Speeches And Writings M.K.Gandhi

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Author CxOLV^tlvt } M

Title

This book should be returned on or before the date last marked below.

SPEECHES AND WRITINGS

OF

M. K. GAM) HI

n

WITH

AN INTRODUCTION BY

MR. C. F. ANDREWS

AND A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

THIRD EDITION

GrA.'NATESAN & CO., .MADRAS

RUPEES THREE

If we would classify him with any of the supreme
figures of human history, it must be with such august
religious prophets as Confucius and Lao-tse, Buddha,
Zoroaster and Mohammed, and, most truly of all, the
Nazarene ! Out of Asia, at long intervals oftime,hav8
arisen these inspired » witnesses of God. One "by one
they have appeared to teach men by precept and
example the law of life, and thereivith to save the
race. To-day, in this our time, there comes another of
this sacred line, the Mahatma of India. In all
reverence and with due regard for historic fact, I
match this man with Jesus Christ : — Rev. Dr. Holmes.
— Minister of the Community Church, Neio York City.

PUBLISHERS' NOTE

THIS is an exhaustive, comprehensive and thorough-
ly up-to-date edition of Mr. Gandhi's Speeches
and Writings revised and considerably amplified,
with the addition of a large number of articles from
Young India and Navajivan (rendered int® English.)
The-inclusion of these papers have almost doubled the
size of the old edition and the present collection
runs to about 1,000 pages of well-arranged matter
ranging over the whole period of Mr. Gandhi's public
life. It opens with a succinct biographical sketch of
Mr. Gandhi bringing the account of his life down to
the historic trial and sentence. The Volume begins
with the Indian South African Question and
covers his views on indentured labour and Indians
in the Colonies, his jail experiences in South Africa,
his pronouncements on the Khaira and Champ aran
affairs, his discourses on Rowlatt Bills and Satya-
graha, and finally his Young India and Navajivan
articles on the Non-Co operation movement, including
select papers on the Khilafat and Punjab wrongs, the
Congress, Swadeshi, Boycott, Charka, National Edu-
cation and Swaraj. The additional chapters are
arranged under suitable headings and include his
messages on the eve of and after the arrest, his
statement before the court, the trial and judgment.

IV PUBLISHERS' NOTE

Then follows a symposium of appreciations from sucb
diverse men as Tolstoy and Tagore, Prof. Gilbert
Murray and Dr. Holmes of New York besides ex-
cerpts from the British and American press. The
book which is bound in cloth and indexed contains
portraits of Mr. and Mrs. Gandhi and .three charac-
teristic pictures of Mr. Gandhi taken at different
periods of his life.

MAY, 1922. G. A. NATES AN & CO.

CONTENTS

Introduction

By Mr. C. F. Andrews
ML K. Gandhi : A Sketch
South African Indian Question

The Beginning of the Struggle . . 1

Deputation to Lord Sel borne . . 30

Mr. Gandhi's Address . . 32

Deputation to Lord Elgin . . 43

Before the Court in 1907 . . 50

Attitude towards the Assailants . . 54

The Issue at Stake . . 56

The Marriage Question . . 61

Before the Court in 1913 * . . 66

The Solomon Commission . . 69

Should Indians have full Citizen Rights? . . 77

A Truce with the Government . . 80

The Settlement . . 83

Farewell Speech at Durban . . 85

Address to the Indentured Indians . . 89

Address to the Tamil Community . . 91

Farewell Speech at Johannesburg . . 95

Farewell to South Africa . . 102

Reception in England . . 107

Letter to Lord Crewe . . 108

Farewell to England . . 109

Reception in Bombay .. 110

Reception in Madras . . 112

The Indian South African League . . 115

Advice to South African Indians . . 117

Bail way Restrictions in Transvaal . . 119

Indians in South Africa . . 122

Indian Rights in the Transvaal . . 125

Another S. A. Commission . . 129

VI CONTENTS

Indians in the Colonies

Reciprocity Between India and the Dominions . . 131

Indian and European Emigrants . . 133

Indentured Labour . . 136

Indian Colonial Emigration . • 139

The Iniquities of the Indenture System . . 1 44

Imperial Conference Resolutions . . 149

Jail Experiences .. 152

Passive Resistance

How the Idea Originated , . 1 7,9

Soul Force v. Physical Force . . 1 80

The Origin of the Movement in South Africa . 181

The Genesis of Passive Resistance . . 182

Passive Resisters in the Tolstoy Farm ., 183

A Lesson to India . . 184

A Message to the Congress , . 185

The Gains of the Passive Resistance Struggle 18&

The Champaran Enquiry

Labour Trouble in Behar . . 193

The Kaira Question

The. Situation in Kaira . . 196

The Vow of Passive Resistance . . 199

Statement on the Kaira Distress . . 200

Reply to the Commissioner . . 206

The Meaning of the Covenant . . 210

Reply to Kaira Press Note . . 211

End of the Kaira Struggle . • 217

The Last Phase . . 221)

Earlier Indian Speeches

The Duties of British Citizenship . . 225

A Plea for the Soul , . 226

On Anarchical Crimes . . 229

Loyalty to the British Empire . . 232

Advice to Students . . 233

Politics and the People . . 23&

The Reward of Public Life . . 241

CONTENTS VU

Earlier Indian Speeches — oontd,
Three Speeches on Gokhale —

Unveiling Mr. Gokbale's Portrait . . 242

The Lite Mr. Gokhale . . 244

Gokhaie's Services to India . . 247

Hindu University Speech . . 249

The Benares Incident . . 258

Reply to Karachi Address . . 263

The Gurukula . . 265

Swadeshi . . 27$

Ahimsa . . 282

Economic vs. Moral Progress . . 28&

The Moral Basis of Co-operation . . 293

Third Class in Indian Railways . . 301

Vernaculars as Media of Instruction . 307

Social Service .. 309

True Patriotism .. 314

The Satyagrahasrama . . 316

Indian Merchants . . 330

National Dress . . 332

The Hindu- Mahomedan Problem .. 334

Gujarat Educational Conference . . 335

Gujarat Political Conference , . 372

Address to Social Service Conference . . 397

The Protection of the Cow 407

O a Womanhood .. 411

Plea for Hindi ., 418

The Ahmedabad Mill Hands . . 420

A Letter to the Viceroy . . 426

Recruiting for the War . . 430

The Montagu Chelmsford Scheme . . 437

Present Top-heavy Administration . . 439

The Rowlatt Bills & Satyagraba

Manifesto to the Press . . 440

The Pledge . . 442

Speech at Allahabad . . 443

Speech at Bombay . , 444

Speech at Madras . . 446

Vlll CONTENTS

The Rowlatt Bills & Satyagraha— contd.

Appeal to the Viceroy , 450

The Satyagraha Day

Satyagraha Day in Madras

Message to Satyagrahis

The Delhi Incident

Message to Madras Satyagrahis

Message to the Bombay Citizens

Distribution of Prohibited Literature

Message After Arrest

The " Satyagrahi "

Satyagraha and Duragraha

Speech at Ahmedabad

Temporary Suspension of the Movement

454
455
460
461
462
463
466
468
470
471
473
479

Non-Co-Operation

The Punjab & Khilafat Wrongs . . 481

The Amritsar Appeals . , 484

The Khilafat Question . . 487

" Why I have Joined the Khilafat Movement " 491

Congress Report on the Punjab Disorders . . 494

The Punjab Disorder : A Personal Statement 500

How to Work Non- Co- operation , . 507

Open Letter to Lord Chelmsford . 511

Political Freemasonry .. 515

Courts and Schools . . 520

Speech' at Madras . , 524

Speech at the Special Congress . . 541

Swaraj in one Year . . 548

" To Every Englishman in India " . . 553

The Creed of the Congress . . 561

Appeal to Young Bengal . , 565

Open Letter to the Duke of Connaught . . 569

The Need for Humility . . 573

Strikes . . 574

The Malegaon Incident . . 577

The Simla Visit . . 579

The AH Brothers' Apology . . 585

Violence and Non-Violence . . 593

CONTENTS ix

Non-Co-Operation — contd.

Appeal to the Women of India . . 597

The Arrest of the Ali Brothers . . 601

Manifesto on Freedom of Opinion . , 606

The Great Sentinel . . 607

Honour the Prince . . 614
The Bombay Riots —

The Statement . , 617

Message to the Citizens of Bombay . . 623

Appeal to the Hooligans of Bombay . . 625

Appeal to his Co -Workers . . 628

Peace at Last . . 631

The Moral Jssue . . 633

Oivil Disobedience . . 636

The Moplah Outbreak . . 640

Reply to Lord Ronaldshay . , 642

The Round Table Conference . . 647

The Abmedabad Congress Speech , . 650

The Independence Resolution . . 655

The Bombay Conference . , 657

Letter to H. E. the Viceroy , , 666

Reply to the Government of India , , 670

The Crime of Chauri Chaura . . 679

In Defence of the Bardoli Decisions . . 689

The Delhi Resolutions . . 695

Reply to Critics . . 703

A Divine Warning . , 720

On the Eve of Arrest

11 If I am Arrested." t. 726

Message to Co- Workers . . 732

Message to Kerala . , 734

Alter the Arrest

The Arrest , . 735

The Message of the Charka . . 736

Letcer to Hakim Ajmal Khan I 737

Letter to Srimati Urmila Devi . , 742.

Interview in Jail . . 742

X CONTENTS

After the Arrest— contd.

Letter to Moulana Abdul Bari . . 745

Message to the Parsis . . 746

Truth of the Spinning Wheel . . 747

Letter to Mr. Andrews . . 748

The Great Trial

Statement Before the Court . . 749

Written Statement . . 751

The Judgment . . 757

Mr. Gandhi's Reply . . 758

Message to the Country . . 758

Jail Life in India

The Meaning of the Imprisonments . . 759

Work in Gaols . . 763

A Model Prisoner . . 766

Miscellaneous

A Confession of Faith .. 769

Passive Resistors in the Tolstoy Farm . . 773

the Rationale of Suffering . . 774

The Theory and Practice of Passive Resistance 776

On Soul Force and Indian Politics . . 779

Rights and Duties of Labour . . 784

The Doctrine of the Sword . . 788

The Gujarat National University . . 793

Indian Medicine . . 798

Hindustani and English . . 800

Social Boycott . . 802

" Neither a Saint nor a Politician " . . 805

Hindu- Moslem Unity . . 811

Untouchability . . 815

Gokhale, Tilak and Mehta .. 818

The Fear of Death . . 823

Hinduism . . 826

National Education . . 834

From Satyagraha to Non- Co -Operation . . 838

Introspection . . 841

The Spinning Wheel . , 844

Love, not Hate . . 846

CONTENTS XI

Appendix I

Mi4. Gandhi's Religion ., 1

The Rules and Regulations of Satyagrahasrama 5

The Memorial to Mr. Montagu . . 10

The Swadeshi Vow .. 12

Appendix II— Appreciations.

Count Leo Tolstoy . , 17

Prof. Gilbert Murray .. 17

Lord Hardinge • • 20

Lord Ampthill . . 20

The Lord Bishop of Madras . . 20

Lord Gladstone . . 21

The Hon. Mr. Jameson . . 21

Sir Henry Cotton . . 21

Mr. Charles Roberts, M. P, . . 21

Senator W. P. Schreiner . . 22

G. K. Gokhale . . 22

Rev. Joseph Doke . , 23

Mrs. Annie Besant . . 24

Sir P. M. Mehta . . 24

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu . . 24

Dr. Subramania Iyer 25

Sir Rabindranath Tagore . . 25

Bal Gangadhar Tilak . . 25

Lala Lajpat Rai . . 26

Dr. J. H. Holmes . . 26

Mr. W. W. Pearson . . 27

Mr. Percival Landon . . 27

Col. J. C. Wedgwood, M, P. . . 28

Mr. Blanch Watson . . 28

Mr. Ben Spoor, M P. . . 28

Mr. S. E Stokes . , 30

Vincent Anderson . . 30

Sir Valentine Chirol . . 30

Mr. C. F. Andrews . . 30

S. W. Clemes . . 32

Mr. W. E. Johnson . . 32

Xli CONTENTvS

Appendix II— Appreciations— contd.

The Rt. Hon. V. S. Srinivasa Sastri . . 33

Mi*. H. S. L, Polak . . 38

Mr. K. Natarajan . . 45

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu . . 45

Babu Dwijendranath Tagore . . 46

Index • • i

Illuttrations

Mr. <fe Mrs. Gandhi
Three Portraits of Gandhi

INTRODUCTION.

It appears to me unnecessary for any prefatory note
to be written to the Life and Speeches of Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi ; they live and speak for themselves.
Personally, I have had such a great shrinking from writing
anything, during his life-time, about one whom I reverence
so deeply, that 1 have many times refused to do so. But a
promise given in an unguarded moment now claims fulfil-
ment, and I will write very briefly,

To Mr. Gandhi, any swerving from the truth, even
in casual utterance, is intolerable ; his speeches must be
read as stating uncompromisingly what he feels to be true.
They are in no sense diplomatic, or opportunist, or merely
* political/ using the word in its narrower sense. He never
pays empty compliments : he never hesitates to say, for the
truth's sake, what may be unpalatable to his audience.

I shrink, as I have said, out of the very reverence
that I have for him, from writing for the cold printed
page about his character ; but I may perhaps not offend by
setting down something, however inadequate, concerning
his intellectual convictions. It is of the utmost impor-
tance to understand these ; because, in his case, they are
held so strongly, as to bind fast his whole life and to
stamp it with an originality, all its own.

The greatest of all these is his conviction of the
eternal and fundamental efficacy of ahimsa. What this
means to him, will be explained a hundred times over in the
writings which follow, To Mr. Gandhi, — it would not
be too much to say, — o/mnsq is the key to all higher esist-
3nce. It is the divine life itseli. TEave ~never yet been
tble to reconcile this with his own recruiting campaign, for
wrar purposes, during the year 1918. But he was, himself,
ible to reconcile it ; and some day, no doubt, he will give

XIV INTRODUCTION

to the world the logical background of that reconciliation,
Leaving aside the question of this exceptional case, I do
not think that there has been any more vital and inspir-
ing contribution to ethical truth, in our own generation,
than Mr. Gandhi's fearless logic in the practice of ahimsa.
Sir Gilbert Murray's article in the Hibbert Journal has
made this fact known to the larger world of humanity
outside India,

A second intellectual conviction is the paramount use of
religious vows in the building up of the spiritual life,
Personally, I find it far more difficult to follow Mr.
Gandhi here, Especially I dread the vow of celibacy
which he, not unfrequently, recommends. It appears to
me unnatural and abnormal* But here, again, he has
often told me, I do not understand his position.

The further convictions, which are expressed in his
writing, concerning the dignity and necessity for manual
labour, — the simplification of society, — the healing powers
of nature as a remedy for all disease, — the Swadeshi spirit,
— the false basis of modern civilisation, — all these will be
studied with the deepest interest. They will be seen, through
Mr. Gandhi's Speeches, in a perspective which has not
been made evident in any other writer, For, whatever
may be our previous opinion, whether we agree or disagree
with Mr. Gandhi's position, he compels us to think anew
and to discard conventional opinion.

It is necessary to add to these very brief notes (which
1 had already published in an earlier edition of this book)
a statement with regard to Mahatma Gandhi's intellectual
position on the subject of the ( British Constitution ' and
the ' British Empire.'

I have heard him say, again and again, to those who
were in highest authority : "If I did not believe that
racial equality was to be obtained within the British
Empire, I should be a rebel."

At the close of the great and noble passive resistance
struggle in South Africa, he explained his own standpoint
in Johannesburg, in his farewell words, as follows : —

INTRODUCTION XV

" It is my knowledge, right or wrong, of the British
constitution, which has bound me to the British Empire.
Tear that constitution to shreds, and my loyalty will also
be torn to shreds. On the other hand, keep it intact, and
you hold me bound unreservedly in its service. The choice
has lain before us, who are Indians in South Africa, either
to sunder ourselves from the British Empire, or to
struggle by means of passive resistance in order that
the ideals of the British Constitution may be preserved, —
but only those ideals. The theory of racial equality in the
-eyes of the Law, once recognised, can never be departed
from ; and its principle must at all costs be maintained, —
the principle, that is to say, that in all the legal codes,
which bind the Empire together, there shall be no racial
'taint, no racial distinction, no colour disability,"

I have summarised, in the above statement, the
speech which Mahatma Gandhi delivered on a very
memorable occasion at Johannesburg, before a European
audience, and I do not think that he has ever departed
from the convictions which he then uttered in public.
What has impressed me most of all, has been his unlimit-
ed patience, Even now, when he has again been imprisoned
by the present rulers of the British Empire, who have
charge of Indian affairs, he has not despaired of the
British Empire itself. According to his own opinion, it
is these rulers themselves who have been untrue to the
underlying principle of that Empire.

A short time before Mahatma Gandhi's arrest, when
I was with him in Ahmedabad, he blamed me very severely
indeed for my lack of faith in the British connexion and
for my publicly putting forward a demand for complete
independence. He said to me openly that I had done a
great deal of mischief by such advocacy of independence.
If I interpret him rightly his own position at that time
was this. He had lost faith in the British Administration
in India, — it was a Satanic Government. But he had
not lost faith in the British Constitution itself. He still
believed that India could remain within the British Empire

xvi INTRODUCTION

on the basis of racial equality, and that the principle of
racial equality would come out triumphantly vindicated
after the present struggle in India was over. Indeed, he
held himself to be the champion of that theory, and the
upholder of the British Constitution.

Whether that belief, which he has held so persistently
and patiently all these years, will be justified at last, time
alone can show, I remember how impressed I was at the
time by the fact that he, who had been treated so disgrace-
fully time after time in South Africa, should still retain his
faith in the British character. I said to him, " It would
almost seem as if you had more faith in my own country-
men than I have myself." He said to me, " That may be
true," — and I felt deeply his implied rebuke.

I have gone through carefully the words he employed
later at the time of his trial, and in spite of all that he
said with such terrible severity concerning the evil effect of
British Rule in India, I do not think that he has actually
departed from the position which runs through all the
speeches in this book from beginning to end. He still trusts
that the temper and character of the British people will
change for the better, and that the principle of racial equal-
ity will finally be acknowledged in actual deed, not merely
in word. If that trust is realised, then he Is prepared to
remain within the British Empire, But if that trust is
ultimately shattered, then he will feel that at last the time
has come to sever once and for all the British connexion.

Shantiniketan, \
May, 1922, J 0, F. ANDREWS.

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M. K. GANDHI

A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND WORK.

A SCENE IN JOHANNESBURG

scene is laid in Johannesburg. Summer is
coming and the days are lengthening out. At Park
Station, at 6 o'clock on a Sunday evening, in September
1908, whilst it was still broad daylight, a small animated
group of dark-skinned people might have been observed
eagerly looking in the direction from which the mail train
from Natal, that stops at Volksrusfr, was expected. The
watchers were Madrassi hawkers, who were apparently
awaiting the arrival of one affectionately regarded by them.
Punctually to time, the train steamed in and there was
observed, descending from a second-class compartment,
attended by a prison-warder in uniform, a small, slim,
dark, active man with calm eyes and a serene countenance.
He was clad in the garb of a South. African native con-
vict— small military cap, that did not protect him from
the sun, loose, coarse jacket, bearing a numbered ticket and
marked with the broad arrow, short trousers, one leg dark,
the other light, similarly marked, thick grey woollen socks
and leather sandals. But, it was plain that he was not a
South African native, and upon closer scrutiny, one became
aware that he, too, Was an Indian, like those who respect-
fully saluted him, as he tuined quietly to the warder for
instructions, He was carrying a white canvas bag, which
held his clothing and other effects found upon him when he
was received by the gaol authorities, and also a small
basket containing books. He had been sent by the Govern-
ment to travel nearly two hundred miles, for many hours,
without food or the means of procuring it, as the warded

2 M. K. GANDHI

had no funds for that purpose and but for the charity of a
European friend — a Government official — he would have
had to starve for twenty- four hours, A brief consultation
ensued between the prisoner and the warder. The latter
appeared to realise the incongruity of the situation, for he
bore himself towards the prisoner with every reasonable
mark of respect. The latter was evidently a person of
some importance, to whom a considerable amount of defe-
rence should be shown. The subject of conversation was
whether the prisoner preferred to go by cab or to walk to
the gaol. If the former, he (the prisoner) would have to
pay for it. He, however, declined the easier method of
locomotion, choosing to walk three-quarters of a mile in
broad day-light, in his convict suit, to the gaol and re-
solutely shouldering his bag, he briskly stepped out, the
Madrassi hawkers shamefacedly following at some distance.
Later, he disappeared within the grim portals of the
Johannesburg gaol, above which is carved, in Dutch, the
motto, "Union makes strength."

Five years have passed. On the dusty, undulating
road from Sfcanderton to Greylingstad, for a distance of
three miles, is seen a long, trailing " army " of men who,
on closer inspection, are recognisable as Indians of the
labouring classes, to the number of some two thousand.
Upon questioning them, it would be found that they had
been gathered from "the coal mines of Northern Natal,
where they had been working under indenture, or as "free"
men, liable to the £3 annual tax upon the freedom of
themselves, their wives, their sons of 1 6 years and their
daughters of thirteen. They had marched from Newcastle
to Charlestown, whence they had crossed the border into
the Transvaal, at Volksrust. They were now marching
stolidly and patiently on, until they reached Tolstoy Farm,
near Johannesburg, or they were arrested, as prohibited
immigrants, by the Government. Thus they had marched
for several days on a handful of rice, bread and sugar a
day, carrying with them all their few worldly belongings,
hopeful that, at the end, the burden of the hated £ 3 tax
would be removed from their shoulders. They appeared

M. K. GANDHI 3

-to place implicit trust in a small, limping, bent, but dogged
•man, coarsely dressed, and using a staff, painfully marching
at the head of the straggling column, but with a serene
and peaceful countenance, and a look of sureness and con-
tent. A nearer inspection of this strange figure discloses
the same individual that we have already seen entering the
•forbidding portals of the " Fort," at Johannesburg, But
•how much older looking and care-worn ! He has taken a
vow to eat only one poor meal a day, until the iniquitous
*t*x upon the honour and chastity of his brothers and sisters
shall have been repealed; Upon him, as the foremost
protagonist of the movement, has fallen the main burden
and responsibility of organising one of the greatest and
noblest protests against tyranny that the world has ever
seen during the preceding seven years. Time has left its
mark upon him !

Nine more years have passed. Bent down by the weight
of years, but resolute of heart, that same figure is yet the
cynosure of all eyes, The scene is laid now in Ahmedabad
where thousands of Khadder-clad pilgrims march in solemn
array to the court-house arid await " the man of destiny."
It was twelve noon on the 18th of March. That same
frail figure in a loin cloth, with the dear old familiar smile
of deep content, enters the court house. The whole court
suddenly rises to greet the illustrious prisoner. "This looks
like a family gathering," says he with the benignant smile
of his. The heart of the gathering throbs with alternate
hopes and fears but the august prisoner, pure of heart and
meek of spirit, is calm like the deep sea. In a moment
the great trial had begun ; and as the prisoner made his
historic statement, tears were seen trickling down the cheeks
of the stoutest of hearts " I wish to endorse all the blame
that the Advocate* General has thrown on my shoulders,"
says he with perfect can^uc. " To preach disaffection to
the existing system or Government has become almost a
passion with me, * * * I do not ask for mercy. I do not
plead any extenuating act. I am here therefore to invite
and submit to the highest penalty that can be inflicted
iipon me for what in law is a deliberate crime and what

4 M. K. GANDHI

appears to me to be the highest duty of a citizen." And
then follows the terrible inditement of the Government,
Thw judge himself is deeply moved. He feeJs the great-
ness of the occasion and in slow and deliberate accents he
says : " It will be impossible to ignore the fact that you
are in a different category from any person L have ever
tried or am likely to try, Jt would be impossible to ignore
the fact that in the eyes of millions of your countrymen you
are a great patriot and a great leader. Even those who differ
from you in politics look upon you as a man of high
ideals and of noble and even saintly life." But, Ob, the
irony of it,! " I have to deal with you in one character
only * * to judge you as a man subject to the law who fcas
by his own admission broken the law and committed, what
to an ordinary man must appear to be, grave offences
against the state," A sentence of six years' simple impri-
sonment is passed ; but the judge adds : " that if the
course of events in India should make it possible for the
Government to reduce the period and release you, no one
will be better pleased than I " And the prisoner thanka
the judge and there is perfect good humour. Was there
ever such a trial in the history of British Courts or any
other court for the matter of that ? And finally he bids
farewell to the tearful throng pressing forward to touch
the bare feet of him whose presence was a benediction !

The man is Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, De wart's
son, Barrister-at-Law, scholar, student, cultured Indian
gentleman " farmer, weaver," and leader of his people,
Because he preferred to obey the dictates of conscience,
because he placed honour before comfort or even life itself,
because he chose not to accept an insult to his Motherland,
because he strove so that right should prevail and that big
people might have life, a civilised," Christian Government
in a Colony over which waves the British flag, deemed that
the best way to overcome such dangerous contumacy was
to cast his body into gaol, where at one time he was com-
pelled to herd with and starve upon the diet of the roost
degraded aboriginal native felons, men barely emerging
from the condition of brute beasts, or rather, with all their

M. K. GANDHI 5

•human aspirations and instincts crushed out of them by
1;he treatment accorded to them under the " civilising "
process of the Trans vaal's colour legislation. And, again
obeying the behests of conscience, believing that he best
serves India so, he has again chosen the refuge of prison,
convinced like Thoreau that he is freer than his gaolers or
those who mourn for him, but do not liberate themselves
from bondage.

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION

.Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born on the 2nd
•October, 1869. Though he has a Brahmin's spirituality
and desire to serve and teach, he is not a Brahmin. Though
he has a Kshattriya's courage and devotion, he is not a
•Kshattriya. He belongs to an old Bania family resident in
Kathiawar, politics being a heritage of the family. His
forefathers were Dewans of the State of Porbandar in that
Province, his father having been Dewan of that State for
25 years, as also of Rajkote and other States in
Kathiawar, He was likewise, at one time, a member
of the Rajasthanik Sabha, having been nominated
thereto by the Government of Bombay. Mr. Gandhi's
father was known to and loved by all with whom he
came in contact and he did not hesitate, if need came, to
oppose the will of the Rana of Porbandar and of the Poli-
tical Agent, when he thought that they were adopting a
wrong or unworthy line of conduct. This particular trait
has evidently descended to his youngest son. Mr. Gandhi's
mother was an orthodox Hindu lady, rigid in her obser-
vance of religious obligations, strict in the performance of
•her duties as wife and mother, and stern in determination
that her children should grow up good and honest men
and women. Between her youngest son and herself exist-
ed a strong affection and her religious example and influ-
ence left a lasting impression upon his character. Mohan-
das Gandhi received his education partly in Kathiawar and
partly in London. It was only with the greatest difficulty
that his mother could be prevailed upon to consent to his
crossing the waters, and before doing so, she exacted from

6 M. K, GANDHI

him a threefold vow, administered by a Jain priest
that he would abstain from flesh, alcohol and women.
And this vow was faithfully and whole-heartedly kept
amidst all the temptations of student life in London.
Young Gandhi became an under-graduate of the London
University and afterwards joined the Inner Temple,
whence he emerged in due course a barrister- at law. He
returned to India immediately after his call, and was at
once admitted as an Advocate of the Bombay High Court,
in which capacity he began practice with some success.

VISIT TO SOUTH AFRICA

In 1893, Mr. Gandhi was induced to go to South Africa,
proceeding to Natal and then to the Transvaal, in connec-
tion with an Indian legal case of some difficulty. Almost
immediately upon landing at Durban, disillusionment await-
ed him. Brought up in British traditions of the equality of
all British subjects, an honoured guest in the capital of
the Empire, he found that in the British Colony of Natals
he was regarded as a pariah, scarcely higher than a savage
aboriginal native of the soil. He appealed for admission
as an Advocate of the Supreme Court of Natal, but his
application was opposed by the Law Society on the ground
that tho law .did not contemplate that a coloured person
should be admitted to practise. Fortunately, the Supreme
Court viewed the matter in a different light and granted
the application. But Mr. Gandhi received sudden warn-
ing of what awaited him in the years to come/

In 1894, on the urgent invitation of the Natal
Indian community, he decided to remain in the
Colony, in order that he might be of service in the political
troubles that he foresaw in the near future. In that year,
together with a number of prominent members of the
community he founded the Natal [ndian Congress, being
for some years its honorary secretary, in which capacity he
drafted a number of petitions and memorials admirable in
construction, lucid and simple in phraseology, clear and
concise in the manner of setting forth the subject matter.
He took a leading part in the successful attempt to defeat
the Asiatics' Exclusion Act passed by the Natal Parliament

M. K. GANDHI 7

and in the unsuccessful one to prevent the disfranchise-
ment of the Indian community, though the effort made-
obliged the Imperial authorities to insist that this dis-
franchisement should be effected along non-racial lines. At
the end of 1895, he returned to India, being authorised
by the Natal and Transvaal Indians to represent their
grievances to the Indian public. This he did by means of
addresses and a pamphlet', the mutilated contents of which
were summarised by Reuter and cabled to Natal, where
they evoked a furious protest on the part of the European
colonists. The telegram ran thus : " A pamphlet published
in India declares that the Indians in Natal are robbed, and'
assaulted, and treated like beast?, and are unable to obtain
redress. The Times of India advocates an enquiry into
these allegations "

This message was certainly not the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth, though it had elements of
truth in it About the same time, Mr. Gandhi returned to
Durban with his family, and with him, though independent-
ly of him, travelled several compatriots. The rumour arose
that he was bringing with him a number of skilled Indian
workers with the express object of ousting the European
artisans from the field of employment, and the two circum-
stances combined to stimulate in the colonists, high and*
low alike, all the worst passions, and feeling ran so high
that the Attorney* General, Mr. Escombe, felt himself
obliged to side with the popular party, and accordingly
gave instructions that the vessels bringing Mr. Gandhi and
his companions should be detained in quarantine. The
quarantine WAS only raised when the ship-owners announc-
ed their intention of taking legal action against the Govern-
ment. The vessels now came alongside the wharf, but the
crowd that assembled became so hostile that a police in-
spector, who came on boaid, warned Mr. Gandhi of his own
personel danger if he landed then, and urged him to delay
the landing until night. A little later, however, a well-
known member of the Natal Bar came on board specially
to greet Mr. Gandhi and offer his services, and Mr, Gandhi
at once determined to land without waiting for darkness ta

8 M. K. GANDHI

come, trusting, as he himself expressed it, to the British
sense of justice and fair-play. He was soon recognised,
however, set upon, and half- killed, when the wife of the
superintendent of police, who recognised him, ran to his
rescue, and, raising her umbrella over him, defied the crowd
and accompanied him to the store of an Indian friend.
Mr. Gandhi was, however, in order to save his friend's
property, obliged to escape disguised as a police constable.

The affair was at an end, popular passions calmed
down, and the newspapers apologised to him, though the
incident demonstrated the temper of the mob towards
the resident Indian community. Years afterwards,
meeting Mr. Gandhi one day, Mr. Escombe expressed
profound regret at his connection with this unsavoury
business, declaring that, at the time, he was unacquainted
with Mr, Gandhi's personal merits and those of the com-
munity to which he belonged. Half-an-hour later he was
found dead in the streets, stricken down by heart-difeease,

BOER WAR AND THE INDIAN AMBULANCE CORPS

In 1899, at the outbreak af the Anglo- Boer War, Mr.
Gandhi, after considerable opposition, induced the Govern-
ment to accept the offer of an Indian Ambulance Corps.
The Corps was one thousand strong and saw active service,
being on one occasion, at least, under heavy fire, and on
another, removing the dead body of Lord Robert's only
son from the field. The Corps was favourably reported on,
and Mr. Gandhi was mentioned in despatches and after-
wards awarded the war medal. His object in offering the
services of a body of Indian to do ever, tho most menial
work was to show that the Indian community desired to
take their full share of public responsibilities and that just
as they knew how to demand rights, so thev also knew to
assume obligations. And that has been the keynote of
Mr. Gandhi's public work from the beginning.

Writing in the Illustrated Star of Johannesburg
in July 1911, a European, who had taken part, in that
campaign, says : —

My first meeting with Mr. M. K. Gandhi was under strange
•circumstances. It was on the road from Spion Kop, after the

M. K. GANDHI 9

fateful retirement of the British troops in January, 1900. The
previous afternoon I saw the Indian mule-train moved up the
slopes of the Kop carrying water to the distressed soldiers who
had lain powerless on the plateau. The mules carried the water
in immense bags, one on each side, led by Indians at their heads.
The galling rifle-fire, which heralded their arrival on the top,
did not deter the strangely-looking cavalcade, which moved
•lowly forward, and as an Indian fell, another quietly stepped
forward to fill the vacant place. Afterwards the grim duty of
the bearer corps, which Mr. Gandhi organised in Natal, began.
It was on such occasions the Indians proved their fortitude, and
the one with the greatest fortitude of all was the subject of this
sketch. After a night's work which had shattered men with
much bigger frames. I came across Gandhi in the early morn-
ing sitting by the roadside — eating a regulation Army biscuit.
Every man in Buller's force was dull and depressed, and dam-
nation was heartly invoked on everything. But Gandhi was
stoical in his bearing, cheerful, and confident in his conversa-
tion, and had a kindly eye. He did one good. It was an infor-
mal introduction, and it led to a friendship. I saw the man
and his small undisciplined corps on many a field of battle dur-
ing the Natal campaign. When succour was to be rendered
they were there. Their unassuming dauntlessness cost them
many lives, and eventually an order was published forbidding
them to go into the firing-line. Gandhi simply did his duty
then, and his comment the other evening in the moment of his
triumph, at the dinner to the Europeans who had supported the
Indian movement, when some hundreds of his countrymen and
a large number of Europeans paid him a noble tribute, was that
he had simply done his duty.

RETURN TO INDIA

in 1901, owing to a breakdown in health, Mr. Gandhi
came to India, taking his family with him. Before he went,
however, the Natal Indian community presented him, Mrs.
Gandhi, and his children with valuable gold plate and
jewellery. He refused, however, to accept a single item of
this munificent gift, putting it on one side to be used for
public purposes, should the need arise. The incident but
endeared him the more to the people, who realised once
again how selfless was the work that he had so modestly
and unassumingly undertaken. Before the Ambulance
Corps left for the front, its members had been publicly
entertained by the late Sir John Robinson, then Prime
Minister of Natal, and on the occasion of the presentation
to Mr. Gandhi by the Indian community, he addressed a

10 M. K. GANDHI

letter to the organisers of the ceremony, in which, after
excusing his unavoidable absence, he said : —

It would have given me great pleasure to have been
present on the occasion of so well-earned a mark of respect to

our able and distinguished fellow-citizen, Mr. Gandhi

Not the less heartily do I wish all success to this public recogni-
tion of the good work done and the many services rendered to
the community by Mr. Gandhi.

On his arrival in Bombay Mr. Gandhi once more
resumed practice, as he then had no intention of returning
to South Africa, believing that with the end of the war, a
new era had arrived.

BACK TO SOUTH AFRICA

Scarcely, however, had he returned from the Calcutta
Congress, where, under Mr. Wacha, he did some very
useful organising work unobtrusively, when he received an
urgent telegram from Natal, peremptorily calling him back
to South Africa to draft the memorials to Mr. Chamber-
lain, whose visit was imminent, to take charge of the work
required to secure the removal of existing grievances and
to place Indian affairs finally on a higher level. Without a
moment's hesitation he obeyed the call of duty, and a new
chapter opened in his life, In Natal, he had been able tc
overcome official prejudice and was high in the esteem of all
those heads of departments and ministers with whom his
public duties brought him into contact. But when, aftei
heading a deputation to Mr. Chamberlain in Natal, he
was called to the Transvaal for a similar purpose, he found
all officialdom hostile, and he was refused the right tc
attend upon Mr. Chamberlain as a member of a deputa
tion of Transvaal Indians: and it was only after the
utmost endeavours that he prevailed upon the Indian com
munity to send a deputation that did not include him
Finding that the situation was becoming rapidly worse
and being without a trained guide, the Transvaal Indian*
pressed him to remain with them, and this he at last con
sen ted to do, being admitted to practise as an Attorney
of the Supreme Court of the Transvaal, In 1903 together
with other communal leaders, he founded the Transvaal
British Indian Association, of which until his final

M. K< GANDHI I I

departure from South Africa, he] was the Honorary Secretary
and principal legal adviser.

FOUNDING OF " THE INDIAN OPINION "

About the middle of 1903, it had occurred to him
that, if the South African Indians were to be brought into
closer association with each other and with their European
fellow-colonists, and to be politically and socially educated,
'it was absolutely necessary to have a newspaper, and, after
consultation, he provided the greater part of the capital
for its inauguration, with the late Mr. M. H, Nazar as
editor, and thus the Indian Opinion was born, It was first
published in English, Gujarati, Hindi and Tamil. For
various reasons it afterwards became necessary to dispense
with the Tamil and Hindi columns. But although Mr.
Gandhi, had, in theory, delegated much of the work of
conducting the paper to others, he was unremitting in his
own efforts to make it a success. His purse was ever open
to make good the deficits that continually occurred owing
to the circumstances of its production, and to its English
and Gujarati columns he contributed month after month
and year after year out of the fund of his own political and
spiritual wisdom and his unique knowledge of South
African Indian affairs.

Towards the end of 1904, however, finding that the
paper was absorbing most of the money that could be spared
without making any appreciable financial headway, he
went to Durban to investigate the situation. During the
journey he became absorbed in the perusal -of Buskin's
" Unto this Last," and he received certain impressions that
were confirmed whilst on a visit to some relatives, wha
had started a trading enterprise in an up-country village,
His conclusions were that the town conditions in which the
paper was produced were such as almost to compel unlimit-
ed waste', to act as a check upon the originality and indi-
viduality of the workers, and to prevent the realisation of
his dearf st desire to so infuse the columns of the paper
with a spirit of tolerance and persuasiveness as to bring-
together all that was best in the European and Indian
communities, whose fate it was to dwell side by side, either

12 M. K. GANDHI

mubally hostile to or suspicious of each other, or amicably
co-operating in the securing of the welfare of the State and
the building-up, of a wise-administration of its assets.

THE PHCENIX SETTLEMENT

Accordingly, he determined that the very first thing
to be done was to put an end to the divorce of the workers
from the land, and from this determination arose what has
since become known as the Phoenix Settlement. Phoenix
is situated about 12 miles from Durban, in the midst of a
sugar-growing country, and Mr. Gandhi invested his
savings, in the purchase of an estate of about 100 acres of
land about two miles distant from the station, on which were
erected the press buildings and machinery. A number of
selected Indians and Europeans were invited to become
settlers, and the original conditions were these — that they
should hive entire management of all the assets of the
•press, including the land itself; that each should practical-
ly vow himself to a life of poverty, accepting no more
X3 (Rs. 45) a month, expenses being high in South
Africa, and an equal share in the profits, if any ;
that a house should be built for him, for which he
should pay when able, and in whatever instalments
might seem suitable to him, without interest ; that
he should have two acres of land as his own for
cultivation, payment being on similar conditions, and
that he should devote himself to working for the public
good, Indian Opinion being meanwhile the mainspring of
the work. Whilst the fundamental principles remained,
it became necessary later, in the light of further experience,
to modify these conditions. Subsequently the Phoenix
settlers extended the scope of their labours, to the task of
educating some at least of the children of the lakh-and-a-
half of Indians in South Africa. It is true that, in com-
parison with the magnitude of the task, only a small begin-
ning was made, but this was principally due to the lack
of qualified workers and also to the state of the exchequer.

SERVICE IN PLAGUE AREAS

In 1904, an outbreak of plague occurred in the Indian
'Location, Johannesburg, largely owing to gross negligence

M. K. GANDHI 1 3.

on the part of the Municipal authorities, in spite of repeated
warnings pf the insanitary conditions prevailing. A week
before the official announcement of the outbreak, Mr.
Gandhi sent a final warning that plague had^already broken
out, but his statement was officialy denied. When, how-
ever, a public admission of the existence of plague could
no longer be withheld, but before the Municipal authorities
bad taken any steps to cope with the disease, he at once
organised a private hospital and nursing home, and, to-
gether with a few devoted friends, personally tended the
plague patients ; and this work was formally appreciated
by the Municipal authorities. In the same year, owing to
arbitration proceedings between expropriated Indian stand-
holders in the Location and the Johannesburg Municipa-
lity, in which he was busily engaged, he earned large
professional fees which he afterwards devoted in their
entirety to public purposes.

LEADING A STRETCHER BEARER CORPS

In 1906, a native rebellion broke out in Natal due to
many causes, but realising that bloodshed was imminent
and that hospital work would necessarily ensue therefrom,
Mr. Gandhi offered, on behalf of the Natal Indians, a
Stretcher Bearer Corps, which, after some delay, was
accepted. Meanwhile, ho had sent his family to Phoenix,
where he thought it was most proper that they should live,
rather than in the dirt, noise, and restlessness of the town.
He himself volunteered to lead the Corps, which was on
active service for a month, being mentioned in despatches
and publicly congratulated and thanked by the Governor
for the valuable services rendered. Each member of the
Corps has had awarded to him*the medal especially struck
for the occasion, and as an indication of the manner in
which the Transvaal Government appreciated the work
so selflessly performed by Mr. Gandhi and his Corps, it
may be noted that, together with at least three other
members of the Corps, as well as some who belonged to or
helped to fit out the old Ambulance Corps, he was flung
into gaol, to associate with criminals of the lowest type.
The work of the Corps was, besides that of carrying stretch-

;J4 M. K. GANDHI

era and marching on fcnfc behind mounted infantry,
through dense bush, sometimes thirty miles a day, in the
midst of a savage enemy's country unarmed and unprotect-
ed to perform the task of hospital assistants and to nurse
the wounded natives, who had been callously shot down by
the colonial troopers, or had been cruelly lashed by mili-
tary command. Mr. Gandhi does not like to speak his
mind about what he saw or learnt on this occasion. But
many times he musfc have had searchings of conscience as
to the propriety of his allying himself, even in that merci-
ful capacity, with those capable of such acts of revolting
and inexcusable brutality, However, it is well to know
that nearly all his solicitude was exercised ou behalf of
aboriginal native patients, and one saw the Dawan's son
ministering to the needs and allaying the sufferings of
some of the most undeveloped types of humanity, whose
odour, habits and surroundings must have been extremely
repugnant to a man of refined tastes — though Mr, Gandhi
himself will not admit this

ANTI ASIATIC LAW AND PASSIVE RESISTANCE

Scarcely had he returned to Johannesburg to resume
practice (he had left his office to look after itself during
his absence), than a thunderbolt was launched by the
Transvaal Government by the promulgation of the Draft
Asiatic Law Amendment Ordinance, whose terms
are now familiar throughout the length and breadth
of India. After years of plotting and scheming,
the anti- Asiatics of the Transvaal, having first secured
the willing services of an administrative depart-
ment anxious to find an excuse for the continuance
of its own existence, compelled the capitulation of the
executive itself with the afore -mentioned result. Mr.
Oandhi at once realised what was afoot, and understood,
immediately that, unless the Indian community adopted a
decided attitude of protest, which would be backed up, if
necessary, by resolute action, the whole Indian population
of South Africa was doomed, and he accordingly took
counsel with the leading members of the community, who
agreed that the measure must be fought to the bitter end.

M. K. GANDHI 15

Mr. Gandhi is chiefly responsible for the initiation of the
policy of passive resistance that was so successfully carried
out by the Indians of South Africa during the next eight
years. Since that day, Mr. Gandhi's history has been
mainly that of the Passive Resistance struggle. All know
how he took the oath not to submit to the Law on the
llth September, 1906; how he went to England with a
compatriot in the same year, and how their vigorous plead-
ing induced Lord Elgin to suspend the operation of the
objectionable piece of legislation : how, when the law
finally received the Royal assent, he threw himself into the
forefront of the tight, and, by speech, pen, and example,
inspired the whole community to maintain an adaman-
tine front to the attack that was being made upon
the very foundations of its religion, its national honour,
its racial self-respect, its manhood. No one was, there-
fore, surprised when, at the end ot 1907, Mr. Gandhi
was arrester!, together with a number of other leaders,
and consigned to gaol ! or how, when he heard that some
of his friends in Pretoria had been sentenced to six
months' imprisonment with hard labour, the maximum
penalty, he pleaded with the Magistrate to impose the
•penalty upon him too, as he had been the acknowledged
leader and inspirer of the opposition against this Law. To
him it was a terrible shock that his followers were being
more harshly treated than he himself, and it was with
bowed head and deep humiliation that he left the court,
sentenced to two months1 simple imprisonment only.
Happily, the Government realised the seriousness of the
situation, and after three weeks' imprisonment of the
leading passive resistors, General Smuts opened negotia-
tions with them, and a compromise was effected between
him and the Indian community, partly written, partly
verbal, whereby voluntary registration, which had been re-
peatedly offered, was accepted conditionally upon the Law
being subsequently repealed. This promise of repeal was
made personally to Mr. Gandhi by General Smuts in the
presence of official witnesses, When, shortly afterwards
Mr. Gandhi was nearly killed by a few of his more fanati!

1 6 M. K. GANDHI

cal countrymen (who thought he hadj betrayed them to
the Government) as he was on his way to the Registration
Office of carry out his pledge to the Government, he
issued a letter to the Indian community in which he defi-
nitely declared that promise of repeal bad been made.
General Smuts did not attempt to deny the fact and,
indeed, did not do so until several months later, No
one was, however, astonished to find Mr. Gandhi
charging General Smuts with breach of faith, and absolute-
ly refusing to compromise himself or the community
4ihat he represented by accepting further legislation that
would, in the end, have still further degraded the Indians
of South Africa, Having convinced his colleagues that
such acceptance on their part was impossible, the
struggle recommenced.

Twice more, during this period of passive resistance,
was he sent to gaol, and then the Government sought to
seduce his followers from their allegiance, by imprisoning
them in hundreds and leaving him free. In 1909, whilst his
friend and fellow- worker, Mr, Polak, was in India, on
behalf of the South African Indian community, he and a
colleague had gone to England to endeavour to arouse the
public conscience there to the enormities that were being
perpetrated in South Africa in the name of the British
people. Whilst he failed in his main puipose to secure
from General Smuts, through the mediation of the Imperial
Government, the removal of the racial bar in the Immigra-
tion Law, he nevertheless sowed the seeds of the subsequent
settlement, for his suggestions were embodied, and their
adoption was recommended by the Imperial Government
in their despatch to Lord Gladstone, shortly after the
creation of the Union of South Africa in the following
year,

MB, GOKHALE'S HISTORIC VISIT

In 1911, the second "provisional settlement" was
effected after the Union Government had, notwithstanding,
prolonged and sympathetic negotiations with Mr, Gandhi
found themselves unable to discover a formula acceptable
alike to the Indian community, the Government them-

M. K. GANDHI I/

selves and Parliament. Nor did the year 1912 show any
better promise in the direction of a final settlement.
Meanwhile, there occurred the historic visit to South
Africa of India's great statesman-patriot, the Hon. Mr*
Gokhale, who, even then, was suffering from ill-health.
Mr. Gandhi, who, for years had regarded him as his own
political leader, had invited him to South Africa, not
primarily for political reasons, but so that he might nurse
his guru back to health. Circumstances combined, how-
ever, to impose upon Mr. Gokbale a greater physical strain
than had been anticipated, in spite of Mr. Gandhi's own<
devoted personal service. It was pathetic and beautiful to
observe the way these two old friends refused to see any-
thing but the best in each other, in spite of their funda-
mental differences of temperament and often of outlook.
To Gandhi, Gokhale was the gallant and selfless paladin,
whom the whole of India looked up to as her noblest son,
To Gokhale, Gandhi was the very embodiment of saintly
self-abnegation, a man whose personal sufferings, splendid
and chivalrous leadership and moral fervour, marked
him out as one of the most outstanding figures of
the day, the coming leader of his people, who had
made the name of his adored Motherland, revered and
honoured throughout the Empire and beyond, and who-
had proved beyond dispute the capacity of even his most
insignificant countrymen to live and die for her.

FUKTHER STAGES OF THE STRUGGLE

During his visit, Mr. Gokhale extracted a promise
(afterwards denied) from the principal Union Ministers,
that they would introduce legislation repealing the <£3 tax.
When therefore in 1913, Mr, Gandhi discovered that the
Government were not going to fulfil their pledges of 1911,,
and that they refused to repeal the .£3 tax, he denounced
the " provisional settlement," and, in September, announced
the revival of Passive Resistance and its bodily extension
to Natal, where he promptly organised and carried through
the now historic strike. The events of this last phase of
the struggle are still fresh in the public memory and
therefore need no more than the barest recapitulation — the-

1 8 M. K. GANDHI

campaign of the Indian women whose marriages had been
dishonoured by a fresh decision of the Supreme Court at
the instigation of the Government, tbe awakening of the
free and indentured labourers all over Natal, the tremen-
dous strikes, the wonderful arid historic strikers' march of
protest into the Transvaal, the horrible scenes enacted later
in the effort to crush the strikers and compel them to
•resume work, the arrest and imprisonment of the
principal leaders and of hundreds — many thousands

of the rank and file, the enormous Indian mass

meetings, held in Durban, Johannesburg, and other
parts of the Union, the fierce and pissionate indignation
aroused in India, the large sums of money poured
into South Africa from all parfcs of the Motherland, Lord
Hardinge's famous speech at Madras, in which he placed
himself at the head of Indian public opinion and his
demand for a Commission of Inquiry, the energetic efforts
of Lord Ampthill's Committee, the hurried intervention of
the Imperial authorities, the appointment over the heads
of the Indian community of a Commission whose personnel
couUfnot satisfy the Indians, the discharge from prison of
the leaders whose advice to ignore the Commission was
almost universally accepted, the arrival of Messrs. Andrews
and Pearson and their wonderful work of reconciliation,
the deaths of Harbat Singh and Valliamma, the strained
position relieved only by the interruption of the second
European strike, when Mr. Gandhi, as on an earlier occa-
sion, undertook not to hamper the Government whilst
they had their hands full with the fresh difficulty and
when ib had been dealt with, the entirely new spirit of
friendliness, trust, and co-operation that was found to
have been created by the moderation of the great Indian
leader and the loving influence spread around him by Mr.
Andrews as he proceeded with his great Imperial mission,

All these things are of recent history, as are the
favourable recommendations of the Commission on
practically every point referred to it and out of which
Passive Resistance had arisen, the adoption of -the Com-
mission's Report in, its entirety by the Government, the

M. K. GANDHI lg

introduction and passing into law of the Indians'
Relief Act, after lengthy and remarkable debates
in both Houses of the Legislature, the correspond-
once between Mr. Gandhi and General Smuts,
in which the latter undertook, on behalf of the
Government, to carry through the administrative reforms
that vvere not covered by the new Act, and the final letter
of the Indian protagonist of Passive Resistance — formally
announcing the conclusion of the struggle and setting
forr.h the points upon which Indians would sooner or later
have to be satisfied before they could acquire complete
equality of civil status — and the scenes of his departure
for his be'oved Motherland, enacted throughout the
•country, wherein the deaths and sufferings of the Indian
martyr?, N«gappan, Narayanasamy, Harbat Singh and
Vaili<*mm*, weie justified and sanctified to the world.

MR AND MRS. GANDHI IN LONDON

Faithful to his instinct for service, Mr. Gandhi hurried
to England, where he heard that Gokhale was critically ill,
and arrived, on the outbreak of the Great War, to find
that his friend was slowly recovering from the almost fatal
attack that had overwhelmed him. Here, too, his sense of
responsibility revealed itself. He recognised that it was
India's duty, in the hour of the Empire's trial, to do all in
her power to help, and he at once set about the formation
of the Indian Volunteer Ambulance Corps in London,
enrolling himself and his devoted wife, who had herself
been barely snatched from the jaws of death but a few
weeks earlier, amongst the members, But the years of
strain, his neglect of his own physical well-being, and his
addiction to long fasts as a means to spiritual purification,
had undermined a never very robust constitution, and his
condition became so serious th%t private and official
friends insisted upon his proceeding immediately, with
Mrs. Gandhi, to India.

RETURN TO THE MOTHERLAND

Since his arrival in his Motherland, at the beginning
of 1915, his movements have been much in the popular
eye. His progress through India, from the day of the

20 M. K. GANDHI

public landing and welcome at the Apollo Bunder, was in
the nature of a veritable triumph, marred only by the sud-
den death of his beloved teacher, Gopal Krishna Gokhale,,
who had sacrificed health and life itself upon the altar of
his country's welfare.

The Government of Irdia marked their appreciation
of Mr. Gandhi's unique services by recommei.ding him for
the Kaiser- i-Hmd gold medal, which was conferred upon
him by the King Emperor amongst the 1915 New Year-
Honours. To Gokhale he had given a promise to make no
public utterance on Indian affairs until at least a year had
passed, and he had visited the principal centres of public
life in India. This promise, which was faithfully kept, was
exacted, because Gokhale, hoping to see in him his own
successor, had been somewhat disturbed by the very
advanced views expressed by Mr. Gandhi in the proscribed
pamphlet, Hind Swaraj, whose pages, we now know,
were written to show the basic similarity of civilisation the
world over, the superiority of India for the particular
Indian phase of that civilisation, and the stupidity of the
barriers of luxury erected by the modern industrial civili-
sation of the West, that constantly separate man from man
and make him a senseless machine drudge, and that threat-
en to invade that holy Motherland that stands in his eyes
for the victory of spirit over matter. Ho had condemned
some things of which he had disapproved, in Gokhale's
opinion, somewhat hastily, and the older man had thought
that, after an absence from India of so many years, during
which he had perhaps idealised certain phases of Indian
life, a year's travel and observation would be a useful
corrective. Which of the two, if either, has correctly
diagnosed the situation, time alone can show.

SATYAGRAHASHRAM

Mr, Gandhi, however, made his headquarters at
Abmedabfld, the capital of his own Province of Gujarat
and here be founded his Saiyagrahashram^ where be i&
endeavouring to train up from childhood public servants
upon a basis of austerity of life and personal subordination

* For a full account of the Ashram, see appendix.

M. K. GANDHI 2 1

•to the common good, the members supporting themselves
by work at the hand- loom or other manual labour.

TRAVELS IN INDIA

True to his promise to Gokhale, Mr, Gandhi,
^on his return to India, started on an extensive tour
through the country. Though his idea was merely to
visit every place of importance and acquaint himself
thoroughly with the conditions of the country and thus
acquire first-hand knowledge of men and things, he had
of course to apeak wherever he went. He was given a warm
and enthusiastic welcome at every station and the magnifi-
cent demonstrations in his honour bore eloquent testi-
mony to the great regard in which his countrymen have
always held him. Mr, Gandhi accepted these marks of
affection and respect with his accustomed grace, but
spoke out his mind on every subject, as the occasion
demanded. One characteristic feature of these speeches is
that M/r. ^Gandhi seldom repeats second-hand opinions and
bis views on every subject are, therefore, refreshingly
original. Undeterred by fear or any exaggerated sense of
conventional respectability he retains his independence,
indifferent to the applause or contumely of his listeners.
Speaking at the Students' Hall, College Square, Calcutta,
in March 1915, when the Hon. Mr. Lyon presided he
said with reference to

ANARCHICAL CRIMES :

Whatever his personal views were, he must say that misguid-
ed zeal that resorts to dacoities and assassinations cannot be
productive of any good. These dacoities and assassinations
are absolutely a foreign growth in India. They cannot take
root here and cannot be a permanent institution here.
History proves that assassinations have done no good. The
religion of this country, the Hindu religion, is abstention
from " himsa," that is taking animal life. That is, he believes
the guiding principle of all religions. The Hindu religion
says that even the evil-doer should not be hated. It says that
nobody has any right to kill even the evil-doer. These assassina-
tions are a western institution and the speaker warned his
hearers against these western methods and western evils.
LOYALTY TO THE BRITISH RAJ

At the Madras Law Dinner in April of the same year
he observed in proposing (at the request of the President

22 M K, GANDHI

the Hon. Mr. Corbett, the Advocate- General) the toast
of the British Empire : —

As a passive resister I discovered that a passive resister
has to make good his claim to passive resistance, no matter
under what circumstances he finds himself, and I discovered
that the British Empire had certain ideals with which I have
fallen in love, and one of those ideals is that every subject of
the British Empire has the freest scope possible for his energies
and honour and whatever he thinks is due to his conscience I
think that this is true of the British Empire, as it is not true of
any other Government. (Applause) I feel, as you here perhaps
know, that I am no lover of any Government and I have more
than once said that that Government is best which governs least*
And I have found that it is possible for me to be governed least
under the British Empire. Hence my loyalty to the British'
Empire. (Loud applause).

ADDRESS TO THE STUDENTS

Addressing the students of Madras at the Y. M.CJ.A,
when the Hon. Mr. (now the Rt, Hon ) V. S, Srinivasa
Sastri presided, he pointed out : —

I am and I have been a determined opponent of modern
civilisation, I want you to turn your eye§ to-day upon what is
going on in Europe and if you have come to the conclusion that
Europe is to-day groaning under the heels of the modern civilisa-
tion then you and your elders will have to think twice before
you can emulate that civilisation in our Motherland. But I
have been told, "How can we help it, seeing that our rulers
bring that culture to our Motherland." Do not make any mis-
take about it at all. I do not for one moment believe that it is
for any rulers to bring that culture to you, unless you are pre-
pared to accept it, and if it be that the rulers bring that culture
before us, I think that we have forces within ourselves to enable
us to reject that culture without having to reject the rulers
themselves.

He concluded : —

I ally myself to the British Government, because I believe
that it is possible for me to claim equal partnership with every
subject of the British Empire. I to-day claim that equal
partnership. I do not belong to a subject race. I do not call
myself a subject race. (Applause). But there is this thing : it
is not for the British Governors to pive yo", it is for you to take
the thing. I want and I can take the thing. That I want only
by discharging my obligations. Max Muller has told us,— we
need not go to Max Muller to interpret our own religion— but
he says, our religion coniists in four letters " D-u-t-y " and no't
in the five letters "R-i-g-h-t." And if you believe that all that

M. K. GANDHI 23

we want can flow from a better discharge of our duty, then
think always of your duty and fighting along those lines you
will have no fear of any man, you will fear 'only God.

UNVEILING Mtt, GOKHALK's PORTRAIT

In May Mr. Gandhi went to visit some cities in the
south where he discoursed on social reform and the vexed
question of untouchability which is somewhat rampant on
the banks of the Kaveri and its environs. He spoke with
characteristic candour SOIL e what to the chagrin of the
orthodox.

Later he was invited to Bangalore to unveil the-
portrait of Mr. Gokhale, when he made a brief and highly
suggestive speech: —

I saw in the recitation, — the beautiful recitation
that was given to me, — that God is with them whose
garment was dusty and tattered. My thoughts imme-
diately went to the end of my garment; I examined
and found that it is not dusty and it is not tattered ; it is fairly
spotless and clean. God is not in me. There are other condi-
tions attached ; but in these conditions too I may fail ; and you,
my dear countrymen, may also fail ; and if we do tend this
well, we should not dishonour the memory of one whose por-
trait you have asked me to unveil this morning. I have declar-
ed myself his disciple in the political field and I have him as
my Raja Guru : and this I claim on behalf of the Indian people.
It was in 1896 that I made this declaration, and I do not regret
having made the choice.

Later in the year he presided over the anniversary
function at the Gurukul and spoke in Hindi on the mean-
ing of true Swadeshism, the doctrine of Ahimsa and other
kindred topics,

HINDU UNIVERSITY SPEECH

On Feb. 4, 1916, he attended the Hindu University
celebrations and delivered an address which unfortunately
was intercepted. But the regrettable incident of whicE far
too much was made, revealed the hold that lie possesses
upon the esteem and affection of his countrymen, for his
version of what transpired was generally accepted. Since
then Mr. Gandhi has been taking a prominent part in the
building-up of the Indian nation along his own peculiar
lines. For, he teaches both by precept and by example

24 M. K. GANDHI

But he goes his own way, untrammelled by precedent,
carefully analysing the criticism to which he is naturally
subjected, holding himself answerable, however, to his own
conscience alone. For he is of the prophets, and not
merely of the secondary interpreters of life.

The same month he came to Madras and on the 10th
spoke on Social Service to a large audience presided over
by Mrs. Whitehead. On the 14th he spoke on Swadeshi
before the Missionary Conference' and a couple of days
later gave a lucid account of his Satyagrahashram to a
large gathering of students in the precincts of the Young
Men's Christian Association, Madras, the Hon. Rev. G.
Pittendrigh of the Christian College presiding. He then
went back to Ahmedabad to look after his Ashram. Late
in the year on December 22, he made a remarkable speech
on " Economic versus Moral Progress " at the Muir Central
College, Allahabad, Mr. Stanley Jevons presiding. The
address contains some of bis most mature and thoughtful
reflections on life, and both in style and sentiment is one
of the most characteristic of Mr. Gandhi's utterances.

MR, GANDHI IN CHAMPARAN

Then came the Champaran incident which has since
become historic. In the Lucknow Congress of December
1916, Mr. Gandhi, though pressed by some of the citizens
of Behar, declined to talk about the grievances of the
labourers in the Behar plantations without first-hand
knowledge of the real state of affairs. This he resolved to
acquire soon after the Congress session : and in response
to an insistent public demand, to ir quire into the
conditions under which Indians work in the indigo
plantations, Mr Gandhi was in Muzaffarpur on the
15th April 1917,' whence he took the mid-day train for
Motihari. Next day he was served with a notice from the
Champaran District Magistrate to quit the district " by
the next available train " as his presence " will endanger
the public peace and may lead to serious disturbance which
may be accompanied by loss of life." But the local
authorities in issuing this mandate counted without the
host. For Mr. Gandhi, who had initiated the Passive

M. K. GANDHI £5

Resistance Movement in South Africa, replied in a way
that did not surprise those who had known him : —

Out of a sense of public responsibility, I feel it to be my
duty to say that I am unable to leave this district, but if it so
pleases the authorities, I shall submit to the order by suffering
the penalty of disobedience.

I most emphatically repudiate the Commissioner's sugges-
tion that " my object is likely to be agitation." My desire is
purely and simply for " a genuine search for knowledge " and
this I shall continue to satisfy so long as I am left free.

Mr. Gandhi appear ei before the District Magistrate
on the 18th, when he presented a statement. Finding that
the case was likely to be unnecessarily prolonged he pleaded
guilty and the judgment was deferred pending instructions
from higher authorities. The rest of the story is pretty
familiar. The higher authorities subsequently issued
instructions not to proceed with the prosecution,
while a commission of enquiry was at once instituted to
enquire into the conditions of the Behar labourers with
Mr, Gandhi as a member of that body. As usual, Mr.
Gandhi worked in perfect harmony with the other
members and though with the findings of his own private
enquiry he could have raised a storm of indignant agita-
tion against the scandals of the plantations, he refrained
from using his influence and knowledge for a merely vin-
dictive and vainglorious cry. He worked quietly, with
no thought of himself, but absorbed in the need for reme-
dial measures ; and when in December 1917 the Champaran
Agrarian Bill was moved in the Behar Legislative Coun-
cil, the Hon. Mr. Maude made a frank statement of the
scandals which necessitated an enquiry by a Commission
and acknowledged Mr. Gandhi's services in these hand-
some terms : —

It is constantly asserted, and I have myself often heard it
said, that there is in reality nothing wrong or rotten in the
state of affairs ; that all concerned are perfectly happy so long
as they are left alone, and that it is only when outside influences
and agitators come in that any trouble is experienced. I
submit that this contention is altogether untenable in the light
of the history of the last fifty years. What is it we find on
«ach individual occasion when fresh attention has been, at
remarkably short intervals, drawn once more to the conditions

26 M. K. GANDHI

of the production of the indigo plant ? We do not find on each
occasion that some fresh little matter has gone wrong which
can be easily adjusted, but we find on every occasion alike that
it is the system itself, which is condemned as being inherently
wrong and impossible, and we see also repeated time after time
the utter futility of bringing the matter to any lasting or satis-
factory settlement by the only solutions that have so far been
attempted, namely, an enhancement of the price paid for indigo
and a reduction of the tenant's burden by reducing the limit of
the proportion of his land which he would be required to earmark
for indigo cultivation. Repeatedly those expedients have been
tried—repeatedly they have failed to effect a lasting solution,
partly because they could not be universally enforced, but
chiefly because no thinking can set right a system which is in
itself inherently rotten and open to abuse.

The planters of course could not endure this. They
took occasion to indulge in the most rapid and unbecoming
attacks on Mr, Gandhi, One Mr. Irwin earned an
unenviable notoriety by writing all sorts of scurrilous
attacks touching personalities which have nothing to do
with the subject of enquiry. Columns of such stuff appear-
ed in the pages of the Pioneer : but Mr. Gandbi with a
quiet humour replied in words which should have made the
soul of Irwin penitent. The controversy on Mr, Gandhi's
dress and Mrs. Gandhi's stall-keeping reveals the character
of the two men, Mr. Jrwin, fussy, vindictive, violent, ill-
tempered, writhing like a wourded snake in anger and
agony, and Mr. Gandbi secure in his righteousness,,
modest, quiet, strong and friendly with no malice and
untainted by evil passions.

THE CONGRESS-LEAGUE SCHEME

By this time Mr. Gandhi had made the Guzerat
Sabha a well- equipped organisation for effective sccial
service. When in August 1917 it was announced that Mr.
Montagu would be in India in connection with the scheme
of Post- War Reforms the Guzerat Sabha under the direc-
tion of Mr. Gandhi devised in November the admirable
scheme of a monster petition in connection with the Con-
gress League Scheme. The idea and the movement alike
were opportune. Mr, Gandhi himself undertook the work
in his province of Guzerat and carried it out with charac1
teristic thoroughness. The suggestion was taken up by

M. K. GANDHI 2?

the Congress and the Home Rule League and the piles of
books containing the monster signatures were duly present-
ed to Mr. Montagu at Delhi.

Meanwhile Mr. Gandhi was not idle. On the 17th
September he presided over the Bombay Co-operative Con-
ference. On Nov. 3, he delivered a remarkable address as
president of the Guzerat Political Conference and later, of
the Guzerat Educational Conference. Then came the
Congress week in Calcutta in December and he presided
over the First Session of the Social Service League when
he made a striking speech.

Mr. Gandhi has always travelled in the third claps in
all his journeyings and the grievances of the third-class
passengers are driven home in this address to the Social
Service League. But even before this he had already sent
a letter to the press on the subject on the 25th September,.
1917, in which he gave a vivid and true account of the
woes of the third-class passengers,

FAMINE IN THE KAIRA DISTRICT

After his return from the Calcutta Congress of Dec.
1917, Mr. Gandhi was occupied in connection with the
famine in the Kaira district. The facts of the story can
be easily told in Mr. Gandhi'^ own words uttered at a
meeting in Bombay on Feb 5, 1918.

The responsibility for the notice issued by the Guzerat
Sabha of Ahmedabad was his ; and nobody expected that the
Government would misinterpret the objects of the notice. The
Guzerat Sabha had sufficient proof of the plight of the people
in the Kaira District and that the people were even obliged to
sell their cattle to pay taxes, and the notice was issued to
console those suffering from hardships. The Sabha's request
was to suspend the collection of dues till negotiations were
over. If the Commissioner of the Division had not been angry
with the deputation and had talked to them politely; such
crises would not have happened. He fully expected that the
deputation which would wait on the Governor would be able
to explain the situation to His Excellency and the people's
cause would succeed in the end. Public men had every right
to advise tie people of their rights. He trusted that those who
had given the people the right advice would stand by them
and would not hesitate to undergo hardships in order to secure
justice.

28 M. K. GANDHI

The first and last principle of passive resistance is that
we should not inflict hardships on others but put up with them
ourselves in order to get justice, and the Government need not
fear anything if we make up our mind as we are bent on
getting sheer justice from it and nothing else. We can have
two weapons on occasions like this: — Revolt or passive resist-
ance, and my request is for the second remedy always. In
order to remove distress through which the G-uzerat people
are paising, it is my firm conviction that if we tell the truth to
the Government, it will ultimately be convinced and if we are
firm in our resolve, the Kaira District people shall suffer
wrongs no more.

INTEREST IN SOUTH AFRICA

In spite of all these activities in India, Mr. Gandhi
has not forgotten the scene of his early labours. His
South African friends and fellow- workers are always dear
fco him. In a communication to the Indian Opinion he
wrote under date 15th December, 1917 : —

When I left South Africa, I had fully intended to write to
my Indian and English friends there from time to time, but I
Found my lot in India to be quite different from what I had
BXpected it to be. I had hoped to be able to have comparative
peace and leisure but I have been irresistibly drawn into many
activities. I hardly cope with them and local daily corre-
spondence. Half of my time is passed in the Indian trains. My
South African friends will, I hope, forgive me for my apparent
neglect of them. Let me assure them that not a day has pass-
ed but I ha^e thought of them and their kindness. South
African associations can never be effaced from my memory.

I note, too, that our people in South Africa are not yet free
from difficulties about trade licences and leaving certificates.
My Indian experience has confirmed the opinion that there is
ao remedy like passive resistance against such evils. The com-
munity has to exhaust milder remedies but I hope that it will
aot allow the sword of passive resistance to get rusty. It is
)ur duty whilst the terrible war lasts to be satisfied with peti-
;ions, etc., for the desired relief but I think the Government
jhould know that the community will not rest until the ques-
;ions above mentioned are satisfactorily solved. It is but right
;hat I should also warn the community against dangers from
ivithin. I hear from those who return from South Africa that
NQ are by no means free of those who are engaged in illicit
•raffic. We, who seek justice must he above suspicion, and I
lope that our leaders will not rest till they have urged the
community of internal defects.

M. K. GANDHI 2g

AHMEDABAD MILL STRIKE

Passive Resistance in some form or other bas always
been Mr. Gandhi's final panacea for all ailments in
the body politic. He has applied it with resolute
courage, and has at least as often succeeded as he has
undoubtedly failed. But success or failure in the pursuit
of a righteous cause is seldom the determining factor,
with men of Mr. Gandhi's moral stamina. When in March
1918 the mill hands at Ahmedabad went on strike, Mr.
Gandhi was requisitioned to settle the dispute between the
millowners and the workmen. He was guiding the latter
to a successful settlement of their wages when some of
them betrayed a sense of weakness and despair ; and
demoralisation was apprehended. At a critical stage in
the crisis Mr. Gandhi and Miss Anusuyabhai took the vow
of fast. This extreme action on the part of Mr, Gandhi
was disquieting to friends and provoked some bitter com-
ments from the unfriendly. He, of course, would be the
last person to resort to such a method of forcing the mill-
owners by appealing to their sense of pity, knowing that
they were his friends and admirers. He explained the
circumstances in a statement issued subsequently : —

I am not sorry for the vow, but with the belief that I have,
I would have been unworthy of the truth undertaken by me if
I had done anything less. Before I took the vow I knew that
there were serious defects about it. For me to take such a
vow in order to affect in any shape or form the decision of the
millowners would be a cowardly injustice done to them, and
that I would so prove myself unfit for the friendship which J
had the privilege of enjoying with some of them. I knew that I
ran the risk of being misunderstood. I could not prevent my fast
from affecting my decision. That knowledge* moreover put a
responsibility on me which I was ill-able to bear. From now
I disabled myself from gaining concessions for the men which
ordinarily in a struggle such as this I would be entirely justified
in securing* I knew, too, that I would have to be satisfied with
the minimum I could get from the millowners and with a fulfil-
ment of the letter of the men's vow rather than its spirit and so
hath it happened. I put the defects of my vow in one scale and
the merits of it in the other. There are hardly any acts of human
beings which are free from all taint. Mine, I know, was
exceptionally tainted, but better the ignominy of having
unworthily compromised by my vow the position and indepen-

30 M. K. GANDHI

dence of the mill-owners than that it should be said by pos-
terity that 10,000 men had suddenly broken the vow whioh they
had for over twenty days solemnly taken and repeated in the
name of God. I am fully convinced that no body of men can
make themselves into a nation or perform great tasks unless
they become as true as steel and unless their promises come
to be regarded by the world like the law of the Medes and
Persians, inflexible, and unbreakable, and whatever may be the
verdict of friends, so far as I can think at present, on given
occasions, I should not hesitate in future to repeat the humble
performance which I have taken the liberty of describing in the
communication.

DELHI WAE CONFERENCE

Mr. Gandhi was one of those invited to attend the
Delhi War Conference in April 1918. At first he refused
to participate in the discussions on the ground that Mr.
Tilak, Mrs. Besant and the All Brother* were non invited
to the Conference. He however waived the objection at
the pressing invitation personally conveyed by H, E. the
Viceroy in an interview. At the Conference he spoke
briefly, supporting the loyalty resolution, He explained
his position more clearly in a communique issued by him
soon after the Conference. He pointed out: —

I recognise that in the hour of its danger we must give, as
we have decided to give, ungrudging and unequivocal support
to the Empire of which we aspire in the near future to be
partners in the same sense as the Dominions Overseas. But it
is the simple truth that our response is due to the expectation
that our goal will be reached all the more speedily. On that
account even as performance of duty automatically confers a
corresponding right, people are entitled to believe that the
imminent reforms alluded to in your speech will embody the
main general principles of the Congress- League scheme, and I
am sure that it is this faith which has enabled many members
of the Conference to tender to the Government their full-hearted
co-operation. If I could mako my countrymen retrace their
steps, I would make them withdraw all the Congress resolutions
and not whisper "Home Rule " or " Responsible Government"
during the pendency of the War. I would make India offer all
her able-bodied aons as a sacrifice to the Empire at its critical
moment and I know that India, by this very act, would become
the most favoured partner in the Empire and racial distinctions
would become a thing of the past But practically the whole
of educated India has decided to take a less effective course, and
it i§ no longer possible to say that educated India does not
exercise any influence on the masses.

M. K. GANDHI 3!

I feel sure that nothing less than a definite vision of Home
Rule to be realised in the shortest possible time will satisfy the
Indian people. I know that there are many in India who
consider no sacrifice is too great in order to achieve the end,
and they are wakeful enough to realise that they must be
equally prepared to sacrifice themselves for the Empire in which
they hope and desire to reach their final status. It follows then
that we can but accelerate our journey to the goal by silently
and simply devoting ourselves heart and soul to the work of
delivering the Empire from the threatening danger. It will be
a national suicide not to recognise this elementary truth. We
must perceive that, if we serve to save the Empire, wo have in
that very act secured Home Rule.

Whilst, therefore, it is clear to me that we should give to
the Empire every available man for its defence, I fear that I
cannot say the same thing about the financial assistance. My
intimate intercourse with the raiyats convinces me that India
has already donated to the Imperial Exchequer beyond her
capacity. I know that, in making this statement, I am voicing
the opinion of the majority of my countrymen.

It is interesting to note that even so early as this
Mr, Gandhi foreshadowed his views on the Khilafat
question of which we shall hear so much indeed in the
subsequent pages. Mr. Gandbi wrote these words in a letter
to the Viceroy : —

Lastly, I would like you to ask His Majesty's Ministers to
give definite assurance about the Muhammadan States. I am
sure you know that every Muhammadan is deeply interested in
them. As a Hindu I cannot be indifferent to their cause. Their
sorrows must be our sorrows. In the most scrupulous regard
for the rights of these States and for the Muslim sentiment as to
the places of worship and in your just and timely treatment of
the Indian claim to Home Rule lie the safety of the Empire. I
write this, because I love the English nation and I wish to
evoke in^every Indian the loyalty to Englishman.

LORD WILTJNGDON AND HOME KULERS

On June 10, 1918, Lord Willingdon, then Governor
of JHombay, presiding over the Bombay War Conference,
happened to make an unfortunate reference to Home
Rulers. Mr. Tilak who was on the war-path resented what
he deemed an unwarranted insult to Home Rulers and
instantly launched on a downright political oration. His
Excellency ruled him out of order and one by one the
Borne Rulers left the Conference. Mr, Gandhi was asked

32 M. K. GANDHI

to preside over the protest meeting in Bombay held on
the 16th June. He spoke as follows : —

Lord Willingdon has presented them with the expression
Home Rule Leaguers distinguished from Home Rulers. I can-
not conceive the existence of an Indian who is not a Home
Ruler; but there are millions like myself who are not
Home Rule Leaguers. Although I am not a member ofacy
Home Rule League I wish to pay on this auspicious day my
humble tribute to numerous Home Rule Leaguers whose associa-
tion I have ever sought in my work and which has been
extended to me ungrudgingly. I have found many of them to
be capable of any sacrifice for the sake of the Motherland.

RECRUITING FOR THE WAR

Mr, Gandhi did a great deal to stimulate recruiting
for the war. Though he did not hesitate to criticise the
bureaucracy for individual acts of wrong, he went about
in the Districts of Kaira calling for recruits. Time and
again he wrote to the press urging the need for volunteers
and he constantly spoke to the educated and the illiterate
alike on the necessity for joining the Defence Force.
On one occasion he said in Kaira where he had conducted1
Safcyagraha on an extensive scale : —

You have successfully demonstrated how you can
resist Government with civility, and how you can re-
tain your own respect without hurting theirs. I now
place before you an opportunity of proving that you
bear no hostility to Government in spite of your strenuous fight
with them.

You are all Home Rulers, some of you are members of
Home Rule Leagues. One meaning of Home rule is that we
should become partners of the Empire. To-day we are a subject
people. We do not enjoy all the rights of Englishmen. We
are not to-day partners of the Empire as are Canada, South
Africa and Australia. We are a Dependency. We want the
rights of Englishmen, and we aspire to be as much partners of
the Empire as the Dominions Overseas. We wish for the time
when we may aspire to the Viceregal office. To bring such a
state of things we should have the ability to .defend ourselves,
that is the ability to bear arms and to use them. As long as
we have to look to Englishmen for our defence, as long as we-
are not free from the fear of the military, so long we cannot be
regarded as equal partners with Englishmen. It, therefore, be-
hoves us to learn the use of arms and to acquire the ability to
defend ourselves. If we want to learn the use of arms with the
greatest possible despatch, it is our duty to enlist ourselves in
the Army.

M. K. GANDHI 33

The easiest and the straightest way to win Swarajya,
said Mr. Gandhi, is to participate in the defence of the
Empire. This argument, doubtless, went home, and he
appealed in the following words : —

There are 600 villages in the Kaira District Every village
has on an average a population of over 1,000. If every village
gave at least twenty men the Kaira District would be able to
raise an army of 12,000 men. The population of the whole
district is seven lakhs and this number will then work out at 17
per cent. — a rate which is lower than the death-rate. If we are
not prepared to make even this sacrifice for the Empire and
Swarajya, it is no wonder if we are regarded as unworthy of it.
If every village gives at least twenty men they will return from
the war and be the living bulwarks of their village. If they
fall on the battle-field, they will immortalise themselves, their
villages and their country and twenty fresh men will follow
suit and offer themselves for national defence.

THE MONTAGU REFORMS

We have noticed how Mr, Gandhi took a leading part
in the agitation for post-war reforms and how his idea of a
monster petition was taken up by every political body of
importance in the country. It must, however, be noted
with regret that his enthusiasm for the reforms was not
kept up as he was absolutely engrossed in other affairs. On
the publication of the Joint Report in July 1918, Mr.
Gandhi wrote to the Servant of India at the request of the
Hon. Mr. (now the Rt. Hon.) V. S. S. Sastri for an ex-
pression of opinion : —

No scheme of reform can possibly benefit India that does
not recognise that the present administration is top-heavy and
ruinously expensive and for me even law, order and good
government would be too dearly purchased if the price to be
paid for it is to be the grinding poverty of the masses. The
watchword of our Reform Councils will have to be not the
increase of taxation for the growing needs of a growing country,
but a decrease of financial burdens that are sapping the founda-
tion itself of organic growth. If this fundamental fact is recog-
nised there need be no suspicion of our motives and I think I
am perfectly safe in asserting that in every other respect
British interests will be as secure in Indian hands as they are in
their own.

It follows from what I have said above that we must respect-
fully press for the Congress-League claim for the immediate
granting to Indians of 50 per cent/of the higher posts in the
Civil Service.

34 M. K. GANDHI

THE ROWLATT BILLS AND i-ATYAGRAHA

But soon there began a movement which was to tax
the utmost energies of Mr, Gandhi, a movement fraught
with grave consequences. The Government of India per-
sisted in passing a piece of legislation known as the
Rowlatt Laws which were designed to curb still further
what little liberty is yet pOvSj-esaed by Indians in their own
country. The legislation wan presumed to be based on the
Report of the Rowlatt Committee which announced the
discovery of plots for the subversion of Government.
Friends of Government, solicitous of the peaceful and well-
ordered condition of society, warned it of the danger of
passing such acts which betrayed a tactless want of confi-
dence and trust in the people at a time when Responsible
government was contemplated. The bill was stoutly
opposed by the public and the press, It was denounced
by every political organisation worth the name. It was
severely and even vehemently attacked in the Imperial
Council, Irrespective of parties, the whole country stood
solid against a measure of such iniquity. The Hon, Mr.
Sastri and Pundit Madan Mohan Malaviya, and in fact
every one of the con-official members condemned the bill
as outrageous and forebode grave consequences if it should
be passed. But Government was obstinate and the bill
was passed in the teeth of all opposition.

Mr. Gandhi who travelled all over the country and
wrote and spoke with amazing energy was not to be easily
silenced, Every other form of constitutional agitation
having failed he resorted as usual to his patent — Satya-
graha. On February 28, 1919, he published a momentous
pledge which he asked his countrymen to sign and observe
as a covenant binding on them. The pledge ran as
follows : —

*' Being conscientiously of opinion that the Bills known as
the Indian Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill No. 1 of 1919, and
the Criminal Law (Emergency Powers) Bill No. 11 of 1919, are
unjust,subversive of the principle of liberty and Justice, and de-
structive of the elementary rights of individuals on which the
safety of the community as a whole and the State itself is
t>ased, we solemnly affirm that in the event of these Bills

M. K. GANDHI 35

becoming law and until they are withdrawn, we shall refuse
civilly to obey these laws and such other laws as a committee
to be hereafter appointed may think fit and further affirm that
in this struggle we will faithfully follow truth and refrain from
violence to life, person or property."

He then started on an extensive tour through the
country educating the learned and the unlearned, in
the principles and practice of Satyagraha. At Bombay,
Allahabad, Madras, Tanjore, Trichy, Tuticorin and
Negapatam he addressed large gatherings in March.
Sunday the 6th April was appointed the Satyagraha Day
when complete hartal was to be observed, prayers offered
and the vow to be taken amidst great demonstra-
tions Delhi observed the Satyagraha day on the 30th, and
there ensued a scuffle between the people and the police.
It was alleged against the Delhi people at the Railway
Station

(1) that some of them were trying to coerce sweetmeat
sellers into closing their stalls ; (2) that some were forcibly
preventing people from plying tramcars and other vehicles ;
(3) that some of them threw brickbats ; (4) that the whole
crowd that marched to the Station demanded the release of
men who were said to be coercers and who were for that
reason arrested at the instance of the Railway authorities;
(5) that the crowd declined to disperse when the Magistrate
gave orders to disperse.

Swami Shraddhananda (the well-known Mabatnoa
Munshi Ram of the Gurukula, who had taken the orders of
the Sannyasi) denied the first three allegations. Granting
they were all true there was no need, argued
Mr, Gandhi, for the interference of the military who were
called on to fire on the unarmed mob. But the crowd
was completely self-possessed and though there was some
loss of life, it spoke volumes in praise of the Delhi people
that they conducted a meeting of 40,000 in perfect peace
and order. But the Djlhi tragedy had burnt itself into
the soul of Mr, G xndhi and his friends. The incident he
said, " imposed an added responsibility upon Satyagrahie
of steeling their hearts and going on with their struggle
until the Rowlatt Legislation was withdrawn." The whole
country answered Mr. Gandhi's call in a way that was at

36 M. K. GANDHI

cnce significant and impressive. Tens and hundreds of
thousands gathered in different cities, and never within
living memory have such demonstrations been witnessed.

In the meanwhile the Sat)agraha Committees in
different centies of India were actively carry irg on their
propaganda. The Central Committee of vbich Mr.
Gandhi was the president, advieed that for the time being
laws regarding prohibited literature and registration of
newspapers might be civilly disobeyed. Accordingly on the
7th April Mr, Gandhi issued a notice to organise, regulate
and control the sale of these publications. A leaflet called
Satyograhi was at once brought out as also some early
writing of Mr. Gandhi's which was pronounced to be
seditious, The first print stated among other things :

**Tbe editor is liable at any moment to be arrested, and it
is impossible to ensure the continuity of publication until India
is in a happy position of supplying editors enough to take the
place of those who are arrested. It is not our intention to break
for all time the laws governing the publication of newspapers.
This paper will, therefore, exist so long only as the Rowlatt
Legislation is tnot withdrawn."

Meanwhile as contemplated by Mr. Gandhi he was
arrested at Kosi on his way to Delhi on the morning of the
10th April and served with an order not to enter the
Punjab and the District of Delhi. The officer serving the
order treated him most politely, assuring him that it would be
his most painful duty to arrest him, if he elected to disobey,
but that there would be no ill-will between them. Mr.
Gandhi smilingly f aid that he must elect to disobey as it
was his duty, and that the officer ought also to do what was
Aid duty. Mr. Gandhi then dictated a message to Mr.
Desai, his secretary, laying special emphasis in his oral
message that none should resent his arrest or do anything
tainted with untruth or violence which was sure to harm
the sacred cause.

Mr. Gandhi arrived in Bombay on the afternoon of
the llth ApriJ, having been prevented from entering the
Provinces of the Punjab and Delhi. An order was soon
after served on him requiring him to confine his activities
trithin the limits of the Bombay Presidency. Having heard

M. K. GANDHI 37

-of the riots and the consequent bloodshed in different
places he caused the following message to be read at all the
meetings that evening : —

I have not been able to understand the cause of so much
excitement and disturbance that followed my detention. It it
not Satyagraha. It is worse than Duragraha. Those who
join Satyagraha demonstrations are bound one and all to
refrain at all hazard from violence, not to throw stones or in
any way whatever to injure anybody.

I therefore suggest that if we cannot conduct this move-
ment without the slightest violence from our side, the move-
ment might have to bo abandoned or it may bs necessary to
give it a different and still more restricted shape. It may be
necessary to go even further. The time may come for me to
offer Satyagraha against ourselves. I would not deem it a
disgrace that we die. I shall be pained to hear of the death
of a Satyagrahi, bat I shall consider it to be the proper
sacrifice given for the sake of the struggle.

I do not see what penance I can offer excepting that it is
for me to fast and if need be by so doing to give up this body
and thus prove the truth of Satyagraha, I appeal to you to
peacefully disperse and to refrain from acts that may in any
way bring disgrace upon the people of Bombay.

But the Duragraha of the few upset the calculations
of Mr, Gandhi, as he had so constantly been warned by
many of his friends and admirers who could not however
subscribe to his faith in civil disobedience. The story of
the tragedy needs no repeating. It is written on the
tablet of time with bitter memories, and the embers of
that controversy have not yet subsided. But Mr.
Gandhi, with a delicacy of conscience and a fine apprecia-
tion of truth, which we have learnt to associate with his
name as with that of Nowrnan, felfc for the wrongs done to
Englishmen with the same pissionate intensity with which
he felt for those inflicted on his own countrymen. Pew
words of remorse in recorded literature are more touching
than those uttered by Mr. Gandhi in his speech at Ahme-
dabad on the 14th April 1919. They are in the supreme
manner of Cardinal Newman's Apologia :

Brothers, the events that have happened in the course of
4he last few days have been most disgraceful to Ahmedabad,
and as all these things have happened in my name, I am asham-
ed of them, and those who have been responsible for them
nave thereby not honoured me but disgraced me. A rapier run.

38 M. K. GANDHI

through my body could hardly have pained me more. I have-
•aid times without number that Satyagraha admits of no vio-
lence, no pillage, no incendiarism ; and still in the name of
Satyagraha we burnt down buildings, forcibly captured weapons,
extorted money, stopped trains, eut off telegraph wires, killed
innocent people and plundered shops and private houses. If
deeds such as these could save me from the prison house or the*
scaffold I should not like to be so saved.

Jt is open to anybody to say that but for the Satyasrraha
campaign there would not have been this violence. For this I
have already done a penance, to my mind an unendurable one,
namely, that I have had to postpone my visit to Delhi to peek
re-arrest and I have also been obliged to suggest a temporary
restriction of Satyagraba to a limited field. This has been more
painful to me than a wound, but this penance is not enough,
and I have therefore decided to fast for three days, i. e , 72
hours. I hope my fast will pain no one. I believe a seventy-two
hours ' fast is easier for me than a twenty-four hours' fast for
you. And I have imposed on me a discipline which I can bear.

In consequence of the violence, he ordered a general
suspension of the movement on the 18th April only to be
resumed on another occasion which was soon to follow in
the heels of the Punjab tragedy,

THE PUNJAB DISORDERS

Before passing to a consideration of the K.hilafat
question and Mr. Gandhi's lead which made it such a potent
and A II- India agitation we must say a word on the after-
math of the Punjab tragedy, Jt is unnecessary to recount
the extraordinary happenings in the Punjab as time and
vigilant enquiries have laid bare the unscrupulous methods
of that Government For over a year, the tale of the Punjab
atrocities, the shooting down of a defenceless and unarmed
gathering of some 2,000 men, women and children in cold
blood at the Jallianwallah Bagh, the monstrous methods
of martial law administered by Col. Johrson arid Boswcrth
Smith, tbe outrageous indignities to which the poor people
of the place were subjected, the callous disregard of life
and respect with which Sir Michael O'Dwyer and Briga-
dier Dyer were inflicting some of the worst features of
Prussianism on a helpless people — the crawling order arid
tbe public flogging — these bave been tbe theme of countless
articles and speeches. The Punjab revelations have shock-
ed the conscience of the civilized world which could

M. K. GANDHI 3^

scarcely believe that such frightful acts of brutality could
be possible in the British Government till the Hunter
Commission confirmed their worst apprehensions,

But it was long before the Government could
be forced to appoint a Commission of Inquiry. And at
last only a Committee was appointed while all India was
anxious for a Royal Commission. It was therefore decid-
ed to proceed with an independent enquiry. Mr, Gandhi
headed the Congress Sub Committee and carried out a
most searching and thorough investigation. It was a pity
he could not lead the Congress evidence before the Hunter
Committee, owing to certain differences between the two
Committees in regard to the freedom of certain witnesses
then under confinement. Suffice it to say that the Congress-
Committee decided not to give evidence, or in any way
participate with the Hunter Committee.

But under the able and indefatigable guidance of Mr.
Gandhi the Congress Committee collected a great mass of
material for judging the Punjab disorders. They examin-
ed over 1,700 witnesses and recorded the evidence of no>
less than 650. Mr. Gandhi's participation in the Committee
was itself a guarantee to its merit as an authoritative and
responsible body. In fact no name could carry more
weight than Mr. Gandhi's in the matter of veracity in such
an undertaking — an undertaking likely to prejudice and
warp the judgment of many. When in April 1920 the
Report was published it was hailed everywhere as an
unanswerable document — the result of patient industry
and dispassionate judgment on a most brutal and savage
episode in contemporary history.

Soon after, the Hunter Report which was for many
months in the hands of the Cabinet, was also issued,
accompanied by a despatch by the Secretary of State,
The Report recorded indeed many of the facts published
already in the Corgress Report, laid stress on the evils of
Satyagraha, condoned the bloody exploits of Gen. Dyer
as " an error of judgment " (a diplomatic euphemism fox
the slaughter of the innocents) and vindicated the states-
manship of Sir Michael O'Dwyer ! The force of perversior

40 M. K. GANDHI

could no further go ! Mr. Montagu, however, passionately
denounced Gen. Dyer's savagery as inconsistent with the
principles of British Government but curiously enough
paid a tribute to Sir Michael's sagacity and firmness «nd
the Viceroy's policy of masterly inactivity ! This was bad
enough from the Indian point of view. But there sprang
up a wild scream from the Anglo Indian Press, and Mem-
Sahebs in search of sensation and notoriety discovered in
Gen. Dyer the saviour of British India. The Pioneer and
other prints followed the lead of the London Morning
Post and appealed for funds towards a memorial to this
gallant soldier who shot men like rabbitp, while a section of
the Indian Press urged that " Chelmsford must go." Then
followed the debate in the House of Commons which was
looked forward to with some excitement. The House ulti-
mately retained its honour in the debate and though Mr.
Montagu, Mr. Asquith and Mr, Churchill spoke with a pro-
found sense of justice and carried the day, there was no
doubt of the mentality of the average Englishmen. But it
was left to the House of Peers to betray the utter demoralisa-
tion that had set in. Lord Finlay's motion condoning Gen.
Dyer was passed in epite of the masterly speeches of Lord
Curzon and Lord Sinha. Though the noble Lords'
action could have no constitutional value it was yet
an index to the depth of English ignorance and preju-
dice. Above all, some officers who had misbehaved
in the late tragedy still continued to exercise authority
in the Punjab, and Mr. Lajpat Kai started a propaganda to
boycott the New Councils so long as they were not dispens-
ed with. Mr. Gandhi who had already urn He up his mind
to offer Satyagraha in varying forms in connection with
the Khilafat question readily joined the Lala and issued
the following note in July 1920 : —

Needless to say I am in entire accord with Lala Lajpat
Kai on the question of a boycott of the Reformed Councils. For
me it is hut one step in the campaign of Non-Co-operation, as
I feel equally keenly on the Punjab question as on the Khilafat.
Lala Lajpat Rai's suggestion is doubly welcome, 1 have seen
a suggestion made in more quarters than one that Non-Co-
operation with the Reforms should commence after the process
of election has been gone through. I cannot help saying that

M. K, GANDHI 4*

it is a mistake to go through the election farce and the expense
of it, when we clearly do not intend to take part in the proceed-
ings of these Legislative Councils. Moreover, a great deal of
•educative work has to be done among the people, and if I could
I would not have the best attention of the country frittered
away in electioneering. The populace will not understand the
beauty of Non-Co-operation, if we seek election and
then resign; but it would be a fine education for them if
electors are taught not to elect anybody and unanimously to
tell whosoever may be seeking their suffrage that he would
not represent them if he sought election so long as the Punjab
and Khilafat questions were not satisfactorily settled. I hope,
however, that Lala Lajpat Rai does not mean to end with the
boycott of the Reformed Councils. We must take, if necessary,
every one of the four stages of Non-Co-operation if we are to
be regarded as a self-respecting nation. The issue is clear.
Both the Khilafat terms and the Punjab affairs show that
Indian opinion counts for little in the Councils of the Empire.
It is a humiliating position. We shall make nothing of the Re-
forms if we quietly swallow the humiliation. In my humble
opinion, therefore, the first condition of real progress is the re-
moval of these two difficulties in our path, and unless some
better course of action is devised, Non-co-operation must hold
the field.

THE KHILAFAT QUESTION

We have referred more than once to Mr. Gandhi's
connection with the Khilafat question, The country was
in the throes of a tremendous agitation — an agitation
which gained enormously in its intensity and popular
appeal by the mere fact of Mr. Gandhi's participation in it.
It would take us far afield to discuss the whole question of
the history of the Khilafat movement. Briefly put, it
resolves itself into two primary factors. The first was the
Premier's pledge and promise, that after the war nothing
would be done to disturb the integrity of the Ottoman
Empire both as a concession to Muslim loyalty and in
accordance with the principles of self-determination. The
second was that the violation of imperial obligation was
thoroughly immoral and should at all costs be resisted by
all self-respecting Mahomedans. In this gigantic enter-
prise Hindus must help Mahomedans and join hands
with them as a token of neighbourly regard, This at any
rate was the interpretation put upon the Khilafat question
by Mr, Gandhi. Mr. Gandhi would not stoop to consider

42 M. K. GANDHI

that the Government of India could possibly have no voice
in the determination of an international negotiation. He
knew that the Government of India had represented the
Indian feeling with some warmth and that Mr. Montagu
and Lord Sinha had done their best to voice the claims of
India at the Peace Table. But he luld that the Government
of India bad not done all in their power and when the
terms of Treaty with Turkey were published with a lengthy
note from the Government of Jndia to soothe the injured
sentiment of the Muslim peopK, Mr Gandhi wrote a re-
markably frank letter to H. E Lord Chtlmsford, the
Viceroy, on June 14, 1920, in which he pointed out: —

The Peace terms and Your Excellency's defence of them
have given the Mussulmans of India a shock from which it will
be difficult for them to recover. The terms violate Ministerial
pledges and utterly disregard the Mussulman sentiment. I
consider that as a staunch Hindu, wishing to live on terms of
the closest friendship with my Mussulman countrymen I should
be an unworthy son of India if I did not stand by them in their
hour of trial. In my humble opinion their cause is just. They
claim that Turkey must not be punished if their sentiment is to
be respected. Muslim soldiers did not fight to inflict punish-
ment on their own Khalifa or to deprive him of his territories.
The Mussulman attitude has been consistent throughout these
five years. My duty to the Empire to which I owe my loyalty,
requires ma to resist the cruel violence that had been done to
Mussulman sentiment. So far as I am aware the Mussulmans
and Hindus have as a whole lost faith in British justice and
honour.

The report of the majority of the Hunter Committee, Your
Excellency's despatch thereon, and Mr. Montagu's reply have
only aggravated the distrust. In these circumstances the only
course open to one like me is either in despair to sever all con-
nection with British Ku e or if I still retained the faith in the
inherent superiority of the British Constitution to all others at
present in vogue, to adopt such means as will rectify the wrong
done and thus restore that confidence.

Non-Co-operation was the only dignified and constitutional
form of such direct action. For it is a right ' recognised from
times immemorial of the subjects to refuse to assist the ruler
who misrules. At the same time I admit Non-Co-operation
practised by the mass of, people is attended with grave risks.
But in a crisis such as has overtaken the Mussulmans of India,
no step that is unattended with large risks can possibly bring
about the desired change. Not to run some risks will be to
count much greater risks if not the virtual destruction of law

M. K. GANDHI 43

and order; but there is yet an escape from Non-Cooperation.
The Mussulman representation has requested Your Excellency
to lead the agitation yourself as did your distinguished prede-
cessor at the time of the South African trouble, but if you
cannot see your way to do so and Non-Co-operation becomes
the dire necessity, I hope Your Excellency will give those who
have accepted my advice and myself credit for being actuated
by nothing less than a stern sense of duty.

THE NON Co- opi RATION PROGRAMME

And what was the Non-Co-operation programme that
Mr, Gandhi had worked out for the adoption of the country
for rectifying the wrongs done to Muslim sentiment ? He
enunciated the four stages in the programme of Non -Co-
operation in clear and unambiguous terms,

The first was the giving up of titles and honorary
offices ; the second was the refusal to serve Government in
paid appointments or to participate in any manner in the
working of the existing machinery of civil and judicial
administration. The third was to decline to pay taxes and
the last was to ask the police and the military to withdraw
co-operation from the Government. From the first Mr,
Gandhi realised the full scope of the movement and he had
no doubt of its far-reaching tfftcts. It cannot therefore
be said that he started the movement in a fit of indigna-
tion. Far from it he had worked out his programme to
the farthest limits of its logic and had a clear grasp of all
its implications. From time to time he set right many a
misconception in the mind of the non co-operationistp, such
for instance, in regard to the position of the non co-
operationist Vakil. There is no ambiguity in what Mr,
Gandhi said. The Vakil should quietly wash his hands ofl
the court, cases and all, Mr. Gandhi took care to explain
that no stage would be taken until he had made sure that
be was on firm ground. That is, he would not embark on
the last two stages till he bad created an indigenous
panchayat to dispense justice and an organization of
volunteers to maintain peace and order. In any case,
violence should l»o completely avoided,

Now it ii'U&t be admitted that many people bad only
a vague and hazy notion of Mr. Gandhi's programme,
There were of course those who plainly told Mr. Gandhi of

44 M. K. GANDHI

the impracticability of his scheme and the dangers involved
in it. Many Liberal League organisations implored Mr.
Gandhi not to lead the country to a repetition of the
Punjab tragedy. Moderate leaders like Sir Narayan Chan-
davarkar argued the futility of methods leading to
anarchy and chaos, But the most amusing, even
at such serious times, was the attitude of some
Congressmen. These were variously divided. All hailed
Non- Co- operation in theory. But when the time
came for practising it, they flooded the country with a
mass of literature of the most tortuous kind ; casuistry was
dealt in abundance. Aspirants after Council honours
refused to commit what they called "political suicide" by
"boycotting the New Councils", Others affected to believe
in the possibilities of further efforts of constitutional agita-
tion. Still others detected illegalities in some stages of
Non -Co- operation. And yet some would not commit
themselves but await the verdict of the Special Congress.
A minority would contest at the elections only to resign
again and yet some others would join the New Councils
just to wreck the Reforms ! What a cloud of words and
mystification of meaning ! To all this warfare of words
Mr. Gandhi's own direct and simple statements are in
refreshing contrast. He spoke and wrote strongly on the
subject. There could be no doubt of his intentions or his
plans. There was no ambiguity in his language, His
words went straight as a bullet and he had a wholesome
scorn of diplomatic reserves in opinion, Whatever one
may think of his views Mr. Gandhi's leadership was
faultless and he held his ground with the fervour of faith.
In no case would he play to the gallery nor make light
of his cherished convictions even if he found the whole
mass of the people ranged against him. He would not be
led away by the passing gusts of popular frenzy 'and he
has a wholesome contempt for sycophancy of any kind,
even to the people. He has a noble way of bearing the
brunt of all toil and trouble, He would not like many
other "leaders" throw the followers into the fray while
they continue to remain in comparative security. He

M. K, GANDHI 43

has an inconvenient way of urging the leaders really tc
lead, Accordingly on the 1st of August, as he had already
announced he led the movement by returning his Kaiser-i-
hind gold medal to the Viceroy. In returning it he wrote
a letter to His Excellency from which we must quote the
following sentences : —

" Events that have happened during the past month have
confirmed me in the opinion that the Imperial Government
have acted in the Khiiafat matter in an unscrupulous, immoral,
and unjust manner and have been moving from wrong to wrong
in order to defend their immorality. I can retain neither
reap ect nor affection for such a Government.
* * *

Your Excellency's light-hearted treatment of official crime,
your exoneration of Sir Michael O'Dwyer, Mr. Montagu's des-
patch, and above all the shameful ignorance of the Punjab
events and callous disregard of the feelings of Indians betrayed
by the House of Lords have filled me with the gravest misgiv-
ings regarding the future of the Empire, have estranged me com-
pletely from the present Government and have disabled me
from rendering as I have hitherto — whole-heartedly tendered,
my loyal co-operation.

" In my humble opinion the ordinary method of agitating
by way of petitions, deputations, and the like is no remedy for
moving to repentance a Government so hopelessly indifferent
to the welfare of its charge as the Government of India has
proved to be. In European countries condonation of such
grievous wrongs as the Khiiafat and the Punjab would have
resulted in a bloody revolution by the people. They would have
resisted, at all costs, national emasculation. Half of India
is too weak to offer violent resistance, and the other half is un-
willing to do so. I have therefore, ventured to suggest; the
remedy of Non-Co-operation, which enables those who wish to
dissociate themselves from Government, and which, if it ia
unattended by violence and undertaken in ordered manner,
must compel it to retrace its steps and undo the wrongs com-
mitted; but whilst I pursue the policy of Non-Co-operation, in
so far as I can carry the people with me, I shall not lose hope
that you will yet see your way to do justice, I therefore re-
spectfully ask Your Excellency to summon a conference of
recognised leaders of the people, and, in consultation with
them, to find a way that will gladden Mussulman! and do re-
paration to the unhappy Punjab."

Soon after, Mr. Gandhi started on an extensive cam-
paign preaching Non- Co- operation to large audiences.
In August he came to Madras where he delivered a power-

46 M. K. GANDHI

ful speech advocating bis scheme. Mr, Gandhi went to
Tanjore, Trichy, Bangalore and other places and discoursed
on the same subject with his accustomed energy, while his
weekly Yowng India was replete with regular contributions
from his indefatigable per. Week after week Young India
came out with a series of articles from Mr. Gandhi's pen
answering objections and formulating methods of Non-Co-
operation.

CONGRESS AND NON-CO-OPERATION
Mr. Gandhi's immediate objective was to convert the
Special Congress to his creed. For as we have said though
many had jubilantly proclaimed their faith in his pro-
gramme, it was found that as time drew near for putting
his plans into practice they were busy finding loopholes to
escape the rigours of Mr. Gandhi's discipline. Everybody
would throw everybody else into the struggle. A body of
men who had sworn by Mr, Gandhi and denounced
those who had the courage to differ from him were suddenly
faced with an awkward dilemma, They felt the inconveni-
ence of suffering and sacrifice and would fain be relieved of
their unwitting words of bravado. But Mr. Gandhi would
stand four square to all the winds that blow. Nor could
they with any grace secede from the Congress, having so
violently denounced as treason the Moderates' disregard of
the Delhi and Amritsar Resolutions. There was to their
mind only one course left open, i. g., to thwart Mr. Gandhi's
resolution in the open Congress. But Mr. Gandhi had
prepared the ground with characteristic thoroughness.
Khilafat specials from Bombay and Madras had flooded
the Congress with delegates sworn to vote for him. There
was a tough fight in the Subjects Committee which sat for
eight long hours without coming to any apparent decision.
Over forty amendments were brought in by different mem-
bers, twelve of them were ruled out as mere verbal repeti-
tions and there remained no less than 28 amendments to
consider. The speeches in the Subjects Committee were
remarkably frank. Messrs. Malaviya, Das, Pal, Jinnab,
Baptista, all attacked the original resolution with warmth
while Mrs. Besant vigorously assailed the very principle of

M. K. GANDHI 47

Non-Co-operation , The debate was most exciting. The
President, Mr, Lajpat Kai himself, spoke strongly against
certain important provisions of the Resolution. He would
not agree to the withdrawal of boys from schools nor could
he think it at all possible to call upon lawyers to leave
their practice. He was personally in favour of the
» principle of Non- Co- operation but he doubted the wisdom
of committing the Congress to those extravagant and far-
reaching items in Mr. Gandhi's programme,
BOYCOTT OP COUNCILS

But by far the most contentious item in the Resolu*
tion was that relating to the boycott of councils. The bulk
of the nationalists were strangely enough opposed to it and
by a curious stretch of logic they considered obstruction in
the council as preferable to wholesale boycott,

Mr. C. R. Das, who was in charge of the main resolu-
tion on behalf of the Reception Committee, agreed to Mr.
Bepin Cbandra Pal's amendment of his resolution, but if it
was defeated, he would stand by his own. Mr. Pal's
amendment was put to the vote and was lost, 155 voting for
and 161 against. Then another vote was taken on Mr.
Das's resolution and Mr Gandhi's resolution as amended by
Pundit Motial Nehru and as accepted by Mr. Gandhi him-
self. It is said that in the final voting a poll was taken
133 voting for Mr. Dis's resolution and 148 for Mr.
Gandhi's, thus giving a majority to Mr Gandhi of 15
votes and thus showing that the voting was very close. It
is clear that the Subjects Committee consisted of 296
members present and that 15 of whom remained neutral.
The greatest excitement prevailed both inside the Com-
mittee room and outside when it was known that Mr.
Gandhi won the day. Nearly two thousand people collected
outside and shouted " Gandhi Mahatma Kee Jai " and
44 Bande Mataram,"

EXCITEMENT IN THE CONGRESS

That gives the clue to the mentality of the Congress.
If Mr. G%ndhi could win in the Subjects Committee itself
there was no doubt of his triumph in the open Congress.
Still Mr, Das proposed to bring his amendments to the

48 M. K. GANDHI

open Congress and take the verdict. That verdict was a
foregone conclusion. The Nationalists complained (what
an irony of things!) that the Khilafats had packed the
house and manoeuvred a majority. There is no doubt that
each party strove for victory. When the Congress met the
next day, Sir Asutosh Choudhuri moved for adjournment
of the question in the right legal way. Mr. V, P. Madhava
Rao seconded it but the motion was lost by an overwhelm-
ing majority.

Mr. Gandhi then rose to move his resolution amidst
thunderous applause. The Resolution ran as follows : —

This Congress is of opinion that there can be no content-
ment in India without redress of the two aforementioned wrongs
and that the only effectual means to vindicate national honour
and to prevent a repetition of similar wrongs in future is the
establishment of Swarajya. This Congress is further of opinion
that there is no course left open for the people of India but to
approve of and adopt tbe policy of progressive non-violent Non-
Co-operation until the said wrongs are righted and Swarajya is
established.

And inasmuch as a beginning should be made by the classes
who have hitherto moulded and represented public opinion and
inasmuch as Government consolidates its power tbrougb titles
and honours bestowed on the people, through schools controlled
by it, its law courts and its legislative councils, and inasmuch
as it is desirable in the prosecution of the movement to take the
minimum risk and to call for the least sacrifice compatible with
the attainment of the desired object, tbis Congress earnestly
advises:

(a) surrender of titles and honorary offices and resignation
from nominated seats in local bodies ;

(b) refusal to attend Government levees, durbars, and other
official and semi-official functions held by Government officials
or in tbeir houour ;

(c) gradual withdrawal of children from schools and
colleges owned, aided or controlled by Government and in place
of sucb schools and colleges establishment of national schools
and colleges in tbe various provinces ;

(d) gradual boycott of British courts by lawyers and liti-
gants and establishment of private arbitration courts by tbeir
aid for the settlement of private disputes ;

(e) refusal on the part of tbe military, clerical and
labouring classes to offer themselves as recruits for service in
Mesopotamia ;

(0 withdrawal by candidates of their candidature for elec-
tion to the Reformed Councils and refusal on the part of the

M. K. GANDHI 49

voters to vote for any candidate who may despite the Congress
advice offer himself for election.

(g) And inasmuch as Non-Co-operation has been conceived
as a measure of discipline and self-sacrifice without which no
nation can make real progress, and inasmuch, as an opportunity
should be given in the very first stage of Non-Co-operation to
every man, woman, and child, for such discipline and self-sacri-
fice, this Congress advises adoption of Swadeshi in piecegoods
on a vast scale, and inasmuch as the existing mills of India with
indigenous capital and control do not manufacture sufficient
yarn and sufficient cloth for the requirements of the nation, and
are not likely to do so for a long time to come, this Congress
advises immediate stimulation of further manufacture on a
large scale by means of reviving hand-spinning in every home
and hand-weaving on the part of the millions of weavers who
have abandoned their ancient and honourable calling for want
of encouragement.

In moving the resolution, Mr. Gandhi spoke with
compelling fervour. " I stand before you, in fear of God,"
he said, " and with a sense of duty towards my country to
commend this resolution to your hearty acceptance." Mr.
Gandhi said that the only weapon in their hands was Non-
Co-operation, and non-violence should be their creed. Dr.
Kitchlew seconded the resolution in Urdu,

Mr. Pal then placed his amendment which proposed a
mission to England to present our demands and meanwhile
to establish national schools, formulate arbitration courts
and not to boycott the councils.

Mr. Das in supporting the amendment made an
appeal to Mr, Gandhi to consider the practical effect of his
victory. Mrs. Besant opposed both the resolution
and the amendment, while Pandit Malaviya and Mr.
Jinnah preferred the latter. Messrs. Yakub Hasan,
Jitendra Lai Banerjea, Nehru and Rambhuji Dutt
supported Mr. Gandhi whose resolution was finally
carried.

The Congress reassembled on the 9th and the whole
morning was devoted to the taking of votes, province by
province, for and against Mr. Gandhi's motion. Out of
twelve provinces only the Central Provinces and Berar
showed a majority against Mr. Gandhi's motion, while in
the remaining ten provinces the majority of votes were in

5°

M. K. GANDHI

his favour. The president announced that out of 5,814
delegates, the registered number of delegates who took
part in voting was 2,728 while 63 did not vote, Actual
voting showed that 1,855 voted for and 873 against Mr.
•Gandhi's motion.

After this fateful decision ifc is no wonder that, Con-
gressmen who were avowedly against Non- Co-operation
found themselves in a difficult predicament. They hastily
called for a meeting of the All-India Congress Committee
and it was resolved to find a way out of the mess the Con-
gress had made.

The mandatory nature of the Congress Resolution
was relaxed at the instance of Pandit Malaviya and a few
others who thought it suicidal to let slip the benefits of the
new reforms. It was, however, thought inexpedient to
impair the authority of the Congress and Congressmen
like Mr. Patel in Bombay, Mr, Das in Bengal, Pandit
Motilal Nehru in U, P., Messrs. Madhava Rao and
Vijayaraghavachariar in Madras — though they had oppos-
ed the Resolution in the Congress — decided to abide by
it, and withdrew their candidature from the forthcoming
elections, Many leading Congressmen resigned their
honorary offices and relinquished their titles While Mr.
Gokaran Nath Miara, one of the Secretaries of the All-
India Congress Committee, and several offiea- bearers in the
Provincial Congres-s Committees who were opposed to the
Resolution resigned their offices so as to leave the Congress
organisations free to work out Mr. Gmdhi's programme.

If Mr, Gandhi's jinfiuence was so decisive at the
Special Congress as to set at naught the opinons of Con-
gressmen like C. R, Das and Bepin Chandra Pal, his autho-
rity was supreme at the Nagpur Session in December.
Nagpur in fact, witnessed the turning point in the history
of the Congress, as in that year Mr, Gandhi, with an over-
whelming majority completely captured this institution
and converted its leading spirits to his creed. Here it was
that the old creed of the Congress was discarded for the
new one of indifference to British overlordship,

M. K. GANDHI 5!

Wifch the change of creed and the wholesale adoption
-of the programme of Non- Co-operation the old Congress
was virtually dead. The New Congress was inspired by a
new hope and sustained by new methods altogether alien
to the faith of men like Dadabhai and Gokhale who had
.guided ifc in its years of infancy and adolescence.

Mr. Gandhi was not slow to use his great authority
over the Congress to further the movement of which he wa*
the directing head. At his command were all the Congress
and Klnlrtfat organisations, and he set out on an extensive
tour of the country preaching the new cult with the
fervour of a prophet. Everywhere he was received with
ovation. H<s Nagpur triumph was the beginning of an
agitation before which even his Satyagraha demonstra-
tions w^ro as nothing. Mr. Gandhi, as might be expected
of one of his ardent and generous impulse, staked his life on
the agitation, and day after day he was unwearied in his
services and unsparing of himself in his devotion to what
might be called the most supreme and desperate adventure
of his life.

As he went from place to place accompanied by the
Ali Brothers the movement became popular among the
ignorant and the literate. His fourfold programme of boy-
cotting school?, cloths, councils and Government Service
was the theme of his multitudinous discourses. But the
most painful result (at any rate to those who are not of
his pursuasion) was the calling away of youths from their
schools and colleges. Many a lad, led away by the glamour
of the great ideal and the irresistable appeal of a saintly
leader, gave up their school education, the only education
available at present.

THE STUDENT MOVEMENT

At Aligarh and Benares great efforts were made to
call away the students from the Muslim and Hindu Uni-
versities, if they could not nationalise them, They were
not quite successful though a few joined the Congress, but
in Bengal, at the instance of Messrs. C. R. Das and Jitend-
ralal Banerjea, a large number of students flocked to their
standard and deserted the schools. It was such appeals

52 M. K. GANDHI

that enthused the youth of Bengal who created a pro-
found sensation by throwing themselves in their thousands
at the steps of the Calcutta University Hall, that the few
who did attend the examination had to do so by walking
over their bodies,

One peculiarity of the programme was that emphasis
was laid on each item as the occasion demanded. At one
time it was the boycott of schools, again it was the collec-
tion of a crore of rupees for the Swarajya Fund, a third
time it was the burning of mill cloths and yet again
it was the boycott of the Duke or the good Prince. Each
was in turn to bring Swarajya within the year. Thus in
February the agitation centred on the boycott of the Duke
of Connaught to whom Mr* Gandhi addressed a dignified
if uncompromising letter, Mr, Gandhi wrote: —

Our non-participation in a hearty welcome to Your Royal
Highness is thus in no sense a demonstration against your high
personage, but it is against the system you come to uphold. I
know individual Englishmen cannot even if they will, alter
the English nature all of a sudden. If we would be the equals
of Englishmen we must oast off fear. We must learn to be self-
reliant and independent of schools, courts, protection and
patronage of a Government we seek to end if it will not mend.

By May the spirit of lawlessness had spread far and
wide and strikes and hartals became the order of the day.
Mr. Gandhi, however, resolutely discountenanced all
violence and he was seldom sparing in his admonition of
those who took part in the incident at Malegaon and other
places. Again and again, be spoke strongly against the
spirit of non-violence which for a time broke out as often as-
he decried it in all earnestness.

INTERVIEW WITH THE NEW VICEROY

It was about this time too that Lord Chelmsford retired
and his place was taken by Lord Heading, who came to
India with a great reputation. An Ex-Lord Chief Justice oi
England and sometime British Ambassador at Washington
during the fateful years of war — the new Viceroy inspired
great hopes. His reputation for justice, strengthened by
hia repeated assurances, and his reputation for tactful
dealing of delicate questions were just the things of

M. K. GANDHI 55

momentous need for India. No wonder, an air of hope
sind expectancy hung over the whole country.

Soon after Lord Reading arrived in India, an inter-
view was arranged by Pandit Malaviya between the new
Viceroy and Mr. Gandhi, This interview, which lasted
many hours, took place at Simla in May 1921. Much
speculation was rife as to its result and Mr. Gandhi
explained the circumstances and the results of his talk in
in article in Young India und^r the title " The Simla
Visit." What was the upshot of the visit ? The leader of
bhe Non- Co-operation movement and the head of the
Government of India got to know each other. It was a
great thing.

But the immediate result of this was the statement
issued by the AH Brothers — a statement in which they
regretted their occasional lapse into excessive language and
promised to refrain from writing or speaking in any man-
ner likely to provoke violence. This " definite result of
the interview " was claimed as a victory for the Govern-
ment. Others claimed that it was a victory for Mr. Gandhi
who explained that it was no apology or undertaking to
the Government but a rer.ssertion of the principle of non-
violence to which the Ali Brothers had subscribed. It was
a statement to the public irrespective of what the Govern-
ment might or might not do with them. In answer to
criticisms against his advice to the Brothers, Mr. Gandhi
stoutly defended his action, and praised the Brother^'
attitude.

Indeed Mr, Gandhi's loyalty to his colleagues and
particularly his affectionate and fraternal regard for the
brothers is beautiful and touching to a degree. And when
in September 1921 the Brothers were prosecuted by the
Bombay Government, Mr. Gandhi with fifty others issued
a public manifesto that " it is the inherent right of every
one to express his opinion without restraint about the
propriety of citizens offering their services to, or remaining
in the employ of the Government whether in the civil or
the military department."

54 M. K. GANDHI

THE ETHICS OF DESTRUCTION

Another feature of Mr. Gandhi's activity which for a
a time threw a baleful light over the movement was the
cult of destruction, as typefied in the burning of foreign
cloth. Rabirdranath Tagore and C. F. Andrews and
several others, horrified at the wanton waste, pointed out
from time to time the evil effects of this burning business.
Mr. Gandhi, mercilessly logical as ever, would heed r>o
such counsel but continued literally to feed the flame.0 0
With that cultivated sense of distinction between the doer
and the thing done, which is ever present in men
such as he, there might be some efficacy in
this form of purification and self -denial. But many weie
the critics who held that his "bonfire mania was the surest
way to rouse all the evil passions of the multitude and as
surely lead to hatred and civil strife.

THE BOMBAY RIOTS

Whatever the root cause of the breaking out of violence
and hooliganism, the landing of the Prince of Wales in
Bombay on the 17th November was made the occasion of
a ghastly tragedy. Mr, Gandhi had since the announce-
ment of the Royal visit appealed to his countrymen to
refrain from participating in the functions got up in
honour of the Prince, Non-Co operators all over the
country had organised what are known as * hartals/
closing of shops and suspending all work, and boycot-
ting the Prince. In Bombay such activities resulted in
a great riot in which all parties suffered owing to the
hooliganism of the mischievous elements in the mob who
violated Mr. Gandhi's injunctions to be non-violent and
brought about a terrible riot. Mr, Gandhi was then in
Bombay and after witnessing the scene of the tragedy,
wrote some of the most stirring letters which, coupled with
the exertions of men of all parties, restored peace in the
city.

As a penance for this ghastly tragedy he pledged
himself to fast till complete peace was restored. Strangely
enough, the situation was well in hand in a couple of
days and on the fourth day in breaking the fast in the

M. K. GANDHI 55

midst of a gathering of Co-operator?, Non -Co-operators,
Hindus, Mussulmans, Parsis and ^Christians, Mr. Gandhi
made a thrilling statement.

I am breaking my fast upon the strength of your assurances.
I have not been unmindful of the affection with which innumer-
able friends have surrounded me during these four days. I shall
ever remain grateful to them. Being drawn by them I am
plunging into this stormy ocean out of the heaven of peace in
which I have been during these few days. I assure you that, in
spite of the tales of misery that have been poured into my ears,
I have enjoyed peace because of a hungry stomach. I know
that I cannot enjoy it after breaking the fast I am too human
not to be touched by the sorrows of others, and when I find no
remedy for alleviating them, my human nature so agitates me
that I pine to embrace death like a long-lost dear friend. There-
fore I warn all the friends here that if real peace is not estab-
lished in Bombay and if disturbances break out again and if as
a result they find me driven to a still severer ordeal, they must
not be surprised or troubled. If they have any doubt about
peace having been established, if each community has still
bitterness of feeling and suspicion and if we are all not prepared
to forget and forgive past wrongs, I would much rather that they
did not press me to break the fast. Such a restraint I would
regard as a test of true friendship.

And then Mr. Gandhi drove the moral home to the
gathering as also to the eager and anxious public all over
India,

Warned by the disasters at Bombay and the Moplab
rebellion which was still going on in Malabar, it was ex-
pected that Mr. Gandhi would reconsider his position and
stop short of the extreme steps in Non-Co operation. But
that was not to be. The Congress had by this time become
an organ for registering his decrees. And the Committee
met frequently to devise methods in pursuance of Non-Co-
operation. Thundering resolutions, alternating with hopes
and warning?, came in (juick succession. Province after
Province vied with one another for the exciting novelty of
civil disobedience.

Though the author of the Civil Disobedience move-
ment in India, Mr. Gandhi was always alive to its dangers.
He therefore insisted that his conditions should be fulfilled
in toto before any Taluka could embark on a campaign of

56 M. K. GANDHI

Civil Disobedience. And those conditions were very
rigorous indeed.

THE CALCUTTA HARTAL

Meanwhile the hartal organised by Non-Co operators
in connection with the Prince's visit was more or less
successful in many places, It was alleged that by intimi-
dation and otherwise, the hartal in Calcutta on the day of
the Prince's landing in Bombay was phenomenally com-
plete. The Bengal Chamber of Commerce and the Anglo-
Indian press took an alarmist view of the situation and
expressed grave indignation against the passivity of the
Government. With a view to suppress the activity of the
Congress in this direction Government resuscitated part II
of the Criminal Law Amendment Act which was then
literally under a sentence of death. When volunteering
was declared unlawful Congress leaders took up the
challenge and called on the people to disobey the order
and seek imprisonment in their thousands. Men like
Messrs, 0, K Das in Calcutta and Motilal Nehru in Alla-
habad openly defied the order and canvassed volunteers in
total disregard of legal consequences. They sought impri-
sonment and called on their countrymen to follow them to
prison. The situation was grave. It was then that
Pundit Madan Mohan Malaviya, Sir P. C. Ray and others
thought that the time had come when they should step
into the breach and try to bring about a reconciliation
between Government and Non Co-operators. With this
view Pandit Madan Mohan and others interviewed leading
Non-Co operators and those in authority Lord Ronald-
shay, in his speech at the Legislative Co uacil referred to
the gravity of the situation and defined the firm attitude
of Government.

The Viceroy who had invited the Prince was natu-
rally very indignant at the strange form of " reception "
that awaited the innocent scion of the Royal Eouse.
Could anything be done at all towards a rapproachment ?
THE DEPUTATION TO THE VICEROY

A Deputation headed by Pundit Madan Mohan Mala-
viya waited on His Excellency the Viceroy at Calcutta

M. K. GANDHI 57

on Dsember 21 and requested him to call a Round
Table Conference of representatives of people of all
shades of opinion with a view to bring about a final settle-
ment. Lord Reading replied at some length and defined
the attitude of the Government. He regretted that " it is
impossible even to consider the convening of a conference
if agitation in open and avowed defiance of law is mean-
while to ba continue^." Mr. Gandhi's refusal to call off
the hartal in connection with H RJEL the Prince of Wales'
visit to Ctlcutta on December 24, apparently stiffened the
attitude of the Government. Interviewed by the Associat-
ed Press, Mr, Gandhi made the following statement re-
garding the Viceroys reply to the Deputation : —

I repeat for the thousandth time that it is not hostile to any
nation or any body of men but it in deliberately aimed at the
system under which Government of India is being to-day con-
ducted, and I promise that no threats and no enforcement of
threats by the Viceroy or any body of men will strangle that
agitation or send to rest that awakening.

THE AHMEDABAD CONGRESS

Meanwhile the Annual Session of the Congress
met at Ahuaedabad, the headquarters of Mr. Gandhi.
It was virtually a Gandhi Session. The President-elect,
Mr. C. R. D is, was in prison and so were many other lead-
ers besides. Hakim Ajnaal Khan was elected to take the
chair and the proceedings were all in Hindi and Gujarati.
Mr. Gandhi was invested with full dictatorial powers by
the Congress and the central resolution of the session,
which he moved, ran as follows :

" This Congress, whilst requiring the ordinary machinery to
remain intact and to be utilised in the ordinary manner when-
ever feasible, hereby appoints, until further instructions,
Mahatma Gandhi as the sole executive authority of the Con-
gress and invests him with the full power to convene a special
session of the Congress or of the All-India Congress Committee
or the Working Committee and also with the power to appoint
a successor in emergency.

" This Congress hereby confers upon the said successor and
all subsequent successors appointed in turn by their predeces-
sors, all his aforesaid powers, provided that nothing in this
resolution shall be deemed to authorise Mahatma Gandhi or
any of the aforesaid successors to conclude any terms of peace

58 M. K. GANDHI

with the Government of India or the British Government with-
out the previous sanction of the All-India Congress Committee,
to be finally ratified by the Congress specially convened for the
purpose, and provided also that the present creed of the Cong-
ress shall in no case be altered by Mahatma Gandhi or his
successor except with the leave of the Congress first obtained."

There were yet some in the Congress who went a step
further than Mr. Gandhi himself. Montana Hazrat
Mohani stood out for complete independence and it is
interesting to note how valiantly Mr. Gandhi fought
against the motion of absolute severance from Britain.
Mr. Gandhi opposed all his amendments and pinned
the Congress down to his own dubious resolution.
Soon after the session, some of the Provincial organisations
were busy preparing for a no-tax campaign. In U. P ,
Guz^rat, the Andhra and in the Punjab the movement
threatened to assume a serious turn. Mr. Gandhi, him-
self, while insisting that his conditions should be fulfilled
before any taluka should embark on au offensive com-
paign, threw the onus of responsibility on the Province
itself — Provincial autonomy with a vengeance? ! But then
there were hopes of peace in the air.

THE BOMBAY CONFERENCE

A conference of representatives of various shades
of political opinion convened by Pundit Malaviya, Mr.
Jinnih and others, assembled at Bombay on the 14th
January, 1922, with Sir C. Sankaran Nair, in the Chair.
On the second day Sir Sankarnn withdrew and Sir M.
Visveswaraya took up his place. Over two-hundred leading
men from different provinces attended. Mr. Gandhi was
present throughout and though he refused to be officially
connected — an attitude resented by many— with the reso-
lution*, he took part in the debates and helped the con-
ference in framing the resolutions which were also ratified
by the Congress Working Committee.

THE ULTIMATUM

While negotiations were going on between the
representatives of the Malaviya Conference and H. E. the
Viceroy, Mr, Gandhi addressed an open letter to Lord

M. K. GANDHI 59

Reading. The letter was in effect an ultimatum threaten-
ing with the inauguration of offensive civil disobedience in
Bardoli, The efforts of the Conference thus came to
nothing as neither Mr, Gandhi nor the Viceroy would
give up any one of their points. Compromise was im-
possible. And the Government of India in a communique
published on the 6th February in reply to Mr. Gandhi's
letter, repudiated his assertions and urged that the issue
before the country was no longer between this or that pro-
gramme of political advance, but between lawlessness with
all its consequencps on the one hand and the maintenance
of those principles which he at the root of all civilised
governments. Mr. Gandhi in a further rejoinder issued
on the very next day pointed out that the only choice
before the people was mass civil disobedience with all its
undoubted dangers and lawless repression of the lawful
activities of the people,

THE CHAURI CUAURA TRAUEDY

While Mr. Gandhi was about to inaugurate mass
civil disobedience in Bardoli, there occurred a terrible
tragedy at Chauri Chaura on the 14th February when an
infuriated mob, including some volunteers also, attacked
the thann, burnt down the building and beat to death not
less than twenty-two policemen, Some constables and
chaukedars were literally burnt to death and the whole pluce
was under mobocracy. Mr. Gandhi took this occurrence as
a third warning from God to suspend civil disobedience,
and the Bardoli programme was accordingly given up.
On the llth the Working Committee met at Bardoli and
resolved to suspend aH offensive action including even
picketing and procession?. The country was to confine
itself to the constructive programme of Khaddar manu-
facture. The Working Committee advised the stoppage
of all activities designed to court imprisonment.

The suspension of mass civil disobedience in
Bardoli, which was recommended by the Working Com-
mittee at the instance of Mr. Gandhi, was resented by
3ome of his colleagues and followers. In reply to corre-

60 M. K. GANDHI

spondents who attacked him, he wrote as follows
in Young India of February, 23 :

I feel still more confident of the correctness of the decision
of the Working Committee, but if it is found that the country
repudiates my action I shall not mind it. I can but do my duty.
A leader is useless when he acts against the promptings of his
own conscience, surrounded as he must be by people holding all
kinds of views. He will drift like an anchorless ship if he has
not the inner voice to hold him firm and guide him. Above all,
I can easily put up with the denial of the world, but any denial
by me of my God is unthinkable, and if T did not give at this
critical period of the struggle the advice that I have, I would
be denying both God and Truth.

The All-India Congress Committee met on the 25th
at Delhi to consider the Bardoli decisions and though the
latter were endorsed it was not done without some impor-
tant modifications, to feed the growing demand for
aggressive action on the part of the extreme Non-Co-opera-
tors. From subsequent events it is fairly certain that
the Delhi resolutions confirmed the Government's resolve
to prosecute Mr, Gandhi, a resolve which was held in
abeyance after the Bardoli programme was made known.
MR. GANDHI'S ARREST

For months past the rumour of Mr. Gandhi's impend-
ing arrest was in the air. Expecting the inevitable Mr.
Gandhi had more than once written his final message. But
in the first week of March the rumour became more wide-
spread and intense, The stiffening of public opinion in
England and Mr. Montagu's threatening speech in defence
of his Indian policy in the Commons, revealed the fact that
the Secretary of State had already sanctioned Mr, Gandhi's
prosecution. Chauri Chaura and the Delhi decisions were
presumably the immediate cause of Government's action
on Mr. Gandhi. Kealising that his arrest-, would not long
be deferred, Mr, Gandhi wrote a farewell message in Young
India calling on his countrymen to continue the work of
the Congress undeterred by fear, to prosecute the Kbadder
programme, to piomote Hindu-Muslim Unity and to
desist from violence at any cost.

Meanwhile he was arrested at theSatyagraha Ashram,
Ahmedabad, on Friday the 10th March. On the llth noon

M. K. GANDHI 6 1

Messrs. Gandhi and Sankarlal Banker the publisher were
placed before Mi\ Brown, Assistant Magistrate, the Court
being held in the Divisional Commissioner's Office at
Sahibab. The Superintendent of Police, Ahmedabad, the
first witness, produced the Bombay Government's authority
to lodge a complaint for four articles published in Young
India, dated the 15bh June, 1921, entitled " Disaffection
a Virtue ", dated the 20th September, "Tampering with
Loyalty" dated the 15th December, " The Pu/zle and Its
Solution" and " Shaking the Manes," dated the 23rd Febru-
ary 1922. Two formal police witnesses were then produced.
The accused declined to cross-examine the witnesses.
Mr M. K. Gandhi, who described himself as farmer and
weaver by profession, residing at Satyagraha Ashram,
Sabarrnati, said :

I simply wish to state that when the proper time comes I
shall plead guilty so far as disaffection towards the Government
is concerned. It is quite true that I am the Editor of Young
India and that the articles read in my presence were written
by me and the proprietors and publishers had permitted me to
control the whole policy of the paper.

The case then having been committed to the Sessions,
Mr. Gandhi was taken to the Sabarmati Jail where he was
detained till the hearing which was to come off on
March 18. From his prison Mr. Gandhi wrote a number
of inspiring letters to his friends and colleagues urging the
continuance of the Congress work.

THE GREAT TRIAL

At last the trial came off on Saturday the 18th March
before Mr, C. N, Broomfield, I. C. S., District and Sessions
Judge, Ahmedabad. Of the trial itself it is needless to
write at length. For it will be long before the present
generation could forget the spell of it. It was historic in
many ways. Men's minds involuntarily turned to another
great trial nineteen hundred years ago when Jesus stood
before Pontius Pilate. Mr. Gandhi's statement (both the
oral and the written statements) was in his best form,
tersa and lucid, courageous and uncompromising, with just
that touch of greatness which elevates it to the level of a

62 M. K. GANDHI

masterpiece, Never before was such a prisoner arraigned
before a British Court of Justice, Never before weie the
laws of an all-powerful Government so defianth , >et with
such humility, challenged. Men of all shades of political
opinion, indeed all who had stood aloof from the movement
and had condemned it in no uncertain terms, marvelled at
the wisdom and compassion and heroism of the thin spare
figure in a loin cloth thundering his anathemas agairst the
Satanic system. And yet none could be gentler nor irtoie
sweetly tempered than the prisoner at the bar with a smile
and a nod of thanks and recognition for ev^ry onp,
including his prosecutors, An eye-witness has given an
account of the scene and we can not do better than quote
his words : —

Mahatmaji stood up and spoke a few words complimenting
the Advocate-General on his fairness and endorsing every state-
ment he made regarding the charges. " I wish to endorse all
the blame that the Advocate-General has thrown on my
shoulders ", said Mahatmaji in pathetic earnestness, "and I
have come to the conclusion that it is impossible for me to
dissociate myself from the diabolical crimes of Chauri Chaura
or the mad outrages of Bombay." These words of confession
seemed to penetrate every heart throbbing in that hall and
make those present there feel miserable over the mad deeds of
their thoughtless countrymen. The speech finished and Mahat-
maji sat down to read his immortal statement. It is impossible
to describe the atmosphere of the Court-house at the time he
was, and a few minutes after he finished reading his state-
ment. Every word of it was eagerly followed by the whole
audience. The Judge and the Advocate-General, the military
officers and the political leaders all alike strained their ears and
were all attention to hear the memorable statement of the Great
Man. Mahatmaji took nearly 15 minutes to read his statement.
A.S he proceeded with his reading, one could see the atmosphere
of the Hall^changing every minute, This historic production was
the master's own. The ennobling confessions, the convincing
logic, the masterly diction, the elevated thoughts and the in-
spiring tone — all produced instantaneous effect on the audience
including the Judge and the prosecutor. For a minute every-
body wondered who was on trial — whether Mahatma Gandhi
before a British Judge or whether the British Government
before God and Humanity. Mahatmaji finished his statement
and for a few seconds there was complete silence in the Hall.
Not a whisper was heard. One could hear a pin falling on the

M. K. GANDHI 63

The most unhappy man present there was perhaps the
Judge himself. He restrained his emotion, cleared his voice,
gathered his strength and delivered his oral judgment in care-
tul and dignified words. No one could have performed this duty
better. To combine the dignity of his position with the courtesy
due to the mighty prisoner before him was no easy task. But he
succeeded in doing it in a manner worthy, of the highest praise.
Of course, the prisoner before ^him belonged of a different cate-
gory from "any person he ever tried" or is r likely try in
tuture- And this fact influenced his whole speech and demean-
our. His words almost fell when he came to the end and
pronounced the sentence of simple imprisonment for six years.

And who is this Mr. Gandhi, who at the age of 53,
has been sentenced to six years* imprisonment ? He is the
man whom the convicting judge himself described " as
a great patriot and a great leader, as a man of high ideals
and leading a noble and even saintly life," a man in whom,
as Gokhale aptly described, * Indian humanity has really
reached its high water- mark ' and in whom a Christian
Bishop witnesseth ' the patient sufferer for the cause of
righteousness and mercy.' Such a man has been condemn-
ed despite his public avowal of his huge mistake, his
penitance for the same, his decision to suspend bis aggres-
sive programme, and his grave warnings that it would be
" criminal " to start civil disobedience in the existing
state of the country. Even some of the Anglo-Indian
papers have condemned the action of the Government as a
blunder ; and one of these has gone so far as to characte-
rise it as ' a masterpiece of official ineptitude/ And such
a ciiticism cannot be described as altogether undeserved or
unjust. Mr. Gandhi's agitation originated with the
Rowlatt Act. It received strength on account of the
calculated brutalities and humiliations of the Martial Law
regime. And the climax was reached when the solemn
pledges of the British Prime Minister in regard to Turkey
were conveniently forgotton at Severs. The Rowlatt Act
has since been repealed, the Punjab wrongs have been
admitted and an appeal has been made to "forget and
forgive." . Mr. Gandhi's bitter complaint that the British
Ministers have not sincerely fought for the redemption of
the solemn pledges to the Mussulmans has been proved to

64 M. K. GANDHI

be well founded. And so the three great grievances
for which Mr. Gandhi has been fighting — are griev-
ances admitted by all to be just. In the opinion
of Mr. Gandhi and most of his countrymen
there would never have arisen these festering sores
' if we were in our country what others are in their
own,' if in short, we too had been given •' the Self-
determination," for which elsewhere so much blood and
treasure have been sacrificed. The wTbole question there-
fore reduces itself to one dominant problem — the Problem
of Swaraj. And the problem of Mr, Gandhi is no less than
that. But for the lost faith of the people in the sincerity
of the British, even this question would not have assumed
such an acute form as we find it to-day.

You cannot solve this problem by clapping its best,
brightest and noblest exponent even though his methods
may be novel and his activities inconvenient and some-
times dangerous. Sir John Rees was not far wrong
when he observed that " Gandhi in Jail might prove to be
more dangerous than Gandhi out of ifc." There is a
world of significance in the warning of Professor Gilbert
Murray : —

"Persons in power should be very careful when they deal
with a man who cares nothing for sensual pleasures, nothing for
riches, nothing for comfort or praise or promises but simply
determines to do what he believes to be right. He is a danger-
ous and uncomfortable enemy because his body, which
you can always conquer, gives you so little purchase upon his
soul."

THE

South African Indian Question

THE BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE

•

The following is the full text of a lecture delivered
at the Pachaiyappa's Hall, Madras, on October 26t 1896,
by Mr. If. K. Gandhi on the " Grievances of Indian
settlers in South Africa." The Hon. Mr. P. Ananda
Charlu presided. Resolutions sympathising with the
Indian settlers and expressing regret at the action of the
Home and Indian Governments in having assented to
the Indian Immigration Amendment Bill were passed.
Mr. Gandhi said : —

Mr. President and Gentlemen, — I am to plead before
you this evening for the 100,000 British Indians in South
Africa, the land of gold and the seat of the late Jameson
Raid. This document will show you (here Mr. Gandhi
read a credential from the people of Natal deputing him
to plead their cause) that I have been deputed to do so
by the signatories to it who profess to represent the
100,000 Indians. A large majority of this number ara
people from Madras and Bengal Apart, therefore, from
the interest that you would take in them as Indians, you
are specially interested in the matter.

South Africa may, for our purposes, be divided into
the two self-governing British Colonies of Natal and the
Gape of Good Hope, the Grown Golony of Zululand, the
Transvaal or the South African Republic, the Orange

2 THii SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

Free State, the Chartered Territories and the Portuguese
Territories comprising Dalagoa Bay and Beira.

South Africa is .indebted feo the Colony of Nabal for
the presence of the Indian population there. In the year
1860, when it» the words of a member of the Natal Parlia-
ment), " the existence of the Colony hang in the balance,"
the Colony of Ntbal introduced indentured Indians into
the Colony, Such immigration is regulated by law, is
permissible only to a few favoui*ed States, e 0., Mauritius,
Fiji, Jamaica, Scraits Settlements, Damarara and other
States and is allowed only from Madras and Calcutta.
As a result of the immigration, in the words of another
eminent Natalian, Mr, Saundeie, "Indian immigration
brought prosperity, prices rose, people were no longer
content to grow or eel! produce for a song, they could do
better." The sugar and tea industries as well as sanita-
tion and the vegetable and fish supply of the Colony are
absolutely dependent on the indentured Indians from
Madras and Calcutta. The presence of the indentured
Indians about sixteen years ago drew the free Indians in
the shape of traders who first weak there with a view bo
supply the wants of their own kith and kin ; bub after-
wards found a very valuable customer in the native of
South Africa, called Zulu or Kaffir. Tfaeee traders are
chiefly drawn from the Bombay Memon Mahomedans
and, owing to their less unfortunate position, have
formed themselves into custodians of the interests
of the whole Indian population there. Thus, adversity
and identity of interests have united in a com-
pact body the Indians from tbe three Presidencies and
they take pride in calling themselves Indians rather than
Madrasees or Bengalees or Gujaratees, except when it; is
necessary to do so. That however by tha way,

THB BEGINNING OF THB STBTJOGItE 3

These 'Indiana have now spread all oyer South
Africa, Natal which is governed by a Legislative
Assembly consisting of 37 members elected by the voters,
a Legislative Council consisting of 11 members nominat-
ed by the Governor who represents • bha Queeut and a
movable Mmisbry consisting of 5 members, contains a
European population of 50>000, a nabive population of
400,000, and an Indian population of 51,000. Of the
51,000 Indians about 16,000 are at present serving their
indenture, 30,000 are those that have completed their
indenture, and are now variously engaged as domestic
servants, gardeners, hawkars and pet&y traders and
about 5,000 ara those who emigrated to tha Colony on
their own aoaounb and are either traders, shop-keepers,
assistants or hawkers, A few are &Uo school-masters,
interpreters and clerks.

The self-governing Colony of Lue Cape of Good Hope
has, I believe, an Indian population of about 10,000 con-
sisting of traders, hawkers and labourers, Ics total
population is nearly 1,500,000 of whom not more than
400,000 are Europeans. The rest are natives of the
country and Malaya.

The Souto African Republic of tbj Transvaal which
is governed by two eleosive Chambers called the Vol-
ksraad and an Executive with the President at its head
has an Indian population of about 5,000 of whom about
200 are traders with liquidated asset* amounting to
nearly £100000, Tbe rest are hawkers and waiters or
household servants, the latter baing men from thig
Presidency* Its white population is estimated at roughly
120,000 and the Kitfir population ati roughly 650,000.
This Republic is subject to the Qieen's suzerainty. And
-there is a convention between Great Britain and th&

4 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

Bepublio which secures the property, trading and farm-
ing right of all persons other than natives of South
Africa in common with the citizens of the Republic.

The other States have no Indian population to speak
of, because of the grievances and disabilities exoepto tha
Portuguese territories which contain a very large Indian
population and which do nob give any trouble to the
Indians.

The grievances of the Indiana in South Africa are
two-fold, i.e., those that are due to the popular ill-feeling
against tho Indians and, secondly, the legal disabilities
placed upon them, To deal with the firab, the Indian is
the tnoBt hated being in South Africa. Every Indian
without distinction is contemptuously called a " coolie."
He is also called " Sammy/' Ramaaawmy," anything
but " Indian." Indian school-masters are called " oolia
school masters." Indian storekeepers are " coolie store-
keepers." Two Indian gentlemen from Bombay. Messrs^
Dada Abdulla and Moos Hajea Caasim, own steamers*
Their steamers are " coolie ships."

There is a very respectable firm of Madras traders
by name, A Colandaveloo Pillay & Cc« They bavebuilb
a large block of buildings in Durban, these buildings are
called " coolie stores " and the owners are " coolie
owners." And I can assure you, gentlemen, thab there is
as much difference between the partners of that firm and
a " coolie " as there IB between any one in this hail and
a coolie. The railway and tram-officials, in spite of the
contradiction that has appeared in official quarters
which I am going to deal with presently, I repeat, treafc
us as beasts. We cannot safely walk on the foot-paths,
A Madrassi gentleman, spotlessly dressed, always avoids*

THE BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE §

'the footpaths of prominent streets ia Durban for fear
he should ba insulted or pushed off.

We are the "Asian dirb " to be "heartily cursed," we
are " obokeful of vice " *' and we live upon rioe, "we are
" stinking ooolies " living on " the smell of an oiled rage,'*
we are*' the black vermin," we aredesoribed in the Statute
Books as " semi-barbarous Asiatics, or persons belouging
to the uncivilised races of Asia," We "breed like rabbits"
and a gentleman at* a meeting lately held in Durban said
he ''was sorry we could not be shot like them." There
are coaches running between certain places in the Trans-
vaal. We miy no!) sit) iodide them. It) is a sore trial,
apart) from the indignity ib involves and contemplates, to
have to sib outside them either ia deadly winter morning,
for the winter is severe in the Transvaal, or under a
burning sun, though we are Indians. The hotels refine
us admission. Indeed, there ara oases in which respect-
able Indians hava found it diffioultj even to procure
refreshments at European plaoes. It was only a short
time ago thab a g*ng of Europeans neb fire to an Indian
store in a village (cries of shame) called Dundee in Natal
doing some damage, and another gang threw burning
crackers into the Indian sborea in a business street in
Durban. This feeling of intense hatred has been re-
produced into legislation in the various States of South
Africa restricting the freedom of Indians in many ways.
To begin with, Natal, which is the mosb important) from
an Indian point of view, has of late shown the greatest!
activity in passing Indian legislation. Till 1894, the
Indians had been enjoying the franchise equally with the
Europeans under the general franchise law of the, Colony,
which entitles any adult male being a British subject to
>be placed on the voters' list, who possesses itumoveabla

6 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

property worth £50 or pays an annual rent of £10 There
is a separate franchise qualification for the Zulu. In
1894, the Natal Legislature passed a Bill disfranchising
Asiatics by name. We resisted it in the Local Parlia-
ment hub without any avail. We then memorialised the
Secretary of State for the Colonies, and as a result that
bill was this year withdrawn and replaced by another
which, though not quite so bad as the first one, is bad
enough. It gays that no natives of countries (not of
European origin) which have not hitherto possessed
elective representative institutions, founded on the
Parliamentary Franchise, shall be placed on the voters
roll unless they shall first obtain an exemption from tha
Governor in Council, This bill excepta from its operation
those whose names are already rightly contained in any
voters' list- Before being introduced it was submitted to
Mr, Chamberlain who has approved of it. We have
opposed ifa on the ground that we have suoh institutions
in India, and that, therefore, the Bill will fail initsobjeob
if it is to disfranchise the Asiatics and that therefore also
it is a harassing piece of legislation and is calculated to
involve us in endless litigation and expense. This ia
admitted on all hands. The very members who voted for
ib thought likewise. The Natal Government organ says
in effect : —

We know India has euoh institutions and therefore the bill will
not apply to the Indians. But we oan have that bill or none. If it
disfranchises Indians, nothing oan be better, if it does not, then
too we have nothing to feat ! for the Indian oan never gain political
supremacy and if necessary, we oan soon impose an educational test
or raise the property qualification which, while disfranchising
Indians wholesale, will not debar a single European from voting.

Thus the Natal legislature ia paying a game of "boas
up1' at the Indians' expense. We are a fit subject for
Vivisection tinder the Natal Paafcaur'a deadly scalpel and

THE BEGINNING OP THE STRUGGLE 7

knife, with thia difference between the Paris Pasteur and
the Natal Pasteur that, while the former indulged in vivi-
section with the objeo& of benefiting humanity, the latter
has been indulging in it for the sake of amusement out of
sheer wantonness, The object of this measure is nob
political. It is purely and simply to degrade the Indians
in the words of a member of the Natal Parliament, M do
make the Indian's life more comfortable in his native
land than in Natal,'' in the words of another eminent
Natalian, " to keep him for ever a hewer of wood and
drawer of water." The very fact that, at present, there
are only 250 Indians as against nearly 10,000 European
voters shows that there is no fear of the Indian vote
swamping the European. For a fuller history of the
question, I musa refer you to the Green Pamphlet. The
London Times which has uniformly supported us in our
troubles, dealing with the franchise question in Natal,
thus puts it in its issue of the 27th day of June of this
year : —

The question now put before Mr. Chamberlain is not an
academic one. It is not a question of argument bub of race feeling.
We cannot afford a war of races among our own subjects. It would
be a wrong for the Government of India to suddenly arrest the
development of Natal by shutting all the supply of immigrants, as
it would be for Nata) to deny the right of citizenship to British
Indian subjects, who, by years of thrift and good work in the
Colony, have raised themselves to the actual status of citizens.

If there is any real danger of the Asiatic vote
swamping the European, we should have no objection to
an educational test being imposed or the property
qualifications being raised. What we object to is class
legislation and the degradation which it necessarily
involves, We are fighting for no new privilege in oppos-
ing the Bill, we are resisting the deprivation of the one
we have been enjoying,

8 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

ID strict accordance with the policy of degrading
the Indian to the level of a raw Kaffir and, in the words
of the Attorney- General of Natal, " that of preventing
him from forming part of the future South African
nation that is going to be built," the Natal Government
laet year introduced their Bill to amend the Indian
Immigration Law whiob, I regret to inform you, has
received the Royal sanction in spite of our hopes to the
contrary. This news was received after the Bombay
meeting, and it will, therefore, be necessary for me bo
deal with this question at some length, also because this
question more immediately affects this Presidency and
can be best studied here. Up to the I8bh day of August,
1694, the indentured immigrants went under a contract
of service for five years in consideration for a free
passage to Natal, free board and lodging for themselves
and their families aud wages at the rate of ten shillings
per month for the first year to be increased by one shil-
ling every following year. They were also entitled to a
free passage back to ludia, if they remained in the
Colony another five years as free labourers. This is now
changed, and, in future, the immigrants will have either
to remain in the Colony for ever under indenture, their
wages increasing to 20 shillings at the end of the 9fch
year of indentured service, or to return to India or to
pay an annual poll-tax of £3 sterling, equivalent to
nearly half a year's earnings on the indentured scale. A
Commission consisting of two members was sent to India
in 1893 by the Natal Government to induce the Indian
Government to agree to the above alterations with the
exception of the imposition of the poll-tax. The present
Viceroy, while expressing his reluctance, agreed to the
alteration subject to the sanction of the Home Govern*

THE BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE 9

cnenfc, refusing to allow the NaUI Government to make
tbe breach of the clause about compulsory return a
criminal offence, The Natal Government have got ovar
the difficulty by the poll-tax Clause.

The Attorney-General in discussing that clausd said
that while an Indian could not ba sent to gaol for refus-
ing to return to India or to pay the tax, so long as there
waa anything worth having in his hut), ill will ba liable
to seizure. We strongly opposed that Bill in the local
Parliament and failing there, sunb a memorial to Mr.
Chamberlain, praying either that; the Bill should be dis-
allowed or emigration to Natal should bo suspended.

The above proposal was m )oted 10 years ago and ib
was vehemently opposed by the mos^ eminent colonists
in Natal. A Commission waa then appointed to inquire
into various matters concerning Indians in Natal. Oae
of the Commissioners, Mr. S^underd, says in his addi-
tional report : —

Though tbe Commission has made no recommendation on
the subject of paBeiug a law to force Indians back to India at the
expiration of their term of service, unless they renew their inden-
tures, I wish to express my strong condemnation of any such idea,
and I feel convinced 'that many, who now advocate the plan ,when
they realise what it, means, will reject it as energetically as I do,
Stop Indian emigration and face results, but don't try to do
what I can show is a great wrong.

What is it but taking the best of our servants (the good as well
as the bad), and then refusing them ihe enjoyment of the reward,
forcing them back <if we could, but we oannotl when their vest
days have been spent for our benefit, Whereto ? Why back to
face a prospeot of starvation from which they sought to escape
when they were young. Bhylook-like, taking the pound of flesh,
and Shylook-like we may rely on it meeting Shylock's reward.

The Colony can stop Indian immigration, and thai, perhaps,
far more easily and permanently than some ' popularity seekers'
would desire. But force men off at the end of their service, this
the Colony cannot do. And I urge on it not to discredit a fair
.name by trying,

10 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

The Attorney-General of Natal who introduced the
Bill under discussion expressed the following views while
giving h'g evidence before the Commission : —

With reference to time-expired Indians, I do not think that it
ought to be compulsory on any man to go to any part of the world
save for a orime for which he is transported, I hear a great deal
of this question; I have been asked again and again to take a dif-
ferent view, but I have not been able to do it. A man is brought
here, in theory with his own consent in practice very often without
his consent, he gives the best five years of hie life, he forms new
ties, forgets the old ones, perhaps establishes home here, and he
cannot, according to my view of right and wrong, be sent baok.
Better by far to stop the further introduction of Indians altogether
than to take what work you can out of them and order them away.
The Colony, or part of the Colony, seems to want Indians but also
wishes to avoid the consequences of Indian immigration, The
Indian people do no harm as far as I kuow ; in certain respects
they do a gieac deal of good, I have never heard a reason to jus-
tify the extradition of a man who has behaved well for five years.

And Mr. Binns who oame to India as one of the
Natal Commissioners to induce the Indian Government
to agree to the above-mentioned alterations gave the
following evidence before tbe Commission tea years
ago :-—

I think the idea which has been mooted, that all Indians
should be compelled to return to India at the end of their term of
indenture, is most unfair to the Indian population, and would
never be sanctioned by the Indian Government. In my opinion
the free Indian population is a most useful section of the com-
munity,

But then great moo may change their views as of-
ten and as quiokly as they may ohaage their clothes
with impunity and even to advantage. la them, they
say, such changes are a result) of sincere conviction. Id
is a thousand pities, however, that) unfortunately for tbe
poor indentured Indian his fear or rather the expectation
that the Indian Government will never sanction tbe
change was not realised.

Tbe London Star thus gave vent to its feelings on-
reading tbe Bill : —

THE BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE 11

These particulars are enough to-throw light upon the hateful
persecution to which British Indian subjects are being subjected.
The new Indian Immigration Law Amendment Bill, which virtu-
ally proposes to reduce Indians to a state of slavery, is another
example, The thing is a monstrous wrong, an mault to British
subjects, a disgrace to its authors, and a slight upon ourselves.
Every Englishman is concerned to see that the commercial greed
of the South African trader is not permitted to wreak such bitter
injustice upon men who alike by proclamation and by statute are
placed upon an equality with ourselves before the Law.

The London Times also in supporting our prayer
has compared the state of perpetual indenture to a "state
perilously near bo slavery." Ito alao says : —

The Government of India has one simple remedy, It can
suspend indentured immigration to South Africa as it has sus-
pended such immigration to foreign possessions until it obtains the
necessary guarantees for the present well-being and the future

status of the immigrants It is eminently a case for sensible

and conciliatory action on both sides. . . , But the Indian Govern-
ment may be forced to adopt measures in connection with the
wider claim now being urged by every section of the Indian com-
munity and which has been explicitly acknowledged by Her Majes-
ty's,Government at home — namely, the claim of the Indian races
to trade and to labour with the full status of British subjects
throughout the British Empire and in allied States.

The letters from Natal informing me of the Royal
sanction to this Bill ask me to request the Indian pubiio
to help us bo get) emigration suspended. I am well aware
that the idea of suspending emigration requires careful
consideration. I humbly think that there is no other
conclusion possible in the interests of the Indians at
large, Emigration is supposed fco relieve the congested
districts and to benefit; those who emigrate. If the
Indians instead of paying the poll-tax, return to Indb,
the congestion cannot be affected at all. And the re-
turned Indians will ratber be a source of difficulty than
anything else aa they must necessarily find it difficult} to
get work and cannot be expected to bring sufficient to
live upon the interest of their capital. I* certainly

12 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

nob benefib the emigrants as they will never, if the
Government] can possibly help ifc.be allowed to rise higher
than the status of labourers. The faob is that they
are being helped on to degradation,

Under suoh circumstances I humbly ask you to
support our prayer to suspend emigration to Natal,
unless bhe new law can be altered or repealed, You will
naturally be anxious to know the treatment of the
Indians while under indenture, Of course, thab life can-
nob be bright under any circumstances ; bub I do not
think their lot is worse than the lob of the Indians simi-
larly placed in other parts of bhe world, Ab the same
time they too certainly coma in for a share of the tre-
mendous colour prejudice, I can only briefly allude to
the matter here and refer to the curious Green Pamphlet
wherein it has been more fully discussed. There is a sad
mortality from suicides on certain estates in Natal. Ib ia
very difficult for an indentured Indian to have hie
services transferred on the ground of ill-treatment. An
indentured Indian after he becomes free is given a free
pass- This ho has to show whenever asked to do so,
Ib is meant bo detect) desertion by bhe indentured Indiana.
The working of this system is a source of much irrita-
tion to poor free Indians and often puts respectable
Indiana in a very unpleasant position. Thia law really
would nob give any trouble, bub for the unreasonable
prejudice A sympathetic Protector of Immigrants,
preferably an Indian genbleman of high sbanding and
knowing the Tamil, Telugu and Hindusbani languages,
would certainly mitigate the usual hardships of the
indentured life, An Indian immigrant who loses his
free pass is, as a rule, called upon to pay £3 sterling for

THE BEGINNING OP THE STRUGGLE 13

a duplicate copy. This is nothing bub a system of
blackmail.

The 9 o'clock rule in Natal which makes it necessary
for every Indian to carry a pasa if he wants to ha oub after
9 P.M.. at the pain of being locked up in a dungeon, causes
much heart-burning especially among the gentlemen
Iron) this Presidency. You will be pleased to hear that
children of many indentured Indians receive a pretty
good education ; and then wear an a rule the European
dress. They are a most sensitive class and yei unfortu-
nately most liable to arrest under the 9 o'clook rule.
The European dress for an Indian is no recommendation
in Natal, It is rather the reverse, For the flowing
robe of a Memon frees the wearer from suoh molestation,
A happy incident described in the Graen Pamphlet led
the police in Durban some years ago to free Indians thn&
dressed from liability to arrest after 9 P.M. A Tamil
eohool-mistresa, a Tamil school-master and a Tamil
Sunday school-teacher were only a few months aga
arrested and looked up under this law, They all got
justice in the law courts, but that was a poor consolation*
The result, however, was that fcha Corporations in Natal
are clamouring for an alteration in the law so that if*
might be impossible for suoh Indians to get off scot-fre&
in the Law Courts,

There is a Bye-Law in Durban which requires
registration of coloured servants. This Rule may be and
perhaps is necessary for the Kaffirs who would not work,
but absolutely useless with regard to the Indians, But
the policy is to class the Indian with the Kaffir whenever
possible,

14 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

This does not complete the list of grievances in
Natal. I musts beg to refer the curioua to the Green
Pamphlet for further information.

Bub, gentlemen, you have been bold lately by the
Natal Agent-General that the Indiana are nowhere hatter
treated than in Natal ; that the faob that a majority of
fahe indentured labourers do not avail themselves of the
return passage is the best answer to my pamphlet, and
that the railway and tram-oar officials do not treat the
Indians ae beasts nor do the Law Courts deny them
justice.

With the greatest deference to the Agent-General, all
I can say as to the first statement is that he must have
very queer notions of good treatment, if to be looked up
for being out) after 9 P.M. without a pass, to be denied the
most elementary right of citizenship in a free country, to
be denied a higher status than that of bondman and at
best: a free labourer and to be subjected to other restric-
tions referred to above, are instances of good treatment.
And if such treatment is the best the Indians receive
throughout the world, then the lot of the Indians in other
parts of the world and here must be very miserable
indeed, according to the oocncnonaense view. Tae thing
is that Mr. Walter Peace, the Agent-Ganeral, is made to
look through the official spectacles and to him everything
official is bound to appear rosy. The legal disabilities
are condemnatory of the action of the Natal Government
and how can the Agent-General be expected to condemn
himself ? If he or the Government which he represents
only admitted that the legal disabilities mentioned above
were against the fundamental principles of the British
Constitution, I should nob stand before you this evening.
I respectfully submit that statements of opinions made

THE BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE 16

by the Agent-General cannot be allowed to have greater
weight) than those of an accused person about} his own
guilt.

Tbe faob that the indentured Indians as a ruie do
not avail themselves of the return passage we do not
dispute, but we oeroainly dispute thafc it is the beat
answer to our complaints, How oan that faob disprove
the existence of the legal disabilities ? It may prove that
the Indians who do not take advantage of the return
passage either do nob mind the disabilities or remain in
the Colony in spite of suoh disabilities, If the former be
the case, it is the duty ot those who know better to
make the Indians realise their situation and to enable
them to see that submission to them means degradation*
If the latter be the oase it is one mora instance of the
patience and the forbearing spirit of the Indian Nation
which was acknowledged by Mr. Chamberlain in his
Despatch in connection with the Transvaal arbitration.
Because they bear thejn is no reason why the disabilities
should not be removed or why they should be interpreted
into meaning the best treatment possible.

Moreover, who are these people who, instead
of returning to India, settle in the Colony ? They
are the Indians drawn from the poorest classes and
from the most thickly populated districts possibly
living in a state of semi-starvation in India. They
migrated to Natal with their families, if any, with
the intention of settling there, if possible, Is it any
wonder, if these people after the expiry of their in-
denture, instead of running ' to face semi-starvation,'
as Mr. Saunders has put it, settled in a country where the
climate is magnificent and where they may earn a decant
Jiving? A starving man generally would stand any

16 THE SOUTH APKIOAN INDIAN QUESTION

amount of rough treatment to get A orumb of bread,

Do not the Uitlanders make outa a terribly long list
of grievances in the Transvaal? And yeb do they not
flock to the Transvaal in thousands in spite of the ill-
treatment they receive there because they can earn their
bread in the Transvaal more easily than in fcbe old
oounfcry ?

This, too, should be borne in mind that in making
his statement, Mr. Peace has not taken into account the
free Indian trader who goes to the Colony on bis own
account and who feels moat* the indignities and disabilities*
If it does not do to tell the Uitiander that he may not go
to the Transvaal if he cannot bear the ill-treatment;, much*
lees will ib do to say so to the enterprising Indian. We
belong to the Imperial family and are children, adopted
it may be, of the same august mother, having the
same rights and privileges guaranteed to us as to the
European children* lo was in that belief that we wenl
bo the Colony of Natal and we trusb that our belief was
well-founded.

The Agent-General has contradicted the statement
made in the pamphlet that the railway and tramoar
officials treat the Indians as beasts. Even if the state-
ments I have made were incorrect, that would nofc
disprove the legal disabilities which and which alone have
been made the subject of memorials and to remove which
we invoke the direct intervention of the Home and the
Indian Governments. Bub I venture to aay that the
Agent-General has been misinformed and beg to repeat
that the Indians are treated as beasts by the railway
and the tramoar officials. That statement was made-
now nearly two years ago in quarters where ib could have
been contradicted ab onoe. I had the honour to address

THE BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE 17

an ' open letter ' to the members of the Local Parliament)
in Nabal, It was widely circulated in the Colony and
noticed by almost every leading newspaper in South
Africa. No one contradicted it then. It was even
admitted by some newspapers. Under such circumstances,
I venbured to quote it in my pamphlet published here.
I am not given to exaggerate matters and it is very
unpleasant to me to have DO cite testimony in my own
favour, but since an attempt has been made to discredit
my statements and thereby the cause I am advocating, I
feel it to be my duty for the sake of the cause to tell you
what the papers in South Africa thought about the 'open
letter ' in which the statement was made.

The Star, the leading newspaper in Johannesburg,
says : —

Mr, Gandhi writes forcibly, moderately and well, Ha has
hi intel f Buffered pome slight measure of injustice since he came
into the Colony, but that fact does not seem to have coloured his
sentiment, and it must be confessed that to the tone of the open
letter uo objection can reasonably be taken, Mr, Gandhi discusses
the questions he has raised with conspicuous moderation,

The Natal Mercury , the Government organ in Natrfl,
says ; —

Mr. Gandhi writes with calmness and moderation, He is as
impartial as any one could expect him to be and probably a little
more so than might have been expected, considering that he did
not reeoeive very just treatment at the hands of the Law Society
when he first came to the Colony.

Had I made unfounded statements, the newspapers
would not have given such a certificate to the ' open
letter.'

An Indian, about two years ago, took out a second
class ticket on the Natal railway. In a single night jour-
ney he was thrice disturbed and was twice made to
change compartments to please European passengers.
The case came before the Court and the Indian got £ 10

Itf THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

damages. The following is the plaintiff's evidence in the
case : —

Deponent got into a second class carriage in the train, leaving
Charlestown at 1-30 P.M. Three other Indians were in the same
compartment, but they got out at New Castle. A wbite man
opened the door of the compartment and beckoned to witness,
saying "come out. Sammy." Plaintiff asked, " why," and the
whi£e man replied " Never mind, come out, I want to place some-
one here." Witness said, " why should I oome OUG from here
when I have paid my fare ?".... The white man then left and
brought an Indian who, witness believed, was in the employ of
the railway. The Indian was told to tell plaintiff to get out of
the carriage. Thereupon the Indian said, " the white man orders
you to oome out and you must oome out." The Indian then left.
Witness said to the white man, " what do you want to shift me
about for. I have paid my fare and have a right to remain here."
The white man became angry at this and said, " well, if you
don't oome out, I will knock hell out of you." The white man
got into the carriage and laid hold of witness by the arm and tried
to pull him out. Plaintiff said, "Let me alone and I will oome
out." The witness left, the carriage and the white man pointed
out another second class compartment and told him to go there.
Plaintiff did as he was directed. The compartment he was shown
into was empty. He believed some people who were playing a
band were put into the carriage from which he was expelled. This
white man was the Diet riot Superintendent of Railways at New-
castle. (Shame). To proceed, witness travelled undisturbed to
Maritzberg. He fell asleep and when he awoke at Maritzberg he
found a white man, a white woman and a child in the compart-
ment with him. A \vh te man came up to the oarriage and said,
" Is that your boy speaking to the white man in the compart-
ment ?" Witness's fellow-traveller replied "yes," pointing to his
little boy. The other white man then said, " No, I don't mean
him. I mean the darnued coolie in the corner." This gentleman
with the choice language was a railway official, being a shunter.
The white man in the compartment replied, " Oh never mind him,
leave him alone." Then tho white man outside (the official) said,
" I am not going to allow a coolie to be in the same compartment
with white people." This man addressed plaintiff, saying "Bammy,
oome out." Plaintiff said, " why, I was removed at New Castle to
this compartment." The white maji said, " well, you must oome
out " and was about to enter the oarriage. Witness thinking he
would be handled as at New Castle said he would go out and lefft
the compartment. The white man pointed out another second
class compartment which witness entered. This was empty for a
time but before leaving, a white man entered. Another white man*
(the official), afterwards came up and said if you don't like to
travel with that stinking ooolie I will find you another carriage,"
(The Natal Advertiser, 22nd November, 1893.)

THE BEGINNING OF THE STRUGG&B 19

You will have noticed that? the official aft Maritzberg
TII al- treated fcbe Indian passenger although his white
fellow-passenger did not mind him, If this ia nob bestial
treatment), I should very much like to know what is, and
such occurrences takp place often enough to be irritating.

It was found during the case that one of the
witnesses for the defendant was coached. In answer to
a question from the Baneh whether the Indian passengers
were treated with consideration, the witness who was
one of the officials referred to replied in the affirmative.
Thereupon the presiding Magistrate who tried the case is
reported to have said to the witness, "Then you have
a different opinion to what) I hava and it is a curious
thing that people who are no*i connected with the
railway observe more than you."

The Natal Advertiser, a European daily in Darban,
made the following remarks on the case : — •

It was indisputable from the evidence that the Arab had been
badly treated and seeing that second class tickets are issued to
Indians of this description, the plaintiff ought not to have been

subjected to unnecessary annoyance and indignity , Some

definite measures should be taken to minimise the danger of trouble
arising between European and coloured passengers without render-
ing the carrying out of suoh measures annoying to any person
whether black or white.

In the course of its remarks on the same case the
Natal Mercury observed : —

There is throughout South Afrioa a tendency to treat all
Indians, as coolies pure and simple, no matter whether they be edu-
cated and cleanly in their habits or not. . , OQ our railways we
have noticed on more than one occasion that coloured passengers
are not by any means treated with civility, and although it "would
be unreasonable to expect that the white employees of the N.G.B.
should treat them with the same deference as is aooorded to
European passengers still we think it would not be in any way
derogatory to their dignity if the officials were a little more Suavitor
•in moda when dealing with coloured travellers.

Sne Cape Times, a leading newspaper in South
Afrioa, says : —

20 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

Natal presents the ourious spectacle of a country entertaining
a supreme contempt for the very class of people she can least da
without, Imagination oan only picture the commercial paralysis
which would inevitably attend the withdrawal of the Indian popu-
lation from that Colony. And yet the Indian is the most despised
of creatures, he may not ride in the tram-oars, nor sit in the earns
compartment of a railway carriage with the Europeans, hotel-
keepers refuse him food or shelter and he is denied the privilege of
the public bath !

Hera is the opinion of an Anglo-Indian, Mr* Drum-
mond wbo is intimately connected with the Indians in
Natal. He says, writing to the Natal Mercury : —

The majority of the people here* seem to forget that they are
British subjects, that their Maharani is our Queen and for that
reason alone one would think that they might be spared the oppro-
brious term of ' coolie, ' as it is here applied, In India it is only
the lower class of white men who calls native a ' nigger ' and treats
him as if he were unworthy of any consideration or respect. ID
their eyes, as in the eyes of many in this colony, he is treated

eitber as a heavy burden or a mechanical machine ,.. It is a

common thing and a lamentable thing to hear the ignorant and
the unenlightened speak of the Indian generally as the sou in of
the earth, etc. It is depreciation frcm the white man and not
appreciation that they get.

I think I have adduced sufficient outside testimony
to substantiate my statement that the railway officials
treat the Indians as beasts. On the tramoars, the
Indians are often nob allowed to sit inside but are senb
upstairs/ as the phrase goes. They are often made to
remove from one seat to another or prevented from occu-
pying front benches. I know an Indian officer, a Tamil
gentleman, dressed in the*iatesb European style who was
made to stand on the tram-car board although there was
aooomodation available for him.

Quoting statistics to prove the prosperity of the
Indian community Is quite unnecessary, It is not denied
that the Indians who go to Natal do earn a living and
that in spite of the persecution.

THE BEGINNING OP THR STRUGGLE 91

In the JL'ransvaal wa cannot own landed property, we
may nob trade or reside except) in specified locations.,
which are described by the British Agent, " as places to
deposit the refuse of the town without any water except}
tihe polluted soakage in the gully between the location
and the town." We may not as of right walk on the
footpaths in Johannesburg and Pretoria, we may not* be
out afcer 9 P* M, We may not travel without passes,
The law prevents us from travelling first or second class
on the railways, We are required to pay a special regis-
tration fee of £3 to enable us to settle in the Transvaal
and though we are treated as mere " chattels " and
have no privileges whatever, we may be called upon
to render compulsory military service, if Mr. Chamberlain
disregards the Memorial which we have addressed
bo him on the subject. The history of the whole
aase as it affects the Indians in the Transvaal is very
interesting and I am only sorry that for want of time
[ oannob deal with id now. I must, however, beg you to
study it from the Green Pamphlet. I must not omit bo
mention that it is criminal for an Indian to buy native
gold.

The Orange Free State has made "the British
Indian an impossibility by simply classifying him with
the Kaffir," as its chief organ puts ID, It? has passed a
special law whereby we are prevented from trading,
farming or owning property under any circumstances,
If we submit to these degrading conditions we may be
allowed tro reside after passing through certain humiliat-
ing ceremonies. We were driven out from the State
and our stores were closed causing to us a loss of £9,000.
And this grievance remains absolutely without redress-
The Oape Parliament! has passed a Bill granting the E%sfe

22 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

London Municipality in that Colony, the power to frame
Bye- Laws prohibiting Indians from walking on the foot-
paths and making them live in locations. It has issued
instructions to the authorities of East Gripuinland not
to issue any trading licences to the Indians. The Gape
Government are in communication with the Home
Government with a view to induce them to sanction
legislation restricting the influx of the Asiatics. The
people in the Chartered territories are endeavouring to
close the country against the Asiatic trader. In Zulu-
land, a Crown Colony, we cannot own or acquire landed
property in the townships of Eshowe and Nondweni.
This question is now before Mr. Chamberlain for consi-
deration. As in the Transvaal there also it is criminal
for an Indian to buy native gold,

Thus we are hemmed in on all sides by restrictions.
And if nothing further were to be done here and in Eng-
land on our behalf, it is merely a question of time when
the respectable Indian in South Africa will be absolutely
extinct.

Nor is this merely a local question. It is aa the
London Times puts it, "that of the status of the British
Indian outside India/' "If," says the Thunderer, "they
fail to secure that position, (that is of equal status) in
South Africa, it will be difficult for them to attain it else-
where." I have no doubt you have read in the papers
that Australian Colonies have passed legislation to pre-
vent Indians from settling in that part of the World. It
will be interesting to know how the Home Government
deal with that question.

The real cause of all this prejudice may be expressed
in the words of the leading organ in South Africa,.

THE BEGINNING OP THE STRUGGLE 23

namely* the Cape Times, when it was under the editor-
ship of the prinoe of South African journalists, Mr. St.
Lager,

It is the position of these merchants which is productive of no
little hostility to this day, And it is in considering theic position
that their rivals in trade have sought to inflict upon them through
the medium of the State, what looks on the face of it something
very like an injustice for the benefit of self.

Continues the same organ : —

The injustice to the Indians is so glaring that one is almost
ashamed of one's countrymen in wishing to have these men treated
as native (i.e., of South Africa,) simply because of their success in
trade. The very reason that they have been so successful against the
dominant race is sufficient to raise them above that degrading level.

If this was true in 1869 when the above was
written, it is doubly so now, because the legislators of
South Africa have shown phenomenal activity in passing
measures restricting the liberty of the Quean's Indian
subjects. Other objections also have been raised to our
presence there, but they will not bear scrutiny and I
have dealt with them in the Green Pamphlet. I
venture, however, to quofcp, from the Natal Advertiser,
which states one of them and prescribes a statesman-
like remedy also. And ao far as the objection may be
valid, we are in perfect accord with the Advertiser's
suggestion. This paper which is under European manage-
ment was at one time violently against us. Dealing with
the whole question from an Imperial standpoint it
concludes : —

It will, therefore, probably yet be found that the removal of
the drawbacks at present incidental to the immigration of Indians
into British Colonies is not to be effected so much by the adoption
of an obsolete policy of exclusion as by an enlightened and pro-
gressive application of ameliorating laws to those Indians who
settle in them. One of the chief objections to Indians is that they
do not live in accordance with European rules. The remedy for
this is to gradually raise their mode of life by compelling (hem to
live in better dwellings and by creating among them new wants. It
will probaoly be found easier, because, more in accord with the

24 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

great onward movements of mankind, to demand of such settlers
that they shall rise to their new conditions than to endeavour to
maintain the status quo ante by their eutire exclusion,

We believe also that rnuoh of the ill-feeling is das
to the wanfa of proper knowledge in South Africa about
the Indians in India. Wa are, therefore, endeavouring
to educate public opinion in South Africa by imparting
the necessary information, Wifah regard to the legal
disabilities we have tried to influence in our favour
the public opinion both in England and here. As you
know both the Conservatives and Liberals have supported
us in England without) distinction, Tne London Times
has given eight leading articles to our cause in a very
sympathetic spirit. This alone has raised us a step
higher in the estimation of tha Europeans in South
Africa and has considerably affected for the better the
tone of newspapers there. The British Committee of
the Congress has been working for us for a very long
time. Ever since he entered Parliament, Mr. Bhownaggrea
has been pleading our cause in season and out of season.
Says one of our best sympathisers in London : —

The wrong is so serious that it has only to ba known in order
1 hope to be remedied, I feel it my duty on ail oooasioas and in
nil suitable ways to insist that the Indian subjects of the Crown
should enjoy the full status of British subject througout the whole
British Empire aud in allied states. This is the position whioh
you and our Indian friends in South Africa should firmly take up.
In such a question compromise is impossible. For any compromise
would relinquish the fundamental right of the Indian races to the
complete status of British subjects — a right whioh they have
earned by their loyalty in peace and by their services in war, a
right whioh was solemnly guaranteed to them by the Queen's
Proclamation in 1857, and which has now been explicitly recognis-
ed by Her Majeety's Government,"

Says the same gentleman in another letter : —
I have great hopes that justice will, in the end, be done. You

have a good cause You have only to take up your position

strongly in order to be successful. That position is that the British
Indian subjects in South Africa are alike in our own Colonies and

THE BEGINNING OP THE STRUGGLE 25

an independent friendly States being deprived of their status as
British subjects guaranteed to them by the Sovereign and the
British Parliament,

AD ex-Liberal member of the House of Commons
flays : —

You are infamously treated by the Colonial Government and
you will be so treated by the Home Government if they do nob
compel the Colonies to alter their policy.

A Conservative member says : —

I am quite aware that the situation is surrounded with many
difficulties ; but some points stand out clear and, as far as I can
make out it is true to say that breaches of what in India is a civil
contract are punishable in South Africa as though they were
criminal offences. This is beyond doubt, contrary to the principles
of the Indian Code and seems to me an infringement of the privile-
ges guaranteed to British subjects in India. Again ib is perfectly
evident tnat in the Boer republic and possibly in Natal it is the
direct obvious intention of the Government to " hunt" natives of
India and to compel them to carry on their business under degrad-
ing conditions. The excuses wbioh are put forward to defend the
infringements of the liberties of British subjects in the Transvaal
are too flimsy to be worth a moment's attention." Yet another
Conservative member says: "Your activity is praiseworthy and
demands justice. I am, therefore, willing to help you as far aa
.lies in my power,"

Suob is the sympathy evoked in England. Here, too,
I know we have the same sympathy, bub I bumbly think
that) our cause may ooeupy your attention still more
largely.

What is required inlnriia has been well pub by the
Moslem Chronicle in a forcibly written leader : —

What* with a strong and intelligent public opinion here and a
well meaning Government the difficulties we have to contend with,
are not at all commensurate with those that retard the woll- being
of our countrymen m that country. It is therefore quite time
that all public bodies should at once turn their attention to 'this
important subject to create an intelligent public opinion with a
view to organise an agitation for the removal of the grievances
under which our brethren are labouring. Indeed, these grievances
-have become and are day by day becoming so unbearable and
offensive that the requisite agitation oaanot b^ taken.,up one
>4ay too soon.

26 THB SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

I may abate our position a little more olearly. We
are aware that} the insults and indignities that we are
subjected to at the hands of the populace oannot be
directly removed by the intervention of the Home
Government, We do not appeal to it for any auoh
intervention. We bring them to the notioa of the public
so that the fairminded of ail communities and the Press
may be expressing their disapproval, materially reduce
their rigour and possibly eradicate them ultimately. But
we certainly do appeal and we hope not vainly to the Home
Government for protection againnt reproduction of such
ill-feeling in legislation, We certainly beseech the Home
Government to disallow all the Acts of the Legislative
bodies of the Colonies restricting our freedom in any
shape or form. And this brings me to the last question,
namely, how far can the Home Government interfere
with euoh action on the part of the Colonies and the
allied States. As for Zululand there can be no question
since it is a Crown Colony directly governed from
Downing Street through a Governor. It is nob a self-
governing or a responsibly-governed Colony as the
Colonies of Natal and the Cape of Good Hope are. With
regard to the last two their Constitution Act provides
that Her Majesty may disallow any Act of the Local
Parliament within two years even after it has become
law having received the Governor's assent. That is one
safeguard against oppressive measures by the Colonies.
The Koyal instructions to the Governor as also the
Constitution Act enumerate certain Bills which oannot
be assented to by the Governor without Her Majesty's
previous sanction. Among auoh are Bills which have
for their object class legislation such as the Franchise
Bill or Immigration Bill, Her Majesty's intervention

THB BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE 27

is thus diraofo and precise. While ib is true that) the
Home Government is slow to interfere with the Acts of
the Colonial Legislatures, there are instances where it has
Dot hesitated io put its foot down on occasions lesa urgent
than the present! one- As you are aware, the repeal of
the first Franchise Bill was due to such wholesome inter-
vention, What is more the Colonists are ever afraid of it.
And as a resuU of the sympathy expreased iu England
and the sympathetic answer given by Mr Chamberlain
to the Deputation that waited on him some months ago
most of cbe papers in South Africa, at any rate in Natal
have veered round considerably. As to the Transvaal
there is jthe convention. As to the Orange Free State I
can only say that it id an unfriendly aok ou the part of a
friendly State 60 shut her doors against any portion of
Her Majesty's subjects. And as suoh I humbly think io
can be effectively checker].

It may not be amiss to quote a few passaged from
the London Times aroioles bearing ou the question of
intervention as well as the whole question generally *

The whole question resolves itself into this. Are Her
Majesty's Indian subjects to be treated as a degraded and ao cut-
caste race by a friendly government or are they to have the
same rights and status as other British subjects enjoy ? Are
leading Muhammadan merchants who might sit in the Legis-
lative Council at Bombay, to be' liable to indignities and outrage
in the South African Republic ? We are continually telling our
Indian subjects that the economic future of their country depends
on their ability to spread themselves out and to develop their
foreign trade. What answer can our Indian Government give
them if it fails to secure to them the same protection abroad which
is secured to the subjects of every other dependency of the Grown ?

It is a mockery to urge our Indian fellow-subjects to embark
on external commerce if the moment they leave In dm they lose
their rights as British subjects, and can be treated by foreign
governments as a degraded and an outoaste race.

ID another article it sa^s ; —

The matter is eminently one for good offices and for icfluenoe,
for that ''friendly negotiation " which Mr. Chamberlain promises,

38 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

though he warns the deputation that it may be tedious and will
certainly not be easy. As to the Cape Colony and Natal, the
question is to a certain extent simplified since, of course, the
Colonial office can speak to them with greater authority.

The incident is one of those which suggests wider questions
than any that directly offer themselves for official replies, We
are at the centre of a world-wide Empire, at a period when loco-
motion is easy and is every day becoming easier, both in time
and cost. Some portions of the Empire are crowded, others are
comparatively empty, and the flnv from the congested to the
under-peopled districts is continuous What is to happen when
subjects differing io colour, religion and habits from ourselves or
from the natives of a particular spot emigrate to that spot for
their living ? How are race prejudices and antipathies, the jeal-
ousies of trade, the fear of competition to be controlled ? The
answer, of course, must be by intelligent policy at the Colonial
Offioe,

Small as are the requirements of the Indian the steady growth
of the population of India is such that a certain outward move-
ment is inevitable, and it is a movement that will increase. It
is very desirable that our white fellow-aubjeots in Africa should
understand that there will, in all probability, be this current flow-
ing from India, that it is perfeot(y within the rights of the British
Indian to seek his subsistence at the Cape, and that he ought, in
the common interest of the Empire to be well treated when he
comes there. It is indeed to be feared that the ordinary Colonist,
wherever settled, thinks much more of his immediate interests than
of those of the great empire which protects him, and he has some
difficulty in recognising a fellow-subject in the Hindu or the
Parsee. The duty of the Colonial Offioe is to enlighten him and
to see that fair treatment is extended to British subjects of what-
ever colour,

Again :— -„

In lodia the British, the Hindu and the Massalman commu-
nities find themselves face to face with the question as to whe-
ther at. the outset of the new industrial movements which have
been so long and anxiously awaited, Indian traders and workers
are or are not to have the same status before the law as all other
British subjects enjoy. May they or may they not go freely from
one British possession to another and claim the rights of British
subjects in allied states or are they to be treated as outcaste races,
subjected to a system of permits and passes when travelling on
their ordinary business avocations, and relegated, as the Transvaal
Government would relegate them to a ghetto at the permanent
centres of their trade? These are questions which applied to all
Indians who seek to better their fortunes outside the limits of the
Indian Rmmre. Mr. nhamhorlain'fl wr>rdfl and the determined

THE BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE 29

attitude taken up by every section of the Indian press show that
for two such questions there can be but one answer,

I shall take the liberty to give one mora quotation
from the same journal : —

The question with which Mr. Chamberlain was called upon
to deal cannot be BO easily reduced to concrete terms. OQ the one
band he clearly laid down the principle of the " equal rights " and
equal privilege of all British subjects in regard to redress from
foreign States, It would, indeed, have been impossible to deny
that principle. Our Indian subjects have been fighting the battles
of Great Britain over half the old world with the loyalty and
courage which have won the admiration of all British men. The
fighting reserve which Great Britain has in the Indian races adds
greatly to her political influence and prestige and it would be »
violation of the British sense of justice to use the blood and the
valour of these races m war and yet to deny them the protection
of the British name in the enterprise of peace. The Indian
workers and traders are slowly spreading across the earth from
Central Asia to the Australian Colonies and from the Straits Settle-
ments to the Canary Islands. Wherever the Indian goes he is
the same useful well-doing man, lawabiding under whatever form
of Government be may find himself, frugal in his wants and in.
dustrious in his habits. But these very virtues make him a for-
midable competitor in the labour markets to which he resorts.
Although numbering in the aggregate some hundreds of thousand?,
the imigrant Indian labourers and small dealers have only
recently appeared in the foreign countries or British Colonies in
numbers sufficient to arouse jealousy and to expose them to
political injustice,

But the facts which we brought to notice in June, and
which were urged on Mr, Chamberlain by a deputation of
Indians last week, show that the necessity has now arisen for
protecting the Indian labourer from euoh jealousy, and for securing
to him the same rights as other British subjects enjoy,

Gentlemen, Bombay has spoken in no uncertain
barms, We are yet young and inexperienced, we have a
right to appeal to you, our elder and freer brethren for
protection. Being under the yoke of oppression we can
merely cry oub in anguish. You have heard our cry.
The blame will now lie on your shoulders if the yoka is
oot removed from our necks.

30 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

DEPUTATION TO LOBD SELBORNE

Messrs. Abdul Gani (Chairman, British Indian
Association), Mr, Haji Eabib (Secretary, Pretoria Com-
mittee), Mr. E, S. Coovadia. Mr. P. Moonsamy Moonlight,
Mr, Ayob Haeje Beg Mahomed and Mr. M. K. Gandhi
formed a deputation that waited on Lord Selborne on
November, 22nd, 1905. On behalf of the deputation,
Mr. Qandhi presented the following statement of the
position to His Excellency : —

STATEMENT

There are, besides laws affecting coloured people and therefore
British Indian's the Peace Preservation Ordinance and Law 3 of
1885 as amended in 1886.

THE PEACE PRESERVATION ORDINANCE
The Peaoe Preservation Ordinaaoe, as its name implies
although framed to keep out of the Colony dangerous character, is
being used mainly to prevent British Indians from entering the
Transvaal. The working of the law has always been harsh and
oppressive — and this in spite of the desire of the Chief Secretary for
Permits that it should nob be so. He has to receive instructions
from the Colonial Office, so that the harsh working is due, not to
the chief officer in charge of the Department, tout to the system
under which it is being worked, (a) There are still hundreds of
refugees waiting to come, (b) Boys with their parents or with-
out are required to take out permits, (c) Men with old £3 registra-
tions coming into the country without permits are, though refugees
being sent away and required to make formal application, (d) Even
wives of Transvaal residents are expected to take out permits if
they are alone, and to pay £3 registration, whether with or without
theirshusbands. (Correspondence is now going on between the
Government and the British Indian Association on the point.) (e)
Children under sixteen, if it cannot be proved that their parents
are dead, or are residents of the Transvaal, are being sent away or
are refused permits, in spite of the fact that they may be supported
by their relatives who are their guardian and who are residing in
the Transvaal. (/) No non-refugee British Indians are allowed to
enter the Colony, no matter what their station may be in life.
(The last prohibition causes serious inconvenience to the establish-
ed merchants, who, by reason thereof, are prevented from drawing
upon India for confidential managers or clerks.)

In spite of the declarations of her late Majesty's ministers,
and assurances of relief after the establishment of civil 'Govern-

DEPUTATION TO LORD SELBORNB 31

ment, this law remains on the statute book, and is beiqg fully
enforced, though many laws, which were considered to be in
conflict with the British constitution, were repealed as soon as
British authority was proclaimed in the Transvaal. Law 3 of
1885 is insulting to British Indians, and was accepted totally
under a misapprehension, It imposes the following restrictions on
Indians : — (a) It prevents them from enjoying burger rights. (6)
It prohibits ownership of fixed property, except in streets, wards,
or locations set apart lor the residence of Indians, (c) It
contemplates compulsory segregation in locations of British
Indians for purposes of sanitation. And (d) It imposes a levy of
£3 on every Indian who may enter the Cplony for purposes of trade
or the like.

REFORMED ADMINISTRATION OF ORDINANCE
It is respectfully submitted, on behalf of the British. Indian
Association than the Peace Preservation Ordinance should be so
administered that (a) it should facilitate the entry of all refugees
without delay, (b) Children under sixteen should be exempt from
any restriction whatsoever, if they have their parents or supporters
with them, (c) Female relatives of British Indians should be
entirely free from interference or restriction as to the rights on
entry. And (d} a limited number of Indians, though not refugees,
should on the application of resident traders who may satisfy the
Permit Officer that they require the services of such men, be
granted permits for residence during the period of their contract of
service. (e) Indians with educational attainment should be
allowed to enter the Colony on application.

REPEAL OF COLOUR LEGISLATION.

Both the Law of 1885 and the Peace Preservation Ordinance
and all other colour legislation affecting British Indians, should be
repealed sjo soon as possible and they should be assured as to —

(a) Their right to own landed property, (b) Tc live where they
like, subject to the general sanitary laws of the Colony, (c) Exemp-
tion from any special payment;, (d) And generally freedom from
special legislation and enjoyment of civil rights and liberty in the
same manner and to the same extent as the other Colonists.

SUBSTITUTES SUGGESTED

Though the British Indian Association does not share the fear of
the European inhabitants that an unrestricted immigration from
India will swamp the latter, as an earnest of its intention to work
in harmony with them and to conciliate them, it has all along sub-
mitted that — (a) Toe Peaue Preservation Ordinance should be
replaced by an immigration law of a general character, on the Cape
or the Natal basis, provided that the educational test recognises the
great ludian languages and that power be given to ttie Government
to* grant residential permits to such men as may be required for

32 THE SOUTH AFBIOAN INDIAN QUESTION

the wants of Indians who may be themselves already established in
businesses. (6) A Dealer's Licences Law of a general oharaotei
may be passed, applicable to all sections of the community, where-
by the Town Councils or Local Boards could control the issue of
new trade licenses, subject bo appeal to the Supreme Court to
review the decisions of such Councils or Local Boards. Under such
a law whilst the then existing licensee would ba fully protected,
except when the premise* licensed are not kept in a sanitary condi-
tion, all new applicants would have to be approved or by the Town
Councils of the Local Boards, so that the increase of licenses
would be largely dependent upon the bodies above-named.

MR. GANDHI'S ADDRESS

Before presenting the statement to Lord Selborne, Mi
Gandhi addressed His Excellency as follows : —

PRELIMINARY REPRESENTATIONS
Bafore I deal with the statement I am to hand to your
Excellency, I have been asked to mention two matters
that have occurred during your recent tour through the
Transvaal. Your Excellency is reported to have said at
Potohefstroom that "no non-refugee British Indiana
would be allowed to enter the Colony until the Represen-
tative Assembly has considered the question next! year."
If the report is correct, it would, as I hope to show this
afternoon, be a very grave injustice to the vested rights
of the Indian community. At Ermelo, your Excellency
is reported * to have used the expression "ooolie store-
keepers/' This expression has given very great offence
fio the British Indians in the Colony, but the British
Indian Association has assured them that the expression
has probably not been used by your Excellency, or, if ifr
has, your Excellency is incapable of giving thereby any
intentional offence to British Indian storekeepers. Ths
use of the word "ooolie" has caused a great deal of

DEPUTATION TO LORD SBLBORNB 33

mischief in Natal. Atone time it became so serious that
the then Justice, Sir Walter Wagg, had to intervene and
to pub down the use of that expression in connection with
any but indentured Indians, it having baen imported into
the Oourt of Justice. As your Excellency may be aware,
it means "labourer" or "porter." Used, therefore, in
connection with traders, it is not only offensive, but a
contradiction in terms.

THE PEACE PRESERVATION ORDINANCE
Oommg to the statement that; the British Indian Asso-
ciation is submitting to your Excellency, I would take first
the Peace Preservation Ordinance. Soon after the
Transvaal became part of the British Dominions, the
services rendered during the war by the dhooly-bearexs
that came with Sir George White, and those rendered by
the ludian Ambulance Corps in Natal, were on many
people's li^e. Sir George White spoke in glowing terms
of the heroism of Parbhur Singh, who, perched up in a
tree, never once failed to ring the gong as a notice to the
inhabitants each time the Boer gun was fired from the
Umbulwana Hill. General Bailer's despatches, praising
the work of the corps, were just out and the administra-
tion was in the hands of the military officers who knew
the Indians. The first batch of refugees, therefore, who
were waiting at the ports, entered the country without
any difficulty, but the civilian population became alarm*
ed, and called for the restriction of the entry of even the
refugees. The result was that the country was dotted
with Asiatic officers, and from that tima up to-day the
Indian community has known no rest ; whereas aliens, in
every sense of the term, as a rule, got thair permits at the
ports on application there and then, the ludian, even

34 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

though a refugee had to write to the supervisors of
Asiatics, who bad bo refer the application to the Colonial
Office, before permits were issued. The process took a
very long time, from two to sis months, and even one
year and more, and then, too, the Colonial office had
laid down a rule that only so many permits should be
issued to British Indian refugees per week. The result
of this mode of operation was that corruption became
rampant, and there grew up a gang of permit-agents who
simply fleeced innocent refugees ; and it was a matter of
notoriety that each refugee who wanted to enter the
Transvaal had to spend from £15 bo £30 or more. The
matter came to the notice of the British Indian Associa-
tion, repeated representations were made, and ultimately
the Asiatic offices were wiped oub. The mode of grant-
ing permits was however, unfortunately still kept up,
and the Chief Secretary for Permits has been always
subject to instruction from the Colonial Oifioe. Thus
the Peace Preservation Ordinance, which was intended
to apply to dangerous character and political offenders,
under the influence of the Colonial Office had become an
lodian Immigration Restriction Law, as it remains to
ibis day. Under the present regime, too, therefore, it is
a most difficult matter for even bona fide refugees to geb
permits, and it is only in rare oases that ife is possible to
get them, except after a delay of montha. Every one,
no matter what his status may be, has to make an appli-
cation on a special form, give two references, and pub
bis thumb impression upon the form. The matter is
then investigated, and the permit is granted. As if this
were not enough, owing to the charges made by Mr.
Loveday and bis friends, the Chief Secretary for Permits
received instructions to insist on European references.

DEPUTATION TO LOKD 8BLBORNB 36

This was tantamount to the denial of therig^faof British
Indian refugees to enter the country. It» would be bard
to find twenty Indians wbo would be known feo respect-
able Europeans by name as well as appearance. The
British Indian Association had to correspond with the
Government, and, in the meantime, the issue of permits
was suspended, and it has been only lately realised that
the insisting upon European reference was a serious
injustice,

THE ENTRY OF CHILDREN

Bat still the difficulties apart from the necessity for
European references are there. Male children under
sixteen years of age are now called upon to take out per-
mits before they can erjfcer the Colony, so that it has
been not an uncommon experience for little children of
tan years of age and under to be torn away from their
parents afc the border towns. Why such a rule has been
imposed we fail to understand.

The High Commissioner : Have you ever known &
case where the parents have stated beforehand that they
have children and which children have been refused per-
mission to come in ?

Mr. Gandhi: Yes; and the parents have been
obliged to make affidavits before the children have been
allowed to come in,

If the parents have the right to enter, so far as I
am aware, every civilised country has admitted the right
of minor children also to enter with them, and, in any
case, children under sixteen years, if they cannot prove
their parents are dead, or that their parents have been
qresident in the Transvaal, before the war, are not al»

36 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

lowed to enter or remain in the Colony. Thia is a very
serious matter. As your Excellency is aware, the "joint-
family " system prevails all over India, Brothers and
sisters and their children live under the same roof from
generation to generation, and the eldest member in tha
family is nominally, as well as in reality, the supporter
and fche bread-earner. There is, therefore, nothing unu-
eual in Indians bringing the children of their relatives
into bbe country, and it is submitted that it will be a
very serious injustice if suph children, who have hither-
to been left unmolested, are either deported from the
Colony or prevented from entering the Colony. The-
Government, again, intend to require the female relatives
of resident Indians also to be registered, in the same
manner as the males. The British Indian Association
has sent an emphatic protest against any such measure,
and has even submitted that it would be prepared to
light tha question in a court of law, as, according to fche
advice given to it/, wives of resident Indians are nod
required to take out registration certificates and pay £ 3,

THE ENTRY OF SPECIAL CLERKS, ETC.

No new permits are granced by the Government, no
matter how necessary it may be in certain oases. We
were all extremely pleased to read in the papers your
Excellency's emphatic declaration that the vested inte-
n-sta of the Indians who are already settled in the country
should not be disturbed or touched. There are merchants
who have constantly to draw upon India for confidential
clerks, in order to enable them to carry on their business.
It is not eawy to piok out reliable men from the resident
population. That is the experience of merchants all
r, and belonging to ail communities. If therefore*

DEPUTATION TO LORD SELBORNE 37

<new Indians are absolutely shut out of the country ui
the establishment of representative government;, it will
seriously interfere with these vested interests, and in any
oase, it is difficult to see why men of attainments and
education, whether they be refugees or not, should not be
able to have their permits on application- Apd, in spite
of all these hardships, our anti-Indian friends are never
tired of saying the country is flooded with British Indians
who were never in the Transvaal. They have made a
point of saying that every Indian who was before in the
country was registered- I hardly think it is necessary
for me to dilate upon this matder, as your Excellency has
been told that all the facts a with reference to this charge
are wrong, but I may be pardoned for referring your
Excellency to a oase that happened in 1893, Shire and
Dumat were large contractors of labour, They brought
into the country at one time 800 Indian labourers. How
many more they brought I do not know, The then Sfcabe
Attorney insisted that they should take out registration
certificates and pay £ 3 each, Shire and Damat tested
bhe matter in the High Court, and the then Chief Justice,
Kotz3, held that these men were not, in the terms of the
law* called upon to pay £3, as they did not enter for
" purposes of trade," and that he could not help the
-Government, even if the men, after the contract was
over, subsequently remained in the country, That is
only one instance, which cannot be gainsaid, in which
hundreds of Indians remained in tha country without
praying £3 each, The British Indian Association has
always submitted, and that from personal experience,
rthat hundreds of Indians, who did not take out trade,
licences, remained in the country without ever registering
'themselves and paying £ 3.

38 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

BAZAARS AND LOCATIONS

Coming to L%w 3 of 1885, it has been often urged
thai* Indiana, after the establishment! of British Govern-
ment in this country, have received relief with reference
to trade licences, Nothing, however, can be farther from
the truth. Before the war, we were able to trade any-
where we liked, as against tender of payment for licence
money. The long arm of the British Government wa&
fchon strong enough to protect us, and up to fche very
eve of the war, in epite of the constant threats of the*
then Government) to prosecute British Indians who were
trading, no action was taken. It is true that now, owing
to the decision of the Supreme Court, Indian trade is
unfettered but that is in spite of the Government, Up
bo the very last moment the Government declined to
come to the rescue and a notice was published called the
"Bazaars Notice/' which stated that, after a certain date,
every Indian who did nob hold a licence to trade at the
outbreak of war outside locations, would be expected cob
only to remove to locations, but to trade there also.
After the notice was published locations were established
in almost every town, and when every effort to get
justice at the hands of the Government was exhausted,
as a last resort it was decided to test the matter in a
Court of Law, The whole of the Government machinery
was then set in motion against us, Before the war a
similar case was fought, and the British Government
aided the Indians to seek an interpretation of the law,
which we have now received from the present Supreme
Courtt After the establishment! of the British Govern-
ment, all these forces were against us. It ia a cruel
irony of fate, and there is no use disguising the fact that
we have felt it most keenly, and this, I may state, as.

DEPUTATION TO LOKD SELBORNE 39

baa DOW transpired, in spite of the faob that the then
Attorney-General told bhe Government tbab the inter-
pretation they sought! to place upon the law was bad t
that, if it went to the Supreme Court, the matter would
ba decided in favour of British Indians, If, therefore,
British Indians have nob beau sent to locations and are
free to trade anywhere they like, and to live where they
like — as I say, it is because it is notwithstanding the
intantions of the Government to the contrary. In every
instance, Law 3 of 1885 has been, so far as the Indians
are concerned* most strictly interpreted against usf and
.we have not been allowed advantage of any loopholes
that are (eft in it in our favour. For instance, British
Indians are not debarred from owning landed property
in "streets, wards, or locations that may be set apart"
by the Government. The Government have resolutely
declined to consider the words "streets and wards/' and
have simply clung to the world looaoions, and these
locations, too, have been established miles away. We
have pleaded hard, saying that the Government have the
power to give us the right to ownership of land in streets
and wards, that they should make use of that power in
our favour, but the plea has been in vain. Even land
which is being used for religious purposes, the Govern-
ment would not transfer in the names of the trustees, as
in Johannesburg, Heidelburg, Pretoria and Potohefst-
room, although the moeque premises are good in every
respect, from a sanitary standpoint. It is time, wo
therefore submit, that some relief was granted to us,
while new legislation is under consideration.

CLASS LEGISLATION

As to the new legislation to replace Law 3 of 1885
the despatch drawn by Sir Arthur Lawley has caused us

40 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

a .very great deal of pain. It insists on legislation
affecting British Indians or Asiatics, aa such. It also
insists on the principle of compulsory segregation both
of which are in conflict with the repeated assurances given
to British Indians, Sir Arthur Lawley, I wish to say
with the greatest deference, has allowed himself to be
led astray by what he saw in Natal, Natal bas been held
up at) an example of what the Transvaal would be, but the
responsible politicians in Natal have always admitted
that Indians have been the saving of the Colony. Sir
James Hulett stated before the Native Affairs Commis-
sion that the Indian, even as a trader, was a desirable
citizen, and formed a better link babween the white
wholesale merchant and the Native. Sir Arthur
Lawley had also abated that, even if promises were made
to British Indians, they were made in ignorance of the
facts as they now are, and therefore it would be a greater
duty to break them than to carry them out. With the
greatest deference, I venture to submit that this is a
wrong view feo take of the promises, We are not dealing
with promises that were made fifty years ago, fcbough we
undoubtedly rely upon the Proclamation of 1858 as
our " Magna Charba." That proclamation has been
reaffirmed more than once. Viceroy after Viceroy bas
stated emphatically that ib was a promise acted upon.
At the Conference of the Colonial Premiers, Mr* Cham-
berlain laid down the same doctrine and told , the
Premiers thafc no legislation affecting British Indians aa
such would be countenanced by Her late Majesty's
Government, that it would be putting an affront quite
unnecessarily on millions of the loyal subjects of the
crown, and that, therefore, the legislation that was passed
could only be of a general character, It was for that

DEPUTATION TO LORD SELBQRNE 41

reason that the first Immigration Restriction Act of
Australia was vetoed. Ib was for bhe sama reason that
the first Natal Franchise Aot was vetoed, and it was for
the same reaHon that the Colony of Natal, after submit-
ting a drafbbill applicable bo Asiatics as such, had to draft
another measure. There are matters, not of years gone
by, but of reoenb years. Is cannot be said that there are
to-day any t?evv facts that have oooae to light to change all
this. Indeed, even immediately before the war, declara-
tions were made by Ministers that one of the reasons was
to protect the rights of British Indiana. Lastly, but not
least, your Excellency, too, gave expression to similar
sentiments on the eve of tha war, Taough, therefore, the
manner iu which Sir Arthur L*wley has approached the
question is, in our humble opinion, vary unjust and incon-
sistent wifih the British traditions, we, in order to show
that we wish to co-operate with the white colonists,
have submitted that, even though no such law existed
before, there may now be an Immigration Act afcer the
basis of the Cape or Natal, except that, as to the edu-
cational test, the great Indian languages should be
recognised and that the already estalished British
Indian merchants should have facilities afforded to
them for importing temporarily men whom they may
require in their businesses. That will at once do away
with the fear of what has been termed an Asiatic invasion.
We have also submitted that with reference to trade
licenses, which have caused so much grumbling, the
power should be given to the Local Boards or Town
Councils to regulate the issue of any new licence Rubjeot
to the control of the Supreme Court, All the existing
licences should be taken out of the operation of any
fiuoh statute, because they represent vested interests.

42 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

We feel that), if those two measures were passed, and Law
3 of 1885 were repealed, some measure and only some
measure of justice would be done feo Indians. We sub-
mib that) we ought to bavo perfeob freedom of owning
lefnded property and of living where we like under the
general municipal regulations as to sanitation and appear-
ance of buildings, and during the time that the legislation
is being formed, tbe Peaoe Preservation Ordinance should
bo regulated in accordance with the spirio of such regula-
tion, and liberal interpretation should be placed upon
Law 3 of 1885. It seems to me 60 be foreign feo the
nature of the British Constitution as I have been taught
from ray childhood, and it is difficult for my countrymen
to understand that, under the British flag which protects
aliens, us own subjects should be debarred from holding
a foot of landed property so long as good use is made of
it, Uuder the conditions, therefore, submitted by bhe
Association, it ought to be possible for the Government to
freu the Statute Book of the Colony from legislation that
necessarily insults British Indians, I do nofi wish to touch
on such questions aa footpath regulations, when we have
feo consider the question of bread and butter and life and
death. What we want is not political power ; bub
we do wish to live Hide by side with other British
subjects in peace and amity, and with dignity and self*
respeot. We, therefore, feel that the moments Hie Majes-
ty's Government decide so pass legislation differentiating
between class and class, there would be an end to that)
freedom which we have learned to cherish as a priceless?
heritage of living under tbe British Crown.

DEPUTATION TO LORD ELGIN 43

DEPUTATION TO LOED ELGIN

The deputation to the Earl of Selborne. High Com-
missioner in South Africa, having failed in its efforts to
obtain redress, the Indians led by Mr. Gandhi organised
an agitation in England and succeeded in enlisting the
sympathy of many Englishmen in the cause of the South
African Indians. An influential Committee with Lord
Ampthill as President, Sir M M. Bhoumaggree as Execu-
tive Chairman and Mr. Bitch as {secretary, was formed to
guard over Indian interests and a deputation from among
the leading sympathisers of the cause of British Indians
in South Africa was organised to wait on the Earl of
Elgin, the Colonial Secretary, The deputation which
consisted of Lord Stanley of Alderley, Mr. H. 0. Ally,
Mr. M. K. Gandhi, Sir Lepel Griffin* Mr. J> D. Eees%
G.LE.i M,P.t Sir George Birdwood, K.C.S.I., Sir Henry
Cotton, K'C.tf.L* M. P., Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, Sir
M. M. Bhotunaggree, K G I E.9 Mr. Amir All, Mr. Harold
Qox, M. P , and Mr* Thornton, G.S.I., waited on Lord
Elgin on Thursday, November, 8, 1906, at the Colonial
office. Lord Elgin began by saying that his sentiments
would all be in favour of doing anything he could for the
interest of British Indians Sir Lepel Griffin having in-
troduced the Delegates in a neat little speech, Mr Gandhi,
as one of the two delegates from South Africa, spoke as
follows :

Both Mr. Ally and I are very muoh obliged to your
Lordship for giving us the opportunity of ^lacing the
British Indian poeition before you- Supported though
we are by distinguished Anglo-Indian friends and others,
I feel that] the task before Mr. Ally anl myself is very
difficult because your Lordship, in reply to the cablegram

44 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

sent to you through Lord Selhorne, after the greab
Indian Mass Meeting in Johannesburg, was pleased t»o
inform the British Indian Association that, although yon
would be pleased to give as every opportunity of stating
our case, no good purpose was likely to be served, ad
your Lordship had approved of the priuciplo of the
Ordinance, in that h gave some measure of relief to the
British Indian community, though not as much as His
Majesty's Government would desire. We> who are tbe
men on the spot, and who are affected by the Ordinance
in question, have ventured to think otherwise. We have
felt that this Ordinance does not give us any relief what-
soever. It is a measure which places British Indians in
a far worse position than before, and makes the lot of
the British Indian well-nigh intolerable. Under the
Ordinance, the British Indian is assumed to be a
criminal. If a stranger, not knowing the circumstances
of the Tranevaal, were to read bhe Ordinance, he would
have no hesitation in coming to the conclusion that
an Ordinance of that nature, which carries so many
penalties, and wounds the British Indian community an
all sides, must only apply to thieves or a gang of robbers,
I venture, therefore, to think that, although Sit Lepel
Griffin has used strong language in connection with the
Ordinance, he has not at all exaggerated, but every word
of it is justified. At the same time I beg to state that
the Ordinance, as amended, does not apply to British
Indian females. The draft Ordinance undoubtedly
applied to females also, but owing to the very strong
protest made by tbe British Indian Association, and by
Mr. Ally separately, as Chairman of the Hamidia Islamic
Society, pointing out the gre%t violence that would have
been done to female sanctity, if I may Bay so, the

DEPUTATION TO LORD ELGIN 45

Ordinance waa amended ao aa to bako females out of its
operation. Bub ib applies bo all adulb males and even to
children, in that bhe parents or guardians have to take
oub regisbratiion oerbifioabes for ftheit ohildren or wards,
as the case may be.

Ib is a fundamental maxim of bhe Bribiab law thab
everyone is presumed bo ba innocent until he is found
guilty, bub bhe Ordinance reverses the process, brands
every Indian as guilby, and leaves no room for him bo
prove his innocence. There is absolutely nobbing proved
againsb us, and yeb every Bribish Indian, no matter whab
his sbabus is, is bo be condemned as guilby, and nob
traabed aa an innocent; man. My Lord, an Ordinance of
this nature ib is nob possible for British Indians bo re-
concile themselves bo. I do nob know bhab suoh an
Ordinance is applicable bo free Bribish subjects in any
parb of His Majesby's Dominions.

Moreover, whab bhe Transvaal thinks bo-day, bhe
obher Colonies bhinka bo-morrow. When Lord Milner
sprang his Bazaar Notice on British Indians, bhe whole
of South Africa rang with bhe idea. The term "bazaar"
is a misnomer ; ib has been really applied bo locations
where trade is ubterly impossible. However, a proposal
was seriously made, after a Bazaar Notice by the then
Mayor of Durban, Mr. Ellis Brown, thab Indians should
be reiegabed bo bazaars. There is nob bhe slightest
reason why this Ordinance also, if ib ever becomes law,
should nob ba copied by the obher parbs of Soubh Africa.
The position bo-day in Natal is thab even indentured
Indians are nob required bo oarry passes as contemplated
by bhe Asiastio Law Amendment Ordinance ; nor are
there any penalties attached to the non-carrying of

46 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

passes ae are defined in the Ordinance under discus-
sion. We bave already shown, in our humble repre-
sentation, that no relief has bean granted by
this Ordinance, because tba remission of the £3 faa
referred bo by Mr. D.inoan ia quite illusory, because
all we British Indiana resident! in the Transvaal, who
are obliged to pay £3 under Luw 3 of 1885, and those
who, under Inrd Sdlb^rna'a promises ara likely to ba
allowed to re-enter the Transvaal, have paid the £3
already,

The authority to issue temporary permits is also
superfluous, ID that the Government) hava already exercis-
ed the power, and fchare are to-day in the Transvaal
several Indiana in possession of temporary permits.
Tuey are liable to ba expelled from the Colony on the
expiry of their permits.

Tae relief under the Liquor-Ordinance is, British
Indians fee), a wanton insult. So muoh was thus
recognised by the local Government that they immediately
assured tha Indians that it was not) intended for British
Indians at*all, but for somebody else. We have no
connection with anybody else and we have always
endeavoured to show that the British Indians ought to
be treated as Bfitidh subjects, and ought uofc to ba
included with the general body of Asiatic* with respect
to whom thara may be a need for some restrictions which
ought not) to apply to British Indians as British subjects1,

There remains ona more sentiment, that is, in con-
nection with the land owned by tha late Aboobaker, The
land should belong to the heirs by right, but under the
interpretation reluctantly put upon ib by the Supreme
Court, that to is only individual in character, and does not

DEPUTATION TO LORD ELGIN 47

touch the community, the land cannot be transmitted to
the heirs, The Ordinance is intended to rectify the error,
but as I bad the honour to represent: the heire, I ventured
bo think that) even they would not consent to pay for
getting this relief at the price, in the nature of the
Ordinance for British Indians ; and certainly the Indian
community can never exchange, for the relief given to the
heirs of the land of Aboobakar, an Ordinance of this
nature, which requires them to pay so great) a price for
what is really their own, So that under the Ordinanoe,
in that respect again, there is absolutely no relief, As
I said before, we shall be under the Ordinanoe branded
ae criminals.

My Lord, the existing legislation is severe enough.
I hold in my hands returns from the Gourb of the Magis-
trate ab Volksruat. Over 150 successful prosecutions of
Indians attempting to enter the Transvaal have taken
place during the years 1905 and 1906, All these prose-
outiionst I venture to say, are by no means just. I
venture fco believe tbab, if these prosecutions were gone
into, you would see that some of them were absolutely
.groundless.

So far as the question of identification is concerned,
the present laws are quite enough. I produce bo Your
Lordship the Registration Certificate held by me, and it
will show how complete it is to establish identification.
The present law can hardly be called an amendment. I
produce before Your Lordship a registration receipt held
by my colleague, Mr, Ally, from the Transvaal Govern-
ment;. Your Lordship will see that) it is merely a receipt)
for £3. The registration under the present Ordinanoe
ta of a different type, When Lord Milner wished to

48 THE SOUTH AFBIOAN INDIAN QUESTION

enforce Law 3 of 1885, he suggested new registration,.
We protested against it, but on his strong advice,,
as a voluntary act, we allowed ourselves to be newly
registered ; and hence the form produced before Your
Lordship. At the time the registration was undertaken,
Lord Milner stated emphatically that it was a measure
onoe for all, and that ift would form a complete title to*
residence by fchose who hold such registration certificates.
Is all this now to be undone ?

Your Lordship is doubtless aware of the Pania case,
wherein a poor Indian woman in the company of her
husband, was torn away from her husband, and was
ordered by the Magistrate to leave the country within
seven hours. Fortunately, relief was granted in the end,.
as the matter was taken up in time, A boy under
eleven years was also arrested and sentenced to pay a
fine of £ 30 or to go to gaol for three months, and at the
end of h to leave the country. In this case, again, the
Supreme Court has been able to grant justice. The con-
viction was pronounced to be wholly bad, and Sir James
Bose-Innes stated that the Administration would bring
upon itself ridicule and contempt if such a policy was
pursued. If the existing legislation is strong enough,
and severe enough to thus prosecute British Indians, is
it not enough to keep out of the colony British Indiana
who may attempt fraudulently to enter it ?

It has been stated that the reason for passing the
Ordinance is that there is an unauthorised influx of
British Indians into the Transvaal, on a wholesale scale,
and that there is an attempt, on the part of the Indian
community, to introduce Indians in such a manner. The
last charge has been, times without number, repudiated

DEPUTATION TO LORD ELGIN 49

by the Indian community, and the makers of the charge
have been challenged to prove their statement). Tua
first statement haa also been denied,

I ought to mention one thing also; that is, the fourth
resolution that was passed at the British Indian Mass
Meeting. It) was passed by the meeting solemnly,
prayerfully, and in all humility, and the whole of that
great meeting decided by that resolutions a i, if this
Ordinance ever came to be enforced and we did not get
relief, the British Indians, rather than submit to the
great degradation involved in it, would go to gaol, such
was the intensity of the feeling aroused by the Ordinance.
We have hitherto suffered much in the Transvaal and in
other parts of South Africa ; but the hardship has been
tolerable ; we have not considered it necessary to travel
6000 miles bo place the position before the Imperial
Government. But the straining point has been reached
by the Ordinance, and we felfc that we should* in ail
humility, exhaust avery resource, even to the extent of
sending a deputation to wait on Your Lordship,

The least, therefore, that, in my humble opinion,
is due to the British Indian community, is to appoint a
Commission as suggested in the humble representation
submitted to Your Lordship. It is a time-honoured
British custom that, whenever an important principle is
involved, a Commission is appointed before a step is
taken. The question of Allen Immigration into the
United Kingdom is a parallel case, Charges somewhat
similar to the charges againab the Indian community
were made against the aliens who enter tho United
Kingdom. There was also the question of adequacy of
the existing legislation, and t&e necessity for further

$0 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

legislation, AH these three points were referred to a
Commission before any step was taken, I therefore
venture to think thab a Commission should be appointed,
and the whole question thrashed oub before any drastic
measures are taken.

I venture therefore to hope fcbat Your Lordship will
see your way to grant this amall measure of relief to the
British Indian community,

BEFORE THE COURT IN 1907

Mr. Gandhi's appeal to Lord Eight and the efforts
of the British Committee in London were, successful only
to the extent of securing from Lord Elgin a declaration
that the ordinance loould be hung up until the matter had
received the consideration of the Transvaal Parliament
that was shortly to come into being. A constitutional
Government zvas soon after formed in the Transvaal and
the new measure received the Royal Assent and became
Law The Indian Community in Transvaal, seeing that
their efforts were all in vain, determined to fiqht and risk
the consequences of disobedience in accordance with the
resolution passed at a vast mass meeting of some 3,000
British Indians held at the Empire Theatre, Johannesburg.

On the 26th December 1907, the Royal Assent to the
Immigration Act was announced and simultaneously came
the news that a number of the leaders of the two Asiatic
communities wefre warned to appear before the Magistrate
to show cause tohy, having failed to apply for registration,
as required by the law, they should not be ordered to leave
the Transvaal. Theyt were directed to leave the Colony

BEFORE THE COURT IN 1907 51

within a given period, and failing to do so, they were
sentenced to simple imprisonment for two months.
Mr. Gandhi was one of those arrested and brought to trial.

In Christmas week of 1007 Mr, Gandhi received a
telephone message from Mr, H. F. D. Papenfue, Acting
Commissioner of Police for the Transvaal, asking him to
call at Marlborough House. Upon arriving there, he was
informed that the arrests had been ordered of himself and
25 others.

The folloioing account of the proceedings in Court is
taken from the "Indian Opinion "

Mr. Gandhi gave his word that all would appear be-
fore fabe respective magistrates at 10 A.M. next day and
the Commissioner accepted tibia guarantee. Next, morning
when be attended at tbe B. Criminal Court be was ask-
ed by tbe Superintendent whether he held duly issued
registration oerfiifiuafces under lnw 2 of 1907, and upon
receiving replies in the negative, he was promptly arrest-
ed and charged under section 8 sub-aeation 2 of Aot 2 of
1907, in that he was in tbe Transvaal without a registra-
tion certificate issued under the act. The Court wag
crowded to excess, and it seemed as if, at one time, tbe
barrier would he overthrown.

Mr. D, J. Shurmau prosecuted on behalf of the
'Grown.

Mr, Gandhi pleaded guilty.

Sup. Vernon gave evidence as to the arrest,

Mr. Gandhi asked no questions, but went into tbe

box prepared to make a statement. He sa'.d what be was

about to state was not evidence but be hoped tbe Court

<would grant him indulgence to make a abort explanation

52 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

seeing that be was an officer of that) Court). He wished
Do say why be bad not) submitted to this.

Mr. Jordan (Magistrate) : I don't think that has any-
thing to do with ib. The law is there, and you have dis-
obeyed 10, I do not) want any political speeches made.

Mr. Gandhi ; I do not want to make any political
speeohep.

Mr. Jordan : The question is, have you registered or
nob ? If v> u have not registered therg is an end of tbo
oaHH. If you have any explanation to offer as regards the
order I am going do make that is another story. There
is the law, which has been paused by the Transvaal legis-
lature aud sanctioned by the Imperial Government. All I
have to do and ail I cau do is to administer that law as
it stands

Mr. Gaudhi : I do not wish to give any evidence in
extenuation and I know that legally I cannot give
evidence at ail.

Mr. Jordan : All I have to deal with is legal evi-
dence. What you want to say, I suppose, is that you do
not approve of the law and you conscientiously resist it.

Mr, Gandhi : That is perfectly true.

Mr, Jordan : I will take the evidence if you say you
conscientiously object.

Mr. Gandhi was proceeding to sbate when he came
to t nc Transvaal and the fact that he was Secretary to
the British Indian Association when Mr. Jordan said he
aid uob see how that affected the case.

Me. Gandhi : I said that before and I simply asked
tho indulgence of the Court for five minutes.

Mr. Jordan : I don't think this is a case in which
the Court should grant any indulgence ; you have defied
trha law.

BBPORB THE CO0RT IN 1907 53

Mr. Gandhi : Very well, air, then I have nothing
more to say.

The Magistrate then ordered Mr, Gandhi to leave
the country in 48 hours.

On the llth January 1908 Mr, Gandhi appeared before
the Court, and he pleaded guilty to the charge of disobeying
the order of the Court to leave the Colony within 48 hours.

Mr. Gandhi asked leave fco make a bbort statement
and having obtained ib, he said he thought there should
be distinction made betiweon his case and those who were
to follow, He had juso received a message from Pretoria
stating that his oompafcriobs had been tried there and had
been sentenced to three months' imprisonment with hard
labour, and they had been fined a heavy amount in lieu
of payment of which they would receive a further period
of three monihV bard labour If these men had commit-
ted an offence, he had committed a greater offence, and
'he asked the magistrate feo impose upon him the heavieak
•penalty-
Mr, Jordan: You asked for the heaviest penalty '
which the law authorised ?
Mr, Gandhi: Yes, Sir.

Mr. Jordan : I mink say I do nob feel inclined to aa-
oede to your request of passing the heaviest senfcenoe
which is six months' hard labour with a fine of £500.
Thad appears bo me fco be Djbaliy out of proportion to the
offence which you have committed. The offence praoti-
oally is contempt of Court in having disobeyed the order
if December, 28> 1907, This ia more or less a political
offence, and if ife bad not been for the political defiance
Bet to the law, I should have thought it my duty to pass
6he lowest sentence which I am authorised by the ao&.

54 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

Under the oiroumsfcanoe, I fcbink a fair sentence fco meet
the case would be two months' imprisonment without}
bard labour.

Mr. Gandhi was then removed in custody,

ATTITUDE TOWAEDS THE ASSAILANTS.

As licences Co trade or to hawk were refused without
the production of the new registration certificates many
men were sentenced to imprisonment for hawking without
a licence, until the Johannesbury gaol was uncomfortably
crowded. Realising that there was no sign of the passive
resistance movement breaking down and impressed by the
determination of the Asiatic communities, as well as the
increasing pressure of public opinion not only in England
and India, but also in South Africa and the Transvaal
itself, General Smuts decided to try a truce^ and accord-
ingly invited negotiations from the imprisoned Indian
leaders. As a result of these negotiations, General Smuts
suspended the operation of the Act, and agreed to accept
voluntary re-registration promising at the same time to
introduce repealing legislation in the next Session of
Parliament, provided that voluntary re-registration had
been satisfactorily effected- True to his promise, Mr.
Gandhi took to voluntary re-registration and began advis-
ing his countrymen to do so,

One morning in February, 1908, when Mr. Gandhi set
out to fulfil his pledge to the Transvaal Government that
he would undertake voluntary registration* he was attack-
ed by a small section of the Passive Resistors who imagin-
ed, that Mr. Gandhi was playing the coward and betraying
his trust. Though bleeding profusely he refused to siek

ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE ASSAILANTS. 56

police protection against his own countrymen and would
not permit the Doctor to stitch up his face before complet*
ing the form of application for voluntary registration,
That same day, though tossing with fever% he issued the
following manifesto from his sick bed : —

Those who have committed the aot did not know
what they wera doing. They thought that I was doing
what was wrong. They have had their redress in the
only manner they know. I. therefore, request that no
steps be taken against them.

Seeing that the assault was committed by a Maho-
medan or Mahomedans, the Hindus might probably feel
hurt. If so, they would put themselves in the wrong
before the world and their Maker, Ribher lei) the blood
spilt to-day oement the two communities indissolubly —
suoh is my heartfelt prayer. May God grant it 1 ....
The spirit of passive resistance rightly understood should
make the people fear none and nothing but God — no
cowardly fear, therefore, should deter the vast majority
of sober-minded Indians from doing their duty. The
promise of repeal of the Act, against voluntary registra-
tion, having been given, it is the sacred duty of every
true Indian to help the Government and the Colony to
the uttermost.

56 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

THE ISSUE. AT STAKE

Undistuibed in any way by the murderous attack on
him Mr. Gandhi was able to secure the voluntary re-
registration of his countrymen by the middle of May,
1908 It was now time foi Genl. Smuts to carry out his
promise to repeal the obnoxious act. It was clear, however,
Genl. Smuts was determined to depart from his promise
and to " break faith." Immediate protests ware made by
both the British Indian and Chinese leaders to General
Smuts, who, however, failed to satisfy them, constantly
eradmg the issue. Finally he invited Mr. Gandhi to
discuss the difficulty with him, and at the interview pro-
duced a Draft Bill to repeal the Act on condition that Mr.
Gandhi, on behalf of the British Indian community, ivould
consent to regard certain classes of Indians as prohibited
emigrants, including even those who could pass the most
severe education test of the Immigration Act. Recognising
at once that General Smuts intention was to substitute for
one piece of insulting legislation an even more humiliating
law, Mr. Gandhi indignantly refused to contemplate the
suggestion and negotiations were abruptly broken off. The
agitation was in full swing ; the jails became crowded as
usual ; a deputation luas sent to England to explain to
the British public how General Smuts had broken faith
and ivas playing with the liberty and the conscience of the
Indian community . The following statement issued by
Mr. Gandhi and Mr, Ilaji Ilabib on the fjih Nov. 1909
in London gives an account of the abortive negotiation
made in England by Mr. Gandhi and the British Com-
mittee there for redressing the wrongs of the Transvaal
Indians : —

THE ISSUE AT STAKE 57

The Transvaal British Indian Deputation arrived in
London on the lOfch day of July last, The enclosed state-
ment of the Bribiah Indian case in thab Colony was pre-
pared immediately after tha arrival in London of that
Deputation, but it was not issued as delicate negotiations
with a view to arriving at a quiet settlement were in
progress. We have now learnt that these have proved
abortive and that the position remains unchanged. It
has, therefore, become necessary for us to inform the
public as to how the matter stands and what fcbe struggle
of the British Indians in the Transvaal means.

The ex-Colonial Secretary of the Transvaal, during
its administration as a Crown Colony, writing in a
magazine in South Africa in the month of February last,
thus correctly summed up the question J

" The position of the Indian leaders is that they will tolerate
DO law which does not put them on an equality with Europeans
in regard to restriction on immigration. They are willing to see

the number of Asiatics limited by administrative action

They insist on equality in the terms of the law itself.

That is still the position.

Mr. Smuts, the present Colonial .Secretary of the
Transvaal, offers to repeal the Registration Law around
which the struggle has been raging for the last three years,
and to concede to a limited number of British Indians,
other than former residents of the Transvaal, certificates
of permanent residence. Were tbe object aimed at by the
British Indians the admission into the Colony of a few
more of their brethren, this concession would be material,
bat tbe object they have had in view in agitating for the
repeal of the Law being to secure legal or theoretical
equality in respect of immigration, their purpose is by
the proposed maintenance of the legal disability not
advanced a step, We are nob aware whether the above

58 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

modification of the present law proposed by Mr. Smuts
will take place irrespective of the continuance of the
passive resistance at present being offered by the British
Indiana of the Transvaal, bub we are in a position to
state fchat the proposed concession will nob satisfy passive
resistors, The struggle of the Indian community of that
Colony was undertaken in order to obtain the removal
of the stigma oast upon the whole of India by this legis-
lation, which imports a racial and colour bar into the
Immigration Laws of a British Colony for the first time
in the history of Colonial legislation. The principle so laid
down that British Indians may not enter the Transvaal
because they are British Indians is a radical departure
from traditional policy, is un-British and intolerable, and
if that principle is accepted even tacitly by Briuish Indians
we consider that they will ba untrue to themselves, to
the land of their birth, and to the Empire to which they
belong, Nor is it the passive resistors in the Transvaal
who, iu a matter cf this kind, have alone to be considered.
The whole of India is now awakened to a sense of the
insulb that tha Transvaal legislation offers to her, and we
feel that the people here, a& the heart of the Empire,
oannot remain unmoved by this departure, so unprece-
dented and so vital, from Imperial traditions. Mr. Smuts'
proposal brings out the issue in the clearest manner
possible. If we were fighting not for a principle but for
loaves and fishes, he would be prepared to throw them at
us in the shape of residential permits for the small
number of cultured British Indiana that may be required
for our wants, but because we insist upon the removal of
the implied racial taint from the legislation of the
Colony, be is not prepared to yield an inch, He would
give us the husk without the kernel. He declines to

THE ISSUE AT STAKE

59

remove the badge of inferiority, but is ready to change
the present rough looking symbol for a nicely polished
one, British Indians, however, decline to be deluded.
They may yield everything, occupy any position, but the
badge must be removed first. We, therefore, trust that
the public will not be misled by the specious concessions
fehab are being offered, into the belief that British
Indians, because they do not accept them, are unreason-
able in their demands, fchab they are uncompromising, and
thafc, therefore, they do nob deserve the sympathy and
support of a common sense and practical public. la the
final reply received by us from Lord Crewe the following
is the position that is taken up '.

Hie Lordship explained to you that Mr, Smufca was unable
to accept the claim that Asiatics should be plaoed in a position
of equality with Europeans in respect of right of entry or
otherwise.

Herein lies the crux. Lsgal equality in respect of
the right of entry, even though uever a, man does enter, is
what British Indians have been fighting for, and accord-
ing to the reports we have received from the Transvaal*
is what some of them, aG least, will die for. The only
possible justification for holding together the different
communities of the Euapira under the same sovereignty ia
the fact of elementary equality, and ic is because the
Transvaal legislation outs at the vary root of tibia principle
that Bri&ish Indians have offered a stubborn resistance,

It would be contrary to fact to argue that) no relief
aan ba had in this matter because the Transvaal ia a
Self-Governing Colony, and because now South Africa
has gob its Union. Tbe difficultly of the situation ia due
to a mistake committed at tha centre of the Empire. The
Imperial Government are party to the crime against the
Imperial Constitution. They sanctioned when they ne^d

'€0 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

noli have, and when ib was their duty nob to have
functioned the legislation in question. They are now
undoubtedly most anxious to settle this troublesome
matter. Lord Grewe has endeavoured to bring about) a
satisfactory result), but he is too late, Mr. Smuts,
perhaps, vory properly has reminded his Lordship of the
faob that the legislation in question had received Imperial
sanction, and that be should or could now be called upon
to retrace hie steps, because the British Indians in the
Transvaal had undertaken to disregard the legislation,
and to suffer the penalties of such disregard. Hia
position as a politician and as an aspirant to high office
" in a white South Africa " is unquestionable, but
.neither the British public nor the Indian public are
interested in his position nor are they party to this crime
of the Imperial Government.

We may add that, during the last four months,
arrentis and imprisonments have gone on unabated. The
leaders of the community continue to go to prison. The
Severity of the prison regulations is maintained The
Prison diet has been altered for the worse. Prominent
medical men of Johannesburg have certified that the
present dietary scale for Indian prisoners is deficient.
The authorities, unlike their action during last year, have
ignored the religious scruples of Mahomedan prisonersi
and have refused to give facilities for observing the
sacred annual fast which millions of Mahomedans scru-
pulously undergo from year to year Sixty passive
resistors recently came out of the Pretoria gaol emaciated
and weak, Their message to ua is thiU, starved as they
were, they are ready to be re- arrested as soon as the
Government wish to lay their hands on them. The
acting Chairman of the British Indian Association has

THE MARRIAGE QUESTION 61

only just been arrested and sentenced to be imprisoned
for three months with hard labour. This is his third
term, He is a Mahomedan, A brave Par&ee, a well-
educated man, was deported to Natal. He re-entered
and is now undergoing aix months' imprisonment with
hard labour* He is in gaol for the fifth time, A young
Indian, an ex- Volunteer Sergeant, has also gone to gaol
for the third time on the same terms as the Parsee,
Wives of imprisoned British Indians and their children
either take up baskets of fruit, hawk about and earn
their living in order to support themselves, or are being
supported from contributions, Mr. Srnuts> when he re-
embarkad for South Africa* said that he bad arrived at
an understanding with Lord Grewe that would satisfy
the large body of British Indiana who were heartily sick
of the agitation. His prophecy has been totally disprov-
ed by what has happened since.

THE MARRIAGE QUESTION

The £3 tax was not the only disability of 8outh Afri-
can Indians. Among the various legal disabilities to-
which Indians were subjected, the most galling was the one
concerning the introduction of the plural wives of Asiatics
into the Transvaal. The law involved great hardship on
the Muslims in particular. Mr. Gandhi urged on the
Minister "not for a general recognition of polygamy11, but
contended " that, in continuation of the practice hitherto
followed, existing plural wives of domiciled residents
should be allowed to enter " On this question the follow-
ing correspondence betiueen Mr. Gandhi and Mr, E. M.
Gorges took place in September, 1913 In reply to Mr.
Gorges1 letter, Mr. Gandhi wrote on 22nd September: —

62 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

Dear Mr, Gorges, — I am muoh obliged to you for
your letter of the i9;h inatanto regarding the marriage
question. I have not; widened the original scope of
my request;. But I shall endeavour aa clearly as
possible to re-state the position.

It is submitted fchat authority should be taken from
Parliament during ifcs next; session to legalise mono-
gamous marriages already solemnised or hereafter to
be solemnised by Indian priests among Indiana belong-
ing to non-Christian denominations. Legislation baa
become neoessary only because the marriaga clause in
the new Act was hastily worded without considering
the full position. Unless the relief now sought is
granted soon, the status of Indian women married in
South Africa is thab of concubines and their children
not lawful heirs of their parents, Suoh is, as 1 take
it, the effect of the Saarle judgment combined with the
action of the Natal Master of the Supreme Court and
the Gardiner judgment, I have asked for a promise
of amelioration during the next session because I
submit chat the matter is one of urgency. With regard
to polygamy, I have not asked for legal recognition,
but the admission under tha powers vested in fine
Minister of plural wives without tha Government in any
way recognising oheir legal status, The admission is
to ba restricted only to plural wives already married to
Indians who may be found to be unquestionably
domiciled in the Union. This at onoe restricts the
scope of the Government's generosity and enables
tharn to know now how many auoh wives will have to
be admitted. I have already submitted a plan aa to how
fehis can be brought about.

THE MARRIAGE QUESTION 63

In myjbumble opinioD.itbe letter of the lOiib August,
1911, referred to in your communication, bears the
interpretation T have placed upon ib. The British
Indian Association raised the question of polygamy
and the above-mentioned letter containing the assurance
was the reply. In suppose you know that plural wives
have actually been admitted by the Immigration Officers
and that polygamous Unions ara even registered on the
Transvaal registration certificates.

As doubts have arisen as to the meaning of the term
'' monogamous marriage, " I beg to record tbr*t the
meaning that the community has placed upon it is that
a marriage is monogamous if a man is married to only
one woman, no master under what religion and no matter
whether such religion under given circumstances sanc-
tions polygamy or not,

I observe that paragraph 2 of your letter seems to
suggest that my reply to your last wire did not though it
might) have covered the other points referred to therein.
"I purposely refrained from touching the other points as I
felt that no scope was left open for me to do so. But if
General Smuts in still prepared to consider the other
points, I shall be certainly prepared to make a further
submission, I cannot help feeling that the unfortunate
rupture has taken place on points very vital to the Indian
community bub of little consequence to the Government
or the dominant population of the Union,

Pra.y always consider me to be one the least desirous
to obstruct the Government and most anxious to serve ib
in so far as I can do so consistently with my duty to my
countrymen.

To this Mr. Gorges replied that the minister after

consideration had asked him to say that it would

64 THB SOUTH APKICAN INDIAN QUESTION

not be possible for him to give any assurance that^ legis-
lation on the lines indicated by him would be introduced
at the next session Mr. Gandhi thereupon replied on 28th
September: —

Dear Mr Gorges, — 1 do nob know that I am justified
in writing bhis lebter fco you, bud, as you have been
personally solicitous about the non-revival of passive-
resistance, and as, in the course of my conversations
with you, I have so often told you that I have nothing
to withhold from the Government, I may as well in-
form you of what is now going on.

I wrote to you from Pboonix in reply bo your last
letter, and if you have nob ysb replied to my com-
munication bub intend to do so, I would suggest your
sending your reply to my Johannesburg address, as I
shall be here for some time at least.

The campaign has started in earnest. As you know,
sixteen passive resistors, including four women, are
already serving three4* months ' imprisonment with hard,
labour. The resiscers here were awaiting my arrival
and the activity here will commence almost imunadiately

I cannot help saying thab the points on which the
struggle has re-started are auoh that? the Government
might gracefully grant them to the community. But
whab I would like to imprees upon the Government is
the gravity of tbe step wa are about bo take. I know
that it is fraught with danger. I know also that,
once taken, it may be difficult to control the spread of
the movement beyond the limits one may seb. I know
also what responsibility lies on my shoulders in advising
euoh a momentous step, but I feel that it is not possible
for me to refrain from advising a step which I consider

THE MARRIAGE QUESTION 65

bo be necessary, bo be of educational value and, in the
end, to be valuable both to the Indian community and
fco the Sbafce. This step consists in actively, persistently
and continuously asking those who are liable to pay the
£3 tax to deoline to do so and to suffer the penalties
for non-payment, and, what is more important, in
asking those who are now serving indenture and who
will, therefore, be liable to pay the £3 tax on completion
of their indenture to strike work until fahe tax is with-
drawn. I feel that, ia view of Lnrd Ampthill's de-
claration in the House of Lords, evidently with the
approval of Mr. Gokbale, as to the definite promise
made by the Government and repeated to Lord Glad-
stone, this advice to indentured Indians would be fully
justified. That the tax has weighed most heavily upon
the men I know from personal experience ; that the
men resent it bitterly I also know from personal know-
ledge. Bub they have submitted to it more or less
with quiet resignation, and I am loth to disturb their
minds by any step that I might bake or advise. Can
I nob even now, whilst in the midsb of the struggle,
appeal co General Smuts and ask him to re-consider
his decision on the poinba already suboaibbed and oo
the question of the £3 bax, and, whebher this letfeer is
favourably considered or nob, may I anticipate the
assurance bhab it will in no wise be taken bo be a threat ?

(3d.) M. K, GANDHI.

BEFOKE THE COURT IN 1913

While Mr. Gandhi ivas leading a deputation to
England, another deputation led by Mr. Polak came
to India to press the question of the repeal of the
£3 tax. Then followed an agitation in England and
India in 1910-1912 ivhich compelled attention of the
authorities, Mr. Gokhale subsequently visited South
Africa and made special representations to the Union
Ministers on this particular question and a definite under-
taking was given to him that the tax would be repealed.
For a time it appeared that settlement ivas possible, But
General Smuts again evaded and the tension became more
when in 1913 a measure ivas introduced into the Union
Parliament exempting women only from its operation, Mr.
Gandhi wired to Mr. Gokhale asking lohether the promise
of repeal was limited to women only. Afr. Gokhale replied
that it applied to all who were affected by the tax. Mr.
Gandhi reminded the Union Government of the promise
and asked for a definite undertaking to repeal it in 1914-
I he Union Government declined . It was then that Mr.
Gandhi organised the great movement advising indentured
Indians to suspend work till the tax ivas repealed. Under
his lead the Indian labourers gathered in thousands and
they passed mine after mine adding to their numbers. Then
commenced the historic March into the Transvaal allowing
themselves to be freely arrested. The Government hoping
to demoralise the Indians issued a warrant to arrest Mr.
Gandhi.

Mr» Gandhi, was, on the llth November, 1913, charged
on three counts* before the Resident Magistrate, Mr. J. W.
Cross, of Dundee, with inducing indentured immigrants to
leave the Province. The Court was crowded with Indians

BEPOBB THE COURT IN 1913 67

and Europeans- Mr, W. Daizell-Turnbull was specially
instructed by the Attorney -General to appear for the prose-
cution, and Mr. Advocate J, W. Godfrey appeared for
Mr. Gandhi. Mr. Gandhi pleaded guilty to the charges.

Mr, Turnbull read the section and left the matter in
the hands of the Magistrate.

Mr. Godfrey stated that he was under an obligation
to the defendant not to plead in mitigation m any way
ivhatsoever. The circumstances which had brought Mr.
Gandhi before the Magistrate wtre well known to all
persons , and he was only expressing the desire of the
defendant when he stated that the Magistrate had a duty
to perform, and that he was expected to perform that
duty fearlessly, and should therefore not hesitate to
impose the highest sentence upon the prisoner if he felt
that the circumstances in the case justified it

Mr. Qandhi obtained the permission of the Court*
and made the following statement : —

As a member of faha profession, and being an old
resident of Natal, he thought fcha^ in justice fco himself
and the public, he should stiata that the counts against
him were of suoh a nature that he feook the responsibility
imposed upon him, for he believed that the demonstra-
tion for which these people were taken out of the Colony
was one for a worthy object, He felto that he should say
that) he had nothing against the employers, and regret-
ted that in this campaign serious losses were being caused
to them. He appealed to the employers also, and he
felt that the tax was one which was heavily weighing
down his countrymen, and should be removed. He
also felt that he was in honour bound, in view of the
position of things between Mr. Smuts and Professor

68 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUBSTION

Gokbalet to produce a striking demonstration, He was
aware of the miseries caused to the women and babes ID
army, Oa t»he whole, he fait he had nob gone beyond
the principles and honour of the profession of which he
was a member. He felt that he had only done his duty
in advising bin countrymen, and it was his duty to advise
them again, that/, until the tax were removed, to leave work
and subsist upon rations obtained by charity. He was
certain that without suffering it was not possible for them
to get their grievance remedied.

The Magistrate finally in pronouncing sentence
said : —

It was a painful duty to pass a sentence upon the
conduct of a gentleman like Mi\Gandhit upon the deliberate
contravention of the law, but he had a duty to performt
and Mr. Godfrey, his counsel* had asked him fearlessly to
perform that duty. The accused having pleaded guilty, he
(the Magistrate) accepted that plea, and passed the
following sentences : — Count 1, £20, or three months'
imprisonment, ivith hard labour : Count 2, £20> or three
months' imprisonment, with hard labour* to take effect up-
on the expiration of the sentence in respect to count 1 ;
Count 3, £,20 or three months' imprisonment, with hard
labour, this to take effect upon the expiration of tha
sentence imposed in count 2.

Mr. Gandhi, in a clear and calm voice, said : — " I
elect to go to gaol."

His counsel visited him later, andt through him,
desired it to be stated that he was cheerful and confident,
and sent as his message to the strikers the following : —

" No cessation of the strike without the repeal of
the £3 tax. The Government, having imprisoned me, can,
gracefully make a declaration regarding the reneal,"

THE SOLOMON COMMISSION,

While Mr, Gandhi and his compatriots were suffering
in jail, his countrymen in India, under the guidance of
Mr. Gokhale, continued to render all possible assistance to
keep up the firm attitude of the South African Indians
Money was raised in thousands for the help of the distress-
ed in South Africa. And in December, 1913, Lord Har-
dinge's famous speech in Madras opened the eyes of the
Imperial Government to the gravity of the situation
created by the Union Government. Soon after a Royal
Commission to enquire into" the condition of Indians in
South Africa was appointed^ In vieiv of the forthcoming
Commission's enquiry , Mr. Gandhi and his colleagues were
released from prison. Soon after release Mr. Gandhi
made the folio to ing statement: —

We were discharged unconditionally on the iS'ih
instant, on bhe reoDtnmendatnou of the Commission. We
were not cold ab the fiime of our relief why wa were being
relieved. It? is nob fcnie that after relief we went too
Pretoria to see the Ministers. Knowing aa we do the
feelings of Mr. Eiselen, and Colonel Wylie towards
Indiana, ib is impossible for us nob to feel strongly that
the Commission has not been appointed to give us fair-
play, bat it is a paoked body and intended to hoodwink
the Government and the public both in England and in
India. Tbe On^irmati'd integrity and impartiality is
undoubted, but Mr. Esaelen and Colonel Wylie are well
known and admitted generally to be amongst the strong*
eat and most violent opponents of Indiana in Soutb
Africa- Mr E^selen has emphatically declared from the
public platform on many occasions extreme anti-Asiatic
views and is so intimately related politically to the Union

70 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QURSTION

Ministers that ba i« regarded here praobioally as a non-
offioial member of bhe Ministry. Only recently he express-
ed himself, privately, most offensively about the Indians
bo a member of the Uoion Parliament named Mr, Mey-
ler, who has publicly protested against bis appointment,
Oolonel Wylie has been our bibberesb opponent in Nabal
for more than bweaiy years. So far baok as 1896 he led
a mob bo demonsbrabe againab bhe landiugof Indians who
had arrived a*i Durban in two vessels, advooabod at a
publio meebing bhe sinking of thy ship** wibh all Indians
on board and commending a remark made by another
speaker bhab he would willingly pub down one month's
pay for one shot ab bhe Indians and asked how many
were prepared bo pub down similarly a month's pay on
those term* ; and ha has consistently been our enemy all
these years Moreover, he is Colonel of the Defence
Force whose aosa are the suhjeob of inquiry and he is
also bhe Lsgal Adviser of many esbabe owners and during
the present agibabion he has openly said that bhe £ 3 tar
ought not to be repealed.

The Commission is nob merely judicial bub also
political, investigating nob only bhe faofcs aa to ill-breat-
menb, but also recommending a policy for bhe future, and
it is impossible that the Chairman will control the view»
of his colleagues in matbers of policy. The appointment
of Messrs. E^aelen and Wylie to investigate our grievan-
ces and bo sMgmabise 9ur probesbs against their appoint-
ment as an unwarranted reflecbion on their impartiality
ia to add insult to injury. Almost bhe entire South
African Press admits the reasonableness of our sugges-
tions as to the additional members. Ministers of religion
and other European friends are working bo remove the
present deadlock and secure us fair-play. We would be*

THE SOLOMON COMMISSION 71

prepared fco laad evidence before SIP William Solomon
alone if id was a question merely of enquiring into the
charges of flogging, aces of military and other iil-ureat-
menfe, bub tb'8 inquiry included an examination of griev-
ances also. Before our reloase, public meetings had
been held ab all Indian oeobreH throughout S3uth Africa
protesting sbrongly against the personnel of ihe Com-
mission and urging bhe appointment of Mr, Sohreiner
and Judge Rose-Innes bo counberbalanoe Messrs.
Esselen and Wylie, Immediafeely on our release, as soon
as we book bhe situation in, we addressed a letter to bhe
Ministry asking for bhese additions uo the Commission.
Objection has been taken tjo bha form in which this
request was put forward by u*, but we are confronted
with a terrible crisis and it is nofj aa^y always bo weigh
oaiefully t-he niceties of form at such -\ juncture. The
Indian position has always been to incn'af on the com-
munity being consulted ati leaab informally regarding
matters vitally affecting it since ib is voteless.

In bhe constitubion of the present Commission,
Indian sentiment not only was not consulted bub was
contemptuously trampled on. Daring the recent dead-
look in connection with the European railwayman'*
grievances, the men were permitted bo choose thair
nominee by a referendum, We merely asked for infor-
mal consultation when we were released.

We found that bhe indignation of our countrymen
was ab white heab owing to fl oggings which had been seen
with their own eyes, shooting which they believed bo be
unjustified and other aofcs of ill-treatment, and this indig-
nation was further intensified by bha harrowing accounts
of prison treatment which the passive resistors includ-
ing ladies who were released ab this time on bhe expiry

72 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

of their sentences gave to the community. In all our
experience of prison treatment in this country never
have we been treated before with such unparalleled
cruelty. Insults by warriors* frequent assaults by Zulu
warders, with the holding off of blankets and obher neces-
sary articles, food badly cooked by Zulus, all these
necessitated a hunger strike causiug immense suffering.
You have to know these things to understand the frame
of mind with whioh the community met in the public
meeting on Sunday, ibe 21st December, to consider the
position and resolve on future action.

There was bub one feeling at the meeting and that
was that if we had any self-respect, we must not accept
the Commission unless it was modified in some manner
in favour of the Indians and we must also ask for the
release of all real passive register prisoners in which
terms we do not include persons rightly convicted of
actual violence and we all took a solemn oath in God's
name that unless these conditions were complied with, we
would resume our Passive Resistance. Now this oath
we mean to keep whatever happens. In this trouble we
are fighting with spiritual weapons and it is not open to
us to go back on our solemn declaration. Moreover, in
this matter ifa is not as though ib is the leaders that are
egging fcbe community on, on the contrary so determined
ia the community to keep the vow whioh id has solemnly
taken that, if any leaders ventured to advice aoceptanoa
of the commission without any modification on the lines
asked for, they would beyond all doubt be killed and I
must add, justly so. I believe we are gaining ground.
Several influential Europeans including some ministers
of religion, recognising the justice of our stand, are
working to help us and we have not yet given

THE SOLOMON COMMISSION 73

up the hope that! some way may be found outi of the
difficulty.

ID all bhis crisis, I wish bo say before concluding, two
things have greatly sustained and comforted us, one is
the splendid courage and staunch advocacy of our cause
by His Excellency the Viceroy and the other is the
hearty support whiob India has sent us. We shall do
nothing now, till Sir Benjamin Kobertson arrives and
WR shall receive him with all honour and trust both
because you tell us we shall find in him a strong friend
and also because he has been appointed by the Viceroy
fco whom we feel so profoundly grateful. But unless the
Commission is made in some way more acceptable fco
us, I do nob see how the renewal of Passive Kesistanoe
can be avoided. We know it will email enormous suffer-
ing, I assure you, we do nob desire it, bub neither shall
we shrink from it, if it must be borne,

At a meeting held under the auspices of the Natal
Indian Association, Mr, Gandhi sketched his future pro-
gramme. He said : —

He would have preferred to speak first in one of the
Indian tongues, bub in the presence of Messrs. Polak
and Kallenbacb, his fellow convicts, feelings of gratitude
compelled him to speak first in the fcongue they knew.
They would notice he bad changed his dress from that
he had formerly adopted for the last 20 years, and he
had decided on the change when he heard of the shoot-
ing of their fellow-countrymen. No matter whether the
shooting was found bo be justified or nob, the fact) was
that they were snob, and those bullets sbob him
(Mr, Gandhi) through the hearfa also. He felt how
.glorious it would have been if one of those bullets had

74 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

struck him also, because might he not be a murderer
himself, by having participated in that event by having
advised Indians to strike ? His conscience cleared him
from this guilt of murder, but he felt he should adopt
mourning for those Indiana as an humble example to his
fellow-countrymen. He felt that he should go into
mourning at least for a period, which should be co-
extensive with the end of that struggle, and that he
should accept some mourning not only inwardly, but
outwardly as well, as a humble example to his fellow-
oountrymen, so that he could tell them that it was
necessary for them to show, by their conduct and out-
ward appearance, that they were in mourning. He was
not) prepared himseif to accept the European mourning
dress for this purpose, and, with some modification in
deference to the feelings of his European friends, he had
adopted the dress similar to that of an indentured
Indian. HQ asked his fellow-countrymen to adopt some
sign of mourning to show to the world that they were
mourning and further to adopt some inward observance
also. And perhaps he might tell them what his inward
mourning was — to restrict himself to one meal a day,
They had baen released, he continued, not on any con*
dition, but they knew that they were released on the re-
commendation of a Commission appointed by the Gov-
ernment, in order that) every facility might be given not
only to them, but to the Indian community, to bring
before the Commission any evidence that community
might have in its possession, He thought it a right and
proper thing that the Government had appointed a Com-
mission, but he thought the Commiaion was open to the
gravest objection from the Indian standpoint; and he
was there feo tender his humble advice to them that it

THE SOLOMON COMMISSION 75

waa impossible to accept} the Commission in a form in
which bhe Indiana had DO voice. They were fighting for
ao many grievances, and bhe underlying spirit of the
struggle was to obtain full recognition on the part of the
Government of the right of consultation in anything
which appertained to Indian interests, Unless the Gov-
ernment was prepared to condescend to that extent, un-
less they were prepared to ascertain and respect the
Indian sentiments, it was not possible for Indians, as
loyal but manly citizens of the Empire, to render obedi-
ence to their commissions or laws which they might
have passed over their heads, This was one of the
serious fundamental objections, The other objection waa
that it was a partisan Commission ; therefore the Indians
wanted their own partisans on it. Tnis they might not
get, but they at least wanted impartial men, who had not
expressed opinions hostile bo their interests, but gentle-
men who would be able to bring to the deliberations of
bhe Commission an open, just and impartial mind.
(Applause.) He considered that Mr, Easlen and Mr.
Wylie, honourable gentlemen as they were, could not
possibly bring open minds to bear on the inquiry, for the
simple reason that they had their own human limitations
and could not divest hhemselves of their anti-Asiatic
views which they had expressed times without number*
If the Government appointed the Indians' nominees, and
thus honoured their sentiments, and granted a release for
the prisoners now in gaol, he thought it would be possi-
ble for them to assist) the Government, and therefore the
Empire, and bring, perhaps, tbia crisis to an end with-
out further suffering* Bat it might be that they
might) have to undergo further suffering. It might
ba bhab their sins wara so great that they might

76 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

have fco do still farther penanoe. " Therefore I
hope you will hold yourselves in readiness," he pro-
Deeded, " bo respond bo the call the Government may
make by declining our just and reasonable requests, and
then to again foroa the pace by again undergoing still
greater purifying suffering, until at last the Government
may order the military to riddla us also with thair bullets.
My friends, are you prepared for this ? (Voioea : " Yes.")
Are you prepared to shara the fata of those of our
countryman whom tha cold stone is resting upon bo-day?
Are you prepared to do this (Grias of "Yes,") Then, if the
Government does not grant our reqaasb, this is tha propo-
sition I wish Do plaoe bafora you this morning. Thab
all of U8, on tha first day of bhe New Year, should be
r)ady again to Buffer battle, again to suffer imprisonment
and march out. (Applause,) That is the only process of
purification aad will ba a substantial mourning both
inwardly and outwardly which will bear justification
before our God, Thab is the advice we give to our free
and indentured countryman — t»o strike, and even uhough
this may mean death to them, [ am sura it will be justi-
fied, " Bat if they aooepted tha quiet life, he weot on,
not only would bha wrabh of God descend upon them, bub
they would incur bhe disgrace of the whole of that portion
of the European world forming bhe British Empire. (Ap-
plause.) He hoped that every man, woman and grown-
up child would hold themselves in readiness bo do this.
Ha hoped they would not consider self, that they would
not consider their salaries, trades, or even familias, their
own bodies in the struggle which was bo his mind a
struggle for human liberty, and therefore a struggle for
bhe religion to which they might respectively belong- Ib
essentially a religious struggle — (hear, hear) — aa any

SHOULD INDIANS HAVE FULL CITIZEN RIGHTS ? 77

struggle involving assertion and freedom of their con-
science must be a religious struggle. He therefore hoped
they would hold themselves in readiness to respond to
the oall and nod listen to the advioo of those who
wavered, nor listen to those who asked them to wait, or
to those who might ask them to refrain from the battle,
Tne struggle was one involving quite a clear issue, and an
incredibly simple one. " Do not listen to any one," he
concluded, " bu^ obay your own conscience and go
forward without thinking. Now is the time for thinking,
and having m«*de up your minda stick to ib, even unto
death." (Applause.)

SHOULD INDIANS HAVE FULL CITIZEN
EIGHTS?

Though Mr. Gandhi declined to participate
with the Solomon commission his demands on behalf
of the South African Indians were never extra-
vagant. He realised the limitations under which
they had to labour and he defined the limits of
their ambition. Within those limits however he
was determined to offer resistance to interference.
Replying to the criticims of the "Natal Mercury" he
wrote early in January 1914 : —

Your first leader in to-day's issue of your paper
invites a statement from me, which, I hope, you will
permit me to make,

You imagine that a more potent reason for delaying
the contemplated march is "to be found in the fact that

78 THB SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

the mass of the looal Indian community could nob be
relied upon to join in the resusoibabion of a form of
conflict which roooiled moats injuriously upon the Indiana
themselves." There are other inferences! also, you have
drawn from the delay, wich whioh 1 shall not deal at
present. I, however, assure you that you are wrongly
informed if you consider that the masa of tha looal
Indian community ia not to be relied upon to join the
march, if it has ever to be undertaken, On the contrary
the difficulty to-day is even to delay it, and my
co-workers and I have been obliged to send special
messengers and to issue special leaflets in order to
advise the paople bhab tha march must be postponed for
the time being* I admit that speculation as to whether
the mass of the looal Indian community will or will
not join the march is fruubas, because this will be, if id
has to be, puti bo the tesb at no distant date. I give my
own view in order that; the public may nob be lulled
into a sense of false belief that the movement is confided
to a few only among the community,

The chief reason, therefore, for trespassing upon
your courtesy is to inform the South African public
through your columns that whilst! the great National
Congress that has just closed its session at Karachi waa
fully justified in asking, and was bound bo ask, for full
oibizan rights throughout the British Dominions for all
the King's subjects, irrespective of caste, colour, or
creed, and whilst they may nob and ought nob bo be
bound by loaal considerations, we in South Africa have
repeatedly made ib clear that), as sane people, we are
bound bo limit our ambition by local circumstances, we
are bound to recognise the widespread prejudice! however
unjustified ib may be and, having done ao, we have

SHOULD INDIANS HAVK FULL CITI2BN BIGHTS? 79

declared — and I vau&ure to re-deolara through your
columns — that coy oo- workers and I shall nod be a party
bo any agitation whioh has for its object the frea and
unrestricted immigration of British Indians into the
Union or the attainment of the political franchise in the
near fu&ure* That these rights must come in time will,
I suppose, be admitted by all , but when they do
oome they will not be obtained by forcing the pace,
as passive resistance is undoubtedly calculated to do, bub
by otherwise educating public opinion, and by the Indian
community so acquitting itself in the discharge of all the
obligations that flow from citizenship of the British
Empire as to have these rights given to them as a mat-
ter of course. Meanwhile, so far as my advice oounta
for anything, I can only suggest that the efforts of
the Indian community should ba concentrated upon
gaining or regaining every lost civil right or every such
right at present withheld from the community ; and I
hold that even this will nob happen unless we are ready
to make an effective protest agaiuab our civil destruction
by means of passive resistance, and unless through our
self-suffering we have demonstrated to the European
public that we are a people that cherishes its honour
and self-respect as dearly as any people on earth.

A TKUCE WITH THE GOVERNMENT.

The following letter from Mr. Gandhi to the
Government places on record the agreement arrived
at as a result of a series of interviews with the
Minister at Pretoria. It was dated Pretoria,
January 21, 1914 I—-
Before leaving for Phoenix, I venture to express my
thanks bo General Smuts for the patient and kind inter-
views that be has heen pleased to grant me during bhia
fcime of overwhelming pressure. Mv countrymen will re-
member with gratitude his great consideration.

" I understand that the Miuister is unable to accept
(with regard to the Indian Inquiry Commission) either
(l) my suggestion that a member representing Indian
interests should ha ao-opted whan questions of policy are
inquired into, or (2) my suggestion that a second
Commission, with Indian representation should be
appointed to deal with those quasbiona only, Ghe pre-
sent Commission in thato OAQQ becoming purely judicial.
I submitted a third proposal also, which, in view
of the Government's decision, I need not state here.
Had any of my suggestions baeu viewed favourably
by the Government?, it would have bean possible
for my countrymen to assist tha labours of the Com-
mission. But with regard to leading evidence before this
Commission, which baa a political as wall as a judicial
character, they have conscientious scruples, and these
have baken with them a solemn aud religious form. I may
state briefly that these scruples were based on the strong
feeling that the Indian community should have been
either consulted or represented where questions of policy
were concerned.

A TRUCE WITH THE GOVERNMENT 81

The Minister, I observe, appreciates these scru-
ples, and regards them as honourable, bub is unable to
alter his decision. As, however, by granting me the
reoenb interviews, he has been pleased to accept the
principle of consultation, ifa enables me to advise my
countrymen not to hamper the labours of the Commis-
sion by any active propaganda, and Dot to render the
position of the Government difficult by reviving passive
resistance, pending the result of the Commission and the
introduction of legislation during the forthcoming
session*

If I am right in my interpretation of the Govern-
manb'a attitude on the principle of consultation,* it would
ba further possible for us to assist Sir BeDJamin Robert-
eon, whom bha Viceroy, with gracious forethought, has
deputed to give evidence before the Commission.

A word is hererneo9ssary on the question of allega-
tions as bo ill-treatment during the progress of the
Indian strike in Natal, For bhe reasons above stated, the
avenue of proving bheca through the Commission is closed
bo us. I am personally uawiliing to challenge libel
proceedings by publishing the authentic evidence in our
possession, and would far rathar refrain altogether from
raking up old sores. I beg to assure the Minister that,
as passive resistors, we endeavour to avoid, as far
as possible, any reaanfcmanG of personal wrongs. Bub
in order that our eilenoa may nob be mistaken, may I
ask the Minister bo recognise our motive and reciprocate
by nob leading evidence of a negative character before the
Commission on the allegations in question,

Suspension of passive resistance, moreover, carries
wibh ib a prayer for tha release of the passive resistance
prisoners now undergoing imprisonment, either in tba

82 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

ordinary gaols or tbe mine compounds, wbiob mighb
have been declared aa suob.

Fmaily, it migbb nofi ba ou&of plaoa hard &o reoapi-
fculata fcba pomfcw on wbiob relief bag been sougbto. They
are as follows : —

(1) Repeal of the I'J tj»x ia such a manner that the Indians
relieved will oooupy virtually the same status as the indentured
ItiuiauB discharged a LI dor the Natal Law, 25 of 1891

(2) The marriage question. (These two are the points, as I
have verbally submitted, which require fresh legislation.)

(3) The Gape emtry question. (ThiH requires only adminis-
trative relief subject to the clear safeguards explained to the
Minister )

U) l^he Orange Free State question. (This requires uaerely^a
verbal alteration in the assurance already given.)

(5) An assurance that the existing laws especially affecting
Indians will be administered justly, with due regard 60 vested
rights.

I venture bo suggest tbafa Nos, 3, 4 and 5 present
no special d^lliouliy, and tbab ube needful relief may ba
DOW given OD these poiDtg aa aa earnest of the good
intentions of tbe Government regarding tbe resident
Indian population,

if bbe Minister, as 1 trust ana hope, Views my
Bubmideiou with favour, I bball be prepared bo advise my
countrymen in accordance witb tbe Leuour of tbis
letter.

THE SETTLEMENT,

The passing oj the Indian Relief Act in July,
1914, in the Union Houses of Parliament brought a
sigh of relief to the whole Indian population both in
South Africa and in India. The abolition of the
£3. tax, the legislation on the marriage question and
the removal of the racial bar were distinctly to the
advantage of the Indians and on the lines recom-
mended by the Commission, But there were certain
other administrative matters which were not in-
cluded in the Relief Bill but which were of equal
importance to constitute a complete settlement.
Mr. Gandhi submitted a list of reforms in the
desired directions which General Smuts discussed in
a letter addressed to Mr. Gandhi under date, 30th
June. On the same day Mr. Gandhi sent the
following reply : —

I beg bo acknowledge receipt of your letter of even
data herewith setting forth the subsfcance of the interview
that General Soauts was pleased, notwithstanding many
other pressing calls upon his time, to grant; me on Satur-
day Usb. I feel deeply grateful for- the patience and
courtesy which the Minister showed during i-he disouesiou.
of tha several points submitted by me.

The passing of the Indians' Belief Bill and this cpr-
respondeuoe finally closed the Passive Resistance struggle
whieh commenced in the September of 1906 and which
to the Indian community cost much physical suffering
and pecuniary loss and &o the Government much aoxiousi
thought and consideration.

84 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

As the Minister is aware, some of my countrymen
have wished mo to go further, They are dissatisfied that
the trade licenses kws of the different Provinces, the
Transvaal G )ld Law, &he Transvaal Townships Aat», the
Transvaal L*w 3 of 1885, have nob been altered so as to
g«ve thdm full *-ighhs of residence, trade and ownership of
land. Sorm> of them are dissatisfied that full inter-pro-
'vii'oial migration is not permitted, and sotno are dissatis-
fied that on the marriage question the Relief Bill goes no
further than it. does. They have aak-id me that all the
above matters might be included in the Passive H^aisbanoe
etruggle. I havo heen unable to comply wish their
wiaheH. Whilnh, therefore, they have uot been included
in the programme of Pagdive B^didtaQue, it will uoo be
dfciiitid that eomo da> or other theao matters will require
further and »} rupathetic consideration by fche Govern-
ment;. Gomplote bnUbUooioLi cannot be expected until
full oiviu rights have been conceded to the resident Indian
population

I have told my countrymen that they will have bo
exercise patience and by all honourable means at tiheir
disposal educate public opinion BO as Go enable fcha
Government of the day to go fur&her thau the present)
ooritispondenoe does. I bhall hope thai* wnea tna
Europeans of South Africa fully appreciate the fauta bhafe
now, as tha importation of indentured labour from India
is prohibited and as the Immigrants' Regulation Aob of
last >ear has in practice all bub stopped further free
Indian immigration and that my countrymen do not
aspire to any political ambition, they, the Europeans*
will see the justice and indeed the neceasi&y of uay
countrymen being granted cue rights I have jusfc
referred to.

FAREWELL SPEECH AT DURBAN 85

Meanwhile, if fche generou? spirit t-haf %be Govern-
ment hava appplied to fehe treatment of bhe problem
3nring fehe past few months mnfeinuew fco he applied, Rfl
proro'8^d in your letfcer, if) bhe a^miflfcrafcion of fche
exigfeing lawF» I ara quite oerbain th«^b the Indian com-
manifcy fehronf»houfe fehe Union will be able to enjoy some
ranasnre of praoe anri navor ho a Houroe of brouble to the
Governnoenfe.

FAREWELL SPEECH AT DURBAN

On the eve of their departure from South Africa
Mr. and Mrs. Gandhi were the recipients of
innumerable addresses from every class of South
African residents, Hindus, \fahornedans, Parsees
and Europeans. Mr. Gandhi replied to each one of
these touching addresses in suitable terms.

On Wednesday the 18th July, 1914, Mr. and
Mrs. Gandhi were entertained at a great gathering
of Indian and European residents at the Town Hall,
Durban, which was presided over by the Mayor
(Mr. W. Holmes). Telegrams were read from the
Bishop of Natal, Gen. Botha, Messrs. Smuts, Merri-
man, Burton, Hoskin and others. The Mayor and
several speakers eulogised the services of Mr.
Gandhi.

Referring bo the addreaaes which had been preflented
to him, he said that, while he valued them, he valued
more bbe love and sympathy which the addresses bad
expressed. Ha did nob know that he would be able to

86 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

make adequate compensation. He did nob deserve all the
praise bestowed upon him. Nor did his wife claim to
deserve all that had been said of her. Many an Indian
woman had done greater service during the struggle than
Mrs, Gandhi. He thanked the community on behalf of
Mr. Kallenbaoh, who was another brother to him, for the
addresses presented. The community had done well in
recognising Mr. Kallenbach'a worth. Mr, Kallenbaoh
would tell them that he oaraa to the struggle to gain. He
considered that, by taking up their cause, he gained a
great deal in the truest sense, Mr. Kallenbaoh had done
splendid work during the strike at Newcastle and, when
the time came, be cheerfully went to prison, again think-
ing that he was the gainer and not the loser. Proceeding,
Mr, Gandhi referred to the time of his arrival in 189T
when his friend Mr. Laughton had stood by him against
the mob. He also remembered with gratefulness tha
action of Mro. Alexander, the wife of the late Superinten-
dent of Police in Durban, who protected him with her
umbrella from the missiles thrown by the excited crowd.
Referring to Passive Resistance, he claimed that it was a
weapon of the purest type, It was not the weapon of the
weak. It was needed, in his opinion, far greater courage
to be a Passive Resistor than a physical resistor. It waa
the courage of a Jesus, a Daniel, a Cranmer, a Latimer
and a Ridley who could go calmly to suffering ard death,
and the courage of a Tolstoy who dared to defy the Czara
of Russia, that stood out as the greatest. Mr. Gandhi
said he knew the Mayor had received seme telegrams
stating that the Indians' Relief Bill was not satisfactory.
It would be a singular thing if in this world they would
be able to get anything that satisfied everybody, but in
tbe condition of things in South Africa at the present

FAREWELL SPEECH AT DURBAN 87

time, he was certain they could not have had a better
measure. *' I do nob claim the credit for ib," Mr. Gandhi
remarked. " Ib ia rather due to the women and young
people like Nagappan, Narayanasanoy, and Valliamah
who have died for the cause and to those who quickened
the conscience of South Africa, Our thanks are due also
to the Union Government. General Botha showed the
greatest statesmanship when he said his Government!
would stand or fall by this measure. I followed the
whole of tbab historic debate — historic to me, historic
to my countrymen, and possibly historic to South
Africa and the world." Proceeding, Mr, Gandhi
said that it was well known to them how the Govern-
ment; had done justice, and how the Opposition
had come to their assistance They bad also
received handsome help from both th« Imperial and
Indian Governments, backed by that generous Viceroy,
Lord Hardiogs. (Cheers.) The manner in which Indiai
led by their great and distinguished countryman, Mr.
Gokhale, had responded to the cry which came from the
hearts of thousands of their countrymen in Sou.h Africa,
was one of the results of the Passive Resistance move-
ment, and left, he hoped, no bitter traces or bitter memo-
ries. (Applause). " This assurance," continued Mr.
Gandhi, " I wish bo give. 1 go away with no ill-will
against a single European- I have received many hard
knocks in my life, but here I admib bhab I have received
those most precious gifts from Europeans — love and
sympathy." (Cheers,) This settlement, he said, had
been achieved after an eight years1 struggle. The Indians
in South Africa bad never aspired to any political
ambition, and as rsgardes the social question, that
oould never arise in connection with the Indians,

88 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

** I do not bold for one moment," Mr. Gandhi exclaim.
ed> '* that Eaac and West cannot combine. I think the
day ia coining when E*ab nausfi meet Weatf or Weat
meet Eiitf bub 1 think the social evolution of the West
to-day liea ia one channel) and that; of tha Indian in
another channel. Trie Indians have no wish to-day to
encroach on the social instiumous of the European io
South Africa (Cheers ) Most Indians are natural
tr*der£> Tnore ate bound to he trade jealousies and
those various things that coma from oouapebitton. I have
never beea able to D.J 1 a solution of this unoat difficult
problem, whiuh '.vill req lire ttie broad-LQindedness and
gpinb of JU95IU9 of bh* Gjvernaunfe of Sjufcb Africa to
hol<i the biU'ioe habweeu couflioung interesfca " Refer-
ring to hia aoay ia Sju^h Africa, Mr. Gandhi said that he
should reb-kin &he mot^ g>\ored Lneuajria-t of thia land.
He had been forbuua&e in forming the happiest and
naoat las&ing friendships wioh bo'/h Europeans and
Indians, He *v*d now reSurumg !>o India — a holy Und
aauotifiod by t*ne au^&dri&idi of cue ages. In conclusion,
Mr. Gaadhi hjped that the s-vne love and sympathy
which had be^n given feo hsun in S^uDh Africa might be
extended to him, uo matter in what part of the world
be might be, He hoped ch-\s bhe settlement embodied
in the Indiana' Belief Bill would be carried out in a
spirit of broad-mindedness and justice io the administra-
tion of the laws /ately parsed in oonrjeoflion with the
affairs of the Indian couaunun^/. Thau," added Mr,
Gandhi, " [ think bheru will be no fear on the part of
my oouLibrymen in their sooi&l evolution. That is one
of thu lebSOua of the settlement."

ADDRESS TO THE INDENTURED INDIANS

The following speech is the text of Mr. Gandhi's
address to Indentured Indians at Verulam on the
12th July, 1914 :—

Please understand, iny iudenburel countrymen, that
it is wrong for you to oonaider thfO relief has been
obtained baoaaae I or you have gone bo gaol, bat be-
cause you had the courage to give up your life and
sacrifice yourselves and in this instance I have also to
tell you that) many causes lei Go this result;. I have to
specially refer to the valuable assistance rendered by the
Hon. Senator Marshal! Campbell, I think thad your
thanks and my ohanks are due to him for his work in the
Senate while tihe Bill was passing through it. The relief
is of this nafcure ;,the £ 3 tax you will not have to pay, and
arrears will be remitted. It does uot mean thao you are
free from your present indentures. You are bound to go
through your present indentures faithfully aud honestly,
bub when these finish you are jus li as free as any ofcher
free Indian under Act 25, 1891, and o*n receive the same
protection as set forth in 6ha<J A »t». You ara not bound to
re-indenture or return to India. Discharge certificates
will be issued to you free of charge. If you WACI& to go
to India and return therefrom you must) tirgt; spend three
years in Natal as free Indians. If you, being poor, wand
assistance to enable you to go 60 India, you can get it on
application to the Government ; but in that oase you
would not be allowed to return. If you want to return,
6ghb shy of this asisbanoe, and use your own money or
borrow from your trienis. If you re-indenture you
come under the same law — namely, 25 of 1891. My

90 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

advice to you is: Do not re-iudenturo, but by all means
serve your present masters under the common law of the
country. Now, in the event of any occasion arising
(which I hope id will nob do), you will know what) is
necessary. * * #

Victoria County has not been as free from violence
as the Newcastle District was You retaliated, I do nob
care whether it was under provocation or noh, but you
retaliated, and have used sticks and atones, and you have
burnt sugar-oanD. That is not passive resistance. If I
had been in your midst I would have repudiated you,
and allowed rather my own head to be broken than
allow a single stick or stone to be used. Passive resis-
tance is a more powerful weapon than all tha sticks,
stones, and gunpowder in the world. If imposed upon,
you must suffer even unto death. That ia passive re-
sistance. If, therefore, I was an indentured Indian
working for the Hon, Mr. Marshall Campbell, Mr.
Saundera or other employer, and if I found my treatment
not> just, I would not go to the Protector — I would go to
my neater and aak for justice; and if he would not
grant it I would say that I would remain there without
food or drink until it was granted, I am quite aura that
the stoniest heart will be melted by passive resistance.
Let this sink deeply into yourselves. This ia a sovereign
and most effective remedy, # * *

I shall now say my farewell to Verulana and you
all. The scene before me will not fade in my memory,
be the distance ever ao great. May God help you all in-
your trouble. May your own conduct be such that God-
may find it possible to help you.

ADDRESS TO THE TAMIL COMMUNITY

On the 15th July, 1914, at the West-End
Bioscope Hall, Johannesburg, Mr. Gandhi addressed
a meeting of the Tamil Community, including many
ladies.

Mr, Gandhi said that he felt, in coming to meet
the Tamil brothers and sisters, as if he came to meet.
blood relations. Thafa was a sentiment whioh be bad
cherished now for many years, and the reason waa
quite simple, Of all the different eeotions of the Indian
community, he thought that the Tamil had borne the
brunb of fehe struggle. The largest number of deaths
bhab Passive Resistance had taken had been from the
Tamil community, They had that morning gone to the
cemetery to perform the unveiling ceremony in connection
wifch the bwo memorial? to a dear sister and brother.
Both of these had been Tamils. There was Narayansamy
whose bones lay at Dalagoa Bay. He had been a Tamil.
The deportees had been Tamil*, The last to fight and
come out of gaol had been Tamils Those who wera
ruined hawkers were all Tamils. The majority of the
Passive Resistors at Tolstoy ¥arm had been Tamils. On
every side, Tamils had shown themselves to be most
typical of tha bent traditions of India, and by saying
that be was not exaggerating in the slightest degree,
Tha faifeh, tha abundant faith in God, in Truth, that
the Tamils bad shown, bad been one of the most sustain-
ing forces throughout those long-drawn years. The
majority of women to go to gaol were Tamils. The
sisters who defied the authorities to arrest them and bad
gone from door to door, from barracks to barracks at
Newcastle, bo ask the men bo lay down tbehr bools and/

92 THE SOUTH APBIOAN INDIAN QUESTION

strike work — who were they ? Again, Tamil sisters.
Who matched among the women ? Tamil?, of course.
Who lived on a pound loaf of bread and an ounce of
sugar ? The majority were Tamils : though there he
must; give their due also to those of their countrymen
who were called Calcutta meu. In that last) struggle
they also had responded nobly, hut he was not able to
say quite so nobly as the Tamils ; bub they had certainly
come out almost as we'll as the Tamils had, hut the
Tamils had sustained the struggle for the lasb eight years
and had shown of what stuff they were made from the
very beginning, Here in Johannesburg they were a
handful, and yet, even numerically, they would show, he
thought, the largest number who had gone to gaol again
and again ; also if they wanted imprisonment wholesale,
its CHDJQ from the Tamils. So that be felt, when became
to a Tamil meeting, that ho came to blood-relations. The
Tamil? bad shown BO much pluck, so much faith, so much
devotion to duty and such nobla simplicity, and yet had
been so self-effacing. He did not even speak their
language, much as he should like to be able to do so, and
yet they had simply fought on. Io had been a glorious,
a rich experience, which he would trwasure to the end of
his life. How should he explain the settlement! to them ?
They did not even want it-, But if he must he could only
tell them that all that they and theirs had fought for had
been obtained and obtained largely through the force of
character that they had shown ; and yet they did not
waul, they had not wanted to reap the reward, except
the reward that their own consciences would offer them
They had fought for the Cape entry, right for Colonial
horns, That they had got, They had fought *foi
the jusb administration of the laws, That they had

ADDRESS TO THE TAMIL COMMUNITY 93

got. They had fought* for the removal of the racial
taint iu the law with refereuoe bo the Free Sotue. That
they had got, The £ 3 Tax was DOW a matter of the
past, And, with reference t»o the marriage question,
all those dear sisters who had gone to gaol DOW
oould he oalled the wives of their husbands, whilst hut
yesterday they might have been oalled so out of cour-
tesy by a friead, hut were uob so in the eye of the law.
That wan one of the things they had fought for and had
got. Truth was what they had been fighting for, and
Truth had conquered — not he or they. They might fi^bfi
to-morrow for an unrighteous thing, and as sura as fate
they would be beaten and well-beaten, Truth was un-
oonquerable, and whenever the call to duty came he
hoped they would respond. There was one thing more.
They had sometimes, as every oilier section of the com-
munity had, jealousies aaaoogsb theaaeelved. They had
petty jealoubies uob in ooneotton with the struggle, but iu
matters whioh had nothing to do with the struggle, All
those petty jealousies and differences, he hoped, would go,
and they would rise higher still in the estimation o(
ibbiribtilve i and 01 thooti who as all grew to kuow them
and the dfapth of character which thuy had, Thoy had
also* as all sections of the laduu oouamuu.ty haJ, n^G
ouly those jeaiouaiua bat souaetiimds uah,ny pickeriu^^
also, and peitiy quaneid. He felb the;o also should ha
removed aspooially from their mi-Is*;, because they had
shown thecnpelvefl ?o fib to giva thsmsulvas to fche Mother-
land. Acd here, of oourae, it was a Tamil who had given
his four sous to ha trained as servants of India. He
hoped Mr. and Mrs, Naidoo knew exaofcly what they ha*!
done, They had surrendered ail right to those children
or life, and they oould not possibly do anything to ad*

'94 THE SOUTH AFKIOAN INDIAN QUESTION

vanoe their material well-being, but> bad always bo temaia
servants of India. Ib was no joke, and yet Mr, and Mre.
Naidoo bad certainly done tbat. He oouid not; appeal to
thorn too strongly thao they of all sections should rid
themselves of all those bickerings, pebty jealousies and
quarrels amongst themselves. He would also ask them
whenever they ohose a President or a Chairman to obey
him, to follow him, and not always listen to the views of
this or that man, If they did that their usefulness would
ba curtailed, And then too they should not worry if
others and not they might reap the reward, Their re-
ward would be all the greater if it was not of this earth ;
they were not fighting for material reward, and a true
Passive Rasister never thought of material reward. They
should not worry about material prosperity, but always
have higher things before them. Then indeed they would
be like the eleven working in the community which could
raise the community as one to look up to. The privilege
was certainly theirs and time also was at their disposal,
and if they make good use of that time it would be a
splendid thing for the whole of South Africa, and would
certainly be a splendid thing for them ; and if he heard
in India thao all those little things to which he had
drawn attention had also been gob rid of by the Indian
community he would indeed be rejoiced. One thing more*
He had known something of Madras, and how sharp
caste distinctions were there. He felt they would have
come to South Africa in vain if they were to carry those
caste prejudices with them, The caste system had its
uses, but that was an abuse, If they carried caste distinc-
tions! to that fatuous extent and drew those distinctions,
and called one another high and low and so on, those
things would be their ruia, They should remember that

FAREWELL SPEECH AT JOHANNESBURG 95

they were not high caste or low caste, bub all Indians,
all Tamils, He said Tamils, bub that was also applicable
to the whole Indian community, but) most to them
beoauae most was certainly expected of them,

FAREWELL SPEECH AT JOHANNESBURG

At Johannesburg Mr. Gandhi was the recipient
of numerous addresses, from Hindus, Parsees,
Mahomedans, Europeans and other important
communities. Indeed evenj class of people, and
every important association presented a separate
address. Mr. Gandhi made a touching reply to them:.

Johannesburg waa nofc a new plaoe to him, He saw
many friendly faces there, many who had worked with
him in many struggles in Johannesburg. Ha had gone
through much in life. A great deal of depression anfl
sorrow had been his lot, but he had also learnt during alj
those years to love Johannesburg even though it was a Min-
ing Camp. Ifc was in Johannesburg that) he had found his
moati preoioua friends, It waa in Johannesburg that the
foundation for the great struggle of Passive Resistance
waa laid in the September of 1906. It was in Johannes-
burg that he had found a friend, a guide, and a biographer
In the late Mr. Doke. Ib was in Johannesburg that hQ
had found in Mrs. Doke a loving sister, who had nursed
him back to life when he had been assaulted by a country*
man who had misunderstood hU mission and who mis-
understood what he had done. It was in Johannesburg
that he had found a Kallenbaoh, a Polak, a Miss Sjhlesin
and many another who had always helped him and had

96 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

ways ohaared him and his oounbrymen. Johannesburg
therefore, had the holiest; associations of all bhe holy
associations that Mrs, Gandhi and ha would oarry b%ok
to India, and, aa ba had already saui ou many another
platform, South Africa, noxb fco India, would ba the
hohesb land GO hioi and fco Mrs, Gandhi and bo hia
children, lor, lu suite of all tha bitoteuiassas, ib had given
them fchoaa life-long companions. Io wm iu Johannesburg
again that fcha 13uropd*n QjmuntJ&da had baan fortnod,
whou IudiuQ8 Wdra going through the darkest sbaga in
their history, presided o/ar blam, as ib esill was, by
Mr. Hogkoo. In w,\s Usb, bub noi laaab, Johannaaburg
thafe h^d giv^n V*llUnamn, thab young girl, whose pio^ura
rose bafore him even as he npok?, who had died in bhe
oause of fccubh, Simple-naindad in fiinh — ah9 h>\d nob bha
thiS h-3 bid, shi dtl nj3 know wh-ii Passiva
WAS, aha did nib kio^v what h was tha ooua-
muniby would g^iirj, bub uhe wa^ eimoly baken uj with un-
bounded enthusiasm for bar people — wanb bo gaol, oama
oub 6f ib a wrook, and wilihin a few days died. ID was
Johannesburg again bhab produced a Nagappan and
Narayansamy, bwo lovely youths hardly oub of fchair
beans, who also died. Bub both Mrs. Gandhi and ha stood
living before bhem. Ha and Mrs. Gandhi had worked in
fiba iima-iighb; those others had worked behind bho soanes
ncn knowing where they wera going, exoap1] this bhat what
they were doing was righb and proper and, if any praUe
was dui anywhere at all, ib was due bo those three* who
died. Thoy had had feha nanirj of Harbatsiugb givan to
fchem. He (the speaker) had had bhe privilege of serving
imprisonment with him, Harbatpingh was 75 years old,
He was an ex-indentured Indian, and when he (tihs speaker)
ayked him why ba had ooma there, thab he had gone

FAREWELL SPEECH AT JOHANNESBURG 97

there 60 seek his grave, the brave man replied, " What*
does ife matter ? I know what) you are fighting for, You
have nob bo pay the £3 tax, but my fellow ex- indentured,
Indians have bo pay that bax, and what more glorious
death could I meet?" He had met that death in the gaol
at Durban. No wonder if Passive Resistance had fired
and quickened the conscience of South Africa !

But, proceeded Mr. Gandhi, he oonourred with
Mr, Danoan in an article ha wrobe some years ago, when
he truly analysed the aoruggle, and said that behind that
struggle for concrete rights lay the great spirib which
asked for an absbracb principle, and the fight which was
undertaken in 1906, although it was a fight against a
particular law, was a fight undertaken in order to combat
the spirib that was seen about] to overshadow the whole
of South Africa, and bo undermine the glorious British
Constitution, of which the Chairman had spoken so
loftily that evening, and about which he (the speaker)
shared his views. It was his knowledge, right or w.rong,
of the British Constitution which bound him to the
Empire. Tear thai} Constitution bo shreds and his loyalty
also would be torn to shreds. Keep that Constitution in-
fcaoti, and they held him bound a slave bo that Constitu-
tion, He had felt that; the choice lay for himself and his
fellow-countrymen between bwo courses, when this
spirit was brooding over South Africa, eithur to sunder
themselves from the British Constitution, or to fight in
order that fahe ideals of than Constitution might be pre-
served— but only the ideals. Lard Ampbhill bad said, in
a preface to Mr. Djke's book, tbab the theory of the
British Constitution must be preserved at any cost if tha
British Empire was to be aavei from the mistakes fibafc
all the previous Empires hai made. Practice mighb

98 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

bend 60 the temporary aberration through which looal
circumstances might compel them to pass, it might bend
before unreasoning or unreasonable prejudice, but} theory
once recognised could never be departed from, and this
principle must; be maintained ad any coat). And it was
thai) spirit) which had been acknowledged now by the
Union Government), and acknowledged how nobly and
lofuly, Tbe words that) General Smuta so often em-
phasised still rang in his ears. He had said, '' Gandhi,
this time we want no misunderstanding, we want no
mental or other reservations, let all the cards be on too
table, and I want you to tell me wherever you think that
a particular passage or word does not read in accordance
with your own reading," and it was so, That waa the
spirit) in which he approached the negotiations. When
he remembered General Smuts of a few years ago, when
he told Lord Grewe thab South Africa would not depart
from its policy of racial distinction, that it was bound to
retain that distinction, and that*, therefore, the sting fchab
lay in this Immigration Law would not be removed,
many a friend, including Lord Amptbill, asked whether
they could not for the time being suspend their activity.
He had said '' No/' If they did that it) would undermine
his loyalty, and even though he migofc be the only person
he would still fight on. Lord Ampthill had congratulat-
ed him, and that great nobleman had never deserted the
cause oven when it was at its lowest ebb, and they saw
the result that day. They had nobby any means to con-
gratulate themselves on a victory gained. There was no
question of a victory gained, but the question of the
establishments of the principle that, so far as the Union
of South Africa at least was concerned, its legislation
would never contain the racial taint, would never contain

FARBWELL SPEECH AT JOHANNESBURG 99

the colour disability, The practice would certainly
be different, There w^a the Immigration L%w. Id re-
cognised no racial distinctions, but in practice they had
arranged, they had given a promise, that there should be
no undue influx from lodU as to immigration. That
was a concession fco present prejudice. Whether ifc
was right or wrong was not for him fco discuss then.
But it was tine establishment! of the principle which
bad made the struggle so important in the British
Empire, and the establishment) of that principle which
bad made choaa sufferings perfectly justifiable and per-
fectly honourable, and he thought r,had, when they
considered bhe struggle from tihat sfcandpoiuo, ib was a
perfectly dignified fchiug for any gathering to con-
gratulate itself upon such a vindication of the principles
of the British Constitution, One word of caution he
wished to utter regarding the settlement. The settle-
ment was honourable to both parties. He did not think
there was any room left for misunderstanding, but whilst
it was final in the sense that it closed the great struggle,
it was not final in the sense that it gave to Indiana all
that they were entitled to. There was still the Gold Law
which had many a sting in it. There was still the
Licensing L%ws throughout the Union, which also con-
tained many a sting, There was still a matter which the
Colonial-born Indians especially could not understand or
appreciate, namely, the water-tight compartments in
which they had to live ; whilst there waa absolutely free
inter-communication and inter-migration between the
Provinces for Europeans, Indians had to be cooped up in
their respective Provinces. Then t.here was undue
restraint on their trading activity. There was the
prohibition aa bo holding landed property in the

100 THE SOUTH AFKIOAN INDIAN QUESTION

Transvaal, which was degrading, and ail these things
took Indiana into all kinds of undesirable channels.
These restrictions would have to be removed. But for
that), he thought, sufficient patience would have to be
exercised. Time was now at their disposal, and how
wonderfully the tone had been changed ! And here he
had been told in Capetown, and he believed it implicitly,
the spirit of Mr. Andrews had pervaded all those states-
men and leading men whom he saw. He came and went*
away after a brief period, bub ha certainly fired those
whom he saw with a sense of their duty to the Empire
of which they were members, But, in any case, to
whatever circumstances thab healthy tone was due, it had
not esoaped him. He had seen it amongst European
friends whom he mot at Capetown ; he had seen it more
fully in Durban, and this time it had been bis privilege
to meet, many Europeans who were perfect strangers
even on board the train, who had come smilingly
forward to congratulate him on what they had called a
great victory. Everywhere he had noticed that healihy
tone. He asked European friends to continue that
activity, either through the European Committee or
through other channels, and to give his fellow-country-
man their help and extend that fellow-feeling to them
also, so that they might be able to work out their own*
salvation.

To his countrymen he would say that they should
wait and nurse the settlement, which he considered was
all that they could possibly and reasonably have expect-
ed, and that they would now live to see, with the co-
operation of their European friends, that what was
promised was fulfilled, that the administration of the
existing laws was just, and that vested rights were

FAREWELL SPEECH AT JOHANNESBURG 101

respected in the administration ; bhafc after they had
nursed these things, if they cultivated European public
opinion, making it possible for the Government of the
day to grant a restoration of the other rights of which
they had been deprived, he did not think that there need
be any fear about the future. He thought that, with
mutual oo-operation, with mubual good-will, with due
response on the part; of either party, the Indian
community need ever be a source of weakness to that
Government or to any Government, On the contrary
he had full Uibh in his countrymen that, if they were
well-treatdd, they would always rise to the occasion and
help the Government of the day, If they had insisted on
their rights on many an occasion, he hoped that the Euro-
pean friends who were there would remember thau they
had also discharged the responsibilities which had faced
them.

And now ib was time for him to close his remarks
and say a few words of farewell only. He did not know
how he oouKi express those words. The beat years of
his life had been passed in South Africa. India, as his
distinguished countryman, Mr, Gokbale, had reminded
him, h*d become a strange land to him. South Africa,
he knew, but not; India. He did no!) know what impelled
him to go to India, but he did know that the parting
from them all, the parting from the European friends
who had helped him through thick and thin, was a heavy
blow, and one he was least able to bear, yet he knew he
bad to parti from them, He oould only gay farewell and
ask them bo give him their blessing, to pray for them
that bheir heads might not be turned by the praise they
had received, that they might still know how to do their
duty to the best of their ability, that they might still

102 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

learn that) first, second, and I as fa should be the approba-
tion of their own conscience, and that then whatever
might be due to them would follow in it/8 own time. —
From {tThe Souvenir of the Passive Resistance Movement
in South Africa,"

FAREWELL TO SOUTH AFRICA

Just before leaving South Africa, Mr. Gandhi
handed to Renter's Agent at Capetown the following
letter addressed to the Indian and European public
of South Africa: —

I would like on. the eve of my departure for India
to say a few words to my countrymen in South Africa,
and also bo the European community, Tbe kindness-
with which both European and Indian friends have
overwhelmed me sends me to India a debtor to them- Ifc
is a debt I shall endeavour to repay by rendering in India
what services I am capable of rendering there , and if in
speaking about the South African Indian question I am
obliged to refer to the injustices which my countrymen-
have received and may hereafter recaive, I promise thab
I shall never wilfully exaggerate, and shall state the trutb
and nothing but the truth.

A word about the settlement, and what it means, la
my humble opinion it is the Magna Oharta of our liberty
in this land. I give it the historic name, not because ifc
gives us rights which we have never enjoyed and which
are in themselves new or striking, but because it ha»
come to us after eight years' strenuous suffering, that has
involved the loss of material possessions and of precious.

FAREWELL TO SOUTH AFRICA 103

lives. I call it our Magna Gharta because ifa marks a
change in the polioy of the Government towards us and
establishes our right not only to be consulted in matters
affecting us, but to have our reasonable wishes respected,
It moreover confirms the theory of the British Constitu-
tion that there should be no legal racial inequality be-
tween different subjects of the Grown, no matter how
much practice may vary according to local circumstance,
Above all the settlement may well be oallad our Magna
Charta, because it has vindicated Passive Resistance as
a lawful clean weapon, and has given in Passive Resist-
ance a new strength to the community ; and I consider it
an infinitely superior force to that of tha vote, which
history shows has often been turned against tha voters
themselves.

The settlement finally disposes of all the points that
were the subject-matter of Passive Resistance, and in do-
ing so it breathes the spirit of juafcioa and fair play. If
the same spirit guides the administration of the existing
laws my countrymen will have comparative peace, and
South Africa will hear little of Indian problem in an
acute form.

Some of my countrymen have protested against it.
The number of these protestants is numerically very
email and in influence not of great importance. They
do not object to what has been granted, but they object
that it is not enough. It is impossible, therefore, to
withhold sympathy from them, I have had an oppor-
tunity of speaking to them, and I have endeavoured to
show to them that if we had asked for anything more It
would have been a breach of submission made on behalf
of the British Indians in a letter addressed to the Govern-
ment by Mr, Caohalia during the latter part of last year

104 THE SOUTH AFBICAN INDIAN QUESTION

and we should have laid ourselves open to the charge of
making new demauds.

Bub I have also assured them thab bhe present set-
tlement does nob prenlu3a thtjm from agitation (as has
been made clear in my letter Do the Secretary of the
Interior of the 16bh ultimo) for bhe removal of other
disabilities which the community will sbill suffer from
Utjder the Gold L%w, the Townships Act, the Law 3 of
1885 of the Transvaal and the Trade Licences Laws of
Natal and the Cape, Tue promise made by General Smuts
to administer bhe existing law jusbly and with due regard
to vested rights gives the oornrnunitiy breathing time, bub
these laws are in themselves dafeobive, and can be, aa
tbey hava been, turned infto engines of oppression and
instruments by indirect maans bo drive the resident
Indian population from South Africa- Toe concession to
popular prejudice in bhab we have reconciled ourselves bo
the almost total prohibition by adminisbrabive methods
of a fresh iofl ax of Indian immigrants, and bo bhe depriva-
tion of all political power, ie> ia my opinion, bhe utmost
thab could be reasonably expected from us. These two
things being assured, I venture bo submit) that we are
entitled to full rights of trade, inter- provincial migration,
and ownership of landed property being restored in the
nob distant future. I leave Sjmb Africa in the hope that
the haalthy tone thab pervades the European community
in South Africa to-day will continue, and that it will
enable Europeans bo recognise the inherent justice of our
submission, To my countrymen I have at various meet-
ings that I have addressed during the past fortnight
attended iu several oases by thousands, aaid, "Nurse the
settlement ; see bo ib thab bhe promises made are being
carried out Attend bo development and progress from

FAREWELL TO SOUTH AFRICA 105

within, Zealously remove all causes which we may
have givon for the rise and growth of anti-Indian preju-
dice or agitation, and patiently cultivate and inform
European opinion BO as to enable the Government of the
day and legislature to restore to us our rights," It is by
mutual oo-operatiion and goodwill that the solution of the
balance of the pressing disabilities whioh were not made
points for Passive ^Resistance may be obtained in the
natural course, ani without trouble or agitation in an
acute form.

The presence of a large indentured and ex-indentur-
ed Indian population in Natal is a grave problem,
Compulsory repatriation is a physical and political
impossibility, voluntary repatriation by way of granting
free passages and similar inducements will not — as my
experience teaches me — ba availed of to any appreciable
extent. The only real and effeobive remedy for the great
State to adopti is to face responsibility fa\rly and
square!), to do away with the recnaaab of the system of
indenture, and to level up this parb of the population and
make use of it for the general welfare of the Union.
Men and women who can effectively strike in large
bodies, who can for a common purpose suffer untold
hardships, who can, undisciplined though they are, be
martyrs for days without police supervision and yeto
avoid doing any damage to property or person, and who
can in times of nead serve their King faithfully and
capably, as' the ambulance corps raised at the time of the
late war (and which had among other classes of Indians
nearly 1,500 indentured Indians) bore witness, are
surely people who willf if given ordinary opportunities in
life, form an honourable part of any nation.

106 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

If any ofass of persons bave special claim bo b»
considered, it is these indentured Indians and their
children, to whom South Africa has become either a land
of adoption or of birth. They did not enter the Union
as ordinary free immigrants, but they came upon invita-
tion, and indeed even after much coaxing, by agents of
South African employers of this class of labour. In this
letter I have endeavoured as accurately and as fairly as
is in my power to set forth the Indian situation) and the
extraordinary courtesy, kindness and sympathy that
have been shown to me during the past month by 80
many European friends. The frankness and generosity
with which General Smuts, in the interview, that he was
pleased to grant me, approached the questions at issue,
and the importance that so many distinguished members
of both Houses of Parliament attached to the Imperial
aspect of the problem, give me ample reason for believ-
ing that my countrymen who have made South Africa
their homes will receive a fairly full measure of justice
and will be enabled to remain in the Union with self-
respect and dignity.

Finally, in bidding good-bye to South Africa, I
would like to apologise to so many friends on whom I
have not been able, through extreme pressure of work,
to call personally. I once more state that though I have
received many a hard knock in my long stay in this
country, it has been my good fortune to receive much
personal kindness and consideration from hundreds of
European friends, well-wishers and sympathisers. I
have formed the closest friendships, which will last
for ever, for this reason and for many similar reasons,,
which I would love to reduce to writing but for fear of
trespassing unduly open thie courtesy of the press. This

RECEPTION IN ENGLAND 107

sub-oontinent baa become to me a sacred and deai
land, next only to my motherland. I leave the shores 01
South Africa with a heavy heart, aud the distance thai
will now separate me from South Africa will bub draw
me closer to it, and its welfare will always be a mattei
of great concern, and the love bestowed upon me by my
countrymen and the generous forbaaranoe and kindness
extended to me by the Europeans will ever remain a
most cherished treasure in my memory,

RECEPTION IN ENGLAND

Mrt and Mrs. Gandhi left South Africa for London
in July, 1914 On, their arrival in England thty were
toelcomed at a great gathering of British and Indi an
friends and admirers at the Hotel Gecilt on August 8,
Letters of apology were received from the Prime Minis tert
the Marquis of Crewe, Earl Roberts, Lords Gladstone,
Gurzon> Lamington, Ampthill, Harris, the Hon Mr,
Gobhale, Mr. Harcourt, Mr. Keir Hardie and Mr. Ramsay
Macdonald. The Reception was arranged by the Hon.
Mr. Bhupendranath Basu, the Rt Hon. Mr, Ameer Alt
and others who spoke on the occasion.

Mr, Gandhi, in returning thanks, referred to the
great crisis whioh ao the moment overshadowed the
world. He hoped his young friends would " think
Imperially " in the besti sense of the word, and do their
duty. With regard to affairs in South Africa, Mr.
Gandhi paid a noble tribute to the devotion of hia
followers It was to the rank and file that their victory
was due, Those who had suffered and died in the strug-

THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

gle were the real heroes. * * Mr- Gandhi regarded the
settlement as the Magna Charta of the South Africa
British Indians, nob beoauae of the substance but be-
cauao of fche spirit which brought; it about There had
been a change in the attitude of the people of South
Africa and the settlement had been sealed by the Buffer-
ings of the Indian community, It had proved that if
Indians were in earnest they were irresistible. There
had been no compromise in principles, Some grievances
remained unredressed but these were capable of adjust-
ment by pressure from Downing Street, Simla, and from
South Africa itself. The future rested with themselves
If they proved worthy of better conditions, they would
geD them.

LETTER TO LORD GREWE

The following letter dated the 14th August,
signed by Mr. and Mrs, Qandhi> Mrs. Sarojini Naidut
Major N, P, Smhat Dr. Jivraj N. Mehta and some fifty
other Indians, was sent to the Under -Secretary of State
for India : — •

lo was thought! desirable by many of us that during
the crisis that has overtaken the Empire and whilst)
many Englishmen, leaving their ordinary vocations in
life, are responding bo the Imperial call, those Indians
who are residing in the United Kingdom and who can at
all do so should place themselves unconditionally at the
disposal of the Authorities,

With a view of ascertaining the feeling of the
resident Indian population, the undersigned sent out a
circular letter to as many Indians in the United King-

FAREWELL TO ENGLAND 109

dom aa could be approached during the thirty-eight;
hours that bhe organisers gave themselves, The res-
ponse has been generous and prompt, in the opinion
of the under-signed representatives of His Majesty's
subjects from the Indian Empire at present residing in
the different partis of the United Kingdom.

Oo behalf of ourselves and those whose names
appear on the list appended hereto, we beg to offer our
services to tha authorities, We venture to trusb lhat
bhe Right Hon'blo the Marquess of Crewe will approve
of our offer and secure its acceptance by the proper
authority. We would respectfully emphasise the fact
that the one dominant idea guiding ua is that of render-
ing such humble assistance as we may be considered
capable of performing) as an earnest of our desire to sharo
tho responsibilities of membership of this great Empire
if we would share its privileges.

FAREWELL TO ENGLAND

When England joined the war Mr, Gandhi organised
the Indian Field Ambulance Corps with the help of lead-
ing Indians in England, notably H. II. the Aga Khan.
Soon after Mr. Gandhi fell ill and he was nursed back to
health by the\Jcindness of Mr. and Mrs. Roberts. Mrt and
Mrs* Gandhi were again entertained at a Farewell Be-
ception at the Westminster Palace Hotel, prior to their
departure for India, Among those who took part in the
function ivere Sir Henry Cotton, Mr. Charles Roberts,
Sir K. G. Gupta. A letter of apology ivas read from Sir
William Wedderburn. Mr, Gandhi said in the course of
his reply : —

His wife and himself ware returning to the mother-
land with their work unaccomplished and with broken

.110 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

health, bub he wished nevertheless* 60 U89 bhe language of
hope, * * He had himself pleaded hard with Mr. Roberta
thab some plaoe should be found for him ; bub his health
had nob permitted and the doobors had been obdurate.
He had nob resigned from the corps. If in his own
motherland he should be restored to strength, and hosti-
lities were still continuing, he intended bo come baok,
directly the summons reached him, (Cheers), As for
his work in South Africa, tohey had been purely a matter
of duty and carried no merit with them and his only as-
piration on his return bo his motherland was bo do his
duty as he found ib day by day. He had been pracbically
an exile for 25 years and his friend and master, Mr.
Gokhale, had warned him nob to speak of Indian questions
as India was a foreign land to him. (Laughter,) But bhe
India of his imagination waa an India unrivalled in bhe
world* an India where the mosb spiritual treasures were
bo be found: and ib was his dream and hope thab bhe con-
nection bebween India and England mighb ba a source
of spiritual oomforb and uplifting bo bhe whole world,

EEOEPTION IN BOMBAY

Mr. and Mrs. Gandhi arrived at Bombay on the 9th
January, 1915. They were entertained on arrival at a
great public reception over which Sir Pherozeshah Mehta
presided, Iteplying to the toast Mr. Gandhi said in the
course of his speech : —

In whab he had done, he had done nobbing beyond
his duty and ib remained bo be seen how far he had suc-
ceeded in doing bis duty. Thab waa nob a mere lip

RECEPTION IN BOMBAY 111

oppression bub be asked them to believe sincerely that
these were bis feelings.

Tbey bad alao honoured Mrs, Gandhi as tbe wife of
the greab Gandhi. He bad no knowledge of tbe great
Gandhi bub be oould say tbat she oould tell them more
about) tbe sufferings of women wbo rushed with babies to
tbe jail and wbo bad now joined tbe majority, tban be
could.

In conclusion, Mr. Gandhi appealed to them to accept
tbe services of himself and bis wife, for be said they bad
come bo render suob service as God would enable them to
do so. They had not come to receive big entertainments
like tbat because they did not think they were worthy of
such presents, Ho felt they would only spoil them if ever
by suob action a thought crossed their minds that they
had done something to deserve suoh a big tamasha made
in their honour. He, however, thanked them on behalf
of bis wife and himself most sincerely for the great honour
done to them that afternoon and be hoped to receive tbe
whole country in their endeavour to serve tbe Motherland.
Hitherto, he said, they bad known nobbing of bis failures.
All tbe news that they bad received related to bis successes.
Here they would now see them in the naked light, and
would see their faults, and anticipating suob faults and
failures, be asked them to overlook them, and with tbat
appeal, be said, they as bumble servants would commence
tbe service of their country.

RECEPTION IN MADRAS

In reply to the Welcome Address read by Mr. G. A*
Natesan on behalf of the Indian South African League, at
a meeting at the Victoria Public Hall, Madras, on the 21st
April, 1915, with Dr. Sir Subramania Iyer in the Chair,
Mr, Qdndhi said : —

Mr. Chairman and Friends, — On behalf of my wife
and myself I am deeply grateful for fahe great honour bhab
you here iu Madras, and, may I say, this Presidency, have
dona do us and the affection bhab has been lavished upon
us in thia great) and enlightened — nob benighted —
Presidency.

If bhere is anything bhat we have deserved, as baa
been abated in this beautiful address, I oan only say I lay
ib at bha feet) of my Masber under whose inspiration I hava
been working all this time under exile in South Africa.
(Hear, hear). In 30 far as bhe senbimenba expressed in bhia
address are merely prophefaic, Sir, I accept them as a bles-
sing and as a prayer from you and from bhis greab meeting
fchab both my wife and I myself may possess the power, fche
inclination, and bha life bo dedicate whatever we may de-
velop in bhis sacred land of ours to the service of the
Mobherland. (Cheers). Ib is no wonder bhab we haveooma
to Madras. As my friend, Mr. Nabesan, will perhaps boll
you, we have been overdue and we have neglected Madras.
But we have done nothing of the kind. We know that
we had a corner in your hearts and we knew that you
will nob misjudge us if we did nob hasten to Madras
before going bo the obher presidencies and bo other
towns. * * * But, Sir, if one-tenth of the

language that has been used in this address ia deserved
by us, what language do you propose So use for those who

BEOEPTION IN MADRAS 113

bave lost their lives, and therefore finished their work on
behalf of your suffering countrymen in South Africa ?
What language do you propose to uae for Nagappan and
Narayanasawmy, lads of seventeen or eighteen years,
who braved in simple faith all the trials, all the Buffer-
ings, and all the indignities for the sake of the honour of
the Motherland (Cheers.) What language do you propose
to uae with reference to Yalliamma, that sweet girl
of seventeen yeara who was discharged from Maritzburg
prison, akin and bone suffering from fever to which she
succumbed after about a month's time (Cries of shame).

It was the Madrasois who of all the Indians were
singled oub by the great Divinity that rules over us for
this great work. Do you know that in the great city of
Johannesburg, the Madrasis look on a Madrassi as die-
honoured if be has nob passed through the jails once or
twice during this terrible crisis that your countrymen in
South Africa wenb through during these eighb long years?
You have said that I inspired these great men and
women, but I cannot accept) that proposition. It was
they, the simple-minded folk, who worked away in faith,
never expecting the slightest reward, who inspired me,
who kept me to the proper level, and who inspired me by
their great sacrifice, by their great faith, by their great)
trust in the great) God, to do the work that I was able to
do. (Cheers.) Ib is my misfortune that my wife and I
have been obliged to work in the lime-light?, and you
have magnified out of all proportion (cries of 'No ? no ?')
this little work we have been able to do. Believe me,
my dear friends, that if you consider, whether in India or
in South Africa, it is possible for us, poor mortals — the
flame individuals, the same stuff of which you are
made — if you consider thab ib is possible for us to do
8

THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

anything whatsoever without your assistance and with*
out) your doing fcbe a a ma thing that) we would be prepared
to do, you are lost, and we are also lost, and our services
will be in vain, I do not for one moment believe that
the inspiration was given by us. The inspiration was
given by them to us» and we were able to be interpreters
between the powers who called themselves the Governors
and those men for whom redress was so necessary, We
were simply links between those two parties and nothing
more. lo was my duty, having received the education
that was given to mo by my parents to interpret what
was going on in our midao to those simple folk, and they
rose co the occasion. Tbey realised tine might of religious
force, and it was they who inspired us, and let them who
have finished their work, and who have died for you and
me, let them inspire you aod us. We are stili living ani
who knows whether Caa ddvil will noa possess us
to-morrow and we shall not forsake one post of duty
before any new danger chat may face us. But these
three have gone for ever,

An old man of 75 from the United Provinces,
Harbart Singh, has also joiued the majority and died in
jail in South Africa ; and he deserved the crown that you
would seek DO impose upon us. These young men deserve
all the adjectives that you have so affectionately, but
blindly lavished upon us. It was not only the Hindus
who struggled, bufi there were Mahomedans, Parsis and
Christians, and almost every part of India was represented
in the struggle. They realised the common danger, and
they realised also what their destiny was as Indians, andv
it was they, and they alone, who matched the soul-forces
against the physical forces, (Loud applause.)

THE INDIAN SOUTH AFRICAN LEAGUE

At the General Meeting of the Indian South African
League, held at the premises of Messrs 0. A. Natesan &
Co., Madras, on Friday, May 7, 1915, with Deivan Baha-
dur M. Audinarayana lyah in the Chair, Mr. G.A. Natesan,
one of the Joint Secretaries, presented a statement of
accounts of the League and wound up by urging that the
balance of the Leagues Fund might be handed over to
Mr. Gandhi who had undertaken to look after the interests
of the South Africa returned Indians and their dependents.
The Resolution was unanimously passed. Mr. Gandhi in
the course of his reply made a brief statement and said: —
The passive resistance struggle started with the Asia-
tic struggle in the Transvaal in 1906, As it wenb on
stage after stage, it, owing to the exigencies of the case
and as a matter of course, expanded and embraced the
following further points, viz., (1) the removal of racial
disability in the Immigration Legislation of the Union of
South Africa; (2) the restoration of the status of Indian
wives whether married in accordance with Hindu or
Mahomedan religious rites AS ifa orginally existed before
what was known in South Africa as the Searie Judgment;
(3) repeal of the annual £3 tax which was payable by
every ex-indentured Indian, big wife and his children —
male and female — males after reaching 16 years, females
after reaching 12, if they decided to settle in the province
of Natal as freemen ; (4) just administration of existing

awe specially affecting British Indians with due regard
to vested rights. All these points were completely gained

under the settlement of last year, and they have been
embodied so far as legislation was necessary in whab waa
known as the Indian Belief Act and otherwise in the oor-

116 THIS SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

rcRpondence that took place between General Smuts anc
himself immediately after the passing of the Act referred
to. Such being the case and as the Indian South African
Laague was formed solely for the purpose of assisting the
struggle IQ could well dissolve itself. Mr. Gandhi refer-
red also to the administration of the funds that were sent
to him from InJia and other parts of the Empire. He
said that, tiii every stage of the struggle, a complete state-
ment of inoomo and expenditure was published.

Mr- Gandhi then infoimed the meeting that there-
were nearly 30 passive resistors inoluding their families
in India who were to be supported. Toese included the
widows and children of the two men who were shot in
the course of the struggle. He, therefore, suggested that
the small balance which was still with the Indian South-
African League might well be devoted to their assistance.
Mr. Gandhi desirod to take the opportunity to express
fcbe thank* of tbe South African Indians for the great?
and valuable assistance it had rendered to them during-
the most, crifetual times of the struggle. He wa<* nod
going to mention any uames, but he felt it his duty to>
convey in person as the interpreter of the wishes of
many Transvaal deportees, who were in Madras ia
1909, of their heartfelt thanks to Mr. Natesan for the
devotion whioh he displayed in looking after their interest
during their exile in India- He was glad be was able to
convey in parson bis grateful thanks to the chairman
and tbe members of the League for tbe moral and
material support they had rendered to their cause.

ADVICE TO SOUTH AFRICAN INDIANS

In spite of his multifarious activities in India, Mr.
'Gandhi seldom forgot the scene of his early labours, His
South African friends and felloio- workers are always dear
to him. In a communication to the Indian Opinion he
wrote under date 15th December, 1917 : —

When 1 left) South Africa, I bad fully intended to
write bo my Indian English friends there from time to
toirne, but I found my lob in India bo be quite different!
'from whati I had expected it) to be. I had hoped bo be
able to have comparative pe*oe and leisure but I have
been irresistibly drawn into many aotivi&ies. 1 hardly
oope with them and local daily correspondence. Half
•of my time is passed in the Indian trains. My South
African friends will, I hope, forgive me for my apparent
^neglect of them, list ma assure them that not a day has
passed bub I have thoughb of them and their kindness.
"South African associations can never be effaced from my
memory.

You will not now ha surprised when I 6eII you bhab
it was only to-day that I learnt from Indian Opinion to
hand about the disastrous floods. Daring my travels I
rarely read newspapers and I have time merely to glance
at them whilst I am not travelling. I write this to
tender my sympathy to the sufferers. My imagination
enables me 60 draw a true picture of their sufferings.
They make one thing of God and His might and the utter
evanescence of this life, They ought to teach us ever to
seek His protection and never to fail in the daily duty
before us. In the divine account-books only our actions
are nobad, nob what we have read or what we have
spoken, Th%ae and similar reflections fill my soul foe

118 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

the moment and I wish to share them with the sufferers.
The deep poverty that I experience in this oountry deters
me even from thinking of financial assistance to be sent
for those who have been rendered homeless. Even one
pie in this oountry counts. I am at this very moment)
living in the midst of thousands who have nothing but
roasted pulse or grain flour mixed with water and salt.
We here, therefore, can only send the sufferers an assur-
ance of our heartfelt! grief.

I hope that a determined movement will be set on
foot to render illegal residence on flats exposed to visita-
tions of death-dealing floods, The poor will, if they can,
inhabit even suob sites regardless of consequences. It i*
for the enlightened persons to make it impossible for
them to do so.

The issues of Indian Opinion that acquainted ma
with the destruction caused by the floods gave me also
the sad naws of Mr, Abdul Game's death. Please con-
vey my respectful condolences to the members of our
friend's family Mr. Abdul Ganie's services to commu-
nity can never be forgotten- His sobriety of judgment
and never-failing courtesy would have done credit to
anybody. His wise handling of public questions was a
demonstration of the fact that services to one's oountry
could be efficiently rendered without a knowledge of
English or modern training.

I note, too, that our people in South Africa are nob
yet free from difficulties about trade licences and leaving
certificates. My Indian experience has confirmed the
opinion that there is no remedy like passive resistance
against such evils. The community has to exhaust
milder remedies but I hope that it will not allow the
sword of passive resietanoe to get) rusty. I tf is our duty

RAILWAY RESTRICTIONS IN TRANSVAAL 119

whilst the terrible war last; 8 fco be satisfied with petition?,
eto. for the desired relief bub I think the Government!
should know that fche community will nob rest until fche
questions above mentioned are satisfactorily solved, It) is
bub right bhab I should also warn the community against
dangers from within. I hear from those who return
from South Africa fchab we are by no means free of those
who are engaged in illicit traffic. We who seek justice
mast be above suspicion, and I hope that our leaders
will not rest till they have purged the community of
internal defects.

RAILWAY RESTRICTIONS IN TRANSVAAL

Writing to the " Times of India " on June 2, 1918,
Mr. Gandhi drew attention to the fresh disabilities
imposed on Indians by the Union Government by the
introduction of the railway travelling restrictions.
Mr, Gandhi, while deploring the existing colour prejudices
felt bound to protest against the attempt of the Union
Government to give legal recognition to the anti-colour
campaign. We omit the long extracts from the ,, Indian
Opinion1 and give the text of Mr. Gandhi's letter : —

SIR,— I offer no apology for seeking the hospitality
of your columns for the enclosed extracts from Indian
Opinion. They deal with the well being of over two lakhs
of emigrants from India, Mr. Ahmed Mahomed Oachaliat
the esteemed president of the British Indian Association
of Johannesburg, has sent from that place the following
cablegram regarding cne of the matters referred bo in the
extracts : —

120 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

'Mass meeting fifth strongly protested section nineteen, railway
regulations. Resolved oable aupporfcers India. Regulations impose
statutory oolor-bar in regard to issue of tickets, placing in and
removing from oompartraeutp, occupation of places on station
platforms, empowers minor officials remove without assigning
reason, Please make suitable representations appropriate quarters.
Community unanimous assert rights unless relief sought granted.'

Mr, Caohalia was one of the staunohesb workers
during the Passive Resistance campaign that raged for
eigbs years in South Afriaa. Daring thab campaign he
reduced himself to poverty and accepted imprisonment)
for the sake of India's honour. One can, therefore, easily
understand what is meant by the words ' community
unanimous assert right uules-i relief Bought granted.'

It is nob a ihreaG. Ib is the burning cry of distress
felt by a community whose self-respect has been injured.

It is evident? thab iha whibe people of South Africa
have not been visibly impressed by the war which ia
claimed to be waged for the protection of the rights of
weaker or minor nationalities. Their prejudice against
colour is not restrained even by the fact) that local Indians
have raised a volunteer bearer corps which is gallantly
serving in East Africa with the column that was taken
00 Eisb Africa by General Smuts.

The problem is difficult, i& is complex- Prejudices
cannot be removed by legislation, Tdey will yield only
to patient toil and education, But what of the Union
Government? I& is now feeding the prejudice by
legalising it/. Indians would have been content, if
the popular prejudice hvi been lefc to work itself out,
oare being taken to guard agaiust violence on either side.
Indians of South Africa could nob complain even against
a boycott on the part of the whites. It is there already.
In social life they are completely ostracised. They feel
the ostracism, but they silently bear it, But the situa-

RAILWAY RESTRICTIONS IN TRANSVAAL 121

tion alters when the Government steps in and gives legal
recognition to the Anti-Colour Campaign. It* is impos-
sible for the Indian settlers to submit to an insulting
restraint upon their oaovenaontis They will not allow
booking clerks to decide as to whether they ara becom-
ingly dressed. They cannot allow a pU'form-mspeotor
to restrict them to a reserved part of a platform. They
will not, as if they were tackes oMaave men, produce
their oertifijates m order to secure railway tickets.

The pendency of the war cannot be used as an
effective shield bo cover fresh wrong8 and lusuhs. The
plucky custodians of India's honour are doing their share
in South Africa. We here are bound to help them.
Meetings throughout; ludia should inform the white
inhabitants of S^ush Africa that; India resents their
treatment of her sons, Taey should call ui,on the
•Government of India and the Imperial Government to
Booure effective protection for our countrymen in South
Africa, I hope that Englishmen in India will not be
behind hand in lending their valuable support; to the
uoovemeQu to redress the wrong. Mr. Caohalia's oable is
silent) on the grievance disclosed in the second batch of
extracts. It is not less serious. In its effect* it is far
more deadly. Bat the community is hoping to right the
wrong by an appeal to the highest legal tribunal in the
Union. Bufe really the question is above that tribunal,
me state it in A sentence. A reactionary Attorney-
has obtained a ruling from the Natal Supreme
Court to the effect that subjects of ( native states ' are
aliens and not British subjects and are, therefore, nob
entitled to its protection so far as appeals under a parti-
cular section of the Immigrants Restriction Act are-
concerned. Thus if tho local courts' ruling is correct,

122 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

thousands of Indians settled in Soubh Africa will be
deprived of the security of residence in Soubh Africa for
which they fought for eight) years and which they
fchought they had won, A(J least a quarter of the Indian
settlers of South Africa are subjects of the Baroda and
the Ktthiawar states, If any law considers them as
aliens, surely it has to be altered, It is an insult to the
abates and their subjects to treat the latter as aliens

INDIANS IN SOUTH AFRICA

In 1919 the Transvaal legislature passed laivs res-
tricting the then Indian traders and their successors to
particular Townships. The disabilities of Indian tradeis
multiplied and became the subject of an acute agitation
and threatened to revive passive resistance. On receipt
of a cable early in August, 1919, from the British
Indian Association, Natal, Mr, Gandhi tvtote as folloios
in the Indian Review :—

I have just received the following cablegram from
Mr. Ibrahim Ismail Assvab, Chairman of tha British
Indian Association, Johannesburg :

"Bill assented ^3cd Jane, promulgated 3rd io3b»nt. Restricts
companies acquiring further fixed properties and holding bonds
as prior to company law, Re-affirms Gold and Townships Aota
operating on new licensees after 1st May and restricting present
traders and successors to particular townships. Deputation waiting
His Excellency urging withhold assent on ground class legislation,
Government promised another commission during recess investi-
gate Indian question throughout Union as concession to the
detractors in Parliament, Pear further restrictive legislation.
Community request you appeal Viceroy propose Royal Commission.
India representing Union local Indian interests. Convened Union
Indian Conference 4th Augusfc,great success. Decided united action.
Many of the association pledged resist any cost.— Aswat,"

INDIANS IN SOUTH AFRICA 123

The cablegram bears oub what I have said in my
letter to Sir George Barnes* and what I said at the
recent meeting at Pooija. The restrictions are clear — I.
No further holding of landed property in the Transvaal ;
2. No new or ad a licences within the area affected by the
Gold Law and the Townships Act ; 3 the present)
holders and their successors in bide to be restricted as
to trade to the townships in which they aru now
trading.

As I have already remarked, this means virtual ruin
of the Indian settlers in the Transvaal. Their only
means of livelihood to the largest number is trade, and
the largest number of Indians is to be found probably
within the gold area. If the Act? stands, they must die
oub in the natural course.

* In the course of the correspondence between Mr, Qandhi
and Sir George Barnes, Mr, Qandhi wrote: —

Do you know that the Indians of South Africa raised an ambu-
lance corps which served under General Smuts in South Africa? la
tjiis new law to be their reward ? I ought not to bring in war
services in order to secure the protection of an elementary right
which considerations alike of honour and justice entitle them to.
I commend to your attention the report of the Select Committee of
the Union House of Assembly.

The Union Government, unmindful of their trust and equally
unmindful of their written word, accepted the amendment "prohi-
biting the holding of mortgages by the Asiatics on property except
as security for bona fide loan or investment and providing tbat any
Asiatic Company which acquired fixed property after the 1st instant
should dispose of the same within two years or a further period as
fixed by a competent Court with a rider that in the event of failure
to do so the property might be sold by an order of the Court." I
am quoting from Router's cable dated 23rd May from Capetown.
You will see this completes legalised confiscation of property rights
throughout the Transvaal and virtually the trade rights within the
gold area of the Indian settlers. There was no evasion of Law 3 of
1885. Indians did openly what the law permitted them to do, and
they should be left free to do so. I do not wish to prolong this tail
of agony. The Government of India are bound to protect the rights
of the 5,000 Indian settlers in the Transvaal at any cost.

124 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUBSTION

In the cablegram tbe word 'assent* ooours twice. Id
says the Bill has been assented to and it refers bo a
deputation that is to wait on H, E, tbe Governor-Gener-
al of Soubb Afrioa requesting him to witbbold assent
The second use of tbe word 'assent' refers probably to a
clause in tbe Liters Patent providing for the vetoing of
class legislation, Toe clause is undoubtedly to be used
under exceptional circumstances, No one can deny tbat
tbe Asiatics Act constitutes a very exceptional circum-
stance warranting tbe exaraiae of tbe Bsyal veto.

Tbe most important part of tbe cablegram, bowever,
is tbe faclj that tibe commission promised by the
Union Government is to ba appointed as a ' con-
cession" to "tbe detractors" of Indians in tbe Union
Parliament. Unlesa, therefore, the Government of India
take oare, there is every likelihood of the oommiasioi},
like the committee of the South African Assembly
proving to the British IndianR a ourse, instead of
a blessing. Ib is, therefore, not unnatural tbat the
B'iMab Indian Association urges that H, E- the Viceroy
should propose a Royal Commission upon which both the
Union and the Indian interests are represented.
Nothing can be fairer than the proposal made by Mr.
Aswat. I say BO, because as a matter of right no com-
mission is really needed to decide that Indian settlers
are entitled to trade in South Afrioa where they like and
hold landed property on the same terms as the European
settlers, This is the minimum they can claim, But)
under the complex constitution of this great Empire,
justice is and has often to be done in a round-about
manner, A wise captain, instead of sailing against
a head-wind, tacks and yet reaches bis destination
sooner than be otherwise would have. Even so. Mr, Aawafc

INDIAN RIGHTS IN THE TRANSVAAL 125

wisely accepts the principle of a commission on a
matter that is self evident, but equally wisely wants a
commission that would not prove abortive and that will
dare to bel! the ruling race in South Africa that, aa mem-
bers in an Empire which has more coloured people than
white, they may not treat their Indian fellow-subjects
as helots. Whether the above proposal is accepted or
some other is adopted by the Imperial Government, it
must be made clear to them thab public opinion in India
will nob tolerate confiscation of the primary rights of
the British Indian settlers in South Africa,

INDIAN BIGHTS IN THE TRANSVAAL

From time to time trouble rose in Transvaal betioeen
the trading people among European colonists and Indians.
A policy of squeezing out the Indian petty trader was
prevalent throughout the colony A correspondent of the
Times of India wrote to its columns in August 18, 7,97.9,
that South Africa cannot be run economically with the
Indian in it and the white people cannot be expected
to commit race suicide. Strangely enough even the
Smutts- Gandhi agreement was pressed into issue. Mr,
Gandhi wrote to "The Times of India1' : —

No possible exception can be takan to the impartial
manner in which your South African correspondent has
given a summary of the Indian position in the Trans-
vaal in your issue of the 18th instant, He has put as
fairly as it was possible for him f.o do, both sides of the
question,

126 THBJ SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

It is not the additional 'brown burden on bhe top of
the black one' wbiob agitate 'the European Colonists in
South Africa,' bufc "the orux of the whole question is,
as your correspondent puts it*-, "that South Africa cannot
be run economically with the Indian in it, and the white
people who have made the country, cannot be expected
to ootnmit race suicide," This is not the problem that
presents itself to the Boer living on the Veldt to whom
the Indian trader is a blessing nor to the European
housewife in the big towns of bhe Transvaal who de-
pends solely upon the Indian vegetable vendor for the
vegetables brought to her door. Bub the problem pre-
sents itself in the manner put by your correspondent to
the petty European trader who finds in bhe thrifty and
resourceful Indian a formidable rival, and with his vote
wbiob counts a great deal and with his influeaoeas a
member of the ruling race he has succeeded in making
his own economic problem a race problem for South
Africa. In reality the problem is whether the peljty
trader for his selfish end is to be allowed to override
every consideration of justice, fair play, imperial policy
and all that goes bo make a nation good and greab.

In support of bhe gradual bub certain squeezing oub
process, what has been called the Smuts-Gandhi agree-
ment has been pressed iuto service. Now that agreement!
is embodied in two letters and two only of the 30&h
Juue, 1914 • the first one addressed to me on behalf of
General Smuts by Mr, Gorges, Secretary for bhe In-
terior, and the second my acknowledgment of ib bearing
the same date, The agreement, as the letters conclu-
sively show, ia an agreement on questions which were the
subject of civil — in the correspondence described as pas-
sive— resistance. Tue settlement stipulates only for an

INDIAN RIGHTS IN THE TRANSVAAL 127

extension — never a restriction — of existing rights, and
as ib was intended only to cover questions arising oub
of civil resistance ib left open all the other questions.
Henoe the reservation in my letter of the 30&h June,
viz : —

" As the Minister is aware, some of my countrymen
have wished me to go further. They are dissatisfied that
tirade licenses, laws of the different Provinces, the Trans-
vaal Gold Law, the Transvaal Law 3 of 1885, have not
been altered so as to give them full rights of residence,
tirade and ownership of land, Some of them are dissatis-
fied that full inter-provincial migration is not permitted,
and some are dissatisfied that on the marriage question
the Belief Bill goes no further than it does,"

In this correspondence there is not a word about the
lodian settlers not getting trade licenses or holding fixed
property iu the mining or any other area. And the
Indians had a perfect right to apply for and get as many
trade licenses as they could secure and as much fixed
property as they could hold, whether through forming
registered companies or through mortgagee. After a
strenuous fight for eis>ht years it was not likely that I
would give away any legal rights, and if I did, the com-
munity, I had fcho honour to represent, would naturally
and quite properly have dismissed me as an unworthy, if
not a traitorous, representative.

But there is a third letter, totally irrelevant consider-
ed as part of the agreement, which has been used for the
curtailment of trade rights, Ifc is my letter of the 7th
July addressed to Mr. Gorges. The whole tone of it
shows that it is purely a personal letter setting forth only
my individual views about ' vested righds in connection
<with the Gold Law and Townships Amendment Aob.' I

128 THR SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QUESTION

have therein stated definitely that I do nob wish fro
restricts' the future action of noy countrymen and I have
simply recorded the definition of 'vested rights' I diecua-
eed with Sir Benjamin Robertson on the 4th Maroh, 1914,
saying that hy " vested rights I understand the right of
An Indian and his successors to live and trade in town-
ships in which he was living and trading, no matter bow
often he shifts hia residence or business from place to
place in the same township." This is the definition on
which the whole of the theory of evasion of law and breach
of faith has been based. Apart from the question of
irrelevance of the letter I claim that it could not be used,
even if it could be admitted as part of the agreement, in the
manner it has been. As I have already stated on previous
occasions there waa a prospect of an adverse interpretation
of the Gold Law as to trade licences, and there was the
tangible difficulty in getting land or leases of buildings and
it wa« by the most strenuous efforts that Indians were able
within Qold Areas to retain their foothold. I was anxious
to protect the existing traders and their successors even
though the legal interpretation of the law might be adverse
to the Indian claim. The vested right,, therefore, referred
to in my letter of the 7fch July was a right created in
spite of the law, And it was this right that had to bfr
protected in the administration of the then existing laws.
Even if, therefore, my said letter can be incorporated in
the agreement, by no cannon of interpretation that I know
can it be said to prevent the Indians morally (for that ia
the meaning of the charge of breach of faith) from getting
new trade licences in virtue of the law of the land,
Indians openly and in a fair fight gained in their favour
a legal decision to the effect that they could obtain trade
licences against tender of the licence fee even within the

ANOTHER S. A. COMMISSION ) 29

gold area. To this they were perfectly morally entitled.
There cannot be any question of a legal breach. There
trade rivals would long ago have made short; work of any
legal breach, Lastly supposing that; the law was adverse
to the Indian claim my definition could nob be pleaded to
bar any agitation for amendment! of the law, for the
wbole of the settlement, if the nature of ifc was of a
temporary character, and the Indians, as definitely stated
in my letter of tbe 30th June, could nob be expected to
rest) content until full civic rights had been conceded.'
Tbe whole of tbe plea, therefore, of breach of faith JP, I
venture to submit, an utterly dishonest and shameless
piece of tactics* which oughta nob fco be allowed to in-
terfere with a proper adjustment of tbe question.

ANOTHER S, A, COMMISSION

In response to the agitation in South Africa and in
India, a Commission was appointed by the Union Govern-
ment to investigate the trade and other questions which
caused grave irritation to the Indians ; and Mr, Montagu,
the Secretary of State for India announced in "November,
1919, the inclusion of sir Benjamin Robertson, Chief Com-
missioner of the Central Provinces in the Commission to
represent the Government of India, Interviewed by the
Associated Prepp, Mr. Gandhi said on the subject of
enquiry and the composition : —

Id is a matter of very great regret that Mr.
Montagu's message tj His Excellency the Viceroy so
materially alters the position. I do, however, feel that
any agitation insisting upon the appointment on the
Commission of Indian representatives may damage our
9

130 THB SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN QOKSTION

case which IB so overwhelmingly strong. If a represen-
tative like Mr. Sastri is appointed along with Sir
Benjamin Robertson to pub before the South African
Government and the forGhaomiag Commission the
Indian case, it would hd the nexs baab thing. In my
opinion our effort should be to ooncanfcrate upon aeour-
ing a proper raferenaa bo thj Co noi s-uoa in trie plaoa of
the very narrow one, we are led to believe, is likely to be
suggested by the Union Government. Tna Times of
India is really rendering a great service in moulding and
consolidating public opinion on this question, irrespective
of olaaa or race, li M no* enough that uajrely the trade
qu&atiou is referred to tiha G Jin jaission. Tne whole of
tha Liw 3 of 1885 must oome under review leaving
aside for tha time bjiog Dhe q iast.ioa of politioal status.
Our goal must be the restoration of full trading and
property rights of IridUua Uwfully aebtlei in South
Africa. Tnis is what even Australia has allowed
although its waa Australia which led the anti- Asiatic cry.
We) tnudJ alao gu^rd against tba Oommisaion whititliag
down any of thj righ&s already being enjoyed by the
settlers. By no o-inoii of juafiioe or propriety can the ex-
isting rights be ttakaa a ^ay from the Indian se&tlera, but
if we do not taka oare and provide beforehand there is
every danger of such a oatasarophe happening. Ib
actually happened with the Sjleoi Committed of the
U non Parliament] whose iiadiaga produced the uew
legislation we so much deplore.

Indians in the Colonies

BECIPROOITY BETWEEN INDIA AND THE
DOMINIONS

At the Madras Provincial Conference held at Nellore
-in June, 1915, Mr. G. A. Natesan moved a resolution
thanking Mr. and Mrs Gandhi for the invaluable services
they had rendered to the Motherland by their heroic
struggle in South Africa. Mr. Gandhi, in acknowledging
the thanks of the Gonferencet spoke as follows : —

In BO far a<* sentiment erib^ra in bo tha claims of In-
dia, with regard bo the a&abua of Indians in tine Empire,
ib aeema possible bhab by a measure of, reciprocal treats-
man b as between India and feh^ Dominiona thifj difficulty
joould be aurmoanfeed. Given an oubleb for Indian
emigranba in E*ab Africa, it ought nob to be beyond the
powers of abateaman.ahip to arrange thab India should
have the power to exclude white men of the working
class, juab aa the Domiaiona exclude ludiaoa, ,Or rabher
ib might; be arranged thab bha numbar of la iiaaB to be
admitted to any one of the white Skates of the Empire
should bear a relative proportion to the white population
of the Ssate. As a matter of faob, if the proportion
agreed on ia to avoid the neoeaaiby for removing some of
'the Aaiabioa now in the Dominion?, ib will have to be
something lika twioe aa great aa the number of the
whites in India in relation to the total population. The
existing white oommuni&y in India, inclusive of troops^

132 INDIANS IN THE COLONIES

bears the proportion of about 1 : 2,002 of the native
population. In Canada there are now about 3,000 Indiana
in a total population of 8,000,000. A 1 : ratio 1,000 ae
suggested would, therefore, permit bha Indian colony in
Canada to be increased by about 5,000. In Australia
there are rather more than 5,000 Indiana, and under
5,000,000 white men at present?, but the excess over the
1 : i.OOO ratio la trifling. In Naw Zealand, where there
are about 1 : 250 Indians, this ratio is almost exactly
conformed fco by the exiating situation. South Africa
presents a~ difficulty since the South African Indians
already exceed a proportion of one to ten of the white
residents. But South Africa diifars from its sister
Dominions, since it is the only one whioh has a native
population of more than negligible size. The Indian sec-
tion of the composite racial problem — pre&ented by the
IToion — might perhaps be adjusted somewhat by offering
inducements to South African ladians to transfer them-
selves to Bast Africa. The conferring of full political
rights on the small Indian communities domiciled in the
Dominions would then be the only step necessary to
meet every legitimate aspiration of Indians for equality
of treatment! and the recognition of their claims as
British subjects.

INDIAN AND EUROPEAN EMIGRANTS

Mr. M, K, Gandhi, in moving the Resolution on
India and the Colonies at the Bombay Congress of 1915,
said : —

Mr, President and Friends, — the Resolution thab
stands in my name reads thus : —

" The Congress regrets thab r,he existing laws affect-
ing Indians in South Africa and Canada have nob, in
suite of fche liberal and irnosrialistro declarations "of
Colonial statesmen, bee:i justly and equitably adminis-
tered, and this Congress bruq'ia that bhs Self^Gaverning
Colooiea will extend to the Indian emigrants equal rights
wifch European emigrants and that the Imperial Govern-
ment will use all possible means to secure the rights
whioh have been hitherto unjustly withheld from them,
thus causing widespread dissatisfaction and discontent}."

Friends,— It is au irony of fate than whilsb this vasb
assembly will be regretting the hostile attidude that* has
been adopted by the Self- Governing Colonies, a Cott;tin-
genb of your countrymen formed in South Africa will be
nearing the theatre of war in order t?o help the siok and
the wounded, and I am in possession of facts in connec-
tion with tibia Contingent formed in South Africa which
shows that it is composed of the middle classes whioh, in
accordance with the Times of India, are going bo form
the future self-governing nation. Those men are drawn
from ax indentured Indians and their children, from the
petty hawkers, the boilers, the traders, and yet the Colo-
nies do nob consider ib necessary to alter their attitudes
not do I see the logic in altering their policy. Id is . the.

134 INDIANS IN THE COLONIES

fashion now-a-days to consider thab because our humble
share in nob being disloyal to the Government ab the
present juncture, we are entitled to the rights which
have been hitherto withheld from us, as if those rights
were withheld because our loyalty was suspected, No,
my friends, if they have been withheld from us, the rea-
sons are different and those reasons will have to ba
altered. They are due, some of them to undying prejudices,
to economic causes and these will have to ba examined ;
bub prejudice will have to be nub down. And wbab are
the hardships that our countrymen are labouring under
in South Africa, in Canada, and the other Self-Governing.
Colonies ? In S^uth Africa the Settlement of 191.4 secure*
whab the passive resistors were fighting for and nothing
more, and they were fighting for the restoration of legal
equality in connection with emigrants from British India,
and nothing more.

That legal equality has been restored, but the domes-
tic troubles till remain and if it was nob the custom
unfortunately inherited for the lasb forty years thab the
predominenb language in this assembly should be English,
our Madras friends will have baken good care to have
learnt one of the northern vernaculars, and then there are
men enough in South Africa who would tell you about
the difficulties that we have bo go through even now in
South Africa in connection with holding landed property.
in connection wibh men who having been once domiciled
in South Africa, return to South Africa, their difficulties
in connection with the admission of children, their diffi-
oulties in connection with holding licenses of trade. These
are, if I may BO call them, bread and bubber difficulties.
There are other difficulties which I shall nob enumerate
just now. In Canada, it is nob possible for these member*

INDIAN" AND EUROPEAN BMIGBANTS 135

of the Sikhs who are domiciled there to bring their wives
and their children, (Cries of shame, shame.') The law is
the same but administration is widely une qual, so unequal
that they cannot bring their wives and children, and the
law or the administration still remains the same in a pi tig
of declarations about justice and what not, in view of
the hostilities and in view of the splendid aid which
India is said to have rendered to the Empire. How ara
these difficulties to be mob,. I do nob intend to go into
details, but the Congress proposes that this difficulty can
be meb by an appeal to the sense of justice of the Colo-
nial statesmen and by an appeal to the Imperial Gov-
ern menu, I faar that the Congress can only do this, bub
the Resolution so far as it goes in one respect is inade-
quate to the occasion. Lard Hardinge, only a few
months ago, made a fervent appeal to Indian publicists
and to Indian public statesmen for hoping him to an
honourable solution which will retain iun dignity of
India, at the same time, nod because of any trouble to
the Self Governing Colonies. Lord Hardingo is still
waiting for an answer, that answer is not supplied by
the Congress, nor can it ba by the Congress ; it is to ba
supplied by an association of the specialists, if I may so
call them. The Congress has given them the lead, and
it; is for these associations to frame the details in which
they will have to examine the rival claims and to offer
to Lord Hardinge a solution which shall be saturat-
ed with details, a solution which will satisfy the
Colonial Governments as well as the Indian people and
will nob take away anything whatsoever from the just
demands that this Resolution makes. With these words
I have much pleasure in proposing this Resolution.

INDENTURED LABOUR

2 he following is a pronouncement made by Mr.
Gandhi during the strenuous agitation, made throughout
India in the early part of 1917 for the complete abolition
of indenture :—

There is no doubt bhab we are engaged in a severe
struggle for bhe preservation of our honour, and bhab, if
we do not bake oare, bhe promise made by Lord H*rdingo,
that indentured labour should soon ba a thing of bhe paab
may ba reduced fco a nullity. The Viceregal pronounce-
ment jusb made fleams ho seb ab rest one fear, bhab bhe
system may be prolonged for a further period of five
years, which, as Sir Rvnakriahna Bhandarkar showed ab
Poona, would, in reality, mean fcea years. We are
"hankful fco Lord Chelmaford for his assurance. And we
are thankful, too, bo fchab good Englishman, Mr. 0. F.
Andrews, for bhe lead bhab he gave ua in bhe mabber. So
soon as he gained the information from Fiji that five
years' extension was takan by bhe planters of those
lands as a sebblad faob, he forsook his siok-bed and his
reab ab Sbanbi Nikaban, and souaded for us bhe call of
duby,

Bub if one cloud, bhab threatened bo destroy our
hopes, seama 60 have disappeared, another eqially dan-
gerous loom ^ on the horizja. Tua ooadibioas of aboli-
tion, as staged by Lord H irdiug^ laab M iroh, are bhaae: —

"Oa behalf of His M*jestVs G^verninent, he (the Secretary
of State) has asked us, however, to make it clear that the exist-
ing system of recruiting mast be maintained until new oondi-
tione, under which labour should be permitted to proceed
to the Colonies, should have been worked out in conjunction with
the Colonial Office and the Crown Colonies concerned : until pro-

INDENTURED LABOUR 137

•per safeguards in tbe Colonies should have been provided ; and
tin til they should have had reasonable time to adjust themselves to
the change, a period which must neoessarily depend on oiroum*

stances and conditions imperfeatly kaowa ;u present."

Tboae of ua who know anything of the system knew

that* ib was well-nigh impossible bo find uew conditions

»

wbiob would ba economically sound for the planters, and
morally sound for us, We felb that the Government)
would SOJQ find thia ou* for themselves, aud that, in
view of Lard EUrdioga's whole-haarted disapproval of
the system, bis view of tha nearness of the end would
coincide with our own, But> now a different situation
faoes us. Nearly a year baa gone by, and we discover
6bat tbe planters of F.ji bave been led to believe thab
they will bave five yeara more of bha syatem, and ai> tbe
€nd of ib new conditions may after all ba a obange in
aame bud not in substance. Lat Mr. Bonar Law's des-
patch speak for itself. Writing under date Marob i, 1916,
4io tobe Acting Governor of Fiji, be says : —

" The Secretary of 3 sate for India is satisfied that it would not
be possible for the Government of India to continue to defeat by a
bare official majority resolutions in their Legislative Council,
urging the abolition of indenture ; that in his opinion, the stroug
and universal feding in India on this suojeot makes it a question
of urgency : and that he has accepted the conclusion that inden-
tured emigration must be abolished."

He tbeu proceeds : —

" Though, from the point of view of the Colonies concerned,
the decision which the Indian Government and the Secretary of
State for India bave taken is to be regretted, I recognise that the
final decision upon this question muse rest with the Indian Govern-
ment."

Tbus the humanities of the qaeaiion are tacitly sup-
posed 60 be no concern of fehe Colonies.

Now mark this significant) paragraph, culled from
tbe same illuminating despatch :—

"I have, therefore, agreed to the appointment of an inter-
-departmental committee to consider what system should be sab-

138 INDIANS IN THE COLONIKS

stituted for the system of indenture should be allowed for a further
period of five years, aud should cease as the end ol that period,
• . . The Secretary of State for India is anxious that the change
of system should be brought about with as little disturbance as
possible to the economic interests of the Colonies, and that he has
made it clear that the existing system must be maintained until a
properly safeguarded system has been devised."

Mr, Andrews haa been twitted for having referred to
the five years' extension. Let his critics explain away
Mr. Bonar Law's emphatic pronouncement published in
the Fiji newspapers. What) with this offioial statement!
and the Secretary of State for India's solioitude for the
economic interests of the planters, our cause may easily
be lost, if we are found unwatohful,

In the light of the Viceregal speech and Mr. Bonar
Law's despatch, our duty seems feo be clear. We musb
strengthen tne Government's hands where necessary, and
even stimulate their activity, so that this inter-depart*
mautal oo mm it tea is not allowed bo frustrate our hopes.
ID is a body wherein the influence of the Grown Colonies
and the Colonial offioa will ha preponderant. la is a body
which has to find a substitute which would be acceptable
to us. As I hold, it will be a vain search, if the more
well-being of the labourer is to be the primary considera-
tion. But, if the planters can have their own way, we
know that they will urge an impossible substitute, and,
in the event of its rejection by us, they will, in accordance
with Mr, Bonar L*w's despatch, claim continuance of
recruiting under indenture. It must, therefore, be clearly
understood thai* the onus of producing an acceptable sub-
stitute rests with them and not with us. Tney have had
more than a year already. Lord Hardinge's despatch,
urging total abolition, is dated the 15th October, 19 15. The
committee ia to sit in May next. This period for finding
a substitute is long enough, in all conscience, Either

INDIAN COLONIAL EMIGRATION 139

Mr. Andrews' harrowing picture of bhe conditions of life in
Fiji is true or id ia untrue. We believe it bo be true, and
iti baa never been seriously atbaoked. And in waiting for
over a year, we shall bave wVtfced almost beyond tbe
poiob of endurance. Substitute or no substitute, we are
entitled, for tbe sake of our motherland, for tbe sake of
our own honour and reputation, and, indeed, that of tbe
Empire, bo the unconditional abolition of this last rem-
nant) of slavery. Natal stopped the system without tbe
provision of a substitute. Mauritius baa done likewise.
The Johannesburg mines survived nob only the shock of
an abrupt termination of Chinese labour, bub the with-
drawal of every Chinese labourer from the country as fasb
as transport could be gob ready.

Capital is both bold and timid. If only we shall do
our duty, if only tbe Government of India will sceel their
hearts againsb tbe blandishments of the Fijian and Wesb
Indian planters, there ia, no doubt}, that these people will
know how bo save millions, without India's having bo go
bo their rescue.

INDIAN COLONIAL EMIGRATION
The following is the full text of on article published
in the *' Indian Review1' for September, 1917 :—

I have carefully read bhe resolution issued at Simla
by bhe Government of India on bhe lab instant, embody-
ing bhe reporb of the Inter-Departmental Conference re-
cently held in London. Ib will be remembered bbab this
wa* bbe conference referred bo in the Viceregal speech of
laat year ab bhe opening of the sessions of bhe Viceregal
Legislative Council. Ib will be remembered, boo, tb ab

140 INDIANS IN THE COLONIES

this was the Conference which Sir James Meaton and Sir
S.P. Smha were to have attended bub were unable to
attend owing to their having returned bo India before the
date of the meeting of bhe Conference, It is stated in the
report? under discussion that these gentlemen were to
discuss the question of emigration to* certain English
Colonies informally with the two Secretaries of State, ic.t
the Seoretary of Ssate for India and the Secretary of
S&ate for the Colonies. Lard Islington, Sir A. Steel
Maibland, and Messrs, Satoo, Griudle, Green and M*o-
naughton constituted the Conference. To taka the word-
ing of bhe Resolution, this Conference Hat ''DO consider
bhe proposals for a new assisted system of emigration to
BriGinb Guiana, Trinidad, Jamaica and F<ji." The public
ahould, therefore, note that this assisted emigration is to
bd confined only to the four Crown Colonies mentioned
and uo& bo the Sdlf-Gjvaruiug Colonies of South Africa,
Canada or Australia, or bhe Grown Colony of Mauritius,
What follows will show bhe importance of this dis&inotion.
lo is something Go be thankful for tba& "bbe Government
of iudia have not yo& considered che reporb and reserved
judgment on all bbe points raised in it." TaU ia as it
should be on a matter so serious as this and one which
only laat year fairly convulsed bhe whole of India and
which has in one shape or another agitated the country
since 1895,

Tbe declaration too that " His Majesty's Govern-
ment in agreement with bhe Government of India have
decided that indentured emigration shall not be re-open-
ed " is welcome as is also the one that no free
^migrants can be :noroduced inbo any Colony until all
Indian emigrants already there have been released from
existing indentures."

INDIAN COLONIAL EMIGRATION 141

In spite, however, of so muoh in the report that
fills one with gladness, the substantive part of it which
sets forth the scheme which is to replace indentured
emigration is, so far aa one can judge, to say the least of
it, disappointing, Stripped of all the phraseology under
wnioh the scheme has been veiled, it is nothing less than
a system of indentured emigration, no doubt on a more
humane basis and safeguarded with some conditions
beneficial to the emigrants taking advantage of it.

The main point that should be borne in mind is thafc
Conference sat designedly to consider a scheme of emigra-
tion not in the interests of the Indian labourer, but in
those of the Colonial employer. The new system,
therefore, is devised to help the Colonies concerned.
India needs no outlet, at any rate for the present
moment, for emigration outside the country. It ia
debateabte whether, in any event, the four Colonies will
be the moat suitable for Indian colonisation. The best
thing, therefore, that can happen from an Indian stand-
point is that there should be no assisted emigration from
India of any typ* whatsoever. In the absence of Bny
suoh assistanoe, emigration will have to be entirely free
and at the risk and expense of the emigrant himeelf.
Fast experience shows that, in that event, there will It*
very little voluntary emigration to distant Colonies. ID
the report assisted emigration means* to use a mild
expression, stimulated emigration ; and surely with the
industries of India crying out for labour and with her
legitimate re&ouroes yet undeveloped* it is madness to
think of providing a stimulus for the stay-at-home
Indian to go out of India. Neither the Government nor
any voluntary agency has been found capable of protect-
og from ill-usage the Indian who emigrates either to,

142 INDIANS IN THE COLONIKS

Burma or Ceylon, much ieaa can any such protection
avail in far-off Fiji or the three other Colonies, ]
bope that leaders of public opinion in India will, there-
fore, take their stand on the one impregnable rook of not
wanting any emigration whatsoever to tha Colonies. It
might be argued that we, as a component part of the
Empire, are bouud to oousider the wants of our partners,
but this would uot be a fair plea to advance so long aa
India stands iu need of all the labour she can produce.
If, therefore, India does not assist the Colonies, it is not
because of want of will but it is due to wanb of ability.
Au additional reason a politician wtuld be justified in
using is that, so long as India does not in reality occupy
the position of an equal partner with the Golouies, and
eo loug as her sons continue to be regarded by English-
men in the Colonies and English employers even nearer
borne to be fit! only as hewers of wood and drawers o)
water, no scheme of emigration to the Colonies can be
morally advantageous to Indian emigrants. If the badge
of inferiority is always to be worn by them, they can
oever rise to their full status and any material advantage
they will gain by emigrating can, therefore, ba of no
consideration.

But let us for the moment consider the new sjstem.
"The system," ib is stated, "to be followed in'fukure will be
one of aided emigration and its object will be to encourage
the settlement of Indians in certain Colonies after a proba-
tionary period of employment in those Colonies, to train
and fio them for life and work there and at the same
time, to acquire a supply of the labour essential to the
well-being of the colonists themselves." So the resettle-
ment is to ba conditional on previous employment under
contract and it will be Been in the course of our examina-

INDIAN COLONIAL EMIGRATION 143

tion that this contract is to be just as binding as tbe
contracts used to be under indenture. Tbe report baa tbe
following humorous passage in it : ''He will be, in no
way, restricted to service under any particular employer
except tbat for bia own protection, a selected employer
will be chosen for him for tbe first six months." Tbis
bas a flavour of tbe old indentured system O^e of tbe
evils complained of about tbat system was tbat tbe
labourer was assigned to an employer. He was not free
to cboose one himself. Under tbe new system, tbe
employer is to be selected for tbe protection of the la-
bourer. I& is hardly necessary for me to point out that
tbe would-be labourer will never be able to feel the pro-
tection devised for him The labourer is further "to be
encouraged to work for bis first three years in agricultural
industries, by tbe offer, should he do so, of numerous and
important baneihs subsequently as a colonist." This is
another inducement to indenture, and I know enough of
fcuch schemes to be able to assure both the Government
and public that these so-called inducements in tbe hands
of clever manipulators become nothing short of methods
of compulsion in respect of innocent and ignorant Indian
labourers. It: is due to tbe framers of tbe scheme that I
should draw attention to tbe fact that they have avoided
ali criminal penalties for breach of contract. Iu India
itself if the scheme is adopted, we are promised a revival
of tbe much-dreaded depots and emigration agents, all
no doubt, on a more respectable basis but still of tbe
same type and capable of untold mischief.

Taa rest: of the report) is not likely to interest the
public, but those who wish to study i& will, 1 doubt nob,
come to tbe conclusion to wbiob I have been driven,
ibat tbe framers have done their best to strip tbe old

144 INPIANS IN THE COLONIES

system of many of the abuses which had crept into if), bub
they have nob succeeded in placing before the Indian*
public an acceptable scheme. I hold that it was an
impossible task, The system of indenture was one of
temporary slavery ; it was incapable of being amended,
it should only be ended and it is to be hoped thafi India
will never consent to its revival in any shape or form,

THE INIQUITIES OF THE INDENTURE SYSTEM

Under the auspices of the District Congress Com-
mittee in Bombay Mr, M, K. Gandhi delivered a lecture
on Indentured Indian Labour before a large gathering
on 30th October, 191 7, at the Empire Theatre, Sir Ebrahim
Rahimtullah presiding.

Mr. Gandhi said : —

The question of indentured labour was justj now a
topical question, because those true and real friends of
India, Messrs. Andrews and Pearson, were conducting,
an enquiry iu F ji. The Fiji Islands absorbed the largest
number of indentured Indiana at the present moment,
Messrs, Andrews and Pearson were not the first to in-
terest the Indians in this question but it was the deceas-
ed statesman Mr, Gokhale, who first impressed Indians,
with the importance of their duties in connection with,
this question. The resolution which Mr, Gokhala
brought before the Council for the abolition of the in-
denture system waa defeated by a majority though all
the non-official members of the Council voted for the
abolition, However much a benign and sympathetic
Viceroy wished to remove this abominable system of

THE INIQUITIES OF THE INDENTURE SYSTEM 145

very serious difficulty in hia WAV and that was the report)
by the bwo Commissioner?, who were sent by Lord
Hardinge, namely, Messrs, MaoNeill and Chimanlal
whioh are contained in two bulky volumes. All might
not oare to wade through the rather 3ull pages of those
Volumes but to him who knew what) real indentured la-
bour was, they were of great interest They might, how-
ever, take upon truat that the reports recognised rbafe in-
dentured labour should continue just as it was, if certain
conditions were fulfilled, Those conditions, Mr. Gandhi
said, were impossible of fulfilment;. And the recommenda-
tions whioh these two great Commissioners made, show-
ed that they really oould nob seriously have meant that
the system of indenture whioh existed to-day in Fiji,
Jamaica, Guiana and other colonies should be continued
a minute longer than was actually necessary, The
speaker here referred to the previous Commission and said
that the defects whioh Messrs. MaoNeill and Chimanlal
had pointed out were patent to all. Their report con-
tained nothing new. But there was unofficial investi-
gation on bahalf of some philanthropic body in England
aome forty years ago, and in that book an unvarnished
tale was given, which tolrl in graphic language what
were the hardships under fchat system.

In this connection Mr. Gindhi quoted a statement
made by the Prime Minister of Natal in which he said
that the system of indenture was a mosij unadvisable
thing and that the sooner ifc was terminated the better
for the iudentured labourer and the employer. Lard
Selborne said the same thing when he was the High
Commissioner in South Africa : ha said that it was worse
for the employer than the employed, because it waa a
system perilously near to siavury, Sir William Hunter
10

146 INDIANS IN THE COLONIK8

wrote a beautiful series of letters in 1895 when he first
brought) himself to study the system personally and
compared the system of indenture, after a due
investigation, to a state bordering on slavery. Oa
one oooasion he used the expression semi-slavery,
Mr. Gandhi said if he erred in making these state-
ments, he erred in Lord Salborne's company. And
it was in connection with this systom that these
two worthy gentlemen, the Commissioners, had seen
fib to report and advise the fulfilment; of certain condi-
tions which, in the very nature of the contract,
were impossible of fulfilment. The conditions were that
unsuitable emigrants be excluded ; the proportion of
females to males to be raised from 10 to 50 per cent. The
speaker could not understand what} they meant by un-
suitable emigrants being excluded, The Commissioners
themselves told them that it was not easy to find labour
in India, India was not pining to send her children out
as serai-slaves. Lord Sanderson stated that? ib was the
surplus population from India that went out from dis-
satisfaction with the economic conditions in India. But
they must remember that there were 500 recruiting
licences isaued io the year 1907, Could they conceive the
significance of the extraordinary state of things which
required one recruiter to 17 labourers? The Colonial
Governments had their sub-agents in India for this
indentured labour to be collected. They were paid a sum
of R-*. 25 for each oooly recruited, and this sum of R*. 25
was divided between the recruiter and the sub-agent.
Mr. Gandhi thought the mental state of those recruiters
must be miserable, who could send so many of their
countryman as asmi-slavea, After having seen whab the
recruiting agents did and after having read the many gross

THE INIQUITIES OF THE IriDENTtTRE SYSTEM

•mis-abatements tbey made, be was nob surprised that thou-
sands and thousands of their countrymen were becoming
indentured labourers The Commissioners devoted several
'pages to the immorality prevailing on the estates. It wad
nob forty women for sixty man ; bub the statement} was
made that these men did nob marry these women, bub kept)
them, and that many of these women were prostitutes.
Mr, Gandhi said he would decline to send hid children
under euoh ao indenture, if he was worthy of his salt; oud
of the country. But* thousands of men and women had
gone. What did they think of that ib India?

The conditions ware that rigorous provisions should
J3e either expunged from the Ordinances or thab the Pro-
tector should control employers. As for the regulations
made to protect these labourers they could take it from
him, Mr. Gandhi said, that there ware a great many
flaws in one in and a coach and four could be easily
driven through these. The aim of the rules was to
make the employer Ruprama. Here was capital ranged
against} labour witih artificial props for capital and nob
labour.

Mr. Gandhi condemned tha "protector" of emigrants.
They were men belonging to that very class to which em-
ployers belonged ; they moved among them and was id
nob only natural thab they should have their sympathies
on the side of the employer? How was ib then possible
thab they could do justice to tha labourer against the
employer? Ha know many instances when magistrates
had meted out justice to the indentured labourer, bub ib
was impossible to expect suoh a thing from the Protectors
of emigrants. Tho labourer was bound hand and foob to
tha employer. If he committed an offence against bia
-employer ba first of all had to undergo a course of im

148 INDIANS IN THE COLONIES

prisonment, then the days that) the labourer bad spent
in the jail ware added GO big indenture and be was taken
back to his master to serve again. Tbe Commissioners
had to »ay nothing against: these rules, There was nobody
to judge the Protector of Emigrants if he gave a wrong
judgment, hut in the oase of the magistrate he oould be
criticised. Again the Commissioners add that these
prisoners should be put into separate jails. But the Colo*
nial Government would be bankrupt if they built jails for
hundreds of prisoners that were imprisoned. They were
cot able to build jails for the passive resisters. Then the
Commissioners said that the labourer should be allowed
to redeem his indenture by payment of a graduated re-
demption /ea. Tdey made a mistake in thinking him to
be an independent man. He was* not his own master-
Mr. Gandhi said he had known of English girls well edu-
cated who were decoyed, and who were nob indentured,
unable to free themselves. How was it then possible for
an indentured labourer to do this ? Mr. Balfour compared
the labourer under an indenture to a soldier* But the
soinier was a responsible man and he oould rise to a high
posiuou. Bub an indentured labourer remained a labourer.
He had uo privileges. His wife was also included under
hie disabilities, BO aleo his son. In Nafeal the finger of
soorn waa pointed at these people, Never oould an in-
dentured Indian rise to a higher post than that of labou-
rer. And what did the labourer bring when he returned
to India ? He returned a brokaa vessel, wHh some of the
artificial and superficial signs of civilisation, but he left
more valuable things behind him. He may bring some
sovereigns also with him. They shoull decline to per-
petuate this hateful system of indenture because it robbed
them of their national self-respect..

IMPERIAL CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS 149

If they ooaid consider well over what) he had said,
they would try and abolish the system io a year's time
and this one taint upon the nation would have gone an <1
indentured labour would be a thing of the past. He
Wadded to remove the cause of the ili-tireatment of the
Indians in the Colonies. However protected that system
may be, it still remained a state bordering upon slavery.
" It would remain," said Mr, Gandhi, " a state based
upon full-fledged slavery and it was a hindrance to
national growth and national dignity."

IMPERIAL CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS

In the course of an article criticising the Imperial
Conference Resolution on Indian emigration, Mr. Oandhi
wrote as follows in the Indian Review for August^
1918:—

The Imperial Conference Resolution * on the status
of our countrymen emigrating to the Colonies, reads well
on the surface, bub it* is highly deceptive. We need nob

* A summary of the proceedings of the Conference was cabled
by the Secretary of State to the Viceroy. The following is an
extract :—

The fifteenth meeting of the Conference was held on July
25th. The first subject discussed was reciprocity of treatment
between India and the Dominions. This discussion followed on
the resolution passed by the Conference last year, accepting the
principle of reciprocity and a further resolution passed to that effect
should now be given to the last year's resolution in pursuance of
which the Conference agreed as follows :—(!} It is the inherent
function of the Governments of several communities of British
Commonwealth including India that each should enjoy complete
control in the composition of its own population by 'means of
restriction on immigration from any other communities. (2)
British citizens domiciled in any British country including India
should be admitted into any other British country for visits foe
bhe purposes of pleasure or commerce including temporary rest-

160 INDIANS IN THE COLONIES

consider ib a great achievement that; we oan pass the same
laws against the colonials that they may pass againat us.
Ik is like a giant telling a dwarf that the latter is free tc
give blow for blow. Who is to refuse permission and pass-
ports to the colonials desiring to enter India? Bub Indians,
DO matter what their attainments are, are constantly
being refused permission to enter the colonies even for
temporary periods, South African legislation of emi-
gration was purged of the racial taints by the passive
resistance movement, But the administrative principles
still continue and will do so, so long as India remains
both in name and substance a dependency.

The agreement arrived at regarding those who are
already domiciled practically re-atates the terms of the set-
tlement of 1914, If ifc extends to Canada and Australia
it is a decided gain, for in Canada till recently there was
a big agitation owing to the refusal of its Government to
admit the wives and children of its Sikh settlers. I may
perhaps add that the South African settlement provides

denoy for the purpose of education. The conditions of such visits
should be regulated on the principle of reciprocity as follows: —
(a) The right of the Government of India recognised to enact
laws which shall have the effect of subjecting British citizens
domiciled in any other British country to the same conditions in
visiting India as those imposed on Indians desiring to visit such;
country, (b) Such right of visit or temporary residence shall, in
each individual case, be embodied in the passport or written permit
issued by the country of domicile and subject to vie there by an
officer appointed by and acting on behalf of the country to be
visited. If such a country so desires such tight shall not extend to
the visit or temporary residents for labour purpose or to permanent
settlement. 13) Indians already permanently domiciled in other
British countries should be allowed to bring in their wives and
minor children on condition (a) that no more than one wife and her
children shall be admitted for each such Indian and (b) that each
individual so admitted shall be certified by the Government of
India as being the lawful wife or child of such Indian. The.
Conference recommends other questions covered by the memoranda,
presented to the Conference by the representatives of India.

IMPERIAL CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS 151

for the protection of those who bad plural wives before the
settlement, especially if the latter had at any time entered
South Africa. It may be the proper thing in a predomi-
nantly Christian country to confine the legality to only
one wife. Bat it is necessary even for that country, in
tha interests of humanity and for the sake of friendship
for members of the same Imperial Federation to which
they belong administratively, to allow the admission of
plural wives and their progeny.

The above agreement! still evades the question of iu*
equality of status in other matters : — Thus the difficulty
of obtaining licenses throughout South Africa, the prohibi-
tion to hold landed property in the Transvaal and the
Free State and virtual prohibition within the Union itself
of the entry of Indians into the Free State, the prohibi-
tion of Indian children to enter the ordinary Government
schools, deprivation of Municipal franchise in the Trans*
vaal and the Free State and practical deprivation of the
Union franchise throughout South Africa, barring
perhaps the Cape. The resolutions of the Imperial
Conference therefore are deoidely an eye-wash. There is
DO change of heart in the colonies and certainly no
recognition of Imperial obligations regarding India. The
Fijian atrocities to which Mr. Andrews has drawn
pointed attention show what is possible even in the
Crown Colonies which are under direct Imperial control.

Jail Experiences

These prison experiences were originally written by
Mr. Qandlii in Gujarati and we are indebted to the
Modern Review for the following English version: —

I

INSPECTION

When the different inspectors coma to inspect, all
the prisoners have to post themselves in a row* and take
off their caps to sal ace them. As aU of us had English
oape, there was no difficulty in observing this rule. Id was
both legal and proper that wa should take off our oapa.
The words of direction used ware "fall in." These words
bad, so to speak, become our food, as we bad to "fall in"
four or five times a day. One of these officers, an
assistant to the Chief Warder, wa* % little stiff-necked,
and so the Indians had nicknamed him " General
Smuts." Generally he was the first to come in the
mornings, and again in the evenings, At half past nine
the Doctor came, He was very goo£ and kind, and
unfailing in his inquiries. Each prisoner had, according
to jail rules, to show all parts of his body, on Che first day
to the Doctor, stripping himself bare of all clothes, bub he
was kind enough not to enforce the sama ia our case.
When many more Indians had come, he simply told us
to report to him if any one had got itches, etc , so that
he might examine him in camera. Ab half past ten or
eleven, the Governor and Chief Warder came. The

GANDHI'S FIRST JAIL EXPERIENCES 153

former was a firm, jusb and quiet-natured officer,
His invariable inquiries were whether we were all
rigbb, wbetber we wanted anything, whether we had
any complaints bo make. Whenever we had any such,
he heard them attentively, and gave us relief, if he oould.
Some of these complaint* and grievances I shall refer to
later on, Hts deputy oamu also at times. H* was
kind-hearted too. Bui the best of them all was our Chief
Warder, Himself deeply religious, he was nob only kind
and courteous towards us, hut every prisoner sang his
praises in no measured terms. Ha was attentive in pre-
serving to the prisoners all their rights, he overlooked
their trivial faults, and knowing in our case that wa were
all innooenfc he was particularly kind to us, and to show
bis kindness he ofoen oame and talked to us.

INCREASE IN OUR NUMBERS

I have eaid before that there were only five of as
passive resisters, at first. O)14t*h January, Tuesday,
oame in Mr. Thamhi Naidui the Chief Picket, and Mr.
Koin, the President of the Chinese Association. We all
were pleased to receive them. On the iSsh, fourteen
others joined us, including Samundar Khao. He was in
for two months. The rest were Madrasis, Kunamias
and Gujarati Hindus. They were arrested for hawking
without licences, and sentenced to pay a fine of £2, and,
in default, to 14 days' imprisonment. They had bravely
elected to go to jail. On the 2lat, 76 others came- In this
batch only Nawab Khan had two months, the rest were
with a fine of £2, or, in default, 14 days' imprisonment.
Most of them were Gujarati Hindus, some Kunamias
and some M&draeis, On the 22nd, 35, on fehe 23rd, 3,
on the 24tb, 1, on the 25tb, 2, on the 23th, 6, and in the

154 JAIL EXPERIENCES

evening 4 more, and on the 293h, 4 Kunamias added to
our numbers, So that] by the 29ah, there were 15&
passive registers incarcerated, Oa the 30^bl I was re-
moved to Pretoria, bub I knew that on boat} day 5 or 6
ofcbera had come in.

FOOD

The question of food is of great moment to many of
us, in all oifroumstanoes, bub to those in prison, it is of
the greatest importance, They are greatly in need of
good food, The rule is that a prisoner had to rest con-
tent) with jaii food, he cannot procure any from outside..
The same is the case with a soldier who has bo submit
to his regulation rations, but the difference between the
two is that his friends can send other food to the soldier
and he oan take ib, while a prisoner is prohibited from
doing so. So that this prohibition about food is one of
the signs of being in prison. Even in general conver-
sation, you will find the jail-officers, saying that there
could be no exercise of taste about) prison dteti, and no
such article could be allowed therein. In a talk with
the prison medical officer, I told him that it was neces-
sary for us to have some tea, or ghee or some such thing
along with bread, and, he said, you want to eat with
taste, and no palatable thing oould be allowed in a prison.

According to the regulations, in the first week, an
Indian gets, in the morning 12 oz of " mealie pap "
without! sugar or ghee; at noon, 4 oz. of rice and one oz.
of ghee ; io the evening, from 5 day*, 12 oz. of mealie
pap, for 3 days, 12 oz. of boiled beans and sab. Thia
eoale has been modelled on the dietary of the Kaffirs —
the only difference being that in the evening, the Kaffirs
are given crashed maize corn and lard or fat, while the

GANDHI'S FIRST JAIL EXPERIENCES 155

Indiana get rice, In bhe second week, and thencefor-
ward, for two days, boiled potatoes and for two days,
cabbages, ojr pumpkin or some such vegetable is given
along with maiza flour, Those wbo bake meat are given
meat) with vegetables on Sundays.

The first baton of prisoners bad resolved to solicit
for no favours ab tbe bands of Government, and to take
whatever food was served oub» if nob religiously objec-
tionable. Really speaking, tbe above was nob a proper kind
of diet for Indians, though medically, of course, it con-
tained sufficient nutrition, Maizs is tbe daily food of
the Kaffirs, so this die!) suiba them, nay, they thrive on
it in jail, Bub Indians rarely use ma^z>flourt rice
only suibs them. We are nob used bo eatj boans alone,
nor oould we lik<a vegetables ai oookei by or for Kaffirs.
They never clean the vegetable nor season them with
any spice?. Again tha vegebable cooked for the Kaffirs
mostly consist of tha paaling? lafo after the same have
been prepared for the European oonvioba. For spices,
nothing else besides salt is given, Sugar is never dreamt
of, Thus the food question was a very difficult one for
us all, Sbill, as we had determined bbab the passive re-
gisters were neither bo solicit nor ask for favours from
the jail authorities wa tried to rest content with this
kind of food.

In reply to his inquiries wa had told the Governor
that the food did not suit us, bub we were determined not
bo ask for any favours from Government. If Govern-
ment of its own accord wanted to make a change, it
would be welcome, else we would go on taking tbe re
gulation diet.

But this determination oould nob last long. When
others joined us, we [thought it would be improper to

156 JAIL EXPERIENCES

make them share bhia trouble with ua also. Was it nob
auffioient that they had shared fehe prison with ua * So
we began to talk ho the Governor on bheir behalf. We
bold him, we wera prepared bo take any kind of food,
bub the later batches oould nob do so. Ha thought over
the matter, and aaid chat) he would allow them bo oook
separately, if they pub it on the ground of religion, bub
the articles of food would be the aarne, it did not reab
with him to make any ohangea in them.

In the meantime, fourteen obhera had joined uai and
some of them elected to starve rather than bake naealie
pap, So I read the jail rules and found out bhab applica-
tions in suoh matters should ba made to the Director
of Prisons. I asked, therefore, bhe Governor to be
permuted to apply to him, and sent a petition
accordingly.

We, the undersigned prisoners, beg to state that we are all
Asiatics, 18 Indians and 3 Chinese.

The 18 Indians get for their breakfast mealie pap, and the
others, rioe and ghee; they gee beans tbrioe and "pap" four
times. We were given potatoes on Saturdays and greens on
Sundays. On religious grounds, we cannot eat meat : some are
entirely prohibited from taking it, and others oannor, do BO be-
cause of its not being religiously slaughtered.

The Chinese get maize-oorn instead of rioe, All the prison-
ers are mostly used to European food, and they also eat bread
and other flour preparations. None of us is used to mealie pap,
and some of us suffer from indigestion.

Seven of us have eaten no breakfast at all ; only at times,
when the Chinese prisoners who got bread, out of meroy, gave
them a piece or two out of their rations, have we eaten the
same, When this was mentioned to the Governor, he said we
were guilty of a jail offence in thus accepting bread,

la our opinion this kind of food ia entirely unsuitable to us.
So we have to apply that we should be given food according to
the rules for European prisoners and mealie pap be left out en-
tirely ; or, in the alternative, suoh food should be given as would
sup port us, and be in oonsonanoe with our habits and customs.

This is an urgent matter and a reply be sent by wire,

GANDHI'S FIK8T JAIL EXPERIENCES 157

Twenty-one of ua bad signed the petition and while
id was being despatched seventy-six more oame in, They
also had a dislike for the *' pap," and ao we added a para-
graph stating that the new arrivals also objected to the
diet: I requested the Governor to fiend it by wire. He
asked his superior's permission by telephone* and allowed
ab onoe 4 oZ. of bread in place of*' pap/' We were all
very pleased, and from tho 22ud, 4 oz, of bread was sub-
stituted in place of pap, morning and evening, In iho
evening we gob 8 oz., i.e., half a loaf. Bub this wag
merely a temporary arrangement. A ooramiUee was sit-
ting on the question and we heard thab they had recom-
mended an allowance of flour, ghee and pulse; but before
it could take effect, we had been released, and so nothing
more happened.

In the beginning when there was only eight of ua we
did not cook ourselves, so we uaad to get uooooked rice
and ill-cooked vegetables whenever the same were given,
So wo obtained permission to cook of ourselves. On the
first day, Mr. Kudva cooked, After that Mr. Thambi
Naidu and Mr. Jivan both took up the function, and in
our last days they had to cook for about 150 men. They
had to cock onco only, excepting on vegetable days which
were two in a week — whan they had to do so twice Mr.
Naidu took great fcrcubla over this, I used to distri-
bute.

From the style of the petition the reader must have
noted the fact) that* ib was presented on behalf of all
Indian prisoners aud nob us (eight) alone- We talked
with tha Governor also on the same lines and be had
promised to look into is for all the Asiatic prisoner*, Wu
8 bill hooe that the jail diet of the Indians would ba
improved,

158 JAIL EXPERIENCES

Again the three Chinese used to get obher articles
instead of rioe, and henoe annoyance was felt, as there
was an appearance of their being considered separate
from and inferior to us, For this reason, I applied, on
their behalf, to bhe Governor and to Mr, Play.
ford, and it was ordered thab they should be placed on
the same level as Indians,

It is instructive to compare this dietary with thab
of the Europeans. They get for their morning breakfast
14 pap " and 8 oz, of bread ; for the midday meal, bread
and soup or bread and meat, or bread and meat and
potatoes or vegetables ; and in the evenings bread and
" pap." Thus they got bread thrice in the day, and so
they do not care whether they have the " pap " or not5,
Again they get meat or soup, in addition, Besides this
they are often given tea or cocoa. This will show thab
both the Europeans and the native Kaffirs get food suit-
able to them, and it is the poor Indians alone who suffer.
They had no special dietary of their own, It they were
treated like Europeans in food, they the Europeans would
have felt ashamed, and no one had the concern to find
out what was the food of bhe Indian, They had thus to
be ranked with the Kaffirs and silently starve, For this
state of circumstances I find fault with our own people,
the Passive Rasiaters. Some Indians got the requisite
food by stealth, others put up with whatever they got,
and were either ashamed to make public the story of their
distress or had no thought for others, Henoe the outside
public remained in tho dark, If we were to follow truth
and agitate where we got injustice, there would be no
room to undergo such inconveniences^ If we were to
leave self and apply ourselves to the good of others,
grievances would get remedied soon. But just as it is

GANDHI'S FIRST JAIL EXPERIENCES 159

necessary to take steps for the repress of such complaints,
<80 it is necessary to think of certain other things also, It
is but meat for prisoners to undergo certain inconveni-
ences. If there be no trouble, what is the good of being
called a prisoner? Those who are the masters of their
minds, take pleasure even in suffering, and live happily
in jails. They do not lose eight) of the existence of the
suffering, and they should not do so, considering that
there are others also suffering with them,

There is another evil habit) of ours, and that is our
-tenacity in sticking to our manners and customs, We
must do in Rome as the Romans do. We are living
in South Africa and we must accustom ourselves to what
ie considered good food hero. " Mealia pap " is a food,
as good, simple and cheap as our wheat. We cannot say
it is without taste, sometimes, it beata wheat even. It) is
my belief that out of respect for the country
of our adoption, we must take food which grows
in that country, if it be not unwholesome. Many
44 Whites " like this " pap " and eat it in the morning.
It becomes palatable if milk or sugar or even ghee
be taken wit,h ib. For these reasons and for the fact
that we might have to go to jail again, in the future,
it is advisable for every Indian to accustom him-
self to this preparation of maize. With this habit even
when the fcima comes to take it merely with salt, we
would not find it hard to do so. It is incumbent on us
to leave off some of our habits for the good of our
country, All those nations that have advanced have
given up these things where there was nothing
substantial to lose. The Saltation Army people attract
the natives of the soil, by adopting their customs, dress*
ato., if not particularly objectionable.

160 JUL EXPERIENCES

SICKNESS

It would have been a miracle had no one out of 150
prisoners fallen ill. The first) to be taken ill was Mr.
Samundar Khan, Ha had been brought) into jail ailing
and was taken t>o Hospital the next day. Mr, Kadva
was a viotlm to rheumatism, and for some days ho did
not) mind being treated by the Doctor in the prison cell
itself, bub eventually he had to go to the Hospital (too.
Two others suffered from fainting fisa and were taken
there. The reason was that} it was very hot then, and
the convicts had to remain out in the sun the whole day,
and eo they fell down in fi-.s, We nursed them as beat
we oould. L\ter on Mr. N*wab Khan also succumbed,
and or; the day of our release he had to be led out by
hand. He had improved a litUe after the Doctor had
ordered milk, etc., to be given to him. On the whole,
still, io may be safely aaid, that the Passive Registers
fared well.

PAUCITY OP SPACE

I have stated already that our cell had space
enough to accommodate only fifty-one prisoners, and the
same holds good with regard to the area. Later on when
instead of 51 there were 151 souls to be accommodated,
great difficulty was felt;. Tne Governor had to pitch
tents oubside, and many had to go there. During our
last days, about a hundred had to ba taken out to sleep,
and back again the morning. The area space waa too
small for this number, and we oould pass our time there
with great difficulty. Added bo this was our evil inborn
habit of spitting everywhere, which rendered the place
dirty and there was the danger of disease breaking oat.
Fortunately our companions were amenable to advioe,

GANDHI'S FIRST JAIL EXPERIENCES 161

and assisted us in keeping the compound clean.
Sorapulous oare was exercised in inspecting fche area and
priviepf and this saved the inmates from disease. Every
one will admit! that) tbe Government) was at fault) in
incarcerating suoh a large number in so narrow a space.
If the roam was insufficient;, it was incumbent on fche
Government) not to send so many there, and if the
struggle bad been prolonged, it would not have been
possible for the Government to commit any more to this
prison.

READING

I have already mentioned that tbe Governor had
allowed us?the"use of a table, with pen, ink, etc, We had
tbe fraa run of the prison library also. I bad taken from
tberei tbe works of Oarlyle^and the Bible. From tbe
Qhiaesa Interpreter, who used to come there, 1 bad bor-
rowed the Kuran-e-Sharif translated into English, speech*
es of Huxley^Garlyle'a Irvas of Burns* Johnson, and
SoofctTand B^onVEaBaj^ Of my own I had taken tbe
Bhagavad-Gita, with Manila! Nathubhai's Annotations,
several Tamil works, San Urdu Book from the Moulvi
Sahib tbe writin^^ Ruakin and Socrates.

Many o Obese Tread or re-read iu Che™ Jail, I useTHKT
Study Tamil regularly, In tbe morning I used to read
the Gifia and at noon, mostly fche Koran, In tbe
evening I taught tbe Bible to Mr Foretoon, who was a
Chinese Christian. Ho wanted to learn English, and I
taught id to him through the Bible.

If I had been permitted to spend out my full period
I would have been able to complete my translations of a
book each of Carlyle and BuekiD. 1 believe that as I
was fully cooupied in the study of tbe above works, I
11

J62 JAIL EXPERIENCES

would not have become tired even if I had got more than
fcwo months ; not only that; but I would have added use-
fully to my knowledge and studies, I would have passed
a happy life, believing as I do that whoever has a taste
for reading good books is able to baar loneliness in any
place with great ease.

RELIGIOUS STUDY

In the West, we now see, that, as a matter of faob,
the State looks after the religion of all its prisoners, and
henoe, we find a Church in the J ihannesburg prison for
its inmates, but it i& provided to meet only the needs of
the Whites, who alone are allowed aooess thereto, I aek-
ed for special permission for Mr. Forefcoon and myself,
but the Governor told me it was only for Wbi&e Chris-
tian prisoners, Every Sunday they attend it, and
preachers of different denominations give them religious
lessons there,

Several missionaries oome in to convert the Kaffirs
also with special permission. Tbere is DO Church for
them ; they sit in the open. Jews also have got their
preachers to look after them. lo is only the Hindus and
Mahomedans who are spiritually left unprovided for.
There are not many Indian prisoner?, it is true, but the
absence of any such provision for them is hardly credit-
able to them. The leaders of both communities should,
therefore, lay their heads together, and arrange for the
religious instruction of the members of their community
in jail, even if there be only oneoonviob. The preachers,
whether Hindus or Moulvis, should ba pure-hearted, and
they should be careful not to become thorns ID the sides
of the convicts.

GANDHI'S FIRST JAIL EXPERIENCES

THIS JSJMU

All fch,aft waa worth knowing has been abated above*
Indiana being placed on a level wibb bbe Kaffirs ia a fact
Which oalia for further consideration. While tbe White
convicts get a bedstead to sleep on, a tooth-brush to
clean their teeth, a towel to wipe* their faoea and hands,
-and also a handkerchief, Indiana get nothing, Why
this distinction ?

We should never think that this is not a matter for
Oar interference. It> is these little things which either
enhance our respect or degrade us, An Arabia book says
that he who has no self-respects has no religion, Nations
have become great by gradually enhancing their self-res-
pect, Self-respect does not mean vanity or rashness bub
a state of mind which is prepared not; to ieb go its privi-
leges bimply out> of fear or idleness. Oue who has really
his trust in God attains to self-respect, and I firmly
believe' that one who has no trusb in Hun never knows
rthat is right, nor does he know bow to do right.

II

Every prisoner in the jail on getting up in the morn*
ing is required to fold his own bedding, and to place it in
its proper place, Ha muab finish his coilet by 6 o'clock
and be ready to start out at> the stroke of the hour.
The work begins at 7 o'ulook. ID is of various kinds.
The ground to be dug way very hard. ID was to be
worked upon with spades, and hence the work proved
too hard. Again, ib waa a very hob day. Tbe place we
were taken to was about a mile and a half from the jail.
.Each one of us started vary well indeed, Bub as one ot

164 JAlIi EXPEDIENCES

us was used to this kind of work, it was nob long before
w* were quite done up* As the day advanced, the work
seemed harder still, The warder was very strict. He
uaed to ory out every now and then, "go on, go on/
This made the Indians quite nervous, I saw some of
them weeping, One of them had a swollen foot. All
this caused me a greab deal of heart-burning, and yet on
every occasion, I reminded them of the duty, and asked
them bo perform it as well as possible, with a good heart*
and without! minding the words of the warder, I felt
myself done up also. My hands were oovered with
blisters and water was oozing out of them. I oould
hardly bend the spade and felo the weight of it as if it
was quite a raaund. I prayed to God to preserve my
honour, to maintain my limbs intaot, and to bestow on
me sufficient strength to be able to perform my allotted
tack. I trusted to Him and went on with my work.
Tbe warder would sometimes remonstrate with me at)
an occasional break required to get over the fatigue. I
told him that it was uuneoessary for him to remind tne>
of my duty, and thab I waa prepared to go through aa
much of ib aa was possible for me to do. Just then I

saw Mr, Jhinabbai faint While I waa pouring water

on Jbinabhai'a head, the following occurred to me.
Mobt of the Indians trusted my word, and submitted
themselves to imprisonmanfc. If the advice that I bap*
peoed to offer them were erroneous, how muoh ain I
would be committing in the eyes of God in tendering it
to them. They underwent all sorts of hardships on
account of that advice, With tbis thought in my mind,
I heaved a deep sigh. With God as my witness, I re-
flected on the subject onoe more, and was immediately
reassured that it was all right, I felt that the advice

GANDHI'S SECOND JAIL EXPERIENCES

that I tendered to them was bba only advice that I could
dnder the circumstances. In anticipation of future
happiness, it was absolutely neoesaary thab we should
undergo tha hardest trials and sufferings in tha first
instance, and that there was no reason to b* grieved at
-the letter, This was aitnply a fio of fainting, but even
if it was a oasa of death, how oould I offer any other
advice than what I had already done? It at once
occurred to me that it was more honourable for anybody
to die suffering in that manner* than to continue living
* life of perpetual enslavement.

At one time one of the warders came to me, and
asked me to provide him with two of his men to clean the
water-olosabs. I thought} fchat I oould do nothing batter
than olaan tham myself and so I offered him my services.
f have no particular dialika to that kind of work. O » the
contrary, I am of opinion that we ought] to gat ourselves
accustomed to it.

I was given a bad in a ward, where there were princi-
pally Kaffir patieafeg. Hare I passed the whole night in
great misery and terror, I did nob know then that I
was to be taken tha next day to another cell that was
occupied by Indian prisoners. Fretting that I would
be kept incarcerated with such men, I got very nervous
And terror-stricken. And yet I tried my best to reconcile
•myself to the idea th it it was my duty to undergo tha
sufferings that may befall ma. I read from tha
*'Bhagawad-Gita," that I had with me, certain verses
suited to the occasion, and, on pondering over them, was
soon reconciled to the situation. The chief reason why
I got nervous was that in the same room, there were &

166 JAII* EXPERIENCES

number of wild, murderous looking, vicious Kaffir and
Chinese prisoners. I did nob know their language. Oae
of the Kaffirs began to ply me with all sorts of questions
As, far as I oould gatber, be seemed to be mooking me
indecently, I did not understand wbat bis questions
were and I kept quiet* He then asked me in bis broken
English, " Why have they brought you here ?" I gave
him a very shjort reply and was again silent. He was
followed by one of the Chinamen. He was worse than
thev other. , He approached my bed, and looked at me
intently. I kept on my silence. He then proceeded
towards the above-mentioned Kaffir's bed. There they
began to mock each other indecently, and expose their
private parts. . Both these prisoners were probably there
for murder or highway robbery. How oould I enjoy sleet
after seeing these deadful things?

(At one time) as soon as I got seated at the water
olosett there to answer the call of nature, a very wild and
muscular looking Kaffir turned up. He asked me to get
off from the seat, ane began to abuse me. I told him I
would not be long when he took hold of me, and threw
me outside, Fortunately, I was able to catch bold of
ona of the door?, and to save myself from a nasty fall*
This did not make me very nervous. I simply walked
away with a smiling countenance. Bat one or two Indian
prisoners who happened to see the situation in which I
was placed, could not restrain themselves from shedding
tears.

Ill

When on the 25th Fobruary I gob tbrea months' hard
labour, and onoe again embraced my brother Indians and
my eon in the Volksrusb Jail, I little thought that I
should have had to say much in connection with my
third "pilgrimage" to the jail, but with many other
human assumptions, this too proved to be false. My
experience this time was unique, and what I learnt there-
from I oould not have learnb after years of study. I
consider these three months invaluable. I saw many
vivid pictures of passive resistance, *nd I have become,
therefore, a more cou firmed resistor than what I was
three mouths ago, For all this» I have bo thank the
Government of this place (the Transvaal),

Several officers had betted this that I should nob get
less than six months. My friends — old and renowned
Indians — my own son — hacf gob six months and so I too
was wishing thab they might win their bets. Still I had
my own misgivings* and they proved true, I got only
three months, thab being the maximum under the law.

After going there, I was glad to meet Messrs. DawoocJ
Muhammad, Rustamji, Sorabjji, Pillay, Hajura Sing, Lai
Bahadur Sing and other ' fighters/' Excepting for about
ten all others were accommodated in tents, pitched in the
jail compound for sleeping, and the scene resembled a
camp more than a prison. Every one liked to sleep in
the tents.

We were comfortable aboufa our meals. We used to
oook ourselves as before, and so oould cook as we liked,
We were about 77 passive resistors in all.

Those who were taken out for work had rather a
bard time of i*. Tne road near the Magistrate's Court

168 JAIL EXPERIENCES

had to ba built, so they had fco dig up stones, efco., *od
carry them, After Ghat; was finished they were asked to
dig up grass from the Hohoil comoouud. Bub mostly
they did fcheir work cheerfully. F.ir three days I was
also thus sent out with fcho *' ahaon" (gangs) to work, bud
in bhe meanwhile ^ wire was received that I was not to
be taken outside fco work. I was disheartened at this as
I liked to move out, because it improved my health and
exercised my body. Generally I take two meals a dayf
but; in the Volksruat Jail, on aooount of this exercise I
fe!t hungry thrice. After this (urn, I was given the work
of a sweeper, bub this was useless, and after a time even
that was taken away.

WHY I WAS MADK TO LBAVK VOLKSRTJST ?

On the 2nd of March I heard that I was ordered to
be sent to Pretoria, I was asked to be ready at once,
and my warder and I had to go to the station in pelting
rain, walking on hard roads, with my luggage on my
head. We left by the evening train in a third class
carriage.

My removal gave rise to various surmises. Some
thought that peace was near, others, that after separating
me from my companions, Government intended to op-
press me more, and some others, that in order to stifle
discussion in the House of Commons it might be intend-
ed to give me greater liberty and convenience.

I did not like to leave Volksrust, as we passed
our daya and nights pleasantly there talking -to one
another, Messrs, Hajura Sing and Joshi always pat us
questions, questions which were neither useless nor trk
vial, as they related to science and philosophy. How
would one like to Jeave suoh company and such a camp?

GANDHI'S THIRD JAIL EXPERIENCES

But? if everything happened as we wished, we should
•nob be called human beings, So I left} the plaoe quietly*
Saluting Mr. K*ji on the road, the warder and I gob con-
fined in a compartment, It) was very oold, and raining
too for the whole night* I had my overcoat with me
whioh I was permitted to use. I was given bread and
oheeaa for my msals on the way, but as I bad eaten
bafore I left, I gave them to my warder.

PRETORIA JAIL : THE BEGINNING

We reached Pretoria on the 3rd, and found every-
thing new. The jail was newly built, and the men were
new. I was asked to eat but I had no inolination to do
ao> Mealie meal porridge was plaoed before me- I tasted
a spoonful only and then left it untouched- My warder'
was surprised at it, but I told him I was not hungry, and
he smiled. Tuen I was banded over to another warder.
He said, " Gandui, take off your cap." I did so. Then
be asked, "Are you the son of Ginihi?1'! said, ''N3,
my eon is undergoing six months' imprisonment at
"Volksruat." Ha then confined ma in a cell. I began to
walk forwards aad backwards in it. Ha saw it> from the
watch-hole iu the door, and exclaimed, ''Giodbi, don't
walk about like that. lo spoils my fijor." I stopped*
and stood in a corner, quietly. I had nothing to read
even, as 1 had not yet got my hooka, I was confined at
about eight, and at ten I was taken tc the Djdior, He
only asked me if I hafl any contagious disease, and then
allowed me to go, I was then interned iq a small room
at eleven whera I pasaed my whole time. Ic seemed to
be a oell made for one prisoner only. Its dimensions
ware about 10x7 feet. The floor was ol black pitch,
whiph the warder tried to keep shining. There was only

JAIL EXPERIENCES

6oe stoall glass window, barred wibh iron bars, for lighb
and air. There was eleobrio light kept* fco examine the
inmates ab night. Ib was nob meanb for the use of the
prisoners, as ib was nob strong enough to enable one bo
read, When I went and stood very near it, I oould read
only a large-type* book, It is pub out ab eight, bub is
again pub on five or six times during the night, to enable
the warders to look over the prisoners, through the
waboh- holes.

After eleven the Deputy- Governor came and I made
these requests to him ! for my books, for permission to
write a letter to my wife who was ill, and for a email
bench to sit on. For tbe firet, he said, be would consider
for the second, I might write, and for the third, no,
Afterwards I wrote out my letter in Gujarati and gave ib
to be posted. He endorsed on it, that I should write ib la-
English. I said, my wife did nob know English, and my
letters were a great source of a comfort to her, and that*
I "had nothing special to write in them. Still I did nob
get the permissions and I declined to write in Euglishi
My books were given to me in tbe evening.

My mid-day meal I bad to bake standing in my cell
with closed doors. At three, I asked leave for a bath.
The warder said, '* All right, bub you had bebber go hhere
after undressing yourself." (Tbe place was 125 fee*
distant from my cell). I said, if there was no special
object) in my doing BO, I would pub my clothes on the
curtain there and take my batb. He allowed it, bub said,
M Do nob delay- Even before I had cleaned my body, he
shouted out," "Gandhi, have you done?11 I said, "I
would do so in a minute." I oould rarely see the face of
an Indian. In the evening I gob a blanket and a ooir
mat to sleep on but neither pillow nor plank, Even

GANDHI'S THIRD JAIL EXPERIENCES 171

when answering a oall of nature, I was being watched by
a warder. If he did nob happen bo know me, he wouloV
cry outo, " Sam, oome oub," Bub Sam had gob bhe bad
habib of baking his full times in such a oondibion, so bow
could he geb up ab onoe ? If he were bo do so, he would
nob be easy, Sometimes bhe warders and Bomebimes bhe
Kaffirs would peep in, and ab bimes would sing oub| " Reb
up." The labour given bo me nexb day was bo polish bhe
floor an<J the doors. The labber were of varnished iron,
and whabrpolish oould be broughb on bhem by rubbing ?
I spent bhree hours on each door rubbing, bub found
bhem unchanged, the same as before.

FOOD
The food was in keeping with bhe above conditions.

I knew bhab no ghee was given with rioe in bhe
evening, and I had thoughb of remedying the defect), I
Spoke to bhe Chief Warder, bub he said, ghee was to be
given only on Wednesdays acd Sunday noons in place of
meabj and if iba further supply were needed, I should see
the Doobor. Nexb day applied bo see him and I was
taken to him.

I requested him to order oub for all Indians ghee in
place of fab. The Chief Warder was presenb and he add-
ed bhab Gandhi's request was nob proper, Till then many
Indians had used both fat) and meab> and bhat those who
objeoted to fab, were given dry rice, which they ate with-
out any objection; that the passive registers had also
done so, and when they were released, they left with
added weight, The Doobor asked me what I had to say
to that. I replied that I oould not quite swallow the story,
but speaking for myself, I should spoil my health, if 1

JAIL EXPERIENCES

-were compelled to take rioe without ghee, Then ho said,
14 for you specially, I would order bread to be given," I
eaid, ' thank you, but I had nob applied for myself alone,
and I would nob be able bo bake bread for myself alone,
till ghee was ordered bo be given bo all others," The
Doctor said, " Then you should nob find fault with me,
now,"

I again petitioned and 1 came to learn that the food
regulations would ultimately be made as in Natal. I
criticised that also and gave the reasons why I could nob
for myself alone accept ghee, At; last, when in all about
a month and a half had elapsed, I got) a reply stating that
wherever there were many Indian prisoners, ghee would
invariably be given, Thus it might be said that after a
month and a half I broke my fast, and for the last month
I was able to cake rioe, ghee and bread. Bat I took no
breakfast and at noon, when pap was doled out, I hardly
took ten spoonfuls, as every day it was differently prepar-
ed, . Bat still I got good nourishment from the bread
and rice, and so my health improved* I say so, because
when I used to eat once only, it had broken down, I had
losto all strength, and for ten days I was suffering from a
severe ache in half of my forehead. My chest too had
shewn symptoms of being affected.

I bad told many passive resistors that, if they left
jail with spoiled health, they would be considered want-
ing in tho right spirit. We must turn our prisons into
palaces so that when I found my own health getting rujn-
«d I felt apprehensive lest I should have to go out fqjfcnat
reason, Ib has to be remembered that I had not availed
cnyself of the order for ghee made in my favour, so that
there was a chance of my health gabbing affected, but
tibia does nob aoolv in the oaae~bf other?, as id is ooen t<

GANDHI'S THIRD JAIL EXPERIENCES 173

eaoh individual prisoner, when he is in jail, to have some
special order made in his favour, and thus preserve his
health.

OTHER CHANGES

I have said that my Warder was harsh in bin deal-
ings with me. But this did nob last long. When he saw
that I was fighting with the Government about food, &o,,
bub obeying his orders unreservedly, ha changed his oon-
duob and allowed me to do as I liked, This removed
my difficulties aboub bath, latrine, &o. Ha became so
considerate that he scarcely allowed it to be Been that he
Ordered me to do anything, The man who succeeded
him was like a Pasha and he was always anxious to
work after my conveniences. He said, " I love those
who fight for their oommuniby, I mysalf am such a
fighter, and I do nob consider you to be a convict." He
thus used to comfort me.

Again, the bench which was refused in the beginning
was sent to me, by bhg Chief Warder hiimelfi after some
days* In the meanwhile I had received two religious
books for reading from General Smuts. From this I
concluded that the hardship I had bo undergo were due,
nob to his express orders, bub to the carelessness and in-
difference to himself and others( and alRO because the
Indians were considered to be like Kaffirs. The only
object of isolating me appeared to be to prevent my
talking with others, After some trouble I got permission
lor the use of a note-book and pencil.

THE VISIT OF THE DIRECTOR

Before I was taken to Pretoria, Mr. Liohenstein had
seen me with special permission. He bad come to see
on office business, but he asked me how I was, &o, I

174 JAIL EXPERIENCES

was nob willing 60 answer him on the poinb, bub he pres-
sed me. So I said, " I will nob tell you all, bub I will
aay this muoh, thab they treab me cruelly. General
Smuts by this means wanba me to give in, bub thab
would never be. as I was prepared bo undergo whatever
befell ma, thab my mind was ab peaoe. bub thab you
should publish, bhis, After coming out. I myself would
do so." He oommunioabed ib to Mr, Polak. who nob
being able to keep it) bo himself in his turn spoke to
others' and Mr, David Polak thereupon wrote to Lord
Salbome and an inquiry was held, The warder oame
for thab purpose and I spoke bo him the very words
eeb out above. I also pointed out the defects, which I
have mentioned in the beginning, Thereupon, after tea
days he seat me a plank for bed, a pillow, a night ehirb
and a hardkerohiof, which I took. In my npemorial to
him I had asked him to provide this convenience for ail
Indians, Really speaking, in this respect Indians are
softer than the whites, and they oannob do wibhoub
pillows.

HANDCUFFS

The opinion I bad come bo, in consequence of my
treatment in jail in the beginning, was confirmed by
what happened now. About four days after I received
a witness gammons in Mr. Piliay'a case. So I was taken
to Court, I was manacled this time, and the Warder
took no time io putting on the handcuffs, I think this
was done unintentionally. The Cbief Warder had seen
en e and from him I had obtained leave to carry a book
me. He seemed to be under the impression that I
ashamed of the manacles, and BO I had asked
to carry a book* and hence he asked ma bo

GANDHI'S THIRD JAIL HXPKRIRNCES 175

hold the book in my hands in suoh a way as 60 oonoeal
the baudcuffd, Tins made me smile, as I was feeling
honoured in thus being manacled. The book thata I was
carrying was oalied, " Toe Gourb o( God is in Tdeir
Mind." I Dhoughb this a happy coincidence, because I
fcbougbb what hardships might} trouble me externally, if I
were such as to make God live in my heard, what should
I care (or the hardships? I was thus taken on foot,
handcuffed, to Gourb.

LKSSONS OF PASSIVE RESISTANOB
Some of the above details might be considered trivial,
but my main object in eebbing them out has been that to
minor as well aa iraporbanb matters you can apply bhe
principles of resistance, I calmly acquiesced in all the
troubles, bodily given to me by fche warder, wibh the
resulb that not only was I able to remiin calm and
quiet?, bub that he himself had bo remove them in the
end. If I had opposed him, my strength of mind would
have become weakened, and I could nob have done these
more important) things bhab I had bo do, and in bhe
bargain made him my enemy*

My food diffimlby also was solved ah last because I
resisted, and undervvenb suffaring in bhe bagmnin^.

Toe greatest good I derived from bheae sulf jrings
was bhao by undergoing bodily harddhipq I could see
4ny manbal strength clearly increasing, and ib is even now
maintained. Trie experience of bha lasb three months
ijaa lefc mo more than ever prepared bo undergo all suoh
hardships winh ea^e. I feel bhab God helps suoh
conscientious objectors, and in putting tharn to tha beab.
He only burdens them wibh suoh sufferings as they oau

176 JAIL EXPERIENCES

WHAT I BEAD

The tale of my happiness or unhappiness is now afe
an end, Amongst the many benefits I received in these
three month?, one was the opportunity I gob to read, At
Ihe sbarfe, I must admit, I fell into moods of despond-
ency and thougbtfulness while reading, and was even
tired of these hardships, and my mind played antics like
a monkey. Such a state of mind leads many towards
lunaoy, "bub, in my oase, my books saved me They made
tip in a large measure for the loss of the society of my
Indian brethren. I always got about three hours to read.

So that I was able to go through about thirty books,
and oon over others, which comprised English, Hindi,
Gujaratbi, Sanskrit and Tamil works, Oat of these, I
consider Tolstoys' Emersoii's and Garlyle's worth men-
tioning. The two former related to religion, I had bor-
rowed the Bible from the jail Tolstoy's books are so
Simple and easy tbafc any man can study and profit by
them. Again he is a man who practices what be preaches,
and hence his writings inspire great confidence.

Carlyle's French Revolution is written in a very
effective style. It made me thick that from the White
Nations we could hardly learn the remedy to remove the
present miseries of lodia, because I am of opinion that
the French people have secured no special benefit by
their Revolution, This was wbab Hazzini thought too.
There is a great cotfl ot of opinion hbout this, which it
is hardly proper to mention here. Even there I saw some
instances of passive resistance.

The Swamiji Lad etcfe me Gbjarali, H'ndi and Sans*
krit bccke. Bhat Kebbavram had sent Vedasabdasanlhlja
and Mr. Motilal Devan, the Ucanishads. I also read fcha

GANDHI'S THIRD JAIL EXPERIENCES 177

Manusmriti, the Ramayana Sar, published in Phoenix,
the Patanjal Yog Darshana, the AhniJe Prakash of Na-
thuramji, the Sandhya Qutika given by Professor Parma-
nand, the Bhagavad Gita and the works of the late Kavi
Shn Rajobandra, This gave me much food for thought.
The Upanishads produced in me great peaoefulnese. One
sentence specially has struck to me. It meanp» whatever
Ihou dost, thou shoulds* do the same for the good of the
soul." The words are of great importance and deserve
great consideration too.

Bud I derived the greatest satisfaction from the
writings of Kavi Shri Rajohandra. In my opinion they
are such as should attract universal belief and popularity,
His life was as exemplary and high as Tolstoy's. I had
learnb some passages from them and from the Sandhya
book by heard and repeated them at nighb while lying
awake, Every morning also for half an hour I used to
think over them, and repeat what I had learnt by heart.
This kept my mind in a state of cheerfulness, nighb and
day. If disappointment or despair attacked me a*i times,
I would think over what I had read and my heart would
instantly become gladdened, and thank God. ... I
would only say, that in this world good books make up
for the absence of good companions, so that all Indians,
if they want to live happily in jail, should accustom them-
selves to reading good books.

MY TAMIL STUDIES

What the Tamils have done in the struggle no other
Indian community has done. So I thought that if for DO
other reason than to show my sincere gratefulness to
them, I should seriously read their books. So I spent the
l*f*fe month in attentively studying their language* The
li

178 JAII* HXPBRIKMGB8

more I studied, the more I felt its beauties. 16 is an in-
teresting and sweet) language, and from its construction
and from what I read, I saw that the Tamils counted in
chair1 cnidsc, in the pass and even now, many intelligent?,
olever and wise person*. Again, if there is to be one na-
tion in India, those who live outside the Madras Presi-
dency, must know Tamil.

THB END

I wish that the result of the perusal of these experi-
ences would ba that he who knows not what patriotism
is would learn it* and after doing so, become a passive
resistor) and he who is so already, would be confirmed
in his aUitude, I also get moru and more convinced that
he who does not know his true dutiy or religion would
never know what patriotism or feeling for one's owa
country is.

Passive Resistance

HOW THE IDEA ORIGINATED

In answer to a question put to him by* ^the
Joseph Do"Jcet his biographer \ as to the birth and .«t>
of this principle so far as he was concerned, Mr»,
replied as follows: — t

I remember , '' ha said, " how one verse of a
Gajftrati poem, which, as a child, I learned >at> Rehool,
clang bo me, In substance ib was this : — , c/ .

" If a man gives you a drink of water and you give
him a drink in return, that is nothing. : ,

Real baaufcy consists io doing good againato evil,",

"As a oh ild, this verse had a powerful influence over
-trie, and I tried to oarry ib into practice. Then oatne
the 'Sermon on the Mounb."' ' j '

"Bub, " said I, " surely tlie Bhagavad-Gita came

"No," he replied, " of ooucse I knew tho Bhagavad-
in Sanskrit tolerably well, bufc I had not made its
teaching., in thab particular a study, Ib was the New
Testament whioh really awakened0 mQ-to -the rightn&es
and value of Passive Resistance. When I read in fehtf
'Sermon on the Mount' auoh passages aa *R^aist[ nob
him that is evil bub whosoever sirtUeth thee on thy right)
aheek turn bo him tha other also ' and 'Love your ene-
mies and pray for bhem bhab persecute you, thab ya

180 PASSIVE RESISTANCE

be sons of your Father wbioh is in heaven.' I was simply
overjoyed, and found my own opinion confirmed where I
least) ex Deo bed ib. Tbe Bhagavad Qita deepened the-
impression, and Tolstoy'* 'Tbe Kingdom of God is
Within You' gave it a permanent form."

Tolstoy, Buskin, Thoreau and the Passive Resistance
Movement in England " had proved an object lesson, not
only to him but to his people, of singular force and in-
tere&t.'* Mr Gandhi's ideal "is not so much to resist evil
passively, it has its active compliment — to do good in
reply to evil*' In answer to Rev. Joseph Doke, he said'* —

I do nob like the term " passive resistance." Id fail*
to convey all I mean. Ib describes a method, bub givea
no bint of the system of which it is only part. Seal
beauty, and that is my aim, is in doing good against evil.
Bvil), I adopt the phrase because ib is well-known, and
easily understood, and because, ab present, the great*
majority of my people can only grasp that idea. To me,
the ideas which underlie the Gujarabi hymn and the
"Sermon on the Mount" should revolutionise the whole-
-of life.

SOUL FORCE v. PHYSICAL FORCE

The advantages of soul- force against physical force
are well pictured by Mr. Gandhi in the following*
words : —

Passive resistance is an all-aided sword ; ib can be
used anyhow ; ib blesses him who uses ib and him against
Whom it is used wichout drawing a drop of blood ; it pro-
duces /ar-reaohlog results. Ib never rusts and cannot be

ORIGIN OF THE MOVEMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA 18 i

«t?olen, Gompefctftion between passive registers does no*
exhaust: them. The sword of passive resistance does not)
require a soabbardjand one cannot be forcibly dispossesfl-
-ed of it)

THE ORIGIN OF THE MOVEMENT IN SOUTH
AFRICA

As to how the movement originated in South Africa,
here is Mr. Gandhi's statement :—

Some years ago, when I began to take an active
parb in the public life of Natal, the adoption of this
method occurred to me as the beet; course to pursun,
should petitions fail, bub, in the tben unorganised con-
dition of our Indian community, tbe attempt) seemed
useless. Hare, however, ia Johannesburg, when tbe
Asiatic Registration Act was introduced, tbe Indian com-
munity was so deeply stirred, and so koit together in a
common determination to resist it, that) the moment)
Deemed opportune Some action they would take ; it}
seemed to be best for tbe Colony, and altogether right),
that their action should not) take a riotous form, but)
that) of Passive Resistance, They had no vote in Pat-
ilament, no hope of obtaining redress, no one would lie*
ten to their complaints. Tbe Christian churches were
indifferent), so I proposed this pathway of suffering, and
after much discussion, it) was adopted. In September,
1906, there was a large gathering of Indiana in the old
Empire Theatre, when the position was thoroughly faced,
and, under the inspiration of deep feeling, and on the
proposal of one of our leading men, they swore a solemn
oath committing themselves fco Pasaiva Resistance,

THE GENESIS OF PASSIVE RESISTANCE.

In an address that Mr. Gandhi delivered before an
audience of FJuropeans at the Germiston (Transvaal)
Literary and Debating Society in 1908, he said : —

Passive reaiatanoe ,was^ a misnomer. Bub the expres-
sjon had been accepted aa it waa popular, and had been
fur a long time uaed by those who carried out in practice
fche idea denoted by the term. The idea was more com-
pletely and better expressed by the term "soul-force." As
eiioh, it waa aa old as the human race* Active resis-
tance waa better expressed by the term " body force/1
Jeaua Christ, Daniel and Socrates represented the purest
form of passive resistance or soul-force. All these
teachers counted their bodies as nothing in comparison
to their soul Tolstoy was the best and brightest (mo*
dern) exponent of the doctrine. He not only expounded
it, but lived according to it. In India, the doctrine was
Understood and commonly practised long before it came
into vogue in Europe. It was easy to see that eoul force
was ii finitely superior to, ody force. If people in order
to secure redress of wrcrgp, resorted to soul force, much
of the present suffering wou Id be avoided. In any case
the wielding of this oroe never caused suffering to
others, So that, whenever it was misused, it only in-
jured the userp, and not those against whom it was used.
L^ke virtue, it was its own reward. There was no such
thing as failure in the use of this kind of force. " Re~
jBisfa not evil " meant thafa evil was not to be repelled by
evil, but by good ; in other words, physical force was fco
be opposed not by its like but by soul-force. The*

PASSIVE RESISTS RS IN THE TOLSTOY FARM 183

same* idea was expressed in Indian philosophy by
the expression, <( freedom from injury to every living
thing." The exercise of this doctrine involved physical
suffering on the park of those who practised it. Bub
it was a known fact that the sum of such suffering WAS
greater rather than leas in bhe world. That being so, all
that) was necessary for those who recognised the
immeasurable power of soul force, was consciously and
deliberately bo accept physical suffering as thetr lot, and
when this was done, the very suffering beoame a source
of joy to the suffarer, It wn quite pUin ihab passsive
resistance thus understood, was infinitely superior to
physical force, and that it required greater courage than
the latter, No transition wae, therefore! possible from
passive resistance to active or physical resistance.
. . The only condition of a successful use of this force
was a recognition of the existence of the soul as apart
from the body, and its permanent and superior nature.
And this recognition must amount bo a living faith and
oot a mere intellectual grasp,

PASSIVE RESISTERS IN THE TOLSTOY
FARM

Writing to a friend from the Tolstoy Farm, where
he was living with a number of passive resisters' families,
Mr, Gandhi says, touching manual labour: —

I prepare the bread that is required on the farm, The

general opinion about it is that it is well made. Manilal

and a few others have learnt how to prepare it. We put

in DO yeast and DO baking power. We grind our own

184 PASSIVE RESISTANCE

wheat). We have jusb prepared some marmalade from
the oranges grown on the farm. I have also learnt how
to prepare ooromel ooffee. In can be given aa a beverage
even bo babies. The passive resistors on the farm have
given up the cue of tea and coffee, and taken to ooromel
ooffee prepared on the farm. It ia made from wheat
which is first baked in a oarbain way and bhen ground.
We intend to sell our surplus production of fcha above
three articles to the public laber on. Just aft present, we
are working as labourers on bha construction work that
is going on, on the farm, and have not tima to produce
more of bhe arbioles above-manbioned than we nead for
ourselves.

A LESSON TO INDIA

Mr. Gandhi wrote these lines in reply to the Eev.
Joseph Dolce, his weU-knoivn biographer, who had invited
him to send a message to his countrymen in India with
reference to the unrest in 1909 : —

The struggle in the Transvaal is not without its in-
barest for India. We are engaged in raising men who
will give a good account of themselves in any part of the
world. We have undertaken the struggle on the follow-
ing assumptions : —

(1) Passive Resistance is always infinitely superior
to physical force

(2) There is no inherent harrier between European
and Indian anywhere.

(3) Whatever may have been the motives of the
British rulers in India> there is a desire on the part of the
Nation aft large to see that justice is done. It would be a

A MESSAGES TO THK CONGRESS 185

calamity to break the connection between the British
people and the people of India. If we are treated as,
or assert our right to be treated as, free men, whether in
India or etaewhero, the connection between the British
people aad the people of India oannob only be mutually
banefioial, but is calculated to be of enormous advantage
to the world religiously, and, therefore, socially and poli-
tically, la my opinion, each Nation is fine complement of
the other.

Passive Resistance in connection with the Tran&vaai
struggle I should hold justifiable on the strength of any
of these propositions. It may be a slow remedy, not
only for our ills in the Transvaal, bub for all the political
and other troubles from whioh our people suffer in India.

A MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS

The following message to the Congress was published
in the Indian Review for December, 1909 : —

You have cabled me for a message to the forthcom-
ing Congress. I do not know tbat I am at all competent
to send any message. Simple courtesy, however, de-
mands that I should say something in reply to your cable.
At the present moment I am unable to think of any-
thing but the task immediately before me, namely, the
struggle that is going on in the Transvaal. I hope our
countrymen throughout India realise that it is national
in its aim, in that it has been undertaken to save India's
honour. I may be wrong, but I have not hesitated pub-
licly to remark that it is the greatest struggle of modern
times, because it is the purest as well in its goal as in its

186 PASSIVE RESISTANCE

methods. Our countrymen in the Transvaal are fighting
for (he right) of oultured Indiana to enter the Transvaa^
in common with Europeans. In this the fighters-
have no personal interest to serve, nor is there any
material gain to aoorue to anybody after the above-
mentioned right (which has for the first time in Colonial'
Legislation been taken away) is restored. Tbe sons ot
Hindustan, who are in the Transvaal, are showing that
they are capable of fighting for an ideal, pure and simple.
The methods adopted in order to secure relief are also
equally pure and equally simple. Violence in any shape
or form is entirely eschewed, They believe that self*
Buffering is the only true and effective means to procure
lasting reforms, They endeavour to meet and conquer
hatred by love. They oppose the brute or physical force
by soul force. They hold that loyalty to an eaithly
sovereign or an earthly constitution is subordinate-
to loyalty to God and His constitution. In interpreting
God's constitution through their conscience they admit
that they may possibly be wrong. Henoe» in resisting or
disregarding those man-made laws which they consider to-
be inconsistent with the eternal laws of God, they aooepb-
with resignation the penalties provided by the former,
and trust to the working of time and to the best in
human nature to make good their position. It they are-
wrong, they alone suffer, and the established order of
things continues. In the process, over 2,500 Indians or
nearly one-half of the resident Indian population, or one*
fifth of the possible Indian population of the Transvaal,
bave suffered imprisonment, carrying with it terrible
hardships. Some of them have gone to gaol again and
again. Many families have been impoverished. Several
noer chants bave accepted privation rather than surrendei

A MESSAGE TO THB CONGRESS 187

their manhood. Incidentally, the Hindu-Mahomedan
problem has been solved in South Africa. We realise
there that the one cannot do without the other. Mahotne-
dane, Parsees and Hindus, or taking them provinoiaMy,
Bengalees, Madrasees, jPuujahis, Afghanistanees, and
Bombayites, have fought shoulder feo shoulder.

I venture to suggest that a struggle suoh as fchis is
worthy of occupying the besb, if nob, indeed, the exclu-
sive attention of the Congress. If U be not impertinent I
would like to distinguish between this and the other items
on the programme of the Congress. The opposition to the
laws or bhe policy with which the other items deal doea
not involve any material suffering : the Congress activity
consists in a mental attitude without corresponding ac-
tion. In the Transvaal case the law and the polioy ifa
enunciated being wrong, we disregard ib, and therefore
consciously and deliberately suffer material and ph\sioal
injury ; action follows, and corresponds to, our mental
attitude. If the view here submitted be correct, ibwill be
allowed that in asking for the best place in the Congress
programme for the Transvaal question, I have nob been
unreasonable. May I also suggest that in pondering over
and concentrating our attention upon passive resistance
such as has been described above, we would perchance
find out that, for the many ills wa suffer from India,
passive resistance is an infatliable panacea. It, is worthy
of oareful study, and I am sura ib will be found ihabib ia
the only weapon tost is suited to the genius of our people
and our land, whioh is the nursery of bhe most ancient
religions and has very little bo learn from modern civili-
zation— a civilization based on violence of the blackest
*Hei largely a negation of the Divine in man, and which
ie rushing headlong to its own ruin.

THE GAINS OP THE PASSIVE RESISTANCE
STRUGGLE

The following is an English rendering from Guja-
ratit originally published in the '* Indian Review1'
for Nov. Dec,, 1912:—

Very often we oome across Indiana who question
bbe utility of passive resistance as carried on in bhis
country (South Africa). They say that what our people
have gob a* a result) of fane terrible suffering* in the jails
and oubaide H some proposed modifioabion in bhe Immig-
ration Law, which bhey oannob understand, and which ia
hardly likely to he of any praotioal value to them. The
maximum gaiu from the struggle, according to their view,
is that thereby a few very highly-educated Indioa who
are least likely to be of any use to them will find it
possible to enter the country. For the edification of those
who hold the above view, we propose to give a abort
summary of the gaina thereof.

That thereby the Indian community could preserve
its national self-respect: according to our proverb, one
who can preserve his self-respect can preserve everything
else,

That thereby the Ragistrabioo Act of 1907 has got
to be swept off the statute book.

That thereby the whole of India became acquainted
with our disabilities in this country.

That through it other nationa became acquainted
with our grievances aud began to appreciate ua better.

That by it was brought about the prohibition of
Indian indentured labour to Natal by the Indian Govern-
ment,

GAINS OF THE PASSIVE RESISTANCE STRUGGLE 189

' That the struggle helped to bring about some
desirable modification in the Licencing Law of
Natal.

That it brought) about the disallowance of the Regid-
Iration Law of Rhodesia which was framed on the same
basis as that of the Transvaal,

That it brought! about the disallowance of the mosb
obnoxious Licensing L\w of Nital. Any one who
doubts this statement had better refer fco the despatch of
the Imperial Government disallowing the Act and the
reasons for such disallowance.

That bub for the struggle the othar Colonies in South
Africa would have passed Immigration Restriction Laws
similar to the law in the Transvaal.

That but for the struggle, the Transvaal Legislature
would have passed other Anti-Asiatic Law as harsh as
the Immigration Restriction Law.

That the struggle brought about the repeal of the
Railway Regulations which differentiated between the
white and the coloured people and that they are now
applicable to all equally.

That it is a maftter of common knowledge that the
Transvaal Registration Law of 1907 was the first of a
series of Anti-Asiastio Laws that were proposed to be
added to the statute book. The unanimous opposition of
the Indians to this law, however, deterred the Transvaal
Government from taking up the other legislation,

That it brought into existance a committee consist-
ing of Europeans under tba presidency of Mr. Hosken
which could not have come into existence otherwise.
This committee is likely to be useful to Indians in their
future struggle.

390 PASSIVE RESISTANCE

That besides those who have already joined the
committee, it has created, in a great many other Europe-
ana, feelings of sympathy and regard for Indians,

That, thereby the Indian community has gained a
great deal of pcestige and that those Europeans who be-
fore tho struggle used to treat Indians with contempt?,
have bean taught to show them due regard and conside-
ration.

That the Government now feels bhat the strength
which is in us is unconquerable.

That the majority of the Indians domiciled in the
country showed themselves quite cowardly before the
struggle. It ha*, however, given them more vigour and
courage. Those who were afraid even to whisper before
that time, are now boldly speaking out their minds as
men.

That whereas before the struggle, there was no
woman's movement io Johannesburg, now there is a
olasa opened under Mrs. Vogle who gives her serviced
free to the oummunity,

Tnat jail life which seemed go dreadful to Indiana
before the sfcruggle, is no longer Horrifying to them .

That although on account of the struggle, Me.
Oaohalia and others have lost almost ali their earthly
possessions, they feel tbato as a consequence thereof,
they have acquired muoh sbrengah of oaiod and character
which they could not have purchased with any amount
of money and which nothing but the actual struggle
could have" infused into them.

That but for the struggla, the Indian community
would have continued to remain ignorant of the fact thai
in the Tamil section thereof, there ware man and woman

<JAINS OP THE PASSIVE RESISTANCE STRUGGLE X91

who were great assets to this people, and who would do
•credit to any community.

Thab the struggle, which brought about the
'Transvaal Law of 1908, revived the rights of hundreds of
Indians who had left the country during the great war.

That the Indian community now standa before the
world fully acquitted of all obargaa of fraud wbioh were
levelled against them before the present settlement.

That the withdrawal of the Bill introduced in the
Union Parliament exempting Earopbaus from the pay-
ment of the poll-tax in Natal is one of the freahesb in-
stances showing the dread the authorities have of a
fresh passive resistance struggle on the part of Indians.

That the struggle made Gjnar*! Smuts rescind hia
own orders on three and the Imperial GDvernmeot; on
two different occasions.

That before the struggle, all laws- used to be framed
against us independently of us and what we thought of
them, but that since the struggle the authorities are
obliged to take our views and feelings into their consi-
deration and they certainly show more regard to them.

That as a consequence of the struggle, the prestige
of the Indian community standa on a much higher level
than ever before. Better this than the riches of the
whole world,

That the community has demonstrated to the world
the invulnerability of " Truth."

That by keeping its full faith in God the community
baa vindicated the glory of Religion. " Where there ia
'truth and where there is religion, there alone ia victory."

On bestowing more thought on the question and
looking at it from its various baarings, one can fiad much
in or e to say aa to bba fruit}* baKdrf, lh*a w'aiti ba?

192 PASSIVE RESISTANCE

abated above. The last on the list, however, is incom-
parably the best of them all. Saoh a groU fighfc could
nob have been carried on successfully without fully trust-
iog in God. He was our only prop all thab time. Those
who pub their implicit faith in Him oannob bub reach
their aims. The struggle will nob have been carried on
in vain, if, as a reeult of it;, we shall h*7d tearnb do pub
eoill more trust in Him.

The Champaran Enquiry

LABOUR TROUBLE IN BBHAR

For many years past the relations of landlords and
tenants and the circumstances attending the cultivation of
indigo in the Ohamparan District have not been satisfac-
tory. In response to an insistent public demand to inquire
into the conditions under which Indian labourers work
in the Indigo Plantations, Mr. Gandhi arrived at Muzaf-
farpuron the 15th April, 1917, whence he took the midday
train for Motihari. Next day he was served with a notice
to quit the District " by next available train as his pre-
sence," the notice announced '* will endanger the public
peace and may lead to serious disturbance which may be
accompanied by loss of life" Mr. Gandhi replied : —

Wbith reference bo the order under Seo. 144, Or. P,
C., just) served upon me, I beg bo abate that I am sorry
thab you have felti called upon to issue it ; and I am
sorry boo thab the Commissioner of the Division has
totally mis-interpreted my position. Oub of a sense of
public responsibility, I feel ib to be my duty to say thab
I am unable to leave this district, but if it so pleases the
authorities, I shall submit to ube order by suffering the
penalty of disobedience.

I moeb emphatically repudiate the Commissioner's
suggestion thab * my objaob is likely to be agitation.1 My
deaire is purely and simply for ' genuine search for
13

194 THB OHAMPARAN ENQUIRY

knowledge ' and this I shall continue to satisfy BO long
as I am left free.

Mr. Gandhi appeared before the Magistrate on the
18th instant and read the following statement before the
Oourt : —

With the permission of fche Oourb I would like to
make a brief statement showing why £ have taken the
very serious step of seemingly disobeying tha order made
under 8, 144 of bh« Gc P, 0 la my humble opinion ib
is a question of difference of opinion between the looal
administration and myself, I have entered tne country with
motives of rendering humanitarian and national service,
I have done so in response to a* pressing invitation to
coma and help the ryots, who urge they are not being
fairly treated by the indigo planter, I oould nob render
any help without studying the problem. I have, there-
fore, come to study it with the assistance, if possible, of
the administration and the planters, I have no obher
motive and 1 cannot believe that my coming here can in
any way disturb public peace or cause loss of life. I
claim to have considerable experience in such matters.
The administration however, have thought differently.
I fully appreciate their difficulty, aad I admit too, that
they can only proceed upon the information they receive,
As a law-abiding oit>iz3n, my first instinct would be as it
was, to obey the order served upon me. I oould not do
so without doing violence to my sense of duty bo those
for whom I came I feel that I could just now serve
them only by remaining in their midst. I oould nob,
therefore, voluntarily retire. Amid this oonflob of duty
I oould only throw the responsibility of removing me
from them on the administration. I am fully conscious
t* f.ha faoh that a person* holding in the publio life of

LABOUR TttOUBLH IN BBHAR 195

India a position such as I do, has to ba most careful
in sobbing examples. ID is my firm belief that in the
•complex constitution under whioh we are living, fche
only safe and honourable course for a Half-respecting
cnan is, in the circumstances such as face me,
to do whab I have deoided to do, that is, to submit with-
out protesb to tho penally of disobedience, I have ven-
tured to make this statement not in any way in extenua-
tion of the penalty to be awarded against me, buo to show
that I have disregarded the order aorvod upon me, not for
want of respecb for Uwful auohorifiy, but in obedience Go
the higher law of our being — bhe voioe of conscience.

Under instructions from higher authorities the notice
was soon ivithdrawn. Early in June a commission was
appointed to enquire into the agrarian troubles in the
Behar plantations with Mr. Gandhi himself as one of the
members of the commission. In December, 1917 1 the Cham-
paran Agrarian Bill based on the recommendations of the
Commission was passed in the Behar Legislative Council
when the Hon. Mr. Maude who moved the Bill made a
frank statement of the scandals which necessitated the
enquiry, thus justifying Mr. Gandhi's work on behalf of
the labourers.

The Kaira Question

THE SITUATION IN KAIKA

In the year 1916-17 there was serious and widespread
failure of crops in the District of Kaira in Gujarat.
Under the revenue rules the ryots were entitled to full
suspension of taxes if the yield was less than 4 as. in the
rupee and half suspension if between 4 and 6 as. The
Government granted complete suspension to one village
only out of a total of 600, half suspension to some 104
villages and issued orders to collect revenue from the rest.
The ryots claimed that the Government were wrong in their
estimate and Mr. Gandhi and Mr. F. /. Patel who con-
ducted an enquiry also came to the same conclusion. The
Government persisted in collecting revenues as usual. Peti.
tions and protests having been of no avail, the ryots resorted
to passive resistance under the guidance of Mr. Gandhi.
In the following lecture at Bombay in February, 1918, Mr.
Gandhi narrated the story of the trouble in Kaira in hi*
usually brief and lucid manner : —

I do not want; to say muob. I have received a letter
asking me to ba presents a& to-morrow's deputation that
is going to wait on his Excellency the Governor, and I
am sure I will be able to explain to bim the true facts,
Still I musk make it clear here that the reenonyibility of
the notice issued by the Gujarat Sabha lies on me. I
was ab Ahmedabed before that notice was issued, where

THE SITUATION IN EAIBA 19T

the matter of Kaira District was being discussed, when ib
was decided that the Gujarat) 8abha ought to take part in
the matter. I -think that), as regards this notice, a mountain
has heen made out of a mole-hill, Everyone knew what
the notioa was when it was being framed, Nohody then
«ven dreamt that Government would misinterpret it>.
The Sahha had with it sufficient data about the plight of
the people. They oame to know that Government!
officials were collecting Saxes and the people were even
selling their oattile GO pay the taxes. Trie matter had
oome to such a pass, and, knowing this, the Sahha
thought it better to issue a notice to console the people
who braved theae hardships. And the notice was the
result of that information, and I have every hope thab in
the deputation that it* going to wait on the Governor, the
result of the deliberations will end in the success of the
people.

COMMISSIONER'S WRATH

If the Commissioner had not been angry with us,
and had talked polibeiy with the deputation that waited
cm him, and had not misinstruoted the Bombay Gov-
ernment, such a grave crisis would not have eventuated,
and we would not have had the trouble of meeting here
this evening, The Sabha's request was to suspend the
collection of dues till the negotiations were over. Bub
Government did not take this proper course and issued
an angry Press Note. It was my firm belief — and even
now I firmly believe — than the representatives of the
people and Government could have joined together and
taken the proper steps. I regret to have to say that Gov-
ernment has made a mistake, Perhaps subordinate
officers of Government would say to Government thab

198 0?HB KAIRA QUESTION

the notice was issued nob from a pure motive, but from
some other ulterior motive. If Government are impressed
with this erroneous belief, those who have Stood by the
people, I hope, will continue to stand by them to the end
and wiil nob retreat. Any responsible right-thinking man
could have given them the same advice, People possess
the same rights as the authorities have, and public men
have every right to advise the people of their rights. The
people that do not fight for their rights are like slaves
(hear, hear), and such people do not deserve Home Rule.
When authorities think fchab they can take anything from
the people and can Interfere, a difficult situation arises.
And if such a situation arises, I must plainly say that
those who have given the people the right advice, wiil
stand by them till the and,

THE WEAPONS

I have not yet oome to any conclusion) and I sin*
oerely trust that those who understand the responsibi-
lity, will not hesitate to undergo hardships in order to
secure justice. (Applause). And in such an eventuality
I hope you will not beat an ignominous retreat The
first and the last principle of passive resistance is that we
should not inflict hardships on others, but pub up with
them ourselves in order to get justice, and Government
need not fear anything if we make up our mind, as we
are bent on getting sheer justice from it and nothing else,
To get that justice we must fight with the authorities
and the people that do nob so fight are but slaves. We
can have only two weapons on occasions like this t
Revolt or passive resistance, and my request is for the
second remedy always. The right of suffering hardships
and claiming justice and getting our demands is from.

THH TOW OF PASSIVE RESISTANCE 199

one's birth. Similarly we have to get; justice ab the
bands of Government by Buffering hardships. We must)
suffer hardships like brave men. What I have to say is,
resort} to the right means, aud that very firmly, in order
to remove the distress through which the Gujarat people
are passing. It is my conviction thai, if we tell the truth
to the British Government, it oan ultimately be convinced,
and if only we are firm in our resolve, rest assured that
Kaira people shall suffer wrongs no more, (Loud
cheers).

THE VOW OF PASSIVE RESISTANCE

As a result of the persistent refusal of Government to'
recognize the serious state of affairs in Kaira and grant a
suspension of revenue, a passive resistance movement was
inaugurated under Mr. Gandhi's lead. At the meeting on
the 22nd March, 191 8> at Nadiad, Mr. Gandhi exhorted
the ryots to resort to Satyagraha, and over 300 men sign-
ed the following declaration : —

Knowing that the crops of our villages are less than
four annas we had requested the Government to suspend
the revenue collection till the ensuimg year. As however
Government has not acceded to our prayer, we, the under-
signed, hereby solemnly declare that we shall nob pay
the full or remaining revenue, bub we will *•& the
Government take such legal steps as they may think fit
to collect tbe same and we sh*ll gladly suffer all £the
consequences of our refusal to pay. We shall allow oar
lands to be confiscated, but we shall not1, of our own
accord, pay anything and thereby losa our self-respect

200 THE KAIKA QUESTION

and prove ourselves wrong. It Government) decide to
suspend the second instalment of fche revenue throughout
the district;, those amongst us who are in a position to
pay, will pay the whole or the balance of the revenue as
may be due, The reason why those of us who have the
money to pay and still do not/, is that if they do the
poorer might in panic sell their things or borrow to pay
and thereby suffer.

Under the oiroucngtanoes we believe it is the duty of
those who are able to pay to proteot the poor.

STATEMENT ON THE KAIRA DISTRESS
Mr. Gandhi sent to the Press the following statement
en the Kaira distress under date 28th March, 1918 : —

In the District of Kaira the orops for the year 1917-
18 have, by common admission, proved a partoiai failure.
Under the Revenue rutes if bhe crop* are under four
annas, the cultivators are entitled to full suspension of
the Revenue amassment for the year ; if the orops are
under six annas, half the amount of assessment is
suspended. So far as I am aware, the Government) have
been pleased bo grano full suspension whh regard to one
village outi of nearly 600, and half-ausoensioa in the
case of over 103 villages. Ik is olaimsd on behalf of the
ryots that) the suspension is no!) at all adequate to the
actuality. The Government contend that in the vast
majority of villages crops have been over six annas. The
only question, therefore, »D issue is, whether the orops
have been under four annas or six annas, as the casa may
be, or over the latter figure. Government valuation is in
the first instance made by the Talatis assisted by the-
obiefman of the villages concerned. As a rule no check

STATEMENT ON THE KAIRA DISTRESS 201

on their figures is considered necessary, for ib is
only daring partial failure of oropa bhab Governmenb
Paluafeion of crops may have to be challenged, The
Falabis are as a class obsequious, unscrupulous and
tyrannical. The chief men are esp3oiaUy selected for
their docility. Tua T*lat;i'a one aim ia naturally to col-
leob full assessment; as pr)in jUy as possible, We gome*
tiuaea read aooouota of asaiduoua Talatia having been
awarded 'pugrees' for making full oolleosion, In applying
to the Talatis the adjectives I have given, I wish bo oasfe
no reflections on them as men, I merely 8*>ate bhe faofe,
The Talatis are nob born ; they are made ; and rend-
collectors all the world over have to oulbivafce a callous-
ness wibhoub which oh-3y could nob do bheir work to the
sabisfaction of their misters. Ib H itnpossible for me to
reproduce the graphic description given by the ryots of
bhe reoenb oollecbors which bhe TiUtiia chiefly are, My
purpose in dealing wit,h bhe Talatia is to show bhab bhe
Governments valuabion of bhe crops is derived in the
firgb ingtanoa from the taioced source and is presumably
biassed against; bhe ryobs. As agaiosb their valuation we
have bhe universal testimony of ryots, high and low,
•some of whom are men of position and considerable
wealth who have a reputation to lose and who have
nothing to gain by exaggerations except bhe odium of
'Talatis and possibly higher officials, I wish to state ab
once that) behind bhis movement there is no desire to
discredit bhe Government, or an individual official. Trie
movement is intended to aaserb the right of the people
to be effectively heard in matters concerning themselves.

Ib is known feo bhe public fchab bhe Hon'ble Mr. (3.K
Parekh and Mr, V, J, Patel invited and assisted by tbe

202 THE KA1EA QUESTION

Gujarat Sabha oarried on investigations, as also Messrs,
Decdbar, Joahi and Thakkar of the Servants of India
Society. Their investigation was necessarily preliminary
and brief and therefore confined to a few villages only,
But the result of their enquiry went to show thab the
crops in the majority of oases was under four annas. As
their investigation, nob being extensive enough, was cap-
able of being challenged, and it was challenged, I under-
book a full inquiry with the assistance of over 20 capable,
experienced, and impartial men of influence and status. J
personally visited over 50 villages and met as many men
in the villages as I could, inspected in these villages mosfe
of the fields belonging to them and after a searching cross-
examination of the villagers, came to the conclusion tab at
their crops were under four annas. 1 found that among
the men who surrounded me, there were present those
who were ready Bo check [exaggerates and wild State-
ments. Men knew what was at stake if they departed
from the truth, As lo the ' Rabi ' crops and the still
standing ' Kharif ' crops, I was able by the evidence ol
my own eyes to check the statements of the agriculturists.
The methods adopted by my co-workers were exactly thfr
same. In this manner nearly four hundred villagers were
examined, and with but a few exceptions, crops were
found to be under four annas, and only in three oases
they were found to be over six annas. The method adop-
ted by us was, so far as the ' Kharif ' crops were oon»
corned, to ascertain the actual yield of the whole of the
crops of individual villages and the possible yield of the
same village in a normal year. Assuming the truth of
the statements made by them, this is admittedly an
absolute test, and any other method that would bring
about the same result must be rejected as untrue and!

STATEMENT ON THE KAIRA DISTRESS 203

unscientific; and, as I have already remarked, all prob-
ability of exaggeration was avoided in the above-named
investigation, As to the standing ' Rabi ' crops, there
was the eye estimate and is was tented by the method
above mentioned, The Government matbod is an eye
estimate and therefore a matter largely of guess-work,
It is moreover open to fundamental objections which I
have endeavoured to set forth in a letter to the Collector
of the District. I requested him to treat Vadthal — a
well known and ordinarily well-to-do village of the
District with the railway line passing by it and
which is near a trade centre — as a test oaee, and I
suggested that if the crops were in that village proved to
be under four annas, as I hold they were, it might be
assumed that in the othor villages leas fortunately situat-
ed, crops were not likely fco be more fchao four annap. I
have added to my request a suggestion that I should be
permitted to be present at the inquiry, He made the
inquiry, but rejected my suggestion, and therefore it
proved to be one-sided, The Collector has made an ela-
borate report on the crops of that village, which in my
opinion I have successfully challenged. The original
Government valuation, I understand, was twelve annas.
the Collector's minimum vaiution is seven annas, If the
probably wrong methods of valuation to which 1 have
drawn attention aud which have been adopted by the
Collector are allowed for, the valuation according to hi&
own reckoning would come under six annas and accord*
ing to the agriculturists it would be under four annas.
Both the report and my answer are too technical to be
of valuo to the public, But I hate suggested that, as
both the Government and agriculturists bold themselves
in the right, if the Government! have any regard for

204 THB KAIRA QUESTION

popular opinion, they should appoint; an impartial
oo mm it tea of inquiry with the cultivators' representa-
tives upon it, or gracefully aooepb the popular view, The
Government) have rejected both the suggestions and
insist upon applying ooeroive measures for the collection
of revenue. IG may be mentioned that these measures
have never been totally suspended and in many oasee
the ryots have paid simply under pressure. The Talabig
have taken away cattle, and have returned them only
after the payment of assessment. In one case, 1 witness*
ed a painful incident : — A man having his milch buffalo
taken away from him, and it was only on my happening
to go to the village thab the buffalo was released ; this
buffalo was the most valuable property the man possess-
ed and a source of daily bread for him. Scores of suoh
oases have already happened and many more will nc
doubt happen hereafter if the publio opinion is nob rang-
ed on the side of the people, Every means of seeking
redress by prayer has been exhausted. Interviews with
the Collector, the Commissioner and His Excellency
have taken place. The final suggestion thafc was made
is this .' — Although in the majority of oases people are
entitled to full suspension, half suspension should be
granted throughout the District, except for the villages
which show, by common consent, crops over six annas,
Suoh a gracious concession may be accompanied by a
declaration that the Government) would expect) those
who have ready means voluntarily to pay up the dues,
we the workers on our part} undertaking to persuade
suoh people to pay up fane Government dues, This will
leave only the poorest! people untouched. I venture bo
*ubmib that acceptance of this suggestion can only bring
credit and strength to the Government). Basifltanaa of

STATEMENT ON THE KAIRA DISTRESS 205

popular will oan only produce discontent which in the
oaaa of fear-stricken peasantry such as of Kaira oan only
find an underground passage and thus demoralise them.
Ttia present movement is an attempt to get out of such
a falsa position, humiliating alike for the Government
and the people, And how do the Government
propose to assert their position and so-called
prestige? They have a ' Revenue Code' giving them
unlimited powers without a right of appeal to the ryots
against the decisions of fche Revenue Authorities. Exer-
oUea of these powers in a case like the one before us in
which the ryots are fighting for a principle and tba
authorities for prestige, would he a prostitution of justice,
of a disavowal of all fair-play. These powers are: —

(1) B'ghb of summary execution.

(2) B'ght of exacting a quarter of the aseeessment
as punishment.

(3) Bight of confiscation of land, uot merely 'Rayat-
wan' but even 'laami* or 'Sanadia,' and the right of
keeping a man under hajat.

Those remedies may he applied singly or all to-
gather, and unbelievable though it may seem to the
public, it may be mentioned that; notices of the applica-
tion of all these remedies but the last have been issued.
Thus a man owning two hundred acres of land in per-
petuity and valued at thousands of rupee*, paying a
small assessment rate, may at the will of the authority
lose the whole of it, because for the sake of principle he
respectfully refuses voluntarily to pay the assessment
himself, and is prepared meekly but- under strong protest
to penalties that* may be mll.uted by law. Surely vin-
diobive confiscation of property ought not to be the re-
ward for orderly disobedience which properly handled

206 THB KAIRA QUESTION,

oan only result in progress all round and in giving the
Government a bold and a frank peasantry wibh a will ot
lfc a own.

I venbure to invite the press and the public to assist
these cultivators of Kaira who have dared to enter up a
fight for what they consider is just and right. Let the
public r ana ana bar this also that unpreoedentally severe
plague has decimated the population of Kaira, Peopla
are living outside their homes in specially prepared
thatched cottages at considerable expenses to themselves.
In soma villages mortality has been tremendous. Prices
ara ruling high on which owing to the failure of crops
they oan but bake little advantage and have to suffer all
the disadvantages thereof. It is not money bhey want,
so muoh as the voice of a strong, unanimous and em-
phatic public opinion,

BEPLY TO THE COMMISSIONER,

Mr. Gandhi wrote from Nadiad under date 15th
April, the following reply to the Commissioner's address
to the cultivators to desist from following Mr. Gandhi's
lead in regard to the vow of Passive Resistance^ The
Commissioner's exhortations to the agriculturists amount-
ed to a threat detailing the consequences of non-payment
of revenues. Mr. Oandhi replied as follows : —

Tbe publication of the summary of the Comm s-
sioner's Gujarati address to hue Kaira cultivators necessi-
tates a reply in justice to the latter as also the workers,

I have before me a varbatim report of 'the speech.
Io is more direct) than the summary in the laying down
of the Government policy. The Commissioner's position
ia that the revenue authorities' decision regarding 8U8-

REPLY TO THE COMMISSIONER '207

pension is final. They may and do reoaive and hear com-
plaints from the ryots bat) the finality of their decision
cannot be questioned, This is bhe orux of struggle, It
is contended on behalf of the ryots that where there are,
in matters of administrative orders, sharp differences of
opinion between local officials and them the points of
differences are and ought to be referred too an impartial
committee of inquiry. This, it is held, constitutes the
strength of the British constitution. Toe Commissioner
has OD principle rejected this posiDion and invited a crisis.
And he has made such a fetish of it) that he armed him-
self beforehand with a letter from Lord Willingdon to the
effect that even he should not interfere with the Oomtnis-
sioner'a decision. He brings io the war to defend his
position and abjures the ryobs and me to desist from our
cause at this time of peril to dha Empire, But I venture
to suggest that the Commissioner's aotitude constitutes a
peril far graver than the German peril, and I am serving
the Empire in trying to deliver h from this peril from
within. There is no mistaking the fact that India is
waking up from its long sleep. The Ryots do not need
to ba literate to appreciate their rights and their duties.
They have bub to realise their invulnerable power and no
Government, however strong, can stand against their will.
The Kaira ryots are solving an imperial problem of the
first) magnitude in India. They will show that it is im-
possible to govern men without their consent. Once the
Civil Service realises this position, ib will supply to India
truly civil servants who will be the bulwark of the
people's rights, To-day she Civil Service rule is a rule
of fear, The Kaira Ryot is fighting for the rule of
love. It id the Commissioner who has produced the crisis.
I(j was, as it is now, his duty "to placate the people when

208 THE KAIRA QUK6TION

he saw that they held a different) view. The revenue of
India will be DO more in danger because a Commissioner
yields to the popular demands and grants concessions-
lhan the administration of justice was in danger when
Mrs. Ma} brick was reprieved purely in obedience to the*
popular will, or the Empire was in danger because a
corner of a mosque in Cawnpore was replaced in
obedience to the same demand, Had I hesitated to advise
the people to stand firm against) the Commissioner's
refusal to listen to their prayer, instead of taking the open*
and healthy course it has taken, their discontent would
have burrowed under and bred ill-will. That] son is a
true eon of bis father who rather than harbour ill-will
against him, frankly but respectfully tells him all he feels
and equally respectfully resists him} if he cannot truth-
fully obey his commands. I apply the same law to the
relations between the Government and the people. There
cannot be seasons when a man must suspend his oon-
soienoe. But just as a wise father will quickly agree-
with his son and not inoour his ill-will! especially if the
family was in danger from without, even so a wise
Government will quickly agree with the ryots rather
than incur their displeasure. War oanncb be permitted
to give a license to the officials to exact obedience to their
orders, even though the ryots may consider them so be»
unreasonable and unjust,

The Commissioner steels the hearts of the ryota for
continuing their course by telling them that for a revenue
of four lakhs of rupees he will for ever confiscate over a
hundred and fifty thousand acres of land worth over three
orores of ruieee, and for ever dtclara the holders, their
wives and children unworthy of holding any lands in
Kaira, He considers the ryots to be misguided and

REPLY TO THE COMMISSIONER 209

contumacious ID the same breath. These are solemn
words : —

" Do not be under the impression that out mamlatdars and our
Talatis will realise the assessment by attaching and selling your
movable property. We are not going to trouble ourselves so much.
Oue officers' time is valuable. Only by your bringing in the monies
shall the treasuries be filled, This is no threat, You take it from me
that parent! never threaten their children. They only advise. But
if you do not pay the dues, your lands will be confiscated, Many
people say that this will not happen, But I say it will. 1 have no
need to take a vow, I shall prove that I mean what I say. The
lands of those who do not pay will be confiscated, Those who are
contumacious will get no lands in future. Government do not want
their names on their Records of Rights. Those who go out shall
never b« admitted again."

I bold that it is the sacred duty of every loyal citizen
to fight unto deatb againsb such a spirit of vindiotiveness
and tyranny. The Commissioner baa done tbe Ahmeda-
bad strikers and me a oruel wrong, in saying that tbe
strikers knowingly broke their vow. He was present at
tbe meeting wbere tbe settlement was declared. He may
hold tbat tbe skrikera bad broken tbeir vow (though bis
speech at tbe meeting produced a contrary impression)
but there is notbing to sho v thab tba strikers knowingly
broke tbeir vow, Oa tbe contrary it was entirely kept}
by tbair resuming their work on their getting for tbe
first day wages demanded by them, and the final decision
as to wages being referred to arbitration, The strikers
had suggested arbitration whioh tbe mill-owners bad
rejected. Their struggle in it? essence was for a thirty-
five per oant. increase in tbeir wages or such increase as
an arbitration board may decicb. And this is what they
have got. Tho bit ab tbe strikers and me is, I regreb to
have to say, a hit below tbe belt,

THE MEANING OF THE COYENANI
On the 20th April, Mr. Gandhi in company of Mrs,
Gandhi, Messrs. Manu Subedar, V. J. Patel and others
visited three villages, viz., Kasar, Ajarpura and
Samarkha in Anand TaluJca.

At Ajarpura which was visited by the Mamlatdar of
the TaluJca only two days back and where he had taken
great pains to explain to the people why they should now
pay up the revenue without any further delay, but where
all efforts had proved fruitless , a meeting of about a thou-
sand men and three hundred ladies was held- Here
Mr, Gandhi delivered a long address. He said: —

First of all I want bo talk bo you a 'little about
the Mamlatdar's visit?, The Mamlatdar told you that
the covenant] must ba observed. But he misinterpreted
the meaning of the covenant). He told you that your
forefathers had entered into a covenant with the Govern-
ment to pay a carbarn assessment for the lands in their
possession, Now let us see as to what kind of covenant our
forefathers had entered into. Oar ancient law covenant ia
that we should give to our king one-fourth of the grains
that grow in our fialds. Ib meant that whenever our crops
failed we had to pay nothing. The present Government)
have changed this law and forces up to pay in money. I
do not know whether it has gained thereby. Perhaps
they may have. But remember well that this is our
ancient law, and you have taken the vow in accordance
with it). And again it is the Government law that if tha
crops are undar four annas, the collection of revenue must
be suspended till the next year. Tais year you siooerely
believe that your crops are under four annaa and there-

REPLY TO K4IRA PRESS NOTE 211

fore your revenue mueb be suspended. The Government*
say bhab ib is nob your right, bub ib is only a graoe fchab
ib suspends revenue bill the next) year. Lab me declare
to you thab ib ia no graoe on the parb of Government;, bub
ib is your righb, And if ib ia a graoe Government}
oannofc show ib ab ibs sweeb will."

He then pointed oub that the real significance of the
•struggle lay in the faob bhab ib would revive the old village
republics, The key of village self-governmenb lay in bhe
assertion of public opinion. Ha than exhorted them Co
•be fearless. Ha than said that! Satyagraha, must)
pervade through all their life.

BEPLY TO KAIRA PBESS NOTE
Mr. M. K. Gandhi sent the following reply to the
press note issued by the Bombay Government in the first
week of Mayt 1913, on the situation in the Kaira District,
Tbe Government pressi note on the Kaira trouble is
remarkable for tha siaa both of omission and oommiaaion.
As bo the paragraph devoted to Messrs. Parekb's and
Petal's investigations, I wish only to say thab ab tha
interview with His Excellency bhe Governor, the Com-
missioner challenged the accuracy of their statements. I
immediately suggested the appointmanb of a oommibtea
of inquiry. Surely, ib wa-i bha mosb proper thing bhab bha
Government could have done, and the whole of bbe un-
aeemly executions, bhe removal of bhe cultivators' miloh
oabfcia and bhair ornaments, tha confiscation ordare, could
hava baen avoided. Insdead, as the press nota says, they
Boated a Collector f of long experience.' What could ha
do ? The best of officials hava to move in a vicious circle,
They have- bo carry oub the tradibions of a service which,

212 THE KAIBA QUESTION

baa made of prestige a fetish and whiob considers itself
fco ba almost infallible, and rarely admits its mistakes.

With reference to bbe investigation by Mr. Devdbar
and his co-workers, the press note loaves on the reader
tha impression that the Commissioner bad responded to
their suggestions, At the interview at which I was pre-
sent he challenged the report they had submitted to him
and said distinctly that whatever relief he granted would
not ba granted because of tha report which he said in
substance was nob true ao far as it contained any new
things aud was not new in ao far as it contained any
true statements.

I cannot weary the public with the tragedy in the>
M*tar T'iluka. In certain villages of the Taluka wbiob are
atfaoted by the irrigation canals they have a double grie-
vance : (1) the ordinary failure of crops by reason of
the excessive rainfall, and (2) the total destrutsion of crops
by reason of overflooding, la the second case, they are
entitled to full remission, So far as I am aware, in many
oasoR ib has nob been granted.

Ifc is not correct to say that the Servants of India.
Society stopped investigation in the Thasra Taluka be-
cause there was no case for inquiry but because they
deemed it unnecessary, so their report says, as I had de-
cided to inquire into the crops of almost every village,

MR, GANDHI'S CHALLENGE NOT ACCEPTED

Tue press note is less than fair in calling my method
of inquiry 'Ucopian,' I do adhere to my contention that
if the cultivators' statements may be relied upon, my me-
thod oaunot but yield absolutely reliable results. Who
should know better than the cultivator himself the yield
of is crops* ? I refuse to balieve that lakha of men oould.

REPLY TO KAIRA PRESS NOTE 213

conspire 60 tie 11 an untruth when there was no great] gain
in view, and suffering, a certainty- Ib is impossible for
thousands of men to learn by heart figures as to the yield,
— actual and probable — of over ten crops 30 that the total
in each oase would give less than a four-anna orop, I
contend that my method contains automatic safeguards
against deception. Moreover I had challenged the official
annawari alike of kharif and rabi crops, When I did so
the rabi crops were still standing. I had, therefore, sug-
gested tnafc they could cut the rabi crops and teat the
yield and thus find the true annawari. I had suggested
this specially of Vadthal. My argument was that if the
cultivators' annawari of such rabi crops was found to be
oorrect and the officials' wrong, it was nob improper fro
infer that the cultivators' valuations regarding the kharif
crops were also right, My offer was not accepted. I
cnay add thai I had asked to be allowed to be present
when the collector visited Vadbhal which was taken as a
test village. This request was also not acceded to.

Tbe note is misleading inasmuch as it states that in
arriving at my annawari, I have not taken into account
the rabi crops or the cotton crops. I have taken these
-crops into account, I have simply questioned the logic of
the official system, The reason is obvious. If out of a
population of one thousand men, only two hundred men
^rew rabi oropsi it would be highly unjust to the eight
hundred men to force up their annawari if without the
rabi crops their crops showed only four annas or
under-

GROSS INACCURACIES

I am surprised ad the gross inaccuracies in the para*
,:graph devoted to the crops in Limbasi. In the first ins-

214 THE KAIRA QUESTION

tanoe I was nob present when ibo official inquiry waer
made, and in the second instance the wheat:, w hioh IB
valued at) Rs, 13,445, included wheat also from two
neighbouring villages so that out of the crops estimated
at Rs- 13,445t three assessments had to be paid. And
what are Rs> 13,445 in a population of eighteen hundred
men ? For the matter of that, I am prepared to admit,
that the L^mbasi people had a rioe crop which too gave-
them as many rupees, At the rate of forty rupees per
head per year to feed a man the Limbasi people would re-
quire Rs. 72,000 for their food alone. It naay interest
the public to know that according to the official annawartr
the Lrmbasi wheat alone should have been
R*. 83,021- This figure has been supplied to me by the-
collector. To demonstrate the recklessness with which
the press note has been prepared, I may add that if the-
Limbasi people are to be believed, the whole of the wheat
orop was on the threshing floor. According to their
statements, nearly one-third waa foreign wheat. The
Limbasi wheat, therefore, would be under Rg, 9,000. The
official annawari is ten annas. Now according to the
actual yield the wheat annawari of Limbasi was 11 annaa
as against the official ten annas. Moreover, a maund of
wheat per Yigha is required as seed and the Limbasi
cultivators had 3,000 (Rs. 3 per maund equals Ra, 9,000}
maunds of wheat on 1,965 Vighas, i.e., the wheat oror>
was a trifle over the seed. Lastly, whilst the orop was
under harvest, I had offered to the collector to go over to
Litobasi myself and to have it weighed so that there-
might be no question of the accuracy or otherwise of the
cultivators' statements. But the collector did not accept.
my offer, Therefore, I hold that the cultivators' figures.
mast be accepted aa true.

REPIiY TO KVIR* PRRSS NOTE 215

ADVOCACY OF PASSIVE RESISTANCE
Merely to show how hopelessly misleading the press
note is I may state that the Gujarat Sabba did nob pass
a resolution advismg passive resistance, Nor that ill
would have shirked it but I felt myself thab passive re-
sistance should not be the subject of a resolution in a
Sabha, whose constitution was governed by the rule of
majority and so the Gujarat Sabha's resolution left it
open to individual members to follow their own bent of
mind. It is true that most of the aotive members of the
Sabha are engaged in the Kaira trouble,

I must repudiate totally the insinuation that I
dissuaded payment by people who wished to pay, The
figures given in the press note showing the collection in
the different Talukas, if they prove anything, prove that
the hand of the law has hifc them hard and that the fears
of the Ravanis and the Talatia have proved too strong for
them. When after confiscation and sales under execution
the Government show a clean bill and no arrears, will they
contend that there was no case for relief or inquiry ?

I admit that the suspension is granted as a matter of
grace and not as a matter of right enforceable by law, but
the concession is not based on caprice, but is regulated
by properly defined rules* and the Government do nob
contend that if the crops had been under four annas they
could have withheld suspension. The sole point through-
out has been the difference as to annawari. If it is true
that in granting concessions the Government take into
aooounb also other circumstances, e, #., in the words of
the press note, the general economic situation, suspen-
sion is doubly necessary this year because of the plague
and high prices, The collector bold me definitely that he
could nob bake this last into account, He could gr

216 THE KAIRA QUESTION

suspension only under the rules which had reference only
to crops and nobbing else.

I think I hava shown enough bare to warrant) a
committee of inquiry and I submit that, as a mat) bar of
prinoiple, it would be worth while granting the inquiry
evan if one cultivator remains with an arrear against him,
because there is nothing found to attach and the Govern-
ment might be reluctant to sell his lands. The people
have'oballenged the'aoouraoy of Talatis' figures; in some
oases there are Talatis themselves ready to come forward
to show that they were aakad to put up the annawari
found by them, Bat if the inquiry is now held to be
unnecessary, why do the Government not grant suspen-
sion, especially when admittedly there is only a small
number left to collect from and more especially when
if suspension is grandad wall-to-do cultivators are ready
60 pay.

It is evident now that Government have surrendered
the queation'of principle for which the Commissioner has
stood.

VICEROY'S GALL FOR CONCORD

The Viceroy has appealed for the sinking of domestic
differences. Is the appeal confined only to the ryots or
may the officials also yield to the popular will when the
popular demand is not immoral or unjust and thus pro-
duce contentment ?

If distress means starvation, I admit that the Eaira
people are not starving, But if sale of goods to pay
assessment or to buy grain for food be an indication
of distress there is enough of it in the district. I am
prepared to show that hundreds have paid their assess-
ment either by incurring debts or by selling their trees,
cattle or other valuables, The most grievous omission

END OF THE KAIRA STRUGGLE 217

in the press node, however, is that of the fact that
oollaoiiiona are being made in a vindictive spirib, The
cultivators are being taughb a lesson for their contumacy
so aalled. They are under threat bo lose their lands
worth 3 ororea of rupees for an assessment) of 4: lakhs of
rupees. la many oases a quarter of the assessment has
been exacted as a penalty. Is there nob in the above
narrative room for a doubt bhatj the officials may be in
the wrong ?

END OF THE KAIRA STRUGGLE
The following is the translation of a manifesto'issued
in Gujarati to the people of Kaira by Messrs. MJ£. Gandhi
and Vallabhlhai J. Patel : —

' The struggle fchab fcha people of the Distriob of Kaira
entered upon OQ the 22ad of March last, has coma bo an
end, The people took the following vow on that day : —

" Our village has hadl oropa uader four annas. We therefore
requested the Government to postpone collection to the next year,
but they did 1106 do ao. We the undersigned therefore solemnly
declare that we shall not pay the assessment for the year whether
it be wholly or in part, We shall undergo all the sufferings that
may resale from suoh refraining, We shall also allow our lands to
be confiscated should they do so. But we shall not by voluntary
payment allow ourselves to be regarded aa liars and thus lose our
self-respect, If the Government would graciously postpone for all
the remaining villages collection of the balance of the revenue, we,
who can afford it, would be prepared to pay up revenue whether it
be in full or in part. The reason why the well-to-do amongst ua
would not pay is that if they do, the needy ones would out of fright
sell their chattels, or incur debts and pay the revenue and thus
suffer, We believe that it is the duty of the weU-to-do to pcoteot
the needy against suoh^a plight."

The meaning of this vow is that the Government
suspending collection of fche revenue from the poor, the
well-to-do should pay the assessment due by them. The
Mamlafedar of Nadiad at Uttarsanda, on the 3rd of June,
issued auoh orders, whereupon the people of Ubtersanda

218 THE KAIRA QUESTION

who oould afford, were advised to pay up- Payments*
have already commenced there.

On fche foregoing order having been passed at Utter-
eanda a letter was addressed to the Collector stating that
if orders like the one in Ubtersanda were passed every*
where the struggle would come to an end, and it would
be possible to inform His Excellency the Governor on the
lOfch instant — the day of the sitting of the Provincial
War Conference — that the domestic difference in Kaira
was settled. The Collector has replied to the effect that
the order like the one in Ubtersanda is applicable to the
whole district. Thus the peoples' prayer has at last been
granted. The Collector has also stated in reply to a
query about Ohothai orders that the orders will not be
enforced against those who may voluntarily pay up. Oar
thanks are due to the Collector for this concession,
AN END WITHOUT GRACE

We are obliged to say with sorrow that although the-
struggle has oome to an end it is an end without grace.
Id lacks dignity. The above orders have not been passed
either with generosity or with the heart in them, Ib very
much looks as if the orders have been passed with tha
greatest reluctance. The Collector says s—

" Orders were issued to all mamlatdars on the 25th April that
no pressure should be put on those unable to pay. Their attention
was again drawn to these orders in a proper circular issued by me
on the 22nd of May and to ensure that proper.effeot was given to
them, The mamlatdars were advised to divide the defaulters in
each village into two classes, those who oould pay and those who
were unable to pay on account of poverty," *

If this was so why were these orders not published

to the people ? Had they known them on the 25th April

what sufferings would they not have been saved from.

! expenses that were unnecessarily incurred by the

Govertment in ergagicg the officials of the district ID

END OF THE KAIKA STRUGGLE 21 £

efleoting executions would have been saved, Wherever the
assessment was unoollaotad the people lived with their
lives in their hands. They have lived away from their
homes to avoid attachments. They have not had even
enough foDd, Tae woman have suffered what they
ought not to have. At times, they have been obliged ttx
put up with insults from insolent Oirole Inspectors, and
to helplessly watoh thair miloh buffalloea taken away
from them. Taey have paid Ohothai fines, and had they
known the foregoing orders they would have been saved
all the miseries. The officials koew that this relief for
fche poor was the orux of the struggle. Toe Commissioner
would not even look at this diffiouUy. Many letters were
addressed to him but he remained unbending, He said -
11 Individual relief cannot ba granted, it is not the law."
Now the Collector says : " The orders of April 25, so far
as it related to putting pressure on those who were really
Unable to pay on ac3ount of poverty, were merely a re-
statement of what are publicly knowa to ba the standing-
Orders of Government on that subject." If this is really
brue the people have suffered deliberately and through
sheer obstinacy ! AH the tima of going to Dalhi Mr. Gandhi
wrote to the Commissioner requesting him to grant or to
issue orders to the above effect so that the good news-
oould be given to His Excellency the Viceroy, The Com-
missioner gave no heed to the request.

OFFICIAL'S OBSTINACY

" We are moved by the sufferings of the people, we perceive our
mistake and in order to placate the people we are now prepared to
grant individual relief," the officials could have generously said all -
this and endeared themselves to the people but they have obstinately
avoided this method (of winning them over), And even now relief
has been granted in a niggardly manner, involuntarily and without
admission of any mistake. It is even claimed that what has now-
been granted is nothing new, And hence we say that there is littlev
graoe in the settlement.

220 THB KAIRA QUESTION

The officials have failed to ba popular because of
their obstinacy, because of their mistaken belief that they
should never admit being in the wrong and because of
their having made ib a fetish that ib should never ba said
of them that they had yielded to anything like popular
agitation. Ib grieves us bo offer this criticism. Bub we
have parmibfced ourselves bo do so as their friends.
A TRIBtJTE TO KAIRA PEOPLE

Bub though the official attitude is thus unsatisfactory,
our prayer has been granted and it is our duby to accept
the concession with thankfulness. Now, there is only 8
per cent- of the assessment remaining unpaid, Ib was a
poicb of honour with us till now to refuse payment.
Conditions having materially altered ib is a point of
honour for a Satyagrahi to pay up the assessment. Those
who can afford should pay without causing the Govern"
ment the slighteat'troubla and thus show that, when there
is no conflict between the dictates of conscience and those
of man-made law they are able to compel anybody to
obey the law of the land. A Satyagrahi sometimes ap-
pears momentarily to disobey laws and the constituted
authority, only to prove in the end his regard for both.

In making a lisb of bhoae who are unable to pay we
should apply a test so rigid that no one can challenge our
finding. Those whose inoapaoiby for payment is at all in
doubt should consider ib their duty to pay. The final
decision as to the inoapaoiby for payment will rest with
the authorities* but we believe that the judgment of the
people will have its full weight.

HONOUR OF A SATYAG'RAHI

By their courage the people of Kaira have drawn the
attention of the whole of India, Daring the last six
months they have had full taste of the fruits of observing

THE fcAST PHASE 321

truth, fearlessues, unity, determination and self-saorifiae.
Wa hope that they will still further cultivate these great
qualities, will mova forward in the path of progress, and
shed lustre on the name of the Motherland. Ib is our firm
belief that the people of K%ira have truly served their OWD
cause, as well as the cause of Swaraj and the Empire.
May God bless you.

THE LAST PHASE

The Satyagraha Campaign in Kaira was thus practi-
cally over. Several meetings were held, some to greet the
Satyagrahis released from jail, some to celebrate the victory
of the campaign and several more to do honour to Mr.
Gandhi for his wise and courageous lead, At the meeting
of the 27th July at Nadiad, Mr. Gandhi thus welcomed
those who were released from the jail i—

We stand on the threshold of a twilight — whether
morning or evening twilight we know nob. One is follow-
ed by the night, the other heralds the dawn. If we want
to see the dawning day after the twilight and not the
mournful night, it behoves every one of us who are Home
Balers to realise the truth ab this juncture, to stand for it
against any odds and to preach and practise it at any cost
unflinchingly, Only will the correct practice of truth en-
title them to the name of Home Rulers,

It happened that some one who preceded had said in
the course of his speech that he was the disciple of
Mr, Pandya ioho, in turnt was the disciple of Mahatma
Gandhi. Almost the whole of Mr. Gandhi's address was in
answer to this statement. He said : —

As the fate would have it, it happens that with my
Incger stay and increasing familiarity in India, the unen-

222 TEfi KAJHA- QUESTION

viable name of M Guru " ia being given me. Some do nob
hesitate do volunteer for others and balk of them as my
diaoiplea, Bab I may give them a warning, I am nob
insensible thab this warning carries with id a sense of
self-esteem, bub aven at) the risk of foaing styled oonoeitied,
I would give oha warning. I say that ia is nob wibhia ma
to be anybody's "Guru." I have always and will alwayn
disoiaim this title. I, who am in search of a spiritual
Guru> how oan I arrogabe to myself the title of a Guru ?
I cannot even think of being anybody's political guru in
the sanse that I applied the berrn Co the late Mr, Gokhale,
for I am but an infant in politics. Another thing is bhab
I would be iufiaitely pained to find oue who calls himself
my disciple going astray, or falling short of my expecta-
tions and I want to spare myself that pain, I, therefore,
ask you fco think a million times before you proceed to say
that you are anybody's disciple. Our whole life is but
anjQX£9rjcaejat and our skill lies in always keeping the
grain from the ohaif. I wish you all to join me in this
great experiment, nob a3 disaiplea but as my brothers and
aisbera, regarding me if you choose, as your elder brother.
To ba a guru I must ba tnyaelf flawlessly perfect?, which I
oau nevor claim bo be. (Spaakiug of Mr. Mohanlal Pandya
the Mahbina aaid :) The>onour;for the victory belongs to
Mr. Pandya in a special senae, I am everywhere being
regarded ag one living in the Elysian heights of perfeotnesa,
as one by profusion a Sabyagrahi, and as standing aparb
from all, capable of conceiving anything and achieving
anything. No one bherefore ventures bo emulate my ex-
ampla, Bui Mr. Mohanlal P*nd,ya was stalk a novice ia
the trade, he began his study of - Satyagraha early in tha
oauapaigu and has now won hid degree of feha Master of
Arts. His icflueaoe, therefore, bold on all and he could

THE L4ST EHAJ3B 223

infect many others with his oouraga and lova of truth.
Concluding, tha Mahabma said that Sabyagraha had
multitudinous applications and oaa oould nob oail himaalf
a real Satyagrahi unless ha had realised all of them.

The meeting In Nadiad was called for the special
purpose of doing honour to Mr, Qandhi. On receiving the
address Mr- Gandhi spoke to this effect : —

I am graceful to you for tha addraaa of honour you
tiava given ma. Bub aservanb-of tha peopia cannot aooepft
honours, Ha is supposed bo hava oonsaorabad his all bo
tha people and I oould but) odaaaoratu all that you hava
-.given ma fco yoUi Oaa who haa mada "aarvioa " his re-
ligion, oaanob lusb for honour; bha motnanb ha doas so,
ha ia loab. I hava aoaa bha*J soma ara inspired by fcha
luat) of help whilo soma by tha lusb of fame. The lusb of
help is sordid anougb, bub bhab of fama is even mora so.
Tho misdeeds of &ha labber leadd a man iu5o ona mora
wiokad than thosa into which tha formar does. I there-
fore beseeoh you bhab if you want really to do me honour)
do neb plaasa giva ma a showar bath of addresses and
[honours. Tha basb way to honour ma is to do my
behest and to carry my principles into praobioa, And
what, forsooth, hava I dona in this campaign ? If any-
thing, I can only claim tha olavaraa^s that? is naoassary
for a oommandar in picking out men for his campaign.
I was clever enough in doing that, bub there too I should
.nob hava achieved anything if you had nob acquitted
yourselves well. Taa choice of my Heubenanfa, I may
hera add, was particularly happy. I will say that,
without tha help of Mr. V. J. Patel, wa oould
nob have won tha campaign. Ha had a splendid
praobioa, ha had his municipal work to do, bub ha
renounced it ail and tbre'vv himself icr frhe, o^oHiaign, Bud

224 THE KAIRA QUESTION

before I close, I must'give my tribute of praise to those
who deserve it more than all the rest, and whose names
will probably never adorn your honours list. First and
foremost I place the sweeper in the Ananthashram, who
has rendered me a service which is service in the highest
sense of the term, and for whioh I can never express ade-
quate gratefulness* Next come the children of the Ashram,
who have ungrudgingly without any sense of reward
served me, looked after me at all hours of the day and
the night, and thus rendered a service of whioh vakila
and barristers are incapable.

EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

THE DUTIES OF BRITISH CITIZENS)-? IP.

The following statement made by Mr. Gandhi at the
time of the troubles in the Transvaal explains his atti-
tude towards law and legislators and enunciates the
duties of true British citizenship : —

I consider myself a lover of the British Empire, a
citizen (though voteless) of the Transvaal, prepared to
take my full share in promoting the general well-being
of the country. And I claim it to be perfectly honour-
able and consistent with the above profession to advise
my countrymen not to submit to the Asiatic Act, as
being derogatory to their manhood and offensive to their
religion. And I claim, too, that the method of passive
resistance adopted to combat the mischief is the clearest
and safest, because, if the cause is not tru^. it is the
resisters, and they alone, who suffer. I am perfectly
aware of the danger to good government, in a country
inhabited by many races unequally developed, when an
honest citizen advises resistance to a law of the land.
But I refuse to believe in the infallibility of legislators.
I do believe that they are not always guided by gene-
rous or even just sentiments in their dealings with
unreptesented classes. I venture to say that if passive
resistance is generally accepted, it will once and for
ever avoid the contingency of a terrible death struggle
and bloodshed in the event (not impossible) of the
natives being exasperated by a stupid mistake of our
legislators.
16

226 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

It has been said that those who do not like the law
'may leave the country. This is all very well, spoken
from a cushioned chair, but it is neither possible nor
•becoming for men to leave their homes because they do
not subscribe to certain laws enacted against them. The
Uit landers of the Boer regime complained of harsh
Jaws ; they, too, were told that if they did not like
them, they could retire from the country. Are Indians,
who are fighting for their self-respect, to slink away
from the country for fear of suffering imprisonment or
worse ? If I could help it, nothing would remove
Indians from the country save brute force. It is no part
of a citizen's duty to pay blind obedience to the laws
imposed on him. And if my countrymen believe in God
and the existence of the soul, then, while they may
admit that their bodies belong to the state to be
imprisoned and deported, their minds, their wills, and
their souls must ever remain free like the birds of the
air, and are beyond the reach of the swiftest arrow.

A PLEA FOR THE SOUL.

The following is an extract from the letter of the
London correspondent of the " Amrita Bazaar Patrika"
summarising an address delivered by Mr. Gandhi before
the Members of the Emerson Club and of the Hampstead
Branch of the Peace and Arbitration Society whilst in
London.

Mr. Gandhi turned to India, and spake with
enthusiasm of Rama, the victim of the machinations of
a woman, choosing fourteen years' exile rather than
surrender ; other Orientals were mentioned, and then,
through the Doukhabors of to-day, he brought the

A PLEA FOR THE SOUL 227

thoughts of the audience to the soul resistance of Indians-
versus brute force in south Africa. He insisted that it
was completely a mistake to believe that Indians were
incapable of lengthened resistance for a principle ; in
their fearlessness of suffering they were second to none
in the world. Passive resistance had been called a
weapon of the weak, but Mr. Gandhi maintained that it
required courage higher than that of a soldier on the
battlefield, which was often the impulse of the moment ;
for passive resistance was continuous and sustained : it
meant physical suffering. Some people were inclined
to think it too difficult to be carried out to-day, but those
who held that idea were not moved by true courage —
Again referring to Oriental teaching, Mr. Gandhi said
that the teaching of the " Lord's Song" was, from the
beginning, the necessity of fearlessness. He touched on
the question of physical force while insisting that it
was not thought of by Indians in the Transvaal. He does
does not want to share in liberty for India that is
gained by violence and bloodshed, and insists that no
country is so capable as India for wielding soul force.
Mr. Gandhi did not approve of the militant tactics of
the suffragettes for the reason that they were meeting
body force with body force, and not using the higher
power of soul force .' violence begot violence. He main-
tained, too, that the association of Britain and India —
must be a mutual benefit, if India — eschewing
violence — did not depart from her proud position of be-
ing the giver and the teacher of religion, "If the world
believes in the existence of the soul/' He said in con-
clusion, "it must be recognised that soul force is better
than body force: it is the sacred principle of love which
moves mountains. On us is the responsibility of living

2J8 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

out this sacred law ; we are not concerned with results."
Mr. Gandhi protested against the mad rush of to-
dav, and, instead of blessing the means by which
modern science has made this mad rush possible, that
is, railways, motors, telegraph, telephone, and even the
coming flying machines, he declared that they were
diverting man's thoughts from the main purpose of life ;
bodily comfort stood before soul growth ; man had no
tune to-day even to know himself; he preferred a news-
paper or sport or other things rather than 10 be left
alone with himself for thought. He claimed Ruskin as
on his side in this expression of protest against the
drive and hurry of modern civilisation, lie did not
describe this development of material science as ex-
clusively British, but he considered that its effect in
India had been baneful in many ways. He instanced
the desecration of India's holy places, which he said
were no longer holy, because the fatal facility of
locomotion had brought to those places people whose
only aim was to defraud the unsophisticated : such
people, in the olden days when pilgrimages meant long
and wearisome walking through jungles, crossing rivers,
and encountering many dangers, had not the stamina to
reach the goal. Pilgrimages in those days could only
be undertaken by the cream of society, but they came
to know each other ; the aim of the holy places was to
make India holy. Plague and famine, which existed in
pre-Bntish days, were local then ; to-day, rapid locomo-
tion had caused them to spread. To avoid the calamity
which intense materialism must bring, Mr. Gandhi
urged that mdia should go back to her former holiness
which is not yet lost. The contact with the West has
awakened her from the lethargy into which she had

A PLEA FOR THE SOUL 229

sunk : the new spirit, if properly directed, would bring
blesssing to both nations and to the world. If India
adopted Western modern civilisation as Japan had done,
there must be perpetual conflict and grasping between
Briton and Indian. If, on the other hand, India's ancient
civilisation can withstand this latest assault, as it has
withstood so many before, and be, as of old, the reli-
gious teacher, the spiritual guide, then there would be
no impassable barrier between East and West. Some
circumstances exist, said Mr, Gandhi, which we cannot
understand ; but the main purpose of life is to live
rightly, think rightly, act rightly; the soul must
languish when we give all our thought to the body.

ON ANARCHICAL CRIMES.

The following is the summary of an address
delivered at the Students' Hall, College Square, Calcutta,
in Maroh 1915 with the H,ov. Mr. Lyon in the chair,

Though it was the command of his Guru, the late
Mr. Gokhale that Mr. Gandhi, during his stay here
should keep his ears open but his mouth shut, he could
not resist the temptation of addressing the meeting. It
was the opinion of the speaker as well as his departed
Guru that politics shonld not be a sealed book to the
student community ; for he saw no reason why student
should not study and take part in politics. He went the
length of saying that politics should not be divorced
from religion. They would agree with him as well as
their teachers, professors and the worthy Chairman that
literary education is of no value, if it is not able to build
up a sound character. Could it be said that the students
or the public men in this 'country are entirely fearless ?

230 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

This question engaged the speaker's serious attention
although he was in exile. He understood what political
dacoity or political assassination was. He had given
the subject his most careful attention and he came to
the conclusion that some of the students of his country
were fired no doubt with zeal in their minds and with
love for their motherland, but they did not know how
they should love her best. He believed that some
of them resorted to nefarious means, because they
did not work in the fear of God but in the fear of
man. He was there to tell them that if he was for
sedition, he must speak out sedition and think loudly
and take the consequence. If he did so, it would clear
the atmosphere of any taint of hypocrisy. If the
students, who are the hopes of India, nay, perhaps of the
Empire, did not work in the fear of God, but in the fear
of man, in the fear of the authorities — the Government
whether it is represented by the British or an indigenous
body, the results would prove disastrous to the country.
They should always keep their minds open, regardless
of what the consequence would be ; youths who have
resorted to dacoities and assassinations, were misguided
youths with whom they should have absolutely no
connection. They should consider those persons as
enemies to themselves and to their country. But he
did not for a moment suggest that they should hate those
people. The speaker was not a believer in Government
he would not have any Government. He believes that
Government is the best that governs the least. But
whatever his personal views were, he must say that
misguided zeal that resorts to dacoities and assassinations
cannot be productive of any good. These dacoities and
assassinations are absolutely a foreign growth in India*

ON ANARCHICAL CRIMES 231

They cannot take root here and cannot be a permanent
institution here. History proves that assassinations
have done no good. The religion of this country, the
Hindu religion is abstention from "himsa," that is taking
animal life. That is, he believes the guiding principle
of all religions. The Hindu religion says that even the
evil-doer should not be hated. It says that nobody has
any right to kill even the evil doer. These assassina-
tions are a western institution and the speaker warned
his hearers against these western methods and western
evils. What have they done in the western world ?
If the youths imitated them and believed that they
could do the slightest good to India they were totally
mistaken. He would not discuss what Government was
best for India, whether the British Government or the
Government that existed before, though he believed
that there was a great deal of room for improvement in
the British Government. But he would advise his
young friends to be fearless, sincere and be guided by
the principle of religion. If they had a programme for
the country, let them place it openly before the public.
The speaker concluded the address with an appeal to
the young men present, to be religious and be guided by
a spirit of religion and morality. If they were prepared
to die, the speaker was prepared to die with them. He
would be ready to accept their guidance. But if they
wanted to terrorise the country, he should rise against
them.

LOYALTY TO THE BRITISH EMPIRE.

At the annual gathering of the Madras Luw Dinner
in April 1915, Mr. M. K. Gandhi was specially invited
to propose the toast of the British Empire. The Hon'ble
Mr. Corbet, the Advocate-General, in doing so referred to
Mr. Gandhi as a very distinguished stranger, a stranger
in the sense that they had not known him longt but one
whose name they were all familiar with. Mr. Gandhi
was a member of the profession, though he had not lately
practised. Mr. Gandhi, he continued^ was about to pro-
pose the toast of the British Wmpire, for the consolida-
tion of which he had laboured strenuously, with absolute
self-devotion for many years. Mr. Gandhi said : —

During my three months1 tour in India, as also in
South Africa, I have been so often questioned how I, a
determined opponent of modern civilization and an
avowed patriot, could reconcile myself to loyalty of the
British Empire of which India was such a large part ;
how it was possible for me to rind it consistent that
India and England could work together for mutual
benefit. It gives me the greatest pleasure this evening
at this great and important gathering, to re-declare my
loyalty to this British Empire, and my loyalty is based
upon very selfish grounds. As a passive resister I dis-
covered that a passive resister has to make good his
claim to passive resistance, no matter under what cir-
cumstances he finds himself, and I discovered that the
British Empire had certain ideals with which I have
fallen in love, and one of those ideals is that every sub-
ject of the British Empire has the freest scope possible

LOYALTY TO THE BRITISH EMPIRE 233

for his energies and honour and whatever he thinks is
due to his conscience. I think that this is true of the
British Empire, as it is not true of any other Govern-
ment. (Applause.) I feel, as you here perhaps know,
that I am no lover of any Government and I have more
than one said that that Government is best which
governs least. And I have found that it is possible for
me to be governed least under the British Empire. Hence
my loyalty to thecBntish Empire. (Loud applause).

ADVICE TO STUDENTS. *

Mr. Gandhi delivered the following speech at the
Y. M. 0. A. in reply to the Madras Students' address on
April 27, 1915, the Hon. Mr. V. S. Snnivasa Sastri
presiding.

Mr. Chairman and Dear Friends, — Madras as well-
nigh exhausted the English vocabulary in using adjec-
tives of virtue with reference to my wife and myself, and,
if I may be called upon to give an opinion as to where I
have been smothered with kindness, love and attention, I
would have to say : it is Madras. (Applause). But as
I have said so often, I believed it of Madras. So it is no
wonder to me that you are lavishing all these kindnesses
with unparalleled generosity, and now the worthy pre-
sident of the Servants of India -Society — under which
society I am going through a period of probation — has,
if I may say so, capped it all. Am I worthy of these
things? My answer from the innermost recesses of my
heart is an emphatic " No." But' I have come to India
to become worthy of every adjective that you may use,
and all my life will certainly be dedicated to prove
worthy of them, if I am to be a worthy servant.

234 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

And so it is that you have sung that beautiful
national song, on hearing which all of us sprang to our
feet The poet has lavished all the adjectives that he
possibly could to describe Mother India. He describes
Mother India as sweet smiling, sweet-speaking, fragrant,
all-powerful, all good, truthful, land flowing with milk
and honey, land having ripe fields, fruits and grains,
land inhabited by a race of men of whom we have only
a picture in the great Golden Age. He pictures to us a
land which shall embrace in its possession the whole of
the world, the whole of humanity by the might or
right not of physical power but of soul-power. Can we
sing that hymn ? I ask myself, " can I, by any right,
spring to my feet when I listen to that song." The
poet no doubt gave us a picture for our realisation, the
words of which simply remain prophetic, and it is for
you, the hope of India, to realise every word that the
poet has said in describing this motherland of ours. To
day, I feel that these adjectives are very largely mis-
placed in his description of the motherland, and it is
for you and for me to make good the claim that the poet
has advanced on behalf of his motherland.
THE REAL EDUCATfON.

You, the students of Madras, as well as the students
all over India — are you receiving an education which
will make you worthy to realise that ideal and which
will draw the best out of you, or is it an education which
has become a factory for making Government employees
or clerks in commercial offices ? Is the goal of the educa-
tion that you are receiving that of mere employment
whether in the Government departments or other
departments ? If that be the goal of your Education, if
that is the goal that you have set before yourselves, I

ADVICE TO STUDENTS 235

feel and I fear that the vision which the poet pictured for
himself is far from being realised. As you have heard
me say perhaps, or as you have read, I am and I have
been a determined opponent of modern civilisation. I
want you to turn your.eyes to-day upon what is going on
in Europe and if you have come to the conclusion that
Europe is to-day groaning under the heels of the modern
civilization then you and your elders will have to think
twice before you can emulate that civilisation in our
Motherland. But I have been told, " How can we help
it, seeing that our rulers bring that culture to our
Motherland/' Do not make any mistake about it at all. I
do not for one moment believe that it is for any rulers to
bring that culture to you, unless you are prepared to
accept it, and if it be that the rulers bring that culture
before us I think that we have forces within ourselves to
enable us to reject that culture without having to reject
the rulers themselves. (Applause). I have said on many
a platform thai the British race is with us. I decline to
go into the reasons why that race is with us, but I do
believe that it is possible for India if she would but
live upto the traditions of the sages of whom you have
heard from bur worthy president, to transmit a message
through this great race, a message not of physical
might, but a message of love. And 'then, it will be
your privilege to conquer the conquerors not by shed-
ding blood but by sheer force of spiritual predominence.
When I consider what is going on to-day in India, I
think it is necessary for us to say what our opinion is in
connection with the political assassinations and political
dacoities. I feel that these are purely a foreign impor-
tation which cannot take root in this land. But you
the student world have to beware, lest mentally or

236 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

morally you give one thought of approval to this
kind of terrorism. I, as a passive resister, will
give you another thing very substantial for it.
Terrorise yourself ; search within ; by all means resist
tyranny wherever you find it ; by all means resist en-
croachment upon your liberty, but not by shedding the
blood of the tyrant. That is not what is taught by our
religion. Our religion is based upon ahinisa, which in
its active form is nothing but Love, love not only to
your neighbours, not only to your friends but love even
to those who may be your enemies.

One word more in connection with the same thing I
think that if we were to practise truth, to practise
ahinisa we must immediately see that we also pratise
fearlessness. If our rulers are doing what in our opinion
is wrong, and if we feel it our duty to let them hear our
advice even though it may be considered sedition, I urge
you to speak sedition — but at your peril, you must be
prepared to suffer the consequences. And when you are
ready to suffer the consequences and not hit below the
belt, then I think you will have made good your right
to have your advice heard even by the Government,
RIGHTS AND DUTIES,

I ally myself with the British Government, because
I believe that it is possible for me to claim equal part-
nership with every subject of the British Empire. I
to-day claim that equal partnership. I do not belong to
a subject race. I do not call myself a member of a
subject race. But there is this thing : it is not for the
British Governors to give you; it is for you to take
the thing. I want and I can take the thing. That I
want only by discharging my obligations. Max
Muller has told us, — we need not go to Max Muller to

ADVICE TO STUDENTS 237

interpret our own religion — but he says, our religion
consists in four letters '*D-u-t-y" and not in the five
letters "R-i-g-h-t". And if you believe that all that we
want can go from a letter discharge of our dutv,
then think always of your duty and lighting along
those lines ; you will have no fear of any man, you will
fear only God That is the message that rny master —
if I may say so, your master too — Mr. Gokhale ha^ given
to us. What is that message then ? It is in the constitu-
tion of the Servants of India Society and that is the
message by which 1 wish to be guided in my life. The
message is to spiritualise the political life and the
political institutions of the country. We must immedi-
ately set about realising its practice. The students
cannot be away from politics. Politics is as essential to
them as religion. Politics cannot be divorced from
religion. Mv views may not be acceptable to you,
I know. All th* same, I can only give you what is
stirring me to my very depths. On the authority
of my experiences in South Africa 1 claim that your
countrymen who had not that modern culture but who
had that strength of the Rishis of old, who have
inherited the tapascharya performed by the Rishis,
without having known a single word of English lite-
rature and without knowing anything whatsoever of
the present modern culture, they were able to rise to
their full height. And what has been possible for the
uneducated and illiterate countrymen of ours in South
Africa is ten times possible for you and for me to-day in
this sacred land of ours. May that be your privilege
and may that be my privilege. (Applause.)

POLITICS AND THE PEOPLE.

Mr. and Mry, Gandhi on their way to Tranquebar
arrived at Mayavaram on the 22nd May, 1915, and they
werr presented with an address by the citizens of tht
.town In the lourse of his reply. Mr. Gandhi said : —

It was quite by accident that I had the great
pleasure of receiving an address from my 4 Panchama
brethren, and there, they said that they were without
convenience for drinking water, they were without con-
venience for living supplies, and they could not buy or
hold land. It was difficult for them even to approach
Courts. Probably, the last is due to their fear,, but a
fear certainly not due to themselves, and who is then
responsible for this state of things ? Do we propose to
perpetuate this state of things ? Is it a part of Hindu-
ism ? I do not know. I have now to learn what
Hinduism really is. In so far as I have been able fo
study Hinduism outside India, I have felt that it is no
part of real Hinduism to have in its hold a mass of
people whom I would call " untouchables." If it was
proved to ms that this is an essential part of Hinduism,
I for one would declare myself an open rebel against
Hinduism itself. (Hear, hear.)

Are the Brahmins in Mayavaram equal minded to-
wards the Pariah and will they tell me, if they are so
equal minded, that others will not follow ? Even if
they say that they are prepared to do so but others will
not follow, I shall have to disbelieve them until I have
revised my notions of Hinduism. If the Brahmins
ihemselves consider they are holding high position by

POLITICS AND THE PEOPLE 239

penance and austerity, then they have themselves much
to learn, then they will be the people who have cursed
and ruined the land.

My friend, the Chairman, has asked me the ques-
tion whether it is true that I am at war with my leaders.
I say that I am not at war with my leaders. I seem to
be at war with my leaders because many things I have
heard seem to be inconsistent with my notions of self-
respect and with self respect to my Motherland, I feel
that they are probably not discharging the sacred trust
they have taken upon their shoulders ; but I am sure I
am studying or endeavouring to take wisdom from them,
but I failed to take that wisdom. It may be that I am
incompetent and unfit to follow them. If so, I shall
revise my ideas. Still I am in a position to say that I
seem to be at war with my leaders. Whatever they do
or whatever they say does not somehow or other appeal
to me. The major part of what they say does not seem
to be appealing to me.

I find here words of welcome in the English lan-
guage. I find in the Congress programme a Resolution
on Swadeshi. If you hold that you are Swadeshi and
yet print these in English, then I am not Swadeshi. To
me it seems that it is inconsistent. I have nothing to
say against the English language. But I do say that,
if you kill the vernaculars and raise the English lan-
guage on the tomb of the vernaculars (hear, hear), then
you are not favouring Swadeshi in the right sense of the
term. If you feel that I do not know Tamil, you should
pardon me, you should execuse me and teach me and
ask me to learn Tamil and I having your welcome in
that beautiful language, if you translate it to me, then
I should think you are performing some part of the

240 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

programme. Then only I should think I am being
taught Swadeshi.

I asked when we were passing through Mayavaram
v/hether there have been any handlooms here and
whether there were handloom-weavers here. I was told
tha. there were 50 handlooms in Mayavaram. What were
they engaged in ? They were engaged chiefty in prepar-
ing " Sarees" for our women. Then is Swadeshi to be
confined only to the women? It is to be only in their
keeping? I do not find that our friends, the male
population, also have their stuff prepared for them by
these weavers and through their handlooms, (a voice :
there are 1,000 hondlooms here ). There are, I understand
one thousand handlooms. So much the worse for the
leaders ! Loud applause.) If these one thousand hand-
looms are kept chiefly in attending to the wants of our
women, double this supply of our handlooms and you
will have all your wants supplied by our own weavers
and there will be no poverty in the land I ask you and
ask our friend the President how far he is indebted to
foreign go^ds for ,his outfit and if he can tell me that
he has tried his utmost and still has failed to outfit
himself or rather to fit himself out with Swadeshi
clothing and therefore he has got this stuff, I shall sit
at his feet and learn a lesson. What I have been able
to learn to-day is that it is entirely possible for me,
without any extra cost, to fit myself with Swadeshi
clothing. How am I to learn through those who move
or who are supposed to be movers in the Congress, the
secret of the Resolution ? I sit at the feet of my leaders, I
sit at the feet of the Mayavaram people and let them
reveal the /mystery, give me the secret of the meaning,
teach me how il should behave myself >and tell me

THE REWARD OF PUBLIC LIFE 241

whether it is a part of the National movement that
should drive off those who are without dwellings, why
cry for water and that I should reject the advances of
those who cry for food, These are the questions which
I ask my friend here. Since I am saying something
against you, I doubt whether I shall still enjoy or
retain the affection of the student population and
whether I shall still retain the blessing of my leaders. I
ask you to have a large heart and give me a little corner
in it. I shall try to steal into that corner. If you would
be kind enough to teach me wisdom, I shall learn wisdom
in all humility and in all earnestness. I am praying for
it and I am asking for it. If you cannot teach me, I again
declare myself at war with my leaders. ( Loud cheers.)

THE REWARD OF PUBLIC LIFE.

/?? reply to the titizens' address at Bangalore
presented in May 1915, Mr. Gandhi made the following
speech : —

I did not want to be dragged in the carriage. There
is a meaning in that. Let us not spoil our public men by
dragging them. Let them work silently. We should not
encourage the thought, that one has to work, because one
will be honoured similarly. Let public men feel that
they will be stoned, they will be neglected and let them
still love the country ; for service is its own reward. A
charge has been brought against us that we as a nation
are too demonstrative and lack businesslike methods. We
plead guilty to the charge. Are we to copy modern
activities or are we to copy the ancient civilisation which
has survived so many shocks ? You and I have^toact on
the political platform from i spiritual side and if ttrs is
16

242 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

done, we should then conquer the conquerors. The day
will dawn then, when we can consider an Englishman
as a fellow-citizen. (Cheers). That day will shortly
come ; but it my be difficult to conceive when. I have
had signal opportunities of associating myself with
Englishmen of character, devotion, nobility and in-
fluence. I can assure you that the present wave of
activity is passing away and a new civilisation is com-
ing shortly which will be a nobler one. India is a
great dependency and Mysore is a great Native State,
It must be possible for you to transmit this message to
British Governors and to British statesmen; the mes-
sage is "Establish a Ram Rajya in Mysore and have
as your minister a Vasishta who will command
obedience.'* (Prolonged cheers.) Then my fellow-
countrymen, you can dictate terms to the conqueror.
(Prolonged cheers,)

THREE SPEECHES ON GOKHALE
1. UNVEILING MR. GOKHALE'S PORTRAIT

The following is the speech delivered by Mr. Gandhi
at Bangalore in unveiling a portrait of Mr. Gokhale in
May, 1915.

My dear countrymen, — Before I perform this cere-
mony to which you have called me, I wish to say this
to you that you have given me a great opportunity or
rather a privilege on this great occasion. I saw in the
recitation, — the beautiful recitation that was given to
me, — that God is with them whose garment was dusty
and tattered. My thoughts immediately went to the
end of my garment ; I examined and found that it is not
dusty and it is not tattered; it is fairly spotless and

SPEECHES ON GOKHALE 243

clean. God is not in me. There are other conditions
attached; but in these conditions too I may fail; and
you, my dear countrymen, may also fail ; and if we do
tend this well, we should not dishonour the memory of
one whose portrait you have asked me to unveil this
morning. I have declared myself his disciple in the
political field and I have him as my Raja Guru; and
this I claim on behalf of the Indian people. It was in
1896 that I made this declaration, and I do not regret
having made the choice.

Mr. Gokhale taught me that the dream of every
Indian who claims to love his country, should be not to
glorify in language but to spiritualise the political life
of the country and the political institutions of the
country. He inspired my life and is still i nspiring ; and
in that I wish to purify myself and spiritualise myself.
I have dedicated myself to that ideal. I may fail, and
to what extent I may fail, I call myself to that extent
an unworthy disciple of my master.

SPIRITUALISING THE POLITICAL LIFE
What is the meaning of spiritualising the political
life of the country ? What is the meaning of spiritual-
ising myself ? That question has come before me often
and often and to you it may seem one thing, to me it
may seem another thing ; it may mean different things
to the different members of the Servants of India
Society itself. It shows much difficulty and it shows
the difficulties, of all those who want to love their
country, who want to serve their country and who want
to honour their country. I think the political life must
be an echo of private life and that there cannot be any
divorce between the two.

244 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

I was by the side of that saintly politician to the end
of his life and I found no ego in him. I ask you, members
of the Social Service League, if there is no ego in you.
If he wanted to shine, if he wanted to shine in the
political field of his country, he did so not in order that
he might gain public applause, but in order that his
country may gain. He developed every particular
faculty in him, not in order to win the praise of the
world for himself, but in order that his country might
gain. He did not seek public applause, but it was
showered upon him, it was thrust upon him ; he wanted
that his country might gain and that was his great
inspiration.

There are many things for which India is blamed,
very rightly, and if you should add one more to our
failures the blame will descend not only on you but also
on me for having participated in to-day's functions. But
I have great faith in my countrymen,

You ask me to unveil this portrait to-day, and I will
•do to in all sincerity and that should be the end of your
life, (Loud and continued applause )

II. THE LATE MR. GOKHALE.

The following is the text of Mr. Gandhi's speech in
seconding the Resolution on Mr. Gokhale at the 1 5th
Bombay Provincial Conference held at Poona on [Oth
and \\thjnly 1915.

Mr. President, Brothers and Sisters, — Perhaps it is
impudent on my part to add anything to the feeling
words that have been spoken by Mrs. Ranade. The fact
that she is the widow of the master's master adds solem-
nity to the proceedings, which I can only mar by any

SPEECHES ON GOKHALE 245

remarks I may make. But, claiming as I do to be one of
Mr. Gokhale's disciples, you will forgive me if I say a
few words which are personal tit-bits. It was on board
the Gronprinz some years ago that I found myself in the
master's company together with a common friend, Mr*
Kallenbach, a German. (Laughter.) Let me say that all
Germans are not fiends ; nor are all German soldiers
fiends. Mr. Kallenbach is a German and a soldier, but I
feel that no purer-minded person to-day walks the earth
in Europe than Mr Kallenbach (Hear, hear.) He was
accepted as a worthy companion by Mr. Gokhale, who
used to play with him the game of coits. Mr. Gokhale
had just then, during the voyage from England to
Capetown, picked up that game, and he very nearly
gave Mr. Kallenbach a beating in the game. (Laughter)*
I fancy that was a drawn game between them ;
and, let me add, Mr. Kallenbach, so far as I am
aware, is one of the cleverest players of coits m
South Africa. Just after that we had our meals
at which Mr. Gokhale was talking to me with re-
ference to the result of the game. He thought I never
indulged in such sports and that I was against them. He
expostulated with me in kind words and said, "Do you
know why I want to enter into such competition with
Europeans ? I certainly want to do at least as much as
they can do, for the sake of our country. (Hear, hear.)
It is said, rightly or wrongly, that we are inferior people
in many matters, and so far as I can do it" — and this he
said in all humility — l(l certainly want to show that we
are at least their equals, if not their superiors." That
was one incident. On board the same steamer we were
engaged in a hot discussion in connection with our
dear motherland, and he was mapping out *for

246 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

me, as a father would for his child, a programme
that I was to follow in India if I ever happened to
see the motherland again, and in connection there-
with there was one thing he said : — " We lack in
India character ; we want religious zeal in the
political field." Shall we then follow the spirit of.
the master with the same thoroughness and the same
religious zeal, so that we can safely teach a child poli-
tics ? One of his missions in life, 1 think, was to incul-
cate the lesson that whatever we do, we should do with
thoroughness. This it is not possible for us mortals to
imitate in any degree of perfection. Whatever he did,
he did with a religious zeal ; that was the secret of his
success. He did not wear his religion on his sleeves ;
he lived it. Whatever he touched, he purified ; where-
«ver he went, he recreated an atmosphere around him
which was fragrantj When he came to South Africa
he electrified the people there not only by his magnifi-
cent eloquence but by the sincerity of his character
and by the religious devotion with which he worked.
What was that devotion ? Ailing though he was,
he was awake the whole night practically when
we was to have seen General Smuts ; he did so in
order to prepare the case for his countrymen with a
thoroughness that surprised the Leader of the Boer
Government. What was the result ? The result was
that he got the promise from the South African Govern-
ment that the £3 tax would be gone in a few years, and
the £3 tax is no more. (Cheers.) It is no more there
to grind down so many thousands of our countrymen.
Mr. Gokhale is dead, but it is possible for you and for
me to make his spirit live in us and through us. (Hear,
hear). We are about to pass resolutions which would

SPEECHES ON GOKHALE 247

expect us, the chosen representatives, it, or may be, the
self-elected representatives of the people to do certain
things. Shall we discharge our trust with the master's
devotion? The people we represent will base their
verdict not upon our speeches but upon our actions, and
how shall we act ? We have a right to pass this resolu-
tion if we act in the spirit of the master.

III. GOKHALE'S SERVICES TO INDIA

In unveiling the portrait of Gokhale at the Khalih-
dina Hall, Karachi, on Tuesday the 29th Febi uary,
1916, Mr. Gandhi spoke as follows : —

In Hyderabad, Sind, also, I was asked to unveil a
portrait of Mr. Gokhale ; and there I put to myself and
to those present a question which I put to myself and to
you now. That question is : What right have I to un-
veil the portrait of Mr. Gokhale and what right have you
to join in the ceremony? Of course to unveil a portrait
or to join in it is nothing great or important in itself. But
the question really involved in the ceremony is impor-
tant vi>,, are your hearts and is my heart in reality so
much moved as to copy the glorious example of the
great man ? The function will have no real significance
unless we follow in his footsteps. And if we do follow
him we shall be able to achieve a great deal. Of course
it is not possible for all of us to achieve what Mr.
Gokhale did in the Imperial Legislative Council. But
the way in which he served the Motherland, the whole-
bearted devotion with which he did it day and night
without ceasing — all this it is in our power to do as the
great one did. And I hope that when yon leave this
hall you will bearfin mind to follow him and thus give

248 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

expression to your regard for him. You know that the
best achievement of Mr. Gokhale according to him-
self was the establishment of the Servants of India
Society. This great institution he has left behind him ;
and it lies with us to support it and comtinue its moble
work. It would be best if we could join the Society^
But that will involve the question of our being fit for it.
But if we are not in a position to join the Society, we
can all do the next best thing viz. render pecuniary aid
and swell the funds of the Society. A great deal of
money has been collected in the Bombay Presidency to
perpetuate the memory of Mr. Gokhale ; but so far
nothing has been done in Karachi, Hyderabad and other
parts of Sind. Hence to-day on this occasion you should
all make up your minds to do something in this connec-
tion. In Bombay, Rs. 30,000 have been collected for the
erection of Mr. Gokhale's statue. Besides that, money
has been collected for placing the Servants of India
Society on a sound financial basis. For this purpose a
lakh of rupees are required. That amount has not yet
been collected. In fact, Rs. 75,000 has been collected
and Rs. 25,000 still remains to be subscribed. Karachi
and Hyderabad could easily do that and collect the
balance. I do not mean to say that you should neces-
sarily contribute that amount. You may do what your
hearts move you to do ; what I say is that if your hearts
are really moved, you may render monetary help to the
Servants of India Society. That will be the true test of
your regard for Mr. Gokhale and the best way of
perpetuating the memory of the great man who lived
and who died for the Motherland. (Loud applause).

HINDU UNIVERSITY SPEECH.

The following is the full text of the speech delivered
oil Feb. Mh 1916, on the occasion of the opening of the
Benares Hindu University. The speech was edited by
Mr. Gandhi. " In editing the speech " he wrote, " I have
merely removed some of the verbiage which in cold print
would make the speech bad reading"

Friends, I wish to tender my humble apology for the
long delay that took place before I am able to reach this
place. And you will readily accept the apology when I
tell you that I am not responsible for the delay nor is
any human agency responsible for it. (Laughter) The
fact is that I am like an animal on show, and my
keepers in their over kindness always manage to neg-
lect a necessary chapter in this life, and that is pure
accident. In this case, they did not provide for the
series of accidents that happened to us — to me, keepers,
and my carriers. Hence this delay.

Friends, under the influence of the matchless
eloquence of the lady (Mrs. Besant) who has just
sat down, pray, do not believe that our University
has become a finished product, and that all the young
men who are to come to the University, that has yet
to rise and come into existence, have also come and
returned from it finished citizens of a great empire.
Do not go away with any such impression, and if you,
the student world to which my remarks are sup-
posed to be addressed this evening, consider for one
moment that the spiritual life, for which this coun-
try is noted and for which this country has no rival,

250 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

can be transmitted through the lip, pray, believe me
you are wrong. You will never be able merely through
the lip, to give the message that India, I hope will one
day deliver to the world. I myself have been ° fed up"
with speeches and lectures. I accept the lectures that
have been delivered here during the last two days from
this category, because they were necessary. But I do
venture to suggest to you that we have now reached al-
most the end of our resources in speech- making,
and it is not enough that our ears are feasted, that our
eyes are feasted, but it is necessary that our hearts
have got to be touched and that our hands and feet
have got to be moved. We have been told during
the last two days how necessary it is, if we are to
retain our hold tipcn the simplicity of Indian charac-
ter that our hands and feet should move in unison
with our hearts. But this is only by way of pre-
face. I wanted to say it is a matter of deep humiliation
and shame for us that 1 am compelled this evening under
the shadow of this great college, in this sacred city, to
address my countrymen in a language that is foreign to
me. I know that if I was appointed an examiner, to
examine all those who have been attending during these
two days this series of lectures, most of those who might
be examined upon these lectures would fail. And why?
Because they have not been touched, I was present at
the sessions of the great Congress in the month of Decem-
ber. There was a much vaster audience, and will you
believe me when I tell you that the only speeches that
touched that huge audience in Bombay were the
speeches that were delivered in Hindustani ? In Bombay,
mind you, not in Benares where everybody speaks Hindi.
But between the varnaculars of the Bombay Presidency

HINDU UNIVERSITY SPEECH 251

on the one hand, and Hindi on the other, no such great
dividing line exists as there does between English and
the sister languages of India ; and the Congress audi-
ence was better able to follow the speakers in Hindi. I
am hoping that this University will see to it that the
youths who come to it will receive their instruction
through the medium of their vernaculars. Our langu-
age is the reflection of ourselves,and if you tell me that
our languages are too poor to express the best thought,
then I say that the sooner we are wiped out of exis-
tence the better for us. Is there a man who dreams
that English can ever become the national language of
India ? (Cries of " Never*1), Why this handicap on the
nation ? Just consider for one moment what an un-
equal race our lads have to run with every English
lad. I had the privilege of a close conversation with
some Poona professors. They assured me that every
Indian youth, because he reached h*s knowledge through
the English language, lost at least six precious years of
life. Multiply that by the number of students turned
out by our schools and colleges, and find out for your-
selves how many thousand years have been lost to the
nation. The charge against us is that we have no
initiative. How can we have any if we are to devote the
precious years of our life to the mastery of a foreign
tongue ? We fail in this attempt also. Was it possible
for any speaker yesterday and to-day to impress his
audience as was possible for Mr. Higginbotham ? It was
not the fault of the previous speakers that they could
not engage the audience. They had more than
substance enough for us in their addresses. But their
addresses could not go home to us. I have heard it
said that after all it is English-educated India which is

252 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

leading and which is doing all the thing for the nation,
It would be monstrous if it were otherwise. The only
education we receive is English education. Surely we
must show something for it. But suppose that we had
been receiving during the past fifty years education
through our vernaculars, what should we have to-day ?
We should have to-day a free India, we should have
our educated men, not as if they were foreigners in their
own land but speaking to the heart of the nation; they
would be working amongst the poorest of the poor, and
whatever they would have gained during the past 50
years would be a heritage for the nation. (Applause),.
To-day even our wives are not the sharers in our best
thought. Look at Professor Rose and Professor Ray
and their brilliant re-searches. Is it not a shame that
their researches are not the common property of the
masses ?

Let us now turn to another subject.

The Congress has passed a resolution about self-
government, and I have no doubt that the All-India
Congre.s Committee and the Moslem League will do
their duty and come forward with some tangible sugges-
tions. But I, for one, must frankly confess that I am
not so much interested in what they will be able to
produce as I am interested in anything that the student
world is going to produce or the masses are going to
produce. No paper contribution will ever give us self-
government. No amount of speeches will ever make
us fit for self-government. It is only our conduct that
will fit us for it. (Applause). And how are we trying
to govern ourselves ? I want to think audibly this
evening. I do not want to make a speech and if you
find me this evening speaking without reserve, prayr

HINDU UNIVERSITY SPEECH 253

.consider that you are only sharing the thoughts of a
-man who allows himself to think audibly, and if you
think that I seem to transgress the limits that courtesy
imposes upon me, pardon me for the liberty I may
be taking. I visited the Viswanath temple last even-
ing, and as I was walking through those lanes, these
were the thoughts that touched me. If a stranger drop-
ped from above on to this great temple, and he had to
consider what we as Hindus were would he not be
justified in condemning us ? Is not this great temple a
a reflection of our own character ? I speak feelingly,
as a Hindu. Is it right that the lanes of our sacred
temple should be as dirty as they are ? The houses
round about are built anyhow. The laaes are tortuous
and narrow. If even our temples are not models of
roominess and cleanliness, what can our self-govern-
ment be ? Shall our temples be abodes of Holiness,
cleanliness and peace as soon as the English have
retired from India, either of their own pleasure or by
com pi us ion, bag and baggage ?

I entirely agree with the president of the Congress
that before we think of self-government, we shall have
to do the necessary plodding. In every city there are two
divisions, the cantonment and the city proper. The city
mostly is a stinking den. But we are a people unused
to city life. But if we want city life, we cannot repro-
duce the easy going hamlet life. It is not comforting
to think that people walk about the streets of Indian
Bombay under the perpetual fear of dwellers in the
storeyed buildings spitting upon them. I do a great deal
of Railway travelling, I observe the difficulty of third
class passengers. But the Railway Administration
is by no means to blame for all their hard lot.

254 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

We do not know the elementary laws of cleanliness.
We spit anywhere on the carriage floor, irrespective
of the thought that it is often used as sleeping
space. We do not trouble ourselves as to how we
use it ; the result is indescribable filth in the com-
partment. The so-called better class passengers over-
awe their less fortunate brethren. Among them I
have seen the students world also. Sometimes they be-
have no better. They can speak English and they have
worn Norfolk jackets and therefore claim the right to
force their way in and command seating accommodation.
I have turned the searchlight all over, and as you have
given me the privilege of speaking to you I am laying my
heart bare. Surely we must set these things right in our
progress towards self-government. I now introduce you
to another scene His Highness the Maharajah who
presided yesterday over our deliberations spoke about the
poverty of India. Other speakers laid great stress upon it
But what did we witness in the great pandal in which
the foundation ceremony was performed by the Viceroy.
Certainly a most gorgeous show, an exhibition of jewel-
lery which made a splendid feast for the eyes of the
greatest jeweller who chose to come from Paris. I com-
pare with the richly bedecked noblemen the millions of
the poor. And I feel like saying to these noblemen,
" There is no salvation for India unless you strip
yourselves of this jewellery and hold it in trust for
your countrymen in India." (Hear, hear and applause.)
I am sure, it is not the desire of the King-Emperor
or Lord Hardinge that in order to show the
truest loyalty to our King-Emperor, it is necessary
for us to ransack our jewellery-boxes and to appear
bedecked from top to toe. I would undertake, at

HINDU UNIVERSITY SPEECH 255

the petil of my life, to bring to you a message from
King George himself that he expects nothing of the kind.
Sir, whenever I hear of a great palace rising in any great
city of India, be it in British India or be it in India which
is ruled by our great chiefs, I become jealous at once, and
I say "Oh, it is the money that has come from the agricul-
turists." Over 75 per cent, of the population are agri-
culturists and Mr. Higginbotham told us last night in
his own felicitous language, that they are the men who
grow two blades of grass in the place of one. But there
cannot be much spirit of self-government about us if we
take away or allow others to take away from them
almost the whole of the results of their labour. Our
salvation can only come through the farmer. Neither
the lawyers, nor the doctors, not the rich landlords
are going to secure it.

Now, last but not the least, it is my bounden duty
to refer to what agitated our minds during these two or
three days. All of us have had many anxious moments
while the Viceroy was going through the streets of
Benares. There were detectives stationed in many places.
We were horrified. We asked ourselves, " Why this
distrust ? Is it not better that even Lord Hardinge should
die than live a living death ? But a representative of a
mighty sovereign may not. He might find it necessary
even to live a living death. But why was it necessary to
impose these detectives on us ? We may foam, we may
fret, we may resent but let us not forget that India of to-
day in her impatience has produced an army of anarchists,
I myself am an anarchist, but of anbther type. But there
is a class of anarchists amongst us, and if I was able to
reach this class, I would say to them that their anarchism
has no room in India, if India is to conquer the conqueror

256 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

It is a sign of fear. If we trust and fear God, we shall
have to fear no one, not Maharaj ahs, not Viceroys, not
the detectives, not even King George. I honour the
anarchist for his love of the country. I honour him for
his bravery in being willing to die for his country ; but I
ask him — Is killing honourable ? Is the dagger
of an assassin a fit precursor of an honourable death ?
J deny it. There is no warrant for such methods in
any scriptures. If I found it necessary for the salvation
of India that the English should retire, that they
should be driven out, I would not hesitate to declare
that they would have to go, and I hope I would
be prepared to die in defence Of that belief. That
would, in my opinion, be an honourable death.
The bomb-thrower creates secret plots, is afraid to
come out into the open, and when caught pays the
penalty of misdirected zeal. I have been told : *' Had
we not done this, had some people not thrown bombs
we should never have gamed what we have got with
reference to the partition movement." (Mrs. Besant :
Please stop it). This was what I said in Bengal when
Mr. Lyon presided at the meeting. I think what I am
saying is necessary. If I am told to stop I shall obey
(Turning to the Chairman) I await your orders. If you
consider that by my speaking as I am, I am not serv •
ing the country and the empire I shall certainly
stop. (Cries of " Go on.")- (The Chairman .—Please
explain your object). I am explaining my object. I
am simply (Another interruption). My friends, please
do not resent this interruption. If Mrs. Besant this
evening suggests that I should stop she does so because
she loves India so well, and she considers that I am
erring in thinking audibly before you young men. But

HINDU UNIVERSITY SPEECH 257

even so, I simply s«y this that I want to purge India
of this atmosphere of suspicion on either side, if we
are to reach our goal, we should have an empire
which is to be based upon mutual love and mutual
trust Is it not better that we talk under the shadow
of this college than that we should be talking irrespon-
sibly in our homes ? 1 consider that it is much better
that we talk these things openly I have done so with
excellent results before now. I know that there is
nothing that the students are not discussing. There is
nothing that the students do not know, I am therefore
turning the searchlight towards ourselves. I hold the
name of my country so dear to me that I exchange
these thoughts with you, and submit to you that there
is no room for anarchism in India. Let us frankly and
openly say whatever we want to say to our rulers, and
face the consequences if what we have to say does not
please them. But let us not abuse, I was talking the
other day to a member of the much-abused Civil Service
I have not very much in common with the members of
that Service, but I could not help admiring the manner
in which he was speaking to me, He said: "Mr. Gandhi,
do you for one moment suppose that all we, Civil
Servants, are a bad lot, that we want to oppress the
people whom we have come to govern ?" 'No/ I said.
'* Then if you get an opportunity put in a word for
the much-abused Civil Set vice ?*' And I am here
to put in that word, Yes; many members of the Indian
Civil Service are most decidedly overbearing ; they
are tyrannical, at times thoughtless. Many other
adjectives may be used. I grant ail these things and I
grant also that after having lived in India for a certain
number of years some of them become somewhat
17

258 EARLIER JNPIAN SPEECHES.

degraded. But what does that signify ? They
gentlemen before they came here, and if they have
lost soms of the moral fibre, it is a reflection upon our-
selves. (Cries of *' No".) Just think out for your-
selves, if a man who was good yesterday has be-
come bad after having come in contact with me, is he
responsible that he has detenerated or am I ? The
atmosphere of sycophancy and falsity that surrounds
them on their coming to India demoralises them, as it
-would many of us. It is well to take the blame some-
times. If we are to receive self-government, we shall
tiave to take it. We shall never be granted self-govern-
ment, Look at the history of the British Empire and
.the British nation ; freedom-loving as it is, it will not be
a party to give freedom to a people who will not take it
themselves. Learn your lesson if you wish to from the
Boer War. Those who were enemies of that empire
only a>few years ago have now become friends.

[At this point there was an interruption and there
was a movement on the platform to leave ; the speech
therefore ended here abruptly,]

THE BENARES INCIDENT.

The following communication was made to the Press
by Mr. M. K. Gandhi, describing the circumstances under
which his speech at the opening ceremony of the Hindu
University, Benares. xc?«i> interrupted.

Mrs, Besant's reference m New India and certain
other references to the Benares incident perhaps render
it necessary for me to return 10 the subject, however
disinclined I may be to do so. Mrs. Besant denies my

THE BENARES INCIDENT 269

statement wtth reference to her whispering to the
Princes. I can only say that if I can trust my eyes and
my ears, I must adhere to the statement I have made.
She occupied a seat on the left of the semi-circle on
either side of the Maharaja of Darbhanga, who occu-
pied the chair, and there was at least one Prince, per-
haps there were two, who were sitting on her side.
Whilst I was speaking, Mrs. Besant was almost behind
me. When the Maharaja rose Mrs. Besant had also
risen. I had ceased speaking before the Rajahs actually
left the platform. I gently suggested to her that she
might have refrained from interrupting, but that, if she
disapproved of the speech after it was finished, she
could have then dissociated herself from my sentiments.
But she, with some degree of warmth, cried, "How
could we sit still when you were compromising every
one of us on the platform ? You ought not to have made
the remarks you did." This answer of Mrs. Besant's
does not quite tally with her solicitude for me, which
alone, according to her version of the incident, promoted
her to interrupt the speech. I suggest that if she merely
meant to protect me she could have passed a note round
or whispered into my ears her ndvice. And, again, if it
was for my protection, why was it necessary for her to
rise with the Princes and to leave the hall as I held
she did along with them V

So far as my remarks are concerned, I am yet unable
to know what it was in my speech that seems to her to
be open to such exception as to warrant her interruption.
After referring to the Viceregal visit and the necessary
precautions that were taken for the Viceroy's safety, I
showed that an assassin's death was anything but an
honorable death, and said that anarchism was opposed

260 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

to our Sastras and had no place in India. I said then
where there was honourable death it would go down to
history as men who died for their conviction. But when
a bomb-thrower died, secretly plotting all sorts of
things, what could he gain ? I then went on to state
and dealt with the fallacy that, had not bomb-throwers
thrown bombs, we should never have gained what we
did with reference to the Partition Movement. It was
at about this stage that Mrs. Besant appealed to the
chair to stop me. Personally, I shall desire a publica-
tion of the whole of my speech whose trend was a
sufficient warrant for showing that I could not possibly
incite the students to deeds of violence. Indeed it was
conceived in order to carry on a rigorous self-exami-
nation.

I began by saying that it was a humiliation for the
audience and myself that I should have to speak in
English. I said that English having been the medium
of instruction, it had done a tremendous injury to the
country, and I conceive I showed successfully that, had
we received training during the past 50 years in higher
thought in our own vernaculars, we should be to-day
within reach of our goal. I then referred to the Self-
government Resolution passed at the Congress and
showed that whilst the All-India Congress Com mi tee
and the All-India Moslem League would be drawing up
their paper about the future constitution, their duty
was to fit themselves by their own action for self-
government. And in order to show how short we fall
of our duty 1 drew attention to the dirty condition of
the labyrinth of lanes surrounding the great temple ot
Kasi-Viswanath and the recently erected palatial buil-
dings without any conception as to the straightness 01

THE BENARES INCIDENT 261

the width of the streets. I then took the audience to
the gorgeous scene that was enacted on the dais
of laying of the foundation and suggested that
if a stranger not knowing anything about Indian
life had visited the scene he would have gone
away under the false impression that India was one of
the richest countries in the world, such was the display
of jewellery worn by our noblemen. And turning to the
Maharajahs and the Rajahs I humourously suggested
that it was necessary for them to hold those treasures in
trust for the nation before we could realise our ideals,
and I cited the action of the Japanese noblemen who
considered it a glorious privilege, even though there was
no necessity for them, to dispossess themselves of
treasures and land which were handed to them from
generation to generanon. I then asked the audience to
consider the humiliating spectacle of the Viceroy's
person having to be protected from ourselves when he
was our honoured guest. And I was endeavouring to
show that the blame for these precautions was also on
ourselves in that they were rendered necessary because
of the introduction of organised assassination in India.
Thus I was endeavouring to show on the one hand how
the students could usefully occupy themselves in assist-
ing to rid society of its proved defects, and on the other,
to wean themselves even in thought from methods of
violence.

I claim that with twenty years1 experience of pub-
lic life in the course of which I have had to address
on scores of occasions turbulent audiences, I have some
experience of feeling the pulse of my audience. I was
following closely how the speech was being taken, and
I certainly did not notice that the student world was

262 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

being adversely affected. Indeed some of them came to
me the following morning and told me that they per-
fectly understood my remarks, which had gone home.
One of them, a keen debater, even subjected me to cross-
examination and seemed to feel convinced by a further
development of the argument such as I had advanced
in the course of my speech. Indeed I have spoken
now to thousands of students and others of my country-
men throghout South Africa, England and India and
by precisely the arguments that I used that evening I
claim to have weaned many from their approval of
anarchical methods.

Finally, I observe that Mr. S. S. Setiur, of Bombay,
whc has written on the incident to Hindu in no friendly
mood towards me and who, I think, in some respects
totally and unfairly has endeavoured to tear me to piece*
and who was an eye-witness to the proceedings gives
a version different from Mrs. Besant's. He thinks that
the general impression was not that I wasj encouraging
the anarchists but I was playing the role of an apologist
for the civilian bureaucrat. The whole of Mr. Setlur'a
attack upon me shows that if he is right, I was certainly
not guilty of any incitement to violence and that offence
consisted in my reference to jewellery, etc.

In order that the fullest justice might be done both
to Mrs. Besant and myself, I would make the following
suggestion. She says that she does not propose to
defend herself by quoting the sentence which drew the
Princes away and that would be playing into the-
enemies' hand. According to her previous statement
my speech is already in the hands of detectives, so that
so far as my safety is concerned, her forbearance is not
going to be of the slightest use. Would it not there-

THE BENARES INCIDENT 263

fore be better that she should either publish a verbatim
report, if she has it, or reproduce such sentiments itt
my speech as, in her opinion, necessitated her interrup-
tion and the Princes' withdrawal.

I will therefore conclude this statement by repeat-
ing what I have said before : that, but for Mrs, Besant's
interruption, I would have concluded my speech in a
few minutes and no possible misconception about my
views on anarchism would have arisen.

REPLY TO KARACHI ADDRESS.

In reply to the welcome address presented by the
Citizens' Association, Karachi, on February 29, 1916,
Mr, Gandhi spokt in Hindi to the following effect :-—

I am grateful 'to you all for this address and for
what you have done ift connection with my visit and
for the trouble you have taken therefor. I hive been
travelling in various parts of India ; and in the course
of my travels I have been struck with the fact that
throughout India the hearts of the people are in a special
degree drawn towards me. All brothers of Hindustan,
without distinction of creed or caste, have been showing
this attachment. But I fee) convinced that this remark-
able attachment to me is meant not for me but as a fitting
tribute of admiration to all those noble brothers and
sisters of ours in South Africa who underwent cuch
immense troubles and sacrifices, including incarceration
in jails, for the service of the Motherland. It is un-
doubtedly this consideration which leads you to be so
very kind to me. It was they who won the struggle,
and it was by reason of their unflinching determination
to4 do or die* that so much was achieved. Hence I take

264 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

it that whatever tribute is paid to me is in reality and
in truth paid to them.

In the course of my tour in India I have been parti-
cularly struck with one thing and that is the awakening
of the Indian people. A new hope has filled the hearts
of the people, hope that something is going to happen
which will raise the Motherland to a higher status.
But side by side with thi-> spirit of hope I also had
amongst my countrymen awe not only of the Govern-
ment but also ol heads of castes and the priestly class.
As a result of this we are afraid to speak out what is in
us. So long as this spirit remains, there will be and
there can be, no true progress, You know that at the
last session of the Congress a resolution was passed
about self-government. For the attainment of that ideal
you and I, all of us, must work and persevere In per-
Suance of that resolution the committees of the Congress
and the Moslem League will soon meet together; and
they will decide what they think proper. But the
attainment of self-government depends not on their
saying or doing anything but upon what you and I do.
Here in Karachi commerce is predomment and there
are many big merchants. To them I wish to address
a few words. It is a misapprehension to think that
th?re is no scope in commerce for serving the mother-
country If they are inspired by the spirit of
truth, merchants can be immensely useful to the
country. The salvation of our country, remember, is
not m the hands of others but of oujrselves, and more in
the hands of merchants in some respects than the
educated people ; for I strongly feel that so long as
there is no swedeshism, there can be no self-government
(hear, hear,) ; and for the spread of swadeshism Indian

REPLY TO KARACHI ADDRESS 265

merchants are in a position to do a very great deal. The
swadeshi wave passed through the country at one time*
But I understand that the movement had collapsed
largely because Indian merchants had palmed on foreign
goods as swadeshi articles. By Indian merchants being
honest and straight-forward m their business, they could
achieve a great deal for the regeneration and uplift of
of the country. Hence merchants should faithfully
observe what Hindus call Dharma and Muhammadans
call Iman in their business transactions. Then shall
India be uplifted. I appeal to you that in this potent
way can you be serviceable to the country. Karachi is
a big and important city — the fourth important city and
port in India. It possesses many big and rich nier-
chants. I hope they will brood over this suggestion,
for it rests very largely with the merchants to do last-
ing good or lasting harm to the country. In South
Africa our merchants rendered valuable help in the
struggle; and yet because some of them weakened, the
struggle was prolonged somewhat* It is the duty of the
educated classes to mix freely with Indian merchants
and the poor classes. Then will our journey to the
common and cherished goal be less irksome. (Prolonged
applause.)

THE GURUKULA

The following is an account of Mr. Gandhi's speech
at the anniversary of the Gnrnkitla, as written out by
himself: —

I propose to reproduce only as much of it as in my
opinion is worth placing on record with additions where
they may be found necessary. The speech, it may be

266 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

observed, was delivered in Hindi. After thanking
Mahatmaji Mtmshi Ram for his great kindness to mji
boyg to whom he gave shelter on two occasions and
acted fts father to them and after stating that the time
for action had arrived rather than for speeches, I pro-
ceeded : — •! owe a debt of gratitude to the Arya Satnaj.
I have often derived inspiration from its activity, I
have noticed among the members of the Samaj much
self-sacrifice. During my travels in India I came
across many Arya Samajists who were doing excel-
lent work for the country. ' I am, therefore, grateful
to Mahatmaji that I am enabled to be in your midst.
At the same time it is but fair to state that I am
frankly a Sanatanist. For me Hinduism is all-
sufficing. Every variety of belief finds protection under
its ample fold. And though the Arya Samajists and the
Sikhs and the Brahmo Samajists may choose to be
classed differently from the Hindus, I have no doubt
that at no distant future they will be all merged in
Hinduism and find in it their fulness* Hinduism like
every other human institution has its drawbacks and its-
detects. Here is ample scope for any worker to strive-
for reform, but there is little cause for succession.
SPIRIT OF FEARLESSNESS

Throughout my travels I have been asked about
the immediate need for India. And perhaps I would
not do better than repeat this afternoon the
answer I have given elsewhere. In general terms
a proper religious spirit is the greatest and most
immediate need. But I know that this is too general
an answer to satisfy anybody. And it is an
answer true for all time. What, therefore, I desire
to say is that owing to the religious spirit being

THE GURUKULA 267

dormant in us, we are living in a state of per-
petual fear. We fear the temporal as well as the
spiritual authority. We dare not speak out our minds
before our priests and our Pandits. We stand in awe of
the temporal power. I am sure that in so doing we do>
a disservice to them and us. Neither the spiritual
teachers nor our political governors could possibly desire
that we should hide the truth from them. Lord Willing-
don speaking to a Bombay audience has been saying
recently that he had observed that we hesitated to say
'no 'when we really meant it and advised his audi-
ence to cultivate a fearless spirit. Of course, fearless-
ness should never mean want of due respect or regard
•for the feelings of others. In my humble opinion fear-
lessness is the first thing indispensable before we could
achieve anything permanent and real. This quality is
unattainable without 'rel'gious consciousness. Let us
fear God and we shall cease to fear man, If we grasp
the fact that there is a divinity within us which wit-
nessess everything we think or do and which protects-
us and guides us along the true path, it is clear that we
shall cease to have any other fear on the face of the
earth save the fear of God. Loyalty to the Governor
of governors supersedes all other loyalty and gives an
intelligent basis to the latter.

MEANING OF SWADESHI

And when we have sufficiently cultivated this
spirit of fearlessneess, we shall see that there is
no salvation for us without true Swadeshi, not the
Swadeshi which can be conveniently put off. Swadeshi
for me has a deeper meaning. I would like us
to apply it in our religions, political and econo-
mic life. It is not therefore merely confined to

268 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

wearing on occasions a Swadashi cloth. That we
have to do for all time not out of a spirit of jeal-
ousy or revenge, but because it is a duty we owe
to our dear country. We commit a breach of the
Swadeshi spirit certainly if we wear foreign-made cloth
but we do so also if we adopt the foreign cut. Surely
the style of our dress has some correspondence with
our environment. In elegance and tastefulness it is
immeasurably superior to the trousers and the jacket.
An Indian wearing a shirt flowing over his pyjamas
with a waist coat on it without a necktie and its flaps
hanging loose behind is not a very gracefull spectacle.
Swadeshi in religion teaches one to measure the
glorious past and re-enact it in the present genera-
tion. The pandemonium that is going on in Europe
shows that modern civilization represents forces of evil
and darkness whereas the ancient i&., Indian civiliza-
tion, represents in its essence the divine force. Modern
civilization is chiefly materialistic as ours is chiefly
spiritual. Modern civilization occupies itself in the
investigation of the laws of matter and employs the
human ingenuity in inventing or discovering means of
production and weapons of destruction ; ours is chiefly
occupied in exploring spiritual laws. Our Shastras lay
down unequivocally that a proper observance of truth,
chastity, scrupulous regard for all life, abstention from
coveting others' possessions and refusal to board any-
thing but what is necessary for our daily wants is
indispensable for a right life ; that without it a know-
ledge of the divine element is an impossibility. Out
civilization tells us with daring certainty that a proper
and perfect cultivation of the quality of ahimsa
which in its active form means purest love and pity,

THE GURUKULA 2C-9

brings the whole world to our feet. The author of this
discovery gives a wealth of illustration, which carries
conviction with it.

THF DOCTRINE OF AHIMSA

Examine its result in the political life. There is no
gift so valued by our Shastra, as the gift of life. Consider
what our relations would be with out rulers if we gave
absolute security of life to them. If they could but feel
that no matter what we might feel about their acts, we
would hold their bodies as sacred as our own, there
would immediately spring up an atmosphere of mutual
trust and there would be such frankness on eitheir side
as to pave the way for an honourable and just solution
of many problems that worry us to-day. It should be re-
membered that in practising ahitnsct there need not be
any reciprocation, though as a matter of fact in its final
stages it commands reciprocation. Many of us believe,
and I am one of them, that through our civilization we
have a message to deliver to the world. I tender my
loyalty to the British Government quite selfishly. 1
would like to use the British race for transmitting this
mighty message of ahimsa to the whole world. But
that can only be done when we have conquered our so-
called conquerors and you, my Arya Samaj friends, are
perhaps specially elected for this mission. You claim
to examine our scriptures critically. You take nothing
for granted and you claim not to fear to reduce your
belief to practice. I do not think that there is any room
for trifling with or limiting the doctrine of ahimsa.
You dare then to reduce it to practice regardless of
immediate consequences which would certainly test the
strength of your convictions. You would not only
have procured salvation for India, but you would

270 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

have rendered the noblest service that a man can
render to humanity — a service moreover which you
would rightly assert, the great Swami was born for.
This Swadeshi is to be considered as a very active force
to be ceaselessly employed with an ever-increasing
vigilance, searching self-examination. It is not meant
for the lazy, but it is essentially meant for them who
would gladly lay down their lives for the sake of truth.
It is possible to dilate upon several other phases of
Swadeshi, but I think I have said enough to enable you
to understand what I mean, I only hope that you who
represent a school of reformers in India will not reject
what I have said, without a thorough examination.
And if my word has commended itself to you, your past
record entitles me to expect you to enforce in your own
lives the things of eternity about which I have ventur-
ed to speak to you this after-noon and cover the whole
of India with your activity.

WORK OF THE ARYA SAMAJ

In concluding my report of the above speech, I
would like to state what I did not in speaking to that
great audience and it is this. I have now twice visited
the Gurukula. In spite of some vital differences with
my brethren of the Arya Samaj, I have a sneaking
regard for them, and it, and perhaps the best result of
the activity of the Arya Samaj is to be seen in the
establishment and the conduct of the Gurukula. Though
it depends for its vitality entirely upon the inspiring
presence of Mahatmaji Munshiram, it is truly a national
and self-governing and self-governed institution. It is
totally independent of Government aid or patronage;
Its war chest is filled not out of monies received from the
privileged few, but from the poor many who make it a

THE GURUKULA 271

point of honor from year to year to make a pilgrimage
to Kangri and willingly give their mite for maintaining
this National College. Here at every anniversary 3
huge crowd gathers and the manner in which it is
handled, housed and fed evinces no mean power of
•organisation. But the most wonderful thing about it all is
that the crowd consisting of about ten thousand men,
women and children, is managed without the assistance
pf a single policeman and without any fuss or semblance
of forcej the only force that subsists between the crowd
and the managers of the institution is that of love and
mutual esteem. Fourteen years are nothing in the life of
a big institution like this. What the collegiates who
have been just turned out during the last two or three
years will be able to show, remains to be seen. The
public will not and cannot judge men or institutions
•except through the results that they show. It makes no
allowance for failures It is a most exacting judge. The
final appeal of the Gurukula as of all popular institu-
tions must be to this judge Great responsibility there-
fore rests upon the shoulders of the students who have
been discharged from the College and who have entered
upon the thorny path of life. Let them beware. Mean-
while those who are wsllwishers of this #reat experi-
ment may derive satisfaction from the fact that we
have it as an indisputable rule of life, that as the tree
is so will the fruit be, The tree looks lovely enough.
He who waters it is a noble soul. Why worry about
what the fruit is likely to be V

INDUSTRIAL TRAINING

As a lover of the Gurukula, I may be permitted
to offer one or two suggestions to the committe and the
parents. The Gurukula boys need a thorough industrial

272 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

training if they are to become self-reliant and self-
supporting. It seems to me that in our country in which
85 per cent, of the population is agricultural and perhaps
10 per cent, occupied in supplying the wants of the pea-
santry, it must be part of the training of every youth
that he has a fair pratical knowledge of agriculture and
hand-weaving. He will lose nothing if he knows a proper
use of tools, can saw a piece of board straight and build
a wall that will not come down through a faulty hand-
ling of the plumber's line. A boy who is thus equipped
will never feel helpless in battling with the world
and never be in want of employment. A knowledge of
the laws of hygiene and sanitation as well as the art
of rearing children should also form a necessary part
of the Gurukula lads. The sanitary arrangements at the
fair left much to be desired. The plague of flies told
its own tale. These irrepressible sanitary inspectors in-
cessantly warned us that in point of sanitation all was
not well with us. They plainly suggested that the re-
mains of our food and excreta need to be properly buried.
It seemed to me to be such a pity that a golden oppor-
tunity was being missed of giving to the annual visitors
practical lessons on sanitation. But the work must
begin With the boys. Then the management would
have at the annual gathering three hundred practical
sanitary teachers. Last but not least let the parents
and the commitee not spoil their lads by making them
ape European dress or modern luxuries. These will
hinder them in their after life and are antagonistic to
Bramacharya. They have enough to fight against in
the evil inclinations common to us all. Let us not
make their fight more difficult 'by adding to their temp-
tations.

SWADESHI

The following is an address delivered before the
Missionary Conference, Madras, on the \4th February,
1916.

It was not without great diffidence that I under-
took to speak to you at all. And I was hard put to it
in the selection of my subject. I have chosen a very
delicate and difficult subject. It is delicate because of
the peculiar views I hold upon Swadeshi, and it is
difficult because I have not that command of language
which is necessary for giving adequate expression to
my thoughts. I know that I may rely upon your in-
dulgence for the many shortcomings you will no doubt
find in my address, the more so when I tell you that
there is nothing in what I am about to say that I am
not either already practising or am not pre paring to
practise to the best of my ability. It encourages me
to observe that last month you devoted a week to
prayer in the place of an address. I have earnest-
ly prayed that what I am about to say may bear fruit
and I know that you will bless my word with a similar
prayer.

After much thinking I have arrived at a definition
of Swadeshi that, perhaps, best illustrates my meaning.
Swadeshi is that sprit in us which restricts us to the
use and service of our immediate surroundings to the
exclusion of the more remote. Thus, as for religion, in
order to satisfy the requirements of the definition, I must
restrict myself to my ancesiral religion. That is the
use of my immediate religious surrounding. If I find it
18

274 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

defective, I should serve it by purging it of its defects*
In the domain of politics I should make use of the
indigenous institutions and serve them by curing them
of their proved defects. In that of economics I should
use only things that are produced by my immediate
neighbours and serve those industries by making them
efficient and complete where they might be found want-
ing. It is suggested that such Swadeshi, if reduced to
practice, will lead to the millennium. And, as we do
not abandon our pursuit after the millennium, because
we do not expect quite to reach it within our times, so
may we not abandon Swadeshi even though it may not
be fully attained for generations to come.

Let us briefly examine the three branches of
Swadeshi as sketched above. Hinduism has become
a conservative religion and, therefore, a mighty force
because of the Swadeshi spirit underlying it. It
is the most tolerant because it is non-proselytisingf
and it is as capable of expansion to-day as it has
been found to be in the past. It has succeeded not
in driving out, as I think it has been erroneously
held, but in absorbing Buddhism, By reason of the
Swadeshi spirit, a Hindu refuses to change his reli-
gion, not necessarily because he considers it to be the
best, but because he knows that he can complement it
by introducing reforms. And what I have said about
Hinduism is, I suppose, true of the other great faiths of
the world, only it is held that it is specially so in the
case of Hinduism. But here comes the point I am
labouring to reach. If there is any substance in what
I have said, will not the great missionary bodies of
India, to whom she owes a deep debt of giatitude for
what they have done and are doing, do still better and

SWADESHI 275

serve the spirit of Christianity better by dropping the
goal of proselytising while continuing their philanthro-
pic work? 1 hope you will not consider this to be an im-
pertinence on my part. I make the suggestion in all
sincerity and with due humility. Moreover I have some
claim upon your attention. I have endeavoured to study
the Bible. I consider it as part of my scriptures. The
spirit of the Sermon on the Mount competes almost on
equal terms with the Bhagavad Gita for the domination
of my heart. I yield to no Christian in the strength of
devotion with which I sing ' Lead kindly light " and
several other inspired hymns of a sifliilar nature. I
have come under the influence of noted Christian mis-
sionaries belonging to different denominations. And I
enjoy to this day the privilege of friendship with some
of them, You will perhaps, therefore, allow that I have
offered the above suggestion not as a biased Hindu, but
as a humble and impartial student of religion with great
leanings towards Christianity. May it not be that '' Go
ye unto all the world " message has been somewhat
narrowly interpreted and the spirit of it missed ? Jt will
not be denied, I speak from experience, that many of the
conversions are only so-called. In some cases tho appeal
has gone not to the heart but to the stomach. And in
every case a conversion leaves a sore behind it which,
I venture to think, is avoidable. Quoting again from
experience, a new birth, a change of heart, is perfectly
possible in every one of the great faiths. I know I am
now treading upon thin ice. But I do not apologise in
closing this part of my subject, for saying that the
frightful outrage that is just going on in Europe, per-
haps shows that the message of Jesus of Naza-
reth, the Son of Peace, had been little understood in

276 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

Europe, and that light upon it may have to be thrown
from the East.

I have sought your help in religious matters, which
it is yours to give in a special sense. But I make bold
to seek it even in political matters. I do not believe
that religion has nothing to do with politics. The latter
•divorced from religion is like a corpse only fit to be
buried. As a matter of fact, m your own silent manner,
you influence politics not a little. And I feel that, if the
attempt to separate politics from religion had not been
.made as it is even now made, they would not have
degenerated as they often appear to have done. No
one considers that the political life of the country is in
a happy state. Following out the Swadeshi spirit,
I observe the indigenous institutions and the village
panchayats hold me. India is really a republican
country, and it is because it is that, that it has survived
every shock hitherto delivered. Princes and poten-
tates, whether they were Indian born or foreigners,
have hardly touched the vast masses except for collec-
ting revenue. The latter in their turn seem to have
rendered unto Caesar what was Caesar's and for the rest
have done much as they have liked. The vast organis-
ation of caste answered not only the religious wants of the
community, but it answered to its political needs. The
villagers managed their internal affairs through the caste
system, and through it they dealt with any oppression
from the ruling power or powers. It is not possible to
deny of a nation that was capable of producing the
caste system its wonderfal power of organisation. One
had bui to attend the great Kumbha Mela at Hardwar
last year to know how sk iful tla: organisation must
have been, which without any seeming effort was able

SWADESHI 277

effectively to cater for more than a million pilgrims,
Yet it is the fashion to say that we lack organising
ability. This is true, I fear, to a certain extent, of
those who have been nurtured in the new traditions.
We have laboured under a terrible handicap owing to
an almost fatal departure from the Swadeshi spirit.
We, the educated classes, have received our education-
through a foreign tongue. We have therefore not
reacted upon the masses. We want to represent the
masses, but we fail. They recognise us not much more
than they recognise the English officers. Their hearts
are an open book to neither. Their aspirations are not
ours. Hence there is a break. And you witness not in
reality failure to organise but want of correspondence
between the representatives and the represented. If
during the last fifty years we had been educated
through the vernaculars, our elders and our servants
and our neighbours would have partaken of o T know-
ledge ; the discoveries of a Bose or a Ray would have
been househould treasures as are the Ramayan and the
Mahabharat, As it is, so far as the masses are con-
cerned, those great discoveries might as well have
been made by foreigners. Had instruction in all the
branches of learning been given through the verna-
culars, I make bold to say that they would have been
enriched wonderfully. The question of village sanitation
etc., would have been solved long ago. The village
panchayats would be now a living force in a special
way, and India would almost be enjoying self-govern-
ment suited to its requirements and would have been
spared the humiliating spectacle of organised assassi-
nation on its sacred soil. It is not too late to mend. And
you can help if you will, as no other body or bodies can*

278 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

And now for the last division of Swadeshi. Much
of the deep poverty of the masses is due to the ruinous
departure from Swadeshi in the economic and industrial
life. If not an article of commerce had been brought
from outside India, she would be to-day a land flowing
with milk and honey. But that was not to be. We were
greedy and so was England. The connection between
England and India was based clearly upon an error. But
she does not remain in India in error. It is her declared
policy that India is to be held in trust for her people. If
this be true, Lancashire must stand aside, And if
the Swadeshi doctrine is a sound doctrine. Lancashire
can stand aside without hurt, though it may sustain a
shock for the time being. I think of Swadeshi not as
a boycott movement undertaken by way of revenge. I
conceive it as a religious principle to be followed by all,
I am no economist, but I have read some treatises
which show that England could easily become a self-
sustained country, growing all the produce she needs.
This may be an utterly ridiculous proposition, and
perhaps the best proof that it cannot be true, is that
England is one of the largest importers in the world.
But India cannot live for Lancashire or any other
country before she is able to live for herself. And she
can live for herself only if she produces and is helpeH
to produce everything for her requirements within
her own borders. She need not be, she ought not to be,
drawn into the vertex of mad and ruinous competition
which breeds fratricide, jealousy and many other evils.
But who is to stop her great millionaines from entering
into the world competition ? Certainly not legislation.
Force of public opinion, proper education, however, can
do a great deal in the desired direction. The hand-loom

SWADESHI 279

industry is in a dying condition. I took special care
during my wanderings last year to see as many weavers
as possible, and my heart ached to find how they had
lost, how families had retired from this once flourishing
and honourable occupation. If we follow the Swadeshi
doctrine, it would be your duty and mine to find out
neighbours who can supply our wants and to teach
them to supply them where they do not know how
to proceed, assuming that there are neighbours who
are in want of healthy occupation. Then every village
of India will almost be a self-supporting and self-
contained unit, exchanging only such necessary com-
modities with other villages where they are not
locally producible. This may all sound nonsensi-
cal. Well. India is a country of nonsense. It is non-
sensical to parch one's throat with thirst when a kindly
Mahomedan is ready to offer pure water to drink. And
yet thousands of Hindus would rather die of thirst than
drink water from a Mahomedan household. These non-
sensical men can also, once they are convinced that
their religion demands that they shonld wear garments
manufactured in India only and eat food only grown in
India, decline to wear any other clothing or eat any
other food. Lord Curzon set the fashion for tea-drinking.
And that pernicious drug now bids fair to overwhelm
the nation. It has already undermined the digestive
apparatus of hundreds of t housands of men and women
and constitutes an additional tax upon their
slender purses. Lord Hardinge can set the fashion for
Swadeshi, and almost the w hole of India forswear
foreign goods. There is a verse in the Bhagavat Gita,
which, freely rendered, means, masses follow the classes.
It is easy to undo the evil if the thinking portion of the

280 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

community were to take the Swadeshi vow even though
it may, for a time, cause considerable inconvenience. I
hate legislative interference, in any department of life.
At best it is the lesser evil. But I would tolerate, wel-
come, indeed, plead for a stiff protective duty upon
foreign goods. Natal, a British colony, protected its
•ugar by taxing the sugar that came from another Bri-
tish colony, Mauritius. England has sinned against
India by forcing free trade upon her. It may have been
food for her, but it has been poison for this country.

It has often been urged that India cannot adopt
Swadeshi in the economic life at any rate. Those who
advance this objection do not look upon Swadeshi as a
rule of life, With them it is a mere patriotic effort not
to be made if it involved any self-denial. Swadeshi, aa
defined here, is a religious discipline to be undergone in
utter disregard of the physical discomfort it may cause
to mdn iduals. Under its spell the deprivation of a pin
or a needle, because these are not manufactured in India,
need cause no terror. A Swadeshist will learn to dG
without hundreds of things which to-day he considers
neces'jary. Moreover, those who dismiss Swadeshi from
their minds by arguiug the impossible, forget that Swa-
deshi, after all, is a goal to be reached by steady effort.
And we would be making for the goal even if we
confined Swadeshi to a given set of articles allowing
ourselves as a temporary measure to use such things as
might not be procurable in the country,

There now remains for me to consider one more ob-
jection that has been raised against Swadeshi. The objec-
tors consider it to be a most selfish doctrine without any
warrant in the civilized code of morality. With them to
practice Swadeshi is to revert to barbarism. I -cannot

SWADESHI 481

enter into a detailed analysis of the proposition. But I
would urge that Swadeshi is the oply doctrine consistent
with the law of humility and love. It is arrogance to
think of launching out to serve the whole of India when
I am hardly able to serve even my own family. It were
better to concentrate my effort upon the family and con-
sider that through them I was serving the whole nation
and, if you will, the whole of humanity. This is humility
and it is love. The motive will determine the quality of
the act. I may serve my family regardless of the suffer-
ings I may cause to others, As for instance, I may accept
an employment which enables me to extort money from
people, I enrich myself thereby and then satisfy
many unlawful demands of the family. Here I am nei-
ther serving the family nor the State. Or I may recog-
nise that God has given me hands and feet only to work
with for my sustenance and for that of those who may
be dependent upon me. I would then at once simplify
my life and that of those whom I can directly reach. In
this instance I would have served the family without
causing injury to anyone else. Supposing that every
one followed this mode of life, we should have at once
an ideal state. All will not reach that state at the
same time. But those of us who, realising its truth,
enforce it inpractice will clearly anticipate and acceler-
ate the coming of that happy day. Under this plan
of life, in seeming to serve India to the exclusion of
every other county, I do not harm any other country.
My patriotism is both exclusive and inclusive. It is
exclusive in the sense that in all humility I confine my
attention to the land of my birth, but it is inclusive in
the sense that my service is not of a competitive or
antagonistic nature. Sic utere tuo ut alienum non la

282 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

is not merely a legal maxim, but it is a grand doctrine
of life. It is the key to a proper practice of Ahimsa or
love, It is for you, the custodians of a great faith, to
set the fashion and show, by your preaching, sanctified
by practice, that patriotism based on hatred c< killeth"
and that patriotism based on love k< giveth life."

AHIMSA

The following letter from the pen of Mr. M. K.
Gandhi appeared in The Modern Review, for October,
1916.

There seems to be no historical warrant for the
belief that an exaggerated practice of Ahimsa synchroni-
sed with our becoming bereft of manly virtues During
the past 1,500 years we have, as a nation, given ample
proof of physical courage, but we have been torn by
internal dissensions and have been dominated by love
of self instead of love of country. We have, that is to
say, been swayed by the spirit of irreligion rather than
of religion.

I do not know how far the charge of unmanlmess
can be made good against the Jams. I hold no brief
for them. By birth I am a Vaishnavite, and was taught
Ahimsa in mv childhood. I have derived much reli-
gious benefit from Jam religious works as I have from
scriptures of the other great faiths of the world, I owe
much to the living company of the deceased philosopher,
Fajachand Kavi, who was a Jain by birth. Thus,
though my views on Ahimsa are a result of my study of
most ot the faiths of the world, they are now no longer
dependent upon the authority of these works. They are
a part of my life, and, if I suddenly discovered that the

AHIMSA 283

Teligious books read by me bore a different interpreta-
tion from the one I had learnt to give them, I should
still hold to the view of Ahimsa as I am about to set
forth here.

Our Shastras seem to teach that a man who really
practises Ahimsa in its fulness has the world at his
feet ; h»3 so affects his surroundings that even the snakes
and other venomous reptiles do him no harm. This is
said to have been the experience of St. Francis of
Assisi.

In its negative form it means not injuring any
living being whether by body or mind. It may not,
therefore, hurt the person of any wrong-doer, or bear
any ill-will to him and so cause him mental suffering.
This statement doet not cover suffering caused to
the wrong-doer by natural acts of mine which do
not proceed fiom ill-will. It, therefore, does not
prevent rne from withdrawing from his presence a
child whom he, we shall imagine, is about to strike.
Indeed, the proper practice of Ahimsa requires me
to withdraw the intended victim from the wrong-doer,
if I am, in any way whatsoever, the guardian of
such a child. It was, therefore, most proper for the
passive resisters of South Africa to have resisted the
evil that the Union Government sought to do to them.
They bore no ill-will to it. They showed this by helping
the Government whenever it needed their help. Their
resistance consisted of disobedience of the orders of the
Government, even to the extent of suffering death at their
hands. Ahimsa requires deliberate self -suffer ing, not a
deliberate injuring of the supposed wrong-doer.

In its positive form, Ahimsa means the largest love,
the greatest charity, if I am a follower of Ahimsa, I

284 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

must love my enemy. I must apply the same rules to
the wrong-doer who is my enemy or a stranger to me,
as I would to my wtong-doing father or son. This active
Ahimsa neceessarily includes truth and fearlessness. As
man cannot deceive the loved one, he does not fear or
frighten him or her. Gift of life is the greatest of all
gifts ; a man who gives it in reality, disarms all
hostility. He has paved the way for an honourable
understanding. And none who his himself subject
to fear can bestow that gift. He must, therefore, be
himself fearless. A man cannot then practice Ahimsa
and be a coward at the same time. The practice of
Ahimsa calls forth the greatest courage. It is the most
soldierly of a soldier's virtues. "General Gordon has
been represented in a famous statue as bearing only a
stick. This takes us far on the road to Ahimsa. Bui
a soldier, who needs the protection of even a stick, is tc
that extent so much the less a soldier. He is the true
soldier who knows how to die and stand his ground in
the midst of a hail of bullets. Such a one was Amba-
rish, who stood his ground without lifting a finger
though Durvasa did his worst. The Moors who were
being pounded by the French gunners and who rushed
to the guns' mouths with ' Allah ' on their lips, showed
much the same type of courage, Only theirs was the
courage of desperation. Ambansha's was due to love.
Yet the Moorish valour, readiness to die, conquered the
gunners. They frantically waved their hats, ceased
firing, and greeted their erstwhile enemies as comrades-
And so the South African passive resisters in their
thousands were ready to die rather than sell their
honour for a little personal ease. This was Ahimsa in?
its active form. It never barters away honour, A

AHIMSA

helpless girl in the hands of a follower of Ahimsa finds
better and surer protection than in the hands of one who
is prepared to defend her only to the point to which
his weapons would carry him. The tyrant, in the first
instance, will have to walk to his victim over the
dead body of 'her defender ; in the second, he has but
to ovei power the defender ; for it is assumed that the
cannon of propriety in the second instance will be satis-
fied when the defender has fought to the extent of his
physical valour. In the first instance, as the defender
has matched his very soul against the mere body of the
tyrant, the odds are that the soul in the latter will be
awakened, and the girl would stand an infinitely greater
chance of her honour being protected than in any other
conceivable circumstance, barring of course, that of her
own personal courage.

If we ar^ unmanly to-day, we are so, not because we
do not know how to strike, but because we fear to die.
He is no follower of Mahavira, the apostle of Jainism,
or of Buddha or of the Vedas, who, being afraid to die,
takes flight before any danger, real or imaginary, all the
while wishing that somebody else would remove the
danger by destroying the person causing it. He is no
follower of Ahimsa who does not care a straw if he kills
a man by inches by deceiving him in trade, or who
would protect by force of arms a few cows and make
a\\ay with the butcher or who, in order to do a supposed
good to his country, does not mind killing off a few
officials. All these are actuated by hatred, cowardice
and fear. Here the love of the cow or the country is a
vague thing intended to satisfy one's vanity, or soothe a
stinging conscience.

Ahimsa truly understood, is in my humble opinion a

280 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

panacea for all evils mundane and extra-mundane. We
can never overdo it. Just at present we are not doing
it at all. Ahimasa does not displace the practice
of other virtues, but renders their practice im-
peratively necessary before it can be practised even ir
its rudiments. Mahavira and Buddha were soldiers, and
so was Tolstoy. Only they saw deeper and truer intc
their profession, and found the secret of a true, happy
honourable and godly life. Let us be joint sharers with
these teachers, and this land of ours will once more be
the adode of Gods.

ENCONOMIC vs. MORAL PROGRESS

The following t.s a lecture delivered by Mr* Gandh,
at a meeting of the Muir Central College Economii
Society, held at Allahabad, on Friday, 22nd December
1916.

Does economic progress clash with real progress!
By economic progress, I take it, we mean materia
advancement without limit, and by real progress W(
mean moral progress, 'which again is the same thing
as progress of the permanent element in us. The
subject may therefore be stated thus ; Does not mora
progress increase in the same proportion as materia
progress? I know that this is a wider propositioi
than the one before us. But I venture to think that we
always mean the large one even when we lay down th<
smaller. For we know enough of science to realiz<
that there is no such thing as perfect rest or repose h
this visible universe of ours. If, therefore, materia
progress does not clash with moral progress, it mus

ECONOMIC VS. MORAL PROGRESS 287

necessarily advance the latter. Nor can we be satisfied
with the clumsy way in which sometimes those who
cannot defend the large proposition put their case. They
seem to be obsessed witli the concrete case of thirty
millions of India, stated by the late Sir William Wilson
Hunter to be living on one meal a day. They say that,
before we can think or talk of their moral welfare,
we must satisfy their daily wants. With these they
say, material progrees spells moral progress. And then
is taken a sudden jump ; what is true of thirty millions
is true of the universe. They forget that hard
cases make bad law. I need hardly say to you how
ludicrously absurd th:S deduction would be. No one
has ever suggested that grinding pauperism can
lead to anything else than moral degradation. Every
human being has a right to live and therefore to find
the wherewithal to feed himself and where necessary to
clothe and house himself. But for this very simple
performance we need no assistance from economists or
their laws.

' Take no thought for the morrow is an injunction
which finds an echo in almost all the religious scriptures
of the world. In well-ordered society the securing of
one's livelihood should be and is found to be the easiest
thing in the world. Indeed, the test of orderliness in a
country is not the number of milionares it owns, but
the absence of starvation among its masses. The only
statement that has to be examined is, whether it can be
laid down as a law of universal application that
material advancement means moral progress.

Now let us take a few illustrations. Rome suffered
a moral fall when it attained high material affluence.
So did Egypt and so perhaps most countries of which

2SS EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

we have any historical record. The descendants and
kinsmen of the royal and divine Krishna too fell when
they were rolling in riches. We do not deny to the
Rockefellers and theCarnegies possession of an ordinary
measure of morality but we gladly judge them indul-
gently. I mean that we do not even expect them to
satisfy the highest standard of morality. With them
material gain has not necessarily meant moral gain. In
South Africa, where I had the privilege of associating
with thousands of our countrymen on most intimate
terms, 1 observed almost invariably that the greater
the possession of riches, the greater was their moral
turpitude. Our rich men, to say the least, did not
advance the moral struggle of passive resistance
as did the poor. The rich men's sense of self respect
was not so much injured as that of the poorest. If
I were not afraid of treading on dangerous ground, I
would even come nearer home and show how that
possession of riches hns been a hindrance to real growth.
I venture to think that the scriptures of the world are
far safer and sounder treatises on laws of economics
than many of the modern text-books. The question we
are asking ourselves this evening is not a new one. It
was addressed of Jesus two thousand years ago. St.
Mark has vividly described the scene. Jesus is in his
solemn mood. He is earnest. He talks of eternity. He
knows the world about him. He is himself the greatest
economist of his time. He succeeded in economising time
and space — he transcended them. It is to him at his best
that one comes running, kneels down, and asks; 'Good
Master, what shall I do that I may inherit eternal life ?
And Jesus said unto him ; * Why callest thou me good ?*
There is none good but one, that is God. Thou knowest

ECONOMIC VS. MORAL PROGRESS 289

the commandments. Do not commit adultery, Do not
kill, Do not steal, Do not bear false witness, Defraud
not, Honour thy father and mother.' And he answered
and said unto him .' ' Master, all these have I observed
from my youth/ Then Jesus beholding him loved him
and said unto him ; ' One thing thou lackest. Go thy
way, sell whatever thou hast and give to the poor,
and thou shall have treasure in heaven — come, take
up the cross and follow me.' And he was sad at that
saying and went away grieved — for he had great
possession. And Jesus looked round about and said
unto his disciple : ' How hardly shall they that
have riches enter into the kingdom of God ' And
the disciples were astonished at his words. But Jesus
answereth again and said unto them, 'Children, how
hard is it for them that trust in riches to enter into
the kingdom of God. It is easier for a camel to go
through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter
into the kingdom of God !.' Here you have an eternal
rule of life stated in th« noblest words the English
language is capable of producing. But the disciples
nodded unbelief as we do even to this day. To him they
said as we say to-day : 'But look how the law fails in
practice. If we sell all and have nothing, we shall
have nothing to eat. We must have money or we
cannot even be reasonably moral.' So they state their
case thus : — And they were astonished out of measure,
saying among themselves : ' Who then can be saved.1
And Jesus looking upon them said . 4With men it is
impossible, but not with God, for with God, all things are
possible.' Then Peter began to say unto him : *Lo, we
have left all, and have followed thee.' And Jesus ans-
wered and said : * Verily I say unto you there is no man
19

290 EARLI ER INDIAN SPEECHES

that has left house or brethren or sisters, or father or
mother, or wife or children or lanJs for my sake and
Gospel's but he shall receive one hundredfold, now in
this time houses and brethren and sisters and mothers
and children and land, and in the world to come, eternal
life. But many that are first shall be last and the
Jast, first.' You have here the result or reward, if you
prefer the term, of following the law. I have not taken
the trouble of copying similar passages .from the other
non-Hindu scriptures and I will not insult you by
•quoting, in support of the law stated by Jesus, passages
from the writings and sayings of our own sages, passages
even stronger, if possible, than the Biblical extracts
I have drawn your attention to. Perhaps the strongest
of all the testimonies in favour of the affirmative
answer to the question before us are the lives of the
greatest teachers of the world. Jesus, Mahomed,
Buddha, Nanak, Kabir, Chaitanya, Shankara, Dayanand,
Ramkrishna were men who exercised an immense
influence over, and moulded fhe character of, thousands
of man. The work! is the richer for their having lived
in it. And they were all men who deliberately embraced
poverty as their lot.

I should not have laboured my point as I have
done, if I did not believe that, in so far as we have made
the modern materialistic craze our goal, so far are we
going down hill in the path of progress, I hold that eco-
nomic progress in the sense I have put it is antagonisict
to real progress. Hence the ancient ideal has been the
limitation of activities promoting wealth. This does
not put an end to all material ambition. We should
still have, a^ we have always bad, in our midst people
who make the pursuit of wealth their aim in life. But

ECONOMIC VS. MORAL PROGRESS 291

we have always recognised that it is a fall from the
ideal. It is a beautiful thing to know that the weal-
thiest among us have often felt that to have remained
voluntarily poor would have been a higher state for
them. That you cannot serve God and Mammon is an
economic truth of the highest value. We have to make
our choice. Western nations are to-day groaning under
the heal of the monster god of materialism, Their
moral growth has become stunted. They measure their
progress in £. s. d. American wealth has become
the standard. She is the envy of the other
nations. I have heard many of our countrymen
say that we will' gain American wealth but avoid
its methods. I venture to suggest that such an
attempt, if it were made, is foredoomed to failure.
We cannot be 'wise, temperate and furious* in a
moment. I would have our leaders teach us to be
morally supreme in the world. This land of ours was
once, we are told, the abode of the Gods. It is not
possible to conceive Gods inhabiting a land which is
made hideous by the smoke and the din of mill chimneys
and factories and whose roadways are traversed by
rushing engines, dragging numerous cars crowded with
men who know not for the most pirt what they are
after, who are often absent-minded, and whose tempers
do not improve Dy being uncomfortably packed like
sardines in boxes and finding themselves in the midst
of utter strangers, who would oust them if they could
and whom they would, in their turn, oust similarly. I
refer to these things because they are held to be
symbolical of material progress. But they add not an
atom to our happiness. This is what Wallace, the great
scientist, has Aid as his deliberate judgment : —

292 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

In the earliest records which have come down to us from the
past, we find ample indications that general ethical considerations
and conceptions, the accepted standard of morality, and the con-
duct resulting from these, were in no degree inferior to those which
prevail to-day.

In a series of chapters he then proceeds to examine
the position of the English nation under the advance in
wealth it has made : He says : * This rapid growth of
wealth and increase of our power over Nature put too
great a strain upon our crude civilisation, on our
superficial Christianity, and it was accompanied by
various forms of social immorality almost as amazing
and unprecedented.' He then shows how factories
have risen on the corpses of men, women and children,
how, as the country has rapidly advanced in riches, it
has gone down in morality. He shows this by dealing
with insanitation, life-destroying trades, adulteration,
bribery and gambling. He shows how with the advance
of wealth, justice has become immoral, deaths from
alcoholism and suicide have increased, the average of
premature births, and congenital defects has increased
and prostitution has become an institution. He con-
cludes his examination by these pregnant remarks : —

" The proceedings of the divorce courts show other aspects
of the result of wealth and leisure, while a friend who had been a
good deal in London society assured me that, both in country
houses and in London, various kinds of orgies were occasionally to
be met with, which would hardly have been surpassed in the
period of the most dissolute emperors. Of war, too, I need say
nothing. It has always been more or less chronic since the rise of
the Roman Empire ; but there is now undoubtedly a disinclination
for war among all civilized peoples. Yet the vast burden of
armaments taken together with the most pious declarations in
favour of peace, must be held to show an almost total absence of
morality as a guiding principle among the governing classes."

Under the British aegis we have learnt much, but
it is my firm belief that there is little to gain from
Britain in intrinsic morality, that if we are not carefulr

THE MORAL BASIS OF CO-OPERATION 293

we shall introduce all the vices that she has been a
prey to owing to the disease of materialism. We can
profit by that connection only if we keep our civiliza-
tion, and our morals straight, i.e., if, instead of boasting
of the glorious past, we express the ancient moral glory
in our own lives and let our lives bear witness to our
boast. Then we shall benefit her and ourselves. If
we copy her because she provides us with rulers, both
they and we shall suffer degradation. We need not
be afraid of ideals or of reducing them to practice
even to the uttermost, Ours will only then be a truly
spiritual nation when we shall show more truth than
gold, greater fearlessness than pomp of power and
wealth, greater charity than love of self. If we will
but clean our houses, our palaces and temples of the
attributes of wealth and show in them the atributes of
morality, we can offer battle to any combinations of
hostile forces without having to carry the burden of a
heavy militia. Let us seek first the Kingdom of God
and His righteousnes, and the irrevocable promise is
that everything will be added unto us. These are real
economics. May you and I treasure them and enforce
them in our daily life.

THE MORAL BASIS OF CO-OPERATION

The following is a paper contributed to the Bombay
Provincial Co-operative Conference held on nth Septem-
ber, 1917.

The only claim I have on your indulgence is that
some months ago I attended with Mr. Ewbank a
meeting of mill-hands to whom he wanted to explain
the principles of co-operation: The chawl in which

294 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

they were living, was as filthy as it well could be*
Recent rains had naade matters worse. And I must
frankly confess that, had it not been for Mr. Ewbank's
great zeal for the cause he has made his own, I should
have shirked the task. But there we were, seated on
a fairly worn out charpai, surrounded by men, women
and children. Mr. Ewbank opened fire on a man who
had put himself forward and who wore not a particu-
larly innocent countenance. After he had engaged him
and the other people about him in Gujarati conversation,
he wanted roe to speak to the people. Owing to the
suspicious looks of tdie man who was first spoken to, I
naturally pressed home the moralities of co-operation. I
fancy that Mr. Ewbank rather liked the manner in which
I handled the subject. Hence, I believe, his kind invita-
tion to me to tax your patience for a few moments upon
a consideration of co-operation from a moral standpoint.
My knowledge of the technicality of co-operation is
next to nothing. My brother, Devadhar, has made the
subject his Own. Whatever he does, naturally attracts
me and predisposes me to think that there must be some-
thing good in it and the handling of it must be fairly
difficult Mr. Ewbank very kindly placed at my disposal
some literature too on the subject. And I have had an
unique opportunity of watching the effect of some co-
operative effort in Champaran. I have gone through Mr.
Ewbank's ten main points which are like the Command-
ments, and I have gone through the twelve points of Mr.
Collins of Behar, which remind me of the law of the
Twelve Tables. There are so-called agricultural banks
in Champaran. They were to me disappointing efforts, if
they were meant to be demonstrations of the success of
co-operation. On the other hand, there is quiet work in

THE MORAL BASIS OF CO-OPERATION 295

the same direction being done by Mr. Hodge, a mission-
ary whose efforts are leaving their impress on those
who come in contact with him. Mr. Hodge is a co-
operative enthusiast and probably considers that the
result which he sees flowing from his efforts are due to
the working of co-operation. I, who was able to watch
the efforts, had no hesitation in inferring that the
personal equation counted for success in the one and
failure in the other instance.

I am an enthusiast myself, rut twenty-five
years of experimenting and experience have made
me a cautious and discriminating enthusiast. Workers
in a cause necessarily, though quite unconciously,
exaggerate its merits and often succeed in turning
its very defects into advantages. In spite of my
caution I consider the little institution I am con-
ducting in Ahmedabad as the finest thing in the
world. It alone gives me sufficient inspiration. Cri-
tics tell me that it represents a soulless soul-force and
that its severe discipline has made it merely mechanical.
I suppose both — the critics and I — are wrong. It is, at
best, a humble attempt to place at the disposal of the
nation a home where men and women may have scope
for free and unfettered development of character, in
keeping with the national genius, and, if its controllers
do not take care, the discipline that is the foundation of
character may frustrate the very end in view. I would
venture, therefore, to warn enthusiasts in co-operation
against entertaining false hopes.

With Sir Daniel Hamilton it has become a religion.
On the 13th January last, he addressed the students of
the Scottish Churches College and, in order to point a
moral, he instanced Scotland's poverty of two hundred

296 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

years ago and showed how that great country was raised
from a condition of poverty to plenty. " There were two
powers, which raised her — the Scottish Church and the
Scottish banks. The Church manufactured the men and
the banks manufactured the money to give the men a
start in life. . . . The Church disciplined the nation
in the fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom and
in the parish schools of the Church the children learned
that the chief end of man's life was to glorify God and
to enjoy Him for ever. Men were trained to believe
in God and in themselves, and on the trustworthy
character so created the Scottish banking system
was built." Sir Daniel then shows that it was
possible to build up the marvellous Scottish
banking system only on the character so built.
So far there can only be perfect agreement with
Sir Daniel, for that ' without character there
is no co-operation' is a sound maxim. But he
would have us go much further. He thus waxes
eloquent on co-operation : " Whatever may be your
day-dreams of India's future, never forget this that it is
to weld India into one, and so enable her to take her
rightful place in the world, that the British Government
is here ; and (he welding hammer in the band of the
Government is the co-operative movement." In his
opinion it is the panacea of all the evils that afflict India
at the present moment. In its extended sense it can
justify the claim on one condition which need not be
mentioned here ; in the limited sense in which Sir Daniel
has used it, 1 venture to think, it is an enthusiast's
exaggeration. Mark his peroration : " Credit, which is
only Trust and Faith, is becoming more and more the
money power of the world, and in the parchment bullet

THE MORAL BASIS OF CO-OPERATION 297

into which is impressed the faith which removes moun-
tains, India will 'find victory and peace.11 Here there
is evident confusion of thought. The credit which is
becoming the money power of the world has little moral
basis and is not a synonym for Trust or Faith, which are
purely moral qualities. After twenty years' experience
of hundreds of men, who had dealings with banks in
South Africa, the opinion I had so often heard expressed
has become firmly rooted in me, that the greater the
rascal the greater the credit he enjoys with his banks.
The banks do not pry into his moral character : they
are satisfied that he meets his overdrafts and pro-
missory notes punctually. The credit system has
encircled this beautiful globe of ours like a serpent's coil,
and if we do not mind, it bids fair to crush us out
of breath* I have witnessed the ruin of many a
home through the system, and it has made no
difference whether the credit was labelled co-operative
or otherwise. The deadly coil has made possible the
devastating spectacle in Europe, which we are helpless
ly looking on. It was perhaps never so true as it is to-
day that, as in law so in war, the longest purse finally
wins. I have ventured to give prominence to the cur-
rent belief about credit system in order to emphasise the
point that the co-operative movement will be a blessing
to India only to the extent that it is a moral movement
strctly directed by men fired with religious fervour. It
follows, therefore, that co-operation should be confined
to men wishing to be morally right, but failing to do so,
because of grinding poverty or of the grip of the
Mahajan. Facility*for obtaining loans at fair rates will
not make immoral men moral. But the wisdom of the
Estate or philanthropists demands that they should help

298 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

on the onward path, men struggling to bs good.

Too often do we believe that material prosperity
means moral growth. It is necessary that a movement
which is fraught with so much good to India should not
degenerate into one for merely advancing cheap loans^
I was therefore delighted to read the recommendation
in the Report of the Committee on Co-operation in India,
that " they wish clearly to express their opinion that it
is to true co-operation alone, that is, to a co-operation
which recognizes the moral aspect of the question that
Government must look for the amelioration of the
masses and not to a pseudo-co-operative edifice, how-
ever imposing, which is built in ignorance of co-operative
principles. '* With this standard before us, we will not
measure the success of the movement by the number of
co-operative societies formed, but by the moral condi-
tion of the co-operators. The registrars will, in
that event, ensure the moral growth of existing
societies before multiplying them. And the Govern-
ment will make their promotion conditional, not
upon the number of societies they have registered, but
the moral success of the existing institutions. This will
mean tracing the course of every pie lent to the members.
Those responsible for the proper conduct of co-operative
societies will see to it that the money advanced does not
find its way into the toddy-seller's bill or into the pockets
of the keepers of gambling dens. I would excuse the
Opacity of the Mahajan if it has succeeded in keeping
the gambling die or toddy from the ryot's home.

A word perhaps about the Mahajan will not be out
of place. Co-operation is not a new device. The ryots
co-operate to drum out monkeys or birds that destroy
their crops. They co-operate to use a common

THE MORAL BASIS OF CO-OPERATION 299

thrashing floor. I have found them co-operate to protect
their cattle to the extent of their devoting the best land
for the grazing of their cattle. And they have been
found co-operating against a particularly rapacious
Ma ha Jan. Doubts have been expressed as to the succees
of co-operation because of the tightness of the Mahajan's
hold on the ryots. I do not share the fears. The
mightiest Mahajan must, if he represent an evil forcer
bend before co-operation, conceived as an essentially
moral movement. But my limited experience of the
Mahajan of Champaran has made me revise the accepted
opinion about his * blighting influence/ I have found
him to be not always relentless, not always exacting of
the last pie. He sometimes serves his clients in many
ways and even comes to their rescue in the hour of their
distress My observation is so limited that I dare not
draw any conclusions from it, but I respectfully
enquire whether it is not possible to make a serious
effort to draw out the good in the Mahajan
and help him or induce him to throw out the
evil in him. May he not be induced to join the army
of co-operation, or has experience proved that he is
past prayjng for ?

I note that the movement takes note of all indi-
genous industries. I beg publicly to express my grati-
tude to Government for helping me in my humble
effort to improve the lot of the weaver. The experi-
ment I am conducting shows that there is a vast field
tor work in this direction. No well-wisher of India, no
patriot dare look upon the impending destruction of the
hand-loom weaver with equanimity. As Dr. Mann has
stated, this industry used to supply the peasant with
an additional source of livelihood and an insuran c

300 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

against famine. Every Registrar who will nurse
back to life this important and graceful industry
will earn the gratitude of India. My humble effort
consists firstly in making researches as to the possibi-
lities of simple reforms in the orthodox hand-looms,
secondly, in weaning the educated youth from the
craving for Government or other services and the feeling
that education renders him unfit for independent occupa-
tion and inducing him to take to weaving as a calling as
honourable as that of a barrister or a doctor, and thirdly
by helping those weavers who have abandoned their
occupation to revert to it. I will not weary the
audience with any statement on the first two parts of the
experiment. The third may be allowed a few sentences
as it has a direct bearing upon the subject before us. I
was able to enter upon it only six months ago. Five
families that had left off the calling have reverted
to it and they are doing a prosperous business.
The Ashram supplies them at their door with
the yarn they need ; its volunteers take delivery of
the cloth woven, paying them cash at the market
rate. The Ashram merely loses interest on the loan
advanced for the yarn. It has as yet suffered no loss
and is able to restrict its loss to a minimum by limiting
the loan to a particular figure. All future transactions
are strictly cash. We are able to command a ready
sale for the cloth received. The loss of interest, there-
fore, on the transaction is negligible. I would like the
audience to note its purely moral character from start
to finish. The Ashram depends for its existence on
such help as friends render it. We, therefore, can
have no warrant for charging interest. The weavers
ould not be saddled with it. Whole families that

THIRD CLASS IN 3 NDIAN RAILWAYS 301

were breaking to pieces are put together again. The-
use of the loan is pre-determmed. And we, the middle-
men, being volunteers, obtain the privilege of entering
into the lives of these families, I hope, for their and
our betterment. We cannot lift them without being
lifted ourselves. This last relationship has not yet
been developed, but we hope, att an early date, to take
in hand the education too of these families and not
rest satisfied till we have touched them at every point.
This is not too ambitious a dream. God willing, it will
be a reality some day. I have ventured to dilate upon
the small experiment to illustrate what I mean by co-
operation to present it to others for imitation. Let us
be sure of our ideal. We shall ever fail to realize it,
but we should never cease to strive for it. Then there
need be no fear of " co operation of scoundrels " that
Ruskin so rightly dreaded.

THIRD CLASS IN INDIAN RAILWAYS.

The following communication was made by Mr<
Gandhi to the Press from Rcwchi, on Sept. 25, 1917.

I have now been in India for over two years and a
half after my return from South Africa. Over one
quarter of that time I have passed on the Indian
trains travelling third class by choice. I have
travelled up north as far as Lahore, down south up
to Tranquebar, and from Karachi to Calcutta. Having
resorted to third class travelling, among other reasons,
for the purpose of studying the conditions under
which this class of passengers travel, I have naturally
made as critical observations as I could. I have
fairly covered the majority of railway systems during

302 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

this period. Now and then I have entered into
correspondence with the management of the different
railways about the defects that have come under my
notice. But I think that the time has come when I
should invite the press and the public to join in a
crusade against a grievance which has too long re-
mained unredressed, though much of it is capable of
redress without great difficulty

On the 12th instant I booked ai Bombay for
Madras by the mail train and paid Rs 13-9. It was
labelled to carry 22 passengers. These could only have
seating accommodation. There were no bunks in this
carriage whereon passengers could lie with any degree
of safety or comfort. There were two nights to be
passed in this train before reaching Madras. If not
more than 22 passengers found their way into my
carriage before we reached Poona, it was because the
bolder ones kept the others at bay. With the exception
of two or three insistent passengers, all had to find their
sleep being seated all the time. After reaching Raichur
the pressure became unbearable. The rush of passengers
could not be stayed. The fighters among us found the
task almost beyond them. The guards or other railway
servants came in only to push in more passengers.

A defiant Memon merchant protested against this
packing of passengers Hke sardines. In vain did he say
that this was his fifth night on the train. The guard
insulted him and referred him to the management at the
terminus. There were during this night as many as 35
passengers in the carriage during the greater part of it.
Some lay on the floor in the midst of dirt and some had
to keep standing. A free fight was, at one time, avoided
only by the intervention of some of the older passengers

THIED CLASS IN INDIAN RAILWAYS 303

did not want to add to the discomfort by an exhi-
bition of temper*

On the way passengers got for tea tannin water
with filthy sugar and a whitish looking liquid miscalled
milk which gave this water a muddy appearance. I can
vourh for the appearance, but I cite the testimony of
the passengers as to the taste.

Not during the whole of the journey was the com-
partment once swept or cleaned. The result was that
every time you walked on the floor or rather cut your
way through the passengers seated on the floor, you
waded through dirt.

The closet was also not cleaned during the journey
and there was no water in the water tank.

Refreshments sold to the passengers were dirty-
looking, handed by dirtier hands, coming out of filthy
receptacles and weighed in equally unattractive scales.
These were previously sampled by millions of flies. I
asked some of the passengers who went in for these
dainties to give their opinion. Many of them used
•choice expressions as to the quality but were satisfied
to state that they were helpless in the matter; they had
to take things as they came.

On reaching the station I found that theghariwala
would not take me unless I paid the fare he wanted.
I mildly protested and told him I would pay him the
authorized fare. I had to turn passive resister before I
could be taken. I simply told him he would have to
pull me out of the ghari or call the policeman.

The return journey was performed in no better
manner. The carnage was packed already and but fora
friend's intervention I could not have been able to secure
even a seat. My admission was certainly beyond the

304 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

authorised number. This compartment was constructed
to carry 9 passengers but it had constantly 12 in it. At
one place an important railway servant swore at a
protestant, threatened to strike him and locked the door
over the passengers whom he had with difficulty
squeezed in. To this compartment there was a closet
falsely so called. It was designed as a European closet
but could hardly be used as such. There was a pipe in
it but no water, and I say without fear of challenge
that it was pestilentially dirty.

The compartment itself was evil looking. Dirt
was lying thick upon the wood work and I do not know
that it had ever seen soap or water.

The compartment had an exceptional assortment of
passengers. There were three stalwart Punjabi Maho-
medans, two refined Tamilians and two Mahomedan
merchants who joined us later. The merchants related
the bribes they had to give to procure comfort. One of
the Punjabis had already travelled three nights and
was weary and fatigued. But he could not stretch him-
self. He said he had sat the whole day at the Central
Station watching passengers giving bribe to procure
their tickets. Another said he had himself to pay Rs. 5
before he could get his ticket and his seat. These three
men were bound for Ludhiana and had still more nights
of travel in store for them.

What I have described is not exceptional but nor-
mal. I have got down at Raichur, Dhond, Sonepur,
Chakradharpur, Purulia, Asansol and other junction
stations and been at the ' Mosafirkhanas ' attached to
these stations. They are discreditable looking places
where there is no order, no cleanliness but utter confusion
and horrible din and noice. Passengers have no benches

THIRD CLASS ON INDIAN RAILWAYS 305

or not enough to sit on. They squat on dirty floors and
eat dirty food. They are permitted to throw the leav-
ings of their food and spit where they like, sit how they
like and smoke everywhere. The closets attached to
these places defy description. I have not the power
adequately to describe them without committing a
breach ot the laws of decent speech. Disinfecting
powder, ashes or disinfecting fluids are unknown. The
army of flies buzzing about them warns you against
their use. But a third-class traveller is dumb and
helpless. He does not want to complain even though
to go to these places may be to court death. I know
passengers who fast while they are travelling just in
order to lessen the misery of their life in the trains. At
Sonepur flies having failed, wasps have come forth to
warn the public and the authorities, but yet to no pur-
pose. At the Imperial Capital a certain thiid class
booking office is a Black-Hole fit only to be destroyed.

Is it any wonder that plague has become cr.demic
in India ? Any other result is impossible where passen-
gers always leave some dirt where they go ar.d take
more on leaving?

On Indian trains alone passengers smoke Vv-.th im-
punity in all carriages irrespective of the presence of
the fair sex and irrespective of the protest of non-
smokers. And this, notwithstanding a b>e-law which
prevents a passenger from smoking without the per-
mission of; his fellows in the compartment which is not
allotted to smokers.

The existence of the awful war cannot be allowed

to stand in the way of the removal of this g gantic

evil. War can be no warrant for tolerating dirt and

overcrowding. One could understand an entire stoppage

20

306 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

of passenger traffic in a crisis like this, but never a
continuation or accentuation of insanitation and condi-
tions that must utidermine health and morality.

Compare the lot of the first class passengers with
that of the third class. In the Madras case the first
•class fare is over five times as much as the third class
fare. Does the third class passenger get one-fifth, even
one-tenth, of the comforts of his first class fellow ? It
is but simple justice to claim that some relative propor-
tion be observed between the cost and comfort.

It is a known fact that the third class traffic pays
for the ever-increasing luxuries of first and second class
travelling. Surely a third class passenger is entitled at
least to the bare necessities of life

In neglecting the third class passengers, opportunity
of giving a splendid education to millions in orderliness,
sanitation, decent composite life and cultivation of simple
and clean tastes is being lost. Instead of receiving an
object lesson in these matters third class passengers have
their sense of decency and cleanliness blunted during
their travelling experience.

Among the many suggestions that can be made for
dealing with the evil here described, I would respect-
fully include this : let the people in high places, the
Viceroy, the Commander-m-Chief, the Rajas, Maha-
rajas, the Imperial Councillors and others, who generally
travel in superior classes, without previous warning,
go through the experiences now and then of third class
travelling. We would then soon see a remarkable
•change in the conditions of third class travelling and
the uncomplaining millions will get some return for
the fares they pay under the expectation of being carried
from place to place with ordinary creature comforts.

VERNACULARS AS MEDIA OF INSTRUCTION

The following introduction was written by Mr. M. K.
Gandhi to Dr. P. /. Mehta's " Self -Government Series.19
Pamphlet No. 1, entitled " Vernaculars as Media of
Instruction in Indian Schools and Colleges."

It is to be hoped that Dr. Mehta's labour of love
will receive the serious attention of English educated
India. The following pages were written by him for the
Vedanta Kesari of Madras and are now printed in their
present form for circulation throughout India. The ques-
tion of vernaculars as media of instruction is of national
importance'; neglect of the vernaculars means national
suicide. One hears many protagonists of the English
language being continued as the medium of ins-
truction pointing to the fact that english Educated
Indians are the sole custodians of public and
patriotic work. It would be monstrous if it were
not so. For the only education given in this country
is through the English language. The fact, however,
is that the results are not at all proportionate to
the time we give to our education. We have not reacted
on the masses. But I must not anticipate Dr. Mehta. He
is in earnest. He writes feelingly. He has examined the
pros and cons and collected a mass of evidence in support
of his arguments. The latest pronouncement on the sub-
ject is that of the Viceroy. Whilst His Excellency is
unable to offer a solution, he is keenly alive to the
necessity of imparting instruction in our schools
through the vernaculars. The Jews of Middle
and Eastern Europe, who are scattered in all parts

308 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

of the world, finding it necessary to have a common*
tongue for mutual intercourse, have raised Yiddish
to the status of a language, and have succeeded
in translating into Yiddish the best books to be
found in the world's literature. Even they qpuld not
satisfy the soul's yearning through the many foreign
tongues of which they are masters ; nor did the learned
few among them wish to tax the masses of the Jewish
population with having to learn a foreign language
before they could realise their dignity. So they have
enriched what was at one time looked upon as a mere
jargon — but what the Jewish children learnt from thei*
mothers — by taking special pains to translate into it the
best thought of the world. This is a truly marvellous
work. It has been done during the present generation,
and Webster's Dictionary defines it as a polyglot jargon
used for inter-communication by Jews from different
nations.

But a Jew of Middle and Eastern Europe would feel
insulted if his mother-tongue were now so described. If
these Jewish scholars have succeeded, within a genera-
tion, m giving their masses a language of which they
may feel proud, surely it should be an easy task for us to
supply the needs of our own vernaculars which are cul-
tured languages. South Africa teaches us the same lesson.
There was a duel there between the Taal, a corrupt form
of Dutch, and English. The Boer mothers and the Boer
fathers were determined that they would not let their
children, with whom they in their infancy talked in the-
Taal, be weighed down with having to receive instruc-
tion through English. The case for English here was a
strong one. It had able pleaders for it. But English
bad to yield before Boer patriotism* It may be

SOCIAL SERVICE 309

observed that they rejected even the High Dutch.
The school masters, therefore, who are accustomed
to speak the published Dutch of Europe, are com-
pelled to teach the easier Taal. And literature of an
excellent character is at the present moment growing
up in South Africa in the Taal, which was only a
few years ago, the common medium of speech between
simple but brave rustics. If we have lost faith in our
vernaculars, it is a sign of want of faith in ourselves ;
it is the surest sign of decay. And no scheme of self-
government, however benevolently or generously it
may be bestowed upon us, will ever make us a self;
governing nation, if we have no respect for the lan-
guages our mothers speak.

SOCIAL SERVICE

At the anniversary celebration of the Social Service
Leagur, held in Madras on February 10, 1916, Mr
Gandhi delivered an address on " Social Service. " Mrs.
Whitehead presided. He said :

I have been asked this evening to speak to you
•bout social service. If this evening you find that I
am not able to do sufficient justice to this great audience
you will ascribe it to so many engagements that 1 has-
tily and unthinkingly accepted. It was my desire that
I should have at least a few moments to think out what
I shall have to say to you but it was not to be, How-
ever, as our Chair Lady has said, it was work we want
and not speeches. I am aware that you will have lost
very little, if anything at all, if you find at the end of
this evening's talk that you have listened to very little.

Friends, for Social Service as for any other service

310 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

on the face of the earth, there is one condition indispens-
able namely, qualifications, and proper qualifications, on
the part ©f those who want to render social service or any
other service. So we shall ask ourselves this evening
whether those of us who are already engaged in this kind
of service and others who have aspired to render the
service possess these necessary qualifications. Because
you will agree with me that in social service if they
can mend.mattens they can -also spoil matters and in
trying to do service however well-intentioned that
service might be, ft they are not qualified for that
service they will be rendering not service but disservice.
What are these qualifications ?

Imagine why I must repeat to you almost the quali-
fications that I described this morning to the students
in the Young Mens' Christian Association 'Hall. Be-
cause they are of universal application and they are
necessary for any class of work, much more so in social
service at this time of the day in our national life in our
dear country. It seems to me that we require truth in
one hand and fearlessness in the other hand. Unless we
carry the torchlight we -shall not see the step in front
of us and unless we carry the quality of fearlessness we
shall not be able to give the message that we might
want to give. Unless we have this fearlessness I feel
sure that when that supreme final test comes we shall
be found wanting. Then I ask you to ask yourselves
whether those of you who are engaged in this service
and those of you who want hereafter to be engaged in
this service have these two qualities. Let me remind you
also that 'these ^qualities may be trained in us in a
manner detrimental to ourselves and in a manner detri-
mental to those with whom we may come in contact.

SOCIAL SERVICE 311

This is a dangerous statement almost to make, as if truth
could be ever so handled, and in making that statement
I would like you also to consider that truth comes not as
truth but only as truth so-called. In the inimitable
book Ramayana we find that Indrajit and Lakshman,
his opponent, possessed the same qualities. But Laksh-
man's life was guided by principle, based upon religion
while Indrajit's principle was based upon irreligion, and
we find what Indarajit possessed was mere dross and
what Lakshman possessed was of great assistance not
only to the side on whose behalf he was fighting but
he has left a treasure for us to value. What ,was that
additional quality he possessed? So, I hold that life
without religion is life without principle, that life with-
out principle is like a ship without a rudder. Just as
our ship without rudder, the helmsman plying at it, is
tossed about from place to place and never reaches its
destination, 20 will a man without the heart-grar-p of
religion whirl without ever reaching his destined goal.
So, I suggest to every social scrvnnt that he must not
run away with the idea that he will serve his whole
countrymen unless he has got these two qualities duly
sanctified by religion and by a life divinely guided.

After paying a glowing tribute to the Madras
Social Service League for its work in certain Pariah
villages in the city he went on to say : —

It is no use white-washing those needs which we
know everyday stare us in the face. It is not enough
that we clear out the villages which are occupied by our
Pariah brethern. They are amenable to reason and
persuasion. Shall we have to say that the so-called
higher classes are not equally amenable to reason and to
persuasion and to- hygienic laws which are indispensable

312 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

in order to live a city-life. We may do many things
with immunity but when we immediately transfer our-
selves to crowded streets where we have hardly air to
breathe, the life becomes changed, and we have to obey
another set of laws which immediately come into being.
Do we do that ? It is no use saddling the municipality
with the responsibilities for the condition in which we
find not only the central parts of Madras but the cent-
ral parts of every city of importance in India, and I feel
no municipality in the world will be able to over-ride
the habits of a class of people handed to them from
generation to generation. It can be done only by such
bodies as Social Service Leagues. If we pulsate with a
new life, a new vision shall open before us in the near
future, I think that these are the signs which will be
an indication to show that we are pulsating with a new
life, which is going to be a proper life, w hich will add
dignity to our nationality and which will carry the
banner of progress forward. I, therefore, suggest that
it is a question of sanitary reform in these big cities,
which will be a hopeless task if we expect our munici-
palities to do this unaided by this voluntary work. Far
be it from me to absolve the municipalities from their
own responsibilities. I think there is a great deal yet
to be done in the municipalities, Only the other day I
read with a great degree of pain a report about the
proceedings of the Bombay Municipality, and the
deplorable fact in it is that a large part of the time of
the Municipality was devoted to talking over trifles
while they neglected matters of great moment. After
all, I shall say that they will be able to do very little
in as much as there is a demand for their work on the
people themselves.

SOCIAL SERVICE 313

Here Mr. Gandhi instanced two cases where the
Social Service League had been of immense help to the
Municipality in improving the sanitary condition of the
town, by changing the habits of the people, which had
become a part of their being. He observed that some
officials might consider that they could force an unwil-
ling people to do many things, but he held to that
celebrated saying that it was far better that people
should often remain drunkards than that they should
become sober at the point of the sword.

Mr. Gandhi then recounted some of his experiences
in a temple at Kasi (Benares) — the wretched lanes sur-
rounding it, the dirt to be witnessed near the sanctuary,
the disorderly crowd and the avaricious priest. These
evils in the temples, he said had to be removed by Social
Service Leagues. For making it possible for students to
fight these conditions, the educational system had to be
revolutionised. Now-a-days they were going out of
their schools as utter strangers to their ancestral tradi-
tions and with fatigued brains, able to work no longer.
They had to revolutionise that system.

Finally, he referred to the railway services and
the conditions under which third class passengers tra-
velled. To do social service among the passengers and
instil better habits of sanitation among them, the social
servants must not go to them in a foreign costume,
speaking a foreign tongue. They might issue pamph-
lets to them or give instructive lessons, and so on.

TRUE PATRIOTISM

The following report of a conservation which am
interviewer had with Mr. Gandhi contains his views on
a variety of subjects of national interest' —

" We have lost " he said, " much of our self-respect,
on account of being too much Europeanised. We think
and speak in English. Thereby, we impoverish our
vernaculars, and estrange the feelings of the masses, A
knowledge of English is not essential to the service o*
our Motherland."

Turning to caste, he said " caste is the great
power and secret of Hinduism."

Asked where he would stay, Mr. Gandhi replied :
*4 Great pressure is brought down on me to settle in
Bengal : but I have a great capital in the store of my
knowledge m Guzerat and I get letters from there."

" Vernacular literature is important. I want to
have a library of all books. I invite friends for finan-
cial aid to form libraries and locate them."

'* Modern civilisation is a curse in Europe as also
in India. War is the direct result of modern civilisa-
tion, everyone of the Powers was making preparations
for war."

"Passive resistance is a great moral force, meant
for the weak, also for the strong. Soul-force depends
on itself. Ideals must work in practice, otherwise they
are not potent. Modern civilisation is a brute force."

It is one thing to know the ideal and another thing
to practise it. That will ensure greater dicipline, which
means a greater service and greater service means

TRUE PATRIOTISM

i *

greater gain to Government. Passive resistance is a
highly aggressive thing. The attribute of soul is rest-
lessness ; there is room for every phase of thought.

*' Money, land and women are the sources of evil
and evil has to be counteracted. I need not possess land,
nor a woman, nor money to satisfy my luxuries. I do
not want to be unhinged merely because others are
unhinged. If ideals are practised, there will be less
room for mischievous activities. Public life has to be
moulded."

" Every current has to change its course. There
are one and a half million sadhus and if every sadhu did
his duty, India could achieve much. Jagat Guru
Sankaracharya does not deserve that appellation be-
cause he has no more force in him*. *

Malicious material activity is no good. It finds out
means to multiply one's luxuries. Intense gross modern
activity should not be imposed on Indian institutions,
which have to be remodelled on ideals taken from Hindu-
ism. Virtue as understood in India is not understood in
foreign lands. Dasaratha is considered a fool in foreign
lands, for his having kept his promise to his wife. India
says a promise is a promise. That is a good ideal. Mate-
rial activity is mischievous. " Truth shall conquer in
the end."

<l Emigration does no good to the country from
which people emigrate. Emigrants do not return better
moral men. The whole thing is against Hinduism.
Temples do not flourish. There are no opportunities
for ceremonial functions. Priests do not come, and at
times they are merely men of straw, immigrants play
much mischief and corrupt society. It is not enterprise.
They may earn more money easily in those parts, which

316 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

means that they do not want to toil and remain straight
in the methods of earning. Immigrants are not happier
and have more material wants/*

Questioned about the Theosophical Society Mr.
Gandhi said : " There is a good deal of good in the
Theosophical Society, irrespective of individuals. It
has stimulated ideas and thoughts."

THE SATYAGRHASHRAMA

This Address was delivered in the Y.M. C.A. Audi-
torium^ Madras, on the 16th February 1916, the Hon.
Rev. G. Pittendrighy of the Madras Christian College,
presiding : —

To many of the students who came here last year
to converse with me, I said I was about to establish an
institution — Ashrama — somewhere in India, and it is
about that place that I am going to talk to you this
morning, I feel and I have felt, during the whole of
my public life, that what we need, what any nation
needs, but we perhaps of all the nations of the world
need just now is nothing else and nothing less than
character-building. And this is the view propounded
by that great patriot, Mr. Gokhale (cheers), As you
know in many of his speeches, he used to say that we
would get nothing, we would deserve nothing unless we
had character to back what we wished for. Hence his
founding of that great body, the Servants of India
Society. And as you know, in the prospectus that has
been issued in connection with the Society, Mr. Gokhale
has deliberately stated that it was necessary to
spiritualise the political life of the country. You*
know also that he used to say so often that our aver-

THE SATYAGRHASHRAMA 317

age was less than the average of so many European
nations. I do not know whether that statement by
him whom, with pride, I consider to be my political
Guru, has really foundation in fact, but I do believe
that there is much to be said to justify it in so far as
educated India is concerned ; not because we, the
educated portion of the community, have blundered,
but because we have been creatures of circumstances.
Be that as it may, this is the maxim of life which
I have accepted, namely, that no work done by any
man, no matter how great he is, will really prosper
unless he has religious backing. But what is religion ?
The question will be immediately asked. I for one,
would answer : Not the religion which you will get
after reading all the scriptures of the world; it is not
really a grasp by the brain, but it is a heart-grasp. It
is a thing which is not alien to us, but it is a thing
which has to be evolved out of us. It is always within
us, with some consciously so : with the others quite
unconsciously. But it is there ; and whether we wake
up this religions instinct in us through outside assistance
or by inward growth, no matter how it is done, it has
got to be done if we want to do anything in the right
manner and anything that is going to persist.

Our Scriptures have laid down certain rules as
maxims of life and as axioms which we have to
take for granted as self-demonstrated truths. The
Shastras tell us that without living, according to these
maxims, we are incapable even of having a reasonable
perception of relgion. Believing in these implicity for
all these long years and having actually endeavoured to
reduce to practice these injunctions of the Shastras, 1
have deemed it necessary to seek the association of those

318 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

who think with me, in founding this institution. And I
shall venture this morning to place before you the rules
that have been drawn up and that have to be observed
by every one who seeks to be a member of that
Ashram.

Five of these are known as Yamas and the first
and the foremost is,

THE VOW OF TRUTH.

Not truth simply as we -ordinarily understand it,
that as far as possible, we ought not to resort to a lie,
that is to say, not truth which merely answers the say-
ing, " Honesty is the best policy" — implying that if it is
not the best policy, we may depart from it. Bot here
truth as it is conceived, means that we have to rule our
life by this law of Truth at any cost. And in order to
satisfy the definition I have drawn upon the celebrated
illustration of the life of Prahlad. For the sake of
truth, he dared to oppose his own father, and he defend-
ed himself, not by retaliation, by paying his father back
in his own coin, but in defence of Truth,'as he knew it;
he was prepared to die without caring to return the
blows that he had received from his father or from
those who were charged with his father's instruc-
tions. Not only that : he would not in any way
even parry the blows : on the contrary, with a smile
on his lips, he underwent the innumerable tortures
to which he was subjected, with the result that, at
last. Truth rose triumphant; not that Prahlad suffered
the tortures because he knew that some day or other
in his very life-time he would be able to demonstrate
the infallibility of the Law of Truth, That fact was
there ; but if he had died in the midst of tortures, he
would still have adhered to Truth. That is the Truth

THE SATYAGRHASHRAMA 319

I would like to follow. There was an incident
I noticed yesterday. It was a trifling Incident, but I
think these trifling incidents are^ like straws which
show which way the wind is blowing. The incident was
this : I was talking to a friend who wanted to talk to
me aside, and we were engaged in a private conver-
sation, A third friend dropped in, and he politely asked
whether he was intruding. The friend to whom I was
talking said : "Oh, no, there is nothing private here."
I felt taken aback a little, because, as I was taken
aside, I knew that so far as this friend was concerned,
the conversation was private. But he immediately,
out of politeness, I would call it overpoliteness, said,
there was no private conversation and that he (the
third friend) could join. I suggest to you that this is a
departure from my definition of Truth. I think that the
friend should have, in the gentlest manner possible, but
still openly and frankly, said : " Yes, just now, as you
properly say, you would be intruding/' without giving
the slightest offence to the person if he was himself a
gentleman— and we are bound to consider every body to
be a gentleman unless he proves to be otherwise. But I
may be told that the incident, after all, proves the genti-
lity of the nation. I think that it is over-proving the
-case. If we continue to say these things out of polite-
ness, we really become a nation of hypocrites. I recall
a conversation I had with an English friend. He
was comparatively a stranger. He is a Principal of
a College and has been in India for several years.
He was comparing notes with me, and he asked
me whether I would admit that we, unlike most
Englishmen, would not dare to say "No" when it was
^*No" that we meant. A.nd I must confess I immediately

320 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

said "Yes"; I agreed • with that statement: — We
do hesitate to say " No " frankly and boldly, when we
want to pay due regard to the Sentiments of the person
whom we are addressing. In our Ashrama we make it
a rule that we must say " No" when we mean " No,"
regardless of consequences. This then is the first rule.
Then we come to the

DOCTRINE OF AHIMSA

Literally speaking, Ahimsa means non-killing. But
to me it has a world of meaning and takes me into
realms much higher, infinitely higher, than the realm to
which I would go, if I merely understood by Ahimsa
non-killing. Ahimsa really means that you may not
offend anybody,you may not harbour an uncharitable
thought even in connection with one who may consider
himself to be your enemy, Pray notice the guarded
nature of this thought ; I do not say " whom you con-
sider to be your enemy '', but " who may consider him-
self to be your enemy.'* For one who follows the
doctrine of Ahimsa there is no room for an enemy ; he
denies the existence of an enemy. But there are people
who consider themselves to be his enemies, and he
cannot help that circumstance. So, it is held that
we may not harbour an evil thought even in connec-
tion with such persons. If we return blow for blow,
we depart from the doctrine of Ahimsa. But I go
further. If we resent a friend's action or the so-
called enemy's action, we still fall short of this doctrine.
But when I say, we should not resent, I do not say
that we should acquiesce : but by resenting I mean
wishing that some harm should be done to the enemy, or
that he should be put out of the way, not even by any
action of ours, but by the action of somebody else,

THE SATYAGRHASHRAMA 321

or, say, by Divine agency. If we harbour even this
thought, we depart from this doctrine of Ahimsa. Those
who join the Ashrama have to literally accept that
meaning. That does not mean that we practise that
doctrine in its entirety. Far from it. It is an ideal
which we have to reach, and it is an ideal to be reached
even at this very moment, if we are capable of doing so.
But it is not a proposition in geometry to be learnt by
heart; it is not even like solving difficult problems in
higher mathematics ; it is infinitely more difficult than
solving those problems. Many of you have burnt the
midnight oil in solving those problems. If you want to
follow out this doctrine, you will have to do much
more than burn the midnight oil. Ycu will have to
pass many a sleepless night, and go through many a
mental torture and agony before you can reach, before
you can even be within measurable distance of this goal.
It is the goal and nothing less than that, you and I have
to reach, if we want to understand what a religious life
means. I will not say much more on this doctrine than
this : that a man who believes in the efficacy of this
doctrine finds in the ultimate stage, when he is about to
reach the goal, the whole world at his feet, — not that
he wants the whole world at his feet, but it must be so.
If you express your love—Ahimsa—m such a manner
that it impresses itself indelibly upon your so-called
enemy, he must return that love. Another thought
which comes out of this is that, under this rule, there
is no room for organised assassinations, and there is no
room for murders even openly committed, and there is
no room for any violence even for the sake of your
country, and even for guarding the honour of precious
<ones that may be under your charge, After all, that
21

322 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

would be a poor defence of the honour. This doctrine
of Ahimsa tells us that we may guard the honour of
those who are under our charge by delivering ourselves
into the hands of the man who would commit the
sacrilege. And that requires far greater physical and
mental courage than the delivering of blows. You may
have some degree of physical power, — I do not say
courage — and you may use that power. But after
that is expended, what happens ? The other man
is filled with wrath and indignation, and you have
made him more angry by matching your violence against
bis ; and when he has done you to death, the rest of his
violence is delivered against your charge, But if you
do not retaliate, but stand your ground, between your
charge and the opponent, simply receiving the blows
without retaliating, what happens ? I give you rny
promise that the whole of the violence will be ex-
pended on you, and your charge will be left unscath-
ed* Under this plan of life there is no conception of
patriotism which justifies such wars as you witness to-
day in Europe, Then there is

THE VO\V OF CELIBACY

Those who watvf7o perform national service, or
tnose who want to have a glimpse of the real religious
life, must lead a celibate life, no matter if married or
unmarried. Marriage but brings a woman closer to-
gether with the man, and they become friends in a
special sense, never to be parted either in this life or in
the lives that are to come. But I do not think that, in
our conception of marriage, our lusts should necessarily
enter. Be that as it may, this is what is placed before
those who come to the Ashrama. I do not deal with
that at any length. Then we have

THE SATYAGRHASHRAMA 323

THE VOW OF CONTROL OF THE PALATE

A man who wants to control his animal passions
easily does so if he controls his palate. I fear this is one
of the most difficult vows to follow I am just now
coming after having inspected the Victoria Hostel. I
saw there not to my dismay, though it should be to my
dismay ; but I am used to it now, that there are so
many kitchens, not kitchens that are established in
order to serve caste restrictions, but kitchens that have
become necessary in order that people can have the
condiments, and the exact weight of the condiments, to
which they are used in the respective places from
which they have come. And therefore we find that for
the Brahmans themselves there are different compart-
ments and different kitchens catering for the delicate
tastes of all these different groups. I suggest to you
that this is simply slavery to the palate, rather
than mastery over it. I may say this: unless we
take our minds off from this habit, and unless we
shut our eyes to the tea shops and coffee shops
and all these kitchens, and unless we are satisfied with
foods that are necessary for the proper maintenance of
our physical health, and unless we are prepared to rid
ourselves of stimulating, heating and exciting "condi-
ments that we mix with our food, we will certainly not
be able to control the over-abundant, unnecessary, and
exciting stimulation that we may have. If we do not
do that, the result naturally is, that we abuse ourselves
and we abuse even the sacred trust given to us, and we
become less than animals and brutes, eating, drinking
and indulging in passions we share in common with the
animals ; but have you ever seen a horse or a cow in-
dulging in the abuse of the palate as we do? Do you

3t4 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

suppose that it is a sign of civilization, a sign of real
life that we should multiply our eatables so far that we
do not even know where we are ; and seek dishes until
at last we have become absolutely mad and run after
the newspaper sheets which give us advertisements
.about these dishes ? Then we have

THE VOW OF NON-THIEVING.

I suggest that we are thieves in a way. If 1 take
anything that I do not need for my own immediate use,
and keep it, I thieve it from somebody else. I venture to
suggest that it is the fundamental law of Nature, with-
out exception, that Nature produces enough for our
wants from day to-day, and if only everybody took enough
for himself and nothing more, there would be no
pauperism in this world, there would be no man dying
of starvation in this world. But so long as we have
got this inequality so long we are thieving. I am no
socialist and I do not want to dispossess those who have
got possessions ; but I do say that, personally, those of
us who want to see light out of darkness have to follow
this rule. I do not want to dispossess anybody. I should
then be departing from the rule of Ahimsa. If somebody
else possesses more than I do, let him. But so far as
my own life has to be regulated, I do say that I dar*
not possess anything which I do not want. In India
we have got three millions of people having to be
satisfied with one meal a day, and that meal consisting
of a chapatti containing no fat in it, and a pinch of
salt. You and I have no right to any thing that
we really have until these three millions are clothed
.and fed better. You and I, who ought to know
.better, must adjust our wants, and even undergo volun-
tary starvation, in order that they may be nursed, fed

THE SATYAGRHASHRAMA

and clothed. Then there is the vow of non-possession
which follows as a matter of course. Then I go to

THE VOW OF SWADESHI.

The vow of Swadeshi is a necessary vow. But you are
conversant with the Swadeshi life and the Swadeshi
spirit. I suggest to you we are departing from one of the
sacred laws of our being when we leave our neighbour
and go out somewhere else in order to satisfy our wants*
If a man comes from Bombay here and offers you wares,
you are not justified in supporting the Bombay merchant
or trader so long as you have got a merchant at your
very door, born and bred in Madras. That is my view
of Swadeshi. In your village-barber, you are bound to
support him to the exclusion of the finished barber who
may come to you from Madras. If you find it necessary
that your village barber should reach the attainments
of the barber from Madras you may train him to that.
Send him to Madras by all means, if you wish, in order
that he may learn his calling. Until you do that,
you are not justified in going to another barber.
That is Swadeshi. So, when we find that there are
many things that we cannot get in India, we must
try to do without them* We may have to do
without many things which we may consider necessary;
but believe me, when you have that frame of
mind, you will find a great burden taken off your
shoulders, even as the Pilgrim did in that inimitable
book, " Pilgrim's Progress." There came a time when
the mighty burden that the Pilgrim was carrying on his
shoulders unconsciously dropped from him, and he felt a
freer man than he was when he started on the journey*
So will you feel freer men than you are now, immediately
you adopt this Swadeshi life. We have also

326 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

THE VOW OF FEARLESSNESS.

I found, throughout my wanderings in India, that
India, educated India, is seized with a paralysing fear. We
may not open our lips in public ; we may not declare our
confirmed opinions in public : we may talk about them
secretly ; and we may do anything we like within the four
walls of our house, — but those are not for public con-
sumption. If we had taken a vow of silence I would
have nothing to say. When we open our lips in public,
we say things which we do not really believe in. I do
not know whether this is not the experience of almost
every public man who speaks in India. I then suggest
to you that there is only one Being, if Being is the
proper term to be used, whom we have to fear, and that
is God. When we fear God, we shall fear no man, no
matter how high-placed he may be. And if you
want to follow the vow of truth in any shape or
form, fearlessness is the necessary consequence. And so
you find, in the Bha&avad Gita, fearlessness is dec-
lared as the first essential quality of a Brahmin. We
fear consequence, and therefore we are afraid to tell the
Truth. A man who fears God will certainly not fear
any earthly consequence. Before we can aspire to the
position of understanding what religion is, and before
we can aspire to the position of guiding the destinies of
India, do you not see that we should adopt this habit
of fearlessness ? Or shall we over-awe our countrymen,
even as we are over-awed ? We thus see how important
this " fearlessne ss1' now is. And we have also

THE VOW REGARDING THE UNTOUCHABLES.

There is an ineffaceable blot that Hinduism to-day
carries with it. I have declined to believe that it has
been handed to us from immemorial times. I think that

THE SATYAGRHASHRAMA 327

this miserable, wretched, enslaving spirit of " untouch"
ableness" must have come to us when we were in the
cycle of our lives, at our lowest ebb, and that evil has
still stuck to us and it still remains with us. It is, to my
mind, a curse that has come to us, and as long as that
curse remains with us, so long I think we are bound to
consider that every affliction that we labour under in this
sacred land is a fit and proper punishment for this great
and indelible crime that we are committing. That any
person should be considered untouchable because of hi£
calling passes one's comprehension ; and you, the
student world, who receive all this modern education, if
you become a party to this crime, it were better that
you received no education whatsoever.

Of course, we are labouring under a very heavy
handicap. Although you may realise that there cannot
be a single human being on this earth who should be
considered to be untouchable, you cannot react upon
your families, you cannot react upon your surroundings,
because all your thought is conceived in a foreign
tongue, and all your energy is devoted to that. And so
we have also introduced k rule in this Ashrama : that
we shall receive our

EDUCATION THROUGH THE VERNACULAKS.j ...

In Europe every cultured man learns, not only his
language, but also other languages, certainly three or
four. And even as they do in Europe, in order to solve
the problem of language in India, we, in this Ashrama,
make it a point to learn as many Indian vernaculars as
we possibly can. And I assure you that the trouble of
learning these languages is nothing compared to the
trouble that we have to take in mastering the English
language. We never master the English language : with

328 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

some exceptions it has not been possible for us to do so;
we can never express ourselves as clearly as we can in
our own mother tongue. How dare we rub out of our
memory all the years of our infancy ? But that is
precisely .what we do when we commence our higher
life, as we call it, through the medium of a foreign ton-
gue. This creates a breach in our life for bringing
which we shall have to pay dearly and heavily. And you
will see now the connection between these two things, —
education and untouchableness — this persistance of th«
spirit of untouchableness even at this time of the day in
spite of the spread of knowledge and education. Educa-
tion has enabled us to see the horrible crime. But we
are seized with fear also and therefore, we cannot taka
this doctrine to oirr homes. And we have got a super-
stitions veneration for our family traditions and for the
members of our family. You say, " My parents will die
if I tell them that I, at least, can no longer partake of
his crime." I say that Prahlad never considered that
his father would die if he pronounced the sacred
syllables of the name of Vishnu. On the contrary, he
made the whole of that household ring, from one corner
to another, by repeating that name even in the
sacred presence of his father. And so you and I may
do this thing in the sacred presence of our parents.
If, after receiving this rude shock, some of them expire,
I think that would be no calamity. It may be that
some rude shocks of the kind might have to be deli-
vered. So long as we peYsist in these things which
have been handed down to us for generations, these in-
cidents may happen. But there is a higher law of
Nature, and in due obedience, to that higher law, ray
parents and myself should make that sacrifice.

THE SATYAGRHASHRAMA 329

AND THEN WE FOLLOW HAND-WEAVING.

You may ask : "Why should we use our hands?"
aad say "the manual work has got to be done by those
who are illiterate. I can only occupy myself with read-
ing literatMre and political essays." I think we have t^
realise the dignity of labour. If a barber or shoe-maker
attends a college, he ought not to abandon the profes-
sion of barber or shoe-maker. I consider that a barber's
profession is just as good as the profession of medicine.

Last of all, when you have conformed to these rules
think that then, and not till then, you may come to

POLITICS

and dabble in them to your heart's content, and certain-
ly you will then never go wrong. Politics, divorced of
religion, has absolutely no meaning. If the student-
world crowd the political platforms of this country,
to my mind, it is not necessarily a healthy sign of
national growth ; but that does not mean that you, in
yoisr student life, ought not to study politics. Politics
are a part of our being ; we ought to understand our
national institutions, and we ought to understand
our national growth and all those things. We may
do it from our infancy. So, in our Ashrama, every
child is taught to understand the political institutions
of our country, and to know how the country is vibrat-
ing with new emotions, with new aspirations, with
a new life. But we want also the steady light, the in-
fallible light, of religious faith, not a faith which
merely appeals to the intelligence, but a faith which is
indelibly inscribed on the heart. First, wa want to
realise that religious consciousness, and immediately we
have done that, I think the whole department of life is
open to us, and it should then be a sacred privilege o

330 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

students and everybody to partake of that whole life,
so that, when they grow to manhood and when they
leave their colleges, they may do so as men properly
equipped to battle with life. To-day what happens is
this : much of the political life is confined to student
life; immediately the students leave their colleges and
cease to be students, they sink into oblivion, they seek
miserable employments, carrying miserable emoluments,
rising no higher in their aspirations, knowing nothing
of God, knowing nothing of fresh air or bright light
and nothing of that real vigorous independence that
comes out of obedience to these laws that I have ven-
tured to place before you.

INDIAN MERCHANTS

Mr. Gandhi was entertained by the merchants of
Broach during his visit to the city and presented with an
address of wehome. Mr. Gavdhi replied to the address
in the following terms : —

Merchant always have the spirit of adventure,
intellect and wealth, as without these qualities their
business cannot go on. But now they must have the
fervour of patriotism in them. Patriotism is necessary
even for religion. If the spirit of patriotism is awakened
through religious fervour, then that patriotism will
shine out brilliantly. So it is necessary that patriotism
should be roused in the mercantile community.

The merchants take more part in public affairs now-
a-days than before. When merchants take to politics
through patriotism, Swaraj is as good as obtained.
Some of you might be wondering how we can get
Swaraj* I lay my hand on my heart and say that,

INDIAN MERCHANTS 331

when the merchant class understands the sprit of
patriotism, then only can we get Swaraj quickly.
Swaraj then will be quite a natural thing.

Amongst the various keys which will unlock Swaraj
to us, the Swadeshi Vow is the golden one. It is in the
hands of the merchants to compel the observance of the
Swadeshi Vow in the country, and this is an adventure
which can be popularised by the merchants. I humbly
request you to undertake this adventure, and then you
will see what wonders you can do.

This being so, I have to say with regret that it is
the merchant class which has brought ruin to the
Swadeshi practice, and the Swadeshi movement in this
country. Complaints have lately risen in Bengal about
the increase of rates, and one of them is against Gujarat.
It is complained there that the prices of Dhotis have
been abnormally increased aud Dhotis go from Gujarat.
No one wants you not to earn money, but it must be
earned righteously and not be ill-gotton. Merchants
must earn money by fair means. Unfair means must
never be used

Continuing, Mr. Gandhi said : India's strength lies
with the merchant class. So much does not lie even
with the army. Trade is the cause of war, and the
merchant clais has the key of war in their hands.
Merchants raise the money and the army is raised on
the strength of it. The power of England and Germany
rests on thier trading class. A country's prosperity
depends upon its mercantile community, I consider it
as a sign of good luck that I should receive an address
from the merchant class. Whenever I remember
Broach, I will enquire if the merchants who have
given me an address this day have righteous faith and

382 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

patriotism. If I receive a disappointing reply, I will
think that merely a wave of giving addresses had
come over India and that I had a share in it.

NATIONAL DRESS

Mr. Gandhi wrote the following reply to Mr. Irwin's
criticism of his dress in the " Pioneer * ' during the
Champaran enquiry.

I have hitherto successfully resisted to temptation
of either answering your or Mr. Irwin's criticism of the
humble work 1 am doing in Champaran. Nor am I
going to succumb now except with regard to a matter
which Mr. Irwin has thought lit to dwell upon and
about which he has not even taken the trouble of being
correctly informed. I refer to his remarks on my
manner of dressing.

My "familiarity with the minor amenities of
western civilisation " has taught me to respect my
national costume, and it may interest Mr. Irwin to know
that the dress I wear in Champaran is the dress I
have always worn in India except that for a very short
period in India I fell an easy prey in common with the
rest of my countrymen to the wearing of semi-European
drfess in the courts and elsewhere outside Kathiawar. I
appeared before the Kathiawar courts now 21 years ago
in precisely the dress I wear in Champaran.

One change I have made and it is that, having taken
to the occupation of weaving and agriculture and having
taken the vow of Swadeshi, my clothing is now entirely
hand-woven and hand-sewn and made by me or my fellow
workers. Mr. Irwin's letter suggests that I appear before
the ryots in a dress I have temporarily and specially

NATIONAL DRESS 333

adopted in Champaran to produce an effect. The fact
is that I wear the national dress because it it the most
natural and the most becoming for an Indian. I believe
that our copying of the European dress is a sign of our
degradation, humiliation and our weakness, and that we
are committing a national sin in discarding a dress which
is best suited to the Indian climate and which, for its
simplicity, art and cheapness, is not to be beaten on the
face of the earth and which answers hygienic require-
ments. Had it not been for a false pride and equally
false notions of prestige, Englishmen here would long
ago have adopted the Indian costume. I may mention
incidentally that I do not go about Champaran bare
headed. I do avoid shoes for sacred reasons. But I find
too that it is more natural and healthier to avoid them
whenever possible.

I am sorry to inform Mr. Irwin and your readers that
my esteemed friend Babu Brijakishore Prasad, the " ex-
Hon. Member of Council," still remains unregenerate
and retains the provincial cap and never walks barefoot
and " kicks up" a terrible noise even in the house we
are living in by wearing wooden sandals. He has still not
the courage, inspite of most admirable contact with me,
to discard his semi-anglicised dress and whenever he goes
to see officials he puts his legs into the bifurcated
garment and on his own admission tortures himself by
cramping his feet in inelastic shoes. I cannot induce him
to* believe that his clients won't desert him and the
courts won't punish him if he wore his more becoming
and less expensive dhoti. I invite you and Mr. Irwin not
to believe the "stories" that the latter hears about me
and my friends, but to join me in the crusade against
•educated Indians abandoning their manners, habits and

334 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

customs which are not proved to be bad or harmful.
Finally I venture to warn you and Mr. Irwin that you
and he will ill-serve the cause both of you consider is
in danger by reason of my presence in Champaran if you
continue, as you have done, to base your strictures on
unproved facts. I ask you to accept my assurance that
I should deem myself unworthy of the friendship and
confidence of hundreds of my English friends and associ-
ates— not all of them fellow-cranks— if in similar
circumstances I acted towards them differently from my
own countrymen,

THE HINDU-MAHOMEDAN PROBLEM.

The following is an extract from a Gujarati letter
addressed by Mr. Gandhi, to a Mahomedan corres-
pondent :

I never realise any distinction between a Hindu and
a Mahomedan. To my mind, both are sons of Mother
India. I know that Hindus are in a numerical majority,
and that they are believed to be more advanced in know-
ledge and education. Accordingly, they should be glad
to give way so much the more to their Mahomedan
brethren, As a man of truth, I honestly believe that
Hindus should yield up to the Mahomedans what the
latter desire, and that they should rejoice in so doing.
We can expect unity only if such mutual large- hearted-
ness is displayed. When the Hindus and Mahomedams
act towards each other as blood-brothers, then alone can
there be unity, then only can we hope for the dawn of
India.

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE

The following is the Presidential address to the
Second Gujarat Educational Conference held at Broach
in October 20, 1917, specially translated for the " Indian
Review."

EDUCATION THROUGH THE VERNACULARS

The Gujarat Education League that has called us
together has set before it three objects :

(1) To cultivate and express public opinion on
matters cf education.

(2) To carry on sustained agitation on educational
questions.

(3) To take all practical steps for the spread of
education in Gujarat.

I shall endeavour to the best of my ability to place
before you my thoughts on these objects and the conclu-
sions I have arrived at.

It must be clear enough to everybody that our first
business is to consider and form an opinion about the
medium of instruction. Without fixing the medium all
our other efforts are likely to be fruitless. To go on
educating our children without determining the medium
is like an attempt to build without a foundation.

Opinion seems to be divided on the matter. One
party claim that instruction ought to be imparted
through the vernacular (Gujarati in this province,'. The
other will have English as the medium. Both are guided
by pure motives. Both are lovers of their country. But
good intentions alone are not sufficient for reaching a
goal. It is world-wide experience that good intentions

336 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

often take a man to a bad place. It is, therefore, our
duty to examine on their merits the contentions of both
the parties and, if possible, to arrive at a final and
unanimous conclusion on this great question. That it is
great no one can doubt. We cannot, therefore, give too
much consideration to it.

It is, moreover, a question which affects the whole
of India. But every Presidency or Province can come
to an independent conclusion. It is in no way essential
that, before Gujarat may move, all the other parts of
India should arrive at a unanimpus decision.

We shall, however, be better able to solve our diffi-
culties by glancing at similar movements in other pro-
vinces. When the heart of Bengal, at the time of the
Partition, was throbbing with the Swadeshi spirit, an
attempt was made to impart all instruction through
Bengali. A National College was established. Rupees
poured in. But the experiment proved barren. It is
my humble belief that the organisers of the movement
had no faith in the experiment, The teachers fared no
better. The educated class of Bengal seemed to dote
upon English. It has been suggested that it is the
Bengali's command over the English language that has
promoted the growth of Bengali literature. Facts do
not support the view. Sir Rabindranath Tagore's
wonderful hold on Bengali is not due to his command
of the English language. His marvellous Bengali is
dependent upon his love of the mother tongue.
"Gitanjali" was first written in Bengali. The great
poet uses only Bengali speech in Bengal. The
speech that he recently delivered in Calcutta on the
present situation was in Bengali. Leading men and
women of Bengal were among the audience. Some of

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 837

them told me that for an hour and a half, by a ceaseless
flow of language, he kept the audience spell-bound. He
has not derived his thoughts from English literature.
He claims that he has received them from the atmos-
phere of the soil. He has drunk them from the
Upanishads. The Indian sky has showered them upon
him. And I understand that the position of the other
Bengali writers is very similar to the poet's.

When Mahatma Munshiramji, majestic as the
Himalayas, delivers his addresses in chaining Hirdi,
the audience composed of men, women and children
listen to him and understand his message. His know-
ledge of English he reserves for his English friends. He
does not translate English thought into Hindi.

It is said of the Hon. Pandit Madan Mohan
Malaviaji, who, though a householder, has, for the
sake of India, dedicated himself entirely to the country,
that his English speech is silvery. His silvery
eloquence compels Viceregal attention. But if his Erg-
lish speech is silvery, his Hindi speech shines golden
like the waters of the Ganges under the sunbeams, as
they descend from the Mansarovar.

These three speakers do not owe their power to
their English knowledge, but to their love of the ver-
naculars. The services rendered by the late Swami
Dayanand to Hindi owe nothing to the English langu-
age. Nor did English play any part in the contributions
of Tukaram and Ramdas to Marathi literature. The
English language can receive no credit for the growth
in Gujarati literature ifrom Premanand's pen as of
Shamal Chat's and quite recently of Dalpatram.

The foregoing illustrations seem to afford sufficient
proof that love of, and faith in, the vernaculars, rather
22

838 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

than a knowledge of English are necessary for their
expansion.

We shall arrive at the same conclusion when we
consider how languages grow. They are a reflection
xsf the character of flhe people who use them. One
who knows the dialects of the Zulus of South Africa
knows their manners and customs. The character of a
language depends upon the qualities and acts of the
people. We shold unhesitatingly infer that a nation
could not possess warlike, kind hearted and truthful
people, if its language contained no expressions
denoting these qualities. And we should fail to
make that language assimilate such expressions by
borrowing them from another language and forcing
them into its dictionary, nor will such spurious
importation make warriors of those who use that
speech, You cannot get steel out of a piece of
ordinary iron, but you can make effective use of rusty
steel, by ridding it of its rust. We have long laboured
under servility and our vernaculars abound in servile
expressions, The English language is probably unrival-
led in its vocabulary of nautical terms. But if an
enterprising Gujarati presented Gujarat with a transla-
tion of those terms, he would add nothing to the langu-
age and we should be none the wiser for his effort.
And if we took up the calling of sailors and provided
ourselves with shipyards and even a navy, we should
automatically have terms which would adequately
-express our activity in this direction. The late Rev. J.
Taylor gave the same opinion in his Gujarati Gram-
mar. He says : " One sometimes hears people asking
whether Gujarati may be considered a complete^ or
an incomplete language. There is a proverb, k As

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 339

ihe king, so his subjects ; as the teacher, so the
pupil/ Similarly it can be said, ' As the speaker, so the
language,' Shamalbhatt and other poets do not appear
to have been obsessed with an idea of the incomplete-
ness of Gujarati when they expressed their different
thoughts, but they so coined new expressions and
manipulated the old that their thoughts became current
in the language.

" In one respect all languages are incomplete. Man's
reason is limited and language fails him when he begins
to talk ofi God and Eternity. Human reason controls
human speech. It is, therefore, limited, to the extent
that reason itself is limited, and in that sense all langu-
ages are incomplete. The ordinary rule regarding
language is that a language takes shape in accordance
with the thoughts of its wielders. If they are sensible,
their language is full of sense, and it becomes
nonsense when foolish people speak it. There is an
English proverb, " A bad carpenter quarrels with his
tools." Those who quarrel with a language are often
like the bad carpenter. To those who have to deal with
the English language and its literature, the Gujarati
language may appear incomplete for the simple reason
that translation from English into Gujarati is difficult.
The fault is not in the language but in the people be-
fore whom the translation is placed. They are not used
to new words, new subjects and new manipulations
of their language. The speaker, therefore, is taken
aback. How shall a ringer sing before a deaf man? And
how can a writer deliver his soul until his readers
have developed a capacity for weighing the new with
the old and sifting the good from the bad.

"Again some translators seem to think that Gujarat

340 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

they have imbibed with their mother's milk, and
they have learnt English at school, and that they,
therefore, have become masters of two languages, and
need not take up Gujarati as a study. But attainment of
perfection in one's mother tongue is more difficult than
effort spent in learning a foreign tongue. An examina-
tion of the works of Shamalbhatt .and other poets will'
reveal endless effort in every line. To one indisposed
to undergo mental strain, Gujarati will appear
incomplete. But it will cease to so appear after a
proper effort. If the worker is lazy, the language will
fail him. It will yield ample results to an industrious
man. It will be found to be capable even of ornament-
ation. Who dare be little Gujarati, a member of the
Aryan family, a daughter of Sanskrit, a sister of many
noble tongues ? May God bless it and may there be in it
to the end of time, good literature, sound knowledge and1
expression of true religion- And may God bless the
speech and may we hear its praise from the mothers
and the scholars of Gujarat,"

Thus we see that it was neither the imperfection of
Bengali speech, nor impropriety of the effort that was
responsible for the failure of the movement in Bengal
to impart instruction through Bengali. We have con-
sidered the question of incompleteness. Impropriety of
the effort cannot be inferred from an examination of the
movement. It may be that the workers in the cause
lacked fitness or faith.

In the north, though Hindi is being developed, real
effort to make it a medium seems to have been confined
only to the Arya Samajists. The experiment continues
in the Gurukuls

In the Presidency of Madras the movement com-

GUARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 341

menced only a few years ago. There is greater intensity
of purpose among the Telugus than among the Tamils.
English has acquired such a hold of the literary class
among the Tamils that they have not the energy
even to conduct their proceedings in Tamil, The
English language has not affected the Telugus to that
extent. They therefore, make greater use of Telugu.
They are not only making an attempt to make Telugu
the medium of instruction ; they are heading a move-
ment to repartition India on a linguistic basis. AnA
though the propagation of this idea was commenced
only recently, the work is being handled with so much
energy that they are likely to see results within a short
time. There are many rocks in their way. But the
leaders of the movement have impressed me with their
ability to break them down.

In the Deccan the movement goes ahead. That good
soul Prof. Karve is the leader of the movement. Mr.
Naik is working in the same direction. Private institu-
tions are engaged in the experiment. Prof. Bijapurkar,
has, after great labour, succeeded in reviving his experi-
ment and we shall see it in a short t»me crystallised
into a school. He had devised a scheme for preparing
text-books. Some have been printed and some are ready
for print. The teachers in that institution never bet-
rayed want of faith in their cause. Had the institution
not been closed down, so far as Marathi is concerned
the question of imparting all instruction through It
would have been solved.

We learn from an article in a local magazine by Rao
Bahadur Hargovindas Kantawala that a movement for
making Gujarati the medium of instruction has already
been made in Gujarat, Prof. Gajjar and the late Diwan

342 EARLIER INDIAN 9PEECHB6

Bahadur Man-ibhai Jushbhai initiated it. It remains for
us to consider whether we shaH water the seed sown by
them. I feel that every moment's d^lay means so much
harm done to us. In receiving education through English
at least sixteen years are required. Many experienced
teachers have given it as their opinion that the same
subjects can be taught through the vernaculars in ten
years' time. Thus by sajving six years of their .lives
for thousands of our children we might save thousands
of years for the nation.

The strain of receiving instruction through a
foreign medium is intolerable. Our children alone can
bear it, but they have to pay for it. They become unfit
for bearing any other strain. For this reason our
graduates are mostly without stamina, weak, devoid of
energy, diseased and mere imitators. Originality, re-
search, adventure, ceaseless effort, courage, dauntless-
ness and such other qualities have become atrophied.
We are thus incapacitated for undertaking new enter-
prises, and we are unable to carry them through if
we undertake any. Some who can give proof of such
qualities die an untimely death. An English writer
had said thai the non-Europeans are the blotting-sheets
of European civilisation, What ever truth there may
be in this cryptic statement, it is not due to the natural
unfitness of the Asiatics. It is the unfitness of the
medium of instruction which is responsible for the
result. The Zulus of South Afrita are otherwise inter-
prising, powerfully built and men of character. They
afre not -hampered by child -marriages and such other
defects. And yet the position of their educated class is
the same as ours. With them the medium of instruc-
tion is Dutch. They easily obtain command over Dutch

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 343

as we tfo over English, and like us they too on comple-
tion of their education loose their energy and for the
most part become imitators. Originality leaves them
along with the mother-tongue. We the English-
educated class are unfit to ascertain the true measure of
the harm done by the unnatural system. We should
get some idea of it if we realised ho\f little we hava
reacted upon the masses. The outspoken views on
education that our parents sometimes give vent to are
thought-compelling. We dote upon our Bostes and
I^oys. Had our people been educated through their
vernaculars duwng the last fifty years, I am sure that
the presence in our midst of d Bose or a Roy would not
have filled us with astonishment.

Leaving aside for the moment the question of
propriety or otherwise of the direction that Japanese
energy has taken, Japanese enterprise must amaze
us. The national awakening there has taken place
through their national language, and so there is a fresh-
ness about every activity qf theirs. They are teaching
their teachers. They have falsified the blotting-sheet
smile. Education has stimulated national life, and the
world watches dumbstruck Japan's activities. The
harm done to national life by the medium being a
foreign tongue is immeasurable.

The correspondence that should exist between the
school training and the character imbibed with the mo-
ther's milk and the 'training received through her sweet
speech is absent when the school training is given
through a foreign tongue. However pure may be his
motives, he who thus snaps the cord that should bind
the school-life and the home-life is an enemy of the
nation. We are traitors to our mothers by remaining

344 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

under such a system. The harm done goes mmch further.
A gulf has been created between the educated classes
and the uneducated masses. The latter do not know us.
We do not know the former. They consider us to be
1 Saheblog.' They are afraid of us. They do not trust
us. If such a state of things were to continue for any
length of time, a time may come for Lord Curzon's
charge to be true, viz., that the literary classes do not
represent the masses.

Fortunately the educated class seems to be waking
up from its trance. They experience the difficulty of
contact with the masses. How can they infect the masses
with their own enthusiasm for the national cause ? They
cannot do so through English. They have not enough
ability or none for doing so through Gujarati. They find
it extremely difficult to put their thoughts into Gujarati.
I often hear opinion expressed about this difficulty.
Owing to tho barrier thus created the flow of national
life suffers impediment.

Macaulay's object in giving preference to the Eng-
lish language over the vernaculars was pure. He had
a contempt for our literature. It affected us and we for-
got ourselves and just as a pupil often outdoes the teacher
so was the case with us. Macaulay thought that we
would be instrumental m spreading western civilisation
among the masses. His plan was that some of us would
learn English, form our character and spread the new
thought among the millions. (It is not necessary here
to consider the soundness of this vew. We are merely
examining the question of the medium.) We, on the
other hand, discovered in English education a medium
for obtaining wealth and we gave that use of it predo-
minance. Some of us found in it a stimulus for our

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 345

patriotism. So the original intention went into the back-
ground, and the English language spread beyond the
limit set by Macaulay. We have lost thereby.

Had we the reins of Government in our hands we
would have soon detected the error. We could not have
abandoned the vernaculars. The governing class has
not been able to do so. Many perhaps do not know that
the language of our courts is considered to be Gujarati.
The Government have to have the Acts of the
legislature translated in Gujarati. The official addresses
delivered at Darbar gatherings are translated there and
then. We see Gujarati and other vernaculars used side
by side with English in currency notes. The mathemati-
cal knowledge required of the surveyors is difficult
enough. But Revenue work would have been too costly,
had surveyors been required to know English. Special
terms have, therefore been coined for the use of sur-
veyors. They excite pleasurable wonder. If we had a
true love for our venaculars we could even now make
use of some of the means at our disposal for their
spread. If the pleader were to begin to make use of
the Gujarati language in the courts they would save
their clients much money, and the latter will gain some
necessary knowledge of the laws of the land, and
will begin to appreciate their rights. Interpreters'
fees would be saved, and legal terms would become
current in the language. It is true the pleaders will
have to make some effort for the attainment of this
happy result. I am sure, nay, I speak from experience,
that their clients will lose nothing thereby. There is
no occasion to fear that arguments advanced in Gujarati
will have less weight. Collector.! and other officials are
expected to know Gujarati. But by our superstitious

346 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

regard for English we allow their knowledge to become
rusty.

It has been argued that the use we made of English
for attainment of wealth, and for stimulating patriotism
was quite proper. The agument however, has no
bearing on the question before us. We shall bow to
those who learn English for the sake of gaining wealth
or for serving the country otherwise. But we would
surely not make English the medium on that account.
My only object in referring to such a use of the English
language was to show that it continued its abuse as a
medium of instruction and thus produced an untoward
result. Some contend that only English-knowing
Indians have been fired with the patriotic spirit The
past few months have shown us something quite
different. But even if we were to admit that claim on
behalf of English, we cosld say that the others never
had an opportunity. Patriotism of the English-educated
class has not proved infectious, whereas a truly patriotic
spirit ought to be all-pervading.

It has been stated that the foregoing arguments, no
matter how strong they may be in themselves, are im-
practicable. " It is a matter for sorrow that other
branches of learning should suffer for the sake of
English. It is certainly undesirable that we should
suffer an undue* men-tal strain in the act of gaining com-
mand over the English language. It is, however, my
humble opinion that there is no escape for us from hav-
ing to bear this hardship, regard being had to the fact of
our relationship with the English language, and to find
out a way These are not the views of an ordinary
writer. They are owned by one who occupies a front
rank among the Gujarati men of letters. He is a lover

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 347

of Gujarati. We are bound to pay heed to whatever
Prof. Dhruva writes. Few of us have the experience
he has. He has rendered great service to the cause of
Gujarati literature and education. He has a perfect
right to advise and to criticise. In the circumstances one
like me has to pause. Again the views above express-
ed are shared with Prof. Dhrava by several prota-
gonists of the English language. Prof. Dhruva has
stated. them in dignifieH language. And it is our duty
to treat them with respect. My own position is still
more delicate. I have been trying an experiment in
national education under his advice and guidance- In
that institution Gujarsfti is the medium of instructibn.
Enjoying such an intimate relation with Prof. Dhruva I
hesitate to offer anything by way of criticism of his
views. Fortunately, Prof. Dhruva regards both
systems, the one wherein English is the medium and
the other in which the mother tongue is the medium, in
the nature of experiment ; he has expressed no final
opinion on either. My hesitation about criticising his
views is lessened on that account. It seems to me that
we lay too milich stress on our peculiar relationship
with the English language. I know that I may not
with perfect freedom deal with this subject from this
platform. But it is not improper even for those who
cannot handle political subjects to consider the follow-
ing proposition. The English connection subsists solely
for the benefit of India, On no other basis can it be
defended. English statesmen themselves have admit-
ted that the idea that one nation should rule another
is intolerable, undesirable and harmful for both. This
proposition is accepted as a maxim beyond challenge in
quarters where it is considered trom an altruistic

348 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

standpoint. If then both the rulers and the nation are
satisfied that the mental calibre of the nation suffers by
reason of English being the medium, the system ought
to be altered without a moment's delay. It would be a
demonstration of our manliness to remove obstacles
however great in our path, and if this view be accepted,
those like Prof. Dhruva who admit the harm done to
our mental calibre do not stand in need of any other
argument.

I do not consider it necessary to give any thought
to the possibility of our knowledge of English suffering
by reason of the vernacular occupying its place. It is
my humble belief that not only is it unnecessary for all
educated Indians to acquire command over English, but
that it is equally unnecessary to induce a taste for
acquiring such command.

Some Indians will undoubtedly have to learn
English. Prof. Dhruva has examined the question
with a lofty purpose only. But examining from all
points we would find that it will be necessary for two
classes to know English : —

(1) Those patriots who have a capacity for lear-
ning languages, who have time at their disposal and
who are desirous of exploring the English literature
and placing the results before the nation, or those who
wish to make use of the English language for the sake
of coming in touch with the rulers.

(2) Those who wish to make use of their know-
ledge of English for the sake of acquiring wealth.

There is not only no harm in treating English as an
optional subject, and giving these two classes of candi-
dates the best training in it, but it is even necessary to
secure for them every convenience. In such a scheme

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 349'

the mother-tongue will still remain the medium. Prof.
Dhruva fears that if we do not receive all instruction
through English, but learn it as a foreign language, it
will share the fate of Persian, Sanskrit and other lan-
guages. With due respect I must say that there is a
hiatus in this reasoning. Many Englishmen, although
they receive their training through English possess a
high knowledge of French and are able to use it fully for
all their purposes. There are men in India who although
they have received their training through English have
acquired no mean command over French and other lan-
guages. The fact is that when English occupies its pro-
per place and the vernaculars receive their due, our
minds which are to-day imprisoned will be set free and
our brains though cultivated and trained, and yet being
fresh will not feel the weight of having to learn English
as a language. And.it is my belief that English thus
learnt will be better than our English of to day And
our intellects being active, we should make more effec-
tive use of our English knowledge. Weighing the pros
and cons, therefore, this seems to be the way that will
satisfy many ends.

When we receive our education through the mother*
tongue, we should observe a different atmosphere in our
homes. At present we are unable to make our wives
co-partners with us. They know little of our activity.
Our parents do not know what we learn. If we receive
instruction through the mother-tongue we should easily
make our washermen, our barbers, and our bhangio, par-
takers of the high knowledge we might have gained. In
England one discusses high politics with barbers while
having a shave. We are unable to do so even in our
family circle, toot because the members of the family or

350 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

the barbers are ignorant people. Their intellect is as
well-trained as that of the English barber. We are able
to discuss intelligently with them the events of " Maha-
bharata," " Ramayana" and of our holy places. For
the national training flows in that direction. But we
are unable to take home what we receive in our schools.
W« cannot reproduce before the family circle what we
have learnt through the English language.

At the present moment the proceedings of our
Legislative Councils are conducted in English. In many
other institutions the same state of things prevails. We
are, therefore, in the position of a miser who buries
underground all his riches. We fare no better in our law
courts. Judges often address words of wisdom The
court going public is always eager to hear what the
Judges have to say But they know no more than
the dry decisions of the Judges. They do not even
understand their counsels' addresses. Doctors receiving
diplomas in Medical Colleges treat their patients no
better. They are unable to give necessary instructions
to theirpatients. They often do not know the vernacular
names of the different members of the body. Their con-
nection, therefore, with their patients, as a rule, does not
travel beyond the writing of prescriptions. It is brought
up as a charge against us that through our thoughtless-
ness we allow the water that flows from the mountain-
tops during the rainy season to go to waste, and similar-
ly treat valuable manure worth lakhs of rupees and
get disease in the bargain. In the same manner
being crushed under the weight of having to learn
English and through want of far-sightedness we are
unable to give to the nation what it should receive
at our hands. There is no exaggeration in this

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 351

statement. It is an expression of the feelings that are
raging within me. We shall have to pay dearly for our
continuous disregard of the mot her- tongue. The nation
has suffered much by reason of it. It is the first duty
of the learned class now to deliver the nation from the
agony.

There can be no limit to the scope of a language in
which Narasingh Mehta sang. Nandshanker wrote his
Karanghelo, which has produced a race of writers like
Navalram, Narmadashanker, Manilal, Malabari and
others ; in which the late Raychandkavi carried on his
soul-lifting discourses, which the Hindus, Mahomedans
and Parsis claim to speak and can serve if they will ;
which has produced a race of holy sages ; which owns
among its votaries millionaires ; which has been spoken
by sailors who have ventured abroad ; and in which
the Barda hills still bear witness to the valourous deeds
of Mulu Manek and Jodha Manek. What else can the
Gujaratis achieve if they decline to receive their
training through that language ? It grieves one even
to have to consider the question.

In closing this subject I would invite your attention
to the pamphlets published by Dr. Pranjiwandas Mehta,
-of which a Gujarati translation is now out. I ask you to
read them. You will find therein a collection of opinions
in support of the views herein expressed.

If it is deemed advisable to make the mother-tongue
the media of instruction, it is necessary to examine the
steps to be taken for achieving the end. I propose to re-
count them, without going into the argument in sup-
port : —

(1) The English-knowing Gujaratis should never, in
iheir mutual intercourse; make use of English.

352 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

(2) Those who are competent both in English and
Gujarati, should translate useful English works into
Gujarati.

(3) Education Leagues should have text-books pre-
pared.

(4; Moneyed men should establish schools in
various places in which Gujarati should be the medium.

(5) Alongside of the foregoing activity, conferences
and leagues should petition the Government and pray
that the medium should be Gujarati in Government
schools, that proceedings in the Law Courts and Coun-
cils and all public activities should be in Gujarati, that
public services should be open to all, without invidious
distinctions in favour of those who know English, and
in accordance with the qualifications of applicants for
the post for which they may apply, and that schools
should be established where aspirants for public offices
may receive training through Gujarati.

There is a difficulty about the foregoing sugges-
tions. In the councils there are members who speak
in Marathi, Sindhi, Gujarati and even Kanarese. This
is a serious difficulty, but not insurmountable. The
Telugus have already commenced a discussion of the
question, and there is little doubt that a re- distribution
of provinces will have to take place on a linguistic
basis. Till then every member should have the right
to address his remarks in Hindi or in his own ver-
nacular. If this suggestion appears laughable, I would
state in all humility that many suggestions have at first
sight so appeared. As I hold the view that our progress
depends upon a correct determination of the medium of
instruction, my suggestion appears to me to have
much substance in it. If my suggestion were adopted

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 353

the vernaculars will gain in influence, and when they
acquire State recognition, they are likely to show merits
beyond our imagination.

THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE FOR INDIA

It behoves us to devote attention to a consideration
of a national language, as we have done to that of the
medium of instruction. If English is to become a
national language, it cught to be treated as a compulsory
subject. Can English become the national language ?
Some [earned patriots contend that even to raise the
question betrays ignorance. In their opinion English
already occupies that place. His Excellency the Viceroy
in his recent utterance has merely expressed a hope that
English will occupy that place. His enthusiasm does not
take him as far as that of the former. He Excellency
believes that English will day after day command a lar-
ger place, will permeate the family circle, and at last rise
to the status of a national language. A superficial con-
sideranon will support the viceregal contention. The
condition of our educated classes gives one the impres-
sion that all our activities would come to a stand still if
we stop the use of English. Ard yet deeper thought
will show that English can never and ought not to be-
come the national language of India, What is the test
of a national language ?

(1) For the official class it should be easy to learn.

(2) The religious, commercial ard political acti-
vity throughout India should be possible in that
language,

(3) It should be the speech of the majority of the
inhabitants of India*

(4) For the whole of the country it should be
easy to learn.

354 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

(5) In considering the question, weight ought not
to he put upon momentary or shortlived conditions.

The English language does not fulfil any of the
conditions above named. The first ought to have been
the last, but I have purposely given it the first place,
because that condition alone gives the appearance of
being applicable to the English language. But upon
further consideration we should find that for the officials
even at the present moment it is not an easy language to
learn. In our scheme of administration, it is assumed
that the number of English officials will progressively
decrease, so that in the end only the Viceroy and others
whom one may count on one's finger-tips will be English.
The majority are of Indian nationality to-day, and their
number must increase.

And everyone will admit that for them English is
more difficult to be learnt than any Indian language.
Upon an examination of the second condition, we find
that until the public at large can speak English, religious
activity through that tongue is an impossibility. And
a spread of English to that extent among the masses
seems also impossible.

English cannot satisfy the third condition because
the majority 10 India do not speak it.

The fourth, too, cannot be satisfied by English
because it is not an easy language to learn for the whole
of India.

Considering ihe last condition we observe that the
position that English occupies to-day is momentary.
The permanent condition is that there will be little
necessity for English in the national affairs. It will cer-
tainly be required for imperial affairs. That, therefore,
it will be an imperial language, the language of -diplo-

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 355

macy, is a different question. On that purpose its know-
ledge is a necessity. We are not jealous of English. All
that is contended for is that it ought not to be allowed
to go beyond its proper sphere. And as it will be the
imperial language, we shall compel our Malaviyajis,
our Shastriars and our Banerjeas to learn it. And we
shall feel assured that they will advertise the greatness
of India in other parts of the world. But English can-
not become the national language of India. To give it
that place is like an attempt to introduce Esperanto, In
my opinion it is unmanly even to think that English
can become our national language. The attempt to in-
troduce Esperanto merely betrays ignorance Then
which is the language that satisfies all the five condi-
tions v We shall be obliged to admit that Hindi satisfies
all those conditions.

I call that language Hindi which Hindus and
Mahomedans in the North speak and write, either in the
Devanagari or the Urdu character. Exception has been
taken to his definition. It seems to be argued that
Hindi and Urdu are different languages. This is not a
valid argumeut In the Northern parts of India
Musalmans and Hindus speak the same language. The
literate classes have created a division. The learned
Hindus have Sanskritised Hindi. The Musalmans,
therefore, cannot understand it. The Moslems of
Lucknow have Persianised their speech and made it
unintelligible to the Hindus These represent two
excesses of the same language. They find no common
piece in the speech of the massess. I have lived in
the North. I have freely mixed with Hindus and
Mahomedans, and although I have but a poor know-
ledge of Hindi, I have never found any difficulty in

356 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

holding communion with them. Call the language of
the North what you will, Urdu or Hindi, it is the
same. If you write it in the Urdu character you may
know it as Urdu. Write the same thing in the Nagiri
character and it is Hindi.

There, therefore, remains a difference about the
script. For the time being Mahomedan children will
certainly write in the Urdu character and Hindus will
mostly write in the Devangari. I say mostly, because
thousands of Hindus use the Urdu character and some
do not even know the Nagan character. But when
Hindus and Mahomedans come to regard one another
without suspicion, when the causes begetting suspicion
are removed, that script which has greater vitality \\ill
be more universally used and, therefore, become the
national script. Meanwhile those Hindus and Maho-
medans who desire to write their petitions in the Urdu
character should be free to do so, and should have the
right of having them accepted at the seat of National
Government.

There is not another language capable of competing
with Hindi in satisfying the live conditions. Bengali
comes next to Hindi. But the Bengalis themselves
make use of Hindi outside Bengal. No one \\onders
to see a Hindi-speaking man making use of Hindi, no
matter where he goes. Hindu preachers and Maho-
medan Moulvis deliver their religious discourses
throughout India in Hindi and Urdu and even the
illiterate masses follow them. Even the unlettered
Gujarati going to the North attempts to use a few
Hindi words, whereas a gatekeeper from the North dec-
lines to speak in Gujarati even to his employer, who
has on that account to speak to him in broken Hindu

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 357

I have heard Hindi spoken even in the Dravid country.
It is not true to say that in Madras one can go on with
English. Even there I have employed Hindi with
effect. In the trains I have heard Madras passengers
undoubtedly use Hindi. It is worthy of note that
Mahomedans throughout India speak Urdu and they
are to be found in large numbers in every Province.
Thus Hindi is destined to be the national language.
We have made use of it as such in times gone by.
The rise of Urdu itself is dlie to that fact. The
Mahomedan kings were unable to make Persian or
Arabic the national language. They accepted the Hindi
Grammer, but employed the Urdu character and Persian
words in their speeches. They could not, however,
carry on their intercourse with the masses through a
foreign tongue. All this is not unknown to the English.
Those who know anything of the sepoys know that for
them militarv terms have had to be prepared in Hindi
or Urdu.

Thus we see that Hindi alone can become the
national language. It presents some difficulty in the
case of the learned classes in Madras. For men from
the Deccan, Gujarat, Sind and Bengal it is easy enough.
In a few months they can acquire sufficient command
over Hindi to enable them to carry on national inter-
course in that tongue. It is not so for the Tamils. The
Dravidian languages are distinct from their Sanskrit
sister in structure and grammar. The only thing com-
mon to the two groups is their Sanskrit vocabulary to
an extent. But the difficulty is con fined to the learned
class alone. We have a rig ht to appeal to their pat-
riotic spirit and expect them to put forth sufficient effort
in order to learn Hindi. For in future when Hindi has

358 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

received State recognition, it will be introduced as a
compulsory language in Madras as in other Provinces,
and intercourse between Madras and them will then in-
crease. English has not permeated the Dravidian masses.
Hindi, however, will take no time. The Telugus
are making an effort in that direction even now. If
this Conference can come to an unanimous conclusion
as to a national language, it will be necessary to devise
means to attain that end. Those which have been
suggested in connection with media of instruction are
with necessary changes applicable to this question.
The activity in making Gujarati the medium of instruc-
tion will be confined to Guzarat alone, but the whole of
India can take part in the movement regarding the
national language.

DKFHCTS IN OUR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM.

We have considered the question of the media of
instruction, of the national language, and of the place
that English should occupy. We have now to consider
whether there are any defects in the scheme of edu-
cation imparted in our schools and colleges.

There is no difference of opinion in this matter. The
Government and public opinion alike have condemned
the present system, but there are wide differences as to
what should be omitted and what should be adopted. I
am not equipped for an examination of these differences,
but I shall have the temerity to submit to this confer-
ence my thoughts on the modern system of education.

Education cannot be said to fall within my pro-
vince. I have, therefore, some hesitation in dwelling
upon it. I am myself ever prepared to put down and
be impatient of those men and women who travelling
outside their provinces discourse upon those for which

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE '359

they are not fitted. It is but meet that a lawyer should
resent the attempt of a physician to discourse upon law.
Nor has a man who has no experience of educational
matters any right to offer criticism thereon. It is,
therefore, necessary for me to briefly mention my
qualifications.

I began to think about the modern system of edu-
cation 25 years ago. The training of my children and
those of my brothers and sisters came into my hands.
Realising the defects of the system obtaining in our
schools, I began experiments on my own children. I even
moved them myself. My discontent remained the same
even when I went to South Africa. Circumstances com-
pelled me to think still more deeply. For a long time
I had the management of the Indian Educational Associa-
tion of Natal in my hands. My boys have not received
a public school training. My eldest son witnessed
the vicissitudes that I have passed through. Having
despaired of me, he joined the educational institutions
in Ahmedabad. It has not appeared to me that he has
gained much thereby. It is my belief that those whom
I have kept away from public schools have lost nothing
but have received good training. I have noticed defect^
in that training. They were inevitable. The boys
began to be brought up in the initial stages of my
experiments, and whilst the different links belong
to the same chain that was hammered into shape
from time to time, the boys had to pass through these
different stages. At the time of the Passive Resistance
struggle, over fifty boys were being educated under me.
The constitution of the school was largely shaped by
ms. It was unconnected with any other institution or
with the Government standard. I am conducting a

360 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

similar experiment here. A national institution has
been in existence for the last five months and has
received the blessings of Prof. Dhruva and other learn-
ed men of Gujarat. The ex-Professor Shah of the
Gujarat College is its Principal. He has been trained
under Prof. Gajjar. He has as his co-workers other
lovers of Gujarati. I am chiefly responsible for the
schema of this institution. But all the teachers con-
necled with it have approved of it and they have
dedicated their lives to the work, receiving only mainte-
nance money. Owing to circumstances beyond my
control, I am unable personal ly to take part in the
tuition, but my heart is ever in it My experiment there-
fore, though it is all that of an amateur, is not devoid
of thought and I ask you to bear it in mind while you
consider in/ criticism, of modern education.

I have always felt that the scheme of education in
India has taken no account of the family system. It was
perhaps natural that, in framing it, our wants were not
thought of. M'icaulay treated our literaturewith con-
tempt and considered us a superstitious people. The
frames of th? educational pulicy w^re mostly ignorant of
our religion, some even deemed it to be irreligion. The
scriptures were believed to be a bundle of superstitions,
our civilisation was considered to ba fall of defects. We
being a fallen natioi, it was assumed that our organis-
ali ^n must be peculiarly defective and so not withstand-
ing pure intention; a faulty structure was raised. For
bu'ldm:; a n^vv scln-n^ the framers naturally took count
of t'i3 ii3 ir ist c ) iditiDiu. Tti3 Governors would want
the hilp of the lawyers, p hysrcians, clerks. We would
winl t'i^ n^w kn)vvled^3. These ideas controlled the
schsm?. Text books were, therefore, prepared in utter

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 361

disregard of our social system, and according to an
English proverb, the cart was put before the horse.
Malabar! has stated that if we want to teach our
children History and Geography we must first give
them a knowledge of the geography of the home. I re-
member that it was my lot to have to memorise the
English counties. And a subject which is deeply inte-
resting was rendered dry as dust for me. In history
there was nothing to enthral my attention. It ought to
be a means to fire the patriotic spirit of young lads. I
found no cause for patriotism in learning history in our
schools. I had to imbibe it from other books.

In the teaching of Arithmetic and kindred subjects,
indigenous methods have received little or no attention;
They have been almost abandoned and we have lost
the cunnirfg of our forefathers which they possessed in
mental arithmetic,

The teaching of Science is dry. Pupils can make
no practical use of it. Astronomy which can be taught
by observing the sky is given to the pupils from text-
books. I have not known a scholar being able to analyse
a drop of water, after leaving school.

It is no exaggeration to say that the teaching of
Hygiene is a farce. We do not know at the end of 60
years' training how to save ourselves from plague and
such other diseases. It is in our opinion the greatest re-
flection upon our educational system that our doctors
have not been able to rid the country of these diseases.
I have visited hundreds of homes but have hardly seen
a house in which rules of hygiene were observed. I
doubt very much if our graduates know how to treat
snakebites, etc. Had our doctors been able to receive
their training in medicine in their childhood, they would

362 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

not occupy the pitiable position that they do. This is
a terrible result of our educational system. All the
other parts of the world have been able to banish
plague from their midst. Here it has found a home and
thousands die before their time, and if it be pleaded
that poverty is the cause, the Department of Education
has to answer why there should be any poverty after
60 years of education.

We might now consider the subjects which are al-
together neglected. Character should be the chief aim
of education. It passes my comprehension how it can be
built without religion. We shall soon find out that we
are neither here nor there. It is not possible for me to
dilate on this delicate subject. I have met hundreds of
teachers. They have related their experiences with a
sigh. This Conference has to give deep thought to it.
If the scholars lost their characters they could have
lost everything.

In this country 85 to 90 per cent, of the population
is engaged in agricultural pursuits. We can, therefore
never know too much of agriculture. But there is no
place for agricultural training even in our High Schools.
A catastrophe like this is possible only in India. The
art of hand-weaving is fast dying. It was the agricul-
turist's occupation during his leisure. There is no provi-
sion for the teaching of that art in our syllabus. Our
education simply produces a political class, and even a
goldsmith, blacksmith or a shoemaker who is entrapped
in our schools is turned out a political. We should surely
desire that all should receive what is good education.
But if all at the end of their education in our schools
and colleges become politicals ? —

There is no provision for military training. It .is

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 363

no matter of great grief to me I have considered it a
boon received by chance, but the nation wants to know
the use of arms. And those who want to, should have
the opportunity. The matter, however, seems to have
been clean forgotton.

Music has found no place. We have lost all notion
of what a tremendous effect it has on men. Had we
known it, we would have strained every nerve to make
our children learn the art. The Vedic chant seems to re-
cognise its effect, Sweet music calms the fever of the
soul. Often we notice disturbances in largely attended
meetings. The sound of some national rhyme rising in
tune from a thousand breasts can easily still such distur-
bances. It is no insignificant matter to have our children
singing with one voice soul-stirring, vitalising national
songs. That sailors and other labouring classes go
through their heavy task to the tune of some rhythmic
expression is an instance of the power of music. I have
known English friends forgetting their cold by rolling
out some of then favourite tunes. The singing of
dramatic songs, anyhow, without reference to timeliness
and thumping on harmoniums and concertinas harm our
children. If they were to receive meihodical musical
training, they would not waste their time singing so
called songs out of tune. Bbys will abhor questionable
songs even as a good musician will never sing out of
tune and out of season. Music is a factor in national
awakening, and it should be provided for. The opinion
of Dr. Ananda Coomaraswarni on this subject is worthy
of study.

Gymnastics and body-training in general have
had no serious attention given to them Tennis, cricket
and football have replaced national games. The former,

364 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

it may be admitted, are games full of interest, but if
everything western had not captivated us, we should
not have abandoned equally interesting but inexpensive
national games, such as Gedidudo, Moi dandia, Khogho,
Magmatli, Nadtutu, Kharopat, Navnagli, Sat tali and so
on. Our gymnastics which exercise every limb of the
body and our Kusti grounds have almost disappeared,
If anything western is worthy of being copied it is cer-
tainly the western drill An English friend rightly re-
marked that we did dot know how to walk. We have no
notion of marching in step in large bodies. We are not
trained to march noiselessly, in an orderly manner in step,
in twos or fours, in directions varying from time to time.
Nor need it be supposed that drilling is useful for
military purposes only. It is required for many acts of
benevolence, e.g., there is a fire drill, there is a drill
for helping the drowned to come to life, and there is a
stretcher drill. Thus it is necessary to introduce in our
schools national games, national gymnastics and the
western drill.

Female education fares no better than male educa-
tion. In framing the scheme of female education, no
thought has been given to the Indian conception of rela-
tionship between husband and wife, and the place an
Indian woman occupies in society.

Much of the primary education may be common to
both the sexes. But beyond that there is little that is
common. Nature has made the two different, and a dis-
tinction is necessary in framing a scheme of education for
the two sexes. Both are equal, but the sphere of work is
defined for each. Woman has the right to the queenship
of the home. Man is the controller of outside manage-
ment. He is the bread-winner, woman husbands the

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 365

resources of the family and distributes them. Woman is
her infant's nurse, she is its maker, ou her depends the
child's character, she is the child's first teacher, thus she
is the mother of the nation. Man is not its father. After
a time the father's influence over his son begins to wane.
The mother never allows it to slip away from herself.
Even when we reach manhood we play like children
with our mothers. We are unable to retain that relation-
ship with our fathers. If then the vocation of the two
are naturally and properly distinct, there is no occasion
to arrange for an independent earning of livelihood by
women in general. Where women are obliged to be
telegraphists, typists and compositors, there is a break
in well ordered society. A nation that has adopted such
a scheme has, in my opinion, come to the end of its
resources, and has begun to live on its capital.

Thus it is wrong on the one hand to keep our
women in a state of ignorance and degradation. It is a
sign of weakness, and it is tyrannical to impose men's
work on her. After coeducation for some years, a
different scheme for girls is necessary. They ought to
have a knowledge of the managment of the home, of re-
gulating the life during the child-bearing period and the
upbringing of children, etc. To formulate such a scheme
is a difficult task. This is a new subject in the depart-
ment of education. In order to explore the unbeaten
track, women of character and learning and men, of
experience should be entrusted with the task of devising
a scheme of female education. Such a committee will
try to devise means for the education of our girls. But
we have numerous girls who are married during girlhood.
The number is increasing. These girls disappear from
the education stage after marriage. I venture to copy

366 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

below the views I have expressed on this phase of
female education in my preface to the first number of
the Bhagmee Samaj series :

" The provision of education for unmarried girls
docs not solve the problem of female education. Thou-
sands of girls at the age of \2 become victims of child-
marriage and disappear from view. They become mother.
So long as we have not got rid of this cruel wrong, hus-
bands will have to become their wives' teachers. In
the fitness of husbands for this task lies high hope for
the nation. All endeavour for the national uplift is vain
so long as instead of becoming our companions, our
better halves and partners in our joys and sorrows,
our wives remain our cooks and objects of our lust.
Some treat their wives as if they were beasts. Some
Sanskrit text and a celebrated verse of Tulsidas are
responsible for this deplorable state of things.
Tulsidas has said that beasts, fools, Sudras and
women are fit to receive bodily punishment. I am a
devotee of Tulsidas. But my worship is not blind.
Either the couplet is apocryphal, or Tulsidas following
the popular current has thoughtlessly written it off.
With reference to Sanskrit expressions, we are haunted
by the superstitious belief that everytning Sanskrit is
scriptural ! It is pur duty to purge ourselves of the
superstition and uproot the habit of considering women
as our inferiors. Their is another body of men who in
pursuit of their passions decorate their wives from
period to period 'during twenty-four hours e\en as
we decorate our idols. We must shake ourselves
free of this idolatry. Then at last they will be what
Uma was to Shankara, Sita to Rama, Damayanti to
Nala, they will be our companions, they will discourse

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 367

•with us on equal terms, they will appreciate our
sentiments, they will nurse them, they would by their
marvellous intuitive powers understand our business
worries as by magic, share them with us and give us the
soothing peace of the home. Then but not till then is
our regeneration possible. To attain to that lofty status
through girl-schools is highly improbable for a long
time. So long as we are destined to groan under the
shackles of child-marriages, so long will husbands have
to become teachers of their child-wives. It is not
tuition in the alphabet only that is here contemplated.
Step by step they have to be initiated in political and
social subjects and literary training is not indispensable
for imparting such knowledge to them. Husbands who
aspire after the position of teachers will have to alter
their conduct towards their wives. If husbands were
to observe Brahmacharya so long as their wives have
not reached maturity and are receiving their education
under them, had we not been paralysed by inertia, we
would never impose the burden of motherhood upon a
girl of 12 or 15. We would shudder even to think of
any such possibility.

It is well that classes are opened for married wo-
men and that lectures are given for them. Those who
are engaged in this kind of activities are entitled to
credit. But it appears that until husbands discharge the
duty incumbent on them, we ate not likely to obtain
great results. Upon reflection this would appear to be
a self evident truth *'

Wherever we look, we observe imposing structures
>upon weak foundation. Those who are selected as
teachers for primary schools may, for the sake of
courtesy, be so called. In reality, however, it is an

368 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

abuse of terms to call such men teachers. A scholar's
childhood is the m6st important period of life. Know-
ledge received during that period is never forgotten.
And it is during this period that they are helped the
least, and they are shoved into any so-called school.

In my opinion, if in this country, instead of devoting
our pecuniary resources to ornamenting our schools and
colleges beyond the capacity of this poor country, we
were tc devote them to imparting primary education
under teachers who are well trained, upright and sobered
by age, in hygienic conditions, we should in a short tune
have tangible results. Even if the salaries of the
teachers in primary schools were doubled, we could not
obtain the desired results. Paltry changes are not enough
to secure important results. It is necessary to alter the
framework of primary education. I know that this is a
difficult subject. There are many pitfalls ahead, but its
solution ought not to be beyond the power of the Gujarat
Education League. It ought, perhaps, to be stated
that their is no intention here of finding fault with
primary school teachers individually. That they are
able beyond their capacity to show us results, is a proof
of the stability of our grand civilisation. If the same
teachers were properly fitted and encouraged, they
could show us undreamt-of results.

It is, perhaps, improper for me to say anything
about the question of compulsory education. My
experience is limited. I find it hard to reconcile
myself to any compulsion being imposed on the nation.
The thought, therefore, of putting an additional
burden in the shape of cumpulsory education worries
me. It appears to be more in keeping with the times
to experiment in free and voluntary education. Until

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 369

we have come out of the compulsion stage as the
rule of life, to make education compulsory seems to
me to be fraught with many dangers. The experience
gained by the Baroda Government may help us in
considering this subject. The results of my examin-
ation of the Baroda system have been so far unfavour-
able. But no weight can be attached to them as my
examination was wholly superficial, I take it for grant-
ed that the delegates assembled here, will be able to
throw helpful light on the subject.

It is certain that the golden way to remove the de-
fects enumerated by me is not through petitioning.
Great changes are not suddenly made by Governments.
Such enterprises are possible only by the initiative of
the leaders of a nation. Under the British Constitution
voluntary national effort has a recognised place. Ages
will pass away before we achieve our aims, if we
depended solely upon Government initiative. As in
England so in India, we have to lead the way for the
Government by making experiments ourselves. Those
who detect short-comings in our educational system can
make the Government remove them by themselves
making experiments and showing the way. Numerous
private institutions should be established in order to
bring about such a consummation. There is one big
obstacle in our path. We are enamoured of * degrees.'
The very life seems to hang upon passing an exami-
nation and pbtaimng a degree. It sucks the nation's
life-blood. We forget that ' degrees ' are required only
by candidates for Government service. But Government
service is not a foundation for national life. We see,
moreover, that wealth can be acquired without Govern-
Educated men can. bv their enternrise.

370 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

acquire wealth even as illiterate men do by their clever-
ness. If the educated class became free from the paralys-
ing fear of their unfitness for business, they should surely
have as much capacity as the illiterate class. If, there-
fore, we become free from the bondage of 'degrees,' many
private institutions could be carried on. No Goverment
-can possibly take charge of the whole of a nation s edu-
cation. In America private enterprise is the predomi-
nant factor in education. In England numerous schools
and colleges are conducted by private enterprise. They
issue their own certificates. Herculean efforts must be
made in order to put national education on a firm found-
ation. Money, mind, body and soul must be dedicated to
it. We have not much to learn from America. But
there is certainly one thing which we can copy from
that country. Great educational schemes are propound-
ed and managed by gigantic trusts. Millionaires have
given off their millions to them. They support many a
private school. T.hese trusts have not only untold
wealth at their disposal, but command also the services
of able-bodied, patriotic and learned men, who inspect
and protect national institutions and give financial assist-
ance, where necessary. Any institution conforming to
the conditions of these trusts is entitled to financial
help. Through these trusts even the elderly peasant of
America has brought to his door the results of the latest
experiments in agriculture Gujarat is capable of sup-
porting some such scheme. It has wealth, i^ has learn-
ing, and the religious instinct has not yet died out.
Children are thirsting for education. If we can but
initiate the desired reform, we could, by our success, com-
mand Government action. One act actually accomplish-
ed will be far more forcible than thousands of petitions.

GUJARAT EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE 371

The foregoing suggestions have involved an
examination of the other two objects of the Gujarat
Education League. The establishment of a trust such
as I have described is a continuous agitation for the
spread of education and a practical step towards it.

But to do that is like doing the only best. It could
not, therefore, be easy. Both Government and million-
aires can be wakened into life only by coaxing. Tapasya
is the only means to do it. It is the first and the best
step in religion. And I assume that the Gujarat Educa-
tion League isan incarnation of Tapasya. Money will be
showered upon the League when its secretaries and mem-
bers are found to be embodiments of selflessness and
learning. Wealth is always shy. There are reasons for
such shyness. If, therefore, we want to coax wealthy
men, we shall have to prove our fitness. But although we
require money, it is not necessary to attach undue impor-
tance to that need. He who wishes to impart national
education can, if he is not equipped for it, do so by
labouring and getting the necessary training and having
thus qualified himself will, sitting under the shadow of a
tree, distribute knowledge freely to those who want it.
He is a Brahmin, indeed, and this dharma can be prac-
tised by every one who wishes it. Both wealth and
power will bow to such a one. I hope and pray to God
that the Gujarat Education League will have immove-
able faith in itself.

The way to Swaraj lies t hrough education. Political
leaders may wait on Mr. Montagu. The political field
may not be open to this Conference. But all endeavour
will be useless without true education. The field of
education is a speciality of this Conference. And if we
achieve success in that direction, it means success all
-over.

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE

The following is an English translation of Mr.
Gandhi* s Presidential Address to the First Gujarat Poli-
tical Conference held at Godhra, on November 3, 1917.

Brothers and Sisters, 1 am thankful to you all for
the exalted position to which you have called me. I am
but a baby of two years and a half in Indian politics. I
cannot trade, here, on my experience in South Africa. I
know that acceptance of the position is to a certain
extent an impertinence. And yet 1 have been unable to
resist the pressure your over-whelming affection has
exerted upon me.

I am conscious of my responsibility. This Confer-
ence is the first of its kind in Gujarat. The time is most
critical for the whole of India. The empire is labouring
under a strain never before experience d. My views do
not quite take the general courso. 1 feel that some of
them run in the opposite direction. Under the circum-
stances, I 'can hardly claim this privileged position.
The president of a meeting is usually its spokesman. I
cannot pretend to lay any such claim. It is your kind-
ness that gives me such a unique opportunity of plrtymg
my thoughts before the Gujarat pub lie. I do not see
anything wrong in these views being subjected to
criticism, dissent, and even emphatic protest. I would
like them to be freely discussed. I will only say with
regard to them that they were not formed to-day or
yesterday. But they were formed years ago. I am
enamoured of them, and my Indian experience of two
years and a half has not altered them*

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 373

I congratulate the originators of the proposal to
hold this Conference as also those friends who have
reduced it to practice. It is a most important event for
Gujarat. It is possible for us to make it yield most
important resylts. This conference is in the nature of a
foundation, and if it is well and truely laid, we need have
no anxiety as to the superstructure. Being the first
progenitor, its responsibility is great. I pray that God
will bless us with wisdom and that our deliberations
will benefit the people.

This is a political conference. Let us pause a
moment over the word 'political.' It is, as a rule, used
in a restricted sense, but I believe it is better ro give it
a wider meaning. If the work of such a conference were
to be confined to a consideration of the relations between
the rulers and the ruled, it would not only be incomplete,
but we should even fail to have an adequate conception
of those relations. For instance the question of Mhowra
flowers is of great importance for a part of Gujarat. If
it is considered merely as a question between the
Government and the people, it might lead to an unto-
ward end, or even to one n ever desired by u^. If we
considered the genesis of the law on Mhowra flowers
and also appreciated our duty in the matter, we would,
very probably, succeed sooner in our fight "with Govern-
ment than otherwise, and we would easily discover the
key to successful agitation. You will more clearly
perceive my interpretation of the word ' political ' in
the light of the views now being laid before you.

Conferences do not, as a rule, after the end of their
deliberations, appear to leave behind them an executive
body, and even when such a body is appointed, it is, to
use the language of the late Mr. Gokhale, composed of

374 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

men who are amateurs. What is wanted in order to
give effect to the resolut ions of such conferences is men
who would make it their business to do so. If such
men come forward in great numbers, then and then only
will such conferences be a credit to the country and
produce lasting results. At present 'there is much
waste of energy. It is desirable that there were many
institutions of the type of the Servants of India Society.
Only when men fired with the belief that service is
the highest religion, come forward in great numbers,
only then could we hope to see great results. Fortuna-
tely, the religious spirit still binds India, and if during
the present age the service of the motherland becomes
the end of religion, men and women of religion in large
numbers would take part in our public life. When
sages and saints take up this work, India will easily
achieve her cherished aims. At all events it is incumbent
on us that for the purposes of this conference we formed
an executive committee whose business, it would be, to
enforce its resolutions.

The sound of Swaraj pervades the Indian air. It
is due to Mrs. Besant that Swaraj is on the lips of
hundreds of thousands of men and women. What was
unknown to men and women only two years ago, has,
by her consummate tact and her indefatigable efforts,
become common property for them. There cannot ba
the slightest doubt that her name will take the first
rank in history among those who inspired us with tha
hope that Swaraj was attainable at no distant date.
Swaraj was, and is, the goal of the Congress. The
idea did not originate with her. But the credit of
presenting it to us as an easily attainable goal belongs
to that lady alone. For that we could hardly thank

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 375

her enough. By releasing her and her associates,
Messrs. Arundale and Wadia, Government have laid us
under an obligation, and at the same time acknowledged
the just and reasonable nature of the agitation for
Swaraj. It is desirable that Government should extend
the same generosity towards our brothers, Mahomed All
and Shaukat Ali. It is no use discussing the appositeness
or otherwise of what Sir William Vincent has said
about them. It is to be hoped that the Government
will accede to the peoples' desire for their release and
thus make them responsible for any improper result
that might flow from their release. Such clemency will
make them all the more grateful to the Government*
The act of generosity will be incomplete so long as
these brothers are not released. The grant of freedom
to the brothers will gladden the peoples' hearts and
endear the Government to them.

Mr. Montagu will shortly be in our midst. The
work of taking signatures to the petition to be submit-
ted to him is going on apace. The chief object of this
petition is to educate the people about Swaraj. To say
that a knowledge of letters is essential to obtain Swaraj
betrays ignorance of history. A know ledge -of letters is
not necessary to inculcate among people the idea that
we ought to manage our own affairs. What is essential is
the grasp of such an idea. People have to desire Swaraj.
Hundreds of unlettered kings have ruled kingdoms in an
effective manner. To see how far such an idea exists
in the minds of the people and to try to create it'where it
is absent, is the object of this petition. It is desirable that
millions of men and women should sign it intelligently.
That such a largely signed petition will have its due
weight with Mr. Montagu is its natural result.

376 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

No one has the right to alter the scheme of reforms
approved by the Congress and the Moslem League, and
one need not, therefore, go into the merits thereof.
For our present purposes, we have to understand
thoroughly the scheme formulated most thoughtfully by
our leaders and to faithfully do the things necessary to
get it accepted and enforced.

This scheme is not Swaraj, but i* a great step
towards Swaraj . Some English critics tell us that we
have no right to enjoy Swarxj, because the class that
demands it is incapable of defending India. " Is the
defence of India to rest with the English alone, " they
ask. " and are the reins of Government to be in the
hands of the Indians ? Now this is a question which
excites both laughter and sorrow. It is laughable,
because our English friends fancy that they are not of us,
whilst our plan of Swaraj is based upon retention
of the British connection. We do not expect the English
settlers to leave this country. They will be our part-
ners in Swaraj. And they need not grumble if in such
a scheme the burden of the defence of the country falls
on them. They are, however, hasty in assuming that
we shall nol do our share of defending the country.
When India decides upon qualifying herself for the act
ot soldiering, she will attain to it in no time. We
have but to harden our feelings to be able to strike. To
cultivate a hardened feeling does not take ages. It
grows like weeds. The question has also its tragic
side^because it puts us in mind of the fact that Govern-
ment have up to now debarred us from military train-
ing. Had they been so minded they would have had at
their disposal to-day, from among the educated classes,
an army of trained soldiers . Government have to

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 377

accept a larger measure of blame than the educated
classes for the latter having taken little part in the
war. Had the Government policy been shaped different-
ly from the very commencement, they would have
to-day an unconquerable army. But let no one be
blamed for the present situation. At the time British
rule was established, it was considered to be a wise
policy for the governance of crores of men to deprive
them of arms and military training. But it is never
too late to m end. and both the rulers and the ruled must
immediately repair the omission

In offering these views T have assumed the pro-
priety of the current trend of thought. To me, how ever,
it does not appear to be tending altogether in the right
direction. Our agitation is based on the Western model.
The Swaraj we desire is of a Western type. As a result
of it, India will have to enter into competition with the
Western nations. Many believe that there is no escape
from it. I do not think so. I cannot forget that
India is not Europe, India is not Japan, India is not
China. The divine word that * India alone is the
land of Karma ' (Action), the rest is the land of Bhoga
(Enjoyment), is indelibly imprinted on my mind* I feel
that India's mission is different from that of the others.
India is fitted for the religious supremacy of the world.
There is no parallel in the world for the process of
purification that this country has voluntarily undergone.
India is less in need of steel weapons, it has fought with
divine weapons ; it can still do so. Other nations have
been votaries of brute force. The terrible war going on
in Europe furnishes a forcible illustration of the truth.
India can win all by soul-force. History supplies numer-
ous instances to prove that brute force is as nothing

378 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

before soul-force. Poets have sung about it and Seers
have described their experiences. A thirty-year old
Hercules behaves like a lamb before his eighty-year old
father. This is an instance of love-force. Love is
Atman : it is its attribute. If we have faith enough we
can wield that force over the whole world. Religion
having lost its hold on us, we are without an anchor to
keep us firm amidst the storm of modern civilisation,
and are therefore being tossed to and fro. Enough, how-
ever, of this, for the present. I shall return to it at a
later stage.

In spite of my views being as I have just described
them, I do not hesitate to take part in the Swaraj move-
ment, for India is being governed ;n accordance with
the Western system and even the Government admit
that the British Parliament presents the best type
of that system. Without parliamentary government,
we should be nowhere. Mrs. Besant is'only too true
when she says that we shall soon be facing a hunger-
strike, if we do not have Home Rule. I do not want
to go into statistics. The evidence of my eyes is
enough for me. Poverty in India is deepening day by
day. No other result is possible. A country that ex-
ports its raw produce and im forts it after it has under-
gone manufacturing processes, a country that in spite of
growing its own cotton, has to pay crores of rupees for
its imported cloth, cannot be otherwise than poor. It
can only be said of a poor country that its people are
spend thrifts, because they ungrudgingly spend money in
marriage and such other cermonies. It must be a terri-
bly poor country that cannot afford to spend enough in
carrying out improvements for stamping out epidemics
like the plague. The poverty of a country must contin-

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 379

uously grow when the salaries of its highly paid officials
are spent outside it. Surely it must be India's keen
poverty that compels its people, during cold weather
for want of woollen clothing, to burn their precious
manure, in order to warm themselves. Throughout my
wanderings in India I have rarely seen a buoyant face.
The middle classes are groaning under the weight of
awful distress. For the lowest order there is no hope.
They do not know a bright day. It is a pure fiction to
say that India's riches are buried under ground, or are
to be found in her ornaments. What there is of such
riches is oi no consequence. The nation's expenditure
has increased, not so its income. Government have
not deliberately brought about this state of things. I
believe that thoir intentions are pure. It is their honest
opinion that the nation's prosperity is daily growing.
Their faith in their Blue Books is immovable. It
is only too true that statistics can be made to prove
anything. The economists deduce India's prosperity
from statistics. People like me who appreciate
the popular way of examining figures shake their heads
over bluebook statistics. If the gods were to come
down and testify otherwise, I would insist on saying
that 1 see India growing poorer.

What then would our Parliament do V When we
have it, we would have a right to commit blunders and
to correct them. In the early stages we are bound to
make blunders. But we being children of the soil,
won't lose time in setting ourselves right. We shall,
therefore, soon find out remedies against poverty*
Then our existence won't be dependent on Lancashire
goods. Then we shall not be found spending untold
riches on Imperial Delhi. It will, then, bear some

380 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

correspondence to the peasant cottage. There will bfl
some proportion observed between that cottage and our
Parliament House. The nation to-day is in a helpless
condition, it does not possess even the right to err. He
who has no right to err can never go forward. The
history of the Commons is a history of blunders. Man,
says an Arabian proverb, is error personified. Freedom
to err and the duty of correcting errors is one definition
of Swaraj. And such Swaraj lies in Parliament.
That Parliament we need to-day. We are fitted for it
to-day. We shall, therefore, get it on demand. It rests
with us to define ' to-day/, Swaraj is not to be attain-
ed through an appeal to the British democracy. The
Engli&h nation cannot appreciate such an appeal. Its
reply will be : — " We never sought outside help to
obtain Swaraj. We have received it through our own
ability. You have not received it, because you are
unfit. When you are fit for it, nobody can withhold it
from you.*' How then shall we fit ourselves for it ?
We have to demand Swaraj from our own democracy.
Our appeal must be to it. When the peasantry of
India understand what Swaraj is, the demand will be-
come irresistible. The late Sir W.W. Hunter used to
say that in the British system, victory on the battfefield
was the shortest cut to success. If educated India
could have taken its full share in the war, I am certain
that we would not only have reached our goal already
but the manner of the grant would have been altogether
unique. We often refer to the fact that many sepoya
of Hindustan have lost their lives on the battle-fields of
France and Mesopotamia. It is not possible for the
educated classes to claim the credit for this event. It is
not patriotism that had prompted those sepoys to go to

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 381

the battlefield. They know nothing of Swaraj. At the
end of the war they will not ask for it. They have
gone to demonstrate that they are faithful to the salt
they eat. In asking for Swaraj, I feel that it is not
possible for us to bring into account their services. The
only thing we can say is that we may not be considered
blameworthy for our inability to take a large active
part in the prosecution of the war.

That we have been loyal at a time of stress is no
test of fitness lor Swaraj. Loyalty is no merit. It is a
necessity of citizenship all the world over. That
loyalty can be no passport to Swaraj is a self-demons-
trated maxim. Our fitness lies -in that we now keenly
desire Swaraj, and in the conviction we have reached
that bureaucracy, although it has served India with
pure intentions, has had its day. And this kind of fit-
ness is sufficient for our purpose. Without Swaraj
there is now no possibility of peace in India.

But if we confine our activities for advancing
Swaraj only to holding meetings, the nation is likely to
suffer harm. Meetings and speeches have their own
place and time. But they cannot make a Nation.

In a nation fired with Swaraj-zeal we shall observe
an awakening in all departments of life. The first step
to Swaraj lies in the Individual. The great truth, 'As
with the Individual so with the Universe/ is applicable
here as elsewhere. If we are ever torn by conflict from
within, if we are ever going astray, and if instead of
ruling our passions we allow them to rule us, Swaraj
can have no meaning for us. Government of self, then,
is primary education in the school of Swaraj.

Then the Family. If dissensions reign supreme in
our families, if brothers fight among themselves, if joint

382 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

families, i.e., families enjoying Self-government, become
divided through family quarrels, and if we are unfit
even for such restricted Swaraj, how can we be
considered fit for the larger Swaraj ?

Now for the Caste. If caste-fellows become jealous
of one another, if the castes cannot regulate their affairs
in an orderly manner, if the elders want to usurp power,
if the members become self-opinionated and thus show
their unfitness for tribal Self-government, how can they
be fit for national Self-government ?

After caste the City Life If we cannot regulate
the affairs of our cities, if our streets are not kept clean,
if our homes are dilapidated and if our roads are crook-
ed, if we cannot command the services of selfless
citizens for civic government, and those who are in
charge of affairs are neglectful or selfish, how shall we
claim larger powers ? The way to national life lies
through the cities. It is, therefore, necessary to linger
a little longer on civic government.

The plague has found a home in India. Cholera
has been always with us. Malaria takes an annual
toll of thousands. The plague has been driven out
from every other part of the world. Glasgow drove
it out as soon as it entered it. In Johannesburg
it could appear but once. Its municipality made a
great effort and stamped it out within a month, whereas
we are able to produce little impression upon it. We
cannot blame the Government for this state of things.
In reality we cannot make our poverty answerable for
it. None can interfere with us in the prosecution of any
remedies that we might wish to adopt. Ahmedabad, for
instance, cannot evade responsibility by pleading
poverty. I fear that in respect of the plague we must

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 383

A

shoulder the whole responsibility. It is a matter of
wonderment that when the plague is working havoc in
our rural quarters, cantonments, as a rule, remain free.
Reasons for such immunity are obvious. In the canton-
ments the atmosphere is pure, houses detached, roads are
wide and clean, the sanitary habits of the residents are
exceptionally sound. Whereas ours are as unhygienic as
they well could be. Our closets are pestilentially dirty.
Ninety per cent, of our population go barefoot, people
spit anywhere, perfrom natural functions anywhere and
are obliged to walk along roads and paths thus dirtied.
It is no wonder that the plague has found a home in our
midst.

Unless we alter the conditions of our cities, rid our-
selves of dirty habits, and reform our castes, Swaraj for
us can have no value.

It will not be considered out of place here to refer
to the condition of the so-cnlled untouchables. The
result of considering the most useful members of society
as unworthy of being even touched by us, has been that
we let them clean only a part of our closets. In the
name of religion we ourselves would not clean the
remainder, for fear of pollution, and so, m spile of
personal cleanliness, a portion of our houses remains the
dirtiest in the world, with the result that we are brought
up in an atmosphere which is laden with disease germs.
We were safe so long as we kept to our villages. But
in the cities we ever commit suicide by reason of our
insanitary habits.

Where many die before their death there is every
probability that people are devoid of both religion and
its practice. I believe that it ought not to be beyond us
to banish the plague from India, and if we could do so,

384 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

ft
we shall have increased our fitness for Swaraj, as it

could not be by agitation, no matter howsoever great*
This is a question meriting the serious consideration of
our Doctors and Vaidyas.

Our sacred Dakorji is our next door neighbour. I
have visited that holy place. Its unholiness is limit-
less. I consider myself a devout Vaishnavite. I claim,
therefore, a special privilege of criticising the condition
of Dakorji. The insanitation ot that place is so great,
that one used to hygienic conditions can hardly bear to
pass even twenty-four hours there. The pilgrims are
permitted to pollute the tank and the streets as they
choose. The keepers of the idol quarrel among them-
selves, and to add insult to injury, a receiver has been
appointed to take charge of the jewellery and costly
robes of the idol. It is our clear duty to set this wrong
right. How shall we, Gujaratis, bent on attaining
Swaraj, discharge ourselves in its army, if we cannot
sweep our houses clean ?

The inconsideration of the state of education in our
cities also fills us with despondency. It is up to us to
provide by private effort for the education cf the masses.
But our gaze is fixed upon Government, whilst* our
children are starving for want of education.

In the cities the drink-evil is on the increase, tea-
shops are multiplying, gambling is rampant. If we
cannot remedy these evils how should we attain Swaraj
whose meaning is government of ourselves ?

We have reached a time when we and our children
are likely to be deprived of our milk-supply. Dairies in
Gujarat are doing us infinite harm. They buy out
practically the whole milk-supply and sell its products,
butter, cheese etc., in a wider market. How can a

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 385

nation whose nourishment is chiefly derived from milk
allow this important article of food to be thus exploited ?
How can men be heedless of the national health, and
think of enriching themselves, by such an improper use
of this article of diet ? Milk and its products are of such
paramount value to the nation that they deserve to be
controlled by the municipalitfes. What are we doing
about them ?

I have just returned from the scene of Bakr-Id
riots. For an insignificant cause, the two communities
quarrelled, mischievous men took advantage of it, and a
mere spark became a blaze. We were found to be
helpless. We have been obliged to depend only upon
Government assistance. This is a significant illustration
of the condition I am trying to describe*

It will not be inopportune to dwell for a moment on
the question of cow-protection. It is an important ques-
tion. And yet it is entrusted to the so-called cow-pro-
tection sccieties. The protection of cows is an old
custom. It has originated in the necessity of the condi-
tion of the country. Protection of its cows is incumbent
upon a country, 73 per cent, of whose population lives
upon agriculture, and uses only bullocks for it. In such
a country even meat-eaters should abstain from beef-
eating. These natural causes should be enough justifi-
cation for not killing cows. *But here we have to face a
peculiar situation. The chief meaning of cow-protection
seems to be to prevent cows from going into the hands
.of our Mussalman brethren, and being used as food.
The governing class seem to need beef. In their behalf
thousands of cows are slaughtered daily. We take no
steps to prevent the slaughter. We hardly make any
.attempt to prevent the cruel torture of cows by certain
25

386 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

Hindu dairies of Calcutta, which subject them to cer-
tain indescribable practices and make them yield the
last drop of milk. In Gujarat Hindu drivers use spiked
sticks to goad bullocks into action. We say nothing
about it. The bullocks of our cities are to be seen in a
pitiable condition. Indeed, protection of the cow and her
progeny is a very great problem. With us it has de-
generated into a pretext for quarrelling with the Maho-
oiedans, and we have thus contributed to a further
slaughter of cow s. It is not religion, but want of it, to
kill aMahomedan brother who declines to part with his
cow. I feel sure that if we were to negotiate with our
Mussalman brothers upon a basis of love, they will
appreciate the peculiar condition of India and readily
co-operate with us in the protection of cows. By cour-
tesy and even by S.Uyagraha we can engage them in
that mission. But in order to be able to do this, we
shall have to understand the question in its true bear-
ing. We shall have to prepare rather to die than to
kill. 13ut we shall be able to do this only when we
understand the real value of the cow and have pure
love for her. Many ends will be automatically served
in achieving this one end. Hindus and Mahomedans-
will live in peace, milk and its products will be avail-
able in a pure condition ajid will be cheaper than now,
and our bullocks will become the envy of the world. By
real tapasya it is possible for us to stop cow slaughter
whether by the English, Mahomedans or Hindus. This-
one act will bring Swaraj many a step nearer.

Many of the foregoing problems belong to Munici-
pal Government. We can, therefore, clearly see that
National Government is dependent upon purity of the
government of our cities.

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 887

It will not be considered an improper statement to
say that the Swadeshi movement is in an insane condi-
tion. We do not realise that Swaraj is almost wholly
obtainable through Swadeshi. If we have no regard for
our respective vernaculars, if we dislike our clothes, if
our dress repels us, if we are ashamed to wear the sacred
Shikha, if our food is distasteful to us, our climate is not
good enough, our people uncouth and unfit for our comp-
any, our civilisation faulty and the foreign attractive, in
short, if ev erything native is bad and everything foreign-
pleasing to us, I should not know what Swaraj can
mean for us. If everything foreign is to be adopted,
surely it will be necessary for us to continue long under
foreign tutelage, because foreign civilisation has not
permeated the masses. It seems to me that, before we
can appreciate Swaraj, we should have not only love
but passion, for Swadeshi. Every one of our acts should
bear the Swadeshi stamp. Swaraj can only be built
upon the assumption that most of what is national is on
the whole sound. If the view here put forth be correct,
the Swadeshi movement ought to be carried on vigor-
ously. Every country that has carried on the Swaraj
movement has fully appreciated the Swadeshi spirit,
The Scotch Highlanders hold on to their kilts even at
the risk of their lives, We humorously call the High-
landers the 'petticoat brigade,' But the whole world
testifies to the strength that lies behind that petticoat
and the Highlanders of Scotland will not abandon
it, even though it is an inconvenient dress, and an
easy target for the enemy. The object in developing
the foregoing argument is not that we should treasure
our faults, but that what is national, even though
comparatively less agreeable should be adhered to, and

388 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

that what is foreign should be avoided, though it may
be more agreeable than our own. That which is want-
ing in our civilisation can be supplied by proper effort
on our part, I do hope that the Swadeshi spirit will
possess every member in this assembly, and that we
-would carry out the Swadeshi vow in spite of great
difficulties and inconvenience. Then Swaraj will be
easy of attainment.

The foregoing illustrations go to show that our
movement should be twofold. We may petition the
Government, we may agitate in the Imperial Council
for our rights, but for a real awakening of the people,
internal activity is more important. There is likelihood
of hypocrisy and selfishness tainting external activity.
There is less danger of such a catastrophe in the
internal activity. Not only will external activity,
without being balanced by the internal, lack grace, but
it is likely to be barren of results. It is not my
contention that we have no internal activity at all, but
I submit that we do not lay enough stress upon it.

One sometimes hears it said, 'Let us get the govern-
ment of India in our own hands, and every thing will
be all right.' There could be no greater superstition
than this. No nation has thus gained its independence.
The splendour of the spring is reflected in every tree,
the whole earth is then filled with the freshness of
youth. Similarly when the Swaraj spirit has really
permeated society, a stranger suddenly come upon us
will observe energy in every walk of life, he will find
national servants engaged, each according to his own
abilities, in a variety of public activities.

If we admit that our progress has not been what it
might have been, we shall ha>e to admit two reasons

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 389

for it. We have kept our women strangers to these
activities of ours, and have thus brought about paraly-
sis of half the national limb. The nation walks with
one leg only. All its work appears to be only half or
incompletely clone. Moreover, the learned section
having received its education, through a foreign tongue,
has become enervated and it is unable to give the
nation the benefit of such ability as it possesses. I need
not reiterate my views on this subject, as I have
elaborated them in nay address delivered before the
Gujarat Educational Conference. It is a wise decision,
that of conducting the proceedings of this Conference in
Gujarati, and I hope that all Gujaratis will adhere to
the determination and resist every temptation to alter it.

The educated class, lovers of Swaraj, must freely
mix with the masses. We dare not reject a single
member of the community. We shall make progress
only if we rarry all with us. Had the educated class
identified itself with the masses, Bakr-Id riots wonld
have been an impossibility.

Before coming to the last topic, it remains for me
to refer to certain events as a matter of duty and to
make one or two suggestions. Every year the god of
death exacts his toll from among our leaders. I do not
intend to mention all such occasions of sorrow. But it
is impossible to omit reference to the Grand Old Man
of India. Who am I to estimate the value of the service
rendered to the country by the deceased patriot ? I have
only sat at his feet, I paid my respects to him when I
went to London as a mere lad. I was privileged to
carry with me a note of introduction to him, and from
the moment of presentation I became his worshipper.
Dadabhai's flawless and uninterrupted service to the

390 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

country, his impartiality, his spotless character, will
always furnish India with an ideal servant of his coun-
try. May God give him peace ! May He grant his
family and the Nation the ability to bear the loss ' It
is possible for us to immortalise him, by making his
character our own, by copying his manner of service
and by enthroning him for ever in our hearts. May the
great soul of Dadabhai watch over our deliberations !

It is our duty to express our thanks to His Excel-
lency the Viceroy for having announced the decision of
the government of India to abolish what is known as
the Vinyngam customs. This step should have been
taken earlier. The nation was groaning under the weight
of this impost. Many have lost their calling by
reason of it. It has caused much suffering to many a
woman. The decision has not yet been reduced to
practice. It is to be hoped that it will soon be.

I have submitted through the Press my experiences
about the hardships of third class railway travellers.
They are, indeed, intolerable. The people of India are
docile, they have received training in silent suffering.
Thousands, therefore, put up with the hardships and
they remain unredressed. There is merit in such suffer-
ing But it must have its limits. Submission out of
weakness is unmanliness, That we tamely put up With
the hardships of railway travelling is probably proof of
our umnanliness. These hardships are twofold. They are
due to the remissness of railway administration as also
that of the travelling-public The remedies are also,
therefore, twofold. Where the railway administration is
to blame, complaints should be addressed to it, even in
Gujarati. The matter should be ventilated in the press.
Where the public are to blame, the knowing travellers

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 391

should enlighten ^their ignorant companions, as to their
carelessness and dirty habits. Volunteers are required
for this purpose. Every one can do his share, according
to his ability, and the leading men might, in order to
appreciate the difficulties of third class travelling, re-
sort to it from time to time, without making themselves
known, and bring their experiences to the notice of the
administration. If these rem edies are adopted, we should,
in a short time see great changes.

An inter-departmental committee recently sat in
London to consider certain measures about the supply of
indentured labour to Fiji and the other sister islands.
The Report of^that committee has been published and
the Government of India have invited the opinion of the
public upon it. I need not dwell at length upon the
matter as I have f submitted my views already through
the press. I 'have given it as my opinion that the re-
commendations of the committee, if adopted, will result
in a kind of indenture. We can therefore only come to
one conclusion, We can have no desire tor see* our
labouring classes emigrating under bondage in any
shape or form. There is no need for such emigration.
The law of indenture should be totally abolished.
It is*no part of our duty *to provide facilities for the
Colonies.

I now reach the concluding topic. There are two
methods of attaining desired end : Truthful and
Truthless. In our scriptures they have been described
respectively as divine and devilish. In the path of
Satyagraha there is i always ^unflinching adherence to
Truth, It is never to be forsaken on any account, not
«ven for the sake of one's country. The final triumph of
Truth is always assumed 'for the divine method. Its

39'2 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

votary does not abandon it, even though at times the
path seems impenetrable and beset with difficulties and
dangers, and a departure however slight from that
straight path may appear full of promise. His faith
even then shines resplendent like the midday sun and
he does not despond. With truth for sword, he needs
neither steel nor gunpowder. He conquers the enemy
by the force of the soul, which is Love. Its test is not
to be found among friends. There is neither newness,
nor merit nor yet effort in a friend loving a friend. It
is tested truly when it is bestowed on the so-called
enemy ; it then becomes a virtue, there is effort in it, it
is an act of manliness and real bravery. We can adopt
this method towards the Government and doing so, we
should be in a position to appreciate their beneficial
activities and with greater ease correct their errors be-
cause we should draw attention to them not in anger
but in Love. Love does not act through fear There
can, therefore, be no weakness in its expression, A coward
is incapable of exhibiting Love, it is the prerogative of
the brave. Following this method we shall not look upon
all Governmental activity with suspicion, we shall not
ascribe bad motives to them. And our examination of
their actions, being directed by Love, will be unerring
and is bound, therefore, to carry conviction with them.

Love has its struggles. In the intoxication of power,
man often fails to detect his mistakes. When that
happens a Passive Resister does not sit still. He
suffers. He disobeys the ruler's laws and orders m a
civil manner, and willingly incurs hardships caused by
such disobedience, [0»g., imprisonment and gallows.]
Thus is the soul disciplined. Here there is no waste of
energy, and any untoward results of such respectful

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 39J

disobedience are suffered merely by him and his com-
panions. A Passive Resister is not at sixes and seven*
with those in power tout the latter willingly yield to
him. They know that they cannot effectively exercise force
against the Passive Resister. Without his concurrence
they cannot make him do their will. And this is the full
fruition of Swaraj, because in it is complete indepen-
dence. It need not be taken for granted, that such
decorous resistance is possible only in respect of civi-
lised rulers. Even a heart of flint will melt in front of
a fire kindled b-y the power of the soul. Even a Nero
becomes a lamb when he faces Love. This is no exag-
geration. It is as true as an algebraical equation. This
Satyagraha is India's special weapon. It has had others
but Satyagraha has commanded greater attention. It is
omnipresent, and is capable of being used at all times
and under all circumstances. It docs not require a
Congress license, He who knows its power cannot help
using it. Even as the eye-lashes automatically protect
the eyes, so doss Satyagraha when kindled automatical-
ly protect the freedom of the Soul.

But truthlessness has opposite attributes. The
terrible war going on in Europe is a case in point.
Why should a nation's cause be considered right and
another's wrong because it overpowers the latter by
sheer brute force ? The strong are often seen preying
upon the weak. The wrongness of the latter's cause is
not to be inferred from their defeat in a trial of brute
strength, nor is the Tightness of the strong to be inferred
from their success in such a trial. The wielder of brute
force does not scruple about the means to be used.
He does not question the propriety of means, if he
can somehow achieve his purpose. This is not

394 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

Dharma, it is Adharma; In Dharma, there cannot be
a particle of untruth, cruelty or the taking of life. The
measure of Dharma is the measure of love, kindness,
truth. Heaven itself is no acceptable exchange for
them. Swaraj itself is useless at the sacrifice of Truth.
Sacrifice of Truth is the foundation of a nation's destruc-
tion. The believer in brute force becomes impatient
and desires the death of the so-called enemy. There
can be but one result of such an activity. Hatred
increases. The defeated party vows vengeance, and
simply bides his time. Thus does the spirit of revenge
descend from father to son, It is much to be wished
that India may not give predominance to the worship
of brute force. If the members of this assembly will
deliberately accept Satyagraha, in laying down its own
programme, they will reach their goal all the easier for
it. They may have to face disappointment in the initial
stages. They may not see results for a time. But
Satyagraha will triumph in the end. The brute-force-
man like the oilman's ox moves in a circle. It is a
motion, but it is not progress. Whereas the votary of
Truth force ever moves forward.

A superficial critic reading the foregoing is likely
to conclude that the views herein expressed are mutual-
ly destructive. On the one hand I appeal to the Govern-
ment to give military training to the people*, On the
other I put Satyagraha on the pedestal. Surely there
can be no room for the use of arms in Satyagraha, nor is
there any. But military training is intended for those
who do not believe in Satyagraha. That the whole of
India will ever accept Satyagraha is beyond my imagin-
ation. Not to defend the weak is an entirely effeminate
idea, everywhere to be rejected. In order to protect our

GUJARAT POLITICAL CONFERENCE 395

innocent sister from the brutal designs of a man we ought
to offer ourselves a willing sacrifice and by the force of
Love conquer the brute in the man. But if we have not
attained that power, we would certainly use up all our
bodily strength in order to frustrate those designs. The
votaries of soul-force and brute-force are both soldiers.
The latter, bereft of his arms, acknowledges defeat, the
former does not know what defeat is. He does not de-
pend upon the perishable body and its weapons, but he
derives his strength from the unconquerable and im-
mortal soul. The thing outside the two is not a man,
for he does not recognise the Dweller within him. If
he did, he would not take fright and run away from
danger. Like a miser trying to save his flesh, he
loses all, he does not know how to die. But the
armoured soldier always has death by him as a com-
panion. There is hope of his becoming a Passive
Resister, and one has a right to hope that India,
the holy land of the gods, will ever give the predomi-
nant place to the divine force, rather than to the
brute force. Might is right, is a formula which, let us
hope, will never find acceptance in India. Her formula
is, Truth alone conquers.

Upon reflection, we find that we can employ Satya-
graha even for social reform. We can rid ourselves of
many defects in our social institutions. We can settle
the Hindu-Mohammedan problem, and we can deal with
political questions, It is well that for the sake of facili-
tating progress we divide our activities according to the
subjects handled. But it should never be forgotten that
all are inter-related. It is not true to say that neither
religion nor social reform has anything to do with poli-
tics. The result obtained by bringing religion into play

396 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

in the consideration of political subjects will be different
from that obtained without it. The Hindus can ill afford
to neglect 56 lakhs of ignorant Sadhus in considering*
political matters. Our Mussalman brethren cannot lose
sight of their Fakeers. In advancing political progress
the condition of our widows and child marriages must
have their proper place, and the purdah must tax
Mussalman wit. Nor can we, Hindus and Muhammedans,
in considering politics, shut our eyes to scores of
questions that arise between us.

Indeed our difficulties are like the Himalayas. But
we have equally powerful means at our disposal for
removing them. We are children of an ancient nation.
We have witnessed the burial of civilizations, those of
Rome, Greece, and Egypt. Our cvilization abides even
as the ocean in spite of its ebbs and flows. We have
all we need to keep ourselves independent. We have
the mountains that kiss the sky, we have the mighty
rivers. We have the matchless beauties of nature
and we have handed down to us a heritage of deeds
of valour. This country is the treasure-house of
tapasya. In this country alone do people be-
longing to different religions live together in amity.
In this country alone do all the gods receive
their due measure of worship, We shall disgrace our
heritage, and our connection with the British nation
will be vain if in spite of such splendid equipment, by
some unique effort, we do not conquer our conquerors*
The English nation is full of adventure, the religious
spirit guides it, it has unquenchable faith in itself, it is
a nation of great soldiers, it treasures its independence,
but it has given the place of honour to its commerical
instinct, it has not always narrowly examined the

ADDRESS TO SOCIAL SERVICE CONFERENCE 397

means adopted for seeking wealth. It worships modern
civilisation. The ancient ideals have lost their hold
upon it. If therefore, instead of imitating that nation,
we do not forget our past, we have real regard
for our civilisation, we have firm faith in its supremacy,
we shall be able to make a proper use of our connection
with the British nation, and make it* beneficial to
ourselves, to them and to the whole world. I pray
to the Almighty that this assembly taking its full share
of this great work may shed lustre upon itself, upon
Gujarat, and upon the whole of Bharatavarsha.

ADDRESS TO SOCIAL SERVICE
CONFERENCE

Mr. Gandhi delivered the following address as
President of the First All-India Social Service Con-
ference held at Calcutta on December 27, 1917.

Friends, I thank you for the honour you have con-
ferred upon me. I was totally unprepared for the in-
vitation to preside over the deliberations of this
assembly. I do not know that I am fitted for the task.
Having fixed views about the use of Hindi at national
gatherings, I am always disinclined to speak in English.
And I felt that the time was not ripe for me to ask to be
allowed to deliver the Presidential Speech in Hindi.
Moreover I have not much faith in conferences. Social
Service to be effective has to be rendered without noise.
It is best performed when 'the left hand knoweth not
what the right is doing. Sir Gibbie's work told because
nobody knew it. He could not be spoiled by praise or
held back by blame. Would that our service were of
this nature. Holding such views it was not without

398 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

considerable hesitation and misgivings that I obeyed the
summons of the Reception Committee. You will, there-
fore, pardon me if you find in me a candid critic rather
than an enthusiast carrying the conference to its goal
with confidence and assurance.

It seems to me then that I cannot do better than
draw attention to some branches of Social Service
which we have hitherto more or less ignored.

The greatest service we can render society is to free
ourselves and it from the superstitious regard we have
learnt to pay to the learning of the English language. It
is the medium of instruction in our schools and colleges.
It is becoming the lingua franca of the country. Our
best thoughts are expressed in it. Lord Chelmsford
hopes that it will soon take the place of the mother
tongue in high families. This belief in the necessity
of English training has enslaved us. It has unfitted us
for true national service. Were it not for force of habit,
we could not fail to see that, by reason of English being
*he medium of instruction, our intellect has .been
segregated, we have been isolated from the masses,
the best mind of the nation has become gagged and the
masses have not received the benefit of the new ideas
we have received. We have been engaged these past
sixty years in memorising strange words and their
pronunciation instead of assimilating facts. In the place
of building upon the foundation, the training received
from our parents, we have almost unlearnt it. There
is no parallel to this in History. It is a national
tragedy. The first and the greatest Social Service we
can render is to revert to our vernaculars, to restore
Hindi to its natural place as the National Language
and begin carrying on all our provincial proceedings

ADDRESS TO SOCIAL SERVICE CONFERENCE 399

in our respective vernaculars and national proceedings
in Hindi, We ought not to rest till our schools
and colleges give us instruction through the verna-
culars. It ought not to be necessary even for the
sake of our English friends to have to speak in English.
Every English Civil and Military Officer has to know
Hindi. Most English merchants learn it because they
need it for their business. The day must soon come
when our legislatures will debate national affairs in the
vernaculars or Hindi as the case may be. Hitherto the
masses have been strangers to their proceedings, The
vernacular papers have tried to undo the mischief a little.
But the task was beyond them. The Patrika reserves its
biting sarcasm, the Bengalee its learning for ears tuned
to English. In this ancient land of cultured thinkers
the presence in our midst of a Tagore or a Bose or a
Ray ought not to excite wonder. Yet the painful fact
is that there are so few of them. You will forgive me
if I have carried too long on a subject which, in your
opinion, may hardly be treated as an item of Social
Service. I have however taken the liberty of mention-
ing the matter prominently as it is my conviction that
all national activity suffers materially owing to this
radical defect in our system of education.

Coming to more familiar items of Social Service,
the list is appalling. I shall select only those of which
I have any knowledge.

Work in times of sporadic distress such as famine
and floods is no doubt necessary and most praiseworthy.
But it produces no permanent results. There are fields
of Social Service in which there may be no renown but
which may yield lasting results.

In 1914 cholera, fevers and plague together claimed

400 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

4,649,663 victims. If so many had died fighting
on the battlefield during the war that is at present
devastating Europe, we would have covered ourselves
with glory and lovers of Swaraj would need no
further argument in support of their cause. As it is,
4,639,663 have died a lingering death unmourned
and their dying has brought us nothing but discredit.
A distinguished Englishman said the other day that
Englishmen did all the thinking for us whilst we sat
supine. He added that most Englishmen basing their
opinions on their English experience presented im-
possible or costly remedies for the evils they investi-
gated. There is much truth in the above statement.
In other countries reformers have successfully grappled
with epidemics. Here Englishmen have tried and fail-
ed. They have thought along western lines ignoring
the vast differences, climatic and other, between
Europe and India. Our doctors and physicians have
practically done nothing. I am sure that half-a-dozen
medical men of the front rank dedicating their lives to
the work of eradicating the triple curse would succeed
where Englishmen have failed. I venture to suggest
that the way lies not through finding out cures but
through finding or rather applying preventive methods,
I prefer to use the participle ' applying ' for I have it
on the aforementioned authority that to drive out
plague (and I add cholera and malaria) is absurdly
simple. There is no conflict of opinion as to the pre-
ventive methods. We simply do not apply them.
We have made up our minds that the masses will not
adopt them. There could be no greater calumny uttered
against them. If we would but stoop to conquer,
they can be easily conquered. The truth is -that we

,ADDRESS TO SOCIAL SERVICE CONFERENCE 401

-expect the Government to do the work. In my opinion,
in this matter, the Government cann'ot lead ; they can
follow and help il we could lead. Here, then, there
is work enough for our doctors and an army of workers
to help them. I note that you in Bengal are work-
ing somewhat in this direction. I may state that a
small but earnest band of volunteers are at the
present moment engaged in doing such work in Cham-
paran. They are posted in different villages. There
they teach the village children, they give medical aid
to the sick and they give practical lessons in hygiene to
the village folk by cleaning their wells and roads and
showing them how to treat human excreta. Nothing can
yet be predicted as to results as the experiment is in its
infancy. This Conference may usefully appoint a com-
mittee of doctors who would study rural conditions on the
spot and draw up a course of instructions for the
guidance of workers and of the people at large.

Nothing perhaps affords such splendid facility to
every worker, wholetime or otherwise, for effective
service as the relief of agony through which the 3rd
class railway passengers are passing. I feel keenly about
this grievance not because I am in it but I have gone to
it as I have felt keenly about -it, This matter affects
millions of our poor and middle class countrymen. This
helpless toleration of every i nconvenience and insult is
visibly deteriorating the nation even as the cruel treat-
ment to which we have subjected the so called depressed
classes has made them indifferent to the laws of personal
cleanliness and the very idea of self-respect. What
else but downright degradation can await those who
have to make a scramble always like mad animals for
seats in a miserable comDarf-menh who hav* to swear

402 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

and curse before they can speak through the window in
order to get standing room, who have to wallow in
dirt during their journey, who are served their food
like dogs and eat it like them, who have ever to bend
before those who are physically stronger than they and
who being packed like sardines in compartments have
to get such sleep as they can in a sitting posture for
nights together. Railway servants swear at them, cheat
them. On the Howrali-Lahore service our friends from
Kabul fill to the brim the cup of the misery of the
third class travellers. They become lords of the
compartments they enter. It is not possible for any
one to resist them. They swear at you on the slightest
pretext, exhaust the whole of the obscene vocabulary
of the Hindi language, They do not hesitate to bela-
bour you if you retort or in any way oppose them.
They usurp the best seats and insist on stretching them-
selves full length even in crowded compartment. No
compartment is deemed too crowded for them to enter.
The travellers patiently bear all their awful imperti-
nence out of sheer helplessness They would, if they
could, knock down the man who dared to swear at them
as do these Kabulis. But they are physically no match
for the Kabulis and every Kabuli considers himself
more than a match for any number of travellers from
the plains. This is not right, The effect of this
terrorising on the national character cannot but be
debasing. We the educated few ought to deliver the
travelling public from this scourge or for ever
renounce our claim to speak on its behalf or to guide
it. I believe the Kabulis to be amenable to reason.
They are a God-fearing people. If you know their lan-
guage, you can successfully appeal to their good sense..

ADDRESS TO SOCIAL SERVICE CONFERENCE 403

But they are spoilt children of nature. Cowards among
us have used their undoubted physical strength for our
nefarious purposes. And they have now come to think
that they can treat poor people as they choose and con-
sider themselves above the law of the land. Here is
work enough for Social Service. Volunteers for this
class of work can board trams and educate the people to
a sense of their duty, call in guards and other officials
in order to remove over-crowding, see that passengers
leave and board trains without a scramble. It is clear
that until the Kabulis can be patiently taught to be-
have themselves, they ought to have a compartment
all to themselves and they ought not to be permitted to
enter any other compartment. With the exception of
providing additional plant, every one of the other evils
attendant on railway travelling ought to be immediately
redressed. It is no answer that we have suffered -the
wrong so long. Prescriptive rights cannot accrue to
wrongs.

No less important is the problem of the depressed
classes. To lift them from the position to which Hindu
society has reduced them is to remove a big blot on
Hinduism. The present treatment of these classes is a
sin against religion and humanity.

But the work requires service of the highest order.
We shall make little headway by merely thowing
schools at them. We must change the attitude of the
masses and orthodoxy. I have already shown that we
have cut ourselves adrift from both. We do not react
on them. We can do so only if we speak to them in
their own language, An anglicised India cannot speak
to them with effect. If we believe in Hinduism we
must approach them in the Hindu fashion. We must

404 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

do tapasya and keep our Hinduism undefiled. Pure
and enlightened orthodoxy must be matched against
superstitious and ignorant orthodoxy. To restore to
their proper status a fifth of our total population is a
task worthy of any Social Service organisation.

The bustees of Calcutta and the chawls of Bombay
badly demand the devoted services of hundreds of
social workers. They send our infants to an early
grave and promote vice, degradation and filth.

Apart from the fundamental evil arising out of our
defective system of education I have hitherto dealt
with evils calling for service among the masses. The
classes perhaps demand no less attention than the
masses. It is my opinion that all evils like diseases
are symptoms of the same evil or disease. They appear
various by being refracted through different media.
The root evil is loss of true spirituality brought
about through causes, I cannot examine, from this
platform. We have lost the robust faith of our fore-
fathers in the absolute efficacy of Satya (truth) Ahimsa
(love) and Brahmacharya (Self-restraint.) We certainly
believe in them to an extent. They are the best policy
but we may deviate from them if our untrained reason,
suggests deviation. We have not faith enough to feel
that though the present outlook seems black, if we
follow the dictates of truth or love or exercise self-
restraint, the ultimate result must be sound. Men
whose spiritual vision has become blurred mostly look
to the present rather than conserve the future good,
He will render the greatest social service who will re-
instate us in our ancient spirituality. But bumble men
that we are, it is enough for us if \ve recognise the loss
and by such ways as are open to us prepare the way

ADDRESS TO SOCIAL SERVICE CONFERENCE 40$

for the man who will infect us with his power and
enable us to feel clearly through the heart, things we
are to-day unable to perceive through our reason.

Looking then at the classes I find that our Rajahs
and Maharajahs squander their resources after so called
useless sport and drink. I was told the other day that
the cocaine habit was sapping the nation's manhood
and that like the drink habit it was on the increase and
in its effect more deadly than drink. It is impossible
for a social worker to blind himself to the evil. We
dare not ape the W^est. We are a nation that has lost
its prestige and its self-respect. Whilst a tenth of our
population is living on the verge of starvation, we have
no time for indulging ourselves. What the West may
do with impunity is like in our case to prove omr ruin.
The evils that are corroding the higher strata of society
are difficult for an ordinary worker to tackle. They
have acquired a certain degree of respectability. But
they ought not to be beyond the reach of this Con-
ference.

Equally important is the question of the status oi
women both Hindu and Mahomedan- Are they or are
they not to play their full part in the plain of regenera-
tion alongside of their husimnd ? They must be enfran-
chised. They can no longer be treated either as dolls
or slaves without the social body remaining in a condi-
tion of social paralysis. And here again I would venture
to suggest to the reformer that the way to women's
freedom is not througri education but through the
change of attitude on the part of men and corresponding
action. Education is necessary but it must follow the
freedom. We dare not wait for literary education to
restore our womanhood to its proper state. Even without

406 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

literary education our women are as cultured as any on
the face of the earth. The remedy largely lies in the
hands of husbands.

It makes my blood boil as I wander through the
country and watch lifeless and fleshless oxen with their
ribs sticking through their skins, carrying loads or
ploughing our fields. To improve the breed of our cattle,
to rescue them from the cruelty practised on them by
their cow-worshipping masters and to isave them from
the slaughter house is to solve half the problem of our

poverty We have to educate the people to a

humane use of their cattle and plead with the Govern-
ment to conserve the pasture land of the country.
Protection of the cow is an economic necessity. It
can not be brought about by force. It can only
be achieved by an appeal to the finer feelings of
our English friends and our Mahomedan countrymen t6
save the cow from the slaughter-house. This question
involves the overhauling of the management of our
Pmjrapoles and cow -protection societies. A proper
solution of this very difficult problem means establish-
ment of perfect concord between Hindus and Maho-
medans and an end of Bakr-id riots.

I have glanced at the literature kindly furnished at
my request by the several Leagues who are rendering
admirable Social Service. I note that some have inclu-
ded in their programme many of the items mentioned
by me, All the Leagues are non-sectarian and they have
as their members the most* distinguished men and
women in the land. The possibilities for services of a
far reaching character are therefore great. But if the
work is to leave its impress on the nation, we must have
workers who are prepared, in Mr. Gokhale's words, —

THE PROTECTION OF THE COW 407

-to dedicate their lives to the cause. Give me such
workers and I promise they will rid the land of all the
evils that afflict it.

THE PROTECTION OF THE COW.

Mr, Gandhi published the following reply in the
''Statesman*' of January 19, 1918 to Mr. Irwin's attack
on Mr. and Mrs. Gandhi in the columns of the same
journal : —

Mr. Irwin's latest letter published in your issue
of the 12th instant compels me to court the hospitality
of your columns. So long as your correspondent con
fined himself to matters directly affecting himself, his
misrepresentations did not much matter, as the real
facts were as much within the knowledge of the
Government and those w ho are concerned with the
agrarian question in Champaran, as within mine. But
in the letter under notice, he has travelled outside his
jurisdiction as it were, and unchivalrously attacked one
of the most innocent women walking on the face of
the earth (and this I say although she happens to be
my wife) and has unpardonably referred to a question
of the greatest moment, I mean, the cow-protection
question, without taking the precaution as behoves a
gentleman of ascertaining facts at first hand.

My address to the Gau-rakshini Sabha he could
have easily obtained upon application to me. This at
least was due to me as between man and man. Your
correspondent accuses me of ' making a united attack
on saheb log (their landlords) who slaughter and eat
cows daily.' This pre-supposes that I was addressing
a comparatively microscopic audience of the planters'

408 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

riyats. The fact is that the audience was composed
chiefly of the non-raiyat class. But I had in mind a
much bigger atadience, and not merely the few thousand
hearers before me. I spoke under a full sense of my
responsibility. The question of cow-protection is, in
my opinion, as large as the Empire to which Mr. Irwin
and I belong. I know that he is the proud father of a
young lad of 24, who has received by his gallantry the
unique honour of a Colonelcy at his age. Mr, Irwin
can, if he will, obtain a greater honour for himself by
studying the cow question and taking his full share in
its solution. He will, I promise, be tken much better
occupied, than when is dashing off his misrepresenta-
tions to be published in the press, and most unneces-
sarily preparing to bring 2,200 cases against his tenants
for the sake of deriving the questionable pleasure of
deeming me responsible for those cases.

I said at the meeting that the Hindus had no war-
rant for resenting the slaughter of cows by their Maho-
medan brethren who kill them from religious conviction,
so long as they themselves were a party to the killing
by inches of thousands of cattle who were horribly ill-
treated by their Hindu owners, to the drinking of milk
drawn from coivs in the inhuman dairies of Calcutta,
and so long as they calmly contemplated the slaughter
of thousands of cattle in the slaughter houses of India
for providing beef for the European or Christian resi-
dents of India. I suggested that the first step towards
procuring full protection for cows was to put their own
house m order by securing absolute immunity from ill-
treatment of their cattle by Hindus themselves, and
then to appeal to the Europeans to abstain from beef-
eating whilst resident in India, or ftt least to procure

THE PROTECTION OF THE COW 409"

beef from outside India. I added that in no case could
the cow protection propaganda, if it was to be based
upon religious conviction, tolerate a sacrifice of Maho-
medans for the sake of saving cows, that the religious
method of securing protection from Christians and Maho-
medans alike was for Hindus to offer themselves a wil-
ling sacrifice of sufficient magnitude to draw out the
merciful nature of Christians and Mahomedans. Right-
ly or wrongly worship of the cow is ingrained in the
Hindu nature and I see no escape from a most bigotted
and sanguinary strife over this question between
Christians and Mahomedans on the one hand and
Hindus on the other except in the fullest recognition and
practice by the Hindus of the religion of ahimsa,
which it is my self-imposed and humble mission in life
to preach. Let the truth be faced. It must not be
supposed that Hindus feel nothing about the cow-
slaughter going on for the European. I know that their
wrath is to-day being buried under the awe inspired by
the English rule. But there is not a Hindu throughout
the length and breadth of India who does not expect
one day to free his land from cow-slaughter. But
contrary to the genius of Hinduism as I know it, he
would not mind forcing even at the point of the sword
either the Christian or the Mahomedan to abandon cow-
slaughter. I wish to play my humble part in prevent-
ing such a catastrophe and I thank Mr. Irwin for having
provided me with an opportunity of inviting him and
your readers to help me in my onerous mission. The-
mission may fail to prevent cow-slaughter. But there
is no reason why by patient plodding and consistent
practice it should not succeed in showing the folly, the
stupidity and the inhumanity of committing the crime of

410 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

killing a fellow human being for the sake of saving a
fellow animal.

So much on behalf of the innocent cow. A word
only for my innocent wife who will never even know the
wrong your correspondent has done her. If Mr. Irwm
would enjoy the honour of being introduced to her he
will soon find out that Mrs. Gandhi is a simple woman
almost unlettered, who knows nothing of the two bazaars
mentioned by him, even as I knew nothing of them until
very recently and sometime after the establishment of
the rival bazaar referred to by Mr, Irwin. He will
then further assure himself that Mrs. Gandhi has had
no hand in its establishment and is totally incapable of
managing such a bazaar. Lastly he will at once learn
that Mrs. Gandhi's time is occupied in cooking for and
serving the teachers conducting the school established
in the dehat in question, in distributing medical relief
and in moving amongst the women of the dehat with a
view to giving them an idea of simple hygiene. Mrs.
Gandhi, I may add, has not learnt the art of making
speeches or addressing letters to the press.

As to the rest of the letter, the less said the better.
It is so full of palpable mis-representations that it is
difficult to deal with them with sufficient self-restraint. I
can only say that I am trying to the best of my ability
to fulfil the obligation, I hold myself under, of promo-
ting good- will between planter s and the raiyats, and if I
fail it would not be due to want of efforts on my part,
but it would be largely, if not entirely, due to the
mischievous propaganda Mr. Irwin is carrying on openly
and some others sub rosa in Champaran in order to
nullify the effect of the report published by the
Agrarian Committee, which was brought into being not

ON WOMANHOOD 411

as Mr. Irwin falsely suggests at my request but by the
agitation carried on, as your files would demonstrate, by
Mr. Irwin and his friends of the Anglo-Indian
Association. If he is wise, he will abide by his written
word, voluntarily and after full discussion and delibera-
tion, given by him at Ranchi.

ON WOMANHOOD

The annual gathering of the Bombay Ethagini
Samaj was held on Wednesday , February 20, 1918, at
the Morarji Gokuldas Hall^ under the presidency of Mr*
M. K. Gandhi. The annual report of the Samaj having
been read by the General Secretary, the President
distributed prizes to the pupils of the female classes,
and delivered a very informing address on the education
of-woment in the course of which he said :—

It is necessary to understand what we mean when
we talk of the regeneration of women. It presupposes
degeneration and if that is so we should further consider
what led to it and how. It is our primary duty to have
some very hard thinking on these points. In travelling
all over India, I have come to realize that all the
existing agitation is confined to an infinitesimal section
of our people who are really a mere speck in the vast
firmament. Crores of people of both the sexes live in
absolute ignorance of this agitation, Full eighty-five
per cent of the people of this country pass their
innocent days in a state of total detachment from what
is going on around them. These men and women
ignorant as they are do their <kbit" in life well and
properly. Both have the same education or rather the

412 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

absence of education. Both are helping each other as
they ought to do. If their lives are in any sense incom-
plete, the cause can be traced to the incompleteness of
the lives of the remaining fifteen per cent. If my
sisters of the Bhagini Samaj will make a close study of
the lives of these 85 per cent of our people, it will
provide them ample material for an excellent pro-
gramme of work for the Samaj.

MAN MADE SOCIAL LAWS.

In the obsevations that I am going to make, I will
confine myself to the 15 per cent, abovementioned and
even then it would be out of place to discuss the disabili-
ties that are common both to men and women. The
point for us to consider is the regeneration of our women
relatively to our men. Legislation has been mostly the-
handi-work of men ; and man has not always been
fair and discriminate in performing that self-appointed
task. The largest part of our effect in promoting the
regeneration of women should be directed towards
removing those blemishes which are represented in
our Shastras as the necessary and ingrained charac-
teristic of women. Who will attempt this and how f
In my humble opinion in order to make the attempt,
we will have to produce women pure, firm and self-
controlled as Sita, Damayanti and Draupadi. If we
do produce them such modern sisters will receive the
same homage from Hindu society as is being paid to
their prototypes of yore. Their words will have the
same authority as the Shastras. We will feal ashamed
of the stray reflections on them in our Smritis and will
soon forget them. Such revolutions have occurred in
Hinduism in the past and will still take place in the
future, leading to the stability of our faith. I pra'y to

ON WOMANHOOD 413

God that this Association might soon produce such
women as I have described above.

PLACE OF LITERARY EDUCATION
We have now discussed the root cause of the
degeneration of our women and have considered the
ideals by the realization of which the present conditions
of our women can be improved. The number of women
who can realize those ideals will be necessarily very
few and therefore, we will now consider what ordinary
women can accomplish if they would try. Their first
attempt should be directed towards awakening in the
minds of as many women as pcssible a proper sence
of their present condition. I am not among those
who believe that such an effort can be made through
literary education only, To work on that basis would
be to postpone indefinitely the accomplishment of
our aims ; I have experienced at every step that
it is not at all necessary to wait so long. We can bring
home to our women the sad realities of their present con-
dition without in the first instance giving them any
literary education. Woman is the companion of man
gifted with equal mental capacities. She has the right
to participate in very minutest detail in the activities of
man and she has an equal right of freedom and liberty
with him. She is entitled to a supreme place in her
own sphere of activity as man is in his. This ought to
be the natural condition of thing and not as a result only
of learning to read and write. By sheer force of a
vicious custom even the most ignorant and worthless
anen have been enjoying a superiority over women
which they do not deserve and ought not to have. Many
of our movements stop halfway because of the condition
of our women, Much of our work does not yield

414 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

appropriate results ; our lot is like that of the penny
wise and pound foolish trader who does not employ
enough capital in his business.

FAULTY SYSTEM OF EDUCATION.

But although much good and useful work can be
done without a knowledge of reading and writing yet it
is my firm belief that you cannot always do without a
knowledge thereof. It develops and sharpens one's
intellect and it stimulates our power of doing good. I
have never placed an unnecessarily high value on the
knowledge of reading and writing. I am only attempting
to assign its proper place to it. I have pointed out frbm
time to time that there is no justification for men to
deprive women or to deny to them equal rights on the
ground of their illiteracy : but education is essential
for enabling women to uphold these natural rights, to
improve them and to spread them ; again the true
knowledge of self is unattainable by the millions who
are without such education. Many a book is full of
innocent pleasure and this will be denied to us without
education. It is no exaggeration to say that a human
being without education is not far removed from an
animal. Education, therefore, is necessary for women
as it is for men. Not that the methods of education
should be identical in both cases. In the first place
our state system of education is full of error and product-
ive of harm in many respects. It should be esjhewed
by men and women alike. Even if it were free from
its present blemishes I would not regard it as proper for
women from all points of view. Man and woman are
of equal rank but they are not identical. They are a
peerless pair being supplementary to one another ; each
helps the other so what without the one the existence

ON WOMANHOOD 415

of the other cannot be conceived, and therefore it
follows as a necessary corollary from these facts that
anything that will impair the status of either of them
will involve the equal ruin of them both. In framing
any scheme of women's education this cardinal truth
must be constantly kept in mind. Man is supreme in
the outward activities of a married pair and therefore it
is in the fitness of things that he should have a greater
knowledge thereof. On the other hand home life is
entirely the sphere of woman and therefore in domestic
affairs, in the upbringing and education of children,
women ought to have more knowledge. Not that
knowledge should be divided into watertight compart-
ments or that some branches of knowledge should be
closed to any one ; but unless courses of instruction
are based on a discriminating appreciation of these
basic principles the fullest life of man and woman cannot
be developed.

IS EDUCATION NECESSARY ?

I should say a word or two as to whether English
education is or is not necessary for our women. I have
come to the conclusion that in the oidinary course of
our lives neither our men nor our women need neces-
sarily have any knowledge of English. True English
is necessary for making a living and for active associa-
tion in our political movements. I do not believe in
women working for a living or undertaking commercial
enterprizes. rlhe few women who may require or
desire to have English education can very easily have
their way by joining the schools for men. To introduce
English education in schools meant for women could
only lead to prolong our helplessness. I have often
read and hearer-people saying that the rich treasures of

416 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

English literature should be opened alike to men and
women, I submit in all humility that there is some
misapprehension in assuming such an attitude. No one
intends to closs these treasures against women while
keeping them open for men. There is none on earth
able to prevent you from studying the literature of the
whole world if you are fond of literary tastes. But when
courses of education have been framed with the needs of
a particular society in view, you cannot supply the re-
quirements of the few who have cultivated a literary
taste. In asking our men and women to spend less time
in the study of English than they are doing now, my ob-
ject is not to deprive them of the pleasure which they
are likely to derive from it, but I hold that the same
pleasure can be obtained at less cost and trouble it we
follow a more natural method. The world is full of
many a gem of priceless beauty ; but then these gems
are not a*ll of English setting. Other languages can
well boast of productions of similar excellence; all
these should be made available for our common people
and that can only be done if our own learned men will
undertake to translate them for us in our own
languages.

UNSPEAKABLE SIN OF CHILD MARRIAGE.

Merely to have outlined a scheme of education as
above is not to have removed the bane of child marri-
age from our society or to have conferred on our women
an equality of rights. Let us now consider the case of
our girls who disappear, so to say, from view, after
marriage. They are not likely to return to our schools.
Conscious of the unspeakable and unthinkable sin of
the child marriage of their daughters, their mothers
cannot think of educating them or of otherwise making

ON WOMANHOOD 417

their dry life a cheerful one. The man who marries a
young girl does not do so out of any altruistic motives
but through sheer lust. Who is to rescue these girls ?
A proper answer to this question will also be a solu-
tion of the woman's problem. The answer is albeit
difficult, but it is only one. There is of course none
to champion her cause but her husband. It is useless to
expect a child-wife to be able to bring round the man
who has married her. The difficult work must, there-
fore, for the present at least be left to man. If I could,
I would take a census of child wives and will find the
friends as well as through moral and polite exhortations
I will attempt, to bring home to them the enormity of
their crime in linking their fortunes with child wives
and will warn them that there is no expiation for that
sin unless and until they have by education made their
wives fit not only to bear children but also to bring them
up properly and unless in the meantime they live a life
of absolute celibacy.

QUIET AND UNOBTR USIVE WORK NEEDED.

Thus, there are many fruitful fields of activity
before the members of the Bhagini Samaj for devoting
their energies to. The field for work is so vast that if
resolute application is brought to bear thereon the
wider movements -for reform may for the present
be left to themselves and great service can be done to
the cause of Home Rule without so much as even a
verbal reference to it. When printing presses were
non-existent and scope for speech-making very limited,
when ona could hardly travel twenty-four miles
in the course of a day instead of a thousand miles
as now, we had only one agency for propagating
our ideals and that was our 'Acts' ; and acts had

418 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

immense potency. We are now rushing to and from
with the velocity of air, delivering speeches, writing
newspaper articles and yet we fall short of our accom-
plishments and the cry of despair fills the air. I, for one,
am of opinion that as in old days our acts will have a
more powerful influence on the public than any number
of speeches and writing. It is my earnest prayer to your
Association that its members should give prominence to
quiet and unobtrusive work in whatever it does,

PLEA FOR HINDI

Mr. Gandhi wrote the following letter to the press
under date. Indore, March 3, 1918 soon after the conci-
sion of the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan • —

At the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan just closing a com-
mittee consisting of the Hon'ble Rai Bahadur Bishen
Dutta Shukla, Rai Bahadur Saryoo Prasad, Babu Shiva-
Pnisad Gupta, Babu Purushottan Das Tandon, Babu
Gauri Shanker Prasad, Pandit Venkatesha Narayan
Tiwari and myself, were appointed as a speial committee
to give effect to certain resolutions of the Sammelan,
One of the instructions given to the committee is to find
out six Tamil and Telugu youths of promise and good'
character who would undertake to learn Hindi with a
view to ultimately becoming missionaries for the pro-
pagation of Hindi among the Tamil and the Telugu
people. It has been proposed to locate them either at
Allahabad or at Benares, and to teach them Hindi,
Expenses of their board and lodging as well as instruc-
tion will be paid for by the committee. It is expected that
the course will not take longer than a year at the

mrvot <zr\f\ oc cnnn QG fhpv V»^V#» atfairuarl a r^rfairi o fo r\ A a vA

PLEA FOR HINDI 419

of knowledge of Hindi they would be entrusted with the
missionary work, that is, the work of teaching Hindi to
the Tamil or the Telugu people as the case may be,
for which they would get a salary to maintain them-
selves suitably, The Committee will guarantee such ser-
vice for at least a period of three years, and will expect
applicants to enter into a contract with the Committee to
render the stipulated service faithfully and well for that
period. The Committee expects that the services of
these youths will be indefinitely prolonged and that they
will be able to serve themselves as well as the country.
The desire of the Committee is to offer liberal payment
and expect in return absolute faithfulness and steadfast-
ness. I trust that you agree with the Sammelan that
Hindi and Hindi alone, whether in Sanskrit form or as
Urdu, can become the language of intercourse between
the different provinces. It is already that amongst
the Muhammadans all over India, as also amongst the
Hindus except in the Madras Presidency. I exclude
the English educated Indians who have made English,
in my humble opinion, much to the detriment of
the country, the language of mutual intercourse. It
we are to realise the Swaraj ideal we must find a
common language that can be easily learnt and that
can be understood by the vast masses. This has always
been Hindi or Urdu and is so even now as I can
say from personal experience. I have faith enough in
the patriotism, selflessness and the sagacity of the
people of the Madras Presidency to know that those
who at all want .to render national service or to come
in touch with the other Provinces, will undergo the
sacrifice, if it is one, of learing Hindi. I suggest that
they should consider it a privilege to be able to learn a

420 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

language that will enable them to enter into the hearts
of millions of their countrymen. The proposal set
forth is a temporary make-shift. An agitation of great
potency must arise in the country that would compel
the educational authorities to introduce Hindi as the
second language in the public schools. But it was
felt by the Sammelan that no time should be lost in
popularising Hindi in the Madras Presidency. Hence
the above-mentioned proposal which, I hope, you will
be able to commend to your readers. I may add that
the Committee proposes to send Hindi teachers to the
Tamil as also to the Andhra districts in order to teach
Hindi free of charge to those who would care to learn
it. I hope that many will take advantage of the pro-
fered tuition. Those youths who wish to apply for the
training above-mentioned should do so under cover
addressed to me care of Hindi Sahitya Sammelan,
Allahabad, before the end of April.

THE AHMEDABAD MILL HANDS

When the mill hands at Ahmed abad uent on
strike Mr. Gandhi was requisitioned to settle the
dispute between the mill owners and the workmen.
Mr. G*ndhi was guiding the labourers to a
successful settlement of their wages when some of
them betrayed a sense of weakness and despair,
and demoralisation was apprehended. At a critical stage
in the crisis Mr. Gandhi and Miss Anasuyabai took the
vow of fast. This extereme action on the part of Mr.
Gandhi was disquieting to friends and provoked some
bitter comments from the unfriendly. In the following
statement issued from Nadiad under date, March 27>

THE AHMEDABAD MILL HANDS 421

1918, Mr. Gandhi explains the circumstances which
necessitated this action ; —

Perhaps I owe an explanation to the public with
regard to my recent fast. Some friends consider the
action to have been silly, others, cowardly and some
bthers stiJl worse. In my opinion I would have been
untrue to my Maker and to the cause I was espbusing
if I had acted otherwise.

When over a month ago I reached Bombay I was
told that Ahmedabad millhands had threatened a strike
and violence if the bonus that was given to them
during the plague was withdrawn. I was asked to
intervene and I consented.

Owing to the plague the men were getting as much
as 70 per cent, bonus since August last An attempt to
recall that bonus had resulted in grave dissatisfaction
among the labourers. When it was almost too late, the
millowners offered in the place of the plague bonus
and for the sake of the high prices a rise of 20 per
cent. The labourers were unsatisfied. The matter
was referred to arbitration, Mr. Chatfield, the Collec-
tor being the Umpire. The men in some mills
however struck work. The owners thinking that they
had done so without just cause withdrew from
the arbitration, and declared a general lockout to be
continued till the labourers were exhausted into accept-
ing the 20 per cent, increase they had offered. Messrs.
Shankerlal Banker, V. J. Patel and I the arbitrators
apponted on behalf of the labourers, thought that they
were to be demoralised if we did not act promptly and
decisively. We, therefore, investigated the question of
increase, we sought the millowners1 assistance. They
would not give it. Their one purpose was to organise

422 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

themselves into a combination that could fight a similar
combination of their employees. One-sided technically
though our investigation was, we endeavoured to exa-
mine the millowners' side, and came to the conclusion
that 35 per cent, increase was fair. Before announcing
the figure to the millhands w> informed the employers
of the result of our inquiry and told them that we would
correct ourselves if they could show any error. The
latter would not co-op3rate. They sent a reply saying
as much, but they pointed out in it that the rate of in-
crease granted by the Government as also the employ-
ers in Bombay was much less than the one contem-
plated'byus. I felt that the addendum was beside
the point, and at a huge meeting ann ounced 35 per cent,
for the millhands1 acceptance, Be it noted that the
plague bonus amounted to 70 per cent, of their wages
and they had declared their intention of accepting not
less than 50 per cent, as high prices increase. They
were now called upon to accept the mean, finding the
mean was quite an accident between the millowners
20 per cent, and their own 50 per cent. After some
grumbling, the meeting accepted the 35 per cent, increase
it always bein,;1 understood, that they would recognise
at the same time the principle of arbitration whenever
the millowners did so. From that time forward, i.e., day
after day thousands of people gathered together under
the shade of a tree outside the city walls, people walking
long distances in many cases and solemnly repeated
their determination m the name of God not to accept
anything less than 35 per cent. No pecuniary assist-
ance was given them. It is easy enough to understand
that many must suffer from the pangs of starvation and
that they could not, while they were without employ-

THE AHMEDABAD MILL HANDS 423

ment, get any credit We, who were helping them,
came, on the other hand to the conclusion that we
would only spoil them if we collected public funds
and utilised them for feeding them unless the able-
bodied amongst them were ready to perform bread-
labour. It was a difficult task to persuade men who
had worked at machines to shoulder baskets of sand or
bricks, They came, but they did so grudgingly. The
millowners hardened their hearts. They were equally
determined not to go beyond 20 per cent, and they
appointed emissaries to persuade the men to give in.
Even during the early part of the lockout, whilst we
had declined to help those who would not work we had
assured them that we would feed and clothe ourselves
after feeding and clothing them. Twenty two days had
passed by ; hunger and the Millowners* emissaries were
producing their effect and Satan was whispering to the
men that there was no such thing as God on earth who
would help them and that vows were dcdges resorted
to by weaklings, One mo rrirg instead of an eager and
enthusiastic crowd of 5 to 10 thou sand men with deter-
mination written on their faces, I met a body of about
2,000 men with despair written on their faces. We had
just heard that millhands living in a particular chow!
had declined to attend the meeting, were preparing to
go to work and accept 20 per cent, increase and were
taunting ns (I think very properly) that it was very
well for us who had motors at our disposal and plenty
of food, to attend their meetings and advise staunch-
ness even unto death. What <was I to do ? I
held the cause to be just. I believe in God as
I believe that I am writing this letter. I believe in the
necessity of the performance of " one's promises " at

424 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

all costs. I knew that the men before us were God-
fearing men, but that the long-drawn out lockout or
strike was putting an undue strain upon them. I had
the knowledge before me that during my extensive
travels in India, hundreds of people were found who as
readily broke their promises as they made them. I
knew, too, that the best of us have but a vague and
indistinct belief in soul-force and in God. I felt that it
was a sacred moment for me, my failh was on the
anvil, and I had no hesitation in rising and declaring to
the men that a breach of their vow so solemnly taken
was unendurable by me and that I would not take any
food until they had the 35 pej: cent, increase given
or until they had fallen. A meeting that was up
to now unlike the former meetings totally unres-
ponsive, worked up as if by magic. Tears trickled down
the cheeks of every one of them and man after man rose
up saying that they would never go to the mills unless
they got the increase, and that they would go about the
city and steel the hearts of those who had not attended
the meeting. It was a privilege to witness the demons-
tration of the efficacy of truth and love. Every one im-
mediately realised that the protecting power of God was
as much with us to-day as it used to be in the days of
yore. I am not sorry for the vow, but with the belief
that I have, I would have been unworthy of the truth
undertaken by me if i had done anything less. Before
I took the vow, I knew that there were serious defects
about it. For me to take such a vow in order to
affect in any shape or form the decision of the
millowners would be a cowardly injustice done
to them, and that I would so prove myself unfit
for the friendship which I had the privilege of

THE AHMEDABAD MILL HANDS 425

enjoying with some of them. I knew that I ran the
risk of being misunderstood. I could not prevent my
fast from affecting my decision. Their knowledge
moreover put a responsibility on me which I was ill
able to bear. From now I disabled myself from gain-
ing concessions for the men which ordinarily in a strug-
gle such as this I would be entirely justified in securing.
I knew, too, that I would have to be satisfied whh the
minimum I could get from the millowners and with a
fulfilment of the letter of the men's vow rather than
its spirit and so hath it happened. I put the defects
of my vow in one scale and the merits of it in the
other. There are hardly any acts of human beings whicji
are free from all taint. Mine, I know, was exceptionally
tainted, but rather the ignominy of having unworthily
compromised by my vow, the position and indepen-
dence of the millowners, than that it should be said by
posterity that 10,000 men had suddenly broken a Vow
which they had for over twenty days solemnly taken
and repeated in the name of God. I am fully convinced
that no body of men can make themselves into a nation
or perform great tasks unless they become as true as
steel and unless their promises come to be regarded by
the world like the law of the Medes and Persians,
inflexible, and unbreakable, and whatever may be the
verdict of friends, so far as I can think at present, on
given occasions, I should not hesitate in future to repea t
the humble performance which I have tpken the liberty
of describing in this communication.

I cannot conclude this letter without mentioning two
names of whom India has every reason to be proud. The
millowners were represented by Mr. Ambalal Sarabhai
who is a gentleman in every sense of tht term. He is a

426 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

man of great culture and equally great abilities, He adds
to these qualities a resolute will. The mi 11 hands were
represented by his sister Anusuyabai. She possesses a
heart of gold. She is full of pity for the poor. The
mill hands adore her. Her word is law with them. I
have not known a struggle fought with so little bitter-
ness and such courtesy on either side. This happy
result is principally due to the connection with it of
Mr. Ambalal Sarabhai and Anusuyabai.

A LETTER TO THE VICEROY

Mr. M. K. Gandhi addressed the followtng letter to
H. J?. the Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, soon after the Delhi
War Conference : —

Sir, as you are aware, after careful consideration, I
felt constrained to convey to Your Excellency that I
could not attend the Conference for reasons stated in the
letter of the 26th irstant (April), but, after the inter-
view, vou were good enough to grant me, I persuaded
myself to join it, if for no other cause than certainly
out of my great regard for yourself. One of my reasons
for abstensjon and perhaps the strongest, was that Lok.
TiJak, Mrs, Besant and the Ah brothers, whom I regard
as among the most powerful leaders of public opinion,
were not invited to the Conference. 1 still feel that it
was a grave blunder not to have asked them, and I
respectfully suggest that that blunder might be possibly
repaired if these leaders were invited to assist the
Government by giving it the benefit of their advice at
the Provincial Conferences, which, I understand, are to
follow. I venture to submit that no Government can
afford to disregard the leaders, who represent the large

A LETTER TO THE VICEROY 427

masses of the people as these do, even though they may
hold views fundamentally different. At the same time
it gives me pleasure to be able to say that the views of
all parties were permitted to be freely expressed at the
Committees of the Conference. For my part, I purposely
refrained from stating my views at the Committee at
which I had the honour of serving, or at the Confer-
ence itself. I felt that I could best serve the objects of
the Conference by simply tendering my support to the
resolutions submitted to it, and this I have done without
any reservation. I hope to translate the spoken word
into action as early as the Government can see its way
to accept my. offer, which I am submitting simultane-
ously herewith in a separate letter.

I recognise that in the hour of its danger we must
give, as we have decided to give ungrudging and un-
equivocal support to the Empire of which we aspire in
the near future to be partners in the same sense as the
Dominions Overseas. But it is the simple truth that
our response is due to the expectation that our goal will
be reached all the more speedily. On that account, even
as performance of duty automati cally confers a corres.
ponding right, people are entitled to believe that the
imminent reforms alluded to in your speech will
embody the mam general principles of the Congress-
League scheme, and I am sure that it is this faith
which has enabled many members of the Confer-
ence to tender to the Government their full-hearted
co-operation. If I could make my countrymen re-
trace their steps, I would make them withdraw
all the Congress resolutions and not whisper
" Home Rule ': or " Responsible Government '* during
the pendency of the War. I would make India offer

428 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

all her able-bodied sons as a sacrifice to the Empire at its
critical moment and I know that India, by this very act,
would become the most favoured partner in the Empire
and racial distinctions would become a thing of the
past. But practically the whole of educated India has
decided to take a less effective course, and it is no longer
possible to say that educated India does not exercise
auy influence on the masses. I have been coming into
most intimate touch with the raiyats ever since my
return from South Africa to India, and I wish to
assure you that the desire for Home-Rule has
widely penetrated them. I was present at the ses-
sions of the last Congress and I was a party to the
resolution that full Responsible Government should
be granted to British India within a period to be fixed
definitely by a Parliamentary Statute. I admit that it
is a bold step to take, but I feel sure that nothing less
th,m a definite vision of Home-Rule to be realised in the
shortest possible time will satisfy the Indian people. I
know that there are many in India who consider no
sacrifice is too great in order to achieve the end, and
they are wakeful enough to realise that they must be
equally prepared to sacrifice themselves for the Empire
in which they hope and desire to reach their final
status. It follows then that we can but accelerate
our journey to the goal by silently and simply
devoting ourselves heart and soul to the work of
delivering the Empire from the threatening danger.
It will be a national suicide not to recognise this
elementary truth. We must perceive that if we
serve to save the Empire, we have in that very act
secured Home Rule

Whilst, therefore, it is clear to me that we should

A LETTER TO THE VICEROY 429

give to the Empire every available man for its defence,
I fear that I cannot say the same thing about the finan-
cial assistance; My intimate intercourse with the
raiyats convinces me that India has already donated to
the Imperial Exchequer beyond her capacity. I know
that, in making this statement, I am voicing the opinion
of the majority of my countrymen.

The Conference means for me, and I believe for
many of us, a definite step in the consecration of our
lives to the common cause, but ours is a peculiar
position. We are to day outside the partnership. Ours
is a consecration based on hope of better future, I
should be untrue to you and to my country if I did not
clearly and unequivocally tell you what that hope is.
I do not bargain for its fulfilment, but you should know
that disappointment of hope means disillusion. There
is one thing I may not omit. You have appealed to us
to sink domestic differences. If appeal involves the
toleration of tyranny and wrong-doings on the part of
officials, I am powerless to respond. I shall resist
organised tyranny to the uttermost, The appeal must
be to the officials that they do not ill-treat a
single soul, and that they consult and respect popular
opinion as never before. In Champaran by resisting
an age-long tyranny, I have shown the ultimate
sovereinty of British justice. In Kaira a population
that was cursing the Government now feels that it,
and not the Government, is the power when it is
prepared to suffer for the truth it represents. It is,
therefore, losing its bitterness and is saying to itself
that the Government must be a Government for people,
for it tolerates orderly and respectful disobedience where
injustice is felt. Thus Champaran aud Kaira affairs

430 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

are my direct, definite ai:d special contribution to the
War. Ask me to suspend my activities in that direc-
tion and you ask me to suspend my life. If I could
popularise the use of soul-force, which is but another
name for love-force in place of brute force, I know
that I could present you with an India that could defy
the whole world to its worst. In season and out of
season, therefore, I shall discipline myself to express in
my life this eternal law of suffering, and present it for
acceptance to those who care, and if i take part in any
other activity, the motive is two show the matchless
superiority of that law.

Lastly, I would like you to ask His Majesty's
Ministers to give definite assurance about Muhammadan
States. I am sure you knew that every Muhammadan
is deeply interested in them. As a Hindu, I cannot be
indifferent to their cause. Their sorrows must be our
sorrows, In the most scrupulous regard for the rights
of those States and tor the Muslim sentiment as to the
places of worship and your just and timely treatment
of Indian claim to Home Rule lies the safety of the
Empire. I write this, because I love the English Nation
and I wish to evoke in every Indian the loyalty of
Englishman.

RECRUITING FOR THE WAR

The following is the translation of Mr. M. K.
Gandhi's address, delivered at a meeting in the District
ofKaira in July 1918.

Sisters and Brothers of Kaira : — You have just
come successful out of a glorious Satyagraha campaign.
You have, during it, given such evidence of fearlessness,

RECRUITING FOR THE WAR 431

tact and other virtues that I venture to advise and
urge yon to undertake a still greater campaign.

You have successfully demonstrated how you can
resist Government with civility, and how you can
retain your own respect without hurting theirs. I now
place before you an opportunity of proving that you
bear no hostility to Government in spite of your
strenuous fight with them.

You are all Home Rulers, some of you are members
of Home Rule Leagues. One meaning of Home rule is
that we should become partners of the Empire. To-day
we are a subject people We do not enjoy all the
rights of Englishmen. We are not to-day partners of
the Empire as are Canada, South Africa and Australia.
We are a dependency. We want the rights of English-
men, and we aspire to as much partners of the Empire
as the Dominions overseas. We wish for the time
when we may aspire to the Viceregal office. To bring
such a state of things, we should have the ability to
defend ourselves, that is the ability to bear arms and to
use them. As long as we have to look to the English-
men for our defence, as long as we are not free from tha
military, so long we cannot be regarded as equal partners
with Englishmen. It, therefore, behoves us to learn
the use of arms and to acquire the ability to defend
ourselves. If we want to learn the use of arms with
the greatest possible despatch, it is our duty to enlist
ourselves in the Army.

There can be no friendship between the brave and
the effeminate. We are regarded as a cowardly people.
If we want to become free from that reproach, we
should learn the use of arms."

Partnership in the Empire is our definite goal.

EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

We should suffer to the utmost of our ability and even
lay down our Jives to defend the Empire, If the
Empire perishes, with it perish our cherished aspira-
tions.

WAYS AND MEANS OF SWARAJ.

The easiest and the straightest way, therefore, to win
Swarajya is to participate in the defence of the Empire.
It is rot within our power to give much money.
Moreover, it is not money that will win the war. Only
an inexhaustible army can do it. That army, India can
supply If the Empire wins mainly with the help of
our army, it is obvious that we would secure the righst
we want.

Some will say that if we do not secure those rights
just i ow, we would be cheated of them afterwards. The
power acquired in defending the Empire will be the
power that can secure those rights. Rights won by
making an opportunity of the Empire's weakness are
likely to be lost when the Empire gains its strength.
We cannot be partners of the Empire by embarrassing
it. Embarrassment in its hoar of crisis will not avail to
secure the rights we needs must win by serving it. To
distrust the statesmen of the Empire is to distrust our
own strength, it is a sign of our own weakness. We
should not depend for our rights on the goodness or the
weakness of the statesmen. We should depend on our
fitness, our strength. Ths Native States are helping
the empire and they are getting their reward. The
rich are rendering full financial assistance to Govern-
ment and they are likewise getting their reward. The
assistance in either case is rendered conditionally. The
sepoys are rendering their services for their salt and for
their livelihood. They get their livelihood, and pzeris

RECRUITING FOR THE WAR 433

and honours in addition. All these classes are a part
of us, but they cannot be regarded as Home rulers, their
goal is not Home Rule. The help they render is not
consecrated to the country.

If we seek to win Swaraj ya in a spirit of hosti-
lity, it is possible for the Imperial statesmen to use
these three forces against us and defeat us. If
we want Swarajya, it is our duty to help the Empire
and we shall, undoubtedly, get the reward of their
help. If our motive is honest, Government will behave
honestly with us. Assuming for a moment that they
will not do so, our honesty should make us confident
of our success. It is not a mark of greatness»to return
goodness for goodness only. Greatness lies in returning
good for evil.

VALID OBJECTIONS.

Government do not give us commissions in the
Army ; they do not repeal the Arms Act ; they do not
open schools for military training. How can we then co-
operate with them ? These are valid objections. In not
granting reforms in these matters, Government are mak-
ing a serious blunder. The English nation has performed
several acts of virtue. For these, God's grace be with it.
But the heinous sin perpetrated by the English adminis-
trators in the name of that nation will undo the effect of
these acts of virtue, if they do not take care betimes. If
the worst happens to India, which may God forbid, and
she passes into the hands of some other nation, India's
piteous cry will make England hang her head in shame
before the world, and curses will descend upon her for
having emasculated a nation of thirty crores. I believe
the statesmen of England have realised this, and they
have taken the warning ; but they are unable to alter
28

434 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

all of a sudden the situation created by themselves.
Every Englishman upon entering India is trained to
despise us, to regard himself as our superior and to
maintain a spirit of isolation from us. They imbibe
these characteristics from their Indian atmosphere.
The finer spirits try to get themselves rid of this
atmosphere and endeavour to do likewise with the rank
and file, but their effort does not bear immediate fruit.
If there were no crisis for the Empire, we should be
fighting against this domineering spirit. But to sit
still at this crisis, waiting for commissions, etc., is like
cutting the nose to spite the face. It may happen per-
chance that we may idle away our time waiting for
commissions till the opportunity to help the Empire
may be gone.

Even if Government desire to obstruct us in
enlisting in the army and rendering other help, by
refusing us commissions, or by delay in giving them, it
is my firm belief that it is incumbent upon us to insist
upon joining the army.

THE NEED FOR MEN.

Government at present want five lakhs of men for
the army. This number they are sure to raise some
way or the other. If we supply this number, we would
cover ourselves with glory, we would be rendering true
service and the reports that we often hear of improper
recruitment will be a thing of the past. It is no small
thing to have the whole work of recruiting in our hands.
If the Government have no trust in us, if their inten-
tions are not pure, they would not raise recruits
through our agency.

The foregoing argument will show that by enlisting
in the army we help the Empire, we qualify ourselves

RECRUITING FOR THE WAR 435

for Swarajya, we learn to defend India and to a certain
extent, regain our lost manhood. I admit it is because
of my faith in the English nation that I can advise as I
am doing. I believe that, though this nation has done
India much harm, to retain connection with that nation
is to our advantage. Their virtues seem to me to out-
weigh their vices. It is miserable to remain in subjec-
tion to that nation. The Englishmen have the great vice
of depriving a subject nation of its self-respect, but
they have also the virtue of treating their equals with
•due respect and of loyalty towards them. We have
seen that they have many times helped those groaning
under the tyranny of others. In partnership with them
we have to give and receive a great many things to
and from each other and our connection with them
based on that relationship is likely to benefit the world.
If such was not my faith and if I thought it desirable
to become absolutely independent of that nation, I
would not only not advise co-operation but would
certainly advise people to rebel and by paying the
penalty of the rebellion, awaken the people. We are
not in a position to-day to stand on our own legs
unaided and alone. I believe that our good lies in
becoming and remaining equal partners of the Empire
and I have seen it throughtout India that all Home
Hulers are of the same belief.

APPEAL TO KAIRA AND GUJARAT.
I expect from Kaira and Gujarat not 500 or 700
recruits but thousands. If Gujarat wants to wipe her-
self free of the reproach of " effeminate Gujarat r>, she
should be prepared to contribute thousands of sepoys.
These must include the educated classes, the Pattidars,
the Dharalas, Vaghris and all, and I hope they will fight

436 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

side by side as comrades. Unless the educated classes or
the * elite ' of the community take the lead, it is idle to
expect the other classes to come forward. I believe
that those from the educated classes are above the
prescribed age, but are able-bodied, may enlist them-
selves. Their services will be utilised, if not for
actual fighting, for many other purposes accessory
thereto, and for treating and nursing the sepoys. I
hope also that those who have grown-up sons will not
hesitate to send them as recruits. To sacrifice sons in
the war ought to be a cause not of pain, but of pleasure
to brave men. Sacrifice of sons at the crisis will be
sacrifice for Swaraj ya.

To you, my sisters, I request that you will not be
startled by this appeal, but will accord it a hearty
welcome. It contains the key to your protection and
your honour.

There are 600 villages in the Kaira District.
Every village has on an average a population of over
1,000. If every village gave at least twenty men the
Kaira District would be able to raise an army of 12,000
men. The population of the whole district is seven
lakhs and this number will then work out at 17 per
cent. — a rate which is lower than the death-rate. If
we are not prepared to make even this sacrifice for the
Empire and Swarajya, it is no wonder if we are regard-
ed as unworthy of it. If every village gives at least
twenty men thsy will return from the war and be
the living bulwarks of their village. If they fall
on the battle-field, they will immortalise themselves,
their villages and their country, and twenty fresh men
will follow suit and offer themselves for national
defence.

THE MONTAGU-CHELMSFORD SCHEME 487

If we mean to do this, we have no time to lose. I
wish the names of the fittest and the strongest in every
village will be selected and sent up. I ask this of you,
brothers and sisters. To explain things to you, and to
clear the many questions that will arise, meetings will
be held in important villages. Volunteers will also be
sent out.

THE MONTAGU-CHELMSFORD SCHEME

On the publication of the " Report on Constitutional
Reforms " by the Rt. Hon. Mr. E. S. Montagu and //, fl.
Lord Ohelmsford, Mr. Gandhi wrote the following letter
(dated, July 18, 1918) to the Hon. (now the Rt. //on, Mr.
V. S. Srinivasa Sastri, who had invited him to give an
expression of his views on the subject for publication in
the " Servant of India:9 Mr. Gandhi wrote : —

After all, our standard of measurement must be the
Congress-League scheme. Crude though it is, I think
that we should with all the vehemence and skill, that
we can command, press for the incorporation into it of
the essentials of our own.

DOCTRINE OF COMPARTMENTS.

I would, therefore, for instance, ask for the
rejection of the doctrine of compartments. I very much
fear that the dual system in the Provinces will
be fatal to the success of the experiment and as
it may be only the success of the experiment that
can take us to the next and I hope the final stage,
we cannot be too insistent that the idea of reservation
should be dropped. One cannot help noticing an
unfortunate suspicion of our intentions regarding the

438 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

purely British as distinguished from the purely Indian
interests. Hence, there is to be seen in the scheme
elaborate reservations on behalf of these interests.
I think that more than anything else it is neces-
sary to have an honest, frank and straightforward under-
standing about these interests and for me personally this
is of much greater importance than any legislative feat
that British talent alone or a combination of British and
Indian talent may be capable of performing. I would
certainly, in as courteous terms as possible, but equally
emphatic say that these interests will be held subservient
to those of India as a whole and that therefore they are
certainly in jeopardy in so far as they may be inconsis-
tent with the general advance of India. Thus, if I had my
way, I would cut down the military expenditure. I would
protect local industries by heavily taxing goods that
compete against products of our industries and I would
reduce to a minimum the British element in our services,
retaining only those that may be needed for our instruc-
tion and guidance. I do not think that they had or have
any claim upon our attention, save by right of conquest.
That claim must clearly go by, the board as soon as we
have awakened to a consciousness of our national exis-
tence and possess the strength to vindicate our right to
the restoration of what we have lost. To their credit
let it be said that they do not themselves advance any
claim by right of conquest. One can readily join in the
tribute of praise bestowed upon the Indian Civil Service
for their proficiency, devotion to duty and great organi-
sing ability. So far as material reward is concerned that
service has been more than handsomely paid and out
gratitude otherwise can be best expressed by assimilating
their virtues ourselves.

THE MONTAGU-CHELMSFORD SCHEME 439

PRESENT TOP-HEAVY ADMINISTRATION.
No scheme of reform can possibly benefit India that
does not recognise that the present administration is
top-heavy and ruinously expensive and for me even lawt
order and good government would be too dearly
purchased if the price to be paid for it is to be the
grinding poverty of the masses. The watchword of our
reform councils will have to be. not the increase of
taxation for the growing needs of a growing country,
but a decrease of financial burdens that are sapping the
foundation itself of organic growth. If this fundamental
fact is recognised, there need be no suspicion of our
motives and I think I am perfectly safe in asserting that
in every other respect British interests will be as secure
in Indian hands as they are in their own.

INDIANS IN CIVIL SERVICE.

It follows from what I have said above that we
must respectfully press for the Congress- League claim
for the immediate granting to Indians of 50 per cent, of
the higher posts in the Civil Service.

THE ROWLATT BILLS & SATYAGRAHA

During the debate on the Rowlatt Bills in the Im-
perial Legislative Council in 1919 Mr. Gandhi toured
round the country organising an effective opposition to
the passing of the Bills. Despairing of the efficacy of
mere Non-official opposition in the Council, Mr, Gandhi
inaugurated what is known as the Satyagraha Movement
as the only legitimate weapon in the hands of the people,
to make their opposition felt . In this connection he pub-
lished several contributions and spoke on many occasions.
An attempt is made in the following pages to record them
in the order of dates.

MANIFESTO TO THE PRESS

[In commending tht Satyagraha Pledge, Mr. M. K.
Gandhi wrote to the Press under date, February 28,
1919 :— ]

The step taken is probably the most momentous in
the history of India. I give my assurance that it has
not been hastily taken. Personally I have passed many
sleepless nights over it. I have endeavoured duly to
appreciate Government's position, but I have been
unable to find any justification for the extraordinary
Bills. I have read the Rowlatt Committee's Report. I
have gone through the narrative with admiration. Its
reading has driven me to conclusions just the opposite
of the Committee's* I should conclude from the report
that secret violence is confined to isolated and very
small parts of India, and to a microscopic body of
people. The existence of such men is truly a danger to

THE ROWLATT BILLS AND SATYAGRAHA 141

society. But the passing of the Bills, designed to affect
the whole of India and its people and arming the Govern-
ment with powers out of all proportion to the situation
sought to be dealt with, is a greater danger. The
Committee ignore the historical fact that the millions in
India are by nature the gentlest on earth.

Now look at the setting of the Bills. Their introduc-
tion is accompanied by certain assurances given by the
Viceroy regarding the Civil Service and the British
commercial interests. Many of us are filled with the
greatest misgivings about the Viceregal utterance. I
frankly confess I do not understand its full scope and
intention. If it means that the Civil Service and the
British commercial interests are to be held superior to
those of India and its political and commercial require-
ments, no Indian can accept the doctrine. It can but end
in a fratricidal struggle within the Empire. Reforms
may or may not come. The need of the moment is a
proper and just understanding upon this vital issue. No
tinkering with it will produce real satisfaction. Let the
great Civil Service Corporation understand that it can
remain in India only as its trustee and servant, not in
name, but in deed, and let the British commercial
houses understand that they can remain in India only
to supplement her requirements, and not to destroy
indigenous art, trade and manufacture, and you have two
measures to replace the Rowlatt Bills.

It will be now easy to see why I consider the Bills
to be an unmistakable symptom of a deep-seated disease
in the governing body. It needs, therefore, to be drastic-
ally treated. Subterranean violence will be the remedy
applied by impetuous, hot-headed youths who will have
grown impatient of the spirit underlying the Bills and the

442 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

circumstances attending their introduction. The Bills
must intensify the hatred and ill-will against the State of
which the deeds of violence are undoubtedly an evidence.
The Indian covenanters, by their determination to under-
go every form of suffering make an irresistible appeal to
the Government, towards which they bear no ill-will,
and provide to the believers in the efficacy of violence,
as a means of securing redress of grievances with an
infallible remedy, and withal a remedy that blesses those
that use it and also those against whom it is used. If
the convenanters know the use of this remedy, I fear no
ill from it, I have no business to doubt their ability
They must ascertain whether the disease is sufficiently
great to justify the strong remedy and whether all
milder ones have been tri-sd They have convinced them-
selves that the disease is serious enough, and that milder
measures have utterly failed. The rest lies in the lap
of the gods.

THE PLEDGE

Being conscientiously of opinion that the Bills kvown
as the Indian Orimivil Law (Amendment) Bill No. 1
of 1919, and the Criminal Law (Emergency Powers) Bill
No. II of 1919, are unjust, subversive of the principle of
liberty and justice, and destructive of the elementary
rights of individuals on which the safety of the com'
munify as a whole aud the State itself is based, we
solemnly affirm that in the event of these Bills becoming
law until they are withdrawn, we shall refuse civilly to
obey these laws and such other laws as a committee to be
hereafter appointed may think Jit and further affirm
that in this struggle we will faithfully follow truth and
refrain from violence to life, person or property.

SPEECH AT ALLAHABAD

[Mr. M. K. Gandhi in his speech at Allahabad on
the llth. March, explained the Satyagraha Pledge as
follows : — ]

It behoves every one who wishes to take the Satya-
graha Pledge to seriously consider all its factors before
taking it. It is necessary to understand the principles of
Satyagraha, to understand the main features of the Bills
known as the Rowlatt Bills and to be satisfied that they
are so objectionable as to warrant the very powerful
remedy of Satyagraha being applied and, finally, to be
convinced of one's ability to undergo every form of bodily
suffering so that the soul may be set free and be under
no fear from any human being or institution, Once in it,
there is no looking back.

Therefore there is no conception of defeat in Staya"
grah. A Satyagrahi fights even unto death. It is thus
not an easy thing for everybody to enter upon it. It
therefore behoves a Stayagrahi to be tolerant of those
who do not join him. In reading reports of Satyagraha
meetings I often notice that ridicule is poured upon those
who do not join our movement. This is entirely against
the spirit of the Pledge. In Satyagraha we expect to
win over out opponents by self -suffering i.e , by love,
The process whereby we hope to reach our goal is
by so conducting ourselves as gradually and in an
unperceived manner to disarm all opposition. Oppo
nents as a rule expect irritation, even violence from
one another when both parties are equally matched,
But when Satyagraha comes into play the expect a

444 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

tion is transformed into agreeable surprise in the
mind of the party towards whom Satyagraha is address-
ed till at last he relents and recalls the act which
necessitated Satyagraha. I venture to promise that if
we act up to our Pledge day after day, the atmosphere
around us will be purified and those who differ from us
from honest motives, as I verily believe they do, will
perceive that their alarm was unjustified. The vio-
lationists wherever they may be will realise that they
have in Satyagraha a far more potent instrument for
achieving reform than violence whether secret or open
and that it gives them enough work for their inex-
haustible energy. And the Government will have no
case left m defence of their measures if as a result of
our activity the cult of violence is notably on the wane
if it has not entirely died out. I hope therefore that at
Satyagraha meetings we shall have no cries of shame,
and no language betraying irritation or impatience either
against the Government or our countrymen who differ
from us and some of whom have for years been devoting
themselves to the country's cause according to the best
of their ability.

SPEECH AT BOMBAY

[ At the Bombay meeting against the Rowlatt Bills
on 14th March, Mr, M. K. Oandhfs speech which was in
Cujarati was read out by his secretary. The speech ran
as follows : — ]

I am sorry that owing to my illness, I am unable to
speak to you myself and have to have my remarks read
to you. You will be glad to know that Sanyasi Sbrad-
dhanandji is gracing the audience to-day by his presence.

SPEECH AT BOMBAY 445

He is better known to us as Mahatma Munshiramji,
the Governor of Gurukul. His joining our army is a
source of strength to us. Many of you have perhaps
been keenly following the proceedings of the Viceregal
Council. Bill No. 2 is being steamrolled by means of
the Official majority of the Government and in the
teeth of the unanimous opposition from the Non-Official
members. I deem it to be an insult to the latter, and
through them to the whole of India. Satyagraha has
become necessary as much to ensure respect for duly
expressed public opinion, as to have the mischievous
Bills withdrawn. Grave responsibility rests upon the
shoulders of the Satyagrahis though, as I have so often
said, there is no such thing as defeat in Satyagraha, it
does not mean that victory can be achieved with-
out Satyagrahis to fight for it, i £., to suffer for it.
The use of this matchless force is comparatively
a novelty. It is not the same thing as Passive
Resistance which has been conceived to be a weapon
that can be wielded most effectively only by the
strongest minded, and you may depend upon it that six
hundred men and women who in this Presidency have
signed the Pledge are more than enough for our purpose,
if they have strong wills and invincible faith in their
mission, and that is in the power of truth to conquer
untruth which Satyagrahis believe the Bills represent.
I use the word ' untruth 'in its widest sense. We may
expect often to be told — as we have been told already by
Sir William Vincent — that the Government will not
yield to any threat of Passive Resistance. Satyagraha
is not a threat, it is a fact ; and even such a mighty
Government as the Government of India will have to
yield if we are true to our Pledge. For the Pledge is

446 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

not a small thing. It means a change of heart. It is an
attempt to introduce the religious spirit into politics.
We may no longer believe in the doctrine of tit for tat :
we may not meet hatred by hatred, violence by
violence, evil by evil ; but we have to make a
continuous and persistent effort to return good for
evil. It is of no consequence that I give utterance to
these sentiments. Every Satyagrahi has to live up to
them. It is a difficult task, but with the help of God
nothing is impossible. (Loud Cheers.)

SPEECH AT MADRAS.

[At the meeting held at the Madras Beach on the
ISth March, Mr. Gandhi, in responding to the welcome,
said : — ]

You will forgive me for saying the few words that
I want to say just now sitting in the chair, I am under
strict medical orders not to exert myself, having got a
weak heart. I am, therefore, compelled to have some
assistance and to get my remarks read to you. But
before I call upon Mr. Desai to read my remarks, I wish
to say one word to you. Beware before you sign the
Pledge. But if you do, you will see to it that you shall
never undo the Pledge you have singed, May God help
you and me in carrying out the Pledge.

[Mr. Desai, after a few words of introduction, read
the following message : — ]

I regret that owing to heart weakness I am unable
to speak to you personally. You have no doubt attended
many meetings, but those that you have been attending
«f late are different from the others in that at the
meetings to which I have referred some immediate

SPEECH AT MADRAS 447

tangible action, some immediate definite sacrifice has
been demanded of you for the purpose of averting a
serious calamity that has overtaken us in the shape of
what are known as the Rowlatt Bills. One of them
Bill No. I, has undergone material alterations and its
further consideration has been postponed. Inspite,
however, of the alteration, it is mischievous enough
to demand opposition. The Second Bill has pro-
bably at this very moment been finally passed by
that Council, for in reality you can hardly call the
Bill as having been passed by that august body
when all its non official members unanimously and
in strong language opposed it. The Bills require to
be resisted not only because they are in themselves bad,
but also because Government who are responsible for
their introduction have seen fit practically to ignore
public opinion and some of its members have made it a
boast that they can so ignore that opinion. So far it is
common cause between the different schools of thought
in the country. I have, however, after much prayerful
consideration, and after very careful examination of
the Government's standpoint, pledged myself to offer
Satyagraha against the Bills, and invited all men and
women who think and feel with me to do likewise.
Some of our countrymen, including those who are
among the best of the leaders, have uttered a note
of warning, and even gone so far as to say that
this Satyagraha movement is against the best interests
of the country. I have naturally the highest regard
for them and their opinion. I have worked-under some
of them. I was a babe when Sir Dinshaw Wacha
and Babu Surendranath Banner ji were among the
accepted leaders of public opinion in India. Mr*

448 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

Sastriar is a politician who has dedicated his all
to the country's cause His sincerity, his probity
are all his own. He will yield to no one in the love of
the country. There is a sacred and indissoluble tie
binding me to him. My upbringing draws me to the
signatiories of the two Manifestoes. It is not, therefore,
without the greatest grief and much searching of heart
that I have to place myself in opposition to their wishes.
But there are times when you have to obey a call
which is the highest of all, i.e., the voice of conscience
even though such obedience may cost many a bitter tear,
nay even more, separation from friends, from family,
from the state to which you may belong, from all that you
have held as dear as life itself. For this obedience is the
Jaw ot our being. I have no further and other defence to
offer for my conduct. My regard for the signatories to
the Manifesto remains undiminished, and my faith in
the efficiency of Satyagraha is so great that I feel
that if those who have taken the Pledge will be true to
it, we shall be able to show to them that they will
find when we have come to the end of this struggle
that there was no cause for alarm or misgivings. There
is, I know, resentment felt even by some Satyagrahis
over the Manifestoes. I would warn Satyagrahis that
such resentment is against the spirit of Satyagraha.
I would personally welcome an honest expression of
difference of opinion from any quarter and more so from
friends because it puts us on our guard. There is too
much recrimination, innuendo and insinuation in our pub-
lic life, and if the Satyagraha movement purges it of this
grave defect, as it ought to, it will be a very desirable
by — product. I wish further to suggest to Satyagrahis
that anv resentment of the two Manifestoes would be

SPEECH AT MADRAS 449

but a sign of weakness on our part. Every movement,
and Satyagraha most of all, must depend upon its own
inherent strength, but not upon the weakness or silence
of its critics.

Let us, therefore, see wherein lies the strength of
Satyagraha. As the name implies it is in an insistence on
truth which dynamically expressed means love ; and by
the law of love we are required not to return hatred for
hatred, violence for violence but to return good for evil.
As Shrimati Sarojini Devi told you yesterday the
strength lies in a definite recognition of the true religi-
ous spirit and action corresponding to it, and when once
you introduce the religious element in politics, you re-
volutionise the whole of your political outlook. You
achieve reform then not by imposing suffering on those
who resist it, but by taking the suffering upon your-
selves and so in this movement we hope by the intensity
of our sufferings to affect and alter the Government's
resolution not to withdraw these objectionable Bills. It
has, however, been suggested that the Government will
leave the handful of Satyagrahis severely alone and not
make martyrs of them. But there is here, in my hum-
ble opinion, bad logic and an unwarranted assumption
of fact. If Satyagrahis are left alone, they have
won a complete victory, because they will have
succeeded in disregarding the Rowlatt Bills and even
other laws of the country, and in having thus shown
that a civil disobedience of a Government is held per-
fectly harmless. I regard the statement as an unwarrant-
ed assumption of fact, because it contemplates the
restriction of the movement only to a handful of men and
women. My experience of Satyagraha leads me to believe
that it is such a potent force that, once set in motion, it

450 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

ever spreads till at last it becomes a dominant factor in
the community in which it is brought into play, and if it
so spreads, no Government can neglect it. Either it must
yield to it or imprison the workers in the movement.
But I have no desire to argue. As the English proverb
says, the proof of the pudding lies in the eating. The
movement, for better or for worse, has been launched.
We shall be judged not by our words, but solely by our
deeds. It is, therefore, not enough that we sign the
Pledge. Our signing it is but an earnest of our determina-
tion to act up to it, and if all who sign the Pledge, act
according to it, I make bold to promise that we shall
bring about the withdrawal of the two Bills and neither
the Government nor our critics will have a word to say
against us, The cause is great, the remedy is equally
great ; let us prove worthy of them both.

APPEAL TO THE VICEROY

A publii meeting of the citizens of Madras was
held on March 20, 1919, at the Beach opposite the
Presidency College, Madras, to appeal to the Viceroy to
withhold his assent to the Rowlatt Act and to convey to
Mr. M. K. Gandhi their profound and respectful thanks
for the trouble he had taken to visit Madras in order to
strengthen the^ Satyagrahat movement. Mr. M. K.
Gandhi did not attend owing to ill-health. Mr. Desai
read the following message from Mr. M. K. Qandhi.

Friends. — This afternoon I propose to deal with
some of the objections that have been raised against
Satyagraha. After saying that it was a matter of regret
that men like myself " should have embarked on
this movement," Sir Wm. Vincent, in winding up

APPEAL TO THE VICEROY 4$1

*he debate on Bill No. 2, said, " they could only hope
that (the Satyagraha) would not materialise. Mr.
Gandhi might exercise great self-restraint in action,
but there would be other young hot-headed men
who might be led into violence which could not
but end in disaster. Yielding to this threat, how-
ever, would be tantamount to complete abolition of
the authority of the Governor-General-in-Council.''
If Sir William's fear as to violence is realised, it
would undoubtedly be a disaster. It is for every
Satyagrahi to guard against that danger. I enter-
tain no such fear because our creed requires us
to eschew all violence and to resort to truth and
self-suffering, as the only weapons in our armoury-
Indeed the Satyagraha movement is, among other
things, an invitation to those who belive in the efficiency
of violence for redress of grievances to join our ranks
and honestly to follow our methods. I have suggested
elsewhere that what the Rowlatt Bills are intended
to do and what I verily believe they are bound to fail
in achieving is exactly what the Satyagraha movement
is pre-eminently capable of achieving. By demons-
trating to the party of violence the infallible power
of Satyagraha and by giving them ample scope for
their inexhaustible energy, we hope to wean that party
from the slicidal method of violence. What can be
more potent than an absolute statement, accompanied
by corresponding action, presented in the clearest
terms possible that violence is never necessary for the
purpose of securing reforms ? Sir William says that
the movement has great potentialities of evil. The Hon.
Pandit Madan Moban Malaviya is said to have retorted,
<4 and also of good." I would venture to improve upon

452 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

the retort by saying, " only of good." It constitutes an
Attempt to revolutionize politics and to restore moral force
to its original station. After all, the Government do not
believe in an entire avoidance of violence i.e., physical
force. The message of the West, which the Government
of India, I presume, represent, is succinctly put by Presi-
dent Wilson in his speech delivered to the Peace Con-
ference at the time of introducing the League of Nations
Covenantt " Armed force is in the background in this
programme, but it is in the background, and if the moral
force of the world will not suffice, physical force of the
world shall." We hope to reverse the process, and by
our action show that physical force is nothing compared
to the moral force, and that moral force never fails It
is my firm belief that this is the fundamental difference
between modern civilisation and the ancient of which
India, fallen though it is, I venture to claim, is a living
representative. We, her educated children, seem to have
lost faith in this — the grandest doctrine of life. If we
could but restore that faith in the supremacy of Moral
Force, we shall have made a priceless contribution to
the British Empire, and we shall, without fail, obtain
the reforms we desire and to which we may be entitled.
Entertaining such views it is not difficult for me to
answer Sir William's second fear as to the complete
abolition of the authority of the Governor-«eneral-in-
Council. This movement is undoubtedly designed,
effectively to prove to the Government that its authority
is finally dependant upon the will of the people and uot
upon force of arms, especially when that will is express-
ed in terms cf Satyagraha. To yield to a clear moral
force cannot but enhance the prestige and the dignity
of the yielder.

APPEAL TO THE VICEROY 453

It is to such a movement that every man and
woman in this great country is invited, but a movement
that is intended to produce far-reaching results, and
which depends, for success, on the purity and the
capacity for self -suffering of those who are engaged
in it, can only be joined after a searching and prayerful
self-examination. I may not too often give the warning
I have given at Satyagraha meetings that everyone
should think a thousand times before coming to it, but
having come to it he must remain in it, cost what it
may. A friend came to me yesterday, and told me that
he did not know that it meant all that was ex-
plained at a gathering of a few Satyagrahi friends
and wanted to withdraw. I told him that he could
certainly do so if he had signed without understand-
ing the full consequences of the pledge. And I
would ask everyone who did not understand the pledge
as it has been explained at various meetings to copy
this example. It is not numbers so much as quality
that we want. Let me therefore note down the qualities
required of a Satyagrahi. He must follow truth at any
cost and in all circumstances. He must make a con-
tinuous effort to love his opponents. He must be
prepared to go through every form of suffering, whether
imposed upon him by the Government which he is
civilly resisting for the time being, or only those who
may differ from him. This movement is thus a process
of purification and penance. Believe me that, if we go
through it in the right spirit, all the fears expressed by
the Government and some of our friends will be proved
to be groundless and we will not only see the Rowlatt
Bills withdrawn, but the country will recognise in
Satyagraha a powerful and religious weapon for secur-
ing reforms and redress of legitimate grievances.

THE SATYAGRAHA DAY

Mr. M. K. Gandhi published the following under
date, 25<rd March, during his stay in Madras : —

Satyagraha, as I have endeavoured to explain at
several meetings, is essentially a religious movement.
It is a process of purification and penance. It seeks to
secure reforms or redress of grievances by self-suffering,
I therefore venture to suggest that the second Sunday
after the publication of the Viceregal assent to Bilf
No. 2 of 1919 (i.e., 6th April) may be observed as a
day of humiliation and Prayer. As there must be an
effective public demonstration in keeping with the
character of the observance, I beg to advise as follows :
(i) A twenty-four hours1 fast, counting from the last
meal on the preceding night, should be ob-
served by all adults, unless prevented from
so doing by consideration of religion or
health. The fast is not to be regarded, in
any shape or form, in the nature of a hunger-
strike, or as designed to put any pressure
upon the Government. It is to be regarded^
for all Satyagrahis, as the necessary discip -
line to fit them for civil disobedience
contemplated in their Pledge, and for all
others, as some slight token of the intensity
of their wounded feelings

(ii) All work, except such as may be necessary in
the public interest, should be suspended for
the day. Markets and other business places
should be closed* Employees who are

SVTYAGRAHA DAY IN MADRAS 455

required to work even on Sundays may only
suspend work after obtaining previous leave.
I do not hesitate to recommend these two sugges-
tions for adoption by public servants. For though it is
unquestionably the right thing for them not to take part
in political discussion and .gatherings, in my opinion
they have an undoubted riorht to express, upon vital
matters, their feelings in the very limited manner herein
suggested.

(iii) Public meetings should be held on that day in
parts of India, not excluding villages, at
which resoultions praying for the with-
drawal of the two measures should be
passed.

If my advice is deemed worthy of acceptance, the
responsibility will lie in the first instance, on the various
Satyagraha Associations, for undertaking the necessary
work of organisation, but all other associations will, I
hope, join hands in making this demonstration a
success.

SATYAGRAHA DAY IN MADRAS

Under the auspices of Madras Satyagraha Sabha,
a public meeting was held at the Triplicane Beach on
30th March to explain the message of Mr. M. K. Gandhi
for the observance of the Satyagraha Day : —

I am sorry that I shall not be with you for this
evening's meeting, as I must take the train for Bezwada
in order to keep my engagement with our Andhra
friends. But before my departure, I would like to
reduce to writing my impressions of the tour through
the southern part of the Presidency, which I have just

456 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

completed, and to answer some criticism and- some
doubts that have been offered by friends.

I have visited Tanjore, Trichnopoly, Madura, Tuti-
conn and Negapatarn ; and taking the lowest estimate,
the people addressed must have been not less than thirty
thousand. Those who have a right to give us warnings,
to express misgivings and who have just as great a love
of the Motherland as we claim to have, have feared the
danger that, however well-meaning we may be, and
however anxious we may be to avoid violence, the
people who may join the movement under an enthusias-
tic impulse may not be able to exercise sufficient self-
control and break out into violence, resulting in needless
loss of life, and, w hat is more, injury tb the National
cause. After embarking upon the movement, I began
addressing meetings at Delhi. I passed then through
Lucknow, Allahabad, Bombay, and thence to Madras.
My experience of all these meetings shows that the
advent of Satyagraha has already altered the spirit
of those who attend the Stayagraha meetings. In
Lucknow, upon an innocent remark by the chairman as
to the Manifesto signed by some of the members
of the Imperial Legislative Council disapproving of
our movement, the audience cried out ' shame, shame !'
I drew their attention to the fact that Satyagrahis
and those who attended Satyagraha meetings should
not use such expressions and that the speeches at our
meetings ought not to be punctuated with either marks
of disapproval or of approval. The audience immediately
understood the spirit of my remarks and never afterwards
made any demonstration of their opinion. In the towns
of this Presidency as elsewhere, whilst it is true that the
large crowds have refrained from any noisy demonstra-

SATYAGRAHA DAY IN MADRAS 457

tion out of regard for my health, they have fully under-
stood the necessity of refraining from it on the higher
ground. The leaders in the movement have also fully
understood the necessity for self-restraint, These
experiences of mine fill me with the greatest hope for
the future. I never had any apprehensions of the danger
our friends feared and the various meetings I have
described confirm my optimism but I would venture
further to state that every precaution that is humanly
possible is being and will be taken to avert any such
danger. It is for that reason that our Pledge commits
the signatories to a breach of those laws that may be
selected for the purpose by a Committee of Satyagrahis,
and I am glad that our Sind friends have understood
their Pledge and obeyed the prohibition of the Hyderabad
Commissioner of Police to hold their inoffensive proces-
sion, for it is no part of the present movement to break
all the laws of the land the breach of which is not
inconsistent with the Pledge. A Satyagrahi is nothing
if not instinctively law-abiding, and it is his law-abiding
nature which exacts from him implicit obedience to the
highest law that is the voice of conscience which
over-rides all other laws. His civil disobedience eveno*
certain laws is only seeming disobedience. Every law
gives the subject an option either to obey the primary
sanction or the secondary, and I venture to suggest that
the Satyagrahi by inviting the secondary sanction obeys
the law. He does not act like the ordinary offender who
not only commits a breach of the laws of the land whether
good or bad but wishes to avoid the consequences of that
breach. It will seem, therefore, that every thing that
prudence may dictate has been done to avoid any
untoward results. Some friends have said : " We under-

458 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

stand your breach of the Rowlatt legislation but as a
Satyagrahi there is nothing for you in it to break. Hoar
can you however break the other laws which you have
hitherto obeyed and which may also be good !'* So far
as good Jaw3 are concerned, that is, laws which lay
down moral principles, the Satyagfrahi may not break
them and their breach is not contempleted under the
Pledge. But the other laws are neither good nor bad*
moral or immoral. They may be useful or may even be
harmful. Those laws, one obeys for the supposed good
Government of the country. Such laws are laws made
for the purpose of revenue, or political laws creating
statutory offences. Those la\\s enable the Government
to continue its power. When therefore a Government
goes wrong to the extent of hurting the National fibre
itself, as does the Rowlatt Legislation, it becomes the
right of the subject, irdeed it is his duty, to withdraw
his obedience to such laws to the extent it may be
required in order to bend the Government to the National
will. A doubt has been expressed during my tour
and my friends have written to me as to the validity
in terms of Satyagraha of the entrustment of the
selection of the laws for breach to a Committee. For it
is argued that it amounts to a surrender of one's cons-
cience to leave such selection to others. This doubt
misunderstands the Pledge. A signatory of the Pledge
undertakes, so far as he is concerned, to break if neces-
sary all the laws which it would be lawful for the
Satyagrahi to break. It is not however obligatory on
him to break all such laws. He can therefote perfectly
conscientiously leave the selection of the laws to be
broken to the judgment of those who are experts in the
matter and who in their turn are necessarily subject to

SATYAGRAHA DAY IN MADRAS 459

the limitations imposed by the Pledge. The worst that
can happen to any signatory is that the selection may
not be exhaustive enough for him.

I have been told that I am diverting the attention
of the country from the one and only thing that matters,
namely, the forthcoming reforms. In my opinion the
Rowlatt Legislation, in spite of the amendments which,
as the Select Committee very properly says, does not
affect its principles, blocks the way to progress and
therefore to attainment of substantial reforms. To my
mind the first thing needful is to claim a frank and full
recognition of the principle that public opinion properly
expressed shall be respected by the Government. I am
no believer in the doctrine that the same power can at
the same time trust and distrust, grant liberty and
repress it. I have a right to interpret the coming re-
forms by tba light that the Rowlatt Legislation throws
upon them, and I make bold to promise that if we do
not gather sufficient force to remove from our path this
great obstacle in the shape of the Rowlatt legislation,
we shall find the reforms to be a whitened sepulchre*
Yet another objection to answer. Some friends have
argued : " Your Satyagraha movement only accentuates
the fear we have of the onrush of Bolshevism." The
fact, however, is that, if anything can possibly prevent
this calamity descending upon our country, it is Satya-
graha. Bolshevism is the necessary result of modern
materialistic civilisation. Its insensate worship of mat-
ter has given rise to a school which has been brought
up to look upon materialistic advancement as the goal
and which has lost all touch with the final things of
life. Self-indulgence is the Bolshevic creed, self res-
traint is the Satyagraha creed. If I can but induce the

460 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

Nation to accept Satyagraha if only as a predominant
factor in life, whether social or political, we need have
no fear of the Bolshevic propaganda. In asking the
Nation to accept Satyagraha, I am asking for the
introduction in reality of nothing new- I have coined a
new word for an ancient law that has hitherto mainly
governed our lives, and I do prophesy that if we disobey
the law of the final supremacy of the spirit over matter,
of liberty and love over brute force, in a few years time
we shall have Bolshevism rampant m this land which
was once so holy.

MESSAGE TO SATYAGRAHIS

On April 3, 1919, Mr. M. K. Gandhi sent the fol-
lowing message from Bombay to Mr S. Kasturiranga
lyengar, Editor of the Hindu, Madras ; —

Just arrived; having missed connection at Secun-
derabad.

Regarding the meeting at Delhi, I hope that the
Delhi Tragedy will make Satyagrahis steel their hearts
and the waverers to reconsider their position. I have
no shadow of doubt that, by remaining true to the
Pledge, we shall not only secure the withdrawal of the
Rowlatt Legislation, but we shall kill the spirit of
terrorism lying behind.

I hope the speeches on Sunday, the 6th April, will
be free from anger or unworthy passion. The cause
is too great and sacred to be damaged by exhibition
of passion. We have no right to cry out against suffer
ings self-invited. Undoubtedly there should be no
coercion for the suspension of business or for fast.

THE DELHI INCIDENT

Mr. M. K. Gandhi sent the following letter to the
Press from Bombay under date 4th April, 1919 : —

It is alleged against the Delhi people assembled at
the Delhi Railway Station (1) that s~me of them were
trying to coerce sweetmeat sellers into closing their
stalls ; (2) that some were forcibly preventing people
from plying tramcars and other vehicles ; (3) that some
of them threw brickbats ; (4) that the whole crowd that
marched to the Station demanded the release of men
who were said to be coercers and who were for that
reason arrested at the instance of the Railway authori-
ties ; (5) that the crowd declined to disperse when the
Magistrate gave orders to disperse. I have read Sanyasi
Swami Shradhanandji's account of the tragedy. I am
bourxl to accept it as true, unless it is authoritatively
proved to be otherwise and his account seems to me to
deny the allegations, 1, 2 and 3. But assuming the
truth of all allegations it does appear to me that the
local authorities in Delhi have made use of a Nasmyth
hammer to crush a fly. On their action, however, in
firing on the crowd, I shall seek another opportunity of
saying more. My purpose in writing this letter is merely
to issue a note of warning to all Satyagrahis. I would,
therefore, like to observe that the conduct described
in the allegations 1 to 4, if true, would be inconsistent
with the Satyagraha Pledge. The conduct described in
allegations can be consistent with the Pledge, but if he
allegation is true, the conduct was premature, because
the Committee contemplated in the Pledge, has not

462 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

decided upon the disobedience of orders that may be
issued by the Magistrates under the Riot Act. lam
anxious to make it as clear as I can that in this move-
ment no pressure can be put upon people who do nol
wish to accept our suggestions and advice, the move
men! being essentially one to secure the greatest freedorr
for all Satyagrahis, cannot forcibly demand release oi
those who might be arrested, whether justly or unjustly.
The essence of the Pledge is to invite imprisonment and
until the Committee decides upon the breach of the
Riot Act, it is the duty of Satyagrahis to obey, without
making the slightest ado, Magisterial orders to disperse,
etc., and thus to demonstrate their law-abiding nature. 1
hope that the next Sunday at Satyagraha meetings, all
speeches will be free from passion, anger or resentment,
The movement depends for its success entirely upon
perfect self-possession, self-restraint, absolute adherence
to truth and unlimited capacity for self-suffering Before
closing this letter, I would add that, in opposing the
Rowlatt Legislation, Satyagrahis are resisting the spirit
of terrorism which lies behind it and of which it is a
mort glaring symptom. The Delhi tragedy imposes an
added responsibility upon Satyagrahis of steeling their
hearts and going on with their struggle until the Row
latt Legislation is withdrawn.

MESSAGE TO MADRAS SATYAGRAHIS

The following message from Mr. M. K. Gandhi wc*s
read at the great meeting in Madras held on the
Satyagraha Day on 6th April : —

I do hope that the Presidency that produced beauti-
ful Valliamma, Nagappan, Narayanaswami and so many

MESSAGE TO THE BOMBAY CITIZENS 463

others of your Presidency with whom I was privileged
to work in South Africa will not quail in the presence
of sacrifice demanded of us all* I am convinced that
reforms will be of no avail, unless our would-be partners
respect us. And we know that they only respect those
who are capable of sacrificing for ideals, as themselves.
See how unstintingly they poured out treasure and blood
during the War. Ours is a nobler cause and out means
infinitely superior, in that we refrain from shedding
blood, other than our own.

MESSAGE TO THE BOMBAY CITIZENS

At the Satyagraha Demonstrations in Bombay on
6th April, Mr. M. K. Gandhi referred to the Delhi
incident and pointed out : —

We have two authoritative versions of the episode.
One was Swami Shradhanandji's stating the peoples'
version, and the other was Government's, justifying
the action of the local authorities. The two did not tally;
they differed as to some mam particulars. An impartial
observer will regard both as partial statements. I beg
of the popular party to assume for purposes of criticism
the truth of the official narrative, but there are remark-
able gaps in it amounting to the evasion of charges
made against the local authorities by Sanyasi Shradha-
nandji. His statement was the first in the field, and he
was on the scene immediately after the shooting incident
near the Railway Station. If the Government have
sought the co-operation of the National Leaders to
regulate the crowd, there would not have been any need
for the display or use of military force. Even if the
official version was correct, there was no justification to

464 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

fire on the innocent people. The people were entirely
unarmed, and'at the worst what would thev have done ?
In any other place but India, the Police would have been
deemed sufficient to meet an emergency of the Delhi
type, armed with nothing more than batons He
related how in 1917. at Durban, a mob of 6,000
Europeans bent upon lynching an innocent victim
threatened the destruction of property worth £ 20, 000,
including the lives of nearly twenty men, women and
children, and a dozen Police, though they would have
been justified in calling Military aid, contended with the
crowd themselves and succeeded in peacefully dispersing
it. The Delhi crowd had no such intention of hurting
any body. It threatened to do nothing except, as alleged,
it refused to disperse The authorities could have
peacefully regulated the crowd; nstead they followed
the customary practice of calling the Military on the
slightest pretext. He did not want to labour on the
point. It was enough the crowd hurt nobody and were
neither overawed nor infuriated. It was a remarkable
incident that the people were sufficiently firm and self-
possessed to hold a mass meeting of 40,000 after
the shooting incidents, and it coverd the Delhi
people with glory. He has always emphasised that
the people who took part in the struggle against
the Rowlatt Act will be self-possessed and peaceful,
but he has never said that .the people will not have
to suffer. Mr. Gandhi further said that to the satyagra-
his such suffering must be welcome. The sterner they
were the better . They have undertaken to suffer unto
death. Sanyasi Shradhanandji has wired saying that 4
Mahommadans and 5 Hindus have so far died, and that
about 20 people were missing and 13 persons were in

MESSAGE TO THE BOMBAY CITIZENS 465

the hospital, being badly wounded. For Satyagrahis it
was not a bad beginning. No country had ever risen,,
no nation had ever been made without sacrifice, and we
were trying an experiment of building up ourselves by
self -sacrifice without resorting to violence in any shape
or form. That was a Satyagrahi. From Satyagraha
standpoint the people s case in Delhi was weak, in that
the crowd refused to disperse when asked to do so, and
demanded the release of the two arrested men. Both
acts were wrong. It was arrest and imprisonment
they sought for by resorting to civil disobedience. In
this movement it was open to Satyagrahis to disobey
only those laws which are selected by the Committee
contemplated in the Pledge. Before being able to offer
effective civil disobedience, we must acquire habits of
discipline, self-control and qualities of leadership and
obedience. Till these qualities were developed and till
the spirit of Satyagraha has permeated large bodies of
men and women, Mr. Gandhi said he had advised that
only sucli laws as can be individually disobeyed should
be selected for disobedience, as, while disobeying certain
selected laws, it was incumbent on the people to show
their law abiding character by respecting all the other
laws.

DISTRIBUTION OF PROHIBITED LITERATURE

The Satyagraha Committee advised that, for the
time being, laws regarding prohibited literature and re-
gistration of Newspapers may be civilly disobeyed.
Accordingly Mr. Gandhi, President, and Secretaries of
the Satyagraha Sabha, Bombay, issued on April 7, the
following notice to organise, regulate and control the sale
of these publications : —

Satyagrahis should receive copies of prohibited
literature for distribution. A limited number of copies
can be had from the Secretaries of the Satyagraha
Sabha. Satyagrahis should, so far as possible, write
their names and addresses as sellers so that they may
be traced easily when wanted by the Government for
prosecution. Naturally there can be no question of
secret sale of this literature. At the same time, there
should be no forwardness either in distributing it. It
is open to Satvagrahis to form small groups of men and
women to whom they may read this class of literature.
The object in selecting prohibited literature is not
merely to commit a civil breach of the law regarding it
but it is also to supply people with clean literature cf a
high moral value. It is expected that the Government
will confiscate such. Satyagrahis have to be as independ-
ent of finance as possible. When therefore copies are
confiscated, Satyagrahis are requested to make copies of
prohibited literature themselves or by securing the assist-
ance of willing friends and to make use of it until it is
confiscated by giving readings to the people from it. It

DISTRIBUTION OF PROHIBITED LITERATURE 467

is stated that.such readings would amount to dissemin-
ation of prohibited literature. When whole copies are
exhausted by dissemination or confiscation, Satyagrahis
may continue civil disobedience by writing out and
distributing extracts from accessible books.

CIRCULATING UNREGISTERED NEWSPAPERS
Regarding the civil breach of the law governing the
publication of newspapers, the idea is to publish in every
Satyagraha centre a written newspaper without register-
ing it. It need not occupy more than one side of half a
foolscap. When such a newspaper is edited, it will be
found how difficult it is to fill up half a sheet. It is a
well known fact that a vast majority of newspapers
contain much padding. Further, it cannot be denied
that newspaper articles written under the terror of
the very strict newspaper law have a double mean-
ing. A Satyagrahi for whom punishments provided
by law have lost all terror can give only in
an unregistered newspaper his thoughts and opinion
unhampered by any other consideration than that
of his own conscience. His newspaper, therefore, if
otherwise well edited, can become a most powerful
vehicle for transmitting pure ideas in a concise manner,
and there need be no fear of inability to circulate a
hand-written newspaper, for it will be the duty of those
who may receive the first copies to recopy till at last
the process of multiplication is made to cover if neces-
sary the whole of the masses of India and it must not be
forgotten that we have in India the tradition of impart-
ing instruction by oral teaching.

MESSAGE AFTER ARREST

Mr. Gandhi was arrested at Kosi on his way to
Delhi on the morning of the IQth April and served with
an order not to enter the Punjab and the District of Delhi
and to restrict himself to the Bombay Presidency. The
officer serving the order treated him most politely, assur-
ing him it ivottld be his most painful duty to arrest
him, if he elected t<> disobey, but that there would be no
ill-will between them. Mr. Gandhi smilingly said that
he must eleit to disobey as it was Jiis duty, and that the
officer ought also to do ichat was his duty. Mr. Gandhi
then dictated t/ie following message to Mr. Desai, his
Secretary, laying special emphasis on his oral message
tJiat none shall resent his arrest or do anything tainted
with untruth or violence which is sure to draw the sacted
cause. The message reads : —

To my countrymen. It is a matter of the highest
satisfaction to me, as I hope to you, that I have received
an order from the Punjab Government not to enter that
Province and another from the Delhi Government npt
to enter Delhi, while an order of the Government of
India has been served on me immediately after which
restricts me to Bombay. I had no hesitation in saying
to the officer, who served the order on me, that I was
bound in virtue of the pledge to disregard it, which I
have done, and I shall presently find myself a free man,
my body being taken by them in their custody. It was
galling to me to remain free whilst the Rowlatt Legis-
lation disfigured the Statute Book. My arrest makes
me free. It now remains for you to do your duty

MESSAGE AFTER ARREST 469

which is clearly stated in the Satyagraha Pledge.
Follow it, and you will find it will be your
Kamadhenu. I hope there will be no resentment about
my arrest. I have received what I was seeking either
withdrawal of the Rowlatt Legislation or imprison-
ment. A departure from truth by a hair's breadth, or
violence committed against anybody, whether English-
man or Indian, will surely damn the great cause the
Satyagrahis are handling. I hope the Hindu-Muslim
unity, which seems now to have taken firm hold of the
people, will become a reality and I feel convinced that
it will only be a reality if the suggestions I have
ventured to make in my communication to the Press
are carried out. The responsibility of the Hindus
in the matter is greater than that of Muhamma-
dans, they being in a minority and I hope they will
discharge their responsibility in the manner worthy
of their country. I have also made certain sugges-
tions regarding the proposal of the Swadeshi vow.
Now I commend them to your serious attention and you
will find that, as your ideas of Satyagraha become
matured, the Hindu-Muslim unity is but part of Satya-
graha. Finally it is my firm belief that we shall obtain
salvation only through suffering and not by reforms
dropping on us from England, no matter how unstintingly
they might be granted. The English are a great Nation,
t>ut the weaker also go to the wall if they come in contact
with them. When they are themselves courageous they
have borne untold sufferings and they only respond to
courage and sufferings and partnership with them is
only possible after we have developed an indomitable
courage and a faculty for unlimited suffering. There
is a fundamental difference between their civilisation

470 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES.

and ours. They believe in the doctrine of violence
or brute force as the final arbiter. My reading
of our civilisation is that we are expected to believe
in Soul Force or Moral Force as the final arbiter and
this is Satyagraha. We are groaning under sufferings
which we would avoid if we could, because we have
swerved from the path laid down for us by our ancient
civilisation. I hope that the Hindus, Muhammadans,
Sikhs, Parsis, Christians, Jews and all who are born in
India or who made India their land of adoption will
fully participate in these National observances and I
hope too that women will take therein as full a share
as the men.

THE " SATYAGRAHI "

The unregistered newspaper, the "Satyagraht*, which
Mr. Gandhi as Editor brought out in Bombay on the 7th
April in defiance of the Press Act, was only a small
sheet of paper sold for one pice. It stated among other
things : " The editor is liable at any moment to be
arrested, and it is impossible to ensure the continuity of
publication until India is in a happy position of supply-
ing editors enough to take the place of those who are
arrested. It is not our intention to break for all time the
laws governing the publication of newspapers. This
paper will, therefore, exist so long only as the Rowlatt
Legislation is not withdrawn.'9 It also contained the
following instruction to Satyagrahis :—

We are now in a position to expect to be arrested at
any moment. It is, therefore, necessary to bear in mind
that, if any one is arrested, he should, without causing
any difficulty, allow himself to be arrested, and, if sum-

SATYAGRAHA AND DURAGRAHA 471

moned to appear before a Court, he should do so. No
defence should be offered and no pleaders engaged in the
matter. If a fine is imposed with the alternative of
imprisonment, the imprisonment should be accepted. If
only fine is imposed, it ought not to be paid; but his pro-
perty, if he has any, should be allowed to be sold. There
should be no demonstration of grief or otherwise made
by the remaining Stayagrahis by reason of the arrest and
imprisonment of their comrade. It cannot be too often
repeated that we court'imprisonment, and we may not
complain of it, when we actually receive it. When once
imprisoned, it is our duty to conform to all prison
regulations, as prison reform is no part of our campaign
at ths present moment. A Satyagrahi may not resort
to surreptitious practices. All that the Satyagrahis do,
can only and must be done openly.

SATYAGRAHA AND DURAGRAHA.

Mr. Gandhi arrived in Bombay, on the afternoon of
Wie \\ih April, having been prevented from entering the
Provinces of Punjab and Delhi. An order was soon
%fier served on him requiring him to confine his activi-
ties within the limits of the Bombay Presidency.
Having heard of the riots and the consequent bloodshed
in different places \ he caused the following message to
be read at all the meetings that evening: —

I have not been able to understand the cause of so
much excitement and disturbance that followed my
detention. It is not Satyagraha. It is worse than
Duragraha. Those who join Satyagraha demonstra-
tions were bound one and all to refrain at ajl hazard

472 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

from violence, not to throw stones or in any way
whatever to injure anybody.

But in Bombay, we have been throwing stones. We
have obstructed tramcars by putting obstacles in the
way. This is not Satyagraha. We have demanded the
release of about 50 men who had been arrested for
deeds of violence. Our duty is chiefly to get ourselves
arrested. It is breach of religious duty to endeavour to
secure the release of those who have committed deeds
of violence. We are not, therefore, justified on any
grounds whatever in demanding the release of those
who have been arrested. I have been asked whether
a Satyagrahi is responsible for the results that
follow from that movement. I have replied that they
are. I therefore suggest that if we cannot conduct
this movement without the slightest violence from
our side, the movement might have to be abandoned
or it may be necessary to give it a different and still
more restricted shape. It may be necessary to go even
further. The time may come for me to offer Satya-
graha against ourselves. I would not deem it a disgrace
that we die. I shall be pained to hear of the death of
a Satyagrahi, but I shall consider it to be the proper
sacrifice given for the sake of struggle* But if those
\v ho are not Satyagrahis who shall not have joined
the movement, who are even against the movement*
received any injury at all, every Satyagrahi will be
responsible for that sinful injury. My responsibility
will be a million times heavier. I have embarked
upon the struggle with a due sense of responsibility.

I have just heard that some English gentlemen
have been injured. Some may even have died from such
injuries. If so, it would be a great blot on Satyagraha.

SPEECH AT AHMEDXBAD 473

For me, Englishmen too, are our brethren We can
have nothing against them and for me, since such as I
have described, are simply unbearable, but I know how
to offer Satyagraha against ourselves. As against our-
selves, what kind of Satyagraha can I offer? I do not
see what penance I can offer excepting that it is for me
to fast and if need be, by so doing, to give up this body
and thus prove the truth of Satyagraha. 1 appeal to
you to peacefully disperse and to refrain from acts that
may, in any way, bring disgrace upon the people of
Bombay.

SPEECH AT AHMEDABAD.

The following is the full text of the speech of Mr.
Gandhi delivered at a meeting of the citizens of
Ahmedabad held at his Ashram, Sabarmati, on Monday,
the 14th April, 1919 :—

Brothers. — I mean to address myself mainly to
you. Brothers, the events that have happened in
course of the last few days have been most disgraceful
to Ahmedabad, and as all these things have happened
in my name, I am ashamed of them, and those who
have been responsible for them have thereby not
honoured me but disgraced me. A rapier run through
my body could hardly have pained me more, I have
-said times without number that Satyagraha admits of no
violence, no pillage, no incendiarism ; and still in the
name of Satyagraha we burnt down buildings, forcibly
captured weapons, extorted money, stopped trains, cut
•off telegraph wires, killed innocent people and plundered
shops and private houses. If deeds such as these could
save me from the prison house or the jcaffold, I should

474 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

not like to be so saved. I do wish to say in all earnest-
ness that violence has not secured my discharge. A
most brutal rumour was set afloat that Anasuya Bai was
arrested. The crowds were infuriated all the more, and
disturbance increased. You have thereby disgraced
Anasuya Bai and, under the cloak of her arrest, heinous
deeds have been done.

These deeds have not benefited the people in any
way. They have done nothing but harm. The
buildings burnt down were public property and
they will naturally be rebuilt at our expense. The
loss due to the shops remaining closed is also our
loss. The terrorism prevailing in the city due to
Martial Law is also the result of this violence.
It has been said that many innocent lives have been lost
as a result of the operation of Martial Law. If this is
a fact, then for that too, the deeds described above are
responsible. It will thus be seen that the events that
have happened have done nothing but harm to us.
Moreover they have most seriously damaged the Satya-
graha movement. Had an entirely peaceful agitation
followed my arrest, the Rowlatt Act would have been
out or on the point of being out of the Statute Book to-
day. It should not be a matter for surprise if the with-
drawal of the Act is now delayed. When I was released
on Fiiday my plan was to start for Delhi again on
Saturday to seek re-arrest, and that would have been an
accession of strength to the movement. Now, instead of
going to Delhi, it remains to me to offer Satyagraha
against our own people, and as it is my determination to
offer Satyagraha even unto death for securing the with-
drawal of the Rowlatt legislation, I think the occasion
has arrived when I should offer Satyagraha against our-

SPEECH AT AHMEDABAD 475

selves for the violence that has occurred. And I shall do
so at the sacrifice of my body, so long as we do not keep
perfect peace and cease from violence to person and pro-
perty. How can I seek imprisonment unless I have
absolate confidence that we shall no longer be giulity of
such errors ! Those desirous of joining the Satyagraha
movement or of helping it must entirely abstain from
violence. They may not resort to violence even on my
being rearrested or on some such events happening-
Englishmen and women have been compelled to leave
their homes and confine themselves to places of
protection in Shahi Bag, because their trust in out
harmlessness has received a rude shock. A little
thinking should convince us that this is a matter of
humiliation for us all. The sooner this state of
things stops the better for us. They are our brethren
and it is our duty to inspire them with the belief that
their persons are as sacred to us as our own and this is
what we call Abhayadan, the first requisite of true reli-
gion. Satyagraha without this is Duragraha.

There are two distinct duties now before us. One
is that we should firmly resolve upon refraining from
all violence, and the other is that we should repent and
do penance for our sins. So long as we don't repent and
do not realise our errors and make an open confession of
them, we shall not truly change our course. The first
step is that those of us who have captured weapons
should surrender them. To show that we are really
penitent we will contribute each of us not less than
eight annas towards helping the families of those who
have been killed by our acts. Though no amount of
money contribution can altogether undo the results
of the furious deeds of the past few days, our

476 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

contribution will be a slight token of our repen-
tence. I hope and pray that no one will evade this
contribution on the plea that he has had no part in
those v/icked acts. For if such as those who were no
party to these daeds had all courageously and bravely
gone forward to put down the lawlessness, the mob
would have been checked in their career and would
have immediately realised the wickedness of their
doings. I venture to say that, if instead of giving
money to the mob out of fear, we had rushed out to
protect buildings and to save the innocent without fear
of death, we could have succeeded in so doing. Unless
we have this sort of courage, mischief makers will
always try to intimidate us into participating in their
misdeeds. Fear of death makes us devoid both of valour
and religion. For want of valour is want of religi-
ous faith. And having done little to stop the violence
we have been all participators in the sins that have
been committed. And we ought, therefore, to contribute
our mite as a mark of our repentence. Each group can
collect its own contributions and send them on to me
through its collectors. I would also advise, if it is
possible for you, to observe a twenty-four hour's fast in
slight expiation of these sins. This fast should be ob-
served in private and there is no need for crowds to go
to the bathing ghats.

I haye thus far drawn attention to what appears to
be your duty. I must now consider my own. My res-
ponsibility is a million times greater than yours, I have
placed Satyagraha before people for their acceptance,
and I have lived in your midst for four years. I have also
given some contribution to the special service of Ahmeda-
bad. Its citizens are not quite unfamiliar with my views.

SPEECH AT AHMEDABAD 475

It is alleged that I have without proper considera-
tion persuaded thousands to join the movement. That
allegation is, I admit, true to a certain extent, but to a
certain extent only. It is open to anybody to say that
but for the Satyagraha campaign, there would not
have been this violence. For this, I have already
done a penance, to my mind an unendurable one namely,
that I have had to postpone •my visit to Delhi to seek
rearrest and I have also been obliged to suggest a
temporary restriction of Satyagraha to a limited field.
This has been more painful to me than a wound but
this penance is not enough, and I have, therefore, decided
to fast for three days, i.e., 72 hours. I hope my fast
will pain no one. I believe a seventy-two hours' fast
is easier for me than a twenty-four hours' fast for you.
And I have imposed on me a discipline which I can
bear. If you really feel pity for the suffering that will
be caused to me, I request that that pi'y should always
restrain you from ever again being party to the criminal
acts of which I have complained. Take it from me
that we are not going to win Swarajya or benefit our
country in the least by violence and terrorism. I am
of opinion that if we have to wade through violence
to obtain Swarajya and if a redress of gnevances were
to be only possible by means of ill will for and
slaughter of English men, I, for one, would do without
that Swarajya and without a redress of those grievances.
For me life would not be worth living if Ahmedabad
continues to countenance violence in the name of truth.
The poet has called Gujarat the " Garvi" (Great and
Glorious) Gujarat. The Ahmedabad, its capital, is the
residence of many religious Hindus and Muhammadans.
Deeds of public violence in a city like this is like an

478 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

ocean being on fire. Who can quench that fire ? I can
only offer myself as a sacrifice to be burnt in that fire,
and I therefore ask you all to help in the attainment
of the result that I desire out of my fast. May the
love that lured you into unworthy acts awaken you to
a sense of the reality, and if that love does continue
to animate you, beware that I may not have to fast
myself to death.

It seems that the deeds I have complained of have
been done in an organised manner. There seems to be
a definite design about them, and I am sure that there
must be some educated and clever man or men behind
them. They may be educated, but their education has
not enlightened them. You have been misled into doing
these deeds by such people I advise you never to be
-o misguided, and I would ask them seriously to re-
consider their views. To them and you I commend my
book " Hind Swarajya" which, as I understand, may be
printed and published without infringing the law
thereby.

Among the mill-hands, the spinners have been on
strike for some days. 1 advise them to resume work im-
mediately and to ask for increase if they want any, only
after resuming work, and in a reasonable manner. To
resort to the use of force to get any increase is suicidal.
I would specially advise all mill-hands to altogether
eschew violence. It is their interest to do so and I
remind them of the promises made to Anasuya Bai and
me that they would ever refrain from violence, I hope
that all will now resume work.

TEMPORARY SUSPENSION OF THE
MOVEMENT.

The foil owing speech advising temporary suspension
of the Saiyagraha movement was made by Mr. Gandhi
at Bombay on the I8ih April : —

It is not without sorrow I feel compelled to advise
the temporary suspension of civil disobedience. I give
this advice not because I have less faith now in its
efficacy but because I have, if possible, greater faith
than before. It is my perception of the law of Satya-
graha which impels me to suggest the suspension. I
am sorry when I embarked upon a mass movement, I
underrated the forces of evil and I must now pau^e and
consider how best to meet the situation. But whilst
doing so, I wish to say that from a careful examination
of the tragedy at Ahmedabad and Viramgaum, I am
convinced that Satyagraha had nothing to do with the
violence of the mob and that many swarmed round the
banner of mischief raised by the mob largely because of
their affection for Anasuya Bai and myself. Had the
Government in an unwise manner not prevented me from
entering Delhi and so compelled me to disobey their
orders. I feel certain that Ahmedabad and Viramgaum
uould have remained free from the horrors of the last
week. In other words Satyagraha h^s neither been the
cause nor the occasion of the upheaval. If anything,
the presence of Satyagraha has acted as a check ever
so slight upon the perviously existing lawless elements.

As regards events in the Punjab, it is admitted that
they are unconnected with the .Satyagraha movement.
In the corrse of the Satyagraha struggle in South
Africa several thousands of intentured Indians had
struck* work. This was Satyagraha strike and, there-
fore, entirely peaceful and voluntary. Whilst the
strike was going on, a strike of European miners,
railway employees, etc., was declared. Overtures
were made to me to make common cause with the
European strikers. As a Satyagrahi I did not require
a moment's consideration to decline to do so. I went
further, and for fear of our strike being classed with the

480 EARLIER INDIAN SPEECHES

strike of the Europeans in which methods of violence and
use of arms found a prominent place ours was suspended
and Scttyagraha from that moment came to be recog-
nised by the Europeans of South Africa as an honourable
and honest movement ; in the wosds of General Smuts,
a constitutional movement. I can do no less at the
present critical moment. I would be untrue to Satya-
graha if I allowed it by any action of mine to be used
as an occasion for feeding violence, for embittering rela-
tions between the English and the Indians. Our
Satycigraha must, therefore, now consist in ceaselessly
helping the authorities in all the ways available to us
as Satyagrahis to restore order and to curb lawlessness.
We can turn the tragedies going on before us to good
account if we could but succeed in gaining the adherence
of the masses to the fundamental principles of
Satyctgraha* Salyagraha is like a banian tree with in-
numerable branches. Civil disobedience is one such
branch. Satya (truth) and Ahimsa (non-violence)
together make the parvnt trunk from which all innumer-
able branches shoot out. We have found by bitter
experience that whilst in an atmosphere of lawlessness
civil disobedience found ready acceptance, Satya (truth)
and Ahitusa (non-violence) from which alone civil
disobedience can worthily spring, have commanded
little or no respect. Ours then is a herculian task, but
we may not shirk it. We must fearlessly spread
the doctrine of Satya and ahiinsa and then and not till
then, shall we be able to undertake mass Satyagraha.
My attitude towards the Rowlatt legislation remains
unchanged. Indeed, 1 do feel that the Rowlatt legis-
lation is one of the many causes of the present unrest.
But in a surcharged atmosphere I must refrain from
examining these causes. The main and only purpose of
this letter is to advise all Satya grahis to temporarily
suspend civil disobedience, to give Government effec-
tive co-operation in restoring order and by preaching
and practice to gam adherence to the fundamental
principles mentioned above.

NON-CO-OPERATION.

THE PUNJAB & KHILAFAT WRONGS

[In a public letter dated the 21st July, 1919, Mr. Gandhi an-
nounced that in response to the warnings conveyed to him by the-
Government of India and H. E. the Governor of Bombay that the
resumption of civil disobedience was likely to be attended with
serious consequences to public security and in response to the urgent
pressure brought on him by Moderate leaders all over the country and
some extremist colleagues, he decided not to resume civil resistence
fearing a recrudescence of mob violence. But though further resis-
tence was suspended, the course of events inevitably fed the
rancour of the people. The disturbances which began in March
at Delhi had spread to Lahore and Amritsar by the 10th April, where
Martial Law was proclaimed on the 15th, Three other districts subse-
quently came under the military regime. The tragedy of Jullian-
wallah Bagh where an unarmed and defenceless crowd were
ruthlessly massacied by General Dyer rankled in the minds of the
people as an unwarrantable barbarity. Slowly again the cruelties
and indignities of the Martial law regime with its crawling orders
and thundering sentences for trivial offences, eked out and fed the
flames of popular indignation. Meanwhile another specific grievance
was added to the already long list. Nearly a year had elapsed
since the declaration Of Armistice in November 1918 and the treaty
with Turkey was yet in the making. British opinion was supposed
to be inimical to Turkey and the anxiety of Indian Muslims increas-
ed with the delay in the settlement. It was widely feared that the
Allies wanted to deal a heavy blow on the suzerainty of the
Sultan over Muslim peoples. The dismemberment of the Empire of
the Khalifa is a thing unthinkable to the Muslim world. An Indian
Khilafat movement was set on foot in which, somewhat to the
embarrassment of many, Mr. Gandhi, who was already leading
India in the Rowlatt and Punjab agitations, plunged with all the
ardour of conviction. Thus the Punjab wrongs and the Khilafat
question were the mainstay of a great agitation under the lead of

31

NON-COOPERATION

Mr. Gandhi, assisted by the Congress, the Muslim League, the
Khilafat Conference and their many subsidiary organisations all over
the country. But the peculiarity of Mr- Gandhi's lead was in his
methods which were altogether novel in the history of agitations
here or elsewhere- We shall have many occasions to refer to the
Non-co-operation movement and his innumerable speeches thereon,
but webgin with the cardinal features in Mr. Gandhi's programme,
which are fasting, prayer and hartals ; Writing or» October 4.
1919 in his Young India, Mr. Gandhi observed : — ]

In spite of the Herculean efforts made by the Punjab
Government to crush the spirit of the people, prayer and
fasting and hartal are institutions as old as the hills and
cannot be stopped. Two illuminating abstracts from the
bulky volumes published by the Government and containing
a record of sentences inflicted by Martial Law Commissions
and Summary Courts show although dimly what has happen-
ed during the past few months to the people of the Punjab.
The leading cases examined by me have shaken my faith
in the justice of these sentences. The sentence of stripes
is beyond recall as are the 18 death sentences. Who will
answer for them if they are proved to have been unjustly
pronounced t

But sentences or no sentences, the spirit of the people
is unbreakable. The Moslem Conference of Lucknow has
proclaimed Friday, the i7th instant, as a day of fasting and
prayer. The preliminaries will be presently arranged. The
day is to be called the Khalifate day. Mr. Andrews' letter
shows clearly what the Khalifate question is and how just
is the case of the Muhamedans. He agrees with the
suggestion I have ventured to make, viz. that, if justice
cannot be obtained for Turkey, Mr. Montagu and Lord
Chelmsford must resign. But better than resignation, better
than protests are the prayers of the just. I therefore
welcome the Lucknow resolution. Prayer expresses the soul's

THE PUNJAB & KHILAFAT WRONGS 485

longing and fasting sets the soul free for efficacious prayer.
Jn my opinion a national fast and national prayer should be
accompanied by suspension of business. I therefore with-
out hesitation advise suspension of business provided it is
carried out with calmness and dignity and provided it is
entirely voluntary. Those who are required for necessary
work such as hospital, sanitation, off-loading of steamers etc.,
should not be entitled to suspend work. And I suggest
that on this day of fast there are no processions, no meet-
ings. People should remain indoors and devote them-
selves entirely to prayer.

It goes without saying that it is the bounden duty oi
the Hindus and other religious denominations to associate
themselves with their Muhamedan brethren. It is ths
surest and simplest method of bringing about the Hindu-
Muhamedan unity. It is the privilege of friendship to
extend the hand of fellowship and adversity is the crucible
in which friendship is tested. Let millions of Hindus show
to the Muhomedans that they are one with them in
sorrow.

I would respectfully urge the Government to make
common cause with the people and encourage and regulate
this peaceful exhibition of their feelings. Let the people
not think that Government will put any obstacles directly
or indirectly in their way.

I would urge the modern generation not to regard
fasting and prayer with scepticism or distrust. The greatest
teachers of the world have derived extraordinary powers for
the good of humanity and attained clarity of vision through
-fasting and prayer. Much of this discipline runs to waste,
-because instead of being a matter of the heart, it is oftea
resorted to for stage effect. I would therefore warn the
-bodies of this movement against any such suicidal manoeu-

484 NON- CO-OPERATION

vring. Let them have a living faith in what they urge or
let them drop it. We are now beginning to attract millions
of our countrymen. We shall deserve their curses if we
consciously lead them astray. Whether Hindus or Muhame-
dans, we have all got the religious spirit in us. Let it not
be undermined by our playing at religion,

THE AMRITSAR APPEALS.

[Before the end of the year, Indian opinion was greatly exas-
perated by the evidence of General Dyer and other Martial Law ad-
ministrators before the Hunter Committee which began the enquiry
about the end of October. The evidence of the Military officers shock-
ed the sentiments of the public which were horrified by the revelations
of cruelty and heartlessness. When the Congress met at Amritsar,
the scene of the tragedy, feeling ran high arid the President, Pandit
Motilal Nehiu,drew up a lengthy indictment against the Government.
Just before the day of the session the political prisoners were released
as the effect of a Royal Proclamation and Mr. Gandhi exercised a
sobering influence over the Congress and even moved a resolution
condemning mob excesses though under provocation. But soo*i
after the Congress, when he found that the fate of the other
prisoners \vas decreed by. the Privy Council's dismissal of their
appeals without further trial, he wrote to the press earnestly urging
justice for the victims of Martial Lau : — ]

So these appeals have been dismissed in spite of the

advocacy of the best counsel that were obtainable. The Privy

Council has confirmed lawless procedure. I must confess

that the judgment does not come upon me quite as a

surprise though the remarks of the judges as Sir Simon was

developing as arguments on behalf of the appellants, led

one to expect a favourable verdict. My opinion based upon

a study of political cases is that the judgments even of the

highest Tribunals are not unaffected by subtle political

THE AMRITSAR APPEALS 485

considerations. The most elaborate precautions taken to
procure a purely judicial mind must break down at critical
moments. The Privy Council cannot be free from the
Limitations of all human institutions which are good enough
only for normal conditions. The consequences of a decision
favourable to the people would have exposed the Indian
Government to Indescribable discredit from which it would
have been difficult to free itself for a generation.

Its political significance can be gauged from the fact
that, as soon as the news was received in Lahore all the
preparations that were made to accord a fitting welcome to
Lala Lajpat Rai were immediately cancelled and the Capital
of rhe Punjab was reported to be in deep mourning.
Deeper discredit, therefore, now attaches to the Government
by reason of the judgment, because rightly or wrongly the
popular opinion will be that there is no justice under the
British constitution when large political or racial considera-
tions are involved.

There is only one way to avoid the catastrophe. The
human and especially the Indian mind quickly responds to
generosity. I hope that, without the necessity of an
agitation or petitions, the Punjab Government or the Centra!
Government will immediately cancel the death sentences
and if at all possible, simultaneously set the appellants
free.

This is required by two considerations, each equally
important. The first is that of restoring public confidew*
which I have already mentioned. The second is fulfilment
of the Royal Proclamation to the letter. That great political
document orders the release of , all the political offenders
who may not by their iclease prove a danger to society. No
one can possibly suggest that the twenty-one appellants
will, if they are set free, in any shape or form constitute a

NON-CO-OPERATION

danger to society. They never had committed any crimes
before. Most of them were regarded as respectable and
orderly citizens. They were not known to belong to any
revolutionary society. If they committed any crimes at all,
they were committed only under the impulse of the moment
and under what to them was grave provocation. Moreover,
the public believe that the majority of the convictions by
the Martial Law Tribunals were unsupported by any good
evidence. I, therefore, hope that the Government, which
have so far been doing well in discharging political
offenders even when they were caught in the act, will not
hesitate to release these appellants, and thus earn the good
will of the whole of India. It is an act of generosity done
in the hour of tiiumph which is the most effective. And in
the popular opinion this dismissal of the appeal has been
fegarded as a triumph for the Government.

1 would respectfully plead with the Punjab friends not
to lose heart. We must calmly prepare ourselves for the
worst. If the convictions are good, if the men convicted
have been guilty of murders or incitements to murder, why
should they escape punishment ? If they have not com-
mitted these crimes as we believe most at least have not,
why should we escape the usual fate of all who are trying
to rise a step higher ? Why should we fear the sacrifice i£
we would rise ? No nations have ever risen without sacrifice
and sacrifice can only he spoken of in connection with
innocence and not with crime.

THE KHILAFAT QUESTION.

£ln the first week of March, 1920. Mr. Gandhi issued the following
manifesto regarding the Khilafat question. In this manifesto Mr.
Gandhi enunciated the duty of the Muslims, as indeed o f all India
in case the agitation should fail to secure the redress of the Khila-
fat wrong.]

The Khalifat question has now become a question of
questions. It has become an imperial question of the first
magnitude.

The great prelates of England and the Mohammedan
leaders combined have brought the question to the force.
The prelates threw down the challe,»^e. The Muslim
leaders have taken it up.

I trust the Hindus will realise that the Khilafat
question overshadows the- Reforms and everything else.

If the Muslim claim was unjust, apart from the
Muslim scriptures, one might hesitate to support it
merely on scriptural authority. But when a just claim is
supported by scriptures it becomes i-rresistible.

Briefly put the < Uim is that the Turks should retain
European Turkey subject to full guarantees for the protec-
tion of non-Muslim ra^es under the Turkish Empire and
that the Sultan should control the Holy places of Islam and
should have suzerainty ovemJazirat-ul-Aras i.e., Arabia as
defined by the -Moslem savants, subject to self-governing
rights being given to the Arabs if they so desire. This was
what was promised by Mr. Lloyd George and this was what
Lord Hardingc had contemplated. The Mohammedan
soldiers would not have fought to deprive Turkey of her
possessions. To deprive the Khalif of this suzerainty is
to reduce the Khilafat to a nullity.

488 NON-CO-OPERATION

To restore to Turkey, subject to necessary guarantees,
\vhat was hers before war, is a Christian solution. To
wrest any of her possessions from her for the sake of
punishing her is a gunpowder solution. The Allies or
England in the hour of her triumph must be scrupulously
just. To reduce the Turks to impotence would be not only
unjust, it would be a breach of solemn declarations and
promises. It is to be wished that the Viceroy will take his
'courage in both his hands and place himself at the head
of the Khilafat agitation a> Lord Hardinge did at the time
of the S^uth African " Passive Resistance " struggle and
thus like his predecessor give a ciear and emphatic
direction to arv agitation which tinder impulsive or faulty
leadership may lead to disastrous consequences.

But the situation rests more with> us, Hindus and
Mohammedans, than with the Viceroy *nd s ill more
with the Moslem leaders than with the Hindus *fcr
the Viceroy. J ... i

There are signs already of impatience on the j.an of
Muslim friends and impatience may any day be reduced to
madness and the latter must .inevitably , lead to violence-.
And! wish I could persuade ever>ona ta see that violence
rs suicidei , < , ,

' Supposing the Muslim demands are not granted by the
Allies or slay England f I see no hing but .hope in M*.
Montagu's brave defence of live M u $Um i position and Mi-
Lloyd George's interprewioto of his own declaration. True,
Xhe latker is bailing but he can' secure full justice under
it: But we tnust1 suppose the worst and expect and strive
for* the be^t. ' Hfcw to strive is the question.

What we may not do is clear enough.

(f ) There should be no violence tft thought, speech
or deed.

THE KHILAFAT QUESTION 489

(2) Therefore there shjuld be no boycott of British
goods by way of revenge or punishment. Boycott in my
opinion is a form of violence. Moreover even if it were
desirable it is totally impracticable.

(3) There should be no rest till the minimum is achieved,
(l) There should he no mixing up of other ques-
tions with the Khilafat, e. g.t the Egyptian question.

Let us see what must be done; —

(i) The cessation of business on the I9th instant and
expression of the minimun demands by means of one single
resolution.

This is a necessary first step provided that the "hartal"
is absolutely voluntary and the employees are not asked to
leave their work unless they receive permission from their
employers. I would strongly urge that the mill-hands
should be left untouched. The further proviso is that there
should be no vi Hence accompanying the "hartal/* ( I have
often been told that the C. I. D's sometimes provoke
violence. : I do nn believe in it as. a great charge. But
even if it be true, our discipline should make it .impossible.
Our success depends solely on our ability to control, gujde
and discipline the masses.

Now a word as to what may be done, if the demands
are not granted. The barbarous method is warfare open or
secret. This must be ruled out if c-nly because it is imprac,-
ti cable. If I could but persuade everyone that ft is always
bad, we should gain all }aw,fuj ends much, quicker. , The
power th^t an individual or a nation forswearjpg, violence
geneja'^s, is A power that is irresistible. But my argu-
ment today against viplpnce, js based ; upon
-expediency. o ! .-, ?r ,', ,

Non-CQ-per$tion js thpreforf the only remedy left.
to us. It is the clearest remedy as it is the tnost;

490 NON-CO-OPERATION

uhen it is absolutely free from all violence. It becomes a
duty when co-operation means degradation or humiliation
or an injury to one's cherished religious sentiments. Eng-
land cannot expect a meek submission by us to an unjust
usurpation of rights which to Mussalmans means matters
of life and death. We may, theiefore, begin at the top as
also the bottom, Those who are holding offices of honour
or emoluments ought to give them up. Those who belong
to the menial services under the Government should do
likewise. Non-co-operation does not apply to service under
private individuals. I cannot approve of the thieat of.
ostracism againa those who do not adopt the remedy of
Non-co-opeiation. It is only a voluntary withdrawal which.
is effective. For, voluntary withdrawal alone is a test of
popular feeling and dissatisfaction. Advice to the soldier
to refuse to serve Is premature. It is the last, not the first
step, We should be entitled to take that step when the
Viceioy, the Secretary of State and the Premier desert us.
Moi cover, every step in withdrawing co-operation has to be
taken with the greatest deliberation. We must proceed
sloivly so as to ensure the retention of self-control under
the fiercest heat.

Many look upon the Calcutta resolutions with the deep-
est alaim. They scent in them a preparation for violence.
I do not look upon them in that light, though 1 do not
approve of the tone of some of them. I have already men-
tioned those whose subject matter I dislike.

"Can Hindus accept all the resolutions?" is the ques-
tion addressed by some. I can only speak for myself. I will
cooperate whole-heartedly with the Muslim friends m the
prosecution of their just demand so long as they act with
sufficient restraint and so long as I feel sure that they do
not wish to resort to or countenance violence. I should

WHY i HAVE JOINED THE KHILAFAT MOVEMENT 49 j

cease to co-operate and advice every Hindu and for th?t
matter every one else to cease toco-operate, the moment
there was violence actually done, advised or countenanced.
I would, therefore, urge upon all speakers the exercise of
the greatest restraint under the greatest provocation. There
is certainly of victory if firmness is combined with gentle-
ness. 'Ihe cause is doomed if anger, hatred, ill-will, reck-
lessness, and finally viclence are to reign supreme. I shall
resist them all my life even if I should alone. My
goal is friendship with the world and I can combine the
greatest love with the greatest opposition to wrong.

WHY I HAVE JOINED THE KHILAFAT
MOVEMENT.

[Mr. Gandhi's \\holehearted espousal of the Khilafat cause uas-
the subject of considerable discussion in the early stages of the
movement. In ansuer to numerous letters from his countrjmen and
from abroad, Mr. Gandhi explained in an article in his Young
India, of April 28, 1920, the reason why he joined the Khilafat
movement: — ]

An esteemed South African fiiend who is at present
living in England has written to me a letter from which I
make the follow ing excerpts :—

" You uill doubtless remember having met me in South Africa
at the time when the Fev. J. J, Doke\\as assisting you in your
campaign there and I subsequently returned to England deeply im-
pressed vith the Tightness of your attitude in that country. During
the months before var I wrote and lectured and spoke on your be-
haU in: several places \\hich 1 do not regret. Since returning from
military service, however, I have noticed from the papers that you

appear to be adopting a more militant attitude I notice a

report in the Times that you are assisting and countenancing a
union between the Hindus and Moslems uith a view of embarrass

492 NON-CO-OPERATION

ing England and the Allied Powers in the matter of the dismember-
ment of the Ottoman Empire or the ejection of the Turkish Govern -
ment from Constantinople, Knowing as I do your sense of justice
and your humane instincts I feel that I am entitled, in view of the
humble part that I have taken to promote your interests on this side,
to ask you whether this latter report is correct. 1 cannot, believe
that you have wrongly countenanced a movement to place the cruel
and unjust despotism of the Stamboul Government above the inter-
ests of humanity, for if any country has crippled these interests m
the East it has surely been Turkey. I am personally familiar wim
the condition* in Syria and Armenia and I can only suppose that it
the report which the Times has published is correct, you have
thrown to one side, your moral responsibilities and allied yourself
with one of the prevailing anarchies. However, until I hear that this
.is not your attitude, I cannot prejudice my mind. Perhaps you will
• do me the favour of sending me a reply."

I have sent a reply to the writer. But as the view?
•expressed in the quotation are likely to be shared by many
of rrn' English friends and as I do not wish, if I can possibly
help it, to forefeit their friendship or their esteem, I shall
•endeavour to state my portion as clearly as I can on
ihe Khilafat question. The letter shows what rbk public
men run through irresponsible journalism. I have not seen
the Timts report referred to by my friend. But it is evident
that the report has made the writer to suspect my alliance
^with " the prevailing anarchies " and to think that I have
•• thrown to o.ie side " my " moral responsibilities.'!

It is just my SeVisfc of moral responsibilities which has
emeUke up the Khjlifat question and to identify
myself entirely w^Mbe! Mahomedans. h ,«s perfectly true
that I am assisting; and countenancing the union between
Hindus and Muslims, but certainly not with "a vie* of
embarrassing England and the Allied Powers in the matter
of the difcmfemtterment of the Ottoman Empite." It is con-
ttary to my creed to embarrass, governments or anvbodvefse.

WHY I HAVE JOINED THE KHILAFAT MOVEMENT 493

This does not however mean that certain acts of mine may
not result in embarrassment. But I should not hold myself
responsible for having caused embarrassment when I re?ist
the wrong of a wrong-doer by refusing assistance in his
wrong-doing. On the Khilafat question I refuse to be
party to a bioken pledge. Mr. Lloyd George's solemn
declaration is practically the whole of the case for Indian
Mahomedans and when that case is fortified by scriptural
authority it becomes unanswerable, Moreover, it is incor-
rect to say that I have " allied myself to one of the
prevailing anarchies" or that 1 have ''wrongly countenanced
the movement to place the cruel and unjust despotism of
the Stamboul Government above the interests of humanity."
In the whole of the Mahomedan demand there is no
insistance on the retention of the so-called unjust des-
potism of the Stamboul Government ; on the contrary the
Mahomedans have accepted the principle of taking full
guarantees from that Government for the protection of
non-Muslim minorities. I do not know how far the condi-
tion ot Armenia and Syria may be considered as anarchy,
and how far the Turkish Government may be held respon-
sible for it, I much suspect that the reports from these
quarters are much exaggerated and that the European
powers are themselves in a measure responsible for what
m isrule there may be in Armenia and Syria. But I am in
no way interested in supporting Turkish or any other
anarchy. The Allied Powers can easily prevent it by means
other than that of ending Turkish rule or dismembering
and weakening the Ottoman Empire. The Allied Powers
arc not dealing with a new situation. If Turkey was to be
partitioned, the position should have been made clear at
the commencement of the war. There would then kave
be en no question of a broken pledge* As it is, no Indian

494 NON-CO-OPERATION

Mahomedan has any regard for the promises of British
Ministers. In hi? opinion, the cry agiinst Turkey is that of
Christianity vs. Islam with England as the leader in the cry-
The latest cablegram from Mr. Mahomed Ali strengthens
the impression, for he says that unlike as in England his
deputation is receiving much support from the French
Government and the people.

Thus, if it is true, as I hoi 1 it is true that the Indian
Mussalmans have a cause that is just and* is supported by
scriptural authority, then for the Hindus not to support them
to the utmost would be a cowardly breach- of brotherhood
and they would forfeit all claim to consideration from their
Mahomedan countrymen. As a public-server, therefore, I
would be unworthy of the position I claim, if I did not sup-
port Indian Mussalmans in their struggle to maintain the
Khilafat in accordance with their religious belief. I believe
that in supporting them I am rendering a service to the
Empire, because by assisting my Mahomedan countrymen
to give a disciplined expression to their sentiment, it be-
comes possible to make the agitation thoroughly orderly
and even successful.

CONGRESS REPORT ON THE PUNJAB
DISORDERS.

[The Report of the Comnissioners appointed by tha Sab-Com-
mittee of the Congress in Nov. 1919 to enquire into the Punjab
disorders together with the evidenca taken by them was published in
May 19.20. The Report was signed by M. K.Gandhi, C. R. Das,
Abbas Tyabji and M.R. Jayakar who had examined over 1,700 cases
and selected about 650 statements for publication. The inclusion of
Mr. Gandhi's name among the Com nissioners* was accepted by alt
as a guarantee for accuracy. The report bsars the impress of Mr

CONGRESS REPORT ON THE PUNJAB DISORDERS 495

Gandhi's hands and though it was the joint production of all the
Commissioners it was at once conceded that Mr.Gindhi's share alike
in the examination and sifting of evidence and in drawing the con-
clusions was CDnsiderable. As Mr. Gandhi has stood by the findings
of his committee we may here reproduce the more important portions
of the Report.]

We have been oblige 1 in places to use s-rong languig«r
but we have used every adjective with due deliberation,
If anything, we have understated the case agamst the Pan-
jab Government. We recognise we have not right to ex-
pect an impossible standard of correctness from the
Government. In times of excitement and difficulty, any
officer is prone to make mistakes in spite of b^st inten-
tions. We recognise, too, that when the country is on the
-eve of important changes being introiucei in the adminis-
tration, and the Sovereign has made an appeal to officials
and the people for co-operation, we should say nothing
that may be calculated to retard progress.

But we feel that it is not possible to ignore the acts of
atrocious injustice on a wholes xle scale by responsible
officers, as it would nut be possible, no muter how bright
the future might be, to ignore criminal acts of the people.
In our opinion, it is more necessary now than ever before,
that official wrong should be purged as well as the peoples.
The task of working the reforms and m iking India realise
her goal in the quickest time possible would well nigh be im-
possible if both the people and the offi :ials did not approach
it with clean hands and clean minds. If, therefore, we re-
commend that the officials who have erred should be
brought to justice, we dj so, not in a vindictive spirit, but in
order tha" the administration of the country tmy become
purified of corruption and injustice. Whilst therefore, we
believe that the mob excesses in Auritsar and elsewhere

496 NON-CO-OPERATION

were wrong and deserving of condemnation, we are equally
sure the popular misdeeds have been more than punished
by the action of the authorities.

We believe, had Mr. Gandhi not been arrested whilst he
he was on his way to Delhi and the Punjab and had Kitch-
lew and Satyapal not been arrested and deported, innocent
English lives would have been saved and valuable property,
including Christian churches.net destroyed. These two
acts of the Punjab Government were uncalled for and
served like matches applied to material rendered ii.flam-
mable by previous processes.

In examining in detail the events in different districts ol
the Punjab, we have refrained from saying anything regard-
ing the Government of India. It is impossible, however, to
ignore or slur over the inaction, if not active participations
of the Central Government in official action. The Viceroy
never took the trouble to examine the people's case. He
ignored the telegrams and letters from individuals and
public bodies. He endorsed the action of i he Pun jab Govern-
ment without enquiry, and clothed the officials with indem
nityin indecent haste. He never went to the Punjab to make
a personal enquiry, even after the occuiiences. He ought to
have known, at least in May, everything that various official
witnesses have admitted, and yet he failed to inform the
public or the Imperial Government of the full nature of the
Jallianwala Bagh massacre or the subsequent acts done
under Martial law. He became a party to preventing even
a noble and well-known English Christian of unimpeach-
able veracity, in the person of Mr. Andrews, from proceed-
ing to the Punjab whilst he was on his way, not to inflame
passions, but simply to find out the truth. H« allowed
Mr. Thompson, Chief Secretary, Punjab Government, to
indulge in distortion of facts and to insult Pundit Madao-

CONGRESS REPORT ON THE PUNJAB DISORDERS 497

Mohan Malaviya whose statements made in the Council
have almost all now been proved to be true out of the
mouths of official witnesses themselves. He expressed such
a callous indifference to popular feelings and betrayed such
criminal want of imagination that he would not postpone
death sentences pronounced by the Martial Law tribunal,
except after he was forced to do so by the Secretary of State
Cor India. He seems to have closed his heart against further
light by shutting out questions by a responsible member of
the Council like Pundit Madan Mohan Malaviya. He
would not visit the Punjab for local inquiry. We refrain from
criticising his attitude over the Rowlatt agitation. But a
sense of public safety forbids us to ignore His Excellency's
inability to appreciate and deal with the situation in April.
Whilst, therefore, ve do not think His Excellency has wil-
fully neglected the interests of those who were entrusted to
his charge by His Majesty, we regret to say that H. E.
Lord Chelmsford has pi oved himself incapable of holding
the high office to which he was called, and we are of opinion
that His Excellency should be re-called.

We summarise below our other conclusions: —
The people of the Punjab were incensed against Sir
M. O'Dwyer's administration by reason of his studied con-
tempt and distrust of the educated classes, and by the iea~
son of the cruel and compulsory methods adopted during
the war for obtaining recruits and monetary contributions
and by his suppression of public opinion, by gagging the
local press and shutting out Nationalist newspapers from
outside the Punjab.

The Rowlatt agitation disturbed the public mind and

shocked confidence in the goodwill of the Government.

This was shared by the Punjab in a fuller measure, perhaps,

than el sewhere, because of the use made by Sir Michael

32

498 NON-CO-OPERATION

O'Dvyer of the Defence of India Act for purposes of
stifling public movements.

The Satyagraha movement and hartal, which was
•designed as a precursor of it, whilst they vitalised the whole
country into activity, saved it from more awful and more
widespread calamities by restraining violent tendencies
and passions of the people.

The Rowlatt agitation was not conceited in an anti-
British spirit and the Sityagrah* movement wa? conce ived
and conducted in a spirit eitirely free fro n ill-will and vio-
lence. There was no conspiracy 10 overthrow the Govern-
ment in the Punjab.

The arrest and internment of Mr. Gindhi aid the
arrests and deportations of Kitchlew and Satyapal were un-
justifiable and were the only direct cause of the hysterical
popular excitement.

Mob violence, which began at Amritsar, was directly
due to the firing at the Railway overbridge and the sight
of dead and wounded, at a time when the excitemen t had
reached white heat.

Whatever the cause of provocation, the mobe excesses
are deeply to be regretted and condemned.

So far as the facts are publicly known, no reasobable
cause has been shown to justify the introduction of martial
law.

In each case martial law was proclaimed after order
had been completely restored.

Even if it be held that the introduction of martial law
was a State necessity, it was unduly prolonged.

Most of the measures taken under martial law in all
the five districts were unnecessary, cruel, oppressive and
in utter disregard of the feelings of the people affected by
them.

CONGRESS REPORT ON THE PUNJAB DISORDERS 499

In Lahore, Akalgrah, Ramnagar, Gujerat, Jaillalpur,
Jattan, Lyallpurand Sheikhupura, there were no mob ex-
cesses worthy of the name.

The Jallianwalla B*gh massacre was calculated piece
of inhumanity towards utterly innocent and unirmed man
including children, and unparralleled for its ferocity in the
history of modern British administration.

Martial law tribunals and summary courts were made
the means of harassing innocent people and resulted in an
abortion of justice on a wide scale, and under the name of
justice caused moral and material suffering to hundreds of
men and women.

The crawling order and other fancy punishments were
unworthy of a civilized administration, and were symp-
tomatic of the moral degradation of their inventors.

The imposition of indemnity and of punitive police at
various places, notwithstanding the exemplary and vindic-
tive punishments meted out through nearly two long months
to innocent men and the exaction of fines and illegal im-
positions, were uncalled for, unjust and added injury.

The corruption and bribery that took place during
martial law form a separate chapter of grievance which
could have been easily avoided under a sympathetic
administration.

The measures necessary for redressing the wrong done
to the people for the purification of the administration and
for preventing repetition in future of official lawlessness are
— va) The repeal of the Rowlatt Act, (b) Relieving Sir
Michael O'Dwyer of any responsible office under the crown (c)
Relieving General Dyer, Colonel Johnson, Colonel O'B rien,
Mr. Bosworth Smith, Sri Ram Sud and Malik Sahib Khan
of any position of responsibility under the Crown (b) Local
tinquiry into the corrupt practices of minor officials, whose

500 NON-CO-OPERATION

names have been mentioned in the statements published
by us and their dismissal, on proof of their guilt, (e) Recall
of the Viceroy, (f) Refund of fines collected from the peo-
ple who were convicied by special tribunals and summary
courts, remission of all indemnity imposed on the cities
affected and refund thereof where it has already been
collected, and the removal of punitive police.

It is our deliberate opinion that Sir Michael O'Dwyer,
General D)er, Colonel Johnson, Colonel O'Brien, Mr.
Bosworth Smith, Sri Ram Sud and Malik Sahib Khan
have been guilty of such illegalities that they deserve to be-
impeached, but we purposely refrain from advising any
such course, because we believe India can only gain by
waiving this right. Future purity will be sufficiently guaran-
teed by the dismissal of the officials concerned.

We believe Colonel Macrae and Captain Doveton have
failed equally with Colonel O'Brien and others to carry
out their trust, but we have purposely refrained from
advising any public action against them, as, unlike others
mentioned by us, these two officers were inexperienced
and their brutality was not so studied and calculated as
that of experienced officers.

THE PUNJAB, DISORDER: A PERSONAL
STATEMENT.

[The Report of the Commissioners appointed by the Punjab
Sub-Committee of the Indian National Congress contains a special
note on Satyagraha from the pen of Mr. M. K. Gandhi. The Com-
missioners discuss how far Satyagraha was responsible for violent
excesses in the Punjab. Mr. Gandhi, as the pioneer and the supreme
exponent of the movement, here expounds the methods and the
•fficacy of "The Law oi Love" as the governing law of Hfe, as much

PUNJAB DISORDER ! A PERSONAL STATEMENT 501

ia the home as in the broader arid more complex relations of
national and international affairs : — ]

For the past thirty years I have been preaching and
practising Satyagraha. The principles of " Satyagraha,"
as I know it to-day, constitute a gradual evolution.

The term * Satyagraha' was coined by me in South
Africa to express the force that the Indians there used for
full eight years, and it was coined in order to distinguish it
tfrom the movement, then going on in the United Kingdom
and South Africa under the name of Passive Resistance.

Its root meaning is 'holding on to truth'; hence.
Truth-force I have also called it Love-force or Soul -fo rce.
Jn the application of " Satyagraha " I discovered in Uje ear-
>liest stages that pursuit of truth did not aimit of violence
being inflicted on one's opponent but that he must be weaned
from error by patience and sympathy. For what appears
to be truth to the one may appear to be error to the other*
And patience means self-suffering. So the doctrine came
to mean vindication of truth not by infliction of suffering on
the opponent, but one's own self.

"Satyagraha" differs from Passive Resistance as the
North Pole from the South. The latter has been conceived
as a weapon of the weak and does not exclude the use of
physical force or violence for the purpose of gaining one'*
end ; whereas the former has been conceived as a weapon
of the strongest and excludes the use of violence in any
shape or form.

When Diniel disregarded the laws of the Medes and
Persians which offended his conscience and meekly suffer-
ed the punishment for his disobedience, he offered 'Satya-
graha' in its purest form. Socrates would n)t refrain from
preaching what he knew to be the truth to the Athenia n
youth, and bravely suffered the punishment of death. He

502 NON-CO-OPERATION

was, in this case, a (Satyagrahi.7 Prahlad disregarded the
orders of his father because he considered them to be re-
pugnant to his conscience. He uncomplainingly and cheer-
fully bore the tortures to which he was subjected at the
instance of his father. Mirabai, who is said to have offended
her husband by following her own conscience, was content
to live in separation from him and bore with quiet dignity
and resignation all the injuries that are said to have been
done to her in order to bend her to her husband's will. Both
Prahlad and Mirabai practised "Satyagraha." It must be
remembered, that neither Daniel nor Socrates, neither
Prahlad nor Mirabai had any ill-will to-wards their prose-
cutors, Daniel and Socrates are regarded as having been
tnodel citizens of the States to which they belonged, Prahlad
a model son, Mirabai a model wife.

This doctiine of 'Satyagraha' is not new ; it is merely
an extension cf the rule of domestic life to the political.
Family disputes and differences are generally settled
according to the law of love. The injured member has so
much regard for the others that he suffers injury for the
sake of his principles without retaliating and without being
angry with those who differ from him. And as repression
of anger» self-suffering are difficult processes, he does not
dignify trifles into principles, but, in all non-essentials,
readily agrees with the rest of the family, and thus contrives
to gain the maximum ot peace for himself without disturbing
that of the others. Thus his action, whether he resists or
resigns, is always calculated to promote the common welfare
of the family. It is this law of love which, silently but surely,
governs the family for the most part throughout the civilized
world.

I feel that nations cannot be one in reality nor can
their activities be conducive to the common good of t-he

PUNJAB DISORDER : A PERSONAL STATEMENT 503

whole humanity, unless there is this definite recognition
and acceptance of the law of the family in national and in-
ternational affairs, in other words, on the political platform.
Nations can be called civilized, only to the extent that they
obey this law.

This law of love is nothing but a law of truth. Without
truth there is no love ; without truth it may be affection, as
for one's country to the injury of others ; or infatuation, as
of a young man for a girl ; or love may be unreasoning and
blind, as of ignorant parents for their children. Love tran-
scends all animality and is never partial. 'Satyagraha' hasr
therefore, been described as a coir), on whose face you read
love and on the reverse ycu read tiuih. It is a coin current
everywhere and has indefinable value.

* Satyagraha' is self-dependent. It does not require
the assent of the opponent before it can be brought into
play. Indeed it shines out most when the opponent resists.
It is, therefore, irresistible. A 'Satyagrahi' does not know
what defeat is, for he fights for truth without being exhaust-
ed. Death in the fight is a deliverance, and prison, a gate-
way to liberty.

It is called also soul-force, became a definite recogni-
tion of the soul within is a necessity, if a ' Satyagrahi' is
to believe that death does not mean cessation of*the struggle,
but a culmination. The body is merely a vehicle for
self-expression ; and he gladl) ghes up the bcdy, when its-
existence is an obstruction in the way of the opponent
seeing the truth, for which the * Satyagrahi' stands. He
gives up the body in the certain iaith that, if 'anything
would change his opponent's view, a willing sacrifice of his
body must do so. And with the knowledge that the soul'
survives the body, he is rot impatient to fee the triumph
of truth in the present bcdy. Indeed, victory lies in the

504 NON-CO-OPERATION

ability to die in the attempt to make the opponent see the
truth which the * Satyagrahi' for the time being expresses.

And as a * Satyagrahi' never injures his opponent and
always appeals, either to his reason by gentle argument, or
his heart by the sacrifice of self, 'Satyagraha' is twice bless-
ed, it blesses him who practises it, and him against whom
it is practised.

It has, however, been objecteJ that * Satyagraha,1 a*
we conceive it, can he practised only by a select few. My
experience proves the contrary. O.ice its simple princi-
ples— adherence to truth and insistence upon it by self-
suffering — are understood, anybidy can practise it. It is
as difficult or as easy to practise as any other virtue. It is
as little necessary for its practice that everyone should
understand the whole philosophy of it, as it is for the
practice of total abstinence.

After all, no one disputes the necessity of insisting on
truth us one sees it. And it is easy enough to understand
that it is vulgar to attempt to compel the opponent to its
acceptance by using brute force; it is discreditable to submit
to error because argument has failed to convince, and that
the only true and honourable course is not to submit to it
even at the cost of one's life. Then only can the world be
purged of error, if it ever can be altogether. There can
be no compromise with <*rror where it hurts the vital be-
ing.

But, on the political field, the struggle on behalf of the
people mostly consists in oppjsing error in the shape of
unjust laws. When you have failed to bring the error
home to the lawgiver by way of petitions and the like, the
only remedy open to you, if you do not wish to submit to
it, is to compel him to retrace his steps by suffering In
your own person, i.e., that is by inviting the penalty for the

PUNJAB DISORDER : A PERSONAL STATEMENT 505

breach of the law. Hence, « Satyagraha' largely appears to
the public as civil disobedience or civil resistance. It is
civil in the sense that it is not criminal.

The criminal, i e. the ordinary law-breaker bre aks the
law surreptitiously and tries to void the penalty ; not so
the civil resister. He ever obeys the laws of the State to
which he belongs, not out of f«ar of the sanctions, but be-
cause he considers them to be good for the welfare of society.
But there come occasions, generally rare, when he con-
siders certain laws to be so unjust as to render obedience
to them a dishonour, he then openly and civilly breaks
them and quietly suffers the penalty for their breach And
in order to register his protest against the action of the law-
giver, it is open to him to withdraw his co-operation from
the State by disobeying such other laws whose breach does
not invole moral turpitude. In my opinion, the beauty and
efficacy of * Satyagraha' are so great and the doctrine so
simple that it can be preached even to children. It was
preached by me to thousands of men, women and children,
commonly callled indentured Indians, with excellent results.

ROWLATT BlF.LS.

When the Rowlatt Bills were published I felt that they
were so restrictive of human liberty that they must be resist-
ed to the utmost. I observed, too, that the opposition to
them was universal amorrg Indians. I submit that no State,
however despotic, has the right to enact laws whi ch are re-
puguant to the whole body of the people, much less a govern-
ment guided by constitutional usage and precedent, such
as the Indian Government. I felt, too, that the Oncoming
agitation needed a definite direction if it was neither to
collapse nor to run into violent channels.

I ventured therefore to present Satyagraha to the coun-
try, emphasising its civil resistance aspect. And as it is

506 NON-CO-OPERATION

purely an inward and purifying tonic I suggested the obser-
vance of fast, prayer and suspension of all work for one day,
April 6. There was a magnificent response throughout the
length and bieadth of India, even in little villages, although
there was no organisation and no great previous prepa-
ration. 7 he idea was given to the public as soon as it was
conceived. On April 6 there was no violence used by the
people and no collision whh the police worth naming. The
hartal was purely voluntary and spontaneous.
1 HE " ARRKST."

The observance of April 6 was to be followed by civil
disobedience. For that purpose the Committee of the Sat-
yagraha Sabha had selected certain laws for disobedience.
And we commenced the distribution of prohibited literature
of a perfectly healthy type, e.g., a pamphlet written by me
on Home Rule, a translation of Ruskin's "Unto this Last,"
and "De fence and Death of Socrates."

But there is no doubt that April 6 found India vitalised
as never before. '1 he people who were fear-stricken ceased
to fear authority. Moreover, hitherto, the masses had lain
inert. The leaders had not really acted upon them. They
were undisciplined. They had found a new force, but they
did not know what it was and how to use it.

At Delhi the leaders found it difficult to restrain the
very large number of people who had remained unmoved
before. At Amritsar Mr. Satyapal was anxious that I
should go there and show to the people the peaceful nature
of Satyagraha. Swami Shraddhanandji from Delhi and Dr,
Satyapal from Amritsar wrote to me asking me to go to
their respe ctive places for pacifying the people and for ex-
plaining to them the nature of Satyagraha. I had never
been to Amritsar, and for that matter to the Punjab, before.
These two messages *ere seen by the authorities and they

HOW TO WORK NON-CO-OPERATION 507

knew that I was invited to both the places for peaceful pur-
poses.

I left Bombay for Delhi and the Punjab on April 8 and
had telegraphed to Dr. Satyapal, whom I had never meU
before, to meet me at Delhi. But after passing Muttra I
was served with an order piohibiting me from entering the
province of Delhi. I felt that I was bound to disregard this
order, and I proceeded on my jouiney. At Palwal I was
served with an order prohibiting me fiom entering the
Punjab and confine me to the Bombay Presidency. And I
was arrested by a party of police and taken off the train at
that station. The Superintendent of the Police who arrest-
ed me acted with every courtesy. I was taken to Muttra
by the first available train and thence by goods train early
in the morning to Siwai Madhupur, where I joined the
Bombay mail from Peshawar and was taken charge of by
Superinterdent Bowrirg. I was discharged at Bombay on
April 10.

But the people at Ahmedabad and Viramgaum and in
Gujeiat generally had heard of my arrest. They became
furious, shops were closed, crowds gathered, and murder,
arson, pillage, wire-cutting, and attempt at dei ailment fol-
lowed.

HOW TO WORK NON-CO-OPERATION.

[Mr. Gandhi \\rote the following article in Young India,
May, 3, 1920:—]

Perhaps the best wav of answering the fears and
criticism as to non-co-operation is to elaborate more fully
the scheme of non-co-operation. The critics seem to ima-
gine that the organisers propose to give effect to the whole
scheme at once. The fact however is that the organisers

508 NON-CO-OPERATION

liave fixed definite, progressive four stages. The first is the
giving up of titles and resignation of honorary posts. If
there is no response or if the response received is not effect-
ive, recourse will be had to the second stage. The second
stage involves much previous arrangement. Certainly not a
single servant will be called out unless he is either capable
of supporting himself and his dependants or the Khilafat
Committee is able to bear the burden. All the classes of
servants will not be called out at once and never will any
pressure be put upon a single servant to withdraw himself
^from the Government service. Nor will a single private em-
ployee be touched for the simple reason that the move-
ment is not anti-English. It is not even anti-Government.
Co-operation is to be withdrawn because the people must
•not be party to a wrong — i broken pledge — i violation of
a <1eep religious sentiment. Naturally, the movement will
receive a check, if there is any undue influence brought to
near upon any Government servant or if any
used or countenanced by any member of the Khilafat;l
mittee. The second stage must be entirely
response is at all on an adequate scale. For no
—much less the Indian Government — can Subsist if the
people cease to serve it. The withdrawal therefore of the
police and the military— the third stage— is a distant goal.
The organisers however wanted to be fair, open and above
suspicion. They did not want to keep back from their
Government or the public a single step they had in con-
templation even as a remote contigency. The fourth i. * .
suspension of taxes is still more femote. The organisers
recognise that suspension of genera 1 taxation is fraught
with the greatest danger. It is likely to bring sensitive
classes in confict with the police. They are therefore not
likely to embark upon it, unless they can do so with the

HOW TO WORK NON-CO-OPERATION 509

assurance that there will be no violence offered by the
people.

I admit, as I have already done, that non-co-operation
is not unattended with risk, but the risk of supineness in
the face of a grave issue is infinitely greater than the
danger of violence ensuing from organizing non-co-opera-
tion. To do nothing is to invite violence fcr a certainty.

It is easy enough to pass resolutions or write articles
condemning non-co-operation. But it is no easy task to
restrain the fury of a people incensed by a deep sense of
wrong. I urge those who talk or work against non-co-opera-
tion to descend from their chairs and go down to the people,
learn their feelings and write, if they have the heart, against
non-co-operation. They -will find, as I have found, that
tfie only way to avoid violence is to enable them to give
such expression to their feelings as to compel redress. I
have found nothing save non-co-operation. It is logical and
harmless. It is the inherent right of a subject to refuse to
assist a Government that will not listen to him.

Non-co-operation as a voluntary movement can only
succeed, if the feeling is genuine and strong enough to
make people suffer to the utmost. If the religious senti-
ment of the Mahomedans is deeply hurt and if the Hindus
entertain neighbourly regard towards their Muslim brethren,
they will both count no cost too great for achieving the
end. Non-co-operation will not only be an effective remedy,
but will also be an effective test of the sincerity of the-
Muslim claim and the Hindu profession of friendship.

There is however one formidable argument urged by
friends against my joining the Khilafat movement. They
say that it ill becomes me, a friend of the English and an
admirer of the British constitution, to join hands with those
trho arc to-day filled with nothing but illwill against the

510 NON-CO-OPERATION

English. I am sorry to have to confess that the ordinary
Mohamedan entertains to-day no affection for Englishmen*
•He considers, not without some cause, that they have not
played the game. But if I am friendly towards Englishmen,
I am no less so towards my country tien, the Mohomedans.
And as such they have a greater claim upon my attention
than Englishmen. My personal religion however enables
me to serve my countrymen without hurting Englishmen
or for that matter anybody else. What I am not prepared
to do to my blood brother I would not do to an Englishmen.
I would not injure him to gain a kingdom. But I would
withdraw co-operation from him if it became necessary, as
I had withdrawn from my own brother (now deceased) when
it became necessary. I serve the Empire by refusing to
partake in its wrong. William Stead offered public prayers
for British reverses at the time of the Boer war because he
considered that the nation to which he belonged was en-
gaged in an unrighteours war. The present Prime Minis-
ter risked his life in opposing that war and did everything
he could to obstruct his own Government in its prosecution.
And to-day if I have thrown in my lot with the Mohome-
dans a large number of whom bear no friendly feelings to-
wards the British, I have done so frankly as a friend of the
British and with the object of gaining justice and of thereby
showing the capacity of the British constitutio n to respond
to every honest determination when it is coupled with
suffering. I hope by my 'alliance' with the Mohomedans
to achieve a three-fold end — to obtain justice in the face of
odds with the method of Satyagraha and to show its efficacy
over all other methods, to secure Muhomedan friendship
for the Hindus and thereby internal peace also, and last bat
not least to transform ill-will into affection for the British
and their constitution which in spite of its imperfections has

OPEN LETTER TO LORD CHELMSFORD 511

weathered many a storm. I may fail in achieving any of the
ends. I can but attempt. God alone can grant success.
It will not be denied that the ends are all worthy. I invite
Hindus and Englishmen to join me in a full-hearted man-
ner in shouldering the burden the Mjhomedans of India
are carrying. Their is admittedly a just fight. The
Viceroy, the Secretary of State, the Maharaja, of Bikaner
and Lord Sinha have testified to it. Time has arrived to
make good the testimony. People with a just cause are
never satisfied with a mere protest. They have been known
to die for it. Are a high-spirited people, the Mahomedans,
expected to do less?

OPEN LETTER TO LORD CHELMSFORD.

[The Turkish Peace Treaty was handed to the Ottoman Delega-
tion on the llth May 1920 at Paris and the terms of that treaty were
published in India on the 14th with a message from H. E. the
Viceroy to the Muslim people of India. According to the proposals
Turkey was to be dismembered and Constantinople alone
was saved for the Sultan to whom only a fringe of territory was
conceded for the defence of his Capital. The actual terms were a
total violation of the promises (Lloyd George's pledge) not to de-
prive Turkey "of the rich and renowned lands of Asia Minor and
Thrace." In reply to the Viceroy's massage of sympathy.
Mr. Gandhi invited His Excellency to lead the agitation:—]

Your Excellency, As one who has enjoyed a certain
measure of your Excellency's confidence and as one who
claims to be a devoted well-wisher of the British Empire, I
owe it to your Excellency, and through your Excellenry
to His Majesty's ministers, to explain my connection with
and my conduct in the Khilafat question.

At the very earliest stage of the war, even while I was
tn London organising th« Indian Volunteer Ambulance

512 NON-CO-OPERATION

Corps, I began to interest myself in the Khilafat question,
I perceived how deeply moved the Mussalman world in
London was, when Turkey decided to throw in her lot with
Germany. On my arrival in January of 1915 I found the
same anxiousness and earnestness among the Mussalmans
with whom I came in contact, Their anxiety became intense
when the information about the secret treaties leaked out.
Distrust of British intentions filled their minds and despair
took possession of them. Even at that moment I advised
my Mussalman friends not to give way to despair but to
express their fears and their hopes in a disciplined manner.
It will be admitted that the whole of the Mussalman India
has behaved in a singularly restrained manner during the
past five years and that the leaders have been able to keep
the turbulent sections of their community under complete
control.

MOSLEMS SHOCKED.

The peace terms and your Excellency's defence of
them have given the Mussalmans of India a shock from
which it will be difficult for them to recover. The terms
violate the ministerial pledges and utterly disregard Mussal-
man sentiment. I consider that, as a staunch Hindu wishing
to live on terms of the closest friendship with my Mussal-
man countrymen, I should be an unworthy son of India if
I did not stand by them in their hour of trial. In my hum-
ble opinion, their cause is just They claim that Turkey
must not be punished, if their sentiment is to be respected.
Muslim soldiers did not fight to inflict punishment on their
own Khalifa or to deprive, him of his territories. The
Mussalman attitude has been consistent throughout these
five years.

My duty to the Empire to which I owe my loyalty
reauires me to resist the cruel violence that has been done?

OPEN LETTER TO LORD CHELMSFORD 51$

to the Mussalman sentiment so far as I am aware. Mussal-
man and Hindus have, as a whole, lost faith in British
justice and honour. The report of the majority of the Hun*
ter Committee, your Excellency's despatch thereon and
Mr. Montagu's reply have only aggravated the distrust.
THE ONLY COURSE.

In these circumstances the only course open to one-
like me is either in despair to sever all connection with
Britishjrule or, if I still retained faith in the inherent superior-
ity of the British constitution to all others at present in
vogue, to adopt such means as will rectify the wrong done
and thus restore confidence. I have not lost faith in such
superiority and I am not without hope that somehow or
other justice will yet be rendered, if we show the requisite
capacity for suffering. Indeed rny conception of that
constitution is that it helps only those who are ready to help
themselves. I don't believe that it protects the weak. It
gives free scope to the strong to maintain their strength,
and develop it. The weak under it go to the wall.

It is then,because I believe in the British constitution,that
I have advised rny Mussalman friends to withdraw their sup-
port from your Excellency's Government and the Hindus to
join them should the peace terms not be revised in accordance
with the solemen pledges of ministers and the Muslim senti-
ment.Three couises were open to the Mahommedans in order
to mark their emphatic disapproval of the utter injustice tc
which His Majesty's ministers have become a party, if they
have not actually been the prime perpetrators of it. They
are :

1. To resort to violence.

2. To advise emigration on a wholesale scale.

3. Not to be a party to the injustice by ceasing
to co-operate with the Government.

33

514 NON-CO-OPERATION

NON-CO-OPERATION.

Your Excellency must be aware that there was a time
when the boldest, though also the most thoughtless among
the Mussalmans favoured violence and that Hi j rat (emigra-
tion) has not yet ceased to be the battle-cry. I venture
to claim that I have succeeded by patient reasoning in wean-
ing the party of violence from its ways. I confees that
I did not — I did not attempt to — succeed in weaning them
violence on moral grounds but purely on utilitarian grounds.
The result for the time being at any rate has however been
to stop violence, The school of Hijrat has received a check
if it has not stopped its activity entirely. I hold that no
repression could have prevented a violent erruption, if the
people had not presented to them a form of direct action
involving considerable sacrifice and ensuring success if such
direct action was largely taken up by the public. Non-co-
operation was the only dignified and constitutional form of
such direct action. For it is the right recognised from
times immemorial of the subject to refuse to assist a ruler
who misrules.

At the same time I admit that non-co-operation practis-
ed by the mass of people is attended with grave risks. But
in a crisis such as has overtaken the Mussalmans of India, no
step that is unattended with large risks can possibly bring
about the desired change. Not to run some risks will be to
court much greater risks, if not virtuil destruction of law
and order.

But there is yet an escape from non-co-operation . The
Mussalman representation has requested your Excellency to
lead the agitation yourself as did your distinguished pre-
decessor at the time of the South African trouble. But if you
cannot see your way to do so, non-co-operation becomes a
dire necessity. I hope your Excellency will give those who

POLITICAL FREEMASONRY 515

have accepted my advice and myself the credit for being
actuated by nothing less than a stern sense of duty.
I have the honour to remain,
Your Excellency 'sobdt. servant,

(Si.) M. K. GANDHI.
Laburnum Road,

Gamdevi, Bombay.

22nd June 1920.

POLITICAL FREEMASONRY.

"[The Report of the Hunter Committee together with the Govern-
ment of India's Despatch was published on the 3rd May$ 1920, and
the Secretary of State's reply followed on the 26th. As was expected
the Indian members of the Committee submitted a separate Report.
the Hon. Mr. Shafi writing a strong dissenting minute to the Govern-
ment of India's despatch. Mr. Montagu in his Despatch comdemned
the severity of the martial law administration and the excesses of Gen
Dyer's action at Jullianwallah Bagh and laid down in unmis-
takable terms the principle which ought to govern the policy of His
Majesty's Government in similar cases in the future. Mr. Gandhi,
disappointed at and stung by the injustice of the Government threw
out the challenge that " a scandal of this magnituda cannot be
tolerated by the nation, if it is to preserve its self-respect and
become a free partner in the Empire." He wrote in Young India,
dated the 9th June, 1920:—]

Freemasonry is a secret brotherhood which has, more
by its secret and iron rulesuhan by i:-; service to huna-iity,
obtained a hold upon some of the best minds. Similarly
there seems to be some secret code of conduct governing
the official class in India before which the flower of the
great British nation fall prostrate and unconsciously become
instiuments of injustice which as private individuils
they would be ashamed of perpetrating. In no other way
is it possible for one to understand the majority report of
the Hunter Committee, the despatch of the Government of

516 NON-COOPERATION

India and the reply thereto of the Secretary of State for
India. In spite of the energetic protests of a section of the
Press to the personnel of the committee, it might be said
that on the whole the public were prepared to trust it
especially as it contained three Indian members who could
fairly be claimed to be independent. The first rude shock
to this confidence was delivered by the refusal of Lord
Hunter's Committee to accept the very moderate and reason-
able demand of the Congress Committe that the imprisoned
Punjab leaders might be be allowed to appear before it to
instruct counsel. Any doubt that might have been
left in the mind of any person has been dispelled
by the report of the majority of that committee,
The result has justified the attitude of the Congress
Commitee. The evidence collected by it shows what
Lord Hunter's Committee purposely denied itself.

The minority report stands out like an oasis in a desert.
The Indian members deserve the congratulation of their
countrymen for having dared to do their duty in the face
of heavy odds. I wish that they had refused to associate
themselves even in a modified manner with the condem-
nation of the civil disobedience form of Satyagraha. The
defiant spirit of the Delhi mob on the 3Oth March, 1919, can
hardly be used for condemning a great spiritual move-
ment which is admittedly and manifestly intended to
restrain the violent tendencies of mobs and to replace
criminal lawlessness by civil disobedience of authority,
when it has forfeited all title to respect. On the 30th March
civil disobedience had not even been started. Almost every
great popular demonstration has been hitherto attended all
the world over by a certain amount of lawlessness. The
demonstration of soth March and 6th April could have been
held under any other aegis as under that of Satyagrah. I

POLITICAL FREEMASONRY 517

hold that, without the advent of the spirit of civility and
orderliness, the disobedience would have taken a much
more violent form than it did even at Delhi. It was only
the wonderfully quick acceptance by the people of the prin-
ciple of Satyagrah that effectively checked the spread of
violence throughout the length and breadth of India. And
even to-day it is not the memory of the black barbirity of
General Dyer that is keeping the undoubted restlessness
among the people from breaking forth into violence. The
hold that Satyagrah has gained on the people — it mty be
evqn against their will — is curbing the forces of disorder
and violence. But I must not detain the reader on a defence
of Satyagrah against unjust attacks. If it has gained a foot-
hold in India, it will survive much fiercer attacks than the
one made by the majority of the Hunter Cpmmittee ani
somewhat supported by the minority. Had the majority
report been defective only in this direction and correct IB
every other there would have been nothing but praise for
it. After all Satyagrah is a new experiment in political
field. And a hasty attributing to it of any popular disorder
would have been pardonable.

The universally pronounced adverse judgment upon the
report and the despatches rests upon far more painful reve-
lations. Look at the manifestly laboured defence; of every
official act of inhumanity except where condemnation could
not be avoided through the impudent admissions made by
the actors themselves ; look at the special pleading intro-
duced to defend General Dyer evqn against himself ; look
at the vain glorification of Sir Michael O'D*ryer although
it was his spirit that actuated every act of criminality on
che part of the subordinates ; look at the deliberate refusal
to examine his wild career before the events of April. His
-acts were an open book of which the committee ought to

518 NON-CO-OPERATION

have taken judicial notice. Instead of accepting every-
thing that the officials had to say, the Comirittee's obrfous
duty was to tax itself to find out the ical cause of the
disorders. It ought to have goi»e out of its way to seirch
out the inwaidness of the events. Instead of patiently gcing
behind the hard crust of official documents, the Commifee
allowed itself to 1 e guided with criminal laziness by
mere official evidence. The report and the despatches, in
my humble opinion, constitute an attempt to condone official
lawlessness. The cautious and half-hearted condemnation
pronounced ujon General Djer's massacre and the notori-
ous crawling order only deepens the disappointment of the
reader as he goes through page after page of thii.ly dis-
guised official whitewash. I need, however, scarcely attempt
any elaborate exmamination of the reporter the despatches
which have been so justly censured by the whole national
press whether of the mcderale or the extremist hue. The
point to consider is how to break down this secret — be the
secrecy ever so unconscious — conspiracy to uphold official
iniquity. A scandal of this magnitude cannot be tolerated
by the nation, if it is to preserve its self-rfespect and become
a free partner in the Empire. The All-India Congress Com-
mittee has resolved upon convening a special session of the
Congress for the purpose of considering, among other things,
the situation arising from the report. In my opinion the
time has arrived when we must cease to rely upon mere
petition to Pailiamert for effective action. Petitions will
have value, when the nation has behind it the power to
enforce its will. What power then have we/ When we
are fiimly of opinion that gme wiong has been done us
aid when after an appeal to the highest authority we fait
to fecure rediess, there must be some power available to
us for undoing the wrong. It is true that in the

POLITICAL FREEMASONRY 519

vast majority of cases it is the duty of a subject to
submit to wrongs on failure of the usual procedure*
so long as they do not affect his vital being. But
every nation and every individual has the right and
It is their duty, to rise against an intolerable wrong. I
do not believe in armed risings. They are a remedy worse
than the disease sought to be cared. They are a token of
the spirit of revenge and impatience and anger. The
method of violence cannot do good in the long run. Wit-
ness the effect of the armed rising of the allied powers
against Germany. Have they not become even like the
Germans, as the latter have been depicted to us by them/

We have a better method. Unlike that of violence it
certainly involves the exercise of restraint and patience ;
but it requires also resoluteness of will. This method is to
refuse to be party to the wrong. No tyrant has ever yet
succeeded in his purpose without carrying the victim with
him, it may be, as it often is, by force. Most people choose
rather to yield to the will of the tyrant than to suffer for
the consequence of retiscence. Hence does terrorism form
part of the stock-in-trade of the tyrant. But we have in-
stances in history where terrorism has failed to impose the
terrorist's will upon his victim. India has the choice be-
fore her now. If then the acts of the Punjab Government
be an insufferable wrong, if the report of Lord Hunter's
Commitee and the two despatches be a greater wrong by
reason of their grievous condonation of these acts, it is
clear that we must refuse to submit to this official violence,
Appeal the Parliament by all means if necessay but if the
Parliament fails us an d if we are worthy to call ourselves
a nation, we must refuse to uphold the Government by
withdrawing co-operation from it.

COURTS, AND SCHOOLS

[ Even before the special Congres Mri Gandhi had enunciated
his scheme of non-co-operation and began his agitation in the press
•and platform urging his conntrymen f to follow the various terms in
'his programme. In the Young , India, in August 1920, Mr.
Gandhi laid special stress on the need for boycotting courts and
schools. He wrote:—]

The Non-Co-operation Cjihmitee has included, in the
first stage, boycott of law-courts by lawyers and of Govern-
ment schools and colleges by Brents or scholars as the case
may be. I know that it is only my reputation as a worker
and fighter, which has saved me from an open charge of
lunacy for having given the advice about boycott of courts
and schools.

I venture however to claim some method about my
madness. It does not require much reflection to see that it
is through courts that a government establishes its author-
ity and it is through schools that it manufactures clerks and
other employees. They are both healthy institutio ns when
the government in charge of them is on the whole just*
They are death-traps when the government is unjus t.
FIRST AS TO LAWYERS.

No newspaper has combated my views on non-co-
operation with so much pertinacity and ability as the Allaha-
bad Leader. It has ridiculed my views on lawyers expressed
in my booklet, Indian Home Rule/ written h^ me in 1908.
I adhere to the views then expressed. A'id if f find time I
hope to elaborate them in these columns. But 1 refrain from
so doing for the time being as my special views have no-
ihing to do with my advice on the necessity of lawyers sus-
pending practice. I submit that national non-co-operation
requires suspension of their practice by lawyers. P erhaps

COURTS AND SCHOOLS 521

no one co-operates with a government more than lawyers
through its law-coarts. Liwyers interpret laws to the
people and thus support authority. It is for that reason that
they are styled officers of the court. They may be called
honorary office holdhers. It is said that it is the lawyers who
have put up the most stubborn fight against the Govern-
ment. This is no doubt partly true. But that does not undo
the mischief that is inherent in the profession. So when
the nation wishes to paralyse the Government, that profes-
sion, if it wishes to help the nation to bend the Government
to its will, must suspend practice. But say the critics, the
Government will be too pleased, if the pleaders and barris-
ters fell into the trap laid by me". I do not believe it. What
is true in ordinary times is not true in extraordinary times •
In normal times the Government may resent fierce criticism
of their manners and methods by lawyers, but in the face
of fierce action they would be loath to part with a single
lawyer's support through his practice in the courts .

Moreover, in my scheme, suspension does not mean
stagnation. The lawyers are not to suspend practice? and
enjoy rest. They will be expected to induce their clients
to boycott Courts. They will improvise arbitration-boards
in order to settle disputes. A nation, that is bent on forcing
justice from an unwilling government, has little time foi eng-
aging in mutual quarrels. This truth the lawyers will be ex-
pected to bring home to their cilents. The readers may not
know that many of the most noted lawyers of England sus-
pended their work during the late war. The lawyers, then,
upon temporarily leaving their profession, became whole-
time workers instead of being workers Only during their
recreation hours. Real politics are not a game. The late
Mr. Gokhale used to deplore that we had not gone beyond
treating politics as a pastime. We have no notion as to

522 NON- COOPERATION

how much the country has lost by reason of amateurs hav-
ing managed its battles with the serious-minded, trained
and wholetime-working bureaucracy.

The critics then argue that the lawyers will starve, if
they leave their profession. This cannot be said of the
profession. They do at times suspend work for visiting
Europe or otherwise. Of those who live from hand to
mouth, if- they are honest men, each local Khilafat Com-
mittee can pay them an honorarium against full time service.

Lastly, for Mahomedan lawyers, it has been suggested
that, if they stop their practice, Hindus will take it up. I am
hoping Hindus will at least show the negative courage of not
touching their Muslim brethren's clients, even if they do not
suspend their own practice. But I am sure no religiously
minded Musulman will be found to say that they can carry
on the fight only if the Hindu stand side by side with them
in sacrifice. If the Hindus do as they must, it will be to-
their honour and for the common good of both. But the
MuSulmans musi go forward whether the Hindus join them
or not. If it is a matter of life and death with them, they
must not count the cost. No cost is too heavy for the pre-
servation of one's honour, especially religious honour. Only
they will sacrifice who cannot abstain. Forced sacrifice is
no sacrifice. It will not last. A movement lacks sincerity
when it is supported by unwilling workers under pressure.
The Khilafat movement will become an irresistible force-
*hen every Musalman treats the peace terms as an indi-
vidual wrong. No man waits for others' help or sacrifice in;
matters of private personal wrong. He seeks help no doubt,
but his battle against the wrong goes on whether he gains
help or not. If he has justice on his side, the divine law is
(hat he does get help. God is the help of the helpless.
When the Pandava brothers were unable to help Draupadi.

COURTS AND SCHOOLS 523

God came to the rescue and saved her honour. The Prophet
*as hell ed ty Gcd when he 5etired to be forsaken by mer

Now FOR THE SCHOOLS.

I feel that if we have not the courage to suspend the
education of cur children, we do rot deserve to win the
battle.

The first stage includes, renunciation ot honours 01
favours. As a matter of fact no government bestows favours
without taking more than the favours are worth. It would be
a bad and extravagant government which threw away its
favours. In a government broad-based upon a people's will,
we give our lives to secure a trinket which is a symbool of
service. Under an unjust government which defies a people's
will, rich J agirs become a sign of servitude and dishonour.
Thus consideied, the schools must be given up without a
mcment's thought.

For me the whole scheme of non-co-operation is,
among other things, a test of the intensity and extent of
our fcelirg. Are ve genuine ? Are ve prepared to suffer ?
It has been said that we may not expect much response
frcm title-holders, for they have never taken part in nation-
al affairs and have bought their honours at too great a
price easily to sacrifice them. I make a present of the
argument to the objectors, and ask, what about the parents
of school-children and the grown up college-students ?
1 hey have no such intimate connection with the Govern-
ment as the title-holdeis. Do they or do they not feel
enough to enable them to sacrifice the schooling t

But I conter.d that theie is no sacrifice involved in
emptying the schools. We must be specially unfit tor non-
co-oj eiation if *e ate so helpless as to be unble to manage
cur own education in total independence of the Government.

: 524 NON-CO-OPERATION

Every village should manage the education of its own
children. I would not depend upon Government aid. If
there is a real awakening the schooling need not be interrupt-
cd.for a single day. The very school-masters who are now
conducting Government schools, if they are good enough to
resign their office, could take charge of national schools and
teach our children the things they nee'l, and not make of
the majority of them indifferent clerks. I do look to the
Aligarh College to give the lead in this matter. The moral
effect created by the emptying of our Madrassas will be
tremendous. I doubt not that the Hindu parents atnd
scholars would not fail to copy their Musulman brethren.

Indeed what could be grander education than that the
parents and scholars should put religious sentiment before
a knowledge of letters/. If therefore no arrangement could
be immediately made for the literary instruction of youths
who might be withdrawn, it woull be most profitable train-
ing for them to be able to work as volunteers for the cause
which may necessitate their withdrawal from GDvernment
schools. For>as in the case of the lawyers, so in the case of
boys, my notioh of withdrawal does not mean an idolent life.
The withdrawing boys will, each according to his worth, be
expected to take their share in the agitation.

SPEECH AT MADRAS.

[Addressing a huge concourse of people of all classes numbering
over 50,000, assembled on the Beach opposite to the Presidency
College, Madras, on the 12th August, 1920, Mr. Gandhi outlined his
Non-Co-operation scheme and sketched the programme of work
before the country. He said : — ]

Mr. Chairman and Friends, — Like last year, I have to
ask your forgiveness that I shoald have to speak bsing
seated. Whilst my voice has become stro.iger than it was

SPEECH AT MADRAS 525

tast year, my body is still weak; and if I were to attempt
to speak to you standing, I could not hold on for very many
minutes before the whole frame would shake. I hope,
therefore, that you will grant me permission to speak
seated. I have sat here to address you on a most import-
ant question, probably a question whose importance we have
not measured up to now.

LOKAMAYNA TlLAK.

But before I approach that question on this dear old~
beach of Madras, you will expect me — you will want me —
to offer my tribute to the great departed, Lokamanya Tilak
Maharaj (Loud and prolonged cheers). I would ask this
great assembly to listen to me in silence. I have come to
make an appeal to your hearts and to your reason and I
could not do so unless you were prepared to listen to what-
ever I have to say in absolute silence. I wish to offer my
tribute to the departed patriot and I think that I cannot do
better than say that his death, as his life, has poured new
vigour into the country. If you were present as I was pre-
sent at that great funeral procession, you would realise with
me the meaning of my words. Mr. Tilak lived for h's
country. The inspiration of his life was freedom for his
country which he called Swaraj : the inspiration of his
death-bed was also freedom for his country. And it was
that which gave him such marvellous hold upon his
countr)men; it was that which commanded the adoration
not of a few chosen Indians belonging *to the upper strata
of society but of millions of his countrymen. His life was
one long sustained piece of self-sacrifice. He began that
life of discipline and self-sacrifice in 1879 an(* ^e continued
that life up to the end of his day, and that was the secret
of his hold upon his country. He not only knew what he

326 NON-CO-OPERATION

wanted for his country but also how to live for his count ry
and how to die for his country. I ho^e then that whatever
I say this evening to this vast m iss of people, will bear
fruit in that same sacrifice for which the life of Lokamanya
Tilak Maharaj stands. His life, if it teaches us anything
whatsoever, teaches one supreme lesson : that if we want to
do anything whatsoever for our country, we can do so not
by speeches, however grand, eloquent and convincing they
may be, but only by sacrifice at the back of every word and
at the back of every act of our life. 1 have come to ask
everyone of you whether you are ready and willing to give
sufficiently for your country's sake, for your country 's
honour and for religion. I have boundless faith in you,
the citizens of Madras, and the people of this great
presidency, a faith which I began to cultivate in the
year 1893 when I first made acquaintance with the Tamil
labourers in South Africa; and I hope that, in these hours
of our trial, this province will not be second to any
other in India, and that it will lead in this spirit of
self-sacrifice and will translate every word into action.

NEED FOR NON-CO-OPERATION

What is this non-co-operation, about which you have
heard much, and why do we want to offer this non-co-
operation f I wish to go for the time being into the why.
There are two things before this country : the first and
the foremost is the Khilafat question. On this the heart
of the Mussalmans of India has become lascerated. British
pledges given after the greatest deliberation by the Prime
Minister of England in the name of the English nation,
have been dragged into the mire. The promises given to
Moslem India on the strength of which the consideration
that was excepted by the British nation was exacted, have

SPEECH AT MADRAS 527

toeen broken, and the great religion of Islam has been
placed in danger. The Mussalmans hold— and I venture
to think they rightly hold— that, so long as British promises
remain unfulfilled, so long is it impossible for them to
tender whole-hearted fealty and loyalty to the British
connection ; and if it is to be a choice for a devout
Mussalman between loyalty to the British connection and
loyalty to his Code and Prophet, he will not require a
second to make his choice, — and he has declared his
•choice. The Mussalmans say frankly, openly and
'honourably to the whole world that, if the British
Ministers and the British nation do not fulfil the
pledges given to them and do not wish to regard with
respect the sentiments of 70 millions of the inhabitants
of India who profess the faith of Islam, it will be
impossible foi them to retain Islamic loylaty. It is a
question, then, for the rest of the Indian population to con-
sider whether they want to perform a. neighbourly duty by
their Mussalman countrymen, and if they do, they have
an opportunity of a lifetime which will not occur for ano-
ther hundred years, to show their good- will, fellowship and
friendship and to prove what they have been saying for
all these long years that the Mussalman is the broth er of
the Hindu. If the Hindu regards that before the co nnec-
tion with the British nation comes his natural connection
with his Moslem brother, then I say to you that, if you find
that the Moslem claim is just, that it is based upon real
sentiment, and that at its background is this great religious
feeling, you cannot do othewise than help the Mussalrnans
through and through, so long as their cause remains just
and the means for attaining the end remains equilly justf
honourable and free from harm to India. These are the
plain conditions which the Indian Musalmans have accep ted

528 NON-CO-OPERATION

and it was when they saw that they could accept the
prefer red aid of the Hindus, that they could always justify
the cause and the means before the whole world* that they
decided to accept the prof erred hand of fellowship. It is
then for Hindus and Mahamadans to offer a united front to
the whole of the Christaian powers of Europe and tell them
that weak as India is. India has still got the capacity oi
preserving her self-respect, she still knows ^ow to die for
her religion and for her self-respect.

That is the Khilafat in a nut-shell ; but you have also
got the Punjab. The Punjab has wounded the heart oi
India as no other question has for the past century. I dc
not exclude from my calculation the Mutiny of 1857. What-
ever hardships India had to suffer during the Mutiny, the
insult that was attempted to be offered to her during the
passage of the Rowlatt legislation and that which was offer
ed af te r its passage were unparalled in Indian history.
It is because you want justice from the British nation in
connection with the Punjab atrocities you have to devise
ways and means as to how you can get this justice* The
House of Commons, the House of Lords, Mr. Montagu, the
Vicer oy of India, every one of them knows what the feeling
of India is on this Khilafat question and on that of the
Punjab ; the debates in both the Houses of parliament, the
action of Mr. Montagu ar.d that of the Viceroy have
demonstrated to you completely that they are not willing
to give the justice which is India's due and which she
deman ds. I suggest that our leaders have got to find a
way but of this great difficulty and unless we have made
ourselves even with the British rulers in India and unless
we have gained a measure of self-respect at the hands of
the British rulers in India, no connection, and no friendly
intercourse is possible between them and ourselves. I,

SPEECH AT MADRAS 529-

therefore, venture to sdggest this beautiful unanswerable
method of non-co-operation.

Is IT UNCONSTITUTIONAL

I have been told that non-co-operation is unconstitu-
tional. I venture to deny that it is unconstitutional. On
the contrary, I hold that non-co-operation is a just and
religious doctrine ; it is the inherent right of every human
being and it is perfectly constitutional. A great lover of the
British Empire has said that under the British constitution
even a successful rebellion is perfectly constitutional and he
quotes historical instances, which I cannot deny, in support
of his claim. I do not clairr, any constitutionality for a
rebellion successful or otherwise, so long as that rebellion
means in the ordinary sense of the term, what it does mean,
namely, wresting justice by violent means. On the con-
trary, I have said it repeatedly to my countrymen that
violence, whatever end it may serve in Europe, will never
serve us in India. My brother and friend Shaukat Ali
believes in methods of violence ; and if it was in his power
to draw the sword against the British Empire, I know that
he has got the courage of a man and he has got also the
wisdom to see that he should offer that battle to the British
Empire. But beca use he recognises as a true soldier that
means of violence are not open to India, he sides with me
accepting my humble assistance and pledges his word that
so long as I am with him and so long as he believes in the
doctrine, so long will he not harbour even the idea of
violence against any single Englishman or any single man
On earth, I am here to tell you that he has been as true as
his <word 'and has kept it religiously, I am here to bear
witness that he has been following out this plan of non-
violent non-co-operation to the very letter and I am asking
lodiato tfoHow this iron-violent non-co-operation. I tell

530 NON-CO-OPERATION

you that there is not a better soldier living in our ranks ii*
British India than Shaukat All. When the time for the
drawing of the sword comes, if it ever comes, you
will find him drawing that sword and you will find me
retiring to the jungles of Hindustan. As soon as India
accepts the doctrine of the sword, my life as an Indian is
finished. It is because I believe in a mission special to India
and it is because I believe that the ancients of India, after
centuries of experience hive found out that the true thing
for any human being on eirth is not justice bised on
violence but justice bassd ou sacrifice of self, justice. based
on Ya^na and Kurbini, — I cling to thit doctrine and I
shall cling to it for ever, — -it is for that reason I tell 'you
that whilst my friend believes also in the doctrine of
violence and has adopted the doctrine of non-violence as a
weapon of the weak, I believe in the doctrine of non-vio-
lence as a weapon of the strongest. I believe that a man is
the strongest soldier for daring to die unarmed with his
breast bare before the ene.ny. S3 much for the non-
violent part of non-co-operation. I therefore, venture to
suggest to my learned countrymen that, so long as the
doctrine of non-co-operation remains non-violent, so long
there is nothing un-constitutional in the doctrine.

I ask further, is it unconstitutijml for me to say to
the British Government ' I refuse to serve you f ' Is it
unconstitutional for our worthy chairman to return with
•every respect all the titles that he his ever hell frooa the
Government ? Is it unconstitutional for aay parent to
withdraw his children from aGDvernment or aided sch oal t
Is it unconstitutional for a Uwyer to say ' I sh all no longer
support the arm of the law so long as that arm of law is
used not to raise me but to debase me f Is it unconstitu-
tional for a civil servant or for a judge to say, ' I refuse to

SPEECH AT MADRAS 531

serve a Government which does not wish to respect the
wishes of the whole people ?' I ask, is it unconstitutional
for a policeman or for a soldier to tender his resignation
when he knows that he is called to serve a Government
which traduces its own countrymen ? Is it unconstitutional
For me to go to the ' krishan,' to the agriculturist, and say
to him ' it is not wise for you to pay any taxes, if these
taxes are used by the Government not to raise you but to
weaken you t9 I hold and I venture to submit, thU there
is nothing unconstitutional in it. What is more, I hive done
every one of these things in my life and nobody has ques-
tioned the constitutional character of it. 1 was in Kaira
working in the midst of 7 lakhs of agriculturists. They
had all suspended the payment of taxes and the whole of
India was at one with me. Nobody considered that it was
unconstitutional. I submit that in the whole plan of non-
co-operation, there is nothing unconstitutional. But I do
venture to suggest that it will be highly unconstitutional in
the midst of this unconstitutional Government, — in the
midst of a nation which has built up its nugnificent con-
stitution,— for the people of India to become weak and to
crawl on their belly — it will be highly unconstitutional for
:he people of India to pocket every insult that is offered to
them ; it is highly unconstitutional for the 70 millions of
Mohamadans of India to submit to a violent wrong done to
their religion ; it is highly unconstitutional for the whole
>f India to sit still and co-operate with an unjust
Sovernment which has trodden under its feet the honour
rf the Punjab, I say to my countrymen so long as you have
i sense of honour and so long as you wish to remain the
descendants and defenders of the noble traditions that
lave been handed to you for generations after generatfonsf
t is unconstitutional for you not to n on -co-operate and un-

NON-CO-OPERATION

constitutional for you to co-operate with a Governmenf
which has became so unjust as our Government has
become. I am not anti-English; I am not anti-British;
I am not anti-any Government ; but I am anti -untruth-*—
anti-humbug and anti-injustice. So long as the Govern-
ment spells injustice, it may regard me as its enemy,
implacable enemy. I had hoped at the Congress at
Amritsar — I am speaking God's truth before you — when
I pleaded on bended kneess before some of you for co-opera-
tron with the Government, I had full hope that the British
Ministers who are wise as a rule, would placate the Mussal-
man sentiment, that they would do full justice in the matter
olthe Punjab atrocities ; and therefore, I said :— -let us
return good-will to the hand of fellowship that has been ex-
tended to us, which I then believed was extended
to us through the Royal Proclamation. It was on
that account that I pleaded for co-operation. But to-day
that faith having gone and obliterated by the acts
of the 'British Ministers, I am here to plead not for futile
obstruction in the Legislative Council but for real substan-
tial non-co-operation which would paralyse the mightiest
Government on earth. That is what I stand for to-day.
Until we have wrung Justice, and until we having wrung
our self-respect from unwilling hands and from un-
it illing pens there can be no-co-operation. Our Shastras
say and I say so with the greatest deference to all
the greatest ' religious preceptors of India but without
fear of contradiction, that our Shastras teach us thai; there
shall be no-co-operation between injustice, and justice,
between an unjust man and a justice-loving man, between
truth and untruth. Co-operation is' a duty only so ^ong as
Government protects your honour, and non-co-operation is
an ed^ual duty when the Government, instead of protecting,

SPEECH AT MADRAS 533

robs you of ypur honour. That is the doctrine < of non-co-
operation.

NoX-Co-OPERATION & THE SPECIAL CONGRESS

1 have been told that 1 should have waited for the
declaration of the special Congress which is the mouth-
piece of the whole nation. I know that it is the mouth-
piece of the whole nation. If it was for me, indi vidual Gandhi,
to wait, 1 would have waited for eternity. But I « had
in my hands a sacred trust. I was advising my Mussalman
countrymen and for the time being I hold their honour in my
hands. I dare not ask them to wait for any verdict but the
verdict of their own Conscience. Do you suppose that Mussal-
mans can eat their own words, can withdraw from the honour-
able position they have taken up ? If perchance — and God
forbid that it should happen— the Special Congress decides
against them, I would still advise my countrymen, the
Mussulmans to stand single handed and fight rather than
yield to the attempted dishonour to their religion. It is
therefore given to the Mussalmans to go to the Congress on
bended knees and plead for support. But suppo rt, or no sup-
port, it was not possible for them to wait for the Congress to
give them the lead. They had to choose between futile vio-
lence, drawing of the naked sword and peaceful non-violent
but effective non-co-operation, and they have made their
choice. I venture further to say to you that if there is any
body of men who feel as I do, the sacred character of non-
co-operation, it is for you and me not to wait for the Con-
gress but to act and to make it impossible for the Congress
to give any other verdict. After all what is the Congress/
The Congress is the collected voice of individuals who form
ft, and if the individuals go to the Congress with a united
voice, that will be the verdict you will gain from the Con-
gress. But if we go to the Congress with no opinion because

534

we have none or because we are afraid to express it, then
naturally we await the verdict of the Congress. To those who
are unable to make up their mind I say, by all means wait.
But for those who have seen the clear light as they see the
lights in frcnt of them, for them, to wait is a sin. The Con-
gress dees not expect you to wait but it expects'you to act so
that the Congress can guage properly-the national feeling.
So much for the Congress.

BOYCOTT OF THE COUNCILS.

Among the details of non-co-operation I have placed
in the foremost rank the bo>cott of the councils. Friends
have quarrelled with me for the U5e of the woid boycott,
because I have disapproved — as I disapprove even now — -
bc)cott of British gcods cr ai y goods for that matter. But
there, boycott has its o\/vn meaning and here boycott has
its own meaning. I not only do not disapprove but
apprcve cf the boycott of the the councils that are going to
be foimed next year. And why do I do it ? The people —
the masses, — require frcm us, the leaders, a dear lead.
They do not want any equivocation from us. The sugges-
tion that \se shculd seek election and then lefuse totakethe
oath of allegiance, uculd only make the i ation distiust the
leaders. Jt is not a clear lead to the nation. So I say to
you, my counti)men, not to fall into this trap. We shall
sell our country by adopting the method of seeking election
and then not taking the cath of allegiance. We may find
it d fficult, aid I fiai kly confess to>cu that I have not
that tjust in so many Irdians making that derlaiadon and
standing by it. To-day I suggest to those who horestly
hold the vie* — m, that \ie shculd seek election and then
refuse to take the oath of allegiance — I suggest to them
that they will fall into a tiap which they are preparing for
themselves and for the naticn. 1 hat is my view. I hold'

SPEECH AT MADRAS 535

that if we want to give the nation the clearest possible lead,
and if we want not to play with this great nation, we must
make it clear to this nation that we cannot take any favours,
no matter, how great they may be, so long as those favours
are accompanied by an injustice, a double wrong done to
India not)et redressed. 'Ihe first indispensable thing
before we can receive any favours from them is that they
should redress this double wrong. There is a Greek proverb
which used to say " Beware of the Greeks but especially
beware of them when they bring gifts to you." To-day
from those ministers who are bent upon perpetuating the
wiongto Islam and to the Punjab I say we cannot accept
gifts but vie should be doubly careful lest we may not fall
into the trap that they may have "devised. I therefore
suggest that ve must r.ot coquet with the council and
must not have anything whatsoever to do with them. I am
lold that if we, who represent the national sentiment, do
not seek election, the Moderates who do not represent that
sentiment will. I do not agree. I do not know what the
Moderates represent and I do not know what the Nationa-
lists represent. I know that there are good sheep and black
sheep amongst the Moderates. I know that there are good
sheep and black sheep amongst the Nationalists. I know
that many Moderates hold honestly the view that it is a sin
to resort to non-co-operation. I respectfully agree to differ-
from them. I do say to them also that they will fall into
a trap which they will have devised if they seek election.
But that does not affect my situation. If I feel in my
heart of hearts that I ought not to go to the councils, I
ought at least to abide by this decision and it does not
matter if nfnety-nine other countr)men seek election. That
is the cnly way in which public work can be done, and
public opinion can be built. That is the only way in

536 NON-CO-OPERATION

which reforms can be achieved and religion can fye
conserved. If it is a question of religious honour,
whether I am one or among many I must stand upon
my doctrine. Even if I should die in the attempt, it
is worth dying for, than that I should live and deny
my o#n doctrine. I suggest that it will be wrong on the
part of any one to seek election to these (Jouicils. If once
we feel that we cannot co-operate with this Government,
we have to commence from the top. We are the natural
leaders of the people and we have acquired the right and
the power to go to the nation and speak to it with the
voice of non-co-operation. I therefore do suggest that it
is inconsistent with non-co-operation to seek election to the
Councils on any terms whatsoever.

LAWYERS AND NON-CO-OPERATION
I have suggested an nher difficult matter, viz., that
the lawyers should suspend their practice. How should
I do otherwise knowing so well how the Government had
always been able to retain this power through the instru-
mentality of lawyers. It is perfectly true that it is the
lawyers of to-day who are leading us, who are fighting the
country's battles, but when it comes to a matter of action
against the Government, when it comes to a matter of para-
lysing the activity of the Government I know that the
Government always looks to the lawyers, however fine
fighters they may have been, to preserve their dignity and
their self-respect. I therefore suggest to my lawyer friends
that it is their duty to suspend their practice and to show
to the Government that they will no longer retain their
offices, because lawyers are considered to be honorary
officers of the courts and therefore subject to their dis-
ciplinary jurisdiction. They must no longer retain these
honorary offices if they want to withdraw co-operation

SPEECH AT MADRAS 537

from Government. But what will hippen to law ancl orderf
We shall evolve law and o'rder through the instrumentality
of these very lawyers. We shall promote arbitration courts
and dispence justice, pure, simple, home-made justice, swa-
deshi justice, to our countrymen. That is what suspension
of practice means.

PARENTS AND NON-CO-OPERATION.

I have suggested yet another difficulcy — to withd raw our
children from the Government schools and to ask collegiate
students to withdraw from the College and to empty
Government aided schools. How could 1 do otherwise f 1
want to guage the national sentiment. 1 want to know
whether the Mohmedans feel deeply. If they feel deeply
they will understand in the twinkling of an eye, that it is
not right for them to receive schooling from a Government
in which they have lost all faith ; and which they do not
trust at all. How can I, if I do not want to help this Govern-
ment, receive any help from that Government. 1 think that
the schools and colleges are factories for making clerks
and Government servants. I would not help this great
factory for manufacturing clerks and servants if I want to
withdraw co-operation from that Government. Look at it
from any point of view you like. It is not possible for you
to send your children to the schools and still believe in the
doctrine of non-co-peration..

THE DUTY OF TITLE HOLDERS.

I have gone further. I have suggested that our title
holders should give up their titles. How can they hold on
to the titles and honours bestowed by this Government/
They were at one time badges of honour when we believed
that national honour was safe in their hands. But now
they are no longer badges of honour but badges of dis-
honour and disgrace when we really believe that we cannot

558 NON-CO-OPERATION

get justice from this Government. Every title holder holds
his titles and honours as trustee Tor the nation and in this
first step in the withdrawal of co-operation from the
Government they should surrender their titles without a
moment's cosideration. I suggest to my Mahomedan
countrymen that, if they fail in this primary duty they will
certainly fail in non-co-operation unless the masses them-
selves reject the classes and take up non-co-operation in
their own hands and are able to fight that battle even as
the men of the French Revolution were able
to take the reins of Government in their own hands leaving
aside the leaders and marched to the banner of victory. I
want no revolution. I want ordered progress. I want no
disordered order. I want no chaos. I want real order to
be evolved cut of this chaos whirh is misrepresented to me
as order. If it is order established by a tyrant in order to
get hold of the tyrannical reins of Government I say that
it Is no order for me but it is disorder. I want to evolve
justice out of this injustice. Therefore I suggest to you
the passive non-co-operation. If we would only realise
the secret of this peaceful and infallible doctrine you will
know and ycu will find that yen will not want to use even
an angry word when they lift the sword at yon and you
will not want even to lift ycur Mule finger, let alone a stick

or a sword.

A SERVICE TO THE EMPIRE.

You may consider that I have spoken these words in
anger because I have corsidered the ways of this Govern-
ment immoral, unjust, debasing and untruthful. I use
these adjectives with the greatest deliberation. I have
used them for my own true brother with whom I was
engaged in a battle of non-co-operation for full 13 years and
although the ashes cover the remains of my brother I tell

SPEECH AT MADRAS 539

you that I used to tell him that he was unjust when his
plans were based upon immoral foundation. I used to tell
him that he did not stand for tiuth. There \sas no anger
in ir,e. I told him this home truth because I loved him.
In the same manner, I tell the British people that I love
thenvand that I want their association but I want that
association on conditions veil cleaned. I want my self-
res^ect'and I want my absolute equality with them. If I
cannot gain that equality from the British people I do not
want that British connection. Jf I have to let the British
people go and import terrporaiy disorder and dislocation
of national business, I will favour that disorder and dislo-
cation than that I should have injustice from the hands of
a gieat nation such as the British nation. You will find
that by the time the whole chapter is closed that the suc-
cessois of Mr. Montagu will give me the credit for
having rendeied the most distirguished seivice that I have
yet rendered to the Empire, in having offpred this non-co-
operation and in having suggested the boycott, not of His
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, but of boycott of a
visit engineered by the Goveinment in order to tighten its
hold on the national neck. I will not allow it even it I
stand alone, if I cannot persuade this nation not to welcome
that vis-it but will boycott that visit with all the power at
my command. It is for that reason I stand before you and
implore you to offer this religious battle, but it is not a
battle offered to )ou by a visionaiy or a saint. I deny being
a visionary. I do not accept the claim of saimliness. I am
of the earth, earthy, a common gardener man as much as
any one of you, probably much more than you are. I am
prone to as many weaknesses as you are. But I have seen
the world. I have lived in the world with my eyes
open. I have gone through the most fiery ordeals that

540 NON-CO-OPERATION

have fallen to the lot of mm. I have gone through this
discipline. I have understood the secret of my own sacrc4
Hinduism, I have learnt the lesson that non-co-operation
is the duty not merely of the saint but it is the duty of
every ordinary citizen, who not knowing much, not caring
to know much, but wants to perform his ordinary household
functions. The people of Europe teach even their masses,
the poor people, the doctrine of the sword. But the Rishis
of India, those who have held the traditions of India, have
preached to the masses of India the doctrine, not of the
sword, not of violence but of suffering, of self -suffering.
And unless you and I are prepared to go through this pri-
mary lesson, we are not ready even to offer the sword and
that is the lesson my brother Shaukat Ali has imbibed to
teach and that is why he to-day accepts my advice tendered
to him in all prayerfulness and in all humility and
says 'long live non-co-operation.' Please remember that
even in England the little children were withdrawn
from the schools ; and colleges in Cambridge and
Oxford were closed. Lawyers had left tneir desks and
were fighting in the trenches. I do not present to you the
trenches but I do ask you to go through the sa crifice that
the men, women and the brave lads of England went
through. Remember that you are offering battle to a na-
tion which is saturated with the spirit of sacrifice when-
ever the occasion arises. Remember that the little band
of Boers offered stubborn resistance to a mighty nation. But
their lawyers had left their desks. Their mothers had .with-
drawn their children from the schools and colleges and the
children had become the volunteers of the nation. I have
seen them with these naked eyes ot mine. I am asking
.my countrymen in India to follow no other gospel
than the gospel of self sacrifice which precedes every

SPEECH AT MADRAS 541

battle. Whether you belong to the school of violence or
non-violence you will still have to go through the fire of
sacrifice, and of discipline. May God grant you, may God
grant our leaders, the wisdom, the courage and the true-
knowledge to lead the nation to its cherished goal. May
God grant the people of India the right path, the true
vision and the ability and the courage to follow this path,
difficult and yet easy, of sacrifice.

SPEECH AT THE SPECIAL CONGRESS.

[After a prolonged tour round the country addressing large-
masses of people on the non-co-operation programme, Mr. Gandhi
reached Calcutta in the first week of September to attend the Special
Congress on the 4th to which the country had been looking forward
lor a difinke lead on the two issues viz.. the Punjab and the
Khilafat. Already Mr. Gandhi had prepared the large mass of
tfcose likely to attend the session, to vote for his programme.. But
the leaders in different provinces were by no means convinced of
the soundness of Mr. Gandhi's scheme. Lala Lajput Rai, the
President of the Session, and Mr. C, R. Das who subsequently
became ardent -followers of Mr. Gandhi, stood out against his
programme and^assisted by Mr. B.C. Pal, opposed Mr. Gandhi.
But Mr. Gandhi carried the day and his lead was followed in the
Moslem League and the Khilafat Conference as well. The resolu-
tion ran as follows : —

"In -view of the fact that on the Khilafat question both the Indian
and imperial Governments have signally failed in their duty towards
the Mussalmans of India, and the Prime Minister has deliberately
broken his pledged word given to them and that it is the duty of
every no n- Moslem Indian in every legitimate manner to assist his
Mussulman brother in this Attempt to remove the religious calamity
that has overtaken Jhim :

And in view of the fact ithat in the matter of the events
of the April of 19l9 both the said Governments have grossly
Neglected or failed to protect the innocent people of the Punjab
and junish officers guilty of unsoldierly and barbarous bebavkm

5 42 NON-CO-OPERATION

towards them and have exonerated Sir Michael O'Dwyer who
proved himself directly or indirectly responsible for the
most of the official crimes and callous to the sufferings of the
people placed under his administration, and that the debate in the
House of Lords betrayed a woeful lack of sy npathy with the people
of India and showed virtual support of the systematic terrorism and
frightfulness adopted in the Punjab and Uat the latest Viceregal
pronouncement is proof of entire absence of repentance in the
matters of the Khilafat and the Punjab :

This Congress is of opinion that there can be no contentment
in India without redress of the two aforementioned wrongs and that
the only effectual means to vindicate national honour and to prevent
a repetition of similar wrongs in future is the establishment of
Swarajya. This Congress is further of opinion that there is no
course left open for the people of India but to approve of and
adopt the policy of progressive non-violent non-co-operation until
the said wrongs are righted and Swarajya is established.

And inasmuch as a beginning should be made by the classes
who have hitherto moulded and represented opinion and inasmuch
as Government consolidates its power through*; titles and honours
bestowed on the people, through schools controlled by it, its law
courts and its legislative councils, and inasmuch as it is desirable
in the prosecution of the movement to take the minim am risk and
to call for the least sacrifice compatible with the attainment of the
desired object, this Congress earnestly advises —

(CD Surrender of titles and honorary offices and resignation
from nominated seats in local bodies;

(6) refusal to attend Government Levees, Durbars, and other
official and semi-official functions held by Government officials or
in their honour;

(c) gradual withdrawal of children from Schools and Colleges
owned, aided or controlled by Government and in place of suck
schools and colleges establishment of National Schools and
Colleges in the various Provinces ;

(<?) gradual boycott of British Courts by lawyers and litigants
and establishment of private arbitration courts by their aid f o r the
settlement of private disputes.

SPEECH AT THE SPECIAL CONGRESS 543

(e) refusal on the part of the military, clerical and labouring
classes to offer themselves as recruits for service in Mesopotarn ia ;

(/; withdrawal by candidates of their candidature for election
to the Reformed Councils and refusal on the part of the voters to
vote for any candidate who may, despite the Congress advice, offer
himself for election ;

(g) The boycott of foreign goods;

And inasmuch as non-co-operation has been conceived as a
measure of discipline and self-sacrifice without which no nation can
make real progress, and inasmuch as an opportunity should be
given in the very first stage or non-co-operation to every man
Woman and child, for such discipline and self-sacrifice, this
Congress advises adoption of Swadeshi in piecegoods on a vast
scale, and inasmuch as the existing mills of India with indi-
genous capital and control do not manufacture sufficient yarn and
sufficient cloth for the requirements of the nation, and are not likely
to do so for a long time to come, this Congress advises imroed iate
timulation of further manufacture on a large scale by means of
reviving hand-spinning in every home and handweaving on the
part of the millions of weavers who have abandoned their ancient
-and honourable calling for want of encouragement."

[In moving their resolution Mr. Gandhi said :]

I am aware, more than aware, of the grave responsi-
bility that rests on my shoulders in being privileged to
move this resolution before this great assembly. I am
aware that my difficulties, as also yours, increase if you are
able to adopt this resolution. I am also aware that the
adoption of any resolution will mark a definite change in
the policy which the country has hitherto adopted for the
vindication of the rights that belong to it, and its honour*
I am aware that a large number of our leaders who have
given the time and attention to the affairs of my mother-
land, which I have not been able to give, are ranged against
me. They think it a duty to resist the policy of revolution-

544 NON-CO-OPERATION

ismg the Gove rnment policy at any cost. Knowing this 1
stand before ycu in fear of Gcd and a sense of duty to put
this before you for your hearty acceptance.

I ask you to dismiss me, for the time being, from your
consideration. I have been charged of saintliness and a
desire for dictatorship. I venture to say that I do not stand
before you either as a saint or a candidate for dictatorship.
I stand before you to present to you the results of my many
years' practical experience in non-co-operation. I deny the
charge that it is a new thing in the country. It has been
accepted at hundreds of meetings attended by thousands of
men, and has been placed in working order since the first
of Aug ust by the Mussalmars, and many of the things in
the programme are being enforced in a more or less intense
form. I ask you again to dismiss personalities in tne con-
sideration of this important question, and bring to bear
patient and calm judgment on it. But a mere acceptance
of the icsolution does not end the work. Every individual
has to enforce the items of the resolution in so far as they
apply to him. I beseech you to give me a patient hearing.
1 ask you neither to clap nor to hiss. I do not mind them
so far as lam concerned, but clapping hinders the flow oi
thought, clapping and hissing hinder the process of corres-
ponf dence between a speaker and his audience. You will
not h rss out of the stage any single speaker. For non-co-
oper at ion is a treasure of discipline and sacrifice and it de-
mands patience and respect for opposite views. And unless
we were able to evolve a spirit of mutual toleration for dia-
metrically opposite views, non-co-operation is an impossi-
bility. Non-co-operation in an angry atmosphere is an
i mpo'ssibilfty. I have leaint through bitter experience rthe
cue fupreflre lesson to conserve my anger, and as* tieSt
ccnsened is transmuted inlb energy, even so our

SPEECH AT THE SPECIAL CONGRESS 545

controlled can be transmuted into a power which can move
the world. To those who have been attending the Con*
gress, as brothers in arms, I ask what can be better disci-
pline than that which we should exercise between our-
selves.

I have been told that I have been doing nothing but
wreckage and that by bringing forward the resolution, I am
breaking up the political life of the country. The Congress
is not a party organisation. It ought to provide a platform
for all shades of opinions, and a minority need not leave
this organisation, but may look forward to translate itself
into a majority, in course of time, if its opinion commended
itself to the country. Only let no man in the name of the
Congress advocate a policy with has been condemned by
the Congress. And if you condemn my policy, I shall not
go away from the Congress, but shall plead with them to
convert the minority into a majority.

There are no two opinions as to the wrong done to the
Khilafat. Mussal mans cannot remain as honourable men
and follow their^ Prophet if they do not vindicate their
honour at any cost. The Punjab has been cruelly, brutally
treated, and inasmuch as one man in the Punjab was made
to crawl on his belly, the whole of India crawled on her
belly, and if we are worthy sons and daughters of India, we
should be pledged to remove these wrongs. It is in order
to remove these wrongs that the country is agitating itself.
But we have not been able to bend the Government to our
will. We cannot rest satisfied with a mere expression of
angry feeling. You could not have heard a more passionate
denunciation of the Punjab wrongs than in the pages of the
Presidential address. If the Congress cannot wring justice
from unwilling hands, how can it vindicate its existence and
its honour ? How can it do so if it cannot enforce

546 NON-CO-OPERATION

repentance, before receiving a single gift, however rich,
from those blood-stained hands.

I have therefore placed before you my scheme of non-
co-operation to achieve this end and want you to reject any
other scheme, unless you have deliberately come to the
conclusion that it is a better scheme than mine. If there is
a sufficient response to my scheme, I make bold to reiterate
my statement that you can gain Swarajya in the course of a
year. Not the passing of the resolution will bring Swarajya
but the enforcement of the resolution from day to-day in a
progressive manner, due regard being had to the conditions
in the country. There is another remedy before the country
and that is drawing of the sword. If that was possible
India would not have listened to the gospel of non-co-opera-
tion. 1 want to suggest to }0u that, even if you want to ar-
rest injustice by methods of violence, discipline and self-
sacrifice are necessary. I have not known of a war
gained by a rabble, but I have known of wars
gained by disciplined armies and if you want to
give battle to the British Government and to the
combined power of Europe, we must train oursel-
ves in discipline and self-sacrifice. I confess I have
become inpatient. I have seen that we deserve Swarajya
to-day, but we have not got the spirit of national sacrifice.
AVe have evolved this spirit in domestic affairs, and I have
come to ask >ou to extend it to other affairs. I have been
travelling from one end to the other of the country to see
whether the country has evolved the national spirit, whether
at the altar of the nation it is leady to dedicate its riches,
children, its all, if it is ready to make the initiatory sacri-
fice. Is the country read) ? Are the title holders ready
to sui render their titles ? Are parents ready to sacrifice the
literary education of their children for the sake of the
country f The schools and colleges are reallv a factory fof

SPEECH AT THE SPECIAL CONGRESS 547

turning out clerks for Government. If the parents are not
ready for the sacrifice, if title-holders not ready, Swarajya
is very nearly an impossibility. No nation being under
another nation can accept gifts and kicks at the responsibi-
lity attaching to those gifts, imposed by the conquering
nation. Immediately the conquered countiy realised in-
stinctively that any gift which might come to it is not for
the benefit of the conquered, but for the benefit of the con-
queror, that moment it should reject every form of voluntary
assistance to him. These are the fundamental essentials of
success in the struggle for the independence for the coun-
try, whether within the Empire or without the Empire. I
hold a real substantial unity between Hindus and Mussal-
mans infinitely superior to the British connection and if I
had to make a choice between that unity and the British
connection I would have the first and reject the other. If
I had to choose between the honour of the Punjab, anarchy,
neglect of education, shutting out of all legislative activity,
and British connection, I would choose the honour of the
Punjab and all it meant, even anarchy, shutting out of all
schools etc, without slightest hesitation.

If you have the same feeling burning in you as in me
for the honour of Islam and the Punjab, then you will
unreservedly accept my resolution.

I now come to the burning topic viz. the boycott of the
councils. Sharpest differences of opinion existed regarding
this and if the house has to divide on it, it must divide on
one issue viz. whether Swarajya has to be gained through
the councils or without the councils. If we utterly distrust
the British Government and we know that they are utterly
unrepentant, how can you believe that the councils will lead
10 Swarajya and not tighten the British hold on India/

548 NON-CO-OPERATION

I now come to Swadeshi. The boycott of foreign
goods is iucluded in the icsolution. You have got here, I
confess, an anomaly for which I am not originally respon-
sible. But I have consented to it. I will not go into the
history of how it found a place into the resolution, ot which,
the essence is discipline and self-sacrifice. Swadeshi means
permanent boycott of foreign^ goods. It is therefore a
matter of redundancy. But I have taken it in, because I
could not reject it as a matter of conscience. I know, how-
ever, it is a physical impossibility. So long as we have to
rely on the pins and needles — figurative and literal both —
we cannot bring about a complete boycott of foreign goods.
I do not hesitate to say this clause mars the musical har-
mony, if I may claim u \\ithout vanity, of the programme. -
I feel that those woids do mar the symmetry of the pro-
gramme. But I am not here tor symmetry of the pro-
gramme as for its workability.

I again ask you not to be influenced by personality,
Reject out of your consideration any service that I have
done. Two things only I claim. Laborious industry, great
thought behind any programme, and unflinching deter-
mination to bring it abcut. You may take only those
things from me, and bring them to bear on any programme
that you adopt.

SWARAJ IN ONE YEAR.

[Since the Special Congress at Calcutta, Mr. Gandhi constantly
referred to the possibility of obtaining Swaraj,in one year. The
period was extended to the end of Dec. 1921 and Mr. Gandhi, in his
writings and speeches during this period, spoke and wrote with the
fervour of faith. Even in the last week of December he never
showed any wavering of faith. In reply to his critics who could
not believe in the practicability of achieving Swaraj inside the year,
Mr. Gandhi wrote in Young India in October, 1920 :]

SWARAJ IN ONE YEAR 549

Much laughter has been indulged in at my expense for
having told the Congress audience at Calcutta that, if there
was sufficient response to my programme of Non-Co-opera-
tion, Swaraj would be attained in one year. Some have
ignored my condition and laughed because of the impossi-
bility of getting Swaraj anyhow within one year. Others
have spelt the " if " in capitals and suggestei that if " ifs "
were permissible in argument, any absurdity could be proved
to be a possibility. My proposition, however, is based on a
mathematical calculation. And I venture to say that true
Swaraj is a practical impossibility without due fulfilment of
my conditions. Swaraj means a state such that we can
maintain our separate existence without the presence of the
English. If it is to be a partnership, it muu bs a partrier-
shipatwill. There can be no Swaraj without our feeling
and being the equals of Englishmen. To-day we feel that
we are dependent upon them for our internal and external
security, for an armed peace between the Hindus and the
'Mussulmans, for our education and for the supply of daily
wants, nay, even for the settlement of our religious squabbles.
The Rajahs are. dependent upon the British for their powers
and the millionaires for their millions. The British know
our helplessness and Sir Thomas Holland cracks jokes
quite legitimately at the expense of Non-Co-op erationists.
To get Swaraj then is to get rid of our helplessness. The
problem is no doubt stupendous, even as it is for the fabled
lion who, having been brought up in the company of goats,
found it impossible to feel that ha was a lion. As Tolstoy
used to put it, mankind often laboured under hypnotism*
^Under its spell continuously we feel the feeling of helpless-
ness. The British themselves cannot be expected to help
us out of it. On the contrary, they din into our ears that
we shall be fit to govern ourselves only by slow educative
processes. The Times suggested that, if we boy cott the

550 NON-CO-OPERATION

councils, we shall lose the opportunity of a training in
Swaraj. I have no doubt that there are many who believe
what the Times says. It even resorts to falsehood. It
audaciously says that Lord Milner's Mission listened to the
Egyptians only when they were ready to lift the boycott of
the Egyptian Council. For me the only training in Swaraj
we need is the ability to defend ourselves against the whole
world and to live our natural life in perfect freedom even
though it may be full of defects, v Good government is no
substitute for self-government. The Afghans have a bad
government, but it is self-government. I envy them. The
Japanese learnt the art through a sea of blood. And if we
to-day had the power to drive out the English by superior
brute force, we would be counted their superiors, and in spite
of our inexperience in debating at the Council table or in
holding executive offices, we would be held fit to govern
ourselves, For brute force is the only test the West has
hitherto recognised. The Germans were defeated not
because they were necessarily in the wrong, but because the
Allied Powers were found to possess greater brute strength.
In the end, therefore, India must either learn the art of
war which the British will not teach her, or she must follow
her own way of discipline and self-sacrifice through Non-Co-
operation. It is as amazing as it is humiliating that less
than one hundred thousand white men should be able to
rule three hundred and fifteen million Indians. They do so
somewhat undoubtedly by force but more by securing our
co-operation in a thousand ways and making us more and
more helpless and dependent on them as time goes forward.
Let us not mistake reformed councils, more law courts and
even governorships for real freedom or power. They are
but subtler methods of emasculation. The British cannot
mleusbymeie torce, And so they resort to all means,
honourable and dishonourable, in order to retain their hold

SWARAJ IN ONE YEAR 551

on India. They want India's billions and they want India's
man-power for their imperialistic greed. If we refuse to
supply them with men and money, we achieve our goal,
namely, Swaraj, equality, manliness.

The cup of our humiliation was filled during the closing
scenes in the Viceregal Council, Mr. Shastri could not move
his resolution on the Punjab. The Indian victims of
Jallianwala received Rs. 1250, the English victims of mob
frenzy received lacs. The officials who were guilty of
crimes against those whose servants they were, were repri-
manded. And the councillors were satisfied. If India were
powerful, India would not have stood this addition of insult
to her injury.

I do not blame the British. If we were weak in numbers,
as they arefwe too would perhaps have resorted to the same
methods as they are now employing. Terrorism and
deception are weapons not of the strong but of the weak.
The, British are weak in numbers, we are weak in spite of
our numbers. The result is that each is dragging the other
down. It is common experience that Englishmen lose in
character after residence in India and that Indians lose in
courage and manliness by contact with Englishmen. This
process of weakening is good neither for us, two nations,
nor for the world.

But if we Indians take care of ourselves, the English
and the rest of the world would take care of themselves.
Our contribution to the world's progress must therefore con-
sist in setting our own house in order.

Training in arms for the present is out of the question.
I go a step further and believe that India has a better
mission for the world. It is within her power to show that
she can achieve her destiny by puie self-sacrifice, *>., self-
purification. This can be done only by Non-Co-operation

552 NON-CO-OPERATION

And Non-Co-operation is possible only when those who com-
menced to co-operate begin the process of withdrawal. If we
can but free ourselves from the threefold Maya of Govern-
ment-controlled schools, Government law courts and
legislative councils, and truly control our own education,
regulate our disputes, and be indifferent to their legislation,
we are ready to govern ourselves, and we are only then ready
to ask the Government servants, whether civil or
military, to resign, and the taxpayers to suspend payment
of taxes.

And is it such an impracticable proposition to expect
parents to withdraw their children from schools and colleges
and establish their own institutions, or to ask lawyers
to suspend their practice and devote their whole time and
attention to national service against payment, where neces-
sary, of their maintenance or to ask candidates for councils
not to enter councils and lend their passive or active assist-
ance to the legislative machinery through which all control
is excercised.The movement of Non-Co-operation is nothing
but an attempt to isolate the brute force of the British from
all the trappings under which it is hidden and to show that
brute force by itself cannot for one single moment hold
India.

But I frankly confess that, until the three conditions
mentioned by me are fulfilled, there is no Swaraj. We may
not go on taking our college degrees, taking thousands of
rupees monthly from clients for cases which can be finished
in five minutes, and taking the keenest delight in wasting
the national time on the council floor, and still expect to
gain national self-respect.

The last, though not the least, important part of the
Maya still remains to be considered. That is Swadeshi.
Had we not abandoned Swadeshi, we need not have been in
the present fallen state. If we would get rid of the economic

TO EVERY ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA 553

slavery, we must manufacture our own cloth and at the
present moment only by hand-spinning and hand-
weaving.

All this means discipline, self-denial, self-sacrifice,
organising ability, confidence, and courage. If we show
this in one year among the classes that to-day count, and
make public opinion, we certainly gain Swaraj within one
year. If I am told that even we who lead have not these
qualities in us, there certainly will never be Swaraj for India
bur then we shall have no right to blame the English for
what they are doing. Our salvation and its time are solely
dependent upon us.

TO EVERY ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA.
[Mr. Gandhi wrote the following two open letters in the pages
of his Young India. Like evei'y one of his articles, they were widely
reproduced in the press. The letters deal with all the topics connect-
ed with the Non-Co-operation movement. The first was written
in October 1920 and the second in July 1921 :]

I
Dear Friend,

I wish that every Englishman will see this appeal and
give thoughtful attention to it.

Let me introduce myself to you. In my humble opin-
ion, no Indian has co-operated with the British Govern-
ment more than I have for an unbroken period of twenty-
nine years of public life in the face of circumstances that
might well have turned any other man into a rebel. I ask
you to believe me when I tell you that my co-operation was
not based on the fear of the punishments provided by your
laws or any other selfish motives. It was free and voluntary
-co-operation based on the belief that the sum total of the
British Government was for the benefit of India, I put my

554 NON-CO-OPERATION

life in peril four times for the sake of the Empire, — at the
time of the Boer war when I was in charge of the Ambu-
lance corps whose work was mentioned in General Buller's
despatches, at the time of the Zulu revolt in Natal when ]
was in charge of a similar corps, at the time of the com-
mencement of the late war when I raised an Ambulance
corps and as a icsult of the strenuous training had a severe
attack of pleurisy, and lastly, in fulfilment of my promise
to Lord Chelmsford at the War Conference in Delhi, I
threw myself in such an active recruiting campaign in
Kaira District involving long and trying marches, that I
had an attack of dysentery which proved almost fatal. I
did all this in the full belief that acts such as mine must
gain for my country an equal status in the Empire. So
last December I pleaded hard for a trustful co-operation. I
fully believed that Mr. Lloyd George would redeem his pro-
mise to the Mussalmans and that the revelations of the
of the official atrocities in the Punjab would secure full
reparation for the Punjabis. But the treachery of Mr.
Lloyd George and its appreciation by you, and the condo-
nation of the Punjab atrocities have completely "shattered
my faith in the good intentions of the Government and
the nation which is supporting it.

But though my faith in your good intentions is gone,
I recognise your bravery and I know that what you will not
yield to justice and reason, you will gladly yield to bravery.

See what this Empire means to India: —

Exploitation of India's resources for the benefit of
Great Britain,

An ever-increasing military expenditure, and a civil
service the most expensive in the world,

Extravagant working of every department ir. utter dis-
regard of India's poverty,

TO EVERY ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA 555

Disarmament and consequent emasculation of a whole
nation lest an armed nation might imperil the lives of a
handful of you in our midst,

Traffic in intoxicating liquors and drugs for the purpose
of sustaining a top heavy administration,

Progressively representative legislation irf order to
suppress an evergrowing agitation seeking to give expression
to a nation's agony.

Degrading treatment of Indians residing in your
dominions, and

You have shown total disregard of our feelings by
glorifying the Punjab administration and flouting the
Mussalman sentiment.

I know you would not mind if we could fight and wrest
the sceptre from your hands. You know that we are
powerless to do that, for you have ensured our incapacity
to fight in open and honourable battle. Bravery on the
battlefield is thus impossible for us. Bravery of the soul still
remains open to us. I know you will respond to that also.
I am engaged in evoking that bravery. Non-co-operation
means nothing less than training in self-sacrifice. Why
should we co-operate with you when we know that by your
administration of this great country we are being daily en-
slaved in an increasing degree. This response of the people
to my appeal is not due to my personality. I would like
you to dismiss me, and for that matter the Ali Brothers too,
from your consideration. My personality will fail to evoke
any response to anti-Muslim cry if I were foolish enough
to raise it, as the magic name of the Ali Brothers would fail
to inspire the Mussalmans with enthusiasm if they were
madly to raise in anti-Hindu cry. People flock in their
thousands to listen to us because we to-day represent voice
of a nation groaning under iron heels. The Ali Brothers
were vour friends as I was, and still am. My religion

556 NON-CO-OPERATION

forbids me to bear any ill-will towards you. I would not
raise my hand against you even if I had the power. I expect
to conquer you only by my suffering. The AH Brothers
will certainly draw the sword, if they could, in defence of
their religion and their country. But they and I have made
common cause with the people of India in their attempt
to voice their feelings and to find a remedy for their
distress.

You are in search of a remedy to suppress this rising
ebullition of national feeling. I venture to suggest to you
that the only way to suppress it is to remove the causes.
You have yet the power. You can repent of the wrongs
done to Indians. You can compel Mr. Lloyd George to
redeem his promises. I assure you he has kept many escape
doors. You can compel the Viceroy to retire in favour of a
better one, you can revise your ideas about Sir Michael
O'Dwyer and General Dyer. You can compel the Govern-
ment to summon a conference of the recognised leaders of
the people, duly elected by them and representing all
shades of opinion so as to devise means for granting Swaraj
in accordance with the wishes of the people of India.

But this you cannot do unless you consider every
Indian to be in reality your equal and brother. I ask for
no patronage, I merely point out to you, as a friend, an
honourable solution of a grave problem. The other solution,
namely repression, is open to you. I prophesy that it will
fail. It has begun already. The Government his already
imprisoned two brave men of Panipat for holding and
expressing their opinions freely. Another is on his trial in
Lahore for having expressed similar opinions. Oae in the
Oudh District is already imprisoned. Another awaits
judgment. You should know what is going on in your midst*
Our propaganda is being carried on in anticipation of re-
pression. I invite you respectfully to choose the^better vray

TO EVERY ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA 557

and make common cause with the people of India whose
salt you are eating. To seek to thwart their aspirations is
disloyalty to the country.

I am,

Your faithful friend,
M. K. GANDHI.

II

Dear friend, — This is the second time I venture to
address you. I know, that most of you detest Non-Co-
operation. But I would invite you to isolate two of my
activities from the rest, if you can give me credit for
honesty.

I cannot prove my honesty, if you do not feel it,
Some of my Indian friends charge me with camouflage,
when I say we need not hate Englishmen, whilst we may
hate the system they have established. I am trying to
show them, that one may detest the wickedness of a brother
without hating him. Jesus denounced the wickedness of
the Scribes and the Pharisees, but he did not hate them.
He did not enunciate this law of love for the man and hate
for the evil in him for himself only, but he taught the
doctrine for universal practice. Indeed, I find it in all the
scriptures of the world.

I claim to be a fairly accurate student of human nature
and vivisector of my own failings. I have discovered, that
man is superior to the system he propounds. And so I
feel, that you as an individual are infinitely better than the
system you have evolved as a corporation. Each one of
my countrymen in Amritsar on that fateful loth of April
was better than the crowd of which he was a member. He,
as a man, would have declined to kill those innocent
English bank managers. But in that crowd, many a mar*
forgot himself. Hence it is, that an Englishman in

558 NON-COOPERATION

is different from an Englishman outside. Similarly an
Englishman in India is different f r )m an Englishman in
England. Here in India, you bel >ng to a system that is
vile beyond description. It is possible, therefore, for me
to condemn the system in the strongest termst without
considering you to be bad and without imputing bad
motives to every Englishman. You are as much slaves of
the system as we are. I want you, therefore, to reciprocate,
and not impute to me motives which you cannot read in
the written word. I give you the whole of my motive when
I tell you, that I am impatient to end or mend a system,
which has made India subservient to a handful of you and
which has made Englishmen feel secure only in the shadow
of the forts and the guns that obtrude themselves on one's
notice in India. It is a degrading spectacle for you and
for us. Our corporate life is based on mutual distrust and
fear. This, you will admit, is unmanly. A system that is
responsible for such a state of things, is necessarily satania
You should be able to live in India as an integral part of its
people and not always as foreign exploiters. One thousand
Indian lives against one English life is a doctrine of dark
despair, and yet believe me, it was enunciated in 1919 by
the highest of you in the land.

I almost feel tempted to invite you to join me in
destroying a system that has dragged both you and us
down. But I feel 1 cannot as yet do so. We have not
shown ourselves earnest, self-sacrificing and self-restrained
enough for that consummation.

But 1 do ask you to help us in the boycott of foreign
cloth and in the anti-drink campaign.

The Lancashire cloth, as English historians have
shoffn, was forced upon India, and her own world-famed
manufactures were deliberately and systematically ruined.
India is, therefore, at the mercy not only of Lancashire but

TO EVERY ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA 559

also of Japan, France, and America, Just sae what this
has meant to India. We send out of India every year sixty
crores (more or less) of rupees for cloth. We grow enough
cotton for our own cloth. Is it not madness to send cotton
'Outside India, and have it manufactured into cloth there
and shipped to us ? Was it right to reduce India to such a
'helpless state t

A hundred and fifty years ago, we manufactured all
•our cloth. Our women spun fine yarn in their own cottages,
and supplemented the earnings of their husbands. The
village weavers wove that yarn. It was an indispensable
part of national economy in a vast agricultural country like
ours. It enabled us in a most natural manner to utilise our
leisure. To-day our women have lost the cunning of their
hands, and the enforced idleness of millions has impoverish-
ed the land. Many weavers have become sweepers.
.Some have taken to the profession of hired soldiers. Half
the race of artistic weavers has died out, and the other iialf
is weaving imported foreign yarn for want of finer hand-
spun yarn.

You will perhap's now understand what boycott of
foreign cloth means to India. It is not devised as a
punishment. If the Government were to-day to redress the
Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs and consent to India
attaining immediate Swaraj, the boycott movement must
still continue. Swaraj means at least the power to conserve
Indian industries that are vital to the economic existence
of the nation, and to prohibit such imports as may interfere
with such existence. Agriculture and hand-spinning are
the two lungs of the national body. They must be protected
against consumption at any cost,

This matter does not admit of any waiting. The
interests of the foreign manufacturers and the Indian
importers cannot be considered, when the whole nation is

560 NON-CO-OPERATION

starving for want of a large productive occupation ancillary
to agriculture.

You will not mistake this for a movement of general
boycott of foreign goods. India does not wish to shut
herself out of international commerce. Things other than-
cloth which can be better made outside India, she must
gratefully receive upon terms advantageous to the con-
tracting parties. Nothing can be forced upon her. But I
do not wish to peep into the future. 1 am certainly hoping
that before long it would be possible for India to co-operate
with England on equal terms. Then will be the time for
examining trade relations. For the time being, 1 bespeak
your help in bringing about a boycott of foreign cloth.

Of similar and equal importance is the campaign
against drink. The liquor shops are an insufferable curse-
imposed upon society. There never was so much awaken-
ing among the people as now, upon this question. I admit
that here, it is the Indian ministers who can help more
than you can. But 1 would like you to speak out your
mind clearly on the question. Under every system of
government total prohibition, so far as 1 can see, will be
insisted upon by the nation. You can assist the growth of
the ever-rising agitation by throwing in the weight of your
influence on the side of the nation.

I am,

Your faithful friend,
M. K. Gandhi.

THE CREED OF THE CONGRESS

[Mr. Gandhi, in moving his resolution on the creed o! the
Congress at the Nagpur session in December 1920, said :]

The resolution which 1 have the honour to move is as
follows; " The object of the Indian National Congress is
the attainment of Swarajya by the people of India by all
legitimate and peaceful means."

There are only two kinds of objections, so far as I
understand, that will be advanced from this platform. One
is that we may not to-day think of dissolving the British
connection. What I say is that it is derogatory to national
dignity to think ot the permanence of British connection at
any cost. We are labouring under a grievous wrong, which
it is the personal duty of every Indian to get redressed.
This British Government not only refuses to redress the
*wrong, but it refuses to acknowledge its mistake and so
long as it retains its attitude, it is not possible for us to say
all that we want to be or all that we want to get, retaining
^British connection. No matter what difficulties be in our
.path, we must make the clearest possible declaration to the
world and to the whole of India, that we may not possibly
ihave British connection, if the British people will not do
'this elementary justice. I do not, for one moment, suggest
'that we want to end the connection at all costs, un-
conditionally. If the British connection is for the advance-
ment of india, we do not want to destroy it. But if it is
inconsistent with our national self-respect then it is our
tbounden duty to destroy it. There is room in this resolu-
tion for both— those who believe that, by retaining British
•connection, we can purify ourselves and purify British

562 NON-CO-OPERATION

people, and those who have no belief, As for instance,
take the extreme case of Mr. Andrews, He says all hope-
for India is gone for keeping the British connection. He
says there must be complete severance— complete indepen-
dence. There is room enough in this creed for a man like
Mr. Andrews also. Take another illustration, a man like
myself or my brother Shaukat All, There is certainly no
room for us, if we have eternally to subscribe to the doc-
trine, whether these wrongs are redressed or not, we shall
have to evolve ourselves within the British Empire; there is
no room for me in that creed. Therefore this creed is
elastic enough to take in both shades of opinions and the
British people will have to beware that, if they do not want
to do justice, it will be the bounden duty of every Indian to
destroy the Empire.

I want just now to wind up my remarks with a personal
appeal, drawing your attention to an object lesson that was
presented in the Bengal camp yesterday. If you want
Swaraj, you have got a demonstration of how to get Swaraj.
There was a little bit of skirmish, a little bit of squabble,
and a Utile bit of difference in the Bengal camp, as there-
will always be differences so long as the world lasts. I have
known differences between husband and wife, because I am-
still a husband ; I have noticed differences between parents
and children, because I am still a father of four boys, and
they are all strong enough to destroy their father so far as
bodily struggle is concerned; I possess that varied experience
of husband and parent ; I know that we shall always have
squabbles, we shall always have differences but the lesson
that I want to draw your attention to is that I had the
honour and privilege of addressing both the parties. They
gave me their undivided attention and what is more they
showed their attachment, their affection and their fellowship

THE CREED OF THE CONGRESS 563

for me by accepting the humble advice that I had the
honour of tendering to them, and I told them I am not here
to distribute justice that can be awarded only through our
worthy president. But I ask you not to go to the president^
you need not worry him. If you are strong, if you a-e
brave, if you are intent upon getting Swaraj, and if you
really want to revise the creed, then >ou will bottle up your
rage, you will bottle up all the feelings of injustice that
inay rankle in your hearts and forget these things here
under this very roof and I told them to forget their differen-
ces, to forget the wrongs. I don't want to tell you or go-
into the history of that incident. Probably most of you
know. I simply want to invite your attention to the fact.
I don't say they have settled up their differences. I hope
they have, but I do know that they undertook to forget the
differences. They undertook not to worry the President,
they undertook not to make any demonstration here or in
the Subjects Committee. All honour to those who listened
to that advice.

I oniy wanted my Bengali friends and all the other
friends who have.come to this great assembly with a fixtd
determination to seek nothing but the settlement of their
country, to seek nothing but the advancement of their
respective rights, to seek nothing but the conservation of
the national honour. I appeal to every one of you to
copy the example set by those who felt aggrieved and wha
felt that their heads were broken. I know, before we have
done with this great battle on which we have embarked at
the special sessions of the Congress, we have to go probably f
possibly through a sea of blood, but let it not be said of us
or any one of us that we are guilty of shedding blood, tyut
let it be said by general tons yet to be born that we suffered,
that we shed not somebody's blood but our own, and so

564 NON-CO-OPERATION

I have no hesitation in saying that I do not want to show
much sympathy for those who had their heads broken or
who were said to be even in danger of losing their lives.
What does it matter ? It is much better to die at the
hands, at least, of our own countrymen. What is there to
revenge ourselves about or upon. So I ask everyone of
you that, if at any time there is blood-boiling within you
against some fellow countrymen of yours, even though he
may be in the employ of Government, even though he may
be in the Secret Service, you will take care not to be
offended and not to return blow for blow. Understand
that the very moment you return the blow from the detec-
tive, your cause is lost. This is your non-violent campaign.
And so I ask everyone of you not to retaliate but to bottle
up all your rage, to dismiss your rage from you and you
will rise graver men: I am here to congratulate those who
have restrained themselves from going to the President and
bringing the dispute before him.

Therefore 1 appeal to those who feel aggrieved to feel
that they have done the right thing in forgetting it and if
they have not forgotten I ask them to try to forget the
thing ; and that is the object lesson to which 1 wanted to
draw your attention if you want to carry this resolution.
Do not carry this resolution only by an acclamation for
this resolution, but 1 want you to accompany the carrying
out of this resolution with a faith and resolve which noth-
ing on earth can move. That you are intent upon getting
Swaraj at the earliest possible moment and that you are
intent upon getting Swaraj by means that are legitimate,
that are honourable and by means that are non-violent,
that are paceful, you have resolved upon, so far you can
say to day. We cannot give battle to this Government by
means of steel, but we can give battle by exercising, what

APPEAL TO YOUNG BENGAL 565

I have so often called, " soul force " and soul force is not
the prerogative of one man or a Sanyasi or even a so- called
saint. Soul force is the prerogative of every human b^ttg>
female or male, and therefore I ask my counti)ifi6ft7 f£
they want to accept this resolution, to accept it with tfctf
firm determination and to understand that it is inaugurated
under such good and favourable auspicts as I» have (fes-*
cribed to you.

I;i my humble opinion, the Congress will have done
the rightest thing, if it unanimously adopts this resolution.
May Gcd grant that you will pass this resolution unani-
mously may Gcd grant that you will also have the courage
and the ability to carry out the resolution and that within
one year.

APPEAL TO YOUNG BENGAL.

[Soon after the Congress, Mr. Gandhi and the All Brothers
made an extenshe tour of the country appealing to the students to
give up their schc ols and colleges and join the ranks of non-co-
operators. At Aligarh and Benares great efforts were made to call
away 'he students frc m the Muslim and Hindu Universities, if they
could not nationalise them. They Mere not quite successful though
a few joined the Conguss, but in Bengal, at the instance of Messrs.
C. R. Das and Jitendralal Banerjea, a large number of students
flocked to their standard and deserted the schools. It was such
appeals as the following that enthused the youth of Bengal who
created a profound sensation by throwing themselves in their thou-
sands at the steps of the Calcutta University Hall, that the few who
did attend the examination had to do so by walking over their bodies.
Mr. Gandhi later reproved such obstructive methods but he wrote
this appeal early in January 1921 :— ]
Dear Young Friends :

I have just read an account of your response to the
ration's call. It does credit to ycu and to Bergal. I

566 NON-COOPERATION

expected no less. I certainly expect still more. Bengal
has great intelligence. It has a greater heart, it has more
than its share of the spiritual heritage for which our coun-
try is specially noted. You have more imagination, more
faith, and more emotion than the rest of India. You have
falsified the calumny of cowardice on more occasions than
one. There'is, therefore, no reason why Bengal should not
lead now as it has done before now.

You have taken the step, you will not 'recede. You
had ample time to think; You have paused, you have con-
sidered. You held the Congress that delivered to the na-
tion the message cf Non-C ^-operation i.e. of self- purification,
self-sacrifice, courage, and hope. The Nagpur Congress
ratified, clarified, and amplified the first declaration. It was
redelivered in the midst of strife, doubt, and disunion. It
-was redelivered in the midst of joy, acclamation, and practi-
cally perfect unanimity. It was open to you to refuse, or
to hesitate or to respond. You have chosen the better,
through, from a wordly wise stand point, less cautious way.
You dare not go back without hurting yourselves and the

cause.

But for the evil spell that the existing system of
government and, most of all, this western education has
cast upon us, the question will not be considered as open to
argument. Can the brave Arabs retain their independence
and yet be schooled under the aegis of those who would
hold them under bondage f They will laugh at a person
who dared to ask them to go to schools that may be esta-
blished by their invades. Is the ease different or if it is
different, is it not stronger in our case when we are called
upon to give up schools conducted under the aegis of a
government which, rightly or wrongly, we seek to bend to
our will or destroy t

^ APPEAL TO YOUNG BENGAL 567

We cannot get Swaraj if not one class in the country
Is prepared to work and sacrifice for it. The Government
wrill yield not to the logic of words. It knows no logic but
that of brave and true deeds.

Bravery of the sword they know. And they have
nade themselves proof against its use by us. Many of them
vill welcome violence on our part. They are unconquer-
ible in the art of meeting and suppressing violence. We
)ropose, therefore, to sterilize their power of inflicing vio-
lence by our non-violence. Violence dies when it ceases to
evoke response from its object, Non-violence is
the corner-stone of the edifice of Non-Co-opera-
tion. You will, therefore, not be hasty or over-
-zealous in your dealings with those who nuy not
see eye to eye with you. Intolerance is a species
of violence and therefore against our creed. Non-
violent Non-Co-operation is an object lesson in
democracy. The moment we are able to ensure non-
violence, even under circumstances the most provoking
that moment we have achieved our end, because that
-is the moment 'when we can offer complete Non-Co-
•operation.

I ask you not to be frightened at the proposition just
-stated. People do not move in arithmetical progression,
not even in geometrical progression. They have beea
known to perish in a day : they have been known to rise In
a day. Is it such a difficult thing for India to realise that
thirty crores of human beings have but to feel their strength
and they can be free without having to use it / As we had
not regained national consciousness, the rulers have
hitherto played us against one another. We have to refuse
to do so, and we are masters, not they.

568 NON-CO-OPERATION

Non -Co-operation deals first with those sensitive classes
upon whom the government has acted so successfully and
who have been lured into the trap consciously or unconsci-
ously as the schoolgoing youths have been.

When we come to think about it, the sacrifice required
is infinitesimal for individuals because the whole is distribut-
ed among so many of us. For what is your sacrifice t To1
suspend your literary studies for one year or till Swaraj is-
established. If I could infect the whole of the student
world with my faith, I know that suspension of studies need,
not extend even to a year.

And in the place of your suspended studies I would
urge you to study the methods of bringing about Swaraj *s-
quietly as possible even within the year of grace. I present
you with the SPINNING WHEEL ai d suggest to you that.
on it depends India's economic salvation.

But you are at liberty to reject it if you wish and go to-
the college that has been promised to you by Mr. Das.
Most of your fellow-students in *the National Colleger
alt Gujarat have undertaken to give at least four hours-
to spinning everyday. It is no sacrifice to learn a*
beautiful art and to be able to clothe the naked at the samet
time.

You have done your duty by withdrawing from Govern-
ment colleges, I have only showed you the easiest
and the most profitable way of devoting the time at your
disposal.

May God give you strength and courage to sustain youu
la your determination.

Your well-wisher,

M. K. Gandhi.

OPEN LETTER TO THE DUKE OF CONN AUGHT,

[Mr. Gandhi addressed the following open letter to H. R. H»
the Duke of Con naught in the first week of February 1921 : — ]

•Sir,— Your Royal Highness must have heard a great
deal about Non Co-operation, Non-Co-operationists, and
their methods and incidentally of me, its humble author.
I fear that the infoimaticn given Your Royal Highness-
must have been in its natuie 01 e-sided. I owe it to you, to*
my frier ds and myself that I should place before you what
I conceive to be the scope of Non- Co-operation, as followed
not only by ire, but my closest associates, such as Messrs.
Shaukat AH and Mahomed Ali.

For me it is no joy ard pleasure to be actively
associated in the boycott of Your Royal Highness* visit, k
have tencVicd loyal, voluntary assistance to Government for
an unbicken period cf r early 30 yeais in the full belief that
through that lay the path of fr cede m for my country. It.
was therefore, ho slight thing for me to suggest to my
count)} men that we should take no part in welcoming Your
Ro}al Highness. Not one among us has anything against
jou as an English gentlemen. We hold your person as-
sacred as that of a dearest frier. d. I do not know any of
iry fiier.ds who would not guaid it with his life if he found.
it in danger.

We aie not at war with individual Englishmen. We-
seek not to destroy English life. We do desiie to destroy
the &}Stem that has emasculated cur country in body, mind'
ard scul. We are dc'er mired to battle uith all our might
against that in English nature which has made O'Dwyerism-

570 NON-CO-OPERATION

and Dyerism possible in the Punjab and has resulted in a
wanton affront upon Islam, a faith professed by seven crores
ot your countrymen. We consider it inconsistent with our
self-respect any longer to brook the spirit of superiority
•and dominance which has systematically ignored and dis-
regarded the sentiments of thirty crores of innocent people
of India on many a vital matter. It is humiliating tow us.
It cannot be a matter of pride to you that thirty crores of
Indians should live day in and day 6ut in fear of their lives
from one hundred thousand Englishmen and, therefore, be
under subjection to them.

Your Royal Highness has come, not to end the
system I described, but to sustain it by upholding its pres-
tige. Your first pronouncement was a laudation of Lord
Willingdon. I have the privilege of knowing htm, I
believe him to be an honest, amiable gentleman, who will
not willingly hurt even a fly, but he certainly failed as a
ruler. He allowed himself to be guided by those whose
interest it was to support their povyer. He is not reading
the mind ot the Dravidian province. Here in Bengal you
are issuing a certificate of merit to a Governor who is again
from all I have heard an estimible gentleman, but he
knows nothing of the heart of Bengal and its yearnings.
Bengal is not Calcutta, Fort William and the palaces of
Calcutta represent an indolent exploitation of the un-
murmuring and highly, cultured peasantry of this fair
province.

The Non-Co-operationists have come to the conclusion
that they must not be deceived by the reforms that tinker
with the problem of India's distress and humiliation, ndr
must they be impatient and angry. We must not in our
tmpatieat anger resort to stupid violence. We freely admit
that we must take our due share of blame for the existing

OPEN LETTER TO THE DUKE OF CONNAUGHT 571

state. It is not so much British guns that are responsible
for our subjection as our voluntary co-operation.

Our non-participation in a hearty welcome to Your
Royal Highness is thus in no sense a demonstration against
your high personage, but it is against the system you come
to uphold. I know individual Englishmen cannot, even if
they will, alter the English nature all of a sudden. If we
would be the equals of Englishmen we must cast off fear.
We must learn to be self-reliant and independent of schools,
courts, protection and patronage t>f a Government we seek
to end if it will not mend.

Hence this non-violent Non-Co-operation. I know we
have not all yet become non-violent in speech and deed, but
the results so far achieved have, I assure Your Royal High-
ness, been amazing. The people have understood the
secret and value of non-violence as they have never done
before. He who will may see that this is a religious, puri-
fying movement. We are leaving off drink. We are trying
to rid India of the curse of untouchability. We are trying
to throw off foreign tinsel splendour and by reverting to the
spinning wheel reviving the ancient and poetic simplicity of
life. We hope thereby to sterilize the existing ha-mful
institutions.

I ask Your Royal Highness as an Englishman to study
this movement and its possibilities for the Empire and the
world. We are at war with nothing that is good in the
world. In protecting Islam in the manner we are, we are
protecting all religions; in protecting the honour of India ,
we are protecting the honour of humanity. For our means
are hurtful to none. We desire to live on terms of friend-
ship with Englishmen, but that friendship must be friend-
ship of equals both in theory and in practice, and we must
continue to non-co-operate, r. e.t to purify ourselves till the

572 NON-COOPERATION

goal is achieved. I ask Your Royal Highness, and through*
you every Englishman, to appreciate the view-point of Non-
Co-operation.

I beg to remain,

Your Royal Highness' faithful servant,.
Af. K. Gandhi,

THE NEED FOR HUMILIFY.*

The spirit of non-violence necessarily leads to humility.
Non-violence means reliance on God, the Rock of Ages. If
we would seek His aid, we must approach Him with a
•humble and a contrite heart. Non-co-operationists may
iiot trade upon their amazing success to the Congress. We
must act, even as the mango tree which droops as it bears
fruit. Its grandeur lies in its majestic lowliness. But one
hears of non co-operationists being Insolent and intolerant
in their behaviour towards those who differfrom them. I
know that they will lose all their majesty and glory, if they
betray any inflation. Whilst we may not be dissatisfied
with the progress made so far, we have little to our credit
to make us feel proud. We have to sacrifice much more
than we have done to justify pride, much less elation.
Thousands, who flocked to the Congress pandal, have
•undoubtedly given their intelligent assent to the doctrine
but few have followed it out in practice. Leaving aside the
pleaders, how many parents have withdrawn their children
from schools ? How many of those who registered their
vote in favour of non-co-operation have taken to hand-
spinning or discarded the use of all foreign cloth ?

Non-co-operation is not a movement of brag, bluster,
or bluff. It is a test of our sincerity. It requires solid and
silent self-sacrifice. It challenges our honesty and our
capacity for national work. It is a movement that aims at
translating ideas into action. And the more we do, the
more we find that much more must be done than we had

* Young India. February. 1921.

574 NON-CO-OPERATION

expected. And this thought of our imperfection must
make us humble.

A non-co-operationjst strives to compel attention and!
to set an example not by his violence but by his unobtrusive-
humility. He allows his solid action to speak for his creed.
His strength lies in his reliance upon the correctness of his
position. And the conviction of it grows most in his
opponent when he least interposes his speech between his
act ion and his opponent. Speech, specially when it is
hearty, betrays want of confidence and it makes one's
opponent sceptical about the reality of the act itself-
Humility therefore is the key to quick success. I hope
that every non-co-operationist will recognise the necessity
of being humble and self-restrained. It is because so little
is really required to be done and because all of that little
depends entirely upon ourselves that I have ventured the
belief that Swaraj is attainable in less than one
year.

STRIKES.*

Strikes are the order of the day. They are a symptom
of the existing unrest. All kinds of vague ideas are
floating in the air. A vague hope inspires all, and great
will be the dis-appointment if that vague hope does not
take definite shape. The labour world in India, as else-
where, is at the mercy of those who set up as advisers and
guides. The latter are not always scrupulous, and not
always wise even when they are scrupulous. The labourers
are dissatisfied with their lot. They have every reason for
dissatisfaction. They are being taught, and justly, to-
regard themselves as being chfefly instrumental in enrich-

* Young India, Febnmry, 1921,

STRIKES c.575

ing thefr employers. And so it requires little effort to
make them lay down their tools. The political situation
too is beginning to affect the labourers of India. And
there are not wanting labour leaders who consider that,
strikes may be engineered for political purposes.

In my opinion, it will be a most serious mistake to
make use of labour strikes for such a purpose. I don't
deny that such strikes can serve political ends. But they
do not fall within the plan of non-violent Non-co-operation,
It does not require much effort of the intellect to perceive
that it is a most dangerous thing to make political use of
labour until labourers understand the political condition of
the country and are prepared io work for the common good.
This is hardly to be expected of them all of a sudden and
until, they have bettered their own condition so as to enable
them to keep body and soul together in a decent manner.
The greatest political contribution, therefore, that labourers
can make is to improve their own condition, to become
better informed, to insist on their rights, and even io
demand proper use by their employers of the manufactures
in which they have had such an important hand. The
proper evolution, therefore, would be for the labourers to
raise them selves to the status of part proprietors. Strikes,
therefore, for the present should only take place for the
direct betterment of the labourers' lot, and, when they have
acquired the spirit of patriotism for the regulation of prices
of the manufactures.

The conditions of a successful strike are simple. Andi
when they are fulfilled a strike need never fail.

1 i) The cause of the strike must be just.

(2) There should be practical unanimity among the-
strikers.

576 NON-CO-OPERATION

(3) There should be no viole ice used against non-
strikers.

(4) Strikers should be able to maintain themselves
during the strike period wuhout failing back upon Union
funds and should therefore occupy themsehes in some
useful and productive temporary occupation.

(5) A strike is no remedy when there is enough
other labour to replace strikers. In that case in the event
of unjust treatment or inadequate wages or the like,
resignation is the remedy.

(6) Successful strikes have taken place even when
all the above conditions have not bsen fulfilled, but that
merely proves that the employees were weak anl had a
guilty conscience. We often make terrible mistakes by
copying bad examples. The safest thing is not to eopy
examples of which we have rarely complete knowledge but
to follow the conditions which we knoY ani recognise to bs
essential for success.

It is the duty of every well wisher of the country, if
we are to attain Swaraj during the year, not to precipitate
any action that may even by a day retard the fulfilment of
the great national purpose.

British Press, Madras.

THE MALEGAON INCIDENT.

[Writing in Young India Mr. (jcmdhi deplored ike,
misbehaviour of Non-Co-operators icho took part tn the
fray iu-Malegaon in the first iccek of May 1921.]

If the facts reported in the press are substantially
correct, Malegaon Non-Co-operators have been falbo 10
their creed, their faith, and their country. They have
put back the hands of the clock of progress. Non-
violence is the rock on which the whole structure of
Non-Co-operation is built. Take that away and <^*ery
act of renunciation comes to naught, as artificial fruit is
no more than a showy nothing. The murder of the men
who were evidently doing their duty was, if the re] ort
is correct, deliberate. It was a cowardly attack. Cer-
tain men wilfully broke the law, and invited punish-
ment.

There could be no justification tor resentment of
such imprisonment. Those who Commit violence of
the Malegaon type are the real oo-fcperators with the
Government. The latter will gladly lose a few officers
if thereby they could kill Non-Co-operation. A fY;w
more such murders and we shall forfeit the sympathy of
the masses. I am convinced that the people will not
tolerate violence on our part. They are by nature
peaceful and they have welcomed Non-Co-operation
because it is deliberately non-violent.

What must we do then ? We must ceaslessly

preach against violence alike in public arid in private.

We must not show any sympathy to the evil-doers.

We must advise the men who have taken part in the

8T

578 NON-CO-OPERATION

murders to surrender themselves if they are at all
repentant. The workers must be doubly careful in
their talks. They must cease to talk of the evil of
the Government and the officials, whether Kuropean
or Indian. Bluster must give place to the work of
building up put before the nation by the Congress.
\Ye must be patient if there ib no response to the de-
mand for men, money and munitions. All police
orders must be strictly obeyed. There should be no
precession? or hartals wh?n known workers arc pro-
^utecl or imprisoned. It Wf \v<>!< nmt* imprisonments
cf innocrtit m"Ti, as WP mu'-t, \vr nught to cultivate
imioceii'ii and (.ongnuul.iU1 our^oive* when we are
punished for hnlding opinions, or tor doing things
that we rounder it r.ur dutv to do f.e., for spinning,
or collecting funds, CM £Ktir,v{ n.mi'^ for th<* Congress
register. There shmi'cl l> • no MVI) disobedience. We
h.ivo undertaken to ^uiiul ih* t;r.i\osi provocation and
romiin non-viohnt. L"l u^ be* careful I^st the hour of
our triumph b", bv o i' tollv, Llv hour of our defeat and

[ReVtJti n£ !j tn^ s<f*//t" ^nbi<.\t iw it subseqncnt issue
of his paper. Afr. C<nnlhi u * ot& ' — ]

I observe that then* is ;i tendency to minimise the
guilt of the Non-Lo-opeiators at Maiegaon. No
amount of provocation b\ tlu- bub-Inspector could
pobsibly justify retaliation by the Xon-Co-operators.
I jun not examining th<i disc from the legal stand-
point. I am concerned only with the Non-Co-opera-
tor's. He is. bound undor his oath not to retaliate even
under the gravest pro\ ocation.

[But what should Non-Co-operators do in the event
that anv of its leaders were arrested ? Should hartals

THE SIMLA VISIT 579

and other demonstrations follow as a matter of >onr?e *
Mr. Gandhi wns explicit : — ]

I would ask the public who are interested in the
Khilafat or Swaraj, religiously to refrain from all
demonstrations over the arrest or imprisonment of e\ en
their dearest leaders. I would hold it no honour to ir.a
for the public (o proclaim a hartal or hold meetings if
I was arrested or Maulana Shankat All for that matter.
I would welcome and expect in any *urh event a com*
pletc immediate boycott of all foreign cloth, a n: ~,re
energetic adoption oi the spinning whrel, n mou1 vigo-
rous collection on behalf of the Tilak Swjiraj Fund and
a flooding of Congress offices for registration as mem-
bers. I would certainly expect the emptying of Go\ ern-
ment schools and colleges and more suspensions of
practice by lawyers. Killing officers and burning buj id
ings will not only retard the advent of Swaraj ami the
righting of the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs, but air
likely to lead to utter demoralisation of the nauor. We
must therefore scrupulously avoid all Dccasicns winch
would excite the passions of the mo!) cuU k\ul them
into undesirable or criminal conduct.

THE SIMLA VISIT

[Soo// after Lord Reading arrived $,> Indt (, ah
interview was arranged by Pandit Malaviya bet^ec- tJ'e
new Viceroy and Mr. Gandhi. The interview, whiih
lasted many hours, took place at Simla in May 19 Jl.
Much speculation was rife as to the result of the inter-
view and Mr. Gandhi explained the circnmstaiices and
the results of the interview in an article in Young India
under the title " The Simla Visit.9'

580 NON-CO-OPERATION

Many arc asking why I wailed upon His Excellency
ths Viceroy. Some inquire why the author of Non-Co-
operation should seek to see the Viceroy. All want
to know the result of the interview. I like the rigorous
scrutiny of the Non-Co-operators, who more than Caesar's
wife inu^t b<4 above suspicion. Non-Co-operation is
self-reliance. We want to establish Swaraj, not obtain
it from others. Then why approach a Viceroy ? This is
all good, so far as it goes. And I should be a bad
representative of our cause, if I went to anybody to ask
for Swaraj, I have had the hardihood to say that
Swaraj could not be granted even by God. We would
have to earn it ourselves. Swaraj from its very nature
is not in the giving of anybody.

But we want the world with us in our battle for
freedom, we want the good-will of every body. Our
cause, we claim, is based upon pure justice. There are
certain things we want Englishmen to surrender. All
these things need mutual discussion and mutual under-
standing. Non-Co-operation is the most potent instru-
ment for creating world opinion in our favour. So long
as we protested and co-operated, the world did not
understand us. The erst while lion of Bengal in his early
days used to relate the ^toiy of Englishmen, who asked
him how many broken heads there were in India,
if things were really so bad, as now represented them to
be. That wa^ the way John Bull understood best.
The other question the world has undoubtedly been
asking is : If things are really so bad, why do we co-
operate with the Government in so pauperising and
humiliating us? Now the world understands our atti-
tude, no, matter how weakly we may enforce it ifl
practice. The world is now curious to know what ails

THE SIMLA VISIT 581

us. The Viceroy represents a big world. His Excel-
lency wanted to know why I, with whom co-operation
was an article of faith, had Non-Co-operated There
must be something wrong with the Government, or me.

And so His Excellency mentioned to Pandit Mala-
viyaji and to Mr. Andrews that he would like to see
me and hear my views. I went to see the Panditji
because he was anxious to meet me. I hold him in
such high regard that I would not think even if he was
well and I could help it, of letting him come to me.
As it was, he was too weak to travel to mo. It was
my duty to JLTO to him. And whan I hoard the purport
of his conversation with His Excellency, I did not
require any persuasion to prompt me to asK for an
appointment it His Excellency wished to hear my views.
I have devoted so much space to tho reason for my
seeking an appointment, for I wanted to make clear the
limits and tho mraning of Non-Co-operat'on.

It is directed not against men but against measures.
It is not directed against the Governors, but against the
system they administer. The roots of Non-Co-opera-
tion lie not in hatred but in justice, if not in love. Glad-
stone used to draw a sharp distinction between bad
actions and bad men. He was accused of discourtesy
for using some very strong expressions about the arts of
his opponents. He put up the defence that ;ie would
have failed in his duty if he had not characterised their
actions as they deserved to be, but he did not therefore
mean to convey that his opponents deserved thij epithets
he had used about their acts. As a youth, when I heard
this defence, I could not appreciate it. Now with years
of experience and use, I understand how true it was. I
have found some of the truest of my friends capable of

582 NON-CO-OPERATION

indefensible acts. For me there are few truer men than
V. S, Snnivas Shastriar, but his actions confound me-
I do not think he loves me less because he believes that
I am leading India down to the abyss.

And so I hope, this great movement of Non-Co-
operation has made it clear to thousands, as it has to
me, that whilst we may attack measures and systems*
we may not, must not, attack men. Imperfect ourselves,
we must be tender towards others and be slow to impute
motives.

I therefore gladly seized the opportunity of waiting
upon His Excellency and of assuring him that ours was
a religious movement designed to purge Indian political
life of corruption, deceit, terrorism and the incubus of
white superiority.

The reader must not be too curious. He must not
believe the so-called 'reports' m the press. The veU
must rpma»n drawn over the details of the conversation
between the Viceroy and myself. But I may assure
him that I explained, as fully as I knew how the three
claims- the Khilafat, the Punjab, and Swaraj, and
gave him the genesis of Non-Co-operation His
Excellency heard me patiently, courteously nnd attentive-
ly. He appeared to me be anxious to do only the right
thing. We had a full discussion of the burning topics ad
between man and man. We discussed the question of non-
violence, and it appeared to me to be common cause
between us. Of that I may have to write more fully later.

But beyond saying that we were able to understand
each other; I am unable to say that there was more
in the interwiew. Some may think with me that a
mutual understanding is in itself no small gain. Then,
in that sense, the interview was a distinct success.

THE SIMLA VISIT 583

But at the end of all the long discusions, I am
more than ever convinced that our salvation rests solely
upon our own effort. His Excellency can only help
or hinder I am sanguine enough to think that he will
help.

We must redouble our efforts to go through our
programme. It is clearly as follows : (1) Removal of
untouchability, (2} removal of the drink curse, (3)
ceaseless introduction of the spinning wheel and the
ceaseless production of Khaddar leading to an aknost
complete boycott of foreign cloth, (4) registration of
Congress members, and (5) collection of Tilak Swaraj
Fund.

No fierce propaganda is necessary for solidifying
Hindu-Muslim unity and producing a still more non-
violent atmosphere.

I have put untouchability in the forefront because
I observe a certain remissness about it. Hindu Non-
Co-operators may not be indifferent about it. We may
be able to right the Khilafat wrong but we can never
reach Swaraj, witfi the poison of untouchability corrod-
ing the Hindu part of the national body. Swaraj is a
meaningless term, if we desire to keep a fifth of India
under perpetual subjection, and deliberately deny to
them the fruits of national culture. We are seeking
the aid of God in this great purification movement, but
we deny to the most deserving among His creatures the
rights of humanity. Inhuman cursives, we may not
plead before the Throne for deliverance from the in-
humanity of others.

I put drink second, as I feel that God has sent the
movement to us unsought. The greatest storm rages
round it. The drink movement is fraught with the

584 NON-CO-OPERATION

greatest danger of violence. Bat so long as this Gov-
ernment persists in keeping the drink shops open, so
long must we persist in sleeplessly warning our erring
couutrymen against polluting their lips with drink.

The third place is assigned to the spining wheel
though for me it is equally important with the first two,
If we produce an effective boycott of foreign cloth during
this year we shall have shown cohesion, effort, con-
centration, earnestness, a spirit of nationality that must
enable us to establish Swaraj.

Membership of the Congress is essential for the
immense organisation required for dotting the country
with the spinning wheels and for the manufacture and
distribution of Khaddfir and for dispelling the fear that
membership of the Congress may be regarded as a crime
by the Government.

The fifth item, the Tilak Swaraj Fund perpetuates
the memory of the soul of Swaraj, and supplies us with
the sinews of war.

We ate under promise to ourselves' to collect one
crore rupees, register one crore members and introduce
twenty lacs of spinning wheels in our homes by the
30th June. We shall postpone the attainment of our
goal, if we fail to carry out the programme evolved at a
largely attended meeting of the All-India Congress
Committee, and arrived at after full consideration and
debate.

THE ALI BROTHERS' AL'OLCKiY.

[After the Gandhi- Reading interview , the Alt
Brothers issued a statement at th*. instance of Mr. Ga>i-
dhi—a statement in which they resetted their o^asional
lapse into excessive language and promised to refrain
from writing or speaking in any manner likely to pro-
voke violence* This *' definite result <*f the interview
was claimed as a victory for the Government. Others
claimed that it was a victory for Mr. Gandhi who ex-
plained ihut it was no apology or undertaking to the
Government but a reassertion of the pnn^iplt', of uon-
rioleme to which the Ah I3rof/ier^ had snb^ribcj. It
was a statement to the public irrespective of what the
Government might or might not do with them* In
answer to criticisms against his ad-cue to the Hrothers,
Mr. Gandhi stoutly defended his action, and praised the
Brothers' attitude. Hz wrote in Young India of June
15, J 921:— |

The All Brothers' apology still continues to tax
people's minds. I continue to receive letters expostulat-
ing with me for having gone to the Viceroy at all.
Some consider that I have bungled the whole aft'air,
others blame the Brothers for having for once
weakened, and that in deference to me. I know that
in a short while the storm will blow over. For, in
spite of all I have heard and read, I feel that I did
the right thing in responding to the Viceroy's wsh ta
know my views. It would have been wrong on my
part to have waited for a formal written invitation
from His Excellency. I feel, too, that I gave the best

586 NON-CO-OPERATION

adv ice possible in the interests of Islam and India, when
I asked the Brothers to make the statement issued by
them. The Ali Brothers have showed humility and
courage of a h-gh order in making the statement. They
have s'-jown that they are capable of sacrificing their
pride and their all for the sake of their faith and
country. They have served the cause by making the
statement, as they would have injured it by declining
to make it.

In spite of all that conviction in me, lam not
surprised at the remonstrances lam receiving. They but
show that the methods now being pursued are new, that
the country will not surrender a title of its just demands,
and for tlieT satisfaction, it wishes to rely purely upon
its own strength.

I give below the relevant parts of the strongest
argument in condemnation of my advice and its accept-
ance by the Brothers. The leuer, moreover, is written
by one of tin; greatest among the Non-Co-operators. It
is not written for publication at all. But I know the
writer will not mmd my sharing it with the reader. For
I have no doubt that he represents the sentiments of
several thoughtful Non-Co-operators. It is my humble
duty to discuss the issues arising from the incident, and
the implications of Non-Co-operation. It is only by
patient reasoning, that I hope to be able to demonstrate
the truth, the beauty and the reasonableness of Nor-
Co-operation. Here then are the extracts : —

4* The statement of the Brothers, taken by itself
and read without reference to what has preceded and
followed it, is a manly enough document If in the
heat of the moment they have said things which, they
now find, may reasonably be taken to have a tendency

THE ALI BROTHERS' APOLOGY 587

to incite to violence, they have, in publishing their
regret, taken the only honourable course open to
public men of thsir position. I should also have been
prepared to justify the undertaking they have given
for the future, had that undertaking been address-
ed to those of their co-workers, who, unlike themselves,
do not believe in the cult of violence in any circum-
stances whatever. But the general words 'public assur-
ance and promise to all who may require it' cannot in
the circumstances leave any one m a doubt as to the
particular party, who did require such 'assurance and
promise' and at whose bidding it was given. The Vice-
roy's speech has now made it perfectly clear, and we
have the indisputable fact that the leader of the N.-C.-
O. movement has been treating with the Government,
and has secured the suspension of the prosecution of the
Brothers, by inducing them to give a public apology and
an undertaking.

"In this view of the case, — and I fail to see what
other view is possible — very serious questions affecting
the whole movement arise for consideration. Indeed it
seems to me that the whole principle of Non-Co-opera-
tion has been given away.

"I am not one of those who fit? he shy of the very
name of Government, nor of those who look upon an
eventual settlement with the Government as the only
means of obtaining redress? of our wrongs and establish-
ing Swaraj. I believe in what you have constantly
taught, viz , that the achievement of Swaraj rests
entirely and solely with us. At the same time, I do not
nor so far as I am aware, do you, exclude the possibility
of a settlement with the Government under proper con-
ditions. Such settlement, however, can only relate to

388 NON-CO-OPERATION

principles, and can have mothing to do with the con
venience or safety of individuals. In a body of co-
workers, you cannot make distinctions between man and
nja,n, and the humblest of them is entitled to the same
ptotection at the hands of the leaders as the most pro-
minent. Scores, if not hundreds of our men have
willingly gone to gaol for using language far less strong
than that indulged by the Brothers. Some al least of
these could easily have been saved by giving a similar
apology and undertaking, and yet it never occurred to
any ore to advise them to do so. On the contrary, their
artion was applauded by the leaders and the whole of
the Non-Co-operatiomst presr;. Trn ca->e. which more
forcibly than any other corner to rny mind at the
moment, is that of Hamid Ahmad, who has recently
been sentenced at Allahabad to iranspo.nation for life
and forfeiture of property. Is there any reason why this
man should not be saved ? I fiixl Matilana Muhammad
All pays him a high tribute in his Bombay speech of
the 30th May. What consolation this tribute will bring
to Hamid Ahmad from a man sunilary situated who has
saved himself by an apology and an undertaking, I
cannot say. Then there are so manv others rotting in
ga.ol who have committed no oflfence, and a great many
more already picked out for the. same fate Is it enough
for us to send them our good wishes from the safe posi-
tions we ourselves enjoy ?

t: The Viceroy in his speech has made it clear, that
the only definite result of the several interviews you
had with him, is the apology and the undertaking fronj
the Brothers. You have also made it quite clear in
your subsequent speeches, that our campaign is to go on
unabated. It seems that no point involving any

THE ALI BROTHERS' APOLOGY 589

principle has been sealed, except what needed no
negotiating on either side, wz., that there is to
be no incitement to violence, I do not say that
in this slate of things thero should have been no
treating with the Government, though much can be
said in support of that view When it was found that
the game had to be played out, it would have been
quite -legitimate for two such honorable adversaries as
yourself and Lord Reading to agree to the rules of the
game, so as to avoid foul play on either side. These
rules would of rourse apply to all who took part in the
game, and not to certain favoured individuals only. The
most essential thing was to agree upon the weapons to
be used. While certain local Governments profess to
meet propaganda by propaganda, they are really using
repression of the worst type. Many other similar points
would, in my opinion, be proper subjects of disoussion,
even when no agreement could be arrived at on the
main issue.

"I hope you will not misunderstand me. I yield to
none in my admiration of the sacrifices made by the
Brothers, and consider it a high privilege to have their
personal friends-hip. What has been preying upon my
mind for some time past is, that wo, who are directly
responsible for many of our workers going to gaol and
suffering other hardships, are ourselves practically im-
mune. For example, the Government could not possibly
have devised any form of punishment, which would
cause some of us more pain and mental suffering, than
sending innocent boys to gaol for distributing leaflets,
while the author remained free. I think the time has
come, when the leaders should welcome the opportunity
to suffer, and stoutly decline all offers of escape. It is

590 NON-CO-OPERATION

in this view of the case that I have taken exception to
the action of the Ali Brothers. Personally I love
them."

The letter breathes nobility and courage, And
those very qualities have led to a misapprehension of
the situation. The unfortunate utterance of thii Viceroy
is responsible for the misunderstanding.

The apology of the Brothers is not made to the
Government. It is addressed and tendered to friends,
who drew their attention to their speeches. It was
certainly not given * at the biddirg of the Viceroy.*
I betray no confidencs, when I say that it was not even
suggested by him. As soon as I saw the speeches,!
stated, in order to prove the bona fides of the Brot hers
and the entirely non-violent character of the Movement,
that I would invite them to make a statement. There
was np question of bargaining for their freedom.
Having had my attention drawn to their speeches, I
could not possibly allow them to go to gaol (if I could
prevent it) on the ground of proved an itenient to violence,
\ have given the same advice to all the .accused, and
told them that if their speeches were violent, they
should certainly express tegret. A Non-Co-operator
could not do otherwise. Had the Brothers been charged
before a Court of Law, I would have advised them to
apologise to tha Court for some of the passages in their
speeches, which, in my opinion, were capable of being
interpreted to mean incitement to violence. It is not
enough for a Non^Co-operator not to mean violence ;
it is necessary that his speech, must not be capable
of a contrary interpretation by reasonable men,
We must be above suspicion. The success of the move-
ment depends upon its retaining its absolute purity,

THE ALT BROTHERS' APOLOGY 59T

I therefore suggest to the writer and to those who may
think like him, that the whole principle of Non-Co-
operation has not only been given away as the writer
contends, but its non-violent character has been com-
pletely vindicated by the Brothers* apology, and the
case therefore greatly strengthened.

What, however, is galling to the writer, is that
whilst the Brothers have remained free, the lesser lights
are in prison for having spoken less strongly than they.

That very fact shows the real character of Non-
Co-operation. A Non-Co-opera for may rot bargain for
personal safety. It was open to mo to bargain for the
liberty of the others. Jhcn I would ha\e given away
the whole case for Non-Co-operation. I did not bargain
even for the Brothers' liberty. I biated in the clearest
possible terms, that no matter what the Government
did, it would be my duty on meeting the Brothers \ff
advise them to make the statement to save their honour.

We must ' play the game,1 whether the Govern-
ment rec'procate' or not. Indeed, I for one do
not expect the Government to pay the game.
It was, when I came to the conclusion that there
was no honour about the Government, that I non co-
operated. Lord Reading may wish, does wish to do
right and justice. But he will not be permitted to, If
the Government were honorable, they would have set
free all the prisoners, as soon as they decided not to
prosecute the Ah Brothers. If the Government were
honorable, they would not have caught youths and put
them in prison, whilst they left Pandit Motilal Nehru,
the arch-offender, free. If the Government were
honorable, they would not countenance bogus Leagues
of Peace. If the Government were honourable, they

592 NON-CO-OPERATION

would have long ago repented for their heinous deeds,
«Ven as we have for every crime committed by our
people in Amritsar, Kasur, Viramgam, Ahmedabad,
and recently in Malegaon. I entertain no false hopes or
misgivings about ths Government. If the Govern-
ment were to-morrow to arrest the AH Brothers, I
would stjll justify the apology, The have acted on the
square, and we must all do likewise. Indeed, inas-
much as the Government are still arresting people for
.disaffection, they are arresting the AH Brothers.

The writer is, again, not taking a correct view of
Non-Co-operation in thinking that Non-Co-operators,
who are in gaol, are less fortunate than we who are
outside. For me, solitary confinement in a prison cell,
without any breach on my part of the code of Non-Co-
operation, or private or public morals, will be freedom.
For me, the whole of India is a prison, even as the
Aaster's house is to his slave ; a slave to be free must
continuously rise against his slavery, and be locked up
in his master's cell for his rebellion. The cell-door is
the door to freedom, I feel no pity for those who are
suffering hardships in the gaols of the Government.
Innocence under an evil Government must ever rejoice
on the scaffold. It was the easiest thing for the
Brothers to have rejected my advice, and embraced the
opportunity of joining their comrades in the gaols. I
may inform the reader that, when during the last stage
of the South African struggle, I was arrested, my wife
and all friends heaved a sigh oFrelief. It was in the
prisons of South Africa, that I had leisure and peace
from strife and struggle.

It is perhaps now clear, why the Non-Co-operation
prisoners may not make any statement to gain the\r
freedom*

VIOLENCE AND NON-VIOLENCE.

[At the time of the Moplah outbreak in August
1921, Mr. Gandhi was in Assam. Within a week of the
outbreak, Mr. Gandhi wrote as follows to the Young
India undes the heading, " The Two Incompatible*"

Violence and non-violence are two incompatible forces
destructive of each other. Non-violence for its success
therefore needs an entirely non-violent atmosphere. The
Moplah outbreak has disturbed the atmosphere, as
nothing else has since the inauguration of Non-Co-oper-
ation. I am writing this at Sylhet on the 29th August.
By the time it is in print, much more information will'
have reached the public. I have only a hazy notion of
what has happened. I have seen only three issues of
daily papers containing the Associated Press messages.
One cannot help noting the careful editing these mes-
*sages have undergone. But it is clear that Moplahs
have succeeded in taking half-a-dozen lives and have
given already a few hundred. Malabar is under mar-
tial law. The reprisals on the part of the Government
are still to follow. The braver the insurgents, the
sterner the punishment. Such is the law of Govern-
ments. And I would not have minded the loss of ten
times as many lives as the Moplahs must have lost, if
only they had remained strictly non-violent. They
would then have brought Swaraj nearest. It is any day
worth all thd price we can pay in our own lives. For
the Moplahs it would have meant too the immediate
redress of the Khilafat wrong. God wants the purest
sacrifice. Our blood must not contain the germs ot
88

*94 NON-CO-OPERATION

anger or hate* It it not a sacrifice freely given that
exacts a price. The Moplahs have demanded a price.
The sacrifice has lost much of its nobility. Now it will
be said, that the Moplahs have received well-merited
punishment.

There would have been no martial law if only the
Moplahs had died. And if there had been, it would have
been thrice welcome. It would have ended the system
of Government which is decimating the land.

Of course now-a-days it is the fashion to make
Non-Co-operation responsible for every affiction,
whether it is a famine, a coolie exodus or a Moplah
rising. It is the finest tribute that can be paid to the
universality of Non-Co-operation. But nothing has been
produced by the Madras Government in support of the
charge.

Our own duty is clear. Non-Co-operators must
wash their hands clean of all complicity. We must not
betray any mental or secret approval of the Moplahs.
We must see clearly, that it would be dishonourable
for us to show any approval of the violence. We must
search for no extenuating ciicumstance. We have
chosen a rigid standard for ourselves and by that we
must abide. We have undertaken to do no violence
even under the most provoking circumstances. Indeed
we anticipate the gravest provocation as our final test,
The misguided Moplahs have therefore rendered a
distinct disservice to the sacred cause of Islam and
Swaraj.

We may plead, as indeed we must, if we have acted
honestly, that in spite of our efforts we have not been
able to bring under check and discipline all the turbul-
ent sections of the community. The choice for the

VIOLENCE ANDgNON-VIOLENCE 595

people lies between the$gentle and self-imposed rule of
non-violence and Non-Co-operation, and the iron rule of
the Government. The latter is now demonstrating its
power and ability to counteract all the forces of violence
by its superior and trained violence. We have no
answer, if we cannot show that we have greater in-
fluence over the people. We must be able quite clearly
to see for ourselves and show to the people, that display
of force by us against that of the Government is like a
child attempting with a straw to stop the current.

I am painfully aware of the fact, that we have aot
as a people yet arrived at the settled conviction that
India cannot attain immediate Swaraj except through
complete non-violence. We do not even see that
Hindu Muslim unity must vanish under the strain of
violence. What is at the back of our mutual
distrust, if it is not the fear of each other's violence ?
And Swaraj without real heart-unity is an inconceivable
proposition.

What is it that hinders attainmeat of Swaraj, if it
is not fear of violence ? Are we not deterred simply
through that fear, from taking all our steps at once ?
Can we not, if we can be sure of non-violence, issue to-
day an ultimatum to the Government either to co-operate
with us or to go ? Do not the Moderates keep aloof,
mainly because they distrust our ability to create a
non-violent atmosphere ? Their timidity will derive
nurture from the Moplah outbreak.

What then must we do ? Certainly not feel des-
pondent. We must go forward with greater zeal,
greater hope, because of greater faith in our means. We
must persevere in the process of conversion of the most
ignorant of our countrymen to the doctrine of non-

596 NON-CO-OPERATION

violence as an indispensable merfbs as well for redressing
the Khilafat wrong as for attaining Swaraj.

The Moplahs are among the bravest in the land.
They are God-fearing. Their bravery must be trans-
formed into purest gold. I feel sure, that once they
realise the necessity of non-violence for the defence of
the faith for which they have hitherto taken life, they
will follow it without flinching. Here is the testimony
given to Moplah valour by the writer in in the "Imperial
Gazetteer of India " : " The one constant element is a
desperate fanaticism; surrender is unknown; the martyrs
are consecrated before they go out and hymned after
death !" Such courage is worthy of a better treatment*
The Government dealt with it by passing, years ago, a
special act against them. It has already set its machi-
nery in motion for the present trouble. The Moplahs
will no doubt die cheerfully. I wonder if it is possible
for us to transmute their courage into the noble courage
of non-violence. It may be impossible to achieve the
miracle through human effort. But God is noted for His
miracles* Many consider that attainment of Swaraj
this year, if it is realised, must be counted a miracle. It
has got to be preceded by a miraculous conversion of
India, not excluding its bravest sons, to the doctrine of
non-violence at least, in its restricted scope, *.e., as an
indispensable condition for securing India's freedom.

APPEAL TO THE WOMEN OF INDIA.

[The following appeal addressed to the women of
India appeared in Young India of August 11, 1921.]
Dear Sisters,

The All-India Congress Committee has come to a
momentous decision in fixing the 30th September next
as the final date for completing the boycott of foreign
cloth begun by the sacrificial fire lit on the 31st July
in Bombay in memory of Lokamanya Tilak. I was
accorded the privilege of setting fire to the huge pile
containing costly saris and other dresses which yofe
have hitherto considered ine and beautiful. I feel that
it was right and wise on the part of the sisters who
gave their costly clothing* Its destruction was the
most economical use you could have made of it, even
as destruction of 9 plague*infected articles is their most
economical and best use. It was a necessary surgical
operation designed to avert more serious complaints in
the body politic.

The women of India have during the past twelve
months worked wonders on behalf of the motherland*
You have silently worked away as angels of mercy.
You have parted with your cash and your fine jewellery.
You have wandered from house to house to make collec-
tions. Some of you have even assisted in picketing.
Some of you who were used to fine dresses of variegated
colours and had a number of changes during the day,
have now adopted the white and spotless but heavy
Khadi sadi reminding one of a -woman's innate purity*
You have done all this for the sake of India, for the

598 NON-CO-OPERATION

sake of the Khilafat, for the sake of the Punjab. There
is no guilt about your word or work. Yours is the
purest sacrifice untainted by anger or hate. Let me
confess to you that your spontaneous and loving res-
ponse all-over India has convinced me that God is with
«s. No other?proof of our struggle being one of setf-
purification is needed than that lacs of India's women
are actively helping it.

Having given much, more is now required of you.
Men bore the principal share of the subscriptions to
the Tilak Swaraj Fund. But completion of the Swadeshi
programme is possible only if you give the largest
share. Boycott is impossible, unless you will surrender
the whole of yonr foreign clothing. So long as the taste
persists, so long is complete renunciation impossible*
And boycott means complete renunciation * We must
be prepared to be satisfied with such cloth as India
can produce, even as we are thankfully content with'
such children as God gives us. I have not known a
mother throwing away her baby even though it may
appear ugly to an outsider. So should it be with the
patriotic women of India about Indian manufactures.
And for you only handspun and handwoven can be
regarded as Indian manufactures. During the transition
stage you can only get coarse Khadi in abundance. You
may add all the art to it that your taste allows or
requires. And if you will be satisfied with coarse Khadi
for a few months, India need not despair of seeing a
revival of the fine rich and coloured garments of old
which were once the envy and the despair of the
world. I assure you that a six months' course of
self-denial will show you that what we to-day regard
as artistic is only falsely so, and that true ait

APPEAL TO THE WOMEN OP INDIA 599

takes note not merely of form but also of what lies be-
hind* There is an art that kill; and an art that gives
life. The fine fabric that we have impqrted from the
West or the far East has literally killed millions of our
brothers and sisters, and delivered thousands of oi*r
dear sisters to a life of shame. True art must be
evidence of happiness, contentment and purity of its
authors. And if you will have such art revived in our
midst, the use of Khadi is obligatory on the best of you
at the present moment.

And not only is the use of Khadi necessary for the
success of the Swadeshi programme but it is imperative
for every one of you to spin during your leisure hours.
I have suggested to boys and men also that they should
spin. Thousands of them, I know, are spinning daily*
But the main burden of spinning must, as of old, fall on
your shoulders. Two hundred years ago the women of
India spun not only for home demand but also for foreign
lands. They spun not merely coarse- counts but the
finest that the world has ever spun. No machine has
yet reached the fineness of the yarn spun by our ances-
tors. If then we are to cope with the demand for Khadi
during the two months and afterwards, you must form
spinning clubs, institute spinning competitions and flood
the Indian market with handspun yarn. For this purr
pose some of you have to become experts in spinning,
carding and adjusting the spinning-wheels* This means
ceaseless toil. You will not look upon spinning as a
means of livelihood. For the middle class it should
supplement the income of the family, and for very
poor women, it is undoubtedly a means of livelihood.
The spinning-wheel Should be as it was the widows9
loving companion. But for .you who will read this

600 NON*CO-OPERATION

appeal, it is presented as a duty, as Dharma. If all
the well-to-do women of India were to spin a certain
quantity daily, they would make yarn cheap and bring
about much more quickly than otherwise the required
fineness.

The economic and the moral salvation of India thus
rests mainly with you. The future of India lies on your
knees, for you will nurture the future generation. You
can bring up the children of India to become simple,
God-fearing and brave men and women, or you can coddle
them to be weaklings unfit to brave the storms of life
and used to foreign fineries which they would find it
difficult in after life to discard. The next few weeks
will show of what stuff the women of India are made*
I have not the shadow of a doubt as to your choice.
The destiny of India is far safer in your hands than in
the hands of a Government that has so exploited India's
resources that she has lost faith in herself. At every
one of women's meetings, I have asked for your bless-
ings for the national effort, and I have done so in the
belief that you are pure, simple and godly enough to
give them with effect. You can ensure the fruitful ness
of your blessings by giving up your foreign cloth and
during your spare hours ceaselessly spinning for the
nation.

I remain,

Your devoted brother,
M. K. GANDHI.

THE ARREST OF THE ALI BROTHERS.
APPEAL TO THE MUSSALMANS OF INDIA.

[The Alt Brothers were arrested by order of the
Bombay Government in the third week of September
1921. Mr. Gandhi addressed the following open letter
*o the Mussalmans of India through the columns of
Young India.]

Dear Countrymen: — Whilst the arrest of Moulanas
Shaukat AH and Mahomed Ali has touched every Indian
heart, I know what it has meant to you. The brave
brothers are staunch lovers of their country, but they
are Mussalmans first and everything else after, and it
must be so with every religiously minded man. The
Brothers have, for years past, represented all that is
best and noblest in Islam. No two Mussalmans have
done more than they to raise the status of Islam in India.
They have promoted the cause of the Khilafat as no
two other Mussalmans of India have. For they have
'been true and they dared to tell what they felt even in
their internment in Chiudwara. Their long internment
did not demoralise or weaken them. They came out just
as brave as they went in.

And since their discharge from internment they
have shown themselves true nationalists and you have
taken pride in their being so.

The Brothers have, by their simplicity, humility
and inexhaustible energy, fired the imagination of the
masses as no other Mussalman has*

All these qualities have endeared them to you.
You regard them as your ideal men. You are, therefore

602 NON-CO-OPERATION

sorry for their separation from you. Many, besides you,
miss their genial faces. For me they had. become in-
separable. I seem to be without my arms. For
anything connected with Mussalmans, Shaukat
Ali was my guide and friend. He never once
misled me. His judgment was sound and unerring in
most cases. With the Brothers among us, I felt safe
about Hindu-Muslim unity whose work they understood
as few of us have.

But whilst we all miss them, we must not give
way to grief or dejection. We must learn, each one of
us, to stand alone, God only is dur infallible and
eternal Guide.

To be dejected is not only not to have known the
Brothers, but it is, if I may venture to say so, not to
know what religion is.

For do we not learn in all religions that the spirit
of the dear ones abides with us even when they physic-
ally leav« us. Not only is the spirit of the Brothers
with us, but they are serving better by their suffering
than if they were in our midst giving us some of their
oourage, hope and energy. The secret of non-violence
and non-co-operation lies in our realising that it is
through suffering that we are to attain our goal. What
is the renunciation of titles, councils, law courts and
schools, but a measure, very slight indeed, of suffering*
That preliminary renunciation is a prelude to the
larger suffering — the hardships of a gaol life and even
the final consummation on the gallows — if need be.
The more we suffer and the more of us suffer, the
nearer we are to our cherished goal.

The earlier and the more clearly we recognise tnai
it is not big meetings and demonstrations that, would

THE ARREST OF THE ALI BROTHERS 60<£

give us victory but quiet suffering, the earlier and more
certain will be our victory.

I have made your cause my own because I believe
it to be just. Khilafat, I have understood from your
best men, is an ideal. You are net fighting to sustain
any wrong or even misrule. You are backing the Turks
because they represent the gentlemen of Europe, and
because the European, and especially the English, preju-
dice against them is not because the Turks are worse
than others as men, but because they are Mussalmans
and will not assimilate the modern spirit of exploitation
of weaker people and their lands. In fighting for the
Turks you are fighting to raise the dignity and the
purity of your own faith.

You have, naturally, therefore, chosen pure methods
to attain your end. It cannot be denied that both
Mussalmans and Hindus have lost much in moral
stamina. Both of us have become poor representatives,
of our respective faiths. Instead of each one of us
becoming a true child of God, we expect others to live
our religion and even to die for us. But we have now
chosen a method that compels us to turn, each one of us,
our face towards God. Non-co-operation presumes that
our opponent with whom we non-co- operate resorts,
to methods \vhich are as questionable as the purpose
he seeks to fulfil by such methods. We shall, therefore,
find favour in the sight of God only by choosing
methods which are different in kind from those of
our opponents. This is a big claim we have made for
ourselves, and we can attain success, within the short
time appointed by us, only if our methods are in reality
radically different from those of the Government.
Hence, the foundation of our movement rests on complete

U04 NON-CO-OPERATION

non-violence whereas violence is the final fefuge of the
Government. And as no energy can be created without
resistance, our non-resistance to Government violence
•must bring the latter to a standstill. But our non-
violence, to be true, must be in word, thought and^deed.
It makes no difference that with you non-violence is an
expedience. Whilst it lasts, you cannot consistently,
with your pledge, harbour designs of violence. On the
contrary, we must have implicit faith in our programme
*of non-violence which presupposes perfect accord
between thought, word and deed. I would like every
Mussalman to realise, whilst the occasion for anger
is the greatest, that by non-violence alone* can we gam
complete victory even during this year.

Nor is non-violence a visionary programme. Just
imagine what the united resolve of seven crores of
Mussalmans (not to count the Hindus) must mean.
Should we not have succeeded already, if all the titled
men had given up their titles, all the lawyers had
suspended their practice and all the schoolboys had left
their schools and all had boycotted Councils ? But
we must recognise that with many of us, flesh has
proved too weak. Seven crores are called Mussalmans
and twenty two crores are called Hindus, but only a
few are true Mussalmans or true Hindus. Therefore,
if we have not gained our purpose, the cause lies within
us. And if ours is, as we claim it is, a religious struggle,
we dare not become impatient, save with ourselves, no*
even against one another.

The Brothers, I am satisfied, are as innocent as I
claim I am of incitement to violence. Theirs, therefore,
is a spotless offering* They have done all in their
power for Islam and their country. Now, if the'Khila-

THE ARREST OF THE ALI BROTHERS 60S

fat or the Punjab wrongs are not redressed and Swaraj,
is not established during this year, the fault will be
yours and mine. We must remain non-violent but we
must not be passive. We must repeat the formula of
the Brothers regarding the duty of soldiers and invite
imprisonment. We need not think that the struggle
cannot go on without even the best of us. If it cannot,
\ve are neither fit for Swaraj nor for redressing the
Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs. We must declare-
from a thousand platforms that it is sinful for any Mus-
salman or Hindu to serve the existing Government
whether as soldier or in any capacity whatsover.

Above all we must concentrate on complete boy-
cott of foreign cloth whether British, Japanese
American of French, or any other, and begin, if we
have not already done so, to introduce spinning-wheels
and handlooms in our own homes and manufacture all
the cloth we need. This will be at once a test of our
belief on nonviolence for our country's freedom and for
saving the Khilafat. It will be a test also of Hindu-
Muslim unity, and' it will be a universal test of our
faith in our own programme. I repeat my conviction
that we can achieve our full purpose, within one month,
of a compuete boycott of foreign cloth. For we are
then in a position, having confidence in our ability to
control forces of violence, to offer civil disobedience, if
it is at all found necessary*

I can, therefore, find no balm for the deep wounds
inflicted upon you by the Government other than non-
violence translated into action b> boycott of fereign
cloth and mrnufacture of cloth in our own homes.

I am,

Your friend and comrade,
M. K. GANDHI.

MANIFESTO ON FREEDOM OF OPINION.

[The Government of Bombay in a communique
dated the 15th September 1921, explained their reasons
for prosecuting the Ali Brothers. Mr. Gandhi, Mrs.
Sarojitii Naidii, Messrs. Motilal Nehru, N. C. Kelkar,
S. E. Stokes, La j pat Rait Ajmal Khan and about 50
others issued the following manifesto on ^th October \ — ]

In view of the prosecution of the Ali Brothers and
others for the reasons stated in the Government of
Bombay communique, dated the I5th September, 1921,
we, the undersigned* speaking in our individual capacity^
desire to stale that it is the inherent right of every one
to express his opinion without restraint about the
propriety of citizens offering their services to, or remain-
ing in the employ of the Government, whether in the
Civil cxr th« Military department.

We, the undersigned, state it as our opinion that it
is contrary to national dignity for any Indian to serve as
a civilian, and more especially as a soldier, under a
system of Government which has brought about India's
economic, moral and political degradation and which has
used the soldiers and the police for repressing national
aspirations, as for instance at the time of the Rowlatt
Act agitation, and which has used the soldiers for
crushing the liberty of the Arabs, the Egyptians, the
Turks, and other nations who have done no harm to
India.

We are also of opinion that it is the duty of every
Indian soldier and civilian to sever his connection with
the Government and find some other means of livelihood

THE GREAT SENTINEL.
TO RABINDRANATH TAGORE.

[In the October (1921) number of the Modern.
Review, Rabindranath Tagore wrote an article " The
Vail of Truth" criticising some features of the non-co-
operation movement. Mr. Gandhi replied to the
criticism in the Young India of the 13th October.]

The Bard of Shantiniketan has contributed to tha
Modern Review a brilliant essay on the present move-
ment. It is a series of word pictures which he alone
can paint. It is an eloquent protest against authority,
slave mentality or whatever description one gives of
blind acceptance of a passing mama whether out of
fear or hope. It is a welcome and wholesome reminder
to all workers, that we must not be in-patient
we must not impose authority, no matter how
great. The Poet tells us summarily to reject
anything and everything that does not appeal
to our reason or heart, [f we would gain Swaraj, we
must stand for Truth as we know it at any cost. A re-
former who is enraged ^because his message is not accep-
ted must retire to the forest to learn how to watch, wait
and pray. With all this one must heartily agree, and
the Poet deserves the thanks of his countrymen for
standing up for Truth and Reason. There is no doubt
that our last state will be worse than our first,
if we surrender our reason into somebody's keeping.
And I would feel extremely sorry to discover,
that the country had unthinkingly and blindly
followed all I had said or done. I am quite conscious

608 NON-CO-OPERATION

of the fact that blind surrender to love is often more
mischievous than a forced surrender to the lash of the
tyrant. There is hope for the slave of the brute, none
for that of love. Love is needed to strengthen the
weak, love becomes tyrannical when it exacts obedience
from an unbeliever. To mutter a " mantra " without
knowing its value is unmanly. It is good, therefore,
that the Poet has invited all who are slavishly mimick-
ing the cail of the " charkha " boldly to declare their
revolt. His essay serves as a warning to us all who in
our impatience are betrayed into intolerance or even
violence against those who differ from us : I regard
the Poet as a sentinel warning Us against the approach
of enemies called Bigotry, Lethargy, Intolerance, Ig-
norance, Inertia and other members of that brood.

But whilst I agree with all that the Poet has said
as to the necessity of watchfulness lest we cease to think,
I must not be understood to endorse the proposition that
there is any such blind obedience on a large scale in
the country to-day. I have again and again appealed to
reason, and let me assure him that, if happily the coun-
try has come to believe in the spinning-wheel as the
giver of plenty, it has done so after laborious thinking,
after great hesitation. I am not^ sure, that even now
educated India has assimilated the truth underlying the
" charka." He must not mistake the surface dirt for the
substance underneath. Let him go deeper and see for
himself, whether the " charka" has been accepted from
blind faith or from reasoned necessity.

I do indeed ask the Poet and the sage to spin the
wheel as a sacrament. When there is war, the poet
lays down the lyre, the lawyer his law reports, the
school boy his books. The Poet will sing the true note

THR GREAT SENTINEL 609

after the war is over, the lawyer will have occasion to
go to his law books when people have time to fight
among themselves. When a house is on fire, all the in-
mates go out, and each one takes up a bucket to quench
the fire. When all about me are dying for want of
food, the only occupation permissible to me is to feed
the hungry. It is my conviction that India is a house
on fire, because its manhood * is being daily scorched, it
is dying of hunger because it has no work to buy food
with. Khulna is starving not because the people cannot
work but because they have no work. The Ceded Dis-
tricts are passing successively through a fourth famine.
Onssa is a land suffering from chronic famines. Our
ciiies are not India. India lives in her seven and a half
lacs of Villages, and the cities live upon the villages.
They do not bring their wealth from other countries.
The city people are brokers aiwi commission agents for
the big houses of Europe, America and Japan. The cities
have co-operated with the latter in the bleeding process
that has gone on for the past two hundred years. It is
my belief, based on experience, that India is daily grow-
ing poorer. The circulation about her feet and legs has
almost stopped. And if we do not take care, she will
collapse altogether.

To a people famishing and idle, the only acceptable
form in which God can dare appear is work and promise
of food as wages. God created man to work for his
food, and said that those who ate without work were
thieves. Eighty per cent, of India are compulsorily
thieves half the year. Is it any wonder, if India has
become one vast prison ? Hunger is the argument
that is driving India to the spinning wheel. The call
of the spinning wheel is the noblest of all, because it is

610 NON-COOPtRATiON

the call of love. And love is Swaraj, The spinning
wheel will 'curb the mind* when time spent on necessary
physical labour can be said to do so. We must think of
the millions who are to-day less than animals, who are
almost in a dying state. The spinning wheel is the
reviving draught for millions of our dying countrymen
and countrywomen. 'Why should I, who have no need to
work for food, spin'? may be the question asked. Be-
cause I am eating what does not belong to me. I am
living on the spoliation of my countrymen. Trace the
course of every pice that finds its way into your pocket,
and you will realise the truth of what I write. Swaraj
has no meaning for the millions if they do not know how
to employ their enforced idleness. The attainment of
this Swaraj is possible within a short time, and it is so
possible only by the revival of the spinning wheel.

I do want growth, I do want self-determination, I
do want freedom, but I want all these for the soul. I
doubt if the steel age is an advance upon the flint age.
I am indifferent. It is the evolution of the soul to which
the intellect and all our faculties have to be devoted. I
have no difficulty in imagining the possibility of a man
armoured after the modern style making some lasting
and new discovery for mankind, but I have less difficulty
•in imagining the possibility of a man having nothing but
abit of flint and a nail for lighting his path or his match-
lock ever singing new hymns of praise and delivering to
an aching world a message of peace and goodwill upon
earth. A plea for the spinning wheel is a plea for re-
cognising the dignity of labour

I claim that in losing the spinning wh»el we l>it
<dur left lung. We are, therefore, suffering from gallo-
ping consumption. The restoration bSf the tohteel ar?es&

THE GREAT SENTINEL 611

•the progress of the fell disease. There are certain things
-which all must do in all climes. The spinning wheel
is the thing which all must turn in the Indian clime for
the transition stage at any rate and the vast majority
-must for all time.

It was our love of foreign cloth that ousted the
wheel from its position of dignity. Therefore I consider
it a sin to wear foreign cloth. I must confess that I do
not draw a sharp or any distinction between economics
and ethics. Economics that hurt the moral well-being
of an individual or a nation are immoral and therefore
•sinful. Thus the economics that permit one country to
prey upon another are immoral. It is sinful to buy and
-use articles made by sweated labour. It is sinful to eat
American wheat and let my neighbour, the grain dealer,
starve for want of custom. Similarly it is sinful for me
to wear the latest finery of Regent Street, when I know
,that if I had but worn the things woven by the neigh-
bouring spinners and weavers, that would have clothed
me, and fed and clotted them. On the knowledge of my
sin bursting upon me, I must consign the foreign garments
to the flames and thus purify myself, and thenceforth
rest content with the rough '• Khadi " made by my
neighbours. On knowing that my neighbours may not,
having given up the occupation, take kindly to the
spinning wheel, I must take it up myself and thus
make it popular.

I venture to suggest to the Poet, that the clothes
I ask him to burn must be and are his. If they had to
his knowledge belonged to the poor or the ill-clad, he
would long ago have restored to the poor what was
theirs. In burning my foreign clothes I burn my shame*
I must refuse to insult the naked by giving them clothes

642 NON-CO-OPERATION

they do not need, instead of giving them work whichr
they sorely need. I will not commit the sin of becoming*
their patron, but on learning that I had assisted in-
impoverishing them, I would give them a privileged
position and give them neither crumbs nor cast off
clothing, but the best of my food and clothes and
associate myself with them in work.

Nor is the scheme of Non-co-operation or Swadeshr
an exclusive doctrine. My modesty has prevented me
from declaring from the house top that the message of
Non-Co-operation, non-violence and Swadeshi is a
message to the world, It must fall flat, if it does not
bear fruit in the soil where it has been delivered. At
the present moment India has nothing to share with the
world save her degradation, pauperism and plagues. Is
it her ancient Shastras that we should send to t he-
world ? Well, they are printed in many editions, and
an incredulous and idolatrous world refuses to look at
them, because! we,ithe heirs and custodians, do not live
them. Before therefore I can think of sharing with the
world, I must possess. Our non-co-operation is neither
with the English nor with the West. Our non-co-
operation is with the system the English have establish-
ed, with the material civilisation and its attendant
greed and exploitation of the weak. Our non-co-opera-
tion is a retirement within ourselves. Our non-co-
operation is a refusal to co-operate with the English
administrators on their own terms. We say to them
* Come and co-operate with us on our terms, and it will
be well for us, for you and the world.' We
must refuse ^to^be lifted off our feet. A drowning
man cannot save others. In order to be fit to save
ethers we must try to save ourselves. Indian national

THE GREAT SENTINEL 613

lism is not exclusive, nor aggressive, nor destructive.
It is health-giving, religious and therefore humanitarian.
India must learn to live before she can aspire to die for
humanity. The mice which helplessly find themselves
between the cat's teeth acquire no merit from their
enforced sacrifice. True to his poetical instinct the Poet
lives for the morrow and would have us do likewise.
He presents to our admiring gaze the beautiful picture
of the birds early in the morning singing hymns of
praise as they soar into the sky. These birds had their
day's food and soared with rested wings in whose veins
new blood had flown during the previous night. But
I have had the pain of watching birds who for want of
strength could not be coaxed even into a flutter of their
wings. The human bird under the Indian sky gets
up weaker than when he pretended to retire. For
millions it is an eternal i vigil or an eternal trance.
It is an indescribably painful state which has to be
experienced to be realised. I have found it impossible
to soothe suffering-patients with a song from Kabir,
The hungry millions ask for one poem, invigorating
food. They cannot be given it. They must earn it.
And they can earn only by the sweat of their brow.

HONOUR THE PRINCE

[It was announced that H. R. H. the Prince of wales was ta
arrive in India in November 17 and great preparations were made
by Government to give the Royal visitor a fitting reception. Writ-
ing in Young India of October 27, Mr. Gandhi urged his country-
men to boycott the Prince's visit. With no illwill against the Prince
as man, The people were asked to dissociate themselves from all
functious and festivities arranged in his honour by the Government,
Mr. Gandhi wrote :— ]

The reader must not be surprised at the title
of this writing. Supposing that the Prince was a
bJood brother in a high place, supposing that he was
to be exploited by neighbours for their own base ends,
supposing further that he was in the hands of my
neighbours, that my voice could not effectively reacb
him and that he was being brought to my village by
the said neighbours, would I not honour him bsst by
dissociating myself from all the ceremonial that might
be arranged in his 'honour* in the process of exploitation
and by letting him know by every means at my disposal
that he was being exploited? Would I not ba a traitor
to him if I did not warn him against entering the trar>
prepared for him by my neighbours?

I have no manner of doubt that the Prince's visit
is being exploited for advertising the 'benign' British
rule in India. It is a crime against us if His Royal
Highness is being brought for personal pleasure and sport
when India is seething with discontent, when the masses
are saturated with disaffection towards the system under
which they are governed, when famine is raging in
Khulna and the Ceded Districts and when an armed

HONOUR THE PRINCE 615

conflict is raging in Malabar: it is a crime against India
to spend millions of rupees on a mere show when
millions of men are living in a state of chronic starva-
tion. Eight lacs of rupees have been voted away by
the Bombay Council alone for the pageant.

The visit is being heralded by repression in the
land. In Sindh over fifty six non-co-operators are in
gaol. Some of the bravest of Musalmans are being
tried for holding certain- opinions. Nineteen Bengal
workers have been just imprisoned including Mr.
Sen Gupta, the leading Barrister of the place. A
Musalman Pir and three other selfless workers are
already in gaol for a similiar 'crime*. Several leaders
of Karnatak are also imprisoned, and now its chief
man is on trial for saying what I have said
repeatedly in these columns and what Congressmen
have been saying all over during the past twelve
months. Several leaders of the Central Provinces have
been similarly deprived of their liberty. A most
popular doctor, Dr Paranjpye, a man universally
respected for his selflessness, is suffering rigorous
imprisonment like a common felon. I have by no means
exhausted the list of imprisonments of non-co-operators.
Whether, they are a test of real crime or an answer to
growing disaffection, the Prince's visit is, to say the
least, most inopportune. There is no doubt that the
people do not want His Royal Highness to visit India at
the present jijncture. They have expressed their
opinion in DO uncertain terms. They have declared
that Bombay should observe Hartal on the day of his
landing at Bombay. It is a clear imposition upon the
people to bring the Prince in the teeth of their
opposition.

616 NON-CO-OPERATION

What are we to do in the circumstances? we must
organise a complete boycott of all functions held in the
Prince's honour. We must religiously refrain from
attending charities, fetes or fireworks organised for the
purpose. We mnst refuse to illuminate or to send our
children to see the organised illuminations. To this end
we must publish leaflets by the million and distribute
them amongst the people telling them what their duty
in the matter is and it would be true honour done to the
Prince if Bombay on the day of his landing wears the
appearance of a deserted city.

But we must isolate the Prince from the person.
We have no ill-will against the Prince as man. He
probably knows nothing of the feeling in India, he
probably knows nothing about repression. Equally
probably he is ignorant of the fact that the Punjab
wound is still bleeding, that the treachery towards
India in the matter of the Khilafat is still rankling in
every Indian breast, and that on the Government's own
admission the reformed councils contain members who,
though nominally elected, do not in any sense represent
even the few lacs who are on the electoral rolls. To
do or to attempt to do any harm to the parson of ths
Prince would be not only cruel and inhuman, but it
would be on our part a piece of treachery towards our-
selves and him, for we have voluntarily pledged our*
selves to be and remain non-violent. Any injury or
insult to the Prince by us will be a greater wrong done
by us to Islam and India than any the English have
done. They know no better. We can lay no such claim
to ignorance, we have with our eyes open and before
God and man promised not to hurt a single individual
in any way connected with the system we are straining

THE BOMBAY RIOTS 617

every nerve to destroy. It must therefore be our duty
to take every precaution to protect his person as our
own from all harm.

In spite of all our effort, we know that there will
be some who would want to take part in the vorious
functions from fear or hope or choice. They have as
much right to do what they like as we have to do what
we like. That is the test of the freedom we wish to
have and enjoy. Let us, whilst we are being subjected
by an insolent bureaucracy to a severe irritation,exercise
the greatest restraint. And if we can exhibit our firm
resc-lve to have nothing to do with it by dissociating
ourselves from its pageant at the same time that we
shew forbearance towards those who differ from us, we
would advance our cause in a most effective manner.

THE BOMBAY RIOTS.
I. THE STATEMENT.

[/?. R. H. the Prince of Wales arrived in Bom-
bay on the 17th November. Non-Co-operators all
over the country had organised what are known as
'hurtals,' closing of shops and suspending all work,
and boycotting the Prince. In Bombay such acti-
vities resulted in a great riot in which all parties
suffered owing to the hooliganism of the mischievous
elements in the wob who violated Mr. Gandhi's
injunctions to be nonviolent and brought about a
terrible riot. Mr. Gandhi was then in Bombay and
after witnessing the scene of the tragedy, wrote
some of the most stirring letters which, coupled

618 NON-CO-OPERATION

with the exertions of men of all parties, restored
peace in the city. The following is the text of Mr.
Gandhi's first statement :]

The reputation of Bombay, the hope of my dreams,
was being stained yesterday even whilst in my simpli-
city I was congratulating her citizens upon their non-
violence in the face of grave provocation. For the
volunteers with their Captain were arrested during the
previous night for pasting posters under authority on
private property. The posters advised the people to
boycott the welcome to the Prince. They were
destroyed. The Swaraj Sabha's office was mysteriously
entered into and the unused posters, so far as I am
aware not declared unlawful, were also removed. The
Prince's visit itself and the circumstances attending the
ceremonials arranged and the public money wasted for
the manufacture of a welcome to His Eoyal Highness
constituted an unbearable provocation. And yet Bom-
bay has remained self-restrained. This, I thought, was
a matter for congratulation. The burning of the pile of
foreign cloth was an eloquent counter demonstration to
the interested official demonstration. Little did I know
that, at the very time that the Prince was passing
through the decorated route and the pile of foreign
cloth was burning in another part of the city, the mill-
hands were in criminal disobedience of the wishes of
their masters emptying them, first one and then the
others, by force, that a swelling mob was molesting the
peaceful passengers in the tramcars and holding up the
tram traffic, that it was forcibly depriving those that
were wearing foreign caps of their head-dresses
and pelting inoffensive Europeans. As the day went
up, the fury of the mob, now intoxicated with its^ initial

THE BOMBAY RIOTS 619

success, rose also. They burnt tramcars and a motor,
smashed liquor shops and burnt two.

DETAILS OF OUTBREAK.

I heard of the outbreak at about one o'clock. I
motored with some friends to the area of disturbances
and heard the most painful and the most humliating
story of molestation of Parsi sisters. Some few were
assaulted and even had their sbris torn from them. No
one among a crowd of over fifteen hundred who had
surrounded my car, denied the charge as a Parsi with
hot rage and quivering lips was with the greatest
deliberation narrating the story. An elderly Parsi gentle-
man said : 4t Please save us from the mob rule.*1

This news of the rough handling of Parsi sisters
pierced me like a dart. I felt that my sisters or
daughters had been hurt by a violent mob. Yes, some
Parsis had joined the welcome. They had a right to
hold their own view, free of molestation. There can be
no coercion in Swaraj. The Moplah fanatic who forcibly
converts a Hindu believes that he is acquiring religious
merit A Non-Co-operator or his associate who uses
coercion has no apology whatsoever for his criminality.
As I reached the two tanks I found, too, a liquor
shop smashed and two policemen badly wounded
and lying unconscious on cots without anybody
caring for them. I alighted. Immediately the crowd
surrounded me and yelled " Mahatma Gandhiki-jai ".
That sound usually grates on my ears, but it has grated
never so much as it did yesterday, when the crowd,
unmindful of the two sick brethren, choked me with the
shout at the top of their voices. I rebuked them and
they were silent. Water was brought for the two
wounded men, I requested two of my companions and

-620 NON-CO-OPERATION

some from the crowd to take the dying policemen to the
Hospital.

I proceeded then to the scene, a little further up,
where I saw a fire rising. There were two tram cars
which were burnt by the crowd. On returning I wit-
nessed a burning motor car. I appealed to the crowd to
disperse, told them that they had damaged the cause of
the Khilafat, the Punjab and Swaraj. I returned sick at
heart and in a chastened mood.

At about 5 a few brave Hindu young men came to
report that in Bhmdi Bazar the crowd was molesting
every passer-by who had a foreign cap on and even seri-
ously beating him if he refused to give up his cap.
A brave old Parsi who defied the crowd and would not
give up his pugree was badly handled. Moulana Azad
Sobhani and I went to Bhmdi Bazar and reasoned with
the crowd- We told them that they were denyirfg their
religion by hurting innocent men. The crowd made a
show of dispersing. The police were there, but they
were exceedingly restrained. We went further on and
retracing our steps found to our horror a liquor shop on
fire; even the fire brigade was obstructed in its work.
Thanks to the efforts of Pandit Nekiram Kharan and
others, the inmates of the shop were able to come out.

NATURE OF THE CROWD.

The crowd did not consist of hooligans only or boys.
It was not an unintelligent crowd. They were not all
mill-hands. It was essentially a mixed crov/d, unprepared
and unwilling to listen to anybody. For the moment it
had lost its head and it was not a crowd, but several
crowds numbering in all less than twenty thousand. It
was bent upon mischief and destruction.

THE BOMBAY RIOTS 621

I heard that there was firing resulting in deaths
and that in the Anglo-Indian quarters every one who
passed with khadder on came in for hard beating if he did
not put off his khadder cap or shirt. I heard that many
were seriously injured. I am writing this in the midst
of six Hindu and Musalman workers who have just
come in with broken heads and bleeding and one with
a broken nasal bone and another lacerated wounds and in
danger of losing his life. They went to Parel led by
Maulana Azad Sobhani and Moazzam Ali to pacify the
mill hands, who, it was reported, were holding up the
tram cars there. The workers, however, were enabled
to proceed to their destination. They returned with
their bleedings to speak for themselves,
CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

Thus the hope of reviving mass civil disobedience
has once more been dashed, in my opinion, to pieces. The
atmosphere for mass civil disobedience is absent. It is
not enough that such an atmoshere is to be found in
Bardoli and therefore it may go on side by side with the
violence in Bombay. This is impossible. Neither
Bardoli nor Bombay can be treated as separate, uncon-
nected units. They are parts of one great indivisible
whole. It was possible to isolate Malabar ; it was also
possible to disregard Malegaon, But it is not possible to
ignore Bombay. Non-Co-operators cannot escape liabi-
lity. It is true that Non -Co operators were ceaselessly
remonstrating everywhere with the people at considera-
ble risk to themselves to arrest or stop the mischief and
that they are responsible for saving many precious
lives. But that is not enough for launching oat on civil
disobedience or to discharge them from liability for the
violence that has taken place. We claim to have esta-

-62*2 NON-CO-OPERATION

bliched a peaceful atmosphere, i.e., to have attained by
our non-violence sufficient control over the people to keep
their violence under check. We have failed when we
ought to have succeeded, for yesterday was a day of our
trial. We were under our pledge bound to protect the
person of the Prince from any harm or insult and we
broke that pledge inasmuch as any one of us insulted or
injured a single European or any other who took part in
the welcome to the Prince. They were as much
entitled to take part in the welcome as we were to
refrain.

Nor can I shirk my own personal responsibility, I
am more instrumental than any other in bringing into
being the spirit of revolt. I find myself not fully capable
of controlling and disciplining that spirit. I must do pen-
ance for it. For me the struggle is essentially religious. I
believe in fasting and prayer and I propose henceforth
to observe every Monday a 24 hour's fast till Swaraj is
obtained.

The Working Committee will have to devote its
attention to the situation and consider in the light there-
of, whether mass civil disobedience can be at all
encouraged, until we have obtained complete control
over tiie masses. I have personally come deliberately
to the conclusion that mass civil disobedience cannot be
started for the present. I confess my inability to conduct
a campaign of Civil disobedience to a successful issue
unless a completely non-violent spirit is generated among
the people.

I am sorry for the conclusion. It is a humiliating
confession of my incapacity, but I know that I shall
appear more pleasing to my Maker by being what I am
.instead of appearing to be what I am not, If I can have

MESSAGE TO THE CITIZENS OF BOMBAY 623

nothing to do with the organised violence of the Govern-
ment, I can have less to do with the unorganised vio-
lence of the people. I would prefer to be cursed bet-
ween the two

II.— MESSAGE TO THE CITIZENS OF BOMBAY.

Shocked at the riot and bloodshed that he
witnessed in Bombay , Mr. Gandhi issued the follow-
ing appeal to the men and women of Bombay on
the morning of the 19 th November.

Men and Women^of^ornBayr--It is not possible to
describe the agony I have suffered during the past two
days. I am writing this now at 3-30 A,M. in perfect
peace. After 2 hours of prayer and meditation I have
found.it. I must refuse to eat or drink anything but water,
till the Hindus and Mahomedans of Bombay have made
peace with the Parsis, Christians and Jews and till Non-
Co-operators have made peace with co-operators. The
Swaraj that I have witnessed during the last two days
has stunk in my nostrils. Hindu-Muslim unity had been
a menace to the handful of Parsis, Christians and Jews.
The non-violence of the Non-Co-operators has been worse
than violence of co-operators. For with non-violence
on our lips we have terrorised those who have differed
from us and in so doing we have denied our God. There
is only one God for us all whether we find him through
Koran, Bible, Zend Avesta, Talmud or Gita, and he is
the God of Truth and Love.

I have no interest in living save for this faith in
me. I cannot hate the Englishman or anyone else. 1
have spoken and written much against his institutions,
especially the one he lias set up in India. I shall

624 NON-CO-OPERATION

continue to do so if I live; but we must not mistake my~
condemnation of the system for the man. My religions
required me to love him as I love myself. I would:
deny God if I did not attempt to prove it at this critical
moment. And the Parsis — I have meant every word I
have said about them. Hindus and Mussalmans would
be unworthy of freedom if they do not defend them and
their honour with their lives. They have only recently
proved their liberality and friendship. Mussalmans-
are specially beholden to them, for Parsis have,
compared to their numbers, given more than they
themselves to the Khilafat funds. I cannot face
again the appealing eyes of Parsi men and women
that I saw on the 17th inst, as I passed through
them, unless Hindus and Mussalmans have expressed
full and free repentance, nor can I face Mr. Andrews
when he returns from East Africa, if we have done no
reparation to Indian-born Christians whom we are
bound to protect as our own brothers and sisters. We
may not think of what they in self-defence or by way
of reprisals have done to some of us. You can see
quite clearly that I must do the utmost reparation to
this handful of men and women, who have been the
victims of forces that have come into being largely
through my instrumentality. I invite every Hindu and
Mussalman to do likewise, but I do not want anyone to
fast, which is only good when it comes in answer to
prayer and as a felt yearning of the soul. I invite every
Hindu and Mussalman to retire to his home and ask God
for forgiveness and to befriend the injured communities-
from the bottom of their hearts. I invite my fellow
workers not to waste a word of sympathy on me.
I need or deserve none. But I invite them to make*

MESSAGE TO THE CITIZENS OF BOMBAY 625

ceaseless effort to regain control over the turbulent
elements. This is a terribly true struggle. There is no
room for sham or humbug in it. Before we can make
any further progress without struggle we must cleanse
our hearts.

One special word to my Mussalman brothers. I
have approached Khilafat as a sacred cause. I have
striven for Hindu-Muslim unity because India cannot
Jive free without it, and because we would both deny
God if we considered one another as natural enemies. I
have thrown myself into the arms of the Ali brothers,
because 1 believe them to be true and God-fearing men.
The Mussalmans have to my knowledge played a leading
part during the two days of carnage. It has deeply hurt
me. I ask every Mussalman worker to rise to his full
height to realise his duty to his faith and see that the
carnage stops. May God bless everyone of us with
wisdom and courage to do the right at any cost !

I am, Your Servant, M. K. Gandhi.

III. APPE'AL TO THE HCOLIGAKS OF BOMBAY.

\Mr. Gandhi issued another appeal, this time to the
Hooligans of Bombay who brought about the terrible
scenes of murder. The following is ihe full text of the
appeal which was circulated broadcast in all vernaculars
on Nov. 21. \

To Hooligans of Bombay. — The most terrible mis-
take I have made is that I thought non-co-operators had
acquired influence over you, and that you had understood
the relative value of political wisdom of non-violence
though not the moral necessity of it. I had thought
that you had sufficiently understood the interests of your
country not to meddle with the movement to its detri-
40

626 NON-COOPERAT) ON

ment and that, therefore, you would have wisdom enough
net to give way to your worst passions, but it cuts me to
the quick to find that you have used mass awakening
for your own lust for plunder, rapine and even indulging
in your worst animal appetite. Whether you call your-
self a Hindu, Mahomedan, Parsi, Christian or Jew, you
have certainly failed to consider even your own religi-
ous interests. Some of my friends would, I know, accuse
me of ignorance of human nature. If I believed the
charge, I would plead guilty and retire from human
assemblies and return only after acquiring knowledge of
human nature, but I know that I had no difficulty in
controlling even Indian hooligans in South Africa. I
was able because I had succeeded in approaching them
through co-workers where I had no personal contact
with them. In your case, I see we have failed to reach
you. I do not believe you to be incapaple of responding
to the noble call of religion and country. See what you
have done. Hindu-Mussalman hooligans have violated
the sanctity of Parsi temples, and they have exposed
their own to similar risk from the wrath of Parsi hooli-
gans. Because some Farsis have chosen to partake in
the welcome to the Prince, Hindu and Mussalman hooli-
gans have roughly handled every Parsi they have met.
The result has been that Parsi hooligans are less to
blame. Hindu and Mussalman hooligans have rudely,
roughly and insolently removed foreign clothes worn by
some Parsis acd Christians, forgetting that not ail
Hindus and all Mussalmans, nor by any means even a
majority of them have religiously discarded the use of
foreign clothes* Parsi and Christian hooligans are,
therefore, interfering with Hindu and Mussalman
wearers of Khaddar.

APPEAL TO THE HOOLIGANS OF BOMBAY 627

Thus, we are all moving in a vicious circle and
the country suffers. I write this not to blame, but to
warn you and to confess that we have grievously
neglected you. I am doing penance in one way, other
workers are doing in another way. Messrs. Azad
Sobhani, Jaykar, Jamnadas, Mitha, Sathe, Moazam All
and many others have been risking their lives in bring-
ing under control this unfortunate ebullition. Srirnati
Sarojini Naidu has fearlessly gone in your midst to rea-
son with you, and to appeal to you. Our work in your
midst has only just begun. Will you not give us a
chance by stopping the mad process of retaliation ?
Hindus and Mussalmans should be ashamed to take
reprisals against the Parsis or Christians. The latter
must know it to be suicidal to battle against the Hindu
and Mussalman ferocity by brute strength. The result
is they must seek assistance of an .alien Government,
i.e., sell their freedom. Surely the best course for them
is to realise their nationality and believe that reasoning
Hindus and Mussalmans must and will protect the
interests of the minorities before their own. Anyway,
the problem before Bombay is to ensure absolute protec-
tion of the minorities and acquisition of control over the
rowdy element, and I shall trust that you, hooligans of
Bombay, will now restrain your hand and give a chance
.o the workers who are desirous of serving you. May
Sod help you.— I am, your friend, M. K. Gandhi.

IY.— APPEAL TO HIS CO-WORKERS.

[Late on the 22nd evening^ Mr. Gandhi issued the
following manifesto to his co-workers : — ]

Comrades, — The past few days had been a fiery
ordeal for me, and God is to be thanked that some of us
had not been found wanting. The broken heads before
me and the dead bodies of which I have heard from an
unimpeachable authority, are sufficient evidence of the
fact. Workers have lost their limbs, or their lives, or
have suffered bruises in the act of preserving peace, of
weaning mad countrymen from their wrath. These
deaths and injuries show that, in spite of the error of
many of our countrymen, some of us are prepared to die
for the attainment of our goal. If all of us had imbibed
the spirit of non-violence, or if some had, and others had
remained passive, no blood need have been spilt, but it
was not to be. Some must, therefore, voluntarily give
their blood in order that a bloodless atmosphere may
be created, so long as there are people weak enough
to seek the aid of those who have superior skill or
means for doing it. And that is why the Parsis and
Christians sought" and received assistance of the Gov-
ernment, so that the Government openly took sides and
armed and aided the latter in retaliatory madness and
criminally neglected to protect a single life among those
who, though undoubtedly guilty in the first instance,
were victims of unparadonable wrath of the Parsis,
Christians and Jews. The Government have thus
appeared in their nakedness as party doing violence not
jnerely to preserve the peace but to sustain aggressive-

APPEAL TO THE CO-WORKERS 629

violence of its injured supporters. The police and mili-
tary looked on with callous indifference, whilst the
Christians in their justifiable indignation deprived inno-
cent men of their white cap, and hammered those
who would not surrender them, or whilst the Parsis
assaulted or shot not in self-defence, but because the
victims happened to be Hindus or Mussalmans, or non-
co-operators. I can excuse the aggrieved Parsis or
Christians, but can find no excuse for the military and
police for taking sides. So the task before the workers
is to take the blow from the Government, and our erring
countrymen. This is the only way open to us of steri"
lizing the forces of violence. The way to immediate
swaraj lies through our gaining control over the forces
of violence, and that not by greater violence, but by
moral influence. We must see as clearly as daylight
that it is impossible for us to be trained and armed for
violence if active enugh for displacing the existing
Government.

Some people1 imagine that after all we would not
have better advertised our indignation against the wel-
come to the Prince of Wales than by letting loose the
mob frenzy on the fateful 17th. The reasoning betrays
at once ignorance and weakness — ignorance of the fact
that our goal was not injury to the welcome, and
weakness because we still hanker after advertising our
strength to others instead of being satisfied with the
conciousness of its possession.

I wish I could convince everyone that we have
materially retarded our progress to our triple goal. But
all is not lost if the workers realise and act up to
their responsibility. We must secure the full co-
operation of the rowdies of Bombay. We must know

630 NON-CO-OPERATION

the millhands. They must either work for Goverment
or for us fa., for violence or against it. There
is no middle way. They must not interfere with us.
Either they must be amenable to our love or helplessly
submit it to the bayonet. They must not seek shelter
under the banner of non-violence for the purpose oi
doing violence. And in order to carry our message tc
them we must reach every millhand individually and
let him understand and appreciate the struggle.

Similarly we must reach the rowdy elements, be-
friend them and help them to understand the religious
character of the struggle. We must neither neglect them
nor pander to them. We must become true servants. The
peace that we are aiming at is not a patched up peace.
We must have fair guarantees of its continuance without
the aid of Government, and sometimes, even in spite of
its activity to the contrary. There must be a heart union
between the Hindus, Mussalmans, Parsis, Christians and
Jews. The three latter communities may and will
distrust the other two. The recent occurrences must
strenghthen that distrust. We muet go out of our way
to conquer their distrust, We must not molest them if
they do not become non-co-operators, or do not adopt
swadeshi or white khaddar cap, which has become its
symbol. We must not be irritated against them even if
they side with the Government on every occasion, We
have to make them ours by loving service.

This is the necessity of the situation. The alterna"
tive is a civil war and a civil war with a third party
consolidating itself by siding now with one and then
with the other, must be held an impossibility for the
near future. And what is true of sihaller communities
is also true of co-operators. We must not be impatient

APPEAL TO THE CO-WORKERS 631

with or intolerant to them. We are bound to recognise
their freedom to co-operate with the Government if we
claim freedom to non -co-operate. What would we have
felt if we are in a minority, and co-operators being a
majority, had used violence against us. Non-co-oper-
ation and non-violence is the most expeditious method
known in the world of winning our opponents. And
our struggle consists in winning our opponents, including
the Englishmen, over to our side. We can only do so
by being free from ill-will against the weakest or strong-
est of them, and that we can only do by being prepared
to die for truth within us and not by killing those who
do not see the truth we enunciate. I am your grateful
comrade. — M. K. Gandhi."

Y. PEACE AT LAST

[Mr. Gandhi broke his fast in the midst of a gather'
ing of co-operators, non-co-operators, Hindus^ Musal-
tnans, Christians and Parsis. There were speeches of
goodwill by a representative of each community* The
members of the Work ing Committee were also present.
Mr. Gandhi made a statement in Gnjarati before break-
ing his fast. The following is its translation : — ]
Friends,

It delights my heart to see Hindus, Musalmans,
Parsis and Christians met together in this little
assembly. I hope that our frugal fruit-repast of this
morning will be a sign of our permanent friendship.
Though a born optimist, I am not in the habit of
building castles in the air. This meeting therefore
cannot deceive me. We shall be able to realize the
hope of permanent friendship between all communities,

632 NON-CO-OPERATION

only if we who have assembled together will incessantly
strive to build it up. I am breaking my fast upon the
strength of your assurances. I have not been unmindful
of the affection with which innumerable friends have
surrounded me during these four days. I shall ever
remain grateful to them. Being drawn by them I am
plunging into this stormy ocean out of the haven of
peace in which I have been during these few days. I
assure you that, in spite of the tales of misery that have
been poured into my ears, I have enjoyed peace because
of a hungry stomach I know that I cannot enjoy it
after breaking the fast. I am too human not to be touched
by the sorrows of others, and when I find no remedy for
alleviating them, my human nature so agitates me that
I pine to embrace death like a long-lost dear friend.
Therefore I warn all the friends here that if real peace
is not established in Bombay and if disturbances break
out again and if as a result they find me driven to a still
severer ordeal, they must not be surprised or troubled.
If they have any doubt about peace having been esta-
blished, if each community has still bitterness of feeling
and suspicion and if we are all not prepared to forget
and forgive past wrongs, I would much rather that
they did not press me to break the fast. Such a res-
traint I would regard as a test of true friendship.

I Venture to saddle special responsibility upon
Hindus and Musalmans. The majority of them are
non-co-operators. Non-violence is the creed they have
accepted for the time being. They have the strength of
numbers. They can stand in spite of the opposition of
the smaller communities without Government aid. If,
therefore, they will remain friendly and charitable to-
wards the smaller communities, all will be well. * I will

THE MORAL ISSUE 633

'beseech the Parsis, the Christians and the Jews to bear
in mind the new awakening in India. They will see
•many-coloured waters in the ocean of Hindu and Musal-
man humanity. They will see dirty waters on the shore.
I would ask them to bear with their Hindu or Musal-
man neighbours who may misbehave with them $nd
immediately report to the Hindu and Musalman leaders
through their own leaders with a view to getting justice.
Indeed I am hoping that as a result of the unfortunate
discord a Mahajan will come into being for the disposal
of all inter-racial disputes.

The value of this assembly in my opinion consists
in the fact that worshippers of the same one God we
are enabled to partake of this harmless repast together
in spite of our differences of opinion. We have not
assembled with the object to-day of reducing such
differences, certainly not of surrendering a single
principle we may hold dear, but we have met in order
to demonstrate that we can remain true to our principles
and yet also remain free from ill-will towards one
another

May God bless our effort.

YI.— THE MORAL ISSUE.

"[Mr. Gandhi, writing in Young India of Dec. 24,
pointed out the lesson of the tragedy and wrote on the
moral issue before the country.']

As soon as we lose the moral basis, we cease to be
religious. There is no such thing as religion overriding
morality. Man for instance cannot be untruthful, cruel
or incontinent and claim to have God on his side. In
Bombay the sympathisers of non-co-operation lost their

634 NON-CO-OPERATION

moral balance. They were enraged against the Parsts
and the Christians who took part in the welcome to the
Prince and sought to 'teach them a lesson1. They
invited reprisals and got them. It became after the
17th a game of seesaw in which no one really gained
and everybody lost.

Swaraj does not lie that way. India does not want
Bolshevism. The people are too peaceful to stand
anarchy. They will bow the knee to any one who
restores so-called order. Let us recognise the Indian
phychology. We need not stop to inquire whether
such hankering after peace is a virtue or a vice. The
average Musalman of India is quite different from the
average Musalman of the other parts of the world.
His Indian associations have made him more docile
than his co-religionists outside India. He will not
stand tangible insecurity of life and property for any
length of time. The Hindu is, proverbially, almost
contemptibly mild. The Parsi and the Christian love
peace more than strife, Indeed we have almost made
religion subservient to peace. This mentality is at once
our weakness and our strength.

Let us nurse the better, the religious part of
of this mentality nf ours. ' Let there be no compul-
sion in religion.' Is it not religion with us to observe
Swadeshi and therefore wear Khadi^ But if the
religion of others does not require them to adopt
Swadeshi, we may not compel them. We broke the
universal law restated in the Quran. And the law does
not mean that there may be compulsion in other matters.
The verse means that, if it is bad to use compulsion in
religion about which we have definite convictions, it is
worse to resort to it in matters of less moment-

THE MORAL ISSUE

We can only therefore argue and reason with our
opponents. The extreme to which we may go is non-
violent non-co-operation with them even as with the
Government. But we may not non-co-operate with
them in private life, for we do not non-co-operate with
the men composing the Goverment. We are non co-opera-
ting with the system they administer. We decline to
render official service to Sir George Lloyd the Governor,
we dare not withold social service from Sir George
Lloyd, the Englishman.

The mischief, I am sorry to say, began among the
Hindus and the Musalmans themselves. There was
social persecution, there was coercion. I must confess
that I did not always condemn it as strongly as I might
have. I might have dissociated myself from the move-
ment when it became at all general. We soon mended
our ways, we became more tolerant but the subtle
coercion was there. I passed it by as I thought it would
die a natural death. I saw in Bombay that it had not. It
assumed a virulent form on the 17th.

We damaged the Khilafat cause and with it that of
the Punjab and Swaraj. We must retrace our steps and
scrupulously insure minorities against the least molest-
ation. If the Christian wishes to wear the European hat
and unmentionables, he must be free to do so. If a
Parsi wishes to stick to his Fenta, he has every right to
do so. If they both see their safety in associating them-
selves with the Government, we may only wean them
from their error by appealing to their reason, not by
breaking their head?. The greater the coercion we
use, the greater the security we give to the Govern-
ment, if only because the latter has more effective
weapons of coercion than we have. For us to resort

636 NON-CO-OPERATION

to greater cordon than the Government will be to make
India more slave than she is now.

Swaraj is freedom for every one, the smallest
among us, to do as he likes without any physical inter-
nerence with his liberty. Non-violent non-co-operation
is the method whereby we cultivate the freest public
opinion and get it enforced. When there is complete
freedom of opinion, that of the majority must prevail.
If we are in a minority, we can prove worthy of our
religion by remaining true to it in the fact of coercion.
The Prophet submitted to the coercion of the majority
and remained true to his faith. And when he found
himself m a majority he declared to his followers that
there should be no compulsion in religion. Let us not
again either by verbal or physical violence depart from
the injunction, and by our own folly further cut back
the hands of the clock of progress.

CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE.

[Though the author of the Civil Disobedience move-
ment in India, Mr. Gandhi was always alive to its
dangers. He therefore insisted that his conditions should
be fulfilled in toto before any Taluka could embark on a
campaign of Civil Disobedience. He was always very
cautions in permitting Civil Disobedience as will be seen
from the following article in Young India. He restrain-
ed at a certain stage, the majority of the Congress Com-
mittee from a rushing and perilous programme.}

Civil disobedience was on the lips of every one of
the members of the All-India Congress Committee. Not
having really over tried it, every one appeared to be
enamoured of it from a mistaken belief hi it as a

CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE 637

soverign remedy for present day ills. I feel sure that
it can be made such if we can produce the necessary
atmosphere for it. For individuals there always is that
atmosphere except when their civil disobedience is
certain to lead to bloodshed. I discovered this exception
during the Satyagraha days. But even so a call may
come which one dare not neglect, cost it what it may.
I can clearly see that time is coming to me when I must
refuse obedience to every single State-made-law even
though there may be a certainty of bloodshed. When
neglect of the call means a denial of God, civil disobe-
dience becomes a peremptory duty.

Mass civil disobedience stands on a different footing.
It can only be tried in a calm atmosphere. It must be
the calmness of strength not weakness, knowledge not
ignorance. Individual civil disobedience may be and
often is vicarious. Mass civil disobedience may be and
often is selfish in the sense that individuals expect
personal gain from their disobedience. Thus in South
Africa, Kallenbach arid Polak offered vicarious civil
disobedience. They had nothing to gain. Thousands
offered it because they expected personal gain also in
the shape say of the removal of the annual poll-tax
levied upon ex-indentured men and their wives and
grown up children. It is sufficient in mass civil disobe-
dience if the resisters understand the working of the
doctrine.

It was in a practically uninhabited tract of country
that I was arrested in South Africa when I was
marching into prohibited area with over two to thres
thousand men and some women. The company included
several Pathans and others who were able bodied men
Jt was the greatest testimony of merit the Governmen!

NON-CO-OPERATION

of South Africa gave to the movement. They know
that we were as harmless as we were determined. It
was easy enough for that body of men to cut
to pieces those who arrested me. It would have
not only been a most cowardly thing to do, but
it. would have been a treacherous breach of their
own pledge, and it would have meant ruin to ths
struggle for freedom and the forcible deportation of
every Indian from South Africa. But the men were no
rabble. They were disciplined soldiers and all the
.better for being unarmed. Though 1 was to inform
them, they did not disperse, nor did they turn back.
They marched on to their destination till they were
every one of them arrested and imprisoned, So far as I
am aware, this was one instance of discipline and non-
violence for which there is no parallel in history.
Without such restraint I see no hope of successful mass
civil disobedience here.

We must dismiss the idea of overawing the-
Government by huge demonstrations every time some
one is arrested. On the contrary we must treat arrest as
the normal condition of the life of a non-co operator. For
we" must seek arrest and imprisonment as a soldier who
goes to a battle to seek death. We expect to bear
down the opposition of the Government by courting and
not by avoiding imprisonment even though it be by
showing our supposed readiness to be arrested and
imprisoned. Civil disobedience then emphatically
means our desire to surrender to a single unarmed
policeman. Our triumph consists in thousands being
led to the prisons like lambs to the slaughter house. If
the lambs of the world had been willingly led they had
jong ago saved themselves from the butcher's knife.

CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE 639

Our triumph consists again in being imprisoned for no
wrong whatever. The greater our innocence, the
greater our strength and the swifter our victory.

As it is, this Government is cowardly. We are afraid
of imprisonment. The Government takes advantage of
our fear of gaols. If only our men and women welcome
gaols as health-resorts, we will cease to worry about
the dear ones put in gaols which our countrymen in
South Africa need to nickname, His Majesty's Hotels.

We have too long been mentally disobedient to the
laws of the State and have too often 'surreptiously evaded
them, to be fired all of a sudden for civil disobedience.
Disobedience to be civil has to be open and non-violent.

Complete civil disobedience is a state of peaceful
rebellion — a refusal to obey every single State-made
law. It is certainly more dangerous than an armed
rebellion. For it can never be down if the civil re-
sisters are prepared to face extreme hardship. It is
based upon an implicit belief in the absolute efficacy
of innocent suffering. By noiselessly going to prison a
civil resister ensures a calm atmosphere. The wrongdoer
wearies of wrong-doing in the absence of resistance.
All pleasure is lost when the victim betrays no resi-
stance. A full grasp of the conditions of successful civil
resistance is necessary at least on the pan. of the repre-
sentatives of the people before we can launch out on an
enterprise of such magnitude. The quickest remedies
are always fraught with the greatest danger and require
the utmost skill in handling them. It is my firm
conviction that if we bring about a successful boycott
•of foreign cloth we shall have produced an atmosphere
that would enable us to inaugurate civil disobedience on
a scale that no Government can resist. I would therefore

640 NON-CO-OPERATION

urge patience and determined concentration on Swadeshi
upon those who are impatient to embark on mass civil5
disobedience.

THE MOPLAH OUTBREAK.

[Mr, Gandhi addressed the following appeal to the
Liberals on Nov. 27 : — ]

Friends, — We are so preoccupied with our affairs
that the events in Malabar hardly attract the attention
they deserve. The ending of the trouble has become
a matter of great urgency. It is one of simple humanity,
Be the Moplahs ever so bad, they deserve to be treated
as human beings. Their wives and children demand1
our sympathy. Nor are they all bad and yet there can
be no doubt that many innocent men must have been
adjudged guilty. Forcible conversions are terrible but
Moplah bravery must command admiration. These
Malabaris are not fighting for the love of it. They are
fighting for what they consider as religion and in a
manner they consider themselves religious. A vast majo-
rity of them have nothing personal to gain by continu-
ing their defiance. Their sin is not of deliberation but
of ignorance. If we permit the extermination of such
brave people, it will be remembered against us and
will be accounted as Indian cowardice.

I make bold to say that, had Mr. Yakub Hassan
been allowed to go to Malabar, had I not been warned-
against entering Malabar, had Mussamans of real in-
terest been invited to go, the long-drawn-out-agony
could have been obviated, but it is not yet too late.
The sword has been tried for three months and it has
failed to answer its purpose. It has not bent the proud!

THE MOPLAH OUTBREAK 641

Moplah nor has it saved Hindus from his depredation
and lust, the sword has merely prevented the Moplas
from overrunning the whole of Madras Presidency. It
has exhibited no protective power. I am sure you will
not plead incapacity. It is true that police and military
are not transferred subjects, but you cannot escape moral
responsibility. You are supporting the policy of Govern-
ment regarding Malabar.

Nor, I hope, will you retort by blaming the Non-
Co operators. They cannot admit any responsibility for
the trouble at all, unless all agitation is to be held
blameworthy. I admit, however, that non-co-operators
were not able to reach their message to the Moplah
homes. That would be reason for more, not less agitation,
but I have not taken my pen to argue away tha Non-Co-
operator's blame.

I ask you to consider the broad humanities of the
question, compel the Government to suspend hostilities,
issue promise of freedom for past depredations upon the
undertaking to surrender and to permit Non Co-operators
to enter Malabar to persuade Moplahs to surrender.

I know the last suggestion means giving of impor-
tance to Non-Co-operators. Surely you do not doubt
their number. As to their influence, if you do, you
should find other means of dealing with the trouble than
that of extermination. I am merely concerned with the
termination of the shameful inhumanity proceeding in
Malabar with both Liberals and Non-Co-operators as
helpless witnesses. I have chosen to address this letter
not to the Government but to you, because the Govern-
ment could not have taken the inhuman course of
destruction Without your mdral support. I beseech you
to give heed to my ptdyei as of a dear friend,

41

REPLY TO LORD RONALDSHAY

[The hartal organised by non-co-operators in connection with
the Prince's visit was more or less successful in many places. It
was alleged that by intimidation and otherwise, the hartal in
Calcutta 0:1 the day of the Prince's landing in Bombay was pheno-
menally complete. The Bengal Chamber of Commerce and the
Anglo-Indian press took an alarmist view of the situation and ex-
pressed grave indignation against the passivity of the Government.
With a view to suppress the activity of the Congress in this direc-
tion Government resuscitated part II of the Criminal Law Amend-
ment Act which was then literally under a sentence of death. When
volunteering was declared unlawful Congress leaders took up the
challenge and called on the people to disobey the order and seek
imprisonment in their thousands. Men like Messrs C. R Das in
Calcutta and Motilal Nehru in Allahabad openly defied the order
and canvassed volunteers in total disregard of legal consequences.
They sought imprisonment and called on their countrymen to
follow them to prison. The situation was grave. It was then that
Pandit Madan Mohan Malavya, Sir P. C. Ray and others thought
that the time had come when they should step into the breach and
try to bring about a reconciliation between Government and non-
co-operators. With this view Pandit Madan Mohan and others
interviewed leading non-co-operators and those in authority.
Lord Ronaldshay, in his speech at the Legislative Council referred
to the gravity of the situation and defined the firm attitude of
Government. Replying to His Excellency, Mr. Gandhi made the
following statement on the 21st December, 1921.]

I have read Lord Ronaldshay's speech in the
Bengal Legislative Council. Whilst I appreciate the
note of conciliation about it, I cannot help saying that it
is most misleading* I do not want to criticise those
parts of the speech which lend themselves to criticism.
I simply want to say that the present situation is entire-
ty his own and the Viceroy's doing. In spite of mi?

R'EPLY TO LORD RONALDSHAY G43

strong desire to avoid suspecting the Government of
Jndia and the Local Government of a wish to precipitate
,-a conflict with the people, up to now all that I have
heard and read leads me to the conclusion that my
-suspicion is justified. Whilst I do not wish to deny
the existence of some sort of pressure, even intimidation
on the part of individuals, I do wish emphatically to
.deny that in connection with the phenomenal hartal on
the 17th November in Calcutta, there was any intimida-
tion, organised or initiated by or on behalf of the Local
Congress or (he Khilafat Committes. On the contrary,
J am certain that the influence exerted by both these
bodies was in the direction of avoiding all intimidation.
.Moral pressure there certainly was and will always be
,in all big movements, but it must be clear to the sim-
plest understanding that a complete hartal such as
.Calcutta witnessed on the 17th November would be an
impossibility by mere intimidation. But assume that there
was intimidation. Was there any reason for disbanding
Volunteer Corps, prohibiting public meetings and
.enforcing laws Which are under promise of repeal? Why
has no attempt been made to prove a single case of
.intimidation? It grieves me to have to say the Governor
of Bengal has brought in the discovery of sword or
sword-sticks in one place in Calcutta to discredit large
public organisations. Who intimidated the people into
.observing a complete hartal in Allahabad after all the
Jeaders were arrested and in spite of the reported undue
official pressure that was exercised upon shop-keepers
,and gharivallas at that place ? Again His Lordship
says, " If we are to assume that this development
jueans there is genuine desire to bring about improve-
ment there must be a favourable atmosphere. In other

644 NON-CO-OPERATION

words, it will be generally agreed that there must be an'
essential preliminary to any possible conference. If
responsible leaders of non-co-operation now come for-
ward with definite assurance that this is the correct
interpretation I should then say we were in sight of
such a change of circumstances as would justify Gov-
ernment in reconsidering the position. But words
must be backed by deeds. If I were satisfied only that
there was general desire for the conference and that
responsible non-co-operation leaders were prepared to
take action, then 1 should be prepared to recommend my
Government to take steps in consonance with the
altered situation." This is highly misleading. If
wherever words "non-co-operation leaders" occur, the
word ''Government" were put in and if the whole of
the statement came from a non-co-operator it would re-
present the correct situation. Non co-operators have
really to do nothing, for they have precipitated nothing.
They are over-cautious. The disturbance in Bombay was
allowed to override their keen desire to take up aggres-
sive Civil Disobedince but in the present circum-
stances the phrasa <4Civil Disobedience*' is really a
misnomer. What r on -co-operators are doing to-day, I
claim, every co-operator would do to-morrow under
similar circumtances. When the Government of India
or the Local Governments attempt to make our political
existence or agitation, no matter how peaceful, an utter
impossibility, may we not resist such attempt by every
lawful means at our disposal? I cannot irnmagine any-
thing more lawful or more natural than that we
rliould continue our volunteer orgaisations purging them
of every tendency to become violent and continue also
to hold public meetings taking the consequences of such.

REPLY TO LORD RONALDSHAY 645

a step. Is it no proof of the law abiding instinct of
hundreds of young men and old men that they have
meekly, without offering any defence and without
complaining, accepted imprisonment for having dared
to exercise their elementary rights in the face of Govern-
ment persecution? And so it is the Government which is
to prove its genuine desire for a conference and an ulti-
mate settlement. It is the Government which has to
arrest the fatal course along which repression is taking it.
It is the Government that is to prove to non-co-operators
its bona fides before it can expect them to take part in
any conference. When the Government doas that, it
will find that there is an absolutely peaceful atmosphere.
Non-co-operation, when the Government is not resisting
anything except violence, is a most harmless thing.
There is really nothing for us to suspend. We cannot
be expected, until there is actual settlement or guarantee
of settlement, to ask schoolboys to return to Govern-
ment schools or lawyers to resume practice or public
men to become candidates for the Coucils or title-holders
to ask for return of titles. In the nature of things, it is
therefore clear that non-co-opeators have to do nothing.
-Speaking personally I can certainly say that if there is
is a genuine desire for a conference, I would be the last
person to advise precipitating aggressive Civil Disobe-
Sience, which certainly it is my intention to do
immediately I am entirely satisfied that the people have
understood the secret of non-violence ; and let me say
the last ten days5 events have shown that the people
seem clearly to understand its inestimable value. If
then the Government recognises that non-co-operators
mean business and intend to suffer limitlessly for the
Attainment of their goal, let the Government uncondi-

646 NON-CO-OPERATION

tionally retrace its steps, cancel the notifications about
disbandtnent of volunteer organisations and prohibition
of public meetings and release all those men in the-
different provinces who have been arrested and senten-
ced for so-called Civil Disobedience or for any other
purpose given under the definition of non-co-operation
but excluding acts of violence, actual or intended. Let
the Government come down with a heavy hand orv
every act of violence or incitement to it, but we must
claim the right for all time of expressing our opinions
freely and educating public opinion by every legitimate
and non-violent means. It is therefore the Government
who have really to undo the grave wrong they have
perpetrated and they can have the conference they wish
in a favourable atmosphere. Let me also say that so
far as I am concerned, I want no conference to consider
the ways and means of dealing with non-co-operation.
The only conference that can at all avail at this stage
is a conference called to deal with the causes of the-
present discontent, namely, the Khilafat and the Punjab1
wrongs and Swaraj. Any conference again which can-
usefully sit at the present stage must be a conference
that is really representative and not a conference ta
which only those whom the Government desire are
invited.

THE ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE.

[A Deputation headed by Pandit Madan Mohan
Malaviya watted on His Excellency the Viceroy at Cal-
cutta on December 21 and requested His Excellency to
call a Round Table Conference of representatives of
people of all shades of opinion with a view to bring
about a final settlement. Lord Reading replied at some
length and defined the attitude of the Government. He
regretted that " it in impossible even to consider the n n-
vening of a' conference if agitation in open and avowed
defiance of law is meanuhile /o be continued." Mr.
Gcwdht's refusal to call off the hartal in connection with
H.R.H. the Prince of Wales* visit to Calcutta on Decem-
ber 24, apparently stiffened the attitude of the Govern-
ment. Interviewed by the Associated Press, Mr, Gandhi
made the following statement regarding the Viceroy's
reply to the Deputation : — ]

I must confess that I have read the Viceregal
utterance with deep pain. I was totally unprepared
for what I must respectfully call his mischievous
misrepresentation of the attitude of the Congress and
the Khilafat organisations in connection with the visit
of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales. Every reso-
lution passed by either organisation and every speaker
has laid the greatest stress upon the fact that there
was no question of showing the slightest ill-will against
the Prince or exposing him to any affront. The boycott
was purely a question of principle and directed against
what we have held to be unscrupulous methods of
bureaucracy. I have always held, as I hold even now,

648 NON-CO-OPERATION

that the Prince has been brought to India in order to
strengthen the hold of the Civil Service corporation
which has brought India into a state of abject pauperism
and political serfdom. If I am proved to be wrong in
my supposition that the visit has that sinister meaning,
I shall gladly apologise.

It is equally unfortunate for the Viceroy to say
that the boycott of the welcome means an affront to the
British people. His Excellency does not realise what
grievous wrong he is doing to his own people by confus-
ing them with the British administrators in India. Does
he wish India to infer that the British administrators
here represent the British people and that agitation
directed against their methods is an agitation against
the British people ? And if such is the Viceregal
contention and if to conduct a vigorous and effective
agitation against the methods of bureaucracy and to
describe them in their true colours is an affront to the
British people, then I arn afraid I must plead guilty.
But then I must also say in all humility, the Viceroy
has entirely misread and misunderstood the great
national awakening that is taking place in India. I
repeat for the thousandth tim3 that it is not hostile
to any nation or any body of men but it is deliberately
aimed at the system under which Government of India
is being to-day conducted, and I promise that no threats
and no enforcement of threats by the Viceroy or any
body of men will strangle that agitation or send to rest
that awakening.

I have said in my reply to Lord Ronaldshay's
speech that we have not taken the offensive. We are
not the aggressors, we have not got to stdp any single

THE ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE 649

activity. It is the Government that is to stop its
aggravatingly offensive activity aimed not at violence
but a lawful, disciplined, stern but absoluely non-
violent agitation. It is for the Government of India
and for it alone to bring about a peaceful atmosphere, if
it so desires. It has hurled a bomb shell in the midst
of material rendered inflammable by its own action and
wonders that the material is still not inflammable
enough to explode. The immediate issue is not now
the redress of the three wrongs ; the immediate issue
is the right of holding public meetings and the right of
forming associations for peaceful purpose. And in
vindicating this right we are fighting the battle not
merely on behalf of non-co-operators but we are fighting
the battle for all schools of politics. It is the condition
of any organic growth, and I see in the Viceregal
pronouncement an insistence upon submission to a
contrary doctrine which an erstwhile exponent of the
law of liberty has seen fit to lay down upon finding
himself in an atmosphere where there is little regard
for law and order on the part of those very men who
are supposed to be custodians of law and order. I have
only to point to the unprovoked assaults being committed
not in isolated cases, not in one place, but in Bengal, in
the Punjab, in Delhi and in the United Provinces. I
have no doubt that as repression goes on in its mad
career, the reign of terrorism will ever take the whole
of this unhappy land. But whether the campaign is
conducted on civilised or uncivilised liney, so far as I can
see, there is only one way open to non-co operators,
indeed I contend, even to the people of India. On this
question of the right of holding public meetings and
forming associations there can be no yielding. We

650 NON-CO-OPERATION

have burnt our boats and we must sail onward till thaf
primary right of human beings is vindicated.

Let me make my own position clear. I am most
anxious for a settlement. I want a Round Table
Conference. I want our position to be clearly known
by everybody who wants to understand it. I impose no
conditions but when conditions are imposed upon me
prior to the holding of a conference, I must be allowed
to examine those conditions, and if I find that they are
suicidal, I must be excused if I don't accept them. The
amount of tension that is created can be regulated solely
by the Government of India, for the offensive has been
taken by that Government.

THE AHMEDABAD CONGRESS SPEECH.

The Ahmedabad Congress of December, 1921, was
abovz all a Gandhi Session. The President-elect > Mr. ('.
/?. Das, was in prison and so were many other leaders
besides. Hakim Ajtnal Khan was elected tf> take th e
chair and the proceedings were all in Hindi and Guja-
rati. Mr. Gandhi was invested with full dictatorial
powers by the Congress and the central resolution of the
session, which he moved, ran as follows :

" This Congress, whilst requiring the ordinary
machinery to remain intact and to be utilised in the
ordinary manner whenever feasible, hereby appoints,
until further instructions, Mahatma Gandhi as the sole
executive authority of the Congress and invests him with
the full power to convene a special session of the
Congress or of the All-India Congress Committee or the
Working Committee and also with the power to appoint
a successor in emergency.

THE AHMEDABAD CONGRESS SPEECH 651

cl 2% is Congress hereby confers upon the said suc-
cessor and all subsequent successors appointed in turn
by their predecessor 's, all his aforesaid powers,
provided that nothing in this resolution shall be
deemed to authorise Mahntma Gandhi or any of the
aforesaid successors to conclude any terms of peace
with the Goverment of India or the British Govern*
went without the previous sanction of the All-India
Congress Committee, to be finally ratified by the Congress
specially convened for the purpose, and provided also
that the present creed of the Congress shall in no case be
altered by Mahattna Gandhi or his successor except
with the leave of the Congress first obtained." The
following is the full text of Mr. Gandhi's speech : — ]

I shall hope, if I can at all avoid it, not to take
even the 30 minutes that Hakim Sahib has allotted to
me. And I do not propose, if I can help it to take all
that time, because I feel that the resolution explains
itself. If at the end of 15 months' incessant activity,
you, the delegates assembled in this Congress do not
know your own minds, I am positive that I cannot
possibly carry conviction to you even in a two hours*
speech and, what is more, if I could carry conviction
to you to-day because of my speech, I am afraid I would
lose all faith in my countrymen, because it would
demonstrate their incapacity to observe things and
events, it would demonstrate their incapacity to think
coherently, because I submit there is absolutely nothing
new in this resolution that we have not been doing all
this time, that we have not been thinking all this time.
There is absolutety nothing new in this resolution which
is at all startling. Those of you who have followed
the proceedings from month to month of the Working'

652 NON-CO-OPERATION

Committee of the All-India Congress Committee for
two months or for three months and have studied
the resolutions can but come to one conclusion that
this resolution is absolutely the natural result of
the national activities during the past 15 months,
And if you have at all followed the course, the
downward course, that the repression policy of the
Government has been taking, you can only come to the
conclusion that the Subjects Committee has come to
through this resolution, that the only answer that a self-
respecting nation can return to the Viceregal pronounce-
ments and to the repression that is overtaking this land
is the course mapped out in this resolution.

I am not going to take the time of our English
knowing friends over the religious subtleties of the
pledge that the volunteers have to take. I wish to
confine my remark on that subject to Hindustani. But
I want this assembly to understand the bearing of this
resolution. This resolution means that we have
grown the stage of helplessness and depend-
ence upon anybody. This resolution means that the
nation through its representatives is determined
to have its own way without the assistance of any single
human being on earth, except from God above
(applause). This resolution, whilst it shows the indomi-
table courage and the determination of the nation to
vindicate its rights and to be able to stare the world in
the face, also says in all humility to the Government,
" No matter what you do, no matter how you repress
us, we shall one day wring the reluctant repentence
from you and we warn you to think betime, take care
what you are doing and see that you do not make 300
^millions of India your eternal enemy."

THE AHMEDABAD CONGRESS SPEECH 653

This resolution, if the Government sincerely wants
an open door, leaves the door wide open for the Govern-
ment. If Moderate friends wish to rally round the
standard of the Khilafat, round the standard of the
liberties of the Punjab and therefore of India, if this
Government is sincerely anxious to do justice and no-
thing but justice, if Lord Reading has really come to
India to do justice and nothing less — and we want
nothing more — if he is really anixous to do all those
things, then I inform him from this platform, with God
as my witness, with all the earnestness that I can
command that he has got an open door in this resolution
if he means well, but the door is closed in his face if he
means ill. There is every chance for him to hold a Round
Table Conference, but it must be a real Conference. If he
wants a Conference at a table where only equals are to
sit and where there is not to be a single beggar, then
there is an open door and that door will always remain
open no, matter how many people go to their graves, no
matter what wild career this repression is to go through,
So far as I am concerned, and if I can take the nation
with me, I inform him, again that the door will always
remain wide open.

There is nothing in this resolution which any one
who has modesty and humility need be ashamed of.
This resolution is iiot an arrogant challenge to any
body, but this is a challenge to an authority that is
enthroned on arrogance. It is a challenge to the
authority which disregards the considered opinion of
millions of thinking human beings. It is an humble
challenge and an irrevocable challenge to authority
which, in order to save itself, wants to crush freedom of
opinion, freedom of forming associations, the two lungs

«654 NON-CO-OPERATION

that are absolutely necessary for a man to breathe the
•oxygen of liberty. And if there is any authority in this
•country that wants to crub the freedom of speech and
freedom of association. I want to be able to say, in
your name, from this platform, that that authority will
perish and that authority will have to repent before an
India that is steeled with high courage, noble purpose
and determination till every man and woman who chose
to call themselves Indians are blotted out of the earth.
Jt combines courage and humility. God only knows, if
I could possibly have advised you to go to the Round
Table Conference, if I could possibly have advised you
not to undertake this resolution of civil disobedience,
I would have done so. I am a man of peace. I believe
in peace. But I do not want peace at any price. I do
,iiot want the peace that you find in stone. I do not want
the peace that you find in grain. But I do want that
,peace which you find embedded in the human breast,
which is exposed to the arrows of a whole world but
which is protected from all harm by the Almighty
Power of the Almighty God.

I do not want to take any more time of the
delegates, I do not want to say a word more. I do not
want to insult your intelligence by saying a word more
in connexion with this resolution in English.

THE INDEPENDENCE RESOLUTION.

[Mr. Hasrat Mohani, President of the Moslem
League, opposed Mr. Gandhi's resolution in the Congress
and brought in various amendments which sought to
lay down the object of the Congress as the attainment of
complete independence, free from- all foreign control*
Mr. Gandhi opposed all the amendments and spoke as
follows in defence of his own resolution : — ]

Friends, I have said only a few words (in Hindi)
in connecxion with the proposition of Mr. Hasrat
Mohani. All I want to say to you in English is that
proposition and the manner, the levity, with which
that proposition has been taken up by so many of you,
or some of you, I hope, has grieved me. It has grieved
me, because it shows a lack of responsibility. As
responsible men and women we should go back to the
ways of Nagpur and Calcutta and we should remember
what we did only an hour ago. An hour ago we passed
a resolution which actually contemplates a final settle-
ment of the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs and
transference of the power from the hands of the
bureaucracy into the hands of the people by certain
definite means. Are you going to rub the whole of that
condition from the mind by raising a false issue and by
.throwing a bombshell in the midst of the Indian
atmosphere. I hope that those of you who have voted
for the previous resolution will think fifty times before
taking up this resolution and voting for it with levity.
We shall be charged by the thinking portion of the
-qvorld that we did not know really where we are. Let

656 NON-CO-OPERATION

us not be charged with that and let us understand our
limitations. Let Hindus and Mussalmans have absolute
indissoluble unity. Who is here who can say to-day
with confidence, " Yes, Hindu-Muslim unity has become
and has become an indissoluble factor of Indian
nationalism." Who is here who can tell me that the
Parsees and the Sikhs and the Christians and the Jews
and the untouchables, about whom you heard this
afternoon, who is here, I ask, who will tell me that
those very people will not rise against any such idea ?

Think, therefore, fifty times before you take a
step which will redound not to your credit, not to
your advantage, but which may cause irreparable
injury. Let us first of all gather up our strength,
let us first of all sound our own depths, but lei
us not go into waters whose depths we do not
know and this proposition of Mr. Hasrat Mohani
lands you to a depth unfathomable. I ask you in all
confidence that you will reject that proposition if you
believe in the proposition that you passed only an hour
ago. The proposition now before you robs away the
whole of the effect of the proposition that you passed a
moment ago. Are creeds such simple things like clothes
which a man can change at will and put on at will ?
Creeds are snch for which people live for ages and
ages. Are you going to change your cresd which, with
all deliberations and after great debates in Nagpur
you accepted. There was no limitation of one year
when you accepted that creed. It is an extensive creed,.
It takes in all the weakest and the strongest and you
will deny yourselves the privilege of clothing the
weakest among yourselves with protection if you accept
.this limited creed of Maulana Hasrat Mohani, which
does, not admit the weakest of your brethren. I there-
fore ask you in all confidence to reject this proposition.

THE BOMBAY CONFERENCE.

[.A conference of representatives of various shades
of political opinion ccnvened by Pandit Malaviya,
Mr. Jinnah, and others assembled at Bombay o» the
14-th January, 1922, with Sir 0. Sankaran Nair, in the
Chair. On the second day Sir Sankaran withdrew and
Sir M. Visveswarya took up his place. Over two-hundred
leading men from different provinces attended. Mr.
Gandhi was present throughout and though he refused
to be officially connected with the resolutions he took
part in the debates and helped the conference in fram-
ing the resolutions which were also ratified by the Con-
gress Working Committee. The following account of the
Conference by Mr. Gandhi himself is taken from ' Young
India' of January, 1919.J

The Conferences was both a success and a failure.
It was a success in that it showed an earnest desire on
the part of those who attended to secure a peaceful
solution of the present trouble, and m that it brought
under one roof people possessing divergent views. It
was a failure in that, though certain resolutions have
been adopted, the Conference did not leave on my mind
the impression that those who assembled together as a
whole realised the gravity of the real issue. The mind
of the Conference seemed to be centred more on a Round
Table Conference than upon asserting the popular right
of free speech, free association and free press which are
more than a round table conference. I had expected on
the part of the independents to declare their firm
attitude that no matter how much they might differ
42

658 NON-CO-OPERATION

regarding the method of Non-Co-operation, the freedom
of the people was a common heritage and that the
assertion of that right was three-fourths of Sv;araj ;
that therefore they would defend that right even witrT
civil disobedience, if need be.

However, as the attention of the Conference could
not be rivetted on that point but on a Round Table
Conference, the discussion turned upon the essentials of
such a conference.

My own position \vas clear. I would attend any
conference as an individual, without any conditions.
My purpose as a reformer is to convert people to the
view I hold to be right and therefore to see everybody
who would care to listen to me. But when I was asked
to mention the conditions necessary for an atmosphere
favourable for a successful conference, I had to press
some certain conditions. And I must own that the
Resolutions Committee approached my viewpoint with
the greatest sympathy and showed every anxiety to
accommodate me. But side by side with this, I observed
an admirable disposition on its part to consider the
Government's difficulties. Indeed the Government's case
could not have been better presented, if it had been
directly and officially represented in the Conference.

The result was a compromise. The withdrawal of
notification and the discharge of prisoners coming under
the notifications and of the fatwa prisoners, i.e., the
Ali Brothers and others who have been convicted in
respect of the fatwas regarding military service, was
common cause. The Committee saw the force of the
suggestions that the distress wtftrants should be dis-
charged, the fines imposed upon the Press, etc., should
be refunded and that the prisoners convicted for non-

THE BOMBAY CONFERENCE 659

violent or otherwise innocent activities under cover of
the ordinary laws should be discharged upon the proof
of their non-violence. 'For this purpose I had suggested
the committee appointed by the conference. But on the
Resolutions Committee showing that it would be difficult
for the Government to accept such an uncontrolled
recommendation, I agreed to the principle of arbitration
now imported in the resolution. The second compromise
is regarding picketing. My suggestion was that in the
event of the round table conference being decided
upon, Non-Co-operation activities of a hostile nature
should be suspended and that all picketing except
bona fide peaceful picketing should also be sus-
pended, pending result of the conference, As the
implications of hostile activities appeared to me to
be > too dangerous to be acceptable, I hastily withdrew
my own wording and gladly threw over even bona fide
peaceful picketing, much though I regretted it. I felt
that the friends interested in liquor picketing for the
sake of temperance would not mind the temporary
sacrifice.

I agreed too to advise the Working Committee to
postpone general mass civil disobedience contemplated
by the Congress to the 31st instant in order to enable
the Committee and the Conference to enter into negotia-
tions with the Government. This, I felt, was essential
to show our bona fides. We could not take up new
offensives whilst negotiations for a conference were
being conducted by responsible men. I further under-
took to advise the Committee, in the event of the pro-
posed conference coming off, to stop all harals pending
the conference. This I hold to be inevitable. Harals
are a demonstration against bureaucracy. We cannot

660 NON-CO-OPERATION

continue them, if we are conferring with them for peace.
Workers will bear in mind that as yet no activity of
the Congress stops save general civil disobedience. On
the contrary, enlistment of volunteers and Swadeshi
propaganda must continue without abatement. Liquor
shop picketing may continue where it is absolutely
peaceful. It should certainly continue where notices
unnecessarily prohibiting picketing have been issued. So
may picketing continue regarding schools or foreign
cloth shops. But whilst all our activities should be
zealously continued, there should be the greatest res-
traint exercised and every trace of \ iolence or dis-
courtesy avoided. When restraint and courtesy are
added to strength, the latter becomes irresistible. Civil
disobedience being an indefeasible right, the prepara-
tions for it will continue even if the conference comes
off. And the preparations for civil disobedience consist
in :-*

1. the enlistment of volunteers,

2. the propaganda of Swadeshi,

3. the removal of untouchability,

4. the training in non-violence in word, deed and
thought,

5. unity between diverse creeds and classes.

I hear that many are enrolled as volunteers in
various parts of India, although they do not wear Khadi,
do not believe in complete non-violence, or, if they are
Hindus, do not believe in untouchabiiity as a crime
against humanity. I cannot too often warn the people
that every deviation from our own rules retards our
progress. It is the quality of our work which will place
God and not quantity. Not all the lip Mussulmans and
the lip Hindus will enter the Kingdom of Heaven. Islam

THE BOMBAY CONFERENCE 661

is no stronger than the best Mussulman. Thousandsof
nominal followers of Hinduism believe their faith and
discredit it. One true and perfect follower of Hinduism
is enough to protect it for all tims and against the whole
world. Similarly, one true and perfect Non-Co-operator
is any day better than a million Non-Co-operators so
called. The best preparation for civil disobedience is
to cultivate civility, that is truth and non-violence,
amongst ourselves and our surroundings.

In order that all may approach the round table
conference with perfect knowledge of the Congress
demands, I laid all our cards on the table and reiterated
the claims regarding the Khilafat, the Punjab and
Swaraj. Let me repeat them here :

(1) So far as I can write from memory, full
restoration to the Turks of Constantinople, Adrianople,
Anatolia including Symrna and Thrace. Complete
withdrawal of non-Muslim influence from Arabia,
Mesopotamia, Palestine and Syria and therefore with-
drawal of British troops whether English or Indian from
these territories.

(2) Full enforcement of the report of the Congress
Sub-committee and therefore the stopping of the pensions
of Sir Michael O'Dwyer, Qeneral Dyer and other
officers named in the report for dismissal,

(3) Swaraj means, in the event of the foregoing
demands being granted, full dominion status. The
scheme of such Swaraj should be framed by represen-
tatives duly elected in terms of the Congress constitution,
That means four anna franchise. Every Indian adult
male or female, paying four annas and signing the
Congress creed, will be entitled to be placed on the
electoral roll. These electors would elect delegates wh<

€62 NON-CO-OPERATION

would frame the Swaraj constitution. This shall be
given effect to without any change by the British
Parliament.

If the Congress programme is so cut and dried,
where is the necessity for a conference ? — asks the
•critic. I hold that there is and there always will be.

The method of execution of the demands has to be
considered. The Government may have a reasonable
and a convincing answer on the claims. The Congress-
men have fixed their minimum, but the fixing of the
minimum means no more than confidence in the justice
of one's cause. It further means that there is no room
for bargaining. There can, therefore, be no appeal to
one's weakness or incapacity. The appeal can only be
addressed to reason. If the Viceroy summons the confer-
ence it means either that he recognises the justice of the
claims or hopes to satisfy the Congressmen, among
others, of the injustice thereof. He must be confident
of the justice of his proposals for a rejection or reduc-
tion of the claim. That is my meaning of a meeting of
equals who eliminate the idea of force, and instantly
shift their ground as they appreciate the injustice of
their position. I assure His Excellency the Viceroy and
everybody concerned that the Congressmen or Non-Co-
operators are as reasonable beings as may be found on
earth or in India. They have every incentive to be so
for theirs is the duty of suffering as a result of rejection
of any just offer.

1 have heard it urged that on the Khilafat the
Imperial Government is powerless. I should like to be
convinced of this. In that case and if the Imperial
Government make common cause with the Mussulmans
of India, I should be quite satisfied and take the chance

THE BOMBAY CONFERENCE 663

with the Imperial Government's genuine assistance of
convincing the other powers of the justice of the
Khilafat claim. And even when the claim is admitted
much requires to be discussed regarding the exedu-
tion.

Similarly regarding the Punjab. The principle
being granted, the details have to be settled. Legal
difficulties have been urged about stopping the pensions
to the dismissed officials. The reader may not know
that Maulana Shaukat All's pension (I suppose he
occupied the same status as Sir Michael O'Dwyer) was
stopped without any inquiry or previous notice to him.
I believe that service regulations do provide for remov-
ing officers and officials from the pensions list on proof
of gross neglect of duty or disloyal service. Anyway,
let the Government prove a case for refusal to grant the
Punjab demand save the plea of the past services of
these officials. I must refuse to weigh their service to
the Empire against their disservice to India, assuming
the possibility of two such things co-existing.

Swaraj scheme is undoubtedly a matter on which
there will be as many minds as there are men and
women. And it is eminently a thing to be debated in a
conference. But here again there must be a clean
mind and no mental reservations. India's freedom
must be the supreme interest in every body's mind.
There should be no obstruction such as the preoccupa-
tion of the British elector or the indifference of the
House of Commons or the hostility of the House of
Lords. No lover of India can possibly take -into
account these extraneous matters, The only question
to consider will be is India ready for what she wants ?
Or does she ask like a child for food she has no stomach

NON-CO-OPERATION

for ? That can be determined not by outsiders but by
Indians themselves.

From that standpoint, I do consider the idea of the
conference for devising a scheme of full Swaraj pre-
mature. India has not yet incontestably proved her
strength. Her suffering is great indeed, but nothing
and not prolonged enough for the object in view. She
has to go through greater discipline. I was punctili-
ously careful not to make Non-Co-operators party to the
conference resolutions, because we are still so weak.
When India has evolved disciplined strength. I would
knock myself at the Viceregal door for a conference,
and I know that the Viceroy will gladly embrace the
opportunity whether he be an eminent lawyer or a dis-
tinguished militarist. I do not approach directly
because I am conscious of our weakness. But being
humble I make it clear through Moderate or other
friends that I would miss not a single opportunity of
having honest conferences or consultations. And sol
have not hesitated to advise N on -Co-operators thankful-
ly to meet the Independents and place our services at
their disposal to make such use of them as they may
deem fit. And if the Viceroy or a party desires a con-
ference, it would be foolish for Non-Co-operators not to
respond. The case of Non-Co-operators depends for
success on cultivation of public opinion and public sup-
port. They have no other force to back them. If they
forfeit public opinion they have lost the voice of God
for the time being.

For the manner of preparing the scheme too I
have simply suggested what appears to me to be a
most feasible method. The All-India Congress Com-
mittee has not considered it nor has the Working

THE BOMBAY CONFERENCE 665

Committee. The adoption of the Congress franchise is
my own suggestion. But what I have laid down as
the guiding principle is really unassailable. The scheme
of Swaraj is that scheme which popular representatives-
frame. What happens then to the experts in adminis-
tration and others who may not be popularly elected ?
In my opinion, they also should attend and have the
vote even, but they must necessarily be in a minority.
They must expect to influence the majority by a cons-
tant appeal to the logic of facts. Given mutual trust
and mutual respect, a round table conference cannot bn t
result in a satisfactory and honourable peace.

The abrupt withdrawal of Sir Sankaran Nair was
an unfortunate incident. In my opinion, he had nothing
to do with my, or later, with Mr. Jinah's opinions. As
Speaker, especially, he was exempt from any implied
or express identification with anybody's views. I
cannot help feeling that Sir Sankaran erred in the
conception of his duty as speaker. But as we progress
towards democracy, we must be prepared even for
such erroneous exercise of independence. I congratulate
Sir Sankaran Nair upon his boldly exercising his inde-
pendence, which I have not hesitated to call cussedness
in private conversation and upon the independence of
the Committee in not suffering a nervous collapse
but quietly electing Sir Visveswarya and voting
thanks to the retiring Speaker for the services rendered.

LETTER TO H. E. THE VICEROY.

THE INAUGURATION OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE
IN BARDOLJ.

[While negotiations were going on between the
representatives of the Malaviya Conference and
H. E. the Viceroy, Mr. Gandhi addressed the
following open letter to Lord Reading. The letter
was in effect an ultimatum and the efforts of the
Conference ended in failure.]

To His Excellency the Viceroy, Delhi.

Sir,

Bardoli is a small Tehsil in the Surat District in
the Bombay Presidency, having a population of about
87,000 all told.

On the 29th ultimo, it decided under the Presidency
of Mr. Vithalbhai Patel to embark on Mass Civil
Disobedience, having proved its fitness for it in terms of
the resolution of the All-India Congress Committee
which met at Delhi during the first week of November
last. But as I am, perhaps, chiefly responsible for
Bardoli 's decision, I owe it to your Excellency and the
public to explain the situation under which the decision
has been taken.

It was intended under the resolution of the All-
India Congress Committee before referred too to make
Bardoli the first unit for Mass Civil Disobedience in
order to mark the national revolt against the Government
for its consistently criminal refusal to appreciate India's
resolve regarding the Khilafat, the Punjab and Swaraj.

LETTER TO H. E. THE VICEROY 667

Then followed the unfortunate and regrettable riots
on the 17th November last in Bombay resulting in the
postponement of the step contemplated by Bardoli.

Meantime repression of a virulent type has taken
place with the concurrence of the Government of India,
in Bengal, Assam, the United Provinces, the Punjab,
the Province of Delhi and in a way in Bihar and Orissa
and elsewhere. I know that you have objected to the
use of the word *4 repression" for describing the action
of the authorities in these Provinces. In my opinion,
when an action is taken which is in excess of the
requirements of the situation, it is undoubtedly rep-
ression. The looting of property, assaults on innocent
people, brutal treatment of the prisoners in jails,
including flogging, can in no sense be described as legal,
civilized or in any way necessary, This official law-
lessness cannot be described by any other term but
lawless repression.

Intimidation by Non-Co-operators or their sympathi-
sers to a certain extent in connection with hartals and
picketing may be admitted, but in no case can it be
held to justify the wholesale suppression of peaceful
volunteering or equally peaceful public meetings under a
-distorted use of an extraordinary law which was passed
in order to deal with activities which were manifestly
violent both in intention and action, nor is it possible to
designate as otherwise than repression action taken
against innocent people under what has appeared to
many of us as an illegal use of the ordinary law nor
again can the administrative interference with the
liberty of the Press under a law that is under promise
of repeal be regarded as anything but repression.

The immediate task before the country, therefore,

668 NON-CO-OPERATION

is to rescue? from paralysis freedom of speech, freedom
of association and freedom of Press.

In the present mood of the Government of India
and in the present unprepared state of the country in
respect of complete control of the forces of violence,
Non-Co-operators were unwilling to have anything to
do with the Malaviya Conference whose object was to
induce. Your Excellency to convene a Round Table
Conference. But as I was anxious to avoid all avoid-
able suffering, I had no hesitation in advising the
Working Committee of the Congress to accept the re-
commendations of that Conference.

Although, in my opinion, the terms were quite in
keeping with your own requirements, as I understood
them through your Calcutta speech and otherwise, you
have summarily rejected the proposal.

In the circumstances, there is nothing before the
country but to adopt some non-violent method for
the enforcement of its demands, including the ele-
mentary rights of free speech, free association and
free Press. In my humble opinion, the recent events
are a clear departure from the civilized policy laid
down by Your Excellency at the time of the gener-
ous, manly and unconditional apology of the Ali
Brothers, viz., that the Government of India should
not interfere with the activities of Non-Co-cperation
so long as they remained non-violent in word and
deed. Had the Government policy remained neutral
and allowed public opinion to ripen and have its
full effect, it would have been possible to advise
postponement of the adoption of Civil Disobedi-
ence of an aggressive type till the Congress had
acquired fuller control over the forces of violence

LETTER TO H. E. THE VICEROY 669

in the country and enforced greater discipline among
the millions of its adherents. But the lawless repres-
sion (in a way unparalleled in the history of this
unfortunate country) has made immediate adoption of
mass Civil Disobedience, an imperative duty. The
Working Committee of the Congress has restricted it
only to certain areas to be selected by me from time to
time and at present it is confined only to Bardoli. I
may under said authority give my consent at once in
respect of a group of 100 villages in Guntur in the
Madras Presidency, provided they can strictly conform
to the conditions of non-violence, unity among different
classes, the adoption and manufacture of handspun
Khaddar and untouchabihty.

But before the people of Bardoli actually com-
mence mass Civil Disobedience, I would respectfully
urge you as the head of the Government of India finally
to revise your policy and set free all the Non-Co-operating
prisoners who are convicted or under trial for non-
violent activities and declare in clear terms the policy
of absolute non-interference with ail non-violent acti-
vities in the country whether they be regarding the re"
dress of the Khilafat or the Punjab wrongs or Swaraj or
any other purpose and even though they fall within the
repressive sections of the Penal Code or the Criminal
Procedure Code or other repressive laws, subject always
to the condition of non-violence. I would further urge
you to free the Press from all administrative control
and restore all the fines and forfeitures recently imposed.
In thus urging I am asking Your Excellency to do what
is to-day being done in every country which is deemed
to be under civilized Government. If you can see your
way to make the necessary declaration within seven-

670 NON-CO-OPERATION

days of the date of publication of this manifesto, I
shall be prepared to advise postponement of Civil Dis-
obedience of an aggressive character till the imprisoned
workers, have after their discharge reviewed the whole
situation and considered the position de novo* If the
Government make the requested declaration, I shall
regard it as an honest desire on its part to give effect to
public opinion and shall, therefore, have no hesitation in
advising the country to bs engaged in further moulding
the public opinion without violent retraint from either
side and trust to its working to secure the fulfilment
of its unalterable demands, Aggressive Civil Disobe-
dience in that case will be taken up only when the
Government departs from its policy of strictest neutral-
ity or refuses to yield to the clearly expressed opinion
of the vast majority of the people of India.

REPLY TO THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.

[The Government of India in a Communique published on the
6th February in reply to Mr. Gandhi's letter, repudiated his
assertions and urged that the issue before the country was no
longer between this or that programme of political advance, but
between lawlessness with all its consequences on the one
hand and the maintenance of those principles which lie at the root
of all civilised Governments. Mr. Gandhi in a further rejoinder
issued on the very next day pointed out that the choice before the
people was mass civil disobedience with all its undoubted dangers
and lawless repression of the lawful activities of the people. The
following is the full text of Mr. Gandhi's rejoinder.]

I have very carefully read the Government's reply
to my letter. I confess that I was totally unprepared
for such an evasion of the realities of the case as th2
reply betrays.

REPLY TO GOVERNMENT OF INDIA 671

1 will take the very first repudiation. The reply
says they (the Govt.) emphatically repudiate the
statement that they have embarked on a policy of law-
less repression and also the suggestion that the present
campaign of civil disobedience has been forced on the
Non-Co-operation party in order to secure the elemen-
tary rights of free association, free speech and free
press. Even a cursory glance at my letter would show
that whilst civil disobedience was authorised by the
All-India Congress Cornmitte meeting held on the 4th
November at Delhi, it had not commenced. I have
made it clear in my letter that the contemplated mass
civil disobedience was indefinitely postponed on
account of the regrettable events of the 17th November
in Bombay. That decision was duly published and it
is within the knowledge of the Government as also the
public that herculean efforts were being made to combat
the still lingering violent tendency amongst the people.
It is also within the knowledge of the Government and
the public that a special form of pledge was devised
to be signed by volunteers with the deliberate
purpose of keeping out all but men of proved
character. The primary object of these volunteers' asso-
ciations was to inculcate amongst the masses the lessons
of non-violence and to keep the peace at all Non-Co-
operation functions. Unfortunately the Government of
India lost its head completely over the Bombay events
and, perhaps, still more over the very complete hartal
on the same date at Calcutta. I do not wish to deny
that there might have been some intimidation practiced
in Calcutta, but it was not, I venture to submit, the fact
of intimidation, but the irritation caused by the com-
pleteness of the hartal that maddened the Government

672 NON-CO-OPERATION

of India as also the Government of Bengal. Repression
there was even before that time, but nothing was said
or done in connection with it. But the repression that
came in the wake of the notifications proclaiming the
Criminal Law Amendment Act for the purpose of
dealing with volunteers' associations and the Seditions
Meetings Act for the purpose of dealing with public
meetings held by Non-Co-opertors, came upon the Non-
Co-operation community as a bombshell.

I repeat, then, that these notifications and the
arrests of Deshbandu Chittaranjan Das and Maulana
Abul Kalam Asid in Bengal, the arrest of Pandit
Motilai Nehru and his co-workers in the U. P. and of
Lala Lajput Rai and his party in the Punjab made it
absolutely necessary to take up, not yet aggressive
civil disobedience, but only defensive civil disobedience,
otherwise described as passive resistance. Even Sir
Hormusji Wadia was obliged to declare that, if the
Bombay Government followed the precedents set by the
Governments of Bengal, U. P. and the Punjab, he
would be bound to resist such notifications, that is, to
enrol himself as a volunteer or to attend public meetings
in defiance of Government order to the contrary. It is
thus clear that a case has been completely made out
for civil disobedience, unless the Government revised its
policy which has resulted in the stopping of public
meetings, public associations and the Non-Co-operation
press in many parts of India.

Now for the statement that the Government have
embarked on a policy of lawless repression instead of an
ample expression of regret and apology for the barbarous
deeds that have been committed by officers in the name
of Jaw and order. I regret to find in the Government

REPLY TO GOVERNMENT OF INDIA 673

reply a categorical denial of any lawless repression. In
this connection I urge the public and Government care-
fully to consider the following facts whose substance is
beyond challenge :-(!) official shooting at Entally in
Calcutta and the callous treatment even of a corpse (2)
The admitted brutality of the civil guards(3) The for-
cible dispersal of a meeting at Dacca and the dragging of
innocent men by their legs although they had given no
offence or cause whatsoever (4) Similar treatment of
volunteers in Aligarh (5) The conclusive (in my
opinion) findings of the committee presided over by
Dr. Gokhul Chand about the brutal and uncalled
for assaults upon volunteers and the public in Lahore
(6) The wicked and inhuman treatment of volunteers
and the public at Jullundur (7) The shooting of
a boy at Dehra Dun and the cruelly forcible
dispersal of a public meeting of that place (8) The
looting admitted by the Bihar Government of villages
by an officer and his company without any permission
whatsoever, from any one,, but, as stated by Non-co-
operators, at the invitation of a planter, assaults upon
volunteers and the burning of Khaddar and papers
belonging to the Congress at Sonepur (9) The midnight
searches and arrests in the Congress and Khilafat
offices.

I have merely given a sample of the many infalli-
ble proofs of official lawlessness and barbarism. I have
mentioned not even a tithe of what is happening all
over the country, I .\\psh to state, without fear of;
successful contradiction, . that the scale on which this
lawlessness had goae on. an so many provinces ofj India
puts into shade the inhumanities that were practised in
the Punjab, if we except the crawling order and the
48

67 A NON-CO-OPERATION

massacre at Jallianwallabagh. It is my certain convic-
tion that the massacre at Jallianwallabagh was a clean
transaction compared to the unclean transactions des-
cribed above, and the pity of it is that, because people
are not shot or butchered, the tortures through which
hundreds of inoffensive men have gone through do not
produce a sufficient effect to turn everybody's face
against this Government.

But as if this warfare against innocence was not
enough the reins are being tightened in the jails. We
know nothing of what is happening to-day in Karachi
jail, to a solitary prisoner in the Sabarmati jail and to
a batch in the Benares jail, all of whom are as innocent
as I claim to be myself. Their crime consists in their
constituting themselves the trustees ot national honour
and dignity. I am hoping that these proud and defiant
spirits will not be sent into submission masquerad-
ing in the official garb. I deny the righc of the authori-
ties to insist on high-sou4ed men appearing before them
almost naked or paying any obsequeous respect to them
by way of salaming with open palms brought together,
or reciting to the intonation of " Sarkar ike-Jai \ No
god-fearing man will do the latter even if he has
to be kept standing in his stock for days and nights, as
a Bengal schoolmaster is reported to have been for
the sake of the dignity of human nature.

I trust that Lord Reading and his draftsmen do
not know the facts that I have adduced or are being
carried away by their belief in the infallibility of their
employees, I refuse to believe in the statements which
the publ.c regards as God's truth. If there is the
slightest exaggeration in ths statements that 1 have
made, I shall as publicly withdraw them and apologise

REPLY TO GOVERNMENT OF INDIA 675

for them as I am making them now, but, as it is, I
undertake to prove the substance of every one of these
charges if not the very letter and much more of them,
before any impartial tribunal of men or women uncon-
nected with the Government. I invite Pandit Malavi-
yaji and those who are performing the thankless task of
securing a round table conference to form an impartial
commission to investigate these charges by which 1
stand or fall.

It is the physical and brutal ill-treatment of huma-
nity which has made many of my co-workers and
myself impatient of life itself and in the face of these
things I don't wish to take public time by dealing in
detail what I mean by abuse of the common law of the
country but I cannot help correcting the mis-impression
which is likely to be created in connection with the
Bombay disorders, disgraceful and deplorable as they
-were. Let it be remembered that, of the persons
who lost their lives, over 45 were Non-Co operators or
their sympathisers, the hooligans, and of the 400 wound-
ed, to be absolutely on the safe side, over 350 were also
derived from the same class, I do not complain ; the
Co-operators, the Non-Co-operators and the friendly
hooligans got what they deserved : they began the
-violence and they reaped the reward. Let it also not
be forgotten that, with all deference to the Bombay
•Government, it was Non-Co-operators, ably assisted by
Independents and Co-operators, who brought peace out
.of that chaos of the two days following the fateful
17th.

I must totally deny the imputation that the appli-
cation of the Criminal Law Amendment Act was confined
.to associations the majority of the members of- which

676 NON-CO-OPERATION

had habitually indulged in violence and intimidation^
The prisons of India to-day hold some of the most in-
offensive men and hardly any who are convicted under
the law. Abundant proof can be produced in support of
this statement as also of the statement of the fact that
almost wherever meetings have been broken up, there
was actually no risk of violence.

The Government of India deny that the Viceroy
has laid down upon the apology of the Ali Brothers the
civilised policy of non interference with the non-violent
activities of Non-Co-operator?. I am extremely sorry
for this repudiation. The very part of the communique
reproduced in the reply is in my opinion sufficient
proof that the Government did not intend to interfere
with such activities. The Government did not wish to
be inferred that speeches promoting disaffection of a
less violent character were not an offence against the
law. I have never stated that breach of any law was
not to be an offence against it, but I have stated, as I
repeat nowt that it was not the intention of the Govern-
ment then to prosecute for non-violent activities
although they might amount to a technical breach of
the law.

As to the conditions of the conference the Govern-
ment reply evidently omits to mention the two words
" and otherwise" after the words " Calcutta speech'* in
my letter. I repeat that the terms " I would gather fro*n
the Calcutta speech 'and otherwise" were nearly the
same that were mentioned in the resolutions of the
Malaviya Conference. What are called th: unlawful
activities of the N. C. O. party, being a reply to the no-
tifcations of the Government, would have ceased
Automatically with the withdrawal of those notifica-

REPLY TO GOVERNMENT OF INDIA 677

tions, because the formation of volunteer corps and
public meetings would not be unlawful activities after
the withdrawal of the offending notification. Even
while the negotiations were going on in Calcutta, the
discharge of Fatwa prisoners was asked for and I can
only repeat what I have said elsewhere that, if it is
disloyal to say that military service under the existing
system of Government is a sin against God and humanity,
1 fear that such disloyalty must continue.

The Government communique does me a cruel
wrong imputing to me a desire that the proposed round
table conference should be called merely to register my
decrees. I did state, in order to avoid any misunder-
standing the Congress demands, as I felt I was in duty
bound, in as clear terms as possible. No Congressman
could approach any conference without making his
position clear. I accepted the ordinary courtesy of not
considering me or any Congressmen to be impervious to
reason or argument. It is open to anybody to convince
me that the demands of the Congress regarding the
Khilafat, the Punjab and Swaraj are wrong or unreason-
able and I would certainly retrace my steps and, (so far
as I am concerned, rectify the wrong. The Govern-
ment of India know that such has been always my
.attitude.

The communique, strangely enough, says that the
.demands set forth in my manifesto are even larger than
those of the Working Committee. I claim that they
fall far below the demands of the Working Committee,
'for what I now ask against the total suspension of
£ivil Disobedience of an aggressive character is merely
the stoppage of ruthless repression, the release of
prisoners convicted under it and a clear declaration of

fi78 NON-CO-OPERATION

policy. The demands of the Working Committee
included a round table conference. In my manifesto
I have not asked for a Round Table Conference at all.
It is true that this wanting of a Round Table Conference
does not proceed from any expediency, but it is a
confession of present weakness. I freely recognise that,
unless India becomes saturated with the spirit of non-
violence and generates disciplined strength that can only
come from non-violence, she cannot enforce her demands-
and it is for that reason that I now consider that the
first thing for the people to do is to secure a reversal
of this mad repression and then to concentrate upon
more complete organisation and more construction. And
here again the communique does me an injustice by
merely stating that Civil Disobedience of an aggressive
character will be postponed until the opportunity is
given to the imprisoned leaders of reviewing the whole-
situation after their discharge and by conveniently omit-
ting to mention the following conclusion of my letter^
"If the Government make the requested declaration I
shall regard it as an honest desire on its part to give
effect to public opinion and shall therefore have no-
hesitation in advising the country to be engaged in>
further moulding public opinion without violent rest-
raint from either side and trust to its working to secure
the fulfilment of its unalterable demands. Aggressive
Civil Disobedience in that case will be taken up only
when the Government departs from its policy of strict-
est neutrality or refuse to yield to the clearly expressed
opinion of the vast majority of the people of India."

I venture to claim extreme reasonableness andf
moderation for the above presentation of the
case. The^al tentative before the people, therefore, is

THE CRIME OF CHAURI CHAURA 679

not, as the communique concludes, between " law-
lessness with all its disastrous consequences on the one
hand and on the other the maintenance of those principles
which lie at the root of all civilised Governments'
Mass Civil Disobedience: it adds, is fraught with such
danger to the State that it must be met with "sterness
and severity*'. The choice before the people is mass
civil disobedience with all its undoubted dangers and
lawless repression of the lawful activities of the poeple.
I hold that it is impossible for any body of self-respecting
men for fear of unknown dangers to sit still and do
nothing effective when looting of property and assaulting
of innocent men are going on all over the country in the
name of law and order.

THE CRIME OF CHAURI CHAURA.

[While Mr. Gandhi was about to inaugurate Mass Civil
Disobedience in Bardoli, there occurred a terrible tragedy at Chauri
Chaura on the I4ih February when an infuriated-mob, including
some volunteers also, attacked the thana^ burnt down the building
and beat to death no less than twenty two policemen. Some con-
stables and chaukidars were literally burnt to death and the whole
place was under mobocracy. Mr. Gandhi took this occurence as a
third warning to suspend civil disobedience and the Bardoli
programme was accordingly given up. On the lith the Working
Committee met at Bardoli and resolved to suspend all offensive
action including even picketing and processions. The country was
to confine itself to the constructive programme of Khaddar manu-
facture The Working Committee advised the stoppage of all
activities designed to court imprisonment. Commenting on the
tragedy of Chauri Cbaura and the Bardoli decisions, Mr. Gandhi
wrote in Young India of February 6th, 1922 :]

God has been abundantly kind to me. He has
warned me the third time that there is not as yet in
India that truthful and non-violent atmosphere which

680 NON-CO-OPERATION

and which alone can justify mass disobedience which
can be at all described as civil which means gentle*
truthful, humble, knowing, wilful yet loving, never
criminal and hateful.

He warned me in 1919 when the Rowlatt Act
agitation was started. Ahmedabad, Viramgam, and
Kheda erred ; Amritsar and Kasur erred, I retraced
rny steps, called it a Himalayan miscalculation, humbled
myself before God and man, and stopped not merely
mass civil disobedience but even my own which I knew
was intended to be civil and non-violent.

The next time it was through the events of Bombay
that God gave a terrific warning. He made me eyewit-
ness of the deeds of the Bombay mob on the 17th
November. The mob acted in the interest of non-co-
operation, I announced my intention to stop the mass
civil disobedience which was to be immediately started
in Bardoli. The humiliation was greater than in 1919.
But it did me good. I am sure that the nation gained
by the stopping. India stood for truth and non-violence
by the suspension,

But the bitterest humiliation was still to come.
Madras did give the warning, but I heeded it not. But
God spoke clearly through Chaun Chaura. I under-
stand that the constables who were so brutally hacked
to death had given much provocation. They had even
gone back upon the word just given by the Inspector
that they would not be molested, but when the proces-
sion had passed the stragglers were interfered with and
abused by the constables. The former cried out for
help. The mob returned. The constables opened fire*
The little ammunition they had was exhausted and they
retired to the Thana for safety. The mob, my informant

THE CRIME OF CHAURI CHAURA 681

•tells me, therefore set fire to the Thana. The self-
imprisoned constables had to come out for dear life and
as they did so, they were backed to pieces and the
mangled remains were thrown into the raging flames.

It is claimed that no non-co-operation volunteer had
a hand in the brutality and that the mob had not only
the immediate provocation but they had also general
knowledge of the high-handed tyranny of the police in
that district. No provocation can possibly justify the
brutal murder of men who had been rendered defence-
Jess and who had virtually thrown themselves on the
mercy of the mob. And when Indian claims to be non-
violent and hopes to mount the throne of liberty through
non-violent means, mob-violence even in answer to grave
provocation is a bad augury. Suppose the 4 non-violent*
disobedience of Bardoh was permitted by God to succeed,
the Government had abdicated in favour of the victors
of Bardoli, who would control the unruly element that
must be expected to perpetrate inhumanity upon due
provocation ? Non-violent attainment of self-Govern-
ment presupposes a non-violent control over the violent
elements in the country. Non-violent non-co-operators
can only succeed when they have succeeded in
attaining control over the hooligans of India,
in other words, when the latter also have learnt patriot-
ically or religiously to refrain from their violent
activities, at least whilst the campaign of non-co-opera-
tion is going on. The tragedy at Chaura, therefore,
roused me thoroughly.

'But what about your manifesto to the Viceroy
.and your rejoinder to his reply V spoke the voice of
'Satan. It was the bitterest cup of humiliation to drink.
•'Surely it is cowardly to withdraw the next day after

682 NON-CO-OPERATION

pompous threat to the Government and promises to the
people of Bardoli' Thus Satan's invitation ^\as to deny
Truth and therefore Religion, to deny God Himself.
I put my doubts and troubles before the Working
Committee and other associates whom I found near me.
They did not all agree with meat first. Some of them
probably do not even now agree with me. But never
has a man been blessed, perhaps, with colleagues and
associates so considerate and forgiving as I have. They
understood my difficulty and patiently followed my
argument. The result is before the public in the shape
of the resolutions ol the Working Committee. The dras-
tic reversal of practically the whole of the aggressive
programme may be politically unsound and unwise,
but there is no doubt that it is religiously sound, and
I venture to assure the doubters that the country will
have gained by my humiliation and confession of error.

The only virtue I want to claim is Truth and Non-
violence. I lay no claim to superhuman powers. I
want none. I wear the same corruptible flesh that the
weakest of my fellow beings wears and am therefore as
liable to err as any. My services have many limitations,
but God has up to now blessed them in spite of the
imperfections.

For confession of error is like a broom that sweeps
away dirt and leaves the surface cleaner than before,
I feel stronger for my confession. And the cause must
prosper for the retracing. Never has man reached his
destination by persistence in deviation from the straight
path.

It has been urged that Chauri Chaura cannot affect
Bardoli. There is danger, it is argued, only if Bardoli
is weak enough to be swayed by Chauri Chaura and is

THE CRIME OF CHAURI CHAURA 683

betrayed into violence. I have no doubt whatsoever
on that account. The people of Bardoli are in my opinion
the most peaceful in India. But Bardoli is but a speck
on the map of India. Its effort cannot succeed unless
there is perfect co-operation from the other parts.
Bardoli's disobedience will be civil only when the other
parts of India remain non-violent. Just as the addition
of a grain of arsenic to a pot of milk renders it unfit as
food so will the civility of Bardoli prove unacceptable
by the addition of the deadly poison from Chaun Cbaura,
The latter represents India as much as Bardoh.

Chauri Chaura is after all an aggravated symptom.
I have never imagined that there has been no violence,
mental or physical, in the places where repression is
going on. Only I have believed, I still believe and the
pages of Young India amply prove, that the repression is
out of all proportion to the insignificant popular violence
in the areas of repression. The determined holding of
meetings m prohibited areas I do not call violence.
The violence I am referring to is the throwing
of brickbats or intimidation and coercion practised in
stray cases. As a matter of fact in civil disobedience
there should be no excitement. Civil disobedience is a
preparation for mute suffering. Its effect is marvellous
though unperceived and gentle. But I regarded
certain amount of excitement as inevitable, certain
amount of unintended violence even pardonable, /.e., I
did not consider civil disobedience impossible in some"
what imperfect conditicns. Under perfect conditions
disobedience when civil is hardly felt. But the present
movement is admittedly a dangerous experiment under
fairly adverse conditions.

The tragedy of Chauri Chaura is really the index

684 NON-CO-OPERATION

finger. It shows the way India may easily go, if drastic
precautions be not taken. If we are not to evolve
violence out of non-violence, it is quite clear that we
must hastily retrace our steps and re establish an
atmosphere of peace, re-arrange our programme and
not think of starting mass civil disobedience until we
are sure of peace being started and in spite of Govern-
ment provocation. We must be sure of unauthorised
portions not starting mass civil disobedience.

As it is, the Congress organisation is still im-
perfect and its instructions are still perfunctorily
carried but. We have not established Congress
Committees in every one of the villages. Where
we have, they are not perfectly amenable to our
instructions. We have not probably more than one
crore of members on the roll. We are in the middle
of February, yet not many have paid the annual four
annas subscription for the current year. Volunteers are
indifferently enrolled. They do not conform to all the
conditions of their pledge. They do not even wear
hand-spun and hand- woven khaddar. All the Hindu
volunteers have not yet purged themselves of the sin of
untouchability. All are not free from the taint of
violence. Not by their imprisonment are we going to
win Swaraj or serve the holy cause of the Khilafat or
attain the ability to stop payment to faithless servants.
Some of us err in spite of ourselves. But some others
among us sin wilfully. They join volunteer corps well
knowing that they are not and do not intend to remain
non-violent. We are thus untruthful even as we hold
the Government to-be untruthful, We dare not enter
the kingdom of Liberty with mere lip homage to Truth
and Non-violence.

THE CRIME OF CHAUKI CHAURA 685

Suspension of mass civil disobedience and sub-
sidence of excitement are necessary for further progress,
indeed, indispsnsable to prevent further retrogression.
I hope, therefore, that by suspension every Congress
man or woman will not only feel disappointed but he
or she will feel relieved of the burden of unreality
and of national sin.

Let the opponent glory in our humiliation or so
called defeat. It is better to be charged with cowardice
and weakness than to be guilty of our oath and sm
against God. It is million times better to appear
untrue before the world than to be untrue to ourselves.

And so, for me the suspension of mass civil dis-
obedience and other minor activities that were calculated
to keep up excitement is not enough penance for my
having been the instrument, howsoever involuntary, of
the brutal violence by the people at Chauri Chaura.

I must undergo personal cleansing. I must become
a fitter instrument able to register the slightest variation
in the moral atmosphere about me. My prayers must
have much deeper truth and humility about them than
they evidence. And for me there is nothing so helpful
and cleansing as a fast accompanied by the necessary
mental co-operation,

I know that the mental attitude is everything.
Just as a prayer may be merely a mechanical intonation
as of a bird, so may a fast be a mere mechanical
torture of the flesh. Such mechanical contrivances
are valueless for the purpose intended, Again
just as a mechanical chant may result in the modula-
tion of voice, a mechnical fast may result in purifying
the body. Neither will touch the soul within.

But a fast undertaken for fuller self-expression, for

•686 NON-CO-OPER \TION

attainment of the spirit's supremacy over the flesh, is a
most powerful factor in one's evolution. After deep
consideration, therefore, I am imposing on myself a five
days' continuous fast permitting myself water. It com-
menced on Sunday evening, it ends on Friday evening.
This is the least I must do,

I have taken into consideration the All-India Con-
gress Committee meeting in front of me. I have in mind
the anxious pain even the days' fast will cause many
friends ; but I can no longer postpone the penance nor
lessen it.

I urge co-workers not to copy my example. The
•motive in their case will be lacking. They are not the
originators of civil disobedience. lam in the unhappy
position of a surgeon proved skiiless to deal with an ad-
mittedly dangerous case. I must either abdicate or
acquire greater skill, Whilst the personal penance is not
only necessary bnt obligatory on me, the exemplary self-
restraint prescribed by the Working Committee is surely
sufficient penance for every one else. It is no small
penance and if sincerely carried out, it can become
infinitely more real and better than fasting. What can
be richer and more fruitful than a greater fulfilment of
the vow of non-violence in thought, word, and deed or
the spread of that spirit ? It will be more than food for
me during the week to observe that comrades are all
silently and without idle discussion engaged in fulfilling
the constructive programme sketched by the Working
Committee, in enlisting Congress members after ma-king
sure that they understand the Congress creed of truth
and non-violence for the attainment of Swaraj, in
daily and religiously spinning for a fixed time-, in
introducing tho wheel of prosperity and- freedom in

THE CRIMB OF CHAURI CH \URA 687

-every home, in visiting 'untouchable' homes and
finding out their wants, in inducing national schools to
receive * untouchable ' children, in organising social
service specially designed to find a common platform
for every variety of man and woman, and in visiting
the homes which the drink curse is desolating,
in establishing real Panchayats and in organising
national schools on a proper footing. Ths workers will
be better engaged in these activities than in fasting. I
hope, therefore, that no one will join me in fasting,
either through false sympathy or an ignorant conception
-of the ?piritual value of fasting,

All fasting and all penance must as far as possible
be secret. But my fasting is both a psnanca and a
punishment, and a punishment has to be public. It
is penance for me and punishment for those whom
I try to serve, for whom I love to live and would
equally love to die. They have unintentionally sinned
against the laws of the Congress though they were
sympathisers rf not actually connected with it, Probably
they hacked the constables their countrymen and fellow
beings with my name on their lips. The only way
Jove punnhes is by suffering. I cannot even wish them
to be arrested. But I would let them know that I
would suffer for their breach of the Congress creed. I
•would advise those who feel guilty and repentant to
hand themselves voluntarily to the Government for
punishment and make a clean confession. I hope that
the workers in the Gorakhpur district will leave no
stone unturned to find out the evil doers and urge them
to deliver themselves into custody. But whether the
.murderers accept my advice or not, I would like
them to know that they have seriously interfered

688 NON-CO-OPERATION

with Swaraj operations, that in being the cause of t he-
postponement of the movement in Bardoli, they
have' in jured the very cause they probably intended to
serve. I would like them to know, too, that this move-
ment is not a cloak or a preparation for violence. I
would, at any rate, suffer every humiliation, every
torture, absolute ostracism and death itself to prevent
the movement from becoming violent or a precursor of
violence. I make my penance public also because I am
now denying myself the opportunity of sharing their lot
with the prisoners. The immediate issue has again-
shifted, we can no longer press for the withdrawal
of notification, or discharge of prisoners. They and we
must suffer for the crime of Chauri Chaura. The
incident proves, whether we wish it cr no, the unity of
life. All, including even the administrators, must
suffer. Chauri Chaura must stiffen the Government,
must still further corrupt the police, and the reprisals
that will follow must further demoraLse the people..
The suspension and he penance will take us back to
the position we occupied before the tragedy. By
strict discipline and purification we regain the moral
confidence required for demanding the withdrawal
of notifications and the discharge of prisoners.

If we learn the full lesson of the tragedy, we can-
turn the curse into a blessing. By becoming truthful
and non-violent, botrfin spirit and deed, and by making
the swadeshi i.e., the khaddar programme complete, we
can establish full Swaraj and redress the Khilafat and
the Punjab wrongs without a single person having ta
offer civil disobedience.

IN DEFENCE OF THE BARDOLI DECISIONS.

[The suspension of maiss civil disobedience in Bardoli, which
was recommended by the. Working Committee at the instance of
Mr. Gandhi, was resented by some of his colleagues and followers.
In reply to correspondants who attacked him, he wrote as follows
in Young India of February, 23rd.]

A friend from Lahore without giving his name
sends me the following thundering note : —

" On Tuesday the 14th I read the Tribune and the
resolutions therein, passed at the emergency meeting of
the All-India Congress Working Committee. On
Monday when I came from my office I heard a flying
rumour that Mahatmaji had postponed the date of the
mass civil disobedience, but at that time I thought the
news devoid of foundation. After a short time a friend
of mine hawked me at my house and we went to bazaar.
His face was somewhat sadder than usual. I enquired
of him the reason of his sadness. He said he was utter-
ly disgusted and so gave up the idea of following
this movement. Mahatmaji was going to give up the lead
of this movamsnt and at the same time he had advised
all the Provincial Congress Committees not to enrol any
more volunteers. No picketing propaganda should be
undertaken as long as the special session of the All-
India Congress Committee had not confirmed what to do
further.

"The people are of this opinion that you have
turned your face and become fickle-minded. They will
co-operate with the-Government without any hesitation
and join the ceremony of His Royal Highness the

44

690 NON-CO-OPERATION

Prince of Wales. Soms say that they will not observe
hartal and will accord a hearty reception at Lahore.

*'Some merchants are under the impression that you
have removed all the restrictions from all liquor shops
and videshi cloth.

"Truly speaking, each and every one in Lahore
city is holding meeting in the bazaar as well as in the
house, and you will forgive me if I will say boldly that
they are condemning the action of the All-India Con-
gress Committee.

"I now for my sake ask you these questions.

u(l) Will you now give up the lead of this move-
ment ? If so, why ?

" (2) Will you be good enough to let me know
why you have given such instructions to all Provincial
Congress Committees ? Have you gt ven an opportunity
to Pandit Malaviya for a Round Table Conference for
a settlement, or has Pandit Malaviya agreed to embrace
your movement in case the Government has not turned
true to its words ?

" (3) Grant a compromise is arranged and the
Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs are redressed and in
the case of Swaraj the Government may only extend
the reforms, will you be satisfied with that or continue
your activities till you have got the full dominion
status ?

4*(4) Suppose no decision is arrived at. Will
Pan.iit Malaviya and all others u ho are connected with
this conference come to your side ot will their fate
remain in the balance just as now ?

kt (5j In case no decision is arrived at, will you give
up the idea of civil disobedience, if there is danger of
violence.

UN DEFENCE OF THE BARDOL1 DECISIONS 691

" (6) Is your intention now to disband the present
volunteer corps and enlist those whro know spinning
,and wear handspun and handwoven khaddar ?

'* (7) Suppose violence has made appearance when
you have started your mass civil disobedience, what
will you do at that time ? Will you stop your activities
at the very moment ?"

There is much more criticism in this letter than I
fcave reproduced. The writer tells me that the people are
-so disgusted that they now threaten to become co-opera-
tors and are of opinion that I have sold Lala Lajpat Rai,
the Dashabandhu Chitta Ranjan Das, Pandit Motilal
Nehru, the Ah Brothers and others, and tells me that if I
give up the leadership there are thousands who will leave
this world by committing suicide. I may assure the citienzs
,of Lahore in particular and Punjabis in general that I do
not believe what is said of them. I used to receive such
letters even during the Martial Law days because of the
suspension of civil disobedience, but I discounted all the
news and on my reaching the Punjab in October, I
iound thac I was right in my analysis of the Punjab
mind and I discovered that there was no one to
challenge the propriety of my act. I feel still more con-
fident of the correctness of the decision of the Working
Committee, but if it is found that the country repudiates
,my action I shall not mind it. I can but do rny duty. A
leader is useless when he acts against the promptings
•of his own conscience, surrounded as he must be by
people holding all kinds of views. He will drift like an
.anchorless ship if he has not the inner voice to hold
him firm and guide him. Above all, I can easily put
tip with the den.al of the world, but any denial by me
of my God is unthinkable, and if I did not give at this

692 NON -CO-OPERATION

critical period of the struggle the advice that I have, I
would be denying both God and Truth. The tele-
grams and letters I am receiving from all parts of the
country thanking me for rny decision — telegrams from
both non-co-operators and co-operators— confirm my
belief that the country appreciates the decision and that
the Lahore writer has given undue prominence to some
heated bazaar talk which was bound to take place after
the Bardoli decision which all of a sudden disturbed all
previous calculations. I can understand the effect of
the first shock, but I am also sure that when the people
begin to analyse the implications of non-violence, they
will come to no other conclusion than that of the
Working Committee.

And now for the questions of the correspondent :
^i) I am not likely to give up the lead of the
movement unless I have a clear indication that the
people want me to. One method of giving that indica-
tion is an adverse vote of the Working Committe or the
All-India Congress Committee.

(2) 1 assure the public that Pandit Malaviyaji had'
absolutely >/o hand in shaping my decision, I have
often yielded to Panditji, and it is always a pleasure for
me to yie)d to him whenever I can and always painful
to differ from one who has an unrivalled record of public
service and who is sacrifice personified. But so far as
the decision of suspension is concerned, I arrived at it
on my reading the detailed report of the Chauri Chaura
tragedy in the Chronicle. It was in Bardoli that
telegrams were sent convening the Working Committee
meeting and it was in Bardoli that I sent a let'.er to the
members of the Working Committee advising them of
rny desire to suspend civil disobedience, I went

IN DEFENCE OF THE BARDOLI DECISIONS 693

thereafter to Bombay at the instance of Panditji who
together with the other friends of the Malaviya Con-
ference undoubtedly wished to plead with me for a
suspension and who were agreeably surprised when I told
them that so far as I was concerned, my mind was made
up, but that had kept it open so that I could discuss
the point thoroughly with the members of the Working
Committee. The suspension has no reference to a round
table conference or to any settlement. In my opinion, a
round table conference is bound to prove fruitless. It
.requires a much stronger Viceroy than Lord Reading
has proved to be to perceive the situation in the country
and then to describe it correctly. I certainly feel that
Pandit Malaviyaji has already come into the movement.
It is not possible for him to keep away from the Congress
or from danger, bu.t the Bardoli decision was arrived at
purely on its merits and I could not have been shaken
from the original purpose had I not been unnerved by
the Chauri Chaura tragedy which was the last straw.

(3) Nothing short of a full Dominion status is likely
to satisfy me personally and nothing short of complete
severance will satisfy me if the Khilafat and the Punjab
wrongs remain unredressed, but the exact form does not
depend upon me. I have no clear-cut scheme. It has
-to be evolved by the people's representatives.

(4} At the present moment there is no question of a
settlement. Therefore, the question as to what Panditji
and al) others will do is premature if not irrelevant.
But assuming that Panditji holds any conference and
that its resolutions are ignored by the Government,
Panditji and others will act as all self-respecting men
<io in such circumstances.

(5) I can never give up the idea of civil disobe-

694 NON-CO-OPERATION

dience, no matter what danger there is of violence, but
I shall certainly give up the idea of starting mass
civil disobedience so long as there is a certain danger
of violence. Individual civil disobedience stands on a
different footing.

(6) There is no question of disbanding anyVolunteer
Corps, but the names of those who do not conform to
the Congress pledge have certainly to be removed from
the list if we are to be honest.

(7) If we have understood the essential parts of
non-violence, we can but come to one conclusion, that
any eruption of widespread violence — and I call the*
Ohaiari Chaura tragedy widespread for the purpose —
automatically stops mass civil disobedience. That
many other parts of tha country have nobly responded
to the spirit of non-violence is good, but it is not good'
enough to continue mass civil disobedience even as a
most peaceful meeting is disturbed if one man obstructs
or commits violence. Mass civil disobedience for
becoming successful requires a non-violent environment*.
The reason for restricting it to one single small area is
to prevent violence elsewhere. It, therefore, means^
that mass civil disobediece in a particular area is-
possible when the other areas passively co-operate by
remaining non-violent.

THE DELHI RESOLUTIONS.

[The All-India Congress Committee met at Delhi on the 25th
February and passed resolutions 'with important modifications on
the Bardoli decisions of the Working Committee- Mr. Gandhi
explains in the following article in Young India of March
2,1922, how the Bardoli programme came to be modified.]

The session just past of the All-India Congress
Committee was in some respects more memorable than
the Congress. There is so much under-current of vio-
lence, both conscious and unconscious, that I was
actually and literally praying for a disastrous defeat. I
have always been in a minority. The reader does not
know that in South Africa I started with practical
unanimity, reached a minority of sixty-four and even
sixteen and went up again to a huge majority. The
best and the most solid work was done in the wilderness
of minority.

[The following resolution was p'assed on the 25th February
at the session of the All-India Congress Committee held at
Delhi :-

The All-India Congress Committee having carefully considered
the resolutions passed by the Working Committee at its meeting
held at Bardoli on the llth and 12th instant, confirms the said
resolutions with the modifications noted therein and further
resolves that individual Civil Disobedience whether of a defensive
or aggressive character may be commenced in respect of particular
places or particular laws at the instance of and upon permission
being granted therefor by the respective Provincial Committee ;
provided that such Civil Disobedience shall not be permitted
unless all the conditions laid down by the Congress or the
All-India Congress Committee or the Working Committee are
strictly fulfilled.

Reports having been received from various quarters that

696 NON-CO-OPERATION

I know that the only thing that the Government
dread is this huge majority I seem to command. They
little know that I dread it even more than they. I
have become literally sick of the adoration of the
unthinking multitude. I would feel certain of my
ground, if I was spat upon by them. Then there
would be no need for confession of Himalayan and
other miscalculations, no retracing, no re-arranging.

But it was not to be.

picketing regarding foreign cloth is as necessary as liquor-picket-
ing, the All-India Congress Committee authorises such picketing
of a bona fide character on the same terms as liquor-picketing
mentioned in the Bardoli resolutions.

The All-India Congress Committee wishes it to be under
stood that the resolutions of the Working Committee do no
mean any abandonment of the originaJ Coi»ress program tie of
non-co-operation or permanent abandonment of Mass Civil Dis
obedience but considers that an atmosphere of necessary mass non
violence can be established by the workers concentrating upon th
constructive programme framed by the Working Committee at
Bardoli.

The All-India Congress Committee holds Civil Disobedience
to be the right and duty of the people to be exercised and per-
formed whenever the State opposes the declared will of the
people.

Note :— Individual Civil Disobedience is disobedience of
orders or laws by a single individual or an ascertained number or
group of individuals. Therefore a prohibited public meeting
where admission is regulated by tickets and to which no unauthor-
ised admission is allowed, is an instance of Individual Civil Dis-
obedience, whereas a prohibited meeting to which the general
public is admitted without any restriction is an instance of Mass
Civil Disobedience. Such Civil ^Disobedience is defensive whtn
a prohibited public roe?dng is held for conducting a normal acti-
vity although it may result in arrest. It would be aggressive if it
is held not for any normal activity but merely for the purpose of
courting arrest and imprisonment.

THE DELHI RESOLUTIONS 697

A friend warned me against exploiting my dictator
ship. He little knew that I had never once used it,
if only because the legal occasion had not yet arisen
for its use. The * dictatorship* accrues to me only
when the ordinary Congress machinery is rendered
unworkable by the Government.

Far from my consciously or unconsciously exploit-
ing my 4 dictatorship1, I have begun to wonder if I am
not unconsciously allowing myself to be ; exploited*.
I confess that I have a dread of it such as I never had
before, My only safety lies in my shamelessness. I
have warned my friends of the Committee that I am
incorrigible. I shall continue to confess blunders each
time the people commit them. The only tyrant I
accept in this world is the 'still small voice' within.
And even though I have to face the prospect of a
minority of one, I humbly believe I have the courage
to be in such a hopeless minority. That to me is the
only truthful position.

But I am a, sadder and I hope a wiser man to-day.
I see that our non-violence is skin-deep. We are burn-
ing with indignation. The Government is feeding it by
its insensate acts. It seems almost as if the Govern-
ment wants to see this land covered with murder, arson
and rapine, in order to be able once more to claim
exclusive ability to put them down,

This non-violence therefore seems to be due merely
to our helplessness, It almost appears as if we are
nursing in our bosoms the desire to take revenge the
first time we get the opportunity.

Can true voluntary non-violence come out of this
seeming forced non-violence of the weak ? Is it not a
futile experiment 1 am conducting? What if, when the

698 NON-CO-OPERATION

fury bursts, not a man, woman or child is safe and every
man's hand is raised against his fellow being ? Of wh,at
avail is it then if I fast myself ,to death in the event of
such a catastrophe coming to pass ?

What is the alternative ? To lie and say that what
I know to be evil, is good? To say that true and
voluntary co-operation will come out of false and forced
co-operation is to say that light will result from dark-
ness.

Co-operation with the Government is as much a
weakness and a sin as alliance with suspended violence,

The difficulty is almost insurmountable. Hence
with the growing knowledge of the fact that this non-
violence is merely superficial, I must continually make
mistakes and retrace, even as a man wading his way
through a tract Jess forest must continually stop, retrace,
stumble, be hurt and even bleed.

I was prepared for a certain amount of depression,
dis-appointment and resentment, but I confess I was
totally unprepared for the hurricane of opposition. It
became clear to me that the workers were in no mood
to do any serious work of construction. The construct-
ive programme lent no enchantment. They were not
a social reform association. They could not wrest
power from the Government by such humdrum reform-
work. They wanted to deliver ' non-violent ' blows L
All this appeared so thoroughly unreal. They would not
stop to think that even if they could defeat the Govern-
ment by a childish display of rage, they could not con-
duct the Government of the country for a single day~
without serious and laborious organisation and construc-
tion.

We must not go to gaol, as Mahomed Ali wouldi

THE DELHI RESOLUTIONS 699*

say, 'on a false issue '. It is not any imprisonment that
will lead to Swaraj. It is not every disobedience that
will fire us with the spirit of obedience and discipline.
Jails are no gate-way to liberty for the confirmed
criminal. They are temples of liberty only for those
who ate innocence personified. The execution of
Socrates made immortality a living reality for us, —
not so the execution of coantless murderers. There is no
warrant for supposing that we can steal Swaraj by the
imprisonment of thousands of nominally non-violent men
with hatred, ill- will and violence raging in their breasts.

It would be otherwise if we were fighting with
arms, giving and receiving blow for blow. The imprison-
ment of those who may be caught intimidating, assault-
ing and murdering will certainly embarrass the
Government and when they are tired, they would as-
elsewhere yield. But such is not our fight to-day,
Let us be truthful. If it is through ' show of force *
that we wish to gain Swaraj, let us drop non-
violence and- offer such violence as we may. It
would be a manly, honest and sober attitude an
attitude the world has been used to for ages past. No
one can then accuse us of the terrible charge of
hypocricy.

But the majority will not listen to me in spite of
all my warnings and passionate plea for rejecting my
resolution, if they did not believe in non-violence as
indispensable for the attainmentof our goal. They accepted,
it without a single material change. I would ask them
therefore to realise their responsibility. They are now
bound not to rush to civil disobedience but to settle down,
to the quiet work of construction. I would urge them
to be indifferent to the clamour for immediate action

700 NON-CO-OPERATION

The immediate action is not courting, imprisonment, nor
even free speech and free association or free pen, but
self-purification, introspection, quiet organisation. We
have lost our foothold. If we do not take care, we are
likely to be drowned in the waters whose depth we do
not know.

If is no use thinking of the prisoners. When I
heard of Chauri Chaura I sacrificed them as the first
penitential act. They have gone to jail to be released
only by the strength of the people, indeed the hope
was the Swaraj Parliament's first act would be to open
the prison gates God had decreed otherwise. We who
are outside have tried and failed. The prisoners car
now only gain by serving the full term of their imprison
ment. Those who went under false pretences, or
under any mis-apprehension or under mistaken under-
standing of the movement can come out by apologising
ard by petitioning, The movement will be all the
stronger for the purging. The stoutest hearts will
rejoice in the opportunity of unexpectedly greater
suffering. Though thousands of Russians have ' rotted1
in the Russian prisons for years and years, that un-
happy people are not yet free. Liberty is a jilt most
difficult to woo and please., We have shown the
power of suffering. But we have not suffered enough.
If the people in general keep passively non-violent and
if only a few are actively, honestly and knowingly non-
violent in intent, word and deed, we can reach the goal
in quickest time with the least suffering. But we .shall
indefinitely postpone the attainment, if we send to
prison men who harbour violence in their breasts.

Therefore the duty of the majority in° their respect-
ive provinces is to face taunts, insults and if need be

THE DELHI RESOLUTIONS 701

depletion in their ranks but determinedly to pursue their
goal without swerving an inch. The authorities mistak-
ing our suspension for weakness may resort to still greater
oppresson. We should submit to it. We should even
abandon defensive civil disobedience and concentrate all
our energy on the tasteless but health-giving economic
and social reform. We should bend down on our knees
and assure the moderates that they need fear no harm
from us. We should assure the Zamindars that we have
no ill-will against them.

The average Englishman is haughty, he does not
understand us, he considers himself to be a superior
being, He thinks that he is born to rule us. He relies
upcn his forts or his gun to protect himself. He despises
u-. He wants to compel co-operation i.e., slavery. Even
him we have to conquer, not by bending the knee, but
remaining aloof from him, but at the sametime not
hating him nor hurting him. It is cowardly to molest
him. If we simply refuse to regard ourselves as his
slaves and pay homage to him, we have done our
duty. A mouse can only shun the cat. He cannot
treat with her till she has filed the points of her
claws and teeth. At the same time we must show
every attention to those few Englishmen who are trying
to cure themselves and fellow Englishmen of the
disease of race superiority.

The minority has different ideals It does not believe
in the programme. Is it not right and patriotic for them
to form a new party and a new organisation ? They will
then truly educate the country. Those who do not
believe in the creed should surely retire from the
Congress, Even a national organisation must have a
creed. One, for instance, who does not believe in-.

702 NON-CO-OPERATION

Swaraj has no place <in the Congress. I submit that
even so has one who does not believe in 'peaceful and
legitimate means' no place in the Congress. A Congress-
man may not believe in non-co-operation and still remain
in it but he cannot believe in violence and untruth and
still be a Congressman. I was therefore deeply hurt when
I found opposition to the note in the resolution about
the creed and still more when I found opposition to my
paraphrase of the two adjectives 'peaceful' and
'legitimate' into 'non-violent* and 'truthful' respectively.
I had reasons for the paraphrase. I was seriously told
that the creed did not insirt upon non-violence and
truth as the indispensable means for the attainment of
Swaraj. I agreed to remove the paraphrase in order to
avoid a painful discussion but I felt that truth was
stabbed,

I am sure that those who raised th;s opposition are
as patriotic as I claim to be. they areas eager for Swaraj
as every other Congressman. But I do say that the
patriotic spirit demands their loyal and strict adherence
to non-violence and truth and that if they do not believe
in them they should retire from the Congress orga-
nisation.

Is it not national economy to let all the ideals be
sharply defined and to work independently of one
another ? That then which is most popular will win the
day. If we are going to evolve the real spirit of demo-
cracy, we shall not do so by obstruction but by

.abstention.

The session of the All-India Congress Committee
was a forcible demonstration of the fact that we are
retarding the country's progress towards Swaraj
and not the Government. Every mistake of the Govern-
ment helps. Every neglect of duty on our part hinders.

REPLY TO CRITICS.

If the Pardoli decisions offended a few zealous followers of
Mr. Gandhi, the Delhi resolutions were condemned by a large
section of the public. Congressmen were uncomfortable at the
sudden and incesrant changes of programme. Doubts as to the
validity of the principles of non-violence were openly discussed,
some adhering to it as a mere policy and as policy, liable to change.
To these Mr. Gandhi replied: — ]

I am sorry that I find a nervous fear among some
Hindus and Mahomedans that I am undermining their
faith and that I am even doing irreparable harm to
India by my uncompromising preaching of non-violence.
They seem almost to imply that violence is their creed.
I touch a tender spot if I talk about extreme non-violence
in their presence. They confound me with texts from
the Mahabharata and the Koran eulogising or permit-
ting violence. Of the Mahabharata I can write without
-restraint: but -the most devout Mahomedan will not,
I hope, deny me the privilege of understanding
the message of the Prophet. I make bold to say
that violence is the creed of no religion and that
whereas non-violence in most cases is obligatory in
all, violence is merely permissible in some cases. But
I have not put before India the final form of non-
violence. The non-violence that I have preached from
Congress platforms is non-violence as a policy. But even
policies require honest adherence in thought, word and
•deed. If I believe that honesty is the best policy, surely
whilst I so believe, I must be honest in thought, word
.and deed ; otherwise I become an imposter. Non-
'violence being a policy means that it can upon due

70 i NON-CO-OPERATION

notice be given up when it proves unsucceseful or in-
effective. But simple morality demands that whilst a
particular policy is pursued, it must be pursued with all
one's heart. It is simple policy to march along a cer-
tain route, but the soldier who marches with an
unsteady step along that route is liable to be summarily
dismissed. I become therefore incredulous when people
talk to me sceptically about non-violence or are seized1
with fright at the very mention of the word non-vio-
lence, If they do not believe in the expedient of non-
violence, they must denounce it but not claim to believe
in the expedient when their heart resists it. How
disastrous it would be if, not believing in violence even
as an expsdient, I joined, say, a violence party and
approached a gun with a perturbed heart ! The reader
will believe me when I say that I have the capacity for
killing a fly. But I do not believe in killing even flies.
Now suppose I joined an expedition for fly-killing as an
expedient. Will I not be expected before being per-
mitted to join the expedition to use all the available
engines of destruction whilst I remained in the army
of fly killers? If those who are in the Congress and
the Khilafat Committees will perceive this simple
truth, we shall certainly either finish the struggle
this year to a successful end or be so sick of non-
violence as to give up the pretention and set about
devising some other programme.

I hold that Swami Shraddhanandji has been
needlessly criticised for the proposition he intended to
move. His argument is absolutely honest. He thinks
that we as a body do not really believe in non-violence
even as a policy. Therefore we shall never fulfil the
programme of non-violence. Therefore, he says, let us^

.O CRITICS 705

go to the Councils and get what crqmbs we may. He
was trying to show the unreality of the position of
those who believe in the policy with their lips whereas
they are looking forward to violence for final deliver-
ance. I do say that if Congressmen do not fully believe
in the policy, they are doing an injury to the country by
pretending to follow it. It violence is to be the basis of
future Government, the Councillors are undoubtedly
the wisest. For it is through the Councils that by the
same devices by which the present administrators rule
us, the Councilors hope to seize power from the
former's hands. I have little doubt that those who nurse
violence in their bosoms will find no benefit from the
lip profession of non-violence. I urge, therefore, with
all the vehemence at my command that those who do
not believe in non-violence should secede from the
Congress and from non-co-operation and prepare to seek
election or re-join law courts or Government colleges
as the case may be. Let there be no manner of doubt
hat Swaraj established by non-violent means will be
different in kind from the Swaraj that can be established
by armed rebellion. Police and punishments there will
be even under such Swaraj. But there would be no
room for brutalities such as we witness to-day both on
the part of the people and the Government. And
those, whether they call themselves Hindus or Mussul-
mans, who do not fully believe in the policy of
non-violence, should abandon both non-co-operation and
non-violence .

For me, I am positive that neither in the Koran

nor in the Mahabharata there is any sanction for and

approval of the triumph of violence. Though there is

repulsion enough in Nature, she lives by attraction.

45

705 NON-CO-OPERATION

Mutual love enables Nature to persist Man does a ot
live by destruction. Self-love compels regard for others.
Nations cohere because there is mutual regard among
the individuals composing them. Some day we must
extend the national law to the universe, even as
we have extended the family law to form nations —
a larger family. God has ordained that India should be
such a nation. For so far as reason can perceive, India
cannot become free by armed rebellion for generations.
India can become free by refraining from national
violence. India has now become tired of rule based
upon violence. That to me is the message of the plains.
The people of the plains do not know what it is to put
up an organised armed fight. And they must become
free, for they want freedom. Tuey have realised that
power seized by violence will only result in their
greater grinding.

Such at any rate is the reasoning that has given
birth to the policy, not the dharma, of non-violence.
And even as a Mussulman or a Hindu believing in
violence applies the creed of non-violence in his family,
so are both called upon without question to apply the
policy of non-violence in their mutual relation and in
their relation to other races and classes not excluding
Englishmen. Those who do not believe in this policy
and do not wish to live up to it in full, retard the
movement by remaining in it.

L is thus clear what I would like the Provincial
organisations to do. They must not for the present
disobey the Government orders so far as it is at all
possible. They must not, before they have searched
their hearts, take forward action but bring about an
absolutely calm atmosphere. No impnsorunem courted

REPLY TO CRITICS 707

in anger has availed us anything. I agree with the
Mussulman view which is also the Hindu view that
there is no imprisonment for the sake of it. All imprison-
ment to be useful has to b* courted for religion or
•country and that by men and women clad in khaddar
and without anger or violence in their hearts If the
provinces have no such men and women, they should
not embark on civil disobedience at all.

Hence it is that the constructive programme has
'been framed. It will steady and calm us. It will
•wake our organising spirit, it will make us indus-
trious, it will render us fit for Swaraj, it will cool
'Our blood. We shall be spat upon, laughed at, sworn
,at, may be even kicked and cursed. We must put
up with it all inasmuch as we have harboured anger
in our breasts even though we have been under the
•pledge of non-violence I must frankly state that unless
we can retrieve our steps deliberately, cultivate non-
violence and manufacture khaddar, we cannot render
effective help to ths Khilafat, we cannot get redress of
-the Punjab wrong, nor can we attain Swaraj. My
leadership is perfectly useless if 1 cannot convince
•co-workers and the public of the absolute and immediate
necessity of vigorously prosecuting the constructive
programme.

We must know whether we can got a crore men
.and women in all India who believe in the attainment of
Swaraj by peaceful i. e, non- violent and legitimate *. 0.
.truthful means.

We must get money for the prosecution of Swade-
shi and we will know how many people there are in
India who are willing honestly to pay one rupee out of
.every hundred of their past year's income to the Tilak

708 NON-CO-OPERATION

Memorial Swaraj Fund, This subscription the Commit-
tee expects from Congressmen and sympathisers.

We must spend money like water in introducing the
spinning wheel in every home, in the manufacture and
the distribution of khaddar wherever required.

Surely we have long neglected the ' untouchable'
brother. He has slaved for us too long. We must now
serve him,

Our liquor picketing has done some good but
not substantial. Not till we pierce the home of the
drunkard shall we make any real advance. We must
know why he drinks ; but we can substitute for it.
We must have a census of all the drunkards of India.

Social Service Department has been looked at
with the utmost contempt. If the non-co-operation'
movement is not malicious, that department is a neces-
sity. We want to render alike to friend and foe service
in times of distress. We are thereby able to keep
our relations sweet with all inspite of cur political
aloofness.

Social service and temperance reform \vere laughed
at as part of the struggle for Swaraj. It was a painful
exhibition of ignorance of the essentials of Swaraj. I
claim that human mind cr human society is not divided
into water-tight compartments called social, political
and religious, All act and react upon one another. What
is more, the vast majority of Hindus and Mussulmans
have joined the struggle believing it to be religious.
The masses have come in because they want to save the
Khilafat and the cow. Deprive the Mussaiiuan of the
hope of helping the Khilafat and he will shun the
Congress ; tell the Hindu he cannot save the cow if ha
joins the Congress, he will to a man k leave it. To

REPLY TO CRITICS 709

laugh at moral reform aud social service is to laugh at
Swaraj, the Khilafat and the Punjab.

Even the organisation of schools was laughed at.
Let us see what it means. We have demolished the
prestige of Government schools. It was perhaps neces-
sary in 1920 to do the picketing and certainly not to
mind the boys being neglected, but it would be criminal
any longer to picket Government schools or to neglect
National institutions. We can now only draw more
boys and girls by putting existing National schools on a
better footing. They have the advantage of being in
institutions where they breathe free air and where they
are not shadowed. But the advantage of scientific
training in carding, hand-spinning and hand-weaving
and of having intellectual training in keeping with the
requirements of the country must be added. We shall
show by successful experiment the superiority of training
in National schools and colleges.

Even the^Panchayats came in for ridicule, Little
did the critics realise that the masses in many parts of
India had ceased to resort to law courts. If we do not
organise honest Pavchayats, they will certainly go back
to the existing law courts.

Nor is a single step devoid of vast political results.
Adequate manufacture and universal use of khaddar
means a permanent boycott of foreign cloth and
automatic distribution of sixty crores of rupees annually
among the poor people, permanent disappearance
of the drink and the opium evils mean an annual saving
of seventeen crores to the people and a diminution of
that revenue for the Government. Constructive effort
for the untouchables means the addition to the Congress
ranks of s'x crores of men and women who will for

710 NON-CO-OPERATION

ever be bound to the Congress. Social Service Depart-
ment, if it becomes a live thing, will restore the
strained relations that exist to-day among co-operators-
(whether Indian of English) and non-co-operators. To-
work the full constructive programme therefore is to-
achieve all we want. To fail in fulfilling the
programme is to postpone all possibitity of effective
civil disobedience.

Several Mwssulman friends have said, u Your
programme is good lor Swaraj but it is too slow to be-
good enough for saving the Khilafat. The Khilafat
question will be solved in a few months and whatever
can be done must be done now." Let us examine the
question. The cause of the Khilafat, thank God, is
safe in the hands of Gazi Mustafa Kamal Pasha, He
has retrieved the prestige of the Khilafat as no*
Mussalrnan of modern times has done. India has in my
opinion helped not mucii by her money though that has
meant something, but by Hindu-Muslim unity and by
telling the Government in the plainest terms possible
that India will have nothing to do with the Govern-
ment and will declare complete independence if England1
persists in her anti-Turk policy and exploits India's
.resources against the Turks. The greater the strength
in that declaration the greater becomes the prestige of
Islam and the greater the power of Mustafa Kamal
Pasha. Some people think that mere temporary
enbarrassment of the Government by a few thousand
men, irrespective of qualification, going to jail, will
make the Government yield to our wishes. Let us not
underrate the power of the Government. I am sure
that the Government does possess as yet the power to
crush the spirit of violence. And it is nothing but

REPLY TO CRITICS 711

violence to go to jail anyhow. It is the suffering of the
pure and God-fearing which will tell, not the bluster of
the rabble. The purer India becomes, the stronger she
become?. Purity is the only weapon of the weak in body.
The strong in body in their insolence often mobilise
their 'hard fibre' and seek to usurp the very function of
the Almighty. But when that * hard fibre ' comes in
contact not with its like but with the exact opposite, it
has nothing to work against. A solid body can only
move on and against another solid body. You cannot
build* castles in the air. Therefore, the impatient
Mussalmans must see the obvious truth that the little
disorganised bluster of the rabble, whether it expresses
itself by going to jail or by burning buildings or by
making noisy demonstrations, will be no match for ths
organised insolence of the 'hard fibre' of the 'most detsr-
rnined people in the world'. This terrific insolence can
only be met by the utter humility of the pure and the
meek. God helps the helpless, not those who believe
they can do something. Every page of the Koran teaches
me, a non-Muslim, this supreme lesson. Every sura of
Koran begins in the name of God the Compassionate
and the Merciful. Let us therefore be strong in soul
though weak in body.

If the Mussalmans believe in the policy of non-
violence, they must give it a fair trial and they will
not have given it any trial at all if they harbour anger
i>. violence in their breasts.

As it is, by our bluster, by intimidation, by show of
force, by violent picketing, we shall estrange more men
than intimidate into co-operation with us. And how
can we dare seek co-operation by compulsion when we
Jiave refused to be coerced into co-operation with the

712 NON-CO-OPEkATTON

Government ? Must we ndt observe the same law that
we expect others to observe towards us ? '!

If the Treaty of Sevres is not revised to our
satisfaction, it is not finished The virtue lies in India's
determination not to be satisfied with anything less
than her demands. After all Mustafa Kamal may
insist upon the settlement of the Juzurut-ul-Arab.
We must continue the fight so long as it is not
returned intact to the Mussulmans. If the Mussal"
mans consider that they can gain their end by
force of arms, let them secede from the non- violent
alliance by all means. But if they know that they
cannot, let them carry it out in thought, word and
deed and they will find that there is no surer or
quicker remedy for assuaging their grief and redressing
the Khilafat wrong.

Some friends argue that in order to continue the
struggle, the people need some stimulant. No person
or nation can be kept alive merely upon stimulants.
We have had much too much of it latterly. And
the antidote now is a depressant. If therefore depres-
sion follows the cessation of all aggressive acti-
vities and people forsake us, it would not only
not hinder our cause but help it. Then we shall not
have to shoulder the responsibility for a Chauri Chaura.
Then we could go forward with a steady step without
any danger of having to look back. If however we can
survive the depression and keep the people with us, we
shall have positive proof that the people have caught
the message of non-violence and that the people
are as capable of doing constructive work as they have
shown themselves capable of doing destructive work.

REPLY TO CRITICS 713

Whatever the result, the present excitement must be
abated at any cost.

I have carefully read Mr. Kelkar's article in the
" Mahraita " criticising the Bardoli resolutions. I
acknowledge the gentle and considerate manner with
which he has handled me. I wish I could persuade him
and many who think like Mr. Kelkar that what he calls
a somersault was an inevitable operation. Consistency
is a desirable quality, but it becomes a ' hobgoblin
when it refuses to see facts. I have known dispositions
of armies changed from hour to hour. Once during the
Zulu revolt we were all asleep. We had definite orders
for the morrow. But suddenly at about midnight we
were awakened and ordered to retire behind bags of
grain which served as protecting walls because the
enemy was reported to be creeping up the hill
on which we had encamped. In another hour it was
understood that it was a false alarm and we were
permitted to retire to our tents. All the * somersaults '
were necessary 'changes. Remedies vary with the vari-
ation in diagnosis. The same physician one day detects
• malaria and gives a large dose of quinine, detects
typhoid the next and stops all medicine and orders care-
ful nursing and fasting, later detects consumption and
orders change and solid food. Is the physician caprici-
ous or cautious and honest ?

Without being untruthful and indifferent if not
stupid, 'I could not do what Mr. Kelkar suggests I should
have done at the time of the Bombay Conference. It
would have been untruthful to have yielded to the
Moderate friends beyond what was conceded, as the
Indian sky appeared to me to be clear blue and promised
to remain so. My diagnosis may be blamed, but not my

714 NON-CO-OPERATION

decision based on the then diagnosis, nor could I
possibly conceal the demands especially in the teith of
the Viceregal declaration at Calcutta that nothing was
to be expected in the matters of the Khilafat and
the Punjab and that as the reforms had only just
been granted no advance was to be expected. I would
have been unfair to the Viceroy as also to the Moderate
friends if I had not said that our demands were emphatic
and clear edit. To have then suspended mass civil
disobedience would have been a weakness. But Chauri
Chaura darkened the horizon and I discovered a new
diagnosis. It would have been idiotic on my part not
to have declared in the clearest possible language that
the patient required a drastic change of treatment.
Not to have suspended after Chauri Chaura would have
been unpardonable weakness. I assure the reader that
Bardoli's un preparedness had nothing to do with the
decision. For Bardoli in my opinion was quite able to
give battle. I have stated several times in the column
of Young India and Nava Jivan that I considered
Bardoli to be quite ready for the fray.

The fact is that the critics do not realise the impli-
cations of civil disobedience. They seem unconsciously
tp ignore the potent adjective ' civil.'

The more I think of the Bardoli decision and the
more I rehearse the debates and the talks at Delhi, the
more convinced I am of the correctness of the decision
and of the necessity of Provinces stopping ail offensive
activities for the time being even at the risk of being
considered weak and forfeiting popular applause aud
support.

A correspondent from Lahore writes under date,
3rd March:—

REPLY TO CRITICS 715

" So far as the facts about * Bardoli decision ' have
come to light, it appears the decision was arrived at
either under the influsnce of Pundit Malaviya or under
some far fetched notions of non-violence In the for-
mer case the act is most unworthy, and in the latter it
is most unwise. Is not the ideal of the Congress Swiraj
and not Non-violence ? People have imbibed non-
riolence generally, which surely must do for the Con-
gress purpose, How the breaches like those at Bombay
and Gorakhpur can make ths engine come to a standstill
I cannot understand. And ?f M. Paul Richard is true
as to your aspirations of a World Leader through non-
violence even at the cost of Indian interest, it is surely
unbecoming and, excuse me to say, dishonest

" And have you realised the effects of this sudden
standstill? Mr. Montagu's threat comes for that, Lord
Reading and his Government are harder to us than
even before. It had almost yielded. As to the public,
there is a general distrust prevailing among the classes
and the masses. Surely it is difficult to make men play
things of the hour and their disgust and disappointment
show how the fight was carried on in right earnest.
Don't you perceive that it is a shock and that two such
shocks must enervate the combatants altogether ?

"Besides, I have heard the responsible Mussalmans
talk of withdrawing co-operation even from the Hindus.
The fight is religious with them. It is the * Jehad ', I
should say. God's Command and the Prophet's is no
joke to start and to stop the * Jehad ' at will. If the
Hindus should retire, they say they must devise their
own course, Will you take care to ease one heart that
feels uneasy on this account ? "

It is impossible to withhold sympathy from the

716 NON-CO-OPERATION

writer, His letter is typical of the attitude I saw re-
flected in Delhi. I have already given the assurance
that Pundit Malaviyaji had nothing to do with the
Bardoli decision. Nor have any * far-fetched notions of
non-violence ' anything to do with it, The correspond-
ent's letter is the best justification for it To me the
Bardoii decision is the logical outcome of the national
pledge of limited non-violence. I entirely endorse the
opinion that Swaraj is the nation's goal, not non-violence.
It is true that my goal is as much Swaraj as non-
violence, because I hold Swaraj for the masses to be
unattainable save through non-violence. But have I
not repeatedly said in these columns that I would have
India become free even by violence rather than that
she should remain in bondage ? In slavery she is a
helpless partner in the violence of the slave-holder. It
is however true that I could not take pan in a violent
attempt at deliverance if only because I do not believe
in the possibility of success by violence. I cannot pull
the trigger against my worst enemy. If I succeed in
convincing the world of the supremacy of the law of
nou-violence and the futility of violence for the progress
of mankind, the correspondent will find that India will
have automatically gained her end. But I freely confess
my utter inability to do so without first convincing India
that she can be free only by non-violent and truthful
means and no other.

I must further confess that what Mr. Montagu
or Lord Reading would think of the decision did
not concern me and therefore their threats do
not perturb or affect me. Nor should they affect
any non-co-operator. He burnt his boasts when he
embarked upon his mission. But this I know that if

REPLY .TO CIUTICS 717

India becomes non-violent in intent, word and deed,
even the hearts of Mr. Montagu and Lord Reading will
be changed. As it is, marvellous though our progress'
has been in non-violent action, our hearts and our speech
have not become non-violent. Mr. Montagu and Lord
Reading do not believe in the sincerity cf our profession
nor in the possibility of sincere workers succeeding in
creating a truly non-violent atmosphere. What is there-
fore required is more and yet more non-violence " in
intent, word and deed."

As lor the people, I have little doubt that they wilF
survive the purifying shock. I regard the present depres-
sion as a prelude to steady progress. But should it
prove otherwise, the truth of the Bardoii decision
cannot be denied. It stands independent of public
approval. God is, even though the whole world deny
Him. Truth stands, even if there be no public support.
It is self-sustained.

I should be sorry, indeed, if responsible Mussalmans
will not see the obvious corollaries of non-violence. In
my opinion the fight is as religious with Hindus as with
Mussalmans, I agree that ours is a spiritual 'Jehad/
But a 'Jehad, has, like all other wars, its strict restric-
tions and limitations. The Hindus and Mussalmans
sail in the same boat. The dissatisfaction is common
to both and it is open to both to dissolve partnership
with each other. Either or both may also depose me
from generalship. It is purely a partnership at will.
Finally I assure the correspondent that when I find that
I cannot carry conviction home to the people", I shall
withdraw from the command myself. '

I invite the reader to study the leading article of
the week on non-violence. The article became fairly

718 NON-CO-OPERATION

long even with a discussiin of the main principles* I
did not therefore discuss the important side issues in it
but reserved them for the Notes.

Such for instance are the questions : —

(ij When can even individual civil disobedience be
resumed ?

(2) What kind of violence will stop civil disobedi-
ence i

(3; Is there rcom for self-defence in the limited
conception of non-violence ?

(4) Supposing the Mussalmans or the Hindus
secede, can a non-violent campaign be carried on by one
community alone ?

(5) Supposing Hindus and Mussalmans both reject
me, what would become of my preaching ?

I shall take the questions seriatim. Civil disobedi-
ence, even individual civil disob?dtence — requires a
trarquil atmosphere. It must not be commenced till the
workers have assimilated the spirit of non-violence and
have procured a certificate of merit from the co-operators
whether English or Indian, /.<?., till they have really
ceased to think ill o: them. The surest test will be
when our meetings are purged of intolerance and our
writings of bitterness. Another necsssary test will be
our serious handling of the constructive programme. If
we cannot settle down to it, to me it will be proof
positive of our cisbelief in the capacity of non-violence
to achieve the purpose.

It is not every kind of violence that will stop
<:ivil disobedience. I should not be dismayed by family
feuds even though they may be sanguinary. Nor will
the violence of robbers baffle me though they would be
to me an indication of the absence of general puriiica-

REPLY TO CRITICS 719

tior. It is political violence which must stop civil
disobedience. Chauri Chaura was an instance of political
violence. It arose from a political demonstration which
we should have avoided if we were not capable of
-conducting it absolutely peacefully. I d.d not allow
Malabar and Malegaon to interrupt our course, because
the Moplahs were a special people and they had not
come under the influence of non-violence to any appreci-
able extent. Malegaon is more difficult, but there is
clear evidence that the chief non-co-operators had tried
their best to prevent the murders. Nor was mass civil
disobedience imminent at the time. It could not interrupt
individual civil disobedience elsewhere.

The non-co-operator's pledge does not exclude the
right of private self-defence. Non-co-operators are under
prohibition as to political violence. Those, therefore,
with whom non-co-operation is not their final creed, are
certainly free to defend themselves or their dependents
and wards against their assailants. But they may not
defend themselves against the police acting in discharge
of their duties whether assumed or authorised. Thus
there was no right of self-defence under the pledge
against Collectors who have, I hold, illegally belaboured
volunteers.

If one of 1 he Ivg communities secede from the
compact of non-violence, I admit that it is most difficult,
though certainly not impossible, for one party only to
•carry on the struggle. That party will need to have an
invulnerable faith in the policy of non-violence. But
if one community does realise that India cannot gain
Swaraj for generations through violent means, it can,
by its consistently non-violent t»e., loving conduct, bring
round all the opposing parties to its side.

720 NON-CO-OPERATION

If both the parties reject me, I should keep my
peace just as ever and most decidedly carry on my
propaganda of non-violence. I should then not be
restricted as I am now, Then I should be enforcing my
creed as to-day I seem to be enforcing only the policy.

A DIVINE WARNING *

If a person commits a mistake for the first time he
is excused ; only the generous public forgives in him
the repetition of the error. But if he is responsible
even on a third occasion for the same mistake, the
public leaves him severely alone. If a man is deceived
once or twice, he is thought a simpleton but if is ever
being deceived, he is rightly condemned a fool. Mass
Civil Disobedience at Bardoli has passed off as a
dream. God thought it fit in His supreme wisdom to
dispose of my plans just at the moment when I thought
that Mass Civil Disobedience could be commenced.
There is nothing strange in this. In the Ramayana we
see that Rama was banished to the wild forests when
all was ready for his coronation. That has a lesson
for us. We understand the true meaning of Swaraj
only when we readily recognise the unreality of things
which we had all along thought to be too true, It
seems to me that the attempt made to win Swaraj
is Swaraj itself. The faster we run towards it,
the longer seems to be the distance to be traversed.
The same is the case with all ideals. When one
goes in pursuit of truth, he finds that it is always eluding,
his grasp because he sees now and then that what he
once thought too true is no more than a fond illusion.-
The righteous man is always humble. He recognises
• From the Navjivan, January

A DIVINE WARNING 721

his shortcomings day by day. A Brahmachari who
seeks true Brahmacharyam, feels too often that the
longing after wordly pleasures is still in him, making
the attainment of his ideal almost impossible. He who
seeks "Moksha" or deliverance experiences a similar
feeling. All this explains the great "Nathi." The
sages who retired for tapas to the mountains and forests
found themselves confronted with the "Nathi." Some of
the Maharishis had probably a glimpse of the truth.

SWARAJ is THE ATTEMPT TO WIN IT.
I am now convinced more firmly than ever that
Swaraj lies in our efforts to win it. Ahmedabad and
Viramgaum committed excesses. So too did Amnstar
and Kasur, Satyagraha was then postponed because of
those mob excesses. Last November I was eye- witness to
the horrid outbreak at Bombay. Then too Mass Civil
Disobedience was postponed. But the bitterest cup of
humiliation was yet to come. Chauri Chaura taught
me the most valuable lesson. 1 do not know how much
more is still in store for me. Now if people grow
impatient and consider me a fool, it will not
be their fault. Why should I meddle in their
affairs, if I had not the capacity to understand
their true nature ? I could not sit with folded arms
allowing things to drift. I could not but make open
confession of error when any occurred. I would prefer
being deposed from leadership, to paying lip-homage to
truth and allowing the spirit within me to get corrupt
by the overpowering weakness of the flesh. "If the
Rana gets angry the people will give me shelter, but
no one can protect me from God's wrath " is the strain
of Mirabai's song and this has a moral for the world.
46

722 NON-CO-OPERATION

We shall not court God's disfavour. We must pay heed
to His warnings. If we had persisted in Mass Civil
Disobedience at Bardoli, in spite of Gorakhpur,
there would have resulted immense harm to the
public cause. We would have thrown aside truth and
peace. The first condition to Mass Civil Disobedience
at Bardoli was perfect peace in the other parts of the
country. Bardoli would have sinned if it had proceeded
with the campaign in violation of our solemn pledge.

KEEP ABOVE REPROACH.

We need not feel impatient if some people ask
whether such perfect peace is at all attainable. Those
who argue in this strain, wish the abandonment of
Satyagraha and civility. We have to keep above the
reproach of uncivilly. We should constitute ourselves
the trustees of India's honour and it is incombent
on us to see that no unrighteous or uncivil action
is done under cover of righteous or civil preten-
ces. Bardoli kept peace and I maintained it. Both
Bardoli and myself have done some service to the
people. I think that by recanting my error, I have
proved the fitness of a true servant. I am sure that the
people will not lose strength but rise all the better for
this confession. It is very true that God alone has
rescued us from shame. I must have learnt a lesson
from Madras but I did not. If a favourite of God does
not take note of His warning by means of ordinary
indications, the AU-Merciful warns him by flare
of trumpets and beat of drums and if he does
not wake up even then He makes him realise the truth
by thunder-storm. We have by doing the right thing
put an end to imminent danger.

A DIVINE WARNING

We had to retrace our steps and we did it in all
humility.

A man who strays from his path has to retrace his
steps and arrive at the same place from where he missed
the way. We were taking the downward path after
the Working Committee passed the resolution on Civil
Disobedience but now we are climbing up.

How LOVE PUNISHES.

Hut a mere recantation was not enough for me. More
severe penance had to be undergone. I was seized with
an immense mental pain, the moment I heard of the
Gorakpur tragedy. Bodily punishment was indis-
pensable to me. A fast of five days will not suffice to
make up for all my errors. 1 wished a fast of fourteen
days, but friends persuaded me to limit it to five. The
debtor who pays his full debt in time saveo himself
from future ruin. There must be no advertising of these
prayaschittas. But there is a reason for my making it
public. The fast is a penance for me and punishment
for the culprits of Choun Chaura. Love can only
punish by suffering. I warn the public by making my
fast known to them. I have no other option. If any
Non-Co-operator deceives me — I take the whole of
India to be a Non-Co-operating body- let him take
away my body. I still believe that India wants my
bodily existence. I warn the people by torturing my
physical frame not to cheit me. If India wills it let
her get rid of me by abandoning non-violence. But as
long as she accepts my services she must remain non-
violent and truthful. If the people will not heed this
warning, I am determined to prolong this fast of five
days into one of fifty and thus put an end to my life at
the end of it.

724 NON-CO-OPERATION

INDIA IS AND MUST BE NON-VIOLENT.
I am writing this on the third day of my fast. My
heart tells me that Hindus, Mussulmans. Sikhs, Jews,
Christians, Parsis and others can attain Swaraj, serve
the Khilafat and redress the Punjab wrong only by
truth and non-violence. If we abandon them we cannot
help others, not even Ghasi Mustapha Kemal Pasha If
two unequals compete the weaker must either be killed
or subdued. Even a gna»i cannot change his nature at
once. If the world were to act according to its true nature
what can force do ? I am repeating the same old truth
that India cannot attain Swaraj by physical force.
Even to entertain a hope that physical force will
succeed amounts to violence, India is by Nature non-
violent. Knowingly or unknowingly she is intent on
Non-Co-operation by means wholly non-violent and
truthful. Nobody imitated the people of Ahmedabad
and Viramgaum and none will imitate the mad people
of Chaun-Chaura. Though violence is not in India's
nature it has become a disease Mustapha Kemal
Pasha is using the sword, because the Truks are trained
to violence and ha\e been fighting for the last so many
centuries. But India has been non-violent for thousands
of years. We need not here discuss which nation
adopted the right course. There is room for both viol-
ence and non-violence in this wide world even as the
soul and body find room in life.

Now we must get Swaraj by the easiest and the
shortest method. India cannot .change her nature in a
moment. I am firmly of opinion that it will take some
yttgas to make India free by the sword. If the Indian
Mussulmans will adopt Mustapha Kemal Pasha's
methods, I am sure they will corrupt Islam. There is

A DIVINE WARNING 725

more room for non-violence in Islam. Self-restraint
occupies a higher position than anger and violence.
India has been adhering to truth and Ahimsa for cen-
turies. India's slavery should be preferred to her
attaining freedom by abandoning truth and non-
violence. Man cannot run to both the poles at the
same time. We now see that Western methods are
violent whereas it is proved beyond the shadow
of a doubt that the Eastern method is non-
violent and righteous. England has now become the
central point of Europe. India has been the centre
of all .civil stations for centuries. Yet the world
believes that England wields power and that India is
still only a slave. Our attempt to-day is to get rid of
slave mentality. If India succeeds in the attempt, it
can only be by means of her ancient truth and non-
violence* There is no country in the world which is
inferior to India in physical prowess. Even little
Afghanistan can subdue her. With whose help then
does India wish to fight against England t Is it with
the help of Japan or .Afghanistan ? India will then
have to accept serfdom under any one who will help
her in the fight. Therefore, if India wants to become
free, she can only do so with God's help. God loves
those who are truthful and non-violent. Hence the
divine warning from Gorakhpur. It teaches us to get
back, and to be more firm in non-violence if we wish
to have our cherished desires accomplished.

ON THE EVE OF ARREST.

IF I AM ARRESTED."

[For months past the rumour of Mr. Gandhi's inpending arrest
was in the air. Expecting the inevitable Mr. Gandhi had more
than once written his final message. But in the first week of March
the rumour became more widespread and intense. The stiffen-
ning of public opinion in England and Mr. Montagu's threat-
ening speech in defence of his Indian policy in the Commons,
revealed the fact that the Secretary of State had already sanction ed
Mr. Gandhi's prosecution. Chauri Chaura and the Delhi decisions
were presumably the immediate cause of Government's action on
Mr. Gandhi. Realising that his arrest would not long be deferred,
Mr. Gandhi wrote the following message in the Young India of
March 9 :]

The rumour has been revived that my arrest is
imminent. It is said to be regarded as a mistake by
some officials that I was not arrested when I was to be,
&?., on the llth or 12th of February and that the
Bardoli decision ought not to 'have been allowed to
affect the Government's programme. It is said, too,
that it is now no longer possible for the Government
to withstand the ever rising agitation in London for
my arrest and deportation. I myself cannot see how
the Government can avoid arresting me if they want a
permanent abandonment of civil disobedience whether
individual or mass.

I advised the Working Committee to suspend mass
civil disobedience at Bardoli because that disobedience
would not have been civil, and if I am now advising
all provincial workers to suspend even individual civil

IF I AM ARRESTED 727

disobedience, it is because I know that any disobedience
at the present stage will be not civil but criminal. A
tranquil atmosphere is an indispensable condition of
civil disobedience. It is humiliating for me to discover
that there is a spirit of violence abroad and that the
Government of .the United Provinces has been obliged
to enlist additional police for avoiding a repetition of
Chauri Chaura. I do not say "that all that is claimed
to have happened, has happened but it is impossible to
ignore all the testimony that is given in proof of the
growing spirit of violence in some parts of those
provinces. In spite of my political differences with
Pundit Hridayanath Kunzru, I regard him to be above
wilful perversion of truth. I consider him to be one of
the most capable among public workers. He is not a
man to be easily carried away. When, therefore, he
gives an opinion upon anything, it immediately arrests
my attention. Making due allowance for the colouring
of his judgment by reason of his pro-Government attitude,
I am unable to dismiss his report of ths Chauri Chaura
tragedy as unworthy of consideration. Nor is it possible
to ignore letters received from Zamindars and others
informing me of the violent temperament and ignorant
lawlessness in the United Provinces. I have before me
the Bareilly report signed by the Congress Secretary.
Whilst the authorities behaved like madmen and forgot
themselves in their fit of anger, we are not, if that report
is to be believed, without fault. The volunteer pro-
cession was not a civil demonstration. It was insisted
upon in spite of a sharp division of opinion in our own
ranks. Though the crowds that gathered were not
violent, the spirit of the demonstration was undoubtedly
violent. It was an impotent show of force wholly

728 ON THE EVE OF ARREST

unnecessary for our purpose and hardly a preclude to
civil disobedience. That the authorities could have
handled the procession in a better spirit, that they
ought not to have interfered with the Swaraj flag, that
they ought not to have objected to the seizure of the
Town Hall which (was town property as Congress
offices in view of the fact that it had been so used for
some months With the permission of the Town Council,
is all very true. But we have ceased to give credit to
the authorities for common or reasonable sense. On the
contrary, we have set ourselves against them because
we expect nothing but unreason and violence from
them, and knowing that the authorities would act no
better than they did, we should have refrained from all
the previous irritating demonstrations. That the U, P,
Government are making a mountain out of a mole hill,
that they are discounting their own provocation and
the provocation given by the murdered men at Chauri
Chaura is nothing new. All that I am concerned with
is that it is not possible for us to claim that we have
given them no handle whatsoever. It is therefore as a
penance that civil disobedience has been suspended. But
if the atmosphere clears up, if the people realise the full
value of the adjective 'civil* and become in reality non-
violent both in spirit and in deed, and if I find that the
Government still do not yield to the people's will, I
shall certainly be the first person to advocate individual
or mass civil disobedience as the case may be. There
is no escape from that duty without the people wishing
to surrender their birthright.

I doubt the sincerity of Englishmen who are born
fighters when they declaim against civil disobedience
as if it was a diabolical crime to be ounished with

IF I AM ARRESTED 729

exemplary seventy. If they have glorified armed
rebellions and resorted to them on due occasions, why
are many of them up in arms against the very idea of
ci vil resistance ? I can understand their saying that
the attainment of a non-violent atmosphere is a
virtual impossibility in India. I do not believe
it, but I can appreciate such an objection. What
however is beyond my comprehension is the dead set
made against the very theory of civil disobedience as if
it was something immoral. To expect me to give up
the preaching of civil disobedience is to ask me to give
up preaching peace which would be tantamount to
asking me to commit suicide.

I have now been told that the Government are
compassing the destruction of the three weeklies
which I am conducting, viz., Yointg India, Gujarati
Nava Jtvan and Hindi Nava Jivan. I hope that the
rumour has no foundation. I claim that these three
journals are insistently preaching nothing but peace and
goodwill. Extraordinary care is taken to give nothing
but truth as I find it, to the reader?. Every inadvertent
inacuracy is admitted and corrected. The circulation of
all the weeklies is daily growing. The conductors are
voluntary workers, in some cases taking no salary
whatsoever and in the others receiving mere mamte-
nence money. Profits are ail returned to the subscribers
in some shape or other, or are utilised for some construc-
tive public activity or other. I cannot say that I shall not
feel a pang if these journals cease to exist. But it is the
easiest thing for the Government to put them out. The
publishers and pi inters are all friends and co-workers.
My compact with them is that the moment Government
asks for security, that moment the newspapers must stop.

730 ON THE EVE OF ARREST

I am conducting them upon the assumption that what-
ever view the Government may take of my activities,
they at least give me credit for preaching through these
newspapers nothing but the purest non-voilence* and
truth according to my light.

I hope, however, that whether the Government
arrest me or whether they stop by direct or indirect
means the publication of the three journals, the public
will remain unmoved It is a matter of no pride or
pleasure to me but one of humiliation that the Govern-
ment refrain from arresting me for fear of an outbreak
of universal violence and awful slaughter that any such
outbreak must involve. It would be a sad commentary
upon my preaching of, and upon the Congress and
Khilafat pledge of, non-violence , if my incarceration
was to be a signal for a storm all over the country.
Surely, it would be a demonstration of India's unreadi-
ness for a peaceful rebellion. It would be a triumph
for the bureaucracy, and it would be almost a final
proof of the correctness of the position taken up by the
Moderate friends, viz, that India can never be prepared
for non violent disobedience. I hope therefore that the
Congress and Khilafat workers will strain every nerve
and show that all the fears entertained by the Govern-
ment and their supporters were totally wrong. I promise
that such act of self-restraint will take us many a mile
towards our triple goal.

There should therefore be no hartals, no noisy
demonstrations, no processions. I would regard the
observance of perfect peace on my arrest as a mark of
high honour paid to me by my countrymen. What I
would love to see, however, is the constructive work of
the Congress going on with clockwork regularity and

IF I AM ARRESTED 731

the speed of the Punjab express. I would love to see
people who have hitherto kept back, voluntarily
discarding all their foreign cloth and making a
bonfire of it. Let them fulfil the whole of the
constructive programme framed at Bardoli, and they
will not only release me and other prisoners, but they
will also inaugurate Swaraj and secure redress of the
Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs. Let them remember
the four pillars of Swaraj : Non-violence, Hindu-
Moslem-Sikh-Parsi-Christian-Jew unity, total removal
of untouchabihty and manufacture of hand-spun and
hand woven Khaddar completely displacing foreign
cloth.

I do not know that my removal from their midst
will not be a benefit to the people. In the first instance
the superstition about the possession of supernatural
powers by me will be demolished. Secondly, the belief
that people have accepted the non co-operation pro-
gramme only under my influence and that they have no
independent faith in it will be disproved. Thirdly, our
capacity for Swaraj will be proved by our ability to
conduct our activities in spite of the withdrawal even of
the originator of the current programme. Fourthly and
selfishly, it will give me a quiet and physical rest,
which perhaps I deserve.

MESSAGE TO CO-WORKERS.

[In the course of a letter addressed to the General Secretary of
the Congress a couple of days before his arrest, Mr. Gandhi wrote
as follows . — ]

You ask me for my future programme. I have
just sent you a telegram as follows : —

" In Ahmedabad till Saturday; Surat Sunday;
Monday; Bardoli Tuesday.''

But that is ' Government willing, 'for I have per-
sistent rumours being thrust upon me that my leave is
now more than overdue, and I am also told that I shall
be relieved of my burdens inside of 7 days. Subject,
therefore, to that happy contingency, you have the
foregoing programme. If 1 am arrested, I look to you
and all who are out to keep absolute peace. It will be
the best honour that the country can do me. Nothing
would pain me more, in whatever jail I may find
myself, than to be informed by my custodians that a
single head has been broken by or on behalf of non-
co-operators, a single man had been insulted or a single
building damaged. If the people or the workers have
at all understood my message, they will keep exemplary
peace. I would certainly be dalighted if in the night
following my arrest, there was throughout the length
and breadth of India, a bonfire of all foreign cloth
voluntarily surrendered by the people without the
slightest compulsion having been exercised, and a
fixed determination to use nothing but khaddar, and
till then in the glorious weather of India to wear
nothing but a piece of loin-cloth, and in the case

MESSAGE TO CO-WORKERS 733

of Mussulmans, the minimum required by religious
obligation* I would certainly love to be told
that there was a phenomenal demand for spinning
wheels and that all workers who did not know hand-
spinning had commenced it in right earnest. The more
I think over our future programme, and the more news
I get about the spirit of violence that has silently but
surely crept into our ranks, the more convinced I am
that even individual civil disobedience would be wrong.
It would be much better to be forsaken by everybody
and to be doing the right thing than to be doing the
wrong thing for the sake of boasting a large following.
Whether we are few or whether we are many, so long
as we believe in the programme of non-violence there
is no absolution from the full constructive programme.
Enforce it to-day, and the whole country is ready for
mass civil disobedience tb-morrow. Fail in the effort,
and you are not ready even for individual civil dis-
obedience. Nor is the matter difficult. If all the
members of the All-India Congress Committee and
Provincial Congress Committees are convinced of the
correctness of the premises I have laid down, it can be

done. The pity of it is that they are not so convinced.

A policy is a temporary creed liable to be changed, but
while it holds good it has got to be pursued with
apostolic zeal.

MESSAGE TO KERALA.

[The following message to Kerala was dictated by Mr. Gandhi
an hour and a half before his arrest. It was addressed to Mr.
IT. Gopala Menon, Editor of *• Naveena Keralam".]

The only message that I can send in the midst of
overwhelming work is for both Hindus and Moplahs to
realise their future responsibility, not to brood over the
past. How to reach the Moplahs as also the class of
Hindus whom you would want to reach through your
newspaper is more than I can say, but I know that
Hindus should cease to be cowardly. The Moplahs
should cease to be cruel. In other words, each party
should become truly religious. According to the
Sastras Hinduism is certainly not the creed of cowards.
Equally certainly, Islam is not the creed% of the cruel-
The only way the terrible problem before you can be
solved is by a few picked-Hindus and Mussulmans
working away in perfect unison and with faith in their
mission. They ought not to be baffled by absence of
results in the initial stages, and if you can get together
from among your readers a number of such men and
women your paper will have served a noble purpose.

AFTER THE ARREST

THE ARREST,

Mr. Gandhi was arrested at the Satyagraha Ashram Ahmedabad
on Friday the lOih March, for certain articles published in
his Young India. On the llth noon Messrs. Gandhi and
.Sankarlal Banker the publisher were placed betoie Mr. Brown,
Assistant Magistrate, the Court being held in the Divisional
Commissioner's Office at Sahibah. 'I he prosecution was conducted
by Kao Bahadur Girdharilal, Public Prosecutor. The Superinten-
dent of Police, Ahmedabad, the lirst witness, produced the
Bomba) Goverment's authority to lodge a complaint for four
articles published in Young India, dated the ]5th June, l92i,
entitled " Disaffection a Virtue ", dated the <^th September,
" '1 amperiiig with Loyalty " dated the 15th December, '• The
Puzzle and Its Solution " and dated the 28rd February 1922,
41 >haking the Manes." Two formal police witnesses were then
produced. The accused declined to cross-examine the witnesses

MR. GANDHI'S STATEMENT.

Mr. M. K. Gandhi, 53, farmer and weaver by profes-
sion, residing at Satya&taha Ashram, Sabarniati, said :

I simply wish to state that when the proper time
comes I shall plead guilty so far as disaffection towards
the Government is concerned. It is quite true that I am
the Editor of Young India and that the articles read in
my presence were written by me and the proprietors
and publishers had permitted me to control the whole
policy of the paper.

The case then having been committed to the Sessions
Mr. Gandhi was taken to the Sabarmati Jail where he
was detained till the hearing which was to come off on,
March 18.

THE MESSAGE OF THE CHARKA.

[Mrs. Barojini Naidu, who saw Mr. Gandhi in jail on Saturday
the llth March brought the following message to Bombay from
him: — ]

I do not want Bombay to mourn over the arrest of
one of its mute Secretaries and myself but to rejoice
over our rest. Whilst I would like an automatic res-
ponse to all the items of Non-Co-cperation, I would like
Bombay to concentrate upon the " charka and khaddar."
The monied men of Bombay can buy all the handspun
and handwoven ' khaddar ' that could be manufactured
throughout India... The Women of Bombay, if they really
mean to do their share of work, should religiously spin
for a certain time everyday for the sake of the country.
I wish that no one will think of following us to jail. If
would be criminal to court imprisonment till a complete
non-violent atmosphere is attained. One test of such
atmosphere will be for us to put the Englishmen and
Moderates at ease. This can be done only if we have
good-will towards them in spite of our differences.

LETTER TO HAKIM AJMAL KHAN

[The following letter was addressed by Mr. Gandhi to Hakim
Ajmal Khan from the Sabarmaty Jail, dated the 12th M arch, 1922.]

My dear Hakimji,

Since my arrest this is the first letter I have
commenced to write after having ascertained that
under the Jail Rules I am entitled to write as many
letters as I like as an under-trial prisoner. Of course
you know that Mr. Shankerlal Banker is with me, I
am happy that he is with me. Every one knows how
near he has come to me — naturally, therefore, both of
us are glad that we have been arrested together.

I write this to you in your capacity as Chairman
of the Working Committee and, therefore, leader of
both Hindus and Mussulmans or better still, of all
India.

I write to you also as one of the foremost leaders
of Mussulmans, but above all I write this to you as an
esteemed friend. I have had the privilege of knowing
you since 1915. Our daily growing association has
enabled me to seize your friendship as a treasure. A
staunch Mussulman, you have shown in your own life
what Hindu-Muslim unity means.

We all now realise, as we have never before
realised that without that unity we cannot attain our
freedom, and I make bold to say that without that
unity the Mussulmans of India cannot render the
Khilafat all the aid they wish. Divided, we must ever
remain slaves. This unity, therefore, cannot be a mere
policy to be discarded when it does not suit us. We
47

738 ON THE EVE OF ARREST

can discard it only when we are tired of Swaraj.
Hindu-Muslim unity must be our creed to last for all
time and under all circumstances.

Nor must that unity be a menace to the minorities
— the Parsees, the Christians, the Jews or the powerful
Sikhs. If we seek to crush any of them, we shall
some day want to fight each other.

1 have been drawn so close to you chiefly because
I know that you believe in Hindu-Muslim unity in the
full sense of the term.

This unity in my opinion is unattainable without
our adopting non-violence as a firm policy. I call it a
policy because it is limited to the preservation of that
unity. But it follows that thirty crores of Hindus
and Mussulmans, united not for a time but for all time,
can defy all the powers of the world and should con-
sider it a cowardly act to resort to violence in their
dealings with the English administrators. We have
hitherto feared them and their guns in our simplicity.
The moment we realise our combined strength, we
shall consider it unmanly to fear them and, there-
fore, ever to think of striking them. Hence am I
anxious and impatient to persuade my countrymen
to feel n on- violent, not out of our weakness but
out of our strength. But you and 1 know that we
have not yet evolved the non-violence of the strong
and we have not done so, because the Hindu-
Muslim union has not gone much beyond the stage of
policy. There is Still too much mutual distrust and
consequent fear. 1 am not disappointed. The progress
we have made in that direction is indeed phenomenal.
We seem to have covered in eighteen months' time the
work of a generation. But infinitely more is necessary.

LETTER TO HAKIM AJMAL KHAN 739

Neither the classes nor the masses feel instinctively
that our union is as necessary as the breath of our
nostrils.

For this consummation we must, it seems to me,
rely more upon quality than quantity. Given a suffi-
cient number of Hindus and Mussulmans with almost a
fanatical faith in everlasting friendship between the
Hindu and the Mussulmans of India, we shall not be
lon^ before the unity permeates the masses. A few of
us must first clearly understand that we can make no
headway without accepting non-violence in thought, word
and deed for the full realisation of our political ambi-
tion. I would, therefore, beseech you and the members
of the Working Committee and the All-India Congress
Committee to see that our ranks contain no workers who
do not fully realise the essential truth I have en-
deavoured to place before you. A living faith cannot be
manufactured by the rule of majority.

To me the visible symbol of All-India unity and,
therefore, of the acceptance of non-violence as an in-
dispensable means for the realisation of our political
ambition is undoubtedly the Charka, i.e., khaddar.
Only those who believe in cultivating a non-violent
spirit and eternal friendship between Hindus and
Mussulmans will daily and religiously spin. Universal
hand-spinning and the universal manufacture and use of
hand-spun and hand-woven khaddar will be a substan-
tial, if not absolute, proof of the real unity and non-
violence. And it will be a recognition of a living
kinship with the dumb masses. Nothing can possibly
unify and revivify India as the acceptance by All-India
of the spinning wheel as a daily sacrament and the
khaddar wear as a privilege and a duty.

740 ON THE EVE OF ARREST

Whilst, therefore, I am anxious that more title-
holders should give up their titles, lawyers law-courts,
scholars the Government schools or colleges, the Coun-
cillors the Councils and the soldiers and the civilians,
their posts, I would urge the nation to restrict its acti-
vity in this direction only to the consolidation of the
results already achieved and to trust its strergth to
command further abstentions from association with a
system we are seeking to mend or end.

Moreover, the workers are too few. I would not
waste a single worker to day on destructive work when
we have such an enormous amount of constructive work-
But perhaps the most conclusive argument against
devoting further time to destructive propaganda is the
fact that tie spirit of intolerance which is a form of
violence has never been so rampant as now. Co-opera-
tors are estranged from us; they fear us. They say
that we are establishing a worse bureaucracy than the
existing one. We must remove every cause for such
anxietv. We must go out of our way to win them to
our side. We must make Englishmen safe from all
harm from our side. I should not have to labour the
point, if it was clear to every one as it is to you and to
me that our pledge of non-violence implies utter humi-
lity and goodwill even towards our bitterest opponent.
This necessary spirit will be automatically realised, if
only India will devote her sole attention to the work of
construction suggested by me.

I flatter myself with the belief that my imprison-
ment is quite enough for a long time to come. I believe
in all humility that 1 have no ill-will against any one.
Some of my friends would not have to be as non-violent
as I am. But we contemplated the irr prison nient of the

LETTER TO HAKIM AJMAL KHAN 741

most innocent, If I may be allowed that claim, it is
clear that I should not be followed to prison by any-
body at all. We do want to paralyse the Government
considered as a system, not however, by intimidation
but by the irresistible pressure of our innocence. In my
opinion it would be intimidation to fill the jails anyhow
And why should more innocent men seek Jimprisonment
till one considered to b3 the most (innocent has been
found inadequate for the purpose.

My caution against further courtmg^of imprison-
ment does not mean that we are now to shirk imprison-
ment. If the Government will take away every non-viol-
ent non-co-operator, I should welcome it. Only it should
not be because of our civil disobedience, defensive or
aggressive. Nor, I hope, will the country fret over
those who are in jail. It will do them and the country
good to serve the full term of their imprisonment. They
can be fitly discharged before their time only by an
act of the Swaraj Parliament. And I entertain an
absolute conviction that universal adoption of khaddar
is Swaraj.

I have refrained from mentioning untouchability, I
am sure every good Hindu bsheves that it has got to go.
Its removal is as necessary as the realisation of Hindu
Muslim unity.

I have placed before you a programme which is in
my opinion the quickest and the best. No impatient
Khilafatist can devise a better. May God give you
health and wisdom to guide the country to her destined
goal,

I am, Yours Sincerely, (Sd) M. K. Gandhi.

LETTER TO SRIMATI URMILA DEVI

[The following letter was addressed to Srimati Urmila Devi,
Nari Karma Afandir, Calcutta, from the Sabarmati Jail, under
date the 13th instant.]

My dear sister,

You have neglected me entirely. But I know that
you have done so to save my time.

I want you to devote the whole of your time to
nothing but charka and khaddar. It is the only visible
symbol of peace, All-India Unity and our oneness with
the masses including thesocalled untouchables.

Please show this to Basanti Devi and Deshaban-
dhu. I hope he is well and strong. Prisoners cannot
afford to be ill.

You know of course that Shankerlal Banker is with
me.

With love to you all.

INTERVIEW IN JAIL.

[The Bombay Chronicle of March 14 published the followin g
notes of an interview with Mr. Gandhi supplied by the Associated
Press, Mr. Gordhandas I. Patel the Joint Honorary Secretary
of the Millowners Association and a Member of the Ahmedabad
Mills Tilak Swaraj Fund, in his private capacity, put a few queries
to Mr. Gandhi.]

N. C. O. MOVEMENT.

Q* — In case you are convicted will the Non-Co-
operation irovement be adversely affected?

INTERVIEW IN JAIL 743

A. — The words *'In case" are inappropriate. The
more harsh the punishment, the more strong will the
Non-Co-operation movement be. This is my firm con-
viction.

Q, — After your conviction if Government resort to
rigorous repressive measures, can any district or
tahsil embark upon mass civil disobedience?

A. — Certamly not. It is my emphatic advice that
whatever repressive measures Government may adopt
the people should in no circumstances indulge in any
movement of mass civil disobedience.

Q — What should be the next move of the nation
now ?

A. — The first and foremost duty of the nation is to
keep perfect non-violence. Mutual ill-will and feelings
of hatred among the different sections of people have
taken such a strong root that constant effort to eradicate
them is absolutely essential and the Non-Co-operators
should take the lead, because their number is consider-
able. There is a considerable lack of toleration, courtesy
and forbearance amongst Non-Co operators and it is my
firm belief that is the sole reason why our victory is
delayed and that I regard the <4charkha" as the most
potent weapon to secure the required peace, courtesy etc.
Hence I would only advice that the people should become
immediately occupied with the ''charka" and khaddar
prepared therefrom. No sooner could we effect a com-
plete boycott of foreign cloth and the use of hand-spun
and handwoven "khaddar" than Swaraj is in hand and
in consequence whereof, the doors of the jail would be
automatically laid open and my companions and myself
would be able to be out, I anxiously await such an
auspicious occasion.

744 ON THE EVE OF ARREST

Qt — What is your opinion in regard to the remarks
made by Sir William Vincent against the Ali Brothers ?

A. — There is nothing new in it. The Brothers
have given out in the clearest terms what they believed
to be true. This is considered to be their greatest fault
and I too am committing similar faults. For the same
reason I regard them both as my real brothers.
MR. MONTAGU'S RESIGNATION.

Q. — Will India suffer any barm in consequence of
Mr. Montagu's resignation ?

A. — I certainly do not believe that there will be
any harm. But Mr. Montagu certainly deserves credit
for what he has done.

Q. — Is there any logical connection between the
political conditions of England and India as present ?

A. — There certainly is such a connection. If the
programme which I have laid down for India is carried
through, it will produce a very salutary effect not only
on the political situation cf England but on that of the
whole world,

Q — What do you think of the coming Paris
Conference ?

A. — At present, I have no high expectation from
that, as it is my firm belief that as long as India does
not show completely the miracle of " charkha " the
problem of Khilafat will not be properly solved.

Q. — What are your instructions regarding the
harmonious relations between the mill-hands and the
capitalists of the place, in your absence ?

A. — Repose full confidence in Anusuya Bahen.

Q — What message do you send to the people of
Ahmedabad ?

A. — The people of Ahmedabad should take to
" Khaddar ", preserve perfect unity and support the
current movement.

LETTER TO MOULANA ABDUL BARI.

[The following letter was written by Mr. Gandhi from the
Ahmedabad jail soon after his arrest.]

Dear Maulana Sahib,

Just now I am enjoying myself in my house of
freedom. Hakim ji and other friends are here. I feel
your absence, but that does not much worry me
since we had ample discussion at Ajmer. I know
that you will certainly, steadily stick to those
principles that formed the subject of our talk. I
will earnestly request you to avoid making any
speeches in the public. Personally after deep thought
I have come to the conclusion that if there is anything
that can serve an effective and visible symbol of the
Hindu-Muslim unity, it is the adoption of charka and
pure khaddar dress prepared from hand-spun yarn by the
rank and file of both the communities, Only universal
acceptance of this cult can supply us with a common
idea and afford a common basis of action.

The use of khaddar cannot become universal until
both the communities take to it. The universal adop-
tion of charka and khaddar therefore would awaken
India. It will also be a proof of our capacity to
satisfy all our needs. Ever since the commencement
of our present struggle we have been feeling the
necessity of boycotting foreign cloth. I venture to
suggest that when khaddar conies universally in use,
the boycott of foreign cloth will automatically follow.
Speaking for myself, charka and khaddar have a
special religious significance to me because they

746 ON THE EVE OF ARREST

are a symbol of kinship between the members of
both the communities with the hunger and disease-
stricken poor. It is by virtue of the fact that our
movement can to-day be described as moral and
economic as well as political. So long as we cannot
achieve this little thing, 1 feel certain success is
impossible. Again the khaddar movement can succee d
only when we recognise nbn-violence as an essential
condition for the attainment of Swaraj and Khilafat
both. Therefore the khaddar programme is the only
effective and successful programme that I can place
before the country at present. I was so glad when you
told me that you would begin to spin regularly when I
be arrested. I, can only say that every man, woman
and child ought to spin as a religious duty till a
complete and permanent boycott of foreign cloth is
effected, the Khilafat and Punjab wrongs satisfactorily
redressed and the Swaraj attained. May I entreat you
to use all your influence for popularising Charkha
among your Muslim brethren.

MESSAGE TO THE PARSIS.

v [Mr. Gandhi addressed the following message to the Parsees
from the Sabarmati Jail through Mr. B.F. Bharucha : — ]

How can I forget to write to you ? Please tell my
Parsee sisters and brothers nsver to lose faith in this
movement. It is impossible for me to give up my
confidence in them. There is no other programme before
me than that of khadi and charkha, charkha and
khadi. Hand-spun yarn must be as current among us
as are small coins. To attain this object we can put on
no other cloth than hand-spun and hand-woven khad

TRUTH OF THE SPiNNING WHEEL 747

So long as India is not able to do this much Civil
Disobedience will be futile, Swaraj cannot be attained,
and Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs are impossible to
be righted. If this conviction is driven home to you ,
keep on turning out yarn and using khaddar. Be expert
spinners.

Bande Mataram from Mohandas.

TRUTH OF THE SPINNING WHEEL,

[The following letter was addressed by Mr. Gandhi to a devot-
ed friend ]

Sabarmati Jail, 17th March 1922.

My Dear Child,

Well, I hope you were all happy over the news of
my arrest. It has given me great joy, because it came
just when I had purified myself by the Bardoh penance
and was merely concentrating upon no experiment, but
the proud work of khaddar manufacture, i.e. hand-
spinning. I' would like you to see the truth of the
spinning wheel- It and it alone is the visible outward
expression of the inner feeling for humanity. If we feel
for the starving masses of India, we must introduce the
spinning-wheel into their homes. We must, therefore,
become experts and in order to make them realise the
necessity of it we must spin daily as a sacrement. If
you have understood the secret of the spinning-wheel,
if you realise what is a symbol of love of mankind, you
will engage in no other outward activity. If many
people do not follow you, you have more leisure for
spinning, carding or weaving.

With love to you all. Bapu.

LETTER TO MR. ANDREWS.

[The following letter was addressed by Mr. Gandhi to Mr.
C. F. Andrews from Sabarmati Jail, in answer to a letter express-
ing deep regret that on account of the railway strike, he was not
able to leave his work and go to him before the trial was
ever .• — ]

Sabarmati Jail, March 17.

" My dear Charlie, I have just go,t your letter.
You were quite right in not leaving your work. You
should certainly go to Gurudev, and be with him as
long as hs needs you. I would certainly like your
going to the Ashram (Sabarmati), and staying there
a while, when you are free. But I would not expect
you to see me in jail ; I am as happy as a bird ! My
ideal of a jail life — especially that of a civil resister, —
is to be cut off entirely from all connection with the
outside world. To be allowed a visitor is a privilege
— a civil resister may neither seek, nor receive, a pri-
vilege. The religious value of jail discipline is
enhanced by renouncing privileges. The forthcoming
imprisonment will be to me more a religious than a
political advantage. If it is a sacrifice, I want it to be
the purest.

With love. Yours, Mohan.

THE GREAT TRIAL.

STATEMENT BEFORE THE COURT

[The trial of Mr. Gandhi and Bhankarlal Banker took place at
the Government circuit House- Ahmedabad, on Saturday the 18th
March 1922 before Mr. C. N. Broomsfield, I. C. 8. District and
Sessions Judge, Ahmedabad. The trial opened at 11 noon, the
Honorable Sir J. T. Strangman, Advocate General, Bombay,
conducting the prosecution. The accused were undefended.

The charges having been read out, the Judge called upon the
accused to plead to the charge. He asked Mr. Gandhi whether he
pleaded guilty or claimed to be tried.

Mr. Gandhi : " I plead guilty to all the charge?. I observe
that the King's name has been omitted from the charges and it has
been properly omitted."

The Judge Mr. Banker do you plead guilty or do you claim
to be tried?"

Mr. Banker : — " I plead guilty."

The advocate general then began to urge the trial. His
argument over, the Court asked Mr. Gandhi :

*' Mr. Gandhi do you wish to make a statement on the question
of sentence ?"

Mr. Gandhi : " I would like to make a statement."

Court . " Could you give it to me in writing to put it on
record ?"

Mr. Gandhi : •* T shall give it as soon as I finish reading
it."]

ORAL STATEMENT.

[Before reading his written statement, Mr. Gandhi spoke a few
words as introductory remarks to the whole statement. He said :]

Before I read this statement, I would like to state
that I entirely endorse the learned Advocate-General's
remarks in connection with my humble -self. I think

750 ON THE EVE OF AKREST

that he was entirely fair to me in all the statements
that he has made, because it is very true and I have no
desire whatsoever to conceal from this Court the fact
that to preach disaffection towards the existing system
of Government has become almost a passion with me.
And the learned Advocate-General is also entirely in
the light when he says that my preaching of disaffec-
tion did nor commence with my connection with
"Young India" but that it commenced much earlier, and
in the statement that I am about to read it will be my
painful duty to admit before this Court that it commen-
ced much earlier than the period stated by the
Advocate-General. It is the most painful duty with me
but I have to discharge that duty knowing the respon-
sibility that rested upon my shoulders.

And 1 wish to endorse all the blame that the
Advocate-General has thrown on my shoulders in
connection with the Bombay occurrences, Madras
occurrences and the Chouri Choura occurrences. Thinking
over these things deeply, and sleeping over them night
after night and examining my heart I have come to the
conclusion that it is impossible for me to dissociate
myself from the diabolical crimes of Chouri Choura or
the mad outrages of Bombay. He is quite right when
he says that as a man of responsibility, a man having
received a fair share of education, having had a fair
share of experience of this world, I should know the
consequences of every one of my acts. I knew them.
I knew that I was playing with fire. I ran the risk and
if I was set free I would still do the same. I would be
failing in my duty if I do not do so. I have felt it this
morning that I would have failed in my duty if I did not
say all what I said here just now. I wanted to avoid

THE GREAT TKIAL 751

violence. Non-violence is the first article of my faith.
It is the last article of my faith, But I had to make my
choice. I had either to submit to a system which I
considered has done an irreparable harm to my country
or incur the risk of the mad fury of my people
bursting forth when they understood the truth
from my lips. I know that my people have sometimes
gone mad. I am deeply sorry for it ; and I am, there-
fore here, to submit not to a light penalty but to the
highest penalty. I do not ask for mercy. I do not plead
any extenuating act. I am here, therefore, to invite and
submit to the highest penalty that can be inflicted upon
me for what in law is a deliberate crime and what
appears to me to be the highest duty of a citizen. The
only course open to you, Mr. Judge, is, as I am just going
to say in my statement, either to resign your post or
inflict on me the severest penalty if you believe that the
system and law you are assisting to administer are good
for the people. I do not expect that kind of conversion.
But by the time I have finished with my statement you
will, perhaps, have a glimpse of what is raging within
my breast to run this maddest risk which a sane man
can run.

WRITTEN STATEMENT.

The following is the full text of the written state-
ment which Mr. Gandhi made before the court.

I owe it perhaps to the Indian public and to the
public in England to placate which this prosecution is
mainly taken up that I should explain why from a
staunch loyalist and co-operator I have become an
uncompromising cfisaffectionist and Non-Co-operator. To
the court too I should say why I plead guilty to the

752 ON THE EVE OI ARREST

charge of promoting disaffection towards the Govern-
ment established by law in India.

My public life began in 1893 in South Africa in
troubled weather. My first contact with British autho-
rity in that country was not of a happy character. I
discovered that as a man and an Indian I had no rights.
On the contrary I discovered that I had no rights as a
man because I was an Indian.

But I was not baffled. I thought that this treat-
ment of Indians was an excrescence upon a system that
was intrinsically and mainly good. I gave the Govern
ment my voluntary and hearty co-operation, criticising
it fully where I felt it was faulty but never wishing *its
destruction.

Consequently when the existence of the Empire
was threatened in 1899 by the Boer challenge, I offered
my services to it, raised a volunteer ambulance corps
and served at several actions that took place for the
relief of Ladysmith. Similarly in 1906 at the time
of the Zulu revolt I raised a stretcher-bearer party and
served till the end of the < rebellion'. On both these
occasions I received medals and was even mentioned in
despatches. For my work in South Africa I was given
by Lord Hardinge a Kaiser-i-Hind Gold Medal. When
the war broke out in 1914 between England and Germany
I raised a volunteer ambulance corps in London consist-
ing of the then resident Indians in London, chiefly
students. Its wfcrkwas acknowledged by the authorities
to be valuable. Lastly in India when a special appeal
was made at the War Conference in Delhi in 1917 by
Lord Chelmsford for recruits, I struggled at the cost of
my health to raise a corps in Kheda and the response
was being made when the hostilities ceased and

STATEMENT BEFORE THE SOURT 763

orders were received that no more recruits were
wanted. In all these efforts at service I was actuated
by the belief that it was possible by such ser-
vices to gain a status of full equality in the Empire for
my countrymen .

The first shock came in the shape of the Rowlatt
Act, a law designed to rob the people of all real freedom.
I felt called upon to lead an intensive agitation against
it. Then followed the Punjab horrors beginning with
the massacre at Jallianwala Bagh and culminating
in crawling orders, public floggings and other indescrib-
able humiliations. I discovered too that the plighted
word of the Prime Minister to the Mussulmans of India
regarding the integrity of Turkey and the holy places of
Islam was not likely to be fulfilled. But in spite of
the foreboding and the grave warnings of friends, at the
A mritsar Congress in 1919, I fought for co-operation and
working the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms, hoping that
t he Prime Minister would redeem his promise to the
Indian Mussulmans, that the Punjab wound would be
healed and that the reforms inadequate and unsatisfac-
tory though they were, marked a new era of hope in the
life of India.

But all that hope was shattered. The Khilafat
promise was not to be redeemed. The Punjab crime
was white-washed and most culprits went not only
unpunished but remained in service and some continued
to draw pensions from the Indian revenue, and in some
cases were even rewarded. I saw too that not only did
the reforms not mark a change of heart, but they were
only a method of further draining India of her wealth
and of prolonging her servitude.

I came reluctantly to the conclusion that the
48

754 THE GREAT TRIAL

British connection had made India more helpless than
she ever was before, politically and economically. A
disarmed India has no power of resistance against any
aggressor if she wanted to engage in an armed conflict
with him. So much is this the case that some of our
best men consider that India must take generations
before she can achieve the Dominion status. She has
become so poor that she has little power of resisting
famines. Before the British advent, India spun and
wove in her millions of cottages just the supplement
she needed for adding to her meagre agricultural
resources. The cottage industry, so vital for India's
existence, has been ruined by incredibly heartless and
inhuman processes as described by English witnesses.
Little do town-dwellers know how the semi-starved
masses of Indians are slowly sinking to lifeless-
ness. Little do they know that their miserable
comfort represents the brokerage they get for the
work they do for the foreign exploiter, that the profits
and the brokerage are sucked from the masses. Little
do they realise that the Government established by
law in British India is carried on for this exploitation of
the masses. No sophistry, no jugglery in figures can
explain away the evidence the skeletons in many
villages present to the naked eye. I have no doubt
whatsoever that both England and the town-dwellers
of India will have to answer, if there is a God above-
for this crime against humanity which is perhaps
unequalled in history. The law itself in this country
has been used to serve the foreign expoliter. My
unbiassed examination of the Punjab Martial Law
cases has led me to believe that at least ninety-five
per cent, of convictions were wholly4 bad. My

STATEMENT BEFORE THE COURT 755

experience of political cases in India leads me to the
conclusion that in nine out of every ten the condemned
men were totally innocent. Their crime consisted
in love of their country. In ninety-nine cases out of
hundred, justice has been denied to Indians as against
Europeans in the Courts of India, This is not an
exaggerated picture. It is the experience of almost
every Indian who has had anything to do with such
cases. In my opinion the administration of the law is
thus prostituted consciously or unconsciously for the
benefit of the exploiter.

The greatest misfortune is that Englishmen and
their Indian associates in the administration of the
country do not know that they are engaged in the crime
I have attempted to describe. I am satisfied that many
English and Indian officials honestly believe that they
are administering one of the best systems devised in the
world and that India is making steady though slow
progress. They do not know that a subtle but effective
system of terrorism and an organised display of force
on the one hand and the deprivation of all powers of
retaliation or self-defence on the other have emascula-
ted the people and induced in them the habit of
simulation. This awful habit has added to the ignorance
and the self-deception of the administrators. Section
124-A under which I am happily charged is perhaps
the prince among the political sections of the Indian
Penal Code designed to suppress the liberty of
the citizen. Affection cannot be manufactured or
regulated by law. If one has no affection for.
a person or thing one should be free to give the
fullest expression to his disaffection so long as he
does not contemplate, promote or incite to violence*

756 THE GREAT TRIAL

But the section under which Mr. Banker and I
are charged is one under which mere promotion of
disaffection is a crime. I have studied some of the
cases tried under it, and I know that some of the most
loved of India's patriots have been convicted under it.
I consider it a privilege therefore, to be charged under
it. I have endeavoured to give in their briefest outline
the reasons for my disaffection. I have no personal
ill-will against any single administrator, much less
can I have any disaffection towards the King's person.
But I hold it to be a virtue to be disaffected towards a
Government which in its totality has done more harm
to India than any previous system. India is less manly
under the British rule than she ever was before.
Holding such a belief, I consider it to be a sin to have
affection for the system. And it has been a precious
privilege for me to be able to write what I have in
the various articles tendered in evidence against me.
In fact I believe that I have rendered a service to
India and England by showing in Non-Co-operation the
way out of the unnatural slate in which both are living.
In my humble opinion, non-co-operation with evil is as
much a duty as is co-operation with good. But in the
past, non-co-operation has been deliberately expressed
in violence to the evildoer. I am endeavouring to show
to my countrymen that violent non-co-operation only
multiplies evil and that as evil can only be sustained by
violence, withdrawal of support oi evil requires com-
plete abstention from violence. Non-violence implies
voluntary submission to the penalty for non-co-opera-
tion with evil. I am here, therefore, to invite and submit
cheerfully to the highest penalty that can be inflicted
upon me for what in law is deliberate crime and what

STATEMENT BEFORE THE COURT 757

appears to me to be the highest duty of a citizen. The
only course open to you, the Judge and the Assessors, is
either to resign your posts and thus dissociate yourselves
from evil if you feel that the law you are called upon to
administer is an evil and that in reality I am innocent, or
to inflict on me the severest penalty if you believe that
the system and the law you are assisting to administer
are good for the people of this country and that my
activity is therefore injurious to the public weal.

THE JUDGMENT.

[After Mr. Gandhi had made his statement Mr.
Brootnfield the Sessions Judge, pronounced the following
judgment :]

Mr. Gandhi, you have made my task easy one way by pleading
guilty to the charge. Nevertheless, what remains namely, the
determination of a just sentence is perhaps as difficult a proposition
as a judge in this country could have to face. The law is no
respecter of persons. Nevertheless, it will be impossible to ignore
the fact that you are in a different category from any person I
have ever tried or am likely to buve to try. It would be impos-
sible to ignore the fact that in the eyes of millions of your country-
men you are a great patriot and a great leader. Even those who
differ from you ir> politics look upon you as a man of high ideals
and of noble and even saintly life. I have to deal with you in
one character only. It is not my duty and I do not presume to
judge or criticise you in any other character. It is my duty to
judge you as a man subject to the law who has by his own admis-
sion broken the law and committed, what to an ordinary man
must appear to be, grave offences against the State. I do not
forget that you have consistently preached against violence and
that you have on many occasions, as I am willing to believe, done
much to prevent violence. But having regard to the nature of
political teaching and the nature of many of those to whom it was
addressed how you could have continued to believe that violence
would not be the inevitable consequence, it passes my capacity to
understand. There are probably few people in India who do not
sincerely regret that you should have made it impossible for any
Government to leave you at liberty. But it is so. I am trying to
balance what is due to you against what appears to me to be neces-
sary in the interest of the public, and I propose in passing sentence
to follow the precedent of a case in many respects similar to this
ca e that was decided some twelve years ago. I mean the case
against Mr Bal Gangadnar Tilak under the same section. The

758 THE GREAT TRIAL

sentence that was passed upon him as it finally stood was a sentence
of simple imprisonmentlfor.six years. You will not consider it
unreasonable I think, that you should be classed with Mr. Tilak.
That is a sentence of two years' simple imprisonment on each
count of the charge, six years in all which I feel it my duty to pass
upou you ; and I should like to say in doing so that if the course of
events in India should make it possible for the Government to
reduce the period and release you no one will be better pleased
than I.

MR. GANDHI'S REPLY.

[After the Judge had pronounced sentence, Mr,
Gandhi said'} I would say one word since you
have done me the honour of recalling the trial of
the late Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. I just
want to say that I consider it to be the proudest privi-
lege and honour to be associated with his name. So
far as the sentence itself is concerned I certainly con-
sider that it is as light as any judge would inflict on me
and so far as the whole proceedings are concerned I
must say that I could not have expected greater
courtesy.

MESSAGE TO THE COUNTRY.

[After sentence and before he left the court
Mr. Gandhi asked the General Secretary of the Congress
who was near him to convey to the country the following
message:]

" I am delighted that heavenly peace reigned
supreme throughout the country during the last six days.
If it continues to the end of the chapter, it is bound to
be brief and illuminating."

JAIL LIFE IN INDIA

THE MEANING OF THE IMPRISONMENTS. *

[We have in the early part of the book given Mr. Gandhi's
jail experiences in South Africa. From time to time in the
columns of Young India Mr. Gandhi referred to the treatment of
prisoners in Indian jails and as non-co-operators sought imprison-
ment in their hundreds in the closing week of 1921, Mr Gandhi
had occasion to refer again and again to jail discipline and the
way that non-co-operators should conduct themselves within the
prison walls The following articles and notes were written for
the guidance of his followers and much interest centres on
the essay on the "Model Prisoner" in view of the fact that Mr.
Gandhi himself is undergoing his prison experience in India
It was characteristic of Mr Gandhi too that when Devadas his
youngest son and Mr C. Rajagopalachari visited him in the
Erravada jail he told them that his prison life should not be made
the subject of discussion in the press. Having courted imprison-
ment he would not complain of the treatment, but quietly and
cheerfully bear the sufferings in the true spirit of the Satyagrahi.
It was in this spirit too that he wrote to his friend Mr. Andrews
that his ideal of a prison life was to be completely cut off from
the world during the period of incarceration.]

HUNGER STRIKE.

I cannot sufficiently warn non-co-operation prisoners
against the danger of hastily embarking upon hunger
strikes in their prison*. It cannot be justified as a
means for removing irksome gaol restrictions. For a
gaol is nothing if it does not impose upon us restrictions
which we will not submit to in ordinary life. A hunger
strike would be justified when inhumanity is practised,
food issued which offends one's religious sense or which

Voung /tuttaNov. 8,JL921.

760 JAIL LIFE IN INDIA

is unfit for human consumption. It would be rejected
when it is offered in an insulting manner. In other
words it should be rejected when acceptance would
prove us to be slaves of hunger.

WHY SUFFER.

Let there be no mistake about the meaning of these
imprisonments. They are not courted with the object
of embarrassing the Government, though as a matter of
fact they do. They are courted for the sake of dis-
cipline and suffering. They are courted because
we consider it to be wrong to be free under a
Government we hold to bj wholly bad. No stone
should be left unturned by us to rpake the
Government realise that we are in no way amenable
to its control. And no Government has yet tolerated
such open defiance however respectful it maybe. It
might safely therefore be said that 11 we are yet outside
the prison walls, the cause lies as much with us as
with the Government. We are moving cautiously in
our corporate capacity. We are still voluntarily
obeying many of its laws. There was, for instance
nothing to prevent me from disregarding the Madras
Government's order and courting arrest, but I
avoided it. There is nothing to prevent me save my
prudence or weakness from going without permission
into the barracks and being arrested for trespass. I
certainly believe the barracks to be the nation's
property and not of a Government which I no longer
recognise as representative of the people. Thus there
is an apparent inconsistency between the statement on
the one hand that it is painful to remain outside the
the prison walls under a bad Government and this
deliberate avoidance on the other hand of ^arrest upon

THE MEANING OF THE IMPRISONMENTS 761

grounds which are not strictly moral but largely
expedient. We thus avoid imprisonment, because
first we think that the nation is not ready for complete
civil revolt, secondly we think that the atmosphere
of voluntary obedience and non-violence has not been
firmly established, and thirdly we have not done any
constructive corporate work to inspire self-confidence.
We therefore refrain from offering civil disobedience
amounting to peaceful rebellion, but court imprisonment
merely in the ordinary pursuit of our programme and
in defence of complete freedom of opinion and action
short of revolt.

Thus it is clear that our remaining outside the
gaols of a, bad government has to be justified upon very
exceptional grounds, and that our Swaraj is attained
when we are in gaol or when we have bent the Govern-
ment t& our will. Whether therefore the Government
feel embarrassed or happy over our incarceration, the
only safe and honourable place for us is the prison.
And if this position be accepted, it follows that when
imprisonment comes to us in the ordinary discharge of
our duty, we must feel happy because we feel stronger,
because we pay the price of due preforrnance of duty.
And if exhibition of real strength is the best propaganda,
we must believe that, every imprisonment strengthens
the people and thus brings Swaraj nearer.
SOMETHING STRIKING.

But friends whisper into my ears, we must do
something striking when the prince comes. Certainly
not for the sake of impressing him, certainly not for the
sake of demonstration. But I would use the occasion
of his imposed visit for stimulating us into greater
activity. That would constitute the most glorious

762 JAIL LIFE IN INDIA

impression upon the Prince and the world, because
we would have made an impression upon ourselves*
The shortest way to Swaraj lies through self-
impression, self-expression and self-reliance, both
corporate and individual. I would certainly love the
idea of filling the gaols before the Prince arrives,
but I see no way to it except after very vigorous
Swadeshi. There is great progress undoubtedly in
that direction, but there is not revolutionary or
lightning speed. Arithmetical progression will not
answer, geometrical progression is absolutely necessary.
It is not enough for us to be washed by the Swadeshi
spirit, we must be flooded with it. Then thousands of us
involuntarily, as if by a common impulse, will march
forward to civil disobedience. To-day we are obliged
very rightly to measure every step for want of confidence.
Indeed I do not even feel sure that thousands of us are
ready to suffer imprisonment, or that we have so far
understood the message of non-violence as never to be
ruffled or goaded into violence.

A REST CURE.

And prisons have lost their terror for the people.
Hardly a non-co-operator save in one or two cases has
betrayed the slightest hesitation to go to gaol. On the
contrary the majority have regarded it as a rest cure.
Given an atmosphere of non-violence, — a prime
necessity,-disappearance of fear of gaol and greater
activity by reasons of imprsonments, and we have
an ideal state for the establishment of Swaraj.
THE LOGICAL RESULT.

The logical result of all this reasoning is that we
must quickly organise ourselves for courting arrests
wholesale, and that not rudely, roughly or blusteringly>

WORK IN GAOLS 763

certainly never violently, but peacefully quietly,
courteously, humbly, prayerfully, and courageously.
By the end of December every worker must find
himself in gaol unless he is specially required in the
interest of the struggle not to make the attempt. Let
it be remembered, that in civil disobedience we
precipitate arrests and therefore may keep few outside
the attempt.

REQUISITE CONDITIONS

Those only can take up civil disobedience, who
believe in willing obedience even to irksome laws impo-
sed by the state so long as they do not hurt their
conscience or religion, and are prepared equally will-
ingly to suffer the penalty of civil disobedience. Dis-
obedience to be civil has to be absolutely non-violent.
The underlying principle being the winning over of
the opponent by suffering, i.e., love.

WORK IN GAOLS*

An esteemed friend asked me whether now that the
Government have provided an opportunity for hundreds
to find themselves -imprisoned and as thousands are
responding, will it not be better for the prisoners to
refuse to do any work in the gaols at all? I a-n afraid
that suggestion comes from a misapprehension of the
moral position. We are not out to abolish gaols as an
institution. Even under Swaraj we would have our
gaols. Our civil disobedience therefore must not be
carried beyond the point of breaking the unmoral laws
of the country. Breach of the laws to be civil assumes
* Young India, Dec. 15, 1921.

764 JAIL LIFE IN INDIA

the strictest and willing obedience to the gaol discipline
because disobedience of a particular rule assumes a
willing acceptance of the sanction provided for its
breach. And immediately a person quarrels both with
the rule and the sanction for its breach, he ceases to be
civil and lends himself to the precipitation of chaos and
anarchy, A civil resister is, if one may be permitted
such a claim for him, a philanthropist and a friend of
the state. An anarchist is an enemy of the state and is
therefore a misanthrope. I have permitted myself to
use the language of war because the so called constitu-
tional method has become so utterly ineffective. But
I hold the opinion firmly that civil disobedience is the
purest type of constitutional agitation. Of course it
becomes degrading and despicable if its civil, t«et,
non- violent character is a mere camouflage. If the
honesty of non-violence be admitted, there is no warrant
for condemnation even of the fiercest disobedience
because of the likelihood of its leading to violence. No
big or swift movement can be carried on without bold
risks and life will not be worth living if it is not
attended with large risks. Does not the history of the
world show that there would have been no Romance in
life if there had been no risks? It is the clearest pr.oof
of a degenerate atmosphere that one finds respectable
people, leaders of society raising their hands in horror
and indignation at the slightest approach of danger or
upon an outbreak of any violent, commotion. We do
want to drive out the beast in man, but we do not want
on that account to emasculate him. And in the process
of finding his own status, the beast in him is bound now
and again to put up his ugly appearance. As I have
often stated in these pages what strikes me down is not

WORK IN GAOLS 765

the sight of blood under every conceivable circumstance*
It is blood spilt by the non-co-operator or his supporters
in breach of his declared pledge, which paralyses me
as I know it ought to paralyse every honest non co-
operator.

Therefore to revert to the original argument, as
civil resisters we are bound to guard against universal
indiscipline. Gaol discipline must be submitted to until
gaol Government itself becomes or is felt to be corrupt
and immoral. But deprivation of comfort, imposition
of restriction and such other inconveniences do not
make gaol Government corrupt. It becomes that
when prisoners are humiliated cr treated with
inhumanity as when they are kept in filthy dens
or are given food unfit for human consumption.
Indeed, I hope that the conduct of non-co-opera-
tors in the gaol will be strictly correct, dignified and
yet submissive. We must not regard gaolers and
warders as our enemies but as follow human beings not
utterly devoid of the human touch. Our gentlemanly
behaviour is bound to disarm all suspicion or bitterness.
I know that this path of discipline on the one hand and
fierce defiance on the other is a very difficult path, but
there is no royal road to Swaraj. The country has
deliberately chosen the narrow and the straight path.
Like a straight line it is the shortest distance. But
even as you require a steady and experienced hand to
draw a straight line, so are steadiness of discipline and
firmness of purpose absolutely necessary if we are to
walk along the chosen path with an unerrrifjg step*

I am painfully conscious of the fact that it is not
going to be a bed of roses for any of the civil resisters.
And my head reels and the heart throbs when I recall

766 JAIL LIFE IN INDIA

the lives of Motilal Nehru and C. R. Das in their
palatial rooms surrounded by numerous willing
attendants and by every comfort and convenience that
money can buy and when I think of what is in store for
them inside the cold unattractive prison \valls where
they will have to listen to the clanking of the prisoner's
chains in the place of the sweet music of their drawing
rooms. But I steel my heart with the thought that it is
the sacrifice of just such heroes that will usher in
Swaraj. The noblest of South Africans, Canadians
Englishmen, Frenchmen, Germans have had to undergo
much greater sacrifices than we have mapped out for
ourselves.

A MODEL PRISONER.*

Should non-co-operators shout Bande Mataram
inside jail against jail discipline which may excite
ordinary prisoners to violence, should non co-operators
go on hunger strike for the improvement of food or other
conveniences, should they strike work inside jails on
hartal days and other days? Are non-co-operators entitled
to break rules of jail discipline unless they affect their
conscience ? Such is the text of a telegram I received
from a non-co operator friend in Calcutta. From another
part of India when a friend, again a non -co-operator,
heard of the indiscipline of non-co-operator prisoners,
he asked me to write on the necessity of observing jail
discipline. As against this I know prisoners who are
scrupulously observing in a becoming spirit all the
discipline imposed upon them.

It is necessary, when thousands are going to jail,
lo understand exactly the position a non-co-operator
* Young India, Dec. 29, 1921. %

A MODEL PRISONER 767

prisoner can take up consistently with his pledge of
non-violence. Non co-operation when its limitations
are not* recognised, becomes a licence instead of being
a duty and therefore becomes a crime. The dividing
line between right and wrong is often so thin as to
become indistinguishable. But it is a line that is
breakable and unmistakable.

What is then the difference between those who
find themselves in jails for being in the right and
those who are there for being in the wrong ? Both
wear often the same dress, eat the same food and are
subject outwardly to the same discipline. But whilst the
latter submit to discipline most unwillingly and would
commit a breach of it secretly, and even openly if they
could, the former will willingly and to the best of their
ability conform to the jail dsciplme and prove worthier
and more serviceable to their causa than when they are
outside. We have observed that the most distinguished
among the prisoners are of greater service inside the jails
than outside. 'The coelticient of service is raised to the
extent of the strictness with which jail discipline is
observed.

Let it be remembered that we are not seeking to
destroy jails as such. I fear that we shall have to
maintain jails even under Swaraj, It will go hard with
us, if we let the real criminals understand that they
will be set free or be very much better treated when
Swaraj is established. Even in reformatories by which
I would like to replace every jail under Swaraj^isciphne
will be exacted. Therefore we really retard the advent
of Swaraj if we encourage indiscipline. Indeed the swift
programme of Swaraj has been conceived on the
supposition that we being a cultured people are capable

768 JAIL LIFE IN INDIA

of evolving high discipline within a short time*
Indeed whilst on the one hand civil disobedience
authorises disobedience of unjust laws or un moral laws
of a state which one seeks to overthrow, it requires
meek and willing submission to the penalty of dis-
obedience and therefore cheerful acceptance of the jail
discipline and its attendant hardship-.

It is now therefore clear that a civil resistor's
resistance ceases and his obedience as resumed as soon
as he is under confinement. In confinement he claims no
privileges because of the civility of his disobedience.
Inside the jail by his exemplary conduct he reforms
even the criminals surrounding him, he softens the
hearts of jailors and others in authority. Such meek
behaviour springing from strength and knowledge
ultimately dissolves the tyranny of the tyrant. It is for
this reason that I claim that voluntary suffering is the
quickest and the best remedy for the removal of abuses
and injustices

It is now manifest that shouts of Bande Mataram
or any other in breach of jail discipline are unlawful
for a non-co-operator to indulge in. It is equally un-
lawful for him to commit a stealthy breach of jail
regulations. A non co-operator will do nothing to
demoralise his fellow prisoners. The only occasion
when he can openly disobey jail regulations or hunger-
strike is when an attempt is made "to humiliate him or
when the warders themselves break, as they often do,
the rules for the comfort of prisoners or when food that
is unfit for human consumption is issued as it often is.
A case tor civil disobedience also arises when there is
interference with any obligatory religious practice.

PRINTED AT THE INDIA PRINTING WORKS, MADRAS.

Miscellaneous

A CONFESSION OF FAITH

[The following is an extract from a letter addressed
by Mr. Gandhi to a friend in India in 1909 : — ]

(1) There is no impassable barrier between East and
Weafr.

(2) Tbere ia no suoh thing aa Western or European
civilization, but tbere is a modern civilization wbiob is
purely material.

(3) The people of Europe, before they were touched
by modern civilization, had much in common with the
people of fche East ; anyhow the people of India, and even
to-day Europeans who are not touched by modern
civilization, are far better able to mix with Indians than
the offspring of that civilization.

(4) Id is not the British people who are ruling India*
but ib ia modern civilization, through its railways, tele-
graph, telephone, and almost every invention which has
been claimed to be a triumph of civilization.

(5) Bombay, Calcutta, and the other chief cities of
India are the real plague spots*

(6) If British rule were replaced to-morrow by
Indian rule based on modern methods, India would be no
better, except that she would be able then to retain some
of the money that ia drained away to England ; bub then
India would only become a second or fifth nation of
Europe or America.

770 MISCELLANEOUS

(7) East and Wesb can only really meet when fcha
West baa thrown overboard modern civilization, almosb
in ita entirety, They can also seemingly maeb when Basb
has also aiopfced modern civilisation, bub that meeting
would be an armed truuo, even as it is between) say,
Germany and England, both of which nations ara living
in the Hall of Daatih in order (20 avoid being devoured bha
one by the other,

(8) Ic is simply impertinence for any man or any body
of men bo begin or to contemplate reform of bha whole
world. To attempt bo do so by means of highly artificial
and speedv locomotion, is to attempt the impossible.

(9) Increase of material comforts, h may be gener-
ally laid down, docs not> in any way whatsoever conduce
to moral growth.

(10) Medical science is bha concentrated essence of
black magio, Quaekeiy is infinitely preferable bo whato
passes for high medical skill.

(11) Hospitals ara bha instruments that bhe Davil
has been using for his own purpose, in order to keep hia
hold on hia kingdom, They perpetuate vice, rniaary and
degradation and real slavery, I was entirely off the track
when 1 considered thab I should receive a medical train-
ing, It would be sinful for me in any way whatsoever to
take part in the abominations thab go on in the hospitals.
If there were no hospitals for venereal diseases, or oven
for consumptives, we should have leas consumption, and
less sexual vice amongsb us.

(12) India's salvation consists in unlearning what
bbe bus letirnb during the past fifty years, Tae railways,
telegraphs, hospitals, lawyers, doctors, and such like have
all to go, and the so-called upper classes have to learn to
live cotiBoiouBly *and religiously and deliberately the

A CONCESSION OF FAITH 771

simple peasant life, knowing it to be a life giving true
happiness.

(13) India should wear uo machine-made clothing
whether it comes out of European mills or Indian mills.

(14) England can help India bo do this and then
she will have justified her hold on India. There B^CIIIS
to be many in England to day who think likewise.

(15) There was true wisdom in the sages of old
leaving so regulated society ua to limit the material condi-
tion of the people ; the rude plough cf perhaps live
thousand years ago is the plough ol the husbandman to-
day. Tnei'ein lies salvation. People live long under such
oondiiiions, in comparative peace muob greater than
Europe has enjoyed after having taken up modern
activity, and I feel that every enlightened man, certainly
tivery Eaglishinan, may, if he chooses, learn this truth
and act according to it.

ID is the true spirit of passive resistance that has
brought me to the above almost definite conclusions. As
a passive register, I am unconcerned whether siioh a
gigantic reformation, shall I call it, can be brought about
among people who find their satisfaction frocn the present*
tnad rush. If I realize the truth of it, I should rt-joiou
in following it, and therefore I could not wait until the
whole body of people had commenced. All cf us who
think likewise have to taks the necessary step, and the
rest, if we aro in the right, must follow, The theory ia
there; our practice will have to approach it as much as
possible, Living in the midst of the rush* we may not be
able to shake ourselves frae from all taint- Everytime
I get into a railway oar or use a motor-bus, I know
that I am doing violence bo my sense of wbab is right. I
^o nob fear bhe logical result! on thab basis. Tha visiting oi

772

England is bad, and any communication between South
Africa and India by means of ooean-grey-hounds
is also bad and so on. You and I can, and may outgrow
these things in our present bodies, bat the chief thing is
to put our theory right. Yoa will be seeing there all sorts
and conditions of man. I, therefore, feel that I should no
longer withhold from you what I call the progressive
step I have taken mentally- If you agree with me, then
it will be your duty to tell the revolutionaries and every-
body else that the freedom they want, or they think:
they want, is not to be obtained by killing people or
doing violence, but by setting themselves right and by
becoming and remaining truly Indian- Then the British
rulers will be servants and not masters. They will ba
trustees, and not tyrants, and they will live in perfeofc
peace with the whole of the inhabitants of India. The
future, therefore, lies not with the British race, but with
the Indians themselves, and if thoy have sufficient self*
abnegation and abstemiousness, they can make them-
selves free this very moment, and when we have arrived
in India at the simplicity which is still ours largely and
which was ours entirely until a few years ago, it will still
he possible for the best Indians and the beet Europeans
to soe one another throughout the length and breadth of
India and act as the leaven. When there was no rapid
locomotion, teachers and preachers went on foot, from one
end of the country to the other, braving all dangers, not
for recruiting their health (though all that followed from
their tramps), but for the sake of humanity. Thau were
Benares and other places of pilgrimage the holy cities,
whereas to-day they are an abomination.

You will recollect you used to rate me for talking to
my children in (Jujarati. I now feel more and more oon

PASSIVE RESISTERS IN THE TOLSTOY FARM 773

winced fchati I was absolutely right) in refusing to talk to
them in English. Fancy a Gujarati writing to another
Gujarati in English, which, as you would properly say,
he mispronounces, and writes ungrammatically I should
certainly never commit the ludicrous blunders in writing
Gujarati that I do in writing or speaking English. I
think that when I speak in English to an Indian or a
foreigner, I in a measure unlearn the language, If I
want to learn it well, and if I want to attune nay ear to
it, I can only do so by talking to an Englishman and by
listening to an Eogliehman speaking.

PASSIVE RESISTERS IN THE TOLSTOY FARM

[Writing to a friend from the Tolstoy Farm% where
he was living with a number of passive resisters' families*
Mr. Gandhi says touching manual labour : — ]

I prepare the bread that is required on the farm.
The general opinion about it is that it is well made.
Manilal and a few others have learnt how to prepare it.
We put in no yeast and no baking powder. We grind
our own wheat, We have just prepared some mar-
malade from the oranges grown on the farm. I
have also learnt how to prepare ooromel coffee.
It oan be given as a beverage even to babies. The
passive resisters on the farm have given up the
use of tea and coffee, and taken to coromel coffee pre-
pared on the farm. It is made from wheat which is first
baked in a certain way and then ground. We intend to
eell our surplus production of the above three articles to
the public later on. Just at present, we are working as
labourers on the construction work that is going on on

774 MISCELLANEOUS

the farm, and have not time to produce more of the
articles above- mentioned than we need for ourselves.

TFIE RATIONALE OF SUFFERING

[Mr. Gandhi has explained the philosophy of Passive-
Resistance and the need for suffering in the following
terms : — ]

The one view is why one should go to jail and there
submit himself to ail personal restraints, a place where
ha would have to dress himself in the coarse and ugly
prison garb of a felon and to live upon non-nutritious and
semi-starvation diet, where he is sometimes kicked about)
by jail offioiala, and made to do every kind of work
whether he liked it or not, where he has to carry out the
behests of a warder who is no better than his household
aervaoc, whero he is not allowed to receive the visits of
his friends and relatives and is prohibited from writing
to them, where ha is denied almost! *tha bare necessities
of life and is sometimes obliged to sleep in the same oell
that is occupied by actual thieves and robber?, The
question is why one should undergo auoh trials and
sufferings. Better is deabh than life under such condi-
tions. Far better to pay up the fine than to be thus
incarcerated. May God spare hie creatures from such
Bufferings in jai). Such thoughts make one really a
coward, and being in constant dread of a jail life, deter
him from undertaking to perform services in the interests
of hie country which might otherwise prove very
valuable.

The other view is that it would be the height of one's
good fortune to be in jail in the interests- and good name

THE RATIONALE OF SUFFERING 775

of one's country and religion. There, there is very
of that misery which ha haq usually to undergo in daily
life. There, he has do oarry out the orders of one warder
only, whereas in daily life he is obliged to oarry out the
behests of ft great many more. In the jail, he has no
anxiety to earn his daily bread and to prepare his meals,
The Government seas to all that?. Ib also looks affeer his
health for which he has to pay nothing. Ho gets enough
works to exercise his body. He is freed from all his vicious
habits- His soul ia thus free. He has plenty of time
at his disposal to pray to God. His body is restrained,
but not his soul, He learns to be more regular in his
habits. Those who keep his body in restraint, look
after it. Taking this view of jail life, he feels himself
quite a free being, If any misfortune comes to him or
any wicked warder happens to use any violence towards
him, he learns to appreciate and exeroiso patience, and
is pleased to have an opportunity of keeping control over
himself. Those who think this way aro sure to be con-
vinced that evan jail life can ba attended with blessings.
It solely rests with individuals and their mental attitude
60 make it one of blessing or otherwise, I trust, how-
ever, that the readers of this my second experience of
life in the Transvaal jail will ba convinced that the real
road to ultimate happiness lies in going to jail and under-
going sufferings and privations there in the interest of
one's country and religion.

Placed in a similar position for refusing his poll-tax,
the American citizen, Thorean, expressed similar thoughts
in 1849. Seeing the walls of the ooll in which he was
confined, made of solid stone two or three feet thick, and
the door of wood and iron a foot thick, he said to him-
self thus : —

776 MISCELLANEOUS

" I flaw that, ii there was a wall of stone between me and
my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break
through before they oould get to be as free as I was. I did not
feel for a moment confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of
stone and mortar, I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had
paid my tax, They plainly did not know how to treat me, but
behaved like persons who are underbred. lu every threat and^ in
every compliment there was a blunder ; for they thought that'my
chief desire was to stand the other side of the stone-wall. I oould
not but smile to see how industriously they looked the door on
my meditations, which followed them out again without let or
hindrance, and they were nearly ail that was dangerous. As they
oould not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body ; just as
boys if they cannot oome to eotne person against whom they have
a spite, will abuse his dog. I saw that the State was half-witted,
that it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons, and
that it did not know its friends from its foes, and I lost all my
remaining respect for it and pitied it."

THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PASSIVE
RESISTANCE

[Mr. Gandhi contributed the following paper to the
Golden Number of the " Indian Opinion" in 1914 : — •]

I shall be at least) far away from Phoenix if nob actu-
ally in the Motherland, when this commemoration issue
is published. I would, however, leave behind me my
innermost thoughts upon that which has made this
special issue necessary, Without passive resistance
there would have been no richly illustrated and important
special issue of Indian Opinion which has, for the last
eleven years, in unpretentious and humble manner,
endeavoured to serve my countrymen and South Africa,
a period causing the most critical stage that they will,
perhaps, ever have to pass through. Ib marks the rise
and growth of passive resistance which has attracted
world-wide attention.

THE THEORY & PRACTICE OF PASSIVE RESISTANCE 777

The term does not fib the activity of the Indian
community during the past eight years. Its equivalent in
the vernacular, rendered into English, means truth-foroe.
I think Tolstoy called ib also Soul- Force or love-force,
and so ifa is. Carried out to its utmost limit, this force
is independent of pecuniary or other material assistance ;
certainly, even in its elementary form, of physical force
or violence, Indeed, violence is the negation of this
great spiritual force, which can only he cultivated or
wielded by those who will entirely eaohew violence. Ib
is a force tha& may be used by individuals as well as by
communities. Ib may be used as well in political as in
domestic affairs. Its universal applicability is a demons-
tration of its permanence and invincibility. It can be
used alike by men, woman and children. Ib is totally
untrue to say that ifa is a force to be used only by the
weak so long as they are nob capable of meeting violence
by violence, This superstition arises from the in-
completeness of the English expression. Ib is impossible
lor those who consider themselves to be weak to apply
this force. Only those who realise that there is some-
thing in man which is superior to the brute nature in
him, and that the latter always yields to it, can
effectively be passive resistors. This force is to violence
and, therefore, to all tyranny, all injustice, what light is
to darkness. In politics, its use is based upon the immu-
table maxim that government of the people is njossible
only so long as they consent either consciously or
unconsciously to be governed, We did not want to be
governed by the Asiatic Act of 1907 of the Transvaal
and ib had to go before thid mighty force. Two courses
were open to us — to use violence when we were called
upon to. submit to the Aofa, or to suffer the penalties

778

MISCELLANEOUS

prescribed under the Aob, and thus to draw oub and
exhibit} the force of the sou! wibhin us for a pariod long
enough to appeal to the sympathetic chord in the
governors or the law-makers, We have taken long to
achieve what! we aeb aboub striving for. That was
beoauso our passive resistance was nob of the most
complete type, AH passive rosibfera do nob understand
the fall value of the force, nor have we men who always
from conviction refrain from violence^ The use of this
force requires the adoption of poverty, in the sense that
we must be indiffeieub whether wo have the wherewithal
to feed or olobhe ourselves. Daring the pasb struggle, all
Passive Resistors, if any ab all, were nob prepared feo go
that length. Some again were only passive resisfcers,
so-called, Tbey oatne without) any conviction, often with
mixed motives, laas offcea with impure motives. Some even,
whilst engaged in the struggle, would gladly have resorted
to violence bub for mosb vigilant supervision, Thus id
was thab the sbruggle became prolonged ; for the exercise
of bha puresb soul-force, in its perfect form* brings aboub
instanbaneous relief. For this exercise, prolonged train~
ing of the individual soul is an absolute necessity, so
that a parfeob passive reaisber has bo ba almost, if nob
entirely, a perfeob man. We oannob all suddenly become
such men, bub, if my proposition is oorreob — as I know ifc
to be correob, — the greater bhe spirib of passive resistance
in us, fche better men we will become, Jts use, therefore,
is, I think, indisputable! and ib is a force which, if it
became universal, would revolutionise social ideals and do
away with despotisms and the ever-growing militarism
under which the nations of the West are groaning aud
are being almost crushed to death, — that militarism
which promiaew bo overwhelm even the nations of the-

ON SOUL-FORCE AND INDIAN POLITICS

East, If tha past struggle has produced even a few
Indians who would dedicate themselves to fhe task of
becoming passive resistors as nearly perfect as possible,
they would not only have served themselves in the truesfe
sense of the term, they would also have served humanity
at large. Thus viewed, passive resistance is the noblest*
and the best education. Tb should corns, not after the
ordinary education in letters of children, but iu should
precede it. It will not be denied that a child, before ib
begins to write its alphabet and to gain worldly know-
ledge, should know what the soul K what truth is, what
love is, what powers are latent in the soul, It should bs
an essential of real education that a child should learn
that, in the struggle of life, it can easily conquer hate by
love, untruth by truth, violence by self-suffering, Ife was
because I felt the force* of this truth, I/hat, during the
later part of the struggle, I endeavoured, as much as I
oould, to train the children at Tolstoy Farm and then afr
Pboonix along these lines, and one of the reasons for my
departure to India is still further to realise, as T already
do in part, my own imperfection as a Passive Resisted
and then to try to perfect myself, for I believe that it is
in India that the nearest approach to perfection is most
possible.

ON SOUL FOROE AND INDIAN POLITICS

[The following is a translation of the original in
Oujarati published during the agitation against the
internment of Mrs. Besant and her two colleagues in June,
1917:—]

The Eagliah expression f Passive Resistance ' hardly
denotes the force about which I propose to write, Bub
Satyagraha, i. 0., Truth-force, correctly conveys tbe>

'780 MISCELLANEOUS

meaning. Truth-force is soul-force, and is the opposite
of the foroo of arms, The former ia a purely religious
instrument ; its conscious use is, therefore, possible only
in man religiously inolinad, Prahlad, Mirabat and others
ware Passive Basisters (in the sense in which the expres-
sion is here used). At the time of the Moroccan War,
the French guua were playing upon the Arabs of
Morocco, Tbe latter believed that they were fighting
for their religion, They defied death and with 'Allah'
on their lips rushed into the cannon's mouth, There
was no room lef<) here for them to deal death. The
French gunners declined to work their guns against these
Arabs, They threw up their hats in the air, rushed
forward and with shouts of cheer embraced these brave
Arabs, This is an illustration of " Passive Basistanoe"
and Hs victory, The Arabs were not consciously "Pas-
sive Besisters," They prepared to face death in a fita of
frenzy. The spirit of love was absent in them, A
"Passive Basiater" has no spirit of envy in him, It is
not Auger that bids him court Ddath. But it is by
reason of his ability to suffer that he refuses to surren-
der to the so-called enemy or the tyrant. Thus a " Pas-
sive R3 slater " has need to have courage, forgiveness
and love. Imam Hussain and his little band refused to
yield to what to them appeared to be an unjust order.
They knew at the time that Death alone would be their
lot). If they yielded to it, they felt that their manhood
and their religion would be in jeopardy. They, therefore!
welcomed the embrace of Daafcb, Imam Hussain pre-
ferred the slaughter in his arms of his son and nephew,
for him and them to suffer from thirst, rather than sub-
mit to what to him appeared to be an unjust order. Id
is my belief that the rise of Islam has been due not to

ON SOUL -FORCE AND INDIAN POLITICS 78$

lha sword, baft 60 the self-immolation alone of tha
Fakeera of Islam, There ia little to boast of in the
ability to wield the sword, When the striker finds out
his mistake, he understands the sinfulnesa of his aob
which now becomes murder and has to repent of hi»
folly. Whereas he who oourbs death even though he*
might havedane ao in error, for him it is still a victory,
'Passive Basisbanoe' is the Baligion of Ahimaa. It is,
therefore, everywhere and always a duty and ia desirable.
Violence is Himsa and has been disoarded in all religions.
Even the devotees of methods of violence impose elabo-
rate restrictions upon their use. * Passive Resistance '
admits of no an oh limits. Jb is limited only by the
insufficiency of the Passive Basiaber's strength to
suffer.

No one else but a '* Passive Baaiafeer" can answer the
question whether his" Passive Baaiatance" ia lawful or
otherwise. The public can only judge after the " Passive
Baaiaber" has begun his work, He cannot ba deterred by
public displeasure. His operations are nob founded upon
Arithmetical Formulae. Ha may be considered a clever
politician or a thoughtful man who commences his eo-oa!!-
ed Paaaiva Baaiabance only after having weighed chances
of suoceas and failure. Bub he ia by no maana a "Passive
R'3aister." The former aoba baoauae be muat,

Both Soul-force and force of Arms are from times
immemorial. Both have received their due meed of praise
in the accepted religious literature. They respectively re-
present Forces of Good and Evil. The Indian belief is
that there was in this land a time when the forces of
Good were predominant. That state still remains our
ideah Europe furnishes a forcible illustration of predo-
minance of the Forces of Evil.

782 MISCELLANEOUS .

Either of these is preferable to rank cowardice. Nei-
ther Swaraj nor an awakening among ua is possible with-
out resort to one or the other. '' Swaraj" is no Swaraj
which is gained without* Action. Such Swaraj could make
no impression on too people. No Awakening is possible
without the people afc large realising their power. In
spine of protestations by leaders and efforts by the Govern-
cnonfc, if they and we do not give *' Passive Resistance"
due predominance, methods of violence will automatically
gain strength. They are like weeds ; they grow anyhow
in any soil. For a cultivation of '' Passive Resistance"
aodeavour and courage form the necessary manure ; and
as weeds, if they are not rooted out, overwhelm a crop,
even so will violence grow like weeds, if the ground is not
kept clean by self-sacrifice for the growth of " Passive
Resistance" and violence that may have already token root;
be not dealt with by loving hands. By tha method of
" Passive Resistance" we can wean from the error of their
ways the youths who have become impatient of and an-
gered by what to them appears to be the Governmental
J^ooluoo, and we can strengthen the forces of good by en-
listing in favour of "Passive Resistance" their heroism,
their courage and their power of endurance.

Therefore, the sooner the spirit of " Passive Resist-
ance" pervades the atmosphere, the better it is. It will
bless both the Raj and the Raiyaif. A Passive Rasister
never wants to embarrass a Government or anybody else.
He does not act thoughtlessly, he is never insolent. He
therefore shuns boycott, but takes the Swadeshi vow as a
part of his religion and never wavers in practising it.
Fearing God alone, he is afraid of no other power, Fear
of kings can never make him forsake the path of

ON SOUL-FORCE AND INDIAN POLITICS 783

In view of the foregoing, ibis hardly necessary forme
to say that it is our duty to make U83 of '* Passive Rssiet-
anrco" in order fco procure the release of Mrs. Basant and
her comrades. Ife in beside bho point- whether one approves
of all or any of her acts. I certainly disapprove of some
of her acts, But in my humble opinion, the Government)
have grievously erred in interning them, and ib is an aob
of injustice. I know bhab the Government think other-
wise. Ifc is possible that the publto are in error in desir-
ing their release. The Government have aoted upon their
belief* How are the publio bo make an effective demon-
stration of their wouaded feelings ? Petitions and the like
are a remedy for endurable grievances, 3JW bhe unendur-
able ''Passive Kssistance" alone is the remedy. Only those
who consider bhe wrong to be unendurable will, when tha
feeling possesses them, dedioabe themselves body and eoul
to bhe releaae of Mrs. Basanb. Saab self-surrender is fche
moat effeobiva demonstration of a people's desire. And
before it the mightiest power must bend. Such is my
unalterable faith in the effioaoy of soul-foroe. People
m%y restrain the aupreoae demonstration in view of
Mr. Montagu's impending visib. Suoh self-imposed
restraint will be a boken of their sense of justice and
their faith in the Government Bub, if the interned are
not released before his arrival, it will be our duty to taka
UD tha matchless force I have endeavoured bo describe,
Its use will be a true measure for the Government of
the pain fo!t by us ; our intention cannon be to irritate or
harrass them ; in my opinion, adoption of Sabyagraha
will be a service to bho Governmenb.

EIGHTS AND DUTIES OF LABOUR

[In response to the invitation of the Madras Central
Labour Board during his visit to Madras in 1920 ', Mr.
Gandhi addressed a monster meeting of the labourers at
the Beach opposite the High Court on the question of the
" Rights and Duties of Labour" Mr. B. P, Wadia
presided on the occasion. Mr. Gandhi said : — ]

Mr. Chairman and Friends, — It gives me vary great)
pleasure to renew your acquaintance a second time, I
think I told you last year, when I had the privilege of
addressing some of youi that I considered myself a fellow-
labourer like you, Perhaps you are labourers nob by
ohoioe but by some compulsion. Bat I entertain
suoh a high regard for labour. I enfeerfaain great
respect for the dignity of labour that I have thrown
in my lot with the labourers and for many, many years
now I have lived in their midst like them labouring with
my hands and with my feab. In labouring with your
bodies you are simply following the law of your being,
and there is nob the slightest) reason for you to feel dis-
satiafiad with your lot. Oa the contrary, I would ask
you to regard yourselves as trustees for tjhe nation for
which you are labouring. A nation may do without its
-^millionaires and without its capitalists, but a nation
can never do without its labour, Bat there is one
fundamental distinction between your labour and my
labour. You are labouring for some one else, Bat I
consider that I am labouring for myself. Then I am my
own master. And in a natural state we should all find
ourselves our own masters. Bat each a state of things

BIGHTS AND DUTIES OF LABOUR 785

cannot be reached in a day. Id therefore becomes a very
serious question for yon to consider how you are to con-
duct yourselves as labourers serving others. Just as
there is no shame in being a labourer for one's self, so
also is there no shame in labouring for others,

But it becomes necessary to find out the true
relationship between master and servant. What are your
duties and what are your rights ? Io is simple to under-
stand that your right is to receive higher wages for your
labour. And it is equally simple to know that your duty
is to work to the best of your ability for the wages you
receive. And it is my universal experience that as a rule
labour discharges its obligations more effectively and
more conscientiously than the master who has correspond-
ing obligations towards the labourers. It therefore
becomes necessary for labour to find out how far labour
can impose its will on the masters. If we find that we
are not adequately paid or housed, how are we to receive
enough wages, and good accommodation ? Who is to
determine the standard of wages and the standard of
comfort required by the labourers. The best way* no
doubt, is that you labourers understand your own righcs,
understand the method of enforcing your rights and enforce
them, But for that you require a little previous training —
education, You have been brought to a central point
from the various parts of Oh a country and find yourselves
congregated together, Bu'd you find that you are not
getting enough, you are uot properly housed, I therefore
venture to suggest to Mr. Wadia and those who
are leading you and advising you that their first
business is to guide you not by giving you a know-
ledge of letters but of human affairs and human relations.
I make this suggestion respectfully and in all humility

786 MISCELLANEOUS

because my survey cf labour in India is so far as I have
been able to undertake it and my long experience of con-
ditions of labour in South Afrioa lead me to the conclu-
sion that in a large majority of oases leaders consider that
they have to give labour the knowledge of the 3 B's.
That undoubtedly is a necessity of the case. Bat it is to be
preceded by a proper knowledge of your own rights and
fcbe way of enforcing them. And in conducting many a
strike I have found that it is possible to give this
fundamental education to the labourers within a few days.
And that brings* me to the subject of strikes. Strikers
are now in the air to-day throughout the world and on
the slightest pretext labour goes in for strikes, My own
experience of the last six months is that many strikes
have done harm to labour rather than good, I have
studied go far as I can the strikes in Bombay, a strike
at Tata Iron Works, and the celebrated scrike of the
railway labourers in the Punjab, There was a failure ia
all these strikes. Labour was not able to make good its
points to the fullest extent. What was the reason?
Labour was badly led, I want you to distinguish between
two classes of leaders, You have leaders derived from
yourselves and they are in their turn advised and led by
those who are not themselves labourers, but who are in
sympathy or expected to be in sympathy with labour.
Unless there is perfect correspondence between these
(three, there is bound to be a failure. la all these four
strikes that perfect correspondence was lacking, There ia
another substantial reason which I disaovered. labourers
look to pecuniary support from their unions for their
maintenance. No labour can prolong a strika indefinitely
BO long as labour depaads oa bbe resources of its unions
and no strike can absolutely suooaed which oaaoot) be

BIGHTS AND DUTIES OP LABOUR 787

'indefinitely prolonged, In all the strikes that I have
ever conducted I have laid down one indispensable rule
fchab labourers must find their own support. And
therein lies the secret of suooess and therein consists
your education. You should be able to perceive that,
if you are able to serve one master and command a
particular wage, your labour must be worthy and fib to
receive that wage any where else. Strikers therefore cannot
expect to be idlers and succeed. Your attempts must be
just. And there should be no pressure exerted upon those
whom you call " black legs." Any force of this kind
exerted against your own fellow- labourers is bound to
react upon yourselves. And I think your advisers will
tell you that these three condition* being fulfilled no
strike need fail. But they at once demonstrate to you
the necessity of thinking a hundred times before under-
taking a strike. So much for your rights and the method
of enforcing them But as labour becomes organised
strikes must be few and far between. And as your
mental and collective development progresses, you will
find that the principle of arbitration replaces the principle
of strikes and the time has now arrived when we should
reach this state.

I would now venture to say a few words in connec-
tion with your national responsibility. Jusfa as you
have to understand obligations amongst ourselves with
reference to your own masters, so also is it necessary to
understand your obligations to the nation to which you
belong. Then your primary education is complete. If
you sufficiently realise the dignity of labour) you will
realise that you have a duty too discharge by your
country. Yon must) therefore find out) the affaire of
your country in the best manner you can. You must]

788 MISCELLANEOUS

find out without having to wait for a cart load of books.
Who are your Governors and what are your relation*
with them ? What they do to you and what you can
do to them? In my humble opinion, it is not possible for
you to live your religion fully, until you undertake to
understand these things and my task this afternoon is
fir.iahed if I have stimulated your desire after a know-
ledge of the affairs of your country. And I hope you
will not rest contented until you have found out through
your advisers and leaders the true affairs of this country.
I wish you all the prosperity that you may desire and I
hope that you will discharge yourselves as good citizens
of this country (loud applause),

THE DOCTRINE OF THE SWORD*

Jo this age of the rule of brute force, it is almost
impossible for anyone to believe that anyone else could
possibly reject the law of the final supremacy of brute
force. And so I receive anonymous letters advising me
that I must not interfere with the progress of non-oo-
oparatiou evau though popular violence may break out.
Ooherd come to ma and assuming that secretly I must
bb plo&tiug violence, inquire when the happy moment
for declaring open violence ie to arrive. They assure me
that the English will never yield to anything but violence
secret or open. Yet others, I am informed, believe that
I am the most rascally person living in India because I
never give out my real indention and that they have not
a shadow of doubt that I believe in violence just as much
as most people do.

• From Young India, August 11, 1920.

THB DOCTRINE OP THE SWORD 789

Such being the hold that the doctrine of the sword
lias on the majority of mankind, and as success of non-
oo-operation depends principally on the absence of
Violence daring its pendency and as my views in this
matter affect the conduct of a large number of people, I
am anxious to state them as clearly as possible,

I do balieve that, where there is only a choice be-
tween cowardice and violence, I would advise violence.
Thus when my eldest son asked me what he should bave
done, had be been present when I was almost fatally
assaulted in 1908, whether he flhould have run away
and seen me killed or whether he should have used bis
physical force which he could and wanted to use, and
defended me, T told him that it was his duty to defend
me even by using violence. Hence it was that I book
part in the Boer War, the so-called Zulu rebellion and
the )afe War. Henre also do T advocate training in
arms for thope who believe in fcha method of violence,
I would rather bave India resort to arms in order to
defend her honour than that she should in a cowardly
manner become or remain a helpless witness to her own
dishonour.

But I believe that non-violence ia infinitely supe-
rior to violence, forgiveness adorns a soldier, But
abstinence is forgiveness only when there is the power
to punish ; it is meaningless when it pretends to pro-
ceed from a helpless creature. A mouse hardly forgives
a oat when it allows itself to be torn to pieces by her*
I therefore appreciate the sentiment of those who cry
out for the condign punishment of General Dyer and hie
ilk. They would tear him to pieces if they could- But
I do not believe India to be helpless. I do not believe

790 MISCELLANEOUS

myself bo be ft helpless creature. Only I wan to bo use
India's and my strength for a better purpose.

Leb me nob be misunderstood. Strength does nob
oo me from physical capacity. Id comes from an indo-
mitable will. AD average Zulu is anyway more than a
matoh for an average Englishman in bodily capacity.
But he flaeB from an English boy, because he fears the
boy's ravolver or those who will use it for him. He
fears death and is nerveless in spite of his burly
figure. We in India may in a moment realise that one
hundred thousand English men need nob frighten three
hundred million human beings. A definite forgiveness
would therefore mean a definite recognition of our
strength, With enlightened forgiveness must come
mighty wave of strength in us, which would make ifa
impossible for a Dyer and a Frank Johnson to heap
affront upon India's devoted head. It matters little to
me that for the moment I do not drive my point home*
We feel too downtrodden not to be angry and revenge-
ful. Bub I must nob refrain from saying that India can
gain more by waiving the righb of punishraenb. We
have better work bo do> a better mission bo deliver bo
the world.

I am not a visionary, I claim to be a practical
idealist. The religion of non-violence is nob meant
merely for the Rishis and saints. Ib is meant for the
common people as well, Non-violence is the law of our
speoias as violence is the law of bha brube. Tde spirit)
lies dormant in bhe brube and he knows no law but that
of physical mighb. The dignity of man requires obedi-
ence bo a higher law — bo bhe strength of bhe spirit.

I have therefore ventured bo place before India bh»
ancient law of seU-saorifioe, For Sabyagrah and its off-

THE DOCTRINE OP THE SWORD 791

shoots, non-co-operation and civil resistance, are nothing
but new namea for the law of suffering, The Biebis,
who discovered! the law of non-violence in fche midst of
violence, were greater geniuses than Newton. They
were themselves greater warriors than Wellington.
Having themselves known the use of arms, they realised
their uselessness and taught a weary world that its
salvation lay not through violence bat through non-
violence*

Non-violence in its dynamic condition means con-
scious suffering- It does not mean meek submission to
the will of the evil-doer, but it means the putting of one's
whole soul against the will of the tyrant. Working
under this law of our being, it is possible for a single
individual to defy the whole might of an unjust empire
to save his honour, his religion, his soul and lay the
foundation for that empire's fall or it»s regeneration,

And so I am not pleading for India to practise non-
violence because it is weak, I wanb her to practise
non -violence being conscious of her strength and power,
No training in arms is required for the realisation of her
strength. We seem to need ib because we seem to think
that we are but a lump of flesh, I want India to
recognise that she has a soul that cannot perish and
that can rise triumphant above every physical weakness
and defy the physical combination of a whole world.
What is the meaning of Eama, a mere human being,
with his host of monkeys, pitting himself against the
insolent strength of ten-headed lUvan surrounded in
supposed safety by the raging waters on all sides of
Lanka ? Does it not mean the conquest of physical
might by spiritual strength ? However, being a praotial
I do not wait till India recognises the praotioabi-

792 MISCELLANEOUS

lity of the spiritual life in the political world, India
considers herself to be powerless and paralysed before
tbe machine-guns, the tanks and the aeroplanes of the
English. And she takes up non-co-operation out of her
weakness. It must still serve tbe same purpose, namely,
bring her delivery from tbe crushing weight of British
injustice if a sufficient number of people practise it.

I isolate tnis non-co-operation from Sinn Feiniem,
/or, it is so conceived as to be incapable of being offered
side by side with violence. But I invite even the
school of violence to give ibis peaceful non-co-operation
a trial- It will not fail through its inherent weakness.
It may fail because of poverty of response. Then will
be tbe time for real danger, The high-souled men, who
are unable to suffer national humiliation any longer,
will want to vent their wrath, They will take to
violence. So far as I ktow they must perish without
delivering themselves or their country from tbe wrong.
If India takes up tbe doctrine of the sword, she may
gain momentary victory. Then India will cease to be
the pride of my heart. I am wedded to India because I
owe my all to her, I believe absolutely that she has a
mission for the world. She is not to copy Europe
blindly. India's acceptance of the dootHne of the sword
will be the hour of my trial. I hope I ehaU not he
found 'wanting. My religion has no geographical limit?,
If I have a living faith in it, it will transcend my love
for India herself. My life is dedicated to service of India
through the religion of non-violence which I believe to
be the root of Hinduism.

Meanwhile I urge those who distrust me, not to
disturb the even working of the struggle that has just
commenced by inciting to violence in the belief that I

GUJARAT NATIONAL UNIVERSITY 793

want violence. I detest) secrecy as a BID. Let them
give non-violent) non-co-operation a trial and they will
find that I had no mental reservation whatsoever,

THE GUJAEAT NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

[The following is an English version of Mr. Gandhi's
address on the occasion of the inauguration of the Guzerat
National University : — ]

I have been responsible for many important deeds
during my life-time. I have regretted for some while I
have been proud of others. But I can say without the
least exaggeration that the work in hand this moment
can be compared with none. I take this to be the most
important not because the country is going to ruins, as
some say, along that path, but I feel myself unequal to
the task. This is not what courtesy makes me speak
but it is what my oorjRcienoe tells me, I would not have
made this preface had I known that this comes simply as
an educational problem. It is not merely to impart learn-
ing that this institution is started but it is also meant to
enable students to solve the bread problem, That makes
me enter into comparisons. I feel reeling as it were
when I begin comparing this institution with the Guzerat
College and other Colleges, To me this appears great,
though some of you may differ. Bricks and mortar may
be playing *n important part in your comparisons and I
acknowledge the superiority of the Guzerat College in
these respects. All along the way T have been thinking
of something which oan enable me to make yon set aside
these standards of judgment, I have not been able to

794 MISCELLANEOUS

find thab something out and hence I find myself in straits
wherein I had never before fallen knowingly or unknow-
ingly. I shall not be able to convince you of things than
I feel, How can I convince you thab this work is great
notwithstanding the deficiencies lying therein ? But I
have that faith and can only wish that God foster such
faith in you.

PRINOIPALSHIP

Not an inch of the land is ours, everything belongs to
the Government;, even our body, It is doubtful whether
we are masters of our own souls. In such a tragio
state how can we wait for good building and learned men?
I would gladly offer the prinoipalship to a man, who
though a man of little parts can convince me that we have
loet our souls and our country, its valour and splendour. I
do not know whether you would accept him as such. And
so Mr, Gidwani is here. He is a man with high academic
qualifications and bright University degrees. But those
have not dazzled me. I would like you to change your
standards of judgments and make character the test in
your new valuations,

But here we have a holy place and that is brought
about by coming together of good men from Maharashtra,
Sind and Guzerab.

STERLING CHARACTER

1 would first request the ladies and gentlemen pre-
sent here to bless the movement and wish it success nob
by mere words but by deed, by sending their sons and
daughters to the institution. India has ever helped such
institutions financially, progress is never stayed on
account of lack of financial support. But I do believe thab
it is stayed for lack of men, teachers and organisers.

GUJARAT NATIONAL UNIVERSITY 796

III is only a bad workman that quarrels with bis
tools and the truest is be wbo gives the best witb
what he has, I would tell the principal and the
professors that only one prinoiple needs guide them
here, They are to teaoh lessons of freedom nob by
their scholarship bub by their sterling character.
They are to meet the warring devilish forces of the
Government with their divine peaceful forces. We have
to nurse the seed of freedom into a full-grown tree of
Swaraj. May God justify my faith in you 1 I know that
1 have not the scholarship which is expected in a Chan-
cellor of a University, But I have my faith which has
moved me to aooepb it. I am prepared to live and die
for this work ; and I aooepb this high office only because
I know that the same feelings actuate you.

DUTY OF PARENTS

Now I bum to the students, I consider it a sin to
blame them, because they are one mirror in which the
present situation is so faithfully reflected, They are
simple things and easy to read. If they lack in virtue
the fault is not theirs, bub ib is that of the parents,
teachers and the king, How do I find fault with the
king? " Yatha-praja Tatha IUja " (as are the subjects,
so is the king) is equally true as "Yabha Raja Tatha
Fraja " (aa is the king so are the subject?) for a king is
a king so long as his authority is respected. People are
at fault and their drawbacks are mirrored in the students*
and hence we must try to reform parent?, teachers and
kings. Every home is a university and the parents are
the teachers. The parents iu India have at present fore-
gone this sacred duty. We have not been able to estimate
foreign culture at Us proper value, How can we expeob
India io rise with thafa borrowed culture ?

796 MISCELLANEOUS

We inaugurate this University not as an educational
institution but as a national one, We inaugurate it bo
inculcate character and courage in students : and our
fitness for Swaraj will be rated by this our success.

STUDENTS'" RESPONSIBILITIES
This is nob the time for words but for deeds, and I
have called upon you to contribute your quota to the
national sacrifice. Now I address myself to the students.
I do not regard them as mere students exempt from any
responsibility. 1 regard the students who have joined
this institution as examples to others and hence fulfilling
the condition** of teachers to some extent. The Maha-
vidyalaya is founded on them; without! them it would
have been an impossibility. They share its responsibility
aud unless they realise this, all the efforts of the
teachers will not bear fruits expected of them, They
are to fully realise when they have left their colleges and
Joined this* May God pour into them the strength bo
discharge their duties during this grim struggle, however
long it lasts,

BIRTHPLACE OF " N, 0. O."

This strength of conviction and nob the strength in
number would make this institution a success and an
ideal to the rest of India, It shall be so not because of
the wealth of Quzerab or its learning bub because iHs bhe
birthplace of Non-Co- operation, The ground was first
prepared in Guzarab and the seed sown. Id is Guzerat
that baa suffered bhe birbh-pangs and ib is Guzerab that
has reared up the movement. Ib is nob vanity that
speaks in me. I do nob mean bo say that I am the
author of all bhis. I have simply been a R'shi, a Seer,
if a Bania like myself can be one I have simply given

GUJARAT NATIONAL UNIVERSITY 79T

the idea and ifa is worked out by my colleagues, Their
faith is of a superior type. I have seen it by experience
as directly an I see the trees opposite that India is to
rise by non-violent Non-Go-operation, and even the gods
oannot convince me otherwise. But) my colleagues have
realised this by imagination, by reasoning, by faith.
Individual experienoe is not the only faotor in an action.
Faith and imagination do play their part,

My colleagues have grounded the weapon, and its-
effect oannot be fully realised at this moment as it will
be six months henoe, But its corporate symbol is this
Mahavidyalaya. The chancellor, the teachers and the
students form the component parts of the symbol, I am
an autumnal leaf on the tree that might fall off at any
moment, the teachers are the youcg sprouts that would
last longer but fall off at their proper time but you, the
students, are the branches that would put forth new
leaves to replace the old ones. I request the students to
have the same faith in teachers as they have in me.
But if you fiud them lack in vitality, I would ask you to
burn them in your fire of righteousness. Suoh is my
prayer to God and that is my blessing to the students.

In conclusion, I pray to God and I wish you to join
me in the prayer that this Mahavidyalaya help us to
win the freedom than would turn not only this country,
but the world into a heaven.

INDIAN MEDICINE

[Mr. Gandhi^ in opening the Tibbi College at Delhi,
in the second week of February , 1921 , said : — ]

In order to avoid any misinterpretation of my views
on medicine, I would orave your indulgence for a few
momenta over a very brief exposition of them. I have
said in a book that; is much criticised at the present
moment tbat the present practice of medicine is the
concentrated essence of black magic, I believe that a
multiplicity of hospitals is no teat of civilisation. It is
rather a symptom of decay even as a multiplicity of
Pinjrapoles is a symptom of the indifference bo the welfare
of their cattle by the people in whose midst they are
brought into being, I hope, therefore, that this College
will be concerned chiefly with the prevention of diseases
rather than their cure. The science of sanitation is
infinitely more ennobling, though more difficult) of
execution, than the science of healing. I regard the
present system as black mffgio because it tempts people
to put an undue importance on the body and practically
ignores the spirit withw. I would urge the students and
professors of the College to investigate the laws governing
the health of the spirit and they will find that they will
yield startling results even with reference to the cure of
fche body. The present science of medicine is divorced
from religion. No man who attends to his daily Namaj
or his Oayatri in the proper spirit need get iil. A clean
spirit must build a clean body. I am convinced that the
main rules of religious conduct! conserve both the spirit
and the body. Let me hope and pray that) this College

INDIAN MEDICINE 799

witness a definite attempt on the part of the physi-
cians to bring about a reunion between tbe body and the
soul, Modern medical science having ignored the condi-
tion of the permanent element in the human system in
diagnosing diseases has ignored the limitation that should
naturally exist regarding the field of its activity. In trying
to cure a body of its disease it has totally disregarded the
claims of sub-human creation, Man instead of being lord
and therefore protector of the lower animal kingdom,
has become its tyrant and the science of medicine
has been probably his chief instruments for tyranny.
Vivisection in my opinion is the blackest of all tbe black-
est crimes that man is at present committing against
God and His fair creation. We should be able to refuse
lo live if the price of living be tbe torture of sentient
beings. It all becomes us to invoke the blessings in our
daily prayers of God, tbe Compassionate, if we in turn
will nob practice elementary compassion towards our
fellow-creatures. Would to God that this College found-
ed by one of tbe best of Indian physicians will bear in
mind tbe limitations that God, in my humble opinion,
baa set upon our activity. Having said this much I
would like to pay my humble tribute to tbe spirit of
research that fires tbe modern scientist. My quarrel is
.not against that spirit, my complaint is against the
direction that the spirit has taken. It has chiefly con-
cerned itself with the exploration of law and methods
conducing to the merely material advancement of its
clientele. But I have nothing but praise for the zeal,
industry and sacrifice that have animated the modern
scientists in their pursuit after truth. I regret to have
to record my opinion based on considerable experience
that our Hakims aod Vaids do nob exhibit) that spirit) in

800 MISCELLANEOUS

any menbionable degree, — they follow witboub question
formulae, they carry on little investigation. The con-
dition of indigenous medicine is truly deplorable. Nob
having kept abreast of modern research their profession
has fallen largely into disrepute. I am hoping thab this
College will try to remedy this grave defect) and restore
Ayurvedio and Unani medical science to its pristine
glory. I am glad, therefore, that this institution has its
western wing. Is it too much to hope that a union of
the three systems will result in a harmonious blending
and in purging each of its special defects, Lastly, I
ehail hope this College will set its face absolutely against
all quackery, Western or Eastern, refuse to recognise any
bub sterling worth and that it will inculcate among the
students the belief that the profession of medicine is nob
intended for earning fees but for alleviating pain and
suffering. With the prayer that God may bless the
labours of its founder and organisers, I formally declare
the Tibbi College open,

HINDUSTANI AND ENGLISH1"

1 have ventured to advise every student to devote
this year of our trial to the manufacture of yarn and
learning Hindustani, I am thankful to the Calcutta
students that they have taken kindly to the suggestion.
Bengal and Madras are the two provinces that are cub
off from the rest cf India for want of a knowledge
of Hindustani on their part, Bengal, because of its
prejudice against learning any other language of India,

• From Young Indtat February, 1921.

HINDUSTANI AND ENGLISH 80 1

and Madras, because of the difficulty of the Dravidiana
about picking no Hindustani. An average Bengali can
really learn Hindustani in two months if be gave ib
three hours per day and a Dravidian in six months at
the same rate. Neither a Bengali nor a Dravjdian can
hope to achieve the same result with English in the same
dime, A knowledge of English opens UD intercourse only
with comparatively few English-knowing Indians*
whereas a passable knowledge of Hindustani enables u*
bo hold intercourse with the largest number of our
countrymen. I do hope the Bengalis and the DravirHana
will oome to the next Congress with a workable
knowledge of Hindustani. Oar great assembly cannot
be a real object lesson to tho masses unless it speaks to
them in a language which the largest number can under-
stand. I appreciate the difficulty with the Dravidianp,
but nothing is difficult before their industrious love for
the Motherland.

Alongside . oT nay ^Tug^^on ^EouFTSicdusfcani has
been the advice that bhe students should, during the
transition period from inferiority to equality — from
foreign domination to Swaraj, from helplessness to self-
help — suspend their study of English. If we wish to
attain Swaraj before the next Congresu, we must believe
in tbe possibility, we must do all that) were capable of
doing for its advancement, acid one must do nothing that
would iiot advance ib or would actually retard it. Now
adding to our knowledge of Eughsb caunofi accelerate
our progress towards our goal aud it can conceivably
retard ib, The latter calamity U a reality in many
oases, for there are m*uy who believe that we cannot
acquire the spirit of freedom without the IDUBIO of the
51

802 MISCELLANEOUS

English words ringing in our ears and sounding through
our lips, This is an infatuation. If it) were the truth,
Swaraj would be as distant) as the Greek Kalends.
English is a language of international commerce, ib ia
the language of diplomacy, and it contains many a rich
literary treasure, it gives us an introduction to Western
thought and culture. For a few of us, therefore, a
knowledge of English is necessary. They can carry on
the departments of national commerce and international
diplomacy, and for giving to the nation the best of
Western literature, thought and science, That would be
the legitimate use of English. Whereas to-day English
has usurped the dearest place in our hearts and dethroned
our mother-tongues. It is an unnatural place dua to
our unequal relations with Englishmen. The highest
development of the Indian mind must be possible wibhoub
a knowledge of English. Id ia doing violence to the
manhood and specially the womanhood of India to
encourage our boys and girls to think that an entry into
the best society is impossible without) a knowledge of
English. It is too humiliating a thought to be bearable.
To get rid of the infatuation tor English is oue of the
essentials of Swaraj.

SOCIAL BOYCOTT*

Non-Co-operation being a movement of purification
is bringing to the surface all our weaknesses as also
excesses of even our strong points. Social boycott is an
age-old institution. Ib is coeval with caste. Ib is the

* From Young India , February, 1921,

SOCIAL BOYCOTT 80S

one terrible sanction, exercised with great effect. Ib is
based upon the notion that a community is not bound to
extend its hospitality or service to an ex-communicated, It
answered when every village was?a self-contained unib,
and the occasions of re-oaloitranoy]were3rare. But when
opinion is divided, as it is to-day, on the merits of Non-
Oo-operation, when its new application is having a trial,
a summary use of social boycott in order to bend a
minority to the will of the mojority is a species of unpar.
donable violence. If persisted in, such boycott is bound
to destroy the movement. Social boycott is applicable
and effective when it is nob felt as a punishment and
-accepted by the object of boycott as a measure of disci-
pline. Moreover, social boycott bo be admissible in a
campaign of non-violence must never savour of inhu-
manity. It must be civilised. It) must cause pain to the
party using it, if it causes inconvenience to its object.
Thus, depriving a man of the services of a meiioal man,
as is reported to have been done in Jhansi, is an act of
inhumanity tantamount in the moral code to an attempt
to murder. I see no difference in murdering a man and
withdrawing medical aid If com 'a man who is on the point
of dying, Even the laws of war, I apprehend, require
the giving of medical relief to the!enemy in need of it, To
deprive a man of the use of an only village-well is
notice to him to quit that village.. Surely, Non-Oo-opera-
tors have acquired no right to use that extreme pressure
against those who do not see eye to>ye!with them. Im-
patience and intolerance will surely kill this great religious
movement. We may not make people pure by compul-
sion, Much less may we compel them by violence to
respect our opinion. Ifi is utterly against the spirit ot
the democracy we want 60 cultivate,

8(M* MISCELLANEOUS

There are DO doubt) serious difficulties in our way,
The temptation to resort to social boycott is irresistible
when a defendant;, who submits to private arbitration,
refuses to abide by its award. Yet it is easy to see that
the application of social boycott is more than likely to
arrest the splendid movement to settle disputes by arbi-
tration which, apart from its use as weapon in the
armoury of Non-Co-operation, is a movement fraught
with great good to the country, People will take time
before they accommodate themselves to private arbitra-
tion Its very simplicity and inexpensivenesa will repel
many people even as plates jaded by spicy foods are
repelled by simple combinations. All awards will not
always be above suspicion. We must therefore rely upon
the intrinsic merits of the movement and the correctness
of awards to make itself felb.

It is much DO be desired if we can bring about a.
complete voluntary boycott of law courts. That one event
can bring Swaraj, But it was never expected that we
would reach completion in any single item of Non-Co-
operation, Public opinion has been go far developed as to
reoognise the Courts as signg not of our liberty but of our
slavery It has made it practically impossible for lawyers
to practise their profession and be called popular
leaders.

Non-Co-operation has greatly demolished the prestige
of Law Courts and to that extent, of the Government,
The disintegrating process is slowly but surely going on,
Its velocity will suffer diminution if violent methods are
adopted to hasten it This government of ours is armed
to the teeth to meet and check forces of violence. It
possesses nothing to check the mighty forces of non-
violence, How can a handful of Englishmen resist a

NEITHER A SAINT NOR A POLITICIAN 805

voluntary expression of opinion accompanied by tha
voluntary self-denial of thirty orores of people?

I hope, therefore, that Non-Co-operation workers
will bewaru of tha snares of sooial bovootD. Bub the
alternative to social boycott ia certainly not social
intercourse, A man who defies strong, clear public
opinion on a vital matter is not) entitled to social amenities
and privileges, We may nob take part in bis social
functions such as marriage faasts, we may not receive
gifts from him. But; we dare not) deny sooial service*
The laHer is a duty. Attendance at dinner parties and
the like is a privilege which it i« optional 60 withhold or
extend. But it would be wisdom to err on the tight side
and to exercise the weapon even in the limited sense
described by me on rare and well-defined occasions, And
in every case tbe usar of the weapon wili use ib at his
own nek. Toe use of ir, 18 rob as yet in any form a dut>y,
No one :s dutiUed to us u*e if there is any danger of
hurting the movement,

"NEITHER A SAINT NOR A POLITICIAN*"

A kind friend has sent, me the following cutting
from the April number of the " East and West :" —

1 Mr. Gandhi hag the reputation of a saint bub il
seems that the politician in him often dominated hia
decisions. Ha has been making great use of hartals and
there can be no gainsaying that) under hia direction harta
is becoming a powerful political weapon for uniting tha
educated and the uneducated on a single question of tha

* From Young India.

806 MISCELLANEOUS

day. The hartal is not without) its disadvantages, It is
teaching direct action, and direct action however potent
does not work for unity. Is Mr. Gandhi quite sure that
be is serving the highest behests of ahimsa, harmlessness?
His proposal to commemorate the shootings at Jallian-
wala Bagh is not likely to promote concord, It is a
tragic incident into which our Government was betrayed;
but is tLe memory cf its biUfiuees worth retaining?
Can we not commemorate the event by raising a temple of
peace, to help the widows and orphans, to bless the souls
of those who died without knowing why? The world is
full of politicians and pettifoggers who, in the name of
patriotism, poison the inner sweetness of man and, as a
result, we have wars and feuds and such shameless slaugh-
ter as turned Jallianwaia Bagh into a shamble. Shall
we not now try for a larger symbiosis such as Buddha
and Christ preached and bring the world to breathe and
prosper together ? Mr Gandhi seemed destined to be
the apoetle of such a movement, but circumstances are
forcing him to seek the way of raising resistances and
group unities. He may yet take up the larger mission of
uniting the world.'

I have given the whole of the quotation. Aa a
rule I do not notice criticism of me or my methods
except when thereby I acknowledge a mistake or enforce
still further the principles criticised I have a double
reason for noticing the extract. For, not only do I hope
further to elucidate the principles 1 hold dear, but I want
to show my regard for the author of the criticism whom
I know and whom I have admired or many years for
the singular beauty of his character. The oritio regret*
to see in me a politician, whereas be expected me to be &
fiainfc, Now I think that the word "saint" should be

NEITHER A SAINT NOR A POLITICIAN 807

ruled out of present! life. Id is 600 saored a word bo be
lighbly applied bo anybody, muoh leas bo one like myself
who claims only bo be a humble searcher after brubb,
knows his limitations, makes mistakes, never hesitates bo
admit them when he makes them and frankly confesses
bhat he, like a scientist, is making experiments aboub
some of the ebernal 'varibies' of life, bub oannob even
claim bo be a scientist because he can show no bangible
proof of scientific accuracy in his methods or suoh
tangible results of his experiments as modern science
demands. Bub though by disclaiming sainthood I
disappoint the critic's expectations, I would have him
give up his regrebs by answering him bhab the politi-
cian in me has never dominated a single decision
of mine, and if I seem bo bake parb in polities, ib is
only because politics encircle us bo-day like bhe coil of a
snake from which one oannob geb out, no matter how
muoh one tries, I wish bherefore bo wrestle wibh bha
snake, as I have been doing with more or less success
consciously since 1894, unconsciously, as I have now
discovered, ever since reaching years of discretion. Quite
selfishly, as I wish bo live in peace in bhe midst of ft
bellowing storm howling round me, I have been experi-
menting with myself and friends by introducing religion
into polibics. Let me explain whab I mean by religion.
Ib is nob bhe Hindu religion which I oerbainly prize above
all obber religions, bub bhe religion which transcends
Hinduism, which changes one's very nature, which binds
one icdiesolubly to the truth within and which never
purifies* Ib is bhe permanent element in human nature
which counts no cost boo greab in order bo find expres-
sion and which leaves bhe soul utterly restless until
it has found itself, known its Maker and appreoiab-

808 MISCELLANEOUS

ed the true correspondence between the Maker and
itself.

Ib was in that religious spirits that I came upon
hartal. I wauhed bo abow that in IB nob a knowledge of
letters that would give India consciousness of herself, or
that would find fchti educated together. The hartal
illuminated the wholo of India as if by magic on tb.9-6bb
of Aprii, 1919. And bad is nob been for fcbe interruption
of the lOah of April brought aboub by Satan whispering
fear into the ears of a government) conscious of its own
wrong and inciting to anger a people bhab were prepared
for ib by ubber distrust of the Government, India would
have risen bo an unimaginable heigbb. The hartal had
nob only been taken up by the greafe masses of people in
a truly religious spirit but it was intended bo be a prelude
bo a series of direct actions.

Bub my critic deplores direofe action, For, he says,
11 ib does nob work for unity.'1 I join issue with him
Never has anything been done on this earth wifchoufc
direct action. I rejected the word " passive resistance,"
beoause of its insufficiency and its being interrupted as
a weapon of fche #eak, P. was direct action in South
Africa which told and bold so uffeotively febau ib converted
General Stunts to «anity, He was in 1906 ;ho mogfj
relentless opponent of Indian aspirations, In 1914 h>j
took pride in doing tardy justice by removing from tha
Statute Book of tba Union a disgraceful measure which,
in 1909 he had told Lord Morley, would be never remov-
ed, for he then said South Africa would never tolerate
repeal of a measure which was twice passed by the
Transvaal Legislature, BUG what is more, direct action
sustained for eight years left behind ib nob only no bitter-
Dees, bub the very Indiana who pub up such a stubborn

NKITHKR A S*INT NOR A POLITICIAN 809

fight against; G-nera! Snrmtp, ranged themselves round
his banner in 1915 and fouglib undnr him in East Africa.
1$ was direob lotion in Ch^mr, iran whioh removed an age-
long grievance. A m^*k auhmiflj'on whan one is ohafing
under a dhab-l'fcy o~ a r»r'ovH»ll.H which one would gladly
gea removed, not only dooo not; ra*kn for unifey, but; make*
the Wo^k party af»id, ?ing»-v snd preparps him for an
opportunity to explode By a! lying myself wifch the
weak par'y, by r-aohin^ him direo\ firm, hut harmiesa
action, I m«ike him fenl strong anH capable of defying
fche phyaioal migho. Ha faelfl hraoer? for the struggle
regains oonfidenoe in himself, and knowing that the
remedy lioa wifcn himeelf, ceaHea to harbour fche spirit of
revenge and yearns to be satisfied with a redress of the
wrong he 19 seeking *?o remedy.

Ifi is working along the aam^ lino t-hat 1 have
VsnMirel to 8U^g-^ti a m^morUI 'ibjnfe Jdllian wa!(\ Ba^h.
Trio writer in East and West ha* aflonbed to mo a
proposal whioh has never Dnoe orossed my mind, He
fehinkg that I want " to commemorate the shooting ab
Jaliianwala Bagh," Nothing can be further from my
%hout;ht5 fehan to perpetuate fche memory of a blaok deed.
I oarepay that, before we have oorne to our own, we
shall have a repetition of the tragedy and I will prepare
the oabion for it by treasuring the memory of the innocent*
dead. The widows and tho orphans have been and are
being helped but we cannot "bless the souls of those who
died without knowing why," if we will nofe acquire the
ground whioh has been hollowed by innocent blood and
there erect a suitable memorial for them. It is not to
serve, if I can help it, as a reminder of foul deed but ift
shall serve as an encouragement to the cation thai; if) is
better feo die helpless and unarmed and as victims

810 MISCELLANEOUS

rather than as tyrants, I would have the future genera*
tiona remember that we who witnessed the innocent
dying did not ungratefully refuse bo cherish their memory,
As Mrs. Jinnah truly remarked when sha gave her mite
to the fund, the memorial would at least give ua an
excuse for living, After all b will he the spirit in which
the memorial is erected that will decide it* character,

What was the larger "symbiosis" that Buddha
and Christ preached? Buddha fearlessly carried the war
into the enemy's camp and brought down on its knees
an arrogant priesthood, Christ drove out the money
changer from the temple of Jerusalem and drew down
curse from Heaven upon the hypocrites and tha phariseea,
Both were for intensely direct action. Bat even as
Buddha and Christ chastised, they showed unmistakable
gentleness and love behind every act of theirs. They
would not raise a finger against their enemies, but would
gladly surrender themselves rather than the truth for
whioh they lived. Buddha would have died resisting the
priesthood, if the majesty of his love had not proved to
be equal to the task of bonding tha priesthood. Christ
died on the cross with a crown of thorns on his head
defying the might of a whole empire. And if I raise
resistances of a non-violent character, I simply and
humbly follow in the foot-stapa of the great teachers
named by my critic,

Lastly, the writer of the paragraph quarrels with
my grouping unities and would have me take up
" the larger mission for uniting the world", I once told
him under a common roof that I was probably more
cosmopolitan than he. I abide by that expression.

HINDU MOSLEM UNITY 811,

lab off the backs of our neighbours, the world would be
quite alright without any further help frotn us. And if
we oan only serve our immediate neighbours by ceasing
fco prey upon them, the oirole of unities thus grouped in
the right fashion will ever grow in circumference bill at
last it is oonternainus with that of the whole world.
More than that it is not given to any man to try or
achieve. Yatha Pinde tatha Brahamande is as true fco-
day as ages ago when it was first uttered by an unknown
Riehi.

HINDU MOSLEM UNITY*

Cow PROTECTION

Everybody knows that without unity between
Hindus and Mussulmans, no certain progress oan be
made by the nation. There is no doubt that the oemanfe
binding the bwo is yet loose and wet. There is still
mutual distrust, The leaders have oome fco recognise
that India oan make no advance witboub both feeling the
need of trust and common action. But though there i&
a vast change among the masses, it is still not permanent
quantity, The Mussulman masses do not still recognise
ihe same necessity for Swaraj as the Hindus do, The
Mussulmans do not flock bo public meetings in the same
numbers as the Hindus. This process cannot be forced.
Sufficient time has not passed for the national interest}
to be awakened among the Mussulmans. Indeed it is A
marvel, that whereas bub a year ago fche Mussulmans as a
body hardly book any interest in Congress affairs, all-

* From Young India, July 28, 1921,

812 MISCELLANEOUS

over Intha, thousand* have registered themselves as
members, This m itself is an immense gaia,

Baft much oaore yeti remains to be done, It is
essentially r.hcj \vork of t»he Hmdus. Wherever the
Mussulmans are stiill found bo he apathetic, they should
he iuvited to come ID. One often hears from Hindu
quarters the ooonUinb that Mussulmans do nob join the
Congress organisation or do not pay to the Swaraj
Fund. The natural question ie, have they been invited ?
In every district Hmdus must make special efforts to
draw ou& their Mussulman neighbours. There will never
ha real equality so long as one feels inferior or superior
to the other. There is no room for patronage among
equals. Mussulmans must not feel the lack of education
or numbers where they are in a minority, Deficiency in
education must be corrected by taking education. To be
in a minority is often a blessing, Superiority in num-
bora has frequen&ly proved a hindrance. It is character
that counts in the end. But I have not commenced this
article to lay down counsels of perfection, or to state the
course of conduct in the distant future.

My main purpose is to think of the immediate task
lying before a*. Bakr-Id will be soon upon us. What
are we to do to frustrate the attempts that will then by
made to foment quarrels between us — Hindus and
Mussulmans? Though the situation has improved con-
siderably in Bihar, it is not yet free from anxiety. Over-
zealous and impatient Hindus are trying to force
matters. They lead themselves an easy pray to the
machinations of mischief-makers not always prompted
by the Government side, Protection of the oow is the
nearest to the Hindu heart,

HINDU-MOSLEM UNITY 81,;

W0 are therefore apt to Irjee our heads over H, aud
thus be unconsciously instrumental ID doing an injury
fee the very cause we seek to espouse. Let us recognise
bhab our Mussulman brethren have ma^e great efforts to
gave the oow for the sake of their Hindu brethren. Jb
would be a grave mistake to underrate them, But*
immediately we become assertive, we make all effort on
their parb nugatory. We have throughout all these many
years put up with cow-slaughter either without a mur-
mur or under ineffective and violent protest. We have
never bried to deserve self-imposed restraint on the parb
of our Mussulman countrymen by going oub of our way to
cultivate friendly relations with them. We have more or
less gratuitously assumed the impossibility of fche fca&k»

But we are now making a deliberate) and conscious
attempt in standing by their side in the hour of their
need. Let U8 nob spoil the good effect by making our free
offering a matter of bargain. Friendship can never be a
contract, It is a status carrying no consideration with
it. Service is a duty, and duty is a debt which it is a sin
nob bo discharge^ If we would prove our friendship, we
must help our brethren whether they save the cow or
nob. We throw the responsibility for their conduct) to.
wards us on their own shoulders* We dare nob dictate id
to them as consideration for our help. Such help will be
hired service, which the Mussulmans oannob be blamed if
they summarily reject, I hope, therefore, that the Hindus
of Bibar and indeed all tone parts of India will realise th«
importance of observing the strictest forbearance no matter
what the Mussulmans do on Bakr-Id, We musb leave
them to take what course they choose, What Hakim
Ajmal Khanji did in one hour at Amritsar, Hindus
could nob have done by years of effort. The cows

MISCELLANEOUS

that) Meeers, Cbotani and Khatri saved last Bakr Id day,
the Hindu millionaires of Bombay oouid nob have
saved if they had given the whole of their fortunes- The
greater the pressure pub upon the Mussulmans, bha greater
must be the slaughter of the cow. We musto leave them
to their own sense of honour and duty, And we shall
have done the greatest service to the oow.

The way to save the oow is not to kill or quarrel
with the Mussulman. The way to save the oow is to die
in the aot of saving the Ehilafat without mentioning
the oow, Cow protection is a process of purification, It
is tapasya, i.e.t self -suffering. When we suffer
voluntarily and therefore without expectation of reward,
the cry of suffering (one mighb say) literally asoends to
heaven, and God above hears it and responds. That is
the path of religion, and it has answered even if one
man baa adopted it in its entirety. I make bold to assert
without fear of contradiction, that it is nob Hinduism to
kill a fallow-man even to save the oow. Hinduism
requires its votaries to immolate themselves for the sake
of their religion, i.e,> for the sake of saving the oow. The
question is how many Hindus are ready wibbout bargain
ing with the Mussulmans bo die for them and for their reli-
gion ? If the Hindus can answer it IB the religious
spirit), they will not only have secured Mussulman friend-
ship for eternity, but they will have saved the oow for
all time from the Mussulmans. Let us nob swear even
by the greatest among them. They can but help. They
oaunot undertake to change the hearts of millions of men
who have hitherto given no thought to the feeling* of
their Hindu neighbours when they slaughter the oow.
Bat Qod Almighty can in a moment change them and
onve them to pity. Prayer accompanied by adequate

UNTOUCH ABILITY 816

Buffering is a prayer of bha heart That? alone counts
with God- To my Mussulman friends T would say bub
one word. They must) nob be irritated by the acts of
irresponsible or ignorant) but fanatical Hindus. Ha who
exercises restraint under provocation wins the battle.
Let them know and feel sure that responsible Hindus
are nob on their side in their trial n any bargaining
spirit. They are helping baoause they know that the
Ehilafat is a just cause, and that to help them io a good
cause is to serve India, for they are even as blood-
brothers, born of the same mother— Bharata Mata.

UNTOUGHABILITY

[Mr. Gandhi presided at the Suppressed Glasses Con-
ference held at dhmedabad on the 13th and 14th May, 192L
In the course of his speech on the occasion, he narrated a
fragment of his personal history. He said ; — ]

I regard untouohability as the greatest blob on
Hinduism. This idea was nob brought home to me by
my bitter experiences during the South African struggle.
It ia not due to the faob that I was onoe an agnostic. Ifc
is equally wrong to think, as some people do, that I have
taken my views from my study of Christian religious
literature. These views date as far b*ok as the time
when I was neither enamoured of, nor was aquainted
with the Bible or the followers of the Bible.

I was hardly yet twelve when this idea had dawned
on me. A scavenger named Uka, an untouchable, used
to attend our house for cleaning latrines. Often I
would ask my mother why it was wrong bo touch him,
I was forbidden to touch him. If I aooidenbly

816 MISCELLANEOUS

touched Uka I was asked do perform the ablutions,,
and though I naturally obeyed, id was nob without
smilingly protesting that unfeouohubility wasuot sanction-
ed by religion, fchab it was impossible thab it should ba
ao. I was a very dutiful and obedient child : and ao far
as iti waa consistent with respect; for parents. I often
bad tussles wibh thetn oo bbis matter. I told my mother
thai; she was entirely wrong in considering physical con-
tact with Uka as sinful.

While at; school, I would ofoea happen to touch
the " untouchables ", and as I never would conceal one
fact from my parents, my mother would tell me that
the shortest out to purification afcer the unholy touch
was to cancel the touch by touching any Mussulman
passing by, And simply out of reverence and regard for
oay mother, I often did so, bub never did so believing
it to be a religious obligation. After some time we
shifted to Porebander, where I made my first acquaint-
ance wibh Sanskrit- I was not yet pub to an English
school) and my brother and I were placed in charge of a
Brahman, who taughb us Ram Baksha and Vishnu Pun-
jar. Toe texts " Jale Vishnuh " " Sthale Vishnuh "
(there is the Lord (present) in water, there is the Lord
(present;) in earth) have never gone oub of my memory-
A motherly old dame used to live olose by, Now it
happened that I was very timid then, and would oonjure
up ghosts and goblins whenever the lights went out,
and it was dark. The old mother, bo dfsabuse me of
(ears, suggested that I should mutber the Bamaraksha
texbs whenever I was afraid, and all evil spirits would
fly away- This J did and, as I thought, wibh good
effect;, I oould never believe then that there was any
texo in the Bamaraksha pointing to the contact of bhe>

UNTOUOHABILITY 8lf

' untouohablea ' aa a sin. I did nod understand ita
meaning then, or understood ib very imperfectly, But
I waa confident that Ramaraksha, whioh could destroy
all fear of ghoete* oould not be countenancing any euoh
thing aa fear of oonfcaoh with the " untouohablea."

The Ramayana used to be regularly read in our
family, A Brahmin called Ladha Maharaja used bo read
ib. He was stricken with leprosy, and he waa confident!
tbab a regular reading of the Ramayana would cure him
of leprosy ; and, indeed, he was cured of ib. ' How can
the Ramayana,' I thought to myself, in whioh one who
is regarded now-a-days as an untouchable took Kama
across tha G*ngea in his boat, countenance the idea of
any human bainga being * untouchables' on the ground
that they were ' p Luted ooula ?' The faot that we
addressed God aa the " purifier of the polluted " and
by aimilar appellations, shows that it ia a sin to regard
any one born in Hinduism as polluted or untouchable —
thab it is satanio to do no. I have henna been never
tired of repeating that in is a great ain. I do not pretend
that thia thing bad crystallised as a conviction in me at
the age of twelve, but I do say that) I did then regard
uotouohability aa a ain. I narrate thia story for the
information of the Vaiahnavaa and Orthodox Hindus.

I hava atwaya claimed to ba a Sanatani Hindu. It)
is not that I am quite innocent of the scriptures. I
am not a profound scholar of Saobkrit, I hava read
tbe Vedas an'd the Upaniskads only in translation?.
Naturally therefore mine is not a scholarly study of
them. My knowledge of them ia in no way profound,
bat I have atudied them aa I should do aa a Hindu,
and I claim to have grasped their true spirit. By tha
time I had reached the age of 21, I had studied other
53

818 MISCELLANEOUS

religions also. There was a time when I was waver-
ing between Hinduism and Christianity. When I re-
covered my balance of mind, I felto that bo me salvation
was possible only through the Hindu religion and my
faibh in Hinduism grew deeper and more enlightened.

Bafe even then I believed that unfcouohability was no
part of Hinduism ; and, that if it was, auoh Hinduism
was nofc for me.

True Hinduism ^oee nob regard untouchability as a
sin. I do nofc want; to enter into any controversy regard-
ing the interpretation of the Shastraa. It might be diffi-
cult for me to pstablhh my point by quoting authorities
from the Bhagwat or Manusmriti. But I claim to have
understood the spirit) of Hinduism. Hmduism has
sinned in giving sanction to unbouohabilifey, It) has
degraded us, made us the pariahs of the Empire. Even
the Mussulmans naught the sinful contagion from us, and
in S. Africa, in E. Africa and in Canada the Mussulmans
no less than Hindus came to ba regarded as Pariahs.
All this evil has resulted from the sin of untouohability,

GOKHALE, TILAK AND MEHTA*

A strange anonymous letter has been received by
me, admiring me for having taken up a cause that was
dearest to Lokamanya's hear*, and telling ma that his
spirit was residing in me and that I must prove a worthy
follower of his, The letter, moreover, admonishes me
not to lose heart in the prosecution of the Swaraj pro-
gramme, and finishes off by accusing me of imposture

• From Young India, July 13, 1921,

GOKHALE, TILAK AND MEHTA 819

In claiming to be politically a disciple of Qokhale, I
wieh correspondents will throw off the slavish habit! of
writing anonymously, We, who are developing the
Swaraj spirit, must? cultivate fehe courage of fearlessly
speaking out our mind. The eubjeob-mabter of the letter,
however, being of public importance, demands a roply,
I oannob claim the honour of being a follower of the
Jafce Lnkamanya. I admire him lik* millions of his
countrymen for his indomitable will, his vasb learning,
liis love of country, and, above all, the purity cf his
private life and great sacrifiae. Of all the men of modern
times, he captivated moss the ioaasiuafcion of his people,
He breathed into us the spirit* of Svvaraj No one per-
haps realifled the evil of the existing system of Govern-
ment as Mr. Tilak did, And in all humility I claim to
deliver his message to the country as truly as the basti
of his disciples. Bub I am conscious that my method is
not Mr, Tilak's methods and that is why I have still
difficulty with some of the Maharashtra leaders, But) I
sincerely think that Mr, Tilak did not disbelieve in my
method. I enjoyed the orivilege of his confidence. And
his last word to me in the presence of several friends
was, just) a fortnight) before his death, that mine was an
excellent method if the people could be persuaded to
take bo it. Bub ha said he hai doubfea. I kuow no
other method. I can only hope that when the final
test comes, the country will ba proved bo have assimil-
ated the method of non-violent non-co-operation. Nor
am I unaware of my other limitations, I can lay no
claim to scholarship. I have nob his powers of organisa-
tion, I have no compact disciplined party to lead, and,
having been an exile for twenty-three years, I cannot*
claim the experience that the Lokamanya bad of India.

820 MISCELLANEOUS

Two things we.had in common to the fullest measure—*-
love of country and the steadly pursuit of Swaraj,
I can, therefore, assure the anonymous writer, that
yielding to none in my reverence for the memory of the
deceased, I will march side by side with the foremost of
the Lokamanya's disciples in the pursuit of Swaraj. I
kcow that the only offering acceptable to him is the
quickest) attainment of Swaraj by India, That and nothing
else can give his spirit peace. 0

Disoiplaship, however, is a sacred personal matter. I
fell at? Dadabh'u'a feet in 1883, but he seemed to be too
far away from me. I could ba as son to him, not disciple.
A disciple is more than a son. Disoipleship is a second
birth. It is a voluntary surrender. In 1896 I meb
almost all the known leaders of India in connection with
my Soufch African mission. Justice R^nade awed me. I
could hardly talk in his presence. Badruddin Tayabji
fathered me, and asked me to be guided by Rinade and
Pherozashab. The latter became a patron. His will
had to be law, * You must address a public meeting on
the 26:h September, and you must be punctual.' I obeyed-.
GJ the 25sh evening I was to vvaib on him. I did*

' Have you written out your speech T he inquired.

'No, Sir/

* That won't do, young man. Can you write it out
to-night ?'

1 Munshi, you must go to Mr. Gandhi and receive
the manuscript from him. It mrst be printed over-nighfr
and you must send me a copy-' Turning bo me, he added,
' Qandhi, you must not write a long speech, you do nob
know Bombay audiences cannot stand long addresses.' B

GOKHALB, TILAK AND MBHTA 821,

The lion of Bombay baughb me to take orders. He
-did not make me his disciple. He did not even try.

I went thenoe to Poona. I was an utter stranger,
My host firsti took me to Mr. Tilak. I met him surround-
ed by bis companions. Ho listened, and said, ' We must
arrange a meeting for you. Bub perbaps you do not
know, tbat we bave unfortunately two parties. You must
give ua a non-party man as obairman. Will you see Dr.
Bbandarkar?' I consented and retired, I have no firm
impression of Mr. Tilak, except to recall tbat be shook
off my nervousness by his affectionate familiarity, I
went thenoe, I think, to Gokhale, and then to Dr, Bhan-
darkar. The latter greeted me, as a teacher of his pupil.

1 You seem to be an earnest and enthusiastic young
man. Many people do not come to see me at this the
hottest part of the day. I never now-a-days attend
public meetings. Bub you have recited such a pathetic
story tbat I must make an exception in your favour.'

i worshipped the venerable doctor with his wise
face. Bat I could not find for him a place on thab little
throne. Id was still unoccupied. I had many heroes
--but no king/

It was different with Gokhale, I cannot say why. I
met him at bis quarters on the college ground. Ill was
like meeting an old friend, or better still, a mother after
a long separation. His gentle face pub me at ease in a
moment. His minute inquiries about myself and my
doings in South Africa at once enshrined him in my
hearb. And as I parted from him, I said to myself, 'You
are my man*. And from that moment Gokbale never
lost sight) of me. In 1901 on my second return from
South Africa, we came closer still. He eimply 'book me
in hand,1 and began to fashion me. He was concerned

822 MISCELLANEOUS

about how I spoke, dressed, walked and ate. My mother
waa nob more solicitous aboub ma than Gokhale. There
was, so far as I am aware, no reserve befcween us. Ib
was really a case of love at first sight, and ifc stood the
severest strain in 1913. Ha seemed to me all I wanted
as a political worker — pure aa crystal, gentle as a lamb,
brave as a lion and chivalrous to a fault. It does not
mat, tor to me that he may not have been any of these
things. Ib waa enough for mo» that I oould discover no
fault in him to cavil at. He was aud remains for me the
most perfect man on tha political fiald. Not therefore*'
fcbat we had no differences. We differed oven in 1901 in
our views on social customs, e. 0,, widow re-marriage.
We discovered differences in our estimate of western
civilization. He frankly differed from me in my extreme
views ou non-violence, But these differences mattered
neither to him nor to ma. Nothing oould pub ua as-
under. Ib were blasphemous to conjecture what would
bava happened if he wore alive to-day. I know that I
would have been working under him. I have made thia
confession, because the anonymous letter hurt me, when
it accused me of imposture about my political disciple-
ship. Had I been remiss in my acknowledgment to him
who is now dumb ? I thought, I must declare my
faithfulness to Gokhale, especially when I seemed to be>
living in a camp which the Indian world calls opposite,

THE FEAR OF DEATH *

I have been collecting description of Swaraj, One
of these would be Swaraj is the abandonment; of the fear
of death. A nation which allows ifcsalf bo ha it.flaenoed
by the fear of death cannot attain S varaj and cannob
retain ib if somehow attained.

English people carry their livea in thoir pockets.
Arabs and Pabhans consider death as nothing more than
an ordinary ailment, they never weep whan a relation
dies. Boer women are perfectly innocent) of this fear.
In fche Boer war, thousands of young Boer women became
widowed. They never cared. Ib did nob matber in the
leasb if the husband or the son was lost, it was enough,
and more than enough, that bha country's honour was
aafe. What booted the husband if the country was en-
slaved ? Ib was infinitely batter to hury a son'a mortal
remains and to cherish his immortal memory than to
bring him up as a serf, Thus did the Boer women steel
their hearts and cheerfully give up their darlings to the
angle of Death.

The people I have mentioned kill and get killed.
But what of those who do not kill hub are only ready to
die themselves? Such people become the objects of a
world's adoration. They are the salt of the earth.

The English and the Germans fought one another ;
they killed and got killed. The result is that animosities
have increased. There is no end of unrest, and the
present) condition of Europe is pitiful. There is more of
daoeit, and each is anxious to circumvent the rest.

* Translated from (he Gujarati Navajivan, Oct., 1921.

824 MISCELLANEOUS

Bub fearlessness which we are cultivating ia of a
nobler and purer order aad it is therefore that we hope to
aobiave a signal victory within a very short time.

When we attain Swart] many of ua will have given
up the fear of death or else we shall nob have attained
Swaraj. Till now mostly young hoys have died in the
cause. Those who died in Aligarh were all below twenty-
ooe. No one knew who they were. If Government
resort to firing now 1 am hoping that some men of the
first rank will have the opportunity of offering up the
supreme sacrifice.

Why should we be upset when children or young
men or old men die ? Not a moment passes when some
one is nob born or is not dead in thin world. We should
feel the stupidity of rejoicing in a birth and lamenting a
death. Tbose who believe in the soul — and what Hindu,
Mussulman or Parsi ia there who does not ? — know that)
the soul never dies, The souU of the hviug as well aa of
the dead are all one, Trie eternal processes of creation
and destruction are going on ceaselessly. Toere is nothing
in it for which we might give ourselves up to joy or
sorrow. Even if we extend the idea of relationship only
to our countrymen and take all the births in the country
as taking place in our own family, how many births shall
we celebrate? If we weep for all the deaths in our
country the tears in our eyes wjuld never dry, Thin train
of thought should help us to get rid of ail fear of death.

ludia, they sty, is a nation of philosophers ; and we
have not baan ua willing to appropriate the compliment,
Still hardly any other nation becomes so helpless in the
face of death as we do. And in ludia again no other
community perhaps betray so much of this helplessness
as the Hindus. A single birth ia enough for ua to be

THE FEAR OF DBATH 825'

besides ourselves with ludicrous joyfulnees, A death makes
us indulge ia orgies of loud lamentation which condemn
the neighbourhood to sleeplessness for the eight. If we
wish to attain Swaraj, and if having attained it wo wish
to make it something to be proud of we perfectly
renounce this unseemly sight?,

And what is imprisonment to the man who is fear-
lass of death itself ? If the reader will bestow a little
thought upon the matter, ha will find that if Swaraj is
delayed, it is delayed because we are not prepared calmly
to meet death and inconveniences leas than death.

As larger and larger numbers of innocent men coma
out to welcome death, their sacrifice will become the
potent instrument: for the salvation of all others ; and
there will be a minimum of suffering. Suffering cheer-
fully endured ceasea to be Buffering and is transmuted
into an ineffable joy. The man who flies from suffering
is the victim of endless tribulation before it had come to
him, and is half dead when it does come, But one who
ia cheerfully ready for anything and everything that
comes, escapes all pain, his cheerfulness acts as an
anaesthetic/

I have been led to write about this subject because
wa hava got to envisage even death if we will have
Swaraj this very year. One who is previously prepared
often escapes accident and this may well ba tha oasa
with u»i It is my firm conviction that Swadeshi consti-
tutes this preparation. When once Swadeshi is a success
neither this Government nor any one else will feel tha
necessity of putting us to any further test.

Still it is best not to neglect any contingency what-
ever, Possession of power makes men blind and deaf,
they cannot see things which are under their very nose,

896 MISCELLANEOUS

and oannofe hear things which invade their ears. There
is thus no knowing what this power-intoxicated Govern-
ment may nod do. So it seemed to me that patriotic men
ought to be prepared for death, imprisonment and similar
eventualities.

The brave meet death with a smile on their lips, bub
they are circumspect all the same, There is no room
for foolhardiness in this nou-violent war. We do not
propose to go to gaol or to die by an immoral aofe. Wa
must mount the gallows while resisting the oppressive
laws of this Government).

HINDUISM*

In dealing with the problem of untouohabihty during
the Madras tour, I have asserted my claim to being a
Sanatani Hindu with greater emphasis than hhherfco, acd
yet theie aro things whioh are commonly done in the
name of Hinduism, which I disregard. I have no desire
to be called a S&natani Hindu or any other if I am not
such, And I have certainly no desire to steal in a reform
or an abuse under cover of a great faith,

Ito is therefore necessary forme onoe for all disfcinotily
to give my meaning of Sanatani Hinduism. The word*
Sanabana I use in its natural sense.

I call myself a Santani Hindu, because —

(l) I believe in the Vedas, the Upanishada, the

Puranas and all that goes by the name Hindu scriptures,

and therefore in avataras and re- birth*

• From Young India, Got, 12, 1921.

HINDUISM 827

(2) I believe in fche Varnashrama Dharma, in a sense
in my opinion, strictly Vedio bub not in its present
popular and orude sense.

(3) I believe in tbe protection of the cow in its much
larger sense than the popular.

(4) I do not disbelieve in idol-worship-

The reader will note that I have purposely lef rained
from using the word divine origin in reference to the
Vedas or any other scriptures. For I do nob believe in
the exclusive divinity of the Vedas. I believe the Bible*
the Koran, and the Zend Avesta to be as nauoh divinely
inspired as tbe Vedas, My belief in the Hindu scriptures
does not require me to accept every word and every versa
as divinoly inspired. Nor do I claim to have any first-
hand knowledge of these wonderful books, But I do
claim to know and feel the truths of the essential teaching
of the scriptures. I decline to be bound by any interpre-
tation, however learned it may be, if it in repugnant to
reason or moral sense, I do most emphatically repudiate
fche claim (if they advance any auoh) of the present
Shankaracharyas and Shasfcris to give a correct interpre-
tation of the Hindu scriptures. Oa the contrary, I
believe that our present knowledge of these books is in
a most chaotic state. I believe implicitly in the Hindu
aphorism, that no one truly knows the Shaafcras who has
not attained perfection ia lanoaaaoa (Ahimta), Tru'h
{Satya) and Self-control (Brahmacharya] and who has
nod renounced all acquisition or possession of wealth. I
believe in the institution of Gurus, bub in this age
millions mnsb go without a Guru, because it is a rare
thing 60 find a combination of perfect purity and perfect
learning. Bub one need nob despair of ever knowing the
truth of one's religion, because the fundamentals oi

828 MISCELLANEOUS

Hinduism aa of ev^ry greah religion are nnohangeable,
and easily understood. Every Hindu believes in God
and hia onenesa, in rebirth and aalvatiioa. Bufi that
which distinguishes Hinduism from every other religion
ia its cow protection, more than ita Varnashramt
is, in my opinion, inherent in human nature, and
Hinduism haa simply reduced it to a aoienoe. It
doea attach to birth. A man cannot ohanga hia
vania by choice. Not to abide by one'a varna ia to
disregard the law of heredity, The division, however,
into innumerable oaafcea ia an unwarranted liberty taken
Tyifch the doctrine. The four diviaiona are all-sufficing,

I do not believe thai inter-dining or even inter-
marriage necessarily deprives a man of hia atatua that
hia birth has given him. Tbe four divisions define a
tnan'a calling, they do not restrict or regulate social
intercourse, Tbe divisiona define duties, they confer no
privileges. It* is, I hold, against the genius of Hinduiam
to arrogate to oneself a higher acatua or aasign to another
a lower. All are born to aerve Gad's creation, a Brahman
with hia knowledge, a Kahatriya with hia power of
protection, a Vaiahya with hia commercial ability and a
Sbudra with bodily labour. Thia however doea not mean
that a Brahman for instance ia absolved from bodily
labour or the duty of protecting himself and others,
Hia birth makes a Brahman predominantly a man of
knowledge, the fittest by heredity and training to impart
it to othora, There ia nothing, again, to prevent the
Shudra from acquiring all the knowledge he wishes.
Ooly, be will best aerve with hia body and need nob envy
others their special qualitiea for service. But a Brahman
who olaima supariority by right of knowledge falls and
lias no knowledge. And so with the others who pride

HINDUISM 829*

themselves upon their special qualities. Varna shram a is
self-restraint and conservation aud economy of energy.

Though, therefore, Varnashrama is nob affected by
inker-dining or inter-marriage. Hinduism does most*
emphatically diaoourage inter-dining aud inter-marriage
between divisions. Hinduism reached the highest limit
of self-restraint-. It is undoubtedly a religion of renuncia-
tion of the flesh so that tha spirit may be set free, Io
ia no part of a Hindu's duty to dine with bis son. And
by restricting his choice of a bride to a particular group,
ho exercises rare self-restraint, Hinduism does not
regard a marriage state as by any means essential for
salvation. Marriage is a 'fall* even as birth is a ' fall.'
Salvation is freedom from birth aud hence death also.
Prohibition against inter-marriage and inter-dining is
essential for a rapid evolution of the soul But this self-
denial is no test of varna. A Brahman may remain a
Brahman, though he may dine with his Sbudra brother,
if he baa not left off his duty of service by knowledge. It
follows from what I have said above, that restraint in
matters o7 marriage and dining is not based upon notions
of superiority. A Hindu who refuses to dine with
another from a sense of superiority misrepresents his
Dharma.

Unfortunately to-day Hinduism seems to coubie*
merely in eating and not eating, Once I horrified a pious
Hindu by taking to&at at a Mussulman's house. 1 saw
that he was pained to see me pouring milk into a cup
banded by a Mussulman friend, but his anguish knew 140
bounds when he aaw me taking toast at the Mussulman's
hands. Hinduism ia in danger of losing its substance il
it resolves itself into a matter of elaborate rules as to
what and with whom to eat, AbatejuioueDeas from

830 MISCELLANEOUS

intoxicating drinks and drugs, and from all kinds ol
foods, especially meat, is undoubtedly a great; aid to the
evolution of the spirit, but it is by DO means an end io
issalf, Miny a man eating meat and with everybody but
Jiviug in the fear of God is nearer his freedom than a
man religiously abstaining from meat and many other
things, but blaspheming God* in every one of his acts.

The central faob of Hinduism, however* is cow-pro-
tection, Cow-profceotion to me is one of the most
\vonderful phenomena in human evolution. It takes the
huixua being beyond his species. The cow to me means
the entire sub-human world' Man through tbe cow ia
enjoined to realise his identity with ail that lives. Why
the cow was selected for apotheosis, is obvious to me,
Tae caw was in India the best companion, She was the
gwar of plenty, Nob only did she give milk, but she
also made agriculture possible, The cow is a poaiu of
Dtty, Qua reads pity ia the gentle animal. Sha is tha
mother to millions of Indian mankind. Protection of the
ojw means protection of the whole dumb creation of
God. The ancient seer, whoever he was, began with the
cow. The appeal of the lower order of creation is all tha
more forcibia because it is speechless. Caw-protection
is the gift of Hinduism to the world. And Hinduism will
lira so long as there are Hindus to protect the cow.

The way to protect is to die for her. It is a denial
of Hinduism and Ahimsa to kill a human baing to protect
* cow* Hindus are enjoined to protect tho cow by their
tapa$yat by self-purification, by self-sacrifica. Tha pre-
sent day caw-protection has degenerated into perpetual
(aud with the Mussulmans, whereas cow-protection means
conquering tha Mussulmans by our love, A Mussulman
friend sent ma eotpa time ago a book detailing tha

HINDUISM 831

inhumanities practised by uq on the oow and her
progeny. How we blead her bo take the last drop of milk
Prom her, how we starve her fco emaciation, how we
sll-breab the Q%lvas, how we deprive them of their
portion of mills, how cruelly we treab the ox on, how
we castrate them, how we beab them, how we
overload them- If they had speech they would bear
wibness to our crimes against) them which would sbagger
fche world. By evary aob of cruelty to our oatfcle, we
disown Gsnl and Hinduism, I do nob know that the
oondifcioti of the cattle in any other part) of the world ia
as bad as in unhappy India. We may nob blame the
Englishman for this. We may nob plead poverty ia our
defence. Criminal uagliganoa ia the only causa of the
miserable condition of our cattle Our Panjrapoles, though
they are an answer bo our instinct of mercy, are a clumsy
demonstration of its execution, Instead of being model
dairy farms and greab prcfi&able national institutions,
they are merely depots for receiving deorepito cattle.

Hindus will be judged nob by fcheir tilaks, nob by
fcbe correct chanting of mantras, nobby their pilgrimages,
nob by fcheir most punctilious observance of oaate rules
bub by their ability to protect; tha oow, Whilst professing
the religion of cow-protection, we have enslaved the oow
and her progeny, and have become slaves ourselves.
It will now be understood why I consider myself
a Sinataoi Hindu, I yield to none in my regard for tha
oow. I hava made the Khilafat cause my own, because
I see thats through its preservation full protection oan be
secured for the oow. I do nob ask my Mussulman friends
to save the oow in consideration of my service. My
prayer asaanda daily to God Almighty, thai) my service
of a cause I bold bo be jusfa may appear so pleaeiog to

832 MISCELLANEOUS

him, that he may change the hear&g of fche Mussulmans,
and fill them with pity for their Hindu neighbours and
make them save fche animal the latter hold dear as life

itself.

I can no more describe my feeling for Hinduism
than for my owci wife. She moves me as no other
woman in the world can. NOB that she has no faults,
I daresay she baa many more than I see myself. Bub
the feeling of an indissoluble bond is there. Even so I
feel for and aboub Hinduism with all its faults and
limitations. Nothing relates me ao muoh aa tha mueio
of the Gita or the Bicnayana by Tulasidas, the only two
books in Hinduism I may ba said to know. Woen I
fancied I was taking my last) breath, the Gifca was my
solace. I know the vice thab is going on bo-day in ail fche
great Hindu shrines, but I lova them in spite of their
unspeakable failings, There is an interest) which I take
in fchem and which I take in no other. I am a reformer
through and through. Bat my z^al never takes me to
the rejection of any of fche essential things of Hinduism.
I have said I do nob disbelieve in idol worship. An idol
does not excite any feeling of veneration in me. Bub I
think fchab idol worship is parts of human nature. Wa
hanker after symbolism. Why should one be more
composed in a church than elsewere ? Images are an
aid bo worship, No Hindu considers an image to ba
God, I do nob consider idol worship a sin,

Id is clear from bha foregoing bhab Hinduism is notr
an exclusive religion, In h there is room for the worship
of all the prophets of the world. Is is nob a missionary
religion in bha ordinary sense of the term. Jb has no
doubb absorbed many tribes in its fold, but this absorp-
tion has beau of aa evolutionary imperceptible character*

HINDUISM 88?

Hinduism tells everyone to worship God according to bis
own faith or Dharma, and so it lives at> peaoe with all
the religions.

That being my conception of Hinduism, I have never
been able bo reconcile myself to untouohability. I have
always regarded it as an excrescence. Ib is true that it
has been handed down to us from geneiations, but BO are
many evil practices even to this day. I should be
ashamed to think that dedication of girls to virtual pros-
titution was a park of Hinduism, Yefi ib is practised by
Hindus in many parts of India, I consider it positive
irrehgion to sacrifice goats to Kali and do not consider
it a part of Hinduism. Hinduism J is a growth of
ages. The very name, Hmd?mm, was given to the
religion of the people of Hmdustban by foreigners.
Tbere was no doubt at one time sacrifice of animals was
offered in the name of religion. Bub in is nob religion,
much less is ib Hindu religion,

And so also it seems to me, that when oow-proteofcion
became an arfciule of faiuh with our ancestors, those who
persisted ip eating beef were excommunicated. The civil
strife mush have been fierce, Social boycott was applied
not only to the recalcitrants, bun their pins were visited
upon their children alao. The practico which bad pro-
bably its ciigin in good iiUentiooH hardened into usage,
arid even veraey crept) in our snored booka giving the
practice a narmauance wholly und.jttarvdd and stall leas
justified. Whether my theory is correct or not», un-
touohabiiity is repugnant to reason and to the instinct
of mercy, i>ifey or love. A religion fehab establishes the
worship of 6ho cow oanuob possibly countenance or war-
rant a cruel and inhuman boycott of human beings. And
I should be content to b(> torn bo pieces rather than dia-
53

684 MISCELLANEOUS

own the suppressed classes, Hindus will certainly never
deserve freedom, ncr gab ib if they allow their noble
religion bo he disgraced by the retention of the tainb of
untouobability. And as I lova Hinduism dearer than
life itself, the taint has become for me an intolerable
burden, Lat us nob deny God by denying to a fifth of
our race the right of association on an equal footing,

NATIONAL EDUCATION *

So many strange things have been said about) my
views on national education, that it would perhaps nob
be out of p'ace to formulate them before the public.

lu my opinion the existing system of education is
defective, apart from its association with an utterly un-
just Government, iu three most important matters :

(1) It is based upon foreign culture to the almosb
entire exclusion of indigenous one.

(2) It ignores the) culture of the heart and the
hand, and confines itself simply to the head.

(3) Baal education is impossible through a foreign
medium.

Let us examine the three defects, Almost from the
commencement, the text-books dual, not with things the
boys and the git Is have always to deal with in their
homes> but things to which they are perfect strangers.
It is not through the text-book?, that a lad learns what
is right and what is wrong in the home life, He is
never taught bo have any pride in his surrounding?. The
higher he goes, the farther be is removed from his home,
BO that at the end of his education he becomes estranged
from his BurrouodiDg?. He feels no poetry about the
home life, The village scenes are all a sealed book to
* From Yuung India t

NATIONAL EDUCATION 835

him. His own civilization is presetted fco him as im-
becile, barbarous, superstitious and useless for all practi-
cal purposes, His education is calculated bo wean
him from his traditional culture. And if the mass of
educated youths are not entirely denationalised, it is
-because the ancient culture is too deeply embedded in
them to be altogether uprooted even by an education
adverse bo its growth. If I had my way, I would cer-
tainly destroy the majority or' the present text-books and
cause to be written taxb-bjoka which have a bearing on
and correspondence with the home life, so that a boy, as
be learns, may reao^i upon his immediate surroundings.

Secondly, whatever may be true of other countries,
in India a$ any rate, where more than eighty per cent,
of the population is agricultural and another ten per
oent. industrial, it is a crime to make education merely
literary and fco unfit boys and girls for manual work in
after-life- Indeed I hold thafc as the larger part) of our
time is devoted to labour for earning our bread, our
children mast, from their infancy, be taught the dignity
of such labour, Oar children should not be so taught)
as fco despise labour. There is no reason why a
peasant'* son affcer having gone fco * school should be-
come useless, aa he doea become, as an agricultural
labourer. It IB a Bad thing that our schoolboys look upon
manual labour with disfavour, if not) contempt).
Moreover, in India, if we expect, as we must, every boy
and girl of school-going age to attend pubho schools,
we have nob the means to finance education in
accordance with the existing style, nor are millions
of parents able to pay the fees that) are at present)
imposed. Education to be universal must therefore
faa free. I fauoy that even under au ideal eye tea*

836 MISCELLANEOUS

of Government) we shall not ba able to devote two
thousand million rupees which we should require for
finding education for all the children of school-going age.
It) follows, therefore, that our children muati be made to
pay in 'labour' partly or wholly for the cost of all the
education they receive. Such universal labour to be
profitable can only be (bo my thinking) hand-spinning
and hand-weaving. But for the purposes of my proposi-
tion, id is immaterial whether we have spinning or any
other form of labour, so long as it can be turned to
account. Only, it will bo found upon examination, that
on a practical, profitable and extensive scale there is no
occupation other than the processes connected with cloth
production which can be introduced in our schools
throughout India.

The introduction of manual training will serve a
double purpose in a poor country (ike ours. ID will pay
for the education of our children and teaoh them an
occupation ou which they can fall back iu after-life, if they
choo88, for earning a living. Such a system musfc make
our children self-reliant), Nothing will demoralise the
nation ao much as thaL we should learn to despise labour.
One word only as to the education of the heart. I
do not believe that this can bo imparfi&d through hooks.
It oau only ha done through the living touch of the
teaoher, And who are the teachers in the primary and
even secondary sohoolB ? Ara they men aud women of
faith aud character ? Have they themselves received the
education of fche heart ? Are they even expected to take
care of the permanent element in the boys and girls
placed under their charge ? la not the method of engaging
teachers for lower schools an effective bar against
character? Do the teachers get even a living age ? And

NATIONAL B&tKJATION 88t

^78 know that the teachers of primary school are nob
selected for bheir pabriotiam, They only oome who
oannob find any other employmenb,

Finally, the medium of instruction. My views on
thia poinb are boo well known bo need re-stating, The
foreign medium has caused brain-fag, pub an undue abrain
upon bhe n^rve of our children* made them oramrnera
and imibabors, unfibted bhena for original work and
thought, and disabled them for filbrabing bheir learning
to bhe family or bhe masses, The foreign medium baa
made our children praobioally foreignera in bheir own
land. So bo save ouraelvaa from bhia perilous danger we
ahould pub a sbop bo educating our hoya and girla bhrough
a foreign medium and require all bhe beaohera and profea-
aora on pain of diamiaaal bo inbroduoe the change
forbhwith.* I would nob wait) for tshe preparation of text-
hooka, They will follow bhe change, It ia an evil that
ueodd a summary remedy.

My uncompromising opposition bo the foreign me-
dium haa resulted in an unwarranted charge being
levelled againata me of being hostile bo foreign culture or
the learning of the Eogliah language. No reader of
Young India oould have miaaed bhe abatement} often
made by me in bhoae pagea bhab 1 regard English aa the
language of international oommeroe and diplomacy, and
therefore oonaider iba knowledge, on bhe parb of some of
ua aa essential. Aa ib contains some of the richest
breasurea of thought and liberabure, I would oerbainly
encourage iba careful ebudy among those who have
linguistic balenba and expect them to tranalate those
breaeurea for the nation in ita vernaouiara*

Nothing can be farther from my thought than that
5170 should become exclusive or erect barriers. But I do

838, MISCELLANEOUS

respectfully contend that an appreciation of other cul-
tures oan fitly follow, never precede, an appreciation and
assimilation of our own. 1 5 is my firm opinion thai) no
culture has treasures so rich as ours has, We have not
known it), wa have been made even to deprecate ita value.
We have almost) ceased to live it. An academic grasp
without practice behind ib is like an embalmed corpse,
perhaps lovely to look at but nothing to inspire or
ennoble, My religion forbids me to belittle or disregard
other cultures, as it insists under pain of civil suicide
upon imbibing and living my own.

FROM SATYAGRAHA TO NON-CO-OPERATION*
It is often my lot to answer knotty questions on all
sorts of topics arising out of this great movement of
national purification, A company of collegiate non oo-
oparafcors asked me to define for them the terms which I
have used as heading for this note. And even at this
late day, I was seriously asked whether Satyagrah did
nob at times warrant resistance by violence, as for ins-
tance in the o%ae of a sister whose virtue might be in
danger from a desperado. I ventured bo suggest
that it was the completed defence without irri-
tation, without being ruffled, to interpose oneself
between the victim and the viotimizar, and to face
death. I added that this (for the assailant) novef
method of defence would, in all probability, exhaust his
passion and he will DO longer wand to ravish an innocent!
woman, but would want to flee from her presence for
rery shame, and that, if he did not, the act of personal
bravery on the part of her brother would steel her heart
for putting up an equally brave defence and resisting the*
* From Young India.

PROM 8ATYAGRAHA TO WON- OO OPERATION 889

last of man turned brute for the while, And I thought
I olinobed my argument by saying that if, in spite of all
the defence) the unexpected happened, and the physical
force of ihe tyrant overpowered hie viotiim, the disgrace
would no!) be that: of the woman hut of her assailant and
that both she and her brother, who died in the attempt
bo defend her virtue, would stand well before the Tbrone
of Judgment. I do not warrant that my argument oon*
vinoed my listener or that; i& would convince the reader*
The world I know will go on as before. But it is well at
this moment of self-examination to understand and
appreciate the implications of the powerful movement of
non-violence, All religions have emphasised the highest
ideal, but all have more or less permitted departures as
so many concessions to human weaknesses.

I now proceed to summarise the explanation I gave
of the various terms. In is beyond my capacity to give
accurate and terse definitions.

Satyagrah, then, is literally holding on to Truth
and it means, therefore, Truth-force. Truth ia soul
or spirit. It is, therefore, known as goul-foroa. It
excludes the use of violence because man ia not capable
of knowing the absolute truth and, therefore, not com-
petent to punish. The word was coined in South
Africa to diiticguieh the non-violent resistance of the
Indians of South Africa from the contemporary ' passive
resistance ' of the suffragettes and others, It is not
conceived as a weapon of the weak,

Passive resistance is used in the orthodox English
sense and covers the suffragette movement as well
as the resistance of the Non-conformists, Passive re-
sistance has been conceived and is regarded as a
weapon of the weak. Whilst it avoids violence, being

84U MISCELLANEOUS

DOD open to the weak, it does nob exclude its nse if, in
the opinion of a passive resistor, the occasion demands
it. However, it has always been distinguished from
armed resistance and its application was at one time
confined to Christian martyrs,

Civil Disobedience is civil breach of unmoral statu-
tory en io&menbs, The expression was, so far a* I am
aware, coined by Thoreau bo signify his own resistance
to the laws of a slave sbatin, He ba<* left a masterly
treatise on the duty of Givil Disobedience. Bub Thoreau
was nob perhaps an out and out champion of non-
violence, Probably, also* Thoreau limited his breach of
statutory laws to bhe revenue law, i.e.t payment of taxes.
Whereas the term Givil-Disobedienoe as practised in 1919
covered a breach of any statutory and unmoral law. It
signified the resistor's outlawry in a civil, i.e., nor>violent
manner. He invoked the sanctions of the law and
cheerfully suffered imprisonment, It is a branch of

Non-oo operation predominantly implies with-
drawing of oo-operabion from the State that in
the non-co-operator's view has become corrupt and
excludes Civil-D.sobodienoe of the fierce type described
above. By its very nabure, Nan-co-operation is even
open to children of understanding and can be aafely
practised by the masses. Gtvil-Disobedienoe pre-eupposes
the habit of willing obedience bo laws without fear of
their sanctions, It can therefore be practised only as a
Ust reaorfc and by a s*?4cn few in the first instance at
any rate, NOQ oc-operabiont too, like Civil-Disobedience
is a branch of S%tyagrah which includes all non-violent
resistance for the vindication of Truth,

INTROSPECTION*

Correspondents have wribbeu bo me in pathetic
language asking me nob bo commit) suicide in January,
should Swaraj ba nob attained by tben and should I find
•myself outside the prison walla. I find that language
but inadequately expresses one's enough!) especially
when the thought ibself IR confused or incomplete. My
writing in the Navajivan was, I fancied, clear enough.
But I observe that ibs translation has been misunderstood
by many. The original boo has nob escaped the tragedy
that has overtaken the translation.

O^e groat reason for bhe misunderstanding lies in my
being considered almost a perfect man. Friends who
know my pirfciahty for the Bhagavad-giba have thrown
relevant verses at me, and shown how my threat to
commit suicide conbradiobs the teachings which I am
attempting bo live. All these mentors of mine seem to
forget, that I am but a seeker after Truth. I claim to
have foupd the way to it. I claim to be making a
ceaseless effort to find it. But I admit that I have nob
yet found ib. To find Truth completely is to realise
oneself and one's destiny, i*e.> to become perfect. I am
painfully conscious of my imperfections, and therein
lies all the strength I possess, baoause it is a rare thing
for a man to know his own limitations.

If I was a perfect man, I own I should nob feel the
miseries of my neighbours as I do. As a perfect man
1 should take note of them, prescribe a remedy and
compel adpption by the force of unchallengeable Truth
in me. But as yet I only see as through a glass darkly

* From Young India,

842 MISCELLANEOUS

and therefore have to carry conviction by slow and
laborious processes, and then too nob always with
auooesa, That being HO, I would be lees than human if
with all my knowledge of avoidable misery pervading
fcbe land and of the eight? of mere ekelefeons under the
very shadow of the Lord of the Universe, I did nob feel
with and for all the fiuffaring but dumb millions of
India, The hope of a steady decline in that misery
sustains me ; bub suppose that with all my sensitiveness
to sufferings, to pleasure and pain, oold and heab and
with all my endeavour to carry the healing message of
the spinning wheel to the heart, I Lave reached only the
ear and never pierced the hearb, suppose further that-
at) the end of the year I find that the people are as
sceptical as they are to-day aboub the present possibility
of attainment; of Swaraj by means of fcbe peaceful
revolution of the wheel. Suppose further, that, I find
tbafc all the excitement during the past twelve months
aud more has been only an excitement and a stimulation
bub no settled belief in the programme, and lastly sup-
pose that the message of peace has uot penetrated the
hearts of Englishmen, should I not doubt my tapasya
and feel my un worthiness /or leading the struggle? As
a true mau, what should I do ? Should I not kneel down
in all humility before my Maker and ask Him to take
away this useless body and make tne a fitter instrument
of service ?

Swaraj does consist in the change of government
and its real control by the people, but that would be
merely tbe form. The substance that I am -hankering
after is a definite acceptance of the means and therefore
a real obbnge of heart on the part of the people. I
am certain that it does not require ages for Hindus

INTROSPECTION 848

to discard the error of untouohability, for Hindua and
Musaalmana to abed enmity and accept* heart friendship
aa an eternal faotcr of national life, for all to adopt the
C hark ha as the only universal means of attaining India's
eoonomio salvation, and finally for all to believe that
India's freedom lies only through non-voilenoe and no
other method, Definite, intelligent and free adoption by
the nation of this programme I hold as the attainment
of the substance. The symbol, tho transfer of power, is
sure to follow, even as the seed truly laid must develop
into a tree,

The reader will thus perceive, that what I accident-
ally stated to friends for the first time in Poona and then
repealed to others was but a confession of my imper-
fections and an expression of my feeling of unworthineaa
for the great cause which for the time being I seem to be
leading. I have enunciated no doctrine of despair. On
the contrary I have felt never so sanguine as I do at the
time of writing that we will gain the substance during
this year. I have stated at the same time as a practical
idealist, that I should no more feel worthy to lead a oauae
which I might feel myself diffident of handling, The
doctrine of labouring without attachment aa much a
relentless pursuit of truth as a retracing after discovery
of error and a renunciation of leadership without a pang
after discovery of unworthiness. I have but shadowed
forth my intense longing to lose myself m the Eternal
and become merely a lump of olay in the Potter's divine
hands ao that my service may baoooae more certain.
because uninterrupted by the baser self in me.

THE SPINNING WHEEL

[On February Idth, 1922, Mr, Gandhi addressed
the following letter to Sir Daniel Hamilton from Bardoli.]

Mr. Hodge wrifcea fco me bo say that you would like
to have au hour's ohao with me, and he has suggested
that I should open the ground whioh I gladly do. I will
not) bake up your bima by fcryiag bo interest you in any
other activity of mine except the spinning wheel Of all
my outwnrd activities, I do believe bhab of the spinning
wheel is the mosb permanenb and the most beneficial,
I have abundant proof now bo aupporb my abatement!
that the spinning wheel will save the problem of econo-
mic distress in millions of India's homes, and ib oonsbi*
tutes an effective insurance againsb famines.

You know bhe great) Scientist, Dr, P, G. Bay, but)
you may not know that he has also become an enthu-
siast on behalf of bhe spinning wheel, India does not
need bo be industrialized in bhe modern sense of the
term, It has 7)50,000 villages scattered over a vast area
1,900 miles long, 1,500 miles broad, The peopia are
rooted to the soil, and the vast majority are living a
haad-bo-moubb life. Whatever may be said bo bhe con-
trary, having travelled throughout bhe length and breadth
of the land with eyes open, having mixed with millions,
there can be no doubt that pauperism is growing. There
is DO doubt also that the millions are living in enforced
idleness for at least 4 months in fche year. Agriculture
does nob need revolutionary ohauges. Tne Indian peasant
requires a supplementary industry- The most natural ia
the introduction of the spinning wheel, not the hand-

THE SPINNING WHEEL 845

loom. The latter oannob be introduced in every home,
whereas the former oan, and it used to be so even a
century ago. It was driven out not by economic pressure
but by force deliberately uped as oan be proved from
authentic records. The restoration, therefore, of the
spinning wheel solves fche economic problem of India at
a stroke. I know that you are a lover of India, and
that you are deeply interested in the economic and
moral uplift of my country. I know too fchab you
have great influence. I would like to enlist ib ou
behalf of the spinning wheel. Ib ia the moat effective
force for introducing successful Co-operative Societies
Without honest co-operation of the millions, the enter-
prise oan never be euocefiafu', and as it is already prov
ing a means of weaning thousands of women from i
life of ahame, ib is as moral an instrument as ib i<
economic.

I hope you will not allow yourself to be prejudices
by at5 y thing you mighfc have heaid about my strange
viev?a about machinery- I have nothing to say agains
the development of any other industry in India b]
means of machinery, but I do Bay that to supply Indit
with cloth either manufactured outside or inside througl
gigantio Mills is an economic blundnr of the tirnt magni-
tude justi as it would ba to supply cheap bread through
huge bakeries established in the chief centres in Indii
and to destroy the family stovt\

LOVE, NOT HATE

[In a sense " Love, not hate " is the essence of
Mr. Gandhi's teaching ; and the following article written
on receipt of a telegram announcing the arrest of Pandit
Motilal Nehru and others at Allahabad on December 8t
contains the pith of Mr. Gandhi's political philosophy
and methods. As such the book m ay fittingly end with
this chapter. " The arrest," says Mr, Gandhi, " positively
filled me with joy, I thanJced God for it.1']

Bub my joy was greater {or the thought, that what
I bad feared would not happen before the end of the year
because of the sin of Bombay was now happening by
reason of the innocent suffering of the greatest and the
best in the land. These arrests of the totally innocent
is real Swaraj, Now there ia no shame in the AH
Brothers and their companions remaining in gaol. India
has not been forfhd undeserving of their immolation.

But toy joy, which I hope thousands share with me,
is conditional upon peifeot peace being observed whilst
our leaders are one after another taken away from us.
Victory is complete if non-violence reigns supreme in spite
of the arrests\ disastrous defeat is a certainty if we cannot
control all the elements so as to ensure peace. We are oub
to be killed without killing. We have stipulated to go to
prison without feeling angry or injured. We must not
quarrel with the condition of our own creating.

Oti the contrary our non-violence teaches us to love
cur enemies, By noa-violenb non-co-operation we* seek
to conquer the wratb of the English administrators and
their aupportera. We must love them and pray to God

LOVE NOT HATS 847

that they might have wisdom do sea whafc appears to us
to be their error. It must be the prayer of the strong
and not of the weak. In our strength must we humble
ourselves before our Maker,

In the moment) of our trial and our triumph let me
declare my faith, I believe in loving my enemies, I
believe in non-violenoe as the only remedy open to
the Hindus, Mussulmans, Sikhs, Parsis, Christians and
Jews of India, I believe in the power of suffering to
roe lb the stoniest heart;, Tbe brunt of the battle must)
fall on the first three, The last named three are afraid
of the combination of the first three. We must) by our
honest conduct demonstrate to them that they are our
kinsmen. We must by our conduct demonstrate to every
Englishman that he is as safe in -the remotest corner
of India as he professes to feel behind the machine
gun.

Islam, Hinduism? Sikhism, Christianity, Zoroas-
triarmm and Judaism, in fact religion is on its trial.
Either wo believe in God and His righteousness or we
do not?. My association with the noblest of Mussulmans
has taught me fco Ree that Islam has spread not by the
power of the sword but by the prayerful Jove of an
unbroken line of its saints and fakirs. Warrauo there
is in I^Ura for drawing the sword; but t.be condi-
tions laid down are so strict that they are nob
capable of being fulfilled by everybody, Where is the
unerring gdueral to order Jehad ? Where is the suffering,
the lova and the purification that; must precede the very
idea of drawing the sword ? Hindus are at least as much
bound by similar restrictions as the Mussulmans of India.
The S'kbs have their recent proud history to warn
them against the use of force. We are too imperfect

846 MISCELLANEOUS

too impure and 600 selfish as yet) fco resort) 60 an armed
conflict in the cause of God as Shaukat Ali would say,
'Will a purified India ever need to draw the sword?' And
it was the definite process of purification we oommenoed
last year at Calcutta.

What must we then do ? Surely remain non-violenb
and ynb strong enough to offer as many willing victims
as the Govercment may require for imprisonment. Oar
work must continue with clock-work regularity. Each
province must elect its own succession of leaders. Lalaji
has eet a brilliant example by making all the necessary
arrangements, The chairman and the secretary must
be given in each proviuoe emergency powers. The
executive committees must) ha the smallest possible.
Every Congressman must be a volunteer.

Whilst we must not avoid arresb we must not
provoke it by giving unnecessary offence,

We must vigorously prosecute the Swadeshi
campaign till we are fully organised for the manufacture
of all the hand-spun Khadi we require aud have brought)
about a complete boycott of foreign cloth.

We must hold the Congress at any ooafc in Rpibo of
the arresfa of every one of tha leaders unless fcho Govern-
ment dissolve it by force. And if we are neither cowed
down nor provoked to violence but are able fco continue
national work, we have certainly attained Swaraj. For
no power on earth can stop the onward march of a
peaceful, determined and godly people.

APPENDIX I

I. MB. GANDHI'S RELIGION

The follciving account of Mr. Gandhi's religious viftos from
the pen of the late Rev. Joseph Doke brings cut clearly the essen-
tials of Hinduism as conceived by Mr. Gandhi: —

Mr. Gandhi's religious views, and bis place ID the theological
woild, have naturally been a subject of much diecu&eion here. A
few days ago I was told that "be is a Buddhist.11 Not long since
a newspaper described him as "a Christian Mubaxnmadan,11 an ex-
traordinary mixture indeed. Others imagine that he worships
idols, and would be quite prepared to find a shrine in his cffioe. or
discover the trunk of Gun pally prcjectn g mm among his bocks.
Not a few believed him to be a Theosophist. I question whether
any system of religion can absolutely held him. His views are too
oloEely allied to Christianity to be entirely Hindu J and too deeply
saturated with Hinduism to be called Christian, while his sym-
pathies are so wide and catholic, that one would imagine "he has
reached a point where the formulae of sects are meaningless."

One night, when the house was still, we argued out the
matter into the morning, and these are the results.

His oonviotion is that old Hinduism, the Hinduism of the
earliest records, was a pure faitb, free from idolatry ; that the
spiritual faith of India has been corrupted by materialism, and
because of this she has lost her place in the van of the nations ;
that, through the ages God, pervading all, has manifested Him-
self in different forms, becoming incarnate, for purposes of
salvation, with the object of leading men back into the right path.
The Gita makes Krishna eay ;—

"When religion decays and when irreligion prevails, then I
manifest myself. For the protection of the good, for the destruc-
tion of evil, for the firm establishment of the dharma I am born
again and again/'

"But," said I, "has Christianity any essential place in your
theclcg}?" "It is part of it," he taid, "Jesus Christ is a bright re-
velation ; that he is to me," I replied. "Not in the sense you
mean," he said frankly, (<I cannot eet him on * solitary throne
because I believe God has been incarnate again and again,'1

To him, a religion is an intensely practical thing. It underlies
all action. The argument so frequently used against the Passive
Resistance campaign, that "it is simply a political afiair, with

2 APPENDIX

moral elements in it bat giving no relation to religion," is to him
a contradiction in terms. Politics, mor*ls, commerce, all that baa
to do with conscience must be religion.

Naturally, his imagination is profoundly stirred by the
" Sermon on the Mount," and the idea of self-renunciation pictured
there, as well as in the Bhagavad Gita and The Light of Asia
Wins his complete assent, Self-mastery, self-surrender, under the
guidance of the Spirit o! God, are, in his conception of life, aieppiog-
Rtones to the ultimate goal of all — the goal of Buddha, the goal as
he interprets it, of John the Evangelist— absolute absorption of
redeemed Man in God*

I question whether any religious creed would be large enough
to express his views, or any Church system ample enough to shut
him in. Jew and Christian, Hindu, Muhammadau, Parsi. Bud-
dhist and Confucian, all have their places in his heartTas children
of the same Father. "Are you then a Theosophist ?" I asked.
44 No,'' he Bam emphatically, " I am not a Theosophist, There is
much in Theosophy that attracts me, but I have never been able to
subscribe to the creed of Theoeoptnsts "

This breadth of sympathy ie, indeed, one note of the Passive
Resistance movement. It has bound together all sections of the
Indian community. It would be impossible to determine which
religious section has done most for its interests. Mr. Caohalia,
Mr, Dawad Muhammad and Mr, Bawazeer are followers of Islam;
Mr. Parsee Rustomjee and Mr. Sorabji are Zoroastrians ; Mr, G.P.
Vyas and Mr. Thambi Naidoo are Hindu leaders. All have ouSered
imprisonment, and all have rendered unstinted service, while;
common suffering has drawn these and other helpers into a brother-
hood of sympathy in which differences of creed are forgotten.

An incident of last August will illustrate this statement.
When " the old cfiender," Mr Thambi Naidoo, the Tamil leader,
was sent to prison for the third time, to do " hard labour " for a
fortnight, Mr, Gandhi suggested that we should visit the sick wife
together. I assented gladly, On our way we were joined by the
Moulvie and the Imam of the Mosque, together with tho Jewish
gentleman. It was a curious assembly which gathered to comfort the
little Hindu woman iu her home— two Muhammadans, a Hindu, a
Jew and a Christian. And there she stood, her eldest boy support,
ing her and the tears trickling between her fingers. She was within
a few days of the Bufferings of motherhood. Alter we had bent to-
gether in prayer, the Moulvie spoke a few words of comfort in Urdu,
and we each followed, saying what we could in our own way to
give her cheer. It was one of the many glimpses which we have
lately had of that divine love, which mocks at boundaries of creed,
and limits of race or colour. It was a vision of Mr. Gandhi's
ideal,

Owing, chiefly to his sense of the sacredness of life, and of his
views oi health, vegetarianism is with him a religious principle.

MR.

'The battle was fought out in childhood under his mother's influ-
ence. But ainoe that time abstinence from all animal food has
beoome a matter of strong conviction with him, and he preaches it
zealously. When, in these Transvaal prisons, the authorities per-
sisted in cooking the crushed mealies of the prisoners in animal
fat, his followers preferred to starve rather than touch it,

It is also part of his creed to live simply. He believes that all
luxury is wrong. He teaches that a great deal of sickness, and
most of the sins of our day, m*y ba traced to this source, To hold
in the flesh with a strong hand, to otuoify it, to bring the needs of
his own life, Thoreau and Tolstoi-like, within the narrowest, limits,
are positive delights to him, only to be nvallad oy ;he joy of
-guiding other lives into the same path.

I write this in the house in which he usually lives when in
Johannesburg. Yonder is the open stove — there is bhe rolled-up
mattress on which he sleeps. It would be difficult to imagine a life
less open to the asstalta of pride or sloth than the life lived here.
Everything that can minister to- the flesh is adjured, Of all men,
Mr, G*udhi reminds oue of " Purwi, Dasa, " of whom Kipliug
writes ;— " He had used his wealth and his power for what he
•knew both to be worth, had taken honour when it came in his
way ; he had seen man and cities far dud near, and men and cities
had stood up and honoured him. Now he would let these things
sgo, as a man drops the cloak he needs no longer." This is a
•graphic picture of our friend. He simply does what he believes to
be his duty, accepts every experience that ensues with oalmmflfl,
takes honour if is comes, without pride ; aud then, " lets it go as a
man drops the cloak he needs no longer," should duty bring dis-
honour, In the position of "Purun Bhagat," he would do easily
what the Bhagat did, and no one, even now, would be surprised to
sea him go forth at some call which no one else can hear, his
crutch under this arm, his begging bowl in his hand, an antelope
skin flung around him, and a smile of deep content on his lips.

" That man alone is wise

Who keeps the mastery of himself. "

Mr. Gandhi is not a Christian in any orthodox sense, Perhaps
orthodox Christianity has itself to blame for this. There is little
inducement in these Colonies far an Indian to recognise the Loveli-
ness of Christ under the disguise in which Christianity clothes the
Lord. What interest h*s the Christian Church in Johannesburg
shown in these thousands from India and China, who for years
have been resident in our midst ? Practically none. Are they
encouraged to believe that they, too, are souls for whom Christ
died ? By no means. Here and there individual efforts have been
made, and some few Indians attend Christian places of worship,
but for the most part they have been left severely alone, while the
lew men, who have tried to show that thre is still a heart of love
in the Church of Christ, and have dated to apeak a word on behalf ot

4 APPENDIX I

a suffering people, have been subjected to all manner of abuse, and
bave been made to suffer with them. It is this discrepancy bet-
ween a beautiful creed and our treatment of the Indian at the door,
which repels the man who thinks,

We have failed, too, I believe, to realise the inwardness of this
Passive Resistance movement : and the apparent indifference of
the Churches has been deeply felt by these men. In reality, it is
not a trade dispute, nor is it a political move ; these are incidents
of the struggle. It ia a s»gn of the awakening of the Asiatics to a
sense of their manhood, the token that they do not mean to play
a servile or degraded part in our Society ; it is their claim, put for-
ward in suffering, to b« treated by Christians in a Christian way.
This is the wonderful vision which Government and Churches alike
have failed to see,

Meanwhile, although, to my thinking, the seeker has not yet
reached the goal, that wonderful experience of Christ which is the
glory of the Christian faith, enriching the wealthiest life, acd
giving new power to the strong, I cannot forget what the Master
himself said : — "Not everyone who saifch unto me, Lord, shall enter
the Kingdom of heaven, but he that doeth the will of my Father,
which is in heaven." (From Rev. Doke's Gandhi).

II. THE RULES AND REGULATIONS OF
8ATYAGRAHA8RAMA

OBJECT

The objeot of this home is to loam how to serve the mother-
•land and to serve it,

DIVISIONS

This home is divided into three classes ;— Managers, Candi-
dates and Students,

ill MANAGERS

Managers believe that, in order to learn how to serve the
country, the following obsetvauoes should ba enforced in their owu
lives, and they have been doing so for some time.

i. THE Vow OP TRUTH

It is not enough that one ordinarily does not resort to un-
truth ; one ought to know that no deoeption may be practised even
for the good of the country, that Truth may require opposition to
one's parents and elders. Consider the example of Prahlad,

2, THE Vow OF AHIMSA (NON- KILLING)

It is not enough not to take the life of any living being. The
follower of this Vow may not hurt even those whom he believes
to be unjust ; he may not be angry with them, he must
love them : thus he would oppose the tyranny whether of pare"tB«
governments or others, but will never hurt the tyrant. The
follower of Truth and Ahimsa will conquer the tyrant by love,
he will not carry out the tyrant's will but he will suffer punish-
ment even unto death for disobeying his will until the tyrant
.himself is conquered.

3, THE Vow OP CELIBACY

It is well nigh impossible to observe the foregoing two Vows
unless celibacy is also ooaerved : for this vow it ia not enough
that one does not look upon another woman with a lustful eye,
he has so to control his animal passions that they will not be
moved even in thought : if he is married he will not have a car-
nal mind regarding his wife but considering her as his life-long
ifriend, will establish with her the relationship of perfect purity,

* A translation o! the Gujarati draft constitution.

6 APPENDIX I

4, CONTROL OF THE PALATE

Until one has overcome the pleasures of the palate it is diffi-
cult to observe the foregoing Vows, more especially that of oeli-
baoy. Control of the Palate is therefore treated as a Separate-
observance. One desirous of serving the country will believe
that eating is necessary only for sustaining the body, be will,
therefore, daily regulate and purify his diet and will either
gradually or immediately in accordance with his ability leava
of! such foods as may tend to stimulate animal passions or are
otherwise unnecessary,

5, THE Vow OF NON-STEALING

It is not enough not to steal what is commonly considered a»
other men's property. It is theft if we use articles which we do-'
not really need. Nature provides from day to day just enough and
no more for our daily needs.'

6, THE Vow OF NON-POSSESSION

It is not enough not to possess and keep much, but it is neces-
sary not to keep anything which may not be absolutely necessary
for our bodily wants: thus if one can do without chairs, one should
do so. The follower of this vow will, therefore, by constantly
thinking thereover, simplify his life.

SUBSIDIARY OBSERVANCES
Two observances are reduced from the foregoing.

1, SWADESHI

It is inconsistent with Truth to use articles about which or
about whose makers there is a possibility of deception. There-
fore, for instance! a votary of Truth will not use articles manu-
factured in the mills of Manchester, Germany or India, for he
does not know that there is no deception about them. More-
over labourers suffer much in the mills. Use of fire in the mills'
causes enormous destruction of life besides killing labourers before
their time. Foreign goods and goods made by means of com-
plicated machinery are, therefore, tabooed to a votary of Ahimea.
Further reflection will show that use of such goods will involve
a breach of the vpws of non. stealing and non-possession. We
wear foreign goods in preference to simple goods made in our
own hand looms because custom attributes greater beauty .to
them. Artificial beautifying of the body is a hicdracoe to a
Brahmaohari ; he will, therefore, avoid the use of any but
the simplest goods. Therefore the vow of Swadeshi requires the-
use of simple and simply made clothing to the exclusion of
even buttons, foreign cuts, etc., and so will Swadeshi be applied
to every department of life,

2. FEARLESSNESS

He who is acted upon by fear can hardly follow Truth or
Ahimaa. Managers will, the efore, endeavouc to be frfce front

SATY^GRAHASRAMA 37

tbe fear cf kings, people* caste, families, thieves, robberg, fero-
oious animals such as tigers and evpn death. A truly fearJpps
man will defend himself against others by truth-force or soul-
force. t

VERNACULARS

It is the belief rf tbe managers that no nation can make
real progress by abandoning HP own languages; they will,
therefore, train themselves through the medium ot their respec-
tive vernaculars and as they desire to be on term* of intimacy
with their brethren frcm all parts of India, they will learn the
chief Indian languages, and as Samkrit is the key to all the
Indian languages, they will learn that also.

HAND LABOUR

Managers believe that body labour is a duty imposed by nature
upon mankind. We may, therefore, resort to bodily labour alone
for our sustenance and use our mental and spiritual powers for the
common good only, and as the largest percentage in the world lives
Upon agriculture, managers will devote some part of their time to
working on the land : and wbeu such is not possible, perform some
other bodily labour*

HAND LOOMS

Managers believe that one of the chief causes of poverty in the
land is the virtual disappearance of cotton-spinning wheels and
hand looms. They will, therefore, make a great effort to revive
this industry by working upon hand looms themselves.

POLITICS

Politics, economic progress, etc., aie note considered to he inde-
pendent branches of learning but that they are all rooted in "religion.
An effort will, therefore, be made to learn Politics, Economics,
Social Reform, etc., iu a religious spirit, and wor^ In connection
with these matters will be taken up by the managers with energy
ftnd devotion.

(2) CANDIDATES

Those who are desirous of following cut the foregoing pro-
gramme but are not able immediately to take the neceetaty
vows may be admitted as candidates. It is obligatory upon them
to conform to the observances referred to above, though they do
not take the vows, whilst they are in the Ashram and they will
occupy tbe status of managers, when they are able to take tbe
necessary vows.

(3) STUDENTS

1. Any children whether boys or"gu Is from Jour years] and
Upwards may be admitted.

2. Parents will have to surrender all control over their
children.

8 APPENDIX I

3. Children may not be permitted to visit their parents until
the whole course of study is finished.

4, Students will be taught to observe all the V)ws observable
by the managers.

5. They will be caughr, principles of religion, agriculture,
hand loom weaving and literature,

6, Literary knowledge will be imparted through the respective
vernaculars of the students and will include History, Geography,
Mathematics, Economics, eto., learning of Sanskrit, Hindi and at
least one Dravidian Vernacular is obligatory.

7, English will be taught as a sacond language,

8. They will be taught Urdu, Bengali, Tamil, Te.lugu and
, Devanagiri characters.

9. Managers believe that the whole course will be completed
in ten years. Upon reaching the age of majority, students will be
given the option of taking the vows referred to in section 1 or retire
from the Ashram, if its programme has not commended itself to
them.

10. This option they will exercise when no longer they will
require the assistance of their parents or other guardians.

11, Every endeavour will he made *o teach the students from
the very beginning not to have the fear, " what shall I do for my
maintenance if and when I become an independent man."

12, Grown up persons also may be admitted as students.

13. Ai a rule the simplest and the same style of clothing will
be worn by all*

14, Food will be simple, Chillies will be excluded altogether
and no condiments will be used generally except salt, pepper and
turmeric. Milk and its products being a hindrance to a celebats
life and milk being often a cause of tuberculosis, and having the
same stimulating qualities as meat will be most sparingly used if at
all. Food will be served tbrioe. In it dried and fresh fruits will be
liberally used. All in the Ashram will be taught principles of
FTvoiene,

15. There will be no vacation in this Ashram and no holidays
as a rule, but during 1J days per week the ordinary routine will be
altered and students will havn leisure to attend to their private
personal work.

16, During 3 months in the year those whose health permits
Will be enabled to travel mostly on foot in the difiarent parts of
India.

8ATYAGRAHASRAMA 9

17. No fees will be charged either against students or oandi-
dates but parents or members themselves will be expected to con-
tribute as much as they can towards the expenses of the Ashram.

MISCELLANEOUS

The management will be controlled solely by the managers.
The chief manager will control all admissions. The expenses of
oonduoiing the Ashram are being met from moneys already receiv-
ed by the chief manager and being received from friends who are
more or less believers in this Ashram. The Ashram is situated iu
2 houses on the banks of the Sabarmati, Ahmedahad. It is expect-
ed that in u few months aoout 100 acres of grouud will be acquired
for locating the Ashram thereon.

NOTICE

Visitors are requested during their stay at the Ashram to
observe us ijt>etrly as pua^ible the rules of the Ashram. Every
endeavour will be made to make them comfortable ; but they will
confer upon the management a favour if they will bring with them
their bedding and eatiug utensilb. Those parents who intend Bend-
ing their children to the Aebram are advised to visit the Ashram.
No children will be admitted without being thoroughly examined
«s to their mental and moral oouditiou.

III. THE MEMORIAL TO MB. MONTAGU

The Gujarat Sabha of Ahtnedabad under the direction of Mn
M.K. Gandhi devised an excellent idea of presenting a monster
petition to the Right Hon1ble Mr. Montagu, the Secretary of State
for India, and H. E, the Viceroy in 1927, supporting the Congress-
League Scheme of Self- Government for India. The idea was
taken up by the leading political organizations in India. The
following is the English translation of the Gujarati petition : —

To the Rt. Hon. Mr, E. 8. Montagu, Secretary of State for
India.

The petition of the British Subjects ot Gujarati humbly
Bbaweth, —

(1) The petitioners have considered and understood the
Swaraj Fcheme prepared by the Council of the All-India Moslem
League and ihe All-India Congress Committee and unanimous-
ly adopted last year by the Indian National Congress and the All-
India Moslem League.

(2) The petitioners approve of the scheme.

(3) In the humble opinion of the petitioners, the reforms
proposed in the aforementioned scheme are absolutely necessary in
the interests of India and the Empire,

(4) It is furttee the prt;t!oners' bpJipf that without BUoh>
reforms India will not witness the era of true contentment.

For theee reasons the petitioners respectfully pray that you
will be pleased to give full consideration to and accept the reform:
proposals and thus render successful your visit taken at great
inconvenience and fulfil the national hope.

And for this act of kindness, the petitioners shall, for ever,
remain grateful.

RULES FOR VOLUNTEERS

Mr. Gandhi also devised the following rules for the Volunteers
to obtain signature : —

1. In taking signatures to the petition, first it must be as-
certained whether the person signing correctly understands the
scheme described in the petition or not.

2, In order to make people understand the scheme, it should
be read out to the inhabitants of the place, called together by a
notification prepared by the Sabha. If, in such reading, the people
raise any new question, which cannot be answered out of the

THE MEMORIAL TO MR. MONTAGU II

Foreword, then the Volunteer should not decide the point himself
but should refer it to the Chief of bis own Circle ; and the ques-
tioner should not be allowed to sign BO long as be has not beau
satisfied.

3. It should be clearly kept in mi ad that no kind of pres-
sure is to be ussd on any inhabitant of any plaoe.

&. Care should be taken th*t Government servants, as also
people who are unable to understand, do not sign by oversight,

5. Signatures should not be taken from young people, who
appear to be under the age of eighteen.

6. Signatures should not be taken from school-going stu-
dents Whatever their age may be.

7. There is no objection in taking signatures from any man
or woman if the Volunteer is convinced that he or she can under-
stand the matter.

8. A man or woman who is unable to read or write, should
be made to put his or her cress and an authentication of it by a
well-kncwn person cf the place should be placed opposite the
cross.

9. It should be kept in mind that each signature is to be
taken on two forms.

10. The papers should be preserved without being soiled oc
crumbled.

11. The papers which are not signed should at once be sent
to the Head Office ; and a report should at once be sent to the
Head Office from the plaoe where a meeting has been held or
some attempt made.

12. The Volunteer has no authority to make any speech
on any subject outside the scope of petition or on any subject
relating to but not included in the Foreword.

13. First the inhabitants of a place should be called together
and the Foreword read out 10 them and their signatures taken.
After that as many houses as can be practicable should be visited
and the signatures of the rest of the men and women taken. But
these should be takeu only after the Foreword has been explained,

14. If while visiting places or calling together people, the
police or any other officials object, the Volunteer should politely
reply that so long as the Head Office does not direct the cessation
o! work he would have to continue his work. If in doing this, he
is arrested by the police, he should allow himself to be arrested,
but he should nob resist, the police. And if such a thing happens,
he should at once send a detailed reporb to the Head Office. If peo-
ple themselves hesitate to gather together through the fear of the
police or for any other cause, the Volunteer should give up that
plaoe and sbculd at once give information of such an occurrence to
the Head Office,

IV THE SWADESHI VOW

The jollowinq are translations of Mr. M. K. Gandhi's two
articles on Swadeshi contributed to vernacular papers on the day
previous to that which was fixed for taking that vow in Bombay.
The English versions originally appeared in the "Bombay
Chronicle".

Although the desire for Swadeshi animating a large number of
people at the present moment, is worthy of all praise, it seems to
me that they have not fully realised the difficulty in the way of its
observance. Vows are always takan only in respeat of matters
otherwise difficult of accomplishment. When after a seres of
efforts we fail in doing certain things, by caking a vow to do them
wa draw a cordon round ourselves, from which we may never ba
free and thus we avoid failures. Anything less than such inflexible
determination cannot be called a vow. it is not a pledge or vow
when we say we shall so far as possible do certain aota. If by saying
that we shall, so far as we can only use Swadeshi articles, we can
be deemed to have taken the Swadeshi vow, then from the Viceroy
down to the labouring man very few people would be found who
oould not be considered to have taken the pledge, but we want to go-
outside this circle and aim at a much higher goal, And there is as
much difference between the act contemplated by us and the acts
above described as there is between a right angle and all other
angles. And if we decide to take the Swadeshi vow in this spirit it
is clear that it is well nigh impossible to take an all-comprehensive
vow.

After having given deep consideration to the miHer for a
numbar of years, it is sufficiently demonstrated to ma that we can
tak<» the full Swadeshi vow only in re^peot of our oloShing, whether
made of cotton, silk or wool. Even in observing this vow we shall
have to face many difficulties in the initial stages and that is only
proper. By patronising foreign cloth we have committed a deep
sin. We have abandoned an occupation which, in point of import-
ance, is second only 10 agriculture, and we are face to face with a
total disruption of a calling to which Kabir was born and which he
adorned. One meaning of the Swadeshi vow suggested by me is
that in taking it we desire to do penance for our sins, that we desire
to resuscitate the almost, lost art of hand-weaving, and that we are
determined to save our Hindustan orores of rupees which go out ot
it annually in exchange for the cloth we receive. Suoh high results
cannot be attained without difficulties ; there must be obstacles in
the way. Things easily obtained are practically of no value, but.

THE SWADESHI VOW 1|

however difficult of observance that pledge may be, seme day or
other there is no escape from it, if we want our country to rise to its
full height. And we shf 11 tbpn accomplish the vow when we slall
deem it a religious duty to use only that cloth which is entirely
produced in the country and refrain from using any another.

A HASTY GENERALISATION

Friends tell me that at the present moment we have not
enough Swadeshi cloth to supply our waius and ibat ibe txisticg
mills are too few for the purpose. Tl is appears to me to be a baety
generalisation, We ran hardly expect such good fortune as to have
thirty orores of coveuaiueib for Swadeshi. A hardened optimist
dare not expect more than a few lakhs and I anticipate co difficulty
in providing them with Swadeshi cloth, but where there is a ques-
tion of relig.on there is no room for thoughts of difficulties. The
general climate of India is euoh that we require very little cloihirjg.
It '8 no exaggeration to say that three-fourths of the middle class
population use much unrecessary uloih Eg. Moreover when many
men take the vow there would be set up many spinning wheels and
band looms. India can produce innumerable weavers. They are
merely awaiting encouragement. Mainly tvo things are needful,
viz., self-denial and honesty. It is self-evident that the coven,
anier muse possess these two qualities, but in order to enable people
to observe such a great vow comparatively easily, our merchants
also will need to be blessed with these qualities. An honest and
self-denying merchant will spin his yarn ouly from Indian
notton and confine weaving only to such cotton. He will onlv nFe.
those dyes which are made m Inoia. When a man desires to GO a
ihitg, be cultivates the necessary ability to remove difficulties ID
his path.

DESTROY ALL FOREIGN CLOTHING

It is not enough that we manage if necessary with as little
clothing as possible, but for a full observance it is further necessary
to destroy all foreign clothing, in our possession, If we areeatiffied
that we erred in making use of foreign cloth, that we have done an
immense injury to India, that we have all but destroyed the race
of weavers, cloth stained with such sin is only fit to be destroyed.
In this connection it is necessary to understand the distinction
between Swadeshi and Boycott. Swadeshi is a religious concep-
tion. It is the natural duty imposed upon every man. The well-
being of people depends upon it and the Swadeshi vow oannot be
taken in a punitive or revengeful spirit. The Swadeehi vow is not
derived from any extraneous happening, whereas Boycott is a
purely worldly and political weapon. It is rooted in ill- will and a
desire for punishment ; and I can see uothicg but harm in the end
for a nation that resortR to boycott, One who wishes to be a
Satyagrahi for ever oannot participate in any Boycott movement
and a perpetual Satyagraha is impossible without Swadeshi. This
is the meaning I have understood to he given to boycott, It has-

J A

been suggested that we should boycott British goods till the-
Rowlatt legislation is withdrawn, and that the boycott should
terminate with the removal of that legislation, In suoh a scheme
-of boycott it is open to us to take Japanese or other foreign goods,
even though they may be rotten. If I must use foreign goods,
having political relations with England I would only take English
^oods and consider such conduce 10 be proper.

In proclaiming a boycott of British goods we expose
ourselves to the charge of desiring to punish the English,
but we have no quarrel with them ; our quarrel is with the
Governors. And, according to the law of Satyagraha, we may not
harbour any ill wiil even against the rulers, and as we may harbour
no ill-will, I cannot see the propriety of resorting to ooyooct,

THE SWADESHI PLEDGE

For a complete observance of the restricted Swadeshi vow
suggested above, I would advise the following text : — " With God as
my witness, I solemnly declare that from to-day I shall confine
^myself, for my personal requirements, to the use of cloth,
manufactured in India from Indian cotton, silk and wool ; and I
shall altogether abstain from using foreign cloth, and I shall
destroy all foreign cloth in my possession.'1

II.

For a proper observance of the pledge it is really necessary to
use only huodwoven cloth made out of handspun yarn. Imported
yarn even though spun out of Indian cotton and woven in India is
uot Swadeshi cloth. We shall reach perfection only when our
cotton is spun in India on indigenous spinning wheels anfl
3 area eo spun is woven on similarly made hand looms. But the
requirements of the foregoing pledge are met if we all only use
cloth Woven by means of imported machinery from yarn spun from
Indian cotton by maans of similar machinery.

I may add that the covenantors to the restricted Swadeshi
referred to here will not rest satisfied with Swadeshi clothing only.
They will extend the vow to all other things as far as possible.

ENGLISH-OWNED MILLS

I am told that there are in India English-owned mills which
do not admit Indian snarehoiders. If this information be true, I
would consider oloth manufactured in suoh mills to be foreign
oloth. Moreover, suoh oloth bears the taint of ill-will. However
wall-made suoh oloth may be it should be avoided.

Thousands of men believe that by using oloth woven
in Indian mills they comply with the requirements of the
Swadeshi vow. The faot is that most fine oloth is made
out of foreign cotton spun outside India. Therefore the
only satisfaction to be derived from the use of snob oloth

THE SWADB8HI VOW lg

is that it is 'woven in India, iflven on handlooms for every
line oloth only foreign yarn is used, The use of suoh oloih does
not amount to an observance as Swadeshi. To say so i«* simple
self-deception. Satyagraha, i e., insistence on truth IB necessary
eveu ia Swadeshi, Whea man will say, 'we shall ooiafiue ourselves
to pure Swadeshi oloth, ew n though we mvp have to remain satis-
fied wnh a mere loincloth,' and when women will resolutely say.
'we shall observe pure Swadeshi even though we may have to res-
triot ourselves to clothing just enough to satisfy the sense of
modesty,' then shall we be successful in the observance of the great
Swadeshi vow. If a few thousand men and women were to take
the Swadeshi vow in this spirit others will try to imitate them so
far as possible. They will then begin to examine their wardrobes
in the l;gbt of Swadeshi. Those who are not attached to pleasures
and personal adornment, I venture to say, can give a great impetus
*o Swadeshi.

KEY To ECONOMIC SALVATION

Generally speaking, there are very few villages in India without
•weavers. From time immemorial we have had village farmers
and village weavers, as we have village carpenters, shoemakers,
Dlackamiths, etc,, out our farmers have become poverty-stricken
and our weavers have patronage only from the poor classes. By
supplying them with Indian cotton spun in India we can obtain
the oloth we may need. For the time being it may be coarse, bus
by constant endeavours we can get our weavers to weave out fine
yarn and so doing we shall raise our weavers to a better status, and
if we would go a step still further we can easily cross the sew of
^difficulties lying in our pa*h, We can easily teach our women and
our children to spin and weave cotton, and what can be purer than
oloth woven 'in our own home ; I say it from my experience that
acting in this way we shall be saved from many a hardship, we
shall be ridding ourselves of many an unnecessary need, and'our
life will be one song of joy and beauty, I always hear divine
voices telling me in my ears that such life was a matter of fact onoe
in India, but even if such an India be the idle dream of the poet, ib
does not matter. Is it not necessary to create suoh an India now ?
Does not our purusJiartha lie therein ? I have been travelling
throughout India. I cannot bear the heart-rending cry of the
poor. Toe young and old all tell me, "we oanuot gee cheap oloth
we have not the means wherewUh to purchase dear oloth. Every-
thing is dear, provisions, oloth and all. What are we to do ?' and
they have a sign of despair. Ic is my duty to give these men a
satisfactory reply. It is the duty of every servant of the country,
but 1 am unable to give a satisfactory reply. It should be intoler-
able for all thinking Indians that our raw materials should be
exported to Europe and that we have to pay heavy prices therefore.
The first and the last remedy for this is Swadeshi. We are not
bound to sell our cotton to anybody, and when Hindustan rings
with the echoes of Swadeshi, no producer oi cotton will sell it foe

16

its being manufactured in foreign countries. When Swadeshi per-
vades the country every one will be set a-thinking why cotton
should not be refined and spun and woven in the plaoe where it is
produced, and when the Swadeshi mantra resounds in every ear
millions of men will have in their hands the key to the economic
salvation of India. Training for this does not require hundreds of
years. When the religious sense ia awakened people's thoughts
undergo a revolution in a single moment. Only selfless sacrifice is
the sine qua non. The spirit of sacrifice pervades the Indian
atmosphere at the present moment. If we fail to preach Swadeshi
at this supreme moment we shall have to wring our hands in-
despair. 1 beseech every Hindu, Mussalman, Sikh, Parsi, Chris-
tian and Jew, who believes that he belongs to this oountry to take
th« Swadeshi vow and to ask others also to do likewise It is my
humble belief that if we cannot do even this little for our country,
we are born in it in vain. Those who think deep will see that suob i
Swadeshi oontainp pure economics, I hope that every man and
woman will give serious thought to my humble suggestion. Imita-
tion of English economics will spell our ruin.

APPENDIX II

APPRECIATIONS

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

" God help our dear brothers and oo- workers in the Transvaal (
That same struggle of (be tender against the harsh of meekness
aud love against pride and violence, is every year making itself
moce and more felt here among us also, especially in one of the
very sharpest of the conflicts of the religious law with the worldly
laws, in refusals of Military Service. Such refusals are becoming
ever more and more frequent. I greet you fraternally, and am glad
to have intercourse with you."

Your activity in the Trans va*I, as it seems to u?, at the end
of the world, is the most essential work, the most important of
all the work now being done in the world, and in which not
only the nations of the Christian, but of all the world, will
unavoidably take part. (Letter to Mr. Gandhi.)

PROF, GILBERT MURRAY

.Let me take a present day instance of this battle between a
soul and a Government, a very curious instance, because it ia
almost impossible without more knowledge than most people in
England possess to say who was wrong aud who right.

About the year 1889 a young Indian student called Mohandas
Kara mob and Gandhi, came to England to study law, He waa
rich and clever, of a cultivated family, gentle and modest in his
manner. He dressed and behaved like other people. There was
nothing particular about him to show that he had already taken a
Jam vow to abstain from wine, from flesh, and from sexual
intercourse. He took his degree and became a successful
lawyer in Bombay, but he oared more for religion than law.
Gradually his asceticism increased. He gave away all his
money to good causes except the meagrest allowance. He took
vows of poverty. He ceased to practise at the law because his
religion — a mysticism which seems to be as closely related to
Christianity as it is to any traditional Indian religion—forbade
him to take part in a system which tried to do right by violence.
When I met him in England in 1914, he ate, I believe, only rice,
and drank only water, and slept on the floor : and his wife who
seemed to be his companion in everything, lived in the same way.
His conversation was that of a cultivated and well-read man

16 APPENDIX II

with a oerfcain indefinable suggestion of eaintlinrss, Hie pairii-
tism, wbioh is combined with an enthusiastic support of England
agcUUoi Gt-iniauy, is intecwoteu wuh his religion, aim aims
at the moral regeneration of ludr* on the lines of In-'i^n
thought, with no barriers between one Indian and another, to
the fcxelusiuu »s t^r as poodible of the influence of the West
with us industrial oUvry, its raptorial oiviltsaiirn, its momy-
worehip, and its wars. (I am merely stating this view, of courpe,
iiji eiLLcr critici3iLig it ot augge.aiiug that id is right.)

Oriental peoples, perhaps owing to causes connected with their
form of oivilisauiuu, aio Apt to be euormuubly lufluenoeu by great
saintlinefis of charter when they Fee it, Like all grent raa^s-s of
ignorant people, however, they need some very plain and simple
test to ensure them that thbir beru la really a saint and not a
bumbng. and t hp tf>=t they h-iHtnwllv r>pply is that of self denial.
Take vows of poverty, live on rice and water and they will listen
to your preaohing as several of our missionaries have found ; oome
to them eating and drinking aud dre?sed in expensive European
clothes— and they feel differently. It is far from a perfect test, but
there is something in it. Ac any rate 1 am told that Gandhi's
influence in India is now enormous, almost equal to that of h)8
friend, the late Mr, Gokhale.

jfnd now for the battK In South Africa there are some
150,000 Indians, chiefly in Natal ; and the South African Govern-
menb, feeling that the colour question in its territories was quite
sufficiently difficult already, determined to prevent the immigration
of any more Iudianet and if possible to expel those who were
already there. This last could not be done. Ic violated "a treaty :
it was opposed by Nvtal, where much of the industry depended on
Indian labour ; and it was objected to by Indian Government
and the Home Government Then began a long struggle. The
whites of South Africa determined to make life m South Africa
undesirable, if not for nil Indians, at least for all Indians above
the coolie class. Indians were specially taxed; were made to register
in a degrading way \ they were classed with Negroes ; their thumb-
prints were taken by the police as if they were criminals. If, owing
to the scruples of the Government, the law WAS in any case too
lenient, patriotic mobs undertook to remedy the defect. Quite
early in the struggle the Indians in South Africa asked Mr. Gandhi
to oome and help them. He came as a barrister in 1893 ; he was
forbidden to plead, He proved his right, to plead ; he won hia case
against the Asiatic Exclusion Act on grounds of constitutional law,
and returned to India. Gandhi came ag*in in 1895. He was
mobbed and nearly killed at Durban. I will not tell in detail how
he settled down eventually in South Africa as a leader and
counsellor to his people ; how he found a settlement in the
country outside Durban, where the workers should live directly
on the land, and all be bound by a vow of poverty. For many

19

years be was engaged in constant passive resistance to the
Government and constant efforts to raise and ennoble the in-
ward life of the Indian community. Dut he was unlike other
strikers or resisters in this: that mostly the resistor takes
advantage of any difficulty of the Government iu order to press
his claim the harder. Gandhi, whon the Government was iu any
difficulty that he thought serious, always relaxed his resiscauoa
and offered hia help. In 1899 (Mine the Boer War. Gandhi im-
mediately organised an Indian Red Cross Uait Them was a
popular movement for refusing it and treating ib as seditious.
But it was needed. The soldiers wanted it. I& served through the
War, and was mentioned in despatches, and thanked publicly for
its skilful work and courage under fire. In 1904 there was an
outbreak of plague in Johannesburg and Gandhi had private
hospital opened before the public authorities had begun to act.
In 1906 them was t N H.IVH rebellion in Natal ; Gandhi raised
and personally led a corps of stretcher bearera, whose work seems
to have proved particularly dangerous and painful Gaidhi waa
thimke'i by the Givornor in Ntt-al and shortly afterwards thrown
into jail in Johannesburg,

Lastly iu 1913 when he was being repeatedly imprisoned
among criminals of the lowest class, and his followers were in
jail to the member of 2,500 ; in the very midst of the general
strike of Indians in the Transvaal and Natal, there occurred the
sudden and dangerous railway strike which endangered for tha
time the very existence of organised society in South Afrio*. From
the ordinary agitator's point of view the game was in Gandhi's
bands. He had only to strike his hardest. Instead he gave or-
der for his people to resume work till the Government should be
safe again.- I cannot say how often he was imprisoned, how often
mobbed and assaulted, or what pains were taken to mortify and
humiliate him in publics. But by 1913 the Indian case had been
taken up by L >rd Hardmge and the Government of India. An
Imperial Commission reported in hia favour on most of the points
at iss-je and an Act waa passed according to the Commission's
recommendations, entitled the Indian Belief Act.

My sketch is very imperfect ; the story forms an extraordin-
ary illustration of a contest which was won, or practically won,
by a policy of doing no wrong, committing no violence, but simp-
ly enduring all the punishments the other side could inflict until
they become weary aud ashamed of punishing. A battle of the
unaided human soul against overwhelming material force, and it
ends oy the units of material force gradually deserting their own
banners and coming round to the side of the soul !

Persona in power should be very careful how they deal with
a man who cares nothing for sensual pleasure, nothing for riches,
nothing for comfort or praise or promotion, but is simply deter-
mined to do what he believes to be fight. Hie ia a.dwo&eroua and

20 APPENDIX II

uncomfortable enemy because his body, which you can always
conquer, gives you so little purchase upon his soul. (Hibbert
Journal) .

LORD HARDINGE

Recently your compatriots in South Africa have taken matters-
into their own hands* by organising what is called passive resist-
ance to laws which they consider invidious, and unjust, an opi-
niou which we who watch their struggles from afar cannot but
share. They have violated, as they intended to violate, those
laws, with full knowledge of the penalties involved and ready with
all courage and patience to endure those penalties. In all this
they have the sympathy of India — de-p and burning— and not
only of India, but of all those who, like myself, without being
Indians themselves, have feelings of sympathy for the people of
this country. (Speech at Madras, December, 1913.)

LORD AMPTHILL

Mr. Gandhi has been denounced in this country, even by
responsible persons, as an ordinary agitator ; there have not even
been wanting suggestions that his motives are those of self-interest
and pecuniary profits.

A perusal of these pages'(Doke's Gandhi) * ought to dispel any
such notions from the mind of any fair man who has been mibled
into entertaining them. And with a better knowledge of the man,
there must come a better knowledge of the matter.

I have no more earnest hope than that Mr. Gandhi and his
fellow-countrymen may see the accomplishment of that end, for
which they have struggled so bravely and sacrificed so much, be-
fore i his book ia published. (From the Introduction to Rev.
Mr. Doke's book "An Indian Patriot in South Africa.)"

THE LORD BISHOP OF MADRAS

I frankly confess, though it deeply grieves me to say it, that
I see in Mr. Gandhi, the patient sufferer for the cause of righte-
ousness and mercy, a truer representative of the Crucified Savi-
our, than the men who have thrown him into prison and yet call
themselves by the name of Christ. (Loud applause.) (Speech
at the Y. M, C. A. Auditorium, December, 1913).

* M, K. Gandhi : An Indian Patriot in South Africa. By Rev.
Joseph Doke; with an Introduction by Lord Arrmthill. Price Be. 1.
<G, A, Natesao & Co., Madras.

APPRECIATIONS 21

LiOBD GLADSTONE

Mr. Gandhi has showa a single -mm Jed devotion to his oiuse
whioh has won the admiration of all who understand the difficulty
and danger of the position. [Letter to the Chairman of the Recep-
tion Committee at the Hotel Oecil, London, 8th August, 1914] .

THE HON, MB, JAMESON

As foe Mr. Gandhi, he would leave behind him a high reputa-
tion of whole-heartedness of purpose, of healthy ambition and
self-sacrifice, and of everything which an Englishman respected
in the making of a man, (At a Farewell Meeting at Durban,
July, 1924.)

Indian Opinion— SOUTH AFRICA, 1914

It has been our lot to bid farewell to many a friend during
the years this journal has been in existence, but never before have
we experienced such a sense of loss as we do at the present moment
by the departure of Mr. Gandhi and his dear wife to India.
Mr. Gandhi's associations with this piper and the Pboeiiz
Settlement have been so intimate that we cannot trust ourselves
to make any lengthy reference to his various activities on our
behalf. Mr. Gandhi is a part of ourselves ; his life has been out
4ife ; his ideals ours. It is not possible to express in printed
words our feelings on this occasion. He has been "a guide, philoso-
pher and friend "and, what is much more, a brother in whom
we have confided our joys and sorrows, our hopes and fears. .We
venture to say that his influence npon us will remain even though
hie physical body is removed to a distance. We only hope that
our feeble efforts on behalf of the Indian community and the
-Empire will possess some spark of the greatness of purpose, noble-
ness of mind and selflessness of character that have so marked
the life of Mr. Gandhi. Mrs. Gandhi has played the part of both
mother and sister and we shall ever remember her with affection
and esteem.

SIB HBNBY COTTON

Mr. Gandhi had practically won the battle he had been fight-
ing and was returning to India to resume, as they all hoped, the
practice of his profession under happier auspices than it had been
his fate to enjoy in South Africa, and to meet the thousands of his
countrymen by whom his name would never he forgotten.
{Farewell in London).

MB. OHABLES ROBERTS, M,P,

The work whioh Mr. Gandhi had at heart was mainly accom-
plished as far as South Africa was concerned, although it might
remain to be more completely fulfilled in other parts of the Empire*
Ha should like to take the opportunity of thanking Mr, Gandhi foe

92 APPENDIX It

the help he had tendered to the ambulance movement, and to
testify to the really excellent work which Indians were doing in
connection with it. (Hear, Hear). It might he that in leaving
England Mr. Gandhi felt to some exfent oVappomted in the hope
of giving that help which he had so willingly afforded in South
Africa ; but the prospect lay before him of more good work in India,
(Hear, Hear), (Farewell Meeting in London).

SENATOK W.P, SOHREINKR

He had great pleasure in testifying here that among the purfr
spirited men who worked for no gam, no profit, many kicks, but
with high ideals, they could recommend themselves to Mr, Gandhi.
An unaelfiah mau, one whom, he was proud to say, he recognised as
a member of the profession to which he himself belonged, and one
Who in any other calling might have made great gains. In going
round with Mr. Gandhi he believed Mr Gokhale would be intro-
duced without any bias and bitterness, to the problems in detail
which he would have to meet, (Speech at the Cape Town
Meeting, Oct. 22> 1913.)

G. K, GOKHAkE

Only those who have come in personal contact with Mr,
Gandhi as he is now, can realise the wonderful personality of the
man. He is without doubt made of the stuff of which heroes and
martyrp are made. Nay more. He has in him the marvellous
spiritual power to turn ordinary men around him into heroes and
martyrs. During the recent passive resistance struggle in the
Transvaal— would you believe it ?— twenty-seven hundred penteDces
of imprisonment were borne by our oountrymen there under Mr,
Gandhi's guidance to uphold tbe honour of their country. Some of
the men among them were very substantial persons, eonae were
Bmall traders, but the bulk of them were poor humble individuals,
hawkers, working men and so forth, men without education, men
not accustomed in their life to think or talk of their country. AnS
yet these men braved the horrors of jail life in the Tranavaal and
some of them braved them again and again rather than submit to
degrading legislation directed against their country. Many homes
Were broken in the course of that struggle, many families dispersed,
some men at one time wealthy lost their all and became paupers,
women and children endured untold hardships, Bub they were
touched by Mr. Gandhi's spirit and that had wrought the trans-
formation, thus illustrating the great power which the spirit of mart
can exercise over human minds and even over physical surround-
ings, In all my life I have known only two men who have affected
me spiritually in the manner thai Mr, Gandhi does— our great
patriarch* Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji and my late master, Mr, Ranade—
men before whom not only are we ashamed of doing anything
unworthy, but in whose presence our very minds are .afraid of
thinking anything that is unworthy, The Indian cause in South

APPRECIATIONS 28

Africa has really been built up by Mr. Gandhi. Without self and
without stain, he has fought his great fight for thif country during
a period now of twenty years, and India owes an immense debt of
gratitude to him. He h*s sacrificed himself uiteily in the service
of the cause. He had a splendid practice at the Bar, making as
much as J65,000 ro £6,000 a vpar. which in considered to
be a very good income lor a lawyer in South Afrioa. But
he has given all that up and he lives now on £3 a month
like the poorest man in the sir^et. One most striking fact
about him is ihat, though he has waged thiH great struggle so
ceaselessly, his mind is absolutely free from all bitterness against
Europeans. Atid in my tour nothing warmed my heart more than
to see the universal esteem in which the European community in
South Afrioa holds Mr. Gandhi. At *vpry gathering, leading Euro-
peans, when they oome to know thnt Mr. Gandhi was there*
would immediately gather round him anxious to shake
hands with him, making it, quite clear that though they
fought him hard and tried to crush him in the course of
the struggle they honoured him as * man. To my mind
Mr. Gandhi's leadership of the Indian cause in South Afrioa
is fche greatest asset of that cause and it was an inestimable
privilege to me that ho waa with nie throughout my tour to pilot
me safely through my diffi-mlniea (Speech at the Bombay Town
Hall Meeting in December, 1912 )

REV. JOSEPH DOKK

Ic would be difficult to imagine *- life less open to the assaults
of pride or sloth, than the life lived h^ro. Everything that can
minister to the flesh is abjured. Of all men Mr Gandhi reminds
one of " Purum D^ss", of whom Kipling writes :— •" He had used
his wealth and his power for what he knew both to be worth : he
had taken honour when it came in hia way ; he had seen men and
cities far and near, and men and ciiias had stood up and honoured
him. Now be would let these things go as a man drops the cloak
be needs no longer. This is a graphic picture of our friend. He
simply dees what he believea to be hie duty, accepts every experi-
ence that ensues with calmness, takes honour if it oomes without,
pride : and then lets it go as a man drops the cloak be needs no
longer," In the position of " Purum Bhagat," he would do easily
what the Bhagat did and no one pven now would be surprised to
see him go forth at some call which no one else can hear, bis crutch
under arm, his beggirg bowl in his hand, an antelope skin flung
around him, «n1 a smile of deep concent on bis lips.

" That man alone is wise

Who keeps the mastery of hiinaelf ."

(From " An Indian Patriot in South Africa )"

34 APPENDIX II

MBS, ANNIB BESANT

Among us, 9* I write, is dwelling fur brief space one whose-
presence is a benediction, and whose feet sanctify every house into
which he enters — Gandhi, our Martyr and Saint. Ho too by
strange ways was led into circumstances in which alone oould
flower all that he brought* with him of patient, unwearying cour-
age that naught might daunt;, unselfishness that found its joy in
sacrifice, endurance so sweetly gentle that its power was not readily
understood, As I stood for a m meat faoing him, baud clasped in
hand, I saw in him that deathless Spirit wbiob redeems by suffer-
ing, and in death wins life for others, one of those marked out for
the high service of becoming Saviours and Helpers of humanity, I
who tread the path of the warrior, not that of the Saint, who
battle against Enthroned Injustice by assault, not by meakness, 'I
recognise in this man, so frail and yet so mighty, one of those
who*e names live in history among those of whom it is said : " He
saved others : himself he oould not save". (New India),
SIR P, M, MBHTA

" The whole country has resounded with the tale of Mr.
Gandhi's great deeds, hi* courage, his great moral qualities, his
labours and his sufferings in the cause of Indians in South Africa.
80 inng as we have Indians like Mr. Gandhi and Indian women
like Mrs. Gandhi we need not despair of our country. They show
that at the proper time and as oocasion may arise they are possess*
ed of the highest, quahuies of courage, heroism and capacity of
endurance and suffering.'* (At the Bombay Town Hall Meeting in
December, 1912)

I tell you what I feel sincerely that there has been no more
touching episode in the whole history of the campaign than the
conversation which Mrs. Gandhi had with her husband before she
cast in her lot with him in the Passive Resistance Movement.
After the decision of the Supreme Court there denying the
legitimacy of Hindu and Mahomedan marriages, she asked him :
"Am I your wife or not ? I am not your wife if this decision
stands, and if I am not your wife, I am not a woman of any true
womanhood in the estimation of my own sex, and my children are
illegitimate." Mr, Gandhi must have known what it was to
expose tender women to the hardships of the campaign, but in
spite of his pleading, that brave lady decided to oast in her lot
with those men who were fighting for the cause. History records
the deeds of many heroines, and I feel that Mrs. Gandhi will stand
as one of the foremost heroines in the whole world. (Speech at the
Bombay Town Ball Meeting, Dec., 1913).

MBS. SABOJINI^AIDU

She (Mrs. Gandhi) sat by her husband's side simple and
serene and dignified in the hour of triumph as she had proved
herself simple and serene and dauntless in the hour of trial and
tragedy.

APPRECIATIONS 25

I have a vision too of her brave, frail, p*in worn hand which
roust have held aloft, the lamp of bee country's honour uo dimmed
in an alien land, working at rough garraeut.8 for wounded soldiers
in another.

The great South African leader who, to quote Mr, Gokhale'a
apt phrase, had moulded heroes out of clay, was reclining, a little
ill and weary, on the floor eating his frugal meal of nuts and fruits
(which I shared) and his \vifo was busy and content as though she
were a mere modest housewife absorbed in a hundred details of
household service, at.d not the world famed heroine of * hundred
noble sufferings in a nation's cause. (From letter to Lady Mehta
on Mrs Gandhi, February, 1915 )

DR. 8UBEAMANIA IYER

It is a life every incident in which from the day on which he
sethis foot on the South African so 1 to the day on which he left it,
deserves to be recorded m every vernacular of this country in
chaste and impressive language n»id d'stributed broadcast so that
the knowledge thereof m«w extend to every man, woman or child
(obeers). The work done by him is mob as to extort from the
historians of this century admiration. Great as has been the work
done by him, my conviction i* ihat the work he has done is
simply a preparation to wbat be is oeetiued to do in the future
(obeers) .

Whau is wanted in India id not bo much martial capacity,
physical force, power to threaten other people. We want the
soul-force which Mr. Gandhi is trying to work up. Soul-force
consists in a man being prepared to undergo any physical or mental
suffering, taking the precaution rb<u he will not lay a single finger
to inflict physical force upon tfap other Bide. It was that soul-
force that was manifested by the South African Indians and it was
the same force that should be developed in this country. [Speech
in Madras in welcoming Mr. and Mrs. Gandhi, June, 1925,]

SIB RABINDBANATH TAG ORB

The power our fellow-countrymen have shown in standing firm
for their canee under severest trials, fighting unarmed against
fearful odds, baa given us a firmer faith in the strength of the God
that can defy sufferings and defeats at the hands of physical
supremacy, that; can make its gains of its losses. [Letter to
Mr. Gandhi,]

BAD GANGADHAB TILAK

The duty of every patriot is to insist on the oppressions,
miseries and complaints of the people in such a way that they may
compel the attention of the Government and force them to bring
in reform. Mr. Gandhi did this duty very well, and so he deserves
the honour and praise given to him by the public. [Zrom the
Fortword-to Mr. Gandhi's " Life " in Afar at hi.]

26 AFFJSNDIX II

LALA LAJPAT RAI

Gandhi'a simplicity, openness, frankness and directness oon-
found the modern politician, parliamentarian *nd publicist. They
suspect him of some deep deaigu. Ho fears uo one and frightens
no one. He recognises no conventions except such as are
absolutely neoestary not to remove him from society of men and
women. He recognises no masters and no gurus. He claims no
chelaa though he has many. He has and pretends to no super-
natural powers, though credulous people believe thah be is
endowed with them. He owns no property, keeps no bank
accounts, makes no jnvear,mants, yet makes uo fuss about asking
for anything he needs. Such of his countrymen as have drunk
deep from the fountains of European history and European
politics and who have developed a deep love for European manners
and European culture neither understand nor like him. In their
eyes he is a barbarian, a visionary, and a dreamer. He has
probably something of all these quali'ies, because be is nearest to
the verities of life and can look at things with p'am eyes without
the glasses ot civilization and sophistry.

Some say he is a nihilist; others that he is an anarchist ;
others again that he is a Tolstoian. He is none of these things.
He is a plain Indian patriot who believes in God, religion and the
Scriptures.

DR J. H. HOLMES

As he moves from city to city, crowds of thirty and even fifty
thousand people assemble to hear his words. As he pauses for ihe
Dight in a village, or in the open countryside, great throngs come
to him as to a holy shrine. He would seem to be what the Indians
regard him — the pttfeot and universal m >n la his personal
character, he is simple and undefiled. In his political endeavours,
he is as stern a realist as Lenin, working steadfastly toward a fair
goal of liberation which must be won. At the same time, however,
be is an idealist, like Romain Holland living ever in the pure
radiance of the spirit. When I think of Holland, as I have said, I
think of Tolstoi. Whpn I think of Lenin, I think of Napoleon.
But when 1 think of Gandhi, I think of Jesus Christ. He lives his
life ; he speaks his word ; he suffers, strives and will some day
nobly die, for His kingdom upon earth.

Do you recall how it is told of Jesus, that one day, as be was
journeying, he heard his diecipl»s quarrelling. And he said,
" WJpat were ye reasoning on the way ?" And they said they had
disputed who was the greatest. And Jesus saiu, " If any man

ld be first among you, let him be the servant of all."

APPRECIATIONS 2T

MR, W, W. PEARSON

Whatever may be one's personal opinion of the Indian leader,
M. K. Gandhi, there can be on doubt that he is a remarkable m«n.
Remarkable because his frtand.ird of couduci and method of action
are so qntirely different from those of other Indian leaders. States-
men and politicians are seldom guided by the motives which
compel Gandhi to action, and the very fact that m him we see a
man who wields enormous influence over his countrymen by a
character— the exact antithesis of the ordinary political leader —
gives to his personality a peculiar interest. One Governor of a
British Province in the East has described him as " a dangerous
and misguided saint." Evervone, whether fro or friend, agrees in
regarding him as a saint. And it is because of his evident eainth-
ness of character that he has such an unparalleled influence in
India at the present day.

Gandhi has been able to unite people of India as they have
never before been united not only because of his unfaltering loyalty
to a moral ideal and by his austere antf ascetic personal life, but
because the British Government has itself fed fuel to the fires of
national aspiration, Confronting the moat powerful Empire in
ex'stenoe stands one m *n, Gandhi, who cares nothing for his own
personal life, who is uncompromising and fearless in the application
ol principles which be has once accepted, and who scorns any
longer to receive or beg for favours from a G vernment which he
regards as having " forfeited all title to confidence, respect or sup-
port." He believes in conquering hate by love, 10 the triumph of
right over might, and all the effort of his public life is directed
towards persuading the masses of India of the truth of this ideal
(The Asian Review,)

MR. PERCIVAL LANDON

Seated on the floor in a email, barely furnished room, I found
the Mahatma, clad in rough, white home. spun, He turned up to
me. with a smile of welcome the typical head of the idealist — the
skull well formed and finely modelled ; the face narrowing to the
pointed chin. His eyes are deep, kindly, and entirely eame ; his
hair is greying a little over the forehead, He speaks gently and
well, and in his voice is a note of detachment which lends uncanny
force to the strange doctrines ib»t be has given up his life to teach
Ooe oould not imagine him ruffled, hasty, or resentful, not the
least part of the moral supremacy in his crusade is his universally-
known willingness to turn the oiher cheek to the smiter. From the
first it must be realised that consciously bis teaching has been
influenced by that of Christ, for whom bis admiration bas long
been the almost dominating feature *f bin spiritual life and prob-
ably the external character of his d^ily activity bas been modelled
also upon Him. He made a curious observation during our conver-
sation, which throws some light upon his interpretation of the
Galilean 'Teacher In answer to a remark of mine ibat Christ

APPENDIX II

strictly abstainfcd from interfering in politics, Mr. Gandhi answered*
4 1 do n E think so bub, if you are eight, the less Christ in that
was He," (Daily Telegraph.)

COL, J. 0. WEDGWOOD, M. P.

Oae does not feel it blasphemous to compare him wish Christ ;
and Christ, too, one suspects, gave infinite trouble to reasonable
and respeotable followers. For Gandhi is a philosophic anarchist —
a new edition of Tolstoy, without Tolstoy's past and a Tolstoy who
has long since subdued Nature and shrunk into simplicity, (The
Nation.)

MB. BLANCH WATSON

The West is watching the people whose high privilege it is to
the world ihat the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth are practicable.
Gandhi is a born leader, and all sorts and conditions of people are
seconding him. These millions of men and women are carrying the
fight for independence to the high ground of the spirit, and their
vgoal is a free India. And India freed by such methods will mean a
free world ! (The " Sinn Feiner " of New York.)

BENJAMIN COLLINS WOODBURY

When shall there be again revealed a Saint,

A holy man, a Saviour of his taoe,

When shall the Christ once more reveal his face ?

Gautama left his ' bode without complaint,

Till weary, hungered, desolate and faint.

He sank beneath the bo-tree with his load,

As oa the Path of solitude he stood ;

And Jesus died to still the sinner's plaint,

L^ves there a man as faithful to his vow ?

Mahatma to a bounded race of men ?

Aye, Gindhi seeks his nation's soul to free ;

Unto the least. Ye do it unto Me 1

Hath Buddha found in peace Nirvana now ;

Or doth a Christ walk on the earth again ?

" Unity," Chicago.
MR. BEN SPOOR, M. P,

Who and what is this man of whom it can be said as it was
said of one of old that even his enemies " can find no fault in
him " ? His bitterest; opponents unite in tributes to his transparent
sincerity, moral courage, and spiritual intensity, (One oan, of
course, disregard the irresponsible comments of certain members of
the British Parliament whose cloudy prejudice obscures judgment
—their remedy of " hang Gandhi " has just that weight which a
pitiful bigotry ensures). Even Sir Valentine Chirol, while of
opinion that Gandhi is " more unbalanced," suggests that he has
" increased in spiritual stature," Some folks believe Mahatmaji is

APPRECIATIONS 29

mad — all who know him agree that be is good. In this topsy-turvy
world it may well be that goodness and honesty lie strangely near
to madness. In an age of false values what ohanoe baa Right ?
And with Truth on the scaffold and Wrong on the throne, it is loo
much to expect fair estimates of men and movements. Still to
those who have met and talked with Gandhi, who have seen him in
a small business meeting or holding vast multitudes under same
subtler spell than mere oratory produces ; we have sat alone with
him in the quiet, or seen the eager throng pressing around to
touch the hem of his garment or to kneel and touoh his feet — to
those he seems to possess a power granted to few, Call it madness
if you like, there is a strength in that frail body whioh defies all
the combinations of political expediency however highly-organised
they may be. Gandhi has probably a larger following than any
living man. And it is not the " masses " only who accept his
leadership. He is " Mahatmaji " to intellectuals, even highly-
placed officers of the Government exist, who recognise in him the
compelling authority of real character The West has produced a
Lenin, strong, masterful, relentless alike in logic and method.
The East had given birth to » Gandhi, equallv ptrorg, masterful
and relentless. But whilst the former pins his faith on force, the
letter rehos on non-reeihiduce One trusts the bword, the other
trusts the spirit. In an extraordimrv manner these men appear
to incarnate those fundamentally opposing forces that — behind all
the surface struggles of our daj — are fighting (or supremacy.
(Farewell letter to the Press, Jan., 1921).

"D. P "

' G.'a,' genius lies in making lost causes live. To his disarm-
ing sweetness of a saint he adds all the arts of the advocate. In
South Africa he matched even General Smuts. They sparred for
years over Indian claims without quarrelling

The key to Gandhi and Gandhism is wrapped in his self-
revealing sentence: ' Most religious men I have met are politicians
in disguise : I, however, who wear the guise of politician, am al
heart a religious man.' (The Daily Mail).

THE NATION AND THE ATHENEUM

Mr. Gandhi is a figure of such significance that even thi
remoteness, mental and physical, of India cannot obscure him
One realizes that he is in India what Tolstoy was in Russia, E
personality whioh incarnates the characteristic spiritual vision o
his race.

30 APPENDIX U

MR. 8, E, STOKES

At, lapt we have found a MAN, honest, fearless, and fired with
true patriotism — a rnau whom toe common people trust and one
who la able to fire them with the fUme of his own idealism. It
we sacrifice him to our petty doubts aud fears, the time will oome
wheu Wd shall deeply aud vainly regret n, foe such leaders are not
granted to a nation every day,

There is no question as to whether Mahatmaji is worthy to
lead India; it remains to be seen if India IB worthy of its great
leader, and will l>yally support him in his great aot of f,»ith.

VINCENT ANDERSON

All India is at the feet of Mohandas Karamohand Gandhi,
Preaching apolitical oreed that is new to the Hindu and renew-
ing Vedio ideals of asceticism and sacrifice in bis own life, this
man his within a brief Bpan of rnou1 hs united Hindu and Muham-
madau in a common bond of fraternity that has not existed in
India since the daya of Gautama. A small, nlim, dark, composed
man with a tremendous personal magnetism, a man with the
untiring energy of Roosevell, the human sympathy of Debs and the
philosophy ot Tolstoy, Gandhi has developed into a force BO potent
i,hat the English dare not imprison him.* (Nation^ New York}.

SIR VALENTINE GHIROD

Of his earnestness and sincerity no one who listens to him
aan entertain much doubt, nor of his childlike simplicity if he oan
persuade himself that all those behind and beside him are inspir-
ed by his own idealism.

With a perfect command of accurate and lucid English, and
in a voice as persuasive a* his whole manner is gentleness itself,
tid explains, inoro in pity tban in anger, that India has at last re-
oovered her own soul through tho fiery ordeal which Hindus and
Mahomedans had alike undergone in the Punjab and the perfect
aot of faith which the * Khilafat ' meant for all Mahomedans.

N)t, however, oy violence, bus by her unique ' soul force,'
would she attain to ' Swaraj,' and, purged of the degrading in-
fiaeuoes of British rule and Western civilisation, return to the
anoietiG WINS of Vedig wisdom, and to the peace which was hera
before alien donrnation divided and exploited her people. — riwgj

MR, C.F. ANDREWS

. . . In Mahatma Gandhi we have a volcanic personality,
a moral genius o. the fi*st order, who has revealed to us all the
hidden power of a living freedom from within, who has taught us
to depend not on any external resources but on ourselves My
whole heart goes out to his appeal and I have a great hope that,
along this path, independence will be revohed at. last,

* Written some mouths before his arrest.

31

I oome back from this method of doubtful evolution

to tbc rocrp inc'sive method of Mahatm i Gandhi : I oan see that
he outs at the very root of the disease. He is )<ke a Burgeon per*
foriaiLg au operauuu rather thau * physioian auinmiatering
soothing drugs. And a° b»s surgeon'? knife cuts deep, we can see
at onoe the recovery of the patient beginning to take plaoe — the

recovery of self-respect and manhood and independence

Suoh personalities as that of Mahatma Gandhi which oan inspire
a whole nation aie rare indeed in human history.

RABINDBANATH TAGOBB

" The secret of Gandhi's success lies in his dynamic spiritual
strength and incessant self-sacrifice. Many public men make
sacrifices for selfish reasons It is a sort of investment that yields
handsome dividends, Gandhi is altogether different, He is
unique iu his no oil ay. His very life is another name for sacrifice.
He sacrifice itself,

"He covets no power, no position, no wealth, no name and
no fame. Offer him the throne of all India, he will refuse to sit
on it, but will sell the jewels and distribute the money among
the needy.

"Give him all the money America possesses, and he will
certainly refuse to accept it, unless to be given away for a worthy
cause for the uplift of humanity.

"His soul is perpetually anxious to give and he expects
aosoluiely nothing in return — not even thanks, This is no ex-
aggeration, for I kuow him we!4,

"He came to our school at Bolpur and lived with us for some
time. His power of sacrifice becomes all the more irresistible
because it is wedded with his paramount fearlessness,

"Emperors and Maharajas, guns and bayonets, imprisonments
and toriures, insulta and injuries, even death icselt, oau never
daunt the spirit of Gandhi.

" His ia a liberated soul. If any one strangles me, I shall bo
crying for help ; but it Gandhi were strangled, I am sure he would
not ory. He may laugh at his straugler ; and if he has to die, he
will die smiling.

"Hi« simplicity of life is childlike, hia adherence to truth is
unflinching ; his love for mankind is positive and aggressive, He
has what IB known as uha Canst, spirit. Tne ijnger t know from
the better I like him It is needles for me to say that this gr<.ac
man is destined to play a prominent part in moulding the future
ot the world."

[" Such a great man deserves to b3 bstter fctoioi in the W)rld.
Why don1 1 you make him known, you are a ivjrld-ftgiire ?" asked th$
interviewer. Tagore said, : — ]

32 APPENDIX It

" How can I make him known ? I am nothing compared to
his iliurmntu soul. And no truly great m*n b*s tc be made great.
They are great in their own glory, and when the world is ready
they become famous by dine of their own greatness. When the
time comes Gandhi will be known, for the world needs him and
his meesage of love, liberty and brotherhood.

" The soul of the East has found a worthy symbol in Gandhi ;
for he is most eloquently proving that, man IB essentially a spiri-
tual beitg, that he flourishes the best in the realm of tte moral
and the spiritual, and most positively perishes both body and soul
in the atmosphere of haired and gunpowder smoke,' —(From an
interview in America).

8, W, GLEMES

As I talked with Mi. Gandhi, I marvelled at ibe simplicity of
his dress. He wore coarse white cloth, with a katnbal thrown
over his body to protect him from the cold. A little white oap was
his only head covering. As he sat on the floor facing me, I asked
myself, how can this little man, with his thin faoe and large
protruding ears, and quiet brown eyes, be the great Gandhi about
whom I have heard so much ? AH doubts were set Aside, when we
began to talk. I do not agree with all the methods that Mr, Gandhi
employs to bring about the desired end ; bnt I do want to bear
this personal testimony of the man himself. Mr. Gandhi is a
spiritual man. He is a thinker. ID my short interview, I had
the same heart-to-heart fellowship with him as I have had scores
of times with some of God's saints. I took knowledge that this
man had been to the source of Christian strength and had learned
from the great Christ. (Indian Witness.)

MR. W. E. JOHNSON

There is a man, sent of God, who is called the Mahatma
Gandhi. He comes to the surface out of that great sea of human
beings that compose the Empire of India, one-fifth of the people in
all the world. As this is written in October, he is going about
with no clothing except a homespun cloth wound around the lower
part of his body and partly covering his legs. If all the Indian
people had only this much for each, there would be none left, and
it would be "stealing " for him to take more than his share. He
tides third-class in the railway carriage set apart for coolies and
eats the food on which the meanest of human beings exist.

Much is said regarding this man to his disadvantage. His
name is anathema to many wedded to the existing order of things
— especially alcoholic things. Those who attack him and there are
many, such never attack his sincerity, his character or his ability.
To them, be is of the devil, because he attacks British rule in his
country. And yet, after &11 has been said that can be said against
him, this fact remains silhouetted against the eky— in two years by

APPRECIATIONS 33

pure personal influence, he has caused a greater diminution of the
use of intoxicating liquors than has been accomplished by any other
man in the history of the world during his life time. — Christian
Herald.

THE RT, HON. V, 8. SRINIVA8A SASPRI

Politics is not separable from life. Mr. Gandhi would not
countenance the separation, foe his great aim IB 10 strip lue of its
sophistication and reduce it to us own nature— simple, rounded,
pure. It merely happens that for the moment his activity is in the
field of politics, it merely happens that for the moment he is
confronting Government, and daring its wrath. It merely happens,
that for the moment his cry of bwaraj tor India has caugnc the
ear of the world and the world is anxious to know what his Swaraj
is. His real and final objective JS a radical reform of human kind.
His Goepel is "Back to Nature." Ha avows himself an implacable
enemy of Western Civilisation. In his mighty war against Western
civilization Swaraj for India IB but a campaign. The rules of the
campaign are the rules of the mighty war ; the weapons to be used
m the campaign are the weapons to be used in the campaign of the
mighty war ; the virtues to be evoked by the campaign are the
virtues which will win the mighty war in the end. The cardinal
rule of both, the war and the campaign, is non-violence, Non-violence
is of the heart as well as of the body. By thought, word and ace
you may not injure your adversary, Eneniv in a personal sense is
too etrong a word for Jb'i- d'ctioiary. But. as the adversary does
not follow the rule you will be subjected to great suffering and iot-s.
Rejoice in the suffering and loss and court them, If you oaunot
rejoice in them, do not avoid or complain against them. Love your
enemies ; if you love them* pardon them and never retaliate against
them. Force is wrong ano must go under. The soul is invincible ;
leatn to exercise its full power. Hold to the truth at all costs ;
Satya triumphs in the end. Out of ibi« fardmal rule, almost
logically, proceed a number of principles which will keep us straight,
in the war and this campaign for Swaraj. Since Western civiliza-
tion and the existing system ojE British Government have to be got
rid of, we must have nothing to do with either offspring of Satan ;
we must out off our connection with those large and powerful
institutions by which they enslave us, These are schools, courts,
legislatures, Withdraw children from schools, sue not for justice
in courts, and avoid the polling-booth. Machinery being another
invention of Satan and miDw being the mainstay of British domina-
tion in India, boycott both, etase 10 import lortjgu cloth, and erect
a spindle m each home. The motion of the Charka has
myetio properties, us ruunc chuetei a the soul, and us products
most adorn the human form, especially the iemale form. These
principles and courtoa ot action h»ve more or less permanent*
validity because the war against modern civilization must be ex-
pected to be of indefinite duration. It IB a picked body, however,
0

34 APPENDIX II

namely, the members of the Satyagrahasrama in Ahrnadabad — who
are engaged in this exalted enterprise and owe lifelong allegiance
to those principles and courses of aouou. The numerous levies
now fighting in India under the fl*g of uon-oo operation are
enrolled only for a single campaign and m*y lapse into the ormnvn
grooves of lifti .is soon as the British G ivtcnment has been Drought
lo i s knees aud consented lo Change its basis. lu the intensive
operations of this campaign ic may beoome necessary Co resort 10
oivil disobedience of seleoied laws aud non-payment of taxes. But
wherever the severity of the measures which euoh action may
provoke the authorities to adopt, non-co-operators are precluded
from the slightest infraction uf the oouimandmenr. as to uon-
tiolenoe,

To understand Mr. Gandhi's view of life, attention must oe
fixed ou the rules he has laid down for the regulation of his
Ahmedabad institution. Its name, Satyagrahasrama, means the
hermitage of the determined practice of truth or the abode of soul-
force. Toe Asrama is still small, lr has bad no real chance of
proving its vitality, for ever since Us establishment other things
have claimed the energies of its founder. But the attainment of
its oojecis is conditioned by the increase of its numbers and the
acceptance by the community at large of these austere ideals as at
present exemplified in the lives of a fe*v apostles. No estimate can
be formed of the prospective influence of the new gospel without
an examination of its real uaiure.

Truth iu the highest set se is passible only where the individual
enjoys complete freedom. All forms of force or coercions are thus
at once barred. Compulsion, authority, government, these are an-
athema marantha to one who at bottom is a philsophioal anarchist.
In fact, he describes the essence of his doctrine sometimes as love,
sometimes as truth, sometimes aq non-violence (ahinisa), these
forms are iu his opinion interchangeable: For organized govern-
ment in the idea) world, is justifiable. The merit of the British
Government is that it governs the least. Even a family and a
school must trust entirely to the power of love and moral
reasoning. Flagrant misconduct he deals with by himself
fasting for a certain number of days, the guilty party being in-
variably brought to a st*te of contrition within that period. Some-
times ago he applied this remedy to end a serious strike in a mill,
the employers coming to reason for fear of incurring sin. Withm
the last few week? the violence practised by some persons in
Bombay in the name of non-co-operation on the occasion of the
Prince of Wales' visit entailed this form of self-chastisement on
his part, and by all aooounts it had the desired result.

Nobody is entitled to possess more than is absolutely necessary
for the moment. To hold in excess of the need is to be guilty of
theft. Ha and his wife have given away all their property—he
practised law for many years with success— and now own nothincr

APPRECIATIONS 35

beyond the clothes they wear and a change or two and may be a
bag or box to contain these. The Asrama iu Ahmedabad contains
the barest necessaries.

Each person must supply his wauts by his own exertion. The
ideal is to grow the corn that one eats and weave the oloth that
one wear? Even the brain worker is not exempt from this oodily
labour. In fact, the spindle has grown to be a fetish with
Mr. Gandhi Its rnuaic has a charm (or him. He prescribes it for
all men and women. Boys must, prefer it to books. Lawyers must
oast away their briefs for it. Doctors must abandon stethoscope
and take to it*

So far its products have been ooarse ; but he asks, oan a man
or woman look more beautiful than in the Khaddar made by him-
self or herself ? When a lady pupil of his wore the first Sari of
her own making, he surveyed her and pronounoed her divinely
attractive. Without a doubt; his eyes so saw her and his mind so
judged her.

Control of the senses is a requisite of the fi-sfc importance It
is very hard and oan be only very alow. But it must be inoeBt-antly
and ruthlessly practised. Luxuries are, of course, taboo Even
comforts must be steadily reduced, The palate is a particularly
venal sense and has to be rigidly curbed. Simple hard fare is a
condition of spiritual advancement. Celibacy is also enjoined on
the inmates of the Asrama. Married couples may nob be admitted
unless they agree to surrender their marital relation and adopt
that of brother and sister. If Mr. Gandhi had his way he would
recommend this course bo mankind. The resulting extinction oi
the species has no terrors for him. He merely aeke, why should we
not all go to a better plauet and live on a higher plane ? The
question would not appear so fantastic after all to one who believed
in the re-birch of souls according to the law of Karma and remem-
bered that no person would be a celibate except of his or her own
free choice and when the sex passion had been transcended.

Machinery, being one of the most inseparable adjuncts of
modern civilization, must be abandoned. It is of the kingdom of
Satan. Mills and factories where the labourer isdoue out of his
humanity, have no place in his scheme. The wealth they create,
it needs no saying, is an abomination. Posts and telegraphs and
railways are likewise condemned and with them goes the printing
press. He says that every time he himself uses one of these inRtru-
xnents of civilisation he does so with a pang. It would be nearly
as hard for him to carry on his work without resort to them as it
would be to escape from the atmosphere of the earth : but perhaps
the use of evil might be defensible in us own destruction. Rapid
and easy means of communication have but multiplied crime and
disease, Oould noc man infer from the fact of God having given
him legs that he was not intended to go farther than they o'ould
carry him*? What are ordinarily called the benefits of railway

36 APPENDIX U

and similar things are in reality the opposite, being added
enjoyments or meana of graufyiLg the senses.

Medicine does not escape his judgment ; he calls it black
magio and actually says it is better to die than be saved by a drug
prescribed by the doctor. The fear of immorality and unhealthy
modes of life has been materially weakened if not totally removed
by the hope of being saved from the evil conetquences by ihe help
of the doctor. A return to the care of nature and her simple
ways would redeem mankind.

These and similar doctrines, which appear harsh to the ordi*
nary person, form the substance of Mr. Gandhi's ethics. Let, it
not be supposed that, they are logical abstractions formulated for
the purposes of » moral treatise or sermon, and with no intended
application to life, Their propounder practises them in the spirit
and in the letter, and the limitations on their practice do not
proceed from any tenderness for himself or his relatives, H»»
renunciation of worldly goods has already been mentioned. He
does not seek the medical man in sickness. He eats bard fare.
He wears Kkaddar woven by his own hands and in that dress and
barefooted appears before the Viceroy of India. He knows no fear
and shrinkfl from nothing which he advises others to do. In fact
his love of suffering and hardship as a means of spiritual progress
is almost) morbid. His oompoaioo and teudernesn are infinite like
the ocean, to use an eastern simile. The present writer stood by as-
he wiped the sores of a leper with the ends of his own garment.
In fact it is his complete maetery of the pa&ainos, his realization
of the ideal of a " sanyasiu" in all the rigour of its eastern con-
ception, wbioh accounts for the great hold he has over the maeeea
of India and has crowned him with the title of Mahatma or the-
Great Soul.

Now to a few other doctrines of a subordinate grade. Curious-
ly enough he is a believer in the system of caste, though the pride
of caste and its excluBiveness will receive no quarter from him*
Apparently he IB convinced of its beneficence, if maintained in its
original purity, and holds it to be of the essence of Hinduism. In
this belief, however, he is not likely to be followed by a great
section of his countrymen, who are anxious to restore their reli-
gion to its ancient purity, But be is at one with them and in
fact with the awakened conscience of India in desiring to exoroi?**
the demon of untouobability. Millions of people are held by
oaste. Hindus to be ber-emh their physical touch and live in condi-
tions which are scarcely fit for human beings. Tbtse be would
uplift, asserting that Hinduism gives EO kiud of justification for
the abuse. But his work for the depressed classes, as they are
called, would take the foim which has quite recently been given
to Fccial work of that kind, in the West. He would have the
woiker cast aside his own status and live the life of the class to be
Jhelped, do their work and earn their wage, exactly as they do. So

APPKEOIATION8 '37

•only can real understanding and sympathy come, so only can
4ih*t confidence be engendered which is an essential pre-requisite
of all work of amelioration.

Hta non<oo-operationist followers seem in plaoea to have
mixed up bis humanitarian work with politics and so Butfored
a oheok. In the M*hatmVs eyea no political rights will b« of
the slightest use to a community whioh is the prey of great social
failings, aud Work for Swaraj oan never reach any success with-
out simultineous work for great social reforms. But violent
political excitement is not a favourabla condition, for such an-
tagonism of govsrument and Ha officials is only to ba expected to
the activities of hosts of young pioketeers who are pledged at the
same time to embarrass and even destroy the ordinary adminis-
tration.

The educational ideals of the MahUma have not yet received a
clear expression. To compulsion even of rudimentary education, be
must be averse. The higher soierioea and arts, the specialised forms,
'historical rasearoh or economic enquiry with their glorification cf
machinery aud wealth in its varied forms, will find no room in hia
simple scheme. Of the necessity of introducing one language foe
common use in India he has been for long a persistent advocate,
He has chosen Hindi for the plane of this lingua franca, With
-characteristic earnestness he has collected funds for the purpose of
spreading a knowledge of this language and has sent out, enthusiasc-
io teachers to all parts of India. The non-co-operation turmoil
may have for the time overshadowed this activity. Perhaps, too,
thft bulk of educational workers in India has not yet accepted the
JMahaiim'a conclusions in this regard, and for this reason his
efforts on behalf of Hindi have not been co-ordinated with the
educational work of the country generally.

Tne writer of these lines is not of Mr. Gandhi's political follow-
ers or a disciple of his in religion. But he claims to have known
him for some years and to have been a sympathetic student of hia
teachings. He has felt uear him the chastening effects of a great
personality, ge has derived much strength from observing the
workings of an iron will. He has learned from a living example
something of the nature of duty and the worship due to her. He
has occasionally caught some dim perception of the great things,
that lie hidden below the surface and of the struggles and tribula-
tions whioh invest life with its awe and grandeur. An ancient
Sanskrit verse says:— " Do not tell me of holy waters or stone ima-
ges » they may cleanse us, if they do, after a long period. A saintly
man purifies ua at sight ".—Survey Graphic.

18 APPENDIX 13

MR, H, 8, L, POLAK
LOVE OF TRUTH

If there is one characteristics more than another that stamps
Mr. Gandhi as a man amongst men, it is his extraordinary love of
truth. His search for it is the one passion of his life, and every
action of his indicates the devotee of this usually distant shrine.
Whatever he says, even those most hostile to him unhesitatingly
believe, as being Che truth so far as he is aware of it, and he will
not hesitate to retract, publicly and immediately, anything that
he may have unwittingly declared to be a fact, but which he-
afterwards finds to be unwarranted. His political opponents ad-
mit unquesiioningly that every action of bis is prompted only by
the most conscientious and impersonal motives. In his legal
practice, which he long ago definitely abjured as an " unclean
thing," he wae highly regarded by his fellow-practitioners as an
able lawyer and an honourable colleague or opponent, and Magis-
trates and Judge alike paid careful attention to any case that
Mr. Gandhi advocated, realising that it had intrinsic merits or
that he sincerely believed that it had, He has been known to
retire from a case in open Court, and in the middle of the hearing,
having realised that his client had deceived him, and be never
accepted a case except on (he express understanding that he re-
served to himself the right to withdraw at any stage if he felt that
his client had not dealt honestly with him.

SELF- SUPPRESSION

His self-suppression and courtesy are universally recognised
and appreciated. He has scarcely ever been known to give angry
expression to his feelings, and then only when moved by a sense
of righteous indignation. He has never, during the whole course
of his public career, condescended to the use of ihe average poli-
tician's dictionary of invectives, and his courtesy and urbanity to-
wards opponents arises from his desire and ability to place himself
in their position before attacking it.

GENEROSITY

His generosity is proverbial. He never issued a formal
demand for payment of a debt due to him, conceiving that his-
debtor, if an honest man, would pay when he could, and if a dis-
honest man, would not be made the more honest by the use of
legal compulsion. Indeed, in his every action, he vindicates his
hostility to the doctrine of force and his abiding affection for that
of love aa a rule of life. When he was nearly done to dfeath by a
fanatical Pathan, in 1908, he absolutely refused to charge his
Assailant or to give evidence against him. He preferred to con-
quer him by love, and succeeded ; for early the following year the
Pathan, who had been deported to India because he sturdily re-
fused to comply with the Transvaal Law, addressed a v letter to

APPRECUTJON3 39

Mr, Gandhi in which he assured the latter that all his sympathies
were with him, and he would do what he could to help the oauee,

SENSE OF PUBLIC DUTY

Mr, Gandhi's sense of publio duty is profouud. Just before
his first arrest, he received the news that his youngest child wa0
desperately ill, and he was asked to go to Phoenix at once if ha
wished to save him. He refused, saying that his greater duty lay
in Johannesburg, where the community had need of him, and his
child's hie or death must be left in God's hands. Similarly,
during his second imprisonment, he received telegraphic news of
Mrs. Gandhi's serious illness, and was urged even by the visiting
Magistrate to pay his fine and so become free to nurse her. Again
he refused, declining to be bound by private ties when suoh action
would probably result in weakening the community of which he
was the stay and the inspiration. And although after his release
and his subsequent re-arrest, he could have secured indefinite post-
ponement of the hearing of his case, BO that he might nurse
Mrs. Gandhi back to health after a serious operation, as soon as he
heard that the Transvaal Government were anxious to see him back
again in gaol, he hastened to the Transvaal from Natal, leaving
Mrs, Gandhi, for aught he knew to the contrary, on her deathbed,

Yet he is a devoted husband and father, and IB intensely
attached to children. Indeed, he is never happier ihan when with
little children. His sense of duty was never more strikingly
demonstrated than when he set out, on that fateful morning in
February, 1908, to fulfil his pledge to the Transvaal Government
that he would undertake voluntary registration. He knew that
owing to a misunderstanding, which even his lucidity and per-
suasiveness could not overcome, a small section of the community
had been rendere i bitterly hoetile to him, and that his future
assailant was at that moment in his office and waiting an oppor-
tunity for a physical attack, which could only be effected in the
open street, Mr, Gandhi had no thought of seeking police protec-
tion against a compatriot, but walked straight to the Registration
Office, and on the way the expected attack was delivered. Bleeding
from open wounds and in the greatest paio, he was taken to the
Rev J.J. Doke's house, but before he would permit the doctor to
stitch up his face, which was badly gashed, he insisted upon
completing the form of application for voluntary registration in
the presence of the Registrar of Asiatics, giving full details as to
identity, like the least of his followers— -Mr. Gandhi has always
steadfastly refused, either within or outside of prison, to avail
himself of any privilege that is not accorded to the humblest of
his countrymen — and then permitted his wounds to be sewn up
without availing himself of an acsesthetio. That same day, though
tossing feverishly upon a eick-bed, he issued the folio wicg manifesto

40 APPENDIX II

to the Indian community, which bad for ihe moment been taken
aback by the suddeneus of the n^sauit and by a series of foolish
errors on the part of the rrgistration officials : —

*' Those who have committed the aot did DOC know what they
were doiog. They thought tbnt 1 was dmug what was wroug.
•They have had their redrew in the only manner they kuow, I,
therefore, request that no steps be taken "gainst them,

" Seeing that the assault was commuted by a Mahomedan or
Mahomedans, the Hindus might probetoly feel hurt. If so, they
would put themselves in the wrung before ihe world and ibeir
Maker Rather let the blood >• pi H to day cement the two com-
munities mdiSBolubly— Buoh is my heartfelt prayer. May God

grant it ! The spirit of passive resistance rightly uuderstood

flhould make the people fear none and nothing but God — no
cowardly fear, therefore, should deter ihe vast majority of sober-
minded Indians from doing their outy. Toe promise of repeal of
the Act, against voluntary registration, having been given, it is
the sacred duty of every true Indian to help the Government and
the Colony to the uttermost."

To assume responsibilities, to recognise obligations, was always
Mr, Gandhi's main thought, in his relations with the European
colonists of South Africa ; for he knew that the completest rights
c*nnot 02 availed of oy undeveloped a.ad ureapousioie people, Hence
hie offers, on behalf of the community, of ambulance and stretcher-
bearer corps, his desire to afford the Government, and Municipal
authorities the utmost, help at all times m ibe proper conduce of
public affairs and the governance and uplifting of tbe Indian com*
muoity, He always felt that the only posnibie road to progress
was by compelling the European colonists to recognise the real
Worth and sterlingness of character of his compatriots and a deep-
Be .ted desire to secure mutual respeot was an the bottom of his
action in aivising his fellow-countrymen to continue the struggle
for the preservation of their manhood.

Mr. Gandhi will not hesitate, when necessary, to set himself
against the opinion of many of his countrymen or bjldly to declare
whose is the responsibility for any recognised evil. Indeed hid
general attitude may be briefly summed up in the following state-
ments he ouoe made to ihe writer : " Most religious men I have
met are politicians in disguise ; I, however, who wear the guise of
a politician, am at heart a religious man."

HINDU-MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD

80 far as the Indian community itself was concerned,
Mr, Gandhi had appointed for himself one supreme task— to bring
Hindus and Mahomedans together and to make them realise
that they were one brotherhood and sons of the same Motherland.

APPRECIATIONS 41

His attitude as a Hindu towards M^homedanB is well defined
JD the following letter addressed by him to a Mahomedan
correspondent :—

" I never realise any distinction between a Hindu and a
Mahomedan. To my mind Doth are sons of Mother India. 1
fc'iow that. H'ndus are in a numerical majority and that they are
believed DO be moro advanced in knowledge and education Accord-
ingly, they should be glad to give way s^ rnuoh the more to their
Mahomedari brethren. As a man of truth, I honeetly believed
that Hindus should yield up to the jMahomedana what the latter
desire, and they should rejoice in RO nomg We can exneot, unity
only if such mutual large-heartednesa ia displayed. When the
Hindu and Mahometans act towards each other as blood-brothers,
then alone oan there be unity ; then only can we hope (or the
dawn of ludia."

And. as has already be on aeau, Mr. Gandhi is prepared to shed
hia blood in order that tho bonds of Hindu-Mab.imedan brother-
hood might be the more firmly cemented.

OHIVADHY

His chivalry is at ouoe the admiration of his friends and
followers and the uonfusion of enemies. \ teihog example of this
was given when, in Ootober, 1908, boK<Hti4r wish a number of
compatriots, he was arrested ami charged at Voiksrust, the
'TrAnsva-il border town. Mr. Guidhi then gave the following
evidence o.) behalf of his feiiow-oour>tryineu whom he was defend-
ing, and though he was not oalled upon to make these admis-
sions : —

" He t )ok ihe aole responsibility (or having advised them to
enter the C)lony. They h.il largely oeeo lofljeaoed by his advice,
though, no doubt, they had used their own judgment, he thought
that, iu giving that advice, he had cocsulted the best
interests of the State He asked the asoused to enter at a public
meeting and individually, They probably, at that 'ime, had no
idea of entering the Colon; , except,, perhaps, one of them. He
would certainly admit that he baa assisted the accused to etuer.
He admitted aiding and abetting them to enter the
Transvaal. H< was quite prepared to suffer, the consequence of
hia action, as he always had been.

Later, when giving evidence on his own bent If, he said :— ]

" In connection with my refusal to produoe my registration
certificate and to give thumb-impressions or finger-impressions ;
I think that as an officer of this Court, 1 owe an explanation.
There have been differences between the Government and Briti sh
Indians, whom I represent as Secretary of the British Indi an
Aesooiatipn, over the Asiatic Act, No. 2 of 1907, and after due

42 APPENDIX n\

deliberation, I took upon myself the responsibility of advising my
countrymen not to submit; to the primary obligation imposed by
(he Act, but still, as law-abiding subjects of the State, to aooept
its sanctions, Rightly or wrongly, in common with other
Asiatics, I consider that the Aot in question, among other things,
offends our conscience, and the only way, I thought, as I still*
thn k, ibe Asiatics could show their feeling with regard to it was
to incur its penalties. And in pursuance of that policy, I admit
tb;*' I have advised the accused who have preceded me to refuse
eubmieMi n to the Aoi, as also the Act 36 of 1903. Feeing that in
the opinion of British Indians, full relief, that was promised by the
Government, has not been granted. I am now before the Court to
suffer the penalties that may be awarded me."

And when he was next sentenced, Mr. Gandhi made the fol-
lowing declaration : —

" It is my misfortune that I have to appear before the Court
for the same offence the second time. I am quite aware that my
offence is deliberate and wilful. I have honestly desired to examine
my conduct in the light of past experience, and I maintain the
conclusion that, no matter what my countrymen do or think, as a
citizen of the State and as a man who respects oonaoience above
everything, I must continue to incur the penalties so long as
justice, ae I conceive it, has not been rendered by the State to a
portion of its citizens. I consider myself the greatest offender in
the Asiatic struggle, if the conduct that I am pursuing is held to
be reprehensible, I, therefore, regret that I am being tried under
a clause which does not enable me to aek for a penalty which some
of my fellow-objectors received, but I ask you to impose on me the
lightest penalty."

Thus, Mr. Gandhi indicated his willingness to beaome a
papsive register even agairst his own countrymen, if need bo, and
his anxiety, like the Greek hero who rushed into the fray and
found death by gathering into his own breast the spears of the
enemy, to bring salvation to his people by accepting the fullest
responsibility and the heaviest penalties. Even whilst in gaol, he
was a passive resistor ; for be declined to eat the special food pro-
vided for him until his Indian fellow-prisoners were given a more
suitable diet, and he deliberately starved himself upon ore wretch-
ed meal a day for six weeks, until the authorities were obliged to
promise a modified d»et scale for Ir.dian pnsonerp, a premise which
they later fulfilled—for the worse.

Mr Gandhi put his thought on the meaning of passive resist-
ance concisely and in a direct form, when he addressed the follow-
ing exhortation to the Transvaal Tamil community :— •

"Remember that we are descendants of Prahlad and Sudhanva;
both paesive re8isters of the purest type. They disregarded the
dictates even of their parents when they were asked to deny God*

APPRECIATIONS 48

They suffered extreme torture rather than infliot suffering on their
persecutors. We m the Transvaal are being called upon to deny
God, in that we are required to deny our manhood, go back upon
our oath, and accept an insult to our nation. Shall we, in the
present crisis, do less than our forefathers ? "

HIS DEEP SPIRITUALITY

His simplicity is extreme. He is a devoted follower of Tolstoy
and Buskin in their appeal for simpler life, and himself lives the
life of an asoetio, eating the simplest fruits of the earth, sleeping
often on a pieoe of sacking on the bare earth in the open air, and
he oares nothing for personal appearance. He has reduced himself
to a condition of voluntary poverty, and he has entirely abandoned
the practice of law believing that he cannot consistently obtain his
livelihood from a profession th.it derives its sanction from physical
force He acknowlpdgps no binding ties of kin or custom, but only
of the obligation of his own conscience. Ram Krishna tested his
freedom from caste- prejudice by sweeping out a pariah's hut with
his own hair, Mohandas Gandhi nan tested his by tending the
wounds of /\ Babu savage with his own bands. With him the
spirit of religion is everything, the world and its opinion
nothing. He does not know how to distinguish Hindu from
Mahomedan, Christian from ibfidel. To him all alike are
brothers, fragments of the Divine, fellow-spirits struggling for
expression. All he has, he gives. With him self-surrender and
absolute sacrifice are demands of his very nature. His deep spiri-
tuality influences all around, so that no man dares to commit evil
in his presence. He lives in the happiness of his friends, but he
does not hesitate to oreate a oonditicn of spiritual unrest in.tbem
when he conceives it his duty to point out. the tight, and condemn
the wrong. He cannot condone falsehood, but he reproves and
rebukes lovingly. Indeed, love is bis only weapon against evil He
sees God in every living thing, and therefore loves all mankind
and the whole animal world. He is strictly vegetarian, not because
of orthodoxy, but because he cannot cause the death of any
creature and because he believes that life is of God. In faith he IB
probably nearer in touoh with pure Jainism or Buddhism than any
other creed, though no formal creed can really hold him, To him
all is God, and from that reality he deduces his whole line of con-
duct. Perhaps, in this generation, India has not produced such a
noble man— saint, patriot, statesman in one. He lives for God
and for India. His one desire is to see unity amongst his fellow-
countrymen. His every endeavour In South Africa was directed
to showing the possibility of Indian national unity and the lines
upon which the national edifice should be constructed. His win-
ning manners, pleasant smile and refreshing candour and
originality of thought and action mark him out as a leader of men.
But those who know him bejt recognise in him the religious
teacher, the indicator of God, the inspiring example of "a pure,.

44 APPENDIX II

holy soul," as he has been called by the Rev, F, B, Meyer, the
modesty, humility and utter self-aonegatiou of whole life provide a
Jf s«!on for all who have eyes to see, ears to hear and an understand-
ing spirit

How he starved and fasted and sought to purify his physical
na uro, H to tell the story of A m*u to whom self-sufUring is a daily
joy and delight. And he did not subdue his body as the ooat of his
spirituality, as is the h«*bio of so inauy self-tormentors, but his
s)ul grew m exultation as he felt himself free to express biR higher
nature and to devote greater energy to the service of his country-
man. He has beeu a true Bbakta, a devotee of the most earnest
and bumble type, Praise has always been painful and distasteful
to him, though he his bean lavish of it as regard* his fellow-
workers.

Every notion o( his life has been performed in the service of
tb*r Divine Kssenoe that has so profoundly permeated his own
botiig" from the grindiug of wheat in his own home to the plant-
ing of fruit trees, the teaching of little children and the serving
of b«s ouatrymea at the Kumbha Mela at Hardwar,

THE PERSONALITY OF THE MAN

But it is the majestic personality of the man Mohandas
Gandhi, that overshadows his comparatively insignificant phy-
S'qiie. One feels oneself in the presence of a moral giant,
whose pelluj.a soul la a clear, still lake, in which one sees
Truth clearly mirrored. His is the meekness that has turned
Away wish a thousand times, and that has disarmed oppo-
nents even when most hostile. Unarmed for war, he yet has
oouquered peace, for his weapons have been the age-old arms of
moral fervour, calm determination, spiritual exaltation, sacrifice
of the lower self, service of his fellowmeu, lowliness, steadfastness,
a'i'i a*i overwhelming love bestowed equally upon every living
thing. A movement with such a man at its heato could not but
succeed, and so the Passive Resistance struggle same to an end
and freed its greatest exponent for still greater service on a wider
stage. Meanwhile, he has fixed the lines of growth of his
countrymen in bouth Africa, indicated the path and means of
patriotic development for his countrymen in the Motherland,
rallied the best of European sentiment to the South African
Indian cause, developed the possibilities of Passive Resistance, and
added yet ooe more name to the Golden Scroll of those who have
deserved well of their country and of mankind.

Yet this is not the whole man. You cannot say this is be,
that IB he. All that you can say with certainty is that he is here,
he is there. Everywhere his influence reigns, bis authority rules,
bis elusive personality pervades ; and tbis must be BO, for it is ^ true
of all great men that they are incalculable, beyond definition.
They partake of the nature of the Illimitable and the Eternal from

APPRECIATIONS 4fi>

which they have sprung and to which they are bound. With their
feet firm-set on earth and their hands amongst the star?, they are
pointers of the way to those who search, euoouragers* of the faint
and weary, inspirers of those breathing in deep draughts of hope.

MR. K, NATARAJAN

The two questions which made Mabatma Gandhi start non -co-
operation were the Rowlatt Aot and the Khilafat, The Government
agree with him in both. la constitutionally governed countries
the Opposition Leader, whose policy on two such capital quostrons
was accepted by Government, would as a matter of course be
put in charge of the Government. A bureaucracy, however,
can only imprison him. The bureauoraoy accepts new ideas
wheo it can no longer oppose them but punishes the promulgator
for disturbing it. The Indian Government cannot tolerate tall
poppies. The Montagu reforms have not altered this one bit and
that is the conclusive condemnation ; my objection to the system
is not so much that it has failed in this or that branch of ad-
ministration, but ihat in its total and inevitable incidence it
condemns our soul to a ^tinted aimless life. The remedy is a com-
plete change of eyssem to complete responsible Government, The
conversion of the present system ^«»n be earned out only by a
plan steadily and preaistently worked upon. Such a scheme will
be shortly placed before the country. Non-co-operation by itself
is noD enough. It is liko one who haa voluntarily renounced <he
use of one of his limbs. We should study the system not only in
its weak points but also its strorg ones. Violence is not force,
Effecti ve sircDgth always implies perffof. non-violence. Tha Mahat-
ma'fl greatest contribution to humanity is the application which
he has elaborated of the grand principle of ahixnea to the region
of politics.— (After Mr. Gandhi'a arrest; in the "Bombay
Chronicle.")

MRS. 8AROJINI NAIDU

A convict and a criminal in the eyes of the Law 1 Nevertheless
the entire Court rose in an act of spontaneous homage when
Mahaima Gandhi entered — a frail, serene, indomitable figure in a
coarse and scanty loin oloth, accompanied by his devoted disciple
and fellow-prisoner, Bhankerlal Banker.

" 80 you are seated near me to give me your support in case I
break down/' be jested, with that happy laugh of bis which seems
to hold all the urdimmed radiance of the world's childhood in its
depths. And looking round at the boets of famihar faces of men
and women who bad travelled far to offer him a token of ibeir kve,
he added, " This is like a family gatbem g and net a law court. >fc

A thrill of mingled fear, prirfe,, b<"pe «r>d engireh ran through
the crowded h»ll when the Judge to( k bis eeat — an admirable
Judge det-ervir g of cur praise alike for his bravo and reeclute sense
of duty, hip flawless courtesy, his just perception of a unique occa-
sion and'his fine tribute to a unique personality,

46 APPENDIX II

The strange trial proceeded and as I listened to tbe immortal
words that flawed with prophetic fervour from the lips of my belov-
ed master, my thoughts sped across the centuries to different land
and different age when a similar drama was enaoted and another
divine and gentle teacher was crucified, for spreading a kindred
gospel with a kindred courage. I realised now that the lowly Jeaua
of Nazareth cradled in a manner furnished the only true parallel
in history to this sweet invincible apostle of Indian liberty who
loved humanity with surpassing compassion and to use his own
beautiful phrase, "approached the poor with the mind of the poor.'1

The most epic event of modern times ended quickly.

The pent-up emotion of the people burst in a storm of sorrow
as a long slow procession moved towards him in a mournful
pilgrimage o( farewell, clinging to the hands that had toiled ao
incessantly, bowing over tbe feet that had journeyed so continuously
in the service of his country,

Xn the midst of all this poignant eoene of many-voiced and
myriad-hearted grief he stood, untroubled, in all his transcendent
implicit?, the embodied symbol of the Indian Nation — its living
sacrifice and sacrament in one.

They might take him to the utmost ends of the earth but his
destination remains unchanged m the hearts of his people who
are both the heirs and the stewards of his matchless dreams and
his matchless deeds.— (Contributed to the "Bombay Chronicle"
soon after Mr, Gandhi's trial.)

BABU DWIJENDRANATH TAGORB

Let critics of Mahatma Gandhi then look to history before
they condemn him for trying to bring this rnuoh- belauded Modern
Civil-eaiion down to tbe oommou starting point of all great civili-
sations. We are at dawn of a New Era, and Mukatma Gandhi is
the one loader who shows to us the right path. He at least is
watering the roots, while all others who try to keep alive the
Civilisation of ihe Western nations a*je like foolish gardeners who
lavish water on the withering leaves of a dying tree and never think
of watering its roots. — (Young India.)

THE GHALLENGE-(LOXDOH)

Here is a man of whom all those who know him testify that
he is singularly Christ-like, one who has based his whole position
upon the ultimate supremacy of moral over physical force,
one of whom the worse that oau be said is that he is a
visionary whose dreams oould not, in the present state of
human society, be realised. Unpractical — "My Kingdom is not
of this world," an agitator — " He etirreth up tbe people" ;
better arrested — " Ic is expedient that one man should die for the
neoole." We have read, with erowine oonviotion of tbe oasallelism.

APPRECIATIONS 47

the attempts of the Press to justify our Government's action ; and
hitherto apart from the mass and abuse which all reliable evidence
of the Mahatma'a character and actons shows to be irrelevant,
have found nothing wnioh oould not have been written with equal
accuracy by an apologia:, for C-nphna or Pilate, And the result
has Riven u* a shook the nmra U'ipleasanr, because here, also, it is
not the particular wickedness or failure of any one individual,
but the unchristian quality of the whole system that is revealed,
We do not believe that any special persons are individually to
blame, it is simply that our aooepted outlook and standards have
dome into conflict with a singularly pure and sincere idealist. We
have judged him, and, in doing so, have condemned ourselves,

TEE NATION (NEW YORK)

Consider the man. In the apaca of a few years he has done
•more for his people than any government in centuries. He haa
been the bearer of new hope and human dignity to the untouch-
ables ; he haq been the weaver of bonds of unity between the
Moslems and Hindus whom the British would keep asunder ; be
has fought the liquor traffics which was debasing his people,
and the infamous opium monopoly by which, for its own profit, the
British Government menaces not only India but all mankind. He
has given to revolution non-violent instruments which promise
the release of humanity from the seeming necessity of wars for
freedom. He has sincerely preached love for the enemy. Not he,
but Lord Reading by bis refusal to abandon repression prevented
the proposed Round Table Conference which might have furthered
the peaceful settlement of grievances. Even on the vexed question
of the Cabinet, we believe that Gandhi's voice might have been
potent in persuading his Moslem friends to grant to non-Moslem
oommunities the justice they seek for themselves. And it is this
hope which the British Government has almost shattered-—
apparently with the consent of those British liberals who would
approve the deportation or imprisonment of Gandhi while they
prattle his saiutlmess. Yet that hope is not dead while
Gandhi's spirit is powerful in India. How long his people will fol-
low the way he pointed out we do not know ; already there are
signs of revolt. But this we know. If the Indian people, like the
oppressed of other lands, finally ;»ke the way of the sword, the pri-
mary blame for the tragedy i>h»t, will follow must rest not on those
who have preached freedom and justice or even on those who seek
them by violence but on these who have made violence the very
foundation of their ooutinuiug dominion over unwilling subjects.

M. K. GANDHI

By REV. JOSEPH DOKE

WITH A FOREWORD BY LORD AMPTU1LL

Tbia IR a cheap, popular edition of an inspiring book
(M.K Gandhi : An Indian Patriot in South Africa) written
by a great Christian friend and admirer of Mr. Gandhi. The
Rev. Doke, the author, gives a vivid and penetrating
analysis of Mr Gauabi's character illustrated with ample
instances of his no'ngs in Bomb Africa, The book is cram-
med with many striking passages from his utterances on
various subjects, besides many ^n intimate description of
dramatic incidents narrated with warmth and colour,
Price Re. 1. To Subscribers of the "Indian Review" As. 12.

HIND SWARAJ

OR THE INDIAN HOME RULE

By Mr. M. K. GANDHI

It is certainly my good fortune that this oooklet of mine
is receiving wide attention. * * * la my opinion it
is a bot'k which can be put in o the bands of a child. It
teaches the gospel of love in tbo place of mat of hate. It
replaces violence with self-pacnfice. It pita soul force against
brute force. Iii bus gone through several editions and I
commend it to those who would care to read it. 1 withdraw
nothing except one word .of it, and that in deference to a
lady friend. — (Young India, X6th January, 1921.)

A CHEAP, POPULAR EDITION.
Price 8 As, To Subscribers of the "Indian Review," 6 As.

The INDIAN PROBLEM

BY MR, C. F. ANDREWS

INDIAN INDEPENDENCE
INDIA AND THE EMPIRE
LETTERS ON NON-CO OPERATION

THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT
NATIONAL EDUCATION
THE DRINK EVIL
THE OPIUM TKADE OF INDIA.

IS* All in one volume, with a nice frontispiece.

Price Re. One
To Subscribers of ihe "Indian Review,' As. 12.

G, A. Katesan & Co., Publishers, Madras.

INDEX

PAGE

Abdul Ban, Letter to ... 746
Aadret-3 10 indentured

Indians ... 89
Social Service Con-

ference

397

-the Tamil Com-

munity

Advice to
Indiana
Students

91

Buuth African

After the Arrest
Ahiniba

Doctrine of

Ahmed a bad Congress

Speech
Mill hands

117
233
735
282
269, 320

Speech at

Ajrnal Khan, Letter to

— Arresfrof the

AlUhnbad, Speech at
Amritsar Appeals, The
Anarchical Crimes, on
Andrews, Introduction by,, xni

650
420
473
737
601
443
481
229

Letter to Mr.

748
585

Apology, the Ah Brothers'.
Appeal 10 the Viceroy ou

Howlatt Hills ... 450
The Women of

India ... 597

Young Bengal ... 565

Appreciations appx. ... 17

After the ... 735

Arrest, Message after ... 468

of the Ah Brothers.. 60L

Toe ... 735

PAOH

Arya Samaj, work of
the ... 270

Attitude towards the assail-
ants ... 54

B

Bangalore Address, Reply

to ... 241

Bardoh — Civil Disobedience

in ... 666
Decisions, in defence

of ... 689

Barnes, Gandhi and Sir

George ... 123

Before the Court in 1907 ... 50

In 1913 ... 66

Beginning of the Struggle,

The ... 1

Beh*r, Labcur Trouble in 193
Benares Hindu University

Speech ... 249

Incident, The .. 258

Bengal, Appeal to Young,.. 565
Beeant (Mrs.) and Gandhi, 258
Bombay Conference ... 657

Reception in ... 110

Kiota ... 617

Riots : Appeal to

co-workers ... 628
Riots

Hoolegana
— : Riots

the oitizeos

to

Appeal

... 625
Message to

... 623
— Riots, Moral Issue. 633

Riots ; Peaoe at

last ... 631

1NDKX

PAGE

Bombay Riots : the State-
ment ... 617

Speech ... 44:4

Boycott of the Councils ... 534

British Citizenship, Duties

. of - 225

CaohaJm, A. M. ... H9

Celibacy, vow of ... 322

Champaran Agrarian Bill... 195

Enquiry ... 193

Chauri Cbaura, the crime

of ... 679

Cbelmaford, Letter to Lord. 426

,0peu Letter to ... 511

Child Marriage ... 416

Citizen rights for South

African Indians ... 77

Civil Disobedience ... 636

In Bardoli ... 666

r- Preparations for ... 660

Service, Ii^dians in ... 439
Class Legislation ... 39

Colour Legislation, Repeal

of ... 31

Commission, Another S. A. 129
Compartments, Doctrine of. 437
Confession of Faith, A ... 769
Congress Committee, Delhi

Resolutions ... 695

Demands ... 661

Message to the ... 185

, Report on Punjab

Disorders ... 494

. Special, Speech at

the ... 541

. Speech (\hmeda-

bad) ... 650

, The Creed of the ... 561

Connaught, Open letter to

the Duke of

569

Co-operation.Meral B<48>8 of, 293
Councils, Boycott of the ... 534

PAGff

Courts and Schools ... 520
Covenantf The Meaning of

the ... 210

Cow-protection ... 811

Protection of the ... 407

Creed of the Gocgress, the. 561

Crewe, Letter to Lord ... 108

Crime of Cbauri Chaura ... 679

Critiop, Reply to ... 703

Death, the Fear of ... 823

Delhi Resolutions, The ... 695
Deputation to Lord Elgin. 43

— - Selborne ... 30

Divine Warning, A ... 720

Doctrine of Abimsa. 269, 320

Compartments ... 437

Ttje Sword, The ... 788

Durban, Farewell Speech at. 85
Duties of British Citizen-

Bhip ... 225

Duty of Title-holders ... 537

Earlier Indian Speeches ... 225
Economic v. Moral Pro-
gress ... 286
Education, Faulty System

of ... 414

, Real ... 234

T h r o u g h the

Vernaculars. 327, 335

Educational Conference,

Gujarat ... 335

» System, Defects in

our ... 358

Elgin, Lord, Deputation to. 43
Emigrants, Indian and

European ... 133

Emigration, Indian Colo-

nial ... 139

Empire, B Service to the ... 538

IHDfcX

til

PAQH

find of fcbd Kiiira smug-
gle ... 217
England, Fare wall to ... 109
— — Reception in ... 107

Farewell Address at Veru-
lam ... 89

— Speech at Durban, 85

• Speech at Johan-
nesburg ... 95

-To England ... 109

To Indentured

Indiana ... 89

— — ^To South Africa ... 102
M To the Tamil Com-
munity ... 91
Fearlessness, Spirit of ... 266

-u -^Vow of ... 326

Fear of Daath, the ... 823

Freedom of Opinion, Mani-
festo ... 606
Freemasonry, Political ... 515

Gains of the Passive Resist-
ance Straggle ... 188
Gandhi and E.M. Gorges. 61

— and Mr. Irwin ... 382

— - — -and Sir George

Btrnes ... 123

Appreciations appx. 17

- Mr,, South African

Papers on ... 17

— — - -Solute Agreement. 125
Gandhi's Address to Lord

Selborna ... 32

— Ghalleogo ... 212

— Jail Experiences,

Third ... 167

•* Religion appx ... 1

Statement ... %85

Ultimatum ... 669

Genesis of Passive Resist-
ance ... 18*
Gokhale, lateMr. ... 244

Three Speeches on, 242

— Tilak and Me aba. 818

Qokhale'i portrait, unveil-
ing of ... 24fl

"* Services to India ... 247

Gorges, E. M. and Mr.

Gandhi ... 61

Govt. of India, Letter to ... 670
Great Sentinel, The ... 607

Trial, The ... 749

Grievances of Indian Settlers

in South Africa ... 1

Gujarat Educational COB

ferenoe ... 335

~ --Political Confer-
ence ... 372

•" Sabha ... 197

Gurukula, The ... 265

Guzarat National Univer-
sity ... ... 793

H

Handcuffs ... ... 174

Hand-weaving ... 329

Hardinge'a Condition o f

Abolition of Indenture ... 136
HazratMohani's Resolution 655

Hindi and Urdu

Plea for

Hindu-M%homedau Pro

blem

Hindu-Moslem Unity
Hindu'era

Hindus and Mahomedans..
Hindustani and English ..
Hindu University Speech ...
Honour of a Satyagrahi ...

The Peinoe

How to Work Non-Co-opera

tion
Hunger Strike

355
416

334
811
826
55
800
249
220
614

507
759

"If I am Arrested
Imperial Conference ROBO

Jutions

Indenture, Abolition
Httrdinge's Condition

„ system, Iniquities

of ... H4

Indentured Indians, Ad-
dress to ... 89

labour ... 136

Independence Resolution ... 655
India, A Lesson to ... 184

And the Dominions. 131

Is and must be non-

tiolent ... 724

Indian &nd European Emi-
grants ... 133

Colonial Emigration. 139

Field Ambulance ... 109

Imigration Amend-'

mem Bill ... 1

Medicine ... 788

Merchants ... 330

Belief Act ... 83

Rights in the Trans-

vaal ... 125

— South African

League 112, 115

Indians and Citizen Rights, 77

In Civil Service ... 439

In South Africa ... 122

In the Colonies ... 181

Industrial Training ... 271

Iniquities of the Indenture

System ... 144
Interview in Jail ... 742
, the Gandhi-
Reading ... 579
Irwio *nd Gandhi ... 332
Issue at stake, The ... 56

Jail Experiences ... 152
Experiences (First) ... 152

INDEX

PAGE

PAGE

Jail Experiences

(Second). 163

... 726

Interview in

.. 742

30-

Life in India

... 759

... 149

Pretoria

... 169

of,

Jails, Work in

... 763

... 136

Johannesburg Addreese 91,95

ies

Judgment, The

... 757

Kaira and Guzarat, Appeal

to ... 435

Distress, Statement

on the ... 200

People, A Tribute to ... 220

Press Note, Reply to,.. 211

Question, The ... 196

Reply to the Commis-
sioner ... 206

Struggle, End of the... 217

Struggle, the Last

Phase ... 221

The Situation in... li^6

Karachi Address, Reply to... 263

Kelkar's Article, Reply to... 713

Khilafat Demands ... 661

Movement, Wby I

have Joined ... 491

Question, *be ... 487

Wrongs, the Punjab

and ... 481

Labour, Rights and Duties

of ... 784

Trouble in Bebar... 193

Language for India, National 353
Last Phase, the Eaira

Struggle .. 221

Lawyers and Non-Co-opera

tiou .. 536

Legislation Class .. 39

Lesson, A, bo India .. 184

Lessons of Passive Resist

ance ... 175

LNDKX ,?,

PAGE

PAGE

letter, Open, to the Duke of

Message to Satyagrahis ... 465

Connaught ... 569

To the Congress ... 180

-To Government

To ihe Country ... 758

of India ... 670

To the Parsis ... 746

To Hakim Ajmal

Mill hands, Ahmedabad ... 420

Khan ... 737

Miscellaneous ... 769

To H, K, the Viceroy 666

Missionary Conference ... 273

To Lord Chelmsford ... 426

Moplah Outbreak ... 640

- — To Lord Crewe ... 108

Montagu-Chelmsford

To Moulana Abdul Han 745

Scheme ... 437

— To Mr. Andrews ... 748

Memorial to Mr.

To Urmila Devi ... 742

appx ... 10

Literary Education ... 413

Moral Basis of Co-operation. 293

Loyalty to the British.. .

Empire ... 232

N

M

Natal ludian Association. 73

Madras Indian Bouih...
Afrioan League 112, 115
Law Dinner Speech ... '232
Provincial Conference. 181
Reception in ... 112
Speech at. 446, 524
Mahomedans and Hindus... 55

-——Nine o'clock Rule in ... 13
Natesau, G A, 112, 115, 131
National dress ... 332
Language for India... 353
Need for Humility, The ... 573
— • Non-Co-operaiion ... 526
Neither a 8*int nor a Poli-
tioirin .. 805

Malaviya Conference ... 657
Malegaon Incident, The ...577

Nellore Provincial Gonle-
re nee 131

Manifesto on Freedom tf
Opinion ... 606
To the Press ... 440
Marriage Question, the ... 61
Maude, Hon. Mr, ... 195

Nine O'clock Rule in Natal 13
Non-Co-operatiou ... 481
and Lawyers ... 536
and Special Cou-

rwrAaa *\QQ

Mayavaram, Speech ... 238
Meaning of the Covenant,

gross ... Doo
, How to Work .. 507
, Is it Unconstitu

The ... 210

ticnal ,. 529

Imprisonments ... 759

_ Need for .. 526

Media uf Instruction, Verna-

Parents and .. 537

cular ... 307
Mehta, Qokhale, Tilak and. 818

Resolution .. 541

Message, After Arrest ... 468

Message to Co-workers ... 732

O

Of the Cbarka ... 736

To Bombay Citizens, 463

On Ihe Eve oi Arrest ... 726

— To Kerala ... 784

Open letter to Lord Chelms-

To Madras Satyagrahis, 462

PAOB

Ordinance, Peace Preser-
vation ... 30
Origin of the Movement in
South Afrioa ... 181

PACrfl

Punjab Demands ... 661

~ Disorder : A Personal

Statement ... 500
-'•Disorders, Congress

Repot* on ... 494

Parents and Non-Co-opera-
tion * ... 537
^arais, Message to the ... 746
Passive Resistance ... 179

and Batyagraha ... 501

How the idea

Originated ... 179

In Tolstoy Farm... 773

Lessons of ... 175

k Origin of the

Movement in 8, A. ... 181

Struggle, Gains of

the ... 188

The Genesis of ... 182

Theory and Prac-
tice of " ... 776

* The Vow of ... 199

Passive Resistors in the

Tolstoy Farm ... 188

Patriotism, True ... 814

Peace Preservation Ordin-
ance ... 30
Plea for Hindi ... 418

The Soul, A ... 226

Political Conference, Guja-
rat ... 37'J

Freemasonry ... 515

Politics ... 329

And the People ... 238

Pretoria jail ... 169

Prince, Honour the ... 614

Prisoner, A Model ... 766

Prohibited L'tera^ure. Dis-
tribution of ... 466
Protection of the Cow,

the ... 4<W

Public Life, Reward of ... 24 1
Punjab and Khilafat Wrones.481

fta bind ran ato T a g d r e,

Reply to ... 607

Railway Reaferictiona in

Transvaal ... 1)9

Railways, Tbifd Claes1 in... 301
Rationale of Suffering, The. 774
Reception in Bombay ... 110

In England ... 107

In Madias ... 113

Reciprocity between India

aod the Dominions ... 131
Recruiting, Appeal to Eaira 435

— #or the Wai? ... 430

— : Objections Answer-

. ed ... 483

Registration of Coloured

Bervatfttf ... 18

-a Voluntary ... 6*

Religious study ... 162

Repeal of Colons Legislation 3
Reply to Critics ... 703

Kaira Press-note ... 211

Karachi Address ... 963

LordRonaldshay... 643

^_i Rabiri d r a n a t h

Tagofe ... 607

The Commissioner. 206

Rest Cure, A .. 762

Reward of Public Life ... 241
Rights and Duties ... 236

Of Labour ... 784

Robertson, Sir Benjamin ... 129
Ronaldsbay, Reply to

Lofd ... 642

Round Table Conference ... 647

Rowlatt
graha

Bills and 8stya-

440

PAGE

Uowlatt Bills, Appeal to the
Viceroy ... 450

Rules and Regulations of
SatyagrabaBrama Appx. 5

Satyagraha and Duragraha, 471
T-. --- - and Passive Resist-
ance ... 501

PAGE

---- Committee

-- D<*y in Madras ...
--- Pledge ...

--- - --- and Rowlatt Bills

SatyagrabH Sabha ...

-- Temporary Sus&n-

sioa ...

Satyagrahashrama ...

-- ; the Rules and Regu-

lations of appx. ...

8*tyagrahi, Honour of A...
-- The ...

Sutyagrahis, Message to ...
Schools, Courts and ...

Selborne, Lord, Deputation

•50 - ...

466
454
455
442
440
466

479
316

5

220
470
460
520

3Q

Set vise, A, to the Empire... 538
Settlement, the ... 83

Should Indians have full

CiBizen Rights ... 73

Simla Visit, The ... 579

Situation m Kaira, the ... 196
Sinms-G^ndhi Agreement... 125
-- Interview ... 80

Social boycott ... 802

- — Laws, Man-Made.. 413
--- Service ... 309

-- — -Servioe Conference. 397
Solomon Commission, The, 69
Soul force and Indian Poll-

tics, on ... 770

-- v Physical force... 180
gouth Africa; Farewell to ... 102
{jouth African Commission, 129

South African Indian Quep-
tion

— . Indians, A^vioe to.

Special Congress, Non-Co-
operation and

Speech at the

-Ahmedabad

1

117

533
541
473
443
444
524

Allahabad

• Bombay

_. Madras. 446

The Special Con-
gress ... 541
Spinning wheel ... 610

Truth of the ... 747

Spiritualising the Political

Life ... 243

Snnivasa Sastn, V.8. ... 233
Statement before the Court. 749
Statementjon the Kaira Dis-
tress ... 200

—.Oral ... 749

.Written ... 751

Strike, Hunger ... 759

Strikes ... 574

Students, Advice to ... 233

Suppressed Classes Confer-
ence, Address to ... 815
Swadeshi ... 273

Meaning of ... 267

Vow appx ... 12

Vow of ... 325

Swaraj ... 374

Demands ... 661

In one year ... 548

Is the Attempt to Win It 721

Wiys and Means ...492

Tagore, reply to Rabindra-
nath ... 657

Tamil Community, Address
to ... 91

Studies, My (Mr.

Gandhi's) ... 173

INDEX

PAGE

.. 83

Tax, £ 3, Abolition of

Temporary Suspension of
the Movement ... 479

The Delhi Incident

Theory and Practice of Pas-
sive Resistance ... 776

"The Two Inoompatibles." 597

Third Class in Indian Rail-
ways

Three Speeches on Gokhale.

Tibbi College, Delhi

Tilak

And Mehta, Gokhale.,. ..__

Title-holders, Duty of The, 537

" To Every Englishman in
India " 553, 557

Tolstoy farm, Passive
Resistance in

Tup heavy Administration.

Trade L, censes Laws

Transvaal, Railway Restric-
tions in

Tributa to Kaira People ...

Truce with the Govern-
ment, A

Truth of the Spinning
Wheel

Trulh, Vow of

461

301
242

788
525
818

773
439

84

119
220

80

747
318

U

Unregistered Newspapers,

Circulating ... 467

Untouchability ... 815

Unveiling of Gokhale'a
Portrait ... 242

Urdu and Hindi
Urmila Devi, Letter to

PAGE

... 355

... 742

Vernaculars as Media of

Instruction ... 307

Verulam, Address at ... 89

Vicetby, Letter to H. E. ... 666
Viceroy's Call for Concord

(Re Kaira Struggle) ... 216

Violence and Non-violence. 593

Voluntary Registration ... 554

Vow of Celibacy ... 322

Control of the

Palate ... 323

Fearlessness ... 326

Non-thieving ... 324

Passive Resistance... 199

Swadeshi ... 325

Truth ... 318

W

Warning, A Divine
War, Recruiting for
" What I read "
"Why I have joined
Khilafat Movement"
Suffer

the

430
176

491
760
411

Womanhood, on
Women of India, Appeal to
the ... 597

Work in Jail

763

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