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RUSSIAN    AND    TURK. 


RUSSIAN  AND  TURK, 


FROM 


A    GEOGRAPHICAL,    ETHNOLOGICAL, 


AND 


HISTORICAL    POINT    OF    VIEW. 


BY 


R.  G.  LATHAM,  M.A.,  M.D.,  etc., 

LATE    FELLOW   OF   KING's   COLLEGE,    CAMBRIDGE, 

LATE    PROFESSOR   OF    ENGLISH    IN    UNIVERSITY    COLLEGE,    LONDON; 

AUTHOR   OF    *'  THE    VARIETIES    OF    MAN  "  ;    "  THE    NATIONALITIES    OF    EUROPE  "  ; 

"  THE    ENGLISH    LANGUAGE,"    ETC, 


LONDON: 
WILLIAM    H.    ALLEN   AND    CO.^ 

13  WATERLOO  PLACE,  PALL  MALL,  S.W. 


1878. 

The  Right  of  Trcmslation  and  Reproduction  is  reserved. 


D 


\ 


LONDON  :     PRTNTEP    BT    W.    H.    ATJ.F.N    AXP   CO..    13   WATERLOO   PT.AOE,    3.W. 


PREFACE. 


^^«^- 


The  present  work  is,  to  a  certain  extent,  a  republi- 
cation of  an  earlier  one,  '*  The  Nationalities  of 
Europe,''  published  fifteen  years  ago ;  this  being 
preceded  by  one  on  a  closely  allied  subject  "  The 
Native  Races  of  the  Russian  Empire." 

The  reader  is  apprised  of  this  in  order  that  he  may 
understand  that  the  forthcoming  pages  have  by  no 
means  been  extemporized  on  the  strength  of  the  late 
war  and  the  events  connected  with  it.  On  the  con- 
trary, for  many  years  an  adequate  amount  of  inves- 
tigation has  been  applied  to  the  subject. 

In  neither  of  these  earlier  works  was  there  much 
political  speculation ;  but  of  the  little  that  there  was 
there  is  nothing  that  has  been  falsified  by  the  sub- 
sequent events.  Of  the  first,  the  two  Empires, 
here  under  notice,  formed  about  half;  but,  as  the 
object  was  almost  wholly  ethnological,  a  great  pro- 
portion of  it  was  devoted  to  the  description  of 
numerous  petty  populations  of  little  national  import- 
ance.    This  has  been  replaced  by  matter  of  a  more 


VI  PREFACE. 

appropriate  character.  Still,  the  analysis  of  the  com- 
plex and  various  elements  of  the  two  vast  Empires, 
rather  than  the  history  of  either  of  them  as  a  whole, 
has  been  the  main  subject  of  the  work.  Neither 
Turkey  nor  Russia,  when  reduced  to  its  component 
parts,  is  exactly  what  it  is,  when  considered  as  a  unity.- 
Hence  the  heterogeneous  elements  of  which  the  two 
opposing  powers  consist,  are  exhibited  in  detail  rather 
than  in  their  action  upon  one  another  as  masses.  In 
neither  of  them  is  an  analysis  of  this  kind  superfluous; 
and  in  one  of  them  it  is  most  especially  called  for. 

It  is  not  necessary  that  a  work  of  this  kind  should 
be  written  in  the  spirit  of  a  partizan.  Neither  is  it  very 
safe  to  prophecy  as  to  the  future  ;  or  to  speculate  as 
to  what  would  have  been  the  present  result  if  some- 
thing else  had  been  done  instead  of  what  was  done. 

Nor  yet  is  much  to  be  got  out  of  the  doctrine  of 
race ;  and  not  much  more  from  reflections  upon  the 
relative  merits  or  demerits  of  the  combatants  as 
exhibited  in  their  previous  history.  What  really 
wants  looking  to  is  the  actual  amount  of  vice  and 
suffering,  which  has  its  root  in  unjust  government; 
and  which  by  better  government  may  be  abated. 

In  respect  to  this  it  has  been  determined  by  Eng- 
land there  is  more  to  be  done  by  forcing  reforms  upon 
the  weaker  of  the  two  parties  than  by  trusting,  or 
pretending  to  trust  in  the  moderation,  or  the  promises 
of  the  stronger ;  that  it  is  better  to  direct  the  Sultan, 
than  to  run  the  risk  of  being  misled  by  the  Czar.     It 


PREFACE.  VU 

is  not,  liowever,  argued  that  the  best  line  of  action  is 
one  upon  which  there  can  be  no  second  opinion.  In 
the  eyes,  however,  of  the  present  writer,  England  has 
much  for  which  she  may  be  both  proud  and  thankful. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  she  has  risked  the  chance  of 
a  very  serious  war ;  but  by  the  decision  with  which 
she  made  known  her  views,  and  the  steadiness  with 
which  she  declared  her  resolution  to  act  upon  them 
if  necessary,  peace  has  ensued ;  and  that  at  a  time 
when  there  was  but  little  encouragement  and  no 
alliances.  May  the  continuation  of  our  interposition 
be  conformable  to  the  beginning  of  it. 


I 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Othman.     Orkhan.     Crosses  the   Bosphorus  and  establishes  himself  in 
Europe.      Amurath    I.      Intei-regnum.       Mahomet    I.      Bajazet    I 
Amurath  II.     Mahomet  II.     Conquers  Constantinople.     Bajazet   II 
Selim,  his  Conquests.     Solyman  I.     First  Siege  of  Vienna.     Con 
quest    of    Khodes.     SeHm   II.     First   recorded   War   with   Russia 
Amurath   III.     Mahomet  III.     Othman  I.  and  Mustapha  II.     Amu 
rath  lY.     Ibrahim.     Mahomet  IV.     The  KiupriH  Viziers.     Solyman 
II.     Achmet  II.     Mustapha  II.     Battle  of  Zenta.     War  with  Russia 
under  Peter  the  Great.     Treaty  of  Carlowitz 


Pag-e. 


CHAPTER  II. 


Treaty  of  Carlowitz.  Of  the  Pruth.  Of  Passarowitz.  Of  Belgrade.  Of 
Kainardji.  Of  Yassi.  Of  Bukarest.  Of  Akkerman.  Of  Adrianople. 
Of  Unkiar  Skelessi.     Of  Paris  .  .  .  .  .36 


CHAPTER  III. 


Religious  Creeds  and  Sects  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  General  View. 
Sunnite  and  Shiite  Mahometanism.  The  Wahabis.  Judaism,  Judean 
and  Samaritan.  Three  forms  of  Syrian  Christianity :  Nestorian, 
Eutychian,  Romanist     .  .  ,  .  .  .  .54 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Page 
Religious  Creeds  and  Sects  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.   Haranites  and  Men- 

deans.     Druzes.     Ismaeli.     Nasarieh,  Nosrani,  or  Ansari.     Mntuali         70 


CHAPTER  V. 


Bulgaria  and  the  Bulgarians.  Their  Ethnological  Elements.  Their  early 
History.  Latin  and  Paulician  Elements  in  the  Bulgarian  Creed. 
Rumelia.     Bosnia.     Croatia.     Herzegovina       ....     129 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Macedonia,  Thessaly,  and  Greece.     Descent  of  the  Modem  Greeks.     Sla- 
vonic, Vallachian,  and  other  Elements.     Bosnia  and  Herzegovina      .     145 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Turks  other  than  Ottoman.    The   Sultan  and  the  Czar.     General  Cha- 
racter     .........     156 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


The  Turks  other  than  Ottoman,  Their  Area.  The  Alani.  The  Huns. 
The  Avars.  The  Khazars.  The  Petshinegs.  The  Uz.  The  Cuma- 
nians.     The  Tshuvash    .......     166 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Non- ottoman  Turks.  The  Mongol  Conquest.  The  Kiptshak.  The  Four 
Khanates.  The  present  Population  of  them.  The  Nogays,  Bashkirs, 
Meshtsheriaks,  Tyeptyars,  Kirghis,  Barabinski,  Karagass,  Koibals, 
Yakuts.     Karakalpaks.     Doubtful  Turks,  the  Tshuvash        .  .    224 


1 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAPTER  X. 

Pag-e. 
Tlie  Fin  or  Ugrian  Family.  Ugrians  or  Fins  in  Curland,  Livonia, 
Estonia,  the  Governments  of  St.  Petersburg,  Novogorod.  Finlanders 
of  the  Duchy  of  Finland.  Tavastrian,  Karelian,  and  Quain.  Their 
early  Christianity.  Their  present  Popular  Poetry.  The  Kalevala. 
The  Laps  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .244 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The    Permians    and    Zirianians.     The   Votiaks.     The  Volga    Fins,    the 

Tsherimis  and  Mordvins.     The  Voguls  and  Ostiaks.     The  Samoyeds     304 


CHAPTER  XII. 


Lithuania  and  the  Lithuania  Family.     Prussians.     Yatshvings.     Lithua- 
nians Proper.     Letts      .......     320 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Lithuanians  Proper.     Their  Poetry.     Their  Fairy  Tales  .  .     337 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


The  Letts.   The  Baltic,  or  German  Provinces  of  Russia :  Estonia,  Livonia, 

Curland  .........     347 


CHAPTER  XV. 


Populations  neither  Turk  nor  Fin.  Of  Northern  Asia.  Mongols.  Tungu- 
sians.  Yeniseians.  Jukahiri.  Koriaks  and  Kamtshatkans.  Aino 
or  Kurilians  Islanders.  Aleutians.  The  Independent  Tshutshi. 
The  Eskimo.     Caucasus  and  Transcaucasia.     Shamil  .  .     358 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Page 
Eeligious  Creeds  and  Sects  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.   Haranites  and  Men- 

deans.     Druzes.     Ismaeli.     Nasarieh,  Nosrani,  or  Ansari.     Mutual!         70 


CHAPTER  V. 


Bulgaria  and  the  Bulgarians.  Their  Ethnological  Elements.  Their  early 
History.  Latin  and  Paulician  Elements  in  the  Bulgarian  Creed. 
Rumelia.     Bosnia.     Croatia.     Herzegovina       ....     129 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Macedonia,  Thessaly,  and  Greece.     Descent  of  the  Modern  Greeks.     Sla- 
vonic, Vallachian,  and  other  Elements.     Bosnia  and  Herzegovina      .     145 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Turks  other  than  Ottoman.     The   Sultan  and  the  Czar.     General  Cha- 
racter     .........     156 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


The  Turks  other  than  Ottoman.  Their  Area.  The  Alani.  The  Huns. 
The  Avars.  The  Khazars.  The  Petshinegs.  The  Uz.  The  Cuma- 
nians.     The  Tshuvash    .......     166 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Non-Ottoman  Turks.  The  Mongol  Conquest.  The  Kiptshak.  The  Four 
Khanates.  The  present  Population  of  them.  The  Nogays,  Bashkirs, 
Meshtsheriaks,  Tyeptyars,  Kirghis,  Barabinski,  Karagass,  Koibals, 
Yakuts.     Karakalpa<ks.     Doubtful  Turks,  the  Tshuvash        .  .     224 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAPTER  X. 

Pag-e. 
The   Fin    or    Ugriaii    Family.     Ugriaus   or    Fins    in    Curland,    Livonia, 

Estonia,  the  Governments  of  St.  Petersburg,  Novogorod.    Finlanders 

of  the  Duchy  of  Finland.     Tavastrian,   Karelian,  and   Quain.     Their 

early  Chnstianity.     Their  present   Popular  Poetry.     The  Kalevala. 

The  Laps  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .244 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The    Permians    and     Zirianians.     The   Votiaks.     The  Volga    Fins,    the 

Tsherimis  and  Mordvins.     The  Voguls  and  Ostiaks.     The  Samoyeds     304 


CHAPTER  XII. 


Lithuania  and  the  Lithuania  Family.     Prussians.     Yatshvings.     Lithua- 
nians Proper.     Letts      .......     320 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Lithuanians  Proper.     Their  Poetry.     Their  Fairy  Tales  .  .     337 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


The  Letts.   The  Baltic,  or  German  Provinces  of  Russia  :  Estonia,  Livonia, 

Curland  .........     347 


CHAPTER  XV. 


Populations  neither  Turk  nor  Fin.  Of  Northern  Asia.  Mongols.  Tungu- 
sians.  Yeniseians.  Jukahiri.  Koriaks  and  Kamtshatkans.  Aino 
or  Kurilians  islanders.  Aleutians.  The  Independent  Tshutshi. 
The  Eskimo.     Caucasus  and  Transcaucasia.     Shamil  .  .     358 


xii  CONTENTS, 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Page. 


Rise  and  progress  of  the  Russian  Empire.  Early  piracy.  Probable  Rus- 
sians. The  name  Ros.  The  early  historical  period.  Conquests  of 
Vladimir  the  Great,  and  his  successors,  in  the  direction  of  the  Baltic. 
Conquests  of  Ivan  IV.  the  Terrible.  Peter  the  Great.  The  Czarinas 
Anne  and  Catherine.  Conquest  of  the  Crimea.  Incorporation  of 
Lithuania.     Conquest  of  Finland.     The  Treaty  of  Vienna       .  .     373 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


The  Decline  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  After  Mahomet  II.  too  large  for 
practical  Administration.  Mahomet  II. 's  Conquest  of  the  Crimea. 
Selim  I.'s  Conquests  in  Armenia,  Persia,  Syria,  Egypt.  Soliman  I., 
the  Barbary  Regencies.  No  permanent  Impression  made  on  Ger- 
many. Injurious  Effects  of  the  Ottoman  Attacks  upon  Persia. 
Natural  Antagonism  on  the  part  of  Russia.  Peter  the  Great  as  an 
Enemy ;  and  less  formidable  than  Anne  or  Catherine.  Value  of 
Sweden  as  an  Element  in  the  Balance  of  Power  of  Poland.  Decline 
of  the  Influence  of  both.  The  subsequent  conditional  integrity  of 
the  Ottoman  Empire.     Retrospect         .....     395 


RUSSIAN    AND    TURK. 


CHAPTER   I. 

The  Ottoman  Turks.     From  a.d.  1288  to  a.d.  1699. 

Othman. — Orkhan. — Crosses  the  Bosporus  and  establishes  himself  in  Europe. 
— Amurath  I. — Interregnum, — Mahomet  I. — Bajazet  I. — Amurath  II. — 
Mahomet  II. — Conquers  Constantinople. — Bajazet  II. — Selim,  his  Con- 
quests.— Solyman  I. — First  Siege  of  Vienna. — Conquest  of  Rhodes. — • 
Selim  II. — -First  recorded  War  with  Russia. — Amurath  III. — Mahomet 
III. — Othman  I.  and  Mustapha  II. — Amurath  IV. — Ibrahim. — Mahomet 
IV. — The  Kiuprili  Viziers. — Solyman  II. — Achmet  II. — Mustapha  II. — 
Battle  of  Zenta. — War  with  Russia  under  Peter  the  Great. — Treaty  of 
Carlowitz. 

Of  Turkish  kingdoms  there  have  been  many,  and  some  of 
them  may  claim  the  more  ambitious  title  of  Empire.  But  the 
Turkish  Empire  of  the  present  day  is  that  of  the  Osmanlis,  or 
Ottoman,  Turks.  And  the  distinction  is  important.  At  the 
present  moment  the  Sultan  in  Constantinople  is  an  Ottoman  in 
every  sense  of  the  word ;  but  the  Khedive  in  Egypt  is  scarcely 
an  Ottoman  in  any  sense ;  neither  are  his  subjects  Turks.  In- 
deed, the  term  ''  Turk ''  is  one  of  inordinate  generality  and 
extent.  More  than  a  third  of  Central  Asia  is  Turk,  and  in 
Russian,  Chinese,  and  Independent  Turkestan,  the  name 
presents  itself;  while  the  great  majority  of  Tatars  are  merely 
Turks  under  another  name.  Further  northwards  we  find  Turks 
in  Siberia ;  and,  in  the  far  east,  along  the  banks  of  the  Lena, 
a  Turk  dialect  is  spoken  as  far  as,  and  beyond,  the  Arctic  Circle. 

1 


2  THE    OTTOMAN   TURKS. — OTHMAN. 

Then  there  are  the  Turcomans  of  the  parts  between  the  Caspian 
and  the  western  extremity  of  the  Himalayas.  In  every  one  of 
these  instances  the  Turk  occupancy  is  continuous  ;  the  Tarks 
are  the  dominant  population ;  and,  except  in  certain  districts 
on  the  Persian  frontier,  the  Turkish  is  the  vernacular  language. 
There  are  Turks  along  the  coast  of  the  Arctic  Sea,  and  there 
are  Turks  within  the  western  boundaries  of  China. 

Neither  is  the  name  Ottoman  an  old  one,  though  the  name 
Turk  occurs  as  far  back  as  the  sixth  century,  when  the  ruler  of 
the  Turks  sent  an  embassy  to  the  Emperor  Justinian ;  these 
being  the  Turks  of  the  parts  to  the  east  and  north  of  Lake 
Aral.  It  is  not,  however,  in  these  parts  that  we  must  look  for 
any  such  names  as  Ottoman;  neither,  except  as  the  proper 
name  of  an  individual,  do  we  hear  of  either  Ottomans  or 
Osmanlis  until  after  the  Fourth  Crusade,  and  the  conquest  of 
Constantinople  by  the  Franks.  The  Osman,  or  Othman,  that 
gave  to  his  dynasty  its  name,  died  no  earlier  than  A.D.  1326. 
This  is  what  we  know  about  the  name  and  the  bearer  of  it.  But 
the  father  of  Othman  was  Ertogrul,  and  the  father  of  Ertogrul 
was  Solyman  Shah,  and  higher  than  this  we  have  no  continuous 
genealogy ;  nor  is  the  exact  personality  of  Solyman  beyond  a 
doubt. 

The  history  of  Ertogrul,  of  his  brother  Dundar,  and  of  his 
son  Othman,  is  as  follows  : — At  some  time  subsequent  to  the 
Mongol  invasion  of  Asia  Minor,  and  apparently  not  far  from  the 
middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  on  some  spot  somewhere 
between  the  Armenian  frontier  and  the  Egean,  an  armed  force 
of  four  hundred  and  forty-four  horsemen  under  the  captaincy 
of  Ertogrul,  or  the  Right- hearted  man,  as  they  were  moving 
westwards,  came  in  sight  of  a  battle-field,  in  which  one  of  the 
two  armies  was  manifestly  the  weaker  one.  This  was  enough 
for  Ertogrul,  who  immediately  led  his  followers  in  defence  of  it, 
and  so  won  the  battle  for  no  less  a  potentate  than  Alaeddin, 
the  Sultan  of  Iconium,  and  against  an  enemy  no  less  formidable 
than  the  Mongols.  A  grant  of  land — we  may  call  it  a  fief — 
was  Ertogrul's  reward,  and,  as  he  was  an  efficient  captain  on 
other  occasions  afterwards,  other  fiefs  were  added  to  it;  and 


OTHMAN. ORKHAN.  3 

with  these  Ertogrul  was  contented.     He  was  simply  the  vassal 
and  lieutenant  of  the  Sidtan. 

Otliman,  his  son^  is  this  and  sometliing  more.  The  nucleus 
of  his  territory  is  the  classical  range  of  Mount  Olympus^  and 
its  chief  town  is  Brusa.  This  he  had  won  from  the  Greeks, 
against  whom  he  fought  his  first  regular  battle  in  1301.  This 
was  the  battle  of  Baphaeum,,  near  Nicomedia.  Here  he  was 
victorious.  The  Greeks_,  however,  held  the  towns  which  were 
of  primary  importance — Brusa,  Nicomedia,  and  Nicsea.  For 
these  Othman  was  content  to  wait  patiently.  His  son  Orkhan 
promised  to  be,  like  his  father,  a  conqueror ;  and,  of  the  three 
great  cities,  it  was  the  first  (Brusa)  that  was  taken  during 
Othman's  lifetime.  Othman  bore  himself  as  an  independent 
prince — probably  as  an  Emir  of  an  Emirate — rather  than  as  a 
mere  officer  of  the  Sultan.  It  is  manifest  that  if  Constantinople 
is  to  be  conquered  from  Asia,  the  Bithynian  Emirate  of  Othman 
is  just  the  district  from  which  the  conquerors  are  to  be 
expected. 

Orkhan,  like  his  father,  is  an  Emir — not  a  Sultan.  In  the 
first  year  of  his  reign  he  takes  Nicomedia,  and  four  years  after- 
wards Nicsea ;  both  in  Bithynia,  both  won  from  the  Greeks. 

Pergamus,  with  Mysia,  is  won,  six  years  later,  from  a  Turkish 
Prince.  This  is  in  Asia — what  Orkhan  did  in  Europe  was  but 
little  ;  still,  it  was  in  Orkhan^s  reign  that  the  first  steps  were 
:  taken  towards  Constantinople,  and  they  were  taken  in  the  near 
neighbourhood  of  the  capital  itself.  Cantacuzen,  a  usurper,  in 
spite  of  the  difference  of  religion,  was  his  father-in-law;  for 
Orkhan  had  married  his  daughter,  and  had  assisted  him  against 
the  legitimate  Palseologi  in  return.  This  was  one  alliance.  On 
the  other  hand  the  Genoese  had  the  suburb  of  Galata,  and  the 
Venetians  that  of  Pera ;  but  the  Venetians  were  the  allies  of 
Cantacuzen,  the  Genoese  of  Orkhan.  With  complications 
like  this,  with  ambition,  with  opportunity,  with  nothing  against 
them  but  the  weak  tie  of  relationship  by  marriage,  the  friend- 
ship between  Cantacuzen  and  Orkhan  came  to  an  end :  indeed 
John  Palseologus,  like  Orkhan  himself,  was  a  son-in-law  of 
Cantacuzen.     In  a  Genoese  bark,  S oilman,  the  son  of  Orkhan, 

1    * 


4  THE    OTTOMAN    TURKS. — AMURATH    I. 

crossed  the  Bosphorus  and  surprised  Tzympe.  Instead  of  re- 
covering it,  Cantacuzen  asked  the  aid  of  Orkhan.  This  was 
administered  by  Orkhan,  and  the  forces  of  Palseologus  routed. 
Money  was  offered  by  Cantacuzen  for  Tzympe,  but  before  it  was 
paid  circumstances  had  changed,  and  Gallipoli  was  taken  and 
fortified. 

It  was  with  Orkhan's  son  and  successor,  Amurath  I.,  that  the 
career  of  ambitious,  systematic,  and  continuous  conquest  began. 
He  it  was  who  reduced  Adrianople,  and  made  it,  until  the 
taking  of  Constantinople,  the  Ottoman  capital.  He  it  was,  too, 
who  first  fought  against  enemies  more  formidable  than  the 
degenerate  Greeks,  viz.,  the  Bulgarians  and  Servians.  Of  these 
the  former  had  been,  upon  the  whole,  the  more  inveterate 
enemies  of  the  Empire  ;  for  they  were  the  first  of  the  barbarians 
who  threatened  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  and  for  nearly  nine 
hundred  years  their  name  had  been  formidable.  The  Servians, 
as  a  separate  nation,  had  not  been  known  by  name  so  long ; 
but,  with  varying  relations  to  Bulgaria,  Wallachia,  and  Albania, 
they,  also,  had  long  been  formidable.  Under  their  great  king, 
Stephen  Dushan,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  they  held,  for  a  short 
time,  a  wider  dominion  than  the  Bulgarians.  These  were  the 
first  Slavonians  that  were  conquered  by  the  Ottomans,  and 
Servia  and  Bulgaria  are  the  oldest  of  the  Ottoman  provinces. 
There  are  two  battles  of  Kossova,  and  the  first  was  the  one 
which  Amurath  I.  won  against  the  Servians ;  and  it  was  on  the 
field  of  Kossova,  and  while  the  battle  was  going  on,  that  Amu- 
rath I.  was  stabbed  by  a  Servian  noble  who  presented  himself 
to  him  as  a  deserter.     He  died  on  the  field. 

Under  Bajazet  I.  Wallachia  was  constrained  to  pay  tribute, 
and  the  wars  against  Bosnia  and  Hungary  commenced.  It 
was  not  until  this  latter  kingdom  was  threatened  that,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Popes  and  the  Crusaders,  the  difi'erence  between  I 
Christianity  and  Mahometanism  seems  to  have  been  recognised.  I 
The  heretics  of  Servia  and  Bulgaria  found  no  sympathy  among 
the  Franks ;  but  the  attack  on  a  Romanist  kingdom  like  Hun- 
gary was  answered  by  a  voice  from  the  Vatican,  and  Pope 
Boniface  IX.  proclaimed  a  crusade.     The  heretic  Servians  re- 


BAJAZET    I. MAHOMET    I. — AMURATH    II.  5 

mained  faithful  to  their  conquerors,  and,  for  tlie  first  time  on 
European  ground,  the  flower  of  European  chivalry  was  igno- 
miniously  defeated  at  the  great  battle  of  Nicopolis. 

Bajazet  I.  died  A.D.  1403,  the  year  after  his  defeat  near 
Angora,  and  in  1405  died  his  conqueror  Timor.  This  was  the 
time  when,  in  spite  of  its  conquests  in  Europe,  the  Ottoman 
Empire  was  in  greater  peril  than  it  has  ever  been  before  or 
since.  For  eleven  years  there  was  an  interregnum  :  and,  after 
that,  Mahomet  I.  reigned  till  1431,  and  Amurath  II.,  who 
succeeded  him,  till  the  middle  cf  the  century.  It  was  Amurath 
II.  who  first  laid  siege  to  Constantinople,  A.D.  1422.  We 
know  that  he  did  not  complete  it,  but  there  is  no  exact  ex- 
planation of  the  motives  that  led  him  to  abandon  it.  There  is 
the  belief  that  the  Panagia,  or  Holy  Virgin,  came  down  from 
Heaven  for  the  protection  of  the  sacred  maidens  of  Constanti- 
nople ;  and  there  is  the  belief  that  counter-movements  and 
conspiracies  elsewhere  called  the  Sultan  into  Asia  Minor,  and 
that,  as  he  could  afford  to  let  the  capital  stand  over  for  a  future 
day,  he  chose  to  abandon  it  rather  than  neglect  a  civil  war. 
This  he  soon  extinguished;  but  he  did  not  renew  the  siege. 
Other  cities,  however,  were  surrendered,  and  an  annual  tribute 
was  paid  to  him  by  the  Emperor.  Under  Amurath  II.  the  war 
against  the  Christians  took  a  more  serious  form  than  it  had  done 
hitherto.  It  was  an  easy  matter  to  fight  against  the  Greek  and 
the  Imperial  soldiers,  and  it  was  not  very  difficult  to  overrun 
such  countries  as  Bulgaria,  Servia,  and  Bosnia,  all  three  of 
which  were  separate  kingdoms,  and  by  no  means  friendly  to 
one  another.  But  with  states  like  Hungary,  Poland,  and  Venice 
it  w^as  no  light  matter  to  enter  into  conflict.  They  always  pre- 
sented a  solid  resistance ;  and  when,  in  addition  to  the  vis 
inertice  of  their  mass,  there  was  the  vis  viva  of  skilful  and  ad- 
venturous generals,  there  w^as  much  to  retard  the  progress  of 
even  warriors  like  Amurath.  This  means  that  his  days  were 
also  the  days  of  a  great  general  and  of  an  unrivalled  party 
warrior — Huniades  and  Scanderbeg,  the  former  for  Hungary 
and  Wallachia,  the  latter  for  his  native  land,  Albania.  Of  these 
it  is  safe  to  say  that,  at  tlie  very  least,  they  gave  the  Turks 


b  THE    OTTOMAN   TURKS. — MAHOMET   II. 

much  trouble;  that  they  foreshadowed  for  them  the  difficulties 
that  would  attend  any  over- ambitious  attempt  against  Western 
Europe,  and,  above  all,  delayed  the  final  capture  of  Constanti- 
nople. Both  fought  obstinately  and  with  varied  success,  and 
both  made  their  names  pre-eminently  formidable  to  their 
common  enemy,  and  both  pass  for  one  of  the  few  great  heroes 
of  their  respective  countries.  Before  the  death  of  Amurath, 
Huniades  was  beaten  in  the  second  battle  of  Kossova ;  and  before 
the  death  of  Mahomet  II.,  Albania  became  a  Turkish  province. 

Amurath  II.  was  the  father  of  Mahomet  II. 

On  the  29th  of  May  1453,  Mahomet  II.  took  possession  of 
Constantinople ;  in  other  words,  the  reduction  of  the  capital  of 
the  eastern  empire  was  the  first  of  his  conquests.  Like  his 
father  he  reigned  thirty  years,  and  during  the  whole  of  that 
period  he  either  eff'ected  fresh  conquests  or  completed  and  con- 
solidated those  of  his  predecessors.  '^  Mahomet  11.,^'  writes  Sir 
Edward  Creasy,  "  was  but  twenty-three  years  of  age  when  he 
took  Constantinople,  being  one  year  older  than  Alexander  was 
when  he  fought  the  battle  of  the  Granicus,  and  three  years  less 
than  the  age  of  Napoleon,  when  he  commanded  at  Lodi.  The 
succession  of  wars  and  victories  which  filled  the  thirty  years  of 
Mahomet^s  reign,  might,  perhaps,  bear  comparison  with  the 
exploits  of  the  other  two  imperial  conquerors  whom  we  have 
mentioned.  The  fragments  of  the  Greek  empire,  which  had 
lingered  for  a  while  unconnected  with  the  central  power  of  the 
emperor,  were  speedily  subdued  by  the  new  ruler  of  Constanti- 
nople. The  Peloponnesus  was  conquered  in  1454,  and  Trebizond 
in  the  following  year.^^  The  same  writer  when  describing  the 
Institutes  of  Mahomet,  for  he  was  a  legislator  as  well  as  a 
conqueror,  compared  the  military  tenures  which  were  granted 
to  his  followers  in  the  countries  they  had  conquered  with  the 
feudal  system  of  Western  Europe;  and  added  that,  like  the 
barons  of  the  time  alluded  to,  they,  the  grantees  of  the  Ziamets 
and  Timars,  aggrandized  themselves,  as  in  mediaeval  Christianity, 
at  the  expense  of  both  the  monarchy  and  the  commonalty.  How 
this  began,  we  have  seen  in  the  notice  of  Othman,  and  the  state, 
in  his  time,  of  Asia  Minor.     How  long  it  lasted  we  shall  see 


MAHOMET    II.  7 

when  we  come  to  the  liistory  of  the  present  century ;  for  it  was 
not  until  hxtely  that  the  power  of  the  descendants  of  these  feudal 
nobles,  the  Deri  Beys,  or  Lords  of  the  Valleys,  were  put  down ; 
and,  even  at  the  present  time,  their  power,  whether  for  good 
or  for  evil,  is  still  but  incompletely  abolished.  On  the  Turkish 
ground,  then,  it  was  natural ;  and,  in  Greece,  which  is  now  es- 
pecially under  notice,  though  it  was  not  aboriginal,  it  had  been 
thoroughly  acclimatized ;  for  the  Franks,  and  the  descendants 
of  the  fourth  campaign,  had  made  Greece  as  feudal  as  England 
was  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.  It  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  the  following  extract  from  Finlay  applies,  not  to 
the  soil  of  Spain,  France,  or  Italy,  but  to  that  of  Greece,  as  it 
was  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

During  the  period  the  duchy  of  Athens  was  possessed  by  the  Sicilian  branch 
of  the  house  of  Aragon,  the  Catalans  were  engaged  in  wars  with  all  their 
neighbours.  #  #  *  #  The  lieutenants  general  of  the  dukes,  who  arrived 
from  Sicily,  were  always  compelled  to  bring  with  them  fresh  supplies  of 
mercenary  troops.  The  lieutenants  of  the  Sicilian  dukes  mentioned  in  history 
are,  Berenger  d'Estanot,  and  Alphonso,  the  natural  son  of  King  Frederic  II., 
who  governed  in  succession  during  the  life  of  Manfred.  Roger  de  Lauria,  son 
of  the  renowned  admiral,  represented  Frederic  of  Randazyo.  Afterwards, 
Frances  George,  Marquis  of  Boudonitza,  Philip  of  Dalmas,  and  Roger  and 
Antonia  de  Lauria,  sons  of  the  preceding  Roger,  ruled  the  duchy.  During  the 
government  of  Roger  and  Antonio  de  Lauria,  Louis,  Count  of  Salon,  son  of  the 
Regent  Alphonso,  died,  leaving  an  only  daughter  as  his  heiress.  Louis  was 
proprietor  of  a  very  large  portion  of  the  duchy,  and  the  disputes  that  arose 
concerning  the  marriage  of  his  daughter,  caused  the  ruin  of  Catalan  power, 
and  the  conquest  of  Athens  by  Nerio  Acciaiuoli,  the  Governor  of  Corinth. 

The  Catalans  were  the  constant  rivals  of  the  Franks  of  Achaia,  and,  as 
Nerio  Acciaiuoli,  as  Governor  of  Corinth,  was  the  guardian'of  the  principality 
against  their  hostile  projects,  the  marriage  of  the  young  Countess  of  Salona 
involved  the  two  parties  in  war.  The  mother  of  the  bride  was  a  Greek  lady  ; 
Bhe  betrothed  her  daughter  to  Simeon,  son  of  the  Prince  of  Yallachian 
Thessaly ;  and  the  Catalans,  with  the  two  Laurias  at  their  head,  supported 
this  arrangement.  But  the  bozans  of  Achaia,  headed  by  Nerio  Acciaiuoli, 
pretended  that  the  feudal  suzerain  of  Athens  and  Achaia  was  entitled  to  dis- 
pose of  the  hand  of  the  Countess,  though  the  race  of  Baldwin  II.  was  extinct ; 
for  Jacques  de  Baux,  the  last  titular  Emperor  of  Romania,  died  before  the  war 
between  the  Catalans  and  the  Governor  of  Corinth  commenced.  Nerio  was 
nevertheless  determined  to  bestow  the  young  Countess,  with  all  her  immense 
'  possessions,  on  a  relation  of  the  Acciaiuoli  family,  named  Peter  Sarrasin.  The 
wars  concerning  the  Countess  of   Salona  and  her   heritage  appears   to  have 


8  THE    OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

commenced  about  the  year  1386.  The  Catalans  were  defeated,  and  Nerio 
gained  possession  of  Athens,  Thebes,  and  Livadea ;  but  a  few  of  the  Spanish 
proprietors,  and  the  remains  of  the  military  force  attached  to  the  viceroys, 
continued  for  some  years  to  offer  a  most  determined  resistance  in  other  parts 
of  the  duchy,  and  rallied  round  them  a  body  of  Navarrese  troops  in  the  service 
of  the  last  Spanish  governors. 

Again — it  was  much  the  same  iu  the  islands.  They  suited 
the  Venetians  better  than  a  territory  on  the  mainland ;  and  it 
is  in  the  hands  of  a  Venetian  that  we  find  them  ;  although  the 
transaction  which  put  him  in  possession  of  them  is  obscure  or 
unknown.  Mark  Sanudo  was  the  first  Duke  of  Naxos  and  of 
those  islands  of  the  Archipelago  to  which  it  was  the  political 
centre,  viz. :  Paros,  Antiparos,  los,  Sikinos,,  Polykandros, 
Kimolos,  Melos,  Amorgos,  Thera  or  Santorin,  and  Anaphe. 

Of  these,  Melos  plays  a  part  of  some  importance ;  whilst  los 
commands  notice  from  the  fact  of  its  having  been  depopulated 
by  an  invasion  of  the  Turks  to  such  an  extent  as  to  lose  the  bulk, 
if  not  the  whole,  of  its  Greek  population,  which  was  made  good 
by  a  colony  from  Albania ;  so  that,  at  the  present  moment,  los, 
like  so  many  districts  on  the  continent,  is  an  actual  Albanian 
occupancy. 

A  principle,  not  unlike  the  one  upon  which  our  Indian  empire 
was  allowed  to  develop  itself  in  the  hands  of  a  private  company 
of  merchant  adventurers,  was  adopted  by  the  Venetians  in 
respect  to  its  territory  in  the  islands.  Private  individuals  were 
allowed  to  reduce  certain  islands,  archipelagoes,  or  parts  of 
islands,  on  condition  of  holding  them  as  fiefs  under  the  Re- 
public. In  this  way  Marco  Dandolo  and  Jacomo  Viaro  occupied 
Gallipoli. 

Marino  Dandolo       .         .         .     Andros. 

The  GHsi  family      .         .         .  (  Tenos  MyW  Skyros, 

(  Skiathos,  and  Skopelos. 
The  Justiniani  and  Michieli      .     Keos. 
The  Navigajosas       .         .         .     Lemnos. 
The  Quiiini     ....     Astypalsea. 
But  Mark  Sanudo  was  more  powerful  than  all  the  rest  put 
together  ;  and  the  Naxian  archipelago  was  the  true  representative 
of  Venice  in  the  ^gean.    The  Ji7'si  onslaught,  however,  made  on 


Ziamets. 

Timars. 

.     109 

342 

.       12 

188 

.       60 

344 

.       13 

287 

.       11 

119 

.       62 

345 

MAHOMET    II.  '  9 

Greece  was  by  Bajazet,  and,  in  the  parts  north  of  the  Morea^  it 
was  an  effective  one.  Mahomet  II.  reduced  the  Morea,  and 
partitioned  inio  fiefs — Ziamets  and  Timars — the  whole  country, 
not  only  on  the  mainland,,  but  in  Labaea,  and  the  Ionian  islands, 
and  Albania.     This  he  divided  into  Sandjaks. 

The  Sandjak  of  tlje  Morea  . 

Negropont 

Thessaly    . 

Epakto  {Naupactus)    . 

Karlili  (Ionian  islands) 

Yanina  (Albania) 

267  1625 

The  tribute  of  children  (one-fifth  of  the  males)  he  instituted 
as  the  means  of  recruiting  his  army. 

Immediately  after  his  conquest  of  Greece,  Mahomet  turns 
his  arms  against  Trebizond,  a  pretensions  empire,  famous  in 
romance  rather  than  in  real  history.  Until  the  discovery  by 
Fallermayer  of  the  books  of  Cardinal  Bessarion  preserved  at 
Venice,  of  the  Chronicle  of  Michael  Panaretos,  the  little  that 
was  known  of  the  details  of  the  history  of  Trebizond  was  col- 
lected from  the  works  of  the  Constantinopolitan  writers ;  who 
could  scarcely  have  been  either  accurately  informed  or  impartial. 
The  voids  which  they  left  exercised  the  critical  acumen  of 
Ducange  and  stimulated  the  curiosity  of  Gibbon.  They  are 
now,  to  a  great  degree,  filled  up.  They  tell  us  much  worth 
knowing.  They  leave,  however,  the  Trebizond  of  history  far 
below  the  Trebizond  of  romance. 

When  Asia  Minor,  Anatolia,  or  Roum,  became  Turk,  Trebi- 
zond remained  Imperial ;  Imperial  and,  to  a  great  extent,  Greek. 
Whilst  Constantinople  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Crusaders, 
Trebizond  remained  what  may  by  courtesy  be  called  Roman. 
But  the  town  itself  was  but  a  small  part  of  the  Trapezuntine 
remnant.  To  take  the  measure  of  this  we  must  extend  Asia 
Minor,  and  carry  it  into  Georgia,  as  far  as  Imereti,  as  far, 
perhaps,  as  Suaneti — at  any  rate  beyond  the  Phasis.     We  must 


10  THE    OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

include  the  Lazic  district  of  the  wars  under  Justinian.  We 
must  include  the  ancient  and  mythic  Colchis.  We  must  include 
a  portion  both  of  Georgia  and  Armenia. 

Whilst  under  the  Byzantine  Empire  the  Trapezuntines  were 
connected  with  an  important  name,  and  one  suggestive  of  more 
speculation  than  can  be  indulged  in ;  for  the  theme  to  which 
Trebizond  belonged  was  the  theme  Chaldia,  and  its  Dukes  were 
the  Dukes  of  Chaldia. 

The  Trapezuntine  wars  were  alliances  chiefly  with  the  Turks, 
under  the  Sultan  of  Iconium  or  Konieh,  the  Empire,  and  the 
Turcomans ;  and,  when  the  Sultans  were  strong  and  the  Trape- 
zuntine Emperors  weak,  the  former  took  the  supremacy  of 
suzerain,  whilst  the  latter  yielded  the  homage  of  the  vassal. 

Other  political  relations  were  with  the  Khans  of  Khawerezm, 
or  Transoxiana,  with  the  Temudzhinian  Mongols,  and  with  the 
Genoese  of  Kaffa,  who,  upon  the  whole,  were  their  most  formid- 
able enemies.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  dangers  of  its  environ- 
ment, Trebizond  flourished ;  was  never  reconquered  by  the 
Emperors;  and  lasted  as  an  independent  State  from  120'l<  to 
1461,  when  it  was  reduced  by  Mahomet  II. 

The  retribution  that  followed  the  tyranny  of  Andronicus  I. 
showed  the  weakness  of  the  Emperor,  and  disorganized  the  em- 
pire ;  and,  in  doing  this,  suggested  ideas  of  independence  to  the 
more  distant  themes.  Trebizond  was  one  of  these,  and  a  scion 
of  the  Comnenian  family,  on  the  male  side,  who  had  fair  grounds 
for  looking  upon  the  ruling  Emperor  as  a  usurper,  declared 
himself  independent  and  something  more.  He  denominated 
himself  Emperor,  and  considered  Trebizond  to  be  the  true 
capital  of  the  Eastern  Empire.  As  far  as  he  was  concerned  he 
removed,  in  his  own  ambitious  fancy,  Constantinople  to  Trebi- 
zond. His  title  was  The  Faithful  (Orthodox)  King  and  Autocrat 
of  all  the  East  (Anatolia),  the  Iberians,  the  Perateia,  and  the 
Great  (Grand)  Comnenus — Perateia  meaning  a  portion  of  the 
Crimea  and  Cherson,  in  which  the  Gothic  district  of  Gothia  was 
German. 

Trebizond  itself  was  Greek ;  Greek,  at  least  in  language,  for 
the  purposes  of  commerce,  literature,  and  diplomacy.     But  the 


MAHOMET    II.  11 

mass  of  the  country,  on  the  eastern  side  at  least,  was  Georgian, 
and  on  the  south  Armenian,  and,  perhaps,  Kurd.  Add  to  this 
the  likelihood  of  certain  Turcomans  having  been  included 
within  its  boundaries. 

Alexios  I.  held  his  own,  and  transmitted  his  sceptre  to  his 
sons  and  his  sons'  sons,  Georges,  Johns,  Manuels,  Michaels, 
Basils,  and  Andronici,  as  Kings ;  Irenes  and  Theodoras,  as 
Queens.  These  names  are  given  on  the  strength  of  their  truly- 
Byzantine  character,  and  as  contrasts  to  the  French  and  Italian 
names  of  Greece  and  the  Archipelago. 

As  a  town,  or  as  a  province,  Trebizond  flourished.  As  an  em- 
pire, it  was  but  a  small  and  pretentious  aff^air.  The  dynasty  was 
legitimate,  and,  as  far  as  it  was  Greek,  native.  The  men  who 
formed  its  armies  and  manned  its  fleets  were  neither  Italians 
nor  French  ;  neither  Genoese  nor  Catalans.  They  were,  on  the 
contrary,  essentially  Asiatics — more  so  than  even  the  most 
Asiatic  portion  of  the  true  empire. 

We  have  seen  that  Wallachia  is  already  a  tributary.  But, 
where  Wallachia  ends,  the  territory  of  the  Tatars  of  the 
Crimea  begins,  and  it  extends  from  the  Pruth  to  the  Cuban, 
To  reduce  these  is  to  become  master  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  this 
is  a  position  of  no  slight  importance;  for,  though  the  Tatars 
were  the  lords  of  the  land,  it  was  the  Genoese  who  had  the 
commerce — we  may  almost  say  the  monopoly — of  the  Euxine. 
Their  great  port  or  emporium  was  Kafta,  and  as  the  Venetian 
fleet  was  dominant  in  the  iEgean,  so  was  that  of  Genoa  in  the 
Euxine.  There  seems  to  have  been  nothing  arbitrary  in  the 
order  of  Mahomet^s  conquests.  This  naturally  followed  that  of 
Trebizond,  but  it  was  not  made  by  Mahomet  in  person^  and,  what 
is  rare  in  the  early  Ottoman  history,  there  was  a  pretext  for  it. 
Whether  it  were  not  one  of  Mahomet's  own  concoction  is 
another  question.  A  ruler  is  either  deposed  or  conspired 
against  by  his  brothers,  and  appeals  to  Csesar,  and  Caesar  de- 
poses both  him  and  his  unbrotherly  brethren.  Three  hundred 
years  later  there  is  the  same  conquest  and  the  same  pretext. 
The  Khan  of  the  same  Crimeans,  A.D.  1770,  is  conspired  against, 
and,  unread  in  the  history  of  his  predecessors,  appeals  to  a 


12  THE    OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

Csesar  of  a  different  sex ;  and  the  Tatar  principality  in  the 
fifteenth  century  passes  from  its  legitimate  rulers  to  Mahomet, 
passes  from  their  descendants  to  the  Czarina  Catherine. 

Ahmed  Keduk,  Admiral  and  Grand  Vizier_,  was  the  conqueror 
of  the  Crimea.  Kaffa  was  pillaged,  and,  next  to  Constantinople, 
it  was  the  wealthiest  city  in  the  Empire.  Thousands  of  its  in- 
habitants were  transplanted  to  Constantinople,  and  15,000  young 
Genoese  were  enlisted  in  the  armies  of  the  conquerors  as  Janis- 
saries. Such  was  the  blow  struck  against  one  of  the  great 
trading  republics  between  whom  the  commerce  of  Constantinople 
was  monopolised.  Such,  too,  the  blow  at  their  maritime  pre- 
rogative in  one  of  the  great  Eastern  seas. 

The  rival  of  Genoa  was  Venice,  and  what  Genoa  was  in  the 
Euxine  such  was  Venice  in  the  jEgean.  But  in  the  Black  Sea 
there  was  one  great  emporium  ;  in  the  -^gean  there  were  islands 
and  islands.  Selection  in  the  order  of  the  conquest  of  them 
was  needed  here,  and  it  was  made  judiciously.  Lesbos  and 
Lemnos  were  the  nearest  to  the  Dardanelles,  Eubaea  to  Greece^ 
Cephalonia  to  Italy,  and  these  Mahomet  reduced  himself;  the 
others  he  left  to  his  successors.  Of  the  predecessors  the  most 
notable  action  of  the  Turkish  navy  was  that  of  the  boat  which 
took  Orkhan  across  the  Bosphorus,  and  the  fleet  that  followed 
with  the  soldiers  of  Amurath  I. 

Towards  the  end  of  Mahomet's  reign  his  activity  was  as  it 
was  at  the  beginning,  and  his  ambition,  so  far,  at  least,  as  it  was 
manifested  in  action,  greater.  Bosnia  he  already  conquered, 
but  Albania  was  ably  defended  by  its  great  hero  George  Cast- 
notes,  or  Scanderbeg.  Towards  the  end  of  his  life,  however, 
Albania  was  completely  reduced,  and  then  began  the  collis^ion  of 
the  most  inveterate,  and,  upon  the  whole,  the  most  effective 
opponent  of  the  Porte — the  great  Republic  of  the  Adriatic.  In 
1477  an  Ottoman  army  entered  the  territory  of  Friuli,  and 
returned  loaded  with  booty.  The  city  was  left  intact,  for  a 
treaty  was  concluded  which  (according  to  one  Italian  historian) 
"  contained  a  stipulation  by  which  the  Republic  was  to  aid  the 
Sultan,  if  attacked,  with  a  fleet  of  100  galleys,  and  the  Sultan 
was^  in   case   of  necessity,  to  send    100,000   Turkish   cavalry 


MAHOMET    II.  13 

against  the  enemies  of  Venice/^*  This  I  believe  to  be  the  first 
instance  of  an  amicable  treaty  between  the  Ottoman  and  any 
('hristiau  power.  There  had  been  truces_,  one  of  which  was 
disgracefully  broken  by  the  Christians,  and  there  had  been  a 
temporary  recognition  of  the  great  Scanderbeg  as  an  inde- 
pendent prince  in  Albania ;  but  the  treaty _,  if  real,  is  the  nearest 
approach  to  European  warfare  that  I  have  met  with.  It  was, 
probably,  meant  to  ensure  the  neutrality  of  Venice  in  the 
attempts  of  the  last  of  Mahomet^s  expeditions,  which  shortly 
afterwards  followed. 

The  conquest  that  the  Sultan  meditated  was  that  of  Italy, 
and,  subsidiary  to  this,  that  of  Rhodes,  now  in  possession  of  the 
Knights  of  St.  John.  This  attack  was  heroically  repulsed  under 
the  Grandmastership  of  Pierre  d^Aubrisson.  The  second,  of 
which  Lisle  Adam  was  the  first  of  many  heroes,  will  be  noticed 
hereafter.  But  the  first  siege  of  Rhodes  was  the  one  in  which 
Mahomet  II.  failed. 

On  the  same  day  that  the  Ottomans  retreated  from  Rhodes, 
Ahmed  Keduk,  the  conqueror  of  the  Crimea,  marched  against 
Otranto,  which  he  stormed  II  August  1480.  On  the  3rd  of 
May  of  the  following  year,  Mahomet  II.  suddenly  died  in  the 
midst  of  the  army.  It  was  collected  on  the  Asiatic  side  of  the 
Bosphorus,  but  no  one  but  the  Sultan  knew  its  destination. 
"  His  maxim  was  that  secrecy  in  design  and  celerity  in  execution 
are  the  great  elements  of  success  in  war.  Once,  when  at  the 
commencement  of  a  campaign,  one  of  his  chief  officers  asked 
him  what  were  the  main  objects  of  his  operations,  Mahomet 
answered  sharply,  '  If  a  hair  of  my  beard  knew  them,  I  would 
pluck  it  out  and  cast  it  into  the  fire.^  '^ 

The  reign  of  Mahomet''s  successor,  Bajazet  II.,  was  by  far 
the  most  inglorious  of  those  of  the  early  Sultans,  or  the  Sultans 
of  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Empire.  Indeed,  the  history 
reads  as  if  it  belonged  to  its  decline  and  fall.  The  first  event 
in  it,  and  it  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  first  retrograde  move- 
ment in  Turkish  history,  was  the  recall  from  Italy  of  the  able 
and  successful  Ahmed  Keduk.     His  successor  in  the  govern- 

*  Sir  Edward  Creasy,  History  of  the  Ottoman  Turks,  p.  91,  ed.  1877. 


14  THE    OTTOMAN   TUEKS. BAJAZET    II. 

ment  of  Otranto  was  subsequently  driven  out  of  Italy  by  the 
Prince  of  Calabria^  and  so  ended  the  first  and  last  Ottoman 
occupation  of  the  soil  of  Italy.  Then  there  was  a  chronic  state 
of  warfare  all  along  the  debatable  frontiers  of  Hungary^  Venice, 
and  Poland ;  for  the  conquest  of  the  Crimea  had  brought  the 
Tatar  and  the  Kosak  districts  in  contact  with  one  another,,  and 
in  the  direction  of  Bratislav  and  Podolia  there  was  always,  until 
the  time  of  the  partitions,  either  alliances  or  wars  between 
Poland  and  the  Porte.  There  were  in  Asia  Minor  rebellions  of 
irrepressible  Caramanians,  and  in  the  same  districts  there  were 
outbreaks  of  the  Shiite  heresy.  Lastly  there  were  aggressions 
on  the  part  of  the  Marmelukes  of  Egypt  upon  the  southern 
districts  of  Anatolia.  But  it  is  not  these  that  form  the  main 
subjects  in  the  history  of  Bajazet's  unhappy  reign.  There  were 
internecine  fraternal  feuds ;  there  was  the  sad  history  of  the 
Sultanas  unhappy  brother  Djem;  and,  finally,  there  was  the 
rebellion  of  Selim  against  his  father,  and  the  forced  abdication 
of  Bajazet,  the  weakest,  but  not  the  wickedest,  of  the  early 
Sultans. 

It  is  in  the  reign  of  Bajazet  that  we  first  find  the  Sultan 
appealed  to  as  the  representative  potentate  of  the  Mahometan 
world,  and  the  protector  of  the  creed  of  the  Faithful;  and  this  is 
not  unconnected  with  another  fact,  the  rapid  development  of  the 
Ottoman  navy.  Kemal  Beis,  in  1483,  is  sent  to  ravage  the  coast 
of  Spain,  in  consequence  of  the  entreaty  of  the  Moors  of  Grenada 
to  the  Sultan  of  Constantinople,  the  "  lord  of  the  two  seas  and  the 
two  continents,''^  for  succour  against  the  Christians.  After  this 
we  find  him  either  victorious,  or  skilfully  fighting  against  superior 
forces,  in  the  naval  wars  against  Italy,  Venice,  and  Spain. 

As  the  name  of  Spain  first  appears  in  Turkish  history  during 
this  reign,  so  does  that  of  Bussia.  In  a.d.  1492,  Ivan  III.  pro- 
posed diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  empires.  Three 
years  later  an  ambassador  appeared  at  Constantinople,  with 
special  injunctions  to  allow  precedence  to  no  other  ambassador, 
and  not  to  bow  the  knee  to  the  Sultan.  He  seems  to  have 
obeyed, — perhaps,  to  have  overstepped  his  injunctions,  and  to 
have  done  his  best  to  behave  arrogantly.     Bajazet  merely  de- 


BAJAZET    II. SELIM    I.  15 

clined  to  send  an  ambassador  in  return.  Under  none  of  his  pre- 
decessors would  the  Russian  ambassador  himself  have  returned. 

We  are  scarcely  prepared  by  the  notice  of  the  reign  of 
Bajazet  II.  to  expect  that  in  that  of  his  son  and  successor  the 
extent  of  the  Ottoman  empire  will  be  nearly  doubled.  But  such 
is  the  case;  and^  what  is  more  remarkable,  it  is  not  at  the 
expense  of  the  Christian  kingdoms  of  Europe  that  such  an 
inordinate  aggrandizement  will  be  made.  In  this  direction  as 
much  has  been  done  as  is  feasible.  It  is  not^  however,  difficult 
to  see  the  quarters  in  which  desperate  struggles  are  likely  to 
take  place ;  viz._,  the  parts  to  the  east  and  south  of  Asia  Minor _, 
Persia,  and  Armenia,  Syria,  and  Egypt.  Indeed,  the  coming 
events  have  already  cast  their  shadows  before  them.  There  are 
two  great  Mahometan  kingdoms,  Persia  and  Egypt,  and  both  are 
seen  during  the  reign  of  Bajazet  at  enmity  with  the  Sultan. 
The  Persians  are,  in  the  eyes  of  the  orthodox  Sunnites — and 
this  is  what  the  Turks  are  in  general — heretics  and  Shiites ;  and, 
if  not  into  Asia  Elinor,  Shiite  doctrines  in  their  worst  form,  had 
even  before  the  time  of  the  Crusades,  found  their  way  into  Syria. 
Doctrines,  too,  of  the  same  kind  had  at  a  still  later  period  developed 
themselves  in  Egypt;  indeed,  in  both  Egypt  and  Persia,  they 
seem  to  have  been  indigenous.  Now  Selim  was  a  persecutor, 
and  not  the  less  so  because  he  was  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary 
culture :  and  we  have  seen  that,  before  he  came  to  the  throne, 
there  was  a  Shiite  insurrection  in  Asia  Minor.  Again,  the  Ma- 
meluk  inroads,  on  the  side  of  Egypt,  in  the  Turkish  districts  of 
the  Syrian  frontier,  had  led  even  the  peaceful  Bajazet  into  a  war 
in  which  he  won  little  renown.  Between  the  two  we  get  the 
important  fact  that  Selim  is  the  champion  in  a  war  of  religion, 
and  that  Mahometanism  is  divided  against  itself.  And  as  Selim 
was  of  the  Sunnite  Sultans,  so  was  his  adversary,  Ismail  of  Persia, 
one  of  the  ablest  and  the  most  earnest  of  the  Shiite  Shahs.  We 
have  already  said  that  Selim  nearly  doubled  the  extent  of  the 
empire  bequeathed  to  him  by  his  grandfather;  but  had  the  wars 
taken  a  different  turn  he  might  have  forfeited  the  half  of  it. 

The  Persian  campaign  was  the  first  of  the  two,  and  thus  he 
makes  himself  master  of  the  capital,  Tabriz.     Here  he  halts. 


16  THE    OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

and,  thence,  marches  into  the  more  impracticable  districts  of 
Armenia,  so  far,  indeed,  that  his  troops  refuse  to  follow  him. 
He  fails,  then,  to  conquer  Persia ;  but  the  Armenian  and  the 
Kurd  districts  about  Diabekir  he  reduces.  In  the  Egyptian 
campaign  he  reduces  and  retains  Cairo,  and  subsequently  all 
Egypt  and  Syria.  This  last  conquest  makes  him  not  only  the 
Sultan  of  Egypt,  but  the  Calif  of  Sunnite  Mahometanism.  As 
a  persecutor  he  can  best  be  compared  with  Charles  IX.  of 
France.  As  the  organizer  of  the  administration  of  Egypt,  he 
appears  to  deserve  praise. 

Holyman  I.,  the  Magnificent,  reigned  when  the  great  kingdoms 
of  Europe  had  become  consolidated  ;  when  Charles  V.  ruled  in 
Spain,  and  Francis  I.  in  France.  With  the  latter  he  contracted 
alliances. 

In  1526,  Hungary  was  conquered  on  the  bloody  field  of 
Mohacz,  Buda  being  taken  Louis,  the  king,  died  childless,  and 
the  archduke  of  Austria,  Ferdinand,  claimed  the  Hungarian 
crown,  as  brother-in-law  to  the  late  king.  The  Hungarians 
would  recognize  none  but  a  native ;  and  Zapolya,  one  of  the 
nobles,  was  their  spokesman  and  champion.  Worsted  by  Ferdi- 
nand, he  betook  himself  to  Solyman,  and  became  a  native  king 
of  Hungary  under  a  suzerain.  The  wars  with  Austria  arose  out 
of  the  first  siege  of  Vienna ;  where  Solyman  was  repulsed.  He 
was  also  unsuccessful  against  Malta  ;  but  Mesopotamia,  part  of  j 
Arabia,  and  the  Barbary  States,  he  reduced  ;  Candia,  Cyprus, 
Georgia,  and  Caucasus,  being  all  he  left  for  his  successors. 

But  the  great  conquest  of  Solyman's  reign  was  one  which, 
though  the  smallest  in  the  matter  of  territorial  acquisition,  was  in 
its  moral  eff'ects  greater  than  any  which  had  been  made  since  the 
taking  of  Constantinople.  It  was  made  in  the  face  of  civilized 
Europe,  which  looked  on  and  did  nothing  to  retard  it;  and  it  was 
against  the  oldest  and  most  formidable  enemy  to  Mahometanism 
that  it  was  effected.  The  Knights  of  St.  John  were  something  more 
than  mere  enemies  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  Long  before  it  ex- 
isted, when  the  distant  ancestors  of  Ottoman  were  but  rude  soldiers, 
or,  at  best,  but  subordinate  captains,  they  constituted  the  work- 
ing force  of  i.he  Crusades,  so  discreditable  to  the  pilgrim  warriors 
of  Europe,  so  glorious  to  the  permanent  occupants  of  either 
Acre  or  Jerusalem.  The  Island  of  Rhodes,  under  the  Knights  of 
St.  John,  had  foiled  the  vast  fleet  and  army  of  Mahomet  XL, 


SOLYMAN   I.  17 

fresh  from  victories  in  every  part  of  the  Levant ;  and  their  grand 
master  D'Aubusson  had  been  succeded  by  men  in  whom  his  spirit 
glowed  with  equal  intensity.  It  was  against  greater  odds  that 
Lisle  Adam  had  to  contend.  The  actual  numbers  in  all  wars, 
except  those  of  modern  times,  are  unattainable ;  and  the  tendency 
is  always  to  exaggerate  differences  where  notable  differences  exist. 
At  the  election,  however,  of  Fabricius  Caretto  in  1513,  the  list 
of  the  sufifragan  knights  was  as  follows  : — 

Of  the  French  language  100 

„  Provengal  —  90 

„  Castilian  and  Portuguese  —  88 

„  Auvergnat  —  34 

„  Arragonese  —  66 

„  Italian  —  60 

„  English  —  38 

„  German  —  5 


453 

This  favours  the  accuracy  of  the  number  of  knights  and  men- 
at-arms  found  in  the  garrison  when  Lisle  Adam,  expecting  that 
the  dawn  of  the  next  day  would  bring  the  Turkish  fleet  in  sight, 
made  his  inspection  :  viz. — 

Of  Men-at-arms         .         .         .  4500 

„    Knights       ....  600 

5100 


To  this  may  be  added  the  companies  formed  by  the  Ehodians 
themselves,  the  crews  of  the  vessels  in  the  harbour,  and  the  force 
of  the  country  people;  who  were  made  available  as  pioneers. 
Against  this  is  given  to  the  army  of  Solyman  : — 

Soldiers 140,000 

Pioneers,  &c 60,000 


200,000 

On  the  26th  of  June,  1522,  it  was  signalled  that  the  Turkish 
fleet  was  in  sight.  The  procession  of  the  Feast  of  St.  John  was 
going  on,  and  it  was  finished  with  its  usual  solemnity.  Mass  was 
then  said  :  when  the  grand-master  having  walked  towards  the  altar 

2 


18  THE    OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

elevated  the  Host,  and  prayed  to  the  Most  High  for  his  succour 
in  the  struggle  that  was  impending.  After  this  each  man  betook 
himself  to  his  post:  the  French,  the  Provengals,  the  English !,  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  Italians,  to  the  five  bastions  bearing  the  name 
of  their  several  languages. 

There  was  some  real,  some  imputed  treachery.  There  was  a 
Turkish  slave  who  attempted  to  fire  the  city ;  a  female.  There 
was  a  Jew  physician.  There  was  a  suspected  knight.  The  guilt, 
— of  which  the  historian*  here  followed  acquits  him, — of  the  un- 
happy D'Amaral  is  doubtful.  His  position  was  such  as  to  have 
warranted  him  in  contesting  the  grand-mastership  against  even 
Lisle  Adam  ;  and  he  bore  his  defeat  suspiciously.  Distrusted 
from  the  first,  he  was  accused  by  one  of  his  followers,  who  was 
found  on  one  of  the  bastions  with  a  bow  in  his  hand ;  the  arrow 
during  the  siege  being  the  chief  means  by  which  communications 
were  effected.  He  accused  his  master,  who  was  condemned,  dis- 
graced, beheaded ;  a  brave  knight,  and  lost  to  the  defence  when 
no  single  hand  could  be  spared. 

The  mounds  by  which  the  Turks  tried  to  command  the  town 
rose  higher  and  higher,  until  they  overlooked  the  Spanish  and 
Auvergnat  bastions :  and  on  the  English  bastion  the  storm 
beat  stronger  still.  A  few  minutes  longer  and  it  would  have  been 
taken.  When  the  alarm  reached  the  chapel  of  St.  Mary  of 
Victory,  the  words — 

"  Deus  in  adjutorium  meum  intende." 

were  being  intoned  :  and  the  grand-master  accepted  the  augury — 
'*  Come,  my  brethren,  let  us  exchange  the  sacrifice  of  our  prayers 
and  praises  for  that  of  our  lives ;  and  let  us  die,  if  God  so  will 
it,  in  defence  of  our  religion."  The  storm  of  the  unfaithful 
was  rolled  back.  On  the  13th  of  September  the  Italian,  on  the 
17th  the  English,  bastion  was  attempted  ;  and  on  the  24th  those 
of  Spain,  Italy,  and  Auvergne,  were  simultaneously  attacked; 
but  September  and  October  passed  before  signs  of  surrender 
showed  themselves.  By  the  knights  they  were  spurned  to  the 
last;  but  the  citizens  sent  deputations,  and  the  bishop  supported 
them.  The  brave  and  skilful  engineer,  Martinigo,  to  whom,  after 
the  grand-master,  the  siege  owes  the  glory  which  alone  rewarded 

*  Porter  ;  History  of  the  Knights  of  Malta. 


SOLYMAN    1.  19 

Its  resistance,  gave  a  solemn  and  responsible  opinion  that  the 
works  were  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  be  held.  The  voice  of  the 
knights  was  that  they  would  be  buried  under  their  ruins. 

November  wore  through  ;  and  the  6th  of  December  came 
before  a  white  flag,  waving  from  the  top  of  one  of  the  churches, 
was  answered  by  another  from  one  of  the  Turkish  positions.  The 
terms  of  capitulation  followed.  The  knights,  and  such  citizens  as 
chose,  were  free  to  leave  the  town,  with  their  personal  property. 
Those  who  remained  were  to  be  free  from  tribute  for  five 
years.  The  churches,  and  all  property,  public  and  private,  were 
to  be  respected.  The  other  alternative  was,  the  worst  that  a 
victorious  army,  and  that  army  a  Turkish  one,  could  do. 

After  the  terms  had  been  accepted,  the  Sultan  took  certain 
exceptions  to  the  form ;  and  for  eleven  days  longer  hostilities 
continued  ;  after  which,  terms  essentially  the  same  were  agreed 
to.  Nor  were  they  violated.  *'  There  has  been  nothing  so  well 
lost  in  the  world  as  Rhodes,"  was  the  remark  of  Charles  V. 
when  he  heard  of  its  fall. 

Under  Selim  began  the  first  war  with  Eussia,  an  unsuccessful 
one  on  the  part  of  Turkey;  the  field  of  battle  being  the  parts 
between  Astrakan  and  the  Caucasus. 

The  conquest  of  the  islands  (with  the  exception  of  the  Lesbian 
group,  reduced  by  Mahomet  II.)  still  stands  over. 

Chios  was  a  Genoese  dependency  administered  by  the  Maona, 
an  analogue  to  our  own  East  India  Company;  a  joint-stock  ad- 
venture in  which  the  Justiniani  were  the  great  hereditary  directors. 
The  good  it  did  is  measured  by  the  material  prosperity  of  the 
island.  The  bad  lay  in  the  encouragement  of  piracy  and  the 
slave-trade.  It  was,  indeed,  pre-eminently  infamous  as  a  slave 
depot.  Reduced  by  Piali,  it  suffered  less  than  any  other  island 
during  its  transfer;  indeed,  until  the  year  1821  Chios  was  the 
favoured  spot  in  the  Archipelago. 

The  same  year  saw  the   reduction   of   Naxos.     The    Greeks 

offered  to  betray  the  Duke,  John  VI.,  on  condition  that  the  farm 

ing  of  the  revenues  might  be  made  over  to  them.    The  Duke  was 

betrayed  ;    but  the   collection  of   the  revenues  was   given  to  a 

Portuguese  Jew,  who  sent   a  Romanist  Spaniard  as  his  deputy. 

Mahometan  sovereignty,  Hebrew  finance,  and  Castilian  toleration 

were  the  rewards  of  the  yieedy  Naxiots. 

^        ^  2    * 


20  THE.  OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

Cyprus  was  wrested  by  Eichard  Coeur  de  Lion  in  the  second 
crusade  from  the  Pasha  of  Egypt,  under  the  rule  of  the  Seld- 
zhukian  Turks,  long  before  the  founder  of  the  Ottomans  was  born  : 
so  that  it  was  in  no  respect  a  portion  of  the  modern  Turkish 
Empire.  When  the  Holy  City  was  lost  to  the  Crusaders  the  title 
of  King  of  Jerusalem  accompanied  that  of  the  King  of  Cyprus. 
The  Lusignan  family  gave  the  dynasty — a  dynasty,  like  that 
of  the  Emperors  of  Trebizond,  more  prominent  in  romance  and 
heraldry  than  in  real  history.     It  now  became  Turk. 

Connected  with  Maina  as  ancient  Crete  was  with  Sparta, 
the  Venetian  corsairs  of  Candia  had  always  abetted  the  in- 
destructible Mainot  spirit  of  insubordination.  They  ran  their 
cargoes  into  the  harbours  of  Cape  Matapan  and  shared  their 
booty  with  the  mountaineers ;  always  in  rebellions,  often  put 
down.  Finlay  is  probably  right  in  stating  that  the  Ottoman 
government  was  intermediate  in  character  to  that  of  the  Genoese 
of  Chios  and  the  oligarchy  of  Venice ;  more  tyrannical  than  the 
commercial,  less  oppressive  than  the  aristocratic,  rule.  "  If," 
writes  Paul  Sarpi,  "  the  gentlemen  of  these  colonies  do  tyrannize 
over  the  villages  of  their  dominion,  it  is  best  not  to  let  them  see 
it,  that  there  may  be  no  kindness  between  them  and  their  sub- 
jects ;  but  if  they  oflFend  in  anything  else  'twill  be  well  to  chastise 
them  severely,  that  they  may  not  brag  of  their  privileges  more 
than  others." 

A  single  detail,  the  murder  of  an  accepted  son-in-law,  who  was 
a  despised  Greek,  by  the  father  of  the  bride  who  had  gone  to  church 
to  marry  her,  along  with  the  local  insurrection  that  arose  out  of  it, 
an  abortive  Sicilian  Vespers,  gives  us  a  concrete  instance  of  the 
pride,  dissimulation,  and  cruelty  of  the  dominant  class.  Other 
details  convey  a  notion  of  the  extent  of  the  piracy  which,  between 
the  Knights  from  Malta  and  the  Venetians  from  Crete,  rivalled 
that  of  the  Barbary  States.  And  in  this  piracy  the  Spaniards  and 
Italians  joined — Catalans  from  so  respectable  a  kingdom  as  Arra- 
gon,  Italians  from  such  Republics  as  Pisa,  Lucca,  and  Florence. 
Out  of  these  grew  the  war  which  cost  Venice  Candia;  the  last  im- 
portant conquest  of  the  Ottomans. 

The  preparations  were  made  as  if  against  Malta ;  but  the  storm 
(not  unexpected)  broke  on  Crete,  which  was  harassed  or  block- 
aded for  twenty-three  years.     The  Greeks  favoured  the  Turks, 


SOLYMAN   I.  21 

and  were  plundered  and  killed  by  tlie  Venetians  for  their  want  of 
patriotism.  In  1666  the  Grand — we  may  say  the  Great — Vizier 
Kiuprili  took  the  command  himself,  and,  after  a  protracted  resist- 
ance, the  keys  of  Candia  were  given  up  to  him  by  Morosini 
in  '69. 

The  interval  between  the  conquest  of  Candia  and  the  beginning 
of  the  Venetian  war  in  the  Morea  was  one  of  sixteen  years  ;  and 
they  were  years  in  which  the  arrogance  of  the  Porte  displayed 
itself  at  the  expense  of  almost  every  Government  in  Europe- 
more,  however,  by  haughtiness  of  language,  by  the  contemptuous 
rejection  of  just  complaints,  and  by  the  barbarous  treatment  of 
ambassadors,  than  by  any  acts  of  aggressive  warfare  on  a  great 
scale.  Of  border  forays  there  were  many  :  forays  by  the  Kosaks 
from  Poland  ;  forays  by  the  Morlaks  from  Dalmatia  ;  piracies  on 
the  part  of  the  Uskoks  at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  ;  piracies  on 
the  part  of  the  Knights  of  Malta.  The  proper  redress  for  these 
injuries  should  have  been  found  in  appeal  to  Venice  as  a  mari- 
time Power,  to  Austria  and  Poland  as  great  Powers  by  land.  But 
such  appeals  were  disregarded  to  an  extent  which  seems  to  have 
been  amply  sufficient  to  put  the  Christian  Powers  in  the  wrong. 
They  trifled  and  prevaricated.  They  would  and  they  would  not. 
Half  Hungary  was  already  under  the  suzerainty  of  the  Sultan,  and 
the  Austrian  half  was  governed  on  purely  Austrian  principles. 
What  these  are  now  they  were  in  the  days  between  the  conquest  of 
Candia  and  the  second  siege  of  Vienna.  One  man  alone,  without 
respect  to  either  prudential  fears  or  diplomatic  considerations, 
■was  purely  and  simply  inveterate  and  unswerving  in  his  hos- 
tility to  the  name  of  Turk  and  Infidel ;  the  great  Polish  warrior 
and  king,  John  Sobieski.  His  relief  of  Vienna  has  been  noticed 
elsewhere. 

Scarcely  his  rival  as  a  soldier,  but  incomparably  above  him  as 
a  politician  and  an  administrator,  Morosini,  still  alive  and  in  his 
sixty-sixth  year,  was  called  by  the  republic  to  retrieve  the  loss  of 
Candia;  though  it  was  Morosini  himself  who  had  surrendered  it. 
Neglected,  if  not  disgraced,  after  doing  all  that  skill  or  courage 
could  do,  for  not  prolonging  the  tenure  of  an  untenable  fortress, 
he  was  now  entrusted  with  the  command  of  the  Kepublic,  which 
had  determined  on  a  war  against  Turkey. 

The  capture  of  Santa  Maura  was  followed  by  that  of  Prevesa ; 


22  THE    OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

and  the  conquest  of  the  Morea  was  inaugurated  by  the  reduction  of 
Coron.  Relying  (on  certain  occasions  too  much)  on  the  discon- 
tent of  the  Greeks,  especially  that  of  the  fickle  Mainots,  Morosini 
landed  his  forces,  and,  during  the  campaign  of  '55,  the  strong  and 
central  fortress  of  Patras  was  reduced.  After  the  Morea,  with  the 
exceptions  of  Misitra  and  Monemvasia,  was  evacuated,  Athens 
became  a  Venetian  possession.  The  Turks,  who  held  out  until  the 
city  was  no  longer  tenable,  were  allowed,  on  their  capitulation,  to 
embark  with  their  families ;  and  about  two  thousand  five  hundred 
individuals  sailed  for  Smyrna.  About  thirty  remained  and  were 
baptized.  That  Athens,  defended  by  a  Turkish  garrison,  always 
brave,  and,  when  behind  stone  walls,  of  more  than  ordinary  obsti- 
nacy, should  be  taken  without  damage  to  the  beautiful  remains  of  its 
ancient  architecture,  was  not  to  be  hoped.  It  was  in  the  front  of  the 
Propylsea  that  the  Turks  had  constructed  their  chief  batteries,  and 
it  was  in  the  Parthenon  that  they  stowed  the  bulk  of  their  mov- 
able property  and  some  of  their  gunpowder.  Both  the  Parthenon 
and  the  Propylsea  were  battered  and  burnt.  One  of  the  mosques 
became  a  Catholic,  another  a  Lutheran,  chapel.  The  last  act  of 
Morosini,  when,  driven  out  by  the  plague,  he  quitted  Athens,  was 
to  take  away,  among  other  discreditable  trophies  which  he  was 
less  successful  in  getting  to  Venice,  the  four  lions  which  still 
guard  the  Venetian  arsenal.  For  ten  years  Morosini,  either  as 
general  or  Doge,  directed  this  war ;  in  which,  besides  the  tem- 
porary occupancy  of  Athens,  Euboea  was  unsuccessfully  attempted, 
Chios  taken,  and  several  strongholds  in  Northern  Greece  surren- 
dered. Still,  towards  the  end  of  the  campaign,  the  war  lan- 
guished, and  when  peace  was  made  between  the  Emperor,  the 
King  of  Poland,  the  Republic,  and  the  Porte,  Venice  retained,  be- 
sides its  conquests  in  Dalmatia,  and  besides  iEgina,  the  whole  oi 
the  Morea.  The  tribute  exacted  by  the  Sultan  for  Zante  was 
also   given  up.     Prevesa,  on  the  other  hand,  and  Lepanto  were 

surrendered  to  the  Porte  after  the  destruction  of  their  fortresses. 
The  conquest  of  Belgrade  preceded  that  of  Rhodes ;  the  great 

battle  of  Mohacz  followed  it.  In  this  died  Louis  IV. _,  the  last 
King  of  Hungary.  But  it  was  not  the  intention  of  Solyman 
to  make  Hungary  a  Turkish  province.  He  preferred  to  nomi- 
nate and  hold  in  vassalage  its  sovereign.  After  marching  along 
the  Danube  to  the  Austrian  frontier _,  and  ravaging  the  whole 


THE    FIRST    SIEGE    OF    VIENNA.  23 

country,  he  was  recalled  by  disturbances  in  Asia,  so  that  it  was 
not  till  1529  that  he  returned  to  Hungary.  Here  he  con- 
sidered it  his  mission  to  regulate  the  succession  to  the  throne, 
inasmuch  as  Louis  had  died  without  issue,  and  his  brother-in- 
law,  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  the  brother  of  the  Emperor 
Charles  V.,  claimed  it ;  whereas  the  Hungarians  held  that  no 
one  could  be  King  of  Hungary  unless  he  were  a  native  Magyar. 
This  led  to  the  election  of  one  of  the  most  powerful  of  the 
nobles,  Zapolya,  and  when  he  was  ignored  by  the  Emperor  he 
applied  to  Solyman.  It  is  easy  to  anticipate  the  result  of  this. 
There  is,  on  the  part  of  Solyman,  the  invasion  of  Austria,  and 
the  fi7'st  siege  of  Vienna,  from  which  his  army,  baffled  and  dis- 
appointed, retired  on  the  14th  of  October  1529. 

With  the  first  siege  of  Vienna  begins  the  long  period  of 
hostilities  between  Turkey  and  Austria — Austria  as  opposed  to 
Hungary,  a  period  beginning  with  the  humiliation  of  the  Em- 
perors, but  destined  to  terminate  in  their  triumph.  For  there 
is  another  siege  of  Vienna  to  come.  But,  at  present,  there  is 
no  retaliation  on  the  part  of  Austria,  and  Solyman  is  free  to 
turn  his  arms  in  other  directions.  Accordingly,  he  increases 
his  conquests  in  Persia,  and  greatly  strengthens  his  power  on 
the  Mediterranean.  We  have  seen  that  as  early  as  the  reign 
of  Bajazet  II.,  and  when  the  naval  power  of  the  Ottomans  was 
in  its  infancy,  the  Mahometans  of  Grenada  had  sued  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Turkish  fleet,  and  the  first  of  the  great  Turkish 
admirals,  Kemal  Reis,  was  sent  to  their  aid.  Under  Solyman 
the  naval  power  is  at  its  height;  for  it  is  the  time  of  Barbarossa, 
of  Dragut,  of  Piali,  and  others  of  scarcely  less  note — the  time 
when  the  alliance  of  the  Sultan  is  sought  by  so  Christian  a  king 
as  Francis  I.     In  one  attempt,  however,  it  is  destined  to  fail. 

We  have  already  seen  how  Rhodes  has  been  twice  attacked, 
firstly  by  Mahomet  II.,  under  the  grandmastership  of  Pierre 
d^Aubuisson,  and,  secondly,  by  Solyman  himself,  where  the 
heroic  resistance  of  Adam  de  Lisle,  though  eventually  un- 
successful, was  more  glorious  than  many  victories.  After  the 
evacuation  of  Rhodes  the  Order  re-established  itself  in  Malta, 
which  was  granted  to  them  by  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  Here 
they  took   an   accurate  value  of  the   natural  defences  of  the 


24  THE    OTTMAN   TURKS. 

island,  and  with  equal  skill  and  rapidity  availed  themselves  o£ 
it.     The  island  was  strongly  fortified,  and  the  naval  force  in- 
creased, and  this,   of  course,  during   the   reign  of   Solyman 
himself.     In  the  last  year  of  his  reign  he  resolved  upon  either 
the  destruction  or  the  dissolution  of  the  Order;  nor,  independent 
of  other  motives,  can  it  be  denied  that  he  had  good  reasons 
for  taking  offence.    It  was  a  time  in  which  piracy  was  organised 
and  almost  licensed,  and  on  the  high  seas  the  conduct  of  the 
Knights  had  been,  in   many  instances,  piratical   rather  than 
chivalrous.     Beyond  all  doubt  it  was  the  bounden  business  of 
the  Sultan  to  coerce  the  knights  if  he  could.     Solyman  had 
ejected  them  from  Rhodes,  and  he  now  prepared  to  eliminate 
them  from  the  Mediterranean  altogether.    A  fleet  of  a  hundred 
and  eighty  sail   was    despatched   from  Constantinople   under 
Mustapha,  the  Vizier,  and  the  more  formidable  Piali,  and  it 
was  to  be  joined  by  another  under  Dragut  and  Ouloudj  Ali. 
These  met  the  fleet  before  Malta,  somewhat  behind  their  time, 
so  that  the  first  steps  in  the  conduct  of  the  attack  were  not 
made  under  the  direction  or  with  the  counsel  of  Dragut.     He 
demurred  to  them,  but  not  to  the  extent  of  withholding  his  co- 
operation.    Against  these  there  is  simply  the  garrison  of  the 
island  and  such  naval  help  as  may  be  collected  from  either  the 
vessels  afloat   elsewhere  or   such  assistance  as  any  Christian 
naval  power  might  send  them.     On  the  16th  of  June  Dragut 
ordered  a  general   assault.     On   the  1 1th  of  September   the 
Grandmaster  could  only  muster  six  hundred  men  fit  for  service. 
But  it  would  have  been  the   same  if  he  could  have  mustered 
six  thousand.     The  handful  he  had  about  him  had  done  their 
work,  and  the  Ottoman  fleet  had  withdrawn.      Though  less 
protracted  than  that  of  Rhodes,  the  defence  of  Malta  was  as 
obstinate.     Subsequently  to  the  attack  of  the  16th  of  June,  a 
fleet  from  Algiers,  under  the  son  of  the  great  Barbarossa,  joined 
in  the  siege,  and  the  best  admirals  of  the  Porte  were  engaged 
in  it.     On  the  other  hand  it  was  known  to  the  Turks  that  the 
Viceroy  of  Sicily  had  despatched  a  fleet  in  aid  of  the  Christians. 
Its  magnitude   seems  to  have  been  exaggerated;  but,  at  any 
rate,  the  siege  was  abandoned,  and  the  Sultan  was  for  a  second 
time  foiled  and  mortified. 


THE    FIRST   WAE   WITH   RUSSIA.  25 

It  was  in  the  last  year  of  their  lives  that  both  Mahomet  II. 
and  Solyman  II.  failed  in  their  efforts  against  the  order  of 
St.  John;  and  the  persistency  with  which  the  policy  of  the 
conqueror  of  Constantinople  was  followed  up  more  than  half 
a  century  after  his  death  is  a  measure  of  the  impression  of 
Frank  valour  which^  partly  on  the  soil  of  Syria  and  partly  in 
the  two  insular  fastnesses^  was  left  upon  the  minds  of  the 
Paynim.  The  two  great  Sultans  under  notice  both  failed  twice, 
and,  throughout  their  long  series  of  campaigns,  only  twice. 
Both  fought  against  the  Knights  and  both  against  Belgrade, 
against  which  Mahomet  failed.  Concurrently  with  this  there 
is  another  invasion  of  Hungary,  and  during  this  the  great  con- 
queror and  lawgiver  died  in  his  tent  before  Szigeth.  He  died 
more  than  seven  weeks  before  the  end  of  the  campaign,  and, 
until  the  fall  of  Szigeth,  his  death,  whether  known  to  few  or 
many,  was  not  known  to  the  army  at  large. 

Selim  II.,  from  1566  to  1574. — It  is  during  the  reign  of 
Selim  II.,  the  son  and  successor  of  Solyman,  that  the  first  war 
between  Turkey  and  Russia  breaks  out,  and  the  date  of  it  is  an 
epoch  of  importance  in  the  history  of  both  empires.  It  is  the 
beginning  of  the  decline  of  Turkey  and  of  the  rise  of  Russia. 
In  the  opinion  of  the  present  writer  a  great  deal  too  much  has 
been  written  about  the  misery  and  degradation  of  Russia  under 
what  is  called  the  tyranny  of  the  Mongols ;  for  the  notion  that 
from  the  thirteenth  to  the  sixteenth  century  Russia  was  in  a 
state  of  comparative  bondage  is  certainly  a  common  one.  That 
she  was  under  vassalage  of  some  kind  to  the  so-called  repre- 
sentative of  Tshingis-Khan,  and  that  it  paid  tribute  to  a  power 
called  ^'Mongol,'''  is  true  enough;  but  whether  the  lord  was 
much  stronger  than  the  vassal,  or  whether  the  Mongol  was  not 
as  little  of  a  Mongolian  as  the  Great  Mogul  was  in  India,  is  by 
no  means  certain.  That  the  so-called  Mongol  Empire  of  the 
Kiptshak  was  at  a  very  early  period  more  Turkish  than  Mon- 
golian is  beyond  doubt. 

But,  be  this  as  it  may,  the  Russians,  in  the  time  of  Selim  II., 
are  not  only  emancipated  but  actual  and  aspiring  conquerors. 
They  are  the  masters  of  two  out  of  the  three  Khanates  on  their 
frontier,  viz.,  Kazan  and  Astrakan;  and  the  boundary  of  the 


26  THE    OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

latter  is  not  only  on  the  mouth  of  the  Volga  and  the  coast  o£ 
the  Caspian,  but  on  the  eastern  frontier  of  the  Tatars  of  the 
Crimea.  These,  as  we  have  seen,  were  reduced  to  a  state  of 
vassalage  in  the  reign  of  Mahomet  11.,  and,  upon  the  whole, 
had  been  faithful  in  their  allegiance  to  the  Porte.  It  was  not 
a  matter  for  the  Sultan  to  complain  of  if  they  extended  their 
frontier  at  the  expense  of  their  neighbours,  and  not  unnatural 
that  reprisals  should  be  made  in  return.  Long  before  the  time 
of  Selim  II.  there  had  been  complaints  on  the  side  of  Russia, 
and,  probably,  just  ones.  We  have  seen  that  in  the  unwarlike 
time  of  Bajazet  II.  a  Russian  ambassador  was  sent  to  Con- 
stantinople, and,  doubtless,  it  was  matters  connected  with  Crim 
Tatary  that  he  was  sent  about.  In  the  present  instance  there 
was  something  more  than  the  mere  aggressions  of  two  neigh- 
bouring enemies.  To  a  great  extent  the  movement  of  SokoUi 
was  in  odium  tertii.  It  was  suggested  that  there  was  an  easier  way 
of  invading  Turkey  and  Armenia  than  by  the  way  of  Asia  Minor. 
The  Black  Sea  led  to  the  Don,  and  the  Don  and  the  Volga  at  one 
point  were  within  thirty  miles  of  each  other.  The  Volga,  then, 
led  to  the  Caspian,  and,  with  a  navy  on  the  Caspian,  the  whole 
seaboard  of  Persia  lay  open  to  an  invasion  from  the  Crimea. 

Now  this  notion  of  attacking  Persia  through  the  Don,  the 
Volga,  and  the  Caspian  Sea  was  no  novelty  in  the  time  of  Selim, 
and  his  Vizier  SokoUi  might  have  got  the  idea  from  an  Arabic 
writer  whom  he  was  likely  to  have  read.  Masudi  writes,  '^  At 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  of  the  Hejira  (about  A.D. 
912),  came  about  five  hundred  ships  of  Russians,  each  carrying 
a  hundred  men,  and  ran  into  the  arm  of  the  Nit  (the  Sea  of 
Azov),  which  is  connected  with  the  Khazar  river  (another 
reading  is  the  Khazar  Sea,  i.e.,  Lake).  When  these  ships  of 
the  Russians  had  got  up  to  the  outworks  of  the  Khazars  on  the 
mouth  of  the  river  (Don),  they  sent  to  the  King  of  the  Khazars 
asking  leave  to  pass  through  his  land,  to  sail  down  his  river 
(the  Volga)  into  the  Khazar  Sea  (the  Caspian,  which  is  the 
sea  of  Georgia  and  Taberistan  and  other  Persian  districts),  in 
which  case  they  promised  to  give  him  on  their  return  half  the 
booty  they  might  bring  back.'^*  They  succeed  in  their  ex- 
*  Zeuss,  Die  Deutschen  und  Die  Nachbarstamme,  p.  550. 


THE    FIRST   WAE    WITH   EUSSIA.  27 

pedition  and  return ;  and_,  inter  alia,  there  is  the  remarkable 
statement  that  they  find  their  way  from  the  Caspian  to  the 
Black  Sea  by  a  "  canal.'' 

This  is  as  much  as  need  be  said  at  present  in  respect  to  the 
geography  of  the  contemplated  road  to  Persia.  The  passage 
from  which  the  previous  statement  has  been  taken  is  a  long 
one,  and,  as  it  bears  upon  the  origin  and  early  import  of  the 
name  Pws,  or  Russ,  it  will  be  submitted  to  criticism  in  another 
place.  I  am  not  inclined  to  think  that  Sokolli  was  the  first 
Ottoman  who  suggested  the  idea,  any  more  than  to  believe  that 
his  suggestion  of  a  similar  communication  between  the  Red 
Sea  and  the  Mediterranean  was  a  novelty.  He  might,  indeed, 
have  been,  under  other  circumstances,  a  great  engineer;  he 
was  certainly  an  able  vizier.  What  he  excogitated  in  respect 
to  the  junction  of  the  Don  and  the  Volga,  he  tried  to  put  into 
execution  by  a  canal  through  the  isthmus  of  Suez,  but  was 
interrupted  or  anticipated  by  an  opposition  movement  on  the 
part  of  Arabia. 

What  follows  is,  perhaps,  an  explanation  of  the  importance 
which  a  few  weeks  ago  was  so  much  attached  by  the  Grand  Duke 
Nicholas  to  the  fact  of  his  not  having  dined  with  the  Sultan, 
and  I  am  not  aware  that  any  previous  exclusion  from  the 
Sultanas  dinner-table  was  alluded  to.  I  suggest  that  the  late 
omission  of  a  similar  invitation  had  something  to  do  with  it. 
Trifles  of  this  kind,  if  anything  in  diplomatic  etiquette  can  be 
branded  as  trifling,  are  long  remembered  in  Russia.  It  was 
not  by  accident  that  the  day  for  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of 
Kanairdji,  so  humiliating  to  the  Sultan,  took  place  on  the 
anniversary  of  that  of  the  Pruth,  so  humiliating  to  the  Czar. 

The  Czar  Ivan  had,  in  1490,  sent  an  ambassador  named 
Nossolitof  to  Constantinople,  to  complain  of  the  Turkish  attack 
on  Astrakan,  and  to  propose  that  there  should  be  peace,  friend- 
ship, and  alliance  between  the  two  empires.  Nossolitof,  in 
addressing  the  Viziers,  dwelt  much  on  the  toleration  which  his 
master  showed  to  Mahometans  in  his  dominion,  as  a  proof  that 
the  Czar  was  no  enemy  to  the  faith  of  Islam.  The  Russian 
ambassador  was  favourably  received  at  the  Sublime  Porte,  and 
no  further  hostilities  between  the  Turks  and  Russians  took 


28  THE    OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

place  for  nearly  a  century.  But  the  Ottoman  pride  and  con- 
tempt for  Russia  were  shown  by  the  Sultan  omitting  to  make 
the  customary  inquiry  of  Nossolitof  respecting  his  royal 
master's  health,  and  by  the  Czar's  representative  not  receiving 
the  invitation  to  a  dinner  before  audience^  which  was  usually 
sent  to  ambassadors.* 

So  much  in  respect  to  the  minor  details  of  this  war  against 
Russia  and  the  Khan  of  the  Crimea  and  his  suzerain.  The 
continuation  was  as  follows :— The  work  of  the  pioneers  was 
interrupted  by  the  Janissaries,  but  the  Janissaries  were  dis- 
persed, and  it  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  first  trophies  from 
the  Ottomans  were  won  by  the  Muscovites.  As  for  the  Tatars 
in  general,  they  were  on  the  side  of  Russia  rather  than  the  Porte, 
while  those  that  fought  for  the  Turks  were  defeated.  So  the 
Sultan  sailed  homewards.  The  end,  however,  so  far  as  we 
know  anything  more  about  it,  was  that  A.D.  1571  the  Khan  of 
the  Crimea  took  Moscow  by  storm  and  sacked  the  city. 

Towards  the  end  of  his  reign  the  Ottomans  reduced  Cyprus, 
a  conquest  which  was  followed  by  the  battle  of  Lepanto,  a 
battle  more  important  from  its  moral  than  its  material  results. 
Don  John  of  Austria  was  the  hero  of  Europe,  and  his  fame 
still  survives.  But  the  political  results  of  his  glorious  victory 
were  wholly  incommensurate  with  the  splendour  of  the  action. 
He  also  took  Tunis,  but  Tunis  was  retaken  within  two  years, 
and  Cyprus  remained  in  possession  of  the  Ottomans. 

However  much  Turkey  may  fail  in  its  wars  against  the 
Empire,  she  always  seems  able  to  make  inroads  upon  Persia. 
Amurath  III.  is  a  weak  prince;  yet  he  can  not  only  conquer  a 
great  part  of  Persia,  but  adds  so  important  a  kingdom  as  Georgia 
to  the  empire.  In  the  wars  that  are  about  to  follow  between 
the  Porte  and  the  new  enemy  Russia,  a  lodgment  in  the  Cau- 
casian districts  thus  effected  is  of  importance.  With  Georgia 
on  the  south  and  the  Crimean  Tatars  on  the  north,  the  im- 
passable character  of  the  Caucasian  mountains  is  greatly  abated. 
The  fleet,  too,  is  still  efficient,  and  the  measure  of  its  re- 
spectability may  be  taken  from  the  fact  that  no  less  a  sovereign 
than  Elizabeth  of  England  should  have  addressed  more  than 
*  Sir  E.  Creasy,  History  of  the  Ottoman  Turks,  p.  126,  ed.  1877. 


TREATY    OF    SITVATOROK.  29 

one  request  to  Amui'atli  for  assistance  on  the  sea  against  the 
Armada.  She  allows  herself  to  be  called_,  in  the  appeal  made  to 
him,  "  the  unconquered  and  most  puissant  defender  of  the  true 
faith  against  the  idolaters  who  falsely  profess  the  name  of 
Christ  '"  and  her  advocate  suggests  that  if  the  two  countries 
join  in  a  maritime  war_,  "  the  proud  Spaniard  and  the  lying  Pope 
will  be  struck  down/^*  Besides  his  unimpaired  navy  he  still 
retained  the  service  of  the  able  vizier  Sokolli ;  for  now  the  time 
is  coming  when,  instead  of  able  Sultans  and  nominal  Viziers, 
there  will  be  able  Viziers  and  degenerate  Sultans. 

Amurath  III.  is  succeeded  by  Mahomet  III.,  who  reigns 
from  1595  to  1603.  Two  years  before  his  accession  another 
war  with  Austria  has  begun.  In  this,  as  in  all  the  previous 
wars,  the  great  battle  of  the  campaign  is  won  by  the  Ottomans. 
It  was  fought  October  23rd  1596,  on  the  River  Cerestes^  an 
affluent  of  the  Theiss.  For  the  first  two  days  of  the  fighting 
the  Christians  had  the  advantage,  but  on  the  third  they  were 
hopelessly  routed.  This,  however,  was  the  last  of  their  con- 
tinuous victories.  Then  there  is  an  insurrection  in  Asia  Minor, 
and  a  war  in  Persia. 

In  the  third  year  of  the  reign,  and  in  the  seventeenth  of  the 
^         ^       affe,  of  Achmed  I.,  the  protracted  hostilities  between 

Peace  or  ^   '^     ,  ^ 

Sitvatorok,  Austria  and  the  Porte  were  brought  to  an  end,  and 
1606.  ^^  treaty  of  Sitvatorok  was  concluded.  It  is  not 
important  on  account  of  the  material  changes  that  it  effected, 
but  it  is  very  important  in  the  alteration  it  shows  in  the  lan- 
guage and  demeanour  of  the  Sultans.  It  is  no  longer  of  that 
imperious  and  insulting  character  which  even  powerful  states 
and  high-spirited  individuals  had  to  put  up  with.  The  terms  were 
no  longer  those  which  a  superior  seems  to  dictate  to  an  inferior. 
The  negotiators  were  no  longer  men  of  inadequate  rank,  and 
intentionally  rude  bearing.  The  titles  were  no  longer  dis- 
paraging or  uncourteous.  The  commissioners  gave  the  Emperor 
the  title  of  ^'Padishah'';  hitherto  he  had  been  the  ^^  King  of 
Vienna."  Since  the  withdrawal  of  Solyman  I.  from  the  walls 
of  Vienna,  an  annual  payment  of  thirty  thousand  ducats  had 
been  made  by  Austria.     It  was  called  a  present,  but  it  was  very 

*  Sir  E.  Creasy,  History  of  the  Ottoman  Turks,  p.  227,  ed.  1877. 


30  THE    OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

like  a  tribute,  and  beyond  all  doubt  one  of  the  conditions  of 
peace.  Presents  at  Sitvatorok  were,  undoubtedly,  made ;  but 
they  were  made  on  both  sides,  and  there  was  a  mutual  inter- 
change of  friendly  expressions.  Moreover,  a  definite  point  of 
etiquette  was  established,  viz.,  that  no  ambassador  under  the 
rank  of  a  Sandjak  Bey  should  be  sent  to  Vienna. 

It  is  difficult  to  give  the  exact  position  of  Transylvania 
at  this  time.  It  is  important,  however,  to  know  that  to  the 
treaty  of  Sitvatorok  the  Prince  was  admitted  as  a  party.  This 
is  ten  years  before  the  elevation  to  that  dignity  of  the  famous 
Bethlehen  Gabor,  or  Gabriel  Bethlen.  Of  him  and  of  his  prin- 
cipality during  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  we  know 
a  good  deal.  He  was  certainly  independent  of  the  Emperor, 
except  so  far  as  he  was  Duke  of  Ratibor  and  of  Oppeln ;  and 
he  certainly  was  not  bound  very  closely  to  the  Sultan.  The 
title  he  gave  himself  was  '^  Prince  of  the  Sacred  Roman  Empire, 
Lord  of  some  parts  of  Hungary,  and  Duke  of  Oppeln  and 
Ratibor,^'  in  Silesia. 

Sultan  Achmet  dies  A.D.  1617,  and  up  to  his  time  the  trans- 
mission of  the  Empire  had  been  from  father  to  son  for  fourteen 
generations.  Achmet,  however,  was  succeeded  by  his  brother 
Mustapha,  though  he  left  behind  him  seven  sons,  of  which  three 
reigned  after  him ;  but  only  after  a  break.  Up  to  the  time  of 
Mustapha  the  succession  had  been  from  father  to  son ;  and  that 
uninterruptedly.  During  the  reigns  of  the  three  successors  of 
Achmet  the  mere  state  of  Turkey  is  a  secondary  consideration. 
Under  anything  like  pressure  from  any  powerful  state  she  must 
have  collapsed,  or  have  existed  only  on  sufferance.  But  the 
rest  of  Europe  was  either  like  England  and  France,  friendly  or 
indifferent,  or,  like  Spain,  declining  in  power,  or,  like  Germany 
and  Russia,  convulsed  by  civil  war.  There  was  nothing  more 
formidable  than  Venice,  Poland,  and  Persia. 

Mustapha,  the  brother  of  Achmet,  succeeds  him,  but  in  less 
than  three  months  is  deposed  as  either  an  idiot  or  a  lunatic, 
and  is  succeeded  by  Othman  his  nephew,  Achmet^s  son,  who 
reigns  till  1622,  when  he  is  deposed  and  strangled,  and 
Mustapha,  who  had  been  deposed  before  him,  is  restored. 
In  1623j  however,  he  is  again  deposed,  and  Amurath  IV.,  the 


AMUEATH    IV. MAHOMET    IV.  31 

eldest  surTi\dng  brother  of  Othman,  rules  in  his  stead — from 
1623  to  1640. 

Amurath  IV.  was  little  better  than  a  savage  in  his  reckless- 
ness for  human  life  and  human  suffering ;  yet  he  was  resolute^ 
courageous^  and  capable,  when  in  action,  of  abstemiousness. 
But  he  had  to  deal  with  rebellious  Janissaries  and  insurgent 
provinces.  In  this  he  was  successful,  and  in  the  fifteenth  year 
of  his  reign  recovered  Bagdad  from  the  Persians. 

Of  Ibrahim  we  must  write  as  of  Caligula,  or  some  similar 
tyrant  whose  sanity  is  doubtful.  During  the  reign  of  Amurath 
lie  had  lived  the  life  of  a  possible  rival  of  his  brother,  a  prisoner 
in  the  palace,  and  in  daily  expectation  of  his  death.  He  was 
slow  to  believe  that  the  Sultanship  was  really  vacant,  and  took 
those  who  announced  his  succession  for  his  executioners. 
Except  in  his  suspicion  and  vindictiveness  against  those  whom 
he  considered  his  enemies  or  his  rivals,  his  Vizier  Kara  Mus- 
tapha  was  not  without  high  merits.  He  was  just  and  tolerant 
to  the  Christians,  and,  to  his  peril  and  disgrace,  very  plain 
spoken  to  the  Sultan.  But  not  with  impunity ;  he  was  strangled, 
having  resisted  the  men  who  were  sent  to  murder  him  to  the 
last.  A  true  servant  of  the  Sultan  should  have  met  his  doom 
with  apathy  and  resignation.  His  successor,  as  we  anticipate, 
encourages  his  master  in  all  his  vices,  and  these  were  many — 
sensuality  in  the  gratification  of  every  appetite,  natural  or 
unnatural ;  acts  of  cruelty,  as  an  exercise  when  done  by  him- 
self, as  a  spectacle  when  committed  by  others ;  extravagance  in 
every  form,  all  the  more  lavish  at  first,  because  there  were 
the  well-stored  coffers  of  Amurath  to  draw  upon.  Afterwards 
there  was  oppression,  undue  taxation  of  every  kind,  unjust 
confiscations,  and  the  necessary  end.  His  eldest  son  was 
only  seven  years  old,  but  it  was  decided  by  the  conspirators 
that  the  rule  of  a  minor  was  better  than  that  of  a  madman. 
Ibrahim  was  deposed  and  put  to  death,  and  Mahomet  IV. 
succeeded. 

Mahomet  IV.  reigns  forty-seven  years.  Under  Mahomet  IV. 
began  the  vizierate  of  the  first  Kiuprili,  the  founder  of  a 
dynasty  of  ministers,  that  raised  Turkey,  in  spite  of  the  de- 
ficiency of  her  princes,  once  more  to  comparative  power,  and 


32  THE    OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

prosperity,,  and  glory,  and  wlio  long  retarded,  if  they  could  not 
avert,  the  ultimate  decline  of  the  Ottoman  Empire. 

As  Mahomet  IV.  grew  up  he  grew  into  neither  a  general  nor 
an  administrator.  He  was  a  mighty  hunter  rather  than  aught 
else.  In  one  respect,  however,  he  was  better  than  a  better 
man. 

The  simple  fact  of  the  successes  of  the  Ottomans  having  been 
for  more  than  two  hundred  years  regulated  by  the  personal 
character  of  the  rulers  to  an  extent  beyond  that  of  the  other 
European  kingdoms,  condemns  either  the  institutions  or  the 
character  of  the  people.  Yet  such  was  the  case  from  Orkhan  to 
Solyman;  and  when  Mahomet  IV.  succeeded  Ibrahim,  it  was 
the  viziers  of  the  family  of  Kiuprili  who  did  the  work  of  the 
early  Sultans ;  and  it  was  by  leaving  matters  in  stronger  hands 
than  his  own  that  Mahomet  IV.  did  well  at  all.  For  his  reign 
was  the  time  when  great  warriors  like  Montecuculi  and  Sobieski 
appear  on  the  field.  On  the  1st  of  August  1664,  the  great 
battle  of  St.  Gothard,  on  the  Raab,  was  fought  and  won  by 
Montecuculi,  the  first  in  which  the  Christians  were  conquerors. 
It  was  followed  by  a  truce  for  twenty  years ;  but  the  peace  that 
followed  was  short  and  precarious. 

Then  came  a  war  of  equal  magnitude  and  more  complex  in 
its  relations.  It  was  between  the  Porte  and  Russia  and  Poland, 
rather  than  one  against  Russia  singly.  Moreover  it  was  a  Cossack 
and  not  a  Tatar  war. 

There  are  two  Cossack  districts  in  Russia,  that  of  the 
Cossacks  on  the  Don  and  that  of  the  Cossacks  of  the  Dnieper. 
The  former  touch  the  frontier  of  the  Crimean  Tatars,  and  it  is 
difficult  to  say  exactly  how  far  this  extended  in  the  direction  of 
the  Dnieper.  The  Dnieper  Cossacks  were  evidently  on  the 
boundary  of  Russia  and  Poland,  for  they  were  the  Marchmen 
or  men  of  the  Ukraine.  They  were  Russian  in  language,  won- 
derfully heterogeneous  in  blood,  not  committed  by  any  strong 
feeling  of  nationality  to  either  of  the  neighbouring  powers, 
probably  more  Polish  in  feeling  than  Muscovite,  and  probably 
more  Lithuanic  than  Polish.  The  three  great  names  in  their 
history  are  Daskievitsh,  who  first  organized  the  federation; 
Bogdan,  the  most  notable  of  their  fighting  men ;  and,  lastly. 


MAHOMET    IV.  33 

Doroscenski,  who  is  the  hero  of  the  campaigns  under  notice. 
The  points  of  most  importance  in  our  geography  are  the  dis- 
tricts where  Podolia,  Bessarabia,  and  Lodomiria  (the  eastern 
or  Rutlienian  part  of  Gallicia)  join,  and  Khoczin,  Kameniec,  and 
Lemberg  (in  Gallicia),  the  chief  town;  the  last  a  strong  and 
noted  fortress.  The  line  of  the  Jagellons  in  Poland  has  come 
to  an  end,  and  Stephen  Bathory  is  the  first  elected  King  of 
Poland.  The  fourth  is  Michael  Koribut,  a  weak  and  unpopular 
Lithuanian.  He  has  a  great  captain  under  him,  and  one  who  is 
destined  to  supersede  him  as  King — John  Sobieski.  The  Grand 
Vizier  in  Turkey  is  the  second  of  the  Kiuprilis. 

Bogdan,  the  Cossack,  died  in  1667,  and  his  son  succeeded  him 
in  one-half  of  the  Ukraine.  The  other  was  held  by  a  rival 
chief.  The  son  of  Bogdan  did  homage  to  the  Czar,  his  rival 
to  the  Republic ;  so  that  when  the  war  began  each  of  these 
powers  were  mixed  up  in  it.  In  the  background,  however, 
were  the  Tatars,  and  behind  these  the  Turks.  The  result  was, 
as  far  as  such  a  contradiction  in  terms  is  possible,  a  triangular 
duel.  Against  these  Cossacks  Sobieski  was  sent;  and  it  was 
Sobieski  whom,  under  their  Hetman  Dorescensko,  they  bravely 
resisted — bravely  but  ineffectually.  Neither  could  they  defend 
themselves  through  the  assistance  of  the  Tatars  of  their  frontier. 
So  that  it  was  to  the  Porte  direct  that  they  applied.  Their 
Hetman,  who  presented  himself  in  person  at  Constantinople, 
was  nominated  Bey  of  the  Ukraine ;  and  the  Ukraine  was  en- 
rolled as  a  Turkish  province.  The  Khan  of  the  Crimea  was 
ordered  to  protect  it,  and  six  thousand  Turkish  troops  were 
marched  into  the  district.  Against  these  high-handed  pro- 
ceedings the  Poles  protested  strongly ;  and  not  only  the  Poles 
but  the  Czar  as  well.  An  Ottoman  protectorate  of  any  portion 
of  the  Cossack  district  was  a  contingency  against  which  either 
power  had  an  equal  interest  in  protecting  itself.  The  contempt 
with  which  the  Porte  treated  their  joint  remonstrance,  along 
with  the  high  language  in  which  it  is  couched,  astonishes  the 
reader  of  the  present  time.  ^'  Such  is  Islam  that  the  union  of 
the  Russians  and  the  Poles  matters  not  to  us.  Our  empire 
has  increased  since  its  origin ;  nor  have  all  the  Christian  kings 
who  have  ranged  against  us  been  able  to  pluck  one  hair  from 

3 


34  THE    OTTOMAN    TUEKS. 

• 

our  beard.  With  God^s  grace  it  shall  ever  be  so,  and  our 
empire  shall  continue  till  the  day  of  judgment/'  Kiuprili,  by- 
no  means  one  of  the  most  boastful  of  the  viziers,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  a  cool  and  cautious  calculator,  used  similar  language. 
"  If  a  free  people  places  itself  under  our  protection  it  shall  be 
protected,  and  the  sword  by  which  Islam  has  triumphed  for 
more  than  a  thousand  years,  shall  decide  between  us  and  our 
opponents. '^ 

The  first  brunt  of  the  war  fell  upon  Podolia,  and  the  first 
acts  of  the  Grand  Vizier  justified  his  arrogant  language.     The 
important  fortress  of  Kaminiec  fell  after  a  nine  days'  siege.     A 
fortnight    after   Lemburg    did   the    same.      Peace    was   made. 
Podolia   was    ceded.     An  annual   tribute   was    imposed   upon 
Poland.     The  King   of  Poland,  Michael   Koribut,  made   the 
treaty.     The  nobles  reserved  their  acceptance  of  it;  in  other 
words,  they  determined  to  repudiate  it.     And  they  were  in  a 
position  to  do  so,  for  they  had  among  them  their  future  king, 
Sobieski.     Koribut  was  set  aside,  and  he  bore  his  degradation 
with  patience,  not  to  say  satisfaction.     Such  were  the  conditions 
under  which  the  new  campaign  began.     It  was  fought  on  the 
same  ground  as  the  previous  one,  but  with  a  difference,  and  the 
events  were  reversed.    Sobieski  won  a  great  victory  at  Khoczim, 
and  a  greater  at  Lemberg,  which  had  previously  been  taken  by 
siege;  and  the  fighting  continued  during  the  whole  of  1644. 
But  the  Turkish  general,  Ibrahim  Scheitan  (the  Devil) ,  reduced 
Podolia,  and  attacked   Gallicia.      Poland,  however,  was  in   a 

distracted  state,  and  Sobieski  was  constrained,  after 
Peace  of 
Zurawna,      a  battle  at  Zurawna,  to  make  peace.     By  this  the 

A.D.  1676.     Porte  gained  Kaminiec  and  the  whole  of  Podolia, 

and,  with  a  few   specified   exceptions,  the   suzerainty  of  the; 

Ukraine,  a  dangerous  dominion ;  for,  if  there  was  one  point  in 

which  Poland  and  Russia  agreed,  it  was  that  the  Ukraine  should 

be  neither  Tatar  nor  Turk. 

Of  the    Kiuprili   family,   Mohammed  was   the   first    Grand 

Vizier,  and  Ahmed  Kiuprili  the  second.    But  he  dies  soon  after 

the  peace  of  Zurawna,  and  the  pre-eminently  bad  Vizier,  Kara 

Mustapha,  succeeds  him.    His  evil  deeds  are  matters  of  notoriety. 

It  was  he  who  encouraged  a  war  with  Russia,  and  directed  it 


TREATY    OF    CARLOWITZ.  35 

unsuccessfully.  It  was  he  who  brought  on  the  war  with  Austria, 
which  led  to  the  second  siege  of  Vienna  ;  and  how  disgracefully 
this  was  carried — how  the  whole  host  of  the  Ottomans  was 
scattered  by  a  mere  handful  of  Poles  under  Sobieski,  are  matters 
that  read  like  romance  rather  than  history.  All  this  was  due 
to  Kara  Mustapha,  and  when  this  had  been  done  Mahomet  IV. 
was  deposed. 

Solyman  II.,  from  1687  to  1691  :  Ahmed  II.,  from  1691  to 
1695:'  Mustapha  II.,  from  1695  to  1703.— Another  of  the 
family  of  Kiuprili,  Kiuprili-zade- Mustapha,  is  now  made  Vizier, 
and  the  Ottoman  history  is  no  longer  a  simple  succession  of 
disasters  'and  disgraces.  There  are  occasional  gleams  of  success, 
but  there  is  insurrection  within,  and  wars  against  both  Austria 
and  Eussia  abroad,  and,  except  in  the  characters  of  the  Sultan 
and  his  Vizier,  there  are  but  few  elements  of  regeneration. 
But  Kiuprili,  who  was  a  soldier  as  well  as  an  administrator, 
is  killed  in  the  battle  of  Salankeman,  near  Peterwaradein ;  and 
Ahmet  II.  succeeds  Solyman,  and  Mustapha  II.  Ahmet.  The  best 
generals  in  Europe  are  now  steadily  engaged  in  the  recovery  of 
Hungary;  and  sometimes,  even  against  these,  they  have  partial 
success.  Salankeman  is  fought  and  won  by  Louis  of  Baden 
in  1691,  and  in  1696  the  great  battle  of  Zenta  (on  the  Theiss) 
is  won  by  Eugene  of  Savoy.  Again  there  is  a  vizier  (Husein) 
of  the  family  of  Kiuprili.  But  an  enemy  more  formidable  is 
now  at  hand  and  in  action,  and  Azof  has  been  taken  by  Peter 
the  Great  of  Russia. 

However,  on  the  26th  of  January  1699,  was  signed  the  treaty 
of  Carlowitz,  and,  from  this  time  forwards,  it  is  by  its  treaties 
rather  than  its  battles  that  we  must  measure  the  weakness  of 
the  Porte. 


3  * 


36  THE    OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 


CHAPTER     II. 

From  A.D.  1699  to  A.D.  1841. 

Treaty  of  Carlowitz. — Of  the  Pruth. — Of  Passarowitz.  —  Of  Belgrade. — Of 
Kainardji. — Of  Yassi. — Of  Bukarest. — Of  Akkerman. — Of  Adrianople. — 
Of  Unkiar  Skelessi.--Of  Paris. 

The  result  of  the  battle  of  the  Zenta  was  the  treaty  o£  Car- 
lowitz. The  Sultan  retired  to  Temesvar^  and  then  to  Constan- 
tinople ;  and  another  of  the  family  of  the  Kiuprilis  was  made 
Grand  Vizier.  He  was  too  wise  a  man  to  wish  any  continuation 
of  the  war,  but  careful  to  prepare  for  it  if  renewed.  One  fleet 
he  sent  into  the  Mediterranean,  where  the  Venetians  were  still 
active,  and  another  into  the  Black  Sea,  against  a  more  formidable 
opponent,  the  Czar  of  Muscovy,  Peter  the  Great.  He  had 
already  taken  Azof;  and,  besides  this,  the  Ottomans  had  ceded 
the  Morea  to  the  Venetians,  Podolia  to  the  Poles,  and  more 
than  half  of  Hungary  to  the  Austrians.  Heavy  as  these  losses 
were,  they  are  scarcely  the  most  significant  parts  of  the  treaty. 
Neither  England  nor  Holland  were  parties  to  the  war;  yet,  in 
the  congress  that  preceded  the  peace,  each  was  represented.  In 
this  we  see  the  recognition  of  the  intervention  of  non-belligerents. 
In  the  treaty,  too,  of  Carlowitz,  Russia,  for  the  first  time,  in  a 
congress  of  like  generality,  took  a  part.  Russia,  however, 
though  not  a  member  of  the  Polish,  Austrian,  and  Venetian 
alliance,  was  a  belligerent ;  and  the  peace  which  Russia  made 
was  a  separate,  independent,  and  partial  one.  It  was,  indeed, 
merely  an  armistice  for  two  years;  but  in  1700  it  was  changed 
into  one  for  thirty.  In  this  it  was  stipulated  that  the  forti- 
fications of  four  of  the  towns  captured  by  the  Czar  should  be 


TREATY    OF    CARLOWITZ.  37 

demolished ;  and  that,,  as  a  border-land,  there  should  be  a 
Ukrain,  or  March,  of  twelve  leagues  between  Perekop  and  Azof. 
The  seventh  article  added  to  the  city  of  Azof,  which  was  now 
Russian,  a  district  in  the  direction  of  the  Kuban ;  and  connected 
with  this  were  the  names  of  the  Nogay  Tatars  and  the  Cir- 
cassians. Neither  should  the  Crimean  Tatars  make  inroads 
upon  the  Russian  territory. 

Much  stress  is  laid  upon  the  fact  of  two  non-belligerents 
having  been  parties  to  the  treaty  of  Carlowitz,  and  to  those 
being  England  and  Holland.  They  are  freely  taken  as  a 
measiu'e  of  the  extent  to  which  the  Ottoman  Empire  had 
become  a  declining  power,  and  the  recognition  of  the  necessity 
of  supporting  it  as  such.  There  is,  doubtless,  much  in  this. 
It  was  through  the  mediation  of  England  that  the  peace  was 
brought  about ;  and  the  Sultan  was  so  gratified  by  the  part 
taken  by  the  English,  that  he  cordially  thanked  the  British 
Ambassador  after  its  conclusion.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Czar 
warned  him  against  both  powers.  They  were,  he  said,  "intent 
on  commercial  interests  only,  and  were  not  to  be  trusted.^^ 
But,  practically,  the  two  were  one ;  inasmuch  as,  at  the  time 
of  the  mediation,  it  was  William  III.  who  was  King  of 
Great  Britain.  The  time,  moreover,  was  one  in  which  the 
"Balance  of  Power ^^  was  almost  a  bye-word  in  diplomacy. 
The  presence  of  the  two  representatives,  no  doubt,  represents 
something  in  the  way  of  the  Porters  decline;  but,  upon  the 
whole,  it  is  a  sign  of  the  times  as  much  as  aught  else. 

In  1702  the  Vizier,  Kiuprili,  died.  In  1703  the  Sultan, 
Mustapha  II.,  abdicated.  Meanwhile  the  conditions  of  the 
peace  had  been  but  indifferently  kept  by  the  Czar,  and  of  this 
Achmet  III.,  soon  after  his  accession,  complained  in  a  letter  to 
him.  The  Sultan,  however,  was  not  inclined  to  make  war. 
The  events  that  led  to  the  treaty  of  the  Pruth,  the  next  in  order 
to  it,  and  only  twelve  years  later  than  that  of  Carlowitz,  are 
mainly  the  history  of  two  kings — kings,  however,  of  no  com 
monplace  character.  In  1 709  was  fought  the  decisive  battle  o- 
Pultowa,  in  which  Charles  XII.  of  Sweden  was  defeated,  and 
constrained  to  take  refuge  on  Turkish  soil,  having  first  retreated 
to  Oczakof  and  then  to  Bender.     Both  these  fortresses  were  in 


38  THE    OTTOMAN    TUEKS. 

the  territory  of  the  Khan  of  Crimea ;  and  before  the  battle  of 
Pultowa  (8th  July  1709);,  he  had  received  indirect  assurances 
that^  in  case  of  his  invading  the  Russian  districts  on  his  frontier, 
the  Khan  would  send  an  army  to  his  assistance.  The  Sultan 
himself,  if  he  did  not  diapprove  of  these  proceedings,  abstained 
from  sanctioning  them.  But  when  the  Czar  demanded  the  ex- 
tradition of  the  defeated  king,  and  insisted  more  strongly  upon 
that  of  the  Hetman  Mazeppa;  the  Sultan,  despite  of  both  threats 
and  entreaties,  persevered  in  his  refusal.  And,  in  doing  this, 
he  did  no  more  than  what  has  been  systematically  done  by 
both  his  predecessors  and  his  successors.  There  is  no  point 
upon  which  Turkish  honour  is  more  to  be  relied  on  than  in 
their  reception  of  fugitives.  The  Russians,  however,  crossed 
the  frontier,  and  surprised  and  carried  off  as  prisoners  a  body 
of  Swedes.  It  was  their  intention  to  kidnap  the  king.  Charles 
himself  asked  for  an  army  supplied  by  the  Sultan  to  escort  him 
through  Poland  to  his  own  dominions,  a  request  which  was 
simply  a  challenge  to  the  Czar.  The  Grand  Vizier,  however, 
was  unwilling  to  offend  Russia,  so  that,  by  a  compromise,  an 
article  was  added  to  a  previous  treaty  with  Russia  that  the 
King  of  Sweden  should  be  at  liberty  to  return  to  his  country 
by  any  road  he  chose. 

It  was  in  vain  that  the  Sultan  pressed  his  royal  fugitive  to 
withdraw.  We  know  how  obstinate  he  was  in  his  refusals,  and 
how  thankless  he  showed  himself  to  his  protector.  One  of  the 
effects  of  his  obstinacy  was  the  disgrace  of  the  Vizier  who  had 
failed  to  persuade  him.  Tshuli  Ali  was  superseded,  and  his 
successor  was  another  of  the  family  of  Kiuprili,  Kiuprili 
Nonouman.  Under  him  fresh  offence  was  given,  and  ag- 
gressions increased.  We  expect  to  find  the  Khan  of  Crimea 
a  complainant,  who,  besides  his  real  grievances,  had  committed 
himself  to  the  support  of  Charles.  The  Czar  had  more  than 
enough  on  his  hands  in  Livonia,  and  he  was,  probably  forced 
into  a  declaration  of  war.  Be  this  as  it  may,  he  loses  by  it ; 
for  Azof  was  surrendered,  and  Taganrog  and  Kamienski  were 
dismantled,  and  the  ordnance  and  military  stores  at  the  latter 
were  given  up.  The  Czar  was  to  abstain  from  interference 
with  either  the  Tatars  or  the  Cossacks,  who  were  dependent  on 


TREATY    OF    THE    PRUTH.  39 

the  Khans  of  the  Crimea.  There  was  to  be  freedom  of  com- 
merce, but  no  Russiam  ambassador  was  to  reside  in  Constan- 
tinople ;  all  slaves  and  prisoners  were  to  be  liberated,  whether 
enslaved  or  captured  before  or  after  the  commencement  of 
hostilities.  The  Bang  of  Sweden  should  have  a  free  and  safe 
passage  to  his  own  kingdom  without  molestation  or  hindrance, 
and  that  it  was  recommended  that,  if  they  could,  the  two 
enemies  should  make  peace  with  one  another.  The  stipu- 
lations, for  they  did  not,  in  the  first  instance,  amount  to  a 
treaty,  were  made  on  the  spot,  and  it  was  nearly  four  years 
before  they  took  their  full  form.  In  the  Treaty  of  the  Pruth, 
1711,  the  Porte  and  Russia  only,  and  no  non-belligerents,  took 
part.  It  could  not  but  wound  the  pride  of  the  Czar.  In  Con- 
stantinople it  was  thought  that  the  conqueror,  who  was  also 
the  Grand  Vizier,  had  made  much  too  little  use  of  his  advantage. 
There  was  discontent  in  the  hearts  of  the  Ottomans,  and  there 
was  somewhat  less  than  the  fulfilment  of  his  engagements  on 
the  part  of  the  Czar.  Neither  party  was  thoroughly  at  peace. 
Charles,  too,  compromised  his  protector,  and  before  he  left  the 
country  of  the  Crimean  Khan,  had  resisted  the  forces  which 
the  Sultan  had  sent  to  eject  him. 

But  this  was  not  all.  The  great  Venetian  Morosini,  whose 
misfortune  it  was  to  have  made  the  surrender  of  Candia,  ten 
years  after  that  disgrace,  effected  the  conquest  of  the  Morea. 
This  the  Ottomans  now  reconquered,  and,  more  than  this,  they 
deprived  the  Venetians  of  all  their  islands  on  the  Greek  coast 
except  Corfu.  When  this  was  attacked,  the  Emperor  Charles  VI. 
entered  into  an  alliance  with  Venice,  no  matter  with  what 
motive.  He  did  nothing  to  get  back  the  Morea  for  his  allies, 
but  forced  the  Porte  into  another  war  with  Austria.  In  this, 
Temesvar,  the  last  remnant  of  the  Turkish  dominion  in  •  Hun- 
gary, was  won  back.  Then  Belgrade  was  taken,  and,  again,  the 
great  general  of  the  Austrians  was  Eugene  of  Savoy.  Now, 
also,  was  a  treaty  in  which,  as  at  Carlowitz,  England  and 
Holland,  non-belligerents,  took  part.  But,  although  the  prin- 
cipals began  the  war  in  alliance  with  Venice,  no  attempt  was 
made  by  Austria  to  recover  the  Morea.  There  have  been 
many  betrayals  of  a  weak  confederate,  and  this  of  Venice  by 


40  THE    OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

Austria  is   one  of  the  most   disgraceful.      The  result  of  the 
^,    ^     ,     ^  treaty  was  that  the  city  of  Temesvar.  the  last 

The  Treaty  of  -^    .  . 

Passarowitz,  possession  of  the  Ottomans  in  Hungary^  was 

July  21st,  A.D.  1718.     jj^^^q  Qygj.  to  Austria ;  and  now  every  acre  of 

Hungary  was  Austrian.  Belgrade  and  other  cities  on  Servian 
ground  were  also  surrendered  to  her^  and  so  was  Little  Wal- 
lachia.  The  Czar^  too,  made  peace  with  the  Sultan_,  and  in  1723 
the  Sultan  and  the  Czar  are  such  firm  friends  as  to  arrange 
between  themselves  the  partition  of  Persia;  the  Czar  taking 
Asterabad,  Mazenderan_,  Gilan,  with  parts  of  Shirvan  and  Les- 
gistan ;  the  Sultan  the  greater  part  of  Kurdistan  and  Aderbijan. 
If  the  Shah  would  recognize  the  mutilation  he  might  retain 
the  remainder  of  his  kingdom ;  largely  diminished,  on  the 
east,  by  the  independence  and  encroachments  of  the  Afghans. 
This  strengthened  the  Turks  in  Caucasus;  though,  at  the 
same  time,  it  engendered  complications  with  Russia.  As  the 
Persians  were  Shiites,  the  Turks  were  justified  in  what  they 
did.  Their  punishment,  however,  grew  out  of  their  crime.  It 
was  in  defence  of  the  integrity  of  the  Persian  empire  that  the 
notorious  Kuli  Khan  first  emerged  from  the  obscurity  of  a 
slave  and  a  robber  to  become  the  most  formidable  conqueror 
of  his  age  and  country — or,  by  a  change  of  name,  the  famous 
Nadir  Shah,  King  of  Persia,  conqueror  of  Georgia,  devastator 
of  Northern  India. 

Peter  the  Great  was  not  the  worst  enemy  to  the  Porte.  As 
long  as  he  lived  he  never  revenged  the  capitulation  of  the  Pruth, 
though  he  collected  the  materials  for  the  use  of  his  successors ; 
and,  under  Anne  and  Elizabeth,  they  were  either  applied  to  war 
against  Persia  or  left  to  accumulate.  But  a  more  unscrupulous 
spirit,  and,  possibly,  a  more  commanding  one,  than  even  his 
own  was  now  the  directress  of  Russian  policy — that  of  the 
famous,  or  infamous,  Catherine.  There  were  details  as  to  the 
suzerainty  over  parts  of  Caucasus,  which  had  been  crossed  by 
the  troops  of  the  Khan  of  the  Crimea  during  the  Persian  war ; 
details,  too,  as  to  the  suzerainty  over  some  Caucasian  districts. 
But,  more  than  that,  there  was  the  interference  of  Russia  in 
the  affairs  of  Poland ;  and  Poland,  notwithstanding  its  cham- 
pionship of  Christianity,  under  Ladislas  and   Sobieski,  was,  in 


TEEATY    OF    BELGRADE.  41 

the  main^  the  friend  rather  than  the  enemy  of  the  Porte.  Then 
began,  on  the  side  of  Russia,  the  campaign  against  the  Crimea. 
Whilst  this  was  going  on,  the  Emperor  of  Austria  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  Czarina;  but  not  with  a  Eugene  as  its  com- 
mander. It  ends  with  the  battle  of  Krotza.  The  .Vustrians 
fell  back  upon  Belgrade,  and  Belgrade  was  recovered  by  the 
^,    ^  Ottomans.     On  the  first  of  September  it  was  asrreed 

The  Treaty       .  ... 

of  Belgrade,  in  the  preliminary  articles  that  that  fortress  was  to 
-  ■■  '  •  Ije  restored,  and  along  with  it  all  the  districts  in 
Bosnia,  Servia,  and  AYallachia  which  had  been  ceded  to 
Austria.  Hence,  as  between  the  Porte  and  Austria,  such  was  the 
Treaty  of  Belgrade.  With  Russia  it  was  agreed  that  the  city 
of  Azof  and  the  district  around  it  was  to  be  a  border-land ;  that 
Taganrok  was  not  to  be  rebuilt,  but  that  Russia  might  construct 
a  fortress  on  the  Kuban ;  that  she  should  have  a  fleet  in  either 
the  Sea  of  Azof  or  the  Black  Sea,  and  that  she  should  acknow- 
ledge the  independence  of  the  Kabardas.  A  boundary  was  to 
be  fixed  between  the  two  empires,  and  by  this  Russia  gained 
some  ground  in  the  Ukraine  districts  -,  but  her  conquests  in 
Moldavia  and  Bessarabia  were  restored. 

Up  to  the  Treaty  of  Belgrade  there  has  always  been  some 
sign  of  recovery  on  the  part  of  the  Ottomans  ;  but  with  that  of 
Kanardji,  the  downfall  is  conspicuous.  There  are  gleams,  in 
the  sequel,  of  her  former  greatness ;  but  the  whole  series  of 
treaties  are  those  of  an  empire  under  pressure  which  seems  to 
be  irresistible.  Nor  is  this  a  mere  general  view.  In  every 
subsequent  treaty  there  is  loss,  not  merely  of  prestige,  but  of 
territory ;  and  that  not  only  by  foreign  conquest  but  by  the 
falling- off  of  provinces;  and  even  in  these  there  is  always  either 
the  assistance  or  the  instigation  of  the  old  enemy. 

The  interval  between  the  two  treaties  which  we  have  thus 
contrasted  with  one  another  is  thirty-five  years,  of  which  the 
first  twenty-nine  are  years  of  comparative  tranquillity.  Nor 
is  it  difficult  to  see  why  they  should  be  this.  The  times  are 
those  of  the  Austrian  war  of  succession,  and,  after  that,  of  the 
Seven  Years  War;  and  in  these,  though  neither  Russia  nor 
Turkey  were  directly  concerned,  there  were  numerous  points 
in  which  they  were  interested.     There  was  the  rise  of  a  new 


42  THE    OTTOMAN    TUEKS. 

power — the  Prussia  of  Frederick  II. — and,  with  this_,  there  were 
alliances  and  counter- alliances,,  and  manoeuvres  and  intrigues 
to  an  extent  almost  unprecedented.  But,  what  was  o£  more 
importance  to  the  Porte,  there  was  the  great  diversion  in  the 
direction  of  Poland  on  the  parts  of  Russia,  Austria,  and 
Prussia. 

Of  these  thirty-five  years,  the  first  fifteen  belong  to  the  reign 
of  Mahmoud  I.,  which  began  in  1730  and  lasted  till  1754. 

The  next  three  are  those  of  that  of  Mahmoud's  son — 
Othman  II. 

Then  follows  Mustapha  III.,  and  he  reigns  from  1757  to 
1773  ;  and  it  is  not  till  1768  that  between  Turkey  and  Russia 
any  serious  hostilities  have  been  entered  on.  The  last  years, 
however,  of  Mustapha^s  reign  are  the  prelude  to  the  Treaty  of 
Kainairdji. 

How  at  this  time  the  affairs  of  Poland  were  such  as  led  to 
the  First  Partition,  and  how  they  eventually  forced  Turkey  into 
a  war  with  Russia,  belongs  to  Polish  history.  Sultan  Mustapha 
declared  war  against  the  Czarina  Catherine ;  and  at  no  time, 
either  before  or  after,  did  the  Khan  of  the  Crimea  more  honestly 
and  more  effectively  serve  his  suzerain.  This  Ghirai,  however, 
died  shortly  after  an  expedition  against  Russia ;  and  the  sus- 
picion was  that  he  was  poisoned  at  the  instigation  of  the  Prince 
of  Wallachia.  Be  this  as  it  may,  his  successor,  Dewlet  Girai, 
was  one  of  the  last  Khans  of  the  Crimea.  The  last  ruler  who 
paid  homage  to  the  Porte  was  Selim  Ghirai.  Shahin  Girai 
m.    r^     .      n     was  the  vassal  of  the  Czarina.     It  was  before  the 

The  Treaty  of  ....  , 

Kainairdji,       Treaty  of  Kainairdji  that  the  Crimea  was  made 
y  1"'  1" ' -•     independent  of  Turkey.     It  was  a  few  years  after 
that  treaty  that  it  was  definitely  annexed  to  Russia. 

The  time  between  the  Treaty  of  Kainardji  and  of  Yassi  is 
still  that  of  Catherine  in  Russia,  of  Frederick  the  Great  in 
Prussia;  but  it  is  also  that  of  the  Revolution  in  France,  and 
of  the  Partitions  in  Poland.  France  has  much  to  look  to 
nearer  home;  but  neither  Austria  nor  Russia  are  so  wholly 
absorbed  with  the  dismemberment  of  Poland  as  to  be  unable 
to  ally  themselves  in  an  attack  upon  Turkey.  Austria  gains  but 
little  by  her  alliance,  but  Russia  has  the  foremost  of  its  many 


TREATY    OF    YASSI.  43 

great  generals,  Suvaroff.      It  is  his    campaign   in    Bessarabia 
„  ,      wliich  leads  to  the  Treaty  of  Yassi :  and  it  is  with 

Treaty  of  .  "^  . 

Yassi,  the  Treaty  of  Yassi  that  the  relations  between  Russia 
and  Roumania,  which  are  now  invested  with  such 
importance,  may  be  said  to  begin.  They  are,  in  some  points, 
of  older  standing ;  but  it  is  with  the  Treaty  of  Yassi  that  the 
Russian  frontier  begins  gradually  to  extend  itself  in  the 
direction  of  Bessarabia,  itself  being  Roumanian,  though  Rou- 
manian with  both  Slavonic  and  Tatar  elements.  When  the 
Treaty  of  Kainardji  was  signed,  Kilburn,  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Dnieper,  was  Russian,  whilst,  on  the  right,  Oczakof  was 
Turkish,  as  we  have  seen.  We  may  see,  if  we  look  at  the 
debates  in  the  English  Parliament  of  the  time,  that  the  Oczakof 
question  was  one  which  was  warmly  debated,  and  that  then, 
as  now,  it  was  the  Tories  who  distrusted,  and  the  Liberals, 
with  Fox  among  the  foremost  of  them,  who  confided  in  and 
lauded  Russia.  We  have  seen,  however,  that  not  only  was 
Oczakof  ceded  to  Russia,  but,  along  with  it,  the  district  between 
the  Bog  and  the  Dniester.  According  to  the  maps  of  the  time, 
it  seems  to  be  neither  Russian  nor  Roumanian,  but  Turk,  or, 
more  specifically,  Tatar.  North  of  Bender  lie,  with  con- 
spicuous capitals,  the  Tatars  of  Oczakof;  west  of  these,  and 
also  north  of  Bender  on  the  Dniester,  the  Tatars  of  Budziak ; 
then,  on  the  Upper  Bog,  in  the  government  of  Braczlaw,  the 
Human  Cossacks;  and, fourthly, between  the  Pruth  and  Dniester, 
the  Lipka  Tatars.  This  tells  how  close  to  the  Polish  frontier 
lay  the  western  boundary  of  the  Tatars  of  the  Crimea,  and  how 
the  Tatar  and  the  Cossack  lay  in  contact  with  one  another. 

The  Treaty  of  Yassi  was  followed  by  the  death  of  the  Empress 
Catherine,  and  never  was  the  integrity  of  the  Ottoman  Empire 
more  seriously  imperilled  than  it  was  at  this  very  moment. 
Her  plans  were  matured,  her  army  and  her  navy  were  ready ; 
the  affairs  of  Poland  were  brought  to  a  conclusion.  There  was 
on  the  side  of  the  Turks  some  military  skill,  some  adminis- 
trative ability,  and,  what  never  is  wanting,  undaunted  and 
desperate  bravery.  Neither  was  the  Sultan,  Selini  III.,  un- 
worthy of  his  position.  He  saw  the  necessity  of  sweeping  and 
fundamental  reforms ;    he  partially  succeeded  in  introducing 


44  THE    OTTOMAN    TUEKS. 

them,  but  they  cost  him  his  life.  In  1807  he  is  deposed  and 
put  to  death  by  the  Janissaries_,  and  Mustapha  IV.  succeeded 
him ;  but  Mustapha  is  deposed  by  Bairactar. 

The  last  two  years  of  the  century  introduce  a  new  in- 
fluence ;  one  which^  upon  the  whole,,  has  been  friendly  to 
Turkey,  but  which  at  the  beginning  was  very  much  the  reverse. 
There  is  Napoleon  in  Italy,  and  there  is  Egypt  nimium  vicina 
Cremonce  /  and  we  know  how,  from  this  time  till  the  year  1815, 
a  very  twisted  skein  in  the  history  of  war  and  diplomacy  lies 
before  the  general  historian.  The  present  writer,  however, 
limits  himself  to  the  practical  loss  of  two  provinces,  Egypt  and 
Servia ;  a  loss,  at  present,  only  inchoate,  and  still  not  absolutely 
complete.  There  is  war  on  the  part  of  Turkey  with  France ; 
but  there  is  no  surety  against  Napoleon  becoming  an  ally  of 
the  Sultan;  and,  if  so,  no  improbability  in  England  being 
allied  with  Russia.  Such  combinations,  we  know,  were  real ; 
but  we  also  know  that  they  were  ephemeral,  and  that,  with  the 
exception  of  England,  every  one  of  his  foes  had  been  at  one 
time  his  friend,  and  vice  versa. 

It  was  in  1798  that  Napoleon  landed  an  army  of  30,000  men 
in  Egypt,  and  takes  possession  of  Alexandria.  It  was  the  Ma- 
melukes— the  Egyptian  analogues  of  the  Janissaries — who  were 
the  real  rulers  of  the  country ;  and  it  was  on  the  strength  of 
this  that  Napoleon  could  represent  himself  as  a  friend  and 
saviour.  It  was,  he  said,  against  the  tyranny  of  the  Mamelukes 
that  he  came  to  protect  the  natives ;  and  it  was  as  an  ally  of  the 
Sultanas  that  he  had  to  defeat  an  imperial  army.  Alexandria 
he  had  taken  by  storm  in  the  first  instance.  The  Mamelukes 
he  defeated  at  the  Pyramids.  Before  the  end  of  July  Cairo 
had  submitted,  and,  on  the  first  of  August,  was  fought  the 
battle  of  the  Nile.  The  result  was  an  alliance  against  France 
between  Turkey,  Russia,  and  England.  The  details  of  this  lead 
us  on  to  Syria ;  this  being  the  time  of  Napoleon^s  repulse  at 
Acre,  a  repulse  followed  by  his  return  to  France,  leaving  Kleber 
in  his  place.  Kleber  wins  the  great  battle  of  Heliopolis,  but 
by  this  time  the  French  are  well  out  of  Egypt. 

Concurrent  with  the  occupation  and  evacuation  of  Egypt  by 
the  French,  runs  the  history  for  ten  years  of  the  Ionian  Islands 


THE    IONIAN    ISLANDS.  45 

and  the  districts  along  the  opposite  coast  of  Albania.  Of  the 
Ionian  Islands  the  whole  belonged  to  Venice^  and^  on  the  main- 
land, some  half-dozen  ports  and  fortresses — Previsa,  Biitrinto, 
Parga,  Vonitza,  and  Gomenitza.  But,  after  the  Treaty  of 
Campo  Formio,  the  Republic  of  Venice,  by  its  sister  Republic 
of  France,  Avas  eliminated  from  the  community  of  common- 
wealths, and  it  became  French,  and,  with  it,  its  dependencies. 
But  France  was  now  engaged  elsewhere,  and  the  Porte  had  an 
opportunity  for  recovering  them.  Here,  then,  begins  the  career 
of  the  notorious  Albanian  Pasha  Ali.  He  recovered,  with  the 
exception  of  Parga,  the  whole  of  the  main-land,  nominally  for 
the  Porte,  virtually  for  himself ;  but  the  islands  he  did  not 
recover.  Neither  did  France  keep  them.  There  is  an  alliance 
now  between  the  Porte  and  Russia,  and,  through  their  joint 
action,  the  islands  are  recovered.  They  are,  moreover,  to  be 
occupied  and  administered  by  the  Turks  and  Russians  con- 
jointly. An  arrangement  like  this  cannot  well  be  permanent. 
The  Russians  were  preferred  by  the  islanders  to  the  Turks ;  so 
that  it  was  the  Russians  who  held  the  archipelago  until  they 
were  ejected  by  the  French,  and  the  French  till  they  are  super- 
seded by  the  English.  This,  however,  is  not  till  after  the 
Treaty  of  Vienna. 

In  the  same  year  the  Sultan  gave  another  instance  of  his 
goodwill  towards  the  Czar.  The  gainers  by  this  were  the 
Danubian  Hospodariats,  Wallachia  and  Moldavia.  Nor  was 
Russia  a  loser.  The  reigning  Hospodars  were  not  to  be  re- 
moved without  reference  to  Russia;  nor  were  any  Turkish 
officials  or  soldiers  to  enter  either.  This  was  in  1802.  The 
joint  occupation  of  the  Ionian  Islands  took  place  in  1800;  and 
between  this  and  the  arrangements  in  Wallachia  and  Moldavia 
(1801)  the  Treaty  of  Amiens  was  effected.  By  a  concurrent 
treaty  between  France  and  Egypt,  the  suzerainty  of  the  Porte 
over  Egypt  was  acknowledged  by  France ;  and  for  a  time  there 
was  an  armistice — little  more.  Indeed,  in  respect  to  Turkey, 
it  was  only  a  respite  from  attacks  on  the  side  of  Russia  and  the 
other  external  powers.  The  Waliabitc  insurrection  continued 
to  run  its  course  in  Arabia.  In  Syria,  Djczzar  Pasha  continued 
his  insubordination  until  his  death  in  1804 ;  and,  in  Egypt,  the 


46  THE    OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

Mamelukes  remained  as  antagonistic  and  as  intractable  as  before. 
As  for  Ali  Pasha^  in  Albania^  lie  was  in  open  rebellion.  The 
Servian  insurrection  had  begun,  and,  with  Ali  Viditsh  on  the 
west^  in  Bosnia^  and  with  Paswan  Oglou,  the  Pasha  of  Bulgaria, 
half  the  Empire  was  in  rebellion  against  the  Porte.  In  Servia, 
however,  the  revolt  had  the  merit  of  being  one  of  the  people, 
and  not  one  of  either  their  Beys  or  their  Pashas.  Of  the  Greek 
rebellion  the  seeds  were  only  germinating.  It  was  to  Russia 
that  Servia  looked  for  sympathy,  and  as  much  aid  as  could  be 
given  without  umbrage  to  the  Porte.  This  was  not  an  easy 
matter ;  for  the  Sultan  had  yielded  more  to  Russia  as  an  ally 
than  either  his  subjects  approved  or  circumstances  appeared  to 
justify.  The  passage  of  the  Dardanelles  had  been  conceded  to 
her,  and  she  knew  how  to  use  it.  She  had  enlisted  soldiers 
from  Albania,  and  she  had  strengthened  her  positions  in  the 
Caucasian  districts.  In  1805  Turkey  was  required  to  join  in 
an  alliance  with  Russia  against  France,  with  whom  the  Porte 
was  not  only  at  peace,  but  on  close  terms  of  friendship.  This 
was  the  time  when  Russia  demanded  the  protectorate  of  Greek 
Christians  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  wheresoever  they  might  be. 
This  proposal  the  Porte  took  time  to  consider,  and,  in  the  mean- 
time, became  open  to  overtures  from  the  French.  This  was 
successful  on  the  part  of  France,  but  it  brought  Russia  and 
England  into  an  alliance  against  Turkey.  It  was  in  this  war 
that  the  English  fleet,  under  Sir  John  Duckworth,  forced  the 
passage  of  the  Dardanelles,  and  returned  without  attacking 
Constantinople.  Nor  was  an  attack  upon  Egypt  more  suc- 
cessful. The  war,  along  with  the  alliance,  lasted  six  years,  and, 
in  1812,  was  signed  the  Treaty  of  Bucharest.  But,  before  this 
was  eflPected,  Selim  III.  had  been  succeeded  by  Mustapha  IV., 
and  Mustapha  IV.  by  Mahmoud  IV. 

We  may  now  look  upon  the  domestic  history  of  the  Porte. 
Selim  is  deposed,  and  Mustapha  IV.  succeeds.  He  is  raised 
to  the  Sultanship  by  the  Janissaries;  and  when  Selim,  his  cousin, 
and  Mahmoud,  his  own  brother,  shall  have  been  put  to  death, 
the  only  surviving  descendant  of  Othman  will  be  Mustapha. 
When  this  is  the  case  we  know  what  to  expect,  whether  in  a 
novel  or  a  history.     A  great  crime  will  be  attempted ;  but  only 


MAHMOUD    II.  47 

one-half  of  it  will   be  accomplished.     This   is   the  case.     On 

May  29,  1807,  Mustapha  begins  to  reign.     Then,  on  the  July  of 

the   following   year    (on  the    20th),   Selim    is    murdered,    and 

Mahmoud  is  just  saved  from  a  like  fate.     Mustapha  is  deposed, 

and,  after  a  time  (March  17,  1809),  put  to  death.     Such  is  the 

external  history  of  the  deposition   and   death  of  two  Sultans 

within  the  year ;  but  the  state  of  affairs  that  led  to  it   is  one 

that  requires  a  fuller  exposition.     Selim  III.  was  a  reformer,  an 

honest  and  not  an  incompetent  one.     He  might  have  effected 

less  than  he  did,  and  yet  have  been  a  courageous  and  able  ruler. 

But,  in   1807,   the  Mufti,  who,  in  his  religious  capacity,  had 

most  especially  supported  him,  died  ;  while  the  Ulema  as  a  body 

were  his  opponents,  and,  in  conjunction  with  the  Ulema,  the 

Janissaries.     Thii'dly,  there  was  the  individual  traitor,  Moussa 

Pasha,    who  had  the  full  confidence    of  the    Pasha,    and   who 

betrayed  him.     The  deposition  of  Selim   is   committed  to  the 

Janissaries,  and  sanctioned  by  the  Ulema.    Nor  is  it,  in  the  first 

instance,  accompanied  by  bloodshed.     Mustapha,  the  eldest  son 

of  Abdul  Hamid,  is  made  Sultan,  and  Selim  lives  a  prisoner  in 

the  palace ;   but  only  for   a  while.     Mustapha  Bairactar,   the 

Pasha  of  Rustshuk,  marches  upon  Constantinople  on  the  same 

day  that   Selim  is  murdered  and  of  Mahmoud^s  escape,  and 

deposes  Mustapha.     Bairactar  then  becomes  Mahmoud^s  Vizier, 

and  lives  long  enough  to  punish  the  traitor  Moussa  Pasha,  but 

not  long  enough    to   put    down   the  Janissaries.      They  have 

opposed  his  innovations  by  a  general  revolt,  in  which  the  palace 

of  the  A  izier  was   set  fire  to.     Bairactar  escaped  to   a  stone 

tower,  and  defended  himself  bravely  ;  but  the  tower  was  blown 

up,  and  Bairactar  was  buried  in  the  ruins.    Mahmoud  II.  was  fain 

to  make  terms  with  the  Janissaries;  but,  by  1826,  he  will  have 

destroyed  them  root  and  branch.     By  remembering  this  we  can 

fix  our  attention  exclusively  on  the  external  relations  of  the 

Porte,  and  we  know  how  various  these   are,  and  how  shifting 

and  uncertain.    The  Porte,  indeed,  is  at  this  time  the  least  part 

of  itself;  it  neither  knows  exactly  what  belongs   to  it  in  the 

way  of  revolted  and  revolting  provinces,  nor,  in  the  way  of 

alliances  and  hostilities,  has  any  certainty  that  it  will   keep 

either  a  friend  or  an  enemy  twelve  months.     And   all  this  is 


48  THE    OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

her  misfortune  rather  than  her  fault ;  for  the  whole  of  Europe 

is  well  nigh  in  the  same  predicament.     It  is  a  time  when  no 

alliance  is  worth  two  years^  purchase ;  and  when  no  one  knows 

who  is  to  be  ally  or  who  his  enemy  twelve  months  after  the 

signature  of  a  treaty.      But  the  treaties  themselves^   though 

ephemeral^  are  important;  and  the  changes  which  they  effect 

are  of  more  than  ordinary  magnitude.     For  the  times  are  those 

of  the  great  battles  of  Austerlitz,  of  Jena,   of  Eylau,  and   of 

Friedland,  the  battles  of  which  the  compact  of  Tilsit  (1809)  is 

the  result.     And  then   comes  the   secret   agreement  that  the 

Emperor  and  the  Czar  shall  divide  Europe  between  them;  a 

secret  which  is  no  better  kept  than  secrets  in  general.     Austria 

gets  knowledge  of  it.    The  Porte  gets  knowledge  of  it.    England 

thinks  that  her  alliance  with  Russia  against  Turkey  is  a  mistake. 

But  the  power  of  Austria  is  again  broken  by  the  campaign  of 

Wagram ;  and  England  concludes  with  Turkey  the  treaty  of 

the  Dardanelles,  A.D.  1809.     With  Russia,  however,  the  war 

continues  ;  and  so  does  the  Servian  rebellion  under  Kara  George. 

But  the  friendship  between  the  Czar  and  Napoleon  is  growing 

colder  and  colder,  and  the  march  to  Moscow  is  approaching. 

This  is  an  opportunity  for  both  Turkey  and  Russia ;  for  the 

Emperor  is  desirous  of  an  alliance  with  the  Porte,  and  Russia 

can   ill   afford   to    do   much   more   for    Servia.     The   original 

demands  of  the  Czar  were  Wallachia,  Moldavia,  and  Bessarabia. 

He  now  relinquishes  the  demand  for  the  first  two,  but  remains 

in  possession  of  Bessarabia.    Something,  too,  is  done  for  Servia. 

An  amnesty  is   granted,  and,  with  it,  a  moderate  amount  of 

self-government.     The  imports  are  no  longer  to  be  farmed,  but 

to  be  paid  directly  to  the  Porte.     On  the  other  hand,  the  for- 

„     tresses  are  to  be  erarrisoned  by  Turks.  The  Servians 
The  Treaty  of  .  ^         -,      ,  ,  i  •     i     •       i  •      p  i  •   i 

Bucharest,       considered  that  there  was  little  m  this  tor  which 

May  28, 1812.  ^^lej  sliould  be  thankful.  Such,  however,  was 
the  Treaty  of  Bucharest. 

Soon  after  this  came  the  downfall  and  death  of  their 
great  leader  Kara  George,  and  the  rise  of  the  Obrenovitsh 
family,  of  which  the  present  Prince  is  the  representative. 

What  follows  is  the  fall  of  Napoleon,  the  Treaty  of  Vienna, 
the  redistribution  of  the  territories  that  he  had  either  annexed 


THE   TREATY   OF   BUCHAREST.  49 

to  France  or  reduced  in  their  dimensions^  the  precarious  paci- 
fication of  Western  Europe  under  the  influence  of  the  Holy 
Alliance,  and  the  continuation  of  the  numerous  revolts  in  the 
several  Ottoman  provinces. 

Servia  continues  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Micael  Obrenovitsh 
as  the  administrator  of  the  Sultan  ;  practically  autonomous, 
but  with  no  definite  status.  There  are  no  great  international 
wars.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  there  is  revolt  in  most  of 
the  provinces  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  These  need  only  to  be 
alluded  to.  The  three  most  important  are  those  of  the  Danubian 
Principalities,  of  Albania  under  Ali  Pasha,  and  of  Greece. 

The  chief  event  in  the  domestic  history  of  the  Porte  is  the 
massacre  of  the  Janissaries,  under  the  direction  of  Mahmoud  II., 
in  1826.  It  was  preceded  by — indeed  it  was  a  copy  of — that 
by  ^Mehemet  Ali  of  the  Mamelukes  in  Egypt.  Both  were  acts 
of  monstrous  and  abominable  cruelty — perfidious  and  cold- 
blooded. But  the  existence  of  either  of  the  bodies  was  in- 
compatible with  the  safety  of  the  states  to  which  they  were  a 
danger  and  a  disgrace. 

The  massacre  of  the  Janissaries  took  place  only  a  few  months 
after  the  death  of  the  Czar,  Alexander  I.  His  successor 
Nicolas  was  less  unsympathetic  than  his  father  with  the  revo- 
lutionary movement  that  pervaded  every  province  of  the  Porte. 
Under  him  the  liberation  of  Servia  reached  its  penultimate 
stage,  and  that  of  Greece  was  completed.  In  the  first  instance, 
Nicolas  insisted,  inter  alia,  on  the  confirmation  of  the  rights  of 
the  Servians,  which  were  left  in  a  very  indefinite  form  by  the 
^    ^  ,     Treaty  of  Bucharest.     In  short,  he  forced  upon 

The  Treaty  of  "^  ^  r 

Akkerman,       the  Porte  the  Treaty  of  Akkerman.     The  Wal- 
Oct.  7, 1826.      lachians  and  Moldavians  were  also  restored  to  the 
condition  in  which  they  were  before  their  rebellion  in  1821. 

In  the  July  of  the  next  year  was  signed,  by  England,  France, 
and  Russia,  the  Treaty  of  London,  in  favour  of  Greece.  This 
the  Porte  resisted,  and  the  battle  of  Navarino  was  the  result. 
It  certainly  liberated  Greece ;  but  whether  anyone  but  the  Czar 
was  a  gainer  by  the  destruction  of  the  Turkish  fleet  is  another 
question.  At  any  rate,  Russia  continued  the  war  on  her  own 
account ;  for  there   was   a  question    still   pending   about   the 

4 


60  THE   OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

cession  of  some  fortress  in  Asia.  With  an  enemy  of  whom  it 
was  said  that  ^Hhe  Sultan  had  destroyed  his  army,  and  his 
allies  had  destroyed  his  fleet/^  the  quarrel  seemed  to  be  a  safe 
one.  But  the  defence  of  Turkey  was  one  that  well  displayed 
the  inherent  bravery  of  the  national  spirit,  and  the  unconquerable 
courage  of  Mahmoud  II._,  the  greatest,  under  adversity,  of  all 
the  Sultans.  There  were  two  campaigns;  one  in  Europe  and 
one  in  Asia.     The  whole  war  lasted  nearly  two  years. 

This  secondary  war,  as  it  began  in  1828  on  the  European  side 
of  the  Bosphorus,  was  by  no  means  discreditable  to  the  Turks, 
nor  were  the  gains  on  the  side  of  Russia  important.  "  If  we 
consider  the  enormous  sacrifices  that  the  war  cost  the  Russians 
in  1828,  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  they  or  the  Turks  won  or 
lost  it.''''     Such  was  the  opinion  of  Baron  Moltke. 

In  Asia  events  were  less  favourable,  and  in  1829  both 
campaigns  were  almost  fatal.  Concurrently  with  the  fluc- 
tuating warfare  on  the  European  continent,  Paskievitsh  had 
effected  definite  conquest  on  the  frontiers  of  Georgia  and 
Armenia,  by  which  Kars,  Akhalkhaliki,  and  other  fortresses, 
were  lost  to  the  Turks.  Kars  was  subsequently  recovered,  and 
has  twice  been  fought  for  since ;  but  Akhalkhaliki  remained  and 
remains  in  the  hands  of  Russia.  Along  with  Akhaltzikh,  it 
constituted  an  important  addition  to  the  Empire.  The  Georgian 
fortress,  then  known  as  Gumri,  changed  its  name  and  became 
Alexopol ;  and  how  important  this  ground  has  since  been  we 
know  from  the  history  of  the  parts  about  Kars  and  Erzeroum 
during  both  the  Crimean  war  and  the  present  one.  Anapa, 
too,  in  Apkhazi  country,  and  on  the  Bosphorus,  was  captured. 

Still  more  damaging  was  the  famous  campaign  of  Marshal 
Diebitsch  in  Bulgaria.  The  Turks  attempt  to  recover  Pravadi, 
Shumla  being  the  base  of  their  operations  ;  but  are  opposed  by 
the  Russians  under  Roth  and  Rudiger.  Meanwhile  Diebitsch 
is  besieging  Silistria.  With  a  part  of  his  forces  he  places  him- 
self between  Pravadi  and  Shumla,  joins  Ruth  and  Rudiger,  and, 
on  June  11,  fights  and  wins  the  decisive  battle  of  Kulevtsha. 
The  Turkish  general  judges  that  the  siege  of  Shumla  mil  be 
continued,  and,  with  the  view  of  relieving  it,  weakens  the  army 
that  was   defending  the  passes  of  the  Balkans.     Of  this  error 


THE   TREATY    OF    ADRIANOPLE.  51 

Diebitsch  takes  the  full  advantages,  and  in  nine  days  crosses 
the  Balkans.  "  He/^  writes  Moltke,  '^  besieged  one  fortress 
and  fought  one  battle ;  but  this  brought  him  into  the  very  heart 
of  the  hostile  Empire.  He  arrived  there,  followed  by  the  shadow 
of  an  army,  but  with  the  reputation  of  irresistible  success/'' 

Such  was  the  bold  and  successful  exploit  of  Diebitsch,  and 
„,    ^  ,     the  result  of  it  was  the  Treaty  of  Adrianople,  in 

The  Treaty  of  "^  ^     \ 

Adrianople,       quick   succcssion  to   that   of   Akkerman,    which 
Aug.  28, 1829.     ^^g  -^ggj^  ^Q  ^^  ^g   quickly  succeeded  by  that  of 

London.  By  the  treaty,  however,  of  Adrianople,  Russia  ob- 
tained the  Sulina  mouth  of  the  Danube,  the  conquests  in  Asia 
on  the  Armenian  frontier,  and  the  definite  cession  of  Imeretia, 
Mingrelia,  and  Guriel ;  and  further  stipulations  in  favour  of  the 
Danubian  principalities.  An  annual  tribute  was  to  be  paid  to 
the  Porte,  but  for  the  first  tw^o  years  it  was  not  to  be  exacted. 
Servia  was  equally  benefited ;  all  the  clauses  in  the  Treaty  of 
Akkerman  that  bore  upon  Servia  were  to  be  carried  into  im- 
mediate effect,  and  ratified  by  the  Sultans.  The  Dardanelles 
were  to  be  open  to  Russian  merchant  ships.  An  indemnity  for 
damage  done  to  Russian  commerce,  and  payment  for  the  costs 
of  the  war,  amounting  to  nearly  five  million  w^ere  added.  Such 
were  the  direct  results  of  the  Treaty  of  Adrianople.  But,  be- 
sides this,  there  was  the  engagement  to  agree  to  the  stipulations 
of  the  Treaty  of  London ;  while  the  Treaty  of  London  meant 
neither  more  nor  less  than  the  independence  of  Greece. 

In  1830  the  French  began  the  conquest  of  Algiers,  nominally 
a  dependency  of  the  Porte,  but  practically  independent. 

In  1832  Mehemet  Ali,  under  the  generalship  of  his  son 
Ibrahim,  reduced  Syria,  and,  with  equal  ease,  Asia  Minor;  so 
that  he  threatened  Constantinople  from  Scutari.  The  other 
great  powers  found  it  inconvenient  to  interfere,  and,  by  so 
doing,  left  the  mediation  between  the  Sultan  and  his  rebellious 
vassal  to  Russia.  It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  fresh  con- 
^,    ^  ^       cessions  were  made  by  the  Porte,  and  that,  by 

The  Treaty  of  .      '^  •  o    i 

Unkiar  Skeiessi,     the  Treaty  of  Unkiar  Skelessi,  the  Sultan  con- 
8th  July,  1833.       gentcd,  when  required  by  the  Czar,  to  close  the 
Dardanelles  against  the  armed  vessels  of  any  other  power. 
In  1 839  war  again  broke  out  between  the  Sultan  and  Mehemet 

4  * 


62  THE    OTTOMAN    TUEKS. 

Ali.  Now,  however,  there  was  an  alliance  between  the  Porte, 
England,  Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia ;  but  not  with  France. 
Mehemet  Ali  had  retreated,  under  the  pressure  of  Russia,  from 
Scutari ;  but  he  returned  to  his  vice-royalty  with  the  intention 
of  converting  it  into  an  hereditary  monarchy.  He  has  dis- 
continued the  payment  of  tribute,  and  substituted  for  the 
ordinary  Turkish  troops  that  guarded  the  prophet's  tomb  at 
Mecca,  Arab  troops  of  his  own.  Constructively,  the  change 
implies  a  denial  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Sultan  as  Caliph ;  and 
it  was  a  claim  that  the  high-spirited  and  energetic  Mahmoud 
lost  no  time  in  resisting,  and  that  by  both  an  army  and  a  fleet. 
The  army  was  defeated  by  Mehemet^s  son  Ibrahim,  at  Nezib, 
in  Assyria ;  and  the  fleet  was  delivered  up  to  Mehemet  Ali 
himself,  in  the  harbour  of  Alexandria,  by  Achmet  Pachn,  its 
admiral.  The  loss  of  the  battle  is  attributed  to  the  venality 
and  treachery  of  the  commander  Hafiz  Pasha.  This,  though  a 
probable,  is  scarcely  a  necessary,  explanation  for  the  loss  of  a 
battle.     The  treachery  of  the  admiraPs  is  less  doubtful. 

Before  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Nezib  reached  Constantinople, 
Mahmoud  II.  was  succeeded  by  Abdul  Medjid,  and  the  question 
of  the  following  three  years  was  the  settlement  of  the  affairs  in 
Egypt.  The  error  into  which  the  other  European  powers  had 
fallen  in  1839,  that  of  leaving  the  arrangements  between  the 
Sultan  and  his  vassal  so  exclusively  to  Russia,  was  avoided ;  for 
a  lesson  was  read  to  them  upon  this  point  in  the  Treaty  of 
Unkiar  Skelessi.  There  was,  then,  a  treaty  of  July  15,  1840, 
by  which  the  terms  between  Mehemet  Ali  and  the  new  Sultan 
Abdul  Medjid  were  defined  and  sanctioned  by  England,  Russia, 
Austria,  Prussia,  and  the  Porte.  But  to  this  France  was  not  a 
signitory,  and  it  is  certain  that  in  this  Mehemet  Ali  thought 
himself  justified  in  demurring  to  its  terms.  He  reckoned  that 
some  umbrage  might  be  taken  by  France ;  that  she  had  an 
interest  in  Egypt;  and  that  she  favoured  her  independence.  At 
any  rate,  he  refused  to  accede  to  the  requisition  of  the  Porte 
and  its  four  powers ;  and  as  it  was  in  Syria  that  his  resistance  I 
was  chiefly  carried  on,  and  as  the  fortified  places  in  Syria  were,  | 
as  a  rule,  accessible  by  sea,  the  chief  share  in  coercing  him  lay 
with  the  English ;  and  the  English  fleet,  under  Admirals  Stop- 


i 


THE   TREATY    OF   UNKIAR    SKELESSI.  53 

ford  and  Napier_,  by  the  bombardment  of  Beyrout  and  the 
capture,  is  considered  to  have  done  its  work  effectively.  At 
any  rate,  the  Pasha  was  brought  to  terms.  The  Turkish  fleet 
was  restored,  the  troops  of  the  Pasha  were  withdrawn  from 
Candia,  and,  in  the  final  settlement  of  Feb.  13,  1841,  the 
French,  along  with  the  other  four  powers,  were  signatories.  By 
this  the  Pashalik  of  Egypt  was  confirmed  to  Mehemet  Ali  and 
his  descendants  in  the  male  line,  with  a  charge  to  the  Sultan  of 
one-fourth  of  its  revenue,  and  a  certain  amount  of  naval  and  mili- 
tary support  when  required.  In  the  same  year  a  convention  as  to 
the  rights  of  Turkey  to  control  the  navigation  of  the  Dardanelles 
was  signed  by  England,  Austria,  Prussia,  Russia,  and  France. 
It  was  signed  in  London,  July  13,  1841.    In  this  is  specified — 

"  Art.  I. — His  Highness  the  Sultan,  on  the  one  part,  declares  that  he  is 
firmlj  resolved  to  maintain  for  the  future  the  principle  invariably  established 
as  the  ancient  rule  of  his  Empire,  and  in  virtue  of  which  it  has  at  all  times 
been  prohibited  for  the  ships  of  war  of  foreign  powers  to  enter  the  Straits  of 
the  Dardanelles  and  of  the  Bosphorus;  and,  so  long  as  the  Porte  is  at  peace, 
His  Highness  will  admit  no  foreign  ships  of  war  into  the  said  Straits. 

"Art.  II. — And  their  Majesties,  the  Queen  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  King  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia, 
the  King  of  the  French,  the  King  of  Prussia,  and  the  Emperor  of  All  the 
Russias,  on  the  other  part,  engage  to  respect  the  determination  of  the  Sultan, 
and  to  conform  themselves  to  the  principles  thus  declared." 

"  The  formal  recognition,''^  writes  Sir  Edward  Creasy,  ^'  of  the 
Dardanelles  and  the  Bosphorus  as  being  mere  Turkish  streams, 
and  not  highways  for  the  fleets  of  all  nations  (as  seas  in  general 
are),  was  of  great  value  for  Turkey.  But  still  the  convention 
of  1841  did  not  free  the  Porte  from  the  chain  by  which  the 
Treaty  of  Hunkiar  Iskelessi  had  bound  it  to  Russia.  That 
liberation  was  not  to  be  effected  without  the  aid  of  the  armed 
force  as  well  as  of  the  diplomacy  of  the  Western  powers.  It 
was  fortunate  for  the  Ottoman  Empire  that  a  pacific  period  of 
twelve  years  intervened  before  the  struggle  for  that  liberation 
commenced ;  and  that  time  was  given  for  the  development  of 
measures  of  internal  reform. ''' 

After  this  conoes  a  period  of  peace  for  twelve  years,  and  then 
the  Crimean  war,  with  the  details  of  which  the  present  work  is 
not  here  connected. 


54 


CHAPTER   III. 

Religious  Creeds  and  Sects  of  the  Ottoman  Empire. — General  View. — 
Sunnite  and  Shiite  Mahometanism. — The  Wahabis.— Judaism,  Judean 
and  Samaritan. — Three  forms  of  Syrian  Christianity :  Nestorian,  Euty- 
chian,  Romanist. 

The  consideration  of  the  Christianity  of  the  Greek,  Albanian, 
and  Slavonic  parts  of  the  Empire  makes  no  part  of  the  present 
chapter.  In  respect  to  this  the  general  statement  that,  with 
a  few  exceptions,  it  is  the  Christianity  of  the  Eastern  rather 
than  the  Western,  or  the  Greek  rather  than  the  Latin_,  Church 
is  sufficient.  In  Asia,  however,  the  case  is  different.  Of 
Christianity  in  Asia  there  is  not  very  much^  but  what  there  is 
is  of  a  peculiar  and  mixed  character.  Neither  is  there,  within 
the  pale  of  Mahometanism,  any  important  amount  of  sec- 
tarianism. The  Turks,  as  thoroughly  as  the  Arabs  themselves, 
are  orthodox  Sunnites ;  but  the  Persians — of  course,  from  the 
Turkish  point  of  view, — are  heretics  and  Shiites ;  and  of  the  Shiite 
creed,  eo  nomine,  there  are  certainly  some  dissenting  subjects  of 
the  Porte.  They  are  not  either  Georgians  or  Armenians,  and 
but  few  of  them  are  either  Turks  or  Arabs ;  while,  of  Persia 
proper,  a  very  small  part  belongs  to  the  Porte.  But  there  is 
all  over  Turkey  the  influence  of  the  Persian  literature ;  and,  on 
the  frontier  of  Turkey,  there  is  the  debateable  ground,  march, 
or  boundary  of  the  Kurd  districts.  They  appear  in  the  maps 
as  ' '  Kurdistan,^"*  part  of  which  is  assigned  to  Persia  and  part  to 
Turkey.  But,  beyond  Kurdistan,  there  are  Kurds,  sometimes 
in  continuity,  sometimes  sporadic;  and  wherever  we  get  Kurds 
we  get  the  Persian  language  and  the  Shiite  creed.  We  get, 
too,  a  good  deal  more  in  the  way  of  miscellaneous  sorts  of  bar- 
barism and  savagery  ;  for  there  is  not  much  good  to  be  said  about 


WAHABIS.  55 

the  Kurds.  The  extent,  however,  to  which  they  trespass  with 
impunity  is  a  measure  of  the  weakness  of  the  Governments  that 
tolerate  them  ;  and,  in  this  respect,  there  is  but  little  difference 
between  Turkey  and  Persia. 

In  Arabia  itself,  the  land  of  the  Prophet,  the  most  important 
of  all  the  schisms  in  Mahometanism  broke  out  towards  the  end 
of  the  last  century,  and  still  exists,  though  no  longer  to  a 
dangerous  extent.  This  is  that  of  the  Wahabis,  or  followers  of 
Abdul  Wahab,  an  Arab  of  the  Beni  Tenim  tribe.  Burckhardt, 
who,  with  a  more  than  ordinary  familiarity  with  the  vernacular 
Arabic,  and  with  a  personal  familiarity  with  the  Arabs  which 
no  traveller  with  the  exception  of  Wallin  has  approached,  who 
was,  also,  in  the  country  during  the  war  of  Mehemet  Ali,  com- 
mits himself  most  decidedly  to  Wahab's  orthodoxy.  He  was 
a  reformer,  not  a  heretic.  His  followers  (writes  Burckhardt) 
were  the  Puritans  of  Mahometanism ;  strict  adherents  to  the 
orthodox  teaching  of  Abu  Hanifeh,  one  of  the  four  great  masters 
of  the  law,  and  pronounced  by  a  syndic  at  Cairo  to  be  orthodox; 
no  doctrinal  heresy  being  imputed  to  them.  Still,  they  must 
have  gone  far  in  a  heterodox  direction.  They  anathematized 
all  carnal  indulgences.  They  anathematized  tobacco.  They 
denounced  poetry.  They  impugned  the  over- valuation  of  even 
Mahomet  himself.  They  despised  pilgrimages  and  plundered 
pilgrims. 

The  religious  doctrine,  however,  is  one  thing,  the  political 
power  another.  The  latter  was  developed  by  Ibn  Saud_,  born 
at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century.  He  sacked  Mecca. 
He  threatened  Syria  and  Egypt.  It  was  he  whom  Mehemet  Ali 
conquered.     The  following  is  one  of  his  proclamations  : — 

Ihu  Saoud  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Mehlca,  the  highhj  honoured. 

Praise  be  to  God,  the  only  God  !  who  has  no  co-partner — to  whom  belongs 
dominion,  and  who  is  omnipotent. 

In  the  name  of  the  all-merciful  God  !  It  is  necessary  that  every  chosen 
servant  of  God  should  have  a  true  knowledge  of  the  Almighty,  for  in  the  word 
of  God  (the  Koran)  we  read.  Know  that  there  is  no  God  but  one  God! 
Bokhary,*  may  God  have  mercy  upon  him !  said.  First,  learn,  then  speak  and 
act.  If  it  be  asked,  What  are  the  three  foundations  of  knowledge  ?  answer, 
The  servant's  knowledge  of  his  Lord,  of  his  religion,  and  of  his  Prophet. 

*  The  compiler  of  Mohammed's  traditions. 


56  CREEDS   AND    SECTS. 

And  first,  as  to  the  Knowledge  of  God ;  if  they  ask  of  thee,  Who  is  thy 
Lord  ?  answer.  My  Lord  is  God,  through  whose  favour  and  grace  I  have  been 
bred  up ;  him  1  adore,  and  adore  none  but  him.  In  proof  of  which  we  read 
(in  the  Koran),  Praise  be  to  the  Lord  of  all  creatures  !  Whatever  exists  be- 
sides God  belongs  to  the  class  of  creatures,  and  I  myself  am  one  of  this  created 
world.  If  they  ask  further  of  thee,  How  didst  thou  know  thy  Lord  ?  answer, 
By  the  signs  of  his  omnipotence  and  creation.  In  proof  of  which  we  read, 
And  of  his  signs  are  the  night  and  the  day,  the  sun  and  the  moon ;  and  of 
his  creation,  heaven  and  earth,  and  whatever  is  upon  them  and  whatever 
they  contain.  And  we  likewise  read.  The  Lord  is  God,  who  created  heaven 
and  earth.  If  it  be  asked,  For  what  purpose  did  God  create  thee  ?  answer,  To 
adore  him.  In  proof  of  this  we  read,  1  created  spirits  and  men  to  be  adored 
by  them.  If  it  be  asked,  What  does  God  command  ?  answer.  The  Unity ; 
which  means,  to  adore  him  exclusively  and  solely ;  and  what  he  above  all  pro- 
hibits is  the  association  with  him,  or  the  adoring  of  any  other  god  besides 
himself.  In  proof  of  which  we  read.  Adore  God  and  do  not  associate  with 
him  any  other  thing  or  being.  The  adoration  by  which  thou  art  to  worship 
him,  thou  evincest  by  the  Islam  ;  by  faith  and  alms,  by  prayers,  vows,  sacri- 
fices, by  resignation,  fear,  hope,  love,  respect,  humility,  timidity,  and  by 
imploring  his  aid  and  protection. 

In  proof  of  the  necessity  of  prayers  we  read.  Pray,  and  I  shall  grant  your 
wishes.  Prayers,  therefore,  are  true  adoration.  In  proof  of  the  necessity  of 
making  vows  we  read.  Fulfil  your  vows  and  dread  the  day  of  which  the  evils 
have  been  foretold.  To  prove  the  necessity  of  slaughtering  victims,  we  read, 
Pray  to  God,  and  kill  victims.  And  the  Prophet,  may  God's  mercy  be  upon 
him !   said.  Cursed  be  he  who  sacrifices  to  any  other  but  God. 

The  foundation  of  knowledge  is  the  religion  of  Islam,  which  is  submission  to 
the  Almighty.  In  proof  of  which  we  read,  "  The  religion  before  God  is  Islam. 
And  to  this  refers  the  saying  of  the  Prophet,  on  whom  be  the  peace  of  God  ! 
The  chief  of  all  business  is  Islam.  If  they  ask.  How  many  are  the  principal 
duties  of  our  religion  ?  answer,  Islam,  faith,  and  good  works.  Each  of  these 
is  divided  into  different  parts  : — Jelim  has  five,  viz. — the  profession  that  there 
is  no  God  but  God,  and  that  Mohammed  is  his  prophet — the  performance  of 
the  prescribed  prayers — the  distribution  of  alms — the  observance  of  the  fast 
of  Ramadhan,  and  the  pilgrimage  to  the  holy  house  of  God.  In  proof  of  the 
truth  of  the  profession  of  faith,  we  read,  God  declares  that  there  is  no  God  but 
himself ;  and  the  meaning  of  the  expression,  There  is  no  God  but  God,  confirms 
that  there  is  but  one  God,  and  that  nothing  in  this  world  is  to  be  adored  but 
God.  And  in  proof  of  the  profession,  that  Mohammed  is  the  prophet  of  God, 
we  read,  And  Mohammed  is  nothing  but  a  prophet.  Our  duty  is  to  obey  his 
commands,  to  believe  what  he  related,  to  renounce  what  he  forbade  ;  and  it  is 
by  following  his  precepts  that  we  evince  our  devotion  to  God.  The  reason  for 
joining  these  two  professions,  viz.  in  saying.  There  is  no  god  but  God,  and 
Mohammed  is  his  prophet ;  is  to  show  our  piety  and  perfect  obedience.  In 
proof  of  pi'ayers  and  alms,  we  read.  Nothing  was  commanded  but  that  they 
should  adore  God,  with  the  true  religion  alone,  that  they  should  perform 
prayers,  and  distribute  alms.     In  proof  of  fasts,  we  read,  0  ye  true  believers, 


WAHABIS.  •  57 

we  have  ordained  for  you  the  fasts  !  And  in  proof  of  .the  pilgrimage,  we 
read,  And  God  exacts  the  pilgrimage  from  those  who  are  able  to  undertake  the 
journey. 

As  a  further  proof  of  these  five  fundamental  ]>arts  of  the  Islam,  may  be 
quoted  the  tradition  of  Ibu  Omar,  who  says,  The  Prophet,  may  God's  mercy  be 
with  him,  declared  that  the  Islam  rests  upon  five  requisites  ;  the  prayers,  the 
alms,  the  fast,  the  pilgrimage,  and  the  profession  that  there  is  no  god  but  God. 
The  second  of  the  principal  duties  of  religion  is  the  faith.  It  comprises  seventy- 
nine  ramifications.  The  highest  of  them  is  the  declaration.  There  is  no  God 
but  God ;  and  the  lowest,  the  removal  of  all  deception  from  the  road  of  the 
faithful.  Shame  is  one  of  those  ramifications.  The  faith  divides  into  six 
parts.  These  are :  to  believe  in  God  and  his  angels,  and  the  revealed  books, 
and  his  prophets,  and  the  last  day,  and  the  omnipotence  of  God,  from  whom 
all  good  and  evil  proceed.  In  proof  of  which  we  read,  This  is  not  righteous- 
ness, to  turn  your  faces  towards  the  east  or  the  west ;  but  he  is  righteous  who 
believes  in  God,  and  the  last  day,  and  the  angels,  and  the  sacred  book,  and 
the  prophets.  And  in  proof  of  the  omnipotence,  it  is  said.  We  created  every- 
thing through  oui'  power.  The  thii'd  of  the  principal  duties  of  religion  consists 
in  good  works.  These  are  comprised  within  one  single  precept,  which  is 
Adore  God,  as  if  thou  didst  see  him ;  and  if  thou  canst  not  see  him,  know 
that  he  sees  thee.  In  proof  of  which  we  read.  He  who  turns  his  face  towards 
the  Almighty  and  confides  in  him,  he  is  the  well-doer,  he  holds  fast  by  the 
firmest  handle. 

The  third  foundation  of  knowledge  is  the  knowledge  of  our  prophet  Moham- 
med, may  God's  mercy  and  peace  be  with  him  !  Mohammed  the  son  of  Ab- 
dnllah  the  son  of  Abd  el  Motalleb,  the  son  of  Hashem,  the  son  of  Menaf,  whose 
parentage  ascends  to  Adam,  who  was  himself  a  descendant  of  Ismayl,  the  son 
of  Ibrahim,  with  whom  and  with  our  prophet  may  God's  mercy  dwell !  Mo- 
hammed, may  God's  mercy  be  with  him  !  is  a  delegate  whom  we  dare  not 
adore,  and  a  prophet  whom  we  dare  not  belie ;  but  we  must  obey  and  follow 
him,  for  it  has  been  ordained  to  spirits  and  to  mortals  to  be  his  followers. 
He  was  bom  and  appointed  prophet  at  Mekka  ;  his  flight  and  his  death  were 
at  Medinah.  From  him,  to  whom  may  God  show  his  mercy !  we  have  the 
saying,  I  am  the  prophet,  this  is  no  false  assertion,  I  am  the  son  of  Abd 
el  Motalleb !  If  it  be  asked,  Is  he  a  mortal  ?  answer.  Yes ;  he  is  a  mortal. 
In  proof  of  which  we  read,  Say,  I  am  but  a  mortal  like  yourselves  to  whom 
it  is  revealed  that  your  God  is  but  one  God.  If  it  be  asked.  Is  he  sent  to 
any  particular  class  of  mankind?  answer,  No;  he  is  sent  to  the  whole  race. 
In  proof  of  which  we  read,  O  men,  1  am  God's  prophet  sent  to  you  all !  If 
it  be  asked.  Can  any  other  religion,  but  his,  be  acceptable !'  answer,  No  other 
can  be  accepted  ;  for  we  read,  Whoever  shall  follow  any  other  religion  than 
Islam,  will  be  rejected.  And  if  it  be  asked,  Does  any  prophet  come  after 
him  ?  answer.  No  prophet  comes  after  him ;  for  after  him  comes  the  last  day. 
In  proof  of  which  we  read,  He  was  father  to  none  of  your  men,  but  the 
prophet  of  God,  and  the  seal  (that  is  the  last)  of  all  the  prophets. 

This  was  issued  by  Saud  a  little  before  his  final  and  unsuc- 
cessful struggle  with  Mehemet  Ali.     The  break-up^  however,  of 


58  CREEDS   AND    SECTS. 

the  Wahabi  schism^  like  the  break-up  of  the  power  of  the  Dereh 
Beys_,  though,  for  many  of  the  purposes  of  the  politician,  it  is 
an  important  reality,  is  in  many  other  cases  more  nominal  than 
real,  because  (as  has  so  often  been  either  stated  or  suggested)  the 
political  power  of  an  institution  is  far  less  vital  than  the  social. 
That  no  such  a  chief  as  Ibn  Saud  is  now  minitant  in  Arabia  is 
true  j  but  that  the  Wahabi  doctrines  are  obliterated  is  far  from 
being  the  case.  Among  the  genuine  Beduins  they  are  common, 
especially  among  those  of  the  great  Shammar  tribe.  Of  these, 
the  occupants  of  the  Dzhebel  Shammar,  the  original  district  of 
the  division,  give  the  nearest  approach  to  the  old  Wahabi  creed 
in  its  primitive  strictness,  which  elsewhere  has  abated  some  of 
its  harshness.  Whether  pure,  however,  or  modified,  it  has  lost 
much  of  its  political  importance,  and,  whether  pure  or  modified, 
it  belongs  to  Arabia  Proper  rather  than  the  Arab  part  of  Turkey; 
indeed,  of  the  two  Mahometan  sects,  the  Metawileh,  though 
much  less  is  known  about  them,  are  probably  the  more 
important. 

Of  the  JewSf  the  most  numerous  are  those  whose  origin  is 
comparatively  recent ;  the  most  interesting  the  descendants  of 
the  original  Judeans.  These  are  found  in  Gallilee  rather  than 
in  Judea  Proper;  the  neighbourhood  of  Tiberias  and  two  or 
three  less  important  districts  being  their  chief  localities.  In 
Jerusalem  itself  the  population  is  chiefly  of  recent  origin,  con- 
sisting of  immigrants  from  Spain,  descendants  of  the  refugees 
from  the  persecution  under  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 

A  third  class  is  that  of  the  Karaits ;  but  these  are  at  present 
the  most  numerous  in  Russia. 

The  fourth  division  is  that  of  the  mixed  Jews,  the  Ashkenazim, 
as  they  are  called,  from  the  numerous  occupancies  of  Asia,, 
Africa,  and  Western  Europe. 

The  fragments  of  a  fragment,  however,  are  the  Samaritans. 

Too  small  to  command  attention  as  an  element  in  our 
politics,  the  remnant  which  is  still  to  be  found  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  its  old  metropolis  has  only  within  the  present  year 
been  visited  and  described  in  any  detail.  All  that  is  known 
respecting  its  present  condition  may  be  found  in  the  interesting 
account  of  Mr.  Grovels  personal  visit  to  Mount  Gerizim.     The 


AEAB    AND    SYRIAN.  59 

Pentateuch^  the  only  part  of  the  Old  Testament  which  the 
Samaritans  recognise,  differs  from  that  of  the  Jews  in  some 
important  readings  and  in  its  alphabet.  The  language,  however, 
is  the  same  for  both.  In  their  Chronicle,  whilst  the  language 
is  Arabic,  the  alphabet  is  Samaritan.  Mr.  Grove  doubts  whether 
the  present  Samaritans  of  Syria,  all  of  whom  are  assembled  in 
a  single  village  near  Nabkiz,  amount  to  more  than  a  hundred 
individuals.  A  few  more  are  to  be  found  in  Cairo.  Milman, 
in  his  "  History  of  the  Jews,^^  states  that  even  at  the  present 
time  there  are  to  be  found  in  the  Ottoman  Empire  Sabba- 
thaists,  and  that  Sabbathaism  still  exists  as  a  sect  of  Judaism. 
Such  sects  are  rare.  Such  Sabbathaism,  however,  as  can  be 
found  at  present  dates  from  about  1666,  when  an  impostor 
known  as  Sabbathai  Levi  gave  himself  out  as  the  Messiah. 
Another  impostor  of  the  same  period,  who  called  himself  the 
Prophet  Mehdi,  excited  the  fanaticism  of  the  Kurds.  Both 
were  treated  wdth  impartial  contempt  by  the  Mahometans.  The 
Jewish  Antichrist  became  a  door-keeper,  and  the  Prophet  of 
Kui'distan  was  made  a  page  of  the  treasure  chamber.  "  The 
Ottomans,^-*  writes  Sir  Edward  Creasy,*  observed  the  progress 
of  Levi  '^with  religious  anxiety;  not  from  any  belief  in  his 
alleged  character,  but,  on  the  contrary,  from  the  fear  that  he 
was  the  Dedjal,  or  Antichrist,  who,  according  to  the  Mahometan 
creed,  is  to  appear  among  mankind  in  the  last  days  of  the 
world. ^^ 

So  much  for  the  peculiarities  in  the  way  of  creed  for  the 
three  great  denominations  in  which  there  is  little  difference 
betw^een  the  language  and  the  race.  The  Wahabis  are  as  un- 
doubted Arabs  as  they  are  undeniable  Mahometans.  The  Shiites 
are  Persian ;  and  no  one  supposes  that  the  Jew  is  other  than 
what  he  is  always  considered,  i.e.,  a  descendant  of  the  great 
families  of  the  Old  Testament,  the  Book  of  Maccabees,  and  the 
history  of  Josephus.  Tn  none  of  these  is  there,  to  any  ap- 
preciable extent,  communities,  or  nations  of  which  the  blood  is 
other  than  Persian,  Arabic,  or  Hebrew ;  in  none  are  they 
whole    populations    w^hose   language    is    Hebrew,    Arabic,    or 

*  History  of  the  Ottoman  Turks,  p.  298. 


60  CEEEDS   AND    SECTS. 

Persian,  but  whose  blood  is  Greek,  or  Georgian,  or  Armenian, 
or  Slavonic,  or  what  not.  The  broad  and  patent  differences 
between  Turk  and  Arab,  Ai'ab  and  Persian,  are  not  the  points 
towards  which  our  attention  is  henceforth  more  especially- 
directed.  They  are  strong,  patent,  clear,  and  numerous.  Hence, 
they  speak  for  themselves.  But  with  the  Arab  and  the  Syrian 
this  is  not  the  case.  There  are  several  points  on  which  they 
differ,  and  it  is  not  very  difficult  to  enumerate  them.  The 
difficult  point  is  to  know  whether,  when  we  have  traced  a  cha- 
racteristic to  the  locality,  and  connected  it  with  some  special 
population,  we  ever  actually  know  what  that  population  is. 
It  may  have  its  habitat  in  Syria ;  but  that  will  scarcely  make 
it  Syrian.  Its  language  may  be  the  Arabic ;  but  that  will  not 
make  it  Arabian.  The  most  that  either  of  these  characteristics 
can  do,  is  to  establish  a  presumption — a  strong  one  in  some 
cases,  and  a  weak  one  in  others. 

The  influence  of  the  Arabs  upon  the  world^s  history  is  known. 
So,  in  a  general  way,  is  that  of  the  Turks.  So  is  the  contrast 
between  the  Turk  and  the  Arabic  languages.  So,  also,  the  real 
or  supposed  difi'erences  of  their  anatomical  conformations.  In 
the  language  of  the  lax  ethnologist,  the  Turk  is  Mongol;  the 
Arab  Caucasian.  The  Turk  affinities  are  with  the  Fins,  Mon- 
golians, and  Tatars ;  the  Arab  with  the  Jews  and  Phenicians. 
Never  mind  the  exact  value  of  these  distinctions.  They  express 
something ;  though  the  main  fact  is  this,  that  all  the  south  part 
of  the  Ottoman  Empire  is  Arab,  or  Arabiform. 

The  Arab  is  not  the  only  member  of  the  family  to  which  he 
belongs;  the  family  known  as  the  Semitic.  He  is,  undoubtedly, 
the  one  which,  at  present,  is  the  most  prominent ;  but  he  has 
only  been  this  since  the  days  of  Mahomet.  The  Jews  belong 
to  the  same  family,  and  it  is  certain  that  before  the  spread  of 
Mahometanism  they  were,  at  least,  as  important  as  any  branch 
of  the  Arabian  stock ;  indeed,  immeasurably  more  important 
than  all  Arabia  put  together.  We  need  not  be  of  the  seed  of 
Abraham  to  understand  this.  It  is  enough  if  we  are  Christians, 
and  have  read  our  Bible.  Above  all,  it  is  not  the  true  Arab 
who  is  the  Turkish  subject.  Arabia  Proper  is  all  but  inde- 
pendent.    The  Arab — as  opposed  to  the  Turkish — portions  of 


ARAB    AND    SYRIAN.  61 

the  Ottoman  Empire  are  Syria  and  Egypt ;  and  these  are,  at 
best,  but  Arabic  and  Syrian,  Arabic  and  Hebrew,  Arabic  and 
Phenician,  Arabic  and  Coptic,  Arabic  and  Berber ;  in  other 
words  they  are,  one  and  all,  Arabic  in  language  but  other  than 
Arabic  in  blood. 

There  is  a  notable  antipathy  between  the  two  divisions,  an 
antipathy  which  it  is  difficult  to  either  generalize  or  analyze. 
It  is  manifestly  not  an  antipathy  of  creed.  It  is  scarcely  one  of 
race,  whatever  that  term  may  imply.  It  is  not  one  based  on 
historical  remembrances  like  those  that  sustain  the  nationality 
of  Poland  and  Italy.  The  history  of  the  Arab  subjects  of  the 
Porte  is  neither  one  and  undivisible,  nor  definite.  Egypt  has 
one  history,  Syria  another ;  both,  as  far  as  their  more  glorious 
epochs  are  concerned,  forgotten,  for  all  sentimental  purposes, 
by  the  existing  Syrians  and  Egyptians.  The  dislike,  however, 
exists ;  and  it  seems  to  be  the  result  of  innumerable  individual 
antipathies.  The  Turk  is  lordly,  overbearing,  and  arrogant; 
the  Greek  hates  and  fears  him.  The  Arab,  who,  as  a  Mahometan 
bearing  arms,  is  more  on  an  equality,  fears  him  less,  hates  him 
less ;  but  still  is  far  from  loving  him. 

This  complex  of  individual  and  concrete  enmities  makes  up  a 
general  distrust  and  repugnance,  which  is  wholly  difi'erent  from 
many  of  the  ordinary  forms  of  national  antipathy.  Of  these 
several  are  compatible  with  friendship  and  respect  for  indi- 
viduals ;  indeed,  the  dislike  of  the  nation  in  general,  for  some 
obscure  or  lax  reason,  is,  in  many  European  countries,  perfectly 
compatible  with  a  high  esteem  for  nine-tenths  of  the  individuals 
which  compose  it.  This  applies  to  the  Turkish  Empire  in 
general.  Syria,  however,  and  Mesopotamia  are  in  a  different 
predicament.  They  are  not  in  the  semi-independent  condition 
of  Egypt.  They  are  in  a  geographical  continuity  with  the  true 
Turk  parts  of  Turkey.  They  are  of  great  practical  political 
importance.  They,  doubtless,  gravitate  towards  Egypt;  indeed, 
it  is  only  through  European  interference  that  they  are  not 
already  Egyptian.  Beyond,  however,  the  general  facts  of  their 
Arab  character;  of  their  geographical  position,  the  import  of 
which  is  patent  from  a  simple  inspection  of  the  map ;  and  of  the 
misgovernment  common  to  them  and  the  rest  of  the  Ottoman 


62  CBEEDS   AND    SECTS. 

Empire,  there  would  be  little  concerning  them  to  add  to  what 
has  already  been  written  if  it  were  not  for  the  extraordinary- 
complexities  of  their  religious  sects  and  heresies  which,  along 
with  Kurdistan  and  the  southern  part  of  Armenia,  they  exhibit. 
There  are  at  least  the  following  : — 

1.  The  Wahabi  (Arabian)  ^l^  ^^^.^^^ 

2.  Jews  and  S-amantans    J 

3.  Christians. 

a.  Nestorians,  Nsara  Messihaye,  Chaldani. 

b.  Jacobites. 

c.  Maronites. 

d.  Converts  to  Romanism. 

4.  Haranites  and  Mendeans,  or  the  so-called  Christians  of 

St.  John. 

5.  Yezids. 

6.  Druzes. 

7.  Ismaeli,  Assassins. 

8.  Nosrani,  Nasariyeh,  or  Ansari. 

9.  Mutuali  or  Metawili. 

In  Asia  Minor  there  are  three  forms  of  Christianity,  and 
geographically  they  are  in  contact  with  one  another ;  but  as 
creeds  they  stand  widely  apart.  Only  one  of  them  belongs  to 
a  recognised  church,  the  other  two  having  arisen  out  of  heresies; 
the  earliest  out  of  the  heresy  condemned,  by  the  Council  of 
Ephesus,  and  the  latter  out  of  the  heresy  condemned  at  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon.  Hence,  both  are  more  than  fourteen 
centuries  old,  and  both  are  departures  from  the  Greek  Church. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  third  form  of  Christianity,  or  that 
which  is  other  than  heretic,  is  that  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and 
it  is  probable  that  in  no  part  of  his  domain  is  the  Pope  better 
served  than  he  is  in  these  par tibus  infidelium. 

Of  the  two  heretical  divisions,  the  one  condemned  at  Ephesus 
is  the  most  numerous,  and  it  is  that  which  is  known  as 
Nestorianism. 

The  Council  of  Ephesus  sat  on  the  opinions  of  Nestorius. 
Theologically,  Nestorius  was  a  Syrian ;  his  Christianity  being 
that  of  the  Syrian  discipline,  which  was  based  on  the  Syriac 
translation  of  the  Scriptures  then  existing,  and,  perhaps,  two 


ARAB    AND    SYRIAN.  63 

hundred  years  old.  At  any  rate^  Syria  had  a  lettered  language, 
and  its  Church  had  its  great  doctrinal  authorities  and  contro- 
versialists ;  some  writing  in  Greek,  some  in  the  vernacular.  We 
may  call  them  Fathers.  It  was_,  however,  in  Germanicia  that 
Nestorius  was  born,  and  Germanicia  I  believe  to  have  been 
Turk.  His  refinements  upon  the  current  doctrine  as  to  Christ^s 
place  in  the  Trinity  may,  simply  as  a  matter  of  history,  have 
had  a  Manichean  origin.  At  the  same  time  they  may  merely 
have  arisen  out  of  the  half-intellectual,  half- emotional  feeling 
of  which  Manicheism  was  an  independent,  though  an  earlier, 
manifestation.  Nestorius  had  subscribed  to  the  Nicsean  creed, 
and  had  been  called  to  the  Bishopric  of  Constantinople.  But 
the  Manhood  of  Christy  in  the  mind  of  Nestorius,  could  only 
be,  at  one  and  the  same  time^  blended  with  the  Godhead,  and 
purified  from  the  contamination  cf  matter  by  the  separation  of 
Christ  the  Virgin-born  from  God  the  Pre-existent.  This  was 
done  by  making  the  Virgin  mother  XpLorroTOKoq  and  denying  her 
to  be  ©eoTOKos.  She  was  the  mother  of  the  incarnate  Christ, 
but  not  the  mother  of  the  eternal  God.  A  quasi -separation  of 
the  Saviour  from  the  second  hypostasis  in  the  Trinity  was  the 
inference  from  this  ;  but  it  was  intolerable  at  Rome,  intolerable 
at  Constantinople,  most  especially  intolerable  at  Alexandria,  of 
which  the  notorious  Cyrill  was  then  bishop. 

The  doctrine  was  condemned,  Nestorius  deposed,  and  banished. 
But  many  Syrian  and  Anatolian  bishops  continued  to  maintain 
either  his  cause  or  his  principles ;  some  firmly,  some  indifferently. 
Some  supported  his  doctrines,  some  merely  opposed  his  great 
enemy  Cyrill.  In  Syria,  in  Cilicia_,  in  Bithynia,  and  in  Cappa- 
docia,  some  bishop  or  other  did  this.  The  true  Nestorianism, 
however,  was  rarer.  It  took  ground  in  the  districts  where  it 
is  now  found  ;  and,  as  will  be  shown  elsewhere,  it  has  not 
been  without  its  effects  in  the  history  of  the  world  at  large. 

It  is  to  the  Council  of  Ephesus  that  we  trace  the  first  of  our 
two  divisions.  From  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  we  must  deduce 
the  second.  Before  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  another 
heresy  has  been  condemned,  and  the  Council  that  condemns  it 
is  that  of  Chalcedon.  The  doctrine  of  the  Double  or  Single 
nature  has  been  refined  on  ;  and,  instead  of  nature,  the  polemics 


64 


CEEEDS   AND    SECTS. 


of  the  time  of  Heraclius  wrote  will.  Monothelitism  was  then 
the  term  for  which  blood  was  spilt  and  Christianity  divided. 
As  the  name  of  Nestorins  is  associated  with  the  Council  of 
Ephesus^  so  is  that  of  Eutychian  with  that  of  Chalcedon. 

Ephesian,  Chalcedonian,  Roman  Catholic — these  are  the  three 
terms  which  have  hitherto  been  used.  And  they  have  been  used 
because  they  supply  definite  and  tangible  points  of  history  by 
which  the  three  denominations  may  be  distinguished  from  each 
other.  They  are  not,  however,  recognised  names.  The  current 
names  are  Jacobite,  Nestorian,  and  Chaldani  or  Chaldcean.  But 
these  are  European  rather  than  Asiatic;  scholastic  or  theological 
rather  than  vernacular.  It  is  one  thing  for  learned  men  in 
England  or  France  to  call  the  adherents  to  the  creed  condemned 
at  Ephesus  Nestorians :  it  is  another  thing  for  the  adherents 
themselves  to  recognise  the  name  thus  bestowed  upon  them  ab 
extra.  The  term  by  which  the  Jacobites  and  Nestorians  most 
willingly  designate  themselves  is  Nsara  Meshihaye= Messianic 
Nazarenes,  or  Christians.  They  also  call  themselves  Suraye  or 
Syrians. 

(1.)  The  doctrines  condemned  by  the  Council  of  Ephesus 
have  the  greatest  number  of  supporters ;  perhaps,  as  many  as 
seventy  thousand. 

(2.)  The  doctrines  condemned  by  the  Council  of  Chalcedon 
have  the  fewest ;  and^  what  is  more,  the  list  of  their  adherents 
decreases  annually.    The  number  of  their  villages  is  as  follows:  — 
In  the  Jebel  Tiir  (to  the  south  of  Diarbekir, 

their  stronghold)       .  150 
„     parts  about  Orfah    .         .         .         .         .50 
,,  Kharput         .  .         .         .15 

,j  Diarbekir      ....       6 

„  Mosul 5 

Damascus      ....       4 


}> 


330 


The  explanation  of  the  decrease  is  found  in  the  history  of 
the— 

(3.)  Roman  Catholic  converts  from  the  two  preceding  deno- 
minations.    The  approximate  number  of  these  is — 


ARAB    AND    SYRIAN. 


65 


Families, 

In  the  Diocese  of  Mosul    . 

.     160 

„                 Amida   . 

.     466 

„                Sert 

.     300 

,f                Kerkush 

.     218 

„                Jezirah  ... 

.     179 

„                 Diarbekir 

.     150 

3,                 Kliosraw 

.     150 

„                Bagdad . 

.       60 

„                Mardin  .         .         .         . 

.—^0 

Total  .  1743 
Adding  to  these  the  Roman  Catholic  Syrians  beyond  the  dioceses 
here  enumerated^  Mr.  Badger^  the  chief  authority  for  the  present 
condition  of  these  three  denominations^  considers  that  they  may 
amount  altogether  to  twenty  thousand — more  numerous  than 
the  Chalcedonian^  less  numerous  than  the  Ephesian^  heretics^ 
at  whose  expense  they  increase. 

The  intervention  of  Home  dates  from  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  when  Syrian  Christianity  broke  into  the 
fragments  of  a  fragment.  The  bishoprics  of  Mosul_,  Amida 
(Diarbekir),  like  the  Slavonic  bishopric  of  Montenegro  and  the 
Electoral  bishoprics  of  the  German  Empire,  had  become 
hereditary;  and  that  in  the  families  of  Elias,  Joseph,  and 
Simeon,  respectively.  Feuds  arose.  The  decision  of  Rome 
was  appealed  to.  By  1681  either  the  whole  province,  or  the 
chief  see,  had  been  named  Chaldcea,  just  as  a  Byzantine  theme, 
in  nearly  the  same  parts,  had  been  so  named.  It  was  a  Roman 
see  in  partibus  infidelium ;  so  that  Chaldcea,  as  applied  to  it,  is 
an  old  indigenous  name  j  ust  as  Belgium  is  one  as  applied  to  the 
kingdom  of  King  Leopold,  i.e.,  not  at  all. 

Except  the  Roman  Catholics,  we  cannot  invest  these  Christian 
populations  with  much  political  importance.  They  are  all  for- 
bidden to  bear  arms,  but  it  is  only  for  the  orthodox  that  the 
influence  from  the  Vatican  is  exercised.  The  numbers,  too,  of 
the  two  sects  put  together  is  far  less  than  that  of  the  Romanists 
taken  singly.  And,  moreover,  it  is  a  number  that  decreases. 
The  Romanists  exert  themselves  in  making  proselytes,  and  their 


66  CREEDS    AXD    SECTS. 

exertions  are  successful,  especially  in  the  Nestorian  division  and 
in  the  southern  provinces ;  indeed,  in  Syi  ia  Proper,  the  Chris- 
tianity of  the  sects  is  in  a  fair  way  of  becoming  extinct. 

Yet  the  exceptions  are  numerous.  Among  the  Chaldani 
proselytism  still  goes  on.  The  Chaldani,  however,  may  be  held 
to  represent  the  Papal  intervention  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
The  number  of  the  converts  made  recently  and  sporadically  is 
uncertain.  The  only  figures  I  have  met  with  are  the  following 
for  the  town  of  Aleppo  : — 

Families. 
Greeks  of  the  Greek  Church     .         .       100 

1,000 
Armenians  of  the  Greek  Church 


„  Latin        „ 


180 
600 

? 

350 


Syrians  of  the  Greek  Church    . 
„  Latin        „ 

That  these  numbers  are  only  approximate  is  plain.  They 
give,  however,  a  great  preponderance  of  Latins.  Indeed,  it  is 
so  decided,  that  it  is  only  by  taking  in  the  members  of  the 
Eastern  Chui'ch  from  other  districts  that  the  majority  in  favour 
of  it  can  be  made  good. 

It  is  the  Chalcedonian  creed  upon  which  these  proselytizing 
Westerns  more  especially  encroach,  and  it  is  from  their  con- 
versions in  Damascus,  Mosul,  and  Diarbekir  that  the  numbers 
of  the  heterodox  villages  run  so  low.  The  four  villages  of 
Damascus  are  all  that  is  left  in  that  Pashalik ;  whilst  in  those 
of  Aleppo  and  Bagdad  the  obliteration  of  the  older  creed  is 
even  more  complete.  Perhaps  it  is  wholly  so.  In  Jebel  Tiir, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  encroachment  is  at  its  minimum. 

Like  the  Chaldani,  the  Maronites  are  Koman  Catholics ;  but, 
unlike  the  Chaldani,  they  are  Romanists  of  long  standing. 
They  were  Romanist  as  opposed  to  Greek  as  early  as  the  sixth 
and  seventh  centui'ies,  and  they  were  also  orthodox  as  opposed 
to  the  Monophyists  and  the  Monothelites.  Being  this,  they 
represent  the  last  members  of  the  Roman  Church  in  the  East, 
and  also  the  Roman  Church  before  the  Mahometan  conquest. 

In  such  lands  of  Monophysitism  as  Syria  and  Mesopotamia 
we  naturally  expect  that  Monothelitism  will  prevail.     It  seems 


ARAB    AND    SYRIAN.  0/ 

to  have  done  so.  Still  there  were  decided  supporters  of  the 
Double  Will  even  iu  Svria,  and  none  more  decided  than  So- 
phronius.  Bishop  of  Jerusalem.  It  was  the  sad  fate  of  Sophroniu3 
to  be  bishop  when  his  metropolis  was  taken  by  the  Mahometans, 
and  still  sadder  was  his  function  of  taking  the  conqueror  orer 
the  city  and  pointing  out  to  him  the  Holy  Places.  He  had  more 
especially  to  show  the  very  site  of  the  Temple,  in  order  that  the 
Khalif  might  be  able  to  build  a  mosque  on  it.  ''  Now  indeed  is 
the  abomination  of  desolation  on  the  Holv  of  Holies !  " 
was  his  miserable  exclamation.  But  he  had  prepared 
the  way  for  his  own,  his  creed's,  and  his  countrr's  degradation. 
He  had  been  the  life  and  soul  of  the  Autimonothelites.  The 
town  was  in  the  hands  of  Mahometans  when  he  took  Stephen, 
Bishop  of  Dora,  to  the  site  of  Golgotha,  and  said,  "  To  that 
God  who  on  this  very  place  was  crucified  for  thee,  at  his  second 
coming  to  judge  the  quick  and  the  dead,  thou  shalt  render  thy 
account,  if  thou  delayest  or  art  remiss  in  the  defence  of  his 
imperilled  faith.  Go  thou  fonh  iu  my  place.  As  thou  knowest, 
on  account  of  this  Saracen  invasion,  now  fallen  upon  us  for 
our  sins.  I  cannot  bodily  strive  for  the  truth,  and  before  the 
world  proclaim  to  the  end  of  the  earth,  to  the  apostolic  throne 
of  Rome,  the  tenets  of  orthodoxy." 

The  last  words  of  this  speech  deserve  special  attention.  They 
show  the  extent  to  which  he  looketl  towards  Some.  Syria  was 
largely  Monothelite.  The  Empei*or  was  Monothelite.  Rome 
alone  was,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  authoritative  and 
orthodox. 

During  the  Monothelite  anil  the  Iconoclast  period,  we  find 
an  unusual  nimiber  of  Syrian  l\>pes — more,  indeed,  than  at  any 
other  piriod  of  the  papal  hist,  ry — John  V.,  Sergius  I.,  Sisin- 
nius,  and  Constantine — all  between  A.D.  6S5  and  A.D.  716. 
Again,  Gregory  III.,  who  succeeded  Gregory  II.  A.D.  731, 
was  a  Syrian. 

Again,  this  was  the  time  of  the  greatest  of  all  the  orthodox 
Syrian  fathers,  John  of  Damascus,  who  taught  his  theology 
in  the  capital  of  the  Kalifs,  the  town  he  takes  his  name  from. 

Of  the  difference  between  the  spirit  of  the  Third  Coimcil  of 
Constantinople  which  condemned,  and  of  the  Second  of  Nic;¥a 

5   * 


68  CEEEDS    AND    SECTS. 

which  restored,  images,  the  following  extracts  give  a  suggestive 
sketch : — 

"  Anathema  against  the  double-minded  Germanus,  the  worshipper  of  wood  ! 
Anathema  against  George,  the  falsifier  of  the  traditions  of  the  fathers ! 
Anathema  against  Mansar,  the  Saracen  in  heart,  the  traitor  to  the  Empire ; 
Mansar  the  teacher  of  impiety,  the  false  interpreter  of  Holy  Scripture  !  " 

Again — 

"  We  all  believe,  we  all  assent,  we  all  subscribe.  This  is  the  faith  of  the 
apostles,  this  is  the  faith  of  the  Church,  this  is  the  faith  of  the  orthodox,  this 
is  the  faith  of  the  world.  We,  who  adore  the  Trinity,  worship  images.  Whoever 
does  not  the  like,  anathema  upon  him  !  Anathema  on  all  who  call  images 
idols !  Anathema  on  all  who  communicate  with  them  who  do  not  worship 
images!  Anathema  upon  Theodorus,  falsely  called  Bishop  of  Ephesus  ;  against 
Sisinnius  of  Perga,  against  Basilius  with  the  ill-omened  name !  Anathema 
against  the  new  Arius,  Nestorius  and  Dioscorus,  Anastasius ;  against  Constan- 
tino and  Nicetas  !  Everlasting  glory  to  the  orthodox  Germanus,  to  John  of 
Damascus !  To  Gregory  of  Rome,  everlasting  glory  !  Everlasting  glory  to  the 
preachers  of  truth  !  " 

This,  then,  is  the  phase  of  Christianity  which  the  Maronite 
creed  represents ;  and  if,  at  the  present  moment,  it  is  Roman 
with  some  considerable  differences,  the  time  and  conditions  of 
its  origin  and  the  events  which  have  taken  place  since  it  parted 
from  the  Eastern  Church  explain  them.  The  contact  with 
Mahometanism  has  abated  their  image  worship.  The  possession 
of  an  old  translation  of  the  Scriptures  gives  them  a  vernacular 
Bible.  Thirdly,  priests  marry.  With  all  this  the  Maronites 
are  reasonably  considered  to  be  more  Roman  in  their  orthodoxy 
than  the  Romans  themselves. 

Of  the  word  Maronite,  a  full  explanation  is  given  by  Asemanni ; 
himself,  the  learned  Maronite,  Kar'  l^oxw-  If  we  look  to  his 
text  only,  all  is  clear ;  and  the  notice  of  Maro,  or  Maron,  the 
eponymus  of  the  sect,  is  a  definite  piece  of  authentic  biography. 
It  is  also  the  notice  on  which  the  common  doctrines  concerning 
him  run.  But  the  case  becomes  altered  when  we  turn  our  eyes 
from  the  report  to  the  evidence,  and  ask  the  names,  dates,  and 
value  of  Asemanni^s  authorities.  What  he  quotes  is  an  ancient 
Arabic  manuscript  according  to  the  abstract  or  translation 
made  by  a  Bishop  Gabriel  Barclaius  in  1495,  i.e.  some  700 
years  after  Maro  himself.  Nor  is  the  objection  thus  suggested 
improved  by  a  reference  to  the  earlier  notices.    Cedrenus  makes 


MARONITES.  69 

the  Maronites^  or  Mardaits^  the  men  of  a  Maurus  Mons.  How- 
ever, they  were  bold  soldiers,  and  spread  their  arms  and  creed 
as  far  as  Jerusalem  ;  even  into  Armenia.  As  for  Maro  himself, 
he  was  an  abbot  of  about  A.D.  700,  pre-eminent  for  his  suc- 
cessful opposition  to  the  Monophysites  and  Monethelites ;  in 
other  words,  to  the  Melkhites.  Meleko=king,  and  Melkhite  is 
said  to  be  the  term  applied  to  the  Monethelites  and  Mono- 
physites, who  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Emperor;  in  other 
words,  to  the  Imperialists .  It  is  a  word  which  has  a  fair 
amount  of  prominence  in  ecclesiastical  history.  Perhaps  it  is 
as  good  a  collective  name  as  any  other  for  the  Jacobites,  the 
Nestorians,  and  their  heterodox  congeners. 

Jacobite  came  from  Jacob  Baradseus,  or  Barhadades,  also 
called  Zanzalus,  who  was   Bishop  of  Edessa.     He  lay  heavily 

iincubuit)  on  the  diocese,  says  Asemanni,  from 
Died  A.D.  889.       *   t,    o  t  /  ^      a  t-.    o-o        ^  *.x.  •         4- 

A.D.  844  to  A.D.  8o2.  He  was  the  pre-eminent 
supporter  of  Sergius  the  Monophysite  Patriarch  against  Ephraim 
the  Catholic  Patriarch  of  Antioch.  He  is  also  called  the 
Mafrian  of  his  church,  an  Armenian  title. 

Thus  far  the  creeds  under  notice  have  been,  one  and  all, 
referable  of  one  of  the  three  great  religions  of  Europe  and  of 
Western  Asia;  in  other  words,  they  have  been  Jewish,  Christian, 
or  Mahometan.  With  those  that  are  now  about  to  present 
themselves  the  case  will  be  different.  They  are  not  easily 
classified  in  respect  to  their  relations  with  one  another,  nor 
are  they  easily  assignable  to  any  definite  or  classificational 
denomination. 


70 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Eeligious  Creeds  and  Sects   of   the  Ottoman  Empire.— Haranites  and  Men- 
deans. — Druzes. — Ismaeli. — Nasarieh,  Nosrani,  or  Ansari. — Mutuali. 

The  creed  of  the  Haranites,  or  Haraniya,  is,  according  to 
its  votaries,  one  of  the  oldest  in  the  world;  older  than  that  of 
the  Jews,  inasmuch  as  it  dates  from  the  ancestors  of  both  Lot 
and  Abraham,  from  the  times  anterior  to  the  arrival  of  Abraham 
in  Judea,  to  the  times,  indeed,  of  Nimrod,  "  the  mighty  hunter 
before  the  Lord.''  This  is  a  date  of  no  slight  antiquity,  and 
with  this  we  may  reasonably  be  satisfied.  But  the  Sabean 
traditions  go  farther,  for  they  carry  us  to  the  times  before  the 
Flood,  and  tell  us  of  the  books  of  Enoch,  of  Seth,  and  even  of 
Adam  himself;  inasmuch  as  Sabi,  from  whom  is  said  to  have 
come  the  name  of  Sabean,  was  a  son  of  Seth.  About  the  books, 
however,  of  Enoch,  Seth,  and  Adam  we  may  reasonably  have 
our  doubts  ;  but  the  book  of  Isaac  is  mentioned  by  the  Jewish 
writers  of  the  middle  ages,  and  so  is  the  Book  of  Psalms,  and 
so  is  another  work  on  morality  in  general.  The  Jews  also 
state  that  when  they  made  the  pilgrimage  to  Haran,  the  Sabians 
paid  respect  to  a  black  cock  and  a  black  bull,  and  that  when 
they  prayed  they  turned  their  faces  towards  the  north  star. 

It  is  in  the  parts  about  the  site  of  Nineveh  and  Bagdad  that 
we  get  upon  ground  with  which  the  Prophets  and  the  Books  of 
Kings  have  long  made  us  familiar — to  districts  in  which  Moses 
and  Jacob  sought  their  wives,  and  then  to  the  ^'  Ur  of  the 
Chaldees,''  which  was  the  birthplace  of  Abraham  and  Lot. 
There  is  little  Christianity  here,  for  we  are  not  on  the  soil  of 
Syria,  but  in  Mesopotamia  and  Assyria.     But  the  best  guide 


THE    HARANITES.  71 

for  us  in  our  geography  is  the  town  of  Harrau  in  the  modern, 
of  Haraninthe  scriptural,  and  of  Charrhse  in  the  classical  maps. 
This  is  the  country  of  the  Haraniya,  or  Haranites.  They  are 
often  called  the  Christians  of  St.  John  the  Baptist ;  often,  too, 
called  the  Sabeans ;  but  the  most  convenient  name  is  Haranite. 

It  is  the  district  which,  in  the  Book  of  Genesis,  is  especially 
assigned  to  Nimrod,  and  in  which  stood  the  Tower  of  Babel ; 
and  its  great  cities  are  Haran  and  Calneh  and  Akkad.  Nineveh 
is  not  named  in  this,  the  earliest  notice  of  them.  This  is  the 
land  of  Haraniya,  and  we  know  the  general  history  of  the 
country  for  nearly  three  thousand  years.  Harran,  Haran,  or 
Charrse  stands  on  the  boundaries  of  Syria,  Assyria,  and  Armenia; 
and  of  the  oldest  religion  in  each  of  these  three  countries, 
whether  it  was  the  worship  of  Baal,  the  religion  of  the  Magi, 
or  a  special  and  peculiar  form  of  Paganism,  fragments  of  it  are 
preserved  in  the  strange  heterogeneous  creed  of  the  present 
Haraniya.  After  the  fall  of  Nineveh  and  of  Babylon  the 
country  became  Persian,  and  after  the  conquest  of  Persia  by 
Alexander  the  Great  it  became  Greek,  and  after  the  fall  of  the 
Macedonian  Empire,  Roman.  Then  it  continued  to  be  de- 
bateable  ground  between  the  Romans  and  the  Parthians,  until, 
finally,  it  became  Mahometan,  and  from  the  religion  of  every 
one  of  its  masters  the  creed  of  the  present  Haraniya  has  taken 
up  something.  We  learn  from  the  old  coinage  that  the  Greek 
was  the  chief  influence ;  and  so  late  as  the  tenth  century  we 
find  that  one  family  at  least  deduced  their  descent  from  the 
Heraclidae,  and  called  themselves  Beni  Heraclish,  i.e..  Sons  of 
Hercules.  But  whether,  upon  the  whole,  the  Greek  or  the 
Syrian  influence  prevailed  is  disputed.  The  few  facts  we  know 
are  instructive.  The  chief  objects  of  worship  were  the  heavenly 
bodies.  Hatria,  or  Hatris,  was  the  city  in  the  moon;  Charrhse, 
that  in  which  the  sun  was  buried.  The  moon  was  androgynous 
— man  and  woman  at  once  ;  while  those  who  worshipped  it  as 
a  male  were  lords  over  their  wives  ;  those  who  worshipped  her 
as  a  female  were  ruled  by  them.  This  is  not  much ;  but  the 
little  that  there  is  is  curious  and  characteristic. 

Immediately  above  and  below  the  junction  of  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates,  in  the  parts  about  the  cities  Washit  and  Bassora, 


72  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

lies  the  country  of  the  Mendeans,  but  not  in  immediate  geo- 
graphical contact  with  the  Haranites.  They  lie  to  the  south  of 
them,  and  they  lie  in  a  different  kind  of  country.  The  Haran- 
ites belong  to  the  elevated  platform  of  the  parts  between  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris.  The  Mendaites  lie^  in  happy  neglect 
and  obscurity,  in  the  marshes  or  fens  of  the  parts  about  the 
junction  of  the  two  rivers,  and  almost  to  the  outfall  of  the  two 
united  streams.  The  Haranites  lie  to  the  north  of  Bagdad, 
the  Mendaites  to  the  south. 

It  is  the  sun-worship,  then,  of  the  times  before  Judaism  to 
which  the  Mendaites  and  the  Haranites  probably  adhere.  And 
under  this  head  they  may  be  classed.  From  the  pale  of  Maho- 
metanism  they  must  be  wholly  excluded,  so  that,  as  a  class, 
they  have  a  very  definite  place  among  the  several  sects  and 
denominations  of  Asiatic  Turkey.  With  Christianity  their 
connection  is  still  slighter.  It  has  been  suggested  that  they 
got  the  name  Sabean  from  the  frequency  and  ceremonious 
character  of  their  ablutions,  and  that  this  name  led  to  that  of 
John  the  Baptist ;  but  the  question  is  a  dark  one.  What  is 
more  certain  is  the  fact  that,  at  the  time  of  Mahomet,  they  had 
their  scriptures.  This  we  know,  because  Mahomet  classed  their 
creed  with  Christianity  and  Judaism  as  a  scriptural,  or  canonical, 
one,  i.e.,  as  the  "  Beligion  of  a  Book.'^  As  such,  it  was  indulged 
with  something  like  toleration,  though  there  was  not  much  of 
it.  However,  it  was  on  this  account  that  the  Haranites  as- 
sumed it  for  themselves.  It  gave  them  privileges.  They 
probably  deserved  them.  The  worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies 
is  by  no  means  the  most  ignoble  creed  of  the  pagan  world ; 
and,  whatever  may  have  been  the  case  at  one  time,  the  adoration 
of  the  Sabeans  was  of  a  spiritual  character.  It  was  not  to  the 
sun,  moon,  and  stars,  as  mere  luminous  bodies,  that  they  ad- 
dressed their  prayers.  It  was  rather  to  the  spirits  that  directed 
their  movements.  Nor  were  these  spirits  omnipotent,  still  less 
were  they  self- existing.  The  unity  of  a  God,  and  his  paramount 
rule  over  the  universe,  was  certainly  a  part  of  the  Sabean  creed. 
It  may  have  been  overlaid  by  baser  matter,  but  that  it  was 
acknowledged  is  stated  by  Jewish  writers  and  not  denied  by 
Mahometan. 


THE    YEZIDS.  73 

Such  is  the  sketch  o£  two  creeds  in  two  different  districts, 
both  of  which  are  considered  Sabean.  There  is  a  difference, 
however,  in  the  propriety  of  the  application  of  the  term,  and, 
according  to  Chwollson,  it  is  to  the  Mendeans  that  it  originally 
was  applied.  The  Haranites  assumed  it;  but  it  does  not  follow 
from  this  that  the  two  religions  were  identical,  though  it  is  pro- 
bable that  they  were  closely  connected.  At  any  rate,  the  two 
geographical  names  Mendean  and  Haranite  are  both  safe  and 
convenient.  Between  them  there  is  a  much  closer  connection 
than  there  is  between  either  and  the  one  that  now  follows. 

Whatever  may  be  the  details  as  to  the  origin  and  extraction  of 
the  Yezids,  it  is  almost  certain  that  they  give  us  the  nearest  repre- 
sentation of  the  old  creed  of  this  part  of  Asia  as  it  stood  before 
the  diffusion  of  either  Christianity  or  Mahometanism.  It  is,  appa- 
rently, older  than  both  ;  and  by  each  it  has  been  encroached  upon 
and  displaced.  Hence  the  present  Yezid  localities  are  discontinu- 
ous or  sporadic,  indicating  the  fragments  of  a  once  continuous 
religion.  From  this  point  of  view  they  cover  a  large  field;  pro- 
bably a  larger  one  than  has  been  explored.  Like  most  other  frag- 
ments of  either  languages  or  creeds,  it  is  in  the  mountain  districts 
rather  than  in  the  level  country  that  they  are  to  be  found.  Hence 
it  is  to  the  north  of  the  desert  of  Sinjar,  along  the  eastern  afflu- 
ents of  the  Euphrates,  along  the  main  stream  of  the  Tigris  itself, 
and  on  the  drainages  of  the  Zab  and  Khabur  that  they  appear ;  to 
the  west  of  the  Sinjar  mountains,  to  the  east  of  Julamerik,  and  to 
the  north  of  Diarbekir — Diarbekir,  Julamerik,  Mosul,  and  Amadieh 
being  the  towns  which,  in  the  ordinary  maps,  best  indicate  their 
neighbourhood.  Some  lie  as  far  north  as  Georgia.  But  these 
are  immigrants. 

Politically,  they  approach  the  boundaries  of  Persia  and  Kussia. 
Ethnologically,  they  come  in  contact  with  the  Arabs,  the  Turks, 
the  Armenians,  and  the  Laz  ;  and,  above  all,  the  Kurds.  Indeed, 
in  language  and  features  they  are  themselves  Kurd.  Their 
hymns  are  in  Arabic.  A  little  Arabic  is  understood  by  the 
Sheikhs.  But  the  language  of  the  people  is  Kurd.  I  beHeve 
wholly  so.  They  make  no  converts:  nor  if  they  did,  are  either 
Arabs  or  Turks,  and  still  less  the  Armenians,  easily  converted. 
If,  then,  there  be  any  foreign  blood  among  them,  it  has  long  lost 
its  original  characteristics.     The  Yezid  is  a  Kurd,  with  a  Kurd 


74  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

physiognomy — spare  frame,  dark  skin,  prominent  nose,  projecting 
brow,  retreating  forehead,  black  hair.  Except  that  some  of  them 
are  shorter  and  more  squarely-built  than  others,  and  some  square, 
rather  oval  in  face,  this  is  the  concurrent  testimony  of  independent 
observers  respecting  the  Yezids. 

The  Sinjar  mountains  are  their  chief  occupancy.  Here  is 
the  residence  of  the  chief  Sheikh ;  here,  their  chief  burial-place ; 
here,  above  all,  their  chief  sanctuary  and  place  of  pilgrimage. 
Sheikh  Adi.     For  these  parts  the  ten  tribes  are  those  of — 

L  Heska.  6.  Beit  Khaled. 

2.  Mendka.  7.  Amera. 

3.  Hubaba.  8.  Al  Dakhi. 

4.  Merkhan.  9.  Semoki. 
6.  Bukra.  10.  Kerani. 

The  Yezid  dioceses,  for  this  is  a  term  which  their  general  organ- 
ization suggests,  are  four : — 

1.  Sinjar.  2.  Northern  Armenia. 

2.  Diarbekir.  3.  Northern  Syria. 

In  each  of  these  the  Kawals  hold  an  annual  visitation;  the 
Kawals  being  one  of  the  four  orders  of  priests. 

1.  The  Pirs  are  the  first.  A  Pir  is  an  emeritus  Sheikh,  one 
who,  from  his  superior  sanctity,  is  invested  with  a  halo  of  sanc- 
tity during  even  his  lifetime.  He  is  a  prophet  rather  than  a 
Sheikh. 

2.  The  Sheikhs  are  the  mullahs,  doctors,  or  superior  teachers ; 

3.  The  Kawals,  the  working,  or  inferior  clergy ; 

4.  The  Fakirs,  the  humbler  officials,  who  light  lamps,  keep  the 
shrines  in  order,  and  the  like. 

The  Yezid  Holy  of  Holies  is  the  tomb  of  the  Sheikh  Adi. 
Around  is  the  semblance  of  a  village,  consisting  of  temporary 
lodges,  each  appropriated  to  a  particular  tribe  ;  whilst  each  part  of 
the  valley  is  known  by  the  name  of  the  tribe  that  lodges  in  it 
during  the  festival. 

A  fluted  cone  on  a  square  base — this  is  the  Yezid  tomb,  and  it 
is  sufficiently  general  and  characteristic  to  denote  a  Yezid  village. 

Until  lately  the  current  notion  of  the  Yezid  was  that  he  was  a 
Devil- worshipper.     He  is,  and  he  is  not.     He  fears  offending  the 


THE    YEZIDS.  75 

Evil  Spirit.  He  propitiates  him  as  he  best  can.  He  uevcT  curses 
him.  Bless  him  he  cannot.  So  he  never  mentions  him  at  all.  It 
pains  him  to  hear  his  name  from  others.  An  imprecation  of  Mr. 
Layard's,  unconsciously  and  incompletely  uttered,  manifestly  and 
seriously  gave  pain  to  his  guest.  Mr.  Layard  would  have  called  a 
lad  about  him  a  young  Satan,  but  when  he  got  as  far  as  Shait — 
checked  himself.  It  was  too  late.  The  bolt  had  been  shot,  and 
uneasiness,  unwillingly,  created.  This  horror  of  the  name  runs 
even  into  the  eschewal  of  the  semblance  of  it ;  so  that,  in  some 
instances,  the  Yezid  language,  like  those  of  Polynesia,  taboos 
certain  words.  Any  word  beginning  with  shat,  no  matter  what 
it  mean,  is  avoided,  and  some  approximate  synonym  used  in  its 
stead.  Even  kaitan,  though  very  good  Kurd  for  ?i  fringe,  is  not 
allowed.  In  like  manner  ;ioa/=: horse-shoe,  is  considered  to  be  too 
near  in  sound  to  laa?i'=i curse,  to  be  a  proper  Yezid  expression. 
That  all  this  may  be  referable  to  tlie  old  Persian  doctrine  of  the  Two 
Principles  is  likely ;  indeed,  it  is  nearly  certain  as  a  matter  of 
history,  that  such  is  the  case.  Without,  however,  any  such  antece- 
dent, it  is  explicable  on  general  principles.  Numerous  rude  tribes 
hold  that  the  Good  Deity  requires  no  positive  propitiations,  and 
that  it  is  only  the  Evil  one  who  takes  offence  at  being  neglected. 
Even  Satan,  then,  is  not  so  purely  malevolent  as  to  be  beyond 
propitiation.     Nor  is  he  incapable  of  gratitude. 

*'  Dost  thou  believe  that  God  is  righteous  and  all-merciful," 
said  one  of  the  Yezids  of  Kussian  Armenia  to  Haxthausen. 

"I  do." 

"  Was  not  Satan  the  best  beloved  of  all  the  archangels,  and 
will  not  God  take  pity  on  him  who  has  been  exiled  so  many 
thousand  years,  and  restore  to  him  his  dominion  over  the  world 
he  created  ?  Will  not  Satan  then  reward  the  poor  Yezids  who 
alone  have  never  spoken  ill  of  him,  and  have  suffered  so  much 
for  him  ?  " 

Next  to  Satan  are  the  seven  archangels,  Gabriel,  Michael, 
Raphael,  Azrael,  Dedrael,  Azraphael,  and  Shemkeel ;  the  name  of 
this  last  being  a  compound  of  Sheins,  the  Arabic  for  Sun. 

The  element,  however,  in  the  Yezid  creed  which  has  given  rise 
to  the  most  speculation,  and  which,  after  all  the  criticism  that  has 
been  expended  upon  it,  is  still  obscure,  is  the  respect  paid  to  the 
image  of  a  bird.  There  are  several  copies  of  it,  one,  at  least,  for 
each  of  the  four  districts;  but  the  original  has  never  been  seen  by 


76  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

anyone  but  a  Yezid,  and  this  is  kept  at  Sheikh  Adi.  Never  has 
one  fallen  in  the  hands  of  a  Turk  or  Arab.  Kawal  Yussuf,  on 
one  of  his  missions  as  he  was  crossing  the  desert  on  his  way 
to  Sinjar,  nearly  lost  one.  He  saw  a  body  of  Arabs  coming 
down  upon  him.  But  he  buried  the  sacred  emblem  and  disen- 
tombed it  when  the  danger  had  gone  by.  Mr.  Layard  saw  one  of 
the  fac-similes.  At  Kedwan,  on  the  Upper  Tigris,  his  host  con- 
ducted him  into  a  darkened  room.  A  red  coverlet  was  removed 
with  every  sign  of  respect  by  the  Kawals,  who  bowed  and  kissed 
the  corners  as  they  removed  it.  On  a  stand  of  metal  stood  the 
rude  image  of  a  bird.  On  certain  occasions  the  original  is 
exhibited  to  the  faithful.  The  name  of  this  image  is  Melik 
Taus;  Melik  being  an  Arabic  word  for  King  (also  meaning 
Angel)  and  Taus  being  the  Persian  for  Peacock;  but  also 
capable  of  meaning  Cock.  It  is  an  old  Persian  word,  being 
found  as  such  in  the  Acharnenses. 

The  image;  its  sanctity;  its  name— these  are  the  positive 
acts  known  about  the  Melik  Taus;  all  beyond  being  speculation. 
And  what  they  give,  if  we  limit  ourselves  to  plain  literal  and 
grammatical  sense,  is  King  Peacock.  The  reader  who  knows 
this  knows  as  much  as  anyone  who  is  neither  a  Sheikh  nor  a 
Kawal ;  perhaps,  as  much  as  the  Kawals  and  the  Sheikhs  them- 
selves. 

The  following  is  the  explanation  of  this  bird-worship  as  given 
by  a  Yezid  to  an  American  missionary  :  — 

"  When  Christ  was  on  the  cross,  in  the  absence  of  his  friends,  the  Devil,  in  the 
fashion  of  a  dervish,  took  him  down,  and  carried  him  to  heaven.  The  Marys 
soon  came,  and  seeing  that  their  Lord  was  not  there,  inquired  of  the  dervish 
where  he  was.  They  could  not  believe  his  answer ;  but  they  promised  to  do  so, 
if  he  would  take  the  pieces  of  a  cooked  chicken  from  which  he  was  eating,  and 
bring  the  animal  to  life.  He  assented  to  the  proposal ;  and,  bringing  back  bone 
to  his  bone,  the  cocJc  crew  !  The  dervish  then  announced  his  real  character,  and 
they  expressed  their  astonishment  by  a  burst  of  adoration.  Having  informed 
them  that  he  would  thenceforth  always  appear  to  his  beloved  in  the  shape  of  a 
beautiful  bird,  he  departed." 

Individually,  I  believe  that  originally  Malek  Taus  was,  word 
for  word,  Malek  Daud,  or  Daudh,  i.  e.  King  David. 

The  Yezids  have  been  cruelly  afflicted  :  and  that,  both  by  the 
Pashas  of  Bagdad  and  Mosul,  who  are  supposed  to  be  under  the 
authority  of  the  Sultan,  and  those  Kurd  chieftains  which  are,  for  all 
the  purposes  of  oppression  and  robbery,  independent.  And  this 
is  but  the  result  of  their  position.     Their  creed  is  not  only  other 


THE   YEZIDS.  77 

than  Mahometan,  but  it  is,  in  the  eyes  of  a  Mahometan,  a  creed 
without  a  Scripture  ;  a  creed  that  is  open  to  persecution  beyond 
that  of  the  Jews  and  Christians,  or  the  men  whose  religion  shows 
a  Book.  It  is  a  creed,  too,  which  has  no  powerful  congeners ; 
in  other  words,  there  is  nothing  like  it  in  high  places  elsewhere. 
The  Fire-worshippers,  even  if  they  acknowledged  the  relation- 
ship, could  do  nothing  in  the  way  of  maintenance  or  protection. 

As  far,  then,  as  tliey  have  any  religious  sympathies,  they  have 
them  with  the  Christians  of  the  parts  around  them  ;  towards  whom 
common  suffering  engenders  a  something  like  kindliness.  We 
must  remember  that,  like  the  Albanian  Christians,  the  Yezids 
bear  arms;  that  their  country  is  impracticable;  that  they  know 
every  rock  and  defile  in  it ;  that  they  are  Kurds  in  language,  and, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  present  writers,  in  blood  also  Hence,  they 
practise  savage  and  bloody  reprisals  on  the  Mahometans.  But 
with  the  Christians  they  have  friendly  communion.  In  this  they 
resemble  another  class  of  sectional  religionists,  in  a  very  different 
part  of  Asia;  viz.  the  Siaposh  of  Kafiristan  :  whose  rehgion, 
like  that  of  the  Yezids,  has  no  definite  congeners.  Indeed,  it  is, 
to  some  extent,  the  Yezidism  of  the  East.  It  partakes  of  the 
nature  of  Fire-worship,  though  with  a  large,  but  unrecognized, 
amount  of  Indian  elements  either  as  a  basis  or  an  incorporation. 
Like  the  Yezid,  the  Siaposh  spares  the  Christian — the  Frank  as 
he  calls  him— but  kills  all  Mahometans,  whom  accident  or  razzias 
may  deliver  into  his  hands.  Yezidism,  too,  and  the  infidelity 
of  the  Siaposh  Kafir,  are  the  only  creeds  south  of  Siberia,  and 
north  of  Assam,  which  are  so  far  pagan,  as  to  be  neither 
Mahometan  nor  Christian,  neither  Buddhist  nor  Brahmin.  The 
Brahminism  of  the  latter,  hke  its  Fire-worship,  of  which  it 
has  elements  common  with  Yezidism,  is  only  approximate — ■ 
rudimentary  or  fragmentary  as  the  case  may  be. 

The  absence  of  any  canonic  Scriptures  for  the  Yezid  creed 
has  already  been  noticed :  and  so  has  the  disadvantage  of  its 
non-existence.  It  excuses  injustice  and  oppression  on  the  part 
of  the  Mahometans.  A  recognized  Scripture,  however,  is  one 
thing;  a  body  of  religious  compositions  of  non-canonic  authority 
another.  The  latter  may  exist,  even  when  the  former  is  wanting. 
And  that  such  is  the  case  with  the  Yezids  is  to  be  hoped ;  per- 
haps, it  is  to  be  expected.     A  report  as  to  the  existence  of  some 


78  CREEDS   AND    SECTS. 

Yezid  book  is  afloat ;  though  no  one,  not  even  Mr  Layard  who 
has  been  so  favoured  in  his  opportunities  and  has  made  such 
good  use  of  them,  has  been  able  to  inspect,  or  even  see,  it.  Still, 
it  may  exist.  With  a  persecuted  creed,  with  a  sporadic  body  of 
believers,  the  doctrine  de  non  apparentibus  et  non  existentihus 
eadem  hahenda  est  ratio  fails  to  hold  good.  On  the  other  hand, 
where  the  want  of  a  book  is  a  disadvantage  and  a  reproach,  the 
concoctioD  of  one,  for  the  occasion,  becomes  probable. 

As  it  is,  however,  the  following  is  the  only  known  Yezid 
composition.  It  is  given  as  it  stands  in  Mr.  Badger's  Nestorian 
Kituals,  a  work  to  which  something  in  the  present,  but  more  in 
the  next,  chapter  is  due. 

The  Eulogy  of  Sheikh  Adi. 
'•'  My  wisdom  knoweth  the  truth  of  things, 

And  my  truth  hath  mingled  with  me. 

My  real  descent  is  from  myself : 

I  have  not  known  evil  to  be  with  me. 

All  creation  is  under  my  control ; 

Through  me  are  the  habitable  parts  and  the  deserts, 

And  every  created  thing  is  subservient  to  me. 

And  I  am  he  that  decreeth  and  causeth  existence. 

I  am  he  that  spake  the  true  word, 

And  I  am  he  that  dispenseth  power,  and  I  am  the  ruler  of  the  earth. 

And  I  am  he  that  guideth  mankind  to  worship  my  majesty. 

And  they  came  unto  me,  and  kissed  my  feet. 

And  I  am  he  that  pervadeth  the  highest  heavens; 

And  I  am  he  that  cried  in  the  wilderness ; 

And  I  am  the  Sheikh,  the  one,  the  only  one ; 

And  I  am  he  that  by  myself  revealeth  things; 

And  I  am  he  to  whom  the  book  of  glad  tidings  came  down 

From  my  Lord,  who  cleaveth  the  mountains ; 

And  I  am  he  to  whom  all  men  came, 

Obedient  to  me  they  kissed  my  feet. 

1  am  the  mouth,  the  moisture  of  whose  spittle 

Is  as  my  honey,  wherewith  I  constitute  my  confidents. 

And  by  his  light  he  hath  lighted  the  lamp  of  the  morning, 

I  guide  him  that  seeketh  my  direction. 

And  I  am  he  that  placed  Adam  in  my  paradise ; 

And  I  am  he  that  made  Nimrod  a  hot  burning  fire; 

And  I  am  he  that  guideth  Ahmet,  mine  elect, 

I  gifted  him  with  my  way  and  guidance. 

Mine  are  all  existences  together.  j 

They  are  my  gifts  and  under  my  direction. 

And  I  am  he  that  possesseth  all  majesty. 

And  beneficence  and  charity  are  from  my  grace. 

And  I  am  he  that  entereth  the  heart  in  my  zeal, 

And  I  shine  through  the  power  of  my  awfulness  and  majesty. 

And  I  am  he,  to  whom  the  lion  of  the  desert  came, 


THE   YEZIDS.  '  79 

I  rebuked  him,  and  he  became  like  stone  ; 

And  I  am  he  to  whom  the  serpent  came, 

And  by  my  will  I  made  him  like  dust. 

And  I  am  he  who  shook  the  rock  and  made  it  trouibls. 

And  sweet  water  flowed  therefrom  on  every  side. 

And  1  am  he  that  brought  down  an  authentic  herity, 

A  book  whereby  I  will  guide  the  prudent  ones. 

And  I  am  he  that  enacted  a  powerful  law, 

And  its  promulgation  was  my  gift. 

And  I  am  he  that  brought  from  the  fountain  water 

Limpid  and  sweeter  than  all  waters  : 

And  I  am  he  that  disclosed  it  in  my  mercy, 

And  in  my  might  I  called  it  the  white  (fountain). 

And  I  am  he  to  whom  the  Lord  of  heaven  said : 

Thou  art  the  ruler  and  governor  of  the  universe. 

And  I  am  he  who  manifested  some  of  my  wonders. 

And  some  of  my  virtues  are  seen  in  the  things  that  exist. 

And  I  am  he  to  whom  the  flinty  mountains  bow, 

They  are  under  me,  and  ask  to  do  my  pleasure. 

And  I  am  he  before  whose  majesty  the  wild  beasts  wept, 

They  came  and  worshipped  and  kissed  my  feet. 

I  am  Adi  of  the  mark,  a  wanderer, — 

The  All-Merciful  has  distinguished  me  with  names. 

And  my  seat  and  throne  are  the  wide-spread  earth. 

In  the  depth  of  my  knowledge  there  is  no  God  but  me. 

These  things  are  subservient  to  my  power. 

How,  then,  can  he  deny  me,  0  !  mine  enemies  ? 

Do  not  deny  me,  0  men,  but  yield, 

That  in  the  day  of  the  resurrection  you  may  be  happy  in  meeting  me. 

He  who  dies  enraptured  with  me,  I  will  cast  him 

In  the  midst  of  Paradise,  after  my  pleasure,  and  by  my  will. 

But  he  who  dies  neglectful  of  me, 

Shall  be  punished  with  my  contempt  and  rod. 

And  I  declare  that  I  am  the  essential  one ; 

I  create  and  provide  for  those  who  do  my  will, 

And  the  world  is  lighted  with  some  of  my  gifts. 

I  am  the  great  and  majestic  king  ; 

It  is  I  who  provide  for  the  wants  of  men. 

I  have  made  known  to  you,  0  congregation,  some  of  my  ways. 

Who  desireth  me  must  forsake  the  world. 

I  am  he  that  spake  a  true  word ; 

The  highest  heavens  are  for  those  who  obey  me. 

I  sought  out  truth,  and  became  the  establisher  of  truth; 

And  with  a  similar  truth  shall  they  attain  to  the  highest  like  me."  ■*' 

The  legends,  traditions,  and  floating  opinions  concerning  both 
the  ethnological  and  the  religious  relations  are  so  numerous,  and 
so  heterogeneous,  as  to  point  in  several  directions  at  once. 

•  From  the  paper  of  Mr.  Ainsworth's,  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Ethnological 
Society,  from  which  nearly  the  whole  of  this  chapter  is  taken,  I  learn  that  there 
is  a  second  translation  of  this  poem  by  }>\v.  llassam. 


80  CEEEDS    AND    SECTS. 

There  is  an  opinion  that  they  come  from  the  south,  /.  e.  from 
the  lower  Euphrates,  and  there  are  high  authorities  who  on  this 
opinion  lay  considerable  stress. 

Again,  the  family  of  their  chief  affects  a  descent  from  the 
Ommiads  of  the  Kalifat ;  and  this  is  only  one  out  of  many  facts 
which  points  towards  Arabia.  Nor  is  it  the  most  important  one. 
The  Arab  elements  of  the  Yezid  ritual  and  the  Arab  titles  of  the 
Yezid  authorities,  if  they  stood  alone,  would  go  far  towards  the 
doctrine  that  it  was  either  Arabia  or  Syria,  before  those  countries 
became  Mahometan,  which  Yezidisra  more  especially  represented. 

Then  comes  the  statement  of  Hadzhi  Khaifah  which  connects 

them  with   Mahometanism,  but  not  with   Arabia  ;  making  them 

Persian  and  Sufi,  rather  than  aught  else. 

The  Yezids  reckon  themselves  disciples  of  Sheikh  Adi.  or  Hadi,  who  was  one 
of  the  Merwanian  Khalifs.  The  Yezids  were  originally  Sufites,  who  have  fallen 
into  error  and  darkness.  Those  whom  they  call  their  Sheikhs  wear  black 
turbans,  whence  they  are  called  Kara  Bash  (black  heads^i.  They  never  hide  their 
women.  They  buy  places  in  Paradise  from  their  Sheiks,  and  on  no  account 
curse  the  Devil  or  Yezid.  The  Sheikh  Hadi  has  made  our  fast  and  prayer  a  part 
of  their  abominable  faith,  and  they  say  that,  at  the  day  of  judgment  he  will 
cause  numbers  to  enter  into  Paradise.  They  have  a  great  enmity  to  the  doctors 
of  law. 

Then  come  the  two  following  legends.*  They  are  essentially 
the  same.  Yet  the  first,  eo  nomine  Yezid,  is  from  the  north  of 
Media,  whilst  the  second  is  a  tradition  of  the  Fire-worshippers  of 
Seistan  in  the  south  of  Persia. 

Mouseignore  Tommaso,  Bishop  of  Marquise,  relates  that  when  this  Elias,  after 
having  been  chosen  bislTop  of  Mogham — a  city  on  the  frontiers  of  Persia,  and 
near  the  Caspian  Sea— proceeded  to  enter  on  the  duties  of  his  diocese,  he  found 
it  occupied  by  a  barbarous  people,  immersed  in  superstition  and  idolatry. 

The  bishop,  however,  commenced  his  instructions:  and  his  flock  confessed 
that  they  received  them  with  pleasure,  were  convinced  of  their  truth,  and  were 
inclined  to  return  to  the  true  Grod,  but  that  they  were  terrified  at  the  thought  of 
abandoning  Yezid,  the  object  of  religious  veneration  of  their  ancestors.  This 
idol,  they  said,  conscious  of  approaching  rejection  and  contempt,  would  not  fail 
to  revenge  itself  by  their  total  destruction.  Elias  desired  to  be  led  to  this  object 
of  their  adoration.  They  conducted  him  to  the  summit  of  a  neighbouring  hill, 
from  whence  a  dark  wood  extended  into  the  valley  below.  From  the  bosom  ol 
this  rose  a  plane-tree  of  enormous  height,  majestic  in  the  spread  of  its  boughs 
and  deep  obscurity  of  its  shade;  but,  transported  Avith  holy  zeal,  he  demanded 
a  hatchet,  and  rushing  to  the  valley,  sought  the  idol,  whom  he  found  lowering 
with  a  dark  and  menacing  aspect.     Nothing  daunted,  however,  he  raised  the 


From  \lx,  Ainsworth's  paper.    8e.e  Note  of  preceding  page. 


THE   YEZIDS.  81 

axe,  smote  down  the  image  of  the  prince  of  darkness,  and  continued  his  work 
till  not  only  was  the  mighty  tree  laid  prostrate,  but  every  one  of  the  numerous 
younger  shoots,  termed  by  the  barbarians  the  children  of  Yezid,  was  likewise 
demolished. 

(8.) 

In  former  times  there  existed,  they  say,  a  prophet  named  Hanlalah,  whose 
life  was  prolonged  to  the  measure  of  a  thousand  years.  He  was  their  ruler  and 
benefactor ;  and,  as  by  his  agency,  their  flocks  gave  birth  to  young  miraculously 
once  a-week ;  though  ignorant  of  the  use  of  money,  they  enjoyed  all  the  comforts 
of  life  with  much  gratitude  to  him.  At  length,  however,  he  died,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son,  whom  Satan,  presuming  on  his  inexperience,  tempted  to  sin, 
by  entering  into  a  large  mulberry  tree,  from  whence  he  addressed  the  successor 
of  Hanlalah,  and  called  on  him  to  worship  the  prince  of  darkness.  Astonished, 
yet  unshaken,  the  youth  resisted  the  temptation.  But  the  miracle  proved  too 
much  for  the  constancy  of  his  flock,  who  began  to  turn  to  the  worship  of  the  devil. 
The  young  prophet,  enraged  at  this,  seized  an  axe  and  a  saw,  and  prepared  to  cut 
down  the  tree,  when  he  was  arrested  by  the  appearance  of  a  human  form,  who 
exclaimed,  '^  Eash  boy,  desist  I  turn  to  me,  and  let  us  wrestle  for  victory  :  if  you 
conquer,  then  fell  the  tree." 

The  prophet  consented,  and  vanquished  his  opponent,  who,  however,  bought 
his  own  safety  and  that  of  the  tree  by  the  promise  of  a  weekly  treasure.  After 
seven  days  the  holy  victor  again  visited  the  tree,  to  claim  the  gold  or  fell  it  to 
the  ground  ;  but  Satan  persuaded  him  to  hazard  another  struggle,  on  promise 
that  if  conquered  again  the  amount  should  be  doubled.  The  second  rencounter 
proved  fatal  to  the  youth,  who  was  put  to  death  by  his  spiritual  antagonist ;  and 
the  results  confirmed  the  tribes  over  whom  he  had  ruled  in  the  worship  of  the 
tree  and  its  tutelary  demon. 

This  legend  of  the  tree,  however,  is  merely  one  detail  out  of 
many.  The  most  general  afl&nity  of  Yezidism  with  Fire-worship 
lies  in  the  definitude  of  the  Yezid  recognition  of  the  Evil  Prin- 
ciple ;  certainly  the  most  prominent,  and  perhaps  the  most  charac- 
teristic element  of  the  creed. 

With  Christianity  the  recognition  of  the  Scriptures  connects 
it.  But,  in  this  recognition,  the  Old  Testament  commands 
more  respect  than  the  New  ;  so  that  it  is  with  either  Judaizing 
Christianity  or  Christianizing  Judaism,  rather  than  with  Chris- 
tianity in  its  more  purified  forms,  that  the  connection  chiefly  lies. 
Of  this,  however,  the  fuJl  import  is  pre-eminently  obscure.  There 
was  much  in  both  Judaism  and  Christianity  that  was  less  Judaic 
and  Christian,  in  the  limited  sense  of  the  terms,  than  it  was 
something  anterior  to  (at  least)  the  later  elements  of  each.  How 
difficult  is  it  to  say  where  the  St.  John  of  the  Mendeans 
is  separated  from  the  St.  John  of  the  New  Testament:  where 
the  Elias  of  the  numerous  floating  superstitions  of  Caucasus, 
Media,  and  even  early  Germany,  is  other  than  the  Eh' as  for  whom 

6 


82  OEEEDS    AND    SECTS. 

our  Saviour  was  taken;  other  than  the  Elijah  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. Yet  the  triple  connection,  though  obscure,  is  real ;  "whilst 
the  prophet  Elijah  is  older  than  either  the  Christianity  of  St. 
John  or  the.  Talmud,  older  than  the  Fire-worship  of  the  Sassanidse. 
Again,  how  far  is  the  oriental  belief  a  pure  and  proper  tradition, 
or  how  far  a  mere  educt  from  the  text  of  the  Old  Testament  mis- 
stated, misinterpreted,  metamorphosed  ?  But  besides  the  name  of 
Iliyas,  that  of  Esa,  or  Jesus,  is  Yezid. 

Add  to  this  the  points  of  resemblance  which  inquirers  minutely 
versed  in  the  False  Gospels,  in  the  Talmud,  and  in  the  details  of 
the  Arabian  superstitions  before  the  time  of  Mahomet,  could, 
doubtless,  suggest,  and  the  difficulties  of  our  analysis  become 
painfully  visible.  Much,  however,  as  it  may  leave  unexplained, 
there  is  still  one  principle  which  it  inculcates,  viz.,  the  composite 
character  of  creeds  like  Yezidism  and  the  difficulty  of  pronoun- 
cing what  they  are  off-hand.  They  have  too  much  of  something 
else  to  be  substantive  religions;  and,  as  they  admit  foreign 
elements  from  more  quarters  than  one,  the  question  of  the  relation 
which  any  one  of  them  bears  to  the  others  may  still  remain,  even 
when  the  extraneous  elements  themselves  have  been  enumerated, 
insoluble — all  the  more  so  for  the  connected  rehgions  being 
themselves  complex.  There  is  always  room  for  refinement  and 
analvsis.  The  Fire-worship  of  the  Sassanidee  is  one  thing ;  the 
Fire-worship  which  was  incorporated  with  Christianity  and  became 
Manicheism  is  another.  If  Yezidism  have  grown  out  of  the 
former  it  represents  a  separate  substantive  religion  ;  if  out  of  the  j 
latter,  it  represents  a  Christian  heresy. 

The  Haranite  and  Yezid  creeds  belong  to  Mesopotamia  rather 
than  to  Syria.  The  creeds  of  the  Druzes_,  the  Ismaeli,,  and 
Nozrani  or  Ansari^  belong  to  Syria  rather  than  to  Mesopo- 
tamia. Without  doubt  there  is  in  these  both  a  Christian  and 
a  Mahometan  element;  but  the  Christianity  is  that  of  the 
heretics  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  and  the  Mahometanism 
that  of  the  Shiites.  Hence  it  is  mainly  in  their  geography  that 
the  two  groups  differ. 

The  Druzes  occupy  the  Lebanon  east  of  the  Maronites  and  \ 
south  of  the  Ansariyeh.     Some  of  their  superstitions  present 
themselves  in  the  history  of  the  Knights  Templars ;    for  the 
towns  of  Antioch  and  Edessa  were  among  the  first  conquests 


THE   DRUZES.  83 

of  the  Crusaders ;  so  that  the  contact  with  the  Orders  was  con- 
siderable. As  far  as  the  three  following  pairs  of  names  go,  the  first 
of  which  points  to  Judaism,  the  second  to  Christianity,  the  third 
to  Mahometanism,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  Druzes  had  gone  on 
the  principle  of  finding  two  contemporaries  and  reversing  the 
order  of  their  importance.  Thus,  between  Adam  and  Abel,  Jesus 
and  St.  Peter,  Mahomet  and  Ali,  there  is  a  double  relation; 
that  of  Incarnate  Deity,  and  human  Prophet ;  but  whilst  Adam, 
Jesus,  and  Mahomet  represent  Humanity,  it  is  Abel,  St.  Peter, 
and  Ali,  wlio  give  the  Incarnate  Deity.  I  take  this  as  I  find  it, 
as  the  most  notable  fact  in  their  strange  creed ;  indeed,  as  the 
only  one  of  much  importance  known  to  me. 

The  Druze  Avatar,  to  borrow  an  expression  from  the  Indian 
mythology,  is  stranger  still.  It  is  important,  however,  as  show- 
ing the  historical  origin  of,  at  least,  a  portion  of  the  creed. 
After  the  dynasty  of  the  first  Kalifs  had  come  to  an  end,  after  the 
seat  of  the  Kalifat  had  been  removed  from  Damascus  to  Bagdad, 
and  when  ^gypt,  separated  from  the  Empire  of  the  Abbassides, 
was  under  the  rule  of  the  Fatemites,  arose  an  apostle  named 
Hamza.  He  assisted  in  the  violent  persecutions,  directed  against 
both  the  Jews  and  the  Christians,  of  the  sixth  Fatemite  king, 
Hakem,  who  was  born  at  Cairo,  a.d.  1004,  who  ascended  the 
throne  when  he  was  eleven  years  old,  and  who,  in  his  thirtieth 
year  became  the  Druze  epoch  :  this  meaning  that  the  Druzes  date 
from  A.D.  1034.  More  than  this,  the  bad  mad  Fatemite  Hakem 
is  the  Druze  Avatar ;  the  last  Incarnation  of  the  Deity. 

The  reign  of  Hakem  is  a  matter  of  history.  So  are  his 
persecutions.  So  also  the  strangeness  of  his  temper  and  cha- 
racter. But  Hamza,  Addi,  and  Darazi,  have  no  personal  veri- 
simihtude.  Hamza  is  sometimes  called  Addi ;  Addi,  Hamza — 
Addi,  be  it  noted,  being  the  name  of  the  great  Yezid  Sheikh,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  legendary  founder  of  the  Syrian  Church. 
Darazi,  meanwhile,  composes  the  Druze  Scriptures;  heads  the 
exodus  from^gypt  into  Syria;  and,  as  is  shown  on  the  face  of  its 
history,  gives  his  name  to  the  settlers.  Full  of  Scriptural  terms, 
especially  those  that  figure  in  the  apocryphal  writings,  the  Druze 
theology  is  also  full  of  abstractions  savouring  strongly  of  a 
corrupted  and  misunderstood  Christianity — the  Soul,  the  Word, 
the   Following,   the   Preceding,    and  the   like.      The   following 

6   * 


84  CEEEDS    AND    SECTS. 

extracts  show  this.  They  are  selected  from  Mr.  Chameaud's 
translation  of  a  Druze  book,  made  about  ten  years  ago.  Each 
has  been  chosen  for  the  illustration  of  a  different  principle  of  the 
creed.  They  form  about  a  fifth  of  the  whole  work.  The  first 
gives  the  origin  of  evil,  in  its  thoroughly  pseudo-spiritual  aspect. 

The  Ocean  of  Time. 

Chapter  I. 

The  Creator,  the  supreme,  created  all  things.  The  first  thing  He  created  was 
the  minister  Universal  Mind,  the  praises  of  God  be  upon  him  !  and  the  Creator 
gave  to  Mind  the  power  to  create,  classify,  and  arrange  all  things. 

The  Spirit  has  the  following  attributes : — The  Virgin  of  Power,  The  Receiver 
of  Eevelation,  The  Knower  of  the  Wishes,  The  Explainer  of  Commands,  The 
Spring  of  Light,  The  Will  of  Production,  The  Chosen  of  the  Creator,  and  so 
forth. 

It  was  this 'Spirit,  or  Mind,  known  by  the  above  attributes,  that  arrayed  the 
world. 

The  Mind  is  the  Pen  which  writes  upon  stone,  and  the  stone  which  it  writes 
upon  is  The  Soul. 

The  Mind  is  a  perfect  being,  which  being  is  at  liberty  to  act,  and  is  possessed 
of  a  free  will;  all  he  ordains  or  creates  is  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  the 
Creator. 

When  the  Creator  created  Mind,  He  made  him  possessed  of  a  free  will,  and 
with  power  to  separate,  or  to  remain  and  dwell  with  the  Creator. 

Ultimately  Mind  rebelled  and  abandoned  the  Creator,  and  thus  became  the 
spirit  of  sin,  which  sin  was  predestined  to  create  the  devil. 

And  the  existence  or  creation  of  the  devil  occasioned  the  creation  of  another 
spirit  called  Universal  Soul,  and  this  spirit  was  the  cause  of  the  creation  of  all 
things  existing. 

The  devil  is  perfect  sin,  and  the  creation  of  this  spirit  was  permitted  by  the 
Creator,  to  show  the  unlimited  power  of  the  Creator  in  creating  an  opposite 
spirit  to  God. 

Now  when  Mind  rebelled  against  the  Creator,  the  Creator  threw  him  out  of 
heaven  ;  but  Mind  knew  that  this  was  done  by  the  Creator  to  test  his  faith,  and 
to  punish  him  for  his  sin ;  so  he  repented  and  asked  for  forgiveness,  and  im- 
plored help  against  the  devil. 

And  the  Creator  pitied  Mind,  and  created  him  a  helpmate  called  Universal 
Soul ;  this  spirit  God  created  from  the  spirits  of  the  knowledge  of  good  and 
evil. 

Then  Mind  told  Soul  to  yield  obedience  to  the  Creator,  and  Soul  yielded,  and 
became  a  helpmate  of  Mind  ;  and  these  two  spirits  tried  to  force  into  submission 
to  the  Creator  the  evil  spirit  or  devil. 

They  came  to  the  evil  one,  Mind  from  behind,  and  Soul  from  before,  in  this 
fashion  to  marshal  the  devil  into  the  presence  of  the  Creator;  but  the  devil 
evaded  them,  being  unguarded  on  either  side,  which  enabled  him  to  escape  from 
them  to  the  right  and  left. 

The  Mind  and  Soul,  finding  this  to  be  the  case,  required  each  of  them  a  help- 
mate :  Mind  required  a  helpmate  to  keep  the  evil  one  from  the  right  side,  Soul 
one  to  guard  him  on  the  left,  so  as  to  hem  in  the  devil  between  them,  and  pre- 
vent his  escape  on  any  side. 


THE    DRUZES.  g5 

So  they  moved  and  immediately  two  spirits  were  created ;  the  one  called 
Word,  and  the  other  the  Preceding. 

The  devil  now  found  himself  hemmed  in  on  all  four  sides,  and  felt  the  want  of 
a  spirit  to  help  him  ;  and  as  to  all  things  there  must  be  an  opposite,  the  Creator 
knowing  the  thoughts  of  the  devil,  inspired  Mind,  and  thus  created  him  a 
supporter;  and  when  this  supporter  was  created  it  Avas  against  the  wishes  of 
Soul. 

The  Mind  and  Soul  commanded  this  supporter  to  yield  to  the  Creator,  and  he 
yielded  and  worshipped  the  Creator. 

And  the  Creator  commanded  the  supporter  to  yield  to  Mind  and  Soul,  but 
being  instigated  by  the  devil  and  tempted  to  disobedience,  this  supporter  re- 
fused submission  to  Mind  and  Soul ;  whereupon,  being  cast  out  of  heaven,  he 
clung  to  the  devil. 

Then  the  Creator  inspired  Mind,  and  Mind  inspired  Soul,  and  created  the 
Word  (as  already  said). 

And  the  Word  could  do  good  and  evil. 

And  the  Mind  and  Soul  told  Word  to  yield  to  the  Creator,  and  the  Word 
yielded  ;  and  the  four  spirits  Mind,  Devil,  Soul,  and  the  supporter,  having  in- 
spired Word,  created  Preceding,  who  had  good  and  evil  in  him,  but  more  of  the 
former  than  the  latter ;  so  that  Preceding  yielded  ready  obedience  to  the  Creator, 
and  was  also  subservient  to  Mind  and  Soul. 

Kow  all  these  spirits  above  enumerated  inspired  Preceding,  and  thus  created 
Ultimum,  the  last  spirit  created,  and  he  yielded  to  the  Creator. 

And  the  Creator  commanded  Ultimum  to  be  subservient  to  Mind,  Soul,  Word, 
and  Preceding ;  and  Ultimum  was  subservient. 

Now  all  these  spirits  were  true  spirits  before  they  entered  the  modern  world, 
and  their  generation  is  as  follows  :  the  Creator  created  Mind,  and  Mind  created 
Soul,  and  Soul  created  Word,  and  Word  created  Preceding,  and  Preceding 
created  Ultimum,  and  Ultimum  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth  and  all 
therein. 

And  it  came  to  pass  that  the  aforesaid  five  spirits  came  to  the  devil.  Mind 
from  behind,  Soul  from  before,  W^ord  from  the  left,  and  Preceding  and  Ultimum 
from  the  right,  in  order  to  force  him  to  yield  submission  to  the  Creator ;  but 
the  devil  refused  submission,  and  finding  himself  confined  on  all  sides,  with  no 
means  of  issue,  except  upwards  and  downwards,  and  as,  moreover,  he  feared 
fleeing  upwards,  where  he  must  needs  encounter  the  Creator,  the  devil  fled 
downwards,  and  this  was  the  origin  of  hell. 

Chapter  VIII. 
Enoch,  Sharhh,  and  Shutneel. 

Hareth  was  serving  in  the  priesthood  with  all  the  other  angels>  and  he  was 
among  them  when  the  Creator  commanded  them  to  be  subjected  to  Shutneel. 

And  the  Angels  worshipped  Shutneel,  but  Hareth  refused  and  abandoned 
Paradise,  and,  quitting  its  borders,  all  the  disciples  of  Falsehood  fell  with  him, 
and  Paradise  was  rid  of  their  presence. 

The  Paradise  of  the  Creator  extended  all  over  the  earth,  and  the  disciples 
of  truth  entered  therein,  and  received  the  commands  of  Shutneel,  the  doctor. 

And  they  kept  apart  from  those  who  deny  the  Unity  of  God,  and  turned  out 
the  disciples  of  Falsehood  from  among  them. 

Then  were  established  the  order  of  Truth,  and  the  words  of  verity  (God's 
peace  be  upon  them). 


86  CREEDS   AND    SECTS. 

And  the  priesthood  ^belonged  to  Shutneel,  who  is  Adam  the  happy ;  and 
Hareth  and  his  followers  were  jealous  and  plotted  contrivances  to  deprive  him 
of  his  paradise,  and  to  establish  an  enmity  between  him  and  his  race. 

Now  these  deceivers  never  desisted  from  their  object ;  they  came  and  said, 
"  We  have  a  piece  of  advice  to  give  to  you,  0  our  lord,  Enoch  ;  and  to  your  part- 
ner, Sharkh,  which  is  good  for  j'ou  both." 

This  they  kept  repeating  until  they  were  admitted  into  the  presence  of 
Enoch  and  his  partner,  Sharkh. 

When  they  came  before  them  they  worshipped  them ;  and  Enoch,  who  is  the 
second  Adam,  said,  "  Perhaps  you  have  repented  and  seek  forgiveness  for  your 
blasphemy  and  disobedience  to  the  priesthood  in  having  assisted  Ibliss  and  his 
associates." 

But  the  deceiver  replied,  "  No,  I  swear  by  your  head  and  by  the  Creator,  I 
have  come  to  give  you  advice  by  reason  of  the  interest  I  take  in  your  welfare* 
and  to  warn  you  against  the  injustice  of  Shutneel  in  having  compelled  you  to 
be  subjected  to  him. 

*'  I  have  heard  our  Lord  the  Creator  (praises  be  to  Him  !)  say  that  the  priest- 
hood belonged  only  to  Enoch  and  Sharkh,  caitiffs  in  Paradise." 

Hereupon  Enoch  made  him  swear,  and  he  swore  to  him. 

And  as  it  was  the  custom  that  whosoever  swore  by  God  falsely  should  be 
punished,  no  one  dared  to  swear  by  him  falsely. 

And  when  the  deceiver  swore  to  Enoch  and  Sharkh  that  he  was  sincere  in 
what  he  said,  true  in  his  deeds,  and  most  pure  in  his  words,  they  believed  him, 
and  fell  into  sin  in  many  ways. 

First,  by  neglecting  the  commandments  of  Shutneel. 

Secondly,  by  changing  the  priesthood  from  the  person  to  whom  it  belonged. 

Thirdly,  by  changing  the  will  of  the  Creator  (praises  be  to  Him  !)  and  op- 
posing what  he  commanded  them  ;  for  the  Creator  had  said,  "  Do  not  approach 
this  tree,  that  ye  be  not  of  the  unjust." 

Fourthly,  by  believing  in  the  words  of  one  they  knew  to  be  deceitful. 

And  fifthly,  by  accepting  advice  from  the  father  of  deceit. 

Now  after  they  had  committed  these  sins,  and  had  so  far  forgotten  themselves, 
Enoch  and  Sharkh  awoke  to  a  sense  of  what  they  had  done  and  perceived  their 
baseness. 

Knowing  that  Shutneel  was  aware  of  their  thoughts,  and  that  they  had  no 
other  way  left  them  but  that  of  repentance  and  of  suing  for  forgiveness,  they 
went  to  Shutneel. 

They  went  to  him  crying,  repenting  of,  and  confessing  their  sins,  and  spoke  to 
the  following  effect : — 

"  Thou  art  the  forgiver,  and  we  are  the  trangressors,  thou  art  the  pardoner  of 
sins,  thou  art  the  merciful,  thou  art  the  Creator,  thou  art  the  element,  oh !  our 
God,  forgive  us." 

With  such  like  words  they  sued  for  mercy. 

And  when  Shutneel  knew  that  Enoch  and  Sharkh  were  truly  repentant  he 
begged  the  Creator  to  forgive  them  and  to  restore  them  to  the  position  they 
formerly  occupied. 

The  creatures  who  committed  this  sin  were  five  in  number,  Enoch,  Sharkh, 
Aneel,  Tabookh,  and  Hibal. 

And  Enoch  is  The  Soul,  Sharkh  is  my  lord  the  Word,  Aneel  is  the  Plain- 
tiff, and  Tabookh,  their  speaker. 

And  the  deceiver  is  the  supporter  of  the  devil,  not  Ibliss,  and  he  blasphemed 
against  Shutneel. 


THE   DRUZES.  87 

Moses,  Jesus,  Mahomet,  Ilakem. 
Chapter  XI. 

And  from  the  seed  of  Abraham  prophets  appeared,  like  unto  Isaac,  Jacob, 
Joseph,  and  others. 

Then  appeared  Moses  the  son  of  Imram,  and  the  people  of  truth  followed  his 
law,  and  the  interpretation  of  his  supporter,  who  was  Joshua,  the  son  of  Nun. 

Then  there  appeared  other  prophets,  and  their  power  in  the  knowledge  of  the 
unity  was  as  the  amount  of  saliva  in  the  throat  of  man. 

And  these  were  Isaiah,  Hezekiah,  Nathaniel,  Daniel,  Doodoosalem,  and  the  like 
from  among  the  prophets. 

From  among  the  respectable  doctors  -  Pythagoras,  Plato,  and  Aristotle ;  the 
peace  of  God  be  upon  them  ! 

Chapter  XII. 

Now  when  Jesus,  the  son  of  Joseph,  appeared  with  the  New  Testament,  and 
established  himself  as  the  Lord,  the  Messiah  who  is  Jesus  (the  peace  of  God  be 
upon  him  !)  he  was  accompanied  by  his  four  apostles,  John,  Matthew,  Mark,  and 
Luke  (the  peace  of  God  be  upon  them  !)  and  the  people  of  Truth  profited  by  his 
revelations,  although  they  pretended  to  the  truth,  in  the  law,  and  copied  the  law 
of  Moses  in  explaining  the  law  of  Jesus. 

Then  appeared  Simon  the  happy,  and  the  people  of  Truth  were  on  his  side 
until  the  time  of  the  seven  priests  had  passed  away. 

And  the  strength  of  the  belief  of  the  seven  priests  in  the  unity,  was  as  the 
amount  of  saliva  in  the  throat  of  man. 

After  this,  Mohamed,  the  son  of  Abdalla,  appeared  with  his  law,  which  is  the 
law  of  Islam. 

And  Mohamed  established  Ebn  Abi  Taleb  as  his  supporter,  and  all  the  disci- 
ples of  Truth  followed  the  law  of  Islam,  as  they  had  done  every  other  law  that 
had  preceded  it. 

Now  Mahomed  was  in  the  time  of  Suleiman,  the  Persian. 

When  Ali  Ebn  Ali  Taleb  came  forward  with  his  explanations  of  the  law  of 
Islam,  the  people  of  Truth  believed  in  them,  and  continued  therein,  until  seven 
priests  had  passed  away  after  him. 

These  seven  priests  were  of  the  seed  of  Mohamed,  and  are  Hassan,  Hussein, 
Ali  Ebn  Abi  il  Hussein,  Ebn  Mohamed  Ali,  Jaffr  Ebn  Mohamed,  Ismael  Ebn 
JafFar,  and  the  name  of  the  seventh  is  not  known. 

The  time  of  Mohamed  Ebn  Abdalla  was  more  evident  and  more  demonstrative 
of  power  than  all  the  epochs  that  preceded  him  ;  consequently,  they  pretended 
*'or  singleness  in  Ebn  Ali  Taleb  ;  moreover  because  the  prophets  Noah,  Abraham, 
Moses,  and  Jesus  foretold  the  appearance  of  a  man,  the  highest  of  the  high, 
whose  rank  is  great,  whose  name  be  glorified. 

This  was  Ali  Ebn  Abi  Taleb. 

When  the  term  of  the  priesthood  of  Mohamed  Ebn  Abdalla  was  completed, 
Moliamed  Ebn  Ismael,  the  prophet,  appeared,  whose  law  is  the  final  of  all  laws 
inciting  to  the  right  path  ;  and  he  is  from  the  seed  of  Eli  Ebn  Taleb. 

And  to  Mohamed  Ebn  Ismael  there  is  a  supporter  secretly  established  in 
Paradise,  and  no  one  knows  his  name,  because  he  does  not  appear  in  the  mani- 
festation of  the  law  which  we  have. 

But  it  is  certain  that  Mohamed  is  a  prophet,  and  that  God  has  sent  him  an 
evident  book,  and  he  has  an  open  law  and  a  secret  law,  and  his  works  are  the 
works  of  the  eloquent  that  have  passed  before  him. 


88  CEEEDS    AND    SECTS. 

Not  that  Mohamed  is  not  like  unto  one  of  them,  but  that  he  is  their  partner 
against  injustice. 

And  he  has  brought  forward  the  law,  the  invitation  to  annihilation,  the  estab. 
lishment  of  a  delegate,  and  the  promulgation  of  licentiousness. 

Chaptee  XV. 

At  the  completion  of  this  era  of  the  world,  there  commenced  a  second  era 
and  the  wisdom  of  God  thought  proper  to  produce  Kaem,  the  Almighty,  with 
Sayeed  il  Muhdi. 

And  those  who  recognized  the  unity  of  God  were  steadfast  in  the  secrets  of 
Truth,  and  in  the  faith  of  Ali  Ebn  Ali  Taleb,  his  progeny. 

And  the  secrets  of  Truth  succeeded  from  one  to  another  until  Sayeed  il 
Muhdi,  and  from  Sayeed  il  Muhdi  the  secrets  of  Truth  reached  the  Lord  of 
Truth  (may  his  name  be  reverenced  !),  and  the  people  recognized  Kaem  as  a 
powerful  God,  because  they  had  witnessed  his  miracles,  and  because  he  made 
manifest  to  them  wonderful  miracles  whilst  he  was  an  infant  under  the  guardian- 
ship of  Sayeed  il  Muhdi. 

When  II  Kaem  grew  up,  he  took  to  the  priesthood,  and  when  he  appeared  in 
public,  mounted  on  horseback,  with  the  soldiers  in  his  service,  Sayeed  il  Muhdi 
used  to  walk  before  him,  calling  aloud,  "  I  am  the  servant  and  slave  of  our  Lord 
II  Kaem,  and  the  priesthood  was  a  thing  in  my  consignment,  and  he  has  taken  it 
from  me." 

After  this  Sayeed  died,  and  his  soul  passed  to  Makhled  Ebn  Kebdad,  one  of 
the  kings  of  the  west. 

Now,  before  Sayeed  died,  he  had  been  an  enemy  of  Keis  Dad,  the  father  of 
Makhded. 

And  when  Makhded  grew  up,  and  his  age  was  six,  he  was  informed  that 
Sayeed  had  been  the  enemy  of  his  father,  so  he  prepared  to  fight,  and  assembled 
his  soldiers  to  go  against  II  Kaem  (may  his  name  be  reverenced  !). 

And  when  Makhled  was  eleven  years  old,  the  number  of  his  soldiers  reached 
four  hundred  thousand. 

The  reason  of  his  assembling  all  these  was,  because  the  Almighty  had  said, 
"  Behold  the  people  of  the  cursed  and  abominable  Makhled  Ebn  Kebdad,  sur 
named  Abi  Yazeed,  there  are  no  people  who  are  more  sinful,  more  disorderly, 
and  greater  drunkards." 

Now,  Abi  Yazeed  desired  to  have  a  contention  with  II  Kaem  (may  his  glory  be 
sanctified  !),  and  among  his  soldiers  there  was  cheapness,  and  health,  and  peace, 
whilst  to  II  Kaem's  soldiers  there  was  only  his  presence  and  the  presence  of  the 
forty-six. 

And  the  soldiers  of  II  Kaem  were  few ;  but  he  granted  them  his  assistance  and 
majesty,  and  went  forth  in  person  with  them  to  fight  Abn  Yazeed. 

And  he  defeated  them,  and  killed  them,  and  destroyed  them,  and  revenged 
himself ;  and  when  this  great  miracle  became  known,  the  faith  of  II  Kaem,  the 
most  glorious,  reached  the  country  of  the  West,  and  was  promulgated  all  over 
the  earth. 

Chapter  XVI. 

At  the  close  of  the  time  of  the  Almighty  Kaem,  the  Creator  most  praised 
manifested  himself  bodily  and  in  the  priesthood  in  Mansoor,  and  it  was  appa- 
rently visible  that  he  was  the  son  of  II  Kaem,  and  that  II  Kaem  had  transferred 
upon  him  the  priesthood,  and  had  clothed  him  with  the  Caliphat,  and  assigned 
his  power  to  him. 


THE   DRUZES.  89 

And  the  faith  of  Mansoor  was  promulgated  all  over  the  earth,  and  made 
known  to  all  assemblies,  and  Mansoor  performed  miracles,  and  changed  some  of 
the  articles  of  the  law,  as  the  Almighty  Kaem  had  also  done  before  him,  and 
his  priesthood  took  place  in  the  country  of  the  "West. 

After  Mansoor  came  the  chief  Maaz  in  the  priesthood,  and  the  faith  was 
assigned  to  him,  and  he  acted  as  did  Mansoor,  and  his  time  began  in  the  country 
of  the  West. 

And  Maaz  sent  Abdalla,  whose  name  was  Gouhair,  with  soldiers  to  Egypt, 
and  he  defeated  the  sons  of  Abbas,  and  conquered  Cairo. 

After  this,  the  Almighty  Maaz  went  to  Cairo,  and  concluded  his  faith  in  that 
city. 

After  Maaz  appeared  the  chief  Azeez  the  Almighty,  and  his  appearance  took 
place  in  Cairo,  and  to  him  Maaz  consigned  the  priesthood. 

And  the  Almighty  Azeez  manifested  signs  which  explained  and  made  evident 
the  unity,  and  he  performed  miracles  which  could  not  be  performed  by  any  one 
unless  inspired  b}'  God. 

And  he  proclaimed  his  faith,  and  his  miracles  were  known  throughout 
the  world,  and  there  remained  not  a  single  man  who  did  receive  the  faith. 
Praises  be  to  him  whose  grace  has  been  so  promulgated  by  reason  of  his 
mercy  ! 

Then  the  Creator  most  praised  appeared  in  Hakem  ;  may  his  power  be  glorified 
in  Cairo  ! 

And  the  five  chiefs,  II  Kaem,  Mansoor,  Maaz,  Azeez,  and  Hakem  appeared  as 
though  they  were  sons  of  each  other ;  and  this  secret  priesthood  passed  together 
with  the  heavenly  posts,  from  the  post  of  Zacharias  to  the  post  of  Hakem  (may 
his  power  be  glorified !),  until  it  reached  its  real  proprietor,  Hamza,  who,  in 
truth,  is  the  Kaem ;  the  celebrated  Hamza  Ebn  Ali ;  the  blessings  of  God  be  upon 
him  ! 

To  the  ordinary  orthodox  Sunnite  Mahometanism  all  this  is 
as  decidedly  opposed  as  it  is  to  any  creed  in  the  world.  To  the 
Shiite  Mahometanism  of  Persia,  as  modified  by  Sufism,  it  is 
somewhat  less  antagonistic.  The  practical  view  that  the  Druze 
takes  of  Mahomet  is  given  in  the  following  catechism : — 

Q.  What  shall  we  say  of  Mohammed  1 

A.  He  was  a  devil  and  the  son  of  fornication. 

Q.  And  why  do  we  read  in  his  books,  and  confess  him  to  be  a  prophet,  and 
weep  at  funerals  like  Moslems  ? 

A.  By  compulsion,  for  his  religion  was  propagated  by  the  sword;  therefore  we 
read  with  the  tongue,  but  not  with  the  heart.  This  is  not  forbidden  by  our  Lord 
Hakem. 

Q.  Why  do  we  pray  to  Mohammed  before  men  ? 

A.  We  pray  to  Mohammed  Mokdad,  who  is  Solomon  the  Persian,  the  true 
Messiah ;  but  Mohammed  the  Korcishite,  is  a  devil,  the  accursed  son  of  fornica- 
tion. 

Q.  Why  do  we  publicly  testify  on  the  Koran,  but  deny  its  truth  among  our- 
selves 1 

A.  We  deny  it  because  it  praises  Mohammed  the  Koreishite.  The  words 
repeated  are  true,  but  taken  from  the  Gospel  which  was  dictated  to  four  ministers 
by  Solomon  the  Persian. 


90  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

Q.  "What  are  our  views  and  language  with  reference  to  the  deluge  which  the 
Christians  and  the  rest  of  the  people  say  drowned  the  world  ? 

A.  The  deluge  is  Mohammed  the  Koreishite  and  his  sect  who  flooded  the 
world. 

I  have  suggested  the  doctrine  that  contact  with  the  crusading 
Franks  of  the  military  orders  may  have  had  something  to  do  with 
some  of  the  ceremonies  and  secrets  of  the  Nasariyeh.  With  the 
Drazes  the  evidence  of  this  improves.  The  notice  of  them  in 
D'Herbelot,  written  before  the  elaborate  and  valuable  monograph 
of  De  Sacy,  makes  them  little  more  than  Syrian  Franks.  It  is 
short.  Indeed,  all  that  it  tells  us  is,  that  they  considered  them- 
selves Frank  in  origin  and  that  they  were  specially  connected 
with  the  family  of  Lorraine. 

One  of  the  charges,  truly  or  falsely,  made  against  the  Druzes,  is 
that  they  worship  the  image  of  a  calf;  and  this  was  one  of  the 
charges  made  against  the  Knights  Templars  during  the  process 
so  infamously  instituted  against  the  Order  by  Philip  the  Fair. 

It  is  only  a  fragment  of  their  creed  that  is  known  ;  and  it  may 
be  added  that  even  the  historical  account  of  their  origin  is 
clouded  with  doubts.  The  statement,  for  instance,  that  Darazi 
was  a  man's  name,  that  a  man  so  called  wrote  a  book,  and  that 
it  was  from  the  book  and  the  man  that  the  sect  took  its  name,  is 
traversed  by  the  probability  of  the  term  Dur,  Dru,  or  Dr,  being 
a  term  as  old  as  the  Macedonian  period.  The  suggestion  that  the 
older  form  Dwr^  gives  us  the  -tur-  in  I-tur-cea  (?  whence  Ketu7'ah 
as  an  eponymus)  is  none  of  my  own  ;  but  one  that  has  been  current 
since  the  time  of  Herbelot.  The  exact  details  by  which  the 
letter-changes  are  justified  I  have  not  seen.  I  only  know  that, 
so  far  as  the  geography  is  concerned,  the  etymology  is  eminently 
satisfactory.  The  ancient  Itureea,  or  Trachonitis,  lying  between 
the  Hauran,  Damascus,  and  the  southern  spurs  of  the  Anti- 
libanus  is  just  the  region  from  which  the  Druzes  of  the  Lebanon 
may  reasonably  be  deduced;  whilst,  of  the  south-eastern  Druzes,  it 
is  the  exact  locality.  Hence,  whatever  may  be  the  origin  of  the 
name,  the  descent  of,  at  least,  a  large  portion  of  the  Druzes  is, 
almost  certainly,  Iturean. 

This,  of  course,  is  not  the  origin  assigned  to  them  by  those 
who  deduce  them  from  ^gypt.  Nor  is  it  the  one  suggested  by 
M.  Ohameneaud,  the  translator  of  the  strange  book  from  which  so 


THE   DRUZES.  91 

much  has  jnst  been  taken,  and,  as  such,  an  authority  of  no  slight 
influence.  It  is  on  the  following  extract  that  M.  Chameneaud 
founds  his  doctrine  that  they  were  the  Hivites : — 

Judges,  Chapter  III. 

1.  Now  these  are  the  nations  which  the  Lord  left,  to  prove  Israel  by  them, 
even  as  many  of  Israel  as  had  not  known  all  the  wars  of  Canaan ; 

2.  Only  that  the  generations  of  the  children  of  Israel  might  know,  to  teach 
them  war,  at  the  least  such  as  before  knew  nothing  thereof; 

3.  Namely,  five  lords  of  the  Philistines,  and  all  the  Canaanites,  and  the  Sido- 
nians,  and  the  Hivites  that  dwelt  in  mount  Lebanon,  from  mount  Baal-hermon 
unto  the  entering  in  of  Hamath. 

4.  And  they  were  to  prove  Israel  by  them,  to  know  whether  they  would 
hearken  unto  the  commandments  of  the  Lord,  which  he  commanded  their 
fathers  by  the  hand  of  Moses. 

5.  And  the  children  of  Israel  dwelt  among  the  Canaanites,  Hittites,  and 
Amorites,  and  Perizzites,  and  Hivites,  and  Jebusites : 

6.  And  they  took  their  daughters  to  be  their  wives,  and  gave  their  daughters 
to  their  sons,  and  served  their  gods. 

7.  And  the  children  of  Israel  did  evil  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,  and  forgat  the 
Lord  their  God,  and  served  Baalim  and  the  groves. 

The  descent  from  the  Hivites  impHes  that  it  is  the  Druzes  of  the 
Lebanon  who  most  especially  represent  the  denomination ;  which 
may  or  may  not  be  the  case.  The  two  doctrines,  however,  are  by 
no  means  incompatible ;  inasmuch  as,  if  we  scrutinize  the  details 
of  the  Hivites,  we  find  that  they  are  specially  mentioned  as 
extending  to  Mount  Hermon;  in  other  words,  that  Mount 
Hermon  was  a  part  of  Lebanon,  a  fact  which  brings  them  into 
contact  with  Ituraea.  By  a  further  extension,  it  gives  Bashan 
and  half  Gilead  to  either  the  same  people  or  their  confederates. 
In  short,  it  gives  the  eastern  Druzes  the  half-share  of  Manasseh 
and  all  Gad,  with  parts  of  Asher  and  Napthali,  and  a  district  in 
Central  Phenicia,  between  Berytus  and  Tyre. 

In  any  other  country  but  Syria,  the  question  would  be  com- 
paratively unimportant.  In  Syria,  however,  from  the  complexity 
of  its  creeds  and  genealogies,  as  well  as  from  their  high  interest, 
the  minutest  details  deserve  notice. 

With  those  who  look  upon  the  Druze  and  its  allied  creeds 
as  mere  offsets  of  Mahometanism,  the  heresy  which  commands  the 
most  attention  is  that  of  the  Karmathians,  indeed  it  is  upon  the 
the  Karmathians  that  i\\Qlsmaeliyeh  are  more  especially  affiliated; 
and,  as  Baalbek  is  one  of  the  cities  which  the  Karmathians  took, 
the  affiliation  is  probable  enough;    though  it  must  not  be  con- 


92  OEEEDS   AND    SECTS. 

strued  so  as  to  exclude  the  Nasariyeh  and  the  Druzes  from 
the  same,  direct  or  indirect,  partial  or  complete,  connection.  The 
same  apphes  to  the  Assassins.  The  Ismaeliyeh  need  not  have 
been  Assassins ;  though  the  Assassins  may  have  been  a  special 
branch  of  the  Ismaeliyeh.  As  stated  before,  the  locaUties  differ 
The  Ismaeliyeh  district  is  the  Kelat-el-Masaad  to  the  west  of 
Hamah,  and  on  the  head-waters  of  the  Orontes.  It  is  almost  a 
south-eastern  prolongation  of  the  Nasariyeh  area,  as  well  as 
a  north-western  one  of  the  Druzes  of  Damascus  and  the 
Hauran. 

For  the  Karmathian  heresy  itself,  the  year  a.d.  900  is  a  con- 
venient date.  The  creed  was  then  in  full  vigour.  It  had  arisen 
a  few  years  before,  in  the  two  hundred  and  seventy-seventh  year 
of  the  Hejirah.  Karmath,  an  Arabian  of  Kufa  (I  follow 
Gibbon),  undertook  to  purify  and  spiritualize  Mahometanism. 
He  was  the  Guide,  the  Director,  the  Demonstrator  of  the  Word,  the 
Holy  Spirit,  the  Camel,  the  Herald  of  the  Messiah,  the  Favoured 
of  Mahomet,  the  Son  of  Ah,  St.  John,  and  the  Angel  Gabriel. 
He  was  either  a  new  prophet  or  a  new  incarnation.  He  attacked 
the  ceremonial  part  of  the  Koran.  He  treated  the  pilgrims 
to  Mecca,  and  the  Holy  City  itself,  with  scant  respect;  indeed, 
he  massacred  some  thousands  of  the  first,  and  sacked  and  defiled 
the  second.  He  polluted  the  holy  well  of  Zemzem.  He  tore-up 
the  veil  of  the  Temple.  He  removed  the  Kaaba — he  or  his 
followers,  Abu  Saud,  the  father,  and  Abu  Taher,  his  son. 
Baalbek  in  Syria,  and  Bassora  on  the  frontier  of  Persia,  he 
sacked.  He  crossed  the  Tigris.  The  Kahf  sent  a  deputy  to 
him,  who  enlarged  on  the  vast  power  and  multitudinous  armies  of 
his  master  and  recommended  prudence  and  submission. 

Abtc  Taker  to  one  of  his  men. — Plunge  a  dagger  into  thy 
heart. 

To  another.- — Throw  thyself  into  the  Tigris. 

To  a  third. —  Cast  thyself  from  that  precipice. 

And  when  each,  without  hesitation  or  delay,  had  done  as  the 
chief  had  commanded  him,  the  imam  turned  round  to  the  deputy, 
and  said : — 

"  Tell  thy  master  what  thou  hast  seen.  He  had  not  three  such 
men  in  all  his  armies.     To-morrow  he  shall  be  before  the  dogs." 

The  essentials  of  this  threat  were  made  good;    and  a  great. 


THE   ISMAELIYEH.  93 

though  not  a  permanent,  Karmathian  conquest  followed.  That  it 
spread  in  the  direction  of  Phenicia  we  learn  from  the  express 
statement  that  Baalbek  was  one  of  the  cities  it  involved. 

Though  I  have  taken  an  exception  to  the  doctrine  that  the 
Ismaeliyeh  are  either  the  descendants  or  the  representatives  of 
the  Assassins  of  the  Crusades,  more  especially  of  those  whose 
occupancy  was  the  mountain  district  near  Acre,  I  by  no  means 
object  to  the  converse  of  the  proposition,  or  the  doctrine  that  the 
Assassins  of  the  Crusades  were  Ismaeliyehs.  As  far  as  assassi- 
nation was  concerned,  the  Ismaeliyeh  form  of  fanaticism  may  have 
been  found  far  beyond  the  proper  boundaries  of  Ismaeliyehism  : 
indeed,  the  ordinary  Assassins  may  have  been  Nasariyeh  with  a 
certain  recognition  of  the  Ismaeliyeh  discipline — i.  e.  the  duty  of 
assassination  when  ordered  by  a  superior  to  whom  implicit 
obedience  was  due.  They  may  also  have  been  true  Ismaeliyeh 
extended  westwards.  What  follows,  however,  is  the  history  of 
the  Ismaeliyeh,  eo  nomine  and  Us  locis. 

It  begins,  if  we  take  the  name  as  an  epoch,  in  the  seventh 
generation  from  Mahomet's  son-in-law,  Ali. 

With  Ali,  began  the  great  schism  between  the  Sunnites  and  the 
Shiites. 

Of  the  Sunnites  nothing  need  here  be  said. 

The  Shiites  fell  into  four  primary  divisions. 

Of  these  one  was  that  of  the  Imami,  or  the  men  whose 
doctrine  was  determined  by  their  notion  as  to  the  character  of  the 
Imam. 

The  Imami  were  one  of  a  dichotomy. 

Whilst  the  Kaissaniyeh  and  the  Seidiyeh  made  the  true 
successor  to  Mahomet  simply  a  human  being,  (differing  only  as  to 
who  he  was,)  the  Imami  and  the  Gulhat  spiritualized  him  into  an 
Avatar ;  in  other  words,  they  agreed  with  one  another  in  recogniz- 
ing the  doctrine  of  an  Incarnation. 

The  Imami  fell  into  two  divisions. 

The  Twelve-xm'ixxvi  sectaries  made  the  series  of  revealed  Imams 
end  with  Mohammed  Ben  Hassan  Askeri,  the  twelfth  from 
Ali. 

The  Seven-'vcii^rci  doctrine  stopped  at  Ismael,  the  son  of 
Dzhafir  Sadik ;  Ismael  being  the  seventh  from  Ali ;  the  order 
being : — 


94  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

1.  Ali. 

2.  Hassan. 

3.  Hussein. 

4.  Ali  Sein-al-alabidin. 
6.  Mohammed  Bekir. 

6.  Dzhaffer  Sadik. 

7.  Ismael,  who  died  before  his  father. 
The  Fatemites  of  iEgypt  were  of  this  line ;  and  so  good  did 

their  title  seem  to  be,  that  the  great  Kalif  Almansor,  Abbassid  as 
he  was,  is  said  to  have  named  Ali  Risa  the  Eighth  of  the 
Twelve-men  Imams,  as  his  successor.  He  did  so,  however,  to  the 
great  offence  of  the  other  Abbassids  ;  and,  under  the  pressure  that 
their  claims  developed,  a  committee  of  doctors  sat  upon  the 
question  of  the  succession.  This  committee  decided  in  favour  of 
the  powers  that  were;  and,  as  it  is  from  Sunnite  accounts  that 
Western  Europe  takes  its  chief  notions  of  Mahometanism,  the 
validity  of  the  Fatemite,  the  Ismaeli,  and  the  Twelve-men 
Imami  claims  has  generally  been  summarily  dismissed.  How- 
ever, they  were  not  so  treated  by  a  great  subsequent  authority, 
the  Kadi  Abubekir  Bakilani,  who  held  the  opposite  opinion ;  an 
opinion  with  which  the  modern  historian  (Von  Hammer)  from 
whom  is  taken  all  concerning  the  Ismaeliyeh  which  is  here  laid 
before  the  reader,  apparently  agrees. 

Mahommed       was  the  son  of       Ismael ; 

Dzhafir  Mosadik  „  Mohammed; 

Mohammed  Hab  „  Dzafir  Mosadik ; 

Obeid  Allah  „  Mohammed. 

Obeid  Allah  was  the  fourth  in  descent  from  the  seventh  Imam,  and 
the  founder  of  Ismaeliyehism.  He,  it  was,  who  asserted  his 
rights  to  the  Kalifat;  his  father,  grandfather,  and  great-grand- 
father, having  been  unrevealed,  or  latent  Imams. 

Let  us  still  remember  that  the  Ismaeliyeh  doctrine  is  Shiite 
rather  than  Sunnite,  that  the  Shiites  are  pre-eminently  Persian, 
and  that  Persia,  as  the  land  of  Fire-worship,  Zoroastrianism, 
Magianism,  Manichism,  the  Two  Principles,  and  much  of  the 
same  sort,  is  the  quarter  in  which  we  must  seek  the  chief  in-  j 
fluences  which  in  the  way  of  spirituality  and  transcendentalism  | 
modify  Mahometanism.  During  the  first  two  centuries  of  the 
Hejira  the  ordinary  phenomena  present  themselves.      There  is 


THE    ISMAELIYEH.  95 

the  struggle  of  the  pure  typical  and  orthodox  Sassanian  Fire- 
worship,  whatever  that  was,  with  ordinary  Mahometanism.  But 
besides  this,  there  were  Mahometan  and  fire-worshipping  sectarians. 
There  were,  amongst  others,  the  followers  of  Mazdak,  whose 
influence  on  the  politics  of  the  Persian  Empire,  under  the  reign 
of  Khosroes  Nushirvan,  has  commanded  the  attention  (and  what 
escaped  the  notice?)  of  Gibbon.  There  were,  amongst  others, 
the  followers  of  Hakem  Ben  Hnshem  ;  of  whom,  under  that  name, 
few  English  readers  have  heard;  but  who  to  the  reader  of  Lalla 
Rookh  is  the  real  Veiled  Prophet  of  Khorasan.  There  is  also 
Babek,  of  less  notoriety  but  greater  power,  who  was  a  Per- 
sianized  Mahometan ;  and  Karmath,  of  whom  notice  has 
already  been  taken.  The  evidence  that  he  also  was  all  but  a  Fire- 
worshipper  is  satisfactory.  He  was  the  disciple  of  Hussein,  who 
was  the  disciple  of  Ahmed,  who  was  the  son  of  Abdallah,  the  son 
of  Maimun  Kaddah,  the  son  of  Daissas  the  Dualist.  He  it  was 
that  used  for  his  own  purposes  the  malcontent  spirit  of  the 
Ismaeliyeh  ;  he,  who  more  especially  organized  the  secret-society 
element  in  their  political  organization. 

It  developed  itself  still  further  in  Cairo,  under  the  Fatemites 
whose  dynasty,  in  Von  Hammer,  seems  to  have  been  mainly 
supported  by  secret  societies.  As  an  historical  fact  this  is  highly 
improbable.  However,  the  following  is  a  sketch  of  what  we  may 
call  the  Ismaeliyeh  Lodge  of  /Egypt  in  the  tenth  century.  Its 
name  was  the  Society  of  Wisdom.  The  candidates  were  dressed 
in  white.  Every  day  the  chief  visited  the  Kahf,  and  either  read  to 
him  an  essay,  or  took  a  written  receipt  for  one  having  been  heard 
by  his  Holiness.  The  pupils,  on  the  master's  return,  touched  the 
signature  with  their  foreheads.  The  institution  was  subsidized  to 
the  amount  of  two  hundred  and  fifty- seven  thousand  ducats.  The 
noviciate  was  put  on  his  trial  and  promised  implicit  obedience. 
When  sufficiently  puzzled  by  points  of  casuistry,  he  was  told  that 
the  only  explanation  of  them  lay  in  the  authority  of  the  Imam. 
When  more  advanced,  he  learned  how  everything  went  by  sevens ; 
how  God  had  made  seven  planets,  seven  heavens,  seven  earths, 
seven  seas,  seven  colours,  seven  musical  sounds,  seven  metals, 
eeven  Imams,  seven  lawgivers,  each  of  which  altered  the  doctrine 
of  his  predecessors.  There  were  the  speaking  apostles.  But, 
besides   them,    there   were   seven   mutes.      The   seven   speaking 


96  CEEEDS    AND    SECTS. 

prophets  were  Adam,  Noali,  Abraham,  Moses,  Jesus,  Mahomet, 
Ismael ;  their  seven  assistants,  Seth,  Shem,  Ishmael  (the  son 
of  Abraham),  Aaron,  Simeon,  Ali,  and  Mahomet  the  son  of 
Ismael. 

The  highest  doctrines  were  transcendental  inculcations  of  in- 
difFerentism,  embellished  by  the  names  of  Plato,  Aristotle,  and 
Pythagoras ;  the  practical  upshot  of  them  being  that  nothing  was 
true  and  everything  allowed,  that  naught  was  to  be  believed  and 
anything  to  be  dared. 

When,  taking  leave  of  the  institution,  we  address  ourselves  to 
the  individual  men  who  invested  it  with  life  and  influence,  the 
first  name  that  presents  itself  is  that  of  Hassan  Sabah.  His 
father  Ali  was  a  Persian  of  Kei,  a  Shiite,  of  doubtful  orthodoxy ;  of 
which  he  was  so  definitely  accused  that,  in  order  to  place  himself 
above  suspicion,  he  sent  his  son  to  sit  at  the  feet  of  the  famous 
Mowafek  of  Nishabur;  unrivalled  as  a  teacher,  unquestioned  as  a 
Sunmte.  All  Mowafek's  pupils  got  on  well  in  after-life;  and 
among  them  three  were  conspicuous.  The  first  was  Omar  Kiam, 
whose  habits  were  those  of  an  intellectual  Epicurean,  who  loved 
astronomy  better  than  anything  but  poetry,  and  poetry  better 
than  anything  but  his  ease.  The  next  was  Nizam-ul-Mulk,  who 
became  the  vizier  of  Malek  Shah.  The  third  was  the  founder  of 
the  Assassins,  Hassan  Ben  Sabah  himself. 

"As  all  the  disciples  of  Mowakef,"  said  he,  one  day,  to  the 
other  two,  "  become  successful  in  the  world,  let  us  promise  that 
whoever  succeeds  first  shall  share  his  good  fortune  with  the  other 
two." 

'*  Agreed." 

When  Nizam-ul-Mulk  became  vizier,  Omar  Kiam  was  the  first 
who  found  him  out ;  but  high  ofiice  at  court,  of  which  his  old 
friend  thought  him  worthy,  had  no  charms  for  him.  He  was 
satisfied  with  being  made  Astronomer  Koyal.  He  has  left  behind 
him,  however,  more  verses  than  observations. 

Then  came,  some  ten  years  afterwards,  Hassan  Saba,  who  was 
also  promoted — only,  however,  to  endanger  the  place  of  his  bene- 
factor by  vile  but  eminently  skilful  intrigues.  However,  he  failed 
and  was  banished.  Keeping  himself  concealed  in  the  house  of  a 
friend  at  Ispahan,  he  wound  up  a  tirade  against  Malek  Shah 
and  his  vizier,  by  saying,  "that  with  two  devoted  friends  to  do  his 


THE   ISMAELIYEH.  97 

bidding  he  would  soon  have  overturned  both  the  Turk  and  the 
peasant,"  /.  e.  the  Sultan  and  his  vizier.  His  host  thought  him  mad  ; 
and  when  dinner  came  set  before  him  a  pot  of  aromatics  and 
saffron,  a  diet- drink  which  was  esteemed  useful  in  cerebral  affec- 
tions. After  this  Hassan  left  Ispahan,  and  threw  himself  into 
that  vortex  of  intrigue  and  mystery  with  which  Fatemite  iEgypt 
was  overflowing.  The  following  is  his  own  account  of  him- 
self:— 

From  my  childhood,  from  my  seventh  year,  my  sole  effort  has  been  to  extend 
the  bounds  of  ray  knowledge,  and  to  increase  my  capacities.  Like  my  fathers 
I  was  educated  in  the  tenets  of  the  twelve  imans  (Imanie)  and  I  formed  ac- 
quaintance Avith  an  Ismaeliyeh  Eefik  (Fellow)  called  Emise  Dharab,  with  whom 
I  cemented  bonds  of  friendship.  ^ly  opinion  was,  that  the  doctrine  of  Ismae- 
liyehs  was  like  that  of  the  philosophers,  and  that  the  ruler  of  Egypt  was  one  of 
the  initiated ;  whenever,  therefore,  Emise  spoke  in  favour  of  their  principles,  I 
disputed  with  him,  andthere  was  a  great  deal  of  discussion  between  us  concerning 
points  of  faith.  I  did  not  in  the  least  admit  the  justice  of  the  reproaches  which 
Emise  lavished  on  my  sect ;  nevertheless,  they  left  a  deep  impression  on  my 
mind.  In  the  meanwhile  he  left  me,  and  I  was  attacked  by  a  severe  fit  of  illness, 
during  which  I  blamed  my  obstinacy  in  not  having  embraced  the  doctrine  of 
the  Ismailiyehs,  which  was  the  true  one  ;  and  I  dreaded  lest,  should  death  await 
me,  from  which  God  preserved  me,  I  might  die  without  obtaining  a  knowledge 
of  the  truth.  At  length  I  recovered,  and  met  with  another  Ismailiyeh,  Abu- 
Kedshm-Saraj,  whom  I  questioned  concerning  the  truth  of  this  doctrine  ; 
Abunedshm  explained  it  to  me  in  the  most  circumstantial  manner  that  I  came 
fully  to  understand  it.  Lastly,  I  found  a  Dai  (missionary)  called  Mumin,  to 
whom  the  Sheikh  Abdolmelek-ben-Attash,  the  president  of  the  missions  of  Isak, 
had  granted  permission  to  exercise  that  ofiice.  I  entreated  him  to  accept  my 
homage  in  the  name  of  the  Fatimite  Khalif ;  this  he  at  first  refused,  because  I 
was  of  higher  rank  than  himself;  but  as  I  urged  it  most  pressingly  he  at  length 
acquiesced.  Now  when  the  Sheikh  Abdolmelek  arrived  at  Rei,  and  had 
become  acquainted  with  my  opinions  in  conversation,  my  demeanour  pleased  him 
80,  that  he  immediately  invested  me  with  the  office  of  Dai  (religious  and  politi- 
cal missionary).  He  said  to  me  'Thou  must  go  to  Egypt  to  enjoy  the 
happiness  of  serving  the  Imam  Mostanssur  (the  reigning  Fatimite  Khalif)."  On 
the  Sheikh  Abdolmelek's  departure  from  Rei,  on  his  route  to  Ispahan,  I  journeyed 
into  Egypt." 

Where  he  was  received  with  honour.  But  the  Kalif  named 
either  the  more  unpopular,  or  the  more  unfit,  of  his  sons  as 
his  successor;  and  it  was  to  the  losing  party  that  Hassan 
attached  himself.  Reluctantly  his  imperial  patron  ordered 
him  into  prison.  But  a  tower,  the  strongest  in  Damietta, 
I  fell  to  the  ground  without  any  visible  cause,  and  the  fall 
was  converted  into  a  miracle  in  favour  of  Hassan.  So  he 
was  shipped  off.     Then  a  storm  drove  him  on  the  coast  of  Syria  : 

7 


98  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

and  there  he  preached  the  doctrine  of  the  Seven  Imams  and  of  the 
Tatemite  claims  to  the  Kalifat.  He  then  seems  to  have  traversed  all 
Persia,  from  Bagdad  and  Kerman  on  the  south  to  the  frontier  of 
Turkistan  on  the  north.  The  district,  however,  of  the  Budbar, 
to  the  south  of  the  Caspian,  on  the  boundaries  of  Dilem  and 
Irak,  was  his  final  resting-place.  There  he  gained  the  castle  of 
Alamut,  the  citadel  of  the  eastern  and  earlier  branch  of  his  abomi- 
nable sect.  There  he  resisted  more  than  one  attack  of  the  cap- 
tains of  Malek  Shah.  Thence  he  spread  his  arms  and  influence 
around,  uoniinally  for  the  Fatemite  Kalif,  really  for  himself.  He 
was  not  a  sultan,  not  an  emir.  He  was  no  prince.  He  was  the 
Grand  Master  of  a  brotherhood  rather  than  an  ordinary  sovereign; 
and  it  is  remarkable  that,  in  the  way  of  date,  his  settlement  in 
Dilem  was  exactly  contemporary  with  that  of  the  first  crusaders 
in  Palestine.  Still  more  remarkable  is  the  parallelism  between  his 
order  and  those  of  the  Crusaders.  He  himself  was  the  Sheikh. 
Immediately  under  him  were  the  Dailkebirs,  lieutenants, 
bishops,  overseers,  or  administrators  of  the  three  provinces 
of  Dzheba],  Kohistan,  and  Syria.  Then  came  the  Dai  or 
initiated  missionaries,  then  the  Eefiks  or  associates,  then  the 
Fedavi  or  devotee  murderers,  then  the  Lassik  or  novices,  and 
lastly  the  uninitiated  mass. 

This  was  the  working,  political,  or  active  organization  :  super- 
added to  which  was  a  concurrent  one  of  a  more  spiritual,  and  a  very 
unintelligible,  kind.  I  give,  however,  the  details  of  it,  in  order 
to  show  how  thoroughly  the  number  seven  runs  through  it : — 

1.  The  Imam,  divinely  appointed. 

2.  The    Hudzhet,  or   the   Proof,  who  take  orders  from   thei 
Imam. 

3.  The  Sumassa,  who  take  order  from  the  Hudzhet. 

4.  The  Dai. 
6.  The  Messuni,  or  Freed. 

6.  The  Mukellebi,  or  Hounds  who  beat  about  for  either  prose- j 
lytes  or  victims. 

7.  The  Mumini  or  believers  in  general. 
Their  discipline  consisted  in  the  unscrupulous  application  of 

knowledge  of  the  weak  parts  of  human  nature  and  a  system  oi 
casuistry.     The  introductory  rule  comprised  such  maxims  as ; — 

•Sow  not  on  a  barren  soil. 

Speak  not  in  a  house  where  there  is  a  lamp. 


THE  ISMAELIYEH.  ^9 

Waste  not  words  on  the  incapable. 

Speak  not  in  the  presence  of  a  lawyer. 

The  second  set  of  rules  was  for  gaining  confidence  by  flatter- 
ing passions  and  humouring  weaknesses.  The  third  was  for 
raising  religious  doubts  and  leaving  them  for  the  authority  of  a 
superior  to  settle.  The  fourth  rule  was  that  of  implicit  and  unques- 
tioning obedience,  with  oaths  to  sanction  it.  The  fifth  course, 
one  of  instruction,  was  somewhat  historical.  It  taught  the  opinions 
of  the  wise  and  good  men  of  all  ages,  so  far  at  least  as  they  could 
be  wrested  to  a  conformation  of  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  Ismae- 
liyehism.  The  sixth  delivered  a  recapitulation  of  all  hitherto  learnt. 
The  seventh  was  essentially  esoteric  and  delivered  in  full,  and 
delivered  the  allegorical  or  non-natural  sense  in  which  all  the 
positive  and  literal  injunctions  of  the  Koran  were  to  be  taken. 
As  all  was  doubtful  nothing  was  prohibited. 

Such  was  the  school,  college,  garrison,  or  court,  at  Alamut, 
in  which,  as  a  spider  in  his  web,  sat  the  wicked  old  Hassan. 

The  chief  disciples,  and  most  intimate  confidants  of  the  first 
Sheikh  were  Reis  Mosaffer,  Hussein  of  Kaini,  Abulfettah,  and 
Kia  Busurgomid;  all,  apparently,  Persians  from  the  northern  pro- 
vinces. Under  these  were  their  conquests  effected  and  their 
assassinations  achieved.  For  the  possession  of  rich  towns  and 
fertile  valleys  they  cared  but  little.  What  they  most  especially 
coveted  was  fortresses  on  inaccessible  rocks.  Hence,  the  line  of 
their  acquisitions  has  a  physical  or  a  geological  outline :  and 
Assassin  castles  appear  sporadically  and  at  distances  from  one 
another  wherever  there  is  the  necessary  condition  of  a  mountain- 
range.  Of  the  eastern  Assassins  the  districts  to  the  south  of  the 
Caspian  at  the  foot  of  Dermavend,  and  the  Persian  Kohistan  were 
the  chief  habitats.  Their  foremost,  perhaps  their  earliest  victim,  was 
Nizam-ul-Mulk  himself,  the  old  school-fellow,  friend,  and  patron 
of  Hassan.  Hated  as  benefactors  are  hated  by  the  ungrateful  and 
envious,  and  feared  as  the  powerful  vizier  of  Malek  Shah,  it  was 
not  long  after  that  Sultan's  attempt  to  reduce  Hussein  Kaini  that 
Nizam-ul-Mulk  was  stabbed.  The  sultan  died  soon  afterwards; 
supposed  to  have  been  poisoned.  His  death  was  followed  by 
anarchy;  and  during  the  dispute  between  the  brothers  Barkyarok 
and  Mohammed  for  the  possession  of  Irak  and  Khorasan,  some  im- 
portant acquisitions  to  the  powur  ol'  Hasbun  Saba  were  effected. 
They  consisted  of  the  castles  of  the  Shah  Durye,  of  Uerkul,  and 

7  * 


100  CEEEDS   AND    SEOTS. 

Khalendzhan  near  Ispahan ;  of  Wastamkuh,  of  Tambur  and 
Khalovkhan;  of  Damaghan,  Fimskuh,  and  Kirdkuh;  of  Tabs, 
Kain,  and  Toon ;  of  Esdahan  and  Lamsir,  all  in  Persia. 

Such  are  their  chief  actions  in  the  field.  Of  the  individuals 
whom  they  murdered,  the  list,  though  incomplete,  is  full  enough 
to  show  the  character  of  their  warfare.  They  struck  at  the  men 
in  power.  Three  kinsmen  of  the  reigning  sultans  and  three  viziers 
I  find  mentioned  by  name  as  their  victims.  The  Sultan  Sandzhar 
himself  was  only  warned.  One  morning  when  he  awoke,  he 
found  a  dagger  stuck  in  the  ground  close  to  his  head.  A  few 
days  afterwards  he  received  the  following  note  :  "  Had  we  not 
been  well-disposed  towards  the  Sultan,  we  might  have  plunged 
the  dagger  into  his  heart  instead  of  the  ground." 

Sandzhar,  either  because  such  warnings  moved  him,  or  because 
(as  some  of  his  acts  inchne  us  to  believe)  he  was  not  unfavour- 
able to  the  institution,  would  willingly  have  made  peace  with 
them  on  the  three  following  conditions  : — 

1.  That  they  should  build  no  more  castles. 

2.  That  they  should  purchase  no  more  arms. 

3.  That  they  should  make  no  more  proselytes. 

But  the  doctors  of  the  law  and  Koran  forbade  a  compromise. 
Their  opposition,  however,  only  delayed  the  settlement.  A  few 
years  later,  peace  was  concluded  between  Hassan  and  Sandzhar ; 
greatly  to  the  favour  of  the  former.  The  Ismaeliyeh  of  the 
district  of  Kirdkuh  were  freed  from  all  impost,  and  an  annual 
subsidy  was  assigned  to  them,  charged  upon  the  revenues  of  the 
district  of  Kumis. 

Hassan  was  now  old.  He  had  survived  his  old  schoolfellows, 
the  Vizier  whose  murder  he  had  procured,  and  the  astronomer. 
Reis  Mosaffer,  too,  director,  or  grand  master  in  Damghan,  after 
receiving  a  visit  of  honour  from  Sultan  Sandzhak,  had  gone 
down  to  the  grave  as  an  honoured  and  aged  patriarch.  Abul- 
fettah  had  been  tortured  to  death  in  Syria;  having  failed  to 
defend  the  city  of  Apamea  against  the  crusader  Tancred,  who 
gave  him  over  to  the  vengeance  of  the  sons  of  Khalaf  the 
ejected  governor.  Hussein  Kaini,  though  one  of  the  triumvirate 
of  the  first  assassins,  had  been  himself  assassinated ;  the  sus 
pected  murderer  being  Ostad,  one  of  the  two  sons  of  Hassan 
himself.  For  this  he  was  ordered  to  death  by  his  father ;  and, 
along  with  him,  his  brother. 


THE   ISMAELIYEH.  1^1 

So,  now,  Hassan,  not  only  old  but  childless,  feels  his  end 
approaching,  and  sends  for  the  two  best-deserving  of  the  Dais — 
for  Abu  Ali,  from  Kaswin,  and  for  Kia  Busurgomid,  from  Lamsir ; 
between  whom  he  divides  his  power.  To  Abu  Ali  is  allotted  the 
external  command  and  the  civil  administration;  to  Busurgomid 
the  supreme  spiiitual  power. 

After  this,  Hassan  died  as  quietly  as  if,  instead  of  being  a 
murderer  and  the  father  of  murderers,  he  had  passed  a  long  life 
in  the  temperate  and  chastened  exercise  of  both  mind  and  body. 
Yet  he  had  never,  for  thirty-five  years,  left  the  castle  of  Alamut; 
and  only  twice  had  he  moved  from  his  chamber  to  his  terrace. 
He  had  merely  received  reports  and  issued  orders.  The  murders 
and  battles  followed  as  a  matter  of  course.  In  like  manner 
had  lived  his  successor  whilst  at  Lamsir.  To  Lamsir  Busurgo- 
mid had  confined  himself  as  strictly  as  Hassan  had  confined 
himself  to  Alamut. 

All  this  has  been  the  history  of  the  eastern  rather  than  the 
western  branch  of  the  Ismaeliyeh  ;  of  the  Assassins  of  Persia 
rather  than  of  the  Assassins  of  Syria.  This  is  because  Persia  is 
the  country  in  which  the  institution  originally  developed  itself,  the 
Persian  castle  of  Alamut  being  the  metropohs  of  the  creed.  On 
the  other  hand,  however,  we  must  remember  that  it  was  in  ^gypt 
that  it  appears  to  have  begun ;  and,  connecting  it,  in  its  origin, 
with  iEgypt,  we  must  bear  in  mind  Egypt's  vicinity  to  Syria. 

The  exact  details  of  the  introduction  of  the  Ismaeliyeh  creed 
into  Syria  are  uncertain.  We  have  seen  that,  in  his  escape  from 
^gypt,  Hassan  Sabah  landed  in  the  north  of  that  country,  where 
he  promulgated  his  doctrines.  Still,  they  may  have  crossed  the 
frontier  from  ^gypt  before  the  time  of  Hassan.  However,  it  is 
pretty  certain  that  there  were  Assassins  in  Syria  as  early  as  there 
were  crusaders  ;  and,  deadly  enemies  as  they  were  to  the  Franks 
afterwards,  it  is  on  the  side  of  the  Christians,  rather  than  the 
Mahometans,  that  they  first  appear.  The  Count  de  St.  Gilles  is 
besieging  the  fortress  of  Hosnal-a-Kurd,  when  the  Prince  of 
Emesa,  as  he  is  moving  to  its  relief,  is  assassinated.  It  was, 
however,  as  the  enemy  of  Risvan,  Prince  of  Aleppo,  rather  than 
as  the  Mahometan  warrior,  that  he  fell ;  Risvan  of  Aleppo,  with 
whom  lies  the  disgrace  of  having  been  the  employer  of  the  first 
Assassins  of  Syria.  The  agent  who  commanded  his  support  was  a 
physician,  astrologer,  and   poisoner.      The   next  was  Abutaher 


102  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

Essaigh,  a  Persian  goldsmith,  the  commandant  of  Sarmin,  a 
strong  fort  to  the  south  of  Aleppo.  Abutaher  had  received 
Abulfettah,  Hassan  Saba's  nephew,  as  a  resident  emissary  within 
the  walls ;  this  being  much  the  same  as  making  over  the  fort  to 
the  Assassins  A  few  years  afterwards  the  inhabitants  of  Apamea 
rebelled  against  their  governor,  and  invoked  the  aid  of  Abutaher. 
It  was  granted.  Khalaf,  the  governor,  was  assassinated,  and  the 
town  was  held  as  a  garrison  of  Eisvan's.  Only,  however,  to  be 
taken  by  the  Crusaders  under  Tancred ;  whose  conquest  of  it 
brought  about  the  death  of  Abulfettah,  already  noticed. 

Abutaher,  however,  was  ransomed,  and  for  some  years  he  is  the 
most  prominent  member  of  the  Syrian  branch  of  his  vile  order. 
An  attack  upon  a  caravan,  which  miscarried  and  was  repudiated  ; 
an  attack  on  the  fortress  of  Shisher,  which  also  miscarried ;  the 
murder  of  Newdud,  Prince  of  Mosul,  stabbed  at  noon-day,  in  the 
great  square  of  Damascus, — these  are  the  chief  events  which  are 
assigned  to  the  Assassins  of  the  parts  about  Aleppo,  under  the 
direction  of  Abutaher  and  during  the  reign  of  Risvan. 

However  much  it  might  suit  a  wicked  prince  to  avail  himself 
of  the  daggers  of  the  Assassins  for  the  purpose  of  accomplishing 
some  particular  object,  it  is  plain  that  the  permanent  rehance  on 
them  is  a  political  impossibihty.  They  might,  at  any  time,  turn 
against  their  patron.  Either  feeling  this,  or  actuated  by  some 
higher  motive,  the  son  of  Risvan,  a  youth  of  sixteen,  began  his 
reign  by  an  attempted  extermination  of  the  sect.  Nor  was  it  an 
insignificant  one.  Three  hundred  put  to  death  and  two  hundred 
imprisoned  are  the  numbers  for  that  part  of  the  Ismaehyeh  (or 
as  it  is  also  called  the  Bathenian*  persecution)  which  has  come 
down  to  us  in  the  most  definite  form.  Wide  as  these  examples  f 
must  have  spread,  they  were  utterly  insufficient.  All  that 
followed  the  attempts  of  Akhras  and  his  eunuch  minister  was  A 
revenge,  and  again  revenge — assassination  in  the  light  of  day; 
assassination  under  the  shade  of  night;  open  razzias  of  armed 
men;  solitary  stabbings. 

The  Kalif  of  Bagdad  had  to  receive  the  Atabeg  of  Damascus 
the   Governor   of   Khorasan   being   present.     Mistaken  for  the 

*  Though  this  word  is  differently  derived,  I  suggest  that  it  is  merely  the 
geographical  term  Batanccan. 


THE   ISMAELIYEH.  103 

Atabeg,  the  Governor  was  stabbed  by  the  third  of  three  Fedavi ; 
two  of  whom  had  failed,  and  all  of  whom  were  slaughtered  on  the 
spot. 

The  Governor  of  Aleppo,  with  two  of  his  sons,  was  on  the  way 
to  the  court  of  the  Emir  Ilghazi.  The  three  were  murdered  on 
the  road. 

The  following  year,  this  same  Emir  Ilghazi  received  a  message 
from  Abu  Mohammed,  the  head  of  the  Ismaeliyeh,  at  Aleppo 
demanding  the  fortress  of  Sherif.  Such  demands  were  frequent. 
They  were  also  effective.  Karely  was  a  bold  denial  hazarded ; 
as  rarely  was  a  straightforward  transfer  made  at  once.  Prevarica- 
tion was  the  rule.  Consent  was  given  ;  but  orders  for  the  fortress 
to  be  either  demohshed  or  spoilt  weie  superadded.  Thus  it  was 
with  Sherif  Ilghazi  gave  it  up  ;  but,  before  his  orders  reached 
Aleppo,  the  people  had  pulled  down  the  walls  and  filled  up  the 
ditches.  So  famous  a  prince  as  Nureddin  prevaricated  in  like 
manner  with  Bertlaha. 

The  thread  of  the  Ismaeliyeh  history  is  that  of  a  labyrinth. 
This  is  because  the  scenes  of  action  are  numerous,  and  irregularly 
distributed ;  whilst  the  capital,  in  which  the  Sheikh  sat  resident 
and  immovable,  was  generally  distant  from  the  most  notable  of 
them.  The  work  is  done  in  Syria:  the  order  is  given,  and  the 
reports  received  in  Persia.  Not  that  Persia  is  by  any  means 
without  a  history  of  its  own ;  at  times,  as  bad  and  bloody  as  that 
of  Syria  itself.  It  has  also  an  Ismaelite  literature  ;  for  more  than 
one  of  the  Sheikhs  were  either  lovers  of  literature  or  pretenders 
to  a  literary  taste.  We  shall  hear  of  them  as  vain  and  ambitious 
preachers;  as  innovators  upon  their  own  innovations  upon 
Mahometanism  ;  as  reformers  of  their  imperfect  system,  i.  e.  as 
men  who,  by  making  the  bad  worse  and  the  wicked  wickeder, 
treated  themselves  as  purifiers  of  doctrine  and  menders  of  dis- 
ciphne.  Syria,  however,  is  all  that  we  need,  here,  look  to — 
making  an  exception  only  in  favour  of  the  names  by  which  the 
succession  was  kept  up.  These  are  always  borne  by  occupants 
of  the  original  metropolis,  the  fort  of  Alamut. 

1.  Hassan  I.  (Saba)        was  succeeded  by     Kia  Busurgomid. 

2.  Kia  Busurgomid  „  Mohammed  I. 

3.  Mohammed  I.  „  Hassan  II. 

4.  Hassan  II.  «,  Mohammed  11. 


104  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

5.  Mohammed  II.      was  succeeded  by  Hassan  III. 

6.  Hassan  III.  (Jelaleddin)     „  Mohammed  III. 

7.  Mohammed  III.  „  Kokneddin  Khorshah, 
the  last  Sheik  of  the  Order. 

Such  the  order  of  succession  in  the  mountain  metropolis.  In 
Syria,  the  history  falls  into  six  periods  : — 

1.  The  first  ends  with  the  occupancy  of  Sarnin  by  Abul- 
fettah ; 

2.  The  second,  with  that  of  Banias  ; 

3.  The  third,  with  the  removal  from  Banias  to  Masaad,  the 
present  locality  of  the  fragments  of  the  sect ; 

4.  The  fourth,  with  the  accession  of  Rashededdin  Sinan; 

5.  The  fifth,  with  the  Mameluk  Conquest; 

6.  The  sixth,  with  our  own  times. 

Under  Kia  Busurgomid,  Damascus,  to  a  great  extent,  takes  the 
place  of  Aleppo  ;  and  it  is  the  Vizier  of  Damascus  who  most 
especially  intrigues  with,  and  employs,  the  Assassins.  We  know 
what  will  come  of  the  connection.  There  will  be  a  short  friend- 
ship; a  discovery  of  either  treachery,  or  danger;  a  reaction;  a 
bloody  and  vindictive  massacre.  The  whole  history  is  a  cycle  of 
such  enormities.  The  main  details,  however,  gather  round  the 
names  of  Behram,  Ism.ail,  and  Abulwefa.  It  is  Behram  who 
works  his  way  to  the  confidence  of  the  Vizier  of  Damascus, 
from  whom  he  obtains  the  town  of  Banias.  Dreaded,  however,  as 
the  Ismaeliyeh  were  by  the  Sunnite  Turks,  it  was  not  by  the  Sun- 
nites  that  their  power  was  broken.  In  the  valley  of  Taim,  an  out- 
lying portion  of  the  Baalbek  district,  an  Ismaeliyeh  army  was  cut 
to  pieces  by  a  combined  force  of  Nasariyeh,  Druzes,  and  Magians 
— so  the  name  stands — by  which  is,  probably,  meant  the  Mutuali. 
Ismail,  like  Behram  (whom  he  succeeded  in  the  administration  of 
Banias)  a  Persian,  on  the  news  of  the  defeat,  entrusts  his  plans  to 
the  triply  treacherous  Abulwefa ;  who,  whilst  pretending  to  act 
with  the  Emir  of  Damascus,  enters  into  a  secret  treaty  with  the 
Christian  King  of  Jerusalem  and  the  Knights  Templars  to 
deliver  Damascus  into  the  hands  of  the  Crusaders  and  to  take 
Tyre  in  exchange.  The  plot  miscarries  and  the  Ismaeliyeh  in 
Damascus  are  massacred.  Meanwhile,  the  Crusaders  take  Banias 
and  hold  it  for  three  years. 

That  more  individuals  were  assassinated  in  the  reign  of  Kia 


THE   ISMAELIYEH.  105 

Bnsnrgomid  than  in  any  other,  can  scarcely  be  stated  with  safety. 
What,  however,  we  may  state,  without  liesitation,  is,  that  during 
the  times  under  notice,  more  crowned  beads  and  more  high 
officials  were  stricken  down  tbau  at  any  otber  period.  The  Prince 
of  Mosul,  the  Vizier  of  the  Sultan  Sandzak,  the  Emir  of 
Damascus  (bis  son),  the  Mufti  of  Kaswin,  the  Reis  of  Ispahan,  the 
Eeis  of  Tabriz,  one  Kalif  of  iEgypt,  two  of  Bagdad — of  these  we 
know  the  names,  titles,  and  dates  :  the  rank  having  ensured  a 
record  of  their  fate.  Of  those  who  died  unregistered,  wbo  can 
even  guess  the  number  ?  We  can  hope  that  the  murders  of  tbe 
poor  and  weak  bore  no  proportion  to  those  of  the  great  and 
powerful ;  and,  considering  tbe  general  character  of  the  Assassin 
policy,  that,  like  lightning,  it  struck  chiefly  at  the  highest,  this  is, 
by  no  means,  an  unreasonable  hope. 

Kia  Busurgomid  nominated  his  son  as  his  successor;  thus 
determining  that  the  headship  of  tbe  Order  should  be  hereditary. 
In  Mohammed's  reign,  which  was,  in  all  its  essentials,  a  mere 
continuation  of  Busurgomid's,  the  Fatemite  dynasty  came  to  its 
end,  and  jEgypt  was  conquered  by  Nureddin,  and  his  lieutenant 
the  famous  Saladin.  The  throne  under  which  Ismaelitism  first 
developed  itself  had  now  fallen. 

Between  1330  and  1340  the  castles  of  Kadmos,  Kahaf,  and 
Massiat  came  into  the  possession  of  the  Ismaeliyeh ;  the  first 
two  by  purchase,  the  second  by  conquest.  Henceforth  the  sect 
is  to  be  studied  in  its  present  locality. 

Hassan  II.  was  the  preacher  and  reformer  we  have  already 
alluded  to.  He  proclaimed  himself  a  Fatemite  Imam  ;  substituted 
the  allegorical  or  non-natural  interpretation  for  tbe  literal  and 
grammatical  sense  of  the  Koran  ;  effectually  separated  Ismaelitism 
fromMabometanism;  and  authorized  by  both  example  and  precept 
the  doctrine  that  everything  was  doubtful  and  nothing  forbidden. 
The  effect  was  uncontrolled  licence  and  licentiousness. 

His  son  ruled  much  after  the  same  fashion. 

Such  was  Ismaelitism  in  the  metropolis. 

In  Syria  Saladin  was  Sultan :  whilst,  in  ^Egypt,  the  Fatemites 
were  no  more. 

Saladin  was  every  Assassin's  enemy.  Thrice  was  his  life 
attempted.  Thrice  the  attempt  failed.  The  details  here  have 
not   only   a    general,   but    an    English,    interest.     The   son   of 


106  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

Nureddin  was  a  minor;  his  minister  a  eunuch,  Gumnshtep^in. 
The  movements  and  countermovements  on  the  parts  of  Saladin 
and  Gumushtegin  belong  to  the  general  history  of  Syria. 
Suffice  it  to  say  that  Gumushtegin  suborned  the  Assassins.  They 
failed  and  fell  absolutely  into  the  hands  of  Saladin;  who,  on  the 
point  of  taking  their  stronghold  Massaat,  was  dissuaded  from  it  by 
his  uncle  the  Emir  of  Hamah,  who  was  over-persuaded  by  Rashi- 
deddin  Sinan,  the  head  of  the  Ismaeliyeh,  of  whom  more  will 
soon  be  said.  On  the  condition  that  he  should,  to  the  end  of 
his  natural  life,  be  safe  from  assassination,  he  granted  them  peace. 
And  tlie  agreement  was  kept.  Von  Hammer,  speculating  on  the 
motives  that  thus  kept  the  daggers  of  the  Assassins  in  their 
sheaths,  and  made  the  person  of  the  great  Sultan  sacred,  suggests 
more  than  one  reason  for  their  faithful  abstinence  from  his  blood. 
The  previous  failures  may  have  frightened  them.  The  balance  of 
power  may  have  commanded  their  attention.  The  sanctity  of  a 
treaty  may  possibly  have  withheld  them  from  treachery.  The  old 
saw  of  Honour  among  Thieves,  probably,  conveys  the  true  expla- 
nation. Safe,  however,  as  far  as  the  Assassins  were  concerned, 
Saladin  remained  till  the  day  of  his  death. 

Now  comes  the  notice  of  their  famous  embassy  to  Amaury, 
King  of  Jerusalem,  connected,  by  the  events  with  which  it  closed, 
with  the  terrible  name  of  Richard  I.  of  England.  The  ambas- 
sadors offered  the  baptism  and  conversion  of  their  sect  on 
condition  of  peace,  friendship,  and  the  remission  of  their  tribute 
of  two  thousand  ducats.  As  they  were  on  the  way  homewards 
with  the  news  of  the  acceptance  of  their  terms,  Walter  de 
Dumesnil,  under  the  orders  of  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Templars, 
Odo  de  St.  Amand,  set-upon  them  from  an  ambuscade  and  killed 
the  envoy.  The  scandal  spread,  and  Amaury  demanded  at  the 
hands  of  Odo  the  punishment  of  Dumesnil.  It  was  nominal: 
whereupon  Amaury  bided  his  time,  and,  at  a  meeting  at  Sidon, 
dragged  from  their  hospital  and  imprisoned  several  of  the 
Templars — himself  dying  soon  afterwards.  The  Grand  Master 
himself  was  taken  prisoner  by  Saladin  at  the  battle  of  Sidon. 
All  hope  of  converting  the  Ismaeliyeh  was  now  gone ;  and  they 
were  free  to  be  used  as  Assassins. 

Nothing  has  hitherto  been  said  of  the  Christians  whom  they 
murdered.     It  may  now  be  noted  that  Raymond,  the  Count  of 


THE   ISMAELIYETI.  107 

Tripoli,  had  been  murdered  by  them  about  forty  years  before  the 
time  under  notice,  and  that,  now,  they  murdered  Conrad  the 
great  Marquis  of  Montserrat,  a  kinsman  of  Leopold  of 
Austria,  and  an  enemy  of  Richard  of  England. 

The  charge  of  having  suborned  them  to  this  unhappy  act  was 
laid  against  the  Lion-hearted  King  by  his  contemporaries,  and  has 
been  echoed  by  oar  own.  It  is  a  likely  one.  Bad  as  the  deed 
was,  it  would  be  far  from  the  worst  for  which  that  cruel  king  has 
to  answer.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  not  on  the  arguments  of  Von 
Hammer  that  he  can  be  convicted.  A  letter  from  the  Old  Man 
of  the  Mountain  of  the  time — probably  Rashideddin  Sinan — 
exculpates  him.     It  runs  as  follows : — 

To  Leopold,  Duke  of  Austria,  the  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain  sends,  greeting. 

"Seeing  that  many  kings  and  princes,  beyond  the  sea,  accuse  the  Lord 
Richard,  King  of  England,  of  the  death  of  the  Marquiss,  I  swear,  by  the  God 
who  reigns  for  ever,  and  by  the  laws  which  w^e  observe,  that  he  had  no  share  in 
his  death  ;  the  cause  of  the  Marquiss's  death  was  as  follows  : — 

*•  One  of  our  brethren  journeying  in  a  ship,  from  Salteleya  to  our  parts,  was 
driven  by  a  tempest,  near  to  Tyre,  and  the  Marquiss  had  him  seized  and  put 
to  death,  and  laid  hands  on  his  money.  Now,  we  sent  our  messengers  to  the 
Marquiss,  requiring  him  to  restore  our  brother's  money,  and  give  us  satisfaction 
for  our  brother's  death,  of  which  he  accused  Reginald,  Lord  of  Sidon,  but  we 
ascertained  the  truth,  by  means  of  our  friends,  that  it  was  the  Marquiss  himself 
who  caused  him  to  be  slain,  and  his  money  to  be  seized. 

"And  again  we  sent  another  messenger  to  him,  by  name  Eurisus,  whom  he 
would  have  thrown  into  the  sea,  had  not  our  friends  caused  him  to  depart 
hastily  from  Tyre.  He  came  quickly  to  us,  and  told  us  these  things.  We, 
therefore,  from  that  hour  have  desired  to  slay  the  Marquiss.  So,  then,  we  sent 
two  brethren  to  Tyre,  who  killed  him  openly,  and  almost  before  the  whole 
people  of  Tyre. 

"  This,  therefore,  was  the  cause  of  the  Marquiss's  death ;  and  we  tell  you  of  a 
truth,  that  the  Lord  Richard,  King  of  England,  hath  had  no  share  in  this  death 
of  the  Marquiss ;  and  they  who,  on  that  account,  ill-treat  the  King  of  England, 
do  it  unjustly,  and  without  cause. 

"  Know  ye  for  certain,  that  we  slay  no  man  in  this  world  for  any  gain  or 
reward,  unless  he  have  first  injured  us. 

"  And  know,  that  we  have  drawn  up  these  present  letters  in  our  palace,  in  our 
castle  of  Massiat,  in  the  middle  of  September,  in  the  fifteen  hundred  and 
fifteenth  year  after  Alexander." 

This  Von  Hammer  treats  as  a  forgery.  The  date  condemns  it. 
The  Hejira,  or  the  accession  of  Hassan  II.,  was  the  true 
Ismaeliyeh  era.  Again,  in  a  second  letter,  mentioned  by  Wilham 
of  Newbury,  the  Sheikh  calls  himself  simjilicitas  nostra,  an 
unlikely  phrase.     Be  it  so.     Von  Hammer's  error,  and  it  is  a 


108  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

notable  one,  consists  in  entirely  ignoring  the  fact  thnt  both 
letters,  which  are  in  Latin  only,  are  translations:  indeed,  he 
leaves  it  doubtful  whether  he  does  not  actually  beheve  that  Latin 
was  the  diplomatic  language  between  the  Assassins  and  the  Cru- 
saders. How  far  tlie  charge  is  made  good  on  other  grounds  is 
another  matter.  All  that  the  present  writer  does  is  to  condemn 
as  a  maresnest  the  Austrian  doctrine  of  the  letter  being  a  forgery; 
and,  he  does  so,  because  he  has  a  vague  notion  that  if  Leopold 
and  Von  Hammer  had  not  been  Austrians  it  would  not  have  been 
put  forward. 

At  this  time  the  number  of  Assassins,  high  and  low,  is  placed 
at  about  sixty  thousand.  Their  forts  were  ten :  the  three  that 
have  already  been  named,  and  Akkar,  Hosn-al-ekiad,  Safita, 
Ahka,  Hosn-al-ekiad,  Sihinn,  and  Sarmin.  Rashideddin  Sinan 
was  their  Sheikh,  and  under  him  the  connection  with  the  Persian 
metropolis  of  Alamut  appears  to  cease.  Naturally.  Rashideddin 
held  himself  higher  than  either  Sheikh  or  Imam.  He  gave  out 
that  it  was  an  incarnation  of  the  deity.  Except  in  a  coarse  dress 
of  hair  he  never  showed  himself.  No  one  saw  him  eat,  drink, 
sleep,  or  spit.  He  preached  from  a  rock,  and  the  sun  rose  and 
set  upon  his  discourses.  However,  once,  when  he  mixed  with  his 
followers  on  the  level  ground,  he  was  observed  to  limp.  The 
accident  that  had  crippled  him  nearly  cost  him  his  life.  It  was 
only  by  his  eloquence  that  he  escaped  being  murdered  as  an 
impostor.  He  escaped  to  become,  practically,  the  founder  of  the 
new  Syrian  discipline.  The  little  that  the  existing  Ismaehyeh 
know  about  their  early  history  attaches  itself  to  the  name  of 
Rashideddin  Sinan,  and  the  few  books  they  have  are  supposed 
to  be  of  Rashideddin  s  writing.  Like  those  of  the  Druzes  they 
are  a  mixture  of  the  Koran  and  the  Bible. 

Of  Hassan  IH. — Dzhelaleddin  Hassan — the  character  is 
wholly  exceptional.  He  undid,  as  far  as  he  could,  the  work  of 
his  latitudinarian  father  and  grandfather ;  restored  Mahome- 
tanism ;  and  was  recognized  as  a  Mahometan  prince  by  his 
contemporary  sovereigns.  Von  Hammer,  after  expressly  stating 
that  not  so  much  as  one  murder  can  be  laid  to  his  charge,  takes 
exceptions  to  his  motives  and  his  sincerity. 

"  Brand  him  who  will  with  base  report, 
He  shall  be  free  of  mine." 


THE   ISMAELIYEII. 


109 


A  degenerate  Assassin,  he  seems  to  have  been  a  respectable 
ruler.     His  son,  however,  was  much  like  his  other  ancestors. 

With  Eokneddin  Kbarshah,  the  Persian  sheikship  ended ;  de- 
stroyed by  the  Mongols. 

The  same  Mongols  broke,  rather  than  destroyed,  the  power  of 
the  Assassins  of  Syria ;  the  final  overthrow  of  whom  was 
reserved  for  the  Egyptian  sultan,  Bihars— no  Fatemite,  but  one 
of  the  ablest  and  most  powerful  of  the  new  dynasty  of  Mam- 
luks.  Under  his  reign  the  Crusaders  still  took  tribute  from  the 
Ismaeliyeh  ;  and  it  was  this  sign  of  subjection  which  the  tributaries 
were  willing  to  transfer.  Bibars,  in  a  treaty,  made  a.d.  1265, 
with  the  Knights  of  St.  John,  had  made  the  abolition  of  the 
Ismaeliyeh  payments  one  of  its  conditions.  The  following  year 
he  received  an  embassy,  with  a  sum  of  money,  and  wdth  the 
petition  "  that  what  had  hitherto  been  paid  to  the  Franks,  should, 
in  future,  be  paid  to  the  Sultan,  and  serve  for  the  pay  of  the 
defenders  of  the  true  faith."  Three  years  afterwards,  when 
Bibars  was  marching  against  the  Franks,  the  commanders  of  the 
different  towns  did  him  homage.  Nedzhmeddin,  however,  the 
head  of  the  Order,  only  requested  a  diminution  of  the  tribute. 
This  cost  him  his  place  ;  Sarameddin,  the  commandant  of  Alika, 
being  put  over  his  head.  In  the  name  of  the  sultan  of  ^gypt 
Sarameddin  governed  all  the  castles  of  the  Assassins. 

A  reconciliation,  partaking  of  the  nature  of  a  compromise, 
with  Nedzhmeddin  followed.  The  late  sheikh,  now  more  than 
seventy  years  old,  threw  himself,  with  his  son,  on  the  clemency 
of  Bibars ;  who,  taking  from  him  an  annual  tribute  of  twenty 
thousand  drachmas,  and  from  Sarameddin  one  of  two  thousand 
gold  pieces,  allowed  the  two  to  divide  the  authority  between  them 
as  they  best  could.  But,  when  Sarameddin  fell  into  disgrace,  all 
the  power  returned  to  Nedzhmeddin,  whose  son  Shemseddin  was 
retained  at  Cairo  as  a  hostage.  Eventually  the  father  joined 
him.  Having  learned  that  suspicions  were  rising  against  him, 
he  presented  himself  at  the  Sultan's  court  in  person,  offering 
to  give  up  all  the  castles  in  Syria  and  to  pass  the  remnant  of 
his  life  in  ^Egypt.  Shemseddin,  when  this  was  agreed  to, 
left  ^gypt  for  Syria  in  order  to  induce  the  Assassins  to 
complete  the  surrender.  This  was  no  easy  matter;  Menifa, 
Kadmus,  Massiat,  Sihun,  and  more  especially  Kehef,  resisted; 
the  last-named  citadel  with  extraordinary  obstinacy.      That  com- 


110  CREEDS    AND    SECTS. 

missions  of  murder  were  issued  is  what  we  expect.  Still  they 
scarcely  seem  to  have  been  the  main  weapon.  There  was  much 
brave  fightings  much  personal  adventure^  much  heroic  en- 
durance. Of  the  Hamsa  Nameh,  or  narrative  of  the  actions  of 
Hamsa,  we  only  know  that  it  was  composed.  Of  the  Ismaeliyeh 
heroes^  however,  in  this  their  last  great  struggle,  Hamsa  was 
the  greatest. 

The  Syrian  Ismaeliyeh  of  the  present  time,  occupants  of 
eighteen  villages  in  the  parts  about  Massiat,  are  under  the  rule 
of  a  sheikh,  or  emir,  nominated  by  the  Governor  of  Hamah. 
They  fall  into  two  divisions,  the  Suveidani  and  the  Khisrevi ; 
the  former  taking  their  name  from  one  of  the  former  sheikhs, 
and  the  latter  from  Khisr  Ilias. 

In  1809  there  was  a  war  between  the  Ismaeliyeh  and  theNa- 
sariyeh,  when  the  latter  sacked  Massiat ;  from  which,  however,  I 
they  were  themselves  expelled  by  the  Governor  of  Hamah.  f 

The  Nasariyeh. — Of  this  denomination  the  Pashaliks  of  Aleppo  ; 
and  Tripoli  give  us  the  chief  localities.     Antioch  on  the  north,  \ 
and  the  Nahr-el-Kelb  on  the  south,  are  their  boundaries,  their 
habitats  being  the  villages  of  the  hill-country.     In  these,  to 
which  they  are  strongly  attached,  they  till  the  soil  with  a  fair 
amount  of  industry  and  skill;  and  have  the  credit  of  being j, 
somewhat  less  warlike  than  the  other  mountain  tribes.     The 
names  of  four  divisions  of  them  are  known  :  Kamariyeh,  Sham- 
seyeh,  Kleleseyeh,  and  Shimaleyeh.     Are  these  denominations 
religious,  tribual,  or  both  ? 

The  Nasariyeh  hate  Mahometans ;  but  are  willing,  when 
they  visit  the  towns,  to  comport  themselves  as  true  believers. 
They  keep  as  holidays  Christmas  Day,  Epiphany,  New  Yearns 
Day,  the  Fourth  of  April,  and  the  Seventeenth  of  April.  They 
have  secret  signs,  mysterious  words,  initiative  ceremonies. 

Of  the  Mutuali  I  know  little  -,  nor  can  I  say  whether  theyf 
are  anything,  either  worse  or  better,  than  simple  Shiites  of 
Persian  or  Kurd  origin.  They  are  active  soldiers,  and  theii^ 
valour  is  respected,  though  as  a  body  they  are  neither  numerous! 
nor  widely  diffused.  The  parts  about  Baalbek,  the  ancieni 
Heliopolis,  are  their  occupancy. 


Ill 


CHAPTER    V. 

Albania. — Despotat  of  Epiriis.  —  Scanderbeg.  —  AH  Paslia.  —  Albanians   in 

Greece. 

"Pew  countries  have  clearer  and  more  definite  natural  boundaries 
than  Albania.  In  few  countries,,  too^  is  the  intermixture  of 
extraneous  elements  less.  The  patches  of  foreign  settlers  with 
the  outward  and  visible  characteristics  of  language,  name,  and 
nationality,  are  few ;  and  the  amount  of  foreign  blood,  disguised 
by  Albanian  characteristics,  is  small.  Still,  there  are  certain 
settlements  of  Valachians,  Slavonians,  and  Greeks,  which, 
though  they  are  few  as  compared  with  similar  heterogeneities 
elsewhere,  are  still  too  notable  to  be  ignored.  Upon  the 
whole,  however,  the  Albanian  stock,  within  the  limits  of 
Albania,  is,  comparatively  speaking,  pure. 

But  the  Albanians  are,  by  no  means,  limited  to  Albania.  In 
Italy,  and  Sicily,  they  are  numerous.  There  are  some  in 
Russia,  some  in  Austria,  an  inordinate  number  in  Greece. 
Indeed,  much  of  Greece  is  more  Albanian  than  Greek. 

That  the  population  is  as  uniform  in  its  character  as  the  land 
on  which  it  lives  is,  by  no  means,  the  case.  On  the  contrary, 
it  is  signalized  by  differences  of  dialect  which  in  their  extreme 
forms  almost  amount  to  differences  of  language ;  by  differences 
of  religion ;  by  differences  of  nationality.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  general  character  of  the  men  and  women  is  the  same 
throughout.  We  may  call  them  Albanians.  We  may  call  them 
Arnauts.  We  may  call  them  Skipetar.  The  first  name  is  the 
ordinary  European  one ;  the  second  is  the  one  applied  by  the 
Turks ;  the  third  the  one  applied  by  the  Albanians  themselves. 


112  ALBANIA. 

Though  shepherds,  robbers,  and  soldiers,  the  Albanians  must 
not  be  looked  upon  as  exclusively  landsmen.  Those  of  the  islands 
exhibit  great  naval  aptitude.  As  sailors  they  are  both  bold  and 
skilful. 

They  marry  young;  and  become  betrothed  still  younger. 
When  this  is  the  case  the  principals  have  but  a  small  voice  in  the 
marriage  prehminaries.  The  parents  effect  these  long  before  the 
sons  and  daughters  are  adolescent. 

The  best  traits  in  the  Skipetar  character  are  then-  love  of 
liberty,  their  love  of  their  country,  their  courage,  and  their  con- 
fidence in  each  other.  Hence  their  chief  representatives  in  history 
have  been  warriors ;  first  and  foremost  of  whom  stands  George 
Castriotes,  Little  Alexander,  or  Scanderbeg.  That  there  was 
Skipetar  blood  in  more  than  one  of  the  heroes  of  antiquity  is 
nearly  certain.  There  was  Skipetar  blood  in  the  veins  of  more 
than  one  of  the  kings  of  the  Hellenic  world.  Pyrrhus,  for  in- 
stance,  and  the  Temenids  of  Macedonia  were,  probably,  more  or 
less  Skipetar. 

In  the  details  of  their  division  the  primary  sections  are  those  of 
the  Gheghs  and  the  Tosks :  the  Gheghs  on  the  north,  the  Tosks 
on  the  south.     The  chief  character  is  the  language ;  the  valley  of 
Skumbi  or  Stirnatza,  between  Berat  and  Elbassan  being,  there  or 
thereabouts,  the  boundary  between  the  two  forms  of  it.     That  the 
two  dialects  are  mutually  unintelhgible  has  been  over-boldly  and 
over-hastily  asserted.      It  is  doubtful  whether,   even,  the  most 
northern  sub- dialect  of  the  one  and  the  most  southern  of  the 
other,  verify  this  statement.     That  there  is  anything  like  an  ap- 
proximation to  mutual  unintelligibility  on  the  frontier  is  out  of  the 
question.    Still,  the  division  is  natural.    It  is  with  the  Slavonians 
that  the  Gheghs,  with  the  Greeks  that  the  Tosks,  come  the  most 
in  contact.  Again,  when  a  Skipetar  is  a  Christian  his  Christianity  i 
is  that  of  his  frontier,  so   that  the  Christianity  of  the  Tosks  is; 
that  of  the  Greek,  the   Christianity   of  the  Gheghs  that  of  the 
Latin  Church.    Of  the  Latin  Christians  the  Mirdits  are  the  chief 
tribe.     Among  the  Lyapid  and  Tshamid  divisions  of  the  Tosks,  j 
the  Greek  Church  has  its  chief  adherents.     The  mass,  however,} 
professes  Mahometanism ;    though  not  often  with   bigotry   andj 
not  always  with  sincerity. 

The  singularly  mild  form  of  their  Mahometanism  is  referable 


ALBANIA.  113 

to  several  causes.  In  the  first  place,  their  Christianity  was 
always  of  an  imperfect  character,  being  underlaid  from  the  be- 
ginning to  the  end  by  the  original  paganism  which,  at  the  present 
time,  crops  out  on  every  occasion  where  a  superstition  can  find  a 
chance  of  showing  itself.  It  was  more  Greek  than  Latin,  though 
not  without  Latin  elements.  Neither  was  the  Greek  part  of  it 
t}'pically  Greek.  No  vernacular  translation  of  the  Scriptures 
helped  to  fix  the  language,  as  vernacular  translations  fixed  the 
Slavonic  of  Bulgaria,  Servia,  and  Dalmatia.  No  notable  saints, 
no  polemic  bishops,  figure  in  their  annals.  Monasteries  were 
never  numerous  in  their  rude  and  suspicious  mountains.  All 
this  favoured  the  natural  vitality  of  the  old  mythology. 

Secondly.  Many  of  the  conversions  were  made  from  political 
motives :  to  save  an  estate,  to  keep  an  ofl&ce,  to  take  a  place  in  a 
privileged  class.  In  many  famihes  the  Mahometanism  is  scarcely 
three  generations  old. 

Thirdly.  Amongst  the  Christians  themselves  the  two  rival  de- 
nominations were  prevented  from  quarrelUng  with  one  another  by 
their  geographical  position.  The  Komanist  Mirdits  lay  on  the 
north,  the  orthodox  Tshamids  and  Lyapids  on  the  south.  Between 
them  lay  the  great  block  of  the  Mahometanism  of  the  middle 
district  as  a  breakwater  to  their  natural  intolerance. 

Fourthly.  There  was  never  much  religious  persecution  :  which 
was  wanting  not  because  the  Ottomans  were  tolerant,  but  be- 
cause (from  a  variety  of  reasons  diff'ering  with  the  difierence  of 
circumstances)  the  Christians  of  Albania  managed  to  keep  the 
right  of  bearing  arms,  and  knew  well  how  to  wield  them.  For 
this  they  had  to  thank  their  own  bold  tempers  and  the  imprac- 
ticable nature  of  their  occupancies. 

In  all  this  we  get  the  explanation  of  a  fact  upon  which  the  his- 
torian of  the  Greek  Revolution  has  founded  a  safe  generalization 
and  remarked  that  whilst,  with  the  Greeks,  the  ecclesiastic  spirit 
was  stronger  than  the  national,  the  national,  with  the  Albanians, 
was  stronger  than  the  ecclesiastic.  The  fact  itself,  whatever  may 
be  its  explanation,  is  beyond  doubt ;  a  fact  which  makes  itself 
apparent  in  every  page  of  the  later  history  of  Greece — wherein  we 
fiiid  Albanians  and  Greeks  fighting  side  by  side,  for  the  political 
freedom  of  the  soil  of  Greece — the  adopted  country  of  an  inor- 
dinate number  of  Albanian  colonists — the  country  in  which,  not- 

8 


114         .  ALBANIA. 

Withstanding  the  difference  of  blood  and  language,  the  Albanians 
comported  themselves  as  Greeks. 

Nor  have  these  characteristics  been  exhibited  without  reason. 
If  ever  the  time  come  when  the  Greek  Kingdom  shall  strengthen 
itself  at  the  expense  of  the  Turkish,  whatever  may  be  the  doubts 
as  to  the  amalgamation  of  the  Bulgarians  and  Kumanyos  in  a 
Great  Byzantine  Empire,  the  practicability  of  a  fusion  between 
the  Greeks  and  Albanians,  even  if  everything  else  be  denied, 
must  be  recognized.  Greece,  at  the  present  time,  is,  to  a  great 
extent,  Albanian ;  and,  if  it  had  not  been  for  its  Albanian  element, 
would,  in  all  probability,  never  have  been  independent  Greece. 
With  Albania  released  from  Turkey,  a  similar  series  of  migrations 
in  the  opposite  direction  is  likely:  in  which  case  Albania  would 
be  partially  Hellenized  —  the  Albanians  holding  the  hills,  the 
Greeks  the  towns.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  the  Albanians 
are,  by  no  means,  either  malcontents  or  bad  subjects  of  the  Porte. 

It  were  well  for  many  Christian  countries  if  they  were  so — well 
for  Christendom  in  general ;  for  it  is  through  the  unscrupulous 
instrumentality  of  the  Albanian  garrisons  that  the  worst  acts  in  the 
Ottoman  history  have  been  perpetrated.  Faithful  to  his  pay  the 
Albanian  is  as  careless  of  human  suflPering  as  he  is  bold,  as  rapa- 
cious as  he  is  trusty.  Faithful  he  is  and  brave  he  is,  but  brave 
and  faithful  after  the  fashion  of  a  brave  and  faithful  mercenary. 

From  the  compactness  of  its  area  the  Albanian  nationality  is 
isolated;  by  which  I  mean  that  the  Albanian  has  no  near  kinsmen 
elsewhere  by  whom  his  political  sympathies  are  extended  beyond 
the  frontiers  of  his  own  country.  Such  relations  as  exist  between 
Servia  and  Bulgaria,  between  Alsatia  and  Germany,  between  Lower 
Canada  and  France,  whatever  may  be  their  value,  have  no  exist- 
ence in  the  Skipetar  world.  Except  in  the  case  of  its  colonies  it  | 
is  self-contained.  Albania,  if  united  with  any  second  nation, 
must  be  united  with  one  which  differs  in  many  important  ethno- 
logical characteristics  from  itself. 

From  the  tenor  of  its  previous  history,  itself  determined  by 
the  physical  conditions  of  the  country,  the  Albanian  nationahty 
is  local,  sectional,  and  provincial,  rather  than  general:  in  other  | 
words,  it  consists  of  a  series  of  small  nationalities  rather  than 
of  one  great  one.  The  country  has  never  played  a  prominent 
and  acknowledged   part  in   the  world's  history.      An   Albanian 


ALBANIA.  115 

empire,  eo  nomine,  has  never  existed.  An  Albanian  kingdom  has 
only  been  approximated.  There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  royal 
Albanian  dynasty.  The  nearest  approaches  to  anything  of  this 
kind  have  been  made  by  certain  Bulgarian  and  Wallachian  princi- 
palities founded  in  Albania.  But  even  these,  except  in  Byzantine 
history,  have  never  been  of  importance.  What  there  is  instead  of 
this,  is  a  series  of  tribual  captains,  of  guerilla  chieftains,  of  (at 
the  best)  popular  heroes  whose  fame  has  been  co-extensive  with 
the  small  domain  of  Albanian  language;  the  greatest  of  whom, 
the  only  one  whose  exploits  have  arrested  the  attention  of  the 
general  historian,  was  Scanderbeg. 

In  ethnology,  so  wanting  has  it  been  in  method  and  principle, 
the  exertion  of  a  minimum  of  common-sense  or  the  recognition 
of  the  most  patent  presumption  takes  the  guise  of  a  discovery. 
Hence,  the  doctrine  broached  by  Thunman,  that  the  modern  Al- 
banians are  neither  more  nor  less  than  the  descendants  of  the 
ancient  Illyrians,  has  been  looked  upon  by  some  as  a  valuable 
suggestion,  by  others  as  a  bold  hypothesis.  Yet  it  is  simply  the 
prima  facie  view.  What  should  they  be  else  ?  It  is  not,  how- 
ever, on  the  mere  presumptions  that  the  doctrine  rests.  Local 
names  and  glosses  confirm  it;  and  there  are  few  critics,  at  the 
present  time,  who  doubt  it.  The  exact  details  of  the  boundaries 
are  another  matter.  So  is  the  original  extent  of  the  area.  How 
far  Albania  ran  northwards  before  it  touched  the  Slavonic  frontier, 
how  far  it  ran  east  and  south  before  it  touched  the  Hellenic,  are 
questions  of  more  or  less.  Questions,  too,  of  more  or  less  are 
those  touching  the  blood  of  Pyrrhus,  Philip,  and  Alexander, 
Epirots  and  Macedonians  who  were  certainly  in  blood  more  or  less 
what  a  Greek  would  call  Barbarian.  That  the  Gheghs  re- 
present the  Illyrians  in  the  limited  sense  of  the  term  rather 
than  the  Epirots^  and  the  Tosks  the  Epirots  rather  than  the 
Illyrians^  is  likely. 

But,  except  in  the  ethnology  of  the  Celts  and  Germans,  there 
is  nothing  in  the  classical  writings  more  indefinite  than  the 
boundaries  of  Illyria,  on  every  side  but  that  of  the  sea.  The 
division  between  Epirus  and  Greece  conld  never  have  been  very 
decided;  though  between  the  more  barbaric  and  more  Hel- 
lenizing  tribes  there  may  have  been  a  political  frontier.  Then 
there  was  the  boundary  on  the  east  between  Illyria  and  Macedon, 

8   * 


116  ALBANIA. 

and  then^  on  the  nortli-east_,  between  Illyria  and  Thrace ;  and 
here  there  were  ethnological  distinction  as  well.  The  difference 
between  the  Illyrians_,  the  Thracians^  and  (we  may  add)  the 
Celts^  was  a  prominent  element  in  ancient  ethnology.  As  a 
race,  the  Illyrians  were  put  on  the  high  level  of  the  ubiquitous 
Celts,  and  Noricum  was  called  by  Strabo  Illyrian.  Again,  the 
northern  boundary  of  the  race  was  carried  far  in  the  direction 
of  the  Danube ;  so  that  much  of  Pannonia  passes  for  having 
been  Illyrian. 

Finally,  it  was  mainly  on  the  sea-coast  and  on  the  Hel- 
lenizing  part  of  Epirus  that  there  was  any  accurate  geography. 
The  inland  districts  were  but  little  known. 

In  respect  to  Albanian  history,  if  we  begin  at  the  very  begin- 
ning, we  must  make  it  so  early  as  (speaking  catachrestically)  to 
make  it  ^re-historic.     This  means  that  we  must  go  back  to  the 
time  of  the  Odyssey.    After  this  comes  the  Athenian  period,  or  the 
days  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Here  we  get  adequate  notices 
of  the  southern  districts  under  the  name  ''  Epirus '^  and  of  the 
northern  under  that  of  "  Illyria  J'     Then  comes  the  time  when 
the  great  Macedonian  Empire  is  cut  up  into  Roman  provinces; 
and  then  the  division  of  the  Roman  Empire  itself.     Until  the 
time  of  the  Ottoman  conquest  it  was,  theoretically,  a  question  as 
to  which  of  the  two  rival  empires  Albania  belonged ;  if,  indeed, 
it  belonged  to  either.     After  the  death  of  George  Castriotes,  or  \ 
Scanderbeg,  it  certainly  was  not  Roman  at  all.     The  special 
campaign,  however,  by  which  it  was  conquered  has  yet  to  be 
discovered ;  neither  do  we  know  anything  of  the  details  of  its 
reduction.     All  we  know  is  that  it  followed  the  fate  of  the 
countries  of  its  three  frontiers — Bosnia  on  the  north,  Mace- 
donia on  the  east,  and  Greece  on  the  south.     Neither  have  we 
any  history  of  it  as  a  compact  and  independent  state.     There 
was  a  Bulgarian  kingdom  pure  and  simple ;   a  Bulgaro-Wal-li 
lachian  kingdom,  and  a  Servian  kingdom ;  in  all  of  which  sorael 
portion  of  Albania,  either  really  or  nominally,  made   a  part.l 
But  of  a  consolidated  state,  whether  regal  or  republican,  co-i 
extensive  with  the  very  natural  boundary  of  the  country  asl 
a  nation  we  know  nothing.      So  it  was  when   Mahomet  II, 
fought  against  Scanderbeg,  and  so  it  was  when  Pyrrhus  invadec 


A 


ALBANIA.  117 

Italy.  In  the  time  of  Pyrrhus  there  was  a  Greek  kingdom  on 
the  Greco-Macedonian  frontier,  and  in  the  time  of  Scanderbeg 
there  was  a  principality  on  the  north ;  but  there  is  not  a  con- 
solidated Albania. 

No  parallels  run  exactly  on  all  fours ;  but_,  in  the  way  of 
approximate  illustrations,  we  may  find  something  like  Albania 
in  the  Highlands  of  Scotland,  in  Switzerland,  and,  in  what 
comes  most  appropriate  to  the  present  subject,  the  Ottoman 
and  Persian  part  of  the  Kurd  country — Kurdistan.  That  the 
national,  or  ethnological,  characteristics  of  the  Albanians  in 
general  is  of  a  very  definite  and  decided  character  has  already 
been  indicated. 

When  we  lose  sight  of  Albania  as  a  part  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  we  must  look  to  the  early  histories  of  Hungary  and  of 
Venice ;  and  from  these  we  get  but  little  information.  Albania 
seems  to  have  been  independent  of  both ;  so  far,  at  least,  as  the 
terra  firma  of  the  continent  is  concerned.  The  islands  seem  to 
have  been  Venetian  before  the  thirteenth  century ;  and  at  an 
equally  early  date  certain  ports  seem  to  have  been  occupied  by 
the  Normans. 

With  the  Fourth  Crusade  we  get  something  like  a  consecutive 
history,  though  not  a  continuous  one. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  history  of 
Albania,  which  means  Epirus  and  part  of  Illyria,  takes  a 
separate  form;  though  its  connections  with  Servia_,  Bulgaria, 
Greece,  and  Venice,  must  be  borne  in  mind. 

When  Constantinople,  A.D.  1204,  was  taken  by  the  Franks, 
Michael  I.  of  Epirus,  a  cousin  of  the  two  Emj)erors,  Isaac  II. 
and  Alexius  III.,  was  illegitimate.  Theodore,  his  brother,  was 
legitimate.  Manuel  and  Constantino,  legitimate  or  illegitimate, 
were  the  brothers  or  half-brothers  of  Theodore.  The  Emperor 
in  Nicsea  is  also  named  Theodore. 

^lichael  fled  to  Epirus  ;  married  an  Epirot  lady ;  contracted 
power  j  founded  a  principality ;  took,  under  the  Nicsean  Em- 
peror, the  title  of  Despot ;  ruled  in  Epirus  till  assassinated. 

Theodore,  his  brother,  who  had  sworn  allegiance  to  his  Im- 
perial namesake  at  Nicaea,  succeeded;  conquered  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  Emperor ;    threw  off  his   allegiance ;    reduced 


118  ALBANIA. 

Thessalonica  and  called  himself  Emperor ;  threatened  Constan- 
tinople; was  defeated  by  Asan,  the  King  of  Bulgaria,  and 
blinded.  His  brother,  Manuel,  succeeded.  Meanwhile,  Asan 
had  married  Theodore^s  daughter,  whose  father  returned  to  Bul- 
garia j  but,  as  a  blind  man,  was  constrained  to  place  the  govern- 
ment in  the  hands  of  his  son  John,  with  the  title  of  Despot. 

Constantine,  during  these  events,  holds  authority  in  Thessaly. 
Manuel  escapes  to  Nicsea.  He  attacks  John  and  Theodore ;  but 
the  latter,  in  the  capacity  of  ambassador  and  plenipotentiary 
from  his  son,  persuades  them  to  make  a  family  compact  against 
both  the  Greeks  and  the  Franks.  This  leaves  John  Emperor 
of  Thessalonica,  though  unable  to  hold  the  empire.  Reduced 
by  the  Emperor  of  Nicsea,  he  is  satisfied  with  the  recognition 
of  his  Despotats  in  Epirus  and  Thessalonica,  though  fated  to 
lose  both.  Thessalonica  goes  back  to  the  empire ;  Epirus  to 
Michael  XL,  a  natural  son  of  Michael  I.  Epirus,  however,  has 
extended  its  frontiers ;  whilst  the  old  blind  Theodore  retains 
the  district  of  Vodhena  in  Thessalia.  But  this  lasts  only  for  a 
time.  John  III.  confirms  Michael  in  the  title  of  Despot  of 
Epirus,  and  Michael  acknowledges  John  III.  as  Emperor.  But 
Theodore  intrigues.  Michael  and  John  quarrel.  The  former 
gives  up  Theodore  and  relinquishes  a  part  of  his  Despotat.  The 
battle  of  Pelagonia  weakens  him  still  more.  He  partially 
recovers  his  strength ;  and  is  succeeded  by  his  son  Nicephorus, 
who  reduces  parts  of  Etolia  and  Acarnania.  Attacked  by  the 
Greeks  and  the  Genoese,  he  is  assisted  by  the  Count  of  Cepha- 
lonia,  with  whom  he  contracts  alliances ;  dies,  and  is  succeeded 
by  his  son  Thomas.  The  Count  of  Cephalonia  murders  his 
nephew  Thomas,  who  is  murdered  by  his  brother  John,  who  is 
murdered  by  his  wife  Anne  ;  and  thus  the  Cephalonian  Counts  i 
of  the  family  of  Tocco  become  the  Despots  of  Epirus.  By  1350,  i 
however,  the  northern  part  of  Albania  is  conquered  by  the  King 
of  Servia,  Stephen  Dushan. 

Early  in  the  thirteenth  century  we  find  Albanians  in  Greece. 
The  Emperor  Manuel  Palseologus  in  the  Morea  was  constrained  I 
to  defend  the  Morea  against  the  Turkish  corsairs,  who  were  now 
formidable.     He  taxed  his  subjects  in  order  to  raise  a  fleet,  andj 
a  rebellion  was   the  result ;  a  rebellion  which  he  succeedec 


ALBANIA.  119 

with  the   assistance   of   a  body  of   Albanian   mercenaries,,  in 
putting  down. 

I  now  follow  Finlay,  w^hose  general  carefulness  makes  him  a 
trustworthy  guide  even  when  he  ventures  on  the  dangerous 
risk  of  a  negative  assertion,  in  drawing  attention  to  this 
Albanian  company  as  the  first  upon  record  which  mixed  itself 
up  with  the  affairs  of  Greece.  The  intruders  who  had  pre- 
ceded them  were  Slavonians ;  but  from  this  time  forwards  the 
Slavonian  name  loses  importance,  whilst  the  Albanian  gains  it. 
We  shall,  henceforth,  hear  but  little  of  the  Slavonians  of 
Taygetus  and  Skortos;  but  much  concerning  the  Albanians. 

About  the  same  date  wdth  the  earliest  notice  of  an  Albanian 
element  in  the  Morea  is  that  of  the  earliest  notice  of  the  Ot- 
toman Turks.  Cantacuzene,  we  may  remember,  was  a  usurper; 
so  that  the  title  of  his  son  to  the  Despotat  was  a  bad  one. 
John  V.  deputed  Asan  to  supersede  him.  The  son,  however, 
of  the  usurper  kept  his  place  during  his  lifetime.  Theodore 
Palseologus,  the  son  of  the  Emperor,  succeeded  him,  and  finding 
that  his  despotism  was  threatened  by  the  resistance  of  his  sub- 
jects, called  in,  in  support  of  his  authority,  a  body  of  auxiliaries 
under  Evi^enos,  one  of  the  ablest  of  Amurath^s  generals.  There 
had  been  piracy  on  the  coast  of  the  Morea  long  before  this ; 
but  of  Ottoman  soldiers  on  the  soil  of  the  peninsula  this  (I 
again  quote  Finlay)  is  the  first  notice. 

And  now^,  though  the  Imperial  power  is  but  small,  that  of 
the  Franks  is  less.  Indeed,  it  is  waning.  So  is  the  language 
and  nationality  of  the  Slavonians ;  whilst  colonization  from 
Albania  increases.  Hardier  and  ruder  than  the  children  of 
the  soil,  the  Skipetar,  year  after  year,  increase  in  number. 
Some  come  as  squatters,  some  as  farmers  j  so  that  rents  were 
increased  to  the  colonists.  Their  spirit,  then  at  its  highest, 
for  the  fame  of  their  countryman,  Scanderbeg,  had  reached 
them,  and  an  actual  conquest  of  the  Morea  seemed  scarcely  an 
illegitimate  aspiration.  And  many  malcontent  Greeks  en- 
couraged and  joined  them,  one  of  whom  was  a  noble,  who 
thought  that  by  adapting  himself  to  their  nationality,  he  might 
make  them  instrumental  to  his  ambition.  Instead  of  his 
Greek  name  Manuel  he  called  himself  by  the  Albanian  name 


120  ALBANIA. 

Ghiiij  whilst  his  wife^  who  was  a  Maria,,  affected  that  of 
Cuchia.  The  insurgents  were^  on  the  whole^  successful.  On 
each  side,  however,  Ottoman  intervention  was  invoked.  It  was 
exerted  so  as  to  protect  the  Greeks  without  crushing  the  Al- 
banians. Indeed,  they  kept  the  cattle  they  had  stolen  and 
retained  their  lands  at  a  fixed  rent. 

Then  comes  the  time  of  the  famous  George  Castriotes,  or 
Scanderbeg.  His  father  was  the  lord  of  a  small  district  in 
Epirus,  and  George  himself  one  of  four  brothers.  All  the  four 
were  sent  to  Adrianople  as  hostages ;  and,  of  these,  three  died, 
perhaps,  by  poison.  All  had  been  circumcised ;  all  trained  as 
soldiers  in  the  Ottoman  army ;  and  in  this  George  had  so  con- 
spicuously distinguished  himself,  that  the  Turks  gave  him  the 
name  of  Iskender  Beg,  Scanderbeg,  or  the  Lord  Alexander.  He 
escaped,  however,  to  his  native  land ;  and,  having  been  admitted 
within  the  walls  of  Oroya,  proclaimed  himself  the  avenger  of 
his  family  and  country.  This  position  he  maintained  for  about 
a  quarter  of  a  century.  Under  extreme  pressure,  he  applied  to 
the  Pope,  Pius  II.,  for  a  refuge  in  Italy,  where  he  died  at 
Lissus,  in  the  Venetian  territory.  The  town  of  Oroya,  with 
which  his  name  is  most  especially  associated,  was  not  part  of 
his  paternal  domain,  but  a  Turkish  fortress  which  he  recovered. 
That  he  made  over  his  rights  in  Epirus  to  Venice  is  probable. 
It  is  doubtful,  however,  what  they  were. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  it  was  not  long  after  his  death  that  Oroya 
was  retaken.  It  is  now  a  mere  village.  The  siege  of  Scutari 
soon  followed  that  of  Oroya,  and  Scutari  was  taken  also.  In 
both  cases  a  large  body  of  the  inhabitants  sought  and  found 
shelter  in  Venetia. 

It  is  not  easy  to  give  in  a  single  chapter  anything  like  a 
consecutive  history  of  Albania  for  the  next  three  centuries — 
there  or  thereabouts ;  nor  even  for  the  whole  of  the  reign  of 
Mahomet  II.  is  the  history  continuous.  It  is  in  the  earlier 
part  of  it,  and  between  the  conquest  of  Trebizond  and  the 
repulse  at  Belgrade,  that  we  first  find  him  on  or  within  the 
frontier  of  Albania  and  in  contact  with  Scanderbeg.  The 
result  of  this  campaign  seems  to  have  been  the  complete  con- 
quest of  Bosnia  and  the  Duchy  of  St.  Saba  (Herzegovina),  and 


SCANDERBEG.  121 

something  like  an  agreement  with  Scandcrbeg,  whom  he  ac- 
knowledges as  Lord  of  Albania  and  Epirus ;  after  whieh  there 
seems  to  have  been  peace  in  the  country  till  towards  the  end 
of  the  reign.  The  events  that  then  take  place  succeed  the 
conquests  of  Mahomet  in  Greece^  the  Negropontj  and  other 
of  the  less  important  islands.  This  implies  that  the  war  is 
more  especially  against  Venice;  not  without  an  alliance  between 
the  Turk  and  the  Duke  of  Milan.  That  Venice,  at  this  time^ 
was  threatened  by  an  Ottoman  fleet,  and  that,  subsequently, 
the  Sultan  took  possession  of  the  country  and  town  of  Otranto, 
has  already  been  stated.  He  retired  from  Italy  as  we  know; 
but  it  seems  to  be  in  connection  with  this  campaign,  in  the  last 
year  of  the  reign  of  Mahomet  II.,  that  Albania  became  a  part 
of  the  Ottoman  Empire. 

It  was  not,  however,  conquered  as  a  whole ;  nor  is  it  easy  to 
see  how  the  central  districts  lost  their  independence  at  all. 
We  can  readily  understand  how  Epirus  might  be  treated  as 
little  more  than  a  part  of  Greece ;  and  that,  after  the  death  of 
Scanderbeg,  Croya  and  Scutari  were  reduced  as  possessions  of 
Venice  we  know  to  a  certainty.  Indentations,  too,  on  the 
northern  and  eastern  frontiers  might  be  conceded  as  parts  of 
Macedonia,  or  of  the  Bulgaro-Wallachian  kingdom,  or  of  the 
indefinite  and  ephemeral  character  of  Stephan  Dushan  might  be 
ceded  in  such  a  manner  as  to  imply  the  transfer  of  the  whole 
country;  but  of  either  a  campaign  in  detail  or  a  single  great  battle 
that  decided  the  fate  of  Albania  in  mass  I  find  no  evidence. 

During  the  war  with  Austria,  in  the  year  before  the  battle 
of  Salankeman,  1689,  one  of  the  captains  of  Northern  Albania, 
named  Karpos,  assumes,  under  the  suzerainty  of  the  Emperor, 
the  title  of  Krai,  and  makes  Egri-palanka  the  seat  of  his  kral- 
dom.  He  joins  the  Austrians  in  a  battle  which  was  fought  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Uskup,  in  Northern  Macedonia,  where 
the  whole  army  is  defeated,  and  Karpos  is  publicly  executed. 
The  victorious  army  was  led  by  the  third  of  the  Kiuprili  Viziers, 
and  was  of  an  unusually  heterogeneous  constitution ;  Turks, 
of  course,  but,  more  especially,  Hungarians,  under  Teleki,  the 
Hungarian  rebel,  and,  from  a  greater  distance,  Tatars  of  the 
Crimea,  under  their  Khan,  Ghirai. 


122  ALBANIA. 

I  know  of  no  name  of  any  leader  of  Albanians  on  Albanian 
soil  and  with  an  Albanian  army  between  the  time  of  Karpos 
and  Ali  Pasha^  tliongh  there  is  never  a  time  when  the  Albanian 
element  in  the  Turkish  armies  elsewhere  is  not  conspicuous. 
But  they  appear  as  Albanian  captains  in  some  foreign  fortress,, 
doing  their  duty  honestly^  effectively,  and  remorselessly — 
always  without  fear,  and  thoroughly  faithful  as  long  as  they 
are  regularly  paid.  Point  d' argent  point  de  Suisse;  and  it 
is  with  the  Swiss  guards  in  this  respect,  as  admirable  soldiers 
on  foreign  service,  that  the  Albanians  are  most  readily  com- 
pared. It  was  Khalil  Patrona,  an  Albanian,  who,  in  1730, 
superseded  Achmet  III.  by  Mahmoud  I. ;  and  it  was  Bairactar 
who,  at  the  head  of  his  Albanian  regiments,  preserved  and 
enthroned  Mahmoud  IV,  This  was  in  1804;  so  that  Bairactar 
was  a  contemporary  of  Ali  Pasha  of  Janina. 

We  can  scarcely  call  this  notorious  Ali  Pasha  one  of  the 
'^  worthies "  of  Albania ;  of  which  only  two  seem  to  be  gene- 
rally recognised — Pyrrhus  and  Scanderbeg.  Of  the  great  family 
of  the  Kiuprilis,  the  most  that  can  be  said  is  that  they  were  of 
Albanian  origin.  Ali  Pasha,  however,  call  him  what  we  will, 
and  whatever  else  he  may  have  been,  was  wholly  Albanian. 
He  was  of  the  Ghegh  or  southern,  rather  than  of  the  Tosk  or 
northern,  division ;  and  the  town  of  Tepeleen  was  his  birth- 
place. His  father  died  whilst  Ali  was  under  age,  and  that  as 
a  member  of  a  reduced  family  ;  for  the  name  was  one  of  some 
note,  but  which  had  lost  much  of  its  hereditary  prerogative. 
The  mother,  of  an  ambitious  and  vindictive  temper,  did  all  she 
could  to  inspire  her  son  with  the  ambition  of  getting  back  the 
position  of  his  ancestry,  and  of  avenging  himself  on  its  enemies. 
He  became  an  associate  and  then  the  captain  in  a  band  of 
Klepths.  From  a  Klepth  he  bacame  a  soldier,  and,  by  the  year 
1788,  had  done  such  good  service  for  the  Sultan  that  he  ob- 
tained the  Pashalik  of  Tricala  in  Thessaly.  Thence  he  rose  to 
that  of  Jannina,  in  his  native  country,  and  in  the  southern  part 
of  it.  This  was  the  time  when  to  be  a  Pasha  was  to  be  a  rebel; 
and  from  this  time  till  his  assassination,  Ali  Pasha  was  one  of 
the  most  conspicuous.     But  he  was  a  scourge  to  his  subjects. 


ALI    PASHA.  123 

Tlie  tyranny  of  Ali  Paslia  led  to  their  revolt,  and  the  movements 
in  Albania,  of  which  the  Suliot  revolt  was  one,  were  among  the 
chief  preliminaries  to  the  emancipation  of  Greece. 

With  the  unsettled  times  of  the  Venetian  war,  the  history  of 
Suli  begins.  As  Christians  of  the  Greek  Church  the  Suliots 
loved  the  Venetians  no  better  than  the  Turks  ;  and  the  Turks, 
aware  of  this,  relaxed  their  restrictions  and  allowed  them  to  bear 
arms.  The  habits  thus  engendered  took  root,  and  Suli  became  a 
mihtary  community  in  a  natural  fortress ;  with  a  gorge  in  front 
and  impracticable  mountains  on  each  side.  But,  like  a  fortress, 
it  was  stinted  in  its  supply  of  food  and  land,  and  a  chronic 
system  of  either  robbery  or  black-mail,  was  the  result.  In  1780 
the  number  of  Suliot  families  which  bore  arms  was  about  a  hun- 
dred. When  Ali  began  his  attacks,  nineteen  pharas  gave  four 
hundred  and  fifty,  and  about  fifteen  hundred  fighting-men,  dis- 
tributed over  four  villages,  with  the  historical  names  of  Djavella, 
and  Botzaris  among  their  chief.  Speaking  roughly,  we  may  give 
each  family  a  traitor  and  each  a  patriot.  If  one  Botzaris  or 
Djavella  gave  his  services  to  Ah,  some  other  of  the  name  died  in 
a  death-struggle  against  him.  Still,  the  names  of  Botzaris  and 
Djavella  are  best  known  from  their  bad  deeds. 

The  attacks  of  Ah  against  Suli  lasted  about  fifteen  years.  At 
one  time  he  was  suspected  of  being  only  half  in  nss-isos 
earnest  against  them  and  of  prolonging  the  war  for 
purposes  of  his  own.  His  stimulated  energy,  however,  left  no 
room  for  doubt  as  to  his  ultimate  intentions.  Nor  was  repres- 
sion, if  repression  only  had  been  intended,  unneeded.  The  tillers 
of  the  soil  suffered  from  either  inroads  or  exactions,  in  excuse  of 
which  the  poverty  and  circumscription  of  the  soil  of  the  Suli  were 
pleaded  before  indulgent  judges;  for  both  Eussia  and  France 
sympathized,  or  intrigued,  with  these  brave  and  efficient  ma- 
rauders. Much  of  what  is  now  going  on  in  Montenegro  went 
on  during  the  last  years  of  the  last  century  in  the  four  villages ; 
Kako  Suli  (well-named),  Avariko,  Samoneva,  and  Kiapha,  a 
miniature  Lacedsemon. 

With  George  Botzaris  Suli  lost  seventy  families,  or  about  one 
hundred  soldiers.  Djavella  took  off  others.  Kako  Suli  was  betrayed 
byPyho  Gousi.  Avariko  followed.  To  Kiapha  alone  attaches  the 
interest   which  the  name  of  Suliot  inspires.      The   man   whom 


1 24  ALBANIA. 

no  bribes  seduced,  no  dangers  terrified,  and  no  promises  deceived, 
was  an  Albanian,  of  mysterious  origin,  who  had  dropped  upon 
Suli  as  it  were  from  the  skies.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a  native 
of  Andros.  His  name  was  Samuel ;  but  he  called  himself  The  Last 
Judgment,  a  term  which  suggests  the  secret  of  his  authority. 
The  ecclesistical  dynasts  had  joined  with  Ali  against  the  Suliots. 
The  Bishop  of  Arta  had  forbidden  the  Christians  of  his  diocese 
to  assist  them.  The  Bishop  of  Paramythia  had  allowed  Ali  to 
dictate  a  letter  to  the  same  effect.  The  spiritual  censure  of  the 
Metropolitan  of  Joannina  had  been  directed  against  them.  But 
the  Church,  in  the  eyes  of  Samuel,  was  selling  itself  to  Mahomet; 
and,  full  of  his  mission,  he  made  light  of  both  its  censures  and 
its  exhortations.  It  was,  probably,  no  difficult  matter  to  infuse 
his  own  spirit  of  insubordination  into  the  hearts  of  the  Suliots. 
They  made  him  their  military  chief. 

He  had  charge  of  the  hill  of  Kughni,  and  the  village  of  Kiapha. 
All  around  was  conquered  or  coerced.  The  men  guarded  the 
paths;  while  the  women  carried  them  water  and  provisions  under  the 
fire  of  the  besiegei's,  who  treated  them  as  combatants.  The  number  of 
the  families  was  three  hundred  ;  but  their  resistance  was  sufficiently 
prolonged  to  induce  Ali  to  offer  terms  ;  and  a  capitu- 
lation  was  signed,  by  which  Kughni  and  Kiapha 
were  delivered  up  to  Veli  Pasha  and  Photo  Djavella. 

The  Suliots  who  had  concluded  separate  treaties  with  Ali  had 
betaken  themselves  to  Zalongo.  The  terms  of  the  capitulation  of 
Kughni  and  Kiapha  were  never  meant  to  be  kept ;  for,  after  per- 
mission had  been  given  to  Zervas  and  Drako  to  retire  with  their 
pharas  to  Parga,  Ali  placed  an  ambuscade  on  their  road.  They 
escaped  it ;  but  the  treachery  was  the  same.  In  like  manner,  Ali 
surprised  Zalongo.  Some  of  its  defenders  were  made  slaves  of; 
some  were  killed  fighting  ;  some  threw  themselves  from  the  rock 
rather  than  fall  into  the  hand  of  Ali ;  and  of  these  the  greater  part 
were  women.  Some  dashed  their  infants  down  first.  Such  is  the 
general  picture,  which  is,  perhaps,  vague  and  indistinct.  Let  us  re- 
member that  the  whole  garrison  was  but  a  fraction  of  a  fraction  of 
the  reduced  Suliot  population,  and  then  see  whether  we  can  find 
a  numerical  return.  Sixty  men,  twenty-two  women,  and  four 
children — these  are  the  imperfect  statistics  for  the  occupants  of 
Zalongo  who  died  dashed  to  pieces.     Samuel,  in  Kughni,  when 


ALBANIA.  125 

he  saw  that  all  was  lost^  retired  to  the  pow^der-magazine  and 
lit  a  match.  We  know  what  comes  when  resolute  men  do 
this. 

Thouffh  the  Suliots  are  the  most  notable  warriors  of  their 
class  (the  class  of  the  semi-independent^  privileged^  and  Christian 
Albanians)^  the  Chimariots  and  Parginots  are  in  the  same 
category.  By  the  Treaty  of  Campo  Formio,  the  Venetian 
dependencies  off  and  in  Albania  became  French^  and  Ali  Pasha 
was  the  Friend  of  the  French^  to  whom  he  represented  the 
Chimariots  as  rebels  to  his  lord  the  Sultan_,  and  reduced  them 
by  a  bloody  massacre  for  himself. 

In  1798j  however,  he  ejects  the  French  themselves  from  all 
the  fortresses  on  the  continent  which  they  held  under  their 
title  from  Venice^  Parga  alone  remaining  independent. 

In  1800^  ever}i;hing  which  had  ever  been  Venetian  is  made 

over  to  Turkey.     This  gave  Parga  to  the  Sultan  as  its  nominal^ 

but  to  Ali  as  its  real_,  master.     Even  the  Sultan  assented  to  its 

remaining  as  it  was ;  so  that  for  nineteen  years  its  cession  was 

in  abeyance.     In  1819^  however^  England  was  called  upon  to 

make  good  the  convention  of  1800_,  and  Parga  was  unwillingly 

ceded.     Rather  than  submit  to  Ali^  the  Parginots  emigrated  in 

a  body.     England  gave  them  up  unwillingly,  but  under  the 

legitimate  compulsion  of  a  treaty,  and  received  them  in  the 

Ionian  Islands. 

^  -x-  •)«•  ^  -H-  -Sf 

In  the  way  of  blood,  race,  or  descent,  the  AJbanians  are 
comparatively  pure.  Still,  there  is  considerable  intermixture 
in  the  north  and  in  the  south,  the  middle  districts  being  the 
purest.  At  some  uncertain  period,  but  in  connection  with  the 
extension  of  the  Bulgarian  and  Vallachian  kingdom,  a  con- 
siderable Vlach  element  was  introduced  into  Albania,  which, 
apparently  from  Albania,  extended  itself  into  Thessaly.  But 
within  the  limits  of  Albania  itself  there  were,  at  least,  four 
settlements ;  and  they  exist  at  the  present  time. 

1.  In  the  parts  about  Moscopolis  and  Kastoria,  to  the  east 
of  Berat.  The  exact  boundaries  of  this  region  are  uncertain. 
Maltebrun,  however,  states  that  to  the  north  of  Kastoria  five 
languages  are  spoken,  viz.,  the  Greek,  the  Albanian,  the  Servian, 


126  ALBANIA. 

the  Turk,  and  the  Vallachian.     Unless  by ''  Servian  ''  he  means 
^^  Bulgarian,^'  he  might  have  added  a  fourth. 

2.  On  the  head-waters  of  the  River  Arta. 

3.  On  the  head-waters  of  the  Aspropotamos.  Both  these 
districts  are  Albanian.  The  population,  however,  extends  across 
the  mountains  into  Greece. 

4.  The  parts  about  Karpenis.  All  these  Vlachs  are  Kutzo 
Vallachians. 

Again,  there  was  rarely  a  time  when  some  part  of  Albania 
was  not  under  the  dominion  of  either  Bulgaria  or  Servia ;  and 
when  this  was  the  case,  the  city  of  Ochrida  was  a  favoured 
town,  with  something  like  a  metropolitan  prerogative.  It  was 
this  in  the  time  of  the  Bulgaro-Wallachian  dynasty,  and  this  in 
the  time  of  the  great  Servian  Krai  Dushan  Khan. 

There  are  probably  other  Servian  localities.  I  find  it  stated 
by  Finlay,  on  the  high  authority  of  Colonel  Leake,  that  the 
Bulgarian  language  was  spoken  within  the  present  generation 
(as  it,  perhaps,  is  spoken  at  the  present  moment)  in  some 
villages  to  the  south  of  Akrida. 

Meanwhile,  the  Greek  language  deeply  indents  the  southern 
frontier,  whilst  along  the  sea-coast  there  is  much  Venetian  blood. 

With  all  this,  ce7^^ro!/ Albania  is  one  of  the  most  pure-blooded 
countries  in  Europe;  though,  out  of  Albania  itself,  there  is 
much  Albanian  blood  elsewhere,  especially  in  Greece  and  Italy. 

In  Greece. 

*Attica,  Megara  and  Salamis      .         .         .  30,000 

Boeotia  {nearly  all)    .....  25,000 

Phocis (?)  5,000 

Yalley  of  the  Spercheios    ....  10,000 

fSoutli  Andros 25,000 

North  Euboea 6,000 

Argolis  and  Poros      .....  25,000 

Korinth  and  Akhaia 15,000 

South  Arkadia 10,000 

Hydra  (all) 12,000 

Spezzia  (all) 10,000 

173,000 

*  All,  except  the  towns  of  Athens,  Megara,  and  the  Piraeus, 
f  All,  except  the  town  of  Carysto. 


ALBANIA.  127 

In  Italy  the  true  colonists  are — 

1.  Sklpitar,  or  Albanians,  of  which  there  is  a  vast  population 
in  Calabria  and  Sicily.     In  numbers — 

Calabria  Ulteiiore 4,407 

Citeriore 30,812 

Basilicata 10,090 

Capitanata         ......  13,463 

Terra  d'Otranto 6,844 

Abnizzo  Ulteriore      .....  220 

Sicily 19,743 


85,579 


In  Russia  there  is  an  Albanian  colony  in  the  Government 

of  Ekaterinoslav. 

;ii  -Jf  -5^  >i<  ^ 

There  is  no  portion  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  that  can  better 
be  left  to  itself  than  Albania.  There  are  a  few  villages  on  the 
frontier  in  which  the  majority  of  the  occupants  may  be  Mon- 
tenegriners,  and_,  if  these  added  to  that  principality^  the  only 
difficulty  should  be  that  of  determining  the  boundaries.  Albania 
is  the  natural  limit  of  Slavonia  on  the  Adriatic.  If  Epirus 
wishes  to  be  Greeks  well  and  good ;  but  if  it  is  merely  Greece 
that  wants  Epirus^  the  question  takes  a  very  different  form. 
Nor  should  Italy^s  desire  for  a  footing  on  the  mainland  (the 
islands  are  already  Greek)  be  encoui'aged.  As  Albania  stands 
at  the  present  time^  it  is  a  compact  and  well-defined  district. 
Nor  are  the  Albanians  the  worse  instruments  in  Turkish 
warfare.  In  guerilla  warfare  they  show  most  to  disadvantage 
when  they  mix  themselves  up  with  the  non-official  campaigns 
of  the  Greeks.  In  the  Turkish  service  they  are  chiefly  em- 
ployed in  distant  garrisons,,  much  as  the  Swiss  were  when  they 
;  took  service  under  the  Pope.  So  employed,  they  obey  orders 
of  any  kind  without  fear  and  without  compulsion ;  but  they  are 
not  as  the  Janissaries,  and  not  as  the  Circassians  and  Bazi- 
Basuks,  unmanageable  and  ungovernable.  They  are  not  tender- 
hearted, and,  like  the  Swiss,  expect  to  be  paid  for  their  services. 
With  the  Slavonians,  except  those  of  the  Montenegro  frontier, 
they  live  on  comparatively  amicable  terms;  and,  when  the 
Mahometan  holidays  and  the  Christian  fall  on  different  days. 


128  ALBANIA. 

the  herdsmen  of  the  frontier  take  upon  themselves  the  charge 
of  the  pastures  of  their  neighbours.  On  the  boundaries  of  Mon- 
tenegro^ however^  the  feeling  is  somewhat  different,  and  the 
two  countries  are  much  in  the  condition  of  the  men  of  the 
Scottish  border  in  the  time  of  our  ancestors.  But  in  these 
districts  there  are  the  barbarous  traditions  of  the  vendetta,  and 
the  blood  of  kinsmen  on  either  side  must  be  retaliated. 


I 


129 


CHAPTER  V. 

Bulgaria  and  the  Bulgarians. — Their  Ethnological  Elements. — Their  early 
History. — Latin  and  Paulician  Elements  in  the  Bulgarian  Creed. — Rumelia. 
— Bosnia. — Croatia. — Herzegovina. 

The  Bulgarians  at  the  present  time  are^  to  all  appearance, 
Slavonians.  Their  language  is  a  well-marked  dialect  of  the 
Slavonic^  yet  not  without  one  very  important  characteristic  and 
some  minor  ones.  Their  creed  is  that  of  the  Greek  Church. 
This  they  have  held  from  the  time  of  their  first  conversion ; 
and  many  high  authorities  hold  that  the  language  of  the  old 
Slavonic  translation  of  the  Scriptures  is  Bulgarian. 

If  it  were  not  for  certain  complicating  points  of  detail  it 
would  be  unnecessary  to  refine  on  this  view.  Two  facts^  how- 
ever, have  engendered  the  doctrine  that  the  blood  is  not  entirely 
Slavonic ;  in  other  words,  that  the  Bulgarians  are  either  Turks 

I  or  Fins  who  have  adopted  the  Slavonic  language.  The  reasons 
for  this  are  sufficiently  valid  to  justify  the  view  to  a  certain 
extent ;  though  there  are  serious  obstacles  to  accepting  it  without 
reserve. 

Such  is  the  question  of  blood  or  race.  It  is  not  one  upon 
which  opinion  is  undivided ;  neither  is  there  any  absolute  uni- 
formity in  resjject  to  the  ecclesiastical  position  of  the  Bulgarians. 

I  The  earliest  Christianity  of  them  was  certainly  that  of  the  Greek 
Church  ;  and,  at  the  present  time,  it  is  the  Christianity  of  the 
Eastern  Empire  which  is  notoriously  predominant.  But  what 
if  it  be  that  only  some  Bulgarians  took  their  faith  from  Con- 
stantinople ?  What  if  others  took  it  from  Rome  ?  What,  too, 
if  the  Roman  converts  may  have  been  the  earlier  ?     There  are 

9 


130  BULGARIA. 

manifestly  the  elements  of  a  controversy  upon  this  point,  and 
that  an  important  one. 

In  connection  with  these  two  questions,,  one  ethnological  and 
one  political,  I  shall  begin  with  the  break-np  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  without,  at  present,  considering  the  complex  and 
obscure  details  of  the  early  history  of  the  Roman  province  of 
Lower  Moesia. 

How  far  the  Romans  introduced  the  Latin  language  is  un- 
certain. The  Moesias  were  certainly  not  provinces  which  were 
thoroughly  Romanized.  I  imagine  that  the  original  language 
was  never  wholly  displaced  by  the  Latin ;  perhaps  only  to  a 
very  slight  degree.  Still,  some  Roman  elements  were  intro- 
duced. Upon  these  their  most  notable  graft  was  one  effected 
in  the  third  century  by  the  Goths  and  Vandals. 

The  Emperor  Severus  is  succeeded  by  his  son  Caracalla,  and  in 
the  reign  of  Caracalla  the  name  Goth  first  appears  ;  the  popu- 
lation to  which  it  applies  being  then  occupants  of  the  country 
of  the  ancient  Getce  ;  and  from  this  time  forwards  until  the  time 
of  a  Gothic  king  in  Rome  there  is  a  continuous  system  of  Gothic 
wars,  sometimes  on  one,  sometimes  on  the  other,  side  of  the 
Danube — in  Moesia  most  especially.  There  is  a  Gothic  war 
under  Maximus  and  Balbinus ;  a  Gothic  war  under  the  Gordians; 
a  Gothic  war,  disastrous  to  the  Romans,  under  Decius, 
'in  which  that  vigorous  and  brave  Emperor  met  his 
death  on  the  field  of  battle.  His  successor,  Gallus,  bought  a 
peace. 

At  the  beginning  of  their  migration,  the  Goths  were  in 
alliance  with  the  Vandals,  and,  as  they  moved  down  the  Danube, 
they  seemed  to  have  succeeded  in  forming  an  offensive  alliance 
with  almost  all  the  nations  of  their  ever- changing  frontier. 
They  reach  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  effect  naval  victories  as 
well  as  military  ones.  They  plunder  Trebizond  in  the  east, 
Byzantium  in  the  south.  Cyzicus,  Ephesus,  Athens,  Crete,  the 
cities  of  the  Illyrian  sea-board  are  all  plundered  by  them.  A 
great  victory  by  Claudius  Gothicus  checked  them,  and  Aurelian 
drove  them  across  the  Danube ;  but  he  ceded  Dacia  to  the  bar- 
barians, who,  with  the  new  comers,  held  it  until  it  was  reduced 
and  consolidated  into  a  kingdom  under  Attila.     But  between 


THE    GOTHS    OF    MCESIA.  131 

the  Goths  and  Huns  hostilities  set  in,  and  the  former  re-crossed 
the  Danube  to  fight  their  way  to  Italy,  France,  and  Spain.  All 
this  would  be  foreign  to  the  ethnology  of  Moesia,  if  it  were  not 
for  the  fact  that,  during  the  migration,  a  colony  had  settled 
therein ;  one  which,  after  Moesia  had  become  Bulgaria,  still 
remained.  The  foot  of  the  mountains  in  the  parts  about  Ni- 
copolis  was  the  country  of  what  Jornandes,  who  supplies  the 
notice,  calls  the  Gothi  Minores.  They  were  poor,  simple,  and 
peaceful ;  shepherds  and  herdsmen ;  living  largely  on  milk . 
They  were  Christians.  Ulphilas,  their  bishop,  had  translated 
the  Scriptures  into  their  language ;  indeed,  they  were  the  men 
whose  language,  under  the  exceptionable  name  Moeso- Gothic, 
has  come  down  to  us  as  the  earliest  specimen  of  the  German. 
The  blood,  then,  of  the  peasants  about  Nicopolis  is,  in  some 
small  degree,  that  of  the  peasants  of  Thuringia;  not  unmixed 
with  a  Slavonic  element  from  the  Vandals. 

Up  to  this  time  our  history  is  that  of  a  Roman  province, 
i.e.  Moesia  (Inferior)  ;  and  this  it  will  continue  to  be  for  the 
next  two  centuries.  "  Moesia  '^  is  the  name  it  bears  in  the  time 
of  Alani,  and  of  Attila ;  but  in  that  of  Theodoric  we  meet  with 
a  new  name.  It  is  in  a  panegp'ic  by  Ennodius,  addressed  to 
Theodoric,  that  the  name  Bulgaria  first  appears ;  and  with  this 
appear  the  difficulties  which  traverse  the  inferences  from  the 
present  Slavonism  of  its  people.  It  connects  them,  by  impli- 
cation, with  a  Turk  tribe,  the  Huns. 

^'  I  see  before  me,'^  says  the  bombastic  panegyrist,  who,  how- 
ever, from  the  simple  fact  of  his  being  a  contemporary,  is  a 
valuable  witness  for  such  facts  as  are  incapable  of  exaggeration, 
"  Libertem,  the  chief  of  the  Bulgarians,  prostrate,  yet  alive : 
alive,  lest  he  should  be  missing  in  your  monuments ;  broken, 
lest  lie  should  be  an  encouragement  to  the  arrogant.  This  is 
the  nation  which,  before  your  time,  took  all  it  wanted;  in 
which  he  who  would  earn  titles  must  shed  the  blood  of  an 
enemy  ;  the  nation  to  which  the  field  of  battle  was  the  blazon 
I  of  blood ;  the  redder  the  sword  the  greater  the  honour ; — a 
nation  that  was  never  to  be  starved,  for  horse^s  milk  with  horse's 
flesh  is  a  delicacy  to  the  Bulgarian.  Who  can  withstand  the 
enemy  who  is  both  fed  and  carried  by  his  steed  ?    All  the  world 

9   * 


132  BULGARIA. 

was  once  accessible  to  them.  Now  they  abstain  from  tbat  part 
of  it  only  which  you  protect/^  Zeuss,  who  opens  his  identi- 
fication of  the  Bulgarians  with  the  Huns  with  this  passage, 
remarks,  with  reason,  that,  to  a  new  nation,  language  like  this, 
even  in  the  mouth  of  a  professed  encomiast,  can  scarcely  apply ; 
though  it  may  easily  apply  to  an  old  and  famous  nation  with  a 
new  name.  He  adds  that  Procopius,  though  he  has  much  to 
say  concerning  the  Bulgarians,  really  uses  the  word  Hun. 
Lastly,  he  shows  that  one  name,  at  least,  that  of  the  Onoguri, 
is  mentioned  both  as  Hun  and  as  Bulgarian. 

But  a  simple  Turk  basis  will  not  explain  the  name.  Word 
for  word,  Bulga-rm  is  Volga.  Place  for  place,  there  is,  on  the 
Volga,  not  only  a  Bulgarian  country  but  a  Great  Bulgaria. 
From  these  parts  came,  without  doubt,  the  Magyars  of  Hun- 
gary. Why  not,  then,  the  Bulgarians  ?  Besides  this,  the 
minute  details  of  the  invasion  of  the  Magyars  are  obscure,  and 
excellent  reasons  may  be  given  for  believing  that  they  were  not 
the  first  members  of  the  stock  who  set  foot  in  Europe  as 
conquerors. 

If  so,  a  Turk  overlaid  a  Ugrian  or  Fin  element.  Yet  within 
two  hundred  years  from  the  notice  of  Ennodius,  and  within  a 
hundred  from  the  time  of  Procopius,  the  history  of  the  Bul- 
garians becomes  clear,  definite,  and  authentic ;  clear,  definite, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  undeniably  and  purely  Slavonic ;  and  so 
it  continues  till  now.  With  this  before  us  we  must  be  curiously 
careful  to  limit  our  interpretation  of  the  opposing  facts  to  the| 
bare  necessities  they  impose  on  us.     Ignore  them  we  cannot. 

The  hypothesis  I  suggest  is  the  following : — 

1 .  That  the  name  Bulgaria  was  limited,  in  the  first  instance,  toj 
what  its  name  denotes,  the  valley  of  a  river,  and  that  it  applied! 
only  to  the  country  immediately  along  the  course  of  the  DanubeJ 

2.  That  either  there  were  Asiatic  Bulgarians  in  the  Hui 
armies,  or  that  the  Huns  had,  before  they  left  Asia,  taken  u] 
the  word  in  question  from  the  Ugrians,  with  whom  they  wed 
in  contact,  or  upon  whose  land  they  had  encroached.  That  i1 
was  a  word  common  to  the  two  languages  from  the  beginning 
I  think  unlikely ;  though  upon  this  point  I  should  be  glad  t( 
be  corrected  by  some  special  Turk  scholar. 


DEEIVATION    OF    THE   NAME.  133 

Let  Bulgaria,  then,  mean  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  and 
there  is  no  objection  to  its  having  been  Hun ;  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, good  reason  for  making  it  so.  Until  the  time  of  Valens 
the  frontier  was  kept  tolerably  clear.  In  the  reign  of  Valens 
it  was  invaded ;  not,  however,  by  the  Huns,  but  by  the  Goths, 
whom  the  Huns  drove  out  of  what  is  now  Moldavia,  and  who 
recrossed  the  Danube.  Attila  at  the  height  of  his  power  held 
a  band  of  fifty  miles  in  breadth  on  the  south  of  the  Danube ; 
fifty  miles,  and  no  more.  After  his  death  the  Slavonians  were 
more  formidable  than  the  Huns. 

3.  That  the  second  element  in  the  word  is  the  -uarii  and 
-ivcere  in  the  Gorman  names  Cantuarii  and  CantW(Bre=M.en  of 
Kent ;  the  name  being  Gothic  in  its  origin  and  geographical  in 
its  import.  The  word  Volgy,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  recognized 
Fin,  or  Ugrian,  term  for  the  valley  of  a  river,  like  Wady  in 
Arabic ;  but  it  is  also  applied  to  the  river  itself — notably  in  the 
Spanish  names  Gw«<^iana  and  Gwc^alquiver.  But  it  may  be 
objected  that  Bulgaria  is  a  hybrid  word.  Granted ;  but  so  is 
the  Cant-  in  Cantv^dire,  and  Ca/i/erbury.  The  Germans  who 
gave  it  were  the  Goths  of  Theodoric.  The  Fins  who  supplied 
the  "  Volgy  ■'■'  were  either  actual  Fins  or  Turks  from  the  drainage 
of  the  Volga. 

The  Avars  appear  for  the  first  time  in  the  reign  of  Justinian. 
They  never  conquered  Bulgaria ;  and  even  if  they  had  done  so, 
their  invasion  would  not  account  for  the  use  of  the  term  in  a 
speech  to  Theodoric.  All  that  is  absolutely  required  for  the 
panegyric  of  Ennodius  is  a  population  of  Huns  on  the  Danube. 
They  need  not  even  have  been  on  both  sides  of  it. 

How  early  the  Bulgarians  became  Slavonized  we  cannot  tell. 
Nor  yet  can  we  give  the  details  of  the  Bulgarian  kingdom  on 
its  origin.  We  only  know  that  during  the  prevalence  of  the 
Hun  name  that  of  the  Bulgarian  was  unknown ;  and  that  soon 
after  the  break-up  of  the  kingdom  of  Attila  the  word  Bulgarian 
presents  itself.  As  a  rule,  they  are  the  enemies  of  the  empire ; 
and,  as  a  rule,  they  are  allied  with  the  Slavonians. 

They  are  pagans  and  warriors ;  warriors,  too,  who  join  their 
allies  in  distant  as  well  as  near  enterprizes.  There  was  a  Bul- 
garian element  in  the  Langobard  invasion  of  Italy ;  and,  after- 


134  BULGARIA. 

wards,  a  permanent  Bulgarian  settlement  in  the  parts  about 
Ssepinum,  Bovianum,  and  Osernia. 

About  the  middle  o£  the  eighth  century^  Constantine  V.  put 
a  check  upon  their  ordinary  practice  of  ravaging  the  frontier, 
and,  by  the  abduction  of  the  population  as  slaves,  made  it  an 
approximate  solitude.  He  repaired  the  fortifications  of  the 
marches  and  mountain  passes,  and  built  others.  He  rejected 
the  demands  of  the  King,  who,  on  the  plea  that  some  of  the 
forts  had  been  planted  on  Bulgarian  ground,  had  applied  for 
the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute.  He  repelled  the  invading 
army,  which  had  approached  the  very  walls  of  Constantinople. 
He  made  peace  on  favourable  terms ;  and,  when  it  was  broken, 
carried  the  war  into  the  country  of  the  enemy.  An  occasional 
repulse  never  dismayed  him.  The  wreck  of  his  fleet  of  more 
than  two  thousand  vessels,  upon  which  he  had  embarked  his 
infantry,  only  suspended  his  activity.  He  acted  again  on  the 
offensive ;  again  made  peace ;  which  was  again  broken. 

In  775  he  died,  bequeathing  to  his  successors  the  coercion 
of  the  Bulgarians  as  a  condition  of  the  security  of  the  northern 
provinces  of  his  empire.  Their  power,  however,  though  more 
than  once  broken,  was  never  annihilated,  until  the  time  of  the 
Ottomans. 

Soon  after  the  Avar  invasion  the  Bulgarian  kingdom  of 
Krum,  Bogoris  and  their  pagan  predecessors  began.  By  this 
time  the  whole  land,  whatever  it  may  have  been  before,  is 
Slavonic.  But  it  is  now  about  to  become  Christian.  Theodora 
is  the  Empress  in  Constantinople,  and  her  contemporary  in 
Rome  is  Pope  Nicholas  I. 

'^  There  is  a  strange  unif  ormity,^^  writes  the  historian  of  Latin 
Christianity,  "in  the  instruments  employed  in  the  conversion 
of  barbarous  princes,  and,  through  the  princes,  of  their  barbarous 
subjects.  A  female  of  rank  and  influence,  a  zealous  monk, 
some  national  calamity ;  no  sooner  do  these  three  agencies  i| 
coincide  than  the  land  opens  itself  to  Christianity.'^*  And  in  jj 
accordance  with,  or  rather  as  exposition  of,  this  remark,  the 
history  of  the  conversion  of  Bulgarians  runs  thus : — Bogoris 
was  their  king.     His  sister  had  lived,  as  a  captive,  for  upwards 

*  Milman,  book  v.  chap.  8. 


CHRISTIANITY    OF    THE    BULGARIANS.  135 

of  thirty-eight  years  at  Constantinople,  during  a  part  of  which 
time  Theodosius  Cupharas  had  lived  as  a  slave  in  Bulgaria.  An 
exchange  took  place ;  when  a  pestilence  broke  out,  and  raged 
until  Bogoris  prayed  to  the  God  of  his  restored  and  Christian 
sister,  when  it  abated.  The  impression  of  this  on  the  king 
was  strong,  on  his  subjects  somewhat  weak.  In  vain  were  they 
addressed  in  their  own  language  by  the  two  brothers,  Cyril  and 
Methodius  ;  in  vain  did  a  painting,  by  Methodius,  of  the  horrors 
of  the  Last  Judgment  appeal  through  their  sight  to  their  fears. 

This  was  at  the  time  when  the  Greek  Church  was  divided 
between  the  upholders  and  the  abominators  of  the  worship  of 
images;  the  Enpress  Theodora  being  one  of  the  upholders. 
She  replied  to  tlie  request  of  Bogoris  that  the  hands  of  the  two 
monks  might  be  strengthened  in  their  mission,  by  sending  a 
bishop,  who  should  baptize  the  King.  But  this  could  only  be 
done  secretly ;  and  when  the  secret  came  to  light  the  people 
broke  out  in  defence  of  the  old  gods.  With  only  forty- eight 
attendants,  and  the  cross  on  his  breast,  Bogoris  affronted  the 
revolt.  The  insurgents  fled.  Such  of  the  nobles,  however,  as 
Bogoris  could  lay  hand  on  he  put  to  death. 

Thus  far  the  work  is  Greek.  It  is  in  Constantinople  that 
the  royal  princess  has  found  her  new  creed.  It  is  a  Greek 
monk  by  whom  her  brother  is  half  persuaded  to  be  a  Christian. 
It  is  two  Greek  monks  by  whom  the  Gospel  is  preached  to  the 
people ;  and  it  is  a  Greek  bishop  who  baptizes  Bogoris  ;  hence- 
forward to  be  known  as  Micael.  Above  all,  it  is  on  the  Greek 
that  the  Cyrillian  alphabet,  the  alphabet  in  which  the  first 
translation  of  the  Scriptures  into  the  language  of  the  Eastern 
Slavonians  was  made,  is  founded. 

The  authority,  however,  of  the  Pope  was  not  unknown  to  the 
Bulgarian  convert;  and  better  known  than  the  authority  of 
the  Pope  were  the  scandalous  factions  to  which  the  Photian 
and  Ignatian  quarrel  had  given  rise.  It  was  when  this  was  at 
its  height  that  a  visit,  either  accidental  or  well  timed,  of  some 
Latin  missionaries  suggested  to  King  Bogoris,  who  was  in 
doubts  as  to  some  fourscore  points  of  discipline,  a  reference  to 
Rome.  To  the  one  hundred  and  six  questions  thus  referred 
the  answers  of  Nicolas  I.  were  prompt,  prudent,  parental. 


136  BULGARIA. 

"Would  the  king  be  forgiven  the  murder  of  his  nobles ?^^ 

"  Upon  doing  penance,,  Yes.  But  such  severity  was  not  to  be 
repeated.  Apostates  only  were  to  be  punished.  Where  there 
was  no  conversion  God  alone  was  to  judge  the  obstinate. ^^ 

(( ^^ere  prayers  for  their  fathers  who  had  died  in  darkness 
and  unbelief  to  be  offered ?^^     "  By  no  means." 

"Were  holy  places  to  serve  as  asylums?"  "Yes.  Even 
murderers^  if  they  could  reach  a  churchy  were  to  be  protected  by 
the  bishop." 

"May  we  fight?" 

"  Wars  will^  doubtless^  continue ;  but  let  the  banner  be  the 
cross,  not  the  horse-tail  as  of  old." 

"  May  we  fight  on  holy  days  ? "  "  Not  on  days  which  are 
merely  looked  upon  as  lucky,  and  not  on  the  strength  of  old 
saws  or  auguries.  When  you  go  to  the  war,  go  to  the  Church 
first." 

"  Be  less  severe  and  less  ready  with  some  of  your  punish- 
ments." A  Greek  had  baptized  some  Bulgarians.  By  the 
inspiration  of  God,  Bogoris,  having  found  out  that  he  was  not 
a  priest,  cut  off  his  nose  and  ears,  scourged,  and  expelled  him. 
For  this  inhumanity  he  is  blamed  by  Nicolas,  who  admits  the 
validity  of  the  baptism. 

The  custom  of  the  king  was  to  eat  his  meals  alone.  Let  him 
be  more  sociable  in  this  matter. 

The  oaths  were  taken  on  the  sword.  Take  them  on  the 
Gospels  instead. 

Polygamy  and  marriage  within  the  degrees  are  strictly  for- 
bidden. 

So,  in  a  general  way,  is  the  adoption  of  the  errors  of  the 
Greeks  and  Armenians. 

The  bearer  of  these  answers  was  Formosus,  afterwards  Pope. 
That  the  Latin  writers  credit  him  with  the  primary  conversion 
of  the  Bulgarians  is  not  to  be  wondered  at.  The  tendency  of 
the  Western  writers  is  all  in  this  direction.  That  Formosus 
was  the  Apostle  of  Bulgarians,  that  Bulgaria  had  been  Roman 
from  the  time  of  Pope  Damasus,  that  Bulgaria  was  part  and 
parcel  of  the  province  of  lUyricum,  are  the  definite  elements  in 
the  Roman  claim.     It  was  urgently  pressed  by  all  the  early 


CHEISTIANITY    OF    THE    BULGAEIANS.  137 

successors  of  Nicolas ;  and  it  has  never  been  formally  with- 
drawn. It  was  resisted  from  the  beginning,  by  even  the 
Romanizing  Ignatius,  who,  when  the  Greek  bishops  were 
ordered  to  withdraw  from  the  Roman  soil  of  Bulgaria,  was  not 
only  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  but  Patriarch  through  the 
influence  and  decision  of  Rome.  Yet  he  resisted  the  cession 
of  Bulgaria. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  Bulgaria  was  the  centre  of  what 
is  called  Western  ^lanicheism.  The  germs  of  this  reached 
Bulgaria  from  Asia.  With  a  special  reverence,  implied  by  the 
denomination  they  bore,  for  the  writings  of  St.  Paul,  combined 
with  certain  doctrines  excerpted  from  the  still  surviving  Ma- 
nicheism  of  Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  the  Paulicians,  from  their 
theological  metropolis  of  Samosata,  spread  from  the  Tigris  to 
the  Dardanelles  ;  and  thence  into  Bulgaria.  Persecuted  during 
the  ninth  century  by  the  Byzantine  Emperors  and  Empresses, 
they  rose  in  revolt.  Tephrice,  to  the  south  of  Trebizond, 
became  their  stronghold.  They  leagued  with  the  Mahometans. 
They  ravaged  Asia  Minor.  Constantine  Copronymus  waged  a 
war  against  them,  and,  with  their  own  consent,  transplanted  a 
vast  colony  into  Rumelia;  a  fact  to  be  remembered  in  our 
analysis  of  the  very  heterogeneous  blood  of  that  province. 
John  Zimiskes  founded  a  second  colony  in  Mount  Hsemus.  It 
probably  consisted  of  Armenians  and  Lazes,  as  well  as  Greeks 
and  Turks.  From  Bulgaria  it  spread  westward,  especially  in 
France,  where  the  horribJe  Albigensian  Crusade  arrested  and, 
perhaps,  extirpated  it.  Even  here,  however,  it  was  known  as 
the  Bulgarian  heresy ;  as  it  was  in  Italy,  Hungary,  Germany, 
and  Poland.  What  remains  of  this  in  Bulgaria,  and  how  far 
it  underlies  the  ordinary  orthodox  creed,  is  a  question  which  is 
suggested  rather  than  raised. 

In  1204  Constantinople,  as  is  well  known,  was  sacked,  and 
for  a  time  became  a  Frank  Empire,  by  the  Venetians  and  the 
allied  powers  of  the  west,  of  the  Fourth  Crusade ;  and  during 
the  reign  of  the  first  Emperor,  Theodore,  breaks  out  a  war  with 
Bulgaria;  Innocent  III.  being  Pope.  The  relations  between 
the  great  Pontiff,  the  Frank  Emperor  at  Constantinople,  and 
the  King  of  Bulgaria  are  remarkable.      The  Pope  had   con- 


138  BULGARIA. 

demned  the  attack  upon  Constantinople ,  the  Venetians  he  laid 
under  an  interdict ;  the  Franks  he  had  threatened  with  one. 
The  success,  however,  of  the  offenders  was  gradually  reconciling 
him  to  the  offence.  The  Venetian  nominee  to  the  Patriarchate, 
though  not  the  details  of  his  nomination,  had  been  approved. 
The  establishment  of  a  Latin  church  in  the  East  had  begun. 
The  Emperor  had  asked  for  a  supply  of  breviaries  and  missals, 
of  rituals,  ministers,  and  monks ;  and  Innocent  had  appealed 
to  the  prelates  of  France  in  support  of  the  request.  "  Samaria,-'^ 
he  wrote,  ''  had  returned  to  Jerusalem.  God  had  transferred 
the  empire  of  the  Greeks  from  the  proud  to  the  lowly,  from 
the  superstitious  to  the  religious,  from  the  schismatics  to  the 
catholics,  from  the  disobedient  to  the  devoted  servants  of  God.-*^ 
Meanwhile  the  King  of  Bulgaria  had  received  the  royal 
unction  from  one  of  his  legates,  submitted  the  Bulgarian  to 
Rome ;  and,  in  the  eye  of  the  Pope,  at  least,  he  was  a  spiritual 
subject  from  whom  he  might  expect  support  and  obedience. 
The  object  of  the  Bulgarian  was  a  share  in  the  spoils  of  the 
Eastern  empire.  He  was  now  a  Latin  sovereign,  and,  as  a  Latin 
sovereign  and  a  frontager,  had  an  interest  in  the  distribution 
of  the  territory.  So,  having  taken  offence  at  the  rejection  of 
his  offers  of  alliance,  his  activity  on  the  other  side  moved  the 
Emperor,  the  old  Doge  Dandolo,  and  the  Count  of  Blois,  with 
all  the  troops  they  could  command,  against  him.  The  Count 
was  left  dead  on  the  field  of  battle.  The  Emperor  was  taken 
prisoner.  His  brother,  who  took  upon  himself  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  empire,  lost  no  time  in  applying  for  the  intercession 
of  the  Pope ;  and  the  Pope,  in  a  mild  letter,  reminded  the  Bul- 
garian king  that  the  consecrated  banner  which  he  had  received 
was  given  him  that  he  should  rule  in  peace.  There  ^^is  an 
army  collecting  in  France  and  Germany,  and  it  is  your  interest 
to  make  peace  with  the  occupants  of  Constantinople  by  re- 
storing to  them  their  Emperor.  This  is  a  suggestion,  not  a 
command.^^  On  his  own  part  he  would  lay  his  injunction  on 
the  Emperor  Henry  to  abstain  from  all  invasion  of  the  borders 
of  Bulgaria.  That  kingdom,  so  devoutly  dedicated  to  St.  Peter 
and  the  Church  of  Rome,  was  to  remain  in  its  inviolable 
security  !     The  Bulgarian  replied  that  '^  he  had  offered  terms 


CHRISTIANITY    OF    THE    BULGARIANS.  139 

of  peace  to  the  Latins,  which  they  had  rejected  with  contempt; 
they  had  demanded  the  surrender  of  all  the  territories  which 
they  accused  him  of  having  usurped  from  the  Empire  of  Con- 
stantinople, themselves  being  the  real  usurpers.  These  lands 
he  occupied  by  a  better  right  than  that  by  which  they  held 
Constantinople.  He  had  received  his  crown  from  the  Supreme 
Pontiff ,  they  had  violently  seized  and  invested  themselves  with 
that  of  the  Eastern  Empire;  the  Empire  which  belonged  to 
him  rather  than  to  them.  He  was  fighting  under  the  banner 
consecrated  by  St.  Peter :  they  with  the  cross  on  their  shoul- 
ders, which  they  had  falsely  assumed.  He  had  been  defied, 
had  fought  in  self-defence,  had  won  a  glorious  victory,  which 
he  ascribed  to  the  intercession  of  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles. 
As  to  the  Emperor,  his  release  was  impossible.  He  had  gone 
the  way  of  all  flesh.''^ 

Johannes,  for  this  was  the  name  of  the  Bulgarian  king, 
stood  better  in  the  eyes  of  the  Pope  than  in  those  of  the  Cru- 
saders ;  for  we  have  seen  that  he  fought  against  them,  took 
their  king  prisoner,  and  made  away  with  him.  Amongst  his 
troops  was  a  body  of  Cumanians.  Of  these  more  will  be  said 
in  the  sequel.  At  present  it  is  enough  to  remark  that  they 
were  Turks — Turks  other  than  Ottoman  and  Pr^-Ottoman. 

Both  the  Western  and  the  Eastern  Church  may  claim  a  share 
in  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into  Albania,  and  we  may 
reasonably  believe  that  up  to  the  time  of  Mahomet  II.,  and  the 
completion  of  the  Ottoman  conquest,  the  whole  country  was 
Christian.  At  any  rate,  it  was  divided  into  bishoprics ;  the 
Greek  creed  predominating  in  the  south,  the  Latin  in  the  north; 
just  as  we  expect  from  the  difference  of  the  two  frontiers.  But 
the  residuum  of  the  original  paganism  was  great,  and  is  so  at 
the  present  time.  That  a  heresy  had  been  imported  from  Bul- 
garia to  Western  Europe  we  have  seen.  It  was  quashed  by  the 
iVlbigensian  crusade.  This,  also,  was  under  the  Pontificate  of 
Innocent  III. 

Though  belonging  to  the  Greek  Church,  the  Bulgarians  are 
not  fond  of  hearing  themselves  called  Greek  Christians ;  or, 
rather,  the  term  Greek  Church  is  exceptionable.  The  name  in 
which  its  adherents  delight  is  that  of  the  Orthodox  Church ; 


140  '  BULGARIA. 

indeedj  out  of  Greece,  the  other  term  is,  more  or  less,  offensive. 
Neither  is  the  Greek  language  loved ;  still  less  the  Greek  in- 
dividual. It  is  probable,  indeed,  that  a  Greek,  provided  that 
he  be  neither  a  soldier  nor  an  official,  is  more  disliked  by  the 
Bulgarian  than  a  Turk.  And  the  Turks  of  the  Bulgarian 
villages  are,  as  a  rule,  neither;  but,  on  the  contrary,  plain 
cultivators  like  themselves. 

There  is,  as  we  naturally  expect,  some  Mahometanism  in 
Bulgaria.  But  it  is,  only  to  a  very  slight  extent,  of  the  same 
character  as  that  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina ;  though  in  respect 
to  the  mixture  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  forms  of  Christianity, 
the  three  provinces  agrees.  In  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  the 
Mahometanism  is  of  long  standing,  and  dates  from  the  Ottoman 
conquest.  The  land-holders  apostatized  in  order  to  keep  their 
estates,  so  that,  even  at  the  present  time,  the  difference  of  creed 
coincides  wdth  a  difference  of  class.  In  Bulgaria  the  converts 
to  Mahometanism  are  of  later  date,  and  there  is  less  uniformity 
in  the  motives  that  made  them  converts.  They  have  the  credit 
of  being  more  hostile  to  their  Christian  fellow-subjects  than  the 
ordinary  Mahometans.  This  is  likely  enough  as  a  fact;  but, 
whether  a  fact  or  not,  it  is  the  ordinary  charge  made  against 
converts,  and,  whether  rightly  or  wrongly,  is  sure  to  be  made. 

The  class-name  of  these  converts  is  Pomak ;  but  more  will 

be  said  about  them  in  the  sequel. 

^  *  "K-  *  ■){■ 

Of  Rumelia  it  may  be  said  that,  considering  the  fact  of  such 
a  city  as  Constantinople  being  its  capital,  it  is  one  of  the  most 
unexplored  districts  in  Europe.  If  the  present  writer  were  the 
first  who  made  this  remark  it  might  not  go  for  much.  It 
might  only  show  that  he  had  overlooked  some  competent  and 
sufficient  authority.  But  it  is  a  common  one.  Few  who  write 
about  the  Ottomans  at  all  go  much  beyond  the  precincts  of 
Constantinople.  Those,  however,  who,  instead  of  the  capital, 
have  to  speak  about  the  country,  generally  find  it  due  to  them- 
selves to  excuse  the  imperfection  of  their  details  by  a  notice  of 
the  want  of  materials.  The  statistician,  the  archaeologist,  the 
chorographer,  the  military  historian,  all  do  this;  and  the 
political  ethnologist  must  do  the  same. 


RUMELIA.  141 

In  a  general  way,  nil  that  he  can  state  of  Rumelia  is,  that  whilst 
the  urban  population  is  Greek,  or  Turk,  the  population  of  the  vil- 
lages and  hamlets  is  Bulgarian ;  that  the  proportion  of  the  Greeks 
of  the  towns  is  greater  on  the  coast  than  inland;  that  more  than  half 
the  population  of  the  whole  province  is  centred  in  Constantinople ; 
and  that  in  Constantinople  itself,  independent  of  the  Greek  and 
other  foreign  Quarters,  there  is  a  mixture  of  blood  at  once  exten- 
sive and  heterogeneous.  Constantinople,  however,  is  the  capital 
of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  The  capital  of  Eumelia,  the  oldest  occu- 
pancy of  the  Ottomans  in  Europe,  was  Adrianople.  Its  census, 
like  those  of  all  eastern  towns,  is  scarcely  a  census  at  all.  A 
hundred  and  thirty  thousand  inhabitants,  in  its  most  flourishing 
times,  it  may  possibly  have  held.  At  any  rate,  this  is  one  of  the 
numbers  that  have  been  given  for  its  population.  Eighty-five 
thousand,  of  which  thirty  thousand  are  Mahometans,  is  another. 
Both,  however,  are  merely  the  estimates  of  travellers;  and,  in 
such  estimates,  the  formula  is  nearly  the  same  throughout.  The 
first  remark,  when  the  population  of  an  Eastern  town  is  under 
notice,  is  that  some  previous  traveller  put  it  at  such  a  number; 
the  next  is  that  the  number  is  too  high  by  about  half;  the  third 
is  that  the  population  has  decreased  since  such  or  such  an  event 
(the  war  of  such  a  year,  the  migration  of  such  a  one,  and  the  like); 
the  fourth  is,  that,  at  the  present  time,  it  contains  so  many  hearths, 
houses,  or  families,  of  which  so  many  are  Mahometan,  so  many 
Christian.  As  far  as  it  goes  this  method  is  good  ;  but  it  applies 
only  to  the  localities  visited  by  the  observer. 

By  far  the  fullest  list  of  towns  and  villages  thus  dealt  with, 
which  has  come  under  my  notice,  is,  that  of  Lieutenant-general 
Jochmus,  of  the  Eussian  service,  who,  in  1847,  made  a  careful  ex- 
ploration of  the  Eastern  half  of  the  Balkan,  or  range  of  Mount 
Haeraus.  Starting  from  Constantinople  he  made  Tirnova  his 
furthest  point.  Along  and  on  each  side  of  his  somewhat  devious 
route  lay  the  villages  of  the  following  list,  for  which  he  has  sup- 
plied us  with  data  of  the  kind  in  question.  No  excuse  is  made  for 
giving  it  in  externo.  In  all  questions  concerning  the  future  fate  of 
the  Ottoman  Empire,  the  real  proportion  of  its  Turk  to  the  non- 
Turk  elements  is  of  primary  importance ;  yet  just  in  those  parts 
where  the  analysis  is  most  complicated  our  data  are  the  fewest. 


142 


RUMELIA. 


T.  Turkish 

B.  Bulgarian 

Village. 

Houses. 

Natash 

.  120  T.B. 

Cliatalcha 

120  T. 

180  C 

Avren  .    . 

.     50  T.B. 

Yenikoi    . 

40  B. 

Serai     .     . 

.  250  T.C. 

Bunarhissar 

.  120  T. 

120  (t 

.  130  B. 
.     20  T. 

Yene    .    . 

— ~ —    •    • 

150  G. 

— —    •    • 

.     50  B. 

*Kirk-kelesia  600  T. 

1000  B.G.J 
.     50  T. 

Erekli .     . 

Dolet-agach 

.     40  B.t 

Karabunar 

.     30  B. 

Rusukastro 

.      5  T. 

Rf)  R 

Aidos  .    . 

.  200  T. 

.    . 

.  100  B. 

Topjiler    . 

.     40  T. 

Kaibilar   . 

.    50  T. 

Faki    .     . 

.     50  B. 

Kutshuk  Ali 

.     50  M. 

Bana    ,     . 

.      6  G.J 

Chavderlik 

.     30  T. 

Nadir  .    . 

.     10  T. 

§Uflakni 

.     30  T. 

Boghazdere 

.     40  T. 

Karanla    . 

.    35  T. 

Rudcha     . 

.    30  T. 

Kamtshik  Maha- 

lesi  .     . 

.     80  T. 

Ahhreviations. 

G.  Greek 
J.  Jewish 
A.  Armenian 

Villages. 

Village.  Houses. 

Dobral  .  .  40  T. 
Marata.  .  .  30  T. 
Yenikoi  .  .  30  G.B. 
Hojakoi  .  .  20  T. 
Aivatshik  .  20  T. 
Karamancha.  20  T. 
Kaldumay  .  25  T. 
Shimanli  .  .  50  T. 
Karatepe  .  25  T. 
Ahkli  ...  25  T. 
Nabat  .  .  .600  M. 
Korkeshah  .  25  T. 
Yenijekoi  .  25  T. 
Balabariche  .  30  T. 
Isinplu  .  .  25  T. 
Papaskoi  .     .  100  B. 

.    .     50  T. 

Kazan  .    .     .912  B. 
Selimne  .     .1000  T. 

950  B.J.A. 

Kapinlu    .     .  100  M. 
Hindi  .     .     .100  B. 
Slatar  .     .     .  150  B. 
Yenikoi    .    .  120  B.T. 
ChUlun      .     .  120  B. 
Kesrova   ..IB. 
Chehdecke    .  100  T.B. 
Laila    ...  100  T. 
Karasiler  .     .     50  T. 
Hassan  Faki  .     40  T.B. 
Zurtkoi     .     .     50  T. 
Ereskli     .     .  200  M. 
LowerBebrova300  M. 
Illiena      .     .  600  B. 


M.  Mahometan 
C.  Christian. 


Village.  Houses. 

Yakovzi  .  .  50  B. 
Kovanlik.  .  70  B. 
Ravaditza  .  400  B. 
Osman  Bazaar  700  T. 

100  B. 

Ishehol  .  .  30  T. 
Chatuk  .  .  150  M. 
Sadova  .  .  45  T. 
Keder-Fekli  .  60  T. 
Peklatch  .  .  25  T. 
Malenich  .  .  40  T. 
Rubja  ...  50  T. 
Murad-dere  .  40  T. 
Chalik  Kavak  80  M. 
Bairam-dere .  60  T. 
Bekie  .  .  .  65  T. 
Lubnitza  .  .  60  T. 
Mereke  .  .  60  T. 
Buyuk  Chenka  80  T. 
Kara      Ahmed 

Mahalesi    .     40  T. 
Butresk    .     .    45  T. 
Kopri-koi      .     40  T.B. 
Kadikoi    .     .  100  T.B. 
Fellakoi   .     .     30  T.B.  1 
Aiasma     .     .     80  T.B.  ? 
Markovcha    .  120  T.B.? 
Kutefcha  .     .     30  T.B.? 
Madara     .     .    40  M.? 
Kasbein    .     .     45  M.] 
Yelshin    .     .     30  M.? 
Paravate  .     .  220        ? 
Testajikoi      .    40  M. 
Avren      .     .    60  B.|| 


It  is  only  to  the  villages  of  a  single  road  in  Rumelia  and  only 
to  the  south-eastern  part  of  Bulgaria  that  this  list  apphes.  At 
Tirnova  on  the  west,  and  at  Shumla  on  the  north,  our  authority 


*  Reduced  by  4. 
X  The  Greeks  of  Bana  dress  like  Bulgarians. 
§  The  name  suggests  a  Valachian  element. 
II  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society 
1853.    The  date  of  the  observations  is  1847. 


t  Recent  colonists. 


Vol.  24.    Read  Nov.  28, 


^UMELIA.  143 

leaves  us ;  so  that,  even  if  he  had  exhausted  all  the  villages  of 
his  circuit,  the  details  of  more  than  three-fourths  of  the  re- 
mainder of  Bulgaria  would  want  elucidating.  And  this  they 
do  want.  That  the  further  we  go  from  the  Turkish  frontier 
the  smaller  will  be  the  number  of  the  Turks  is  likely ;  though 
in  the  great  fortresses  along  the  Danube  we  must  expect  to 
find  them  numerous.  That  there  are  Servians  in  the  west  and 
Vallachians  in  the  north-east,  is  probable ;  indeed,  it  is  known 
that  such  is  the  case.  The  numbers,  however,  and  the  pro- 
portions are  unknown.  It  is  submitted  that  anything  that 
throws  light  on  such  a  question  as  this  is  of  value. 

Of  the  towns  Kasan  seems  to  be  most  Bulgarian ;  and  as  it 
was  the  district  about  Kasan  that  has  supplied  the  fewest 
elements  to  the  Bulgarian  emigrations  we  may  fairly  look  upon 
it  as  the  centre  of  the  nationality. 

In  Rumelia  I  believe  that  the  mountain-range  of  Rhodope  is 
Bulgarian. 

It  is  not,  however,  upon  the  history  of  Rumelia  that  we  need 
go  into  detail.  Except  in  respect  to  its  future,  and  the  extent 
to  which  it  may,  possibly,  be  divided  between  Bulgaria  and  the 
suburbs  of  Constantinople,  nothing  need  be  said  at  present. 
Its  history  is  that  of  the  capital,  which  is  much  the  same  as 
the  history  of  the  Empire  in  general.  To  some  extent  this  is 
the  case  Tvdth  Bulgaria.  There  is  little  to  be  said  about  it 
until  it  becomes  to  be  a  battle-field ;  and  it  is  only  since  the 
full  development  of  the  Russian  policy  that  it  has  become  this. 
It  is  not  till  the  year  1773,  in  the  reign  of  Abdul  Hamid,  and 
just  before  the  Treaty  of  Kainairdji,  that  we  first  find  the 
Russians  in  Bulgaria.  I  cannot  altogether  venture  on  the 
negative  statement  that  no  hostile  army  since  the  time  of 
Mahomet  II.  had  been  thus  near  the  capital.  Austria,  how- 
ever, rarely  got  further  east  than  Widdin,  and  the  Danube 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  crossed  from  Wallachia. 

During  the  Fanariote  period  in  the  Danubian  Principalities, 
the  infiuence  of  Russia  increased,  and  her  subsequent  conquests 
in  the  Crimea  and  Bessarabia  greatly  strengthened.  In  the 
campaign,  then,  of  1771-1774,  the  Danube  is  passed,  and  the 
barrier  of  Balkan  is  threatened.    This  is  a  new  phase  in  Turkish 


144  EUMELIA   AND    BULGARIA. 

history ;  and  there  are  more  points  than  one  in  the  history  of 
the  invasion  that  claim  notice.  The  prominent  one  is  the 
terrible  disorganization  of  the  administration.  There  was 
some  show  of  vigour  in  Constantinople,  and  some  activity  in 
the  way  of  extemporising  an  army.  There  were  soldiers  good 
in  quality  and  sufficient  in  number  that  were  despatched  to 
the  Danube^  and  who  reached  the  place  of  their  destination. 
But  there  were  no  command ers_,  real  or  nominal,  to  lead  them. 
Hence,  different  companies  put  themselves  under  anyone  who 
set  himself  up  for  an  officer ;  and  gave  themselves  up  either  to 
the  pillage  of  the  peaceful  population  around  them,  or  to  faction 
fights  among  themselves ;  and  all  this  in  the  sight  of  the  enemy 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river. 

The  next  campaign  arises  out  of  the  compact  between 
Napoleon  and  the  Czar  at  Tilsit,  1808.  This  was  when  Eng-' 
land  and  Russia  were  allied  with  one  another  against  Turkey. 
Russians  portion  in  the  contemplated  partition  of  Europe  was, 
inter  alia,  Vallachia,  Moldavia,  and  Rumelia. 

France  did  as  little  as  possible  for  her  ally.  Nevertheless, 
her  generals  took  some  fortresses,  one  of  which  was  Silistria. 

Before  Shumla  they  failed.  Bosniak  Aga  was  the  brave  and 
active  captain  who  raised  the  siege ;  but  he  neglected  to  follow 
up  his  advantages,  or,  rather,  he  took  special  pains  not  to  make 
the  most  of  them.  And  that  reasonably.  He  was  himself  a 
rebel  against  the  Sultan,  and  did  what  he  did  for  his  country 
in  the  capacity  of  patriot  rather  than  a  subject.  Nor  did  he- 
stand  alone  in  this  respect.  All  over  the  Empire  the  sub- 
ordinate officers  were  malcontents,  and  the  Pashas  open  and 
undisguised  rebels.  So  it  was  in  Albania,  so  it  was  in  Servia, 
so  it  was  in  Bulgaria,  and  so  it  was — and  was  to  be — in 
Egypt. 

The  third  campaign  on  Bulgarian  ground  was  that  of  Die- 
bitsch,  which  has  already  been  noticed.  The  last  but  one  was 
that  of  the  Crimean  war;  and  the  last,  the  one  which  is  still 
unfinished. 

i 


]45 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Macedonia,  Thessaly,  and  Greece. — Descent  of  the  Modern  Greeks. — Slavonic, 
Vallachian,  and  other  Elements. — Bosnia  and  Herzegovina. 

The  chief  text  for  the  notices  of  the  present  chapter  is  a  well 
known  passage  from  Constantine  Porphyrogenita  to  the  fact 
that — "  all  Ch^eece  was  Slavomzed.'^  That  this  means  that  the 
ancient  Hellas  became  Slavonic  in  the  way  that  the  Russian 
Governments  of  Vladimer,  or  Moscow^  became  Russian  no  one 
imagines.  The  passage_,  however,  though  it  has  never  been 
wrested  to  such  an  import  as  this^  has  been  made  to  carry  more 
than  it  can  fairly  bear^  though  it  bears  much. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  begin  with  the  Greece  of  the  Athenian 
and  the  Macedonian  time,  nor  yet  with  those  of  Rome  anterior 
to  its  decline. 

There  were  Goths  in  Greece  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Gal- 
lienus ;  and  where  there  were  Goths  at  that  time  there  were 
also  Vandals.     But  these  are  not  very  important. 

After  the  Goths  and  Vandals  come  the  Huns,  of  whom  the 
earliest  notice  is  that  of  Procopius,  who  carries  a  large  army  of 
them  through  the  pass  of  Thermopylae  as  early  as  A,D.  540. 
That  these  were  Bulgarians  under  another  name  is  probable ; 
but  even  if  we  suppose  them  to  have  been  the  true  Huns  of  the 
Turk  stock  there  is  good  reason  for  believing,  indeed  there  is 
the  express  evidence  of  the  historian,  that  they  were  accom- 
panied by  Slavonians.  Turk,  however,  or  Slave,  there  was  a 
foreign  element  of  some  sort. 

In  581-2,  another  great  invasion  is  mentioned,  and  within  ten 
years  later  a  third ;  the  invaders  in  this  last  being  the  Avars. 
"These  Avars,^'  writes  the  Patriarch  Nicholaos  to  the  Emperor 

10 


146  MACEDONIA,    THESSALY,    AND    GREECE. 

Alexis^  ^^had  held  possession  of  the  Peloponessus  for  two 
hundred  and  eighteen  years,  and  had  so  completely  separated 
it  from  the  Byzantine  empire  that  no  Byzantine  official  dared 
to  put  his  foot  in  the  country/'  This  is  from  a  notice  of  the 
foundation  of  the  Bishopric  of  Patras,  by  Mcephorus  I.  in  807, 
the  date  from  which  the  two  hundred  and  eighteen  years  must 
be  calculated. 

The  Avars  were  members  of  the  Turk  stock.  I  think  they 
were  this,  because,  unlike  Hun,  Avar  is  a  name  used  with 
tolerable  accuracy  and  precision.  Still,  there  are  good  reasons 
for  attaching  a  great  host  of  Slavonians  to  their  armies.  As 
Patras  was  besieged  by  them  they  must  have  penetrated  beyond 
the  Isthmus. 

The  authority  for  this  statement  is  manifestly  anything  but 
a  cotemporary ;  and  such  is  the  case  with,  I  believe,  the  rest 
of  our  witnesses.  But  this  is  merely  partially  an  objection. 
Our  evidence  is  insufficient  only  for  a  part  of  the  question, 
viz.,  the  exact  details  of  the  invasion  or  invasions.  To  the  fact 
of  the  country  being  Slavonized  at  the  time  of  the  writers  it  is 
decisive.  But  the  Patriarch  Nicholaos  is,  by  no  means,  our 
only  authority.  The  year  581-2,  or  the  third  year  of  the 
Emperor  Tiberius,  is  specially  mentioned  by  more  than  one 
writer ;  and  the  circumstances  connected  with  it  are  exactly  of 
the  kind  which  we  expect  a  priori.  The  strong  reign  of 
Justinian  I.  is  over,  and  the  Avars  are  the  dominant  nation. 
Tiberius  contrives  to  come  to  something  like  terms  with  them ; 
but  only  for  a  while.  His  successor  Maurice  is  their  most 
formidable  enemy ;  indeed,  the  only  formidable  one  they  had.  | 
His  reign  is  throughout  a  series  of  wars  ably  conducted  against 
their  great  Khan  Baian.  The  terrible  enemy  is  kept  at  bay ; 
but,  under  the  worthless  Phocas,  the  Avar  power  endangers 
the  very  existence  of  the  Empire.  Heraclius  succeeds  him ; 
and,  until  we  come  to  the  time  of  the  Paleologi  and  the  Ottoman 
Sultans,  no  emperor  is  more  beset  than  Heraclius  by  mis- 
fortunes of  all  kinds.  There  are  Avars  on  the  west;  and  we 
know  what  these  are.  There  is  the  powerful  King  of  Persia, 
Khosroes  Nushirvan,  and  the  full  flood  of  Mahometan  conquest 
in  the  east ;  and,  against  these,  Heraclius  has  to  uphold  the 


THEIR   ETHNOLOGY.  147 

integrity  of  the  Empire.  Over  and  over  again  the  confusion 
and  troubles  of  the  reign  of  this  Emperor  are  alluded  to  in  By- 
zantine history;  indeed^  it  is  an  epoch  from  which  the  so- 
called  Slavonization  of  Hellas  is  dated.  Even  in  the  present 
work  they  will  have  to  be  alluded  to  elsewhere. 

But,  be  this  as  it  may,  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Tiberius  is  our  leading  epoch.  We  shall  see  how  continuous 
and  well  authenticated  is  the  history  that  follows  it,  and  how 
thoroughly  it  suits  with  the  whole  history  of  the  next  four 
centuries. 

"  Auai' "  is  the  name  in  the  notice  of  Nicholaos ;  but  the 
fact  that  there  ^rere  Slavonians  as  well  is  undoubted.  Men- 
ander,  for  the  fuui'th  year  of  Tiberius,  states — 

1.  That  100,000  Slavonians  were  collected  in  Thrace. 

2.  That  Tiberius  invited  the  Khan  of  the  Avars,  Baian,  then 
on  a  friendly  footing  with  the  Empire,  to  assist  in  coercing 
them.  But,  under  his  successor  Maurice,  the  Avars  and  the 
Emperor  had  a  war — not  wholly  without  success  on  the  part  of 
Maurice,  but  with  gross  disgrace  on  the  part  of  Phocas. 
Then,  writes  Theophanes,  Heraclius  found  ^^the  aflPairs  of  the 
Empire  out  of  joint ;  for  the  barbarians  made  Europe  a  desert, 
and  the  Persians  overturned  all  Asia.^^  And  the  epitomizer  of 
Strabo  writes — "  and  now  Scythian  Slavonians  occupy  all 
Epirus,  and  almost  all  Greece,  Peloponnesus,  and  Macedonia.^^ 
In  the  ninth  century  we  find  them  occupying  not  only  the 
level  countries,  but  the  mountains ;  and  that  under  the  name 
of  Klephths — this  being,  I  believe,  the  first  time  the  word 
occurs  in  this  sense. 

Constantine  II.,  A.D.  657,  fights  against  them.  And 
here  we  may  remember  that  it  is  in  a  statement  of  Con- 
stantine Porphyrogenitas,  we  get,  for  the  first  time  a  King  of 
Bulgaria.  Justinian  (Rhinotmetus),  too,  of  the  Heraclian 
dynasty,  fights  against  them  in  687.  So,  in  758,  does  Con- 
stantine Copronymus.  In  782  the  Empress  Irene  sends  against 
there  the  Patrician  Stauracius,  who  conquers  them  not  only  in 
Macedonia  but  in  Peloponnesus ;  and  in  all  these  later  wars 
we  hear  nothing  more  about  the  Avars.  "  Slavonian ''  is  the 
usual    name.     If    any    second    occurs    it    is    "  Bulgarian ''    or 

10   * 


]48  MACEDONIA,    THESSALY,    AND    GEEECE. 

"  Scythian."  "  And  now/'  writes  the  epitomator  of  Strabo, 
"  the  names  PisatcB)  and  Kaukones,  and  Pylii  are  nowhere.  It 
is  Scythians  who  occupy  their  places/' 

Thus  f  ar_,  then^  the  history  of  these  Slavonizers  of  Hellas  has 
begun  with  that  of  the  Avars,  continued  with  that  of  the  Bul- 
garians, and  ended  with  the  amalgamation  of  the  invaders  with 
the  older  occupiers  of  the  land.  We  never  hear  a  word  about 
their  ejection.  But  the  inroads  seem  to  have  ended  before  the 
tenth  century.  They  will  be  renewed;  but  by  A.D.  950  the 
Bulgarians  will  have  been  reduced  by  the  victories  of  John 
Zimisces  and  Basil  II.  (Bulgaroctonus) ,  and  the  Slavonization 
in  blood,  with  an  amalgamation  in  language,  will  have  become 
more  or  less  complete.  This,  I  submit,  is  the  history  of 
Macedon  and  Greece  from  the  reign  of  Justinian  and  the  rise 
of  the  Avars  to  that  of  Basil  II.  and  the  overthrow  of  the 
Bulgarians. 

Assuredly  we  may  say  that  the  statement  "  all  Greece  was 
Slavonized"  is  one  of  considerable  import.  But  the  Slavonic 
element,  though  the  one  that  is  the  most  conspicuous  in  the 
evidence,  and  the  most  permanent  in  its  effects,  is,  by  no  ^ 
means,  the  only  one.  It  was  Avar  in  the  first  instance ;  and 
the  Avars  were  Turks.  Nor  was  the  Slavonism  of  all  one  kind. 
The  Bulgarian  division  of  the  great  stock  was,  probably,  the 
first  and  foremost.  But  some  of  the  Slavonizers  were  Servian, 
and  some — not  a  few — Russian,  and  that  from  distant  parts  of 
Bussia.  In  the  Vallachian  elements  the  majority  spoke  a 
language  of  Latin  origin ;  and,  if  the  proposed  doctrine  as  to 
the  origin  of  the  word  Kutzo  be  true,  there  were  among  the 
Vallachians  themselves  descendants  of  one  of  the  numerous 
sections  and  sub-sections  of  the  Hun  nation;  not  to  mention 
the  Albanians  of  the  frontier  and  of  the  second  kingdom  of 
Bulgaria. 

In  the  Morea  there  is  another  ethnological  element,  and  a 
double  process  in  connection  with  it.  Bajazet  I.,  who,  in 
person,  overran  the  whole  of  Greece,  not  only  introduced  into 
the  Morea  a  large  body  of  Turks — Tatars  and  Turkomans  from 
Asia, — but  transported  from  their  own  country  thirty  thousand 
Greeks. 


THEIR    ETHNOLOGY.  149 

Add  to  these  the  Albanian  element,  which  has  been  already 
noticed;  and  the  Frank  settlements  of  the  thirteenth  and 
fourteenth  centuries — French,  Norman,  Italian,  and  Spanish 
(Catalonian) . 

The  valley  of  the  Apidanus  looks  like  another  of  these  Non- 
Hellenic  localities.  Just  where  it  joins  the  Peneus  stands  the 
village  of  Kutzochevo.  Follow  the  stream  to  its  bifurcation, 
and  vou  come  to  a  Vlakho  lani.  Cross  the  water- shed,  and 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Sperchius  stands  Zeitoun,  in  the  country 
of  the  Maleans,  on  the  Sinus  Maliacus,  not  far  to  the  north  of 
Thermopylae.  Roughly  speaking,  and  for  the  sake  of  bringing 
in  two  old  familiar  names,  let  us  say  that  the  evidence  of 
Valachian  occupancy  extends  from  Larissa  to  Thermopylae, 
taking  in  parts  of  Pelasgiotis,  Thessaliotis,  Phthiotis,  and  the 
Maliensis,  with  Pharsalia  and  Thaumakia  on  the  west,  and 
Pherae  on  the  east;  being  part,  also,  of  the  Pelasgian  Argos 
with  the  range  of  Pelion  and  the  battle-ground  of  the  Centaurs 
and  Lapithae  betw^een  it  and  the  sea.  I  conclude  wdth  re- 
marking that  the  modern  name  of  Pelion  is  Zagora,  a  Slavonic 
word  meaning  over  the  mountain.  It  applies  to  a  town  on  the 
eastern  slope;  and,  consequently,  places  the  Slavonians  who 
applied  it  on  the  west.  This  gives  the  south-eastern  quarter  of 
Thessaly,  more  or  less,  to  two  intrusive  populations.  Zeitouni  is 
brought  in  because  it  is  mentioned  by  Benjamin  of  Tudela  as 
the  southern  limit  of  what  he  calls  Great  Yallachia.  ''  Here 
are  the  confines  of  Vallachia,  a  country  the  inhabitants  of 
which  are  called  Vlachi.  They  are  as  nimble  as  deer,  and 
descend  from  the  mountains  into  the  plains  of  Greece,  com- 
mitting robberies  and  making  booty.  Nobody  ventures  to 
make  war  upon  them,  nor  can  any  king  bring  them  to  sub- 
mission ;  and  they  do  not  profess  the  Christian  faith.  Their 
names  are  of  Jewish  origin,  and  some  even  say  they  have  been 
Jews;  which  nation  they  call  brethren.  Whenever  they  meet 
an  Israelite  they  rob,  but  never  kill,  him  as  they  do  the 
Greeks.     They  profess  no  religious  creed. ^^ 

That  the  names  of  Samuel,  Simeon,  Gabriel,  Daniel,  and 
Moses  appear  in  almost  every  page  of  Vallachian  history,  is  a 
remark  of  Finlay's,  from  whom  the  preceding  extract  is  taken. 


150  MACEDONIA,    THESSALY,    AND    GEEECE. 

When  did  these  Vallachians  enter  this  part  of  Thessaly^  and 
whence  came  they  ?  Anna  Comnena  mentions  them  as  being 
the  masters  of  several  Thessalian  towns.  Kinnamos  observes 
the  affinity  between  their  language  and  the  Latin.  Finlay 
suggests  the  year  1040  as  a  probable  approximate  date  for  their 
introduction^  under  Basil  II.,  who,  he  thinks,  may  have  in- 
troduced them  in  order  to  re-people  the  country  which  the 
Bulgarians  had  depopulated. 

In  dealing,  however,  with  this  question,  we  must  by  no 
means  overlook  the  term  Kutzo.  In  more  than  one  of  the 
ordinary  works  on  the  Bumanyo  language,  the  Vallachians  of 
Greece — not  these  (for  they  are  scarcely  to  be  found  speaking 
their  original  language  in  the  valley  of  Apidanus),  but  some 
others,  which  will  be  mentioned  in  the  sequel — are  called  Kutzo- 
Vallachians,  a  compound  which  is  explained  to  mean  Lame,  i.e. 
False  Vallachians,  or  something  equally  disparaging.  The 
writers,  however,  who  lay  this  before  us  overlook  the  following 
notice,  while  Zeuss,  to  whom  it  is  due,  though  he  suggests  the 
connection  between  the  Kutzi  and  the  Vallachians,  seems  un- 
aware of  the  existence  of  the  compound  which  adds  so  much  in 
favour  of  his  hypothesis. 

1.  Codinus  mentions  the  Bishopric  of  the  Kutziagri  as  one 
of  the  sees  of  Thessaly. 

2.  In  the  heading  of  a  chapter  in  the  Life  of  the  Archbishop 
of  Thessalonica  are  the  words  ^'  Civil  war  between  the  city  and 
Maurus  and  Kuver  the  Bulgarian.'^ 

3.  In  a  life  of  John,  Archbishop  of  Salonica,  who  lived  in 
the  latter  half  of  the  seventh  century,  is  the  statement  that  the 
Khan  of  the  Avars  brought  back  from  Pannonia  and  the  parts 
about  Sirmium  a  number  of  men  out  of  captivity,  whom  he 
claimed  as  his  own  subjects,  and  who,  when  they  reached  his 
dominions,  mixed  themselves  with  the  Avars  and  Bulgarians ; 
that  he  placed  over  them  a  captain  named  Kuver  [Kov/Sep) ;  that 
Kuver  affected  independence;  that  he  carried  the  Captivity 
with  him,  and,  finally,  that  the  whole  mass  moved  towards 
Thessalonica — whence  arose  the  war  alluded  to  in  the  second 
notice. 

The  connection  of  the  Kutziaguri  with  what  we  may  call  the 


THEIR    ETHNOLOGY.  151 

Kiitz  element  in  the  iTz^/ro-Vallachians  was  suggested  (as  afore- 
said) by  Zeuss,  apparently  without  knowing  that  they  were 
called  anything  but  simple  Vallachians.  The  next  suggestion  is 
the  present  author^s.  The  Kutziaguri  were  the  nation  to 
which  the  captain  Kuver  belonged ;  and  they  were  Turks  of 
either  the  Hun  or  Avar  name.  But  the  men  over  whom 
he  was  placed,  and  whom  the  Avar  king  claimed,  were  Ru- 
manyos  —  probably  ordinary  Rumanyos  of  Dacia,  but  not 
impossibly  of  Pannonia. 

Here  we  find  in  an  account  of,  perhaps,  the  ninth  century, 
that  in  the  time  of  Archbishop  John,  the  Dragovitce,  the  Sagu- 
datae,  the  Velegezetse,  the  Vaiunetae,  and  the  Berzetse,  invaded 
the  Chachidic  Peninsula.  Most  of  these  names  occur  else- 
where. The  Bishop  of  Philippopolis  styles  himself  the  Exarch 
of  all  Europe  and  Dragovintia.  The  Sagudates  and  the  Dra- 
govites  are  specially  mentioned  as  paying  tribute  to  the  Scythian 
empire  on  that  frontier.  The  names  Sougdaia  and  Souodalia 
are  again  the  names  of  bishoprics ;  and  that  they  are  the  names 
of  a  Sagudat  see  is  likely.  The  King  of  Bulgaria  threatens 
Verzetia.  The  Velegezetae  are  placed  in  Thessaly.  Finally, 
there  is  a  Thessalian  Bishop  of  the  E^epo?,  Ezero,  or  Lake; 
one  of  the  Smoleni ;  and  one  of  the  Galazi ;  words  which  may 
be  compared  with  Smolensk  and  Galacz — whilst  Susdal  is  the 
name  of  a  district  east  of  Moscow.  But,  though  this  is  enough 
to  establish  a  Slavonic  migration,  it  scarcely  makes  it  Russian. 
The  invasion,  however,  was  made  by  sea.  More  than  this,  it 
was  made  in  boats  made  out  of  single  trees — monoxyla — a  fact 
which  suggests  the  likelihood  of  the  origin  of  the  migrations 
having  been  high  up  some  of  the  rivers  of  Russia.  More  than 
this.  In  Nestor  we  get  the  name  Dragovitse  in  its  true  natural 
form  Dragoviczi,  accompanied  with  the  statement  that  the  men 
who  bore  the  name  dwelt  between  the  Dwina  and  the  Pripecz. 

Lastly,  we  have,  more  than  once  in  Const antine  Porphyro-- 
genita,  the  words  'Pw?  and  Pwo-ta^  applied  to  not  only  the 
Krivitzi,  the  Lentzinini,  the  Ultini,  and  the  Dervinini,  but  to 
the  DruguvitcBj  who  are,  undoubtedly,  the  Dragovitce  already 
mentioned.     (See  Zeuss,  &c.,  p.  623.) 

The  Norman  name  now  comes  under  notice. 


152  MACEDONIA,    THESSALY,    AND    GREECE. 

Four  times  did  the  Normans_,  who  had  fixed  themselves  as 
rulers_,  attempt  the  conquest  of  Constantinople^,  or_,  at  leasts  a 
dismemberment  of  the  great  Byzantine  empire.  There  was  a 
narrow  stream  of  salt  water  between  Italy  and  Greece;  and 
what  was  that  to  men  whose  original  home  had  been  on  the 
Eyder  and  the  firths  of  Norway  ?  men  whose  arms_,  except  by 
the  Arabs  of  Spain^  had  never  been  foiled ;  who  saw  in  the 
wealth  of  Constantinople  even  a  greater  prize  than  the  crown 
of  England^  so  lately  won  by  one  of  their  countrymen. 

About  twenty  years,,  then^  after  the  battle  of  Hastings^  A.D. 
1081^  Robert  Guiscard  sailed  from  Brindisi  with  an  armament 
of  thirty  thousand  men  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  ships^  but  suc- 
ceeded only  in  reducing  Corfu  and  in  landing  in  Epirus. 

The  Eastern  is  the  most  Hellenic  side  of  Thessaly  as  to 
blood;  Zagora  being  so  in  the  way  of  politics.  This  means 
that  the  part  taken  in  the  Revolution  is  the  test.  The  occupants 
of  Zagora  are  left  to  govern  themselves^  through  magistrates  of 
their  own  election.  In  ordinary  times  the  district  thrives ;  but 
in  1820  there  had  been  a  failure  in  the  product  of  both  the 
silk  and  oil^  and  distress  weighed  heavy  on  the  dense  and  in- 
dustrious population.  Forty-five  thousand  inhabitants  to 
twenty-four  village  communities  is  the  population  ascribed 
by  Finlay  to  Zagora  at  this  time ;  Turkish  occupancy  being 
the  exception.  Nevertheless^  in  Lekhoria^  they  were  numerous 
enough  for  six  hundred  of  them  to  be  massacred  by  the  in- 
surgents^ whOj  after  some  intestine  quarrels^  established  a 
Thessalo-Magnesian  Senate.  The  reduction  of  Volo  was  the 
chief  object  of  the  movement  in  these  parts,  but  Volo  was 
relieved.  Trichen  held  out  the  longest,  inasmuch  as  it  was  not 
reduced  until  1823,  when,  on  the  surrender  of  its  vessels, 
and  the  admission  of  a  Turkish  garrison,  an  amnesty  was 
granted. 

The  Vallachians  of  the  district  of  the  water- shed  between  the 
Peneus  and  the  Aspropotamo  were  among  the  first  to  revolt ; 
for,  like  the  Christian  Albanians  of  Hellas,  the  Vallachians  acted 
as  Greeks.     They  were  coerced,  however,  by  Kurshid  Pasha. 

In  noting  that  the  Revolution  was  suppressed  with  com- 
parative ease  in  Thessaly,  we  must  remember  that   Larissa  is 


VALLACHIAN    ELEMENTS. 


153 


the  most  Turkish  town  south  of  Saloniki;  and  that  in  Macedonia, 
as  in  Thessaly,  there  is  a  settlement  of  Anatolian  Turks. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  feudatories  of  Achaia  from 
Count  Beugnot^'s  Assizes  de  Jerusalem,  as  given  by  Finlay. 

It  shows  the  extent^  if  not  of  Greek  and  French  intermixture, 
of,  at  least,  the  surface  over  which  the  two  elements  came  in 
contact. 

Secular. 


District. 

Holder. 

No 

.  of  Fiefs 

1. 

Kalamata     . 

Geoffrey  de  Yillehardouin      .         .    (?) 

2. 

Akova  . 

Walter  de  Rosieres 

22 

3. 

Karitena  (Skorta^ 

Hugh  de  Brieres    . 

24 

4. 

Patras 

William  de  Alaman 

(?) 

5. 

Vostitza 

Hugh  de  Charpigny 

8 

6. 

Chalandritza 

Eobert  de  Tremouille 

4 

7. 

Kalavryta    . 

Otho  de  Tournay    . 

12 

8. 

Nikli     . 

William       (?) 

6 

9. 

Yeligosti 

Mathew  de  Mons  . 

4 

10. 

Gritzena 

Luke             (?) 

4 

11. 

Geraka 

Guy  de  Nivelet 

6 

12. 

Passava 

John  de  Neuilly     . 

.       4 

Ecclesiastic. 

1. 

Archbishop  of  Pa 

tras 8 

2. 

Bishp  of  Olerios 

4 

3. 

Modon 

4 

4. 

Cor  on 

4 

5. 

Yeligost 

i 4 

6. 

Nikli,  Moukhli  (Amyclse)  .....       4 

7. 

Lacedaei 

non         .... 

4 

Military  Orders. 

1.  Knights  of  St.  John 4 

2. The  Temple 4 

3.  The  Teutonic  Order 4 

In  an  account  of  St.  Willibald^s  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem, 
A.D.  723,  the  saint  is  said,  after  leaving  Sicily,  to  have  touched 
at  Manafasia,  i.e.  Monemvasia,  in  the  Slavonian  land. 

Between  84.2  and  852  the  Melingi  and  Ezeritse  were  con- 
quered by  Theoktistos  under  the  regency  of  Theodora  during 
the  minority  of  her  son  Michael  III. ;  but  only  for  a  time. 


154  BOSNIA. 

Between  920  and  944  they  are  again  in  arms ;  are  threatened 
with  extermination ;  are  constrained  to  pay  tribute ;  are  sup- 
ported by  an  allied  population  of  Slavesians ;  and,  finally,  are 
allowed  to  elect  their  own  chiefs.  The  partial  independence 
that  this  privilege  procured  them  lasted  more  than  two  hundred 
years ;  for  Slavonians  were  found  in  the  Morea  by  the  Franks 
about  1205,  in  Laconia,  in  Arcadia,  and  in  Elis.  The  latest 
notice  of  their  language  carries  it  into  the  fourteenth  century. 

Of  the  three  kingdoms  that,  beyond  the  boundaries  of  Ru- 
melia,  were  the  first  to  be  conquered  by  the  Ottomans,  Bulgaria 
was  the  earliest,  then  Servia,  and,  as  the  third,  Bosnia. 

When  Bosnia  ceased  to  be  a  Boman  province,  its  history, 
until  it  became  Turkish,  was  chiefly  connected  with  that  of 
Venice  and  Hungary,  both  Christian  countries ;  so  that  of  the 
original  Paganism  of  Bosnia  we  know  nothing.  The  name  first 
appears  in  Constantine  Porphyrogeneta. 

It  is  in  the  time  of  the  Frank  conquest  of  Constantinople 
(1204),  that  we  find,  to  a  certain  extent,  the  histories  of  Bosnia 
and  Bulgaria  running  parallel;  though  of  Bulgaria,  previous 
to  this  date,  we  know  much  more  than  we  do  of  Bosnia.  Pope 
Innocent  III.,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  was  recognised  as 
spiritual  lord  by  Johannes  of  Bulgaria,  is,  more  decidedly 
and  undoubtedly,  exercising  like  power  in  Bosnia,  which 
is,  then,  no  kingdom,  but  a  Banate  under  the  suzerainty  of 
Hungary. 

In  1197  Kulin  is  the  Ban.  It  is  the  obnoxious  heresy  of 
Paulician  which  has  been  alluded  to  as  an  introduction  into 
Europe  from  Bulgaria,  which  he  favours.  He  is  summoned  to 
Rome,  and  returns,  having  given  plausible  explanations  and 
fair  promises  both  to  his  suzerain,  the  King  of  Hungary,  and 
the  Pope.  Still  the  heresy  increased  ;  and  in  1222  it  took  the 
shape  of  an  insurrection,  and  after  that,  until  the  Ottoman 
conquest,  there  was  either  a  religious  war  or  a  decided 
ascendency  on  the  side  of  the  schismatic.  It  was  the  same 
creed  that  had  been  adopted  by  the  Albigenses. 

During  this  period  the  Banat  became  a  kingdom ;  and,  in 
the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  under  Tuartko  I.,  the 
sect  is  decidedly  dominant. 


HERZEGOVINA.  155 

What  is  now  known  as  Herzegovina  was,  at  this  time,  the 
Duchy  of  St.  Saba  ;  and  of  this  Stephen  Cosaccia  was  the  Duke, 
while  John  Paulovitch  was  Voivode  of  ^Montenegro.  Bajazet  I. 
and  Amurath  II.  are  the  Sultans  in  Constantinople.  But 
Servia  and  Bulgaria  are  no  longer  kingdoms. 

The  Turks,  too,  pending  these  religious  disturbances  and  a 
disputed  succession  between  a  second  Tuartko  and  Ostoya 
Christich,  bring  in  the  Hungarians  on  the  one  side  and  the 
Turks  on  the  other.  Stephen  (Cristich),  the  Turk  nominee, 
becomes  a  vassal  and  tributary  to  Amurath  II. ;  is  murdered 
by  his  illegitimate  son  Stephen  Tomasovitsh,  crowned,  and, 
having  failed  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Sultan,  put  to  death  by 
Mahomet  II.  And  by  the  campaign  of  1463  Bosnia  became 
a  Turkish  province. 

The  Duke  of  St.  Saba  was  constrained  to  send  his  son, 
Stephen,  to  Constantinople  as  a  hostage.  There  he  became  a 
Mahometan,  and  under  the  name  of  Ahmet,  a  son-in-law  of 
Bajazet  II.,  and  a  Vizier. 


156 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Turks  other  than  Ottoman. — The  Sultan  and  the  Czar. — General  Character. 

The  Turks  of  the  Ottoman^  and  the  Slavonians  of  the  Russian, 
Empire  are  pre-eminently  representative  populations.  Each 
represents  a  creed_,  and  each  represents  a  race  or  family.  The 
Czar^s  is  the  great  power  of  the  Slavonic,  the  Sultanas  that  of 
the  Turk,  world.  And  both  the  Turks  and  the  Slavonians  are 
among  the  most  important  families  of  mankind.  The  Turk 
class,  however,  is  the  smaller,  and  it  is,  perhaps,  the  simpler 
one  also.  In  some  senses  it  is  certainly  so.  The  great  majority  | 
of  the  Turks  is,  in  language  at  least,  less  unlike  an  Osmanli 
than  a  Bohemian  is  unlike  a  Russian;  though  when  we  go 
farther  and  take  into  consideration  the  whole  complex  of  the 
characteristics  of  the  different  sections  of  the  two  groups,  it  is 
doubtful  whether  the  observation  applies.  The  civilization  of 
the  Slavonians  is  of  a  much  more  uniform  character  than  that 
of  the  Turks ;  and  no  Slavonian  differs  in  this  respect  from 
another  so  much  as  a  Yakut  from  the  shores  of  the  Arctic  Sea, 
or  a  Karakalpak  from  the  frontier  of  Mongolia  differs  from  a 
Turk  of  Constantinople.  Yet  it  is  nearly  certain  that  these 
differences  are  chiefly  due  to  circumstances  of  comparatively 
recent  occurrence;  so  that  what  applies  to  the  Turks  of  the 
present  day  would  not  have  applied  five  hundred  years  ago. 
Before  the  diffusion  of  the  Mahometan  religion,  the  difference 
between  one  Turk  and  another  must  have  been  but  slight ;  for 
it  must  be  remembered  that  there  are,  at  present,  not  only 
Mahometan,  but    Christian,  Pagan,  and,  probably,  Buddhist 


NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS.  157 

Turks;  these  differences  of  creed  giving  rise  to  distinctions 
which,  when  all  Central  Asia  was  simply  pagan^  must  have 
amounted  to  very  little. 

But,  though  the  Ottoman  Empire  is  to  the  Turk  much  as 
Russia  is  to  the  Slavonic  world,  there  are  Turks  who  know  but 
little  and  care  less  about  the  Sultan.  Many  of  them  are  Chris- 
tians ;  a  few  Pagans ;  none  enthusiastic  or  even  decided,  Ma- 
hometans. Still  less  do  they  place  the  Sultan  above  the  Czar; 
for,  whatever  may  be  the  case  with  the  Mahometans  of  Kazan 
or  Orenburg,  the  Pagan  and  Christian  Turks  of  Siberia  are  as 
good  Russian  subjects  as  they  would  be  if  there  were  no  such 
an  individual  as  the  Sultan.  But  Russia  has  the  parallels,  and 
more  than  the  parallels,  of  these  in  the  comparative  indifference 
of  the  Bohemian  Tsheks  and  the  positive  hostility  of  Poland. 
Still,  Panslavonism  has  its  analogue  in  Turkey;  and  with  form 
and  organization  it  might  act  upon  the  Usbeks  *  of  Khiva  and 
Bokhara  much  as  Russian  influence  tells  upon  Servia,  Bulgaria, 
and  Montenegro.  And,  in  all  probability,  there  has  been  at 
different  times  more  of  it  than  appears  on  the  face  of  history. 
That  the  religious  feeling  has  been  appealed  to  over  and  over 
again  there  is  ample  evidence.  The  appeals  to  that  of  nationality 
or  race  have  been  fewer  and  less  patent ;  probably  because  the 
chief  enemies  with  which  Turkey  has  had  to  contend  have 
been  Christians,  against  whom  the  appeal  to  religion  was 
sufficient. 

In  creed  the  Sultan  is,  at  least,  the  equal  of  the  Czar  as  the 
representative  of  a  great  section  of  a  great  creed.  If  Chris- 
tianity fall  into  the  Latin,  the  Greek,  and  the  Protestant 
Churches,  and  if,  of  the  Greek  Church,  the  Czar,  layman  as  he 
is,  is  the  ever  visible  symbol,  Mahometanism,  with  its  divisions 
into  the  Shiites,  and  the  Sunnites,  has  a  similar  symbol  for 
Sunnitism  in  the  Sultan.  It  was  a  little  before  the  extinction 
of  the  Kalif at  that  this  title  arose ;  Mahmud  of  Ghuzni  being, 
as  far  as  we  may  make  a  negative  statement,  the  first  who 
assumed  it.  The  highest  before  his  time  was,  probably.  Khan 
or  Khaghan.  In  the  Sultan  every  Sunnite  sees  the  successor 
and  equivalent  of  the  Kalif,  and,  with  a  few  exceptions,  every 
*  This  was  written  before  the  late  conquests  by  Russia  in  Turkestan. 


158  NON-OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

Turk  who  is  a  Mahometan  at  all  is  a  Sunnite.  The  Shah  of 
Persia  is  scarcely  this  in  the  eyes  of  the  Shiite^  though  the 
Persian  language  and  the  Shiite  creed  coincide  as  closely  as  do 
the  Turkish  and  the  Sunnite.  The  difference^  however,,  is 
accidental  rather  than  real.  The  Sultan  is  more  of  a  symbol 
in  Mahometanism  than  the  Shah^  inasmuch  as^  being  on  the 
frontier  of  the  Mahometan  worlds  it  is  he  who  most  looks  like 
the  bulwark  of  the  faith. 

Again.  Of  the  Mahometan  populations  which  are  neither 
Turk  nor  Persian  there  are  more  which  are  Sunnite  than  Shiite; 
in  other  words^  there  is  more  of  the  Turkish  doctrine  beyond 
Turkestan  than  there  is  of  the  Persian  beyond  Persia.  The 
great  Arab  division  of  the  Mahometan  world  is  chiefly  Sunnite; 
and  of  the  two  Mahometan  kingdoms  which  (though  at  long 
intervals)  the  nearest  approach  Turkey  and  Persia^  the  former 
is  wholly  Sunnite^  the  latter  partially  so.  Morocco^  with  its 
population  of  Arabs  and  Berbers^  is  Turk  in  creed ;  Bokhara 
is  the  same  in  respect  to  its  dynasty  and  the  dominant 
population. 

Arabia  itself  is  more  Turk  both  in  creed  and  political  feeling 
than  Persian ;  indeed^  a  portion  of  it  is  nominally  Turk.  That 
it  is  a  land  which  has  never  been  thoroughly  and  permanently 
reduced  is  true ;  but  it  is  also  true  that  the  loose  and  current 
statements  as  to  its  absolute  independence  are  exaggerated.  It 
has  been  held  in  partial  subjection  by  Rome^  and  it  is  held  to 
some  extent  at  the  present  time  in  an  imperfect  state  of  vas- 
salage by  the  Porte.  Hence^,  the  relations  between  Russia  and 
Greece  repeat  themselves  in  those  between  Turkey  and  Arabia. 
The  mother  countries  of  the  two  creeds^  and  the  sources  of  the 
civilization  which  these  creeds  carried  with  them^  were  Greece 
and  Arabia.  The  political  power^  however^  is  in  other  hands. 
The  eldest  son,  so  to  say,  of  the  Greek  Church  is  Russia;  the 
eldest  son  of  Islam  is  Turkey — eldest  son  meaning  the  Repre- 
sentative Power. 

We  see  a  Shiite  influence  in  the  history  of  the  great  Cau- 
casian war  under  Shamil ;  but  see  it  very  rarely  in  the  relations 
of  the  Mahometans  who  come  in  contact  with  Europe.  On 
the  Indian  frontier,  indeed,  Persia  has  an  influence  of  the  kind 


NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS.  159 

in  question ;  but  it  is  in  no  wise  to  be  compared  with  that  of 
the  Sultan  in  Europe. 

Neither  must  we  forget  that  the  Mahometans  of  the  Crusades 
were  Turks ;  and  that  this  means  the  only  real  Mahometans 
who  have  even  been  prominent  in  the  history  of  France,  Eng- 
land, and  the  Empire.  In  Spain  it  was  different.  The  infidels 
with  whom  the  Spaniards  have  the  credit  of  having  waged  a 
chronic,  national,  and  separate  crusade  of  their  own  were  the 
true  original  Mahometans  of  Arabia.  But  it  was  only  in  Spain 
and  Africa  that  these  were  formidable.  The  Kalifat  broke  up 
before  the  Crusades  began,  and  the  infidels  who  interrupted  the 
pilgrimages  to  Jerusalem,  the  infidels  against  whom  Peter  the 
Hermit  preached,  the  infidels  against  whom  Richard  I.  drew  his 
sword,  the  infidels  who  held  Jerusalem,  were  Turks ;  Turks 
under  the  Sultan  of  Iconium. 

The  great  Tatar  conqueror  Tamerlane,  or  Timor,  was  also  a 
Turk ;  a  fact  which  leads  us  to  ask  how  far  the  Turk  language 
and  Turk  history  coincide  with  the  Turk  blood.  They  do  so 
but  partially.  In  the  recognition  of  a  strong  Turk  element  in 
the  Mongol  armies,  I  only  follow  current  opinion ;  going  no 
further  than  the  facts  suggested  by  the  names  Timur  and  The 
Great  Mogul.  The  Great  Mogul  was  so  named  because  he  was 
a  descendant  of  Baber,  who  was  a  descendant  of  Timur,  who 
passed  for  a  descendant  of  Tshingiz.  Whether  he  were  so  in 
reality  is  doubtful.  It  is  only  certain,  on  one  side,  that, 
dynastically,  he  was  considered  as  such ;  and  that,  on  the 
other,  he  was  a  Turk,  who  knew  the  Mongols  of  his  frontier 
only  as  strangers  and  enemies,  who,  in  all  probability,  could 
speak  no  word  of  Mongol,  and  who  had,  at  most,  in  his  army, 
only  a  few  companies  who  could  do  so.  Whatever  the  Mongols 
were  elsewhere,  the  Moguls  of  India  were  Tshagatai  Turks. 
They  affected  a  Mongol  lineage;  just  as  Timur  professed  a 
descent  from  Tshingis,  whilst  the  Tshagatai  tribe  to  which  he 
belonged  took  its  name  from  Tshingis''s  huntsman,  Zagatai. 
This  is  a  matter  of  history.  Mutatis  mutandis,  I  believe  that 
Tshingis  himself  conjiected  his  line  with  the  Mantshus.  At 
any  rate  his  Mongol  son  bore  the  name  of  a  Mantshu  pre- 
decessor.    But  this  is  general  rather  than  special  ethnology. 


160  NON-OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

They  are  a  foreign  population.  But  this,  as  a  characteristic, 
is  of  no  great  importance.  Most  populations  are  foreign ;  most 
were,  at  some  time  or  other,  intruders  on  the  soil  which  they 
afterwards  treated  as  their  own. 

They  are  strangers  of  recent  introduction.  Four  hundred 
years  junior  in  the  date  of  their  original  conquest  to  the  Norman 
conquerors  of  England;  seven  hundred  years  junior  to  the 
Mahometan  occupants  of  Spain,  they  are,  in  respect  to  the  an- 
tiquity of  their  tenure,  the  novi  homines  of  Europe ;  and  on  the 
strength  of  their  being  this  a  good  deal  of  declamation  has  been 
wasted.  That  the  Ottoman  Empire  is  a  mere  encampment, 
that  the  Ottoman  Turks  are  mere  squatters,  that  the  Ottomans 
hold  Constantinople  by  sufferance,  that  they  should  be  driven 
back  to  the  deserts  and  steppes  of  their  original  Asia,  are  flowers 
of  rhetoric  which  may  be  found  in  writings  of  influential  authors; 
just  as,  in  the  works  of  their  antagonists,  exaggerations  of  the 
validity  of  the  Ottoman  title  and  panegyrics  upon  the  efficiency 
of  the  Ottoman  reforms  take  suspicious  prominence.  As  far 
as  the  question  of  time  is  concerned,  the  title  of  the  Ottomans 
of  Constantinople  is  what  that  of  the  English  was  to  London 
in  the  reign  of  Edgar,  and  that  of  the  Magyars  to  Hungary  in 
the  year  1300. 

They  are  Asiatics.  As  a  simple  matter  of  geography  this  is 
as  true  as  the  truest  of  the  preceding  propositions.  Othman 
was  born  in  Asia  Minor,  and  the  germ  of  his  kingdom  lay  in 
Bithynia.  On  this  there  is  thorough  unanimity  of  opinion, 
though  on  the  value,  or  want  of  value,  of  the  orientalism  of 
Asia  as  contrasted  with  the  occidentalism  of  Europe  there  is, 
in  the  way  of  weighty  opinion,  any  amount  of  diversity.  What 
the  mere  fact  of  an  origin  in  Asia  carries  with  it,  be  it  for  good 
or  be  it  for  bad,  is  so  thoroughly  connected  with  the  particular 
conditions  of  time  and  place  as  to  be  utterly  unsusceptible  of 
any  useful  generalization. 

They  are  Mahometans.  Being  this,  they  are  certainly  in  a 
strong  contrast  to  the  Christians  of  Europe.  And  it  may  be 
added  that  they  are  Mahometans  who  have  outlived  the  time 
when  there  was  even  an  approximation  to  equality  of  power  on 
the  part  of  the  two  creeds.    They  are  Mahometans  on  Christian 


NON-OTTOMAN    TURKS.  161 

ground^  aud  on  ground  that  will  scarcely  become  Mahometan. 
They  are  exceptional  Mahometans  in  a  Christian  system.  The 
difficulties  created  by  their  position  are  great;  but  for  four 
hundred  years  they  have  not  been  great  enough  to  prevent  the 
Christians  doing  political  business  with  them.  Still_,  their  Ma- 
hometanism  is  a  great  distinctive  feature ;  one^  indeed,  which 
takes  more  political  prominence  than  all  the  rest  put  together. 
As  Mahometans  they  are,  to  a  great  extent,  impracticable  mem- 
bers of  the  European  system ;  and  they  would  be  this  if  they 
were  ever  so  civilized,  ever  so  European.  On  the  contrary,  if 
Christian,  they  might  be  parvenus,  Asiatics,  and  barbarians 
without  much  culpability.  Besides  this,  they  are  not  only 
Mahometans,  but  they  are  likely  to  remain  so. 

They  are,  according  to  many  writers  on  ethnology,  Mon- 
golians, the  term  Mongolian  being  used  in  a  technical,  if  not  a 
scientific,  sense,  and  the  phrase  meaning  that  they  belong  to  a 
division  of  mankind  different  from,  and,  perhaps,  inferior  to, 
the  great  Caucasian  race.  In  France  this  notion  of  race  has  a 
greater  prevalence  than  in  England,  and,  in  America,  for  obvious 
reasons,  more  prevalence  than  in  France.  The  Ottomans  cer- 
tainly belong  to  a  division  which  is  in  some  respects  natural, 
in  some  artificial,  which  includes  the  Mongolians  Proper,  the 
Mantshus,  the  Chinese,  the  Fins,  and  others ;  but  what  Mon- 
golism carries  with  it  is  a  point  of  which  the  recognized  elu- 
cidator  is  unborn.  Under  any  view,  however,  the  Turks, 
whether  from  the  original  osculancy  of  the  classes,  or  from 
intermixture,  are  the  most  Caucasian  (so-called)  of  the  (so- 
called)  Mongols. 

They  are  barbarians.  A  good  deal  of  the  connotation  of  this 
term  is  that  of  the  term  Asiatic  also.  In  the  eyes  of  a  Greek, 
they  would,  doubtless,  have  been  barbarous.  In  the  eyes  of  a 
Parisian  or  a  Londoner  they  are,  more  or  less,  barbarous  now. 
But  it  is  not  against  the  ancient  Greek,  with  his  merits  ap- 
praised by  himself,  or  with  the  Englishman  or  Frenchman  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  also  taken  at  his  own  valuation,  that 
either  the  old  Ottoman  or  the  modern  Turk  is  to  be  matched. 
His  true  measure  is  to  be  found  in  Servia,  Bosnia,  AVallachia, 
pi   and  Albania;  and,  with  these  regions  as  a  standard,  it  is  not 

11 


162  NON-OTTOMAN    TUEKS. 

too  much  to  say  that  the  rudest  Ottoman  o£  any  century  is  not 
below  the  rudest  Skipetar  of  the  same  date,  the  most  civilized 
Vallachian  not  above  the  most  enlightened  Ottoman. 

What  the  Ottomans  do  belong  to  is  this.  They  belong  to  a 
class  of  which  many  members,  at  the  present  moment,  may 
fairly  be  called  barbarians ;  of  these  cognizance  will  be  taken 
when  the  Turks  of  Siberia  come  under  notice.  They  also  belong 
to  a  class  of  which  the  most  civilized  members  were  rude  and 
illiterate,  when  Greece  and  Italy  were  classical.  Thirdly,  they 
belong  to  a  class  of  which  they  themselves  are  the  most  civilized 
members,  but  who  are  not  civilized  after  the  fashion  of  the 
nations  of  "Western  Europe.  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that, 
in  some  cases,  this  difEerence  is  not  a  difference  of  kind  rather 
than  degree. 

Asia  Minor  is  Turk  as  South  Britain  is  English.  It  may 
not  have  been  so  originally;  neither  was  England  originally 
English.  It  is  so,  however,  at  the  present  time;  and  that 
decidedly,  decidedly  but  not  exclusively :  just  as  South  Britain 
is  not  exclusively  and  originally  English. 

With  Asia  Minor,  however,  of  which  the  Euphrates  seems 
both  now  and  of  old  to  have  been  the  boundary  on  the  east,  it  is 
convenient  to  associate  Armenia  and  Kurdistan ;  indeed,  that 
part  of  Mesopotamia  in  which  the  population  is  Kurd  rather 
than  Arab. 

The  general  view  of  the  district  thus  defined  is  as  follows : — 

The  mass  of  the  population  is  Turkish. 

The  ^gean  islands  are  Greek.  So  are  Proconesus,  the 
peninsula  of  Cyzicus,  and,  perhaps,  the  majority  of  the  Tra- 
pezuntines. 

The  north-eastern  extremity  is  Laz ;  the  Laz  form  of  the 
Georgian  language  being  spoken  as  far  south  and  east  as  the 
parts  about  Baiburt  and  Trebizond. 

The  eastern  frontier,  so  far  as  it  is  other  than  Turk,  is 
Armenian  and  Kurd. 

On  the  south  and  south-east  the  population  becomes  Arab. 

Turks,  Greeks,  Lazes,  Armenians,  Kurds,  Arabs — these  are 
our  factors  for  the  political  ethnology  of  the  parts  under  notice. 

The  difference  between  the  ordinary  Anatolian  Turk  of  Asia 


NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS.  163 

Minor  and  the  Turk  of  that  special  section  which  bears  the 
name  of  Ottoman  or  Osmanli  has  already  been  indicated. 

And  now  Macedonia  comes  under  notice ;  for,  in  Macedonia, 
over  and  above  the  ordinary  Ottoman  of  Constantinople,  certain 
fragmentary  representatives  in  Europe  of  the  original  Seljukians 
of  Iconium  present  themselves,  even  in  these  latter  days.  We 
may  call  them,  in  opposition  to  the  Ottomans,  Anatolians,  or 
Karamanians,  or,  what  they  call  themselves,  Koniarids. 

Even  in  Europe  there  are  Turks  that  are  other  than  Ottoman. 
This  is  the  case  with  the  Tatars  of  Bessarabia — the  Budjack 
Tatars. 

Then  there  are  the  Yuruks. 

Then  the  Koniarids. 

In  Macedonia  and  Thessaly,  and  in  the  parts  about  Serres 
and  Saloniki  the  names  Yiiruk  and  Koniarid  first  occur.  Both 
names  apply  to  the  Turks  of  Asia  Minor  rather  than  to  the 
Ottomans.  The  former  is  the  term  applied  to  the  numerous 
migratory  nomads  of  the  Turkoman  type  in  Anatolia ;  the  latter 
a  derivative  from  Konieh  or  Iconium.  The  time  of  the  Norman 
invasions,  and  the  time  of  the  earliest  Ottoman  conquests, 
are  dates  assigned  to  these  settlements ;  and  as  there  is  no 
necessity  for  referring  all  the  ancestors  of  all  the  Koniarids 
and  Yuruks  to  any  single  immigration,  both  may  be  correct. 
That  some  of  them  are  older  occupants  of  European  soil 
than  the  oldest  Ottomans  is  certain ;  certain,  too,  that  they 
represent  the  old  Seljuk  Turks  of  Iconium  and  Karamania; 
certain,  too,  that,  compared  with  the  Turks  of  Constanti- 
nople, they  are  pre-eminently  pure  in  blood.  They  cultivate 
the  soil.  As  a  body  they  are  industrious,  self-relying,  and 
attached  to  their  villages.  They  bear  arms,  and  constitute  in 
the  military  organization  of  the  Porte  a  class  by  themselves. 
Left  to  manage  themselves,  they  are,  in  some  sense,  a  privileged 
class ;  and,  even  at  the  present  time,  some  of  the  powers  of  the 
old  Dereh  Beys  are  still  exercised  by  their  headmen.  No  class  of 
Turks  supplies  fewer  officials,  or  men  who  seek  employment  in 
the  capital ;  indeed,  the  Yuruk  and  Koniarid  capital  is  Saloniki 
rather  than  Constantinople.  Kavalla,  one  of  the  Koniarid 
villages,  was  the  birthplace  of  Mehemet  Ali,  whose  uncle  was 

11   * 


164  NON-OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

headman  of  the  district.  And  this  is  why  it  was  stated,  at  the 
very  beginning  of  this  book,  that,  though  the  Sultan  of  Con- 
stantinople was  a  true  Ottoman,  the  Khedive  of  Egypt  was  not. 
The  Koniarids,  as  Karamanians,  interrupted  the  victories  of 
the  first  Sultans.  The  great  Koniarid  of  the  last  generation 
is  likely,  in  Egypt,  at  least,  to  plant  his  dynasty.  Either 
offended  or  oppressed,  he  left  Macedonia  for  Egypt  with  a  few 
followers.  The  chief  Yuruk  villages  are  Gumertzina,  Drama, 
Nevrykopo,  Strumitza,  Radhovitzi,  Tifkis,  Karadagh. 

There  is  another  Koniarid  district  in  the  north  of  Thessaly. 

Thus  much  for  the  Ottoman  Turks,  and,  to  a  certain  extent, 
for  the  Turks  of  Iconium ;  under  whatever  name,  Iconian,  Ko- 
niarid, Anatolian,  or  Karamanian,  we  choose  to  designate  the 
representatives  of  the  stock  with  which  the  Ottomans  are  most 
closely  connected,  and  from  which  they  may,  not  improbably, 
be  directly  deduced.  Solyman  Shah  may  or  may  not  have  been 
a  Turk  of  another  division ;  but  it  is  certain  that  Othman  was 
a  liegeman  to  the  Sultan  of  Iconium.  Be  this,  however,  as  it 
may,  after  the  thorough  reduction  of  Asia  Minor  the  history  of 
the  Koniarids  is  almost  identified  with  the  history  of  the  Ot- 
tomans up  to  the  present  time.  What  it  may  be  hereafter  is 
another  question. 

This  distinction  is  important ;  and  we  shall  do  well  to  get  a 
clear  conception  of  the  original  character  of  the  dynasties  which, 
after  the  reign  of  Bajazet  II.,  the  father  of  Selim  I.,  the  con- 
queror of  Syria  and  Egypt,  constituted  the  Mahometan  part  of 
the  Ottoman  Empire  as  it  stood  in  the  reign  of  Solyman  I. 

The  dynasty  of  Syria  was  that  of  the  Atabegs. 

That  of  Egypt  the  dynasty  of  the  Mamelukes. 

That  of  the  Barbary  States  is  divided,  and  its  history  obscure. 
But  it  represented  not  so  much  any  secondary  conquest,  like 
that  of  the  Seljukian  Turks,  over  the  successors  of  the  first 
Caliphs,  as  the  original  conquest,  as  old  as  the  eighth  century, 
of  the  immediate  followers  of  Mahomet  himself.  It  represented 
the  conquest  of  the  northern  coast  of  Africa,  out  of  which  grew 
that  of  Spain.     It  was  no  part  of  the  Seljukian  domain. 

And  here  I  hope  I  may  enter  a  protest  against  one,  at  least, 
of  the  partially  recognised  elements  in  the  genealogy  of  the 


NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS.  165 

patriarchal  Othman.  He  is,  almost  certainly,  the  son  of 
Ertogrul;  not  so  certainly  the  grandson  of  Solyman.  Most 
certainly  no  descendant  of  anyone  named  Seljuk.  The  real 
Seljuk  seems  to  me  to  be  the  historical  Seleucus,  neither  more 
nor  less ;  so  that  when  Syria  was  reduced  by  the  founders  of  a 
new  dynasty,  the  name  of  its  most  noted  ruler  was  adopted  by 
the  conquerors. 


166 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Turks  other  than  Ottoman. — Their  Area. — The  Alani. — The  Huns. — The 
Avars. — The  Khazars. — The  Petshinegs. — The  Uz. —  The  Cumanians. — 
The  Tshuvash. 

Of  the  Turks  represented  by  the  Ottoman  Empire  not  one 
single  occupant  of  the  soil  of  Asia  Minor,  of  Europe,  or  of 
Africa,  was  on  ground  originally  Turk ;  nor  was  there  a  single 
acre  of  their  vast  dominion  that  had  not  been  foreign  soil  to 
their  ancestors,  and  those  ancestors  not  very  remote.  The  date 
of  the  first  Turk  inroads  south  of  the  Caucasus  and  west  of 
Persia  and  Armenia,  so  far  as  it  is  traceable  from  the  time  of 
Othman  and  upwards,  is  certainly  subsequent  to  the  Hejira, 
and,  probably,  no  earlier  than  the  break-up  of  the  Calif  at. 

This,  however,  has  already  been  enlarged  on ;  and,  by  reading 
what  has  just  been  set  down  backwards,  we  are  prepared  for 
the  reverse  statement  of  the  Turks  now  coming  under  notice. 
These  are  the  Turks  of  the  original  Turkish  area ;  and  of  this 
it  may  be  said  that  not  one  of  them  is  in  contact  with  their 
congeners  of  the  south  and  west.  There  is  the  whole  of  Persia, 
the  Caspian,  and  the  Caucasus  between  them. 

It  is  not  necessary,  even  in  the  early  history  of  the  Turks  of 
Western  and  North- Western  Asia,  to  go  back  to  the  earliest 
notices  of  their  possible  or  probable  history,  i.e.,  to  the  Scythians 
of  Herodotus,  or,  indeed,  to  any  names  anterior  to  the  time  of 
the  Gothic  and  Vandal  inroads.  When  we  come  to  these,  how- 
ever, it  is  necessary  to  know  who  were  the  nations  on  the  east ; 
in  other  words,  how  far  the  history  of  the  Eastern  Empire  from 
the  time  of  Valens,  A.D.  375,  when   the  Goths  crossed  the 


NON-OTTOMAN    TURKS.  167 

Danube^  there  were  Turks_,  Slavonians,,  and,  probably,  the  an- 
cestors of  the  future  Russians  in  the  background. 

(1.)  In  the  continuous  history  of  these  the  first  name  is  that 
of  the  Alani.  In  respect  to  this  I  may  remark  that  the  second 
syllable  seems  to  be  long — '^Aldni,"  rather  than  '^ Alani.''  In 
Dionysius  Periegetes,  they  are  noticed  as  the  occupants  of  the 
valley  of  the  Danube.     He  writes — 

Tov  fxev  Trpos  (Boperjv  T€Tavu(r/X€va  (fivXa  vifxovTai 
IIoXAa  jxaX  i^€L7]<;  MaiwrtSo?  es  o-rofxa  XtfxvT]^' 
Fep/xavot,  ^aixdrat  re  Ferat  0'  afxa  BacrTctpvat  re, 
AaKwv  T  ao-7r€TOS  ata  koX  a\Ky]evT€<s  AXavol  (v.  302). 

It  is  not  certain,  however,  that  the  Alani  were  Turks,  though 
they  are  specially  called  Caucasigence  by  Sidonius  ApoUinaris. 
It  is  also  certain  that  they  occupied  some  part  of  the  Caucasian 
range  in  its  north-western  half.  I  believe,  however,  that  they 
are  generally  considered  to  be  Circassian  rather  than  Turk, 
though  the  question  is  not  beyond  a  doubt.  That  the  geography 
points  to  Circassia  is  certain ;  for  the  country  of  the  Alani  lay 
between  Trebizond  and  the  Volga,  and  it  was  the  route  of  more 
than  one  ambassador  between  Turkestan  and  Constantinople, 
both  going  and  returning.  Still,  this,  even  in  the  reign  of 
Justinian,  may  have  been  in  the  direction  of  the  Caspian  more 
or  less  Tatar. 

(2.)  The  Alani  are  certainly  earlier  than  the  Huns,  and  their 
history  is  more  varied.  At  the  same  time,  the  Huns  are  the 
nation  of  which  we  hear  the  most.  Only,  however,  for  a  short 
period.  They  are  formidable  to  the  Romans  during  the  last 
quarter  of  the  fourth  century,  and,  for  about  ten  years  in  the 
middle  of  the  fifth,  they  have  a  terrible  representative  in  Attila. 
But  before  his  time,  and  after  it,  the  name  is  of  only  secondary 
importance.  The  evidence  of  the  bearers  of  it  having  been 
Turks,  is  better  than  that  in  favour  of  the  Alani  being  such ; 
indeed,  except  by  those  who  consider  them  Mongol  (in  the 
strict  sense  of  the  term),  their  Turk  affinities  are  pretty  gene- 
rally recognised.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  before  the 
time  of  Ruas,  the  grandfather  of  Attila,  there  was  no  such 
name  as  "Hun"  in  Europe.  At  any  rate  Ptolemy  names  the 
"  Xovvoij"  and  that  in  European  Scythia. 


168  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

(3.)  After  the  Huns^  the  Avars  of  whom  the  first  notice  is 
between  461  and  465.  With  these  the  evidence  of  their 
being  Turks  improves.  They  seem  to  have  been  nearly  con- 
geners of  the  Hnns.  Their  occupancy  was  the  north-western 
part  of  Hungary^  especially  the  Interamnium  of  the  Thiess  and 
Danube.  But  they  extended  their  arms  westward,,  and^  for 
more  than  two  centuries^  the  whole  district  of  what  is  now 
Upper  and  Lower  Austria  was  held  by  the  Avars.  The  so- 
called  Hungarian  campaigns  of  Charlemagne  were  mainly 
against  these  intrusive  and  over- well  established  Avars;  but 
their  power^  their  language^  and  their  very  name  had  been 
obliterated^  and  this  obliteration  of  them  became  a  bye-word. 

(4.)  The  Khazars  are  mentioned  by  Theophanes  as  Turks  from 
the  east^  who  assisted  the  Emperor  Heraclius  against  Chosroes^ 
King  of  Persia.  They  conquered  the  Goths  of  the  Crimea^  and 
took  tribute  from  the  Viatitsh^  the  Severski^  and  the  Polyani. 
The  Viatitsh  were^  probably,  Ugrians  or  Finns.  The  Severski 
and  Polyani  may  have  been  either  Russians  or  Lithuanians,  or 
one  Russian  and  the  other  Lithuanian.    The  Khazars,  however, 

were  Turks — TovpKOt  airo  Trjq  ewa?. 

(5.)  The  Petshinegs — rTaTCtvaKtrat,  Peczinegi,  Postinagi,  Pin- 
cenates,  Petinei,  Pezini,  Besseni,  Bessi,  from  which  we  get 
^'Bessarabia;''  whilst  from  some  others  comes  i\iQTi2imQ''Budjak" 
as  applied  to  the  Tatars  of  that  district. 

(6.)  The  U'z  or  U'zes. — These  are  the  least  conspicuous  of  the 
denominations  here  enumerated ;  and — 

(7.)  The  Cumanians  are  the  last  of  them. 

Such  is  the  general  view  of  the  seven  chief  denominations 
connected  with  the  history  of  Rome  between  the  time  of  the 
Goths  and  Vandals  in  the  fourth  century,  and  the  great  Mon- 
golian inroad  of  the  thirteenth.  There  are  seven  denominations ; 
and  others  of  less  importance  are  connected  with  them.  More- 
over, each  of  the  seven  has  not  only  a  special  history  of  its 
own,  but  one  in  which  there  is  always  some  uncertainty. 
There  is,  indeed,  of  some  sort  or  other,  a  question  connected 
with  every  one  of  them.  Hence  each  will  now  be  considered 
in  extenso,  and  that  in  the  order  they  stand ;  for  the  sequence 
is   chronological.      The  Alani   connect  our  history  with  that 


THE    ALANI.  169 

of  the  decline  of  the  Western  Empire ;  the  Cumani  bring 
it  down  to  the  time  of  Othman^  and  more  than  one  of  his 
successors. 

The  Alani. — These  stand  by  themselves.  It  is  not  only- 
doubtful  whether  they  were  Turks,  but  it  is  certain  that  they 
began  their  career  of  conquest  before  the  year  375,  the  date  of 
the  exodus  of  the  Goths  from  Dacia.  Moreover,  their  whole 
history  is  peculiar,  and  but  slightly  connected  with  that  of  the 
Huns  and  Avars.  We  know,  however,  the  most  about  them ; 
inasmuch  as  they  are  mentioned  by  the  writers  of  both  the 
Eastern  and  Western  Empire.  Indeed,  they  are  noticed  by 
the  Jewish  historian  Josephus.  Pliny,  however,  seems  to  be 
the  first  wi'iter  who  mentions  them.  Others  speak  to  their 
personal  appearance.  It  seems,  on  this  point,  to  be  generally 
agreed  that  they  were  better-looking  men  than  the  Huns ;  and 
this  passes  as  a  reason  for  making  them  Circassians.  Lucian 
tells  us  that  they  wore  less  hair  than  the  Scythians ;  for  one  of 
his  characters,  Makentes,  who  understood  both  the  Alanian 
and  the  Scythian  language,  had  to  pass  off  for  a  Scythian.  So 
he  cut  off  some  of  his  hair,  "  for  the  Alani  wear  less  hair  than 
the  Scythians.^'' 

The  Alans  enter  into  the  service  of  Rome,  and,  as  usual, 
serve  at  first  in  Pannonia.  But  they  soon  divide  ;  and  a  part, 
under  Candax,  settles  in  Moesia.  Another  company  joins  the 
Burgundians,  and  we  hear  of  them,  under  Bespendial,  at  Mentz, 
in  an  army  out  of  which  will  grow  the  independent  kingdom  of 
Burgundy.  Others,  under  Goar,  serve  under  ^tius  in  Gaul; 
and  Sangiban,  their  king,  has  to  fight  against  Attila  at  Chalons. 
But  it  is  thought  prudent  to  keep  the  contingent  of  the  Frank 
king  in  his  rear,  so  as  to  prevent  him  from  changing  sides. 

A  more  important  union  than  this  with  the  Burgundians 
was  that  of  the  Alans,  the  Vandals,  and  the  Suevi.  The  result 
of  this  was  the  invasion  and  partition  of  Spain,  where  the 
special  Vandali  Silingi  (Vandals  of  Silesia)  took  the  province 
of  Bsetica ;  the  other  Vandals,  along  with  the  Suevi,  Galicia ; 
and  the  Alani,  Lusitania  and  the  Carthaginiensis.  Nor  was 
this  all.  From  the  Carthaginiensis  they  proceeded  to  Carthage 
itself ;  a  Vandal  conquest.     I  know  of  no  other  Eastern  bar- 


170  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

barians  except  the  Heruli  who  committed  themselves  to  the 
sea,  and  no  other  that  went  so  far  from  home,  as  these  Alans. 
However,  before  they  joined  Genseric  they  had  been  nearly 
cut  to  pieces  by  their  old  associates. 

The  King  of  the  Vandals  of  Lnsitania  was  Atax.  In  Car- 
thage the  title  of  Gelimer was  "i?e<27  Wandalorum  etAlanorum" 

The  Alani,  of  whom  the  name  lasts  the  longest,  are  those  of 
Gaul.  Their  last  king  but  one  is  Eochar,  their  last  Beorgor. 
They  are,  within  a  few  years,  the  contemporaries  of  the  last 
Emperor  of  Rome,  Romulus  Augustulus. 

Ending  with  him  and  beginning  before  the  defection  of  the 
Burgundians,  the  history  of  the  Alans  nearly  coincides  with  that 
of  the  dissolution  of  the  Western  Empire. 

The  Huns, — The  current  history  of  the  Hun  invasion  is  both 
indefinite  and  complicated;  and,  what  is  more  important,  it 
lies  open  to  a  very  serious  objection.  It  assumes  that  there 
was  an  invasion  at  all ;  or,  at  least,  that  there  was  a  specified 
time  when  the  Huns  were  strangers  to  Europe.  There  was 
such  a  time  undoubtedly ;  for  there  are  few  districts  that,  ever 
since  they  have  had  any  occupants  at  all,  have  always  had  them 
of  the  same  race,  blood,  family,  or  whatever  we  choose  to  call 
the  aborigines.  There  was,  therefore,  a  time  when  the  an- 
cestors of  the  Huns  dwelt  elsewhere ;  a  time  when  the  occupants 
of  what  was  afterwards  the  Hun  area  in  Europe  were  other 
than  Huns.  But  this  time,  in  the  case  of  the  Huns  under 
notice,  was  not  the  fourth  century  of  the  Christian  era,  and, 
possibly,  not  in  the  fourth  B.C.  It  probably  was  earlier  than 
this  ;  early  enough  to  be  pre-historic.  This,  however,  is  not 
the  ordinary  view  of  the  question. 

The  statement  of  Procopius  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Huns  is 
simply  mythical,  and  that  manifestly.  It  is  to  the  effect  that 
two  brothers,  Utugur  and  Kutugur,  followed  a  stag  across  the 
Cimmerian  Bosphorus,  and,  so  doing,  showed  their  countrymen 
the  way  into  Europe.  There  is  no  date  to  this.  The  state- 
ment, however,  has  its  value.  Both  ^^  Cutugur"  and  "  Utugur^' 
are  real  national  names,  and  that  of  populations  generally 
believed  to  have  been  either  Hun  or  allied  to  the  Huns.  This 
view  the  notice  of  Procopius  confirms. 


THE    HUNS.  171 

Then  there  is  the  date  A.D.  375.  This  is  the  year  when  the 
Goths  effect  their  exodus  from  Dacia  to  the  opposite  province 
of  Mcesia,  i.e.  the  year  in  which  the  Goths  crossed  the  Danube. 
In  many  respects  the  epoch  is  a  notable  one ;  for  it  is  within  a 
few  years  from  the  conversion  of  the  first  Germans  to  Chris- 
tianity; and  these  Germans — Goths^  Ostrogoths,  Visigoths,  and 
Moesogoths — are  all  held  to  have  crossed  the  Danube  under 
the  pressure  of  the  Huns,  who  are  now  novi  homineSy  and  un- 
welcome intruders  in  Dacia. 

Now  it  is  to  the  interval  between  this  year  and  the  year  458 
that  the  history  of  the  Huns  is  confined ;  and,  if  it  were  not 
for  the  ten  years  of  the  reign  of  Attila,  it  would  not  be  a  history 
of  any  remarkable  importance.  As  it  is,  it  is  a  very  obscure 
one.  Attila  is  the  only  individual  of  whom  we  have  any  ade- 
quate account ;  and,  for  some  cause  or  other,  or  rather  from  a 
mixture  of  several  causes,  it  has  never  been  the  practice  to 
speak  of  Attila  without  exaggeration.  A  great  deal,  if  we  look 
either  to  the  character  of  the  king  or  the  nation  in  respect  to 
their  prowess,  their  ferocity,  and  their  conquering  power,  which 
is  so  commonly  assigned  to  the  Huns,  is  conventional  rather 
than  real.  We  are  too  much  in  the  habit  of  making  them 
exceptionally  barbarous,  numerous,  and  terrible. 

As  it  is  with  the  king  and  the  people,  so  it  is  with  the 
land ;  for  the  Hun  geography,  like  the  Hun  ethnology,  must 
be  limited.  To  the  proper  domain  of  Attila  may  be  safely 
assigned  the  Interamnium  of  the  Theiss  and  Danube.  That  he 
held  this,  and  made  it  the  district  of  his  capital,  we  know  from 
the  unimpeachable  evidence  of  Priscus.  Nor  need  we  doubt 
that  he  held  the  rest  of  what  is  now  called  Hungary,  both  in 
the  direction  of  Styria  and  the  direction  of  Vallachia.  The 
Aluta,  however,  was  probably  his  limit  eastwards  :  his  pos- 
session of  Transylvania  being  doubtful.  Of  actual  territory  1 
cannot  find  an  acre  more  than  this,  except  in  the  dicta  of  the 
historians.  What  Attila  really  commanded,  and  that  only 
towards  the  end  of  his  life,  was  a  very  large  army  made  up  of  a 
great  variety  of  elements,  and  one  of  which  some  of  the  con- 
stituents may  have  come  from  a  great  distance,  and  borne 
strange  names.     The  Huns  were,  as  a  nation,  simply  what  the 


172  NON-OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

Ottomans  were^  viz._,  members  of  a  vast  and  widespread  family, 
of  whichj  like  the  Ottomans  when  they  crossed  the  Bosphorus, 
they  were  first  represented  as  threatening  the  majesty  of 
Rome. 

In  respect  to  the  original  country  of  the  Huns  of  Attila,  our 
best  landmark  is  the  locality  of  the  Utugurs ;  and  this^  for  the 
time  of  Justinian,  we  get  from  Procopius,  who  states  that  they 
bordered  on  the  Gothi  Tetraxitse.  Now  these,  we  know,  were 
on  the  neck  of  the  Crimea,  and  also,  from  other  notices,  that  a 
part  of  their  frontier  touched  the  Don.  To  the  Don,  then,  we 
trace  the  Utugurs,  the  most  undoubted  members  of  the  Hun 
denomination. 

Of  the  personal  names  prior  to  Attila,  Ruas  or  Rugilas,  and 
Ultis  are  the  most  important.  Litttle,  however,  is  known  about 
them,  for,  with  the  exception  o£  the  account  of  Priscus^  embassy 
to  Attila  himself,  the  chief  notices  of  the  Huns  are  from  authors 
of  later  date  than  the  events. 

The  tribes  conquered  by  Ruas  were  the  Amilzuri,  the  Itimari, 
the  Tonosures,  and  the  Boisci ;  and  of  these  all  we  know  is 
that  Rugilas,  or  Ruas,  conquered  them.  Such  was  one  of  the 
earliest  Hun  conquests,  probably  made  in  the  reign  of  Valens, 
certainly  before  that  of  Honorius. 

Ultis  seems  to  have  fought  his  battles  in  the  next  reign, 
that  of  Theodosius  ;  and  the  notice  of  him  is,  with  the  exception 
of  those  of  Attila  and  his  sons,  the  most  important  we  have. 
The  movement  of  the  Huns  in  general  seems  always  to  have 
been  in  the  direction  of  Pannonia ;  and  it  is  on  the  Pannonian 
side  of  the  Danube  that  we,  thus  early,  read  of  Ultis.  For  the 
troops  under  him  we  get  the  names  Sciri  and  Carpodaci,  the 
former  of  whom  I  hold  to  have  been  Turks,  and  the  latter  what 
their  name  denotes — Daci  from  the  Carpathians ;  probably  the 
same  as  the  Carpi,  who,  in  the  Gothic  campaigns,  claim  a 
higher  place  as  warriors  than  even  the  Goths  themselves.  These 
last  were,  almost  certainly,  other  than  Turk.  However,  they 
are  defeated,  and  that  by  Theodosius  himself,  who  constrained 
them  to  re-pass  the  Danube. 

This  we  get  from  Zosimus  ;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  fol- 
lowing account,  by  Sozomenus,  is  an  expansion  of  the  same  event. 


THE    HUNS.  173 

It  is  interesting,  however,  from  what  the  writer  tells  us  of  the 
Sciri.  Ultis  had  crossed  the  river,  and  then  re-crossed  it,  so 
that  his  defeat  was  a  complete  one,  and  his  escape  difficult. 
The  Sciri  of  his  army  were  well  nigh  exterminated.  These, 
continues  the  author,  were  barbarians,  but,  before  they  met 
with  this  defeat,  numerous.  Here,  however,  they  were  over- 
taken in  their  flight ;  some  slain,  others  taken  alive,  others 
sent  in  chains  to  Constantinople.  Then  it  was  considered 
necessary  to  break  them  up  as  a  body.  Hence  many  were 
given  away  as  slaves,  and  all  sold  cheap.  Some,  however,  were 
sent  into  Asia  as  colonists.  Of  these  the  writer  states  that  he 
had  himself  seen  several,  in  Bithynia,  in  the  parts  about  Mount 
Olympus. 

There  were  Sciri,  however,  who,  both  earlier  and  later  than 
the  time  of  Sozomenus,  might  be  found  elsewhere ;  nearer  to 
the  scene  of  their  defeat,  and  in  a  district  that  still  preserves 
their  name,  and,  possibly,  much  of  tbeir  blood.  It  is  these 
Sciri  from  whom  we  get  the  present  name  Stiria,  or  Steiermark. 
Not,  however,  because  it  was  their  mother  country,  but  because 
it  was  the  district  in  which  they  settled,  and  that  at  the  time 
under  notice.  The  Sciri  in  the  army  of  Ultis  were  not  like  the 
Carpodacae.  The  Carpodacse  belonged  to  the  frontier  of  the 
invaded  country,  and  had  been  Dacians  and  Carpi  from  time 
immemorial.  The  Sciri  had  not  even  had  to  join  Ultis  in  his 
march.  They  had  been  part  and  parcel  of  the  original  army. 
For  we  know  their  locality,  and  we  know  that  not  long  before 
the  time  of  Ultis  they  were  the  occupants  of  the  parts  about 
Olbia.  More,  however,  will  be  said  upon  this  point  when  the 
Avars  come  under  notice  ;  for  the  relation  between  the  Avars, 
the  Sciri,  and  the  Huns,  and  the  Turks  in  general,  is  the  point 
which  is  most  especially  under  consideration — much  more  so 
than  the  mere  glimpses  we  have  of  the  marches  and  conflicts 
of  the  early  Huns  and  the  exaggerated  conquests  of  the 
later. 

How  their  dominion  has  come  down  to  us  in  such  an  ex- 
aggerated form  as  that  in  which  it  now  presents  itself  is  a 
question  ;  whatever  it  may  be  in  respect  to  the  reality  of  its 
basis,  it  is  certainly  a  great  fact  in  the  history  of  opinion.     It 


174  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

began   early.     A    cotemporary   with   Attila  himself,    Sidonius 
Apollinaris,  writes  : — 

"  Barbaries  totas  in  se  confuderat  Arctos 
Gallia,  pugnacem  Rugnm,  comitante  Gelono, 
Gepida  trux  sequitur,  Scirum  Burgundio  cogit. 
Chunus,  Bellonotus,  Neurus_,  Basterna,  Toringns, 
Bructerus,  umbrosa  vel  quern  Nicer  alluit  unda 
Prorumpit  Francus;  cecidit  cito  secta  bipenni 
Hercynia  in  lintres,  et  Rhenum  texuit  alno  ; 
Et  jam  terrificis  difFuderat  Attila  turmis 
In  campos  se,  Belga,  tuos/' 

Ad  Avitum. 
Again,  with  additional  names  :  — 

"  Quidquid  languidus  axis 
Cardine  Sithonio  sub  Parrhase  parturit  ursa, 
Hoc  totum  tua  signa  pavet.     Bastarna,  Suevus, 
Pannonius,  Neurus,  Chunus,  Geta,  Dacus,  Alanus, 
Bellonotus,  Rugus,  Burgundio,  Vesus,  Allies, 
Bisalta,  Ostrogothus,  Procrustes,  Sarmata,  Moschus, 
Post  aquilas  venere  tuas  ;  tibi  militat  omnis 
Caucasus,  et  Scythicse  potor  Tanaiticus  undae/^ 

Ad  Majorianum. 

The  "  Gelonus  "  may  be  invested  with  something  like  per- 
sonality, for  in  the  following  lines  he  is  characterized  by  a 
special  aptitude : — 

'^  Vincitur  illuc 
Cursu  Herulus,  Chunus  jaculis,  Francusque  natatu, 
Sauromata  clypeo,  S alius  pede,  falce  Gelonus." 

Nevertheless,  for  the  circumstance  with  which  this  faction 
may  invest  its  bearer,  it  is  doubtful  whether  "  Gelonus  '"^  was  a 
real  name  at  the  time  of  any  definite  population  so  called,  or 
any  known  locality.  It  seems  to  represent  little  more  than  a 
reminiscence  of  the  older  classics ;  though  it  should  be  added 
that,  along  with  other  names  equally  poetical,  it  appears  in  the 
prose  narrative  of  Ammianus  Marcellinus.  The  population 
meant  was,  doubtless,  the  Alani,  who  appear  to  have  been  the 
Geloni  of  Herodotus,  and  whose  language,  which  he  said  was 


THE    HUNS.  175 

Hellenic  solecistically  spoken,  has  always  been  one  of  the  several 
peculiarities  so  conspicuously  prominent  in  the  equivocal  history 
of  the  Alani,  Alauni,  Geloni,  Budini,  Hellenes  Solcecizontes, 
and  what  not. 

But  upon  their  equivocal  position  in  the  way  of  ethnology 
enough  has  been  written  already.  Geographically ,  they  are  not 
far  from  the  frontier  here  indicated.  What  the  present  writer 
more  especially  inculcates  is_,  that  where  we  find  old  names  like 
those  in  Sidonius  in  verse,  and  in  Ammianus  before  him  in 
prose,  the  extent  to  which  they  mixed  up  the  ethnology  of  one 
period  with  that  of  another  is  considerable ;  that  of  the  older 
period  being  indefinite  and  equivocal. 

As  for  the  '^  Allies  ^'  and  "  Frocrustes,^'  I  have  failed  to  find 
anything  like  them,  either  near  or  distant,  early  or  late. 

In  the  ^'  Neurus''  there  is  nothing  improbable,  for  it  is  a 
name  which  is  found  in  Herodotus  (iv.  100).  The  Neuri  here 
constitute  one  division  out  of  four ;  the  other  three  being  the 
Agathyrsi,  the  Melanchloeni,  and  the  Androphagi.  These  last  are 
specially  stated  to  speak  a  language  other  than  Scythian. 
Respecting  the  others,  nothing  is  said  about  their  language ; 
the  customs  of  the  Neuri  and  the  Melanchlaeni  being  Scythian, 
and  those  of  the  Agathyrsi  Thracian.  These  appear  for  the 
last  time  in  the  times  now  under  notice ;  and  the  explanation 
of  the  name  is  a  point  on  which  there  is  a  division  of  opinion. 
Zeuss*  suggests  that  they  may  have  been  "  Khazars'' — word  for 
word.  His  suggestions  upon  this  point  (pp.  709,  714,  715)  are 
well  worth  close  cousideration.  They  are  to  the  effect  that  the 
Akatziri,  Akatiri  Hunni,  of  Prisons,  of  the  time  of  the  sons  of 
Attila,  were  not  only  the  Agathyrsi  of  the  writers  before,  but 
the  Khazars  of  the  writers  after  him.  It  is  a  point,  however^ 
upon  which,  individually,  I  have  for  years  had  to  suspend  my 
judgment. 

Upon  the  geography  of  the  "  Neuri  ^'  I  speak  with  more  con- 
fidence, and  place  them  in  the  parts  about  Pinsk ;  these  being 
within  a  moderate  distance  from  the  camp  of  Attila,  between 
52°  and  58°  North  Lat.  This  is  on  the  Lithuanic  or  Western 
frontier  of  the  present  Russia. 

*  Zeuss,  D.N.,  p.  278. 


176  NON-OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

The  ^^  Ves  '^  may  have  occupied  a  corresponding  area  on  the 
Eastern  side_,  and  have  been  Fins  whose  language  was  known 
under  that  name ;  inasmuch  as  a  language^  so  called,  is  spoken 
at  the  present  time,  though  somewhat  farther  north,  i.e.  in  the 
Governments  of  St.  Petersburg  and  Novogorod.  In  the  eleventh 
century  Nestor  mentions  the  ^^  Ves''  as  a  population.  Earlier 
still,  Jormandes  names  them  as  subjects  of  Hermanric.  They 
were  probably  an  element  in  the  mixed  population  of  Dacia. 
The  "  Bisalt(B ''  and  "  Bastarnae "  were  simply  Thracians  and 
Getse ;  and  '^  Moschi ""  belongs  to  the  geography  of  Caucasus. 

The  names  we  know  more  about  are  not  of  the  sort  that  is 
indicative  of  any  inordinate  extent  of  dominion.  The  ^^  Toringus" 
was  the  "  Thuringian  •''  and  this  is  the  first  time  that  we  meet 
the  word  totidem  Uteris ;  for,  hitherto,  we  have  heard  of 
nothing  but  ^'  Hermunduri.''  Thuringia  was  simply  a  country 
that  Attila  passed  through ;  but,  except  for  the  special  occasion, 
it  can  scarcely  be  called  even  a  Hun  dependency,  for  we  know 
that  at  this  very  time  it  had  a  king  of  its  own,  Basinus,  with 
Basina  for  a  queen,  and  also  a  daughter,  who  was  the  mother 
of  the  great  Clovis.  That  the  Bructeri  from  the  Lippe  and  the 
Franks  from  the  Neckar  were  anything  more  than  temporary 
associates  is  out  of  the  question. 

The  *^^  Gepidce/'  whatever  they  were  in  the  time  of  the  Cata- 
launian  campaign,  and  whatever  they  were  in  reality,  when  we 
find  them  in  the  sixth  century,  undoubtedly  look  like  a  nation 
from  a  considerable  distance ;  for,  according  to  Jornandes,  they 
came  from  the  mouth  of  the  Vistula.  Hence,  if  we  admit  this 
as  evidence  for  the  time  of  Sidonius,  either  the  actual  dominion 
of  Attila,  or  of  the  extent  of  his  alliances,  may  have  reached  not 
only  the  Rhine  and  the  Don,  but  even  the  Baltic.  Nor  am  I 
prepared  to  say  that  they  did  not.  I  am  only  showing  that 
Attila^s  dominion  covered  a  great  deal  of  space,  either  in  the 
maps  or  in  the  imaginations  of  the  writers  not  far  from  his 
time. 

And  now  we  see  not  only  its  constitution  but  the  limits  of 
the  countries  which  made  it  up.  Its  nucleus  was  the  Hungary 
of  the  present  time.  It  included,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Hun 
career,  soldiers  from  its  frontier  on  the  east  and  north-east ; 


THE    HUNS.  177 

such  as  the  Basternce  and  the  Bisaltce  from  Thrace  and  the 
country  of  the  Getse,  and  the  Vesi  from  the  southern  part  of 
the  Fin  area  and  the  contiguous  kingdom  of  Hermanric.  And 
it  added,  as  it  approached  Gaul,  the  Thuringi,  the  B7'ucteri, 
and  the  Franks  of  the  Neckar.  It  was  a  colluvies  gentium  even 
before  it  reached  the  Catalaunian  plains.  It  was  specially 
wondered  at  as  such ;  and  its  heterogeneousness,  along  with  the 
geographical  and  ethnological  differences  between  the  extreme 
components  of  it,  did  much  to  make  it  the  fear  and  the  wonder 
for  which  it  has  passed  from  the  beginning  to  the  present 
time. 

Then  there  was  the  success  and  the  peremptory  character  of 
Attila  himself.  Also  the  striking  circumstances  of  his  death 
and  funeral.  Neither  were  his  people  of  the  cast  of  countenance 
with  which  the  Gauls  and  the  Romans  of  the  East  were 
familiar,  though  in  Pannonia  and  Dacia  it  must  have  been 
well  known.  Ammianus  describes  it,  and  the  exaggeration  of 
its  hideousness  culminates  in  the  virulent  writing  of  Jornandes. 

If  there  is  exaggeration  here,  there  is  more  of  it  when  we 
approach  our  own  times.  I  cannot  carry  the  ethnography  of  the 
old  writers  farther  than  the  Baltic  on  the  north,  the  Rhine  on 
the  west,  and  the  Volga  on  the  east ;  nor,  if  we  consider  this 
area  simply  as  a  region  from  which  soldiers  might  be  collected, 
is  it  too  much.  The  real  question  is  the  proportion  it  bore  to 
the  realm,  dominion,  kingdom,  khanate,  or  empire  of  the  great 
barbarian.  I  believe  this  proportion  to  have  been  very  small 
indeed. 

But  the  exaggeration  continued  and  increased;  and  when 
what  the  ancients  call  Scythia  came  to  be  known  to  their 
descendants  as  Tatary  and  Mongolia,  it  was  not  difficult  to 
make  the  dominion  of  Attila  co-extensive  with  the  race,  stock, 
or  family  to  which  he  and  his  subjects  undoubtedly  belonged. 
And  so  it  was  that  when  the  literature  of  China  began  to  be 
recognised,  and  when  the  closely  allied  histories  of  Mongolia 
and  Turkestan  were  studied  by  the  Oriental  scholars  of  the 
century,  it  was  an  easy  matter,  by  the  time  of  Gibbon,  to 
bring  the  great  Hun  area  up  to  the  Wall  of  China — and  so  far 
east  was  it  brought — in  one  sense  rightly,  in  another  wrongly. 

12 


178  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

For,  if  we  change  the  special  kingdom  of  the  Huns  of  Attila 
for  the  whole  of  that  part  of  the  world  which  was  occupied  by 
the  Turkish  Tatars  and  the  Mongolian  Calmucks,  there  is 
at  the  bottom  of  it  not  only  a  certain  amount  of  verisimilitude 
but  an  actual  verity.  There  is,  in  its  way,  a  unity  which  con- 
nects not  only  the  different  divisions  and  sub-divisions  of  the 
two  denominations,  but  the  two  denominations — Turk  and 
Mongol — themselves.  More  than  this,  there  is  sometimes  an 
actual  and  recognized  suzerain,  such  as  was  Tshingizkhan  in 
the  thirteenth  century ;  but  there  is  not  a  shadow  of  reason  to 
believe  that  Attila  was  anything  of  this  kind;  though  the 
Disabulus  of  the  time  of  Justinian — of  whom  more  will  be  said 
in  the  sequel — may  have  considered  himself  as  such. 

The  chronology  of  the  Huns  is  as  insufficient  as  the  geo- 
graphy ;  and  nine-tenths  of  the  historical  evidence  that  has 
come  down  to  us  applies  only  to  the  reign  of  Attila.  Of  special 
value  on  this  point  is  that  of  Priscus.  For  the  beginning  of 
the  Hun  period  our  best  authority,  Ammianus  Marcellinus, 
leaves  us  within  the  first  three  years ;  and  what  he  tells  us 
applies  to  the  Goths  rather  than  the  Huns. 

For  the  interval  the  all-important  statement  is  a  single  date — 
an  important  one,  because  it  implies  another.  It  is  to  the 
effect  that  in  the  Consulate  of  Hierius  and  Ardabur  the  Pan- 
nonise  were  recovered  by  the  Romans  from  the  Huns.  This 
was  A.D.  427,  and  before  the  reign  of  Attila.  Moreover,  we 
get  the  additional  statement  that  the  provinces  thus  recovered 
had  been  held  by  the  Huns  fifty  years. 

This  takes  us  back  to  A.D.  377 — only  two  years  after  the 
crossing  of  the  Danube  by  the  Goths,  which  is  unanimously 
assigned  to  A.D.  375. 

It  is  in  the  filling-up  and  the  continuation  of  the  history  of 
the  Huns  during  this  half  century  that  we  are  most  especially 
at  fault.  Ammianus  is  a  trustworthy  authority  for  the  first 
few  years ;  and  for  the  time  of  Attila,  Priscus,  and  the 
writers  of  the  Western  Empire,  and  Cassiodorus  in  the  time  of 
Theodoric,  are  our  best  lights.  But  the  little  we  know  about 
the  intervening  period  is  mainly  due  to  incidental  notices  ;  the 
most  important  of  them   being  from   two  writers  of  Church 


THE    HUNS.  179 

History,  Socrates  and  Solzomenus,  and  relating  more  to  their 
theology  than  their  wars.  Then,  in  the  sixth  century _,  comes 
Jornandes — a  good  authority  for  the  parts  immediately  of  his 
own  time,  but  when  he  comes  to  topography,  and  meddles 
with  the  ethnology  and  origin  of  the  Goths,  of  no  more  account 
than  our  own  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth. 

But  this  is  the  character  of  all  the  writers  of  the  Eastern 
Empire.  They  always  introduce  their  hypotheses ;  and,  un- 
fortunately, these  have,  up  to  the  present  time,  passed  for 
history.  It  is  no  part  of  the  present  work  to  analyze  either 
this  special  one  of  Jornandes,  or  those  of  others  of  the  same 
class.  It  is  enough  to  inform  his  readers  that  Jornandes 
identifies  the  Goths  with  the  Getse,  the  Getae  with  the  Scythians, 
and  adopts  as  the  antecedents  of  the  countrymen  of  Theodoric 
everything  that  can  be  found  from  Homer  downwards  about 
anything,  Getic  or  Scythian,  that  he  can  find  in  the  course  of 
his  reading;  for  he  is  a  firm  believer  of  anything  whatever 
that  is  to  be  found  in  a  book.  The  result  is  that,  intey^  alios 
et  alias,  Alexander  the  Great  and  Thamyris,  and  the  old  kings 
of  Egypt,  were  Goths  :  indeed,  he  finds  the  Goths  everywhere, 
and  deduces  them  indirectly  from  every  country  but  Germany, 
of  which  he  shows  a  most  remarkable  ignorance,  and  leaves  it 
out  of  his  account  altogether.  Neither  does  he  seem  to  have 
known  the  language  of  his  Goths. 

Of  the  fifty  years^  occupancy,  then,  of  the  Pannonias  we  know 
next  to  nothing.    The  most  important  notice  is  the  following : — 

A.D.  181,  the  panegyrist  PaCatus,  on  enlarging  upon  a  victory 
by  Theodosius  over  Maximus,  the  usurper  in  Gaul,  makes  a 
special  reference  to  the  loss  of  the  Pannonias — pei^didi  in- 
fortunata  Pannonias,  lugeo  f units  Illyrici.  On  the  other  hand, 
however,  he  enlarges  upon  the  extent  to  which  "  those  Goths, 
Huns,  and  Alani"  {Gothus  ille,  et  Hunnus,  et  Alani),  '^^  formerly 
the  enemies  of  the  Empire,  were  now  obedient  soldiers  in  the 
Roman  service,  who  have  learnt  the  Roman  watchwords  and 
the  Roman  words  of  command,  and  who  now  follow  the  standard 
they  opposed.^^ 

Here  we  have,  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  Hun  rule,  one 
allusion  to  the  loss  of  the  provinces,  and  another  of  something 

12  * 


180  NON-OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

like  amity  between  the  Huns  and  the  Romans;  and  in  the 
same  reign  we  have  already  had  the  great  victory  of  Theodosius 
over  the  Huns  and  Sciri.  There  is  a  gap  in  the  evidence 
here. 

As  for  the  details  of  the  crossing  of  the  Danube,  our  evidence 
is  even  worse ;  especially  in  respect  as  to  the  doctrine  that  the 
movement  of  the  Goths  was,  in  the  way  of  cause  and  effect, 
connected  with  pressure  on  the  part  of  the  Huns,  before  whom 
the  Goths  are  said  to  have  fled.  Of  anything  like  this  there  is 
not  a  particle  of  evidence ;  nor  can  we  see  our  way  to  it  as  a 
probability. 

The  state  of  what  we  may  call  either  ^'Hungary"  or  ^'Dacia  " 
in  the  reign  of  Valens  was,  in  the  way  of  geography,  as  follows. 
The  Goths  had  one  portion  of  the  area,  the  Huns  another ;  and 
in  the  direction  of  Pannonia,  the  Huns  lay  between  the  Gothic 
and  the  Roman  frontiers.  The  Thervings  (for  Visigoth  is  a  later 
name)  held  all  Transylvania  up  to  the  Dniester.  By  the 
Dniester  they  were  separated  from  the  Grutungs  [Ostrogoths) , 
whose  domain  was  called  Vallis  Grutungorum ;  while  the  Tran- 
sylvanian  part  of  the  Therving  territory  was  called  Caucoland= 
[Highland),  a  German  compound.  There  is  no  evidence  of  any 
Huns  in  either  district,  nor  yet  behind  it ;  the  reasons  for  the 
belief  that  the  Huns  pushed  them  either  southward  or  westward 
consisting  only  in  the  ex  post  facto  hypothesis  that  they  came 
from  beyond  the  Don.  They  did  this  undoubtedly ;  but  not  in 
the  time  of  Valens,  in  whose  time  the  Hun  part  of  Dacia  was 
as  distinct  from  the  Gothic  as  Brittany  is  from  Normandy.  On 
the  west  side  of  Transylvania  Athanaric  had  built  a  wall  against 
them. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Huns  occupied  the  valley  of  the 
Maros  and  the  Inter amnium  of  the  Theiss  and  the  Danube ; 
the  level  plains  ;  and,  so  doing,  abutted  on  Pannonia.  So  far 
as  they  were  continuous  with  their  congeners  of  the  parts 
between  the  Don  and  the  Volga,  the  communication  seems  to 
have  been  to  the  north,  and  not  the  east,  of  the  great  Goth 
area;  i.e.  via  Buchovinia,  Podolia,  and  Ekaterinoslav.  But 
there  is  no  evidence  that  the  communication  was  kept  up,  or 
that  a  single   Hun,  before  the  time  of  Attila,  came  from  any 


THE    HUNS.  181 

part  of  Asia^  or  pressed  upon  any  part  of  Gothland.  When  we 
hear  of  them  in  connection  with  the  Goths  it  is  along  the 
frontier  of  the  Danube^  and  on  the  side  of  the  Romans  ;  so  that 
if  there  is  any  vis  a  tergo  at  all  it  must  have  been  the  Goths 
rather  than  the  Huns  who  exerted  it.  Wallachia  and  Mol- 
davia seem  to  have  the  occupancy  of  a  different  nation — the 
''  ThaifalceJ' 

So  much  for  the  geography.  The  political  view  coincides 
with  it.  The  so-called  Gothic  crossing  of  the  Danube  was  only 
one  out  of  many;  some  being  Goths_,  others  Huns.  The  one 
of  375  was  certainly  not  the  last^  nor  does  it  seem  to  be  the 
first.  But,  whether  for  the  last  or  the  first,  or  for  any  inter- 
mediate one,  of  pressure  on  the  part  of  the  Huns  there  is  no 
definite  sign ;  though  it  is  not  denied  that  there  are  expressions 
from  writers  which  suggest  it.  There  is  a  war  which  is  con- 
nected w^ith  some  passage  or  other  in  or  about  375.  There  is 
a  campaign  against  the  Goths  in  the  reign  of  Valens.  But  the 
assailants,  here,  are  not  the  Huns  but  the  Romans. 

What  I  submit  to  the  consideration  of  the  reader  is  as 
follows : — 

1.  That  the  Goths  and  the  Huns  held  definite  and  distinct 
parts  of  the  wow-Wallachian  parts  of  "  Dacia  '^  or  "Hungary  '^ — 
Wallachia  and  parts  of  Moldavia  being  held  by  the  Thaifalce ; 
so  that  the  Thaifalae  held  the  middle  district  on  the  northern 
side  of  the  Danube. 

2.  That  the  Gothic  area  faced  the  Roman  on  the  eastern  ex- 
tremity, or  on  the  lower  part  of  the  Danube ;  Moldavia  and 
Bessarabia. 

3.  That  the  Huns  held  the  parts  on  the  west,  or  the  parts  on 
the  bend  of  the  river,  i,e.  the  valleys  of  the  Maros  and  Theiss ; 
and  that  there  is  no  evidence  of  any  hostile  contact  between 
the  two  causing  either  a  Hun  or  a  Goth  to  cross  the  river. 

4.  That,  nevertheless,  both  crossed  it,  more  than  once.  But 
this  was  propria  motu ;  i.e.  with  no  pressure  of  the  one  upon 
the  other  either  way. 

5.  That  there  was  no  sudden  advent  of  the  Huns  from  Asia, 
so  as  to  create  a  vis  a  tergo,  propelling  the  Goths  southwards ; 
but  rather  that  the  Huns,  who  lay  between  the  Goths  and  the 


182  NON-OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

Danube^  may  have  been  there  in  situ  from  any  length  of  time 
previously. 

6.  That  the  relations  to  one  another  and  to  the  Romans  were 
nearly  as  follows  : — 

a.  There  was  fighting  between  the  Thervings,  or  Visigoths, 

of  Transylvania  (Caucoland)  and  the  Huns,  within  the 
limits  of  Dacia ;  the  war,  for  which  we  have  special 
evidence,  being  one  in  which  Athanaric,  the  Judge  of 
the  Thervings  (Visigoths),  so  far  from  crossing  the 
Danube,  subdued  the  Slavonians  of  Caucoland,  and 
built  a  wall  on  the  Hun  frontier  as  a  defence  against 
the  men  of  the  valley  of  the  Maros ;  from  which  wall 
to  the  Dniester  (the  frontier  of  the  Ostrogoths)  his 
domain  extended. 

b.  That,  besides  their  wars  with  the  Huns,  the  Thervings 

(Visigoths)  had  a  religious  feud  between  themselves ; 
i.e.  one  between  the  Arian  and  the  orthodox  Christians. 

c.  That  both  had  their  wars  against  the  Romans. 

d.  That,  in  these  wars,  both  made  peace  for  a  time ;  and 

that,  when  this  was  done,  a  certain  portion  of  the 
combatants  generally  entered  the  Roman  service  as 
soldiers. 

e.  That  this  readiness  to  be  taken  into  the  pay  of  the  Empire 

had  much  more  to  do  with  the  crossings  of  the  Danube, 

on  the  parts  of  both  the  Goth  and  the  Hun,  than  any 

pressure  exerted  by  the  one  upon  the  other. 

Nevertheless,  in  suggesting  all  this,  I  do  not  deny  that  the 

great  passage  of  the  Lower  Danube  in  375  was  something  very 

like  a  national  migration ;  nor  yet  that  there  is  something  like 

evidence  as  to  a  dislike  on  the  part  of   the  Goths   to  their 

contact  with  the  Huns. 

There  is  a  passage  in  which  tells  that  "  when  the  report  of 
Athanaric^s  troubles  spread  among  the  other  Goths,  the  greater 
part  of  his  followers,  being  pinched  as  to  the  necessities  of  life, 
sought  a  domicile  remote  from  the  knowledge  of  the  bar- 
barians.^'' 

There  is  another,  and  a  stronger  one,  to  the  effect  that  ^'  in 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Theodosius,  the  nation  of  the 


THE    HUNS.  183 

Scythians,  driven  out  (e^cAawo/xcvoi)  by  the  Huns,  crossed  the 
Danube.    The  leaders  were  those  highest  in  race  and  dignity/' 

The  first  of  these  is  from  Ammianus,  a  cotemporary  to  the 
events  he  describes ;  the  other  from  Eunapius,  subsequent  to 
them.  What  do  they  tell  us  ?  Simply  that  there  was  a  war 
between  the  Huns  and  the  Thervings  on  the  line  of  Athanaric's 
wall,  on  the  western  frontier  of  Transylvania ;  that  there  were 
concurrent  wars  with  the  Romans  ;  that  the  Emperor  Valens  cut 
his  way  from  the  Danube,  through  the  Hun  country,  to  the 
Therving  frontier  -,  that  he  weakened  the  power  of  the  Therving 
judge,  Athanaric ;  that  attacks  on  the  part  of  the  Huns  fol- 
lowed ;  that  Atlianaric  was  annoyed  and,  perhaps,  distressed 
by  them ;  that  his  distress  became  known ;  that  the  "  greater 
part  of  his  people  sought  a  district  remote  from  all  knowledge 
of  the  barbarians/'  This  place  of  refuge,  I  hold,  was  not  on 
the  north  of  the  Danube,  but  in  the  parts  near  its  mouth — the 
parts  where  the  Therving  (Visigoth)  frontier  on  the  east  ap- 
proached that  of  the  Grutungs  [Ostrogoths)  on  the  south-east; 
in  other  words,  it  was  from  one  part  of  the  Gothic  area  to 
another — both  lying  at  this  time  south  of  the  Danube. 

Such  is  the  sketch,  not  so  much  of  the  actual  history  of  the 
Hun  district,  of  Hungary  or  Dacia,  as  of  the  evidence  con- 
cerning it  upon  which  the  current  opinion  as  to  its  general 
character  rests.  For  the  beginning  of  it,  we  have  seen  that 
there  is  confusion  as  to  the  relations  of  the  Goths  and  the 
Huns.  For  the  end,  we  have  seen  that  there  is  exaggeration 
as  to  the  character  of  Attila  as  a  potentate  and  conqueror. 
For  the  interval,  especially  for  the  fifty  years  during  which  the 
Pannonice  were  Hun  occupancies,  we  have  seen  little  more,  in 
the  way  of  detail,  than  a  blank.  The  one  great  fact,  however, 
which  is  undoubtedly  real,  is  that  of  the  conquest  (almost 
certainly  by  Attila)  of  the  Gothic  part  of  his  domain.  At  the 
beginning  all  the  country  between  the  western  frontier  of 
Transilvania  and  the  Don  was  Gothic — Visigoth  or  Ostrogoth, 
as  the  case  may  be.  But  this  we  get  from  inference.  Eastern 
and  North-Eastern  Dacia  was  Goth  in  375  ;  in  450  it  was 
Hun.  It  was  the  realm  of  either  Athanaric  or  the  successors 
of  Hermanric  in  the  time  of  Valens  ;  and  it  was  Hun  before  the 


184  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

death  of  Honorius.  But  I  have  not  found  the  details  of  its 
conquest.     All  we  know  is  that  it  must  have  taken  place. 

After  the  break  up  of  the  dominion  of  Attila_,  the  only  con- 
querors of  much  historical  importance  are  either  called  Avars, 
or  "  Avars  or  Huns  '^  (Avares  qui  et  Chuni) .  The  least  that 
we  infer  from  this  double  appellation  is^  that  the  history  of  the 
Huns  is  superseded  by  that  of  the  Avars.  How  far  the  Avars 
were  absolute  Huns  under  another  name_,  or  vice  versa,  I  cannot 
say.  There  was  some  difference  between  them.  But  I  think 
that  it  is  a  very  slight  one. 

Again^  when  the  Huns  lost  their  dominion  in  Dacia  (Hun- 
gary), they  were  superseded  by  the  Gepidce ;  and  Dacia,  by 
A.D.  500,  had  become  Gepidia.  But  as,  before  600,  it  was 
recovered  by  the  Avars,  it  will  be  under  the  notice  of  that  de- 
nomination that  the  short,  but  important,  history  of  the  Gepidse 
will  be  considered. 

The  Avars. — Whatever  may  be  the  dimensions  of  the  power 
and  influence  of  the  Huns,  that  of  the  Avars  has  been  greater; 
indeed,  though  less  conspicuous  as  a  nation,  the  Avars  have 
had  both  a  longer  and  a  more  varied  history  than  their  pre- 
decessors. They  have  not,  perhaps,  had  a  ruler  who  ever  had 
the  terrible  notoriety,  or  who  has  borne  such  bad  names,  as 
the  exaggerated  Attila ;  but  they  have  had  a  really  great  king 
in  Baian,  and,  in  him,  the  founder  of  a  kingdom  of  longer 
duration  than  Attila's.  Baian^s  foundation  lasted  from  the 
time  of  Justinian  to  that  of  Charlemagne,  and  ran  farther 
westward  into  Europe  than  either  that  of  the  Huns  who  pre- 
ceded, or  that  of  the  Ottomans  who  came  after  it ;  and  it  was 
mainly  against  the  Franks  that  it  was  held. 

Now  comes  a  perplexing  question — How  far  were  the  two 
denominations  different  ?  Were  the  Avars  Huns,  or  the  Huns 
Avars  ?     How  far  were  either  or  both  Turks  ? 

As  early  as  A.D.  465,  or  earlier,  we  get  a  single  notice  of 
them.  It  stands  alone  for  the  time.  It  is  a  strange  one.  But 
it  comes  from  a  cotemporary  writer — Priscus. 

It  runs  thus : — "  At  that  time  the  Saraguri,  Urugi,  and 
Onoguri  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Eastern  Romans ;  these  being 
nations  dispossessed  of  their  own  country  by  the  attacks  of  the 


THE    AVARS.  185 

Saviri,  whom  the  Avars  had  expelled;  the  Avars  themselves 
being  emigrants  from  a  land  of  their  own  on  the  coast  of  the 
Ocean,  on  account  of  the  appearance  of  a  host  of  griffins 
{ypoTre^),  concerning  which  it  Avas  the  saying  that  they  would 
not  go  away  before  they  had  devoured  the  whole  human  race/^ 
This,  then,  it  was  that  drove  the  Avars  from  their  own  country 
upon  the  Saviri,  and  the  Saviri — to  whom  the  tale  seems  most 
especially  to  belong — upon  the  Urugi  and  their  neighbours. 

At  the  first  view  this  statement  seems  to  condemn  itself,  and, 
with  its  story  of  the  insatiable  griffins,  looks  simply  super- 
natural and  mythic.  We  cannot  but  at  once  ignore  such  an 
origin.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  we  must  remember  that 
one  of  the  most  notable  characteristics  of  the  Byzantine  his- 
torians is  their  accuracy  in  the  geography  and  ethnology  of 
their  own  times,  in  contrast  to  the  remarkable  erroneousness  of 
their  speculations  as  to  anything  connected  with  the  question  of 
origin  and  original  affinity.  They  are  as  pre-eminently  safe  in 
the  former  as  worthless  in  the  latter  department.  Again,  we 
must  remember  that  the  present  authority,  Priscus,  is  not  only 
writing  of  an  event  which  took  place  during  his  lifetime,  but 
upon  one  in  Hun  history ;  and  as  a  writer  upon  this  he  is  ad- 
mittedly instar  omnium.  He  was  the  ambassador  to  the  court, 
such  as  it  was,  of  Attila  himself,  and  every  statement  that 
comes  from  him  is  of  more  than  ordinary  value.  We  must 
believe,  then,  what  he  says,  not  only  about  the  Avars,  but 
what  he  adds  in  respect  to  the  Saraguri,  Urugi,  Onoguri,  and 
Saviri. 

So  much  for  the  statement  of  Priscus — eminently  trustworthy, 
except  where  its  erroneousness  betrays  itself,  and  remarkable 
for  its  isolation.  It  will  not  be  till  A.D.  558  that  we  hear 
anything  more  about  the  Avars.  Then,  however,  they  are 
emigrants. 

Sarosius  is  the  king  of  the  Alans ;  and  him  the  Avars  ask  to 
introduce  them  (oj?  hC  avrov  yvwpt/xot  yeVotvro)  to  the  Romans. 
This  he  does,  through  Justin,  who  was  then  the  commander  in 
Lazistan  (17  Aa^iKvy) .  Then  comes  the  arrogant  and  extravagant 
speech  of  their  legate  Kandich,  to  the  effect  that  "  we,  the 
Avars,  are  of  all  men  the  greatest  and  most  powerful,  invincible. 


186  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

and  irresistible ;  but  we  are  willing  to  come  to  an  agreement 
with  the  Emperor  Justinian,,  and  become  associates  of  the 
Empire,  defend  it  well,  and  receive  for  our  services  honourable 
presents,  yearly  stipends,  and  the  possession  of  a  fertile 
district '' 

This  is  one  account,  in  which  the  name  of  these  sturdy 
beggars  is  '^  Avar,"  purely  and  simply.  But  in  another  it  is 
the  "  Var"  and  the  "  Chuni"  (Ovap  koI  Xovwi) ,  who  only  call 
themselves  Avars.  This  is  from  Theophylact,  not  a  cotemporary 
authority.  ''  Chunni/'  word  for  word,  is  "Hun"  and  Xowot,  as 
the  name  is  found  in  Ptolemy.  These  were  a  small  part  of  a  larger 
tribe.  They  were  runaways.  They  were  living  in  Europe.  They 
called  themselves  Avars.  The  title  of  their  ruler  was  Khagan. 
They  pressed  upon  the  Hunuguri,  the  Savirs,  and  Sarselt — a 
new  name,  but  one  as  shall  hereafter  be  known  as  a  fortress  on 
the  Don,  on  the  frontier  between  the  Khazars  and  the  Petshineks, 
and  other  Hun  tribes.  They  frighten  them,  and  get  bought  off. 
The  intruders  then  went  and  gave  themselves  out  as  Avars ;  for 
the  Avars  were  the  most  active  tribe  of  the  Scythians. 

Is  there  anj^  doubt  as  to  "  Var  "  being,  word  for  word,  Avar, 
and  "  Chunni "  word  for  word  Hun  ?  If  there  be,  the  fol- 
lowing sentence  from  the  same  writer  dispels  it : — "  Even  to 
our  own  times  the  "ifevSa/Sapot,  for  so  it  is  more  appropriate  to 
call  them,  are  distributed  according  to  their  genealogies  and 
their  old  names  ;  and  some  call  themselves  (ovo/^ia^ovTat)  Var, 
and  some  are  called  (7rpo§  ayopevovrat)  Chunni. 

In  the  next  passage  from  Menander  we  have  the  two  names 
turned  into  one,  and  '^  Var  et  Chunni "  becomes  "  Varchonitce ." 

The  matter,  however,  of  this  is  more  curious  than  the  form. 
The  date  is  A.D.  575 ;  and  about  this  time  there  was  more  than 
one  legation  between  the  capital  of  the  Khakhan  of  the  Turks  ! 
and  Constantinople.    And  we  can  easily  imagine  that,  inter  alia, 
something  may   be  said  about   the    Var,    Chuni,    Varchonites,  | 
or  Avars,   which  will    dispel  the  ambiguity.     Something  was 
said  about  them,  and  that  somewhat  offensively.     "  These  Var-  I 
chonites,"  said  Turxanth,  the  son  of  Disabulus,  "  are  our  slaves 
and  runaways  whom  you  have  taken  into  alliance.     They  are 
our  subjects ;  and  when  I  choose  they  shall  come  to  me.     I 


THE    AVARS.  187 

will  send  in  my  cavalry  as  a  scourge  after  tliem_,  and  when  they 
see  it  they  shall  fly  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth.  I  know 
not  only  the  course  of  the  Ister,  but  the  Hcbrus  ;  and  I  know 
how  they  crossed  them — those  slaves  of  ours^  the  Varchonites/^ 
This  is  the  language  of  a  man  who  is  not  thinking  of  how  the 
Varclionites  got  from  Asia  into  Europe ;  but  rather  of  how, 
when  in  Europe,  they  got  into  the  Roman  Empire. 

Again,  in  568,  Maniach,  who,  like  Turxanth,  is  delivering  an 
answer  to  an  embassy  from  Justinian,  says  :  "  Tell  us,  what  the 
number  of  these  Avars  is,  and  if  there  be  any  still  with  you 
(tt  7ri'€9  ert  irap  vfuv) ;  there  are  some  who  still  (ert)  love  us. 
Those  who  some  time  back  ran  away  (SyjirovOev)  are,  I  suppose, 
about  (afji<f>l)  twenty  thousand. '''  This  is  not  the  language  of 
one  asking  for  information  concerning  any  recent  exodus  of  his 
subjects,  but  rather  that  of  one  who  wishes  to  know  about 
the  remains  of  an  old  one.  Some  of  them,  he  thinks,  may  still 
retain  some  friendship  for  us. 

The  immediate  effect  of  the  embassy  was  that  the  Emperor 
Justinian  found  it  convenient  to  get  rid  of  his  Avars,  true  or 
false,  as  the  case  might  be.  So  he  took  them  into  his  pay ;  and, 
accordingly,  the  first  of  their  services  was  to  turn  upon  the 
Utigurs  and  Savirs,  and  (a  new  denomination)  the  Zalij  either 
Turks,  like  themselves,  or  Caucasians.  Also  against  the  Ant(B, 
who  were  Slavonians.  But  this  was  not  what  the  Emperor 
wanted.  His  special  wish  was  to  keep  them  away  from  Con- 
stantinople ;  their  ambition  being  to  be  taken  into  the  per- 
sonal service  of  the  Empire.  But,  be  this  as  it  may.  Lower 
Moesia  (Bulgaria)  was  the  quarters  that  Justinian  meant  for 
them. 

The  next  Emperor,  Justin,  was  more  peremptory.  The  ap- 
plicants to  his  predecessor  seem  to  have  remained  in  the  parts 
about  the  Don,  and  to  have  applied  for  more  desirable  quarters 
through  an  embassy  to  Constantinople.  ^'  And  here,^^  writes 
Menander,  "  they  did  not  care  to  remain  in  the  capital  to  no 
purpose,  nor  yet  to  leave  it  without  some  result.  Eventually, 
however,  they  decided  upon  going  back  to  their  tribesmen 
(6/xo(^dA.oi) ,  and,  with  them,  to  unite  in  some  inroad  on  the 
Franks,  wondering  at  the  apology  (dTroXoyta)  of  the  Emperor." 


188  NON-OTTOMAN   TCJRKS. 

From  this  time  begins  the  continuous  history  of  the  Avars, 
eo  nomine.  Avars  in  the  definite  sense  of  the  word  ;  Avars  who 
were  neither  Var  and  Chunni,  nor  Varchonites,  nor  yet  Pseu- 
davari,  but  Avars^  so  far  as  the  name  goes_,  pure^  simple,,  and 
unmistakeable. 

It  is  not,  however,  in  Lower  Moesia  that  we  shall  find  them ; 
though  that  was  the  province  assigned  to,  or  intended  for,  them 
by  Justinian.  Just  where  we  found  the  Huns  under  Ultis,  in 
the  reign  of  Theodosius  I.,  there  we  find  the  Avars  under  Baian 
in  the  reign  of  Justin  II. ;  and,  on  their  frontier,  the  Lombards 
in  the  direction  of  Italy,  and  the  Gepidse  in  the  old  domain  of 
Attila.  We  know  how  the  Avars  and  Langobards  made  a 
compact  against  these  Gepidse,  and  the  result  of  it.  The  Lan- 
gobards invaded  Italy,  and  the  Avars  recovered  Dacia.  The 
Emperor,  it  may  be  added,  favoured  the  Lombards,  and,  so  far, 
may  be  said  to  have  favoured  the  Avars.  But  this  is  all.  As 
a  general  rule,  the  relations  between  these  last  and  the  Empire 
were  hostile. 

In  the  reigns  of  Justin  II.  and  Tiberius  the  hostilities  are 
at  first  on  the  frontier,  chiefly  for  the  possession  of  Sirmium, 
which  more  than  once  changes  its  masters.  Then  the  Avars 
have  a  fleet  as  well  as  an  army,  and  by  sea  they  beleaguer  Con- 
stantinople. But  Tiberius  consents  to  pay  tribute,  and  gets 
them  to  help  him  in  coercing  the  Slavonians,  Sirmium,  how- 
ever, again  becomes  Ava]'.  But  the  great  struggle  against 
their  great  king  Baian  takes  place  in  the  reign  of  Maurice,  and 
this  is  spread  over  the  whole  valley  of  the  Danube,  and  beyond 
the  Balkan.  Twice  under  Maurice  did  the  Avars  invest  Con- 
stantinople, and  twice  did  he,  partly  by  arms  and  partly  by 
tribute,  keep  them  at  bay.  And  then  the  worthless  Phocas 
succeeded  him.  And  then  came  the  Emperor  of  many  enemies, 
Heraclius ;  twice,  in  the  west,  besieged  in  his  capital  by  the 
Avars,  and,  in  the  east,  throughout  his  reign  engaged  in  a 
hopeless  war  against  the  Persians,  now  inflamed  by  the  fearless 
and  aggressive  spirit  of  Mahometanism.  It  was  for  the  Bul- 
garians, rather  than  for  the  Avars,  that  the  empire  under  Hera- 
clius was  thus  distracted. 

Of  the  Avar  inroads  in  Macedonia  and   Greece,  it  was  the 


THE    AVARS.  189 

Slavonians  rather  than  the  Avars  that  became  the  dominant 
population.  Dalmatia,  like  Macedonia,  was  overrun;  nor  was 
Albania  wholly  unmolested.  Vast,  however,  as  this  area  was, 
it  gave  no  permanent  territory  to  the  Avars.  The  farther  the 
invader^s  hordes  moved  from  Thrace,  the  smaller  became  the 
Avar  element,  and  the  longer  the  occupancy  lasted  the  more 
Slavonic  it  became.  Thus,  Macedonia  may  have  been,  in  the 
first  instance,  as  much  Avar  as  Slav.  In  the  Peloponnesus, 
however,  there  seems  to  have  been  no  appreciable  Avar  element. 

"  Has  the  man,^^  is  the  indignant  and  poetic  repudiation 
of  anything  like  dependence  by  the  Slavonian  Dauritas — "  has 
such  a  man  been  born,  and  warmed  by  the  beams  of  the  sun, 
who  hath  the  power  thus  to  subject  us  ?  It  is  our  wont  to 
take  what  belongs  to  others ;  not  that  others  should  take  what 
is  ours.  Upon  this  we  stand  firm,  so  long  as  there  shall  be  battles 
and  swords.''^  I  give  this  as  it  stands  in  Zeuss,  and  am  willing 
to  believe  that  such  were  the  ipsissima  verba  of  Dauritas.  At 
the  same  time  I  cannot  but  think  that  I  have  heard  something 
like  it  before,  and  that  in  metre.  I  subjoin*  the  original  as  it 
stands  in  Zeuss. 

The  Frank  cotemporaries  of  Baian  are  Chlotaire  I.  and 
Sigisbert  I.  At  the  death  of  Chlotaire  the  Avars  invade  Thu- 
ringia.  Where  the  campaign  began  we  know  not ;  but  we 
know  that  two  battles  were  fought  on  the  same  battle-field. 
Gregory  of  Tours,  a  Frank  and  a  cotemporary,  is  the  primary 
authority ;  and,  rather  as  a  good  patriot  than  a  bad  geographer, 
he  writes  that  the  battles  were  fought  in  the  Gauls  (Gallias), 
and  that  the  Franks,  under  Sigisbert,  conquered,  and  made 
peace.  By  implication  we  must  understand  that  the  Huns 
{Chuni),  for  this  is  what  he  calls  them,  went  either  back  or 
backward :  for  he  writes  in  the  sequel,  "  Chuni  vero  iterum  in 
Gallias  venire  conabantur  adversus  quos  Sigisbey^tus  cum  exercitu 
diingit."  He  then  gives  the  details,  to  the  effect  that  ^^  when 
they  ought  to  begin  the  conflict,  the  Huns,  those  amongst  them 

*  Zeuss, D.N. ,  p.  731. — Kat  rts  apa,  €(fiacrav,  ovtos  TrecfiVKev  avOpojTrwv,  kul 
rats  Tov  tjXlov  OepiTat  aKxtcrtv,  os  rryv  KaO'  rjixa^  vTr-qKOOV  Trotrjo'eTai  SvvafjLcv  ; 
KpaT€LV  yeyap  r]p.€L<g  ty}';  dXAorpcas  eiw^a^ev,  Kai  ovk  erepoL  Tr]<s  rjfxeSaTrrj? 
Ktti  Tavra  7]pXv  Iv  jSifSaLio,  p-^xpt  TroXi/xoL  re  uiii  koI  ^ic^yj. 


190  NON-OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

who  were  skilled  in  magic^  presented  different  fantasies  [diversas 
eis  fantasias  ostendunt),  and  conquered  the  Franks  easily.  Then 
the  array  takes  flight,  and  the  king  is  left  surrounded  by  the 
enemy.  But  Sigisbert  was  accomplished  and  artful,  and  those 
whom  he  could  not  conquer  by  valour  he  subdued  by  the  art  of 
making  gifts.  So  he  made  them  accordingly;  and  it  was 
agreed  that  so  long  as  he  lived  there  should  be  peace  between 
them/^  On  the  other  side,  the  king,  who  was  called  a  Khakhan 
[Gag anus) ,  made  gifts  in  return. 

Paulus  Diaconus  gives  the  same  account  with  an  improve- 
ment in  the  geography  and  ethnology.  He  tells  us  that  the 
battle  was  fought  in  Thuringia,  near  the  Elbe ;  and  calls  the 
Avars  by  their  right  name,  so  far  correcting  the  text  of  Gregory. 
But  he  adds,  what  we  fail  to  find  in  Gregory,  that  the  second 
battle  was  fought  on  the  same  field  as  the  first. 

I  think  it  likely,  from  the  two  accounts  and  the  subsequent 
history  of  the  Franks,  that  this  was  a  defensive  war  on  the  part 
of  the  Avars.  It  was  fought  near  the  frontiers  of  Thuringia 
and  Bavaria;  and  that  it  was  a  hostile  movement  in  the 
direction  of  that  province,  which  was  the  next  addition  to 
the  now  powerful  empire  of  the  Franks.  A  third  account,  by 
Menander,  states  that  the  Avars  were  starving,  but  that  they 
were  relieved  by  Sigisbert,  on  the  promise  that  they  should 
leave  the  country  within  three  days.     And  this  they  did. 

Paulus  Diaconus,  as  we  have  seen,  calls  the  Chuni  of  Gregory 
^^  Avares'' ',  but  he  adds  the  name  as  a  synonym — Chuni  qui 
et  Avares. 

So  he  does  in  another  place ;  for  there  was  another  war  under 
Childebert  and  the  famous  Brunechild.     And  here  again  the 
X        battle-field  is  in  Thuringia ;  and  here,  again,  the  names  are 
^'  Huni,  qui  et  Avares." 

The  conflicts  after  this  between  the  Avars  and  the  Franks 
are  defensive,  and  the  Avars  are  the  allies  of  the  Slavonians  of 
Bavaria  and  Stiria,  which  are  now  either  partially  or  wholly 
Frank. 

In  the  direction  of  Italy  but  few  attempts  at  conquest  were 
made.  The  old  alliance  between  the  Avars  and  the  Langobards 
had  something  to  do  with  this ;  nor  was  the  fighting  power  of 


THE    AVAES.  191 

the  conquerors  of  Italy  wholly  iininfluential.  At  any  rate  no 
one  knew  it  better  than  the  Avars.  Still  there  were  differences; 
and  one,  at  least,  was  serious — the  siege  by  the  Avars  of 
Friuli.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  relations  of  the  two  con- 
current, and  to  some  extent  allied,  kingdoms  were  peaceful. 

Except  these  two,  I  find,  in  my  great  and  indispensable 
authority,  Zeuss,  no  other  wars  on  Frank  soil  between  the 
Franks  and  the  Avars;  and,  except  certain  minor  cases  of 
indirect  assistance  given  by  the  Avars  to  the  Slavonians  of 
Stiria  and  Carinthia  against  the  Frank  conquerors,  any  other 
instance  of  intercourse.  Nor  will  there  be  any  before  the 
fortieth  year  of  the  reign  of  Chlotaire  II.,  A.D.  625. 

Thus  long  has  Avaria  existed  without  any  signs  of  decay, 
though  it  is  evident  that  this  may  be  due  to  the  little  we  know 
about  it.  It  will  last,  like  the  twin  dynasty  of  the  Lango- 
bards,  many  years  longer.  Yet  it  never  comes  to  any  brilliant 
climax;  and  Baian,  under  whom  it  took  birth,  is  the  first  and 
last  of  its  heroes.  But  under  Chlotaire  II.  and  Dagobert  we 
get  ^^  the  beginning  of  the  end.''  This  is  the  time  when  its 
frontier  is  first  contracted,  though  to  what  extent  we  know  not. 
There  is  no  foreign  enemy  and  no  pitched  battle.  There  is  the 
germ  of  a  great  war,  and  the  beginning  of  a  vast  national 
struggle  which  is  still  going  on ;  a  contest  of  twelve  centuries 
already,  and  likely  to  last — the  conflict  between  Western  Ger- 
many and  North-Eastern  Slavonia.  This  is  what  grew  out  of 
the  Domain  of  Samo. 

The  Domain  of  Samo  was  a  result  of  a  partial  dismemberment 
of  the  kingdom  of  Avaria,  a  part  cut  off  from  the  western 
extremity.  This  is  all  that  the  Avars  have  to  do  with.  The 
rest  was  fought  out  between  the  Slaves  and  the  Franks.  But 
it  was  by  the  domain  of  Samo  that  the  Avars  lost  territory. 

Samo,  writes  Fredegar,  the  continuation  of  Gregory  of  Tours, 
was  a  Frank  merchant  from  Sens.  The  boundary  of  Avaria 
was  the  Ens,  and  the  mass  of  the  population  Slaves.  The  Avars 
were,  probably,  a  dominant  minority  ;  and  we  know  what  this  is. 
Their  subjects  are  oppressed.  They  rebel,  and  they  make  Samo 
their  champion.  Fredegar  writes  that  they  made  him  their 
king.    How  far  the  rebellion  spread,  and  what  it  took  away  from 


192  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

Avaria,  is  unknown.  Probably  it  extended  to  the  Hungarian 
frontier.  But  beyond  being  the  causa  mali,  the  Avars  seem  to 
have  taken  no  part  in  it.  There  is  fighting  between  the  Slaves 
and  the  Franks  ;  and  Dervan^  a  Serb  of  the  parts  between  the 
Saale  and  Elbe,  though  he  had  long  been  friendly  to  the 
Franks,  betakes  himself  ad  regnum  Samonis.  In  this  there 
were  probably  few  or  no  true  Avars.  In  other  words,  it  was 
as  in  Macedonia.  The  Avars  had  become  Slavonized.  This  is 
the  state  of  Avaria  during  the  whole  of  the  reign  of  Dagobert. 
That  the  dynasty  of  Samo  ended  with  Samo  himself  is  what 
we  expect.  There  is  no  sign  of  the  Avars  of  Hungary  doing 
anything  to  dethrone  him;  and  it  is  certain  that  neither  the 
Franks  nor  the  Bavarians  allowed  Avaria  to  become  a 
principality. 

The  successor  of  Dagobert  was  Clovis  II.,  the  first  of  Rois 
Faineants.  The  mayor  was  Pepin  of  Landen.  But  there  was 
much  that  employed  the  mayors  nearer  home;  and  nothing 
beyond  a  few  casual  notices  of  the  Avars  before  the  time  of 
Charlemagne.  Bavaria,  with  the  exception  of  the  parts  between 
the  Ens  and  the  Wienerwald,  is  the  only  part  of  Bavaria  that 
is  not  Frank ;  and  from  this  we  can  scarcely  expect  anything 
like  offensive  warfare.  It  is  well  for  these  Avars  of  this  out- 
lying district  that  they  are  not  coerced  by  the  Franks.  But  the 
seventh  century  is  not  a. time  when  the  Frank  power  is  formid- 
able. The  little  opportunity  that  the  Avars  had  of  invading 
their  neighbours  was  on  the  side  of  Italy  and  Croatia.  But 
there  is  no  evidence  either  of  gain  or  loss  in  the  way  of  territory 
on  this  side.  But  whether  there  is  much  or  little  to  be  known 
about  the  Avars  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries,  it  must  be 
remembered  all  our  knowledge  applies  to  a  mere  fraction  of 
their  history;  that  of  the  Avars  of  Pannonia  as  opposed  to 
Dacia,  and  of  Austria  as  opposed  to  Hungary ;  and  this  means 
the  Avaria  of  the  German  and  Slavonic  frontiers.  Of  that 
vast  tract  of  country  north  of  the  Danube,  and  extending  from 
Moravia  to  Moldavia,  and  from  the  Danube  to  the  Carpathians, 
we  know  nothing ;  nor  shall  we  till  the  time  of  Charlemagne. 

In  A.D.  782  the  Avars  send  an  embassy  to  him. pads  causa; 
but  in  788  they  make  a  double  onset  on  the  Franks,  one  in  the 


THE    AVARS.  103 

parts  about  Friiili,  and  one  in  Bavaria.  In  the  latter  they  are 
beaten  in  two  battles^  probably  by  the  Bavarians,  unassisted. 
In  790  there  is  a  contest  as  to  the  boundaries.  This  brought 
down  Charlemagne  himself  upon  the  Avars  in  their  own  terri- 
tory, and  that  with  an  army  on  each  side  of  the  Danube.  In 
this  campaign  he  drove  them  into  the  Wienerwald.  Here,  the 
Franks  marched  as  far  west  as  the  mouth  of  the  Raab.  Then 
we  have  sure  evidence  of  internal  disunion ;  the  murder  o£  the 
Khaghan ;  and  the  result  is  the  campaign  which  sealed  the  fate 
of  Avaria.  It  is  under  the  direction  of  Erich,  Duke  of  Friuli, 
Charleses  illegitimate  son  Pepin,  and  a  Slavonian  auxiliary 
named  Vonomyr.  Then  it  is  that  Pepin  invades  the  "  Campus" 
and  breaks  into  the  *^  Hringi.'^ 

These  Hringi,  Ringi,  or  Rinni,  were  Rings ;  for  the  word  is 
not  Avar,  but  German.  The  Avar  word  was  hegi.  In  979  we 
read  of  a  place  near  the  confluence  of  the  Erlaf  with  the  Danube 
called  Erdgasthegi,  a  compound,  wherein  the  first  part  of  the 
word  is  Slavonic.  What  these  Rings  were  we  learn  from  a 
curious  conversation  between  a  monk  of  St.  Gallen  and  a 
soldier  named  Adalbert.  It  is  substantially  a  report  of  a 
dialogue.  I  have,  with  a  very  slight  change,  put  it  in  the  form 
of  one  ;  somewhat  abbreviated. 

Adalbert :  The  land  of  the  Avars  is  bound  by  five  rings 
(circulos) . 

The  Monk  (who  thinks  he  means  wattled  hurdles — circulos 
vimineos)  :   And  what  is  there  wonderful  in  that,  Domine  ? 

Adalbert :    Nine  hegin. 

The  Monk  (more  curiously,  thinking  that  he  was  speaking  of 
hurdles  round  corn  fields)  :     Rings  ! 

Adalbert :  One  ring  is  so  large  that  it  would  take-in  all  the 
country  between  Zurich  and  Constance — stumps  of  oak,  beech, 
and  fir ;  twenty  feet  from  side  to  side ;  twenty  feet  high ;  the 
part  between,  all  stone,  or  hard  lime ;  at  the  top  of  this,  big 
turves;  between  these,  pollard  trees,  like  those  we  see  here, 
with  shoots  and  leaves  from  the  stumps  of  them ;  between  these, 
villages  and  granges  {vici  et  villa)  within  call  of  each  other; 
then  buildings  {edifcea),  with  walls  so  thick,  and  doors  so 
narrow,  that  you  could  not,  if  you  tried  to  rob  them,  get  into 

13 


194  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

them^  mucli  less  get  out  [porta  non  satis  late  erani  constitutes 
per  quas  latrocinandi  gratia  non  solum  exteriores  sad  etiam 
interiores  exire  solebant) . 

"The  second  village  is  like  the  first  in  its  building — ten 
German  miles,  which  make  forty  Italian;  extends  in  like 
manner  to  the  third;  and  so  on  to  the  ninth;  some  circles 
larger  than  others. 

"  From  circle  to  circle,,  holdings  and  dwelling-houses  ipos- 
sessiones  et  habitacula)  on  every  side,  so  that  you  might  signal 
by  sounding  a  trumpet.  To  these  fastnesses,  for  more  than  two 
hundred  years,  all  the  wealth  of  all  kinds  of  the  people  of  the 
West  were  brought  together,  at  the  time  when  the  Goths  and 
Vandals  were  making  the  Eastern  world  a  wilderness. ^^ 

There  is  another  word,  which  looks  like  a  German  one, 
but  which  may  be  Avar,  or  even  Slavonic — "  Befulci/'  It 
occurs  in  Tredegar,  our  authority  for  the  regnum  Samonis. 
The  system  of  the  Befulci  was  one  of  the  grievances  of  the 
Slavonians. 

"The  Befulci'^  writes  Fredegar,  "who  were  Vends  [Winidi 
Befulci  Prcefulci) ,  from  the  earliest  time  belonged  to  the  Chuni ; 
and  when  the  Huns  {Chuni)  went  with  an  army  against  any  nation 
whatever,  they — the  Huns — stood  with  their  army  in  muster 
before  the  camp ;  but  the  Vends  fought.  If  the  Befulci  got 
the  better,  the  Huns,  then,  moved  forwards  to  take  the  spoil ; 
but  if  the  Vends  were  conquered,  they  resumed  the  fight  with 
the  help  of  the  Huns.  Therefore,  they  were  called  Befulci 
[Befulei,  Prcefulci)  by  the  Huns,  because  in  the  double  conflict 
of  the  combat  {duplici  congressione  certaminis)  in  pitched 
battles  {vesita  prcelia) ,  they  went  before  the  Huns.'-' 

Now  this,  better  than  any  derivation  or  any  definition,  tells 
us  what  the  Befulci  were,  and  what  they  had  to  do ;  and  this  is 
the  main  point.  It  may,  or  may  not  be,  an  Avar  word.  It  is 
difficult,  however,  to  give  an  exact  rendering  of  it. 

There  are,  however,  at  the  present  time,  two  words  in 
Turkish,  either  of  which  may  have  been  the  original  one. 
These  are  Azab,  and  Akindji,  both  common  in  the  accounts  of 
the  Ottoman  campaigns ;  and  either  of  them,  with  an  allowance 
for  the  difference  of  date,  gives  us  a  fair  notion  of  the  function 


THE    AVARS.  195 

of  these  miserable  Befulci.     Tlie  following^  is  from  a  writer*  of 
the  bejiinuino:  of  the  seventeenth  century  :  — 

"  Besides  these  Janizars  he  liath  the  Azapi  (properly  belonging 
to  the  Gallies)^  a  base  Besonio^  fitter  for  the  spade  than  the 
sword_,  entertained  rather  with  numbers  to  tire,  than  by  prowess 
to  defeat  armies,,  opposing  them  to  all  dangerous  services ;  yea, 
to  fill  trenches  with  their  slain  carcasses,  and  then  to  make 
bridges  with  their  slaughtered  bodies,  for  the  Janizars  to  pass 
over  to  the  breaches.  And  as  the  Romans  had  their  legions 
and  auxiliaries,  the  one  the  flower  of  their  chivalry,  the  other 
as  an  aid  or  augmentation,  even  so  the  Turk  accounteth  his  sti- 
pendiary horsemen  or  Timariots  the  sinews  of  his  arms ;  the 
Alcanzi  (such  as  he  presseth  out  of  towns  and  villages)  scare- 
crows, and  for  ostentation';  the  Janizars  as  the  Prsetorian  legions, 
and  the  Azapi  as  a  rabble  of  peasants;  being,  indeed,  mere  hinds, 
and  tied  to  serve  on  horseback  for  certain  privileges  which 
they  hold,  in  number  about  thirty  or  forty  thousand,  without 
allowance  of  any  pay,  save  what  they  get  by  spoil  and  rapine. 

"  Besides  these  he  hath  at  command  the  Tatars  as  auxiliaries, 
whereof  there  are  likely  threescore  thousand,  who  live  by  spoil, 
and  serve  also  without  pay.  In  their  marches  they  scour  the 
country  two  days^  journey  before.  Next  them  follow  the 
Achangi,  then  the  Timariots,  then  those  few  Azamoglani  that 
be  ;  and,  lastly,  the  Janizars.  The  Chauses  ride  on  horseback 
(and  carry  bows  and  arrows,  besides  their  maces  and  simiters), 
after  whom  followeth  the  Sultan,  with  the  oflScers  of  the  Court, 
and  archers  of  his  guard;  the  Spahies,  as  aforesaid,  encircling 
the  flanks  of  this  brave  battle.  The  pages,  eunuchs,  and  car- 
riages, followed  by  another  fort  of  auxiliaries,  called  voluntaries, 
make  the  rear ;  and  these  follow  only  upon  hope  to  be  enter- 
tained in  their  rooms  of  the  slain  Spahies  and  Janizars ;  their 
commanders  being  nothing  curious  (in  these  times)  to  receive 
those  that  be  not  tlie  sons  of  Christians  into  orders.  Thus  have 
we  lively  described  his  forces  at  land. 

A.D.  630,  there  was  a  debated  succession  in  Pannonia,  the 
Avars  electing  one  king,  and   the  Bulyarians   another.     The 

*  Relations  of  the  most  famous  Kingdoms,  &c.  thorowout  the  World,  &c., 
pp.  515,  516.     London,  1630. 

13  * 


196  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

former  prevail;  and  nine  thousand  Bulgarians_,  with  their 
wives  and  children_,  are  constrained  to  seek  a  refuge  among  the 
Franks.  Thereupon,  Dagobert  commands  them  to  remain 
during  the  winter  in  Bavaria_,  in  order  that  time  may  be  allowed 
for  considering  what  next  was  to  be  done.  So  they  are  quar- 
tered upon  the  different  householders  of  the  country ;  and  when 
they  have  thus  been  dispersed,  Dagobert  orders  a  general  mas- 
sacre of  them.  Then,  in  one  and  the  same  night,  every  Bavarian 
puts  to  death  the  Bulgarians  that  he  is  sheltering  under  his 
roof.  The  few  that  escaped,  to  the  amount  of  seven  hundred 
in  all  [vivis,  uxoribus  et  liberis) ,  under  Alticeus  as  their  captain, 
settle  in  the  Slavonian  March  {Marca  Winidorum),  of  which 
Wallucus  was  the  Marquis.  There  they  lived  many  years. 
This  is  the  notice  of  Tredegar,  the  Frank  historian.  The 
Langobard  authority,  Paulus  Diaconus,  seems  to  supply  a  con- 
tinuation of  it.  He  does  not  profess  to  know  why;  but,  in  the 
reign  of  Grimoald,  a  leader  of  the  Bulgarians,  named  Alzeco, 
offered  his  services  to  that  king,  who  received  them,  and  settled 
then  in  certain  districts  to  the  north  of  Naples,  of  which 
Sepianum,  Bovianum,  and  Isernia,  are  mentioned  by  name. 
Alzeco,  himself,  became  the  Duke  of  Gastaldium,  and  in  the 
time  of  the  historian  the  Bulgarian  language  was  still  spoken 
in  the  above-named  districts. 

The  history  of  the  Huns,  such  as  it  is,  is  mainly  the  history 
of  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  a  name ;  and,  such  as  it  is,  the 
history  of  the  Avars  has  been  much  of  the  same  kind. 

When  the  history  of  the  Huns  ended,  that  of  the  Gepidse 
began,  while  that  of  the  Avars  was  closely  connected  with  the 
downfall  of  the  Gepidge. 

Fragmentary  as  are  details  for  the  Hun  and  Avar  kingdoms, 
those  for  the  intermediate  kingdom  of  the   Gepidse  are  stil 
more  so. 

For  these  the  most  valuable,  and  the  most  worthless,  are  due 
to  the  same  author — Jornandes.  What  the  Gepid  dominion 
was  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixth  century  no  one  knew  better 
than  he ;  and  he  calls  it  "  Gepidia/'  from  the  Gepidce,  who 
succeeded  the  Huns  ;  and  that  over  the  whole  of  Dacia  {totius 
Dacice).''  Nothing  is  more  trustworthy  or  more  to  the  purpose 


THE    AVAES.  197 

t  hail  this ;  for  this  is  what  Jornaudes,  as  a  well-informed  co- 
temporary^  could  scarcely  fail  to  know. 

But  when  he  comes  to  tell  us  how  it  was  that  the  Gepidse 
became  the  kinsmen  (parentes)  of  the  Goths,  the  case  is 
altered ;    for  this  connexion  he  refers  to  a   pre-historic  period. 

Hence^  at  some  unknown  time,  but  as  Zeuss  believes  within 
the  range  of  trustworthy  tradition,  it  was  in  the  islands  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Vistula  that  the  Goths  and  Gepidse  were  neigh- 
bours ;  and,  when  both  left  their  homes  on  the  Baltic  and 
migrated  to  Gothiscandia  in  three  ships,  the  vessel  of  the 
Gepidae  was  the  slowest  of  them,  and  from  this  the  sluggish 
navigators  took  their  name — '^  nam  lingua  eorum  pigra 
* gepanta'  decitur.^'  This,  according  to  Jornandes,  ^as  no 
nappropriate  designation;  inasmuch  as  the  Gepidae  were  really 
both  slow  in  temperament,  and  heavy  of  frame.  "  Gepidojos" 
was  the  name  of  the  island  on  which  they  stayed  behind  ;  and 
the  occupiers  of  it  in  the  time  of  Jornandes  were  of  the  ^^ gens 
Vividaria'^  {i.e.  "  Vitivaria'^).  The  legend  here  is  Lithuanic, 
and,  as  such,  applicable,  in  geography,  to  the  country  of  the 
Gothones,  or  Guttones ;  and  we  know  what  comes  of  this  when 
the  Goths  get,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  to  be  treated  as 
Gothones,  as  Getce,  and  as  Germani.  The  Germans  of  Dacia  are 
deduced  from  the  Lower  Vistula,  and  with  them  their  neigh- 
bours the  Gepidse ;  and  much  more  in  the  same  way  besides. 

Than  all  this  nothing  is  less  trustworthy,  less  to  the  purpose, 
and  more  misleading ;  for  this  is  what  Jornandes  writes,  as  a 
speculative  logographer,  for  a  region  of  which  he  knew  litttle_, 
and  for  a  time  of  which  he  knew  nothing.  Upon  the  whole, 
however,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  he  passes  for  a  safe  authority 
on  both  points,  and  nearly  all  that  he  tells  us  is  believed. 

Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  we  get  upon  safe  ground  about 
the  middle  of  the  third  century,  though  with  less  certainty  for 
the  earlier  dates  than  the  later.  Thus,  if  Zeuss  be  right  in 
identifying  the  "  5i-cobotes  "  of  Capitolinus  with  the  Gepidce, 
we  meet  them  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Marcus  Antonius.  If, 
wrong  in  this,  he  be  right  in  identifying  them  with  the  "  Piti  ^' 
of  the  Tabula  Pentingenana,  we  have  them  as  early  as  the  re- 
reputed  date  of  that  document ;  i.e.  in  the  reign  of  Alexander 


198  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

Severus.  If  the  same  writer  be  correct  in  identifying  them 
with  the  >S/-gipedes  of  Trebellius  Pollio^  we  have  them  in  the 
reign  of  Claudius.  But  whether  any  or  all  of  these  suggestions 
be  right  or  wrong,  we  have  them  unequivocally  in  the  reign  of 
Probus ;  for  which  Vopiscus  writes  that  that  Emperor  trans- 
lated from  other  nations,  as  settlers  in  the  Roman  dominion, 
along  with  Grautungs  (afterwards  ^'  Ostrogoths '')  and  Vandals, 
certain  Gepidce.^  In  the  reign  of  Diocletian,  we  learn  from 
the  panegyrist  Mamertinus  that  the  Thervings  (afterwards 
Visigoths)  fought  against  the  Vandals  and  Gipedes ;  and  that 
in  Dacia.  Whether  this  was  on  their  own  or  on  foreign  soil 
we  are  not  informed. 

They  were,  probably,  in  contact  and  alliance  with  the 
Grutungs.  However,  whether  this  were  the  case  or  not,  the 
connexion  between  the  Gepidce  and  the  Grutungs  is  the  first 
known  fact  in  their  history.  And  this  connexion  continues 
till  the  disappearance  of  their  name.  Nor  is  it  ephemeral ; 
though  there  is  dissension  and  warfare  during  the  interval, 
which  spreads  over  more  than  two  centuries. 

Mamertinus  wrote  not  only  before  the  time  of  Attila,  but 
before  the  division  of  the  Empire.  With  the  exception,  how- 
ever, of  a  notice  by  St.  Jerome  of  the  Gepidae  as  plunderers  on 
Roman  ground,  we  hear  no  more  of  them  until  the  great  battle 
on  the  Catalaunian  Plain.  Here  the  fierce  Gepid  [Gepida  trux) 
forms  a  part  of  the  multitudinous  and  heterogeneous  army  of 
the  terirble  Hun — as  we  have  already  seen. 

Then  comes  the  break-up  of  Attila's  empire,  wherein  the 
Gepidse,  under  their  great  captain  Ardarich,  seem  to  be  among 
the  first  of  the  rebels — here,  again,  in  alliance  with  the  Ostro- 
goths. It  is  then  that  they  succeed  the  Huus  as  rulers  over 
Dacia,  which,  under  them,  becomes,  as  far  at  least  as  the 
Aluta,  "  Gepidia.^' 

In  making  this  river  the  boundary  of  the  Gepidse,  I  follow 
Zeuss,  the  name  in  the  text  of  his  authorities  being  "  Ulca''  (as 
Zeuss  suggests  "  Ulta '') .  In  confirmation  of  this  view  the  geo- 
grapher of  Ravenna  makes  two  Dacias — a  Dacia  Major  and  a 
Dacia  Minor-,  referring  to  Jordanus  {Jornandes)  for  details. 

*  For  al]  this,  ae  for  nearly  the  whole  of  the  sequel,  see  ZeuBB,  p.  437. 


THE    AVARS.  199 

But,  without  enlarging  on  this,  we  may  turn  to  a  notice  of 
Ennodius,  the  panegyi'ist  of  Theodoric  the  Ostrogoth.  He 
alludes  to  an  Ostrogoth  campaign  on  the  same  "  Ulta''  against 
the  Gepidae;  the  campaign  being  a  successful  though,  pro- 
bably, not  a  conclusive  one.  This  indicates  that  the  Gepid 
occupancy  of  Dacia  took  place  before  the  time  of  Theodoric. 
The  parts  about  Sirmium  were  probably  on  the  boundary 
between  the  two  nations.  That  the  Gepidse,  however,  remained 
in  Dacia  after  the  campaign  of  Theodoric  is  certain. 

It  is  not  till  the  reign  of  Justinian  that  the  name  of  Avar 
appears — or  rather  r^-appears ;  for  we  must  bear  in  mind  the 
isolated  notice  of  Priscus.  However,  the  Avars  of  the  time  of 
Justinian  and  his  successors  are  the  unequivocal  Avars  of  the 
great  Khakhan  Baian ;  and  their  history,  as  we  have  seen,  is 
continuous.  When  these  appear,  the  Gepid  dominion  in  Dacia 
is,  probably,  at  its  best.  But  the  character  of  the  frontier  is 
altered.  The  power  of  the  Goths  is  declining,  and  that  of  the 
Langobards  increasing ;  while  of  the  Gepidae,  the  Langobards 
are  the  enemies  that  determine  their  doom.  We  have  already 
seen  that,  by  a  compact  with  the  Langobards,  the  Gepidse  were 
made  over  to  the  Avars. 

In  A.D.  600,  the  Roman  general  Priscus  found  only  a  rem- 
nant of  them,  viz.,  three  villages  beyond  the  Theiss.  Paulus 
Diaconus  writes  that  in  his  time  they  had  no  longer  a  king  of 
their  own ;  and  that  the  few  that  remained  were  either  subjects 
to  the  Langobards  or  groaning  under  the  rule  of  the  Huns. 
Lastly,  a  nameless  writer  from  Salzburg  states  that  the  Huns 
(Avars)  expelled  the  Romans,  the  Goths,  and  the  Gepidae ;  but 
that  of  the  Gepidse  a  few  still  remained. 

In  the  reign  of  Charlemagne  we  have  seen  that  the  Avars 
were  reduced  by  the  Franks  (A.D.  800  circ.)  ;  that  in  the 
reign  of  Arnulf  (before  A.D.  900)  their  name,  like  that  of  the 
Gepidae  whom  they  extinguished,  was  either  dying  out  or  dead; 
and  that,  as  the  Avars  displaced  the  Gepidae,  the  Magyars  suc- 
ceeded the  Avars.  Hence  Dacia  became  Gepidia,  and  Gepidia 
became  Avaria.  Finally,  Avaria  itself  became  what  it  is  now — 
Hungary. 

This  is  much,  perhaps  too  much,  to  have  written  about  the 


200  NON-OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

Avars ;  and  it  is  not  improbable  that^  here  and  there^  there  may- 
have  been  something  like  repetition.  But  the  object  of  the 
writer  has  been  two-fold.  The  history  of  the  Avars  is  one 
things  the  history  of  the  Avar  districts  another,  especially  with 
the  view  of  ascertaining  the  extent  to  which  its  occupants  were 
Turks.  Even  now,  it  has  not  been  asked  how  far  it  was  Turk 
before  it  was  Hun, — in  other  words,  when  it  was,  more  or  less, 
Scythian.  And,  even  now,  it  has  not  been  asked,  "  Who  were 
the  isolated  Avars  of  Prisons  ?  The  first  of  these  two  questions 
is  reserved  for  the  sequel ;  the  latter  comes  conveniently  in  the 
notice  that  now  follows  : — 

The  Turks. — ^There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  Turk  invasion  of 
Europe,  eo  nomine,  before  the  time  of  the  Ottomans ;  though 
there  is  never  a  time  when  members  of  the  Turk  family,  under 
some  name  or  other,  were  not  only  making  conquests  on 
European  ground,  but,  also,  settling  in  them.  Of  these,  how- 
ever, not  one  can  be  shown  to  have  made  its  way  by  the 
Hellespont,  or  to  have  settled  in  Moesia.  This,  however,  is 
implied  in  the  division  already  made  between  the  Turk  to  the 
north  of  Persia,  the  Caucasus,  and  those  to  the  south  thereof. 
But  this  is  no  reason  why  the  name  '^  Turk''  should  not  occur  at 
any  time  anterior  to  that  of  the  southern  Turks.  We  may  have 
known  the  name  under  notice  long  before  they  were  known  as 
invaders.  That  they  were  such  was  known,  for  embassies  had 
passed  between  the  Turks  and  the  emperors  of  Constantinople 
at  a  comparatively  earlier  period.  In  short  there  was  a  By- 
zantine embassy  at  the  court  of  the  Turk  so  early  as  A.D.  568, 
and  there  was  a  return  embassy  from  the  Turkish  ruler  to  the 
emperor,  and  a  very  instructive  one  it  is,  especially  to  the 
geographer. 

These  have  already  been  noticed.  They  were  concurrent,  or 
nearly  so,  with  the  advent  of  the  Avars  during  the  reign  of 
Justinian.  But  they  were  later  by  nearly  a  century  than  the 
Avars  of  Priscus,  so  that,  in  fact,  the  earliest  notice  of  the 
Avars  is  older  than  the  earliest  notice  of  the  Turks.  The 
Avars,  however,  of  Priscus  stand  alone,  and  their  history  is  a 
fragment.  As  compared  with  their  later  namesakes,  they  are 
to  the  reader  as  the  footstep  in  the  sand   Avas   to  Uobinson 


THE  TUEKS  OF  THE  EMBASSIES.         201 

Cnisoe — a    mystery^    but   not    one    which    long   remains    in- 
explicable. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  lay  before  the  reader  the  fragmentary 
pieces  of  evidence  that  show  the  Turk  affinities  of  both  the 
Huns  and  Avars_,  along  with  other  minor  populations  connected 
Anth  them.  These  disjointed  details  in  the  way  of  evidence 
are  supplied  by  the  embassies  alluded  to.  They  have  been 
carefully  collected^  well  put  together,,  and^  what  is  more^  I  do 
not  know  that  a  single  objection  has  been  made  to  the  legitimate 
and  necessary  inference  deduced  from  them.  Whatever  and 
wherever  these  Turks  of  Asia  were,  they  were  of  the  same 
family  with  those  of  Europe.  They  were  not  very  near  the 
European  frontier,  neither  were  they  as  far  from  it  eastwards 
as  the  most  distant  of  the  Turks  of  the  present  Turkestan,  for 
these  reach  to  the  parts  about  Lop  Nor,  in  Mongolia,  and  in 
the  valley  of  the  Yarkend  abut  upon  the  frontiers  of  Tibet 
and  India.  Nor  do  we  expect  them  to  be  this,  inasmuch  as  it 
is  on  the  western  boundary  of  the  present  Turkestan  that  we, 
in  the  first  instance,  look  for  them.  There  is  some  difficulty, 
however,  in  ascertaining  their  exact  locality.  They  were  in 
what  is  afterwards  known  as  the  Uighur  country,  or  on  its 
frontier,  for  the  name'Oywp  appears  in  Theophylact,  our  authority 
for  the  Pseudabari,  or  False  Avails.  Now  these  he  connects 
with  the  Til,  the  Asiatic  name  for  the  Volga.  But  to  this 
Zeuss  reasonably  objects,  for  the  whole  context  shows  that  the 
countiy  of  both  the  Turks  and  the  Ogor  lay  farther  to  the  east. 
There  was,  as  we  learn  from  Theophylact  himself,  another  name 
for  the  river  (ro)  MeXavi  Trora/xw),  probably  the  translation  of 
the  common  Turkish  name  Karasu=Blackwater .  Moreover, 
the  context  tells  us  that  the  Ogor  country  was  on  the  borders 
of  Bactria  and  Sogdiana,  on  the  parts  about  the  extreme  con- 
quests of  Alexander,  and  in,  or  near,  the  silk-producing 
countries  ;  indeed  it  is  probable  that  the  introduction  of  the 
silkworm  into  Europe,  which  took  place  about  this  time,  was 
one  of  the  objects  of  the  embassy* ;  or,  at  least,  had  much  more 
to  do  with  them  than  either  the  True  or  the  False  Avars.  The 
Ogor  lay  east  of  the  Turks  of  Disabulus,  so  that  we  must  assign 

*  ZeusB,  D.N.,  p.  713,  and  note. 


202  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

to  them  the  western  part  of  Turkestan.  Tashkend  is  the  country 
which  is  generally  recognized  as  the  one  which  best  accords 
with  these  conditions,  and  here,  or  hereabouts,  we  may,  pro- 
visionally, place  the  capital  of  Disabulus.  It  may  have  lain 
farther  eastward,  or  farther  southward,  but  it  can  scarcely  have 
lain  more  westwardly.  Between  the  Volga  and  the  Amur,  we 
require  room  for  the  Kirgiz,  the  Uz,  the  Cumanians,  and  other 
tribes  of  a  ruder  and  more  migratory  character  than  that  which 
we  assign  to  the  Turks ;  not  to  mention  the  distance  between 
them  and  the  Persian  frontier,  and  also  the  present  name 
"  Turkestan/'  Ovyovpoi,  another  form  of  OgoVj  and  UighuVy 
appear  in  Menander,  and  that  in  connection  with  the  same 
embassy.  These  are  placed  east  of  the  Volga.  The  Volga, 
however,  seems  to  have  been  the  limit  of  the  area  of  which 
the  Romans  of  Constantinople  had  any  accurate  knowledge. 
The  Kirghis  of  what  used  to  be  called  Independent  T^'artary 
are  known  to  have  borne  their  present  name  in  the  time  of 
Disabulus,  for  a  Kirghis  female  slave  (x^px^^)  is  mentioned  in 
one  of  the  embassies.  Yet  no  such  name  is  found  in  any 
European  writer. 

*  *  -^  -x-  -J^- 

This  is  as  much  as  need  be  said  at  present  about  these  Turks 
of  Turkestan.  We  have  not  as  yet  found  them  on  European 
soil,  but  as  they  seem  to  represent  the  original  members  of  the 
Turk  family  in  their  original  country,  and,  moreover,  as  they 
were  known  through  embassies  at  Constantinople,  it  has  been 
necessary  to  notice  them.  Besides  all  this,  there  is  the  relation 
between  them  and  the  Avars — True  or  False  as  the  case  may  be. 

And  this  I  now  venture  to  investigate. 

The  date  assigned  by  Zeuss  to  the  Avar  embassy  mentioned 
by  Priscus  is  between  A.D.  461  and  A.D.  465.  The  first  of 
these  is  exactly  ten  years  after  the  battle  of  Chalons. 

The  second  is  A.D.  464,  the  year  after  the  death  of  ^gidius; 
and  this,  as  we  shall  see,  is  an  event  that  has  a  remarkable 
bearing  upon  the  history  of  those  members  of  the  Hun  alliance 
and  the  Turk  family  which  we  may  reasonably  presume  were 
affected  by  the  death  of  Attila,  and  the  dissolution  of  his 
empire.     From  this  point  of  view,  I  assume  for  the  present 


THE  TURKS  OF  THE  EMBASSIES.         203 

that  the  Scin  and  Alani  were,  almost  certainlj^,  among  these, 
and,  probably,  the  Heruli  also ;  these  last  at  this  time  being  in 
Gaul,  and  associated  with  Saxons  of  the  Littus  Saxonicum. 

The  Sciri  we  have  already  noticed  as  united  with  the  Huns 
in  the  reign  of  Theodosius. 

The  Alani  J  in  the  battle  of  Chalons,  were  on  the  side  of  the 
Romans.  But  their  Hun  proclivities  were  so  notorious,  and  they 
were  so  suspected,  that  they  were  drawn  up  on  the  field  of 
battle  between  the  Goths  and  the  Romans,  so  as  to  ensure 
against  their  going  over  to  the  Huns. 

I  think  that  these  circumstances  lead  to  something  like  joint 
action  between  the  four  denominations — Alani,  Sciri,  Heruli, 
and  Saxones — during  the  life  of  the  usurper  Odoacer.  These 
were  first  his  allies,  then  his  subjects ;  and,  it  is  now  suggested 
that  along  with  them  under  a  temporary  change  of  name  were 
the  Avars  of  Priscus. 

This  temporary,  or  intermediate,  name  I  believe  to  have 
been  Turcilingi. 

It  is  immediately  after  the  death  of  ^gidius  that  we  meet 
with  the  name  Adovacrius,  and  we  must  remember  that  this 
notice  of  him  is  by  one  of  the  earliest  of  the  Frank  writers,  and 
one  who,  except  for  the  action  of  Adovacrius  in  Gaul,  had  no 
other  interest  in  the  history  of  Odoacer. 

However,  after  the  death  of  ^gidius,  we  find  Adovacrius  at 
Andegavi,  i.e.  Odoacer  at  Anjou,  and  this  A.D.  465,  thirteen 
years  after  the  battle  of  Chalons,  and  five  before  we  read  of 
Odoacer  in  Rhoetia. 

Between  170-175  and  187,  Odoacer  is  in  Rhoetia;  and 
after  this  he  is  king  of  Italy.  Now  it  is  during  this  latter 
period,  and  this  only,  that  the  name  Turcilingi  presents  itself. 
And  the  following  are  the  only  notices  of  it  that  have  come 
down  to  us.  They  all  apply  to  the  same  king,  khan,  or  captain 
— viz. :  Odoacer.  In  Jornandes,  Odoacer  himself  is  a  Rugian 
(genere  Rugus),  his  supporters  being  crowds  of  Turcilingi ^ 
Sciri,  Heruli,  and  auxiliaries  from  divers  nations.  In  an 
anonymous  author,  the  Sciri  and  Heruli  are  named  as  his  sup- 
porters. Elsewhere,  Odoacer,  with  a  strong  body  of  Heruli, 
and    relying    on   the    assistance    of    the   Turcilingi,    or    Sciri, 


204  NON- OTTOMAN    TUEKS. 

hastens  to  advance  on  Italy  from  the  extreme  boundaries  of 
Pannonia. 

In  Paulus  Draconus_,  Odoacer,  having  collected  the  nations 
under  his  dominion^  i.e.  the  Turcilingi  and  Herulij  along  with 
the  Rugi_,  which  had  long  been  his  own  people,,  and,  moreover^ 
some  populations  o£  Italy,  entered  Rugiland. 

Except  so  far  as  he  is  either  King  of  Rugiland,  or  Emperor 
of  Rome,  his  only  subjects  mentioned  by  name  are  the  Heruli, 
the  Sciri,  and  the  Turcilingi. 

Nor,  except  as  subjects  of  Odoacer,  are  the  Turcilingi  men- 
tioned anywhere,  or  by  any  one;  nor  is  there,  at  the  time  of  that 
ruler,  any  name  like  Turcilingi,  or  lurk,  nearer  than  Tashkend. 
Yet  within  fifty  years  there  will  be  embassies  between  Tashkend 
and  Constantinople,  There  has  already  been  one  from  the 
Avars  of  Priscus,  and  the  others  will  be  from  the  Turks  in 
reference  to  the  Avars. 

I  do  not  say  that  this  was,  or  that  it  must  have  been  the  case, 
for  proof  on  points  like  these  is  out  of  the  question.  We  have 
no  absolute  certainty  even  that  Adovacrius  was  Odoacer.  It  is 
all  circumstantial  evidence.  But  my  inference  is  that  it  is  in 
the  history  of  the  Turcilifigi  under  Odoacer,  that  the  history  of 
the  Avars  of  Priscus  is  continued ;  not  absolutely  up  to  that  of 
the  Avars  of  Baian,  but  in  that  direction. 

It  is  not  essential  to  this  doctrine  that  Odoacer  should  be 
Adovacrius,  or  yet  that  the  Sciri  and  Heruli  should  be  Turks, 
though  it  makes  the  question  simpler  if  these  were  so  to  a 
certainty.  About  Odoacer  there  seems  to  be  no  one  who  would 
say  that  he  is  not  Adovacrius ;  but  whether  anyone  would  go  j 
farther  and  commit  himself  to  an  affirmation  on  the  point  is  | 
doubtful.  With  the  Turk  affinites  of  the  Heruli  and  Sciri  it 
is  different.  Zeuss,  for  one,  positively  claims  the  Heruli  as 
Germans,  and  where  Zeuss  leads  many  follow.  The  Sciri,  he 
admits,  may  possibly — perhaps,  probably — be  German  also. 
With  these  he  associates  the  Turcilingi.  In  the  opinion  of  the 
present  writer,  Zeuss  is  in  error  throughout ;  but  if  in  the 
matter  of  the  Turcilingi  he  is  right,  the  suggestion  of  the 
present  writer  is  worthless. 

Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  I  submit  that,  word  for  word, 


THE    TURCILINGI.  205 

"  Turcilingi,''  is  more  like  "  Turk  '^  than  it  is  like  Ruticleii 
["PovtlkXclol)  .  Yet  this  is  the  name  by  which  it  is  identified.  In 
the  Germany  of  Ptolemy  (there  is  nothing  of  the  sort  in 
Tacitus)  vre  have,  "  after  the  Saxons^  from  the  river  Chalusus 
to  the  river  Suevus^  the  Pharodini,  then  the  Sidini  (StSeiVot)  as 
far  as  the  Oder  (laSova),  and  under  {vtt  aorovs)  the  Ruticleii  as 
far  as  the  river  Vistula/^  Zeuss  accounts  for  this  by  the  trans- 
position of  the  ^'T^'  and  '' R/'  which  gives  Turcleii.  This  is, 
no  doubt,  ingenious  ;  and  if  there  were  a  single  manuscript  to 
support  it,  the  suggestion  would  be  legitimate.  But  he  gives 
us  nothing  of  the  kind.  Again,  it  would  be  legitimate  if  we 
knew  anything,  aliunde,  which  identified,  or  even  connected,  the 
history  of  the  two.  But,  again,  there  is  nothing  of  the  kind. 
In  fact,  both  the  Ruticleii  and  the  Turcilingi  appear  only  once 
either  in  geography  or  in  history.  The  name  Ruticleii  is  found 
but  in  one  author,  Ptolemy,  and  is  absolutely  an  a-n-a^  Xeyo/xei/oi/. 
The  name  ^'Turcilingi  '^  is  found  in  more  authors  than  one,  but 
it  applies  to  the  same  population,  at  the  same  time,  and  that  in 
connexion  with  Odoacer  only.  From  this  point  of  vie^y  it  is  as 
much  an  aira^  Aeyo/xevov  as  Ruticleii. 

But  it  may  be  said  there  must  be  other  reasons  for  an 
authority  like  Zeuss  to  write  as  he  does.  There  are  other 
reasons  ;  but  I  leave  it  to  the  reader  to  judge  whether  there  are 
better  ones.  The  Ruticleii  of  Ptolemy  are  on  the  frontier  of 
his  Sidini.  And  the  Sidini  are  Bugi,  as  the  Rugi  are  Sidini. 
What  is  the  evidence  of  this  ?  Simply  the  converse  of  the 
previous  statement ;  viz. :  that  the  Turcilingi  were  the  frontagers 
of  the  Sidini.  If  this  is  not  enough,  there  is  more  of  the  same 
kind.  The  Heruli,  which  are  associated  with  Odoacer  along 
with  the  Rugi  [Sidini)  and  the  Turcilingi  (Ruticleii),  are  held 
to  be,  mutato  nomine,  the  ^apohuvoi  of  Ptolemy,  and  also  the 
Suardones  of  Tacitus. 

That  $apo8eiVot  and  Suardones  may  be  the  same  word  I  do 
not  deny ;  but  how  does  this  make  either  of  them  Heruli  ? 

''  But  there  must  be  other  and  better  reasons  in  the  back- 
ground,^' the  reader  may  say.  There  are.  Mention  is  made  by 
Tacitus  of  a  population  named  Rugii ;  but  these  are  held  to  be, 
at  least,  as  far  east  as  the  Vistula,  or,  probably,  the  Niemen. 


206  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

It  is  not  easy  to  connect  tliem  with  the  Sidini  and  Ruticleii. 
Nor  is  it  necessary  to  do  so.  We  can  get  the  word  ''  Rugi '' 
nearer  home ;  and_,  what  is  more  to  the  purpose,,  in  probable 
contact  with  the  Ruticleii^  Pharodini  (Suardones) ,  and  Sidini. 

We  cannot^  indeed^  get  a  definite  and  continuous  Rugia,  or 
Rugiland,  but  we  know  where  to  find  the  "  Isle  of  Rugen ''  on 
the  west^  and  the  " Rugenwald''  on  the  east;  and  there  is 
space  enough  between  them  for  any  amount  of  Sidini  and 
Ruticleii.  But  this  does  not  make  it  the  Rugiland  of  the 
Rugii  of  Odoacer;  nor  yet  the  Rugiland  of  the  Herulian  and 
the  Turcilingian  frontier  in  the  time  of  that  ruler.  There  was 
another  Rugiland ;  and  the  Rugiland  of  the  time  of  Odoacer 
was  simply  the  German  name  for  Rhoetia.  It  was  certainly 
the  country  of  which  he  was  the  king;  a  usurper^  no  doubt, 
but  still  the  country  of  which  he  was  king,  and  the  country 
from  which  he  usurped  the  Empire.  There  is  no  doubt  of  this. 
He  conquers  Rhoetia  before  he  conquers  Italy;  and  Rhoetia 
before  he  conquers  it  was  Rugiland.  Odoacer  was  genere  Rugus. 
And,  even  if  this  can  be  made  to  mean  that  he  came  from  the 
Rugiland  of  the  Baltic,  the  Felethei,  Favas,  Frederics,  and  the 
rest  of  the  dynasty  which  he  supplanted,  did  not.  As  for 
Odoacer  himself,  we  never  hear  of  him  farther  from  Rhoetia 
than  Anjou.  All  that  we  get  besides  is  a  Rugiland  which  is 
made  to  coincide  with  the  frontiers  of  the  Ruticleii  and  Suar- 
dones ;  these  being  what  are  supposed  to  be  because  they  are 
on  the  frontiers  of  Rugiland.  Meanwhile  the  Heruli  are 
Suardones,  or  Pharodini,  as  the  case  may  be ;  and  the  Turcilingi 
are  identified  with  the  Ruticleii,  for,  as  far  as  we  can  see  at 
present,  no  reason  beyond  that  of  investing  one  of  the  most 
heterogeneous  kingdoms  in  history  with  a  uniformity. 

In  all  these  identifications  there  is  a  foregone  conclusion — 
one  to  the  effect  that  all  the  bearers  of  the  name  Goth  were 
members  of  the  German  family,  and  that,  unless  there  is 
special  proof  to  the  contrary,  all  the  denominations  connected 
with  their  history  were  the  same.  I  am  not  prepared  at  present 
either  to  affirm  or  to  deny  this.  All  that  I  submit  to  the 
reader  is  the  doctrine  that  the  syllable  ^^  Turc-^^  in  "  Tlj^rc-ilingi^^ 
is  the  syllable  "  Turk  '^  in  "  TvpK-au ''  and  "  Tw^k-ish/'  and  not 


THE    FALSE   AVARS.  207 

the  syllables  ''  Rtdic-''  in  "  RnticAeu.'^  The  termination  -ling 
is,  of  course,  German ;  perhaps  of  Gothic,  perhaps  of  Suevran 
origin — possibly  of  Langobard.  The  compound  is  a  hybrid 
one ;  but  this  is  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception  in  proper 
names.  Po-lab-ing-i,  the  term  for  the  dwellers  on  the  Lower 
Elbcj  is  just  such  another  compound,  the  first  two  syllables 
being  Slavonic. 

I  think  we  may  now  go  farther  in  our  inquiries,  and  ask  how 
it  was  that,  if  the  evidence  of  Priscus  be  so  good  for  the  Avars 
of  his  generation,  it  is  so  bad  in  the  details  of  their  origin  ? 
Upon  this  point  we  can  only  say  that  he  writes  as  learned 
Byzantines  wi'ote  in  general  upon  subjects  like  the  present. 
They  almost  always  think  it  necessary  to  tell  us  not  only  what 
a  particular  population  or  district  is  at  the  time  it  comes  under 
their  notice,  but  what  it  was  ab  origine.  It  is  manifest,  then, 
that  though  they  may  thoroughly  understand  one  part  of  their 
subject,  they  may  easily  be  mistaken  in  another. 

Sometimes  we  can  get  an  inkling  as  to  the  nature  of  the 
special  ignes  fatui  that  mislead  them. 

I  think  that,  in  the  case  of  the  Avars  of  Priscus,  in 
respect  to  the  mist  [to  o/xtxA-wSes)  we  have  the  proverbial  dark- 
ness of  the  Cimmeinan  region ;  and  that  the  suggestion  of  a 
flood  is  from  Strabo^s  account  of  the  Cimbri.  Indeed,  between 
Strabo  and  Posidonius,  we  get  the  two  elements — the  land  of 
darkness  and  the  land  of  floods — in  the  same  series  of  specu- 
lations; i.e.,  those  on  the  origin  of  the  Teutones  and  Cimbri. 
The  gryphons  I  take  to  be  those  of  Herodotus,  who  troubled 
the  Arimaspians. 

'^  As  when  a  gryphon,  through  the  wilderness. 
Pursues  the  Arimaspian,  who  by  stealth 
Had  from  his  wakeful  custody  purloined 
The  guarded  gold ;  so  eagerly  the  Fiend, 
O'er  bog,  or  steep,  through  strait,  rough,  dense,  or  rare. 
With  head,  hands,  wings,  or  feet,  pursues  his  way. 
And  swims,  or  sinks,  or  wades,  or  creeps,  or  flies.'' 

Paradise  Lost,  Book  II. 

But  whatever  may  have  been   the  original  district  of  the 


208  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

Huns  of  Priscus^  it  is  certain  that  both  the  Sciri  and  the 
Heruli,  who  are  the  special  associates  of  the  Turcilingi  in  the 
army  of  Odoacer_,  came  from  the  parts  on  the  Moeotis.  The 
Sciri  are  mentioned  in  the  Olbiopolitan  Inscription  as  having, 
in  conjunction  with  the  Thisamatce,  Saudarata,  Galatce,  and 
Scythce,  harassed  the  Greek  town  of  Olbia.  The  Heruli  are 
specially  stated  to  have  come  from  the  Moeotis,  and  that  so 
early  as  the  third  century.  In  the  fifth,  as  we  have  seen,  they 
were  in  Gaul,  still  retaining  what  would  now  be  called  their 
''^AfoTz^o/^^  physiognomy. 

"  Hie  glaucis  Herulus  genis  vagatur 
Imos  oceani  colens  recessus 
Algoso  prope  concolor  profundo.^^ 

Sidonius  Apollinaris. 

Such  were  the  Avars  of  Priscus,  and  such  their  associates. 
What  were  they  in  the  eyes  of  their  suzerain  in  the  time  of 
Justinian,  nearly  a  hundred  years  later  than  Priscus  ?  It  is 
beyond  all  doubt  that  it  is  upon  the  matter  of  the  Pseudavares, 
or  the  Avars  of  the  time  being,  that  the  main  discussion 
between  the  ambassadors  and  Disabulus  takes  place.  But  it 
does  not  follow  that  the  particular  speeches  which  have  come 
down  to  us  belong  to  this  part  of  the  negotiations.  I  rather 
think  that  the  Khan  has  changed  the  conversation  from  the 
newer  Avars  to  the  older  ones ;  and  that  it  is  their  history  to 
which  he  alludes.  Of  the  conquests  of  Attila  he  probably  knew 
a  great  deal,  and  may  have  considered  them  as  actual  parts  of 
the  dominion  of  his  ancestors;  as  in  some  degree,  at  some  time 
they  may  really  have  been.  But  these  have  manifestly  thrown 
off  their  allegiance,  and  the  great  Turk,  their  suzerain,  speaks 
of  them  irreverently,  not  to  say  contemptuously. 

Such  seems  the  tenor  of  his  conversation.  Men  in  genera 
do  not  utter  such  sentences  as  "  /  know  where  M.  or  N.  have 
gone ;"  and  "  I  know  all  about  the  rivers  of  their  new  country  ;'' 
and  "  /  think  there  are  still  some  who  are  well-disposed  to  us" 
[en  (TTepyova-i  TOL  rjixerepa)  ^  whcn  they  are  Speaking  of  mere  run- 
aways who  have  scarcely  been  three  months  away  from  them. 
Still  less  do  they  ask  ''Are  there  any  still  among  you?"  and! 


KHAZARS.  209 

then  answer  themselves  by  adding,  '^  I  think  there  are  about 

twenty  thousand."     I  suggest^  then,  that  it  is  not  the  Avars  of 

the  time  of  the  speaker  that  the  Khagan  alludes  to_,  but  the 

Avars  of  Priscus — lost  to  sight,  dear  to  memory. 

■X-  -x-  ^  #  * 

The  KhazarSf  with  their  name  spelt  in  the  ordinary  way, 
first  appear  in  the  reign  of  Heraclius ;  and,  when  this  is  the 
case,  the  whole  character  of  the  history  of  the  Roman  world, 
as  well  as  the  evidence  of  its  historiographers,  undergoes  a 
change.  The  date  is  nearly  coincident  with  the  spread  of 
Mahometanism,  and  it  belongs  to  the  darker  periods  of  the 
literature  of  Constantinople.  The  old  series  of  events  has 
changed  its  course,  and  the  records  of  them  have  deteriorated. 
Nor  is  this  change  accidental.  In  the  time  of  Heraclius  there 
were  two  nearly  concurrent  epochs  in  the  history  of  literature. 
In  the  reign  of  Justinian  the  old  classical  schools  of  Greece  were 
closed,  and  we  have  no  longer  any  of  the  later  Pagan  writers 
concurrent  with  the  earlier  Christian ;  no  writers  representing 
the  eclectic  mixture  of  religion  and  philosophy  of  the  Emperor 
Julian ;  no  writers  who,  after  the  manner  of  Eunapius,  give  us 
the  history  of  their  times  from  a  pagan  point  of  view.  The  reign 
of  Heraclius,  too,  was  the  time  of  the  last  of  the  great  fathers 
of  the  Eastern  Church,  John  of  Damascus ;  while,  year  by  year, 
the  knowledge  of  the  political  history  of  the  East  is  becoming 
less  and  less  in  the  West.  On  the  other  hand,  Mahometan 
literature  has  begun,  and  it  will  be  seen  that,  before  we  have 
done  with  the  history  of  the  Turks  under  notice,  Arabian 
writers  will  be  cited  as  authorities.  There  is,  then,  from  the 
time  of  Heraclius  until  the  time  when  the  regular  series  of 
the  later  Byzantine  historians  begins,  a  break.  And  the 
efPect  of  this,  in  the  way  of  evidence,  is  what  has  already  been 
indicated ;  viz.,  the  rule  that,  whereas  the  later  Byzantines  are 
trustworthy  authorities  for  the  geography  of  their  own  times, 
they  are  anything  but  safe  for  their  accounts  of  the  origin  and 
early  migrations  of  the  nations  whose  present  geography  they 
describe.  This  is  strong  language ;  but,  when  we  consider, 
it  is  neither  improbable  or  inexplicable?  This  difference 
between  the  unequal  value  of  their  statements  concerning  what 

14 


210  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

and  where  such  and  such  populations  are  during  the  time  of 
the  author,  and  what  they  were  a  certain  number  of  generations 
before  his  time,  shows  itself  at  an  earlier  period ;  for  we  have 
seen  it  in  Jornandes,  in  Theophylact,  and  in  Priscus.  But  it 
attains  its  maximum  later,  and  more  especially  in  the  writings 
of  Constantine  Porphyrogeneta. 

When  we  find  that  any  ethnological  epoch  is  connected  with 
the  reign  of  Heraclius  we  must  suspend  our  judgment. 

The  Khazars  seem  to  play  the  same  part  in  the  history  of 
Eastern  Russia  that  the  Avars  played  in  that  of  Southern 
Bavaria,  or,  if  we  prefer  the  later  name,  Austria ;  but  with  two 
important  differences.  The  Avars  in  Bavaria  were  intruders. 
The  Khazars  in  the  parts  about  Khazan,  for  thus  far  north  (and 
farther)  we  can  trace  them,  seem  to  have  been  older  occupants 
than  the  Russians.  In  these  parts,  however,  the  two  frontiers 
met ;  and  I  believe  that  it  was  through  this  northern  portion 
of  the  Khazar  area  that  the  Russians  made  one  of  their  ways 
to  Novogorod.  But  more  upon  this  point  will  be  said  in  the 
sequel.  Again ;  the  Avars  cut  their  way  into  Bavaria  by  the 
sword;  representing,  even  more  than  the  Huns,  the  fighting 
power  of  the  Turk  family.  The  Khazars,  on  the  other  hand, 
seem  to  have  been,  for  Turks,  comparatively  a  peaceful  body  of 
settlers  ;  indeed,  merchants  rather  than  men  of  war. 

Like  the  Turks  in  general,  and  like  more  than  one  mercantile 
country,  they  had  their  armies,  and  were  lords  over  a  definite 
territory.  We  meet  with  the  term  Chazaria  as  the  land  of 
the  Khazars.  There  is  also  a  Bey  of  Chazaria  (Ilex  Xa^apias) ; 
also  a  Kinff.  But  upon  the  whole  they  seem  to  have  been 
the  most  quiet  and  the  most  civilized  division  of  the  Turk 
name. 

I  must  now  refer  the  reader  to  what  I  have  suggested  in 
respect  to  the  import  of  the  word  Bulgaria,^*  and  the  doctrine 
that,  whatever  it  may  be  now,  it  began  as  a  geographical  term ; 
Bulffarii=Bulgw(Bre=ihe  occupants  of  a  "  volgy/'  or  the  valley 
of  a  river ;  and,  in  the  word  "  Volga/'  the  river  itself.  There 
are  certainly  two  Bui g arias — a  Bulgaria  of  the  Danube,  and  a 
Bulgaria  of  the  Volga.     That  the  initial  letter  "  B ''  is  to  be 

*  See  p.  133. 


KHAZARS.  211 

pronounced  as  "  V  ^^  is  a  remark  of  Zeuss^s."^  The  river  Itil 
(Volga)  ^  writes  an  Arabian  author^  runs  through  Russia,  then 
Bulgaria,  then  Burtasia_,  into  the  Khazar  Sea  (i.e.  the  Caspian). 
Nestor,  too,  a  Russian  authority,  writes  to  the  same  effect. 
The  Khazars  he  calls  Chwalisi.  Great  Bulgaria  was  the  name 
for  this  district. 

It  is  not  for  nothing  that  this  has  been  enlarged  on.  So 
long  as  we  make  Bulgaria  a  national  name  we  get  a  series  of 
difficulties,  especially  in  respect  to  the  language.  Thus,  let  the 
speech  of  the  Khazars  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  Turks,  and  also 
the  same  as  that  of  the  Bulgarians.  The  inference  will  be  that 
the  Turk  is  the  same  as  the  Bulgarian — which  it  is  not.  Again, 
let  the  language  of  the  Bulgarians  and  the  Hungarians  be  the 
same,  and  ^'  Hungarian  '^  means  "  Magyar  "  These  statements 
are  not  imaginary,  but  real ;  and  it  is  easy  to  see  what  sort  of 
difficulties  they  raise — difficulties  that  disappear  when  we  not 
only  recognise  more  Bulgarias  than  one,  but  see  the  reason 
why  there  should  be  such. 

If  we  carry  the  Khazar  area  as  far  north  as  Kazan,  we  can 
explain  a  difficulty.  The  word  ^^  volgy ''  has  already  been 
stated  to  have  been  a  Ugrian,  or  Fin,  gloss,  and  not  a  Turkish 
one.  If  so,  it  is  difficult  to  account  for  its  existence  on  the 
Danube  before  the  time  of  the  Magyars.  But  the  Volga  of  the 
northern  part  of  the  Khazar  district  is  well  within  the  Fin 
boundary,  and  that  at  the  present  time.  If  so,  the  Khazars, 
though  themselves  pressed  upon  by  the  Russians,  must,  on  their 
own  part,  have  pressed  upon  the  Fins.  Be  it  so.  There  was 
no  great  displacement  of  the  older  population,  for  it  is  part  of 
the  view  here  submitted  to  the  reader  that  the  Khazars  were 
merchants  rather  than  conquerors ;  indeed,  I  believe  that  the 
name  itself  was  not  so  much  that  of  a  tribe  as  that  of  a  class. 

The  Khazars  certainly  seem  to  have  come  from  a  distance, 
and  to  have  proceeded  at  least  as  far  as  Kazan,  probably  as 
far  as  Novogorod,  possibly  as  far  as  Archangel ;  and,  in  all 
these  cases,  to  have  shown  the  Russians  the  way  northward. 

BoijXya,  boi  Byzantinem  ist  nicht  Boulga  aber  Voulga  zu  lesen.  Snorro 
Sturleson  (for  the  country  was  known  as  a  part  of  Gardariki  or  Novogorod), 
writes  Vulgara,  p.  722,  and  note. 

14  * 


212  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

In  respect  to  their  original  locality^  I  think  it  was  that  of 
the  Turks  of  Disabnlus^,  the  Turks  of  Turkestan^  the  Turks  of 
the  Persian  frontier,  and,  as  such,  Turks  more  civilized  than 
the  Tatarlike  Huns,  Avars,  Petshinegs,  and  Cumanians. 

The  Arab  writers*  divide  the  denomination  into  two  sections, 
the  Black  Khazars  and  the  White  Khazars.  Ouseley,  from  a 
Persian  authority,  gives  the  same  division.  Klaproth  finds 
traces  of  the  same  distinction  among  the  present  Bashkirs ; 
and,  earlier  still,  Procopius,  in  writing  about  the  Epthalites  of 
the  Persian  frontier,  states  they  alone  of  ^^the  Huns"  (for 
this  is  the  family  to  which  he  assigns  them)  ''  are  white  of  skin, 
and  not  ill-looking."  Indeed,  "  White  Hun"  and  "Epthalite" 
are  occasionally  used  as  synonyms. 

This  is  as  much  as  can  well  be  said  about  the  general  history 
of  the  Khazars  at  present ;  but  it  may  easily  be  imagined  that, 
when  they  come  to  be  considered  as  the  forerunners  of  the 
Russians  in  their  north-eastern  movements  towards  the  Baltic 
and  the  White  Sea,  towards  Novogorod  and  Archangel,  they 
will  re- appear  in  another  place.  So  they  will  when  the  account 
of  Theophanes  as  to  their  origin  has  to  be  compared  with  one 
of  Const antine  Porphyrogeneta  of  the  same  kind.  This  is 
because  the  comparison  between  the  two  will  be  a  good  illus- 
tration of  the  worthlessness  of  the  Byzantine  accounts  as  to 
the  origin  of  the  populations  they  have  to  treat  of. 

The  details  of  their  history  are  few.     Zeuss   scarcely  gives j 
half  a  page  to  them ;  less  than  what  he  gives  to  them  in  his 
account  of  the  Bulgarians.     But  this  is  not  because  he  has' 
more  to  say,  but  because  he  has  to  discuss  their  connection! 
with  Bulgaria.  i 

It  is  in  respect  to  their  relations  with  other  countries  and 
other  denominations  that  the  external  history  of  the  KhazarsI 
is  most  connected,  especially  with  that  of  Russia.  But  all  thisj 
is  just  the  question  which  the  Byzantine  historians  are  thq 
least  capable  of  illustrating.  Of  the  little  republic  of  ChersonJ 
in  the  Crimea,  they  had  some  accurate  knowledge  ;  for  this' 
was  a  remnant  of  the  old  kingdom  of  Bosphorus.  But  beyond 
the  Crimea  there  were  no  districts  that  the  successors  of  Hera 

*  Zeuss,  pp.  723,  724,  725,  and  note. 


KHAZARS.  213 

cliiis  knew  in  detail,  as  the  statesmen  and  soldiers  of  Justinian^s 
time  knew  the  old  province  of  Dacia ;  and  no  populations  which 
they  knew  as  the  men  of  the  previous  centuries  knew  the  Huns 
and  Avars.  At  the  same  time  there  were  always  changes  going 
on  in  the  parts  between  the  Volga  and  the  Dnieper,  or  the 
Dnieper  and  the  Danube ;  and  these  brought  the  Empire  into 
contact  with  new  enemies — sometimes  directly,  but  oftener 
indirectly,  and  by  changes  which  they  effected  in  the  character 
of  the  frontier. 

The  insufficiency  of  the  Greek  records  to  give  us  any 
adequate  history  of  the  parts  beyond  the  Danube  has  already 
been  indicated,  and,  to  some  extent,  accounted  for.  During  the 
ninth  century  we  meet  with  a  new  series  of  authorities,  the  early 
Arabian  writers.  These  we  get  for  the  East.  For  the  West  we 
have  the  historians  of  the  Carlovingian  Franks ;  those  of  the 
Merovingian  period  having  already  helped  us  in  the  details  con- 
nected with  the  Avars.  But  with  the  Khazars  we  approach  the 
history  of  the  Hungary  of  the  present  time — the  Hungary  of 
the  Magyars ;  and  this  is  closely  connected  with  that  of  the 
Turks.  Then,  before  they  come  to  the  Mongol  conquest_, 
we  have  the  earlier  Russian  records,  and  the  notices  of  the 
Frank  crusades  beyond  the  Vistula ;  and  then,  before  we  have 
quite  done  with  the  Petshineks  and  Cumanians,  the  earlier 
Scandinavian  writers  allude  to  the  populations  of  Russia  and 
the  South. 

In  one  sense  these  last  are  the  most  important  of  all,  but 
only  in  the  history  of  opinion.  It  is  these  who  unsettle  the 
whole  question  as  to  the  foundation  of  the  great  Empire  of  the 
Czar.  It  is  these  who  mainly,  but  not  exclusively,  teach  us 
that  when  in  the  ninth  century  great  things — such  as  the  attacks 
on  Constantinople,  and  the  foundation  of  such  towns  as  Kiev 
and  Novogorod — are  effected  by  the  Pw9_,  the  bearers  of  that 
name  are  not  to  be  considered  what  we  now  call  Russians,  but 
that  they  were  Swedes.  That  nearly  all  Scandinavia  and  two- 
thirds  of  Russia  hold  this  to  be  sound  doctrine  I  cannot  deny. 
Nor  can  I  set  aside  this  view.  However,  I  write  this  to  prepare 
the  reader  for  a  criticism  of  it ;  and  that  is  why,  when,  perhaps, 
I  ought  to  be  writing  of  the  Khazars  and  Ptus,  I  have  drawn 


214  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

attention^  in  the  foregoing  remarks^  not  only  to  the  subject  but 
to  the  evidence  connected  with  it. 

With  the  Avars  and  the  Huns  before  them  we  had  more 
to  do  with  Eome  than  with  Russia.  With  the  Khazars  and 
those  that  come  after  them  we  have  more  to  do  with  Russia 
than  with  Rome. 

For  this  reason  I  shall  state  the  few  facts  that  are  given  by 
Zeuss  in  his  special  notice  of  the  Khazars,  more  for  the  sake 
of  the  geography  and  chronology,,  than  for  any  other  more 
immediate  purpose ;  all  collected  from  the  Byzantine  writers^ 
and  bearing  on  the  history  of  the  Empire.  Those  that  he 
takes  from  his  Arabian  authorities  tell  us  the  most  about  the 
Khazars  in  their  own  country  and  about  their  relations  to 
Russia ;  in  fact^  they  make  a  very  important  part  of  their  very 
incomplete  history. 

The  notices  of  the  first  class  are  few^  and  can  be  laid  before 
the  reader  with  a  minimum  of  commentary ;  all  the  more  so 
because  the  firsts  second^  and  fourth  will  be  noticed  elsewhere. 

They  are  as  follows  : — 

1.  That  "the  Turks  from  the  east^  whom  they  name  Kha- 
zars/^ about  A.D.  620  joined  the  Emperor  Heraclius  in  his 
war  against  Chosroes^  King  of  Persia;  the  Khazars  being  a 
powerful  nation  which  held  the  whole  coast  as  far  as  the 
Pontic  Sea. 

2.  That  they  conquered  the  greater  part  of  the  Crimea.  I 
put  the  statement  thus  because  they  seem  to  have  been  repulsed 
by  the  Gothi  Tetraxitse. 

3.  That  the  mother  of  the  Emperor  Leo  was  a  Khazar. 

4.  That  they  took  tribute  from  the  Viatitsh,  the  Severians, 
and  the  Polyane;  Russian^  Lithuanian^  or  Fin  tribes  on  the 
Dnieper. 

5.  That  their  territory  extended  from  the  Crimea  to  Sarkel ; 
Sarkel  being  on  the  frontier  of  the  Petshinegs.  I  think  this 
Sarkel  was  the  present  capital  of  the  Don  Cossacks ;  i.e. 
Tsherkask ;  but  it  is  a  point  upon  which  there  are  doubts. 

Of  the  Arabic  notices^  one  has  already  been  alluded  to"^ ;  but 
here  it  may  be  expanded.     I  think  it  gives  us  a  measure  of  the 

*  See  pp.  25  and  26, 


KHAZARS.  215 

extent  to  which  the  Khazars  were  a  trading  rather  than  a 
fighting  population.  They  seem,  like  the  Europeans  in  the 
early  East  Indian  service,  to  have  been  civilians,  with  just 
enough  of  forts  and  soldiers  to  be  able  to  act  on  the  defensive. 
However,  about  A.D.  912,  five  hundred  ships  of  the  Pws  appear 
on  the  Don,  in  the  parts  where  it  bends  eastwards  in  the 
direction  of  the  Volga,  the  parts  where  Selim  the  Second^s 
Vizier,  Sokolli,  contemplated  a  canal.  They  get  leave  from 
the  King  of  the  Khazars  to  sail  down  his  river,  the  Volga,  into 
the  Caspian,  and  then  and  there  to  collect  as  much  plunder 
from  the  districts  around  it  as  they  can;  and,  having  done 
this,  to  give  the  Khazars  half  of  it,  and  return  to  their  own 
country.  It  was  on  the  side  of  Georgia  and  Persia  where  the 
most  booty  was  to  be  got,  and  for  the  details  of  their  inroad 
we  have  a  precise  and  minute  account.  Georgia  and  the  district 
of  Aderbijan  suffered  most  -,  for  in  the  latter  the  Pws  sacked 
Ardebil,  and  this  was,  as  the  historian  states,  three  days^ 
distance  inland.  Then,  on  the  way  back,  they  came  to  the 
lands  of  Naptha  {Nefata),  or  Babekeh  {Baku),  which  belonged 
to  the  King  of  Shir  van.  Then,  having  put  in  at  some  small 
islands  off  the  coast,  they  were  attacked  by  the  king,  Ali-ben- 
Heisem.  The  Pw?,  however,  were  not  easily  ejected.  Never- 
theless, at  the  end  of  some  months,  they  withdrew,  sailed  up 
the  Danube,  and  gave  the  King  of  the  Khazars  the  share  in  the 
booty  that  they  had  promised  him. 

The  King  of  the  Khazars  had  no  ships ;  fortunately,  writes 
the  Arabian  historian,  for  the  Mahometans.  These  are  na- 
turally incensed  against  both  the  Pws  and  the  Khazars,  so  that 
the  Mahometans  of  the  Caspian  districts,  and,  along  with  them, 
the  Christians  of  the  town  of  Itil,  make  war  upon  them — the 
latter  against  the  wish  of  the  Khazar  King  or  Khagan.  It 
seems  that,  having  been  paid  according  to  agreement,  they 
acted  as  peace-makers.  But  in  the  end  the  Khazars  and  Pais  are 
defeated.  After  this,  writes  Masudi,  they  did  not  repeat  their 
attacks. 

Not,  at  least,  in  Masudi^s  time,  who  was  cotemporary  with 
the  events  he  narrates.  But  in  the  time  of  Ibn-Haukal,  another 
cotemporary  authority,  there  is  another  Pw?  invasion.     By  A.D. 


216  NOIs -OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

968^  "  Bulgar,''  a  small  "  town_,  once  famous/^  has  been  plun- 
dered ;  the  whole  country^  Khazar,  Burtasian,  and  Bulgarian, 
has  been  overrun;  and  the  invaders  sail  away  to  Rum  and 
Andalus,  i.e.  to  Constantinople  and  Spain. 

Who  the  Burtasii  were  is  not  certain;  their  country  lay 
between  that  of  the  Khazars  and  the  Bulgarians — the  parts 
about  Khazan.  Both  these  districts  were  equally  Khazar  and 
Bulgarian ;  yet  the  Burtasii,  separated  from  both  by  name,  lay 
between  them  and  on  the  way  from  the  one  to  the  other.  But  the 
whole  valley  of  the  Volga  was,  geographically  and  by  hypothesis, 
a  Bulg-SiYisi,  and  the  population  Bulg-VLarii,  or  Bulg-arii. 

I  cannot  account  for  these  Burtasii.  They  seem  to  have 
intervened  between  Bulgaria  and  Chazaria,  along  the  overland 
route,  and  in  a  straight  line  northwards,  rather  than  along  the 
line  of  the  river  Volga. 

It  is  certainly  under  the  name  of  Pws  that  the  voyage  from 
the  Sea  of  Azof  to  the  coast  of  Spain  is  effected.  Yet  it  is  not 
the  Russians,  but  rather  the  Scandinavians,  that,  in  the  ninth 
century,  were  the  great  pirates  of  the  West.  There  would  be 
nothing  remarkable  in  the  return  of  these  Pws  if  they  had  only  " 
sailed  to  Constantinople ;  for  this  they  had  already  done  more 
than  once — in  858  as  friends,  and  in  841  as  formidable  enemies. 
In  both  cases  the  country  from  whence  they  came  immediately 
is  that  which  we  now  know  as  Russia.  Yet  it  is  notorious  that 
these  Pw?  are  generally  and  almost  universally  considered  to 
have  been  not  Russians  but  Swedes.  I  cannot  refute  this  view; 
but  that  much  can  be  said  against  adopting  it  to  the  extent  to 
which  it  is  usually  adopted  I  hope  to  show  in  the  sequel,  and 
when  the  origin  and  development  of  the  Russian  Empire  comes 
under  consideration. 

Of  Khazar  blood,  either  pure  or  mixed  with  that  of  the 
Avars,  there  is  much  in  Hungary ;  and  this  is  further  mixed 
with  that  of  the  Petshinegs.  This  is  on  the  frontier  of  Tran- 
sylvania. The  Kavars  were  one  of  the  divisions  of  the  Kazars, 
and  they  not  only  settled  in  Hungary,  but  taught  the  Hun- 
garians "  the  language  of  the  Khazars.^'' 

Before  the  Magyars  became  conspicuous  in  Hungary,  the 
Avars  of  that  country  were  called  Turks  by  the  writers  of  Con- 


I 


KHAZARS.  217 

stantinople;  and  so  were  the  Magyars  that  displaced  them. 
The  Magyar  Language  is  Ugrian,  or  Fin^  and  this  was  known 
to  Gibbon.  But  the  connection-  with  the  Fins,  which  implies 
one  with  the  Laplanders  as  well,  has  not  been  very  willingly 
recognised  in  Hungary ;  so  that  it  is  not  wonderful  that  during 
the  late  war  some  of  them  have  persuaded  themselves  that 
their  consanguinity  is  with  the  Turks.  It  is  this  to  some 
extent ;  but  not  with  the  Ottomans. 

There  is  another  district  in  Hungary,  where  there  is  a  Turk 
element.  The  Arabian  historian,  Jakut,  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  gives  the  following  account  of  a  Bashkir  settlement  in 
that  country.  He  met  in  Aleppo  many  Mahometans,  one  of 
whom  told  him  that  he  came  from  Hungary,  where  his  co- 
religionists occupied  thirty  villages  (pagi),  which,  though  each 
of  them  had  the  dimensions  of  a  small  town,  were  not  allowed 
to  be  surrounded  by  a  wall,  lest  they  should  become  unruly. 
They  had  long  been  converted.  The  Bulgaria  here  is  the 
Bulgaria  of  the  Danube,  and  the  Bashkir  converts  probably 
Khazars. 

Finally,  the  division  which  has  already  been  noticed  between 
the  White  and  the  Black  Khazars,  and  the  White  and  the  Black 
Huns,  repeats  itself  in  Constantine  Porphyrogeneta,  in  his 
account  of  the  Hungarians  (Magyars)  ;  and,  according  to  the 
rule  already  laid  down  as  to  the  value  of  Byzantine  authorities 
concerning  the  origin  of  the  nations  they  are  writing  about,  is 
not  only  wrong,  but  manifestly  wrong.  The  Hungarians, 
according  to  this  writer,  came  from  Asia ;  and  one  part  of  them 
went  to  Moldavia,  and  another  to  the  cast,  on  the  frontier  of 
the  Khazars  and  of  Persia.  The  original  Turkish  name  was 
Savartoiasphali  (^a/SapTOLaa-cfiaXoL) .  Now  -phal-  is  the  German 
" pfahl,'^  and  in  any  map  of  Hungary  on  a  large  scale  there  are 
several  districts  of  which  the  name  ends  in  this  word.  This, 
then,  is  German.  And  it  is  not  the  present  writer,  but  Zeuss,^ 
who  suggests  that  ^'  Savarf  is,  word  for  word,  "  schwarz''= 
*^  black/'  In  like  manner  Nestor,  writing  as  a  Russian,  makes 
two  kinds  of  Hungarians,  the  Black  and  the  White — the  latter 
being  the  Khazars. 

*  Zeuss,  pp.  745  and  749,  and  notes. 


218  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

The  Petshinegs — Pizenaci,  Pecinatici,  Pincenates,  Pecinei, 
Petinei,  Postinagi,  liarltvaKLTai,  Peczenjezi  (Slavonic),  Bisseui, 
Bessi  [Hungarian).  The  Petshinegs,  writes  Cedrenus^  are 
Royal  Scythians_,  divided  into  fourteen  tribes^  each  with  its 
own  peculiar  name.  These  were  generally  those  of  their  chiefs. 
They  dwelt  in  tents. 

The  fixed  territory  that  can  with  the  least  uncertainty  be 
assigned  to  the  Petshinegs  is  Bessarabia;  for  there^  at  the 
present  moment^  their  descendants^  the  Budjak  Tatars,  are  still 
to  be  found.  Beyond  this,  northwards,  the  Petshinegs  lay 
along  the  coast  as  far  as  the  Dnieper,  and  probably  as  far  as 
the  Donetz  or  the  Don.  They  seem  nowhere  to  have  extended 
far  inland. 

The  same  is  the  case  with  their  occupancies  westward.  They 
lie  along  the  south  bank  of  the  Danube.  They  occasionally 
cross  that  river,  invade  Bulgaria,  and  even  threaten  the  Empire. 
But,  again,  they  are  only  a  fringe  or  a  border  to  the  mainland. 
They  are  nowhere  far  inland,  at  least  in  Vallachia.  In  Tran- 
sylvania and  in  Hungary  they  may  have  reached  farther  north; 
for  in  Transylvania,  at  least,  they  are  mentioned  in  the  early 
history  of  Hungary.  But  the  general  rule  seems  to  be  that 
they  followed  the  coast,  and  ran  along,  or  encircled,  an  inland 
district,  without  occupying  it.  Cedrenus  writes  that  they  had 
no  houses ;  and  Finlay  notices  the  extent  to  which  they 
neglected  to  establish  themselves  in  the  interior.  The  Uzes, 
of  whom  their  king  Tyrach  was  afraid,  but  who  had  no  terrors 
for  his  general  Keghenes,  lay  in  the  marshy  districts,  probably 
inland  of  the  Petshinegs.  We  hear  of  them  for  the  first  time 
when  they  encroach  upon  the  Khazars.  Until  we  know  the 
future  fate  of  the  present  Budjak  Tatars  we  have  not  heard 
the  last  of  the  Petshinegs. 

Where  they  are  supposed  to  have  come  from  we  have  seen. 
Their  original  name  seems  to  have  been  Kangar ;  which  is  also 
that  of  a  Nogay  tribe.  If  this  be  really  the  case  it  is  probable 
that  they  took  their  European  name  from  the  island  of  Peuce, 
or  its  occupants,  the  Peucini.  The  nearest  to  the  name,  as  a 
word,  among  the  numerous  forms  of  the  word  Petshineg  (as  it 
seems  to  have   been  pronounced),  is  ^^  J^ecinei/'     This  form 


PETSHINEGS.  219 

Zeuss  assigns  to  the  Western  writers ;  and  this  means  those 
who  were  the  most  familiar  with  the  name  "  Pencini.''  On  the 
other  hand,  the  name  most  like  '^  Budjak''  is  Peczenjezi. 

In  the  tenth  century  the  Petshinegs  attack  Kicv_,  and_,  some- 
what later,  we  find  them  as  far  south  as  Salonica;  this  giving 
us  the  measure  of  their  inroads.  Another  name  for  them  was 
Kangar.  They  lived  a  long  time  in  Europe  before  they  ex- 
changed the  tent  for  the  house.  Formidable  warriors  and 
faithless  allies,  they  appear  in  the  greatest  detail  in  the  reign 
of  Constantine  Monomachus,  between  A.D.  1028  and  A.D.  1054, 
when  Tyrach  is  their  king  and  Keghenes  (?  Khakan)  his  general. 
Like  so  many  others  of  his  class,  Keghenes,  whose  actions  as  a 
soldier  had  excited  the  jealousy  of  his  king,  transferred  his  ser- 
vices to  the  Empire,  followed  by  as  many  as  twenty  thousand 
men.  Allowing  himself  to  be  converted  to  Christianity,  he 
received  the  title  of  Patrician.  From  a  fort  on  the  Danube  he 
made  inroads  on  the  country  he  fled  from.  Tyrach,  whose 
remonstrances  were  neglected,  crossed  the  Danube,  with  his 
army,  on  the  ice ;  but  disease  thinned  his  ranks,  and  he  sur- 
rendered. Keghenes  recommended  a  wholesale  slaughter,  but 
his  advice,  either  from  policy  or  humanity,  was  neglected,  and 
the  prisoners  were  planted,  as  colonists,  in  the  parts  about 
Sardica  and  Naissus.  Many  of  the  nobles  embraced  Chris- 
tianity. Of  the  remainder,  fifteen  thousand  were  sent  to  join 
the  army  in  Armenia.  On  reaching  Damatrys,  one  of  their 
generals  persuaded  them  to  force  their  way  back.  They  did  so, 
and  joined  their  countrymen  the  colonists.  They  then  moved 
forward  to  the  mouth  of  the  River  Osmos,  and  again  to  a  place 
called  the  Hundred  Hills.  Keghenes  was  ordered  to  move 
against  them,  narrowly  escaped  assassination,  was  accused  of 
complicity,  and  arrested.  His  followers  joined  their  countrymen. 
The  king,  who  had  been  taken  captive,  was  released  upon  con- 
dition that  he  should  bring  back  his  countrymen  to  their 
allegiance;  but  he  renounced  his  Christianity,  and  revenged 
himself  by  two  successful  battles.  This  restored  Keghenes  to 
favour.  He  defeated  his  countrymen,  but  was  murdered  after 
his  victory.     A  truce  of  thirty  years  was  the  result. 

We  hear  of  another  defeat  of  the  Petshinegs  in  1091,  and 


220  NON-OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

another  in  1122,  when  they  cross  the  Danube  and  threaten  the 
passes  of  the  Balkan.  The  Emperor,  however,  John  II.,  Ca- 
lojannes,  who  is  with  the  army  at  Berrhoea,  forces  the  passes, 
and  completely  defeats  them.  Here,  again,  we  have  a  portion 
of  the  captives  settled  as  colonists. 

Of  Petshineg  blood,  then,  beyond  the  Petshineg  area  there 
is  probably  much ;  the  most  of  it  perhaps  in  Hungary.  In  the 
long  account  of  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus  of  the  entrance 
of  the  Magyars  into  Hungary,  the  Petshineg  admixture  is 
conspicuous.  This  stands,  in  respect  to  its  historical  value, 
wholly  apart  from  the  speculations  as  to  their  origin,  and  tells 
us  nothing  improbable.  The  chief  settlement  of  the  Petshineg 
was  on  the  Transylvanian  frontier,  where  they  formed  a  march 
boundary. 

The  U'z  or  U'zes. — Masudi  mentions  these  early  in  the  tenth 
century,  but  not  as  invaders  of  any  part  of  Europe.  It  is  in 
their  own  country,  on  the  Eastern  frontier  of  the  Khazars,  that 
we  find  them.  Every  winter,  when  the  ice  on  the  Volga  will 
bear  them,  they  cross  it  on  horseback ;  but  not  with  the  leave 
of  the  Khan  of  the  Khazars.  On  the  Khazar  side  there  is  a 
special  line  of  posts ;  and  when  these  are  insufficient,  the  Khan 
himself  takes  the  command.  We  have  seen  that  the  Uzes  of 
Europe  were  in  contact  with  the  Petshinegs,  and  this  is  nearly 
all  we  know  about  them. 

The  Cumanians. — Our  authority  for  the  Uzes,  who  knew 
both  the  Petshinegs  and  the  Cumanians,  considers  that  the 
Cumanians  were  the  nobler  of  the  two.  His  knowledge  may 
have  been  imperfect,  or  his  standard  peculiar.  The  habits 
of  the  Cumanians  may  have  been  exaggerated,  or  they  may 
have  been  looked  upon  with  undue  horror.  As  the  account 
of  them  comes  from  Europeans,  this  is  possible.  The  best, 
however,  was  bad.  Nestor  says  they  cared  not  what  they  ate ; 
Otto  of  Erisingen  that  they  devoured  horseflesh ;  Henry  the 
Lett  that  they  drank  not  only  mares^  milk  but  mares^  blood  as 
well,  and  that  their  meat  was  eaten  raw.  However,  the  chro- 
niclers had  the  satisfaction  of  adding  that  they  were  defeated. 
There  is  little  doubt  as  to  the  area  of  the  Cumanians.  The 
Russians  call  them  Polowci  or  Poles,  a  word  meaning  Men  of 


U'Z    AND    CUMANIANS.  221 

the  plains.  The  German  for  this  is  Waluwen,  the  French  Valan. 
A  Latin  form  is  Falones.  All  this  is  simply  the  etymon  of 
the  name  of  the  Russian  Government_,  Volhynia. 

There  were  Cumanian  settlements  in  Thrace^  in  Asia  Minor, 
and  in  Hungary. 

The  Cumanian  history  begins  later  than  that  of  the  Pet- 
shinegs ;  and,  in  the  thirteenth  century _,  Carpin  and  Rubriquis 
found  Cumanians  between  the  Dnieper  and  the  Volga. 

The  Cumanian,  or  Romanian,  element  in  the  blood  of  the 
men  who,  as  speaking  the  Magyar  language,  are  legitimately 
treated  as  Magyars,  curious  as  it  is,  is  something  more  than  a 
mere  ethnological  or  philological  curiosity.  The  Cumanians 
were,  with  the  exception  of  the  Ottomans,  the  last  of  the  Turks 
who  made,  under  a  definite  denomination,  notable  conquests  in 
Europe.  In  comparing  them,  indeed,  with  their  congeners, 
there  is  scarcely  any  need  to  take  the  Ottomans  into  the  question. 
The  Ottomans  were  Turks  of  Asia  Minor,  comparatively  civilized, 
who  crossed  the  Hellespont  under  a  captain  who  was  the  re- 
cognized chief  of  either  a  well-known  kingdom  or  of  a  part  of 
one.  The  Cumanian  conquests  represent  a  totally  different 
state  of  things.  They  represent  the  invasions  from  the  parts 
to  the  north  and  the  east  of  Caucasus,  the  invasions  of  which 
the  original  seat  was  Independent  Tatary,  and  in  which  the 
lines  of  migration  were  the  Russian  Governments  of  Saratov, 
Caucasus,  and  Kherson.  They  represent  invasions  like  those  of 
the  old  Scythians,  the  Petshinegs,  and  others.  They  represent 
the  barbarism  and  nomadism  of  Western  Asia  as  encroaching 
on  the  similar  barbarism  of  Eastern  Europe.  Of  the  invaders 
who  come  under  this  category  the  Cumanians  were  the  last. 
The  Scythians  played  their  fierce  game  some  thousand  years 
before  the  Christian  era.  The  Khazars  did  the  same  between 
600  and  800.  The  Petshinegs  came  later;  the  Uzes  later  still. 
The  last  of  all  were  the  Cumanians.  As  the  Khazar  name  loses 
importance,  the  Petshineg  name  emerges  into  prominence.  The 
less  we  hear  of  the  Petshinegs  the  more  we  hear  of  the  Cu- 
manians. The  twelfth,  thirteenth,  and  fourteenth  centuries 
give  the  Cumanian  era.  That  the  same  population  may  have 
effected,  cither  single-handed  or  in  union  with  others,  earlier 


222  NON- OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

conquests  is  likely.  It^  apparently^  did  so;  in  Caucasus  as  well 
as  in  Europe.  But  of  the  Cumanians,  eo  nomine,  in  Europe  the 
history  is  late.  Nor  is  it  favourable.  After  such  or  such 
nation  has  been  described  in  terms  which  imply  the  maximum 
of  ferocity,  the  wind-up  is  that  there  was  one  nation  which  was 
worse:  viz.,  that  of  the  Cumanians. 

Such  their  character.     Such  their  date.    The  great  Cumanian 
locality  was  Volhynia.     The  Volhynians  were  the  people  of  the 
Volhynia,  a  German  name  for  a  level  country;  i.e.  the  very  word 
we  have  in  the  Dutch  word  Valuwe  in  Guelderland  at  the  pre- 
sent moment.     The  Slavonians,  however,  called  them  Polovczi, 
a  word  with  the  same  meaning ;  i.e.  Poles,  or  people  of  the 
Polyane,  Champagne,  or  Levels.      Hence,  a   Volhynian  and  a 
Polonian  are  the  same.     But  the  Volhynians  and  the  Polovczi 
were  neither  more  nor  less  than  so  many  Cumanian  Turks  who 
had  conquered  Volhynia.     What   portion  of   it   they  held  is 
uncertain.     It  is  only  certain  that,  at  the  time  of  the  Mongol 
invasion,  Volhynia  (neither  Polish  nor  Russian,  and,  at  most,  only 
in  part  Lithuanic)  was  Cumanian.     Of  these  Cumanians,  under 
their  Slavonic  name  of  Polovczi,  the  early  Russian  chronicles 
have  numerous  notices.     Some  of  them  joined  the  Mongols. 
Upon  the  whole,  however,  they  seem  to  have  fought  a  triangular 
duel,  being  sometimes  arrayed  against  the  new  invaders,  some- 
times against  the  Poles,  Russians,  Lithuanians,  and  Yatshvings, 
on  whose  frontiers  they  had  encroached. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  at  the  time  of  the  inroads  under  notice  thirty 
thousand  of  them  left  Volhynia  and  the  Volhynian  frontier  to 
settle  in  Hungary.  There  they  occupied  a  district  in  the  In- 
teramnium  of  the  Danube  and  the  Theiss,  which,  at  the  present 
time,  bears  the  names  of  the  Great  and  the  Little  Cunsag,  the 
Little  Cunsag  being  the  larger  of  the  two. 

With  the  Cumanians  ends  the  last  of  the  long  series  of 
special  inroads  from  Asia  made  by  mere  divisions  or  sub- 
divisions of  the  numerous  denominations  of  the  great  Turk 
family ;  beginning  with  that  of  the  Alani,  who  may  or  may  not 
have  been  Turks,  but  who,  in  any  case,  were  invaders  from  Asia; 
and  that  of  the  same  type  as  their  successors.  With  the  Huns 
the  evidence  that  such  invaders  were  Turk  improves.    In  respect 


U'Z   AND    CUMANIANS.  223 

to  the  Avars  there  is  no  reasonable  donbt.  But  until  the  Avar 
name  has  made  itself  known,  there  is  no  undoubted  notice  of 
the  Turks  eo  nomine.  And,  even  when  we  get  it,  it  is  not  the 
name  of  an  invader.  Of  the  Turks,  eo  nomine,  we  only  know 
that  they  sent  an  embassy  to  Constantinople,  which  was  met 
by  another  from  the  Emperor  to  some  distant  part  of  Central 
Asia.  Yet  the  Khazars  crossed  not  only  the  Volga  but  the 
Don,  and  held  a  district  in  the  present  Government  of  the 
Don  Cossacks,  in  the  Crimea,  in  Bessarabia,  and,  probably  in 
the  parts  beyond ;  a  notable  amount  of  territory,  of  which  they 
were  subsequently  deprived  by  thePetshinegs.  The  Cumanian, 
however,  was  the  last  of  these  sectional  invasions ;  and  of 
Volhynia  the  Cumanians  were  the  partial  occupants  in  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  In  Hungary  their  language 
lasted  much  longer ;  indeed  it  was  the  last  of  the  Turk  dialects 
that  kept  its  ground  in  that  kingdom. 


224 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Non-Ottoman  Turks. — The  Mongol  Conquest. —  The  Kiptshak. —  The  Four 
Khanates. — The  present  Population  of  them. —  The  Nogays,  Bashkirs, 
Meshtsheriaks,  Tyeptyars,  Kirghis,  Barabinski,  Karagass,  Koibals,  Yakuts. 
Karakalpaks. — Doubtful  Turks,  the  Tshuvash. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  more  than  half  Asia  and  the  great 
part  of  Europe  trembled  at  the  terrible  name  of  the  Mongols. 
But  the  prerogative  of  the  Mongol  denomination  was  of  short 
duration.  The  great  founder  of  his  dynasty  never  reached 
the  Volga^  or  even  the  Jaik.  His  conquests  were  in  the  east 
and  south,  in  China^  in  Armenia^  in  Georgia,  in  Asia  Minor,  j 
and  in  Persia  and  in  Turkestan.  The  terrible  conqueror  in  the  I 
direction  of  Europe  was  Batum ;  and  the  forces  of  Batum  and 
his  captains  were  constantly  mixed^  and  probably  more  Turk 
than  Mongol.  A  few  tribes^  e.g.  the  Kari  and  Kaslik^  are 
specially  named  as  Mongol ;  but  the  more  important  Uighurs 
and  Tshagatai  were  Turks. 

On  the  death  of  Uzbek  Khan_,  the  power  of  the  Kiptshak 
declined ;  and  it  sank  still  lower  in  the  time  of  Timur.  In  his 
reign  two  Khans  disputed  the  succession,  Toktamish  and  Urus 
Khan.  Without  laying  undue  stress  on  what  is  little  more 
than  a  conjecture,  I  suggest  the  probability  of  Vrus  meaning! 
Russian.  It  is,  at  any  rate,  a  Mongol  name  for  the  Russians. 
If  so,  some  of  the  native  princes  must  .have  created  an  influence! 
among  the  great  vassals,  or  perhaps  a  partial  and  approximate! 
equality. 

Timur  supported  Toktamish;  but,    afterwards  he  not   onlj 
abandoned,  but  raised   up    a  third    candidate,  Timur- Kutlul 
against  him.     But  only  to  abandon  him,  in  his  turn,  for  th^ 


THE    FOUR    KHANATES.  225 

son  of  Urns  Khan.  From  the  anarchy  that  these  movements 
suggest  the  Kiptshak  never  recovered.  Out  of  its  ruins  arose 
the  Khanats  of  Astrakan,  Kazan,  the  Krimea,  and  Siberia; 
their  origin  being  nearly  contemporary,  i.e.  between  1375 
and  1400.  Their  durations,  however,  were  different.  Kazan 
became  Russian  in  1552,  Astrakan  in  1554,  the  Crimea  no 
earlier  than  1783. 

The  two  Northern  Khanates,  Kazan  and  Astrakan,  were  both 
the  conquests  of  the  same  Czar,  Ivan  IV.,  Ivan  Vasilievitsh,  or 
Ivan  the  Terrible.  The  final  annexation  of  the  Crimea  was  not  till 
1783,  in  the  reign  of  Catherine  the  Great.  It  was  in  the  reign 
of  Ivan  lY.  that  the  first  recorded  invasion  of  the  parts  beyond 
the  Black  Sea,  of  which  an  account  has  been  given  under  the 
reign  of  Selim  II.,  took  place;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  a 
defensive  one ;  for,  after  the  conquests  of  Kazan  and  Astrakan, 
we  may  easily  believe  that  Ivan  contemplated  the  reduction  of 
the  third  Khanate,  the  one  nearest  Constantinople.  Of  the 
dates  connected  with  the  fourth,  that  of  Siberia,  it  is  not  easy 
to  speak  definitely,  either  in  respect  to  its  history  or  its  geo- 
graphy. Even  as  a  part  of  the  Kiptshak  its  boundaries  were  in- 
definite ;  inasmuch  as  the  whole  of  the  Khanate  seems  to  have 
been,  in  the  first  instance,  other  than  Turk,  i.e..  Fin  (Ugrian), 
Yeniseian  (a  term  which  will  be  explained  in  the  sequel),  Mon- 
gol, and  even  Tungusian  (Mantshu) .  "  Siberia/^  however,  mean- 
ing the  North,  is  a  Russian  word,  i.e.,  neither  Turk  nor  Mongol ; 
and,  consequently,  a  term  of  comparatively  recent  origin. 

Meanwhile  it  may  be  safely  said,  even  about  Siberia,  that, 
like  those  of  Kazan  and  Astrakan,  its  conquest  began  in  the 
reign  of  Ivan  lY. ;  and  that  in  the  pre-eminently  daring  inroad 
of  Yermak  the  Kosak. 

All  the  four,  however,  have  been  Russian  for  more  than  a 
century ;  and,  at  present,  they  are,  of  course,  so  many  Russian 
Governments.  Nevertheless,  they  still  approximately  coincide 
with  so  many  Khanates. 

The  following  are  the  recognised  divisions  of  the  Turk  popu- 
lations of  Russia  in  Asia ;  and  the  classification  for  the  present 
will  be  geographical  and  ethnological  rather  than  historical. 

The  Tatars  of  Kazan,  though  commercial  in  their  habits,  are 

15 


226 


NON- OTTOMAN   TURKS. 


less  numerous  in  tlie  towns  than  the  Russians.  They  are  the 
most  civilized  of  the  family. 

Between  1796  and  1800,  they  increased  from  90,000  (there  or 
thereabouts)  to  120,000.     In  1838,  they  amounted  to  275,822. 

Of  the  Turks  of  the  khanat  of  Astrakan,  some  are  to  be 
found  in  the  Government  of  Caucasus,  and  others  in  that  of 
Astrakan  itself.  They  are  separated  from  one  another  by  a 
Mongol  district,  of  which  more  will  be  said  in  the  sequel.  The 
northern  or  eastern  branch  is  in  contact  with  the  most  western 
Kirghiz. 

Some  of  these  are  Nogays.  The  whole  may  amount  to 
22,000. 

In  allotting  all  the  Turks  of  the  following  Governments  to  the 
khanat  of  Kazan,  I  may  err  in  some  unimportant  details,  inas- 
much as  some  of  them  may  have  had  their  origin  beyond  its  fron- 
tiers.    I  give,  however,  the  following  table : — 


In  the  Government  of  Kazan 

— Orenburg 

— — Stauropol 

Samar 

Simbirsk 

Viatka 

Saratov 

Penza 

Nizhnigorod 

Perm  . 

— Tambov 

Kiazan 

Kostroma 


308,574 

230,080 

96,037 

83,927 

67,730 

57,944 

46,713 

34,684 

22,788 

17,271 

10,640 

4,725 

262 


In  the  city  of  Kazan  itself  with  a  population  of  more  than 
50,000  two-thirds  are  Russian,  one-third  Turk ;  the  latter  living 
apart  and  in  the  so-called  Tartar  town. 

No  longer  the  metropolis  of  a  khanat  it  is  still  a  town  full  of 
trade,  industry,  and  intelhgence;  its  University  being  the  great 
seminary  for  missionaries  and  for  agitators  in  behalf  of  religious 
and  political  designs  of  Russia  in  the  direction  of  the  east. 

All  travellers  speak  well  of  the  Kazan  Tartars.  In  the  towns 
they  have  wholly  sunk  their  original  nomad   character  and  are 


THE   NOGAYS.  227 

as  truly  industrial  as  so  many  Jews,  Armenians,  or  Anglo-Saxons. 
In  the  country  some  of  tlie  old  characteristics  keep  their  ground. 
Yet,  in  the  country,  they  are  hard-working  farmers — though  shep- 
herds and  bee-masters  also.  In  both,  they  are  zealous  and  sincere, 
though  not  intolerant,  Mahometans ;  less  sensual,  and  less  idle, 
than  the  Osmanli  of  Constantinople,  and  circumspect  in  busi- 
ness. In  dress,  they  are  accommodating  themselves  to  that  of  the 
Eussians. 

The  approximate  measure  of  the  old  Bulgarian  civilization  is 
to  be  found  in  the  ruins  of  Vrakhimov  and  Bolgari  near  Spask, 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Volga,  half-way  between  Kazan  and  Sim- 
birsk. The  coins  found  there  are  Cufic  :  the  inscriptions  Turkish, 
Arabic,  and  Armenian.  Of  the  47  Turkish  legends  22  are  refer- 
able to  one  year,  the  year  of  the  Hegira,  623.  As  Vrakimov 
fell  off  Old  Kazan  rose ;  and  as  Old  Kazan  declined,  the  Kazan 
of  the  present  time  flourished. 

Mutatis  mutandis,  the  same  phenomenon  presents  itself  in 
Astrakan,  where  the  ruins  of  Okak  and  Serai  replace  those  of 
Vrakimov  and  Old  Kazan. 

Of  the  'Nogays  there  are  four  divisions — one  in  the  locality 
which  they  inhabited  in  the  time  of  Peter  the  Great,  two  in  set- 
tlements planted  by  that  emperor,  and  a  fourth  in  the  Crimea, 
where  itseems  to  have  been  settled  under  the  khanat.     Of  these-— 

1 .  The  Nogays  of  the  original  locahty  are  the  so-called  Kundur 
Tartars  of  the  Aktuba,  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Volga.  They 
change  their  residence  as  well  as  their  mode  of  life  with  the 
season,  living  during  the  summer  in  felt  tents,  and  resorting  when 
winter  comes  on  to  the  town  of  Krasnoyarsk.     Of  these — 

2.  The  Nogays  of  the  Kuma  and  Kuban,  along  with — 

3.  The  Nogays  to  the  north  of  the  Black  Sea,  are  the  offsets. 

4.  The  Crimean  Nogays  are  remarkable  for  the  extent  to  which 
they  have  laid  aside  their  migratory  habits  and  become  settled 
agriculturists.  So  far  from  their  preferring  the  tent  to  the  house, 
or  the  encampment  to  the  village,  they  are  amongst  the  most 
industrious  of  the  Tartars  of  the  Crimea. 

Orenburg  is  the  Bashkir  country ;  for  it  is  in  Orenburg  that 
the  Bashkirs  are  the  most  numerous,  and  most  wear  the  guise  of 
an  original  population :  the  Tartars,  as  has  been  seen,  being  also 
numerous. 

15* 


228  NON-OTTOMAN   TUEKS 

In  the  Government  of  Orenburg  . 

Perm     .     . 

Samar  .     . 

—   Viatka  .     . 


332,358 

40,746 

15,351 

3,617 


393,072 

Next,  in  order,  come  the  Meshtsheriaks,  and  then,  after  a  long 
interval,  the  Tshuvash,  the  Mordvins  and  the  Tsherimis ;  fol- 
lowed by  about  1 5,000  Germans,  and  a  few  Gipsies. 

In  language  the  Bashkirs  are  Tartars  ;  in  blood  (I  think) 
Ugrians.  They  are  pastoral  rather  than  agricultural,  and  quite 
as  much  military  as  pastoral :  Mahometans  in  creed,  and,  to  a 
great  extent,  nomads  in  habit.  Before  the  conquest  of  Kazan, 
two  other  Khans,  one  in  Siberia,  and  one  in  Independent  Tartary, 
took  tribute  from  a  portion  of  the  Bashkir  country  — the  bulk  of 
which  belonged  to  Kazan.  The  Bashkirs,  however,  submitted  to 
Russia,  and  after  the  foundation  of  Ufa  were  effectually  pro- 
tected by  her.  During  the  wars  of  the  seventeenth  century 
between  the  Kirghiz  and  the  Siberians,  the  Bashkirs  revolted — 
once  in  1672,  once  in  1707,  and  once  in  1740.  They  also  moved 
with  the  Kosaks  in  Pugatsheff 's  rebellion.  The  first  three  of  these 
revolts  were  headed  by  native  chiefs.  In  1735,  a  Kosak  March, 
ir  boundary,  had  been  established  on  the  frontier;  but  since 
1741  the  Bashkirs  themselves  have,  to  a  great  extent,  been  con- 
verted into  virtual  Kosaks.  Instead  of  paying  tribute,  they  serve 
as  soldiers,  and  submit  to  a  miUtary  organization.  The  Starshins, 
judges,  or  elders,  are  appointed  by  Russia;  who  feebly  represent 
the  original  nobility. 

The  Meshtsheriaks  are  mixed  up  with  the  Bashkirs,  and, 
except  that  they  remained  faithful  to  Russia  during  the  Bashkir 
rebellions,  and  that  they  are  civilians  rather  than  soldiers  in  habit, 
are  httle  more  than  Bashkirs  under  another  name — if,  indeed, 
the  names  are  not  identical.     They  amount 

In  the  Government  of  Orenburg  to       .     .     71,578 

Perm 5,783 

Saratov   ....       2,580 


79,941 
The  Tyej'tyar  are  believed    to  be  a  mixture  of  Turks  and 


THE   KIRGHIZ.  229 

Ugrians,  who  crossed  the  Ural  and  submitted  to  Kussia  soon  after 
the  conquest  of  Kazan.  They  are  imperfect  Mahometans.  Word 
for  word,  Tyeptyar  seems  to  be  Kiptshak. 

The  true  occupancy  of  the  Kirghiz  is  Independent  Tartary. 
We  shall,  however,  see  how  much  it  has  forfeited  its  title  to 
the  name. 

The  Kirghiz  fall  into — 

The  Middle  Hord        500,000 

—  Little     190,000 

—  Great     ....     100,000 


790,000 

The  Middle  Hord  belongs  almost  as  much  to  Siberia  as  to 
Tartary  ;  its  occupancy  being  the  drainage  of  the  Upper  Ishim 
and  the  Upper  Obi.  In  1823  some  of  its  sultans  put  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  Kussia.  At  first  they  paid  no  tribute. 
Now  they  pay  some.  One  of  its  tribes,  the  Naiman,  has  a  Mongol 
name.  Of  two  others,  the  Argin  and  the  Turtul,  more  will  be 
said  anon  ;  since  they  are  names  which  re-appear  on  the  Tshulim. 

The  Little  Hord  became,  more  or  less,  Russian  about  the 
middle  of  the  last  century ;  when  the  tribes  under  the  chieftaincy 
of  Abulkair,  along  with  some  others,  invoked  the  protection  of 
the  Czar.  Their  allegiance;,  however,  was  doubtful.  They  made 
inroads  across  the  frontier,  and  levied  blackmail  upon  the  cara- 
vans to  and  from  Bokhara.  To  check  this,  their  constitution  was 
changed  and  the  power  of  the  khans  was  broken— with  this, 
the  integrity  of  the  hord.  Some  went  over  to  China,  some 
to  the  Middle  Hord,  some  to  the  khanat  of  Khiva.  Finally,  a 
division  of  10,000  families  settled  in  Astrakan.  In  LSI 2  the 
khanat  was  made  hereditary  in  the  family  of  Bakei.  They  lie 
a  little  to  the  right  of  the  Volga,  from  which  they  are  divided  by 
the  Kalmuks.  On  the  south  they  are  bounded  by  a  small  Turk 
district  and  the  Caspian.  A  little  to  the  north  of  them  lie  the 
Bashkir  and  German  districts,  the  former  in  Orenburg,  the  latter 
in  Saratov.  They  seem  to  be  wholly  cut  off  from  the  other 
Kirghiz  :  and  amount  to  about  82  000.  With  the  exception  of 
Katai,  which  reminds  us  of  the  Mantshu  Kitan,  the  names  of 
the  tribes  of  the  Little  Hord  are  purely  Turk. 

The  Great  Hord  lies  north  and  east,  and  reaches  the  drainage 


230  NON-OTTOMAN    TURKS. 

of  the  Upper  Yenisei.  The  name  of,  at  least,  one  of  their  tribes 
is  Buriat;  a  name  identical  with  that  of  the  Buriat  Mongols. 
How  far  this  makes  the  Mongols  Turkish,  or  the  Kirghiz  Mongol 
T  have  not  inquired.  In  the  Chinese  geographers  the  name  by 
which  the  most  eastern  of  their  tribes  was  known  is  Kilikisa,  or 
Kirghiz. 

In  1606,  when  the  Barahinski  submitted  to  Kussia,  n  large 
portion  of  the  Great  Hord  did  the  same ;  the  Barahinski  being 
the  Turks  of  Barama,  that  dreary  waste  which  lies  between  the 
Ishim  and  the  Obi.  In  summer  the  Barahinski  Tartars  dwell  in 
tents;  in  winter  in  huts;  the  huts  being  partially  sunk  in  the 
ground.  They  are,  for  the  most  part^  herdsmen,  with  a  slight 
tendency  to  an  imperfect  agriculture.  Shamanism  is  common ; 
to  the  exclusion,  I  believe,  of  Mahometanism — but  not  to  that 
of  Christianity ;  which  is  making  its  way  amongst  them. 

From  the  name  of  their  country  which  is  Bara;;?«,  meaning  the 
Bara  country,  and  from  ma  being  the  ordinary  Fin  name  for  latid, 
along  with  other  facts  which  point  to  the  same  conclusion,  I 
consider  that  the  Barahinski  are,  more  or  less,  Fin  in  blood. 
That  they  are  old  occupants  of  their  present  area  I  infer  from 
their  being  Shamans  rather  than  Mahometans.  That  some  of 
them  may  have  had  the  once  terrible  Avars  amongst  their  ancestors 
I  infer  from  the  name. 

They  may  amount  to  3500  individuals  payingj/<^.9«X:  or  tribute, 
Russia  being  the  Power  that  holds  them  tributary.     They  call 

The  Russians      ....     Urus 

„     Kirghiz Kasak 

Kalmuks Kalmuk 


a 


a 


Ostiaks Ishtak 


They  fall  into  the  following  Aimaks :  this  Mongol  term  being 
the  one  I  find  in  Klaproth. 

In  Turk.  In  Russian. 

1.  Langga.  Tanuskaya  Volost 

2.  Lubai.  Lubanskaya  Volost. 

3.  Kulaba.  Turaslikaya  Yolost. 

4.  Barama.  Barabinskaya  Volost. 

5.  Tsoi.  Tshaiskaya  Volost. 

6.  Terena.  Tereninskaya  Volost. 

7.  Kargala.  Kargalinskaya  Volost. 


THE    BARABINSKI.  231 

The  Tshiilim  Tartars;  occupants  of  a  feeder  of  the  Obi,  so 
called,  are  said  to  approach  the  Mongols  in  their  looks,  and  also 
to  speak  a  dialect  of  the  Turkish  which  has  more  than  an  ordinary 
amount  of  Mongol  words.  Pastoral  rather  than  agricultural,  and 
Christian  rather  than  Mahometan,  the  Tshulim  Turks,  who  amount 
to  about  15,000,  are  also,  to  some  extent,  Shamanist.  They 
move  with  seasons  ;  lire  by  fishing  and  hunting ;  and  dwell,  like 
the  Barabinski,  in  huts  sunk  in  the  ground.  That  the  climate  is 
unhealthy  is  inferred  from  a  notice  of  Bell's,  who  remarked  the 
prevalence  of  a  skin-disease  amongst  them,  which  left  large  white 
spots  on  their  otherwise  swarthy  bodies.  He  attributes  it  to  the 
exclusive  use  of  fish  and  animal  food.  For  a  small  population 
their  tribes  are  numerous.  Two  are  named  Bura;  which 
points  to  Barama.  Besides  these  there  is  a  Tutul  tribe,  and 
an  Argen  tribe ;  names  which  point  to  the  Middle  Hord  of  the 
Kirghiz. 

Of  the  tribes  of  the  Upper  Tom,  Verkho-Tomski,  or  Kuznetsk, 
the  Ahintsi  are  one  ;  and  with  these  ends  the  notice  of  the  Tartars 
of  the  drainage  of  the  Obi. 

Of  those  of  the  Yenesey  the  most  western  are  the  Katshtalar 
or  Katshinzi  (the  first  form  being  Turk,  the  second  Kussian),  so- 
called  from  the  river  which  they  occupy. 

The  Boktalar,  or  Boktintsi,  lie  below — 

The  Kaiditi  above — Abakansk. 

The  Beltyr,  amounting  to  about  150  payers  of  tribute,  lie  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Abakan. 

The  Biryus,  on  the  river  so-called,  originally  belonged  to  the 
Verkho-Tomski  Tartars.  They  are  all  poor,  with  a  few  horses,  a 
few  oxen,  and  a  little  rye.  They  have  a  chief  (Bashlik)  at  the 
head  of  each  of  their  four  divisions. 

The  Tuhalar,  or  Tubintsi,  on  the  Tuba,  though  Turk  in  lan- 
guage, are  beheved  to  be  Samoyed  in  blood.  They  are  sometimes 
called  Kirghiz :  a  fact  which  points  to  Independent  Tartary. 
Indeed,  I  imagine,  that  it  is  from  the  Kirghiz  that  all  these  tribes 
of  Siberia  have  been  derived. 

The  preceding  view  of  these  minor  divisions  of  the  Siberian  Turks 
is  purely  ethnological.  The  pohtical  classification,  or  the  classi- 
fication which  is  current  with  those  Russian  officials,  who  look 
chiefly  to  topographical  boundaries  and  the  most  convenient  way 


232  NON-OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

by  which  the  tribute  can  be  collected,  is  somewhat  different.     It 
gives  four  divisions. 

1.  The  Koibal  tribes  of  the  Yenisey  after  it  passes  the  Chinese 
frontier  and  becomes  Eussian  and  Siberian.  -Some  of  the  Koibals 
are  subject  to  Cliina  :  not  that  the  Chinese  call  them  so,  but 
that  the  class,  so  far  as  it  is  natural  rather  than  political,  is  Chi- 
nese as  well  as  Russian.  The  Koibal  area  (pohtically  speaking) 
is  bounded  by  the  Yenisey ;  the  Tabat,  a  feeder  of  the  Abakan  ; 
and  the  Sogda,  a  feeder  of  the  Tuba.  The  tribes  on  the 
Tuba  are  mentioned  elsewhere,  and,  eo  nomine,  as  Tubalar  or 
Tubinski.  I  imagine  that  they  differ  from  the  true  Koibals, 
without  being  sure  of  it.  This  is  because  the  Koibals  (some  or 
all)  name  themselves  Tufa ;  a  fact  which  suggests  the  probability 
of  the  Tubalar  being  a  branch  of  them.  If  so,  they  are,  in  the 
present  work,  noticed  twice  over. 

In  1830,  the  Koibals  (the  word  being  dealt  with  as  a  political 
term)  amount  to  G35  males,  and  493  females — total  1128. 

In  the  way  of  language,  the  Koibals  are  Turks ;  the  Koibal 
grammar  of  Castren  being  neither  more  nor  less  than  a  grammar 
of  a  Turk  dialect  spoken  in  Siberia,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Abakan. 

In  the  way  of  blood,  they  are  anything  but  Turk.  Out  of  the 
eight  divisions,  which  come  under  the  denomination,  five  are 
Samoyed,  three  Yeniseian. 

The  name,  however,  is  Samoyed.  In  Klaproth's  Asia  Poly- 
glotta,  there  is  a  long  Koibal  vocabulary,  collected  during  the 
last  century,  by  Messerschmidt,  which  is  simply  Samoyed ;  and  in 
1847,  a  few  grey-headed  Koibals  could  still  speak  Samoyed. 

2.  The  Sagaij. — These  lie  between  Askyz  and  the  Upper 
Abakan;  and  amounted,  in  1830,  to  3897  males,  and  4011  fe- 
males ;  total  7908. 

3.  The  Katsha,  Katshalar,  or  Katshinshi. — On  the  Lower 
Abakan,  or  between  the  Sagay  and  the  Yenisey ;  also  on  the 
White  lyus.  They  amounted,  in  1860,  to  3460  males,  and  3119 
females;  total,  6579.  Castren,  however,  in  1847,  puts  them  at 
9436  in  all.  The  Koibals  and  Sagay  were  Samoyeds  and  Yeni- 
seians  who  had  become  Turk.  The  Katsha  tribes  have  gone 
further.     They  are  in  the  third  stage  and  are  Russian. 

4.  The  Kisilzi. — This  is  the  most  northern  of  the  four  divi- 
sions; and,  also,  the  most  Russian.     Perhaps,  indeed,  the  Kisilzi 


THE   KOIBALS,   ETC.  23 o 

are   wholly   Russianized.      They   amounted,   in    1830,    to   2282 
males,  and  2080  females  ;  total,  5362. 

The  Karaf/asSj  conterminous  with  the  Koibals  and  Soiot, 
occupy  the  valleys  of  the  Oka,  Uda,  Biryus,  and  Kan,  as 
nomads.  In  1851,  they  amounted  to  284  males,  and  259  fe- 
males; total  543.     They  fall  into  five  tribes. 

1.  The  Kash. 

2.  The  Kash  Sareg. 

3.  The  Tyogde. 

4.  The  Kara  Tyogde. 

5.  The  Tyeptei. 

The  Kash  are  conterminous  with  the  Soiot ;  the  Sareg  Kash  with 
the  Kamash  :  the  Tyeptei  with  the  Buriats. 

Castren  visited  the  Koibals.  He  found  them  in  extreme 
poverty ;  but  they  were  pleased  when  he  asked  about  their  lan- 
guage and  their  history.  Yet  the  pleasure  was  dashed  with  mis- 
trust. "Why  do  travellers  visit  us?  Surely  we  must  be  of 
more  value  than  other  people."  An  old  man  who  remembered 
the  expedition  of  Pallas,  told  him,  that  since  the  foreigner 
visited  them,  all  had  gone  bad.  The  cattle  sickened  when  he 
went  away.  But ''  w^as  that  Pallas's  fault?  "  The  answer  was,  "  that 
men  don't  come  and  pass  weeks  in  the  winter  for  nothing."  The 
chief  charge  against  him  was,  that  he  was  an  excavator  of  the 
Tahuden  griihen,  and  that  he  was  a  magician.  Nor  was  this  belief 
extinct.  Castren,  himself,  who  excavated  as  far  as  his  oppor- 
tunities would  let  him,  was  supposed  to  be  looking  after  Tshud 
skulls,  out  of  which  a  decoction  more  effective  than  sarsaparilla 
was  to  be  made.  Still  they  let  him  dig  and  received  him 
kindly ;  though  steeped  in  poverty  to  the  very  lips  themselves. 
He  found  huts  where  the  children  ran  naked,  crying  for  food ; 
for  which  the  dogs  howled  too.  Yet  they  found  a  place  for  him 
by  the  fire.  They  found  it,  too,  for  a  miserable  beggar — vagabond 
and  minstrel — who,  on  a  two-stringed  harp,  sang  the  following 
song  of  Tyenar  Kuss. 

There  was  a  Tartar  whose  name  was  Tyenar-Kuss  ;  he  had  a  great  many  tents, 
more  men,  and  still  more  cattle.  He  was  very  old.  He  took  to  himself  a  wife. 
He  loved  her  much ;  but  he  thought,  in  his  own  heart,  that  she  never  loved  him. 
So  he  tried  her  love.  He  went  out  one  morning,  as  if  he  went  after  some  cattle 
that  he  said  were  missing.  He  went  a  little  way  ;  but,  before  he  had  gone  far, 
he  threw  himself  down  on  the  ground,  and  lay  as  if  he  were  dead.     The  shep- 


234  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

herds  and  herdsmen  saw  him  ;  and,  as  he  never  moved  a  liml),  they  thought  he 
was  dead.  So  they  went  back  to  his  tribe,  and  said  that  he  was  lying  dead. 
When  his  wife  heard  this,  she  took  a  liorse,  and  rode  to  where  he  lay,  and  found 
him  lying  on  the  ground,  just  like  a  dead  man  j  never  moving  a  limb.  So  she 
lay  down  by  his  side,  and  began  to  weep.  But  Tyenar-Kuss  thought  to  himself 
that  he  must  not  put  fiiith  in  his  wife's  tears  ;  so  he  lay  as  before.  Then  his  wife 
took  out  a  dagger,  and  said, — 

"  Thou  seest,  Tyenar-Kuss,  that  I  will  not  abide  any  longer  on  the  earth ;  I 
will  never  roam  about  as  a  widow,  and  look  for  any  other  husband.  I  will  never 
part  from  you,  my  husband — my  wedded  one  I  " 

But  Tyenar-Kuss,  though  he  heard  all  this,  never  moved  a  limb.  He  lay  like 
a  dead  man.  So  the  wife  rose  up,  and  took  the  dagger,  and  stabbed  her  breast 
with  it,  and  fell  dead  by  his  side.  And  Tyenar-Kuss  got  up,  and  grieved  that  he 
had  lost  a  good  wife  ;  and,  as  long  as  he  lived,  never  ceased  to  mourn  for  her. 

They  talked  too  about  Irle-khaii,  and  when  they  put  on  new  logs 
or  got  warm,  said,  "Aye!  Fire  is  a  god."  They  said  the  same 
of  water ;  and  the  traveller  was  told  that  on  certain  occasions  they 
threw  the  first-fruits  into  a  river  or  lake.  Some  threw  ihe  first 
morsels  of  their  meal  towards  the  east.  Those  who  did  this  did  it 
to  please  Irle-khan.  Displease  Irle-khan  and  you  will  be  punished 
as  those  are  punished  who  give  milk-and-water  instead  of  milk. 

Of  the  Soiot  little  is  known.     Most  of  them  are  Chinese. 

There  was  a  man,  and  his  name  was  Toros.  He  was  a  Soiot ;  but  he  lived 
within  the  boundaries  of  China.  He  paid  tribute  to  the  Chinese  ;  but  he  wished 
to  escape  this  tribute.  So  he  moved  himself  northwards — himself  and  his  tribe. 
They  were  thirty-five  in  all ;  and  he  wanted  to  settle  in  Siberia.  This  was  two 
hundred  years  ago.  His  countrymen,  who  Avere  Soiot,  went  after  him,  and  fol- 
lowed hard  on  his  track.  He  saw  that  they  were  near  upon  him,  so  he  betook 
himself  to  the  Toros  Taskyl.  It  was  a  steep  mountain,  but  he  made  a  way.  But 
his  countrymen  followed  him  :  so  he  made  a  palisade.  He  cut  down  trees,  and 
bound  them  together  with  bands ;  and  heaped  up  a  wall  of  stones  behind  them. 
His  countrymen  still  followed  on  his  footsteps.  They  came  to  the  wall :  they 
came  under  the  wall.  Then  Toros  cut  the  bands,  and  the  wall  fell  down,  and  the 
stones  rolled  ;  and  his  countrymen  were  carried  back.  Not  a  man  lived  to  tell 
the  tals.  But  Toros  dwelt  with  the  Mator;  and  the  way  is  called  Toros's  Way 
till  this  day. 

One  of  the  Sayanian  tribes  is  named  Sokha ;  the  Sayanian 
tribes  being  held  to  be  of  Kirghiz  origin.  We  have  traced  them 
as  far  north  as  the  Upper  Yenisey;  and  we  have  yet  to  trace 
'hem  further. 

They  lead  to  the  division  which  gives  its  name  to  the  Govern- 
nent  of  Yakutsk,  of  which  they  are,  for  a  native  population,  the 
nost  civilized  inhabitants.  Yakut,  however,  is  only  the  name 
A^hich  the  Russians  give  them.  The  name  they  give  themselves 
s  Saikha,  Sokha,  or  8okhalar.     It  is  believed  to  be  the  name  of 


THE   YAKUT.  235 

one  of  their  early  Khans ;  but  this  is  unlikely  ;  at  any  rate,  he 
was  the  man  who  led  them  northwards,  since  the  chiel'  who  sepa- 
rated them  from  the  Brath  (with  which  they  made  one  nation) 
and  led  them  from  Lake  Baikal  to  the  Lower  Lena,  was  not 
Sakha,  but  Deptsi  Tarkhantegin.  Word  for  word,  Brath  is 
Buriat.  It  points  to  the  Buriat  Mongols  ;  and  it  also  points  to 
the  Buriat  Kirghiz  of  the  Great  Hord.  It  is  with  the  latter  that 
I  more  especially  connect  the  Sakhalar  or  Yakut.  At  the  same 
time,  the  names  of  the  Baitung,  the  Yok  Soyon,  the  Manga,  and 
the  Namin  tribes  are  more  Mongol  and  Turk.  The  two  views, 
however,  by  no  means  exclude  one  another. 

The  most  western  of  the  Yakut  are  three  small  tribes  on  the 
Chatunga  and  in  the  parts  about  Dudinka,  who  lie  in  immediate 
contact  with  the  Samoyeds,  the  YeniseianS;,  and  the  Tungus; 
with  the  latter  of  whom  they  have  been  confounded.  Castren, 
indeed,  says  that  all  the  world,  the  Samoyeds  themselves  in- 
cluded, have  so  confounded  them.  As  far  back,  however,  as  185B 
jMiddendorf  informed  me  of  their  true  affinities. 

In  calhng  them  Yakut,  I  merely  mean  that  they  speak  the 
Yakut  language  ;  by  no  means  holding  that  the  blood  and  lan- 
guage coincide.     Indeed,  it  is  most  likely  that  they  do  not. 

There  are  three  tribes.  One  of  these  is  the  Bongot,  whose  oc- 
cupancy is  about  three  days'  journey  from  Dudinka,  on  the  Noryl 
Lake.  Word  for  word,  Dongot  seems  to  be  Denka;  and  Denka 
is  the  name  of  a  division  of  the  Yeniseians,  who,  as  far  back  as 
Messerschmidts'  time,  had  nearly  lost  their  language,  and  who 
were  said  to  count  only  as  far  as  five. 

The  next  is  the  Adgan  ;  the  third,  the  Dolgan.  They  refer 
their  origin  to  three  brothers,  Galkinga,  Sakatin,  and  Buka,  who 
left  the  Yakut  country  but  recently— so  recently,  says  Castren, 
that  one  of  his  existing  descendants  smoked  out  of  the  very  pipe 
which  Galkinga  smoked.  Whether  this  be  a  fact,  a  rhetorical 
way  of  saying  that  his  tribe  were  new  comers,  or  evidence  as  to 
the  age  of  the  pipe,  I  know  not.  The  Samoyed  call  them  Ada 
=  Yoiinger  hrothers.  The  Russians  apply  the  name  Dolganen 
to  all  the  three  tribes.  As  a  general  rule,  they  are  pp.gans,  a 
few  only  being  converted  to  Christianity.  They  live  on  friendly 
terms,  as  their  name  denotes,  with  the  Samoyeds. 


236  NON-OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

This  is  a  name  which  may  surprise  some  of  us ;  for  the 
Samoyeds  that  we  best  know  at  present  are  full  five  degrees 
north  of  the  implied  frontier ;  indeed^  they  lie^  for  the  greater 
part^  well  within  the  Arctic  Circle.  But  even  at  the  present 
time  their  language  is  spoken  as  far  south  as  the  district  here 
indicated.  Indeed^  with  a  few  possible  exceptions,  the  Turks 
of  the  Khanate  of  Siberia  were  all  intrusive,  i.e.  settlers  on 
ground  other  than  Turkish.     Thus — 

The  Barabinski  of  Bara-ma  (Fin  for  Bara-land)  lie  between 
the  Ishim  and  the  Obi.  The  original  Fins  were,  probably,  of 
the  Ostiak  division. 

The  Tubalar^  Koibals,  Karagass,  Katshalar,  and  Soiot  seem 
to  be  a  mixture  of  Samoyeds  and  Yeniseians. 

The  Tshulim  Turks  and  the  Tyeptar  are  more  or  less 
Mongol. 

Beyond  all  this  there  is  some  Tungusian  blood,  especially 
among  the  Yakuts ;  and,  for  the  Yakuts,  two  other  elements,  viz. 
the  Jukaghir  and  the  Koriak,  upon  each  of  which  something 
will  be  said  when  the  minor  populations  of  Siberia  come  under 
notice.  One  point,  however,  in  the  account  of  the  great  Turk 
family,  with  the  use  of  the  word  in  its  widest  sense,  must  be 
foreshadowed;  viz.,  the  fact  that  with  the  Ottoman  Turks  on 
one  side,  and  the  Siberian  Turks  on  the  other,  each  on  ground 
untrodden  by  their  earliest  ancestors,  we  have  the  two  extreme 
illustrations  of  change  in  the  way  of  development  and  of  change 
in  the  way  of  deterioration ,  the  Turks  in  the  parts  beyond  the 
Hellespont,  and  the  Turks  beyond  the  Lona. 

Such  are  the  divisions  for  the  Turks  of  the  parts  north  of 
Persia  and  the  Caspian ;  or  the  Turks  of  the  district  in  which 
the  family  originated  as  opposed  to  their  congeners  of  the  south, 
whether  Ottoman  or  Seljukian ;  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
there  is  a  notable  difference  in  their  histories. 

We  may  call  the  Turks  that  have  just  been  enumerated  the 
Kiptshaky  or  we  may  call  them  the  ''  Temudjinian ''  Turks ;  for 
Temudjin  was  the  original  name  of  the  great  Tshingiz-Khan. 
But  the  real  differences  in  the  way  of  their  origins  and  their 
histories,  between  the  two  great  divisions,  is  of  more  importance 
than  the  name.     Nor  is  the  present  classification  absolutely 


THE    YAKUT.  237 

complete  for  either  of  the  two  classes ;  since,  although  between 
the  areas  of  the  Seldziikian  Turks  and  the  Kiptshak  there  is  the 
whole  breadth  of  Persia,  Armenia,  and  Caucasus,  there  are  still 
certain  divisions  and  sub-divisions  in  each  group.  There  are 
members  of  the  northern  group  who,  without  absolutely 
crossing  over  from  Turkestan  to  Arabia,  or  even  becoming 
more  or  less  Persianized  in  the  intermediate  country,  simply 
encroached  upon  the  frontiers  of  Persia,  Georgia,  and  Armenia, 
as  the  case  may  have  been,  while  they  were  still  in  geographical 
continuity  with  their  aboriginal  districts.  Something,  then, 
has  yet  to  be  said  about  the  present  descendants  of  the  Turks 
of  Disabulus  and  his  embassies,  the  Turks  of  the  districts 
known  as  Great  and  Little  Bokhara,  as  Chinese  Tartary,  as 
the  Khanates  of  Taslikcnd,  Khiva,  Kokhan  and  the  like ;  in 
short,  as  Turkestan  in  opposition  to  Turkey.  To  these  we  may 
add  the  Turcomans. 

Then  there  is  the  question  as  to  the  antiquity  of  the  Turk 
family  in  Euroj^e,  and  the  consanguinity  of  the  Avars  and  Huns 
with  the  Scythians  of  Herodotus  and  their  descendants.  That 
these  were  not  only  members  of  the  great  Turk  family,  but 
that  their  history  on  the  soil  of  Scythia  Europea  was  continuous 
from  the  time  of  the  Father  of  History  to  the  fourth  century 
is  the  strong  conviction  of  the  present  writer.  But  it  is  not 
one  upon  which  opinion  is  uniform.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  say  in 
what  direction  it  runs.  There  are  those  who  hold  that  the 
Herodotean  Scythians  were  Mongols.  Others  believe  that 
before  the  Huns,  who  are  the  first  in  date  of  the  Turks  of  the 
present  investigations,  the  old  Scythian  population  had  dis- 
appeared; and  that  between  the  Scythians  of  the  time  of 
Philip  of  Macedon,  and  the  Huns  of  that  of  Valens,  there  was 
no  continuity.  That  the  names  which  present  themselves  in 
Herodotus,  unless  we  suppose  that  the  Kutuguri  of  the  Hun 
dominion  to  be  his  Katiariy  are  not  to  be  found  in  the 
interval  is  true ;  but  the  disappearance  of  a  name  and  the  ex- 
tinction of  a  nation  to  which  it  applied  are  widely  different 
questions.  Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  the  classification,  so 
far  as  it  has  hitherto  gone,  is  not  exhaustive. 

Thirdly,   there   is   the   somewhat   unfamiliar   denomination 


238  NON-OTTOMAN   TUEKS. 

^^  TshuvashJ"  This  leads  us  from  the  Turk  family  to  that  of 
the  Fins^  or  Ugrians;  and  the  fact  which  invests  the  name 
with  interest  is  the  doubtful  and  equivocal  character  of  the 
Tshuvash  ethnology.  According  to  some  authorities  the 
bearers  of  this  name^  who  speak  a  language  which  is  held  to 
be  Ugrian^  are  also  Ugrian  in  blood.  According  to  others 
they  are  Ugrianized  Turks,  i.e.,  Turks  in  blood,  though  Ugrian 
in  language,  and  Christian  in  creed.  Such  are  the  two  opinions 
in  their  simplest  form.  But,  besides  this,  there  is  much  in  the 
way  of  subordinate  detail.  Is  the  language  so  undoubtedly 
Ugrian  as  it  is  stated  to  be  ?  Is  it  not  rather  Turk  in  gram- 
mar, and  Ugrian  only  in  respect  to  its  vocabulary  ?  Is  the 
creed  so  very  Christian  ?  Is  it  not  to  some  extent  Mahome- 
tan ?     Is  it  not  to  a  great  extent  pagan  ? 

Such  are  the  points  in  question;  points  upon  which  the 
present  writer  has  no  decided  opinion,  but  which  he  finds 
it  necessary  to  indicate,  inasmuch  as  the  Turk  family,  and 
the  Ugrian,  or  Fin  (which  will  be  next  to  come  under 
notice),  will  graduate  into  one  another  through  the  section 
under  notice. 

The  present  Tshuvash  population  may  amount  to  half  a 
million,  there  or  thereabouts ;  the  statistical  notice  of  them 
in  Koppen  being  as  follows  : — 


In  the  Government  of  Kazan 

-     300,091 

}> 

Simbirsk  - 

-       84,714 

3) 

Samar 

-       29,926 

i) 

Orenburg 

8,352 

)} 

Saratov    - 

6,852 

)y 

Viatka 

17 

429,952 

In  the  first  of  these  Governments  their  number  nearly  equals 
that  of  Turks,  who  amount  to  about  308,574.  The  names  by 
which  they  designate  themselves  are  Vereyal,  Khirdeyal,  and 
Vyress.  The  Tsherimis  call  them  Kurkmari  or  Hill-men,  the 
Mordvins  Wiedke.     Tshuvash,  itself,  I  take  for  a  Tatar  word. 


THE  TSHUVASn.  239 

That  their  Christianity  is  nominal,  and  that  it  is  dashed  not  only 
with  pagan  but  with  Mahometan  elements,  is  made  evident  by 
the  following  short  sketch  of  their  Pantheon. 

Silldi  Ton)  is  the  God  above  ;  a  kind  God  who  lives  in  the  sky, 
which  he  leaves  only  when  he  visits  the  earth  on  Fridays :  when 
he  descends  to  see  whether  any  one  breaks  that  day  of  rest  by 
working.  He  has  as  many  names  as  functions.  One  of  them  is 
Sytida-tuv?iy  Tor  a,  or  the  God  tvho  makes  Light :  another, 
Tshon  slioradan  Tora,  or  the  Soul-maker ;  another,  Sir-shu- 
asks/ie,  or  the  Father  of  Land  and  Water;  another,  71/?/;?.  Tora, 
or  the  Great  God ;  another,  Mun  Yra  Tora,  or  the  Great  Good 
God.  He  has  a  mother,  a  wife,  children,  and  several  subordinates : 
such  as  Toryn-iivynsthe-surcin,  or  the  Forerunner ;  Alyk  ozhan, 
the  Door-shutter,  Piiluks,  the  Messenger :  the  last  being  the 
term  for  an  Angel 

Asla-adi  Tora,  is  the  Grandfather;  Kehe,  the  Judge;  Pig- 
amher,  the  Hearth-God;  Pereget,  the  Giver  of  Wealth  or 
Luck  Khvely  Tora  is  the  Sun  God ;  Oikh  Tora,  the  Moo9i 
God ;  and  Sily  Tora,  the  Wi7id  God. 

Of  the  Terrestrial  Deities,  the  chief  are  Syol  Tora,  the  Way 
God;  Kily  Tora,  the  House  God;  Kardy  Tora,  the  Barn 
God;  Wur?nan  Tora,  the  W^ood  God,  and  Sirdi  Patsha,  the 
Lord  of  the  Earth. 

In  Shoitan,  or  Satan,  and  Keremet  Esrel,  the  Angel  of  Death, 
we  see  Turk  elements ;  as  (indeed)  we  see  them  in  Patsha'=. 
Pasha.  But  Shoitan  is,  to  a  great  extent,  superseded  by  Keremet; 
the  Tshuvash  analogue  of  the  Jewish  Satan  in  his  character  of 
Fallen  Angel.  Keremet  was,  originally,  a  being  of  equal  power, 
knowledge,  and  beneficence,  whose  delight  it  was  to  traverse  the 
world  below,  and  to  confer  blessings  on  mankind.  He  would  be 
doing  this  at  the  present  time,  had  not  Shoitan  instigated  some 
wicked  men  to  murder  him.  This  they  did :  and,  having  burnt 
his  body,  they  gave  the  ashes  to  the  winds.  But  the  winds  let 
them  fall  on  the  ground,  and  wherever  they  fell  up  sprung  trees: 
and  with  these  trees  Keremet  came  to  life  again — but  with  a  new 
and  a  bad  disposition.  He  was,  now,  as  malicious  and  mischie- 
vous, as  he  had  once  been  kind  and  gentle.  At  first  he  haunted 
the  woods ;  but,  when  the  woods  decreased,  he  took  the  clearings 
and  the  villages  ;  so  that,  now,  every  village  has  its  Keremet. 


240  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

Yirikh  is  the  god  who  causes  the  chief  bodily  ailments ;  and 
when  these  develope  themselves  it  is  the  Tshuvash  habit  to  have 
recourse  to  the  conjuror  rather  than  the  physician.  A  private 
offering,  in  a  comparatively  quiet  manner,  suffices  for  their  cure. 
The  great  festivals,  however,  at  the  beginning  and  at  the  end  of 
harvest  are  more  imposing.  It  is  hard,  however,  for  a  stranger  to 
observe  them.  The  following  is  one  of  the  few  accounts  we  have 
of  them. 

It  was  near  the  village  of  Iseneva,  on  the  side  of  a  forest  of 
oak-trees,  that  Lepechin,  towards  the  end  of  the  last  century, 
when  the  superstitions  of  the  Tshuvash  were  much  more  vigorous 
than  at  present,  witnessed  a  Keremet  sacrifice.  It  began  as  early 
as  nine  in  the  morning,  and  was  unfinished  at  four  in  the  after- 
noon, when  his  patience  gave  way,  and  he  left  the  Yonse — for  that 
is  the  name  of  the  Seer,  Wizard,  Medicine-man,  or  Shaman  in 
these  parts — still  muttering  invocations  and  exorcisms.  When  he 
reached  the  appointed  spot  there  was  a  kettle  on  the  fire ;  four 
old  men,  who  proved  to  be  the  chief  officiators;  and  a  great 
number  of  oxen,  sheep,  and  cocks  and  hens.  Whilst  the  by- 
standers hung  their  heads  in  respectful  silence,  the  four  old  men, 
having  prayed  to  Tora,  and  having  waited  until  a  row  of  buckets 
was  filled  with  water,  submitted  the  cattle  and  poultry  to  an  ordeal 
by  water.  They  dashed  it  on  them  suddenly,  and  noted  such  as 
ran  away  startled,  and  such  as  stood  stupidly  quiet.  The  latter 
they  spared  ;  inasmuch  as  it  was  held  that  animals  of  this  temper 
were  not  received  favourably  by  Tora.  The  others,  which  were 
huddled  together  in  a  heap,  were  then  slaughtered  ;  and  their 
flesh  boiled.  But  the  bones,  head,  and  bowels,  were  put  by  in 
rush  baskets  for  burning.  This  took  place  after  the  feast  on  the 
flesh  was  over,  when  the  ashes  were  given  to  the  winds.  As  for 
the  feathers  of  the  birds — they  are  sown  broadcast  over  the  fields. 

At  the  richer  sacrifices,  gold  and  silver  coins  are  added  to  the 
offerings  of  the  poultry  and  cattle.  The  modern  Tshuvashes  re- 
place them  by  brass  and  copper  ores.  They  also  substitute  little 
images  for  the  sheep  and  oxen. 

The  Tshuvash  Hades  is  a  re-production  of  the  world  of  our 
present  state ;    and,  when  a  man  dies,  his  friends  put  tobacco 
pipes,  and  drams  in  his  grave,  celebrating  (not  without  festivities) 
the  anniversary  of  his  death. 


THE    TSHUVASH.  241 

1. 

A  hundred  and  sixty  beams  I  carried  : 

A  room  I  built. 

Twelve  windows  I  made  in  it ; 

Out  of  two  windows  1  looked  myself. 

At  ten  windows,  sit  ten  young  maidens. 

The  first  time  they  looked  out, 

The  second  time  they  laughed. 

I  went  from  village  to  village, 

Never  found  a  grown-up  maiden. 

In  one  village  I  saw  a  maiden, 

But  I  hai  no  money : 

"  Come  with  me,"  I  would  have  said 

But  I  had  not  the  heart  to  say  it. 

2. 
I  went  from  wood  to  wood, 
But  found  no  cherries : 
I  went  from  village  to  village, 
But  found  no  maidens. 
I  would  eat  the  cherries ; 
They  are  a  black  morsel : 
Good  to  eat  with  bread. 
I  would  eat  other  berries, 
They  are  a  red  morsel ; 
Good  to  eat  with  bread. 
1  would  take  the  maiden. 
The  flaxen-haired  maiden. 
With  her  to  live  were  sweet. 

3. 

I  went  and  went  along  the  way ; 

I  came  to  a  thick  wood. 

I  sought  out  the  nut-tree ; 

Milk  came  out  of  it. 

Without  meat  I  eat  no  bread. 

I  sought  the  elm  ; 

A  bee  came  out  of  it. 

Out  of  the  bee  came  honey ; 

Without  honey  I  eat  no  bread. 

I  went  and  went  along  the  way ; 

I  came  into  the  village. 

The  dogs  of  the  village  barked. 

I  cast  my  eye  on  a  flaxen-haired  maiden  ; 

I  wished  to  take  her  with  me  : 

My  father  gave  me  no  money  : 

The  priest  gave  me  no  writing. 

4. 
The  girls  of  our  town — 
The  girls  of  our  town- 
Jump  over  the  hedge  like  wolves 
Over  the  hedge  like  wolves, 

16 


242  NON-OTTOMAN   TURKS. 

The  girls  of  other  towns — 

The  girls  of  other  towns 

Creep  under  the  hedge  like  mice — 

Under  the  hedge  like  mice. 

The  girls  of  our  town — 

The  girls  of  our  town, 

They  drive  with  two  horses — 

Drive  with  two  horses. 

The  girls  of  other  towns — 

The  girls  of  other  towns, 

They  drive  with  two  sows — 

Drive  with  two  sows. 

5. 

My  father  gave  me  a  black  horse  : 

Let  me  saddle  him,  thought  I  to  myself. 

The  horse  became  an  oak-tree. 

My  father  gave  me  a  white  cow : 

Let  me  milk  it,  thought  I  to  myself. 

The  cow  became  a  birch-tree. 

My  father  gave  me  a  red  sheep  : 

Let  me  shear  it,  thought  I  to  myself. 

The  sheep  became  a  red  stump. 

My  father  gave  me  a  silken  girdle  : 

Let  me  bind  it  on,  thought  I  to  myself. 

The  girdle  became  a  rush. 

My  father  gave  me  a  silken  kerchief  : 

Let  me  put  it  in  my  girdle,  thought  T  to  mysel£ 

The  kerchief  became  a  horn-beam  leaf. 

6. 

On  the  road  lies  my  field  ; 

It  bears  no  corn  : 

More's  the  pity. 

I  have  a  bay  horse ; 

He  won't  stay  on  the  road : 

More's  the  pity. 

I  have  a  still  stupid  wife  ; 

She  has  nothing  to  say  : 

More's  the  pity. 

7. 
I  would  walk  along  the  road  to  the  country, 
But  was  afraid  of  the  Eussians. 
I  would  walk  along  the  road  to  the  village, 
But  was  afraid  of  the  thieves. 
I  would  walk  along  the  road  to  the  fields. 
But  was  afraid  of  the  wind. 
I  would  walk  through  the  wood, 
But  was  afraid  of  bears  and  the  wolves. 
T  would  walk  to  the  village, 
But  was  afraid  of  the  dogs. 


THE    TSHUVASH.  243 


I  would  walk  to  the  corner  of  the  village, 
But  was  afraid  of  the  vounj^  maids. 


Ah  !  my  father  !  ah  !  my  mother  ! 

I  wish  I  were  a  goose, 

I  would  fly  to  my  own  village. 

Were  I  the  gate  of  the  village, 

And  the  villagers  came  ; 

I  would  open  and  shut 

Of  my  own  free  will. 

Were  I  the  gate  of  a  palace, 

And  my  father  and  mother  came  ; 

I  would  open  and  shut 

Of  my  own  free  will. 

The  moon  shines  over  the  land  ; 

The  land  is  our  march. 

The  stars  rise  over  the  way  ; 

The  way  is  our  road. 

The  snow-flakes  fall ; 

So  falls  our  hair. 

The  rain  runs  doAS'n  ; 

So  run  our  tears. 

Lumps  of  ice  float  down  the  Yolga  ; 

So  float  our  bodies. 

On  the  Anger  stands  an  old  oak ; 

That's  my  father. 

On  the  Anger  stands  an  old  birch; 

That's  my  mother. 

9. 

My  father  is  woodman  ; 

My  mother  is  breadmaker  ; 

My  eldest  brother  is  headborough ; 

My  next  is  post-boy; 

My  youngest  cooper ; 

My  eldest  brother's  wife  is  singer  ; 

My  next  brother's  wife  is  dancer  ; 

My  youngest  brother's  wife  is  harpei 

I,  myself,  am  a  spooner. 

Another  name  still  stands  over  for  a  short  notice — that  of  the 
Biserman  or  Bisernians.  All  I  know  of  them  is,  that  they 
amount  to  about  4500  individuals  in  the  Government  of  Viatka, 
that  they  are  Ugrians  in  blood,  and  (I  believe)  language ;  but 
that  they  are  Mahometans  in  creed — Biserman  being,  word  for 
word,  Mussulman*  They  are,  perhaps,  neither  more  nor  less 
than  Votiak  converts  of  some  standing. 


IC* 


244 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Fin  or  Ugrian  Family. — Ugrians  or  Fins  in  Curland,  Livonia,  Estonia, 
the  Governments  of  St.  Petersburg,  Novogorod. — Finlanders  of  the  Duchy 
of  Finland. — Tavastrian,  Karelian,  and  Quain. — Their  early  Christianity. 
— Their  present  Popular  Poetry. — The  Kalevala. — The  Laps. 

The  Tshuvash  of  the  last  chapter^  by  being  an  equivocal 
population^  or  one  of  disputed  affinities^  leads  us  from  the  Turk 
family  to  the  Fin^  or  Ugrian. 

This^  even  now,  occupies  a  very  extensive  territory;  and 
originally  it  was  one  of  still  wider  dimensions,  one  of  a  more 
varied  population,  and,  thirdly,  one  of  a  continuous  and  un- 
broken area — which  it  is  not  at  present. 

The  language  of  the  Magyars  of  Hungary  has  long  been 
recognized  as  Ugrian.  In  Hungary,  then,  we  have  the  limit  of 
the  Fin  area  on  the  South.  The  Magyar  area,  however,  is 
discontinuous. 

On  the  North,  we  have  in  Lapland  and  the  Samoyed  country 
the  Ugrians  of  the  parts  beyond  the  Arctic  Circle. 

Of  the  Fins  on  the  Baltic,  the  most  western  locality  is  Cour- 
land ;  for  thus  far  do  Fins,  or  Ugrians,  extend  in  the  direction 
of  Prussia.  In  Courland,  however,  the  undoubted  natives  are 
Letts  of  the  Lithuanian  family;  and  the  name  that  these 
Lithuanian  Letts  give  to  the  Fins  under  notice  is  "  Lief.''  And| 
this  is  the  name  by  which  they  are  generally  known.  Thaw 
call  themselves  '' Sea-shore-men''  and  it  is  only  when  they" 
speak  Lettish,  which  they  do  no  more  than  they  can  help,  that 
they  recognize  the  name.  No  definite  account  can  be  given  oi 
their  origin ;  for,  though  "  Lief"  is  a  name  which  we  may 
reasonably  expect  to  find  in  Lii;onia  or  Zie/land,  it  is  not  the 
one  that  we  look  for  in  Courland.     Of  Liefs  in  Livonia,  as  dis- 


11 


courland;  LIVONIA.  245 

tinguished  from  the  ordinary  Fins  of  that  Government,  the 
number  in  A.D.  1840  was  only  twenty-two ;  and  this,  some  few 
years  after,  was  reduced  to  twelve,  the  occupancy  of  these  being 
a  small  patch  of  country  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Salis. 
Between  the  Liefs  of  Courland  {Sea-shore-men)  and  the  Letts, 
the  commerce  is  of  the  scantiest :  intermarriages  being  rare ;  and 
their  respective  pursuits  and  aptitudes  different.  In  the  way 
of  physical  conformation,  bodily  stamina,  and  energy  of  tem- 
perament, the  balance  is  in  favour  of  the  fishermen.  On  the 
other  hand,  however,  they  are  hard  drinkers,  and  unscrupulous 
wreckers. 

Small  as  is  the  number  of  these  fragmentary  Liefs,  their 
language  falls  into  two  decided  dialects,  that  of  Pisen,  and  that 
of  Kolken — not  to  mention  the  Lief  of  Liefland,  in  the  strict 
and  proper  meaning  of  the  term,  with  its  twelve  proprietors. 

It  is  only  by  courtesy  that  the  Liefs  find  a  place  in  a  work 
on  nationalities ;  so  microscopically  small  is  the  portion  of  the 
earth^s  surface  which  they  cover,  and  so  numerically  small  is 
the  amount  of  the  population ;  for  of  all  those  divisions  or  sub- 
divisions of  mankind  in  which  the  ethnologist  delights,  and  for 
which  no  one  else  cares,  the  Lief  is  the  smallest  that  Europe 
can  supply.  There  is  as  small  a  one  in  Asia,  and  there  may  be 
smaller  ones  in  America ;  but  in  Europe  there  is  nothing  so 
fragmentary. 

In  Livonia,  though  the  Liefs,  who  gave  the  name  to  the  dis- 
trict, are  now,  in  all  probability,  extinct,  there  is  plenty  of  the 
Fins  of  the  ordinary  Estonian  type.  This  is  nearly  that  of  the 
proper  Finlanders,  or  the  occupants  of  the  Duchy  of  Finland ; 
I  so  that  what  applies  to  the  Estonian  Fins  applies  to  the 
Livonian  also. 

Estonia,  like  the  other  Baltic,  or  German,  provinces  of 
Russia,  is  largely  Germanized.  Like  Courland  and  Liefland, 
it  was  conquered  by  the  Knights  of  the  Sword;  and,  like 
the  Lieflanders  and  the  Courlanders,  the  native  Fins  were 
reduced  to  the  condition  of  serfs.  The  serfs,  however,  who, 
in  Courland,  were  almost  exclusively  Letts,  and  in  Livonia 
f  were  Letts  and  Fins  in  something  like  equal  proportions,  were, 
J  in  Estonia,  almost  wholly  Fin.     Indeed,  in  the  way  of  ethno- 


246  THE    PINS    OE    UGKIANS. 

logy,  Estonia  begins  on  the  river  Salis ;  and,  so  doing,  includes 
nearly  all  the  northern  half  of  Livonia. 

The  Fin  element,  then,  is  common  to  both  provinces  ;  being 
paramount  in  Estonia. 

Its  ordinary  name  is  German ;  Estonia  being  but  a  Latin 
form  of  Estland,  i.e.,  the  Eastern  Land.  Word  for  word,  this 
coincides  with  the  term  jEstyii  in  Tacitus — word  for  word,  but 
not  place  for  place.  The  ^styii  of  Tacitus  lay  between  the 
Vistula  and  the  Niemen,  and  were  the  ancestors  of  the  true 
Prussians ;  as  is  inferred  from  the  fact  of  the  Amber  Country 
being  their  occupancy.  To  the  informants  of  Tacitus  this  was 
the  Eastern  end  of  the  Baltic;  the  coast  of  which,  after  we 
pass  Konigsberg,  suddenly  turns  northwards.  It  was  only  in 
after  times  that  Estland  meant  the  parts  along  the  Gulf  of 
Finland,  or  the  extreme  East. 

The  name  by  which  the  Estonians  designate  themselves  is 
Rahwa ;  and  as  -ma,  in  Estonian,  means  -land,  the  native  name 
for  Estland  is  Mar ahw a= Rahw aland. 

Estonia,  rather  than  Livonia,  is  the  Land  of  the  Rahwas 
merely  because  it  is  the  most  especially  Rahwa — Rahwa  purely 
and  simply  rather  than  Rahwa  and  Lett.  Looking,  however, 
to  the  numbers  alone,  half  Livonia  is  more  than  all  Estonia. 

In  Liefland,  the  Rahwas  amount  to  355,216 
Estonia,  „  „  252,608 

Vitepsk,  „  „  9,936 

Pleskov  (Pskov)  „  8,000 

St.  Petersburg,  „  7,736 


633,496 


Some  of  the  purest  blood  in  Europe  is  to  be  found  amongst 
the  southern,  the  eastern,  and  the  central  Rahwas;  the  admix-  ij 
ture  of  foreign  elements  being  the  greatest  on  the  northern 
and  western  frontiers.  In  the  south,  too,  and  the  east,  the 
greatest  number  of  national  characteristics  presents  itself ;  and 
that  in  the  way  of  physiognomy,  in  the  way  of  manners  and 
customs,  and  in  the  way  of  language. 

Whatever  may  be    the    case  with  the  Ugrians  of  Asia,  of 


ESTONIA.  247 

whom  we  know  comparatively  little,  there  is  no  donbt  as  to  the 
musical  and  the  poetical  aptitudes  of  the  Baltic  Fins.  Even 
the  fragmentary  Liefs  are  known  to  have  songs  of  some  sort. 
But  in  Estonia  the  quantity  of  national  poetry  increases, 
and  its  quality  improves.  In  Finland  proper,  in  the  famous 
Kalevala,  it  will  reach  its  height. 

The  Estonian  instrument  is  the  harp,  of  which  the  following 
short  poem  gives  us  the  early  history : 

On  the  pathway  sang  the  women ; 
On  the  pathway,  on  the  roadway, 
Bridesmaids  singing  in  the  village. 

On  the  way  to  church  I  sang  ; 
In  the  porch  and  in  the  church. 

My  step-sisters  murdered  me  ; 
With  a  round  stone  like  an  egg ; 
With  a  sharp  axe. 

Whither  did  they  take  the  maiden  ? 
To  the  moor  with  the  bright  berries. 
What  grew  out  of  her  ? 
Then  grew  out  of  her  a  noble  birch-tree, 
And  it  shed  a  smell  around  it. 

What  came  out  of  the  birch-tree  ? 
The  birch-tree  was  made  into  a  harp  ; 
It  was  cut  into  a  fiddle. 

What  made  the  frame  of  the  harp  ? 
It  was  made  of  the  gills  of  a  salmon, 
Out  of  the  hard  teeth  of  a  pike. 

And  what  were  the  harp-strings  made  of  ? 
Out  of  the  hair  of  the  beautiful  bride, 
Out  of  the  locks  of  the  chickie-biddy. 

But  where  were  the  players  on  the  harp, 

The  players  of  the  harp  in  the  hall  ? 

Brother,  dear  brother, 

Take  the  harp  to  the  hall. 

Lean  it  against  the  wainscot, 

Put  your  thumb  to  it. 

Put  the  tips  of  your  fingers. 

Strike  sharp  with  the  iron. 

The  spell  of  the  strings  of  the  brothers  sounded 

With  the  sorrows  of  the  only  harp, 


248  THE    FINS    OE    UGEIANS. 

As  wlien  Yierland's  maidens  weep — 
The  sorrows  of  the  bridesmaids  of  Harland 
Going  forth  from  the  house  of  the  father, 
Going  forth  from  the  house  of  the  mother, 
Going  out  to  the  house  of  the  bridegroom, 
Going  out  to  the  house  of  the  husband. 

With  this  harp  did  the  native  bards  wander  from  place  to 
place  as  the  harvest-home  or  the  wedding-feast  might  tempt 
them.  There  are  none  such  now  alive^  the  last  having  died 
in  1813.  He  had  no  fixed  residence;  but  was  known  and 
welcomed,  whithersoever  he  chose  to  roam^  as  the  wanna  laulu- 
mieSf  or  the  old  singing-man. 

Neuss  calls  the  following  a  drinking-song.  The  bacchanalian 
element,  however,  holds  but  a  subordinate  position. 

I  drank  ale  and  emptied  the  can. 

Threw  the  staves  in  the  wood. 

Threw  the  hoops  in  the  thicket, 

Dashed  them  on  the  ground, 

In  the  morning  went  to  look  for  them. 

The  day  after  looked  about. 

A  fine  ash-tree  had  grown  up, 

A  fine  ash-tree,  a  broad  wood. 

A  muskin  on  each  twig, 

A  squirrel  on  each  branch, 

A  singing-bird  on  each  roost. 

Wait,  wait,  wait,  squirrel. 
Stay  still  little  bird, 
Till  I  get  my  gun. 
Till  I  clean  its  barrel. 

From  every  twig  I  shot  a  muskin. 
From  every  branch  I  shot  a  squirrel, 
From  every  roost  I  shot  a  singing-bird. 

The  opus  magnum  which  Neuss  dignifies  by  the  name  of  Epic 
is  the  following.  Its  repetitions  are  Homeric ;  but  there  is  a 
reason  for  them.  The  song  was  danced  to,  and  the  figures 
recurred. 

Then  the  war  began  to  lower  ; 
Russian  soldiers  rushed  upon  us, 
Polish  soldiers  came  and  robbed  us, 
Saxon  soldiers  came  and  shot  us. 


ESTONIAN   POETRY.  249 

Young  and  tender,  I  kept  crying, 

Kneeling  mid  the  garden  flowers. 

Keep  me,  keep  me,  Lord  of  Harland. 

Bring  out  your  deep  boats, 

Till  I  get  back  to  the  house. 

Till  T  find  some  merchant, 

Till  I  find  some  one  to  save  me, 

Who  will  save  me  in  the  war. 

At  the  front-door,  at  the  back-door, 

In  the  war,  and  in  the  slaughter, 

In  the  war,  and  in  the  clutchings, 

From  the  Cfirlanders, 

From  the  Russians, 

From  the  murderous  knives 

From  the  foemen's  sword. 

Then  I  went  to  beg  my  mother. 
"  Oh  !  my  dear  mother, 

Save  me  from  the  war." 
"  How  can  I  save  you? " 
"  You  have  got  three  aprons, 

One  worked  with  gold, 

One  worked  with  silver 

One  with  old  brass. 

Give  the  best  for  me, 

Give  the  best  for  your  only  daughter.** 

Then  straightway  the  mother  answered, 
"  I'll  not  give  them  for  my  daughter, 

Not  my  aprons  for  my  daughter; 

Daughters  there  are  here  and  ther^ 

Here  to-day,  and  gone  to-morrow. 

A-prons  last  your  lifetime." 

Then  the  war  began  to  lower,  * 

Russian  soldiers  rushed  upon  us, 

Polish  soldiers  came  and  robbed  us, 

Saxon  soldiers  came  and  shot  us. 

Young  and  tender,  I  kept  crying, 

Kneeling  mid  the  garden  flowers. 

Keep  me,  keep  me,  Lord  of  Harland. 

Bring  out  your  deep  boats, 

Till  I  get  back  to  the  house,  &c. 

Then  I  went  to  beg  my  father. 
"  Oh !  my  dear  Father, 

Save  me  from  the  war. 

From  the  front-door,"  &c. 
**  How  can  I  save  you? " 
"  You  have  got  three  bullocks. 

One  has  a  horn  of  gold. 

The  other  a  horn  of  silver. 

The  other  a  horn  of  old  brass. 

Give  the  best  lor  me. 


250  THE    FINS    OE    UGEIANS 

Give  the  best  for  your  only  daughter." 
Then  seitraightway  the  father  answered, 
*'  I'll  not  give  them  for  my  daughter, 
Not  my  bullocks  for  my  daughter; 
Daughters  there  are  here  and  there. 
Here  to-day,  and  gone  to-morrow. 
Bullocks  last  your  lifetime." 

Then  the  war  began  to  lower,  &c. 

Then  I  went  to  beg  my  brother. 
*'  Oh !  my  dear  brother, 

Save  me  from  the  war,"  &c. 
*'  How  can  I  save  you? " 
"  You  have  got  three  horses. 

One,  a  horse  with  mane  of  gold; 

One,  a  horse  with  mane  of  silver; 

And  the  third,  a  mane  of  old  brass ; 

Give  the  best  for  me. 

Give  it  for  your  only  sister." 

Then  straightvvay  the  brother  answered, 
**  I'll  not  give  it  for  my  sister, 

Not  my  horses,  for  my  sister ; 

Sisters  there  are  here  and  there. 

Here  t6"-day,  and  gone  to-morrow; 

Horses  last  a  lifetime." 

Then  the  war  began  to  lower,  &c. 

Then  I  went  to  beg  my  sister. 
"  Oh !  my  sister,  little  sister. 

Save  me  from  the  war,  my  sister!  "  &c. 
"  How  can  I  save  you  ] " 
"  Ah !  my  little  sister, 

You  have  three  garlands ; 

One  is  like  a  garland  of  gold; 

Another  like  a  garland  of  silver, 

The  third  is  of  old  brass. 

Give  the  best  for  me,  my  sister, 

Give  it  for  your  only  sister." 

Then  the  sister  answered  straightway. 
"  I'll  not  give  them  for  my  sister, 

Not  my  garlands  for  my  sister; 

Sisters  there  are  here  and  there. 

Sisters  you  can  have  for  one  moon  ; 

Sisters  you  can  have  for  two  moons; 

Garlands  last  your  whole  life  long." 

Then  the  war  began  to  lower.  &c. 
"  Lads  of  Vierland, 

Noble  fellows. 

Save  the  maiden 

From  the  soldiers,"  &c. 
'  How  can  we  save  you?" 
"  You  have  got  three  hats, 


ESTONIAN  POETiiY.  251 

One  is  a  hat  of  old  brass; 
One  is  a  hat  of  new  silver ; 
And  the  third,  a  hat  of  gold. 
Give  the  best  for  me, 
Give  it  for  your  only  maiden." 
"  How  long  will  a  hat  lastl 
Hats  last  only  two  days; 
Maidens  last  a  whole  life  long." 


Sword-dance. 


There  was  a  maid,  a  young  maid, 
She  took  the  herds  to  the  homestead  j 
Found  a  chicken  in  the  field, 
Took  the  chicken  home ; 
Out  of  the  chicken  came  a  man. 
The  maid  was  Salmi,  Salmi  the  fair. 

There  came  three  wooers — 
One,  the  Moon's  son, 
One,  the  Sun's  son, 
The  third,  the  Star's  son. 
The  handsome  Moon's  son  came, 
He  came  with  fifty  horses ; 
He  came  with  sixty  bold  led-horses. 
Then  spoke  Salmi  from  the  corn-loft : 
Crying  out,  from  out  the  barn — 
**  No,  no  ;  not  the  Moon  for  me  ; 
He  has  three  duties  : 
First,  he  rises  in  the  twilight. 
Then  he  rises  at  the  sunset, 
Then  he  rises  at  the  sinking." 

The  handsome  Sun's  son  came, 
He  came  with  fifty  horses ; 
He  came  with  sixty  bold  led-horses. 
Then  spoke  Salmi : 
**  No,  no  ;  not  the  Sun  for  me 
The  Sun  has  many  duties : 
The  Sun  sends  hot  beams, 
flakes  the  fine  weather, 
flakes  the  harvest  for  the  mowing, 
flakes  the  rain  come  down  in  showers  ; 
Sets  the  crops  of  oats  a-growing, 
Makes  it  sultry,  makes  it  thunder; 
Burning  up  the  oats  a-growing, 
Kills  tlie  barley  in  the  valleys; 
In  the  sand  beats  down  the  linseed, 
And  the  peas  in  all  the  furrows; 
And  the  wheat  behind  the  farm -yard, 
And  the  flax  along  the  forest. ' 


252  THE    FINS    OE   UGRIANS. 

The  handsome  Star's  son  came, 

He  came  with  fifty  horses ; 

He  came  with  sixty  bold  led-horses. 

Then  Salmi  spake  from  out  the  corn-loft; 

Took  the  Star's  horse  to  the  stable, 

The  roan  to  the  stable, 

Gave  him  his  fill  of  oats, 

Dressed  him  in  fine  linen. 

Put  a  housing  over  him, 

Let  him  close  his  eyes  in  silk, 

Up  to  his  hoofs  in  oats. 
"  Sit  down,  Star, 

At  the  table 

By  the  white-wall 

On  a  bench  of  hornbeam 

To  the  seasoned  dishes, 

Seasoned  with  pepper." 

Then  she  took  the  Star  to  the  chamber, 
"  Eat,  Star  ;  drink,  Star, 

Live  in  pleasure." 

But  the  Star  drew  his  sword. 

No  eating,  no  drinking, 

Send  Salmi  into  the  chamber. 

Salmi  spoke  from  out  the  corn-loft, 

la  the  house  behind  the  homestead  . 
"  Dearest  mate,  and  dearest  bridegroom, 

Give  me  time  to  grow : 

Give  me  time  to  array  myself. 

Slowly  does  the  fatherless  one  array  herself; 

Slowly  does  the  motherless  one  array  herself; 

Slowly  does  the  orphan  array  herself. 

No  mother  to  dress  me, 

Fo  parents  to  clothe  me ; 

The  mothers  of  the  village  must  dress  me. 

The  old  women  must  clothe  me. 

The  village  gives  cold  comfort. 

The  people  of  an  iron  heart." 

01'  the  war  songs  the  number  as  well  as  the  merit  is  higher 
than  it  is  in  Lithuania. 

Could  I  but  die  in  the  war, 
Die  in  the  war  without  sickness; 
Go  off  with  the  shot  of  the  enemy. 
Without  the  weary  pain, 
Without  the  weakness  of  death, 
Without  the  waste  of  sickness. 
Better  to  fall  asleep  in  the  battle, 
To  fall  before  the  banners, 
To  sell  your  life  to  the  sword, 
To  the  arrow  from  the  cross-bow. 


ST.  PETERSBURG  ;  NOVOGOROD.  253 

"  No  fight  with  sickness, 
No  slavery  to  sorrow ; 
Sleepless  on  the  bed  of  pain. 
Death  in  war  has  higher  joy, 
With  the  wounds  of  your  brothers, 
When  the  sister's  eye  weeps. 
'  Ah  !  my  brother,  in  the  pride  of  life. 
Has  fallen  in  open  war.'  " 

In  the  Governments  of  St.  Petersburg  and  Novogorod  the 
population  becomes  more  exclusively  Russian,  and  the  frag- 
ments of  a  once  continuous  Finland,  or  Ugria,  become  less 
conspicuous. 

Still  there  arc  traces  of  the  older  populations,  and  mth  that 
the  definite  characteristic  of  language. 

The  ground  on  which  the  great  city  of  St.  Petersburg  stands 
belonged,  at  the  accession  of  Peter  the  Great,  to  Sweden.  But 
the  Swedish  dominion  itself  was  foreign,  and  such  Swedish 
elements  as  Ingria,  or  the  present  Government  of  St.  Petersburg, 
contained  were  intrusive — so  truly  was  it  a  continuation  of 
Finland  in  the  direction  of  Estonia,  or  of  Estonia  in  that  of 
Finland.  Hence  there  is  a  Swedish  as  well  as  a  Russian 
element  in  these  parts. 

Akin  to  the  Rahw^ahs  and,  at  the  same  time,  akin  to  the 
Finlanders,  yet  different  from  both,  are  the  Vod ;  the  Vod  who 
are  the  true  representatives  of  the  aborigines  of  the  Government 
of  St.  Petersburg  ;  the  Vod  who  serve  as  samples  for  what  the 
occupants  were  when  all  between  Narva  and  Yiborg  was  Ugrian. 
There  are  other  Ugrians  besides ;  some  from  the  northern 
frontier  of  Estonia,  some  from  the  southern  parts  of  Finland ; 
but  the  true  aborigines  are  these  Vod — transitional  in  language, 
and  possibly  in  many  other  less  definite  characteristics,  between 
the  Estonians  Proper  and  the  Finlanders  of  Finland. 

These  Vatlanders,  or  Watlanders,  call  themselves  Vad- 
jalaiset.  In  number  they  amount  to  something  more  than  five 
thousand.  They  occupy  certain  small  villages  between  Narva 
and  Cronstadt  in  the  Circles  of  Oranienbaum  and  Yamsburg. 
Wc  may  think  of  them,  if  we  choose,  as  the  Ugrians  of  Yamsburg; 
inasmuch  as  they,  doubtless,  belong  to  the  great  Yam  division 
of   the   Ugrian    population,    a    division    w^hicli    contained    the 


254  THE    FINS    OR    UGRIANS. 

aborigines  not  only  of  St.  Petersburg  but  of  Novogorod  as  well — 
of  St.  Petersburg  and  Novogorod  as  well  as  much  besides. 
These  it  was  with  whom  the  Slavonians  from  the  south  came  in 
contact,  upon  whom  they  encroached,  and  by  whom  they  were 
resisted.  By  the  end,  however,  of  the  thirteenth  century  the 
Vod,  at  least,  were  quieted.  The  fort  Koporie  was,  then,  built 
to  overawe  them.  Add  to  this  the  influences  of  Christianity; 
which  the  Kussians  introduced.  In  Estonia  it  was  the  Germans 
who  did  so ;  so  that,  in  Estonia,  the  creed,  now  Lutheran,  was, 
originally,  Eoman  Catholic.  In  Vodland,  however,  it  both  was 
and  is  the  Christianity  of  the  Greek  Church. 

Their  language  is  called  Vais.  "  Tunnet pajattaa  Vaiss  "  = 
"  Do  you  speak  Vod  ? "  It  is  in  the  parishes  of  Kattila  and 
Soikina  that  it  is  spoken ;  and  it  was  from  an  old  woman  of 
Kattila  that  Lonrot  firs^  and  Ahlqvist  afterwards,  made  a  collec- 
tion of  Vod  songs ;  an  old  woman  who  has  since  died  {i.  e.  in 
1856). 

In  the  eleventh  century  one  of  the  divisions  of  the  ancient 
Novogorod  was  called  Votskaia  Pati?ia  (i.  e.  the  Vod  Fifth), 
just  as,  in  the  eyes  of  the  old  Norsemen,  Northumberland  was  a 
fifth  part  of  England,  or,  as  in  Yorkshire,  we  talk  of  the  Trith- 
ings  (Ridings).  The  Swedes  took  up  this  name  (Eussian  as  it 
was),  and  in  a  document  of  King  John  III.  (a.d.  1590)  we  find 
that  he  makes  his  son  "  Prince  of  Finland,  Carelia,  Wdtzhij- 
Pethin,  and  Ingermanland,"  in  Russia. 

Upon  the  popular  poetry  of  the  Vod  a  flood  of  light  has  been 
recently  thrown  by  Ahlqvist;  previous  to  whose  inquiries,  two 
short  fragments  were  the  only  known  representatives  of  what  is, 
apparently,  a  rich  literature  in  its  way.  The  great  storehouse,  as 
is  so  often  the  case,  and  as  we  have  just  stated,  was  the  memory 
of  an  old  woman;  the  most  important  poem  which  it  supphed 
being  a  long  wedding-song.  More  than  a  mere  ode,  it  seems 
to  be  adapted  to  the  details  of  the  chief  preliminary  ceremonies ; 
and  it  was,  to  some  extent,  an  acted  chorus — a  true  prothala- 
mium.  Too  long  to  be  given  in  full,  it  is  sufficiently  remarkable 
in  form  to  claim  notice.  Hence,  the  following  extracts  are  simply 
intended  as  a  sketch  of  its  general  structure.  The  imagery  is  that 
of  the  Estonian  compositions  in  general,  and  the  metre  is  Estonian 
as  well. 


VOD   POEMS. 


255 


Tlio  oponinpr : — 

Hathc— bathe,  my  brother  ! 
Bathe— bathe,  my  spark  ! 
liatlic  in  ten  parts  water- 
Wash  in  eight  parts  ! 
Before  the  door  stands  father, 
Island-boots  iu  hand, 
Fish-caps  under  arm. 
Before  the  door  stands  mother, 
Checked  shirt  in  hand, 
Fish-caps  underarm — 

iTid  SO  on.  thiough  the  brothers  and  sisters,  &c.,  antil  the   bride- 
[groom  leaves  the  bath-room.     Then — 

1  lail !  in  the  wind  of  Yumala  ! 

1  Tail  !  out  of  the  bath  ! 

Hail  !  fish  after  the  cleaning  ! 

Take  now  Yumala  for  thy  help, 

Take  the  dear  Creator, 

The  mother  of  God  before  her. 

;0n  entering  the  room  : — 

Come,  Yumala,  and  help — 
Come,  Yumala,  and  help  the  hoy  ! 
Help  him,  kiijd  father, 
In  treading  across  the  thre;jhoi«i.. 
Villagers,  Christians, 
Step  on  each  side ; 
Make  Avay  for  my  grouse, 
Make  way  for  my  blackberry. 
Father  at  the  top  of  the  tal)le,  vVc. 


Sorrow  not,  my  dear  brother. 

Fear  not,  my  spur-wearer. 

Never  is  your  coat  other  than  comely, 

Never  are  the  island-boots  shabby, 

Never  is  your  belt  bad, 

Never  your  hat  awry. 

Honey-drops  spirt  out 

From  the  golden  girdle, 

From  the  chalk-white  heLov 

Sorrow  not,  my  dear  brother  ; 

Fear  not,  my  spur-wearer. 

Go  not  alone,  my  brother  ; 

Go  not  by  yourself,  my  fish  : 

With  thee  goes  a  line  of  bridesfolk, 

A  band  of  mates. 

With  the  Moon  as  bridegroom's  father. 

At  the  head  of  the  troop  the  Sun  ; 

Thou,  as  the  Sun's  son,  at  the  side, 

With  the  bride's  train  as  stars ; 


256  THE    FINS    OR    UGRIAN8. 

The  sister  brings  words  in  her  glove — 
Songs  in  the  pocket  of  her  gown. 
Sorrow  not,  my  dear  brother  ; 
Fear  not,  my  spur-wearer ; 
Thou  art  new  stricken,  my  leaf ! 
Not  cast  away,  my  berry ! 

The  bridegroom  takes  his  seat  under  a  figure  of  St.  George. 

Great  kinsmen  of  my  bird, 

Noble  men  of  a  high  house, 

Help  the  well-beloved : 

Part  with  words,  and  part  with  clothing. 

Help  him  with  copptr, 

Help  him  with  gold. 

In  married  life  gDld  goes. 

Gold  coins  melt  away. 

Sorrow  not,  my  dearest  brother. 

Work  shall  be  done  in  the  house. 

Your  father  is  still  alive: 

My  mother  is  still  alive. 

At  the  table  sits  the  father, 

At  the  cupboard  the  mother. 

The  father  helps  his  kin  ; 

The  mother  sets  the  table. 

The  bridegroom  now  goes  to  fetch  the  bride. 
Help  now,  Yumala  ! 
Come,  Creator, 
With  the  Mother  of  God ! 
Come,  Creator,  on  the  Cross  ! 
Saviour  on  the 
Ma^k  a  cross,  my  dearest ! 
Knock  at  door,  my  little  bear ! 
Knock  at  door  carefully, 
Stoop  your  fiice,  my  golden  one  ! 
On  each  side,  my  little  fish  ! 
The  tree  thou  nearest. 
Red  shall  it  be  ; 
The  hedge  thou  nearest, 
Green  shall  it  be,  &c. 
Villagers,  children  of  Christ,  &c. 

On  entering  the  house  of  the  bride : — 

Come  into  the  room,  brother ! 

Warm,  my  heart ! 

My  brother  comes  to  one  whom  he  knows 

Come  to  the  ownership  of  the  house  : 

Father  at  the  end  of  the  table ; 

Make  room  for  the  apple  of  my  eye, 

A  place  for  my  own  and  only  one,  &c. 


II 


VOD  POEMS.  257 


Then,  to  the  bridegroom  : — 


Hast  key  in  girdle  1 
Hast  secret  skill  behind  ] 
Canst  open  the  Butterburg — 
The  white  Church  of  the  Vod  ? 

And  now,  they  ask  for  meat  and  drink. 

My  brothers-in-law,  lads  of  gold, 

My  true  kinsmen, 

Let  not  the  cates  spoil, 

Let  not  the  meats  cool  j 

I  shall  not  spare  the  cates. 

Nor  yet  hoard  the  drink. 

My  brothers-in-law,  lads  of  gold. 

The  beer  warms  you, 

The  brandy  lights  you  up  : 

Vierland's  brandy,  good  for  drinking. 

Honey -beer  from  our  own  land. 

I  tarry  not  at  the  brandy  : 

The  beer  does  not  warm  me. 

Work  must  be  done  in  the  house : 

The  mother  is  still  alive,  &c. 

The  bridegroom  sits  down  at  the  table. 

Sit  thee  down,  my  loved  one  ; 
Sit  thee  down,  my  only  brother, 
At  the  foot  of  Yumala, 
Under  the  holy  kerchief. 
Before  the  face  of  the  Kind  One  ! 

Grace  after  meat : — 

Thanks  and  blessings 

For  the  meat  and  drink  : 

I've  been  at  many  Aveddings — 

At  eight  in  all  : 

Never  ate  I  such  cates. 

Never  drank  I  such  liquors,  &c 

To  the  bridegroom  : — 

Hast  key  in  girdle  1 
Hast  skill  in  pocket  1 
Canst  open  the  Butterburg — 
The  white  Church  of  the  Vod  ? 

To  the  host : — 

Dear  brother-in-law,  my  golden  one, 
It  is  not  my  brother 
That  thou  deceivest, 

17 


258  THE    FINS    OR    ITGRIANS. 

It  is  tliy  own  brother — 

Thy  own  sister. 

Take  a  message  to  the  maiden, 

Let  goosey  know, 

That  the  maiden  weep  not  more. 

Weeping  wears  the  heart. 

Tears  hurt  the  eyes. 

As  the  guests  depart : — 

Time  to  go— time  to  go, 
The  horses  are  neighing, 
The  nags  are  whinnying,  &c. 

The  bride  reaches  the  bridegroom's  house  : — 

Brotherkin  went  out  alone  : 
Back  he  comes  with  some  one  else, 
Bringing  the  mother  a  helpmate^  &c. 

Greeting  of  the  bride  : — 

Hail,  young,  dear  maiden  I 
Hail,  coming  from  the  way  ! 
Let  me  see  my  maiden  ! 
Let  me  see  her  by  the  fire — 
Let  me  see  her  by  the  light  ! 
Black  was  she  painted,  my  chickea 
Smoke-black  was  she  painted. 
Black  are  they  who  said  it — 
Smoke-black  the  sayers. 
She  was  good,  and  she  is  good ; 
Fair  in  her  open  sleeves, 
Clean  in  her  silken  shirt, 
Beautiful  in  her  kirtle. 
Dear  maid— dear  maiden. 
As  thou  comest,  so  stay,  &c. 

The  bride  is  taken  to  a  well  to  look  at  the  water  :— 

Go  to  the  well,  my  maiden, 
To  look  at  the  water  ; 
How  it  springs  up 
From  the  pebbly  bottom, 
From  the  sandy  spring. 

The  presents  being  inspected  and  divided,  the  poem  concludes 

with — 

Dearest  maiden — only  maiden, 
As  thou  comest,  so  stay. 
Try  to  be  careful, 
Try  to  be  right  clean. 


TSHUD.  259 

Ingria,  or  //z^ennanlaud^  takes  its  name  from  the  Inyrikot, 
or  Izhor ;  the  former  being  the  native^  the  latter  the  Russian, 
name.  The  Ingrikot  amount  to  eighteen  thousand,  all  within 
the  Government  of  St.  Petersburg. 

In  A.D.  1623,  the  district  of  Agrepaa  was  ceded  by  the 
Russians  to  the  Swedes,  and  along  with  it  two  others,  namely 
Yeskis  and  Savolax.  It  is  believed  that  when  this  took  place 
the  ancestors  of  the  Savakot  and  Auramoiset ,  two  other  Fin 
populations  of  Ingria,  migrated  into  their  present  localities. 
The  former  amount  to  42,979,  the  latter  to  29,344. 

Another  variety  of  the  Ugrian  family,  known  by  the  name 
of  Tshud,  now  comes  under  notice.  This  is  believed  to  have 
been  the  name  by  which  the  Slavonians  designated  certain 
nations  which  were  other  than  Slavonic.  Still,  they  do  not 
seem  to  have  called  the  Germans  so  ;  for  them  they  call  Niemce. 
Nor  yet  the  Turks ;  who  are  Tatars.  Where,  then,  the  word 
Tshiid  is  used,  it  is  used  by  a  Slavonian,  and  is,  probably, 
applied  to  a  Ugrian.  It  is  not  known  to  the  Ugrians  them- 
selves, and  is  anything  but  a  complimentary  designation.  It 
is  much  such  a  word  as  Barb  ants  in  Greek  and  Latin,  only  not 
applied  so  generally. 

I  cannot,  however,  find  that  all  the  Ugrians  were  called 
Tshud.  The  Estonians  are  not.  The  Finlanders  are  not.  It 
seems,  then,  as  if  the  name  were  given  more  especially  by  the 
Russians  of  Novogorod  to  the  Ugrians  of  their  immediate 
frontier.  At  any  rate,  the  Ugrians  under  notice  are  pre- 
eminently Tshud,  and  as  Sjogren  connects  them  with  the  Vod, 
he  occasionally  allows  himself  to  speak  of  the  one  as  the 
Northern,  the  other  as  the  Southern,  Tshud. 

But  now  another  name  occurs.  Vladimir,  son  of  Yaroslav, 
marched  with  a  mighty  army  out  of  Novogorod, 
against  a  population  called  Yem,  or  Yam,  and  con- 
quered it.  lie  lost,  however,  his  horses  through  a  murrain. 
After  this,  the  Yam  appear  frequently  in  Russian  history,  and 
that  as  a  sturdy,  brave  people.  Two  elaborate  papers  of 
Sjogren  address  themselves  to  the  question — Who  were  the 
Yam't  The  answer  is,  that  they  were  the  ancestors  of  the 
present  Tshiid  of  Olonets  and  Novogorod. 

17  * 


260  THE    FINS    OR   UGEIANS. 

The  Tshud  have  suffered  much  from  encroachment;  more 
than  the  Ugrians  of  St.  Petersburg.  Sometimes  they  lie  in 
patches,,  oases,  or  islands.  Sometimes  they  have  other  Ugrians 
in  contact  with  them.  They  lie — some  on  the  banks  of  Lake 
Onega,  others  in  the  Circle  of  Bielosersk.  They  lie  in  Novo- 
gorod,  as  well  as  in  Olonets.  When  Sjogren  described  them, 
he  carried  their  numbers  as  high  as  twenty-one  thousand.  An 
earlier  table  gives  for — 

The  Government  of  Novogorod       .         .     7,067 
„  Olonets    .         .         .     8,560 


15,627 
These  Tshuds  call  their  language  iMudin  kieli  Luudin  tongue 
or  speech.     How  such  a  name  as  this  may  have  originated  I 
shall  suggest  in  my  notice  of  the  Z/i/Manians ;  but  without 
affirming  that  it  did  so  originate. 

Another  name  for  a  Fin  fragment  is  ^'  Vesp."  This  can 
scarcely  be  other  than  the  "  Ves "  which  has  already  been 
stated  to  be  the  name  for  the  language  of  the  Vod. 

'^Karelian ''  is  the  name  for  a  dialect,  or  co-ordinate  division 
of  the  Fin  of  Finland.  It  may,  possibly,  include  both  the 
Luudin  kieli  and  the  Vesp.  Of  the  Karelians  more  than  a 
hundred  thousand  are  believed  to  lie  apart  from  their  congeners, 
in — 

The  Government  of  Novogorod    .         .       27,076 

„  „  St.  Petersburg       .         3,660 

„  Tver      .         .         .       84,638 

„  J,  Yaroslav        .         .         1,283 


116,657 
Such  are  the  more  fragmentary  and  sporadic  Fins  of  certain 

Russian  Governments  rather  than  the  typical  Fins  of  the  Duchy 

of  Finland. 

Of  this,  those  of  the  south-western  districts  and  the  parts 

between  the  water-shed  and  the  sea,  or  the  parts  about  Tavas- 

tahuSy  form  the  Tavastrian  division. 

Those  beyond  the  water-shed,  in  the  direction  of  Olonetz 

and  Archangel,  are  classed  as  Karelians, 


QUAIN.  261 

The  northern  part  of  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia  gives 
us  a  third  name;  and  the  FinLanders  for  this  part  are  called 
Quains  (KwcenJ,  The  Quains  were  the  Sitones  of  Tacitus;  as 
is  shown  by  a  curious  misinterpretation.  Qvinna,  in  Swedish, 
means  a  woman ;  so  that  a  kingdom  of  Qvains  may  be  mistaken 
for  a  kingdom  of  queans.  Some  one  between  the  first  observer 
and  the  direct  or  indirect  informant  of  Tacitus  fell  into  this 
mistake;  the  result  being  that  the  text  of  the  ^'^Germania^^  tells 
us  that  the  Sitones  are  ruled  by  a  woman_,  and  that  they  must 
be  despised  accordingly.  The  blunder  continues.  Alfred  writes 
about  Cwcenland  'f  and  Adam  of  Bremen  of  a  Terra  Amazonum. 
Who  firstj  cunningly_,  hit  upon  this  element  of  error  I  am 
unable  to  say.  I  can  only  say  that  it  has  been  recognized  as  a 
likely  one ;  and  that  few  doubt  the  identity  between  the  Quains 
and  the  Sitones. 

The  Fenni,  as  described  by  Tacitus_,  are  amongst  the  rudest 
and  filthiest  of  nations — without  arms,  without  horses,  without 
household  gods — non  arma,  non  equi,  non  Penates.  They  feed 
on  herbs;  they  wear  skins;  they  lie  on  the  ground.  Their 
arrows  are  tipped  with  bone  ;  and  the  women  join  in  the  chase 
with  the  men.  They  live  in  wattled  huts ;  but,  withal,  live 
happily — ^' secu7^i  adversus  homines,  securi  adversus  Deos,  rem 
difficilliman  adsecuti  sunt  ut  illis  non  voto  quidem  opus  esset." 
That  this  applies  to  the  Laps  rather  than  the  Finlanders  has  been 
maintained  by  the  learned ;  and  the  fact  of  Finmark  being  the 
Norwegian  name  for  Lapland  is  in  favour  of  the  view. 

That  the  original  Fin  polity  was  of  the  simplest  is  an  inference 
from  such  words  as  kuningas,  tuomari,  valtakunta,  esivalta, 
sakko,  tori,  &c.,  which  mean  king,  judge,  authority,  power,  fine, 
market,  &c.,  all  of  which  are  Swedish.  So  are  the  names  of 
the  commoner  trades  and  employments  :  with  the  notable  ex- 
ception of  kanguri  and  5e/?/?«,  meaning  i^eat^er  and  smith.  These 
are  native;  as  are  the  rauta=.iron,  tekase=steel,  vaske=copper, 
hopia= silver,  hdlmd=bog-iron.  The  word  for  a  feast  was 
drinking.  A  maiden  given  in  marriage  was  sold.  There  was 
a  name  for  freemen  and  for  slaves  :  a  name  for  a  village,  and  a 
name  for  a  large  assembly  of  houses  at  which  was  held  a  kind 
of  court — kyla  and  kenaja  respectively. 


262  THE    FINS    OR    UGRIANS. 

If  we  put  all  this  together  we  shall  take  the  description  of 
the  Fenni,  as  found  in  Tacitus,  with  reservation  :  treating  them 
as  a  rude  population^  but  as  a  population  of  which  the  culture, 
though  low,  differed  from  that  of  the  Germans  and  the  Sar- 
matians  in  degree  rather  than  kind.  Between  the  time  of 
Tacitus  and  the  first  Swedish  invasions  there  is  an  interval  of 
nearly  a  thousand  years.  How  far  it  was  stationary  or  pro- 
gressive during  this  period  is  uncertain. 

What  in  the  way  of  useful  arts  and  national  polity  the  Fins 
had  of  their  own,  and  what  they  adapted  from  the  Swedes,  has 
just  been  noticed.  They  certainly  had  not  the  art  of  writing. 
Their  poems  are  called  rimot :  a  word  to  which  the  Fin  language 
attaches  a  long  list  of  derivatives.  In  the  opinion  of  some 
this  makes  it  a  Fin  word.  Others  hold  it  to  be  simply  the 
Norse  Rune. 

The  first  notices  of  the  Tavastrian  part  of  Finland,  or  the 
Finland  of  the  present  Duchy,  are  no  earlier  than  those  of 
Sweden,  indeed,  not  quite  so  old ;  and  the  earliest  historical 
notices  of  Sweden  are  no  earlier  than  A. D.  826.  When  Harald, 
the  king  of  Jutland,  was  baptized  in  that  year  at  Mentz, 
Anskar,  a  monk  of  Corvey,  accompanied  him  home;  offered 
himself  as  a  missionary  for  the  terra  incognita  of  Norway  and 
Sweden ;  visited  Birca,  where  he  was  favourably  received  by 
King  Biorn ;  returned  to  Hamburg,  of  which  city  he  was  con- 
stituted archbishop ;  and  died  in  868.  With  the  exception  of 
his  immediate  successor,  Rimbert,  no  one,  for  seventy  years 
after  his  death,  revisited  Sweden ;  so  that  when  Unne,  Arch- 
bishop of  Bremen,  at  the  end  of  that  time,  reached  Birca,  the 
work  of  conversion  had  to  begin  de  novo.  The  earliest  notices, 
then,  in  Swedish  history,  belong  to  the  times  of  these  three 
missionaries ;  and  it  is  remarkable  that  they  give  us  an  ex- 
pedition of  one  king  against  Curland,  and  one  of  another,  Eric 
Edmundson,  against  not  only  Curland,  but  also  against  Estonia, 
Finland,  and  Karelia.     Ei4c  Edmundson  died  A.D.  885. 

Then  we  get  for  about  the  same  time  notices  of  the  piracy  on 
the  part  of  the  Fins  along  the  Malar  Sea,  and  the  invasion  by 
St.  Eric,  about  1160,  of  Finland,  one  of  the  objects  of  which  was 
to  convert  the  Finlanders.     Geijer  calls  it  a  crusade ;  and  he 


THEIR    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY.  263 

further  suggests  that  he  planted  Swedish  colonies  in  the  country, 
ind  laid  the  foundation  of  its  long  connexion  with  Sweden.  He 
''as  accompanied  by  St.  Henry,  the  first  bishop  of  Upsala,  who 
''as  the  earliest  apostle  of  Finland,  and  who  suffered  death  at  the 
lands  of  the  natives.  To  St.  Eric  is  attributed  the  first  Swedish 
jettlement  in  Nyland.  To  the  year  1187  is  assigned  the  de- 
jtruction  of  Sigtuna  by  Fin  pirates;  and  in  1259  a  Papal  Bull 
'as  addressed  to  the  kings  of  Sweden  and  Denmark,  exhorting 
them  to  make  a  joint  effort  against  the  pirates,  then  formidable. 
Lbout  1248,  Earl  Birger  puts  himself  at  the  head  of  what  Geijer 
jain  calls  a  Crusade  against  the  same  enemies,  who,  so  far  as 
khey  were  ever  converted,  have  now  relapsed,  practising  horrible 
jruelties,  and,  in  union  with  the  Carelians  and  Estonians, 
ravaging  the  coasts  of  Sweden.  In  this,  Birger  was  successful; 
loreover,  he  built  the  castle  of  Tavastaborg.  This  is  in  the 
reign  of  the  Grand  Duke  Alexander  Nevski,  with  whom  Birger 
jame  into  collision. 

Whether  the  statement  that,  up  to  this  time,  the  Southern 
'Fins  had  been  subject  to  Russia  be  true  is  uncertain.  It  is  only 
certain  that,  after  the  foundation  of  Tavastaborg,  the  Swedes 
turned  their  arms  against  the  Russians,  who  in  the  Papal  letters 
of  the  time  are  massed-up  with  the  Fins  as  relapsed  Christians, 
against  whom  a  crusade  was  to  be  directed.  The  attack, 
however,  on  the  Russians  miscarried. 

About  1300,  another  Birger,  or  rather  the  regent,  Thorkel 
Knutson,  completed  the  conversion  of  the  Western  Fins.  The 
Karelians,  however,  remained  pagan  and  formidable,  and  were 
coerced  accordingly.  It  was  against  them  that  the  fortress  of 
Viborg  was  founded ;  a  fortress  which  served  as  a  basis  of  opera- 
tions against  Russia  as  well  as  against  Karelia.  Even  now  the 
names  which  appear  so  prominently  in  the  later  history  of 
Estonia  and  Livonia  present  themselves  with  the  same  details. 
The  Swedes  take  Kexholm  from  the  Russians  in  one  campaign, 
and  the  Russians  take  it  from  the  Swedes  in  another.  That 
some  of  the  Fins  of  these  parts  owe  their  Christianity  to  Russia 
rather  than  Sweden  is  likely  ;  and  the  Russians  claim  the  credit 
of  having  converted  them,  A.D.  1227.  They  may  have  done 
this,  and,  yet,  have  done  it  ineffectually ;  for  the  special  charge 


264  THE    FINS    OE    UGEIANS. 

that  lay  against  the  Fins  was  that  there  was  nothing  real  in 
their  numerous  conversions.  When  an  enemy  threatened  them_, 
they  embraced  Christianity,  and_,  when  that  enemy  left  them, 
they  apostatized. 

Under  the  Union,  Finland  was  held  as  a  feudal  tenure,  by 
either  some  member  of  the  royal  family,  or  some  great  officer 
of  state — who  sometimes  affected  a  dangerous  independence. 
It  was  always  being  attacked  by  Russia  and  not  always 
effectively  defended. 

Under  the  descendants  of  Gustavus  Vasa  it  was  better  held 
than  administered  :  indeed,  so  long  as  Livonia  and  Estonia  were 
Swedish,  the  material  strength,  as  well  as  the  strategic  positions, 
was  on  the  side  of   Sweden. 

Except,  then,  on  the  frontier  of  Ingria,  and  in  Eastern 
Karelia,  the  civilization  and  Christianity  of  Finland  are  from 
Sweden — from  Sweden  with  its  Roman  alphabet,  its  Protestant- 
ism, and  its  literature.  Nor,  were  the  benefits  one-sided. 
Hardy  seamen  and  brave  soldiers  were  always  forthcoming  from 
Finland. 

It  is  the  character  of  the  early  civilization  and  the  Chris- 
tianity of  the  Fins  that  is  now  the  main  object  for  our 
consideration. 

Agriculture  extended  itself  from  South  to  North,  from  Tavas- 
tria,  across  the  watershed,  to  Karelia,  and,  in  the  North-East, 
to  Lapland. 

As  early  as  A.D.  1360,  twenty  Laplanders  and  Finlanders, 
as  having  been  baptized  by  a  Swedish  bishop  in  a  great  vat  at 
Tornea. 

As  far  south  as  the  parts  about  Orivesi,  on  the  northern 
frontier  of  Tavastaland,  the  signs  of  an  early  Lap  occupancy 
present  themselves  in  the  shape  of  what  the  Swedes  call  The 
Lap  Rings  [Lappringarne) ;  i.e.  circles  of  stones  which  increase 
in  number  as  we  move  northwards,  and  decrease  southwards. 
The  word  "  Lap ''  itself  is,  also,  considered  to  mean  a  boundary, 
endf  or  march.  An  early  Esthonian  missionary  mentions  a 
'^ provincia  extrema  Lappegunda,'^  and  in  Finland  itself  we  may 
read  a  Lap  Lake,  a  Lap  Mountain,  a  Lap  Bay,  a  Lap  Tower,  a 
Lap  Marsh,  a  Lap  Cairn,  a  Lap  Strand,  and  a  Lap  Dale.     On 


THEIR   EAELY   CHRISTIANITY.  265 

the  other  hand  the  Laps  say  that  they  are  descended  from  two 
brothers.  A  storm  came  on.  The  Swedes  (Laps  of  Sweden) 
put  up  a  board_,  and  took  shelter  under  it.  The  Laps  took  to  a 
tent.  Ever  since  it  is  in  tents  that  the  Laps  have  lived ;  while 
the  Swedes  have  lived  in  houses. 

Finland^  itself,  is_,  of  course,  a  Swedish  word^  and^  as  such, 
foreign  to  the  Fins.  It  is,  however,  current  among  them  ;  and, 
though  it  has  not  wholly  superseded  the  native  name  Suomelaiset, 
it  is  in  a  fair  way  of  doing  so.  It  is  certain  that  Fins  may  be 
found  who  do  not  know  the  meaning  of  this  last  denomination. 
It  is  much  such  a  word  as  Kymry  in  Wales;  national,  very 
national,  tolerably  old,  but  not  universally  recognized. 

The  term  '' Tavastrian'^  has  already  been  noticed.  Its 
opposite  is  "  Kai^elian/'  For  this  last  the  word  Zavolok,  Zavo- 
lockian,  Savolaxiarij  or  Savolocensian  is  a  rough  equivalent ;  the 
word  being  Russian,  and  meaning  Tramontane ,  or,  more  literally, 
beyond  the  watershed.  In  all  the  later  works  upon  Fin  archaeology 
this  difference  between  the  Tavastrians  and  Karelians  is  strongly 
and  minutely  insisted  on.  It  is  possible  that,  at  times,  it  is 
overdone.  This,  however,  is  a  point  upon  which  a  foreigner 
should  speak  with  unfeigned  diffidence.  For  Tavastrian,  Ham 
and  Yem  are  occasional  synonyms^  the  former  being,  in  its  fuller 
form,  Hdmalaiset ;  the  opposite  to  which  is  Kainuluiset.  For 
the  Karelians,  however,  of  the  north-west  Zavolockian  is, 
probably,  the  commoner  name. 

On  the  Russian  frontier  there  is  an  infusion  of  Russian  blood, 
and  in  the  maritime  towns  a  still  larger  one  of  Swedish.  In 
Norway  there  is  a  Norwegian,  and  in  Lapland  a  Lap,  inter- 
mixture. In  the  centre,  however,  of  the  Duchy  the  blood  must 
be  some  of  the  purest  in  Europe.  Not  that  even  there,  it  is,  to 
a  certainty,  absolutely  pure.  All  that  can  be  said  is  that  it  has 
received  no  foreign  elements  for  more  than  a  thousand  years. 
At  an  early  period,  however,  the  Laps  extended  further  south. 
Such,  at  least,  is  the  opinion  of  the  most  accomplished  native 
historians ;  and  such  seems  to  be  the  legitimate  inference  from 
more  than  one  fact  in  language,  in  archaeology,  and  in  legend. 
Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  the  present  Finlander,  in  his 
typical  form,  is  the  representative  of  a  very  pure  stock. 


266  THE    FINS    OR    UGRIANS. 

By  the  Flu  pliilologues,  who,  in  other  languages  besides  their 
own,  are  approved  investigators,  great  stress  is  laid  upon  the 
difference  of  the  Tavastrian  and  Karelian  dialects,  the  former 
being  the  most  cultivated,  the  latter  the  most  widely  diffused, 
of  the  two.  Between  the  two,  however,  the  class,  of  which  the 
Vod,  the  Estonian,  the  Lief,  the  Tshud,  the  Vesh,  and  the 
Krivonian  are  members,  the  division  of  which  the  Fin  of  the 
Duchy  of  Finland  is  represented,  is  spoken  in  Curland  (as  a 
fragment),  in  Estonia,  and  in  the  Governments  of  St.  Peters- 
burg, Novogorod,  Tver,  Olonetz,  and  Archangel.  Nor  is  it  till 
we  come  to  Vologda  and  to  Permia  that  we  meet  with  the 
languages  of  the  Ugrians  of  our  next  chapter. 

Whatever  the  Fins  may  have  taken  from  Sweden  in  the  way  of 
creed  and  civilization,  their  original  character  has  been  but 
slightly  changed.  The  Fin  physiognomy,  the  Fin  temperament, 
the  Fin  language,  and  the  remains  of  the  original  Fin  heathendom 
still  remain.  Nor  do  they  seem  likely  to  give  way  to  any  exotic 
influences.  They  have  been  fostered  and  encouraged,  rather  than 
opposed,  by  Russia  ;  which  has  shown  no  little  wisdom  in  not  only 
abstaining  from  the  attempt  to  transform  the  Fins  into  Muscovites, 
but  lias  made  palpable  efforts  to  develop  a  Fin,  in  opposition  to  a 
Swedish,  nation  ah  ty.  Nevertheless,  in  even  the  latest  ethnogra- 
phical map  of  the  Grand  Duchy,  the  whole  of  the  south-western 
coast  is  marked  as  Fin  and  Swedish.  In  the  interior,  however, 
and  in  the  north  the  Scandinavian  element  decreases:  until,  on 
the  frontier  of  Karelia,  even  the  Lutheran  form  of  rehgion  is 
infringed  on  by  that  of  the  Greek  Church. 

Of  tbe  Fin  physiognomy  it  is  enough  to  say  that,  in  such 
systematic  works  as  deal  in  definite  classes  with  broad  lines  of 
demarcation  between  them,  it  is  designated  by  the  term  Mo?igolian  ; 
in  other  words,  it  is  compared  with  that  of  the  Asiatics  of  Central 
Asia  and  Siberia  rather  than  with  that  of  the  Europeans  of 
Germany,  France,  Italy,  or  Greece. 

In  respect  to  temperament  the  Fin  is  reserved,  stubborn,  ob- 
stinate, and  enduring,  with  agricultural  and  maritime  aptitudes, 
and  a  capacity,  at  least,  equal  to  his  opportunities. 

His  language  is  soft,  with  a  paucity  of  consonantal  combina- 
tions, and  a  highly  developed  declension — its  congeners  being  the 
Vod,    the   Estonian,  the   Lief,  and    (less  closely)   the  Lap,  the 


THE   FIN    PANTHEON.  267 

Votiak,  the  Zirianian,  the  Ostiak,  the  Vogiil,  the  Magyar,  tl)c 
Tsherimis,  the  Mordviu,  the  Samoyed,  and  the  Yukahiri.  But  of 
the  Fin  as  the  representative  of  a  great  ethnological  class  more 
will  be  said  as  we  proceed  ;  or,  ratlier,  more  will  show  itself  as 
population  after  population  is  treated  as  Fin  or  Ugrian — for 
Ugrian  is  the  name  which  is  most  convenient  for  the  class  when 
we  speak  of  it  as  a  large  and  important  ^<?;2?^5. 

That  no  small  amount  of  heathendom  underlies  the  imperfect 
Christianity  of  the  Lithuanians  has  already  been  seen  ;  and  it  has 
also  been  seen  that  in  Estonia  the  amount  of  it  increases.  In 
Finland  it  obtains  its  mfiro:/;;?;/;?? ;  many  of  the  details  being  the 
same  for  each  country.  Tliis,  indeed,  is  what  we  expect  from 
the  similarity  of  the  Fin  and  Estonian  languages ;  not  to  mention 
other  ethnological  characteristics.  In  Finland,  however,  every- 
thing connected  with  mythology  and  legend  is  of  large  and  grand 
dimensions.  The  Estonian  narratives,  with  their  human  character 
and  their  moderate  length,  when  they  re- appear  in  Finland  have 
expanded  themselves  into  Epics.  The  small  shrines  scattered 
here  and  there  in  honour  of  some  obscure  divinities  assume, 
in  Finland,  the  proportions  of  a  Pantheon.  The  Microcosm  be- 
comes Macrocosmic ;  and  much  of  what  is  obscure,  fragmentary, 
and  (if  taken  by  itself)  unintelligible  in  the  Estonian  legends, 
grows  clear  and  definite  when  illustrated  by  a  Fin  commentary. 

In  a  preface  to  one  of  the  earlier  Fin  translations  of  the  Psalms, 
Bishop  Agricola  enumerates  the  heathen  deities  in  whom,  not- 
withstanding their  nominal  Christianity,  the  Finlanders  of  his  time 
still  believed  in. 

Ucko  ciet  pluvias,  metuendaqiie  fulgura  vibrat, 
Raima  movet  ventos,  fulmine  et  ipsa  minax. 
Rongotheus  vestit  flavente  siligine  campos, 

Neve  sit  Agricolae  spes  sua  vana  facit. 
Hordea  Pellpechus  cultis  producit  in  arvis, 

Zythifer  et  genti  creditur  esse  Deus. 
Wirankannus  agros  viridi  fecundat  avena, 

Erfrefi  lina,  fabas,  rapaque  pigra  serit. 
Kondus  arat  colles,  atque  ustis  semina  tesquis 

Credere,  Sarmatiea  callidus  arte,  docet. 
At  curat  pecudem  Kehri,  atque  propagine  la^ta 

Respondet  votis,  pastor  avare  tuis. 
Hisis  prosequitur  tristeis  urosque  luposque, 

Nyrka  8ciurorum  dirigit  omne  genus. 
Hillavanus  Icporis  saltus  moderatur  hiberni, 
Venator  felix  est  Tapionu  ope. 


268  THE    FINS    OR   UGRIANS. 

Retia  lenta  replet  diversis  piscibus  Achtes, 

Lickio  sed  plantis  arboribusque  praeest. 
Dejicit  hinc  Turisas  infestos  arcubus  hosteis, 

Ilmarinesqne  idem  regna  quiete  beat. 
Cyclops  Krattus  opes  veneranti  donat  alumno, 

TontiLS  pacatam  reddit  ubique  domum. 
Luna  coloratur  variato  lumine  Eackki  ; 

Prsedaque  fit  Kapeis  non  vigilante  Jove. 
Prata  bonus  Kalevas  viridanti  gramine  texit, 

Atque  replet  foeno  rustica  tecta  novo. 
Dulce  viatori  carmen  facit  Eunemoines, 

Quo  tardse  fallat  tcedia  longa  viae. 

Now,  in  a  poem  published  within  the  last  thirty  years,  many  of 
these  names  re-appear;  so  that  the  pagan  element  of  the  sixteenth 
century  is  the  pagan  element  of  the  nineteenth  also. 

The  cultus  of  Jumala  {Yumala)  is  one  of  the  great  Ugrian 
characteristics.  It  is  widely  spread.  It  originated  early.  Lan- 
guages, wherein  the  names  of  the  minor  and  newer  divinities  are 
different,  all  agree  in  containing  the  root  Jum — for  the  syllable 
'la  is  a  derivational  affix.  Thus,  in  the  Samoyed,  the  word  is 
Niim ;  the  change  from  y  to  n  being  common.  The  Tsherimis 
form  is  Junta,  the  Zirianian  Jen  (from  yenm,  or  yeml).  The 
Estonian  and  Lap  names  are  Jummal  and  Jubmal  respectively. 

We  may  talk,  then,  of  the  Jumala'Cultus  as  being  the  chief 
cultus  of  the  Ugrians.  The  meaning  of  the  word  is  various. 
It  denotes  (1.)  the  Sky  or  Heavens;  (2.)  the  God  of  the  Sky 
or  Heavens ;  (3.)  God  in  general ;  the  existing  Finlanders  who 
have  been  Christianized,  using  it  in  this  third  sense  at  the 
present  moment,  notwithstanding  its  relation  to  their  old  heathen 
mythology,  just  as  we  use  the  word  Hell  from  the  Goddess 
Hela. 

Ukko  bears  a  name  with,  apparently,  a  very  definite  significa- 
tion. In  the  Magyar,  agg  means  old.  In  Ostiak,  yig  does  the 
same.  In  a  secondary  sense  this  latter  word  is  father.  Word 
for  word,  it  is  the  aga,  or  aka,  of  the  Turk  dialects,  wherein  it 
has  almost  as  many  meanings  as  forms.  All,  however,  imply 
seniority,  and  the  respect  which  seniority  demands.  In  Yakut  it 
is /«^/^^/-,  in  other  languages  eldei'  hr other,  uncle,  grandfather. 
In  pursuance  with  this,  Ukko  is  (as  Lenqvist  writes)  totius  aulm 
celesiis  senior  et  prceses ;  his  designation  being  a  title,  or  form 
of  address  rather  than  a  true  and  proper  personal  name.     It  is 


UKKO.— TAPIO.  269 

only  this,  however,  in  its  primary  etymology.  In  practice,  it  is  a 
true  and  proper  personal  name  as  well.  If  so,  Ukko  is  not  only 
Pater  and  Princeps,  but  Diespiter,  Jupiter,  or  Zeus.  Like  Zeus, 
too,  he  is  the  God  of  Heaven. 

IJkko,  who  art  in  the  heavens  ; 
Ukko,  father  of  the  heavens ; 
Ukko,  in  the  clouds  that  rulest. 
And  the  clouds  and  breezes  drivest ; 
Eule  the  clouds,  and  rule  the  heavens, — 
Eule  the  sky  and  rule  it  kindly  ; 
Send  a  cloud  from  east  to  westward. 
Send  a  cloud  from  north  to  southward. 
Send  a  cloud  from  west  to  eastward, 
From  the  south  send  clouds  and  showers — 
Clouds  whose  showers  drop  like  honey,  &c. 

Tapio,  of  Tapio/<5^,  or  ^^yAo-land,  heads  the  list  of  the  genii 
of  the  forest,  presiding  over  the  beasts,  both  of  the  chase  and  the 
homestead,  more  especially,  however,  those  of  the  chase.  Yet 
his  apparel  and  harness  are  scarcely  those  of  the  hunter.  His 
cap  is  made  of  the  needles  of  the  fir,  his  jacket  of  the  lichens. 
His  jacket  fits  tight,  and  his  cap  is  like  the  mitre  of  a  bishop  ;  at 
least  it  bears  the  same  name,  hippa.  His  beard  is  brown,  and 
his  neck  is  long,  so  that  he  is  sometimes  called  Knippana  (long- 
necked)  on  that  account.  But  he  has  many  names  besides  this ; 
or,  at  any  rate,  many  circumlocutions  under  which  he  is  invoked. 
He  is  the  Lord  of  Tapiola ;  the  Old  Man  of  the  Woods ;  the 
Elder  of  the  Hills;  the  King  of  the  Forest;  the  Master  of  the 
Waste ;  and  the  hke. 

His  more  especial  epithet  is  tarhha,  that  is,  the  exact  or  care- 
ful; for  where  need  a  man  be  careful  and  exact  if  not  in  hunt- 
ing ? 

He  has  a  wife,  a  maid,  and  a  son.  The  son  is  noticed  first; 
because  when  he  has  been  noticed  the  whole  of  the  male  part  of 
Tapio's  family  is  disposed  of.  Yet  the  family  is  a  large  one.  It 
is  large,  but  it  is  a  family  of  daughters ;  for  the  gods  of  the  Fin 
forest  are  chiefly  goddesses.  The  Fauni  and  Silvani  are  Dryads 
and  Oreads.  Nyyrikki,  however,  or  Pinneys,  is  a  son  ;  the  son  of 
Tapio  ;  son  and  heir-male  ;  well-shaped  and  comely,  with  a  high 
cap  on  his  head,  like  his  father ;  but  no  jacket  of  hchens  on  his  body. 
He  has  a  blue  vest  instead,  and  he  bears  himself  nobly  in  it 


270 


THE    FINS    OR    UGRIANS. 


When  the  ways  nre  foul,  and  the  bo ^s  deep,  Nyyrikki,  or  Pinneys, 
makes  bridges  or  lays  stepping-stones ;  or,  this  being  done 
already,  directs  tlie  feet  of  the  wandering  huntsman  to  where  they 
are.  He  marks,  too,  tlie  trees,  and,  so  doing,  shows  which  way 
is  to  be  taken,  which  avoided.  Tapio,  the  father,  gives  the  game. 
Nyyrikki,  the  son,  gets  it  pursued  in  safety. 

The  mother  of  Nyyrikki  and  his  numerous  sisters  is  Miellihki. 
She  has  many  names  besides;  but  MieUikki  is,  probably,  the 
commonest.  She  is  the  hostess  of  the  woods ;  the  mistress  of 
the  court  of  Tapio  ;  the  queen  of  the  Avoodhmd ;  the  mother  of 
the  honeycomb  -  of  whicli  she  is  the  consumer  as  well.  One  of 
her  names  is  Simanten  ;  sima  meaning  ho?iey.  A  damsel  of  her 
train  is  named  Honeymouth. 

If  things  go  but  badly,  she  is  an  ugly  old  woman  dressed  in 
rags,  and  those  rags  dirty.  But  if  game  be  abundant,  she  is 
loaded  with  golden  ornaments;  rings  on  her  fingers,  rings  on  her 
toes,  rings  on  her  wrists,  rings  on  her  ankles,  and  ear-rings;  all 
of  gold.  Golden,  too,  is  the  band  round  her  forehead;  and  of 
gold  the  wires  and  pins  of  her  liair.  But  her  eyebrows  are 
adorned  with  pearls,  and  her  stockings  are  blue  and  her  garters 
red. 

As  are  the  garments,  so  is  the  dwelling ;  so,  at  least,  according 
to  Castren's  interpretation,  runs  an  obscure  passage  in  the  Kale- 
vala.  Lemminkainen  sings  that  one  day,  when  he  was  a-hunting, 
he  saw  three  houses,  one  of  wood,  one  of  bone,  one  of  stone. 
The  mansion  of  stone  was  the  residence  of  Tapio  when  he  was 
free  and  liberal  in  sending  game.  When  he  was  chary,  he  lived 
in  the  lodge  of  wood ;  and  when  an  actual  niggard,  in  the  bone- 
house.  He  owned  treasures ;  of  which  honey  in  abundance  was 
the  chief.  The  key  of  the  storehouse  was  of  gold,  and  his  wife, 
or  housekeeper,  kept  it  on  a  ring  by  her  side.  For  Tapio  had 
a  housekeeper  as  well  as  his  Mielhkki.  This  was  Tellervo^  or 
Hillervo.  She  had  a  round  and  full  figure  with  golden  hair,  and 
dressed  herself  in  a  fine  linen  smock  with  ornamented  edges.  I 
call  her  housekeeper,  because  I  am  uncertain  about  her  actual 
relation  to  Tapio ;  who  may  have  been  a  polygamist.  She  is 
called  Tapio's  maid  and  the  maiden  of  the  woods.  She  is  once, 
however,  if  not  oftener,  called  Tapio's  wife ;  and,  occasionally,  she 
is  confused  with  Mielhkki. 


TUIILIKKI-    KKKUI.       AIITI.      WELLAMO.  271 

She  has  a  name  to  lierself.  So  l)as  the  goocl-iiatnred  Tififlilcki. 
The  rest  of  the  chikh'en,  or  maids,  of  Tapio,  are  known  only  l)y 
their  function,  wliicli  is  to  look  after  the  wild  and  the  tame.  Col- 
lectively, liowever,  the  female  portion  of  them  (wliich,  with  the 
exception  of  Nyyrikki,  means  the  whole)  is  called  Lvonnottaret, 
or  Luoiuwn  tijttarat.  One  of  these  is  more  especially  Metsan 
plika,  or  the  wood -maiden,  short  in  stature,  fond  of  music,  fond 
of  honey.  Indeed,  this  is  the  young  woman  who  lias  already 
been  named  as  Honeymouth.  Her  flute  is  Simapilli,  or  honey- 
flute.  She  wakes  the  milkers  with  this,  by  blowing  it  in  their 
ears  if  they  be  too  late  of  a  morning. 

The  rememb]-ance  of  Kekri  is  still  to  be  found  in  some  parts 
of  Finland,  where  All  Saints'  Day  bears  his  name.  It  is  the 
time  when  much  corn  is  tlirashed,  so  that,  probably,  Kekri  is  the 
genius  of  harvest,  or  the  threshing-floor. 

Ahti  is  the  god  of  the  sea;    Vellamo  being  his  wife. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  last  century  these  and  other  remains 
of  the  original  heathenhood  commanded  the  especial  attention  of 
Ganander  and  Porthan ;  the  latter  the  founder  of  the  present 
school  of  mythological  investigators.  Then  followed  Topelius,  who 
gave  the  germs  of  a  system  by  arranging  the  legends  round  their 
several  subjects.  He  collected,  for  instance,  all  those  which 
appertained  to  a  fabulous  individual  named  Vainamoinen.  Lon- 
rot  went  further,  both  in  the  collection  of  legendary  poems  and 
in  their  arrangement.  The  result  is  the  Kalevala ;  a  Fin  Ossian 
with  fair  claims  to  authenticity.  It  grew  into  form  gradually,  and 
was  the  work  of  more  investigators  than  one.  It  is  a  pagan 
poem  in  respect  to  its  machinery,  though  not  without  allusions  to 
Christianity.  Towards  the  end,  the  names  even  of  Herod  and  the 
Virgin  Mary  appear ;  but  this  is  in  a  kind  of  appendix  to  the 
poem,  rather  than  the  poem  itself. 

The  Kalevala  is  a  series  of  rhapsodies ;  the  word  being  used  in 
that  technical  sense  in  which  it  appears  in  the  numerous  writings 
on  the  Homeric  poems.  It  is  in  the  language  of  the  present 
time  and  in  the  metre  of  Longfellow's  Hiawatha;  or  rathrr,  Hia- 
watha is  in  the  metre  of  the  Kalevala.  The  heroes  are  Vaina- 
moinen, Illmarincn,  and  Lemminkainen,  whose  actions  (like  tlioso 
of  Diomed  or  Ulysses  in  the  Iliad),  though  separate  are  still 
capable  of  being  connected  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  unity  to 


272  THE    FINS    OR   TJGRIANS. 

the  poem  in  which  they  are  exhibited.  The  scenes  are,  for  the 
most  part,  in  Kalevala  and  Pohiola.  All  three  of  the  above- 
named  agents  agree  in  acting  more  or  less  in  concert.  They 
represent  Kalevala  as  opposed  to  Pohiola.  A  sketch,  however,  of 
the  details  shall  speak  for  itself. 

It  was  for  a  space  of  thirty  summers  and  thirty  winters  that 
Vainamoinen,  the  Ancient  of  Days,  lay  in  the  womb  of  his 
mother,  and  long  seemed  those  thirty  years  to  Vainamoinen. 
He  asked  the  Sun  and  he  asked  the  Moon  to  set  him  free,  and  he 
asked  Charles's  Wain ;  but  neither  the  moon  nor  the  sun  nor  the 
Wain  of  Charles  heard  him.  So  he  freed  himself.  It  was  in  the 
night  that  he  was  born,  and  he  was  born  a  smith.  On  the  first 
morning  he  went  to  the  smithy,  and  he  forged  himself  a  horse. 
It  was  as  a  straw ;  and  he  rode  on  its  back  to  Vainogard  and 
Kalevala.  There  was  a  Lap,  aud  he  squinted,  and  he  had  long 
borne  a  grudge  against  Vainamoinen.  He  had  a  bow  and  a 
quiverful  of  arrows,  and  he  waited  from  morn  till  night,  and  from 
night  till  morn,  for  Vainamoinen  by  the  waterside.  It  was  on 
the  waterside  that  he  drew  his  bow  upon  him,  aud  shot  his  arrows; 
though  his  mother,  and  his  wife,  and  three  men,  and  three  spirits 
had  said  "  Lap  !  Lap  !  shoot  not  Vainamoinen,  for  he  is  the 
son  of  thy  father's  sister."  The  first  arrow  flew  too  high.  The 
second  flew  too  low;  but  the  third  struck  the  horse  of  Vaina- 
moinen on  the  left  shoulder.  So  Vainamoinen  fell  into  the  sea, 
and  lay  there  six  years.  For  six  years  he  lay  adrift,  with  the 
waters  below  him  and  the  sky  above  him.  He  raised  his  head, 
and  there  came  an  island.  Where  he  stretched  his  hand  there 
came  a  promontory,  where  his  feet  touched  the  bottom  there  came 
a  fishing-ground.  There  came,  too,  from  another  quarter,  an 
eagle — an  eagle  from  Turialand  and  from  Lapland.  It  was  a 
nest  that  the  eagle  wanted,  and  it  was  on  Vainamoinen's  knee 
that  it  was  made :  for  the  Ancient  of  Days  had  raised  his  knees 
above  the  water,  and  they  were  all  rough  and  shaggy  like  an  old 
withered  turf  Of  this  the  eagle  made  its  nest,  and  laid  in  it  six 
eggs — six  golden  eggs.  But  the  seventh  egg  was  of  iron. 
Vainamoinen  felt  the  warmth  and  drew  his  knees  under  the 
water.  He  shook  them,  and  the  eggs  rolled  off.  They  rolled  on 
a  sunken  rock  and  broke,  and  the  eagle  that  had  laid  them  flew  I' 
away. 


THE   KALEVALA.  273 

The  lower  part  of  the  egg  became  the  earth ;  the  upper  part 
the  sky :  the  white  became  the  sun,  the  yelk  the  moon.  The 
little  pieces  that  were  broken-off  became  the  stars.  But  Vaina- 
moinen  still  lay  adrift  on  the  waters. 

There  blew  a  storm  from  the  south-west;  and  at  the  west  there 
was  a  rolling  of  billows :  and  Vainamoinen  drove  and  drove 
before  the  wind,  drifting  and  drifting  on  the  billows,  until  he 
came  to  Pohiola — Pohiola  the  Dark.  He  had  a  hundred  bruises 
on  his  side,  a  thousand  buffets  on  his  body. 

Louhi,  the  mistress  of  Pohiola,  had  just  risen.  She  had  ht 
her  fire,  and  had  swept  her  hearth,  and  she  went  out  to  listen. 
What  was  it  she  heard  ?  It  was  not  a  child  that  cried.  It  was 
not  a  woman  who  was  moaning.  The  moaning  was  of  a  bearded 
man:  the  crying  that  of  a  Uvantolainen.  So  Louhi,  the  tooth- 
less, took  her  raft  and  put  out  to  sea.  Vainamoinen  was  very 
wet ;  so  he  got  on  the  raft  and  sat  at  the  steerage,  whilst  Louhi, 
the  toothless,  plied  the  oars,  and  rowed  him  to  Pohiola,  where 
she  gave  him  flesh  and  honey  to  eat,  and  ale  to  drink.  "  Moan 
no  more,  Vainamoinen ;  cry  no  more,  Uvantolainen  :  but  live 
for  the  remainder  of  your  days  in  Pohiola."  But  Vainamoinen 
said,  "  It  is  better  to  drink  water  in  your  own  country  than  to  fill 
yourself  with  ale  on  the  ground  of  a  stranger."  Then  said 
Louhi,  "  What  will  you  do  for  me  if  I  send  you  home  ?  "  and 
Vainamoinen  answered,  "  What  is  it  you  want  ?  "  Louhi  said, 
"  Sampo."  To  which  Vainamoinen  replied,  "  I  cannot  make 
Sampo  myself;  but  I  know  who  can."  "What's  his  name?" 
said  Louhi.  "  Illmarinen,"  said  Vainamoinen.  "  Let  him  do 
it,  and  he  shall  marry  my  daughter."  So  Vainamoinen  set  him- 
self on  a  sledge,  and  started  to  drive  from  Pohiola  the  Dark  and 
from  the  dreary  Sariola. 

Then  rose  up  the  fair  maid  of  Pohiola  and  drew  on  her  red 
stockings,  and  let  herself  be  seen  by  Vainamoinen  :  who  asked 
her  to  go  with  him  in  his  sledge.  "  Willingly,"  said  the  maiden, 
"if  you  will  do  two  things  — cut  through  a  tile  with  a  blunt  knife, 
and  halve  an  egg  without  leaving  a  mark." 

This  Vainamoinen  did,  but  the  maiden  would  not  go  into  the 
sledge :  "  Make  for  me,"  said  she,  "  a  boat." 

Vainamoinen  Ijad  now  to  use  his  axe;  and  he  used  it  for  the 
sake  of  the  maid  with  the  red  stockings  in  Pohiola.     He  chopped 

18 


274  THE    FINS    OR   UGEIANS. 

and  chopped ;  but  Lempo  sat  on  the  blade,  and  Pira  on  the  head,  I  ^ 
and  Hiisi  on  the  handle;  so  that  when  he  was  striking  his 
strongest  stroke  the  axe  glinted  aside  and  hit  him  on  the  knee. 
The  knee  bled,  and  bled,  and  Vainamoinen  was  left  a  limping 
cripple.  There  was  a  spell  to  cure  him ;  but  he  had  forgot  the 
most  important  words  that  belonged  to  it.  All  the  rest  he  knew ; 
but  the  working  words  he  did  not  know. 

However,  there  was  some  one  who  did ;  and  him  Vainamoinen 
went  to  seek.  At  the  first  house  at  which  he  knocked  he  heard 
the  voice  of  a  child ;  but  the  child  told  him  that  no  one  there 
knew  anything  about  the  spell.  He  was  sent  onward ;  but  the 
old  woman  at  the  next  house  knew  as  little  as  the  child.  She 
sent  him  on  to  the  next :  in  which  there  was  an  old  man.  With 
this  old  man  ends  the  third  canto,  book,  duan,  or  rune — for  the 
name  by  which  the  divisions  should  be  called  is,  to  a  great 
extent,  arbitrary. 

The  fourth,  which  may  easily  be  separated  from  the  rest,  is 
a  dialogue  between  the  old  man  who  cures  Vainamoinen  and 
his  patient.  They  talk,  inter  alia^  of  iron ;  and  Vainamoinen 
talks  to  advantage.  He  does,  however,  nothing  which  bears 
upon  the  rest  of  the  story,  and  the  fifth  canto  begins  with  his 
journey  homewards;  or,  rather,  to  the  dwelling-place  of  Illmari- 
nen.     Vainamoinen  gets  into  his  sledge  without  help,  and  starts. 

Upon  getting  home  and  meeting  Illmarinen,  he  tells  his  ad- 
ventures, and  adds  that  in  the  land  of  Pohiola,  there  is  a  tooth- 
less old  woman  as  mistress,  who  is  named  Louhi,  a  beautiful 
maiden  who  wears  red  stockings,  and  a  great  demand  for  Sampo. 
If  Illmarinen  can  make  Sampo,  he  can  marry  the  fair  girl  with 
the  scarlet  stockings.  Illmarinen,  however,  has  no  wish  to 
marry,  and,  if  he  had,  would  not  go  to  Pohiola  for  a  wife. 

Vainamoinen  now  brings  forth  a  fir-tree  out  of  the  earth  which 
grows,  and  grows,  until  it  is  so  tall  that  Illmarinen  believes  that 
if  he  climb  to  the  top  of  it  he  will  touch  the  moon  and  Charles's 
Wain.  So  he  swarms  up  it — backed,  of  course,  by  Vainamoinen. 
As  soon  as  he  is  up  high  enough,  Vainamoinen  whistles  for  a 
wind,  and  the  fir-tree  is  uprooted,  and  its  upper  half  falls  into  the 
sea;  and  the  lower  half  follows,  and  the  whole  drifts  until  it 
comes  to  Pohiola  :  upon  which  Illmarinen  arrives,  just  as  Vaina- 


THE    KALEVALA.  275 

moinen  had  arrived  before,  and  where  he  found  just  Vainamoinen's 
conditions  of  residence  and  marriage. 

These  are,  that  he  should  make  Sampo,  which  he  does.  He 
fares,  however,  no  better  than  Vaiuamoinen  who  did  not;  and  the 
maid  with  the  red  stockings  is  as  little  the  bride  of  Illmarinen  as 
she  was  of  Vainamoinen. 

With  Illmarinen's  disappointment  ends  the  fifth  rune  of  the 
Kalevala ;  and  from  the  negative  character  of  its  termination,  as 
well  as  from  the  fact  of  both  Vainamoinen  and  Illmarinen  appear- 
ing in  all  the  other  runes,  it  is  clear  that  the  story  is  not  ended. 
At  the  same  time  the  portion  which  the  first  five  runes  deal  with 
is  sufficiently  separate  from  the  remainder  to  take  the  appearance 
of  an  independent  story.  It  can  be  joined-on,  or  worked-in  with 
the  rest,  or  it  can  be  cut-off,  and  kept-apart,  just  ad  libitum.  It 
is  essentially  rhapsodic ;  i.  e.  it  is  like  a  pattern  in  a  piece  of 
needle-work,  or  like  a  window  in  a  perpendicular  chapel.  It  can 
be  kept  to  itself,  or  it  can  be  worked-in  as  a  part  of  something 
else. 

With  the  sixth  canto,  a  new  story  begins  and  a  new  cha- 
racter, Lemminkainen,  comes  upon  the  scene.  Lemminkainen 
is  the  antipodes  of  Vainamoinen.  Like  Vainamoinen  and  Ill- 
marinen, he  is  skilled  in  smith's  work,  in  spells  and  the  like.  He 
is  young  and  good-looking ;  whilst  Vainamoinen  is  old  and  ill- 
favoured  :  yet,  upon  the  whole,  though  successful  with  women,  he 
is  less  successful  than  his  old  mate.  The  three,  however,  form  a 
definite  trio — Vainamoinen,  Illmarinen,  and  Lemminkainen, — 
Lemminkainen,  Illmarinen,  and  Vainamoinen. 

Lemminkainen  starts  for  Pohiola,  but  with  no  very  definite 
reason ;  still  less  under  any  temptations  on  the  part  of  either 
Vainamoinen  or  Illmarinen.  In  his  journey,  however,  to  Pohiola 
lies  tlie  connecting  link  between  the  sixth  and  the  preceding 
cantos.  We  find,  from  an  incidental  notice  in  the  sequel,  that  he 
was  a  married  man  who  left  a  wife  behind  him.  He  delights  in 
love-locks,  and  it  is  whilst  he  is  brushing  his  hair  that  he  declares 
his  intention.  His  mother  dissuades  him:  telling  him  that  the 
Lap  wizards  will  be  too  much  for  him.  He  does  not  much  fear 
them.  He  has  spells  of  his  own  which  will  match  theirs — not  to 
mention  a  strong  coat-of-mail.     "  When  the  Laps  kill  Lemmin- 

18* 


276  THE    FINS    OE   UGRIANS. 

kainen,  blood  will  come  out  of  that  brush,"  said  he,  and  started. 
The  brush  was  carefully  put  by,  and  watched. 

It  is  on  a  sledge  that  he  starts  :  not  without  a  large  feeling  of 
complacency  at  his  future  triumphs  over  the  Lap  wizards. 

Another  name  for  Lemminkainen  is  Kaukomieli ;  though  Lem 
minkainen  is  the  commoner  designation.  He  drives  one  day, 
two  days,  three  days,  stopping  on  the  road,  much  as  Illmarinen 
did,  and  asking  for  some  one  who  can  unharness  and  bait  his 
horse.  The  first  applications  are  made  in  vain  ;  however,  he  reaches 
Pohiola,  and  is  received  by  Louhi,  whom  he  approaches  without 
disturbing  the  dogs— at  any  rate,  without  their  barking.  "Who 
are  you  that  come  here  so  boldly — and  no  dog  barks  ?  " 

"  I've  not  come  hither  without  wit  and  skill.  Your  wizards 
may  do  their  worst." 

So  now  a  contest  ensues,  in  which  Lemminkainen  overcomes  all 
the  Laps  but  one ;  and  him  he  deems  unworthy  to  be  called  a 
rival. 

"  Why  don't  you  try  me  ?  "  said  the  last  old  man  of  the 
weird  company.  To  which  Lemminkainen  answers  rudely,  tell- 
ing him  that  it  is  not  against  the  like  of  him  that  he  measures 
himself. 

He,  of  course,  suffers  for  this :  for  the  old  man  betakes  himself 
to  the  river  Tuoni  (which  is  interpreted  the  Eiver  of  Death), 
and  waits  for  Vainamoinen :  whose  immediate  business  is  with: 
Louhi  and  her  daughter,  the  maid  of  the  scarlet  hose. 

"  You  can  have  my  daughter,"  said  Louhi,  "  if  you  can  run  down '. 
the  Hiisi  elk  with  snow-skates."  So  Vainamoinen  puts  on  hisi 
snow-skates  and  runs  down  the  elk,  after  a  long  and  adventurous 
run.     Who  can  run  in  snow-skates  like  the  sons  of  Kaleva  ? 

"  Now  catch  the  Hiisi  horse."     The  horse  is  caught. 

"  Now  shoot  the  swan  of  Tuoni," — the  River  of  Death. 

But  the  swan  was  not  so  easily  shot  as  the  horse  and  elk  werej 
caught.  On  the  contrary,  the  quest  brought  Lemminkainen  to 
his  end  :  for  it  was  to  Tuoni  that  the  old  insulted  wizard  hadj 
betaken  himself  to  wait  for  Lemminkainen,  whom  he  kills  in  thej 
water. 

The  mother  and  wife,  who  were  left  at  home,  now  saw  that  the| 
brush  was  bleeding ;  and  the  eighth  canto  gives  a  desoiiption  of  i 


THE   K ALE V ALA.  277 

the  mothers  search  for  her  son.  She  reaches  Tuoni,  makes  a 
rake,  and  rakes  up  the  remains,  and  brings  Lemminkainen  to  life. 
The  three  next  cantos  deal  entirely  with  Vainamoinen  and 
lUmarinen  without  mentioning  even  the  name  of  Lemminkainen. 
However,  Pohiola  and  the  mistress  of  Pohiola,  and  her  daughter 
with  red  stockings,  connect  the  story  with  what  has  gone  before, 
and  with  what  will  follow.  Vainamoinen  will  build  himself  a 
boat,  so  he  takes  his  axe  and  walks  to  the  wood  and  begins  to  fell 
an  oak.  But  the  oak  says,  ''  I  shall  do  no  good  in  a  boat,  there's 
a  worm  at  my  root,  and  there's  a  raven  among  my  branches  with 
blood  on  its  beak,  blood  on  its  neck,  and  blood  on  its  head."  So 
Vainamoinen  left  the  oak,  and  went  on  to  the  fir  tree,  and  he  would 
have  made  a  good  boat  out  of  the  fir  tree  if  he  had  not  forgotten 
the  three  words.  He  had  finished  the  prow,  and  he  had  shaped  the 
sides,  but  when  he  got  to  the  stern  the  three  words  were  wanting, 
and  he  could  not  think  what  they  were.  He  met  a  herdsman,  and 
the  herdsman  said,  "  You  may  get  them  out  of  the  topknot  of  a 
swallow,  or  the  shoulders  of  a  goose,  or  the  head  of  a  swan."  But, 
though  Vainamoinen  shot  many  hundreds  of  swans,  geese,  and 
swallows,  he  could  not  find  the  words.  He  then  met  another 
herdsman,  who  told  him  he  would  find  them  under  the  tongue  of  a 
reindeer,  or  under  the  lips  of  a  white  squirrel.  But  Vainamoinen 
killed  hundreds  of  reindeer  and  thousands  of  squirrels  without 
finding  the  words. 

So  he  took  counsel  of  his  own  thoughts,  and  said,  "  It  is  only  in 
Tuoni  and  Manala  that  I  shall  find  them,"  so  he  went  one  day, 
and  he  went  two  days,  and  on  the  third  day  he  came  to  the  river 
of  Tuoni. 

Vainamoinen. — "Daughter  of  Tuoni,  bring  out  the  boat." 
Daughter  of  Tuoni. — "  Not  unless  you  tell  me  what  brought 
you  here." 

Vainamoinen. — "  Tuoni  himself  brought  me  here." 
Daughter  of  Tuoni. — '^  I  can  tell  when  a  man  lies." 
Vainamoinen. — "  Iron  brought  me  to  Manala,  steel  brought 
me  to  Tuoni." 

Daughter  of  Tuoni. — "  I  can  tell  when  a  man  lies.     If  steel 
had  brought  you  hither,  blood  would  run  from  your  clothes." 
Vainamoinen, — "  Firo  brought  me  to  Manala,  flames  to  Tuoni." 


278  THE    FINS    OE   UGRIANS. 

Daughter  of  Tuoni. — "  I  can  tell  when  a  man  lies.  If  fire  had 
brought  you  to  Tuoni,  your  clothes  would  be  burnt." 

Vainamoinen. — ''  Water  brought  me  to  Manala,  water  brought 
me  to  Tuoni." 

Daughter  of  Tuoni. — '*I  can  tell  when  a  man  lies.  If  water  had 
brought  you  to  Tuoni,  your  clothes  would  be  dripping  with  wet." 

After  this  answer  Vainamoinen  told  the  truth,  and  Tuoni's 
daughter  ferried  him  over,  gave  him  meat  and  drink,  and  left  him 
asleep. 

Now  whilst  he  was  sleeping,  she  netted  a  net  of  iron  wire,  and 
fastened  it  to  a  stone  at  the  bottom,  and  drew  it  under  the  river 
and  over  the  river,  so  that  Vainamoinen  should  be  caught  in  his 
sleep.  But  Vainamoinen,  though  very  tired,  slept  lightly,  and, 
when  he  knew  what  she  had  done,  turned  himself  into  a  stone  and 
lay  at  the  bottom.  However,  the  net  caught  him,  when  he  turned 
himself  into  an  eel,  and  slipped  through  the  meshes. 

It's  not  often  that  any  one  escapes  from  Tuoni  and  Manala. 

So  Vainamoinen  went  home,  thinking  and  thinking  about  the 
Three  Words,  until  he  thought  of  Antero  Vipunen,  that  old  Kalava 
who  had  been  dead  for  many  years,  and  who  could  only  be  reached 
by  going  along  a  road  made  of  the  tips  of  needles,  and  the  points 
of  swords,  and  the  edges  of  axes. 

So  he  went  to  Illmarinen,  and  told  him  to  make  an  iron  shirt 
and  a  crowbar  of  iron,  ''for  I  am  going  to  Antero  Vipunen, 
the  old  Kaleva." 

"  Antero  Vipunen  has  long  been  dead,  and  you  won't  get  a 
word  from  him,  nor  yet  half  a  word." 

However  Vainamoinen  went  his  way,  and  travelled  along  the 
road  made  of  the  tips  of  needles,  and  the  points  of  swords,  and 
the  edges  of  axes,  until  he  came  to  where  Antero  Vipunen  lay 
buried. 

An  aspen  had  grown  from  his  shoulder,  and  a  birch  from  his 
temples,  and  an  alder  from  his  jaw,  and  a  willow  from  his  breast, 
and  a  hornbeam  from  his  forehead,  and  a  fir  from  his  teeth,  and  a 
larch  from  his  foot. 

The  aspen  tree  that  grew  from  Antero  Vipunen's  shoulder,  and 
the  birch  from  his  temples,  and  the  alder  from  his  jaw,  and  the 
willow  from  his  beard,  and  the  hornbeam  from  his  forehead,  and 


THE   KALEVALA.  279 

the  fir  from  his  teeth,  and  the  larch  from  his  feet  did  Vainamoinen 
chop  up  and  throw  down.  He,  then,  drove  his  crowbar  through  the 
mould  into  Antero  Vipunen's  mouth.  Now  Antero  Vipunen  could 
not  swallow  the  crowbar,  so  he  swallowed  Vainamoinen  instead. 
Vainamoinen  is  now  in  the  stomach  of  Antero  Vipunen,  and  be- 
thinks himself  of  what  he  can  do.  He  takes  ofiP  his  shirt,  and  out 
of  the  sleeves  makes  bellows,  out  of  his  breeches  he  makes  the  pipe, 
out  of  his  stockings  the  mouth,  uses  his  own  knee  as  an  anvil,  his 
elbows  for  a  hammer,  and  his  little  finger  for  tongs :  and  so  sets  to 
work  in  the  bowels  of  Antero  Vipunen,  whereat  the  old  Kalava 
breaks  out  in  singing.  He  sings  through  nearly  four  hundred  lines. 
He  ends  his  song  by  spitting  out  Vainamoinen,  who  out  of  it  has 
been  lucky  enough  to  pick  the  three  words,  and  with  these  he  re- 
turns to  Illmarinen. 

''  Well,  what  has  the  good  old  man  told  you  ?  has  he  told  you 
how  to  build  the  boat  ?  " 

"  That  is  just  what  he  has  done,"  said  Vainamoinen,  "  and 
I'm  now  going  to  build  it." 

The  boat  is  built,  and  Vainamoinen  is  on  his  way  to  Pohiola, 
thinking  of  Louhi  and  the  maiden  with  the  scarlet  hose.  On  his 
way  he  sails  by  a  promontory,  and  there  he  sees  the  maiden  Anni. 

Anni  was  Illmarinen's  sister,  and  she  was  busy  in  the  bucktub, 
washing  her  linen  on  the  sea-shore.  "  What's  that  in  the  distance  ?  " 
said  she ;  "  it  can't  be  a  flock  of  geese,  nor  yet  a  swarm  of  fish, 
nor  yet  a  rock  ;  it  must  be  a  boat,  it  must  be  Vainamoinen's."  So 
she  hailed  the  boat,  and  asked  what  the  boatman  wanted. 

*'  I  have  come,"  said  Vainamoinen,  *'  to  see  how  they  catch 
salmon  in  Manela." 

"I  know  when  a  man  tells  a  lie,"  said  Anni;  "  when  my  father 
and  grandfather  went  to  catch  salmon,  they  went  with  nets 
and  spears." 

**  I  have  come  to  see  how  they  catch  geese." 

"  I  know  when  a  man  tells  a  lie,"  said  Anni,  "  it  was  not 
in  a  boat  like  that,  that  my  father  and  grandfather  caught  geese." 

"  Come  with  me  in  a  boat,"  said  Vainamoinen. 

"  If  you'll  tell  no  more  lies  I  will,"  said  Anni. 

So  Vainamoinen  told  Anni  the  truth,  and  Anni  went  and  told 
it  again  to  her  brother  Illmarinen. — Illmarinen,  who,  as  we  know 


280  THE    FINS    OR    UGRIANS. 

from  previous  story,  was  himself  a  ivooer  for  the  fair  maid  of 
Pohiola.  So  Illmarinen  proposed  to  accompany  Vainamoinen, 
and  Vainamoinen  was  fain  to  put  up  with  his  company.  Before 
they  started,  Illmarinen  provided  himself  with  rich  gifts  of  gold 
and  silver,  and  it  must  he  rememhered  he  was  the  younger  man. 
They  hoth  arrived  at  the  same  time,  and  when  Louhi  saw  them  it 
was  the  old  Vainamoinen  whom  she  would  fain  have  chosen  for 
her  daughter,  hut  the  daughter  chose  for  herself  Vainamoinen 
asked  her  to  he  his  wife  at  once,  and  was  at  once  refused.  Illmarinen 
asked  her  also,  and  was  told  that  she  would  live  with  him  if  he 
would  do  three  things.  There  w^as  a  field  full  of  snakes,  and  this 
field  he  must  plough  ;  there  was  a  wood  full  of  hears  and  wolves, 
and  these  he  must  muzzle;  there  was  a  pike  in  the  river  of 
Tuoni  which  he  must  catch  without  tackle.  All  this  he  did,  and 
told  Vainamoinen  that  he  had  done  it,  whereupon  the  old  smith 
hung  down  his  head,  turned  his  back,  went  homewards,  and  said 
these  words :  "  Sons  of  men,  born  and  unborn,  do  anything 
before  you  do  business  with  Illmarinen. 

"  Never  swim  a  match, 
Never  lay  a  wager, 
Never  woo  a  maiden, 
With  Illmarinen  the  smith." 

The  story  might  now  end,  inasmuch  as  the  three  next  cantos 
are  devoted  to  a  description  of  the  marriage.  The  details,  how- 
ever, are  sufficiently  numerous,  sufficiently  important,  and  suffi- 
ciently original  to  form  a  poem  by  themselves.  They  stand 
betvv^een  what  proceeds  and  what  follows  them,  but  they  give  us 
neither  a  breach  nor  a  continuity.  The  wedding  is  celebrated  in 
Pohiola,  and  it  is  Louhi  who  provides  both  the  beef  and  the 
beer.  There  is  no  lack  of  either,  but,  on  the  contrary,  a  super- 
fluity of  both.  They  have  to  kill  an  ox,  but  this  ox  is  of  such  a  vast 
size  that  they  have  to  go  far  for  the  butcher.  It  reached  from  the 
Gulf  of  Finland  to  the  Arctic  Ocean,  so  that  it  must  have  over- 
shadowed all  Finland  and  all  Karelia.  It  was  broad  enough  to 
stand  with  one  foot  in  Lapland  and  one  in  Siberia. 

From  the  tip  of  one  horn  to  the  tip  of  the  other  a  swift  swallow 
might  fly  on  a  summer's  day. 

From  the  root  of  the  tail  to  the  tuft  at  the  end  a  squirrel  could 
run  in  a  month,  resting  for  one  night  half-way. 


THE   KALEVALA.  281 

It  was  in  Finland  that  the  ox  was  calved,  and  it  was  fed  in 
Karelia.  The  tail  swished  Tavastaland  ;  the  head  touched  Kemi : 
one  foot  was  put-down  in  Olonets,  another  in  Turialand;  the 
third  on  the  waterfall  of  Vuoksen,  and  the  fourth  in  Lapland. 
The  butcher  who  can  kill  it  is  not  to  be  found. 

Neither  is  it  an  easy  matter  to  brew  the  ale.  They  can 
get  the  hops,  and  they  can  get  the  malt ;  but  they  can't  get  the 
yeast. 

The  daughter  of  Louhi  is  told  to  send  out  a  squirrel,  but  the 
squirrel  is  sent  out  in  vain.  She  then  sends  out  a  martin,  but  the 
martin  returns  without  the  yeast,  or,  at  any  rate,  without  the 
means  of  making  the  brewing  work.  At  last  they  send  out  a  little 
bird  named  Mihilainen,  who  flies  over  nine  seas,  and  half-way  over 
a  tenth,  brings  back  some  honey,  and  the  ale  is  brewed.  But 
it  works  so  quickly,  that  no  one  vat,  nor  any  ten  vats  will  hold  it; 
nor  can  it  be  held  at  all  unless  certain  songs  are  sung  by  the 
company  which  has  to  drink  it.  So  they  apply  to  all  the  skilful 
singers,  and,  amongst  them,  to  the  old  trusty  Vainamoinen  ;  whose 
songs  are  effective.  Meanwhile  they  take  especial  care  not  to 
ask  the  lively  wicked  Lemminkainen. 

I.emminkainen,  however,  comes  uninvited.  There  is  a  great 
feast,  hnd,  after  a  time,  Illmarinen  is  ready  to  go  with  his  bride, 
and  the  Lnde  seems  only  too  willing  to  go  with  him.  Her 
mother  blamts  her  for  this,  and  then  she  is  too  much  the  other 
way.  Howevei,  at  the  end,  they  start,  reach  Illmarinen's  country, 
and  have  another  great  feast,  which  is  prepared  by  Illmarinen's 
mother. 

More  episodic  than  the  most  episodic  of  their  predecessors  are 
the  two  next  cantos — the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth.  They 
begin  with  the  names  Ahti  and  Kauko,  each  meaning  the  same 
person,  and  each,  as  we  see  in  the  sequel,  meaning  Lemminkainen. 

Ahti,  however,  Kauko,  or  Lemminkainen,  who  dwells  on  a  pro- 
montory, is  busy  at  the  plough.  No  one  has  such  quick  ears  as 
Ahti:  so  he  hears  what  is  going- on  in  Pohiola;  hears  the  sounds 
of  messages  containing  invitations  to  a  feast ;  hears  the  sound  of 
the  preparations  for  the  feast  itself;  hears  the  names  of  many 
guests ;  but  fails  to  hear  his  own.  So  he  mounts  his  horse,  and 
goes  home  to  his  mother :  "  Mother,  mother,  make  ready  the  meat, 
and  warm  the  bath ;  I  must  eat  and  wash."     So  his  mother  made 


282  THE    FINS    OR   UGRIANS. 

ready  the  meat  and  warmed  the  bath.     "Mother,  mother,  bring 
out  my  harness." 

"  Whither  wilt  thou  go  ?  to  the  wood,  or  to  the  sea,  or  to  hunt 
the  elk?" 

"  Not  to  hunt  the  elk,  nor  yet  to  the  sea,  nor  yet  to  the  wood. 
There  is  a  wedding-feast  in  Pohiola,  and  I  am  not  bidden  to  it." 

The  mother  now  went  far  in  her  dissuasions,  telling  him 
of  many  dangers,  but  of  three  most  especially.  The  first  was 
the  cataract  of  flame;  the  second  was  the  island  of  fire  in  the 
middle  of  a  fiery  lake;  the  third  was  the  snakes  at  the  gates  of 
Pohiola  itself — gates  which  were  of  iron  and  which  reached  from 
the  earth  to  the  sky. 

"  I  can  overcome  all  this,"  said  Lemminkainen. 

"But  there  are  other  dangers  besides." 

"  Never  mind,  give  me  my  harness ;  I  look  upon  him  as  a  man 
who  can  draw  an  arrow  to  the  head  on  Lemminkainen's  bow." 

"Be  it  so;  but  when  you  drink  empty  only  half  the  can." 

He  started,  and  overcame  the  three  difficulties;  not,  however, 
without  much  detail,  both  in  the  way  of  action  and  of  dialogue, 
and  reached  Pohiola. 

Lemminkainen.  The  bidden  guest  is  welcome,  but  more  wel- 
come still  the  unbidden  one. 

Loulii.  I  am  sorry  to  see  you.  The  ale  is  still  in  the  malt,  the 
malt  in  the  corn.  The  wheaten  bread  has  yet  to  be  baked;  the 
meat  to  be  boiled.  It  were  better  for  you  to  have  come  a  night 
sooner  or  a  day  later. 

But  Lemminkainen  would  both  eat  and  drink,  and  one  of 
Louhi's  maidens  was  told  to  bring  him  ale.  She  brought  it  in  a 
double-handled  can.  There  was  water  at  the  top,  dregs  at  the 
bottom,  and  venom  and  snakes  in  the  middle.  But  Lemmin- 
kainen took  a  probe  of  iron  from  his  pocket,  put  it  in  the  beer, 
and  brought  up  hundreds  of  worms  and  thousands  of  black 
snakes.     "  Give  me  better  ale  than  this." 

But  Louhi  called- up  a  heavy  stream  of  water  to  overflow  the 
room  and  drown  Lemminkainen. 

Then  Lemminkainen  called  up  an  ox  to  drink  up  the  water 

Then  Louhi  called  up  a  wolf  to  tear  down  the  ox. 

Then  Lemminkainen  called  up  a  white  hare  for  the  wolf  to  eat 
instead  of  the  ox. 


THE   KALEVALA.  283 

Then  Louhi  called  up  a  dog  to  kill  the  hare. 

Then  Lemminkainen  called  up  a  squirrel  to  get  on  the  dog's 
tail. 

Then  Louhi  proposed  that  they  should  measure  swords.  The 
Pobiola  weapon  was  no  bigger  than  a  grain  of  corn,  no  longer 
than  the  line  of  dust  under  a  finger-nail. 

The  fight  indoors  only  spoilt  the  doorposts.  So  they  went  out 
and  continued  the  battle.  They  laid  down  a  cow-hide,  and  on 
that  they  fought.  The  champion  of  Pohiola  could  not  so  much 
as  draw  blood.  Lemminkainen,  however,  cut  ofi"  his  enemy's 
head  at  the  first  blow. 

A  loud  yell  from  Louhi  now  brought  down  upon  Lemminkainen 
the  whole  host  of  Pohiola ;  whereon  he  thought  it  better  to  go 
away.  He  got  on  his  horse,  and  he  rode  home  to  his  mother,  sad 
in  spirit,  and  with  his  head  hanging  down. 

'*  Is  it  from  drinking  ?    Is  it  women  ?    Is  it  a  horse  ?  " 

"  It  is  no  horse ;  no  woman ;  no  drink.  Get  ready  some  meal, 
and  let  me  have  butter  enough  for  the  first  year,  and  swine's  flesh 
enough  for  the  second.  There  are  swords  whetting,  and  lances 
gleaming.  I've  killed  a  champion  of  Pohiola.  Where,  mother, 
can  I  hide  ?" 

Mother.  It  is  hard  to  hide.  If  you  are  a  fir  or  a  birch  you 
may  be  cut  down ;  if  you  are  a  cloudberry  or  a  bilberry  you  may 
be  picked ;  pike  are  not  safe  in  the  waters,  nor  bears  in  the  wood. 

Lemtninkaine?i.  Whither  can  I  go  ?  Swords  are  whetting, 
lances  gleaming. 

Mother.  I  know  of  one  place,  and  one  only ;  but  if  I  tell  you 
where  it  is  you  must  swear  a  strong  oath  that  neither  for  silver 
nor  for  gold  you  will  go  to  the  wars  for  ten  summers.  So  the 
son  swore  the  oath  to  the  mother. 

Then  Lemminkainen  pushed  off  his  boat  and  went  in  search  of 
the  island.  The  maidens  of  the  island  welcomed  him.  There 
was  not  a  town  in  the  island,  but  what  had  ten  houses.  There 
was  not  a  house  in  the  island,  but  what  had  ten  maidens.  There 
was  not  a  maiden  in  any  house  by  the  side  of  whom  Lemmin- 
kainen did  not  sleep  ;  not  one  in  ten,  two  in  a  hundred,  or  three  in 
a  thousand.  These  were  the  only  maids  and  wives  of  the  island 
without  a  name  whom  Lemminkainen  failed  to  please;  indeed, 
there  was  only  one  with  whom  he  failed. 


284  THE   FINS   OR   UGRIANS. 

Trom  town  to  town  went  Lemminkainen  until  he  came  to  a 
town  where  there  were  men  as  well  as  maids.  At  last  he  saw  no 
house  in  which  there  were  not  three  rooms,  no  room  in  which 
there  were  not  three  fighting-men,  no  fighting-man  who  was  not 
either  sharpening  a  sword  or  whetting  an  axe. 

It  is  now  time  for  the  disappointed  traveller  to  get  back  to  his 
boat.     But  the  boat  was  a  heap  of  ashes. 

He  builds  another  and  pushes  off.  The  wind  rises  and,  on  the 
third  day,  he  comes  to  an  island. 

The  hoat  —  ^h.y  was  I  built?  Ahti  no  more  will  go  to  the 
wars,  neither  for  silver  nor  for  gold ;  not  for  ten  summers. 

Ahti  {Lemminkainen). — Do  not  grieve;  you  shall  still  see 
some  battles.     I  will  go  to  the  war. 

So  Ahti  girded  himself  up  for  the  war,  though  he  broke  the 
strong  oath  he  had  sworn  to  his  mother.  '^  Who  shall  I  get  to 
stand  by  my  side — another  man,  another  sword  ?"  He  had  heard 
of  Tiero ;  so  he  gets  Tiero  as  a  companion. 

The  next  rune  I  pass  over  sicco  pede.  Though,  in  Castren's 
analysis,  connected  with  what  follows,  it  has  no  necessary  con- 
nection with  any  part  of  the  story :  being  little  more  than  a  scene 
in  the  life  of  Kullervo  an  Estonian  rather  than  a  Fin  hero. 

The  next,  however,  gives  us  our  old  friends. 

Sorrow  sat  heavy  on  Ilmarinen.  He  wept  much  a-morn- 
ings,  more  at  noon,  most  at  night.  He  was  always  plying  his 
hammer,  and  he  sought  for  gold  and  silver  in  the  sea.  Thirty 
loads  of  wood  did  he  heap  up,  burnt  them  into  charcoal,  and 
smelted  with  it  both  his  silver  and  his  gold.  His  bellows,  too, 
were  always  blowing.  The  thralls  blew  at  them,  and  were  never 
weary :  the  hired  workmen  blew  at  them  fierce  and  fast.  It's  a 
wife  of  silver  and  gold  that  Ilmarinen  will  make  for  himself. 

But  now  the  thralls  blew  lazily  and  the  hirelings  slowly:  so 
that  it  is  Ilmarinen  himself  who  must  blow.  Once  he  blows. 
Twice  he  blows.  Thrice  he  blows.  He  looks  along  the  bellows 
into  the  ashes  of  the  charcoal  and  sees  a  sword — fair  to  see,  bad 
to  use.  Every  day  it  kills  one  man ;  on  some  days  two.  The 
sight  of  such  a  sword  gladdens  the  thralls,  but  grieves  the  master. 

And  now  Ilmarinen  stirs  the  fire  with  his  sword,  and  throws  in 
of  gold  a  capful,  and  of  silver  a  hatful.  The  thralls  blow  well, 
but  it  is  Ilmarinen  who  must  go  on  with  the  blowing.     He  blows 


THE   KALEVALA.  285 

once,  twice,  thrice;  looks  down  the  bellows;  sees  a  horse — fair 
to  see,  bad  to  use.     The  thralls  are  glad,  but  the  master  sorry. 

Another  capful  of  gold;  another  hatful  of  silver;  more 
blowing  by  the  thralls ;  more  by  Ilmarinen.  From  this  comes  a 
yellow-haired  maiden.  It  is  now  the  thralls  who  grieve,  and  the 
master  who  is  glad. 

But  she  has  neither  mouth  nor  eyes.  These,  however,  Ilma- 
rinen can  give  her.  But  he  cannot  give  her  speech.  Yet  she  is 
fair  to  view :  and  Ilmarinen  takes  her  to  his  bed.  Sparks  flash 
from  the  gold  :  sparks  from  the  silver.  "  For  whom  will  such  a 
wife  as  this  do  ?  The  old  Vainamoinen  will  suit  her,  and  her  he 
shall  have  for  his  life." 

The  first  night  the  old  Vainamoinen  slept  by  the  side  of  his 
bride.  The  next  night  he  dressed  himself  in  wool.  He  wore 
five — six  folds  of  flannel,  and  two — three  bearskins.  For  all  this 
the  bride  froze  him  into  ice.  "  Young  men,"  said  the  old  Vaina- 
moinen, '"never  marry  wives  of  silver  and  gold." 

Meanwhile  Ilmarinen  with  sunken  head  and  cap  on  one  side 
betook  himself  to  Pohiola  for  a  wife  of  flesh  and  blood  ;  but  the 
hostess  of  Pohiola  only  called  him  a  blood-hound,  an  eater  of 
raw  flesh,  and  a  drinker  of  warm  blood.  So  he  brought  no 
wife  thence ;  but  twisted  his  mouth,  hung  his  head,  shook  his 
beard,  and  went  homewards,  when  he  met  Vainamoinen. 

"  What  is  the  news  from  Pohiola  ?" 

"  There  is  good  living  in  Pohiola,  for  in  Pohiola  you  may  find 
Sampo." 

Vainamoine7i.  Let  us  go  and  get  it. 

Ilmarinen.  It  is  hard  to  get :  it  lies  in  a  rock  of  stone,  in  a  hill 
of  copper,  with  nine  locks  and  nine  bolts.  Its  roots  stretch  nine 
fathoms  deep,  one  in  the  earth,  one  in  the  water,  one  on  the 
brink  of  the  sky. 

Vainamoinen.  For  all  its  hills,  and  all  its  rocks,  and  all  its 
bolts,  and  all  its  roots,  we'll  get  it.  Let  us  make  a  sword  with  a 
fiery  blade  for  the  dogs  of  Pohiola. 

So  Ilmarinen  set  about  the  sword.  He  laid  the  iron  in  the 
fire ;  the  thralls  worked  at  the  bellows,  the  hired  workmen  blew 
with  the  bellows ;  the  thralls  blew  without  ceasing :  the  hired 
workmen  blew  quick ;  until  Ilmarinen,  looking  among  the  coals, 
saw  a  sword.    He  made  for  it  a  hilt  of  gold  and  silver  and  said  to 


286  THE    FINS    OR    UGRIANS. 

himself,  "  this  sword  suits  the  bearer."  After  this,  he  put  on  a 
shirt  of  iron  and  a  belt  of  steel,  and  said  to  himself,  "  the  shirt 
and  belt  suit  the  bearer."  And  now  came  the  time  for  starting ; 
Vainamoinen  said  "  Let  us  go  by  water."  Ilmarinen  said  "  Let 
us  go  by  land." 

Whilst  they  were  debating,  Vainamoinen  heard  the  voice  of  a 
boat,  of  a  boat  bewaihng  to  itself:  "  The  house  of  the  man  is 
the  longing  of  the  maiden ;  the  billows  of  the  sea  are  the  long- 
ings of  the  boats.  They  said  when  they  made  me  that  I  should 
be  sent  out  to  the  wars.  Worse  boats  than  I  go  thither  and  bring 
back  with  them  more  than  a  king  would  earn  in  six — more  than 
a  smith  in  seven — summers.  I  was  built  by  Vainamoinen  and 
here  I  rot,  with  the  worst  of  the  grubs  of  the  field  in  my  planks 
and  the  worst  of  the  birds  of  the  air  in  my  masts.  Better  be  a 
fir-tree  in  the  forest." 

Vainamoinen,  If  you  are  Vainamoinen's  boat,  you  can  free 
yourself  from  your  moorings,  and  take  to  the  sea,  without  the 
help  of  hands. 

Boat.  Without  hands  neither  I  nor  my  brother  boats  can  take 
to  the  sea. 

Vainamoinen.  If  I  unmoor  you,  can  you  run  without  a 
steerer  ? 

Boat.  Neither  I  nor  my  brother  boats  can  run  without  a 
steerer. 

Vainamoinen,  If  you  are  helped  by  oars  and  there  is  wind  in 
your  sails  can  you  take  to  the  sea  ? 

Boat.  I  can  take  to  the  sea  if  there  be  wind  in  my  sails  and  if 
I  be  helped  by  oars. 

So  Vainamoinen  unloosed  the  boat,  and  sang  for  a  crew.  On 
one  side  was  a  crew  of  fair  maidens,  on  the  other  a  crew  of  bold 
bachelors.  Vainamoinen  steered  at  first,  but  aft^r  him  Ilmarinen ; 
and,  with  Ilmarinen  steering,  the  boat  shot  away  like  a  swan,  unti] 
it  came  to  a  promontory  where  Ahti  was  sitting,  where  Kanko 
was  sitting.  Now  Ahti  or  Kanko  was  Lemminkainen,  who,  when  he 
saw  Vainamoinen  and  Ilmarinen,  and  heard  they  were  after 
Sampo,  joined  in  the  search. 

The  old  Vainamoinen  steers  and  steers  until  he  comes  to  a 
waterfall ;  and  to  the  maiden  of  the  waterfall  he  prays  that  she 
will  let  his  boat  force  its  way  through  the  rock  that  lies  before 


THE   KALEVALA.  287 

it.  He  prays,  too,  to  Ukko  to  let  him  pass  onward.  However,  the 
boat  will  not  move  on,  and  Vainamoinen  must  think  what  it  is 
that  stops  it.  It  is  not  a  stone,  and  it  is  not  a  sand-bank  ;  it 
is  a  big  pike,  and  the  boat  has  run  aground  on  its  sboulders. 
Lemminkainen  sticks  at  it,  but  only  breaks  his  sword ;  Ilmarinen 
does  the  same.  Vainamoinen,  however,  digs  into  the  flesh  of  the 
fish.  After  lifting  it  into  the  boat,  he  cries  out  to  his  boatmates, 
"  Who  is  the  oldest  man  amongst  you  ?  for  he  must  cut  up  the 
fish."  But  the  boatmates  cry  out  to  both  the  men  and  the 
women,  "  Who's  got  cleaner  hands  than  the  fisherman  himself? 
Let  him  cut  up  the  fish." 

So  Vainamoinen  cut  up  the  fish  and  said,  "  What  shall  we  do 
with  his  teeth  ?" 

"What  can  we  do  with  them  '? "  said  Ilmarinen,  ^'  they  are  bad 
at  the  best." 

"  A  skilful  smith,"  said  Vainamoinen,  "  might  make  a  harp  of 
them  ;  but  where  is  the  skilful  smith  ?" 

That  was  Vainamoinen  himself.  So  he  made  a  frame  out  of  the 
fir-tree,  and  the  teeth  of  the  pike  he  made  into  pegs.  However, 
a  little  thing  was  yet  wanting — where  shall  they  find  a  string  ? 
They  found  that  in  the  tail  of  the  horse  of  Hiisi.  Now  ''play  on 
it  some  old  man,"  but  no  old  man  could  play  on  it.  "  Play  on  it 
some  young  man,"  but  no  young  man  could  play  on  it.  Lemmin- 
kainen tried  to  play.  Ilmarinen  tried  to  play.  Neither  Ilma- 
rinen nor  Lemminkainen  could  play  on  it;  so  the  old  trusty 
Vainamoinen  sends  the  harp  to  Pohiola,  the  kantel  to  Kalevala. 
The  hostess  of  Pohiola  plays,  the  lads  of  Pohiola  play,  the 
lasses  play,  the  bachelors  play,  the  married  men  play.  None  of 
them,  however,  can  bring  out  a  sweet  sound  ;  and  the  old  man  him- 
self must  play.  So  he  washes  his  thumbs,  and  sits  on  the  stone 
of  glee,  by  the  side  of  a  silvery  brook,  on  the  top  of  a  golden 
hill.  And  now  the  sounds  flowed  sweetly — the  sounds  from  the 
teeth  of  the  pike,  the  sounds  from  the  tail  of  the  horse  of  Hiisi. 
Not  a  beast  in  the  forest  but  came  to  hear  it,  nor  a  bird  in  the 
air  but  it  listened.  The  wolf  awoke  in  its  cave,  and  the  bear 
danced  on  the  heath ;  the  whole  band  of  Tapio  came  to  hear  the 
sound,  and  Tapio's  wife,  with  her  blue  stockings  and  her  red 
shoe-strings,  came  to  hear  it.  Not  a  beast  in  the  forest  but  came, 
not  a  bird  in  the  air  but  it  listened.     The  eagle  flew  down  from  the 


288  THE   FINS    OE   UGRIANS. 

sky,  the  hawk  from  the  cloud,  the  duck  from  the  sea,  and  the 
swan  from  the  river — all  the  little  finches,  thousands  of  larks, 
and  tens  of  thousands  of  siskins.  The  maidens  of  the  air  came 
to  hear  it,  and  the  sun  and  the  moon  listened.  Not  a  living 
thing  in  the  water  but  came  to  hear  it ;  and  the  fishes  with  their 
six  fins  listened.  The  salmon  came,  and  the  pike  came,  and  the 
dog-fish  came  with  them ;  and  by  hundreds  and  by  thousands 
came  all  the  little  fishes.  Ahti,  with  his  grey  beard,  came  to  hear 
it,  and  his  wife,  who  had  combed  her  golden  hair  with  a  silver 
brush,  listened  to  the  sound  of  Vainamoinen's  harp. 

No  heroes  were  so  stern  of  mood,  and  no  women  so  tender- 
hearted, but  they  heard  and  wept.  Young  cried,  old  cried,  the 
bachelors,  and  even  the  married  men,  cried ;  middle-age  men,  and 
youths,  maidens,  and  little  children  all  cried.  At  last  Vaina- 
moinen  cried  himself,  with  tears  as  big  as  berries,  and  as  number- 
less as  the  feathers  of  a  swallow.  They  rolled  from  his  cheek  to 
his  breast,  from  his  breast  to  his  knee,  from  his  knee  to  his 
ankle,  from  his  ankles  to  his  feet.  They  wetted  his  five  woollen 
jackets,  his  six  golden  belts,  his  seven  blue  shirts,  and  his  eight 
flannel  waistcoats.  Down  they  rolled  into  the  sea,  and  became 
pearls.  "Who'll  pick  up  my  tears?"  said  Vainamoinen.  No 
one  picked  up  the  tears  of  Vainamoinen.  At  last  there  came  a 
blue  duck,  and  the  blue  duck  dived  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea, 
and  brought  up  the  tears  of  Vainamoinen. 

Vainamoinen  was  one,  Ilmarinen  another,  I^emminkainen  the 
third. 

"  What's  the  news  ?  "  said  the  hostess  of  Pohiola. 

"  We  are  come  to  take  our  share  of  Sampo,"  said  Vainamoinen. 

"You  cannot  part  a  minever,  nor  yet  halve  a  squirrel,"  said 
the  hostess  of  Pohiola. 

So  Vainamoinen  began  to  play  on  his  harp,  and  the  men  of 
Pohiola  fell  asleep.  He  went  on  playing,  and  the  bolts  of  the 
doors  were  moved.  So  Ilmarinen  rubbed  them  over  with  butter, 
and  pushed  back  the  locks,  but  he  could  not  reach  Sampo. 

He  took  an  ox  with  a  hundred  horns — a  beast  with  a  thousand 
heads,  and  he  ploughed  up  the  ground  till  Sampo  came  in  sight. 

The  old  Vainamoinen  was  one,  Ilmarinen  was  another,  and. 
Lemminkainen  was  the  third. 


THE    KALEVALA.  289 

They  put  out  their  arms  and  laid  hands  on  Sampo,  and  took  it 
to  the  boat. 

"  I  know  where  to  take  it  to,"  said  Vainamoinen. 

"But  why  dont  you  sing?  "  said  Lerarainkainen 

"  It's  too  soon  for  that,"  said  Vainamoinen. 

The  wind  blew  till  it  shook  the  boat,  and  the  hostess  of 
Pohiola  awoke,  and  woke  up  her  men.  A  thousand  went  to  the 
oars,  and  a  thousand  set  up  the  sails,  and  they  all  went  after 
Vainamoinen.  Lemminkainen  ran  up  the  mast,  and  Vainamoinen 
asked  him  what  he  saw.  "  I  see  hawks  on  the  aspen-trees,  ant? 
eagles  on  the  birches." 

"Don't  tell  lies,"  said  Vainamoinen;  "but  look  again." 

"  I  see  a  cloud  from  the  north,  a  storm  from  the  north-west." 

"Don't  tell  lies,"  said  Vainamoinen ;  "look  again." 

"I  see,"  said  Lemminkainen,  "the  boats  of  Pohiola,  with  a 
hundred  rudders,  and  a  thousand  oars;  a  hundred  men  whetting 
their  swords,  and  a  thousand  men  with  their  swords  by  their 
sides." 

"Row,  mates,  row;  row  Ilmarinen;  row  Lemminkainen;  row 
one,  row  all." 

Vainamoinen  took  out  his  tinder-box  and  threw  a  bit  of 
tinder  over  his  left  arm  into  the  sea  "  Burn,  tinder,  burn;  burn 
all  the  boats  of  Pohiola." 

The  hostess  of  Pohiola,  the  toothless  old  woman,  now  changed 
her  shape.  The  oars  became  wings,  the  rudder  became  a  tail, 
and  she  and  her  boat  became  an  eagle. 

"  I  come  to  halve  Sampo/'  said  Vainamoinen. 

"  I  come  to  take  the  whole  of  it,"  said  the  hostess  of 
Pohiola. 

Ilmarinen  cut  at  her  three  times  with  the  sword,  but  could  not 
wound  so  much  as  one  of  her  claws.  Lemminkainen  cut  at  her 
too,  but  the  hostess  of  Pohiola  only  said,  "  I  pity  your  mother, 
to  whom  you  promised  that  neither  for  silver  nor  gold  would  you 
go  to  the  wars  for  ten  summers." 

Vainamoinen  cut  at  her  too,  and  he  left  of  her  claws  no  more 
than  a  little  finger.  Down  dropt  the  men  into  the  sea;  a  hundred 
from  the  wings  of  the  eagle,  a  thousand  from  the  tail,  ten  from 
each  feather,  as  the  squirrel  falls  from  the  branch  of  a  fir-tree. 
Down  plumped  Louhi  herself. 

19 


290  THE   FINS   OR   UGRIANS. 

But  she  laid  a  finger  on  Sampo,  and  threw  it  into  the  sea. 
There  it  lies;  and  the  wealth  of  the  sea  is  Sampo.  Only  a  few 
bits  were  cast  upon  the  shore,  and  from  these  came  ploughing 
and  sowing,  and  the  wealth  of  the  earth.  A  little  bit  only  did 
the  hostess  of  Pohiola  keep,  and  this  she  took  home,  but  the  rest 
of  Sampo  is  missing  in  Pohiola,  and  lost  to  Lapland. 

If  a  poem  which  consists  in  the  narrative  of  an  endless  con- 
test between  two  series  of  immortal  beings,  who  never  know  when 
they  are  beaten,  can  be  said  to  ever  have  a  natural  ending,  the 
Kalevala,  as  far  as  the  epic's  conditions  of  a  beginning,  a  middle, 
and  an  end  are  complied  with,  may  now  be  said  to  have  come  to 
its  close.  Yet  we  are  far  from  the  termination  of  the  book  that 
bears  that  name.  Oastren,  who  (from  the  work  which  he  has  so 
well  translated  and  which  he  has  done  so  much  to  make  known 
to  the  world  at  large)  is  our  great  authority,  especially  states 
that,  where  the  contest  between  the  powers  represented  by  the 
hostess  of  Pohiola,  and  the  powers  represented  by  Vainamoinen, 
Ilmarinen,  and  Lemminkainen,  comes  to  a  conclusion,  the  true 
Kalevala  ends.  However,  he  carries  it  beyond  the  date  of  the 
event  last  noticed — i.  e.  the  sinking  of  Sampo  in  the  sea. 

With  the  sequel(B  to  this  the  twenty-third  canto  begins,  in 
which  we  may  remark  that  none  of  the  old  heroes,  except  Vaina- 
moinen, plays  any  conspicuous  part — no  conspicuous  part  in  the  ■ 
first  instance  at  least — that  we  get  a  new  name  {Sampsa  Peller- 
voinen)  whose  Christian  name  (so  to  say)  is  wonderfully  Hke 
Sampo ;  that  we  get  more  decidedly  than  heretofore  into  Ingria,  and 
Estonia,  rather  than  Finland  Proper;  and,  finally,  that  a  notable 
Christian  element  exhibits  itself  in  the  greater  solemnity  of  some 
of  the  invocations  and  the  use  of  the  name  Creator,  which, 
though  it  has  occasionally  appeared  in  the  previous  runes,  appears 
much  more  frequently  in  the  forthcoming  ones. 

So  the  old  trusty  Vainamoinen  picks  up  from  the  sea-shore 
some  bits  of  Sampo,  and  takes  them  to  Sampsa  Pellervoinen, 
perhaps  the  Kullervo  of  a  previous  rune.  "  Sow  and  plough, 
and  o.ut  of  these  will  come  wealth."  So  Sampsa  Pellervoinen 
sowed  and  ploughed.  Six  sorts  of  seeds,  seven  kinds  of  fruit  did 
he  put  in  a  squirrel-skin  bag,  and  he  sowed  them  until  grass,  and 
corn,  and  trees  of  all  kind  grew  —  some  ten,  some  a  hundred, 


THE    KALEVALA.  291 

some  a  thousand  fold.  One  tree  alone  would  not  spring  up — 
and  til  at  was  God's  tree,  the  oak. 

He  had  prayed  to  Ukko.  He  had  loosened  the  oxen  of  his  plough. 
He  had  gone  one  night,  two  nights,  three  nights,  and  come  hack 
again,  for  as  many  days,  to  see  whether  the  oak  would  grow. 

At  last  it  grew  too  much  for  his  good.  It  hid  its  branches 
amongst  the  clouds  and  its  top  among  the  heavens.  It  shaded 
and  over-shaded  the  earth.  It  kept  off  the  light  of  the  moon.  It 
kept  off  the  warmth  of  the  sun.  The  old  troubles  of  cold  and 
darkness  had  come  upon  Vainamoinen,  Ilmarinen,  and  Lemmin- 
kainen  again ;  and  it  was  the  Hostess  of  Pohiola  that  was  the 
contriver  of  the  evil.  "  What  can  be  done,  if  the  oak  cannot  be 
cut  down  ?     Who  can  do  it  ?  "  said  Vainamoinen. 

There  came  up  a  little  man  from  the  sea.  He  was  (like  the  ox 
of  the  wedding-feast)  not  of  the  largest  nor  yet  of  the  smallest. 
He  was  a  span  in  length  ;  and  he  was  all  clad  in  copper — copper 
his  hat,  copper  his  shoes,  copper  his  gloves,  copper  everything. 

So  he  whetted  his  axe.  Five  stones  from  Estland ;  six  quern- 
stones  ;  seven  grinding-stones — with  these  he  whetted  it. 

And  he  became  a  man — a  big  man.  The  small  of  his  leg  was 
a  fathom;  his  knee-bone  a  fathom  and  a  half;  his  hip  three 
fathoms.  One  foot  forward  and  he  reached  the  strand.  Another 
foot  forward  and  he  reached  the  field  where  stood  the  oak.  One 
blow — sparks;  two  blows — sparks;  three  blows — the  oak  fell 
to  the  ground.  Its  twigs  made  arrows  for  the  bowmen,  and 
lucky  was  he  who  got  for  himself  one  of  its  leaves.  Vainamoinen 
was  glad.  "  Now  let  us  plough  and  sow."  What  was  sown 
grew,  and  Vainamoinen  would  fain  have  taken  the  light  of  the 
moon,  and  the  warmth  of  the  sun,  and  the  seed  of  the  field  to 
Suomela. 

But  the  Hostess  of  Pohiola  had  another  arrow  in  her  quiver ; 
and  she  locked  up  the  moon  in  a  rock,  and  the  sun  in  a  hill. 

"Do  what  ye  can  now  with  your  ploughing  and  your  sow- 
ing," said  she.  Besides  this  she  sang  songs  that  brought  hail  and 
snow,  frost  and  rain,  that  charmed  the  birds  of  the  air  and  the 
beasts  of  the  field.     Meanwhile,  Vainamoinen  prayed  to  Ukko. 

But  Louhiatar  helped  Louhi,  and  bore  nine  sons — ten  sons; 
all  at  one  birth.     There  was  Fever,  Gout,  Cohk,  Ague,  Plague, 

19* 


292  THE   FI^S    OR   UGEIANS. 

and  their  brethren.  What  can  Vainamoinen  do  with  these  ?  The 
sons  of  Vainos  die  under  a  strange  ailment.  A  sudden  sickness 
takes  the  Luoto-folk.  What  can  Vainamoinen  do  ?  He  sits 
over  his  fire,  makes  a  salve,  and  calls  upon  the  Creator. 
"Is  this  a  plague  from  the  Creator,  or  is  it  a  punishment?" 
This  is  very  like  what  Antero  Vipunen  had  said  before,  and  not 
very  unlike  something  in  the  Book  of  Kings. 

He  also  called  upon  Kivatar,  the  mother  of  ailments,  and  hav- 
ing got  all  of  them  together,  put  them  in  a  little  pot,  no  bigger 
than  the  three  fingers  of  a  man,  and  pitched  them  into  a  hole 
in  a  rock.  With  this  and  with  the  salves  he  cast  out  the  sick- 
nesses that  the  songs  of  Louhi  had  raised  up. 

Still  neither  sun  nor  moon  shone.  So  Vainamoinen  bespoke 
Illmarinen  (who  now  for  the  first  time  appears  in  these  extraneous 
runes  or  cantos)  and  asked  him  to  go  up  into  the  sky  to  look 
after  these  two  great  bodies  and  Charles's  Wain.  They  went 
up  and  found  a  maid  on  a  cloud.  She  kept  watch  over  the 
fire ;  but  a  spark  had  got  away  and  gone  downwards  to  the  earth. 

Ilmarinen  and  Vainamoinen  built  a  boat  and  went  after  it. 
Sampsa  Pellervoinen  steered  and  it  was  over  Neva  up  which  he 
steered  them.  There  they  met  the  oldest  of  women — the  mother 
of  mankind ;  from  whom  they  learned  that  the  spark  had 
left  Truris,  Palvonen,  Tuoni,  and  Manala  and  that  it  was  in 
the  Lake  Aluejarvi  that  a  perch  had  swam  after,  but  a  white-fish 
had  swallowed,  it.  A  salmon  had  swallowed  the  white-fish,  a 
pike  the  salmon.  So  Vainamoinen  made  a  net,  and  prayed, 
to  Wellamo.     The  Sun's  son  came  and  helped  them. 

"  Shall  I  pull  my  best,  or  pull  only  for  what  is  wanted  ?  " 

"  For  what  is  wanted." 

So  they  set  the  net,  and  took  a  huge  draught  of  fishes ;  but 
the  pike  was  not  among  them.  Again  they  set  it,  and  the  pike 
was  taken.  In  the  belly  of  the  pike  they  found  the  salmon  ;  in 
the  belly  of  the  salmon  the  white-fish  ;  in  the  belly  of  the  white- 
fish  a  perch;  in  the  belly  of  the  perch  a  blue  ball  of  twine  ;  in 
the  blue  ball  of  twine  the  spark.  But  it  was  the  gain  of  a  loss. 
The  spark  blazed,  and  blazed — and  burnt,  and  burnt,  until  all  was 
well-nigh  burnt  up.  Ilmarinen,  however,  was  able  to  sing  down 
the  flames — the  flames  of  Panu. 

The  sun  shone  not ;   neither  did  the  moon :  and  there  was  sor- 


THE   KALEVALA.  293 

row  in  the  hearts  of  men.  The  fish  knew  the  burrows  of  the  deep, 
and  the  eagle  knew  the  flight  of  the  bird,  and  the  wind  knew 
which  way  the  goose  flew;  but  when  day,  dawn,  and  night  came  in 
no  man  knew.  The  young  thought  and  the  men  of  the  middle- 
age  thought  about  the  sun  and  the  moon  and  Charles's  Wain. 
So  Vainamoinen  went  to  the  smithy  (whether  his  or  Ilmarinen's 
is  not  stated)  and  wrought  at  the  forge,  till  the  sweat  ran  from  his 
brow,  to  make  a  new  sun  and  a  new  moon  out  of  silver  and 
gold.  And  he  made  them :  but  they  were  of  no  more  good  than 
the  wife  of  the  same  materials.  They  would  neither  shine  with 
light,  nor  glow  with  warmth. 

**  I  must  hie  to  Pohiola." 

On  the  third  day  he  reached  the  waters  of  Pohiola. 

'^  A  boat!" 

But  no  boat  came.  So  he  whistled  for  a  wind,  and  a  wind 
took  him  over. 

*'  One  foot  from  the  stream  to  the  strand,"  cried  the  crew.  So 
Vainamoinen,  with  both  his  feet  from  the  stream  to  the  strand 
strode  up. 

The  crew.  Now  to  the  halls  of  Pohiola  ! 

Pohiola  s  warriors.  What  does  the  rascal  want  here  ? 

Vainamoinen.  The  sun  and  the  moon. 

Pohiola  s  warriors.  Measure  swords,  and  let  the  longest  strike 
the  hrst  blow. 

Vainamoinen's  sword  was  the  longer  by  a  barley-corn,  by  a 
straw's  breadth;  and  after  cleaving  the  skulls  of  the  warriors 
of  Pohiola,  he  went  to  let  out  the  sun  and  the  moon. 

But  there  was  a  rock  of  iron  with  ten  doors  and  ten  locks. 
So  he  betook  himself  to  Ilmarinen,  and  asked  him  to  forge  a 
grapple  with  three  prongs,  a  dozen  axes,  and  a  load  of  keys. 
One  day  worked  Ilmarinen— two  days  worked  Ilmarinen.  On 
the  third  day  came  a  lark  to  him. 

The  lark.  Hear  me,  Ilmarinen,  smith !  you  are  just  a  first- 
rate  smith ;  a  hammerer  without  a  match. 

Ilmarinen.  I  am  this  because  I  always  look  towards  God  as 
I  forge  and  as  I  weld  a  lock  for  the  wind  and  sky. 

The  lark.  But  what  is  it  you  are  forging  now  ? 

Ilmarinen.  A  ring  for  the  necks  of  the  hated  women  of 
Pohiola. 


294  THE    FINS    OB   UGRIANS. 

So  the  Hostess  of  Pohiola  flew  away  with  a  sad  mind;  and 
when  the  morning  dawned  came  again  to  the  smithy  of  Ilmari- 
nen  as  a  dove.  *'  News  !  The  sun  has  come  out  of  its  rock  ;  the 
moon  has  got  loose  from  the  hill."  So  Ilmarinen  looked  up  ;  and 
when  he  felt  the  sun  glowing  and  the  moon  shining  hroke  forth 
into  singing,  "  Old,  and  trusty  Vainamoinen,  come  and  see  the 
sun  and  the  moon."     So  Vainamoinen  came,  and  with  his  song  to 

the  sun,  ends  the  twenty- seventh  rune  or  canto. 

********* 

With  the  song  to  the  sun,  Castren  considers  that  the  true 
Kalevala  ends.  In  his  translation,  however,  there  are  still  five 
more  runes ;  of  which  all  that  can  be  said  in  the  way  of  connec- 
tion and  unity  with  what  has  preceded  is  that  Vainamoinen  ap- 
pears in  them. 

Twenty -eighth  rune. 

Old  trusty  Vainamoinen  says  to  himself,  ^'  I  must  kill  a 
bear." 

He  says  much  besides  this;  but  the  further  details  of  his 
speech  are  unimportant  as  parts  of  the  Kalevala,  except  so  far  as 
they  give  us  a  great  number  of  mythologic  names — Mielikki, 
Tellervo  (iiCullervo  and  Pellervoinen  we  have  had  before)  Ohto, 
Tapio,  and  Tapiola,  or  Tapio's  land.  With  these  we  find  the 
name  of  the  Creator. 

Twenty-ninth  rune. 

Old  trusty  Vainamoinen  says  to  himself,  '*  I  must  make  a 
harp,"  &c.,  &c.  Ahti,  Wellamo,  and  Ilmarinen  appear  in  this 
canto. 

Thirtieth  and  thirty-first  runes. 

Old  trusty  Vainamoinen  walks  out  and  meets  Joukahinen,  who 
will  not  make  way  for  him.  They  fight  until  Joukahinen's  sister 
is  promised  by  her  brother  to  Vainamoinen.  But  the  sister  is  re- 
calcitrant ;  and  the  disappointment  of  the  old  trusty  one  is,  among 
other  details,  the  result. 

Thirty-second  rune. 
This  is,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  very  scriptural  and  very  un- 
Bcriptural.  It  is  decidedly  based  upon  the  narrative  of  the  birth  of 
our  Lord,  and  it  is  evidently  successful  in  transforming  it  into 


THE   KALEVALA.  295 

something  else.  It  can  scarcely  be  translated  without  engendering 
the  notion  of  a  caricature;  indeed,  how  can  it  be  otherwise  in  a 
poem,  when  by  the  side  of  Marietta  (Mary)  and  Herodes  (Herod) 
we  have  Tapio  and  Pillti  with  other  incongruities  to  match  ? 

With  a  few  verses  in  the  way  of  epilogue  ends  this  remarkable 
poem  consisting  of  nearly  thirteen  thousand  lines. 

Those  who  love  to  discover  the  symbolic  in  the  material  may 
make  out  of  it  the  antagonism  between  good  and  evil,  between 
summer  and  winter,  between  light  and  darkness,  between  the  Laps 
and  the  Fins  ;  between,  in  short,  any  two  opposing  elements  of 
any  possible  dualism.  Those,  too,  who  love  difficult  investigations 
and  uncertain  conjectures  may  tax  their  ingenuity  in  trying  to 
find  out  what  was  meant  by  Sampo.  It  was,  to  a  great  extent, 
a  mystery  to  Vainamoinen  and  Ilmarinen  themselves,  who,  though 
they  made  and  stole  it,  got  but  little  use  out  of  it. 

Some  commentatators  have  thought  it  a  talisman,  some  a  mill, 
some  this  thing,  some  that.  What  it  was,  however,  is  doubtful. 
It  was  made  out  of  a  swan's  feather,  a  fibre  of  wool,  a  grain  of 
com,  and  bits  of  a  broken  distafi";  to  which  some  accounts  add 
the  milk  of  a  cow.  It  ground  a  grist  of  three  measures, 
one  for  the  house,  one  for  sale,  and  one  for  the  granary.  What 
it  did  to  help  the  plougher  and  the  sower  we  have  already 
seen. 

More  instructive,  because  more  intelligible  than  the  inner 
meaning  of  the  story  is  its  outer  history ;  and  it  is  one  which 
the  thousand- and-one  still  unborn  commentators  on  the  great 
Homeric  poems  will  do  well  to  attend  to ;  especially  with  a  view 
to  its  essentially  rhapsodic  character ;  rhapsodic  being  taken  in 
its  strict  etymological  sense  and  with  a  definite  technical  import. 
By  the  skilful  welding  together  of  several  isolated  poems  into  a 
single  mass,  the  Kalevala  has  become  what  may  be  dignified  by 
the  name  of  Epic ;  to  which,  if  we  choose,  we  may  prefix  the 
terirjs  great  and  national.  Its  dimensions  justify  the  first,  its 
language  and  locality  the  second  of  tliese  respectable  adjectives. 

The  Wollfian  doctrine  of  the  rhapsodic  character  of  the 
Homeric  poems,  had  the  existing  state  of  knowledge  been  sufficient 
for  the  criticism,  would  scarcely  have  been  paradox.  As  it  was,  it 
dealt  with  the   Iliad   and  the   Odyssey  as  ordinary  epics ;  com- 


296  THE    FINS    OR   UGRIANS. 

paring  them  only  with  those  of  Virgil,  Tasso,  Ariosto,  Camoens, 
Ercilla,  and  Milton ;  epics  of  which  the  single-handed  authorship 
was  a  patent  historical  event,  as  clear  as  that  of  the  authorship  of 
Falconer's  Shipwreck  or  Glover's  Leonidas.  The  fact  that  was 
either  not  recognized  or  not  promulgated  was,  the  essentially  rhap- 
sodic character  of  all  known  poems  belonging  to  that  stage  of 
civilization  to  which  the  Homeric  compositions  are  referred. 
With  the  recognition  of  this,  the  method,  as  well  as  the  details, 
of  the  criticism  wants  changing :  and  it  is  not  so  much  a  question 
whether  the  facts  in  the  structure  of  two  wonderful  poems  justify 
the  hypothesis  that  they  arose  out  of  the  agglutination  of  rhap- 
sodies, but  whether  there  is  even  a  presumption  against  their 
having  done  so. 

The  merits  of  the  Kalevala  will  of  course  be  different  in  the  eyes 
of  its  different  readers.  They  have  had,  however,  ample  justice 
done  to  them  in  more  quarters  than  one.  The  poem  probably 
has  been  more  praised  than  read,  though  the  readers  of  it  have 
been  numerous,  and  the  imitators  not  a  few.  Indeed,  whatever 
may  be  its  demerits,  it  is  essentially  a  readable  poem ;  this  is  be- 
cause, the  narrative  itself  having  enough  of  movement  to  stimu- 
late the  reader's  attention,  its  strange  tenor  makes  it  impossible 
for  him  to  guess  what  will  come  next ;  whilst  the  metre  is  short 
and  pleasant,  the  images  clear,  the  play  of  fancy  pleasing.  From 
the  number  of  repetitions  the  poem  seems  shorter  than  it  is. 

Of  those  who  can  read  it  with  ease  and  pleasure  in  the  original 
Fin,  the  number  out  of  Finland  is  few.  Neither  does  the  pre- 
sent expositor  belong  to  them,  notwithstanding  his  criticism  and 
his  exposition.  He  can  just  spell  his  way  through  parts  of  it  by  the 
help  of  the  Swedish  translation  of  Castren  ;  but  the  recog- 
nized merits  of  this  are  so  great  that  it  may  pass  for  a  practical 
equivalent  to  the  original.  This  is,  in  part,  due  to  the  author's  skill, 
in  part  to  the  pre-  eminent  fitness  of  the  Swedish  language ; 
which,  though  less  vocahc  than  the  Fin,  is  far  more  so  than  the 
German. 

We  may  substitute  an  illustration  for  a  description,  and — by 
a  comparison  which  the  reader  anticipates — say  that  the  Kalevala 
reads  very  like  Longfellow's  Hiawatha;  or,  rather,  that  Hiawatha 
reads  very  like  the  Kalevala.  When  the  newer  poem  of  the  two  was 


THE   KALEVALA.  297 

first  publislied  a  good  deal  was  said  about  the  resemblance  ;  and  it 
may  be  added  that  something  was  left  unsaid.  That  Hiawatha  was 
in  any  respect  a  plagiarism  from  the  Fin  poem  was  one  of  the 
laxest  of  charges,  though  one  that  was  made.  The  answer,  on 
the  other  hand,  that  it  was  a  collection  of  genuine  Indian  legends 
was  anything  but  a  sufficient  one.  That  the  Kalevala  suggested 
the  Hiawatha,  no  one  who  has  read  the  two  poems  can  doubt. 
The  relation,  however,  between  the  two  poems  was  this.  It  was 
as  if,  during  the  time  of  the  sensation  created  by  Macpherson's 
Ossian,  some  French  poet  had  visited  England,  read  Temora,  and 
worked  up  some  Breton  legends  into  a  poem  with  an  Ossianic 
character;  tlie  form  of  the  poem  being  suggested  aliunde^  the 
matter  original ;  the  form  being  from  Scotland,  the  matter  from 
Brittany.  There  would  have  been  no  plagiarism,  and  there  would 
have  been  no  absolute  originality,  of  which  the  most  original 
poets  know  that  there  is  less  anywhere  than  the  world  imagines. 

That  Lonrot  is  no  Macpherson,  and  that  the  Kalevala  is  far 
more  of  an  ancient  Fin  poem  than  Ossian  is  an  old  Gaelic  one  is 
admitted  by  his  countrymen,  who,  notwithstanding  the  bias  that 
may  be  given  to  their  criticism  by  their  nationality,  are,  upon  the 
whole,  the  best  judges.  It  might  not  be  so  if  the  Fin  language 
were  as  well-known  to  the  learned  men  of  Europe  as  the  Latin 
and  Greek,  or  even  as  the  Slavonic ;  but,  as  matters  stand,  their 
authority  must  stand  for  what  it  is  worth — and  something  more. 
It  has  not  been  received  without  criticism.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  must  be  remembered  that,  unlike  Ossian,  the  Kalevala  made  its 
first  appearance  in  the  original  tongue. 

.The  Kalevala  is  essentially  rhapsodic.  Neither  is  it  without 
its  repetitions.  Not  to  mention  the  re- appearance  of  certain 
words  and  certain  formulae,  there  is  more  than  one  narrative  which 
seems  to  be  (if  not  i\iQ  facsimile)  the  reflex  of  some  other.  The 
forging  of  the  sun  and  moon  out  of  silver  and  gold  is, 
apparently,  a  recast  of  Ilmarinen's  wife  out  of  the  same  materials 
—  or  vice  versa. 

The  inner  meaning —io  use  an  expression  which  is  in  a  fair 
way  of  passing  into  a  hazy  platitude,  but  one  which  is  still  con- 
venient— will,  probably,  be  a  mystery  to  the  end  of  time ;  and  the 
more  we  look  to  any  single  principle  for  its  solution  the  further 


298  THE    FINS    OR   UGEIANS. 

we  shall  be  from  it.  The  poem  is  not  a  uniform  whole,  nor  is  tho 
evidence  of  its  separate  elements  being  referable  to  a  single 
source,  satisfactory.  The  conflict  between  light  and  dark- 
ness as  a  dualism  of  one  sort,  and  the  conflict  between 
the  Fins  and  the  Laps  as  a  dualism  of  another,  may  each  be 
true  to  a  certain  extent.  Neither,  however,  nor  both  com- 
bined, will  cover  the  whole  ground.  Even  Sampo  itself, 
whatever  we  may  make  of  it,  will  carry  us  but  a  short  way. 
To  the  main  elements  of  the  poem  there  is  much  superadded, 
and  of  these  additions  the  character  is  miscellaneous  and  hetero- 
geneous. Individually,  1  look  for  some  of  its  important  consti- 
tuents in  the  South  rather  than  the  North ;  among  the  Slavonians 
the  Lithuanians,  the  Livonians,  and  the  other  occupants  of  the 
southern  coast  of  the  Baltic  rather  than  in  Lapland  or  even  in 
Finland  Proper. 

A  remark  of  Sjogren's  upon  the  Zirianian  mythology,  oi 
rather  upon  the  Zirianian  want  of  one,  is,  if  not  absolutely  accu- 
rate, suggestive.  It  is  to  the  effect  that,  instead  of  a  vast  mass  of 
the  original  paganism  underlying  their  present  Christianity,  as  is 
the  case  of  the  Fins  and  Estonians,  the  Zirianians  have  but  few 
remains  of  their  ancient  mythology.  The  fact,  itself,  though  likely 
enough,  is  probably  exaggerated,  resting  chiefly  on  our  want  of 
minute  information  on  an  obscure  subject.  Hence,  we  may  reason- 
ably expect,  that  when  properly  looked  for,  more  will  present  itself 
than  has  hitherto  been  found.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  explanation 
suggested  by  Sjogren  is,  that  in  Finland  Protestantism  was  a 
form  of  Christianity  uncongenial  to  the  Fin  mind,  and  that, 
coming  as  it  did  before  the  Gospel  had  taken  a  thorough  root  in 
the  country,  it  arrested  rather  than  favoured  the  development  of 
Christianity.  Protestants  are,  of  course,  slow  to  believe  that  their 
own  creed  is  not,  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances,  the  best. 
If,  however,  they  can  get  over  such  an  obstacle  as  this,  the  sug- 
gestion under  notice  has  a  fair  amount  of  facts  to  recommend  it. 
The  Fins  took  their  Protestantism  from  Sweden,  and,  after  once 
adopting  it,  held  it  with  the  resolute  obstinacy  in  which  their 
strength  of  character  shows  itself  But  it  could  scarcely  have 
come  home  to  them  as  it  came  home  to  the  countrymen  of  Luther, 
to  the  Swedes,  or  to  the  English;  and  it  could  scarcely  have 


THE    KALEVALA.  299 

appealed   to  their  intellect  in  the  way  that  it  appealed  to  the  in- 
tellect in  France,  Poland,  or  Hungary. 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  a  poem  like  the  Kalevala,  is  not  without 
its  political  import.  In  almost  every  part  of  the  Continent,  there 
is  what  is  called  a  language-question  ;  and  though  there  is  less 
of  one  in  Eussia  than  in  most  other  countries,  there  is  still  a 
language- question  even  in  Russia.  In  Poland,  this  is  notoriously 
the  fact ;  whilst  in  Gallicia  it  is  the  Russian  language  itself  which 
is  aggrieved,  the  Russians  under  Austria  heing  neither  willing  to 
learn  German  nor  ready  to  subordinate  their  own  form  of  the 
Slavonic  to  the  Polish. 

In  Finland,  the  language-question  is  in  its  rudiments.  Never- 
theless, it  is,  to  some  extent,  a  question.  The  Swedish  is,  in 
Finland,  the  language  of  commerce  and  literature  ;  and,  until  the 
Russian  conquest  of  Finland,  it  was  this  without  a  rival.  It  has 
been  the  policy  of  Russia,  however,  to  create  a  native  feeling, 
i.  e.  a  feeling  for  Finland  and  the  true  Fins  as  against  Sweden  and 
the  mixed  Swedes.  The  encouragement  of  the  Fin  languages 
and  the  native  philologues  has  been  one  of  the  means  for 
effecting  this ;  and  it  would  be  well  if  all  other  steps  towards 
similar  objects  were  in  an  equally  praiseworthy  direction.  Fin 
philology  has  now  risen  to  the  dignity  of  a  separate  study  ;  and 
the  Fin  philologues  form  a  special  school  of  great  merit.  How 
far  they  are  Russians  rather  than  Swedes  is  another  question. 

How  far  is  the  whole  country  Russian  ?  In  the  ethnographical 
map  of  the  Grand  Duchy,  five  colours  represent  five  divisions  of 
the  population  ;  (1.)  the  Karelian  ;  (2.)  the  Tavastrian  ;  (3.)  the 
Quain  ;   (4.)  the  Swede  ;   (5.)  the  Fin  and  Swede  mixed. 

Of  these,  the  Karelians  cover  by  far  the  largest  area.  They 
cover  all  the  inland  districts  and  extend  into  the  Governments  of 
Olonets  and  Arkangel.  Viborg,  too,  is  allotted  to  them;  though 
it  has  been  suggested  that,  on  the  southern  frontier,  and  within 
the  Russian  Governments  of  Novogorod  and  St.  Petersburgh, 
a  slight  mixture  of  hypothesis  connects  itself  wdth  the  term 
Karelian.  Though  spread  over  a  vast  surface,  the  Karelian  popu- 
lation is  thin  and  scanty. 

The  Tavastrian  division  belongs  to  the  south-western  parts  of 
the  Duchy ;  but  it  touches  the  Baltic  only  between  60°  30"  and 
62°  N.  L. — there  or  thereabouts.     This  means  that  between  the 


300  THE    FINS    OR   UGRIANS. 

parts  north  of  Abo  and  Tornea^  the  occupancy  is  that  of  the 
Quains. 

North  of  Finland  is  Lapland,  which  seems  originally  to 
have  reached  much  farther  southward.  As  it  is,  the  Laps  lie, 
at  present,  mainly  within  the  Arctic  Circle ;  and  that  in  three 
kingdoms — Norway,  Sweden,  and  Russia.  It  is  only  the  last 
two  who  call  them  Laps.  The  Norwegians  name  them  Fins ; 
and  Fimnark,  which  in  Sweden  is  Lapmarky  is  their  occu- 
pancy. "Fm,"  too,  is  the  name  by  which  they  recognise  them; 
though  '' Sabma,''  the  '' Suom,''  or  the  '' Suom-alaiset ''  of 
Finland,  is  to  be  found  in  books  as  their  true  denomination. 
In  Norway,  however,  I  never  found  any  of  them  who  answered 
to  the  name.     They  simply  said  that  they  were  "  Fins'' 

It  is  in  Russia  that  the  Lap  population  is  the  scantiest, 
where  it  is  spread  over  the  largest  area,  where  the  intermixture 
of  foreign  blood  is  the  greatest,  and  where  the  differences  of 
dialect  are  the  greatest  and  most  numerous.  East  of  Arch- 
angel the  native  population  is  wholly  extinct,  until  we  reach 
the  River  Mezen ;  and  here  the  aborigines  are  not  of  the  Lap 
stock,  but  of  the  Samoyed ;  and  between  the  two  the  difference  is 
far  greater  than  that  between  the  Laps  and  the  Fins  of  Finland. 

It  is  in  this  part  of  the  Government  of  Archangel  that  the 
discontinuity  of  the  original  Fin  area,  except  in  the  case  of  the 
Magyars  of  Hungary,  is  at  its  maximum.  The  Laps  and  Samo- 
yeds  originally  must  have  been  in  contact  with  one  another; 
but  separated  by  the  intrusion  of  both  the  Russians  and  the 
present  Finland ers. 

Another  division  is  that  into  the  Reindeer  Laps  and  the 
Fishing  Laps,  a  division  which,  in  the  main,  is  natural,  though 
there  are  many  who  both  take  fish  and  breed  reindeer. 

The  Murmanzi,  as  the  Russians  call  them,  are  a  mixed  po- 
pulation of  periodical  migrants,  some  Karelians,  some  Laps. 
They  collect  in  the  parts  about  Onega  and  Kem,  and  make  their 
way  to  Rasnavolok,  which  lies  a  few  miles  to  the  south  of  Kola. 
They  then  divide,  one  part  moving  east,  the  other  west.  On 
the  west  they  come  in  contact  with  the  Norwegians  of  Nord- 
land  and  Finmark.  I  find  in  a  work  by  Keilhau,  who  visited 
Spitzbergen,  written  many  years  before  that  of  my  present  au- 


RUSSIAN   LAPLAND.  301 

thority,  Castren,  that  they  are  formidable  competitors  to  the 
Norwegians:  being  equally  skilful,  and  more  self-denying.  The 
eastern  division  fishes  between  Kola  and  Swiatoi  Noss. 

Some  of  the  Murmans  are  capitalists  in  a  small  way;  some 
hired  labourers.  The  roughness  of  their  justice  may  be  measured 
by  the  follow^ing  extracts  from  their  code  of  laws. 

1.  He  who  brings  no  wood  to  the  fire  shall  sit  away  from  the 
fire. 

2.  He  who  makes  bread-soup  shall  give  way  to  him  who  makes 
fish-soup. 

3.  The  woman  shall  give  way  to  the  man. 

4.  The  child  shall  give  way  to  the  woman. 

6.  The  hired  labourer  shall  give  way  to  the  master. 

6.  The  men  of  the  house  and  the  hired  labourers  shall  take 
their  seats  according  as  they  put  a  kettle  on  the  fire. 

That  an  annual  inroad  like  that  of  the  Murmans  should  in- 
fluence the  habits  and  language  of  the  populations  through  which 
they  pass  is  only  what  we  expect :  so  that  it  is  no  wonder  that 
we  find  numerous  Russian  and  Karelian  words  in  the  Lap  of  the 
district.  Neither  is  it  wonderful  that  quarrels  should  arise. 
Hence,  more  than  one  locality  takes  its  name  from  a  fight — e.  g, 
Riltasaari,  or  Battle  Island)  and  Torajdi^wi,  ox  Battle  Lake. 
I  should  add  that  another  interpretation  has  been  given  to  this  by 
better  authorities  than  myself;  and  that  the  word  meaning  J5(^^//^ 
has  been  supposed  to  have  originated  out  of  a  conflict  between 
the  Laps  and  the  intrusive  Fins. 

Of  legend  in  the  Lap  district  there  is  no  lack.  The  first  two  of 
the  following  are  noticed  from  the  fact  of  their  being  neither 
more  nor  less  than  the  tale  of  Ulysses  and  Polyp  emus  and  of 
William  Tell,  respectively,  as  they  appear  on  the  very  confines 
of  the  Arctic  Circle. 

(1.) 

There  was  once  a  Karelian  who  had  been  taken  by  a  giant,  and  was  kept  in  a 
castle.  The  giant  had  only  one  eye :  but  he  had  flocks  and  herds.  The  night 
came,  and  the  giant  fell  asleep.  The  Karelian  put  out  his  eye.  The  giant,  who 
now  could  no  longer  see,  sat  at  the  door,  and  felt  everything  that  went  out. 
He  had  a  great  many  sheep  in  the  court-yard.  The  Karelian  got  under  the  belly 
of  one  of  them,  and  escaped. 

(2.) 
There  was  a  band  of  Karelians,  and  they  set  upon  the  village  of  Alajiirvi, 
which  they  plundered.     There  was  one  old  man  whom  they  most  particularly 


302  THE    PINS    OR    UGRIANS. 

wished  to  punish.  His  son,  who  was  only  twelve  years  old,  followed  them,  and 
threatened  to  shoot  anyone  who  hurt  his  father.  They  then  said  that  he  should 
be  set  free  on  this  condition  :  the  son  was  to  stand  at  one  side,  the  father  on  the 
other  side,  of  the  river  ;  an  apple  was  to  be  laid  on  the  father's  head,  and  the  son 
was  to  split  it  with  an  arrow.  The  father  said,  "  Raise  one  hand ;  sink  the  other; 
for  the  water  of  the  lake  will  draw  the  arrow."     So  he  shot  and  split  the  apple.    - 

The  next  has  a  theological  aspect.  A  long  time  ago,  there 
lived  a  Tadihi,  whose  name  was  Urier.  He  was  a  Tadibi  of  the 
Tadibis  ;  and  the  wisest  of  all  wise  men.  He  was  a  soothsayer  of 
soothsayers.  There  had  been  no  such  master  of  the  craft  since 
or  before.  If  any  man  lost  a  reindeer,  who  but  Urier  did  he 
seek  ?  He  had  many  reindeer  of  his  own ;  and  had  visited 
many  countries.  But  he  grew  old,  and  perceived  that  all  was 
vanity,  and  that  the  world  was  growing  worse  and  worse.  "  The 
reindeer  fall-ofF  in  numbers.  The  moss  dies,  or  ceases  to  grow. 
The  game  decreases.  There  is  nothing  but  avarice  and  deceit, 
I  will  live  no  longer  in  this  wicked  world:  but  will  go  up  to 
heaven."  So  he  told  his  two  wives  to  get  things  ready  for  a 
journey,  and  to  harness  his  reindeer.  But  he  ordered  that  every- 
thing should  be  new :  and  that  no  single  piece  of  old  stuff  was 
to  be  either  used  or  packed-up.  So  they  got  themselves  ready 
for  the  journey ;  and  harnessed  the  reindeer  to  a  sledge.  When 
all  was  prepared  he  mounted  aloft,  and  drove  through  the 
air  up  into  the  sky.  There  were  four  male  reindeer  in  each 
sledge — one  sledge  for  Urier,  one  for  his  wives  who  followed. 
They  had  scarcely  got  half-way,  when  Urier's  reindeer  fell  sick 
and  could  go  no  further.  There  was  no  need  to  tell  him  what 
had  been  done.  He  knew  it.  His  second  wife  had  not  obeyed 
his  orders,  but  had  put  the  band  of  an  old  jacket  in  the  harness. 
She  had  rather  live  on  earth  with  her  children,  than  go  to  heaven 
with  her  husband.  So  he  let  her  go  down.  But  the  other  went 
to  heaven  with  him. 

This  is  one  version.  Another  carries  both  of  the  wives  to 
heaven ;  whence,  after  a  time,  Urier  sends  down  a  son  to  teach 
the  Samoyeds  on  earth. 

Again — a  long  time  ago,  there  was  an  English  Viking,  and  he 
used  to  sail  every  year  to  the  Murman  coast  to  take  tribute.  If 
no  tribute  were  paid,  he  challenged  the  best  fighting-man  to 
single  combat.  He  was  stout,  bold,  and  so  skilful  in  all  sorts  of 
arms,  that  no  one  was  able  to  conquer  him,  and  the  tribute  was 


RUSSIAN   LAPLAND.  803 

paid,  year  by  year,  for  a  long  time.  One  summer,  however,  he 
came  to  the  coast,  and,  as  was  his  wont,  asked  for  tribute.  There 
was  no  one  who  dared  meet  him  :  except  a  small,  weak  man,  who 
had  never  borne  arms,  and  was  so  useless  as  a  fighting-man,  that 
he  was  made  to  cook  the  victuals.  So  the  English  Viking  came 
and  asked  for  tribute  ;  or,  else,  for  a  man  who  would  fight  him 
hand  to  hand.  The  poor,  weak  cook  was  the  only  one  who 
dared  to  do  so.  He  fought  against  him  and  won  the  battle:  since 
which  tinae  no  more  tribute  has  b^en  paid  to  any  English  Viking. 

The  Lap  legends,  according  to  Castren,  are  by  no  means  of 
home  growth.  On  the  contrary,  many  are  Russian.  At  any  rate, 
tliey  are,  comparatively  speaking,  few  and  fragmentary,  and  are 
much  less  akin  to  those  of  Finland  than  are  the  legends  and  super- 
stitions of  Estonia. 

The  Laps  of  Russian  Lapland  amount  to  about  1000. 


304 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Permians  and  Zirlanians. — The  Votiaks. — The  Volga  Fins,  the  Tsherimis 
and  Mordvins. — The  Vogiils  and  Ostiaks. — The  Samoyeds. 

The  Permians  are  the  aborigines  of  the  Government  of  Eerm; 
the  Zirianians  of  that  of  Vologda.  Such,  at  least,  is  the  rough 
view  of  them  ;  though  their  limits  are  not  exactly  defined  in  the 
statement.  There  are  Permians  and  Zirianians  beyond  these  two 
Governments,  and  there  are  within  the  two  Governments  popula- 
tions other  than  Permian  and  Zirianian. 

The  distinction,  too,  is  political  rather  than  ethnological ;  since 
the  difference  between  the  two  populations  is  slight;  neither  do 
they  themselves  recognize  it.  They  call  themselves  Komimurt: 
and  speak  dialects  of  the  same  language,  which,  though  separated 
from  the  true  Fin  by  the  intrusion  of  the  Kussian,  is  closely  allied 
to  it— or,  at  least,  is  closer  to  it  than  are  the  Vogul,  the  Ostiak, 
the  Samoyed,  and  the  Lap. 

The  Permians  have  long  been  Christianized,  and  differ  from 
the  Russians  much  as  a  Welshman  differs  from  an  Englishman  ; 
in  other  words,  their  civihzation  is  the  same.  They  build  and 
dress  after  the  Russian  fashion,  work  steadily  at  their  mines,  and 
are  httle  more  than  the  Fins  of  the  far  east.  At  the  same  time, 
they  have  fallen-off  in  numbers. 

The  Zirianians  are  somewhat  less  industrial  than  the  Per- 
mians, being  the  occupants  of  the  forest  rather  than  a  mining 
district.  Still,  in  the  south  they  are  greatly  Russianized.  Be- 
yond, however,  the  tree-line  their  character  changes  and  their 
habits  are  more  unsettled.  Even  in  the  south,  they  are  hunters. 
In  the  parts  about  Obdorsk  (for  their  area  reaches  the  Arctic 
Sea)  they  meet  the  Ostiaks  and  the  Samoyeds ;  and  in  the 
parts  about  Ishim  there  is  a  long  hne  of  Samoyed  frontier, 
of   which   a  considerable  part  is  a  debateable  land.      The  fol- 


THE   ZIRIANIANS.  305 

lowing  conversations  between  Castren  and  certain  optimist 
Zirianians  illustrate  the  views  of  these  outlying  members  of  the 
more  civilized  divisions  of  the  Fin  family.  "  I  believe  in  God — " 
said  the  interlocutor  —  "  and  I  believe  that  nothing  is  done 
without  his  leave.  The  Zirianians  have  gotten  many  of  the  Sa- 
moved  reindeer :  but  it  is  by  the  will  of  God.  The  Devil  has 
something  to  do  with  it ;  for  the  Devil  has  a  hand  in  everything. 
You  who  are  a  Tartar  do  not  believe  this ;  but  so  it  is.  God 
made  the  earth  in  six  days  :  but  the  Devil  mixed  poison  with  the 
juices  of  the  plants,  and  put  snakes  in  the  grass.  He  put,  too, 
the  pike  amongst  the  fishes.  But  God  protected  the  fishes,  and 
marked  their  heads  with  the  sign  of  the  cross.  What  God  wills 
we  must  do.  We  have  gotten  the  herds  of  the  Samoyeds :  but 
for  the  Samoyeds  we  have  done  great  things.  Before  we  came 
they  offered  sacrifices  to  trees,  and  knew  no  more  than  dogs  and 
stone-foxes.  We  have  taught  them  how  to  take  fishes  and  hunt 
with  guns.  We  were  sent  as  teachers.  It  has  pleased  God  to 
give  us  their  herds,  and  they  *re  our  servants.  When  they  become 
good  Christians,  God,  in  his  mercy,  will  give  them  back  their 
reindeer,  and  all  will  go  well  with  them." 

Another  view  was — that  the  ways  of  men  are  many:  here  and 
everywhere.  There  are  bad  men  among  the  Zirianians,  and 
good  men  among  the  Samoyeds.  The  bad  Zirianians  rob  the 
good  Samoyeds.  But  this  is  for  their  good.  It  is  we  who  have 
the  most  to  complain  of.  The  wrongs  to  the  Samoyeds  were 
done  long  ago.  They,  now,  break  into  our  grounds  and  steal  our 
reindeer.  When  they  are  all  driven  off  the  tundra  there  will  be  a 
good  time. 

Another.  It  is  good  for  the  Samoyeds  that  we  take  their 
reindeer.  We  make  shammy  leather,  sell  it  to  the  Kussians,  and 
buy  meal  and  wares.  We  make  the  most  of  the  reindeer,  and  it 
is  right  that  we  should  have  them. 

All  this  tells  us  that  we  have  left  the  land  of  the  horse  and 
cow.  In  a  Zirianian  caravan,  with  which  Castren  travelled, 
there  were  one  hundred  and  fifty  sledges;  in  ten  divisions 
of  fifteen  each.  Each  sledge  had  two  reindeer,  and  was  attached 
to  the  one  before  by  a  long  rope ;  and  each  division  had  a  man 
at  the  head  in  a  light  sledge  drawn  by  three  or  four  reindeer. 

The  early  history  of  the  Permians  has  long  commanded  attention. 

20 


306  THE    FINS    OR   UGRIANS. 

It  is  well-known  that  in  one  of  the  earliest  Arctic  traders  we  have  a 
notice  of  them.  It  is  contained  in  the  narrative  of  Other,  which 
was  taken  and  recorded  by  King  Alfred;  and  which  has  come 
down  to  us  in  Alfred's  own  Anglo-Saxon.  Other  narratives  give 
us  the  first  account  of  Biarmaland;  which,  like  Finmark  or  Nor- 
wegian Lapland,  was  the  occupancy  of  a  population  of  Fin  blood ; 
but  a  population  belonging  to  a  more  civilized  division  of  the 
stock.  Word  for  word  Biarmaland  is  Fermia.  That  these 
Permians  and  the  Zirianians  are  exactly  the  descendants  of  the 
old  Biarmalanders  (notwithstanding  the  identity  of  name)  is  not 
quite  certain.  The  presumption  is  in  favour  of  their  being  so. 
At  the  same  time  many  competent  authorities  look  upon  them  as 
Proper  Fins— Fins  akin  to  those  of  the  Government  of  Olonets 
and  Arkangel,  who,  in  the  time  of  Alfred,  had  extended  them- 
selves to  the  Dwina  and  its  mouth.  Among  these  Biarmalanders, 
however,  Other  was  afraid  to  trust  himself;  so  that  he  did  not 
land.  Some  of  them,  however,  came  aboard  his  ship,  and  held 
converse  with  them.  Their  language  was  sufficiently  like  that  of 
the  Fins  to  be  understood. 

The  original  extent  of  the  Komimurt  area  has  been  investi- 
gated by  Sjogren.  In  all  inquiries  of  this  kind  the  first  step  is  an 
easy  one.  Take  up  a  map,  and  pick  out  the  local  names  which  are 
other  than  Kussian  :  they  will  be  Ugrian,  numerous  or  scanty — 
according  to  the  particular  district  under  notice.  Then  begin  the 
difficulties.  Are  they  Fin  Proper,  or  Lap  ?  Are  they  Estonian, 
or  Votiak  ?  Are  they  Zirianian,  or  only  referable  to  some  form 
of  speech  belonging  to  the  class  in  which  the  Zirianian  is  con- 
tained ?  Oportet  discentem  credere;  in  pursuance  to  which  I  give 
the  approximate  boundaries  of  the  old  Komimurt  area  as  T  find 
them.  Northwards  they  approached  to  the  Arctic  Circle,  probably 
by  encroachment  upon  the  Laplanders  and  Samoyeds.  East- 
wards they  reached  the  Obi;  much  of  the  country  which  now 
belongs  to  the  Voguls,  having,  originally,  been  Komimurt.  Due 
south,  the  situs  appears  to  have  been  much  as  it  is  at  present,  the 
exact  details  between  the  Permian  and  Votiak  frontiers  being  un- 
important. For  the  south-west,  on  the  other  hand,  they  are  full 
of  interest.  In  the  Governments  of  Kostroma,  Vladimir,  Yaroslav, 
and  (?)  Tver,  Sjogren  finds  traces  of  the  original  occupancy  having 
been  Komimurt;  and,  what  is  of  more  interest  still,  he  suggests 
that  Moscow  was  Komimurt  also;  Moscow,  which,  according  to 


THE   VOTIAKS.  307 

Zirianian  account,  became  Eussian  in  the  following  manner.  A 
chief  got  leave  to  take  as  much  land  as  he  could  compass  with  a 
cow's  hide— we  know  the  rest.  It  is  the  old,  old  story  of  Dido  and 
the  Numidians,  of  Hengist  and  the  Britons,  of  the  Saxons  and 
the  Thuringians,  and,  doubtless,  of  many  others  besides.  It  is 
noticed  here,  because  it  applies  to  Moscow,  and  because  it  is 
Zirianian. 

The  little  town  of  Ustvymsk  in  the  circle  of  Yarensk,  with 
about  200  houses,  is  the  centre  to  which  we  must  trace  the  Chris- 
tianity of  Permia  and  Ziriania  :  Utsvymsk  the  small  and  shrunken 
metropolis  of  the  great  Russian  missionary  Saint  Stephanus. 
Here  he  is  believed  to  have  reduced  the  Permian  language  to 
writing,  and,  upon  the  Old  Slavonic  as  a  basis,  to  have  formed 
the  Permian  alphabet.  Of  this,  two  or  three  imperfect  repre- 
sentatives are  extant.  Of  the  matter  which  it  embodied  we  have 
less.  Three  short  inscriptions  on  stone  and  a  fragment  of  four- 
teen letters  in  MS.  are  all  that  has  yet  been  found — found,  but 
scarcely  decyphered  and  translated  :  indeed  one  of  the  inscriptions 
has  been  destroyed  by  fire. 

A  fragment  of  a  translation  of  the  liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom 
in  Slavonic  characters,  represents  the  Hterature ;  the  fate  of  the 
remainder  being  doubtful.  Sanguine  students  indulge  in  the  hope 
that,  some  day  or  other,  it  may  be  found.  The  credulous  fear  that 
it  has  been  burnt,  whilst  the  sceptical  suggest  that  its  original 
importance  may  have  been  exaggerated. 

In  the  Government  of  Viatka,  the  Votiaks  (or  as  they  call  them- 
selves the  Udmurt)  stand  in  the  same  relation  to  the  soil  as  the 
Permians  do  to  that  of  Permia.  And  to  the  Permians  they  are 
near  congeners ;  though  I  doubt  whether  the  two  languages  are 
mutually  intelligible.  Like  the  Zirianians,  they  live  in  clearings 
of  the  forest:  keep  themselves  more  free  from  Russian  inter- 
mixture than  the  other  Ugrians :  retain  much  of  their  original 
paganism — especially  in  the  northern  portion  of  their  area.  On 
the  south  they  come  in  contact  with  the  Bashkirs,  and  have,  in  a 
few  instances,  adopted  Mahometanism.  They  are  said  to  ap- 
proach the  true  Fins  very  closely,  both  in  temperament  and  in 
physical  confoiTQation. 

A  Votiak  village  contains  from  twenty  to  forty  houses.  It 
covers  a  clearance  in  the  forest,  the  wood  being  left  in  its  natural 
condition  on  the  boundary.     This  isolates  the  Votiak  villages,  so 

20* 


o 


08  THE    FINS    OE   UGEIANS. 


^^ 


that  they  lie  as  the  old  German  ones  did — with  wastes  and  wood- 
lands  between    them.      When  the  ground  of   a  settlement   has 
become  exhausted  by  cropping,  the  occupants  leave  it  and  migrate 
elsewhere,  sometimes  making  the  old  place  over  to  other  settlers. 
The  house  is  of  wood,  scarcely  different  from  that  of  the  Russians ; 
or  rather  the  Russian  house  is  like  the  Votiak— the  style  of  build- 
ing being,  in  all  probability,  indigenous.     The  men  dress  like  the 
Russians,  the  women  only  preserving  the  old  costume.     The  ma- 
terial for  their  cap  is  the  white  bark  of  the  birch-tree,  with  a  band 
of  blue  linen  round  it,  and  adorned  in  the  front  with  silver  orna- 
ments— often    coins.      This  fashion  we  shall  find   amongst  the 
Tshuvashes—  the  fashion,  I  mean,  of  using  pieces  of  money  as 
decorations.     Then  there  are  streamers  of  white  linen  flowing  and 
floating  over  the  back  and  shoulders,  Avith  red  fringes  and  em- 
broidery along  the  borders.     This  head-dress  is  the  aishon.     If 
a  stranger  sleep  in  the  house,  the  aisJion  will  be  worn  all  night 
as  well  as  all  day,  since  it  is  decorous  to  keep  the  head  covered, 
indecorous  to  let  down  the  hair.     The  shirts  and  shifts,  too,  are 
more  or  less  embroidered. 

The  tribunal  organization,  so  characteristic  of  the  Turk  stock, 
appears  in  a  modified  form  amongst  the  Votiaks,  who  are  specially 
stated  to  retain  their  original  division  into  tribes  and  families, 
and  to  give  the  names  of  these  to  their  villages.  Their  noble 
families,  however,  are,  for  the  most  part,  extinct. 

The  three  populations  that  now  follow  live  on  the  drainage  of 
the  Volga.  All  occupy,  more  or  less,  portions  of  the  Govern- 
ments of  Kazan.  All  come  in  contact  with  a  Tartar  population. 
The  first  two  are  unequivocally  Ugrian  in  language — whatever 
they  may  be  in  blood.  The  Tshuvash  language,  on  the  other 
hand,  is  held  by  some  to  be  more  Turk  than  Fin. 

The  most  northern  of  these  are  the  Tsherimis,  amounting 


\^iatka  to    .     .     . 

75,450 

Kazan  .     .     .     . 

71,375 

Permia      .     .     . 

7938 

Nizhni gorod  .     , 

4330 

Kostroma  .     . 

3357 

Orenburg  .     . 

2626 

105,076 


THE   TSHERIMIS.  309 

Some  of  them  are  pure  pagans;  the  majority  heing  but  im- 
perfect and  approximate  Christians  ;  retaining,  under  the  surface 
of  their  later  creed,  most  of  the  essentials  of  their  original 
heathendom. 

The  Tsherimis  have  been  more  nomadic  than  they  are  at 
present;  hunters,  perhaps,  rather  than  herdsmen,  during  the 
earliest  period  of  their  history.  At  present,  however,  they  are 
agricultural,  settled,  and  more  or  less  industrial.  Their  villages 
are  said  to  he  smaller  than  those  of  the  Votiaks  and  Tshuvash, 
and  perhaps  they  are  more  sequestered.  At  the  same  time  they 
are  regular  villages,  with  the  village  organization  of  a  head-man 
or  elder  for  the  settlement  of  disputes  and  for  their  simple  legis- 
lation. There  are  houses,  too,  which  approach  the  Russian 
standard  of  comfort ;  with  property  on  the  part  of  the  owners  to 
match. 

The  great  Votiak  ii^tival  was  that  of  the  Keremet ;  and  the 
Keremet  also  is  the  great  Tsherimis  one.  It  is  at  the  time  of  the 
Keremat  that  there  are  meetings  under  the  ordinance  of  a  priest 
in  the  holier  parts  of  the  forest,  when  offerings  of  animals  are 
made  to  the  bad,  of  flowers  to  the  good,  demons.  The  following 
is  a  Tsherimis  hymn : — 

1.  May  God  give  health  and  happiness  to  him  who  offers  a  sacrifice ! 

2.  To  the  ehildren  who  come  into  the  world,  give,  0  Yuma,  plenty  of  good 
things — gold,  bread,  cattle,  and  bees  ! 

3.  During  the  new  year,  make  our  bees  to  swarm  and  give  much  honey. 
L  Bless  our  chase  after  birds  and  after  beasts. 

5.  Give  us  our  fill  of  gold  and  silver. 

6.  Make  us,  0  Yuma,  masters  of  all  the  treasures  buried  in  the  earth,  all  over 
the  world  ! 

7.  Grant  that,  in  our  bargains,  we  may  make  three  times  the  value  of  our 
goods. 

8.  Enable  us  to  pay  our  tribute. 

9.  Grant  that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  spring,  our  three  sorts  of  cattle  may 
find  their  ways  back  by  three  different  paths,  and  that  we  may  keep  them  from 
bears,  from  wolves,  and  from  robbers. 

10.  Make  our  cows  with  calf. 

11.  Make  our  thin  kine  fatten  for  the  good  of  our  children. 

12.  Enable  us  with  one  hand  to  sell  our  barren  cows,  and  with  the  other  to 
take  the  money. 

13.  Send  us,  0  Yuma,  a  true  and  trusty  friend  ! 

14.  When  we  travel  far,  preserve  us,  0  Yuma,  from  bad  men,  from  sickness, 
from  fools,  from  bad  judges,  and  from  lying  tongues! 

15.  As  the  hop  grows,  and  throws  out  his  scent,  so,  0  Yuma,  grant  that  we 
may  wax  strong  through  goodness,  and  smell  sweet  from  reason ! 


310  THE    FINS   OE   UGRIANS. 

16.  As  the  wax  sparkles  in  burning,  so  let  us,  0  Yuma,  live  in  joy  and 
health. 

17.  Let  our  existence  be  as  calm  and  regular  as  the  cells  of  a  honeycomb. 

18.  Grant,  0  Yuma,  that  he  who  asks  may  obtain  the  object  of  his  prayer  ! 

When  this  prayer  is  finished,  the  head,  heart,  lungs,  and  liver 
are  offered  up  to  the  deity  to  whom  it  is  addressed ;  another 
prayer  being  said  by  the  officiating  minister  alone.  Then  they 
eat  and  pray  again.  This  is  kept  on  for  three  days.  When  all  is 
over,  the  bones,  entrails,  and  such  parts  of  the  sacrifices  as  have 
not  been  consumed,  are  burnt,  the  fire  having  never  been 
allowed  to  go  out  during  the  whole  festival. 

Though  he  delights  in  the  flesh  of  the  horse,  the  Tsherimis 
abominates  that  of  the  hog ;  and  this  even  where  his  habits  are 
unwarped  by  any  influence  from  his  Tartar  neighbours. 

The  next  name  makes  its  first  appearance  in  Jomandes;  who 
mentions  the  nation  of  the  Mordvins  as  one  of  the  tributaries  to 
the  great  Hermanric.  In  Porphyrogeneta  their  land  is  called 
Mordia.  It  lay  one  day's  journey  from  Kussia;  ten  from  the 
country  of  the  Petshinegs.     The  name  again  appears  in  Nestor. 

In  1104,  Yaroslav  Swiatieslavitsh  attacked  the  Mordvins,  and 
was  repulsed.     Somewhat  later  a  portion  of  them  was  reduced. 

Containing,  as  it  did,  some  of  the  most  fertile  tracts  in 
Eussia,  the  Mordvin  country,  niinium  vicina  Gremonce,  was 
one  of  the  first  which  came  under  the  dominion  of  the  Mongols ; 
and  when  the  Mongol  Empire  was  broken  up,  the  whole,  or 
nearly  the  whole  of  it,  became  comprised  in  the  Khanate  of 
Kazan.  When  this  became  Kussian,  the  Mordvins  became 
Kussian  also :  though,  during  the  time  of  the  Khans,  they  had, 
more  than  once,  joined  the  Tsherimis  and  the  Tartars  in  their 
contests  against  their  encroaching  neighbours:  their  chief  weapon 
being  the  bow.  They  used  it  with  the  usual  skill  of  nomads  and 
huntsmen.  But  this  is  a  character  which  has  long  been  laid  aside. 
The  Russians  themselves  are  no  better  agriculturists  than  the 
present  Mordvins :  who,  like  their  neighbours,  the  Bashkirs,  are, 
also,  great  bee-masters.  The  Russians  themselves,  except  in  a 
few  districts  where  the  original  paganism  still  keeps  its  ground, 
are  no  better  Christians.  Indeed,  except  that  there  is  no  mining, 
and  no  nautical  industry  (deficiencies  arising  from  the  physical 
condition  of  their  country,  rather  than  from  any  want  of  aptitude 
on  the  part  of  the  occupants),  the  present  civilization  of  the 
Mordvins  is  on  the  high  level  of  that  of  the  Permians  and  the 


THE   MORDVINS. 


311 


Finlanders.  The  Kussian  language  is  generally  understood; 
though  the  Mordvin  is  the  more  familiar  one.  Lastly,  their 
ntimbers  appear  to  be  on  the  increase.  The  details  in  1844  run 
thus  : — 

In  the  Government  of  Penza 


Penza  .     .     .     . 

106,025 

Simbirsk  . 

98,908 

Saratov      .     . 

78,000 

Samar  . 

74,910 

Nizhnigorod  . 

63,382 

Tambov     .     . 

.       48,491 

Kazan       .     . 

14,867 

Orenburg  .     . 

5,200 

Tauris  .     .     . 

340 

Astrakan   .     . 

48 

480,241 


In  Tauris  and  Astrakan  they  are  recent  immigrants. 

They  fall  into  three  divisions,  theErsad  (?  "Ao^a-oi)^  the  Moksha, 
and  the  Karatai ;  this  last  being,  by  far,  the  smallest. 

The  Tshuvash,  if  they  differ  from  the  Tartars  in  nothing  else, 
differ  in  creed ;  being  Christians  rather  than  Mahometans.  They 
amount 

in  the  Government  of  Kazan 

Simbirsk 

Samar 

Orenburg 

Saratov 

Viatka 


to 


300,091 

84,714 

29,926 

8,352 

6,852 

17 


429,952 


and  are  an  increasing  population.  In  Kazan,  where  they  are  the 
most  numerous,  their  number  nearly  equals  that  of  the  Tartars ; 
who  amount  to  about  308,574.  The  names  by  which  they  desig- 
nate themselves  are  Vereyal,  Khirdeyal,  and  Vyres.  The  Tsheri- 
mis  call  them  Kurkmari  or  Hill-men,  the  Mordvins  WiedJce. 
Tshuvash,  itself,  I  take  for  a  Tartar  word. 

That  the  Tshuvash  are  Christians  rather  than  Mahometans  has 
just  been  stated — and  it  is  all  that  can  well  be  said. 


312  THE    FINS    OE   UGEIANS. 

Of  the  Ugrians,  who  are  neither  Magyar  nor  Fin^  after  the 
manner  of  the  Finlanders  of  the  Duchy  of  Finland,  the  Mord- 
vins  are  the  most  important  j  indeed,  since  the  time  of  Ivan 
the  Terrible,  there  has  been  such  an  event  as  a  Mordvin  war, 
not  one  of  formidable  dimensions,  but,  nevertheless,  one  against 
a  population  which  we  scarcely  expect  would  venture  on  a 
rebellion. 

The  Voguls  are  rude  hunters,  spread  over  a  vast  district,  along 
the  ridge  of  the  Urals,  amounting  to  about  900  in  the  Government 
of  Perm,  and  to  about  5000  in  that  of  Tobolsk. 

The  Voguls,  compared  with  any  of  the  tribes  that  he  south  of 
them,  are  a  comfortless,  undersized,  ill- developed  population  ;  who, 
if  they  contrast  favourably  with  the  Lap  and  Samoyed,  show  to  a 
disadvantage  by  the  side  of  the  Finlander  or  the  Zirianian.  Their 
villages  are  small,  and  the  size  of  the  village  gives  a  fair  measure 
of  the  well-being  of  the  population  that  occupies  it.  From  four 
to  eight  cabins  constitute  a  Vogul  one,  and  these  lie  from  ten  to 
fifteen  miles  apart :  the  forest  lying  between — with  few,  or  no, 
clearings.  Game  is  the  chief  sustenance  ;  and  for  the  produc- 
tion of  it  the  forest  has  to  be  kept  wild.  To  this  extent  the 
Voguls  are  a  hunter  population ;  for  it  is  only  in  the  southern 
parts  of  their  area  that  the  signs  of  settled  life  are  to  be  found. 

A  little  tillage  and  a  little  cattle  appear  as  we  approacli  the 
Bashkir  frontier,  the  Bashkir  habits  being  partially  adopted.  The 
Bashkir,  however,  is,  himself,  but  half  agricultural. 

The  winter-hut  of  the  Vogul  is  small,  close,  and  smoky ;  the 
summer-cabin  is  made  of  the  boughs  and  rind  of  the  birch-tree. 
These  are  raised  or  pulled  down,  as  the  necessities  of  the  chase 
require ;  as  one  locality  must  be  exchanged  for  another. 

The  Vogul  hunts  on  foot.  He  has  no  pastures  for  horses  ;  and 
the  boggy,  woody  tracts  under  his  occupancy  are  ill  adapted  for  the 
use  of  them.  Even  the  dog  is  a  rare  companion.  On  the  other 
hand,  a  few  cows  may  constitute  the  property  of  one  of  the 
wealthier  proprietors.  The  elk,  however,  is  the  chief  beast  for 
sustenance,  and  the  sable  for  trade.  The  reindeer  is  less  abun- 
dant ;  and  it  is  in  the  skin  of  the  elk,  amongst  ruminants,  that 
their  tribute  of  peltry  is  paid.  The  flesh  is  dried,  not  salted— cut 
into  strips  and  dried  in  the  open  air,  so  that  a  kind  of  pemmican 
is  made  of  it. 


THE   VOGULS.  313 

The  Vogiil  uses  the  gun  as  well  as  the  bow ;  and  he  is  skilful 
in  the  contrivance  of  traps  and  pitfalls.  He  fishes,  too,  as  well 
as  hunts.  For  hunting,  his  best  month  is  November;  when 
the  animals  have  tlieir  winter  far  about  them.  Obdorsk,  a 
factory  rather  than  a  town,  is  the  Vogul's  trading-town.  I'hither 
he  resorts  with  his  skins,  berries,  and  such  like  small  articles  of 
barter. 

Pallas  (with,  I  believe,  other  observers)  speaks  to  the  fact  of  the 
Voguls  wholly  dispensing  with  the  use  of  salt.  Berries  they 
have,  but  no  vegetables.  They  chew  the  turpentine  of  the  larch ; 
but  they  use  no  salt,  and  enjoy  good  health  notwithstanding. 
They  are  said  to  be  healthy,  but  neither  long-lived  nor  strong; 
and  of  all  the  Ugrians  of  the  forest  districts  they  have  a  phy- 
siognomy that  most  approaches  the  typical  Mongol. 

Success  in  hunting,  is  the  chief  object  of  the  Vogul's  prayers. 
To  this  end,  the  carved  image  of  the  god  takes  the  form  of  the 
beast  under  pursuit,  being  sable-shaped,  elk-shaped,  or  bear- 
shaped,  according  as  the  bear,  the  elk,  or  the  sable  is  the  more 
especial  object. 

Near  a  hunting-lodge  on  the  Sosva  is  the  rude  image  of  an 
elk,  carved  by  an  unknown  hand  out  of  stone,  an  image  of  some 
antiquity.  This  the  Voguls  visit  from  considerable  distances,  and 
invoke  its  favour  during  their  expeditions.  Miiller  says  that  it 
is  "  rough-hewn  out  of  stone."  The  analogy,  however,  of  the  Lap 
mythology  makes  it  probable  that  it  is  a  natural  piece  of  rock, 
whereof  the  shape  is  elk- like  enough  to  suggest  the  comparison. 
However  this  may  be,  ofierings  are  made  to  it  by  its  visitors. 

Other  figures  are  in  the  human  form,  and  of  these  some  are  of 
metal,  iron  or  copper.  It  is  in  certain  holy  places  that  they 
are  to  be  found,  fixed  in  the  clefts  of  a  rock  or  tree ;  raised  on 
poles  stuck  in  the  ground — the  ground  being  the  most  elevated 
spot  about.  On  one  of  the  numerous  streams  called  Shatanka 
{Satan's  river)  is  a  holy  cavern,  on  the  floor  of  which  are  found 
bones,  the  remains  of  Vogul  offerings — bones  and  rings  of  Russian 
workmanship,  but  of  Vogul  consecration 

The  Torom  Saktaag  bear  a  name  allied  to  the  name  for  priest, 
which  is  Sakta-idih^.  Torom,  on  the  other  hand,  is  the  name  of  a 
god  whose  residence  is  in  the  sun  or  moon,  a  god  whose  name 
appears  in  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  the  other  Ugrian  mythologies. 
Yelhola  is  the  name  of  the  feast  of  Torom  ;  probably  the  same 


314  THE   FINS   OR   UGRIANS. 

word  as  the  Jj'inlandish  Yumala,  and  the  Lap  Yuhmel — and  with 
the  feast  of  Yelbola  the  Vogul  year  begins. 

The  Ostiaks  of  the  Obi,  the  true  Ostiaks  (for  the  Samoyeds 
bear  the  name  wrongly),  are  the  nearest  congeners  of  the  Voguls ; 
but  are  a  much  more  important  division  of  the  Ugrian  class. 
They  extend  along  the  Irtish  and  Obi  from  66'  to  67"  N.  L., 
Surgut,  and  Beresov  being  the  chief  towns  of  the  true  Ostiak 
district.  Narym  is  only  on  the  Ostiak  frontier,  and  has  Tartars 
and  Samoyeds  as  well  as  Ostiaks  in  its  neighbourhood:  whilst 
Obdorsk  is  surrounded  by  Ostiaks,  Samoyeds,  and  Zirianians. 
In  1838  the  number  of  the  Ostiaks  was  about  19,000. 

That  the  division  into  tribes  and  sub-tribes  prevails  amongst 
the  Ostiaks,  as  it  did  among  the  Samoyeds,  and  as  it  does  with 
most  (perhaps  all)  of  the  aUied  populations,  is  evident  from  the 
following  list  of  the  southern  section  of  them. 

The  Dyenshtshitovski  Division. 

1.  Turtas-mir Turtass  volost    .     .     .     .  117 

2.  Nasym-mir Nasym  volost     ....  302 

3.  Num-mir Upper  Dyemyan  volost     .  286 

4.  Tyapar-mir Narym  volost     ....  443 

5.  Wodzh-itpa-mir  .     .     .     .  Tarkhan  volost        .     .     .  701 

6.  Khunda-mir Lesser  Konda  volost    .     .  828 

7.  Terek-mir,  or  Utkhar-mir  Tyemlashtshev  volost       .  305 


The  Surgut  Division. 

1.  As  mir Selyarov  volost  .     . 

2.  Sodom-mir Salym  volost 

3.  Pyng-mir Pym  volost    .     .     . 

4.  As-torm-yogan-mir      .     .  Podgorodnaya  volost 
6.  Entl-yogan-mir  ....  Great  Yugan  volost 

6.  Ai-yogan-mir      ....  Little  Yugan  volost 

7.  Torm-yogan-mir     .     .     .  Tri  Yugan  volost    . 

8.  Agan-mir Agan  volost 

9.  Vakh-mir Vakh  volost 

10.  Lung-pugotl-mir     .     .     .  Lumpokolsk  volost 

11.  Saltik-mir Saltikovsk  volost    . 

12.  Pirtyi-mir Pirtshinsk  volost    . 


2,982 

134 
326 
166 

362 
592 
286 
297 
96 
706 
808 
359 
360 


4,492 


THE  OSTIAKS.  315 

The  Koiidin  Division, 

1.  Kodskiye  Gorodki  volost     .     .     .  2,628 

2.  Podgoronaya  volost 328 

3.  Sosva  volost 9G8 

4.  Lyapin  volost 1^585 

5.  Kasym  volost 1,274 

6,853 

The  Ohdorsk  Division, 

1.  Kunovat  volost 1,630 

2.  Obdorsk  volost 2,700 


4,330 


Broken  and  depressed  as  they  are  at  the  present  time,  the 
Voguls  and  Ostiaks  have,  apparently,  had  a  history  of  some 
magnitude — a  history  and  a  nationality.  All  the  researches  con- 
cerning their  origin  point  one  way.  All  the  researches  upon  their 
ethnology  give  them  an  honourable  connection. 

Allied  to  each  other  they  have  for  their  nearest  kinsmen  the 
Magyars  of  Hungary,  like  "whom  they  seem  to  have  cut  their  way 
to  their  present  occupancies.  As  the  Hungarians  are  traced  north- 
wards, the  Voguls  and  Ostiaks  are  brought  from  the  south,  and 
it  was  at  the  expense  of  the  nations  on  the  way  that  they  fixed 
themselves  where  they  now  are. 

A  few  of  their  wars  are  known  even  in  their  main  details.  Thus, 
it  was  the  Komimurt  that  the  Voguls  dispossessed  ;  the  Komimurt 
being,  themselves,  a  conquering  population.  Of  their  encroach- 
ments upon  the  Samoyeds,  as  a  measure  of  their  prowess,  less 
can  be  said  to  their  credit.  For  their  wars  between  one  another 
there  is  plenty  of  miserable  detail. 

Of  the  Voguls  and  the  Ostiaks  each  represents  a  broken  nation, 
and  each,  perhaps,  a  degenerate  one.  The  physical  conditions  of 
their  country  are  worse  than  they  were  at  first ;  and  there  is  no  proof 
that  they  have  made  up  for  the  loss  by  an  increased  civilization. 

The  very  reverse  of  this  has  befallen  the  Magyars.  They  out- 
number all  the  other  Ugrians  put  together  They  are  European 
in  civilization,  and  formidable  from  the  strength  and  intensity  of 
their  nationality.     Yet,  thirty  generations  ago,   there  was  little 


316  THE    FINS   OR  TJGRIANS. 

to  choose  between  ancestors  of  the  Esterhazys  and  Szhechenyis, 
and  the  ancestors  of  the  present  Turtasmir  elders.  The  Obi,  how- 
ever, was  the  lot  of  one  branch,  the  Danube  and  the  Teiss  of 
the  other.  The  one  came  in  contact  with  the  Samoyeds  and 
Zirianians,  the  other  with  the  Germans  and  Poles. 

The  Samoyeds  of  the  north-western  division,  or  the  Samoyeds 
of  Europe,  are  called  the  Yuralc  Samoyeds  by  the  Bussians; 
by  themselves  Kasova  (Hasowaio)^  or  Nyenets  =  men.  They 
extend  into  Asia  as  far  as  the  Tas. 

In  Asia,  those  of  the  extreme  East,  between  the  Lower 
Yenisey  and  the  Chatunga  are  called  the  Avam,  or  Avaniski 
Samoyeds. 

The  Samoyeds  of  the  Obi  are  improperly  called  Ostiahs.  They 
are  chiefly  found  on  the  Obi  and  its  feeders,  on  the  Tshulim,  on 
the  Ket,  and  even  as  far  south  as  the  Tym  and  the  parts  about 
Narym. 

The  MoJcasi,  on  the  Tas,  and  the  Karasin  on  the  Lower 
Yenisey  are  also  Samoyeds — in  language,  if  not  in  blood. 

In  the  west,  however,  the  Samoyed  country  begins  in  the  parts 
about  Mezen ;  and  at  Mezen  European  civilization  ends.  The 
town  is  small  and  insignificant.  Still  it  is  a  Russian  town,  and 
has  a  tincture  of  Russian  civilization.  However,  in  the  market- 
place and  the  street  you  meet  with  Samoyeds ;  who  are  brought 
thither  by  the  love  of  brandy  ;  for  brandy  is  the  curse  of  all  the 
Samoyeds  of  the  western  portion  of  the  area.  Castren  wanted  a 
teacher;  a  man  who  could  teach  him  his  language.  But  no  one 
who  knew  it  would  be  paid  in  anything  but  brandy,  and  most  of 
them  were  drunk  already.  There  was  one  man  whose  sobriety 
could  be  relied  on.  He  was  sent  from  a  distance,  and  with  great 
pains.  He  came;  and  was  drunk  like  the  rest.  A  little  has  been 
done  by  the  Government  to  arrest  this  annihilating  vice  of  drink- 
ing: but  the  orders  are  ineffectively  executed  and  drunkenness 
still  prevails. 

The  whole  district  is  a  tundra,  and  it  bears  the  name  of  the 
Bolshezemla  Tundra;  or  the  tundra  of  the  Great  Land.  It 
reaches  from  Mezen  to  the  Ural.  The  Petshora  divides  it.  The 
western  part  has  no  general  name  in  Russian,  but  the  Samoyeds 
call  it  the  Little  Land.  It  falls  into  the  Kanin  and  Timan 
divisions ;  the  former  being  the  more  western  of  the  two.     The 


THE   SAMOYKDS.  317 

river  Piosha,  according  to  the  Kussian  geography,  the  river  Soba, 
according  to  that  of  the  Samoyeds,  divides  them.  When  these 
two  are  taken  together,  the  name  of  the  first  division,  the  Bol- 
shezemla  Tundra,  between  the  Petshora  and  the  Ural,  forms  a 
third  of  the  whole  district ;  the  term  being  taken  in  a  restricted 
sense. 

There  is  another  division.  The  Bolshezemla  Tundra  being 
taken  in  its  wider  sense,  falls  into  three  Volosts — the  Pustosersk, 
the  Ustsylm,  and  the  Ishim  Volosts  :  the  first  two  of  which  lie 
north  and  west,  the  last  south  and  east.  The  first  two  are 
nearly  wholly  Samoyed  ;  but  the  Ishim  Tundra  is  Samoyed  and 
Zirianian  as  well :  for  the  Zirianians  have  encroached  on  the 
Samoyeds  and  extended  themselves  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Obi  ;  Obdorsk,  though  essentially  a  town  of  the  Ostiaks,  with 
whom  we  meet  as  soon  as  we  cross  the  Ural,  being  visited  by 
both  Zirianians  and  Samoyeds. 

Something  lias  been  done  to  introduce  Christianity  amongst 
the  Samoyeds;  though  only  lately;  i.e.  since  1830.  And  those 
who  have  adopted  it  have  adopted  it  imperfectly;  retaining  almost 
all  their  old  superstitions.  The  converts,  indeed,  who  go  so  far 
as  to  invoke  the  Russian  St.  Nicolas  when  they  are  sick,  look 
upon  him  as  the  magician  Nikola  rather  than  as  the  Christian 
saint. 

The  ordinary  belief  is  in  the  Tadibi  or  medicine  man,  who  has 
the  power  of  interceding  with  the  Tadehsio.  The  following  i.s 
a  Samoyed  invocation. 

Tadibi. 

Come  .  come  ! 
Spirits  of  Magic  ! 
If  you  come  to  me, 
I'll  come  to  you  ; 
Wake  up '  wake  up  ! 
Spirits  of  Magic  ! 
I've  come  to  you : 
Awake  from  sleep  I 

Tadehsio. 

Say  why 
Thou  art  come  ! 
Why  comest  thou 
To  disturb  our  resti 


318  THE    FINS    OR   UGRIANS. 

Tliere  came  to  me 

A  young  Nients  (Samoyhd), 

This  man  here, 

Who  vexes  me  much  ; 

His  reindeer  is  gone ; 

This  is  why 

I  hare  come. 

0£  metrical  compositions  of  this  kind  little  can  be  said,  es- 
pecially when  we  compare  them  with  such  works  as  the  Kalevala, 
or  even  the  less  ambitious  poems  of  the  Esthonians  and  the 
Vods.  Of  Samoyed  legends,  however,  in  prose  there  are 
several. 

The  language,  whatever  may  be  the  blood  of  the  men  who 
use  it,  though  spoken  on  the  coast  of  the  Arctic  Ocean,  is,  also, 
spoken  within  the  frontiers  of  China,"^  in  the  parts  about  Lake 
Ubsa.  Then  it  is  in  contact  with  the  Ostiak  ;  and  it  is  probable 
that  both  are  in  situ.  As  the  Laps  seem  to  have  been  driven 
northwards  by  the  Finlanders,  so  seem  the  Samoyeds  to  have 
been  pressed  forward  into  a  like  inhospitable  region  by  either 
the  Turks,  or  some  cognate  Ugrian  population  stronger  than 
themselves. 

Of  the  Magyars  of  Hungary  little  need  be  said,  except  that 
their  language  has  been,  for  more  than  a  century,  recognised  as 
a  member  of  the  Ugrian  class.  This  was  indicated  by  the 
Swedish  philologues  of  the  last  century,  and  the  result  of  their 
enquiries  was  known  to  and  promulgated  by  Gibbon.  Since 
then,  the  doctrine  has  been  expanded  and  confirmed;  and  not 
only  do  we  know  the  general  Fin  affinities  of  the  Magyar,  but 
their  special  ones.  The  two  languages  of  the  family  witli  which 
it  is  the  most  closely  connected,  are  the  Ostiak  and  Vogul ;  the 
Vogul  more  particularly.  Now  these  are  by  no  means  the 
languages  which  are  suggested  by  the  geography.  The  Fin 
form  of  speech  which  reaches  farthest  south,  and  is,  conse- 
quently, the  least  distant  from  Hungary,  is  the  Morduin  of 
Penza ;  and,  after  this,  the  Tsherimiss  of  Kazan  and  Viatka. 

But  it  is  not  these  with  which  the  Magyar  is  most  readily 
connected. 

*  Page  234. 


THE    MAGYARS.  319 

This  is  as  much  as  need  be  said  about  tbem ;  for  the  political 
importance  of  the  Magyars  belongs  to  a  different  division  of  our 
subject.  The  chief  element  in  it  is  not  so  much  the  fact  of 
their  being  Ugrian^  or  Fin^  but  that  of  their /io/  being  Slavonic. 


I 


320 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Lithuania  and  the  Litliuanic  Family. — Prussians. — Tatshvings. — Lithuanians 

Proper. — Letts. 

There  are  four  divisions  of  the  Litliuanian  family — the 
Lithuanians  proper,  the  Prussians,,  the  Yatshvings,  and  the 
Letts.  Of  the  first  and  last  we  have  existing  representatives. 
The  Prussians  and  the  Yatshvings  have  disappeared  from  history. 
In  the  strict  sense,  then,  of  the  term,  it  is  only  for  the  district 
between  the  Vistula  and  the  Niemen  that  the  present  Emperor 
of  Germany  is  a  King  of  Prussia ;  for  it  was  the  area  between 
these  two  rivers  that  constituted  the  old  Prussian  domain ;  and 
the  true  Prussians  are  those  of  East,  and  not  of  West,  Prussia ; 
the  men  of  the  parts  about  Konigsberg,  and  not  the  men  of 
the  parts  about  Berlin.  The  East  Prussians  may,  no  doubt,  at 
some  early  period,  have  had  a  line  of  country  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Lower  Vistula ;  but,  so  early  as  the  time  of  King  Alfred, 
the  Vistula  was  held  to  be  the  boundary  between  the  Slavonians 
and  the  Lithuanians,  or,  as  the  royal  geographer  calls  them,  the 
Wends  and  the  FPites.  But  that  in  the  thirteenth  century  the 
Prussian  area  began  at  the  Vistula,  and  either  reached  or 
approached  the  Niemen,  is  certain  ;  and  equally  certain  is  it  that 
their  language  was  a  form  of  the  Lithuanic.  We  know  this, 
because  it  survived  the  independence  of  the  nation;  and  a  kind 
of  catechism  in  it  of  the  date  of  the  Reformation  has  come  down 
to  us.  Moreover,  there  is  the  account  of,  at  least,  one  traveller  | 
who  visited  the  country,  and  came  in  contact  with  the  native  . 
Old  Prussians.     What  proportion  it  bore  to  the  rest  he  does  not  | 


OLD    PRUSSIA.  321 

sav.  But  he  tells  us  that  he  heard  them  converse  in  their  own 
mother  tongue,  and  that  he  was  present  at  a  ceremony,  which 
he  describes,  of  a  purely  pagan  character,  a  statement  which  we 
may  readily  believe ;  for  the  obstinacy  with  which  the  Lithu- 
anians in  general  held  to  their  original  creed  was  a  notable 
characteristic  of  the  race.  The  name  of  one  of  their  holy  places 
was  either^  Rome,  or  something  very  like  it. 

The  southern  boundary  of  Prussia,  or  Pruthenia,  was  the 
river  Ossa,  which  divided  it  from  Polonia.  Eastward,  however, 
it  is  probable  that  the  Lithuanic  area  extended  farther  south. 
The  divisions  of  this  Prussia  when  the  whole  country  was  made 
over  to  the  Teutonic  Knights  and  the  Knights  of  the  Sword  were  : 
— (1)  Cuhn  and  Lubau,  (2)  Pomerania,  (3)  Pogesania,  (4) 
Warmia,  (5)  Nattangia,  (6)  Sambia,  (7)  Nadrovia,  (8)  Scalovia, 
(9)  Siidovia,  (10)  Galindia,  (11,  12)  ^'  Bar  the  et  Plica  Barthe, 
quse  nunc  Major  et  Minor  Bartha  vocatur,  in  qua  Barthe  vel 
Barthenses  habitabant.  Vix  aliqua  istarum  nationum  fuit, 
quae  non  haberet  ad  bellum  duo  millia  virorum  equitum  et  mult  a 
millia  pugnatorum. — Dusburg  iii.  3/^  Nearly  all  these  had 
their  eponymus  in  the  twelve  sons  of  Wudewut ;  viz.: — Litpho, 
Saimo,  Sudro,  Naidro,  Scaloivo,  Natango,  Bartho,  Galindo, 
WarmOf  Hoggo  (?),  Pomeszo,  Chelmo.  The  two  traditionary 
founders  of  the  nation  were  this  Wudewut  and  Brut,  or  Bruten 
(Latin,  Brutenus) .  Then  the  people  made  their  priest,  Wudewut, 
their  king.  The  three  great  divinities  were  Perkunos,  Potrim- 
pus,  and  Pikullos.  Perkunos  was  the  God  of  Thunder,  and  his 
name  may  be  found  in  the  Lithuanic  songs  of  the  present  time  ; 
while,  even  in  West  Prussia,  ''  Pakul  '^  is  the  name  for  the 
Devil. 

We  know  the  physical  character  of  these  districts  which 
constituted  the  Old,  or  original,  Prussia,  and  that  of  their 
boundaries  on  the  side  of  Poland.     But  the  relations  that  the 


*  Fuit  antem  in  medio  nationis  hujus  perversae,  scilicet  in  Nadrovia,  locus 
quidam  dictus  Romoiv,  trahens  nomen  suum  a  Roma,  in  quo  habitabat  quidem 
dictus  Criioe,  quern  colebant  pro  Papa.  Quia  secut  dominus  Papa  regit 
universalem  Ecclesiam  fidelium,  ita  ad  istius  nutum  seu  mandatum  non  solum 
gentes  predictae,  sed  et  Letowini  et  aliae  nationes  Livoniae  terrse  regebantur. 
Ihishurg,  iii.  5. 

21 


322  THE    FINS    OR   UGEIANS. 

natives  bore  to  the  other  members  of  the  Lithuanian  family 
are  uncertain.  Due  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  scanty 
remains  of  the  language;  and  it  is  considered  to  be  different 
from  ordinary  Lithuanic^  and  still  more  so  from  the  Lett.  It 
is  probable  that  in  the  first  matter  there  is  some  exaggeration^ 
and  that  Prussia  was  little  more  than  a  westward  extension  of 
the  Lithuanic  area^  with  a  different  name. 

The  first  eff'ect  of  the  crusade  against  the  Prussians  was  to 
extend  the  sea  coast  of  Germany^  and,  by  Germanizing  the 
districts  of  the  Lower  Vistula,,  to  interfere  with  the  power  of 
Poland  on  the  Baltic.  This  encroachment  was  partially  abated 
by  the  recognition  of  a  suzerainty  on  the  side  of  Poland,  which 
afterwards  placed  that  kingdom  in  unfavourable  relations 
with  the  Empire.  Eventually  Poland  lost  all  real  power  as  a 
maritime  state. 

■}{•  *  He  *  -J^- 

If  the  Prussians  have  left  a  well-known  name  behind,  it 
is  more  than  the  Yatshvings  have  done,  though,  like  the 
Prussians,  the  Yatshvings  were  great  warriors  in  their  day. 
At  present,  however,  the  name  occurs  in  only  the  following 
localities. 

(1.2.)  There  are  two  small  villages  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Bobr,  in  the  Circle  of  Bialostock,  named  Yatvez  Stara, 
and  Yatvez  Nova,  or  Old  and  New  Yatvez.  The  Prussian 
maps  give  the  form  of  Jacwiz.  Not  far  from  these  are  the 
Mogilki  Yadzhvingovskie,  or  the  Yatshving  Graves ;  memorials, 
in  all  probability,  of  one  of  the  battles  of  the  thirteenth 
century. 

(3.  4.)  Two  villages  named  Yatvesk  lie  on  the  right  side  of 
the  Niemen,  in  the  Government  of  Vilna,  and  in  the  Circle  of 
Lila.  The  environment  here  is  Lithuanic.  With  the  villages 
in  Bialostock,  it  was  Polish.  In  Schubert^'s  map,  a  distinction 
is  drawn  between  the  two,  and  the  one  is  called  Polish ,  the 
other  Russian,  Yatvesk. 

(5.)  Not  far  from  these  is  a  small  population  called  Yatveshai. 
Are  these  the  Yodvezhai  which  Narbut  places  to  the  east  of 
Grodno,  occupants  of  Yatvez  Pol,  or  the  Yatshving  Field  ?     If 


THE   YATSHVINGS.  323 

so,  they  are  said  to  differ  from  their  neighbours  in   habits,   in 
dress,  and  in  complexion,  their  skins  and  clothing  being  dark. 

(G.)  There  is  a  village  named  Yatvesk  about  seven  versts  from 
Sswislotsch. 

The  history  of  the  Yatshvings  is  also  fragmentary,  though 
at  one  time  they  were  a  formidable  people.  Their  name  com- 
mands attention,  or  rather  the  multiplicity  of  forms  under  which 
it  is  found.  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at.  To  say  nothing  about 
the  extent  to  which  the  Lithuanian  phonesis  differs  from  the  Latin 
and  the  German,  the  difference  between  the  populations  by  which 
the  Yatshving  area  was  surrounded  is  alone  sufficient  to  account 
for  it.  So  many  languages,  so  many  media  :  so  many  media,  so 
many  chances  of  change.  Then  there  are  the  differences  of 
orthography  ;  e.  g.  the  use  of  t  for  c,  and  vice  versa.  Thunmann 
found  the  form  Jecwesin,  and,  treating  it  as  the  accusative  case  of 
Jecwesij  made  it  a  Fin  gloss,  the  termination  -west  being  Fin  for 
water.  He  might,  however,  have  found  any  amount  of  strange 
forms,  i.e.  Jacuitse,  Jatuitae,  Gzecwesii,  Terra  Gzecwesia,  Gzet- 
wintzitse,  Getwinziti,  Getwezitse,  Jetwesen,  Jazuingi,  Jasuingi, 
Jacuingi,  Jaczwingi,  Jacwingi,  Yatwyagi,  Yatwyazhi,  Yatwya- 
gove,  the  latter  foims  being  Russian.  Getce,  too,  and  Jazyc/es, 
he  might  have  found ;  but,  with  these  it  would  be  doubtful 
whether  he  had  a  real  name  or  a  piece  of  ethnological  specu- 
lation. It  is  only  certain  that  forms  like  those  given  above 
are,  by  no  means,  uncommon.  Little,  however,  has  been  written 
about  them. 

The  Mithridates — whereof  it  may  be  said,  by  the  bye,  that  the 
section  on  the  Lithuanic  is  one  of  the  most  exceptionable  parts  of 
the  whole — mentions  them,  in  a  cursory  and  perfunctory  manner; 
excusable,  perhaps,  from  the  fact  of  Language  being  the  main 
object  of  the  work,  combined  with  that  of  the  Yatshvings  having 
left  no  specimens  of  their  speech  except  a  few  proper  names. 
It  mentions  them,  however,  after  Thunmann  and  Slcizer;  treat- 
ing them  as  Lithuanians.  Winning,  who  is  the  only  Eng- 
lishman who  has  written  at  large  upon  the  Prussians,  never 
mentions  the  Yatshvings.  Neither  does  Prichard.  Amongst  the 
Germans,  Zeuss,  whose  work,  though  a  Kosmos  for  fact,  is  an 
ignis  fatuus  for  results,  tells  us  more  about  them  than  any  pre- 
vious writer.   Nevertheless,  there  is  one  standard  monograph  upon 

21  * 


324  THE   LITHTJANTANS. 

them — one  by  Sjogren  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Imperial  Aca- 
demy of  St.  Petersburg ;  and  it  is  this  from  which  the  following 
fragmentary  notices  are  taken. 

The  place  is  the  Polish,  Prussian,  and  Lithuanian  frontiers; 
the  time  the  thirteenth  century. 

The  town  and  fortress  of  Drohitshyn  is  stated  by  fair  authori- 
ties to  have  been  the  metropolis  of  the  Yatshvings  in  the  plenti- 
lude  of  their  power.  This,  however,  is  denied  by  Sjogren;  who 
says  that,  as  a  general  rule,  it  was  in  the  hands  of  either  the 
Kussians  or  the  Poles,  and,  for  a  short  time,  in  those  of  the 
Teutonic  Knights.  The  same  able  writer  demurs  to  the  state- 
ment of  Dlugosz,  who  gives  the  year  1264  as  the  date  of  their 
final  overthrow ;  not  to  say  their  extermination.  Then,  (as  is 
said)  Boleslas  the  Chaste,  so  utterly  broke  their  power  and 
dissolved  their  nationality,  that,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
peaceful  labourers  and  some  sick  men,  the  whole  population 
either  made  itself  over  to  the  conqueror,  or  mixed  itself  with  the 
Lithuanians ;  and  that  to  such  a  degree  that  "  now  the  very  name 
of  Yatshving  is  no  longer  in  existence."  Mathias  of  Miechov's 
notice  is,  in  the  main,  the  same ;  except  that  instead  of  his 
saying  that  the  name  is  extinct,  he  writes  that  it  is  perrarum  et 
paucis  notmn.  It  is  enough  to  believe  that  Boleslas'  victory 
ejected  them  from  Podlachia :  inasmuch  as,  in  1282,  along  with 
a  formidable  body  of  Lithuanians,  they  attacked  Lublin.  To 
bring  down  their  history  somewhat  lower,  Kromer  writes  that 
in  1589  a  few  remains  of  them  were  said  to  survive  the  rest 
of  their  nations  {feruntur  superesse)  in  Eussia  and  Lithuania, 
distinguished  by  their  language  from  the  Lithuanians  and  the 
Russians.     We  have  seen  that  it  can  be  carried  farther  down. 

The  centre  of  the  stock  was  Podlachia,  nearly  coinciding  with 
the  present  province  of  Bialostock :  of  which  they  appear  to 
have  held  the  whole.  On  the  west  they  extended  into  Mazovia, 
of  which  they  held  only  a  part;  the  remainder  beiug  Polish.  On 
the  east  a  portion  of  Polesia  was  Yatshving ;  and  here  their 
frontagers  were  either  pure  Lithuanians,  pure  Russians,  or  a 
population  of  mixed  blood.  Finally,  a  part,  at  least,  of  the  area 
usually  assigned  to  the  Old,  or  true,  Prussians  was  Yatshving: 
namely,  the  Sudauer  district.  Now  if  this  name  be,  word  for 
word,   Sudeni,   and  if  it  also  represent  the  early  population  of 


THE   YATSHVINGS.  325 

the  country,  the  Sudeni  of  Ptolemy  were  among  the   ancestors 
of  the  northern  Yatshvings. 

What  they  were  remarkable  for  was  their  obstinate  Paganism  ; 
and  the  extent  to  w^iich  every  man's  hand  was  held  against  them. 
Their  only  alhes  seem  to  have  been  the  Cumanians  and  the 
Mongols.  Notwithstanding  all  the  allowance  that  must  be  made 
for  the  dark  colours  in  which  they  are  drawn,  they  were,  evidently, 
a  barbarous,  though  a  brave,  people.  By  1300,  however,  they  had 
ceased  to  be  a  nation. 

The  first  campaign  against  them  was  undertaken  by  Conrad, 
duke  of  Mazovia,  and  Vassilko  Eomanovitsh,  who,  conjointly 
with  his  brother  Daniel,  was  Duke  of  Halicz,  or  Gallicia.  This 
was  in  J  246.  The  year  after  this,  Conrad,  and  the  year  after  that, 
Conrad's  son  and  successor,  died.  This  made  Semovit  duke: 
and,  under  him,  the  offensive  alliance  with  the  princes  of  Gallicia 
continued.  There  were  battles  in  1248  and  1251.  Meanwhile, 
the  Teutonic  Knights,  with  their  hands  against  every  one,  were 
fighting  to-day  against  their  old  allies,  and  to-morrow  in  alliance 
with  their  old  enemies.  By  1254  Semovit  has  made  over  to  them 
a  sixth  of  the  Yatshving  territory — whatever  that  was.  The  part 
that  was  thus  cut  off  from  the  rest  seems  to  have  lien  in  the 
Sudauer  country.  The  next  year  the  allied  arms  of  the  Mazo- 
vians  and  the  Gallicians  extorted  tribute  from  another  Yatsh- 
ving district.  In  1256,  the  Pope,  Alexander  IV.,  announces  the 
voluntary  conversion  of  a  few  of  them  ;  and  makes  them  over  to 
the  protecting  hands  of  the  Bishop  of  Breslau  and  two  of  the  Teu- 
tonic Knights.  About  the  same  time  he  enjoins  a  crusade  against 
the  remainder ;  including  in  his  denunciations  the  Lithuanians. 

And  now  the  Mongols  have  reached  Volhynia,  Gallicia,  and 
the  frontiers  of  Lithuania  and  Poland ;  and  Wasilko  Romano- 
vitsh  is  compelled  to  join  them  in  the  inroad  upon  the  Lithua- 
nians and  the  Yatshvings  whose  frontier  has  again  to  be 
encroached  on.  The  great  Lithuanian  king,  Mindog,  gives  a 
part  of  it  to  the  Teutonic  Knights. 

In  1264  the  Yatshvings  attack  Lublin,  and  we  may  suppose 
that  their  chief,  Komat,  is  at  their  head ;  since  that  is  the  name 
of  the  Yatshving  king  who,  a  few  months  afterwards,  is  killed 
in  the  great  battle  (already  alluded  to)  which  was  won  by  Bo- 
leslas,  to  the  discomfiture,  though  not  (as  asserted)  to  the  utter 


326  THE   LITHUANIANS. 

annihilation  of  the  Yatshvings.  The  chiefs,  Mintela,  Schurpja, 
Mudejko_,  and  Pestilo,  are  still  able  to  offer  an  ineffectual  resist- 
ance to  the  Russian  princes,,  Lew,  Vladimir,  and  Mtsislav,  in 
1.272.  Soon  afterwards,  another  chief,  Sknmand,  heads  their 
armies :  and  it  is,  probably,  he  who,  after  joining  an  hetero- 
geneous army  of  Russians,  Lithuanians,  and  Tatars  in  a 
murderous  invasion  of  Poland,  is  attacked  by  the  Grandmaster 
Mangold,  defeated,  and  baptized.  Skumand  was  the  last  of  the 
Yatshvings  whose  name  appears  in  history,  and  he  was,  perhaps, 
the  first  who  died  in  his  bed.  This  he  did  between  1280  and 
1290. 

^  4f-  -Jf  -Sf  * 

Lithuania, — So  low  is  the  present  condition  of  the  small 
peasantry  which  now  represents  the  Lithuanic  name  and  lan- 
guage, that  many  of  those  who  assume  the  immutable  character 
of  national  aptitudes  and  national  energies,  are  unwilling  to 
believe  that  the  original  Lithuanians  were  formidable  warriors, 
and  ferocious  conquerors;  so  much  so  that  they  have  taken 
refuge  in  the  doctrine  that,  in  the  times  of  their  historical 
importance,  the  Lithuanian  leaders  were  no  Lithuanians  at  all, 
but  either  Poles  or  Russians,  or  of  mixed  blood.  From  the 
details  of  their  early  history,  and  from  the  names  of  their 
heroes,  I  find  myself  unable  to  agree  with  this  view ;  I  find  that, 
anterior  to  the  union  with  Poland,  there  is  no  evidence  of  any 
notable  Polish  influence ;  and  that,  in  respect  to  Russia,  it  was 
the  Lithuanians  who,  in  the  way  of  domination,  exerted  full  as 
much  power  as  was  brought  to  bear  upon  themselves.  This, 
however,  refers  only  to  the  earlier,  and,  I  may  add,  to  the 
darker  and  more  obscure  periods  of  their  history. 

In  wars  against  the  Letts  and  Courlanders,  their  own  near 
congeners,  the  Lithuanians  were  generally  victorious  ;  and  it  is 
the  early  historian  of  Liefland,  Henry,  himself  a  Lett,  who 
writes  that  his  countrymen  were  as  lambs  to  wolves  in  respect 
to  the  Lithuanians.  The  analogy  of  the  Yatshvings  and  the 
Old  Prussians,  points  in  the  same  direction.  Between  these 
and  the  Lithuanian  there  were  border  wars.  There  were  also 
intestine  wars  between  the  different  divisions  of  the  Lithuanians 
themselves,  especially  in  Samogitia,  the  typically  Lithuanian 


THE    LITHUANIANS.  327 

part  of  Lithuania,  botli  at  the  dawn  of  history,  and  at  the 
present  time. 

Upon  the  Ugrians  of  their  frontier  the  Lithuanians  seem 
steadily  to  have  encroached ;  so  much  so  that  I  doubt  whether 
there  is  a  single  acre  of  Eastern  Lithuania  which  was  not  ori- 
ginally Finn.  This,  however,  is  a  point  of  general  ethnology, 
upon  which  there  is  no  need  to  enlarge ;  neither  is  the  fact  very 
important.  So  many  are  in  the  habit  of  looking  upon  the 
Ugrians  as  one  of  the  weaker  divisions  of  mankind,  that  no 
amount  of  victories  over  them  would  prove  much  as  to  the  prowess 
of  the  conqueror.  Though  I  hold  this  view  to  be  erroneous,  I  need 
scarcely  stop  to  correct  it.  What  I  wish  to  suggest  at  present  is 
the  fact  that,  though  now  depressed,  the  Lithuanians  were  once 
bold  warriors.  The  Germans,  however,  upon  the  whole,  worsted 
them  ;  though  not  at  once  and  easily.  From  West  to  East  the 
encroachment  of  the  Teutonic  Knights  and  the  Knights  of  the 
Swords  was  steadily  successful.  Yet  it  told  more  upon  Courland 
and  Livonia  than  upon  Samogitia  and  Lithuania  Proper. 
Besides  which,  it  was  backed  by  a  mass  of  powerful  dukedoms, 
principalities,  and  kingdoms  ;  not  to  say  an  empire  and  a  pope. 
These  wars  of  the  Orders  under  notice  were  Crusades,  though 
not  in  the  technical  sense  of  the  term.  They  were  Crusades 
like  that  against  the  Albigenses,  and,  perhaps,  bloodier  and 
more  disgraceful  ones.  They  were  resisted,  but  not  equally,  or 
in  all  directions,  and  they  were  only  partially  complete. 
Though  Courland  and  Livonia  were,  more  or  less,  Germanized, 
and  though,  at  the  present  time,  they  constitute  the  so-called 
German  Governments  of  the  Russian  Empire,  Lithuania  and 
Samogitia  are  as  they  were  always  Russian  or  Polish,  rather 
than  Teutonic.  Neither,  in  later  times,  did  the  Swedish 
influence  extend  far  southwards. 

The  strength  and  courage  of  the  Lithuanians  themselves  had 
much  to  do  with  this ;  yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  im- 
practicable nature  of  their  country  had  a  large  share  in  it. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  for  us  to  speculate  upon  the  forces  by 
which  the  Lithuanian  nationality  was  broken  up  :  inasmuch  as 
it  was  never  thoroughly  consolidated.  When  we  first  meet 
with  the  name,  the  condition  of  the  populations  to  which,  in  its 


328  THE    LITHUANIANS. 

general  sense,  we  have  applied  it,  was  that  of  a  loose  aggregate 
of  States ;  some  of  which  might  be  more  inclined  to  amalgamate 
with  their  neighbours  than  others,  and  some  of  which  had  grown 
larger  than  the  others  by  the  absorption  of  the  smaller  ones. 
Besides  which,  there  was  an  irregular  chain  of  affinities  and 
intermarriages  amongst  the  potentates.  But  this  state  of  things 
is  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception  with  all  countries  in  their 
infancy ;  and  it  no  more  applied  to  Lithuania  in  particular  than 
it  did  to  the  neighbouring  countries  of  Poland  and  Russia; 
where  the  Duke  of  Mazovia  or  Susdalia  might,  in  one  year,  lead 
an  army  against  the  Duke  of  Cujavia  or  Novogorod,  and  in 
another  marry  his  daughter  or  contract  an  offensive  or  a  defen- 
sive alliance  with  him.  It  no  more  applied  to  Lithuania,  in 
particular,  than  it  did  to  that  heterogeneous  mass  of  princi- 
palities which,  under  the  name  of  Germany,  has  lately  been  con- 
solidated into  a  unity.  It  no  more  applied  to  Lithuania,  in 
particular,  than  it  did  to  England  under  the  Heptarchy.  Here 
and  elsewhere,  as  well  as  in  Lithuania,  there  was  only  an  incipient 
consolidation.  This,  in  the  course  of  time,  developed  itself 
into  its  full  integrity,  and  out  of  it  grew  powerful  kingdoms  ; 
powerful  because  the  union  was  complete.  With  the  Lithu- 
anians, however,  this  development  was  arrested,  and  the  fusion 
of  Courlanders,  Livonians,  Samogitians,  Yatshvings  and  Prus- 
sians into  one,  or  even  two,  united  empires  never  took  place. 
If,  then,  there  be,  at  the  present  time,  but  little  nationality  to 
lose,  and  if  the  little  that  there  was  be  well-nigh  lost,  it  is 
because  there  was,  from  the  very  beginning,  but  little  to  keep. 
There  never  was  a  time  when  Lithuania  was  at  once  consolidated 
into  a  single  kingdom  and  united  to  Poland. 

In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  the  small  principalities 
seem  to  have  been  that  of  Lithuania  Proper ;  that  of  Samogitia  • 
that  of  the  Lett  country.  If  these  weakened  the  influence  of 
the  Lithuanian  name,  the  weakness  was  relative  rather  than 
absolute.     There  were  the  same  divisions  elsewhere. 

The  reign  of  Ringold  was  nearly  concurrent  with  that  of 
Batii.  How  far  he  wielded  the  whole  power  of  Lithuania  is  as 
difficult  to  ascertain  as  the  real  power  of  Egbert  and  some  of 
the  early  Anglo-Saxon  kings.     His  power  had,  doubtless,  risen 


THE    LITHUANIANS.  329 

at  the  expense  of  several  minor  princes_,  whose  discontent  was  a 
source  of  weakness.  The  list^  however,  of  the  districts  which  he 
ruled  is  a  long  one_,  and_,  if  we  take  it  literally,  spreads  over  a 
vast  area.  If  Kurland  were  reduced  by  him  he  touched  the 
Baltic,  and,  if  Tshernigov  were  also  reduced,  he  must  have 
crossed  the  Dnieper.  Indeed,  all  White  Russia  is  assigned  to 
him.  Grodno,  Minsk,  and  Vilna  were  his  most  unequivocal 
possessions. 

The  great  battle  of  Mohilna  was  won  by  Ringold  over  the 
Russians;  another  in  Samogitia  over  the  Teutonic  knights. 

Some  of  his  conquests  were  given  back  to  Russia  by  his 
successor,  Mindog. 

Mindog,  being  murdered,  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Voyshelg. 
But  the  succession  of  Yoyshelg  was  disputed  by  Dovmont, 
whose  relations  to  Russia  were  of  more  importance  than  even 
Mindog^s.  Dovmont,  defeated  in  Lithuania,  betook  himself  to 
Pskov ;  which,  whether  Russian,  Lithuanian,  Fin,  or  a  mixture 
of  the  three,  received  him,  converted  him  to  Christianity, 
and  elected  him  Prince.  His  authority  was  supported  by 
Novogorod. 

Meanwhile,  Voyshelg  had  contracted  an  alliance  with  the 
family  of  Daniel  of  Galicia;  apparently  by  marrying  his 
daughter  to  Shvano,  DanieFs  younger  son.  His  appanage  was 
Chelm  and  Gallicia.  This,  united  with  Lithuania,  made  him  an 
object  of  hate  and  dread  to  his  elder  brother  Leo ;  by  whose 
contrivance  Voyshelg  was  murdered  and  the  union  of  Lithuania 
and  Galicia  prevented.  In  this  later  principality  Leo  built 
Leopol,  or  Lemberg. 

The  succession  in  Lithuania  is  now  obscure.  Troid,  however, 
was  one  of  the  successors  of  Voyshelg.  But  this  is  the  date 
of  the  consolidation  of  the  Lithuanic  power,  and  the  time 
when  it  became  formidable  to  Russia. 

Gedimin  was  the  cotemporary  of  Uzbek,  under  whose  su- 
zerainty the  duchy  of  Moscow  took  its  imperial  pre-eminence. 
In  this  lay  the  nucleus  of  Great,  or  Moscovite,  as  opposed  to 
Little,  or  Kiovian,  Russia.  In  Moscow,  too,  lay  the  starting- 
point  for  the  conquests  which  were  effectively  achieved  by  Ivan 
the  Terrible  in  Kazan  and  Astrakan. 


330  THE    LITHUANIANS. 

Olgerd^   a  greater  conqueror  than  any  of  his  predecessors, 
succeeded  to  a  divided  inheritance.     Of  his  brothers,  one  held 
Vilna,  another  Pinsk,  a  third,  Kastuti,  Troki.    0£ 
Olgerd^s  actions  it  is  enough  to  say  that  the  sack  *     ' 

of  Moscow  was  one  of  them. 

Yagellon  united  Lithuania  with  Poland.  Under  Poland, 
Vitolt,  the  son  of  Kastuti,  held  as  a  fief  a  large  part  of 
Lithuania ;  Vitepsk  on  the  north,  Podolia  on  the  south. 
Vitolt,  too,  it  was  who  reduced  that  part  of  Smolensk  which 
had  been  restored  by  Mindog. 

This  has  been  written  in  order  to  correct  the  notion  that  the 
Lithuanians  are  to  be  considered  a  warlike  people,  either  mainly 
or  exclusively,  on  the  strength  of  their  connection  with  Poland. 

What  follows  are  selected  instances  of  the  extent  to  which 
their  union  with  Poland  was  a  thoroughly  inharmonious  one. 
The  first  touches  the  question  of  religious  creed. 

It  is  a  generally  received  opinion  that  the  Polono-Lithuanic 
union  introduced  Christianity  into  Lithuania ;  and  in  Lithuania 
there  was,  and  is  at  the  present  moment,  abundance  of  Paganism. 
But  the  Christianity  of  the  Poles  meant  the  orthodoxy  of  the 
Western  Church  as  opposed  to  the  heresy  of  the  Eastern. 

•5f  -Jf  -Jf  ^  >H 

Until  the  Frank  conquest  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  the  metro- 
politan of  Kiev  was  consecrated  at  Constantinople ;  afterwards 
at  Nicsea ;  afterwards  and  again  at  Constantinople.  The  Li- 
thuanic  conquests  completed  what  the  Mongol  had  begun, 
and  E-ussia  was  driven  northwards ;  to  Vladimir  and  to 
Moscow.  But  the  Mahometan  conquest  of  Constantinople 
affected  Little  Russia  ecclesiastically  even  more  than  either  the 
Lithuanic  or  the  Mongol.  The  Emperor  and  the  Patriarch 
offered  any  price  for  the  aid  of  the  West,  and,  as  far  as  they 
were  concerned,  the  imperfect  and  temporary  union  of  the 
Greek  Church  with  the  Latin  was  the  result. 

Foremost  among  the  suffragans  of  the  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople was  Isidore,  Archbishop  of  Kiev.  He  consented 
that  Russia  should  do  what  was  done  by  the  Greeks.  A  pes- 
tilence broke  out  at  Ferrara,  and  it  was  the  Russians  that  most 
especially  suffered  by  it. 


THE    LITHUANIANS.  331 

From  Ferrara  the  bishops  moved  to  Florence,  where  the 
impracticability  of  the  union  became  more  and  more  apparent. 
The  legation  would  have  melted  away  if  it  could ;  but  the 
Bishop  of  Heraclea  and  Mark  of  Ephesus_,  who  had  attempted 
flighty  had  been  brought  back.  At  Florence  the  four  great 
points  of  difference  were  mooted,  and_,  with  the  exception 
of  Mark  of  Ephesus,  the  Greeks  were  unduly  submissive ;  none 
more  than  Isidore  of  Kiev,  He  it  was  who  drew  up  the  treaty 
in  which  the  temporal  elements,  the  material  conditions  of  the 
union,  were  embodied;  viz.,  means  for  returning  to  Con- 
stantinople, promises  of  soldiers,  and  the  like.  He  it  was  who 
strove  to  sell  Russia  to  Constantinople.  He  it  was  who,  on 
his  return,  was  resisted  and  repudiated  for  his  anti-national 
work. 

As  it  was,  the  return  of  Isidore  was  the  signal  foif  an  anti- 
patriarch  ;  whilst,  on  the  side  of  the  Pope,  it  was  followed  by 
the  institution  of  bishops  in  partibus.  More  than  this,  the 
glory  of  Kiev  as  the  orthodox  metropolis  had  been  impaired. 
The  spiritual  authority  had  followed  the  temporal  dignity. 

With  a  Latin  bishop  at  Kiev,  Minsk  became  the  seat  of  the 
Little  Russian  primacy ;  and  the  orthodox  bishops,  the  voy- 
vodes  of  Kiev,  and  the  hetmans  of  the  Kosaks,  now  became  the 
chief  actors  in  these  agitated  districts. 

In  1569,  the  union  between  Poland  and  Lithuania,  which, 
under  the  first  Jagellons,  was  of  the  loosest,  was  drawn  closer, 
and  the  three  primary  conditions  on  the  part  of  the  Little 
Russian  provinces  were  : — 

1.  The  integrity  of  the  Lithuanic  laws. 

2.  „  „  Russian  language. 

3.  „  „  Greek  creed. 

Upon  all  these,  however,  encroachments  were  made ;  slight 
encroachments  at  first,  a  serious  one  after  1578.  Then  it  was 
that  Stephen  Bathory,  a  brave  soldier,  and  in  some  respects  a 
good  king,  allowed  a  Jesuit  college  to  be  founded  at  Polotsk. 

The  conflict  that  followed  led  to  the  ruin  of  Poland. 

^  ^  *  -x-  •)(• 

Our  next  illustration,  then,  is  from  a  political,  or  national, 
view. 


332  THE    LITHUANIANS. 

It  was  at  the  death  of  Sigismund  I.  that  the  Crown  first 
became  elective ;  and  amongst  the  numerous  bitter  dissensions 
which  took  place  during  the  interregnum^  was  one  as  to  the 
place  of  the  election.  The  Poles  proposed  Warsaw,  the  Li- 
thuanians a  village  on  the  frontiers  of  Poland  and  Lithuania. 
The  Poles  carried  the  day.  Nor  was  the  question  an  un- 
important one.  It  was  an  election  to  which  neither  deputies 
nor  proxies  were  admitted.  It  was  an  election  in  which  every 
noble  was  to  meet  his  peers  in  person.  In  such  a  plan  as  this, 
distance  is  an  important  element ;  and  when  the  third  election 
came  on  the  Lithuanians  complained,  and  with  probable  justice, 
that  in  the  first  two  the  Poles  had  carried  matters  with  an  un- 
duly high  hand,  and  that  the  Grand  Duchy  had  been  but 
imperfectly  represented.  Next  came  the  question  as  to  the 
Dissidents ;  a  term  which  included,  among  others,  the  members 
of  the  Greek  Church — the  Church  which  had  an  overwhelming 
majority  in  Lithuania.  Finally,  the  Czar  was  one  of  the  can- 
didates :  the  candidate  who  had  the  support  of  Lithuania,  and 
the  candidate  who  lost. 

As  far  as  the  Grand  Duchy  was  concerned,  full  equality  of 
vote  was  ensured  to  it ;  but  there  were  Lithuanians  both  in 
Prussia  and  Curl  and,  and  from  Prussia  and  Ciirland  no  noble 
was  allowed  to  attend.  Neither  did  those  countries  send 
deputies. 

To  Stephen  Bathory  Lithuania  owed  much,  and  acknowledged 
the  debt.  He  founded  the  University  of  Vilna.  He  recovered 
Polotsk  from  the  Russians,  who  had  conquered  it  during  the 
reign  of  Sigismund  I.,  and  conferred  it  as  a  fief  upon  the  Duke 
of  Ciirland.  He  cut  his  way  still  further  northwards  ;  even  to 
Novogorod.  In  his  Russian  campaign  he  met  with  every  sign 
of  the  truest  attachment — not,  however,  from  the  Poles,  but 
from  the  Lithuanians.  In  Vilna  he  inspired  confidence ;  in 
Warsaw  discontent  and  jealousy.  And  here,  as  the  wars  with 
the  Kosaks  of  the  Ukraine  are  approaching,  I  may  remark  that 
a  great  proportion  of  these  formidable  warriors,  if  not  the 
majority,  was  of  Lithuanian  blood ;  a  fact  which  must  be  re- 
membered when  we  find  the  Lithuanians  so  often  claiming  an 
extension  towards  the  south      After  Stephen  Bathory^s  death. 


THE    LITHUANIANS.  333 

they  demand  not  only  Livonia_,  but  Volhynia  and  Podolia  for 
the  Grand  Duchy,  and  insist  upon  their  being  incorporated 
with  it.  This  is  when  Sigismind  III.  is  elected;  the  Lithuanian 
candidate  being  the  Czar.  That  Sigismund  was  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Sweden,  who,  for  the  throne  of  Poland,  embraced  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion,  has  already  been  mentioned,  and  it 
may  be  added  that  he  was  an  intolerant  king ;  Lithuania  being 
full  of  Greek  Church  Dissidents.  During  the  reign  of  his 
successor,  Ladislas  VIL,  Lithuania  was  the  base  of  a  successful 
campaign  against  Russia,  and  in  that  of  his  successor  of  an 
unsuccessful  one.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  former,  the  Polish 
kingdom  comprised  Smolensko  and  Tshernigof,  over  which  the 
Czar  renounced  all  claims  or  pretension.  At  the  conclusion  of 
the  latter,  the  Russians  held  possession  of  Semigallia,  on  the 
very  frontier  of  Curland.  This  arose  out  of  the  alliance  between 
the  Kosaks  and  the  Czar — the  fortunes  of  Lithuania  being 
connected  with  those  of  the  Kosaks,  with  whom  they  were  much 
more  closely  allied  than  with  the  Poles.  After  the  death  of 
Bogdan  this  became  apparent.  The  eastern  half  of  the  Kosak 
country  went  to  Russia,  and  even  Vilna  went  with  it.  Podolia 
and  Volhynia  were  won  back ;  but  the  parts  beyond  the  Dnieper 
never  reverted  to  Poland.  Under  Michael  there  were  fresh 
quarrels  and  factions.  I  cannot  give  the  details  of  them ;  but 
it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that,  even  under  a  leader  like  Sobieski, 
the  fidelity  of  the  Lithuanian  portion  of  the  army  could  never 
be  depended  on.  Twice  it  traversed  the  plans  of  that  soldier, 
by  either  desertion  en  masse,  or  by  loud  expressions  of  dis- 
content. Indeed,  in  the  campaign  of  1672,  there  was  actual 
mutiny — mutiny,  however,  which  was  too  strong  to  be  punished. 
Kaminiec  had  been  taken,  Podolia  was  reduced.  Red  Russia 
was  overrun ;  Mahomet,  in  person,  had  invested  Leopol ;  and 
by  the  peace  of  Budchaz  the  Ukraine  and  the  suzerainty  (such 
as  it  was)  over  the  Kosaks  had  been  ceded.  Finally,  tribute 
had  been  promised;  but  not  paid.  The  Grand  Vizier  having 
renewed  the  war,  Sobieski  intended  to  fall  upon  two  of  the 
Turkish  generals  separately,  and  then  to  advance  against  Ka- 
miniec or  the  main  body  of  the  army  which  the  Sultan  in 
person  was  expected  to  lead.     The  Lithuanians  compelled  him 


334  THE    LITHUANIANS. 

to  reverse  the  order  in  which  he  had  prepared  to  take  the 
generals  J  and  to  begin  with  Hussein,  who,  with  eighty  thousand 
men,  held  Koczim,  rather  than  with  Caplan  Pasha,  who  was 
advancing  through  Moldavia.  Even  against  Hussein  they 
marched  unwillingly ;  and  when  they  found  him,  Paz,  the 
Lithuanian  hetman,  was  with  difficulty  persuaded  to  co-operate. 
Koczim,  however,  was  taken ;  only,  however,  to  be  retaken ;  for 
Michael  died,  and  the  election  of  Sobieski  as  king  followed, 
remarkable  for  nothing  more  than  for  the  unanimous  opposition 
raised  by  the  Lithuanians  against  the  only  man  who  could  save 
Poland.  The  hetman  Paz  was  his  personal  enemy;  and  it  was 
not  until  he  found  his  opposition  useless  that  it  was  withdrawn. 
The  king,  however,  was  bound  to  pass  one  year  in  three  in 
Lithuania,  and  to  hold  every  third  Diet  at  Grodno. 

Still  the  army  was  as  untrustworthy  as  before.  Koczim  taken, 
and  retaken,  had  to  be  again  taken ;  and  one  of  the  first  acts 
of  Sobieski^s  reign  was  an  attempt  to  recover  it.  He  was  in  a 
fair  way  of  doing  it,  when  Paz,  with  his  Lithuanians,  again 
deserted,  leaving  him  to  retreat  before  a  fresh  army  of  Ottomans 
and  Tatars.  The  indignation,  however,  of  his  countrymen 
forced  him  to  re-unite,  and,  unwillingly,  to  share  in  the  glory 
of  more  than  one  victory.  In  the  relief,  however,  of  Vienna, 
the  Lithuanian  army  took  no  share.  The  next  important 
occasion  on  which  there  was  room  for  any  notable  display  of  a 
Lithuanian  feeling  as  opposed  to  a  Polish,  was  when  Charles  XII. 
invaded  Ingria,  Estonia,  and  Livonia.  At  this  time  the  Duchy 
was  divided  between  two  great  factions ;  that  of  the  Radzivils 
and  that  of  the  Sapiehas.  At  any  rate,  the  Sapiehas  held  with 
Charles ;  but  as  the  Polish  feeling  was,  to  a  great  extent,  in  the 
same  direction  (Augustus  being  considered  a  Saxon  rather 
than  a  Polish  king),  I  do  not  lay  much  stress  on  this.  Then 
came  the  times  of  the  Partition;  when  Lithuania  became 
mainly  Russian.  But  the  Partitions  will  be  considered  when 
Poland  comes  under  notice.  Then  the  times  of  Napoleon; 
upon  which  we  may  pause. 

In  1812  Vilna  was  the  scene  of  a  succession  of  intrigues ; 
being,  during  April,  May,  and  June,  the  residence  of  the  Czar 
and  his  generals,  and  during  July  that  of  Napoleon.     As  the 


THE    LITHUANIANS.  385 

Czar  left,  the  Emperor  entered.  The  intrigues,  however,  con- 
tinued ;  though  they  fell  into  different  hands,  and  were  carried 
on  for  different  objects.  Alexander  had  dazzled  the  people  of 
Vilna  with  the  splendour  of  his  entertainments,  and  pleased 
them  with  the  affability  of  his  manners.  The  heads  of  the 
Lithuanian  nobility  (I  observe  that  all  the  names  given  by 
Schlosser  are  Polish)  had  ribbons  and  stars  conferred  on  them; 
and  deputies  from  Poland  were  received  with  honour.  The 
departure,  however,  of  the  Emperor  and  his  staff  was  abrupt. 
They  left  behind  them  a  great  part  of  their  provisions  and  am- 
munitions, and  the  administration  of  Lithuania  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  able  agents  of  Napoleon.  Although  the  pro- 
visional government  consisted  of  Poles,  everything  was  directed 
by  Frenchmen.  Bignon  and  Jomini  first,  and  Hogendorp 
afterwards,  were  at  the  head  of  the  war  department.  The  last, 
by  his  rudeness,  did  much  to  estrange  the  Lithuanians ;  whose 
country  was  now  divided  into  four  intendancies — Vilna,  Grodno, 
Minsk,  and  Bialystock,  the  intendants  being  Frenchmen.  It 
was  during  Napoleon^s  stay  in  Vilna  that  some  of  the  more 
important  declarations  concerning  both  the  wishes  of  the  Poles 
and  the  intentions  of  the  Emperor  were  made ;  these  last  being 
regulated  by  the  conditions  through  which  the  co-operation  of 
Austria  was  insured.  To  a  deputation  from  Warsaw  the 
answer  was  that  he — Napoleon — ''  saw,  with  pleasure,  the 
Poles  full  of  enthusiasm  for  the  resurrection  of  Poland ;  but 
that  it  was  not  consistent  with  his  policy  publicly  to  declare 
himself  favourable  to  the  restoration.^^  The  answer  to  the 
speech  containing  this  disheartening  announcement — an  answer 
which  had  been  prepared  under  the  expectation  of  a  favourable 
promise — was  never  delivered  j  but  another,  put  into  the  mouth 
of  the  Voyood  Vybieski,  with,  apparently,  a  touch  or  two  of 
Bignon's,  was  substituted  for  it.  Let  it  merely  be  said  that 
"  the  kingdom  of  Poland  exists,  and  sixteen  millions  of  Poles 
will  sacrifice  either  life  or  fortune  for  emperors. ^^  However, 
this  was  neither  said  explicitly,  nor  left  unsaid.  The  Emperor 
had  duties  of  divers  kinds  to  fulfil,  and  complicated  interests 
to  reconcile.  He  could  admire  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Poles, 
and  sympathise  in  their  denunciations  of  the  Czar — but  ^^I  hold 


836  THE    LITHUANIANS. 

tlie  same  language  as  I  held  from  the  beginning ;  and  I  should 
also  add  that  I  have  guaranteed  the  Emperor  of  Austria  the 
integrity  of  his  dominions^  and  that  I  cannot  authorise  any 
scheme  or  any  movement  which  would  tend  to  trouble  him  in 
the  peaceable  possession  of  the  Polish  provinces  which  remain 
to  him.  Let  Lithuania^  Samogitia^  Vitepsk_,  Polotsk^  Mohilev^ 
Volhynia^  Podolia^  and  the  Ukraine  become  animated  with  the 
spirit  which  has  shown  itself  in  Great  Poland,,  and  Providence 
will  crown  with  success  the  sanctity  of  your  cause/^  But  no 
such  demonstrations  were  made ;  and  the  retreat  from  Moscow 
ended  the  Napoleonic  portion  of  Lithuanian  history.  If  we 
remember  this  was  delivered^  and  look  to  the  names  of  the 
districts  mentioned^  the  speech  looks  much  more  like  a  sug- 
gestion to  the  Lithuanians  than  a  promise  to  the  Poles. 


83 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Lithuanians  Proper. — Their  Poetry. — Their  Fairy  Tales. 

With  the  single  exception  of  the  Esthonians,  the  Lithuanians  are 
the  most  pagan  of  all  the  nations  of  civihzed  Europe:  in  other 
words,  their  superstitions  are  not  only  the  most  numerous, 
but  they  are  the  most  redolent  of  Heathendom.  Of  the 
thousand-and-one  songs  which  illustrate  the  simple  modes  of 
thought  of  the  flax- dressers  and  foresters  of  their  rude  regions 
scarcely  one  is  founded  upon  either  a  saintly  legend  or  a  Chris- 
tian sentiment.  The  Virgin  is  nowhere :  the  miracle  nowhere : 
the  saint  nowhere.  There  are  holy  wells,  and  mysterious  groves ; 
but  the  tales  connected  with  them  are  not  of  a  holy  character. 
There  is  superstition  and  there  is  religion ;  but  it  is  the  super- 
stition which  in  Italy  would  invoke  Neptune  in  a  storm,  and  the 
religion  which  sees  in  the  Sun  and  the  Morning-star  a  God  of  Light 
and  a  Messenger  of  the  Dawn  rather  than  mere  heavenly  bodies. 
As  little  do  the  ballads  savour  of  heroes,  warriors,  and  robbers. 
For  all  that  they  tell  us,  there  is  no  heroic,  no  predatory  age  in 
Lithuania.  Of  border  feuds,  and  of  bold  moss-troopers,  there  is 
scarcely  a  word ;  and  scarcely  a  word  about  any  ancient  king  or 
captain.  Of  the  songs  that  show  even  the  soldier-sentiment  there 
are  but  few,  and  the  antiquity  of  these  is  but  low.  They  date 
back  to  the  times  of  Frederic  the  Great  or  of  Charles  XII.  at 
the  very  most.  All  the  following  are  samples  from  Nesselmann  : — 

1. 

1. 


To-day  we'll  drink  ale ; 
To-morrow  we'll  march  out 
To  the  land  of  Hungary, 

2. 
Where  there  are  rivers  of  wine, 
Where  there  are  golden  apples, 


3. 

And  what  shall  we  do  there  1 
And  what  shall  we  do  there, 
In  the  land  of  Hungary  ? 

4. 
We'll  build  us  a  city 
With  costly  stones, 


And  where  the  woods  are  orchards.  And  windows  of  the  Sun. 

22 


338 


THE   LITHUANIANS.-    THEIR   POETR\. 


And  what  shall  we  eat  ? 
And  what  shall  we  eat, 
In  the  land  of  Hungary  1 


Tender  chickens ; 
Pigeons  roasted, 
At  the  Sun  s  stove. 


And  what  shall  we  drink  ? 
And  what  shall  we  drink, 
In  the  land  of  Hungary  1 


Milk,  mead, 
Double  beer, 
Red  wine. 


9. 


And  what  shall  we  wear  1 

Short  coats, 

With  gold  buttons. 


10. 

And  where  shall  we  sleep  1 
On  beds  of  silk, 
And  pillows  of  down. 

11. 

And  who  shall  wait  on  us  ? 
And  who  shall  wait  on  us, 
In  the  land  of  Hungary  ] 

12. 
The  Daughters  of  the  Gods, 
With  white  hands, 
And  soft  words. 

13. 
And  when  shall  we  come  back  ? 
And  when  shall  we  come  back, 
From  the  land  of  Hungary  1 

14. 
When  posts  have  buds. 
When  stones  have  leaves. 
When  trees  grow  on  the  sea. 


1. 

To-day  we  will  drink  mead ; 
To-morrow  we  will  march 
Into  the  land  of  the  Franks. 

2. 

There  grows  a  green  forest 
In  the  land  of  the  Franks — 
In  the  land  of  the  Franks. 

3. 

Through  that  green  forest 
Runs  a  clear  stream- 
Runs  a  clear  stream. 

4. 
Over  the  clear  stream 
Is  a  bright  bridge — 
Is  a  bright  bridge. 


5. 

Under  the  bright  bridge 
Swims  a  many-coloured  fish — 
Swims  a  many-coloured  fish. 

6. 

He  that  shall  catch  the  fish 
Shall  be  king  of  Poland — 
Shall  be  king  of  Poland. 

7. 

The  Saxon  shall  catch  it. 

And  he  shall  be  king  of  Poland- 

And  he  shall  be  king  of  Poland. 


In  all  this  the  Lithuanian  songs  stand  in  strong  contrast  to 
those  of  the  Servians,  the  Spaniards  and  the  Scotch,  and  the 
Germans;  in  all  of  which  the  personal  element  and  the  adven- 
ture are  prominent.  But  of  the  simple  sentiment  of  rural  life, 
they  are  full ;  and  the  imagery  corresponds.  Here  and  there, 
too,  there  is  an  approach  to  the  apologue. 


THE   LITHUANIANS.— THEIR   POETRY. 


339 


1. 

The  sparrow  gave 
A  wedding  feast  for  his  daughter; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
A  wedding  feast  for  his  daughter. 

2. 
Out  of  a  grain  of  rye 
He  baked  the  bread ; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
He  baked  the  bread. 

3. 
Out  of  a  grain  of  barley- 
He  brewed  the  ale ; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam. 
He  brewed  the  ale. 

4. 
And  he  called 
All  the  birds ; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
All  the  birds. 

6. 
The  owl  alone 
Was  not  called ; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
The  owl  alone. 

6. 
But  the  owl  came 
Uncalled; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
Uncalled. 

7. 
The  owl  set  himself 
At  the  end  of  the  table; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam. 
At  the  end  of  the  table. 

8. 
The  OAvl  took 
Crumbs  of  white  bread ; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam. 
Crumbs  of  white  bread. 

9. 

The  sparrow  asked 
The  owl  to  dance ; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
The  owl  to  dance. 

10. 
The  sparrow  trod  on 
The  owl's  toes ; 


Dam  dam  dali  dam. 
The  owl's  toes. 

11. 
The  sparrow  picked  out 
The  owl's  eye, 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
The  owl's  eye. 

12. 

The  owl  danced 

Blind  and  lame ; 

Dam  dam  dali  dam, 

Blind  and  lame. 

13. 

The  owl  as  judge 
On  the  hedge ; 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
On  the  hedge. 

14. 
The  owl's  nest. 
Is  it  not  a  palacel 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
Is  it  not  a  palace"? 

15. 
The  owl's  sons, 
Are  they  not  lords  ? 
Dam  dam  dali  dam. 
Are  they  not  lords ? 

16. 
The  owl's  daughters, 
Are  they  not  ladies? 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
Are  they  not  ladies] 

17. 
The  owl's  head. 
Is  it  not  a  skillet ) 
Dam  dam  dali  dam? 
Is  it  not  a  skillet  ] 

18. 
The  owl's  eyes. 
Are  they  not  bungholes  I 
Dam  dam  dali  dam"? 
Arc  they  not  bungholes  1 

19. 

The  owl's  beak, 

Is  it  not  a  gun< 

Dam  dam  dali  dam, 

Is  it  not  a  gun? 

22  * 


340 


THE   LITHUANIANS. — THEIR   POETRY. 


20. 
The  owl's  feathers, 
Are  they  not  silk  ? 
Dam  dam  dali  dam. 
Are  they  not  silkl 

21. 
The  owl's  wings 
Are  they  not  posies? 
Dam  dam  dali  dam. 
Are  they  not  posies'? 


22. 
The  owl's  feet, 
Are  they  not  harrows] 
Dam  dam  dali  dam. 
Are  they  not  harrows  1 

23. 

The  owl's  tail 
Is  it  not  a  besom? 
Dam  dam  dali  dam, 
Is  it  not  a  besom? 


1. 

The  wolf,  the  wolfie, 
The  beast  of  the  forest, 
Goes  out  of  the  wood 
Into  the  meadows, 
Worries  the  calves, 
And  the  foals : 
Such  is  his  work. 

2. 
The  fox,  the  foxie, 
The  beast  of  the  forest, 
Creeps  from  the  wood 
Into  the  homestead. 
Steals  and  bites 
Cocks  and  geese : 
Such  is  his  work. 


4. 
The  flea,  the  fleaie> 
Sucks  the  blood 
At  dawn  of  day. 
To  wake  the  maids, 
To  milk  the  cows : 
Such  is  his  work. 

5. 

The  bee,  the  beeie, 
The  insect  of  the  forest, 
Hums  on  the  heath. 
Stings  our  fingers. 
Ears,  and  face, 
Gives  us  honey  : 
Such  is  his  work. 


Oh !  man,  manikin, 
Look  at  the  bee. 
Thou  stingest 
Our  hearts,  our  hearties, 
Give  then  comfort 
To  your  brother : 
Such  is  man's  work. 


The  dog,  the  doggie. 
The  watcher  of  the  house, 
Barks  and  bites 
The  thief's  toes, 
Frightens  old  women, 
And  beggar-men : 
Such  is  hie  work. 

More  interesting  than  any  of  the  preceding  are  those  which 
convey  allusions  to  the  old  mythology  of  the  pagan  period  ;  or,  to 
speak  more  strictly,  those  which  represent  that  amount  of  Pagan- 
ism which  still  exists — still  exists,  though  overlaid  and  disguised 
by  an  imperfect  Christianity.  To  Perkun,  Perkuns,  or  Perku- 
nos,  was  awarded  either  the  first,  or  the  second  place  in  the  Lithu- 
anic  Pantheon — his  rival  in  power  being  Pikullos.  The  name 
of  the  latter,  though  not  found  in  the  collection  from  which  the 
present  specimens  are  taken,  is,  still,  to  be  found  elsewhere  -as  will 
be  shown  in  the  sequel. 


THE   LITHUANIANS.— THLIR   POETRY. 


341 


"Sun,  Daughter  of  God, 
Why  so  far  goest  thou  ? 
Why  60  long  waitest  thou, 
From  us  departing  ]" 


"  Over  seas,  over  hills, 
I  have  looked  at  the  meadows, 
I  have  cheered  the  shepherds  : 
Many  are  my  gifts." 


1. 

The  Moon  went  with  the  Sun, 

In  the  early  Spring  ; 

The  Sun  got  up  early  : 

The  Moon  went  away  from  him. 


The  Moon  walked  alone, 

Fell  in  love  with  the  Morning-Star ; 


1. 
Yesterday,  in  the  evening. 
My  lamb  got  lost  ; 
Who'll  help  to  seek 
My  only  lamb  1 

2. 

I  went  to  the  Morning-Star ; 
The  Morning-Star  answered, 
"At  the  dawn  of  Day, 
I  must  light  the  Sun's  fire." 

3. 

I  went  to  the  Evening-Star ; 
The  Evening-Star  answered, 


1. 

The  Morning-Star  gave  a  feast ; 

Perkun  rode  past  the  gate  : 

He  struck  down  a  green  oak-tree. 


The  oak-tree,  dripping  with  blood, 
Splashed  my  garment — 
Splashed  my  garland. 


3. 
"  Sun,  Daughter  of  God, 
Who,  Morning  and  Evening, 
Lights  your  fire. 
Makes  your  bed  1 " 

4. 

"  The  Morning-Star,  the  Evening-Star 
The  Morning-Star  for  my  fire, 
The  Evening-Star  for  my  bed  : 
Many  are  my  mates." 


6. 


Perkun,  greatly  angered. 
Stabbed  her  with  a  sword. 

3. 

Why  wentest  thou  away  from  the  Sun  ? 
Why  walk  alone  in  the  night  1 
Why  fall  in  love  with  the  Morning- 
Star  1 
Your  heart  is  full  of  sorrow. 


7. 


"  At  the  close  of  Day, 

I  must  make  the  Sun's  bed." 


I  went  to  the  Moon  ; 

And  the  Moon  answered, 

"  I  have  been  stabbed  by  a  sword : 

Sad  is  my  countenance  ! " 

6. 

I  went  to  the  Sun  ; 

The  Sun  answered, 

"  For  nine  Days  will  I  search, 

And  on  the  tenth  I  won't  leave  oflf." 


8. 


3. 

The  Sun's  Daughter,  weeping. 
Collected,  for  three  years, 
The  withered  leaves. 

4. 
"  Oh,  where,  my  mother. 
Shall  I  wash  my  garments  ? 
Where  shall  I  wash  out  the  blood  T 


842 


THE   LITHUANIANS. — THEIR   POETRY. 


"  Oh,  my  young  daughter, 
Go  to  the  pond 
Into  which  nine  streams  flow  !  " 

6. 
"  And  where,  my  mother, 
Shall  I  dry  my  clothes  ? 
Where  shall  I  drv  them  in  the  wind  ] " 


7. 


"  Oh,  my  young  daughter, 
In  that  green  garden 
Where  nine  rose-trees  grow  i " 


9. 


1. 

There  sailed — there  sailed 
From  the  Russian  town, 
Two  young  fishermen. 

2. 
They  cast — they  cast 
Their  fine  nets, 
Tn  the  middle  of  the  bay. 

3. 

They  took — they  took 
The  fishes  of  the  sea, 
With  their  fine  nets. 


And  they  caught  in  their  nets- 
Oh,  what  a  wonder  ! — 
Two  sea-calves. 

6. 

"  Mate  !  mate  ! 
Friend  !  friend  ! 
What  are  these  two  fishes  1" 


And  the  God  of  the  Sea 
Was  angry  with  them  : 
A  storm  arose. 

7. 
"  Oh,  mate  !  mate  ! 
Friend  !  friend ! 
Throw  out  the  golden  anchor  ! " 


8. 

"  Oh,  mate  !  mate  ! 
Friend !  friend  ! 
Run  up  to  the  top  of  the  mast ! 

9. 
"  Perhaps  you  may  see 
The  hills  of  the  harbour  ; 
Perhaps  a  slender  fir-tree." 

10. 
"  I  see  no  harbour — 
I  see  no  hills — 
I  see  no  slender  fir-tree. 

11. 

''  I  can  only  see 
My  own  dear  maiden, 
Walking  in  the  fir-wood. 

12. 
"  Black— black  is  her  garland. 
Yellow  her  curls. 
Green  her  skirt. 

13. 
'*  I  would  if  I  could 
Pull  in  two 
The  green  skirt. 

14. 
"  One  half 
I  would  keep  in  my  locker ; 
Of  the  other  half  I  would  make  a  flag." 


Poems,  however,  of  this  kind  are  exceptional.  The  generality 
is  of  the  same  sort  as  those  of  Estonia;  and  to  some  extent, 
(allowing  for  a  difference  of  imagery)  of  the  Swiss  and  Tyrolese. 
But,  as  will    be  seen  in   the  sequel,  it  is  with  that  of  those  oi 


THE    LITHUANIANS. — THElil    POETRY. 


843 


Estonia  that  the  imagery  most  agrees.  The  horse,  wliich  is 
always  called  by  its  poetic  name  zirgus  rather  than  by  its  ordinary 
name  arklys,  appears  in  almost  all  of  them.  It  carries  the  lover 
to  his  sweet-heart,  who  is  in  a  garden  of  rue  and  peonies,  pluck- 
ing hlies,  and  preparing  wreaths.  Or  she  is  helping  at  the  mow- 
ing ;  or  pulling  the  flax ;  or,  it  may  be,  spinning  in  her  mother's 
hut.  The  love-making,  tliough  an  air  of  simple  sentiment  is  flung 
around  it,  is  of  an  ordinary  kind ;  with  a  modicum  of  reserve  and 
but  little  refinement.  Allowing,  however,  for  the  practice  of  what 
the  Germans  call  "  love  between  the  blankets,"  to  which  the  Welsh 
give  a  grosser  name — it  is  innocent  withal.  It  is  done  prettily, 
to  say  the  least ;  perhaps,  poetically. 


10. 


"  Come  hither,  maiden  ! 

Come  hither,  young  one  ! 
Let  us  talk  sweet  talk  — 
Let  us  dream  dreams, 

Where  the  springs  are  the  deepest- 

Where  the  love  is  the  lovingest." 

2. 

''  I  cannot,  young  man — 

I  cannot,  young  man  ! 
My  mother  will  scold, 
The  old  father  will  scold, 

If  1  go  home  late — 

If  I  go  home  late." 


3. 

"  Then  say,  young  maiden — 

Then  say,  young  one, 
That  two  ducks  flew  to  the  spring, 
And  muddied  the  water." 

4. 

"  It  is  not  true,  my  daughter — 

It  is  not  true,  my  young  one ; 
You  talked  with  a  young  man — 
You  dreamed  with  a  young  man, 

Under  the  green, 

With  sweet  words." 


11. 


1. 

"  My  daughter  Simonene, 
Where  did  you  get  the  boy  ? 

Dam,  dam,  dali  dam. 

Where  did  you  get  the  boy  ?" 

2. 
"  Mother — honoured  mother. 

It  came  in  a  dream  ; 
Dam,  dam,  dali  dam, 

It  came  in  a  dream." 


"  My  daughter  Simonene, 
And  how  will  you  cover  him? 

Dam,  (laui,  dali  dam, 
And  how  will  you  cover  him  ]  " 


4. 

"  Mother — honoured  mother. 
In  the  hood  of  my  gown  ; 

Dam,  dam,  dali  dam. 

In  the  hood  of  my  gown." 


"  My  daughter  Simonene, 
And  who  will  watch  over  him  ? 

Dam,  dam,  dali  dam, 

And  who  will  watch  over  him  ? " 

6. 

"  Mother — honoured  mother, 

The  daughters  of  God, 
Dam.  dam,  dali  dam. 

Will  bear  him  on  their  huuda." 


344 


THE   LITHUANIANS. — THEIR   POETRY. 


7. 
"  My  daughter  Simonene, 

What  will  you  lay  him  in  '* 
Dam,  dam,  dali  dam, 

What  will  you  lay  him  in  V 

8. 

"  Mother — honoured  mother, 
In  the  shroud  of  the  dew ; 

Dam,  dam,  dali  dam, 

In  the  shroud  of  the  dew." 

9. 
"  My  daughter  Simonene, 

Where  will  you  rock  him  'i 
Dam,  dam,  dali  dam. 

Where  will  you  rock  him  1 " 

10. 
"  Mother — honoured  mother. 

In  the  cradle  of  the  Laima  ; 
Dam,  dam,  dali  dam, 

In  the  cradle  of  the  Laima." 

11. 

"  My  daughter  Simonene, 
What  will  you  feed  him  with  ? 

Dam,  dam,  dali  dam, 
What  will  you  feed  him  with  ]" 


12. 
"  Mother — honoured  mother, 

With  the  white  bread  of  the  Sun ; 
Dam,  dam,  dali  dam. 

With  the  white  bread  of  the  Sun." 

13. 
"  My  daughter  Simonene, 

Where  will  you  send  him  ? 
Dam,  dam,  dali  dam, 

Where  will  you  send  himf 

14. 
"  Mother — honoured  mother, 

In  the  army  of  the  Boyards; 
Dam,  dam,  dali  dam. 

In  the  army  of  the  Boyards." 

16. 

"  My  daughter  Simonene, 

What  will  he  be  ] 
Dam,  dam,  dali  dam. 

What  will  he  be?" 

16. 
'-  ^lother — honoured  mother, 

He  will  be  a  Hetman ; 
Dam,  dam,  dali  dam, 

He  will  be  a  Hetman." 


12. 

1. 

I  went  into  the  town  of  Tilsit — 

Into  the  town  of  Tilsit,  among  the  dragoons. 


There  rode  out  one  troop  —there  rode  out  another, 
But  there  was  not — there  was  not  my  young  man. 

3. 

I  went  into  Koningsberg — 

Into  Koningsberg,  among  the  fine  people. 

4. 
There  walked  out  one  company — there  walked  out  another, 
But  there  was  not — there  was  not  my  young  man. 


5. 


I  went  into  Berlin, 
Amongst  the  King's  guards. 

6. 
There  went  out  one  company — there  went  out  another. 
But  there  was  not — there  was  not  my  young  man. 


THE   LITHUANIANS.— THElll   POETRY.  345 

7. 


I  went  into  a  green  meadow — 

Into  a  green  meadow,  among  the  mowers. 

8. 
I  looked  at  one,  I  looked  at  the  other, 
But  there  was  not — there  was  not  my  young  man. 

9. 
I  went  on  a  high  hill — 
On  a  high  hill,  among  the  ploughers. 

10. 
I  looked  at  one,  and  I  looked  at  the  other, 
And  there  I  set  eyes  on  my  young  man. 


13. 


And  there  flew  a  1> right-coloured  greenfinch 

Out  of  the  garden, 
And  bespoke  a  many-coloured  nightingale 

In  the  garden. 
"  Now,  go  away,  you  many-coloured  greenfinch. 

From  me ; 
You  will  find  other  nightingales 

As  good  as  I." 
"  No  !  I  have  flown  over  a  hundred  gardens 

And  one, 
But  never  I  have  found  nightingale 

Like  you  ! " 

2. 

And  there  rode  a  young  courtier 

Out  of  the  court, 
And  bespoke  a  young  court  lady. 

In  the  court. 
"  Now,  go  away,  you  young  courtier, 

From  me ; 
You  will  find  other  court  ladies 

As  good  as  I." 
*'  No  !  I  have  ridden  through  ten  courts 

And  one, 
But  never  found  lady  like  you  I " 

3. 

And  there  rode  a  young  villager 

Out  of  the  village. 
And  bespoke  a  young  maiden 

In  the  village. 
**Now,  go  away,  you  young  villager, 

From  me ; 


346  THE   LITHUANlAI^iS.      THEIU   POETRY. 

You  will  find  other  maidens 

As  good  as  1." 
"  No  !  I  have  ridden  through  ten  villages 

And  one, 
And  never  found  a  maiden  like  you." 

4. 

And  there  rode  a  young  townsman 

Out  of  the  town, 
And  bespoke  a  young  lady 

In  the  town. 
"  Now,  go  away,  you  young  townsman, 

From  me ; 
You  will  find  other  young  ladies 

As  good  as  I." 
"  No  !  I  have  ridden  through  ten  towns 

And  one, 
And  never  found  lady  like  you  !  " 

Between  the  earliest  of  these  and  the  latest  there  is  but  little 
difference.  The  oldest  song  in  Lithuanic  belongs  to  the  six- 
teenth century ;  but  it  might  have  been  composed  yesterday ;  as 
hundreds  like  it  are  composed.  Perhaps,  we  should  say  that  the 
Lithuanian  songs  grow  :  for  they  are  anonymous,  and,  until  lately, 
all  unwritten  ;  and  in  different  parts  of  the  country  the  same  song 
takes  a  different  form  or  differs  in  length  from  its  fellow.  Thus 
a  few  stanzas  may  be  found  in  one  village;  whereas  another  may 
give  it  with  addition  upon  addition.  The  longest,  however,  are  short 
— sonnets,  so  to  say,  in  a  metre  different  from  that  of  the  ordinary 
sonneteer.  The  name  for  them  is  Dainus ;  word  for  word,  the 
name  of  similar  songs  in  Wallachia  and  Moldavia.  The  gesme 
is  the  sacred  song,  the  dainus  the  popular  one.  Theges7?ie  makes, 
perhaps,  a  hundredth  part  of  the  whole  collection ;  the  dainus 
all  the  rest. 

The  fairies  of  Lithuania  are  the  Laumas,  of  whom  tale  upon 
tale  is  current.  The  Lauma  haunts  lonely  places,  and  visits  the 
dwellings  of  men  at  night.  It  is  a  female,  and  is  skilled  in  all 
female  employment.  It  can  spin,  weave,  sew,  work  in  the  fields. 
One  thing,  however,  it  can  not  do.  It  cannot  begin  a  work,  and  it 
cannot  end  one.  It  is  not  malicious,  but  ouly  mischievous.  It 
steals  and  changes  infants.  A  child  of  a  Lauma  is  soon  either 
discovered  or  suspected.  It  has  a  big  swollen  head.  It  sometimes 
lives  to  be  ten  years  old,  rarely  twelve,  never  thirteen. 


347 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  Letts. — The  Baltic,  or  German  Provinces  of   Russia:  Estonia,  Livonia, 

Curl  and. 

The  contest  between  Russia  and  Sweden  for  Livonia  took  a 
definite  form  towards  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Gustavus  Vasa. 
For  one  of  his  intractable  sons^  John^  a  portion  of  Livonia  was 
intended  as  an  appanage ;  inasmuch  as  it  was  the  dominant  wish 
of  the  old  king  that  the  influence  of  Denmark  in  Esthonia 
should  be  abated ;  and,  at  this  time,  the  Danes  had  just  received 
the  submission  of  Reval.  Upon  this  the  father  writes  : — ^'  We 
would  have  you  think,  dear  son,  what  detriment  it  would  work 
to  our  affairs  if  the  Danes  should  be  our  neighbours  on  this 
side,  whether  it  would  not  be  better  to  forestall  than  to  be  fore- 
stalled ;  to  take  the  piece  from  the  hound  in  time,  than  to  be 
bitten  by  him — give  us  thy  opinion  hereupon/^* 

The  Grand-master,  then,  was  to  be  assisted  by  a  loan  from 
Sweden,  for  which  the  town  of  Reval  was  to  be  impignorated. 
But  the  power  of  the  Grand-master  and  his  Order  was  on  the 
wane.  Poland,  the  Empire,  Denmark,  and  Sweden  were  ap- 
pealed to  for  defence  against  Russia;  and  in  a  multitude  of 
applications  there  was  room  for  intrigue,  cross-purposes,  fraud 
and  dissimulation.  Indeed,  though  the  policy  indicated  in  the 
letter  just  quoted  is  a  sufficient  explanation  of  Gustavus^ 
conduct,  it  is  not  the  only  one.  It  is  suggested  by  the  historian 
of  Sweden  that  it  was  not  against  Denmark  alone  that  these 
precautions  were  taken.     John  had  been  intriguing  in  the  same 

*  Letter  of  the  King  to  Eric,  Deceml)"!-  8  and  10,  1558.     Fi-oni  Gejci's  His- 
tory of  Sweden. 


848  THE    LETTS. 

quarter^  and  with  offers  of  nearly  similar  terms.  He  had 
connived  at  the  piracies  of  Reval ;  he  had  given  shelter  in 
Finland  to  some  of  the  pirates ;  and  he  was  tendering  a  loan  to 
the  Grand-master  as  a  security  for  a  certain  fortress.  It  was 
wise  on  the  part  of  Gustavus  to  get  the  management  of  an 
affair  like  this  into  his  own  hands_,  instead  of  letting  it  fall  into 
those  of  his  unwary  sons,  who  were  making  their  arragements 
without  his  privity,  though  not  without  his  knowledge.  He 
had  suspected,  if  not  observed,  something  clandestine  for  some 
time,  and  had  made  a  strong  representation  on  the  matter : — 
^'  Seeing  thou  well  knowest  that  Finland  is  not  a  separate 
dominion  from  Sweden,  but  that  both  are  counted  as  members 
of  one  body,  it  becomes  thee  to  undertake  nothing  which  con- 
cerns the  whole  kingdom,  unless  he  who  is  the  true  head  of 
Sweden,  with  the  estates  of  the  realm,  be  consulted  thereupon, 
and  it  be  approved  and  confirmed  by  him  and  them,  as  thy 
bounden  duty  points  out,  and  Sweden-'s  law  requires.'''' 

However,  the  machinations  continued,  though  the  completion 
of  them  was  put  off.  Neither  was  the  plan  concocted  amongst 
the  brothers  ever  put  into  effect.  The  father,  whom  they  had 
conspired  to  deceive,  was  on  the  edge  of  the  grave ;  and  when 
the  grave  closed  over  him  a  more  than  Theban  enmity  broke 
out  between  the  sons. 

On  the  accession  of  Eric,  his  brother  John  reminded  him  that 
a  territory  in  Livonia  had  been  promised  to  him ;  and  that  if 
this  promise  were  fulfilled  he  would  undertake  the  protection  of 
Reval  against  the  Russians  under  Ivan  Vassiliewitch  II.  But 
Eric  undertook  the  affair  himself,  and  sent  over  an  army  which 
was  received  into  the  town.  The  nobles  submitted  to  Swedish 
rule;  and,  after  Eric  had  been  crowned,  their  privileges  were 
confirmed  by  the  royal  sanction  given  at  Stockholm.  The  title, 
too,  of  Eric  became  ''  King  of  the  Swedes,  Goths,  and  Vandals, 
Lord  of  Livonia  and  Reval. ^^  A  war  was  the  result.  It  did 
not,  however,  break  out  at  once ;  inasmuch  as  peace  with 
Russia  was  preserved.  This  was  because  there  was  a  common 
enemy  in  Poland.  Curland,  under  Kettler,  had  become  a  Polish 
fief :  and,  of  all  the  Powers  of  Europe,  the  one  that  was  most 
feared  and  most  suspected   a\  as  Poland ;  whilst  the  Power  that 


THE    BALTir    PROVINCES.  349 

was  strongest  to  oppose  her  was  neitlier  Russia  nor  the  Empire, 
but  Sweden. 

And  now  our  history  is  full  of  complications.  Poland,  with 
Curland  as  a  fief;  Russia  pressing  northwards  or  westwards 
from  Novogorod  and  Moscow ;  and  Denmark,  with  a  powerful 
navy,  are  all  fixing  their  attention  upon  Livonia  and  Estonia. 
In  the  family  of  Gustavus  the  counsels  are  divided ;  if  counsel 
it  may  be  called  that  has  its  origin  in  ambition,  egotism,  and 
jealousy,  rather  than  in  the  judgment.  John  recommends  a 
Polish  alliance  as  against  Russia  :  Eric  allies  himself  with  Russia 
as  against  Poland.  When  a  Danish  war  breaks  out,  as  it  does 
a  few  years  afterwards,  the  complications  increase,  and  the 
extraordinary  offers  in  the  way  of  compromise  suggest  reflections 
upon  the  slightness  of  the  causes  upon  which  great  effects  may 
hang.  It  was  proposed  that  the  Swedish  possessions  in  Livonia 
should  be  made  over  to  the  Empire,  and  held  under  the  Empire, 
as  a  fief,  by  Denmark.  It  was  proposed  that  the  Danish  prince, 
Magnus,  should  marry  the  Czar^s  niece,  and  put  himself  under 
Russian  protection.  This  was  done;  and  he  bore,  for  a  time, 
the  title  of  King  of  Liefland :  with  Russia  to  back  his 
pretensions.  Afterwards,  however,  the  contest  is  almost  w^holly 
between  Sweden  and  Russia. 

It  was  now  incumbent  upon  Russia  to  make  good  her  engage- 
ment to  John :  and  an  army  invaded  Estonia  and  Livonia. 
They  left  blood  upon  every  footstep,  and  struck  a  terror  in  the 
hearts  of  all  except  the  garrison  of  Reval.  This  held  out  for 
Sweden  till  the  eleventh  hour  :  when  relief  came.  The  Russian 
successes  and  the  Russian  cruelties  had  done  much  to  weaken 
the  Swedish  dominion :  but  the  disastrous  quarrels  within  the 
Swedish  army  itself  had  done  more.  It  was  not  an  army  of 
Sw^edes.  There  were  German  mercenaries  in  it,  and  there  were 
Scotch  mercenaries ;  for  Scotch  assistance  was  generally  to  be 
hired  by  the  Swedes.  Not  on  one  occasion  only,  but  on  many, 
must  we  remember  this  when  we  have  occasion  to  go  into  the 
minute  ethnology  of  Scandinavia.  In  one  of  the  mutinies  as 
many  as  fifteen  hundred  Scots  were  cut  down.  But  a  Turkish 
war  broke  out,  and  Sweden  was  appealed  to  on  both  sides. 
This  gave  her  an  opportunity  for  retrieving  her  fortunes ;  and 


350  THE    LETTS. 

it  was  improved  by  the  accession  of  a  skilful  officer  to  her  ranks. 
Pontus  de  la  Gardie  was  a  Frenchman ;  but  he  served  the 
Swedes  better  than  they  served  themselves.  He  married  a 
natural  daughter  of  the  King,  and  was  appointed  general 
against  the  Russians.  He  ejected  them  from  Livonia;  and 
followed  them  beyond  the  boundary.  He  took  Narva,  Kexholm, 
and  all  the  fortresses  in  Ingria.  The  Swedes  claim  for  their 
countrymen  the  award  of  comparative  humanity  in  their 
dealings  with  the  natives — but  comparative  humanity,  when  an 
invading  army  of  Russians  under  such  a  king  as  Ivan  Vassilie- 
vitsh  is  the  standard,  is  but  faint  praise.  The  Russians  were 
merciless :  but  they  were  then,  as  now,  brave  and  obstinate. 
Their  discipline  then,  as  now,  was  such  as  to  make  them  undergo 
any  extremity  rather  than  yield.  It  is  Geijer,  the  Swedish 
historian,  writes  thus,  and  enlarges  on  it. 

After  the  death  of  Stephen  Bathory,  the  Crown  of 
Poland  became  vacant,  and  Sigismund,  the  son  of  "  ' 
John,  who  had  married  Catherine,  the  last  of  the  Yagellon 
princesses,  and  the  sister  of  Bathory^s  widow,  was  elected 
against  the  powerful  interest  of  the  Archduke  Maximilian. 
The  difficulties  that  this  introduced  were  of  the  gravest  kind. 
His  father  was  still  alive,  so  that,  though  King  of  Poland,  he 
was  only  Crown  Prince  of  Sweden.  The  national  religion  of 
the  Poles  was  Romanism.  The  Swedes  were  Protestants, 
though  not,  as  yet,  such  strong  and  almost  fanatic  Protestants 
as  they  became  under  the  great  Gustavus.  As  Henry  IV.  was 
in  respect  to  Navarre  and  France  :  so  was  Sigismund  in  respect 
to  Sweden  and  Poland.  The  creed  which  was  compatible  with 
one  crown  was  impossible  for  the  other.  The  sacrifice  which 
this  involved^  had  it  come  to  one,  and  had  the  King  been  free 
to  determine  it,  would  have  been  made  in  favour  of  Rome. 
We  know,  however,  that  no  such  sacrifice  was  required. 

The  transactions  that  followed  are  characterized  by  anything 
but  good  faith  on  the  part  of  Sigismund.  The  two  Swedish 
diplomatists  who  had  the  most  to  do  with  the  agreement 
guaranteed  that  that  portion  of  Livonia  which  belonged  to 
Sweden  should  be  incorporated  with  Lithuania,  and,  as  a  part 
of  Lithuania,  be  also  incorporated  with  Poland.    Had  this  been 


THE    llALTTr    PROVINCES.  351 

clonCj  an  aiTangemcnt  too  fortunate  to  occur  in  history  would 
have  been  effected,  and^  with  the  exception  of  its  Fin  and 
German  elements,  the  Duchy  of  Lithuania  would  have  taken  a 
truly  Lithuanic  augment.  Poland,  too,  would  have  been 
strengthened  on  the  Baltic,  and  the  Russians  permanently 
beaten-off  from  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Finland.  The  act, 
however,  of  the  councillors,  Eric  Sparrc  and  Eric  Brahe,  was 
repudiated  by  their  Government,  and  Sigismund,  when  he 
arrived  in  Poland,  refused  to  confirm  the  cession  :  not  ab- 
solutely and  for  ever,  but  until  the  death  of  his  father,  when, 
instead  of  being  Crown  Prince,  he  would  be  King.  In  this, 
the  Poles,  who  seem  to  have  been  easily  satisfied,  acquiesced; 
and  Sigismund  was  crowned  at  Cracow.  The  further  details  of 
this  complicated  arrangement  belong  to  the  civil  history  of 
Sweden,  rather  than  to  an  ethnological  notice  of  Livonia  and 
Estonia ;  and,  in  the  civil  history  of  Sweden,  they  are  of  the 
greatest  interest.  It  turned  upon  John  and  Sigismund  whether 
Sweden  was  to  have  a  king  who  was  half  a  Romanist  or  a 
Gustavus  Adolphus.  Without,  however,  going  into  these 
details,  we  may  state  that,  notwithstanding  the  claims  of 
Sigismund  as  John''s  son,  the  successor  to  John  was  Charles ; 
his  brother ;  the  youngest  of  the  sons  of  Gustavus  Vasa,  and, 
with  all  his  faults,  the  noblest. 

Sigismund  remained  King  of  Poland ;  and,  from  Poland, 
maintained  his  pretensions :  so  that  the  war  with  Livonia 
devolved  upon  Charles  IX. ;  in  which  he  was  more  than  merely 
unsuccessful.  The  battle  of  Kexholm  seems  to  have  been 
disgracefully  lost  against  an  inferior  force.  The  men  "ran, 
and  let  their  backs  be  hacked  like  a  flock  of  poultry  fleeing 
before  a  small  body,  where  they  were  four  or  five  to  one,  and 
leaving  us  on  the  field. ^^  The  horse  that  bore  the  king  was 
killed  under  him,  when  a  Livonian  nobleman,  Henry  of  Wrede, 
gave  him  his,  and  met  his  own  death  on  foot.  His  widow  and 
children  were  rewarded  by  manors  in  Finland.  Livonia,  how- 
ever, remained  Swedish;  for  Charles  IX.  was,  on  the  whole,  a 
successful  guardian  of  the  honour  of  his  country.  His 
immediate  successors  were  this  and  more. 

From  the  time  when  Eric,  the  son  of  Gustavus  Vasa,  wrote 


352  THE    LETTS. 

himself  ''Lord  of  Reval  and  Livonia''  to  the  peace 

■,-,-,-••  1      '  A.D.  1721. 

of  Nystadt   is  one  hundred  and  sixty  years ;  during 

the  whole  of  which  time  Livonia,  Estonia,  Ingria,  and  the 
southern  parts  of  Finland  are  little  more  than  battle-fields  for 
Russia,  Sweden,  and  Poland — for  Russia  and  Sweden  as  the 
principals,  but  for  Poland  as  a  subordinate;  although  not 
always  and  only  so.  After  the  death  of  Kettler,  Curland  was  a 
fief  of  Poland's.  A  part,  too,  of  Livonia  was  Polish;  and, 
perhaps,  on  the  Lithuanian  frontier,  a  part  of  Estonia  as  well. 
At  whatever  time  we  take  the  history  of  this  period  the  same 
names  appear  and  re-appear :  the  same  towns  being  besieged, 
with  the  same  spots  witnessing  the  same  battles  between  the 
same  combatants.  The  cessions,  too,  of  territory  repeat  them- 
selves. Does  Russia  succeed  in  fighting  her  way  towards  the 
locality  of  her  present  capital,  and  gaining  a  port  on  the  Baltic, 
it  is  certain  parts  of  Ingria  that  are  ceded  to  her  by  Sweden, 
and  when  under  a  change  of  fortune  she  recedes,  it  is  certain 
parts  of  Ingria  which  Sweden  takes  back.  The  same  is  the 
case  on  the  northern  side  of  the  Gulf  of  Finland ;  in  Finland 
Proper  and  Karelia.  It  is  the  Government  of  Viborg  and  the 
fortress  of  Kexholm  that  we  meet  and  meet  again — sometimes 
Russian,  sometimes  Swedish,  just  as  if  it  were  their  business  to 
be  always  changing  hands.  In  like  manner,  Reval,  Riga,  and 
Narva  are  always  being  besieged  or  relieved ;  so  that  Estonia 
and  Livonia  are  ever  under  the  miseries  of  war.  We  must,  for 
most  purposes,  take  them  together;  for  though,  in  their 
ethnology,  they  differ  from  one  another  more  than  Livonia  and 
Curland,  Estonia  being  Fin  rather  than  Lett,  they  agree  in  their 
political  history  :  both  being  more  Swedish  than  Polish. 

Upon  the  whole,  Ingria  was  Russian ;  and,  upon  the  whole, 
there  was  a  discontinuity  in  the  area  held  by  Sweden  on  the 
two  sides  of  the  Gulf  of  Finland;  a  discontinuity  which  is 
ethnological  and  religious  as  well  as  historical.  Finland  is  Fin 
and  Protestant,  and  Estonia  is  Fin  and  Protestant ;  but  Ingria, 
or  the  Government  of  St.  Petersburg,  though  there  are  frag- 
ments of  a  Fin  population  within  its  boundaries,  is  Russian  in 
language  and  Greek  in  creed.  So  it  is  at  the  present  time, 
from  the  fact  of  so  vast  a  capital  as  St.  Petersburg  belonging  to 


LIVONIA.  353 

it.  But  so  it  was,  to  a  great  extent,  a  hundred  and  fifty  years 
before  St.  Petersburg  was  founded. 

Charles  XII.,  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  has  succeeded  to  the 
crown  of  Sweden,  and  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  the  King  of 
Denmark,  and  the  Czar  have  entered  into  a  league  against  him. 
They  are  to  divide  among  them  all  his  non-Swedish  possessions. 
The  Czar  is  Peter  the  Great;  and  the  Elector  of  Saxony  is  also 
the  King  of  Poland.  We  must  distinguish  between  the  two 
dignities.  The  Poles  did  so,  and  we  must  do  the  same.  It  was 
as  Elector  of  Saxony  that  he  joined  the  league  against  Charles. 
As  King  of  Poland,  he  could  do  but  little  against  him :  for, 
however  much  the  case  of  Sweden  may  have  been  a  true 
partition,  or  however  much  it  may  be  excused  as  having  been 
nothing  worse  than  an  amputation  or  mutilation,  and  however 
much  it  may  (from  the  fact  of  a  king  of  Poland  having  been  a 
party  to  it)  wear  the  garb  of  a  precedent  that  fell  back  upon  its 
originators,  it  is  nothing  of  the  kind  as  far  as  regards  Poland. 
It  has  nothing  of  the  Nemesis  (to  use  a  hack  platitude)  about 
it.  It  was  the  achievement,  in  a  small  way,  of  the  Elector  of 
Saxony ;  and  it  was  not  achieved  off  hand.  How  Charles 
dissipated  the  thunder-cloud  which  had  crowded  together  over 
his  head,  and  which  had  begun  to  burst,  is  a  matter  for  either 
the  personal  biographer  or  the  historian  of  Sweden.  He  broke 
and  scattered  it  for  a  time. 

Peter,  when  it  was  first  charged  with  its  terrors,  had,  after 
the  manner  of  all  the  Czars,  a  Turkish  war  on  hand ;  of  which 
he  contrived  to  clear  himself  in  time  to  move  towards  Estonia, 
when  the  Elector  appeared  before  Riga ;  but  only  half  harnessed 
for  the  campaign.  This  was  at  the  head  of  a  foreign  army. 
Meanwhile,  the  factions  of  the  country  itself  were  to  be  utilized 
by  the  miserable  Patkul,  the  Patkul  who  was  afterwards 
betrayed  by  the  Saxon  Elector,  and  disgracefully  murdered 
(tortured  on  the  wheel)  by  Charles.  Charles  was  a  brave  man, 
but  a  very  relentless  one.  PaykulPs  fate  as  well  as  PatkuPs 
disgraces  him.  Patkul,  however,  at  the  time  when  the  Elector 
failed  before  Riga,  failed  himself.  Neither  the  nobles  nor  the 
people  answered  his  call :  a  fact  which  gives  us  one  of  the 
measures  we  have  of  the  feeling  of  Livonia  towards  Sweden. 

23 


354  THE    LETTS. 

The  Saxons  withdrew  from  Riga.  They  then  attempted  Riga 
again.  They  withdrew  again.  Again,  and  for  a  third  time, 
they  attempted  it,  and  withdrew ;  when  peace  was  concluded 
with  Denmark. 

Estonia  was  as  Livonia ;  harassed  by  the  Czar,  even  as 
Livonia  was  harassed  by  the  Elector.  But  the  great  Swedish 
victory  at  Narva  checked  this.  After  that  Lithuania,  or,  at 
least,  the  Sapiehas,  joined  themselves  to  Charles;  and  the 
Elector  of  Brandenburgh,  ambitious  of  becoming  King  of 
Prussia,  made  a  fourth  in  the  party  of  would-be  partitioners. 
He,  too,  had  something  in  Pomerania  and  Prussia  to  get  out 
from  the  wreck  of  the  Swedish  domains  in  Germany. 

Meanwhile,  Charles  was  acting  on  the  offensive  in  Curland ; 
for  Curland  was  a  fief  of  Poland^s,  and  with  its  Grand-duke 
married  to  the  niece  of  Peter,  prospectively,  an  annexation  of 
Russians.  He  took  Diinamiinde ;  passed  the  Dwina  in  the  face 
of  Russians,  and  pushed  on  for  Poland.  Peter,  meanwhile, 
gathered  together  the  fragments  of  the  army  that  had  been 
beaten  at  Narva,  and  taught  them  to  conquer  by  a  campaign  in 
Estonia  and  Livonia.  He  looked  to  the  possession  of  these  as  a 
secondary  affair;  Ingria  and  the  southern  parts  of  Finland 
being  his  immediate  objects.  These  he  eventually  made  his 
own;  as  he,  also,  made  Livonia  and  Estonia.  Before  Ingria 
had  become  Russian,  and  before  it  was  wrested  from  Sweden, 
he  laid  the  foundations  of  St.  Petersburg. 

For  dealing  with  such  a  pigmy  as  the  Elector,  and  neglecting 
such  a  giant  as  the  Czar,  Charles  has  been  blamed — perhaps 
rightly.  But  he  judged  for  himself.  ^'  Be  assured,-'^  he  writes 
in  one  of  his  despatches,  "  if  I  could  rely  upon  the  word  of 
King  Augustus,  I  would  immediately  leave  him  in  peace.  But 
if  peace  were  concluded  and  we  marched  into  Russia,  he  would 
instantly  accept  Russian  money  and  fall  upon  us  in  the  rear, 
and  then  our  affairs  would  be  in  a  greater  state  of  entanglement 
than  at  present.  What  Livonia  suffers  in  the  mean  time  may 
be  made  good  by  conferring  privileges  and  acts  of  grace  when 
God  gives  us  peace.^' 

And  Livonia  suffered.     Lewenhaupt,  whom  Charles  left  in 
the  country,   did  all  that  a  great  general   could  do ;  possibly 


cu'rland.  355 

more  than  the  conqueror  at  Narva  himself  would  have  done. 
However^  Pultava  was  lost ;  and^  when  the  Peace  of  Nystadt 
was  effected,  Livonia  and  Estonia  became  Russian.  So  they 
are  now.  So  they  were  during  the  whole  interval.  A  few 
years  afterwards  Curland  became  Russian  also. 

It  was  the  Peace  of  Nystadt  which,  follovving  the 
death  of  Charles  XII.,  was  the  result  of  the  humilia- 
tions and  defeats  with  which  the  latter  half  of  his  reign  was 
clouded.     It  was  the  measure,  too,  of  the  weakness  of  Sweden. 

Nor  was  the  dismemberment  limited  to  Livonia.  Curland, 
soon  afterwards  became  Russian. 

Curland  was  a  conquest  of  the  Crusaders  of  the  thirteenth 
century;  and,  at  first,  was  held  by  the  Grand-master  of  the 
Order.  After  the  Reformation  it  became  Protestant :  and  the 
name  of  the  first  Duke  was  Ketteler,  and  it  was  upon  his  dynasty 
that  the  fortune  of  Curland  turned.  His  family  became  ex- 
tinct :  and  the  Protestant  succession  came  to  an  end.  During 
its  continuance  Russia  had  grown  stronger,  Sweden  weaker, 
Poland  weaker — both  weaker,  but  especially  Sweden;  Russia 
being,  most  especially,  not  only  absolutely  stronger,  but  stronger 
at  the  expense  of  the  two. 

Though  Curland  was  independent  of  Sweden,  it  was  not  so  of 
Poland.  Poland  held  it  as  a  fief.  Now,  the  policy  of  Poland 
was  to  incorporate  Curland  as  an  integral  part  of  the  kingdom 
as  soon  as  ever  the  line  of  Kettler  had  died  out.  It  did  die 
out;  and  then  came  tergiversations  on  both  sides.  But  there 
was  a  strong  hand  to  control  them.  During  the  wars  between 
Charles  XII.  and  Peter  the  Great  concerning  the  nomination  of 
the  King  of  Poland,  it  was  a  mere  matter  of  strategies  that 
Curland  should  be  either  effectually  defended  by  Poland,  or 
occupied  by  Russia.  The  latter  was  the  alternative.  The 
Russians  took  possession,  and  kept  it.  So  it  was  de  facto. 
Considered  dejure,  the  Poles  were  the  more  important  party  in 
the  suit.  They  had,  when  the  perpetuity  of  the  line  of  Kettler 
was  in  doubt,  recognized  the  secularization  of  the  religious 
estates,  and  the  change  of  spiritual  bishops  into  temporal 
princes;  and  they  had  done  this  in  favour  of  the  Protestant 
duke  on  the  condition  that  when   the   Protestant  Succession 

23  * 


856  THE    LETTS. 

ceased^  or  that  when  his  line  came  to  an  end_,  the  relation  of 
fief  and  suzerain  should  cease^  and  that  Curland  should  be 
incorporated  with  Poland  Whatever  may  have  been  the  faults 
in  Polish  policy  elsewhere^  there  is  nothing  here  to  which  we 
can  refuse  our  approbation.  And  the  line  did  come  to  an  end  : 
and  the  last  duke  was  a  convert :  and  the  last  duke  was  child- 
less :  and  the  last  duke  cared  little  about  Curland.  He 
apostatized  from  his  creed  and  country,  and  his  race  became 
extinct :  and  the  Poles  were  ready  to  take  possession  when  the 
men  who  were  the  statesmen  of  Curland  either  repudiated  or 
evaded  the  agreement.  They  called  in  a  son  of  Augustus  II., 
and  offered  to  make  him  duke.  He  accepted  the  offer,  and  was 
acknowledged  by  both  the  Curlanders  and  the  Poles — but  not 
by  the  Russians.  The  Russians  kept  their  troops  in  the  duchy, 
and  the  troops  forbid  his  installation.  The  details  of  their 
occupancy  are  of  little  importance.  We  need  only  remember 
that  the  dukes  of  Curland  had  intermarried  with  the  Russian 
Royal  Family;  and  add  that  the  wife  and  widow  of  the  last 
duke  was  a  niece  of  Peter's  :  who  afterwards  became  Anne  the 
Czarina  of  all  the  Russias.  No  wonder  that  her  hold  on 
Curland  was  of  the  strongest.  She  had  a  favourite,  Biren;  and 
this  favourite  she  forced  upon  Curland,  and  enjoined  the 
recognition  of  him  on  Augustus  III.  As  King  of  Poland  he 
mixed  compliancy  with  resistance.  He  acknowledged  Biren; 
but  he  required  certain  formalities  from  him  which  implied  the 
suzerainty  of  Poland.  He  held  Curland,  but  held  it  as  a  fief  of 
Poland.  He  was  required  to  undergo  certain  formal  proceedings 
at  Warsaw.     He  did  it,  and  was  invested. 

Now  Biren  was  a  favourite  :  and,  in  course  of  time,  he  was 
a  disgraced  favourite.  He  went  to  Siberia  as  an  exile.  He  put 
in  certain  claims  as  Duke  of  Curland,  and  vassal  of  Poland. 
The  Russian  Government  acknowledged  each  claim :  and  des- 
pised it.  His  suzerain  exerted  himself  in  his  behalf  ;  and  he 
exerted  himself  in  vain.  The  time  had  come  when  Curland 
must  take  one  Russian  nominee  in  exchange  for  another. 
Prince  Louis  of  Brunswick  was  put  forward  to  replace  Biren. 
But  the  revolution  which  replaced  Anne  by  Elizabeth  prevented 
him.     There    was    a   lull    as   to   the    question    of  succession. 


cu'rland.  357 

Curland  was  in  the  meanwhile  misgoverned ;  so  far  as  anarchy, 
with  all  the  disadvantages  of  bad  government_,  can  be  called 
government.  The  orders,  when  they  came  at  all,  came  from 
St.  Petersburg.  The  men  who  enforced  them  were  Russian 
soldiers ;  soldiers  who  had  never  evacuated  the  country.  The 
men  who  conveyed  them  were  Russian  officials.  All,  in  short, 
so  far  as  it  was  anything,  was  Russian.  The  finance,  such  as  it 
was,  was  managed  by  Russians ;  and  the  taxes  were  applied  to 
the  payment  of  Biren^s  personal  debts  to  Russian  creditors. 
Some  of  these  were  real ;  some  usuriously  exaggerated;  some 
whollv  unreal.  Ho^Yever,  the  Curland  taxes  went  to  St. 
Petersburg.  In  1754,  the  King  of  Poland,  whose  claims  had  to 
some  extent  been  recognized  by  Elizabeth,  had  allowed  a 
deputation  to  apply  for  Biren^s  liberation.  But  the  Empress 
never  met  it.     All  that  was  not  Russia  was  anarchy. 

The  duke,  who  had  been  refused  by  Russia,  and  who  had 
been  acknowledged  by  both  the  Poles  and  Curlanders,  was 
Count  Maurice  of  Saxony,  afterwards  famous  in  the  military 
history  of  France.  He  was  a  natural  son  of  Augustus  11.  The 
candidate  now  put  forward,  was  a  legitimate  son  of  Augustus 
III.  He  satisfied  Elizabeth,  who  was  pleased  to  announce  to 
Augustus  III.  that  he  might  be  invested.  The  Polish  King 
and  the  Polish  Senate  agreed  to  him :  but  the  Grand  Duke, 
afterwards  Peter  III.,  objected.  His  nominee  was  a  prince  of 
the  Holstein  family  :  a  fact  which  directs  our  attention  towards 
Denmark.  Even  Catherine — even  she,  though  Biren  was 
Anne^s,  her  predecessor's,  favourite,  supported  him.  But  Biren 
misgoverned  Curland,  and  it  became  a  Russian  province. 


358 


CHAPTEE    XV. 

Populations  neither  Turk  nor  Fin. — Of  Northern  Asia. — Mongols. — Tungusians. 
— Yeniseians. — Jukahiri. — Koriaks  and  Kamtshatkans. — Aino  or  Kurilian 
Islanders. — Aleutians. — The  Independent  Tshuktshi. — The  Eskimo. — Cau- 
casus and  Transcaucasia. — Shamil. 

I.  The  chief  members  of  the  great  Mongol  family  in  Russia 
are  the  Buriats^  six  Kalka  tribes^  and  the  Kalmuks.  The 
Buriat  area  begins  in  the  parts  about  Nizhni  Udinsk^  to  the 
east  of  the  Lena_,  and  extends  to  the  country  of  the  Khorin 
and  Barguzin  tribes  (both  of  which  it  includes)  beyond  Lake 
Baikal.  It  is  bounded  on  the  south  by  the  Chinese  frontier, 
beyond  which  few  or  no  Buriats  are  to  be  found ;  the  Mongols 
of  the  northern  parts  of  China  and  Mongolia,  in  the  proper 
sense  of  the  term,  being  Kalkas. 

Of  these  Kalka  tribes,  six,  either  wholly  or  partially,  are 
to  be  found  within  the  Russian  territory.  These  are  the 
Dzongol,  the  Ashe-khabat,  the  Tabang-gut,  the  Sartol,  the 
Atagan,  and  the  Katshagan. 

The  Buriats  amount  to  about  one  hundred  and  ninety 
thousand  souls ;  some  few  being  Mahometans,  some  Christians, 
some  Shamanists,  the  majority  Bhuddists. 

II.  The  word  Tongus,  used  in  the  sense  which  it  bears  in  the 
present  work,  is  strictly  ethnological.  There  is  a  general  name 
wanted  for  a  population  in  Northern  Asia,  which  falls  into 
numerous  and  important  divisions  and  sub-divisions ;  and  this 
is  it.  To  some  of  the  tribes  to  which  the  term  applies  it  would 
doubtless  be  intelligible ;  whilst  others,  such  as  the  Mantshus, 
would,  in  all  probability,  repudiate  it  with  indignation.  The 
word,  however,  is  useful,  and  it  is  used  by  the  Russians  both 


TUNGU'S.  359 

in  scientific  works  and  in  ordinary  language.  The  most  western 
of  the  populations  to  which  it  applies  are  occupants  of  the 
Lower  Tunguska ;  some  of  whom  (perhaps  all)  call  themselves 
Orotshong,  and  some  of  whom  (perhaps  all)  are  called  by  others 
Tshapodzhir  ;  a  word  which  is  sufficiently  conspicuous  on  most 
maps.  For  the  Tungus  at  large  there  is  not  only  no  general 
name,  but  nothing  that  approaches  one.  Different  tribes 
designate  themselves  differently.  Donki,  which  I  submit  is, 
word  for  word,  Tongiis,  is  one  name ;  beye,  meaning  the  same, 
another.  The  Mantshus  call  all  the  tribes  beyond  the  confines 
of  Mantshuria,  and  not  the  Tshapodzhirs  alone,  Orotshong. 
Other  names  indicate  geographical  localities.  Thus  the  Lamuts 
are  the  men  of  the  sea- coast.  Meanwhile  another  division 
arises  from  their  habits ;  these  being  determined  from  the 
domestic  animal  employed. 

The  Horse  Tungus  are  those  of  the  southern  and  western 
portions  of  the  area ;  these  being  most  akin  to  the  Buriat  in 
their  habits  and  civilization.  The  Reindeer  Tungus  are  those 
of  the  north,  where  they  come  in  contact  with  the  Koriak. 
The  Lamut  Tungus  are  met  with  as  we  approach  the  neck  of 
the  Peninsular  of  Kamtshatka.  The  Forest  and  Steppe  Tungus, 
along  with  the  Tungds  who  go  on  foot,  are  either  sub- divisions 
or  cross-divisions. 

All  the  members  of  this  class  belong  to  either  Russia  or 
China,  those  of  China  being  the  Mantshus  of  Mantshuria.  The 
Mantshurians,  as  a  body,  are  perhaps  somewhat  ruder  than  the 
Mongols,  and  the  Russian  Tungus  somewhat  ruder  than  the 
Mantshus.  As  a  rule,  they  are  Shamanists,  and  imperfect 
converts  to  Christianity,  rather  than  Buddhists.  I  am  not 
aware  that  there  is  either  much  Mahometanism  or  many 
remains  of  the  old  Persian  Fire-worship  amongst  them.  With 
populations  that  have  no  general  name,  we  can  scarcely  expect 
any  wide  diffusion  of  any  nationality.  Add  to  this  that  the 
land  they  live  in  is,  in  some  parts,  within  the  Arctic  Circle, 
and  that  it  extends  over  an  enormous  area.  The  valley  of  the 
Amur  is  the  most  favoured  portion  of  the  Tongus  country,  and 
it  is  here  that  the  first  signs  of  the  Tongus  civiliz  ation  appear 
to  have  developed  themselves. 


360  POPULATIONS    NEITHER    TUEK   NOR    FIN 

Two  populations  may  now  be  taken  together ;  not  because 
they  are  specially  allied  to  each  other  (which  they  are  not),  but 
because  they  are  so  very  small  and  fragmentary. 

III.  In  all  the  works  anterior  to  the  publication  of  the  Asia 
Polyglotta,  certain  small  tribes  on  the  Yenisey  were  called 
Ostiak.  As  they  differed_,  however_,  in  language  from  the  true 
Ostiaks,  Klaproth  called  them  Yeniseians.  Castren  calls  the 
northern  branch  of  them  '^  Yeniseian  Ostiahs'^  the  southern 
"  Kot/' 

The  northern  Yeniseians  lie  between  60°  and  66°  N.L.  A 
few  lie  on  the  river  Ket.  Still,  the  Yenisey  is  their  proper 
river.  They  call  themselves  Konniyung.  The  Denka,  if  they 
still  exist,  have  lost  their  language. 

Between  these  and  their  congeners  on  the  south  lie  some 
degrees  of  latitude ;  so  that  nothing  Yeniseian  (in  the  ethno- 
logical sense  of  the  term)  is  to  be  found  before  we  reach  the 
parts  about  Abakansk.  And  here,  so  great  has  been  either  the 
absorption  or  the  annihilation  of  their  nation  that  the  number 
of  individuals  who,  at  the  present  time,  speak  the  original 
language,  falls  short  of  a  dozen.     They  are  the  Kot  of  Castren. 

IV.  The  Jukahiri  also  are  nearly  extinct.  Those,  however,  who 
survive,  occupy  the  lower  part  of  the  rivers  Kolyma  and  In- 
didzhirka.  The  pressure  upon  them  seems  to  have  been  exerted 
on  every  side ;  by  the  Yakuts,  by  the  Koriaks,  and  by  the 
Tungus.  From  the  likeness  which  their  language  bears  to  the 
Samoyed,  I  infer  that  their  area  extended  eastward.  The  name 
of  the  extinct  tribes  are  Omoki,  Shelagi,  Tshuvantsi,  &c. 
'^  The  fires  on  the  hearths  of  the  Omoki  were  once  as  numerous 
as  the  stars  in  the  sky.^^  So  runs  the  belief  in  the  country 
which  they  once  occupied. 

The  few  Jukahiri  who  remain  are  said  to  be  well-built  men. 
There  is,  however,  no  population  of  which  less  is  known ; 
though,  to  the  ethnologist,  it  is  one  of  great  interest — inasmuch 
as  its  language,  with  Fin  affinities  on  the  one  side,  has  American 
ones  on  the  other. 

V.  The  Koriaks  occupy  the  northern  parts  of  the  Peninsula  of 
Kamtshatka  and  the  districts  about  Okhotsk;  being  greatly 
Russianized.     They  are  either  Shamanists  or  imperfect  Chris- 


OF    NOETHEEN    ASIA. THE    KOEIAKS.  361 

tians.  The  nearer  they  are  to  the  town  of  Okhotsk,  the  more 
they  are  Russianized.  They  drive  dogs_,  and,,  in  most  points, 
resemble  the  Kamtshadales,  who  belong  to  the  same  stock ; 
though  Klaproth  has,  over-hastily,  separated  the  two  languages. 

The  contrast  between  the  Koriak  and  Tungus  physiognomy 
is  generally  insisted  on — the  Koriak  skull  being  less  round  and 
the  Koriak  features  less  flat  than  those  of  the  Tungus.  On  the 
contrary,  its  likeness  to  that  of  the  Americans  of  the  extreme 
north-west,  especially  the  Loucheux,  has  been  indicated. 

The  Koriaks  fall  into  two  primary  divisions,  the  Nomads  and 
the  Villagers — the  first  being  the  owners  of  large  flocks  of 
reindeer,  which  they  follow  from  spot  to  spot  as  the  season  or 
the  scanty  vegetation  directs.  Of  the  sub- divisions  of  these 
we  know  but  little.  Of  the  Village,  Stationary,  or  Settled 
tribes  we  know  more.  They  occupy  five  different  districts, 
separate  from  each  other — so  that  it  is  no  wonder  that  their 
language  falls  into  just  so  many  well-marked  dialects. 

VI.  Aino  is  the  name  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Kurile  islands 
and  the  peninsula  of  Sakalin.  A  few,  too,  are  (or  were)  to  be 
found  at  the  extremity  of  Kamtshatka.  Some  members  of  this 
small  family  are  subject  to  China;  some  to  Japan;  some  (as  is 
implied  by  the  fact  of  their  being  mentioned  here)  to  Russia. 

Those  Aino  of  the  island  of  Sakalin  who  are  Russian  subjects 
occupy  the  northern  part  of  the  southern  third  of  the  island. 

They  dress  in  dog-skins,  seal-skins,  fish-skins,  Japanese 
cottons ;  and  (either  deservedly  or  undeservedly)  have  been 
praised  by  some  observers  for  their  cleanliness.  They  weave, 
spin,  and  make  a  sort  of  cloth  from  the  bark  of  the  willow. 
They  build  large  storehouses,  keep  bears,  and  dig  for  the  roots 
of  a  yellow  lily  and  the  angelica — but  are  no  husbandmen. 

At  the  autumnal  feast  of  the  Omsia  a  bear  is  killed,  and 
eaten. 

They  poison  their  arrows,  and  sell  such  miserables  as  they 
can  kidnap  to  the  Tungus  of  the  Amur. 

According  to  a  Japanese  account,  the  method  of  barter  among 
the  Aino  is  that  of  the  Western  Africans,  as  described  by 
Herodotus ;  as  well  as  that  of  certain  tribes  in  Vera  Paz  and 
elsewhere.     The  Santans    (this  is  the  Japanese  name  for  the 


362  POPULATIONS    NEITHER    TURK    NOR   FIN 

people  of  the  Lower  Amur)  place  their  wares  on  the  shore  and 
retire.  The  Aino  then  advance  and  replace  them  by  an 
equivalent  in  furs. 

Of  the  Kurile  Islands,  the  most  northern,  Samshu_,  is  the 
smallest ;  and  it  is  the  occupancy  of  the  Russian  American  Fur 
Company.  Such  natives  as  still  remain  without  being  Russian- 
ized must  be  few.  Every  notice  of  the  Aino  mentions  them  as 
a  population  which  is  fast  dying  out. 

In  the  Aleutian  islands_,  where  the  ethnological  affinities  are 
with  the  Eskimo  on  the  one  side,  and  the  North  American 
Indians  on  the  other,  the  extinction  of  the  language  is,  I 
believe,  absolute ;  and  so,  likewise,  that  of  the  pure-blooded 
natives, — though  of  mixed  blood,  Aleutian  and  Russian,  there 
is  much — much,  also,  in  the  island  of  Sitka,  now,  along  with 
the  rest  of  Russian  America,  made  over  to  the  United  States. 
Where  the  native  population  of  this  large  area  is  not  Eskimo, 
it  is  Athabaskan.     But  is  now  no  longer  Russian. 

On  the  other  side  of  Behring^s  Straits,  and  in  the  north- 
eastern extremity  of  Asia,  there  is  a  small  population  of  the 
Koriak  family,  which,  of  all  those  of  Northern  Asia,  stands 
alone  in  the  honourable  position  of  a  nation,  which  is  still  free 
from  the  rule  of  the  Czar.  It  is  the  Independent  Tshuktshi  that 
give  their  name  to  Tshuktshy  Noss,  or  the  Tshuktshi  Promon- 
tory. Their  language  belongs  to  the  Koriak  class ;  and  the 
drainage  of  the  Anadyr  is  their  more  especial  area.  Along  the 
sea-coast  a  new  population  presents  itself;  but  it  is  not  indige- 
nous to  Asia.  The  Namollos  of  the  coast  on  each  side  of  the 
Anadyr  are  Eskimos,  congeners  to  those  of  the  Arctic  parts  of 

the  New  World,  of  Labrador,  and  of  Greenland. 

^  -^  ^  ^  ^ 

Such  are  the  families  of  the  north  and  north-east ;  and  it  is 
with  China  and  the  United  States,  rather  than  with  any  Eu- 
ropean power,  that  their  frontiers  come  in  contact.  With  the 
division  that  now  presents  itself  the  case  is  different.  In 
Caucasus  and  Transcaucasia,  the  boundary  is  on  the  side  of 
Persia  and  Turkey. 

So  far  as  such  a  thing  as  a  natural  boundary  against  an 
ambitious  and  intrusive  Power  can  have  any  existence  at  all. 


OF    CAUCASUS    AND   TEANSOAUCASIA.  363 

there  is  a  natural  boundary  against  both  the  Russians  and  the 
Turks  in  the  impracticable  range  of  the  Caucasus.  It  is  a 
boundary  on  both  sides ;  on  the  northern  side  towards  Siberia, 
and  on  the  southern  towards  Persia  and  Asia  Minor.  But 
natural  boundaries  are  material,  whilst  the  spirit  of  expansion 
and  aggression  is  moral ;  and  between  the  two  powers  there  is 
no  commensuration.  It  is  only  to  a  very  slight  extent  that 
Caucasus  has  ever  been  a  barrier.  On  the  south  it  has  been 
encroached  on  by  the  Persians ;  on  the  north  by  the  Tatars 
first,  and  by  the  Russians  afterwards. 

(a.)  In  Caucasus  itself  the  four  primary  ethnological  divi- 
sions, according  to  their  languages,  are  as  follows  : — 

1.  Apkhazes,  or  Apkhazians,  and  Circassians ;  the  former  on 
the  side  of  the  Black  Sea,  the  latter  on  land  and  in  the  direction 
of  the  Caspian.  The  Kuban  is  the  river  that  more  especially 
belongs  to  this  class. 

2.  In  the  centre,  about  Vladikaukas,  the  Iron,  or  Ossetes. 

3.  East  of  them  the  Tshetsh,  or  Tshetsentz.  In  many  of 
the  maps  we  find  this  small  district  marked  as  Tshetshenia. 

4.  The  Lesgians,  also  on  the  side  of  the  Caspian.  This  is 
the  Lesgistan,  Daghestan,  or  Avaria  of  the  maps.  Shamil  was 
a  Lesgian. 

[b.)  Of  the  Georgians,  in  the  ethnological  sense  of  the  term,  if 
we  begin  with  the  sub-divisions  of  the  class,  there  are  as  many 
as  eleven  sections. 

1.  The  Georgians  Proper,  of  the  Province  of  Kartueli,  and 
the  parts  about  Tiflis ;  called  by  the  Russians  Grusinians. 

2,  3,  4.  The  Imeretians,  Mingrelians,  and  Gurians ;  like  the 
Georgians  of  Kartueli,  civilized  and  Christian,  and  either 
actual  Russian  subjects  or  recognizing  the  suzerainty  of  the 
Czar. 

5.  6.  The  Pshav,  to  the  number  of  5,700,  and  the  Khevsur 
to  the  number  of  5,500,  in  the  mountains  between  Georgia 
and  the  Tshetsh  country ;  probably,  more  or  less,  Tshetsh  in 
blood. 

8,  9,  10.  The  Suans,  or  Suanetians,  that  follow  the  line    of 
the  sea-coast  south  of  Apkhazes ;  the  rudest  of  the  group. 
11.  The  Laz,  or  Lazes,  belong  to  Asia  Minor  rather  than  to 


364  POPULATIONS    NEITHER    TURK   NOR   EIN 

Caucasus  Proper ;  Mahometans  in  creed^  and^  in  their  political 
relations_,  are  subject  to  Turkey. 

This  arrangement  is  geographical,  and  it  runs  from  north- 
east to  south-west;  the  Apkhazes  being  the  nearest  to  the 
Crimea,  the  Georgians  and  Lesgians  to  Persia  ;  but  for  the  poli- 
tical ethnology  of  Caucasus,  more  of  our  information  must  be 
got  from  maps  t'lan  from  books. 

Of  the  Apkhazes  and  Circassians,  the  history  begins  as  early 
as  the  time  of  Peter  the  Great ;  and  that — as  we  expect 
a  priori — from  the  fact  of  their  being  the  most  northern  of  the 
mountaineers,  and,  as  such,  the  frontagers  of  the  Tatars  of 
both  Astrakan  and  the  Crimea. 

Of  Georgia,  and  the  allied  districts,  the  history  is  from  an 
earlier  time;  the  frontier  here  being  Armenia  and  Persia. 
The  wars  between  Persia  and  the  Porte  have  already  been 
noticed.  Of  these  the  most  important  was  the  one  made  after 
the  Peace  of  Passarovitz,  where  the  alliance  was  that  of  the 
Sultan  and  the  Czar.  It  was  a  very  disastrous  war  for  Turkey ; 
for  what  could  result  from  it  but  a  quarrel  ? 

Of  the  three  minor  divisions  of  the  interior,  Ironistan  is  the 
smallest ;  the  most  Russian,  and  as  such,  the  least  known  as  a 
fighting  country  ;  the  most  Christian,  or,  rather,  the  least  Ma- 
hometan and  Pagan ;  and,  finally,  the  least  Caucasian — this 
meaning  that,  from  their  language,  the  Iron  have  been  considered 
to  belong  to  the  same  ethnological  class  as  the  Persians — i.e. 
Indo-European,  Arian,  Aryan,  or  whatever  else  we  may  choose 
to  call  or  to  spell  the  denomination.  It  is  probable  that,  in  the 
way  of  creed,  they  may  belong  to  the  same  mixed  group  to  which 
the  Yezids  and  the  Druzes  and  others  have  been  assigned.  Iliyas, 
or  Elisha,  is  their  chief  prophet,  or  saint,  and  along  with  him 
the  Holy  St.  Gregory.  They  occupy  the  parts  on  each  side  of 
the  military  road,  or  the  parts  of  Vladikaukaz,  between  the 
great  mountains  Elburg  and  Kasbeg ;  and  this  may  account  for 
their  Hussianism.     They  fall  into  only  two  or  three  divisions. 

On  the  east  of  these  lies  Tshetshenia,  or  the  land  of  the 
Tshetsh,  Tshetshentz,  Mizhdzhedzhi,  Ingush,  or  Kisteti.  Neither 
are  the  divisions,  in  language  or  dialect,  of  these  numerous  .' 
indeed  the  class  is  a  small  one.     They  lie  east  of  the  Iron,  and. 


OF    CAUCASUS. — THE    LESGIANS.  365 

beijQo:  occupants  of  a  small  area,  nowhere  tonch  the  Caspian. 
Of  all  the  mountaineers  these  are,  probably,  the  most  free  from 
foreign  influences  ;  and,  being  this,  they  seem  to  retain  the  most 
of  their  original  paganism.  As  fighting-men  they  are  less  con- 
spicuous than  either  the  Lesgians  or  the  Circassians ;  though 
with  the  former  they  seem  to  be  the  most  connected. 

The  third  of  these  groups,  which  lie  between  the  central  dis- 
trict of  Ironistan  and  the  Caspian,  gives  us  the  Lesgians,  or  men 
of  Daghestan  ;  also  called,  though  the  two  names  do  not  abso- 
lutely coincide,  Avaria.  These  are  the  numerous  tribes  and 
sub-tribes  of  which  Shamil  is  the  representative  hero ;  Shamil, 
the  Abd-al-Kader  of  the  Caucasus,  and  the  great  personifica- 
tion of  their  heroism — of  this  and  something  more.  His  real 
life  is  a  mystery;  but  what  I  find  about  it  I  will  lay  before  the 
reader,  who  may  probably  agree  with  me  in  seeing  in  it,  if  not 
exactly  a  mythical  element,  a  religious  one,  or,  at  any  rate,  a 
special  instance  of  fanaticism.  I  take  the  account  as  I  find  it  in 
Haxthausen,  who  takes  it  as  he  has  found  it  in  Caucasia,  and 
rates  it  at  what  it  may  be  worth  in  the  way  of  real  history. 
The  merits  he  probably  puts  low  ;  though,  of  course,  there  is  an 
historical  element  in  it  somewhere,  and  to  some  extent.  What 
the  narrative  is  worth  lies  in  its  value  as  a  fact  in  the  history 
of  belief  or  opinion — mainly  this  ;  but,  at  the  same  time^  some- 
thing more. 

Of  the  Lesgians  the  great  hero  is  Shamil.  In  1823  the 
Kasi-kumuk  and  Kurali  districts  formed  the  Khanate  of  Arslan 
Khan,  who  either  acknowledged  the  Czar  as  his  suzerain  or 
was  on  friendly  terms  with  Russia.  At  any  rate  he  was,  so  to 
say,  Russianized.  The  second  in  authority  to  him  was  the 
Mullah  Mohammed,  the  Kadi  of  the  Khanate  of  Jaraih.  A 
small  village  in  Kuri  was  his  residence,  and  the  Mosque  at 
Jaraih  is,  at  the  present  time,  the  object  of  veneration  to  every 
Murid  in  Eastern  Caucasus.  Here  the  Mullah  Mohammed 
taught  and  officiated ;  blind  from  intensity  of  study,  ascetic, 
and  incorruptible.  For  little  beyond  the  quiet  virtues  sug- 
gested by  these  epithets  was  the  Mullah  Mohammed  famous 
until  the  year  1823. 

Another  Mohammed  then  comes  in  contact  with  him,  a  Kazi 


366  POPULATIONS    NEITHER    TURK   NOR    FIN 

Mohammed  from  Bokhara,  and  sits  at  his  feet  as  disciple, 
admirer_,  and  friend.  There  was  no  one  who  so  valued  the 
Mullah  as  Kazi  Mohammed,,  and  the  Mullah  had  no  disciple, 
even  amongst  his  own  countrymen  of  Daghestan,  whom  he 
loved  like  Kazi.  But  the  time  came  for  Kazi  to  go  away.  He 
departed,  however,  only  to  return  after  a  short  absence.  And 
his  return  was  a  mystery.  He  was  still  the  disciple  and  the 
admirer,  but  he  was  an  altered  man.  He  had  a  secret.  Would 
he  tell  it  to  the  Mullah  ?  Would  the  Mullah  go  with  him  into 
Shirvan  and  drink  wisdom  from  the  lips  of  Hadji  Ismael  of 
Kundomir?  The  Mullah  would.  So  the  two  friends  went, 
and  when  they  reached  the  garden  of  Hadji  Ismael  they  found 
him  cutting  off  the  young  twigs  of  the  mulberry-trees  to  feed 
his  silk- worms  with.  Shocked  at  his  impiety  (injuries  to 
mulberry-trees  being  prominent  among  the  mala  prohibiia  of 
the  Koran),  they  expressed  their  pain  and  wonder.  Could  so 
good  a  man  be  wilfully  disobedient  ?  Could  so  wise  a  one  be 
foolishly  improvident  ? 

Now  mark  the  wisdom  of  Hadji  Ismael,  and  admire  the 
manner  in  which  he  taught  his  hearers  that  rules  and  ordi- 
nances were  to  be  obeyed  or  neglected  according  to  the  circum- 
stances with  which  they  might  come  in  contact.  "  In  Arabia,'^ 
said  he,  "  where  the  mulberry  is  scarce,  and  the  climate  dry, 
and  where  the  Koran  was  written  for  Arabians,  to  feed  the  silk- 
worm with  a  young  branch  would,  doubtless,  be  a  crime.  But  in 
Shirvan,  where  the  trees  are  numerous  and  the  twigs  grow 
freely,  changes  of  circumstances  change  the  interpretation  of 
the  rule/^  In  this  way  his  visitors  were  taught  to  look  to  the 
spirit  rather  than  the  letter  of  enactments,  and  were  pre- 
pared to  hear  more  from  so  enlightened  a  teacher. 

They  went  home  instructed.  After  which  a  good  deal  is 
heard  about  the  Mullah,  a  very  little  about  the  Kazi ;  and  about 
Hadji  Ismael,  the  Mohametan  rationalist  of  Kundomir  in 
Shirvan— nothing  at  all.  There  was  a  war  at  this  time  between 
Persia  and  Russia,  and  many  men  believed  that  he  was  simply 
an  agent  from  Persia. 

W^hether  true  or  not  as  a  phenomenon  in  the  region  of  facts, 
this  belief  is  an  absolute  truth  in  the  history  of  opinions  ;   and. 


OF    CAUCASUS. — MUEIDISM.  367 

as  it  is  chiefly  through  opinion  that  facts  act,  it  must  be  dealt 
with  as  it  comes ;  just  like  any  other  fact  or  no-fact  upon  the 
opinions  concerning  which  men  may  act.  That  he  was  what 
he  was  supposed  to  be  is  very  likely.  The  little  we  know 
favours  the  view.  The  Mullah  was  a  quiet  man  till  Kazi  came, 
and  Kazi  came  from  Bokhara,  which  is  more  Persian  than 
Turk ;  Turk  in  its  dynasty^  but  Persian  in  language,  intellect, 
and  the  nationality  of  the  people  in  general.  The  Hadji  was 
found  on  Persian  ground,  and  he  talked  like  a  Persian  about 
mulberry-trees.  As  for  the  apologue,  it  is  one  of  a  numerous 
family. 

It  is  not  the  parts  on  the  immediate  frontier  of  Lesgistan  that 
best  illustrate  the  peculiar  character  of  the  Lesgians.  There  is 
heroic  courage  and  strong  patriotism  throughout  the  whole 
range  of  the  mountains ;  but  in  Lesgistan  there  is  a  religious 
element  as  well,  and  that  of  a  kind  which  has  but  little  affinity 
with  the  creed  of  either  the  Turk  or  the  Tatar.  We  best 
understand  this  when  we  consider  that  Lesgistan,  or  Dagistan, 
is  on  the  Persian  frontier ;  for  the  province  of  Shirvan  on  the 
south  is  Persian.  Then  runs  the  line  of  the  Persian  language 
as  opposed  to  those  of  Georgia  and  Armenia  along  the  southern 
coast  of  the  Caspian,  as  far  as  the  Turcoman  country  on  the 
east.  Here  it  was  that  in  the  time  of  the  Crusades  lay  the 
original  occupancies  along  with  the  chief  forts  and  fastnesses  of 
a  sect  upon  which  we  have  already  written — that  of  the  Ismaeli 
or  Assassins.  We  know  the  most  about  the  working  of  their 
terrible  faith  in  Syria ;  but  we  also  know  that  in  the  north  of 
Syria  was  its  metropolis.  As  the  creed  still  holds  its  ground 
in  Persia,  and  even  in  India,  I  submit  that  it  was  the  basis  of 
the  philosophy  or  theology  of  Hadji  Ismael  of  Kundorair. 

We  have  seen  that,  either  rightly  or  wrongly,  Hadji  Ismael 
was  considered  to  be  a  Persian  spy. 

We  may  now  add  that,  at  least  as  early  as  1785,  the  creed  of 
which  Ismael  is  now  the  expositor  was  either  introduced  into 
this  part  of  Caucasus  or  revived — probably  the  latter. 

The  great  propagator  of  the  Muridism  of  1785  appeared  at 
first  as  Dervish  Mohammed,  but  continued  his  mission  as 
Sheikh  Mansur.     A  war  between  Turkey  and  Persia  was  going 


368  POPULATIONS    NEITHEE   TUEK   NOR    FIN. 

on  when  he  first  showed  himself,  and,  like  Hadji   Ismael,  he 
was  considered  to  be  a  spy — a  Turkish  one. 

In  each  case  there  is  a  war^  a  suspected  spy_,  and  a  reasonable 
suspicion. 

One  of  the  Kazi  Mullah^s  youthful  disciples  was  named 
Shamil.  He  is  described  as  moody,  wayward,  impulsive,  and  pre- 
eminently open  to  religious  impressions.  Whether  this  tem- 
perament was  the  cause  or  the  effect  of  his  attachment  to  Kazi 
Mullah  is  unknown.  However,  "  Muridism''  was  the  creed  of 
which  both  were  the  apostles. 

The  general  character  of  Muridism  is  Persian.  It  is  not  a 
sect.  It  is  rather  a  political  organization  with  a  religious 
stimulus  as  the  moving  power.  It  is,  so  to  say,  a  revival;  but 
a  revival  of  a  catholic  and  unsectarian  character.  It  is  an 
ecclesiastical  revival ;  a  revival  as  opposed  to  a  secular  decay. 
It  is  a  protest  against  the  political  Erastianism  of  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Kalif ;  with  a  general  appeal  to  the  Mahometan 
world,  and  a  special  one  to  the  nationality  of  the  Caucasian 
mountaineers.  But  it  begins  in  the  most  Persian  part  of 
Caucasus ;  and  that  during  a  war  between  Persia  and   Russia. 

Let  the  distinction  between  the  Sunnites  and  the  Shiites  be 
merged  into  the  great  question  of  the  independence  of  Ma- 
hometanism  as  a  religion.  The  higher  Powers,  the  Sultans 
and  Shahs,  have  backslided.  They  treat  the  Christian  potentates 
as  friends,  equals,  nay,  even  as  superiors.  Let  the  faithful  at 
large  take  back  what  the  kings  of  the  earth  have  surrendered ; 
and  let  the  Church  with  its  Mullahs  represent  the  people. 
Above  all,  let  the  Murids  obey  their  teachers  and  leaders  to  the 
strictest  letter  of  the  most  perilous  commands,  even  to  certain 
and  immediate  death.  With  a  clear  comprehension  of  this 
element  in  their  fanaticism  we  may  see  our  way  to  some  of 
the  events  in  the  career  of  Shamil,  the  Aristomenes  of  Dagistan, 
both  in  respect  to  his  heroism  and  to  the  wonderful  character 
of  his  escapes.     His  primary  ones  were  three  in  number. 

On  the  1 8th  of  October,  1832,  Himri  was  invested  by  an 
overwhelming  army  of  Russians.  Shamil,  then  a  Murid  under 
Kazi  Mullah,  helped  to  defend  it.  Almost  every  man  <vas  left 
dead,  Kazi  Mullah  being  one  of  them.     Shamil,  like  the  rest. 


LESGIAN  WARS.  369 

fought  heroically  ;  and  for  two  years  was  never  heard  of  At  the 
end  of  that  time  he  showed  himself,  and,  hy  simply  doing  so, 
congregated  a  hody  of  enthusiasts  around  him.  All,  however, 
that  the  most  knowing  among  them  knew  was  that,  at  the  taking 
of  Gumri,  he  received  three  wounds.  Where  had  he  been  in  the 
interval  ?  Some  say  in  Russia  ;  where  he  had  accepted  service, 
taken  offence,  and  become  a  patriot  after  being  a  renegade.  Some 
say  in  a  cave.  Some  say  among  the  dead,  being  actually  killed, 
but  raised  to  life  in  order  to  be  the  saviour  of  his  country.  One 
of  these  stories  is  about  as  likely  as  the  other;  or  rather,  the  first 
has  been  disproved,  the  second  is  unlikely,  the  last  impossible. 
Shamil  himself  encouraged  the  mystery.  As  facts,  these  are 
nothing.  As  measures  of  what  was  believed  to  be  believed  they 
are  not  without  their  value. 

In  1834,  the  attack  of  Gamsag  Beg  on  the  Khan  of  Avaria 
was  avenged.  The  massacre,  of  which  Khunsag  was  the  locality, 
was  general.     Two  only  escaped  it.     Of  these  Shamil  was  one. 

Up  to  this  time  he  was  a  simple  Murid.  When  Gamsag  Beg 
died  there  was  disorder,  anarchy,  and  despair,  among  the 
Lesgians.  No  one  was  the  universally-acknowledged  captain. 
Tashav  Hadji  was  the  nearest  approach  to  one.  In  1837, 
however,  Tashav  Hadji  recognized  the  ascendency  of  Shamil,  and 
withdrew  in  his  favour. 

Ten  years  afterwards  there  was  the  storming  of  a  fort — Akulko 
— in  the  Tshetsh  country.  It  was  an  action  in  which  the 
desperate  courage  of  the  Tshetshents  (whose  fame  for  the  defence 
of  Caucasus  has  been  unduly  echpsed  by  that  of  the  Lesgians  and 
Circassians)  showed  itself  in  both  sexes.  The  women  stood  on  a 
ledge  of  rock  to  roll  down  stones  on  the  assailants,  until  they 
were,  themselves,  cast  down  from  the  height — themselves  and  the 
children.  There  was  one  pinnacle  higher  than  the  rest.  Upon 
this  the  last  remnant  of  the  defenders  had  taken  refuge.  It  was 
believed  by  the  Russians  that  Shamil  was  among  them.  They  had 
only  to  keep  guard,  and  either  starve  or  take  him.  At  the  dead 
of  night  a  Lesgian  let  himself  down  by  a  rope  — cunningly  and 
stealthily,  but  only  to  be  taken  by  the  guard.  Another  followed : 
and  he  was  taken  also.  The  third,  knowing  the  fate  of  the  others, 
descended.     He  wore  the  dress  by  which  Shamil  was  known  to 

24 


370  SHAMIL. 

the  Russians,  and  was  (as  he  meant  to  be)  captured.  A  few  days 
afterwards,  Shamil  had  a  baud  of  Murids  about  him  in  another 
part  of  the  country. 

It  was  no  part  of  his  policy  to  let  his  countrymen  know  how  he 
escaped.  He  cultivated  mystery.  We  do  not  know  the  dates, 
places,  and  occasions  of  his  speeches;  but  the  following  is  a 
sample  of  what  is  believed  to  have  been  his  oratory  : — 

"Do  not  believe  that  God  favours  the  greatest  number  !  God  is  on  the  side 
of  good  men,  and  these  are  always  less  numerous  than  the  godless.  Look  around 
you,  and  you  will  everywhere  find  a  confirmation  of  what  I  say.  Are  there  not 
fewer  roses  than  weeds  1  Is  there  not  more  dirt  than  pearls,  more  vermin  than 
useful  animals  1  Is  not  gold  rarer  than  the  ignoble  metals  ]  And  are  we  not 
much  nobler  than  gold  and  roses,  than  pearls  and  horses,  and  every  useful  ani- 
mal put  together]  All  the  treasures  of  the  world  are  transitory,  while  eternal 
life  is  promised  us. 

"  But  if  there  are  more  weeds  than  roses,  shall  we  then,  instead  of  rooting  out 
the  former,  wait  till  they  have  quite  overgrown  and  choked  the  noble  flowers  1 
and  if  our  enemies  are  more  numerous  than  we,  is  it  wise  for  us  to  sufier  our- 
selves to  be  caught  in  their  nets "? 

"Do  not  say  our  enemies  have  taken  Tcherkay,  besieged  Achulko,  and  con- 
quered all  Avaria  !  If  the  lightning  strike  a  tree,  do  all  the  other  trees  \x  w 
their  heads  before  itl  do  they  fall  down  through  fear  of  being  also  struck  1  0 
ye  of  little  faith,  follow  the  example  given  you  by  the  trees  of  the  forest,  which 
would  put  you  to  shame  if  they  had  tongues  and  could  speak.  And  if  a  fruit  is 
devoured  by  worms,  do  the  other  fruits  also  rot  through  fear  of  being  attacked  in 
the  same  way? 

"  Do  not  alarm  yourselves  because  the  infidels  increase  so  quickly,  and  con- 
tinually send  fresh  warriors  to  the  battle-field,  in  the  place  of  those  whom  we 
have  destroyed,  for  I  tell  you,  that  a  thousand  poisonous  fungi  spring  out  of  the 
earth  before  a  single  good  tree  reaches  maturity.  I  am  the  root  of  the  tree  of 
liberty  :  my  Murids  are  the  trunk,  and  you  are  the  branches.  But  do  you  be- 
lieve that  the  rottenness  of  one  branch  must  entail  the  destruction  of  the  entire 
tree?  God  will  lop  off  the  rotten  branches,  and  cast  them  into  the  eternal  fire. 
Return,  therefore,  penitently,  and  enrol  yourselves  among  the  number  of  those 
who  fight  for  our  faith,  and  you  will  gain  my  favour,  and  I  will  be  your  pro- 
tector. 

"But  if  you  persist  in  giving  more  belief  to  the  seductive  speeches  of  the 
Christian  dogs  than  to  my  exhortations,  then  I  will  carry  out  what  Eazi  Mullah 
formerly  threatened  you  with.  My  bands  will  burst  upon  your  souls  like  a 
thunder  cloud,  and  obtain  by  force  what  you  refuse  to  friendly  persuasion.  I 
will  wade  in  blood.  Desolation  and  terror  shall  follow  me  ;  for  what  the  power  of 
eloquence  cannot  obtain,  must  be  required  by  the  edge  of  the  sword  " 

If  Muridism  began  in  Mahometan  rationalism,  it  ended  in 
Mahometan  Puritanism  ;  and,  at  the  present  time,  even  when 
Shamil  is  living  easily  at  St.  Petersburg,  and  when  Daghestan  is, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  outbreaks,  a  Russian  province,  the 
Mahometanism  that  prevails  has  an  ascetic,  ratlier  than  a  tran- 


LESGIAN   WARS.  371 

scendental,  character.  Both,  however,  were  potent  .9/z;;/////;  and 
under  Shamil  they  had  their  full  sway.  The  whole  of  Lesgistan 
was  divided  into  departments — Naibdoms.  When  the  spirit 
flagged,  Shamil  (according  to  Kussian  accounts)  burnt  the  villages 
that  the  Russians  spared,  and  the  Russians  spared  but  little. 

After  a  long  contest  numbers  and  organization  prevailed.  The 
last  stronghold  of  the  Lesgians  was  Ghunib. 

In  general  aspect,  Ghunib  does  not  materially  differ  from  many  mountains 
in  its  neighbourhood.  Some  of  these  are  even  more  escarped^  but  they  want 
other  advantages  which  Ghunib  possesses.  It  is  an  isolated  oval  rock  of  lime- 
stone, rising  in  precipitous  and  almost  inaccessible  terraces,  between  three  and 
four  thousand  feet  from  the  valleys  surrounding  it.  At  one  end-  I  will  call  it 
the  north,  for  though,  perhaps,  it  is  not  strictly  so,  it  will  make  my  description 
more  simple — at  the  north  end,  then,  the  inclination  is  more  gradual,  and  the 
Russians  have  here  completed  an  excellent  road  as  far  as  a  plateau  eleven 
hundred  feet  above  the  Kari-Koi-Soo,  which  runs  at  its  foot,  and  are  preparing 
to  erect  upon  this  a  fortress,  with  hospital,  store-houses,  &c.,  and  a  house  for 
General  Lazaroff,  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  Daghestan.  Above  this,  again,  is 
a  steep  range  of  rocks,  and,  through  a  long  gully  in  the  middle  of  these,  a  zig- 
zag road  leads  to  the  top  of  the  mountain.  The  extreme  length  of  it  is  stated 
to  be  six  versts,  the  extreme  breadth  four ;  but  it  has  not  been  measured,  and  I 
believe  it  to  be  one-third  more.  The  Tartar  aoul,  not  far  from  the  north  end, 
has  been  ascertained  to  be  4920  feet  above  the  sea ;  thence  there  is  a  continual 
rise  to  the  south  end,  which  is  7742  feet.  The  top  of  the  mountain  is  not  a 
plain  surface,  as  I  should  have  imagined  from  below,  but  very  much  hollowed 
out,  in  shape  like  a  shell,  the  aoul  lying  in  the  bottom,  and  is  diversified  with 
rocks  and  valleys.  What  constitutes  the  prime  excellence  of  Ghunib  as  a 
natural  fortress  is,  that  it  is  not  only  so  escarped  as  to  be,  except  at  the  north 
end,  practically  inaccessible,  if  held  by  even  a  moderate  force ;  but  that  it  con- 
tains abundantly  within  itself,  everything  necessary  for  the  provision  of  its 
garrison  for  an  indefinite  time.  The  soil  is  fertile,  and  produces,  where  it  is 
cultivated,  fine  crops  of  corn ;  the  rest  is  covered  with  long  thick  grass,  upon 
which  the  Russian  captors  found  three  hundred  horses  and  six  thousand  sheep 
at  pasture.  It  is  watered  by  two  streams  which,  rising  in  the  high  ground,  join 
near  the  aoul ;  they  find  an  exit  to  the  west,  where  they  pour  over  the  rocks 
down  to  the  valley  below,  and  nourish  the  fruit-trees  and  gardens  of  Hindak. 
One  little  rivulet  runs  into  the  gully  at  the  north  end,  and  forms  a  singular 
waterfall  :  it  comes  to  the  abrupt  edge  of  a  cleft  in  the  rock  with  sufficient  force 
to  clear  it  in  a  bound,  and  falls  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  cleft  to  a  great 
depth  in  a  shower  of  spray,  a  veritable  Staubbach. 

On  the  mountain  itself  are  a  very  few  trees,  only  one  small  clump  of  birches; 
but  fuel  abounds  in  the  neighbourhood.  Coal,  of  a  fine  quality,  is  plentiful ; 
but,  unfortunately,  it  lies  between  strata  of  such  hard  rock,  as  not  to  pay  for  the 
working.  On  the  other  hand,  large  fields  exist  of  an  inferior  kind,  mixed  with 
earth,  which  require  little  labour  to  utilize,  and  which  afford  the  fuel  that  is 
generally  burned.     Capital  turf,  too,  abounds  in  the  district. 

No  natives  are  now  allowed  to  live  upon  the  mountain,  and  the  aoul  is  already 
falling  into  decay.  The  house  which  Schamyl  occupied  is  the  only  one  kept  in 
repair,  and  is  used  as  a  hospital.     It  was  clean  and  in  good  order.     One  room 

24  * 


372  SHAMIL. 

was  filled  by  Tatar  invalids  from  the  neighbourliood,  who,  even  in  bed,  wore 
their  shaggy  caps  upon  their  shaven  heads.  The  kindness  shown  to  them  is 
only  one  instance  of  the  conciliating  treatment  which  I  everywhere  observed 
to  be  pursued  by  the  Russians  towards  the  inhabitants  of  the  country.  || 

Such  was  the  last  stronghold  of  the  Eastern  Caucasus. 
There  were  but  four  hundred  men  and  two  cannons  to  defend  it. 
But  the  placCj  as  has  been  seen^  was  a  natural  fortification  ;  and 
it  had  been  improved  by  art.  Three  walls  had  been  drawn 
across  the  gully  at  the  north  end.  This  was  considered  the  only 
passage  by  which  an  entrance  could  be  made.  The  ground  about 
was  rocky^  so  that  the  progress  of  the  Russians  in  the  way  of 
regular  approaches  was  slow. 

These  were  abandoned  for  a  general  attack.  There  were  twelve 
thousand  Russians  against  the  four  hundred  Lesgians.  But^  at 
the  head  of  the  Lesgians_,  was  Shamil.  There  were  some  among 
his  soldiers  who  had  devoted  themselves  to  death  in  battle. 
There  were  some  renegades  from  the  Russian  armies  who  had  no 
hopes  but  in  victory.  There  was  not  a  man  whose  heart  mis- 
gave him.  There  was  not  a  woman  who  was  not  prepared  to 
fight  and  die  by  his  side — as  many  of  them  actually  did. 

The  place  was  stormed  :  and  on  the  surrender  of  Shamil  the 
war  in  Eastern  Caucasus  ended.  ^^  On  the  walls  of  one  of  the 
reception  rooms^  in  the  palace  of  the  Viceroy  at  Tiflis,  beside 
glittering  trophies  of  arms^  is  hung  up  the  plain  leathern  saddle, 
in  which  he  rode  to  a  conquest  of  which  he  might  well  be  proud, 
for  it  terminated  a  long,  weary  contest,  in  which  Russia  had  not 
always  the  advantage.  In  a  large  plaster  map,  in  the  same 
room,  where  the  whole  chain  of  the  Caucasus  is  shown  in  relief, 
a  gilded  spot  marks  the  summit  of  Ghunib.^^* 

Such  is  the  hero  of  Lesgistan.  As  a  nation  the  Circassians 
have  been  the  more  formidable  enemy  to  Russia,  and  an  older 
one :  and,  what  is  more,  they  have  also  been  to  some  extent 
either  her  subject  or  her  vassals.  On  some  Circassian  districts 
the  Czar  has  something  like  a  legitimate  claim ;  over  others  a 
plausible  one ;  but  for  the  rest  nothing  beyond  a  violent  and 
forced  interpretation  of  certain  treaties  with  Turkey,  and  thus 
it  is  beyond  doubt  that,  so  far  as  the  Sultan  has  conceded  any 
part  of  Circassia  or  Apkhazia  to  Russia,  he  has  given  what  was 
not  his  to  give. 

*  Marshall ;  Vacation  Tourists  and  Notes  of  Travel  for  1862. 


373 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

flise  and  progres  of  the  Russian  Empire. — Early  piracy. — Probable  Russians. 
— The  name  Ros. — The  early  historical  period. — Conquests  of  Vladimir 
the  Great,  and  his  successors,  in  the  direction  of  the  Baltic. — Conquests 
of  Ivan  IV.  the  Terrible. — Peter  the  Great. — The  Czarinas  Anne  and 
Catherine.  —  Conquest  of  the  Crimea.  —  Incorporation  of  Lithuania. — 
Conquest  of  Finland. — The  Treaty  of  Vienna. 

The  germ  o£  the  great  Russian  empire  in  the  fifth  and  sixth 
centuries  seems  to  have  been  the  present  Russian  governments 
of  Kiev,  Podolia  (in  part)_,  Pultava_,  Kharkov,  and  parts  of 
Tshernigov,  Ekaterinoslav,  and  Kherson ;  all  on  ground  now 
Little  Russian.  Add  to  these,  on  the  east,  the  Ruthenian  or 
Rusniak  part  of  Gallicia,  or  the  district  of  which  Leopol  (Lem- 
berg)  as  opposed  to  Cracow,  is  the  capital  town.  In  the  older 
maps  it  presents  itself  as  Lodomiria,  i.e.  Vladimiriay  from 
Vladimir  the  Great,  who  conquered  it ;  but  I  think  it  was 
Russian  as  it  is  now,  in  language,  before  his  time.  This  belongs 
to  the  division  called  Red  Russia ;  and  to  it  we  may,  probably, 
add  part  of  Yolhynia.  But  beyond  this,  the  original  Fin  or 
Ugrian  area  may  have  extended  on  the  north,  and  the  Lithu- 
anian on  the  north-west.  East  of  this  there  were  probably 
Turks  in  Ekaterinoslav  and  Kherson,  and  Poles  in  the  parts 
about  Cracow.  On  the  south  were  the  mountainous  frontiers, 
formed  by  the  natural  boundary  of  the  Carpathians ;  of  Hun- 
gary westwards,  and  of  Moldavia  eastwards.  Beyond  this  a 
is  the  result  of  conquest. 


374  PEOGRESS    or    the    RUSSIAN    EMPIRE. 

How  early  this  began  is  uncertain ;  nor  is  it  certain  as  to  the 
time  when  we  first  meet  with  the  Russians.  This  is  because  it 
is  not  necessary  that  their  first  inroads  upon  non-Russian  dis- 
tricts were  made  under  that  name.  For  instance,,  the  following 
notice  suggests  a  Russian  invasion ;  but  without  giving  us  the 
name  "  Russ/' — not^  at  leasts  in  the  first  instance. 

As  early  as  the  sixth  century^  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  we 
have  seen  how  the  whole  of  Macedonia  and  Greece  was  Sla- 
vonized :  and  until  the  latter  part  of  the  eighth  century  we 
have  no  name  for  the  populations  which  effected  the  change 
less  general  than  "  Slaveni."  However,  before  A.D.  800  we 
get  more  than  one  for  certain  special  members  of  the  Slavonic 
denomination.  Nevertheless,  it  must  not  be  concealed  that  the 
evidence  of  this  is  other  than  cotemporary.  With  this  premise, 
we  may  state  that  in  a  Greek  legend  which  Zeuss  ascribes  to 
the  eighth  (or  at  the  latest  to  the  ninth)  century  concerning 
Bishop  John,  who  lived  in  the  latter  part  of  the  preceding  one, 
appear  two  remarkable  names — those  of  the  Dragovita  and  the 
Sagudata  as  Slavonians  in  Macedonia.  The  farther  we  follow 
these,  though  the  evidence  is  later,  the  more  we  become  justi- 
fied in  making  them — not  decided  and  undoubted  Russians  (for 
they  may  have  been  more  or  less,  Lithuanic  or  Fin),  but — in- 
vaders from  territory  that  is  afterwards  Russian ;  and  that  from 
parts  as  far  from  Macedonia  as  Minsk,  Grodno,  Smolensk,  and 
Polotsk,  on  the  west,  and  the  country  about  Moscow  on  the 
east.  They  descend  upon  the  Greeks  of  Macedonia  in  boats 
made  out  of  a  single  tree  (monoxyla) ,  which  implies  the  navi- 
gation of  a  river ;  i.e.,  the  Dnieper  more  especially,  and,  to  a 
less  extent,  the  Don.  The  Dragovitce,  who  as  Dregoviczi  are 
noticed  by  Nestor  in  their  own  proper  district,  are  assigned  to 
the  middle  and  upper  parts  of  the  Dnieper;  indeed,  so  far 
north  as  Polotsk.  The  Sagudata  (in  the  later  writers  Sugodatce) 
are  the  people  of  Sougdaia.  Zeuss  suggests  that  this  should  be 
Sugdalia ;  but  whether  it  is  or  is  not,  he  identifies  it  as  a  name 
with  Suzdalia,  the  district  around  Moscow.  In  later  allusions 
to  the  same  invasion  we  find  the  additional  name  Galazi,  and 
Smolem=  Galacz  and  Smolensko — also  Krivanitce,  or  Krivonians., 
a  population  assigned  by  Nestor  to  the  parts  about   Smolensko 


THE    NAME    EHOS    (Pws).  375 

— probably  Fins.  Finally,  in  Constantine  Porphyrogeneta, 
within  a  century  after  the  first  notice,  they  are  called  '^  con- 
federates of  the  RuSS  '' — VTTO  TraKTOV  twv  Pwg. 

This  appearance  of  the  word  ''  Rhds/'  or  '^  Russ/^  as  an 
indeclinable  noun,  though  not  quite  the  earliest  that  presents 
itself,  is  nearly  so.  There  is  one  instance,  at  least,  earlier  by 
about  half  a  centuiy,  and  there  is,  earlier  stilly  the  adjective 
pva-ios.  The  name  is,  from  any  point  of  view,  an  important 
one ;  but  up  to  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century  it  is,  also_,  an 
ambiguous  one.  And  it  is  this  to  an  important  extent  in  the 
history  of  opinion.  It  is  probable  that  a  majority  of  nine  out 
of  ten  takes  this  term  in,  what,  at  first  sight,  looks  like  a  7ion- 
natural  sense ;  for  the  current  doctrine  is  to  the  effect  that  all 
the  early  history  of  Russia,  even  to  the  very  foundation  of  the 
empire,  is  to  be  assigned  to  the  Swedes,  and  not  to  the  Russians ; 
in  other  words,  that  up  to  a  certain  time,  'Pw?  is  to  be 
translated  "  Sivede/' 

Strange  as  this  paradox  may  appear,  there  is  no  doubt  as  to 
its  existence.  It  is  naturally  the  dominant  belief  in  Scandi- 
navia ;  but  it  is  also  the  dominant  one  in  Russia  itself.  Still, 
there  is  a  minority  against  it,  and  to  this  the  present  writer 
belongs.  The  whole  question  is  a  complicated  one;  but  the 
view  which,  in  my  mind,  best  helps  us  to  account  for  the  con- 
fusion is,  when  put  in  its  most  general  form,  the  following  : — 
viz.,  that  the  Byzantine  writers  of  the  time,  who  knew  the 
Slavonians  well,  knew  them  only  by  that  name,  and  did  not 
know  that  the  men  who  called  themselves,  and  were  called  by 
others,  'Pw?  were,  with  a  difference  which  is  now  put  at  its 
proper  value  but  which  was  then  greatly  exaggerated,  Slavonic 
also.  I  do  not  say  that  this  view  will  explain  everything.  I 
only  submit  that  it  indicates  the  right  line  of  our  criticism. 
That  there  was  a  great  intermixture  of  Swedes  and  Russians 
along  the  whole  line  from  Kiev  to  Novogorod,  as  well  as  in 
each  of  those  towns  is  certain. 

That  there  are  hard  facts  to  be  got  rid  of,  I  by  no  means 
deny ;  especially  that  in  connection  with  the  cataracts  of  the 
Dnieper.  These,  at  the  end  of  the  tenth  century  have  tiao 
names,  one  Slavonic    {^Kka/SLVLarl) ,   another   Russian    ('Pwo-io-ri)^ 


376  PEOGEESS    OF    THE    EUSSIAN    EMPIEE. 

and  of  these  the  most  undoubted  is  that  of  ih^e  fifth  of  the  falls 
and  rapids — /3ov\vr]7rpdx  in  Slavonic;  jSapvcfiopos  in  Russian 
('Pwo-tcTTt) .  Now_,  the  firsts  in  the  Slavonic  forms  of  speech 
in  general,  is  Volny  prag=wave-stream ;  the  second^  word  for 
word_,  the  Norse  Vorenfors."^  Beyond  all  doubt  the  so-called 
Russian  name  is  not  only  a  Swedish  one,  but  that  of  the  greatest 
and  the  best  known  water-fall  in  Norway  at  the  present 
moment.  I  have  laid  this  instance  before  the  reader,  because 
I  consider  it  the  hardest  one  to  account  for.  Still,  I  think, 
that  the  hypothesis  just  suggested  covers  it. 

If  this  can  be  explained,  all  the  rest  are  comparatively  easy ; 
for  it  has  already  been  stated  that  the  mixture  of  the  two 
denominations  is  real ;  and  the  later  the  date  the  greater  is  the 
evidence  of  its  reality. 

The  measure  of  the  extent  to  which  Russia  had  made  her  way 
northwards  is  to  be  found  in  the  later  dates  of  her  connection 
with  Sweden.  In  the  reign  of  Vladimir,  according  to  Geijer, 
about  A.D.  980,  that  great  king  took  certain  Varangians  into 
his  service ;  apparently  with  the  consent  of  Eric  the  Conqueror, 
who  was  then  King  of  Sweden.  Vladimir,  when  they  had  done 
what  he  wanted,  instead  of  sending  them  home,  passed  them  on 
to  Constantinople,  with  a  request  to  the  Emperor  not  to  allow 
them  to  return.  With  this,  probably,  began  the  employment 
in  Contstantinople  of  the  Varangians  as  an  Imperial  body- 
guard. We  know  of  no  earlier  definite  instance  of  the  north- 
men  thus  treated  ;  but  it  is  probable  that  the  so-called  Pw?,  who 
under  Theophilus,  more  than  a  hundred  years  before,  were  got 
rid  of  by  being  sent  over  to  Louis  I.,  the  Emperor  of  Germany 
were  unwelcome  guests  of  the  same  kind.  But  be  this  as  it 
may,  the  result  of  the  grant  of  the  Varangians  was  a  marriage 
between  Jaroslaf,  the  son  of  Vladimir,  and  a  daughter  (Geijer  does 
not  give  her  name)  of  the  Swedish  king.  There  was,  certainly, 
a  political  element  in  this ;  inasmuch  as  the  Swedish  princess — 
name  unknown — was  originally  meant  to  be  bride  of  Olaf  of 
Norway,  who  married  her  sister  instead ;  though  not  with  the 
goodwill  of  her  father.  Then,  some  years  afterwards,  A.D. 
1101,  when  Inge,  King  of  Sweden,  concludes  a  war  with  Magnus 

*  The  Russo- Greek  B  is  pronounced  as  V. 


VLADIMIR    THE    GREAT.  377 

Barefoot^  King  of  Norway j,  Eric  Eiegod  of  Denmark  being  a 
party  to  the  treaty^  one  of  Inge^s  daughters  marries  Magnus_, 
and  another  a  Russian  Archduke.  Then_,  when  the  lines  of 
Stenkil  and  Swerker  become  extinct_,  we  have  at  the  head  of 
the  dynasty  of  the  Folkungers,  as  names  of  the  first  two  kings 
of  Sweden^  Waldemar  (Vladimir)  and  Ladulas  (Ladislas),  both 
Slavonic — the  first  Russian,  the  second  Polish. 

At  the  end  of  the  period,,  or  in  the  time  of  the  Folkungers^ 
'^  the  King  of  Sweden '"'  meant  what  it  does  now,  i.e.,  a  king  of 
both  Sweden  and  Gothland.  In  the  time  of  Vladimir  it  meant 
a  king  of  Sweden — and  not  one  of  Gothland,  which  was,  then, 
a  pagan  and  semi-independent  country.  Russia,  however,  as  a 
conquering  nation,  was  from  the  time  of  Vladimir  a  Christian 
nation  as  well.  But  it  may  be  objected  to  this  that,  instead  of 
the  Russians  pressing  northwards,  the  Swedes  may  have  pressed 
southwards,  and  that  the  contact  between  the  two  is  thus  to  be 
explained.  I  find,  however,  no  evidence  of  it  beyond  the  con- 
fusion already  noticed.  About  1250  the  Swedish  are  defeated 
by  Alexander  Nevski,  on  Russian  territory ;  but,  this  is  in 
Finland,  i.e.  north  of  the  gulf  so  called. 

**^  vL.  *^  »1^ 

'T*  ^P"  'T*  *T* 

Later  than  the  time  when  Pws  is  supposed  to  mean  '^  Swede'' 
or  ''  Swedish/'  and  when  it  begins  to  bear  its  present  sense 
(about  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century),  we  get  well-recognized 
historical  notices  of  an  attack  of  Constantinople  under  Igor ; 
which  is,  possibly,  a  Swedish  name.  Another  under  Sviatislaf, 
who,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  killed  under  the  orders  of  the 
Petshineg  king  Kour,  is,  undoubtedly,  Russian.  His  grand- 
son is  Vladimir  I.,  the  Great,  a  Christianized,  serai-civilized, 
and  undeniable  Russian.  This  is  towards  the  end  of  the  tenth 
century. 

Vhidimir  was  both  a  great  conqueror  and  a  politic  contriver 
of  alliances ;  the  measure  of  his  success  in  this  respect  being 
his  own  marriage  with  a  daughter  of  the  Emperor^s.  We  now 
hear  but  little  of  Novogorod;  for  Kiev  now  is,  exclusively,  the 
representative  town  of  Russia — Little  Russia,  as  opposed  to 
Great  Russia,  or  Moscovy.  This  last  has  yet  to  be  called  into 
existence.     Red  Russia,  too,  is  part  of  the  Russia  of  Vladimir. 


378  PEOGEESS    OF    THE    EUSSIAN    EMPIEE. 

This  means  the  eastern  part  of  Gallicia,  or  the  parts  about 
Lemberg  (Leopol)_,  rather  than  the  parts  about  Cracov.  These 
last  are  Polish;  but_,  of  the  eastern  division  which  belonged  to 
Vladimir  the  language  is  even  now  Russian.  It  is  not  the 
policy  of  Austria  to  draw  attention  to  this  district.  The  maps, 
however_,  anterior  to  the  partition  of  Poland,,  present  us  with 
its  older  name,  Lodomiria,  i.e.  Vladimiria. 

Lodomiria  represents  Redj  Kiev,  Little  Russia;  and  in  these 
two  divisions  we  have  the  Russia  of  Vladimir. 

Black  Russia  (Minsk  and  Grodno),  and  White  Russia 
(Mohilev  and  Smolensko),  lie  northwards. 

As  a  conqueror,  Vladimir  did  the  most  in  the  direction  of 
Poland ;  and  this  was,  probably,  the  one  in  which  conquest  was 
the  most  difficult.  It  is  likely  that  the  Poles  encroached  upon 
Russia,  rather  than  that  Russia  encroached  upon  Poland.  That 
Eastern  Galliciawas  and  is  Ruthenian  or  Rusniak,  has  already 
been  stated;  and,  as  it  was  subsequently  reconquered  by  either 
the  Princes  of  Gallicia  or  the  Poles,  it  is  not  likely  that  the 
Russian,  which  is  the  present  language  of  the  district,  is  of 
recent  origin.  Indeed,  besides  Lodomiria,  a  part  of  Volhynia, 
and  the  district  of  Chelm  (a  part  of  the  Kingdom  of  Poland) 
is  still  in  the  same  category,  i.e.  still  Rusniak,  Ruthenian,  or 
Red  Russian.  Northward,  or  in  the  direction  of  Novogorod, 
Vladimir,  at  the  very  least,  kept  the  way  to  the  Baltic  open; 
and  from  some  Fin  populations,  if  not  from  the  Lithuanians 
as  well,  he  is  said  to  have  taken  tribute.  On  the  west  he 
chastized  the  Tatars,  and  in  Hungary  and  Rumania  the  Pe- 
tshinegs.  As  against  those,  and  still  more  as  against  the  Bul- 
garians, he  fought  as  the  ally  of  the  Emperor  rather  than  as 
ruler  of  the  Russians.  Hence  it  was  in  the  direction  of  Poland 
on  the  west,  and  of  the  Letts  and  Swedes  in  the  direction  of 
the  Baltic,  that  Vladimir  most  especially  influenced  the  future 
of  Russia. 

From  a  line  drawn  between  Kiev  and  Novogorod,  the  sub- 
sequent expansion  of  the  Russian  empire  lay  ea^^ward,  i.e.  the 
additions  to  it  were  made  at  the  expense  of  the  Fin  populations  of 
the  present  governments  of  Orel,  Kaluga,  Tula,  Moscow,  Vladi- 
mir, Tambov,  Penza,  Tver,  and  others,  rather  than  in   those  of 


THE    FOUR    KHANATES.  379 

Minsk  or  Grodno  [Black  Russia),  or  Mohilev,  and  Smolensko 
{White  Russia) _,  wherein  the  population  was  either  wholly  or 
largely  Lithuanian.  These,  of  course,  came  to  be  Russian 
in  time  ;  but,  in  the  beginning,  it  was  almost  exclusively  at  the 
expense  of  the  Fins,  or  Ugrians,  that  the  whole  of  Great  or 
Moscovite  Russia  was  established. 

The  governments  of  Moscow,  Vladimir,  Nishni-Novogorod, 
Jaroslaf,  and  Kostroma  were  Fin. 

In  Kazan,  Penza,  Simbirsk,  Savatov,  and  Astrakhan,  Tatary 
or  the  Turk  districts,  began  ;  and  of  these  it  is  not  easy  to  say 
what  parts  were  or  were  not  Russian  before  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. By  1250,  however,  the  great  Mongol  inroads  had  reduced 
Russia  to  the  state  of  a  vassal  and  tributary  dukedom ;  so  that 
for  more  than  three  centuries,  except  in  the  remote  districts  of 
the  governments  of  Archangel  and  Vologda,  there  was  little 
opportunity  for  territorial  development. 

Then  came  the  reign  of  Ivan  IV.,  and  the  two  great  and 
complete  conquests  of  the  Khanates  of  Kazan  and  Astrakhan, 
along  with  a  part  of  Siberia ;  also  of  the  Don  Kosak  district  in 
the  fourth  Khanate,  or  that  of  the  Crimea. 

Unlike  Kazan  and  Astrakhan,  the  country  of  the  Crimean 
Tatars,  was  a  Mongol  province,  with  an  Ottoman  suzerain. 
But  the  conquest  of  it  under  Mahomet  II.  was  an  excep- 
tional one.  It  was  not  conducted  by  the  Sultan  in  person, 
but  by  his  Vizier  Ahmed  Keduk.  It  was  more  against  the 
Genoese  of  Kaffa  than  against  the  peninsula  as  a  whole; 
for  the  elements  of  the  peninsula  were  inordinately  hetero- 
geneous— Genoese,  Germans  in  the  remains  of  the  old  Goths 
(Gothi  Tetraxitse),  Karaite  Jews  (whose  history  seems  to  be 
connected  with  that  of  the  Khazars),  Khazars  proper,  Pet- 
shinegs,  and  Khersonites,  or  Greeks  of  the  old  Imperial  town 
of  Kherson,  who  may  have  represented  the  descendants  of  the 
Hellenic  subjects  of  the  Kings  of  Bosphorus ;  with  differ- 
ences in  the  way  of  pure,  and  cross-divisions  in  the  way  of 
mixed,  blood  to  any  extent.  But,  from  first  to  last,  it  was, 
politically  and  dynastically,  a  part  of  the  great  Mongol 
Empire.  Yet  its  geographical  conformation  and  its  very 
civilization  isolated  it.     It  was  never,  from  first  to  last,  purely 


380  PEOGEESS    OF    THE    EUSSIAN   EMPIEE. 

Imperial.  It  was  never,  till  the  time  of  Catherine  the  Great  of 
Russia_,  either  purely  Russian  or  purely  Ottoman.  It  never 
professed  perfect  independence;  and  when,  a  little  before  its 
final  annexation  to  Russia,  it  was  made  over  to  the  Czarina  as 
its  suzerain,  the  condition  was  that  its  Khans  should  be  chosen 
from  the  family  of  Tshingiz-Khan,  or  Temudjin.  It  was 
during  a  disputed  succession  between  one  of  these  Temudjinian 
Khans  that  Mahomet  II.  was  called  in.  This  victory  was  an 
easy  one ;  but  it  was  only  over  the  Genoese  town  of  Kaffa.  On 
the  one  side  it  shows  that  the  navy  of  the  Ottomans  was 
superior  to  that  of  the  Genoese ;  on  the  other  it  gives  us  the 
measure  of  either  the  weakness  or  the  supineness  of  the  Mongols. 
The  most  important  fact  connected  with  it  is  this,  that  from 
the  time  of  Mahomet  II.  to  the  time  of  Catherine  the  Great, 
it  suited  the  Turks  of  the  Crimean  Khanate  to  act  just  as  they 
chose  against  the  Russians  as  an  independent  power ;  and  then 
to  claim  the  protection  of  their  Ottoman  suzerain  whenever  they 
were  in  danger  of  retribution.  It  was  so  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  so  in  the  eighteenth — so  throughout.  Of  all 
the  Ottoman  conquests,  that  of  the  Crimea  is  the  one  that 
has  done  the  most  to  disintegrate  the  Ottoman  Empire,  and 
eventually  has  proved  the  pre-eminent  damnosa  hereditas  of 
the  Porte. 

From  this  point  of  view  we  may  give  the  disjecta  membra  of 
its  subsequent  history. 

Thirty-one  years  after  the  death  of  Mahomet  II.,  his  grandson, 
Selim  I.,  the  rebellious  son  of  Bajazet  II.,  took  refuge  in  the 
Crimea,  of  which  the  Khan  was  his  father-in-law.  With  an 
army  which  was  half  Tatar,  he  crossed  the  Dnieper  on  the  ice, 
and,  within  thirty  miles  of  Constantinople,  was  met  by  the  Aga 
of  the  Janissaries,  who  conducted  him  in  triumph  to  the  capital. 
Here  he  forced  his  father  to  abdicate  in  his  favour.  The  Khans, 
as  we  learn  from  this,  have  intermarried  with  their  conquerors 
within  two  generations  from  the  conquest.  Bajazet  II.,  the 
father  of  Selim,  had  complained  to  the  Tatar  Khan  of  the 
arrogance  of  the  Russian  Ambassador.  Such  is  the  continuity 
of  the  relations  between  the  suzerain  and  the  vassal. 

Under  the  great   Solyman  I.  the  Tatars  seem  to  have  been 


CONQUEST    OF    THE    CEIMEA.  381 

quiet;  but  under  liis  son  Selim  II.,  we  have  the  first  notice  of 
the  first  Ottoman  ivar  against  Russia ;  and  we  have  seen 
that  it  was  probably  a  defensive  one  on  the  part  of  the  Porte. 
And  we  have  also  seen  that,  inter  alia,  the  Khan  had  sacked 
Moscow. 

Under  the  second  Selim's  successor,  Amurath  III.,  there  is 
a  Persian  war,  or  rather  a  continuation  of  another  damnosa 
hereditas,  viz.  the  conquests  of  Selira  I.  in  Persia  and  Armenia. 
And  now  the  Crimean  Tatars  assist  the  Ottomans  ;  herein  giving, 
if  it  were  needful,  an  instance  of  the  ease  with  which  the  so- 
called  natural  boundary  of  the  Caucasus  is  over-stepped.  They 
cross  it  at  once ;  and,  so  doing,  help  the  Ottomans  efficiently. 
But  before  the  end  of  the  war  they  rebel ;  and  the  head  of 
their  Khan  is  sent  to  Constantinople  as  a  trophy.  In  this 
campaign  the  so-called  barrier  was  twice  either  traversed  or 
turned.  The  Tatars  who  assisted  the  Porte  made  their  way 
along  the  side  of  the  Caspian.  The  Pasha  who  sent  the 
head  of  the  Khan  as  a  trophy  cut  his  way  from  Georgia 
to  the  Kuban  through  the  most  impracticable  part  of  the 
mountains. 

Again,  in  the  reign  of  Achmet  I.,  and  in  the  very  first  year 
of  the  first  Czar  of  the  Homanoff"  family,  the  Kosaks  crossed 
the  Black  Sea  and  sacked  Sinope.    A.D.  1613. 

Twenty-eight  years  after,  1641,  in  the  disgraceful  reign  of 
Ibrahim,  the  town  of  Azov  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Kosaks 
of  the  Don.  It  had  been  so  for  four  years;  and  the  Kosaks  of 
this  Don  were  now  the  subjects  of  the  Czar.  The  first  ex- 
pedition from  Constantinople  is  repelled.  By  the  second  the 
Russians  are  driven  out ;  but  it  is  not  before  they  have  sacked 
and  burnt  the  city  that  they  are  constrained  to  evacuate  it.  The 
Czar  has  simply  to  ignore  them,  or  rather  to  persuade  the  Sultan 
that  they  are  vagabond  outlaws  beyond  his  control,  and  that  he 
cannot  command,  and  will  not  attempt  to  coerce  them.  He  is 
prepared  to  pay  his  usual  tribute  to  the  Sultan,  and  hopes  that 
this  is  sufficient.  This,  though  it  satisfies  the  Sultan  suzerain, 
by  no  means  pleases  the  vassal  Khan,  who  continues  the  war. 
In  the  campaign  of  1646,  the  Tatars  sell  3,()0f)  Russian  captives 
at  Perecop,  and  send  400   prisoners  and  800  heads  to  Con- 


382  PEOGRESS    or    the    RUSSIAN    EMPIRE. 

stantiuople.  But  the  Sultan  forbids  the  continuance  of  the 
war.  Nevertheless,  in  1648,  the  Tatars  carry  away  of  Russian 
and  Polish  slaves  as  many  as  40,000.  This  latter  number,  we 
may  reasonably  hope,  is  exaggerated.  But,  be  this  as  it  may, 
the  impotence  of  the  Sultan  to  restrain  his  contumacious 
vassals  is  made  manifest.  Both  sovereigns  seem  to  be  in  honest 
earnest.  But  the  Khan  Islam  Ghirai  can  afford  to  show  his 
contempt  of  both,  and  that  at  the  expense  of  Poland  as  well  as 
of  Russia. 

It  is  in  vain  that  the  Sultan  insists  upon  their  emancipation. 
The  Khan  of  the  Crimea  simply  accuses  Russia  of  connivance, 
and  states  that,  unless  cliecked,  she  will  seize  Bessarabia  and 
Moldavia.  This  is  his  answer  to  an  embassy  from  his  suzerain. 
Upon  this  point  he  is  probably  in  the  right ;  for  it  is  not  the 
language  of  one  Khan  only,  but  of  all  with  whom  the  several 
Saltans  take  counsel.  Nor  did  the  Russians  put  much  trust 
in  the  commands  of  the  suzerain  to  his  vassal.  No  two  con- 
tiguous powers  better  understood  the  impossibility  of  anything 
like  friendly  relations  between  them.  It  is  now  that  the  term 
Kosak  becomes  ambiguous.  The  word  is  a  Turkish  one;  and 
so  is  ''Hetman''  the  title  of  their  chief  or  captain. 

By  1667,  however,  they  are  divided  between  Russia  and 
Poland.  The  Zaporog  Kosaks,  or  those  beyond  the  Falls  of 
the  Dnieper,  decline  to  be  made  over  to  the  Poles ;  and  in 
1672  they  appeal  to  the  Porte.  Then  follows  the  war  under 
the  Vizier  ate  of  Ahmed  Kiuprili,  in  the  reign  of  Mahomet  IV. ; 
when  Alexis,  the  father  of  Peter  the  G-reat,  is  the  Czar,  and 
Sobieski  is  the  King  of  Poland.  It  is  the  first  of  a  series 
for  which  the  general  character  is  that  they  are  not  so  much 
the  results  of  individual  quarrels  between  Russia  and  the 
Tatars  (in  which  the  Porte  was  generally  involved  against  its 
will),  as  wars  between  the  two  great  imperial  powers  as  prin- 
cipals. The  time  has  gone  by  when  the  Crimean  Khanate  is  the 
only  focus  of  hostilities. 

Poland,  Sweden,  and  Austria  are  now  elements  in  the 
development  of  the  Russo-Turkish  system  of  chronic  hostility ; 
and  in  the  background  lie  the  more  distant  states  of  western 
Europe,  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Balance  of  Power.     This  is 


TURKEY   AND    EUSSIA    ALLIED    AGAINST    PERSIA.        383 

well  establislied  by  the  time  o£  Charles  VI.  in  Austria, 
Louis  XIV.  in  France,  Charles  XII.  in  Sweden,  William  III. 
in  England,  and  Mustapha  II.  in  Turkey. 

In  a  short  war  under  Solyman  II.,  the  Porte  has  the  best  of 
it,  and  it  is  to  Achmet  Ghirai,  the  Khan  of  the  Crimea,  that  the 
success  is  mainly  due. 

Under  Peter  the  Great,  the  pressing  want  on  the  part  of 
Russia,  was  a  port  on  the  sea  of  Azov.  If  the  Tatar  Khan 
gave  a  pretext,  and  provoked  a  quarrel,  well  and  good.  If  not,  a 
casus  belli  must  be  either  found  or  made.  The  Swedish  war 
interfered  with  this.  Nevertheless,  there  ivas  a  war,  and  the  Czar 
did  appropriate  certain  parts  of  the  Crimean  Khanate,  and 
a  valuable  sea-board  was  acquired  for  Russia.  But  by  the 
Compact  of  the  Pruth,  A.D.  1711,  all,  or  nearly  all  of  these 
important  acquisitions  had  to  be  restored,  though  it  was  not  till 
1714,  and  until  the  western  powers  had  exerted  pressure  upon 
the  Czar,  that  the  full  effects  of  the  compact  were  recognized 
by  Russia ;  and  then,  even  up  to  the  very  last,  the  voice  of  the 
Khan  of  the  Crimea,  Devlet  Ghirai,  was  for  a  continuation  of 
the  war  ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  a  rupture  with  Austria,  such 
might  have  been  the  case.  As  it  was  the  Peace  of  Passarovitz, 
in  1718,  in  which  the  representatives  of  England  and  Holland, 
as  mediatory  states,  took  a  part,  effected,  so  far  as  Europe  was 
concerned,  something  like  an  armistice.  Nevertheless,  there 
was  a  hostile  feeling  on  the  part  of  England  and  Austria 
against  Russia,  and  of  this  the  Porte  had  the  advantage.  By 
a  treaty  made  in  1720,  the  Czar  and  the  Sultan  become  the 
best  of  friends  ;  and  by  1723  they  have  agreed  to  unite  in  the 
dismemberment  and  partition  of  Persia.  In  this  nefarious 
project  originates  a  complicated  series  of  disasters  to  the  Porte. 
The  compact  enabled  Russia,  now  acting  with  the  Khan  of  the 
Crimea,  to  conduct  an  army  through  the  whole  range  of 
the  Eastern  Caucasus,  and  finally  led  to  the  conquest  of 
Georgia,  and  to  plausible  claims  upon  parts  of  Lesgistan  and 
Circassia ;  and  we  know,  now,  what  has  followed  from  this. 
It  was  under  the  influence  of  almost  judicial  blindness  that,  in 
this  ill-omened  campaign,  Turkey  should  allow  Russia  to  effect, 
as  an  ally,  would  she  could  scarcely  have  eflfected  as  an  enemy. 


384  PEOGEESS    OF    THE    EUSSIAN    EMPIEE. 

The  actual  beginning  of  the  end  of  the  Crimean  Khanate  dates 
from  the  accession  of  the  Czarina  Anne.  In  her  reign  are  the 
terrible  campaigns  of  her  Generals  Lasky  and  Miinnich ;  the 
former  either  wholly  or  mainly  in  the  Crimea_,  the  latter  in 
both  the  Crimea  and  Bessarabia.  This^  too,  is  the  date  of  the 
so-called  Oriental  Project,  i.e.  the  restoration  of  the  Roman 
Empire  in  a  Greek  capital,  under  a  Moscovite  ruler.  Czar  or 
Czarina  as  the  case  may  be. 

The  Treaty  of  Belgrade,  1739,  is  followed  by  nearly  thirty- 
years  of  peace.  Then  comes  the  time  not  only  of  Catherine 
the  Great  in  Russia,  but  of  Frederic  the  Great  in  Prussia ;  and 
a  higher,  a  subtler,  and  a  more  iniquitous  policy  is  introduced 
into  the  history  of  more  countries  than  one ;  a  policy  by  which 
the  gainers  are  Russia,  Prussia,  and  Austria ;  the  losers,  Poland 
and  the  Porte.  By  1771  the  Crimea  is  declared  independent 
of  Turkey;  by  1783  it  is  a  part  and  parcel  of  the  Russian 
empire. 

Now  come,  almost  concurrently  with  the  conquest  of  the 
Crimea,  the  three  instalments  by  which  Lithuania  became 
Russian.  By  the  first  partition  of  Poland,  Russia  took 
Polotsk  and  Vitepsk  ;  by  the  second,  Mohilev  and  Minsk ;  by 
the  third,  the  remainder  of  Lithuania. 

Six  great  additions  of  territory ;  three  from  the  fragments 
of  the  great  Mongol  empire,  and  three  from  the  dismember- 
ment of  Poland ;  the  first,  Turk ;  and  the  second,  Lithuanian. 
These  are  the  earliest  notable  additions  to  the  vast  domain  now! 
under  notice. 

The  next  is  about  half  a  century  later,  and  in  a  different 
direction,  and  made  at  the  expense  of  a  different  potentate. 

In  1806  the  Emperor  Alexander,  at  war  with  France,  had 
promised  to  do  his  utmost  that  the  Prussian  dominions  should  j 
not  lose  even  a  single  village.  In  1807  he  signed  away  one-!! 
half  of  Prussia  in  favour  of  Napoleon,  and  added  a  portion  of 
the  remainder  to  his  own  empire.  All  that  had  been  done  by; 
Frederic  the  Great  was  undone,  and  Prussia  was  reduced  to 
nearly  the  boundaries  that  existed  before  the  First  Partition  of 
Poland ;  and  the  parts  of  that  kingdom  which  had  since  becomCj 
Prussian  were  made  over  to  the  King  of  Saxony.     The  city  of 


CONQUEST    OF    FINLAND.  385 

Dantzic  was  made  independent.  Such  was  the  effect  of  the 
treaty,  or  rather  treaties,  of  Tilsit,  one  of  which,  between 
France  and  Russia,  was  signed  on  the  7th,  and  another,  between 
France  and  Prussia,  on  the  9th,  of  July  1807. 

By  this  famous  treaty  it  was  agreed  between  Napoleon  and 
Alexander  that  Russia  should  be  free  to  conquer  Finland,  and 
that  Denmark  should  be  compelled  to  join  in  the  confederacy 
against  England.  The  articles  which  contained  these  con- 
ditions were  secret,  or  meant  to  be  so.  A  copy,  however,  or  a 
trustworthy  notice  of  their  contents,  found  its  way  to  the 
British  Government.  The  power  as  well  as  the  inclination  of 
Denmark  to  uphold  her  neutrality  was  more  than  doubtful ; 
and,  with  laudable  decision,  it  was  determined  to  demand 
that  her  fleet  should  be  put  into  the  hands  of  England.  Less 
than  this  it  would  have  been  foolish  to  have  asked.  The 
demand,  however,  was  one  which  no  high-spirited  nation 
could  have  complied  with;  and  the  bombardment  of  Copen- 
hagen, under  Lord  Cathcart  and  Admiral  Gambler,  was  the 
result. 

It  was  to  England  that  the  Swedes  looked  for  assistance ; 
and,  to  some  degree,  that  assistance  was  forthcoming.  But 
the  King,  Gustavus  Adolphus  II.,  in  every  way  unfit  for  the 
crisis,  and  a  strange  mixture  of  heroism  and  vacillation,  made 
co-operation  impossible.  The  expedition  of  Sir  John  Moore 
ended  unsuccessfully.  The  ten  thousand  men  under  his  com- 
mand found  that  there  were  no  adequate  preparations  for  even 
the  defence  of  Sweden,  much  less  the  invasion  of  Denmark 
and  the  relief  of  Finland.  Upon  the  former  plan  there  could 
scarcely  have  been  a  second  opinion ;  upon  the  latter  there 
were  fair  grounds  for  a  difference.  That  Sir  John  Moore^s 
instructions  were  to  help  in  the  defence  of  Sweden,  and 
not  to  seek  an  enemy  off  Swedish  ground,  is  probable; 
whilst  it  is  transparently  clear  that  from  offensive  opera- 
tions against  Denmark,  which  no  one,  perhaps,  but  the  king 
himself  had  contemplated,  he  did  wisely  in  abstaining. 
Whether  Finland  should  have  been  left  to  its  fate  is  another 
question.     The  English   troops    were   wanted    elsewhere,   and 

25 


386  CAMPAIGN  OF    1808. 

the  differences  of  opinion  between  Gustavus  and  Sir  John  Moore 
took  an  extreme  form.  The  English  general  left  in  hasty  and 
undignified  manner ;  and  the  army  was  withdrawn  for  services  in 
the  Peninsula,  which  ended  in  the  retreat  from  Corunua.  Of  the 
king's  impracticability  sufficient  proof  was  given  in  the  sequel. 
He  brought  his  kingdom  to  the  very  verge  of  ruin  and  was  forced 
to  abdicate.  The  line  of  Vasa  ended  with  his  successor,  and 
Bernadotte  became  King  of  Sweden  under  the  name  of  Carl 
Johann. 

Meanwhile  the  conquest  of  Finland  was  going  on.  That  it 
was  effected  is  not  to  be  wondered  at.  The  wonder  is  that  it 
was  eftected  in  a  single  campaign.  Charges  were  brought 
against  the  Russians  for  having  tendered,  and  against  the  Swedish 
generals  for  having  received,  bribes :  but  charges  of  the  kind 
were  common  on  both  sides  of  the  Baltic.  The  special  evidence 
that  touches  the  question  most  nearly  is  the  fact  that,  by  the 
terms  of  the  capitulation  of  Sweaborg,  the  Russians  engaged 
to  make  good  certain  deficiencies  in  the  military  accounts. 
How  far  an  arrangement  of  this  extremely  suspicious  kind  ad- 
mits of  a  second  interpretation  is  best  known  to  military  men. 
The  imputation  of  having  received  bribes  is  indignantly  repu- 
diated by  the  Swedes,  and  that  of  having  offered  them  by  the 
Russians.  Valeant  quantum.  The  surrender  of  Sweaborg 
implies  a  deficiency  of  some  kind.  That,  after  the  campaign, 
several  Swedish  officers  entered  into  the  service  of  Russia  is 
another  fact  in  the  same  direction — though  one  of  less  weight 
than  the  other.  The  officers  were  ordered  to  retire  whenever  the 
enemy  was  superior,  and  never  to  risk  a  doubtful  battle.  These 
were  the  orders  of  the  king.  They  were  not  those  that  would 
have  been  issued  by  the  great  Gustavus,  or  by  either  of  the 
Charleses.  They  were  orders,  however,  that  the  circumstances 
appeared  to  have  justified;  and  they  were  orders  which  were  not 
always  acted  on. 

The  six  strategic  points  in  Finland  are  Sweaborg,  Abo,  and 
Vasa,  on  the  sea;  Tavastahus,  Kuopio,  and  Uleaborg  inland — 
the  last  in  the  extreme  north,  the  former  the  most  important 
The  campaign  began  in  January,  1808,  and  ended  in  the  same 
year. 


RUSSIAN   CONQUEST   OF    FINLAND.  387 

On  the  entering  of  Finland,  the  commnnder,  Count  Boux- 
hoevden,  issued  the  following  proclamation ;  artfully  worded,  and 
(it  is  believed)  not  wholly  unefiective. 

It  is  with  the  utmost  concern  his  Imperial  Majesty,  my  most  gracious  master, 
finds  himself  necessitated  to  order  his  troops  under  my  command  to  enter  your 
country,  good  friends  and  inhabitants  of  Swedish  Finland.  His  Imperial  Ma- 
jesty feels  the  more  concerned  to  be  obliged  to  take  this  step,  to  which  he  is 
compelled  by  the  transactions  which  have  taken  place  in  Sweden,  as  he  still 
bears  in  mind  the  generous  and  friendly  sentiments  which  the  Fins  displayed 
towards  Russia  in  the  last  war,  when  the  Swedish  king  engaged  in  an  invasion  of 
Finland,  in  a  manner  equally  unexpected  and  unwarrantable.  His  present 
Swedish  Majesty,  far  from  joining  his  Imperial  Majesty  in  his  exertions  to  restore 
the  tranquillity  of  Europe,  which  alone  can  be  effected  by  the  coalition,  which  so 
fortunately  has  been  formed  by  the  most  powerful  States,  has,  on  the  contrary, 
formed  a  closer  alliance  with  the  enemy  of  tranquillity  and  peace,  whose  oppres- 
sive system  and  unwarrantable  conduct  towards  his  Imperial  Majesty,  and  his 
nearest  ally,  his  Imperial  Majesty  cannot  by  any  means  look  upon  with  indif- 
ference. It  is  on  this  ground,  in  addition  to  what  his  Majesty  owes  to  the  se- 
curity of  his  own  dominions,  that  he  finds  himself  necessitated  to  take  your 
country  under  his  own  protection,  in  order  to  reserve  to  himself  due  satisfaction, 
incase  his  Swedish  Majesty  should  persist  in  his  design  not  to  accept  the  just 
conditions  of  peace  which  have  been  tendered  to  him  by  his  French  Majesty, 
through  the  mediation  of  his  Imperial  Russian  Majesty,  in  order  to  restore  the 
blessings  of  peace,  which  are  at  all  times  the  principal  object  of  his  Imperial 
Majesty's  attention.  Good  friends,  and  men  of  Finland,  remain  in  quiet  and  fear 
nought ;  we  do  not  come  to  you  as  enemies,  but  as  friends  and  protectors,  to 
render  you  more  prosperous  and  happy,  and  to  avert  from  you  the  calamities 
which,  if  war  should  become  indispensable,  must  necessarily  befall  you.  Do  not 
allow  yourselves  to  be  seduced  to  take  to  arms  or  to  treat  in  a  hostile  manner  the 
troops  who  are  committed  to  my  orders  ;  should  any  one  offend  against  this  ad- 
monition, he  must  impute  to  himself  the  consequences  of  his  conduct ;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  those  who  meet  his  Imperial  Majesty's  paternal  care  for  the 
welfare  of  this  country,  may  rest  assured  of  his  powerful  favour  and  protection. 
And  as  it  is  his  Imperial  Majesty's  will,  that  all  affairs  should  pursue  their  usual 
course,  and  be  managed  according  to  your  ancient  laws  and  customs,  which  are 
to  remain  undisturbed  as  long  as  his  troops  remain  in  your  country,  all  officers, 
both  civil  and  military,  are  herewith  directed  to  conform  themselves  thereto, 
provided  that  no  bad  use  be  made  of  this  indulgence  contrary  to  the  good  of  the 
country.  Prompt  payment  shall  be  made  for  all  provisions  and  refreshments 
required  for  the  troops;  and  in  order  that  you  may  be  still  more  convinced  of 
his  Majesty's  paternal  solicitude  for  your  welfare  he  has  ordered  several  maga- 
zines to  be  formed,  in  addition  to  those  which  are  already  established,  out  of 
which  the  most  indigent  inhabitants  shall  be  supplied  with  necessaries  in  com- 
mon with  his  Majesty's  troop.s.  Should  circumstances  arise  to  require  an  amicable 
discussion  and  deliberation,  in  that  case  you  are  directed  to  send  your  deputies, 
chosen  in  the  usual  manner,  to  Abo,  in  order  to  deliberate  upon  the  subject,  and 
adopt  such  measures  as  the  welfare  of  the  country  shall  require.  It  is  his  Im- 
perial Majesty's  pleasure,  that  from  this  moment  Finland  shall  be  considered 
and  treated  in  the  same  manner  as  other  conquered  provinces  of  the  Russian 

25  * 


388  CAMPAIGN   OF   1808. 

empire,  which  now  enjoy  happiness  and  peace  under  the  mild  government  of 
his  Imperial  Majesty,  and  remain  in  lull  possession  of  the  freedom  of  religion 
and  worship,  as  Avell  as  of  all  its  ancient  rights  and  privileges.  The  taxes  pay- 
able to  the  crown  remain  in  substance  unaltered,  and  the  pay  of  the  public 
officers  of  every  description  continues  likewise  on  its  ancient  footing. 


One  division  crossed  the  Kymene,  and  entered  the  province  of 
Tavastahus ;  the  other  invaded  the  Savolax.  Both  moved  north- 
wards, with  a  minimum  resistance.  Kweahorg,  which  was  treated 
as  an  island  rather  than  as  a  fortification  of  the  main  land,  was 
left  in  the  rear  as  the  Eusyian  army  under  Bouxhoevden  moved 
northwards.  Aho  was  abandoned  without  a  blow,  and  within  the 
first  month  of  the  campaign  both  Southern  and  Central  Finland 
had  been  reduced.  The  Aland  Isles,  which  were  afterwards  re- 
captured, submitted  on  the  first  summons. 

The  first  serious  engagement  cost  about  one  thousand  on  both 
sides,  when  the  Russians  were  driven  from  the  ground;  but,  as  they 
regained  it  after  the  retreat  of  the  Swedes,  they  call  the  victory  a 
doubtful  one.  A  Swedish  orator  compared  it  to  Mantineia  and 
Marengo.  In  this,  notwithstaudiDgthe  standing  orders  to  proceed 
with  caution,  the  Swedes  acted  on  the  offensive;  and  the  im- 
provement in  the  spirit  of  the  army  that  was  developed  by  the 
movement  justified  their  boldness. 

The  greatest  battle  was  that  of  Orovais.  The  Swedish  generals, 
Adlerkreutz  and  Vegesack,  had  the  advantage  of  the  Russian 
general  in  position,  and  considered  that  their  victor}  was  easy. 
They  swept  down  from  their  advantageous  occupancy  of  some 
heights  that  overlooked  his  army,  and,  in  a  few  minutes,  touted  more 
than  seven  thousand  of  the  Russian  Light  Infantry.  The  Russians 
fled  before  them,  and  there  was  a  body  of  Swedes  in  reserve. 
The  only  hopes  of  Kamensky  were  in  four  battalions  which  were 
pushing  on  from  Vasa.  They  arrived  in  time  ;  and  a  few^  words 
of  encouragement  did  the  work.  The  Swedes  were  defeated,  and 
Orovais  was  taken.  The  battle  had  lasted  fourteen  hours;  and 
both  the  Swedes  and  Russians  had  shot  away  their  last  cartridge. 
Night  and  the  exhaustion  of  the  Russians  favoured  the  retreat  of 
the  Swedes.  This  was  the  great  buttle  of  the  Campaign ;  and,  as 
a  measure  of  its  comparatively  small  dimensions,  the  loss  on  both 
sides  was  about  two  thousand  men.  The  military  historian  whom 
I  follow — a  Russian — calls  it  a  complete  massacre  :  but  massacres 


RUSSIAN    CONQUEST    OF    FINLAND.  389 

of  two  thousand  men  wliicli  lead  to  the  subjugation  of  a  country 
as  large  as  France  arc  !-mall  t])ings  in  the  way  of  great  victories. 

After  this  Kuopio  and  Uleaborg  were  taken,  and  Marslial  Klings- 
porr  conchided  an  armistice,  and  left  the  army  for  the  capital.  He 
was  an  old  man  and  an  ailing  one ;  and  he  hoped,  hy  representa- 
tions made  in  person,  to  persuade  the  king  that  the  recovery  of 
Finland  \vas  impossible.  Part,  too,  of  his  army  had  been  driven 
back  beyond  the  Arctic  Circle,  and  he  hoped  for  leave  to  be  al- 
lowed to  let  it  fall  back  upon  Sweden.  His  command  devolved 
upon  General  Klercker,  and  his  recei.tion  in  Sweden  was  favour- 
able. Still,  the  king  was  immovable.  He  only  sent  fresh  troops 
into  Finland  without  a  corresponding  commissariat  and  with  the 
knowledge  that  the  country  could  not  keep  them.  There  was  a 
short  armistice ;  and  then  the  capture  of  a  few  subordinate,  though, 
apparently,  strong  positions  by  the  Russians.  The  Russian 
general  waived  some  advantages  which,  if  it  had  not  been  for 
the  armistice,  he  might  have  taken.  For  all  practical  purposes, 
however,  Finland  was  lost. 

The  year  was  closing,  and  Napoleon  was  at  Erfurth.  The  war 
was  determined  by  England  still  to  continue.  The  King  of 
Sweden  thought  only  of  his  next  campaign.  His  revenue  was 
wholly  inadequate,  and  the  Enghsh  subsidy  covered  but  one-third 
of  the  outlay.  The  English  soldiers  w^ere  wanted  for  Spain,  and 
the  Ministry  had  no  confidence  in  Gustavus.  Sir  J.  Moore  had 
bspn  sent  to  defend  Sweden ,  not  to  protect  Finland  ;  still  less  to 
attack  Denmark.  Gustavus  had  insisted  on  the  recall  of  the 
English  Minister,  and  yet  was  asking  for  a  fresh  subsidy.  He 
was  on  the  point  of  laying  an  embargo  on  the  numerous  vessels 
then  in  the  Swedish  ports,  and  it  was  only  the  strong  recla- 
mations of  his  subjects  that  stopped  his  mad  design.  No  other 
ally  but  England  then  remained.  Nor  would  he  condescend  to 
constitutional  measures.  Nothing  would  induce  him  to  call  a 
States'  General.  Flis  will  and  the  patriotism  of  the  Swedes  were 
to  be  enough.  Of  the  feelings  of  the  Finlanders  I  have  not  the 
knowledge  which  enables  me  to  speak.  It  seems  to  have  been 
[)ut  to  as  low  an  item  on  either  side.  There  was  an  extraordinary 
contribution  and  a  fresh  levy :  and  spring  was  waited  for.  The 
Russians  were  now  in  the  far  north,  nnd  nothing  was  expected 
from  them  except  through  their  fleet.     But  the  month  of  January 


390  CAMPAIGN   OF    1808. 

was  unusually  cold,  and  the  ice  made  it  possible  for  the  Russians 
to  treat  it  as  solid  ground.  Charles  XII.  had  crossed  the  Belt, 
and  the  Russians  determined  on  crossing  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia. 
An  attack  on  the  part  of  the  Danes  was  also  arranged :  they  also 
passing  on  the  ice.  But  the  ice  of  the  Sound  broke  up.  Knor- 
ring  had  orders  to  reconquer  the  Alands  and  he  did  it;  via  the 
ice.  Barclay  de  Tolli,  with  about  five  thousand  men,  crossed 
from  Vasa  to  Umea,  where  the  Swedes  had  their  depots  and 
reserves.  The  passage  to  the  Alands  was  made  in  March.  A 
long  train  of  sledges  with  provisions,  fuel,  and  brandy,  started 
with  the  army.  Tlie  islands  between  had  been  evacuated  and 
devastated.  The  king,  who  had  lived  in  Aland,  and  had  believed 
that  the  Alanders,  whom  he  had  promised  never  to  abandon,  would 
stand  by  him  as  long  as  he  stood  by  them,  had  directed  that  the 
island  must  be  defended ;  and  this  order  was  one  of  the  last  of 
his  reign.  During  the  passage,  which  was  effected  with  little 
difficulty,  he  was  deposed :  and  his  uncle,  a  man  advanced  in 
years,  appointed  Regent.  The  Russians  then  crossed  from  Aland 
to  the  continent. 

Within  a  few  days  of  the  passage  for  Aland  Barclay  de  Tolli 
crossed  for  Umea.  On  the  fourth  day  lie  reached  a  lighthouse  in 
the  mid- channel.  Ten  days  afterwards  he  attacked  Umea.  Mean- 
while the  Emperor  Alexander  was  in  Finland  comporting  himself 
with  politic  affability.  The  main  points  of  the  cession  were 
settled.  It  was  only  on  the  Alands  that  there  was  a  doubt.  A 
little  to  prevent  the  settlement  was  done  by  the  appearance  of 
some  Swedish  and  English  vessels  in  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia,  and  a 
little  to  promote  it  by  the  appearance  of  a  Danish  and  Norwegian 
army  on  the  frontier.  The  new  king  signalized  the  beginning  of 
his  reign  by  some  notable  activities  :  the  fruit  of  which  was  an 
advantage  gained  over  the  Russians  at  Ratan.  It  failed,  however, 
to  lower  the  claims  of  the  Czar.  The  Alands  followed  Finland, 
and  Finland  went  to  Alexander. 

The  campaign  by  which  it  was  reduced  was  pre-eminently  a 
bloodless  one.  Of  the  feeling  manifested  by  the  parties  most 
concerned,  the  Fin  landers  themselves,  I  have  no  satisfactory  evi- 
dence. The  honesty  of  the  Swedish  commanders  I  am  not 
prepared  to  defend.  The  surrender  of  Sweaborg  was,  to  say  the 
least,  suspicious.     The  fact  of  all  the  extraordinary  successes  of 


RUSSIAN    CONQUEST    OF    FINLAND.  391 

the  Kussiaus  haviug  been  effected  against  stone  walls  rather 
than  facing  bodies  of  men  drawn  up  in  battle  array,  is  also 
suspicious.  Measured  by  their  successes  and  sieges,  the  career 
of  the  Russians  is  glorious.  Measured  by  their  successes  in 
the  open  field,  it  is  scarcely  creditable.  Creditable,  however, 
to  the  hardihood  of  both  nations  is  their  tolerance  of  the  rigors 
of  a  hard  winter  in  a  climate  like  that  of  Finland ;  and  the 
bold  passage  of  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia  over  the  ice  surpasses  that 
of  Charles  XII.  over  the  Belt. 

On  the  conduct  of  England  the  less  said  the  better.  The 
orders  should  have  gone  beyond  the  mere  defence  of  the  soil 
of  Sweden ;  especially  when  it  was  known  that  the  Danish 
attack  had  failed,  and  that  the  Russians  could  afford  so  small 
a  portion  of  the  forces  as  they  actually  employed  in  the  invasion. 
The  real  cause  of  the  quarrel  was  the  compact  between  France 
and  Russia ;  and  if  the  English  predilections  of  Sweden  had 
not  given  a  colourable  occasion,  some  other  pretext  would  have 
been  found.  Still,  the  ostensible  cause  of  hostilities  was  the 
adherence  of  Sw^eden  to  the  English  alliance  after  the  bom- 
bardment of  Copenhagen,  and  the  consequent  dereliction  of 
her  duties  as  one  of  the  conservators  of  the  Baltic,  in  keeping 
up  her  friendly  relations  with  us,  after  the  practical  demolition 
of  the  Danish  fleet.  Of  the  two  acts  (one  of  commission  and 
the  other  of  omission),  the  latter,  in  the  mind  of  the  present 
writer,  is  the  one  which  lies  the  heaviest  upon  us. 

I  conclude  with  the  following  extract  from  the  Russian 
Declaration  of  War,  dated  February  20,  1808 : — 

"  But  the  question  here  was,  the  checking  of  those  aggressions  which  Eng- 
land had  commenced  and  by  which  all  Europe  was  disturbed.  The  Emperor 
demanded  from  the  King  of  Sweden  a  co-operation  founded  on  treaties,  but 
his  Swedish  Majesty  answered,  by  proposing  to  delay  the  execution  of  the 
treaty  to  another  period,  and  by  troubling  himself  with  opening  the  Dutch  ports 
for  England, — in  a  word,  with  rendering  himself  of  service  to  that  England, 
against  which  the  measures  of  defence  ought  to  have  been  taken.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  find  a  more  striking  proof  of  partiality  on  the  part  of  the  King  of 
Sweden  towards  Great  Britain,  than  this  which  he  has  here  given. 

"His  Imperial  Majesty,  therefore,  cannot  allow  the  relations  of  Sweden 
towards  Russia  to  remain  any  longer  in  a  state  of  uncertainty.  He  cannot 
give  his  consent  to  such  a  neutrality.  His  Swedish  Majesty,  therefore,  being 
no  longer  doubtful,  nothing  remained  for  his  Imperial  Majesty  but  to  resort  to 


392  CAMPAIGN    OF    1808. 

those  meaus  which  Providence  has  placed  iii  his  hands,  for  no  other  purpose' 
except  that  of  giving  protection  and  safety  to  his  dominions  ;  and  he  has 
deemed  it  right  to  notify  this  intention  to  the  King  of  Sweden,  and  to  all 
Europe.  Having  thus  acquitted  himself  of  that  duty  which  the  safety  of  hisi 
dominions  requires,  his  Imperial  Majesty  is  ready  to  change  the  measures  he 
is  about  to  take  to  measures  of  precaution  only,  if  the  King  of  Sweden  will,  i 
without  delay,  join  Eussia  ^and  Denmark  in  shutting  up  the  Baltic  against j 
England  until  the  conclusion  of  a  maritime  peace." 

Valeat  quantum.  The  real  reason  for  the  invasion  of  Finland 
was  the  proximity  of  the  Swedish  frontier  to  the  Russian 
capital ;  and^  according  to  the  ordinary  rules  of  political 
morality_,  it  was  a  sufficient  one. 

Soon  after  the  annexation  circumstances  changed.  The  good 
understanding  between  France  and  Russia  came  to  an  end; 
the  overthrow  of  Napoleon  followed ;  and_,  at  the  Congress  of 
Vienna^  Sweden  had  to  be  strengthened — though  not  at  the 
expense  of  Russia.  So^  to  make  matters  smooth,  Denmark 
took  Lauenburg  and  lost  Norway;  Sweden  took  Norway;  and 
Finland  remained  with  Russia. 

;ic  >i«  *  *  ^ 

The  Treaty  of  Vienna  gives  us  the  next  notable  accesion  to 
the  domain  of  the  Czar,  viz.,  the  kingdom  of  Poland — of  Poland 
pui'e  and  simple  ;  Poland  without  Gallicia,  which,  ethnologi- 
cally,  is  half  Russian ;  and  Poland  without  Lithuania,  which 
was  only  Polish  as  Ireland  is  English.  These  have  been  already 
assigned  to  Austria  and  Russia  respectively,  by  the  three  par- 
titions ;  while  the  kingdom  of  Poland,  since  the  campaigns  of 
Jena  and  Eylau,  has  been  Saxon,  i.e.  handed  over  to  Saxony 
by  Napoleon^  and,  as  such,  made  an  integral  portion  of  the 
vast  system  of  kings,  vassal  kingdoms,  and  constrained 
alliances  at  the  disposal  of  that  great  conqueror.  This  is  as 
much  as  need  be  said  at  present ;  inasmuch  as  the  subject  of 
the  following  chapter  is  the  order  and  character  of  those  vast 
additions  by  which  the  Russia  of  Vladimir  the  Great  attained 
its  existing  dimensions ;  how  far  the  several  conquests  were 
honest  or  dishonest,  being  a  reserved  question ;  a  question, 
moreover,  invohing  another,  viz.,  the  extent  to  which  the  unde- 
niable blameworthiness  of  some  of  them  is  to  be  attached  to 
Russia   as  a   simply  insatiable   conqueror,  or   more  equitably 


ANNEXATION    OF    POLAND.  393 

(perhaps  more  cliaritably)  divided  betweeu  others ;  or^  in  some 
cases^  attributable  to  circumstances  or  the  chapter  of  accidents. 
The  modicum,  however,  that  can  be  written  in  this  way,  will 
not  be  written  in  the  spirit  of  either  a  partisan  or  an  apologist. 

It  must  be  clear  that,  by  this  time,  there  can  be  but  little 
assurance  against  future  augmentation  for  any  of  the  minor 
Powers,  such  as  they  are,  on  Russians  immediate  frontier. 
One  by  one  they  have  either  been  annihilated,  or  crippled — the 
Kiptshak  or  Mongolian  Tiu'ks  of  Asia,  Sweden,  Poland,  the 
Porte,  Caucasus  and  Transcausia,  Turkestan,  and  even,  to  some 
degree,    Chi  TLe  intangible,    immaterial,    and  uncertain 

Balance  of  Power  is  now  the  onlv  check  :  and  this  is  at  the 
present  time  on  its  trial. 

Since  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  the  great  landmarks  have,  in 
the  main,  stood  as  they  were  in  1816.  But  there  have,  never- 
theless, been  important  extensions  of  frontier.  The  beginning 
of  the  end  (if  it  be  the  end)  of  Russian  aggression  on  the  side 
of  Rumania  began  before  the  Ti'caty  of  Kainairdji,  and  it  has 
ended,  perhaps,  better  than  could  be  expected,  in  the  annexa- 
tion of  only  a  part  of  Bessarabia.  The  indentations  that  have 
been  made  on  the  Chinese  frontier,  though  considerable,  are 
not,  at  present,  invested  with  much  interest ;  the  footing  that 
Russia  got  in  North  America  was  the  fair  reward  of  honourable 
exploration,  and  is  now  no  longer  Russian.  But  in  Caucasus 
and  Transcaucasia,  in  the  mountain  range  itself,  in  Persia, 
Armenia,  and  elsewhere,  in  what  used  to  be  called  Independent 
and  Chinese  Tartary,  the  incorporated  additaments  are  of 
serious  magnitude. 

Those  of  Caucasus  and  Transcaucasia,  undoubtedly,  date 
from  the  suicidal  allowance  between  the  Porte  and  Russia,  after 
the  Treatv  of  Passarovitz.  Between  the  two  Powers  that  a^freed 
to  the  dismemberment  of  Persia,  differences  arose  before  the 
first  campaign  was  over,  and  the  time  came  when  the  sub- 
sequent doubts  as  to  the  respective  claims  of  the  two  invaders 
had  to  be  settled ;  and  then  the  position  of  Russia,  as  the 
adjudicator,  was  that  of  the  lion  in  the  fable.  We  know^  the 
result  of  it.  It  has  carried  the  Russians  over  the  whole  of 
Caucasus    itself,  has   given    them    great    indentations    on    the 


394  DEVELOPMENT    OF    THE    EUSSIAN    EMPIRE. 

Persian  frontier,  has  made  them  the  actual  possessors  of  all 
Georgia,  a  great  part  of  Armenia,  and  in  both  countries  has 
put  them  in  the  plausible  position  of  the  defenders  of  a 
Christian  population  against  a  Mahometan. 

What  is  going  on  at  present  in  Turkestan  is  a  question  for 
the  able  authorities  in  the  Indian  service ;  and  one  which  the 
present  writer  only  indicates.  The  little  that  his  space  and 
information  allow  him  to  write  on  Armenia  will  be  found  in  the 
concluding  chapter. 


395 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

The  Decline  of  the  Ottoman  Empire. — After  Mahomet  IT.  too  large  for  prac- 
tical Administration. — Mahomet  II. 's  Conquest  of  the  Crimea. — Selim  I.'s 
Conquests  in  Armenia,  Persia,  Syria,  Egypt. — Soliman  I.,  the  Barbary 
Regencies. —  No  permanent  Impression  made  on  Germany. —  Injurious 
Effects  of  the  Ottoman  Attacks  upon  Persia. — Natural  Antagonism  on  the 
part  of  Russia. — Peter  the  Great  as  an  Enemy ;  and  less  formidable  than 
Anne  and  Catherine. — Value  of  Sweden  as  an  Element  in  the  Balance  of 
Power  of  Poland. — Decline  of  the  Influence  of  both. — The  subsequent 
conditional  integrity  of  the  Ottoman  Empire. — Retrospect. 

Up  to  the  time  of  Mahomet  II.  the  Ottoman  history  is  a  series 
of  successful  campaigns  and  decisive  battles ;  and  that^  in  cer- 
tain particular  instances^  over  really  formidable  enemies.  It 
was  not,  however,  until  the  domain  of  the  Western  Church 
was  attacked,  that  there  was  any  opposition  which  conquerors, 
like  the  Seljukian  Turks,  could  consider  formidable ;  neither, 
from  first  to  last,  except  so  far  as  Hungary  involved  Austria, 
was  there  any  prolonged  contest  on  equal  terms,  with  any  of 
the  states  of  the  German  family,  or,  with  the  exception  of 
Venice,  with  any  of  the  Latin. 

Nor  was  the  territory  to  which  Mahomet  II.  succeeded  of 
any  extraordinary  magnitude.  It  was  in  proportion  to  the 
dimensions  and  importance  of  the  capital,  but  nothing  more. 

This  implies  that  it  is  not  until  the  time  of  Mahomet  II. 
that  the  Ottoman  Empire  shows  any  sign  of  being  too  vast,  too 
irregular  in  its  outline,  or  too  heterogeneous  in  its  ethnology 
to  be  fairly  or  even  well  administered.  Neither  was  the  con- 
quest of  it  an  over-hasty  one.  Between  the  accession  of 
Orchan  in  1326  to  that  of  Mahomet  II.  in  1451,  more  than  a 
century  had  intervened,  and  though  five  out  of  his  six  pre- 
decessors were  active  warriors,  one,  Mahomet  I.,  was,  for  a 
sultan,  a  man  of  peace.  The  others  were  certainly  warlike ;  but 
it  is  only  in  Bajazet  I.  that  we  see  the  arrogance  of  the  conven- 


396  DECLINE    OF    THE    OTTOMAN    EMPIRE. 

tional  tyrant  of  the  East.  But  be  this  as  it  may_,  there  are  no 
symptoms,,  hitherto^  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  being  likely  toj 
sink  under  its  own  magnitude.  Of  making  conquest  for  the 
mere  pleasure  of  conquering,  and  of  extending  the  empire  fori 
the  mere  sake  of  being  proud  of  its  magnitude,  the  six  first 
Sultans  may  be  acquitted. 

It  is  not  so  easy  to  say  this  of  Mahomet  II.  He  would 
have  been  unwise  in  neglecting  to  make  himself  absolutely  safe 
of  a  supremacy  in  the  Black  Sea  and  the  Sea  of  Azov;  but  of 
all  the  relations  of  the  Porte,  those  of  the  Khan  of  the  Crimea 
have,  without  scarcely  a  redeeming  character,  being  from  first 
to  last  detrimental — we  may  almost  say  ruinous.  The  Khan, 
however,  was  a  vassal  rather  than  a  subject,  and  the  adminis- 
tration of  his  Khanate  belonged  to  him  rather  than  to  the 
Sultan.  The  other  conquests  of  Mahomet  differed  but  little 
from  those  of  his  predecessors ;  being,  in  the  reduction  of  the 
islands,  a  completion  of  the  conquests  of  Albania  and  Greece, 
that  of  Trebizond  a  completion  of  that  of  Asia  Minor. 

The  next  great  conqueror  was  Mahomet''s  grandson,  Selim  I. ; 
and  he  added  the  two  provinces  of  Syria  and  Egypt ;  the  latter 
an  outlying  district  in  the  way  of  geography,  and,  of  all  pro- 
vinces, one  that  it  was  the  most  difficult  to  govern  from  a  dis- 
tance. Syria  was  less  difficult  of  retention ;  but,  both — and  the 
difference  is  important — were  not  Turkish,  but  Arabian.  Selim^'s 
conquests  on  the  east,  in  Armenia  and  Persia,  were  those  of  a 
religious  persecutor. 

For  the  invasion  of  both  Syria  and  Egypt  he  had  ample 
provocation.  It  began  in  the  time  of  his  father,  Bajazet  II. ; 
but  Bajazet,  like  Mahomet  L,  was  one  who  preferred  peace  to 
war.  However,  even  in  his  we  get  the  beginning  of  the 
Turkish  navy;  and,  what  is  more,  we  get  in  the  first  hostile 
collision  between  the  Ottomans  and  the  hitherto  unattacked 
kingdoms  of  Western  Europe.  This  is  the  time  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  in  Spain,  and  the  expulsion  of  the  last  remains  of 
the  Arabian  Mahometans  from  that  peninsula.  Such  help  as 
Bajazet  could  give  to  his  co-religionists  of  Grenada  he  gave, 
by  sending  a  fleet  under  Kemal  Reis,  the  first  of  a  series  of 
great  admirals,  to  ravage  the  southern  coast  of  Spain. 


SOLYMAN    I.  397 

When  Egypt  becomes  a  Turkish  province,  it  leads  to  the  ex- 
tension of  Turkish  influence,  and  something  more  than  a 
nominal  suzerainty  over  the  Barbary  States  of  Tunis,  Tripoli, 
and  Algiers.  It  suits  the  corsair  captains  of  these  states  to 
sail  under  the  Turkish  flag;  and  it  suits  the  Sultan  to  make 
admirable  use  of  them.  But  in  proportion  as  piracy  in  the 
Mediterranean  is  abated,  the  value  of  their  help  decreases,  and 
their  vassalage  to  the  Turk  becomes  more  and  more  nominal ; 
or,  vice  versa,  the  more  the  Ottoman  power  diminishes  the  more 
the  piracy  is  abated.  We  can  scarcely  say  when  the  Barbary  pro- 
vinces began  to  be  Turkish;  nor,  with  the  exception  of  Algiers, 
which  in  our  own  time  has  been,  in  the  French  phrase,  relieved 
from  the  tyranny  of  the  Turks,  when  they  will,  to  a  certain 
extent,  cease  to  be  so. 

In  the  reign,  however,  of  Solyman  I.  they  were  important 
elements  in  the  Ottoman  power;  especially  after  his  conquest 
of  Rhodes.  But  the  great  territorial  addition  made  by  Solyman 
was  that  of  Hungary. 

So  far  as  an  alliance  with  one  o£  the  kings  of  Western 
Europe  abates  the  proverbially  Asiatic  character  of  the  Otto- 
man Turks,  and  so  far  as  it  does  this  subtracts  something 
from  this  barbarity,  Solyman  I.  was  a  European;  for  it  was 
the  alliance  with  the  Ottomans  of  Francis  I.  against  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.  that  scandalized  Europe  in  the  reign  of 
those  two  kings.  But  the  fighting  in  the  first  instance  tvas  in 
Hungary,  on  the  field  of  Mohacz,  in  which  Louis,  the  last  King 
of  Hungary,  was  slain.  The  question  of  his  successor  led  to  a 
Mar  with  Austria;  and  of  this  the  great  event  was  the  first 
siege  of  Vienna,  A.D.  1529,  three  years  after  the  death  of 
Louis.  This  the  Sultan  was  compelled  to  desist  from ;  but 
farther  than  the  walls  of  Vienna,  and  against  Austria,  and,  a 
fortiori,  against  the  rest  of  Germany,  as  opposed  to  Hungary, 
the  Ottomans  have  never  been  successful. 

Under  Selim  II.  Cyprus  is  conquered,  and  after  a  war  of 
twenty  years,  between  the  reigns  of  Ibrahim  and  Achmet, 
Candia ;  these  two  being  the  ultimate  and  penultimate  European 
conquests  of  Turkey.  The  Morea  in  1688  was  lost  to,  and 
in  1715  recovered  from,  Venice.     Two  years  after  the  reduc- 


398  DECLINE    OF    THE    OTTOMAN    EMPIRE. 

tion  o£  Cyprus  is  fought  the  battle  of  Lepanto.  It  ought, 
perhaps,  to  have  been  followed  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Turks 
from  Cyprus.  It  might,  perhaps,  have  been  followed  by  an 
immediate  attack  upon  Constantinople.  But  it  was  the  first 
defeat  by  sea  that  the  Ottomans  sustained.  By  land  they  have, 
as  yet,  been  uniformily  victorious ;  and,  by  land,  they  will  yet 
be  victorious  again, — in  Hungary,  and  in  the  battle  of  Cerestes, 
under  Mahomet  III.,  in  1596. 

The  hostility  between  the  Porte  and  Austria  has  now  become 
chronic  ;  and  the  result  of  it  is,  in  1664  the  signal  defeat  of 
St.  Gothard.  It  was  fought  on  the  banks  of  the  Raab,  on 
Hungarian  soil,  but  the  battle  was  won  by  Germans  under  an 
Italian  general,  Montecuculi.  Much  is  written  about  the 
uniform  superiority  of  both  the  Turkish  navy  and  the  Turkish 
army,  from  the  uniform  character  of  their  victories,  both  by 
sea  and  land,  over  all  enemies,  up  to  the  time  of  the  two  great 
battles  of  Lepanto  and  St.  Gothard ;  and  such  is  the  truth. 
But  it  is  scarcely  the  whole  truth.  The  truer  way  of  putting 
the  statement  is  to  say,  that  so  long  as  they  had  to  fight  against 
Asiatics,  South  Slavonians,  Albanians,  Arabs,  and  Greeks, 
the  Ottomans  won  an  uninterrupted  series  of  victories  ;  but  that 
as  soon  as  they  came  in  contact  with  either  Spain  or  Germany 
they  were  defeated.  They  are  again  defeated  by  Louis  of 
Baden  at  Salankeman ;  and  again  at  Zenta,  in  1697,  by  Prince 
Eugene  of  Savoy.  Two  years  afterwards,  in  the  last  year  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  follows  the  Treaty  of  Carlowitz.  This 
gives  us  the  date  from  which,  to  use  a  familiar  expression, 
the  importance  of  Turkey  "  becomes  diplomatic. '^  She  has 
still,  however,  sufficient  strength  to  complete  her  last  conquest, 
that  of  Candia;  and  still  sufficient  to  cope  with  Venice  single- 
handed.  The  great  General  Morosini,  who  had  to  cede  Candia, 
re-establishes  his  high  reputation  by  the  conquest  of  the  Morea; 
but  this,  between  the  Treaties  of  the  Pruth  and  Passavoritz,  the 
Ottomans  re-conquer.  Still,  too,  has  the  Porte  strength 
enough  to  be  a  formidable  enemy  to  Persia.  This  she  was 
steadily  and  perseveringly,  from  the  reign  of  Selim  I.  to  that 
of  Achmet  III.,  whose  suicidal  alliance  with  Peter  the  Great, 
against  her,  has  already  been  noticed. 


EEVOLT    OF   PEOVINCES. — SERVIA.  399 

Such  is  the  sketch  of  tlie  order  and  general  character  of  the 
Ottoman  conquests.  Upon  that  of  her  institutions  I  abstain 
from  enlarging.  We  know  the  general  character  of  them  ;  and 
we  know  that  they  are  bad.  Two  abatements  in  respect  to 
them,  and  I  know  of  no  third,  may  be  made.  It  was,  perhaps, 
when  the  Porte  was  strong,  well  for  states,  which  were  bones  of 
contention  between  two  rival  enemies,  to  be  under  a  govern- 
ment which  could  keep  them  to  herself;  and  it  was  well, 
perhaps,  when  there  were  two  forms  of  Christianity  on  the 
same  area,  to  be  under  a  rule  that  was  contemptously  indifferent 
to  both.  But  this  is  no  apology  for  Turkey.  It  is  rather  an 
incrimination  of  others.  It  is,  however,  as  much  as  can  be 
said. 

^If  ^^  ^If  ^^  ^tf 

We  now  pass  to  the  chief  details  of  her  gradual  dismember- 
ment ;  and  these  are  of  two  kinds,  those  due  to 

1.  National  and  religious  revolts  ;  and 

2.  Revolts  of  Pashas. 

To  the  first  belong — 1,  Servia;  2  andS, Greece,  and  Rumania. 
To  the  second — Egypt. 

The  Russian  conquest  of  the  Crimea  has  been  already 
noticed  ;  and  that  of  Algeria  by  the  French  can  scarcely,  from 
the  looseness  of  its  connection,  be  considered  a  dismember- 
ment ;  indeed,  that  of  Egypt  is  only  a  partial  one. 

I.  Servia. — For  the  movements  which  chiefly  led  to  the  inde- 
pendent position  in  which  Servia  now  stands  the  year  1787  is 
a  convenient  date.  Events  like  those  which  then  took  place 
had  taken  place  before.  There  had  been  wars  in  which  Austria 
had  been  successful ;  wars  in  which  the  Servians  had  fought  on 
the  Austrian  side ;  wars  which  had  made  over  to  Austria  parts 
of  Bosnia  and  even  of  Servia  itself.  There  were  wars  and  there 
were  treaties ;  but  of  these  treaties  and  these  wars  the  main 
results  were  remarkable  for  their  negative  character.  What 
Austria  gained  in  one  settlement  she  lost  by  another;  while 
the  Servians,  who  knew  what  it  was  to  be  transferred  from 
Turkish  rule  to  Austrian,  knew  equally  well  the  converse  process 
which  transferred  them  from  Austrian  to  Turkish.  They  changed 
hands ;  but  at  every  change  they  anticipated  a  return  to  the 


400  DECLINE    OF    THE    OTTOMAN    EMPIRE. 

original  status.  The  peace  most  favourable  to  Austria  was  that 
of  Passarovitz.  But  the  treaty  of  Belgrade  was  in  favour  of 
Turkey.  It  restored  the  important  fortress  of  Belgrade  itself. 
Then  came  a  peace  of  nearly  thirty  years.  Then  the  war 
which^  ending  with  the  Treaty  of  Kainardzhi,  cost  the  Porte 
Crim-Tatary. 

In  the  war  which  commenced  in  1787^  and  which  was  con- 
ducted against  the  united  forces  of  Russia  and  Austria,  the 
troops  of  the  last-named  Power  had  not  only  entered  Servia, 
and  made  it,  to  a  great  extent,  the  seat  of  war,  but  had  been 
well  received  and  actively  assisted  by  the  Servians.  A  body  of 
Servian  volunteers  had  attached  itself  to  the  Austrians,  and, 
under  more  than  one  native  officer,  had  rendered  more  than 
ordinary  service.  No  wonder,  then,  that  when,  by  the  Treaty 
of  Sistova,  the  fortresses  in  the  occupation  of  Austria  were 
evacuated,  the  military  bearing  and  acquired  skill  of  the 
hitherto  despised  rayas  should  have  provoked  wonder,  not 
unmixed  with  suspicious  apprehensions,  on  the  part  of  the 
Ottomans  ;  their  discipline  being  the  more  readily  appreciated 
inasmuch  as  it  was  the  introduction  of  European  tactics  at 
which  the  energetic  Sultan,  along  with  his  best  ministers  and 
officers,  was  more  especially  labouring.  Here,  then,  they  had 
soldiers,  after  the  fashion  of  Western  Europe,  ready  formed. 
That  they  were  Christians  was  the  bitter  matter  of  regret. 
"  Neighbours  !  what  have  you  made  our  rayas  V  was  the  ex- 
clamation of  a  Turkish  officer  to  an  Austrian,  when  the  latter 
paraded,  out  of  one  of  the  restored  fortresses,  a  body  of  Servians, 
as  well  accoutred  and  as  likely-looking  soldiers  as  his  own 
Germans  or  Hungarians.  Regiments  of  this  kind  are  not 
easily  disbanded ;  especially  when  the  land  they  live  in  is  poor 
and  rugged,  and  when  the  language  has  a  mild  name  for  rohher. 
Klephth,  in  Greece,  is  heyduk  in  Servia ;  and  of  heyduks  there 
was  an  inordinate  proportion  after  the  Treaty  of  Sistova. 

The  reform  of  the  Turkish  army  had  a  definite,  though  in- 
direct, bearing  upon  the  changes  in  the  temper  and  discipline 
of  the  Servians.  The  power  of  the  janissaries  had  to  be  broken; 
but  it  was  by  no  means  easy  to  break  it.  Insubordinate  in 
most    districts,    these   Praetorians    were   pre-eminently  insub- 


REVOLTS    OF    THE    PROVINCES. SERVIA.  401 

ordinate  in  Servia.  The  mode  of  recruiting  tliem  by  means  of 
the  tribute  of  Christian  children  had  long  passed  away.  So 
had  the  necessity  of  their  remaining  unmarried.  As  soon  as 
the  service  became  remunerative,  the  men  who  derived  ad- 
vantage from  it  kept  it  for  their  own  offspring_,  and  became 
the  fathers  of  the  sons  to  whom  it  was  transmitted.  The 
tendency  to  remain  in  the  districts  in  which  they  were  garrisoned 
had  set  in.  The  habit,  in  time  of  peace,  of  pursuing  some 
civil  occupation  or  trade  had  grown  up.  The  captaincies  were 
becoming  hereditary.  In  some  cases  the  captains  usurped  titles 
beyond  their  rank.  That  under  such  conditions  they  should 
be  insolent  and  oppressive  to  Christians  and  civilians  is  what 
we  expect.  In  Servia  they  had  encroached  upon  the  rights  and 
even  the  property  of  the  spahis,  or  those  soldiers  whose  service 
was  rendered  as  a  feudal  obligation.  The  lands  which  the 
Servian  spahis  held  on  this  tenure  the  janissaries  threatened  to 
take  for  themselves ;  and  on  one  occasion  as  many  as  fifteen 
spahis  were  murdered  by  their  co-religionists  and  fellow-soldiers. 
At  the  head  of  the  janissaries  of  Belgrade  was  Deli  Achmet.  The 
Sultan  and  the  ^linister  of  War  knew  him  only  as  their  Aga. 
He  designated  himself  as  the  Dey. 

To  coerce  these  unruly  troops  Abu  Bekir  was  sent  as  Pasha 
to  Belgrade  with  more  than  ordinary  powers.  His  first  act  was 
the  treacherous  murder  of  Deli  Achmet.  The  Pasha  of  Viddin, 
the  formidable  Pas  wan  Oglu,  was  then  in  a  state  of  inchoate, 
if  not  actual,  rebellion ;  and  with  Paswan  Oglu  the  soldiers  of 
the  murdered  Aga  found  a  ready  welcome.  His  own  troops 
were  a  heterogeneous  mixture  of  heyduks  and  adventurers. 
Christian  as  w^ell  as  Mahometan.  Of  these,  Kridzhali  as  they 
were  called,  the  rebel  janissaries  doubled  the  strength.  At  the 
head  of  these  mixed  companies  Paswan  Oglu  invaded  Servia, 
and  took  Tshernets,  Kraiova,  and  Nicopolis,  before  his  career 
was  notably  checked. 

Of  the  government  of  the  Pasha  Abu  Bekir  the  Servians  had 
nothing  to  complain.  That  of  his  successor  Hadzhi  Mustafa 
was  remembered  with  gratitude,  as  shown  by  his  hypocoristic 
cognomen,  Srbska  Maika=  Servians  Mother.  Such  services  as 
the  rayas  were  free  to  render,  they  rendered ;  and  with  their 

26 


402  DECLINE    OE    THE    OTTOMAN    EMPIEE. 

aid  the  career  of  Paswan  and  his  myrmidons  was  checked. 
But 

Non  tali  auxilio  nee  defensoribus  istis 
Est  opus 

though  not  exactly  the  cry^  was  the  sentiment  in  Constantinople. 
To  reduce  the  Faithful  by  the  help  of  the  Infidel  was  an 
abomination  in  the  eyes  of  the  extreme,  and  even  the  moderate, 
Mahometans.  "  If  such  are  the  terms  on  which  the  janissaries 
are  to  be  coerced,  re-admit  them/^  This  was  the  gist  of  the 
new  order  of  the  Sultan. 

It  is  in  this  revolution  of  Servia,  and  just  at  this  time,  that 
the  difference  between  the  two  most  important  elements  in  the 
Ottoman  army  exhibits  itself  in  its  extreme  form.  The 
organization  of  the  Janissaries  and  that  of  the  Spahis  was 
essentially  different.  The  former  were  paid  soldiers,  the 
trained  and  converted  descendants  of  Christians,  upon  whom 
was  levied  the  tribute  of  a  thousand  children  annually ;  who 
were  converted  into  Mahometans,  soldiers,  and,  to  some 
extent,  Ottomans.  This  institution  was  the  older  one.  The 
Spahis  were  the  holders  of  fiefs,  of  which  each  holder  was 
bound  to  supply  a  certain  contingent  of  fighting-men.  The 
Janissaries  had  been  partially  got  rid  of;  but  now  they  are 
re-admitted. 

Re-admitted,  they  took  the  power  in  their  own  hands. 
Four  of  their  Agas  they  ennobled  by  the  title  of  Dey,  and 
allotted  a  district  to  each.  The  onslaught  upon  the  rights] 
of  the  spahis  was  continued.  Ali  Vidaitsh  of  Bosnia  sup 
ported  the  aggressors.  The  humbler  prayers  of  the  rayai 
were  now  supported  by  the  more  influential  remonstrances 
of  the  spahis ;  indeed,  the  lot  of  the  spahis  was  a  hard  one 
Whatever  may  have  been  their  value  on  the  field  of  battle  ii 
conjunction  with  the  janissaries  and  against  a  common  foe 
they  were  wholly  unequal  to  a  struggle  with  the  janissaries 
themselves.  Neither  did  the  Sultan  sufficiently  strengthei 
them.  His  threat,  however,  to  the  janissaries  w^as  on( 
pregnant  with  consequences.  ^^  It  is  a  grievous  thing,^^  h< 
proclaimed,  ^'  for  true  believers  to  fight  against  each  other."' 


THE   REVOLUTION.  403 

Soldiers  of  another  nation  and  another  creed  shall  oe  sent 
against  you."  The  threatened  usurpers  interpreted  this  to 
mean  the  Servians :  and  upon  a  massacre,  sufficiently  effective  to 
make  such  assistance  impossible,  they  at  once  decided.  The 
onslaught  took  place  in  February,  1804. 

The  details  of  the  beginning  of  a  massacre,  when  the  attack  is 
made  by  the  armed  upon  the  unarmed,  much  as  they  may  shock, 
do  little  in  the  way  of  instructing,  us.  They  are  numerous,  and, 
all  the  world  over,  they  are  alike.  Few  difficulties  have  to  be 
surmounted.  Hence  they  are  the  measure  of  little  except  the 
cunning  of  the  contrivers  and  the  obduracy  of  the  perpetrators. 
What  really  both  affects  and  instructs  us  is  the  resistance. 

Even  in  revolutions  the  most  important  characteristics  are  few 
in  number,  and,  generally,  of  one  kind.  When  fairly  set  a-going 
revolts  present  a  remarkable  sameness  of  aspect — the  same 
courage,  both  active  and  passive,  often  rising  into  heroism, 
often  sinking  into  brutal  ferocity;  the  same  horrible  cruelties; 
too  often  the  same  contempt  for  the  most  solemn  engagements ; 
unity  and  unanimity  when  the  pressure  of  the  common  enemy  is 
heavy;  discord  and  faction  when  that  pressure  is  lightened;  inter- 
minable jealousies  and  factions;  exceptional  treacheries;  acts  of 
sordid  selfishness ;  foreign  intervention ;  ingratitude  and  re- 
pudiation. That  the  spirit  of  liberty  for  which  this,  with  the 
like,  is  the  price,  redeems  the  crimes  and  follies  of  individuals,  is 
true ;  but  in  all  this,  except  so  far  as  they  differ  in  degree,  the 
best  and  the  worst  revolutions  agree  in  the  general  character 
of  their  details.  This  is  my  excuse  for  not  going  into  the 
minutiae  of  the  Servian  struggle  for  independence.  One  revolu- 
tion is  already  contained  in  this  volume ;  and  others  will  have  to  be 
noticed.  But,  like  a  war  in  an  enemy's  country  which  an  unscrupu- 
lous commander  makes  self-sustained,  a  revolution,  when  once  fairly 
afloat,  propagates  itself.  The  first  step  towards  it  is  the  important 
one.  This  separates  it  from  the  previous  state  of  things.  And  the 
inaiigurator  is  the  hero.  This  is  the  man  whose  courage  is  of  the 
rarebt  kind,  and  for  the  work  to  be  done,  the  most  valuable  and 
indispensable.  The  man  who — to  use  an  expression,  of  which  the 
origin  is  in  our  nursery  fables  and  its  application  in  the  history 
of  Scotland — first  dares  to  bell  the  cat  is  the  man  whose  name, 

26  * 


404  SERVIA.  I 

when  knowD,  should  never  be  left  without  its  record  and  its 
honour.  He  is  in  political,  what  the  leader  of  a  forlorn  hope  is 
in  military,  history.  He  is  rarely  a  blameless  character;  for  the 
blameless  character  may  turn  the  left  cheek  to  the  smiter  of  the 
right.  He  is  not  always  wise  in  council ;  not  always  absolutely 
unexceptionable  in  his  motives,  good,  bad,  or  indifferent.  How- 
ever, he  has  the  one  quality  of  revolutionary  daring  which  the 
hero  of  a  hundred  battles  may  admire. 

For  such  a  man  Servia  had  not  long  to  wait.  Some  twenty  of 
his  countrymen  (we  know  the  names  of  fourteen  knezes  and 
priests)  may  have  been  put  to  death  before  Kara  George  began 
the  liberation  of  his  country  with  a  signal  act  of  stern  resolu- 
lution,  but  one  which  his  subsequent  life  showed  to  be  in  strict 
harmony  with  his  character. 

Kara  George,  Czerny  George,  Black  George — they  all  mean 
the  same;  the  first  name  being  Turkish,  the  second  Servian.  I 
have  chosen  the  Turkish  adjective,  not  because  it  is,  theoretically, 
the  best,  but  because  it  sounds  best, 

Kara  George  had  served  during  the  Austrian  war  against  tha 
Turks.  When  the  war  was  over,  he  seems  to  be  what  in  Cumber- 
land would  be  called  a  statesman  or  yeoman  farmer.  But  his 
herds  consisted  of  hogs — the  common  cattle  of  Servia.  He  bred 
and  dealt  in  them.  It  is  mere  disparagement  to  call  him  a  swine- 
herd or  a  hog-jobber.  Yet  we  can  hardly  call  him  a  farmer  or  a 
merchant.  He  was  essentially  a  man  of  the  middle  class ;  and, 
even  before  his  elevation,  a  man  of  influence  in  his  district. 

He  had  completed  a  bargain,  and  was  driving  his  swine  to  the 
place  of  delivery,  accompanied  by  his  father,  when  he  saw  a  gang 
of  janissaries  in  pursuit  of  him.  For  the  younger  man  an  escape 
was  doubtful ;  for  the  older  impossible.  For  whichever  was  taken  a 
cruel  death  was  the  only  certainty.  Kara  George  saw  this  at 
once,  and  shot  his  father  on  the  spot.  After  this  he  completed  his, 
escape.  | 

It  was  across  the  Save  that  he  fled,  and  on  the  bank  or  in  the, 
stream  of  that  river  he  left  the  dead  body  of  his  father.  It  is  id; 
the  rugged  district  of  Shumadia  that  he  is  next  found.  !; 

Shumadia,  in  the  north  of  Servia,  may  be  called  the  cradle  oi 
the  revolution.     It  lies  as  a  broad  watershed  between  the  lowe 


THE    REVOLUTION.  405 

courses  of  the  Drin  and  the  Morava.  On  each  side  lie  the 
valleys  of  those  two  streams  and  their  feeders,  each  feeder  with  its 
valley.  The  largest  of  these  is  that  of  the  Kolubara.  In  Upper 
SeiTia,  the  valleys  are  both  narrower  and  more  complex ;  the 
country  more  truly  mountainous  ;   the  towns  and  villages  smaller. 

In  Shumadia,  the  revolution  was  organized.  There  met  the  first 
triumvirate;  Kara  George,  Yanko  Katitsh,  and  Vasso  Tsharo- 
pitsh.  Katitsh  had  served  against  Paswan  Oglu.  The  brother 
of  Tsharopitsh  had  been  one  of  the  first  victims  of  the  massacre. 
They  determined  upon  a  general  resistance.  The  apportionment 
of  the  country  to  the  organizers  of  the  different  districts  was  an 
easy  matter.  So  definite  were  the  natural  boundaries,  that  it 
may  be  said  to  have  allotted  itself.  Nor  were  the  men  wanting 
to  the  place.  For  the  districts  beyond  the  Kolubara  there  were 
Yakob  Nenadovitsh,  a  knez  ;  Luka  Lazarovitsh,  a  priest;  and 
Kyurtshia,  a  heyduk  :  for  the  Upper  Morava,  Mileuko,  and  Peter 
Theodorovitsh.  These  had  the  chief  voice  in  the  election  of 
their  leader,  director,  chief,  general,  or  dictator.  The  first 
offer  was  made  to  Glavash,  who  had  degenerated  from  a  herdsman 
into  a  heyduk.  His  wife  had  lamented  the  falling-off.  "  We  are 
all  heyduks  in  times  like  these,"  was  the  husband's  answer.  In 
the  council,  however,  he  admitted  that  his  profession  was  a 
drawback,  and  stated  that  a  heyduk  was  not  the  proper  leader  of 
the  Servians.  Then  the  clioice  fell  on  a  knez  (local  magistrate, 
esquire,  country-gen tlcu) an),  Theodore  Oratshi.  ''  The  fit  man," 
said  Oratshi,  "  is  Kara  George ; "  and  as  Oratshi  was  known  to 
mean  what  he  said,  the  votes  went  to  Kara  George.  For  the 
third  time  unfitness  was  pleaded.  "  I  am  too  hot  in  temper.  If 
offended,  I  strike  at  once." 

"This  is  what  we  want;  a  man  with  a  will.  We  are  an 
unruly  set.     The  strongest  hand  is  the  best  for  us." 

To  this  effect  spoke  the  meeting  and  Kara  George  was  named 
the  leader.  The  character  he  gave  himself  was  a  true  one : 
though  only  as  far  as  it  goes.  That  he  was  a  kindly  man  when 
his  angry  fits  were  not  upon  him  is  just  possible.  The  kindli- 
ness, however,  with  which  he  has  been  invested  is  of  a  doubtful 
kind.  With  the  description  that  he  gave  of  himself  and  with  his 
father's  blood  (whatever  may  have  been  the  necessity  for  shedding 
it)  on  his  hands,  a  little  tenderness  goes  a  long  way     'When  a 


406  SERVIA. 

man  seems  very  bad  it  is  easy  to  say  that  the  appearances  are 
worse  than  the  reality. 

He  was  severe,  to  say  the  least.  When  his  power  and  respon- 
sibilities were  at  their  height,  his  brother  scandalized  the  cause 
by  an  aggravated  case  of  seduction — not,  perhaps,  the  first  that 
was  charged  against  him.  Him,  Kara  George  ordered  to  be  hung. 
The  mother  he  forbade  to  wear  mourning.  That  he  enforced  his 
order  by  clapping  a  live  bee-hive  over  her  head  is  only  a  floating 
report — perhaps  a  false  one.  True  or  false,  however,  it  shows 
that  Kara  George  had  the  credit  of  doing  strange  things. 

The  third  of  those  sacrifices  which  Kara  George  had  the  evil  hap 
to  make  of  men  who,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  would  have 
been  pre-eminently  safe,  was  that  of  the  knez  to  whom  he  owed 
his  dictatorship.  Before  Kara  George's  dictatorship  was  over,  orders 
had  been  given  for  Oratshi  to  be  cut-down.  *'  May  God  punish 
him  who  gave  cause  for  this  quarrel,"  was  his  reflection  on  it. 

Still,  of  purely  gratuitous  cruelty,  no  charge  lies  against  Kara 
George.  Nor  yet  any  of  perfidy  or  dissimulation.  Neither  was 
he  warped  from  the  simplicity  of  his  original  habits  by  the 
possession  of  power.  Perhaps,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  power  he 
was  too  ostentatiously  simple.  His  first  title  was  that  of  Com- 
mander :  afterwards  that  of  Highest  Ruler. 

And  now  the  war  against  the  Deys  became  orgaiized ;  and,  as 
the  beginning  of  the  Servian  struggle  was  one  of  those  strange 
conflicts  which  take  the  form  of  a  triangular  duel,  it  will  be 
given  in  detail.  There  were  three  belligerents ;  indeed,  in  some 
sense,  there  were  three  parties.  Two  were  certainly  principals ; 
the  janissaries  and  the  rayas.  The  representatives  of  the 
central  government  and  the  spahis  were  prepared  to  put  down 
the  former  without  admitting  the  latter  to  the  full  dignity  of 
allies ;  though  as  allies,  in  the  first  instance,  they  were  ready  and 
willing  to  use  them.  Even  the  alliances  were  ambiguous,  equi- 
vocal, and  two-sided ;  as  we  may  see  from  the  example  of  the 
first  of  them. 

Gushanz.  Ali  joined  the  contest  with  a  considerable  body  of 
kridzhalis.  He  was  not  disinclined  to  the  Servians,  not  hostile  to 
the  rayas.  He  was  a  Mahometan.  However,  he  fought  on  the 
side  of  Mahometanism  and  the  Turks  in  either  case.  But  he  was 
not  met  more  than  half  way  by  the  Servians — if  so  much.     The 


THE    DEVOLUTION.  407 

fewer  Turks  tlicyliad  among  them  tlie  better ;  a  principle  wliieh 
gives  us  a  measure  of  their  confidence  in  themselves. 

Ali  Vidaitsh,  also,  of  Bosnia,  intermeddled,  or  tried  to  do  so; 
and  it  was  during  his  interference  that  the  first  blood  was 
shed. 

Then,  the  Servians  undertake  three  sieges  at  once ;  that  of 
Passarovitz  by  Milenko,  that  of  Schabacz  by  Nenadovitsh,  and 
that  of  Belgrade  by  Kara  George.  The  results  are  favourable  ; 
and  the  Janissaries,  by  a  revolting  mixture  of  perfidy  and  au- 
dacity are  driven  out  of  Servia.  Still,  are  there  intestine  quarrels, 
and  there  are  foul  murders  of  Servian  leaders  among  them- 
selves. However,  in  the  beginning  of  1805,  a  legation  returns 
from  St.  Petersburg,  with  promises  that  any  reasonable  appli- 
cation to  the  Porte  shall  have  the  support  of  Russia.  The 
Servians  demand,  amongst  other  things,  the  withdrawal  of  all 
Turks  from  the  garrisons ;  in  which  none  but  Servian  soldiers 
are  to  be  admitted.  The  deputies  are  arrested,  and  the  Pasha 
of  Nish  is  ordered  to  disarm  the  rayas.  Then  comes  the  great 
event  of  the  campaign.  An  army  under  Hadji  Bey,  from  the 
East  J  and  another  consisting  of  forty  thousand  men,  under  the 
Pasha  of  Scutari,  are  ordered  to  march  upon  the  Servians  and 
crush  the  rebellion  at  once.  The  actions  now  assume  magni- 
tude and  their  results  become  decisive.  By  an  attack  with  a 
far  inferior  force,  in  which  he  was  ably  supported  by  Katitsh^ 
Kara  George,  with  desperate  boldness  and  unsurpassed  rapidity^ 
fell  upon  the  two  divisions  in  detail  and  won  the  first  of  two 
great  victories.  The  second  follows  soon  after;  and  then  the 
capture  of  Belgrade.  By  the  campaign  of  1806^  the  Turks  were 
driven  beyond  the  Drin. 

The  practical  independence  of  the  country  is'now,  for  a  time, 
established.  It  has  a  constitution ;  with  Kara  George  at  the 
head  of  the  executive.  The  Turks  have  full  employment  else- 
where. But  in  1810  hostilities  recommence,  and  the  success  is 
on  the  side  of  the  Ottomans.  Faction,  too,  sets  in ;  and 
Dobrinjaz  accuses  Kara  George  of  affecting  a  dictatorship. 
The  treaty  of  Bucharest  leaves  the  Servians  with  the  following 
amount  of  encouragement,  viz.  (secured  by  the  eighth  article) 
an    amnesty,   the   right    of  administering  their  own   internal 


408  DECLINE    OF    THE    OTTOMAN    EMPIEB. 

government^  and  a  moderate  amount  of  impost_,  which  was  to 
be  paid  directly  to  the  Porte  instead  of  being  farmed  to  con- 
tractors : — "  though  it  was  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  Sublime 
Porte  would,  according  to  its  principles_,  act  with  gentleness 
and  magnanimity  to  the  Servians  as  a  people  that  had  long  been 
under  its  dominion.  Still,  it  was  deemed  just,  in  consideration 
of  the  part  taken  by  the  Servians  in  the  war,  to  come  to  a 
solemn  agreement  respecting  their  security/^ 

But  the  continuation  of  the  insurrection  is  less  marked  with 
success  than  its  beginning;  for  the  mediation  suggested  by 
Russia  has  no  immediate  eflPect,  and  the  contest  continues. 

The  campaign  of  1813  was  in  favour  of  the  Ottomans,  the 
last  of  the  patriots  who  held  out  with  any  notable  effect  being 
Veliko.  He  was  cut  in  two  by  a  cannon-ball  while  giving  orders 
on  the  battlements  of  Negotin.  Like  Kyurtshia,  a  heyduk,  he 
had  served  his  country  better  than  more  respectable  men. 
Unlike  Kyurtshia,  he  fell  on  the  field  of  battle,  and,  unlike 
Kyurtshia,  at  a  time  when  he  could  ill  be  spared.  Never  was 
the  prospect  more  discouraging.  Except  in  the  eyes  of  Veliko 
himself,  it  was  hopeless.  The  Shumadia  alone  was  unreduced; 
and  of  the  heroes  of  the  Shumadia,  the  first  organizers  of  the 
revolt,  two  were  dead  and  one  was  untrue.  As  the  danger 
increased,  the  energy  of  Kara  George  had  fallen-off.  He  was 
seen  but  rarely;  in  the  council  or  on  the  battle-field,  never. 
He  was  more  with  the  Russian  Consul  than  with  anyone  else. 
During  the  whole  of  his  government  he  had  neither  affected 
display,  nor  indulged  in  luxury.  But  money  he  was  believed 
to  have  saved ;  and  money  he  loved.  He  had  probably  buried 
what  he  had  amassed. 

On  the  1st  of  October,  however,  he  appeared  in  the  camp  on 
the  Morava.  On  the  2nd,  the  Turks  had  crossed  the  river,  and 
were  advancing  with  a  force  apparently  overwhelming.  In 
1806  Kara  George  took  no  pains  to  count  his  enemy,  and  it 
was  against  greater  odds  than  this  that  his  first  victory  had 
been  won.  But  now,  as  if  panic-stricken,  he  took  flight :  not 
with  his  army,  for  that  he  abandoned,  but  with  his  secretary 
and  three  others,  Neoloba,  Leonti,  and  Philippovitsh. 


REVOLTS    OF    THE   PROVINCES. — SERVIA.— RUMANIA.    409 

Such  was  the  degeneration  of  the  great  liberator,  and  such 
the  beginning  of  his  end. 

We  must  account  for  this  mysterious  conduct  of  the  libera- 
tor as  we  can ;  and  without  further  evidence,  it  is  as  uncharitable 
as  it  is  repugnant  to  brand  him  as  either  a  coward  or  traitor. 
He  seems  to  have  felt  himself  distrusted  by  his  countrymen.  He 
knew  that  the  man  who  supplanted,  superseded,  and  eventually 
got  him  shot,  Milosch  Obrenovitsh,  the  founder  of  the  pre- 
sent dynasty,  was  his  enemy.  Before  Kara  George^s  appearance 
at  the  Council,  he  had  been  almost  exclusively  in  contact  with 
the  chief  officials  of  Russia,  and  it  is  probable  that  these  men 
had  persuaded  him  that  Russia  could  do  more  for  his  country 
than  he  could  by  himself.  Russia  certainly  did  something,  and 
eventually  much.  The  Czar  prevailed  on  the  Sultan  to  recog- 
nize Milosch  Obrenonovitsh  as,  under  the  Porte,  their  adminis- 
trator and  prince;  to  enlarge  his  powers,  and  make  Servia 
itself,  to  a  great  extent,  autonomous.  What  was  done  in  this 
direction  was  confirmed  by  the  Treaty  of  Bucharest,  extended 
by  that  of  Akkerman,  and  subsequently  extended  farther, 
until  Servia  became  what  it  is  now.  The  Servians  have  now 
got,  by  one  means  or  another,  what  ought  to  content  them ; 
but  the  present  generation  is  not  a  generation  of  men  like 
Kara  George  and  his  rough  but  brave  coadjutors;  though 
much  more  pretentious. 

*  ^  *  ^  -5^ 

II.  Rumania. — The  insurrectionary  movement  in  the  Danu- 

bian  Principalities  was  later  than  that  in  Servia ;  neither  was 

it   wholly   for    Rumanian   emancipation.     It   was    rather  the 

beginning  of    a  Greek  revolution,   originating  on   Rumanian 

soil. 

It  was  under  Bayazet  I.  that  Valachia  was  con- 
A.D  1391 

quered  by  the  Ottomans ;  and  of  the  Ottoman  Empire 

it  has  been  the  least  disturbed  portion.     Occasionally  invaded 

by    Poland,   often   occupied   by  Russia,  it    has,    nevertheless, 

changed  masters,  only  for  a  time,  and  in  part. 

The  first  hospodars  were  the  native  princes ;  but  when  Prince 

Kantemir  of    Moldavia   revolted   to  Russia,  the  principle   of 

nomination  was  changed,  and  Greeks  were  appointed  instead  of 


410  DECLINE    OF   THE    OTTOMAN   EMPIRE. 

Rumanyos.  The  Phanariot  period^  so  called  from  the  Phanar^ 
or  Greek  quarter  of  Constantinople,  ended  in  1826 ;  and  the 
system  of  natives  holding  office  for  seven  years,,  and  being  re- 
eligible,  lasted  until  a  few  years  ago,  when  the  two  hospodariats 
were  united,  or  rather  united  themselves. 

It  was  in  the  Danubian  Principalities  that  the  Greek  Revolu- 
tion broke  out.  It  was  in  Yassi,  Galacz,  and  Bucharest,  that 
the  secret  societies  had  their  more  important  centres.  And  for 
this  there  was  a  reason.  The  Turkish  war  with  Russia  had 
grown  out  of  a  Valachian  disturbance,  the  deposition  of  one 
of  the  hospodars ;  and  in  no  country  were  the  Russian  preten- 
sions to  interference  in  the  religious  and  national  questions  of 
the  Christians  under  the  Porte  earlier  displayed,  more  definitely 
put  into  action,  or  better  (up  to  a  certain  point)  understood — 
than  in  the  Principalities.  The  extent  to  which  Russia  limited 
her  benevolent  interpositions  to  her  furtherance  of  her  own 
ulterior  views,  and  the  readiness  with  which,  when  unnecessary, 
the  protegee  was  abandoned,  had  yet  to  be  learned.  Again,  the 
Danubian  Principalities  were  on  the  Russian  frontier.  They 
were  the  outworks  of  the  Ottoman  Empire ;  almost  a  Debateable 
Land. 

With  Greeks,  too,  they  swarmed ;  for  with  Greece,  the  Pha- 
nariot  hospodars  had  made  the  Rumanyos  familiar.  Subtract, 
however,  the  revolutionary  elements  administered  by  Greece 
and  Russia,  and  little  enough  remains.  The  hospodars  were 
Greeks,  supported  by  regiments  of  Albanians  and  Bulgarians. 
The  boyards,  when  rich,  were  ostentatious  and  self-seeking; 
affecting  the  habits  of  that  part  of  the  Russian  nobility  which 
most  affected  those  of  the  French.  When  poor  they  were 
ignorant  and  narrow-minded.  The  people  were,  if  not  actual 
serfs,  in  a  condition  nearly  approaching  serfage.  The  whole 
trade  was  sacrificed  to  the  monopolies  by  which  the  hospodars 
enriched  themselves  and  the  members  of  the  monied  interest 
with  whom  they  came  most  immediately  in  contact.  Of  such 
"intellectual  activity  as  familiarity  with  manufacturing  processes 
and  the  congregation  of  artizans  and  masters  in  large  masses 
engenders,  they  had  nothing. 

On  elements  of  this  kind  did  the  first  promoters  of  the  Greek 


REVOLTS   OF   THE   PROVINCES. RUMANIA.  411 

Revolution  work ;  but  instead  of  a  Kara  George^  or  a  Milosch, 
they  had  the  contemptible  Alexander  Hypsilantes_,  the  son  of 
the  ex-hospodar. 

He  crossed  the  Pruth.  Two  namesakes^  though  of  different 
families,  Micael  Soutzos  in  Moldavia  and  Alexander  in  Vala- 
chia,  were  the  hospodars ;  both  members  of  the  secret  society 
— the  Philike  Hetairia.  One  lesson  that  the  Russians  and 
Greeks  succeeded  in  teaching  the  Valachians  was  to  believe  in 
neither  Greece  nor  Russia.  But  before  the  blunders  of  Hypsi- 
lantes  had  brought  matters  to  a  crisis,  the  Emperor  Alexander 
had,  in  giving  them  to  understand  that  he  was  no  friend  to 
revolutionary  movements,  repudiated  the  use  of  his  name. 
One  man,  and  one  man  only,  of  native  blood,  did  the  Princi- 
palities supply  to  the  cause — Theodore  Vladimiresco ;  and  him 
the  Greeks  brand  as  a  traitor;  though  Finlay  reasonably 
remarks  that,  had  a  Valachian  written  the  history  of  the  Revo- 
lution, and  had  it  become  a  Rumanyo  one,  Vladimiresco  might 
have  been  a  hero. 

Even  as  far  as  it  went,  the  war  was  like  the  one  in  Servia,  at 
its  beginning,  a  triple  duel.  The  Greeks  had  their  own  view ; 
the  Rumanyos  theirs ;  the  Turks  one  adverse  to  both.  Vladi- 
miresco^s  was  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  his  own 
country.  No  wonder  that,  between  Turk  force  and  Geeek  fraud, 
he  failed  and  fell.  However,  he,  and  he  alone,  represents  his 
country. 

He  soon  detected  the  utter  incapability  of  Hypsilantes.  So 
did  Savas,  a  Greek.  Both  distrusted  him.  Each  hated  and 
distrusted  one  another.  Yet  they  intrigued  with  Hypsilantes ; 
whilst,  at  the  same  time,  they  intrigued  with  the  Pashas.  It 
was  Little  Valachia  that  Savas  occupied.  His  intrigues  being 
suspected,  an  order  was  issued  by  Hypsilantes  for  his  arrest.  A 
copy  of  one  of  his  letters  to  the  secretary  of  the  Pasha  of 
Guirgevo  was  shown  by  Hypsilantes  to  Georgaki,  who  under- 
took to  arrest  him.  Hypsilantes,  who  was  himself  meditating 
the  abandonment  of  his  followers,  reproached  him  with  treachery. 
Vladimiresco  replied  that  he  had  served  his  country  better  than 
his  accusers,  and  that  he  was  thrown  upon  his  correspondence 
with  the  enemy  by  the  necessity  of  counteracting  the  treachery 


412  DECLINE    OF    THE    OTTOMAN    EMPIRE. 

of  Savas.  Hypsilantes  pretended  to  pardon  him,  and  two  days 
afterwards  pardoned  the  men  who  murdered  him. 

In  Moldavia,  after  the  Czar''s  repudiation  of  the  devolution 
became  known,  and  after  the  battle  of  Skuleni,  the  Sultanas 
authority  was  soon  re-established.  In  Valachia  it  was  re- 
established after  the  brave  but  hopeless  stand  made  by  Georgaki 
and  Pharmaki  at  Seko. 

This  rebellion  in  Rumania  is  but  loosely  and  interruptedly 
with  the  present  independence  of  the  two  Principalities.  Never- 
theless, it  was  the  beginning  of  the  movement  towards  it ;  and, 
what  is  much  more  important,  it,  when  quashed  in  Rumania, 
extended  itself  to  Greece;  for  between  Greece  and  the  Danu- 
bian  Principalities  the  connection  had  long  been  of  the  closest. 
In  Greece,  too,  the  necessity  of  a  revolution  was  the  greatest, 
and,  moreover,  Greece  was  less  under  the  immediate  super- 
vision of  the  Czar.  It  was  gradually,  and  somewhat  slowly, 
that  the  two  separate  principalities  of  Vallachia  and  Moldavia 
became  the  present  kingdom  of  Rumania.  The  oppression 
that  they  suffered  from  was,  for  Turkish  provinces,  moderate; 
though  this  means  but  little.  In  some  respect  their  dependency 
on  the  Porte  was  an  advantage  to  them.  '^  If  the  revolution 
under  Ypsilantes  and  his  associates  was,  as  far  as  Rumania  is 
concerned,  abortive,  its  subsequent  history  has  made  it  a 
favoured  and  a  fortunate  country.  Nevertheless,  a  rich  soil, 
which  less  than  most  others  has  been  devastated  by  invasions, 
with  a  drainage  which  might  make  it  as  productive  as  Lom- 
bardy,  has  failed  to  enrich  its  population.  And  that  population 
is  a  large  one.  The  good  or  bad  government  of  the  Danubian 
Principalities  affects  nearly  four  millions  of  Rumanyos. 

"  Their  true  policy,  now  that  they  have  obtained  practical  in- 
dependence along  with  the  union  between  Moldavia  and 
Valachia,  is  intense  selfishness  of  the  narrowest  and  most  pro- 
vincial kind.  The  temptations  to  launch  into  cosmopolitanism 
are  great.  The  Rumanyo  language  is  that  of  Transylvania  and 
the  Bukovina ;  but  to  sympathize  with  these  is  to  come  in  con- 
tact with  Austria.  They  want  no  protection  so  long  as  they 
keep  within  the  law ;  which  in  the  union  of  the  hospodariats 
they  have  violated   with  advantage.     To  give  Russia  no  oppor- 


OBEEK    REVOLITTION.  413 

tunity  for  interference  ;  to  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  Greek  intrigues  ; 
to  forget  that  they  were  ever  connected  with  Hungary;  to 
keep  out  Propaganda  Romanists,  the  forerunners  of  French  in- 
terposition ;  to  live  within  the  law  as  far  as  regards  Turkey ;  to 
either  violate  or  alter  it  as  regards  their  own  boyards ;  to  make 
roads,  irrigate  fields,  jj:row  grain  and  prosper  accordingly. 

**X*  vL*  *A^  *!,* 

"T*  'T*  "^  ^^ 

III.  Greece. — Such  should  have  been  the  policy  of  Rumania. 

But  the  insurrection  on  the  Danube  was  the  signal  for  a 
struggle  rather  than  the  struggle  itself.  In  Greece,  the  6th  of 
April  was  the  day  fixed  for  what,  by  a  mild  euphemism,  we  may 
call  the  outbreak  of  the  revolution.  Outbreaks,  however,  of 
revolutions  fixed  for  a  day  named  by  the  committee  of  a  secret 
society  are  very  like  what  a  cynic  might  call  a  Sicilian  Vesper, — 
except  that  they  are  spread  over  a  longer  time.  This  is  the 
interpretation  of  the  following  passage  from  Finlay:  — "In  the 
month  of  April,  1821,  a  Mussulman  population,  amounting  to 
upwards  of  twenty  thousand  souls,  was  living,  dispersed  in 
Greece,  and  employed  in  agriculture.  Before  two  months  had 
elapsed  the  greater  part  was  slain — men,  women,  and  children 
were  murdered  without  mercy  or  remorse.  Old  men  still  point  to 
heaps  of  stones,  and  tell  the  traveller  '  There  stood  the  pyrgos 
(tower)  of  Ali  Aga,  and  there  we  slew  him,  his  harem,  and  his 
slaves ;'  and  the  old  man  walks  calmly  on  to  plough  the  fields 
which  once  belonged  to  Ali  Aga,  without  a  thought  that  any 
vengeful  fury  can  attend  his  path. 

"The  crime  was  a  nation's  crime,  and  whatever  perturbations  it 
may  produce  must  be  in  a  nation's  conscience,  as  the  deeds  by 
which  it  can  be  expiated  must  be  the  acts  of  a  nation." 

These  are  statements  which  the  writer  himself  must  hope  are 
exaggerated.  Yet  who  has  corrected  them?  The  two  months 
were  not  months  of  battle,  except  so  far  as  the  small  combats 
with  surprised  garrisons  deserve  that  name.  It  was  not  till  after- 
wards that  the  struggle  with  the  regular  troops  began. 

Such  the  report.  The  evidence  of  it  lies  in  the  details,  which 
are,  of  course,  imperfect.  Enough,  however,  is  known  of  them  to 
give  a  rough  view  of  the  penalty  which  overtakes  vicious  govern- 
ments and  intolerable  oppression.  It  was  in  the  Morea  and  the 
neighbourhood  of  Patras  that  the  Hetajriyts  held  the  meeting  at 


414  aREEK   REVOLUTION. 

Vostitza,  and,  as  they  heard  little  about  the  movements  ^  , 
in  Valachia,  they  counselled  delay.  Let  the  Archbishop 
of  Arta,  who  is  at  Pisa,  and  let  Ypsilantes,  who  is,  or  ought  to  be, 
at  Bucharest,  be  consulted.  Let  the  Turks  who,  to  say  the  least, 
bave  grown  suspicious,  be  deceived.  Let  the  people  wait  till  after 
the  0th.  But  the  people  were  less  patient  than  the  majority 
of  the  committee  which  would  guide  them.  On  the  25th  of 
March  three  Turkish  couriers  were  waylaid  and  killed  at  Agridha. 
The  next  day  were  killed  eight  Albanian  collectors  of  the  haratch. 
The  leader  of  the  men  who  killed  them  increased  his  band  to 
three  hundred,  and  at  Bersova  killed  twenty  and  disarmed  forty 
Mussulmans — like  the  haratch  collectors,  Albanians.  On  the 
2nd  of  April  many  Turks  were  murdered  at  different  places.  On 
the  3rd,  the  fort  of  Kalavryta  which  the  Turks,  (on  hearing  of 
a  special  act  of  violence  contemplated,  but  not  carried  into 
effect  against  Seid  Aga  of  LaUa,)  had  made  into  a  kind  of  barri- 
cade, surrendered  on  terms;  and  three  hundred  soldiers  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Greeks.  Half  of  these  are  considered  to  have 
been  put  to  death  by  the  following  August.  On  the  same  day 
Kalamata  was  besieged,  and  on  the  4th  it  surrendered.  The 
prisoners  were  distributed  among  the  conquerors  as  domestic  slaves. 
Before  the  year  was  out  "  the  moon  had  devoured  them."  The 
Varduniot  Albanians,  when  they  heard  of  the  outbreak  at 
Kalamata,  in  passing  through  Mistra,  on  their  way  to  Tripolitza, 
spread  the  alarm  among  the  Turks  of  that  district,  who  tried  to 
escape  to  Tripolitza  or  Monemvasia.  About  five  thousand  out 
of  nineteen  thousand  of  these  are  supposed  to  have  been  either 
surprised  or  killed  on  the  way.  Meanwhile  in  the  parts  about 
Patras  regular  fighting  had  begun. 

I  have  given  these  details  as  I  find  them  in  Finlay;  partly 
because  such  details  are  the  elements  of  our  generahties,  and  partly 
because  they  give  us  approximate  numbers,  dates,  and  places. 
They  are  the  details  of  a  fortnight  in  the  Morea  only,  and, 
details  of  which  the  narrative  has  come  down  to  us.  Allow  for 
what  is  unrecorded,  and  take  fourteen  days  in  the  Morea  as 
a  sample  of  fourteen  days  elsewhere  and  the  picture  gets 
distinctness. 

From  the  smaller  let  us  go  to  the  greater  details.  The  first  victory 
won  by  the  Greeks,  on  anything  deserving  the  name  of  a  battle-field, 


GREEK    REVOLUTION.  415 

was  at  Yaltetzi,  one  of  the  positions  for  blockading  Tripolitza. 
About  five  thousand  Turks  and  three  thousand  Greeks  were  en- 
gaged ;  and  of  the  latter  one  hundred  and  fifty,  of  the  former 
four  hundred,  were  killed.  The  first  fortress  that  capitulated 
was  Monemvasia ;  the  second,  Navarin ;  the  third,  Tripolitza — 
all  in  August.  The  general  character  of  these  and  the  other 
sieges  was  the  same.  The  Turks  had  neglected  all  adequate 
preparation.  The  Greeks  blockaded  the  towns  and  trusted  to 
famine — to  famine  and  treachery.  The  general  rule  seems  to 
have  been  for  some  of  the  Greek  captains  to  tamper  with  some  of 
the  Albanian  portions  of  the  garrison ;  to  drive  private  bargains 
with  some  of  the  wealthier  Turks;  to  regulate  the  energy  of  the 
attack  according  to  the  amount  of  money  or  jewels  that  they 
could  extort  from  the  possessors  of  them  without  being  obhged  to 
either  share  it  with  the  common  soldier  as  prize-money  or  to 
pay  a  portion  of  it  into  the  national  treasury.  At  Monemvasia 
there  was  a  further  complication.  Demetrius  Ypsilantes  insisted 
on  the  surrender  being  made  in  his  name.  The  Peloponnesian 
Senate  overruled  this  piece  of  presumption,  and  decided  that  it 
should  be  given  up  to  the  Greek  Government.  Still,  the  three 
towns  were  taken ;  and  broken  faith  and  bloodshed  attended  the 
taking  of  each.  At  Monemvasia  it  was  merely  the  murder  of 
several  Turks.  At  Navarin  it  was  a  general  massacre  of  men, 
women,  and  children — women  cut  down  with  sabres,  and  de- 
liberately shot ;  children  dashed  against  the  rocks,  or  hurled  into 
the  sea.  After  this  the  conquerors  quarrelled  among  themselves 
about  the  booty. 

The  fraud,  the  bad  faith,  the  intestine  quarrels,  the  separate 
capitulation  of  Tripolitza  were  those  of  Navarin,  only  on  a  larger 
scale.  The  system  of  separate  bargains  attained  here  its  complete- 
ness, and  Greek  women  entered  the  city  to  persuade  Turkish 
women  to  save  their  lives  and  honour,  by  giving  up  their  jewels. 
One  Bobolina,  the  widow  of  a  Spetziot  shipowner,  was  the  great 
agent  in  these  patriotic  pieces  of  rapacity.  Meanwhile,  the  chiefs 
drove  bargains  with  the  Turks  or  Mahometan  Albanians  of  their 
old  neighbourhoods,  until  the  soldiers,  more  than  suspicious  of  their 
double-dealing,  determined  upon  storming  the  town  as  the  only 
means  of  getting  their  own  in  the  way  of  plunder.  The  Albanians 
took  care  of  themselves  and  got  away  free;  but  the  Turks  were 


416  GREEK   REVOLUTION, 

massacred.  Two  thousand  of  them,  chiefly  women  and  children, 
twenty-four  hours  after  the  town  had  heen  taken,  and  when  the  hot 
hlood  of  the  besiegers  had  had  time  to  cool,  were  deliberately  led 
to  a  ravine,  and,  one  and  all,  murdered.  This  is  Finlay's  notice. 
Gordon  puts  the  number  of  Turks  killed  during  the  whole  siege  at 
eight  thousand.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  not  half  of  these  died  a 
soldier's  death.  The  affair  at  Valtetzi  will  not  account  for  an 
eighth  of  them ;  nor  does  it  appear  that  the  famine  had  actually 
reached  that  point  when  death  by  hundreds  takes  place  from  it. 

The  revolution  continued  as  it  began;  and  the  Constitution  of 
Epidaurus  and  the  Presidency  of  Mavrocordata  were  its  results. 
Then  events  took  a  turn,  and  Greece  was  in  a  fair  way  of  being 
reconquered.  The  change  began  in  1823,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  battle  of  Navarino,  which  is  only  another  name  for  foreign 
intervention,  that  anything  like  definite  success  attends  the  Greek 
cause.  The  details  of  the  interval  are,  upon  the  whole,  discredit- 
able to  the  insurgents.  The  spirit  of  the  people  was  the  same ; 
the  contempt  of  danger  ;  the  hatred  of  the  Turks  ;  the  resolution 
to  be  free.  But  the  faults  of  the  individual  leaders  become  both 
m^xe  prominent  and  more  dangerous ;  and  the  selfishness  of 
individual  bodies  is  more  and  more  disgraceful.  Above  all,  the 
absolute  inability,  on  the  part  of  anyone  who  had  a  chance  of 
appropriating  money,  to  resist  the  temptation  of  diverting  funds 
intended  for  the  service  of  the  country  at  large,  to  his  own  indi- 
vidual advantage,  becomes  sadly  apparent.  During  this  interval 
the  famous  Greek  loan  was  contracted ;  and  as  a  pendant  to  it 
two  civil  wars  broke  out. 

The  great  scene  of  undeserved  calamity  was  Chios.  A 
favoured  island,  it  was  comparatively  beyond  the  influence  which 
had  elsewhere  goaded  the  Greeks  into  rebellion.  Bat  it  was  not 
allowed  to  be  left  alone.  A  Samian,  of  the  name  of  Lycurgus, 
undertook  to  revolutionize  it:  landed  with  an  inadequate  force ; 
behaved  as  in  a  hostile  country ;  and  inflicted  many  of  the 
miseries  of  war  on  the  wealthy  and  peaceful  population  before 
the  real  conflict  with  the  Turks  had  begun.  The  garrison,  pre- 
viously strengthened,  was  reinforced.  A  strong  body  of  Turkish 
troops  was  landed.  A  decided  superiority  of  power  was  ex- 
hibited, Lycurgus  made  his  escape,  leaving  the  Cbiots,  unwill 
ingly  connected  with  the  revolution,  to  their  fate.  Had  they 
been  the  first  instigators  they  could  scarcely  have  been  treated 


GREEK    REVOLUTION.  417 

with  greater  severity  ;  and  severity,  in  Turkish  warfare,  means 
revolting  and  inhuman  cruelty.  That  the  massacre,  after  it  had 
lasted  some  days,  was  partially  checked  by  the  captain-pasha 
must  be  recorded  in  his  favour.  That  the  Greeks  had  been  the 
first  to  stain  their  hands  with  the  blood  of  unarmed  prisoners  is 
true  as  against  the  Samiots  under  Lycurgus.  That  the  revolt 
of  Chios  may  have  appeared  to  the  Sultan  pre-eminently  un- 
called for  and  gratuitous  is  likely.  But  it  is  beyond  doubt,  that 
of  all  the  actors  in  the  revolution,  the  Cliiots  were  those  who,  for 
the  smallest  provocation,  suffered  the  most.  In  the  number  of 
those  who  were  massacred,  and  in  the  greater  number  of  those 
who  were  sold  as  slaves,  there  is  exaggeration ;  but  in  one 
monastery  three,  in  another  two,  thousand  were  either  cut  to 
pieces  or  burnt  with  the  building ;  whilst,  as  measures  of  cold- 
blooded cruelty,  between  seventy  and  eighty  hostages,  previously 
taken  as  securities  against  the  revolt,  were  executed.  Finlay, 
though  he  treats  the  high  number  of  forty  thousand  Chiots  either 
murdered  or  enslaved  as  an  exaggeration,  considers  that  in  the 
January  of  '22  the  population  of  the  island  was  one  hundred  th  " 
sand,  in  August  thirty  thousand  ;  of  which  only  twenty  thousand 
are  accounted  for  as  having  escaped.  Let  the  margin  be  what  it 
may  the  penalty  paid  by  the  miserable  islanders  for  the  folly, 
crime,  and  cowardice  of  the  Greeks  under  Lycurgus,  was  of  the 
bloodiest. 

In  one  respect,  however,  it  was  productive  of  good.  The 
severity  of  the  Sultan  defeated  its  own  end.  Of  all  the  events 
which  directed  the  attention  of  Western  Europe  towards  the 
affairs  of  Greece  the  massacres  of  Chios  were,  by  far,  the  most 
important.  It  was  this  which  most  especially  appealed  to  the 
common  feeling  of  humanity ;  this  that  most  strongly,  excited 
the  indignation  of  all  Christian  nations ;  this  that  first  taught 
statesmen  that  such  a  thing  as  a  war  of  extermination  was  not 
impossibly  contemplated;  and  that  when  this  was  the  case,  the 
principle  of  non-intervention  should  give  way  to  the  natural 
instincts  and  impulses  of  humanity. 

The  event  which  was  the  most  ominous  to  Greece,  and  which, 
if  Greece  could  by  any  means  be  welded  into  a  unity,  was  most 
likely  to  have  abohshed  all  minor  factions,  w^as  the  reconciliation 
between  the  Sultan  and  Mahomet  Ali.  Mahomet  Ali  undertook 
the  reduction  of  the  Morea.      Besides  this,  the  conquest  of  the 

27 


418  GREEK  REVOLUTION. 

islands  and  of  Northern  Greece  was  undertaken  from  Constanti- 
nople. A  victory  gained  by  the  orthodox  Tosks  over  the  Roman 
Catholic  Mirdits  opened  the  campaign.  Then  came  the  disgrace- 
ful pillage  of  Skiathos  and  Skopelos,  Greek  islands,  by  the  Greek 
fugitives.  Reshid  Pasha  had  driven  the  armatoli  of  Olympus  out 
of  Thessaly.  They  took  refuge  on  the  two  islands  just  named, 
and  pillaged  them  as  if  they  had  been  parts  of  an  enemy's  country. 
Then  there  were  naval  actions ;  one  of  which  was  followed  by  a 
violation  of  the  neutrality  of  the  Ionian  Islands — neither  for  the 
first  nor  the  second  time.  Then  came  the  first  instalment  of  the 
Greek  loan,  which  put  a  stop  to  the  first  of  the  two  civil  wars.  This 
was  the  result  of  the  enmity  between  the  parties  of  Kolettes  and 
Konduriotes  on  the  one  side,  and  of  Kolokotrones  on  the  other ; 
the  former  being  in  ofiice,  the  latter,  perhaps  unjustly,  excluded 
from  it.  His  sons  held  Nauplia.  However,  one  of  the  first 
payments  out  of  the  loan  prevailed  upon  him  to  evacuate  it,  and 
the  wounds  of  the  first  civil  war  were  healed.  It  had  lasted 
about  nine  months.  The  same  son  of  the  same  patriot  appears 
in  the  second,  in  which  he  was  killed.  This  was  between  the 
ministerialists  (if  we  may  call  them  so)  and  the  party  of  Zaimes 
and  Landos — Zaimes,  whom  Lord  Byron  pronounced  to  be  the 
one  honest  man  with  whom  he  had  come  in  contact.  Yet  he  was 
not  honest  enough  to  be  quiet  during  a  time  when  union  was 
strength  and  disunion  was  weakness. 

Such  was  the  anarchy  on  land.  By  sea  the  navies  of  Hydra 
and  Spetzas  were  either  inactive  or  mischievous.  The  ship- 
owners jobbed,  and  palmed  off  crazy  vessels  for  sound  ones,  the 
payment  being  made  out  of  the  loan.  The  men  did  nothing 
unless  when  paid  in  advance.  When  united  with  the  Psariots 
and  the  Kasiots  they  quarrelled  about  plunder  and  fought. 
They  quarrelled,  indeed,  with  the  Psariots  because  they  had  set 
a  bad  example  by  serving  before  they  had  received  their  pay.  So 
Kasos  and  Psara  were  sacked  by  the  Turks.  With  opponents  at 
war  with  one  another  it  was  no  hard  matter  for  an  able  commander 
like  Ibrahim  Pasha  to  overrun  the  Morea ;  easy,  too,  it  was  for 
Eeshid  and  Kosi'eff  Pashas  to  reconquer  the  greater  part  of 
northern  and  western  Greece.  Missolonghi  was  taken  after  an 
obstinate — a  heroic — resistance.  The  chief  warriors  in  these 
events  were  Kolokotrones,  who  was  generally  defeated ;    Odys- 


GREEK   REVOLUTION.  419 

sens,  who  turned  traitor  and  joined  the  Turks ;  and  the  admiral 
Miaoulis,  who,  whether  successful  or  unsuccessful,  was  always 
brave,  vigilant,  prudent,  and  thoroughly  patriotic.  In  '26, 
Athens,  after  a  long  siege  and  many  ineffectual  attempts  to  re- 
lieve it,  was  finally  retaken. 

All  this  is  so  like  a  reconquest  that  when  we  take  the  main 
events  of  these  four  years  in  succession,  the  battle  of  Navarino 
looks  like  a  simple  act  of  violence  on  the  part  of  the  Western 
Powers.  A  rebellion  has  broken  out.  The  Sultan  has  put  it 
down.  He  must  now  be  compelled  to  yield  to  it.  Greece  is  nearly 
as  much  his  own  as  it  was  in  1S20  ;  and  the  revolution  begins 
afresh.  Such  is  the  view  of  the  prominently  conspicuous  events 
above  noticed.  But  this  view — a  view  which  charges  England, 
France,  and  Russia  with  a  most  gratuitous  piece  of  intervention — 
is  only  the  superficial  one.  The  battle  of  Navarino  was  merely 
the  conclusion  of  a  long  series  of  interferences,  which  ran  con- 
currently with  the  events  just  alluded  to,  through,  at  least,  the 
same  years.  Remonstrance  had  followed  remonstrance  ;  sugges- 
tion, suggestion  ;  and  the  affairs  of  Greece  had  been  matters  for 
the  three  cabinets  ever  since  the  end  of  1822. 

The  division  of  continental  Greece  into  three  hospodariats, 
with  native  hospodars,  whose  subordinate  officers  should  be  natives 
chosen  by  the  Sultan ;  with  the  ^gean  Islands  as  a  separate 
Government,  directly  under  the  Porte,  but  with  guarantees  for 
good  administration ;  and  a  municipal  system  on  the  principles  of 
that  of  Chios,  Hydra,  and  Psara  ;  one  or  all — this  was  the  Russian 
plan.  It  was  meant  to  paralyze  the  revolutionary  principle,  to 
keep  up  a  feeling  of  hostility  (for  the  Turks  were  to  garrison  the 
fortresses),  and  to  put  Russia  in  the  position  of  a  protector;  and 
it  was  well  contrived  for  the  purpose.  Nor  was  that  purpose  con- 
cealed. Paralyser  Vinjluence  des  revolutionaires  dans  toute  la 
Greece,  is  part  of  a  sentence  in  the  notification  of  the  proposal. 
To  this,  however,  England  objected ;  England,  with  Canning  as 
Prime  Minister.  To  him  the  Greeks  had  addressed  a  protest 
against  the  Russian  plan,  and  an  answer  to  this  was  addressed  di- 
rect to  the  Greeks  themselves ;  pro  tanto,  an  approximate  acknow- 
ledgment of  them  as  an  independent  Power.  But  he  said,  also, 
that  England  and  Turkey  were  friendly  Powers.  Philellenism, 
at  this  time,  was  strong  in  England.     Money  had  been  subscribed. 

27  * 


420  GREEK   REVOLUTION. 

The  famous  Greek  loan  was  being  contracted.  The  neutrality  of 
the  Ionian  Islands  was  all  on  one  side.  The  English  ambassador 
at  Constantinople,  Lord  Strangford,  had  both  the  authority  and 
the  will  to  urge  the  claims  of  Greece  as  strongly  as  the  temper  of 
the  Sultan  would  allow.  That  Sultan,  however,  was  Mahmud, 
who  remonstrated  in  his  turn.  Colonel  Stanhope  was  ordered 
home.  The  Lord  High  Commissioner  of  the  Ionian  Islands 
prohibited,  by  proclamation,  the  deposit  of  arms  and  ammunition 
intended  for  Greece.  But  the  policy  of  Mr.  Canning  was  known, 
and  there  was  no  secret  as  to  the  Philellenic  feelings  of  the  British 
Commodore  in  the  Mediterranean.  To  a  document     ^ 

-rn      1       1  '  ^      1       a    1  o         August  25,  1825. 

empowermg  England  to  treat  with  the  bultan  lor 

the  independence  of  Greece,  with  an  authority  which  had  as  yet 

been  entrusted  to  neither  any  other  Power  nor  to  England  before, 

the  signatures  of  the  most  influential  men  of  Greece  were  attached. 

By  a  subsequent  decree  this  was  interpreted  to  mean  the  Sultan's 

suzerainty  and  a  fixed  tribute.     On  this,  in  a  modified 

.  .         April,  1826. 

form,  Russia  soon  afterwards  agreed  to  act  in  union 

with  England.     Then  came  the  fruits  of  the  Holy  Alhance  as  they 

showed  themselves   in   '26;  especially  the  occupation  of  Spain 

bv  French  troops,  and  the  counter-movement  of     ^       ,      ,„^^ 
•^  .  -n.  ,         1  .  T        December,  1826. 

English  troops  into  Portugal :  the  act  by  which 

England  and  the  Holy  Alliance  were  brought  to  the  extreme 
points  of  their  divergence.  They  went  no  further ;  and 
in  '27,  France  joined  the  two;  so  that  the  Treaty  of 
London  was  effected  for  the  special  pacification  of  Greece.  In- 
ternal independence,  Turkish  suzerainty,  and  an  armistice  pend- 
ing the  negotiations — this  was  the  gist  of  it.  Notified  to  both 
belligerents,  the  armistice  was  accepted  by  the  Greeks,  rejected 
by  the  Turks. 

The  navies  kept  the  sea;  and  on  the  29th  of  September,  Hastings 
gained  an  important  victory  over  the  Turks  at  Salona ;  which 
Ibrahim  Pasha,  who  was  off  Navarino  when  he  heard  of  it,  inter- 
preted as  a  violation  of  the  armistice — and  that  rightly;  as  far,  at 
least,  as  he,  as  a  belligerent,  was  concerned.  Whether  it  were  or 
not,  the  Turks  were  not  bound  by  it.  He  sent,  therefore,  a 
squadron  against  Hastings,  which  Sir  Edward  Codrington  sent 
back.  It  joined  the  main  body  of  the  fleet,  and,  with  it,  lay  at  i 
anchor  at  Navarino.  Partly  for  the  sake  of  the  harbour;  partly  to 
keep  the  Egyptian  fleet  from  active  operations  against  the  Greeks, 


GREEK    REVOLUTION.  421 

the   allied  admirals   determined  to  do   the   same.     We  know 

the  result     the  annihilation  of  the  Turkish  navy.     The  land^ 

however,  was  still  held  by  Ibrahim^  the  son   of  Mehemet  Ali_, 

and  it  was  not  till  the  28th  of  July,  1828,  that  the  French 

undertook  to  clear  the  Morea  of  the  Turks ;  and  this  they  did 

effectively.      This  being  done   the  conclusion   of   the    Greek 

revolution  is  mainly  a  matter  for  the  diplomatists  of  France, 

England,   and    Russia;    and   when   it   has    been    settled   that 

emancipated  Hellas  is  to  have  a  king,  the  question  arises  as  to 

where  one  is  to  be  found.     We  know  that  the    search    was 

eventually  successful ;  but  this,   along  with  the  events  which 

followed,  is  scarcely  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  Ottomans. 
*  -Jf  *  :k  ^ 

The  loss  to  the  Porte  of  Egypt  is  by  no  means  so  absolute 
as  those  of  Servia,  Greece,  and  Rumania.  And  it  is  due  to  a  re- 
bellion of  another  kind — a  rebellion  of  a  pasha  rather  than  either 
a  population  or  a  sect.  Of  these  revolts  the  class  is  a  large 
one,  for  to  some  extent,  at  some  time  or  other,  almost  every 
province  in  the  empire  has  affected  independence.  The  charac- 
teristic of  the  Egyptian  revolt  is  that  of  its  having  been  success- 
ful. In  its  origin,  it  was  one  of  two,  for,  in  the  first  instance, 
the  connection  between  Syria  and  Egypt  is  so  close  that  we 
expect  that  their  history  will  be  that  of  a  single  rebellion 
throughout.  The  event,  however,  is  different.  The  two  pro- 
vinces hold  together  for  some  time;  but  by  1839,  it  is  deter- 
mined that,  though  Egypt  is  to  be  comparatively  independent, 
Syria  is  to  remain  as  it  was.  The  chief  details  of  the  interval 
have  already  been  indicated. 

Of  the  countries  which,  without  achieving  independence,  gave 
the  most  trouble  to  the  Porte,  Anatolia,  under  the  Sultans  of 
the  early  and  middle  period,  was  the  most  persevering,  and  the 
most  uncertain  in  the  outbreaks  of  its  discontent.  This,  how- 
ever, was  less  the  result  of  bad  government,  of  which  these 
Asiatics  were  not  very  intolerant,  than  of  their  Koniarid,  or 
Karamanian,  rather  than  Ottoman  nationality.  In  Syria,  the 
revolts,  though  frequent,  were  partial,  i.e.  Druse  or  Maronite, 
&c.,  rather  than  Syrian  as  a  whole.  In  Arabia,  during  the 
latter  half  of  the  last  century,  the  Wahabite  insurrection  was  one 


422  THE    EUSSIAN    EMPIEE   AT   FIE  ST 

that  took  root  in  a  religious  reform  rather  than  in  any  political 
grievance.  Of  the  rebellious  pashas  of  the  time  of  the  Servian 
and  the  Greek  revolutions_,  by  far  the  most  formidable  was 
the  noted  AliPasha^  of  Albania;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  any 
one,  or  any  of  two,  of  these  would  have  been  attended  with 
serious  injury  to  the  Porte  had  they  taken  place  at  different 
times. 

We  may  now  turn  from  our  notice  of  the  decline  and  fall  of 
the  Ottoman  to  that  of  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Moscovite 
Empire. 

The  wars  before  the  time  of  Vladimir  !._,  were  rather  acts  of 
bold  piracy  on  a  great  scale,  than  actual  invasions  of  territory 
with  the  view  of  permanent  conquest ;  through  this  they  became 
under  Vladimir  and  his  successors.  Those  in  the  direction  of 
the  Danube,  the  Don,  and  the  Vistula  against  Tatars,  Lithu- 
anians, and  Poles,  were  quite  as  likely  to  have  been  defensive  as 
the  contrary ;  though  on  this  point  our  information  is  deficient. 
Those,  however,  in  the  direction  of  the  Baltic  and  the  Arctic 
Ocean  are  of  a  different  character.  The  whole  area  was  Fin, 
or  Ugrian ;  and  as  a  family  of  mankind  the  Fins  pass  for  one 
of  the  weaker  ones.  They  are  this  to  some  extent;  but  their 
distance  from  the  centre  of  civilization  has  quite  as  much  to  do 
with  their  comparative  inability  to  defend  themselves  as  any 
physical  inferiority.  Conquest  spreads  along  the  lines  where 
there  is  the  least  resistance ;  and  it  is  along  these  that  Russia, 
in  the  first  instance,  cut  its  way  northwards. 

I  have  not,  as  has  been  already  stated,  gone  into  the  question 
of  the  original  country  of  the  Russians,  or  attempted  to  fix  the 
exact  part  of  the  old  Slavonic  area  from  which  the  first  an- 
cestors of  the  present  conquerors  are  derived.  On  the  contrary 
I  have  merely  given  the  approximate  area  from  which  the 
present  Russians  began  their  career  of  conquest,  in  the  eighth 
or  ninth  century.  It  was  only  in  their  movements  northwards 
that  they  wholly  succeeded  in  forming  a  vast  dukedom,  and 
that  at  the  expense  of  the  Fins.  The  evidence  of  this  is  in- 
ternal rather  than  historical.  That  it  was  a  Fin,  or  Ugrian, 
area  upon  which  they  first    encroached,    is  generally    admit- 


NOT    INORDINATELY    AGGRESSIVE.  423 

ted;  the  only  question  being  the  extent  to  which  it  ex- 
tended southwards.  At  the  present  moment  we  find  remains 
of  the  different  Fin  dialects  as  far  south  as  the  Governments  of 
Perza^  Tambov^  and  Simbirsk — at  least.  In  Kursk  the  popu- 
lation is  said  to  be  of  the  Fin  type ;  but  here  the  evidence  of 
language  is  wanting.  In  the  central  districts — Orel,  Tula, 
Tshernigov,  Vladimir,  etc., — the  Slavonization  of  the  country 
appears  to  be  complete.  But  on  each  side  of  this  district  there 
seems  to  have  been  Fins  and  Lithuanians  on  the  west,  with  Fins 
and  Tatars  on  the  east.  Moreover,  on  each  side  of  this  area 
there  seems  to  have  been  two  roads  to  Novorogod  ;  and  these,  I 
think,  were  originally  lines  of  trade  rather  than  conquest — 
the  western  one  along  the  Fin  and  Lithuanic  frontier,  the 
eastern  (probably  that  of  the  Khazars)  along  the  Fin  and 
Tatar  frontier.  At  any  rate,  when  history  begins,  we  have  a 
notice  of  two  routes — the  one  by  which  the  Swedes  came  in 
such  close  contact  with  the  Russians  as  to  be  called  'Pws ;  the 
other,  the  one  suggested  by  Constantine  Porphyrogeneta,  who 
writes  that  Morclia,  i.e.  the  present  Government  of  Penza,  was 
twelve  days  journey  from  the  Don  Kosak  country.  The 
confusion  of  the  name  Russ  and  Swede  has  been  already 
noticed. 

The  Mongol  conquests  arrest  the  career  of  the  Russians ;  and 
emperil — indeed,  for  a  time,  suspend — her  independence. 
Hence,  the  two  conquests  of  Ivan  the  Terrible  may  almost  be 
called  Wars  of  Liberation.  And  now  it  becomes  clear  that  the 
conquest  of  Siberia  is  only  a  matter  of  degree;  for  Yermak  the 
Kosak  has  begun  it.  But  this  is  after  the  fashion  of  an 
American  backwoodsman  or  a  Hudson^s  Bay  trader,  rather  than 
that  of  an  ambitious  emperor.  In  like  manner,  the  final  re- 
duction of  the  Crimea  is  only  one  of  time  and  opportunity. 
There  was  always  a  reasonable  pretext  for  war.  In  the  first 
instance,  it  is  for  one  of  reprisals  and  retaliation ;  but,  when 
the  Porte  becomes  weaker,  it  cannot  but  change  its  character. 
It  is  not  in  human  nature  for  a  vast  country  like  Russia,  with 
towns  and  a  trade  both  in  the  south  and  in  the  latitude  of  the 
Baltic,  to  be  satisfied  with  a  single  port  at  Archangel ;  and, 
with  one  enemy  bettveen  them  and  the  Euxine,  and  another 


424  ADDITION    OF    THE    KHANATES, 

between  them  and  the  Baltic,  to  neglect  opportunities^  perhaps, 
to  solicit  provocation.  There  must,,  under  such  circumstances, 
come  a  time  when  they  will  carry  out  their  advantages  to  the 
utmost.  Neither  Sweden  nor  the  Crimean  Tatars  were  powers 
which  willingly  left  a  neighbour  without  a  pretext  for  war,  or 
which,  themselves,  gave  or  expected  much  quarter  when  de- 
feated. It  is  probable  that  the  conquest  of  Crimea  was  the  best 
service  that  was  ever  done  by  one  enemy  to  another ;  for  it  was 
a  vassal  state  that  was  always  compromising  its  suzerain. 

Siberia  led  sooner  or  later  to  wars  with  China  and  Turkestan ; 
and  how  greatly  the  action  of  the  Crimean  Khan,  by  the  passage 
across  the  Caucasus,  as  an  ally  of  the  Sultan  in  the  Russo- 
Turkish  alliance  against  Persia,  prepared  the  way  of  the  future 
conquest  of  his  own  territory,  and  for  still  greater  annexations  in 
Transcaucasia  we  have  seen.     So  much  for  the  four  Khanates. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time  as  the  Crimea,  the  annexation  of 
Lithuania  began ;  but  it  is  not  with  the  Crimea  that  its  history 
is  connected.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  with  Poland;  indeed, 
though  of  Poland  proper,  Lithuania  was  no  more  an  integral 
part,  than  Ireland  is  of  England,  and  the  little  that  has  to  be 
said  about  it  is  deferred  until  the  most  important  of  all  the 
questions  concerning  the  political  morality  or  immorality  of 
Russia — that  of  the  Partitions  of  Poland — comes  under  notice. 
That  Russia  took  to  itself  all  Lithuania  by  her  compacts  with 
Austria  and  Prussia  between  the  years  1763  and  1793  is  certain; 
but  the  appropriation  of  any  part  of  Poland  itself  is  no  earlier 
than  1815.  This  must  be  remembered,  viz.,  that  it  was  by  the 
Treaty  of  Vienna  (and  not  before)  that  Poland  proper  was  made 
over  to  Russia.  What  she  got  by  the  so-called  Partitions 
was  Lithuania. 

*  *  *  * 

The  question  of  Partitions  is  important ;  and  of  these  that 
of  Poland  is  the  most  notorious  instance.  Hence  the  two 
subjects  will  be  considered  together ;  and  that  in  detail,  and 
from  the  beginning,  i.e.  from  the  time  when  the  succession 
became  elective. 

At  the  choice  of  the  first  elective  king,  the  Marshall,  whose 
high   office   it   was   to  proclaim   him,  was  a  Protestant;  the 


LITHUANIA   AND    POLAND.  425 

candidate  who  was  chosen  was  a  Romanist — Henry  of  Valois, 
afterwards  Henry  III.  of  France.  In  this  we  have  a  measure 
of  the  power  of  the  Dissidents  on  one  side,  and  of  the  Romanists 
on  the  other.  But  the  Christians  of  the  Greek  Church  were 
strong  enough  to  take  care  of  themselves,  even  in  Poland ; 
while  in  Lithuania  they  formed  the  majority,  and  in  Polish 
Russia  nearly  the  whole  population.  But  the  new  ruler  aban- 
doned his  crown,  and  ran  away  from  his  kingdom.  The  Voy- 
vode  of  Transylvania,  Stephen  Bathory,  who  succeeded  him, 
though  a  good  king  in  other  respects,  did  more  than  any  of  his 
predecessors  to  make  over  his  kingdom  to  the  Jesuits.  Then 
came,  as  the  fruits  of  absenteeism  on  the  part  of  the  great 
landowners,  the  Kosak  insurrection,  in  which  Russia,  the  Porte, 
and  Poland,  were,  to  a  great  extent,  at  war  with  one  another; 
and  then  the  deposition  of  Micael  Koributh,  and  the  reign  of 
Sobieski,  great  as  a  soldier,  but,  like  Bathory,  priest-ridden, 
and  queen-ridden.  Then  came  the  time  of  Charles  XII.  and 
Peter  the  Great,  and  the  antagonism  between  Stanislas  Leczinski 
as  the  nomine  of  the  first,  and  of  Augustus  Frederic,  Elector  of 
Saxony,  of  the  second.  The  whole  period  up  to  this  time  has 
been  one  of  trouble ;  and  of  this  the  two  great  causes  have  been 
the  dissensions  arising  out  of  the  elective  principle,  and  the  evil 
of  religious  discord ;  each  stimulating,  exaggerating,  and  with 
other  minor  motives  acting  and  re- acting  on  one  another. 

After  the  death  of  John  III.,  Sobieski,  the  anarchy  was  at 
its  height,  and  the  difficulty  of  anything  like  agreement  in  the 
election  of  a  successor  led  to  an  interregnum,  in  which  no  one 
played  a  more  flagitious  part  than  Sobieski^s  widow.  It  ended, 
however,  in  the  union  of  the  two  crowns  under  Frederic 
Augustus  I.,  the  Elector  of  Saxony. 

In  1733,  Frederic  Augustus  died,  and  an  outburst  of  faction 
followed  his  death.  The  Diet  passed  a  resolution  that  no  one 
but  a  Piast  should  be  eligible ;  and  this  meant  the  restoration 
of  Charles's  nomine.  Both  Austria  and  Russia  supported  the 
King  of  Saxony,  and  so  did  many  Poles.  France,  however, 
promised  assistance  to  Leczinski,  for  he  was  now  the  father-in- 
law  of  Louis  XV.,  who  married  his  daughter  in  1723,  the  year 
in  which  he  attained  his  majority.     Louis  was  a  bad  husband  ; 


426  THE    PAETITIONS   AND 

but  it  suited  him  to  support  Leczinski^s  claim  to  the  Polish 
crown.  Frederic  Augustus  II._,  the  son  of  the  late  king_,  was 
upheld  by  Russia;  and  the  opposition  of  France  died  out.  In- 
deed_,  though  the  Porte  had  let  Russia  understand  that  she  was 
prepared  to  undertake  a  war  for  the  independence  and  integrity 
of  the  kingdom  of  Poland^  and  that  she  left  the  Poles  free  to 
choose  their  own  king^  little  came  of  her  opposition.  This, 
however,  was  before  the  Treaty  of  Belgrade,  the  one  which  was 
the  most  specially  honourable  to  Turkey,  as  it  concluded  a  war 
against  Austria  and  Russia  combined.  After  this,  and  for 
nearly  thirty  years  after  the  death  of  Frederic  Augustus  I., 
there  is  peace  between  the  Sultan  and  the  Czar. 

Then  came  the  election,  again  under  Russian  influence,  of 
Stanislas  Augustus  (Poniatovski)  ;  and  again  a  Turco-Russian 
war  j  and  again  French  intrigues ;  for  Louis  XV.  was  still 
alive,  and  had  formed  "  The  Family  Compact^' with,  the  sovereigns 
of  Spain,  Naples,  and  Parma.  The  effective  assistance  that 
France  gave  the  Porte  in  the  war  that  now  followed,  amounted 
to  little  more  than  the  Confederacy  of  Bar,  and  the  result  was, 
what  France  intrigued  for — the  interference  of  Turkey,  who 
would  willingly  have  been  at  peace  with  all  Europe.  But  the 
Russians  overstepped  the  boundaries  of  the  Crimean  Khan,  in 
their  pursuit  of  Polish  detachments,  who  seem  to  have  thought 
this  the  best  way  of  embroiling  the  Porte  itself  with  Russia ;  in 
which  they  were  only  too  successful.  The  worst  of  these  in- 
roads was  one  over  the  Bessarabian  frontier,  when  the  town  of 
Balta  was  savagely  burnt  by  the  Russians.  At  Constantinople 
the  campaign  was  m  a  state  of  preparation ;  but  the  Tatar  Khan 
Ghirai,  lost  no  time  in  avenging  it.  His  raid  upon  Russian 
territory,  the  one  of  which  we  have  the  fullest  accounts ;  and, 
as  such,  passes  for  the  most  formidable  one.  Nevertheless,  it 
is,  certainly,  only  one  out  of  scores.  No  one,  more  than  Crim 
Ghirai,  involved  the  Porte  in  irreconcilable  hostility  with 
Russia ;  and  none  more  than  he  suggested  to  that  empire  the 
doctrine  of  ''  Delenda  est  Carthago/'  And  the  destruction  soon 
came.  Except  when  Crim  Ghirai  commanded,  the  Turks  were 
beaten ;  and  even  Austria  became  jealous  of  Russia ;  and  con- 
templated an   alliance  with   Turkey.    And  here   (earlier  than 


ANNEXATION    OF    POLAND.  427 

Russia),  the  Turkish  legate  suggested  that  Poland  might  either 
be  divided  between  the  Porte  and  Austria,  or  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  might  put  whom  he  chose  on  the  Polish  throne.  How- 
ever, Austria  prefers  to  act  with  Russia.  In  Poland  itself 
anarchy  continues,  and  opportunities  present  themselves  which 
no  good  man  would  seize,  and  few  ambitious  men  overlook. 
That  Frederic  suggested  the  dismemberment  is  likely.  Cathe- 
rine never  pretended  to  be  shocked  by  it.  Austria  had  the 
choice  of  three  lines  of  action.  She  could  stand  aloof  and  see 
the  thing  done ;  but  to  keep  her  hands  from  doing  it ;  she 
could  either  single-handed,  or  with  alliances,  oppose  it.  She 
could  acquiesce  in  it,  and  share  the  spoil.  And  this  is  what  she 
did. 

In  the  Partition  of  1773  she  took  Gallicia ;  Prussia,  certain 
German,  or  Germanizing  districts  on  the  Pomeranian  and 
Brandenburgh  frontier ;  Russia^  Politsk,  Vitepsk,  Mohilev,  and 
Polish  Livonia. 

In  that  of  1792,  Austria  took  nothing;  Prussia,  Thorn. 
Dantzig,  and  the  remainder  of  Great  Poland,  and  a  part  of 
Little  Poland  ;  Russia  about  half  Lithuania,  and  half  Volhynia. 

In  that  of  1793,  Russia  took  the  remainder  of  Lithuania,  and 
Prussia  the  remainder  of  Poland.  But  foreign  interference 
began  long  before  this  j  at  least  as  early  as  the  Thirty  Years' 
War. 

The  great  Gustavus  Adolphus  himself  was  by  no  means  either 
purely  chivalrous,  or  a  purely  Protestant  champion.  What  he 
wanted  was  a  footing  in  Germany,  and  when  he  undertook  to 
defend  Pomerania,  he  made  a  hard  bargain,  and  he  knew  that 
he  made  it.  Neither  was  he,  elsewhere,  deficient  in  calculation. 
For  all  this,  the  Swedish  history,  of  which  he  and  Charles  XII. 
are  extreme  types,  is  a  chivalrous  history  in  the  way  of  an 
approximation — an  approximation  only.  Except  that  the  Pro- 
testants would  have  persecuted  the  Catholics,  instead  of  the 
Catholics  persecuting  the  Protestants,  and  that  the  Sapiehas 
would  have  overridden  the  Oginskis  instead  of  the  Oginskis 
overriding  the  Sapiehas,  the  power  of  Charles  XII.  might  wax 
or  wane  without  either  hurting  or  helping  Poland.  His  influence 
on  the  affairs  of  that  divided  country  was  that   of  an  ambitious 


428  THE    PAETITIONS   AND 

foreigner ;  that  of  the  Czar  was  no  more.  The  same  intrigues 
that  brought  Russia^  Prussia,  and  Austria  together,  might  have 
brought  together  Sweden,  Prussia,  and  Turkey,  or  any  three 
members  of  any  combination ;  under  the  policy  of  whom  the 
same  internal  dissensions  might  have  been  fostered,  the  same 
real  improvements  neglected,  the  same  intolerance  exhibited, 
and  the  same  mutilations  undergone.  Indeed,  till  the  battle  of 
Pultova,  Sweden,  rather  than  Russia,  is  the  great  foreign  enemy. 
Sigismund  III.,  when  Crown  Prince  of  Sweden,  had  been 
elected  to  the  throne  of  Poland;  but  the  throne  of  Poland  required 
a  Roman  Catholic  king,  that  of  Sweden  a  Lutheran.  Hence, 
the  Crown  of  Sweden  was  absolutely  impossible  to  the  Swedish 
Crown  Prince ;  and,  as  this  was  in  the  time  of  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus,  the  complication  was  not  likely  to  be  got  over.  Sigismund, 
then,  never  reigned  in  Sweden,  though  two  of  his  sons  were 
kings  of  Poland ;  but  not  in  direct  succession.  Sigismund^s 
immediate  successor  was  a  tolerant  and  energetic  ruler,  who  died 
without  issue ;  and  whose  death  was  followed  by  an  interregnum. 
When  this  came  to  an  end  the  candidates  for  the  Crown  were 
the  Czar  Alexis,  the  father  of  Peter  the  Great ;  the  Voivode  of 
Transylvania,  Ragotski ;  and  two  sons  of  Sigismund,  Swedes 
in  blood  and  politics,  both  ecclesiastics,  and  both  desirous  of 
obtaining  from  the  Pope  a  dispensation  which  should  allow 
them  to  marry.  The  one  was  the  Bishop,  who  afterwards 
reigned  as  John  III. ;  the  other  was  John  Casimir,  who  was 
also  suitor  to  Sigismund''s  widow.  He  was  a  Cardinal :  but 
had  resigned  his  high  office  for  a  higher  one ;  for  it  was  upon 
him  that  the  election  fell.  This  is  that  Cardinal  King  whom 
Mazeppa,  in  his  youth,  according  to  Byron,  served  as  a  page. 

John  Casimir ;  I  was  his  page 
Six  summers  in  my  early  age. 
A  learned  monarch  sure  was  he, 
And  most  unhke  your  Majesty: 
Who  made  no  war,  and  did  not  gain 
New  realms  to  lose  them  back  again. 
And,  save  debates  in  Warsaw's  Diet, 
He  ruled  in  most  unseemly  quiet. 
Not  that  he  had  no  cares  to  vex  j 
He  loved  the  Muses  and  the  sex,  &c. 


ANNEXATION   OF    POLAND.  429 

He  certainly  did  this,  and  that  not  wisely.  For  it  was  an 
intrigue  with  his  Chancellor's  wife  which  made  the  last  drop  of 
his  troubles  run  over^  and  helped,  inter  alia,  to  bring  upon  him 
a  war  with  Sweden.  When  the  king  of  that  country  died,  and 
the  Crown  from  which  John  Casimir,  as  a  Roman  Catholic 
King  of  Poland,  was  debarred,  became  vacant,  the  injured  hus- 
band fled  to  Sweden,  and  returned  with  the  Swedish  king  at 
the  head  of  an  army.  Meanwhile,  the  terrible  war  of  the 
Kosaks  under  Bogdan  was  going  on.  Bogdan,  who  had  pre- 
viously conquered  Gallicia,  was  now  retreating — but  with  his 
face  to  the  foe.  Forty  thousand  Poles  attacked  him,  and  were 
cut  to  pieces.  Kaminiec  was  then  invested  :  and,  in  one  of  the 
obscure  actions  connected  with  this  part  of  the  campaign,  his 
son  was  killed.  The  father  now  applied  to  the  Czar,  and  offered 
to  become  his  vassal  if  two  hundred  thousand  Russians  were 
poured  into  Lithuania.  After  some  real  or  affected  hesitation, 
Alexis  accepted  his  proposal,  and  overran  Smolensko,  Mohilev, 
Vitepsk,  Polotsk,  Severia,  and  Semigallia. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  King  of  Sweden  landed  in 
Pomerania.  The  Greek  Catholics  had  joined  the  Czar;  the 
Protestants  flocked  to  Charles  ;  the  Anabaptists  and  the  extreme 
Dissidents  had  long  ago  crowded  the  tents  of  Bogdan.  First 
at  Warsaw,  then  at  Cracow,  then  at  Leopol  did  Charles  show 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  victorious  and  ever-swelling  army ;  the 
King  of  Poland  having  fled  to  Silesia.  Then  it  was  that  a 
partition  was  proposed.  The  Elector  of  Bradenburg  was  to 
have  an  accession  on  the  side  of  Prussia.  Ragotski,  the  Voivode 
of  Transylvania,  was  to  have  another  portion.  Russia  had 
already  a  strong  grip  on  Lithuania.  The  fact  itself  was  deter- 
mined on ;  and  the  name  ^^  Partition  '*  was  given  to  it  in  a  speech 
by  Lubomirski  when  denouncing  it  in  the  Diet. 

Still  it  failed  of  effect.  Holland,  the  Empire,  and  Denmark 
interposed.  The  Elector  of  Brandenburg  himself  either  ceased 
to  press,  or  opposed  it.  Europe,  indeed,  may  be  said  to  have 
forbidden  it ;  the  most  effective  of  the  Powers  who  then  pre- 
vented what,  in  1772,  France  and  England  could  not  prevent, 
being  Denmark.  Sweden  was  invaded;  and  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg  was  released  from  doing  homage  for  his  fiefs  in 


430  POLAND    AND    ITS    PARTITIONS. 

Pomerania.  He  also  had  Lauenburg  and  Butov  granted  him. 
All  claims  on  the  part  of  John  Casimir  on  the  Swedish  crown 
were  renounced  and  the  greater  part  of  Livonia  was  ceded. 
The  peace  of  Oliva^  A.D.  1660,  was  the  result :  a  peace  which 
most  especially  promised  religious  toleration  to  the  Dissidents. 
How  its  conditions  in  this  respect  were  kept  is  another 
question.     They  were  scandalously  violated. 

Hinc  ill(B  lacrymcs. — Charles  XII.  was  a  worse  enemy  to 
Poland  than  Peter  the  Great.  It  is  the  common  habit^  how- 
ever, to  make  him  the  scape-goat ;  and  it  is  not  uncommon  to 
go  farther.  The  Russian  Archdukes,  when  Constantinople  was 
Roman  (or  Greek),  contracted  marriages  with  the  Imperial 
Family,  and,  partly  on  the  strength  of  this,  and  partly  from  the 
Greek  form  of  their  Christianity,  they  got  to  consider  them- 
selves, more  or  less,  Greek  in  their  political  predilections ;  and, 
by  the  time  of  Peter,  the  Greeks  had  made  political  capital  out 
of  the  notion.  They  certainly  went  more  than  half-way  to 
encourage  the  scheme  of  a  Christian  insurrection  in  case  of  any 
Russian  war  against  Turkey ;  and  Peter  certainly  thanked  them 
for  their  civility  ;  perhaps  stimulated  it.  But  I  fail  to  find  that 
he  thought  much  about  Constantinople  as  a  goal.  What  he 
thought  about  most  especially  was  the  immediate  work  he  had 
for  the  time  being ;  and,  because  he  did  so,  he  generally  suc- 
ceeded in  effecting  it.  His  one  absorbing  thought  was  the 
possession  of  Azov  ;  and  if  he  dreamed  of  anything  in  the  vista 
beyond,  it  was  the  Persian  Gulf,  rather  than  the  Bosphorus. 
His  alliance  with  the  Porte  against  Persia  may  have  been  made 
with  this  view.  In  an  attack,  however,  upon  Constantinople  he 
must  have  reckoned  on  the  opposition  of  Austria ;  and  it  was 
not  until  the  time  of  his  successors,  the  Czarinas,  that  this 
standing  antagonism  was  converted  into  a  conspiracy.  It  was 
under  the  weak  and  vain  Anne,  and  the  proud  and  profligate 
Catherine,  that  the  "  Oriental  Project ''  took  form,  and,  if  it  did 
not  originate  in  Greece,  it  was  the  Greeks  who  most  especially 
stimulated  it.  The  conquest  of  the  Crimea  made  it  easier, 
indeed  without  it  it  was  well-nigh  impossible.  But,  except  so 
far  as  it  was  a  stepping-stone  to  further  encroachments,  it  was,  if 
rightly  interpreted,  a  benefit  to  the  Porte.     But  it  is  scarcely 


POLAND    AND   ITS    PARTITIONS.  "     431 

one  that  we  can  expect  will  be  appreciated ;  and  it  is  certainly 
one  that  was  not  intended. 

And  now,  closely  connected  with  this,  comes  the  well-known 
triple  conspiracy,  of  the  two  empires  and  the  new  kingdom  of 
Prussia.  All  three  are  now  in  harmony  with  each  other,  and 
the  Partition  of  Poland  goes  on  slowly  but  surely  to  a  first,  a 
second,  and  a  third  division ;  then  to  the  presentation  of  the 
Prussian  share  of  it  to  the  King  of  Saxony  by  Napoleon ;  and, 
finally,  to  the  transfer  from  Saxony  to  Russia  at  the  Congress  of 
Vienna. 

There  are  Partitions  and  Partitions.  You  may  take  a  part  of 
certain  extraneous  and  heterogeneous  territories.  Or  you  may 
distribute  among  your  confederates  the  very  heart  and  body 
of  the  nation ;  this  last  being  the  worst  form  of  spoliation. 
For  the  former  a  majority  of  the  transferred  population  may  be 
thankful.  By  the  latter,  except  in  the  case  of  a  mixed  popula- 
tion, a  persecuted  creed,  or  an  oppressed  class  of  Helots,  there 
is  no  benefit  to  anyone.  The  first  Partitions  of  Poland  were  of 
the  former  kind ;  and  it  is  probable  that  both  the  Germans 
taken  into  Prussia,  and  the  Lithuanians  who  were  Russianized, 
were  more  than  satisfied  by  the  transfer.  The  fate  of  the  true 
Polish  parts  was  different.  Austria  took,  in  the  first  instance, 
Gallicia;  but  this  was  only  partly  Polish.  Prussia  annexed 
Posen.  The  remainder  was  given  to  Saxony  by  Napoleon,  and 
to  Russia  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  All  this,  from  first  to 
last,  is  bad ;  but  the  odium  is  distributed.  The  characteristic 
of  Russia  was  at  the  time  of  the  Partition  her  vile  policy  of 
opposing  the  reforms  that  might  have  led  to  independence,  and 
upholding  as  a  friend  to  Poland,  the  abuses  that  kept  her  weak. 
After  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  the  systematic  perseverance  with 
which  she  reduced,  or  strove  to  reduce,  the  kingdom  to  a 
province  has  been  the  chief  charge  against  her. 

With  that  of  Poland  as  an  example,  it  is  by  no  means  strange 
that  Partitions  are,  generally  and  often  justly,  condemned. 
But  so  long  as  we  have  International  Treaties,  Guarantees, 
Congresses,  and  the  whole  apparatus  connected  with  the  Balance 
of  Power,  there  is  always  a  Partition  in  the  prospect ;  a  Parti- 
tion in    which  unambitious  states  may  inevitably  find  them- 


432  ARMENIA. 

selves  partaking.  It  is  a  danger  to  which  no  nation  is  more  liable 
than  our  own  ;  for  what  can  be  done  if  the  Ottoman  can  neither 
be  improved  nor  upheld  ?  Each  power  has  to  look  at  its  own 
interests ;  and  however  much  it  would  be  satisfied  if  the  status 
quo  could  be  kept  up  for  an  indefinite  period,,  must  act^  more  or 
less^  according  to  the  action  of  others.  A  necessary  Partition 
is  a  necessary  evil ;  but  the  action  of  a  single  dishonest  power 
may  bring  it  on  prematurely.  Then  comes  incrimination  ;  and 
the  charge  of  having  joined  in  a  partition  becomes  odious.  It 
is  one^  however,  that  we  must  avoid  as  long  as  we  can.  But  the 
possibility  of  its  being  forced  upon  us  must  be  recognized. 

>fc  *  -K-  -Jf 

The  Ottoman  Empire  is  now,  in  respect  to  administration, 
almost  entirely  limited  to  Asia  Minor.  Here  it  is  only  par- 
tially that  we  meet  with  Greeks ;  while  the  Slavonic  element  is 
almost  wholly  absent.  Still  there  is  a  decided,  and  a  very 
important  Christian  element. 

Armenia  and  Georgia  are  the  two  Christian  populations  of 
Asia  Minor.  The  former  is  exclusively  so.  In  Georgia,  how- 
ever, the  Lazes  are  Mahometan.  The  Georgian  Christians  are 
under  Russia. 

The  Armenian  nationality  has  no  exact  analogue,  unless 
that  of  the  Jews.  There  is  a  district  called  Armenian  under  the 
Ottomans.  There  is  a  district  so  called  under  Persia.  There 
is  a  district  so  called  under  Russia.  But  neither  under  the 
Czar,  the  Shah,  nor  the  Sultan,  is  there  an  exclusively  Armenian 
country.  It  is,  indeed,  doubtful  whether  there  is  any  large 
district  anywhere  in  which  the  majority  of  the  population  is, 
according  to  the  tests  of  language  and  creed,  decidedly  Ar- 
menian. There  is  always  a  concurrent  population.  In  Erivan 
this  is  made  to  constitute  one-half ;  and  it  would  be  difficult  to 
find  any  province  in  which  the  Armenian  is  more  prevalent 
than  this.  With  few  exceptions,  this  concurrent  population  is 
always  Mahometan ;  and,  except  in  Russia,  dominant  and  pri- 
vileged. With  few  exceptions  it  is  either  Turk  or  Persian; 
Turk  of  the  Tatar,  Persian  of  the  Kurd,  branch.  Nor  is  this 
mixture  of  recent  origin.  That  the  language  has  held  up 
against  this  intrusion  of  foreign  elements  is  due  to  the  influence 


ARMENIA.  433 

of  its  letters  and  its  Christian  literature.  At  tlie  same  time,  it 
is  much  in  the  position  of  the  Hebrew.  Just  as  there  are  few, 
if  any,  Jews,  who  are  not  compelled  by  the  circumstances  of 
their  residence  to  learn  some  second  language,  which,  in  many 
cases,  becomes,  for  all  the  purposes  of  common  life,  their  true 
vernacular,  so  there  are  few,  if  any,  Armenians,  who  are  not 
bilingual ;  speaking  Turkish,  or  Persian,  or  Hindostani,  as  the 
case  may  be. 

Under  such  a  stress  of  circumstances,  the  strongest  advocate 
for  the  principle  of  nationality  can  scarcely  recognize  an  Ar- 
menian kingdom,  an  Armenian  confederacy,  an  Armenian 
republic.  It  has  all  the  difficulties  which  would  attend  an 
attempt  to  reconstruct  a  national  Judea,  combined  with 
others  peculiar  to  itself.  There  is  no  Holy  Land  to  the 
Armenian;  no  Jerusalem.  In  Etshmiadzhin  is  the  seat  of 
the  Patriarch ;  and  in  Ararat  the  centre  of  the  numberless 
traditions  and  beliefs.  But  the  true  analogue  to  a  Palestine 
is  wanting.  On  the  other  hand,  the  number  of  Armenians 
occupant  of  the  soil  of  Armenia  is  greater  than  that  of  the 
Jews  of  the  valley  of  the  Jordan.  Their  occupancy,  however, 
is  larger. 

Moreover,  under  such  circumstances,  few  can  see  the  ex- 
tension of  the  Russian  empire  in  the  direction  of  Armenia 
with  much  regret ;  except,  of  course,  when  he  looks  from  a 
point  of  view  exclusively  political.  That  history  supplies  many 
instances  where  the  transfer  of  a  Christian  community  from 
the  rule  of  the  Sultan  to  that  of  a  sovereign  of  its  own  creed 
has  been  followed  by  complaints  and  regrets  is  true ;  and  it  is 
true  that  cynical  writers  have  often  contrasted  the  manner  in 
which  the  Christians  of  one  denomination  have  persecuted  the 
Christians  of  another  with  the  tolerance  granted  by  certain 
Mahometan  rulers.  But  truer  than  either  is  the  fact  that  such 
cases  have  been  exceptional,  and  that  the  practice  of  Mahometan 
toleration  has  never  been  cither  permanent  or  complete.  It 
has,  at  best,  been  but  a  lucky  accident.  The  present  writer, 
perhaps,  falls  into  an  opposite  error ;  for  he  believes  that,  for 
any  long  period  of  time,  the  worst  Christian  government  is,  for 
Christians,  better  than  the  best  Mahometan. 

28 


434  ARMENIA. 

This  remark^  however,  is  subject  to  one  important  qualifi- 
cation. In  order  for  the  general  statement  to  hold  good,  it  is 
necessary  that  the  Christianity  should  be  homogeneous ;  in 
other  words,  that  the  whole  of  the  population  so  transferred 
should  be  of  one  religious  denomination,  sect,  or  church ;  all 
Greek  or  all  Eoman  Catholic.  When  there  is  a  division  with 
any  approach  to  equality,  it  is  better  for  the  Mahometan 
dominion  to  be  retained.  In  all  Mahometan  countries  Chris- 
tians of  different  sects  are  more  hostile  to  each  other  than  they 
are  to  the  infidel.  If  left  free,  they  interfere  with  each  other 
more  than  they  would  have  been  interfered  with  if  left  under 
infidel  control. 

With  the  populations  now  under  notice,  the  rule  of  Russia 
has  been  a  gain.  It  has  certainly  been  powerful  enough  to 
protect  them ;  and  even  where  it  has  oppressed  them,  the 
oppression  has  arisen  out  of  the  vices  of  the  administration 
rather  than  out  of  any  permanent  cause  of  suffering.  That 
these  have  been  great  is  only  too  true.  That  the  Armenians, 
as  a  body,  are  not  unwilling  instruments  to  the  ambition  of 
Russia  is  well  known,  and  it  would  be  strange  if  it  were  other- 
wise. It  is  the  Russian  church  which  is  the  nearest  to  their 
own.  It  is  Russia  which  is  their  natural  protector  against 
Mahometanism.  The  few  that  are  in  political  relations  with 
other  countries  are  not  enough  to  make  any  notable  exception. 
In  Venice  there  are  Armenians  under  Austria;  but  there  are 
no  Turks  in  Venetia.  In  India  there  are  Armenians  under 
England ;  and  of  these  it  may  be  said  that  they  are  English  in 
the  way  that  those  of  Asia  Minor  are  Russian. 

The  Armenian  districts  of  Russia  are  Armenian  and  Persian 
rather  than  Armenian  and  Turk.  The  Armenians  here  are 
numerous  in  Shirvan.  In  Sheki  they  have  been  calculated  as 
nine  out  of  forty  thousand ;  in  Karabagh,  as  twenty  to  sixty 
thousand.  Gandzha  is  Tatar  and  Armenian.  In  Erivan  there 
may  be  an  Armenian  majority.  If  so  it  has  been  caused  by 
immigrants  rather  than  the  original  population.  Of  Nakhit- 
shevan  they  are  calculated  at  one  third. 

Akhalzik  and  Akhalkhaliku,  like  Lazistan,  is  Georgian  rather 
than  Armenian. 


ARMENIA.  435 

Thougli  much  may  be  said  in  the  way  of  regret  or  con- 
demnation about  the  actual  emigration  from  the  Armenian 
districts  of  Turkey  to  those  of  Russia,,  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  diminution  of  a  population  is  widely  different  from  a 
loss  of  territory.  The  emigrants  to  Russia  may  and  do  return ; 
though  this  implies  f  aultiness  on  the  part  of  Russia  rather  than 
any  merits  on  that  of  the  Porte.  That  in  Asia  Minor  the 
Armenians  are  the  most  important  population  is  beyond 
doubt.  It  is  also  the  one  that  is  the  most  exposed  to  annoyance. 
The  fiscal  and  religious  disqualifications  under  which  they 
labour  are  those  of  the  Christians  in  general.  The  one,  and  it 
is  one  that  they  share  with  their  co-religionists  in  Mesopotamia, 
is  the  vicinity  to  the  predatory  tribes  of  the  frontier — the  Kurds, 
the  scourge  of  the  Christians  from  the  Georgian  frontier  to  the 
Syrian  desert ;  and,  along  the  frontier  of  the  Desert,  the  Arabs. 
Nor  is  the  mere  unprotectedness  of  the  Christians  in  these  parts 
the  sole  element  of  their  suffering.  They  are  bought  and  sold 
by  their  nominal  protector;  whilst  the  Mahometan  officials  of  the 
frontiers  connive  at  their  spoliations,  and,  in  many  cases,  take  a 
per-centage  of  the  spoil.  The  remedy  for  this — of  all  contem- 
plated reforms  the  most  important,  and  the  first  in  order  of  time 
that  is  called  for — is  easier  on  the  south  than  on  the  east,  or 
easier  against  the  Al'ab  marauders  than  the  Kurds ;  for  the  Kurds 
are  only  partially  subjects  of  the  Porte.  Some  tribes  are  under 
Persia ;  some  are  either  Persian  or  Turk ;  and  some  are  tribu- 
taries to  both.  The  coercion  of  these  predatory  bands  is,  in 
itself,  no  difficult  matter.  It  is  an  office  for  which  the  Albanian 
portion  of  the  Ottoman  army  is  pre-eminently  fit ;  indeed  it  is 
work  for  which  the  Arnaut  seems  made  and  predestined.  But 
before  his  services  can  be  assured  there  is  an  indispensable 
condition.  He  must  be  paid;  liberally  and  regularly,  if 
possible;  but  regularly  at  all  events.  And  so  it  is  throughout; 
one  reform  implies  a  previous  one,  and  the  whole  series  of 
necessary  alterations  is  one  of  a  more  or  less  relative  and 
conditional  character  throughout.  But  this  is  what  we  must 
begin  with. 


LOMDON : 
PRINTED    BY    W.    H.    ALLEN    AND   CO. 


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D  Latham,    Robert  Gordon 

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