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Ottoman Egypt in the Age of the Rnench Revolution ( Cambridge : 1966).
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Ottoman Egypt in the Eighteenth Century ( Cambridge : 1962 ).
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Daniel Crecelius and Abd al-Wahhab Bakr, al-Damurdashi's Chronicle of
Egypt : 1688-1755 ( Leiden : 1991 ) .
Daniel Crecelius (ed.) , Eighteenth Century Egypt : The Arabic Manuscript
Sources ( Claremont , California : 1990) .
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Chroniqw d'Egypte (1798 - 7«W > , Gaston Wiet ( Cairo : 1950)
a/ - Damurdashi's Chronicle of Egypt : 1688 -1755, Daniel Crecelius and AM ;
al - Wahhab Bakr ( Leiden : 1991 ) .
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s Azaban al - Damurdashi : Two Sources for al - Jaharti's % Aja'ib al-Atharfi al -
Tarafim wa al -Akhbar, "
Eighteenth Century Egypt : The Arabic Manusrcript Sources > 89 - 102 ♦
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Stanford J. Shaw , The Financial and Administrative Organization and Devel-
opment of Ottoman Egypt.1 51 7-1 798 (Princeton: 1 962) ,
. ( SWA
Daniel Crecelius, The Roots of Modern Egypt : A Study of the Regimes of
Vl/i Bey al-Kabir and Muhammad Bey Abu al-Dhahab, 1760-1775 ( Minnea-
polis and Chicago : 1981 ) .
Crecelius , The Roots of Modern Egypt , 167 s
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Daniel Crecelius* " The Waqfiyyah of Muhammad Bey Abu al-Dhahab, "
/^wrmi/ o/f/w? American Research Center in Egypt XV ( 1978 X 83-105; XVI
~A
(1979), 125-146 ; " The Woof of Muhammad Bey Abu al - Dhahab in Histor-
ical Perspective, " International Journal of Middle East Studies 23 (February,
1991 ), 89-102 .
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*
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David Ayalon, "Studies in al-Jabarti I, Notes on the Transformation of Mam-
luk Society in Egypt'under the Ottomans, " Journal of the Economic and Social
History of the Orient IU (1960 ) , 275 - 277 , 285-288 .
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F . de Jong, Turuq and Turuq-Linked Institutions in Nineteenth Century
Egypt (Leiden, 1978) .
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ohaj near fee tomb of Shaykh aPArif. His wife Naflsa held.
a large funeral for him In Cairo and built a tomb beside the
tombs of s Ali Bey and Isma v il Bey to which she intended to
transfer his body. When the French made their agreement
with Murad Bey they agreed to give Naflsa 100,000 nisffid-
dahs monthly until his death and to the appointment of the
amir s Uthman Bey al-Jukhdar, known as al-Tanbarji, as amir
and chief of his kushdashiyya. See Jabarti, Vol. H, 426.
-62-
stretches from. Nubia all the way to Somalia. See
"Berbera" in Encyclopaedia of Islam.
84. Following Napoleon's departure from Egypt the com-
mand of the French forces was turned over to General Kle-
ber. See Jabarti, Mazhar a-Taqdis, 181; ^Aja'ib al-Athar,
Vol. H, 303.
85. Yusuf Basha was the grand wazir who commanded the
Ottoman forces that cooperated with the English in attempt-
ing to drive the French from Egypt. He negotiated the agree-
ment of aPArish with Kleber on January 24, 1800, then en-
tered Cairo in 1801 after the evacuation of the French troops
from Egypt. See Jabarti, x Aja'ib al-Athar, Vol. II, 309; Ma
zhar al~Taqdis t 186-187.
86. Al-Khanqa was originally established by al-Malik ai-
Nasir Muhammad ibn Qala'un in the year 723 AH as a sufi
convent (khanqa) in the desert of Siryaqus. It is slightly to
the north of Birkat al-Hajj. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi t
Vol. II, part I, 32-33
87. Jabarti, Vol. n, 426, says that Murad Bey died of the
plague 4 Dhu al-Hijja, 1215/18 April, 1801 and was buried in
-61-
events. One of the villages of Bilbays in which Shaykh al-
Sharqawi had a share was levied an illegal imposition by Mu-
hammad Bey Alfi. These events occurred in Dhu al-Hijja,
1209/July, 1795.
78. Jabarti, Vol. n, 176, reports no events for the years
1211 or 1212, so Khashshab provides new information here.
79. Jabarti, Vol. n, 180, says they arrived 18 Muharram,
1213.
80. Damanhur was the capital of Buhayra province, the west-
ernmost province of the delta. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-
Jughrafi, Vol. n, part II, 282.
81. Jabarti, Vol. II, 184-185, says this battle
Friday, 29 Muharram, 1213/23 July, 1798.
82. Bilbays is one of the larger towns of Sharqiyya province,
not far to the northeast from Cairo. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al~
Jughrafi, Vol. H, part 1, 100-101.
83. Land of the Berbera refers to the vast area lying to the
south of Egypt inhabited by blacks who- are mostly Muslim.
-60-
m Ribat al-Athar because it was said to contain a piece o
wood and iron belonging to the Prophet. It was also known
as Masjid al-Athar al-Sharifa and Masjid Athar al-Nabl. See
J Sif ad Maher, Masajid Misr wa Awliya'ka alSalihun (Cairo:
1971), Vol. 1, 413-416.
73. Jabarti, Vol. I, 640, adds that Hasan Basha ordered that
the two children of Ibrahim Bey, Marzuq and "Adila, and
their mother, were also to be sold, but the ^ulama* protested,
arguing that a free Muslim couldn't be sold into slavery.
74. Ibrim is an ancient town in Egypt's extreme south. See
Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol. H, part IV, 230. *
75. Here the author uses the term ra'is instead of the more
popular shaykh al-balad (commander of the city), a term that
was unofficially recognized by the Ottoman authorities. See
Crecelius and Bakr, Al-Damurdashi's Chronicle of Egypt,
177-178n.
76. Jabarti, Vol. II, 32, says his departure was Saturday, the
23rd of Dhu al-Hijja.
-]. i*
77. Jabarti, Vol. II, 166, gives more details about these
-59-
tghrafi, Vol. II, part III, 11.
69 . Khan al-Khalili was the commercial core of Ottoman
Cairo. By the late eighteenth century the ojaqlis had integrat-
ed with the people of the quarter and many of the merchants
i
of Khan al-Khalili held tadhkirahs, or pay slips, from the
regiments and were required to perform military service
when called upon by the authorities.
70. Rumayla Square, at the base of the citadel between the
Sultan Hasan mosque and the "Azab Gate, was a major battle-
ground for factions contending for control of the city.
7 1 . Shulqan was an ancient town in the district of Qalyub.
See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol. U, part 1, 56.
ffi
72. Athar al-Nabi, or Qadam al-Nabi, acquired its name,
some say, from the Pharaonic Hathor Nobi, which the Mus-
lims corrupted to Athar al-Nabi (footprints of the Prophet).
See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol. II, part HI, 3. But
Su s ad Maher, citing the histories of Ibn Duqmaq and al-
Maqrizi, says that this site took its name from the ribat con-
structed by al-Sahib Taj al-Din Muhammad ibn Henna near
1'
Birkat al-Habash overlooking, the Nile. This ribat was known
-*»-
aims, cloth and tobacco. See Andre Raymond and Gaston
Wiet, Les Marches du Caire: Traduction Annotee du Texte de
Maqrizi (Cairo: 1979), 258.
64. Jabarti, Vol. L 622, identifies this Mustafa Bev as ai~
Iskandarani, who was accompanied by Muhammad Bey at
Aifi, Hasan Bey al-Shift, Yahya Bey, Sulayman Bey al-Agha
^Uthman Bey al-Shaiqawi and "Uthman Bey al-Ashqar.
65. Ram is a loose term referring to the Asiatic provinces of
the Ottoman Empire that were part of the former Byzantine
Empire. Hie reference here indicates that the troops were
Turkish speaking.
66. This reference is to the mariners who were present in
Cairo and who were now ordered to report for service
67. Iribaba, or hnbaba, was a village on the western bank of
the Nile opposite Bulaq. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughraft y
Vol. H, part HI, 56.
\
68. Jazirat al-Dhahab, in Ghiza province, was also known as
Jazirat al-Ta'ir. Part of it was on the Nile bank, but the other
t
part was an island in the Nile. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-
$
-57-
f
:j«j late Miiieieenth century it is named Jumayjamun. bee
amzi, al-Qamus u ■ '- ) : ughraj% Vol II, part H, 46.
-V
*^> • a? «.&**/&*£&"* j « W*» Aj
large grain s
1
614, says simply that this galleon had a
J
aqsamat (peksimet) was a hard biscuit or bread baked
twice for use by travellers. See Shaw, Organization, 233, and
.^Anisi, Tafsir al-Alfadh al-Dakhilafi al-Lugha al~
Wrabiyya (Cairo: 1964-65), 12.
61. On the khazina payments, the "tribute" in money and
kind that Egypt was required to send annually to the central
Ottoman government', see Stanford J. Shaw, The Budget of
Ottoman Egypt, 2005-1006/1596-1597 (The Hague-Paris
1968).
62. On the grain sent by the authorities in Egypt to the in-
habitants of the shrine cities of Mecca and Medina, see Shaw,
Organization, 258-263.
63. The Suq al-Silah (arms market), situated along a main
*
street between the Sultan Hasan mosque and al-Tabbana
street, was a major market for a variety of products, includ-
£
-56-
53. Al-Jisr al-Aswad is located in northern Ghiza province
near the village of Umm Dinar, See Jabarti, Vol. II, 181; al-
Jabarti, Mazhar at-Taqdis, 39.
t
54. Jabarti, Vol. I, 580, adds that he was imprisoned in the
Alexandria tower, which is why he was later known as Iskan-
daranL Jabarti also claims he was freed the middle of Shaw-
wal.
55. Jabarti, Vol. I, 608, gives the names of two well-known
robbers, Ruslan and al-Najjar. They fled when they heard
they were being hunted, but Murad ordered the bedouin
shaykhs to track them down and arrest them.
56. This representative was Salih Agha, former katkhuda of
the Jawishan. See Jabarti, Vol. I, 609.
57. Jabarti, Vol. I, 609, claims that this sum was 105,000
riyah, which included 5,000 riyals as the haqq al-tariq tax. t
58. Jumayjamun, also Jamajmun, was an ancient town whqse
name was Damijmul. It is on the western branch of the Nile
between Safiyya and Sandiyun. In v Ali Mubarak's survey of
-55-
Ibn Khasib lies on the western side of the Nile
*
was formerly the capital of Minya province. 5ee Kama, ai-
amus al-Jughrafh Vol. BE, part Iff, 196-198.
49. Shaykh Ahmad ibn Musa ibn Da'ud aPArusi (1133
1208/1720-1794) was one of the most prominent shaykhs of
e was the author of some well known books on
fiqh and became shaykh al-Azhar. He played an important
political role in the events of his day. See al-Jabarti, Vol. II,
162-163.
50. The naqib ahashraf Muhammad Afandi al-Bakri was one
of the most controversial religious leaders of the period. He
cooperated with the French during their occupation of Cairo
and played a prominent role in the diwan of religious leaders
composed by Napoleon. See Moreh, Al~Jabarti's Chronicle,
numerous references.
5 1 . Bulaq al-Daqrur was an ancient town on the west bank of
the Nile in Ghiza province opposite Bulaq al-Qahira. See
Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol. n, part HI, 9-10.
52. Marzuq was only a small child who was accompanied by
his wet-nurse and nanny. See Jabarti, Vol. I, 577.
-54-
rat al-Hajj, edited by Layla % Abd al-Latif Ahmad (Cair
1980), 224.
43. Al-Mansura is a major town of the delta, in al-
Daqahliyya province. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol.
H, part I, 215-216.
44. Al-Gharbiyya province, the "western" province, so-
named from Fatimid times, was one of the most important
provinces of the delta. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi,
Vol. H, part H, 8.
45 . Al-Manuf iyya, one of the delta areas which from Fatimid
times took its name from its main town of Manuf, had its cap-
ital moved to Shibin al-Kom after 1826. See Ramzi, al-
*
Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol. H, part H, 15.
46. Tanta is a major town of the delta, celebrated for the
mawlid of Ahmad al-Badawi (d. 1276), Egypt's most impor-
tant saint. See F. de Jong, Turuq, 14ff .
47. The low range of hills to the east of Cairo still form a
major topographical feature of the area of the capital.
-553-
3h. Ismail Bey and Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi allied with Ghazi
Hasan Pasha when the Ottoman grand admiral came to Egypt
in 1 786-87 to try to exterminate or expel the faction of Ibra
him Bey and Muiad Bey. When Ghazi Hasan Pasha withdrew
from Egypt in 1787 he left Ismail Bey and Hasan Bey
Jidda wi in control of the government in Cairo.
39. Minya, an ancient Nile town, is the center of the district
by the same name in Middle Egypt. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-
Jughrafi, Vol. II, part
40. Ikhmirn is on the eastern bank of the Nile in Jirje prov
ince. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol. II, part IM,
90.
4 1 . Qena and Qus are Nile-side towns farther to the south of
Ikhmim. On Qus, see J.C. Garcon, Un Centre Musulman de
la Haute-Egypte: Qus (Cairo: 1976).
42. Jabarti, Vol. 1, 551, says the amir al-hajj for 1194/1780
8 1 was Mustafa Bey, the mamluk of Muhammad Bey Abu a
Dhahab. Murad Bey was the amir al-hajj for the years 1190
and 1193. Jabarti's information is confirmed by Ahmad al-
Rashidi, Husn al-Safa wa al-Ibtihaj bi Dhikr man wuliya Ima-
-52
33, Tibbin is an ancient village on the eastern shore of the
Nile, in al-Saff district, in Ghiza province. See Ramzi, al-
amus al-Jughrafi, Vol n, part IH, 28.
34. Jirje was the capital of the most important province of
Upper Egypt. Its governor, called hakim al-Sa Id, controlled
large revenues, but had to contend with the powerful Hawwa-
ra bedouins who dominated the more southern provinces of
Upper Egypt
35. Jabarti, Vol. I, 508, says the reason for this expedition
was that Ibrahim and Murad had seized the villages above Jir-
je, collected their taxes themselves, and had interdicted the
grain shipments to Cairo, so the price of grain in Cairo rose
significantly.
36. Jidda, the major port of the Hijaz for the sanctuary cities
of Mecca and Medina, was governed by a mamluk sent from
Egypt. These governors were frequently political exiles
from Cairo.
37. Jabarti does not mention Ismail Bey's return from Ghaz
za and his agreement with Murad Bey.
51-
them, so the governor finally sent his son, who was his kat-
khuda.
28. Basatin is a village in the southern outskirts of Cairo on
the way to Ma % adi. See Ramzi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol. n,
part HI, 4.
29. On the details of this expedition, see Jabarti, Vol. I, 504.
Jabarti does not give the number of 10,000 which Khashshab
mentions.
30. Bayad was an ancient town on the eastern bank of the
Nile in al-Atfihiyya district in Bani Suwayf province. Since
1230 AH it has carried the name Bayad al-Nassara. See Ram-
zi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol. II, part HI, 159.
four major sufi orders in
Turuq and Turuq-Linked Institutions in Nineteenth Century
Egypt (Leiden: 1978).
32. Halwan is an early Arab village on the eastern side of the
Nile, approximately 20 kilometers south of Cairo. See Ram-
zi, al-Qamus al-Jughrafi, Vol. II, part HI, 12.
Jughrafi U al-Bilad al-Misriyya min "Ahd Qudama* at-
Misriyyin Ua Sanat 1945 (Cairo; 1953-1968), Vol II, part I,
241.
23 . Ra's al-Khalij separated from Sarwu in 1 230 AH, when
i
took the name Kafr al-Miyasira. See Ramzi, al-Qamus aU
Jughrafi, Vol H, part I, 251
24. Jabarti, Vol. I, 496, says these events happened the be
ginning of Rabf 1, 1191.
25. AP Adiliyya, a village northeast of Cairo in the vicinity
of Bilbays, was a major assemblage point for the departure of
the pilgrim caravan to the Hijaz. See Crecelius and Bakr, al-
Damurdashi's Chronicle of Egypt, 28.
26. Both Bulaq and Old Cairo had granaries where the agri-
cultural products of Upper Egypt and the delta were stored.
The main granaries were used for storing grains belonging to
the government.
27 . Jabarti, Vol. I, 49 1 -500, says that the governor first sent
Ayyub Agha, but he returned with the answer that they re-
fused. Then he sent Ahmad Jawish al-Majnun, but he joined
-49-
19. On the waqf Muhammad Bey endowed for his madrasa,
see Daniel Crecelius, "The Waqfiyyah of Muhammad Bey
Abu al-Dhahab," Journal of the American Research Center in
Egypt XV (1978), 83-105; XVI (1979), 125-146; as well as
"The Waqf of Muhammad Bey Abu al-Dhahab in Historical
Perspective," International Journal of Middle East Studies 23
(February, 1991), 89-102.
20. Mamluks of a common master referred to each other by
the Persian term khushdash (sometimes spelled kushdash) or
the Arabic term akh (plural ikhwan, or ikhwa). See David
Ayalon, "Studies in al-Jabarti I, Notes on the Transformation
of Mamluk Society in Egypt under the Ottomans," Journal of
the Economic and Social History of the Orient WL (1960),
275-277, 285-288.
t
21. Cairo, Bulaq and Old Cairo each had its own za^im, or
chief of police, who exercised his duties under the jurisdic-
tion of the Janissary agha. The term wali was also used to
designate the police chiefs. See Shaw, Organization, 148.
22. Sarwu is an ancient village in the district of Faraskur in
Daqahliyya Province. See Muhammad Ramzi, al-Qamus al-
-48-
14. Jabarti, Vol. II, 444-450. v Ali Basha Mubarak, al-Khitat
al-Tawfiqiyya al-Jadida (Cairo: 1 980), Vol. IV, 25-27. Hasan
N Abd al-Wahhab, Ta'rikh al-Masajid al-Athariyya (Cairo:
1946), 29.
15. Jabarti, Vol. n, 444, says that Muhammad Bey Abu Dha
hab purchased Murad in 1182 AH.
16. An explanation for this and other technical terms relating
to the administrative and military organization of Ottoman
Egypt can be found in Stanford J. Shaw, The Financial and
Administrative Organization and Development of Ottoman
Egypt, 1517-1798 (Princeton: 1962), and Layla v Abd al-Latif
Ahmad, aUdarafi Misrfi al-'Asr al-Vthmani (Cairo: 1978).
17. On Muhammad Bey's dispute with Dhahir aKUmar, see
Daniel Crecelius, The Roots of Modern Egypt: A Study of the
Regimes of s Ali Bey al-Kabir and Muhammad Bey Abu aU
Dhahab. 1760-1775 (Minneapolis and Chicago: 1981).
18. Muhammad Bey did not kill Dhahir aPUmar as Khash
shab claims. See Crecelius, Roots of Modem Egypt, 167. Ja
barti Vol. I, 487, provides the details of this conflict.
-47-
Izzat ^Abd al-Karim (Cairo: 1976), 183-208, and
Daniel Crecelius, "Ahmad Shalabi ibn N Abd al-Ghani and
Ahmad Katkhuda "Azaban al-Damurdashi: Two Sources for
al-Jabarti's s Aja'ib al-Atharfl al-Tarajim wa al-Akhbar" in
Daniel Crecelius (ed.), Eighteenth Century Egypt: The
Arabic Manuscript Sources (Claremont: 1990), 89-102.
Jabarti, Vol. H, 158-165.
9. Jabarti, Vol m, 499.
10. Jabarti, Vol. II, 500.
11. Jabarti, Vol. II, 268; Vol. II, 405; Mazhar
Zawal Dawlat al-Fransis, 273.
12. Jabarti, Vol. HI, 500.
13. See Shahr aPAqari (Cairo), SharTa Court Archives, al-
Bab aKAli, sijill 300, p. 67, item 132 (10 Dhu al-Qa^da,
1196). Dr. Hamza x Abd al- % Aziz is preparing a study of "The
Constructions of Murad Bey at al-Azhar." This construction
was removed by the Khedive ^ Abbas Hilmi II who built his
own riwaq aPAbbasi on that spot.
-46-
Ibn Abi al-Surar al-Bakri, Kashf al-Kurba fi Raf al-
Tulba, al-Majalla al-Ta'rikhiyya al-Misriyya (1976),
291-384.
Muhammad al-Burullusi al-Sa x di al-Dumyati, Bulugh al-
*Arab hi Raf al-Tulab, al-Majalla al-Ta'rikhiyya al-
Misriyya (1977), 267-340.
Ibrahim ibn Abi Bakr al-Sawalihi (Salihi), Kitab Tara-
jim al-Sawa'iqfi WaqVat al-Sanajiq (Cairo: 1986).
Other manuscripts have also been made available. See
the works of Nicolas al-Turk and Ahmad Katkhuda
" Azaban al-Damiirdashi cited in footnotes 2 and 3.
5. Compare, in particular, sections of pages 3a, 3b, and 18a
of Khulasat ma yurad with pages 17b, 18a and 20b of Akhbar
AM al-Qarn al-Thani s Ashar.
6. Jabarti, Vol. H, 423.
7. See v Abd al-Rahim x Abd al-Rahman "Abd al-Rahim, ,,x Abd
al-Rahman al-Jabarti wa Ahmad Shalabi ibn v Abd al-Ghani:
Dirasa Muqarana," in *Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti, ed. by
45-
Rahira ^Abd al-Rahman *Abd al-Rahim (Cairo: 1989).
Another edition is by *Abd al-Wahhab Baler and Daniel
Crecelius, Makhtutat al-Durra al-Musana fi Akhbar al-
*
Kinana (Cairo: 1 992). Pot an annotated translation of
this important manuscript, see Daniel Crecelius and ^Abd
al-Wahhab Bakr, Al-DamurdashVs Chronicle of Egypt:
1688-1755 (Leiden: 1991).
3 . An assessment of the work and reputation of al- Jabarti is
contained in the numerous papers of an earlier Cairo confer-
ence devoted solely to this historian. See Ahmad v Izzat "Abd
al-Karim (ed.), s Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti (Cairo: 1976). A
more recent revaluation of al-Jabarti's place in the historiog-
i
raphy of Egypt that focused on his use of existing sources can
be found in Daniel Crecelius (ed.), Eighteenth Century
Egypt: The Arabic Manuscript Sources (Claremont, Califor-
nia: 1990).
4. No one has been as productive in making these manu-
scripts available as Professor % Abd al-Rahim x Abd al-Rahman
N Abd al-Rahim. In addition to his edition of the work of
Ahmad Shalabi cited in footnote 2, see his editions of the fol-
lowing manuscripts.
-44-
waqa'a bayna *askar al-Mahrusa al-Qahira," al-Majalla
al-Ta'rikhiyya al-Misriyya 14 (1968), 321-403.
Ahmad Shalabi ibn x Abd al-Ghani, Awdah al-Isharatfi
*
man tawalla Misr al-Qahira min al-Wuzara' wa al-
BashaU ed. by v Abd al-Rahim *Abd al-Rahman N Abd al-
Rahim (Cairo: 1978).
Mustafa ibn Ibrahim al-Maddah al-Qinali, Majmu x Latif
yashtamil K ala WaqaV Misr al-Qahira min Sanat 1100 ila
Akhir Ta'rikh al-Majmu\ Vienna, Nationalbibliothek,
MS. Hist. Osm. 38.
Mustafa ibn Ibrahim, tabf al-marhum Hasan Agha
'Azaban al-Damurdashi, Ta'rikh WaqaV Misr al-Qahira,
Cairo, Dar al-Kutub, Ta'rikh 4048.
Anonymous, Kitab (Majmu s ) al-Durra al-Munsana fi
WaqaV al-Kinana, Bodleian, MS. Bruce 43. A copy ex-
ists in the Cambridge University Library, MS. Add. 278,
and another copy exists in Munich.
Ahmad Katkhuda N Azaban al-Damurdashi, Kitab al-
Durra al-Musana fl Akhbar al-Kinana t ed. by K Abd al-
-43-
al-Famnsis bi Misr as Al-Jabarti's Chronicle of the First
Seven Months of the French Occupation in Egypt
(Leiden: 1975). Mazhar al-Taqdis bi Zawal Dawlat al~
Faransis has been edited by Hasan Jawhar and N Umar al-
Dassuqi (Cairo: 1969), while Jabarti's major work,
"Aja'ib al-Atharfl al-Tarajim wa al-Akhbar, is available
in several Arabic editions, the most famous of which re-
mains the Bulaq edition of 1297 AH in four volumes. In
this study we have used the Beirut edition, without date.
2. Among the lengthy and rich manuscript sources of the late
seventeenth century and the first half of the eighteenth centu-
ry are the following:
Yusuf al-Mallawani ibn al-Wakil, Tuhfat al-Ahbab bi
man malaka Misr min al-Muluk wa al-Nuwwab, Sohaj,
Maktabat Rifa N a al-Tahtawi, Ta'rikh 80; copy in Cairo,
Dar al-Kutub, Ta'rikh No. 5623.
Anonymous, no title (referred to as the "Paris Frag-
ment 1 *), Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS arabe 1855.
"All al-Shadhili, Risala fi WaqVat bayn umara' al-
Jarakisa, ed. by *Abd al-Qadir Tulaymat, "Dhikr ma
-42-
Abnar ma ' Wajh al-lkhtisar, Paris, Bibliotheque Nation-
ale, MS. arabe 1958. Edited by H Abd aPAziz Jamal al-
Din and N Irnad Abu Ghazzi, Akhbar Ahl al-Qarn al-
Thani "Ashar (Cairo: 1990).
Nicolas al-Turk, Mudhakirat Niqula al-Turk> ed. and
trans, as Chronique d'Egypte (1798-1804) by Gaston
Wiet (Cairo: 1950).
There have been, in addition to the manuscripts cited
above, two small but important manuscripts in Turkish
edited and translated by Stanford J. Shaw which deal
with the period around the Ottoman expedition to Egypt
in 1786-87. These are:
Husayn Efendi, untitled, trans, as Ottoman Egypt in the
Age of the French Revolution (Cambridge: 1966).
-. • - .
Cezzar Ahmed Pasha, Nizamname-i Misir, trans, as Ot-
toman Egypt in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge:
1962).
X J
v- -
three histories of this
times. S. Moreh edited and translated Ta'rikh Muddat
-41-
NOTES
* This study was completed during the 1991-92 academic year
while Dr. Crecelius held a Fulbright - Hays award in Egypt.
Views expressed in this study are those of the authors, not of the
granting dgenCy.
1 . Other than the well known and dominating work of Shaykh
* Abd al-Rahmari ibn Hasan al-Jabarti, only a handful of manu-
scripts cover the second half of the Eighteenth century and these,
for the ftfost part* deal only with the last few years of the century
and/dr the? period of the French occupation. Among these works
are the following.
T
Anonymous, Ta'rikh ma waqVafiMisr min ibtida' *am
1190 hdtta Dhudl-Hijjaim, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale,
Msl'arabe I8f56.
J J
s Abd&lfah al-Snarqawi, fuhfat, at-Nazirin ft man waliya
i
Misr min al-Wulat wa al-Salatiti;' It is printed on the
* ^
H-M
margin of Ishaqi's Akhbar al-Uwal (Cairo: 1315 AH).
* *
Isma N il al-Khashshab, Tadhkira li Ahl al-Basa 'ir wa al-
-40-
granted him amnesty on the condition that he be obedient to the
French and stay in Upper Egypt. He would be assigned village s
sufficient for his expenses and those of his retainers. He also had
to pay the kharaj (taxes) to the French. He accepted (these condi-
tions) and peace was established between them and the seraskar on
that basis.
Murad Bey resided in his palace in Turra on the Ghiza shore
and invited the seraskar Kleber to his palace to eat with him.
They agreed upon what has been mentioned before. The seraskar
Kleber wrote for him a full amnesty. (Murad Bey) left Husayn
Kashif as his agent in Cairo and headed (30b) with his retainers
and sanjaq (beys) to Upper Egypt. He stayed there until his death
by plague on the 28th of (Dhu) al-QaMa (1215)/12 April, 1801.
He was buried beside the tomb of al-Shaykh aK Arif in the district
of (Thiqa). 87 Allah, may He be exalted, have mercy on him and
treat him kindly. He had been a broad-minded and generous amir,
but leadership is not without oppression. May Allah forgive him
and be kind to him, for Allah is Forgiver and Merciful. Allah
bless our lord Muhammad and his family and companions and
grant him complete salvation. Praise be to Allah; the Lord of the
worlds.
This copy was completed 18 Muharram, 1216/1 June, 1801.
-39-
consolidated themselves in Cairo they dispatched French troops
whom he engaged. Many of his troops were killed, so he crossed
the Nile to the western bank where he confronted another force of
Frenchmen who attacked him and killed many of his troops. The
French continued to fight and pursue him until they forced him
(southward) to the land of the Berbera. 83
After a while he returned, (29b) wanting to reach Ghazza
from behind the mountain, but the French blocked his way and
fought him. He only had 18 retainers left, as I have been in-
formed by someone who had been with him. This man had been
granted amnesty by the French and had come to Cairo.
P
Murad Bey escaped into the desert (mountain) riding a camel.
The majority of his retainers had to take care of their horses by
themselves (without the usual servants). His retainers dispersed
throughout the country, wore wool and were humiliated. Their
condition worsened.
After the peace agreement between the seraskar Kleber 84 and
the governor Yusuf Basha 8 ^ on the 22nd of Slraban, 1214/19 Jan-
uary, 1800 the governor sent for Murad Bey, but he refused to
come. After a while he came during the first ten days of Shaw-
wal. (30a) He reached Khanqa 86 where the governor met him,
but as the peace agreement didn't /hold and the French troops
fought the governor's troops, the governor retreated with his
force. Murad Bey asked the seraskar Kleber for amnesty. He
-38-
tryside won't obey us." So Ibrahim Bey and Murad Bey sent let-
ters in their own names to the villagers to assemble people and
send them (to Cairo) with their expenses. But none of the villages
sent a single person because of the earlier way in which they had
been treated. As the situation worsened and the news came that
Bonaparte had advanced to Damanhur,SO Murad Bey and some of
his amirs moved to al-Rahmaniyya to engage the French while Ib-
rahim Bey remained on the bank of the Nile at Bulaq. He started
to transfer his belongings, (28b) as did his followers. They pre-
pared to flee.
Murad Bey met the French, but couldn't hold his ground and
had to retreat in defeat He erected his tents on the western bank
of the Nile and started to transfer his possessions. 81 The French
reached Inbaba at midday on Saturday the 7th of Safar, 1213/21
July, 1798. They had engaged Murad on the western bank and had
defeated him (at the battle of the Pyramids). On that day Ibrahim
Bey al-Wali, Ayyub Bey al-Saghir and many others had been
killed. Murad Bey retreated after the call to the x asr prayer that
day. His retainers hrew themselves into the Nile (to escape). Ib-
rahim Bey and the governor were on the eastern shore (29a) and
when they saw Murad Bey fleeing they rode to al- v Adihyya where
they stayed until midnight. They then marched to Bilbays,82 then
to Ghazza after engaging the French in a battle at Bilbays.
Murad Bey proceeded to Upper Egypt. After the French had
-37-
(before properly burying them). Murad Bey returned from Da-
miette in Ramadan of the same year and distributed most of the
money he brought with him among his mamluks, retainers and
-4
servants. Some of his associates who used to visit with him in pri-
vate said that previously he had taken some money from the
French. Allah knows the truth of that. He kept a part of this
money and when (the French) learned of this they asked him to re-
turn what he had taken from them. He gave promises, but then
broke them, so they complained to the central government, which
(in turn) sent a representative with a (27b) firman ordering him to
repay what he had taken from the French. He refused, thinking
that (the French) were weak compared to him. Their feelings
were aroused and they prepared to invade Egypt to reclaim their
money (by force) since he refused to give it back willingly. They
reached Alexandria the 13th of Muharram, 1213/27 June, 1798
and occupied if. 79 This news reached Cairo Wednesday, the 1 5th
of Muharram of the same year.
Ibrahim Bey dispatched one of his mamluks to some of his
ikhwa. (This mamluk) shouted without dismounting that
Alexandria had been occupied. The people became terrified. The
governor and Ibrahim Bey descended to Qasr al- N Ayni, where Mu-
rad Bey joined them. (28a) He sent to gather all the shaykhs and
asked them to write letters to the countryside to assemble people.
They replied that, "We are not amirs, so the people of the coun-
-36-
that they would deliver the grains belonging to the Haramayn, the
money owing in rizaq and that they would stop illegal taxes and all
customs (taxes) except for the diwan of Bulaq and that they would
be responsible for customary charges ("awa'id) of the pilgrimage
and the money belonging to the Haramayn, and that they would
treat the people justly, and return what had been looted from the
village which had been the cause of this revolt. The judge, the
governor, and Ibrahim Bey signed this declaration and sent it to
Murad Bey, who accepted it. This revolt subsided on its fourth
day and the markets reopened, but after only about (26b) 30 days
the situation returned to what it had been before.
In Sha'ban of the year 1212/January-February, 1798 Murad
Bey descended upon Damiette and imposed such a large contribu-
tion that they couldn't pay, but he forced them to payJS Whoever
refused was punished. People had to sell their possessions for any
price to pay what had been imposed on them to avoid his punish-
ment. He said, "Whatever I took from you doesn't equal the mon-
ey I spent in repairing the Pharaonic canal from which you bene-
fited." Before the representative of Murad Bey, s Uthman Bey al-
Sharqawi, had been responsible for maintaining it; Murad Bey had
chosen him to be his representative in supervising that. He used to
employ people (27a) without paying them. Once the dike col-
lapsed on a group digging it and he simply filled it in over their
bodies rather than washing, wrapping or praying over them
-35-
After they entered Cairo prices soared because of their sei-
zure of the grains, the low Nile, and the inability of the people to
stop them. During this period, a revolt broke out in Cairo when
one of Murad Bey's amirs imposed a contribution on a village in
al-Sharqiyya which belonged to Shaykh % Abdallah al-Sharqawi.
(The villagers) refused to pay, so he rode there and attacked them.
Its people complained to "Abdallah al-Sharqawi who informed
Murad Bey. But he paid no attention to their complaint. The
"ulama' were united as a group and said that they rejected this ille-
gal imposition. The people feared that a revolt would break out
and the city was shut down. 77 Ibrahim Bey sent (25b) to Murad
Bey, telling him to withdraw his mamluk from Sharqiyya and to
stop him from returning, otherwise he would give up responsibili-
ty and side with the s ulama' of al-Azhar. The influence of Murad
Bey weakened and he was fearful that Ibrahim Bey would be
joined by the common people and that all of them would unite
against him. His arrogance declined and he showed some humility
and asked the x ulama ' for pardon, saying, "All your demands will
be granted. " Many events occurred that are too long to relate, but
in brief, they assembled in the house of Ibrahim Bey. The "ulama'
and the sufi leaders gathered, along with the governor and the
judge, who wrote a decree to the amirs stating the conditions for
peace. These were (26a) that they would pay 750 purses to be dis-
tributed in three installments as wages (jamakiyya) to the poor and
-34-
(24a) to support N Abdi Basha. When v Abdi Basha returned,
Ismail Bey came back with him.
It was determined that IsmaMl Bey would be the chief
_4
(ra f is) 7S of Cairo. At the beginning of Shawwal of the same year
Ibrahim Bey and Murad Bey requested that they be assigned the
villages from the province of Upper Egypt in which they were re-
siding. They were granted that and given amnesty. During that
month Hasan. Basha held a diwan and informed N Abdi Basha and
the ^ulama' that he intended to leave to fight the Russians and that
he had granted amnesty to the faction of Muhammad Bey on the
condition that they stay in Upper Egypt and not enter Cairo after
his departure. So Hasan Basha departed Saturday (24b) the 22nd
of (Dhu) al-Hijja/15 October, 1787.75 The period of his stay in
Egypt was one year and two and one half months.
It happened that Ismail Bey, supported by Hasan Bey al-
Jiddawi, remained (the chief) in Cairo until he died in the plague
in Sha^ban, 1205/April, 1791. The plague was widespread, claim-
ing about 2,000 per day. The plague destroyed many factions
(buyui). Fourteen sanjaq (beys) died in that plague, so that Cairo
was without amirs and ghuzz. Only Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi,
v Uthman Bey Tabal, ^Uthman Bey Hasan, with a small number of
troops remained in Cairo. When the faction of Muhammad Bey
learned that, they entered Cairo on the 26th (25a) of (Dhu) al-
QaMa, 1205/27 My, 1791 and took power.
-33-
T
the act of Muslims? Our master the Sultan won't accept that."
(23a) % Abdi Basha said that he answered this letter and refuted all
their charges.
-J
On the 3rd of Muharram, 1201/26 October, 1786 a great
battle broke out between the faction of Muhammad Bey and N Abdi
Basha and Shabanoghlu, Ismail Bey and Hasan Bey.
and Murad Bey and their faction fought fiercely on that day.
Isma'il Bey was wounded that day by a bullet in his mouth.
Among the troops who died that day was Shabanoghlu. Only a
few (troops) survived. Isma" il Bey reached Cairo the 7th of Mu-
harram, 1201. Among those from Muhammad Bey's faction who
died were Mustafa Bey al-Iskandarani, (23b) Lashin Bey, and
Mustafa Bey ai-Silahdar.
Events and fighting occurred which need a long explanation,
but in brief, "Abdi Basha and those with him continued to pursue
the fugitive (amirs) until they expelled them from Egyptian terri-
tory. Muhammad Bey's faction went to the district of Ibrim? 4 fter
experiencing severe depravations. Then Hasan Basha ordered the
soldiers to return. Hasan Bey and Muhammad Bey al-Madbul and
Yahya Bey were ordered to settle in Upper Egypt to maintain se-
curity there.
N Abdi Basha appeared (in Cairo) on 11 Rajab/29 February,
1787 in the company of Isma'il Bey. It had occurred that after he
had come to Cairo on the earlier date, Hasan Basha had sent him
-32-
and prevented him from doing that?* A man called Bushnaq
Afandi advised him (22a) to write a decree with the seal of the
judge acting as legal agent for the fugitive amirs. He would re-
k
ceive their properties through this legal agency so that he could
prepare an inventory of the monies which they owed the central
government.
On 29 Shawwal N Abdi Basha arrived with his troops by land.
He was accompanied by Darwish Basha Shabanoghlu as well as by
various troops of strange description on horses and mules
(akadish, Turkish ikdish). Hasan Basha received them.
On 2 Dhu al-Qa v da/27 August, 1786 s Abdi Basha and Dar-
wish Basha went to al-Basatin, then headed with their troops to-
wards Upper Egypt. On Saturday, the 28th of Dhu al-Qa**da the
news arrived that (22b) the bashas had encircled the faction of
Muhammad Bey and that Ismail Bey and Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi
had blocked the faction of Muhammad Bey (from fleeing south).
They were now caught between "Abdi Basha and Darwish Basha
and Isma N il Bey and Hasan Bey.
At the end of Dhu al-Qa v da Ibrahim Bey Qishta, the mamluk
of Isma'il Bey, came with his wife, the daughter of Isma'il Bey (to
Cairo). At the end of Dhu al-Hijja, the last month of the year
1200, a letter arrived from v Abdi Basha which he had received
from the faction of Muhammad Bey. It said, "You looted our
houses and sold our concubines and seized all our wealth. Is that
-31-
to join their ikhwa. Ibrahim Bey and Murad Bey, (21a) who was
on the shore at Ghiza, sent a letter to the *ula ma ', asking them to
intercede for them with the governor, for they had repented. This
s ulama ' laid before the governor, but when he read it he ex-
claimed, "Subhan Allahl How many times have they repented and
reverted to their old ways." The governor sent a group of Magha-
riba soldiers whom he ordered to occupy al-Rumayla (Square) 70
and the mosque of Sultan Hasan to maintain security. The situa-
tion worsened.
Then came the news that Hasan Basha had reached Shulqan 7i
Then the news came that he had reached Bulaq, by which time
none of Muhammad Bey's faction remained in Cairo. They left
hurriedly towards Upper Egypt. Murad Bey crossed from the
western bank (of the r^ile) to the shore at Old Cairo and encamped
(21b) at a place called Athar a-Nabi. 72 He met with his brother
Ibrahim Bey and the rest of their faction and headed towards Up-
per Egypt. It was the will of Allah.
Their withdrawal from Cairo and Hasan Basha's entrance was
on 7 Shawwal, 1200/4 August, 1786. When Hasan Basha entered
Cairo he seized their possessions, except what belonged to their
women, for (the latter) paid him, so he permitted them to keep
(their possessions). All this requires a long explanation, but I have
given a brief account only.
He started to sell their concubines, but the K ulama' objected
30-
amirs asked permission to meet the governor. After they surren-
dered their weapons he received them. They kissed the hem of his
robe (20a) and asked him for amnesty, which he promised to give.
-4
This group was composed of Ibrahim Bey al-Saghir, Ayyub Bey
al-Kabir, N Ali Katkhuda al-Jawishiyya, Sulayman Bey al-Shaburi,
Ahmad Jawish al-Majnun and others.
The governor sent for the great "ulama' and the sufi leaders.
He brought them, showed them deference, and asked them to
spend the night with him in friendly company as he feared for his
life from the faction of Muhammad Bey which remained in Cairo,
He prepared fox their stay and ordered for mem whatever they
They agreed (to stay).
Murad Bey retreated in defeat to ihe shore at Inbaba,67 then
went (20b) to his palace in Jazirat al-Dhahab.68 Ibrahim Bey rode
Old
•. The
market:
overnor dispatched some
Khalili69 should assemble in the citadel A large crowd went up.
Th
of amirs to whom
ovemor had
amnesty
were staying in the citadel. They agreed to kill the governor and
began to surround the place where he held his council, but he
their action and
they
So
them went to Bulaq and seized some
the grain, so he sent them a firman
They tore it up and waited for the rest of their faction, then
-29-
asha. They prepared themselves and began to transfer the pos
*B
essions from their houses. Murad Bey and Ms ikkwa, 1 1 amirs,
eparted the 24th of Ramadan of the same year. On the 28th Mus~
ey al-Kabir joined him with a large forced 4 The *ulama'
returned (19a) from Rosette on that day carrying letters of amnes-
ty to the suri shaylchs and the people of Cairo.
On the 3rd of ShawwaJ/30 July, 1786 a force of soldiers from
um65 ^ f 0lir fjoa^ encountered Mustafa Bey. They carried gifts
which they presented to him and told him they were escaping from
Hasan Basha to join the Egyptian (mamluks). They asked permis-
sion to return to their boats. They returned to them and anchored
before his tents, then fired cannons (at him). A group disem-
barked from the boats with swords in hand and engaged in a fierce
struggle. Some of the combattants carried this news. On that day
Ibrahim Bey rode to (19b) the sufi shaykhs and the Wama' after
he learned of the letters they had received from Hasan Basha and
beseeched them (for forgiveness).
The rumor spread of Murad Bey's defeat. Then boats ar-
rived carrying many wounded. That day the shops of the city
closed. And that same day it was announced that the qalyunjiyya 6 «>
should leave Cairo. That day the governor came down to Bab al-
* Azab; there he established himself. That day Ibrahim Bey sent a
group of his faction to' the citadel, but the governor prevented
them from going up and forced them to retreat. Then a group of
-28-
the first days of Ramadan the people spoke of the arrivs
of Hasan Pasha in Alexandria. The confusion of the amirs in-
creased. They agreed to send to Hasan Basha a delegation of
^ulama' and regimental officers (ojaqlis). They appointed Shaykh
Shihab al-Din Ahmad aKArusi, Shaykh Muhammad al-Hariri and
Shaykh Muhammad al-Amir al-Maliki. They also sent Sulayman
if
Bey al-Shaburi. From the regiments (they sent) Ibrahim Agha al-
Wardani and Ismail Afandi (18a) al-Khalwati. They travelled
Friday the 12th of Ramadan/9 July, 1786 to Hasan Basha. When
they approached Rosette Hasan Basha saw them and dispatched a
small boat to transfer them from their boat to the (small) boat. He
lodged them alone in a building and sent to them their necessities.
Then he sent for them and brought them (before him).
the reason for their coming, whereupon Shaykh aPArasi replied,
"We came to speak to you about the affairs of Egypt. Its people
are a weak nation and we came to greet you and to advise you to
look well after the citizens so that the troops will not be out of
control." The shaykh didn't speak about the amirs of Egypt as he
understood that would be useless. Hasan Basha told (18b) him,
"The people of Egypt and its citizens having nothing to fear, but
the mamluks of Muhammad Bey must be exterminated or ex-
pelled." It was good that Shaykh aKArusi did not mention the
amirs as Ibrahim Bey, Murad Bey and their ikhwa had deter-
mined, after sending the aforementioned shaykhs, to fight Hasan
-27
• T&nan.
Jumad
i*-Shaf<W'.- 1 and. o*i.">rs esc
k
ft*
AJj,
o:
if*
same yea
<t H_ T
o ' :/
*
A
.vw-^5
■***
aiiddle
ev a
m
T<<»
4t
W 1 -*
ffti
crs appsare
sett
tt
iff
y
e people sai
c 1
-ur
sj/iifc) ar-
ive
9
ft
*J
alleon brinem
**
o
A
began to
make it into haqsamatf® There was too much talk ( 17a) of that
After that a representative of Hie central government arrived wife
a finnan
9
in brief, demanded the arrears in the khazina^ \
and (demanded) that the grain be sent to the Hara-
mayn 62 The news spread that Hasan Basha al-Qaptan was comin
to Alexandria with many ships carrying troops.
2 Sha s ban of
the same year Salim, the agha of the Janissaries, announced in Suq
al-S ilah 6 3 that the shopkeepers should hide whatever they were af-
raid of losing (in the coming combat). The turmoil increased.
+*
rahim Bey mounted and went to Murad Bey, confering with him
secretly. Then Murad Bey went up to the citadel and kissed (17b)
the hand of Muhammad Basha, the governor of Egypt. He prom-
ised to be obedient, to him and said, "We will pay everything we
owe and will live by the rules, as before. We return (in repen-
tance) to Allah, may He be exalted."
of the people died. The reason was the low Nile and tyranny. The
fellahin were helpless (to confront these problems). During this
year the plague killed many. The year 1199 ended and the year
1200, which started on a Friday, began (4 November, 1785). In
the middle of Rabf I/mid- January, 1786 of this year Murad Bey
began to travel to the northern provinces announcing that he want-
ed to capture the robbers infesting the routes.55 He sent a repre-
+
sentative to Alexandria.56 When he was outside Cairo he imposed
on its people a sum they couldn't pay .57 He ordered that its
churches be pulled down. Its merchants, most of whom were
Christians, fled. (16a) The consul of Moscow who resided in
Alexandria learned of this and sent Murad Bey (the following), "I
will pay everything you demand from the people of Alexandria if
you have a firman from the governor which I can show to the Ot-
toman sultan." (The representative) cancelled that demand and
they agreed to pay only the haqq al-tariq which was 5,000 riyals.
This sum was given to him and he returned to his master Murad
Bey.
Murad Bey returned to Cairo after attacking the village of Ju-
mayjamun, 58 one of the Egyptian villages. He destroyed most of
it and seized its cattle and his retainers oppressed and over-
whelmed the villagers, plundering and seizing (their belongings).
During that year Mustafa Bey al-Saghir, who was banished to
Alexandria, escaped. (16b) Ahmad Bey al-Kilarji, Lashin Bey,
-25-
Friday the 16th of Rajab, 1198/6 June, 1784. He agreed with Ibra-
4
him Bey, through the messengers between them, to expel the five
ikhwa, who were "Uthman Bey al-Sharqawi, Ayyub Bey, Sulay-
man Bey, Ibrahim Bey al-Saghir, and Mustafa Bey al-Iskandarani
al-Saghir. When (the five) became aware (of their intentions),
they left Cairo before Murad Bey entered it. Murad Bey entered
the same day they departed. When he learned of their departure
he went after them, overtaking them at Qalyub, where he engaged
them. His horse was shot from beneath him. (15a) They brought
him another horse which he mounted and rode back to Cairo. A
group of the fleeing troops wanted to head to Upper Egypt via al-
Jisr al-Aswad 53 road behind the pyramids, but Ibrahim Bey,
learning of that, sent troops to capture them. They brought them
on camels and banished them to different districts. They banished
Mustafa Bey to Faraskur, Ayyub Bey and Ibrahim Bey al-Saghir
to al-Mansura, and the rest of them they banished to villages there.
That happened at the beginning of Sha N ban, 1198/20 June, 1784.
Many events too long to explain happened. In brief, they brought
back a group of them to Cairo once again at the beginning of
Shawwal of the same year and they transferred Mustafa Bey al-
Saghir from Faraskur to Alexandria tower. There he stayed until
they brought him (15b) in the midde of (Dhu) al-Hijja, 1198/31
October, 1784.54
Then the year 1199 began. Prices went very high and most
-24-
J
roup or amirs
Ibrahim Bey sent to him a
le fired his cannons at
This group was attempting to make peace, but when he
- ^
fired the cannons at them the conflict erupted and Ibrahim
ey went out with his troops. He encamped on the eastern side of
the Nile and Murad Bey and his troops encamped on the Ghiza
side. They began firing at each other. This situation continued 18
(14a) days, but only one horse and one servant were killed. Fear
increased in the people of Cairo and Ghiza. The bedouins attacked
the routes as they used to do. Then Ibrahim Bey sent a group of
his retainers. They crossed in boats and disembarked at Bulaq al~
Dakrur 5 ! with their cannons and weapons. They confronted Mu-
rad Bey and tired two cannons. The two sides remained fearful
through the night, but in the morning the troops of Ibrahim Bey
didn't find Murad Bey or any of his troops, for Murad Bey had
escaped to Upper- Egypt during the night, leaving his heavy items
behind.
At the end of Jumad of that year (20 May, 1784), the amir
Ibrahim Bey sent v Ali Katkhuda al-Jawishiyya and Lashin Bey to
Murad Bey, offering peace. (14b) Peace was agreed between
them on the condition that Murad Bey would return to Cairo and
Ibrahim Bey would send his son Marzuq Bey (as a hostage to Mu-
rad Bey). 52 He agreed to that and sent his son Marzuq Bey and •
Murad Bey accompanied him to Cairo. He reached Ghamaza on
-23
Q
ev tried to make peace witn tnem on me
a n 9
mat each of them settle in a particular village and maintain
eases or needs.
.-I
rahlm Bey began assembling a force to fight them. After
*fr
ing his preparation he advanced, then the news arrived that peace
had been arranged between them. He returned to Cairo, then after
a while they came in the company of v AH Bey and Husayn Bey, the
two mamluks of Isma'il (13a) Bey. Murad Bey was upset with this
arrangement, but hid his anger. Murad Bey started transferring
his possessions from his house, as did his retainers. They pre-
ared to flee. That was in 1197.
When Ibrahim Bey learned of this he sent Sulayman Bey
known as Abu Nabut, and Lashin Bey after him in Ohiza to con-
vince him to return. But Murad Bey refused to accept peace and
during the night boarded ships heading for Upper Egypt.
Then the year 1198 began, (26 November, 1783), its first day
being a Wednesday, in which Murad Bey reached Minyat Ibn Kha
sib, 4 8 After a while Ibrahim Bey sent to Murad Bey a delegation
of x u!ama', among whom was Shaykh Shihab al-Die Ahmad al-
"Arusi, 49 the shaykh of al-Azhar mosque, (13b) and al-Sayyid Mu-
hammad Afandi al-Bakri, 50 the naqib al-ashraf, may Allah have
mercy on them, and others. Murad Bey received them warmly
and agreed that after they returned he would come to Cairo. Then
he came to the environs of Ghiza with a large force which includ
22-
him, leaving Isma'ii Bey and Hasan Bey, (whereupon) Ismail Bey
and Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi fled to the deepest part of Upper Egypt.
Murad Bey returned to Cairo in the middle of Rajab, 1195/8 July,
1781.
Jbrahim Bey agreed with Murad Bey to banish a group of
their ikhwa. They banished them to Upper Egypt and other plac
es. That was in 1197. The group they had wanted to banish in
eluded Ibrahim Bey al-Wali, Sulayman Bey, the agha of the Janis
saries, and Ayyub Bey al-Saghir. Ayyub Bey was banished to al
Mansura 43 and Ibrahim Bey al-Wali to Sarwu Ra's (12a) al-Khalij,
but Sulayman Bey stayed in al-Gharbiyya 44 and al-Manufiyya 4 5 to
collect taxes and v Uthman Bey al-Sharqawi stayed in Tanta. 4 ^
They sent the robe of a sanjaq (bey) to him there. Mustafa Bey al-
Saghir was operating in those districts.
Murad Bey ordered Mustafa Bey al-Saghir and N Uthman Bey
al-Sharqawi to come to Cairo, but they refused, saying that they
couldn't come unless their banished brothers could also come and
reclaim what had been taken from them. This Ibrahim Bey and
Murad Bey refused, so the five banished sanjaq (beys) agreed
among themselves to proceed to Upper Egypt after some events
occurred. These are too long to mention. (12b) They got togeth-
er and went from behind the mountain (al-Muqattam) 4 ? to Upper
Egypt where they settled, intending to fight their ikhwa from the
faction of Muhammad Bey.
-21-
At die end of Sha % bao, 1 193/mid-September, 1779 Murad Bey
prepared to fight Ismail Bey and Hasan Bey. The latter were
supported by a faction of the banished mamluks. They also gath-
ert;d together a force of bedouins and others. As Murad Bey ap-
proached with a greatarmy they widhdrew to the deepest part of
Upper Egypt, so he couldn't catch them and returned to the Minya
district.39 On 6 Jumar 1, 1194/10 May, 1780 Murad Bey reached
Cairo in the company of Ibrahim Bey Qishta, the father-in-law of
small Bey, and Salim Bey, one of Ismail Bey's sanjaq (beys),
eace was signed between (Murad) and Ismail Bey on the condi-
tion that Ismail Bey would take (11a) Ikhmim 40 and Hasan Bey
would take Qena and Qus. 41 He brought the two aforementioned
amirs as hostages.
***
On the 18th of Dnu al-QaMa (1 194)/16 November, 1780 both
balim Bey and Ibrahim Bey Qishta escaped with a group of their
followers who were in Cairo. That same year, which is 1194,
Murad Bey led the pilgrimage as amir ai-haii and foueht a ereat
battle with the bedouins. The pilgrim caravan
that year beyond this battle. Murad Bey returned from the pil-
grimage to Cairo on the 2nd of Safar, 1195/28 January, 1781.42
Then he made preparations to fight Ismail Bey and his troops. He
assembled his troops and led them to Upper E
fleeing mamluks. (lib) After he reached Upper Egypt
came to Cairo that some of the fleeing (mamluks) hi
-20-
of N AM Bey (9b) agreed among themselves
tion of Muhammad Bey. They brought together Hasan Bey Rid-
wan, "AH Bey ai-Habashi and men of other facitons and assembled
the house of Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi; they appointed him their
The conflict erupted and they fought in the streets of the
city, Ibrahim Bey occupied the citadel and the faction of Muham-
mad Bey advanced to the house of Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi, which
they besieged. The faction of * Ali Bey fled to ai- s Adiliyya outside
Bab al-Nasr. They caught up with them there and engaged them
in combat. In this fight Hasan Bey Ridwan and many others were
killed. Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi escaped. It needs a lot of exp
ana
tion, but in brief they caught Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi (10a) and sent
him to Suez on his way to exile in Jidda. 36 But once asea he went
to Upper Egypt.
Isma^il Bey wrote them from Syria, asking them to let him
settle in Sarwu Ra's al-Khalij, one of the Egyptian villages. Ibra-
him Bey and Murad Bey refused and told him he had to go to Jid-
da, where they would send him his expenses. Finally, Isma s il Bey
returned from Ghazza and escaped to Upper Egypt. 37 When Mu-
rad Bey learned of that he went after him unsuccessfully, but did
capture N Abd a-Rahman Agha in Halwan and returned with his
head. Both Ismail Bey and Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi continued to re-
side in Upper Egypt (10b) until they returned at the time of Hasan
Basha. 38
-19-
and Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi 5 had joined Murad Bey. (8b) Others
gave another reason. In brief, Ismail Bey returned to Cairo the
9th of Muharram, 1192/7 February, 1778.
,4
The second or third day after his return he went up to the cit-
adel, where he assembled the sufi leaders and the "ulama' to con-
sult them about the situation. But they couldn't agree upon any-
thing and told him they had nothing to do with this matter. He
descended from the citadel and began to distribute the furnishings
from his house. His amirs did likewise. They became agitated,
then the news arrived that the vanguard of the faction of Ibrahim
Bey and Murad Bey had reached al-Basatin. Others had reached
Ghiza. So Ismail Bey and his sanjaq (beys) withdrew to ak
s Adiliyya during the night of Tuesday, the 14th of Muharram,
1192. (9a) Ibrahim $ey Tanan, Ibrahim Bey Qishta, Salim Bey,
Ismail Katkhuda aKAzab, and many other of his amirs fled with
him to al-'Adiliyya. They were completely disorganized. They
headed for Syrian territority. The period of Ismail Bey's rule
was six months and a few days.
Ibrahim Bey and Murad Bey entered Cairo on Thursday the
18th of Muharram, 1192/16 February, 1778. Hasan Bey al-
Jiddawi entered with them. The enmity between Murad Bey and
Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi flared up after that. Murad Bey assembled
his ikhwa and they decided to exterminate the faction of N Ali Bey,
(including) Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi and his followers. Likewise, the
-18-
joined him. Ismail Bey sent for the shaykhs and leaders of the
four sufi orders 31 and asked them to give him their blessings, then
dismissed them. (Ismail) sent to Cairo declarations of amnesty.
He ordered the public to resume their normal activities. When the
faction of Muhammad Bey learned of the governor's withdrawal
(from the citadel) they approached Halwan,32 where Ismail Bey
and the governor sent troops against them. They confronted each
other between Halwan and Tibbin. 33 The faction of Muhammad
Bey was defeated and their ships and tents were seized. This battle
was at the beginning of Sha N ban 1191/September, 1777. Ismail
Bey returned to Cairo and Murad Bey escaped with his faction to
Upper Egypt.
At the end of Sha N ban Ismail Bey sent (8a) Hasan Bey as gov-
ernor of Jirje. 34 But as Murad Bey and his troops withdrew to
Upper Egypt they took control of the towns and villages (bilad).
On Monday, the 8th of Dhu al-Qa N da, 1191/8 December, 1777,
Ismail Bey provisioned and sent troops under the command of
Ridwan Bey, who was accompanied by Ibrahim Bey Tanan and his
mamluk Salim Bey . 3 5 On the 22nd of Dhu al-QaMa Ismail Bey al-
Kabir, accompanied by the governor, went to Qasr ai- v Ayni.
Then a group of amirs who were part of the expeditionary force
returned separately. They gave differing reasons for their return.
Some said that part of their group had joined Murad Bey and Rid-
wan Bev, the commander (serasker) of the expeditionary force,
-17-
(I 1 +
/ J f , UHil
91 n< t»i„ n^ ?rm^ii Rfiv entered uuro f noay, zu juiim
r *^i.
b) and announced amnesty. The (activities of) the city re
4fi*
as Isma'il Bey assume d cominan
n Thursday, the 3rd of Rajab/7 August, 1777 the governor
called a group of mamluks belonging to Ismail Bey and appointed
them sanjaq (beys). On Tuesday, the 8th of Rajab of the same
year (the governor) gave the robe of a sanjaq (bey) to Isma il Bey
al-Saghir and appointed him commander of an expeditionary force
" j»
at from "Cairo to the Said to combat Ibrahim Bey and Murad
ey and those with them. They went to Basatin2& on the 14h of
Rajab/18 August, 1777 and on the 18th advanced by land and by
the river. On 26 Rajab the news came that the soldiers of Israa" il
Bey, numbering approximately 10,000, had been defeated. 29 (7 a)
The battle was in a village known as Bayada.3° When this news
arrived, Ismail Bey feared for his life. A large number was
killed in this battle. Murad Bey was wounded by v Ali Agha al-
Mfmar, who himself died in this battle.
Ismail Bey al-Saghir, the commander of this expeditionary
force, returned with Ibrahim Bey Tanan and their beaten troops.
The faction of Muhammad Bey surrounded their tents, boats and
provisions. Since the departure of the troops Ismail Bey al-Kabir
If
4
had been staying outside Old Cairo. The governor now went to
him and erected his tents there and called those who obey the Sul-
tan to join them. (7b) A group of Maghariba and other soldiers
K
sent to the city gates. Troops belonging to Ismail attacked them.
He whose end had come was killed and (the attackers) seized the
gates of the city. The faction of Muhammad Bey withdrew inside
the city. Some went to Bulaq and Old Cairo to seize the grain
there belonging to Ismail Bey. 26
(5b) Isma'il Bey dispatched a group of his own troops. They
expelled them and Ismail Bey and his allies surrounded the city.
The governor tried to make peace between them. He sent his son
the amir Said Bey to the amir Ismail Bey inviting him to make
peace, but this he refused. 27 s Abd al-Rahman, the agha of the
Janissaries, penetrated Cairo to Bab Zuwayla and left there a unit
of troops, then withdrew and returned after a short while with
Ibrahra Bey Tanan. He continued fighting the faction of Muham-
mad Bey until reaching Suq al-Silah and al-Mahjar (the approaches
to the citadel's walls). There he stopped. A group descended
from the citadel and fought them. Night (6a) fell and fighting
ceased. At midnight a force of Maghribi troops in the citadel allied
to Murad Bey descended from the citadel asking for peace. v Abd
al-Rahman Agha gave them amnesty. Isma il Bey sent a group to
breach (a hole) in the citadel during the night to reach his enemies.
When the faction of Muhammad Bey learned of that they fled the
Upper
Murad Bey and Ibrahim
mamluks, fled. Ismail I
their possessions. Their flight was on Thursday, 19 Jumad
-15-
ey and Murad Bey wanted to kill Isma" ii Bey or to
expel him, while Isma N il Bey wanted to do the same to them.
lapnened that on 24 Jumad H, 1191/30 July, 1777 24 the governor
ypt asked the amirs to attend a council (diwan) in the citadel
to listen to the reading of a firman sent from the central govern-
ment which concerned the recruitment of troops which the gov-
ernment wanted for use against the Persians. (4b) Our master the
Sultan demanded a unit (jama x a) of Egyptian troops (Ghuzz Misr)
for the aforementioned expedition. They brought the aforemen-
tioned Ibrahim Bey Tanan from al-Mahalla and appointed him
commander (serasker) of the expedition.
When the governor invited them to the reading of the afore-
mentioned firman, Murad Bey agreed with some of his fellow
mamluks (ikhwanuh) to kill Isma N il Bey when they went up to hear
the reading of the firman in the diwan. But someone informed
Ismail Bey, so he gathered his retainers during the night and
withdrew to aPAdiliyya .25 Yusuf Bey, the mamluk of Muham-
mad Bey, and Hasan Bey al-Jiddawi, the mamluk of ^ Ah Bey, and
others, joined him. Ibrahim Bey and Murad Bey and their allies
and those aligned with them went up (5a) to the citadel. This situ-
ation lasted from the 14th to the 19th of Jumad II. The city was
shut down and its affairs came to a standstill. During this period a
group joined Ismail in aKAdiliyya, among whom was Ibrahim
Muhammad Bey's faction, guards and troops, were
Tanan
-U-
V,
the amir Ibrahim Bey his deputy (qa'immaq,am). (3a) He then di-
rected his army to beseige " Akka, which he overran and killed al-
Dhahir N Umar.l8 He took control of this country. Fate helped
him to achieve his aims, but he became ill in these distric-s and
died after three days. One of his amirs during this expedition was
the amir Murad Bey, who took command of the army after the
death of his master, seized his possessions and cash, and returned
the body of his master to Cairo where he built a tomb for him in-
side his mosque facing the mosque of al-Azhar. He buried him
there at the beginning of 1189. 19 (3b) After (Muhammad Bey's
death) leadership settled upon his mamluks, who were headed by
the amir Ibrahim Bey and the amir Murad Bey, who made amirs
from among their (thwart. 2 ® They made Sulayman Bey the agha
of the Janissaries and his brother Ibrahim. Bey wall (of the po-
lice). 21 They controlled affairs. There was with them in Cairo
Ismail Bey al-Kabir, as well as the amir known as Ibrahim Bey
Tanan. Ibrahim Bey and Murad Bey decided to. banish Ibrahim
Bey Tanan, so they banished him to al-Mahalla (al-Kubra) and
seized his assets and possessions. They wanted to seize a village
belonging to Isma v il Bey known as al-Sarwu 22 and Ra's al-
Khalij P but Isnufil Bey contested that (4a) and refused to give up
the village. They made peace after that, but there lingered some
hatefulness beween Ibrahim Bey and Murad Bey (on one side) and
Isma'il Bey.
-13-
iiiasat ma yurad mm Akhhar al-Amir Murad
m
otheqee Nationale (Paris)
Arafoe 1859
(2a) Bismillah al-Rahman al-Rahim. Praise be to Allah, the
Generous, the Munificent, the Eternal, for everyone else will have
an end. Allah bless our lord Muhammad, the master of the de-
scendants of v Adnan, his family and companions, and their follow-
ers, with beneficence.
This is a brief account of the history of the amir Murad Bey,
may Allah be charitable to him. I started with his arrival in Egypt
and the relaton of his rale and what happened to him up to the
time of his death. I say, asking help from Allah, Who is the One
who grants success, that the amir Murad Bey came to Egypt in
1183.15 (2b) His master, the deceased Muhammad Bey Abu al-
Dhahab, purchased him and the amir Mustafa Bey al-Iskandarani
and Sulayman Bey on the same day. He became his favorite and
(Muhammad Bey) advanced him over his other mamluks, making
him his treasurer (khazindar)^ He then freed him and made him
a sanjaq (bey) at the time he sent him to attack al-Dhahab v Umar in
* Akka.n The details of that briefly are that when Muhammad Bey
Abu al-Dhahab became the leader in Egypt following the death of
his master *AU Bey he decided to attack al-Dhahir ^Umar in
% Akka. He assembled his army and soldiers and made his mainluk
-12-
Jabarti castigated the amirs of Muhammad Bey Abu al-Dhahab
for the tyranny they imposed on Egypt and blames them for the
disasters that befell Egypt in the last decades of the eighteenth cen-
tury. Jabarti's biography of Murad Bey is scathing and sarcastic.
Khash-shab, in contrast, makes few judgments and says only in
summation of Murad's career that, "He had been a broad-minded
and generous amir, but leadership is not without oppression."
(page 30b).
-11-
lVom his Introduction into Egypt by Muhammad Bey Abu
Dhahab to the time of his death in April, 1801. Indeed,
s over numerous details, calling them too complicated to ex-
plain, and provides only the most cursory account of the career of
Murad Bey. Events occur without explanation; conflicts erupt
while the causes of the conflicts remain unexplored by the author.
In fact, this history of the amir Murad offers virtually nothing that
cannot be learned from the much fuller history of the author's
friend, al-Jabarti.
Numerous mistakes are also made by al-Khashshab in his ac-
count of the amir's exploits. He reports a good number of errone-
ous facts, has numerous discrepancies with al-Jabarti in dating the
events he records, and provides no analysis whatsoever of the
4 *
events he lays out. The work is therefore rather unreliable as a
source for the period and suffers significantly in comparison to
the much more valuable histories by al-Jabarti. Throughout the
text we have noted the discrepancies between this history by
Khashshab and the more famous work by al-Jabarti.
Neither al-Khashshab nor al-Jabarti credit Murad Bey with
the public works he endowed on behalf of the Muslim community,
such as his additions to al-Azhar mosque, which include a saqiyya,
a zawiyya, and a small medical clinic for the Maghariba at al-
Azhar.13 j abarti did mention Murad Bey , s extens . ve restomtions
to the mosque of Amr ibn aPAs in Old Cairo in 1796.14
-10-
a diwan to help the French administer the affairs of the country.
Khashshab became one of the writers of firmans m Arabic for the
French and their secretary/archivist. He kept a day book and pub-
lished a summary of actions by the diwan which he distributed to
government officials. Jabarti calls him the secretary for the di
wan.
" In Shawwal, 1213/March, 1798, he was appointed supervisor
of the kiswa when the incumbent supervisor was sent to jail. At
the time he was an official witness Cadut) in the sharTa court. He
took the kiswa to the house of Ayyub Jawish near the mausoleum
of Sayyida Zaynab where he supervised its completion, but did
nothing more with it. Finally, on 5 Ramadan, 1215/20 January,
1801, the French asked about the kiswa and were told that he had
delivered it to the mosque of Sayyidna al-Husayn. It had to be re-
because of the damage done to it by humidity and
for transport to Mecca in the name of the Frenc
ship.
11
Murad Bey Muhammad
Not much else is reported of the life and activities of Shaykh
Khashshab. Althou
of which we have two short manuscripts, he does not name them.
He died 2 Dhu al-Qa^da, 1230/6 October, 1815.12
The author of Khulasat ma yurad min Akhbar ah Amir Mu-
s ««*-- *w it i« hnt a brief account of the history of the amir
-9-
of the leading intellectuals of his -lay, for Jabaiti notes that he and
san aP Attar would gather to
veil places him on the same level as Hasan al-* Attar, who put to
a small volume of poems composed by Ismail a
er
Khashshab. Shaykh al-Khashshab also became the close friend of a
French scribe, probably Girard, who spoke Arabic well and about
whom he composed a poem. Following the French withdrawal
from Egypt and the rise of Muhammad "All to power Shaykh al-
Khashshab served as a private secretary to the new governor.
Khashshab was a rich man who owned many fine houses, but
appeared unlucky in his private life. Having lost his first wife, he
married the middle-aged widow of Ahmad al-" Attar and adopted
her son by her previous marriage. Only a year after this marri-
age, however, this young man died of a lingering illness, after
which the bereaved mother devoted herself to his memory. She
moved into a house near his tomb in the Husayniyya district and
dispensed money and food to the Qur'an reciters at his grave and
to the poor who visited the tomb. Shaykh al-Khashshab paid for
all these expenses, mending all the expenses of his wife's residence
and servants for almost 30 years without complainin
noted that she was old and ugly and that al-Khashshab was thin and
frail.10
When
«ch occupied Egypt most of the leadin
■Jabarti and al-Khashshab, were appointed t
-8-
Most of what we know of al-Khashshab comes from Jabarti,
his contemporary and close Mend. During the events of the mo-
..u
nth of Dhu al-Qa^da, 1215/March-April, 1S00, for instance, Jabar-
ti mentions that the French scholar Girard visited him in the com-
pany of the author of a series on history, "my friend Ismail al-
Khashshab." 6 Jabarti was usually not so kind to his rivals in the
reports of their biographies. He frequently denigrated the works
of earlier historians, but nevertheless used them extensively with-
out attribution J yet he has kind words for al-Khashshab, whom he
says was a shaykh, poet, and historian. Jabarti calls him "our
brother, Sayyid Isma v il bin Sa"d al-Khashshab." 8 He took the
name Khashshab from his father, who was a merchant of wood
who had a shop facing the Gulshani takiyya near Bab Zuwayla.
A man of letters and poetry, some examples of which Jabarti
gives in his biography of the shaykh, Khashshab was a social com-
panion of important persons, such as the chiefs of scribes, amirs
and rich merchants. Jabarti reports mat he was especially close to
Mustafa Bey Muhammad, Hasan Afandi the Arabic scribe, Shaykh
al-Sadat, and Qasim Afandi Amin al-Din, katib al-diwan. Jabarti
notes that al-Khashshab was fond of reading works of literature,
sufism, and history. He memorized the Qur'an and was an expert
in ShafTi fiqh and logic. He worked, nevertheless, as a profes-
sional witness in the Bab aKAli court. 9 He was within the circle
7-
another source available, we have edited, translated, and annotated
the hitherto unpublished manuscript entitled Khulasat ma yurad
mm Akhbar al-Amir Murad which is preserved in the Biblio-
theque Nationale in Paris. Part of our objective was to contrast
this work with Jabartf s rendition of the same period and topics to
provide a comparison of the quality of the two sources.
The Manuscript and its Importance
The manuscript itself is short, only 30 double-sided pages of
15 lines each. It was completed after the death of Murad Bey,
probably at the behest of the French who occupied Egypt from
1798-1801, and was used by the French as one of their sources for
their famous Description de VEgypte. Although it is assigned no
author, a notation in French on the first page of the manuscript
states that it is the autograph copy of the archivist of the French
diwan in Cairo. This is sufficient to identify the author as Shaykh
Ismail ibn SaM al-Khashshab, one of the leading scholars of his
day who worked closely with the French during their occupation
of Egypt. His full name is Abu al-Hasan Isma^il ibn Madhur ibn
"Abdallah al-Wahbi al-Husayni ai-Shaffi al-Misri, known as al~
There is other evidence connecting the manuscript with al-
Khashshab. In several places the wording of Khulasat ma yurad
and Akhbar AM al-Qarn a~Thani *Ashar, another short work
tributed to him, are almost the same. 5
-6-
NTRODUCTION
Other than the monumental work of Shaykh * Abd al-Rahman
ibn Hasan al-Jabarti and the account by Niqula al-Turk of part of
the period of the French occupation of Egypt, only a handful of
minor manuscripts or fragments of manuscripts are available to
scholars interested in Egyptian history during the second half of
the eighteenth century. 1 This contrasts sharply with the wide va-
riety and quality of contemporary manuscript histories available
for the first half of the eighteenth century 2 The fact that Jabarti's
history, made famous through its translations into Turkish and
French and its publication in Arabic in the nineteenth century,
dominated all other manuscript sources for the entire Ottoman
period of Egyptian history (1517-1798) obscured the importance
J
of other manuscript sources during that period.^ Scholars are
now aware of the availability and significance of other manuscript
sources for the Ottoman period as a movement has been under
way for some years now to bring these manuscripts to light and
make them available through published editions or translations. 4
■ Much of Jabarti's reputation seemed to rest on the fact that
he had no rivals in his time. For the second half of the eighteenth
century only a small number of works, or fragments of manu-
scripts, are available, and these are generally of much poorer
quality than Jabarti's impressive history. In an effort to make yet
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