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600027682V
1
THE
STORY OF THE LIFE
JOHN ANDERSON,
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE.
EDITED BY
HAEPER TWELVETKEES, M.A.,
CHAXBMAir OF TBS iUSHiS AXDfMaOK COMMITTU.
LONDON:
WILLIAM TWEEDIE, 337, STRAND, W.C.
1863.
2//) . c . 51,1
LovDOv; Bxnura tm oo., itxax pbimtisi, SBawAsi BOiA, w,
DEDICATION.
TO GEORGE THOMPSON, ESQ.,
LATB MBMBSB OF PABUAHBNT FOB THE BOBOlTeE OF THE
TOWEB HAKLBTS,
THE STORT OF THE LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON
IS RESPECTFULLT INSCRIBED,
IN RECOGNITION OF THE EMINENT SERVICES RENDERED
BY HIM TO THE
CAUSE OF FREEDOM THROUGHOUT THE WORLD:
ASA
SMALL ack:nowledgment
OF HIS KINDNESS TO JOHN ANDERSON,
AND TO
MANT OTHERS OF THE COLOURED RAGE:
AND AS
A SLIGHT EXPRESSION OF THE FRIENDSHIP AND ESTEEM
WITH WHICH HE IS REGARDED BT
THE EDITOR.
PREFACE.
The Stoey of the Life of John Anderson has
been prepared for publication by the Editor at the
earnest request of the Committee and of John Anderson
himself, and whatever profits may accrue from its sale
will be devoted to the benefit of Anderson, whose
history must, in many respects, be regarded as an
extraordinary one. The circumstances connected with
the demand for his rendition are of such general interest,
that the Editor makes no apology for presenting them
in a permanent form in the following pages. He also
desires to express, on his own behalf, and in the name
of the John Anderson Committee, the warmest thanks
to the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-
Slavery Society, for the noble manner in which they
vindicated the cause of freedom, when called upon to
resist a foul wrong attempted to be perpetrated on a
VI. PBEFACE.
subject of the British Crown. A variety of circum-
stances combine to make the history of John Anderson
one of deep interest. The novelty and peculiarity of
the case itself, the excitement which it created in Canada,
England, and the United States; the gravity of the
proceedings to which It gave rise ; the opinions of the
many eminent men In Parliament, In the Cabinet, In
Courts of Law, and of the Press, which It drew forth ;
the Importance of the question to be decided, as affect-
ing the freedom and safety of thousands of fugitive
slaves in the British American possessions ; the lofty,
disinterested, and honourable position, which, from the
first, was assumed by England ; and the prompt, decided,
and magnanimous conduct of the British Government ;
these, and other features of the case are brought out In
the succeeding sketch of the brief, but singular ind
eventful, career of an American slave — now, happily,
a slave no longer.
In addition to the above circumstances, the history of
John Anderson will be found to Illustrate the actual
condition of a slave In all countries where chattel
servitude Is permitted. He Is the type and repre-
sentative of eight millions of the human race — Africans
and their descendants — who, at this hour, are held In
PBEFAGE. VU.
debasing and cruel bondage by nominally Gbristian
nations. In the light of the facts of Anderson's slave
life, we see the true nature and effects of Slavery, as it
exists in the Confederate States of America, throughout
the empire of Brazil, and in the islands of the Gulf of
Mexico.
The father of Anderson was a slave, who — not, that
he loved kindred less, but that he loved freedom more —
forsook his wife and little one, and became an exile, a
fugitive, and an outlaw upon the face of the earth. The
mother of Anderson was a slave, who, but a few months
after she became a parent, was left, virtually, a widow ;
her natural protector — he who should have been her
coimsellor and stay, and the example and guide of her
child — ^lost to her for ever ; and she, while yet that child
was in its infancy, severed from it, sold like a bale of
-merchandize, or a four-footed beast of the field, and sent
far from the scenes of her youth and the centre of her
associations, to labour and to die upon the cane-fields of
Louifliana. Behold the havoc which the execrable system
of slavery makes of the sacred and divine relationships
of the family !
The genealogy of an American slave is traced only
through the maternal line. The progenitors on the male
VIU. PREFACE.
side are raxely known in fact, and are never recognized
in law. A slave, in law, has no father. The legislation
of the Slave States makes no reference to paternal an-
cestry, and acknowledges the mother — ^not in respect to
any natural rights, duties, or aflFections, but simply for
the determination of the question of title, and for the
purpose of fixing the legal statits of the child. The
natural relation between parent and child is not con-
sidered ; and hence, neither in a legal nor in a religious
sense, has a slave-bom child either a father or a mother ;
as is the condition of the mother, so is the condition of
the child. This is the recognized and law-established
principle, laid down for the administration of the brutal
system of American slavery. As early as 1715, it was
enacted by the state of Maryland, and it has since
become the general law of the United States, that
children bom of slave mothers are slaves during their
natural lives. It was thus that the atrocious maxim, —
Partus seguitor ventrum^ — (the offspring follows the
condition of the mother,) was introduced into the
civil law ; and from that day to the present, the con-
dition of the mother has determined the fate of the
child. Who is he, who does not at once perceive
that this revolting and horrible maxim of civil law is one
PREFACE. IX.
of the most cruel and degrading principles by which
the institution of slavery, for which the rebel states are
fighting, is distinguished ? By this law, any child whose
maternal ancestor, even in the remotest degree, can be
shewn to have been a slave, is declared the property of
him who was the owner of its mother at the time of its
birth ; and it is, therefore, doomed to perpetual bondage,
although its paternal ancestor, at every successive gene-
ration, may have been a free white man. Where is the
man of intelligence who does not instantiy see that this
provision of human law perverts the divine ordinance
of marriage from a holy institution, into a slave-breeding
commerce between the sexes; into a perpetual manufac-
ture of property in human flesh, for the profit of the
slave master ; that it breaks up and destroys the parental
relation, and converts the children of slavemothers into
household cattle, for the pecuniary benefit of the owner ;
that it abrogates the commandment of the decalogue —
"Honoxir thy father and thy mother" — and that it makes
the relation, between father and mother, that of mere
agents for increasing the gains of him who claims a right
of property in the human chattel, whose offspring, by
law, are his? Well may that eloquent defender of
the rights of the injured slave. Dr. Cheever, observe —
X. PREFACE.
"The essence of American davery, tbe central fun-
damental element of cruelty and crime by which it is
sustained and made perpetual, is just this, namely, the
incessant stealing of children from their parents, by the
factorship of the marriage relation, — perverted, cor-
rupted, diabolized, into an engine of anguish and
debasement to the parents, and of gain to the masters ;
that hath on it, more than any thing else in the world,
the stamp of helL"
The particulars furnished in the following pages, of
the eyents in the slave-life of John Anderson, and of
the condition and treatment of his companions in
bondage, though far from exhibiting slavery in its worst
horrors, do more or less, illustrate its peculiar evils.
They show that slavery is human chattelism ; that it
reduces beings created in the image of God, to the level
of the beasts that perish, or the clods of the earth.
Anderson was a piece of property. It will be seen that
slavery annihilates the heaven-ordained right of mar-
riage, and encourages concubinage and adultery ; that
slavery ruthlessly sunders every conjugal, parental and
filial bond; that slavery deprives the child of the pro-
tection, support, example, and instruction due to it
from the parent ; that slavery totally neglects the moral.
PBEFACE. XI.
rational and spiritual faculties of the being claimed as
property; that slavery denies the use of letters, and
abandons its victim to intellectual darkness ; that slavery
transforms professing Christians into hypocrites, task-
masters and menstealers; and perverts the Word of
God into a law in favour of robbery and oppression.
Finally, that slavery is remorseless and unforgiving, and
will abate no jot or tittle of its iniquitous demands.
H.T.
Evenly Houses Broml^, MiddlMOz,
Mar^ 0M» 1868.
CONTENTS.
Chaptbb L
mibsovbi.
Birthplace of Anderson— 'Purchase of the Territory of Louisiana-
Missouri, originally a part of the Territory — ^Xts settlement by
shareholders — ^Efforts made to bring it into the Union — The
repeal of theMissouri « Compromise'* — ^Its admission in 1820 —
Subsequent Missouri Compromise — Gfeography, dimate, pro-
ducts and population • . • • . Page
Chaptbb n.
AlfDESSOK's 8IATB Ldn.
His parentage — ^The fate of his father and mother — His life in
the plantation — ^His marriage — ^Is sold and separated from his
wife— Character of his new master — Morality of slaveholders
— ^Why he resolred to run away • «... 8
Chaptbb m.
ANDEBSOB'S ESCAPB SBOU SlliTBST— DESPSBATB STBTTOaUi POB
UPB ABD IIBEBTlr.
Leaves the plantation— Bids fiirewell to wife and child — ^En-
counters Diggs, a slaveholder — » Gl-ive me liberty, or give me
death" — Wounds his adversary and flies — Perilous journey
through the woods'—Beaches the State of Illinois — ^Hospitality
of an English settler — ^Proceeds to Chicago • . 13
XIV. CONTENTS.
Chaptbb TV.
AinOSBSOK BEIOEATH THB BBITISH FUlO.
Arrives at Windsor, Upper Canada — His first employment as a
fireman — Discovers a plot to get him back to slavery —
Changes his name and residence — For five years remains un-
molested JPa^e 21
Chaftes V.
AlfTDEBSON'S ABBEfiT, Ain> DIPLOMATIC COBBESFOKDENOE THEBEON.
Anderson's confidence is betrayed — He is arrested and after-
wards released — He is arrested a second time, and after some
weeks' confinement discharged — He is a third time arrested,
and is committed to the county gaol— His rendition is de-
manded, diplomatic oorrespondenoe thereon . • .24
Chaptbb VI.
KBST WBIT OP HABEAS C0BPX7S.
The Court of Queen's Bench, Canada, issues a writ — The deci-
sion on the case is postponed — Anderson petitions the
Govemor-G^eral — The Extradition clause of the Ashburton
Treaty — The Act of the Caiiadiap Parliament providing for
its execution — Q^ie arguments of Counsel, pro and con . 28
Chaptbb YXI.
thb opinioks op thb jvdgb8.
The 15th of December, 1860 — Intense excitement vrithin and
around the Court House in Toronto— Description of the
crowd — ^Appearance and demeanour of Anderson — ^Adverse
decision of the Bench — Bepiarks of Mr. Justice McLean in
favour of Anderson's discharge — ^Anderson is remanded to
prison • • 37
oraptbb vm.
OBBAT HEBTIKa OP THB OXTIZBirS OP TOBONTO^ TO PB0TB8T AG^AINST
thx bztbasitiok op ANDEBSOH.
Character of the Meeting— Besplutions adopted— Masterly i^eeoh
of John Sooble, Esq.— Memorial to the Gbvernor-Ckneral 43
CONTENTS. XV,
Ohapteb IX.
FBOOBEDINOS IN ENGLAim— SECOND WBIT OP HABEAS OOBFTS.
First knowledge of Anderson being a slave — Prompt and praise-
worthy conduct of the Duke of Newcastle — ^Action of the
Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society
— ^Memorial to the Colonial Mission— Application to the
Court of Queen's Bench, Westminster — ^The Lord Chief Jus.
tice issues a Writ of Habeas Corpus — ^American Minister's
despatch describing the state of the anti-slavery feeling in
England — ^Agitation throughout the country — Language of
the public journals — I^mes, Weekly Dispatch^ ^o. — Exer-
tions made by the Anti-Slavery Society and its Secretary —
The writ is sent to Canada ..... Page 35
Chapteb X.
FBOCEEDINOB IN CANADA— THIED WBIT OP HABEAS COBFTTS.
Writ granted by the Court of Common Fleas, Canada — The Case
argued, February the 1st — Judgment deUvered, February the
16th — Opinion of Mr. Justice Draper —Comments on the ter-
mination of the Struggle. — Course taken by the Canadian
Press .•...••.. 65
Chapteb XI.
Anderson in England — Gl-reat Beception Meeting in Exeter
Hall 85
Chapteb XII.
John Anderson's Speeches at Folkestone, Dover, Hastings,
St. Leonard's, &o. .....•• 125
Chapteb Xm.
John Anderson at' Corby . . . . • . , 135
Chapteb XIV.
Farewell Soir^ to John Anderson . . • • • 147
CHAPTER I.
MISSOURI.
The Birthplace of Anderson. — Purchase of the Louisiana Territory.
—Missouri originally a part of that Territory. — ^Its Settlement
by Slaveholders. — ^Efforts made to bring it into the Union. — «« The
Missouri Compromise." — Its Admission in 1820.— Subsequent
S>epeal of tl^e Missouri Compromise. — G^graphy, Climate, Pro-
ducts, and Population.
Before entering upon the narration of the personal
history of John Anderson, it may not be out of place
to introduce a notice of the State in which he was bom^
and in which he spent the days of his enslavement. He
was "raised" in the territory of Missouri. The ad-
mission of Missouri into the Union was a trying crisis
in the life of the Western Republic, and occurred when
the nation was yet comparatively young.
In the year 1787, and previous to the adoption of
the Federal Constitution, an ordinance was passed by
the Continental Congress for the government of "all
the territories of the United States, lying to the North-
West of the .river Ohio. One of the provisions of this
ordinance was as follows : —
"There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in pun-
B
2 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
Ishment of crime, whereof the parties shall be duly-
convicted."
When Ohio (in 1802-3) was constituted a State, the
residue of the vast regions, included in the provisions
of the ordinance of 1787, remained under the exclusive
control of the Federal Government, as a part of the
natural domain — the property of the nation, and sacred,
therefore, according to the compact, to freedom, and
free labour. It went by the name of the ** Indiana
Territory." From 1802 to 1807, inclusive, efforts were
yearly made to induce Congress to allow slavery for a
limited period in this territory, but without effect. It
will be seen in what way this Ordinance has been
since treated.
In 1803, the vast and indefinite territory, known by
the name of Louisiana, was ceded by France to the
United States, for the sum of fifteen millions of dollars.
The territory had just before been ceded by Spain
to France, but without any pecuniary consideration.
Slaveholding had been allowed under both these
governments. The treaty, ceding the territory to the
United States, guaranteed to the inhabitants their rights
as slaveholders. The State of Louisiana, according to
its present limits, was fully admitted into the Union,
with a State constitution recognizing slavery, in 1812.
The rest of the territory passed under the name of the
Missouri territory. Those who chose to dw^ell in this
territory continued to hold slaves within its scattered
and thinly populated, but increasing settlements.
MISSOUBT. 6
On the assembling of Congress in 1817, a delegate
from Missouri was admitted to take his seat from that
territory, and to present petitions from sundry of its
inhabitants, praying for admission into the Union.
The matter was referred to committee, who made a
report to the House, but nothing was done during that
session. In 1818, the subject was again introduced,
when a resolution passed the House to the effect that
Missouri should be admitted, provided — "That the
further introduction of slavery, or involuntary servitude
be prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes,
whereof the party should be duly convicted ; and that
all children of slaves, bom within the said State after
the admission thereof into the Union, shall be free, but
may be held to service until the age of twenty-five
years." The vote upon this resolution was 87 ayes to
76 noes. The bill, upon the basis of this resolution,
was read a third time- -ayes, 98; noes, 56. This bill
was sent up to the Senate, and was returned to the
House with the provisions contained in the above reso-
lution struck out. The Senate adhered to its amendment,
and remanded the bill to the House. The House
adhered to its resolution, so the bill was lost in the
struggle. A motion was then made to organize the
Southern portion of the territory into a State under the
name of Arkansas, whereupon it was attempted to
apply the same provisions to that State also ; but, ulti-
mately, the bill for organization passed without any
allusion to slavery. Arkansas thus became a slave
State, and was fully admitted as such in 1836.
4 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
The second great struggle regarding Missouri, was in
the following year, 1819, on the assembling of a new
Congress. This protracted and celebrated conflict,
between the friends of the extension of slavery, and the
friends of restriction, ended in a compromise between
the extreme men of the two parties. The champions
of extension were conciliated by the agreement to re-
ceive Missouri as a slave State ; and the leaders of the
non-extensionists were won over by the consent of their
opponents to a provision that slavery should, for ever
afterwards, be excluded from all the territories lying
north and west of Missouri. It was, in effect, an offer
from the milder opponents of slavery restriction to the
moderate and flexible advocates of that restriction.
" Let us," said the former, ** have slavery in Missouri,
and we will unite with you in excluding it from all the
uninhabited territories north and west of that state."
It was, in substance, an agreement between the North
and the South to that effect, though the more deter-
mined champions, whether of slavery extension or
slavery restriction, did not \mite in it. Such was the
virtual termination of the struggle to prohibit slavery in
Missouri : the opposition was overcome by the plan of
offering instead thereof, an exclusion of slavery from
the then Federal territory west and north of that State.
This was the great Missouri compromise ; the accom-
plishment of which is due, mainly, to the efforts of the
great American statesmen, Henry Clay.
Notwithstanding the solenmity of the compact then.
MISSOURI. 5
entered into, and the universal belief of the people of
the free states that it would be perpetual, it was repealed
by a clause in the fourteenth section of a Bill for the
organization of the territory of Nebraska, the words of
V which are as follows : —
" That the constitution and laws of the United States
which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same
force and effect within the said territory of Nebraska as
elsewhere within the United States, except the eighth
section of the Act preparatory to the admission of
Missouri into the Union, approved March 6th, 1820;
which being inconsistent with the principles of non-
intervention by Congress with slavery in the states and
territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850,
commonly called the compromise measures, is hereby
declared inoperative and void ; it being the true intent
and meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into
any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom^ but to
leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their own way,
subject only to the constitution of the United States."
This repealing section of the Bill at once removed
every impediment to the introduction of slavery into
the vast and as yet unpeopled territories of the North-
West, and led to the attempt made to establish slavery
in Kansas, and all the outrages, horrors, and blood
which were the consequence.
Missouri is boimded on the north by Iowa, on the
west by the Indian territory, on the east by the Missis-
6 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
sippi, which separates It from Illinois, Kentucky, and
Tennessee, and south by the State of Arkansas, Its
length is 280 miles, and its medium breadth about 230 ;
the area being about 65,000 square miles. Besides the
great rivers, the Missouri and Mississippi, the coimtry
is watered by others of inferior magnitude, among the
largest of which are the Osage, the Suit, the Chariton,
the Gasconade, the Maranec or Merrimac, the Big
Black, and the St. Francis.
The best and most thickly inhabited portions of the
State are those lying between the Mississippi and the
Missouri. Beyond the western limit of the State there
is an almost boundless region of prairie land. A great
part of the country is admirably adapted for the growth
of wheat, rye, and oats. Indian corn is cultivated to
the highest perfection, yielding from seventy to seventy-
five bushels to the acre. With an adequate population,
under the stimulus of free labour, Missouri might be
made to produce wheat for all the inhabitants of the
United States, eastward of the Eocky Mountains, and
establish a claim to be regarded as one of the most
prolific granaries in the world.
Missouri, above any other State in the Union abounds
in fruits. The pumpkin, squash, and melon, are pro-
duced in profusion. The apple attains its utmost deve-
lopment and beauty. The vine is common throughout
the coimtry ; one species of grapes ripens in June, a
second in October, and a third during the winter. The
peach is luxuriant and abundant beyond description ;
MISSOURI. 7
and the pear, the apricot, and the melon thrive well.
The mulberry tree is common throughout the woods,
affording the means of breeding the silk-worm to any
extent, and thereby raising Missouri to the highest
position among the middle States as a country for the
production of raw silk. Above all other regions in North
America, Missouri is the land of flowers. In the season,
every prairie is an immense flower-garden. In the
early stages of spring there is a generation of flowers
whose prevalent tint is peach blow. To this succeeds
one whose hue is of a deeper red, then follows one of
yellow, and to the latest period of autumn the widely
extended prairies are redolent of flowers exhibiting a
golden lustre. Bears, wolves, panthers, buffaloes, elks,
and deer, are found in Missouri. There are also myriads
of waterfowl — swans, pelicans, cranes, geese, and ducks ;
and besides prairie hens, two large and beautiful kinds
of grouse, turtle doves, and wood pigeons. The Vir-
ginia nightingale and parroquet are also frequently
visitors.
The population of Missouri was. In 1810, 19,833 ;
in 1820, 66,586; in 1830, 140,074; in 1840, 383,702,
6f whom 58,240 were slaves. In 1850, the free popu-
lation was 594,622, and in 1860, 1,085,596 ; shewing
an increase, in ten years, of 590,974. In 1850, the
slaves were 87,422, and in 1860, 115,619; being an
increase of only 28,197. It will thus be seen that there
has been but a small positive increase of slaves, while,
compared with the free population, which has doubled,
there has been an enormous relative decrease.
LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
CHAPTEE 11.
ANDERSON'S SLAVE LIFE.
His Parentage. — The Fate of his Father and Mother. — His Life on
the Plantation. — His Marriage. — Is Sold and separated from his
Wife. — Character of his new Master. — Slayeholders' Morality. —
Why he resolyed to Bun Away.
Like the great majority of those reared under the insti-
tution of American slavery, Anderson is ignorant of
the precise date of his birth, but believes that he is at
the present time tliirty-one or thirty -two years of age.
His mother was the property of a person named Moses
Burton, of the town of Fayette, Howard Coimty, Mis-
souri. Burton cultivated a farm, raised tobacco, and at
the same time followed the business of a carpenter, and
was the owner of several slaves. Anderson, at his
birth, according to the law referred to in a preceding
chapter, became the chattel personal of the man who
claimed his mother, and was reckoned among his live
stock. As he increased in years he increased in value,
until at the age of manhood he was worth a thousand
dollars, and was sold for that sum. During the time he
was with his first master he was known as Jack Burton.
ANDERSON S SLAVE LIFE. 9
Anderson cannot remember his father, but has heard
him described as a person of light mulatto complexion,
who pursued the occupation of a servant on board
the steam boats employed on the Mississippi. While
Anderson was yet an infant, his father made his escape
from slavery, and, it was believed, went to South Ame-
rica. When seven years of age, his mother, having
given offence to her master, was sold to a negro trader
for transportation to the slave market of New Orleans,
and he was thus left an orphan. It was his good for-
tune, however, to possess a mistress of a kind disposi-
tion, who supplied, in a great degree, the place of the
parents of whom he had been deprived. He invariably
speaks of Mrs. Burton in terms of gratitude and affec-
tion, calls her his "mother," and says he was "raised"
by her. This lady lived until Anderson was about
nineteen.
Anderson grew up upon his master's farm, and was
early put to agricultural pursuits. The produce of the
land was tobacco, wheat, Indian corn, and various kinds
of fruits. Anderson's youth does not appear to have
passed unhappily. The whip was occasionally in requi-
sition, and he, doubtless, sometimes felt its smart in
common with the other boys on the farm. But his
time, upon the whole, appears to have'passed pleasantly.
He was fond of athletic sports, such as running, jump-
ing, and wrestling; enjoyed his evenings after the
labours of the day ; and joined with eagerness in the
frolics and festivities permitted to the Negroes during
10 LIFE OP JOHN ANDEBSON.
the Christmas holiday, which is the carnival and satur-
nalia of the plantation Negroes of the South.
Thus the time passed away, and Anderson became a
man. He Was expert in all the duties of the farm,
could manage the tobacco crop for his master, and was
allowed to cultivate a little patch on his own account,
and also to sell the produce for his own benefit. This
penulium is not uncommon in Missouri ; and slaves, not
unfrequently, by availing themselves of the privilege,
are enabled to purchase their freedom with the money
they obtain for that which they cultivate in their over-
hours.
Anderson states that he made a profession of religion
among the Freewill Baptists, and attended the ordi-
nances of religion among the members of that denomi-
nation. Like other young men he, in due time, also
entered into the matrimonial relation. The person
whom he chose to be his future help-meet was Maria
Tomlin, the daughter of Lewis Tomlin. Lewis had
been a slave, but had obtained his freedom by purchase
— ^had also purchased his wife, and was, when Anderson
left Missouri, making his living as a barber in the town
of Fayette. This marriage was contracted by the par-
ties agreeing to live together as man and wife, and pro-
mising to be faithful to each other. A colored minister
was present when Anderson pledged his troth to Maria.
They were married at Christmas, 1850, and towards the
close of 1851 the union was crowned by the birth of a
child. Maria was a slave upon the farm of Mr. Samuel
ANDERSON'S SLAVE LITE. 11
Brown, distant about two miles from the farm of Burton.
Maria had been previously married to a slave of the
name of Green Shepherd, by whom she had had two
children, the eldest, Emily, now about thirteen; the
second, a boy, now about eleven. She had been a
widow twelve months when Anderson married her.
She stipulated that Anderson should act the part of a
father to her children, and that, should he succeed in
obtaining his own freedom, and afterwards possess the
means, he should exert himself as much for the freedom
of his step-children as for the freedom of his own, which
he agreed to do.
As nearly as it can be ascertained, with the assist-
ance of Anderson, it was about the middle of August,
1853, when Burton effected the sale of Anderson to a
man of the name of McDonald, whose residence was
thirty miles distant from that of Brown, the owner of
Anderson's wife. This separation was, naturally, a
great trial to the young husband, and it was rendered
more bitter by McDonald's refusal to permit Ander-
son to visit his wife and infant child. When Ander-
son requested a pass to return and see his wife and
infant, he was told that he must abandon and forget
them, and take a new wife, or mistress, from amongst
the slaves of his present owner. Such is the humanity
and morality of the owners of slaves in America ! The
motive which influenced McDonald was obvious, and
was perfectly understood by Anderson. His master
wished him to become the father of children who should
12 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
be born upon his farm, who should call Ma slave mother^
and, hence, become his property, and increase the
number of his live human stock.
To such an arrangement Anderspn determined he
would never be a party, and further, that if his master
insisted upon his compliance, he would adopt means for
making his escape from Missouri, and for reaching the
free soil of Canada, from whose shores he might hurl
defiance at slaveholders and kidnappers, secure of the
protection of British law, and the sympathy and support
of British philanthropy. At this time Anderson was
ignorant of the nature of international treaties and the
meaning of extradition laws.
mS ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY. 13
CHAPTER III.
ANDERSON'S ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY.— DESPERATE
STRUaGLE FOR LIFE AND LIBERTY.
Leaves the Plantation. — Bids farewell to His Wife and Child. —
Encounters Diggs, a Slaveholder. — « G-ive me Liberty, or give me
Death." — "Wounds his Adversary and Flies — Perilous Journey
through the Woods. — Reaches the State of Illinois. — Hospitality
of an English Settler. — Proceeds to Chicago.
As Anderson's master insisted that lie should follow the
practice usual among plantation slaves, he at once pro-
ceeded to carry out his resolution to bid Mr. McDonald
and slavery, " good bye." He chose a Sunday at the
latter end of September (having been but six or seven
weeks in his new position) for his departure. The day
seemed favourable for his project, as his master had
been summoned from home to attend a church meeting,
called to investigate a charge brought against a religious
slaveholdef of whipping a slave to death t To aid him
in his flight he borrowed one of his master's mules, and
two hours before daybreak made fast his blankets on
the back of the mule, took a rope, some twenty feet
long, to be of use in making a laft, and helping himself
to a bridle, started for a ferry on the Missouri river.
14 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEESON.
This river was about thirty-five miles from the point of
starting. Here he tried to induce the ferryman to give
him a passage across, but being unable to produce a
pass was compelled to retire. He betook himself to
the wood and lay till night, when he returned to the
river, and was about to seize a boat that was lying on
the bank, when some one appearing, he was obliged a
second time to retreat into the woods. About two
hours before sun-rise he ventured again to the river
side, and was fortunate enough to find a skiff upon the
bank, but without oars. Furnishing himself with a
piece of bark for a paddle, he launched the boat and
succeeded in reaching the opposite bank, where he
landed and drew up the skiff. This was the first time
he had ever been in a boat. He immediately started
for Fayette, the residence of his father-in-law. It was
yet dark. Fayette was about six miles away, but he
was fortunate enough to get a lift part of the way by a
stage.
To Lewis Tomlin, Anderson made known his inten-
tion of making his way to Canada, and his determina^
tion to surrender his life rather than be captured in his
attempt to gain his liberty. His father-in-law did not
attempt to dissuade him from his purpose, and offered
him a pistol for the defence of his person, which, how-
ever, he declined, saying he had a dirk knife which he
thought would be suflScient for his purpose. He next
visited his wife, with whom he had a brief and affecting
interview ; and after caressing his infant child, bade both
HIS ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY. 15
farewell, and hastened forth upon an unknown path to
the soil whose touch gives freedom to the slave. He
returned to Fayette to the roof of his father-in-law, and
bidding him also adieu, pursued his journey.
We now come to Anderson's encounter with the man
whom he is charged, under the laws of Missouri, with
"wilfully, maliciously, and feloniously stabbing and
killing."
About noon on Tuesday (the third day of his de-
parture from McDonald's plantation), Anderson, while
pursuing his journey to the North, passed a field belong-
ing to one Seneca T. P. Diggs, who was at the time
engaged in superintending the drying of tobacco. Diggs
demanded of him who he was, where he was going, and
whether he had the necessary pass. It should be known
that, according to the law of the State of Missouri, any
Negro, found more than twenty miles from the planta-
tion of his master without a pass, may be arrested, and
that the person taking him back is entitled to a reward
of five dollars and mileage, at the rate of ten cents or
fivepence per mile.
Anderson confessed to being without a pass, but
represented that he had legitimate business in that
direction, and that he was bound on that business to a
certain place. Diggs told him to accompany him to
the house, saying he would give him some dinner and
then shew him the way. This ofier Anderson declined,
upon which Diggs expressed his belief that Ander-
son was a runaway, and that he should be restored to
16 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
his owner. Upon this Anderson immediately started ;
Diggs calling to three of his Negroes, saying, " Catch
that runaway, and I will give you the reward.'* Diggs
also pursued, having at the time an axe in his hand,
which he threw at Anderson, but without hitting him.
After about an hour's pursuit, Anderson fled into the
woods, followed by the NegToes, whose number had been
increased to half-a-dozen. When they had hunted Ander-
son for two or three hours they were joined by Diggs,
who encouraged his slaves to seize the fugitive, and at
last issued an order that they should take him dead or
alive. Anderson had repeatedly shown his dirk knife,
and declared that he would not be taken alive. He
was now exhausted, and Diggs was able to come up
with him, brandishing at the time a club ; the Negroes,
also, were near and armed, each with a similar weapon.
Anderson's sole hope of escape now lay in the use of
his knife. With this he struck a blow at Diggs and
retired from the spot ; but hearing him repeat his order
that the slaves should take him dead or alive, and fear-
ing that he had not inflicted sufficient injury to prevent
pursuit, he returned and again struck Diggs, and efiec-
tually disarmed him. The Negroes followed for a short
distance, but being advised by Anderson to go back
and say they could not take him, they retired and left
him to himself.
Anderson, the same night returned to his wife and
informed her of what had transpired. She said that a
rumour had reached her master's plantation of some old
HIS ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY. 17
slaveholder having been struck by a Negro with a knife,
and exhorted him at once to make his way out of the
State with all possible speed. She was much frightened
when informed that her husband was the man who had
committed the act of which she had akeady heard.
After receiving a shirt or two from his wife, he again
started for the land of true liberty, and has seen neither
wife, nor child, nor his birthplace since.
Anderson commenced his distant and perilous journey
with only a dollar and-a-half in his pocket. His tra-
velling was, for the most part, performed during the
night, and what rest he got he took, where he thought
himself most secure, in the day time. He was often
greatly in want of food, and for days together had to
subsist upon what fell in his way — corn, hazel nuts,
pawpaws, or raw potatoes. He had several narrow
escapes from being captured. On one occasion, while
resting himself by the wayside, a man on horseback
rode up, and, charging him with being a fugitive slave,
would have made him a prisoner, but he fled into a
neighbouring field, and succeeded in concealing himself
amongst some tall Indian com. In the evening he
ventured again into the public road, and observing a
fire in the wood not far distant, and imagining that
some of his own people might be engaged husking com,
he drew near the spot, and discovered, just in time to
avoid the trap that had been set for him, that the fire
had been kindled by the man from whose clutches he
had escaped during the day. His enemy had adopted
this method of decoying him into his ambush.
18 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
Under the provocation of extreme hunger, Anderson
was sometimes impelled to levy contributions upon the
eatable property of those whose dwellings lay in his
way. Creeping into the back kitchen of a farm house,
he filled one of his pockets with salt, and from a farm
yard at another place he helped himself to three
chickens, and having pulled their necks, retired into
the woods to regale himself upon their flesh. He
speedily deprived two of them of their feathers and
roasted them ; but in the midst of his repast, though
not until he had nearly picked the bones of both birds,
he was alarmed by the sounds of approaching footsteps,
when, suspecting that the owner of the chickens was in
pursuit, he hastily decamped, carrying the imcooked
chicken with him, which was his entire supply of food
during the next two days. He crossed the Mississippi
as he had done the Missouri, by using a boat which he
found on the bank. It was now Saturday night, and he
had been just a fortnight absent fh)m the plantation of
McDonald, and had gained the free State of Illinois.
Knowing, however, that successful attempts had been
made to recover fugitives in that State, he did not feel
secure, and therefore resolved to observe the same
circumspection he had practised in Missouri.
On the following day providence directed his foot-
steps to the threshold of an English settler, who gave
him a cordial reception, and offered him a night's lodg-
ing. Before putting him to bed, his host furnished him
with a good supper. Anderson's mind was afterwards
HIS ESCAPE FBOM SLAVERY. 19
greatly disturbed, and his apprehensions excited, by
seeing a gun in his lodging room, which he thought
might be kept for the purpose of overcoming runaway
subjects like himself. His weariness, however, soon
got the better of his fears, and after a long and sound
sleep he rose much refreshed. Before breakfast his
kind entertainer supplied him with a razor, and he was
enabled to indulge in the luxury of a shave. In addi-
tion to a substantial breakfast, the good-hearted Eng-
lishman filled his pockets with apples and bread, and he
departed on his way well rested, well cleansed, well fed,
and well supplied. After several adventures, some of
them of a critical nature, during the day and the night
that succeeded, Anderson again ventured to present
himself at the door of a white man's dwelling. Here
he got a breakfast, and purchased a loaf of bread of
the housewife. The farmer undertook to direct him,
and went forth with him under pretence of doing so.
They had not proceeded far, however, when Anderson
perceived that the man was leading him back towards
the house, through a field in which two of his sons
were working. Fearful that he was about to be be-
trayed, Anderson took to flight, and soon left the farmer
and his sons far behind him.
At the end of two days he struck a branch of the
Illinois river, which he crossed, and after proceeding
some distance, came to a railway track, with the use of
which he was acquainted. He kept by this track until
he arrived within a short distance of Bloomington.
20 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
After various adventures he overtook some teams
wHcli were on the way to a place called Kock Island,
and being permitted to mount one of them he reached
the town that evening. The next day he hired himself
to a barber, though quite ignorant of the art of shaving
any one besides' himself, but stayed with him only two
days, and then started for Chicago, his fare being paid
by a society of abolitionists. In Chicago, Anderson
lived for three weeks with another barber, and then left
for Windsor, Upper Canada, where he safely arrived.
ANDERSON BENEATH THE BRITISH FLAG. 21
UHAPTEE IV.
ANDERSON BENEATH THE BRITISH ¥LA.(3t.
Arrives at "Windsor, Upper Canada. — His first employment as a Free
man. — Discovers a plot to get him back to slavery. — Changes his
name and residence. — For five years remains unmolested.
Anderson reached Windsor in the month of Sep-
tember, 1853, and obtained employment as a labourer
on the Great Western Railway of Canada, on that part
of the line lying between Windsor and Chatham, and
was paid at the rate of about seven shillings per day ;
his work consisted in laying " ties" for the rails, and the
job lasted six or seven weeks. During the month of
October, he got a friend to write two letters to his wife
in Missouri, one of which he sent to the care of Tomlin,
his wife's father, and the other to a free coloured man,
of the name of Allen, following the trade of a shoe-
maker, in the town of Fayette ; the information in both
letters was the same — to the eJBTect that he had got safely
to Detroit. When he had finished his job upon the rail-
way, he returned to Windsor ; with his earnings he pur-
chased himself some clothes and entered the institution
of Mr. William Bibb — a fugitive slave, who had estab-
22 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
lished a school — resolving to devote one half of his time
to his education, and the other half to manual labour,
and thus be able to support himself and attend school
at the same time. He found in a lady of the name
of Evelyn a very kind friend ; she was a widow, and
obtained her living by teaching. This lady sent for
Anderson to inform him that a letter had arrived in
Windsor, stating that his wife and children had reached
Detroit, and were waiting for him. Mrs. Evelyn read
the letter to him, and told him it was her belief that it
had been sent to decoy him across the river into the
State of Michigan, and that if he crossed he would, in
all probability, be seized and carried to Missouri. Mrs.
Evelyn advised him to leave the institution, to remove
to Chatham, and the better to avoid detection, to assume
another name. He acted according to this counsel ; and
making up a small bundle of clothes, and leaving his trunk
under the care of a Mrs. Jackson, immediately started for
Chatham, which place was sixty or seventy miles from
Windsor ; he avoided the high road, and walked as far
as Belle River, where he took the railway cars for Chat-
ham. This change of residence took place in the second
or third week of April, 1854. In Chatham he took
another name. In Missouri he had always been called
Jack, in Windsor he went by the name of John Anderson,
but in Chatham he became James Hamilton. This was
the name of a coloured man — like himself, a fugitive —
who resided in the town, and who was old enough to pass
for his father. In Chatham, Anderson went to wood
ANDERSON BENEATH THE BRITISH FLAG. 23
chopping, by the " cord," for which he was paid at the
rate of three and sixpence per cord, and he could do on
an average two cords a day. He had not been many
weeks in Chatham before a rumour spread among the
coloured people of the place, that certain parties were
on the look-out for him, and that a reward had been
offered for his apprehension. The report alarmed him,
and he deemed it advisable to go to a lawyer, and tell
him in what way he had made his escape from slavery,
and at the same time, take his advice as to the course he
should pursue. Having related to him all the facts of the
case, the lawyer told him he had better leave the neigh-
bourhood, and again change his name, for though his
enemies might not be able to " get him," they might give
him a " heap of trouble."
It is difficult in the absence of reliable information,
to furnish any connected account of the proceedings of
Anderson during the five following years of his resi-
dence in Canada. He has stated that he travelled from
place to place, and pursued various employments, until
having learned the trade of a mason and plasterer, he
settled down in the town of Caledonia, where he be-
came the owner of a house. With this brief notice of
his first six years of freedom, we proceed to record those
events in his history, which excited so much public
attention, and made his name so widely known.
24 LITE OF JOHK ANDEBSON.
CHAPTER V.
ANDERSON'S AEEEST, AND THE DIPLOMATIC
OOEEESPONDENCE THEEEON.
Anderson's confidence is betrajed. — He is arrested, and afterwards
released. — He is arrested a second time, and after some weeks con-
finement discharged. — He is a third time arrested, and is committed
to the Countj JaiL — His rendition is demanded. — Diplomatic
correspondence.
About the commencement of the year 1860, Anderson
was imprudent enough to mention, in confidence, to a
person of the name of Wynne, with whom he was at
the time on terms of intimate friendship, the facts con-
nected with his escape from slavery, including his en-
counter with Diggs. Wynne, in retaliation for some
offence given him by Anderson, reported what he had
heard to a Justice of the Peace of the name of Mathews ;
who, upon the information thus furnished, caused the
fugitive to be arrested. It is believed that he
(Mathews) further communicated the fact of Anderson's
capture to the friends of the deceased Diggs. After
several weeks' imprisonment — no witnesses appearing,
Anderson was released. But on the 30th of April, and
Anderson's arrest. 25
only three days after his discharge, he was again arrested
on the information of a man of the name of Gunning —
a detective police oflBcer, and professional slave-catcher,
who came over from Detroit, in the State of Michigan,
and deposed on oath, that he " verily believed Anderson
had wilfully, deliberately, and maliciously murdered
Diggs, on the 28th of September, 1853."
After some additional weeks imprisonment, Anderson
was again set at liberty through the interposition of
legal aid ; but the man Gunning did not abandon his
intention of procuring his extradition. Accordingly on
his return to the United States, Gunning applied himself
to the obtaining of evidence from Missouri in support
of his original charge, and returning with witnesses,
Anderson was once more arrested, and brought up for
examination. The case was gone into on the 27th of
September, when there appeared as witnesses, against
him, William C. Baker, of Howard County, Missouri ;
also, two sons of the deceased Diggs ; also a lawyer of
the name of Holliday ; also a constable of the name of
Hazlehurst, and finally, a slave called Phil. The evi-
dence of these witnesses having been taken, Anderson was
committed to the common jail of Brantford, " to be there
safely kept, until he should be delivered by due course
of law." The warrant was dated the 28th of September,
and was signed by Mathews and two other Justices of
the Peace,
There appears to have been an immediate application
by Anderson's prosecutors to Washington, as on the
26 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
2nd of October, the Secretary of State, General Cass,
addressed a letter to the British Minister, requesting
her Majesty's government to issue the necessary war-
rant to " deliver up the person of John Anderson,
otherwise called Jack, a man of colour, charged with
the commission of murder in the State of Missouri."
There was an important omission in this official requi-
sition. John Anderson was described simply as a
coloured man and not as a slave ; and therefore, a piece
of property. This omission might have been attended
with serious if not fatal consequences, as the proceed-
ings, both at the British Embassy at Washington, and at
the Foreign and Colonial offices in London, were based
upon the presumption that Anderson was a free man,
and that he was charged with the crime of murder in
the capacity of a free man. At a later date, April 8th,
1861, Lord Lyons, in a despatch to Lord John Russell,
says, — " When I despatched the requisition for the
surrender, to Canada, I was not aware that John Ander-
son had been a slave, or that there were any peculiar
circumstances in the case."
Lord Lyons, on receiving the requisition of General
Cass, transmitted it to the Foreign office in London, and
on the 22nd of October, 1860, Lord John Russell request-
ed the Secretary of State for the Colonies " to take the
necessary steps for complying with the application should
there be no objection thereto." Accordingly, on the
27th of October, a despatch from the Colonial office,
and a letter from the Foreign office, went out to Canada,
andebson's arrest. 27
instructing Sir Edmund Head " to take such measures
as were authorized by the laws of Canada, for the ex-
tradition to the authorities of the State of Missouri, of
the person of John Anderson, otherwise called Jack,
charged with the commission of murder in that State."
28 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
CHAPTER VI.
FIRST WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS.
The Court of Queen's Bencli, Canada, issues a Writ. — The decision on
the case is postponed. — Anderson petitions the Governor- General.
— The extradition clause of the Ashburton Treaty. — Act of the
Canadian Parliament. — ^The provision for its execution. — ^The argu-
ments of Counsel, pro and con.
We return to Canada.
Justice Mathews, having decided that the evidence
adduced before him was suflBcient to warrant a de-
mand for Anderson's extradition, certified the Governor-
General to that effect ; but his Excellency's legal adviser,
imwiUing to take the responsibility of giving an official
opinion, brought the question before the Court of Queen's
Bench of Canada, by Habeas Corpus. The writ was
issued on the 20th of November, and was made return-
able on the 23rd. The Judges, after hearing arguments,
took time to consider, and fixed the 15th of December
for the delivery of their decision. In the interval, the
following petition was presented to the Governor-
General, by John Anderson : —
FIRST WBIT OF HABEAS COBPUS. 29
" To His Excellency the Governor-General of Canada,
&c., &c.
" The petition of the undersigned, John Anderson,
confined in the jail of the county of Brantford, humbly
showeth : —
** That your petitioner was bom in the state of Missouri,
one of the United States of America.
" That to the best of his knowledge he is of the age
of thirty years.
" That he was the slave of Burton and another, in the
year one thousand eight hundred and fifty-one. That
the plantation of Burton and the other, was within about
thirty miles from the plantation of Samuel Brown. That
in the last mentioned year your petitioner was married
to one Maria Tomlin, who was the daughter of Tomlin,
who had purchased his liberty firom his master. That
about six weeks before he formed the determination to
come to Canada, for the purpose of obtaining his free-
dom, he was sold and transferred by said Burton, and
his partner, to one MacDonnell, who lived about thirty
nules distant firom your petitioner's wife.
" That your petitioner had always felt that he had a
right to his fireedom.
"That he had never done anything to forfeit his
liberty, and was not subject to any restraiQt through
crime.
" That he might lawfully use any means within his
power to obtain his liberty, and with that object ran
away from MacDonnell. That he went to his wife.
30 LIFE OF JOHN ANDBRSOK.
who was a slave of, and lived with Samuel Brown, and
consulted wi'th her as to his intentions, and she concurred
with him in his views, with an ultimate hope as to her-
self, and a young child, then about eight months old, the
issue of our marriage, obtaining their liberty.
"That while he was then there he was pursued, but
escaped. That in his course to Canada he had to pass
the plantation of Seneca F. T. Diggs, and that while
passing it he was accosted in nearly the manner men-
tioned in the evidence transmitted to your Excellency.
That he made the excuse of wishing to go to Givens's
so that he, Mr. Diggs, would allow him to pass.
" That this will be n^anifest, or otherwise, your peti-
tioner could have had no reason, under the evidence, for
attempting to escape.
"That when said Diggs refused to allow this excuse
for not having a pass, your petitioner found it necessary
to make his escape, and endeavoured to do so.
"That your petitioner was run down, having been
chased for nearly an hour in a circle, and at the moment he
was looking for success, Mr. Diggs appeared before him.
"That he could not turn, his pursuers being at his
heels with clubs, and being borne on by the first impulse,
he dashed against said Diggs with an open knife, with
which he had threatened his pursuers, as, will appear from
the evidence of Phil, hereto annexed, which is nearly
true ; whether your petitioner struck with it more than
once, he cannot recollect ; but whatever sudden impulse
bid, that he did to obtain his liberty. That your peti-
FIRST WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. 31
tloner was imprisoned for about the space of three weeks,
last spring, on this charge ; but as no one appeared
against him, he was discharged. That another warrant
was issued against him for his arrest for the same crime,
on the third day after his discharge, on an information
quite insuflBcient, as he is advised.
" That your petitioner was not aware of such second
warrant having been issued until he was arrested in the
town of Simcoe, about two weeks since. That he had
gone from Caledonia, where he resided at the time of
his arrest, in the hope of obtaining employment at his
trade as a mason. That your petitioner therefore prays
that your Excellency will be graciously pleased to with-
hold an order delivering your petitioner to the authorities
of the state of Missouri, inasmuch as by the British law
he is entitled to be free there, and the evidence shows
that he only used such force as was necessary to main-
tain that freedom there ; and your petitioner, as in duty
boimd, will ever pray."
his
(Signed) John X Anderson.
mark.
(Witness) A. S. Reachie, Deputy Jailor.
Brantford, Ist October^ 1860.
The article of the Ashburton treaty, under which the
extradition of Anderson was claimed, is as follows : —
"It is agreed that her Britannic Majesty and the
United States shall, upon mutual requisitions by them or
their ministers, officers, or authorities, respectively made,
32 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
deliver up to justice all persons, who, being charged with
the crime of murder, or assault with intent to commit
murder, or piracy, or arson, or robbery, or forgery, or
the utterance of forged paper, committed within the
juris(iiction of either, shall seek an asylum, or be found
within the territories of the either, provided that this
shall only be done upon such evidence of criminality,
as, according to the laws of the place where the fugitive
or person so charged shall be found, would justify his
apprehension and commitment for trial, if the crime or
offence had there been committed ; and the respective
judges, or other magistrates of the two governments, shall
have power, jurisdiction, and authority, upon complaint
made under oath, to issue a warrant for the apprehension of
the fugitive or person so charged, that he may be brought
before such judges or other magistrates respectively,
to the end that the evidence of criminality may be heard
and considered; and if, on such hearing, the evidence
be deemed suflBcient to sustain the charge, it shall be the
duty of the examining judge or magistrate, to certify the
same to the proper executive authority, that a warrant
may issue for the surrender of such fugitive. The
expense of such apprehension and delivery, shall be
borne and defrayed by the party who makes the requisi-
tion and receives the fugitive.'*
The act of the Canadian Legislature, prescribing the
duties of the judicial and executive oflGicers under the
treaty, reads as follows : —
"Upon complaint made under oath or affirmation,
FIRST WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. 33
charging any person finind within the limits of this pro-
vince, with having committed, within the jurisdiction of
the United States of America, or of any of such States,
any of the crimes enumerated or provided for by the
said treaty, any of the judges of any of Her Majesty's
superior courts, in this province, or any of Her Majesty's
justices of the peace in the same, may issue his warrant
for the apprehension of the person so charged, that he
may be brought before such judge or justice of the peace,
to the end that the evidence of criminality may be heard
and considered ; and if on such hearing, the evidence be
deemed sufficient, by him, to sustain the charge accor-
ding to the laws of this province, if the offence alleged
had been committed herein, he shall certify the same,
together with a copy of all the testimony taken before
him, to the governor, that a warrant may issue, upon the
requisition of the proper authorities of the said United
States, or any of such states, for the surrender of such
person, according to the stipulation of the said treaty ;
and the said judge, or the said justice of the peace, shall
issue his warrant for the commitment of the person, so
charged, to the proper jail, there to remain until such
surrender be made, or until such person be discharged
according to law." (12 Vic. c. 19, s. 1.)
On behalf of the Crown it was urged, that the offence
of Anderson was one which, if committed in Canada,
would subject him to trial for murder; that Diggs, in
attempting to arrest Anderson, was engaged in enforcing
the laws of Missouri, and therefore the latter was clearly
D
34 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
guilty of murder, and ought to be given up in obedience
to the requisition of the United States Government. On
behalf of the prisoner it was contended, that the pro-
ceedings of the committing magistrate, were, in some
respects, illegal ; that the affidavit of Diggs's slave was
improperly admitted, the witness being imder constraint ;
but, mainly, that a slave attempting to escape from bon-
dage, and killing the person who attempted to re-enslave
him, did not, according to the common law, commit
murder, but justifiable homicide, and that the rendition of
Anderson, would be a virtual recognition, on British soil,
of the slave laws of the United States.
THE OPINIONS OF THE JUDGES. 35
CHAPTER VII.
THE OPINIONS OF THE JUDGES.
The 15th of December, 1860. — Intense Excitement within and around
the Court House in Toronto; — Description of the Crowd. — Appear-
ance and Demeanour of Anderson. — Adverse Decision of the Bench.
— ^Eemarks of Mr. Justice McLean in favour of Anderson's Dis-'
charge. — ^Anderson is Remanded to Prbon.
The court room, on the 15th of December, was densely
crowded with persons eager to learn the decision upon
which the fate of the prisoner hung. Would he be
delivered over to the tender mercies of slaveholders'
law — the essence of cruelty and injustice — or would he
be declared a free man, and go forth to inhale the at-
mosphere, and walk in the light of liberty ? That was
the question. Would he be pronounced a fugitive from
justice — a criminal, a felon, and a murderer; or would
he be proclaimed a man who had vindicated, in his own
person, the rights of the whole human race, and in
obedience to the law of nature, and in accordance with
the universally allowed natural prerogative of our
species, had struck a justifiable blow in defence of his
personal liberty ? Amongst the audience that awaited
the decision of the bench were many persons of the
same colour as the prisoner. They, too, had been
36 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
slaves — they, too, were fugitives from the house of bon-
dage, and if Anderson were surrendered, their liberty
would be placed in jeopardy, and they also might be
dragged back to the toils of slavery from which they
had escaped. The multitude on the outside of the
court room presented an extraordinary spectacle : men
of all ranks, degrees, and complexions, were animated
by a common hope that, in the case to be adjudicated,
right would triumph over might The poKce mustered
in large numbers, and piled their muskets in front of
the hall; but no disposition to commit violence was
manifested by the crowd. The people could not bring
themselves to believe that the Judges would decide
against the fugitive, and were confident that the law
would set him free. In anxious expectation, the groups
assembled within the court room awaited the delivery
of judgment on some ordinary cases, and there was an
eager stir when the prisoner, who had been freed from
his fetters in the anteroom, entered the chamber, and
was accommodated with a seat within the bar. He was
described by a local paper as a stout-built man of mid-
dle height, and of a very deep yellow complexion, with
a full development of forehead, and a countenance in
which mildness and intelligence were strongly marked.
He looked round upon the faces of the crowd, but
apparently thinking that its sympathy could not avail
him, he turned his gaze upon the Judges, and, with
manifest intelligence, collected himself to listen to their
decision — a deep sigh now and then escaping from his
THE OPINIONS OP THE JUDGES. 37
broad chest It must have been an anxious moment
when, as the clock struck the hour of noon, the Chief
Justice produced his papers and began to read. The
life or death of a human being hung on his words.
The liberties of hundreds of self-emancipated slaves
depended upon the opinion of three fallible men ! The
thought must involuntarily have suggested itself to
many — " Was this poor fellow, after he had by desperate
adventure achieved his liberty, and enjoyed its sweets
for more than five years, to be sent back to certain
slavery, if not death ? Were the hundreds of fugitives
in a province of the British crown, who had committed
what the laws of the slave states denominate felonies in
effecting their escape, to be henceforth at the mercy of
the man-stealer?"
Chief Justice Robinson and Mr. Justice Burns con-
curred in refusing the application for Anderson's dis-
charge. Mr. Justice McLean dissented, on the groimds
which every sincere hater of slavery, and everyone who
admits the equal manhood of the black man, must deem
conclusive. On a review of the proceedings of the
Justice (Mathews), and the evidence in the case, he*
remarked : —
*' Looking! then, at all the testimony taken before
the justice of the peace, and rejecting such portion as
is unnecessary and inadmissible, there is not a witness
who connects the prisoner with the stabbing of Diggs,
imless it be Thomas S. Diggs, in his statement of the
death-bed declarations of his father to him, and these
38 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
only shew that the negro by whom Diggs was stabbed
made certain declarations as to himself and his identity,
which would be true if made by the prisoner; but
rejecting the deposition of the slave Phil there is no
testimony which establishes satisfactorily that the pri-
soner is the person who caused the death of Diggs. On
the grounds, therefore, that the prisoner was arrested in
the first instance on an insufficient complaint, and that
he is now detained in custody oh a warrant of commit-
ment imtil discharged by due course of law for an
oflfence committed in a foreign country; and on the
further grounds, that the offence stated in the warrant
of commitment is not one for which the prisoner is
liable to be detained under the provincial act for carry-
ing out the treaty with the United States for the sur-
render of certain fugitive criminals, and that the evi-
dence, as given before the justice of the peace, is of
too vague a character to establish the oflFence of murder
against the prisoner according to the laws of this pro-
vince, I am of opinion that the prisoner is now entitled
to be discharged from custody."
The learned judge concluded his opinion in the
following terms : —
** Can it then be a matter of surprise that the prisoner
should endeavour to escape from so degrading a posi-
tion ; or rather, would it not be a cause of surprise if
the attempt were not made? Diggs — though he could
have had no other interest in it but that which binds
slaveholders for their common interest to prevent the
THE OPINIONS OP THE JUDGES. 39
escape of their slaves — interfered to prevent the prisoner
getting beyond the bounds of his bondage, and, with
his slaves, pursued and hunted him with a spirit and
determination which might well drive him to despera-
tion ; and when at length the prisoner appeared within
reach of capture, he, with a stick in his hand, crossed
over a fence, and advanced to intercept and seize him.
The prisoner was anxious to escape, and, in order to do
so, made every effort to avoid his pursuers. Diggs, as
their leader, on the contrary, was most anxious to over-
take and come in contact with the prisoner, for the
unholy purpose of rivetting his chains more securely.
Could it be expected from any man indulging the desire
to be free, which nature has implanted in his breast,
that he should quietly submit to be returned to bondage
and to stripes, if by any effort of his strength, or any
means within his reach, he could emancipate himself?
Such an expectation, it appears to me, would be most
unreasonable ; and I must say that, in my judgment, the
prisoner was justified in using any necessary degree of
force to prevent what, to him, must inevitably have proved
a most fearful evil. He was committing no crime in
endeavouring to escape and to better his own condition ;
and the fact of his being a slave cannot, in my humble
judgment, make that a crime which would not be so if
he were a white man. If in this country any number
of persons were to piirsue a coloured man with an
avowed determination to tetum him into slavery, it
cannot^ I think, be doubted that the man pursued
40 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
would be justified ia using, in the same circumstances
as the prisoner, the same means of relieving himself
from so dreadful a result. Can, then, or must the law
of slavery in Missouri be recognized by us to such an
extent as to make it murder in Missouri, while it is jus-
tifiable in this province to do precisely the same act ?
I confess that I feel it too repugnant to every sense of
religion and every feeling of justice, to recognize a rule,
designated as a law, passed by the strong for enslaving
and tyrannizing over the weak — a law which would not
be tolerated a moment, if those who are reduced to the
condition of slaves, and deprived of all human rights,
were possessed of white instead of black or dark com-
plexions. The Declaration of Independence of the
present United States proclaimed to the world, that all
men are bom equal and possessed of certain inalienable
lights, amongst which are life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness ; but the first of these is the only one ac-
corded to the unfortunate slaves; the others of these
inalienable rights are denied, because the white popu-
lation have found themselves strong enough to deprive
the blacks of them. A love of liberty is inherent in the
human breast, whatever may be the complexion of the
skin. 'Its taste is grateful, and ever will be so till
nature herself shall change.' And in administering the
laws of a British province, I never can feel boimd to
recognize as law any enactment which can convert into
chattels a very large number of the human race. 1
THE OPINIONS OF THE JUDGES. 41
•
think that, on every ground^ the prisoner is entitled to be
discharged"
All the judgments were listened to with profound
silence ; but when Mr. Justice McLean concluded the^
delivery of his opinion with the words — "I think that,
on every ground, the prisoner is entitled to be dis-
charged," the suppressed feelings of the crowd found
vent, and the court house was rent with acclamations.
Those who watched the countenance of Anderson, as
each of the Judges in turn addressed the court, saw it
darkened with sadness or brightened with hope, as the
opinions given were friendly or adverse. Alas! the
majority had decided that he must be surrendered. No
wonder his eyes filled with tears, and the cloud of
anxiety settled upon his brow, for would not the effect
of that adverse judgment be to consign him to the hands
of a jury of slaveholders ? and had it not been publicly
asserted that roasting to death, at a slow fire, was the
fate in reserve for him? One hope remained — ^the
Court of Error and Appeal might yet reverse the deci-
sion that had been given, and establish the inviolability
of the right of asylum — the proudest institution of the
British empire.
The authorities, aware, perhaps, beforehand of the
nature of the decision to be given, and fearing an
attempt at a rescue, had prepared an exhibition of
armed force ; but this demonstration of power excited
derision rather than indignation or terror.
The order made by the court on the termination of
42 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
•
the judgments, was — " That the said John Anderson be
recommitted to the custody of the keeper of the gaol of
the county of Brant, under which he had been detained,
until a warrant should issue, upon the requisition of the
proper authorities of the United States of America, or
of the state of Missouri, for his surrender ; or until dis-
charged according to law."
At the conclusion of the case, the counsel for Ander-
son intimated his intention of referring the judgment
just delivered to the Court of Error and Appeal, and
the counsel for the crown said that no obstruction would
be thrown in the way.
GBEAT MEETING AT TORONTO. 43
CHAPTER VIII.
GREAT MEETING OP THE CITIZENS OF TORONTO TO
PROTEST AGAINST THE EXTRADITION OE ANDERSON.
Character of the Meeting. — Resolutions Adopted. — Masterly Speech
of John Scoble, Esq. — Memorial to the Governor-General.
The excitement in Toronto, caused by the proceedings
in the Court of Queen's Bench on the 20th and 23rd of
November, was intensified by the decision delivered in
the full court on the 15th of December ; and, in the
evening of the 19th of the same month, one of the
largest and most enthusiastic meetings ever held in the
City took place, over which the Mayor presidedi
St. Andrew's Hall was densely packed, and many hun-
dreds were unable to find entrance. The speakers in-
cluded the leading clergymen, lawyers, and merchants
of the city. The state of the public feeling may be
inferred from the fact, that the sentiments expressed
by some of the speakers that the rendition of Anderson
might result in the loss of the province to Great Britain,
was warmly applauded. It will be admitted, therefore,
that the proceedings of this meeting deserve to be
permanently recorded.
44 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
It was moved by the Rev. Principal Willis, seconded
by Alderman McMurrich, and Eesolved, — " That this
meeting, impijessed with the danger to the cause of
humanity and liberty which would result from the rendi-
tion to the United States of the fugitive Anderson, now
imprisoned in this city, hold it an imperative duty to
give expression to those feelings, on this subject, which
were implanted in the human breast prior to all legisla-
tion, and which has been the honour of British law to
recognize and vindicate."
It was moved by Professor D. Wilson, seconded by
the Rev. Dr. Burns, and Resolved, — " That, believing
slavery — a system which dooms human beings to per-
petual servitude, treats them as vendible chattels, and
places the dearest personal rights and domestic ties, even
the very prerogatives of conscience, at the mercy of
arbitrary power— to be unscriptural, and a violation of
the fundamental principles of the law of nature, this
meeting holds it to be unjust to apply the designation of
* murder' to such violence as a fugitive may find necessary,
to resist aggression, and defend his personal liberty."
It was moved by John Scoble, Esq., formerly, and
for many years, secretary to the British and Foreign
Anti-slavery Socety ; seconded by M. C. Cameron, Esq.,
and Resolved, — " That in the opinion of this meeting
the British Government, in negociating the Ashburton
Treaty, could not have intended that a fugitive slave
escaping from bondage to Canada, and charged with
the commission of crime in his struggle for freedom,
should be returned for trial in the slave states."
GREAT MEETING AT TORONTO. 45
The speech of Mr. Scoble on this occasion, is so
important — as a clear and conclusive exposition of the
true meaning and intent of the extradition clause of the
treaty referred to in the Resolution — ^that we deem it
worthy a place in this narrative. Mr. Scoble said : —
"I understand it is expected from me that I shall
give to this meeting a statement of facts with reference
to the extradition treaty, as we find them in the public
records. I well remember that, in the year 1843, when
the first printed copy of the extradition, or Ashburton
treaty with the United Sates was presented to the Pro-
vincial Parliament, we took the alarm at the probable
consequences that might result from it with reference
to fugitive slaves. I had the honour then of being the
secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society of England, and
of being associated in the Anti-Slavery cause with such
men as Clarkson, and Brougham, and Lushington, and
Denman, and other eminent individuals. And in our
associated capacity we felt it to be our duty to submit
the question of the effect the treaty might have, as it
respected the fugitive slaves in Canada, to the consider-
ation of the government. It fell to me to make the
permanent record of all the transactions that then took
place, and having refreshed my memory within the last
few days, by a reference to those records, I am able to
state most distinctly and unequivocally that in our com-
munications with Lord Ashburton, with Lord Aberdeen,
then the Foreign secretary, and with Sir Charles
Metcalfe, who was then about returning to Canada as
46 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
Governor-General of this Province, It was most clearly
understood that fugitive slaves were to be excepted
from the operation of the treaty. (Cheers.) I well
remember the agitation of the public mind in England
in reference to this question, for we felt that it was just
possible for the slaveholders of the United States to
charge crimes upon fugitive slaves in Canada, and to
produce a certain amount of evidence in relation to such
alleged crimes, which might by a strict interpretation of
the treaty, lead the Government here to hand over to
the tender mercies of slaveholders the fugitives they
might claim. We first approached Lord Ashburton on
this subject. We wished to imderstand from him what
was his impression as to the 9th Article, more particu-
larly on its bearing on fugitive slaves. I have here
the record of what that distinguished nobleman said.
After we had explained to him the precise object
we had in view, he replied, *That the article in
question was no more designed to touch the fugitive
slave, than to affect the case of deserters, or parties
charged with high treason. (Cheers.) Not satisfied,
however, with having appealed to Lord Ashburton, as
to his understanding of the treaty, or that particular
clause of it which might be used against the fugitive
slave, we presented a memorial to the Earl of Aberdeen,
then Foreign Minister, in which we set forth the status
of slaves in the United States, showing to his lordship
that it was impossible for a slave to obtain justice at the
hands of those who held him in their power, and that the
6BEAT MEETING AT TORONTO. 47
laws of the Slave States, in reference to the slave, were of
the most sanguinary and atrocious description. We
shewed that there were not less than seventy offences for
which the slave might be punished with death, and for
which a freeman, if he committed them, could only be
fined or imprisoned, or, at the most, placed in the Peni-
tentiary. We then pointed out to his lordship the cha-
racter of the tribunals before which offending slaves
were tried, and shewed that it was utterly impossible
for a slave to look for justice imder any circumstances
that could be imagined from such courts. We con-
cluded our memorial in these words : — * The committee
enter not into the discussion of the policy or impolicy
of the general principle involved in the extradition
clause, they refer that to the wisdom of the Government
and the Legislature ; but they cannot willingly be par-
ties to any arrangement which involves the possibility
of the restoration of fugitive slaves to bondage, or which
renders ahy part of the British dominions less an asylum
of liberty than it is at present. They, therefore, earn-
estly beseech your lordship that, in the contemplated Act
of Parliament for giving that clause effect, the Govern-
ment will be pleased to provide that it shall not, under
any circumstances or under any pretence whatsoever,
apply to the case of fugitive slaves, but that they shall be
wholly exempted from its operation.' That was the prayer
of the committee of the Anti-Slavery Society, and it
was sustained by the whole of England. Now, what
was the answer which Lord Aberdeen gave to us?
48 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
'His lordship received the deputation with great courtesy,
and intimated that he took the deepest interest in the
security and welfare of the fugitive slaves who have
sought refuge in Upper Canada. His lordship stated
also that the greatest care should be taken to prevent,
in their case, the abuse of the extradition article.' And
from my own recollection I am able to state another
fact in connection with that interview ; it is this — that
his lordship stated that, in order to prevent the possi-
bility of the misuse of the 9th clause of the treaty, strict
instructions should be forwarded to the Governor of
Canada that, in the case of fugitive slaves, the greatest
care should be taken that the treaty should not work
the ruin of them." (Loud cheers.)
It was moved by the Rev. Mr. Topp, seconded by the
Rev. Mr. King, of Buxton, and Resolved, — *' That as it
is the boast of Britain that its soil cannot be trodden by
a slave, so it is the high distinction of this province
that it has hitherto afforded an inviolable sanctuary for
the oppressed ; and, while desiring no immunity to be
afforded by our law for real criminals, whether bond or
free, we feel that the disposal of the pending cause, in
the manner to which the decision of the court points,
would be to destroy the security which many British
subjects now happily enjoy within our territory."
It was moved by P. Brown, Esq., seconded by J. G.
Bowes, Esq., and Resolved, — "That this meeting,
while reposing well-merited confidence in the equitable
spirit of British law, and cherishing becoming respect
GREAT MEETING AT TORONTO. 49
for British tribunals, regard it as entirely consistent
with such sentiments to seek, in due order, the most
deliberate award of justice on a question respecting
which our judges are divided in opinion, and resolve to
leave nothing imdone to have the present case sub-
mitted to the courts of last resort in the province, and,
if need be, in the empire."
It was moved by the Eev. F. H. Marling, seconded
by Alexander Manning, Esq., and Resolved, — *' That
the following petition be forwarded to His Excellency
the Administrator of the Government, praying him to
withhold his warrant for the delivery of the fugitive
slave, Anderson, to the United States authorities for the
reasons set forth in the precediug resolutions : —
" To His Excellency, &c., — ^The memorial and peti-
tion of the undersigned most respectfully sheweth, —
**That as inhabitants of this free British province,
and warmly attached to the British Constitution, we
feel deeply concerned in any event, or act of civil
administration, by which the reputation of our country,
as one whose soil cannot be polluted with slavery,
might be tarnished, or the influence of British laws
given directly or indirectly to the upholding of a cruel
oppression.
** That, alarmed by the manner in which the rash, and,
as your petitioners believe, improper act of a local
authority in Canada, in arresting and detaining, under
an alleged charge of murder in the State of Missouri,
the ])erson of Anderson, now in jail in Toronto, hasi
E
50 LIFE OF JOHN ANDBBSON.
been affirmed by a majority of the judges of the Queen's
Bench, your petitioners gladly betake themselves to
your Excellency as the acting head of the Executive
Government, in the earnest hope that such a decision
may not prevent your Excellency from disposing of
this case in harmony with the spirit of our laws and the
dictates of eternal justice.
" That your petitioners believe that a just as well as
liberal interpretation of the Ashburton Treaty would
exempt the accused party, Anderson, from the range of
its application, and they are strengthened in this belief
not only by the authority of a Judge of long experience
on the Queen's Bench itself, but by the opinions of
eminent practical lawyers in Canada, and by decisions
in analogous cases both in Britain and the United
States ; also by documents, extant and accessible, iUuS'
trating the meaning of Lord Ashburton and other par-
ties closely connected with the arrangements of said
treaty.
" That were the prisoner in question remanded to a
United States jury in the circumstances alleged, and in
the present state of the slave law, the prisoner's oppor-
tunities of obtaining impartial judgment are so small,
and so diminished beyond all that could have been
foreseen by the parties to the Ashburton Treaty — espe-
cially since the decision in what is known as the Dred
Scott case, which affirms that a coloured person has no
rights that he can assert or which the citizens of the
Republic are bound to respect — that his rendition on
GREAT MEETING AT TORONTO. 51
the evidence alleged would be to recognize a state of
things never contemplated by those who framed the
Treaty. And your memorialists submit that where so
much as a doubt of the reading of the Treaty exists, the
benefit should, as usual, but especially where such
momentous interests are concerned, be given to the
accused ; and the case, so far as it happily comes for
preliminary judgment before our own Government,
should be decided in a large and humane construction
of the clauses of the Treaty, and the Acts of Parliament
bearing upon it, rather than by mere technicalities.
"That the consequences of disposing of this cause
otherwise, cannot, your memorialists hope, but appear
to your Excellency and your Government most dan-
gerous to the sacred interests of just liberty, in render-
ing the condition of many industrious residents in this
province one of extreme peril; nothing being easier
than, by means of such evidence as has been brought
forward in this case, to drag them back to bondage, or
subject them to the cruel pains of a law which gives
no equal protection to the slave, whether as regards life,
chastity, or religion, and thus to render our happily
free territory a hunting ground for persons whose crime
may only have been that they dared to be better than
slaves, and defended at the risk of their own lives,
or with possible danger to the lives of aggressors
and spoilers, their inalienable rights and their dearest
domestic relations.
"That reposing confidence in the generous and
52 LIFE OP JOHN AJn>EESON.
British-like spirit of your Excellency, and in the belief
that your memorialists plead only for what is just and
right according to the law of nations, the sacred demands
of religion, and the true reading of international com-
pacts, they pray your Excellency to release the prisoner
aforesaid, and hold him not liable to be rendered up to
foreign authorities, as claimed.
" And your memorialists will ever pray, &c."
Such were the proceedings of one of the most nume-
rously attended, enthusiastic, and important meetings
ever held in the capital of Western Canada.
It has been already stated that, at the conclusion of
the case in the Court of Queen's Bench in Canada, the
counsel of Anderson stated his intention to refer the
judgment then delivered to the Court of Error and
Appeal. Accordingly, on the 22nd of December, an
application for leave to make such an appeal was heard
by the court, but it was decided that no appeal would
lie from its judgment upon a writ of Habeas Corpus to
the court above. Mr. Freeman, the able and zealous
counsel for Anderson, then said that it was in contem-
plation to sue for a writ of Habeas Corpus from the
Court of Common Pleas, and also from the Court of
Chancery, and that, if necessary, application would be
made to the Legislature of Canada, and, in the last
resort, to the Privy Council and Parliament of England.
PBOOEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 53
CHAPTER IX.
PROCEEDINaS IN ENaLAND-SECOND WRIT OF
HABEAS CORPUS.
First knowledge of Anderson being a Slave. — Prompt and praise^
worthy conduct of the Duke of Newcastle. — ^Action of the Com-
mittee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. — Memorial
to the Colonial Minister. — ^Application to the Court of Queen's
Bench, Westminster. — The Lord Chief Justice issuqs a Writ of
Sabeas Corpus, — American Minister's Despatch, describing the
state of Anti-Slavery feeling in England. — ^Agitation throughout
the Country. — Language of the Public Journals — Times, Weekly
Dispatch, &c. — Exertions made by the Anti-Slavery Society and
its Secretary. — ^The Writ is sent to Canada.
Leaving Ailderson in jail in Canada, the attention of
the reader is directed to England for the purpose of
noticing the proceedings taken by the Government, the
Press, and the anti-slavery portion of the community, in
the novel case first made known by the contents of the
American mail, at the commencement of the month of
January, 1861.
The application made to the Court of Queen's Bench
in Canada, and the decision thereon, appear to have
furnished the earliest information received by the
Queen's Government in London, of the fact, that Jphn
Anderson, whose extradition had been sanctioned, was
a slave. On this fact becoming known at the Colonial
54 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
Office, the Duke of Newcastle addressed a despatcli to
the officer administering the Government of Canada,
dated January 9th, 1861, stating that he had just re-
ceived a report of the judgment delivered in the Court
of Queen's Bench at Toronto, in the case of Anderson,
affigitive slave ; and, also, information that the prisoner's
counsel had given notice of appeal. His Grace directed
that, " If the result of that appeal should be adverse to
Anderson, it was to be borne in mind by the acting
Governor of Canada that, under the treaty of extradi-
tion, Anderson could not be delivered over to the
authorities of the United States by the mere action of
the law, and that he could be surrendered only by a
warrant under the hand and seal of the Governor."
The Duke further stated, that " the case of Anderson
was one of the greatest possible importance, and that
Her Majesty's Government were not satisfied that the
decision of the Court at Toronto had been in conformity
with the view of the treaty which had hitherto guided
the authorities in this country. Such being the case,
the Government of Canada were to abstain, in any case,
from completing the extradition, until Her Majesty's
Government should have had further opportunities of
considering the question, and, if necessary, conferring
with the Government of the United States on the
subject." In conclusion, the Duke expressed his desire
to be kept fully and immediately informed in reference
to any further steps which might be taken in a case at
once so peculiar and so important.
PROGEEDINOS IN ENGLAND. 55
About the same time, the committee of the British
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society presented a memo-
rial to the Duke of Newcastle, urging him to interpose
to prevent the extradition of Anderson, and submitting
that the clause in the Treaty under which he had been
claimed, was not applicable to the case, inasmuch as it
provided for the surrender of a criminal to justice only
upon such evidence of criminality as according to the laws
of the place where the fugitive so charged shall be found
would justify his apprehension and commitment for trial
if the crime had been there committed. The question to
be decided was, whether, according to British law, a
man would be chargeable with the crime of murder,
who had resorted to extreme means to preserve the
liberty of which another was seeking unjustly to deprive
him — which was the case with regard to Anderson. In
addition to this memorial, the committee considered it
advisable to take a more decided step than that of simply
asking Government to issue instructions to the superior
authorities in Canada not to deliver up Anderson with-
out a direct order from Her Majesty's advisers. Accor-
dingly, on the 10th of January, the Duke of Newcastle
was notified that a motion would be made on affidavit
in the Court of Queen's Bench, Westminster Hall, for
a writ of Habeas Corpus to issue for the production of
the person of Anderson in that Court, and on the 15th
the motion was made upon the grounds stated in the
memorial, and others which were most ably presented ;
and the writ was granted.
56 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSOK.
The following is an accurate, though abridged account
of the proceedings in this most important case.
COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH WESTMINSTER,
January 15 th.
(Sitting in Banco hefore Lwd Chi^f Justice Cocebubn, and
Justices Ckompton, Hill, and Blackbukit.)
EX PAJLTE AKDEBSON.
Mr. Edwin Jahss, Q.C. (with whom were Mr. Flood and
Mr. G. Allan) moved for a writ of haleas corpus, to be directed
to the Governor of the Province of Canada, to the Sheriff of
Toronto, and the keeper of the gaol there, to bring up the
body of one John Anderson, together with the cause of his
detention.
Lord Chief Justice Cockbttrn asked why the name of the
Governor was introduced.
Mr. James said the reason was because, in the St. Helena
case, to which he should have to refer, the name of the
Governor was introduced, as well as that of the keeper of the
gaol. The affidavit on which the learned counsel moved was
made by L. A. Chamerovzow, of No. 27, New Broad-street,
in the city of London, Secretary of the British and Foreign
Anti' Slavery Society, He stated that John Anderson, of the
city of Toronto, in H<ir Majesty's Province of Canada, a
British subject, domiciled there, was, as he verily believed,
illegally detained in the criminal gaol of the said city there,
against his will, not having been legally accused, or charged
with, or legally tried, or sentenced for the commission of any
crime, or for any offence against or recognized by the laws in
force in the said Province, or in any other part of Her
Majesty's dominions, or not being otherwise liable to be im-
prisoned or detained under, or by virtue of any such laws.
The affidavit further stated, that the deponent verily believed,
that unless a peremptory writ of habeas corpus should imme-
diately issue by this honourable court, the life of the said
John Anderson would be exposed to the greatest and to im-
mediate danger. The learned counsel proceeded to observe,
that in moving for this writ of habeas corpus, the persons for
whom he appeared would have to satisfy the court that they
PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 57
had jurisdiction to issue this writ to the Province of Canada ;
and if he established that proposition, their Lordships would
have no doubt that, under the pressing circumstances of the
case, the writ ought to be directed to issue. The proposition
for which he should contend was, that the Crown had power
to isdue the writ of habeas carpits into any part of Her
Majesty's possessions. Canada was a part of the possessions
of the British crown, and, in the language which had been
adopted in these cases. Her Majesty had a right to have an
account of the imprisonment of all her subjects in all her
dominions. He contended that the court had as much right
to issue this prerogative writ into Canada, as a possession of the
British crown, as into the Isle of Wight or Yorkshire. These
writs had gone to Calais, when a possession of the British
crown, and also to Ireland, and he should contend that
Canada stood in precisely the same position, as a possession
of the British crown. Canada, which was a part of the con-
tinent of America, was colonized in the reign of James I.,
and the first charter was granted in the 13th of James I.
At that time (and the expression was material) the whole of
that portion of America was called "the Plantations," and
the Board of Trade was called '* the Board of Trade and Plan-
tations." Canada belonged to the British crown till the year
1633, when it was ceded to France ; and it was held by the
crown of France till the year 1759, when it was retaken, and
ceded to the British crown. The statute 14th George III.
cap. 83, treated Canada as a colony in the possession of
England.
Lord Chief Justice Cockbtjew said that in the Lower Pro-
vince of Canada the French law prevailed ; but Toronto was
an English colony in Upper Canada.
Mr. Justice Hn.L said the 8th section of the statute the
14th of George III. reserved civil matters for the old law ; but,
by the 11th section, the criminal law of England prevailed
through the whole of Canada.
Mr. Jakes read an extract from the judgment delivered by
Lord Denman in the case of the Canadian prisoners (9 A, and
E., 782), where Lord Denman said —
'' The difficult questions that may arise, touching the en-
forcement in England of foreign laws, are excluded from this
case entirely ; for Upper Canada is neither a foreign state nor
58 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
a colony with any peculiar customs. Here are no mala pro*
hihita by virtue of arbitrary enactments; the relation of
master and slave is not recognized as legal ; but Acts of Par-
liament have declared that the law of England, and none
other, shall there prevail."
By the 11th section of the statute the 14th of G^rge III.
cap. 34, the criminal law of England was in force through
the whole of Canada, and, beyond all question, a British
subject in Canada was within a portion of Her Majesty's
dominions. The learned counsel contended that it was matter
of right and clear law, that as soon as a country became a
portion of Her Majesty's dominions, more especially if, like
Canada, it became so by conquest or cession, that the writ of
haheoi corpus issued into it, upon the ground that Her Majesty
had a right to know what had become of every one of her
subjects. No instance could be found of the writ going into
Canada, and therefore it was necessary to rely upon the
argument by way of analogy, which empowered the court to
issue the .writ. That the writ lies and runs into every part
of Her Majesty's dominions was laid down in Bacon* a Abridge-
ment — tit. habeas Corpus (B) — in these terms :
"2. Towhat places it may be granted. It hath been already
observed that the writ of habeas corpus is a prerogative writ,
and that, therefore, by the common law it lies to any part of
the King's dominions ; for the King ought to have an account
why any of his subjects are imprisoned, and therefore no
answer will satisfy the writ, but to return the cause with
paratum habea corpus, &c. Hence it was holden that the writ
lay to Calais at the time it was subject to the King of Eng-
land."
Mr. James then referred to Cowle's case, in the 3rd vol. of
Burrows* Reports, p. 834, where Lord Mansfield said:
"Writs not ministerially directed (sometimes called pre-
rogative writs, because they are supposed to issue on the
part of the King), such as writs of madamus, prohibition,
habeas corpus, certiorari, are restricted by no clause in the
constitution given to Berwick : upon a proper case they may
issue to every dominion of the Crown of England. There is
no doubt of the power of this court where the place is under
the subjection of the Crown of England ; the only question is
as to the propriety. To foreign dominions which belong to a
PBOGEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 59
Prince who succeeds to the throne of England this court has
no power to send any writ of any kind. We cannot send a
habeas corpus to Scodand, or to the Electorate ; but to Ireland,
the Isle of Man, the Flaatations, and (as since the loss of the
duchy of Normandy they have been considered as annexed to
the Crown in some respects) to Guernsey and Jersey we may,
and formeriy it lay to Calais, which was a conquest, and
yielded to the Crown of England by the treaty of Bretigny."
Mr. Jahes said, that by the industry of his junior (Mr.
Flood), he had copies of the writs which had been issued to
Calais in 1387 and 1389. They might be seen in Rymsr^s
FiBdsra, p. 15. In 1389 such a writ was issued by the House
of Lords, sitting as a court of justice. The learned counsel
relied strongly on the authority of Lord Mansfield, who said
that the writ would issue to " every dominion of the Crown
of England ;" and that this court could send the writ to Ire-
land, to the Isle of Man, and to '* the Plantations." He also
referred to Tatters Law of Nations y b. 1, chap. 18, p. 210, as
an authority for the position, that where a nation took posses-
sion of a distant country, and settled in it, it became a part
of the parent State ; and to Orotius de Jure Belli ao Faeis
b. 2, 0. 9. to the same effect. He also referred to Peeress
Williams's Reports, b. 2, pp. 74, 65, where it was said : —
'' Memorandum, the 9th of August, 1722. — It was said by
the Master of the Rolls to have been determined by the Lords
of the Privy Council, upon the appeal to the King in Council
from the foreign Plantations, ' That if there be a new and
uninhabited country found out by British subjects, as the law
is the birthright of every subject, so wherever they go they
carry their laws with them, and therefore such new-found
country is to be governed by the laws of England.' "
Mr. James then referred to the case of ** Reg t?. Crawford"
(13 Q. B., 613), which was an application for a writ of Aa3tfa«
corpus ad suhjioiendum to the Isle of Man, and in which it
was held that the writ would run into that island since the
5th of George III., by which the island was vested, in the
Crown, and formed part of its dominions. The learned council
also cited the case of ** Campbell v. Hall," in Cowper^s
Reports, p 204.
Mr. Justice Cnoiimoisr thought the question was whether
the courts in Westminster Hall had now a concurrent jurisdic-
tion with the local Courts in granting this writ.
60 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
Lord Chief Justice Cockbuen said, that in the Berwick case,
Berwick was not subject to the law of Scotland, and therefore
there was do superior court which could send a habeas corptM
to prevent an illegal imprisonment, imless this Court took
upon itself jurisdiction. But was that the case in Canada ?
Mr. Jakes said he did not dispute that Canada had both
legislative and criminal jurisdiction ; but his argument was,
that the courts in England- had a concurrent jurisdiction with
the Courts in Canada. The present was not the case of a man
who had been txied in Canada, or who was under the sentence
of a court which had power, to sentence him, for the affidavit
shewed that he had never been tried ; and he contended that
the mere institution of a local jurisdiction woxdd not oust the
Queen of the right which she had to ascertain whether any
of her subjects were illegally imprisoned. In the case of the
Isle of Man, there were local courts which had the power to
issue writs of habeas corpus, and so also in the St. Helena case
(** £x parte Lees, Mlis, Blackburn, and Ellis, 28). In this
latter case a writ of habeas corpus had been very recently
granted, after a writ of error had issued.
Mr. Justice Cbompion said he issued the writ as ancillary to
the writ of error.
Mr. James said, that if this court refused a writ of habeas
corpus the party had a right to go in succession to each of the
superior courts ; and if this court should refuse their writ, he
would have a right to go to every court in Westminster-hall.
He thought that was a strong argument to shew that this court
had a concurrent jurisdiction with the Canadian courts.
Lord Chief Justice Cockbtjbn said the question was whether
it was within the ambit of this court's jurisdiction, or whether
the power of granting the writ was not vested by the Crown
in another jurisdiction.
Mr. James contended that the mere establishment of such
a jurisdiction in a local court could not limit the rights of the
Crown without the authority of an Act of Parliament.
Lord Chief Justice Cockbiibn said that, by the conquest or
session of Canada the law of England attached, and this court
had the power to issue writs of habeas corpus into that country,
unless the Crown had either expressly or by implication taken
away that power. The question was, whether, by the estab-
lishment of a local judicature, and committing to it the duty
PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 61
of protecting the subject by iesuing writs of habeas corpus, the
Crown had not, by implication, taken away the jurisdiction of
this court.
Mr. Justice Cbompton said the Legislature might do that.
Mr. James said it was open to a party in this country to
apply for the writ of habeas carpus to any court of co-ordinate
jurisdiction.
Mr. Justice Hill. — And also for a prohibition.
Mr. James contended it was a common-law right of the
subject to go to every tribunal for this writ, and d fortiori, the
courts in this country would have a concurrent jurisdiction
with Colonial courts, unless it was taken away by an Act of
Parliament.
Lord Chief Justice Cockbtjeit asked whether the right to go
to every one of the courts had not arisen from the Habeas
Corpus Act ?
Mr. James contended it was by the common law, and all
this court was asked to do was, not to interfere with any
judgment, but to grant a habeas corpus to liberate a man who
was in illegal custody. He was not in custody under the
commitment of any local court which had the power to try
him ; there was no judgment to set aside ; but it was shewn
to the court that he was detained for no crime cognizable by
the law of England. The learned counsel then referred to
Cams Wilson's case (7 Q. B., 984), in which the writ had
issued in the Isle of Jersey ; and then proceeded to argue
that the case might arise when the courts in Canada might
be unable to discharge their duties, as a reason why this Court
should still retain the power of granting these writs.
Lord Chief Justice Cockbtjeis' inquired, supposing the writ
should go, what means had the Court of enforcing it ?
Mr. James said the Court could enforce the writ by attach-
ment, but it could not be assumed that the Queen's writ
would not be obeyed. The court would send its own officer
to execute the writ. An application had been made to the
local court for a writ of habeas corpus, and refused ; and it
was now shewn to this court that John Anderson, a British
subject, was illegally detained in prison, having been guilty
of no crime cognizable by the law of England. There were
precedents for this application, and he confidently submitted
the mere fact that there were other courts which had a con-
62 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
cmrent jurisdiction would not deprive the applicant of that
protection for which he now prayed the Court.
The learned counsel then handed in the affidavit upon which
he moved^ and which was in these termB :
** In the Qubsn's Bbnch.
** The affidavit of Louis Alexis Chamerovzow, of No. 27,
New Broad-street, in the city of London, Secretary of the
British and Foreign Anti-SUwery Society.
" I say, 1 . That John Anderson, of the city of Toronto, in
Her Majesty's Province of Canada, a British subject domiciled
there, now is, as I verily believe, illegally detained in the
criminal goal of the said city there, against his will, not
having been legally accused, or charged with, or legally tried,
or sentenced for the commission of any crime, or for any offence
against, or recognized by the laws in force in the said province,
or in any other part of Her Majesty's dominions, or not being
otherwise liable to be imprisoned, or detained, under or by
virtue of any such laws,
** I verily believe, that unless a prematory writ of habeas
corpus shaU immediately issue by this honourable Court, the
life of the said John Anderson is exposed to the greatest, and
to immediate danger."
Their Lordships then retired to consider their decision.
During their Lordship's absence greatinterest was manifested
by a large number of the bar, who were present, and their
Lordship's return was waited for with the greatest anxiety.
After a short absence, their Lordships returned and resumed
their seats, and
Lord Chief Justice Cockbubjet said : We have considered
this matter, and the resxdt of our anxious deliberation is, that
we are of opinion that the writ ought to issue. We are, at the
same time, sensible of the inconvenience that may result from
the exercise of such a jurisdiction. We are quite sensible
that it may be felt to be inconsistent with that higher degree
of colonial independence, both legislative and judicial, which
has happily been carried into effect in modern times. At the
same time, in establishing local legislation and local judicial
authority, the Legislature has not gone so far as expressly to
abrogate any jurisdiction which the courts in Westminster
PBOGEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 63
Hall might possess with reference to the issuing of a writ of
habeas corpus to anj of Her Majesty's dominions; and we
find that the existence of that jurisdiction in these courts
has been asserted from the earliest times, and exercised down
to the latest. We have it on the authority of my Lord Coke,
we have it upon the authority . of my Lord Mansfield^ we
have it upon the authority of Mr. Justice Blackstone, and on
the authority of Bacon's Abridgement — that these writs have
been issued, and are to be issued, into all the dominions of
the crown of England, wherever a subject of the crown is
illegally imprisoned, and kept in custody ; and not only have
we these authorities in the shape of dicta of most eminent
judges and afterwards of text writers, but we have the prac-
ticed application of the doctrine in cases from the earliest
period down to modern times. The more remarkable cases
are the instances in which the writ of habeas corpus has issued
into the Islands of Jersey and Man, and St. Helena : all this
being in very modern times. Finding that upon these autho-
rities it has been not only asserted as matter of doctrine, but
carried into effect and execution as matter of practice ; that
even where there were local judicatures, and local legisla-
tures, the writ of habeas corpus has been issued into these
dominions of the crown, we feel that nothing short of legisla-
tive enactment, depriving this court of such a jurisdiction,
would warrant us in omitting to carry it into effect, where
we are called upon to do so for the protection of the personal
liberty of the subject. It may be that the Legislature has
thought proper, in its wisdom, to leave a concurrent jurisdic-
tion between these courts and the colonial courts, as there
has been, as very properly pointed out by Mr. James in his
argument, between the different courts in Westminster Hall.
We can only act on the authorities that have been brought
before us, and we feel that we should not be doing that which
it is our duty to do under the authority of the precedents to
which our attention has been called, by refusing this writ ;
therefore the writ must go.
At the conclusion of the judgment there was a very general
but suppressed expression of applause, and the countenances
of all in court seemed lighted up with extreme pleasure at
the result. — Writ of habeas corpus granted.
64 LIFE OP JOHN ANDEBeON.
Mr. Dallas, the United States Minister in London,
was no unconcerned spectator of the interest manifested
in the fate of Anderson, as we find from a letter ad-
dressed by that gentleman to the Secretary of State at
Washington, dated January the 16th, the day after the
issuing of the writ by the Lord Chief Justice. Mr.
Dallas, in his despatch, informs the Secretary of State
that, " The claim made by the United States upon the
Government of Canada for the extradition of one, Ander-
son, a fugitive slave, charged with the crime of murder,
had awakened; as of course, so much interest in Eng-
land, and invoked so much professional astuteness to
defeat the operation of the 10th article of the treaty of
1842, that he had thought it expedient to place in pos-
session of the department, all the papers published in
England relating to the subject." His Excellency then
went on to say that " it was scarcely necessary for him to
remark on the pungent and uncompromising hostility to
social bondage, which prevailed throughout this country;
that, as it had already led to giving by statute to the
American slave who deserts his ship, a discriminating
immunity over the freeman, so it could not be expfected
to shrink from another manifestation on the interpreta-
tion of an international convention for the mutual sur-
render of culprits. In truth it might be said, generally,
that in British opinion, the status of slavery incapaci-
tated the individual for contract or crime." His Excel-
lency further called the special attention of the Secretary
of State to the fact " that Lord Chief Justice Cockburn
PBOCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 65
had, with surprising celerity allowed a writ of Habeas
Corpm, addressed to the jailer in Canada to issue, and
that Anderson would thereupon be brought to England,
notwithstanding the very full and deliberate decision of
the Colonial Court ordering him to be delivered up."
The excitement throughout Great Britain at this time
was universal, and the sympathy in behalf of Anderson,
.profound and ardent. The question was discussed in all
the newspapers, and, with scarcely an exception, the
writers were in favour of refusing to the demand of the
United States Government, the surrender of the fugitive
who had sought an asylum on British territory, and
whose offence was no crime in the eye of British law.
The following article which appeared in the Times^
justly represented the public opinion. After a careful
analysis of the facts in the case, as stated in the Canadian
Court, it said, —
" In their hearts and consciences the Canadian autho-
rities must have felt that Anderson slew his enemy in
defence of all that man holds dear ; they must have felt
that to surrender him to his pursuers to be burnt alive
— a fate probably reserved for him — would be a most
dreadfiil responsibility, and yet, as judges bound to
administer the law uprightly, they may have hardly
seen how to evade the conclusion. We are not sur-
prised, therefore, to find that they have taken refuge in
indecision, and remitted the case successively from
one court to another. First the magistrates gave up
the attempt, and referred the matter to the Attomey-
r
66 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
General ; then the Attorney-General, after two months'
consideration, alleged his incompetence ; and now the
Court of Queen's Bench has cognizance of the question,
by which tribimal it must be finally decided. Before
this time, indeed, judgment has doubtless been given,
though on which side it would be hard to conjecture.
" We suppose there will be hardly a man in England
who will not hope for the success even of his forcible
rescue if things come to that extremity. The fate,
probably, in store, at this crisis of Southern fanaticism,
for a slave who not only ran away but killed the white
planter who attempted to arrest him, is too shocking to
think of, and yet the Missouri agents may establish their
case. The truth is, that such complications must for
ever be contingent upon institutions like that of slavery.
Wherever an institution is at variance in its very essence
with the moral instincts of our nature, the antagonism
thus created will pervade every question concerning it.
All except slaveholders will judge this case by feelings
which they will place above the law. They may not carry
their convictions to the length of breaking the law, but
in their hearts they will condemn it, and will sympathize
with the offender. This is a conflict of laws, which can
never be terminated by any political compromise or
legal adjustment. It must prevail as long as slavery
prevails, for slavery cannot prevail without enactments
against which humanity rebels. Nature and law are
therefore forced into collision, and under such conditions
no peace can be reasonably expected."
PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 67
In a subsequent article the same journal remarked, —
" But are we, therefore, to surrender this man to the
cruel fate which awaits him in the neighbouring State ?
The suggestion is preposterous. That we, who look
with such scorn upon the little State of Saxony for
delivering tip a Hungarian nobleman who had trusted
to her hospitality, should, in our strength and our gran-
deur, deliver up a wretched slave who had run for our
soil as to the ark of freedom, may be argued as logical
necessity in a court of law, but is an obvious impos-
sibility as a fact. How it will be we do not pretend to
foretell. How the logical necessity will be shown to be
a practical impossibility, we are by no means prepared
to explain ; but very confident we are that this negro
is at this moment as safe, in the prison of Toronto, from
ever being sent before a Missouri jury of slave owners
as he would be if he were in the wilds of Central Africa.
Meanwhile, as we gather from the report, there is no
immediate hurry, or any danger of any steps being taken
to carry out the judgment. From the decision of the
Queen's Bench, there is, it appears, by the Canadian
Law, an appeal to the Bench of Judges, and thence
again, there is an appeal, as we understand, to the Privy
Council in England. Although we may fear that upon
the broad question of law, the decision of English
lawyers must concur with that of the Queen's Bench of
Canada ; and although the ingenuity of counsel and of
anxious judges may fail to discover any technical objec-
tion which may vitiate the proceedings, yet time will be
68 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
afforded for the intervention of diplomacy, within the pro-
vince of which a difficulty of this character specially falls.
It is not because we have heedlessly gone into an engage-
ment which involves an unsuspected obligation to bum an
innocent man, that we are therefore to bum him. It is
not because we have blindly and imknowingly bound
ourselves systematically to outrage all the common laws
of God and humanity, that we are therefore now, as a
matter of course, to do the first act and to take the first
step by the same means as the Romans used to adopt
when they desired to commit themselves to some nefa-
rious enterprise — by the sacrifice of a slave. As a topic
of transatlantic excitement, this slave case may have its
interest, but on this side of the Atlantic we are too
profoundly convinced of the unpractical character of
the contest to be very anxious about it."
The following appeared in the Weekly Dispatch: —
" Can any man think it possible that the English nation
would submit to the rendition of Anderson ? Suppose
the man had escaped to London instead of Toronto;
suppose the British Cabinet had been called upon to
adjudicate in the matter. How long would they have
waited ? And even though they might think the case
technically within the treaty, can any one for a moment
doubt their decision ? With America, above all other
people. Great Britain desires to remain at peace ; but
treaty or no treaty, * there he is, touch him if you dare,'
would have been, if necessary, the reply to the infamous
demand. No English minister, as he loves the honour
PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 69
of his country, as he would be saved from universal
execration, hatred, and contempt, could surrender a
fugitive slave, guilty of no other crime than that of
winning his liberty by the dea^j;! of his oppressor."
It is justly due to the committee of the British and
Foreign and Anti-Slavery Society, and more especially
to the able secretary of that society, Mr. Lewis Alexis
Chamerovzow, who laboured with indefatigable zeal in
the cause of Anderson, and to whom the credit belongs
of preparing the various documents put forth from time
to time by the society, to record the measures which
were adopted by that body, and to give insertion to the
more important of their manifestoes.
The first notice of the case appeared in the Anti-
Slavery Reporter of January, 1861, under the head of
of "Fugitive Slave Extradition Case." The article
contained the leading particulars connected with the
encounter between Anderson and the slaveholder
Diggs, and quoted the following from the Toronto
Ghhe :—
"The Ashburton Treaty was not an agreement
between Canada and the State of Missouri, but between
Great Britain and the United States, and is not to be
interpreted by statutes either imperial or provincial, but
by the law of nations. * * * The law of arrest in
Missouri is not the law of the Union, but the law of
the State, or the law of a municipality within the
Union. * * * The Government of Canada in sub-
mitting the matter to the law courts, acted unwisely.
70 LITE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
It should have decided for itself whether or not the case
came within the meaning of the treaty."
The committee took early steps to bring the case
under the notice of the friends of the anti-slavery cause
throughout Great Britain, and moved them to address
earnest memorials to the Duke of Newcastle, praying
him to interpose to prevent the extradition of John
Anderson from being carried into effect. Their appeal
met with an encouraging response. The committee
themselves, as we have already stated, addressed a
memorial to his Grace, " earnestly, but respectfully be-
seeching him to interpose his influence and authority,
not only to save a fellow creature from a fate horrible
to contemplate, but to preserve inviolate those funda-
mental principles of justice and humanity, which are the
foundation of all law — and those personal rights
guaranteed by the British Constitution to every man,
whatever his colour, who is unconvicted of crime,"
** The committee feel (says the memorial) that the
issue of this most painful case involves consequences
most important to the safety of the fugitives from slavery
who have already found an asylum in Canada — some
forty thousand in number — and also their imhappy
kindred who may attempt to seek refuge and protection
there. If the interpretation put upon the particular
clause of the Ashburton Treaty, imder which Anderson
is claimed, be admitted, there is not a refugee from
slavery now in Canada, who imder one pretext or other
may not be claimed and remanded into slavery."
PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 71
In addition to this memorial, the committee, as we
have shown, notified the Duke of Newcastle on the 10th
of January, that a motion would be made in the Court
of Queen's Bench for a writ of Habeas Corptbs to issue
to those having the custody of the person of Anderson,
requiring them to produce him in Court.
The following are the comments of the Reporter upon
the proceedings in the Court of Queen's Bench.
** Our readers will gather from a perusal of our
columns, the exact position in which the case of the
fugitive slave, John Anderson, at present stands. The
warrant under the Habeas Corpus has been handed over
for service to the solicitor, Mr. W. A. Dean, engaged
by the committee of the British and Foreign Anti-
Slavery Society to conduct the case. It has been for-
warded, in duplicate, to the Society's correspondent at
Toronto, who will duly execute it. As soon as possible,
— for the wiit is imperative — ^Anderson will be brought
to England, and produced on the floor of the Court of
Queen's Bench, when a return to the writ will be made
in due form. The Court will then consider, upon the
motion of counsel, whether Anderson is legally detained ;
and hereupon will be raised the great question which
the demand for his extradition involves, namely, whe-
ther, imder any circumstances whatsoever, a slave who
has sought an asylum on British soil can be surrendered.
We are, of course, most anxious for the liberation of
Anderson, but we must not forget, that upon the issue
of this case hang the liberty and the life of many thou-
72 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
sands of British subjects — refugee slaves in Canada —
and that even were the Ashburton Treaty held to be
protective of the person of refugees from slavery there,
we should not feel satisfied unless the great principle
were established that no slave will ever be surrendered
who has once touched British soil. We believe the
judges who decided in favour of Anderson's rendition
to have been utterly in the wrong, for their decision is
rendered, in the very teeth of the letter, not to say the
spirit, of the treaty, and of the statutes confirming it.
But if they are right, our remeciy is a very simple one,
for we have but to signify to the government of the
dis-United States that we desire the treaty to cease in
its operation, and no more fupfitives nor criminals can
be claimed for extradition under it. It will be seen,
therefore, that we have a much loftier object in view
than to secure a mere equitable interpretation of this
instrument.
" The question which will be raised as to the nature
of the crime with which he is charged, will at x)nce lead
to an investigation of the circimistances under which it
was committed. It will be found impossible to discon-
nect them from a consideration of his condition at the
time, and we hold that no straining of the letter of the
law can justify the surrender of a man, who in his con-
dition as a slave, has been deprived of all the rights of
citizenship, and therefore stands absolved from all the
responsibilities of a citizen.
"Some time is likely to elapse before Anderson reaches
PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. 73
this country. We shall have the opportunity, therefore,
of again and again addressing our readers upon this
subject, and shall submit to them certain points which
have suggested themselves to us in the course of our
study of this most remarkable and interesting case.
"Meanwhile we must not lose this opportunity of
dwelling for a moment upon the zeal and ability dis-
played in conducting this case by Mr. Edwin James,
Q.C., M.P., and his coadjutors, Messrs. F. S. Flood,
and J. G. Allan. The thanks of the friends of hu-
manity are fairly due to these gentlemen, and especially
to Mr. F. Solly Flood, whose profound researches after
precedents applicable to this instance, as illustrated in
the case he conducted of the Queen v. Lees, were
most generously and handsomely admitted by Mr. James
to have been of the greatest . value to him, and were,
in fact, the grounds upon which the court declared
that a writ of Habeas Corpus could issue to Canada.
Mr. Flood is a learned antiquarian lawyer, is quite
familiar with the laws of the Slave States, and, from
a long residence in America, is equally familiar also
with the legal history of inter-State extradition cases ;
Anderson is, therefore, likely to have the benefit of the
best advice.
** To obtain the declaration of the great principle to
which we have adverted is the more important, because
it is erroneously supposed that it was established in the
case of the slave, Somersett. Lord Mansfield, however,
only declared that the slave was free who came into
74 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
this country, not that a slave could never be given up.
The Scotch Courts, on the contrary, asserted the
broader principle ; and it is to obtain the admission of
this principle as a basis of legislation in similar cases,
we are now anxious that our anti-slavery friends should
turn their attention.'*
The writ, issued by the Court of Queen's Bench, was
dispatched by the first Canadian mail, and, by the same
means a letter from Lord John Kussell to the Govern-
ment of Canada, instructing the acting Governor ** To
facilitate the action of any officer of the Court of Queen's
Bench at Westminster sent to bring the prisoner Ander-
son to England." This despatch was crossed on its way
to Canada by a mail bringing from Sir W. Williams,
acting Governor, a reply, dated January 26th, to the
Duke of Newcastle's despatch of the 9th of January, —
** Being fully impressed (says Sir W. Williams) with
the importance and gravity of the case, I had made up
my mind to take no step in the matter without the
express direction of Her Majesty's Government ; and I
fihall not fail to follow closely your Grace's instructions."
PBOGEEDINGS IN CANADA. 75
CHAPTER X.
PROCEEDINGS IN CANADA— THIRD WRIT OP HABEAS
CORPUS— DISCHARGE OP ANDERSON.
Writ granted by the Court of Common Pleas, Canada. — The Case
argued, February 1st. ; Judgment delivered, February 16th. —
Opinion of Mr. Justice Draper. — Comments on the termination of
the Struggle. — Course taken by the Canadian Press.
We again return to Canada to perform the grateful duty
of recording the proceedings which led to the discharge
of the fugitive slave after more than eight months' con-
finement in jail.
On the 1st of February^ 1861, a new writ of Habeas
Corpus was granted by Chief Justice Draper, of the
Court of Common Pleas in Canada, addressed to the
sherijff and keeper of the jail of the County of Brant,
returnable on the 8th of the same month. On the 9th,
Anderson was produced in court, and arguments at
great length were heard on his behalf. It was urged, —
First That the prisoner was entitled to the writ on
which he was brought before the Court, and, upon the
return to that writ, to have inquired into the matters
charged against him. Second. That the evidence was not
sufficient to put him upon his trial for the crime of
76 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
MURDER; assuming that lie was entitled to the pro-
tection of British law. Third. That the treaty requires
that a charge under it should he first laid in the States,
and that the evidence did not show that any charge had
been laid against the prisoner. Fourth. That even if
we are bound to administer this law of Missouri, the
evidence did not shew that this State of Missouri had any
power to pass such a law, and it cannot be presumed
that she had that power, inasmuch as she is but a muni-
cipality in relation to other Governments, and the law is
against natural justice. Fifth. That the word " murder ^^
mentioned in the treaty, means murder according to the
laws of both countries ; and, if not, that by the treaty
itself, and our statute, the crime charged is to be deter-
mined by the laws of Canada — ^that is, the criminalty is
to be determined by the laws of Canada.
After hearing the evidence, Chief Justice Draper
said, " that the Court desired to dispose of this case as
quickly as possible, so that Anderson might not be
kept in custody any longer than was necessary, if the
decision went in his favour; but it was questionable
whether, if judgment was to be given on all the points
involved, the case could be decided during the present
term. At all events they would give the prisoner the
benefit of a speedy discharge if they came to an opinion
in his favour on the technical point a^ to the insufficiency
of the commitment. On this question they would pro-
bably be able to give a decision that day week, the last
day of term. An order would be made for the prisoner
PROCEEDINGS IN CANADA. 77
to be brought up next Saturday, February 16tli, and in
the meantime he would be committed to the custody of
the sheriffs of the united counties of York and Peel."
On Saturday, the 16th of February, the Court of
Common Pleas, as was generally anticipated, discharged
Anderson^ on the ground that the warrant op
COMMITMENT WAS NOT ISSUED IN CONFORMITY WITH
THE STATUTE, because — 15<. It did not contain a charge
of murder, but merely of felonious homicide ; whereas
neither the treaty nor the statute either authorize a
surrender, or a committal for the purpose of surrender,
for any homicide not expressed to he murder. 2nd.
That the warrant was not expressed to be " for the
purpose of surrender," but only imtil the prisoner should
be discharged by due course of law, whereas the statute
requires both. Upon the merits of the question itself no
judgment was given.
The following extract from Chief Justice Draper's
judgment will show what he thought of the case: —
" I have, so far as the limited time and the pressure of
the business during the week would permit, considered
some of the questions involved. I have at least been
able to appreciate the difficulty of disposing of them.
One doubt arises on the threshold, namely, whether
the statute gives the Court power to look into the depo-
sitions and to adjudge whether they contain evidence
of criminality sufficient to sustain the charge of murder.
It is easy to suggest objections to the placing the power
of exclusive and £nal adjudication on this point in the
78 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
hands of a single Justice, even although his decision is
not binding on the Government, to whom he must
certify the same, and the evidence, and on whom rests
the ultimate responsibility of surrendering or refusing
to surrender the prisoner. Still, however weighty I
might deem such objections, if the statute does confer
that jurisdiction on a single judge or justice of the
peace, the statute must be obeyed. And I am free to
confess that there is some difficulty in affirming that this
Court can review the decision of the judge or justice
without running counter to the opinion expressed in
ex parte Besset. But conceding that we have that pro-
vince, and as a necessary incident to it to bring the
depositions before us by certiorari (as to which some
technical objections may be suggested), I require
further time before I can adopt as a principle of the law,
that because a man is a slave in a country where slavery
is legalized, he is legally incapable of committing a
crime, that he is not to be deemed a '* prisoner" who
may be charged with an offence. Nor am I prepared
to decide that on a charge of murder, sufficiently sus-
tained by evidence to warrant his being committed for
trial according to our law, the prisoner accused of that
crime would not be within the meaning of the treaty,
because, if acquitted on a trial in the coimtry where the
accusation arose, he would be detained in bondage as a
slave, or because it might be feared, and even with
reason feared, that because he was a slave he would not
be treated in the same spirit of justice and impartiality as
PEOCEEDINGS IN CANADA. 79
a fireeman before the tribunals of a foreign State where
elavery is established by local law. Or, take a possible
case to arise in a Free State, let it be supposed that a slave
flies from a Slave State into a Free State, whose laws,
nevertheless, unlike our own happy institutions, sanction
and require his surrender merely as a slave — ^that the fugi-
tive kills an officer of the Free State who is endeavour-
ing, under regular process, to arrest and detain him
with a view to his surrender, and, having killed the
officerj escapes into this province, I do not yet see any
way to the conclusion that we could hold the case not
to be within the treaty, and the act so clearly not to be
murder, that there would be nothing for a jury to try,
but that the Court could dispose of it as a pure question
of law. For if there be a question of fact to be tried,
I apprehend he must be surrendered, as such question
could only be tried in the country where the fact arose.
These and other similar questions are of too serious a
character to be decided upon impulse, or in haste, and
I do not scruple to say that, so long as the prisoner
sustains no prejudice by the delay, I desire to defer
pronouncing an opinion upon them. I am reluctant on
the one hand where the accuser does not make it indis-
pensable to declare that each individual of the assumed
number of 4,000,000 of slaves in the Southern States
may commit assassination in aid of his escape on any
part of his route to this province, and find impunity and
shelter on his arrival here. I am reluctant, on the other
hand, to admit that Gbreat Britain has entered into
80 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
treaty obligations to surrender a fiigitive slave who, as
his sole means of obtaining liberty, has shed the blood
of the merciless taskmaster who held him in bondage.
An occasion may arise when it will be my duty to
adjudge one way or the other. But the necessity does
not exist at present, and I am not afraid to avow that I
rejoice at it. I am, however, glad that the discussion
has taken place, that the doubts and difficulties it sug-
gests have been brought prominently forward. The
power of dealing with them is in the hands of others,
and the necessity of dealing with them must, I think,
be felt by those who possess the power."
We conclude this part of our narrative with the fol-
lowing article from the Toronto Glohe^ a paper to which
the cause of justice and liberty is deeply indebted.
"On Saturday, February 16th, at noon, Anderson was
brought before the judges of the Common Pleas, and
discharged from custody on the groimd of informality
in the warrant on which he was committed to Brantford
Jail. We publish elsewhere a full report of the deci-
sions of the judges, from which it will be seen that the
discharge has been ordered on two distinct grounds.
First. The warrant of commitment recites that Ander-
son stands charged for that he did 'Wilfully, maliciously,
and feloniously, stab and kill one Seneca T. P. Diggs,
of Howard County,' which might only amount to man-
slaughter; whereas the judges decide, that to come
within the provisions of the treaty, the charge must
be one of * murder.' Second. The warrant commits
PROteEDTNGS tN CANADA. 81
Anderson to the jail of Brantford * Until he shall be
discharged according to law;' where^, the judges de-
cide, he should have been committed ^ Until surrender
be made, or until he shall be discharged according to
law.'
" We heartily congratulate the people of Canada on
the narrow escape we have thus made from what would
have been a deep and indelible stain on the fair fame
of our country. For ourselves, we deeply regret that
Anderson's discharge has not been ordered on broader
and nobler grounds ; but at least we can all heartily
rejoice that the poor fugitive to our shores, who dared
to strike a freeman's blow for liberty, will not be sur-
rendered by Canadian hands to be burnt at the stake
by exulting traffickers in human blood !
" Anderson is now among his friends ; but he is still
liable to re-arrest on documents prepared more carefully
than the last. The danger, however, is by no means
what it was. It is to be hoped that no second Mathews
is to be found in the magistracy of Canada, and if, un-
happily, there was another such, good care will, we
fancy, be taken that Anderson shall not be found until
the intent and meaning of the Extradition Treaty in
regard to slaves has been authoritatively determined.
** By the discharge of Anderson, the writ of Habeas
CorpuSy issued by the Court of Queen's Bench of Eng-
land, has been rendered unnecessary and inoperative.
Anderson is no longer in the custody of any of the
parties to whom the writ was directed, and therefore
G
82 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
they cannot cany him to England. Moreover, the
parties who applied for the intervention of the English
Court have obtained the immediate end they sought, by
the discharge of the prisoner. We confess that we are
glad that this is so. We entirely sympathise with the
feeling which induced the application for, and the
granting of the writ. The peculiarity of this case of
Anderson would have justified a great stretch of autho-
rity that tended to save the unfortunate man from the
vengeance of his enemies; but it would be neither
convenient nor consistent with the independence of the
Canadian people that English judges should have the
power to ignore oxir courts, and issue their writs to our
sherijBTs and jailers as if we had no provincial judges.
We presume the legality of the proceeding in the view
of an English lawyer is not doubtful, but assuredly it is
not in harmony with the right of self-government
claimed by Canada, and fully conceded to her.
" All the proceedings connected with Anderson's case
show clearly that there is an urgent necessity not only
for an immediate explanation between the British and
American Governments as to the applicability of the
Extradition Treaty to fugitives from slavery, but also
for a revisal of the Canadian statutes giving effect to
the treaty. It will be seen from Chief Justice Draper's
decision, that a doubt is expressed whether the Court
has any power to look into the depositions on which a
prisoner is demanded imder the treaty — whether it has
any authority at all to examine the evidence so as to
PROCEEDINGS IN CANADA. 83
judge If It sustain the charge preferred ? It Is unneces-
sary to argue whether Mr. Draper Is right or wrong
in this view ; If a doubt exists on such a point It should
be settled at once. Not one of the thousands of fugi-
tives who have sought refuge In our country would be
safe for a week were this affirmed to be the law. The
slave hunter would be on the track of his victims, and
affidavits of murder, perjury, arson, or anything else,
concocted by the hundred, the moment it was ascer-
tained that the facts alleged could not be enquired Into,
but the oath of the slave catcher held as final. We
trust the friends of freedom In Great Britain will press
this matter at once on the attention of the Home
Government. The amendment of the Canadian statute
will unquestionably be demanded immediately on the
assembling of Parliament.
** Apart from the great principles at stake in this case,
we confess to a feeling of no ordinary gratification at
the manner in which it has terminated. But for the
firm and prompt intervention of the press, it is certain
that Anderson would have been given up to the slave-
holders, and Canada disgraced for ever. "JiVe can afford
now to recall with contempt the abuse poured upon us,
because, forsooth, we dared to call In question the
propriety of Chief Justice Robinson's decision. The
course we took has not only been thoroughly sustained
by public opinion in our own country and in Great
Britain, but the continued discussion of the case has
secured Ajiderson's discharge by Chief Justice Eobin-
84 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
son's brother judges. Nay, tlie very case — ^the Besset
case — on which Mr. Draper mainly rests his decision
was first brought into the discussion through the columns
of the Ghher
Canada is not sufficiently removed from the United
States to be free from that vile, unchristian prejudice
against colour which is the reproach and crime of the
majority of the people of the American Republic, and,
consequently, there was to be found a paper in Toronto
base enough to prostitute its columns to the work of
villifying the Negro race, and of resisting their claims
to the rights which the laws of Canada guarantee to all
who seek a dwelling under their protection. This
paper had its supporters or it could not have existed.
Its patrons, we are compelled to believe, were in favour
of the rendition of Anderson, but the people in their
masses demanded his release, as did also the larger
portion of the more elevated classes, who heartily wished
success to the means employed for his deliverance from
the meshes his enemies had cast around him.
AIIDERSON IN ENGLAND. 85
CHAPTER XL
JOHN ANDERSON IN ENaLAND.
Anderson leaves Canada for England. — Arrives in London. — Gl-reat
reception meeting at Exeter Hall. — Speeches of Mr. Harper Twelve-
trees ; the Bev. Hugh AUen, D.D. ; the Bev. Jabez Burns, D.D. ;
the Bev. W. H. Bonner ; John Anderson ; the Bev. T. M. lOn-
naiid ; the Bev. J. a. Hewlett, D.D. ; Mr. William Craft ; the
Bev. Edward Mathews, &o.
There were many friends of John Anderson in Canada
who would have been happy to have promoted his future
interests in that country, if he had been disposed to
continue there ; but he felt a strong inclination to visit
England. He was not free from an apprehension of
being again annoyed by proceedings for his extradition,
for well he knew the perseverance and implacability of
his enemies, and how ready to forward their designs
were numerous base persons both in Upper and Lower
Canada. In England, he would not only be free but
secure, and might enjoy his liberty without the fear of
persecution, and the ultimate loss of the blessing he
had for the present obtained.
During the three months following his liberation, he
received from the friends of freedom in Toronto and
Montreal the utmost possible kindness. Bidding them
86 LITE OP JOHN ANDEKSON.
farewell, with a grateful heart he sailed for Liverpool,
where he arrived in the middle of June, and after a short
stay, and hospitable treatment there, started for London.
Soon after his arrival in the Metropolis, he was introduced
to a number of friends of the anti-slavery cause, who
deemed his advent upon our shores a proper occasion
for the holding of a great meeting, of which the follow-
ing report appeared in the public journals : —
MEETING OP WELCOME.
On Tuesday evening, July 2nd, one of the largest and
most enthusiastic public meetings ever held in the Metro-
polis assembled in Exeter Hall for the purpose of express-
ing its sympathy with John Andekson, the fugitive
slave, and of offering him a cordial welcome on his arrival
in England. Mr. Harper Twelvetrees, of Eversley
House, Bromley-by-Bow, occupied the chair; and
amongst the gentlemen on the platform, were the Eev.
Hugh Allen, D.D. ; the Rev. Jabez Bums, D.D. ; the
Rev. J. G. Hewlett, D.D. ; the Rev. W. H. Bonner ;
the Eev. W. A. Blake ; the Rev. G. W. Mc Cree ; the
Rev. T. J. Messer ; the Eev. G. Berkeley, of Jersey ;
the Eev. E. Mathews ; the Rev. John Sidney Hall ;
the Rev. P. Pocock ; the Rev. Thomas Jones ; the Rev.
T. M. Kinnaird, (a coloured Clergyman) ; the Rev. G.
T. Home ; Henry Hanks, Esq. ; E. Burr, Esq. ; Wil-
liam Farmer, Esq. ; Thomas Hattersley, Esq. ; Cooke
Baines, Esq.; Joseph A. Homer, Esq.; F. L. H. Collins,
Esq. ; Colonel Raines ; T. R. Kemp, Esq. ; William
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 87
Craft, Esq. ; Robert Eae, Esq. ; A. W. Sanderson, Esq. ;
General RUey ; and a considerable number of members
of the Anti-Slavery Associations.
Upon John Anderson's appearance on the platform,
leaning on the arm of Mr. Twelvetrees, he was received
with loud and prolonged cheering, accompanied by
waving of hats and handkerchiefs, and other demonstra-
tions of enthusiasm, which he repeatedly acknowledged
by borwing.
The proceedings having been opened by a brief but
appropriate prayer, by the Rev. Dr. Hewlett,
Cooke Baines, Esq., one of the Hon. Secretaries,
informed the meeting that letters had been received from
several influential persons, regretting their inability to
attend. Amongst these were the Right Hon. the Earl
of Shaftesbury, H. B. Sheridan, Esq., M.P., T. S. Dun-
combe, Esq., M.P., George Thompson, Esq., the Rev.
C. H. Spurgeon, &c., &c. Lord Shaftesbury stated that
he was unable to preside at the meeting as requested,
but added, " I desire to express the warmest interest in
the case of John Anderson, and will be happy to con-
tribute to any fund that may be raised on his behalf."
Mr. Sheridan said that "he deeply sympathised with the
much ill-used man, Anderson, and trusted that means
would be taken to place him in a position to earn his
living in this country, believing that he would show by
his conduct, that a slave was capable of becoming as
good a citizen as a man of another colour." Mr. Dun-
combe "could not be present at the meeting on accoimt
88 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
of a promise to attend the debate in the House of Com-
mons on the aflfairs of Poland, but he wished it to be
understood that he warmly sympathised with the object
which they were met to promote." Mr. George Thomp-
son was absent in the North of England, but he had
expressed his willingness to do all in his power to assist
John Anderson. The Rev. C. H. Spurgeon had taken
a lively interest in John Anderson, and would have been
present that evening if he could possibly have attended.
Mr. Baines proceeded to state, that "Anderson was very
desirous, as were also the members of the committee,
that his wife and children, who were at present in slavery,
should be in this land of freedom with him. (Cheers.)
The object of the meeting that evening, therefore, was
to enable him to get his wife and children over as soon
as possible, and he (Mr. Baines) hoped that every man
and every woman would leave the hall with a sincere
determination of doing all in their power to assist him
in accomplishing that object." (Applause.)
The Chairman, who was enthusiastically received,
said it had become customary, he believed, for those who
occupied the chair at Exeter Hall to apologise for doing
80, and to express regret on account of their inability
to discharge the duties of their office worthily. But,
although he was as conscious of his shortcomings as any
of those noblemen or gentlemen who had preceded him
in the occupancy of that chair, he would not weary the
meeting with vain regrets, but merely say that he
accepted the invitatioji^ to preside with timidity, mingled
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 89
with considerable pleasure, (Hear, hear) because he felt
assured that he might rely on the kind consideration,
sympathy, and forbearance of an Exeter Hall audience,
assembled for a philanthropic object — not for any politi-
cal or factious purpose, not for the purpose of express-
ing an opinion respecting the present crisis in America,
nor to discuss the policy of the North or South. They
had met there that night, as he understood, to do honour
to their principles as philanthropists and christians — to
express their earnest and unswerving belief in the great
truth which spans like a rainbow the whole heavens of
humanity — " God hath made of one blood all nations of
men " — to assert their determination to recognise man as
man all the world over, and to proclaim to the world that
as Englishmen they have no sympathy with those who bar-
barise, oppress, and ill-treat humanity. They purposed
also to render some practical assistance, as well as to give
an enthusiastic welcome to a Brother — who, hunted as a
fugitive, had just finished a desperate struggle for liberty,
that sweetest boon of Heaven; and having narrowly
escaped the baying of the bloodhoimds and the tortures
of death by fire, had come while still panting with his
run for life, to seek an asylum in our country — ^in this
our happy England — with its free soil, free institutions,
and fi:ee speech — (Great applause) where the bruised,
the burdened, and oppressed of every name and nation
are beyond the reach of tyrants' arms — where colour is
no crime — but where human rights aie sacred, and
freedom, Kberty, and justice are secured to all who tread
90 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSON.
our shores. (Loud cheers.) In his few opening re-
marks, he did not intend to dwell upon the personal
history of the pitiable and trembling fugitive before them,
but would leave that duty to some of the gentlemen who
had consented to take part in the Meeting. He confessed,
however, to a wish that Anderson could tell the story of
his life upon every hearthstone in the Kingdom, for he felt
assured that every husband, wife, and child would listen
with strange and tearful earnestness while he told them
of the loved ones whom he had left in sorrow and bond-
age, with no acknowledged rights ; and who, though
owned by God, were yet owned and bound and scarred
by man, and might be mangled and butchered at the
will of their owner. (Sensation and cheers.) He trusted
the meeting would allow him a few moments' licence
whilst he drew their attention to the strange anomaly,
that a country like America — ^known as a Christian
country — a country which had subscribed to the immor-
tal Declaration of Independence — a country which is
boasted of as " the land of the brave and the home of
the free," should yet be steeped in the diabolical and
accursed sin of slavery. The American people, he
remarked, would listen with eagerness and interest to
the wrongs endured by distant nations; but the ears of
human sympathy were doggedly closed to the piteous
cries and bitter wailings of the slave. (Cheers). The
fugitive slave had no home in that great Kepublic, and
was not even allowed to pass peaceably through the Free
States to find a home in a more favoured country, where,
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 91
under the sway of our own emancipating Queen, he
might find equal rights and privileges, and enjoy the
immunities of nationality and freedom. (Loud cheers.)
Did they ask, how it was that although the soil of
America had been cultivated for centuries by slaves,
they should themselves be strangers and foreigners —
aliens in their native land — and despisedly placed be-
yond the pale of both secular and religious authority ?
The secret was to be foimd in " the Bond" of the
Federal Union, which was "ordained to establish justice,
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty to themselves and their posterity;" for there,
among great swelling words of liberty, it was recorded
that there was not an inch of ground within the limits
of the great American Eepublic which was not mort-
gaged to Slavery ! (Cries of " Shame" and Applause).
That anomalous instrument clearly establishes the fact
that there was not a foot of soil in that Republic which
does not bear the bloody endorsement in favour of
slavery, for " the Bond" provides that the slave-hunter
and his blood-hounds may seize his trembling victim
on the holiest spot of this " land of the free !" (Loud
cheers.) No wonder then that from the judicial seat of
that mighty Government came the shameful, disgraceful,
wicked, and diabolical decision that "no person along
whose veins coursed one drop of African blood had rights
that a white man need respect." No wonder that human
souls and immortal destinies were there bartered for the
meanest merchandize of earth, and that the wailings of
92 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
despair were ascending to God both night and day from
human beings scarred, bruised, and branded within the
shades of the capital of the boasting American Republic !
("Shame!" and cheers). He could not refrain from
using strong, plain, and unmistakeable language when
referring to this atrocious abomination. No language,
to his mind, could be too strong, too vehement, or too
denunciatory, for he was sure that, as Mrs. Stowe had
eloquently said, ** nothing could be spoken or conceived
equalling the frightful reality of scenes daily and hourly
acted beneath the segis of American law, and the shadow
of the cross of Christ." After all that might be said on
the subject that evening, they would only be able to
realize a dim picture of the despair that was at that
moment riving thousands of hearts, shattering thousands
of families, and driving a helpless and sensitive race to
absolute frenzy and despair. The condition of the
slave was that of the brute beast — a piece of property
— a marketable commodity — his own good, his con-
science, his intellect, and his affections, were ruthlessly
set aside by his master. He was spoken of, dealt with,
thought of, and treated as property. He was fed and
clothed with a view to increase his value as property,
and deprived of everything that tends in the slightest
degree to detract from such value. The slaveholder
declared that even that intellect which God had given
him should not be cultivated, nor his moral perceptions
exercised. Deprived by law of the right of marriage,
the slave was exposed to influences which he should
ANDEKSON IN ENGLAND. 93
blush to describe in their hearing (cheers) ; and if any
of these pitiable objects found for themselves honest,
upright, and virtuous companions, they lived in constant
apprehension of being torn asunder by the merciless
men-stealers who claimed them as their property
(" Shame 1" and loud applause). Another dark feature
of the shameful system was, that no education was
permitted to the slave — he was forbidden by the law
even to learn to read, and the gospel was thus shut out
from the dark mind of the bondman. In Louisiana, if
a slave-mother were found instructing her children, the
law proclaimed that she might be hanged by the neck,
and that a father attempting to give his son a knowledge
of letters, might be punished or killed at the discretion
of the Court. It ought also to be borne in mind, that
the physical evils of slavery, the cruelties practised, and
the modes of torture employed, were the most revolting
that could be conceived. We could never hear of
these villainous atrocities without shuddering, but still
it was right that we should know that the bloody whip,
the chain, the red-hot brand, the gag, the thumbscrew, the
cat-o'nine-tails, the dungeon, and the blood-hound, were
all in constant requisition to keep the slave in his con-
dition as a slave in the slave states of America (Shame !)
The blood-hound was there regularly trained for hunting
and running down slaves ; and advertisements were con-
stantly to be found in the Southern papers from persons
styling themselves "Blood-hound Trainers." Not long
ago, he (the Chairman) had himself read one of those
94 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
advertisements "where a trainer was offering to " hunt
down slaves at 15 dollars a-piece," and recommending Hs
hounds as "the fleetest in the neighbourhood, never
known to fail." From time to time in those papers adver-
tisements might be seen, stating that slaves had escaped
with iron collars about their necks, and some with bands
of iron on their feet — others horribly marked with the
lash, or branded with red-hot irons — the initials of their
master's name having been burnt in the flesh, (great
sensation) and as the masters themselves advertised these
facts, the charge of cruelty to the slaves could not be
contradicted or denied. (Hear, hear, and cheers). Was
it a "libel," — a " trumped-up charge," — a "foul misre-
presentation," — when the slave-holder himself said what
a villainous scoundrel he was — when he told us in his
own advertisements what a brutal monster he had been
to his slaves — when he published his own infamous acts
and rascally atrocities to the world ? CCheers) No — ^no
— whatever other allowances or exceptions the audience
might be disposed, in their charitableness and kindness
of heart, to make in favour of these slave-dealers,
they should remember that there was no charge more
capable of clear dempnstration than that of the most
barbarous inhumanity on the part of the slaveholders
towards their slaves. (Cheers.) He did not ask them
to accept that statement on the faith of " Exeter Hall
sentimentalism," but he pointed them to the proof ; and
he declared without fear of contradiction, that the
brutal men-stealers proved to the world that it was not
ANDEBSON IN ENGLAND. 95
regarded as discreditable or daring to set forth, by
public advertisements, their soul-harrowing descriptions
of brutality ! (Loud and long- continued applause.) He
mentioned these things that it might be known that
all the horrible atrocities and dreadful results of the
slave trade — the deaths from crushed aflfections and
despair, with the awful deeds of cruelty which were
constantly occurring — were all sanctioned by law, and
winked at in a land professing Christianity. And more
than this, he said that the religion of the Southern
States was, at this very time, the great supporter, the
great sanctioner of these bloody doings. (Shame,
shame.) And whilst America was printing tracts, dis-
tributing Bibles, sending abroad her missionaries, and
expending her money in various ways for the promotion
of the gospel in foreign lands, the slave remained not
only forgotten and imcared for, but was trampled under
foot by the very churches of the land. (Applause.)
For in America, the pulpit was the great defender of the
accursed evil ; the ministers of religion came forward and
tortured the hallowed pages of inspired wisdom to sanc-
tion the bloody deed, and they stood forth as the fore-
most, the strongest defenders of this " domestic institu-
tion." Instead of preaching against all this tyranny
and wrong, they had sought every means of throwing
into the background whatever was , contained in the
Bible in opposition to slavery, and endeavoured to
bring forward, prominently, that which could be tor-
tured into the support of this slave-holding, woman-
96 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
whipping, mind-darkening, soul-destrojring, and -atro-
cious system. (Cries of " Shame," and loud cheers.)
To-night they had met to denounce that system as a
libel on the religion taught by the Saviour; that religion
which was based upon the glorious and world-loving
principle of love to God and love to man; that reli-
gion, to the divine principles of which John Anderson
owed his recent escape from the jaws of death — which
makes its votaries free, and constrains them to " Do unto
others as they would be done by." (Loud cheers.)
And he (the Chairman) sincerely trusted the result of
that meeting would be the enkindlement of a spirit of
gratitude to God, that he had made them to differ, and
a feeling of compassion and sympathy for those who
were in bondage; together with a determination to
assist their brother Anderson by such contributions as
would provide for his education, assist him in maintain-
ing his livelihood, and secure the .freedom of those
who were nearest and dearest to him. The Chairman
resumed his seat amidst enthusiastic applause.
The Kev. Hugh Allen, D.D., on rising to move
the first resolution, was received with loud cheering.
He said he should have considered himself unworthy of
the privileges of an Englishman, unworthy of the bless-
ings of liberty, unworthy of the position of a British
minister of the Gospel, and, indeed, unworthy of the
privileges of being a man, if he had not responded to
the invitation given him to be there on that occasion.
CCheers.) On a Eoman stage, and in a Koman theatre,
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 97
a heathen orator was represented to have uttered the
following sentiment in reply to the question**put to him,
" Why he should interfere with the business of others ?"
"I am a man — whatever is interesting to any of the
human race, must be of high and deep interest to me."
That sentiment had elicited thunders of applause in a
Roman theatre, in heathen times, and he was quite sure
he should be insulting them as well as himself by offer-
ing any other apology for standing there that night.
(Cheers.) They were assembled there on the grounds
of honour, on the grounds of justice, on the grounds of
humanity, and on the grounds of the religion of Jesus
Christ. (Cheers.) They were assembled on the grounds
of honour. Had we not liberated our own slaves in the
West India Islands ? Had we not paid down twenty
millions of money to the planters, which we had no right
to do ? for, in the words of the immortal Lord Brougham
(whom God spare long to us), " if the money ought to
have been paid to anybody it was not to the planter,
who had no right to receive a single shilling, but ought
rather to have been made to give compensation, but to
the men and women who endured from the hands of
their masters, and by the sufferance of our country, such
-wrongs and such woes," (Cheers.) Well, then, if they
paid twenty millions of money to the planters who had
no right to it, in order that there might not be a single
excuse for not liberating the slaves in our West India
Islands, were they not bound in honour to welcome and
sympathise with, and give the hand of fellowship to,
98 LIFE OP JOHN ANDEESON.
every movement calculated to shiver to atoms the chains
of slavery and set every man free, be he black or white?
(Loud applause.) Honour compelled them to do that.
Did we not, as a nation, interfere with other countries
as far as international laws permitted us ? Was it not
the policy of Great Britain to interfere by every proper
means to succour and help the oppressed in every part
of the world? (Hear, hear.) Had it not been the
policy — was it not the policy now ? And, if either the
Czar of Russia, or the Emperor of Austria, were to ask
what right we had to interfere with any people that
were oppressed, we would tell them, that where oppres-
sion exists, the hand of England is put forward, and the
heart of England sympsithises with them, so as to give
them the help needful to effect their full and complete
emancipation. (Cheers.) If, then, our sympathies were
with the oppressed of every quarter of the globe — if we
sympathised with the slaves in the West India Islands
to the tune of twenty millions — and that was not a bad
test — surely they ought to sympathise also with the man
who has struggled with and escaped from the ignoble
bonds of slavery, when the only thing that awaited him
was a tyrant's death, if his tyrant masters were able
again to grasp him in their hands. But they were there
also on the grounds of justice. It might be pleaded
that this was not the law of England. What was the
law of England on this subject? Why, the law of
England wa« well expressed by the immortal Curran,
when he said, at a very important period and under
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 99
I
very important circumstances, for he uttered it in a
court of justice, and the judge did not interfere to con-
tradict him — the immortal Curran said, when speaking
of the English law on this subject, "no matter where a
man was bom, nor what was the colour of his skin ; no
matter with what readiness his rights and liberties had
b^en bartered away, no matter under what circum-
stances, no matter how long ago, or in what way brought
about, the moment his foot touches the soil of Britain
the manacles fall at his feet. (Cheers.) The moment
he stands beneath the flag of England, that moment he
is free, regenerated, transformed, emancipated — set free
by the justice of British law, and the spirit of British
freedom." (Loud cheers.) Then, upon the ground of
sheer justice, he would take his stand and say no man
had a right to sell a man, be his colour what it might —
no man had a right to seU, and no man had a right to
buy. I (Cheers.) He denied the right of any man to
plunder another. (Loud cheers.) He denied the right
of the captain to convey him across the seas, the right
of the auctioneer to sell him, and the right of the tyrant
to buy him — ^he denied their right from first to last.
(Loud cheers.) He declared, without fear of successful
contradiction, no matter how the courts of America
might talk upon the subject, that it was wholesale and
abominable robbery, and that it behoved all with a
spark of humanity to rise up to crush and put it down.
(Cheers.) They were there that night on the ground
of himianity. Were the slaves not men ? (A voice :
100 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
" They say they are not.") Were they not men ? ("Yes,"
and loud applause.) Yes, they weie, and that itself was
argument enough. (Cheers.) If that man (pointing to
Anderson) was not so well educated as those he saw
before him, who was to blame ? If he was not able to
perform actions and earn his living as he ought, who
was to blame ? Who was to blame for allowing that
fine form to grow up uneducated ? Look at him ! He
is a man ! And who dared to assert on the ground of
humanity that he had a right to inflict any injury upon
those two men (directing attention to Mr. Anderson
and the Rev. Mr. Kinnaird), or any other man?
(Cheers.) But there was another and far higher
ground, and that was the ground of religion. He knew
it was commonly asked, where was slavery put down in
the Bible ? Where did they read it ? Give the text
that puts down slavery. Ah ! he would give it them in
a few moments. (Loud cheers.) The spirit of the
entire Bible was a spirit of freedom. It taught that
every man had a responsible soul. He asserted that
the entire spirit of the Bible — and the Bible taught by
principles as well as by positive statements — the great
principle of the Bible — the New Testament and the Old
too, were entirely at variance with the principles of
slavery. (Cheers.) Look at this one text, "Honour all
men." He would like to ask some of those ministers
who preach in favour of slavery to discourse from that
text for him. (Cheers.) " Honour all men." He should
like to ask any man who talked about the authority
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 101
of the Bible, to expound that passage for him. It did
not say " some " men, but " all" men — ^not a man of one
colour, but men of every colour — ^not men privileged in
a high degree, but men privileged in a low degree.
(Cheers.) ** Honour all men" is the word of eternal
truth, the principle of Holy Writ, the principle he him-
self had always ])reached and would preach to the day
of his death. (Cheers.) He would ask that man who
said he had the authority of the New Testament for
slavery, to show him that authority in the life of the
Apostles — could he show it in the life of primitive
Christians ? He had a deep feeling of horror for the
judgment of the man who had the terrible and frightful
audacity to stand up in a pulpit and preach in defence
of slavery. (Cheers.) He was there that night on the
principle of honour, on the principle of justice, on the
principle of our common humanity, and, above all, on
the principles of our holy religion — ^the religion of our
Lord Jesus Christ. (Cheers.) He was there on those
principles as enumerated in the passage, " Go ye into
the world, and preach the gospel to every creature."
Not to preach a portion of the gospel as they did in
some parts of America — not a few of the moral precepts
only, but to preach the whole gospel to every creature.
(Cheers.) Did they suppose that the moment the black
man knew he had a responsible soul — when he knew
that soul was immortal and responsible, as well as that
of the white man — that he would be contented in slavery?
Could they imagine that when the soul could escape
102 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEESON.
from the prison that immiired it, shake off the chama
that bound it — when that soul coidd traverse the world
and ascend to the very stars in its conceptions — such a
man would sit down content in slavery? (Cheers.)
He coidd not. One thing he knew — they were bound
to help him out of slavery, they were bound to give
him the right hand of fellowship ; and, if one person
more than another were called upon to do this, he, as a
minister of religion, was so, and, therefore, he assured
them he had very great pleasure in attending here and
moving the first resolution : —
" That this Meeting, recognizing the common brother^
hood of mankind, and asserting the inalienable right of
every man to freedom, desires to express its earnest
sympathy with John Anderson; and, rejoicing at his
escape from the slave-hunters, hereby gives him a
hearty welcome to England."
The conclusion of Dr. Allen's remarks was received
with loud and prolonged cheering.
The Rev. Jabez Burns, D.D., of Paddington, se-
conded the resoultion. He said that he was sure, after
the very thorough exposition of the resolution itself
which they had just heard, much more concerning it
could not be said, inasmuch as his friend, Dr. Alien,
had taken in the realms of justice, humanity, honour,
and religion ; and, therefore, the whole groimd, exten-
sive as it was with respect to their views of the subject,
had already been occupied. (Qieers.) He was anxious^
however, to express the very great pleasure he felt at
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 103
witnessing the crowded assemblage o£ that evening.
He was sure the friends of John Anderson had done
wisely in testing the public feeling in London on this
question ; for the public of London, whenever properly
tested on it, would always respond ; and he did not care
whether the Times, or the Telegraphy or anybody else
engaged in literature, or on the press, tried to prevent
them, there were the sound heart and common sympathy
that woidd always come to the surface. (Xoud cheers.)
Then, he heartily rejoiced that his friend Mr. Twelve-
trees was the Chairman of the evening. It happened
that that gentleman was a master employing a great
number of men, and if he had thought him (Mr. T.)
capable of being a little despot in his own sphere, he
would have had none of his attendance that night.
(Laughter and cheers). Now, their Chairman not only
sympathised with their black friends, with whom they
all sympathised most heartily, but he sympathised with
white people too. (Cheers.) He did not think white
people ought to be oppressed any more than black, and
if they had got some despot in the chair, who was in
the habit of ruling with an iron hand over those he
employed, at the same time that he expressed great
sympathy for the blacks in America, he would not have
acted with him. (Cheers.) He looked through the
man. Principles did not attach themselves to colour or
locality, or any period of the world's history. Principles
were eternal and unchangeable, suited to every place
and every body, and it was just because their Chairman
104 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
was a liberal master, and one who sought the welfare
and happiness of those he employed, that he was glad
to be present and support him that night. (Cheers.)
Then again, as they were well aware, some persons had
been very much alarmed at this movement, lest it should
interfere (he did not know how) with the settlement of
the American crisis. (Hear, hear). All he could say
was, that if the public enunciation and thorough-going
exposition of the principles of Liberty would interfere,
let them interfere (cheers), and let American principles
and institutions settle themselves, as they would very
shortly. They knew there was an old proverb, and
never was proverb so applicable to the present times as
that, " when rogues fall out, then honest men get their
own." (Laughter and cheers.) He had great hope,
being a thorough peace man, and hating all war, that
God, in his good providence, would open a door of
escape, and while the rogues were quarrelling, all he
could say was, that the coloured people must be much
more thick-headed than he had taken them to be, if
they did not " cut and nm." (Loud cheers and laughter.)
They knew some people were very much afraid of cotton
(a laugh), now, he would much rather that all the ladies
of England should clothe themselves with the produc-
tion of our own forests, than that slavery should be
perpetuated. (Cheers). The other day he observed in
the daily papers an advertisement to the effect that a
certain reverend Doctor of Divinity from America
would take the chair on the 4th of July, at a public
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 105
meeting in London, to commemorate the anniversary of
American Independence, Now, he had taken tea with
that same Doctor of Divinity in 1847, and on that occa-
sion he was asked by the Doctor if he (the speaker),
had altered his opinions on American slavery. He said
to the Doctor at that time what he now said here, and
what he was not afraid to say in the Slave States of
America, that the foundation and base of American
slavery was the professing Church of Christ. (Loud
cheers.) And he then appealed to that reverend and
estimable brother, and said, " Just look here ; supposing
every Christian minister, in every Christian pulpit, on
any one Lord's Day would do their duty justly before
God on the subject of slavery, it would not exist for a
single hour." (Loud applause.) And he would wish
that meeting to remember that while the South was
most deeply imbrued in the crimes of slavery, the
States of the North had not clean hands in the matter
(cheers) ; and it seemed to him that Providence was
compelling the Northern States to take up their right
position. And although there was a great deal of sen-
timentality assumed far the slaves in the States of the
North, which was frequently expressed in such forms
as, "What are we to do with them?" — "How are we to
employ them ?" (A voice : " Send them here") yet he
ventured to say that anything else taken in the war,
they would find no difficulty in disposing of, according
to the acknowledged principles of war. He did not say
whether these principles were right or wrong, but he
106 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
did say these sympathisers might, on the principles of
humanity, make suitable provision for liberated slaves.
(Hear, hear.) He thought that before the war had
lasted long, they would recognise the voice of God,
saying to them as was said to the despot of old, " Let
the people go, and let them be free." (Cheers.) Now,
a great many persons have sympathy for the American
slave. There was their good southern brother Anderson,
who owed his presence here to that sympathy. (Cheers.)
There was their Christian brother on the right (pointing
to the Rev. Mr. IQnnaird), who would make two Yankees
any day (laughter) ; absolutely divided, their good
brother would make two of them. Stand up ! (addressing
Mr. Bannaird, who immediately answered the call amidst
a burst of applause from every part of the spacious
building). They had now a great number of fugitive
slaves coming to this country, and he fancied the church
with which he was connected got a good many of them,
for he observed two or three there every Sunday. It
was not for the purpose of creating enthusiasm in the
meeting that he said this, but there were peculiar cir-
cumstances in the history of John Anderson which had
called forth a deep and intense Iovcl of liberty, for which
we as a nation were so happily distinguished. Their
brother had effected his escape, and in doing so had
been placed in a very unhappy position himself. He
was a member of a Christian Church, and a believer in
Jesus Christ, and anxious that his moral nature should
be developed as well as his physical. But he was pur-
ANDEESON IN ENGLAND. 107
sued, and whether he then acted rightly or wrongly, his
own conscience would answer — ^he knew what the meet-
ing thought on that point, and he himself thought that
if anybody ought to die, it should not be the poor slave,
but the slave-hunter. (Cheers.) He should have liked
it much better, could his friend have resembled the
illustrious Irishman who, when asked how he managed
to bring three persons to the police-office, characteristi-
cally replied, " 1* faith, y're honour, I surrounded them."
(Laughter and cheers.) He should have been glad if
his friend could have captured the slave-hunter and
brought him to England. But it was not so. The
slave-hunter fell, and John Anderson escaped. He
reached the British territory, and took it for granted,
that being surrounded by thousands of fugitive slaves
who had escaped, he was all right, and when the danger
of his being again taken back into slavery was talked
about, the growl of the British Lion went across the
Atlantic, saying to the American Eagle that it would
have no liberty to pounce upon its prey in Canada.
(Loud cheers). But there were numbers of time-serving
people there — persons capable of truckling to anything,
and it became apparent that his friend John Anderson
might yet go back to the place where he did not
want to go. (Laughter and cheers.) Now, in his
estimation, the most honourable thing ever done by
England since it received the principles of the gospel
was, when the question was raised before the highest
judicial authority in England, she sent her mandate to
108 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
Canada, and said, " Let the fugitive slave be brought to
England." (Loud cheers.) Oh, yes I He loved his
country, and he loved her the more that she had done
that good thing. What ! talented lawyers and hoary-
headed judges sit in convention about a poor fugitive —
a man who would have been sold for something like a
thousand dollars in Missouri or any other slave-state —
all this trouble — all this legislation — all this expense —
about him ! Yes, to the honour of England, this was
so : and he doubted whether in the whole civilized world
another country would have been found to do this, or
put itself to even half the trouble. (Cheers.) He was
inclined to think John Anderson need not fear the
miserable slave-hunter in London — that he might go
to bed without trembling, and sleep without alarm.
(Applause.) As his friend Dr. Allen had said in his
speech, ** Is he not a man!" Aye, and an intelligent
man. (Cheers.) Look at his head ! As a believer in
phrenology, he might say he had an excellent head — in
fact, he was altogether a nice looking man. (Laughter.)
Li his physiqvs there was everything to recommend him
to the meeting, and as he had asked on a previous occa-
sion, did he look like an assassin or a murderer? ("No,
no," and cheers.) He would venture to say that most men
would have followed the example of his friend had they
been placed in that peculiar position, which involved
the necessity of killing or being killed. (Cheers.) Now,
the resolution said they must sympathise with him.
They did sympathise with him already if they might
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 109
judge from the noisy demonstrations of the meeting.
(Cheers and laughter.) But that sympathy must assume
a practical form. Their friend must be maintained —
placed in a respectable position in life — and his wife
restored to him as soon as possible. (Cheers.) Now, he
shoidd deeply regret if this manifestation of sympathy
should not thus result. In another fortnight, the news
of their friend's reception would have sped across the
Atlantic ; and while his friends here rejoice, thousands
in Canada will rejoice, and weep, and pray, and bless
God together. (Loud cheers.) He would just say in
conclusion, that he hoped the meeting would do the
right thing. There appeared a disposition on the part
of the Committee, their worthy Chairman, and all whom
he had consulted, to do this ; and he hoped the echo
from this meeting would meet with a response through-
out the coimtry, and that all woidd be prepared to do
the right thing, and do it in a proper manner. (Cheers.)
Here is a man who has been in bonds, and we rejoice
that he is free — here is a man who has been in imminent
peril ; we rejoice that he is safe — and we give him, in
the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, a christian reception
— a cordial and hearty christian reception. (Loud
cheers.) And we hope the support of this meeting will
be a rebuke to all slave-holders and slavery-patronizers,
on the other side of the Atlantic, whether North or South:
and they may depend that however much concerned we
are for the settlement of their diifferences, we are far
110 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEESON.
more concerned for the freedom of the human species.
(Loud applause, which continued for some minutes.)
The Rev. W. H. Bonner, of the London Emanci-
pation Committee, in supporting the resolution, said
that he was glad to see the meeting appreciated the
importance of this question, in which he had taken
considerable interest for a long period of time. He
rejoiced to see his friend Mr. Twelvetrees occupying
the chair, and hoped soon to see him occupy another
seat, where he would be enabled to speak on a question
which he knew and understood, and took so deep an
interest in. (Cheers.) He felt great pleasure in being
here because he considered it an event of the highest
importance — of importance to their brother in the midst
of them — of importance to the race to which he belongs
— of importance to this coimtry and to America, both
as regards our political and religious constitution.
(Cheers.) In expressing our sympathy with our brother
Anderson, we could not separate the fugitive from the
institution under which he has been held — could not
leave the latter out of sight. They all understood their
object was not to express any sympathy with the South,
which had brought all tiie evils from which it was now
suffering on itself ; nor were they there to plead for the
North, for he believed the latter in its quarrel with the
South was merely an illustration of the pot calling the
kettle black. (Laughter and cheers.) They were met for
the purpose of promoting Emancipation. He welcomed
John Anderson most heartily, and thanked God he was
ANDEESON IK ENGLAND. Ill
in Exeter Hall that night — for he looked upon him in the
light of a representative man. (Hear, hear.) They must
regard him as the victim of a gigantic system of crime
which tramples out manhood, and is an insult to God him-
self. (Loud cheers.) The same Almighty Being who gave
the sun the power to shine, who caused the rain to fall,
and holds the winds in the hoUow of his hand, gave
that manhood, and he who would deprive him of it aims
at the gift of God himself (cheers), and questions his
right to make his creatures as he thinks fit. It was a
wrong to man himself, for no man can create a right in
another — ^if he usurps or steals it, he is a thief. (Loud
cheers.) Not only was it an iniquity in itself, but it
denied to man aU domestic and social rights and privi-
leges, for if not owner of himself, it was impossible for
him to own wife or children — in fact, this was one of
the principles of American law. , And what was this but
subverting society, undermining social order, and pro-
ducing vice of every description ! (Cheers.) Therefore,
every philanthropist, every friend of man, every child
of God must, if he act up conscientiously to his duty,
say, "Welcome to Anderson, and down with slavery."
(Loud applause.) It was sometimes urged by Americans
that, £is England once countenanced Slavery, and was
the original means of its introduction into America, she
should not denounce it. Even admitting the fact, which
was, however, open to dispute, he urged, that having
been guilty of sin and crime, was no reason why we
should not now denounce it If it were true that we intro-
112 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
duced elavery into America, thanks be to God we are
now free from it, and can say, "Come, follow our
example." We have felt the glory of our position, and
as we never intended slavery to exist upon our soil, we
are amply justified in saying, " Go thou, and do like-
wise." (Cheers.) He was glad to see upon the platform
that night his friend William Craft, who has succeeded,
with his heroic wife, in effecting their escape over a
thousand miles of country, in spite of the whole army
and navy of the United States, proffered by Millard
Fillmore to prevent his escape — ^thanks be to God, and
to that eloquent orator and noble champion of the Anti-
Slavery cause, George Thompson. (Great cheering.)
Not only did the blame attach to the slave-trader and
the slave-holder, but also to the pro-slavery voter, and
behind all these, he was grieved to place the Northern
pulpit. He firmly believed, that if the pidpit of the
North had been true to the doctrines of Christ, slavery
would have ceased to exist long ere this. (Loud cheers.)
There were preachers of all denominations holding
different shades of opinions on the question, but agree-
ing in the main pro-slavery feeling, and he did not
hesitate to declare that the popular ministers of America
were the bulwarks of slavery. (" Shame" and applause.)
It was necessary to put our hand upon the evil — ^to
speak kindly, but firmly, and say, " Brethren, have no
fellowship with the unfiruitful works of darkness, but
rather reprove them." (Loud and continued applause.)
A gentleman of the name of Matthew Feilde here
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 113
came forward, and endeavoured to obtain a hearing, for
the purpose of proposing an amendment to the reso-
lution. The Chairman in vain urged the audience to
hear the speaker, as they were determined not to do so.
the amendment met with no seconder, and the original
resolution having been put, was carried by acclamation,
The Chairman then rose, as well as John Anderson,
and addressing the latter said, "JOHN ANDERSON,
you have heard the rapturous voice of WELCOME
from Englishmen, inducting you into the rights, privi-
leges, and immunities of this our happy land. In the
name of this vast assembly I present to you the right
hand of fellowship, and congratulate you on the posses-
sion of this goodly heritage, which you now enter upon
TREE AS THE AIR YOU BREATHE, SO that yOU may
really and truly say, ** I thank my God that I am at last
a man," and although still trembling and panting with
your recent run for life, you may now strike your foot
on English soil — consecrated to liberty, freedom, and
religion — a portion of which, in this bottle, I now
present to you, to carry in your bosom as a certificate
which shall be honoured throughout the world, that
you are FREE."
The Chairman then handed to Anderson a small
bottle containing some of the free soil of England, on
which was inscribed, " John Anderson's Certificate of
Freedom, presented at Exeter Hall, London, July 2nd,
1861," and then introduced him to the meeting, as
'* Citizen Anderson." At this point, the whole of the
I
114 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
vast assemblage rose, and with the utmost enthusiasm^
gave forth loud and prolonged cheers, coupled with
wiaving of hats and handkerchiefs. This highly impres-
sive scene lasted for several minutes, and, after it had
subsided,
John Anderson, who met with an overwhelming
reception, which appeared somewhat to bewilder him,
said : All honour to England. All honour to Her
Majesty the Queen, for my freedom. I feel very back-
ward, the disturbance has quite upset me, and I do not
know that I can make my speech out. (" Go on " —
Cheers and laughter). My worthy friend has upset me
so, that I don't know if I can get through. I feel very
thankful for my escape, for I have been chased for a
very long time, and have only got free about three
weeks ago. I want to describe my narrow escape, but
I don't know that I shall get through with it. I feel so
disturbed by a great audience like this. I thank God I
have at last broken the yoke. (Hear, hear.) I thought
I had seven years ago, but I never did till now, and
now I have to thank God and Great Britain for it. So
I give all credit to Great Britain, and if I get no further
in my speech, you must not blame me, for it is very hard
for me to get on at all, I can tell you. (Cheers and
laughter.) I will describe my escape. I remember my
master, a man named Burton, selling me to a man named
McDonald, with whom I stayed about a month and a
half, and then asked if I could go and see my family.
He said ** No." I left him then and went to the Mis-
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 115
souri Elver, but they would not let me cross unless I had
a pass. I said my master had gone out, so I could not
get one, but they would not let me cross, I went back
and laid about till night, and then they chased me away,
and I crossed the river, and got to the house of my
father-in-law. I told him I was going to Canada. He
said, " I have got a pistol — ^will you take it with you ?"
I said, " No." Then I went on to my wife's house, but
a slave-catcher named Brown chased me away from
there. I then ran towards Canada, and on the third day
came across a man named Diggs. He said, '* Where are
you going ?" I said I was making my way to some
farmer's house. He said, ** I will go with you, you are
a runaway." I tried to escape, and he chased me for
half a day. I begged of him for four hours not to
follow me, and told him that if he did I should be
obliged to slay him — but nothing would do but he must
take me dead or alive. He came to take me, and I
struck him a blow. He came again, and I struck him
again on the left side, and he came no more. I thank
God that I have had the fear of God in my soul, other-
wise I should never have made my escape. I was very
sorry to slay the man — ^I did not believe he was dead till
they came to swear against me. A thousand dollars
were offered to any one who would take me across the
lines, and there are plenty of people in Canada who
would do a great deal for that money. I will now state
what religion my owners were. Burton was a Methodist,
and McDonald was a Baptist — a member of the same
116 LIFE OF JOHN Aia)EKSON.
church as myself. I know I tried to be a good man —
but I doubt them very much indeed. (Hear, hear, and
laughter.) Brothers and sisters, for I know I may call
you so (loud cheers), I feel very much obliged to you
for your attendance to-night, and for your kindness
toward me, and I offer you three cheers. (Laughter.)
Three cheers, then, for Her Gracious Majesty the Queen.
The speaker resumed his seat amid deafening applause.
At this point of the meeting, a collection was made
on behalf of the objects of the meeting as stated above.
The Rev. T. M. Bjcnnaird, a coloured clergyman,
then rose and said, there was some few facts which he
was desirous of making publicly known. It had been
generally assumed by the slave population of America,
who had been tutored to that effect by their masters and
others, that sooner or later Canada would be connected
with the States, and that hence, all the slaves who had
escaped would again be reduced to bondage. The lan-
guage which had been used at this meeting — ^the know-
ledge of which would, depend upon it, reach the fugitive
slaves in Canada, ere long would totally destroy that
impression. (Cheers.) Again, there had been some
doubts as to whether the laws of Great Britain afforded
absolute and undeniable protection to the slaves in
Canada, and he was glad that the residt in the case of
John Anderson had most triumphantly and satisfactorily
settled that question. (Cheers.) With regard to the
conduct of John Anderson, he himself was no murderer
— his heart was too big for that — but he should be
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 117
forgetting his duty if he did not boldly and unhesitatingly
state that he would, if similarly placed, have upheld his
God-given right. (Cheers.) In Canada, there were
numbers of persons with pro-slavery feelings, who would
willingly have sold Anderson to his enemies, bu: the
voice and the power of the great British nation went
forth, the fiat of the Queen fell as a flash of lightning
upon Toronto, and the fugitive was saved. (Cheers.)
He appealed to them earnestly to help John Anderson.
Had any of his brothers in the meeting a wife and little
ones yet dwelling amongst the horrors, exposed to the
cmelties and degrading influences of slavery, would
they not desire with their whole heart to be enabled
to release them from such a state, and be joined toge-
ther in social happiness and bliss? He urged them
therefore strongly to assist brother Anderson in such a
high and holy aim. (Cheers.) He then adverted to an
article which had recently appeared in the columns of a
morning journal which he described as having so strong
a pro-slavery leaning, that he could not but believe at
first that it formed a portion of the contents of a Southern
newspaper, rather than of a leading English journal.
The writer of that article had professed to be ignorant
of the existence of such a place as Hamilton, Canada
West, but if he would pay the speaker a short visit, his
geographical knowledge of that quarter should be im-
proved. (Cheers and laughter.) He was rejoiced that
this great meeting had given his brother Anderson his
fcertificate of freedom, and hailed him as a man ; and
118 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
he trusted and believed that he would do honour to
those who had thus honoured him. (Loud cheers.)
He begged to move the following resolution : —
" That this Meeting, deeply sympathising with those
coloured persons who have in Canada sought the pro-
tection of the British Crown, and who are amongst the
most loyal subjects of Her Majesty, pledges itself to
use every endeavour to maintain their rights and liber-
ties inviolate."
The Rev. J. G. Hewlett, D.D., in seconding the
resolution, said that the occurrences of that evening
brought vividly to his remembrance the days of his
youth, when Emancipation was the great question of
the day, and he rejoiced in the present occasion specially,
because we were now recognising a great and glorious
principle which we had previously announced. (Hear,
hear.) He could not avoid referring for a moment to
the plausible and fallacious argument sometimes used
by the advocates of slavery, in which they adverted to
the kind treatment and excellent education of the slaves,
and he had been shocked to hear comparisons instituted
between their condition and that of the working classes
of this country, to the disadvantage of the latter. He
thought the best refutation of such an argimient was to
be found in the condition of brother Anderson, and he
would recommend all such as advanced that argument
to take the place of the slave for awhile and test the
accuracy of their statements and deductions. (Cheers
and laughter.) He had been exceedingly pleased to
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 119
End that none of the speakers had entered upon the
question as a political one, and that the meeting had
had the good sense to repudiate a proposed amendment,
the terms of which would have implicated them in a
hostile attitude to the Government of the United States.
(Hear, hear.) He must say, that as he had seen John
Anderson, and had been deeply interested, he should
have liked to have seen also in England a veritable slave-
catcher. (Cheers.) It might have been useful for the
purpose of determining whether he more closely resem-
bled man or the gorilla. (Laughter.) One other remark
he desired to make, and that was how wonderfully Pro-
vidence appeared to work with reference to their cause.
Just as when the eloquent, silvery-voiced Wilberforce
had brought before the House the evils of slavery in
our West Indian possessions, in which he was ably
followed by Sir T. F. Buxton, when their efforts appeared
almost unavailing, the missionary Smith was imprisoned
in Demerara for his denunciation of slavery, and a chapel
in Barbadoes was burnt to the ground which drew the
attention of the House to the subject, and led to discus-
sions which resulted in abolition — while Smith in his
prison cell was oppressed with gloomy thoughts, God was
working out his will — so with John Anderson, in the
time of his struggle — ^in the hour of battle — ^he knew
not that God was making him the humble instrument
of proclaiming the advent of freedom to the coloured
population of America. (Loud cheers.) He did trust
that a liberal sympathy would be exercised with regard to
120 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
Anderson which would bring about the restoration of
his family, and that their prayers might also rise to
Heaven that he might be preserved from all temptation,
and become an honoured subject and citizen of Great
Britain. The speaker concluded by seconding the
resolution amidst loud cheers.
Mr. William Craft, the author of the celebrated
book, " A Run of a Thousand Miles for Freedom^^ in
supporting the resolution, said that as one who had been
a slave, and had had the good fortune to escape from that
horrible condition, he most heartily sympathised with
his brother Anderson. (Cheers.) He was absent in the
North of Scotland on business when intelligence of the
proposed meeting reached him, but he felt it his duty to
give up every engagement in order to be present. They
were often told by the advocates of slavery that slaves
were well treated, and if freed, would not be able to take
care of themselves. If they were all freed that very
pight, no doubt there woxdd be many amongst them,
who would be unable to provide for their subsistence,
like many who were living in this enlightened city;
but he totally denied the genei:3.1 truth of the statement.
(Hear, hear.) As to whether they desired freedom, he
would appeal to 45,000 emancipated slaves in Canada, as
well as to numerous coloured friends on that platform.
These 45,000 men had, with only God's north star as a
guide, baffled the bloodhounds of their pursuers, lay in
pestilential swamps, and swaih or floated over mighty
rivers to reach the Canadian shore, and had earned and
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 121
deserved their freedom ! (Cheers.) All honour to the
Queen — ^honour to the British nation for their noble
refusal to deliver up one of their number. (Loud cheers.)
Though no blood-shedder, he firmly believed that every
Englishman — every man — ^would have acted as Anderson
had acted under the like circumstances. Referring
to the religious education afforded to slaves in the
Southern states, he gave a sketch of a sermon of one of
the instructors most popular with the planters, and
characterised it as blasphemy — blasphemy to attribute
the sanction of the debasing institution to that great and
beneficent Being who sent his plagues into Egypt in
order to free the Israelites from their bondage, who, by
the hand of his servant Moses, led them out, dividing
the waters, and causing them to fall back and overwhelm
the Egyptians in their pursuit — for God and his attri-
butes were immutable and eternal. (Loud cheers.) He
thought great credit was due to the Committee for the
organisation of this meeting, and he seconded the
resolution with unfeigned pleasure. The resolution was
then put and carried nem con.
The Rev. Edward Mathews (introduced by the
Chairman as the prototype of " Failier Dickson^^ in
Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe's tale of " Dred,^) entered
upon a recital of his personal experience in the Southern
States, showing that in consequence of his abolitionist
views, he was ten successive times thrown into a pond of
water in the depth of winter, and that it was a matter of
consideration at one time whether he should be hanged
122 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
on a neighbouring tree or not. He felt some little doubt
as to whether the safety of the fugitive slaves in Canada
was yet properly guaranteed. In moving a resolution
for the appointment of a Committee, he remarked on the
good effects such a step was likely to produce. He
believed it would give fresh vitality to the Anti-Slavery
cause (hear, hear,) and, while rejoicing that their worthy
Chairman had taken the responsibility of presiding,
expressed a hope that the time was not far distant when
he would be enabled to exercise a vote and influence on
the question in the House of Commons. (Loud cheers.)
The Rev. T. J. Messer, in seconding the resolution,
remarked that perhaps he was one of the oldest advocates
of the abolition of slavery in all its withering and Protean
forms on that platform. For more than forty years had
he laboured in the cause. It was his belief that slavery
in all its debasing forms, with all its sin and crime must
soon pass away. The grass might grow upon his grave
ere the dawn of that day, but he had a firm conviction
that all forms, all pressures past of slavery, were doomed
to a speedy extinction. (Cheers.) From some height
in the city of sunlight and of song, he should behold the
the last fetter struck from the last slave ! Having toiled
to bring about the utter extinction of Colonial bondage
and having lived to see the glorious day when all the
slaves of the ebon islands of the West sang " Hosannah"
because they were free, he believed that he yet should
live to sec — should he say it — ^Transatlantic bondage
crushed out for ever and ever, and then, from an emanci-
ANDERSON IN ENGLAND. 123
pated people, as though touched by Ithurlel's spear,
a jubilant song should rise right up from earth to the
throne of the Most High in Heaven. (Loud and long-
continued cheering.)
The Rev. P. POCOCK, B.A., felt assured that at that
late hour he should but study the desires of those present
by being exceedingly brief. One thing struck him as
rather peculiar, and that was the absence of any positive
evidence of the death of John Anderson's opponent.
There was only, it appeared, one individual who gave
evidence on the point, and he was distant some three
miles from the spot where the meeting took place.
(Cheers and laughter.) Aware, as they were, of the
devices and schemes to which the slave-holders had
resorted, it just occurred to him that this point was
deserving of attention. After quoting several passages
of Scripture, and showing that these were diametrically
opposed to the principles and practices of slavery,
Mr. Pocock concluded by supporting the resolution.
The resolution, which was as follows, was then put
from the chair, and carried unanimously —
" That the following gentlemen constitute a Committee
to raise a fund on behalf of John Anderson —
Harper Twelvetrees, Chairman; The Honourable
Arthur Kinnaird, M.P., Treasurer; the Eev. Hugh
Allen, D.D. ; the Rev. Jabez Bums, D.D. ; the Eev.
J. G. Hewlett, D.D. ; the Rev. W. H. Bonner; the
Rev. Thomas Jones; the Rev. Edward Mathews;
Ebenezer Burr, Esq. ; F. W. Chesson, Esq. ;
124 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
Mr. William Craft; Denis McDonnell, Esq.; William
Parmer, Esq. ; Alfred Gliddon, Esq. ; Mr. G. T. Horn ;
John Noble, Esq. ; Alfred W. Sanderson, Esq. ; H. B.
Sheridan, Esq., M.P. ; George Thompson, Esq. Cooke
Baines, Esq., Joseph A. Homer, Esq., Hon, Secretaries,
With power to add to their number."
A vote of thanks to the Chairman for his kindness in
presiding, and his efficient discharge of the duties, having
been proposed by Mr. Benjamin Jackson (a coloured
gentleman), and seconded by Thomas Hattersley, Esq.,
and Mr. Twelvetrees having suitably responded in a
few expressive sentences, the immense audience, con-
stituting the most influential and enthusiastic Anti-
Slavery meeting ever held in Exeter Hall, dispersed.
ANDERSON ON THE PLATFORM. 125
CHAPTER XIL
ANDERSON ON THE PLATFORM.
Attends various Meetings in London and its Neighbourhood. — Tour
on the Sea Coast. — Sketches of Speeches.
In the interval between the great meeting in Exeter
Hall and the close of the month of September, Anderson
attended a large number of meetings, besides frequently
addressing the teachers and scholars of Sunday schools
in the metropolis and its vicinity. We have not before
us a complete list of these engagements, but we know
that amongst the number were meetings at the Maryle-
bone Institute; Deverell Street, Southwark; Camden
Eoad Chapel; Rev. Mr. Spong's Chapel, De Beauvoir
Town, Kingsland ; Markham Square, Chelsea ; Devons
Road Chapel, Bromley -by-Bow; Temperance Hall, Strat-
ford, Essex ; the Wesleyan Methodist Chapel, Poplar ;
the Town Hall, Brentford ; Colnbrook ; the Town Hall,
Brighton; the Town Hall, Worthing; Hastings; the
Assembly Rooms, St. Leonards ; Folkestone ; Deal ;
Dover ; Margate ; Ramsgate ; St. Alban's ; Luton ;
Hemel Hempstead; &c., &c. At many of these
126 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
meetings addresses were also delivered by the Rev. J. G.
Hewlett, D.D., George Thompson, Esq., (late M.P.
for the Tower Hamlets), and John Noble, Esq., of the
Middle Temple, as deputations from the John Anderson
Committee. John Anderson was also present and spoke
at the meeting commemorative of West Indian Emanci-
pation, held under the auspices of the London Emanci-
pation Committee in Spafields Chapel, on the 1st of
August, 1861.
At all these meetings the appearance of Anderson ex-
cited deep interest, and the statements made by him
were listened to with the deepest attention. A gentle-
man who was present at the meetings addressed by
Anderson at Hastings and St. Leonard's, has furnished
us with notes made on those occasions. As specimens
of the way in which Anderson was at that time accus-
tomed to tell his own story, we insert them with
pleasure and gratitude, assured that our readers will
excuse the repetition of certain facts, and be glad to
possess examples of the early public utterances of a
fugitive slave.
At Hastings, Anderson said, — "My mother was a
woman of high spirit, and would not submit to harsh
treatment — to abuse and blows — so she was sold to a
negro trader, to be sent to the plantations of Louisiana
and Texas." He (Anderson) was employed on Burton's
farm in the cultivation of wheat, Indian corn, oats, rye,
and tobacco. During the latter period of his service,
the chief management of the farm was committed to hira.
ANDERSON ON THE PLATFORM. 127
The immediate cause of his sale to McDonald was the
following: — " Having offended his master, he was ordered
to strip, to cross his hands, and have his wrists tied with
a cord, and be flogged. He removed his jacket, but re-
fused to be bound, or to stand still while the whipping
was given. His master, in a rage went into the house
and came back with a gun, and was preparing to shoot
him when he was prevented by the interposition of his
two daughters. He allowed Anderson, for the time, to
escape punishment, but declared his determination to
sell him, Anderson observed that he preferred to be
sold to being flogged. The storm blew over, and matters
for a short time went on as usual. At length when he
had finished a day's work, he went to Burton and enquired
if there was anything more for him to do that day. His
master said, * No/ and added, * you will do no more work
for me, for I have sold you.' The following day he was
taken across the river to a place called Glasgow, where
he saw a thousand dollars paid by McDonald to Burton,
received the money and transferred Anderson to his
new master, who soon after started for his farm, taking
Anderson with him. The master drove himself in a gig,
while Anderson followed on horse-back. The road lay
through a prairie country, and Anderson was careful to
observe the course taken, that he might, when he desired
to do so, find his way back to the river.
" Before McDonald took him away, he had asked him
if he was willing to go ; he had replied that he was, but
he had not promised to stay, and did not mean to do so.
128 LtFE OP JOHN AKDERgON.
After McDonald got home he offered to make Anderson
his coachman, but this office he declined, as its duties
would have deprived him of his rest on Sunday. He was
therefore sent into the field. After awhile he requested
permission to return to Brown's to see his wife, and that
he might obtain permission, said that she had some
clothes, which he wished to bring to the plantation.
His master told him he would not be allowed to visit his
wife, and as for the clothes, they should be sent for. His
master tried to terrify him by saying that he would cut him
in pieces if he attempted to run away. As for a wife, if
he wanted one, he would find him one upon the planta-
tion. He said nothing, but waited until his master had
to be absent one Sunday, in attendance some miles off,
at a church meeting, for inquiring into the death of a
slave, who it was alleged had been killed by one of the
church members. His master started for the place of
meeting on the Saturday night, and very early on the
Sunday morning — a good while before daylight — he
started for the river."
At St. Leonard's, Anderson said, — " My mother wad
sold away down to New Orleans when I was about seven
years old. She had a great big spirit, something like
me, and would'nt stand being beat about and knocked
around. One day her mistress and she had a fight, and
my mother pulled a handful of hair out of my mistress's
head. For this she was sold, and went down South,
and I have never seen her since. Slave women have no
rights, no matter what their colour may be. Some of
ANDEBSON ON THE PLATFORM. 129
them are as white as English women are, but because
their mothers have been women with some negro blood
in them, they are slaves, and are treated as slaves.
They are without protection, and white men may do
what they please with them, for there is no law for a poor
slave woman. Some folks say slaveholders may be good
Christians, but I can't and won't believe it, nor do I
think that a slaveholder can get to heaven. He may
possibly get there, I don't know ; but though I wish to
get there myself, I don't want to have anything more to
do with slaveholders either here or in heaven. When
my mother was sent away, T was brought up by my
mistress, and used to call her mother ; I didn't call her
mistress, for I couldn't get the word into my mouth. I
was raised in the house, and was a kind of nurse to the.
daughters of my owner. When I was fourteen or
fifteen years old, I was sent into the field, and when I
had learnt my work there, I was put over the other
slaves and left to look after them when my master was
away. I had to see the work done, and had to knock
the other slaves about to make them do it. When I
was about nineteen or twenty years old, I did what I
suppose young men in this country do. I took the
notion that I would go a courting. I did not want to
marry a girl belonging to my own place, because I
knew I could not bear to see her ill-treated. I had
often thought of being free. An old man, who was
called Jacob, had many times talked with me about
Canada, and I had talked with other slaves about start-
K
130 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
ing off for that place, and we had often formed plans
for the purpose, but they were always disappointed.
Well, about my marriage : there was a slave girl called
Maria, she belonged to a man named Brown, and had
been married when she was very young, and had two
children, and her husband died, and I went to his
funeral; I was then about twenty. You'll think it
strange that I should be thinking of courtship and mar-
riage at a funeral, but I couldn't help it, for I felt that I
should very much like to have Maria for my wife ; so six
months after the funeral, I went with Maria to a camp
meeting. Many slaves, who have no religion, go to
camp meetings that they may be merry, for there is
much whisky sold at these gatherings, and the people
drink and play at cards, while others attend to religion.
Maria was spoken to by her friends about going with
me so soon after her husband's death. After that, I
kept going to see her, and at last asked her if she would
marry me. She said, * You must speak to my father,
and I did speak to him ; and he said, ^ You had better
wait awhile, and I'll see about it.' I saw him again,
and he still said, * wait awhile.' When I told Maria,
she said, * never mind, if he doesn't consent soon, we*U
be married all the same.' Lewis Tomlin (Maria's father)
was a free man, who had purchased himself for eight
hundred dollars, and had given six or seven hundred
more for his wife. He had a little property, and was
well to do as a barber, in the town of Payette. So we
got married, and Maria had a child seven or eight
ANDERSON ON THE PLATFORM. 131
months old when I ran away. Maria's first husband had
been dead about a year when we were married. It
was during the Christmas holidays. My master allowed
me to go and see my wife once a week — that is, on
Saturday night, and I was ordered to be back again
on Monday morning. I did not, however, care much
for his orders, and I used to go almost every
night. When we had been married about a year
and a half, Maria fell sick, and I wanted to go more
frequently to see her. My master would not permit
me, but I disobeyed him, and went. On one occasion
when I had been to see her, and had remained all night,
my master was on the look-out for me when I returned
in the morning. When he saw me, he said, * Jackey,
where have you been ?' I replied, * Oh, Iv'e been walk-
ing about.* * I'll walk you about,' he said, and came up
to me to give me a licking with a raw hide which he
had in his hand. I warded off his blows with my arm.
He then went and got a rope, and threw it over the
branch of an old walnut tree. I knew very well that
he wanted to tie me up and whip me, and I determined
that I would not be whipped. He ordered me to strip
and cross my hands, that I might be bound and drawn
up, but I refused. He cursed and swore, and threatened,
but I still refused. He then fetched his gun, and said
he would shoot me, but the daughter I had nursed when
in the house interposed, and got the gun away from him.
He then said he only wanted to frighten me, but that
he would sell me to some one who would break my
132 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
spirit. My mistress, who used to protect me, had been
dead for some time, and I had now no one to save me
from ill treatment. When she died, Burton made up his.
mind to conquer me. One day after this he came home,
and not being pleased with me, ordered me to go into a.
bam and receive punishment, but I refused. On this
occasion the daughters took part with their father, and
assisted him ; but I got away, and escaped the punish*
ment intended for me. Burton, not being able to subdue
me, hired me to a man of the name of Paterson. It was
while I was working for this man that my owner met
with McDonald, who lived thirty miles away, in Salem
county, on the other side of the Missouri river. This
man offered to buy me. He was already the owner of
about thirty slaves. When I came back to Burton'sy
he came upon the farm to look at me, and to see what
sort of a hand I was, and how I went about my work.
He went away, and I remained with Burton about three
^lonths longer, and, during that time, my master was
gradually appointing others to do the work I had been
accustomed to do. He did not, however, want me to
know that he had made a bargain with McDonald. It
was the season for cutting tobacco. I had raised about
twenty acres for Burton, and had about an acre and a
half of my own, which I had planted in the neighbour-
hood of my wife's residence. It was on a Saturday that
he told me I should do no more work for him, and that
he would hand me over to McDonald on the Monday
morning : so I resolved to make things square, and ao-
ANDEBSON ON THE PLATFORM. 133
cordmgly went to Fayette and settled some accounts I
had there, that I might be ready to start for my new
home. On the Monday morning, when I saw the money
paid for me, I said to Burton, * That's a great deal of
money, and I think you ought to give me some of it ;'
but he made no reply. When my new master was
taking me across the river, he told the ferryman to take
care that he never allowed me to recross it. About half
way to his plantation McDonald stopped to take up his
wife, who was waiting for him. He showed me to her
as the fine new slave he had just purchased. On the
way he had a good deal to say to me about how he
would serve me if I attempted to escape firom him, and
said, if I did, he would tie me up and cut me to pieces,
and then send me to New Orleans. At the place where
we took up McDonald's wife, I saw some slaves who
appeared as if they were nearly starved, and when my
dinner was sent out to me I gave it to them, in conse-
quence of their hungry looks. Indeed, they seemed to
have no strength for the work they had to do. I had
never seen slaves in a worse condition. When we
arrived at the plantation, McDonald told his slave-driver
to let me off easy at the beginning, to coax me, and get
me into the traces by degrees. I felt the separation
firom my wife very much, and made up my mind that, if
I might not go and see her, I would run away for good ;
that I would get away some Sunday, and afler bidding
her good-bye, would start for Canada. That my master
might be accustomed to miss me on a Sunday morning
134 LIFE OF JOHN A17DEBS0N.
without suspecting that I had left him, I used to
disappear on that day, but to show myself on Monday
morning ; so that he came at last to think that I did not
go far away. When I had been with him about six
months I asked to be allowed to go and see my wife, and
bring back some clothes with me. He told me I should
never see my wife again; that he would not let me
cross the Missouri river any more, and that I must take
one of his slave girls for my wife, for that his plantation
would be my future home. Here, again, you see what
kind of religion it is that the slaveholders possess : he
wanted me to desert my wife and child, and become the
father of children who should be his property. I knew
he would refuse my request to go and see my wife, but
I determined to ask him, that I might have a fair excuse
for leaving him. When he answered as he did, I said
nothing, but resolved that the approaching Sunday
should be my last in his service.*' Anderson then
repeated, in his usual way, the account of his escape.
ANDERSON AT COSBY. 135
CHAPTER XIII.
JOHK ANDERSON AT COEBT.
After Jolin Anderson had attended the various public
meetings referred to in the last chapter, the committee
felt it important that he should for a time devote him-
self exclusively to the acquisition of learning, in order
to enable him to transact the ordinary business of life
creditably ; and, with this view, he was placed under the
care of the Kev. J. G, Hewlett, D.D., in October, 1861.
It was evident, however, notwithstanding the Rev.
Doctor's care and vigilance, that Anderson^s continuance
in London was unfavourable to that close attention to
his studies which was required in order to ensure
success ; and when the excitement and attractiveness of
the sights and sounds of London to an untutored mind
are considered, it will readily be believed that Anderson
found it difficult to resist the various influences which,
in the Metropolis, combined to distract his thoughts and
attention. Under these circumstances, the committee
decided, in the month of December following, upon
placing Anderson with Mr. John Pool, of the British
136 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
Training Institution, Corby, near Thrapston, North-
amptonshire, and, on the eighth of that month, Anderson
was received into the household of Mr. Pool. The quiet
and secluded character of this locality exerted a beneficial
influence on Anderson, and it was speedily manifest
that his withdrawal from the Metropolis was a desirable
step, and that his progress would be as satisfactory as
could be expected. The committee were favoured with
periodical reports from Mr. Pool, conveying information
of Anderson's studies ; and in the month of July, 1862,
that gentleman wrote as follows : —
^* In forming an estimate of the conduct and progress
of Anderson since he has been with me, it is necessary
to take into consideration his former mode of life, which
was spent in severe labour, occasionally relieved by out-
door sports ; the trying circumstances in which he was
placed in Canada, and the season of excitement through
which he passed on his arrival in England, as the natural
consequences of which, he manifested on his first coming
here considerable restlessness, which imfitted him for
close application to his studies. This difficulty is,
however, now in a great measure overcome ; and I may
say that it has been the greatest which I have had to
encounter in superintending his education. On the
whole, I think he has progressed as well as could be
reasonably expected. He can now write very creditably,
can read with little assistance a chapter in the New
Testament, and can work the first four rules of arith-
metic, both simple and compound." ^
ANDEBSON AT COBBY. 137
As a curious custom which prevails at Corby was
observed during Anderson's residence in the village, it
may be not uninteresting to give some particulars
concerning it. It appears that Queen Elizabeth granted
to the inhabitants of Corby a charter, to free them from
town toll throughout England, Wales, and Scotland;
also to exempt them from serving on juries at North-
ampton, and to free the knights of the shire from the
militia law. In commemoration of the granting of the
charter, a festival, called the " Pole Fair," is held on
Whit-Monday once in every twenty years, when the in-
habitants assemble at an early hour and stop up all roads
and byeways in the parish, and demand a certain toll of
every person, gentle and simple, who may have occasion
to pass through the village on that day. In case of non-
compliance, a stout pole is produced, and the obstinate
person is placed thereon in a riding attitude, and carried
round the village, followed by the jeers and laughter of
the assembled crowds ; and after that, he is taken to the
parish stocks and imprisoned, until the authorities choose
to grant a dismissaL The following is a copy of the
ancient charter referred to, which is in the possession of
the Eector of the parish : —
"Charles the Second, by the Grace of God, of
England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, Defender
of the Faith, &c., to all to whom these present letters
shall come greeting, we have inspected the enrolment
of certain letters patent of confirmation of our prede-
138 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEB80N.
cessor Elizabeth, late Queen of England, bearing date
at Westminster the 2nd day of December, in the 27th
year of her reign, made and granted to the men and
tenants of the manor of Gorbei, and remaining of record
in our Court of Chancery in these words : — The Queen,
&c., to all and singular sheriffs, mayors, bailiff
constables, ministers, and all other her faithful subjectB
as well within liberties as without, to whom these
present letters shall come greeting. Whereas, according
to the custom hitherto obtained and used in our kingdom
of England, the men and tenants of antient demesne of
the Crown of England are and ought to be quit of toll,
pannage, monage, and passage throughout our whole
kingdom of England, and according to the aforesaid
custom the men and tenants of antient demesne of the
crown aforesaid have always hitherto from the time
whereof memory hmneth not to the contrary- been
accustomed to be quit from contribution to the expenses
of knights coming to our Parliament, or that of our
progenitors, formerly Kings of England for the com-
munity of the commonalty of the same kingdom. Also
according to the same custom the men and tenants of
the manors which are of antient demesne of the crown
aforesaid ought not to be placed in any as^es, juries,
or recognizances for tiieir lands and tenements which
they hold of the same demesne, unless only in those
which ought to be had in the courts of the same manors,
and for that whereas the manor of Corbei, in the county
ANBEBSON AX GOBBT. 139
of Northampton, is of antient demesne of our Crown of
England, as is found by a certain certificate returned
into our Chancery by the treasurer and chamberlain of
our exchequer by our command thereupon. We enjoin
and command you and every of you that you permit all
and singular the men and tenants of the manor of Corbdl
aforesaid to be quit from such toll, pannage, monage,
passage, to be paid on account of their goods or things
throughout our whole kingdom aforesaid, & on account
of the expenses of the knights aforesaid ; also that you
do not place the same men and tenants of the same
manor in any assizes, juries, or recognizances, to be held
out of the court of the manor aforesaid, but only in
those which ought to be held in the court of such manor
against the aforesaid custom, unless the lands and
tenements be held of other tenure for which they ought
to be placed in assizes, juries, or recognizances,
according to the form of the statute of the Common
Council of our kingdom of England therefore provided.
And if on these occasions, or any of them, you should
make any distress on the aforesaid men and tenants of
the manor of Corbei aforesaid, you shall without delay
release the same to them. In witness whereof, &c.,
witness the Queen at Westminster, the second day of
December, in the 27th year of her reign. We moreover
have by these presents caused the tenor of the enrolment
aforesaid to be exemplified at the request of Robert
Davis, a gentleman, and John Lee, and others, men and
tenants of the aforesaid manner of Corbei. In witness
140 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
whereof we have caused these our letters to be made
patent. Witness ourself at Westminster, the 6th day of ■
July, in the 22nd year of our reign.
"Grimston: Habaper.
f^^ • d h i Thos. Estcourt, > Two Masters
' 1 William Child, J in Chancery.
"Indorsed *An Exemplification, at the request of
Robert Davis and others.' •^Halsted.'*
The "Pole Fair" was held on Whit-Monday, June
9th, 1862, and the following description of the ceremony,
as then observed, was furnished to the Stamford Mercury
by Mr. Amos Bell, of Great Easton, who was through-
out the day an eye-witness of what transpired : —
" According to custom the inhabitants rose at an early
hour, played and sang the National Anthem and Eule
Britannia in the streets, and proclaimed the fair. They
then began to carry on poles and chairs all the people
in the village, put them in the stocks, and gave them
some ale before liberating them from durance vile.
Whole families were fetched out of their houses, and
escorted to the stocks with flags flying, the band playing
lively airs. After all the inhabitants had gone through
the ceremony, strangers began to arrive in gigs, carts,
vans, and other vehicles, to witness this singular custom.
They cheerfully paid the toll which was demanded of
them on entering the village. Many hundred people
were present, and a great many went through the cere^
ANDEESON AT CORBY. 14L
mony. Stalls, shooting-galleries, shows, and a large
portable theatre rose up as if by magic, flags and
banners floated in the air, and the greatest hilarity
prevailed. Parish officers, constables, and policemen
went through the ceremony, no person being excused.
Two good bands of music paraded the streets during the
day. All the villagers tried to vie with each other in
decorating their houses with devices, &c. There was a
pretty triumphal arch against the Exeter Arms inn : it
exhibited the words * God save the Queen,' and from
which were suspended numerous flags, one containing
the Corby cross. Altogether the decorations had an
attractive appearance. Near the Cardigan Arms inn,
opposite the stocks, was another large red, white, and
blue flag, bearing the Corby cross. And above the
stocks, on the wall, were the words 'God save the
Queen' and * Our Charter' in large characters. From
the sign-post of the Cardigan Arms floated another large
red, white, and blue flag, bearing the Corby cross ; and
from the sign to the house hung a handsome banner
with a festooned wreath, bearing the motto * Long life
to ^Cardigan, ' and on the other side * Honour to the
brave.' Against the White Horse inn was another
triumphal arch, exhibiting the words *God save the
Queen ' and * Our Charter,' and several flags. Against
the Black Horse inn was a pretty wreath extending
across the street, with a flag, and the words * God save
the Queen ' and * Our Charter.' Against the Queen's
Head inn were two beautiful scarlet flags, and these,
142 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSOK.
with other decorations, had a pleasing effect. There
were several handsome flags floating from private
houses, particularly one from Mr. Chapman's, and
another from Mr. Saddington's. On the Kettering-road
was another triumphal arch, exhibiting the words * Our
Charter ' and * God save the Queen,' surmounted with
three union jacks. On the Rockingham-road was
another triumphal arch, with the words * Our Charter *
and * God save the Queen.' On this arch were the flags
of England, France, Sardinia, and Turkey. The
business of the day was carried out with the best of
good feelings, and the greatest hilarity prevailed till
night threw her sable mantle over the proceedings."
John Anderson, who was a spectator, and was greatly
interested in the proceedings of the day, was treated
with the greatest kindness ; and, as a mark of re-
spect, he was graciously exempted from the payment
of toll.
During the remainder of the time that Anderson
resided at Corby his progress in his studies was satis-
factory to the Committee, and it is pleasing to remark
that his conduct and deportment secured him the respect
and esteem of those with whom he was brought into
contact. It was intended that Anderson should rende
with Mr. Pool for a period of twelve months; and as the
period drew near for his removal from Corby, the
Committee had many anxious consultations as to the
course which his friture life should take. In thifl
emergency the Committee were indebted to F. W.
AITOERSOK AT CORBY. 143
Chesson, Esq., the esteemed honorary secretary of the
London Emancipation Society, for suggesting that the
Negro Republic of Liberia would furnish imequalled
opportunities for Anderson's prosperity and social ad-
vancement, and for kindly securing the co-operation of
Gerald Ealston, Esq., the Consul-General of the
Republic in England. After full consideration of the
matter, it was ultimately resolved to recommend John
Anderson to go out to Liberia ; and Mr. Ralston having
kindly made known the facts of the case to the Directors
of the African Royal Mail Steam Ship Company, of
79, Great Tower-street, the Board, in the most handsome
manner, announced, through their secretary, Duncan
Campbell, Esq., their willingness to grant Anderson a
free passage to Liberia. The recommendation of the
Committee having been conveyed to Anderson, with
information as to the peculiar advantages which he would
possess in the Republic, he decided to act upon it, and
it was arranged that he should sail in the ** Armenia," on
the 24th of December. It was also notified by Mr.
Ralstan that the Liberian Government would make
Anderson a special grant of land on his arrival in the
Republic, so that he would at once become a landed
proprietor and have a stake in the welfare of his
adopted country — a generous concession which was
highly valued.
It will be seen by the following written testimonials,
which were presented to Anderson previous to his
departure from Corby, that he was generally esteemed
144 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEB80K.
by the inhabitants of the village, during his residence
there : —
" Cwly Eeetory, ybrthamptanshire,
*' DeemhM- nth, 1862.
" Mr. John Anderson, the fugitive slave, has resided
in my parish during the last twelve months, and during
the whole of that period he has conducted himself in a
highly exemplary and respectful manner. I believe
him to be a sincere Christian, and his walk and conver-
sation are in every way in agreement with his
professions. I feel persuaded that he is a person who
may be safely employed in any situation of trust and
responsibility. On leaving my parish he carries my
sincere wishes, that success and happiness may attend
him in any situation that the providence of God may
open the way for him to occupy.
"Thomas Bull, M.A."
" Corhy, Northamptonshire,
**Decmher 11th, 1862.
" I have now for several months had an opportunity
afforded me by periodical visits to Corby of occasional
conversation with Mr. John Anderson, the fugitive
slave. The interest which I felt in meeting him at first
has been increased by the frequent intercourse we have
had, and I am glad to find that at present, when he is
ANDERSON AT CORBY. 145
about to leave the neighbourhood, he is so much esteemed
by the public at large. If for him I desiderate one thing
more than another it is, that his dear wife and child may
be restored at once to his side, and I earnestly pray that
this happiness may speedily be given to him. I sincerely
hope that the providence of God may be his inheritance,
and that we may meet again in the endless rest above.
«W. EXTON,
** Wesley an Minister.
** Weldon, Northamptonshire,
** Beeemher Sthf 1862.
" John. Anderson has resided for twelve months in this
locality, during which time he has regularly attended
upon my ministry, and communed with us at the Lord's
table. " George Bullock,
*' Independent Minister.**
** Brigstocic, Northamptonshire,
''Beeemher imh, 1862.
" My esteemed coloured friend, Mr. John Anderson,
has been residing in my neighbourhood, and with one
of my most valued Christian friends, for twelve months.
In all my intercourse with him, and in all I have seen
and heard of him, I have found him a worthy and con-
sistent man, and I do most heartily and devoutly
rejoice that God has opened a way to comfort in Liberia.
L
146 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
May God in his mercy and comfort go with him, and
render his ways prosperous for this life, and grant us to
meet again in the life eternal, to enjoy the holy, exalted,
eternal liberty of the ransomed One in glory,
"Thomas Lobd,
** Independent Minister"
** Kettering, Northamptonshire,
*'Deeemher, 1862.
" My personal acquaintance wilh Mr. John Anderson
is but slight, but, in common with many others, I have
felt deep interest in the story of his escape from slavery.
The testimony of the gentlemen whose names precede
my own, and who are well known to me, is abundantly
sufficient to attest his character. I wish him every
blessing in the land to which he is going, and join with
all lovers of man and God in the earnest desire that his
wife and family may soon be free, and that ere long
the chains of every slave may be broken for ever.
"James Mubsell,
'* Baptist Minister:'
FABBWELL SOIBEE TO ANDEBSON. 147
CHAPTER XIV.
FABEWELL SOIBEE TO JOHN ANDEB30N.
Ok Monday evening, December 22nd, 1862, the
members and firiends of the "John Anderson Com-
mittee" held a farewell meeting at Shirley's Hotel,
Queen's-square, London, previous to the departure of
Anderson for the Republic of Liberia.
Amongst the gentlemen present were Harper
Twelvetrees, Esq., (chairman of the Committee) ; Cooke
Baines, Esq.,'and Joseph A. Homer, Esq., the Honorary
Secretaries ; Rev. J. G. Hewlett, D.D., F. W. Chesson,
Esq.; J.Noble, Esq., jun.; W. Farmer, Esq. ; Professor
W. G. Allen, M.A., (a gentleman of colour) ; Stephen
Shirley, Esq.; Messrs. Pool, Eaton, C. Bell, Ford, &c.,&c.
After tea, Mr. Twelvetrees was called upon to occupy
the chair, and the Rev. Dr. Hewlett having opened the
meeting with prayer,
The Chaibman stated that they had met for the pur-
pose of congratulating John Anderson on the present
favourable circumstances in his history, and also to
assure him of their best wishes for his success in the path
which Providence had opened up for him. He (the
148 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
Chairman) felt sure that he was only uttering the desires
of every member of the committee and of all present when
he said, that they earnestly desired for their friend and bro-
ther the enjoyment of every blessing which a bountiful
and beneficent God might see fit to bestow ; that he might
be prosperous and successful in his new sphere of duty
and labour; and be spared many years to enjoy the
reward of his industry in the land of his adoption. It
. was somewhat more than eighteen months since John
Anderson trod on English soil as a trembling fugitive.
His public reception in London must have convinced
him that, although he had had a run for life and liberty,
he had at last distanced his oppressors, and was beyond
the power of those who thirsted for his blood. Since
the meeting at Exeter Hall, at which the committee was
formed, he felt sure that no pains or exertion had been
spared by the committee to promote his welfare and
forward his interests. Their task had not been an easy
one. (Hear.) It had been a matter of considerable
anxiety to decide upon the best course to adopt for
enabling Anderson to gain his livelihood, and become an
industrious, respected and useful citizen. Many gen-
tlemen present would remember that, at the time of
Anderson's arrival in England, the country was in a
state of excitement respecting the man who had been
the subject of Colonial dispatches and interdicts from
the Home Office, and that Anderson was, day by day,
receiving temporary offers from speculators of various
classes; and had it not been for the influence and
FAREWELL SOIREE TO ANDERSON. 149
control of the committee, lie would have fallen a prey
to designing men, who would have bargained with him
for using the sorrowful incidents of his life for trading
upon the sympathies of the public. (Hear.) If the
committee had done nothing else, there was cause for
gratitude that they had been enabled to preserve
Anderson from contributing to the gratification of sight-
seers, and leading a worse than useless life. (Hear,
hear.) After a few public meetings had been held,
which were attended by a deputation from the com-
mittee, consisting of the Rev. J. G. Hewlett, D.D. ;
George Thompson, Esq, ; John Noble, Esq., jun. ; it
was deemed advisable to withdraw Anderson from
public life, and decline all invitations for him to attend
public meetings. The committee at that period were
indebted to the Eev. Dr. Hewlett, who kindly engaged
to receive Anderson under his roof, and devote his
time and attention to his mental, moral, and religious
cultivation. Subsequently, in order to withdraw him
from the excitement occasioned by his residence in
the metropolis, Anderson was placed imder the care
of Mr. John Pool, of the British Training Insti-
tution, Corby, where he had gradually progressed
in his studies, and prepared himself for the discharge
of the duties which devolved upon him as a responsible
member of society. As Anderson's period of instruction
drew near to its close, the anxiety of the committee was
again awakened as to his fixture employment and mode
of life ; and in this emergency they accepted the kind
150 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSOK.
offer of the services of Mr. F. W. Chesson, who pro-
mised to solicit of Gerard Ralston, Esq., Consul-
General of Liberia, and the African Mail Companj,
respectively, a grant of land, and a free passage to that
important and thriving negro Republic, which, as they
were aware, had been most generously granted. Liberia
was a respectable commonwealth, on the Coast of
Guinea, numbering about 500,000 souls, where the
American flag was hoisted in the year 1822. The climate
was admirably adapted to Anderson's southern constitu-
tion; and the country produced rice, Indian com, cotton,
indigo, pepper, ginger, palm-oil, arrowroot, pine-apples,
tamarinds, and every species of tropical produce which
afforded ample suppUes for the residents, and for the
demands of shipping. As Anderson had been a farmer
and had the management of crops for his former masters,
the experience he had gained would be serviceable to
him in conducting his own affairs ; and he (the Chairman)
trusted some day to hear of him as a prosperous and
wealthy settler in the " land of promise " to the negro.
He had now an opportunity of making for himself a
respectable position in life, for he was going out under
the most favourable auspices — with recommendations
&nd introductions to the principal officers of state in the
Republic ; and, as his present wants were provided for,
and his future wants guarded against, he (the Chwr-
man) trusted that, with God's blessing on his exertions,
he would rise to respectability and independence. All
that remained for them was to congratulate him on
EABEWELL SOIREE TO ANDEBSON. 151
the auspicious opening that presented itself, and wish
him God speed in his future career: and if he should be
prosperous in his undertakings, and become a large
employer of labour and acquire considerable property,
he (the Chairman) trusted he would honour the Lord
with his substance, and enjoy the favour and the bless-
ing of Him who has said, " They that honour me I will
honour." (Cheers.)
CoOKE Baines, Esq. (one of the Honorary Secre-
taries), after reading le.tters of apology from the Hon-
ourable Arthur Konnaird, M.P., George Thompson,
Esq., Rev. C. J. Middleditch, Rev. Thomas Jones, and
other gentlemen who had been invited to the meeting,
proceeded to read the following communications, which
he had received from Gerard Ralston, Esq., Consul-
General for Liberia :—
'' ConaulaU-Geniral ofLtbenOf
'* Decemhir lUh, 1862.
"Gentlemen, — I enclose you the ticket for the second-
class cabin for Mr. John Anderson for the African steam
ship Armenian leaving Liverpool for Cape Palmas, on
the 24th inst. I hope this ticket will procure for Mr.
Armenian a comfortable passage to Liberia, where, on
his arrival, I trust he will find friends to receive him
kindly, and to do all in their power to promote his
welfare. I send also some notes of introduction to
gentlemen, who will, I hope, prove useful to him. I
regret that I shall be so engaged on the 22nd — being
engaged in preparing for the African mail, — that it will
152 LIFE OF JOHN ANDERSON.
not be in my power to be present at the social meeting,
to take leave of Mr. Anderson on the eve of his de-
parture for Africa. I should have been glad to attend
upon that occasion, for possibly I might have said a few
words to Mr. Anderson to encourage him to go to
Liberia in expectation that, if he should be blessed with
good health, he will be sure to succeed, and become a
useful citizen of the Republic, provided he exercise
good sense, good conduct, and good industry. There is
not a more eligible country in the world than Liberia
for the negro — particularly an American negro, — ^where
he will find his compatriots in power, and his own
language, laws, religion, manners, and all the institutions
he has left behind in full force. There is the greatest
abundance of natural wealth in Liberia; and only capital
and skilled labour are required to develope it. I have no
doubt Mr. Anderson will be a most usefid immigrant,
and, I trust, he will be a successful one. Wishing
Mr. Anderson health and prosperity,
" 1 remain, gentlemen, with great respect,
" Your most obedient servant,
" Gerabd Ralston.
" Cooke Baines, Esq., ) Honorary Secretaries of the
Joseph A. Homer, Esq., > John Anderson Committee.
"P.S. — ^If Mr. Anderson should happen to be in my
neighbourhood in the city before he embarks, I should
be pleased if he will favour me with a visit. G.R."
FAREWELL SOIREE TO ANDERSON. 153
*' Consulate' G&mtoI of Liberia,
"Gentlemen, — Having recommended the bearer, John
Anderson, the fugitive slave, from Missouri, who lately-
lived in Canada, and subsequently in England, to remove
to Liberia, where I hope he will succeed and become a
useful citizen and a useful inhabitant of that rising and
prosperous state, I beg to recommend him to the kind
and useM attention of gentlemen like yourselves, and all
other persons desirous of promoting the welfare of
persons of the negro race.
" To Mr. President Benson, Monrovia.
„ Mr. Ex-President Roberts „
„ The Sec. of State, General Lewis, Monrovia.
„ The Eev. I. S. Payne, „
„ Mr. John H. Chavers, „
„ Mr. Hilary Johnson, „
„ Mr. Secretary of the Treasury Lynch „
„ The Hon. Mr. Gibson, Superintendent Cape
Palmas.
„ Mr. Senator Marshall, Cape Palmas.
„ The Right Rev. Bishop Payne, Cape Palmas.
And all other persons well disposed towards the coloured
people.
" I am, with great regard aijd respect, Gentlemen,
" Your most obedient and faithful servant
"Gerard Ralston."
154 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
The Rev. J. G. Hewlett, D.D., then rose and de-
livered the valedictory address, as follows :—
" Allow me to assure you, John Anderson, that it ia-
my firm conviction that the course which the Committee '
has adopted, in selecting Liberia as the sphere of your
future action, is the best which, under all circiimstances,
could be adopted. I express a confident hope that, in
a very short time, you will prove that you have now a
broad and firm basis on which your future and temporal
prosperity and happiness may be reared. You will find in
Liberia a land of peace and liberty — a home where you
will not be disturbed by the slave-hunter, or in any other
way be in danger of losing your liberty. You go to be
acknowledged as a free citizen of that Republic, where
the offices of state will be open to you according to your
qualifications and merits. I trust you will not forget,
that the influence of your conduct and charact^ will
have great weight in either confirming the prejudices of
some against men of colour, or in showing that those
prejudices are false and slanderous. Let it be seen
that your race are capable of becoming honourable
and usefiil members of any community into which they
may be received. You, dear friend, are now beginning
life afresh. You are starting under peculiar advantages
if you will turn those advantages to the best accoimt.
You are going to a country where a sphere of active
exertion is marked out for you. You go neither as a
pauper nor as a slave. You go with letters of introduc-
tions and recommendations, of which many European
FABEWELL SOIREE TO ARDEBSON. 155
emigrants would be proud. You go with introductions to
those of the highest official station in that land of your
adoption. You go with all the benefit of past experience.
You know yourself a little better than you did some
time ago ; you know the temptations to which you are
exposed ; and you know those which are likely to act
most powerfully for your injury, and you are, in some
measure, prepared to shun or resist them. All you know
you will require to bring to bear upon your daily
practice. And, after all, the knowledge of the past
should stimulate to greater and future exertions. Let
me advise you still to persevere ia the acquisition of
knowledge, and tiie improvement of your intellect. As
yet you have hut the elements of knowledge. Give
daily attention to your moral a^d spiritual nature.
Spend a portion of every day in conmumion with God
and with your own heart. If the Spirit of God has
commenced his work of regeneration, you need to pray
for his continued help. Combine watchfulness with
prayer ; for prayer without watchftJness is hyprocrisy,
as watchfulness without prayer would be presumption.
Be careful in choosing your fiiends. Do not readily
think that every one who speaks to you smooth things
and flattering words is your Mend. He is not your
friend who would say or do anything to divert you
from the path of duty, though he should make great
professions of friendship. He is your friend who would
urge you on to higher and higher attainments, both in
knowledge and holiness. He is your friend who will
156 LIFE OP JOHN ANDEBSOK.
kindly point out your failings, and gendy administer
reproof when needed, because he keeps your best in-
terests in view. And though you are going to a &r
distant coimtry, you will always have a place in the
memory, and an interest in the prayers, of many in this
country. I am sure I speak the sentiments of the
gentlemen by whom I am surrounded, when I say, we
shall keep you constantly in our remembrance. You
know we have taken a deep interest in your welfare ;
you have often acknowledged that in my hearing ; and
we assure you that that interest will not be diminished,
but greatly increased, when we think of you in a foreign
land. We shall, at all times and in all circumstances, be
gratified to hear from you, and nothing would so con-
tribute to raise that gratification to its highest height, as
the knowledge that, by God's blessing, you were
prospering, and that you were advancing in honour and
wealth for time, and preparing for the blessedness of
eternity. While I am very far from ignoring the
blessing of Providence, on the contrary, desire earnestly
that you may seek and obtain it ; yet there is a sense
in which your future must, to a great extent, depend on
yourself to complete what has been begun for you.
Much will depend on your own exertions. You will, on
your arrival in Liberia, be put in possession of five acres
of land. By bringing your experience to agricultural
pursuits, and by persevering in industrious toil, you may
soon make this land a source of wealth. From all I
can learn, the productions of Liberia being cotton,
, FAREWELL SOIREE TO ANDERSON. 157
tobacco, pimento, and others, like those of Missouri, the
country from which you fled, I conclude the climate
must be somewhat similar, and therefore suited to your
health and constitution ; and the soil similar, and there-
fore requiring the same culture. In your experience of
the cultivation of cotton, tobacco, pepper, &c., you
have a capital you may at once employ to advantage.
Though it is not for any of us to look into the future,
yet I do venture to predict that, if you will but attend
to the good advice which you have received from many
here present, you will ere long become a holder of large
tracts of land, and an employer of many labourers.
Should this be the case, let your remembrance of the
horrors of slavery induce you ever to treat men as men,
and not as goods or cattle. Kemember the sacred rights
of humanity, and never tyrannize over your fellow-men.
I will add but one more remark, and that is, let me
advise you at all times to be frank and truthful. Be
careful what you ^ay. Let your words be not only
so plain that they may be understood, but so plain that
they cannot be misunderstood. Let neither your words
or actions be a just cause of suspicion. Maintain the
high character of an honest man and a Christian. Make
the position in which the letter of the Consul-General
is intended to place you, a stepping-stone to one yet
higher. And now may the blessing of God rest upon
you, guide and protect you through all the scenes that
await you, and prepare you for the happiness of the life
to come. Farewell !
158 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEESON.
The Key. Gentleman was repeatedly applauded during
the delivery of his address, which he concluded by
moving the following resolution : — -
** That this meeting expresses its earnest desire fer
the prosperity and happincfss of John Anderson in the
Republic of Liberia, of which he is about to become
a free citizen beyond the reach of the man*stealer.^
JoHK Noble, jun., Esq., said, he had very great
pleasure in seconding the resolution. When John
Anderson first came to this coimtry the committee had
taken him by the hand, had maintained and educated
him, and thus put him in the way of obtaining a position
far above that of many of their own countrjrmen. He
would not be a mere hewer of wood and drawer of
water in the land to which he was going, but would
commence his career as a landed-proprietor. (Hear,
hear.) If he had fallen into other hands he would
probably have become a dock-labourer, or occupied
some other position equally low in the social scale.
Instead of this, he was about to sail for Liberia, a land
which he might call one of experiment, for it was so in
reality, — a state created for the purpose of demonstrating
to the world that the negro race could govern th^n-
selves and dwell in a civilized community as weU as the
white race — (cheers) ;— that, as a race, they are not
distinct in nature from ourselves ; but can govern and
conduct themselves in a manner to show that they enjoy
and appreciate the blessing of civilization. He (Mr.
Noble) looked upon that experiment, in view of the
fearful crime of slavery, as one of a most encouraging
TAREWEUj SOIBEE to ANDERSON. 159
and satisfactory character. It had been said that the
segro race was an inferior one ; that it was necessary to
keep them in some kind of bondage ; that they would
not work, and could not exist in freedom. The Republic
of Liberia is an attempt to answer such allegations ; it
was, so to speak, the first instance of a negro community
existing under similar conditions to those of the white
races. This laid a deep I'esponsibility upon John
Anderson and his future fellow-citizens, — ^that in this
first attempt at self-government they should conclusively
refute the assertions of the slave-ownersi If this ex-
periment should fail, with it the hopes of the entire
negro race will fail also : if it is successful, no limit need
be placed to restrict them in the enjoyment of the
uttermost possible liberty. (Cheers.) He trusted that
John Anderson would feel that upon his behaviour in his
newly-adopted cotmtry would depend, in some degree,
the future destiny of the entire negro race ; and that
the committee who, though separated by distance, would
ever hear of his welfare with joy, would find their
reward in his being a sober, prosperous, and respectable
citizen of the free commimity of Liberia. (Hear, hear.)
He went forth under the best auspices, with such in-
troductions to the court and government of Liberia, as
the son of the proudest nobleman would receive ; aitd
the committee had no doubt that, in future years, when
he had become a wealthy and prosperous citizen, that
John Anderson would feel that the present step was the
wisest that could have been taken for his permanent
well-being.^ (AppUtose)
160 LIFE or JOHN andebsoh/;*:
Peofessor W. G. Allen, M.A., next addressed the
meeting, and said that he could only reiterate what Mr.
No|>le had said, for that gentleman had touched upon
the very points which he intended to present to their
notice. As a man of colour, he could only thank them
for what they had done on behalf of John Anderson.
He naturally felt, belonging as he did to the same race,
a deep interest in John Anderson's welfare. Anderson
might think, perhaps, that he was. going to a cold and
cheerless country, but it was not so ; he was going to
one of the finest in the world. He (Professor Alien)
had often thought of the history of Old Afirica; and
grand and glorious as that hii^tory was, he believed her
future was destined to be grander and more gloriouis stil^
because, elevated by the genius and power of Chris-
tianity. The world moves upwards— Ethiopia, Egypt,
and Carthage, were great indeed, but Liberia was des-
tined to be greater. There was one conclusion, however,
that must force itself upon their minds — ^Africa could
only become great again by the capacity of A&icans to
make her so. It was for the African race to vindicate
themselves from the calumnies of their oppressors.
(Hear, hear.) They ought not to complain of the blows
they received, but gather strength to prevent them.
Any race that was down would sure to be well, abused.
As for Liberia, from all he could gather, and he had
paid much attention to the subject, he believed it to be
a beautiful country. Its climate was healthy, and it
was rich in natural resources. The society in Monrovia
was good, and there was much that was even elegant
FXfieWELL SOIBEE TO ANDEBS017. lOi
A]ad refined. He recollected when he was in America,
he, in common with moat coloured people, imbibed a
strong prejudice against the place when it was first talked
of. They saw no reason why they should be deported
from the places in which they were bom. Entertaining
the same opinion still, that the blacks have as good a
right to remain in America or elsewhere as tihe whites,
he had, nevertheless, come to look upon Liberia as
established by an over-ruling Providence for good, and
did not care now to go into the motive of its founders.
He felt that there were strong reasons to congratulate
himself, John Anderson, and his race, that there existed
this green and inviting spot. Thither he hoped John
Anderson would go, and carry with him all the courage
and energy of his character. He had given some proo6
that he possessed these attributes. CHear, hear.) He
(the Professor) hoped he would never be called upon to
show them in the same way again, but in a milder and
more Christian spirit. (Cheers.) Depend upon it (he
reiterated) Africa has a glorious future before her.
Greece was made illustrious by her arts and literature
— Rome, by her jurisprudence and military spirit —
England and America, by their commercial and indus-
trial enterprises. It remained then, for another race
to illustrate the milder genius Mid more amiable quali-
ties of human character, and that he believed to be the
destiny of poor, down-trodden, despised Africa. He re-
joiced in Liberia. In speaking of the African race, how-
ever, he must not forget to pay a passing tribute to Hayti.
M
162 LIFE OP JOHN ANDERSOK.
Here was a nation of Africans in the western world, that
had abeady illustrated the highest qualities of statesman-
ship and military genius, as the history of Toussaint
L'Ouverture and his noble compeers clearly showed — a
nation of men, that had not only shown that they knew
their rights and were determined to maintain them, but
who, under the lead of the wise and humane Geffirard,
were further destined to show forth the entire capacity
of the African for self-government. All honour there-
fore to Hayti. But, while not honouring Hayti less, he
must say that he was profotmdly interested in the con-
tinent of Africa, its magnificent country, its innumerable
and splendid aboriginal races, and it was on this
accoimt he felt a peculiar interest in Liberia. He be-
lieved it to be the beginning of a glorious end, Ethiopia
was about to stretch out her hands unto God. Jehovah
who had smitten Egypt was now about to heal her.
The darkness was giving way to the tight. The
mystery of the mysterious land was about to be solved.
(Applause.) If his family relations would permit it, he
did not know but what he should have gone to Liberia
himself. But his wife objected to that course, and as
he could not get a divorce for that, he supposed he must
stay where he was. (Laughter.) Well, then, he would
reconmiend his friend John Anderson to think of the
history of Africa, and to work for her future glory, and
he wished him in his new home, prosperity and happi-
ness. (Applause. )
The resolution was then put and ca^ed unanimously.
FABEWELL SOIREE TO ANDERSON. 163
John Anderson, who was received with applause,
said he was stire he had to thank the Chairman, the
Committee, and friends, for their kindness to him, and
he hardly knew how to do so as he ought. The remarks
which had been made by his coloured friend, Professor
Allen, had struck him very much. He at one time
felt a great prejudice against Liberia — against even the
very name of it, — ^but what he had since heard about it,
had removed that prejudice altogether. (Hear, hear.)
He was sure a debt of gratitude was due to the gentle-
men who formed the committee, especially the Chairman,
Mr. Harper Twelvetrees, for he had done double —
(cheers and laughter), — then Mr. J. A. Horner, Mr.
Cooke Baines, Mr. George Thompson, Mr. Chesson,
and Mr. John Noble. (Hear, hear.) All of them had
been very kind to him. He hardly knew what to say to
flfaow the gratitude he felt at what had been done for
him. He regretted that his going away so soon would
prevent him from calling upon many other friends whom
he wanted to see before he left England. He had found
many friends here who had been very kind to him.
Through the kindness of the committee, he had been
able to learn a little ; and now he felt a desire to know
more. He wished he had begun earlier, but he was
glad that he had laid a good foundation for the future.
(Cheersi) Some of the gentlemen had said to him that
he might some day be President of Liberia. He
thought he should want a little more instruction in many
branches of knowledge. At any rate, he trusted that
164 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
their efforts for his improvement would not be in vain.
(Hear, hear.) He did not know how he could repay
them for their kindness to him ; but he hoped the Lord
would bless each and eveij one of them for what they
had done for him. His privileges had been certainly
very great. He had received much sympathy and
assistance from the good and intelligent people of
England ; and that was why he regretted leaving them.
He felt that be was going out to Liberia under great
advantages. From all he could learn it seemed a good
sort of place. When he first went to Canada he
had not a friend in the world ; but through God's
providence he soon got plenty, and by the same
aid he would try to succeed in Liberia. (Cheers.)
His condition might have been much worse. As a slave
he had seen much suffering and distress. He sometimes
thought that no man in the world had gone tibrough so
many troubles as he had ; but he supposed every man
thought the same who had any troubles to bear.
(Laughter.) He was sure they would admit that his afflic-
tions had been great. (Hear.) He had left his poor wife
and child in slavery — sometimes he entertained the hope
of seeing them again ; but the difficulties were so great
that the thought vanished. God would, however,
watch over them and protect them. He should have
liked to have stopped at school another y«ar, so as to
have increased his stock of learning ; but he was very
thankful to the committee and the English people for
what they had already done for him. He was happy
FAREWELL SOIREE TO ANDERSON. 165
to say that he could now read the Scriptures, and he
never imagined that they contained the glorious truths
which they did. (Cheers.) In writing he could begin
to put the letters together and that was something.
(Hear and laughter.^ For these blessings he must
thank them all ; Mr. Harper Twelvetrees first, and
above all the rest, because he had done the most (hear
hear) ; then the two Secretaries, Mr. Cooke Baines and
Mr.Homer ; the Committee; and then the English people.
(Cheers.) When he arrived at Liberia he would write
to them, and he hoped they would answer his letters.
It would pain him if he wrote to them as well as he
could and got no answer to his letters. Dr. Hewlett
had advised him to speak plainly. He was afraid that
was a great fault of his, (laughter) he thought he spoke
exceedingly plain ; but if he spoke too plainly he hoped
they would pardon him. The Bible told them to go
and •** reason together," and he was willing to reason
with any man, even a slave-dealer, provided he did not
lay hands upon him. But if the slave-dealer would not
keep his hands ofP he would warn him off; and if he
still persisted in laying hands upon him he would strike
for life and liberty. In conclusion he thanked them
for all they had kindly done for him, which he should
remember to his dying hour. (Cheers.)
F. W. Chbsson, Esq., Secretary of the Aborigines'
Protection Society, proposed the following resolution : —
''That this Meeting tenders its cordial thanks to
Gerard Ealston, Esq., Consul-General of Liberia, for the
166 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
trouble he has taken on John Anderson's behalf, in""
arranging for his passage to, and settlement in, the
Republic of Liberia ; that the thanks of this Meeting* ^
are due, and are hereby given to the Chairman and
Directors of the West African Mail Packet Company,
for their kindness in granting a passage to John
Anderson at almost a nominal rate ; und that this Meeting
earnestly prays for the prosperity of the important
Negro State, of which Mr. Ralston is the representative
in this country."
He (Mr. Chesson) moved this resolution with peculiar
pleasure, as he had for many years been on terms of in-
timacy with Mr. Ralston, and could render emphatic tes-
timony to the great and disinterested services which that
gentleman had rendered to Liberia. He knew, from what
had been told him by persons high in authority, that those
services were fully appreciated by both the government
and people of Liberia ; and, although the negro race was
now necessarily, in a great measure, ignorant of Mr.
Ralston's efforts for their benefit, he believed the time
would come when millions of this suffering people
would mention his name with gratitude, and honour him
as one who rejoiced to identify himself with them in the
days of their humiliation and servitude. (Cheers.)
The establishment of an independent and civiKzed negro
state on the West Coast of Africa was a fact full of hope
for the people of that continent. Liberia was the one
little oasis in the wilderness, but the oasis would extend,
and the whole land would one day smile with fertility^
FAREWELL SOIREE TO ANDERSON. 167
Wherever Liberian influence might extend, the evils of
fetishism, sorcery, and domestic slander would speedily
disappear, and their place be taken by purer customs
and a higher faith. (Hear, hear.) For several years
past he had anxiously watched the policy of the Liberian
government, and he was bound to say, that there was.
nothing in that policy to which he could take exception;
and that, when they were involved in diflBlculties with
Spain and England of a character more or less grave,
they acted with remarkable wisdom. He had been much
gratified with one remark that had fallen from John
Anderson — ^he said that he wished to acquire still further
education; that what he had learnt mad^ him desire ta
leam still more. (Hear, hear.) That was a desire worthy
to be encouraged, and one of the noblest that could be;
implanted in the human mind. He (Mr. Ghesson) was.
glad to say that he would find in his new home many men,
of his own race who were actuated by the same sentiment;
and what was of equal importance, he would find the most
ample opportunities for its gratification. In Monrovia,
the capital of the Republic, there was a splendid college,
which had its professors, who were men of learning and*
high attainments. At least, one of them, the Rev.
Alexander Crummell, had graduated at Cambridge
University, and had entered holy orders as a clergyman^
of the English Church. Let. John Anderson, in going
to Liberia, be encouraged by what individual Liberiana
had done for their own improvement and elevation.
There was President Benson himself, si, native of Mary-^
168 LIFE OF JOHN ANDSBSOK.
land, who went to tlia country of which he was now &e
chief magistrate, at the age of seven years, and who
never once left the shores of Africa until he visited
Europe a few months ago. He received his entirs
education at the grammar-school of Monrovia ; and yet
he (Mr. Chesson) had the privilege of hearing him address
public audiences in this country, in language of the
purest English, and on all occasions he proved himself
to be an accomplished and well-informed gentleman, fit
to take his place in any assembly in the world. (Cheers.)
He might also mention Mr. ex-President Roberts, one of
the pillars of the state, between whom and his successor
no petty rivalry existed. Chief-Justice Drayton, who-
came from South Carolina —a state in which teaching a
slave to read is an offence punishable with imprisonment
and death. Mr. Secretary Johnson^ whose letters in
the Liberian Herald^ describing his visit to England,
were as lively and vigorous as the speeches he delivered
in this country : and many other bright examples of self*
made men. He did not say that John Anderson should
expect or ever hope to take his place among men
occupying this position. Every man was not bom to
rule or guide the ship of state ; but the ability was given
to every educated and intelligent human being to live a
life of public usefulness and of private rectitude. (Hear,
hear.) By all means let John Anderson aspire, but he
should first lay down a basis of knowledge—devote him-
self sedulously to his own mental improvement and to
those industrial pursuits in which he would shortly
FAREWELL SOIREE TO AKDEfiSON. 169
engage. (Applause.) If, as the result of his exertions,
he should only secure in acquiring a reputation as a
brave and honest citizen, those in this country who had
interested themselves in his welfare, and who would still
continue to watch his career, would be abundantly
rewarded for all their labour, and would never have
cause to regret that they had been the means of giving
him his new start in life. (Cheers.) He desired to say
one word more on the subject of negro self-government.
It should not be forgotten that there was another state
besides Liberia, in which the children of Africa were
exhibiting the highest capacity of civilized men. He
referred to Hayti, where ex-President Geflfrard was
ruling with a benignity and wisdom which found few
parallels in older states; and he rejoiced to know that
this noble Kepublic and its African sister were united
by a treaty of commerce and amity — a treaty which, he
believed, had been first suggested by himself to a former
Haytian nunister in London. He was sure that this in-
ternational bond would prove enduring, because it was
the growth of mutual confidencei respect, and good-
will. (Applause.)
William Farmer, Esq., in seconding the resolution,
said that he could endorse all that had been said by
his friend, Mr. Chesson, respecting the State of Liberia.
He had not the privilege of an acquaintance with
Mr. President Benson, but from all he had read o£ him,
he believed him to be fully entitled to the commenda-
tions which had been passed upon him. (Hear, hear.)
170 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSOK.
He (Mr. Farmer) had at one time sliared in the prejudice
entertained by the free-coloured people against the-,
Republic of Liberia, but he was glad to notice an,r
improved state of opinion on this subject^ and that the
experiment of forming a negro commonwealth was no-
longer considered a degradation, but a blessing to the
coloured race. He was also gratified with the observa-*
tion of John Anderson as to his desire for further in-
struction — it was a noble sentiment; and he had no
doubt, that with his present acquirements, he would
endeavour to educate himself and attain greater pro-
ficiency in knowledge. One of the most distinguished
men of his race, Frederick Douglas, was a self-educated
man, (cheers,) who did not even possess the advantages
which John Anderson did, but by his own untiring efforts
rose to his present eminent position ; and some of the
most remarkable men in our own country were self-
educated men, who had raised themselves from a
comparatively humble position, to eminence, by theii^
own exertions. William Cobbett had taught himself ta
read while keeping sentry ; and he (Mr. Farmer) had
heard that eloquent friend of the slave, George Thomp- ;
son, state from the hustings, that he had never received
a day*s schooling in his life. These were only a few
instances of self-educated men, but the number could be
multiplied at pleasure. John Anderson was about to
assume a responsible position as a representative man.
The Republic of Liberia would have much to do with
the future history of America, inasmuch, as its progre0
FAEEWELL SOIBEE TO ANDEBSON. 171
•VTOuld exert a powerful influence upon the question
of the liberty of the slave in that unhappy country.
He would be put in possession of a grant of land on his
arrival at the country that was to be his future home,
and thus he would enjoy an advantage which he
(Mr. Farmer) did not possess. John Anderson had a
good physical constitution, and also a knowlege of
farming in a tropical climate ; and therefore he was in
a better position for ensuring success than many others
on their arrival in a new country. (Cheers.) The
resolution was then unanimously adopted.
Cooke Baines, Esq. next proposed the following
resolution : —
"That this meeting expresses its warm approval
of the manner in which the Eev, Dr. Hewlett and
Mr. John Pool conducted the education of John
Anderson during the time he was imder the charge of
those gentlemen."
Mr. Baines stated that they had only to run their
eyes over the evidences that he had then before
him to find abundant testimony of the value of the
instruction which had been imparted to Anderson.
When John Anderson first came to this country he did
not feel even the desire for instruction, and if the gen-
tlemen referred to in the resolution had only succeeded
in implanting that one idea in his mind during the
twelvemonths he had been with them, they had accom-
plished something worthy of their warmest praise.
(Hear, hear.) When John Anderson arrived in Liberia.
172 UFS OF JOHN ANBESSON.
he would more fully appreciate the value of the instruo-
tion he had already received, for the little knowledge
he possessed would, assist him to more, if the desire for
further instruction remained. In the Negro Bepuhlic
he would find many fiiends willing to assist and encou-
rage him^ if he manifested a becoming disposition, united
with perseverance and energy. He might not live to
become President of Liberia, nor might he be able to
attain a very exalted position in that free republic, but
he could and ought to strive to become a good, useful,
and respectable citizen of his adopted country. (Cheers.)
He was going to a country where his colour was not a
mark of degradation ; and he (Mr. Baines) felt boimd
to express the sincerest hopes of his warmest friends
that his future course of life would show that he was
worthy of his fireedom. (Cheers.)
Joseph A. Hobneb, Esq., in seconding the resolu-
tion said, that in his position as one of the Honorary
Secretaries to the Committee he had had ample
opportunities of judging of the progress that John
Anderson had made, by the letters received from him,
from time to time. During his sojourn in London there
were circumstances known to the Committee which
prevented him from making that progress in his studies,
which he otherwise would have done. At Corby, how-
ever, he not only enjoyed the advantages of being under
an able instructor like Mr. Pool, but also the benefit of
seclusion and quiet while engaged in the acquisition of
knowledge. He had also the advantage of the personal
FAREWELL SOIREE TO ANDERSON. lYS
sympathies of Mr. Pool himself, who had always been
a warm friend of the Anti-Slavery movement. Mr. Pool
would tell them that Anderson had conducted himself
honourably, and that he should never desire a more
tractable pupil ; (cheers) and he was sure the Committee
had reason to congratulate themselves in having secured
such a guardian for John Anderson as that gentleman
had proved himself during the last twelve months.
John Anderson had expressed in their hearing that
night . his wish to become a missionary. He (Mr.
Horner), regarded Liberia as one of the most promising
missionary enterprises of the day, and his life could be
consecrated to the service and glory of God in a republic
which was itself a grand missionary field. There were
half a million of coloured people among whom he might
labour, where his colour instead of being a disadvantage
would prove a recommendation. (Hear, bear.) The noble
examples alluded to by Mr. Chesson were calculated
to encourage him in his efforts, when he should become
the citizen of a state which was not only free, but based
upon elevating and Christian principles, and one in
which the black man could attain the highest office of
the Republic. (Cheers.) John Anderson had cause
to rejoice in his removal to a country where a black
face was more popular than a white one. He (Mr.
Homer) was almost afraid that Anderson would soon
imbibe a prejudice against wSite men. (Laughter.) In
Liberia the colour of the skin was the qualification of
citizenship, and not the mark of slavery. John
174 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSON.
Anderson must endeavour to combat with that prejudice
if he found it growing upon him, (increased laughter)
and he also trusted that he would keep his fiicoids
acquainted with his progress by frequently writing to
them. Speaking for himself he would cheerfully under-
take to answer all the letters, with which he might be
favoured. Anderson would not be very far away
from them— only twenty-one days sail, and he wished
him all prosperity in his newly-adopted country.
(Applause.)
The resolution was then submitted to the meeting
and adopted.
Mr. Johk Pool, of Corby, in responding, expressed
his thanks for their recognition of his humble services.
There was always a satisfaction in doing one's duty, but
the satisfaction he then experienced was increased
considerably by the knowledge that his labours were
appreciated by those on whose behalf they had been
undertaken. When John Anderson first came to him,
he (Mr. Pool) felt that he was a representative man, and
that a deep responsibility rested upon him (Mr. Pool),
for if he should not succeed with Anderson as he desired,
he should thus be the occasion of disappointing the ex-
pectations of the Committee ; and thef riends of slavery
would refer to their failure, and henceforth speak in
tones of contempt of the efforts of abolitionists. (Hear,
hear.) Being cradled in the principles of abolition, he
(Mr. Pool) was actuated by a feeling of sympathy and
interest in his work, and he believed that his success
FAREWELL SOIREE TO ANDERSON. 175
with Anderson would be destined to exert an influence
upon the interests of the coloured race throughout
the world. (Cheers.) He was, therefore, happy to
say that the result had been of the most satisfactory
character. He left the parish of Corby without a
stain upon his character — a general favourite with
all classes; while the testimonials of the various min-
isters of religion of all denominations, showed that
he had gained their confidence and goodwill. (Hear,
hear.) Anderson had abstained from public speaking,
in accordance with the instructions of the Committee,
until the previous week, when, as he was preparing to
leave the neighbourhood, he was allowed to narrate the
history of his escape to the rustics of the village. The
excitement connected with his arrival in England greatly
unfitted him for much mental progress. By degrees,
however, his temperament had become subdued; and
the progress he had since made was of the most satis-
factory character. His last letter to Mr. Homer was
indited and written entirely by himself He could read
a chapter in the New Testament without hesitating at a
word, unless it should be an extraordinary long word.
He could also understand the sense and meaning of what
he read, and has been able to master the first four rules
in arithmetic — simple and compound, and make out a
simple bill of account correctly. (Cheers.) As regarded
Anderson's general conduct, the longer he remained
with^him the more it improved; so that he could not help
feeling gratified that he was leaving them under such
176 LIFE OF JOHN ANDEBSOX.
auspicious circumstances ; and if lie ever rose to an
eminent position, he should recollect with pleasure the
part he had taken in preparing him for his future career.
Anderson's future conduct would prove whether their
exertions to promote his well-being had been appre-
ciated or not ; and he hoped he would ever maintain an
honourable and useful position in life that could be
referred to with satisfaction by his fnends. He must
not be content with a character built only upon the
sandy foundation of fame and notoriety, but upon the
solid foundation of knowledge and Christian principles,
which had been already laid. He was not deficient in
mental capacity, and might reasonably be expected to
exert a wide influence for good in the country to which
he was going. He would be a representative man, to
strengthen or weaken the position of his coloured
brethren still in bondage. He would go from this
country the pioneer of emancipated slavery, to demoB-
strate to the world that the coloured race are capable of
governing themselves, and that they would be the
means of hastening the hour of their redemption.
(Applause.)
F. W. Chesson, Esq., then moved the following
resolution : —
'* That the best thanks of this meeting be presented
to the Honourable Arthur Kinnaird, M.P. for his
kindness in discharging the duties of treasurer; and to
Harper Twelvetrees, Esq. for his presidency upon this
occasion, and also for his viduable services as Chair-
FAHEWELL SOIKEE TO ARDEBSON. 177
man of the Committee, and for the liberal pecuniary
aid which he has, from time to time, rendered on behalf
of John Anderson."
He (Mr. Ch^sson) was sure that the Committee, who
were well aware of the liberality displayed by their
Chairman, would agree with him (Mr. Chesson) that
that gentleman was entitled to their best thanks. In
the course of some furdier complimentary remarks,
Mr. Chesson stated that he believed for some consider*
able time past, in consequence of the lowness of their
funds, the maintenance of John Anderson had solely
depended upon Mr. Twelvetrees..
The Bev. Dr. Hewlett seconded the resolution in
similar termei, ax^d then submitted the resolution to the
meeting.
Mr. Habpeb Twelvetrees, in responding thanked
them heartily for their kind expressions towards him.
He had endeavoured to discharge what he felt to be his
duty, and was glad to have an opportunity of acknow-
ledging the kindness and assistance he had received
from the committee, and especially for the hearty co-
operation of his friends, the honorary secretaries. He
could assure that meeting that the committee, who had
been deeply interested in promoting Anderson's welfare,
had had many an anxious meeting together. (Hear, hear.)
Their path, at the commencement, appeared beset with
difficulties, but he was sure they now had occasion to
rejoice that He who had guided them by his counsel,
had brought their labours to so gratifying a conclusion.
N
178 LIFE OF JOHK ANDEBSON.
He rejoiced on behalf of John Anderson himself. He
had a magnificent prospect before him, and if he onljr
exerted himself, as thej trusted he would do, he might
certainly attain a position which, during his previous,
history, he could hardly have anticipated, (Cheers.)
He (the Chairman) hoped that he would not omit to
imte to them, and he trusted to hear a good account of
him in future. His best wishes were for his prosperity
both in temporal and spiritual things. He sincerely hoped
that John Anderson would find Liberia all that he desired,
and that there he would be permitted to spend a long,
prosperous, and useful life, devoted to the promotion of
the best interests of man and the glory of God. (Cheers.)
The following resolution was then proposed by W.
Farmer, Esq., and seconded by F. W. Chesson, Esq : —
''That the thanks of this meeting be presented to
Cooke Baines, Esq., and Joseph A. Homer, Esq., the
Honorary Secretaries to the committee of John Ander-
son, for their indefatigable exertions to further his
interests since his arrival in this country."
The resolution on being put to the meeting, was
carried unanimously, afler which, the gentlemen above
named, responded in appropriate language, and the
proceedings terminated.
On the following morning, December 23rd, John
Anderson, in company with the Chairman and Honorary
Secretaries of his committee, waited upon Gerard
Ralston, Esq., Consul-General, to thank him for his
letters of introduction to the President of the Republic of
DEPABTURE OF ANDERSON. 179
Liberia, and other principal Officers of State ; and also
for his kindness in procuring him a grant of land. The
interview lasted a considerable time, and much practical
and important advice was communicated to Anderson
bj Mr. Ralston, who, on leaving, made Anderson a
present of a parcel of books. The remainder of tiie
day was occupied in taking leave of London friends,
and finally at five o'clock p.m., he was accompanied to
Euston Station by Messrs. Baines and Homer, and left
London for Liverpool in charge of Mr. Pool, by whom
he was conducted, on the following morning, to die
Afiican Steam Ship Armenia, leaving for Cape Palmas.
180
GIVE BACK HIS SLAVE?
BjacANsa Joasr Am^Bsoir, rmm CAsim^
[By W. C. BfifKBTTy Eaq^ Author of ^Baby^May,*^ flind other ^bctms.]
HiTBfi ! open wide your ears, X say,
All yoa who boast of English blood;
One of yonr raee staada here^ to^jr,
A suitor ;-HihaU:hfi^ be withstood?
One, freer than yoursslveB^ & heie
To twit yon wx& '* his ri^^ts of x&aiL;"
He wants his own,, his olaim is cleair !
Befase him justice if you can.
What asks he there across the waye ?
But this, that you'll give back his slave;
He only asks that you'll rechain
The freeman whom your rights made free,
Who knew, 'mongst you, that he'd remain
The man his God made him to be.
Ko word of all your British stuff,
Your air makes men even of the black.
His owner daims this thing — enough.
Give back his chattel, give it back;
What if you know it has a soul
To madden, and a back to lash.
This Christian knows both black as coal.
Both made for torturing ; cease your trash !
Hark to him there across the wave,
" To hang— to bum— I'll have my slave ;
What are your talked-of rights to me ;
LIFE Ot JOHN AI^DfiBSON. 181
What is't to me font dtiield is Hasmwn
Around thif wrdtoh ? You make him free?
Eefetter him ! I'll hove my own/'
His hand's not blaok, his hand is red,
Bed with his blood, who, on his track,
As from his hell of chains he fled.
Stretched, to that hell, to seize him back.
Murderer ? he dared/ like those who made
Their Bunker's Hill their boast to-day.
When freedom agamst life was weighed,
The enslaver, as God bade, to slay.
You who of Garibaldi rave.
And howl at Bourbons, chain this slave !
His right arm struck the self-same blows
Italian bondsmen dealt of late ;
With them, he's one of slavery's foes,-
Give him to worse than Bomba's hate !
God ! that we— we here to-day,
This very hour in England, can
Be asked to scan our laws and weigh
This devil's right-— this daim to man !
Talk not of laws ! who does not know
No slave, a slave, can tread our soil !
No, no, we have not fallen so low.
This does not make our blood to boil ;
Of rights our nature scouts, he raves ;
Spit at the man ! we chain his slaves ?
No, be our name the whole world's scorn,—
Slave torturer^s lashes seam each back,
Han's, woman's, child's, amongst us bom.
If we to chains give this man back.
182 LIFE OF JOUN ANDEB80N.
And can a treaty bid na dare
To act this sin to man and CKkL !
If so, the aocnned writmg tear,
Beneath our feet its shreds be trod !
No man-made laws, in this, shall bind
Onr Christian sonls hell's work to do;
The devil and his tools shall find,
In this, to Ood alone we're true.
Not in onr judges' breatb shall liye
The answer that to-day we give;
For me, whatever come, I say,
If laws command us, " Let him go !"
Ood's will, not man's, I will obey;
Give back his slave? we thunder "No."
Foris.
orks on ^labtrg,
PUBLISHED BY W. TWEEDIE.
Price Is. 6d.,
THE DEEPER WRONG.
The Bey. John Curwen, of Plaistow, at a meeting to welcome to
England the Bey. J. Sella Martin, recommended eyery man to read the
autobiography of a alaye firl, entitled, "The Deeper Wrong," and
published by Mr. Tweedie, in the Strand. The authoress was a member
of Mr. Martinis congregation, in Boston, U.S., and Mr. Martin freely
Touches for her honouraole and truthful character. It is no secret in
America that the real name of Mr. Bruce, the gentleman who befriended
this fugitiye slave, is N. P. Willis, Esq., well known in both countries
for his "Pencillings" and his sacred poetry. Mr. Curwen hoped tiiat
eyery man whose blood tingled wim shame and indignation at the
reading of this tale would determine to do something for the anti-
slayery flag now raised in America,
" Intensely interesting : equal to any romanca " — Londond&rrff
Standard,
" Has all the interest of romance, and the instruction of history."-*
NeweaatU Daily ChronieU,
" A story that would scarcely obtain credence were it not that slayery
not only degrades the slaye, but brutifies the master. Uncle Tom*8
adyentures were not nearly so tragic." — JTeatem Morning y&wi.
« Every paffe bears the impress of reality, and as a faithful transcript
of the actual condition of the slaye it is of the utmost yalue." —
Caledonian Mercury,
" One of the most useful and interesting works that haye appeared in
connection witii the subject of American uayery." — Momtng Star,
" The impression it produces upon the mind owes nothing to exagger-
ated language." — Daily Newe,
Just published, second Edition, fancy boards. Is. 6d.,
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD
From SLAVERY TO FREEDOM. By Rey. W. M. MITCHELL.
In fancy wrappers, 295 pages of closely printed matter, Is. 6d.,
JOHN BROWN, the HERO of HARPER'S FERRY.
An autobiography of his Childhood and Touth, with an account of
his Public Life, Trial, and Execution. All who would understand the
present straggle in America, would do well to read thb yolume.
Just published, price 6d.,
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE
AFFAIR AT HARPER'S FERRF.
A Sermon preached at Boston, U.S., by Jambs Fbbekan Clabki.
LoiTDOv: WILLIAM TWEEDIE, 887, STRAND;
AND ALL BOOKSELLERS.
Juit PiAluM, priet One SMUinff, tioth, UiUrei,
TSa SSOl^T ?SI21 1SS47SS
OK
The Oheap PreMi; and the TXniversal Pezmy.
WITH AN IMTAODUOTION
BY THE REV. HUQH ALLEN, D.D,
(RtOor of 8t, Gwrge9 tU MofisT, acmfhtpark.)
•{rimonB of ilft |pre08.
'* The * Bxomley Pxixe Baaays' are the production of several gen^lemai eomifiot*
ed witii a large mercantile establishment at Brumlej-by->Bow. The Bssays ars
on the 'Cheap Press,' and the * Universal Fenny,' and they contain evidences of
considerable thought and ability. The Rev. Hugh Allen, D.IX, has wxittn s
suitable introduction.'' — 3%e JHaL
**Mr. Harper Twelyetrees already oo^pias a raaoe which lifts him up 1^ a
high mountun in the eye of the public, mdle the oasis of his operations pxe his cm
\jnm^n»ti estahllsbment, a considerable town in itself we And him ever ywh ere in
the van when good is to be done^ and this welfiure of m^ to be promoted. One of
his last benevolent prqjects was the <Broml<^ Prise Essays' on the * Cheap
Press,' and the * Universal Penny.' The idea was original, and the pabttflattm ii
one of very considerable interest, replete with facts and figures all bearing on thf
ol:iject in vfew.*'— Brttiift OondanL -e — ^
** These Essays, written by members of the Bromley literary Association, an
decidedly above the average of similar productions; and evince eoiuddenUfl
thought and great care in composition The essays on * The Cheap Press,' its ^pbe
and uifluencf^' are marked bv sound discrimination ; and while doing j[y^i90 P
the great advantage derived fttnn the valuable publicaitions issued in large numban
and at very low pnoes, the writers do not hesitate to denounce the profl^at^ whieh
too often uses the chewp press as an instrument of corruption. • Th9 Untveail
Penny ' is the subject of^two essays, which well deserve the c^ur^fbl pcsrasal Ht 4
who know, or haveyet to learn, the value of little tbinga"— <mm<^m /onmot
**Mr. Thomas BuFreAM, the sucoeesfVil writer of the Essay on the *Chfli9
Press,' is an old contributor to our columns. HisessaylsanexoeUentprodafltiaii
embracing a wide range of thought, whilst thoee of nia coac^utora poascM wf
considerable merit."— TFiatadk Aavertiaer,
** We have here the four successfyil Essays, for which prlaes were oflbred \f
Mr. Harper Twelvetrees, the President of the Bromley-by-Bow literary Aai^
elation. The adjudicators were the Rev. Jabez Bums, D.D , and tne Key. J. ft
Hewlett, D.D. The Esiviys ara sensibly written, and in a style clear, naluniV 9^
fbrdble. The reflections, illustrations, and suggostiona are such as would liat d»
credit the most ezperienped minds engaged upon bimilar topioa The pubUDstfoa
of the Prise Essays in a collective fbrm, will, we hope, be of general servlciB^ as aa
example and stimulus of litierary labour among the members of kindred soolctiea'
the subjecta and drcumstancea of this publication are alike j^tymaMwt
AnXtous to encourage the cultivatinn of literacy tastes among his empleyei^ flw
the members of the Bromley literary Association, in a metsopolHcui dutriat
which up to that time had been greatly neglected, the nesldentk 1ft
Harper Twelvetrees, resolved on giving four prizes for the beet and seeow
best essays on the 'Cheap Preas,' and the 'Universal Penny.' This (0f
called forth many eager respondents ; and as the efiforts of working men. tin
succeesfiil productions which nave been thus honoured seem well worthy or tbt
distinction oopfbrred upon them. The neat and tastefU manner iu wJii^iM
Estays are got up, adds not a little to thdr beauty and el^;anoe." — NetocatUt DiSf
ChronMe.
Loitdoh: WILLIAM TWEEDIE, 887, STRAND;
^l^O ALL jfOOKSBLLBBip.
i^