesapeake reached American
waters.
" I could hardly persuade myself that I had crossed
the Atlantic and that I was arrived in America. Cold
and inanimate indeed must be that heart, which on
JAMES SKEY 221
such an occasion was not only full, but would not
overflow with emotional sensibility ; and a sense of
gratitude for personal preservation, together with the
wonderfully expanded works of nature now before me,
must excite in the breast of a rational being those
devotional feelings which of all others must be ' in
spirit and in truth,' the most natural worship we can
pay to the great and benevolent Parent of the
Universe."
Opposite Newcastle the ship was boarded by a
Custom-house officer, who advised that owing to the
fever nobody should disembark before Chester. The
coach-drive to Philadelphia was pleasant enough, but
on entering the American capital the dreadful effects
of the prevailing fever became manifest.
"It would be impossible to relate the many in-
stances I saw, as they were apparent in almost every
carriage which passed us, all flying from the infected
city, and, as I was told, were the survivors of families
who had been detained there waiting the sad termina-
tion of the fever to some part of the family which
had been infected. Not one carriage did I see pass
us for the city.
" A sad and very striking scene now presented
itself to view. The police of Philadelphia, which is
perhaps the best of any city in the world, had wisely
and benevolently provided the lower order of the
inhabitants, who had not the means of flying from the
pest, with tents, which were placed on a common or
green, just at the outside of the city. The number
222 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
which inhabited these tents, several told us, were about
ten thousand ; in each eight were admitted. Through
this range of temporary inhabitations I passed. What
rendered the scene more affecting was that these poor
people appeared to be in want of many necessaries.
In many places, the pot was boiling in the open air
between two bricks, but as there was no wood to be
seen for this or any other purpose, they were obliged
to collect it at a distance.
"When I had passed these tents, we came to the
commencement of the city, and here the coachee
stopped, while my companion and myself determined
whether we should enter or avoid it by taking a road
through the suburbs. Curiosity and a natural desire
to see the first city in the United States invited, but
prudence and caution directed us to pass by.
"After some deliberation we resolved to enter it, and
we proceeded within sight of the very long range of
the Market Buildings, but were shocked to see almost
all the houses shut up, and scarce any persons in the
streets ; as well as the signals from the windows of
infected houses. We did not stop, but turned again to
the main road : affected by the very dismal scenes
we had left, we journeyed on through Frankford to
the General Washington, ten miles from Philadelphia,
in silent contemplation. We had scarcely sat down
when rather a young man and six small children
entered, all in black. By his fixed and melancholy
look, and also by the silent, attentive manner in which
these six children stood round him, we readily saw he
was flying with some remaining part of his family from
the plague. I never longed so earnestly to communicate
JAMES SKEY 223
consolation had it been in my power, but this was im-
possible. Our concern was expressed by the silence
we observed till his horses were baited, and then he
left us. We were afterwards informed that he had
lost his wife and mother."
The condition of New York, which was reached
on October 30, was little better. Most of the houses,
James Skey records, were empty : few persons were
walking the streets, and half of these wore mourning.
Hardly anybody who had long resided in the city but
had cause for putting on his sable.
" This, however, was forborne by numbers, at the
public request of the magistrates. Dreadful as the
accounts given in the public papers were of the fever
in different places, yet they did not express the extent
of the calamity. Every city and town cautiously
avoided publishing the ravages they had experienced,
nor for a time would it be known that the fever had
visited them till it became too notorious for conceal-
ment. The alarm lest it should injure the trade and
the fixed property of the place induced the inhabitants
to secrete it. From the best accounts I could collect
at this time there had died in Philadelphia from 5000
to 6000 and at New York from 3000 to 4000.
" Soon after I had got out of the city the driver
pointed out a piece of ground, closely adjoining the
road, where those persons who had been infected with
the fever were buried. The manner in which this
was performed in so public a place was not only
224 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
shocking but very unsafe. The bodies were placed on
the ground and the mould on each side thrown over
them, so that these receptacles of the dead seemed like
long ranges resembling potato buries. In excuse of
this it may be said, so great and immediate was the
mortality that time would not admit of a better dis-
position of the dead."
On arriving at Middletown, where Skey was affec-
tionately welcomed by "the best of women" (Martha)
and the Russell family in general, he learned that
they had written to him to avoid both Philadelphia
and New York, but their letters had miscarried.
Before settling down to a study of American life as
presented in Connecticut, the lover congratulates
himself, in the round but not inelegant language of
the time, upon the "invaluable acquisition of a virtuous,
faithful, and affectionate friend and partner in domestic
life and a kind and tender parent to my children."
(He had already been twice married.)
In the leisurely but very sensible fashion of the
period the traveller transcribed, and thus fixed in his
memory, long passages from Swift's Laws of Connec-
ticut. He omitted, however, the author's frequent
deviations in honour of the wisdom, virtue, and happi-
ness of the people. Skey's own observations are less
complimentary ; the law, he say, was good enough,
but it was apt to be in some instances perverted and
in others badly administered. We may pass over his
summary of Swift's book and his comments upon
particular passages. But his personal experience and
inquiries, are not without interest. He was shocked,
JAMES SKEY 225
apparently, at the ease, even in primitive and virtuous
Connecticut, with which marriages were dissolved.
" Within the town of Middletown, eight divorces
took place in the course of five years last past. The
ceremony which sanctions the matrimonial engagement
is not of that serious, solemn nature as in England ;
it is considered as a civil institution rather than a
religious one. A person may be married when and
where he pleases, either by a minister or magistrate,
who is not bound to follow any particular form of
words ; he may vary them at his pleasure. The
marriage fee is one dollar. A respectable parson in
the next State, Vermont, informed me that in his
parish, a needy magistrate was applied to upon all
matrimonial cases ; he united all who came to him.
When ill with the gout, he would marry from his
chamber window, and, if unable to walk when required
to attend at any distance, he would ride up to the
door of the house appointed and there perform the
ceremony, sitting on his horse's back."
At every assize, so Skey says, much of the Court's
time was occupied with matrimonial causes. In case
the suit of one party was not opposed by the other,
judgment was forthwith given, the fees amounting to
the not extravagant figure of us. 3d. In case of a
defence, however, the expense was somewhat greater.
In England at this time the cost of a divorce, not to
mention the legal delay, was almost prohibitive to
persons of moderate means.
Skey was a little scandalised to note that the
judges were not distinguished by their dress on the
p
226 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
bench from the ordinary layman. They wore coarse
brown coats with large capes, and instead of cravats
two of them had common silk handkerchiefs round
their throats.
" I have frequently lamented that in the Church
and at the Bar with us, the externals of their profession
should be so conspicuous. But I am now convinced
that an extreme in this way is far better than having
no investment or badge. In these enlightened times
men in general are too discerning to admit of any
improper influence from them. Entirely to discard
them will tend to diminish and destroy all that defer-
ence and respect which, tho' not attached to the
person, adhere to the office. At the American Bar,
there is such a want of dignity as gave me no high
opinion of its decisions.
" The five judges left the bench for the comfortable
enjoyment of a good fire in the hall or court house,
and in this way the business of the day passed on :
the judges now and then, while the attorneys were
pleading, would enter into familiar conversation with
the farmer-like men who surrounded them, and I even
observed a transaction of some money concern during
a trial, between a juryman and a person on the outside
of the box in which they were confined ; but no notice
of this was taken by the Court."
Taxation in the United States, though not to be
compared with the burdens then laid upon English-
men, was severe, and likely, Skey thought, to increase
rapidly "on account of the preparation for war with
France" (1798). A new and general tax on houses
JAMES SKEY 227
was expected in 1799. The list appended is suffi-
ciently formidable :
£
J.
d.
Polls from 21 to 70 years (males)
. 18
7
o
„ „ 16 to 21 „ „ ...
9
o
o
4 years old oxen or bulls .....
• 4
o
o
Cows and bull, oxen, heifers and steers, 3 years old
• 3
o
o
» „ » » » 2 „ „
2
o
o
» j> » » » x » »
I
o
o
Hornkind, 3 years old ....
• 3
o
o
,, 2 ,, ,, . . . . .
2
o
o
1
o
o
Swine of i year old ......
I
o
o
Acres of ploughed land .....
O
10
o
„ upland, mowing and pasture, &c. .
O
8
o
„ boggy meadow, mowed ....
o
5
o
„ „ „ not mowed
0
2
o
„ meadow land in Hartford County .
o
15
o
„ other meadow land ....
o
7
o
„ bush pasture ......
o
2
o
,, unenclosed land, first rate
o
2
o
„ ,, „ second rate .
o
I
o
„ „ „ third rate .
o
O
6
Tons of vessels at per ton .....
o
15
o
Coaches ........
• 25
O
o
Chariots ........
. 20
o
o
Phaetons ........
• 15
o
o
Curricles ........
IO
o
0
Chaises ........
• 5
o
o
Riding chairs with open tops ....
• 3
o
o
Gold watches .......
• 5
o
o
Silver and other watches .....
I
IO
o
Steel and brass wheeled clocks ....
• 3
o
o
Wooden wheeled clocks .....
i
0
o
6 per cent, on silver plate at 6s. 8d. per ounce.
Money at interest at 6 per cent.
Houses of ... fireplaces at 153.
o
15
0
,, „ depreciated i qr. .
o
II
3
„ „ „ half .
o
7
6
i> » » 3 qrs« « •
0
3
9
228 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
These taxes did not cover the occasional levies for
such purposes as highways, bridges, churches and
schools. In Middletown, for instance, in the year of
Skey's visit, a new meeting-house was erected by the
members of the congregation. Everybody, be it
noted, had to belong to some definite sect and bear
his share of the burdens. In this case the money
was raised from about 2500 persons, from a special
rate of 43. 6d. in the pound, or what was known
as the grand levy. The building would hold 3000
people : it was built entirely of wood, and had a
neat cupola with a single bell. There were but three
sects in Connecticut worth notice — Congregationalists
(far the most numerous), Episcopalians, and Baptists
or New Lights. In practice there was complete re-
ligious toleration so far as public worship was concerned.
Every one could attend what service he chose or absent
himself from all. But he must pay his proportion as
assessed by the Church levy ; all he could do was to
appropriate the money to what society he might favour.
According to the strict letter of the law, however, there
was a certain limit to free thought. Any person in
Connecticut, who had been educated in or had pro-
fessed the Christian religion, was liable to prosecution
if " by writing, printing, teaching, or advised speak-
ing " he denied the existence of God, the deity of the
three persons of the Trinity, the truth of the Christian
religion, or the divine authority of the Old and New
Testaments. On conviction before a superior Court
he would be declared incapable of holding any office,
ecclesiastical, civil or military. On a second conviction
he would be disabled from suing, prosecuting, pleading,
JAMES SKEY 229
or maintaining any action or information in law or
equity. Nor could he be appointed guardian, exe-
cutor, or administrator.
Skey was harsh in his judgment of the Congrega-
tionalists in Middletown. He compares them with
the Calvinistic Presbyterians in England, and asserts
that they insisted far more upon dogma than duty.
" To be faithful, honest, and just, charitable and bene-
volent, is not esteemed as essential as faith in their
unintelligible doctrines." If he did not generalise from
a few cases he certainly formed his judgments too
rapidly. He was particularly affronted by the rigid
observance of the Sabbath.
" Tything men, grand jurymen and constables are
directed to preserve order on the Sabbath Day by
seizing the persons of offenders, on whom fines are
levied, who shall engage or employ themselves in any
secular business whatever. Sport, play or any recre-
ation are expressly forbidden. No vessel is allowed
to depart from any harbour, to sail or pass by any
town or society in Connecticut River on the Lord's
Day. To walk or travel is contrary to law, which
expressly says : ' No persons shall convene or meet
together in company or in companies in the street or
elsewhere, or go from his or her place of abode on
the Lord's Day, unless to attend to the public worship
of God or some work of necessity or mercy, on penalty
of five shillings.' "
Other punishable offences on the Sabbath (which
began at sunset on Saturday) were running or "walking"
230 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
in one's garden (or elsewhere except reverently
to or from meeting). Travelling, cooking victuals,
making beds, sweeping houses, cutting hair or shaving,
even for a mother to kiss her child, were forbidden.
In case the minister was disabled by illness the duty
of holding service fell upon one of the four deacons,
who therefore must be persons of great sanctity and
consequence. One of these in Middletown had lately
admonished a young woman for attending Sacrament
with her hat a little on one side. The same giddy
offender had subsequently to be reprimanded for
taking dinner with a female friend on the Lord's Day.
Numerous tales, Skey says, were in circulation as
to the hypocrisy and dishonesty practised by the
deacons. Himself he preferred to relate an anecdote
which showed that one deacon at least was " not
devoid of liberality." A member of a Congregationa-
list body had been reported to have been seen in a
state of intoxication.
" A meeting was accordingly holden of deacons,
grand jurors, and select men. The general voice
was against the criminal ; one deacon only dissented.
' I cannot vote for expelling this man for getting
drunk,' he said, ' because I sometimes get drunk my-
self, and (turning to his brethren) you get drunk, and
you and you ; we all get drunk. Therefore, if the
Lord will have a society upon earth, He must take
up with us such as we are.' And by this speech, he
prevented the impending disgrace."
The Episcopalian Church at Middletown was a
" very neat building," and possessed an organ.
JAMES SKEY 231
" The present officiating clergyman is Dr. Abraham
Jervis, Bishop of Connecticut, a man of good moral char-
acter, tho' perhaps somewhat too much of the Bishop
for his situation and circumstances. His emolument
from his Church does not exceed ninety-four pounds
per annum, nor from the Episcopalian see more than
twenty-four pounds per annum, so that he derives
little more from it than his dignity, which, however,
does not entitle him to the appellation of ' my Lord.'
He reads well and has a good delivery. The Com-
mon Prayer Book is the same as that of the Church
of England, except that instead of praying for the
King, &c., &c., is substituted the President of the
United States, the Senate, and Assembly."
The Congregational minister's stipend was ^124
(with firewood). He was a respectable character,
Skey admits, but as a preacher laboured under the
defect that his utterances were scarcely intelligible.
This misfortune — due, it was thought, to a lung com-
plaint— was not much felt by his congregation. They
"assemble from habitual custom," and "derive satis-
faction and self-complacency from it."
An interesting criticism is passed by Skey on the
" excellent institution of schools at the public ex-
pense." The benefit that should have flowed from
the system was diminished by the introduction of
Greek and Latin, the learning of which was thought
to be more valuable than the acquirement of " useful
and practical knowledge." The period of education
being very brief, since able-bodied boys in the lower
orders would not long be spared from farm work,
232 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
their school attainments were quite inconsiderable.
In the higher ranks there was no desire for a thorough
training. Parents were satisfied that their children
should give a single " quarter " to such " accomplish-
ments " as music, drawing, and dancing, or even to
more solid studies.
Skey devoted a good deal of his time to learning
American methods of agriculture. He complains of
the conservative, indolent disposition of the average
Connecticut farmer. In particular no systematic at-
tempt was made to deal with the Hessian fly, which
had worked havoc amongst the maize, wheat, and
barley. Rye alone seemed capable of defying the
pest.
"It is generally credited that this fly was first intro-
duced to America, at the time of the American War,
in the corn imported for the Hessian horse, and from
hence it is called the Hessian fly. It first appeared
about that period, but the conjecture of its being im-
ported in the Hessian corn is improbable, as we hear
of no such destructive fly in Germany."
The only person in America from whom Skey
obtained any useful information about the fly was
a Quaker in Pennsylvania, who wrote to William
Russell.
"The first appearance of the Hessian fly upon my
place was in the autumn of 1788, when they did me
great damage by destroying the early grain, but the
early part of the succeeding winter was so warm that
JAMES SKEY 233
they came out to fly, and the nights being cold and
frosty they perished before their eggs were deposited,
which almost annihilated them. They did me but
little damage till the spring of 1791, when they
appeared again very numerous. In the month of
April I took some entire plants of wheat with these
insects in their brown state attached to them, which
I put into glasses covered with paper to prevent their
escape. In about a week they began to appear, a
perfect fly, nearly in shape, size, and colour like a
Mosqueto of the smaller kind. At this time the fly
was general upon the wheat in the fields, soon after
which I found the maggots very numerous, which
were undoubtedly from the second hatching that spring.
When the fruit came to form the ear a great part
of it fell and perished, The same year an acquaint-
ance of mine in Burlington County sowed a field of
wheat very early in the autumn which was all de-
stroyed by the Hessian fly. The beginning of
October, he sowed about an acre in a field adjoining
the former, which had borne pumpkins that year, highly
manured and in excellent order. This wheat flourished
for a while, and then dwindled till there was scarce
a blade of wheat to be seen. Upon examining the
cause he found the roots full of this insect, from
which circumstance it appears to me he raised the
fly in his first corn which destroyed the last."
Skey's love of English trimness was offended by the
prevailing untidiness of American farms. The houses
in Connecticut, he complained, were cold, comfortless,
and dirty. There seemed to be no " management "
234 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
in the place, or the neat cleanness, which it was so
pleasant to see in a country cottage, conveying to
the mind the idea of comfort and wholesomeness,
while the want of it suggested wretchedness and
poverty. This is a criticism which has not altogether
been antiquated by the hundred years which have
passed since it was written, though it should be borne
in mind that the English regard for domestic appear-
ances is by no means a guarantee either of prosperity
or sanitary conditions.
Life on a small holding, even when the cultivator
has the fee simple, is everywhere and always has been
hard and frugal.
" This State is divided into small farms, and the
little farmer, in this as well as in any other State,
is a poor, miserable being. What though he be the
proprietor of thirty, fifty, or even a hundred acres?
It is an ungrateful soil, which he cultivates with his
own hands. On this he wholly depends for every
produce on which himself and family subsist. The
aid of tillage workmen is not within the reach of
the common farmer, as the price of their labour is
from four to six shillings a day. All therefore is
obtained by the sweat of his brow — the mowing,
reaping, &c., beneath the scorching sun which so
enfeebles and exhausts him, that his countenance
displays great pallid languor and striking symptoms
of premature old age. Perhaps his daily food tends
very much to produce this, for though in winter
he may venture to kill an ox or a cow, and keep some
part of it for his family use (because, being frozen,
JAMES SKEY 235
he can preserve it as long as he likes), yet in the
most laborious season he subsists upon salt beef or
pork, which with potatoes served up in the same
dish and Indian pudding is the farmer's general fare
if the time of killing is excepted.
" In this city of Middletown there is not one indi-
vidual who would purchase an ox or a cow and could
be confided in for the payment of it. The farmer
is therefore under the necessity of turning butcher
himself, and any person in this place or neighbourhood
who may feed any cattle for his amusement either
sends his servants to his acquaintance to dispose of
the joints here and there before he kills it, or sends
him to stand by the sale and receive the money as
the person, who is the butcher, disposes of it. Very
little money ever reaches the hands of a Connecticut
farmer, as almost all his transactions are done by
barter. With his beef or pork he discharges the
annual demands of his doctor, tailor, collar maker, &c.,
&c., and if he has grain or any other article for sale,
which he cannot dispose of to private families, he
applies to those who keep public stores (as it is called
here) — that is, shops, where the farmer barters to great
disadvantage, as he receives, in return for what he
has for sale, the store-keeper's commodity on which
a most enormous profit has been put."
Skey was much impressed with the value of maize,
as being easily cultivated and rapidly coming to
maturity. He points, however, to the general practice
of leaving the stalks in the ground until the land
236 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
is ploughed for the next crop as a proof of Connecticut
slovenliness. Nobody there had any notion of making
manure from straw and stubble or of farmyard man-
agement. The one care of the farmer was to save
labour, and this caused everything to be ill done.
The ox-plough was primitive and inefficient. The
working oxen, Skey said, were well looked after, but
all -the other farm animals were in a starved and
miserable condition. The currycomb and brush, he
said, were unknown instruments. No attention was
paid to a horse's coat, nor was he cleansed after work.
In hot and cold weather alike, he would be left stand-
ing at the door of a tavern, and never cost the
proprietor more than the corn brought to him.
" Thus of a Sunday, the horses of the congregation
are tied to a rail which is near the Meeting, from
morning till night, as those who come from any
distance do not return home to dinner, but bring
it in their pockets with them. The horses are early
inured to the treatment, and therefore no injury
arises from it, but on the contrary, for here it is a
rare thing to see an unsound horse. In every part
the stable is universally boarded with plank floors,
and this becomes necessary in such a climate, as
the flies in summer cause them to strike so violently
that, was the floor of brick, it would break, if not
occasion the shoe to come off.
" This treatment of the horse — hard and injurious
as it may appear to those who are accustomed to feed
and dress him perpetually as well as to keep him wrapt
in warm clothing — is much more suitable to the nature
JAMES SKEY 237
of this useful animal than so much attention. Not-
withstanding the little care which is taken of American
horses, they are more sound and will travel farther
with less apparent fatigue than the horses of England.
I have been taken by one pair of horses several
hundred miles, at the rate of forty to forty-five miles
a day, sometimes stages of twenty and five-and-twenty
miles, and even by allowing them fifteen or twenty
minutes only for eating one feed of corn, they have
been on the road from eight o'clock in the morning
till eight at night, and that without their sustaining
injury, altho' they drew a four-wheeled coachee of the
country, with my friend, myself, driver and baggage."
How thoroughly out of sympathy James Skey
found himself with American life may be seen from
his contrast of the scenery with the people of Middle-
town.
" I have neither seen nor heard of any part of
America more pleasant nor more healthy than this,
but what is there here for the enjoyment of a liberal,
social, and rational man ? He sees with wonder and
pleasure for a time the vast rivers, the stupendous
rocks, and the immense forests, which in every direction
present themselves to his unbounded view. But when
these are become familiar to the sight, he soon feels
a longing desire to turn from the grand and rugged
scene, which now no longer excites surprise, to those
varied views of plenty which appear in every part of
Britain. If the hand of Nature has not wrought in
a way so stupendously majestic in that favoured isle,
238 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
yet her operations are infinitely more rich and bounti-
ful than this continent can display. To taste her
productions from the soil and climate ; to enjoy with
discerning relish the rational social intercourse, which
in a peculiar manner and degree is found in Britain ;
to feel the glow of friendship, and to be delighted with
beholding the virtuous, God-like effusions of benevo-
lence, a man should cross the Atlantic and examine
the state of these things here. Then he will return to
his native country and be satisfied that with all its
present evils and abuses, it is by comparison to be
preferred, as holding out the means of solid rational
happiness in such a degree as is not to be found upon
the continent of America.
" There are indeed some kinds of men who value
above everything the means of procuring a mere
animal existence at a cheap rate ; who can enjoy
content at a distance from the delicate manners of
refinement and the tender, generous feelings of the
heart. They would do right to embark for America,
as their expenses and taxes would be considerably less
than in England, and they could not fix upon a place
more adapted to the several purposes of health,
economy, and congeniality of disposition in the people
than at Middletown."
Skey describes rather minutely the building of a
frame house. Bricks and mortar were seldom employed,
and even regarded as unwholesome. The wooden
structure was laid upon stone foundations.
" Nothing is more easy or common than to travel
with your house and furniture from one street to
JAMES SKEY 239
another. The Town Hall, or as it is called here
Court House, at Hartford, a very extensive building,
was in this way not long since removed without
injury, but here (in Middletown) a business of
this kind was not so happily conducted. In this
place are two venerable old gentlemen famous for
their skill in moving buildings from one place to
another: it is become the hobby-horse of their old
age, and any one who wishes to set his house in
motion applies for advice or assistance to either one
or the other of them. It lately happened that a very
cautious inhabitant, desirous of changing the situation
of his house, separately solicited the assistance and
counsel of these two able directors. On the appointed
day they both met, but unfortunately, as no previous
consultation had taken place, each hooked on his oxen
and began the operation by drawing in a different
direction, and down fell the whole edifice, proving
that the old proverb of safety in a multitude of coun-
sellors is not always verified."1
A contrivance which Skey admired was the " smoke
house " for drying and keeping bacon or other pre-
served flesh. The fires being of wood, at the top of
the house some boards were closely jointed by the
side of the chimney. In this way a closet was formed
through which the smoke passed by a communication
from the chimney at the bottom and into it again at
the top. Thus the smoke could be turned on or cut
off by opening or closing the communication.
1 The practice of moving houses in America has not yet become
quite extinct. Quite recently one of the financial magnates had his
mansion taken up stone by stone and re-erected elsewhere.
240 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
American slackness gave offence to Skey. The
mails from Middletown to Newport (115 miles) never
took less than three days, though the roads, except
for a few days in the year, were not bad. For
this slowness he could never find any other reason
than that it " had always been the custom." The
people of Middletown, he goes on, were far more
refined and polite than those of the inland towns and
cities generally. Indeed they plumed themselves a
good deal upon their advantages.
" But with all this, in the eye of those who
have been used to good company in England the
contrast is so great, so much inferior to what he has
been accustomed to, that when the novelty of the
change is abated, he must be disgusted by that
general ignorance, that contracted little way of think-
ing and acting, which the most candid observer
must admit. There is also in the disposition of the
American people of all descriptions such a marked
indifference to everything which does not relate either
to themselves or their country as is very striking :
they are so perfectly satisfied both with one and the
other, and they listen to whatever is said to them
with a cold indifference should a foreigner endeavour
either to amuse or inform them."
It would be impossible, says Skey, for a French-
man to live in any of the New England States. This
we know to be an exaggeration, for at this time
several were residing at Middletown. It was, how-
ever, an unpleasant situation, and if they appeared in
JAMES SKEY 241
public they ran the risk of inconvenience. But at this
time, it should be remembered, there was imminent
danger of war between France and the United States.
Even an Englishman, Skey goes on, if he wished to
be popular would not contrast an American custom or
institution unfavourably with those at home. That,
one may remark, should be an elementary rule for the
traveller whatever be his race, and wherever he may
be, if he wishes to have a good time amongst his
hosts. Unhappily the rule is almost universally
broken, and Skey it seems was a rank offender.
''The American who knows nothing of the world,
and whose travels have never been extended beyond
the limit of the State in which he was born, arrogantly
assumes to determine that under heaven there is no
such country as America. Virtue, science, and the
arts are more highly cultivated than in the Old World.
At the assize here, as I was attending to a pleader
who had for some time addressed the judges for his
client, in a miserable harangue of bad English and by
much in the worst manner and language I ever saw
addressed to the Bar, an attorney, the best-informed
young man in the city, came to me and with great
exultation said, ' Can your Erskine equal this ? ' '
There was little hospitality in Connecticut, Skey
complains, and at the few banquets he attended the
fare seems to have been rather monotonous — roast
turkey at one end of the table, boiled turkey at the
other. He was inclined to scoff, on another occasion,
at the sacrifice of a hen and her nine young chickens.
Q
242 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
(Probably those little "squabs" were excellent.)
Again he experienced a painful shock at a dinner
when, having been twice pledged by his host in ex-
cellent Madeira, he was counting upon a comfortable
English sitting with the decanters. Saving himself up
for the good time coming, he drank water with the
rest of the meal. What was his surprise when the
cloth was removed to see the wine also taken away !
The ladies of Middletown spared no trouble or
expense, he records, for their dress on public occasions,
though, whether through frugality or lack of servants,
they clean the house, cook the dinner, and wash the
dishes. It was not the custom to give a portion with
a bride ; if her father furnished the house that was all
the husband had a right to expect. Yet one might
have supposed, if Skey's story be true, that the dowry
system would have been introduced by stress of com-
petition. He solemnly asserts that the proportion of
women to men in Middletown was as 15 : i, and goes
on to explain his estimate. Most of the young men,
he says, were either brought up to the sea or were
engaged in farming at a distance from their place of
birth. At balls it was the custom for every gentleman
to be responsible for two ladies, dancing alternately
with one and the other.
" I cannot say the ladies here are very captivating ;
most undoubtedly they fall very short of equalling
Englishwomen either in beauty, accomplishments, or
amiableness of manner. The general conduct of
the females in Connecticut is not restrained by that
prudent reserve to the other sex which distinguishes
JAMES SKEY 243
the British fair, by whom the ladies here would, with
much reason, be deemed very forward and indiscreet.
Now and then the consequences of this unguarded
conduct produce some unpleasant effects. When such
circumstances do appear, the parties marry, and by so
doing they give ample satisfaction to themselves, their
friends, and the world for their irregularity. For there
is not that disgrace attached to it with them, as would
be in England, where such circumstances rarely occur.
" Tho1 the Connecticut women may very justly be
charged with some degree of frailty before marriage,
yet afterwards they become very faithful to their
domestic duties ; infinitely more so than their mates,
who are notoriously known to form criminal intrigues
with other women. The law for punishing this crime
seems very defective ; it says, ' Be it enacted by the
authority aforesaid, that if any man be found in bed
with another man's wife, the man and woman so
offending, being thereof convicted, shall be severely
whipped, not exceeding thirty stripes, unless it appears
upon trial that one party was surprised and did not
consent, which shall excuse such party from punish-
ment.'
" This law, however, such as it is, is seldom exe-
cuted, for though this species of profligacy is very
common, little notice is taken of it."
For these rather scandalous generalisations it
would probably have puzzled Skey to quote chapter
and verse. But if he misdoubted the women's virtue
he also disliked the men's company. They had, he
244 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
said, no esteem for social virtues — not even a disposition
to enjoy conviviality and mirth. They were dull, and
without ideas except as to country life ; content merely
to answer questions and (here, perhaps, was the rub)
with no relish for wit and humour. At home Skey
passed for a merry gentleman, and in America was
disgusted to find that his good things fell flat. It was,
he said, impossible to communicate one spark of
vivacity to their torpid souls.
" If you invite a party to dine with you, and exert
every faculty to promote cheerful social mirth, it is
labouring quite in vain, for if you attempt to give them
useful information from the example of other countries,
they hear you with unconcerned indifference, and all
your endeavours to excite mirth will scarcely produce
a smile.
" Before tea is announced, the company is dispersed,
as it is not usual to sit long after dinner ; this is not
the time for American intemperance, or the moderate
enjoyment of wine ; they are more accustomed to what
they term ' frolicking,' which is getting drunk upon
some instigation of the moment, without regarding
whether it be morning, noon, or night. I recollect a
frolic from the circumstance of a person having a cask
of wine brought home, which being seen by his
neighbours quite late in the evening, eleven of them
descended into the cellar, where they became so
immoderately intoxicated as not to be able to walk
away without assistance."
As to the prevalence of commercial dishonesty,
JAMES SKEY 245
Skey does but corroborate the views of Thomas
Russell as well as the severe though less sweeping
judgments passed by William Russell and Priestley.
The credulity of Englishmen in trusting their property
to Transatlantic adventurers was a surprise to Ameri-
cans. Men from Connecticut had got credit in Eng-
land for ^6000 or ^7000 whom their neighbours
would not have trusted with £10.
" The general disposition to speculate with English
property is notorious ; the trading American, rather
than wait the slow and sure means by honest industry
to acquire wealth, with eager impatience launches
into some speculative scheme, either by the purchase
of tracts of uncleared or uncultivated land, or in an
adventure by sea, in which he will embark not only
the whole of his own property, but also that of his
creditors, and with astonishing sangfroid wait the
issue. If he is successful, he boldly launches into
more extensive plans of enterprise, till at last he
meets with disappointment and ruin.
" An Englishman, who has not resided in this
country, can form no just idea how very different a
thing it is to be ruined here and ruined in England,
where it is attended with poverty and disgrace.
Here the circumstance of bankruptcy is so common
that it creates no surprise, nor does it cause any dis-
grace or change in the style of living or expense.
This has been secured by previous management, for
the arts of fraud and evasion are more easily con-
ducted than in England, and the common disposition
much more prone to practise them. By persons in
246 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
business here, I am informed that justice and common
honesty have so little influence, that of demands upon
the effects of a deceased person seven instances in ten
are not of the smallest value, for, whatever property
they may leave behind them, it is all secured to the
heir from creditors by a previous assignment."
To the general condemnation of American busi-
ness methods, Skey makes an exception in favour of
the Philadelphian Quakers. But the dishonesty was
less offensive to him than the hypocrisy and self-
righteousness with which it was cloaked. He returns
to the attack on the detested deacons.
" A good old man in this place, having had the
misfortune to derange the watch he usually wore, had
recourse to an old family repeater which had been
brought from England by his ancestors. Without
intending to profane the Lord's Day, or behave
irreverently in the Sanctuary, he took his seat in
Meeting with this same watch in his pocket, when
lo ! the sound thereof was heard in the midst of the
congregation. The next day the Deacons and Select-
men assembled themselves together, and caused the
Man of Belial to stand before them, and they levied
a fine upon him for his wickedness in profaning the
House of the Lord. And it came to pass that as the
congregation was assembled on the Sabbath Day, the
wind blew violently in at the door of the House, so
that it caused the Garments of a certain Deaconess
to be lifted up. Now this was a reproach to seven
young women of the congregation, for they did laugh.
JAMES SKEY 247
These were also made to appear before the righteous
elders of the people, and they were compelled to make
an offering of silver for the sin they had committed."
Carrying on this humorous vein, Skey relates the
parable of Thomas Russell and his sisters : —
" There was a certain young man of the City
of Middletown, who journeyed with his two sisters
into the Land of Pennsylvania, and upon his return
he halted at the town of Durham, and tarried there,
for it was the Lord's Day. Now when evening was
come, he was minded to take a Sabbath Day's journey
and reach his own home. But this thing displeased
the holy men of Durham, who gathered round the
chariot, taking hold of the reins of the horses, and
they brought the young man and his two sisters to
the Inn, and there they imprisoned them. And four
Selectmen of the congregation, men of great valour,
kept watch over them all that night, lest they should
escape. And when the morning was come, they
brought them forth and carried them before a
magistrate of that place, saying : ' These profane
persons would have broken the Sabbath, which the
Senate, the Assembly, the priests and the Levites,
have ordered to be kept holy ; we have therefore
brought them before thee to be judged.' Then the
magistrate opened the Book, containing the Law, and
read : ' No person shall be permitted either to walk
or run or ride upon the Lord's Day, but reverently
to or from the Tabernacle.' He commanded them
therefore to be punished by the payment of ninety-six
248 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
shillings, and when they had so done they departed.
Now the name of this young man was Thomas, and
the names of his sisters were Martha and Mary.
Their father was surnamed Russell, and had brought
them from a land flowing with milk and honey for to
sojourn in the wilderness."
In candour Skey confesses that the Americans
were hospitable, and so little was theft apprehended,
that windows and doors were seldom made secure
with bolts and bars. On the other hand, envy and
malice were rife. " If you are richer than your neigh-
bours they will plunder you," said a respected minister ;
" if better, they will defame you."
" The doctrine of equality, in its worst and per-
verted sense, is strictly adhered to. The desire is
that there should be an equality of property, but also
of genius and industry, of virtue and vice. If inquiry
is made, why such and such an ornament or improve-
ment is not made, it is common in reply to be told,
' Why, my neighbours would destroy it some night or
other.' This most detestable disposition of maliciously
injuring and destroying the property of others, veiled
by the darkness of the night, is so common that there
is a particular law for the punishment of it, which is
called the Night Law. This gives a power to any
person injured to carry before a magistrate as many
persons as he may suppose at all suspicious, and they
are bound to render an account of themselves how
and where they passed the night ; if discharged, any
expense which may have been incurred is paid by the
person suspected."
JAMES SKEY 249
Soon after William Russell's arrival in Middle-
town, the harness of a coach, particularly fine, attracted
this spirit of envy, and was cut to pieces. Again, a
neighbour had made a hot-bed for forcing melons.
His garden was entered at night, the fruit broken off,
and the plants chopped up.
The "servant difficulty" was already a domestic
anxiety in the American household. Slaves, says
Skey, could not be purchased in Connecticut, and
with white servants, it seems, the mistress would not
be too rigid about "characters."
" Amongst the lower order of the women they are
notoriously addicted to a certain licentious frailty.
This has no worse effects than that which the laws
of nature impose ; the character of a woman is not
injured, for, if she is a good servant, a natural child
or two is no impediment at all to prevent her getting
immediately into a good situation as a servant, and
she takes her family with her. None of them engage
but from one week to another ; as to hire themselves
for a year is too much resembling slavery, and not
the custom of the country."
As it was always easy for a woman with a good
pair of hands to get a place, she would not make any
trouble if sent away. The servants considered them-
selves on the same footing as their employers, and,
as a rule, associated with the family on terms of
equality.
"Mr. Field, an emigrant from Worcester, was the
250 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
other day mentioning that his servant maid would
dress herself as fine as she possibly could, and enter
into the parlour where he was sitting with his family,
for the benefit of a large glass, to place black patches
upon her face, and after all things were adjusted
she sallied forth to pay a visit, without saying one
word. If the mistress should take the liberty of
hinting that her going out at that time was incon-
venient as she was going to receive company, the
reply would be : ' I can't help it, for I must pay my
visit, as it is an engagement I made some time past.' "
It is strange to find the son-in-law of a man who
had practically been driven from England for assert-
ing unpopular opinions complaining of the bitter
partisan spirit ruling in America. The rancour which
Skey observed between Federalists and anti-Federa-
lists far surpassed anything of the sort in his own
country. "If your friend is of the unpopular party,
and should your intimacy continue and you are known
to visit him, you will be unpopular too and abused."
Here we have an incidental light thrown upon the
growing reluctance of the Russell family to stay at
Middletown. They had sympathised and associated
with some French residents, and certainly were not
the sort of people to give up friends who had incurred
local dislike.
An interesting passage, which, no doubt, was
partly derived from William Russell, relates to the
American treatment of Priestley : —
" His reception among them was with that cold
, JAMES SKEY 251
civility peculiar to Americans. At that time a few
literary men of the then popular party showed him
some attention, and with them he formed an acquain-
tance. But since that period political opinions have
undergone a sudden and violent change, and Dr.
Priestley's former acquaintance are now considered
in the public mind as Jacobins and traitors. Unin-
fluenced by this political revolution, or without at-
tending to the subject of politics at all, he continued
occasionally the same intercourse as heretofore with
his literary friends. But this was a crime too atrocious
not to meet with the severest reprehension ; he has
therefore been abused and vilified with the lowest
scurrility of party rage, and is become extremely
unpopular.
"In a generous nation some would undoubtedly
be found to protect from insult, and vindicate the
injured reputation of a stranger who had fled to it as
an asylum from the prejudices and persecution of his
own country, or to advocate the cause of this very
eminent promoter of science and virtue, but in
America the influence of such sentiments is languid
and feeble. No such advocate has appeared. This
great and most excellent man, in a short time after
arriving in this country, perceived that the public
mind was not sufficiently liberal and enlightened for
hope that his public exertions would be attended with
any beneficial effects. He therefore retired to North-
umberland, a remote part of Pennsylvania, and there
devotes himself to philosophical pursuits.
" From this place he wrote me a letter dated 7th
November 1798, to Middletown. In this he speaks of
252 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
the illiberal treatment he experienced in the following
words : —
" ' I find myself exposed to more gross abuse here,
on account of my supposed attachment to the cause of
France, than I was in England, tho' I have nothing to
do or say about the politics of the country, which
indeed I hardly give any attention to, looking as I
continually do towards Europe, which is the great
theatre of interesting transactions.' "
It would, however, be misleading to suggest that
Priestley suffered acute annoyance or discomfort. We
shall see that he was comfortable enough in America
to decline without hesitation Russell's offer to make a
more congenial home for him in France. But his
popularity had declined, and he was unable to exercise
the influence on which he had reckoned.
The language of the United States was, Skey
testifies, beyond all comparison more correct than in
the Old Country, and even amongst the lower classes
it was free from the lingoes and dialects of England.
He notes various idioms (especially " help " and
" guess ") : —
" Such as ' Give me a cut of beef on the west side '
or ' Shall I help you to anything ? ' It always is
' Try this beef,' or ' Do try this mutton,' and what is
singular, the custom is to have or try two or three
different kinds of meat at the same time and on the
same plate. Nothing is more common than to hear
sentences concluded with to. ' I am going to,' ' I
JAMES SKEY 253
should like to,' 'I intend to," &c., and the word
depend as often occurs, as ' It rains, you may depend?
'It is a warm day, you may depend' To express a
short space of time, it is a spell, and cheerfulness or
activity is being very spry. Young pigs are called
suckers, then choats, and when full grown hogs. The
clock, watch, or gun is always of the feminine gender.
'What o'clock is it?' 'She has just struck one.'
'Have you got your watch in your pocket?' 'No,
she did not go well, and therefore she is at the watch-
maker's.' ' This is a good gun, but she is out of
order as she has not been cleaned.'
"The Meeting House everywhere is the general
point to or from any place. If you ask, How far to
Hartford ? ' So many miles to the Meeting House!
or ' Such a distance from the Meeting House,' and to
your inquiries as to the road to any place, they invari-
ably employ the cardinal points as directors, as ' Keep
on to the eastward and when you come to such a
place, then turn to the northward,' and so very general
and so well understood is this mode of expression that
it is employed upon every common occasion."
Skey notes with pleasure, as became an English
country gentleman, the existence of a class of inde-
pendent and substantial freeholders, owning and farm-
ing 400 or 500 acres of good land, living upon and
from their estates. Besides getting every kind of food
from their own property they made their soap and
candles, spun their flax and hemp, wool and silk. A
member of this fortunate class told Skey that his out-
side expenditure for the year on behalf of his whole
254 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
family had been ^19, 175. This was one side of the
picture. But they led a secluded and almost solitary
life. Their enjoyments were primitive, and if the
following story be illustrative, as Skey suggests, of
the social life in general, their sense of humour was
rudimentary. Skey was passing the night at one of
these farmers' houses.
"Tho" a person of some notoriety in his neigh-
bourhood, a justice of the peace, &c., he had no
female servant in the house. His daughters per-
formed every part of the domestic business, and
these were young women of irreproachable characters.
Yet such is the peculiar taste for humour in this
country, that soon after I was in bed I found that a
very thin boarded partition divided my lodging from
the ladies, which was not fixed to the floor, but was
suspended by hooks from the ceiling so as to swing.
Against this partition my bed was closely placed on
the one side, and on the other two of my landlord's
daughters had placed their bed also. The joke
appeared to them very amusing, and consisted in their
attempts to keep me from sleeping ; but in this they
did not long succeed, for having for a time endured
their laughing, whispering, scratching and moving the
partition from one bed against the other, I changed
my position by taking my pillow to the foot of the bed,
and being much fatigued, I soon fell asleep. This is
termed frolicking. All things of this kind are con-
sidered as innocent in themselves, and therefore the
parents are more disposed to forward the joke than
disapprove of it."
JAMES SKEY 255
Partly for pleasure and partly on William Russell's
business Skey made an excursion through " the States
of Connecticut, New York, Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, and to Annapolis in Maryland," where he
attended a meeting of the Assembly. An interesting
debate was held upon William Russell's claim against
the State on account of "some paternal land, which it
confiscated at the time of the American War, contrary
to the Act for selling British property." The respect-
able part of the Assembly, says Skey, were unanimous
and eager for restoring the property — Russell's claim
being supported both by law and equity. A Com-
mittee appointed by the Assembly itself had reported
nem. con. in favour of this course. Nevertheless, on a
division, the payment of compensation was negatived.
In spite of Russell's case being warmly supported,
" arguments founded both on the laws of the State and
the immutable law of right and common justice had no
influence with the majority of the members," many of
whom, Skey declares, were retained in the Assembly
" avowedly because they were known never on any
occasion to vote for any payment from the public
purse." This, perhaps, was an extreme statement of
a disappointed suitor's grievance, but from William
Russell's letters it is clear that he had cherished an
honest faith in his case, and considered himself to
have been scurvily used by the Maryland House of
Assembly.
CHAPTER XVI
Original plans for a settlement— Pennsylvania unsuitable — Farming in
Connecticut — William Russell's business enterprises — Litigations —
Mount Vernon — General and Mrs. Washington — Notes on Virginia
— A black cook for sale — Drawbacks of life at Middletown — Mary
Russell's explanation — A limited range of interests — Trip to New
Haven — Commencement at Yale — Mary Russell's criticisms — Ani-
mosity against the French — Danger of war — Priestley and President
Adams — Reasons for leaving Middletown — William Russell's offer to
Priestley — Return of the family to Europe.
" You will never stay here," wrote Priestley from
America in 1794 to William Russell, "while England
is tenable for you." House rent and other expenses
were, he said, extravagantly high, and except in the
large towns there was no society. He would not him-
self have gone to America but for the purpose of
settling his sons. It is doubtful whether this letter,
dated June 25, was received by Russell before he
sailed on August 13 from Falmouth. But at that
time no advice would have turned him from his pur-
pose— to abandon for ever the country where he had
been so harshly treated. His fixed intention was to
withdraw his property from England (having wound
up his partnership with George Russell, his brother
in Birmingham) and become a naturalised citizen of
the United States. In the bustle of preparations
for departure he expressed to James Skey his deep
256
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 257
satisfaction at leaving " your proud isle, "and to another
friend wrote that soon he would be " steering on the
mighty waters towards the land of peace." In Paris
he had already assumed the name of an American
citizen, as being more in harmony than that of an
Englishman with his feelings and opinions. His
daughters, as we have seen, thoroughly shared his
enthusiasm for the free Republic in the New World,
and at the outset their young brother, indignant at
the father's wrongs, was very much of their way of
thinking.
The original plan was for the Russells to make
their home near to Priestley's. There may even have
been some idea of founding a little Unitarian com-
munity— a model colony of friends and neighbours
sympathetic in culture, pursuits, and religion. While
the emigrants were still detained on French soil,
Russell's agent had purchased some considerable
farms, on what was then considered to be improving
land, near to Priestley's property at Northumberland,
and after landing at New York, Russell's first care
was to visit his old friend and inspect the new estate.
Apparently, the son had already seen enough of
America to decide him against settling in Northumber-
land, and, from his remarks about Priestley in private
life, it is clear that he was not altogether in love with
the idea of having him as a near neighbour. Being
a lad of strong character and sound judgment, he, no
doubt, turned his father's mind. The driving tour
which the family had taken in New England had shown
them more attractive situations, and the girls, though
prepared to make their home, if required, in Rhode
258 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Island, had really set their hearts on the valley of the
Connecticut, and especially on Micldletown, then a
little place of two hundred houses, which now counts
its inhabitants in five figures. Their father was soon
persuaded to fall in with their views because, though
still a man of ample fortune, he was a little terrified
at the scale of expenditure practised by the leading
people of Philadelphia, where he spent his first winter,
and also because the profits from his numerous trade
ventures were rendered highly precarious by the war
between England and France. His correspondence
at this period with George Russell largely consists of
warnings to his brother against undertaking any con-
siderable commitments. Moreover, he had rather
changed his mind as to the easiness of making money
in America. At first he was convinced, he wrote,
that he could make four times as much as in England
with less trouble and less hazard. Later on, we find
him pointing out the peculiar conditions of American
commerce — the long credit required and the small
profits obtained. At the same time he retained faith
in the agricultural prospects of the country. He should
have room, he wrote to Birmingham, for every kind
of stock — those of human kind not excepted, who were
honest and industrious. But the great cities, so he
told his brother, were better places for making war,
spending money, for exertion and diligence in early
life, than for that " sedate retrospective inactivity
relished and desirable in our mature and declining
days."
In these circumstances he naturally looked for a
place where his family might live with credit and at
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 259
small expense, while he and his son could indulge the
Englishman's natural taste for amateur farming. For
this captivating pursuit they both possessed aptitude,
nor did they fall into the common error of applying
British methods to foreign soil and climate. The son,
as his letters show, carefully studied the different
American systems of agriculture, while the father
chiefly devoted himself to stock-breeding — a pursuit on
which he found a congenial correspondent in General
Washington, whom he visited at his lovely home in
Virginia on the River Potomac. Whether the farm-
ing operations carried on by the Russells in Connecti-
cut were, from the money point of view, profitable
does not appear. Certainly they had either paid too
much for their lands at Northumberland or received
too little on giving them up, but a man's agricultural
merits cannot fairly be judged by the result of his
dealings in land. That is another story.
Whether under different conditions the Russells,
father and son, could ever have settled down as
prosperous Connecticut agriculturists it is difficult to
say. They never gave themselves the chance.
In speaking here of William Russell's business
transactions in America, would it not be well to give
him credit for the ceaseless perseverance and indomi-
table energy with which he devoted himself to collecting
(no salary) his late partner's (George Russell's) out-
standing debts (many thousands of pounds) in Phila-
delphia and the principal cities, while, from April 1796
to April 1800, he acted as the American agent (i.e.
while he sent Zaccheus Walker on his own behalf to
Paris) ? This also accounts for much of the travelling
260 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
William Russell did in America at this period. His
efforts were rewarded by complete success in almost
every instance, even in many cases which Zaccheus
Walker had always regarded as hopeless.
If I remember correctly, in several letters it is
stated the " courts of law," banks, and " leading houses
of business" were closed for weeks, if not months,
together, owing to the complete hold yellow fever got
of the inhabitants of certain of the principal towns
which the writers visited.
William Russell was evidently a man of specula-
tive, adventurous disposition and boundless energy.
His letters show, in spite of the sage lesson adminis-
tered to his brother at home, that he was constantly
engaged in heavy undertakings, which involved peri-
odical anxiety as to meeting large payments due in
Boston, Philadelphia, or New York. Faithful himself
to the very letter of his bond, he could not always
count upon equal punctuality in some of his American
business connections. In justice to the commercial
men of the New Country, whose failings are so
sharply castigated by Thomas Russell, it should be
remembered that even moderate and reasonable cal-
culations might, at this period, be suddenly upset
through the risks of war, the recurrent uncertainties
about peace, and the frightful ravages wrought in the
great cities by yellow and other fevers. There were
times when the courts of law suspended their sittings
and the leading houses of business were brought
absolutely to a standstill.
In addition to these troubles, Russell had a taste
for what is generally the most hopeless of human
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 261
undertakings — prosecuting a private citizen's claim
against a public authority. Perhaps he had been in-
fected with this passion by his success at Birmingham
in recovering damages from the Hundred for the de-
struction of his property at Showell Green, though,
even in that case, he had been obliged, in his capacity
of rate-payer, to contribute handsomely towards his
solatium as an injured house-owner. His next attempt
was made in France, where he tried to extract com-
pensation from the Republican Government for the
destruction of his property on the Nancy when cap-
tured by a French man-of-war, and for the expenses
of maintaining himself and his family in prison. His
failure in Paris did not deter him from entering into
expensive and tiresome litigation with the State of
Maryland. The result was set out in the previous
chapter by James Skey. In pressing a claim against
the State of Virginia on behalf of a country in which
he was personally interested he appears to have had
some success, though at the outset he was inclined to
despair of his single-handed fight against "a combina-
tion of rascals in a strange land." Again, in Penn-
sylvania, he appears to have established his right as
heir to a small property, which had been confiscated
during the War of Independence. He was also much
occupied, though without remuneration, in getting in
debts due to his brother in Birmingham. On this
work he expended as much energy as on business
of his own. Whether lucky or unlucky, all these
enterprises helped to wear out the strength, though
not to quench the energy, of an elderly and in some
respects disappointed man.
262 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
Now and again he seems to have rested in his
charming Connecticut home. Sometimes, when his
health had really been failing or his deafness was
especially troublesome, he would allow his son to go
alone upon these business errands. But he could not
long remain sedentary. Eminently sociable, he enjoyed
travelling, and particularly liked to look up old friends.
Amongst the most notable of his visits was one of
several which he paid to General and Mrs. Washington
at Mount Vernon. An interesting glimpse of that
famous household is given by William Russell in a
letter to his son written from Dumfries in Virginia on
October 24, 1797. Apparently he had not informed
his host of his intended visit, for a short distance from
the house he met General and Mrs. Washington in
their state coach with four horses.
" They both knew me at once, and expressed great
concern that they were under an engagement to dine
at Alexandria, but he told me they should be at home
in the evening. But I did not choose to lose a day in
that manner, and therefore excused myself then, but
promised to make my visit upon my return. Both
the old General and his wife appeared to be in better
health than I ever saw in their countenances in Phila-
delphia, and they both said they thought themselves
to be so. He inquired after my daughters cheerfully,
and seemed pleased to hear you were so well in health
and so well pleased with your situation in Middletown.
The Spanish Ambassador, I am told, is there on a
visit to the niece. It was rumoured that he came to
Annapolis to see Miss Carroll, but, as he made too
GEORGE WASHINGTON
Prom a pastel ascribed to MRS. SHAKPLES
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 263
short a stay for that report, his errand is now said to
be for the purpose of making his addresses to the
other lady — and probably with no more truth than the
former."
On November 8th Russell jotted down for Skey's
benefit some sound observations about Virginia : —
" I am much better pleased with this part of
Virginia than what I saw before. These fine roads
and the breed of very light horses they have here in-
duced them all to use Sulkies,1 which are as much the
carriage of the country as a single horse chair is with
your neighbours. The Sulkies are, however, very fre-
quently upon four wheels, and it is the general practice
for ladies to use them, but then they are always driven
by a servant and never drive themselves. The style
and etiquette of this State is as different from Con-
necticut as that is from Philadelphia. Here a family
scarcely ever visit in any other carriage than a hand-
some English coach or chariot drawn by four horses
with two drivers upon saddles with caps, liveries, &c.,
&c., as in England, but then all the servants have black
faces, which to me always proves a sad take-off when
I see the smart liveries, &c., at a distance and the
black faces when they drive up to me. Through
all Maryland and this State I have never once met a
gentleman with a white servant. I have heard of a
capital black cook, a man cook (the female cooks are
not valued here). The fellow I refer to would I think
suit us admirably well . . . the price is $500, but he would
1 Progenitor of the light two-wheel car used for trotting matches.
264 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
be sold for 100 guineas, and if what I hear of him is
true would be cheap to us at that price. It seems
now very evident to me that we should have either
all white or all black servants. Had our finances
been in good plight and we had concluded upon the
blacks I have a fine opportunity of getting them.
But I do not precisely know upon what footing we
could have or hold them in Connecticut. I wish to
be informed of this in your next letter. ..."
Letter from Richmond continued : —
"November 10, 1797. — I was really surprised upon
my arrival at the capital of this State to see in what a
scattered, disjointed state it is : the appearance as I
entered from Fredericksberg reminded me very much
of the Federal City, and I still think it more like that
than any other city I have seen upon the continent.
They have an enormous pile of building which they are
very proud of and call their Capitol. It has been built
about twelve years, and they have now just finished
the fourth roof which has been put upon it. It contains
the archives, &c., belonging to the State and all the
different offices upon the ground floor, which is all
arched with brick, and the doors plated with iron, so as
to be effectually secured against fire. ... I was pleased,
however, to see a full statue of General Washington,
which appears a good likeness : there is also a bust
of the Marquis de la Fayette, who is in my opinion
more honoured by his company than his deserts entitled
him to."
The deferred visit to Mount Vernon was duly paid,
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 265
and briefly described in a letter to Thomas Russell
written on November 27 from Bladensberg.
" I reached Mount Vernon in the morning, before
General Washington was prepared for his morning's
ride, and gained two mornings with him instead of
one, which was all I should have otherwise allowed
myself. Two very interesting mornings they were to
me, and, if I can trust to my own judgment and the
repeated and very cordial invitation he again and
again gave me at parting, I really believe he was not
a little pleased with my visit. Mrs. Washington I
found the same attentive, good-humoured old lady she
has always appeared to us. They were quite alone, but
had an invalid in the house whom Mrs. Washington
announced to me, but I did not hear what she said.
My hearing was very bad, and still continues so, to
my very great mortification, but I have no remedy
but patience, and therefore endeavour to acquiesce
as cheerfully as I can. ... I wish you, my dear
Thomas, not to sell the two best of the ram lambs at
any price. I propose to keep the best for myself, and
am to send the second to General Washington, whose
sheep are by no means near mine. ..."
Meantime, Thomas Russell, as is clear from his
views given in the preceding chapter, had conceived a
hearty dislike of the American people and their insti-
tutions. A genial and generous lad, adored by his
sisters, to whom he was the best of brothers, leader in
home gaieties and country diversions, he seems to
have been ruffled by the social aspect of Republican
266 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
life as developed at the turn of the eighteenth century.
As soon as he touches upon the manners and customs
of New England the bright, clever lad becomes sen-
tentious and unsympathetic. He soon made it evident
that he would never agree to settle permanently in
America, and his chief hope, as expressed to friends of
his own age, was for an eventual return, as soon as
might be, to his native country.
At first, the sisters found it more easy than the
brother to accommodate themselves to the new sur-
roundings. For the first year or two of their residence
in Middletown we have only Mary's diaries on record.
The indefatigable, observant, and enthusiastic Martha's
pen was stayed, at first by illness, and afterwards by
pre-occupation. At some date, not stated, her corre-
spondence with James Skey of Upton-on-Severn had
passed into an exchange of love-letters, and, when he
arrived at Middletown in the autumn of 1798, it was
with the purpose of making her his wife. The wedding
was celebrated on December i3th of that year, "very
quietly." So quietly indeed, that not before a fort-
night afterwards were the neighbours informed of that
important family event.
From this remarkable secrecy it is sufficiently
obvious that the Russells had more or less withdrawn
from the social life of the little township. Almost as
much is confessed in the first page of Mary's diary,
written after twelve months' trial of their Connecticut
home.
" With respect to the natural beauties of the
country round this place " — she begins on November
5, 1797, with charming old-fashioned formality — " they
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 267
quite exceed the expectation I had formed of them
and indeed 'tis generally the case with all Dame
Nature's works that the more we examine them the
more reason we find for admiration whereas in the
works of Man a closer examination is but too apt to
discover to "us faults which on a slight observation
were not observed." After this unpunctuated exordium
Mary comes to the point. " This has been too much the
case with the people here. Many with whom we were
much pleased on first acquaintance have not justified
the good opinion we had formed of them. But the
feeling and enlarged mind of an European cannot be
expected in this situation, where in general the sphere
of observation is very narrow, and so much of the time
always occupied (and in the present state of society
almost necessarily so) in the care of and provision for
a family that it leaves but little leisure to attend to any
of those literary pursuits and elegant accomplishments
which not only enlarge the mind but heighten the
sensibility and improve the heart."
Very true. But it was a dangerous discovery to
be made by young girls fixed — apparently for an in-
definite term — in a small country town amongst neigh-
bours of narrow circumstances and limited interests.
At Birmingham, already the centre of a bustling intel-
lectual life, they had lived among people who read
(and wrote) the newest books, indulged in the most
advanced speculation, and were actors or sufferers in a
struggle which, for a time, had held the attention of all
England. Dr. Priestley was not merely a local divine
or simply an esteemed philosopher. He was also a
public person who had crossed swords with Mr. Burke
268 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
and (in the opinion of his friends) had held his own.
Their father's reputation was not a mere reflection
from his intimacy with Priestley. He was a leading
magistrate of Birmingham, well known in London,
and, when ill-treated, could speak confidently about
laying his case in person before Mr. Pitt.
From youth upwards Martha and Mary Russell
had, more or less, shared in the intellectual and politi-
cal movements of public life in England, and before
setting foot in the New World they had graduated in
the most thrilling experiences of the Old. If they
could pass, without conscious transformation, through
the prolonged trials of their imprisonment on succes-
sive French men-of-war, they must at least have un-
dergone a moral awakening when they were brought
face to face with the French Revolution. The worst,
perhaps, was over. Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette,
Mirabeau, Marat, and Robespierre had been removed.
But the Russell girls had witnessed an attempted
revolution ; had seen Paris under arms, and were
present at the agony of Fouquier-Tinville. They had
walked and talked with some people who had done —
or still were doing — great or notorious things in Paris.
They knew Madame de Stael and some of her circle :
they were united in affectionate friendship with men
like General Miranda. They were intimate with
famous philosophers. They had read, studied, and
been taught. It was not likely, therefore, that they
would comfortably settle down in a hum-drum town-
ship, where the most exciting subject of conversation
would be criticism of the preacher's doctrine, or gossip
about some boy-and-girl love match, or speculations on
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 269
the coming harvest. From a world of books, thought,
action, of noble aspiration and strenuous endeavour, of
war and crime and civil strife, the new-comers were
transplanted to a village scene, more remote and
limited than could nowadays be matched in the most
world-forsaken retreat of the New England or the Old.
At first sight, of course, the girls, exhausted by
a long series of violent sensations, weary with travel,
believed that they would always be happy in Middle-
town and never could be happy elsewhere. With
genuine zest they threw themselves into the little life
of the place. Mary's diary is full of the rural pleasures
on which they are feeding — the multiplicity of gor-
geous flowers, the heavenly notes of unknown birds,
the long rides on horseback in the summer mornings,
the thrills of sleighing through the winter months.
Almost equal pleasure they experienced in the simple
hospitalities of kindly neighbours — the picnic parties
in the woods, the friendly little dances, the games
amongst the young people, Dumb-crambo and the like,
with the occasional formality of an Assembly. At
first all this was very charming and satisfying. Only
twice during the first twelve months had the Russell
girls gone outside the range of Middletown. Once
was to pay a visit to a friend at Hartford, no great
distance. The other occasion was to attend "Com-
mencement " at New Haven.
Graduates of Yale University may be interested
to hear Mary Russell's account of the proceedings in
1797.
"In the morning at 9 o'clock we were to be at
270 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
the Brick Meeting House, where the young men were
to give specimens of their learning. We found a very
crowded audience assembled. The president occupied
the pulpit, and the Corporation were in a semicircle
under him. Under him in front of the pulpit a stage
was erected for the speakers. When we arrived a
young man was delivering a Latin oration, which he
appeared to do with great ease and to pronounce well.
" After that came a long and very foolish debate
concerning the manners and customs of the first
settlers of this State. It was maintained by four of
the students. One argued the superiority of the
manners of the Greeks in the time of Plato. Another
indicated the character of a fine gentleman. The
very frequent and ill-natured sarcasms that were
thrown out during all this piece against the French
nation were very disgusting. The evident conscious-
ness of the great superiority which they thought their
State in particular to enjoy was too apparent. A
debate on Divorce was then introduced, and, after
that, one of the most ridiculous that could be for such
an exhibition as that. For a set of strolling players
it might have been tolerable, but for young men
assembled to give specimens of their learning it was
quite out of character. It was a short farce or tragedy
performed by some of the students. The young man
who was going to commit suicide had two pistols and
put them to his head to shoot himself with, when a
friend interposed and stopt him. Though some round
us were wiping their eyes, to us it was truly ludicrous,
and we had some difficulty in restraining our counte-
nances.
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 271
" The last piece we were much pleased with. It
was in poetry, composed by the young man who
delivered it, was well spoken, and had some fine ideas
in it. It was on the Being and Providence of God,
in answer to some of M. Volney's opinions. In the
afternoon we did not go, as we were to attend the
Ball in the evening."
This, no doubt, the girls thoroughly enjoyed,
though no record is given of their adventures. Per-
haps one may conjecture that Mary's criticism of the
dramatic piece would have been more sympathetic
(since some of the company were moved to tears) if
she had not been irritated and pained by the previous
attack upon the beloved French. Though the young
ladies had been, as they confessed, put a little out of
conceit with Revolutionary methods, they still clung
tenaciously to the central idea of Liberty, Equality
and Fraternity, and to Paris as the great world-beacon
of Light and Learning. In Middletown their most
intimate and best liked friends were French settlers —
a fact, as we have seen, which largely accounts for
their apparently growing estrangement from some of
their American neighbours.
At this time (1797) the relations, once so friendly,
between France and the United States, were danger-
ously strained. The trouble arose out of the Jay
Treaty between Great Britain and the United States.
The French took it amiss that, after having so
materially helped to bring about American Indepen-
dence in 1783, they were now left alone to fight out
as best they might their renewed struggle with the
272 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
English. The behaviour of the French diplomatists
had for some time been overbearing, and in 1796
some unpopularity fell upon President Adams for
preserving a conciliatory attitude towards Paris. Next
year a storm of patriotic fury broke out when the
United States Minister was ordered to leave France ;
it was renewed when the three Commissioners subse-
quently sent by the United States were addressed in
terms which, to the excited American sentiment,
seemed to constitute a demand for tribute. Instantly,
an agitation was worked up with characteristic vigour,
and a large party clamoured for war against France.
The ill-feeling did not pass away until Bonaparte,
having got rid of the Directory, restored cordial
relations between the two countries.
Meantime it was a difficult position for French
people living in the United States ; not less difficult
for their friends. It made no difference that they
disapproved, as the Russells did, the insolent action
of the Directory. Patriotic indignation does not
make nice discriminations. Priestley, who stood
bravely by his French Revolution friends, suffered in
American repute, and remarked sarcastically upon the
conduct of that enlightened statesman Adams, who,
as the term of his Presidency came within view,
thought it wise to withdraw (with something very like
an apology) from his support of the pro-French
divine. Mary Russell says distinctly that her people
became unpopular because they were faithful to their
French neighbours in Middletown.
In other respects her diary is almost free from
political references. She does indeed allude to the
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 273
approaching competition for the Vice-Presidency
between Jefferson and Aaron Burr, but only to say
that she hopes the latter will fail because, though
a man of great political ability, he was personally an
evil-liver. On the question of slavery she also
mentions that her father, on returning from a visit
to the South, had not condemned the institution,
but regretted its universal prevalence in Maryland
and Virginia, and was pained by the inhuman manner
in which the negroes were treated. " It must shock
the feelings of every friend to humanity whose heart is
not hardened by education and habit to regarding the
negroes in a light not superior to beasts." But, as
we have seen, William Russell, like most white people
in the United States at this time, saw little objection
to domestic servitude as practised in kindly and
enlightened families.
The crops of the field, the promise in the orchard,
the prevalence of hydrophobia amongst cattle as well
as dogs, the arrival of a new settler, or possibly the
sermon of the previous Sunday — these are the topics
that fill most of Mary Russell's neatly written pages.
There is no discontent expressed with the retired
life, no harsh criticism of individual neighbours, but
gently and unobtrusively the writer lets it be seen
that she is weary of the uneventful daily routine and
the lack of congenial society.
Martha's engagement and approaching marriage,
to be followed by her return to England, fill Mary
with a sense of almost intolerable loneliness. From
the day when Mr. and Mrs. Skey sail for the bride-
groom's home it is clear that the days of the Russells
s
274 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
in Middletown — and in America — are numbered.
The parting, when it comes in May 1799, is a sharp
wrench to the father and sister left behind. William
Russell writes that he is " tremblingly alive " to the
perils from French privateers, and curiously enough
this was the one alarm — happily a false one — that
broke the monotony of the young couple's prosperous
voyage home. A strange sail was sighted, and all
hands, passengers included, made ready to fight the
vessel bearing down upon them — whether she should
be French or Algerine. Happily, it was a false
alarm.
William Russell, though not yet old in years, was
somewhat broken in health. Always a little delicate,
he had, during his captivity, undergone hardships
that might have tried a strong constitution, and he
never altogether recovered from the long strain.
Neither in his own business nor in his friends' did
he spare himself. At one time he wrote to his
brother that he was rising with the sun and going
to rest not before midnight — working all day and
every hour. Clearly he had already caught the
American restlessness. To so energetic a man it
must have been peculiarly vexatious that his hearing
should fail him. He was troubled with deafness
to such a degree that much of the zest was taken
from his life. On returning from one of his many
business journeys he found it painful that he could not
understand what his daughters were trying to make
him understand. On one occasion he gave up a pro-
mised visit to Priestley because he would not be able
to enjoy his old friend's conversation. Nevertheless
HOME LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND 275
he formed plans, or dreamed dreams, of a close
association. When in 1800 he had so arranged his
rather complicated investments and commitments that
he could see his way to revisiting Europe on the
first news of peace, he suggested that Priestley should
come to live with him at Abbey Ardennes, and
establish a Unitarian organisation in France.
The divine, who, in some respects, was a better
man of the world than his lay supporter, would not
listen to these proposals. His French was not good
enough for a theological propaganda amongst French-
men. The scheme, he gently suggested, was some-
what Utopian, and his friend should wait until he
had spent some time in the country before he embarked
in any large project. As for himself — on that point
he was quite decided — he could not and would not leave
his Northumberland home, at least until peace had
been assured in Europe. He might have added,
with a contemporary French cynic, that there was
not enough faith in the country to support two
religions !
It was, therefore, as a weary though not dis-
heartened man that William Russell in 1801 left
the land to which in 1795 he had sailed as to "a clime
where peace and serenity prevail." In his letters
there is nothing to suggest that he had abandoned
the ideas which he had so valiantly maintained or the
ideals that he struggled to uphold. But, as a man
advanced in years, he did not wish to live with the
ocean between himself and his dearly loved children.
When he asks his son-in-law in England to send
him over a "bob wig" — the fashionable wear in
276 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
London, so he had heard — he adds that the order
must not be taken to mean that he has given up the
purpose of leaving America on the first good oppor-
tunity. Martha Skey and her husband had gone
away with no intention of coming back, two years
before, and now Mary and Thomas Russell were
sailing for England — never to return, writes exultant
Thomas. It only remained for their father to follow
them — though not to England. For the present,
and for a good many years to come, his country was
barred to him, and he could live no nearer to his own
flesh and blood than on his estate near Caen.
CHAPTER XV11
THE RETURN TO EUROPE
William Russell's arrival at Bordeaux — His anomalous position — Perils
of doubtful nationality — Investment in French land — Residence at
Abbey Ardennes — Technical felony — Pardon suggested — Erskine's
opinion — Russell's attitude — Correspondence with his son in Paris —
Suspicious French authorities — Proposed petition to the English
Government — Fear of prejudicing title of French property — Political
gossips — The Emperor of Russia — Lord Lauderdale's mission —
Death of Fox — Prolonged suspense — Thomas Russell and the First
Empire — Bonaparte's marriage — Public fetes in Paris — Return of
William Russell.
MARY and Thomas Russell, happy in the thought of
their return to Europe, lamented that their pleasure was
to be spoiled by parting with their father. It was
impossible for William Russell either to travel with
his children or rejoin them on British soil. Indeed
his legal position in 1801, and for many years after-
wards, was sufficiently complicated, if not perilous.
As a reputed and formally adopted citizen of the
United States he had resolved to profit by the settle-
ment of outstanding disputes between Washington
and Paris. It was safe, so he considered, to take up
residence on his Normandy estate. But in point of
fact he could not divest himself of British nation-
ality. He ran a certain risk, therefore, of being
denounced in France as an Englishman and once
again becoming a prisoner of war. That the danger
277
278 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
was by no means imaginary appears from his corre-
spondence with his son, in which he speaks of the
suspicion entertained by the local French authorities
as to foreigners living near the coast and receiving
letters from abroad.
On the other hand, he could not return to England
so long as it remained at war with France. His
purchase of land in Paris and Normandy in 1 799 had
been a felony in the eye of the English law. Though,
perhaps, he had no personal enemies in England, there
were plenty of political adversaries who might rejoice
in setting the law in motion against a well-known
public character. It is true that the purchase of these
French estates had been conducted in the name of
Mr. Fulwar Skipwith, American Agent-General in
Paris, and Russell had carefully enjoined his agents
that nothing should be done that would reveal the
real ownership. But that sort of fiction is not easily
maintained in regard to a landed property of very
considerable value. The investment in the Quai
Voltaire was quite important, and the rental of the
portion of the Ardennes estate not occupied by
Russell himself was about ^800 a year. Although
at first he did not contemplate a permanent abode in
Normandy, a few days after his arrival at Bordeaux
(July 2, 1 80 1 ) he wrote to his agent at Caen, asking
him to arrange for temporary house accommodation.
He proposed, he said, to take an active part in the
management of the estate, and wished the tenants to
understand that he would soon be amongst them. In
such circumstances it was evidently useless to think
of concealing his true position. He had not long
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 279
installed himself when he set up a Protestant place of
worship in Caen, and on this proof of spiritual energy
he received warm congratulations from Priestley.
Himself too old and weary to help in familiarising the
French people with " rational Christianity," the divine
praised the layman's energy, and regretted that similar
efforts were not made in other parts of the country.
For though the Protestants in France were pretty
numerous they were, he said, excelled in zeal by the
Roman Catholics.
At first Russell had been very happy in his gardens
and orchards and farm. He is frequently inviting
Martha Skey, his married daughter, now a mother, to
pay him a visit.
" You see, my dear Martha, I include you in the
number whom I invite to come, for I think your being
a nurse is not an insuperable objection, and the
packet, which oftentimes reaches Havre in twelve
hours, may for a trifling expense be engaged for
yourselves, and will bring you and all your family
with great convenience. At least they had such
vessels before the war, and such are expected again.
I can assure you I have room not only for you and
all your family, but for all our relations, and all
their families with them. I shall have plenty of
provisions of all sorts, for as many as will come — even
now at this barren season. We have fish, wild fowl,
game, and poultry in great plenty (particularly the
former). I buy all sorts of shambles meat (veal ex-
cepted) at 3^-d.pr. lb.,fine wheat bread i^d. pr. lb., butter
7^d., vegetables in abundance, I wish I could send your
280 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
young folks a present of some of the fine apples and
pears I now have in TKy fruitier^ where I have a store
that will last for many months to come. I told your
husband in my last that I drink very good wine at
i5d. pr. bottle, and I have since learnt that there is
good beer and ale too at Caen. As to cider I have
a large magnificent mill within my precincts, where
more than one of my farmers have made above 1000
gallons for the consumption of their own family and
workmen. Every farmer I have makes more or less
for the like purpose, and all from the trees upon their
respective farms. What is the quality of the malt
liquor or the cider I cannot say, for I have never
tasted a drop of either, nor yet of spirituous liquor
of any kind since I landed in France, If you drink
water, as I do, at dinner, I shall give you as much as
you please from a very fine spring at my own door."
"... I said in my last to your sister [he writes
in December 1 80 1] that I was then preparing some
apartments in the Convent, and I have now to say
that I have taken up my abode there, and find it very
comfortable — for such a situation, at a distance from
every friend and relation, and with all my infirmities
about me. It is certainly a bad season of the year
for a single person to enter upon such large and lofty
rooms as mine are, each of them being 22 by 25 and
1 6 feet high. I have a sleeping-room, a breakfast
room, a dining-room, a noble kitchen, and a servant's
bedroom, all contiguous and in a line, with a garden
in each front. In addition to these I have store rooms,
cellars and a fruitier, &c., in abundance. I found the
THE CHURCH, ABBEY ARDENNES, NEAR CAEN
From a photograph fy T. H. RUSSELL
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 281
whole of the old as well as the new Convent in the
most neglected, ruinous condition that such buildings
could possibly be reduced to, but the old one in as
firm a state as the new, and likely to last as long,
according to all present appearances. But all was
in a state of degradation and depredation, and the
whole were exhibited as a property whereon was
stamped neglect and an idea of its being of no value.
My judgment had led me to conclude that it
was my duty to alter the word "no" before "value"
and make it appear of much value, and it is the pro-
secution of this plan which has occupied much of my
attention since I arrived here, and has contributed not
a little to the satisfaction I find in fixing my residence
in retirement. Yet, in the midst of such a property
as I never possessed before or can ever hope to do
again, I intend to come and see my friends and rela-
tions in England a few months hence (if the definitive
treaty is ratified), whether any of you come here from
thence or not — and you are all at liberty to do as
you like as to coming here.
" I am intending to turn a wilderness of a court into
a French garden, and when any of you come to see
me I am persuaded you will be pleased with this
metamorphosis, whatever you admire besides. I wish
you to prepare me a packet of choice flower seeds that
will flourish in the natural ground without any hot-
beds, for I shall not be likely to give in to any ex-
penses of that kind, however I may labour and till the
grounds around me, whether for use or ornament.
This reminds me of having mentioned to our dear
Mary, Darwin's Botanic Garden, and to add that if
282 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
your husband has not seen his later publication en-
titled Phytologia, I would recommend it to him and
your brother to procure it forthwith. I have it here
as well as the Botanic Garden, and am highly
pleased with both as far as I have read of them, but
that is not much, and was chiefly whilst on my passage
from the Western World."
Amongst other books which Russell wishes to
have brought or sent from England (1801) are
Belsham's Philosophy of the Mind and Paley's Natural
Theology.
But neither the pleasures of a country gentleman
nor the recreations of a scholar contented the old
man's heart. He yearned for daily intercourse with
his family and hankered after his native land. He
was for ever plotting and planning how to get back to
England. For a time the two countries were at peace,
but nobody believed that the happy state of affairs
could last. There was therefore no time to be lost.
As he had so plainly identified himself with Ardennes,
it occurred to James Skey, his son-in-law, that the
boldest would be the most judicious course. Why not
approach the British Government, confess the technical
crime, and sue for a free pardon ? In November 1802,
a case was stated for Erskine's1 opinion. By an
ingenious selection and arrangement of facts it was
made to appear that Russell, while staying in Paris,
and intending to become an American citizen, had
obliged the American envoy in Paris (Skipwith) with
a loan of several thousand pounds. This advance
1 Afterwards Lord Chancellor.
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 283
was to be repaid soon after Russell's arrival in
America. Not receiving it at the time appointed,
Russell sent his agent, a Mr. Walker, to obtain either
the money or some security. Mr. Walker, accordingly,
took a conveyance of a house in Paris and an estate
at Ardennes. At this time, it was explained, neither
Walker nor Russell was aware of the Statute passed
in the thirty-third year of George III., though in
point of fact, even if they had possessed such know-
ledge, they might still have acted as in fact they did
act, since at that time Russell had no intention of
returning to England. Afterwards his plans had been
changed by the fact of his daughter having married
an English gentleman, and come to live with him in
England.
This recital of assorted facts was followed by a
legal argument based on the language of the Act : —
"If any person being a subject of his Majesty, and
out of his Majesty's dominions, shall in any such
manner as aforesaid, make or authorise, direct, pro-
cure, or cause to be made, any such buying, purchase,
contract, agreement, loan, or advancement as afore-
said, or shall aid or assist therein, and shall after
voluntarily return, or come to Great Britain, every
such person so returning or coming to Great Britain,
being thereof convicted, or attainted, by due course of
law, shall be deemed, declared, and adjudged to be a
felon, and shall suffer the pain of death, and also lose
and forfeit as in cases of high treason."
On behalf of Russell it was suggested by his
284 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
attorneys that, though the intention of the Legislature
was pretty obvious, the words of the Act were ambigu-
ous. The point might be raised " whether the return-
ing to England did not constitute an essential part of
the newly created offence, and, if so, as Mr. Russell
had not yet returned, the offence was not complete
during the continuance of the war, to which period by
the first enacting clause the operation of the Act was
confined."
In giving his opinion the great lawyer (after the
manner of his kind) brushed aside legal subtleties not
invented by himself. He went for a straightforward
construction of the Act. " In the strict construction
of a Statute so highly penal it might be fairly argued
that the offence should be committed during the con-
tinuance by a person who at the time of committing it
was resident in Great Britain ; but I am afraid that
the law would attach upon any person who had been
in Great Britain during the continuance of the war,
and who, during such continuance, purchased lands in
France.
" It is also clear [Erskine continued] that the
consent to and adoption of the purchase during the
war is the same as original employment of an agent
to make it; but under the circumstances of Mr.
Russell's case there can be no doubt that upon a
proper representation to Government he would obtain
a pardon, and I advise him to pursue that course."
This opinion was forwarded next day to Russell
by Skey, who mentions various friends in Parlia-
ment as being likely to support the petition. The
present Administration (Addington's) have, he says,
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 285
" conducted themselves with candour and liberality :
they seem to act upon very different principles from
those of their predecessors (Pitt's)."
Skey's letter was received at Ardennes on 2oth
November, and endorsed by William Russell as
" answered," but what the reply was there is no docu-
ment to show, nor has any tradition been preserved in
the family. For some reason, however, Erskine's
advice was not followed. William Russell's keen dis-
appointment was expressed in a letter six weeks later.
He had apparently made sure of getting leave to
return to England. The disappointment threw him
into "an agony from which he did not know when he
would be free." On March 14, 1803, he renewed
the attack with a long letter addressed to Lord
Whitworth, British Ambassador in Paris, war not
having yet broken out again. He gives a brief recital
of his adventures by sea, leading up to the arrange-
ments under which he acquired the estates in Paris
and Normandy. His return to France on the way
from America to England he represented as due to
anxiety about the properties ; he had no idea that it
was felony for an Englishman during the continuance
of war to reside in France. He begs Whitworth,
therefore, to grant him an indemnity in order that
he may "return to the bosom of his country and the
endearments of his friends." " As a proof of my steady
attachment to my native land," he winds up, "and
my hopes that your Lordship may thereby be induced
to think me worthy of your patronage, I entreat your
Lordship's indulgence whilst I add that upon the
estate I possess, and from whence I have the honour
286 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
of addressing your Lordship, there are two convents
in high preservation, with a seaport almost adjoining ;
and that I am in a part of the Republic where the
price of labour is peculiarly inviting to a manu-
facturer."
In spite of all these commercial and agricultural
advantages his " attachment to natate solum prepon-
derates," and he begs Whit worth to remove the present
unexpected impediments to his return. The letter,
delivered in person by Thomas Russell, was favour-
ably acknowledged, and once again the old man's
hopes revived. " But what a dismal change does the
present hostile appearance in England threaten us
with. May a kind and gracious God avert the im-
pending evil. I hope the blow is not already struck,
but I see no newspaper, and am content with such
political intelligence as Thomas transmits me once a
week." On May 16 Russell laments the departure of
Lord Whitworth. On June 28, after referring to
" this unhappy war now threatening to rage with un-
exampled severity," he complains that his newest
friend and only English interpreter had been ordered
to Fontainebleau. Almost completely deaf, unable to
make himself understood by his neighbours, cut off
from his daughters, and only seeing his son for short
periods at long intervals, the old man got little pleasure
from life beyond what he found in his property. At
this point the records of his experiences break off, but
from account-books preserved in the family it appears
that, except for a few visits to Paris, he spent all his
time at Ardennes. In 1807 he seems to have given
up the expectation of returning to England, for on
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 287
May 1 1 he was admitted to the rights of a French
citizen.
For a long time the old man was cut off from his
family. His daughters were tied to England, and
their only hope of again seeing their father lay in the
prospect, alternately approaching and receding, that
peace was about to be made between England and
France. Thomas Russell, whose letters at this period
demonstrate him as a shrewd man of the world,
experienced almost beyond his years, and a keen
observer of political tendencies, spent a good deal of
time in Paris. He corresponded frequently with his
father at Ardennes, but was extremely cautious about
compromising their somewhat delicate positions by
personal intercourse. On August 20, 1806, he
writes that he had been looking forward to a meeting
at Ardennes. Evidently William Russell had been
pressing him to come down, and the son was anxious
to "relieve the solitude" of his father's situation.
But the plan had to be postponed, and on October
2nd he is writing again that he cannot leave Paris
without the formalities of petitions and reports, "which
always take up so much time that I am really afraid
the vacation will be nearly expired before I can obtain
the permission." Besides, there was a risk of the
Prefet de Police referring him, " as before," to the
military authorities — which would be disagreeable. It
was of course possible to dispense with a passport and
yet escape molestation, but the risk would be rather
serious. Two days later, having taken counsel with
friends in Paris, he wrote that it would be unadvisable
to awaken the attention of the police. He must
288 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
therefore submit to the "mortification of not paying a
visit to his father this Fall."
It might be easier, Thomas suggested, for his
father to come to Paris. Probably there would be no
difficulty about a passport, and he could have his
lodgings on the same terms as before.
Meantime, James Skey was working for his father-
in-law's return to England by means of a petition
to the Government. He wrote to Thomas that he
was confident of success, though delay might be occa-
sioned by the difficulty of gaining access to men in
office. But was it at the present moment wise to
press the application ? Besides, how would it affect
the property in France ? If William Russell should
go back to England and openly resume his English
nationality it might affect his title to French lands.
First, it would seem, the property should be sold.
Here, it seems likely, the doubtful status of the pro-
prietor, if not absolutely fatal to a transfer, might re-
duce the price. Moreover, from the correspondence
between William Russell and his son, it is clear that
the old man loved Ardennes and enjoyed living upon
it. Nor did Thomas, even when, subsequently, a
good offer had been received, urge his father to agree
to what he would feel as a painful sacrifice. Thomas
himself did not relish the idea of settling down to
an agricultural life in Normandy, but in some of his
letters he used expressions which implied that he
might, for his father's sake, adopt that career.
Year after year the suspense was continued. It
seemed inadvisable to take any decisive step while
the question of peace or war was still unsettled. Action
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 289
on the part of the Russells in their private affairs was
paralysed almost as much by the recurrent hope of
peace as by the continuance of war. Naturally the
family letters are full of political gossip.
At one time the highest expectations are founded
on the noble character of the Emperor Alexander.
"What renovations amongst mankind may we not
hope for," exclaims William Russell, " when so splendid
a man is sitting upon the throne of Russia." Russell
had been talking to the Czar's tutor (Col. La Harpe),
who had related a "variety of interesting anecdotes"
about his late pupil. According to La Harpe the
young ruler's desire to do good was something more
than principle. It was positively a passion. When
speaking of his people he did not allude to them as
subjects but as fellow-citizens. In referring to himself
he never used the title of Emperor, but expressed for
his people the affection of a father rather than the
authority of a magistrate. Many were the legends
about the Czar, and deep the disappointment which
in every country of Europe that gallant and well-
meaning ruler inflicted upon sanguine cosmopolitan
reformers.
An arrangement for the exchange of prisoners is
talked about, and this, the Quid-nuncs declare, will
be followed by a general understanding. On the
prospects of Lord Lauderdale's mission in the autumn
of 1806, the speculations are almost of daily recurrence,
and vary with every day of the week. What, again,
will be the effect of Mr. Fox having been successfully
tapped for the dropsy ? Will his death, which had
occurred a few days later, destroy all hope of a treaty ?
290 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
So it goes on — men's minds alternating between
the expectation of early peace and dull resignation to
a perpetual state of warfare. But what most strikes
one, on reading the intimate letters of this period, is
how thoroughly accustomed people had become to
victories and defeats, how quietly they put up with
the personal inconveniences, the loss and suffering
and sheer misery, how stoically they went about their
ordinary business. Apart from the interest of the
scenes at which the Russells of Birmingham assisted,
either as actors or spectators, the diaries and letters
here summarised have a special value as illustrating
the manner and degree in which the fortunes of
private persons, essentially non-combatants, may be
influenced by the strife of rulers and the feuds of
Governments. This sort of a side light on history
is more clearly visible, when we follow the adventures
of a quiet, unambitious family, as recorded in docu-
ments never intended for publication, than if we study
the correspondence and journals of illustrious or self-
conscious personages writing with one eye on posterity.
On May n, 1807, William Russell had been
admitted to the rights of a French citizen, but the
nominal change of status did not affect his way of
living. Practically the whole of his time was spent
at Ardennes.
Young Thomas Russell, who had been admitted
to French citizenship in 1809, and was a Major in
the Garde Nationale, lived in Paris and witnessed
some of the most brilliant events in the First Empire.
He used to entertain his aged father at Normandy with
accounts of the bustle and gaiety of the preparations
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 291
for Bonaparte's second marriage. He had got a ticket
for the gallery.
With quiet gusto he describes the apparel (it is
still preserved in the family), which he procured for
the splendid ceremony. With another English gentle-
man, three English and two French ladies, he set out
in a private coach, at an early hour in the morning.
The gates were to be opened at nine o'clock.
" Two staircases had been erected, one on each
side the Louvre, by which the persons invited to the
gallery were to enter, so that the carriages set down
the company at the colonnade which runs under the
gallery. This had been covered on each side within
by rich tapestry, and along it was placed on each side
a row of orange trees, the same that are in the Garden
of the Tuileries in the summer, so that we advanced
along this beautiful walk to the staircase, and, as the
opening between different columns allowed of several
entrances, many other persons were flocking in at the
same time as us, which made a still more lively scene.
On entering the gallery we were struck beyond measure
with the beauty of the sight. Though we were so
early, yet more than half the places were already
occupied, and the rest filling apace, so that we made
haste to secure the best we could find, and seated our-
selves very advantageously about half way down —
that is, the ladies seated themselves and the gentle-
men stood behind. We enjoyed at leisure the novelty
and elegance of this beautiful sight, which was like
an enchantment. All was animation. Pleasure and
surprise were painted on every countenance. The
292 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
elegance of the company gave a new splendour to the
place, and the grandeur of the place gave a new rich-
ness to the brilliancy of the company. It was such a
varied and lively scene that we did not find the time
at all long, though it was near three o'clock before the
cortege entered the gallery ; there was a constant
stream of persons coming in till one o'clock, when the
doors were shut, and after that others were continu-
ally walking up and down the gallery, which was
covered with rich carpets all the way along. It is
impossible to conceive a more pleasing prospect than
this walk offered to the view. It was so gay, and at
the same time so grand as to the general effect, that
every one was delighted, and this general satisfaction
added a new life to the scene. The ladies were
dressed with great taste, but without any excessive
richness, which was reserved for those of the cortege,
who were covered with gold and silver embroidery,
Between two and three, the cannon announced the
arrival of the Emperor at the Tuileries, and in about
half-an-hour afterwards the cortege entered the gallery
in the order which you have no doubt seen in the
newspapers. All eyes were naturally fixed on the
Emperor and Empress — especially the latter, who
appeared with some dignity and without being much
disconcerted. She is of a good figure though not a
beauty, and even rather an ordinary expression of
countenance. She is said to be of a good disposition,
though not of very bright parts, and to be quite bigoted
in religion — which is generally looked upon here as
an unfavourable circumstance. The train of queens,
princesses, maids of honour, &c., that followed her
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 293
was dazzling ; they were all confounded, as it were, in
a general blaze reflected from their splendid dresses.
The ceremony of the marriage was much shorter than
we expected, so that we had not to wait long before
the return of the cortege, when we had again an
opportunity of viewing the new married couple, who
seemed now in better spirits than as they went. She
had on her head, besides the crown, a diadem set in
diamonds of great value ; her gown was also em-
broidered with diamonds, and is said to have cost
three millions of livres."
Thomas Russell was also present at the ball given
to their Imperial Majesties by the Ville de Paris.
Writing on June 13, 1810, he says :—
" The company, from 600 to 700 persons, was
ranged on benches on each side — the ladies first,
elegantly dressed as you may suppose, and the gentle-
men behind. At one end of the room were seats
somewhat elevated, and a rich canopy for the Emperor
and his attendants. On his arrival, about 10 o'clock,
he took his seat with the Empress and the Queens
of Westphalia and Naples at his left — the King of
Westphalia and the Viceroy of Italy at his right.
The concert then began, which consisted merely of
some verses for the occasion. After that the Empress
opened the ball before us ; when the dance was over,
she returned to her seat. The Emperor then mixed
with the company, went round, and spoke to all the
ladies one after the other who happened to be placed
on the first and second benches, and that with great
294 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
good humour and affability. After this he retired,
and the dances then recommenced, and were followed
by a very abundant supper. It was a most brilliant
and interesting sight I could not wish a more favour-
able opportunity for seeing the Emperor and his
Court. The room was not at all crowded, and there
was so much order that every one was as much at his
ease as in a private company."
A longer account is given, again from personal
observation, of the Fete of the Garde Imperiale.
Thomas Russell was even more strongly impressed
as to the vast orderly crowd of 200,000 or 300,000
persons outside than with the splendours of the ball-
room.
" Soon after the Court was gone we got into
the ball-room, which afforded, to be sure, a most
brilliant spectacle. It is ascertained that there were
near 5000 assembled in it, so that you may judge of
its extent. All the decorations were of a piece, and it
was lighted by above sixty large and elegant chande-
liers with wax candles — which, however, was attended
with this inconvenience, that on being nearly burnt
down they ran over, and dropt on the company below,
so that a great number of gentlemen had their coats all
bespotted with wax. The room was of an oval form,
and the seats for the ladies were disposed in amphi-
theatre, with a broad corridor behind all round for the
gentlemen and for the company to circulate in. The
dancers were in the middle. It was a most splendid
collection of beauty and elegance, such as one can
hardly expect to see assembled. There was indeed
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 295
a certain part that was not of this stamp, but in such
a collection it was impossible it should be otherwise.
Upon the whole, however, I prefer the effect of the
gallery of the Louvre on the day of the marriage to
this ball, which was dazzling by its magnificence, but
the other scene had something grand and imposing in
it, which flattered the feelings in a more agreeable
manner. We had much difficulty in getting into the
Salle du Banquet, which was also very elegant, and
where above 100 tables were laid holding from twelve
to twenty persons, and each loaded with everything
that was good. The scene was more lively on this
side, as there was less restraint, and as a good supper
was no unpleasant thing after the fatigue inevitable
from the heat and the crowd. It is said that the
supper was ordered at a louis per head without wine,
but this I doubt, though it is said to come from the
restaurateur who undertook it. It was not, however,
so well served as the supper at the Hotel de Ville."
Meantime the old gentleman (he was now seventy
years of age) to whom these accounts of gay doings
in Paris were addressed was leading with more or less
contentment the life of a squire and farmer at
Ardennes. Much as he delighted in the place, and
keen as he was to improve it, he was always ready
to consider offers of purchase, and frequently consults
his son as to terms and conditions. An amusing
instance of his tenacity is related in a letter from his
son to James Skey (May 1812).
"You would have laughed heartily if you could
have seen what a drubbing the poor cow had the
296 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
other day — she had got once or twice into the en-
closure from the gate of the farmyard being left open
inadvertently. In consequence of this an idea presented
itself to the old gent, to accustom her to see the
gate open without daring to go through. No sooner
thought than done. He placed himself on the other
side so as not to be seen, with a stick to beat her
back. She advanced, of course, directly to the gate,
and when she was half through he ran forwards in
great haste to stop her. Unfortunately the ground
was slippery and down he came, while the cow pushed
forwards, cocked her tail, and scampered over the
field, stopping every now and then to browse on what-
ever she found. It was some time before we could
stop her, but at length the old gent, got hold of one
of her horns and led her back, shaking her head and
scolding her when she offered to resist. Arrived in
the yard, he set about her with all his might, holding
on by the horn with one hand and beating her with
the other. At length she escaped him into the cow-
house. Away he ran after her, fury in his eye and
menace in his actions. Out she sallies again, into the
yard ; out he bounces after her, crying out to every
one to pursue the poor beast unconscious of the dire
offence it had given, though he was determined to
make her remember it. But he will not, I believe,
soon attempt to give her another lesson of this kind —
depending rather on the gate being kept shut than on
the cow's docility. . . ."
On August 19, 1812, after alluding to the "dread-
ful din of war " between England and America,
THE RETURN TO EUROPE 297
William Russell wrote to his daughter as though he
were almost reconciled to ending his days in
Normandy.
" I will now acknowledge to you that I have been
much influenced by an idea that I am more extensively
useful amongst the poor here than I can be elsewhere.
Poverty is truly in its meridian here, and has attend-
ants you have no conception of. There are from two
to three thousand poor in one small village within little
more than 100 yards from my boundary. There
are no parish rates, and in general no relief but by
begging. The late scarcity has rendered it necessary
for Government to send supplies, or otherwise many
must have been absolutely starved. I have distributed
1 80 soups twice in the week, in addition to 100 Ibs.
of bread which it has been my practice to distribute
weekly for several years past, and so necessary is it
that I scarcely know what I shall do should I remove
my residence. . . .
" They are a hardy, stout, robust race beyond all you
can conceive. Tall, bony, sallow, with countenances
and complexions accordingly : more calculated to
terrify and intimidate than to please. Were your
husband to make a tour here in summer he would
have an ample field for his amusing drollery."
In the same year, however, his thoughts again
turned to natale solum. In 1812, rightly or wrongly,
Russell made up his mind that he might safely risk
the penalties incurred under the Intercourse Act, and
he renewed his attempt to return. Again he was
298 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
disappointed, but in 1 8 1 3 he sold a part of the Ardennes
estate, but it was not till September of the following
year, Bonaparte having been interned at Elba and
Louis XVIII. placed on the throne of France, that
advantage was taken of the peace, and William
Russell's passport made out from Caen to England.
On October 25, 1814, it was vise"d at Calais. His
journey home was made in his son's company. No
record exists in the family of the terms on which
Russell made his peace with the authorities. Probably
his technical offence was appropriately purged by the
legal fiction of a friendly prosecution. William
Russell was spared to live four years in England.
On January 26, 1818, he died at his son-in-law's house
near Upton-upon-Severn, aged 78, a long-suffering
man who had met all his troubles with a cheery
spirit and indomitable courage. On the whole, per-
haps, he had enjoyed his life, so full of adventures
and experiences, as heartily as though he had never
been persecuted for conscience' sake and driven into
a long exile. During his worst times (and some of
them were pretty bad) he never lost heart, or dropped
a word of repining, weariness, or resentment. He
was buried at St. Philip's Church, Birmingham, not
very far from the house which, twenty-seven years
before, had been burnt and wrecked by a mob of
fellow-townsmen.
WILLIAM JAMES RUSSELL (1830-1909)
From a photograph by RUSSELL & SONS
POSTSCRIPT
THOMAS POUGHER RUSSELL, who has been so fre-
quently mentioned in the foregoing pages, married
in May 1817, Mary, daughter of James Skey by his
second wife, Eleanor (ne'e Brockhurst), and had issue
two daughters and one son. For the last thirty years
of his life he was a banker in Gloucester, being in
partnership with James Skey and others ; this private
bank afterwards became the Gloucestershire Banking
Co., of which he was a director. He also served for
many years on the Committee of the Gloucester and
Berkeley Canal, and died in 1851 at Gloucester, of
which city both he and his son were Freemen.
It is interesting to note that during his stay in
Paris in the years 1801-3 he attended the lectures of
eminent French men of science, particularly of the
chemist Vauquelin.
His son, WILLIAM JAMES RUSSELL, who died
on November 12, 1909, may have been in the
first instance turned by his example, sympathy, and
guidance to the chemical researches in which he
earned a distinguished reputation. A brief and
appreciative summary of his life and work appeared
in Nature on November 25, 1909, over the initials
G. C. F. (Professor G. Carey Foster, F.R.S.) of which
the following is a somewhat abbreviated version.
299
300 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
DR. W. J. RUSSELL, F.R.S.
William James Russell was born in May 1830,
at Gloucester, where his father was a banker. He
was educated at private schools — Dr. Wreford's at
Bristol, and afterwards at Mr. Bache's at Birming-
ham. In passing, it may be noted that this was
before the educational revival that produced and was
furthered by the Public Schools Commission of 1859,
and that in those days there were very many private
schools where scholarship was carried to quite as high
a level, and where the conditions of out-of-school life
were in some respects much better than in most of the
public schools of the time.
After leaving school in 1847, Russell entered Uni-
versity College, London, where he studied chemistry
under Thomas Graham and Williamson. In 1851
he was appointed the first Demonstrator of Chemistry
under Frankland in the then newly-founded Owens
College, and helped to plan and superintend the build-
ing of the first chemical laboratory of the college.
This laboratory, built on what had been the garden
attached to the original college building (Mr. Cobden's
old house in Quay Street), was the cradle of the great
Manchester School of Chemistry, which has become
as famous in its way as the Manchester School of
Politics. After two years at Owens College, Russell
went to Heidelberg, where he worked under Bunsen
from the autumn of 1853 to the end of the session
1854-55. During his stay at Heidelberg, he graduated
as Ph.D. After his return to England, he lectured at
the Midland Institute, Birmingham, and near the end
POSTSCRIPT 301
of 1857 came again to London to act as assistant to
Williamson, his former teacher, at University College.
He was associated with Williamson in working out a
method of gas-analysis whereby many corrections
were eliminated. The results of this investigation
were published in the Journal of the Chemical Society
and elsewhere, and the form of apparatus finally arrived
at was the forerunner of the most improved modern
types of gas-analysis apparatus and instruments for
the application of the measurements of gases to
quantitative analysis.
From 1868 to 1870, Dr. Russell was Lecturer on
Chemistry in the Medical School of St. Mary's Hos-
pital. In the latter year he was appointed to a similar
office at St. Bartholomew's, and retained this appoint-
ment until 1897. After his retirement, he continued
his experimental work, and until very recently was
actively occupied at the Davy-Faraday Laboratory.
He died at his house at Ringwood, after a very
short illness, on the i2th of the present month
(November 1909).
At the time of his death, Dr. Russell was one of
the oldest Fellows of the Chemical Society, having
been elected in 1851. He served on its Council, and
was successively a Vice-President, Secretary, Treasurer,
and President. The Society, which was only ten
years old when Russell joined it, celebrated the jubilee
of its foundation in 1891, during his term of office as
President. It naturally devolved upon him to take
the leading part in the proceedings, and all who were
present must have been struck by the admirable
manner in which he acquitted himself. He had to
302 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
make many speeches, long or short, and they were
always simple and appropriate. Without wasting
words, or any apparent striving after effect, he
managed every time to say exactly what wanted
saying.
He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in
1872, and served twice on the Council, and was a Vice-
President from 1897 to 1899. He was an original
member of the Institute of Chemistry, founded in 1877,
and was its President from 1894 to l%97-
Dr. Russell's connection with Bedford College
for Women (London) began with his being appointed
Professor of Natural Philosophy in 1860. He retained
this office until 1870, and opened in 1860 the first
laboratory accessible to women-students tor practical
work at science. He was a member of the Council
of the College from 1878 to 1903, being its Chairman
from 1887.
Dr. Russell's contributions to the methods of gas-
analysis have been mentioned already. Among other
investigations, we may refer to those relating to the
atomic weights of nickel and cobalt, which were im-
portant in consequence of the way in which results
obtained by very different methods were employed to
check each other ; papers in conjunction with Dr.
Samuel West, on a new method of estimating urea,
which gave rise to a valuable clinical method ; on
absorption spectra, and researches on the absorption
bands in the visible spectra of colourless liquids ; a
remarkable series of papers on the action of metals,
resins, wood and other materials on a photographic
plate in the dark. Some of the results of these latter
POSTSCRIPT 303
investigations were given to the Royal Society as the
Bakerian lecture for 1898. By well-directed and per-
severing experiments, the effects observed were traced
to the generation of peroxide of hydrogen. In another
set of experiments on the figures formed by the
deposition of dust, Dr. Russell demonstrated the
curiously definite course of the currents of air that rise
from a heated solid body.
A report made to the Science and Art Department,
in conjunction with Sir William Abney, on the action
of light on water-colours was published as a Blue
Book in 1888. It involved a very careful investiga-
tion of the subject, and was highly appreciated by
artists. A committee consisting of the President and
other prominent members of the Royal Academy, in
reporting on it, said that they " unanimously desired
to record their sense of the very great value and of
the thoroughness and ability with which so laborious
an inquiry had been conducted."
In manner, Russell was quiet, and entirely free from
anything approaching self-advertisement, but he was
genial and hearty with his friends, and was gifted
with a sympathetic laugh that it was always refreshing
to hear. As some indication, both qualitative and
quantitative, of the estimate formed of him by his
fellows, it may not be out of place to mention that,
as a young man, he was the first Secretary, Treasurer,
and Keeper of the Archives of the B Club — originally
a society of young chemists which grew out of Sec-
tion B of the British Association, first took definite
shape at the Oxford meeting in 1860, and kept itself
alive between the meetings of the Association by
304 RUSSELL MEMOIRS
consuming monthly beef-steak puddings at the
" Cheshire Cheese " — and that, in later life, he was
elected to serve on the committee of the Athenaeum
Club. His death will be felt as a sore personal loss
by very many. He was liked by all who knew him,
and by all who knew him intimately he was held in
affectionate esteem.
Dr. Russell married, in 1862, Fanny, daughter of
the late A. Follett Osier, F.R.S., of Edgbaston. He
leaves one son, and a daughter married to Dr. Alexander
Scott, F.R.S.
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INDEX
Ackille, English prisoners in, 85
Alexander, English prisoners in, 97
Alexander I., Tzar, 289
Anderson, Mr., American Consul,
brings order of release to
Russells, 97
Ardennes, Abbey, William Russell's
property in, 278 et seq.
Astor, Mr., 159, 163 ; helps Russells
in New York, 167
BASTILLE, capture of, 19
Be lie (f Orz'ent,La,'Eng\ish. prisoners
in, 76 et seq.
Bingham, Captain D., quoted, 19
Birmingham Riots, 19 et seq.
Boston described, 183-185 ; prices
at, 185-186
Bryan, Captain, befriends Russells,
77, 97, 101, 102
Burke, Edmund, 41
Butler, captain of Nancy, 161
CLEMENT, French captain, 85, 97
Comite de Salut Publique, order
of release from, 98 et seq.
DUNDAS, Secretary of State, letter
of George III. to, 40
Elizabeth, English prisoners in, 82
Erskine, Lord, legal opinion, 284
FOUQUIER-TlNVILLE, 129, 13°', his
trial, 132 et seq.
Fox, Charles James, 3, 289
Fox, Lady, 3
GEORGE III., letter to Dundas, 40
Germinal I2th (ist April), rising
on, 127, 129 et seq.
HOLLAND, Elizabeth Vassall, 3
IMLAY, see Wollstonecraft
Ivor, prize, 74
KEARNEY, Mr., warns Russells,
128
LYDDY, maid-servant, 89, 90, 96
MADAN, Spencer, Bishop of Bristol
and Peterborough, 40, 47
Mary, Russells sail in, 59
Miranda, General, 4, 124, 135
Nancy, 155 ; voyage to America
in, 1 59 et seq.
Napoleon, marriage of, 291
PARIS, Russells in, 113 et seq.
Pitt, William, William Russell
appeals to, 34
Prebble,captain of Mary, 58,61 ; ac-
companies Russells to France,
65, 70, 116, 121
Priestley, Dr. Joseph, 2, 6 ; chemist
3o8
INDEX
and divine, 8-9 ; his History
of the Corruptions of Chris-
tianity and Of Early Opinion
concerning Jesus Christ, 10 ;
letter to Martha Russell, 12,
13; recovers damages for
burning of his house, 44, 45 5
his Appeal to the Public, 46,
47 ; decides to emigrate, 48-
49 ; sympathy with France,
49, 50 ; at Northumberland,
Pennsylvania, 169, 180, 198,
205, 206, 208, 256
Proserpine, French frigate, 67 et
seq., 74
ROWAN, Archibald Hamilton, 116,
119 et seq.
Russell, Martha, 5 ; account of
Birmingham Riots quoted,
19-38 ; her diary, 51 ; quoted,
53 et seq., 71 et seq., 77, 79,
80, 83, 84, 86, 89, 90, 93 et seq.,
106, 108, no, 113, 122, 124,
125, 128, 129, 130, 132 et seq.
137, 138, 141 et seq., 146-152,
157, 160, 161, 164, 165, 168,
170, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176,
177, 178, 179, 181, 183, 184,
187, 190-193 ; marriage to
James Skey, 266
Russell, Mary, 5 ; quoted, 140 ;
discontent in America, 266-
267, 269, 272, 273
Russell, George, 256
Russell, Thomas Pougher, 5 ; edu-
cated by Wakefield, 8; ill at
Brest, 77,78; views on America
quoted, 195, 216; his dislike of
America, 265 ; French sub-
ject, 290 ; at marriage of
Napoleon, 291 et seq. ; quoted,
295 et seq. ; marriage and
death, 299
Russell, William, 4 ; position and
character, 8-9, 20; recovers
damages for burning of his
house, 44, 46; decides to
emigrate, 48 ; leaves England
52 et seq. ; ill in France, 1 1 1 ;
plans in Paris, 152-155 ; buys
property near Caen, 1 59 ; de-
clines to buy Malbon Estate,
189 ; endeavours to recover
money from State of Mary-
land, 255 ; his plans in America,
257, 263 ; his visit to General
Washington, 265, 274 ; returns
to Europe, 275 ; settles in
Normandy, 277 ; fears pro-
secution in England, 282 et
seq. ; residence -in France, 287
et seq. ; French subject, 290 ;
letter to his daughter, 297;
return to England and death,
298
Russell, William James, biographi-
cal notice of, 299-304
Russells of Birmingham, 2, 3, 4 ;
adventures in riots, 23 et seq. ;
captured by French, 62
Rutt, J. T., his Correspondence of
Priestley, n, 12
SHEREDINE, Miss Fanny, her run-
away match, 210
Sheredine, Mrs., 109
Showell Green, house of William
Russell, burning of, 23 et seq.
Sicard, Abbe", Deaf and Dumb
Hospital, 144-146
Skey, James, 6 ; his observations
on America, 217-255 ; his
marriage, 266 ; looks after
interest of William Russell in
England, 282 et seq.
TALLEYRAND-P£RIGORD, Russells
meet in America, 171
INDEX
3°9
Thorpe, Sir Edward, his Life of
Priest ley > 10
WAKEFIELD, Gilbert, 5, 6 ; scholar
and pamphleteer, 8 ; his life,
14-17
Wallis, Mr., his joke, 157
White, Mr., gives account of dis-
turbances, 128
White Nuns, visit to, 146-152
Wollstonecraft, Mary, 116-119
YALE, Mary Russell's account of,
269-271
THE END
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522 The Rus sells of
R8J4 Birmingham in the French
Revolution and in America
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