V7A
>^? -rniT-KTri-nrnAUT TVT T 'V'*
PRINCETON, N. J.
Collection of Puritan Literature.
Division ....S*T!^ ""^— -
Section [ f >■? —^
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Bp. PARKERs
H I STO R Y
O F
His Own Time
I
BISHOP PARKER'S
HISTORY
Of His Own Time.
IN FOUR BOOKS.
Faithfully Tranflated from the Latin Original,
fy THOMAS NEfVLJN, M.A.
Vicar of Beeding in SuJ/ex, and late Fellow
of Magdalen College in Oxford.
LONDON:
Printed for Charles Rivington at the
Bible and Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard.
M. DCr, XXVII-
( ' )
Bp. PARKEKs
H I STO R Y
O F
His Own Time,
In FOUR BOOKS.
BOOK- L
WHEN Charles the fecond was i<56o»
rcturn'd to the kingdoms of
his anceltors, to the great joy
of aimoft all his fubje&s, we hop'd for
a golden and better than Satnrnian age >
and every one promifed himfeif that the
Throne would be cftablifh'd to all ages,
and the peace of the Church reftor'd for
ever, and the perfed tranquillity of the
B Nation
*
Br. Park e r's History
Nation would continue at lead for fc~
vcral generations. For all the dates of
the kingdom vied with one another, to
enlarge the King's authority, to guard a-
gainft all the fubterfuges and ftrong holds
of rebellion, to abjure, and require all
the people to abjure and renounce the
Solemn League and Covenant, the bond
and cement of the Presbyterian war.
All the cuftoms and duties upon foreign
and domeftick goods (from whence for-
mer rebellions fprung) were given to the
King during life, by acT: of Parliament ;
the whole power of the militia was
veiled in the King alone, and the Church
was reinftated in the fullncfs of its an-
cient jurifdiction. And laftly, all true
loyalifts rejoie'd that they had at length
cfcap'dfrom the calamities of war, from
forfeitures and fcqucftrations, and even
from death itfelf : and the very Fana-
ticks themfelves were tranfportcd with
unexpected joy, becaufe they were per-
mitted to live. What Throne could be
more firmly cftabliflVd, than that of a
King that was reftor'd with fo great joy
2, of
• ••>
Of his own Time* $'
of his fubjc&s from a rebellion that
was frefh in their memory > What Em-
pire could be more free from the dan-
ger of civil, or rather of rebellious wars,
(for there can be no war between the
people of the fame kingdom, wherein
thofe that are againft the King arc not
rebels to a man) than that of a King,
upon whom all the flates of the king-
dom, and cfpccially thofe who had con-
tended with his Father for the fupreme
power, endeavourd to heap all autho-
rity and power? Moreover, when the
King himfelfhad, with clemency aimed:
unheard of, oblig'd his enemies, and
bound them to him by an act of in-
demnity ; when the people had too long
felt all the mifcries of rebellion ; when
there were neither pretences, nor leaders,
nor followers (as we imagin'd) to raife
feditions and tumults, what could we
hope for, but almoit an heavenly king-
dom ? Efpecially when capital punifli-
ment being inflicted upon the unnatu-
ral murderers of the beft of Kings (tho*
even of them as many were fpar'd, as
B 2 repenting
Bp. Parker's History
repenting of their guilt furrendred them-
felves to the King's mercy) all the reft
were permitted to enter into one fo-
cicty, or (as there ought to be between
country-men and fellow-citizens ) into
one league of friendfhip. And that all
fear and fufpicion might be remov'd ,
every one's honour and property was
confirmed by Law. And that the en-
tire remembrance of pafl animofities
might be blotted out by eternal oblivion,
the loyal fubjefts were ftri&ly forbidden
to upbraid the guilty with their for-
mer wickednefs. And to give the re-
bels greater affix rancc of fafety, not a
few of them were received into the
King's favour, into the higheft offices
of the Court, and the Kingdom, and
even into the Privy Council.
But fo ungrateful is the temper of
rebels, that they return injuries for kind-
neffes, and like ferpents fting and poi-
fon thofe that refrefh them. For when
they perceiv'd themfelves reviving in the
King's bofom, when they found that all
their crimes were blotted out for ever,
3 by
Of his own Time.
by the Aft of Oblivion, and all their
pofleflions and riches gotten by the war,
(which juft before they would gladly
have given up , provided they might
have liv'd upon any terms,) were now
granted to them, as if they were the
rewards of their rebellion 5 they were
prefently fo bafe and malevolent, as to
difperfe their poifons thro' the kingdom,
and dart their flings into the very bo-
fom of the King. And tho' for a long
time they could avail nothing, yet there
was no difappointment of their labours
(how great foever) which could deter
thefe wicked men from their unnatural
endeavours againft their country. And
ibme that were but too happy, rag d with
fuch extravagant madnefs, that they car'd
not, tho* their own houfes perifh'd in
the flames, if they could but kindle a
general conflagration.
But of thefe hereafter. There were
others, who being ftripp'd of all their
fortunes, which they had gotten by re-
bellion and facrilcge, hop'd that they
fhould trover their antient honour, if
B 3 they
Bp. Parkers History
thcv could again overturn the kingdom*
There were four forts of thefe men,
the disbanded officers of Cromwell's ar-
my , the bufy holders - forth of fedi-
tlon, the members of the late Rump
Parliament , and laftly, all facrilegious
pcribns , who had loft the plundered
revenues of the Church and the Crown.
Thefe immediately entrcd into a fepa-
ratc combination oppofite to kingly go-
vernment, by a (beret correfpondencc
with each other. To carry on the intercft
of this confederacy, they held a great
affembly at London, made up of a con-
courfe of all thefe different forts, which
governed their inferior meetings in coun-
try towns and villages. By which cor-
refpondencc, if they had gaind nothing
clfe, they certainly compafs'd this main
point, that they kept up a drift alli-
ance between their feveral factions.
And they were fo compacted, and as it
were glew'd together, that they feem'd
to be not only united as partners and
accomplices in the fame conspiracy ,
but as members of one family. And
they
Of his own Time.
they convcrs'd in their own country,
like ftrangcrs, as the Jews that arc ex-
iles in every part of the world , and
incorporated with none. They would
allow of no focicty with the reft of the
kingdom, no friendfhips, no intermar-
riages, no commerce but with them-
felvcs. No men nor maid-fervants
were admitted into their families, un-
lcfs they would ftipulate and bind them-
felvcs in the fame holy bond. By this
not only the old veteran rebels kept
their ground, but their fa&ion every
where increased with a large accellion
of profelytcs. And there was yet a
more fecret committee that prcfidcd over
their affairs. This confided of about
fixty officers of Cromwell's army, who
had their weekly cabals at London, and
ftil'd themfclves the chief Council of
the Nation, and therefore call'd each
other by mutual names of affinity, af-
ter the manner of the King, who calls
his Nobility of the Privy Council by
the name of Coufins. And they go-
vcrn'd the fcvcral provinces that were
B 4 under;
8 Bp. Parker's History
■
under them with the fame authority,
as they had formerly goverrid their
commonwealth. By their command of-
ficers were fent forth into their provin-
ces to raifc foldiers ; and fpies difpatch'd
to get intelligence, and carry on a cor-
refpondence with fafety ; and feditious
preachers eftablifh'd in their proper fta-
tions. By which means it happen'd,
that they attempted nothing fcparately,
but whatever cnterprize was undertaken,
was done by order of their common
council. For tho' various confpiracies
broke out in different places, yet they
were all guided by thofc counfcls that
were dirfus'd and fpread through every
part of the King's dominions. All
which was afterwards plainly difcovcr'd,
by the teftimonics of their accompli-
ces dciivcr'd in open court, by the con-
feffions of perfons convicted, and by
intercepted letters.
The King had fcarcely rcfreflrd him-
felf after his long banifhment, when
they, giving neither him nor thcmfelves
any time to reft, began to raife the tide
of
Of his own Time. 9
of a civil war on every fide. For where-
as he return'd but at the end of May,
they had every thing ready for war before
it was quite Midfummer. *The night
was appointed, in which they fhould feize
the towers of London and TVindfor, the
two ftrongeft defences of the King's
palace, and alfo rife in arms in the
weftcrn and northern counties. But when
all their defigns were daily difcovcr'd
to the King, he fcafonably took their
principal leaders into cuftody. Amongft
theft was Holmes a Colloncl, who, twen-
ty five years after, was taken in Mon-
mouth's rebellion, and executed in the
eightieth year of his age. Thefe con-
fefs'd and begg'd pardon for their faults
before the King, and difcovcr'd the ge-
neral confpiracy that was form'd to
turn the kingly government into a
commonwealth. And they who feem'd
to repent in carneft,admoninYd him to be-
ware of fudden rifings every day, telling
* See the Chancellor's fpeech to the Parliament
Dec. 29, 1660.
him
io Bp. Parker's History
him that the fchifmaticks would never be
quiet 5 that as often as he cut off the heads
of one rebellion, others would prefent>
ly fpring forth, as long as the fanatical
Hydra furviv'd $ and they would never
want the will and inclination to rebel.
And to give them their due, they nei-
ther deceiv'd themfclves nor the Kins
in this prophecy 5 for they fow'd new
rebellions every year , and the King
reap'd a new harveft of rebels.
But the head, and even the dictator
of all conspiracies, was Ludlow ; who,
tho' driven into banilhmcnt, did yet
govern all their counfels. Neither did
they do any thing, but what he com-
manded : And this principally encrcas'd
the courage of the faction, that he pro-
mis'd to aiTift and fupport every rebel-
lion. For he was a brave and warlike
man, bold, and hot, not only a mur-
thcrcr of his King, but the moll inve-
terate enemy of the royal caufe : For
he had bound himfelf by oath, never
to make his peace with his King ; and
that he would not accept of it, if the King
would
Of his own Time. n
would voluntarily offer him his pardon
and his favour, but would wage per-
petual war with all tyrants (for fo they
eall'd the royal line : ) And though he
fail'd in many, and great attempts, yet
he continued to raife new commotions.
Next to him was <Dan<versy a notorious
Anabaptift in Cromwell's army, who
goes on even to this day, heaping one
villany upon another 5 and for a frefh
inftancc of trcafon juft now committed
in Monmouth's rebellion, is either fled,
or lurking in fecret places, to fave his
neck from the halter.
In the next year (which was 1661.) 1661,
the 25th of Jan. broke out the mad-
nefs of Venner, a New-England Cooper,
at the head of a rabble of forty en-
thufiafts , which acofe and expir'd al-
moft the fame day , within the city
of London. I fhould have eall'd them
new monftcrs of fanaticifm, had not
Africa formerly brought forth its Cir-
cumcellions , and Germany in the laft
age fwarm'd with Anabaptifls. Thcfe
having fprung from the dregs of Crom-
welh
ii Bp. Parker's History
well's rebellion, becaufe they had firft
appcar'd in war, believ'd thcmfelvcs to
be the very life-guard of King Jesus,
who would in fome time return to this
world, to raife a fifth monarchy ; and
that therefore he had commanded them
to prepare the way for him by (laugh-
ter and blood, and the deftru&ion of
the wicked $ and that he would not be
wanting to fecond their endeavours.
Hereupon the mad rabble rufh'd into
every kind of danger, neither did they
confider what they were able to do, but
attempted whatever they thought of. Be-
fore they had put on arms, which they did
in a fecret conventicle, Vertner made a
fernion, making ufe of this facrcd text,
One jhall chafe a-jaay ten, and ten fhall
put a thoufand to flight ; which fuccefs
he promis'd his followers, as a prophet
lent down from heaven. In the libel
in which they proclaimed the caufes of
the war, they laid, that their enemies
would not dare to touch the hairs of
their head 5 that they were chofen for
this lingular work of the Lord, and they
would
Of his own Time. if
would never fheath their fwords till they
had made Babylon ( for fo they cali'd
Monarchy) an hijjmg and a curfe ; and
there fhould be none remaining, nor
Jon, nor grandfon among all its people.
And when they had led captivity cap-
tive in England, they would carry their
arms into foreign nations, France ', and
Spam, and Germany, and would call to-
gether their brethren thro' all countries,
to aflift them againfl: the IVhore : that
they would make no truce nor peace
with the monarchies, (for that was their
word) but would always rife againfl: the
carnal to poffefs the gate ', (therefore they
us'd the word gate as their watch- word,)
and to bind their Kings in chains, and
their Nobles in links of iron. With the fe
charms they were fo taken, that forty
villains doubted not but that they mould
cafily vanquifh, not only a great and po-
pulous city, but even the whole world ;
yet the fierceft of them died by the
(word, and the reft at the gallows.
Hitherto thefe were not wars, but pre-
ludes of war, or rather the tumults and
feditions
14 Bp. Parker's History
feditions of a few hot-brain'd men that
could not be confmd within due bounds.
For the confpiracy was not lodg'd only
with thefe few mad enthufiafts , but
fpread over the whole nation ; neither
did a week pafs, as 'tis faid, in which a
plot againft the King s life was not dif-
covcr'd. Innumerable letters of fanaticks
of every faction and county were in-
tercepted, in which they exhorted one
another to do the work of the Lord di-
ligently.
In the county of T>evon, in a vault
dug in the houfe of one Tearfon, a noto-
rious villain amongft the fanaticks, a vaft
quantity of arms was found $ and ten-
ner had before gone round this part of
the kingdom. Two hundred letters
were alio feizd that were cntruftcd with
one of their mcfTengcrs, to be deliver d
to their brethren at London, promifing
the grcatcft zeal in their caufc. The
fame night in which Venner appear 'd
with his followers at London, it was
obicrv'd by the inhabitants of Lincoln-
shire, that the Anabaptifts rode about
that
Op his own Time.' 15
that county, as if fomc important affair
was in agitation. And a Letter came
forth at the lame time written by a
certain Anabaptift nam'd Miilenex-, to
one of the family of the Quakers nam'd
JellicOy concerning a rebellion form'd
at ChcfieVy to this effe£t : " I wifh thee
u and thy friends well 5 we arc all well.
" See that thou be'ft faithful to thy
" friends. I tell thee we arc grown
cc to a great number, to at lcaft fix
" thoufand. I would have thec know
" this, that thou mayft impart it to the
tc reft of the brethren, that all of us may
" meet together with force and arms
" for the defence of the truth. We are
" to meet at Chefter the 24th of the
" firft month {January). Take care that
" thou be'ft mindful of that day. Nci-
iC thcr do thou forget to be prcfent
" with thy brethren/' The Quaker (as
he ineenuoufly faid) being ft ruck with
this audacious wickednefs, difcovcr'd the
matter to the Mayor of Chefter, and
he to the Earl of 'Derby, who fending
for the pcrfon that difcovcr'd it, and
enquiring
\6 Bp. Parker's History
enquiring many things concerning the
confpiracy, prcfently rais'd the militia
in Chefiire> and the County Palatine of
Lancafter, which his anceftors had go-
vern'd for feveral ages. And the mat-
ter being alfo communicated to the
Lieutenants of cDerbyJhire, Staffordjhire,
Shropfiire, We ft mor eland, Cumberland,
and the Weft Riding of Torkjbire, and
all their forces being therefore in a
readinefs, and Cromwell's officers being
every where fecur d, they entirely quell'd
the attempts of the fadion in that part
of the kingdom. But tho* this fire was
happily extinguiuYd, yet feveral fparks
of it broke out in different places.
Even Wales itfelf, that to this day had
been unaccuftom'd to rebellion, now
firft of all concciv'd fuch dreadful mon-
gers, and was aftoniftYd at the new and
unufual birth. But fifteen of the officers
of Cromwell's fa&ion being taken, fhe
has now freed her felf from fuch ftrange
prodigies. But altho' rebels in Wales,
like vipers in Ireland, are kill'd by the
very temper of the climate, yet in late
times
Of his own Time. 17
times in our England they {pawn
almoft every month, even oftner than
toads, as if they fprung of themfclves,
or were begotten in the Presbyterian re-
bellion. For before the end of the
year, on the 23d of Nov. a meeting of
veteran rebels was taken at London.
Amongft thefe the principal were dif-
banded officers of the army, Tecker,
Streater, Weilksy Gladman, Hems, Lit-
cotty Kenricky and Ready famous names
amongft the CronrjuellianSy who being
feafonably confin'd, the confpiracy died
in the very birth, excepting that a little
after, John James, a famous preacher
amongft the Fanaticks, in his conventi-
cle which he held in White -Chap el- Street,
taught that the King, the Royal Family,
and even all the Nobility ought to be
kiirdj commended Venner and his fol-
lowers, as martyrs, and exhorted his
flock to expiate their blood by an im-
pious parricide : which being attefted by
a multitude of witneffes, he was hang'd.
But when they would not be at reft,
though many were daily put in prifon, all
C the
18 Br. Parkers History
the officers that had been in Cromwell's
army were commanded to remove to
twenty miles diftance from London, and
not to appear with arms ; which unlefs
they did, they were to be punifh'd with
imprifonment : which was alfo order'd at
the fame time by the Privy Council of
Ireland, being urg'd by the fame reafons.
The eleventh day of 'Dec. the Houfe
of Commons in England deputed fome
of their members to wait on the King,
with complaints, that they had receiv'd
letters and meflages from almoft every
county (for fo we call our provinces)
concerning a great, or rather an univer-
fal conlpiracy againft the kingdom, and
to befecch him to defend the peace of
the kingdom, as mould feem beft to
his royal wifdom, againft all the attempts
Parlia- of the rebels. And it pleas'd the King
Journals. to rcturn an anfwer to his Parliament,
in which he friew'd them whence it arofe,
how it was difcover'd, and how it was
form'd : That there was a common con-
fpiracy of all the fadions ; that their
mod important affairs were manag'd for
that
Of his own Time. 19
that time by a fecret Committee of
twenty one, three of whom were cho-
fen out of each of the fa&ions ; that
their affairs were now a little at a ftand,
becaufe he had confin'd fome of their
leaders, but in the mean time, the plot
was laid fo wide, that without their af-
fiftance he could hardly efcape the dan-
ger. And the Parliament, when Chrift-
mas was at hand, when they always ad-
journ for the holydays, being alarm'd
at the bafenefs of the confpiracy, ap-
pointed a Committee of both Houfes,
to lay open the whole villany, by the
mod plain and undoubted proofs.
In the beginning of the following 1662*
fpring they laid the whole ftate of the
matter before the Parliament ; that now
the confpirators were more clofely con-
fin'd, and many more taken, and amongft
thele the chief was Salmon one of Crom-
well's Colonels, who had drawn up a
lift of a hundred and fixty officers 5
that all of them met at London , the
tenth of the laft ^December, and refolv'd
with themfelves to feize many cities
C 2 and
%o Bp. Parker's History
and towns, efpccially Shrewsbury, Co-
ventry', and Briftol, before the end of
Jantiary-, that therefore the moft il-
luftrious Duke of Albemarle had fuffi-
cicntly fortified thefe places with garri-
fons out of his troops ; that they intend-
ed to begin their rebellion with a fud-
den maflacre \ that the fugitive regicides
Were at hand, upon the neighbouring
coafls of France and Holland, ready to
come over at a moment's warning -y that
the confpirators had openly boaftcd, that
if the affair was once fortunately begun,
they did not doubt of a happy iffuc 5 that
the difcovery of thefe things was made
to the King, by one of their Council
of twenty one $ and laftly, that feveral
tumults on all hands confirm'd the whole
matter.
Both Houfes being provok'd by this
fo great infolence of the rebels, pre-
lently obviated fo many and great evils
by four kinds of laws. Their firft
care was of the militia, as being of the
mod: importance for keeping the peace
in dangerous times. Firft they decreed
that
Of his own Time. 21
that all the power of the militia ever
had been, was, and mould be in the
King alone 5 and that it was not lawful
for the States of the kingdom, upon
an pretence whatfoever, no, not even
in h Majefly's defence, to raife war a-
gainfi le King. Then they enafted,
that by th Royal Authority foldiers
might be rais'd in any county, city, or
town , and that they mould be com-
manded by whomfoever the King mould
appoint 5 that they mould be paid, as of-
ten as there mould be occafion, by the
inhabitants of the county 5 that once
every year all of the fame county mould
rendezvous, and be exercised in their
arms for four days 5 that the feverai
companies once in three months mould
exercife their arms, that they might be
always ready and prepaid for war 5 that
no officer or foldier mould be lifted with-
out taking this Oath, " That it is a de*
" teftable thing to refift the King upon
" any pretence, and that they abhorr'd
" that doftrine, as treafonable , that it
iC is lawful to fight with the King's
C 3 " autho-
2i Bi\ Parkers History
" authority againft his perfon, or thofc
" that arc commifllon'd by him/' And
thus when the whole nation was every
where fo well furnifh'd with military
forces, if a confpiracy fhould be form'd
in any place, it might eafily be fupprefs'd.
The military affairs being fettled, their
next care was concerning the civil ma*
giftracy ♦. for whereas in Cromwelh times
the rebels had taken all power in every
city and town into their own hands,
they being now ejefted, others were
put into their places, neither were they
admitted, upon any other terms, but
firft taking the aforefaid Oath, and ab-
juring the Covenant. And thus when
the moft populous places were preferv'd
from the infection of difloyalty, out of
which the plague of fedition usJd to
fpread into the villages, a flop was put
to all the licentioufnefs of fedition.
Moreover, they proceeded to check the
prefumption of the prefs, whence in-
numerable libels were daily iffucd out
to ilir up fedition. Hereupon by aft of
Parliament all prefles were taken away, ex-
cept
Of his own Time. 23
ccpt thofc which were fet up by the
public authority of the Stationer's com-
pany 5 and it was cnafted that it fhould
be unlawful to print any books, unlcfs
they were allow'd and approved of by the
Bifhops of Canterbury, or London, or
the Vice-Chancellors of the two Univer-
sities 3 and if any printer fhould difobey
this aft, firftofallhe fhould be fufpend-
ed from buying or felling of books
for three years, and afterwards for ever.
When by this law the great liberty of
lying was taken away, which they more
efpecially made ufe of at that time ,
with the moil: fcandalous intemperance
the very engine of rebellion was broken :
which tho' at all times it was fruitful
of evils, yet in this age, it did not fo
properly bring forth, as fvvarm with a
vafl; effufion of plagues. Amongft in-
numerable libels which they publifh'd
for two years together, thofe were moft
pregnant with fedition which they pub-
lifh'd concerning prodigies. Amongft
thefe all the prodigies in Livy were feen
every day : Two funs \ mips failing in
C 4 the
24 Bp. Parker's History
the air 5 a bloody rainbow ; it rain'd
ftoncs; a lamb with two heads; cathe-
dral Churches every where fet on fire
by lightning 5 an ox that fpokc, a hen
turn'd into a cock 5 a mule brought
forth 5 five beautiful young men flood
by the regicides while they fuffered >
a very bright ftar fhone round their
quarters that were ftuck upon the city
gates ; a ghoft was feen at Oxford drefs'd
in a Bifhop's robes 5 two vaft hogs came
into the cathedral Church of Canterbury
in prayer-time, which they faid hap-
pend before in 164.1. before the down,
fall of the hierarchy ; a fanatick ©0-
mine of ftraw, that was made to be
burnt in effigie, was not fo much as
touch'd by the flames ; many priefts read-
ing the Common Prayer were feiz'd with
liidden death 5 a certain pcrfon rejoicing
at the execution of Harrifon the regi-
cide was ftrook with a Hidden paify ;
another inveighing againft Teters as he
went to the gibbet was torn and al-
moft kilTd by his own tame favourite
dog $ a certain woman at Chichefier
brought
Of his own Time. ±5
brought forth a child at her mouth*
with an infinite number of fiich prodi-
gious lies : For I feign nothing, for it
wou'd be tedious to repeat the hundredth
part of them. Nor did they only write
thefc fables, but they alfo drew paral-
lels with many judgments that had been
fent down from heaven upon wicked
men in former ages. Nor was this fuf-
ficient, for thefe blafphemous wretches
in the Preface of their books, prefume
to call upon God the fearcher of
hearts, to bear Teftimony to the truth
of thefe fictions , and invoke all his
curfes, if they were guilty of falfhood.
Behold the impious and exceffive mad-
nefs of fanatical fupcrftition, that their
leaders fliould fo confidently affirm thefe
things, and the deluded populace fhould
fo eagerly fwallow them ! I, who was a
young man at that time, do very well re-
member that thefe books were confulted
and perufed with no lefs diligence than
the Scriptures themfelves. There was
no one of the fa&ion who had not
tl\efe books, and did not read them
witl}
Bp. Parker's History
with the decpeft veneration. But the
Law which I mention'd being feafona-
bly pafs'd, there were no more prodi-
gies feen, no more miracles wrought, no
more Anni-mirabilesy which was the
title they prefix'd to their books. Laft-
ly, (which yet was the Parliament's prin-
cipal care ) the two Houfes proceeded
to take care of the Church, and to re-
inflate it in its antient dignity. Firft
the Clergy, by the King's writ, were
fummon'd to Convocation. The Con-
vocation confifts of an upper and lower
Houfe. In the upper, only Bifhops fit ;
in the lower, Deans, Archdeacons, one
Canon, or Prebendary of every cathe-
dral Church, and two Proctors for the
Clergy. Thcfe make Canons concern-
ing ecclefiaftical affairs, and then carry
them to the King, and if he approves
of them, they are afterwards laid be-
fore the Parliament, that what the Church
has ena&ed by its fpiritual power, may
be infore'd by the civil authority.
Therefore the Convocation (for fo we
call the Synod of the Clergy) when it
had
Of his own Time. 27
had confirm'd every thing, as it was be-
fore, in the Church of England, only
making fome little alterations in the Li-
turgy according to the different circum-
ftances of times, brought their Decrees
and Canons to the King, Lords and Com.
mons to be abetted with their authority.
Hence arofe that famous Law commonly
caird the A6t of Uniformity. By which
Law it was enacted, that all Clergymen
fhould ufe only the Common Prayer in
the publick worfhip ; and unlefs they
us'd it, they were to be deprivd of all
ecclefiaftical benefices, before the feaft
of St. Bartholomew. Moreover, they
were to abjure the folemn League and
Covenant, and renounce it, as contra-
ry to all the laws of God and nature
and this kingdom. The confequence
of which muft be, cither the Presbyte-
rian minifters wou'd return into the
peace and unity of the Church, and alfo
abjure the bond, and as it were the fa-
crament of their treachery and rebelli-
on ; or elfe they muft quit all their be-
nefices in the Church, and all the op-
portunities
i8 Bp. Parker's History
portunities of doing mifchief. Hereup-
on there was a great confufion among
the faction 5 they run backwards and
forwards with hurry and confternation ;
they entred into a new affociation againft
this Law, promifing themfelves, that if
all of them mould refufe to comply,
the Churches could not ftand without
them, preachers wou'd every where be
wanting, and the people would on every
hand beg for the repealing of the Law,
left through the fcarcity of preachers,
their fouls mould fufFer a famine of the
word -of the Lord. But the greatcft
hopes of the faftion depended upon their
friends at Court 5 for they being ad-
mitted into the fecret counfcls of the
King, and the higheft offices of State,
did only clog and obftruft the publick
affairs, give a check to the Laws that
were made againft the fadions, appear
as advocates for their faults, and make
it their chief endeavour to prevent the
Church and State from fettling upon their
old legal foundations. For they found that
if this dcflgn, which was fo well begun,
ihould
Of his own Time. z$
ftiould be brought to perfedon, they
fhould fink into the deepefl defpair.
Therefore they prefently met together,
and whifper'd into the ears of the King
(whom they had experiene'd to be enough
inclin'd to mercy, and indeed as it hap-
pened, too much for fparing them) that
fo great and powerful a body of men
fhould not be rafhly provok'd 5 that they
were the greateft part of the nation,
both for number and wealth 5 and that
they did not refufe to comply with the
antient conditions of uniformity 5 but
if thefe new and unheard of obligations
to abjure the holy Covenant were taken
away, they would all, even to a man,
flock to the Church of England h and
laftly, unlefs there were fpeedy care
taken to prevent it, there would be a
general revolt of the people. More-
over there were humble petitions pre-
fented by the Presbyterian London preach-
ers to this efTeft. " Having before ex-
" periene'd the clemency of your Royal
" Majefty towards your good people,
P we who have always fliewn the ftrid-
3 « eft
3<d Bp. Parkers History
u eft fidelity {Good God!) beg leave to
u reprefent, that unlefs you extend your
" royal mercy to us, we muft be imme.
u diately put out of our facred office, by
" the Ad of Uniformity , becaufe we
" cannot in confeience obey all things
" therein enjoyn d : therefore falling at
" your facred feet, we humbly befeech
" your Majefty, that thro* your great
u wifdom and clemency, fome means
<< may be found , that we may not be
" depriv'd of the power of teaching your
€C people their duty to God and your
" Majefty : And if it fhall feem good
" to your princely mercy to grant this
€i requeft, we doubt not, but that we
" fhall fhew, by our inviolable loyalty
" to your Majefty, and our peaceable
" behaviour in the Church, that we are
" not altogether unworthy of fo great
" a favour.
When the King was in fome meafurc
mov'd with thefe petitions, they at length
with difficulty obtain'd from him, that
the matter fhould be fufpended for a
little time ; and therefore, whereas the
Law
Op his own Time." ;i
Law ought to be in force the next Sun-
day, they prevail'd to have the Council
call'd but three days before, for the ef-
fecting their purpofe, left perhaps any
one fhould unfealbnably ftep in before
the time to prevent their defigns. Which
yet unexpectedly happen'd through the
prudence and fortitude of one man >
namely, that great Prelate Gilbert Shel-
don, then Bifhop of London, afterwards
Arch-bifhop of Canterbury. For the
Council being held, he came of his own
accord, (for he was not yet call'd to the
Privy Council) and pleaded for the Law,
with that fharpnefs of wit, that copious
eloquence, and that weight of reafon,
that he did not fo much perfuade as
command the affent of the King, the
Duke, the Council, and all that were
prefent, and almoft even the petitioners
themfelves to his opinion. He told
them, that the fufpenfion of the Law
came almoft too late, that by the com.
mand of that Law he had ejected all,
who had not obey'd it in his Dio-
cefs, the Sunday before, by which he
2 had
3^ Bp. Parker's History
had fo provok'd their anger and hatred,'
that if they were again reftor'd, he mould
not live henceforward, in a fociety of
Clergy, but in the jaws of his enemies 5
neither could he dare to contradict a Law
that was pafs'd with fo great approbati-
on of all good men, fo general a con-
fent of Parliament, and with fo much
deliberation. And farther, that if at
that time fo facred a Law mould be re-
pealed, it would expofe the lawgivers
to the fport and fcorn of the faction.
And laftly, that the State and Church
would never be free from diforders and
difturbances, if factious men could ex-
tort whatever they defir'd, by their im-
pudence and importunity. They that
were prefent at the Council, being over-
come by thefe and the like reafons, did
with great alacrity and earneftnefs con-
fent to the immediate execution of the
Law. Whence it happily came to pafs,
that whereas there was but one day to
intervene between the change of coun-
fel and the event of the matter, almoft
all the Presbyterians, who fear'd no fuch
thing,
Of his own Time." 35
thing, and on the contrary were joyfully
fecure, did, on a Hidden, almoft in the
twinkling of an eye, perceive thcmfclves
defeated by one ilroke ; and turn'd out
of their parifhes, to their great furprizc
and aftoniihment.
By this feafonable interpolation, the
Bifhop freed the Church of England
from thefe plagues for many years. For
thus it happened luckily, happily and
prolperouily, and indeed very providen-
tially, that the Schifmaticks entangled
thcmfclves in their fchifm by covenant
and agreement, entering into a new
allbciation, being deceiv'd by the large
promiies of the London teachers, that
they would not obey the Law, and thence
imagining that they mould defend them-
felves by their multitude. And where-
as the Courtiers would have perfuaded
the King, that there would be preach-
ers wanting in the city of London, up-
on that Sunday 5 the very prudent Bifhop
of that Diocefe, who had computed the
number of the faction, had ready at
hand an equal number of orthodox Di-
D vines,
$4 Br. Parker's HIstorv
vines, and thofc eloquent and learned;
who, the fign given, did as it were come
out of ambufh, and take poffeffion of
the pulpits. And tho* from that time
the Schifmaticks tried all their art that
they might be received again into the
bofom of the Church, yet he guarded
every pafs and avenue with fuch dili-
gence, that when they faw their attempts
fo often baffled, they at length fat down,
being no farther troublefome with their
fchifm, than barely that they were Schif-
maticks as long as he liv'd. For when,
fome years after this, they began to raife
fome new troubles in the Church, that
only the obligation to renounce the co-
venant being rcpeafd, they might have
the liberty of returning into the Church,
for that (they faid) was the only bar to
it 5 they were not without friends in both
Houfes, nor even amongft the Bifhops
themfelves. And the King himfelf, by
his royal authority, (as Emperors had
formerly done) had not long fincc, in
the {traits and difficulties of the 'Dutch
war, fufpended the penalties of the
Law,
Of his own Time. 55
Law, both that he might keep peace at
home, and becaufe he found that the
fa&ions had corrcipondencc with the
enemy abroad. To remedy which evil*
he thought it moft expedient to ftroke
them, for fome time, to prevent their
kicking : Whereby, many of bothHoufes
were fo incens'd, becaufe they faw that
the Law that was pafs'd by them, was
in effeel: repeal'd without their content,
that they chofe rather to repeal it them-
felves, than fee it leffend and maimed
by any one elfe. Which opportunity
happening, the Presbyterians, by the at
fiftance of thofe friends, a great number
of which they had in both Houfes, im-
mediately requir'd that the Law might
be abrogated. But the new bill being
drawn up, and every thing pertaining
to the fandion of it being finifh'd, the
Archbifhop affirm'd that lenity and mer-
cy were always truly pleafing to all good
men, efpecially if they could open the
way to peace and concord; and that
he would not difient from the votes of
others, if the Law being repealed, leaft
D 2 the
\6 Bp. Parker's History
the fupreme power fhou'd fcem to have
parted with too much from itfelf, by
yielding to them too far, they would but
require fuch a ftipulation and engage-
ment for their future fidelity, as no good
man could , or would refufe to £ivc.
And truly he proposal nothing elfe but
this, that they mould confefs that the
war againft King Charles the firft was
unlawful. Which he had hardly men-
tion'd, when they prefently dropp'd their
petition for the bill, and were fo de-
tcrr'd from the purlliit of their defign,
that, as if they had thrown away their
arms, they never durit rally again. Thus
is the Presbyterian intereft funk into
the deepeft defpair, by lofing the hope
and liberty of rebelling ! But when they
found too late, that nothing was to be
done by open meafurcs, what they could
not efFeft by authority, they ftudied
to compafs by fraud. Therefore they
prefently entred into a new confpiracy
with fomc treacherous Divines in the
Englijh Church, men that lik'd nothing
in the Church but its preferments, in
2 all
Of his own Time. 37
all other refpeds Fanaticks. Theft joyn-
ing forces within and without the walls,
cannot doubt but at length they fhall
gain their ends, altho' it be the fame con-
fpiracy as had been tried before, and is
only drefs'd up in a new form of words,
that it may take the better with the un-
wary. For now they were plcas'd to
call it a Comprchcnfton, by which (for-
footh) the Presbyterian rebels, all the
Laws being rcpeal'd, which at their will,
or rather by their command, they re-
quir'd to be cancell'd, might, together
with the found members, be received in-
to the Church, and all ecclcfiaftical of-
fices. In this gang there were one or
two Bifhops, a few Presbyters, with two
pragmatical Lawyers, who with great
gravity rcquir'd that this Law might pafs$
as if they had had in their hands the
fupreme power in Church and State.
The Archbifhop, than whom no one
was more vigilant, or ready to find out
their treacherous ftratagems, heard of
all their counfels from day to day 5 and
I my fclf have heard him publickly and
D 3 very
3 8 Bp. Parker's History
very fharply reproving them, according
to his authority, for their audacious pre-
fumption, in that a Bifhop or two, and
a few Presbyters, fhould attempt to re-
peal the facred Laws of the Church,
without their Metropolitan, and a Sy>
nod of their Province. A crime, and
indeed a fchifm, which was not to be
expiated by any thing lefs in the primi-
tive Church than perpetual Degradation!
But the Archbifhop being of a mild and
generous difpofition, threatned nothing,
but only exhorted them friendly, to ac-
quiefce a little, till they fhould obtain,
or at leaf! ask the confent of him and
his brethren the Bifhops. In the mean
time he dealt mildly with their princi-
pal agents, that fo, if poffible, he might
recover them to a better mind. I re-
member I was prefent when a certain
Bifhop folemnly promised entirely to quit
this defign, and attempt nothing farther ;
and yet the very fame day, when there
was a meeting held for carrying on this
affair, to my knowledge, he went to
the meeting, and labour'd ,the point as
much
Of his own Time, j5>
much as he could. But when the Arch-
bifhop knew that the matter was com-
pleatly form'd, he kept his knowledge
of it to himfelf, and a few of his do-
mefticks 5 but at length taking an op-
portunity of fending for me and ano-
ther perfon, not a Bifhop indeed, but
one next in dignity to a Bifhop, he ac-
cused us both equally, being a facetious
Man, of having been amongft the Con-
fpirators. What could I, tho' I knew
my own innocence, but modeftly, (as
became me,) and yet boldly deny the
charge ? But the other was not content
with a bare lie, but likeTV^r, when he
denied his Lord, defended himfelf with
a repeated denial of it, and affirm'd,
that when fome men tempted him to
be there, he fharply admonifh'd them
to drop the defign, till it could be re-
ferr'd to the Archbifhop and Bifliops in
Convocation. But as foon as he was
gone, the Archbifhop fmiling upon me,
and excufing himfelf for his feeming re-
proof of me, faid, " Now I have too
f1 plainly found out the treachery of
D 4 tc this
40 Bp. Parker's History
^ this man 5 I can never wonder enough
u at his impudence or ftupidity, fince
" if he were not a mere flock, he mufl
" have found from fomc particular ex-
" preflions that I us'd, that all the coun-
" fels of that meeting, in which he was
<c always prefent, and bore a principal
" part, were fully difcover'd to me/'
And from that time he drop'd his Fricnd-
fhip, as far as he could, with him and
the reft of his affociates. But they re-
folv'd the more diligently to go on with
their fcheme, and to carry it, when fi-
niftYd, into the lower Houfe of Parlia-
ment. In the mean time, the Archbi-
Ihop (who, as I faid, knew all their mea-
fures) had fo prepar'd the good Mem-
bers of that Houfe, that the very firft
day of their meeting, they refolv'd that
if it was brought into the Houfe, they
would not pafs it. And thus this per-
nicious defign of a Comprehenfton pe-
rifiYd i which, if it had not died in the
birth, would have brought the fame e-
vils and plagues upon the Church of
England, as were brought into the Ca-
tholick
Of his own Time. 41
tholick Church in Zenos time by his
Henoticon.
But now, fince I have had occafion to
fpeak of fo great a man, I cannot pafs
on, without giving a fhort account of
the goodnefs of his difpofition, the con-
ftancy of his virtue, and the fweetnefs
of his temper. It was long in my thoughts
to have drawn up a juft hiftory 5 and
indeed I mould have done it, if I could
by any means have obtain d the memoirs
which he left concerning the actions of
his own time. For as he came in due
time to the management of publick af-
fairs, being a man of great abilities, and
was prefent at the moil remarkable oc-
currences > fo tranfafting every thing
with a peculiar ftrength and penetra-
tion of judgment, without doubt the
commentaries which he wrote upon all
affairs were very excellent. In the mean
time, fince I cannot write a hiftory, 1
cannot forbear but that I mult recom-
mend fome character of fo great a mind,
and fo famous an example of virtue, to
the imitation of pofterity. And that I
may
4* Bp. Parker's History
may begin with the chief virtue of a Bi-'
fhop, he was a man of eminent piety s
for tho* he was frequent and afTiduous
in prayers, yet he was not fuch an ad-
mirer of them, as fome are, nor did he
fo much regard the bare worfhip, as the
ufe that was made of it > and therefore
he judicioufly plac'd the fum of Reli-
gion in a good life, He ufed, in his
daily difcourfe to his family and friends,
to tell that they fhould take care not to
deceive themfelves by a half and imper-
fed Religion 5 that they fhould not think
that all the fervice of God was confin'd
within the cloifters and \valls of the
Church, but rather that a great part of
it was converfant abroad in the world,
and amongft focieties of men. That if
they liv'd juftly, foberly, and chaftly, then
at length, and not before, they might
think themfelves pious : That otherwife
it matter'd not of what Church or Re-
ligion wicked men were 5 and therefore
he greatly delighted himfelf with this
faying, and always fpoke it with exul-
tation, T)o welly and be merry. For he
thought
Of his own Time. 43
thought it the only bufinefs and com-
fort of life, that the value of everything
depended upon That, and avail'd no-
thing without it. Therefore, next to
Atheifts and Fanaticks, he defpis'd that
difdainful fort of men who would have
all the duty of man plac'd in the cere-
monies and offices of worfhip, and be-
caufe perhaps they are oftner at prayers
than others, therefore think themfelves
better. He us'd to fay that thefe men
were not fo pious as weak, not having
judgment to difcern what is right and
what is wrong, what is good and what
is evil : For that prayers indeed had
great force and efficacy in them, as help-
ing us to obtain the affifting grace of
God, and cherifhing a ftrong and lively
reverence of God in our minds: But that
even prayers were in vain, unlefs we
proceed farther. That the Eucharift
(which is the principal part of chriflian
Worfhip) is indeed a Sacrament of the
chriftian Law, and that this Law confifts
of offices of mutual charity and kind-
ncfs7 and that therefore he is the beft
3 Chriftian,
44 Bp. Parker's History
Chriftian, who is the moft kind and
charitable to mankind ; that the greateft
charity is exercis'd by juftice, for charity
is due to all men, without which no fo-
ciety can fubfift, and which prcferves the
peace and tranquillity of the whole world.
That other virtues are but fubfervient to
this, and that thofc great virtues, liberality
and munificence, are but theft and rapine
without it. And therefore he often ufed
to admonifh young Noblemen and Gen-
tlemen (of whom a great many flock'd
to him, by the command of their pa-
rents,) tc Take care (faid he) to be good
" and virtuous in the firft place, and
" then be as pious, and as much de-
" voted to Religion as you will. No
cc piety can bring any advantage to you
cc or any one, without probity of life
" and morals : For God gives no rewards
cc to idol-worfhipers, neither can any
* benefit arife from a barren piety. But
iC if men fincerely refolve with them-
cc felves firft to lay the foundations of
<c Religion in a good life, that will
" caufe them to delight in the worfhip
« of
Of his own Time. 45
« of God, and their duty to men."
And if he could be provok'd at any
thins:, it was at the counterfeit devotion
of wicked men, which he could hardly
bear > and he was wont to call them
the diferace of God and men. And he
was greatly griev'd that in the whole
courfe of his long life he had obfeiVd
very bad men under the mafque of hu-
mility, and the pretence of ftri&er piety,
carrying on the fecret defigns of ambi-
tion ; of whom in general, he faid, we
ought to beware, as of fo many thieves
and cheats 5 for he had not remembrcd
above three or four, and thofe men of
downright foolifh fimplicity, who have
not, like thieves, carried off the pre-
ferments of the Church, under a cloak
or cowl of Religion : Tho' there was
fomc comfort and fatisfa&ion in it, that
the fame men had always ftrip'd them-
felves of their honours by their own
imprudence : For whereas fuch little ani-
mals might have lain hid with honour ;
when they crept up to a publick ftation,
they did not fo properly pofTefs the height
of
4<r Bp. Parker's History
of dignity, as of publick fhame and
contempt : For not being accuftom'd to
the courtefy and civility of human life*
they behave themfelves fo aukwardly, fo
morofely, and fo infolently, as if they
were lifted up on high, only to expofe
themfelves to fcorn and derifion. But
how much foever he hated and defpis'd
thefe counterfeits, both becaufe they
robb'd Religion of its honour, by their
infincerity, and becaufe they difturb'd
the due moderation and equal balance
of affairs, by their pragmatical behavi-
our 5 yet if he met with any perfons of
true fimplicity, and unfeign'd piety, who
did in earncft devote themfelves to the
worfhip of God, and meditation upon
heavenly things, it is fcarce to be con*
ceiv'd with what afFedion, with what
friendfhip, and with what joy he em-
brae'd them : He reverenced them as Fa-
thers, lov'd them as Brethren, and mofl
familiarly convers'd with them as his in-
timate Friends.
Such good opinions of Religion con-
curring, with fo good a difpofition of
nature,
Of his own Time; 47
nature, how large an increafe of virtues
muft flich excellent feeds, fown in fo
rich a foil, produce ! Hence proceeded
that even tranquillity of mind, through
which, in both a profperous and adverfe
fortune, he was always the fame, and
ftill like himfelf 5 being equally proof
againft the weapons of adverfity, and
the wiles of profperity, and ever con-
ftant and regular 5 and one that had life
at command, but not incontinent ; he
neither fear'd nor wifh'd for death; liv'd
pleafantly to himfelf, and to other men;
neither did he place any other happinefs
in this prefent life, than that he could
prudently bear, and even enjoy it, thro'
the hopes of a betters for with that
hope he accounted it pleafant and a-
greeable, but without it intolerable ;
and fo he died with the fame evennefs
of mind with which he liv'd 5 nor did
he depart from his ufual cheerfulnefs,
which was fupported by a good life,
till his foul departed from his body.
From a tranquillity of mind, naturally
arifes courtefy and affability of beha-
viour;
42 Bp. Parker's History
viour ; for he who plcafcs himfclf, de-
lights to pleafe others, and equally re-
joices in his own and other mens hap-
pinefs; therefore he was eafy and free
in his convcrfation with every one, ne-
ver (if poffible) let any one go difcon-
certed from him, unlcfs it were by their
unwiliingnefs to leave him. He was
both pleafant and grave amongft his do-
mefticks, govern'd his Family both with
authority and kindnefs ; we all reve-
rencd him, and none flood in fear of
him 5 if at any time there was occafion
for a fevere rebuke (to which he fel-
dom and unwillingly proceeded) his di£
courfe was a mixture of a becoming
gravity, and a Socratick fwectnefs. He
would have his houfe always open for
hofpitality, and his table decently and
elegantly cover'd, without luxury ;
whercunto illuftrious pcrfons reforted
in great numbers, that they might en-
joy the plcafurc of his convcrfation, for
he feaibn'd all his entertainments with
grave and facetious difcourfe, and fpoke
to each of his guefts courtcouily and
plea-
Of his own Time* 4p
plcafantly, and all went away obliged
with his fingular humanity. It is not
proper to enlarge any farther upon thefe
lcfler points of decorum in this great
Man ; but altho' perhaps they are not
to be commended amongft the virtues,
yet certainly they are the peculiar orna-
ments of the greatcft men, and of no
other. Neither indeed do I think it be-
comes me to labour in a more diligent
defcription of his greater virtues. How
fmall, how jejune, how trifling a com-
mendation would it be, in fpeaking of
a Prelate of fuch entire and generous
piety, to fay that he was juft, and tem-
perate, and modeft, especially when
thefe are not fo much the virtues of the
Man, as the duties of the Bijhop , for in
another man if thefe virtues are want-
ing 'tis fhameful, but in a Clergyman
they hardly defervc to be prais'd. Since
therefore of fuch great men nothing but
the higheft part of character is to be
dwelt upon, pa fling by the common and
ordinary virtues, we fhall fpeak only of
his virtues that more immediately re-
E lated
5o Bp. Parker's History
lated to the dignity and eminence of
him as a publick pcrfon. All greatnefs
of mind confifts in three things, Wif-
dom, xMagnanimity, and Munificence.
The beft of Kings, Charles the Firft, paid
the greatcft regard to his Wifdom ; to
whom as he was particularly dear, for
his joint integrity and humanity, fo in
particular with refped to his fingular
Wifdom i he in a manner obtained the
utmofl familiarity of friendfhip : For he
not only employ'd him, as feveral others,
in publick affairs and embaflies, from
the Treaty of Uxbridgey when he firft
appear'd in publick bufinefs, but admit-
ted him into his more fecret counfels >
and the better he knew him, fo much
the more he lov'd him. And where-
as he himfelf had attain'd to maturity in
wifdom, being taught by great and long
calamities, he would chiefly make ufe
of his counfel and converfation ; and if
he could but have him by his fide, he
feem'd to think it a foftning and abate-
ment of his miferics : And in his loweft
and mod defperate circumftances, when,
after
Of his own Time. 51
after the conference in the Ijle of JVight>
his Murder being rcfolv'd upon by the
rebel officers, all his fervants and friends
were driven from his pretence, the King
at length, by importunate intrcaties,
prevail'd, that tho' the reft were driven
from him, he might enjoy Sheldon alone,
the fpace of one day 5 which day they
prolong'd and continud till midnight,
till he was removed from the King by
military force. In which fhort time he
entrufted his fecrct and laft counfels in
his bofom, efpeciaily commands to be
deliver'd to his Son. Amongft many o-
ther excellent dictates of that great mind,
I principally remember three, which I
receiv'd from the Archbifhop's own
mouth.
Firjly That he mould forgive his re-
bellious enemies as much as he would,
but never truft one of them, unlcfs he
were willing to be ruin'd again.
Secondly, That he fhould keep his
Exchequer as full as pofllble; for fub-
jefts would not dare to rebel againft any
but poor Princes.
E 2 Laftfy,
\S
1% Bp. Parker's History
La/lly, That, as far as it was in his
power, he fhould expiate the fin of Sa-
crilege 5 and efpccially that he fhould be
an example to his fubjeds, by rcftoring
thofe revenues to the Church, which
the impiety of former times had taken
from it ; which he himlclf had vow'd tQ
do, if he ever recovcr'd his Crown.
But fmce I have fpoken of the great
love and affection of the irood Kins to
him, there is no occafion to fpeak any
tiling of his Magnanimity 5 for it fhew'd
a firm and invincible mind, to behold
fuch a man, from whom he had receiv'd
lb great favours, fo unworthily treated,
and cxpos'd to fcorn, by the refufe of
mankind, and his blood not freeze in
his veins with immoderate grief. Yet
he bore the weidit, and length of time
in fomc meafurc render'd it cafier to
him 5 but he had that chcerfulnefs of
temper, that I have often heard him
proleis, that nothing ever touch'd his
heart, (for lb he fpokc, fcarce refraining
from tears) but only the misfortune of
the King 5 and with that he was as it
were
Of his own Time. 5$
were thunder-ftruck, and did not for a
long time recover any firmnefs of mind,
but fhould, as long as he liv'd, feel the
fharpeft anguifh, whenever he thought
of it, how much focver he drove againfl
it. Neither did he fhew himiclf a man
of lefs bravery and courage in encoun-
tering dangers, than in bearing adverfi-
ty ; for he was almoft a Privy Coun-
fcllor to King Charles the Second, even
while he was in exile 5 he managed
chiefly the Kings affairs which were to
be tranfaclcd at home, and was conccrn'd
in almoft every prudent defign againfl:
the tyrannical ufurpcrs, but was princi-
pally conccrn'd in collecting the King's
monies, and ferit him yearly to large a
fum, that indeed he fcem'd to be his
Trcafurcr.
Laftly, as to his Munificence, I fhould
be impertinent, if I were to relate eve-
ry inftance of that virtue in him : It
may fuffice to compute his cxpences in
general 5 and, to pais by what he did in
a private fortune, in which however he
fCtrieY'd the cftatc of the family (which
E 3 was
54 Bp. Parker's History
was in a manner fpent by his elder bro-
ther) in behalf of the children of the
deceas'd; after he was rais'd to the E-
pifcopal Throne, in which he fate feven-
teen years, he fpent feventy three thou-
fand pounds in works of Munificence
and Charity j and yet was fo wonder-
fully prudent in the conduft of his af-
fairs, that after he had laid out fo much
he left great pofieffions, and a large
quantity of money to his heirs, and aU
fo gave by legacy to all his fervants,
whofc number was not a little one,
rich flipends, as long as they fhould
livco
Thus have I erected this fmall monu-
ment to the memory of fo great a Man,
intending to raife a larger, and one
more worthy of him hereafter. In the
mean time, I have in fome meafurc fa-
tisficd my grateful remembrance of him :
Altho' I fhall fay more (if it plcafe God)
in the fequel of thefe Annals, for he
liv'd till 1677. at which time being
eighty years old, he died too foon, and
even to the great lofs of the Church
and
Of his own Time. 5j
and Kingdom. But I (hall take care (if
God gives me life) to let pofterity know
how the affairs of the Church flood at,
and after the time of his death. But
now to return to the courfe of our
Annals, from whence the pleafing idea
of this illuftrious Prelate diverted me*
which I am yet unwilling to part with,
Whilft the States of the kingdom are
careful of the publick peace, and ima-
gine that they have defeated all the at-
tempts of the Rebels ; at the very fame
time (fuch was the confidence of the men)
they form'd a defign of an univerfal re-
bellion throughout the nation. Almofl
at the fame time their great affembly
(which I formerly mentiond) met at
London, which alone manag'd their chief
affairs. Under thefe, a kffer affembly,
of fix perfons, a&ed 5 one of every Fac-
tion ; for there were fix Fa&ions, Pref-
by terians , Independents , Anabaptifls ,
Quakers, Fifth Monarchy Men, and Le-
vellers. And that the matter might be
more fecretly carried on by the confent
of all, this council of fix receiv'd their
E 4 inftruc-
$€ Bp. Parker's History
inftru&ions from the fuprcme council ;
neither did any of the Confpirators be-
ftdes know what this affembly was.
Laftly, thefe fent their military officers
whitherfocver they pleas'd. They had
their meffengers and fpics in every coun-
ty. They in the mean while were plant-
ed in uncertain places, never twice in
the fame. Neither would they have
any partakers of their counfcls, nor
treat with any but their own cmiflaries.
So that whereas they had all of them ac-
complices of every Faftion, yet there were
none let into the fecrets of their dc-
fighs but themfelvcs. They warily
guarded themfelvcs againft being be-
tray 'd, fo that if by chance any difco-
vcry ftiould break out, it fhould fpread
no farther ; and when the Confpiracy
was diffus'd thro' all the provinces of
the kingdom, yet no body knew who
was the author of it. For the fpics
dealt feparately with only their military
officers, and did not know one another,
that if any one of them was acciden-
tally taken, he could accufe no one be-
yond
Op his own Time. 57
yond his own fpherc and county. Hence
there was a great report fpread on all
hands concerning a Rebellion 5 letters
were fent concerning it from every coun-
ty to the prime minifters 5 and fo great
a confirmation had feiz'd the minds of
the citizens of London, that almoft all
that fummer the train'd-bands kept watch
in the city, and guards at the walls and
before the gates. There was a great and
general confirmation 5 but all alike
wondred what were the grounds of it.
But at length fome of the Confpirators
being taken at London, on the 15th of
October, it was difcover'd what the Con-
fpiracy was. Neither yet could the pcr-
fons that confefs'd, difcover any but their
affociates in the fame band, of whom
part lay conceal'd, part were taken 5
and of thefe fome fuffer'd as Rebels,
according to law, others begging par-
don, the royal Clemency fpafd them as
ufually. The heads of the Confpiracy
were Ludlow, T>anvers,Lockier, Strange,
and other veteran officers of Cromwell's
army. But thefc efcap d, either by flight
58 Bp. Parker's History
or concealment. Therefore altha' the
Confpiracy was known, yet it was not
broken or difpers'd, but the Confpirators,
with daily-increafmg ftrcngth, carried on
a violent and unnatural war, for more
than twenty years.
But fmce their engine of treachery
was now firft complcated, I muft tell
you with what fraud, with what villany,
with what lying, they would, ifpoffible,
have compafs'd their point. And indeed
they had but one ftratagem for every
thing, namely, that old one, that when-
focver their hearts are big with any mi£
chief, they endeavour to raife tragical
expe&ations of Popifh affaflins, and of
a defign to maflacre all the Proteftants.
I:or thus their ftory was laid. For when
at length they had confpir'd to rife in
arms on the laft day of Offober, under
Ludlow the General, who had promis'd
to be prefent, by thefe fictitious letters j
they fpreaci a report concerning a mafla-
cre to be pat in execution by the Pa-
pifts on that very day. Their letter ran
• as:
Sir,
Of his own Time. 5$
Sir,
HTHrough my regard to the friendjhip
between us, and my common affeEiion
to all Trot eft ants in general, this to in-
form you, that about a fortnight agoe, a
woman well known to us, but not yet to
be nantd to you, was privately told by
a certain Topifb Confpirator, that they
Jhould all take arms, of which they had
a great number, upon the laft day of
Oftobcr. Wherefore we thought it our
duty to our friends, to give them notice*
with as much caution as we could, what
great danger they are in, that they might
by allpojfible means defend their Religion^
King, Country, Themfelves, and Fami-
lies. Take care that you do notfufpe£i that
you areimposd on by any trick or lie: I
call God Almighty to witnefs to the re-
ligious truth of this narration. Neither
is it a private report, but the thing was
declared upon oath, before a Juftice of
peace, and communicated by him to the
Trivy Council. But what the iffue was
I have not yet heard. Look to your
felvesx
Go Bp. Parker's History
felveSy and if you can make any difco-
very, impart it to us.
Yours.
They fent abroad thefe letters to their
friends in every county, by their feveral
cmiiTaries 5 fo that the Papifts in feveral
places, efpecially in the counties of
JVorcefter and Warwick, were taken in-
to cuflody. And in the city of Lon-
don, they had five thoufand copies ready
to difperfe in every ftrcet, juft before
their attempt. But when part of the
Confpiracy was difcover'd fo foon, it
for fomc time check'd the whole : Se-
veral were taken, amongfl whom, the
chief were, Tongue, an old Crom^ellian
Officer, and Rigs, a Presbyterian Teacher,
formerly Chaplain to Blake, the Admiral
of the Rebels fleet, but now clerk to a
brewer. He being taken, to five his
own life, laid open the whole villany,
and, according to the innate treachery
of the Presbyterian Evangclifts, accus'd
his accomplices, whom he had rirfl cor-
rupted. But the proofs of the Confpi-
racy
Of his own Time. Ci
racy were fo very plain, that the perfons
accus'd, tho' fome, as it was but reafon-
ablc they fhoud, endeavoured to defend
their innocence ; yet when they law
that they fhould be condemned, they
voluntarily accus'd themfelvcs, and in
the very article of death, every one of
them, in their fpeeches which they made
to the people, ingenuoufly confefs'd
themfelvcs guilty of Rebellion. Thcfe
were fix, Tongue, Philips, Stubbs, Baker,
and the two Gibbs that were brothers.
But one of the priibners nam'd Hind,
when brought to the bar, did not think
fit to ftand his tryal, but pleading guilty,
commended himfelf to the King's mercy.
Amongft many other villanies which
they had refolv'd upon, they firft of ail
rciblv'd to kill the King ; entring into
a joint rcfolution, that they would treat
him no otherwife, than he would treat
Ludlow, if he fhould take him. Thefe
were the very words of the confpiracy.
But it happen'd, that that very fummer
the Queen Mother refided at Greenwich,
whom when her Son often us'd to vifit,
1 they
ct Bp. Parker's History
they chofe a convenient place near Cam-
berwelly where the Aflaflins fhould lie in
ambufh, and take him. But the Queen
going thence to London unexpe&edly,
and (boner than fhe had rcfolv'd with
her felf to go, by the hafte fhe made fhe
preferved the life of her Son : Which
the Confpirators themfelves openly con-
fefs'd. They declar'd this to be the caufe
of the war, that they were to fight againft
Popery and Tyranny, in defence of their
facred and civil Liberties. And thus
they determined to govern their new
Commonwealth : Firft, they would
recall their old regicide Parliament.
Secondly, they would join a full num-
ber of members to that Rump. Thirdly,
they would choofe no man that had not
fhewn himfelf faithful to the Good Old
Caufe, (for fo they call'd their own.)
Fourthly, every Parliament fhould laft
but a year. Fifthly, they would exer-
cife no power in religious matters, or
over the confeiences of men. Sixthly,
it fhould be high treafon for any one
to endeavour to reftore the King, houfc
of
Of his own Time. c$
of Lords, or the government of any
fingle Perfon. Seventhly, no falarics
fhould be granted out of the publick
Treafury. Eighthly, as long as they be-
haved themfclves well, it fhould be high
Treafon not to obey them.
Without doubt it mull have been a
lafting Republick, which was to conti-
nue as long as it pleas'd a fanatick
multitude, and no longer. Such was
the emulation between the two factions,
that they found it was a very difficult
matter, to bring the divided minds of
the Presbyterians and Independents in-
to their priftine concord. But when that
was done, all the leffer feds, which dregs
were the fpawn of their corruption,
were ever in a readinefs. But now the
friendfhip of the brethren being renew'd,
the old Republick feem'd to be as it
were rcftor'd ; nor did they afterwards
queftion, but that they fhould obtain
the fupreme Power. Thefe things I
collected out of the proceedings of the
Court, which were at that time pub-
lifh'd, almoft word for word,
3 In
64 Bp. Parker's History
i 66$. In the beginning of the following
fpring, the King, being both terrified
with fuch frequent and formidable Con-
fpiracies, and prevailed upon by the ar-
tifices and treachery of fome about him,
publinYd a Proclamation, for fufpend-
ing in part the Aft of Uniformity 5 and,
provided the Schifmaticks would be
peaceable for the time to come, he grant-
ed them liberty of confcience, fo long
as they behaved themfelves well. Which
being communicated by him to the Par-
liament, that by their permiffion alfo,
the Indulgence (as they cal-l'd it) to ten-
der confciences might be confirm'd>
they with great zeal oppos'd it, and de-
fended the Law as their Palladium and
chief fecurity. They haftncd to the
King, and begg'd and prefs'd him, that
he would not leffen his own authority
fo much as to indulge faftious men,
who under the mafquc of confcience
meditate nothing but Rebellion. For if
the force and authority of that Law was
once at an end, there would hereafter
be no fence againft Atheifts and wicked
men ;
Of his owS Timej i'j
men; the difcipline of the Church could
llo longer ftand, and its ccnfurcs would be
defpis'd. Neither did it become the pru-
dence and gravity of the Parliament, to
repeal, without cauie, this year, a Law
which they had pafs'd but the year be-
fore j and the King's peace would be
only more and more difturbed* for if he
would fuffer himfelf to be overcome by
thefe people's importunity, they would be
baiting him with their importunities for
ever, and innumerable new Herefies
would be the confequcncc of that dif-
honourable liberty $ neither would there
be any end of fanatick fury : That the
Church it fclf would become defolate :
And laftly, it was not Indulgence which
the Schifmaticks defir'd, but Empire:
And as foon as they mould find their
numbers ftrong enough, they wou'd in-
vade the Government with open Force,
The King yielded to their importunity
for a time, but could never be prevail'd
Upon to change his opinion, till by the fad
event of things, and the infolent rebel-
lion of the Schifmaticks, he found that
F the
6G Bp. Parker's History
the Parliament were not only faithful in
their counfel, but right in their predic-
tions, as if they had been a prophetick
College.
The Parliament rifing on the 3d o£Au-
gufty after they had granted the King a
fubfidy, the Fa&ions purfue the forming
of their Rebellion ; a thoufand arms be-
ing bought in Holland by one Cole (who
had been in every Confpincy) were
brought over into England* libels were
difpers'd amongft the common people \
in one of thefc they taught that it was
lawful for the people to kill their Kings $
that the Law of God did not exempt
the perfon of the King from the two-
edged fword, which he had put into
the hands of his faints to be drawn a-
gainft the ungodly of whatfoever qua-
lity and condition : That now, if ever,
the time was come for the people of the
Lords to fell their garments, and buy
them i words : That the Tyrant (mean-
ing the King) whatfoever authority he
has, he has it wholly from the people :
That we arc not fcrvants of the Tyrant,
but
OF HIS OWN 'T* I ME; 6 J
but that he ought to ferve us 5 and there-
fore fincc he had fhewn himfclf unworthy
of his office, it was but juit he fhould be
deposed. In another, they afiertcd that
Charles the Firft was juftly beheaded :
That 'Penry, Barrow, and others of the
Puritan Faction formerly executed, were
.wickedly flain ; becaufe they had freely
given teftimony, according to their duty,
againft the tyranny and fuperftition of the
Prelates. And laitJy, they recommend-
ed the example of Ehud's killing King
Egloriy to the imitation of the faints of
this age. But nothing more vehement-
ly mov'd the people, than whole vo-
lumes of fermons publifh'd, which the
ejected Miniftcrs had preaclfd as their
farewel fermons, before the fcaft of St.
Bartholomew. Great was the fale of
thefe books, being ftrong fecnted with
fedition : And the people of every pa-
rifti out of which any were ejected,
were inflam'd with inch anger and ha-
tred, that they purlucd thole that turn'd
them out, with a warmth and violence
like that of him, that in times of old
F z had
6 8 Bp. Parker's History
had his idols taken from him. By thefe
fraudulent practices, they kept up fuch
avcrfion in the minds of the people to
the King's Government, that they thought
themfelves fure, that when the matter
came to blows they mould never want
volunticrs.
Whilft thefe things were tranfa&ed in
England, the fame affair went forward
in Ireland.
On the 25 th of January, 1662, one
Thilip Alden made a voluntary difcovery
of a Confpiracy to fubvert the Govern-
ment in all the three Kingdoms 5 and this
he made to Vernon a military Officer of the
King's, and a man of entire fidelity to the
King. This Alden had been an old Rebel,
a dealer in profcriptions and forfeited e-
ftates, and a leading enemy of the Royal
Caufe. But Vernon had fo oblia;'d him,
by begging his life of the Lord Lieute-
nant, that as a return for that kindnefs,
he promls'd that if ever he could diico-
Vcr any wicked defign of the Rebels a-
gainft the King, he would communicate
it to him : For he made a figure in their
Coun-
Op his own Time. 6?
Counfels, and Ludlow committed the
Irijh affairs to his trull, fo as no one
exceeded him in authority among the
Rebels. He therefore, the Confpiracy
being brought to fome maturity, ingc-
nuoufly confefs'd it all to Vernon^ that
there was a fecret committee of Con-
fpirators that late daily in the city of
^Dublin y that they treated of all matters
amongft themfcives, lifted men into their
Confpiracy, declared the caufes of the
War, and affign'd every officer his poll: in
the Army. Thefc were fix in number,
befide the informer : Shapcott a Colo-
nel, partly a Lawyer, partly a Soldier,
a pernicious creature with his tongue, as
well as his teeth ; JVarren and Thomfon
Lieutenant Colonels, Sanfordz Captain,
Blood a Lieutenant, and Bond a Scotch
Merchant. Vernon foon imparted the dil-
covcry to the Lord Lieutenant, the moft
illuftrious Duke of Ormond, to whom he
was very dear. The Lord Lieutenant
fent for the difcoverer to him, who laid ,
open the whole matter; and being in-
due'd by promiics, allures him that he
F 3 will
jo Bi\ Parker's History
will difcovcr every ftep of the Con
fpiracy as they fhould proceed. In the
month of March, the leaders of their
Army were chofen, troops made up out
of their meetings, which they had now
very frequent, Forces were quartered
through 'all Ireland, and Corrcfponden-
cies were fuccefsfully carried on in Eng-
land, Scotland and Holland. All things
being thus made ready to their minds,
the next year, which was 1663, they rc-
folve to open the war on the 1 1 th of
May, with the fiege of the caftle of
'Dublin. The Lord Lieutenant, who
knew the whole matter, had a great
number of foldicrs there in a rcaclinefs,
who were commanded by his three
[ons, men of the grcatcfr bravery. Thefe
ib diipofcl their men upon the Walls,
as not fo much to drive away, as to
take the enemy. But Blood, and one
Chambers, who were lent by the toil-
fpirators as fpies by night, when they faw
every place fo well fene'd and guarded,
being' affrighted, they haffned to tell the
Committee that thev were betvay'd,
\i4
Of his own Time.' 71
And they, not doubting that a difcovcry
was made, prefently difpers'd thcmielvcs,
waiting for another more convenient
Day. But the Lord Lieutenant had fo
placd watches that he had taken fome
of their Leaders within the walls, who
afterwards, being tried and condemn'd
for Treafon, were hane'd. Amond
thefc were Warren and Jephfon, Colo-
nels, and at the fame time members of
the Irifh Parliament. Befuies thefe, nine
others of the fame Afiembly, being found
guilty of the fame crime, were, two
years after, the Parliament being pro-
rogued to that time, fent into banifh-
ment by Aft of Parliament 5 andTtom-
fon an Officer, and Lackey a Presbyterian
Teacher, were hamAi. But thousih he
alone of all their Teachers was taken,
yet he had feven more brethren, ailb-
ciatcs and partners in this wicked Con-
fpiracy : The names of thefe were Cox,
Chambers, Hart, Cormack, Bains, King,
and Charnock. This Charnock had been
Chaplain to Henry Cromwell, advane'd
to that dignity by the recommendation
F* of
7% Bp. Parker's History
of John Owen ; he was fent by the
Confpirators as their agent to London,
and promis'd them great affiftance there %
as Gibbs, Car-, and others had done in
Scotland and Holland. But the Conipi-
racy being now difcover'd, he again fled
into England, and changing the name
of Charnock into Clark, he cxercis'd
great authority at London amongft the
Fanaticks, and long prefided in a large
Conventicle j for he did not die till two
years after, anno\6%-$. and they carried
his body through the city to be interr'd
with the pomp of a royal funeral.
They declar'd the caufes of the war
to be, That the King had abus'd their
patience ; that ncglc&ing the Proteftants,
by whofe only help he was reftor'd to
his Kingdoms, he had encourag'd only
Popilh Ailaffins : That he had taken
the cftates which the Protectants (that is
Cromwell's Rebels) had merited by iuch
dangers and labours, and given them to
the Papifts : That is, the King had rc«
ftor'd to the lawful owners, men of en-
tire fidelity to him, thole eftates which
i Cromwell
Or his own Time. 75
Cromwell had given as rewards to his
Soldiers, out of the patrimony of Pa-
pifts that had flood by the King, and
who had not only approved thcmfelves
Gentlemen of firm fidelity to his Ma-
jefty, but were indeed the right Owners:
And that he had converted a great Tax
that had been rais'd to pay the old Sol-
diers, to the advantage of the Papifts :
And laftly, that the Lord Lieutenant had
committed the fame offence, held fecret
corrcfpondcncc with Papifts, and appear'd
in their behalf in every judgment a-
gainft the Proteftants. By which (fay
they) we know what is decreed againft
us, and therefore let us defend our Coun-
try, our Wives and our Children from
excifion. And as of old, the people of
Ifrael laid violent hands upon Saul, tho"
he were a King, when he threatned
death to Jonathan^ an innocent man,
adjuring him by the immortal God, that
he mould not die that day ; to wc doubt
not but all purer Proteftants will take
arms with us in fo good a caufc. There-
fore we proclaim Liberty of Confciencc
to
74 Bp. Parker's History
to every one; by which alone we know
the Proteftant Religion can be eftablifh'd :
We will reftore to every one his Pof-
feffions which he poflefs'd before the
King's Return 5 and we promife to give
the Army their full pay. To perform
which, (for fo they conclude) we doubt
not but the Lord of Hofts, the Almigh-
ty God of Jacob, will ftretch forth his
affifting hand.
The witnefics of this Confpiracy were,
befides this informer, Sanford, one alio
of their fecrct Committee, Tanner, Scot,
Foukes, appointed Officers in the Army,
who being taken, made the fame difco-
very as the other before had done. But
there was a more confidcrable Witnefs
than all theft, Sir Thcophilus Jones 5 for
whereas they had deliberated chiefly up-
on three things ; Firft, whether they
fhould kill the King ? Secondly, whe-
ther they fhould kill the Duke of Or-
mond? And laftly, whether they fhould
let a General, or a Council of Officers
over the Army? The two former they
icfolv'd upon, having coniulted the Scotch
Prcsby-
Of his own Time.' ~ ?- f§
Presbyterians by Cdrntack their emiflfary :
And as to the third, they refolv'd not to
fet one, but fcveral over the Army. And
they chofe Ludlow, Mazarene, Baron
Aitdley Merlin Knight, Edward Maf-
fey Knight, Richard Ingoldsby Knight,
Harry Crornwelly John Skeffinton Knight,
Colonel Carr and Theophilus Jones Kc.
But he being nearer to their Affairs than
the reft, and a brave and expericne d Of-
ficer, and of great intcrcft among the Sol-
diers, they refolv'd to try him firft, which
>vas done by Jephfon. He pretended to
promifc fecrccy and alTiftance, 5 when iri
the mean time being weary of his old
Rebellion, he return'd to his Duty, and
without delay he difcovcr'd to the Lord
Lieutenant all the mcafures of the Con-
(piracy which he had lcarn'd homjeph-
fon ; and thefe agreeing fo well with
yllderis confeffions, gave undoubted proof
of the whole defign. But the Difcoverer
himfelf, that the difcovery might be the
better conccal'd, was thrown into pri-
fon along with the reft 5 from whence
ft was pretended that he made his e-
fcapc j
7^ Bp. Parker's History
fcape y tho' in truth he was privately feat
by the Lord Lieutenant into England to
the King, and out-law'd for this pretend-
ed efcape.
The King cmbrac'd the man, and bade
him go on, and ftill make one in the
Councils of the Rebels. Accordingly,
he was prefent at all ; neither did he
conceal any thing from the King. He
held a clofe correfpondence with Lud-
low by letters, fent all his letters to the
King, and difcover'd whatfoever was
tranfa&ed at home : So that the King
had all the Confpirators as it were fhut
up in a ficge 3 by which means all their
projects came to nothing. He performed
this fervicc with great fidelity, even to
the year 1 666, when being taken amongft
other fufpected perfons, by fomc body
that was either weak, or ignorant of
this contrivance, and fomc letters from
the Duke of Ormond's fervants, directed
to him, being imprudently publifh'd, he
began to be fufpefted amongft his party.
Therefore he loft all credit and commerce
with them, and from that time quitted
the
Of his own Time. 77
the part he was to aft, and retir'd to a
private life. Among the Confpirators
was Thomas Walcott, an old Captain,
the fame that, twenty years after, in 1 6 8 3 ,
was appointed chief of that defperate
Confpiracy, in which they intended to
murder the King and the Duke of Tork,
in their journey from Newmarket to
London : But the villany being difcover'd,
he was taken, condemn d and hang'd ;
and he and his accomplices freely con-
fefs'd the whole at the gallows. In his
laft words, in a threatning manner, he
advifed the King to take care of himfelf,
for that the Confpiracy was laid fo
wide, and fo clofe, thro* all the three
Kingdoms, that if he had a defire to
be fafe, he muft make peace and friend-
ship with the Fanaticks; otherwife he
and his dcareft Brother would fome time
or other fall by their fwords.
The fame year, 1663, a wider flame
of the fame Confpiracy broke out in
England, which, if it had not been
taken in time and extinguifh'd, would
fuddenly have fpread throughout the Na-
tion.
78 Bp. P a r k e r's History
tion. For had not a part of the Coir
/piracy in the Northern Counties broke
out into action before the time appoint-
ed, there is no doubt but the whole
wou'd have appeared in a fudden blaze
at once 5 for the AiTembly at London had
chofen the 12th of OEiobery as the day
upon which they mould all at one hour
ftand to their arms : But when they could
not get every thing ready at London at
the appointed time (as it commonly hap-
pens) they deferr'd the matter twelve
days longer. But the zeal of the Nor-
thern men could not refrain it felf fo
long, but -fomc of them, on the day
firft appointed, appear'd in aims, in a
place call'd FarnlyGioy^ near the town
of Leeds, rich in woollen manufacture,
in the Wefc Riding of lorkfoire. Thcfc
being prefently routed and taken, made
a difcovery of the whole Confpiracy 5
tho' the King indeed had them before,,
as it were in a net, as fhail be told here-
after. The leader of the Conlpirators
was Thomas Oats, a Captain. The chief
of the WitnciTes who dilcover'd their
accom-
Of his own Time. 75)
accomplices, were his two fons, Ralph
Oats, Maftcr of Arts, and his younger
brother Samuel, a name in which Rebels
and Informers feenrd to have an extra-
ordinary fharc. They would have given
in evidence upon oath againft their own
father, had not the Judges forbid it.
Though indeed the thing was io plain
without Witneffes, that Oats the father
durft not venture himfelf upon his trial,
but confciling his crime, implored the
King's mercy. I am afraid the Libel in
which they acclar'd the caufes of the war,
is loft 5 but, as was proved by the feve-
ral WitneiTes, it was made up of thele
articles, whereby all parties of Schifma-
ticks might be more eaftly drawn into
their caufe. The firft, which was in
favour of the Presbyterians, was for re-
ftoring the authority of the old Rebel-
Parliament. The next was for rcftoring
the ejected Minifters. And then, that
all of them might be footh'd at once,
Liberty of Confcience was to be allowed
to every one > Tithes and Taxes were
to betaken off: And laftly, all the an-
1 tient
So Bp. Parker's History
tient Liberties of their Country, that
had been violated by the long tyranny
of Kings, were to be renew'd by force
of arms. And, to fay all in a word,
all the Fanaticks were for different rea-
fons, but with one content, to wage war
inceffantly againft the prefent ftate of
affairs under kingly Government.
And therefore the chief contrivers of
this Confpiracy were fome Presbyterians
that were eje&ed on that fad day of Si.
Bartholomew ; more efpecially Richard-
forty a Do&or of Divinity, Dean of Rip-
fon, a man infamous for drunkennefs,
lewdnefs, and all manner of debauchery ;
and Marfden, formerly Chaplain to O-
verton, an Anabaptift Colonel, Govcr-
nour of Hull. Richardfon manag d all
affairs in the Country 5 Marfden was for
the mod part their agent with the Af-
fembly at London-, that he might fend
their commands to the leffer meetings
in the country, which they always pro-
claimed in their Conventicles. Both of
them, the Confpiracy being difcover'd,
were profcrib'd. Richardfon died \\\
exile §
Of his own Time. 8i
exile 5 Marfden changing his name to
Ralph/on, liv'd twenty years fafe at Lon-
don, and had a large Conventicle under
his care ; for he did not die till 1683.
To thefc were join'd other Schifma-
ticks of the fame condition in other
places. Fijher lately of Sheffield, a place
famous for iron- work, promised a great
number of thofe artificers ; as did Har-
mat age, ejected out of Holbec. Stedd
a Scot, who had been thrown out of a
Parifti in "Devonshire, held the office of
a Legate and Nuncio between the Eng-
lijh Fanaticks and his own countrymen.
But the molt aftive of all in the af-
fair, was one Atkinfon, a travelling Ped-
lar, who in his little fhop that hung at
his back, carried letters through all parts
of the Kingdom with incredible expe-
dition. They had alfo officers on every
fide, who might in a moment head their
Soldiers, as it were in their proper Quar-
ters, in the nearcft county of Notting-
ham, Bifhoprick of Durham and Lan-
cafhire. But thofe in whom they plac'd
their chief confidence and hopes, faird
G them
8z Bp. Parker's History
them mot Smith f on > formerly Lieu-
tenant Colonel to Lilbnrn> and Great-
head, Lieutenant Colonel to Lambert,
were the one appointed General of the
North, the other of the Weft Riding
of Torkjhire. But thefc truly volunta-
rily difcover'd the whole matter at Tork.
By which difcovery they loft all oppor-
tunity of meeting together 5 fo that when
Oats had hid a few of his men in the
wood at night, they had fcarcc feparated
at break of day, before mod: of them
were carried off from their march into
prifon. So happy was the end of fo
dangerous a Confpiracy. But indeed
the King was beforehand with them in
knowing all their counfcls ; for thus he
fpeaks to both Houfes, in a fpecch which
he made to his Parliament, the year af-
ter, on the 2 1 ft of March.
" By the late northern rebellion you
" find, that our old enemies whom we
" have fo mercifully fpar'd, have by
" no means laid afide their antient ha-
" trcd. But you have not yet fcarch'd
" to
Or his own Time, 85
* to the bottom of that villany. Be-
u lieve mc, it is but a little part of the
" confpiracy that is found out, it being
u the offspring of that former one ,
u which I difcovcr'd to you two years
ic ago ; and which daily increafes and
" fprcads into all parts. But all their
u counfels are known to me ; and in-
" deed if I had not firft known the
" hour, and the feveral places of their
" meetings in the North, and had not
" daily difappointcd them, not only by
" the Militia, but my own Guards, they
" would foon have appear'd openly in
" great numbers in the field.
" Nor do you think that the puniftV
u ment of a few has put a flop to it,
" but at the very fame time that they fee
" their accomplices going to the place '
<c of execution, they arc purfuing the
" fame wicked mcafurcs. I certainly
" know that they have correfpondence
"with all defperate abandon'd men in
u every county, and a great aiTembly in
tc this city, by whofe advice all things
<c are tranfaded in the country 5 and by
G 2 " their
?4 Bp. Parkers History
" their command they luckily deferr'd
" their laft defign 5 for when by their
" ill conduct the Confpiracy was broken
" and divided, it naturally came to no-
" thing. I am nearer to all their coun-
" fels than they, with all their cunning,
" fufpect, and I hope I mail fiiortly ac-
" quaint you with all their villany. In
" the mean time let us all watch with
" greater diligence for the fafety of the
" Kingdom, than they do for its de-
" ftru&ion.
Hence it appears, from the tcftimony
of the King himfelf, who had iccn
thro' the whole defign, what was the
ftate of affairs in thofe times : That they
never had, and never would make peace
with him ; that the war they waged,
was to be a perpetual one, and no arms
to be laid down, but in the deftruction
of the one or the other, or perhaps of
both, as it commonly happens. For at
the fame time that thefc things were
done in the North, they incited the
people to Rebellion by infamous Libels :
For
Of his own Time. 8j
For whereas the 1 2th of October was
the day appointed for taking arms, four
days before, fomc papers haftning thro'
the prefs, and almoft fmifh'd, were feiz'd.
In thefe the horrid murder of King
Charles the firft was juftify'd and extoll'd.
They affirm'd that there had not been
fo glorious and pious a work done fincc
the times of the Apoftles j that the ho-
ly Martyrs leaving Heaven would be wil-
ling to fuffer again for fo good a caufe ;
that no pious man upon earth would
decline it ; that they were to be accurf-
ed who would not come to its afliftance 5
that the City, Town or Country that
would not join in it, would perifh by
divine Vengeance, and the like. Pour
Printers were taken 5 one of thefe,
whofe name was Twine, was hang'd 5
three others being call: into prifon, two
of them died of grief and anguifh of
mind, and their funerals were attended
with a train of followers, at leaft three
thoufand men.
In the beginning of the following 1664.
year, which was 1664, a war was re- 1665.
G 3 folved
$6 Bp. Parker's History
folved upon again!!: the 'Dutch, by the
unanimous confent of both Houtes, on
the 26th of May. For whereas they
had with great contempt and infolencc
committed great violences and piracies
upon the Englijh merchants for a long
time; they added the fummer before
publick, and perhaps unheard of trea-
chery to thole private injuries. For
when the Eng/ifh and 'Dutch, at the re-
queft of the latter, fent their confederate
Fleets againft xhzAlgerine Rovers, whilft
Law/on, the Admiral of the King's Fleet,
with equal fidelity and bravery purfued
the enemy ; Renter, the Admiral of the
Dutch Fleet, by the command of the
States, fhcer'd by ftcalth to the Coafls of
Guinea, and without any war declared,
attack'd the Englijh that were icatter'd
and difpers'd upon the coaft. By which
villany the anger and indignation of the
Englijh Nation was fo provok'd, that
they never before concurr'd, with io ge-
neral and unanimous a fpirit, as now,
to revenge this treachery. However, a
year was fpent in the preparations for
war,
Op his own Time. 87
war, and in the demands of a jtifl: peace,
if it were poffibk to be obtain'd. But
when the King's Embailadors had rccciv'd
nothing but fcorn and reproaches, in the
beginning of the following fpring, on
the 2 2d of May, the King's Fleet fail'd
out of port for the war 3 of the event
of which we fhall fpeak under the next
year. In the mean time the Schifma-
ticks, when they found the King in-
volved in fo great a war, were animated,
and lifted up themfclvcs with more than
ufual boldnefs. And on the other hand,
the King and Parliament having now
fufficiently experiene'd the impudence
and fpirit of their faftion, reiblv'd to
check and curb their infolencc by ftricter
laws ; left being engag'd in a foreign
war, they might be difturb'd by intcf-
tine tumults. Por the rcfolution of Par-
liament was hardly pafs'd againft the
'Dutch, when forthwith complaints were
daily brought to the Parliament from
every part of the kingdom, of outrage-
ous and tumultuary commotions of the
Panaticks. Hereupon the old Aft of
G 4 Queen
8 8 Bp. Parkers History
Queen Elizabeth, made in the 35th of
her Reign, againft Conventicles, was
now revived and enlarg'd.
For the firft offence, the Schifmaticks
were fin'd five pounds 5 for the fecond,
ten 5 for the third, they were to be pu-
niflVd with banifhment ; and if they re-
turn'd without leave, with death. And
in the next place, by the King's Procla-
mation, all the Cromisjellian Officers were
order'd to depart twenty miles from
London. And the Juftices and Deputy
Lieutenants in the feveral counties, be-
ing animated by the example of the King
and Parliament, difpers'd their meetings
in cities and towns every where. Which
when the Schifmaticks law done in ear-
ner!:, mod of them eafily gave way : The
Quakers alone flood out, becaufe fcarce
any thing was fo fundamental a piece of
Religion with them, as non-fubmifllon
to human authority : Therefore they
met the oftner, becaufe they were for-
bid to do fo ; nor could they be fepa-
rated by any force, till a merry fellow
thought of this ftratagem ; He proclaim'd
in
Of his own Time. 8?
in the King's name, that no one fhould
depart without leave. Which he had
fcarcely done, when they all went about
their bufinefs, for fear of obeying man.
Nor did they long ftand out 5 for when
they found that their friends were daily
taken, and lent into banilhmcnt, and
carried away into the Englijh Plantati-
ons in America, and that they could not
return without danger of death ; being
affrighted, they began to take care of
their outward man (as thefe Enthufiafts
exprefs themfclves.) Thus the Sectaries
being depriv'd of the liberty of aflcm-
bling together throughout the nation,
they kept quiet that year. The fame
was alfo commanded and done at the
fame time in Scotland. And whereas
about the fame time they had tranflated
Buchanans book of the right of the
Kingdom of Scotland, which was writ-
ten in Latin, into English, the more to
intoxicate the people, and feduce them
from their faith and allegiance 5 the
Kings Council ftri&ly prohibited the
reading it, by a threatning Proclama-
tion 5
<?o Bp. Parker's History
tion ; which was formerly done in 1584,
by an Ad of Parliament againft the La-
tin book it felf. But one plague being
cxtinguifh'd, prefently another began to
fpread, and went thro* almofl the whole
nation, with the grcateft {laughter that
had been in the memory of man, even
of two hundred thoufand men. Whence
it happen'd that the Parliament was pro-
rogued to the following year : Nor did
they meet till October, being fummon-
cd to Oxford, as neceffity required.
Altho' a Peftilence us'd to give refpite
from War, yet it did not now produce
any ceifation of arms : For the Duke
of York, Lord High-Admiral of England,
with incredible expedition, had fitted
out the compleateft fleet that ever fail'd
from an Englijh Port 5 and in the be-
ginning of the fpring, with great zeal
for fighting, to increafe his glory, he
almofl: befic^d the 'Dutch Shoars for two
months. Nor was the Enemy's Fleet
feen by ours, till the firft of July, and
yet the light was on the fifth. Opdam,
the Commander of their Fleet, was bred
up
Of his own Time. 91
up in wars at iea ; of a noble birth, and
a brave man, thoroughly cxperienc d in
iia-affairs.
But the Duke of Tork, tho' the ?noft
famous Commander of his time at landy
had (carce ever before i^ccn a Fight at
fea : Yet with how great a flaughter of
men, and deftru&ion of fhips, did this
young Sea-man rout this old Officer !
Opdam himfelf, together with four other
Sea-officers, eight thoufand Men, and
eighteen Ships, half of which were Ships
of the largefl fize, perifh'd in one day's
fight 5 the reft fled : Nor perhaps had fo
much as a fifher-boat of the Enemy's c-
fcap'd, if night, or rather, if treachery
had not at once put an end to the Bat-
tle, and to Viftory. So great was the
number of the prifoners, that a new
Fleet of fca-men and foldiers feenVd to
be coming into port. For fuch always
was the Duke's clemency in wrar, that
he chofe to fparc the blood of his ene-
mies as much as pofliblc, even as if they
had been his countrymen ; therefore he
fent out his tranfports, to take up the
3 "Dutch
5>i Bp. Parker's History
'Dutch that were ftrusglins; with the
ocean. Whence the Engliflo Navy came
fafe into the haven, with as it were re-
doubled force, having loft but one little
fhip.
While the whole Nation labour'd at
once with all the grievous calamities of
Pcftilence and War, the Schifmaticks a-
gain lifted up themfelves with the hopes
of liberty : For they never think them-
felves happy, but in the miferies of their
country. Therefore, all good men be-
ing intent upon other matters, they al-
fo endeavour, with all their might, to
re-eftablifli their intcreft, being very fo-
licitous, and watching every difference
of fortune. If the Kings Fleet had
been beaten, they had prefently join'd
in open war > but whereas it overcame,
that defign was put off to another time.
Nor did they only confpire at home,
but abroad ; and with a foreign enemy,
againft their country : For at the fame
time, there was an Aflcmbly of Rebels
that fate in Holland, who join'd coun-
fels with the very States themfelves, al-
3 though
Of his own Time. 25
though to that time, there had been a
perfect CarthaginianWw with the States.
Not a few voluntiers, mov'd only by
their love of Rebellion, and hatred to
their Country, entred themfelves in the
Enemy's Fleet. And fome of thefe arc
prefently fo highly honour'd among the
'Dutch , that they were thought to
have merited the higheft offices in their
Republick.
But the moft feditious of all, were
the fchifmatical Preachers, who having
been quell'd the year before, the King-
dom being now otherwife engaged,
they take frefli liberty, and rage on eve-
ry fide with greater fury : Before the
people, again affembled in their Con-
venticles, they preach only of Perfec-
tion and Tyranny $ that now was the
time of recovering their Liberty, that
perhaps they fhou'd have no more, if
this war was profperoufly ended. And
Cromwell's Officers were fo far from be-
ing difcourag d by fo many unfortunate
attempts of their accomplices, from
hoping for better fuccefs, that they were
rather
24 Bp. Parker's History
rather more animated, and made more
fierce 5 and were now at length refolv'd
to make their laft pufh. Hence arofe a
new Confpiracy, which yet the great vi-
gilance of the great Duke of Albemarle
prevented, before it broke out into open
force. There was a large conflux of
them from every part to London? where,
by the greatnefs of the city, they might
more eafily conceal their numbers 5 and
making one general affault by night, they
might furprize their Enemies before they
could ftand to their arms. But the bet-
ter to compafs their point, they refolv'd
to deftroy London by fire 5 which they
would have done on the 2d of Septem-
ber', the very fame day, and in the fame
manner, in which it was burnt the year
following. And this they would do,
not only mov'd by the prcdi&ion of
Lilly ? a certain Cunning man, but the
very tokens of the ftars themfelves 5 for
at that moment of time they laid a
planet wou'd rule, that portended eter-
nal deftrudion to Monarchy.
But
Of his own Time. 5*5
But a difcovcry being fcafonably made
Of the Confpiracy, the chief Leaders
were taken, and executed, Rathbone7
Sanders, Tucker, Flint, Evans, Miles,
Weflcote and Cole. The reft of the
Confpirators cfcap'd. There was a cer-
tain perfon nam'd Alexander, an old Sol-
dier in Cromwell's army, and even a
Lieutenant Colonel in Cromwell's troop,
who is yet alive, that was the head of
the Confpiracy. He paid all the Rebels,
aflign'd them their pofts in the city, and
indeed was the principal manager of the
war. To this fellow, together with his
afibciates, when they repented of their
wickcdnefs, or rather misfortune, be-
caufe all their endeavours were ftilL
fruftratcd, the King afterwards granted
pardon for all their crimes, that at length
they might be quiet. Which being ob~
tain'd, he was not afraid to relate the
whole ftory to his friends, over a chcar-
ful glafs 5 from whom I have recciv a
this and a great deal more, agreeable to
the matters recorded in court. I know
thole to whom he jelling fhew'd the place
where
96 Bp. Parker's History
where their Parliament fate (for fo he
caird the Affembly of the Rebels) and
from whom he receiv'd inftru&ions and
commands to carry to the Confpirators
abroad. Nor that only, but he alio faid
there was another Affembly in Holland,
and that both correfponded with each
other, and with the States themfelves ;
neither was any thing done againft their
country, but by the common refolutions
of both. This was the very fame A-
lexander, who, tho' he had always be-
hav'd himfelf bravely in Cromwell's Re-
bellion, and never fear'd any danger in
the feveral Conspiracies againft the King;
yet afterwards, in Monmouth's Rebellion,
in which he was Colonel of Horfe, as if
he had been feiz'd with a terrible pan-
nick, he could not bear the fight of the
Enemy, nor make the leaft ftand, but
was one of the firft that actually fled>
if one turn'd his back before another.
Whether his fpirits were broken by the
confeioufhefs of guilt, or whether he
was feiz'd with a fudden dejc&ion of
mind (as it is reported of fome brave
men)
Op his own Time* 97
men) or was wcakned with age (what-
ever it was) inch abjeel cowardife and
pufillanimity, in a man fo flout and cou-
ragious, was a wonder to all that wcrG
prefeiit at the action. But whereas he
was one of the firft that fled, he efcap'd
from danger, and being at this time at-
tainted for Trealbn, he cither lies hid
at home, or is in exile abroad. Such
is the innate inclination of thofe men to
Rebellion, that it cannot be rooted out
by kindnefs, nor worn out by age 5 but
their body being unable to accomplifh
their wickednefs, their lpirits arc yet
vigorous enough to attempt it. But in-
deed the cowardife of Alexander was
not Angular, but common to all the
horfe : Por thefe fuddenly coming upon
the enemy, in the filencc of the night,
at the firft difchargc of a gun from the
King's forces, they all to a man betook
themfelvcs to flight ; to that they were
all equally ignorant whether there had
been any fight at all 5 and every one
was ignorant, not only of what his
companions, but what he himfelf had
H done
28 Bp. Parker's History
done. Nor could the officers and fol-
diers that were taken upon the field of
battle, when the King afterwards ask'd
them which way, and how near they
came to the enemy, in what place they
began to fight, how long they fought,
whence they began to fly, and laftly,
whither they went after their flight ? re-
turn any anfwer, but that when they
found they were fallen among the ene-
my, but in what place they knew not,
their whole cavalry was broke and dif-
pers'd, as it were by common confent $
and then ftragling in the darknefs of the
night, at break of day they ftole away
into their nearcft faftneffes h and news
being brought of the entire victory o-
ver their companions ( for the infantry
flood fome time) every one fhifted for
his fafety as well as he could. This was
the conduft of that great officer, who
had bravely perform'd the part of a com-
mander, who had tried all the hazards
of war, who had taken Maeflrick by a
bold, and till then unheard of impe-
tuofity 5 who diftinguiuYd himfclf among
4 the
Or h i s own Tim e. ,99
the firft and braved in the fharp and
bloody battle of Mons \ this, I fay, was
the infatuated conduct of this great Ge-
neral. So very different from one an-
other arc a Soldier and a Rebel !
But to proceed with our Annals : The
Parliament being provok'd with fuch
frequent rifings of the Rebels, refolv'd
to pluck up the roots of thefe evils, by
one effectual Law : By this all the teach-
ers were banifh'd five miles from every
city, town, or parim from whence they
had been ejecled, unleis they would take
this oath, That it was unlawful to take
up arms againft the King, upon any pre-
tencc whatfocver ; and that they did in
their confcicnce abhor that damnable
do&rinc and pofition, that it was lawful
to bear arms by his authority, either a
gainft himfelf, or thofe that were com-
miflion d by him 5 and laftly, that they
would attempt no innovation in Church
or State. Unleis they did this, they
were to be fin'd forty pounds > and if
this money was not paid, they were to
be impriibned for fix months, and were
H 2 to
ioo Bp. Parker's History
to be punifh'd in the fame manner as
often as they fhould offend. A few of
them took this oath 5 moft of the reft
were driven into the country, where there
was neither fufficient numbers of men,
nor opportunity of hiding; after this they
for the moft part liv'd quiet : Neither
indeed were the Schifmaticks ever' fo
much broken by any Law, as by this.
Therefore the domeftick enemy being
fecur'd by this Law, they reach'd the fo-
reign one by palling another ,' for by Act
of Parliament, all the fugitive fubjetts
of the King of England, that rcfided in
the United Provinces, were commanded
to return home, under pain of being
guilty of high trcafon, in three months
time. Amongft thefc were fummoned
byname, cDoleman> Bamfield, and Scot,
the fon of the regicide Scot; perfons
that deferved to be for ever proicribed.
And preiently after, by the King's Pro-
clamation, John cDesborozy> Thomas
Kelfy, and many others of the Cromwel-
Han officers, and the reft of the Rebels,
were fummoned under the lame penal-
tics.
Op his own Time. ioi
tics. They who came, were, for a re-
ward of their obedience, permitted to
live in their country : They who refus'd
were banifh'd for ever.
In the following year, a new war was
begun, or rather the old one was renew'd,
by a league (truck between the French
and 'Dutch, againft the Englifb. On
the firft of July the Englifb fleet fail'd
out of port. Soon after the King's
Privy Council were inform'd, either by
the fubtlety of the enemy, or rather by
fomc treachery, that the French fleet was
nigh at hand, but the Dutch wou'd icarce
get out to fca in a fortnight. That there-
fore the enemies might be deftroy'd be-
fore they were join'd, Rupert, Prince
^Palatine, who was join'd in equal power
with the Duke of Albemarle over the
fleet, was commanded to meet xhcFrench :
And he failing with half the fleet a-
gainft the enemy, who were not yet come
out of port, the Dutch came by furprizc,
with a double number of (hips, upon
the other fquadron. Albemarle, un-
acquainted with fear, and being un-
H 3 accuitom'd
ioi Bp. Parkers History
accuilom'd to fly, and too great a de~
fpifer of the enemy, having long and
often tried the Tliitch valour, joyfully
bore up to give battle : They fought
for three days with incredible fury, while
the greatcrl part of the English fleet,
having loll their mads and yards, lay
unmov'd, and fo engaged with the ene-
my, as if it had been a fight at land ,
in which article of time, Rupert ', whom
the noife of the guns had rcach'd from
afar, came fcafonably in with full fail,
to the relief of his friends ; and now
immediately the fiercenefs of the engage-
ment began to be renew'd with the ene-
my, now fomewhat confounded 5 and
the Englijh-, inflam'd both with anger
and revenge, fought with iuch ardour
that they almoft overcame the ^Dutch*
who were amazed at their uncommon
gallantry and behaviour in the fight ; fof
they did not permit them to fight^ at a
diftancc, with their guns, as is ufual,
but breaking into the very center of
their fleet, they poured in thick their
broadftdes upon them from every quar-
ter :
Of his own Time. 103
ter : But at length, in the evening Prince
Rupert's maft being broke, the battle
ceafed. In the mean while the T)utch>
aftonifh'd at this unfupportable mock,
foberly fail'd off. And becaufc they once
got away without being utterly deftroy'd,
they fprcad great reports all over Europe*
of an entire victory over the Englijh 5 as
if hardly one little vcflcl had efcap'd,
coining medals to confirm them. Yet
in the following month of Augufi,
when another battle was fought, they
hardly made a ftand for four hours : For
four Vice- Admirals, and fix Captains of
mips being (lain in fo fhort a time, and
two Vice-Admiral mips being deftroy'd,
overborn by fo furious an attack, they
bore away as fail as they could ; only
Tromp with his fquadron maintained
the fight againft one of the Englift with
his uiual bravery and courage, till the
evening : But being left by his country-
men, he ftolc away in the night. The
Englijh now block'd up their ports and
their fhores, challenging them in vain
to fight. But at laft, before they went
H 4 away, '
io4 Bp. Parker's History
away, a little veffel call'd in jeft by the
name of the Fanfan? that is, the Trifle,
having two fmall guns on board, being
fent into the harbour, attack'd the Ad-
miral, often firing at him; and at length
having fuffcr'd a little by two bullets,
(he rcturn'd to the Englifi Fleet 5 the
fpcclators on one fide laughing, and on
{he other part, raging at fiich an ad
of contempt upon fp proud a nation.
And ib much for thefc matters; but as
the Confpiracy had been univcrial, the
Scots not daunted by what their allies
had fuffcr'd, would not be wanting to
the Confederacy, which they had under-
taken to defend ; efpccially their tcaclv
crs, who in the former year being pu-
nifh'd by the fame Law as the English
Schifmatickswerc, broke out with equal
, fury, except that perhaps the Scots were
fiercer, as being more fevcrcly punifh'd *
for the Englijh were banifh'd only five
miles from any city or town ; the Scotch
were banifh'd twenty from their own
parifhes, fix from a city, and three from
a town 3 neither were two of them fuf-
tcr'd
Of his own Tike. 105
fcr'd to fettle in the fame place. Being
mov'd therefore by fuch great indigni-
ties oflfer'd to the faints of God, they
inceflantly ftirr'd up the people to fight
the battles of the Great Jehovah.
But all their counfcls, as of the other
parts of the Confpiracy, were laid open
to the King. He therefore watch'd all
their fteps, that they might not proceed
farther than he plcafcd 5 and at length,
when he pcrcciv'd the affair would come
to arms, he made hafte to reftrain them
by force. There were two excellent
officers, ^Deyell and 'Drummond, who
having flood with inviolable fidelity on
the King's fide, in the heat of the
Rebellion againft Charles the firft, be-
ing oblig'd to leave the Kingdom in
Cromwell's time , fled to Mufcovy>
where, when they had done military
fervice for fomc time, they fo diftin-
guifh'd themfcives by their bravery and
conduct, that they were made Com-
manders of all the forces of the Kins;-
dom. "Deyell had the firft place of com-
mand, TDrummond the fecond : In which
high
io£ Bp- Parker's History
high honour they liv d many years, to
their own and their country's glory. At
length, this very year Charles the fecond,
by letters to the Czary requir'd that they
might have leave to return to their
country. The Czar, tho' unwilling to
part with men of fo much ufe and au-
thority, and only becaufe he was oblig'd
by the common Law of Nations, dif-
mifs'd them with the moll: remarkable
honour and munificence. Thefe Gentle-
men coming to London, and being as
gracioufly receiv'd as they deferv'd, were
forthwith fent into Scotland, to head all
the forces there with the fame command
as in Mufcovy 5 where there were two
bodies of veteran foldiers got together ;
the one of foot, under T^eyell, the o-
ther of horfe, under <rDrummond. Com-
ing into Scotland in the month of Au~
gufty they difpatch'd matters with fucli
diligence, that before the firft of No-
vember they had an army ready and fit
for fervice. With thefe forces, altho*
the Fanaticks were a little furpriz'd, yet
they were not quite frighted, altho* the
Con-
Of his own Time. 107
Confpiracy broke out into open war a
little fooner than*they had themfelves
refolv'd. There was a Gentleman, emi-
nent in peace and war, Sir James Tur-
ner, Knight, a Colonel of foot, and alfo
of a pleafant wit, and fluent eloquence,
and a moft zealous enemy to the Fana-
ticks ; and therefore, fome years before,
by the command of the King s Council,
he was fent to fupprefs the faction : For
whereas the Earl of Middleton> the firft
Lord High Commiflioner, after the King's
return, did, in 1662, command all the
minifters, either to obey the Bifhops, or
quit their Churches, moft of them hid
themfelves in the weftern parts of Scot-
land. To reftrain thefe, that were daily
tumultuous, Turner was fent firft, by the
Kings Privy Council ; and he, in the
beginning, that is, in the year 1663,
treated the Fanaticks gently and face-
tioufly, and without inflicting any penal-
ty, won over not a few of them, by
the fwectnefs of his behaviour. The
next year, he being call'd to the city of
Glajgow, the people rclaps'd to their
Conven-
xo8 Bp. Parker's History
Conventicles 5 but returning the next
year, both by authority, and by admo-
nitions, he for fome time reftrain'd them
from open rage : But when he was a fe-
cond time call'd away, their meetings
were held more than ufually ; therefore
in 1666, when by the command of
Council, he exereis'd a ftrictcr govern-
ment over them, efpccially in demand-
ing their fines, on the 1 5 th of 'Decem-
ber, about two hundred armed men fud-
denly furprizd him, being not only in
his winter quarters at cDunfrizey but fick
in bed, and his foldiers every where
difpers'd in the neighbouring villages \
and, plundering him of no final 1 quan-
tity of money, which he had ready to
pay his foldiers, they carried him away
prifoner. The day after, the leader of
this tumult, who had enrich'd himfelf
with no fmal 1 booty of Turner 's money,
pack'd up his effects, and deferted his
companions. Who he was, or whence
he came, none of them knew; only
that he call'd himfelf by the name of
Gray, and faid his authority was given
him
Of his own Time. 109
him by a fupcrior power. But what
that power was, and how conftituted,
no body knew. They were fo much
in love with fedition, that they were
lifted in a moment's time, by an un-
known perfon, and haftned to arms up-
on any pretence whatsoever. I believe
indeed that he was not one of the fac-
tion, but ibmc cunning rogue, who
coming by chance into the knowledge
of the Conipiracy, made ule of this
ftratagem by way of robbery, and hav-
ing luckily compafs'd the point, the
fpectre vanifh'd, and was no where fincc
to be found. The day after, three o-
thers were fubftituted into the place of
their loft General ; one of whom was
Robinfon by name, and he was a teacher ;
and the next day, John Wells, a famous
preacher of Rebellion and the Gofpcl,
join'd them. Both the preachers vifited
Turner, and endeavour'd to bring him
over to them, fometimes by threats, and
fometimes by flatteries. He, cither in
jeft or contempt, order'd fomc ale to
ha brought him. Robinfon, before he
WOUld
no Bp. Parker's History
would let him drink, thus be: d the
cup j boldly calling upon God, That he,
without delay, woi/d come to the aid of
his holy army s and imlefi he mot 1 7 fpee-
dily come, threatning that they would
for fake him, for that it was his caufe,
not theirs $ and unlefs he would fight for
himfelf, it was not their bnfinefs to fight
for him. Believe me, theft were the
very words of the mad Enthufiaft. "n
the 29th of "December (.being Sunday 1
council of their Leaders was held, in
which were two and thirty preach . ;
and they commanded the Solemn League
and Covenant to be (worn to by their
whole army, as it were by way of luf-
tration. At which time it was difputed
whether they fhould prcfentiy kill Tur-
ner, or not 5 it being one of the arti-
cles of the Covenant, That they would
bring all malignants to due punilhmentc
They agreed upon the death of the man?
but they were much divided in their o-
pinions, whether they fhould kill him
immediately, or keep him for a more
folemn facritice. At length, the opinion
of
Of his own Time. in
of thofe that were for deferring it, pre-
vails, becaufe that would be the fe-
verer punifhment. Then they proceed-
ed to tempt the brave man, being al-
moft fpent for want of fleep, with the
fear of death. He told them he did not
fear death, but fince he muft die, it did
not fignify much, whether it was by a
fever, or a gun, a fword, an ax, or a
halter. At length, on the 30th of jCte-
cetnber, the King's army found out the
enemy, whom they had been long in
queft of, about two miles from Edin-
burgh , and prefently engaging, they
fought briskly on both fides. T^rum-
mond begun the battle with a hundred
horfe, againft three hundred of the ene-
my. At the firfl: onfet, there fell of
the enemy, two great leaders, and in-
deed trumpeters of war, Crookjhank, and
Mac-Cormacky veteran foldiers, and ve-
teran preachers : At whofe fate the reft
being affrighted, gave way : Prefently
Ogi/by, with another troop of horfe, ad-
vanced to the enemy, between whom
there was a notable fight, and a doubt-
ful
fix Bp< Parker's History
ful battle. But the King's horfe, over-
powered by the number of the encriiy,
retired a little, to whom 'Deyell lent
the right wing of the horfe to relieve
them. Thefe being too clofe togethef*
in a ftrait and narrow place, were a
hindrance to each other; which when
the left wing of the Rebels obferved,
they made a warm attack upon them;
infomuch that the King's forces gave
back a little, but prcfently recovering
their ranks, they ftop'd the force of the
enemy. But when Lermont, formerly a
taylor, but now Commander of the
right wing of the Rebels, obferv'd the
diibrder in the right wing of the Roy-
alifts, he imprudently quitted the place
in which he flood againft (Druinmond>
fo that the victory was the more eafily
compleated where it firft begun. As
foon as ^Drttmmondy and the illuftrious
Duke of Hamilton (who flood apart on
the oppofite fide, with a choicn troop of
horfe) had obferv'd this, they attack'd
them on that fide with fuch vigour, that
their horfe being driven back upon their
foot,
Of his own Time. 1x3
Foot, they were put to a precipitate
flight. The Rebels were not more in
number than 1200, a third part had
fhifted for thcmfelvcs by flight before
the Battle ; altho' a thoufand fix hun-
dred had fworn by the Covenant that
they would not defert. So little true bra-
very is there, without the aflurancc of
a good Confciencc ! There were eighty
flain, and as many taken. But becaufc
the Battle was begun at the approach of
Night, there was more of flight than
Daughter. The Rebels us'd the Cove-
nant as the word of battle that day.
The prifoncrs threw all the blame of
their wickednefs upon the preachers.
About thirty were hang'd at Edinburgh
and Glafgorju : Among thefc was Robin-
forty whom we mention'd for his bene-
diction over the ale. In the beginning
of the fight, Wilks and Sempier, teachers,
and chief authors of the Confpiracy, rc-
tir'd to prayers upon a mountain, be-
hind their forces, continually crying out,
The God, the God of Jacob. Thcfe tru-
ly were much wifcr than their compa-
I nionsj
H4 Br. Parker's History
nions 5 not only bccaufe it is fafer to
pray than to fight ; and there is lefs dan-
ger in the bufmefs of a teacher, than a
foldier; but becaufe they that are laft
in the -battle, may be the firft in the
flight, and fo they efcaped far before
their companions. The Generals, "Deyell
and T^rummondy were taken into the
Privy Council, as a reward of their vic-
tory; and very defcrvedly : For had they
not with unwearied watchfulnefs and di-
ligence purfued the Rebels, they would
have flock'd together in great numbers,
on all fides: For there was (as I faid) an
univerfal confpiracy, which they fo fea-
fonably gave a check to by this battle,
that they utterly broke the force and fpirit
of the faction. But altho' the Nobility
of the Kingdom did, with the utmoft
fidelity and bravery, concur to renrain
the Rebels ; amongft thefe, Duke Ha-
milton, the Earls of Athol, Linlithgow
and Kelly, were principally diftinguifh'd
for their valour and vigilance ; yet Duke
Hamilton's glory was the greateft, bc-
caulc the vi&ory begun at his Troops.
I re-
Of his own Time. 115
I received this from cDrummond him-
felf $ as alfo all the reft, partly from
him, and partly from Sir James Turner,
who wrote daily journals of the affairs
in both armies ; and thefe being writ-
ten with his own hands, cDru7nmond
kindly imparted to me. After the bat-
tle, Turner being in the power of the
vanquifh'd enemy, was in greater dan-
ger than before 5 his keepers having it in
charge, that if the Rebels were over-
come, they fhould kill him immediate-
ly 5 whereas other wife, they were to
preferve him for a (harper punifliment,
as they had ferved the moft illuftrious
Earl of Montrofs, whom they hang'd
upon a gallows thirty foot high 5 which
when Turner knew, he brought himfelf
off by this policy : In the beginning of
the battle, he thus, in a friendly way,
fpoke to his guards (for there were eight
left to guard him) " This night, my
" friends, either you or we muft be
" conquerors. If you conquer, I fhall
tc be as I am, your prifoner 5 never hop-
" ing for liberty, but in death. But if
I 2 " wc
ti£ Bi>. Parker's HistorV
" we conquer, you and I arc in equal
" danger. If therefore you'll prefcrve
" mc fafc from your men, in cafe they
" arc put to flight, I will not only de-
" fend you from our men, but, getting
u a pardon for your Rebellion, I will
" take care that every one of you mall
<c go fafe to his own home/' They all
confentcd. But when he confidercd how
little fidelity there was in thofc men,
he advis'd them to confirm the agree-
ment by an oath, with their hands lifted
up to heaven : For with that ceremony
they took the oath of their Solemn
League and Covenant. The ceremony
of this new agreement was hardly con-
cluded, when the Rebels began to fly :
Seeing which, four of the guards fled?
and he, with the reft, delivered up them-
felves to fomc of Duke Hamilton's horfc,
who as they were the firft in conquering,
fo they were the firft in purfuing. Thcfe
were overjoy'd for the fafcty of Turner,
and brought him to the Duke, who em-
braced him with great joy, carrying him to
the Generals, to whom, as alio to the Duke
and
Of hts own Time. 117
and all good men, he was very dear :
And being received by them with equal
kindnefs, he obtain'd the lives and li-
berties of his guards. They readily
granted his requcft, for joy that they
found fo brave a man, whofc life they
fo long delpair'd of, was (till alive. And
thus ended not only this war, but all
the wars of this year.
The very fame year happen'd the fad
and dreadful Fire of London, and on
the very fame day (as I before obferv'd)
that had been agreed upon by the Rebel
Fanaticks, by which the flames, in four
days, laid waftc that vail extent of build-
ings : All within the walls were levell'd
with the ground, and the fire fpreading
wide without the gates, made great ha-
vock in the fuburbs. There were con-
fum'd more than thirteen thoufand
houfes, above ninety churches, together
with St. 'Paul's, the Royal-Exchange,
Guild-Hall, Ston-College, many hofpitals
and other publick buildings, both facrcd
and common, as many as had covered the
(pace of fifty fix acres of ground. When
I 3 acorn
n8 Bp. Parker's History
When a computation was made of
this great lofs, by the King's command,
men well verfed in that bufinefs, efti-
mated the damage to amount to ten hun-
dred thoufand pounds. Concerning the
beginning of the fire, there were vari-
ous opinions : Some affirm'd it came
by chance, others by treachery, and not
a few by divine vengeance ; for whereas
at the fame time we were at war with
the French and T)utch, the common
people cried that the enemies had kind-
led the fire 5 but efpecially (as is ufual in
every fuch extraordinary cafe) many a-
fcribe this horrid wickednefs to the Pa-
pifts rage and hatred againft a city of
Proteflants. But there were fome of
the Fanaticks that whifper'd one to an-
other, that it was done by command,
and carried on and continued by the
very guards. For fuch is the perverfe-
nefs and infolence of that tribe, that
they put the worft conftru&ion upon the
bed of things 5 for whereas it was real-
ly ftopp'd every where almofl, by the fole
afliftance of the King and his Guards,
and
Of his own Time. i ip
and chiefly by the fpecial vigilance of
the Duke of Tork ; was it not gratitude
to accufe them, as if they themfelvcs
were the incendiaries ? But if it was
done by any treachery, it was by their
own ; fince it appears not only by
publick Records of Court, but by the
confeffions of thofe that were convid*
ed, that they intended to fet the city
on fire on the fame day 5 fo that if it
happend by any human means, they
mufl transfer all the blame from others
to themfelvcs. But fince the city had
been the tower and head of that horrid
Rebellion againft Charles the firft, not
a few believ'd that it was fent by God,
as a punifhment of that wickednefs;
efpecially fince the fire prevail'd chiefly
within thofe places, in which the firft
tumults were rais'd againft that good
King, from which, foon after, that war,
fo impious, fo cruel, fo deftruftive,
flam'd out. But altho' I think it rafh
to interpret the fecret counfels of God,
yet I could not fufficiently wonder,
when I read of fo great a calamity be-
I 4 iflg
no Bp. Parker's History
ing confidently foretold many years be-
fore; for in the year 1653, one Zeigler
of Lipjickj wrote a book againft the
Regicides, and principally againft Mil-
ton, in which the angry Prophet applied
himfelf to the rebellious city in thefe
words :
" Thou that art now proud London*
" in fome time malt not be at all :
" Nay, unlefs all my notions, and all
" the maxims of Policy deceive me,
<c thou art not far from thy deftrudion.
But if the fire happen'd by the fame
chance as other misfortunes do in hu-
man affairs, there is not fo much caufe
to wonder that it fpread fo far, as that
it fpread no farther, if we confidcr the
fituation of the place where it firft broke
out: It arofe in a Baker's Shop, at the
dead part of night, amongft wooden
houfes, before almoft confum'd with age,
and all thefe took fire with the firft on.
fet of the flames, a ftrong Eaft wind
blowing vehemently at that time : The
Greets and lanes adjoining were very
narrow, and large ftores were lodged
in
Of mis own Time. izi
in them, of oil, pitch, fulphur, flax,
hemp, tallow, cotton, and other com-
buftible wares, that are apt to increafe
and feed the flames. Theie being feiz'd
by the fire, burnt like <^/Etna and Vefu-
vius, not only within the compafs of
their own furnace, but caft forth balls
of fire far and wide, fo that new flames
arofe in fcveral places, and thofe diftant
from each other, at the fame time :
Nor did the fire feize only the houfes,
but alfo the very air, which convcy'd it
with incredible fwiftnefs to all the lofty
buildings, before the flames could other-
wife have reach'd them. Hence the
tower of St. 'Paul's, famous for its
height, burnt with great violence fome
hours before the fire could come to it
through the other buildings.
But with how great a lofs foever, of
the citizens and inhabitants, fo great a
destruction happen'd, yet it arofe out
of its afhes, with fuch glory to the na-
tion and the city, that they could hard-
ly be forry that it was burnt, fincc from
wood it was almoft turn'd into marble :
For
ill Bp, Parker's History
For the city was built with houfes of
fuch a beautiful and majeftick ftru&ure,
that the whole world does not afford
any thing equal, or even comparable to
it. A ftranger would think that the
tradefmens fhops were noblemens feats,
and that the merchants houfes were the
manfions of princes. And as it increased
in beauty, fo alfo it did in greatnefs 3
for the old city was fcarce half as big
as the prefent. Nor is it more improv'd
in its buildings, than its morals.
The End of the firfi Book,
Bp.
( II) )
Bp. PARKER'S
H I STO R Y
O F
His Own Time.
— ^— ■ ■ iii "
BOOK II.
TH E King being wearied at once
with thefe fatal calamities of
plague and fire, fuffer'd him-
felf to be prevailed upon by the neigh-
bouring Princes, efpecially the French
and the Swedey to treat of peace with
the 'Dutch. But whilft the Embafladors
and Minifters were debating together,
the Dutch, at the very time they were
going
ii4 Bp. Parker's History
going to enter upon that peace which
they themfelves had begg'd, contrary to
the Law of Nations, and the dignity of
an honourable war, came by furprizc
upon the Englijh fleet, as it lay in har-
bour, and was entirely unprovided 5 and
if they had managd matters with as
much courage as treachery, they might
have deftroy'd the whole fleet, without
any danger of their own : But, as if
they had been affrighted at their own
audacious attempt, burning only four
fhips, and feizing a few, they return'd,
not fo much with a victory as a tri-
umph : For it had not been difficult
even for the 'Dutch to have overcome
all the English fleet, unarm'd and un-
man'd. Other wife they never fought
fuccefsfully with the Englifh, but either
in this infidious attack, or when our
fleet was divided, one half being in an
expedition againft the 'Dutch, the other
againft the French ; in which cafe the
^utch were perhaps a match for half
the Englijh fleet : For altho' they had
rheir Tramps, Opdams, and Reuters, and
othes
Of his own Time. 125
other famous Admirals, yet the Englijh
Navy confided both of more valiant
Commanders, and braver Seamen. Nay,
granting that the Commanders on both
fides were equally skilful and brave, yet
the very feamen always routed the ene-
my by their courage and alacrity. Sup-
pofing that Tromp were a match for Blake,
as indeed he was a man of great cou-
rage, yet Tromp being outdone thro' the
unequal bravery of his men, he was
beaten in three battles. Let him be
fupcrior in his skill of fea-affairs, to Monk
a land-officer, yet was he fore'd to refign
both a great vi&ory, and his own life,
to Monk, after twenty feven "Dutch fhips
had been either taken or defrroy'd. I
mentiond in the former year, how great
a conqueft the Duke of Tork, a great
land-officer, but ignorant of fea-affairs,
and unaccuftom'd to naval engagements,
obtain'd over Opdamy a veteran fca-man,
the firft day they join d battle. Lailly,
let Renter be the moft experienced of all
fea-commandcrs, yet he fcarce ever durit
fight with the Englijb, but with a double
number
i%6 Bp. Parker's History
number of fhips $ and was always put
to flight, except once, when he engaged
with half our fleet.
Even in this expedition ({hall I fay)
or this piracy, they durft not do any
thing becoming foldiers : For when there
was occafion to fight, altho' they at-
tempted many things, yet they went off
without compafling their point, being
repuls'd with great difgrace : For when
Spragg (a man, the love and delight of
all men, both for his warlike bravery,
and his fweetnefs of temper) had gotten
nineteen fmall veffels, and plac'd them
at the mouth of the Thames, together
with a few fire-fhips, he kept the ene-
my from returning into the river, tho'
they fought two days. Then a defcent
being made upon the coafts of Suffolk,
under an officer of one of Cromwell's
fugitives, they attack'd a fort called
Languard. The Governor of that fort
was T>arrel, an old officer under Charles
the firft, a man as well of great fidelity
to his King, as bravery againft the ene-
my. He fuffer'd them to fet ladders a-
gainft
Of his own Time. 117
gainft the walls, which being done, as
they were climbing up, he came upon
them with a fudden fally, and beat them
back with great {laughter. And when
they attempted it again, he put the ene-
my to fo precipitate a flight, killing a-
bout two hundred of them, that they
left their ladders againft the walls, and
prefently return'd to their fleet. Laftly,
when they had fail'd round almoft the
whole ifland, they tried feveral places
convenient for a defcent, as Tort/mouth,
'Dartmouth, and Tlimouth ; but always
with the fame fortune, being repuls'd
with fhame and lofs. Thus they conti-
nued dealing of fheep in the fields, al-
moft till the end of Augufty when the
peace was made. There were on board
Admiral Reuters fhip, throughout this
expedition, Dolman> that inveterate c-
nemy to his country, and John De-Witt \
who at that time had the fole admini-
ftration in the Dutch commonwealth,
A man of the meaneft birth, but proud,
infolent, and morofe, and therefore an
inexorable enemy to Kings, becaufe he
3 could
1 2 8 Bp. Parker's History
could not bear their great nefs ; for this
mean fellow had a defire to make him-
felf famous by his enmity with the
greatcft men. But he efpecially hated
the King of Great Britain, and he was
alfo the bafeft flatterer of Cromwell, as
long as he liv'd, becaufe he could pre-
vail over the 'Dutch with as much
power at fea, as he thought fit. He a-
lonc was the author of all the wars with
the Englijh. But at length, after govern-
ing long, he was miferably torn limb
from limb at the Hague, in a popular
tumult. Concerning which, more here-
after.
This fame year died the Earl of South-
ampton, Lord High Treafuucr, a man of
the noblcft birth, and of entire fidelity
to the Royal Family, made Lord High-
Treafurer after the Reftoratioiij which
office he executed honourably, without
any advantage to himfelf ; and he took
care that the King fhould not be involved
in debt : And the Trcafury, which he
found empty, he left as full as it was
in his power to leave it. He being
2 dead,
Of his own Tim £. l^9
dead, his office was put into commiffion,
at the head of which was Ajhley Cooper \
afterwards Earl of Shaftsbary, for the
/eft were fo much taken up with other
affairs, that they entrufted him princi-
pally with the adminiftration.
Some months after the death of the
Treafurer, the Earl of Clarendon, Lord
high Chancellor of England, being
chiefly attacked from the fide of the Earl
of Shafts bury, and thofe in his interefl,
and the Houfe of Commons blowing
the coals, to whom it is often an affair
of extraordinary pleafure to make Primd
M millers feel their power, was banifh'd ;
whether for any fault, or none at all,
fhall be plainly and ingenuoufly faid,
in its proper place. But whatever he
was, it fo happen d, that at the fame
time, all the old Councilor's loll the
King's favour, who had fhewn the ftricteft
fidelity to him, thro' all the changes of
times.
But that the order and feries of thefe
Annals may be the better diltinguifh'dy
I mud fix a twofold ^Era, or period of
K time:
ijo Bp. Parker's History
time : One, while the chief adminiftra-
tion of affairs was in the Earl of Shaftf-
bury> and his adherents 5 during which,
while they fcem'd to give fuch advice as
ftill would pleafe, yet they work'd mat-
ters up with fuch dexterity, that unddr
a fhew of affection for the King, and
zeal for his intereft, they very much lef-
fen'd his reputation and authority. The
other, when he was accufed of High
Treafon, and remov'd from the admi-
niftration. In the beginning of the firft
interval of time, there were two confe-
deracies (as we may call them) of men that
ftrongly opposed one another : The firft
confifted of all good men that bewail'd.
the misfortune of the King and King-
dom, when all publick affairs were put
(as they thought) into the hands of e-
nemies. The other confifted of fuch,
who more zealoufly promoted the inte-
reft of their own party, than the wel-
fare of the Kingdom. Hence daily there
were new commotions in the Parliament,
occafion'd by the latter fort of men.
For hitherto, for feven years together,
the
Of his own Time. 13 1
the Parliament had paid greater regard
and duty to the King, than had ever been
known or remembred. But now they
began to look about them* to be afraid
of every thing, to attend very vigilantly
the fafety and good of the Kingdom, and
to give the Fadion difturbancc every
hour, that they might not attempt any
thing by furprize againft it. For where-
as they proceeded upon two kinds of
mcafurcs, the one advantageous, the o-
ther prejudicial to the publick good, the
Parliament ratified the former, and dif-
appointed and defeated the latter. By
the former a triple alliance was made
between the Kings of England and
Sweden*, and the United Provinces, a-
gainft the Moft Chriftian King, whd
was in the flower of his age, a gallant
and underftanding Prince, capable of unir
verfal empire, a greater than whom
France had never produe'd fincc the time
of Charles the Firft. Being io power-
ful by land and fea as to be the terror
of Europe, he proclaim'd war this year
againft the Provinces of Flanders, claim-
K 3 ing
132. Bp. Parker's History
ing it as his wife's dowry. Therefore
care was taken by this triple alliance
to oppofe the meafures of fo great a
Prince ; to which alliance moft of the
German Princes acceded. And this re-
folution the Parliament readily embraced,
granting a large iupply of money for
fitting out the fleet : But the other pro-
ject of citablifhing a good underftand-
ing and amity among the King's Protc-
ftant Subje&s, they heard mention'd
with the higheft indignation, tho' the
King himfelf had recommended it to
them in his fpeech : Therefore they pre-
fently fly to the King, and beg him to
ratify and enforce all the Laws againft
the Schifmaticks, for that fo many com-
plaints were daily brought from every
county of their frefh infolence, that if
they were not fuddenly rcftrain'd, there
could be no peace in the Kingdom for
the future. For when the Fadious
found that their friends were at the
head of affairs (fuch is the perverfenefi
of thole men) they prefently threw off
all regard to laws, and magistrates. Nor
did
Of his own Time. 155
did they only feize again their conven-
ticles by force and violence, but attack'd
the Minifters of the Church of England,
even in the midft of divine fervice,
with fuch reproaches, outrages, and cla-
mours, as were fcarce ever heard of.
The King being prcvail'd upon by thefe
intreatics and complaints of the two
Houfes, fent out his Proclamation to all
civil and military officers in counties,
cities and towns, whereby he enjoin'd
each of them to put the Laws in execu-
tion with the utmofl diligence. The
Factious being aftoniflVd at this conftancy
of the Parliament, defpair'd of doing
their bufinefs, fo long as that continu'd ;
therefore they firft of all confultcd how
they might procure its diflblution, and
theja how they might difturb and hin-
der them in difpatch of bufinefs. The
firft being attempted in vain, they prc-
fently ftarted difputes between the two
Houfes, concerning their prerogatives
and privileges. A difpute was rais'd by
agreement between one Skinner, a de-
pendent of the Earl of Shafts bury, and
K 3 Sir
> 34 Bp. Parkers History
Sir Samuel Bernard'ifton, a leading man
of the Fa&ion. This was the man, who
when he was but a very young citizen,
had put himfclf at the head of the city-
tumults, that in 1641. daily befet the
Parliament, crying out, Jufiice f Juftice!
againft the Earl of Strafford. Skinner
implor'd the aid of the Houfc of Lords.
Bernardijlon appeals from them to the
Commons. The Factious in both Houfcs
engage in the difputc with great warmth,
and a private caufe not worth mention-
ing, being turn'd into a publick one,
a new controvcrfy arofe, whether it
was lawful for the Houfc of Lords to
ad as a court of Judicature in any other
cafes but tliofe that are brought before
them by Appeal ? The Peers zealoufly
afiert, that fince they are the fupremc
court in the Kingdom, the power of ar-
bitration is entirely at their own plea-
fure, and in their own breaft : That if
by right there may be appeals to them
from other courts of an inferior nature,
why may not the fame judgment be
good without any appeal at all ? On the
other
Of his own Time. 135
other hand, the lower Houic afiirrrui,
that if this prerogative of judging were
allow'd, there would be an end of the
common adminiftration of the Law, up-
on which alone the liberty of Englifo
Subjects depends : And that the courts
in Wejim'mfter-hall would be of no ufe
or authority, if it were lawful to refer
every thing to the Peers, neglecting thofe
and other courts. In a word, they
were fo enrag'd againft one another,
that the Parliament was prorogued by
fcvcral intervals, for a year together,
and then, the Faction reviving their old
dilpute the firft day of their meeting,
before any thing clfe, it was prorogued
for half a year longer, from March the
8th, 1668, to October the 19th, 1669, and
thence to the 14th of February follow-
ing, 1670, at which time the difpute
was laid aflccp, by the King's exhorting
perfuafion and mediation 5 altho* the
next year new feeds of contention were
fown between the two Houfes, concern-
ing the books of rates being corrected
by the Houfe of Lords : For whereas
K 4 they
t|6 Bp. Parkir's History
they had fettled fome rates othcrwife
than the Houfe of Commons had de-
termine, they prefently cried out, that
it was not lawful for them to do it >
neither ought they to treat of taxes,
but as they were peremptorily fixed in
their Houfe. On the other hand, the
Lords alledg'd, that unlefs it was ia
their power to alter them, they fhould
have no power in laying taxes, and they
fhould be confulted in vain, for all au-
thority in that affair would devolve up-
on the other Houfe. At laft the con-
tention arofe to that height, that the
King lofing a considerable fnbfidy, was
obliged to prorogue the Parliament to
another year. Yet in the mean time
honcft men did not omit any opportu-
nity of taking care of the intereft of
the Kingdom, whenfoever the Parlia-
ment fate, but allowing no truce to the
Faction, urged the execution of the
Laws. They waited on the King, to
complain of their infolcncc, giving fuch
manifelt proofs of their guilt, that he
by Proclamation commanded all their
preachers
Op his own Time. 137
preachers to depart five miles from any
city or town, according to the Law of
the Oxford Parliament. But when im-
mediately the report of their infolcnce
increas'd on every fide, they were more
provok'd, and declar'd fuch people were
no longer to be born with, and en-
quir'd by whom they were encouraged ;
for that the men could never prefume to
commit fuch open wickedncfles, if there
were not fome great perfons that fecrct-
ly abetted them. And they afiur'd the
King that they would ftand by him with
their lives and fortunes, againft all the
enemies of the Kingdom 5 and declared,
that all thofe were fuch enemies to it,
who had rendred vain and ineffectual,
any thing that had been ratified by Law
in Church and State : And laftly, that
they ought to be punifh'd as indeed fo
many rebels. Which importunity be-
ing daily repeated, they extinguifh'd the
fire as often as it broke out. But in
the beginning of the following year,
being weary of thefe disturbances, they
ihew'd their difpleafure againft Convene
ticks.
138 Bp. Parker's History
ticks, by parting a new Law : By which
it was enafted, that whofocver was pre-
fent at a Conventicle, fhould be fined
five fhillings for the fiuft offence, and ten
for'' the fecond 5 and that the Preacher
fhould be fined twenty pounds for the
firft offence, and forty for the fecond ;
and that the owner of the meeting-houfe
fhould undergo the fame fine. And if
any Magiftratc, after information given,
negleded the execution of the Law, he
was to be find a hundred pounds. And
this was fuch a wound, that the Schif-
maticks, being aftonifh'd and affright-
ed, left their Conventicles every where,
and rctir'd to their dark places of con-
cealment. But the Parliament being at
length prorogued, they now being with-
out fear of punifhment, flew out into
all manner of extravagance : But not to
mention all their outrages againft their
country, there were feven deadly fins
(as we fay) which they committed almoft
at the fame time, with equal treachery
and impudence, againft all the Laws of
Nature, of Nations, and of the Kingdom.
Of his own Time. 139
Firft, The very patrimony of the
Crown is cxpos'd to falc.
Secondly, The triple Alliance is
broken.
Thirdly, Another Alliance is made
with the Moft Chriftian King.
fourthly, a war is entred into againfl
the 'Dutch, at that time our Allies, with-
out any previous declaration of war.
Fifthly, the Exchequer is turn d into
a place of robbery.
Sixthly, Every one is allow'd a bound-
lefs liberty in Religion.
Seventhly, By writs iffued at their own
plcafure, out of the Court of Chancery,
elections arc made into the lower Houfe,
contrary to the cuftom, which, tho' not
very antient, had prevail'd for fomc
years.
Firfb of all, the Treafury being emp-
ty, and very much in debt, and the
King being folicitous to clear himfelf,
without burthening his fubjc&s, a me-
thod was found out whereby the King
might pay taxes to himfelf. For where-
as yearly fee-farm rents were paid to the
Kinrr
i4° Bp. Parker's History
King out of moft of the eftates of his
fubjeds, thcfc were expos'd to fale 5 by
which means the Crown fuffer'd very
much in two refpeds : Firft, becaufe it
carried in it a great diminution of the
King's power over his fubjeds : For by
the payment of thofe rents, they ac-
knowledged that they held their right
in fee from the King. Secondly, all
that remained of the patrimony of the
Crown, was hereby in a manner loft.
The confequence of which was, that
hereafter the Kings of England would
have nothing to fupport their dignity,
but what they Ihould owe to the good
will of their fubjeds. Neverthelefs, an
ad pafied for the purpofe abovemen.
tioned ; nor indeed was it difficult to
obtain it : For the Fadious voted for it,
that they might bring a foul ftain and
difgrace upon the Majefty of the Crown.
And the King's friends were for it, but
with another defign, that they might for
the prefent relieve their beloved Prince,
whom they faw now pinched with the
greateft diftrefs,
But
Of his own Time. i4t
But the patrimony of the Crown be-
ing confum'd, in the next place they go
to work with its reputation and efteem.
For now, firft the King's Exchequer, be-
ing full of money, is (hut up, to the
immenfe lofs of his fubje&s, and chiefly
of widows and orphans. Por the King
being exceedingly ftraitned in his cir-
cumftances, was hurried into a fecond
war againft the T)utch. But when he
complain'd that money would be want-
ing to carry on the charge of fo great a
war, he was anfwer'd, that there would
be money enough in the Treafury, if
the payments were but put off for a
year. The King, whofe greateft fault
was being too fond of eafe, and trufting
too much to other men, embraced this
advice, as feeming nccefTary in the pre-
fent conjun&ure. Whence many thou-
f ands of families, being depriv'd of all
their fortunes, live, even to this day,
in great poverty, as will their pofterity
after them. For as the King had long
borrowed as much money as he wanted
of the Bankers, fo all his fubje&s who
i had
i4i Bp. Parker's History
had money to put out, brought it into
their fhops; both becaufe the Royal
Trcafury was their fecurity, and alfo be-
caufe they could have their money rea-
dy for their ufc, whenfocver they had
occafion for it. Thus when the Bank-
ers had taken a great fum of money at
intercft from the fubjefts, cfpecially
from widows and orphans, and the King
had taken it of the Bankers ; the money
which he had in the Exchequer, bor-
rowed of others, came to be appli-
ed to other ufes : and the infamy of
this method of plundering was the great-
er, becaufe the King had before this
made himfelf furety for the Bankers.
For whereas the 'Dutch, in the year 1 667,
had furpriz'd the King's fleet lying at
Chatham, in that great confternation
and difturbance, the fureties and credi-
tors throng'd to the Bankers for the
payment of their money : For in the
firft terror and furprize, it was thought
that the whole itland was conquer'd,
and that no one could be fafe by any
means but by flight 5 therefore many
i gather'd
Of his own Time. 143
gather'd together all that they had, to
export with them into foreign coun-
tries. The King, that the Bankers might
not fink under thefe fudden and pref-
fing demands, by Proclamation engag'd
himfelf, and his Royal Faith and Dig-
nity, for the payment of the money,
encouraging them to be quiet a little,
for the danger would be prefently over,
and hereafter, whatever mifchicf fhould
happen, he would on no account defer
the payments of the Trcafury, even for
a day. Therefore their fear being pre-
fently allay'd, by this Proclamation, and
they being now fecure of their intercft
being duly paid for the future, all who
had money to put out depofited it there,
as in the fafeft place 5 by which means
an immenfe turn of money that was
committed to the Trcafury, in confi-
dence of fafety, was at once fciz'd and
embezzled. And thus the King, as well
as the fubjefts, was impos'd upon ; for
they perfuaded him that the payments
were deferrd only for a year, and then
all would be difcharg'd, for he would
foon
*44 Bp. Parker's History
foon be matter of the "Dutch Smyrna
fleet, very richly laden> for which they
were in a readinefs ; and when this was
done, they fhould pay all the debts be-
fore the day appointed for payment;
But the year being ended, they put it
off for another half year, promifing up-
on the publick faith, ihat it fhould be
no longer deferr'd. But when the King
at length found himfelf incapable of
paying, and could no longer bear the
tears and complaints of the miferable,
he laid the matter before the Parliament;
The Fadious at the fame time interpos'd,
to prevent the pa (ling of a Law on
their behalf.
When therefore the King defir'd in the
next place that the chimney-tax might
be engag'd by Law for ever for their fa-
tisfadion (altho* this was a great dimi-
nution of the Royal Revenue) yet they
fharpiy refused it, choofing rather to
weaken the credit of the Treafury, than
the Treafury it fclf. For this was only
the wound of one age, the other would
be an everlafting reproach, and not be
blotted
Of his own Time. 145
blotted out by time, till the publick faith
had made it felf good $ and not to be
hcal'd even then without a (ear.
As to the violation of the triple alli-
ance, the beginning the war againft the
'Dutch, without proclaming it, and
the cntring into a league with the French
King, they urged thefe things to his
Majefty : That an effectual league be-
tween the Englzfh and the Dutch was
a thing impracticable : That they were
not a juft and lawful Republick, but a
neft of robbers and pyrates : That there
was an innate hatred between the Nati-
ons : That the Dutch would wage per-
petual wars againft England both by na-
tural inclination and for the fake of gain,
which chiefly fways with fuch fordid men :
That that vain Nation vying with ancient
Rome, promifed thcmfelvcs at laft to be
maftcrs of the World 5 over which they
had long laid claim to the folc right
of trade and commerce : That the King
of England alone could flop their am-
bition : That if the Engltflo were con-
quered, they would foon command as
L they
i^G Bp. Parker's History
they pleas'd at fea without a rival 5 and
then being Lords at fca would eafily
get the dominion at land. Therefore fince
the cafe flood thus, that one of the na-
tions muft fall, this fecond Carthage ought
to be deftroy'd. Further, what if the Laws
of Confederacy had been a little violat-
ed, by beginning a war without pro-
claiming it ? the thing was not done againft
a juft enemy, but againfl a Nation that
broke all alliances 5 and there was no
faith to be kept with thofe that kept
none : That the 'Dutch had always been
falfe to God and man, and being a
perjured people, had forfeited all advan-
tage from the Law of Nations : And
laftly, fince they had no regard to alli-
ances themfelvcs, they could not exped
any from others; much lefs from the
Englijh, whom, after lb many folemn
leagues entcr'd into, they had always
impos'd upon by their perjuries : That
he mould remember Amboyna and Su-
rinam, and the league lately made at
the Hague, when the wax was yet fcarce
cold, e'er they had forgot their obliga-
tion
Of his own Time. 14
tion fo far, as even not to ftrike flag to
the Britifh (hips. He mould remember
their exploit at Guinea, when they fur>
priz'd Admiral Holmes, failing near the
African coait, who, when he had in
his own defence overcome them, and
taken their forts whence they fir'd upon
him ; they, in his abience, came to com-
plain of him in high terms to the King
of England--, that he had afted like a
pyrate, and without any antecedent pro-
vocation, had fuddenly attack'd and
taken their fortreffes. That he mould
remember Renters villany, who when
the 'Dutch, joining fleets with the Eng-
lish, had befet the Alger me pyratcs, with-
drew himfelf by Health to the coafts of
Guinea, by order of the States, where
by a treacherous robbery he carried a-
way all the effects of the Englifh, who
little expected any fuch hoftiiity. And
laftly, if an alliance was to be violated
at all, it was worth while to violate
it for the fake of fuch a reward :
For that the King wou'd fuddenly take
the Smyrna fleet, not apprehenfivc of
L 1 war.
148 Bp. Parker's History
war, and with that one booty would
both clear the debts of the Trcafury,
and pay the charges of the enfuing war.
And iaftly, we ought to enter into
an alliance with the Mod Chriftian
King 5 firft, becaufe he was the mod
powerful Prince in Europe j and with-
al, he was an inveterate enemy to the
States. Nay, that it was the common
caufe of all Kings, to have that info-
lent Rcpublick deftroy'd, which made
fuch a figure in the midft of Europe.
Neither indeed was the war to be fet on
foot lb much againft the 'Dutch Nation,
as againft the Fa&ion of the T>e Wits,
who had long declar'd war againft the
name of Kings; which Padion being
fupprcfled, the Prince of Orange, the
King's nephew, would recover the an-
tient dignity of his family. That the
victory over the enemy would be eafily
and quickly obtain'd, fmce they had
been a long time ftrangers to a war at
land, whereas the French, on the other
hand, could bring feveral veteran ar-
mies into the field. That the Englijb
were
Of his own Time." 145*
were fecure of a vi&ory at fea, fincc
they were to fight with an enemy whom
they were always too hard for 5 and at
this time, without doubt, they would
overcome, fmcc they would have the
French fleet to aflift them 5 therefore
the war would be fhort, and the advan-
tage of it great, fince it might be agreed,
that all the inland Provinces mould fall
to the lot of France, and the ica-coafts
to England. All which counlcls being
plcafing to the King, and moft of them
fceming juft and beneficial, without
difficulty obtain'd his aflent. But this
occafion'd fuch havock of men, as all
the nations of Europe lament to this day.
For the French King being the moft
powerful of all, and in ftrength and
military valour almoft a match for all,
was the only Prince to be fear'd by the
Princes of Europe. Since therefore it
was the common intereft, that he fhould
not be too great, they cntred into a
common alliance to prevent it : For al-
tho' that was caird a triple alliance,
which was firft made between the Eng-
L 3 ///&,
150 Bp. Parker's History
lifh, the Swedes, and the 'Dutch, yet
prefently there came into it the Spa-
niard, the Eleftor of Brandenburgh, a
powerful and brave Prince, and almoft
all the German Princes, together with
the Emperor. By which manifold bond
they fufficiently curb'd France, fo long
as it held together. But that being
broken, he prefently invaded every
plice, attacking thofc fcparately, whom
he durft not attack together 5 fo that
all Europe was fuddenly in a conflagra-
tion : Firft of all, as it were in an in-
ftant, and with the fwiftnefs of Ctefars
march, all Holland was over-run, as far
as Amflerdam, with a vaft (laughter.
There was a bloody fight at fca the
fame fummer, between the English and
'Dutch, the Commanders being the
Duke of Tork on one fide, and Renter
on the other. The enemy being as it
were in defpair, behaved thcmfclvcs
with more ardour and fierccnefs than
heretofore 5 and tho' they were over-
come, and put to flight, and block'd up
in port, yet the vi&ory coft us dear.
There
Op his own Time. 15 v
There was a great (laughter of men
on both fides : For when the cDutchy
fighting almoft with Englijh fury, fought
nearer than formerly, with every volley
of fhot, and every turn of the fhips, a
great number of men fell in both fleets.
Amongft the Englifi, many honorary
foldiers were (lain, and ten captains of
fhips. Amongft thefc were the Earl of
Sandwich*, and cDigby fon of the Earl
of Briftol? who almoft alone fought
with the third fquadron of the "Dutch :
But at length, when Digby was fhot
thro' the heart, and the fhip that he
commanded was bor'd thro* with innu-
merable fhots, the fca-men with diffi-
culty brought her into the harbour.
But Sandwich having fadly fhatter'd fe-
ven of their fhips, and beat off three
flre-fhips, at length being over-power'd
with numbers, fell a facrifice for his
country. A Gentleman adorn'd with
all the virtues of Alcibiades, and untaint-
ed by any of his vices 5 of high birth,
capable of any bufinefs, full of wif-
dom, a great Commander at fea and land,
L 4 and
15 1 Bp. Parker's History
and alfo learned and eloquent, affable,
liberal, and magnificent. 'Digby was
defcended of a family famous both for
courage and wit, and as dear to Sandwich,
for his great endowments, as if he had
been his own fon 5 he was furnifh'd with
learning that became the dignity of his
birth ; a very beautiful youth, (he had per-
formed many glorious actions before he
had fcarcely attain'd to man's eftate) he
knew not what fear was ; he was pati-
ent of labour, and prodigal of himfelf,
and yet not ram ; engag'd in battles,
fieges, fea-flghts, and all the actions of
war, from the very beginning of his
life : And mod unfortunately it hap-
pen'd to his country, to have a youth
of fo much bravery, and fuch fine parts,
hurried off by fo untimely a death. But
thus generally what is moft excellent,
is of fhorteft continuance !
With the fame lofs to his country>
fell that eminently ingenious youth,
Charles Cotterel, the eldeft fon of the
belt of fathers, in the twenty fecond
year of his age. A Gentleman devoted
3 to
Of his own Time. 15 3
to all kinds of learning ; not only skill'd
in the Greek and Latin tongues, but who
fpoke ( fo great was his memory i) every
language of Europe? as readily as if it
had been his mother tongue. But al-
tho* he was adorn'd with all polite and
genteel learning, he was yet no lefs a
ibldicr, being endued with equal fweet-
nefs and greatnefs of mind; he loved
his friends with entire finccrity, fear'd
no enemy, if indeed he had any, and
cxcell'd in an incredible vigour and
conftancy of mind. He alfo, being en-
rich'd with thefe great endowments,
was moft beloved by Sandwich : There-
fore he follow'd him into all the dan-
gers of war, and did not attend him
with Ids diligence than if he had been
one of thole that were to guard him.
But when in this extremity of danger,
he found that that great man mufl die,
with what fury, with what indignation,
with what an entire negled of himfclf,
did he rufh upon the enemy ! If any
one durft attempt to board his fliip, he
was the firft that made the man rue
his
i;4 Bp. Parker's History
his rafhnefs ; and often the firft that
boarded the enemy, and encountered
dangers whercfocver they offer'd them-
felvcs ; and there was nothing fo diffi-
cult or dangerous, but what he attempt-
ed, till being wearied with the flaugh-
ter of his enemic, he died in the midft
of his vidories.
But the Duke of Torky as he had bet-
ter fortune, fo he had greater glory,,
with regard to his danger and his cou-
rage. For at the beginning of the en-
gagement, he was bcfet by four fhips,
one of them Admiral Renters fhip, an-
other Vice-Admiral Van-EJfi's, and two
other of their largeft fhips, lent to fup-
port them : He not only Hood the fhock
of thefe, but oblig'd them to retire, and
as often as he had the advantage of
the wind, he fought fo near them, fhip
to fhip, as if they had engaged, not
with guns, but (words. And altho' the
'Dutch were at firft animated by their
numbers, yet he foon put them into
difordcr by this clofe fighting 5 till at
length, after three hours, the Duke of
3 Torts
Of his own Time. 155
Torks Admiral fhip was fhattcr'd and
bor'd by many great (hots, and ftrip'd
of its mails and yards, fo that he was
forcd to go on board Vice-Admiral
Holmes's fhip, in which, when he had
maintain'd a fight for fomc hours, not
fo properly with fmgle mips, as indeed
with their whole fleet, that alio was
fo fhattcr'd with frequent fhots, that af-
terwards it could hardly be drawn in-
to harbour, for (he drew water fix foot
deep before the Duke left her. Hence
he went with the Royal Standard on
board a third fhip, commanded by Spragg>
in which he renew'd the battle with
greater heat, and at length, towards the
clofe of the day, (and the battle begun
in the morning) he put the enemy to
flight, and following them to their har-
bours, he block'd them up for two
days, till the wind blowing hard, and a
ftorm rifing, he return'd into port with
his victorious fleet.
This one battle did not put an end
to the war, but the next year there
were fcveral engagements, firft on the
20th
i $6 Br. Parker's History
20th of May, then on the 4th of June7
and laftly on the 20th of Auguft : But
the "Dutch being now made more wary,
by the change of their affairs for the
better, engage with their ufual pru-
dence, ufmg their arts more than their
arms. For they never venture to fight,
but near their coads and havens, and
banks of fand, nay almoft within their
harbours. Neither would they engage,
but at a very convenient diflancc from
their enemy, only there was a remark-
able fight between Spragg and Tromp :
For thefe having mutually agreed to at-
tack each other, not out of hatred, but
a third of glory, they engag'd with all
the rage, or as it were with all the
fport of war. They came fo clofe to
one another, that like an army of foot
they fought at once with their guns and
fwords. Almod at every turn, both
their fiiips, though not funk, were yet
bored through, their cannon being dif-
charg d within common gun-fhot : Nei-
ther did our ball fall in vain into the
fea, but each fhip piere'd the other, as
if
Of his own Time. 157
if they had fought with fpcars. But at
length, three or four fhips being fhat-
ter'd, as Spragg was palling in a long-
boat from one fhip to another, the boat
was over-turn'd by a chance mot, and
that great man not being skill'd, in fwim-
ming was drown'd, to the great grief
of his generous enemy, who after the
death of Spragg could hardly hope to
find an enemy equal to himfclf. But
thus it happen d, that when that brave
man had overcome fo many dangers?
his country being now victorious and
fafe, no honour remained for him to
receive, but the reward of a glorious
death.
And thus there was an end put to
war and (laughter, by the death of this
great man, for foon after a peace was
concluded : For the 'Dutch being hum-
bled and broke, by fo many defeats at
fea and land, they offer'd humble pe-
titions to the King of Great Britain,
begging for peace and mercy, making
ufe of the Spamjh EmbalTador to inter-
pofe his mediatorfhip : For the King,
after
158 Bp. Parker's History
after fo many leagues broken, and vain
promifes made by the f aft ion of the
De-IVits, would no longer be put off
with 'Dutch faith, but required fome
perfon to be guarantee for the per-
formance of the conditions agreed up-
on. Which being done, the peace was
concluded upon thefe terms.
Firft, the "Dutch were for the future^
with all obeifance, to ftrike to the fhips
of England.
Then they were to reftore the prifon-
ers taken at Surinam to their liberty.
Then they were to quit what they
had taken in both Indies.
And laftly, they were to pay eight
hundred thoufand crowns to the King
of Great Britain, for the charges of the
war.
Thefe articles of peace the King
thought fit to lay before the Parliament,
before he would ratify them, the Par-
liament finding but one article of little
confideration , about fifhing near the
Britifh fhorcs, they moil: heartily thanked
the King, and applauded his wifdom in
what
Of his own Time. 152
what he had done. So a peace was
concluded the beginning of the next
month, viz. February the 9th, 1674. and
has continued to this day : Every thing
was granted for which the war was be-
gun, eipecially the right and honour of
the flag, which the 'Dutch had never,
from the times of Cromwell, acknow-
ledge to be due to the Engl? fh, by any
fan ingenuous agreement, or without
ambiguous words. But fince this had
been the caufe, or rather the colour and
pretence of the war, Borell, the Embaf-
fador from the States General to the
King of Great Britainy confulted John
De-IVits, who was the chief man in
power, that he might know how to
treat of that affair. De-Wits anfwered
hi thefe words, September 22, 1671.
u This pretended dominion of the fea
" was always ungrateful to the ears of
" our countrymen 5 and as often as it
" was proposed, it was always rejected
u with indignation ; and indeed at thofe
" very times, when the affairs of the
u Dutch were but in a low eftate with
" refpect
i Go Bp. Parker's History
refped to England, and they were in
the greateft ftraits, both for the want
of (hips, and becaufe their meafures
were not well fettled for undertak-
ing a war -, to wit, in the years 165 3,
and 1654, when they made a league
with Cromwell. " In which, after a
long difputc, the 'Dutch agreed to give
the honour of the flag, but not as a right
and due, but as it were out of court efy
and civility. And when the Englijh
long contended that their top-fails and
flags fhould be lower'd, not only by
fingle fhips, but by whole fleets ; the
'Dutch, on the other hand, conftantly
refusal to agree to the peace, unlcfs that
claufe concerning the fubmiflion of
whole fleets, were taken away.
There was the fame agreement in
the treaties of 1662, and 1667, in which,
fays he, there was nothing new done,
but the Englijh were contented with
the bare tranferibing of the article for-
merly drawn up ; whence he will have
it to be plain, " that it is not without
" manifeft injury, that this honour is
" claim'd
Of his own Time. \Ci
" claim'd of our Republick, under the
" title of a right and a due, and that
" the whole fleet of the United Pro-
" vinces fliould lower their fails and
U flags at meeting one or two Englijh
u fhips. Both thefe things were look'd
u upon as intolerable, and rejc&ed,
" even in the moil difficult times of
" the Republick: How much more in-
u tolerable then (with fubmifllon) is it,
" that fuch things fhould now be de-
" manded of us?" Thus he fpoke. To
the fame effect, the States afterwards
delivered in a Memorial to the King,
by their Embaffador, *8^}-i 67 1-2, fo
exactly like, in words and fenfe, to 'De
Wifs letter, that it is plain they were
both written by the fame author. To
thefe the King made anfwer, that he
refented it very much, that Cromwell's
times were alledg'd to him 3 that the
right of the flag was a very antient
right of the Kings of England, and had
been paid from the earliclt times within
the memory of man ; not granted by
any league or compaft, much lefs by
M one
i6t Bp. Parker's History
one made with Cromwell -y that he, the
more eafily to maintain his newly-got-
ten tyranny at home, did agree to any
the moft difhonourable conditions a-
broad; and facrificed the rights of Mo-
narchy to his tin j uft pofleflion : That it
was fufficient for a tyrant, if he gain'd
any civility or courtefy from foreign-
ers 5 but that a King of England would
never accept of an honour fo precari-
oufly given : That unlefs it was allow'd
to be an abfolute right, he wou'd ne-
ver receive any thing from TDutch cour-
tefy : That an honour arifing from fuch
a title wou'd not laft lomz;, but would
be withdrawn the firft opportunity.
They ihould therefore know, that he
requir'd the abfolute dominion of the
fea 5 not only the Brztifh fea, (as they
wou'd have it) but farther northward,
as far as Norway. They fhould remem-
ber that their fathers paid toll to Charles
the Firft, in the years 1635-36-37, for
the liberty of fifhing within the feas of
his dominion and empire, and therefore
they ftruggled againft it in vain 5 for he
wou'd
Of his own Time. 163
wou'd not accept the honour, except they
acknowledg'd the right of the flag.
Thus the "Dutch being; overcome, agreed
to whatfoever conditions he plcas'd,
again acknowledging our anticnt right,
and extending our dominion at fea as
far as Norway. The French King alone
was againfl: this league. His Embaila-
dor Ruvigny, in a Memorial prefented
Jan. 25. 1674. complain d that it was
not juft, by the articles of the alliance
with France, to make a feparate peace.
But why did he not confidcr, that this
very alliance was before violated by
himfelf ? For the Kings agreed chiefly
upon that condition, that the peace of
Aix laChapelle, made in 1662, between
Spain and France, concerning the li-
mits of both Kingdoms, mould be pre-
ferv'd : Eut ncverthclcfs the French had
made an irruption into Flanders, where-
fore the King of England was not on-
ly releas'd from that alliance, which the
French had broken, but was oblig'd,
both in the defence of his Ally, (as the
Spaniard was) and alfo in his own, to
M 2 defend
1 64 Bp. Parker's History
defend Flanders by force of arms, againft:
the French. Thus was this war, that
had been bafely begun by the Factious,
juftly, profperouily, and honourably
ended, when they were remov'd from
the adminiftration.
But although this war with the 'Dutch
being ended, the temple of Janus was
fliut in our part of the world ; yet the
fame rage and contagion of war feizM
all the other nations of Europe. Which
palling from one nation to another,
there was no nation but Britain alone,
which did not feel and grieve for the
worft calamities of war for four years
together. For as the Mod Chriftian
King was more elated by his good fuc-
cefs againft the cDutchy being before a
man of a very great fpirit, and pre-
fumed that nothing would ftand in his
way 5 fo the neighbouring Princes, a-
(toniflYd at his fudden greatnefs, betook
themfeives to their arms, by a com-
mon agreement. Firft, there was an al-
liance cnter'd into between the Empe-
ror of the Romans > the King of S]>amy
4 and
Of his own Time. i 6%
and the United Provinces, upon a con-
dition common to all alliances, That
every thing (honld be done jointly, and
by common content of the Confede-
rates : That no one fhould confult fe-
parately for himfeif : That each of them
(hould fHpulatc for the fame terms of
peace for the others, as he fhould for
himfeif j ne:: lonld any of them
make peace for himfeif, without pro-
curing it for all. Thus the Dutch a-
greed with the Spaniard, by the 8th
article, That they would not feparately
treat of a truce 5 and that one would
not agree to a ceflation of arms with-
out the confent of the other. By the
9:" article, That one would not treat of
a feparate peace without the other, nor
without making the fame terms for their
Ally, as for themfeives. By the 16- ar-
ticle, That they would not make peace
with the Mofi Chriftian King, before
the CatBolick King fhould be reftor'd to
the pofieiilon of all thofe places which
were taken fincc the Tyrenzan treaty,
in the year i6j9$ and particularly by
M 3 the
\GC Bp. Parkers History
the iSth article, That they would deliver
into his hands the city of Maeftricht*
with its dependencies, without any re-
fcrve. But there was not fo ftrid a
league ft ruck with the Emperor, to
whom (becaufe at that time the Turk
threaten'd the Empire) it was allow'd,
by the 6th article, That if a war fhou'd
happen with the Turks, he might with-
draw his forces from the confederate
war againft the Moft Chriftian King, to
defend his own country. To this triple
alliance, the firfl: that join'd himfelf, was
the Duke of Lorrain-, with whom it was
agreed, by the 6th article, in thefe words:
cc That if things mould break out into
" an open war, their Imperial and Ca-
" tholick Majefties, and the States Ge-
" neral, do jointly, and with the com-
" mon confent of all, encase their
" faith to his Serene Highnefs the Duke
" of Lorram, that they will not begin
" to treat of a peace, or truce, with-
" out acquainting him with it 5 nor till
€e they have at the fame time procur'd
" for him neceffary and fufficient power
" and
Of his own Time. 167
,c and fecurity to fend his Embaffadors
" to the place of treaty : That like-
" wife they will from time to time
" acquaint his Serene Highnefs with
" every thing that fhall happen in thofc
" treaties; and that they will not come
" into any agreement of peace or truce,
" unlefs they can agree for the fame
" rights for him as for themfclves ; and
u unlefs there be rcftor'd to him all the
" lands, dominions, places, rights, im-
" munities and prerogatives, which he
" had in his Dutchy, when the French
" laft invaded him. " The fame league
at the death of the Duke of Lorrain,
was voluntarily renewed by the States
General, with Charles his nephew and
fuccefibr, after two years, in thefe
words : " The States General, to all and
" feveral whom it may concern, fend
" greeting. Whereas on the ift day of
u Jufy> l673- lt was agreed by treaty
" between their Imperial and Catholick
u Majefties, and Our Selves, on one
" part, and his Serene Highnefs the Lord
" Duke of Lorrain, of glorious memo-
M 4 u ry,
i£S Bp. Parker's History
" ry, on the other; Be it known to
" all, that the aforefaid agreement did
" not only relate to the perfon of the
€t aforefaid Duke, but alfo comprchend-
<c ed the Lords his Succeffors ; We there-
" fore renew the fame covenant, on
" our part, with the prefent Duke of
" Lorrain ; nor will we agree to any
" treaty of peace, unlefs his Serene
ec Highnefs be admitted into it, and un-
" left he is reflor'd to all the rights
" which his uncle of glorious memory
" poflefs'd. To which we fet our com-
il mon fcal, this 11th day of "December \
" 1675.
Next to the Duke of Lorrain, came
into the fame confederacy, the Dukes
of Brunfaick and Lunenburgh on 44 of
June, 1674, by the 14th article. And
at the fame time the Elector of Bran-
denburgh, by the 20th and 24th articles.
Then the King of Denmark, by the 1 8th,
19th, and 20th. In the beginning of
the following year, to wit, the 26th of
January, 1675. the Bifhop of Ofna-
burgh by the nthc Towards the end of
the
Of his own Time. i£p
the fame year, on the 16th of October ',
the Bifhop of Munfier, by the 8th.
Laftly, the Prince Talatine, the 25th of
November ', 1676, by the 19th? though
indeed fomewhat late; and perhaps he
had not acceded at all , had not his
country been almoft taken and fpoil'd.
For the firft theatre of war was the Pa-
latinate of the Rhine ; a Province very
feverely tormented with war, if ever
any country was, which had fuffer'd
great devaluations in frequent battles in
the German war of the former age.
The firft battle, between thofe famous ^une l6
Commanders, Marfhal Turenne on one 1674.
fide, and the Duke of Lorrain on the
other, was fought with a great flaughtcr
of men on both fides, but an even bat-
tle y and fo, the Commanders being a
match for each other, went off with
great (laughter of their forces, the vic-
tory being claim' d on both fides, but
not gain'd on either. In both armies,
there were flain, in a few hours, above
twenty thoufand men. And had not
night put a flop to their fury, fince each
Com-
170 Bp. Parker's History
Commander could not bear the thoughts
of leaving the field, unlefs with con-
quefl, the fight would not have ended
in vi&ory on either fide, but a univcrfal
(laughter of both armies.
Aug. 11. With almoft the fame rage and event
there was a battle fought under the
Prince of Orange on one fide, and the
Prince of Conde on the other, till almoft
midnight, near Seneff in Flanders 5 hot
and doubtful was the engagement,
there was no retreat but in death, ei-
ther army often giving back a little, but
neither a&ually retiring.
Firft of all, the French coming upon
them by furprize out of a wood, and
attacking the enemy in the rear, put
them to flight, taking all their artillery
and baggage. But purfuing them that
fled, till they joind their own men,
they were repuls'd with great (laughter;
and were put to fo precipitate a flight,
that lofing their booty, they hardly got
into order again. Hereupon, when all
things were fet in order for a more
equal battle, the fight was renew'd.
The
Of his own Time. 171
The a&ion was very hot ; the Generals
were prefent every where 5 commended
thofe that behav'd themfelvcs well, and
fevcrcly reproach'd thofe that did not;
and wherever there was any danger of
retiring, opposed and ftop'd it by their
example ; whence there was a fierce
{laughter on both fides. For they fought
with that fury, that at length being
quite tired, and hardly able to bear their
own arms, much lefs the ftrokes of the
enemy (if indeed they were able to
ftrike) they on both fides did not fo
properly found a retreat, and go away
in order, as voluntarily give over fight-
ing, by the favour of the night inter-
vening. Each army rather wondred at
the obflinacy of their enemy, than boaft-
ed of their own victory. The French
confefs'd that there were four thoufand
of their men (lain, and above ten thou-
fand of their enemies. The end of the
battle was fuch as might be expecled
between two Commanders that know
their own courage, and cannot think
of retiring.
There
172, Bp Parker's History
There was a third battle this year,
in the fame Province of the Talatinate,
between the fame armies, under the
fame Commanders, as the firft. That
alfo was fuch a battle as may be con-
ceived between two armies that rival'd
one another's fame and glory ; for it
was not yet determin'd concerning the
fuccefs of the former battle, to which
fide the vidory inclin'd. Since there-
fore the event of this one battle was
to be the reward of both, they fought
with double obftinacy. The engage-
ment began in the morning, and con-
tinued with that heat to the evening
as may be fuppofed between two ar-
mies inflam'd with anger, hatred, re-
venge, and emulation : Therefore the
{laughter was fo great that it did not
feem to be a fight, but a perfeft car-
nage. Nor did they part from one an-
other, till both being weary with (laugh-
ter, retreated purely for want of necef-
fary refrefhment. In both armies there
were loft at leaft twenty thoufand ; al-
moft half the men that were in the ac-
tion.
Of his own Time. 173
tion. In thcfe dreadful {laughters, the
year was fpent 5 which could never
have happen'd, had not opportunity and
occafion been given for a war, by the
breaking of the triple alliance : For the
French King was not fo mad as to dare,
alone, to proclaim war againft all Eu-
rope. But the alliance being broken,
he prefently began that war againft the
'Dutch, which obliged all the people
of Europe, from their fevcral habitati-
ons far and wide, as far as the Chriftian
world reaches, to defend themfelves a-
gainft him. Whence there was fo vaft
a deluge of Chriftian blood, as perhaps
was never before ; at leaft if the fhort
time in which fo many wars were car-
ried on, be compar'd with' the great-
nefs of the (laughters.
But when they had fo often fought 1675,
with equal ftrength and lofs of men on
both fides, their confidence in them-
felves, and contempt of their enemies,
being now abated, they began to con-
fider of peace, the King of Great Bri-
tain periuading and intcrpofing; who
aifo
174 Bp- Parker's History
alfo offer'd himfelf as a guarantee of
the treaty. They difputcd long about
the place of treaty ; at length, two years
after they agreed upon Nimegueny a
city in the Province of Gelderland. In
the mean time, whiift the Embafladors
of the Princes prcpar'd themfelvcs for
their embaffy (which is ufually very long
and tedious) the preparations for war
went on the more, and were the great-
er, between enemies diftrufting one an-
other. The Confederates rais'd five ar-
mies : The firft an Imperial, under the
Count of Montecuculiy that was to en-
camp upon the Rhine in Alface y the
fecond, under the Duke. of Lorrain, w^-
orxthc Mof e lie , a third, under the Duke
of Brandenburghy againft the Swedes \
a fourth, of the Dutchy of Lunenburghy
and the Bifhopricks of Ofnaburgh and
Minden 5 a fifth under the Prince of
Orangey in Flanders: To which add
the King of 'Denmark, with an army of
above fixtcen thoufand, that were to
come to aid the Ele&or of Branden-
burgh againft the Swedes. To theie the
Moft
Of his own Time. 175
Mod Chriftian King made equal prepa-
rations. But at the very beginning of
the war, the French affairs receiv'd two
deadly blows. For when two Generals
equal to one another, Turenne and
Montecuciiliy had almoft fpent the fum-
mer in trying to get convenient filia-
tions, after innumerable ftratagems of
war, they at length pitch'd their camps
within gun-fhot of each other. Turenne
fortify 'd his camp, that the enemy
thinking him diffident of his ftrength,
might be tempted to come on more
readily, and with lefs caution. But
when he had built two bridges over
the Rhine, which flow'd between their
camps, not far from Strasfairgh, and
had prepaid every thing convenient for
a battle, fomc pretended deferters told
him that there was an ambufh laid for
him not far from the bridge. And he
prefently went with thofe who made
this pretended difcovery, to a conve-
nient height of ground to fee about
him. In the mean time the enemy had
hid two letter field-pieces laden with
4 bullets,
tjC Bp. Parker's History
bullets, in a thicket not far diftant.
Which being difcharg'd while he was
viewing, gave this great man fuch a
wound in his bread: that he expir'd that
very moment. Thus died the moft fa-
mous Commander of his age, both for
conduct and courage 5 not above fixty
four years old, when for more than
thirty years he had born the high honour
of Great Marefchal of France, with the
higheft character and glory of a great
Commander. A man both of the
greateft skill in military affairs, and of
invincible courage; never overcome in
a battle, and never, till his death, out-
done in craft or ftratagem. But fo it
was, that the fcholar (for when he was
young, he ferv'd under Montecuculz, and
was much belov'd by him, for his mili-
tary accomplifhmcnts) was overcome by
his mafter in that art which he had
learn'd of him. The report of their
General, or rather their Father being
(lain (for all that ferv'd under him call'd
him Father) being fprcad amongft the
foldicrs, they were ftruck at once with
fuch
Of his own Tim e. 177
fuch grief and anger, that they could
hardiy be rcftrain'd by the authority of
their officers from rufhin^ In to the c-
ncmy with cheeks full of tears, and
hearts full of revenge ; for there was
never any General dearer to his foldiers;
for whom he corrected with his difci*
plinc, he oblig'd by his courtefy. He was
fevere if there was occafton, but never
pailionate or cruel 5 and, as far as be-
came a General, he was plcafantly fa-
miliar with his foldicrs. In the mean
time the Genera's, the rage of their
foldiers fomewhat abating, thinking that
the matter would turn to fear and con-
ftcrnation, prefently, a council being
Call'd, reiblv'd to retire, and pafs the
Rhine with as much fpeed as they could.
Which was done three days after, by
night, the Count de Large, the Marc-
fchal's nephew, commanding the retreat,
who tho' he manag'd it with excellent
Conduct and courage, yet he was fo
gauled by the enemy in his rear, that
he hardly brought ofr half his army fafe.
The day after the French had left their
N camp,
178 Br. Parkers History
camp, the Germans puriiung them brisk-
ly, a fierce battle was fought. They
continued fighting from before noon,
till fun-let, with great (laughter on both
fides, and a doubtful battle. Of the
French above fix thoufand, of the Ger-
mans three thoufand were loft. But
the French palling the Rhine after the
battle, they came wearied and glad to
their quarters in Alface.
Almoft at the fame moment of time
another melancholy exprefs is brought
from lower Germany ', to the Mod Chris-
tian King, of a vi&ory obtain'd by the
Duke of Lorrain and the Confederates,
over Marefchal Crequi: For when the
Confederates had long befieg'd the city
of Triers, Crequi came to relieve it.
Lorrain advancing with a fudden march
from the oppofite part of the city, came
up with him at noon, and made as great
a (laughter of his army as was at
Canrne or Thrafymene. Mod of the
horfe, and all the foot were (lain, and
their artillery and baggage taken 5 and
Crequi, with about fix horfe, fled thro'
the
Of his own Time. 179
the midft of the enemy, with wonder-
ful flibtlety and courage, to Triers.
Lorrain having overcome Crequi, whom
that great old man hated moft of all,
as bavins been driven out of his couiv
try by him, did (as I may lay) defpife
a longer continuance in life, and gladly
breath' d out his foul full of juft and
generous revenge : And what could hap-
pen more pleafing to fuch a brave Com-
mander as he was, than thus to die in
the midft of victory ? In the mean time,
Marcfchal Crequi came opportunely to
the bcfieg'd city, for the Count "De
Vignor, the Governour of the city, was
kili'd fome days before, the cannon con-
tinually thundring againft the walls, fe*
vcral breaches were made. Nor could
Crequi, being conquer 'd, hope for aid.
And moreover, the enemy's attack was
much more violent after the JU&taty
than before. Yet Crequiy in theie def-
perate circumftances, almoft rebuilds the
town \ planting cannon upon the walls,
he keeps off the enemy, wearies them
With frequent fallies, and often beats
N 2 them
i8o Bp. Parker's History
them off the ramparts, and forces them
back into their camp. He repairs the
fhatter'd walls and towers, and raills
new fortifications within, to llrengthcn
the places moft in danger. Neither
night nor day did he ccafe from fight-
ing and working ; fometimes he breaks
in upon their camp, and always luc-
ceeds in his fallics. At length, the e-
nemy being wearied with fo many bat-
tles and {laughters, on the firft of Sep-
tember made a general affault upon the
town. An attack was made at once in
four places, by four feveral bodies ; the
befieg'd were beaten off the wralls by
the multitude of the enemies. The
Confederates, the walls being taken,
thinking the town was alfo taken, made
an affault upon feveral places where the
walls had been batter'd down, but were
immediately driven out with great
(laughter of their men, and prcfently
diflodg'd from the walls. Neverthelcfs,
three breaches being made forty foot
wide, all but Crequi defpair'd of making
a farther defence. He therefore rcfufing,
the
Of his own Time. 181
the reft, on the 5 th of December, fent
deputies to treat of articles for furren-
dring the city. And they agreed that
they fhould have liberty to go under a
guard to Vetray, the next French Gam-
fonj and an oath was taken that they
would not bear arms for three months?
that the oliicers fhould go out arm'd on
horfeback, but that the reft fhould have
only their fwords. Crequi alone gave
up himfelf as a prifoner of war at the
enemy's difcretion 5 with which grcat-
nefs of mind, he not only rccovcr'd the
King's favour, but had more of it than
ever j lb that afterwards the chief com-
mand of the war was in his hands, as
formerly it had been in Turenne. But
the reft that furrendred were cafhier'd,
and their leader beheaded. For there is
no law of war more facred and impor-
tant, than that a foldier fhould do no-
thing without his General's command,
and much lefs againft it 5 for if this
law were taken away, military discipline
muft utterly ceafe. Therefore the whole
army fhould rather have fallen with
N 3 their
tii Bp. Parker's History
their General in the ruins of the town?
:cd him in delperation.
16": By thefe leveral (laughters in one
vear. not onlv of his own forces, but
ft* the Swedes had ill
the French King was
Jin'd to peace. The
King, be::.; : man of great judgment
foreiV that the we.
. _: :: i war, if it fhouid lie longer
upon . in he himfelf deftr'd, would
over-bear him; therefore the war was
: :crwarcs carried on, not Co much by
ba:: :. : '__. 3iis fortune.
A$r - hi the following fpring, the
city of Ccnde was fudden.y befieg'd by
the F-er.cb, the Moil CI n King
himfe. i Mug the fiege. Within nine
days, and almoft at the firft attack, it
was taken and plundered, altho' the gar-
rilbn confifted of Seventeen hundred
For the King hearing that the
Prince of Orange was coming with his
:ole army, with all poffibie fpeed, to
. town, his army beir
numerous, made violent attacks in fe-
ral
Of his own Time. i8j
vcral places at once ; by one of which
part of the wall was levell'd and broken
down, and he took the town in a mo-
ment, and made all the beftegcd pri-
foners of war. But altho' the Prince of
Orange, drawing out his men in order
of battle, often challenged him to fight;
yet being taught by the misfortunes of
the former year, he would never go
out of his camp to try the fortune of
war ; and he that was before fo very
eager, now grown more wary, could
not be mov'd by any indignities, but
chofe rather to proceed by policy than
battle.
Since therefore the French could not
be drawn to a battle, the Prince of O-
range, having made fcveral marches and
counter-marches, at length being wearied
with moving about, fate down before
Maejiricht in lower Germany 5 and at the
fame time the Confederates befieg'd
Thilipsburgh in the upper. In both
fiegcs there was the utmoit obftinacy
on either fide, and confequcntly a vaft
deftruction of men. In the mean time
N 4 Marcfchal
i§4 Bp. Parker's History
Marefchal 'De Humiers befieg'd Aire, a
city of Artois, and attack'd it with that
rage of war, that even beyond his hope,
(tho' he was a General very brave and
fecure) he took it within a few days.
Still at the head of affairs, where any
thing was to be put in execution 5 with
an heroick vigours one that durft en-
counter any dangers 5 of great prefence
of mind in any extraordinary emer-
gency; indefatigable, and a very great
favourite of the Duke of Tork, for his
invincible bravery and firmnefs of foul.
Hence, taking the ftrong fort of Linch
in his way, he advanced towards Mare-
fchal Sckombcrg, by hafty marches. A
man equal, and, if any other in the fame
army, was fupcrior to him in courage,
conduct, difpatch, and greatnefs of ac-
tion y that with united forces they might
raife the iiege of Muefirkht ; for that
had been attacked and defended for two
months and a half, with incompar
rcfolution and valour. The beficged
were continually fallying, and the be-
fiegcrs as conilantly attacking 5 and fre-
quent
Of his own Time. 185
qucnt actions happcn'd, with terrible
daughter on both fides : Large forts
were often taken by the enemy, and
the enemy again beaten out of them
by the befieged. But at length, when
whatever the rage of war could do had
been done on both fides, and the be-
fieg'd had now nothing to hope for but
from fuccours, the fame moment the
Marefchals appcar'd 5 at which joyful
fight, as the befteg'd conceiv'd new cou-
-■, fo the enemy, their ftrength be-
ing broken in a long fiegc, calling a
council of war, refolv'd rather to raiie
the ficge, than try the fortune of a
battle.
Thus matters went on in lower Ger-
many. In the mean while, in the up-
per they fought (if poflible) with greater
rage and {laughter. At Thilipsburgh
every defperate attempt was tried, as is
uiual in a long fiegc. The Confede-
rates at firit coming, becaufe it was not
expected, took the fort that is between
the city and the bridge over the Rhine-
Which being taken, there was a way
open
i%6 Bp. Parker's History
open for fending as many aids as they
could want, to their army. The pof-
feffion of this city was vglu d fo much
on both fides, that they immediately
endeavour'd, with all their forces, and
with the utmoft expedition, to ftipport
the beficgers on one hand, and relieve
the befieged on the other. In the
mean time, the befiegers were encamped
fooncr than they could expect, the city
was furrounded with lines of circum-
vallation, batteries were rais'd, eighty
cannon planted, firing on both fides
without intermiffion, fallics daily made
by the befieg'd, the fiege daily carried
on more clofely, and the ditch being
fill'd up, reach'd almoft to the walls.
The news of which being brought to
Ltixernburgh, he advanced with an army
of more than forty thoufand men. But
the Duke of Lorra'm had polled the
Imperial Army fo conveniently before
the city, that Luxembiirgh defpairing of
relieving it, retir'd, without any a&ion.
In the mean while, the befieg'd loft
not their Spirits, continually making
fallies:
Of his own Time. 187
Tallies : but at length having thrown
up breaft-works, they agreed upon a
general aflault. When the Governour
of the town, whofe name was Fay, had
declared that he would not think of
furrendring on any terms; but before
the aflault began they gave him notice
of it. He call'd a council of war7 and
when almoft all their powder was fpent,
and part of the wall was fo broken
down, that it could not any longer be
maintain'^ and if it could, there was
not garrifon enough to defend it, there
being but fix hundred foot remaining,
he lent to treat of conditions 5 when it
was agreed that the city fhould be fur-
rendred upon thefe honourable terms :
That the whole garrifon, unleis they
were relieved in fix days, mould march
out with their arms, colours flying, bag-
gage, found of trumpet, beat of drum,
fwords dratvn, and with all their mo-
ney, whether private or publick, and
go to the town Hagenau, a garrifon at
a little diftancc, under a guard of both
armies. Such honourable conditions
did
i S8 Bp. Parker's History
did one generous enemy grant to ano-
ther 5 neither could better have been
infifted on, or confentcd to, at the be-
ginning of the fiege, than were grant-
ed when the farther defence of the city
was defpair'd of. And thefe conditions
wTcre pcrform'd with the fame courtefy
and civility, as they were granted. For
the Moft Illuftnous Herman, Prince of
Baden (the chief Commander in the
abfence of Lorrain) came to meet the
Governour, as he marched out, and
leaping from his horfe, he embrae'd
him with the greateft cxpre (lions of re-
fpect, and begg'd the honour of his
friendfhip for the future 5 as a pledge of
which he defir'd him to accept of a
fword fet with diamonds. The Gover-
nour anfwer'dj that he durft not receive
a prefent from an enemy, unlefs he tirft
had his Mailer's leave. Then the Prince
defir'd the Governour to give him his
fword. And the Governour made an-
fwer, that he could not refufe any thing
to his Conqueror, and gave him his
(word. " Now (fays the Prince) altho*
" you
Of his own Time, 185?
ci you arc unwilling to receive gifts
cc from an enemy without the leave of
" your King, yet without doubt his
*f Majelty, as he is a Prince of great
" magnanimity, will not take it am'ns
" that friends ihould exchange the mu-
" tual tokens and tells of their regard
" to one another 5" and fo he delivered
his fword (luck with diamonds into his
hand; which being reccivd, he difmifs'd
him with great civility. Nor did the
King receive this brave man with lefs
favour; for as a reward of his gallant
behaviour, he loon after conferr'd upon
him the government of Brifack, another
town in Alfacey with a very great an-
nual (Upend. Thefc were the tranf-
aclions of this year, between the French
and the Confederates. Nor were fewer
lives loft in the fiegcs of this year, than
in the battles of the laft. Eut yet death
is not fatisfy'd with the facrinccs of fo
many great men, for at the lame time
that all were treating of peace, all were
the more intent and ea^er upon their
preparations for war,
4 In
iS*o Bp. Parkers History
i 677. In the beginning of the next year,
before it was yet the feafon for tak-
ing the field, the Moft Chriftian King, ac-
cording to his ufual expedition, fate
down before Valenciennes \ a city in
Hainault, and a very flrong one, with
a great army, on the 10th day of March ;
the fame night they open d their trenches,
and the wrorks were finifh'd before the
fifth day ; and the day following, he
order'd a general ftorm, dividing his ar-
my into four bodies, which, the fignal
given, on every part they fealed the
walls immediately. This was done with
fuch fury, that almoft at the firft fhout
they diflodg'd the befieg'd from the out-
ward fortifications, and follow'd them
with fuch heat to the inward works,
that they gave them no power to re-
cover themfelves: Being driven from
the fortifications, they retir'd to the ci-
ty $ the French pouring in amongft the
crowd, at once feized the gate and the
walls, and turning their cannon upon
the city, the befieg'd were fo terrify 'd
that foon throwing down their arms,
they
Of his own Time, is>i
they entirely fubmitted themfclves to
the discretion of the Conqueror. The
King put a flop to the rage of his men
by his own command, and fav'd the ci-
ty from being plunderd. Thus was
this city redue'd, without any other
change in the condition of it, but that
of its Matter. Prom hence he imme-
diately march'd with his whole army
to Cambray, a city of the fame Province;
before which he came on the 2 2d of
the fame month 5 and having made all
preparations for a ficge, he made fo vi-
gorous an attack, that the town being
taken on the firft of April* the enemy
rctir'd into the cattle, which, altho* it
was very ftrong, he took before the 20th
day, granting the enemy moft honour-
able conditions.
At the lame time he befieg'd St. Omers,
a city of Artois, by his illuftrious bro-
ther the Duke of Orleans. But the Prince
of Orange, highly provok'd by fo many
conquefts obtain'd by the enemy, came
yith all fpeed to relieve his Allies. The
trench expected him 5 and as foon as
1 he
i?z Bp. Parkeh's History
he came, a dreadful battle began : Front
ten of the clock in the morning, to
fun-fctting, they fought with great fury
and carnage on both fides; at lcaft fix-
teen thoufand were kiil'd, when the
Prince, becaufe his foldiers, being wea-
ried with the length of their march,
could not endure any more fatigue*
founded a retreat. But now all accefs
for fuccours to come being intercepted,
the beficged wrere more furioufly attack'd
than before; and two days after that
the caftle of Cambray was taken by the
King, the city of St. Omers furrendrcd
upon the fame conditions. Both armies
being wearied with thefe frequent bat-
tics and ficges, retreat to their quarters,
and being rcfrefh'd they renew the cam-
paign. Firft of all, the Prince of Orange
clofely befieg'd, with all his forces,
Charleroy, a fortrefs in Flanders, in the
beginning of the month of Augiift : But
the Duke of Luxemburgh immediately
approaching with an army of above for-
ty thoufand, before the Prince's artillery
arrived, the ficge was rais'd, by the ad-
vice
Of his own Time. 155
rice of the council of war, though the
Prince was very unwilling, and wou'd
not confent to it for fix hours.
Almofl at the end of the year, about
the beginning of November, Marefchal
*De Humiers befieg'd St. Guijlain, a town
of Hainault, in lower Germany, with a
bravery fuitable to his nation and perfon 5
he took it on the 1 Ith day, by furrender.
Thus all the wars of this year were at an
end, and all to the advantage of the French 0
And tfieir fucceis was as great the next
year 5 for the French, as ufual, were 1677I
skimming the fields like io many fwal-
lows in the beginning of the fpring 5
for Marefchal "De Humiers, the King
with him, on the 7th of March, laid
fiege to Ghent, a city of Flanders, and
in four days he took the town, and
three days after the caftle. On which
day the Marefchal *De Lorge befiegd
Jpres, a city thirteen leagues diftant
from Ghent, to the Weft. And altho*
it was relblutely defended, yet it was
taken by capitulation, on the 16th of
the fame month. On the 2d of May,
O th£
1^4 Br. Parker's History
the Govcrnour of Maeftricht, with four
hundred horfc, and five hundred foot?
commanded by Mellac, took the caftle
and town of Leerjv, the key of Bra-
bant, by furprize. On the firft of June
there was a truce between France and
Holland agreed to for fix weeks. But
in the mean time, the war went on
with the German and Spaniard. So the
Duke of Noailles, General of the French
army in Catalonia, againft the Spaniard,
befieg'd the city Tuyfard? which Guf-
man the Governour of the city defend-
ed with a true Roman refoiution j nor
would he liften to any conditions of
furrender, till he was informed by an
officer whom he fent out to get intcL
jigencc, by the permiffion of the ene-
my, that the forces fent to relieve him
were retired : And then, defpairing of
fuccour, he furrendred upon honourable
conditions on the laft of May.
But the iicrceit battle of this year was
in upper Germany ', between thole ex-
cellent Commanders, Crequi and Sta-
■rembercrh : For the French and German
army
Or his own Time. 155
airmy having lain encamp'd a long time
within a few miles diftance of each o-
thcr, Starembergh) the Marcellus of this
age, brooking no delay, the Emperor's
leave cbtain'd, advane'd nearer, with
fix thoufand men, being permitted to
fight at his difcretion. He was a mart
of great activity, and inured to war*
and could not command himfelf, but
muft dare the enemy, tho' with a little
army. Creqni firft fent out an equal
number of his men, and then advanced
with the whole army towards them,
when that detachment was too weak
to fuftain the fhock of the enemy*
Staremberg made a ftand for fome hours,
but at length, being over-power'd by
numbers, retir'd to his camp. And as
the warmed part of the a&ion. had hap-
pen'd at the bridge of Rhenfield, in
which town Starembergh had his quar-
ters; on the one hand, to prevent the
enemy's breaking into the town, and
on the other, that the enemy pailing
the bridge might plunder the places
there was a great (laughter on both fides,
O % many
tpC Bp. Parker's History
many were (lain, and more drown'dv
After an hour and a half, the Germans
were driven into the town, and the
enemy cnter'd it at the fame time, but
were fo warmly received, that they were
foon oblig'd to retreat over the bridge.
Which being broken down by the Ger-
mans, the battle was ended with equal
lofs of men, tho' not with the fame
heat and gallantry of a&iom A battle
certainly fuitable to* the greatnefs of
Starembergh, a man born for the pre-
fervation of Chrifiendom : For had it
not pleafed Providence to fend Sta-
rembergh into the world fa opportunely
in our age, it is to be fear'd that a
great part of the Chriftian world muft
have fubmitted to the Turkifi yoke :
For had the city of Vienna been taken
in 1683, before the Confederate armies
had joined one another (and no body
but Starembergh could have defended
that city fo long) there had been an o~
pen and cafy entrance to have come in-
to all the Provinces of Germany. But
when I recollect with my felf his daily
fatigues.
Of his own Time." 197
fatigues, through the whole courfe of
that ficge, I think my felf rather amazed
at a prodigy, than refle&ing upon a fad,
and qucftion whether it is a reality or a
dream. But thus it happens in every
age, that God fends foine extraordinary
men into the world, to fhine with a
diftinguifhing glory. Thus Star 'emberghy
altho' otherwife a man great in hinv
felf, and eminent for his great aftions,
yet unlcfs heaven had defign'd him for
that poft, very few of his friends had
efcaped with life. But now a bright
immortality attends his character; and
may he long furvivc to enjoy the re*
mcmbran£e of fuch glorious actions;
and may it pleafe him to accept this
fmall teftimony of gratitude for his ref-
cuing the Chriftian world.
Thus went affairs between the French
and the Germansy when in the mean
time all things feem'd to look towards
peace, between the cDtitch and the French.
For the King of Great Britain^ in 1674,
on J une the 3 d, all Europe being now in
# flame, having offer'd his good offices
O 5 and
12 8 Bp. Parkers History
and mcdiatorfhip for a general peace,
his offer was by common confent ac-
cepted, tho' neither party feem'd much
inclin'd to mcafures of peace. Hence
time was fpun out in delays as much as
poffible : They difputed firft about the
place of treaty, and after a year fpent
upon that point, they rcfolv'd at laft
upon Nimeguen in Gelderland. Two
years more were taken up by way of
preparation, as alfo in the bufinefs of
fettling preliminaries, letters of fafe
conduct, titles of Embaffadors, the ce-
remonies of the Congrefs, and the like.
And they did not begin to treat of
peace in earnefr, till the 15th of March,
1 677, when the French King, who had
hitherto protra&cd affairs as long as he
could (as he was indeed a man no lefs
dexterous and expert in the managing
of treaties, than pufhing a war, two
great qualifications and accomplishments
of a King and a Soldier) began to treat
ieparatcly with the 'Dutch. And a-
mongft other terms of peace which he
propos'd to them, he ftipulated to deli-
ver
Of his own Time. i?2
ver up to them, as a token of his friend-
fhip, the town of Maeftricht, with all
its rights and dependencies. But in the
mean time (till he goes on befieging.
The King of England, when he faw
that he and his mediatorfhip were thus
trifled with, and that the Provinces of
Flanders next to his own dominions
would foon fall into the hands of France ,
at the preffing inftanccs of the Parlia-
ment (with what fincerity mail be faid
hereafter, in its proper place) entered in-
to an alliance with the 'Dutch) in the
beginning of the following year.
When the King of France was in-
formed of this, he immediately, on the
15th of the next month, of his own ac-
cord, fent his terms to the Congrefs,
upon which, and no other, he declar'd
he would come to an agreement. Firft
of all, he demands the fame conditions
for his Allies as for himfelf 5 for the
Swede and the Duke of Holftein Gottorpy
that all the places taken in the war mould
be reftor'd to them ; for the Bifhop of
Strasburghy the rights of his Bifhoprick ;
O 4 for
too Bp. Parker's History
for his brother, the Prince of Furftcm-
bergh, his liberty 5 and laftly, that cer-
tain places being reftor'd to the King of
Spain, all the Province of Burgundy ', Va-
lenciennes, Conde, Cambray, St. Omersy
Ipres, Aire, and other letter towns,
fhould be his ; and this compad was to
ftand, if it was made before the io*h of
May ; otherwife to be void and null.
But when thefe high demands of his
were made to no purpofe (for even the
Miniftcrs Mediators would not fo much
as propofe them to the Allies) and great
preparations were made in England and
Holland Tor war, both by land and fea, the
Mod Chriftian King, by letters fent from
his camp ncanT) einfe, dated May the 1 8th,
tried the 'Dutch to bring them to a fe-
parate peace; for by feveral things he
perceived that they were more inclin'd
to peace than the reft, not only by the
complaints which they had made fo
plentifully a little before, to Spain and
England, that they were not able to
fupport a longer wan but alfo by Be-
verning their EmbarTador, who ^iad pri-
vily
Of his own Time. ioi
vily told the French Minifters, that the
States General would accept the terms
of peace offer'd, provided they fhould
be in no danger from the conqueft of
Flanders y if the Spaniard fhould (land
out.
He promifes them, that if they would
ftand neuter, he will receive them into
his former friendfhip, and whatfoever
might happen, he would give over all
war in the United Provinces. They
humbly giving thanks by letters, em-
brace the King s mercy, fending alfo Be-
weming to ask the King's farther kind-
nefs. The King anfwered, him that he
was glad that they had difcovered fuch
a good difpofition for peace •, by which
as they would be great benefactors to
the' Chriftian world, fo they gave him
the higheft pleafure: That there was
nothing more at heart with him, than
the fparing Chriftian blood 5 that there-
fore it was matter of the greateft joy to
him, to find them as pioufly inclined :
That he would agree to a truce of fix
weeks, in which time they might try
to
202 Bv. Parker's History
to bring their Allies into the fame
meafures. But if they fliould be averfe
to reftoring the peace of Europe, he
ftipulatcd with the 'Dutch, that they
fhould no longer profecute the war.
The States declar'd to their Allies what
they themfelves would do 5 and that
unlefs they would come into the fame
conditions of peace, they would treat
feparately for themfelves. And each of
the Confederates, in their Memorials
prefented on the 10th of June, upbraid-
ed them with their treachery, in this
matter. Firft of all, his Imperial Ma-
jefty's Embaffadors cxpoftulated : And
the fame was done with bitternefs enough
by the other Minifters of the Confede-
rates. But the States pcrfifled, for that
their affairs would admit of no delay,
with regard to peace ; and therefore all
parties in confederacy muft agree out
of hand, or clfe the States mull make
a bargain for themfelves. On the 20th
day of the fame month, there was an-
other conference, in which the Confe-
derates complaind more than ever: But
the
Of his own TimeJ 203
the Embaflador of the Duke of Lorrain
the moft of all 5 who by his Matter's
command, and in his name, refused,
with the greateft indignation, to treat
at all, upon fuch wretched conditions
as were ofFcr'd to his Serene Highncfsi
and at the fame time, he adjured the
Allies that jufticc ttiould be done his
Matter by all the ties of religion and
faith. " But if (fays he) there be no
" faith in man, (and there can be none,
" if after fo many alliances and agrcc-
" ments he be defcrtcd by his Allies) a
u free banifhment appears more eligible
" to his Serene Highnefs, than a fervile
" dominion. " But the States being not
at all affefted either with the reproaches
or hardfhips of their Allies, two days
after commanded their Minifters to fign
the peace. Which being now conclud-
ed between the "Dutch and the French,
(as they thought fit themfelves) (o the
pofturc of affairs being broke in Eng-
land > the Parliament importuning the
King to disband the army, on a fud~
den, when they came to fign, the French.
1 King
2C4 Bp. Parker's History
King being ask'd at what time he would
quit the places taken from the Spaniard?
he anfwer'd, " Not before the Province
fC of Tomerania, and ail the places ta-
<c ken from the Swedes were reftor'd to
lc them.
By this new and unexpected demand,
all affairs were again confounded 5 the
Confederates were in pain about the
disbanding of the Englijh army ; for if
that fhould go on, the (late of things in
Flanders would be defperate : But if
not, it would ftiil be in their power to
infilt upon their demands. The army
happening not to be disbanded, throJ
the conftancy of the King, and contra-
ry to the hopes of France, the Confe-
derates took heart again, and even the
States threw thcmfelves into the bofom
of the King of Great Britain, as for
protection and fanduary 5 and cancelling
all agreement with the French, they cn„
trcd into a new alliance with England,
That unlefs the King of France would
accept the conditions of peace offer'd
fo him, before the 1 ilh of Auguft, and
deliver;
Of his own Ti^e. 205
deliver up all the places taken by him,
they would on that very day declare a
confederate war againft him, and not
give over, till by the power of their
arms they had compelled him to agree
to a fair and honourable peace.
France demurs, and contrives reafons
for delay, and pretends to offer I know
not what expedients to gain time 5 but
when he faw that he could avail no-
thing, he permitted the Swedijh Embaf-
fadors to entreat him to prefer the peace
of Europe before the particular intcreft
of their Nation. Not that they were
ignorant what was for their intereft ;
but becaufe they knew that the Dutch
breaking off from the Confederacy, and
the Englifh being deferted by them, the
French King could afterwards impofe
what conditions he pleas'd upon the reft
of the Confederates. And this they
found to be true, when he commanded
that all the places that were taken by
the 'Dane, and the Elector of Branden-
burgh, fhould be rcftor'd to the Swede*
Thus at length, on the 11th day late at
nighr,
106 Bp. Parker's History
night, a fecond feparate peace was fign'd
between the French and the T)iitch.
The Confederates were ftrangely fur-
priz'd, and the whole fcene was turn'd
into indignation. All rcmonftratcd vehe^
mently, cfpccially the English Mediators,
who not only rcfufed to fign, but or-
der'd their names to be flruck out of
the inftrument, for that they were lent
by their King to the Congrefs, to pro-
cure a general peace for Europe, not a
particular one for the Thatch. And foon
after, on the 25th of the fame month,-
Laurence Hyde j the Embaflador Extraor-
dinary, and Plenipotentiary, was fent
to the Hague, to complain to the States
General, That whereas they had now
twice implor'd affiftance from his King,
when they had engaged their faith, that
they would not accept of any peace,
but what he fhould think was juft i
when the King had declar'd that he
would ratify no peace, imlefs the fame
v/as alfo made with the Spaniards they
had privily, and by Health, at midnight,
broken their faith to him and all their
Confe-
Of his own Time. 207
Confederates 5 nor had they infifted up-
on any fccurity for the reftoring the
places to the Spaniard? and they had fa-
vour'd the French King with new terms,
by giving him Beaumont. That by thefe
things the conditions of the league laft
made with England were bafely broken,
by which both of them were oblig'd to
declare and carry on a war againft the
French. And if they refus'd, he would
immediately proclaim it himfelf; and
fo he tranfported forces to Handers>
with all poflible expedition. To all
this, the 'Dutch replied, That they gave
the King thanks for his great kindneffes
to them, that they would take upon
them the peace between the French and
Spaniard, and would infill upon what
terms he mould like. And if the French
King mould refufe them, it would be
afterwards in their power to keep up
the alliance with Great Britain, againft
him ; and they would on the very day
appointed for peace, proclaim war a-
gainft him.
Thus
io8 Bp. Parker's History
Thus this whole affair, that was con-
certed and confirmed by fo many foj
lemn leagues and obligations, was turn d
into mockery : Since, the 'Dutch having
made their peace, the Spaniard, who at
that time was not in a condition to
purfue the war, could refufe no terms j
nor indeed, as the cafe flood, did he fo
properly treat for himfelf, as receive
thofe conditions which the 'Dutch im-
pos'd upon him. So that it was not fo
much a treaty of peace, as a total fur-
render.
Thus the league was made (fuch as
it was) by means of the Dutch (for the
Englifo Mediators had renoune'd that
office) on the 17th of September.
And fo, at laft, a feparation of the
Allies being begun, the Confederates
fell off, one after another, for the de-
fence of their country, and accepted of
the bed terms that they could get.
But it happened very unfortunately,
that on the very day that the articles of
peace between the French and Dutch
were fign'd and exchang'd, the fharpeft
1 battle
Op his own Time. iop
battle of all was fought by them, not
knowing that the peace wTas confirm'd.
The Duke of Luxemburgh had a long
time clofely befieg'd the city of Mons
in Hainault. And the befieg'd fending
a meffage to the Prince of Orange, told
him, that they were fo ftraitned, that
unlefs he could come to their aid im-
mediately, they muft furrender upon
very bad terms. The Prince making
no delay, was there in a moment 5 and
when he had pitch'd his camp in a
place convenient, and ftrong by nature,
he with fudden force attack'd the ene-
my, being fecure and thoughtlefs of a
battle. The fi^ht be^an a little after
noon, and was not ended till night $
and never was battle fiercer, every one
cither killed his man that encountred,
or loft his own life under his hands 5
and all thofe that fell, died upon the
fpot. Above twelve thoufand were
kill'd, without either flight, or djfad-
vantage of the battle on either fide.
But the far greateft (laughter was in
that wing of the army in which the
P Britons
no Bp. Parker's History
Britons flood : For the Earl of OJfory,
the eldcft foil of the Moft Illuftrious
Duke of Ormond, moft like his father
in military greatnefs, as well as in other
things, commanded a body of fix thou-
iand Englijh and Scotch, divided into
fix regiments. He chofe that poft to
fight in where indeed there was moft
danger from the enemy, by reafon of
the difficulty of the attack : And he
atrack'd them with ftich warmth, that
altho* they refifted with equal refolution,
yet he did at length, ftep by ftep, force
them from their ground, tho' fortified
by its natural fituation. He moved at
the head of his men, as an example to
them, he firft attack'd the enemy, and
was one of the firft in mounting their
works: If his men were in the leaft
diforder, he fpurred up to them, and
rallied them again, and brought them
on, by his own example. And as he
fought againft the choiceft troops of
the French army, againft the very guards
of the King's body, againft the King's
and the Dauphin's own troops, and
even
Op his own Time. hi
even againft the mod famous troop of
all, the royal Marines, it could not be
but they engaged with great {laughter
on both fides. Moft of the ibldiers
were kill'd, few officers efcap'd $ of our
fide thirty were kill'd, and an equal
number wounded. But how many of
the enemy, they would never own,
though they confefs'd that there was a
very great {laughter. This brave com-
mander cntred every battle with fuch
firmnefs of mind, as if he would ne-
ver come off alive, if he were not
Conqueror. Nor was he more ambi-
tious of victory than danger : Where-
foever there was moft occafion for cou-
rage, he challeng'd that as his poll:. In
every a&ion he would have always the
firft and greateft {hare; and moreover,
no Ids a celebrated Admiral than Ge-
neral. In the firft war againft the
'Dutch, he fought as a voluntier in e-
very battle, and behav'd himfelf fo gal-
lantly, that the King foon gave orders
that he fhould be a flag officer. In eve-
ry engagement, he was always the greateft
P 2 terror
212 13p. Parker's History
terror to the enemy. For when he
made an attack, immediately rufhing in-
to their main body> he broke their ranks,
and fought lb dole, that he confound-
ed them at the very firft onfet, and put
them to flight. Whatever (hip he fought
with (and if it was in his power, he
chofe to attack an Admiral) he either
took or funk. He was always the firft
that return d into harbour with his fhip
fhattcr'd, and himfclf a Conqueror ;
with wrhich greatnefs of foul he made
himfelf mafter of his friends, as well as
his enemies ; he was the idol of all the
forces he commanded ; the fea-men
ador'd him, as if he had been a god of
their clement ; for his gencrofity was
as great as his courage : He diftributed
among them great fums of his own
money : If any one had diftinguiuYd
himfclf by a gallant a&ion, he reward-
ed him according to his merit out of
his own purilv He was alfo popular
for his hofpitality, keeping a fplendid
table at his own expence, which was
open to every one. He was dearer to
man-
Of his own Time. 213
mankind for his humanity, than even
Titus himfclf. He convers'd with his
foldiers with an eafy behaviour, as if
they had been his companions. He was
familiar, mild, and courteous to every
one ; a true friend to merit, not touch'd
with any tinclure of pride, which is
fometimes a failing in Nobility. Being
adorn-d with thefe virtues, never was
any General dearer to his foldiers, ne-
ver did foldiers behave fo well under
any Commander as under him. For fo it
is, that the flate of war depends in a
great meafure upon the example of the
General; when he dares to attempt a-
ny thing, they are afharrid to be afraid
of it. Yet this great man, that efcap'd
fo many dangers, was fuddenly taken
from us in the flower of his age., by a
malignant fever, to the great grief of
his country, but to its much greater
lofs.
Thus this almoft ten years war was
clofed with this bloody battle ; and the
peace was feal'd with the blood of fo
many thoufands 5 as if Mars had been
P 3 con
2i4 Bp. Parker's History
confcious that his empire was almoft at
an end, and refolv'd to make himfelf
fecurc of the {laughter of this day be-
fore the peace was finifh'd. At the
fame time broke out two confpiracies $
one of Count Tekeli in Hungary ', and
another of Oates in England. But per-
haps of thefe hereafter. In the mean
while, let us return to the reft of the
wars in Europe^ that were occaiion'd
merely by the breach of the triple al-
liance.
For tho' the Southern parts of Eu-
rope miferably fuffer'd, yet much greater
was the ftorm of war that fell upon the
North 5 where the firft trial of skill was
between the Swede and the Eleclor of
Brandenburgh, for the Province of To-
meraniah in which, in the firft battle
there was a great vi&ory obtain'd over
the Swedes, their canon being taken,
and more than four thoufand of their
men killed, (in the beginning of July*
1675) whereas there was not half that
number of the enemy kill'd. The con-
queror purfuing his enemy for five days
togc-
Of his own Time. 2.15
together, drove him a 1 moil out of the
borders of 'Pornerania. This was the
firft turn of fortune. For the Swedey
the triple alliance being fo bafcly bro-
ken, at which he was highly incenfed,
enter'd into an alliance with the French
King As therefore the one carried on
the war in the South, fo the other did
in the North : But with different fuc-
cefs, for Tomerania being loft to the
Elcclor of Brandenburgh, and Schonen
to the "Dane, the Swedes would have
defpair'd even of their kingdom, had
not the French given a check to the
conquerors. The 'Dane and Bran-
denburgh join'd forces, both eminent
Commanders, who headed their own
troops, warriors equally skillful and
brave. Thefe broke in fo far upon the
country of the Swedes, from oppoftte
quarters, that before the end of the
war, they almoft join'd hands in the
very bowels of the nation. Branden-
burgh took by furrender Wolgaft, a
ftrong town of hither Tomerania, un-
der the Swedtfb jurifdiclion, within ten
P 4 days
i\6 Bp. Parker's History
days (Nov. 10.) at the fame time the
"Dane bcfieg'd Wifmar^ a very ftrong
city of the Duchy of Mecklenburgh.
And when by the common preparation
for a fiege, he was advanced fo near to
the city, that he could attack it with
all his forces together, he with invin-
cible courage attempted and effected his
deftgn ; for in the depth of winter,
the trenches full of water, in the
midft of continual froft and fnow, in a
moonlefs night, the King leading on his
men, attack'd the fortifications with
fucli fiercenefs, that the befieg'd being
beaten off within two hours, and the
greateft of the forts taken, the befieg'd
Fent to defire conditions of furrenderj
which being granted, the King took
pofieflion of the town the next day.
1676. At the end of the following year, a
fliarp and bloody battle was fought neai
Lunden, a city of Schonen 5 for it is the
cuftom of thofe Northern countries to
take the field even in the winter fea-
fon, when the rivers, and the very
arms of the fea being frozen over, can
Afford
Of his own Time. 217
afford a convenient paffage for their
armies. The 'Dane had clofely befieg d,
for fome months, Malmoe, a city of
Schonen, formerly belonging to the Da-
nijh dominions, but taken by Charles
GujlavuSy King of Sweden, in the year
1658. To raife this fiege, the Swede
comes at length, with an army of
twenty thoufand men. Early in the
morning, he reach'd the enemy's camp,
and fell upon their left wing. They
fought briskly for fome time, but at
laft the Danes gave way 5 their horfe
were put to flight, the greateft part of
their foot kiird, and their cannon ta-
ken. In the mean while, the right
wing of the Danifh army, which the
King, with his brother Prince George,
commanded, attacking the left wing of
the enemy, they fought with the utmoft
refolution. The battle was doubtful
for fome hours, but at length the Swedes
not fuftaining the fhock, were put to
flight. Not only the enemy's cannon
were taken, but alfo their own were
iecover'd> and the Danes remain d maf-
ters
zi8 Bp. Parker's History
tcrs of the field > and their other wing
had an opportunity of rallying. This
renew'd the a&ion with double obfti-
nacy ; nor did it end till night. Thus
they retired with equal {laughter on
both fides, the Swedes having rccover'd
t-heir cannon before fun-fet. The King
of "Denmark , throughout the battle,
performed the part not only of an ac-
tive commander, but even of a common
foidier : He advanc d eleven times with
his own body againft the enemy 5 and
his brother Prince George rufhing into
the midft of the enemy with too much
heat, and being inclos'd by them, with
difficulty brought himfelf off to his
own men. If there was any advantage
in this bloody battle, it feem'd to be
on the fide of the Swedes ', bccaufe they
rais'd the fiege 5 otherwife, above ten
thoufand men were {lain, without any
advantage. And the fame fummcr they
tried again the chance of war. In the
July 23. month of July, the left wing of the
Ttanifb army being routed again, the
King himfelf commanding the right*
gave
Op his own Time. up
gave a new turn to the battle. Thus
things paft at land 5 but at fea, fortune
more favour'd the "Danes ; for a little
before, about the beginning of the
fame month, their fleets engaged; the
Swedish confiding of fix and thirty fhips,
the "Danijh of twenty four. They (trove
a long time for the advantage of the
wind, which the enemy taking, when
the "Dane could not obtain it, he broke
thro' the midft of the enemy's fleet, of
which Juell was Admiral, a man both
experience in fea-affairs, and eminent
for his courage. Nor did he only break
thro' the enemy's lines, but he got the
wind of them : And tho' he was very
unequal to them in number, yet he be-
hav'd himfclf with that courage and
conduct:, that one and twenty of the
enemy's fhips being deftroy'd, and the
reft put to flight, he return d Conqueror
into port, laden with naval fpoils. A-
bout the fame time, the city Stetiny the
capital of Tomerania, being befieg'd by
the Elector of Brandenburgh-, exceeded
the fury of Crequi's battle, and almoft
3 that
120 Bp. Parker's History
that of Sagunturn, in their defence.
The enemy fate down before the town
in Julyy and it being ftrongly fortified
attack'd it with uncommon ficrccnefs,
but was rcpuls'd with much greater by
the "befieg'd. Saliies were daily made,
the works continually difturb'd, fires
laid to the fortifications, and the trenches
fill 'd up. They attempted every thing
which men could do, having bound
thcmfelves by an oath, that they would
fooner die, than fubmit to any condi-
tions of furrendry. Many works were
caft up within, that the outer-works
being taken, the city might be defend-
ed by others within, and even-- the ruins
of the houfes piled up as hierras towers,
and every houfe was turn d into a iort
of citadel. Thus the enemy -found they
were befieging feveral cities* in one.
The enemy on their part rais'd oppofite
works round about. On thefe batteries
above feventy mortars were placed ;
frorfl whence they flung bombs into
the city night and day. Thefe fet the
city on fire in feveral places, (o, that it
was
Of his own Time. hi
was foon reduc'd to afhes, and burled
in its own ruins. In the mean time,
there appeared greater refolution in the
towns-men than in the foldiers. If any
one fpoke of a furrender, they imme-
diately ftabb'd him. They oblig'd the
Governour himfelf to fwear, that he
would not offer or receive any condi-
tions 5 and they themfelves in their
turns, kept guard. It is reported, that
when a towns-man, keeping guard up-
on the walls, was told by his fervant
that his wife and children were kili'd by
a bomb, he commanded him to take
care that they fhould be decently bu-
ried, for he could not leave his poft,
but could with more eafe part with his
own life for the prefervation of his coun-
try, than receive the news of their
death. At length the Ele&or of Bran?
denburgh, when he found that no re-
lief was fent to the befteg d, and was
told by defertcrs, that the city was bu-
ried in its own ruins, being mov'd with
pity, voluntarily fent them honourable
conditions of furrendry, threatning to
3 proceed
in Bi\ Parker's History
proceed to extremity, if they refus'd
fhem. They gave the Ele&or thanks
for his great condefcenfion, and befought
him to make no mention of a furren-
dry, becaufe they were bound by oath
not to yield to any 5 and if they were
reducd to extremity, they fhould not
defpair of the mercy of fo generous a
Conqueror. So when the gates were
demolifh'd, they fill'd up the breach.
When their walls had been often blown
up by their mines for fixty foot toge-
ther, the enemy attacked them in the
breach, the citizens fought them from
their works, breaft to breaft, before
their walls, and made fuch a ftrange
anduncxpe&ed refiftance, that they drove
the enemy back over the ruins of the
town, and purfued them, affrighted and
trembling, even to their camp. They
ftill went on filling up feveral times
the breaches with high parapets. The
enemy quite wearied out with fo many
battles aud afTaults, procured afliftance
from the 'Dane. When thefe were ar-
rived, the Elector of Brandenburgh
prepar'd
Of his own Time. 215
prepar'd every thing for a general ftorm ;
yet he forbore, out of compafllon $9.
fuch brave men 5 fo he attack'd them
again with threats, that they fhould fuf-
fer extremities, unlefs they furrender'd,
for that he had offer'd them the moft
honourable conditions. They a long
time flood unmoveable, till finding
themfelves quite deftitute of powder,
they fent out deputies to treat of a
furrendry. His Eleftoral Highnefs, a
Prince of a great and generous fpirit,
granted more than they defir'd 5 he not
only granted them the privileges which
they enjoy'd under the Swede, to whom
they fell by the right of war, but moft
indulgently renew'd their antient ones,
which they poflefs'd under their own
Princes, the Dukes of cPomerania. He
gave them the liberty of fifhing for ten
^ears, without laying any tax upon
them. Neither did he require any thing
of the conquered, but that the inhabitants
fhould build their Parifh-Churchcs 5 and
he promis'd to build their Cathedral at
his own expence. A victory truly wor-
thy
2*4 Bp. Parker's History
thy of fo great a Commander, not only
to gain a conqueft over their bodies,
but over their minds. He embrac'd the
bravery and magnanimity of the men>
and wifh'd he might never want inch
fubje&s, not doubting but that they
Would pay him invincible fidelity. In
the beginning of the fiege there were
three thoufand foldiers, befides a vaft
multitude of citizens : But the foldiers
that marched out after the furrender,
were not above two hundred ; there were
two thoufand three hundred killed, the
reft were kept from marching by their
wounds; and how many towns-men pe-
riflied, fince they made the moft refiftance,
we muft compute from the number of
the foldiers. Above half the enemy's
army fell; they themfelvcs confeffed
that they had loft twelve thoufand, the
greateft {laughter perhaps upon record,
but fuch as might be expeftcd between
enemies, who cngagd on both fides
with a refolution either to conquer, or
die glorioufly.
Th<
Of his own Time. 225
The next year the fortune of the Jan. ift
war was various and changeable : Early ! ^*
in the fpring, Count Coningfmark, Ge-
neral of the Swedifh army, made a hid-
den defcent upon the Iflc of Rngen, a
part of the Danifh dominions : Which
being attempted in the night, he landed
two thoufand horic, and three thoufand
foot, without any moleftation from the
enemy, who did not expect them 5 and
having pitch' d his camp, he challcng'd
the 'Danes to a battle, when they could
hardly believe that there was an enemy
in the ifland. When the battle was be-
gun, at the firft motion of the troops,
Rumer the Danijh General was fhot
with a bullet, and fell, in the fight of
both armies. Upon this the Danes fell
into diforder and confirmation, and the
Swedes were exceedingly animated. It
indeed prov'd very fatal to the Danijh
intcrcft, that the army being compos'd
of feverai nations, the Generals quar-
rcll'd amongft themfelves for the chief
command 5 which being obferv'd by the
Swedes, they with a vigorous attack
Q^ beat
nc Br. Parker's History
beat them out of their ranks, and hav-
ing put them into the utmoft confufion,
prefVd them fo furioufly that they put
them to flight > their artillery and bag-
gage were taken. There were feven
thoufand Danes, but being fhut up in
an ifland, they were all cither taken or
kill'd, excepting a few officers, who
taking boats committed themfelvcs to
the waves. The Swedes were fo cm-
boldned by this unexpected favour of
fortune, that they foon fate down with
all their forces before Chriftianftad, a
ftrong town in the Province of Bleking,
and belonging to the "Danes, which at
length they took by furrender, after a
long (lege, and all preparations for a
ftorm.
But this was the end of the Swedifo
good fortune, almoft as foon as it be-
gan : For in the following month, the
Dane and Brandenburgher made a fudden
defcent upon the Ifle of Rugen, in fc-
veral places. The Swedes were affright-
ed by the great number of the enemy,
and flying to the iea-coaft, palVd over
in
Of his own Time. 227
in boats and pinnaces to Straelftmd in
Tomerania 5 great part of them were
drown'd, above a thoufand men, and
three thoufand horfes were taken 5 the
Elector of Brandenburgh follow'd them
to StraelfurJ, and fate down before the
town ; and the next month after he took
it by furrender, altho' Coningfmark ex-
erted himfelf to the laft, with all the
bravery of Creqiii. Thence marching
to Gripfwald, he beficg'd and took it.
And thus he made himfelf mafter of all
Tomerania, for this was the laft place
he reduced.
The year following, making an in- 1679*
curfion into Triiffia, he routed the Swedes
in three battles, and the whole army
of the enemy being almoft deftroy'd, he
drove them out of the borders of the
Province with great (laughter of the de-
feated. The Swedifh affairs being now
almoft defperate, the Aloft Chriftian
King immediately put himfelf forward,
declaring that he would have no regard
to the league lately made among the
Princes of Europe, unlefs the King of
Q^ 2 Sweden
n8 Bp. Parkers History
Sweden was admitted into the fame
terms of peace. He therefore demands
that the Elector of Brandenburgh mould
reftore to the Swede the cities which he
had taken in 'Pomerania, as himfelf had
reftor'd to the Spaniard the cities that
he had taken in Flanders. His Electo-
ral Highnefs oppofes it, and the French
King infifts upon it, and threatens to
invade his dominions, except it be pre-
fently done. In the mean time, till a
proper opportunity could be obtaind
for a treaty of peace, there was a truce
agreed upon for fix months, by his own
mediatorfhip. The Eledtor deferring his
compliance, and the time of the truce
being at an end, the French King made
an incurfion into the dominions of
Brandenburgh. Which done, his Elec-
toral Highnefs being before defertcd by
his Allies, and knowing himfelf alone
to be no match for his enemy, readily
accepted of the terms of peace that
were offer'd, excepting only that he
ftrove to keep, as a reward of his la-
bours, the city of Stetin, which had
coft
Of his own Time. 1x9
co ft. him Co dear. The French King
abated nothing ; but all things muft be
reftor'd, not a hands breadth of land
excepted. Thus this great Prince, nc-
ceflity compelling, after fuch dreadful
fatigues of war, had nothing but his la-
bour for his pains.
And now the 'Dane remain'd alone
in the war ; and altho' at the fame time
he, by his minifters, treated of peace
with the Swedes, yet the conference
was without fuccefs. For the French
King commanded his army to march
out of Weflphalia, to lay wafte the coun-
ty of Oldenberghy which was a part of
the T)anijh dominions, unlefs they pre-
fcntly clofed the war. By which means
he did not fo properly treat of peace,
as command it. Thus the cDanifh King,
a man of a great foul, being oblig'd by
the fame irrefiftiblc law as the Eleftor
of Brandenburgh had been, fign'd the
peace with the fame anger and indigna-
tion as he would have furrendred to
the enemy. But thefe two brave Prin-
ces, who were become Lords of the
(^ 3 North,
ajo Bp. Parker's History
North by their own valour, did after-
terwards inveigh more fharply againft
their Allies, than againft the enemy,
publifliing Memorials, in which they
charg'd them with treachery, and breach
of faith.
And thus the Confederates came to
an agreement, not only without the
confent of their Allies, but even againft
their inceflant defires and proteftations.
For the Elector of Brandenburgh, by
his Embaffadors that were fent to the
Diet of Ratisborij protefted againft the
peace that was made without his con-
fent, by all the tics of Religion, laws
of Nations, of War, of Alliances, and
of the Empire : For it was not lawful
by the oath of alliance ; and it was ftill
in the power of the Diet to repeal the
agreement 5 and he would bring an ar-
my of eight and twenty thoufand men
into Germany,, in defence of the Im-
perial jurifdiction 5 and it was bafe to ac-
cept of fuch mean and hard conditions
from an enemy, now broken and al-
moft vanquifiYd. The Diet a long time
deferr'd
Of his own Time. 251
deferr'd their aflent; but at length, e-
ven they alfo fubmittcd to the arbitrary
power of ncceflity. The fame Prince,
particularly enraged againft the States,
wrote to them to this cffecT: : That he
beheld the calamitous ftate of affairs, in
that part of his dominions which lies
in the circle of IVeJtphalia, he did not
fo much blame his enemy, as conceive
the utmoft detcftation of the treachery
of his Allies, on whole account all this
had befallen him ; who, when they
knew that he was fo much diftrciTed,
not only fent him no fuccours, but
made a peace, entirely abandoning their
Ally to the mercy of his enemy, And
thus the whole weight of the war fell
upon him, who had been no ways con-
cern d in it, if he had not pitied their
wretched condition, and come to their
relief, when they were periming. That
he wondred at their ill conduct, in that
they beheld his ruin, without being
concerned, or rather being pleas'd with
the fight$ altho' he had with great la-
bours, dangers and expences, faved them
Q^4 from.
z^z Bp. Parker's History
from prcfcnt deftruftion 5 as if this was
a worthy rccompcncc fuitable to the
labour and kindnefs that he had fo ill
beftow'd. That it would make him
even fick to complain of the feveral
loilcs that he had fuftain'd, becaufe he
would not let them be ruin'd, particu-
larly while in the very fight of their
forces. With what defolation were the
Dukedom of Cleve, the Earldom of
Marck, and the Cities of Ravenfperg
and Minden laid wafte, while he was en-
gaged in diftant wars in the North.
That he had often complain d of thefe
things by his EmbafTadors, and by let-
ters, that if he could not have afliftancc
from them, he might at lcaft have them
his friends, to comfort him in his mi-
fery. That they, on the other hand, as
if they were grown more infolent, ei-
ther thro' their own treachery, or thro'
the mifery of their Ally, and even their
Deliverer, had refus'd him the honour
of an anfwer. But if mercenary men
did not know what gratitude was, yet
at lcaft they were known to be nice
conv
Of his own Time. 235
computers upon the bufincfs of gain
and advantage. They fhould therefore
confider with themfelves, whether it
were reafonable, that he fhould bear all
the expences of the war, in which he
had involv'd himfclf, purely that they
might not be utterly undone. And did
they not think it fufficient for hL to
be ftript of his territories thro* their per-
fidioufnefs, but he muft live for the fu-
ture in mean and abjett circumftanccs,
under the difficulties of an exhaufted
treafury ? That becaufe they might not
be unapprized that he was not able to
bear fuch bafc indignities, his high re-
fentment had extorted from him thefe
letters, even againft his will ; and that
it would be impofliblc for him ever to
forget their articles : That he fhould
challenge at their hands the rights and
facred obligations of that alliance which
they had impioufly violated ; and unlels
they would fubmiflively and honourably
make him fatisfaftion, he would rcferve
to himfclf and his pofterity the revenge
of fo great villany. In the mean time,
that;
234 Bp. Parker's History
that he befought Almighty God frill to
prefcrve them from the miferies of
war, and hoftile incurfions, left they
ftiould learn, too late, what imprudence
it is to betray thofe faithful Allies that
had laved them.
What anfwer did the States return,
but Inch a wretched and empty one as
this, That they with a grateful mind
recollected the great favours they had
receiv'd from him ; that they were as
much affected with his prefent cafe, as
if it were their own; but begg'd him
to excufe them for making peace upon
thofe terms which they had agreed to 3
that they had done it only in compli-
ance with neceffity 5 that the burthen
of the war was too heavy 3 that their
people could not pay the expence of
it 5 and laftly, that if they had not come
into a peace, other countries would
have broke in upon their trade : There-
fore they moft humbly begg'd his par-
don, and promis'd to perform all offi-
ces of fidelity and friendfhip to him for
the time to come. To thefe excufes
it
Of his own Time. 135
it was anfwcr'd : Is this 'Dutch fidelity,
to trample upon all Laws, divine and
human, only under pretence of nccef-
fity ? At this tate, what is the force of -
oaths ? To what purpofe are the facred
tics of Alliances? Why is the divine Ven-
geance invok'd ; if all thefe things ccafe
to oblige upon any turn of affairs what-
focver? Why is the bond of religion
join'd to that of human faith, but that
no evafion may be left for falfity, up-
on any pretence in the world. If when-
focver ncccflity is pretended, all the ob-
ligation of an oath is null and void,
truly oaths are of no more value than
as the engagements of lovers are too
commonly made to be. But what, at
laft, fhoud this mighty neceffity be, that
it muft over-rule every thing that is fa-
cred? Why, truly, they were opprefs'd
with the llraits and difficulties of war !
As if war was any thing elfe, but the
burthen and trouble of dangers, labours
and taxes. Did not all their Allies la-
bour under the fame neccility, only be-
eaufe they intcrpofed in their caufe?
3 And
2$6 Bp. Parker's History
And if they had not firft refolv'd with
themfelvcs to undergo the utmoft, they
had no reafon to enter into the war :
But if any of the Allies thought fit to
difpenfe with himfelf under this plea,
why then it fell the harder on the reft ;
for that the more the number of the
Allies is lefTend, the more is every one's
burthen increafed. And thus, when all
the reft withdrew themfelves, all the
danger of the war, which yet he could
neither fuftain nor avoid, fell upon this
one Prince, and the King of 'Denmark,
only becaufe they had kept their fide-
lity to the laft. And they thus excus'd
themfelves to him, becaufe they had dc-
liver'd themfelves from the dangers of
war, at the expence of his deftruftion.
But indeed the meafure of their extreme
neceffity, is the point of gain : War and
merchandize are not friends to one an-
other, and therefore when they had in-
volv'd the whole world in war and con-
fufion, it concern'd not them on whom
the ruin lighted, whether friend or foe,
provided they could make their market,
4 Such
Of his own Time, 237
Such an unprincipled thing is a Demo-
cracy ! that there is nothing they will flick
at, without any regard to fhamc, or mo-
defty, or religion 5 for when the crime
runs in common, all are in fault, and
yet every one innocent. Every one de-
clares himfelf unwilling that the thing
fhould be done, but ftill the greater part
is too hard for the better. How could
it other wife be, that when their coun-
try being almoft loft, all Europe had en-
gaged in war on their behalf, obliging
themfelves by alliance never to recede
from it, till things were put upon a
right bottom ; all had folemnly engaged
that no one would make peace with-
out the common confent of all i yet
the 'Dutch, as foon as they found them-
felves fafe enough, by the hardfhips
which other people had underwent for
them, fhould firft of all defert thofc Al-
lies that had done fo much for them.
But fuch was the confequence of
their treachery, that the fame neccfllty
which was falfely pretended by them,
did in truth fall upon the reft : For
their
23 8 Bp. Parker's History
their affiftancc being withdrawn, the
Spaniard was altogether unequal to the
war in Flanders ; nor could the Empe-
ror, by reafon of that divcrfion which
the war in Hungary gave him, carry on
both wars without their affiftance.
Since therefore thefc were fore'd to a-
gree with the enemy, all the branches
of the alliance were broken ; and they
that flood out were fo obnoxious and
expos'd to the enemy, that they muft
neceffarily take whatever conditions he
impos'd upon them. And he command-
ed them to rcftorc no lefs to the van-
quifh'd, than all the rewards of the
conquefts which they had obtain'd.
Thefe twoMoft Illuftrious Generals, con-
ftraiiVd by the irrefiftiblc law of nccef-
fity, quitted the war with minds invin-
cible, but wounded with indignation.
This was their common treachery to
all the Confederates, but their particular
ill ufage of the Spaniard, was yet more
fcandalous : For whereas by the articles
of the alliance, the town of Maeftricht
is to be deliver'd to the Spaniards •,
the
Of his own Time. 23?
the "Dutch, by /hiking up a "peace firft,
receiv'd this town from the French for
themfelves. The Spaniard requires that
it fhould be delivered to him according
to agreement. They ftop'd their ears to
all thefe complaints 5 but at length, as
if they had been lafh'd and beaten into
an anfwer, after an obftinate filence of
ten months, replied, That there were
great turns due to them from the Spa-
niard, for the late expedition to Mejfina.
And moreover, there was a large fum
of money that was not yet paid to the
Prince of Orange, which had been pro-
mis'd to his anceftors by the Spaniard,
at the peace of Mimfter. To this the
King of Spain anfwer'd, That it was not
agreeable to the faith and dignity of
alliances, that their obligation fhould be
cancelled by matters fo foreign and re-
mote: That if fuch collufions were to
pafs, there was an end of ail treaties ;
for there is no State or Kingdom, but
what either now has, or formerly had,
fome demands upon their neighbours,
which arc not fully anfwer'd. But that
he
zao Bp. Parker's History
he was fo far from being guilty of not
paying the money demanded, that he
tod voluntarily paid to the Prince of
Orarge a yearly penfion of fifty thou-
fand crowns, and had given him an
hundred thoufand at every return of the
plate-fleet, and would, if he pleas'd,
ftipulate to give it him ftill. If there
were any arrears due for the expedition,
if they would deliver in their accounts,
he would pay them. And laftly, he ad-
monifhes them not to vacate the moil:
facred laws of alliances, with fuch tri-
fling excufes. There was fome fort of
anfwer made to this, but never pub-
lifh'd : But whatever it was, the Spanijh
Embaffador, before he went away, did
with great indignation of mind proteft
againft the iniquity of this affair.
And whereas it is the cuflom of Na-
tions, to mak t a h; tdfome prefent to
Embaffadors, at ihcir taking leave 5 he,
with the utmofl contempt and portion,
devoted them and their complei ent
together, to the juft wrath and venge-
ance of the Deity.
But
Of his own Time. 241
But it is mod of all to be lamented,
and was the fouled blot upon the Con-
federates, that the Duke of Lorrainy
who came into the alliance amongft
the firft, was excluded and deprived of
the benefit of the peace : For this great
man difdain'd even to Men to any
terms of peace, unlefs the dominions
of his family were reftored. For where-
as by the treaty between the Emperor
and the French King, they agreed that
the Dukedom mould be rcftor'd to him,
provided that the city of Nancy, the
metropolis of Lorrain, and the feat of
the Duke remained a part of the French
dominions ; and that open roads, even
to the breadth of half a league, mould
be made from France to Nancy, and
from Nancy to Germany 5 and thefe to
be under the command of the French
King alone : By fubmitting to which
conditions, the Duke muft in effect ad-
mit an enemy into the very bowels of
his country, into a place firongly for-
tified, and would leave his whole coun-
try expos'd to the incurfions of the
11 French,
141 Br. Parker's History
French, for if an army fhould pafs that
way, it was not in his power, by the
articles of peace, to hinder it. The
Duke of Lorrain hereupon cxpoflulated
with all the indignation of a hcroe 5
What! do they think that I will give
up any thing of the royal dignity of my
anccftors? I had rather never fee my
country more. And by his Embaffadors
he declared, that he would rather be de-
prived of all his dominions, than deli-
ver that maim'd and leflend to his po-
fterity, which he had received entire
from his anceflors : That that Kingdom
was precarious, and altogether tributa-
ry, which depended upon another's plca-
furc: That fuch unjuft conditions were
never impos'd upon, or recciv'd by*
any but perfons in defperation. There-
fore he frequently proteftcd againft the
peace, to the Emperor, the Congrefs at
Nimeguen, and the Imperial Diet. And
when the articles of peace were lign'd
and exchang'd, his Minifter being prc-
fent in the Congrefs, publickly dclivcr'd
a Memorial of proteft againft it.
Thus
Of his own Time. 243
Thus this great man, with equal mo-
deration and greatneisof foul, prcferr'd
an honourable exile before a fervile do-
minion. But to iuch a warrior;, every
part of the earth is not only his coun-
try, but his kingdom. A brave man's
fword is his fceptre, his helmet his dia-
dem, and his bread his Pretorian guard.
For what Monarch liv'd with greater
glory and honour ? Whofc power made
a greater fumre ? Who more diftin^uifh'd
himfelf by noble aclions, than Lorrain?
The fafcty of the Chriftian world itfelf
fo depended upon him, that though the
whole Empire of Europe was not his
lot, he feem'd at lead to have deferv'd
it : The Providence of God fo ordering,
that all Europe mould be fav'd, and per-
haps delivered from perpetual flavery, by
the misfortune of this one Prince; for
he fo broke the Ottoman power, that
it will hereafter be no terror to Europe.
Thus he became a greater Prince by the
lofs of his dominions, as it argues a
nobler fpirit to fave many Kingdoms,
than to govern one.
R 2 Laftly,
144 Bp. Parker's History
Laftly, by his Angular moderation,
prudence and bravery, he might chal-
lenge to himfclf the greatcft titles of
the Kings of Europe, even thole of the
Mod Catholick, Mod Chriftian, Moil
invincible Defender of the Faith.
The End of the fecond Booh
Bp.
( MJ )
Bp. PARKERs
HI STO R Y
O F
His Own Time.
BOOK III.
1 H E Prince of Orange alone, of
all the Confederates, made ad-
vantage from thcfe wars : For
he who had been depriv'd by the Love-
fiein faftion, not only of the fupreme
power which was in his anceftors, but
even of all adminiftration of the Com-
jnonwealth, did hereby obtain the fame
R 3 dignity,
24^ Bp. Parkers History
dignity, and indeed much greater, than
his fore-fathers had enjoyed before him.
William the Second, the father of
this Prince, died an untimely death, in
1650, being but four and twenty years
of age, not without iiifpicion of poi-
fon. For when the republican faction
in the Province of Holland, began to
fet afide his authority, he furpriz'd the
city of Amflerdam, at the end of July,
and call the principal Confpirators into
a prifon call'd Loveftein, (whence, af-
terwards, the faction took its name) and
loon after, at the beginning of October,
died of the fmall-pox. Whether he
died by poifon, or a natural death, I
mall not prefume to determine, fincc
for the moft part poifon is too rafhly
affigned upon the death of Princes.
The Confpirators being rcftor'd to liber-
ty by his death, fince they had no one
to oppofe their defigns, haftned to bring
their counfels to an iffuc. Now the
Prince died when his wife was big with
child, whom altho* fhe was dcliver'd of
a ion, yet they were refolvcd by any
4 means
Of his own Time. 247
means to accomplish whatever they dc-
fign'd before he fhould grow up, and
much more before he came to matu-
rity. The firft ftcp that was taken while
the child was in fwadling clothes, was
entrins into an alliance with Crom-
well, chiefly upon this condition, That
the Prince of Orange fhould not be rc-
ftor'd to the dignity of his Anccftors ;
and immediately, by a decree of the
States, the title of Highnefs was taken
from him. Then the military enfigns
and trophies which were taken by his
predeccfibrs from the enemy in battle,
and hung up in publick places in their
cities, were every where rcmov'd, that
no monument might remain of the rc-
nown of the houle of Orange. But
the King of Great Britain pa fling thro3
Holland to his paternal dominions, in
1660, earneflly interceded with the
States for his nephew, that he might
enjoy the fame titles and honours which
his anceftors had born. They feemingly
granted it, and promis'd that they would
confer them upon him as foon as he
11 4. fhould
2.48 Bp. Parker's History
fhould attain to the fifteenth year of his
as;c. The mother of the Prince 2;oiii2:
with her brothers into her native coun-
try, committed the care and education
of her fon to John de Witsy that (he
might by this means oblige the princi-
pal man of the faction, in the glory
and honour of fo great a truft. In
the year 1666, there was a war between
the "Dutch and the Bifhop of Miinfter ;
whereupon there arofe a difpute con-
cerning the appointment of a General.
The other Provinces (efpecially Zealand,
which always fhew'd inviolable fidelity
and fleadinefs to the houfe of Orange)
chofe the Prince, being now fixtecn years
old, tho' not into the command, yet in-
to the honour and title of General.
The Province of Holland alone oppos'd
it 5 which being more powerful than all
the reft, would have the command of
the army given to Turenne, a very emi-
nent General indeed, but a foreigner.
Aug. The following year being far advane'd,
when the Prince was near the age of
eighteen, they published an EdicT:, which
they
Of his own Time. ms>
they call'd perpetual, to abrogate and
annul the offices of the family of O-
range. Thefc were three :
The fuprcmc government in the com-
monwealth, and the chief commands
in war, both by lea and land, during
life.
Thefc they determined mould be con-
ferred only at the plcafure of the States,
and given to no one for life ; neither
fhould they be all inverted in one, but
each of them divided between fcveral
perfons.
The Decree was enforced by an oath;
neither was any one admitted into the
publick adminiftration, before he had
oblig'd himfclf by oath to be obedient
to it. By which one law, they took
away all the authority of the houfc of
Orange for ever. The people being cn-
rag'd at fo great an indignity, oblig'd them
to allow the Prince a feat in their general
Affcmblies j however, they bound him al-
fo by the fame oath. Zealayid relent- Septcmb.
ing this infolencc, which the Hollanders l668,
bad offered to fo great a man, volunta-
rily
z$o Bp. Parker's History
rily gave him the highcft feat of ho-
nour and precedency amongft the Nobi-
lity of that Province ; which dignity
being conferr'd upon him, he obtain'd
the chief power, both in that Province,
and in the general Affcmbly of the States.
It happen'd afterwards, in 1672, that
the Moil Chriftian King marching into
the borders of the United Provinces, had
fuddenly, and even beyond his expecta-
tion, penetrated into the very bowels
of their country : For he took in a few
days thofe cities which the Ttutch with
difficulty had taken from the Spaniard
by fieges of feveral years. He was a-
ftonifli'd at his own conqucfts, hardly
belicv'd what he had done, neither did
he feem to be come to engage with an
enemy, but to take quiet poflcflion of
the land. Nor indeed was it much to
be wondred at ; for the raifing of forces
was delayed by the Confpirators (who
at that time had the adminiftration of
affairs) left the chief command of the
army mould fall to the Prince of Orange.
Then they fo long trifled with the French
Kins
Of his own Time.' 2,51
King about a peace, that he, at length,
deipifing all conditions, fuddcnly made
an irruption into their country with a
vail army, before they could poflibly be
prcpar'd for war. Their fortifications
were broken and decay'd in a long
peace ; their magazines were very ill
ftored ; their foldiers undifciplind and
unexperiene'd, and unaccuftom'd to all
military cxercifc ; nor was the number of
men fufficicnt for the pofts which they
were appointed to maintain.
It now happen'd moft unfortunately
to the 'Dutch, that they were at the fame
time carrying on a war with England
at lea, and had fent their beft forces a-
board their fleet, being much more am-
bitious of dominion at fea, than at land.
But the greatefl: piece of ill conduit was
that there was no General to command
their army ; therefore every thing was
done confufedly, without order, and
without counfel. The other Provinces,
which were very much alarm'd at thefc
proceedings, defir'd the Prince of Orange
for their General. Holland alone op-
posed
2ji Bp. Parker's History
pos'd it a long time 5 but at length be-
ing over-power'd by numbers, admitted
him into the honour of that command,
under four tutors, chofen out of them-
felves, in whom all the authority and
conduft of carrying on the war was to
be lodg'd. The Prince accepted the
command, fuch as it was, and prefently
went to the army : And a mufter being
taken, there were not above feventeen
thoufand foldiers : At which time the
city JVefel was clofely befieg'd by the
French. The Governour defir'd a re-
inforcement from the new General ;
whereupon he referr'd the matter to his
tutors. They were unexperienced in mi-
litary affairs ; nor did they prefumc to
do any thing rafhly of themfclvcs ; there-
fore they fent to confult with the States.
In the mean while the city was taken.
Thus when in three months fpace the
French King had taken all the fortrefles
upon the borders, and was ready to in-
vade their inland and lefs fortified places,
the Hollanders commanded the army to
countermarch, to the defence of their
own
Of his own Time.
own Province ; as if they defpair'd of
the reft, or were not follicitous what
became of them. In thefe calamities
of their country, tumults were rais'd as
ufual : There was a great concourfc of
people feigning ftrange and groundlefs
apprehenfions, women frantick in their
wailings, the married women running
out into the ftrects in the utmoft defpair,
and lifting their hands up to Heaven j
and in fhort, a general clamour and in-
dignation asainft the Ma<nftrates, who
had manag'd affairs with fo much re-
miffnefs and inactivity. Amongft thefe,
the T)e JVits furTer'd chiefly, who had
long ufurp'd the whole adminiftration
of affairs 5 efpecially John, the elded,
who had exercifed a di&atorial power,
and principally propofed to himfclf
thefe four things : Firft, that Eng-
land mould be fo driven from the
feas, that hereafter fhe mould not give
laws to the 'Dutch, but receive laws
from them. Secondly, that the family
of Orange mould be diverted of all
power. Thirdly, that the Province of
4 Holland
55
154 Bp." Parker's History
Holland fhould rule over the other U-
nited Provinces. And laftly, that he
fhould difpofe of every thing in Holland
at his pleafurc. And hence he was
call'd, ironically, the King of Holland,
And whereas he had firft rcfolv'd that
England fhould be deftroy'd, the wars
at fea againft the EngliJJo in 1665, and
1666, were chiefly carried on by his
advice : It was alfo by his contrivance
and management, that the robbery at
Chatham, in the following year, was
committed. Nor would he treat of
peace with the Englifh, till the French
King having conquer'd the Provinces of
Flanders, began to threaten the 'Dutch.
But the ftorm being blown over, he
thought of nothing but deftroyingZ?#£-
land. Therefore he fecretly folicited
the Moll Chriftian King, by his Embaf-
fador, whofe name was Mombas, that
they might with joint forces invade
England, by an unexpected expedition.
With which bafe, difhonourable and
perfidious propofal, the Moil Chriftian
King was fo provok'd, that he difcover'd
the
Of his own Time; 255
the whole affair to the King of Eng-
land. This was the beginning of the
alliance between the two Kings, when
in 1672, one attack'd the "Dutch by fea,
the other by land. By which war the
reign of the T>e IVitfes was brought to
an end. For the people being daily in-
cenfed by the frequent victories of the
French King, caft all the blame upon
thofc brothers. Firft of all, four young
men, rafhly brave, confpir'd to affaffi-
nate John "De JVits s and on the zift of
June, at eleven of the clock at night,
they let upon him, in his return from
council, and gave him fo many wounds,
that, as if they had done their work,
every one began to fhift for himfelf.
Three of them cfcap'd 5 the fourth,
whofe name was James de Graefy be-
ing taken, and beheaded, bore his pu-
nifhment with great bravery and mag-
nanimity. However T)e JVitsy tho' much
wounded, was not kill'd, but recover'd,
not without great difficulty. About the
fame time there was another confpira-
cy form'd againft his brother Cornelius.
William
zjd Bp. Parker's History
William Ticklaer, a chirurgcon, a man
foirnerly the raoft feditious of the fac-
tion, either of his own accord, or be-
ing hired, made a difcovery to the
Prince of Orange's prime minifter, that
Cornelius had hired him, by the promife
of great rewards, to kill the Prince.
The man was not only of no reputa-
tion, but a bafe, clamorous Fellow.
Neverthelefs, fuch is the madnefs of
popular tumults, and their readincfs to
fear every thing, that being inform'd a-
gainft only by this witnefs, he was hur-
ried into prifon at the Hague, and be-
ing indifted for this crime, he was fen-
tenc'd to be banifli'd. Notwithftanding,
the people were enraged at the mild-
nefs of his punifhment, and would not
be fatisfy'd unlefs it were capital >
wherefore, that he might not efcape a-
live, they befet the prifon. John, by
chance, had vifited his brother, that he
might attend him beyond the fields of
the town, towards the place of his ba.
nifhment. The tumult continued for
fomc hours 5 at length the prifon doors
were
Of his own Time. 257
were broken open, the inhabitants of
the town went up into the chamber,
and dragged them headlong down flairs,
kicking them as they fell 5 and having
brought them into the ftrcet, gave them
a thoufand wounds. Nor was the mean-
fpirited revenge of the populace fatisficd
with their death, for they thought it
not fuiRcient, unlefs they cxpofed them
to contempt and ridicule. They hung
their naked carcafes upon a gibbet, and
then tore their limbs in pieces, which
were fold for no fmall price $ then tak-
ing out their bowels, they ftretched them
out with flicks acrofs their backs, in-
fertcd on each fide as butchers ufe to
drefs their cattle, and kept them open in
this entended pofture. There were fomc
that devour'd pieces of their flefh roaft-
ed in the fire 5 and it is reported that
a certain citizen fhatch'd one of their
hearts, and feafoning it with fait, made
an entertainment of it for his friends.
Thus they made a favage feaft of thefe
brothers, whom they had worfhip'd as
gods for fomc years ; not thro' revenge
S (for
258 Bp. Parker's History
(for that is a generous vice, and feems
to carry fomewhat great in it) but for
the fake of diverfion and mockery.
But as the populace is naturally fond
of change, whether it be right or wrong,
fo it often happens that even tumults
bring about a change for the better.
Thus when their paffion, or rather the
wantonnefs of their barbarity, was fa-
ti'sfy'd upon thefe traitors, thefe enragd
zealots at length fhew'd their regard to
the Prince of Orange, thrcatning not to
be quiet till he was advane'd to the
power and authority of his anceftors.
The firft effort was made in the city of
T>ort, which city, as it had been the
moil inveterate againft the family of
Orangey fo it firft exerted it fclf in his
behalf, and required that the Prince
mould be the chief Governour, alfo that
the perpetual Edift mould be cancelled.
Harlem follow'd next, then Ttelft,
afterwards Leiden, then Amflerdam and
Rotterdam, the grcatcft cities in the
Province. The States themiclvcs were
at laft compelled by thefe to repeal the
perpetual
Of his own Time. 259
perpetual Edict, and to make another
for reftoring the Prince to his ancient
dignity; alfo rcpofmg in him a power
of removing what magiftrates he pleas'd
from their office. Thus at length the
tumults were with difficulty compos'd
in the feveral cities, and the fupreme
power was given to the Prince of Orange,
not only for life, as before, but for his
poftcrity, by hereditary right. Thus the
Prince, at the end of this war, was the
greateft Conqueror, except the French
King. May he long enjoy the Govern-
ment which he won by fo many bat-
tles and dangers!
Befides thefe {laughters and devaluati-
ons of war in the European Nations,
which arofe from the breach of the tri-
ple alliance, there were alfo other
very grievous calamities which hap-
pen'd, and chiefly thefe three : The in-
curfion of the Turks and Tartars into
^Poland y the rebellion of MeJJina againft
the Spaniard -•> and the rebellion of Hun-
gary againft the Emperor; each of them
to the great hazard of the Chriftian world.
S 2 lirft
z6o Bp. Parker's History
Firft of all, when the Barbarians found
almoft all the Chriftian Kings involv'd
in wars with each other, they thought
it no improper time to invade ^Poland,
which, as it had flood for many ages as
a barrier againft their attempts, fo it
being once conquer'd, there would be
an eafy paflage open'd into the Europe-
an world. At this time every thing
there lay in a defenfelefs condition : The
King was weak, and unequal to the af-
fairs of government ; the Nobility di-
vided into fa&ions 5 the Treafury emp-
ty j and laftly, no profpeft of afliftance
from other nations 5 yet every thing
was fupplied by the condud, fortune,
bravery and courage of the great Sobieski>
General of the Army. It had happened
(if I may be allowed to go a little back
to relate the aftions of fo great a man)
that in 1667, the Tartars, with the Cof
facksy entring the borders of the King-
dom with a prodigious army, laid every
thing wafte, utterly depopulating the
country, and burning the cities and vil-
lages, according to the cuftom of thofc
barbarous
O f his own Tim e. i6t
barbarous nations : Sobieski met them
with a handful of men ; but was im-
mediately furrounded by the multitude
of the enemies, cut off from provifi-
ons, and befieg'd at once both by the
enemy, and by famine. There were no
hopes in flight, almoft none in a battle,
hardly any in valour itfelf ; yet this man,
of an invincible courage and bravery,
advancing in his ufual manner at the
head of his troops, broke in upon the
enemy with fuch force, that their ranks
being immediately diforder'd, he routed
them with very great lofs; by which
he ftruck fuch terror upon the van-
quinYd, that they prefently fued for
peace with him upon terms very honour-
able to ^Poland. In 1672, the reft of
Europe being inflanVd with wars, the
Turks on a fudden enter'd the borders
of 'Poland, and in twelve days took by
furrender the city Caminieck, the metro-
polis and capital city of upper Todoliay
that had been often attempted by them
before, but never taken. At this time
the great General Sobieski was engaged
S3 in
2£i Bp. Parkers History
in an expedition againft the Tartar s, (a
people regardlefs of their treaties,) whom
he repuls'd with great (laughter, there
being twelve thoufand of the enemy
kill'd upon the field of battle. In the
mean time, before he return'd, Mi-
chael King of Poland, made a peace
with the Turk and the Tartar, upon the
bafeft and moft ignominious terms : For
he made himfelf tributary to both, pay-r
ing them a yearly acknowledgment, and
deliverd up a great part of Ukram, and
all 'Podolia, to the enemy. When this
was told to Sobieski, he was highly pro-
voked at it, and with all poflible dis-
patch brought his army near to the
court of this timorous Prince, and de-
fir 'd in the Diet, that the bafe and dis-
honourable peace might be cancell'd,
faying that it was not to be fuffcr'd,
that the majefty of that invincible King-
dom fhould be tributary to any one,
and cfpccially to the enemies of the
Chriftian vorld. And that, if the States
of the kingdom would but furnifh him
with an army of fixty thoufand men,
he
Of his own Time. 161
•
he would drive both the Barbarians out
of all the Toliflf territories. In the
mean while, he march'd with a fmall
army to the borders, and when he was
inform'd that the enemy's army, con-
futing of forty thoufand men, had en-
camped on the other fide of the river
BoryfiheneSy and that another larger ar-
my would prefently come out of AJia>
he pafs'd the river with all expedition,
and fell upon the enemy in their camp.
The fight was a long time very hot and
doubtful, by reafon of the inequality
of forces, but at length, the enemy was
routed, and almoft entirely cut off, for
they that were not kill'd by the fword,
perihYd in the river. Nor of forty
thoufand men, did above five thoufand
furvive the fury of this battle. By which
one vi&ory, he conquer'd both armies :
For the other, which was on their
march from Afia> hearing of this fignal
defeat, rctir'd in great confternation.
In. the very moment of the victory,
news was brought of the death of Mi-
chael King of ^Poland, as a reward of
S 4 his
16^ Bp. Parker's History
his bravery, anpi an omen of his fupe-
rior fortune, when by this one piece
of fervice to his country he had deferv'd
a crown. So in the month of May,
in the following year, and in the fifty
firft of his a2:c, he was eleclcd Kins; in
the Diet of the Kingdom $ as foon as
this was over, not waiting for the fo-
lemnity of a coronation, he prepared
to return towards the enemy. But the
Nobles and Senators, tho' they had pro-
mis'd an army of fixty thoufand men,
were ib divided into factions, that they
brousht nothing to an ifluc. He march-
cd with an army of fix teen thoufand
men towards the borders, to meet the
enemy. But that winter no enemy ap-
pearing, he recover'd mod of the ci-
ties of Ukrain and Todolia, that were
yielded to the Barbarians by the iaft
peace.
In the beginning of the following
year, the enemy invaded the borders
with an army of two hundred thoufand
men; and firft attack'd Slucek with fixty
thoufand, but being rcpuls'd with great
3 {laughter,
Of his own Time. ^5
{laughter, march'd away towards Lem-
burgh-> into which city the King had
brought his Queen and his children, to
keep up the courage and fpirit of the
people. The King pitch'd his camp in
a convenient poft, a mile from the town?
and laid an ambufh in the woods and
the thickets, omitting nothing that be-
longed to the condud of a prudent and
skilful Commander. He had not above
four thoufand men in the field. With
thefe he waits for the advances of the
enemy ; who coming up, he exhorts the
foldiers either to conquer with him or
die; and prefently the fignal being
given, and invoking the name of Jefus
three times, he led them on. The
Barbarians being aftonifh'd, partly at the
fury and warmth of their fighting, and
partly with the furprize of thofe that
fallicd out of the woods from their am-
bufh, that altho' at the firft onfet they
fought bravely, yet they were fo bro-
ken, not only in the front, but on each
flank, that many thoufands being (lain,
they were entirely routed, flying in great
diforders
z66 Bp. Parker's History
difordcr ; nor did they make a ftand,
till they were rctir'd into their camp.
Some days after, forces came out of
the Dukedom of Lithuania to Lem-
burgh. The King follows the enemy
with the longeft marches that could be
taken, with an army of fifteen thoufand
men, having left the reft to garrifon
the cities. In the mean time, the ene-
my had befieg'd the city Buckzaes : But
news being brought of the King's ap-
proaching, they fuddenly rais'd the fiege,
and retired to Trembowi, and fat down
before it. The King, by letters, pro-
mis'd the Governour, that he would
fpcedily come to his relief. The mef-
fenger being taken, the letters were in-
tercepted 5 upon reading of which,
fo great a terror ran through the camp,
that immediately departing in great dif-
order, by a march like a flight, the Tar-
tars guarding them on one fide, they
rctir'd towards Caminieck. In their firft
flight they went fifteen leagues ; nor
did they think thcmfelves fafc, till they
had encamped within the fortifications
of
Of his own Time. 267
of Caminieck, and within cannon-fhot.
Nor did the King leave his purfuit 5 but
with great marches haftened towards
Caminieck. When the Turks heard this,
they left a very ftrong garrifon in the
town, and marched their affrighted ar-
my over the Boryfthenes. The King of
^Poland following their rear, kill'd a
great number of them. But the Turks
fled, by an unwearied march, night and
day; nor did they halt, till they had
paiVd the ^Danube. The King took a
bridge over the Boryfthenes, which was
built by the enemy, and five hundred
carriages laden with money, all forts of
furniture, and corn; which he gave as
plunder to his foldiers. This campaign
being fo happily ended, the King brought
back his army into winter-quarters;
tho' indeed this may not feem to be fo
properly a war, as a chafe. It was in-
deed a thing fcarce ever heard of, that
a fmall body of four thoufand men,
mould put to flight an army of fixty
thoufand ; and that fixteen thoufand
mould drive a hundred and fifty thou-
fand
i62 Bp. Parker's History
fand before them, like a flock of fear-
ful fheep, fhould force them alfo to raife
two great fieges, and put them to a pre-
cipitate flight, only by the terror of
their arms. I do not remember that
fuch an enterprize was ever perform'd
by thofe antient Generals whom Greece
reverene'd, and Rome admir'd.
1676. In the beginning of the following
fpring, the folemnity of the Coronation
was perform'd. In the midft of the
fummer, the Turks and Tartars enter'd
the borders with vaft numbers. The
King met them with a fmall army, dc-
fpifing the enemy whom he had fo of-
ten beaten ; and as foon as he came up
with them, he put a hundred and fifty
thoufand men to flight, with prodigious
{laughter. ThcTurks now broken with
fo many defeats, fent Minifters to treat
of peace. The King granted it upon
thefe honourable terms : Firft, that the
laft treaty made with King MichaeU
fhould be voided and annull'd. Second-
ly, that Ukrain and all Todolia, except-
ing Cawiniecky fhould be reftor'd to the
Toles.
Of his own Time. 169
Poles Thirdly, that the prifoncrs fhould
be exchang'd. Fourthly, that the Chris-
tian Religion fnould be freely exercis'd
in til the places which the Turks ob-
tain^ :^y this treaty. Fifthly, that the
Turks ' i -»uld give up all their right to
the tribute due by virtue of the laft
agreement. Sixthly, that there fhould
be a defenftve league between them a-
gainft the enemies of both. Laftly,
that the holy fepulchre mould be rcftor'd
into the cuftody of the Chriftians.
Never did the Pole agree upon better
terms with the Turk $ peace being fet-
tled at home. Some years after, (1679)
as foon as the King of "Poland obferv'd
that the wars between the Chriftians
were ended, he fent Embafladors to all
the Kings in Europey to folicit them to
enter into an alliance againft the com-
mon enemy of Chriftianity. He was
inflam'd with that innate hatred againft
the Infidels, and that ardent zeal for the
Chriftian faith, that he was as it were
fent into the world on purpofe to refcue
Europe from the foul and fhameful ty-
ranny
2,70 Bp. Parker's History
ranny of the Infidels. What was con-
fulted or done by his Embafladors, I
have not heard. However, nothing
came to an iflue, (by whofe ambition
and treachery it was chiefly prevented, I
mall not fay) till the Turk, by a furious
inroad into Hungary, threatning Com-
mon danger to mod of them, made
that union amongft them, which the
T }ok could not. King Sobieski, as if he
rejoiced at the opportunity, entred into
the war with more than ufual alacrity.
But what, and how great things he per-
form'd in that war, mail be plainly re-
lated in the account of Tekcli's war,
in which he had the greateft fhare in the
conquefts : Nor did he more fubdue
the enemy by his bravery, than by the
terror that he (truck into them : For
when they were acquainted that he
would be Captain-General, they trembled
at his name : In whatfoevcr part of the
army he engaged, they could not bear
his countenance, and the piercing marp-
nefs of his eyes. He put them to flight
barely by his prefence 5 fo that he la-
mented
Op his own Time. 2.71
merited this alone with the other Ge-
nerals, that after fuch long and tedious
marches, they obtain'd fo eafy a victory
over the enemy. But from that time,
the courage of the Infidels funk fo much,
that (I hope) henceforward it will prove
a matter of no great difficulty to beat
them. The Ottoman Empire was ne-
ver fo near to deftru&ion before. If
the Chriftian war goes on with the
fame fuccefs this year (1 636) as it did
the laft, we may hope that, the weight
of this great Empire being once fhaken,
the Turkijb impiety will be driven out
of Europe, and fink under its own.
ruins.
Thefe tranfattions in ^Poland proceed-
ed from the breach of the triple alli-
ance. In Sicily, from the fame caufe,
arofe a rebellion which fwept away
prodigious numbers, with dreadful
(laughters : For the Spaniard being en-
gaged in wars, both in Flanders and
Catalonia, which did not fucceed very
well, the city of Meffina, of the greateft
authority in the idand, fortified with
3 four
zjz Bp. Parker's History
four caftles, and fourteen forts, fituated
upon the fea-coafts, a great mart, with
a capacious haven, wealthy in fhips and
commerce, either from domeftick fac-
tions, or being folicited from abroad,
fuddenly revolted from him. The con-
fpiracy firft broke out in the month of
Auguft, in 1674. It was firft ftrength-
ned and fupported by facrilege (as is
ufual in every rebellion) the robbing
and fpoiling the Churches of their or-
naments, and afterwards followed by
murders ; for there was a hundred and
fixty perfons of noble families kill'd^
merely thro' the hatred and envy which
they bore to the Nobility. Then they
make all their neighbours tributary, re-
quire corn to be brought in from all
places within fixteen leagues, and im-
port great quantities of warlike ftores,
fend Embaffadors to all the courts on
every fide, to defire affiftance, and tranf-
aft every thing at home and abroad as
if they were a free Commonwealth,
and entirely at their own difpofal. Pre-
fently the French come to their aid,
making
Of his own TimeJ 27$
making a dcfccnt upon the ifland, and
joining their forces with the city, take
all the ftrongeft caftles. Eut being clofc-
ly befieg'd by fea and land by the Spa-
niard, they arc almoft deftroy'd by fa-
mine, during the whole winter.
In the following fpring, the French
arrived with a fleet, and great provifions
of corn. The Spaniard challenges them
to fight. The French proving too hard
for them in the battle, obtain'd the
port, tho' with great lofs on both fides,
to the great joy of the inhabitants, be-
caufc they brought them not only ftrong
fuccours, but aifo plenty of all things,
when they were almoft famifh'd. The
Queen Mother, who at that time go-
vern'd Spain, in great indignation threw
the chief officers of the fleet, and the
Viceroy of the Kingdom, into prifon.
In the month of March the pcftilence
raged with great violence in the city,
and thence fpread over the ifland, and
made fuch havock of the forces on
both fides, that there were not enough
left to fight a battle : Hence new fleets
T come
274 Bp- Parker's History
come from each hand. The Spaniard
defires afliftance at land from the Ger-
mans, and at fea from thzTlutch. The
Merchants, a fort of men that arc too
ftudious and greedy of gain, convey'd
corn from all parts into the rebellious
city, becaufe it was fold there at the
deareft price ; which when it was told
the King of England, he by Proclama-
tion forbid his fubje&s having any com-
merce with the Rebels 5 declaring that
he would not allow his fubje&s to af-
fift foreign Rebels, contrary to the law
of Nations, and the facred ties of Al-
liances; and that as far as in him lay,
he would punifh thofe that gave them
afliftance, in the fame manner as if it
were againft himfelf. A Declaration
worthy of a King! for it is the com-
mon caufe of all Kings, that they fhould
keep their fubjefts in their duty and o-
bedience. The troops on both fides hav-
ing received great re-inforcements, the
fummer was fpent in frequent battles^
and mutual fieges, for the moft part with
doubtful fuccefs, excepting that it a lit-
tle
O* Hts own Time. 275
tic inclin'd towards the French, for they
furpriz'd and took the city Augnfta ; the
Spanijh fleet being difpers'd by a florin,
had all their (hips fhattcr'd, and feven
funk. At length, about the end of the
year, Renter* by command of the States,
comes with a fleet to the aiTifrancc of
the Spaniards. In the beginning of the
following year, the French arrive, and
a battle is begun : They fought fharply
on both fides, with equal lofs, except-
ing that whereas the inhabitants of Mef-
Jina had been diftrcflcd a long time with
want of provifions, the French brought
{hips laden with corn into the harbour
of the beficgd city: Which altho' it
was not to be call'd a viclory, yet it
was really more advantageous, becaufe
by bringing plenty of corn, they freed
the city from all the ftraits of a ficge.
Renter went away, difguflcd at the Spa-
niards, but return'd a few days after, by
order of the States, and beiieg'd the cky
at fea, while the Spaniards befieg'd it at
land. There was an engagement at fea
with the French », in the month of April*
T 2 in
\j6 Bp. Parker's History
in the following year, which was fought
with great {laughter. Renter receiving
many wounds, died of them a little af*
ter, at Syracufa. Thus it hapned for-
tunately to this brave man, that by his
death he fhould compleat all the glories
of his former life ; fmce afrer fo many
great and brave aftions in behalf of his
country, he ended his life in a juft war
againft rebels. A great part of the Spa-
nifh and 'Dutch fleet was deftroy'd by an
unexpected attack of the French ; three
Admirai-fhips, feven others, and fix
tranfports, were burnt. The 'Dutch re-
turning home, the French landed upon
the ifland, and took many caftlcs.
Thus they fought with various fortune,
till 1678, when being fuddenly recall'd
by letters from their King, they con-
vey'd every thing aboard their fleet, pre-
tending they had fome great cntcrprize
to attempt with the whole body of
their forces. Which being done, they
open'd their Kings commands to the
citizens : When the Rebels found them-
felves defcrted by their defenders, they
were
Of his own Time. 277
were put into as great horror and con-
fufion, as if the city had been taken
and fpoil'd by the enemy ; many of
them embark in the French fleet, and
thefc are immediately puniuYd with
perpetual banimment; others being feiz'd
with a panick terror, went naked and
poor to Venicey and other iea-ports of
Italy: To thefe the Viceroy, a very
prudent man, gave leave to return to
their goods and poflcflions. Thus after
a five years war, in which there was a
great deal of blood fpilt thro' the ifland,
things flood in the fame pofturc as be-
fore. And there was the fame caufe of
this fudden change, as of many others :
For the French King could not be brought
to treat of peace in earncft, till the King
of England did at length this year Join
with the Confederates in defence of
Flanders 5 an army of thirty thoufand
men being rais'd, and a fleet of ninety
fhips equipped. Thefe were at the
King's requeft allowed of by the Par-
liament j and they all engaged that they
would not be wanting in granting taxes,
T 3 fo
278 Bp. Parkers History
fo long as the war fhould continue.
When the French King was acquainted
with this, he became more tradable 5
for he now faw himfelf overcome by
an enemy ; and he, who did not fear
all Europe befide, yielded to the valour
of the Englifh. Hence, in a fhort time,
a peace was made with the TDntch and
the Spaniard \ upon any terms : For fince
the King of England had entred into a
league with them only, the whole oc-
cafion of the war was taken off from
him. This obftacle being remov'd, the
French King (as I have faid) gave what
terms he pleas'd to the other Allies.
And notwithftanding he had fent a frefh
army into Sicily^ about the fame time
as the Englijh proclaim'd war againft
him, which was juft ready to execute
his commands ; yet he in a moment
gave up all the advantages of his labour
and expence, after fo many fleets and
armies fent, fo much warlike ftores pro-
vided, and fo many battles fought, for
five years together, at fea and land :
For when he found that the Englijh
were
Of his own Time. 275)
were become his enemies, he thought
it not fafe to venture his fleet far from
his own ports. It is certain, that at
that time the fate of all Europe depend-
ed upon the King of England alone :
He gave peace or war as he plcas'd : As
long as he was willing that the triple
alliance fhould continue, there was per-
fed peace and tranquillity throughout
Europe 5 as foon as he untied that knot,
war broke out on every fide; hardly a-
ny Nation, except Britain only, was
free from it. Thus for full fix years,
the French alone being an equal match
for all the reft, a war was carried on
with infinite {laughters. The King 'of
England-, when he found that other-
wife there would be no end of war,
offer'd himfelf as a Mediator and Arbi-
trator of peace. The French King did
not refufe, but trifled away three years
in making unrcafonablc demands by his
Minifters, and did nothing but endea-
vour to prevent the treaties having any
effeft. The King of England being
grown weary of fo much delay, and in-
T &- deed
i8o Bi\ Parker's History
deed of fo much farce and mockery,
threatned to proclaim war, unlefs the
French King would put an end to it ;
and what he threatned he bravely put
in execution, tranfporting a great part
of his army into Flanders. When the
King of France faw this, all delay was
immediately cut off, and the peace which
had been fo long deferr'd by him, was
accepted, upon the hardeft terms 5 for
he reftor'd all the places which he had
taken in the war.
The ifland of Great Britain is fo
conveniently fituatcd by the favour of
nature, that it may not only govern at
home, but abroad, if it pleafe : For fince
it abounds in frequent and convenient
harbours ; from the number and conve-
nience of its harbours, traffick and com-
merce arife; and from traffick a fleet
of fhips, and a multitude of feamen 5
and upon thefe depend the chief power
at fca : And he that has the dominion
at fea, may extend it as far as he will,
and make himfelf Arbitrator of peace
and war between the neighbouring
Princes,
Of his own Time. 281
Princes. And this dominion at fea, is
the lingular prerogative of the Kings of
England \ which makes them Arbitra-
tors and Guardians of the peace of Eti-
rope. They have no occafion to extend
their Empire into foreign Nations ; for
conquefts beyond fca arc not fecurc, but
always a burden and charge to the King-
dom. But the Lord of the ocean may
rule beyond the bounds of his own do-
minion, from the riling to the fctting
of the fun. And tho' it be not ncce£
fary to fubdue foreign Nations, yet to
guard our neighbours from the invafions
of others, is truly a great and moft be-
neficial part of Empire. Hence I think
it more glorious to be able to keep off
an enemy from another's Kingdom, than
to overcome him our felves. Neither
do I think it fo great a merit, to have
fubdued ten Kingdoms, as to have dc-
liver'd one from opprcflion and bondage.
Thus the Kings of England may exert
as it were a divine benevolence towards
mankind $ for as they have no occafion
to hurt any one, fo they have it in their
power
z3i Bp. Parker's History
power to aid and relieve the diftrefs'd 5
this is a power, which the whole world
cannot equal 5 nor is the method of ex-
ercifing it lefs admirable > inafmuch as
the name of a Deliverer is far more
glorious than that of a King.
The third and greateft danger to the
Chriftian world, proceeded from the
war in Hungary. The whole feries of
affairs is too long to be related 5 it will
be fufficient to fhew how it proceeded
from the fame fountain, that is, the
breach of the triple alliance. The Em-
peror of Germany making war upon
France with all the forces of the Em-
pire, the Hungarians thought it a pro-
per time to retrieve their liberties, and
therefore broke out into an open war,
which they had long defign'd 5 the Turk
fecretly foliciting them to revolt. The
pretences of the war were Religion and
Liberty. The Emperor granted their de-
mands, provided they would lay down
their arms. But there was fomething
clfe which they aim'd at 5 therefore be-
ing furnifh'd by the Turks with money
4 and
Of his own Time. i8j
and auxiliaries, they made havock on
every fide, with butchery and carnage.
They kiird the Clergy like fheep, plun-
dered Noblemens houfes, burnt the
Churches, and ftuck at nothing which
a mad rabble are us'd to do. At length
in 1678, they chofc Count Teckeli, a
bold and haughty man, for their Gene-
ral. He prefently caft himfelf into the
prote&ion of the Turk, promifing to
obey all his commands, and not to ac-
cept of peace from the Germans, with-
out his permifllon. The Turk embrae'd
him at firft with feeming modefty, fend-
ing an Embaffador to the Emperor, de-
filing that he would grant his demands :
And he eafiiy obtain d what he dcfir'd.
Neverthelefs, he went on fecretly to af-
fift the Hungarians. The Emperor com-
plain'd that this was contrary to the fo-
lcmn agreement between the command-
ing Officers. They denied it upon oath.
In the mean time, the Hungarians be-
ing flrengthned with great numbers,
come into the field, and befiege feveral
cities and caftles, But Count Lejley,
the
284 Bp. Parker's History
the General of the Emperor's forces in
Hungary > coming up, they, not daring
to truft to a battle, march'd from Pro-
vince to Province, and in their hafty
march plundered cities and towns. In
the mean while they fought for peace
by their miniftersj and they reported
to them the terms that were offer'd.
The Hungarians were divided into two
parties : One party, by the advice of
Teckeliy were willing to agree to the
terms that were offered : The other
thought that larger were to be requir'd,
Count Wejfalini being their chief ad-
vifer. His opinion, by agreement, pre-
vails.
In the beginning of the following
fpring, the war was renew'd. Peace be-
ing made with France, the forces of
the Empire were at leifure for the
1679, Hungarian war. Two years were
1 6 80. fpent between battles and treaties.
The Emperor was perplexed with the
variety of meafures that were to be taken >
for the French King again threatned to
invade the Empire $ the Tok and Mofco-
vite
Of his own Time, 2.85
vite folicited him to enter into an al-
liance againfl the Turks 5 and the Turk
threatned that if he came into that al-
liance, he would make an irruption in-
to Hungary with all his forces. The
Emperor being thus attack'd on every
fide, knew not which way to turn him-
felf; and, which was ftill worfc, the
Mofcovite made a league with thcTurk.
Teckeli's party, while they pretended a
defire of peace, refufed all overtures of
accommodation. The infeftion fprcad
into Germany , the fedition of the Boors
increafing. All embaffics wererendred
fruitlefs by the Turks > for under the ap-
pearance of Embafladors, fpies were fent
to Vienna. At length, after various ar-
tifices, in the year 1681, the Rebels
feem'd fo really and finccrely to treat of
peace by their Miniftcrs, that the Em-
peror fummon'd a Diet of the Kingdom
at Oedenburgh, a city upon the borders
of lower Hungary and Auftria. He
being prefent in the aflembly, in a La-
tin oration exhorted them to peace, pro-
mifing to grant them very honourable
4 terms.
%%c Bp. Parker's Historv
terms. Firft, they require a Vice-roy or
Palatine of their own countrymen: Im-
mediately the Count of Efterhafi is in*
vefted in that dignity. Teckeli, with
his followers, that the matter might come
to nothing, proteft againft the ele&ion,
and at the fame time require the mod
unjuft terms of the Emperor, chiefly that
it might be lawful to pay an yearly tri-
bute to the Turk. And it was no won*
der, fmce the infamous traytor had pri-
vily made a league with the Turk upon
that condition : Therefore, without de-
lay, they with joint forces break forth
into open arms. About the fame time
the French King began to move in Ger-
many, fuddenly befieging and taking
Strasburghy and the ftrong city of Cafal,
the head of Montferat. By the one a
paffage was opend into Aujiria, by the
other into Italy ; by thefe means, the
fa&ious in the Convention of the States
were fo lifted up, that adding fome o-
ther terms of peace, which the Emperor
could not grant, they endcavour'd that
the Convention fhould break up with-
out
Of his own Time. 187
out doing any thing. Which infolcncc
fo provok'd all good men, that they im-
mediately covenanted to pay the ftri&cft
obedience and fidelity to the Emperor,
upon the terms offer'd by him. When
Teckeli heard of this, he defir'd a truce,
that he alfo might treat of peace. The
matter was protra&ed for a long time,
till having made a new alliance with the
Turk, he impos'd upon the credulity of
the Emperor's Minifters. In the mean
while the Turk goes on to make great
preparations for war. And the Empe-
ror enquiring for what end, he anfwer'd,
by the facred Majefty of God, that they
were not made againft: him. But at
length, the Moft Chriftian King himfelf,
by his Embaffador to the Emperor, laid
open the fecret of the war that was de-
fign d againft him ; that therefore he
would withdraw all his forces from Ger-
many', and fend him, if there were oc-
cafion, aids of thirty thoufand men, up-
on certain conditions. In the mean
while, Teckeli's party did, during the
whole fummer, over-run their country,
with
i88 Bp. Parker's History
with fword, flaughter, plunder of cities,
and all the defolation and mifery of a
civil war. The Emperor was fo movd
at thefe miferies of Hungaryy that by
his Embaffador he almoft fupplicated a
peace of the Sultan, but in vain ; the
Grand Vizier (who had the chief power)
preparing with all expedition for war.
The Embaffador, on the other hand, in-
fifts upon the obligations of the league
made for twenty years. The Vizier
made anfwer, that it' mould hold good,
upon thefe terms :
Provided the Emperor would pay to
the Turk the expences of the warlike
preparations that had been made, and
alfo an yearly tribute for the future ; and
then that the cities of Comorra and Raab,
and the Ifle of Schutsy in the cDanube>
mould be furrender'd to him. Thefe
propofals being rejected, war was pro-
claimed, by hanging out the horfe's tail>
as is the cuftom of the Barbarians.
Hereupon Teckeli was tried whether he
could be inclind to peace upon any
terms. He required nothing lefs for
himfelf,
Of his own Time, iSj?
himfclf, than the Principality of Hun-
gary, and the fame vote as the other
German Princes have in the Diet of the
Empire 3 and that an annual tribute
fliould be paid to the Turk by the Po-
pifh Clergy, and laftly, that the Turk
Ihould be for the prefent pacified by
the Emperor with a great fum of mo-
ney. Thefe demands being alio reject-
ed, there was an agreement made be-
tween Teckeli and the Turk, to this ef-
fect : That Teckeli Ihould have the right
of the Kingdom of Hungary to himlelf
and his pofterity : That if at any time
the race of Teckeli ihould fail, the power
of electing a King mould be in the Hun-
garians, with the confent of the Turk:
That a yearly tribute of four hundred
thoufand crowns fhpuld be paid : That
all the Hungarian liberties ihould be
always firm and fecure : That the Turk
ihould defend them from all enemies :
That Teckeli ihould never make peace
With the Emperor, without his confent :
That all the J emits fhou'd be banifiYd 1
And laftly, That: the Turk ihould ratify
U thefc
i5>o Br. Parker's History
thcfc articles with an oath. Teckeli be-
ing made King, prefently fummon'd a
Diet of the Kingdom at Cafchazv, where-
in he rcquir'd the Nobility to give him
affuranccs and pledges of fidelity -, and
(fince clemency and mercy are the greateft
ornaments of Kings) he promifed by his
Embafiador that was tent to Vienna,
that he would be a Mediator of peace
in behalf of the Emperor. But the Em-
peror defpiftng the infolcnce of the
maiij mule a more honourable alliance
with the neighbouring Kings, efpecially
with the King of ^Poland. And now
the armies march out of winter-quar-
ters into the camp.
All the Nations throughout Africa,
Afia, and Europe, that belong'd to the
lurkijh Dominions, were let on foot,
together with a vail multitude of bar-
barons Tartars. To flop this dreadful
inundation of thefe Barbarians, the
Duke of Lorrain alone, General of the
Imperial army, was tent with a body of
troops not confuting of above forty
thoufan !.
But
Of his own Time. i$\
But being over-power'd with a vaft
multitude, he retir'd to Viennay with
wonderful conduct and courage, he him-
felf bringing up the rear. Immediately
the Turks laying wafte the fields, and
burning the villages on every fide, come
to Vienna, and the city is befieg'd ;
which though not very well fortified
with walls and forts, was yet invinci-
ble, Starembergh being its defender.
And fince the fiege was the moft me-
morable, not only of this age, but al-
moft of any that can be remembred, it
may be allowable to give you a draught
of this grand and moft extraoidinary
tranfaftion.
Never was there greater force exerted,
or hatred fhewn \ for on both fides,
they had it equally in their view to
contend for Religion and Empire. In
Vienna alone, the whole Chriftian world
was befieg'd 5 nor were the TurkiJIi aims
brought againft Auftria only, but all Eu-
rope \ in fhort, the Chriitian name was
to be utterly extirpated and deftroy'd
from off the face of the earth, it the
U 2 enemy
z<)z Bp. Parker's History
enemy had overcome : For thus in the
proclamation of war, the Barbarian
threatned the God of the Christians $
That he would drive him out of the
world by force of arms ; That he would
let up the empire and worfhip of his
own Mahomet > in every part of the
earth, from the rifing to the fetting of
the fun ; That the crucified God fhould
be fubdued, whom he challenged, if he
dared, to aiTIft his worfhippers, and to
come out to meet him 5 (fuch is the in-
foknee of the Barbarians!) and that all
the inhabitants of the earth fhould know
by the event of this affair, which re-
ligion was deareft to the Moll High
God.
When the befieged faw that the fate
of the Chriftian world wholly depend-
ed upon their fortitude, and that there
could be no end to their extreme mifery
but either in death or vi&ory, being as
it were bound together by the bond of
defpair, they fwore to defend the city
(as we fay) to a man. But, next to the
goodnefs of their caufc, and the favour
of
Op his own Time. 25*3
of God, their greatcfl: dependance was
upon the fortune and bravery of Sta-
rembergh ; he had engag'd with great
dangers, but was never hurt, much lefs
was he ever overcome in his whole life.
And he had lcarn'd by cuftom to be as
regardlefs of danger, as by nature he
was ignorant of fear. This was the
ftate of the cafe.
On the 15 th day of July, the enemy
meafur'd out their camp about the diC
tance of two hundred paces from the
fortifications of the city. Here they
drew the line of circumvallation, and
caft up very high brcaft-works, to de-
fend their camp from the annoyance
of the cannon. Then they rais'd forts,
at juft diftanccs from each other. On
thefe, cannons were immediately mount-
ed, which being difcharg'd all the next
day, with the throwing of bombs, the
city fuffcred very great damage, but e-
fpccially the Palace and the Cathedral.
On the other hand, Starembergh forti-
fied the town-ditch with a fcarp and
countcrfcarp, by which he might keep
U 1 the
%5>4 Bp. Parker's History
the enemy off from the walls ; and in
thefc afterwards was the chief defence
of the city.
On the feventeenth day, the enemy
drew their forces clofer together, and
turn'd all their cannon upon two bafti-
ons, and a fort between them; and at
the fame time they begun an attack in
three bodies 5 the cannon thundring
night and day. In the mean while,
they brought their works nearer, and
mines were dug under the fortifications,
altho' they were often difturbed by fre-
quent failles from the city. At length,
on the twenty third day, they fpring
two mines, but with little damage.
On the twenty fifth another mine be-
ing fprung a great breach was made in
the wall. Hereupon they advane'd on
both fides to battle 5 a (harp and doubt
ful encasement ; but at length the ene-
my was defeated with great {laughter,
The day after, letters were lent into
the city, tied to an arrow, in which
they thrca.tned, that unlefs they imme-
diately furrendred, the city, which God,
1 the
Of his own Time, 19$
the avenger of violated alliances, had
doom'd to deftruftion, fhould be utterly
deftroy'd. There were aflaultS made in-
ceflantly, by their mines, by their can-
non, and by their attempts upon the
out-works of the city s and tho' in eve-
ry onfet the enemy was rcpuls'd with
lots, yet fince they abounded in num-
bers of men, they did not fuffcr fo
much damage by the great numbers
that were killed, as the befieg'd did by
the {laughter of a few. On the 4th of
Auguft, one of the out-works being
weakned by a mine, the enemy took
it ; but were prcfently difpoflefs'd of it
with great lofs and confirmation. Eve-
ry day ibmc part of the fortifications
was taken by fpringing of the mines,
and again recovered by force. Inward
ramparts were rais'd by the befieg'd be-
tween the walls and the out- works, that
tho' the outworks were taken, the ene-
my might be kept off by thefe new de-
fences.
At length, on the 3 d of September,
the Turks, after great effufion of their
U 4 own
%o6 Bp. Parker's History
own blood, took the Ravelin, being
firft fhaken with their mines ; the day
after there was another breach made
thirty paces wide ; but a fence of earth
being thrown up, they were hindered
from entering. By thefc ruins, they
carried their mines up to the very walls.
On the 6th of September, there was a
breach opened in the wall fix and thirty
paces wide : But the befieg'd, when they
faw the walls of the city levelled, fet
themfelves in their ftead, and drove the
enemy, who were obftru&ed by the
ruins, back to their camp. In the night
a great mole of earth was thrown into
the place of the ruin'd fortification.
The city being now ftraitned with ex-
treme neceflity, on the 7th of September
news was brought that the Chriftian
army was at hand. Upon which there
was a much fiercer attack made than
before. The day after, by fpringing of
mines the city was laid open with more
breaches; but the more refolutcly the
enemy pufh'd on, fo much the more
bravely were they repuls'd. In the mean
whikj.
Of his own Time. 297
while, the Turks prepar'd for battle, in
order to which they took a mufter of
their army, and from the beginning of
the fiegc they had loft forty eight thou-
fand five hundred and forty four. Now
the 1 2th of September, that moft memo-
rable day, began to dawn, and at the
breaking of the day, the Chriftian army
advanc'd towards the camp of their ene-
mies 5 the King of 'Poland led up the
right wing, Lorrain the left, the Princes
of the Empire, Saxony > Bavaria, and
Waldecky brought up the main body,
every one commanding their own troops.
They mov'd flowly towards the enemy,
who therefore (as it fecm'd) came on
with greater warmth. The army flood
unmov'd $ while the enemy mov'd round
they advanc'd nearer 3 and as they wheel-
ed about, they pufhed them before them
towards the camp : The Chriftians, bare-
ly by moving, urg'd them on. The ene-
my fought and gave way. At length,
the Turks being affrighted at the fteadi-
nefs and conftancy of the Chriftians,
$nd the wonderful order of the whole
4 army,
z$8 Bp. Parker's History
army, retire haftily towards their camp ;
where they fought more briskly for
fome hours : But at length the Turks
being overcome, rather by the courage
of the Chriftians, than by the {laugh-
ter of their men, are put into a pre-
cipitate flight, every one taking the
neareft way to efcape. It is reported
that the Grand Vizier himfelf fct the ex-
ample, and began the flight. Their
camp was taken, with an infinite booty
of all forts. The warlike florcs were
carried into the Emperor's armory 5 the
other things were given to the foldiers
for plunder. There was fo great a fum
of money, that almoft every common
foldicr was made wealthy with it. The
Grand Vizier's tent fell to the lot of the
King of 'Poland \ in which he lodg'd
that night. From hence, and from the
other tents of the Bafhaws, he is faid to
have receiv'd feveral millions of gold,
befides a vaft quantity of houfhold fur-
niture of great value. The Germans
were lefs greedy of the prey, thinking
thcmlelves happy enough in that they
were
Of his own Time. 199
were (o fuddcnly deliver'd from deftruc-
tion, beyond their hopes; at which they
flood amaz'd, and could fcarcely believe
it. There was one thing memorable in
this battle ; that at the fame time that
the battle was fought in the open field,
the attack of the city was carried on
with more fiercenefs by the Turks $
whether thro* courage or fear, is uncer-
tain ; either becaufe they thought them-
felves equal to both the battle and the
fiege, or rather, that the city being ta-
ken, if they were defeated in their camp,
they might make their retreat to the
fortifications of the city. In this laft
aflault, there was a very wide breach
made in the walls ; but cannons being
immediately planted in the gap, for fomc
time kept back the enemy from rufhing
in. Star ember g acquainted Lorrain irt
what condition the city was. He im-
mediately fent the Prince of Baden to
his relief with eight thoufand men.
Thefe attacking the Turks^ who expect-
ed no enemy from that quarter, and a
fally being made out of the city at the
fame
3 0*o Bp. Parker's History
fame time, they kill'd fix thoufand Ja-
nizaries in the very trenches, being clos'd
in before and behind.
This was the order and end of this
remarkable fiege. A more glorious fiege
than this, no former age ever beheld ;
nor perhaps will any future ever pro-
duce a parallel. Wc have mentioned one
or two before, Stetin and Triers, under
Crequiy which perhaps were prefs'd with
equal refolution, and defended with no
lefs bravery : But no city was ever re-
due'd to an equal extremity of danger,
which either did not yield, or was not
taken. But Staremberg would fuffcr no-
thing in common with other men, but
only death. Being often left bare of
walls, he engaged, as in the open field >
nor was it, to the laft, fo much a fiege
as a battle > nor did he only repel the
enemy from the walls, which is viftory
enough for the befieg'd, but fighting a
fair battle, he rais'd the fiege with the
utter definition of the enemy. Many
famous battles follow'd ; but I wou'd ra-
ther end with this mod memorable of
all.
Of his own Time.
all, than afterwards relate fome that
are lefs in refpcd of this, tho' great in
themfelves. I have put all thefe war-
like affairs together, not fo much ol>
ferving the order of time, as of the
fubjeft. For in thefe is contain d the
hiftory of all the evils which the viola-
tion of the triple alliance brought upon
the European world. Hence proud mor-
tals may learn upon what fmall turns of
affairs the greateft occurrences among
men depend ; and by how lmall a fire,
(even tho' it be an ignis fatuns) the
moft impetuous flames are rais'd.
301
Bp,
t J01 )
Bp. PARKER'S
H I STOR Y
O F
His Own Time.
BOOK IV.
THE fixth of thofe deadly fins
which I mention' d before, was
an aft of Toleration, which the
King was prevailed upon to gi'ant, where-
by too great a liberty in Religion was
granted to the Seftaries. This fa&ious
fet of men that I lpoke of, had always
with unwearied diligence cultivated that
nurfcry
Of his own Time. 303
nurfery of all evils. But that which
they had fo often attempted in vain*
they now obtaind almoft without la-
bour : For a war with the 'Dutch was
now refolv'd upon. The enemy had in
every former war prompted the Se&a-
ries to rebellion ; who being of them-
felves too much inclin'd to fedition
and difcord, always broke out with
more violence when the enemy urgd
them to it : Therefore the factious gave
it as their advice, that there would be
a feaibnable remedy applied to this evil,
if they were voluntarily indulg'd ; that
by fo unexpected and free a courtefy
they would be very well pacified ; that
the mod prudent Emperors and Kings
had done the fame in every age : Thus
Conftantine the Great, altho* he perfc-
cuted the Doruitifts, the Sectaries of that
age, with all the feventy of punifhment 5
yet when he was engaged fen the war
with Licinius, being compelled by ne-
ccflity, he by a letter lent to Verinus
his Deputy in Africa, not only gave
them a toleration, but commanded that
thofc
304 Bp.- Parker's History
thofe that were condemn'd fhould be
releas'd from banifhment. The fame
Emperor, by his Edift which he fent to
Batfus, his Vicar General in Italy ', vo-
luntarily left to the Novatians (the Pu-
ritans of former ages) their Churches
*Cod.Th. and Coemeteries *. Alfo the Emperors
de ant. fjmorjus anct Arcadius, than whom none
of the Emperors made more or fharper
laws againft Schifmaticks, cfpecially a-
gainft the 'Donatifts, whom they pur-
fued with utter hatred, and at laft root-
ed out of the world j yet when the
matter was almoft finifhd, the Goths
happening to break into Africa, in this
jun&ure of danger, granted liberty un-
ask'd for, to the Schifmaticks, left they
fhould go over to the enemy, as they
had done before, when Gildo rebell'd.
Likewife the generous temper of Va-
lentintan the elder is commended, be-
caufe by an Edift he granted to all the
Scdaries the liberty of worfhiping ac-
cording to their own way and pcrfua-
fion. And altho' he was an Emperor
very famous for his prudence, yet he is
in.
Of his own Time. 305
in no refpeft more celebrated than for
this generous clemency. For thus the
Hiftorian* commended it in thefc words.,* Ammi-
He grew famous by this lafl piece of con- Mj/f*7
duct in the adminiftration of his Govern-
ment, becaufe he food neuter amongjt the
differences of Religion, neither did he
diflurb any one, nor force any one to this
or that fort of 'worship, nor by threate-
ning Interdicts bow down the necks of his
fubjefts, to what he himfelfwas inclind
to, but left the parties, as he found
them \. c®'bFild<!
After his example, an Edict was pub-
lifhed by Valentinian the younger, in
which he gave leave to the Arians, no
lefs than to the Catholicks, to affcmble
for their worfhip, denouncing the penal-
ty of treafon againft thofe that attempt-
ed the contrary. -\ Theodofins the Great f Sac. if,
banifhing all Hereticks that dillented from c ' l0'
the faith, by law commanded that the
NpvatianSy fince they agreed in the faith,
fhould be permitted to hold their meet-
ings within the city, and enjoy their
Churches. And others were known to
X have
$oc Bp. Parker's History
have done the fame ; not only Empe-
rors, but Prelates. Neither before the
times of Celeftine (let the truth of this
depend upon this approved Hiftorian)
were the Churches taken from them 5 he
firft of all compell'd them to hold their
meetings in private houfes 5 when the
Roman Epifcopate tr an fgr effing its bounds
had for fome time degenerated into ty-
* Idem, ranny *. They urg'd farther, that Max-
^'c'12" imus the tyrant alone inflicted capital
punifhment upon the Trifcillianifts :
That the other Emperors not only in?
dulg'd the Chriflian Hereticks, but Hea-
thens, Jews, Manichees and Apoftates,
as every one thought fit. That thefe
are the chief articles in the Theodofan
Codes 5 and the prudence of thole times
confifted chiefly in this moderation.
Thus Baldwin, and thus Thuanus, men
citeemed very converfant both in the
records of the Church, and the laws of
the Emperors, thought that fword and
blood-fhcd, baniflimcnt and forfeitures,
rather provok'd than heard the difeafc:
That all other things are fubjeft to the
will
Op his own Time.' 307
will of Kings, but Religion alone can-
not be controlled : That this is infus'd
only by the grace of God : That pcrfe-
cutions conduce nothing to it : That
there is need of teaching and inftruftion ;
for mens minds may be invited and
won over, not forced : That violence
offer'd to confeience, is turn'd into rage :
That it is a fore which will not bear
to be touch'd : That moft of the Kings
of Europe had had too much experience
of it. Hence arofe the wars of the laft
century in Germany, Spain and France.
Hence Princes were murdcr'd, King-
doms overturned, Provinces wafted, Ci-
ties fpoil'd, becaufe they claim'd tothem-
fclves a fupremacy in matters of Reli-
gion. What heavy ruins did Francis
the Second, Charles the Ninth, and Hen-
ry the Third, bring upon themfelves and
their Kingdoms! With what lamentable,
and almoft utterly-deftru&ive wars was
Germany worn out, becaufe the liberty
of exercifing Religion was fupprefs'd !
Spain had fallen into the fame danger,
had not Ferdinand^ who fuccceded
X 2 Charles
308 Bp. Parkers History
Charles the Fifth, finding that all the
wars under his brother, in which he
himfclf commanded, fucceeded but ill
in the affair of Religion, granted peace
and liberty to the Sectaries by a folemn
Edid. Hence there was a profound
tranquillity to him and his dominions.
Who can doubt but that Margaret of
'Parrna, by her indulgence prcferv'd
Holland, that was inclin'd to a revolt i
And that Alvay on the other hand, loft
it by a harfh and hafty feverity i Laftly,
left all the examples, which are almoft
innumerable, fliould be brought, let the
King only remember the example of his
good Father : He was a Prince of the
greateft goodnefs and clemency, than
whom no one ever govern d more juft.
ly, more modeftly, and (which prevails
moft with the people) more frugally j
yet he, fuffering himfelf to be influence
by the Priefts, and making ufc of feverity
againft the Puritans, turn'd their patience
into fury 5 for they are a bold and tur-
bulent fort of men, who if they hum-
bly fupplicate any thing, and do not
obtain
Of his own Time- $o$
obtain it, generally extort it by violence
and arms. Laftly, let him confider on-
ly his own times. From the time that
the Aft of Uniformity was pafs'd againft
the Seftaries, he has ftrugglcd with year-
ly, and almoft monthly confpiracics ;
and they will never lay afidc their ani-
mofities and hatred, till they arc over-
come and foftned by the King's indul-
gence ; which fmce it is a free gift, and
proceeds only from his own good-will,
there is no doubt but that a kindnefs Co
extraordinarily granted, will above mea-
fure oblige them : That it is not for the
Kings honour to perform the office of an
executioner : That Nero firft defiled him-
feif with human blood, fhed for Reli-
gion : That the beft Emperors, though
mod addiftcd to Gentile lupcrftition, al-
ways abftain'd from inflicting punifh-
nients upon Chriftians. Neither was it
agreeable to the natural goodnefs and
clemency of his temper, that his fub-
jefts fhould be tormented with unncccf-
Cury punifliments. Laftly, that it was
always a particular maxim of his Royal
X i Majefty,
3io Bp. Parker's History
Majcfty, that force was the worft and
moil improper remedy that could be
ufed to preferve the peace of the Church :
That divifions were never to be heal'd
by wars and forfeitures, but by treaties
and friendly conferences : That he fhould
therefore follow the bent of his own
natural temper, and not fuffer himfelf
to be biaffed by the malignity and mis-
taken zeal of other men. The King
being won over by thefe and fuch like
perfuafions, on the 15th of March ', by a
publick Declaration, granted every one
the liberty of his own Religion. Nor
perhaps would it have been amifs, had
not the fa&ions made ufe of his cle-
mency to the fervice of their evil de-
figns. Neither indeed is this a matter
of ftrid duty, but difcretion. So that
the moft eager defenders of the Church
always yielded to the neceffity of the
times } for remedies that prevail in peace
may perhaps be of no ufe in war. As
long as he had every thing quiet abroad,
it was not difficult to reftrain the Schif-
maticks with the juft rigor of laws;
2 but
Of his own Time. jii
but being to carry on fo great a war,
as he defign'd, he thought that the minds
of thefe men were to be footh'd as
much as poflible. Notwithstanding, the
factious turn'd a thing that was not ill-
advis'd at that time, to a very different
end ; for thereupon two very great mif-
fortuncs befell the King : Firft, a diffe-
rence between him and his Parliament:
Secondly, an army of Rebels lifted, and
always in a readinefs for rebellion.
Thus, from that unhappy day, all the
tranquillity of the Kingdom was de-
ftroy'd 5 nor did the inclination towards
ruin flop, till it had broken out almoft
into a civil war. Firft of all, the Par-
liament grew tumultuous 5 not being fe-
licitous now, as formerly they were,
for the Church and Religion ; but left
fomething worfe fhould happen to them-
felves, their only care now was about
their own prerogative and power. They
do not deny that the thing might be
done 5 but they do not allow it to be
done without the authority of Parlia-
ment. The King, on the other hand,
X 4 affirm'd,
j ii Bp. Parker's History
affirm'd, that the fuprcmc power in ec-
clefiaftical affairs was always in the
Kings of England, and never before
difputed, and therefore he would always
affert his right : That he would not have
the laws of right and wrong cancell'd,
neither was this law repealed, whofe pe-
nalties he had only fufpended for a time ;
but that he had done it to pacify fome
fa&ious minds, being forced by the ne-
ceflity of war, of which he was the on-
ly judge. Laftly, that he would give
his Parliament leave to confult upon it
as they thought fit. On the contrary,
the Parliament warmly alledg'd that it
was not lawful for any Kings of Eng-
land to fufpend any laws whatfoever,
even for a moment : That this Preroga-
tive was never claim'd before by his An-
ceftors : That they were fycophants who
infinuated that it was : That if that was
allow'd, the fupreme government of
the Kingdom would be fubverted, for
that confifts in the making of laws,
which is done only in Parliament. At
length, the King giving way to the obfti-
nacy
Of his own Time. ji$
nacy of the Parliament, did with his
own hand, as a confirmation of the
matter, tear afunder the Declaration of
Indulgence, before the Lords of his
Privy Council ; and by the Prefident of
the Council reported to the Houfe of
Lords how it was done, that the per-
petual remembrance of it might be pre-
ferred in their Journals. (Troc. T)iar.
Mart.Z. 1673.) The whole confedera-
tion of this affair being now referr'd to
the two Houfes, they proceeded to make
a new law, which they caird an Ad of
Eafc or Indulgence 5 by which alone, all
the laws which they had pafs'd before
againft Schifmaticks, were rcpeal'd.
(Diar. Comm. Feb. 27. 1673.) That all
difTenting Proteftants who would fub-
fcribe only to the articles of faith in
the Church of England, leaving out
thofe about Difcipline and Government,
fhould have liberty to hold their Meet-
ings : That they fhould be exempted
from all fines, by which every one was '
oblig'd to go to his own Parifh- Church:
That the affent that was required by the
4 Aft
314 Bp. Parke r's History
Ad of Uniformity to be gi<ren by a
Clergyman, and alfo the Abjuration of
the Solemn League and Covenant, mould
be taken off for ever : That they fhould
with impunity perform their own offices
of divine Worfhip : And that their
Preachers fhould have their places of
meeting affign'd them at the quarterly
Seffions. The Peers alfo confented to
the thing; but not to the manner of
it : They voted thrice that the Indul-
gence fhould be granted to every one 9
but it was varioufly difputed on each
fide, whether it fhould be granted by
the King, or by the Juftices of the Peace ;
till at length the moderate counfel of
Sheldon (which I mention/d before) that
they fhould only acknowledge that the
war againft King Charles the Firfl was
unlawful, hufhed up the whole matter
in filence : Thus it was left unfinim'd ;
which fo provok'd the Parliament, that
they were prorogued for a year. In the
mean time, the fa&ious fuccefsfully fi-
niftVd the matter, which they had fo
often attempted in vain before ; which
was
Of his own Time. 315
was done thus : An Afiembly of the fc-
veral Fa&ions being call'd, the place of
meeting, which every one chofe for
himfelf, was granted him by Royal Au-
thority. Hence the feveral ftations of
the Sectaries were conveniently fixed all
over the Nation, and about forty or
fifty Conventicles fet up in every county.
In thefe they took an account of the
number of Sectaries, and fent it to Lon-
don, to their General Aflembly, who
from thence were allow'd, without mo-
leftation, to promote their feparate in-
tereft. Neither truly were thefe dili-
gent men wanting to their caufe 5 their
numbers were daily increas'd, as the tem-
per of the common people is daily in-
clinable to change. Hence new calcu-
lations were often made. Thus, under
a pretence of Religion, foldiers were
lifted every where, and a leader appoint-
ed to every troop, and their ftations fix-
ed on every fide, as fcem'd moft con-
venient for fudden eruptions ; nor was
any one allow'd to be without arms.
And laflly, all things were provided for
an
jis Bp. Parker's History
an immediate rupture. Thus, by the refo-
lute agreement of the Se&aries with one
another, all feditions were daily fornVd
from that time againft the Common-
-^wealth.
The laft of the deadly fins was com-
mitted againft the Parliament (than which
nothing is dearer to the People of Eng -
land-,) for a modern cuftom that began
in 1 640, had prevail' d to this time, that
when any Members of Parliament died,
the Parliament fhould acquaint the Chan-
cellor with it ; which being done, writs
were iflued out by him for the electing
others into the places of the deceafed.
On the contrary, the Earl of Shaft sburyy
Lord High Chancellor of England, when
he had a rrund to have fome of his
creatures chofen into the Parliament, by
a fudden and private ele&ion, in fome
of the obfeurer Boroughs, iflued out
writs for ele&ion, of his own accord,
without any information from the Par-
liament, and even before their meeting.
On the firft day of their affembling, a,
CQftfidcrable number of new Members
appear'd.
Of his own Time/ 317
appeared. Hence there was a murmur
and enquiry run thro* the feats of the
Houfe, who, and whence thefc ftrangers
were? and the matter being prefently
difcover'd, they were all immediately
cxpell'd the Houfe. Hence there was a
great deal of anger and hatred againft
the Chancellor. And he caft all the
fault (if there was any) upon the King.
He affirm'd, that by this proceeding the
Royal Right was afiirted, which was de-
rived from the earlieft antiquity 5 nei-
ther was it taken away, till the rebel-
lious Parliament prevail'ds that there-
fore the King did only renew an anci-
ent prerogative of all his Anceftors,
which v/us loft not long ago in open
rebellions and unlefs he did it fpeedily,
and before a long cuftom had eftablifh-
ed it, he would give up one of the
brighteft jewels of his Crown, with the
reproach of indolence and negleft. They
fhould therefore only examine their ov.
records, and they would find no inftancc
of their new cuftom before the R<
lion*
It
3 1 8 Bp. Parkers History
It was inquir'd into, and found as it
was faid. Neverthelefs, the Parliament
pcrfifted in maintaining their new privi-
lege 5 faying that the prerogative was
of no advantage while lodg'd in the
King 5 but if it was in their hands, it
would be a great benefit to the Kins;-
dom, that there might be no clandeftine
elections carried on, as now, by the
Chancellor. Neither was the matter al-
together difagreeable to the King : For
he began to have a fufpicion of the
Chancellor in all his confutations, and
thought of removing him from his
place. Neither indeed was it fo much
a difpute of right, as of parties. The
Chancellor, on the account of that dig-
nity, had a great intercft in his own
county of cDorfet^ efpccially amongft
the Se&arics, by whofe affiftance, in all
elections of Members, he endeavour 'd
to have men chofen, that were approv'd
by himfelf. Strangways always oppos'd
him 5 a man of an antient and illuftri-
ous family, famous both for wealth and
fidelity. He had ferv'd under Charles
the
Of his own Time. 319
the Firft in all his wars, wii-h great
bravery 5 and done and fuffer'd every-
thing which a brave man could do and
fuffer. In all times he was conftant in
his duty, without any breach of his in-
tegrity $ and a courageous and undaunt-
ed defender of the Royal Caufe, even
when it was breathing out its laft, and
entirely fubdued. He was alfo very po-
pular, by his affable and courteous be-
haviour towards all men, whence no
one had more interefl in his country j
and therefore moft clcftions there were
made according to his inclination. When
the Chancellor durft not venture openly
to oppofc his great intcrcft, he attempt-
ed to evade it by this artifice ; for where-
as about that time, four Members cho-
fen for the Boroughs of that county
were dead, he clandestinely put in four
of his party into the feats of the de-
ceafed. Hereupon Strangwaysw&s pro-
vok'd 5 and fince he had long prevailed
with no lefs interefl in the Parliament,
than amongft his own countrymen, as
foon as he complain'd of this matter,
he
5*0 Bp. Parker's History
he incenfed all the Parliament againft
the Chancellor, who was before hated
by many Members of it. The Chan-
cellor ftruggled for fome time againft
it, but being furrounded by fo many
enemies on every fide, he found he muft
retreat as well as he could. He had
long known the Duke of Tork's hatred
to him : The adminiftration of the Chan-
cellor had long difpleas'd that Prince j
and he griev'd that he was advane'd to
fo great a power. The Chancellor dread-
ed his anger moft of all, for he knew
him to be an enemy who did not ufe
to lay down his arms till his enemies
were overcome. His greateft hope had
long been in the clemency of the King ;
when therefore he perceived that the
King had withdrawn his favour from
him, being left bare of his defence, he
began to think of a furrender. When
he faw that he was thus fharply attacked
by the Parliament, who would give the
King nothing, unlefs he was remov'd
entirely from the adminiftration 5 and
would deny nothing if he was : Laftly,
when
Of his own Time. 311
when he had heard that articles of im-
peachment were prepaid againft him,
forming from hence certain prefages of
his impending ruin ; and his cafe being
defperate at Court, he openly fled to the
party of the Se&arics, and every where
pour'd out the fame complaints with
theirs. Firft of all he inveigh'd againft
the Papifts, that unlefs fpeedy care was
taken to prevent it, the Protcftant Re-
ligion would be deftroy'd : That every
thing look'd in favour of Rome: That
he would rather lofe his life, than his
Religion : And therefore exhorted all
who had their Religion at heart,
that they would rife with one confent
againft idolaters : That he was not ig-
norant that he fhould do a thing very
difplcafing to the Courtiers, and did not
doubt but he fhould therefore be re-
mov'd from his dignity ; but that the
falvation of his foul was dearer to him
than the Empire of the whole World:
How much focver the vi&ory might
coft, Rome fhould be fubdued 5 Carthage
might now ftand fafe, for him. And
Y by
Br. Parker's History
by thefe infinuations, he fo fuccefsfully
crept into the hearts of the people, that
they reverene'd and embrae'd him as the
only Father of their Country, and as a
Deliverer defcended from Heaven. He
was prefently attended by a great bo-
dy of Nobility 5 and altho' he was ac-
cused but yefterday in the lower Houfe,
yet no one was now fo popular there.
Neither were there wanting Divines,
who in their publick writings- celebrated
him as the only Prefcrver of Religion 5
who had pcrform'd a work of no lefs glo-
ry than danger 5 whofe fame, like that of
the woman in the Gofpel (they promis'd)
fhould endure for ever. Amongft thefc
tumults, before he went out of his office,
he procur'd two Laws to be made : One
againft the Papifts, by which they were
excluded from all offices, both civil
and military, except upon certain con-
ditions, contrary to their perfuafion.
The other was, an Aft of general obli-
vion. Which being pafs'd, (for it was
more extenfive than was ever granted
before) he would immediately become
fetfus in curia, (to fpeak in the lan-
guage
Of his own Time. 325
guage of the Law) fo that no one could
charge him with any of his paft male-
adminiftration. He was depriv'd of all
power when he had not been at the
head of affairs a whole year : He came
into the office of Chancellor, Nov. 17.
1672. and was ejected thence on the
9th of the fame month of the follow-
ing year. Bridgman obtained that of-
fice, after the removal of the Earl of
Clarendon $ a man of entire fidelity to
the King, throughout his whole life, an
uncorrupt Judge, famous for his equi-
table and skilful adminiftration of the
Law. In Cromwell's times, the juft au-
thority of the Courts being taken away,
he forbore pleading : But altho' he was
publickly filent, he was privately a
Counfcllor to the King's Friends 5 and
there were not a few whom he pre-
ferv'd from the iniquity of the times :
Juftice returning, together with the King,
he was at length advane'd thro' all the
degrees in the Law, to the cuftody of
the Great Seal. Nor did he ever err,
as far as I know, but once 5 being led
Y a afide
324 Bp. Parker's History
afide by others in the affairs of the Church.
This modeft man being overcome by
the haughty and yet flattering brow of
ibme Churchmen, offended againft the
Rites of the Church ; for they chiefly
made ufe of his authority in compofing
that which they caird a Comprehenfion 5
otherwife he was a finccre favourer and
fon of the Church of England. It fo
happen'd, that at that time the Credi-
tors cited the Bankers (whofe money
Shaftsbury had fhut up in the King's
Exchequer) into the King's Bench, that
they might be paid what they themfelves
had borrow'd. The Bankers appeal'd to
the Court of Chancery ; for if their ap-
peal had been accepted, by the autho-
rity of that Court, there had been a
flop put to the Judgment of any other.
For fuch is the power of the Chancel-
lor, that he can iffue out a Prohibition
at his pleafurc, to flop the proceedings
of the other Courts. But Bridgman be-
ing very much provok'd at the bafenefs
of this pra&ice, difmifs'd the unjuft Ap-
peal 5 not without fctting a mark of in-
5 famy
Of his own Time. 515
famy upon it. Shaft sbury complaint
of the boldncfs of this proceeding, lay-
ing, that the reproach was chiefly caf ny,
on his Majefty 5 that it upbraid him
with fhutting up the Exchequer ; FcA had
not he done that, the Bankers would
have been capable of paying : And laft-
ly, that it was his caufe, not theirs:
That therefore he fhould proted them
a little while, for a year only, by his
Royal Authority 5 in which time the
Exchequer would pay them their debts :
That if Bridgman refus'd to grant the
King fo equitable a requeft, he was not
a fit perfon to whom the King fhould
commit the next power to his own:
That truly, if it was in his power, he
would afford refuge to the diftrefs'd
Bankers. Hereupon Bridgman was gent-
ly laid afide, and Shaft sbury put into his
place. He prefently perform'd his pro-
mife, embracing the Bankers that appeal'd
to him, and iffuing out Prohibitions a-
gainft the other Courts, that they fhould
not proceed to judge in their caufe. Thus
juftice was rcftrain'd for almoft a year ;
Y 1 but
jzs Bp. Parker's History
but when he found that he fhould fhort-
ly fall from his dignity, he himfelf re-
versed his own Prohibitions.
As long as he was at the head of the
Miniftry, he boafted that every thing
was done profperoufly and pioufly : In
his fpeech which he made to the Parlia-
ment, on the 5 th of February, 1673. he
congratulated the Kingdom for the great
prudence and goodnefs of the King,
becaufe when he carried on foreign
wars, the whole nation cnjoy'd all the
plenty of peace : That the King, by the
mildnefs of his government, kept the
minds of all his fubjeds engaged to him :
That nothing was cultivated fo much,
as the publick tranquillity, and the
mutual agreement of all at home :
That there was a more than conjugal
afFe&ion between the King and Par-
liament, never to be cut off by any di-
vorce : That all things were fafe, and
there was no room left for unjufl: fu-
fpicions, nor even for calumnies : That
in the King alone, Religion in general,
the Church of England in particular,
every
Of his own Time. 3Z7
every one's Rights, the equitable ad-
miniftration of the Laws, the honour
of Parliaments, and every thing that
can make us happy, was entirely fafe.
What therefore remain'd to be wifh'd
for by every honeft Englifhman, but
that the reign of fo good a King might
be continued for many years, and the
triple alliance between King, Parlia-
ment and People might never be bro-
ken ? But no fooner was he command-
ed to withdraw from the Court, than
he fled to the city of London, and went
daily to the Exchange, attended by
his followers, as if he had gone thi-
ther to make his market, and turn
flock- jobber; and fetching a deep figh,
lie faid, Alas! my Countrymen, how
defperate is the prefent condition of
England! this is the only thing that is
now defign'd, that the laws being fet a-
fide every thing fhould be fubjed to
the luft and pleafure of the Courtiers :
That the Papifts and French Penfioners
plainly (hew this: That all the power
was in their hands : That he had long
Y 4 with-
5i8 Bi\ Parker's History
withftood them, but in vain : That it
was a crime to complain, or figh in
Court : That he was therefore remov'd*
and unlefs they took immediate care,
they would too late endeavour to re-
lieve their Country : That they might
find from the late tranfa&ions, whither
matters tended : That the triple alliance
was violated, in defiance of the Laws of
Nations, only that we might enter into
an alliance with the Popifh King of
France*, againft the good Proteftants the
'Dutch: That a war was opened againft
the 'Dutch, before it was proclainVd, no
Herald being fent to proclaim it : That
a Toleration of Religions was granted,
not becaufe there was any tendernefs
towards the fcrupulous confeiences of
Diflenting Proteftants, but that a way
might be open'd for the Jefuits and
Romijh Priefts to come into England :
That all the force of Laws was taken
away at the fole pleafure of the King ;
for if it was lawful for him to fufpend
them for a moment, he might continue
that fufpenfion foj: ever : That there-
fore
Of his own Time. 315
fore the Parliament refented it very
much; and altho* the King ftrovc againft
it with more refolution than ufual, yet
being at length overcome by the rcfent-
ment of the Parliament, he was con-
ftrain'd to pretend to repeal it, and that
tho' the Indulgence that was allowed to
the Protcftants, was made void, yet the
fame liberty, was (till continued to the
Papifts, even to this day. Moreover,
with what barbarous and unheard-of in-
jufticc, were the fortunes of almoft all
his fubj efts fnatch'd from them, by (hut-
ting up the Exchequer ! What regard
to right could there be in that King-
dom in which fuch tyranny was com-
mitted ! And laftly, not only the private
rights of fubj efts were violated, but e-
ven the liberties of Parliament were
ftruck at; fince, contrary to law and
cuftom, new Members were clandeftinely
elefted into the places of the deceas'd,
without the knowledge of Parliament,
that a paffagc might be opened for
Courtiers and French Penfioncrs to
come into the Houfe: That therefore
the
330 Bp. Parker's History
the Parliament had refcnted it with un-
common anger and indignation > and a-
bove others, thofe that were moft fa-
mous for their fidelity to the King, fuch
as was Strangways, a man entirely free
from all fufpicion of faction.—- Hence
there was fufficient matter furnifh'd for
complaints : Hence a blind and panick
fear was ftruck into the people: Hence
there were fears and complaints about
the ftreets, as if the city was plunder'd :
Thus in a fnort time, the city was not
only drawn from all duty to the King,
but there feemed to be a new and op-
pofite Republick fet up within it. A
great Aflembly was chofen, which fate
in a tavern near the Exchange > then le£
fer Meetings were fettled at certain dis-
tances. Thefe perform'd different offi-
ces : Some confirm'd with wine and
drunkennefs thofe whom they found
inclin'd to faction. Others fcatter'd let-
ters pregnant with lies in their feveral
Provinces on every fide; and they all
agreed in this one thing, to caft all the
paft counfels and a&ions of Shaftsbury,
which
Of hi sown Time. 3 3 x
which were now condemn'd by him
and his followers, upon the King and
his Minifters, who were the chief in
power upon his removal, and efpecially
the Duke of Tork, by whofe counfel,
chiefly, he was remov'd. Amongft thefe
fchools and academies of Sedition, the
moft famous was a meeting at a tavern
at the fign of King Henry the Eighth,
againft the Temple. The members of
this Cabal were much fuperior to the reft
in impudence, becaufe moft of them
were Lawyers, which fort of men boaft-
ing of their skill in the Law, thereby
added confidence to others that were
lefs experiene'd. Thus they at length
proceeded to that degree of arrogance,
that when they went abroad, they di-
ftinguifh'd themfelves by a green ribbon
round their hats, as a badge of their fo*
ciety. From this fchooi the chief offi-
cers came forth into that Rebellion
which afterwards broke out. More-
over, there were infamous and virulent
books that were difpers'd about in great
numbers amongft the common people.
3 Amongft
33^ Bp. Parker's History
Amongft thefc lewd Revilcrs, the lewd-
eft was one whofe name was Marvel.
As he had liv'd in all manner of wic-
kednefs from his youth, fo being of a
lingular impudence and petulancy of
nature, he exercifed the province of a
Satyrift, for the ufe of the Fa&ion, be-
ing not fo much a Satyrift thro* quick-
nefs of wit, as fowernefs of temper;
of but indifferent parts, except it were
in the talent of railing and malignity.
Being abandoned by his father, and ex-
pell'd the Univerfity, he afterwards made
his confcicnce more cheap than he had
formerly made his reputation. A vaga-
bond, ragged, hungry Poetafter, being
beaten at every tavern, he daily receiv'd
the rewards of his fawcinefs in kicks
and blows. At length, by the intereft
of Milton, to whom he was fomewhat
agreeable for his ill-natur'd wit, he was
made Under-fecretary to Cromwell's Se-
cretary. Pleas'd with which honour, he
publifh'd a congratulatory poem in praife
of the Tyrant 5 but when he had a long
time labour'd to fqueeze out a panegy-
xick,
Of his own Time, 333
rick, he brought forth a fatyr upon all
rightful Kings 5 faying that Cromwell was
the fun, but other Monarchs were flow
bodies, flower than Saturn in their re-
volutions, and darting more hurtful rays
upon the earth. That if each of their
reigns were to be continued to the Tla-
tonick age, yet no King would ever do
any good to the world : That it was
the purpofe of them all to bring their
fubje&s into flavery : That they purfue
no enemy but their own countrymen :
That they wage war againft foreigners
unwillingly, and becaufe they are forc'd
to it, but voluntarily and freely againft
their own people ; neither do they ceafc
from it, till they can treat them as con-
quered flaves ; nor do they fight againft
them only, but alfo againft God : That
they are all drunk with the enchant-
ments of the Whore of Babylon : That
they fight for Antichrift, againft the
Lamb : That they fcrve the Roman
Whore : That they not only defert, but
hinder the work of the Lord, begun in
this age by his faints, under the aufpi-
cious condu& of Cromwell, But
534 £p- Parker's History
But the King being rcftor'd, this
wretched man falling into his former
poverty, did, for the fake of a liveli-
hood, procure himfelf to be chofen
Member of Parliament for a Borough,
in which his father had exercis'd the of-
fice of a Presbyterian teacher, and done
notable fervice in the Rebellion : For
there was an ancient cuftom, that the
expences of thofe that were ele&ed in-
to Parliament, fhould be born by the
Borough for which they were chofen,
at the rate of five fhillings a day. This
cuftom had a long time been antiquated
and out of date, Gentlemen defpifing
fo vile a ftipend, that was given like
alms to the poor ; yet he requir'd it for
the fake of a bare fubfiftence, altho' in
this mean poverty he was neverthelefs
haughty and infolent. In all Parlia-
ments he was an enemy to the King's
affairs, being one of thofe Confpirators,
who being fixty in number, of the re-
mains of the Rebellion, had bound them-
felves by oath, from the beginning, to
give all the trouble they could to the
King,
Op his own Time. 335
King, and efpecially never to vote for
granting any taxes. But thefe men had
little weight in that AfTembly, being
look'd upon with fhame and difgrace;
fo that if they would do no good, they
could do no hurt 5 for they were hardly
ever fufFer'd to fpeak without being
hifs'd at 5 and our Poet could not fpeak
without a found bailing : Wherefore,
having frequently undergone this difci-
pline, he learn'd at length to hold his
tongue. But out of the Houfe, when he
<ould do it with impunity, he vented
himfelf with the greater bitternefs, and
daily fpewed infamous libels out of his
filthy mouth againft the King himfelf.
If at any time the Fanaticks had oc-
cafion for this libeller's help, he prefent-
ly ifTued forth out of his cave, like a
gladiator, or a wild beaft. But this
BuftuariuSy or fencer, never fought with
more fury, than near his own grave, in
a book written a little before his death,
to which he gave this title, Commenta-
ries concerning the Growth of Popery,
and Tyrannical Government in England.
In
5? 6 Bp. Parker's History
In which, after he had complain'd that
the Papifts had a long time laid in wait
to fubvert the Kingdom, and had ac-
complifh'd their intended villany, unlefs
Shaftsbury, with his affociates, had inter -
pos'd ; he begun his fcurrilous difcourfc
with thofe fcven deadly fins before-men-
tioned, by which he faid it was almoft to
a miracle, that the Kingdom was not
ruin d. He fpoke to this efFeft :
That the triple alliance was bafely vio-
lated, contrary to the Law of Nations $
and the alliance with the French, againft
the 'Dutch, was a matter equally trea-
cherous and dangerous : That the Dutch
were free from all manner of imputa-
tion of blame, and had inviolably per-
formed and kept all the articles of peace,
with a religious ftridnefs : That even in
the lowering the flag, they were more
officious than was necefiary : That caufes
of war were ftudioufly fought for, but
none could be found: And laftly, it
was undertaken almoft without any pre-
tence. And much more of the like na-
ture.
A fhrewd
Of his own Time,' $37
A flirewd man, and a lucky advocate
for his friends! who blacken'd the King,
the States of the Kingdom, the Privy-
Council, and all the chief Minifters of
State, that he might celebrate the me-
rits of Shaft sburfs party, who had dc-
fcrved fo well from their country, and
therefore began with fo evident and no-
torious a lie. For whatfoever was fe-
cretly done by others, the Earl of Shaft f
bury was the only publick author and
advifer of that counfel. His Speeches
to the Parliament were cried in the
ftreets; one fpoken on the 5 th of Fe-
bruary, another on the 27th of October
following ; which was but thirteen days
before his fall from the Chancellorfhip,
(for he was turn'd out November the 9th)
in which, with great vehemence, he
urg'd on the Englijh to the deftruclioa
of Carthage, la one he affirm'd, that
the 'Dutch were treacherous truce-break-
ers, and had not only refus'd the right
of the flag thro' the ocean, but infifted
in all the Courts of Europe, that it
mould be takea away : That they had
Z a na-
538 Bp. Parker's History
a natural hatred of the Englifl), both
thro' emulation, and their own temper
and difpofition : That the war muft end
in the deftruftion either of them, or
us : That the fafety of the one depend-
ed upon the deftru&ion of the other;
and that there would be no end of the
war, unlefs the "Dutch were deftroy'd.
Therefore as it was begun with the
greatefl prudence by the King, and de-
fir'd with the greatefl: refolution and fi-
delity by the Parliament, he exhorted
them, that what was unanimoufly un-
dertaken, might with the fame general
zeal be brought to a conclufion : And
if any one relinquifh'd it fooner, he
would be guilty of the bafeft treachery
to his country. In the other he faid,
that the King hop'd to have met his
Parliament with a token of the peace
being finifh'd 3 which he had done, had
not a haughty, ftubborn and bafe ene-
my defigncdly exprefs'd a contempt of
all the terms of peace : That he had
requir'd fuch reafonable terms, that the
Minifters who were the Arbitrators of
the
Of his own Time^ 352
the Peace, and had ftipulated for the
faith given on each fide, openly declar'd,
that they fhould mediate to no purpofe,
unlefs they agreed upon thofe terms ;
That firft of all, the King's Majefty re-
quired nothing more for himfelf, than
the ancient rights of his Anceftors in
the British ocean, which had been al-
low'd them from the earlieft remem-
brance of the Nation 5 for were the do-
minion of the lea to be deftroy'd, no
one would be hereafter King of this
Nation : Alio that the dignity fhould
be reftor'd to the Prince of Orange ?
which he had deriv'd from his fore-fa-
thers : That only the Lovefttin party,
that republican faction of Carthage, op-
pos'd it : And laftly, that the rights of
trading, efpecially in the Eafi Indies,
Ihould ftand according to the agree-
ments that had been made between both
Nations: That to thefe fo juft and mo-
derate demands* the Loveftein faction
returnd nothing but contempt and in-
folence; who as they had fuck'd in,
even from their nurfe, an eternal ha-
Z z tred
34° Bp. Parker's History
trcd to the Englifhy fo they would de-
liver it to pofterity, as the only pledge
of their duty to their country : That
they not only offcr'd libels to the Ar-
bitrators of Peace, full of fuch contu-
melious language, that it was a fhamc
to publifh them, but defpis'd all the
terms of peace that were offered them,
with an air of difdain : That after all
this infolence, they prefently fent a
Minifter into England, declaring that
they would accept of any terms that the
King fhould approve of, how hard fo-
ever. But their undertaking was vain,
fince they found nothing but war pre-
paid againft them. And then they ap-
peal'd from the King to the people, with
that faucy and unbecoming language, as
if they were to treat with them, and
not with the King, concerning peace
and war j nor did they fo much defign
a war abroad, as a rebellion at home :
Laftly, that all their defigns had this
view, that taking away the entire pot
feflion of the fea from the English, they
alone might have an abfolutc dominion
over
Of his own Time. 541
over the ocean, or (which they look
upon as the lame) over the whole world.
Nor would their agreement with us in
Religion, which was a pretence for
making peace with them, be any fecu-
rity ; for it had been too plainly found
from the earlieft memory and experience
of mankind, that the fame intereft in
worldly matters had brought differences
of Religion to an agreement $ but it
was without example, that religious
matters mould put an end to a difpute,
when it was for intereft; and much
more when it was for dominion. Laft-
ly, that the end of this war was not
for glory, nor for riches, nor for ex-
tending of empire 5 but that it was un-
dertaken pro arts & focis (thefe were
his very words.) If we are overcome,
we {hall no longer be a free people, but
the prifoners of the Conqueror : As long
as we poffefs the fea, it is (as it always
was) a bulwark againft our enemies; but
fhould we lofe that, every port would
be turn'd into a prifon. If therefore
we had any remains of love for our
Z 3 country,
34* Bp. Parkers History
country, our liberty, and our families,
the war muft not be deferr'd a day -, we
fhould otherwise perhaps too late en-
deavour to fave them.
Behold now the modefty of our ad-
vocate! who when he had charg'd the
deftruftion of the Nation upon this one
war againft the 'Dutch, could yet with
the fame breath commend Shaftsbury,
who alone perfuaded and advis'd to it,
as the only Preferver of his Country !
A great and notorious lie, I profefs ! yet
as great as it is, not unbecoming the
modefty of the man !
Then he proceeds to charge the fame
Confpirators with fhutting up the Ex-
chequer, in thefe words : That the King-
dom was involv'd in a debt of two
millions, or more : That the taxes given
by the Parliament upon that account,
were fufficient to difcharge it 5 but, as
if they thought it an impious thing to
apply the publick money to its pro-
per ufes ; inftead of clearing the Trea-
fury, as they had promifed, they fhut it
up, when it was full of the fortunes of
private
Of his own Time. 345
private men, left perhaps it fhould be
made ufe of to any other purpofes than
the holy war or crufado, which they
had defign'd againft the 'Dutch : That
the thing was concerted privately amongft
the Courtiers (who in his language were
Confpirators) left by a difcovery of the
wickednefs, any abatement might be
made of the greatnefs of it.
Hence, on a fudden, a Proclamation
being publifh'd on the firft of January
1 67 1, a vaft fum of money which pri-
vate pcrfons had lent to the Treafury,
was by manifeft robbery taken from the
proprietors $ innumerable families were
by publick plunder ftrip'd of all their
fortunes, and the whole Nation, being
aftoniuYd at fuch unheard of tyranny,
defpair'd of their own properties. That
nothing is thought more infamous a-
mong men, than the depriving creditors
of what is lent upon truft, when there
is a poffibility of payment: And that it
is an aft of villany never heard of be-
fore, that the King's Majefty, who had
juft before received very large taxes,
Z 4 fliould
344 Bp- Parker's History
mould by a folemn Edict, commit a
noon-day-robbcry upon the fortunes of
his fubje&s. But if this was fuch an
ad of villany as, he fays, was never
heard of before, and even a noon day
robbery ; I would only ask him who
firft contriv'd it ? who advis'd ? who
perfuaded to it? who put it in execu-
tion? laftly, when it was put in execu-
tion, who prevented its being expiated
by a juft payment? who, but the Earl
of Shaft sbiiry ?
This abandon'd wretch goes on : Thus
it feem'd good to the Confpirators, to
try how all honour and honefty might
be firft violated at home, that they might
with greater confidence violate the fame
abroad : For it feem'd to be a fort of
juftice to treat all alike, whether ene-
mies or countrymen ; therefore having
committed a robbery at home, they be-
gan a pyratical war againft the cDutch
abroad 5 for they had religioufiy ob-
ferved their treaties ever fince the peace
was made, and being confeious of their
own piety, and therefore fecure from
any
Of his own Time. 345
any fear of the Englijh, they had freely
traded in the Britifb feas. Neverthe-
lc{sy there was a defign formed by the
Confpirators, to furprize their fleet near
the Iflc of Wight, in their return from
AJia and Spain ; but it was fo unskilful-
ly managed, that they at once loft their
booty, and broke their faith.
There has been enough faid already,
by the Earl of Shaftsbury, concerning
'Dutch fidelity. Eut our wretched Poet
is inflam'd with fuch inveterate hatred
to his own country, that making a flat-
tering excufe for the Dutch, he lays all
their treachery to the charge of his own
countrymen. I confefs that the Englijh
once fail'd in their faith ; but that was
done when Shaftsburfs faftion was in
power. Neither did the King aflent to
them, till they had perfuaded him that
the folemn obligations of the alliance
were broken by the Dutch. Neither
indeed was there ever wanting occafion
of complaint againft the Dutch ; for
whatfoever they agreed to, they per-
formed nothing. How great then is
the
34^ Bp. Parker's History
the modefty of the man, in crying out,
that the war was begun without caufe,
when thofe very men begun it, whom
he celebrates as the Prefervers of his
Country ! Neither indeed was the war
unjufl, tho* it was begun difhonourably
by them, fince, upon their removal, it
was honourably carried on, and finifh'd ;
all the terms of peace being agreed to,
which the King of England approv'd of,
and likewife three hundred thoufand
pounds allow'd towards the charges of
the war. Being bound by which alli-
ance, they have ever fince had the fame
friends and enemies with our felves.
Laftly, he attacks the liberty of Reli-
gion, which was granted to every one.
By this one attempt, he fays that the an-
cient wickednefs of the gigantick race
was renew'd ; and our Religion, which
before was ftrengthned with fo many
Laws, was exposed naked to its enemies,
and power given both to the Papifts and
Sectaries, to form a fiege on each fide,
againft the Church of England, which
coil: fo dear. Nor was the Church only,
but
Of his own Time. 347
but alfo the State fubverted ; for by the
fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, it is
not lawful for any one to cancel what
is eftablifh'd by Laws ; if the King him-
felf fhould do this, he would be a par-
ricide to his country : That this there-
fore was the greateft impudence in the
Confpirators, fuch as, we never heard,
was attempted in the memory of man :
That now, by one inftance, they were
rcfolv'd to try whether the people
of England would give their Kings fo
great an authority over the Laws : If
this could be done with fafety, there
would be no occafion for the reprefen-
tatives of the people affembling in Par-
liament, to pafs Laws: That the Con-
fpirators aim'd at this one thing, that no
check might be given by the Parliament
to the indulgence granted by the King 5
but whatfoever he pleas'd might have
the force of a Law.
Whether the Confpirators aim'd at
tyranny, Marvel himfelf was certainly
a proper perfon to give teftimony, who
if he was not their Secretary, was yet
3 admitted
34S Bp. Parker's History
admitted into their inmoft counfels, for
the fake of his ancient friendfhip with
them ; therefore he was really the fitted
perfon in the world to give evidence
againft his friends and matters. But
what they principally aim'd at, was found
by the event ; an army of Rebels being
immediately railed, which, when it
fhould fecm convenient, might refcuc
their rights and liberties from the extra-
vagant tyranny of Kings ; which was
afterwards remarkably attempted, tho'
it fail'd of fucceis. Eehold, in the mean
time, the boundlefs and moft intolera-
ble impudence of thefe Traitors, that
they, tho' contriving anarchy and con-
fufion, mould terrify the people with
the fear of tyranny !
But the treachery of this drunken buf-
foon exceeded all others, who could
now vehemently blame a thing as the
greater!: wickednefs, which before he
had affirm'd in his bitter writings to be
every one's due, both by human and
divine right. He chiefly claim'd liberty
of confeience for the Sectaries 5 when
the
Of his own Time. 342
the King had granted it, he did not
flick to charge it with the tyranny of
Nero, only that he might bring an odi-
um and reproach upon his government.
I will trace the matter a little farther
back, becaufc the Confpiracy of the Sec-
taries took its rife from thence, which af-
terwards was brought by all manner of
treachery, by lying, and by the moft
fubtle artifices, to the height of an o-
pen Rebellion.
It happen d about the year 1 667, when
the Englijh Nation was groaning under
the miferies of peftilcnce, fire and fword,
that the Fanaticks, according to their u-
fual cuflom, endeavour'd to bring a new
plague of fedition upon their country,
daily fcattering libels among the com-
mon people, aifuming the utmoft liber-
ty for themfelves to exert their fchifma-
tical rage, and pleading that all laws,
in ecclefiaftical affairs, were unjuft and
impious ; that every one ought by the
right of nature to have the liberty of
his own Religion 5 and that the fupreme
JBeing would not endure the great bold-
4 nefs
350 Bp. Parker's History
nefs of Kings, in ufurping a power o-
ver his fuprcme Kingdom of Consci-
ence. Moreover, they threatned the
King's Majefty with their numbers, for
that the Puritans were not fo weak or
cowardly, but that they both could
and would defend and preferve their
liberty in Religion from all tyranny :
That they had once, and not long fince,
by their own ftrcngth, fhaken off an
heavy yoke ; and the King mould take
care, left by his ramnefs fo great a num-
ber of brave men might become his
enemies. Amongft thefe, the chief were
Sir Charles IVorftley? and Dr. John Owen,
Worfiley was formerly of Cromwell's
Privy-Council, and a great flatterer of
his mafter, being one of thofe who
would have fct the Crown upon his
head. But at the King's return, he vo-
luntarily threw himfelf out of all the
adminiftration of publick affairs ; and
altho' the Earl of Shaftsbury had pre-
pared a way for him to come into the
King's Councils, yet he who not only
fubmitted to, but kifs'd and embrae'd
the
Op his own Time. 3 yt
the flavery of the Tyrant, difdain'd to
ferve, or even obey his lawful Sove-
reign 5 for he was of the clafs of the
Independents, which fed of men could
not bear a Monarchy (except in Crom-
well alone) either in Church or State,
but affirm that all power is in the Peo-
ple 5 that appeals are to be made to the
People, againft the Magiftrates ; that
their majefty is greater than that of
Kings, who are created by them ; that
therefore Kings arc accountable to the
People, as their fovereign Lords $ and
if it be the will of their Lords, they
may be depos'd : That there is no au-
thority of Priefts in the Church, no
power of facred Orders, no rights of
Succeffion, but every one has a power
of choofing, not fo much a Prieft, as I
know not what fort of a Chaplain, if
he plcafes. What wonder is it, if men
that could endure no government, could
bear no laws ? When therefore the pre-
fent ftate of affairs fcem'd to languifh
under the aforementioned difficulties,
fhould meet together from all quarters,
that
551 Bp. Parker's History
that whilft the ftrength of the Govern-
ment was faint, that they might extort
from it the reftitution of their ancient
liberty : Which being once granted,
they wou'd not fear to engage with an
enemy already broken by fo many mif-
fortunes. Which they afterwards did,
as fliall be related when we come to
Oates's confpiracy, in which they attack'd
the Government with all their force. In
the mean while, Worftley publifh'd his
libel. About the fame time, John Owen
publifh'd another, bearing this title, An
Apology for Liberty of Confcience. In
this book, undertaking the patronage of
his party, he is not afham'd to praifc
the great loyalty of the Independents to
the King, and, according to his modcfty,
to wipe off all accufations from his bre-
thren, tho* he himfelf was dip'd in the
blood of King Charles the Firft. But
altho' he fcribbles with rough and dis-
agreeable language, with no weight of
reafon, and with an unheard-of licen-
tioufnefs in lying, yet it makes no dif-
ference in the judgment of the people.
For
Of his own Time. 353
For provided fomething is written, whe-
ther well or ill, truly or falily ; (I fay)
provided there be a pamphlet written,
they think their caufe is fufficiently de-
fended. He was from his youth a moft
indefatigable author and advocate of Re-
bellion. Amoneft the Regicides them-
felvcs, he was the bittcreft enemy of
the Royal Blood , who vehemently
exhorted to the commiflion of that
moft execrable wickednefs 5 and in a
fermon before the Regicides, prais'd and
celebrated it when it was done ; and,
as a Prophet of God, he admonihYd and
commanded them, to perfect on the Po-
fterity, what (under the divine influence)
they had begun in the Father 5 for it
was plcafing to. God, not only that the
government of the whole family of the
Stuarts mould be utterly deftroy'd, but
that no one mould hereafter be furTer'd
to reign in England. But I need not fay-
more of this famous Rebel now, fi-nce
I may perhaps write the whole hiftory
of this wicked man.
A a Againft
354 Br. Parker's History
Againft thefe invafions of the enemy,
I entred the lifts, among others $ tho'
too young to treat of fuch momentous
affairs. I fhcwM, that it was one thing
for Kings to grant liberty of confeience
to their fubjetts thro' their own indul-
gence, and another for fubje&s to claim
it as their ftrid right. But if it be law-
ful for Kings to indulge them, yet it is
a very dangerous thing to encourage fe-
veral feds of Religion in the fame King-
dom; that every one of them would
wage war againft: another, each of them
would be an enemy to the reft, and all
of them to the Church eftablifh'd by
Law : That a multitude of Religions is
a certain fource for civil wars : That it
was found by the experience of all ages,
that differences in Religion always end-
ed in blows : That the Chriftian world
had feldom been engaged in a civil war,
which was not rais'd under a pretence of
Religion : That thofe wars were carried
on with more rancour and cruelty than
thofe which were undertaken in behalf
of Civil Liberty : That every one's Re-
ligion
Of his own Time. 555
ligion is dcareft to them, and their tem-
ples and altars are of greater concern
to them, than their own habitations and
civil interefts 5 therefore they will fight
with greater!: zeal for that which they
value molt 5 and 'tis certain, wars for the
fake of Religion have always been moft
inveterate and deftructive. If we con-
sider the European Nations, how they
have burnt with fatal wars in the laft
age, we fhall find that they all proceed-
ed from differences of Religion ; and
were never cxtinguifh'd, till either the
State was overthrown, or the Rebellion
lubdued. If we look upon France alone,
what a dreadful effufion of blood did it
fuffer from the barbarity and infolence of
the Calvinifis, in the reigns of Henry the
Second, Francis the Second, Charles the
Ninth, Henry the Third, Henry theFourth,
and Lewis the Thirteenth ? How did they
lay plots for the life of the King, un-
der pretence of prefenting an humble
petition, when Francis the Second was
but a minor! How was Charles the
Ninth treacheroufly afiaulted at Meldunl
A a 2 And
3 5<? Bp. Parkers History
And had not the Switzers, with won-
derful art and courage, and even to a
miracle, fecur'd him in the midft of
fpears, the intended villany ,had fuc-
cecded* How did they fight afterwards
in open war, till the ftrength of France
was exhaufted, in feveral battles, with
almoft infinite blood- Hied! How, in the
reign of Henry the Third, did the prin-
cipal Nobility of the Kingdom ftir up
that feci: to arms againft the King! for
they had not ftrength enough to rebel
without their affiftance. As often as
the Peers had an inclination to rife in
arms, the Sectaries were always ready
for war: And altho' in many battles,
they were {lain in great numbers, yet
the Hydra prefently fhouting forth a-
gain, the war was more vigoroufly re-
newM What did Henry the Fourth af-
terwards obtain by yielding to the Fac-
tion, befides rendring them more impu-
dent? for by heaping kindnciles upon
them, he was brought into fufpicion of
herefy,by his own popifh fubj eels, whence
they had a pretence aud cover for their
wicked
Of his own Time. 357
wicked league. Thus while he favour'd
both fides, he pleas'd neither ; but whilft
he flood dubious between both, he had
an enemy on each hand. And altho'
at firft they brought aiTiftance to Henry
of Navarre, in claiming his Crown, yet
as foon as he embrae'd the Romijh faith,
they fhcw'd that they would aiTift Henry
as a Calvinift, but not as a King. If
he indulg'd them in any thing, they
looked upon it as their own right; and
abus'd the Edict of Nantz, and made it
a pretence for war. Hence was the rife
of the war againft Lewis his fon : Nei-
ther did they lay down their arms, till
being depriv'd of all their forces at the
taking of Rochel, they fell under the
King's power.
Moreover, they who require liberty
of confeience from Kings, as due to
them by right, only aim at this, that
the eftabliflYd Religion being overthrown,
their own may be fet up in its ftead ;
for fince every one's own Religion is in
his opinion the beft, by the fame law
of confeience that commands him to
A a 3 defire
358 Bp. Parker's History
dcfire its liberty, he is alfo oblig'd to
procure the encreafe and propagation
of it throughout the world, as far as
he can. They will not therefore ceafe
to endeavour it, till they have advane'd
their Religion to the higheft pitch. This,
and much more to the fame purpofe, I
wrote concerning the right of Kings o-
ver the province of Confcience.
Neverthelefs, tho' fuch is the right of
Kings, yet they may at their pleafure
recede from it ; and there are feveral
inftances of it in the records of hiftory 5
yet it has been feldom done by any pru-
dent King, unlefs he was conftrain'd to
it by the fa-aits of war; and then it was
recall'd when the danger was remov'd :
Therefore, the 'Dutch war being ended,
they ciaim'd an indulgence too late from
the King, who had now no enemy to
fear.
But as to the right of fubje&s, which
they claim, exempt from the power of
Kings, in matters of Religion, if this
be granted, it will overthrow all the
right of Government : for nothing con-
duces
Of his own Time. 35$
duces more to its eftablifhment, or ruin,
than Religion. If it be peaceable, fin-
cere, moderate, modeft, and mild ; if
it be obedient to the higher powers for
confeience fake, it is much for the in-
tcreft of Kings to cultivate the minds
of their mbjefts with fuch principles.
But if inftead of Religion, there be en-
thufiaftick rage 5 if it be fuperftition,
mix'd with a fond credulity 5 if it be
fullen, morofe, and cruel, and tainted
with harfh opinions of God 5 laftly, if
it be fuch as theirs is too plainly found
to be; if you give them a liberty of
teaching what every one pleafes, you
open Tandords box full of evils: For if
there be an univerfal liberty defir'd, that
is confined within no bounds, there
will be another power fct up in the
Kingdom, not only a rival, but a power
always jarring with the King's. For
why > Are not Kings God's Vice-gerents ?
Yet what is there that afts in God's (lead,
upon earth, with more ftrid and facred
laws than Confeience ? Have Kings a
power to determine concerning right and
A a 4 wrong?
360 Bp. Parkers History
wrong? Bat the judgment of Cenfcicncc
has greater power, being the higheft tri-
bunal under God. Can Kings make laws
concerning virtue ? What is of greater
force than Confcience alone to eftablifh
virtue and honefty ? Can Kings chaitife
wickednefs with fines and punifhments?
yet what can punifh more feverely than
the whips and feourges of Confcience?
Laftly, are not Kings fubjeft to God a-
lone? fo Confcience fuffers it felf to
be fubjed to no other Sovereign but
God, Nay, this Emprcfs Confcience,
will govern not only with equal, but
fupcrior authority to Kings: They ani-
madvert only upon outward actions ;
fhe keeps the fecret thoughts of the
mind, which refufe to be under human
power, in fubjeftion to her. Hence, as
often as fubje&s are prompted to rebel
againft their Sovereigns, they are lifted
under Confcience, which is exempt from
all jurifdi&ion, and call'd forth to war.
Under her condud they-rife in arms:
By her beck and counfel, all the mad-
nefs of the people is turn'd into Reli-
gion;
Of his own Time. 3S1
gion 5 every thing facrcd is violated by
fanatick rage. Whitherfoevcr every one's
Confcience calls him, they madly fol-
low. Whether they kill Kings, mur-
ther the Nobility, break the peace of
the Church, and involve themfelves in
Perjury, 'tis Confcience that bad them
do it all. And whatfoever they wifh or
defire, they account it as ratified and
rendred facred by her command. If
therefore an abfolute Liberty of Con-
fcience be demanded, Kings will have
no power, and every man will be his
own King. It is certain, Kings have a
power over men 5 but every one's Con-
fcience is the Man himfelf, therefore
the Man, and the Confcience of tbe
man, is the fame : If therefore they have
no power over the one, they have no
power over the other.
When the right to an univerfal Li-
berty of Confcience is taken away, it
is afterwards to be requir'd only upon
certain conditions 5 therefore Confcience
it felf is not to be oppos'd to the com-
mands of Kings, but fome Law by which
fomc-
561 Bp. Parker's History
fomething antecedent is commanded,
contrary to their commands. Now a
divine Law can be of force againft them ;
therefore the Sectaries muft produce
fome Law out of the holy Bible, by which
they are forbidden to pay obedience to
the eftabiifh'd rules of the Church of
England : If they cannot, they are ob-
liged to obey : Then the moft celebrated
Liberty of Confcience muft fall, and the
difpute be brought only to this, whe-
ther the Church of England has com-
manded any thing that is forbidden by
God > But all the contention that is
rais'd by them, is concerning fome ce-
remonies of worfhip ; as whether it is
lawful to mark the forehead of a per-
fon that is baptiz'd, with thefignofthe
crofs ? Whether we may wear a furplice
in performing divine fervicc? Whether
wc may receive the holy Sacrament
kneeling? and the like. Which if they
arc trifles, are yet, even in Calvin's judg-
ment, tolerable ones, never forbidden
in the holy Bible, and therefore fubjeft
to human laws. And if perhaps they
are
Of his own Time. 363
arc not agreeable to fome nice perfons,
yet they arc not of fo much moment
as to be prcferr'd before the peace and
authority of the Church. It ought to
be fomething great and national, that
fhould afford a lawful cxcufe for a di-
vision in the Church, as Optatus for-
merly laid to the "Donatifts, who faid
they would rather die than return into
the Church. He fpoke to this effect :
It is faid to no one, T>eny God 5 it is
faid to no one, Bum your Tefiament •
it is faid to no one, Either offer Frank-
incenfe, or pull down your Churches 5
for fuch things as thefe, are wont to
produce martyrdoms. And againft the
fame perfons, St. Aufl'm alfo fpeaks to
Januarius; That which is enjoined, which
is neither contrary to the Catholick Faith,
nor to good Morality, is to be taken in-
differently, and obferv'd for the fake of
that Society in which we live. This was
always a law to all, that little matters
were not fufficient to juftify divisions?
but whatfocver is commanded, unlefs it
be plainly impious, becomes a duty.
By
3^4 Bp. Parker's History
By this one Law, the Church and State
has always flood ; and if this be taken
away, there can be no right or power
of Government 5 for its power only ex-
tends to thefe things. Moreover, the
excufes which they pretend for the de-
fence of their Schifm, are fought for
only as a pretence for war : And firft of
all, as for their great maxim, That no-
thing is lawful in divine worfhip, except
it be commanded by God 5 it is not only
faid without reafon, but falfly : For no-
thing is appointed by God concerning
the Chriftian Worfhip, except the two
Sacraments 5 all other things are left to
the difcretion of the Church. And if
this maxim is of any force, it will hold
no lefs againft them, than againft the
Church, fince they ufe their manner of
worfhip as well as we ufe ours. The
fame is alfo prov'd concerning their o-
ther excufes, of chriftian liberty, of the
obligation of not giving offence to weak
brethren, of the authority of a doubt,
ful and uncertain confeience ; all thefe,
of how great authority foever they are,
muft
Of his own Time. 365
muft fubmit to the power of Kings.
There is no right better than theirs, un-
der God 5 therefore thefe leller matters
muft altogether vanifh away, if this in-
terpofes.
Laftly, I fhew'd that it was neither
juft nor modeft for them to ask any in-
dulgence of the King, who were all
lately involved in Treafon 5 and that fuch
a liberty, defied by fuch perfons, did
not tend towards Religion, but Rebel-
lion. If they are the fame perfons that
they were, they are open and profefled
enemies of Monarchy 5 that if they re-
fus'd to renew the pledges of their alle-
giance and fidelity, they mould at leaft
ingenuoufly give fome tokens of it.
Perhaps by that modefty they might ob-
tain the King s indulgence. Otherwife,
they would offer an affront to his Ma-
jefty, in thinking him fo weak and fool-
ifh, as to give fuch open enemies an
opportunity of forming themfelves again
into cabals and confpiracies. And this
would certainly be the confequence, if
they were allowed to meet together in
compa-
3 66 Bi\ Parker's History
companies and conventicles, as they
pleas'd : For it was known that their
Leaders and Teachers were all veteran
enemies of the Royal Caufe, and were
all imaged with an infatiable defire of
bringing their Kings into fubje&ion :
That they attempted to fubvert the Con-
ftitution, under a pretence of main-
taining their liberty $ and would never
be at reft, till by violence they had
wrefted the King's Scepter from him :
That it was not a matter of Religion,
but of government 5 whether they fhould
obey Kings, or Kings fhould fubmit to
them. By their principles, the People
are fuperior to Kings, and have a power
to punifh them : That the order of things
being inverted, Kings fhould be fubjedt
to their Subjects, and Subje&s govern.
For what elfe is the meaning of that
great maxim of them all, That it is not
only lawful for the States of the King-
dom to reftrain the licentioufnefs of
Kings by force, but that they receiv'd
this power from God himfelf , and un-
lefs they ufc it, they are bafe betrayers
of
Of hi s own Tim e. 3^7
of the liberty of the people that is com-
mitted to their charge. What alio means
that principle, That the King is fubjeft
to the Law, and the Law to the People ;
and that it is lawful to rcfift a King that
oppreffes the Kingdom, or lays wafte the
Church of God ; and to purfue him
with war, if he perfifts in it 5 and to
punifh him in what manner they pleafe,
if he is overcome ? Laftly, if viftory in-
clines to the Rebels fide, they call their
fuccefs a token of Divine Favour : And
whatsoever rebellious Subjects do againft
their King, they do it by the direction
of Providence. Thefe principles are
common to all the Sectaries, efpecially
the Presbyterians and Independents ;
who as they are very numerous, fo they
are the chief that claim Liberty of Con-
fcience. The moft famous Teachers in
each Seel taught all thefe things, not
only in their fermons, but in books that
are publiuYd. If they denied this, we
were ready to prove it, from their own
writings : which, when afterwards they
were not afham'd to deny, was fuffici-
3 cntly
368 Bp. Parker's History
ently demonftrated. If the liberty of
their Meetings were granted to them,
every Conventicle where fuch doctrines
are fet forth, would be a plentiful ma-
gazine of Rebellion. Laftly, whatfo-
evcr they afterwards did, I foretold it ;
neither indeed had any one that knew
the men any occafion for the fpirit of
prophecy or divination, to foretell what
would be the iffue 5 for where the eagles
are gather'd together, it is a fure token,
that the carcafles are near. Their Teach-
ers in vain ftrive to conceal it, fincc
the more they endeavour to hide their
wickednefs, fo much the more it is dif-
cover'd. When therefore there was no
innocent, no learned, no fober man of
the Faction, that would defend their
caufe, at length they fent forth this
fcofFer upon the ftage, who when he
had turn'd every thing that was ferious
into mockery and ridicule, the people,
with loud laughter, at once applauded
and defpis'd the buffoon. Thus, by ri-
diculing God and the King, Religion,
the Church, and common Modefty, by
4 comical
Op his own Time. 3 £ j>
comical and lewd buffoonery, they c-
luded the moil important controvcrfy.
Nor was any thing ferioufly written,
befides praifes of the Royal Indulgence
for the Liberty of Confcience that was
granted to the Diffenters : For this he
joyfully congratulates both the King and
Kingdom ; hence he foretells every thing
profperous to both, and affirms, that by
this one piece of policy, the Govern-
ment was cftabliuYd, divifions were clos'd,
and the foundations of everlafting peace
were laid, li there were any that mould
oppofe it, they would be enemies, not
only of the Kingdom, but of the Royal
Prerogative ; for it is its principal right,
to indulge with clemency in matters of
Religion. Civil Laws arc always in
force; but Ecclcfiailical are at the plca-
fure of the King. Neither can he life
his power better than by relaxing the
Laws, in behalf of tender confeiences.
Behold ! This is the fame author, who
who at another time, that he might caft
envy and reproaches upon the King,
loudly affirm'd that by the fame indul-
B b eence
57° Br. Parker's History
gence Religion was betrayed, the State
fubverted, the Laws fcornfully ridicul'd
and eluded ; and that Tyranny was aim'd
at and propos'd. This truly is the ipirit
of the faction, to abufe every thing to
the deftru&ion of the kingdom, to breath
heat and cold out of the fame mouth,
as either (hall feem likely to produce the
greater mifchicf.
From this fountain fprang the greateft
calamities and misfortunes of the Englift
Government 5 for this liberty being once
granted, one ruin precipitately tumbled
and rolled upon another : Firft of all,
as the Majefty of the Government was
weakned bv yielding to rebellious fub-
jefts, fo their boldncfs and infolcncc in
Rebellion was increas'd : For they faid
that the Toleration was not granted by
love, but extorted thro' fear; therefore
they did not acknowledge that they
were oblig'd to the King for any kind-
nefs y for if he had not granted it in
time, he mould have found both their
po ver and their refolution. But their
liberty being now gotten, or rather re.
ftor'd,
Of his own Time. 371
ftor'd, they wou'd never hereafter fufFcr
themfeives to be tamely brought into
flavcry. By thefe allurements (for no-
thing is fweeter to the people than the
name and fhadow of Liberty; they brought
over fo many of the populace, on all
hands, to their party, that the whole
Nation immediately groan'd under them,
and wondred to fee it feif become fa-
natical.
I thought it nccellary to infift the
longer upon this fubject, becaufe as it is
a matter of the axeateft moment in hu-
man life, fo it is as yet fcarcc fufficient-
ly underftood, even by the wifeit men.
Upon this rock, moll Politicians have
chiefly fplit, who being but moderate!)
folicitous about Religion themfeives.
look upon it impertinent to trouble o-
thers about it: They think it is ufual
for the people to pleafe themfeives w it h
their own fancies in Religion ; that if
they leave every one to his own fupcr
fhtion, they will be pleas'd as children
arc with baubles, and be quiet ; but if
'i deny them, you may more fafely
B b 2 provoke
$ji Bp. Parker's History
provoke a neft of hornets. That hence
arife frequent civil wars, becaufc the
weaknefs of the common people is not
indulg'd : Por if you let them alone,
they will be eafy; but fuperftition dif-
turb'd, is turn'd into rage and enthu-
fiafm. Laftly, that Religion is to be
promoted by inftruclion, not by vio-
lence, which if it be ufed, it will force
an outward mew of piety, but will pro-
duce nothing but Atheifm, and a hatred
of all Religion; for whatever is done
by compuliion, will always be ungrate-
ful. I have known thefe to be popu-
lar arguments, and of great efteem a-
mongft the writers of hiftory, and not
only men of a {lender reputation, but
thole of confiderable weight 5 and they
cfpecially pleas'd the great Thuanus him-
lelf, the father of modern hiftory, who
thro' the candour of his temper did in
every page recommend this moderation
in the affairs of the Church. But this
otherwife difcerning man, did not per-
ceive, that it is one thing for Religion
to be fore'd, and another for it to be
defended
Of his own Time. 373
defended or rcpcll'd by force. I con-
fels it ought not to be fore'd, for if it
is not voluntary, it is nothing. But if
a new Religion is entring into the coun-
try of any Prince, if it is not pleafing
to him, he may repel it by force and
arms. If it be finccre, harmlefs and
innocent, let it enter, as the Chriftian
Faith did in the firft ages ; but if it ufes
violence to propagate it fclf, it will be
open Rebellion. There is therefore no
danger from Religion, how muchfoever
opprefs'd, if it be ingenuous and mo-
deft 5 if it be not, it is to be refitted
and rcpuls'd as an enemy. But this has
been the crime and pefl of all tefts,
that being forbidden, they do not flick
to maintain themfclves by war againft
the commands of Kings 5 in fubduing
whom, force was not oppos'd to Reli-
gion, but force againft force. Religion
is not the matter in difpute only, the
Kingdom is to be defended againft a
hoftile invafion : They may think what
they pleafe, provided they do not raife
a flame in another's territories. But if
B b 3 they
374 Bp. Parkbr's History
they dare to do it, they defervc to fuf-
fer punifhment for their rafhnefs and
prciumption. If indeed any King mould
invade another's Country, only that he
might impofc his Religion upon the
vanquiftYd, that would be forcing of
Religion 5 neither truly do I think it
lawful. But to defend a Religion which
the authority and legiflature of the King-
dom has before embrae'd, and eftablifh'd
by laws, againft a new pcriuafion, this
is not to force my Religion upon o.
thers, but to defend it againft the force
that is offer'd to it. And this has been
the true ftate of the war in every King-
dom, between Kings and them that are
given to change. Thefe were the firft
asgreffois, whom when Princes would
drive out of their Country by force,
they do not offer violence to their Re-
ligion, but prevent their offering force
to their own. This ought to be the firft
and principal motive and ground of war
for Religion, not to promote my Reli-
gion by arms, but to put a flop to the
promoting of another.
Another
Of his own Time. 375
Another reafon is, when the autho-
rity of the State has for the fupport of
the Church cnafted penal Laws againft
obftinate delinquents. I confefs there
was no occafion for this power at the
firft appearance of the Chriftian Faith :
For when they could invite men into
the Church without any allurement, but
only the fincere love of Religion, it was
then fufficicnt punifhment for any one
to be call: out of that fociety, in which
alone they thought a happy life was to
be obtain'd, into the confines of hell
and evcrlafting deftruction. Therefore
in the infancy of Chriftianity, the pu-
nifhment of excommunication very well
fufficcd for the difcipline of the Church.
For what could ftrike greater terror up-
on the minds of men than the fear of
evcrlafting punifhment immediately en-
filing? which was thought mod certainly
to follow the fentence of excommuni-
cation. But when Emperors and Kings
afterwards came into the Church, and
hcap'd great privileges upon it, the wic-
ked as well as the good equally follow'd
Bb ^ fuch
57^ Bi\ Parker's History
fuch leaders j only the former feem'd to
ad with greater zeal, becaufc they fol-
lowed not the Church, but the Court 5
being worfliippers of the Emperor, not
of Chrift. Hence arofc a new province
and duty for Princes to take care that
no harm might happen to the Church
upon their account. Therefore leaving
to the Church its own jurifdiction over
ail that arc influenced by true Religion,
they refolv'd to drive thofe from the
Church by the imperial fword, whom
the Church could not reach with the
fpiritual. For the wicked, altho' they
regarded not its fentence, yet as long
as they profefs'd themfelves Chriftians>
they gave as much offence as if they
were really fo. The Emperor therefore
took them under his temporal jurifdic-
tion, and kept off thofe whom the
Church had caft out, which flic was not
able in her felf to do 5 and, as he plcas'd,
chaftiz'd them with punifhments, not as
Chriftians, but as obftinate and rebelli-
ous fubjecls. This ufc of penal Laws
in matters of Religion, prevail'd from
the
Of his own Time. 377
the times of Conftantine ; which always
follow'd the fentence of the Church,
but never went before it. Hence was
that great bulk of Imperial Laws, con-
cerning the affairs of the Church; hence
were the Codices of the Emperors Theo-
dojius and Juflinian 5 hence the Bafilka
in the Ea/f, and the Capitularia in the
Weft. And this was the only defence
of the Church by the Emperors, not
abfolutely palling Eccleflaftical Laws,
but maintaining them when made by
the Church, and ratifying them with pe-
nal fanctions.
The kind reader will, I hope, forgive
the extraordinary length of this relation.
The remembrance of frefti mifery, is apt
to lengthen out difcourfe, and incline
us to bewail it. That terrible ftorm is
before my eyes, in which we faw our
Country almoft fwallow'd up. I fecm
to my fclf to behold all the dangers of
fhipwreck ; the fhip one while daflVd
againft the rocks, another time fuck'd
in by the waves, tofs'd about from fide
to fide, and ready to perifh under every
billow 5
37s Bp. Parker's History
billow j bat at length, when all hopes
of fafety were defpair'd of, brought by
a kind of miracle, fafe into the haven.
We were fo near to deftruftion, that we
can hardly believe that we ftill live;
neither can we look back without hor-
ror upon the greatnefs of the danger.
But whatfoever evils we fuffer'd, they
all proceeded from this unhappy policy.
The enemies of the Kingdom had la-
bour'd for twelve years in making this
engine, before they could prevail to have
it received within our walls. When
they had gained this point, thinking
they had now fufficiently accomplifh'd
their bufinefs, they ftuck at nothing,
and immediately drawing all their forces
together, they broke forth into civil
war : For the fame day that liberty was
granted to thefe Sectaries, the fame men
begun (what they call'd) the papal war >
and under a pretended fear and hatred
of popery, they confpir'd both againft
Church and State. Eut as foon as the
clamour about that matter ceas'd, they
daily ftruck new terrors into the cre-
dulous
Of his own Time. 372
dulous people : And for fix years toge-
ther there was a continual trcmblinsr
and conftcrnation on every fide con-
cerning the invafions of the Papifts, till
at length, in Oates's plot, their villany
burft out. They had then every thing
fo prepar'd for involving the Nation in
a civil war, that if that unhappy Con-
fpiracy had not happened at that time,
they themfclvcs would have brought an-
other to perfection, which would have
been publifh'd to the people on the firft
day of the Parliament's meeting, as we
fhall fhew at the proper time, if God
mail grant us a continuance in life.
In the mean time, thofe very men, by
whofe fraud and importunity this liber-
ty was extorted, turn'd the King's mercy
into a charge againft him, and the very
contrivers of it were the firft that cried
out that it was big with a popifli de-
fign.
There were two inchanting terms,
which at the firft pronunciation could,
like Circe's intoxicating cups, change
men into beads 5 namely, Topery-, and
4- the
380 Bp. Parker's History
the French Interefl. Which words, if
any one did but (lightly mention in the
Houfe of Commons, all fcrious coun-
fels were immediately turn'd into rage
and clamour. If men, other wife fober
did only hear them once, it was furfL
cient to raife them to a degree of mad-
nefs. But thefe infatuating words be-
ing laid afide, they had hitherto behav'd
themfelves with becoming modefty to-
wards the Kings Majefty. And as at
their firfl: meeting, no Parliament in a-
ny age was ever more eminent for fide-
lity and obedience to the King ; lb they
could never be prevailed upon by any
allurements to revolt entirely from their
firfl: loyalty and obedience : and if per-
haps they were in a ferment for a time,
yet when the tempeft of their anger
was a little fallen, they return'd both
to themfelves and to their duty 5 which
they fhew'd in nothing more than in
raifing of taxes : for there hardly pafs'd
a feflion in which they had not grant-
ed whatfoever mm the King defir'd,
with a free and generous fpirit. And
4 perhaps
Of his own Time. 5 8 r
perhaps by their munificence, they had
in fome nicafurc taught the King to be
prodigal, who was naturally not very
parfimonious : For he that was in his
own difpofition too liberal, having im-
menfe riches heap'd upon him, could
not refrain himfelf from indulging his
liberality too much ; neither do I think
that any thing had fo ill an effect upon
the King, as that profufe tax of two
millions and a half, which they rais'd
in 1664, for the firft cDutch war. From
which time, being accuftom'd to great
expenccs, without fear of want, he ne-
ver afterwards could learn a more cau-
tious and moderate liberality. But to
return to the feries of affairs.
When the Duke of Tork had by his oa% 1:>.
Proxy betrotlVd the Duchefs of Modena-, l673-
they humbly petitioned the King, de-
firing that he would command the mar-
riage to be cancell'd. Hereupon the
feffion was prorogued for fix days, that
they might confider with thcmfelvcs,
how indecently they had intermeddled
with an affair that was out of their pro-
vince.
*j8a Bp. Parker's History
vince. But the firft day of their meet-
ing again, the fame petition was not
only renew'd, but ftrengthned and in-
fore'd with arguments ; That if fuch a
marriage fhould be confummated, it
would endanger Religion, give great
fcandal and grief to the King s Proteftant
fubje&s, and engage the King in Popifti
alliances: That it had been long per-
ceivd, that fuch marriages encouragd
the growth of Popery : That this had
rais'd the fpirits of the Papifts too much:
That they would not have the reve-
rence and love of the people of Eng-
land towards the Duke of Tork (which
was very great) be leffend and abated:
That it was a wretched thing that the
Nation mould never be free from the
fear of Popery : That it had been now
for a hundred years under the dread of
it : And laftly, that the Duchcfs had
many confiderable relations in the Court
of Rome.
The King imiling, anfwer'd, that he
was not a Pope, that could diffolve and.
annul a marriage that was perform'd ac*
cording
Of his own Tim e. 385
cording to the Law of Nations ; and
that he wondred that they had not in^
terpos'd when the Duke not long fince
had defir'd a marriage with the Duchefs
of Viponts: That certainly the rights of
marriage were as free and open to
Princes of the Royal Line as to any
other. Having receiv'd this anfwer, and
being influcne'd by imprudent council,
they rafhly, and as it were tumultuoufly,
pafs'd thefe three votes : Firft, That
they would not grant any taxes, till
Religion fhould be fecur'd by the re-
moval of Popifh Couniellors. Second-
ly, That publick prayers fhould be ap-
pointed to appeafe the divine anger, and
prevent the approaches of Popery. And
laftly, that the fmall army which the
King had, fhould be disbanded. Then
the Parliament was prorogued to the 7th
of January, and Shaftsbury being now
remov'd, the marriage was folemniz'd.
On the 7th of January, 1 674, the Par*
liament met; and at the opening of it,
the King complain'd that he had in vain
endeavour'd to bring the TDutch to a
peace ;
384 f>p. Parker's History
peace ; for they derided all the terms of
accommodation, and while they pretend-
ed to treat in earned about it, they were
in the mean time bufy in preparing for
war : Therefore he advis'd them to put
a feafonable flop to the enemy ; for he
had a fleet well fitted out, provided pay
was not wanting for the feamen; and
if they would enable him to pay them,
he promised that he would procure fuch
a peace from the enemy, as they them-
felves mould think honourable. Other-
wife the Dutch would impofe upon him,
being unarnVd, whatioever terms that
haughty Nation mould think fit. And
this alone had made the enemy averfe
to peace, becaufe they received infor-
mation from Englandy that the Parlia-
ment would grant no fupplies for the
war ; when that vain hope was remov'd,
he mould eafily obtain fuch a peace as
they defir'd.
But they had no regard to whatfocver
was faid about peace or war, for Reli-
gion was before all things at their heart;
they faid that, was in more danger from
the
Of his own Time. 3$j
the Papifts, than the Kingdom was from
the Dutch. Pirft of all, therefore, a
day of fading and ftipplication muft be
proclaim'd; then every one's rights and
liberties muft be refcued from tyranny:
That this was not to be hop'd for, unlefs
the evil Counfellors were remov'd, who
were at prefent in the higheft power i
Laftly, fmce there was fo great a cla-
mour (rais'd defignedly by themfelvcs)
concerning a Popifh Confpiracy, they
beg the King that the Train- Bands might
be in a readinefs for a&ion, in every
County of the Nation, efpecially at
London.
Upon this the people were aftonifh'd
and amaz'd, being the more concern d,
becaufe they heard that they were near
to fo great a danger, and yet knew not
whence it rofe, or where it lay ; for
they faw no enemy at home that was
able to carry on a war, unlefs every fin-
gle perfon could kill five hundred ; for
the number of papifts is not greater in
proportion to the reft ; neither did they
much fear that it would rain armed
C c men.
3 8^> Bp. Parker's History
men. When they found that no ene-
my could be fo near at hand, unlcis
they came from beyond fea, they were
in a vaft terror concerning a defcent to
be made by the French ; by which fraud
they chiefly impos'd upon the people,
becaufe they always join'd the French to
the Popilh Intereft : As if the one was
to lay the fchemes, and the other put
them in execution ; and if there was
occafion for any thing to be done for
the fervice of the Popifh caufe, the
French were to do it by forcb and arms.
With which fi&ion (as grofs and enor-
mous as it was) they kept the people
for fome years in that confternation,
that there were hardly more outrageous
tumults in Rome when Hannibal was at
the gates. And indeed, they had fo fa-
miliarly accuftom'd themfelves to thefe
monftrous lies, that at the firft opening
of Oatess plot, they with a ready and
cafy credulity receiv'd all his fl&ions >
for whatfoever he publifh'd, they had
long before cxpe&cd. Nay, they made
even the King's authority ierve to carry
or*
Of his own Time. 387
on their farce, Proclamations being
daily extorted from him by their im-
portunity, which requir'd the Papifts to
depart from the city, and the Soldiers
from the French fervice : For thefe would
make a compleat army, which unlefs it
was timely diflblv'd, would ibme time
or other return to the deftru&ion of
their Country. Nor did they raife a
lefTer terror from the Englijh than from
the French foldiers 5 intimating that they
were therefore fent into France, that
being inured to warlike difcipline, they
might return with hoftile arms into their
own Country. When therefore the
King found that there was a manifeft
revolt from him in Parliament, and all
Councils were turn'd into malice and
fa&ion, he made the peace (the fubftance
of which we have mention'd before)
upon more honourable conditions than
could be expe&ed, confidering their ob~
ftinacy. After this was concluded, the
Parliament was prorogued from the 24th
of March, to the 10th of November
following 5 and thence it was put off
Cc 2 by
388 Bp. Parkers History
by feveral prorogations, to the 13 th of
April, 1675.
In the mean while, the Fa&ious di-
ligently plied their work, fcattering fe-
dition every where, bewitching the peo-
ple with falfe doclrines, augmenting the
ftrength of the fa&ion, and aiming at
this one point, to engage the votes of
the people for themfelves, in cafe of
new elections for Parliament. Think-
ing they had fufficiently done this, when
at length the Parliament met, they per-
plexed all its councils with difputes and
controverfies, that no meafures being
brought to effeft while it fate, the King
might be forcd to call a new Parlia-
ment, in which they did not doubt but
they mould have the majority. The
Confpiracy was known to the King 5
and in the fpeech which he made on the
firft day of the Scffion,he earneftly exhort-
ed all good men to beware of it. But
this caution came too late; the infe&ion
had fpread too far : Immediately it was
Lords difputed in the Houic of Lords (which
journals. was never done before) whether thanks
fhould
Of his own Time. 38^
fhould be given to the King, according
to cuftom, for his gracious fpeech. The
opinion of thofe prevailed, who were
for returning thanks 5 but the factious
withftood it j and, that a monument of
their oppofition might remain to pofte-
rity, every one of them entred his pro-
tcft, with his name, in the Records of
the Houfc. In the lower Houfe nothing
was done or talked, but motions made
for the removing the King's Counfellors,
inflicting fevercr punifhments upon the
Papifts, dealing more mildly with the
Nonconformifts, recalling the King's
fubjects from the French fervice, ma-
naging the Treafury better, making pre-
parations for a Fleet at fea, and in fhort,
for a total change. Againft thefe open
attempts to fubvert the Government,
others oppos'd a new oath of fidelity,
to be taken by all that fhould hold any
office in the State, or fhould hereafter
fit in Parliament, That it is unlawful to
bear arms againft the King, upon any
pretence whatfoever 5 and that they do
from their heart abhor that impious po-
C c 3 fition,
j5>o Bp. Parkers History
fition, that it is lawful to fight upon the
King's authority againft his pcrfon, or
thofe that are commiflion'd by .him ;
and laftly, that they will not attempt a
change of cither the ecclefiaftical or the
civil Government. Hence there arofe
fuch a quarrel and clamour, that fcveral
days were fpent in contention, nor were
they ever known to have contended
\vjth more animofity. The numbers of
the factious were lefs than the other,
tho' there were many that were not in
the Confpiracy, who came over to them,
that the privileges of the Lords might
not be impair'd 5 by which turn of the
debate they got the matter to be drop'd :
For thus they entred it in their Jour-
nals, April 21. 1675. that the queftion
might not be brought into difpute>
u We the Peers of this Kingdom de-
cc ctere, that the rights of the Nobility,
** and the cuftoms of Parliament are
u weakned, by the bare putting the
^ queftion, Whether this oath (hall be
H taken? For the right of voting in
Parliament does not depend upon
'* certain
Of his own Time. 391
" certain conditions, but dcfcends by
" inheritance ; neither can there be any
« lofs of it, but that by which the ho-
u nour of the Nobility is forfeited 5 and
"that can be forfeited only by Trea-
" fon. Therefore they proteft by the
" memories of their anccftors, and by
<c the dignity of their families, that they
cc will never fuffer the privileges of the
" Nobility fo much as to be brought
" into difpute." And they withftood it
with that obftinacy, that at length the
whole Parliament (another debate being
designedly rais'd by the fa&ious Mem-
bers) partly being wearied with con-
tending, and partly thro* a defire of re-
taining their liberty, that their ancient
rights might not by this example be
brought under new reftraints, refolved
that for the future no Law mould be
propos'd to require a new oath to be
taken in Parliament. Neither perhaps
was it ill advis'd 5 for no care in Noble-
men ought to be more conftant, or can
be more laudable, than for the ancient
privileges and prerogatives of the Nobi-
C c 4 lity i
$$% Bp. Parker's History
lity 5 for if there once begins a flight
change, there will never be an end of
innovations. Nevcrthelcfs, their rights
were in no danger from this oath, for
there was nothing in it but what they
had fwora in the oath of allegiance.
But fince the Presbyterians, tho* bound
by that oath, had yet by that evafion
T>f feparating the King's authority from
his perfon, rebell'd againft King Charles
the Firft, it could not feem hard to any
honeft well-meaning man, or lover of
his Country, to put a flop to this trea-
cherous equivocation, by the fecurity of
a new oath. Now the fa&ious faw ve-
ry well the ftope and drift of this Law,
therefore they drove hard that this pa£
fage might be always open for them to
ihvade the Government : lor no one
was ignorant, and lead of all the fatti-
pus> that the fame had, even from the
King's return, been both requir'd of e.
very one that held any office in the
State, and alio taken by moft of the
Nobility : For they had chiefly executed
the greateft offices in the Militia, fo
that
Of his own Time. 325
that they had no occafion to oppofe it,
if they had not had fomething farther
in their view. They would have the
Monarchy leffen'd, to the increafe of
their own and the people's power 5 there-
fore they could not bear that it fhould
be guarded by new laws againft their
endeavours ; efpecially fince they were
taking the fame meafures, which they
fo fuccefsfully purfued againft Charles
the Firft, they were afraid left the way
for accomplifhing this defign fhould be
ftopp'd up by this oath. However, they
were refolv'd to make this ufe of the
prefent debate, that by it they might
obftruft and perplex the King's affairs;
and what that party chiefly aim'd at, was,
that nothing proposed to the Houfe fliou'd
come to any iffue > whereupon the King,
growing weary of his Parliament, woud
be obliged to diffolve it : If this was
once cfFefted, they doubted not but they
and their friends fhould be chofen into
the next Parliament, This therefore
was the rcafon that the contention con-
cerning the rights of the Nobility being
not
5^4 Bp. Parker's History
not yet laid aflecp, they renewM the
ancient one between the two Houfes,
concerning prerogatives and privileges.
A great and fierce engagement indeed!
and the mod memorable of all that ever
happened in Parliament. The former,
between Skinner and Bernardifton, which
began in the year i663, continued burn-
ing for a year and a half, before it was
extinguifh'd. But this, as it was more
lafting, fo it was carried on with more
contentions, and greater animofities, fo
that the Houfes, forgetting their dignity,
almoft proceeded to arms. But it began
thus : When the factious found them-
ielves out-voted in the Houfe of Lords,
concerning the oath that was to be im-
posed, and that they could no longer
hinder, but that it muft pafs into a Law,
they kindled this contention between
the Lords and Commons, that while
they were eagerly intent upon it, the
other might be drop'd. And it hap-
pen'd, even beyond their hopes, that
they not only deferred, but abfolutely
cdlroy'd the Bill: For when they began
to
Of his own Time. 395
to be more warmly engaged in this new
debate, they all came to that refolution
of throwing out the queftion, left while
they were attacked from without, they
might be deftroy'd by divifions within.
Nor was the difpute that was rais'd, a-
bout a fmall matter, but concerning
the very higheft and moft valuable ju-
rifdiction belonging to the Houfe of
Lords, even the right of receiving Ap-
peals, which had been the chief prero-
gative of the Nobility from the earlieft
times that are mention'd in our Annals,
and had never been call'd in queftion
before. The matter was thus manag d
by the fa&ious in both Houfes : A caufe
being judg'd in the Court of Chancery,
between Sherley a Do&or of Phyfick,
and Fagg9 a Member of the lower Houfe
(who were both Fanaticks s) Sherley, a-
gainft whom the fentence was given,
appealed to that fupreme Court, the
Houfe of Lords 5 and Fagg was cited
to plead his caufe. The matter being
communicated by him to the lower
Jioufe^ he was forbidden to appear: But
he
3 5>£ Bp. Parker's History
he appear'd, and procur'd a longer time.
In the mean while, Sherley was order'd
into cuftody by the lower Houfe ; and
being taken by their Serjeant at Arms,
he was refcucd with violence and tu-
mult, by one of the Houfe of Peers, a
man of great power in the Fa&ion, who
tore the order of the Houfe of Com-
mons. The factious in the lower Houfe
complain'd of the violence done to their
authority. Their confederates in the up-
per Houfe cried out on the other hand,
that the thing was juftly done. They
on the contrary, came to a refolution,
that it was contrary to parliamentary
right, and not to be fuffer'd. But the
Peers vow'd that they would never de-
part from their right 5 that it was in
vain for the Commons to ftrive any
longer, for this was their perpetual re-
folution 5 That the Peers have an un-
doubted right to judge in matters of ap-
peal, altho' one of either Houfe Jhould be
concerned in the fuity that there may be
719 flop or inter mijjion of juflice, even for
4 moment. The other Houfe pafs'd a
refolution
Of his own Time. 3577
rcfolution contrary to this. Thus the
differences running very high, other new
appeals were daily brought by the fac-
tious 5 and the difpute arofe to quarrel-
ling and exclaiming, then to railing and
reproaching, and laftly, to anger and
hatred. But the chief mifdemeanour
that they charg'd each other with, was,
that they had dcfignedly deftroy'd the
mutual peace and concord between the
Houfes, that they might be of no ufe
or fcrvice for the future ; and that the
only thing which they aim'd at was to
provoke the King to diffolve the Par-
liament. But he knew too well their
defign, and therefore deferr'd it. They
ftill grew the more inflam'd, till at length
the Houfes forbid all conferences with
each other. Thus the Kingdom being
divided as it were into two Govern-
ments, each Houfe acted feparately, for-
bidding all corrcipondence with the o«
ther. The Peers gave judgment upon a
caufe > and the lower Houfe took the
Lawyers that pleaded the caufe before
them, together with the Appellant him-
felf,
a<>8 Bp. Parke ks His tor V
felf, into cuftody. The Peers order'd
that they fhould be difchargd. Thus
every one that obey'd either, was cer-
tainly imprifond by the other. The
King interpos'd in thefe great divifions
and diftraftions of the Kingdom, and
defir'd them to refer the matter to him,
and promis'd that he would judge im-
partially : He told them that it was no
difficult difpute, but defignedly promoted
by feditious men, in both Houfes, which
he had given them an intimation of in
the beginning of the fellion ; and un-
lefs they took the utmoft care to difap-
point their defigns, all the ufe and au-
thority of Parliament would henceforth
be deftroy'd 5 therefore he exhorted them
to confult only the intereft of the King-
dom for the future, laying afide thefe
little unbecoming difputes. But the
more he endeavour'd to cool them, fo
much the more the flame increased 9
breaking out of the Houfes of Parlia-
ment, and fpreading among the people,
each Houfe as it were appealing to them,
by publifhing libels, Thus all hopes of
1 peace
Of his own Time. 35*5*
peace being now cut off, the Parliament
was prorogued from the 9th of ^June,
to the 1 3th of the following OEiober.
Upon which day, when the Parliament
met, the King earneftly intreated them,
that at lead, deferring their contentions
about the matter in difpute, they would
firft con ful t for the good of the King-
dom, for he had immediate occafion
for a fupply for building of fhips. In
return to this, the factious were full of
complaints and grievances concerning
the growth of Atheifm, the French In-
tereft, and Popery. Thefe things muft
be firft amended, and the divine anger
appeas'd by publick fupplications, before
they could confult about the affairs of
the Kingdom. But the better part of
the Houie prevail'd, ordering a fupply
of three hundred thoufand pounds for
the building of twenty (hips of the firft
rate. But on the 1 9th of October, when
the fa&ious faw that the refolutions in
the lower Houfe were likely to have a
profperous iffue, on a fudden Sherley%
caufe was flatted again in the upper ;
and
/joo Bp. Parker's History
and was carried on with greater animo-
sity than before > for now the difpute
was not concerning the privileges of
Members of Parliament, but concern-
ing even the liberties of the Subje&s,
the difpute being chang'd into this ques-
tion, Whether there was any right of
appealing at all to the Houfe of Peers?
The Houfe of Commons, by a Refo-
lution publifh'd, declar'd there was none :
And if any one made an appeal, he was
a betrayer of the rights and liberties of
the Subjects of England, and ought to
be pimifhid as a Traitor. In the Houfe
of Lords they were divided into feve-
ral opinions ; fincerc and wcll-difpos'd
men were for putting off the difpute
for fix weeks, and for firft conftdering
of the great and important affairs of the
Kingdom 5 for there was an efpecial oc-
cafion for a fupply for building of fhips,
and a fleet muft be quickly fitted out,
othcrwife every thing at home and a-
broad would fuffer: For the Councils
about publick affairs had been fo long
obftru&ed by thefe private difpiites, to
1 the
Op his own Time. 401
the incredible damage of publick affairs.
Thefe being once finifh'd, they might
purfue the other as they plcas'd.
But when the Faction, by continual
fpeaking, had protra&ed Sherlefs caufe
in the upper Houfe, the flame was con-
tinued in the lower Houfe, by the fame
induftry of their affbeiates, till all hopes
of accommodation between the Houfcs
were gone ; whereupon they mov'd in
the upper Houfe, to addrefs the King,
that he would difTolve the Parliament :
Firft, becaufe law and cuftom requir'd
the frequent callings of Parliaments:
Secondly, becaufe it feem'd unreafon-
able that a few men fhould claim to
themfelves alone, for fo many years,
the whole power over the people of
England. Laftly, becaulc it was found
that the long continuance of the fame
Parliament in power always tended to
diiCords and feditions; which (they laid)
they had too plainly found in the dif-
pute between Sherley and Fagg: And
that this was the reafon that all their
confultations were brought to no iffue.
Dd But
4oi Bp. Parker's History
But when the majority were againft ad-
drc fling the King, the factious enter'd
their diflent in the Records of the Houfe.
There were fo great diforders rais'd in
both Houfes by the Confpirators, that
the King, provok'd at the bafenefs of
their proceedings, commanded the Par-
liament to be prorogued for a year and
three months. On the 15th of Febru-
ary, 1676, the day appointed for their
meeting, the Parliament aflembled 5 and
the King, according to cuftom, graci-
oufly and courteoufly, but fomewhac
more earneftly, exhorted them to una-
nimity, and that they would not fuffer
their ancient differences to be renew'd,
for they were mean, and unbecoming
the dignity of Parliament, and not of
fuflicient moment to difturb the peace
of the Kingdom : And they ought in
the firft place to take care of that, and
not to confult upon any affair, till they
faw that was fafc and in good condi-
tion. He promis'd them every thing
that was good, if they would but agree
amongft thcmfclves : That he would
pais
Of his own Time. 40 j
pafs whatfoever Laws they fhould mo-
deftly defire, for the fafer prefcrvation
of their Religion and Liberties. Laftly,
he call'd God and man to witnefs, that
he fhould be innocent and free from all
blame, if afterwards the publick inrereft
fhould fufFcr by difcords and feditions
between themfelves : But if they fhould
perfift in them, he would no longer bear
fuch clamours and fa&ious outrages.
The factious, when they were hardly
returned to the Houfe, did in a moment
make an aiTault upon the Parliament,
as if they had leaped out of a place of
ambufh : They laid, that the prorogation
had been continued beyond the year,
and by the Laws of England there ought
to be at leaft annual meetings of Par-
liament 5 and therefore being deferr'd
longer, they were diflolv'd 5 and it was
their duty voluntarily to difTolve them-
felves. At the lame time, a prodigious
rabble of people fill'd all the avenues to
the Houfe. Thefc were gather'd toge-
ther out of a ftreet call'd flapping, which
is inhabited by the refufe and dregs of
Dd 2 the
404 Bp. Parker's History
the people, Porters, Seamen, Bargemen,
Butchers, Coblers, Curriers, Ropers,
and all kinds of ordinary Mechanicks,
even an immenfe multitude of men.
By their tumults and licentious noife at
the very doors of both Houfes, our fac-
tious mob-drivers thought they fhould
ftrike fuch a terror into the Parliament,
that they might rage with the greater
infolcnce within the Houfe. And if
they had happen d to have carried their
point, they had a mob ready to pro-
claim through the city with triumphant
fhouts and huzza's, that the Parliament
was diflblv'd : For it was the cuftom of
the Fa&ion frequently to call together
fuch aflemblies as thefe to enter into
confultations with them concerning pub-
lick affairs, and be prefent with them
at their feafts, that when they had been
(as it were) drenched in wine, they
might be enrag'd with greater zeal. By
which arts the Rebellion agai n ft Charles
the Firft was fet on foot and begun •
the footfteps of which they fo exactly
trod in, that they betray 'd the barren-
3 nefs
Of his own Time. 405
ncfs of their wit and wifdom 5 for it
(hews a dull and heavy genius to invent
nothing new, and always to follow a
pattern 5 and it was altogether foolifh,
to dwell upon a thing fo well known,
and fo frefh in the memory of men.
Which thing alone, in my opinion, prc-
ferv'd the Government from new de-
ftruction, only becaufe it was deftroy'd
but a few years before. But the facti-
ous being fupported by fuch great num-
bers of their black guard, begun to de-
bate concerning the diffolution of the
Parliament, before they wou'd fuffer any
thing to be laid before the Houfe. The
Peers fo fharply refentcd this infolence
of the men, that they immediately or-
der'd them to beg pardon. And when
they refus'd, four of them were com-
mitted prifoners to the Tower (for as yet
no more had fliewn themfelves) and a-
mong thefe was the Earl of Shaftsbury.
Thefe were prifoners for a year, and
not fet at liberty till they had begg'd
pardon upon their knees. Their aflb-
ciates and accomplices in the lower
Dd 3 Houfc
406 Bp. Parker's History
Houfe being fuddcnly terrified at this
example of the Peers, drop'd the ques-
tion, as if they laid down their arms.
A flop being fo feafonably put to fedi-
tion, not only perfect peace and tran-
quillity, but a lbbcr temper and difpo-
fition was renewed in the Parliament 5
a Tax of fix hundred thoufand pounds
being granted for the building of thirty
fhips 5 which, notwithstanding the King
had almcft in his pofleiTion, he with
difficulty kept, and not without a hard
ftruggle : for there was prefently rais'd
a difpute between the Houlcs, concern-
ing privileges and forms of words. This
the factious on both fides aggravated and
blew up into as great a contention as
they could. Which when the Peers faw
there would be no end to, they chofe
rather to recede from their power, than
not aflift and relieve the Kingdom in fo
great a nccciilty. This conceffion (that
it might not become a precedent) they
entred in their book of Records, April
the 16th, tho' fome perfons oppofed it.
Neither was the difpute ended, thro'
the
Of his own Time. 407
the contumacy of the Faction, till that
time. When the factious faw matters
ftand thus, they urg'd the King, the N
tion and the Parliament into war with
the French King : And indeed it was a
war not only not unjuft, but pious, and
even neceflary, and approv'd by all good
men ; and to which the King was be-
fore inclirAi of his own accord. The
Provinces of Flanders are fituated the
neareft to the Britijh lea $ thefe, as long
as they were a part of the Spanish do-
minions, were a defence to England a-
gainft a foreign enemy, as a tower or
caftle lying between; But the French
King had penetrated into thefe Provinces
by fudden and violent excurfions, tak-
ing many towns and cities : And there
was no enemy to oppofe the Conqueror.
The Spaniard was but in a very weak
condition to enter upon a war 5 for he
had neither foldiers nor money to pay
them. The 'Dutch being worn out with
a long courfe of wars, complain'd that
they were no longer able to bear it.
From the year 1665, the English had
D d 4 harrals'd
40 8 Bp. Parkers History
harrafs'd them at fca; and from 1672,'
the French had broke in upon them by
land; making a treaty with England,
in 1674, they had from that time fought
feveral battles with the French, not ve-
ry fucccfsfully : Heavy taxes were rais'd
to pay their foldiers 5 neither did they
only bear the expences of their own
army, but paid half the charges of their
Allies. It was the King of England
alone, that was capable of reftoring and
giving life to their affairs, that had hi-
therto been declining, and almoft en-
tirely ruin'd. But he muft fpeedily in-
terpofe, otherwife a Province that could
now be defended, would afterwards be
conquered. Therefore the King was
pleas'd with fo juft, fo necefTary a war;
and he faid he would have undertaken
it before, if he had not wanted a fup-
ply for the war j which if they would
but allow, he would not defer it for
a day. They made him rich and plen-
tiful promifes, but gave not a farthing.
The King declar'd that he would not
proclaim war till they had granted him
a fup-
Of his own Time. 405*
a fupply of fix hundred thoufand pounds
to pay his foldiers. They neither
granted nor denied it for the prefent ;
but deferr'd it to the next Seffion } May 2.1.
which being come, they declar'd that
they could grant no money, till they
were aflfur'd of the alliance being made
with the 'Dutch, and that the war was
undertaken. When this was done, they
would then at length confult of ways
and means 5 and if the King would a-
gree upon fuch terms of an alliance as
pleas'd them, then they would aflift him.
The King was fo provok'd at this new MayiS.
and unheard-of infolcnce, that he af-
fur'd them he would never bear fo great
an indignity; for the right of making
peace and war was in him alone, and
did not belong to them at all: That
this was without example, for the King
had not only a power to make what
alliances he pleas'd, but to make and re-
quire fuch conditions as he fhould think
fit : That if he once gave up this, he
fhould be no longer a King, but a Sub-
ject : That he fhould be accountable to
the
4io Bp. Parker's History
the power of Parliaments : That he
fhould appear, as well among his owr*
fubje&s as foreigners, only to have the
(hadow, and an empty title of King,.
3^».i8. Hereupon the Parliament was put off,
16^8. ■ /. 1 . 1
by feveral prorogations, to another year :
And when they met again, the King firft
of all told them that he had made ar\
alliance with the Tiutchy upon fuch
terms as pleas'd him, and then defir'd a
fpeedy fupply, equal to the charges of
the war : That lefs forces would not
be fufficient than a fleet of ninety (hips,
and an army of at lead thirty thoufand
men. If they would forthwith take care
of it, he did not queftion but he fhould
carry on the war fucccfsfully 5 but he
would never undertake it with but half
Jan. 23. a force. Nevertheless, they not only
proceed as before, but with much greater
prefumption detraft from the Royal
Dignity, refolving that no conditions
of peace fhould be entrcd into but thofe
that were agreed to in the Tyrenxan
Treaty: And then, that all correfpon-
dence with the French fhould be forbid-
den,
Of his own Time. 41*
den, not only to the Confederates, but
to all the world ; but as to money to-
wards the charge of the war, not a word
was mention'd. The King being now
no longer able to bear their imperti-
nence and pcrverfenefs, in a threatning
manner admonifh'd them not to pro-
ceed, and declared that he would no
longer delay, for either they muft grant
his rcquefts without trifling, or he would
immediately relinquifh the war. Thus
at length he, with much ado, extorted
from them ( very much againft their
wills) that fuppiy which he had defir'd
for a whole year together, towards that
war which they themfeives had begun,
a fleet of ninety fhips being fitted out,
an army of thirty thouland men rais'd,
and a tax of a million of money al-
low'd towards the war. The factious
wifh'd for nothing more than that the
war mould not be ended : For thus they
always pretended loyalty to the King,
firft, that by large promifes they might
pufh him into a war, and then, when
he was involv'd in it, and diftrefs'd by
3 want
4ii Bp. Parker's History
want of money, they might deliver him
up, as a prey to his enemy 5 which at
the fame time was done, as far as was
in their power : For having granted that
fupply to begin the war, they prefently
demanded that all trade with France
fhould be forbidden for three years; by
which the King loft more in his cuftoms,
than he got by the fupply ; for befides
that the King of France rcveng'd this
Interdict, by forbidding all trade with
Great Britain for ten years, heavier du-
ties were laid upon French goods, whe-
ther the natural produd of the country,
or their manufactures, becaufe they moft
commonly ferve not fo much for the
neceflaries of human life, as luxury and
pleafure; fuch as are wine, brandy, ftlks
and linen, the cuftoms of which are eve-
ry year computed at three hundred thou-
f and pounds. Thus at length, they ma-
nag'd the affair by this new ftratagem,
that both fhould be pafs'd by the fame
law, fo that if the King received the
fupply, he muft lofe his cuftoms ; for he
had it not in his power to divide them,
but
Of his own Time. 41 j
but muft either pafs or rejed both. As
this cuftom of tacking laws begun at
this time, by which things contrary or
different are enacted by the fame Law,
fo it alfo ended now 5 for the King May 13.
forbad the fame the next feflion. Nor
was this only then attempted, but they
pafs'd another Law concerning clothes,
that it (hould be lawful to wear only
woolen, and thofe made at home, for
the half of every year 5 by which there
would be a greater lofs not only of the
cuftoms, but of trade it felf; wherefore
the Peers reje&cd it, when it was pafs'd
by the lower Houfe, as far as was in
their power. But now the war being
begun, and an alliance made with the
*Dutch upon honourable terms, the fub-
ftance of which was this, That there
fhould be perpetual peace and amity be-
tween the King of Great Britain and
the States General : That both fhould
have the fame friends and enemies: That
they (hould not lay down their arms,
but by common confent, nor treat of
peace feparately : That they fhould with
joint
414 Bp. Parker's History
joint forces endeavour to bring the Ca-
tholick and Moil Chriftian Kings to a
peace : That firft of all the French fhou'd
reftore to the Spaniard all the places in
Flanders that were taken in the wars,
and to the German Princes, efpecially
the city of Friburgh, and the other ci-
ties and towns in the Province of Brif-
gaw-, and then that Lorrain fhou'd be
reftor'd entire to its Duke : And if either
of the Kings fhou'd refufe the terms
which the King of Great Britain mould
offer, then he fhould be fore'd to it by
arms. The King joyfully gave an ac-
count of the matter being fo well tranf-
aftcd and confulted to his Parliament :
But they immediately, contrary to every
one's expedations, declar'd that the al-
liance by no means pleas'd them, and
was contrary to the intereft of the King-
dom. Upon this, the King being in-
cenfed with anger and indignation, two
days after, by a meflage, commanded
them to forbear this perverfenefs. Ne-
verthelefs they went on, and made re-
peated complaints of evil Counsellors,
even
Of his own Time. 4iy
even to the reproach of the King him-
felf. The King being more highly pro-
vok'd, hardly gave them any anfwer,
but ask'd them whether they were mad ;
for their unufual boldnefs and infolence
was fuch, that he did not know b^r
what name to call it. Hereupon the
Parliament was prorogued for a fort-
night.
But at the fame time that the 'Dutch
had drawn the King of Great Britain
into an alliance, in order to a war, as
if they had combin'd with our fa&ion at
home, they treated of a feparate peace
with the French. And whereas at the
fame time there was a treaty about a
quadruple alliance, between rhe Empe-
ror, the Spaniard, the Engltjh and the
*Dutchy an Embaflador of the States was
fent for that purpofe into England-, at
firft he wanted power, and then, after
a long delay, inftrudions for treating
were prefcribed to him 5 and thus the
time was protraded till they had made
a feparate treaty with the French 5 for
the French hearing of the preparations
for
4-ig Rp. Parker's History
for war from England, voluntarily fent
terms of peace to the Congrefs at Ni~
meguen> for the 'Dutch* whom he knew
to have been long weary of the war*
The reft of the Confederates were pro-
vok'd at the bafenefs of the conditions.
The 'Dutch alone feem'd to comply.
Hereupon there immediately appear'd a
new face of things, when they who
were the firft in the war, were the firft
that fued for a peace. Therefore the
Confederates complain'd in vain of the
firft alliance, and the King of England
of his laft ; (by both which it was un-
lawful to make a feparate peace.) But
the Dutch would have a peace upon a-
ny terms, if they could but live 5 and
the French King would have the Confe-
deracy broken at any rate, fince the
King of England was come into it.
Things (landing thus abroad, when there
was at the fame time a revolt of the
factious from the King at home, the in-
tereft of the Confederates bein°; weak-
ned by this frefli wound, was fpeedi-
ly ruind. For the Dutch pretending to
have
Of his own Time, 4x7
have loft all hope of a ill fiance from the
Englifb, haften'd to finifh the peace
which they had defign'd : And the French
King was in as much hafte to bring the
matter to an end, which was fo rafhiy
begun, that they might not have time
to change their minds. By this appa-
rently ludicrous change of affairs, the
King of England was fo provok'd, that
he complain d to the Parliament of the May 23.
war being firft begun at their impor-
tunate requefl, and now made a jeft of
by them, to the prejudice not only of
him, but of all the Confederate Princes;
that he was afham'd of fuch diihonour-
able trifling and inconftancy in his fub-
je6rs5 and that whatsoever mould hap-
pen, the blame mould not lie upon him.
Laftly, he advifed them to confider,
what peace there was likely to be expect-
ed, fince the alliance was diffolv'd, which
could hardly be renew'd between fo ma-
ny Princes. If the cDutch> having vio-
lated their treaties, make a feparate peace,
they will plead our inconftancy in their
defence : For they will fay that they
E e made
4i 8 Bp. Park e r's Hi st o r y
made the alliance, being drawn in by
your promifes, that you would never be
wanting towards the charges of the war,
till the Moil Chriftian King fhould be
fore d to a juft peace : But now, when
they found all your counfels chang'd in-
to quarrels and difputes about Religion,
and that no iupply would be given till
they were ended (altho* they will never
have an end :) When they hear that the
Royal Prerogative is violated by your
bold demands, which are intolerable and
mod injurious; what wonder is it (fays
he) if all hope of afllftance from Eng-
land being gone, upon whofe will and
pleafure almoft all the hope and fortune
of Europe depended, as long as through
your means there was concord at home,
they mould procure a peace upon what
terms they could, while peace was to
be obtain d ! Which being once done,
the Confederates on all hands wou'd be
difpers'dj the Spaniard could not fup-
p ort Glanders ; neither could the Empe-
ror, the "Dutch and Spaniard being gone
off, be an equal match for the enemy;
3 much
Op his own Time. 4 i p
much lefs could Lorrahi, ^Deyimark and
Brandenbitrgh 5 but mud accept of what-
ever terms he fhall plcaie to impofe up-
on the vanquifh'd. If therefore the peace
of Europe fhould be fnatch'd away,
when they had it almoft in their hands,
the fault would be in them alone : For
the firfl failure was in them 5 which be-
ing once begun, all the Confederates
would fall off, one after another 5 there-
fore they lhould either never have entred
into the war, or have carried it on longer.
But as the matter was manag'd by them, it
was both a jeft and an injury to all Eu-
rope. Before this, every one could have
treated and made terms for himfelf 3 but
now, each of them were expos'd fingle
as a prey to the Conqueror, and muft
fubmit to his conditions. Neither had
they only betray'd their Allies, but alfo
thcmfelvcs; for a very powerful King
was now provok'd againft them, and they
could not be a match for him fingle,
without their Confederates, much lcfs
when they were divided at home. But
wftatfoever misfortunes fhould arife either
E c 2 to
4io Bp. Parkers History
to them or their Allies, he indeed fhould
bear his fhare of the mifery, but they
would bear all the difgrace 3 therefore he
exhorted them to make a (land, at leaf! a
little while, for all things look'd towards
peace 5 there was a cefTation of arms a-
greed to, which he doubted not would
end in a peace, provided they would in
the mean time be true to themfelves,
and ftand to their arms; for honourable
conditions were not to be expected, but
with fword in hand : Therefore the fleet
was not to be laid up, nor the army
disbanded, neither would he difcharge
them, till the peace was made. After
thefc things were fpoke, they immedi-
Mayij. ately, on that very day, refolv'd that the
King fhould either dire&ly open the war,
or disband the army. But he declar'd,
that he would not fuflfer it, till the time
agreed on for a ceilation of arms was
expired •■> and rcquir'd money for to pay
May 30. the troops. They, on the next day of
their fitting, demanded that all the forces
fhould be immediately disbanded. Here-
upon the King was more provok'd, and
charg'd
Of his own Time. 42.1
charg'd them with frefh .perverfenefs,
concerning the forces that were trans-
ported to Flanders, and told them he
would not deal fo bafely with his Allies,
as to give up the cities and towns that
were committed to his protection, till
they could fend new forces to defend
them j for that would be not only deferr-
ing the places, but betraying his truft.
Hereupon they allow'd the forces in I lan-
ders a month's pay. But they again more
eagerly demanding that they fhould be
disbanded, the King, while the peace was jttnc ,
yet uncertain and fluctuating, made an-
fwer, that he would difcharge neither the
fleet nor the army, let them clamour
never fo much 5 for it wou'd be an eter-
nal difgrace to the Englijh Nation, to
make Co hazardous an experiment, bare-
ly to fave a little money ; and it would
be an unprecedented thing to lay down
their arms before their interefts were
fettled by a peace : And if the forces
were disbanded, the enemy would im-
pofe what conditions he pleas'd : And
if he thought it his intereft, as foon as
he
\xi Bjp. Parker's History
he heard that the army was disbanded,
he would immediately break off the
peace : That if this opportunity was once
loft, it could never afterwards be recall'd ;
for to be defencelefs, would be the fame
thing as to be vanquifh'd : And that the
intereft of Europey which had been pre-
ferv'd with fo much labour and diffi-
culty, would be deftroy'd by their neglect :
That he would never defert his Allies, but
would either make a juft peace or carry
on the war : Laftly, whether they would
grant a fupply or not, fince he had hi-
therto carried on the matter fo fuccefs-
fully, that he would finifh it by his arms,
if he could not by his counfcls. The Par-
liament, on the other hand, refolv'd to
give a fupply to pay off the army, and
luns is- no more. Yet in the mean time, mat-
ters daily inclining more to a peace, the
King continued to tell them that the
army fhould not be disbanded : For the
jxnc 18. Spaniard, altho' the peace was made, woud
not be able to maintain Flanders: Unlefs
we were a fafe-guard to it, it would be
expos'd as a prey to every enemy : That
he
Of hi s own Tim e, 413
he would not defcrt it for the fake of
any expence, coft what it would : If he
had not hitherto defended it, it had been •
certainly taken before : That he would
advife them only to conftder, that the
city ofOftendis in poflcflion of the French y
wherein was a fleet of forty (hips, in a
mod commodious harbour, fttuated over-
againfl the mouth of the Thames. What
would not they give to remove fo dread-
ful an enemy to a greater diftancc ? Let
them confider how great a glory it is to
the Englifh Nation, to have rais'd an army
of thirty thoufand men, and a fleet of
ninety fhips, in the fpace of forty days :
That upon this the whole fortune of Eu~
rope was chang'd in a moment ! If there-
fore they had any regard to the majefty of
his Crown at home, if they had any value
for a fuperiority of power amongft fo-
reigners, in publick affairs 5 if they wifli'd
to have the war with the Algerine Pirates
profperoufly ended 5 if they defir'd any
tranquillity for the remainder of their life,
if they had any regard to the truft that he
fliould henceforward repofe in Parlia-
ments,
4M Bp. Parker's History
ments, they ought to allow the ufual (ap-
plies to his Exchequer, not only for a time,
but for ever, adding withal a new tax of
three hundred thoufand pounds ; other-
wile the King of England would never be
able to fupport the neceflary expences of
his government. To thefe things they
made no anfwer, but that they would ne-
ver give the fum that was dcfir'd. One
hundred and forty five voted for giving it ;
two hundred and two voted againft it. So
far did the factious exceed the honeft men
in number. Therefore there was nothing
farther done, than allowing fix hundred
thoufand pounds for disbanding the army ;
which yet they hardly and with great ftrug-
gles brought to effeft, the ufual difputes
being daily rais'd between the Houfes, to
hinder all their confultations. But at
length the tax being granted on the 2 5 th of
July, the Parliament was prorogued, firft
to the ift of Auguft-, thence to the 29th,
thence to the ift of O£lobery and then to
the 2 ift; at which time the King acquaint-
ed the Parliament with Oat ess confpiracy.
The End of the fourth Book.
f 4M )
THE
INDEX.
ACT of Comprchenfion. See Henoticon.
Aft of Indemnity or Oblivion, 4. 11.
Aft of Indulgence, 313. 13.
Aft again!! the Papifts, and an Act of Oblivion
procur'd by Shaftsbury, 322. 18.
AH of Queen Elizabeth againft Conventicles re*
viv'd and cnlarg'd, 87. 26. 88. 1.
Aft of Uniformity. See Uniformity.
Aire, a city of Artois, taken by Marefchal De Htc-
miers, 184. 1,2.
Aix la Chapelle, the peace made there between the
Spaniard and the French, 163. 16, t 7.
Albemarle (Duke of) fortifies Shrewsbury, Coven-
try andBriftol, againlt the Rebels, 20. 1,2. Pre-
vents the Confpiracy that was arifing from the
preaching of the Schifmaticks, 94. f. His En-
gagement with the Dutch Fleet, 102.4.
Akien (Philip) an old Rebel difcovers the Confpi-
F f racy
The Ikdex.
racy that went forward in Ireland, to Vernon an
Officer of the King's, 68.12.
Alexander, an old Soldier in Cromwell's army head
of the Confpiracy, 95*. 7, II- Behav'd himfelf
bravely in Cromwell's Rebellion 96. 13. Being
a Colonel of Horfe in Monmouth's Rebellion,
was one of the firft that fled, 96. 21.
Algerines, the EngUjh and Dutch purfue them with
their confederate fleets, 86. 11, 12.
Alliance between the French and Dutch again ft Eng-
land, 1 01. 7, 8. A triple Alliance between the
Englijh, Swede and Dutch, againft the French,
131. 1 f. 149- 25'- The caufes of the violation of
the triple Alliance, and of making an Alliance
with the French againft the Dutch, 145-. 4. An
Alliance between the Emperor, the Spaniard, and
the Dutch, againft the French ; the Princes that
acceded to it, and the Generals of the confede-
rate Armies, from 164. 25-. to \6g. 4. 174. 13,
Alliance between the Engltjh and Dutch, 199. 13.
Alliance between the German and Pole againft
the lurks, 290. 12.
Alva (Duke of) by his feverity provokes the Dutch
to rebel, 308. 11, 12.
Amboina, the Dutch cruelty there, 146. 23.
A 'mnefty, or Indemnity. SecAfi.
Anabaptifts in Lincolnjhire, 14. 25^ 26. A part of
the a/Fembly of fix, 5-5-. 22.
Anni Mirabilcs, 26. f.
Appealing, (the right of) 400 7, 8,
Arcadius. See Honor his.
Atheifm, the factious complain of the increafe of
ft, 399-ij-
Athol
The Index.
AtUl (Earl of) diftinguifli'd himfelf in battle againft
the Rebels, 114.22.
Atkinfon, a carrier of letters to and fro between
the Confpirators, 81,16.
Audley, one of the Officers of the Rebel Army,
7f?f-
BA'ms, Baker, Bampficld, Rebels, 71.23. 61. 12
100. 19.
Balduin. See Thuamis.
Bar chin Fadion, inveterate enemies to the name or
Kings, 148. 15*, 16.
Baron, one of the Rebel Chiefs, 75-. 4.
Barrow, of the Furitan Faction, executed, 67. 7.
Battle between the Swede and Brandenburgh, for
Pomerania, 214. 16.
Battle (a doubtful) with the French and Dutch,,
Prince Rupert and the Duke of Albemarle being
Admirals of the King's Fleet, 102. 103. Ano-
ther with the Dutch, more fortunate to the Eng-
lifh, 103. 13. A bloody Battle at fea between
the Englijh and Dutch, the Duke of York com-
manding on one fide, and Reuter on the other,
15*0. 17. Between the Dane and Swede, at Mal-
moe, 217. 218. a Battle at fea between them,
219. 5".
Bernardiflon. See Skinner.
Beverning, EmbalTador from the States, 200. 26.
Blake, Admiral of the Rebels Fleet, 60.19. Com-
par'd with Tromp, 125*. 8. Blood and Bond, Re-
bels, 69. 19. 70. 21. Borell, Embaifador from
the States General to the King of Great Britain,
159. 13. F f 2 Branden-
Th e Index.
Brandcnburgh (Eledtor of) accedes to the Enghjh
Alliance, 150.5. 168.21. General of the con-
federate Army againft the Swedes, 174. 18. Join-
ing forces with the Dane, invades the Swedijh
borders, 215'. 16. Takes Wolgafl, a city of the
hither Pomcrania, by furrender, 2 if. 24, 25*. Be-
fieges and takes Stetin, 219. 23. 223. 1. Defeat-
ing the Swedes, takes Straelfund and Gripfwald*
makes an incurfion into Prujfia, and routs the
Swedes in three battles, 227. 7, 16. Sending Em-
balTadors to Ratisbon, protefts againft the peace
that was made without his confent, and by let-
ters complains to the Dutch, 230. 13. 231. f.
Br'tdgman made Chancellor after Clarendon, and at
length gently laid afide, 323. 9, 10. 32^. 20.
Britain {Great) its convenient fituation, 280.13,14.
Brunfwick (Duke of) accedes to the Englijh Alli-
ance, 16S. 18.
Buchanan, his book concerning the right of the
Kingdom of Scotland, forbidden by lav/, 89. 20=
90.2.
CAlvinifls, their infolence occafion'd dreadful
llau ghters in France, 35-5*. 17.
Cambray, a city of Hainault, taken by the King of
trance, 191. 17.
Carr, one of the Officers of the Rebel Army, 72.4.
W-.8-
Cafal (the city) taken by the French, 286. 18.
Celefline (Pope) firft compelled the Sectaries to hold
their meetings in private houfes, 306. 6.
4 Chambers^
The I n d e x.
Chambers , a Rebel, 70. 22.
Charier oy, a fortrefs ill Flanders, befieg'd by the
Prince of Orange, and the fiege of it raib'd by
the Duke of Luxemburg}}, 192. 20, 16.
Charles the Firlt, his charge to his fob, to be de-
liver'd to him by Sheldon, 5*1. 19. f'2.1.
Charles the Second, intercedes with the States that
his nephew the Prince of Orange may be reftor'd
to the honours of his family, 247. 21. How
great the happinefs of the Kingdom Was, when
Charles II. was reftor'd, from 1, to 5*.
Chambers, a Rebel, 70. 22.
Charnock, a Rebel, recommended by John Owen
to be Chaplain to Henry Cromwell, lent by the
Irijh Confpirators to London, changing his name
into Clark, long prefided in a large Conventicle
at London, 7',72-
Chimney-Tax, 144.18.
Chriflianjlad, a Town in Blek'wg, a Province be-
longing to the Danes, is taken by the Swedes^
226. 13.
Clarendon (Earl of) being attack'd by Shaflsbury,
is banifh'd, 129. 8.
Cole, a Confpirator, 66. 9. 95*. 5*.
Comprehenfion. See Henothon.
Conde (Prince of) his Battle with the Prince of
Orange, 170.9.
Conde (the city of) taken by the French, 182. 20.
Coningfmark, General of the S-wediJh Army, makes
a defcent upon the I fie of Kugen, and routs the
" Danes, 225". 3. Defends the city of Straelfund
befieg'd by Brandenburgh, 227. 8.
F f 3 Conspiracy
The Index.
Coufpiraey (a) form'd to furprize the Towers of
London and IVindfor, and difcover'd, 9. 4. Con-
ipiracy of the Fanaticks, 14.3. Form'd at Chef-
ier, 15-, 7. Difcover'd by Jellico, a Quaker,
15-. 21. Prevented by the Earl of Derby, 16. 2.
The Parliament acquaints the King that the Con-
fpiracy was difcover'd by letters from feveral
Counties, 18. 12. A Confpiracy of fix Schif-
maticks, $•$•. 21. is difcover'd, 57. 15". Con-
fpirators, fome of them fuffer'd, others begg'd
pardon, and obtain'd it, 57. 20, 21. The names
of the principal Confpirators, 5*7.24. 60. 16. 61.
11, 12. Confpirators, their confeffion, 61. 9.
Confpirators, their feign'd letters concerning a
Popilh Maflacre, 5-9. 1. Confpiracy, the words
of it, and the engagement entred into, to kill the
King, and how the faid Confpiracy was difap-
poirsted, 61.19. 62.4. TheFactious form a new
Confpiracy ; the libels that they publifh in order
to it, 66. 7, 1 1 . Confpiracy (an Irijh) at Dublin,
difcover'd by Alden, 68. 12. Confpirators, the
names of them, 69. 14. A correspondence car-
ried on between the Irijh Confpirators, and their
affociates in London, Scotland, and Holland, by
means of Charnock and other meffengers palling
between them, 72. 2, s- The caufes of the war
declar'd by them, 72. i^. Confpiracy, the proofs
and witneffes of it, 74. 11. The names of the
Officers appointed to command the army of the
Schifmaticks, 75-. 4. Confpiracy in the Northern
pans of England, about Famly Grove, near the
Town of Leeds, under Thomas Oates the leader,
difcover'd by the information of Ralph and Sa-
muel
The Index.
ynuel Oates, 78. 79. Confpiracy ; the princi-
pal contrivers of it were the Presbyterians
that were ejected on St. Bartholomew; and e-
fpecially Richardfon above the reft ; the names
of the other Confpirators, 80.9. 81. 7. Con-
ipiracy difcover'd by Smithfon and Greatkead
to the Governour of York, and communicated
by the King to the Parliament, 82. 1, 2, 18.
Confpirators communicate their defigns to the
Dutch, 92. 25". A new confpiracy arifes from
the feditious preacing of the Schifmaticks, and
is prevented by the vigilance of the Duke of Al-
bemarle, 93, 18. 945". Confpirators refolve to
burn London, being mov'd to it by Lily's pre-
diction, 94. 21, 22. The chiefs of the confpi-
racy are punilh'd with death, 95-. 3. Confpi-
racy. {Scotch) See the Scots. Teckelfs confpi-
racy, 214. 6. 0 ata's confpiracy, 214. 7. The
Lovniftein Confpiracy, 24^, 256. The Po-
pijb, 385- 11. The Meffwefe. See Meffwefe.
Conscience. See Liberty.
Conft amine the Great, being compcll'd to it by the
War with Licimus, recalls the Donatifts from
banifhment, and leaves to the Novatians their
own Churches, 303. 19. 304. 5*.
Convocation, or fynod of the Clergy, fummon'd
by the King's Writ, makes fome little alterations
in the Liturgy according to the different Circum-
ftances of Times, 26. 11. 27. 3.
Cooper, {AJhley) afterwards Earl of Sbaftsbtiry ,
flrft Commiffioner of the Treafury, 129. 2, 3.
Is accused of Treafon, 130. 10. See Shaftsbury^
Cormack and Cox Rebels, 71. 22, 23.
F f 4 Cottere!
The Index.
Cotter el {Charles) is kill'd in an Engagement with
the Dutch, 15-2. 24.
Covenant (the folemn Scotch) the word of Battle,
113. 14.
Crequi (Marfhal) coming to raife the Siege of
Triers, is overcome by the Duke of Lor rain,
and the Confederates, 178. 15-, 18. Fights a Bat-
tle with Staremburgh, 194. 23.
Cromwell makes an Alliance with the States, on
condition, That the Prince of Orange fhould not
be reftor'd to the dignity of his Anceftors, 247.6.
Cromwell, {Henry) one of the commanders of the
Rebel Army, 75-. 7.
Cromwell's Army, 60 Officers of it, 7. 18. Fif-
teen Officers of Cromwell's Faction taken in
Wales, 16. 21.
Crookjloanks and Mac-Conmack, two leaders and
preachers of the Rebels, fall in the Battle that
was fought againft Drummond, ill. 20, 21.
DANVERS, an Anabaptift Rebel, 11, 7.
Dane (the) brings affiftance to Brandenburgh
againft the Swedes, 174. 23. Makes an Incur-
fion into the Swedijb borders, 215*. 19. Takes
Wifmar, a City of the Dutchy of Mecklemburgh,
216. 18. Befieges Malmoe, a City of Schonen,
217. 2. Engages in a Sea-Fight with the Swede,
219. 5-. Makes a defcent upon Rugen, together
with Brandenburgh, 226. 22.
Darrel, an old Officer under Charles the firft, gives
... a repulfc to the Dutch when they land upon the
Coafts of Suffolk, 126, 127.
Derby,
The Ind ex.
Derby, (Earl of) 15-, 16.
Desborow, Qohn) a Rebel, 10c. 23.
De IVits. See Wits,
Deyell and Drummond, Scots, being banifh'd in Crow-
-well's time, fly into Mufcovy, 10 f. 14,18. Charles
the Second recalling them, they return to their
native Country, and are fent againft the Scotch
Conlpirators, ic6. 4. Drummond with an hun-
dred Horfe rights againft three hundred Rebels,
in. 16, 17. Deyell relieves Ogilby and the
King's Forces when they are diftrefs'd, 112. 3.
Deyell and Drummond admitted into the Privy
Council, 114. 8.
Digby, Son of the Earl of Brijlol, is kill'd in a
Sea-Fight againft the Dutch, iyt. 10.
Dolman, a Rebel, 127. 20.
Drummond. See Deyell.
Dutch (the) enter into the meafures and counfels
of the Englijh Rebels, and receive feveral of them,
and advance them to the higheft Offices of State,
92. 25*. 93. 3. Dutch and French, their Alli-
ance againft England, 101. 7. The Dutch pub-
liih falfe reports of the Englijh Ships being de-
ftroy'd, 103. They fly in a lecond Battle, 103.
13. At the very time when the Peace was treat-
ed of at their own requeft, they treacherously
furpriz'd the Englijh Fleet in the Harbour at
Chatham. 123, 124. The Dutch Admirals com-
pared with the Englijh, 124, 12?. Dutch Alliance
With the Englijh and Swede againft the French,
131. iy. Dutch Smyrna Fleet, 144. I. Their
hatred of the Englijh, and their pride, 145*. 14,
148. 11. Dutch Republick, what it is, 14)". 11.
The
The Index.
The Dutch beg for peace of the King of Great-
Britain, and obtain it, 15-7. 20. Dutch Alliance
with England, 199. 13. with the French, 203.
20. Their new Alliance with the EngHJh, all
agreement with the French being canceled, 204.
2r. A peace prefently fign'd between the French
and the Dutch, both the Confederates, and the
Englife Mediators refenting it, 206. 1. 3. 6.
A war between the Dutch and the Bilhop of
Munfler^ 248. 9, 10.
EDICT of Nantz, the Calvinijls abufe it, 357.
12. Perpetual Edicl againft the Family of
Orange, 248. 26. 249. I. Is repeal'd 2^8. 26.
25-9. 1.
Elizabeth, (Queen) her Law againft Conventicles,
88. 1, 2.
Enthufiafts (a Rabble of forty) under Venner their
leader, 11. 17, 18.
Evans, a Rebel, 29. 4.
Exchequer empty, and opprefs'd with a heavy debt,
139. 20, 21. Shut up, 141. 5*.
FAclious (a) Rabble from the Street call'd Wap-
ping, befet the Parliament-Houfe, 403. 25-.
Four of the Factious refufing to ask Pardon,
were fent Prifoners to the Tower, 40 j*. 19.
The Ind ex.
Fagg. See Sherley.
Famly Grove, near the Town of Leeds, where the
Northern Rebels appeared in Arms, 78. 17.
Fay maintains the City of Phtlipsburgh when it is
befieg'd, 187. 4. Is prefented by Herman, Prince
of Baden, with a Sword fet with Diamonds,
188. 18. Receives the Government of Brifack
from the King, 189. 15-.
Fifth-monarchy Men, f$. 23.
F'tjher and Flint Rebels, 81. 7. 95*. 4.
Flag, the honour of it, due to thzEngUJh, 161. 22.
163. 1, 2.
Flanders, payment of the Forces there continued*
42 1. 10.
Foukes, one of the Officers of the Rebel Army?
difcovers the Confpiracy, 74. 14.
French King, his Power, 131. if. 148. 7. 149.
17, 18. He proclaims war againfl the Provinces
of Flanders, claiming it as his wife's dowry, 131.
if. 132. 1. His fuccefs againfl the Dutch, i^o.
114. Obtains a truce between the Swede
and Brandenburgh, 228. 13. making an incurfion
into the Dominions of Brandenburgh, forces him
to accept of the terms of peace ; and compels
the Dane, by threatning to lay wade the county
of Oldenburgh, a part of the Danifi Dominions,
229. 14. Penetrates into the very bowels of the
United Provinces, 25-0. 11.
French Interefl and Popery ; the Fa&ious complain
of both, 379. 26. 380. 1.
Furftembergh (Prince of) 200. 1.
George^
The Index,
G
GEorge, (Prince) together with his Brother the
King of Denmark, befieges Malmoe, 217, 218.
Ghent, a City or Flanders, taken by Humiers, 193. 19.
Gibbs, the Gibbs's Brethren, Gladman, Rebels, 72.4,
61, 12. 17. 10.
Grace, a blafphemous Form of it us'd by Robinfon,
no. 2.
Graef (James de) attempting to kill John de IVits^
is beheaded, 25*5'. 19, 20.
Gray, a leader of a Scotch Tumult, carries Turner
away Prifoner, 108. 26.
Greathead, formerly Lambert's Lt. Colonel, a dif-
coverer of the Confpiracy, 82. 2.
Gripfwald , a City of Pomerania. Brandenburgh
takes it, 227. n.
Guiney, the villany of the Dutch upon that Coaft,
86, 18.
Gufman defends the City Puyfard, 194. 13.
Gujiavus, (Charles) King of Sweden, takes Mal-
moe from the Danes, 217. 6.
Green Ribbon round the Hat, a badge of the Re-
bels. 331. 19, 20.
H
HAmtlton, (Duke of) with Drummond, defeats
the Scotch Rebels, 112. 21, 22.
Harmatage being ejected from Holbec, promiles
Forces to the Confpirators, 81. 9, 10.
Hart and Hems Rebels, 71, 23. 17. 10.
Harrtfon
The Index.
Harrifin the Regicide ; his execution, attended with
a pretended miracle, 24. 21, 22.
Henoticon, or Comprehenjion, the bane of the Eng-
lijh Church, 40. 25-. Drawn up chiefly by the
authority of Bridgman, 324. 7. Sheldon oppofes
it, 37. 22. 38 to 41.
Herman, Prince of Baden, 188. 9.
Hide {Laurence) EmbafTador of the States, 206. 14.
Hind, one of the Confpirators, acknowlcdg'd his
fault, and begs pardon, 61. 13.
Holmes fights againft the Dutch, T47, 4. I ff. f.
Holmes (a Colonel) being eighty years old is exe-
cuted for Monmouth's Rebellion, 9. 13.
Holland would give the command of the army to
cTurenne. 248. 21. Hollanders. See Dutch.
Honorius and Arcadius granted liberty to Schifma-
ticks, that they might not go over to the Enemy,
304. 8.
Humiers (Marflial dc) takes Aire, 184. f. Is a
great Favourite of the Duke of Turk, 184. 12.
Joyning Forces with Marfhal Schomberg, raifes
the fiege of Maeftricht, 184. 21. Takes St-
Guiflain and Ghent, 193. 9, 19.
Hungarians Rebellion againft the Emperor, 259.
24. The Hungarian war. 282 9.
j
JEllico, a Quaker, difcovers the Chejhire Confpi-
racy, 15-. 21.
Jephfon, a Rebel Colonel, Member of the Irijh
Parliament, is hang'd, 71. 9.
Independents^ their Sedt, SS- 22» 35*- 4-
Ingoldsby^
The Index.
Ingoldsby, (Sir Rkhard) one of the Officers of the
Rebel Army, 75*. 6.
'John James, a Fanatick Preacher at Whitehall, is
executed, 17, 15-, 24.
Jones, (Sir Theophtlus) one of the Rebel Officers,
had a clofe correfpondence with Ludlow, and
difcover'd the counfels of the Confpirators, 75".
8, 17.
Ipres, the Marfhal de Lorge takes it, 193. 2£.
Juel, Admiral of the Dutch Fleet, 219, 12.
K
ITElly (Earl of) fights againft the Rebels, 114.
Keljy {'Thomas) Kenrick, and King Rebels, 100.
24. 17. 11. 71. 23.
LA^y, a Rebel Minifter of the Presbyterian Se£t,
hang'd, 71. 17.
Lambert, 82. 3.
Lawfon, Admiral of the King's Fleet againft the///-
gerines, 86. 13.
Ltfiw (four kinds of) pafsM in Parliament againft
the Rebels, 20. 23. A method of making Laws,
by which things contrary or different are enacted
by the fame Law, 413. 2, 3, 4. A Law con-
cerning Clothes rejected, 413. 8, 14. Laws or
Terms of Alliance required by the Grand Vizier,
and rejected by the Emperor of Germany, 288.
3 *3> ai.
The Index.
13, 21. Laws or Articles of agreement be-
tween Teckeli and the Turks, 289. 10.
Lermont, firft a Taylor, afterwards a Commander
of the right wing of the Rebels, 172. 13, 14.
LeJUy (Count) General of the Emperor's forces in
Hungary ', 283.26. 284.1.
Leew (the Town and Caflle of) the key of Bra-
bant, taken by furprize by Mellac, 194.3,4.
Libels (infamous). See Marvel.
Liberty of Confcience granted to Schifmaticks,
64. 7. Arguments againit it, 64. 23. Difputation
concerning it, 35-4. 4.
League (the wicked) 35-7. 1.
Levellers a part of the alTembly of fix, ff. 24.
L lib urn, 82.2.
Lily's prediction, 94.21.
Linch (the Fort of) taken, 184. 14.
Linlithgow (Earl of) fights againft the Rebels,
114.22.
Litcott and Lockier Rebels, 17. 10. 57. 24.
London (the fire of) 117. 11. relblv'd upon by the
Rebels, 94. 14. where it firft began, 120. 19.
various opinions concerning it, 118. 6. London
changM from wood into marble, 121.26.
Lorge (Count de) nephew to Turenne, put into the
place of his deceas'd unkle; fights with theGVr-
mans, 177. 21. Marefchal de Lorge takes tyres,
193.25-.
Lorrain, 166.14. 167.16. 168.17. General of the
confederate Army upon the Mofelle, 174.16,17.
Fights with Turenne, 169. 16. Overcomes Cre-
qui, 178. 22. Befieges Philipsburgh with the Im-
perial Army, 183. 22. is excluded from the bene-
fit
Th e Index.
fit of the peace, 241. 5-. General of the Impe-
rial Forces again ft the Turks, 290. 23.
Loveftein Faction cafts the Prince of Orange out
of the whole adminiftration, 245*. 4.
Ludlow at the head of all the Confpiracies, 10. 1 2, 13.
Commits the care of the Irijh Confpiracy to the
truft of Philip Al den, 69. 1,2. is chofen to com-
mand the Army, 75*. 4.
Lunden, a city of Schonen, a fliarp battle near it,
216.21.
Luxenburgh (Duke of) comes to relieve Philips-
burgh, 186. 19. Raifes the fiege of Charier oy
that was carried on by the Prince of Orange,
192.26. Befieges Mons, 209. 4.
M
\yf Ac-Cormac. See Crook/hank.
1.VA Maeftrtcht is befieg'd by Orange, 183. 21.
and reliev'd, 185-. 14.
Malmoe, a city of Schonen, fubdued by Charles
Guftavus, befieg'd by the Dane, 217. 2,6.
Margaret of Parma preferves Holland from a re-
volt by her indulgence, 308. 9.
Marfden, formerly Chaplain to Overton, a princi-
pal perfon amongft the Confpirators ; fent Embaf-
fador to theAlTembly of Rebels at London; out-
lawed, changing his name into Raphfon, prefided
twenty years over a large Conventicle at Lon-
don, 80. 16. 81. 1.
Marvel, a fcurrilous flanderer, publishes infamous
libels, 332.1,2. 333. I. Read of him from 333,
to 349. MaJ[ey
Ttf e Inde X.
Majfcy (Sir Edward) one of them that command-
ed the army of Rebels, 75*. $.
Maximus the Emperor inflicts capital punifhment
upon the Prifallianifts, 306. 11.
MaJJarene, and Meruit* a Knight, Officers of the
Rebel Army, 75-. 4.
Mellac takes Lecw, 194.3.
Merchandife or Trade with France forbidden, 412.
7. Whence the King fuftains great lofs, 412. 8.
Mejfinefe, their infurrech'on againlt the Spaniard^
25-9. 23. their Conspiracy aided and abetted by
the French, 272.26. 273.7. 275*. 9. The plague
at Me (Jin a, 273. 21.
Michael King of Poland, 262.7. Dies, 263.25'.
MidUton (Earl of) Lord High Commifiioner of
Scotland, 107. II, 12.
Mtlcs, a Rebel, 95% 4.
Millinex, an Anabaptift, fends a letter to Jel/ico
a Quaker, 1^. 4.
Milton; by his intereft Marvel that refembled him
in malignity of genius, is made Under-Secretary
to Cromwell, 332. 19, 20. Zeigler of Leipjick
writes againlt Milton and the Regicides, I20.
Mons, (the bloody battle of) 209. 16.
Mons, the city mHainault, befieg'd by Luxenbttrgb,
209. 4.
ilfc^, defeats Tromp in a fea-fight, 125*. 13.
Montecuculi (Count of) General of the Imperial
Army upon the Rhine iwAlface, 174. 14. Gains
a victory over Turenne, 175-, 176.
Montrofs (Earl of) hang'd by the Scotch Rebels up-
on a gallows thirty foot high, 115-. 16, 17.
G g Munfter
The Index.
Munfter (Bifhop of) 169. 2. a war between him
and the Dutch, 248. 9, 10.
N
NAnts (the Edia of) 3^7- 12.
Nero ilain'd with human blood, Hied upon
the account of Religion, 309.16.
Nimeguen, a city in the Province of Gelderland; a
treaty of peace there between the French King
and the Confederates, 174.4,5'. a treaty of peace
agreed upon there between the French and the
Dutch, 198. 23, 24.
Noailles (Duke of) General of the French Army
in Catalonia, againft the Spaniards, forces the
city Puyfard to furrender, but upon honourable
terms, 194. 10, 21.
OAth (the form of the) to be required of Offi-
cers and Soldiers, 21. 21. an Oath impos'd
upon fanatick Preachers, 99. 14. a difpute con-
cerning a new Oath of Allegiance, 389,390.
Ogilby, a Knight, engages in battle with the Scotch
Rebels, in. 24.
Opdam, Admiral of the Dutch Fleet, 90, 25*. De-
feated by the Duke of York, lif. 22.
Orange (Prince of) fights with Conde, 170.9. Ge-
neral of the Confederate Army in Flanders, 174.
21, 22. in vain attempts to relieve the city of
.Conde in Flanders, bdieg'd by the French, 182,
4 1S3.
Th e Index.
183. in vain befieges Macftricht in lower Ger-
many, and Charleroy, 1 83. 20, 2 1 . 192.21. endea-
vours to raife the fiege of St. Omers, without
fuccefs, 192.6. attacks Luxenhkrgh, carrying on
the fiege of Mons, 209. 14. is call out of power
by the Lovefiein Faclion, 245.4. Cromwell pre-
vents his enjoying any dignity, 247. 6. Charles
the Second intercedes for him with the States,
247. 19. He is committed by his mother to the
care of John De Wits, 248. 2. is reftor'd to his
title and dignity, by the united Provinces,, efpe-
cially by Zealand, Holland alone oppofing it, 248.
13, 19. is immediately depriv'd of all power,
249. 1. afterwards obtains the principal place a-
mongfl: the Nobility of Zealand, and the fupreme
power in the Aflembly of the States, 25-0. 1, $•,
is at length chofen Generalifiimo by all the Pro-
vinces, 2fi. 3. and obtains the fupreme power,
not only for life, but as hereditary, 25-9.9.
Orleans (Duke of) takes St. Omers, a city of Ar~
tols, 192. 14.
Ormond (Duke of) Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
obviates the Dublin Confpiracy, 69, 70,
Ofnaburgh (Bifhop of) 168.25-.
OJfory (Earl of) eldelt foil of the Duke of Ormond,
feiz'd with a fever, dies, 210. 1. to 213. 23.
Oates (Captain Thomas) a ring-leader of the Con-
fpirators ; Ralph Gates, Mafter of Arts, and Sa-
muel his younger brother, Rebels, and Informers,
ready to fwear againft their father Oates, who
confefling his wickednefs, obtained the King's
pardon, 78.25-. to 79. 13.
G g 2 Overton,
The Index.1
Overton, an Anabaptift Colonel, Govcrnour ©f
Hull, 80.17.
Owen {John) a principal man amongft the Factious,
72. 1. Publifhes a Book concerning Liberty of
Confcience, 35-2. 12. More concerning him,
353. f. tO 2S-
T)Ecker, a Rebel, 17.9.
X Peace between the French King and the Con-
federates endeavonr'd to be brought to pafs, the
King of Great Britain being Mediator and In-
tercefTor, 173. 2f. Between the French and Dutch,
the fame Prince offering himfelf as a Mediator,
197. 24.
Pearfon, a Devon/hire Fanatick, a great number of
arms hid in his vault, 14. 13, 14.
Penry, one of the Puritan Fa&ion, hang'd, 67. 6.
Peters, a miracle reported concerning him, as he
went to the gallows, 24. 23, 24.
Philips, 2l Rebel, 61. 11.
Philipsburgh (the City) befieg'd by the Confede-
rates, and furrendred upon honourable terms,
183.22,23. i8y, to 188.
Plague, two hundred thoufand die of it, oc. 8. up-
on that account the Seffion of Parliament pro-
rogued to another year, 90. 10. The Plague
fpreads at MeJJina, 273. 21.
Preachers ( fchifmatical ) the mod feditious of all,
93. 11, T2. Banifh'd five miles from Corporati-
ons, 99. 11.
Prefs, the liccntioumefs of it to be rcftrain'd, 22.
22, 23. Popijh
The Index.
PopiJJj MafTacre, a feign'd report of it, rais'd by
the Fanatick Confpirators, 5-8. 23. Papifts in
feveral Places, efpecially in the Counties of War-
wick and IVorcefter, taken into cuftody upon this
account, 66. 6. A Popifh war, and the fear of
Popery pretended by the Sectaries, 379, 4.
Popery. See French Intereft.
Prince Palatine, 169. 3.
Presbyterians. See Schifmaticks.
The Articles of the Presbyterian Confpirators, and
other Schifmatical Factions, 79. 16. Presbyte-
rian Minifters at London ; their humble petitions
to the King againft the Act of Uniformity, 29.23-
Presbyterians that were ejected before the Feaft
of St. Bartholomew ; their farwell Sermons pub-
liuYd, 67. 17. The ejected Presbyterians, the
chief contrivers of the Confpiracy, 80. 9.
Prifcillianifts punifh'd with death, 306. 11, 12.
Privileges difputed between the Houfes of Parlia-
ment, 406. 14.
Prodigie s pretended in feveral places, 23. 2f. 24. 1.
Proteftant Subjects, a general reconciliation of them,
rejected in Parliament, 40. 21.
Puritan Faction, Penry and Barrow Accomplices
in it, 67. 6.
Puyfard (the City) is furrendred to the Duke of
Noailles, 194. 12.
Pyrenean Treaty, 410, 24,
G g 3 Quakenx
The Index.
f\Uakers, a part of the AfTembly of fix, 5-5-. 23.
^- They only, of the Schifmaticks, oppofe the
Aft againft Conventicles, 88. 19. Many of
them carried to the Plantations m America, 89.8.
R
RAthbon, read Rebels ; 95*. 3. 17. 11.
Rebels, their Heads fpring forth again like the
Heads of the Hydra, 10. 4, 5*. Rebels, their un-
grateful Nature, 4. 20. Their Aflembly efta-
blifh'd at London, 6. 14. Their Meeting taken at
JVeftminfter, 17. 6, 7. Rebel Officers of Crom-
zveVs army commanded to be 20 Miles diftant
from London, and forbidden to appear abroad
both in Ireland 2nd. England, t8. i. 88. 10, 1 1.
Fugitive Rebels and Regicides ready upon the
neighbouring Coafts of France and Holland, 20. 8.
Fugitive Rebels rcfiding in the United Provinces,
or any where elfe, commanded to return home
in three Months time; the Names of the Rebels
that were cited to return, 100. 13. ico. 19.
Renter appointed Admiral of the Dutch Fleet a-
gainft the Algerines , attacks the Englijh upon
the Coaft of Guinea, whither he by ftcalth had
withdrew himfelf, by order of the States, 86. 14.
to 20. Renters Admiral-Ship is attack'd by a
little VelTel (calTd in jtft, the Fan-fan) furnifiVd
with two fmall Guns. 104. 1, 2. Renter put
to
The Index.
to flight by the Englijh, in almoft every Battle,
126. 1. Renters Villany, 147. 14. Renter en-
gages in a Sea-fight with the Engli/h, 15*0. 20.
Coming to afiift the Spaniards again ft the rebel-
lious MeJJinefe, dies of his wounds, 276. 3.
Richard/on, Dr. of Divinity, Dean of Rippon, a
principal Perfon amongft the Confpirators, infa-
mous for Drunkenncfs and Lewdnefs, being out-
law'd, died in excile, 18. 12.
Rigs, a Presbyterian Preacher, formerly Chaplain
to Blake, Admiral of the Rebel Fleet, afterwards
a Brewer's Clerk, a difcoverer of the Confpira-
cy, and a treacherous accufer of his accomplices,
60. 16.
Robin/on a Minifter, and John Wells a Preacher of
Sedition, infult over James Turner, who was
taken prifoner by the Rebels, 109.18,23. Robin-
fun ufes a blafphemous form of Grace, no. 2.
His Blafphemy is punifh'd at the gallows, 113.
18.
Rochel (the taking of) the end of the Cahinijls
war, 3*7.17.
Rugen, an Ifland of the Danift Dominions, is in-
vaded by Coningsmark, 226. 23.
Rupert, Prince Palatine, one of the Admirals of
the King's Fleet, goes out to meet the French,
101. 17.
Ruvigny the French EmbaiTador objects againfr the
peace with the Dutch, 163.9.
G g 4 Salmon,
The Index,
QilmoK, one of Cromwell's Colonels, taken, io<
Sanders, and Sanford, Rebels, 9f. 4. 69. 18. 74. 12.
Sandwich (Earl of) kill'd in a fea -fight againft the
Dutch, if 1. 10.
Schifmaticks. See Presbyterians and Sectaries. Schif-
maticks, their attempts againft the A£t of Uni-
formity, 29. 3. They did not want friends in
both Houfes of Parliament, nor even amungft
the Bifhops, 34. 20, 21. The Royal Indulgence
towards Schifmaticks, in remitting the penalties
inflicted by law, 34. 22. The Schifmaticks re-
quire the repealing the law, 35-. 17. What the
Schifmaticks cannot do by authority, they attempt
by fraud, and enter into a new Confpiracy with
fome treacherous Divines in the Church of Eng-
land, and require an A6t of Comprehenh*on to
be pafs'd, one or two Bifhops, and fome Pref-
byters, and two Lawyers feconding them, 36. 20.
37. 17. Their AlTembly of fix perfons, confid-
ing of the fix factions, the Presbyterians, Inde-
pendents, Anabaptifts, Quakers, Fifth-monarchy
men, and Levellers, SS- 2I> 22- Their Confpi-
racy is difcover'd, $7. if. The Schifmaticks
growing more infolent, becaufe the King was
involv'd in the Dutch war, are reftrain'd by the
law againft Conventicles being renew'd both in
England and Scotland, 87, 88, Whilft the Na-
tion labour'd under the calamities of peftilence
and
The Index.
and war, they confpirc againft their Country,
87. 10. 92. 6. The obfervation of the Laws a-
gainft them is requir'd by the King's Proclama-
tion, and their Conventicles are reftrain'd, 133.9.
The patrons and favourers of the Schifmaticks
confult about the dilTolution of the Parliament ;
which being attempted in vain, they raife diffe-
rences between the two Houfes concerning Pre-
rogatives and Privileges, 133.17,21. Complaints
to the King of their infolence, and a Proclama-
tion againft their Preachers, 136. 24, 26. The
Schifmaticks being affrighted by the execution of
the Laws, retir'd to their dark places of conceal-
ment, and as foon as the Parliament is prorogu'd,
become more infolent, 138. 14, to 21.
Scomberg (Marefchal) with Marefchal de Hu-
miers, relieves Maeftricht, when it is bencg'd by
the Prince of Orange, 184. 21.
Scot, one of the Officers of the Rebel-Army, a
difcoverer of the Confpiracy, 74. 13.
Scot the fon of Scot the Regicide, a Rebel, ico.
19,20.
Scotch Teachers being ejected out of their Pariihes,
ftir up the people to Rebellion, 104.16. Scots,
D eye 11 and Drummond fubdue them, 112. 18. a
Battle is fought between the Scotch Rebels, and
the King's Army, two miles from Edinburgh,
and after various fortune on each fide, the Re-
bels are defeated, 111,13.
Sectaries, too great a liberty is granted to them;
and the reafons of it are conflrm'd by examples,
302. 5\ to 310. 10. They abufe that liberty to a
very different end, 311. 6. The Seditions of the
Sectaries
The Index.
Sectaries, 311. 10. 316. 3. Their libels and
threats againft the King's Majefty, 331. 24.
Seditious AiTembly of Lawyers in a tavern at the
llgn of King Henry VIII. over-againft the Tem-
ple, 331.8,9.
Sempler and IVilks, Teachers, and the chief Au-
thors of the Scotch Confpiracy, are the firft that
fly, 113. 21. 114.6.
Seneff in Flanders, famous for a battle between 0-
range and Conde, 170.9.
Shaftsbury (Earl of) Chancellor, ifTues out writs
for Elections, without acquainting the Parlia-
ment ; cafts off the odium and anger that was
rais'd againft him upon that account, from him-
felf to the King ; is fufpecled by the King, and
at length remov'd from the Chancellorfhip ; be-
fore he is remov'd, he procures two Laws to be
made, one againft the Papifts, the other an A6t
of general oblivion, by which he would fcreen
himfelf, 316. 16, 21. 317. 7. 318. 12. 322. 17.
323. 7. Succeeded Bridgman in the Chancellor-
ihip, 325'. 20. His Speeches to the Parliament,
321. 12. Being commanded to depart from the
Court, he endeavours to ftir up the Londoners
with various rumours and complaints, 327. 18.
Is fent prifoner to the Tower, 405*. 22.
Shapcot (Colonel) a Rebel, 69. 14.
Sheldon {Gilbert) firft Bifhop of London, afterwards
Archbifhop of Canterbury, 31. 9. Proves the
execution of the Act of Uniformity to be necef-
fary, and oppofes the repealing it, 31. 12. Art-
fully reproves the treachery of a certain great
perfon that favour'd the A£l of Comprchenfion^
39.9. S her ley,
The Index.
Sberley, a Do&or of Phyfick, and Fagg, a Mem-
ber of the lower Houfe, both of them Fanaticks,
contend in Parliament concerning the right of Ap-
peals, 395-. 18, 19. Six (an AiTembly of.) See
Schifmaticks.
Sheffington (Sir John) one of the Officers of the
Rebel Army, 75". 7.
Skinner, a Dependent of the Earl of Shaftsbury,
his difpute with Sir Samuel Bernardifton, 133. 25*.
134. 1.
Smith/on, formerly Lieutenant Colonel to Lilburn,
a difcoverer of the Confpiracy, 82. 1.
Sobieski (General) his actions, 206. 17. to 271. 17.
Southampton (Earl of) dies, 128.16.
Spaniard, Guarantee and Advocate for the Dutch
fidelity, in-2?-
Spragg {Edward) keeps off the Dutch from the
coaft, 1 2.6. 16. Fighting againft Tromp, is drown'd,
157.8.
Speech (King's) to the Parliament, concerning the
Northern Rebellion, 82. 22. Exhorting to unity,
398. 5*. 399. S- Concerning the treaty with the
Dutch, 383. 25*. Complaining of the war being
begun, 408. 20. to 411. 12. Of the disbanding
the forces, 417. 10. to 420. 16.
Starsnbergh, famous for heroick actions, 196, 197.
Engages with Crequi, 194. 2$'. The Defender
of the Chriftian World from the Ottoman yoke;
bravely maintains Vienna, 291. 10.
Stedd, a Scotch Minifter, ejected out of a certain
Parifh in Devonjhirc, a Nuncio between the E??g-
///? Fanaticks, and his own Countrymen, 81. 10.
St. Guiflain, a town of Hainault, taken by Ma-
refchal de Humiers, 193.9.
Stetin.
T H £ I N D I xV
Sum, the metropolis of Powerania, is befiegM by
Brandenburgh, and bravely defended by the Ci-
tizens, and at length furrendred upon honourable
terms, 219. 23. to 225-.
5.'. On^rs. See Orleans.
Strafford (the Earl of) a tumult raisM againft him,
Sjanuer being leader of it, 134.6,7.
Straelfund, a city of Pomerania, defended by Con-
ingfmark, and taken by Brandenburgh, 227. 8.
Strar.ge, a principal Confpirator, 5-7. 24.
Strange ays, famous for fidelity and wealth, oppofes
the Earl of Shaft sbury, 31S. 23.
Strasburgh (the City of) taken by the French, 2S6.
17. The Bifhop of Strasburgh, 199. 26.
Streater and Stubs, Rebels, 17.10. 6l.1i.
Subjects, their right, 35*8. 22.
Surinam, what the Dutch did there, 146. 24.
Swedes right un&ccefsfully with the Confederates,
214, 215-. The Swede engages in a fea-rlght with
the Dane, uy. 5-. Raifes the fiege of Malmoe,
215. 20.
TAnner, one of the Officers of the Rebel-Army,
a difcoverer of the Confpiracy, 74. 13.
Tartars and Turks, their incurfion into Poland,
25-9. 22.
Teckeli, chofen General in the Hungarian War,
2S3. 7. Calls a Dyet at Cafchaw, ftiling himfclf
King, 290.3.
TeckelP s Conspiracy, 214.6.
Theodofius the Great, calling out the Hereticks that
diiTented from the Faith, granted Churches to the
Nwmians that agreed in the Faith.
4
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The Index.
Twine a Printer hang'd for infamous Libels, and
three other Printers imprifon'd, 8 y. 19, 20.
VAlenciennesy a very ftrong city of Hainault, is
taken by the French King, 190.5*. 191. 1.
Valentinian, both the elder and younger, granted
liberty to all Sectaries, 304.21. 305*. if.
VaraJJi, one of the Admirals of the Dutch Fleet,
15-4.15-.
Venner, a Cooper, at the head of a rabble of forty
Enthufiafts, 11. 17, 18.
Vernon, a military Officer of the King's, 68. if.
Vienna befieg'd by the Turks, and reliev'd, 291. 7.
to 301.
Uniformity (Act of) 27. 9. The murmurs of the
Faction againft it, 28. 2. Sheldon perfuades to
the execution of it, 31.9. The Presbyterians at-
tempt to repeal it, 31.2. The King's Proclama-
tion publifh'd to fufpend in part the force of it7
64. 6. Arguments againft repealing it, 64. 24.
W
WAUot {Thomas) an old Captain at the head of
the Confpiracy to kill the King and the
Duke of Ormond, when they returned from New-
Market, brought to the gallows, threatens the
King when he is dying, 77. 3.
Wales, infected with the plague of Rebellion, 16.
17-
War againft the Dutch begun by the unanimous
confent of both Houfes of Parliament ; and the
caufes
The Index.
caufes of that war, 86. i, 2, 4. Between the
Dutch and the Bifhop of Munfter, 248. 9, 10.
The Hungarian war, from 282. 9. to 301. The
caufes of the war againft France, 407. f. A war
begun againft France by the Parliament, but no
fupply given towards it, 408. 24. War and peace
depend upon the King of England alone, 279. j, 6.
A civil war with the Parliament excited by the
Factious, and a difpute rais'd concerning the au-
thority of King and Parliament, 3-11. 16,22.
Warrin, a Lieutenant Colonel, Rebel, Member of
the Irijh Parliament, is hang'd, 69.17. 71.9.
Weilks, a Rebel, 17. 10.
Wilks. See Semjfler.
Wells. See Robinfon.
Weflcote, a Rebel, 95*. f.
Wefel beiieg'd by the French, and taken, 25*2. 12,20.
Weffalini (Count) 284. 14.
Wtlliam Prince of Orange, furprizing Amflerdamy
calls the Heads of the Fa&ion into Lovefte'm
prifon, and dies of the fmall-pox, not without
fufpicion of poifon, 246. 3, ton.
Wifmar, a city of the Duchy of Mecklenbnrgh,
taken by the Dane, 216.18.
Wits (John De) a man of mean birth, the bsfelt
flatterer of Cromwell, an inexorable enemy of
Kings, the only author and advifer of all the
wars between the Engl 'ijh and Dutch,t 127.21.
128. 1. His anfwer to Borell concerning the
right of the flag, 15-9. 18. The Princefs of 0-
range committed her fon to his care, 248. 2.
Four young men confpire to kill him, 25*5*. ic.
James de Graef attempting to kill him is be-
headed,
The Index.
headed, i$$. 19, 20. A Confpiracy againft Cor*
nelius de Wits, iff. if. The De Witfes, two
brothers, when they had long ufurp'd almoft the
whole adminiftration of affairs, are at length
torn in pieces at the Hague, 25-7.3. The faction
of De Wits enemies to the name of Kings, 148.
16. Breakers of Alliances, ij&j.
Wolga/l, a ftrong town of Pomerania, taken by
Brandenburgh, 215*. 24, if.
Woman (a) faid to have brought forth at her mouth,
at Chicheflcr, 24.26. 25-. I.
Worftley (Sir Charles) a chief man amongft the fac-
tious ; formerly of CromweWs Privy Council,
publishes a libel, 35-0. if. 3^2. 11.
YOrk (Duke of) Lord High Admiral of Eng-
land, fights againft the Dutch, 90.16. 91.7.
Difpleas'd with the Earl of Shafts bury, 320. 10.
Is betroth'd to the Duchefs of Modena, where-
upon there is a complaint in Parliament, 381. 19,
20,21.
Z
ZEigler of Lcipjick, in his book againft Milton,
feems jn fome manner to have foretold the
fire of London, 120.2.
Zealand (the Province of) always faithful to the
Prince of Orange, 248. 14. Gives the Prince of 0-
range the principal place among the Nobility, 25-0. 1.
FINIS.
Printed by James Bettenham.