Stringer Lawrence, the father of the Indian army

E Libris

General Sir Neville Lyttelton

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Twilliam Potter

THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY OF
BRITISH COLUMBIA

THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY OF
BRITISH COLUMBIA

(iJuM^cui^rumj^^

STRINGER LAWRENCE

THE FATHER OF THE
INDIAN ARMY

By COLONEL J. BIDDULPH

indian staff corps
Author of " The Nineteenth and Their Times "

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET

1901

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2010 with funding from

University of British Columbia Library

http://www.archive.org/details/stringerlawrenceOObidd

CONTENTS

Preface

CHAPTER I.

First Service in India

Indian Warfare — From Trade to War — Lawrence takes service
with the Company — Arrival in India — Beginnings of our
Indian Army — French repulse at Cuddalore — Boscawen's
expedition — Siege of Pondicherry — Lawrence taken
prisoner — Failure of siege — Expedition against Devicotah —
Repulse of Cope — Lawrence takes command — Fall of
Devicotah — Joins Nazir Jung — d'Auteuil's bluff — Lawrence
at Fort St. David — Discontent — Resigns the service —
Appointed Commander-in-Chief n

CHAPTER II.

Tr ichinopoly

Return to India — March to Trichinopoly — Dalton — Give—
Clive's Peril — Dalton and d'Auteuil — Clive and d'Auteuil
— Law's surrender — Death of Chunda Sahib — Dupleix's
accusation — Kinneer's repulse — Lawrence at Fort St. David
— Victory at Bahoor — Relinquishes command ... 30

CHAPTER III.

Trichinopoly

Lawrence at Trivadi — Dalton's difficulties — Lawrence marches
to Trichinopoly — Attacks Astruc — Desperate position —
Battle of the Golden Rock — Action with Brenier — Kil-
patrick — Victory over Astruc — Weycondah — French attack
on Trichinopoly — Dupleix's terms — Failure of negotiations
— Grenville's disaster — Mahomed Yusuf — Poniapa's
treachery — Caillaud — Lawrence and Maissin — Suspension
of arms — Ruin of Dupleix — Treaty of peace 53

6 CONTENTS

CHAPTER IV.

Defence of Madras

War with France — Caillaud outwits d'Auteuil — Adlercron — His
incapacity — Lawrence as a Volunteer — Siege of Fort St.
George — Draper's sortie — Siege raised — Lawrence at Con-
jeveram — Returns to England — Returns to India —
Mahomed Yusuf's rebellion — Last Years in India —
Lawrence's death — His character — Relations with Clive —
Monument 96

Appendix A : Parentage of Stringer Lawrence . . .121

Appendix B : Soobadars of the Deccan, and Nawabs of the

Carnatic, in the eighteenth century 123

PREFACE

The object of this Memoir is to rescue from
oblivion the name of a soldier to whom the
British Empire owes a great debt of
gratitude. We have been so long accustomed
to consider ourselves as the only European
nation in India, that it is apt to be forgotten
how great was French predominance, in that
country, in the middle of the eighteenth
century. When Lawrence went to India, with
no higher commission than to command a small
undisciplined garrison of two or three hundred
men, our tenure in India hung by a thread.
With few troops and scanty resources, under
conditions of warfare novel to him, Lawrence
gave check to the ambitious schemes of Dupleix,
established the prestige of English arms, and
secured time for the English Ministry to recog-
nise the importance of the unofficial war that was
being waged by the East India Company against

8 PREFACE

France. Lawrence was the second and the most
distinguished of the little band of English
officers whose services were transferred from
the Crown to the Company, and who wrote
their names so deeply in the history of our
earlier wars in India. He was also the first
English Commander-in-Chief in India. Nor
was Lawrence's merit confined to his services
in the field. By his good judgment, unfailing
common sense and uprightness of character, he
secured the confidence of his masters in England
and of his colleagues in India to a degree that
no others of his time were able to attain. Alone
among his contemporaries, he stands distin-
guished as the only man in a prominent posi-
tion whom no voice of dislike or malice ever
assailed.

Some account of his operations round Trichi-
nopoly has been given by Lawrence himself ;
but with characteristic modesty he has told his
story so briefly as almost to deprive it of
interest. Orme's history contains a detailed
account of Lawrence's campaigns, but they are
intermingled with such a mass of details in
which Lawrence was not concerned, that
Lawrence's own personality is lost sight of.

The dates given in this Memoir, up to

PREFACE 9

3rd September, 1752, are according to Old
Style.

The tables of the rulers of the Deccan
and the Carnatic, in the eighteenth century,
given in Appendix, serve to show how the
appointed Governors first became indepen-
dent of Delhi, and, in time, founded lines of
hereditary rulers.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

-f4-

MAJOR-GENERAL STRINGER LAWRENCE,

after the Portrait by Sir Joshua Reynolds . Frontispiece.

TRICHINOPOLY to face p. 34

TEMPLE OF SERINGHAM .... to face p. 42

DUPLEIX to face p. 94

LAWRENCE'S MONUMENT IN WESTMIN-
STER ABBEY to face p. 119

MAP OF ENVIRONS OF TRICHINOPOLY . at the end.

STRINGER LAWRENCE

i.

FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA

In these days when the most trifling skir-
mish is telegraphed to all parts of the world,
when the distribution of medals and rewards
is discussed before a campaign is ended, it is
somewhat difficult to realise the small notice
that has been taken of some of the men who
laid the foundations of our Indian Empire in
the eighteenth century. Clive and Coote have
found their niche in the temple of Fame ; but,
besides them, there were a number of officers,
not inferior to them in military achievement, who,
as majors and captains, often only as subalterns,
commanded armies in the field, won important
victories, conducted sieges, and carried on
successful operations during a long series of
years, generally against superior numbers,
always under great difficulties, whose names

12 FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA

have almost passed into oblivion : " stout-
hearted but utterly forgotten Englishmen, who,
at great odds and with small means, sustained the
fortunes of their country in many a hazardous
predicament by their devoted bravery and
steadfast perseverance." Some of their deeds
have been chronicled by Orme ; but Orme is
only to be read by the few. Without some
personal knowledge of India he cannot be read
to much advantage. There is no skimming or
dipping into Orme. His long-drawn narrative
of fifteen years' warfare, diffused and mono-
tonous, merges its interest in a multiplicity of
personages and details among which all sense of
proportion is lost. The enemies against whom
our armies contended were no contemptible foes.
In statesmanship and far-reaching views there
was nobody in authority on the English side
who could match Dupleix, while he was in
India. He was, through the greater part of
his career, well supported by his own Govern-
ment, and wielded resources that his English
opponents never commanded. Fortunately he
was no soldier. La Bourdonnais, Bussy and
Lally were excellent generals. They were less
hampered by their own local Government than
were the English commanders, who were con-

INDIAN WARFARE 13

tinually subjected to vexatious interference in
military details. The French troops were more
numerous and better equipped than the English.
The native commanders pitted against us were
frequently bad, though Hyder Ali was as fine
a military leader as India has ever produced ;
but the numbers and resources they could bring
into the field made them very formidable. The
fighting was often of a most desperate nature.
If there was any superiority of arms it was not
on our side. The native chiefs had strong
fortresses, powerful trains of artillery, and thou-
sands of horsemen, against which our people
were obliged to match themselves with slow-
moving infantry and a few field pieces drawn
by oxen. Sepoys were enlisted and disciplined
by the French, before the idea was taken
up by the English. Our Sepoys, at first, had
only such weapons as they could themselves
furnish ; sometimes only bows and arrows, and
spears. It was not till the end of 1754 that
the first regiment of the British army landed in
India. Before that date, the Company had to
depend on the sweepings of the English sea-
ports, gathered by sharks and crimps ; for they
were not allowed to recruit openly. Orme
describes a newly-arrived batch in 1752, the

i4 FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA

very men with whom Clive took Covelong and
Chingleput, as being "as usual, the refuse of
the vilest employments in London."* Some-
times Swiss mercenaries were obtained, who
deserted wholesale and enlisted in the French
ranks. Such one-sided combats as the superior
armaments of our day have rendered possible!
never fell to the lot of our armies in India in
the eighteenth century. Our successes in India
were largely due to the fine qualities of our
subordinate officers when entrusted with de-
tached commands. This was where the inferi-
ority of the French showed itself. Equal to us
on other points, and our superiors in many,
their subordinate officers proved themselves
markedly inferior to the English, when con-
fronted with unexpected difficulties, or when
acting independently. Nor did French officers
succeed in developing the best qualities of their

* Clive, in 1758, writes with reference to the King's intention
to give him a Colonel's commission : — " I shall never make
any use of it, for I am not at all inclined to enter the lists with
Monsieur Lally. Experience, discipline and perhaps bravery
would be against me. For you well know the men which come
to India are the worst of their kind, and surely the best men
of France are equal to the worst men of England."

I On the 8th May, 1866, at Irdjar, a Russian force of about
3,000 men defeated 40,000 Bokhara troops, having only 12 men
wounded.

FROM TRADE TO WAR 15

Sepoys, to the same degree that English officers
were able to do. While our regular forces
were engaged in Germany and America, our
first successes in India were, to a great extent,
won by our waifs and strays, by the younger
sons of younger sons, the failures and ne'er-do-
weels who went to India in search of a career
that they were unable to find at home.

The capture of Madras by the French, in
September, 1746, was the beginning of our
military career in India. At that time, the
few European soldiers in the East India
Company's service were merely factory
guards, with little organisation and less
discipline. After nearly one hundred and
fifty years of existence, the Company was
still a purely trading association ; trade, not
territory, was their object, and they had
steadily kept aloof from interference in local
politics. The declaration of war, by France,
found the Companies of both nations equally
unprepared for hostilities. On the appearance
of an English squadron, under Commodore
Barnet, off the Coromandel Coast, in 1745,
Dupleix, the French Governor of Pondicherry,
prevailed on the Nawab of the Carnatic to
prohibit hostilities, and Barnet sailed away.

16 FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA 1746.

The English Company, secure in the Nawab's
assurance that he would force the French to
observe a similar neutrality, took no precautions
to strengthen themselves. When, therefore, a
French squadron, under La Bourdonnais,
appeared off Madras, in September, 1746, no
resistance was possible. Dupleix had secured
the neutrality of the Nawab, by promising to
put him in possession of Madras, and the place
fell after two days' bombardment. The
garrison, at that time, consisted only of some
200 Europeans fit for duty and about three
thousand Peons, less than a third of whom
were armed with muskets. The officers were
three lieutenants, two of whom were foreigners,
and seven ensigns promoted from the ranks.
Only one lieutenant and one ensign were
deemed efficient officers.

The Nawab, as soon as he found that
Dupleix was playing him false, and had no
intention of surrendering Madras to him, sent
his son, Mahfoos Khan, with ten thousand men
to expel the French. The French, under
M. Paradis, inflicted a bloody defeat on the
Nawab's army, at S. Thome, six weeks after
the capture of Madras from the English,
which practically made Dupleix dictator of the

1746. FIRST APPOINTMENT 17

Carnatic. A few weeks later he succeeded in
making terms with the Nawab, and was left in
peace to prosecute his plans against the English.
The Directors in London, thinking only of
trade, took no steps to strengthen Madras till
after it had fallen. Major Knipe, the
commander of the Fort St. George garrison,
had died in May, 1 743 ; after much delay
Captain Stringer Lawrence was selected to
succeed him. Little is known of Lawrence's
parentage.* He was the son of John
Lawrence and Mary his wife, of Hereford,
where he was born on the 24th February,
1697-8. In December, 1727, he received
a commission, as ensign, in Major-General
Clayton's regiment, now the West Yorkshire,
and saw service with that regiment in Spain
and Flanders, and during the Highland rising
of 1745. He became a lieutenant in March,
1735-6, captain in June, 1745, and retired on
20th January, 1746-7. The circumstances
under which his services were transferred to
the East India Company are not known ; but
it was not till the Company had agreed to
employ him that his name ceased to appear on
the rolls of Clayton's regiment.

* See Appendix.

C

i8 FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA 1747.

According to the record of the Directors'
Proceedings for 17th December, 1746, it was
" Resolved that the garrison of Fort St.
George be strengthened with a number of
recruits, sergeants, and ensigns, and that an
able officer be sent from hence, as Major
thereof, at the salary of ^"250 per annum and
one hundred guineas for his charges out. And
Captain Lawrence being recommended as a
person qualified for the post, Resolved by the
Ballot that the said Captain Lawrence be
appointed Major of the Garrison on the terms
above mentioned, and, beings called in, he was
acquainted therewith." On the 18th February
following, when he was forty-nine years of age,
he took the usual oath, and sailed in the
Winchelsea. His appointment was notified to
the Governor of Madras in the following
terms : — <( Stringer Lawrence, Esq., is enter-
tained by us to be Major of our Garrison at
Fort St. George upon the same terms as Major
Knipe, viz. : two hundred and fifty pounds
sterling per annum and one of the Companies."
About one hundred and fifty men embarked at
the same time. It is noteworthy that the views
of the Directors, at that time, were limited to
strengthening the Fort St. George garrison.

1748. ARRIVAL IN INDIA 19

The idea of using troops in the field, or for
any other purpose than defending their own
walls, had never entered their minds.

Four months after Lawrence's departure the
news of the fall of Madras reached London.
The English at Madras having all been taken
prisoners, the Directors appointed a new
governor, and a Council, of which Lawrence
was made the third member ; but it was
ordered that his work in the Council was to
be confined to military advice and duties.

Lawrence's voyage lasted nearly eleven
months. For some reason his ship went to
Batavia, before making the Coromandel coast.
Probably they received news of the fall of
Madras at the Cape, and went to Batavia to
await further intelligence.

In January, 1748, Lawrence landed at Fort
St. David, then momentarily expecting an
attack by the French. After the fall of
Madras, the Fort St. David officials had taken
on themselves the administration of the Com-
pany's affairs on the coast. Very little was
then wanting to deprive the English of their
last foothold in Southern India. Two attacks,
since the fall of Madras, had been foiled rather
than defeated. Lawrence's first care was to

c 2

20 FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA 1748.

form a camp outside the walls. This led to
the detection of a plot among the native officers
of Peons, who were in secret correspondence
with Dupleix. The presence of the English
fleet on the coast prevented any French
movement against the place for a time.
Lawrence employed the interval in reorgan-
ising the companies of Europeans, and intro-
ducing a system of military law. The reorgan-
ised companies were seven in number, con-
sisting each of one captain, one lieutenant, one
ensign, four sergeants, four corporals, three
drummers, and seventy privates. The lieu-
tenant of Lawrence's company was called
captain-lieutenant, and ranked as a captain.
In the field, these companies acted together as
a battalion, but ten years elapsed before they
were formed into an administrative battalion in
quarters. In the same way, the Peons were
organised in companies, and, eleven years later,
in battalions. It was in such humble begin-
nings that the Anglo- Indian army had its
origin.

Six months after Lawrence's arrival, Dupleix
took advantage of the absence of the British
squadron to make another attempt against Cud-
dalore. By a sudden march, a force of eight

1748. CUDDALORE 21

hundred Europeans and one thousand Sepoys,
from Pondicherry, appeared within three miles
of Cuddalore on the morning of the 17th June.
Lawrence had intelligence of the design, and
ostentatiously withdrew the guns and garrison
to Fort St. David, about a mile distant,
giving out that he did not consider Cud-
dalore tenable. Directly night fell, he
marched back the garrison and guns. At
midnight the French advanced with scaling
ladders, and were received with such a fire of
grape and musketry that they flung down their
arms and retreated precipitately to Pondicherry
without making any further attempt. Two
months later, Lawrence was involved in a
disaster of the same nature as he had inflicted
on the French.

On receipt of the news of the loss of Madras,
the Directors in London were roused to action.
Being devoid of military resources, their appli-
cation to the Crown for assistance met with a
ready response. An expedition, against Pondi-
cherry, was fitted out under Admiral Boscawen,
and sailed from England in November, 1747.
For the purposes of the expedition, twelve
independent companies, each of one hundred
rank and file, were formed by drafts from

22 FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA 1748.

different regiments. A force of artillery was
added, and the whole force consisted of about
1,400 men. Some time was wasted in an abor-
tive attempt against Mauritius. On the 29th
July, the squadron arrived off Fort St. David :
the troops were landed, and, on 8th August,
began their march to Pondicherry, The whole
of the operations by land and sea were in
Boscawen's hands, and the miscarriage of affairs
was ascribed to his ignorance of land warfare.
With marines, sailors, and a Dutch contingent
from Negapatam, the European rank and file
amounted to 3,720 men. Lawrences authority
only extended to the Company's troops, which
formed a fifth of the whole force, not counting
Sepoys.

The first attempt was made against Arian-
copang, a detached fort two miles from Pondi-
cherry. Without information, without recon-
naissance, and without scaling ladders, seven
hundred men were marched to the attack, with
the inevitable consequences. One hundred and
fifty men were killed or wounded, the best
officer among the English troops being among
the killed, without the slightest advantage being
gained. It was found necessary to commence
regular siege operations against Ariancopang.

1748. TAKEN PRISONER 23

After much blundering, a battery was opened
with very little effect. M. Law, who com-
manded in Ariancopang, made a sudden sortie,
with a mixed force of infantry and cavalry,
against a part of the entrenchment held by
sailors. The sailors were struck with panic at
the sight of the cavalry, and fled. The panic
communicated itself to the regular troops, and
the whole of the entrenchment was abandoned.
Lawrence, who commanded in the trenches that
day, disdained to fly, and was made prisoner.
The same day the magazine in the fort was
blown up by accident, forcing the garrison to
retreat into Pondicherry.

On the 30th August, Boscawen broke ground
before Pondicherry. Blunder was heaped upon
blunder, till, at the end of a month, during which
no progress was made, it was found necessary
to abandon the siege. One thousand and sixty-
five soldiers and sailors had perished, and an
enormous quantity of ammunition had been
uselessly expended. " There are very few
instances of late years," Orme remarks, "of a
siege carried on by the English with less skill
than this of Pondicherry." In November, news
was received of the cessation of arms in Europe.
Lawrence was permitted to return to Fort St.

24 FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA 1749.

David on parole, pending ratification of the
treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, which restored
Madras to the English.

The establishment of peace left both English
and French stronger in military resources in
India than they had ever been before. The
French profited by the occasion to mingle in
the politics of the Deccan and Carnatic courts ;
a step destined to increase enormously their
political influence, and to force the English
into opposition. On the English side,
Boscawen, burning to retrieve his failure
against Pondicherry, by some notable exploit,
agreed with the Company's officials to
espouse the cause of a Tanjore prince who
had been living for some years under the
Company's protection. This Tanjore claimant
was profuse in his promises to the English,
and in his assurances that his appearance in
Tanjore territory at the head of an armed force
would be the signal for thousands to join his
standard. In return for assistance in gaining
the throne of Tanjore, he undertook to cede
Devicotah to the English. At the end
of March, 1749, four hundred and thirty
Europeans, with a thousand Sepoys and
a small siege train were despatched against

i749- DEVICOTAH 25

Devicotah, under command of Captain Cope.
The force reached Devicotah with only
three days' provisions in hand, and, after a
series of blundering operations in which the
troops were only saved from destruction by a
want of enterprise on the part of the Tanjoreans,
Cope was glad to make his way back to Fort
St. David. The English were by this time
disillusioned as to the influence of their protdgd,
but thought it necessary to wipe out the re-
proach of their failure by a second expedition,
which was entrusted to Lawrence.

This time success crowned their efforts. The
details of the capture possess little interest
beyond the fact that it was on this occasion
that Give first came prominently under
Lawrence's notice. A breach had been made,
and Clive volunteered to lead the storming
party. The Sepoys held back, and Clive's
little party of Europeans was cut to pieces ;
Clive himself being almost the only one that
escaped. Lawrence at once made a second
assault at the head of his whole European
force, and Devicotah fell. The Tanjore ruler
was glad to make peace, on account of the
changes produced in the Carnatic by French
intrigues, and Devicotah was ceded to the

26 FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA 1749.

English. The acquisition of Devicotah was
not a very creditable business for the Company.
It was their first deliberate attempt at terri-
torial acquisition, without the excuse of acting
in self-defence. Having gained their object,
they threw over the Tanjore prince whose
claims they had affected to assert. The prime
mover in the business appears to have been
Boscawen.

Boscawen, who had only waited on the coast
till Madras was received from the French,
returned to England. Lawrence was appointed,
by the Directors, Chief Commissioner to take
over Madras. Many of the survivors of the troops
Boscawen had brought out with him entered
the service of the Company. Eleven subalterns
were in this way transferred to the Company's
service, their names being retained on the
half-pay list in the event of their returning to
England at a future date. Among them may
be mentioned two officers, John Dalton and
James Kilpatrick, who served in India with
much distinction.

In spite of peace having been established in
Europe, the English and French in India were
soon again opposed to each other in the field.
Rival claimants were contending for the thrones

1750. D'AUTEUIL'S BLUFF 27

of the Deccan and the Carnatic, and the real
issue of the struggle depended on the English
and French commanders ; though they only
appeared as auxiliaries in the rival camps. In
March, 1750, Lawrence, with six hundred
Europeans, joined the camp of Nazir Jung, the
Soobadar of the Deccan, who was opposed by
the rival pretenders to the Soobahship and the
Nawabship of the Carnatic, supported by a force
of 2,000 French under d'Auteuil, the brother-in-
law of Dupleix. It was the first time, since
the establishment of peace, that English and
French troops had been opposed to each other,
and d'Auteuil tried to intimidate Lawrence by
a bit of bluff. Sending him a flag of truce, he
expressed his desire that no European blood
should be shed. As he did not know where the
English were posted, he would not be to blame
if any shot came in their direction. Lawrence
replied that his post would be known by the
English colours carried on his flag-gun ; that
he too, was averse to spilling European blood,
but if any shot came his way he would cer-
tainly return them. In order to try Lawrence's
mettle, d'Auteuil fired a shot over the English
camp. Lawrence at once answered it with
three guns, " and saw they were well pointed."

28 FIRST SERVICE IN INDIA 1750.

d'Auteuil, with a mutiny amongst his men,
thought so badly of his prospects that he re-
treated the same night, sacrificing his guns and
artillerymen. But Lawrence's relations with
Nazir Jung were so unsatisfactory that he
shortly afterwards left him, and marched his
troops to Madras.

At this time important changes took place
among the officials at Madras. Floyer, the
governor, and Holt, the next in seniority
to him, were dismissed from the service ;
Saunders was summoned from Vizagapatam to
assume charge at Madras, and, for four months,
Lawrence was made provisional governor of
Fort St. David. Before Mr. Saunders' arrival,
Lawrence's relations with the provisional
Government at Madras became strained. He
had cause of dissatisfaction in regard to several
matters. The Company's practice permitted
interference in the most trifling military
details by the civil officers whose business
it was to manage the Company's trade. In
June, 1748, the power to convene court mar-
tials had been granted to Lawrence by the
Directors, though the power of overriding them
was vested in the Governor and Council. In
1750, the Court of Directors sent orders for

1 751. APPOINTED COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 29

the withdrawal of Lawrence's powers ; but it
was found impracticable to do this. He was
also dissatisfied at the failure of the Company
to enforce necessary measures for the mainten-
ance of discipline. He had no proper authority
over his men, and his pay was miserably small.
On the 25th September, he resigned the
Company's service, and sailed for England a
month later.

The Directors acted with a sagacity that they
did not always show in similar circumstances.
They packed Lawrence back to India before
he had been two months in England, with the
appointment of Commander-in-Chief of all the
Company's military forces in the East Indies,
on a salary of ^500 per annum, to which was
added a yearly allowance of ^250 " in lieu of
diet money, servants, horses, and all other pri-
vileges and perquisites whatever." He was
also commissioned to consider at once of the
proper establishment for forming a company of
artillery at Fort St. George. The most stirring
part of Lawrence's career was about to com-
mence.

3° ^1S2'

II.

TRICHINOPOLY

On the 14th March, 1752, Lawrence again
landed in Madras, and at once took command of
the army that was about to march under Clive.
At this time a Political Committee of the Coun-
cil was formed for the first time. It consisted
of three members, of whom Lawrence was one.
During his absence, the unofficial war between
the English and French Companies, acting as
auxiliaries of the rival claimants to the Nawab-
ship of the Carnatic, had been prosecuted with
vigour, and Clive had sprung into notice by his
feats at Arcot and Covripauk. During Law-
rence's absence a dangerous spirit of discontent
had arisen among the officers, owing to a breach
of faith, on the part of Government, affecting
their allowances, and the whole discipline of the
troops was very bad. Three days after land-
ing, Lawrence, with 1,500 men, of whom 400
were Europeans, marched to the relief of
Trichinopoly, where Mahomed Ali, the English

1752. MARCH TO TRICHINOPOLY 31

claimant to the Nawabship, with a small
English force under Captains de Gingens and
Dalton, had been besieged, for seven months,
by a French force under M. Law, the French
officer into whose hands Lawrence had fallen
prisoner at Ariancopang, and a large native
force under Chunda Sahib, the French claim-
ant. In Trichinopoly also was a Mahratta
force under Morari Rao, the chief of Gooti, in
the pay of Mysore, and a contingent from Tan-
jore, whose ruler had, for the time, cast in his
lot with Mahomed Ali. On the 26th March,
Lawrence arrived within twenty miles of Tri-
chinopoly. Morari Rao was, at this time, in
secret correspondence with the French, an
advantage to Law of which Lawrence was
ignorant. Law and Chunda Sahib were en-
camped on the south bank of the Cauvery,
about five miles east of Trichinopoly. It was of
the utmost importance to them to prevent the
junction of Lawrence's force with the garrison.
Several favourable positions were open to Law
for opposing Lawrence's march, at the different
rivers Lawrence was obliged to cross before
arrival within striking distance of the besieged
town ; but Law neglected his opportunities.
Instead of moving to meet Lawrence, he left

32 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

the issue to be decided on the ground on which
he stood. Ten miles from the allied camp, Law
had occupied Coiladdy, where the Cauvery
divides into several branches, with about six
hundred men, and had formed there a formid-
able battery commanding Lawrence's route at
point blank range. Lawrence's march was
directed along the strip of land between the
two southern branches of the Cauvery, where-
by a certain amount of protection was afforded
to his convoy. It was his intention to strike
southwards across the southernmost branch,
before coming in touch with Coiladdy : but
his guides misled him, and he suddenly
found himself under the fire of the battery.
Twenty Europeans were killed, and much
confusion caused among the baggage before
he could extricate himself. Continuing his
march, without further interruption, Lawrence
halted that night about ten miles from
Trichinopoly.

The next morning, 28th March, Lawrence
resumed his march, having been joined in the
night by a hundred Europeans and fifty dra-
goons from the garrison. While he directed
his march on the fortified rock of Elmiseram,
another detachment from the garrison, under

1752. MARCH TO TRICHINOPOLY 33

Captain Dalton, consisting of two hundred
Europeans and four hundred Sepoys with four
guns, took post at the Sugarloaf Rock. Law
had drawn up his force, with his right resting
on Elmiseram, and his left thrown back to the
Cauvery at Chucklipolliam. Lawrence's busi-
ness was to reach Trichinopoly, not to fight a
general action ; so, directing his march south-
wards, he marched round Elmiseram, and was
joined by Dalton at noon. Here a halt was
called, to rest the troops who were suffering
greatly from the heat, while Morari Rao and his
Mahrattas from the city pretended to skirmish
with the French. Soon, news was received that
the whole French line, with their allies, were
advancing. Lawrence at once pushed forward
Clive with a small detachment of Europeans
and some guns, to occupy some buildings that
Law had neglected to occupy, while he moved
up, in order, to his support. A fierce cannonade
ensued, from nine guns on the English side
against twenty-two on the French. The
English troops were well sheltered, while the
Frenchmen stood without cover on the open
plain. In half an hour they wavered and gave
ground, withdrawing their guns. Clive and
Dalton followed them up till they took refuge

D

34 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

in the watercourse near French Rock. Here
they would have been exposed to a severe enfi-
lading fire, when Lawrence, satisfied with the
advantage he had gained, and unwilling to
overtax the energies of his men, who were
suffering severely from the heat, ordered the
pursuit to cease. He was also, no doubt, in-
fluenced by the dubious behaviour of Morari
Rao. Seven of his Europeans had died of
sunstroke, and fourteen were killed or disabled
by the cannonade. The French losses were
heavier. They had lost about forty Europeans,
while some three hundred of their native allies,
about the same number of horses, and an
elephant lay dead on the field. The com-
mander of Chunda Sahib's cavalry had also
been killed.

Continuing his march, Lawrence entered
Trichinopoly the same evening. On the
night of the 1st April, he sent Dalton with
four hundred men to beat up the French
camp, and set fire to it. Dalton lost his way,
but managed to regain Trichinopoly without
loss, though morning had surprised him in the
midst of the French posts. The mere attempt
alarmed Law to such an extent that he preci-
pitately withdrew across the south branch of

1752. DALTON 35

the Cauvery, on to the Island of Seringham,*
destroying a quantity of stores he was unable
to take with him. The next day, Lawrence
sent Dalton with a small force against
Elmiseram, an isolated rock with a fortified
temple on the summit. A small party of
grenadiers, attempting a night attack without
orders, were beaten back, but the place sur-
rendered on the following morning. Fifteen
Frenchmen, thirty Sepoys, and two guns, one of
them an 18-pounder, were captured. Two days
afterwards, Dalton and the grenadiers captured
another gun. Law had posted a gun in a
small building on the island, commanding the
bathing place used by the principal leaders of
Mahomed Ali's army. Dalton concealed his
men behind an old wall on the bank of the
river. At noon, when the guard were asleep
or engaged in cooking, the grenadiers forded
the river and captured the gun, before it could be
fired twice. The gun was brought across the
river, under cover of some field pieces that
had been sent to cover their retreat. The
boldness and success of these achievements
made an impression on both sides, out of all
proportion to their importance. Hitherto, the

* Sri Runghum.

D 2

36 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

operations of the English had been feeble and
wanting in resolution, with the exception of
Clive's deeds at Arcot and Covripauk, while
the French had carried all before them. Now
the French were forced into a defensive atti-
tude, and the English were the attackers.
Among the first results was a change in the
behaviour of Morari Rao, who relinquished for
a time his treacherous correspondence with
Chunda Sahib. Law's position on the island
was an extremely strong one. After experience
showed that it was almost unassailable, owing
to the hollow ways and watercourses with
which the ground of the island was intersected,
and to the great stone temples, standing in
walled enclosures, which could be converted
into defensible posts. The only necessity of
Law's position was that he should keep open
his communications with Pondicherry.

Clive, whom Lawrence had taken into his
confidence, now made the daring proposal to
divide the army, sending one half of it north
of the Cauvery to intercept Law's communica-
tions with Pondicherry. Hazardous as such
a move would have been in face of an enter-
prising foe, Lawrence at once agreed to it.
By this time he had gauged Law's want

1752- CLIVE 37

of enterprise, while recognising his own advan-
tage in possessing such a coadjutor as Clive.
His superiority in cavalry, at this time, an
advantage he never again possessed, made
the division of his army less hazardous than it
would otherwise have been. On the scheme
being made known to Lawrence's native allies,
they declared that they would take no part in
it, unless Clive was given the detached
command. Some anxiety was felt by Lawrence,
who had intended to give the command to
Clive, lest the officers senior to Clive should
decline to serve under him ; and it is a proof
of the good spirit Lawrence was able to infuse
into his officers that no demur was made.

On the night of the 6th April, Clive, with
four hundred Europeans, seven hundred Sepoys,
four thousand native horse, and eight guns,
passed the Cauvery, and occupied Samiaveram,
where they entrenched themselves. As a
counter-move, Law sent a party to occupy
Munserpet. A detachment sent by Clive to
dislodge them was repulsed with some loss.
But the enemy was faint-hearted, and retired
to Pitchandah. Clive followed up his advantage
by capturing Lalgoodi, where Law had a large
magazine of supplies.

38 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

Meanwhile, Dupleix, greatly alarmed at the
situation produced by Law's retreat to Sering-
ham, had collected all the men he could spare
from Pondicherry, and sent them, under
d'Auteuil, to reinforce Law. d'Auteuil reached
Ootatoor, thirteen miles north - east of
Samiaveram, on the 14th April, and sent
messengers to Law advising him of his inten-
tion to reach the Cauvery by a circuitous night
march. One of his messengers was captured
by Clive, who marched the same night to
intercept him. d'Auteuil received news of
Clive's march, and fell back on Ootatoor.
Clive also returned to Samiaveram. Clive's
movement to intercept d'Auteuil was known to
Law on the following day ; but not his return.
Law at once detached a small party of eighty
Europeans, forty of whom were English
deserters, and seven hundred Sepoys to
surprise Clive's camp at Samiaveram, while he
was engaged with d'Auteuil. They reached
Clive's camp at midnight, and, by the help of
the English deserters, passed themselves off
on Clive's Sepoys as a reinforcement from
Lawrence. The story was believed ; they
were conducted through the camp, and, on
reaching Clive's quarters, opened fire on the

1752- CLIVE'S PERIL 39

buildings in which Clive and his soldiers were
asleep. There ensued five or six hours of
extraordinary confusion, in the course of which
Clive had several wonderful escapes. Twice
he was alone in the midst of the enemy, mis-
taking them for his own men ; but his courage
and presence of mind saved him. A third time
he was treacherously fired at while parleying
with the enemy, who had taken post in the
building in which he had been sleeping at the
time of attack, and the two men on whom he
was leaning were killed. Daylight made the
French aware of the failure of their attempt,
and they surrendered. The French Sepoys,
attempting to retreat, wTere cut down and
slaughtered to the last man by Give's Mahrattas.
Had Law sent a larger and better commanded
force, he would probably have been successful
in cutting off Clive's whole detachment. The
leader of the deserters was a man named
Kelsey, who had been given a commission in
the French Army by Dupleix. He was the
man who had treacherously tried to kill Clive,
when Clive had entered into a parley for the
surrender of the enemy. Lawrence ordered
him to be hung. This produced lively com-
plaints from Dupleix, who urged the Madras

40 TRICHIN0P0LY 1752.

Council to send Lawrence to Europe to meet
the charges of bad faith he, Dupleix, was
sending to France against Lawrence. Dupleix
was already beginning to see that in Lawrence
he had a formidable adversary.

Law, who remained encamped at the
western end of the island, now only retained the
small post at Pitchandah, north of the Cauvery.
At the eastern end of the island he had an
important magazine at Coiladdy. d'Auteuil
remained at Ootatoor. It was evidently the
duty of the two French commanders to fall
upon Clive by a concerted movement, while
Lawrence was kept in play south of the river.
But their whole thoughts were bent on effecting
a junction on the island. Lawrence sent a
Tanjore force to capture Coiladdy, which was
effected on the 26th April. The loss of the
supplies stored here soon began to make itself
felt in Law's force. The next move was made
against d'Auteuil. Events had shown that it was
essential not to weaken the force at Samiaveram,
so Lawrence sent Dalton across the river with
150 Europeans, 400 Sepoys, 500 Mahratta
horse and four guns to attack d'Auteuil. On
the evening of the 10th May, Dalton reached a
point within two miles of Ootatoor. Before

1752. DALTON AND D'AUTEUIL 41

encamping, he sent a party of Europeans and
Sepoys to dislodge the enemy from a small
village in his front. This was so easily effected
that Dalton's men pushed on beyond the
village, without orders, and found themselves
face to face with d'Auteuil's whole force. After
a brief skirmish, in which they lost their officer,
they fell back on the village, and held it till
Dalton came up. The sun had set, and Dalton
worked on d'Auteuil's apprehension by a bold
move in the failing light. Keeping his guns in
front of the village, with a few men to give the
appearance of strength, he sent his whole force
of infantry, in two parties, to fall simultaneously
on both flanks of d'Auteuil's force. d'Auteuil
thought he had to do with the whole of
Clive's force, and retreated precipitately to
Ootatoor, followed closely by Dalton. Further
conflict was prevented by d'Auteuil's cavalry,
who had cut in on Dalton's rear, but were
driven off by Dalton's Mahrattas. The same
night, d'Auteuil evacuated Ootatoor, and fell
back eighteen miles on Volcondah, abandoning
a great quantity of ammunition and stores.

Dalton's march towards Ootatoor had been
seen from the island, but was taken to be part of
Clive's force. Law at once crossed the river to

42 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

attack Samiaveram, and found himself con-
fronted by Clive in a strong position. After
some skirmishing, he recrossed the river to
Seringham. Two days later, the river rose so
as to prevent Dalton rejoining Lawrence.
Dalton, with admirable spirit, placed his detach-
ment at Clive's disposal, and offered his own
services as a volunteer, to prevent any dispute
arising from his superiority of rank. Law-
rence, who had already made a lodgment on
the island, now ordered Clive to attack Pit-
chandah. Clive's guns first broke up Law's
camp, forcing him and his allies to take refuge
about the Jumbakistna temple, and Pitchandah
fell after two days' bombardment. The invest-
ment of the island was now complete, every
part of it being exposed to artillery fire. Law-
rence's next move was to cross over to the
island at Chucklipolliam, and throw an
entrenchment right across the island, east of
the Jumbakistna temple, forcing Law and
Chunda Sahib to take post at the Seringham
temple. Here some delay was necessary in
order to get heavy guns from Devicotah.
The Europeans with Lawrence on the island
were only half the number Law had at his
disposal, so a direct attack was out of the

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1752. CLIVE AND D'AUTEUIL 43

question ; especially as the frequent rising of
the river made it impossible for him to depend
on co-operation from Clive.

While awaiting the guns from Devicotah,
he sent Clive in search of d'Auteuil, on
27th May. Clive found d'Auteuil a few-
miles south of Volcondah. The English
Sepoys, who had outmarched the Europeans,
were now so full of ardour that they fell on
impetuously, and drove d'Auteuil into the town.
The Europeans coming up, carried a gateway
by assault, and before morning, on the 29th
May, d'Auteuil surrendered with his whole force,
consisting of 100 Europeans, 400 Sepoys, 340
horse, three guns and a great quantity of stores,
including 800 barrels of powder and 3,000
muskets. Already, before this, Chunda Sahib's
people, seeing which way the game was going,
and straitened for provisions, had begun to leave
him. Chunda Sahib, in despair, entered into
negotiations with the Tanjore General for a
free passage through his camp, and was
treacherously made prisoner. On the 3rd June,
Law surrendered, with 35 officers, 785
Europeans, of whom 60 were sick or wounded,
2,000 Sepoys and 45 pieces of artillery.
Chunda Sahib was put to death by the Tanjore

44 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

General on the same day. And all this had
been brought about without a pitched battle.
A notable feature in the campaign was the
fine military spirit developed among the
Sepoys, which had received its first impulse
under Clive at Arcot. " It is indeed difficult,"
says Orme, " to determine whether the English
conducted themselves with more ability and
spirit, or the French with more irresolution and
ignorance, after Major Lawrence and Captain
Clive arrived at Trichinopoly."

Dupleix, whom Mill styles " the most
audacious contemner of truth that ever en-
gaged in crooked politics," accused Lawrence
of having ordered Chunda Sahib's death ; and
Dupleix's admirers have upheld the unjust
accusation so far as to affirm that Lawrence
could have saved him if he had chosen. But
Lawrence was in no position to dictate to his
native allies. The English were auxiliaries,
not principals, in the war, and their views had
no weight except in the actual business of
fighting. Mahomed Ali, the Tanjoreans, the
Mysoreans and the Mahrattas, were all equally
desirous of getting possession of Chunda
Sahib's person to further their own political
views, and were equally averse to allowing any

1752. CHUNDA SAHIB'S DEATH 45

of the others to have him in their keeping.
When Lawrence offered to settle the dispute
by taking charge of the prisoner, the one point
on which the confederates agreed was that he
should not be made over to the English.
Wilks states that Chunda Sahib was put to
death at the instigation of Mahomed Ali. Con-
sidering the circumstances of the time, his
death would appear to have been almost the
only solution that would prevent a quarrel
among the allies. Not a scrap of evidence has
ever been adduced to show that Lawrence was
aware such a step was being contemplated, till
after the deed was done. It was by Law's
advice that Chunda Sahib chose to run any
risk rather than surrender himself to the
English. The accusation comes with a par-
ticularly bad grace from Dupleix, in view of
the fact that he had himself resolved on im-
prisoning Chunda Sahib for life, and at that
very time held a firman, secretly obtained from
the Nizam, setting aside Chunda Sahib, and
placing the Nawabship in the hands of the
French.

Law's conduct in retreating to Seringham
has been the subject of much adverse criticism,
but Lawrence considered it a prudent step at

46 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

the time. Its effect on Law's native allies
was certainly disastrous. But Law cannot
be absolved from blame for not opposing"
Lawrence's march at a sufficient distance from
Trichinopoly to prevent the garrison giving
him assistance.

No such blow had fallen on the French since
they had first entered the field of Indian
politics. With great ability, Dupleix re-
constructed his plans. The timely arrival of
the annual fleet from France brought him
reinforcements ; by clever intrigues he pro-
duced dissension between Mahomed Ali and
his native allies ; and, by an audacious as-
sumption of authority, claiming the right to
act in the name of the Emperor of Delhi,
he proclaimed Reza Sahib, Chunda Sahib's
son, Nawab of the Carnatic. Two months
after Law's surrender, the French inflicted a
severe repulse on an English force. The
Madras Council, elated by their recent success,
resolved to reduce Gingee, an exceptionally
strong fortress held by the French, about forty
miles from Pondicherry, and seventy-five from
Madras. Lawrence, who was at Fort St.
David, set out for Madras to dissuade Mr.
Saunders from the undertaking. His repre-

1752. KINNEER'S REPULSE 47

sentations as to the strength of the place, the
difficulty of sending supplies to the besieging
force, the necessity of settling affairs at
Trichinopoly, and the inadequacy of the
English forces were not listened to. On
July 26th, Major Kinneer, an officer new to
the country, arrived before Gingee with 200
Europeans and 2,000 of the Nawab's troops.
Dupleix sent an equal force from Pondicherry,
under his nephew, M. de Kerjean. Kinneer,
finding he had no chance of success against
Gingee, marched to meet de Kerjean, who
took post at Vicravandi, twenty miles south-
east of Gingee, with a river in his front. The
English guns, commanded by a French de-
serter, were badly handled. The attack was
repulsed, Kinneer wounded, and many officers
and men killed ; but Kinneer managed to bring
off the rest of his men in good order to Fort
St. David. The expedition never had the
slightest chance of success. Kinneer died of
illness brought on by vexation and disappoint-
ment. M. de Kerjean was then sent by
Dupleix, with every available man, to blockade
Fort St. David. His force amounted to 450
European Infantry, 1,500 Sepoys, fourteen
guns, and 500 Native horse. Among the

48 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

arrivals from Europe, 200 Swiss troops in
English pay had reached Madras. Half of them
were despatched in open boats to Fort St. David.
Lawrence, anticipating what actually happened,
strongly urged that the men should not be
sent in open boats ; but the Council over-
ruled him. It was part of the unwritten
code that had hitherto governed the acts
of the two Companies, while their nations
were at peace, that hostilities should not be
prosecuted at sea. But Dupleix was not a
man to be hampered by scruples in the carry-
ing out of his plans ; and, though he would
have hesitated to attack a ship, he had no
scruples about snapping up defenceless troops
in open boats. As the Swiss passed Pondi-
cherry, he intercepted them and made them
prisoners. Lawrence, who was ill at the
time, at once embarked with the rest of
the Swiss for Fort St. David. His force
consisted of 400 Europeans, 1,700 Sepoys, and
eight or nine field guns, together with three or
four thousand of worthless rabble representing
the Nawab's troops. De Kerjean, finding he
was about to be attacked, broke up his camp
and retreated to Bahoor, followed by Lawrence.
The next day, the French force moved back to

1752. BATTLE OF BAHOOR 49

within the bound hedge marking the limits of
Pondicherry. According to the curious ethics
of the time, Lawrence's instructions forbade his
violating French territory, so he contented
himself with driving in the French outposts
that were outside the boundary hedge, in the
hope of bringing on a general action. Seeing
that de Kerjean had no intention of leaving
his position under the walls of Pondicherry, he
formed the project of luring him out of it.
Affecting an unwillingness to engage, he fell
back precipitately to Bahoor. De Kerjean,
against his better judgment, allowed himself to
be coerced by Dupleix, under threats of
supersession, into following Lawrence, and
encamped two miles from Bahoor.

Before daylight, on the 26th August,
Lawrence moved out to the attack. Contrary
to the usual practice, the advance was led
by the Sepoys, the European battalion being
kept in reserve. In every action, at that
time, the decisive blows were struck by the
European troops, and it was essential to as-
certain where the French battalion was posted,
before the English battalion was too deeply
engaged. At the first challenge, the English
Sepoys opened fire, but the European battalion

E

50 TRICHIN0P0LY 1752.

continued their advance with shouldered arms.
As daylight appeared, the French battalion was
discovered, drawn up, with their right resting
on a high bank, and their left covered by a small
piece of water. The English battalion formed
up opposite to them, and advanced under a
heavy fire of cannon and small arms. The
records of war show that, under such circum-
stances, one line or the other usually gives way
before actual contact ; but, at Bahoor, an
incident rare in war occurred. The French
stood the shock, and the two lines crossed
bayonets without flinching. A few minutes of
hand to hand fighting ensued, and then the
English grenadier company and the two
platoons next them broke through the French
centre. The whole French line gave way, and
fled in confusion. The Nawab's cavalry,
instead of pursuing the fugitives, galloped off
to plunder the French camp, by which a
number of the French were able to escape.
M. de Kerjean with fifteen officers and 100
Frenchmen were made prisoners, and a greater
number killed, upwards of 100 by the bayonet ;
eight guns, with all the French ammunition and
stores, were captured. Of the English battalion,
four officers and seventy-eight men were killed

1752. LAWRENCE DISPLEASED 51

and wounded, mostly by the bayonet, so close
and determined was the fighting. In his
gratitude to the English, Mahomed Ali, at this
time, remitted the ground rent of twelve
hundred pagodas a year paid for Fort St.
George, and henceforth the East India Company
was free of the charge.

In spite of his victory, Lawrence was, for a
time, reduced to inaction by the doubtful atti-
tude of the Mysore Durbar and the Mahrattas,
under the influence of Dupleix's intrigues.
He was engaged in a little fighting and
much marching, during which the Mahrattas
plundered friend and foe impartially, till a
great amount of sickness among his troops
forced him to return to Cuddalore.

So little aware were the Directors in London
of what was going on in the South of India,
that they sent instructions to Lawrence at
this time to proceed to Calcutta, to advise about
the fortifications there ; but Lawrence was too
busy to be spared. His whole service in
India was confined to the Coromandel coast.

At this time he again sought to relinquish
his command. There was frequent discontent
among the troops, owing to their pay being
constantly in arrears. They were worn out

e 2

52 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

with harassing service, and Lawrence's plans
for prosecuting the war were disregarded. He
complained that he was not allowed to exercise
the powers conferred on him by the Directors,
without constant interference. The Governor
sent him orders for military movements, with-
out informing him of his plans for prosecuting
the war, or paying the slightest attention to his
opinions, and made appointments and promo-
tions among the troops without consulting him.
In November, he actually relinquished the
command, but was prevailed on to resume it
after an interval of three weeks.

1753- 53

III.

TRICHINOPOLY

In January, Lawrence was again in the field,
engaged in harassing operations, in the neigh-
bourhood of Cuddalore, against the French
under M. Maissin, with whom were allied the
Mahrattas, who had now definitely declared
themselves against Mahomed Ali and the
English. On 9th January, he took three guns
from the Mahrattas. The French, under M.
Maissin, were strongly entrenched in sight of
Lawrence's camp at Trivadi, in an unassailable
position, and ail his efforts to force on a general
engagement in the open were unsuccessful.
During four months the two armies were in sight
of each other, and a number of minor engage-
ments took place between the English and the
Mahrattas, in which the want of cavalry on the
English side placed Lawrence at some disadvan-
tage. The Mahrattas displayed great energy
and gallantry, but the French troops kept them-
selves in reserve; discouraged, no doubt, by their

54 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

recent reverses, and also, because it was the
design of Dupleix to detain Lawrence and the
English force on the coast, while his schemes
were working at Trichinopoly. On the 1st
April, while bringing up a convoy from Fort
St. David, he was attacked by a large Mah-
ratta force supported by a French battalion.
Lawrence at once accepted the challenge, and a
brisk engagement ensued. The Mahratta
leader — Morari Rao's brother — was killed, and
the French battalion ran away. Having his
convoy to look to, Lawrence was unable to
follow up his advantage. Two days later, he
threw up a battery and bombarded the French
camp, but to no purpose. Unable to bring
matters to a decisive issue, Lawrence was
relieved from his dilemma by urgent news from
Trichinopoly, which caused him to transfer his
operations to that neighbourhood.

Mahomed All's affairs in Trichinopoly had
been going very badly from the time of Law's
surrender. In order to secure the Mysore
alliance, Mahomed Ali had engaged himself
by treaty to surrender Trichinopoly to the
Mysore Durbar, without the knowledge of
the English, and without the slightest inten-
tion of fulfilling his promise. The Tanjore

1752. PLOTS AGAINST DALTON 55

chief had withdrawn, tired of the contest,
and Mahomed Ali, without money or supplies,
found his only support in Dalton, who
had been left at Trichinopoly with 200
Europeans and 1,500 Sepoys after Law's
surrender. Before commencing open hostilities,
plot after plot was made by the Mysore leader
to get rid of Dalton. A plot to assassinate
him was detected ; efforts were made to seduce
his Sepoys from their allegiance, but without
success. Two emissaries, with the Mysore
regent's papers in their possession, were given
up by a faithful native officer and blown from
guns. Then an attempt was made to gain
over Poverio, a Neapolitan in the Nawab's
service ; but Poverio was true to his salt, and
disclosed the plot. The Mysore Regent then
put a price on Poverio's head. Lawrence, who
was kept informed of all that was going on,
proposed that Dalton should seize the Mysore
Regent and Morari Rao, by surprise, but the
Madras Council disapproved of the project.
Mill remarks that the Council would have done
well in following Lawrence's advice both in
this matter, and in surrendering Trichinopoly
to Mysore, according to Mahomed Ali's agree-
ment. " Delicacy would have been less violated

56 TRICHINOPOLY 1752.

in one instance, by following the advice of
Lawrence, and prudence would have been more
consulted by following it in both." It was at
this juncture that Morari Rao, the Mahratta
leader, who wanted Trichinopoly for himself,
and who had been for some time in correspon-
dence with Dupleix, threw off the mask, and
joined Mahomed Ali's enemies. The Mysoreans
now began to intercept the entry of provisions
into Trichinopoly, and open hostilities were
inevitable. Permission was sent from Madras
to treat the Mysoreans as enemies. The
Mysore army was encamped on the island of
Seringham, the scene of Law's surrender.
Dalton resolved to beat up their camp. At
10 o'clock at night on the 23rd December,
1752, he marched out, crossed the river, and
fell on the Mysore camp. The attack was
completely successful, and Dalton regained the
city after killing a great number of the enemy,
with a loss to himself of only twenty killed and
wounded. Being desirous of driving them off
the island altogether, he renewed the attack,
and seized a small temple which the enemy had
occupied. An attack of Mahratta horsemen
was repulsed, and all was going well, when a
sudden panic seized the men, in consequence of

1753- DALTON AT BAY 57

their officer leaving them to communicate with
Dalton. They rushed madly to recross the
river ; the Mahratta horsemen dashed into the
fugitives, sabreing right and left, and a disaster
was only averted by the steadiness of the re-
maining troops under Dalton, who had not
crossed the river. Two English officers,
seventy Europeans, and 300 of the best Sepoys
were killed, and Dalton's little force was
seriously crippled.

From this date Trichinopoly was closely in-
vested. The Mysore general, with 8,000 men,
took up his position at the Fakeer's Tope,
south of the city ; Dalton, working on his
fears, compelled him to retire from it and re-
turn to Seringham. But, before this, provisions
were running short, and Dalton had been
forced to send an express to Lawrence asking
for assistance. Lawrence had, for some time,
been anxious about the safety of Trichinopoly,
but the Council took no action on his repre-
sentations. On the 19th April he wrote : "If
Captain Dalton is to be reinforced, and his
situation seems to cry aloud for it, 'tis time to
determine something, for the rising of the
rivers (and that season is approaching) will
put it out of our power to assist him." The

58 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

intelligence of Trichinopoly's straitened cir-
cumstances reached Lawrence at Trivadi,
near Cuddalore, at 10 o'clock at night, on
the 20th. Leaving 650 men at Trivadi, 150
of whom were Europeans, he marched, at
six hours' notice, to Fort St. David to collect
supplies. Marching again the next day, he
entered Trichinopoly, without fighting, on 6th
May, the seventeenth day from the receipt of
Dalton's message. Sickness and desertion on
the march had considerably reduced the num-
ber of his Europeans : 100 of them, unfit for
duty, were carried into hospital on the day of
his arrival : his whole force, including the
original garrison, consisted only of 500 Euro-
peans, 2,000 Sepoys, and 3,000 of the Nawab's
horse. His artillery consisted of ten field
pieces, and one or two eighteen-pounders. It is
worth noting that in taking this sudden decision
to march to Dalton's assistance, Lawrence acted
without permission of the Madras Council ;
and it is evident that the long detention of his
force near Cuddalore was against his wishes.
By his bold march to Trichinopoly, without
reference to the Council, Lawrence brought the
dispute between Saunders and himself to an
issue. The bickerings between them had not

1753- ASTRUC 59

ceased, and Saunders had gone so far as to
accuse Lawrence of neglecting the Company's
interests. The Council not only approved his
march, but for the first time disclosed to him
their plans, as he had so often solicited. From
this time there was perfect accord between
Lawrence and the Governor.

Directly Lawrence's withdrawal from Trivadi
was known to Dupleix, he despatched M.
Astruc with 200 Europeans, 500 Sepoys, and
4 guns to Trichinopoly, without waiting for
more definite intelligence of Lawrence's march.
All his plans depended on gaining possession
of Trichinopoly. Astruc joined the Mysoreans
in Seringham the day after Lawrence's arrival
at Trichinopoly, and assumed command of the
whole force. Astruc was a general of con-
siderable ability. With so great a superiority
in numbers, his prospects of success seemed
assured. The country in the neighbourhood
of Trichinopoly was particularly favourable for
his operations. North of the city, the Cauvery
River, dividing into two branches, forms the
island of Seringham, a stronghold capable alone
of containing his whole force. In an irregular
three-quarter circle south of the city, and at a
distance of between two and four miles, are

6o TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

a number of strong positions known as
Elmiseram, French Rocks, Sugarloaf Rock,
Golden Rock, Fakeer's Tope, Five Rocks and
Weycondah, affording the most favourable
ground for an investing force. For thirty
years circumstances made Trichinopoly the
bone of contention for the contending armies
of Southern India. Few spots on earth have
been the scene of such continuous fighting as
the country for ten miles round Trichinopoly,
from 1732 to 1760.

Lawrence was badly off for supplies. His
sole chance lay in an active defence, and in
being able to gain over the Tanjore Chief, who
was still neutral. He was at a great disadvan-
tage through want of cavalry. The Nawab's
three thousand horse were quite unable to face
the Mysore and Mahratta horsemen led by
Hyder Ali and Morari Rao. Giving his troops
three days' rest, he marched out to dislodge the
French and Mysoreans from Seringham. The
engagement was mainly an artillery one. A
charge of Rajpoot cavalry was repelled with
heavy loss, by the English Sepoys, and Lawrence
was forced to return to his camp after the troops
had been twenty hours under arms ; unsuc-
cessful, but having suffered very slight loss.

1753- ATTACK ON ASTRUC 61

The only result of the day's operations had
been to show him that, in M. Astruc, he had
an abler enemy than he had yet met. He
therefore abandoned the idea of dislodging the
enemy from Seringham, and devoted himself
to procuring supplies. For this purpose, he
encamped at the Fakeer's Tope, two and a half
miles from the city, so as to prevent a complete
investment, and sent parties of Sepoys to pro-
cure provisions. In this position he remained
five weeks, without being able to bring the
French to action, or to procure more provisions
than were sufficient for daily consumption.
His whole dependence for supplies was on
the Chief of Poodoocottah, who was friendly to
Mahomed Ali, and whose territory reached to
within a few miles of Trichinopoly. He was
known in those days by his family title of the
Tondiman.

Meanwhile, affairs were going very badly for
the English in other parts of the Carnatic.
Trivadi, with the force left in it, were captured
by the French. A similar mishap occurred at
Arcot ; every petty chieftain, or soldier of
fortune, set up his standard, and ravaged
the territories that still gave allegiance to
Mahomed Ali, Dupleix, whose whole views

62 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

were centred on Trichinopoly and the capture of
Mahomed Ali, discouraged the Mahrattas from
partaking in the general plunder, and prevailed
on them to join Astruc, to whom he sent
three hundred more Europeans and a thousand
Sepoys.

On receipt of these reinforcements, M. Astruc
quitted Seringham, crossed the Cauvery, and
encamped on the plain to the west of the city,
near Weycondah. His force consisted of 450
Europeans, 1,500 well-trained Sepoys, 11,500
Mysore and Mahratta horse, two companies of
Topasses (Portuguese native Christians), and
1,200 Sepoys in the Mysore service, and a
nondescript, badly armed, undisciplined rabble
of 15,000 footmen, more useful to plunder than
to fight. Lawrence had at his disposal 500
Europeans, 2,000 Sepoys, of whom 700 were
detached from him engaged in collecting and
sending in supplies, and 100 of the Nawab's
horse. Lawrence's deficiency in cavalry was
accentuated by the Mysore and Mahratta horse-
men being under two first-rate leaders ; the
Mysore cavalry under Hyder Ali, who, a few
years later, seized the throne of Mysore, and
the Mahrattas under Morari Rao. Two miles
south-west of the Fakeer's Tope were some

1753- ORDERS DISOBEYED 63

rocky hills known as the Five Rocks, where
Lawrence maintained a Sepoy guard to keep
open the route for the entrance of supplies.
Being in a bad state of health he had gone to
the city. Through the disobedience of the officer
left in command, the guard was withdrawn.
Astruc, finding the post undefended, occupied it
during the night, advanced his guns and bom-
barded the English camp. Lawrence main-
tained his position during the day, and at night
withdrew his camp behind a slight eminence
nearer the city. Astruc then brought his
whole force to the Five Rocks, cutting off
Lawrence from the Tondiman's country, and
from his absent detachment of 700 Sepoys.
Lawrence's position was full of peril. The
enemy's position and numbers rendered it im-
possible to attack them with any prospect of
success ; Astruc was evidently determined to
run no risks ; Lawrence's surrender for want
of supplies seemed inevitable. There was
general despondency in the English camp.

Half a mile from Lawrence's camp, and
nearly a mile from Astruc's, was the Golden
Rock, where Lawrence maintained a guard of
200 Sepoys. Astruc saw that if he could gain
possession of this post he would force back Law-

64 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

rence into the city, and straiten the investment.
At daybreak, on the 26th June, he attacked it
with a mixed force of Europeans and Sepoys,
and, in spite of a gallant resistance on the part
of the defenders, overwhelmed them, killing or
taking prisoners the whole of them, before
Lawrence could come to their assistance. The
French battalion was then brought up behind
the rock, the French guns were posted at the
base, and opened fire ; the whole Mysore army
was drawn up about a cannon shot in rear,
while the Mahrattas dashed about in small de-
tachments, threatening the flanks and rear of
the small English force. Lawrence's position
was truly desperate. A number of his Sepoys
were absent in the city buying rice ; 200 of
them had been just destroyed ; after providing
for the safety of his camp, he could only muster
300 European infantry, 80 artillerymen, and
500 Sepoys. With this force he had advanced
to within a short distance of the Golden Rock,
before the outpost was overwhelmed. To
retreat in face of the numerous horsemen, and
pressed by Astruc's Frenchmen, meant pro-
bable destruction ; yet, to attack a strong
position held by such an overwhelming force
seemed nothing but sheer madness. Lawrence

1753- AT THE GOLDEN ROCK 65

chose the heroic part. Among his good quali-
ties was his power of inspiring confidence in
those who served under him. In a few words
he explained the situation to those about him.
His officers agreed in the wisdom of attack-
ing, while the men expressed their delight at
the opportunity of having " a knock at the
Frenchmen " who had kept so long out of reach.
Ordering the grenadier company to assault
the rock, Lawrence moved with the rest of his
little force round the base of it, to attack the
French battalion. Seldom in war has such a
sight been seen as this little band of British
soldiers moving to the attack, surrounded by
many thousands of enemies. Scrambling up
the rock, with fixed bayonets and without pull-
ing trigger, cheering as they moved, the unex-
pected onset of the grenadiers led by Captains
Kirk and Kilpatrick, struck the French
defenders with panic. Not daring to stand
the shock, they fled headlong down the
reverse side. Meanwhile, Astruc, behind
the rock, not seeing what was happening, had
wheeled up his battalion to meet Lawrence,
exposing its right flank to the fire of the
English grenadiers from the rock, which
was increased by some Sepoys who had

F

66 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

followed the grenadiers. At this moment,
Lawrence drew up his men directly opposite the
French front, at twenty yards distance. In
spite of M. Astruc's efforts, his men were struck
with consternation at seeing themselves attacked
by the foe that a few moments before had
seemed in their power. Smitten by musketry
fire in front and flank, they fell into disorder,
which a bayonet charge converted into panic,
and they fled from the field, leaving three guns
in Lawrence's hands. In vain the Mahrattas
strove to retrieve the fortunes of the day. Some
of the grenadiers fell under their sabres, while
in disorder, taking possession of the guns. But
they were soon forced to withdraw, with the
loss of many men. Among others, fell Morari
Rao's nephew. He had cut down one of the
grenadiers, when the man's comrade, who was
loading his musket at the time, fired his ramrod
through his body. Lawrence sent the corpse
back to the Mahrattas in his own palanquin.
The French rallied on the Mysore army, and
contented themselves with keeping up an in-
effective cannonade. For three hours Lawrence
remained at the foot of the rock, in the expecta-
tion that they would renew the combat. Finding
that the French would not advance, he formed

1753- AT THE GOLDEN ROCK. 67

his little army into a hollow square, with the cap-
tured guns and about seventy prisoners in the
centre, and deliberately marched back towards
his camp. Hardly had he got clear of the rock,
when the whole of the enemy's cavalry, upwards
of 10,000 in number, charged furiously down.
On several occasions the Mahrattas had suc-
ceeded in overwhelming detachments of infantry
by dashing in, after first drawing their fire.
But the English battalion and sepoys stood
firm : not a trigger was pulled. The square
was halted and the guns rapidly served, pouring
in grape shot into the dense masses, till they
broke up and forsook the field, leaving the little
band of heroes to march unmolested back tc
camp, bearing the trophies of victory. No finer
feat of arms was ever performed.

The first result of this victory was to produce
dissensions between the French and their
allies. M. Astruc made over his command to
M. Brenier, and repaired to Pondicherry.
Lawrence got in fifty days' provisions, and
leaving Dalton with a small garrison, marched
towards Tanjore, thirty miles distant. His
object in view was to induce the Tanjore Chief
to furnish him with cavalry, and to meet a
reinforcement on its way from the coast.

f 2

68 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

Brenier closely invested the City, and, could
he but have summoned resolution to assault it,
would probably have taken it. But Dalton's
vigilance, together with occasional sorties,
prevented any such attempt.

Lawrence, meanwhile, had gained over the
Tanjore Chief, who furnished him with 3,000
horse, and 2,000 matchlock men. He also
received a reinforcement of 1 70 Europeans and
300 Sepoys from Fort St. David. With his
force thus increased, Lawrence arrived within
ten miles of Trichinopoly. Brenier deter-
mined to intercept him, and, with this purpose,
occupied the whole of the strong positions south
of the City from Weycondah to Elmiseram.
The centre of the whole position, the Golden
and Sugarloaf Rocks, about half a mile apart,
was strongly held by the French infantry and
artillery. On the 9th August, Lawrence re-
sumed his advance. Encumbered with thou-
sands of bullocks it appeared impossible for
him to force a passage. He had, however, the
advantage of an exact knowledge of the dispo-
sition of Bremer' s forces communicated to him
by Dalton. The key of the French position
was the Golden Rock. Lawrence formed up
his men as if he intended to attack the Sugar

1753- LAWRENCE AND BRENIER 69

loaf Rock. Brenier fell into the trap, and
denuded the Golden Rock to strengthen
the point apparently threatened. Lawrence
thereupon detached his grenadier company,
with 800 Sepoys, to seize the Golden Rock ;
a movement not perceived by the French
commander till too late to prevent it. Brenier
dispatched 300 Europeans to strengthen
the small party he had left at the Golden
Rock, and a thousand cavalry to hamper the
English infantry on their way. But the grena-
diers did not permit themselves to be delayed.
Without halting, they kept up a rolling fire on
the horsemen, who refrained from closing, till,
reaching the Golden Rock, they drove the
enemy down and planted their colours on the
top, before the infantry detached by Brenier
could reach the spot. Instead of making an
effort to recover the position, this party then
took post on some high ground between the
two rocks, and opened a galling fire with four
guns upon the Golden Rock. Brenier, instead
of moving his main body to support his detach-
ment, remained halted near the Sugarloaf
Rock in a state of indecision, while Lawrence
moved his whole force, convoy and all, to the
Golden Rock.

70 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

An artillery duel ensued in which the Eng-
lish battalion suffered some loss. At this
juncture, Dalton issued from the City with two
field pieces and his detachment, in rear of the
enemy's cavalry, who broke up and galloped
off. Seeing Brenier's main body still
stationary, Lawrence sent the grenadier
company and 200 Europeans, with 300
Sepoys, against the French detachment.
The officer ordered for the attack sent back
word that he could not proceed without cannon.
Lawrence galloped up and took command,
sending back the officer to the main body.
They were received with a heavy fire, which
caused some loss, and killed Captain Kirk of the
grenadiers. Captain Kilpatrick put himself at
the head of the grenadiers, desiring them, if
they loved their Captain, to follow him and
avenge his death. " These things on the spot
have generally a very great effect, when delivered
from a person whose spirit and courage is
known," as Lawrence afterwards wrote,
describing the affair. " The fellows, roused in
an instant, swore, after their manner, they
would follow him to hell," and avenge Kirk's
death. The French broke, without awaiting
the shock, and ran off to Weycondah, galled

1753- BRENIER FOILED 71

by Dalton's guns, leaving three field pieces in
Lawrence's hands. Brenier, when it was
now too late, moved up his main body ; but
his men, seeing Lawrence's whole force in
motion, lost heart, and, without waiting to
exchange shots, ran off in great confusion to
the Five Rocks, exposed to a severe cannonade
from the English guns at the Golden Rock.
The Tanjore horse, who might have destroyed
them, refused to pursue, and so the battle
ended. Lawrence, collecting his force, marched
into the city with his convoy and the captured
guns. Of the French, about one hundred
Europeans were killed and wounded ; of the
English, about forty; principally by artillery
fire.

In the course of the action Lawrences
palanquin bearers had straggled from the line
of march, and were snapped up by the
Mahrattas. Lawrence sent to redeem it, but
before this could be done, the French got
hold of it, and sent it to Pondicherry, where
Dupleix had it paraded through the streets as
a token of Lawrence's defeat and death.

During Lawrence's absence, Dalton had
been closely blockaded in Trichinopoly. On
one occasion a French officer, feigning himself

72 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

to be a deserter, gained access to the town, in
order to communicate the weak places of the
defence to Brenier, and head an outbreak of
the French prisoners. He was detected, and
hanged after Lawrence's return.

A fortnight later, Lawrence moved out
against Weycondah, where Brenier had
concentrated his force and thrown up en-
trenchments. The French abandoned the
position without resistance, and took post at
Mootachellinoor on the Cauvery, leaving a
gun and some baggage in Lawrence's hands.
Here Brenier was joined by a strong rein-
forcement under M. Astruc, consisting of 400
Europeans, 2,000 Sepoys, six guns, and 3,000
Mahratta cavalry, together with a great number
of irregular infantry. The English were again
as much outnumbered as they had been at any
time during the war. Astruc again assumed
command. He reoccupied the positions of the
Five Rocks and the Golden and Sugarloaf
Rocks, entrenched himself, and recommenced
the blockade, instead of making use of his
great superiority of force to bring matters to a
conclusion. Lawrence moved out into the
open plain, south-east of the French Rock, to
give a hand to the convoys coming in from

1753- ASTRUC AGAIN 73

Tanjore, while he awaited a reinforcement that
was on its way to him. For eighteen days the
two armies remained thus encamped, at about
two miles distance from each other, on an open
plain, without a bush on it between them ; so
that, with a glass, each could see what was
going on in the other's camp. The difference
in morale between the two armies may be
gathered from the fact that the English were
encamped on the open plain, while the superior
force of the French had their front covered
by entrenchments. On the night of the
1 8th September, Lawrence seized a small
eminence between the camps, brought an
18-pounder out of the city, and opened fire
with it on the French camp. The French
detached a party against the 18-pounder. A
skirmish ensued, under cover of which the
expected reinforcements, consisting of 237
Europeans and 300 Sepoys, under Captain
Ridge, joined him without molestation. With
Ridge also came Captain Caillaud, who was
destined in time to succeed Lawrence, and
who, among other performances, outwitted
d'Auteuil on this very ground four years later.

Having nothing to gain by further delay,
Lawrence at once took the offensive. His

74 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

troops were in high spirits, but he had only-
three days' provisions, so action was necessary.
Depositing his tents in the city, he drew up his
little army at the Fakeer's Tope, at daybreak
on the 20th, and offered battle. M. Astruc
not accepting the challenge, Lawrence sent for
his tents, and pitched camp, with the view of
disarming suspicion. The cannonade from the
18-pounder was maintained "that they might
think we had no other view than that of
disturbing them in their camp with our shot.
This lulled them into a security." After dark,
the tents were packed up and sent back to
the city, and preparations made to attack.
Lawrence's force consisted of 600 European
infantry, in three divisions, 100 European
artillerymen with six guns, 2,000 Sepoys, and
the Tanjorine cavalry and matchlockmen. At
four in the morning of the 21st September, the
army started. The European infantry marching
in three divisions in column, the guns were
disposed on either flank, and the Sepoys
followed in two lines in rear of the guns ; the
Tanjorine cavalry in rear of the whole.

The object of first attack was the Golden
Rock, on which Astruc had posted 100
Europeans, 600 Sepoys, and two guns, with

1753- LAWRENCE ATTACKS 75

two companies of Topasses. It was a
bright moonlight night, but clouds obscured
the moon as the force moved out ; so that
they arrived within pistol shot of the rock
before they were discovered. Pouring in a
volley, they rushed to the assault with such
ardour that the enemy fled precipitately, with-
out even waiting to fire their two cannon, which
were ready loaded with grape. Without waiting
longer than was necessary to disable the guns,
the force advanced again, the Europeans in
line, with the Sepoys, in short echelon, on either
flank. The French had entrenched the front
of their camp, but the adjoining native camp
was not entrenched. Lawrence's plan was to
penetrate the native camp and, through it, to
attack the French camp, thus turning the
entrenchment, while the Tanjore horse, with
some matchlockmen, were directed to move
against the French front, and threaten an
attack in that quarter. With drums beating,
portfires lighted, and the Sepoys' native instru-
ments in full blast, the British force advanced
with loud cheers into the Mysore camp, spread-
ing consternation everywhere. Nine French
guns were brought into action, but, with such
ill effect in the dark, that they did harm mostly

76 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

to their native allies. The Sepoys kept up a
smart fire, while the Europeans marched with
fixed bayonets and shouldered arms. As day
was breaking, the Mysore camp was cleared,
and the French battalion was discovered drawn
up in line, with a large body of Sepoys on their
left flank, while another large body, who had
been directed to cover their right flank, had,
instead, taken post on the Sugarloaf Rock.
Reforming their disordered lines as they
advanced, and reserving their fire, the English
infantry were received with a volley at twenty
paces, which caused some loss ; Captain
Kilpatrick, leading the grenadiers on the
right of the European battalion, falling
desperately wounded. But the Sepoys on
the left of the French line broke and fled under
the fire of the English Sepoys. Caillaud, who
had taken Kilpatrick's place, seized the oppor-
tunity, and wheeled up the right division of the
European battalion on the uncovered left flank
of the French battalion, poured in a heavy fire
and charged with the bayonet, rolling them up
on their centre ; while the remainder of the
English battalion fell upon them in front. The
French fell back in disorder, Astruc doing his
best to rally them. But the English grenadiers

1753- COMPLETE VICTORY 77

were on them again before they could re-form ;
in a moment the whole French force dis-
solved and fled in complete disorder, dispersing
in every direction. The overthrow of the
French battalion was completed in ten or
twelve minutes. The English Sepoys on the
left, who had taken no part in the engagement
so far, pushed on to the Sugarloaf Rock, which
they carried, completely defeating and dispers-
ing the French Sepoys posted there.

The whole affair scarcely lasted two hours.
On beholding the defeat of the French, their
native allies dispersed in flight. The whole
plain was covered with the flying enemy,
who were computed at 30,000 footmen and
16,000 horse. In wild confusion, the great
mass of fugitives, mingled with elephants,
camels and bullocks, fled, as they best could, for
Mootachellinoor, not stopping till they had
crossed the Cauvery on to the island of Sering-
ham. The Tanjore horse, as usual, instead of
pursuing, amused themselves with plundering
the French camp. M. Astruc, with nine officers,
and 100 Frenchmen, eleven pieces of cannon
and all the tents, baggage, and ammunition of
the French camp, remained in the hands of the
victors. Dalton, sallying out from the city, took

78 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

twenty-one French prisoners, sixty-five more
were found straggling in Tanjore territory, and
a number were knocked on the head by the
country people, wandering in the woods : 200
of them were killed or wounded in the engage-
ment, and the Mahratta horse alone saved the
French European infantry from total destruc-
tion. A thousand of the French native allies
were killed and wounded. Of the English,
six officers and seventy men were killed or
wounded, among the latter being Lawrence
himself. Kilpatrick, in spite of being shot
through the body, and receiving several sabre
wounds from Mahratta horsemen as he lay on
the ground, survived to fight again. The action
was decided entirely by the infantry : the
English guns were never engaged, while the
French guns were so badly served that they
only inflicted damage on their own allies.

Lawrence followed up his victory by laying
siege to Weycondah, the same evening. Early
on the 23rd, before the breach was ready for
assault, the English Sepoys, seeing some of the
garrison escaping, broke away from their officers,
and tried to mount the breach. Finding this
impracticable, they made for the gateway. A
sergeant of Sepoys, "a resolute Englishman,"

1753- MAISSIN 79

whose name has not been preserved, clambered
up by the carved work, and planted the colours
of his company on the parapet. He was
quickly joined by some of his men ; the gate
was opened, and those outside rushed in with
such fury, with the bayonet, that the garrison
flung down their arms and surrendered. Then
Lawrence, after sweeping a large quantity of
supplies into the city, where he left a small
garrison, marched for Tanjore, where his
presence was needed to counteract the
intrigues of Dupleix. In spite of his efforts,
heavy bribes from Pondicherry succeeded in
procuring the removal of the only efficient
Tanjore commander, while threats of a
Mahratta invasion practically reduced the timid
ruler of Tanjore to neutrality again. In
November, a French reinforcement of 300
Europeans and 1,200 Sepoys, under M. Maissin
reached Seringham. Their arrival was care-
fully kept secret, and everything was done to put
the Trichinopoly garrison off their guard. At
three o'clock in the morning of the 28th
November, a determined attempt was made
to surprise Trichinopoly. A chosen body of
600 Frenchmen, led by an English deserter,
crossed the ditch, and seized a detached battery,

80 TRICHINOPOLY 1753.

without alarming the main garrison. Nothing
more was needed for success but to blow in a
small side gate, for which all preparations had
been made. Elated by their first success, the
French disobeyed their orders, and commenced
firing. The alarm was given. Kilpatrick,
who was in command, was still confined to his
bed by his wounds, but his orders to his
subaltern, Lieutenant Harrison, were coolly
obeyed. The picquet and reserve hastened to
*the rampart and opened fire. By great good
fortune, the guide and both powder bearers
were killed ; the French, between the outer
and inner walls, unable to advance or retreat,
and without a guide, were exposed to a merci-
less fire, and, as soon as daylight permitted,
they were glad to surrender. A number
attempted the desperate expedient of leaping
down into the ditch, when they found the
enterprise had failed. Few escaped without
serious injury ; but all were carried off by their
associates who had remained outside. Eight
officers and 364 men were taken prisoners, one
officer and twenty-four men killed, and a number
wounded. Thus, " French petulance," as Law-
rence styled it, saved Trichinopoly from the
greatest risk it had run during the war.

1754- DUPLEIX NEGOTIATES 81

The acute phase of the struggle was at an
end. Lawrence could defeat the French, but
he could not drive them away, backed up as
they were by some of the best cavalry in
Southern India, a force in which he was lament-
ably deficient. Dupleix, now at the end of his
resources, attempted to come to an arrange-
ment with the English, hoping to win by
diplomacy what he had failed to win by force.
In January, 1754, commissioners from both
sides met at the Dutch settlement at Sadras ;
but their views were quickly found to be irre-
concilable. On the English side the com-
missioners laid down, as a basis of negotiation,
that Mahomed Ali should be recognised as
Nawab of the Carnatic, and that the Tanjore
Chief should be guaranteed in the peaceable
possession of his kingdom. The French terms
were based on the recognition of Salabut Jung
as Soobadar of the Deccan, and the rejection
of the claims of Mahomed Ali. They also
produced Sunnuds from Salabut Jung, appoint-
ing Dupleix commander in all the countries
south of the River Kistna, and granting him
Arcot and Trichinopoly. The whole was
capped by a Firman from Delhi confirming the
grants made by Salabut Jung. The English

G

82 TRICHINOPOLY 1754.

held this latter document to be a forgery, as
it probably was. Apart from the Moghul
Firman, which, after all, had only an academic
value, the position of the English in Southern
India would have become untenable had they
agreed to the French demands ; so the con-
ference was broken up in eleven days from its
commencement. Dupleix had, in fact, de-
manded the specific assent of the English to
what they had all along been contending
against.

At the same time, negotiations were opened
with the English, by the Mysore Regent, for
the possession of Trichinopoly. The Madras
Council wished Lawrence to conduct the
negotiations : he excused himself on the plea
of health, but really because he disapproved
of the conditions. He had all along held the
opinion that Mahomed Ali should be forced to
observe his promise to deliver Trichinopoly to
Mysore, and he did not cease to express his
regret " that the attempt had been made to
keep Trichinopoly after promising to cede it."
The Madras Council had all along held a
different opinion. They now made the absurd
proposal that Trichinopoly should be held by
the English till the other articles of the pro-

1754- DE MAINVILLE 83

posed treaty with Mysore were carried out ;
and that a certain proportion of Mysore troops
should be introduced into the garrison. Law-

o

rence bluntly wrote to them : " Give me leave
to tell you the proposal is absurd and im-
practicable." The negotiation, after dragging
on for a long time, came to nothing.

While these negotiations were going on,
Lawrence was encamped at Trichinopoly,
confronting the French Force in Seringham,
under M. de Mainville. The country for a
great distance round had been denuded of
supplies of every kind by the warfare of the
two previous years, and Lawrence was depen-
dent for provisions on Tanjore. Supplies were
brought in by the Tanjore merchants to
Tricatopoly, eighteen miles east of Trichi-
nopoly, whence they were escorted in by
detachments from Lawrence's camp. The
duty was one of great fatigue and risk to the
small force Lawrence had with him, encum-
bered as he was with a great number of French
prisoners. There were sufficient English troops
to spare to have strengthened his force, but the
Council chose to keep them on the coast. In
the middle of February, a more important
convoy than usual was on its way from Trica-

G 2

84 TRICHINOPOLY 1754.

topoly. Lawrence sent out a detachment of
230 Europeans, about 500 Sepoys, and 4
guns, under Captain Grenville, to bring it in.*
Grenville had orders to keep his force together,
and, if attacked, to take up a position and
defend himself, till Lawrence could come to his
relief. De Mainville had notice of the convoy,
and detached 400 Europeans, 6,000 Sepoys,
and 7 guns with 8,000 Mahratta horse, to
intercept it. On the morning of the 15th
February, Grenville had reached a point be-
tween Elmiseram and the river when he was
attacked. Disregarding his orders, he had dis-
tributed his men on both sides of the convoy
along its whole length. On seeing the enemy, he
made no attempt to get his men together or to
take up a position, and the whole detachment
was overwhelmed by the Mahrattas, almost
without striking a blow. The French troops
only came up in time to save the lives of some
of them. Men, guns, supplies, and ,£7,000 in
money were lost, and Grenville paid for his
error with his life. Here also Lawrence lost

* These are the numbers given in Lawrence's letter written
ten days after the event. In his later narrative he adopts
the numbers given by Orme — viz., 180 Europeans and 8og
Sepoys,

1754. MAHOMED YUSUF 85

that splendid company of grenadiers that he
had formed with such care, and so often led
to victory. Though it is nowhere mentioned,
there can be little doubt that it was the
company he made his own. Of the 230
Europeans lost to him that day, 138 were
prisoners, only thirty-eight of them being taken
unwounded. Of the eight officers present, four
were killed and three wounded.

This disaster reduced Lawrence to great
straits. He was no longer able to send
parties to bring in convoys from Tanjore, and
was obliged to depend on the Tondiman's
country for precarious supplies. He was
oppressed by serious illness, and despaired of
ultimate success, with the insufficient means at
his disposal. For the escorting of his small
convoys he was principally dependent on a
gallant native soldier, Mahomed Yusuf, of
Nellore. This man had first entered the
Company's service, under Clive, at the
beginning of 1 75 1, at the head of a small body
of men raised by himself. Lawrence describes
him as "an excellent partisan . . . brave and
resolute, but cool and wary in action. He was
never sparing of himself ... a born soldier,
and better of his colour I never saw in the

S6 TRICHINOPOLY 1754.

country. He always prevents my asking, by
offering himself for everything, and executes
what he goes about as well and as briskly as
he attempts it." On Lawrence's recommenda-
tion, Mahomed Yusuf was, at this time, granted
a commission as commandant of all the Sepoys
in the Company's service.

All Lawrence's communications with native
authorities were carried on through his inter-
preter, a Brahmin named Poniapa, whose
position, necessarily, made him acquainted with
important secrets. Poniapa entered into a
secret correspondence with the Mysore Regent,
whom he induced to demand that he, Poniapa,
should be sent by Lawrence to receive
proposals for the termination of the war.
Lawrence sent him, and he returned with a
plausible report ; having really engaged with
the Regent to betray the English, whose
difficulties in procuring supplies he revealed.
As a first step, he informed the Regent that it
was necessary to get rid of Mahomed Yusuf.
For this purpose he arranged that an incrimi-
nating letter from the Mysore Regent,
addressed to Mahomed Yusuf, should be
dropped in the English camp. This was
done, and the letter brought to Lawrence, as

1754- PONIAPA'S FATE 87

had been intended, and read to him by
Poniapa. Lawrence was completely deceived,
and Mahomed Yusuf was at once imprisoned.
His fate would have been sealed, had not, by
good fortune, the man who dropped the letter
been discovered. He was confronted with
Poniapa, and the Brahmin was forced to
confess the truth. As a fitting punishment,
Poniapa was blown from a gun, by sanction of
the Madras Council, and Mahomed Yusuf
exonerated. But the narrowness of his escape,
and the danger of serving people who were at
the mercy of interpreters, is said to have made
an impression on Mahomed Yusuf that was
never effaced from his mind, and bore evil
fruit eight years later.

On 1 2th May, Lawrence detached a party
under Captain Caillaud, consisting of 120 men
with 500 Sepoys and 2 guns, to escort in a
convoy coming from the Tondiman's country.
De Mainville had intelligence of the convoy,
and sent a detachment of troops with some
Mysore horse and four guns to intercept
it at the point where Caillaud was to
meet it. The Mahrattas, fortunately, were
absent ; having quarrelled with the Mysoreans
the day before. Caillaud left camp at four in

88 TRICHINOPOLY 1754.

the morning, with Mahomed Yusuf recon-
noitring in front. Suddenly, Mahomed Yusuf s
horse neighed, and was answered by many
others. Riding to the top of a bank, Mahomed
Yusuf was received with an ill-directed volley
which disclosed the position of the ambush.
So far as could be made out in the dark, the
French were posted under cover of a bank.
Caillaud sent parties against both flanks at
once, who drove them from their cover with
the loss of some men and a tumbril of ammuni-
tion. He then sent off a messenger to turn
the convoy back, and waited for daylight.
Directly the firing was heard in camp Captain
Polier* marched out to join Caillaud ; bringing
up their joint force to 360 Europeans, 1,500
Sepoys, and 1 1 English troopers with 5 guns.
Lawrence was ill, in the city, at the time ; too
ill to move. He had himself carried to the
ramparts, whence he viewed the combat with
much anxiety. French reinforcements had
also come up, bringing up their force to 700
Europeans, 50 dragoons, 5,000 Sepoys, 10,000
Mysore horse and 7 guns. Polier commenced

* He was a Swiss officer, and his real name was Polier de
Bottens. He was killed at the beginning of the siege of
Madras, December, 1758.

1754- CAILLAUD 89

his retreat in the face of this overwhelming
force, and, for a mile, his party moved with
great steadiness, harassed by French cannon
and musketry fire, till they were able to take
post under cover of a bank. Two of the guns
had been disabled, but were still brought along,
and Polier himself was wounded, and obliged
to make over the command to Caillaud.
Caillaud drew up his Europeans to face the
advancing French battalion, and opened a
heavy fire of grape on them from two guns ;
while the Sepoys were drawn up, en potence,
protecting the left flank and rear of the
Europeans against the Mysore cavalry. So
effectively were the guns served that the
trench battalion halted, wavered and began
to retreat. Caillaud seized the moment to
advance and fire a volley, which threw the
French into complete disorder. In spite of
the efforts of their officers they fell back ; the
example was followed by their Sepoys and
Mysore allies, and Caillaud resumed his march
without further molestation. Six out of the
nine officers present were wounded ; fifty-five
soldiers and one hundred and fifty Sepoys
were killed and wounded.

The French, disheartened by their constant

90 TRICHIN0P0LY 1754.

failures against Trichinopoly, now adopted the
expedient of ravaging the territories of the
Tondiman, and of Tanjore, whence Lawrence
drew the supplies that enabled him to main-
tain his position. They were able to do little
damage beyond destroying the dam of the
Cauvery river, on which much of the prosperity
of Tanjore depended ; but a Tanjore force of
1,500 men was overwhelmed by Morari Rao.
Lawrence, leaving a sufficient garrison in Tri-
chinopoly, and calling in all his outposts,
marched for Tanjore, where he procured the
reinstatement of the Tanjore commander, who
had been displaced through the intrigues of
Dupleix. Here he remained some weeks, and
received a reinforcement of Europeans and
Sepoys, while waiting for the co-operation of the
Tanjore army, which was as dilatory in its
movements as native armies always were.

On the 1 6th August, Lawrence and his allies
encamped six miles west of Elmiseram. Law-
rence's force now consisted of 1,000 European
infantry, 200 Topasses, 3,000 Sepoys, and 14
field guns. The Tanjore force mustered 2,500
cavalry, 3,000 infantry, and some guns. M.
de Mainville, with the French force, had
all this time been hovering round Trichi-

1754- LAWRENCE AND MAISSIN 91

nopoly without making any serious attack.
On the 1 6th August, orders from Pondicherry
constrained him to relinquish the command
to M. Maissin. Maissin moved from
the Five Rocks to intercept Lawrence. His
force consisted of 900 European infantry, 400
Topasses, a number of Sepoys, 8 guns, and
10,000 Mysore horse under Hyder Ali.
Marching on the 1 7th, Lawrence was able to
seize a deep watercourse and high bank between
French Rock and Elmiseram, which Maissin
had designedly failed to occupy. In concert
with Hyder Ali, he had arranged to draw
the English force towards Five Rocks, when
Hyder Ali was to seize a favourable opportu-
nity to fall on the baggage and convoy. The
plan nearly succeeded.

Lawrence, seeing the French drawn up in
order of battle on his left, at once accepted the
challenge, and advanced in two lines. A hot
cannonade ensued, in which the French
suffered a good deal, and, as the opposing
lines were on the point of commencing mus-
ketry fire, the French went about, and retreated
in good order towards Five Rocks. Lawrence
was preparing to follow, when he received news
of Hyder Ali's attack on his rear. In his

92 TRICHINOPOLY 1754.

impatience, Hyder Ali had moved too soon.
Leaving some of his cavalry to keep the Tan-
jore horse in play, he had galloped round
French Rock, and was driven off, after causing
some confusion, carrying off thirty-five carts
laden with arms, ammunition and baggage. A
separate attack made by the French, from
the island of Seringham, was met by a sortie
from Trichinopoly under Kilpatrick, who
drove them back to the island without loss to
himself. Maissin, who had orders not to risk
a general engagement, offered no further
opposition, and Lawrence entered Trichinopoly,
with the loss of one officer and fifteen men.
The French had a hundred Europeans killed
and wounded.

Three days later, Lawrence moved out to
the Fakeer's Tope, in the hope of provoking an
engagement : the French set fire to their camp,
and drew off to Mootachellinoor, leaving the road
open for Lawrence's supplies to come in. The
same evening the French fortified post at
Elmiseram was invested by the Tanjore troops,
and surrendered two days later. Finding the
French were entrenched at Mootachellinoor,
Lawrence moved to Warriore. So little con-
fidence had the French in themselves that, in

1754- SUSPENSION OF ARMS 93

spite of the strength of their position which
was covered by an inundation from the Cauvery
on both flanks, they abandoned the entrench-
ment by night, and retreated across the river
to Seringham.

Further operations were suspended on
account of the rainy season. In October, news
was received of a truce, preparatory to a definite
peace having been established between the
French and English Companies, and of the
recall of Dupleix. At the same time, Lawrence
received notice of the grant to him of a sword
of honour, worth ^750, by the Court of
Directors.

The services Lawrence rendered his country,
in 1752 and 1753, cannot be over-estimated.
In 1 75 1, French power in India was at its
zenith. A French Nizam ruled at Hyderabad,
and a French Nawab was predominant in the
Carnatic. From the Nerbudda to Cape
Comorin the whole country was practically
under French domination. Had Dupleix
triumphed at Trichinopoly, the expulsion of the
English from Madras and Fort St. David
would have quickly followed. Lawrence's
victories turned the scale, and brought about
the withdrawal of Dupleix, in whom France

94 TRICHINOPOLY 1754

lost the services of the ablest statesman she ever
sent to India. Within seven years of Dupleix's
departure, the fortunes of France in India were
irretrievably ruined. Again and again Dupleix
had assured the French Government that the
British were on the brink of destruction ;
that one effort more only was required, and
all the wealth of India would be in their grasp.
The repeated defeats and disappointments de-
stroyed Dupleix's credit in France, and he was
recalled to end his days in disgrace and ruin,
just one month before the first Royal regiment
from England landed in India. M. Cultru,
in his study of Dupleix, states that it was the
defeat of Law in 1752 that had a decisive
effect on Dupleix's career, by destroying his
credit in France. All his previous services
were at once forgotten. But it may be
doubted if the death of Chunda Sahib was not
more disastrous to Dupleix's policy, than
Law's surrender was to French arms. Chunda
Sahib's ability made him a better candidate for
the Nawabship than Mahomed Ali, and, after
his death, Dupleix failed to find any decent
claimant to the Carnatic throne, under cover of
whose name he could prosecute his schemes of
aggrandisement, till he was prepared to assume

JO SEPH -FRANC OIS ,

Lsommario eitr ac I Qj^c/rejJ
K^ouuiiajuJajit C/eheral oca.

U Loyal et 7Jhlitf()e cf.LLijuid,
<LtaolL*em£nJ r-rancou uan/c
1/7/nae, C/auvr pour Ic '^^oy acS !«■— J Villc et rart Jc ^L dfrihcAery'J;
7i& a, A tztwrecy e/i j6o7 , 7/ujrt a ^.^CaziJ le n 0^1163.

1754- TREATY OF PEACE 95

the government himself. In the following
year, the French with their Mysore and
Mahratta allies were far stronger in the field
than the English, and had every prospect
of regaining the prestige they had lost
by Law's defeat.

The East India Directors had at last
realised that if they wished to preserve their
trade they must be prepared, at all times, to
fight for it. The territorial expansion that
followed in due course of time was forced upon
them in their own defence. At the end of
1 754, a treaty of peace* was signed between the
English and French Companies, which gave
both nations in India a short breathing time,
before the outbreak of the Seven Years' War.

* A curious feature about the treaty was that it did not
fully provide for the restoration of prisoners of war. It
provided only for a mutual exchange, man for man. No less
than 670 French prisoners were in Trichinopoly at the time.
Of these some died and some — Swiss and Germans — entered
the English service : but when war broke out again in April,
1757, there were still 500 French prisoners in Trichinopoly.
These prisoners were not exchanged till May, 1759. No sooner
had they rejoined the French army, under Lally, than they
raised a mutiny, and some sixty of them marched oft" in a body
to join the English.

96 1756.

IV.

DEFENCE OF MADRAS

With the advent of the 39th Regiment in
India, Lawrence received notice that the King
had bestowed on him the commission of a
Lieutenant-Colonel in the East Indies; but
this did not save him from the loss of the chief
command of troops in the field. Though he
held the appointment of Commander-in-Chief
under the Company, the command of the Royal
troops was dependent on seniority, and Adler-
cron, who commanded the 39th, was senior to
Lawrence by date of commission. Lawrence
refused to serve under Adlercron, and retained
only his command of the Company's troops.
For two years his work was chiefly administra-
tive. When the news came, in 1756, of the
capture of Calcutta by Sooraj-ud Dowla, and
preparations for an expedition for its recapture
were made, Adlercron was set aside by general
consent, owing to his want of experience of
the country, and to the independence of his

1757- WAR AGAIN 97

position towards the Company's officials. Ill-
health prevented Lawrence from taking the
command, and Clive was selected.

In April, 1757, the French took the field
again, consequent on the breaking out of the
Seven Years' War in Europe. Their first
move was an attempt to capture Trichinopoly.

On the 1 2th May, d'Auteuil, with 1,150
Europeans and 3,000 Sepoys, occupied Sering-
ham, and, three days later, commenced to bom"
bard the city. Caillaud, who held the command
at Trichinopoly, was away besieging Madura,
which had been seized by Mahfoos Khan.
Trichinopoly washeld only by 165 Europeansand
700 Sepoys under Captain Joseph Smith. Smith
was embarrassed by the presence of 500 French
prisoners, whose release was one of d'Auteuil's
objects. For ten days the garrison was harassed
by bombardment and threatened assaults, when
the news of Caillaud's approach caused
d'Auteuil to draw off, and dispose his army to
intercept him, by occupying the old positions at
the Five Rocks, Fakeer's Tope, &c. Caillaud,
with 1 20 Europeans and 1,200 Sepoys, marching
without artillery, tents or baggage, had arrived
within twelve miles of the city when he received
Smith's messengers telling him of the disposal

H

98 DEFENCE OF MADRAS 1757.

of d'Auteuil's forces. At the same time he
detected the presence of d'Auteuil's spies in his
camp. Affecting not to notice them, while
keeping them under surveillance, he marched,
in the evening, as if to pass between the Five
Rocks and the Sugarloaf Rock. After satis-
fying himself that the spies had gone off to
carry the news to d'Auteuil, he changed the
direction of his march, and striking eastward,
emerged from the woods opposite Elmiseram.
The whole plain was at this time a deep swamp,
under rice cultivation. d'Auteuil, believing it
to be impassable, had not even stationed a
guard here. After seven hours of terrible
fatigue, but without a single shot being fired,
Caillaud reached Chucklipolliam on the Cauvery.
A salute of twenty-one guns, at daybreak,
announced to d'Auteuil that he had been out-
witted. He at once broke up his camp and
marched for Pondicherry.

Before this, the Council had sent Adlercron,
with what troops the Presidency could furnish,
to Smith's relief. Adlercron's movements
were so slow that he took six days to
accomplish thirty miles, and was still at
Ootramaloor when the news of Caillaud's
arrival in Trichinopoly reached him. He

1757- ADLERCRON 99

then marched on Wandiwash, and captured the
Pettah, but seeing no chance of success against
the fort, before the arrival of the French,
who were now advancing, he fell back
on Ootramaloor, to await instructions. The
Council, distrustful of Adlercron, ordered him
to return to Madras. A French force, under
Saubinet, had reached Wandiwash before
Adlercron commenced his march for Madras,
and occupied Ootramaloor a few hours after he
left it. Adlercron, without informing the
Council, or taking any steps to oppose the
French, continued his march to Madras. The
French at once advanced on Conjeveram,
which they burned ; but they failed to take the
Pagoda, which was stoutly held by Sergeant
Lambertson and two companies of Sepoys.
The Council, sensible of their mistake in
leaving the fertile country of the Paliar valley
open to the French, ordered Adlercron to take
the field again.

During his three years in India, Adlercron
was a continual source of embarrassment to
the Council. He was a dull, incompetent
man, puffed up with a sense of his own im-
portance in commanding the King's troops,
The instructions he had been furnished with,

h 2

ioo DEFENCE OF MADRAS 1757.

before leaving England, had not been submitted
to the Directors, and were of such a nature as
to ensure a clash of authority. The Council in
Madras, annoyed at being deprived, by an
accident, of the services of an experienced
officer like Lawrence, were dismayed at the
prospect of the operations in the field being
directed by Adlercron. For three years their
efforts were directed to getting the use of
Adlercrons troops without Adlercron. Adler-
cron, on his side, was determined that, unless
he himself had the command, his troops should
not be employed. The services of the 250 men
of the 39th, who helped to recover Calcutta,
were only secured on the understanding that
they were to act as Marines under the Admiral.
Adlercrons incompetence and obstructiveness,
combined with his seniority of rank, threatened
to paralyse all military operations in India.
At a time when the presence of every British
soldier was worth his weight in gold, the
Company had been forced to move the Crown
to recall the 39th Regiment, merely to get rid of
Adlercron. But a year and a half were to
elapse before the representations of the Madras
Council bore fruit. The brief experience they
had now had of Adlercron in the field, only

1757- LAWRENCE AS VOLUNTEER 101

served to increase their distrust of his capacity
for command. In this dilemma, Lawrence,
who had hitherto refused to serve under Adler-
cron, now offered to accompany him as a
volunteer. Making his way, by sea, to Fort
St. David, he took a hundred men from the
garrison there, landed at Sadras, and joined
Adlercron near Chingleput. The army marched
for Ootramaloor, where it remained for forty
days, within a few hours' march of the French,
without a shot being fired. In a letter written
by Adlercron at this time, dated Ootramaloor
29th June, 1757, he says : " What increases my
confidence of success is that I am assisted with
Colonel Lawrence, who is not only deservedly
esteemed for his military capacity, but has a
thorough knowledge of the situation of the
country. This gentleman is in such favour
with the Company's managers that, in order
he might have command of the army, the
Committee had the assurance to propose my
staying at Fort St. George to assist them in
their Councils, which they have always
hitherto kept private from me." It apparently
never occurred to Adlercron that Lawrence had
waived his objections to serving under him, in
order to be at hand to keep him out of scrapes.

102

DEFENCE OF MADRAS

I757-

It was found impossible to bring the French to
action, except at a great disadvantage ; there was
much sickness among the troops, so, by
Lawrence's advice, the army fell back on
Conjeveram at the end of July. Neither side
was in a position to undertake active opera-
tions. At the end of the year, the 39th were
ordered to embark for England, and Law-
rence once more became the senior officer
in India. Several officers and 350 men
of the 39th transferred their services to the
Company.

For the first two years of the war, the
English forces in Madras were reduced to act
on the defensive. Every available man who
could be spared had been sent to Bengal with
Clive. Fortunately, the French did not take
all the advantage that was open to them, and
only indulged in secondary operations, while
awaiting the large armaments that were on their
way from France. In the meantime, Bussy
seized the English factories in the Northern
Circars. On some reinforcements reach-
ing Pondicherry, the French over-ran the
Carnatic, snapping up all the strongholds
in native hands, and took Chittapet from the
English.

1758. LALLY TOLLENDAL 103

At the end of April, 1758, Count Lally
arrived at Pondicherry with a powerful fleet
commanded by d'Ache, field guns and troops,
and plenary powers over the whole of the
French troops and possessions in India. The
English, in this hour of weakness, had been
forced to retire from all their conquests in
Southern India. Trichinopoly, Arcot, Chingle-
put and Conjeveram alone remained to them,
besides Madras, Fort St. David and Cuddalore
on the coast. Within five weeks of Lally s
arrival, Cuddalore and Fort St. David were
captured, and Lally determined to march on
Madras. But d'Ache refused to support him
with the fleet, and money was wanting. To
remedy this evil, Lally determined to attack
Tanjore. He laid siege to the place, but, at
the end of three weeks, was forced to relinquish
the enterprise and return to Pondicherry.
D'Ache, too, was worsted in an encounter with
Pocock, off Tranquebar, and left the coast
Before doing so he seized a Dutch ship,
though France and Holland were at peace,
and thus obtained money for Lally to equip
his army.

On the 1 2th December, Lally appeared before
Madras and occupied the town. Lawrence,

104 DEFENCE OF MADRAS

who had taken post at St. Thomas's Mount,
fell back before the French advance. On his
entering the fort the command of the troops
devolved on the Council, according to the prac-
tice of the time under the Company's sway.
The Council committed the defence of the fort
to the Governor, Mr. Pigot, recommending
him to consult Lawrence on all occasions, and,
on extraordinary emergencies, to assemble a
council of the superior officers of the garrison.
The defence practically devolved on Lawrence,
who had, at the moment, under him, an excep-
tionally able body of officers formed by himself
in the past ten years. Three of his best
officers remained outside Fort St. George :
Caillaud and Preston to carry on a partisan
warfare against the French rear, and Joseph
Smith, who held Trichinopoly, wThere the
French prisoners exceeded his small garrison
of invalids by five to one. Mahomed Yusuf,
of Nellore, also did good service in partisan
warfare against the French.

Lawrence's garrison comprised 1,600 Euro-
peans (including officers), 64 Topasses, 89
Coffrees (natives of Madagascar and the East
Coast of Africa), and 2,220 Sepoys. Nine
hundred of the European infantry belonged to

1759- DRAPER'S SORTIE 105

Colonel Draper s regiment, the 79th, that had
just arrived from England. There were also
about 140 men of the Royal Artillery. The
occupation of the town by Lally was the signal
for the French troops to disperse themselves
in search of plunder and drink. Their disorder
and drunkenness being known in the fort, a
sortie was determined on. Six hundred men
with two field pieces were placed under Colonel
Draper for the purpose. Draper entered the
town, before he was discovered by the French,
and put to flight those opposed to him. French
reinforcements then came up, and a scene of
much confusion followed. The English troops
got separated, and Draper, with four men
only, was in brief possession of a battery of
French guns. Saubinet, one of Lally 's best
officers, was killed, and d'Estaing was taken
prisoner ; but the English were obliged to
regain the fort in face of the additional rein-
forcements brought up by Lally, after suffering
a loss of fifty killed, as many wounded, and
103 taken prisoners, besides six officers killed
and three wounded. The French acknow-
ledged a loss of 200 killed and wounded,
besides four officers killed and twelve wounded.
The loss of Saubinet and the capture of Count

io6 DEFENCE OF MADRAS 1759.

d'Estaing* were seriously felt by Lally at the
opening of the siege.

On the 2nd January, the French batteries
opened, and the siege was closely pressed.
Sallies were made from time to time with
more or less success. In one of them, Major
Brereton, of the 79th, captured two guns, and
brought them into the fort. A welcome sup-
ply of powder was brought in in a singular
way. The French had dispatched three
native boats laden with fifty barrels of powder,
from Sadras, with a French soldier in each
boat. The boatmen seized and disarmed the
Frenchmen, and brought the powder into the
fort, for which they were paid the full value.

On the 30th January, The Shaftesbury, East
Indiaman, managed to run the gauntlet of the
French blockading ships, and landed a much
needed supply of treasure and warlike stores.
Meanwhile, Caillaud, Preston and Mahomed
Yusuf had carried on a daring and harassing
warfare against the French communications.
By great exertions, Caillaud had succeeded in

* After the siege, d'Estaing was released on parole. He
broke his engagement, and assisted in destroying the Com-
pany's factory at Gombroon a few months later, much to the
indignation of the Directors. He was again taken prisoner at
sea, and brought to England.

1759- THE SIEGE RAISED 107

raising a force of about 4,700 natives, with
which he advanced and fought an indecisive
action at S. Thome on the 9th February. All
this time the siege had been pressed by regular
approaches, and the crisis was imminent ;
when, on the 16th February, Pocock's fleet
sailed into the roadstead, a few hours before
Lally's intended assault.

The condition of the garrison was so much
better than that of the besiegers that it is
doubtful if an assault would have been suc-
cessful. Anyhow, Lally determined not to
hazard it. He broke up his camp at once,
and, the next morning, the retreating French
columns were visible from the walls of the
fort. Thus came to an end the most notable
siege that had yet occurred in India, and the
last serious bid for an Eastern Empire by
the French. Fifty-two French guns and a
quantity of stores were found in the trenches.
The English loss amounted to 33 officers, 559
Europeans, and 346 Sepoys killed, wounded,
and prisoners. The fort was so well supplied
that it was calculated there were enough stores
to stand another siege. All the operations of
the defence had been managed by Lawrence.
Mr. Pigot had had the good sense to abstain

io8 DEFENCE OF MADRAS 1759.

from interference, while he had been of much
use in directing the distribution of supplies.

The reinforcements from England brought
up the strength of European troops in Madras
to over 1,700. The Council thought they
ought to do something. Against Lawrence's
advice, they sent him towards Conjeveram,
which was occupied by Lally. But Lawrence's
army was badly off for transport, and the
Council found they had not money to maintain
the troops in the field. They were now as
anxious to bring back their troops to Madras,
as they had been to send them out. Lawrence
pointed out the evil of retreating in face of the
enemy, though he had looked on the move
towards Conj e veram as a mistake. To strengthen
the Council's infirmity of purpose, he left the
army and came to Madras. His health had
completely broken down, and he made known
his intention of returning to England. A few
days later, in April, 1759, he sailed, with the
intention of never returning to India. On his
arrival in England, the Directors granted him an
annuity of ^500 a year. In September, 1 760, the
Directors voted statues to Lawrence, Clive, and
Pocock "that their eminent and signal services to
this Company may be ever had in remembrance."

1761. LAST YEARS IN INDIA 109

On the 3rd October, 1761, Lawrence again
took his seat in the Madras Council, having
returned to India in the Fox, packet ; yielding,
apparently to the solicitation of the Directors.
By this time, he had so thoroughly won
their confidence that his position was greatly
improved. He was again made Commander-
in-Chief of all the Company's forces in India,
and, to ensure that he should not be superseded
in the field by any colonel of King's troops,
he received the commission of Major- General
in the East Indies, from the King. He was
given a seat in Council at Madras, next to the
Governor, with power to vote like any other
member, instead of being restricted, as hereto-
fore, to military subjects only. His salary was
fixed at ,£1,500 a year, and it was ordered that,
in the event of his visiting Bengal, or any
other place where there was a Council, he was
to be granted a seat on the Council Board ; it
being particularly mentioned that he was to
take precedence of Colonel Coote.* Hitherto,

* In March, 1759, the Directors sent orders uniting the
command of the King's and Company's troops in Bengal under
Coote. At the same time, it was provided that, in the event of
Coote's death, the nomination of his provisional successor was
to be made by Lawrence, and was " on no pretence whatever "
to be set aside by the civil authorities.

no DEFENCE OF MADRAS 1762.

no personal staff had been granted to the
senior military officer, except in the field.
Lawrence was now granted an aide-de-camp
and a brigade major. From this time his work
was wholly administrative. The power of the
French in India had been broken : Caillaud,
Carnac, Coote and Adams were dealing
effectively with the situation in Bengal.

One of the most serious things Lawrence
had to deal with arose from the treachery of
his old Brahmin interpreter. Since 1756
Mahomed Yusuf's loyalty had fallen under
suspicion. In 1 761, at the instance of the
Council, the Nawab was induced to appoint
him as Governor of Madura and Tinnevelly.
Before long he began to give trouble, and it
became evident that he aimed at independence.
He collected arms and men, strengthened the
fortifications of Madura, and, at the end of
[762, invaded Travancore territory without
authority. Two months later he openly hoisted
French colours, and was found to have over
25,000 men in his pay, among them being a
corps of 200 Europeans under a French
officer named Flamicourt. At the same time
a certain M. Mandave, living at the Danish
settlement of Tranquebar, announced himself

1763. MAHOMED YUSUF in

as the representative of the French Govern-
ment, and called on the Madras Council to
desist from coercing Mahomed Yusuf. He
asserted that Madura had been ceded to the
French by Mahomed Yusuf, and that the
cession must be recognised under the suspen-
sion of arms just concluded between the two
nations; also, that Flamicourt was acting under
his orders. The Madras Government was
greatly embarrassed by these claims, but, on
the Danish authorities being addressed, M.
Mandave disavowed his connection with the
French in Madura, and left India.

Lawrence advised immediate action, and a
force of 9,900 men was assembled at Trichi-
nopoly, under Colonel Monson, to march on
Madura. Mahomed Yusuf 's enterprising
character quickly showed itself. On the
1 ith August he attacked a reconnoitring party
of Sepoys, and drove it back with a loss of
150 men killed and wounded. On the
3rd September another reconnoitring party
was driven back, with the loss of one European
officer killed and sixteen or seventeen Europeans
killed and wounded. Monson's artillery was
so inferior that he was forced to raise the siege,
in November, and take post six miles from

ii2 DEFENCE OF MADRAS 1764.

Madura. Mahomed Yusuf took advantage of
the respite to open communication with the
Governor and Lawrence, and liberal terms of
amnesty were offered him ; but he failed to
take advantage of them. In April, 1764, the
siege was renewed under Major Charles Camp-
bell. On the 29th April, five redoubts were
taken by storm. Batteries were opened, and,
on 26th June, an assault was delivered and
repulsed, with the loss of two officers killed
and eight wounded; about 150 Europeans
and fifty natives killed and wounded. Major
Preston died of his wounds.

Campbell turned the siege into a blockade,
which was strictly maintained, till scarcity and
discontent forced the garrison to consider their
own safety. Mahomed Yusuf was seized and
confined by M. Marchand, the French com-
mandant, who surrendered the place next day.
On 15th October, Mahomed Yusuf was hanged
as a rebel against the Nawab.

Lawrence's last years in India were probably
the pleasantest of his life. He possessed the
full confidence of the Directors in London and
of his colleagues in Madras, and was united in
bonds of the closest friendship with the
Governor, Sir Robert Palk, to whom he

LAWRENCE'S CHARACTER 113

stood second in the Council. In April, 1766,
he bade a final farewell to India. He
was succeeded, as Commander-in-Chief, by
Caillaud ; who, in turn, was succeeded by
Joseph Smith. Mahomed Ali Khan, whose
rule over the Carnatic had been secured by
Lawrence's abilities, showed his gratitude by
obtaining permission from the Company to
grant Lawrence an annuity of 3,750 pagodas a
year : about ,£1,500 in English money. The
money was paid, through the Directors, till
Lawrence's death, which took place in London
on 10th January, 1775. His remains were
conveyed to Dunchideock, near Exeter, where
a monument was erected to him by Sir Robert
Palk.

If the best General is the one who makes the
fewest mistakes, Lawrence's name should
occupy a high position on the list of com-
manders. To speak of him as a master of
strategy would be out of place. There was
little place for strategical developments in the
warfare he was engaged in. His work was
purely tactical. The Council kept all questions
of strategy jealously in their own hands. But
against Law and de Kerjean in 1752, and by
his transfer of operations from Trivadi to

1

ii4 DEFENCE OF MADRAS

Trichinopoly in 1753, he showed a grasp of
strategical principles that would have won
success on a larger field. The armies he led
were out of all proportion to the issues they
decided. They were always of inferior quality.
How bad they could be, at times, was shown at
Volcondah, in April, 1 75 1 , during Lawrence's
absence from India, when, with such officers as
Clive, Dalton, and Kilpatrick, the European
companies behaved in such a cowardly way that
they had to be marched away from the field of
operations. But Lawrence had that supreme
gift of a great commander in being able to
obtain great efforts from his men at critical
moments, while he commanded their entire con-
fidence at all times.

In the field, Lawrence exhibited all the quali-
ties of a great commander, though opportunity
to exercise them on a large scale was denied
him. In front of the enemy, his self-possession
never deserted him at the most trying moments.
On no occasion did he ever hesitate or convene
a council of war, as Clive did before Plassey.
Never forcing a battle without necessity, he
struck, with all his force and with the greatest
daring, when the opportunity occurred. His
decision once taken was carried out without

LAWRENCE'S CHARACTER 115

faltering, and always with the best results.
Especially had he the gift of misleading and
confusing his enemy as to his intentions. In
council, his judgment was as sound as it was in
the field. Again and again the civil govern-
ment had to repent that they had followed their
own devices, and neglected Lawrences advice.
Yet with all this he seems never to have made
a personal enemy. Among the prominent men
of that time he stands alone in having left no
trace of personal ill-feeling attached to his name.
Lawrence appears to have possessed one of
those minds that, working in ordinary grooves,
comes to the right conclusion under all circum-
stances, so easily and unerringly, that the world
gives the name of Common Sense to what in a
more showy personality it would have styled
Genius. d'Auteuil, Law, de Kerjean, Astruc,
Brenier, Astruc again, Maissin, Lally, every
French leader who crossed swords with
him, retired defeated from the combat, or had
to yield himself a prisoner. Macaulay writes
of Lawrence as being " gifted with no intel-
lectual faculty higher than plain good sense,"
and leaves it to be inferred that Lawrence's
triumph over Law was as much due to Clive
as to his own efforts. In this he was no doubt

1 2

n6 DEFENCE OF MADRAS

misled by Clive's biographer, who writes of
Clive " placing himself" under Lawrence when
Lawrence returned to India in March, 1752.
Clive had, at that time, only just sprung into
notice by his feats at Arcot and Covripauk.
His merits were challenged, and his successes
were put down to luck. There was a strong
feeling, in the army, of personal dislike to
him, which found expression in an address to
Lawrence. Had Clive refused to serve under
Lawrence, he would have had no alternative
but to abandon the military profession and
return to his writership. Instead of Lawrence
being indebted to Clive, it was Clive who, at
that time, owed his advancement to Lawrence.
In the operations that crushed Law and
d'Auteuil, Lawrence took Clive into his con-
fidence and listened to his advice. That
he should have done so, considering their
difference of age and rank at the time, is a proof
of the penetration of Lawrence's character.
He certainly would have hesitated to divide
his forces as he did, had he not gauged Law's
over-caution and lack of enterprise, and had he
not recognised Clive's capacity to carry out his
views. But Clive made no move except under
Lawrence's orders, though the fact that most

LAWRENCE'S CHARACTER 117

of the fighting was done by him, causes his
name to stand out more prominently than
Lawrences during the two months' campaign.
After events showed that Lawrence was well
able to act by himself. Clive was not at
Bahoor, nor was he in India, when Lawrence
fought Astruc and Brenier, Morari Rao and
Hyder Ali, on the battlefields of Trichinopoly
in 1753. The operations of that year alone
are sufficient to establish Lawrence's reputation.
Yet, for some reason not easily explained,
Lawrence's military triumphs have been over-
shadowed by Clive's, though Clive was never
matched against a French commander of any
capacity. But the whole nature of the man
was so quiet and unassuming, that his genuine
merit might easily pass unobserved. Few
things are more characteristic of Lawrence
than his relations with Clive. When he arrived
in India, totally ignorant of the country, at an
age when most men adapt themselves with
difficulty to novel circumstances, it would not
have been surprising if he had regarded with
some mistrust a masterful, headstrong, young
man of twenty-two, who had only established
at that time a reputation for love of fighting.
But Lawrence quickly recognised Clive's

u8 DEFENCE OF MADRAS

genius, and reported to his superiors that
Give's successes were not due to good luck, as
many imagined, but to real merit. When the
expedition was prepared to avenge the horrors
of the Black Hole of Calcutta, ill-health alone
prevented Lawrence from taking the com-
mand. Lawrence, and not Clive, would have
triumphed at Plassey, had Lawrence's health
permitted him to assume the command.

Throughout his career in India, the relations
of Lawrence with Clive, who quarrelled with
almost everybody else, were of the most cordial
description. When the East India Company
voted a sword set with diamonds to Clive, he
refused to receive it unless a similar honour
was paid to Lawrence ;* and, when Lawrence
retired to England, Clive, who had become rich
and powerful, bestowed on him an annuity

* The story of Clive refusing to receive the sword voted to
him by the East India Company, unless one was also given to
Lawrence, rests on the authority of Clive's biographer. It is
indirectly supported by the imperfect records now in existence.
Lawrence's sword was not voted to him till three months after
a testimonial to Clive had been determined on, and then in
such a manner as to show that it was an afterthought. It is
remarkable also that, in repairing the oversight, the Directors
voted a sword worth ^750 to Lawrence, after granting one
worth £500 to Clive, as if they had all at once become aware
of Lawrence's superior claims. Clive was in London at the
time, Lawrence being still in India.

Lawrence's Monument in Westminster Abbey

| To face />. ug.

CLIVE'S REGARD 119

of ^500 from his private purse. Nothing is
more honourable to Clive than the deference
and consideration with which he treated Law-
rence at all times, and nothing testifies better
to Lawrence's character than the ungrudging
regard paid him by Clive.

Since Lawrence's day many illustrious names
have been added to the roll of our Indian
officers. None among them has a better claim
to be remembered than Stringer Lawrence, the
Father of the Indian Army.

On his death, the Directors of the East
India Company voted a sum of ^700 for the
erection of a monument to his memory, in
Westminster Abbey, in testimony of their
gratitude for his eminent services. It bears
the following legend : —

DISCIPLINE ESTABLISHED.

FORTRESSES PROTECTED.

SETTLEMENTS EXTENDED.

FRENCH

AND INDIAN ARMIES

DEFEATED

AND

PEACE CONCLUDED

IN THE CARNATIC.

With a carved representation of the fortified
rock of Trichinopoly.

APPENDIX A

The Parentage of Stringer Lawrence.

The only positive knowledge we have of
Stringer Lawrence's parentage is from the
baptismal register in the Church of All Saints
at Hereford, which shows that on 27th
February, 1697-98, was baptised Stringer, the
son of Mr. John Lawrence and Mary, his wife.
In the All Saints' burial register is recorded
the burial of Michael Stringer on 13th Novem-
ber, 1698. It is reasonable to presume that
Stringer was the maiden name of Lawrence's
mother.

The coat of arms on Stringer Lawrence's
monument in Westminster Abbey (ermine, a
cross ragule gules) is almost identical with the
coat of arms granted to Sir John Lawrence,
Alderman of London, and Lord Mayor in
1664, in which year the grant of arms was

122 APPENDIX A

made (ermine, a cross ragule gales, a canton
ermines).

The archives of the City of Hereford, which
were partly destroyed in the Civil War, show
that there was one or more families of the
name of Lawrence living in Hereford in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

In 1625 James Lawrence was Mayor of
Hereford.

A memorandum signed by the Parlia-
mentary officer, Colonel John Birch, shows that
" Mr. Lawrence " was fined six pounds for
being disaffected to Parliament.

In 1660 James Lawrence, junior, gentleman,
was admitted to the freedom of the city, and
became Mayor in the following year.

In 1682 John Lawrence, apothecary, and in
1702 John Lawrence, brewer, were admitted to
the freedom of the city. One of these must,
almost certainly, have been the father of
Stringer Lawrence.

In 1707 William Lawrence, brewer; in 1 714
Humphries Lawrence, gentleman, of Leomin-
ster ; in 1 76 1 Samuel Lawrence, brewer, were
admitted to the freedom of the city.

APPENDIX B

SOOBADARS OF THE DECCAN, AND NAWABS
OF THE CARNATIC IN THE EIGHTEENTH
CENTURY.

SOOBADARS OF THE DECCAN.

A.D.

1 69 1 — Zulfikar Khan. Nusrut Jung.

Aurungzib's General : son of Assad Khan (Meer
Jumla) : recalled 1702.

1702 — Daood Khan, Punnee.

Zulfikar Khan's deputy and successor : recalled
1713-

1 7 13 — Chin Killij Khan, Asaf Jah, Nizam-ool-Moolk.
Son of Ghazi-oo-deen Khan, Moghul noble. On
his appointment, Arcot made into a separate
Nawabship. Makes himself independent 1720:
reconciled to the Emperor 1722 : goes finally to
the Deccan 1741 : dies 1748.

1748 — Nazir Jung.

Son of Nizam-ool-Moolk : seizes the throne :
imprisons Mozuffer Jung : assassinated on the
field of battle against the French, 16th December,

i75°-
1750 — Mozuffer Jung.

Son of Nizam-ool-Moolk's daughter, and designed
by him as his successor. Appointed by firman from

i24 APPENDIX B

the Emperor, and supported by the French, who
proclaim him Soobadar of the Deccan after Nazir
Jung's death : killed by the Nawab of Kurnool,
February, 1 751.

I75I — Salabut Jung.

Son of Nizam-ool-Moolk : proclaimed Nizam by
the French: imprisoned by Nizam Ali 1761 :
murdered 1763.

1 761 — Nizam Ali.

Son of Nizam-ool-Moolk : rebels against Salabut
Jung : is reconciled : rebels again, and seizes the
throne 1761 : dies August, 1803.

AD.

NAWABS OF THE CARNATIC.

Arcot made into a separate Nawabship 17 13.
(See Soobadars of the Deccan.)

1 7 13 — Saadut-oollah Khan.

Daood Khan's Foujdar and Dewan : dies 1732.

1732 — Dost Ali Khan.

Nephew and adopted son of Saadut-oollah
Khan : slain in battle with the Mahrattas.

1742 — Sufder Ali Khan.

Son of Dost Ali Khan: assassinated, 1742, by
Moortis Ali Khan, his cousin and brother-in-
law.

Nawabship claimed by Moortis Ali Khan, sup-
ported by the French : allegiance refused by
subordinate Chiefs, who set up Mahomed Said
Khan, son of Sufder Ali Khan. Mahomed Said
Khan set aside by the Nizam : assassinated by
Pathans 1744.

APPENDIX B 125

!y43 — Khojah Abdullah.

Nizam's General appointed : poisoned by
Anwaroodeen.

1 744 — Anwaroodeen.

Nizam's Governor of Ellore appointed : slain in
battle at Amboor, 1749, against Mozuffer Jung
and Chunda Sahib, supported by the French.

!749 — Mahomed Ali Khan. Wallah Jah.

Son of Anwaroodeen, appointed by the Nizam,
and supported by the English : holds the Nawab-
ship till his death. A firman of the Emperor
acknowledges the independence of the Carnatic
1765: dies 1795.

Chunda Sahib.

Dost Ali Khan's Dewan, claims Nawabship on
Anwaroodeen's death : supported by Nizam's
brother, Mozuffer Jung, and by the French :
assassinated by Tanjore General 1752. On his
death, Dupleix claims the Nawabship for himself,
in virtue of a sunnud obtained from the Nizam
Salabut Jung during Chunda Sahib's lifetime.
On the strength of this, Dupleix proclaims Reza
(Rajah) Sahib, son of Chunda Sahib, 1752, but a
few months later sets him aside, and proclaims
Moortis Ali Khan. Moortis Ali Khan makes
submission to Mahomed Ali Khan, 1754. Lally
again appoints Reza Sahib 1759.

1795 — Umdat-ool-Oomra.

Son of Mahomed Ali Khan : dies July, 1801.

127

INDEX

Ache, de, in command of the French
Fleet, 103 ; worsted off Tranque-
bar, 103.

Adlercron, in command of the 39th
Regiment, 96 ; at Ootramaloor,
98 ; ordered to return to Madras,
99 ; incompetency, 99 ; obstruc-
tiveness, 100 ; on the military
capacity of Lawrence, 101.

Aix-la-Chapelle, Ratification of the
Treaty, 24.

Anglo-Indian Army, its origin, 20.

Anwaroodeen, 125.

Arcot, 30, 36, 124; captured, 61.

Ariancopang, Siege of, 22 ; aban-
doned, 23.

Assad Khan, 123.

Astruc, M., assumes command 01
the force in Seringham, 59, 72 ;
reinforcements, 62 ; encamps
near Weycondah, 62 ; force, 62 ;
occupies Five Rocks, 63 ; attack
on the Golden Rock, 64-67 ;
defeated, 67, 74-77 ; repairs to
Pondicherry, 67 ; recommences
blockade, 72 ; taken prisoner,

77-
Auteuil, de, in command of the
troops, 27 ; attempt to intimidate
Lawrence, 27 ; retreat, 28 ; sent
to reinforce Law, 38 ; at Oota-
toor, 38, 40 ; attack on, 41 ; falls

back on Volcondah, 41 ; sur-
renders, 43 ; occupies Sering-
ham, 97 ; bombards Trichinopoly,
97 ; marches to Pondicherry, 98.

Bahoor, Battle of, 49-51.

Barnet, Commodore, off the Coro-
mandel Coast, 15.

Batavia, 19.

Birch, Colonel John, 122.

Boscawen, Admiral, in command o.
the expedition against Pondi-
cherry, 21 ; his blunders, 22 ;
mismanagement of the siege, 23 ;
return to England, 26.

Brenier, M., in command, 67 ;
attempt to intercept Lawrence,
68 ; defeated at the Golden
Rock, 69-71 ; at Mootachelli-
noor, 72 ; reinforcements, 72.

Brereton, Major, captures guns,
106.

British Army, first regiment in
India, 13 ; officers compared with
the French, 14 ; troops march to
Pondicherry, 22 ; abandon the
siege of Ariancopang, 23 ; of
Pondicherry, 23 ; number of
losses, 23.

Bussy, General, 12 ; seizes the
English factories, 102.

128

INDEX

Caillaud, Captain, 73, 104, 106 ; in
command of a convoy, 87 ;
attack on, 87-89 ; besieges
Madura, 97 ; march to Trichino-
poly, 98 ; action at St. Thome,
107 ; appointed Commander-in-
Chief, 113.

Calcutta captured, 96.

Campbell, Major Charles, besieges
Madura, 112.

Carnatic, Nawabs of the, 124 ; rival
claimants to, 27, 30.

Cauvery river, 31, 35, 59 ; destruc-
tion of the dam, 90.

Chin Killij Khan, 123.

Chingleput, 14, 101.

Chittapet, taken by the French, 102.

Chucklipolliam, 33, 42, 98.

Chunda Sahib, 125 ; the French
claimant to the Nawabship, 31 ;
made prisoner, 43 ; put to death,
43 ; result of his death, 94.

Circars, Northern, English factories
seized, 102.

Clayton, Major-General, 17.

Clive, on the British troops in
India, 14 (Note) ; at the storm-
ing of Devicotah, 25 ; feats at
Arcot and Covripauk, 30, 36 ;
march to Trichinopoly, 30 ; pro-
posal to divide the army, 36 ;
occupies Samiaveram, 37 ; cap-
tures Lalgoodi, 37 ; intercepts
d'Auteuil, 38 ; attack on his
camp, 39 ; attack on Pitchandah,
42 ; in command of the expedi-
tion to recapture Calcutta, 97 ;
his relations with Lawrence, 115-
119.

Coffrees, 104.

Coiladdy, 32 ; captured, 40.

Conjeveram, burned, 99 ; occupied,
108.

Coote, Colonel, 109.

Cope, Captain, in command of the
expedition against Devicotah, 25.

Coromandel Coast, 15.

Covelong, 14.

Covripauk, 30, 36.

Cultru, M., on Dupleix, 94.

Cuddalore, attempt against, 20 ;
captured, 103.

Dalton, Captain, 26, 31 ; at the
Sugarloaf Rock, 33 ; captures
Elmiseram, 35 ; attack on
d'Auteuil, 40 ; plots against, 55 ;
attack on the Mysore camp, 56 ;
force crippled, 57 ; requires rein-
forcements, 57 ; blockaded in
Trichinopoly, 71.

Daood Khan, 123.

Deccan, Soobadars of the, 27, 123;
rival claimants for the throne, 27.

Devicotah, expeditions against, 25 ;
ceded to the English, 25.

Dost Ali Khan, 124.

Draper, Colonel, result of his sortie,
105.

Dunchideock, 113.

Dupleix, 12; Governor of Pondi-
cherry, 15 ; secures neutrality of
the Nawab, 15 ; captures Madras,
16 ; Dictator of the Carnatic, 17 ;
attempt against Cuddalore, 20 ;
sends reinforcements to Law, 38 ;
accusation on Chunda Sahib's
death, 44 ; reconstructs his plans,
46 ; proclaims Reza Sahib Na-
wab, 46, 125 ; blockades Fort
St. David, 47 ; plans for gaining
possession of Trichinopoly, 59 ;
terms of negotiation, 81 ; recall,
93> 94-

East India Company, 15 ; vote of
a sword to Lawrence, 118 ; erect
a monument to his memory, 1 19.

INDEX

129

Elmiseram, 32, 60, 90 ; surrenders,

35> 92.
Estaing, Count d', taken prisoner,

105, 106 (Note) ; released on

parole, 106 (Note).
Europe, outbreak of the Seven

Years' War, 97.

Fakeer's Tope, 57, 60, 74, 92-
Five Rocks, 60, 91 ; occupied, 63.
Flamicourt, HO.

Floyer, Governor of Madras, dis-
missal, 28.
Fort St. David, 19 ; captured, 103.
Fort St. George, 17 ! ground rent

remitted, 51.
French troops, condition of, in
India, 13 ; inferiority of the sub-
ordinate officers, 14; capture
Madras, 15 ; repulse at Cudda-
lore, 21 ; losses, 34 5 defeated at
Bahoor, 49"5X 5 number of pri-
soners, 50, 78, 8°; entrenched
at Trivadi, 53 ; defeated at the
Golden Rock, 67, 69, 77 ; killed
and wounded, 71, 78, 80, 92,
105 ; attempt to capture Trichi-
nopoly, 79, 97 5 surrender, 80 ;
terms of negotiation, 81 ; en-
trenched at Mootachellinoor, 92 ;
retreat to Seringham, 93 ; domi-
nation in India, 93 ; number of
prisoners in Trichinopoly, 95
(Note); at Wandiwash, 99;
advance on Conjeveram, 99 ; take
Chittapet, 102 ; occupy Madras,
103 ; retreat, 107.
French Rocks, 34, 60.

Ghazi-oo-deen Khan, 123.
Gingee, 46 ; attack on, repulsed,

47-

Gingens, Captain de, 31.

Golden Rock, 60, 63 ; attack on,

64-67, 69, 74-77-
Gombroon, Company's factory at,

destroyed, 106 (Note).
Good, Morari Rao, chief of, 31.
Grenville, Captain, in command of

the convoy, 84 ; disaster, 84.

Harrison, Lieutenant, 80.
Holt, his dismissal, 28.
Hyder Ali, 13, failure of his
attack, 91.

India, superiority of arms of the
native chiefs, 13; landing of the
first British regiment, 13 ; French
domination in, 93.

Irdjar, Russians defeat Bokhara
troops, 14 (Note).

Jumbakistna temple, 42.

Kelsey, attempt to kill Give, 39.
Kerjean, M. de, repulses attack on
Gingee, 47 ; blockades Fort St.
David, 47 ; force, 47 5 retreats to
Bahoor, 48 ; taken prisoner, 50.
Khojab Abdullah, 125.
Kilpatrick, Captain, 26, 65, 70 ;
wounded, 76, 78; in command
of the garrison at Trichinopoly,
80 ; sortie from, 92.
Kinneer, Major, expedition against
Gingee, 47 ; wounded and death,

47-
Kirk, Captain, 65 ; killed, 70.
Knipe, Major, commander of the

Fort St. George garrison, his

death, 17.

La Bourdonnais, General, 12 ; in
command of a squadron oft
Madras, 16.

Lalgoodi, captured, 37.

K

*3°

INDEX

Lally, Count, 12 ; at Pondicherry,
103 ; lays siege to Tanjore, 103 ;
occupies Madras, 103 ; raises the
siege, 107 ; occupies Conjeveram,
108.

Lambertson, Sergeant, 99.

Law, M., in command in Arian
copang, 23 ; besieges Trichino
poly, 31 ; occupies Coiladdy, 32
disposition of his force, 33
withdraws to the Island of Ser
ingham, 35 ; position, 36 ; at
tempt on Clive's camp, 38 ; takes
refuge at the Jumballistna temple,
42 ; surrenders, 43.

Lawrence, Humphries, 122.

Lawrence, James, Mayor of Here-
ford, 122.

Lawrence, John, 17, 121, 122.

Lawrence, Sir John, his coat of
arms, 121.

Lawrence, Mary, 17, 121.

Lawrence, Samuel, 122.

Lawrence, Major-General Stringer,
his parentage, 17, 121 ; appointed
commander of the Fort St.
George garrison, 18; member
of the Council, 19, 109 ; length
of his voyage, 19 ; at Batavia,
19 ;" lands at Fort St. David, 19 ;
reorganises the companies, 20 I
defeats the French at Cuddalore,
21 ; taken prisoner at the siege of
Ariancopang, 22 ; return to Fort
St. David, 23 ; expedition against
Devicotah, 25 ; appointed Chief
Commissioner, 26 ; joins the camp
of Nazir Jung, 27 ; provisional
governor of Fort St. David, 28
resignation, 29 ; sails for England
29, 108 ; return to India, 29
109 ; appointed Commander-in
Chief, 29, 109 ; lands in Madras
30 ; march to the relief of Tri

chinopoly, 30-34 ; divides his
army, 36 ; investment of Sering-
ham Island, 42 ; accused of
having ordered Chunda Sahib's
death, 44 ; advice against attack-
ing Gingee, 46 ; embarks for
Fort St. David, 48 ; victory at
Bahoor, 49-5 1 ; wish to relinquish
his command, 51 ; discontent at
his position, 52 ; at Trivadi, 53 ;
engagement with Mahrattas, 54 ;
advice on surrendering Trichi-
nopoly, 55, 82 ; on reinforcing
Dalton, 57 ; enters Trichinopoly,
58, 92 ; force, 58, 62, 74, 90 ;
approval of the Madras Council,
59 ; want of supplies and cavalry,
60 ; attempt to dislodge the
troops from Seringham, 60 ;
encamps at the Fakeer's Tope,
61, 74, 92; desperate position,
63, 64 ; attack on the Golden
Rock, 64-67, 74-77 ; victory,
67} 77 ; marches towards Tan-
jore, 67 ; reinforcements, 68, 73,
90, 108 ; seizes the Golden Rock,
69 ; victory over Brenier, 70 ;
preparations for the attack, 74 ;
wounded, 78 ; lays siege to Wey-
condah, 78 ; encamped at Trichi-
nopoly, 83 ; loss of his convoy
and company of grenadiers, 84,
85 ; illness, 85, 88 ; opinion of
Mahomed Yusuf, 85 ; reinstates
the Tanjore commander, 90 ;
encamps near Elmiseram, 90 ;
at Warriore, 92 ; grant of a sword
of honour, 93, 118; services to
his country, 93; Lieut. -Colonel
in the East Indies, 96 ; refusal to
serve under Adlercron, 96 ; volun-
teers, 101 ; senior officer, 102 ;
in command of the defence of
Madras, 104 ; number of his

INDEX

13*

garrison, 104; annuity, 108, 113,
118; Major-General in the East
Indies, 109 ; salary, 109 ; staff,
no; treachery of Mahomed
Vusuf, no; last years, 112;
death, 113; strategical principles,
113; character, 114; relations
with Give, 1 1 5-1 19 ; monument
to his memory, 119; coat of
arms, 121.
Lawrence, William, 122.

Macaulay, on Lawrence, 115.
Madras, captured by the French,
in 1746, 15 ; changes amongst
the officials, 28 ; occupied, 103 ;
number of the garrison, 104, 108 ;
siege, 105-107 ; raised, 107 ;
losses, 107.

Madras Council, member of the,
19, 109 ; Political Committee of
the, formed, 30 ; resolve to reduce
Gingee, 46 ; disapproval of sur-
rendering Trichinopoly, 55, 82 ;
approval of Lawrence's action,
59 ; instructions to Adlercron,
98 ; distrust of his capacity,
101.

Madura, besieged, 97, in, 112;
surrenders, 112.

Mahfoos Khan, defeated at S.
Thome, 16 ; seizes Madura, 97.

Mahomed Ali Khan, 125 ; claims
to the Nawabship, 30, 81 ; re-
mits ground rent for Fort St.
George, 51 ; efforts to secure the
Mysore alliance, 54 ; gratitude to
Lawrence, 113.

Mahomed Said Khan, 124.

Mahomed Vusuf, of Nellore, 85,
104, 106 ; commandant of the
Sepoys, 86 ; charges against,
87 ; exonerated, 87 ; appointed
Governor of Madura and Tinne-

velly, no; disloyalty, no;
attacks reconnoitring parties, 1 1 1 ;
seized and hanged, 112.
Mahrattas, allied with the French,

S3>

Mainville, M. de, in command of
the French force in Seringham,
83 ; attempt to intercept a
convoy, 87-89 ; relinquishes the
command, 91.
Maissin, M., in command of the
French troops, 53, 91 ; reinforce-
ment under, reaches Seringham,
79 ; his force, 91.
Mandave, M., 1 10 ; on the cession of

Madura, III.
Marchand, M., Commandant of

Madura, surrenders, 112.
Mauritius, attempt against, 22.
Mill, on Dupleix, 44 ; on surrender-
ing Trichinopoly, 55.
Monson, Colonel, besieges Madura,

in.
Moortaza Ali Khan, 124.
Moortis Ali Khan, 124, 125.
Mootachellinoor, 72, 77 ; French

entrenched at, 92.
Morari Rao, chief of Gooti, 31 ; in
secret correspondence with the
French, 31, 36 ; joins the Myso-
reans, 56 ; death of his nephew,
66 ; overwhelms a Tanjore force,
90.
Mozuffer Jung, 123.
Munserpet occupied, 37.
Mysore Regent, 54 ; plots against
Captain Dalton, 55 ; army en-
camped on the Island of Sering-
ham, 56 ; negotiations for the
possession of Trichinopoly, 82.

NawaboftheCamatic, 15; defeated

at S. Thome, 16.
Nawabs of the Carnatic, 124.

132

INDEX

Nazir Jung, the Soobadar of the

Deccan, 27, 123.
Nizam, Ali, 124.
Nizam-ool-Moolk, 123.

Ootatoor, 38, 40 ; evacuated, 41.

Ootramatoor, 98, 101.

Orme, his history of India, 12 ; on
the British troops, 13 ; on the
siege of Pondicherry, 23 ; of
Trichinopoly, 44.

Paliar Valley, 99.

Talk, Sir Robert, 112; erects a

monument to Lawrence, 113.
Paradis, M., defeats the Nawab's

army at S. Thome, 16.
Peace, Treaty of, in 1754, 95.
Peons, 16 ; organisation of, 20.
Pettah, captured, 99.
Pigot, Mr., Governor of Madras,

104, 107,
Pitchandah, 37, 40 ; attack on, 42.
Pocock, encounter off Tranquebar,

103.
Polier, Captain, 88 ; wounded, 89.
Pondicherry, 103 ; expedition

against, 21 ; siege abandoned,

23-
Poniapa, interpreter, 86 ; his secret

correspondence with the Mysore

Regent, 86 ; blown from a gun,

87.
Poodoocottah, Chief of, 61.
Poverio, 55.
Preston, Major, 104, 106 ; death,

112.

Reza Sahib, proclaimed Nawab of

the Carnatic, 46, 125.
Ridge, Captain, 73.

Saadut-oollah Khan, 124.

Sadras, 101 ; Commissioners at, 81.
Salabut Jung, 124 ; claims for the

Soobadar of the Deccan, 81.
Samiaveram, occupied, 37.
Saubinet, French force under, at

Wandiwash, 99 ; killed, 105.
Saunders, Mr. , 46 ; assumes charge
at Madras, 28 ; dispute with
Lawrence, 58.
Sepoys, 13; development of mili-
tary spirit, 44.
Seringham, Island of, 35 ; invest-
ment, 42 ; Mysore, army en-
camped on, 56 ; position, 59.
Seven Years' War, Outbreak of

the, 97.
Shaftesbury, The, 106.
Smith, Captain Joseph, in command
of the garrison at Trichinopoly,
97, 104 ; appointed Commander-
in-Chief, 113.
Soobadars of the Deccan, 123.
Sooraj-ud Dowla, captures Calcutta,

96.
Stringer, Michael, 121.
Sufder Ali Khan, 124.
Sugarloaf Rock, 33, 60.

Tanjore Chief, claimant for the
throne, 24 ; retires from the con-
test, 55 ; neutrality, 60, 79 ;
reinstated, 90.

Tanjore, 67 ; force overwhelmed,
90 ; besieged, 103.

St. Thomas' Mount, 104.

S. Thome, Mahfoos Khan defeated
at, 16 ; action at, 107.

Topasses, 62.

Tranquebar, 103.

Treaty of peace in 1754, 95.

Tricatopoly, 83.

Trichinopoly, march to, 30-34 ;
invested, 57 ; position, 59 ;
attempt to surprise, 79 ; number

INDEX

i33

of prisoners in, 95 (Note) ; be-
sieged by the French, 97.
Trivadi, 53 ; captured, 61.

Umdat-ool-Oomra, 125.

Vicravandi, 47.
Vizagapatam, 28.
Volcondah, 41, 43.

Warriore, 92.

Westminster Abbey, monument
erected to the memory of Law-
rence, 119.

Weycondah, 60, 62 ; siege of, 78 ;
surrenders, 79.

Wilks, on the death of Chunda
Sahib, 45.

Wandiwash, 99.

Zulfikar Khan, 123.

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